The Babur-nama in English (Memoirs of Babur)

aS

os

a

"
+h
Cary tags
War metre
“nn 7
An, mA ada ata

en
As

5
As*,

Ma

-e

=

to ee we rhe
ta 8 de a ata s A a
yet ee se A A oy + y ‘|
6 titers’ wie 4 RAPE KE
el ees ne eat, Pa Fh) Nestea
: a? "aa J J -
+ is ieee bg Lathe ta .
+ Wa halt .
eo Ww Pe 4 a ie
ey. fateh * tee x a eee 4 A
re Se 6 ee ek ee re: el a west
OA Kwon vats 4.
° . Le wee te mints
Le ah iby eae Sin

(aes tee

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2007 with funding from
Microsoft Corporation

http://www.archive.org/details/oaburnamainengli0O2babuuoft

THE BABUR-NAMA IN ENGLISH

(MEMOIRS OF BABUR).

6")
Eb
The Babur-nama in English
(Memoirs of Babur)

Translated from the original Turki Text
OF

Zahiru’d-din Muhammad Babur Padshah Ghazi

BY

ANNETTE SUSANNAH BEVERIDGE

Issued in Four Fasciculi:—Farghana 1912—Kabul
1914—Hindustan 1917—Preface, Indices, etc.
1921.

Vol. II

SOLD BY
LUZAC & CO,, 46, Great Russell Street, London.
1922

-— ~

THE MEMOIRS OF BABUR

SECTION III. HINDUSTAN

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 tro OCT. 87H 1526 AD.!

(a. Fifth expedition into Hindistan.)

(Nov. 17th) On Friday the 1st of the month of Safar at the
_ date 932, the Sun being in the Sign of the Archer, we set out
for Hindistan, crossed the small rise of Yak-langa, and dis-
mounted in the meadow to the west of the water of Dih-i-ya‘qib.?
‘Abdu’l-malik the armourer came into this camp; he had gone
seven or eight months earlier as my envoy to Sultan Sa‘td Khan
(in Kashghar), and now brought one of the Khan’s men, styled
Yangi Beg (new beg) Kikildash who conveyed letters, and

* Elph. MS. f. 2056; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 1994 omits the year’s events on the
ground that Shaikh Zain has translated them; I.O. 217 f. 174; Mems. p. 290;
Kehr’s Codex p. 1084.

A considerable amount of reliable textual material for revising the Hindistan
section of the English translation of the Basur-nama is wanting through loss of pages
from the Elphinstone Codex ; in one instance no less than an equivalent of 36 folios
of the Haidarabad Codex are missing (f. 356 e¢ seg.), but to set against this loss there
is the valuable fer contra that Kehr’s manuscript throughout the section becomes of
substantial value, losing its Persified character and approximating closely to’the true
text of the Elphinstone and Haidarabad Codices. Collateral help in revision is given
by the works specified (27 /oco p. 428) as serving to, fill the gap existing in Babur’s
narrative previous to 932 AH. and this notably by those described by Elliot and
Dowson. Of these last, special help in supplementary details is given for 932 AH. and
part of 933 AH. by Shaikh Zain [Ahawajfi)’s 7abagat-t-baburi, which is a highly
.rhetorical paraphrase of Babur’s narrative, requiring familiarity with ornate Persian
to understand. For all my references to it, I am indebted to my husband. It may
be mentioned as an interesting circumstance that the B. M. possesses in Or. 1999 a copy
of this work which was transcribed in 998 AH. by one of Khwand-amir’s grandsons
and, judging from its date, presumably for Abii’l-fazl’s use in the Ahdar-nama.

Like part of the Kabul section, the Hindiistan one is in diary-form, but it is still
more heavily surcharged with matter entered at a date later than the diary. It departs
from the style of the preceding diary by an occasional lapse into courtly phrase and
by exchange of some Turki words for Arabic and Persian ones, doubtless found
current in Hind, ¢.g. fauj, dira, manszil, khatl-khana.

® This is the Logar affluent of the Baran-water (Kabul-river). Masson describes
this haltingplace (iii, 174).

31

Haidara-
bad MS.
Fol. 2516.

Fol. 252.

446 HINDUSTAN

small presents, and verbal messages * from the Khanims and the
Khan.?

(Nov. 1&th to 21st) After staying two days in that camp for
the convenience of the army,3 we marched on, halted one night,4
and next dismounted at Badam-chashma. There we atea con-
fection (sa‘7in).

(Nov. 22nd) On: Wednesday (Safar 6th), when we had dis-
mounted at Barik-ab, the younger brethren of Nir Beg—he
himself remaining in Hindistan—brought gold askrafis and
tankas 5 to the value of 20,000 shahrukhis, sent from the Lahor
revenues by Khwaja Husain. The greater part of these moneys
was despatched by Mulla Ahmad, one of the chief men of Balkh,
for the benefit of Balkh.®

(Nov. 24th) On Friday the 8th of the month (Safar), after
dismounting at Gandamak, I had a violent discharge;7 by
God’s mercy, it passed off easily.

* muhaggar saughat u bilak or tilak. A small verbal point arises about 42/a% (or
tilak). SBilak is said by Quatremére to mean a gift (N. et E. xiv, 119 n.) but here
muhaggar saughat expresses gift. Another meaning can be assigned to di/ak here,
{one had also by ¢#/ak, | vzz. that of word-of-mouth news or communication, sometimes
supplementing written communication, possibly secret instructions, possibly small
domestic details. In dz/ak, a gift, the root may be éz/, the act of knowing, in //ak
it is #7, the act of speaking [whence Z#/, the tongue, and /é/ tatmak, to get news].
In the sentence noted, either word would suit for a verbal communication. Returning
to di/ak as a gift, it may express the mwance of English token, the maker-known of
friendship, affection and so-on. This differentiates d7/a from saugha¢, used in its
frequent sense of ceremonial and diplomatic presents of value and importance.

? With Sa‘id at this time were two Khanims Sultan-nigar and Daulat-sultan who
were Babur’s maternal-aunts. Erskine suggested Khib-nigar, but she had died in
907 AH. (f. 96).

3 Humiayiin’s non-arrival would be the main cause of delay. Apparently he should
have joined before the Kabul force left that town.

4 The halt would be at Biit-khak, the last station before the Adinapir road takes
to the hills.

5 Discussing the value of coins mentioned by Babur, Erskine says in his A7s/ory of
/ndia (vol. i, Appendix E.) which was published in 1854 AD. that he had come to
think his estimates of the value of the coins was set too low in the AZemoirs (published
in 1826 Ap.). This sum of 20,000 shahrukhis he put at £1000. Cf. E. Thomas’
Pathan Kings of Dihli and Resources of the Mughal Empire. .

© One of Masson’s interesting details seems to fit the next stage of Babur’s march
(iii, 179). It is that after leaving Bit-khak, the road passes what in the thirties of
the 19th Century, was locally known as Babur Padshah’s Stone-heap (cairn) and
believed piled in obedience to Babur’s order that each man in his army should drop
a stone on it in passing. No time for raising such a monument could be fitter than
that of the fifth expedition into Hindistan when a climax of opportunity allowed
hope of success.

7 vezindalik, This Erskine translates, both here and on ff. 253, 254, by defluxion,
but de Courteille by rhume de cerveau, Shaikh Zain supports de Courteille by
writing, not vezdndalik, but muz/a, catarrh. De Courteille, in illustration of his

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 ro OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 447

(Wov. 25th) On Saturday we dismounted in the Bagh-i-wafa.
We delayed there a few days, waiting for Humayiin and the
army from that side.* More than once in this history the bounds
and extent, charm and delight of that garden have been described ;
it is most beautifully placed ; who sees it with the buyer’s eye
will know the sort of place it is. During the short time we
were there, most people drank on drinking-days? and took
their morning; on non-drinking days there were parties for
mazun.

I wrote harsh letters to Humayin, lecturing him severely
because of his long delay beyond the time fixed for him to
join me.3
_ (Dec. 3rd) On Sunday the 17th of Safar, after the morning
had been taken, Humayiin arrived. I spoke very severely to
him at once. Khwaja Kalan also arrived to-day, coming up
from Ghazni. We marched in the evening of that same Sunday,
and dismounted in a new garden between Sultanpur and Khwaja
Rustam.

(Dec. 6th) Marching on Wednesday (Safar 20th), we got on
a raft, and, drinking as we went reached Qish-gumbaz,‘ there
landed and joined the camp.

reading of the word, quotes Burnes’ account of an affection common in the Panj-ab
and there called #zz/a, which is a running at the nostrils, that wastes the brain and
stamina of the body and ends fatally (7rave/s tx Bukhara ed. 1839, ii, 41).

* Tramontana, north of Hindi-kush.

? Shaikh Zain says that the drinking days were Saturday, Sunday, Tuesday and
Wednesday. .

3 The Elph. Codex (f. 2084) contains the following note of Humayin’s about his
delay; it has been expunged from the text but is still fairly legible :—‘‘ The time
fixed was after ‘Ashira (10th Muharram, a voluntary fast) ; although we arrived after
the next-following 10th (‘ashdar, z.e. of Safar), the delay had been necessary. The
purpose of the letters (Babur’s) was to get information; (in reply) it was repre-
sented that the equipment of the army of Badakhshan caused delay. If this slave
(Humayan), trusting to his [father’s] kindness, caused further delay, he has been
sorry.

Babur’s march from the Bagh-i-wafa was delayed about a month; Humayiin started
late from Badakhshan; his force may have needed some stay in Kabul for completion
of equipment; his personal share of blame for which he counted on his father’s
forgiveness, is likely to have been connected with his mother’s presence in Kabul.

Humayiin’s note is quoted in Turki by one MS. of the Persian text (B.M. W.-i-B.
16,623 f. 128); and from certain indications in Muhammad Sirazi’s lithograph
(p. 163), appears to be in his archetype the Udaipar Codex; but it is not with all
MSS. of the Persian text e.g. not with I.O. 217 and 218. A portion of it is in Kehr’s
MS. (p. 1086).

4 Bird’s-dome [f. 1454, n.] or The pair (gsh) of domes.

Fol. 2526.

448 HINDUSTAN

(Dec. 7th) Starting off the camp at dawn, we ourselves went on

a raft, and there ate confection (man). Our encamping-ground -

was always Qiriq-ariq, but not a sign or trace of the camp could
be seen when we got opposite it, nor any appearance of our
horses. Thought I, “ Garm-chashma (Hot-spring) is close by ;
they may have dismounted there.” So saying, we went on from
Oiriq-ariq. By the time we reached Garm-chashma, the very
day was late; we did not stop there, but going on in its
lateness (ichisz), had the raft tied up somewhere, and slept
awhile.

(Dec. 8th) At day-break we landed at Yada-bir where, as the
day wore on, the army-folks began to come in. The camp must
have been at Qiriq-ariq, but out of our sight.

There were several verse-makers on the raft, such as Shaikh
Abi'l-wajd,? Shaikh Zain, Mulla ‘Ali-jan, Tardi Bee Khaksar
and others. In this company was quoted the following couplet
of Muhammad Salih :—3

(Persian) With thee, arch coquette, for a sweetheart, what can man do?

With another than thou where thou art, what can man do ?
Said I, “Compose on these lines” ;+ whereupon those given to
versifying, did so. As jokes were always being made at the
expense of Mulla ‘Ali-jan, this couplet came off-hand into my
head :—

(Persian) With one all bewildered as thou, what can man do?
. 3 : ; , what can man do?5

* gin khiid kich bilub aidi; a \ittle joke perhaps at the lateness both of the day
and the army.

? Shaikh Zain’s maternal-uncle.

3 Shaikh Zain’s useful detail that this man’s pen-name was Sharaf distinguishes
him from Muhammad Salih the author of the Shazbani-nama.

4 gosha, angle (cf. gosha-t-kar, limits of work). Parodies were to be made, having
the same metre, rhyme, and refrain as the model couplet.

5 I am unable to attach sense to Babur’s second line; what is wanted is an illustra-
tion of two incompatible things. Babur’s reflections [¢#/ra] condemned his verse.
Shaikh Zain describes the whole episode of the verse-making on the raft, and goes
on with, ‘‘He (Babur) excised this choice couplet from the pages of his Acts
( Wagi‘at) with the knife of censure, and scratched it out from the tablets of his noble
heart with the finger-nails of repentance. I shall now give an account of this spiritual
matter” (z.e, the repentance), ‘‘ by presenting the recantations of his Solomon-like
Majesty in his very own words, which are weightier than any from the lips of
Aesop.” Shaikh Zain next quotes the Turki passage here translated in 4. Mention
of the Mubin.

932 AH.—OCT. 18rH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 449

(b. Mention of the Mubin.*) ‘

From time to time before it,? whatever came into my head,
of good or bad, grave or jest, used to be strung into verse and
written down, however empty and harsh the verse might be, but
while I was composing the J/udzm, this thought pierced through
my dull wits and made way into my troubled heart, “A pity it
will be if the tongue which has treasure of utterances so lofty as
these are, waste itself again on low words ; sad will it be if again
vile imaginings find way into the mind that has made exposition
of these sublime realities.”3 Since that time I had refrained
from satirical and jesting verse; I was repentant (4a’2); but these
matters were totally out of mind and remembrance when I made
that couplet (on Mulla ‘Ali-jan).4 A few days later in Bigram
when I had fever and discharge, followed by cough, and I began
to spit blood each time I coughed, I knew whence my reproof
came; I knew what act of mine had brought this affliction on me.

“Whoever shall violate his oath, will violate it to the hurt
of his own soul; but whoever shall perform that which he hath
covenanted with God, to that man surely will He give great
reward” (Qordan cap. 48 v. 10).

(Zurki) What is it I do with thee, ah! my tongue ?
My entrails bleed as a reckoning for thee.
Good once 5 as thy words were, has followed this verse
Jesting, empty,° obscene, has followed a lie.
If thou say, ‘‘ Burn will I not !” by keeping this vow
Thou turnest thy rein from this field of strife.7

* The A/udbin (g.v. Index) is mentioned again and quoted on f. 3514. In both
places its name escaped the notice of Erskine and de Courteille, who here took it for
min, 1, and on f. 3514 omitted it, matters of which the obvious cause is that both
translators were less familiar with the poem than it is now easy to be. There is
amplest textual warrant for reading J/uézz in both the places indicated above; its
reinstatement gives to the English and French translations what they have needed,
namely, the clinch of a definite stimulus and date of repentance, which was the
influence of the Mubin in 928 AH. (1521-2 ap.). The whole passage about the
peccant verse and its fruit of contrition should be read with others that express the same
regret for broken law and may all have been added to the diary at the same time,
probably in 935 AH. (1529 AD.). They will be found grouped in the Index s.. Babur.

2 mindin buriin, by which I understand, as the grammatical construction will
warrant, before writing the Mubin. To read the words as referring to the peccant
verse, is to take the clinch off the whole passage.

3 z.é. of the Qoraz on which the Aubin is based.

4 Dropping down-stream, with wine and good company, he entirely forgot his good
resolutions.

5 This appears to refer to the good thoughts embodied in the J/uédin.

© This appears to contrast with the ‘‘ sublime realities” of the Qoran.

7 In view of the interest of the passage, and because this verse is not in the Rampiir
Diwan, as are many contained in the Hindistan section, the Turki original is

Fol. 253.

Fol. 253é.

450 HINDUSTAN

“O Lord! we have dealt unjustly with our own souls; if
Thou forgive us not, and be not merciful unto us, we shall surely
be of those that perish” * (Qordu cap. 7 v. 22).

Taking anew the place of the penitent pleading for pardon,
I gave my mind rest? from such empty thinking and such
unlawful occupation. I broke my pen. Made by that Court,
such reproof of sinful slaves is for their felicity ; happy are the
highest and the slave when such reproof brings warning and its
profitable fruit.

(c. Narrative resumed.)

(Dec. Sth continued) Marching on that evening, we dismounted
at ‘Ali-masjid. The ground here being very confined, I always
used to dismount on a rise overlooking the camp in the valley-
bottom.3 The camp-fires made a wonderful illumination there
at night ; assuredly it was because of this that there had always
been drinking there, and was so now.

(Dec. 9th and roth) To-day I rode out before dawn ; I preferred
a confection (ma‘iin)+ and also kept this day a fast. We
dismounted near Bigram (Peshawar); and next morning, the
camp remaining on that same ground, rode to Karg-awi5 We
crossed the Siyah-ab in front of Bigram, and formed our hunting-
circle looking down-stream. After a little, a person brought

quoted. My translation differs from those of Mr. Erskine and M. de Courteille ; all
three are tentative of a somewhat difficult verse.

Ni gila min sining bila ai til ?

JSthating din mining aichim gan dir.

Nicha yakhshi dising bi hazl aila shi‘r

biri-si fahash ti biri yalghan diir.

Gar dising kiiméa min, ba jazm bila

Jalawingni bi ‘arsa din yan dir.

* The Qoran puts these sayings into the mouths of Adam and Eve.

* Hai. MS. ¢indiirvaid; Ulminsky, p. 327, yandairab; W.-i-B. 1.0. 217, f. 175,
sard sikhta.

3 Of ‘Ali-masjid the Second Afghan War (official account) has a picture which
might be taken from Babur’s camp.

4 Shaikh Zain’s list of the drinking-days (f. 252 note) explains why sometimes
Babur says he preferred ma‘jainm. In the instances I have noticed, he does this
on a drinking-day; the preference will be therefore for a confection over wine.
December 9th was a Saturday and drinking-day; on it he mentions the preference ;
Tuesday Nov. 21st was a drinking day, and he states that he ate ma‘an.

5 presumably the £arg-khana of f. 222, rhinoceros-home in both places. A similar
name applies to a tract in the Rawalpindi District, —Babur-khana, Tiger-home, which
is linked to the tradition of Buddha’s self-sacrifice to appease the hunger of seven
tiger-cubs. [In this Babur-khana is the town Kacha-kot from which Babur always
names the river Hari. ]

=

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 451

word that there was a rhino in a bit of jungle near Bigram, and
that people had been stationed near-about it. We betook our-
selves, loose rein, to the place, formed a ring round the jungle,
made a noise, and brought the rhino out, when it took its way
across the plain. Humayiin and those come with him from that
side (Tramontana), who had never seen one before, were much
entertained. It was pursued for two miles; many arrows were
shot at it; it was brought down without having made a good
set at man or horse. Two others were killed. I had often
wondered how a rhino and an elephant would behave if brought
face to face; this time one came out right in front of some
elephants the mahauts were bringing along ; it did not face them
when the mahauts drove them towards it, but got off in another
direction.

(da. Preparations for ferrying the Indus.*)

On the day we were in Bigram, several of the begs and
household were appointed, with pay-masters and diwans, six or
seven being put in command, to take charge of the boats at the
Nil-ab crossing, to make a list of all who were with the army,
name by name, and to count them up.

That evening I had fever and discharge? which led on to
cough and every time I coughed, I spat blood. Anxiety was
great but, by God’s mercy, it passed off in two or three days.

(Dec. rrth) It rained when we left Bigram ; we dismounted
on the Kabul-water.

(e. News from Lahor.)

News came that Daulat Khan3 and (Apaq) Ghazi Khan,
having collected an army of from 20 to 30,000, had taken
Kilanir, and intended to move on Lahor. At once Mumin-i-‘ali
the commissary was sent galloping off to say, “ We are advancing
march by march ;* do not fight till we arrive.”

* This is the first time on an outward march that Babur has crossed the Indus by
boat; hitherto he has used the ford above Attock, once however specifying that men
on foot were put over on rafts.

ite 25 3

_ 3 In my Translator’s Note (p. 428), attention was drawn to the circumstance that
Babur always writes Daulat Khan Vasuf-khaz/, and not Daulat Khan Zé#az. In doing
this, he uses the family- or clan-name instead of the tribal one, Lidi.

4 z.e. day by day.

Fol. 254.

Fol. 2544.

452 HINDUSTAN

(Dec. 14th) With two night-halts on the way, we reached the
water of Sind (Indus), and there dismounted on Thursday the
28th (of Safar).

(f. Ferrying the Indus.)

(Dec. 16th) On Saturday the 1st of the first Rabi‘, we crossed
the Sind-water, crossed the water of Kacha-kot (Hari), and
dismounted on the bank of the river. The begs, pay-masters
and diwans who had been put in charge of the boats, reported
that the number of those come with the army, great and small,
good and bad, retainer and non-retainer, was written down as
12,000.

(g. The eastward march.)

The rainfall had been somewhat scant in the plains, but
seemed to have been good in the cultivated lands along the
hill-skirts ; for these reasons we took the road for Sialkot along
the skirt-hills. Opposite Hati Kakar’s country 7 we came upon
a torrent 3 the waters of which were standing in pools. Those ~
pools were all frozen over. The ice was not very thick, as thick
as the hand may-be. Such ice is unusual in Hindistan; not
a sign or trace of any was seen in the years we were (azdi#k) in
the country.*

We had made five marches from the Sind-water; after the
sixth (Dec. 22nd—Rabi‘ I. 7th) we dismounted on a torrent
in the camping-ground (yzrt) of the Bugials5 below Balnath
Jogi's hill which connects with the Hill of Jud.

* darya, which Babur’s precise use of words e.g. of darya, rid, and si, allows to
apply here to the Indus only.

? Presumably this was near Parhala, which stands, where the Sihan river quits the
hills, at the eastern entrance of a wild and rocky gorge a mile in length. It will have
been \P this gorge that Babur approached Parhala in 925 AH. (Rawalpindi Gazetteer
p. II).

3 2.e. here, bed of a mountain-stream.

4 The Elphinstone Codex here preserves the following note, the authorship of
which is attested by the scribe’s remark that it is copied from the handwriting of
Humayiin Padshah:—As my honoured father writes, we did not know until we
occupied Hindiistan (932 Au.), but afterwards did know, that ice does form here and
there if there come a colder year. This was markedly so in the year I conquered
Gujrat (942 AH.-1535 AD.) when it was so cold for two or three days between
Bhilpir and Gualiar that the waters were frozen over a hand’s thickness.

5 This is a Kakar (Gakkhar) clan, known also as Baragowah, of which the location
in Jahangir Padshah’s time was from Rohtas to Hatya, ze. about where Babur
encamped (Memoirs of Jahangir, Rogers and Beveridge, p. 97; E. and D. vi, 309 ;
Provincial Gazetteers of Rawalpindi and Jihlam, p. 64 and p. 97 respectively).

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 453

(Dec. 23rd) In order to let people get provisions, we stayed
the next day in that camp. ‘Avag was drunk on that day.
Mulla Muh. Parghari told many stories ; never had he been so
talkative. Mulla Shams himself was very riotous; once he
began, he did not finish till night.

The slaves and servants, good and bad, who had gone out |

after provisions, went further than this ' and heedlessly scattered
over jungle and plain, hill and broken ground. Owing to this,
a few were overcome ; Kichkina ¢#zgztar died there.

(Dec. 24th) Marching on, we crossed the Bihat-water at a ford
below Jilam (Jihlam) and there dismounted. Wali Qizi/ (Rufus)
came there to see me. He was the Sialkot reserve, and held
the parganas of Bimriki and Akriada. Thinking about Sialkot,
I took towards him the position of censure and reproach. He
excused himself, saying “I had come to my fargana before
Khusrau Kikildash left Sialkot; he did not even send me
word.” After listening to his excuse, I said, “Since thou hast
paid no attention to Sialkot, why didst thou not join the begs
in Lahor?” He was convicted, but as work was at hand, I did
not trouble about his fault.

(h. Scouts sent with orders to Léhor.)

(Dec. 25th) Sayyid Tifan and Sayyid Lachin were sent
galloping off, each with a pair-horse,? to say in Lahor, “ Do
not join battle; meet us at Sialkot or Parsrir” (mod. Pasrir).
It was in everyone’s mouth that Ghazi Khan had collected 30
to 40,0cO men, that Daulat Khan, old as he was, had girt two
swords to his waist, and that they were resolved to fight.
Thought I, “ The proverb says that ten friends are better than
nine ; do you not make a mistake: when the Lahor begs have
joined you, fight there and then!”

(Dec. 26th and 27th) After starting off the two men to the
begs, we moved forward, halted one night, and next dismounted
on the bank of the Chin-ab (Chan-ab).

* andin autib, a reference perhaps to going out beyond the corn-lands, perhaps to
attempt for more than provisions.
* gush-at, a \ed horse to ride in change.

Fol. 255.

Fol. 2550.

454 HINDUSTAN

As Buhlilpir was khalsa,! we left the road to visit it. Its
fort is situated above a deep ravine, on the bank of the Chin-ab.
It pleased us much. We thought of bringing Sialkot to it.
Please God! the chance coming, it shall be done straightway !
From Buhlilpir we went to camp by boat.

(2. Jats and Gujiirs.?)

(Dec. 29th) On Friday the 14th of the first Rabi‘ we dis-
mounted at Sialkot. If one go into Hinditstan the Jats and
Gujirs always pour down in countless hordes from hill and plain
for loot in bullock and buffalo. These ill-omened peoples are
just senseless oppressors! Formerly their doings did not concern
us much because the country was an enemy’s, but they began
the same senseless work after we had taken it. When we
reached. Sialkot, they fell in tumult on poor and needy folks who
were coming out of the town to our camp, and stripped them
bare. I had the silly thieves sought for, and ordered two or
three of them cut to pieces.

From Sialkot Nir Beg’s brother Shaham also was made to
gallop off to the begs in Lahor to say, “Make sure where the
enemy is; find out from some well-informed person where he
may be met, and send us word.”

A trader, coming into this camp, represented that ‘Alam Khan
had let Sl. Ibrahim defeat him.

* According to Shaikh Zain it was in this year that Babur made Buhlilpir a royal
domain (B.M. Add. 26,202 f. 16), but this does not agree with Babur’s explanation

_ that he visited the place because it was £ha/sa. Its name suggests that it had belonged

to Buhlil Z#a@z ; Babur may have taken it in 930 AH. when he captured Sialkot. It
never received the population of Sialkot, as Babur had planned it should do because
pond-water was drunk in the latter town and was a source of disease. The words in
which Babur describes its situation are those he uses of Akhsi (f. 44); not improbably
a resemblance inclined his liking towards Buhlilpir. (It may be noted that this
Buhlilpiir is mentioned in the Ayin-7-akbari and marked on large maps, but is not
found in the G. of I. 1907.)

2 Both names are thus spelled in the Badur-nama. In view of the inclination of
Turki to long vowels, Babur’s short one in Jat may be worth consideration since
modern usage of Jat and Jat varies. Mr. Crooke writes the full vowel, and mentions
that Jats are Hindiis, Sikhs, and Muhammadans (77zbes and Castes of the North-
western Provinces and Oude, iii, 38). On this point and on the orthography of the
name, Erskine’s note (/emozrs p. 294) is as follows: ‘* The Jets or Jats are the
Muhammadan peasantry of the Panj-ab, the bank of the Indus, Siwistan e/c. and
must not be confounded with the Jats, a powerful Hindi tribe to the west of the
Jamna, about Agra e¢c. and which occupies a subordinate position in the country of
the Rajpits.”

932 AH.—OCT. 18rH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 455

(7. ‘Alam Khan's action and failure.*)

Here are the particulars :—‘Alam Khan, after taking leave of
me (in Kabul, 931AH.), went off in that heat by double marches,
regardless of those with him.? As at the time I gave him leave
to go, all the Atizbeg khans and sultans had laid siege to Balkh,
I rode for Balkh as soon as I had given him his leave. On his
reaching Lahor, he insisted to the begs, “ You reinforce me ; the
Padshah said so; march along with me; let us get (Apaq)
Ghazi Khan to join us; let us move on Dihli and Agra.” Said
they, “ Trusting to what, will you join Ghazi Khan? Moreover
the royal orders to us were, ‘If at any time Ghazi Khan has
sent his younger brother Haji Khan with his son to Court, join
him ; or do so, if he has sent them, by way of pledge, to Lahor ;
if he has done neither, do not join him.’ You yourself only
yesterday fought him and let him beat you! Trusting to what,
will you join him now? Besides all this, it is not for your
advantage to join him!” Having said what-not of this sort,
they refused ‘Alam Khan. He did not fall in with their views,
but sent his son Sher Khan to speak with Daulat Khan and
with Ghazi Khan, and afterwards all saw one another.

‘Alam Khan took with him Dilawar Khan, who had come
into Lahor two or three months earlier after his escape from
prison ; he took also Mahmid Khan (son of) Khan-i-jahan,3 to

* The following section contains a later addition to the diary summarizing the
action of ‘Alam Khan before and after Babur heard of the defeat from the trader he
mentions. It refutes an opinion found here and there in European writings that
Babur used and threw over ‘Alam Khan. It and Babur’s further narrative shew that
‘Alam Khan had little valid backing in Hindiistan, that he contributed nothing to
Babur’s success, and that no abstention by Babur from attack on Ibrahim would have
set ‘Alam Khan on the throne of Dihli. It and other records, Babur’s and those of
Afghan chroniclers, allow it to be said that if ‘Alam Khan had been strong enough to
accomplish his share of the compact that he should take and should rule Dihli, Babur
would have kept to his share, namely, would have maintained supremacy in the
Panj-ab. He advanced against Ibrahim only when ‘Alam Khan had totally failed in
arms and in securing adherence.

* This objurgation on over-rapid marching looks like the echo of complaint made
to Babur by men of his own whom he had given to ‘Alam Khan in Kabul.

3 Mahmid himself may have inherited his father’s title Khan-i-jahan but a little
further on he is specifically mentioned as the son of Khan-i-jahan, presumably because
his father had been a more notable man than he was. Of his tribe it may be noted
that the Haidarabad MS. uniformly writes Nuhani and not Luhani as is usual in
European writings, and that it does so even when, as on f. 1494, the word is applied
to a trader. Concerning the tribe, family, or caste vwéde G. of I. s.z. Lohanas and
Crooke /.c. s.2. Pathan, para. 21.

Fol. 256.

_ Fol. 2568.

Fol. 257.

456 HINDUSTAN

whom a fargana in the Lahor district had been given. They
seem to have left matters at this:—Daulat Khan with Ghazi
Khan was to take all the begs posted in Hindiistan to himself,
indeed he was to take everything on that side ;* while ‘Alam
Khan was to take Dilawar Khan and Haji Khan and; reinforced
by them, was to capture Dihli and Agra. Isma‘il /i/wani and
other amirs came and saw ‘Alam Khan; all then betook
themselves, march by march, straight for Dihli. Near Indri
came also Sulaiman Shaikh-zada.2 Their total touched 30 to
40,000 men.

They laid siege to Dihli but could neither take it by assault
nor do hurt to the garrison. When SI. Ibrahim heard of their
assembly, he got an army to horse against them ; when they
heard of his approach, they rose from before the place and
moved to meet him. They had left matters at this :—“If we
attack by day-light, the Afghans will not desert (to us), for the
sake of their reputations with one another ; but if we attack at
night when one man cannot see another, each man will obey
his own orders.” Twice over they started at fall of day from

_a distance of 12 miles (6 Zurohs), and, unable to bring matters

toa point, neither advanced nor retired, but just sat on horseback
for two or three watches. On a third occasion they delivered
an attack when one watch of night remained—their purpose
seeming to be the burning of tents and huts! They went ; they
set fire from every end; they made a disturbance. Jalal Khan
Jig-hat + came with other amirs and saw ‘Alam Khan.

Sl. Ibrahim did not bestir himself till shoot of dawn from
where he was with a few of his own family 5 within his own

' enclosure (savacha). Meantime ‘Alam Khan’s people were busy

with plunder and booty. Seeing the smallness of their number,
Sl. Ibrahim’s people moved out against them in rather small

* z.e. west of Dihli territory, the Panj-ab.

? He was of the Farmul family of which Babur says (f. 1394) that it was in high
favour in Hindiistan under the Afghans and of which the author of the Wag7‘a¢-7-
mushtagi says that it held half the lands of Dihli in ja@giv (E. and D. iv, 547).

3 Presumably he could not cut off supplies.

4 The only word similar to this that I have found is one *‘ Jaghat” said to mean
serpent and to be the name of a Hindi sub-caste of Nats (Crooke, iv, 72 & 73). The
word here might be a nick-name. Babur writes it as two words.

5 khasa-khail, presumably members of the Sahii-khail (family) of the Lidi tribe of
the Afghan race.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 to OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 457

force with one elephant. ‘Alam Khan’s party, not able to make
stand against the elephant, ran away. He in his flight crossed
over into the Mian-di-ab and crossed back again when he
reached the Panipat neighbourhood. In Indri he contrived on
some pretext to get 4 Jaks from Mian Sulaiman.t He was
deserted by Isma‘il /z/wanz, by Biban? and by his own oldest
son Jalal, who all withdrew into the Mian-di-ab; and he had
been deserted just before the fighting, by part of his troops,
namely, by Darya Khan (Vihanz)’s son Saif Khan, by Khan-i-
jahan (Wihani)’s son Mahmid Khan, and by Shaikh Jamal
Farmuli. When he was passing through Sihrind with Dilawar
Khan, he heard of our advance and of our capture of Milwat
(Malot).3 On this Dilawar Khan—who always had been my
well-wisher and on my account had dragged out three or four
months in prison,—left ‘Alam Khan and the rest and went to
his family in Sultanptr. He waited on me three or four days
after we took Milwat. ‘Alam Khan and Haji Khan crossed
the Shatlut (szc)-water and went into Gingita,4 one of the strong-
holds in the range that lies between the valley and the plain.s
There our Afghan and Hazara® troops besieged them, and had
almost taken that strong fort when night came on. Those
inside were thinking of escape but could not get out because of
the press of horses in the Gate. There must have been elephants
also ; when these were urged forward, they trod down and killed
many horses. ‘Alam Khan, unable to escape mounted, got out
on foot in the darkness. After a Jak of difficulties, he joined
Ghazi Khan, who had not gone into Milwat but had fled into the

* Erskine suggested that this man was a rich banker, but he might well be the
Farmuli Shaikh-zada of f. 2564, in view of the exchange Afghan historians make of
the Farmuli title Shaikh for Mian (7arikh-t-sher-shahi, E. & D. iv, 347 and
Tartkh-t-daudi ib. 457).

? This Biban, or Biban, as Babur always calls him without title, is Malik Biban
Jilwant. Ue was associated with Shaikh Bayazid Farmulz or, as Afghan writers
style him, Mian Bayazid Farmuliz. (Another of his name was Mian Biban, son of
Mian Ata Saha-khail (E. & D. iv, 347).)

3 This name occurs so frequently in and about the Panj-ab as to suggest that it
means a fort (Ar. maluzgat?). This one in the Siwaliks was founded by Tatar Khan
Visuf-khail (Ladi) in the time of Buhlil Zadz (E. and D. iv, 41 5).

4 In the Beth Jalandhar da-a.

5 z.é. on the Siwaliks, here locally known as Katar Dhar. f

© Presumably they were from the Hazara district east of the Indus. The 7% abagat-

t-akbart mentions that this detachment was acting under Khalifa apart from Babur
and marching through the skirt-hills (lith. ed. p. 182).

Fol. 2570.

Fol. 258.

458 HINDUSTAN

hills. Not being received with even a little friendliness by
Ghazi Khan; needs must! he came and waited on me at the
foot of the dale? near Pehlir.

(k. Diary resumed.)

A person came to Sialkot from the Lahor begs to say they
would arrive early next morning to wait on me.

(Dec. 30th) Marching early next day (Rabi‘ I. 15th), we
dismounted at Parsrir. There Muh. ‘Ali /ang-jang, Khwaja
Husain and several braves waited on me. As the enemy’s camp
seemed to be on the Lahor side of the Ravi, we sent men out
under Bijka for news. Near the third watch of the night they
brought word that the enemy, on hearing of us, had fled, no man
looking to another.

(Dec. 31st) Getting early to horse and leaving baggage and
train in the charge of Shah Mir Husain and Jan Beg, we
bestirred ourselves. We reached Kalanir in the afternoon, and
there dismounted. Muhammad Sl. Mirza and ‘Adil SL? came
to wait on me there, together with some of the begs.

( Jan. 1st 1526 4D.) We marched early from Kalanir. On
the road people gave us almost certain news of Ghazi Khan and
other fugitives. Accordingly we sent, flying after those fliers,
the commanders Muhammadi, Ahmadi, Oitliq-qadam, Treasurer
Wali and most of those begs who, in Kabul, had recently bent
the knee for their begship. So far it was settled :—That it
would be good indeed if they could overtake and capture the
fugitives ; and that, if they were not able to do this, they were
to keep careful watch round Milwat (Malot), so as to prevent
those inside from getting out and away. Ghazi Khan was the
object of this watch.

(2. Capture of Milwat.)

(Jan. 2nd and 3rd) After starting those begs ahead, we
crossed the Biah-water (Beas) opposite Kanwahin3 and dis-
mounted. From there we marched to the foot of the valley of
Fort Milwat, making two night-halts on the way. The begs who

* din, f. 260 and note.

? These were both refugees from Harat.
3 Sarkar of Batala, in the Bari d#-aé (A.-i-A. Jarrett, p. 110).

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8rH 1526 AD. 459

had arrived before us, and also those of Hindiistan were ordered
to dismount in such a way as to besiege the place closely.

A grandson of Daulat Khan, son of his eldest son ‘Ali Khan,
Isma‘il Khan by name, came out of Milwat to see me; he took
back promise mingled with threat, kindness with menace.

( Jan. 5th) On Friday (Rabi‘ I. 21st) I moved camp forward
to within a mile of the fort, went myself to examine the place,
posted right, left and centre, then returned to camp.

Daulat Khan sent to represent to me that Ghazi Khan had
fled into the hills, and that, if his own faults were pardoned, he
would take service with me and surrender Milwat. Khwaja
Mir-i-miran was sent to chase fear from his heart and to escort
him out ; he came, and with him his son ‘Ali Khan. I had
ordered that the two swords he had girt to his waist to fight
me with, should be hung from his neck. Was such a rustic
blockhead possible! With things as they were, he still made
pretensions! When he was brought a little forward, I ordered
the swords to be removed from his neck. At the time of our
seeing one another’ he hesitated to kneel; I ordered them to
pull his leg and make him do so. I had him seated quite in
front, and ordered a person well acquainted with Hindistani to
interpret my words to him, one after another. Said I, “Thus
speak :—I called thee Father. I shewed thee more honour and
respect than thou couldst have asked. Thee and thy sons
I saved from door-to-door life amongst the Baliichis.2 Thy
family and thy aram I freed from Ibrahim’s prison-house.3
Three frors I gave thee on Tatar Khan’s lands.t What ill
sayest thou I have done thee, that thus thou shouldst hang a
sword on thy either side,5 lead an army out, fall on lands of
ours,® and stir strife and trouble?” Dumbfounded, the old man

* kurtishiir wagt (Index s.n. kurish).

* Babur’s phrasing suggests beggary.

8 This might refer to the time when Ibrahim’s commander Bihar (Bahadur) Khan
Niuhani took Lahor (Translator’s Note zz loco p. 441).

4 They were his father’s. Erskine estimated the 3 4vors at £75,000.

5 shigg, what hangs on either side, perhaps a satirical reference to the ass’ burden.

° As illustrating Babur’s claim to rule as a Timirid in Hindistan, it may be noted
that in 814 AH. (1411 AD.), Khizr Khan who is allowed by the date to have been
a Sayyid ruler in Dihli, sent an embassy to Shahrukh Mirza the then Timirid ruler

of Samarkand to acknowledge his suzerainty (AZa¢/a‘u’s-sa‘dain, Quatremére, N. et
Ex. xiv, 196).

Fol. 2588.

Fol. 259.

Fol. 2594.

460 HINDUSTAN

stuttered a few words, but he gave no answer, nor indeed could
answer be given to words so silencing. He was ordered to
remain with Khwaja Mir-i-miran.

(Jan. 6th) On Saturday the 22nd of the first Rabi‘, I went
myself to safeguard the exit of the families and Zarams* from
the fort, dismounting on a rise opposite the Gate. To me there
came ‘Ali Khan and made offering of a few ashkrafis. People
began to bring out the families just before the Other Prayer.
Though Ghazi Khan was reported to have got away, there were
who said they had seen him in the fort. For this reason several
of the household and braves? were posted at the Gate, in order
to prevent his escape by a ruse, for to get away was his full
intention. Moreover if jewels and other valuables were being
taken away by stealth, they were to be confiscated. I spent
that night in a tent pitched on the rise in front of the Gate.

(Jan. 7th) Early next morning, Muhammadi, Ahmadi, SI.
Junaid, ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz, Muhammad ‘Ali Jang-jang and Qitliiq-
qadam were ordered to enter the fort and take possession of all
effects. As there was much disturbance at the Gate, I shot off
a few arrows by way of chastisement. Humayiin’s story-teller
(géssa-khwan) was struck by the arrow of his destiny and at
once surrendered his life.

(Jan. 7th and 8th) After spending two nights? on the rise,
I inspected the fort. I went into Ghazi Khan’s book-room ;5
some of the precious things found in it, I gave to Humayin,
some sent to Kamran (in Qandahar). There were many books
of learned contents,° but not so many valuable ones as had at
first appeared. I passed that night in the fort ; next morning
I went back to camp.

( Jan. 9th) It had been in our minds that Ghazi Khan was in
the fort, but he, a man devoid of nice sense of honour, had

* Firishta says that Babur mounted for the purpose of preserving the honour of the
Afghans and by so doing enabled the families in the fort to get out of it safely (Lith.
ed. p. 204).

* chuhra; they will have been of the Corps of braves (yigit; Appendix H.
section ¢.).

3 kim kulli gharz aul aidi ; Pers. trs. ka ghars-i-kulli-t-au bad.

4 Persice, the eves of Sunday and Monday ; Anglice, Saturday and Sunday nights.

5 Ghazi Khan was learned and a poet (Firishta ii, 42).

© mullayana khiid, perhaps books of learned topic but not in choice copies.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 461

escaped to the hills, abandoning father, brethren and sisters in
Milwat.

See that man without honour who never

The face of good luck shall behold ;

Bodily ease he chose for himself,

In hardship he left wife and child (Gzd7stan cap. i, story 17).

(Jan. roth) Leaving that camp on Wednesday, we moved
towards the hills to which Ghazi Khan had fled. When we
dismounted in the valley-bottom two miles from the camp in
the mouth of Milwat,? Dilawar Khan came and waited on me.
Daulat Khan, ‘Ali Khan and Isma‘il Khan, with other chiefs,
were given into Kitta Beg’s charge who was to convey them to
the Bhira fort of Milwat (Malot),? and there keep guard over
them. In agreement with Dilawar Khan, blood-ransom was
fixed for some who had been made over each to one man ; some
gave security, some were kept prisoner. Daulat Khan died
when Kitta Beg reached Sultanpir with the prisoners.3

Milwat was given into the charge of Muh. ‘Ali /ang-jang who,
pledging his own life for it, left his elder brother Arghiin and
a party of braves in it. A body of from 200 to 250 Afghans
were told off to reinforce him.

Khwaja Kalan had loaded several camels with Ghazni wines.
A party was held in his quarters overlooking the fort and the
whole camp, some drinking ‘avag, some wine. It was a varied

party.

(m. Jaswan-valley.)

Marching on, we crossed a low hill of the grazing-grounds
(argha-dal-lig) of Milwat and went into the dim, as Hindiistanis

* f. 257. It stands in 31° 50’ N. and 76° E. (G. of L.). _

2 This is on the Salt-range, in 32° 42’ N. and 72°50' E. (Ayin-z-akdari trs. Jarrett,
i, 325; Provincial Gazetteer, Jihlam District).

3 He died therefore in the town he himself built. Kitta Beg probably escorted
the Afghan families from Milwat also; Dilawar Khan’s own seems to have been there
already (f. 257).

The Bdabur-naéma makes no mention of Daulat Khan’s relations with Nanak,
the founder of the Sikh religion, nor does it mention Nanak himself. A tradition
exists that Nanak, when on his travels, made exposition of his doctrines to an
attentive Babur and that he was partly instrumental in bringing Babur against the
Afghans. He was 12 years older than Babur and survived him nine. (Cf. Dadéstan
lith. ed. p. 270; and, for Jahangir Padshah’s notice of Daulat Khan, 7a#sa#k-7-
Jahangiri, Rogers and Beveridge, p. 87).

32

Fol. ~5o0.

Fol]. 2604.

462 HINDUSTAN

are understood to call a dale (ju/ga).* In this dale is a running-
water? of Hindistan ; along its sides are many villages ; and it

is said to be the pargana of the Jaswal, that is to say, of.

Dilawar Khan’s maternal uncles. It lies there shut-in, with
meadows along its torrent, rice cultivated here and there, a three
or four mill-stream flowing in its trough, its width from two to
four miles, six even in places, villages on the skirts of its hills—
hillocks they are rather—where there are no villages, peacocks,
monkeys, and many fowls which, except that they are mostly of
one colour, are exactly like house-fowls.

As no reliable news was had of Ghazi Khan, we arranged for
Tardika to go with Birim Deo Malinhas and capture him
wherever he might be found.

In the hills of this dale stand thoroughly strong forts ; one on
the north-east, named Kitila, has sides 70 to 80 yards (garz)
of straight fall, the side where the great gate is being perhaps
7 or 8 yards.3 The width of the place where the draw-bridge
is made, may be 10 to 12 yards. Across this they have made
a bridge of two tall trees+ by which horses and herds are taken
over. This was one of the local forts Ghazi Khan had
strengthened ; his man will have been in it now. Our raiders
(chapqiunchi) assaulted it and had almost taken it when night
came on. ‘The garrison abandoned this difficult place and went
off. Near this dale is also the stronghold of Ginguta ; it is girt

* T translate din by dale because, as its equivalent, Babur uses julga by which he
describes a more pastoral valley than one he calls a dara.

* bir dgar-si. Babur’s earlier uses of this term [g.v. index] connect it with the
swift flow of water in irrigation channels ; this may be so here but also the term may
make distinction between the rapid mountain-stream and the slow movement of rivers
across plains.

3 There are two readings of this sentence ; Erskine’s implies that the neck of land
connecting the fort-rock with its adjacent hill measures 7-8 ga7z (yards) from side to
side ; de Courteille’s that where the great gate was, the perpendicular fall surrounding
the fort shallowed to 7-8 yards. The Turki might be read, I think, to mean which-
ever alternative was the fact. Erskine’s reading best bears out Babur’s account of
the strength of the fort, since it allows of a cleft between the hill and the fort some
140-160 feet deep, as against the 21-24 of de Courteille’s. Erskine may have been in
possession of information [in 1826] by which he guided his translation (p. 300), **At
its chief gate, for the space of 7 or 8 vez (garz), there is a place that admits of a draw-
bridge being thrown across ; it may be Io or 12 gez wide.” If de Courteille’s reading
be correct in taking 7-8 gari only to be the depth of the cleft, that cleft may be
artificial.

4 yighach, which also means wood.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 463

round by precipices as Kitila is, but is not so strong as Kitila.
As has been mentioned ‘Alam Khan went into it.”

(n. Babur advances against Ibrahim.)

After despatching the light troop against Ghazi Khan, I put
my foot in the stirrup of resolution, set my hand on the rein of
trust in God, and moved forward against Sultan Ibrahim, son of
Sultan Sikandar, son of Buhlil Liadz Afghan, in possession of
whose throne at that time were the Dihli capital and the
dominions of Hindiistan, whose standing-army was called a dak
(100,000), whose elephants and whose begs’ elephants were
about 1000.

At the end of our first stage, I bestowed Dibalpir on Baqi
shaghawal? and sent him to help Balkh3; sent also gifts, taken
in the success of Milwat, for (my) younger children and various
train in Kabul.

When we had made one or two marches down the (Jaswan)
din, Shah ‘Imad SAzra@zi arrived from Araish Khan and Mulla
Muhammad Mazhaéd,‘ bringing letters that conveyed their good
wishes for the complete success of our campaign and indicated
their effort and endeavour towards this. In response, we sent,
by a foot-man, royal letters expressing our favour. We then
marched on.

af, 257.

2 chief scribe (f. 13 n. to ‘Abdu’l-wahhab). Shaw’s Vocabulary explains the word
as meaning also a “‘ high official of Central Asian sovereigns, who is supreme over all
gazis and mullas.

3 Babur’s persistent interest in Balkh attracts attention, especially at this time so
shortly before he does not include it as part of his own territories (f. 270).

Since I wrote of Balkh s.a. 923 AH. (1517 AD.), I have obtained the following
particulars about it in that year; they are summarized from the adibw’s-styar (lith.
ed. iii, 371). In 923 AH. Khwand-amir was in retirement at Pasht in Ghirjistan where
also was Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza. The two went in company to Balkh where the
Mirza besieged Babur’s man Ibrahim chap (Slash-face), and treacherously murdered
one Aiirdii-shah, an envoy sent out to parley with him. Information of what was
happening was sent to Babur in Kabul. Babur reached Balkh when it had been
besieged a month. His presence caused the Mirza to retire and led him to go into
the Dara-i-gaz(Tamarind-valley). Babur, placing in Balkh Faqir-i-‘ali, one of those
just come up with him, followed the Mirza but turned back at Aq-gumbaz (White-
dome) which lies between Chach-charan in the Heri-riid valley and the Ghirjistan
border, going no further because the Ghirjistanis favoured the Mirza. Babur went
back to Kabul by the Firiiz-koh, Yaka-aiilang (cf. f. 195) and Ghiir; the Mirza was
followed up by others, captured and conveyed to Kabul.

4 Both were amirs of Hind. I understand the cognomen Mazhab to imply that
its bearer occupied himself with the Muhammadan Faith in its exposition by divines
of Islam (Hughes? Dictionary of Islam).

Fol. 261.

Fol. 2612.

464° HINDUSTAN

(0. ‘Alam Khan takes refuge with Babur.)

The light troop we had sent out from Milwat (Malot), took
Hurir, Kahlir and all the hill-forts of the neighbourhood—
places to which because of their strength, no-one seemed to have
gone for a long time—and came back to me after plundering
a little. Came also ‘Alam Khan, on foot, ruined, stripped bare.
We sent some of the begs to give him honourable meeting,
sent horses too, and he waited (malazamat qgildi) in that
neighbourhood."

Raiders of ours went into the hills and valleys round-about,
but after a few nights’ absence, came back without anything to
count. Shah Mir Husain, Jan Beg and a few of the braves
asked leave and went off for a raid.

(p. Incidents of the march for Pani-pat.)

While we were in the (Jaswan) dz, dutiful letters had come
more than once from Isma‘il /z/zwwanzt and Biban; we replied to
them from this place by royal letters such as their hearts
desired. After we got out of the dale to Ripar, it rained very
much and became so cold that a mass of starved and naked
Hindistanis died.

When we had left Ripar and were dismounted at Karal,?
opposite Sihrind, a Hindistani coming said, “I am SI. Ibrahim’s
envoy,” and though he had no letter or credentials, asked for an
envoy from us. We responded at once by sending one or two
Sawadi night-guards (¢ungztar).3 These humble persons Ibrahim
put in prison ; they made their escape and came back to us on
the very day we beat him.

After having halted one night on the way, we dismounted on
the bank of the torrent+ of Bantir and Sanir. Great rivers

« These incidents are included in the summary of ‘Alam Khan’s affairs in section 7
(f. 2556). It will be observed that Babur’s wording implies the ** waiting” by one
of lower rank on a superior.

2 Elph. MS. Karnal, obviously a clerical error.

3 Shaikh Sulaiman Effendi (Kunos) describes a ¢engifar as the guardian in war of
a prince’s tent ; a night-guard ; and as one who repeats a prayer aloud while a prince
is mounting.

4 rid, which, inappropriate for the lower course of the Ghaggar, may be due to
Babur’s visit to its upper course described immediately below. As has been noted,
however, he uses the word vé#d to describe the empty bed of a mountain-stream as

well as the swift water sometimes filling that bed. The account, here-following, of
his visit to the upper course of the Ghaggar is somewhat difficult to translate.

;
4
J

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 ro OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 465

apart, one running water there is in Hindistan, is this™ ; they
call it the water of Kakar (Ghaggar). Chitr also is on its bank.
We rode up it for an excursion. The rising-place (sz) of the
water of this torrent (vid) is 3 or 4 kurohs (6-8 m.) above Chitr.
Going up the (Kakar) torrent, we came to where a 4 or 5 mill-
stream issues from a broad (side-)valley (dara), up which there
are very pleasant places, healthy and convenient. I ordered
a Char-bagh to be made at the mouth of the broad valley of
this (tributary) water, which falls into the (Kakar-) torrent after
flowing for one or two £urohs through level ground. From its
infall to the springs of the Kakar the distance may be
3 to 4 kurohs (6-8 m.). When it comes down in flood during the
rains and joins the Kakar, they go together to Samana and
- Sanam.?

In this camp we heard that SI. Ibrahim had been on our side
of Dihli and had moved on from that station, also that Hamid
Khan khdsa-khail3 the military-collector (skzgdar) of Hisar-
firiiza, had left that place with its army and with the army of its
neighbourhood, and had advanced 10 or 15 kurohs (20-30 m.).
Kitta Beg was sent for news to Ibrahim’s camp, and Mumin
Ataka to the Hisar-firiiza camp.

(gq. Humayiin moves against Hamid Khan.)

(Feb. 25th) Marching from Ambala, we dismounted by the
side of alake. There Mumin Ataka and Kitta Beg rejoined
us, both on the same day, Sunday the 13th of the first Jumada.

We appointed Humayiin to act against Hamid Khan, and
joined the whole of the right (wing) to him, that is to say,
Khwaja Kalan, Sl. Muhammad D#/daz, Treasurer Wali, and
also some of the begs whose posts were in Hindistan, namely,
Khusrau, Hindi Beg, ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz and Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-
Jang, with also, from the household and braves of the centre,
Shah Mansir Bar/as, Kitta Beg and Muhibb-i ‘ali.

* Hindistanda daryalardin bashga, bir agar-si kim bar (dir, is added by the
Elph. MS.), 6% dar. Perhaps the meaning is that the one (chief?) irrigation stream,
apart from great rivers, is the Ghaggar. The bed of the Ghaggar is undefined and
the water is consumed for irrigation (G. of I. xx, 33 ; Index s.2. dgar-si).

* in Patiala. Maps show what may be Babur’s strong millstream joining the

3 Presumably he was of Ibrahim’s own family, the Sahi-khail. His defeat was
opportune because he was on his way to join the main army.

Fol. 262.

Fol. 262d.

Fol. 263.

466 HINDUSTAN

Biban waited on me in this camp. These Afghans remain
very rustic and tactless! This person asked to sit although
Dilawar Khan, his superior in following and in rank, did not sit,
and although the sons of ‘Alam Khan, who are of royal birth,
did not sit. Little ear was lent to his unreason !

(Feb. 26th) At dawn on Monday the 14th Humayiin moved
out against Hamid Khan. After advancing for some distance,
he sent between 100 and 150 braves scouting ahead, who went
close up to the enemy and at once got to grips. But when
after. a few encounters, the dark mass of Humayiin’s troops
shewed in the rear, the enemy ran right away. Humayiin’s men
unhorsed from 100 to 200, struck the heads off one half and
brought the other half in, together with 7 or 8 elephants.

(March 2nd) On Friday the 18th of the month, Beg Mirak
Mughil brought news of Humayiin’s victory to the camp. He
(Humayiin ?) was there and then given a special head-to-foot
and a special horse from the royal stable, besides promise of
guerdon (uldi).

(March 5th) On Monday the 25th of the month, Humayin

arrived to wait on me, bringing with him as many as 100

prisoners and 7 or 8 elephants. Ustad ‘Ali-quli and the
matchlockmen were ordered to shoot all the prisoners, by way
of example. This had been Humayiin’s first affair, his first
experience of battle ; it was an excellent omen !

Our men who had gone in pursuit of the fugitives, took
Hisar-firtiza at once on arrival, plundered it, and returned to us.
It was given in guerdon to Humayin, with all its dependencies
and appurtenances, with it also a kror of money.

We marched from that camp to Shahabad. After we had
despatched a news-gatherer (¢i/-tatar kishi) to Sl. Ibrahim’s
camp, we stayed a few days on that ground. Rahmat the
foot-man was sent with the letters of victory to Kabul.

(rv. News of Llorahim.)

(March 13th) On Monday the 28th of the first Jumada,' we
being in that same camp, the Sun entered the Sign of the Ram.

* At this place the Elphinstone Codex has preserved, interpolated in its text, a note
of Humiayiin’s on his first use of the razor. Part of it is written as by Babur :—

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 467

News had come again and again from Ibrahim’s camp, “ He is
coming, marching two miles” or “four miles”, “stopping in
each camp two days,” or “three days”. We for our part
advanced from Shahabad and after halting on two nights,
reached the bank of the Jiin-river (Jumna) and encamped
opposite Sarsawa. From that ground Khwaja Kalan’s servant
Haidar-quli was sent to get news (Zé 77a).

Having crossed the Jiin-river at a ford, I visited Sarsawa.
That day also we ate matin. Sarsawa™ has a source (chashma)
from which a smallish stream issues, not a bad place! Tardi
Beg khaksar praising it, I said, “Let it be thine!” so just
because he praised it, Sarsawa was given to him!

I had a platform fixed in a boat and used to go for
excursions on the river, sometimes too made the marches down
it. Two marches along its bank had been made when, of those
sent to gather news, Haidar-quli brought word that [brahim had
sent Daud Khan (ZLa#dz) and Hatim Khan (L#dz) across the
river into the Mian-dii-ab (Tween-waters) with 5 or 6000 men,
and that these lay encamped some 6 or 7 miles from his own.

(s. A successful encounter.)

(April rst) On Sunday the 18th of the second Jumada,
we sent, to ride light against this force, Chin-timiir Sultan,”

** Today in this same camp the razor or scissors was applied to Humiayiin’s face.”
Part is signed by Humayiin :—“‘ As the honoured dead, earlier in these Acts (wag7“at)
mentions the first application of the razor to his own face (f. 120), so in imitation of
him I mention this. I was then at the age of 18 ; now I am at the age of 48, I who
am the sub-signed Muhammad Humiayin.” A scribe’s note attests that this is
** copied from the hand-writing of that honoured one”. As Humiayiin’s 48th (lunar)
birthday occurred a month before he left Kabul, to attempt the re-conquest of
Hindistan, in November 1554 AD. (in the last month of 961 AH.), he was still 48
(lunar) years old on the day he re-entered Dihli on July 23rd 1555 Ap. (Ramzan Ist
962 AH.), so that this ‘‘ shaving passage ” will have been entered within those dates.
That he should study his Father’s book at that time is natural ; his grandson Jahangir
did the same when going to Kabul; so doubtless would do its author’s more remote
descendants, the sons of Shah-jahan who reconquered Transoxiana.

(Concerning the ‘‘ shaving passage” vzde the notes on the Elphinstone Codex in
JRAS. 1900 p. 443, 451; 1902 p. 653; 1905 p. 7543 and 1907 p. 131.)

* This ancient town of the Saharanpiir district is associated with a saint revered by
Hindiis and Muhammadans. Cf. W. Crooke’s Popular Religion of Northern India
p- 133. Its chashma may be inferred (from Babur’s uses of the word g.v. Index) as
a water-head, a pool, a gathering place of springs.

* He was the eighth son of Babur’s maternal-uncle Sl. Ahmad Khan Chaghatai and
had fled to Babur, other brothers following him, from the service of their eldest
brother Mansiir, Khaqan of the Mughiils ( 7a7ikh-2-rashidi trs. p. 161).

Fol. 2636.

Fol. 264.

468 HINDUSTAN

Mahdi Khwaja, Muhammad SI. Mirza, ‘Adil Sultan, and the
whole of the left, namely, Sl. Junaid, Shah Mir Husain, Oitliq-
qadam, and with them also sent ‘Abdu’l-lah and Kitta Beg (of
the centre). They crossed from our side of the water at the
Mid-day Prayer, and between the Afternoon and the Evening
Prayers bestirred themselves from the other bank. Biban
having crossed the water on pretext of this movement, ran away.

(April 2nd) At day-break they came upon the enemy ;* he
made as if coming out in a sort of array, but our men closed
with his at once, overcame them, hustled them off, pursued and
unhorsed them till they were opposite Ibrahim’s own camp.
Hatim Khan was one of those unhorsed, who was Daud Khan
(Lidz)’s elder brother and one of his commanders. Our men
brought him in when they waited on me. They brought also
60-70 prisoners and 6 or 7 elephants. Most of the prisoners,
by way of warning, were made to reach their death-doom.

(t. Preparations for battle.)

While we were marching on in array of right, left and centre,
the army was numbered ;? it did not count up to what had
been estimated.

At our next camp it was ordered that every man in the army
should collect carts, each one according to his circumstances.
Seven hundred carts (avaba) were brought 3 in. The order given

* farz-wagti, when there is light enough to distinguish one object from another.

2 dim kiiriildi (Index s.n. dim). Herethe L. & E. AZemoirs inserts an explanatory
passage in Persian about the am. It will have been in one of the Wagz‘at-2-baburt
MSS. Erskine used ; it is in Muh. Shivazt’s lithograph copy of the Udaipir Codex
(p. 173). It is not in the Turki text or in all the MSS. of the Persian translation.
Manifestly, it was entered at a time when Babur’s term aim kitrit/di requires explana-
tion in Hindustan. The writer of it himself does not make details clear; he says only,
**It is manifest that people declare (the number) after counting the mounted army in
the way agreed upon amongst them, with a whip or a bow held in the hand.” This
explanation suggests that in the march-past the troops were measured off as so many
bow- or whip-lengths (Index s.2. dim).

3 These avaba may have been the baggage-carts of the army and also carts procured
on the spot. Erskine omits (JZemozrs p. 304) the words which show how many carts
were collected and from whom. Doubtless it would be through not having these
circumstances in his mind that he took the avaéa for gun-carriages. His incomplete
translation, again, led Stanley Lane-Poole to write an interesting note in his Babur
(p. 161) to support Erskine against de Courteille (with whose rendering mine agrees)
by quoting the circumstance that Humayiin had 700 guns at Qanauj in 1540 Ap. It
must be said in opposition to his support of Erskine’s ‘‘ gun-carriages” that there is
no textual or circumstantial warrant for supposing Babur to have had guns, even if

4

932 AH.— OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 469

to Ustad ‘Ali-quli was that these carts should be joined together
in Ottoman? fashion, but using ropes of raw hide instead of
chains, and that between every two carts 5 or 6 mantelets should
be fixed, behind which the matchlockmen were to stand to fire.
To allow of collecting all appliances, we delayed 5 or 6 days in
that camp. When everything was ready, all the begs with such
braves as had had experience in military affairs were summoned
to a General Council where opinion found decision at this :—
Pani-pat? is there with its crowded houses and suburbs. It
would be on one side of us ; our other sides must be protected
by carts and mantelets behind which our foot and matchlockmen
would stand. With so much settled we marched forward, halted
one night on the way, and reached Pani-pat on Thursday the
last day (29th) of the second Jumada (April 12th).

(u. The opposed forces.)

On our right was the town of Pani-pat with its suburbs; in
front of us were the carts and mantelets we had prepared ; on
our left and elsewhere were ditch and branch. At distances of Fol. 2644.
an arrow’s flight3 sally-places were left for from 100 to 200
horsemen.

Some in the army were very anxious and full of fear. Nothing
recommends anxiety and fear. For why? Because what God
has fixed in eternity cannot be changed. But though this is so,
it was no reproach to be afraid and anxious. For why? Because
those thus anxious and afraid were there with a two or three
months’ journey between them and their homes ; our affair was

made in parts, in such number as to demand 700 gun-carriages for their transport.
What guns Babur had at Pani-pat will have been brought from his Kabul base ; if he
had acquired any, say from Lahor, he would hardly omit to mention such an important
reinforcement of his armament; if he had brought many guns on carts from Kabul, he
must have met with transit-difficulties harassing enough to chronicle, while he was
making that long journey from Kabul to Pani-pat, over passes, through skirt-hills and
many fords. The elephants he had in Bigram may have been his transport for what
guns he had ; he does not mention his number at Pani-pat ; he makes his victory a
bow-man’s success ; he can be read as indicating that he had two guns only.

* These Ottoman (text, Ramzi, Roman) defences Ustad ‘Ali-quli may have seen at
the battle of Chaldiran fought some 40 leagues from Tabriz between Sl. Salim Rami
and Shah Isma ‘il Safawi on Rajab Ist 920 AH. (Aug. 22nd 1514 aD.). Of this battle
Khwand-amir gives a long account, dwelling on the effective use made in it of chained
carts and palisades (Habibw’s-siyar iii, part 4, p. 78; Akbar-ndma trs. i, 241).

? Is this the village of the Pani Afghans?

3 Index 5.7. arrow.

Fol. 265.

470 HINDUSTAN

with a foreign tribe and people; none knew their tongue, nor
did they know ours :—

A wandering band, with mind awander ;
In the grip of a tribe, a tribe unfamiliar. *

People estimated the army opposing us at 100,000 men;
Ibrahim’s elephants and those of his amirs were said to be about
1000. In his hands was the treasure of two forbears.? In
Hindistan, when work such as this has to be done, it is
customary to pay out money to hired retainers who are known
as 6:d-hindi3 If it had occurred to Ibrahim to do this, he might
have had another /ak or two of troops. God brought it right!
Ibrahim could neither content his braves, nor share out his
treasure. How should he content his braves when he was ruled
by avarice and had a craving insatiable to pile coin on coin?
He was an unproved brave+; he provided nothing for his
military operations, he perfected nothing, nor stand, nor move,
nor fight.

In the interval at Pani-pat during which the army was
preparing defence on our every side with cart, ditch and branch,
Darwish-i-muhammad Saréan had once said to me, “With such
precautions taken, how is it possible for him to come?” Said
I, “Are you likening him to the Atizbeg khans and sultans ?

* Pareshin jam u jam pareshan ;
Giriftar gqaumi u gaumi ‘aj@ tb.
These two lines do not translate easily without the context of their original place of
occurrence. I have not found their source.

? z.e. of his father and grandfather, Sikandar and Buhlil.

3 As to the form of this word the authoritative MSS. of the Turki text agree and
with them also numerous good ones of the Persian translation. I have made careful
examination of the word because it is replaced or explained here and there in MSS.
by s:hb:ndi, the origin of which is said to be obscure. The sense of 6:d-hindi and
of s:hb:ndi is the same, z.e. irregular levy. The word as Babur wrote it must have
been understood by earlier Indian scribes of both the Turki and Persian texts of the
Béabur-nima. Some light on its correctness may be thought given by Hobson Jobson
(Crooke’s ed. p. 136) 5.2. Byde or Bede Horse, where the word Byde is said to be an
equivalent of pcndari, lati, and gazzag, raider, plunderer, so that Babur’s word
b:d-hindi may mean gdzzag of Hind. Wherever I have referred to the word in many
MSS. it is pointed to read 4:d, and not f:d, thus affording no warrant for under-
standing fad, foot, foot-man, infantry, and also negativing the spelling d7d, z.e. with
a long vowel as in Byde.

It may be noted here that Muh. Shirazi (p. 174) substituted s:44:ndz for Babur’s
word and that this led our friend the late William Irvine to attribute mistake to
de Pe ae who follows the Turki text (Army of the Mughiils p. 66 and Mémoires
ii, 163).

4 bi tajarba yigit aidi of which the sense may be that Babur ranked Ibrahim, as
a soldier, with a brave who has not yet proved himself deserving of the rank of beg.
It cannot mean that he was a youth (yégi?) without experience of battle.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 471

In what of movement under arms or of planned operations is

he to be compared with them?” God brought it right! Things
fell out just as I said!

(Author’s note on the Atizbeg chiefs.) When I reached Hisar in the year

I left Samarkand (918 AH.-1512 AD.), and all the Atzbeg khans and sultans

gathered and came against us, we brought the families and the goods of the

Mughils and soldiers into the Hisar suburbs and fortified these by closing the

lanes. As those khans and sultans were experienced in equipment, in planned

operations, and in resolute resistance, they saw from our fortification of Hisar

that we were determined on life or death within it, saw they could not count

on taking it by assault and, therefore, retired at once from near Nindak of
Chaghanian.

(v. Preliminary encounters.)

During the 7 or 8 days we lay in Pani-pat, our men used to
go, a few together, close up to Ibrahim’s camp, rain arrows down
on his massed troops, cut off and bring in heads. Still he made
no move ; nor did his troops sally out. At length, we acted on
the advice of several Hindiistani well-wishers and sent out 4 or
5000 men to deliver a night-attack on his camp, the leaders of
it being Mahdi Khwaja, Muhammad Sl. Mirza, ‘Adil Sultan,
Khusrau, Shah Mir Husain, Sl. Junaid Barlas, ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz the
Master of the Horse, Muh. ‘Ali /ang-jang, Qitliq-qadam,
Treasurer Wali, Khalifa’s Muhibb-i-‘ali, Pay-master Muhammad,
Jan Beg and Qara-qizi. It being dark, they were not able to
act together well, and, having scattered, could effect nothing on
arrival. They stayed near Ibrahim’s camp till dawn, when the
nagarets sounded and troops of his came out in array with
elephants. Though our men did not do their work, they got
off safe and sound ; not a man of them was killed, though they
were in touch with such a mass of foes. One arrow pierced
Muh. ‘Ali /ang-jang’s leg ; though the wound was not mortal,
he was good-for-nothing on the day of battle.

On hearing of this affair, I sent off Humayin and his troops
to go 2 or 3 miles to meet them, and followed him myself with
the rest of the army in battle-array. The party of the night-
attack joined him and came back with him. The enemy making
no further advance, we returned to camp and dismounted. That
night a false alarm fell on the camp; for some 20 minutes (one
_gari) there were uproar and call-to-arms ; the disturbance died
down after a time.

Fol. 2654.

Fol. 266.

472 HINDUSTAN

(w. Battle of Pani-pat.*)

(April 20th) On Friday the 8th of Rajab,? news came, when
it was light enough to distinguish one thing from another ( farg-
wagti) that the enemy was advancing in fighting-array. We
at once put on mail,3 armed and mounted.* Our right was
Humayiin, Khwaja Kalan, Sultan Muhammad D¢/daz, Hindi
Beg, Treasurer Wali and Pir-quli Szstanz; our left was
Muhammad SI. Mirza, Mahdi Khwaja, ‘Adil Sultan, Shah Mir
Husain, Sl. Junaid Barlas, Qitliq-qadam, Jan Beg, Pay-master
Muhammad, and Shah Husain (of) Yaragi Mughal Ghanchi (?).5
The right hand of the centre ® was Chin-timir Sultan, Sulaiman
Mirza,?7 Muhammadi Kikildash, Shah Manstir Bar/as, Yinas-i-
‘ali, Darwish-i-muhammad Séréaz and ‘Abdu’l-lah the librarian.
The left of the centre was Khalifa, Khwaja Mir-i-miran,
Secretary Ahmadi, Tardi Beg (brother) of Quj Beg, Khalifa’s
Muhibb-i-‘ali and Mirza Beg Tarkhan. The advance was
Khusrau Kikildash and Muh. ‘Ali Jang-jang. ‘Abduw’l-‘aziz

* Well-known are the three decisive historical battles fought near the town of
Pani-pat, v/s. those of Babur and Ibrahim in 1526, of Akbar and Himii in 1556, and
of Ahmad Aéda/i with the Mahratta Confederacy in 1761. The following lesser
particulars about the battle-field are not so frequently mentioned :—(2) that the scene
of Babur’s victory was long held to be haunted, Badayiini himself, passing it at dawn
some 62 years later, heard with dismay the din of conflict and the shouts of the com-
batants ; (77) that Babur built a (perhaps commemorative) mosque one mile to the
n.e. of the town ; (727) that one of the unaccomplished desires of Sher Shah Sz, the
conqueror of Babur’s son Humayiin, was to raise two monuments on the battle-field
of Pani-pat, one to Ibrahim, the other to those Chaghatai sultans whose martyrdom
he himself had brought about ; (cv) that in 1910 ap. the British Government placed
a monument to mark the scene of Shah Adda/i’s victory of 1761 AD. This monument
would appear, from Sayyid Ghulam-i-‘ali’s Nigar-nima-t-hind, to stand close to the
scene of Babur’s victory also, since the Mahrattas were entrenched as he was outside
the town of Pani-pat. (Cf. E. & D. viii, gor.)

* This important date is omitted from the L. & E. Memoirs.

3 This wording will cover armour of man and horse.

* atlandik, Pers. trs. siwar shudim. Some later oriental writers locate Babur’s
battle at two or more miles from the town of Pani-pat, and Babur’s word a/landiik
might imply that his cavalry rode forth and arrayed outside his defences, but his
narrative allows of his delivering attack, through the wide sally-ports, after arraying
behind the carts and mantelets which checked his adversary’s swift advance. The
Mahrattas, who may have occupied the same ground as Babur, fortified themselves
more strongly than he did, as having powerful artillery against them. Ahmad Shah
Abdaii’s defence against them was an ordinary ditch and addattis, [Babur’s ditch and
res een of dhak trees (Butea frondosa), a local product Babur also is likely to

ave used.

5 The preceding three words seem to distinguish this Shah Husain from several

others of his name and may imply that he th . Varast Oy CAmeeEr
(Index and I.O. 217 £, 1846 1. 7 was the son of Varagi Mughii nchi

. For Babur’s terms vide f. 2096.
? This is Mirza Khan’s son, 7.e. Wais Miran-shahi <>

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 473

the Master of the Horse was posted as the reserve. For the
turning-party (¢#/ghuma) at the point of the right wing,’ we
fixed on Red Wali and Malik Qasim (brother) of Baba Qashga,
with their Mughils; for the turning-party at the point of the
left wing, we arrayed Qara-qizi, Abi’l-muhammad the lance-
player, Shaikh Jamal Sa@rin’s Shaikh ‘Ali, Mahndi(?) and
Tingri-birdi Bashaghi(?) Mughul; these two parties, directly
the enemy got near, were to turn his rear, one from the right,
the other from the left.

When the dark mass of the enemy first came in sight, he
seemed to incline towards our right ; ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz, who was the
right-reserve, was sent therefore to reinforce the right. From
the time that Sl. [brahim’s blackness first appeared, he moved
swiftly, straight for us, without a check, until he saw the dark
mass of our men, when his pulled up and, observing our formation
and array,? made as if asking, “To stand or not? To advance
or not?” They could not stand; nor could they make their
former swift advance.

Our orders were for the turning-parties to wheel from right
and left to the enemy’s rear, to discharge arrows and to engage
in the fight ; and for the right and left (wings) to advance and
join battle with him. The turning-parties wheeled round and
began to rain arrows down. Mahdi Khwaja was the first of the
left to engage ; he was faced by a troop having an elephant with
it ; his men’s flights of arrows forced it to retire. To reinforce
the left I sent Secretary Ahmadi and also Qij Beg’s Tardi Beg
and Khalifa’s Muhibb-i-‘ali. On the right also there was some
stubborn fighting. Orders were given for Muhammadi Kikildash,
Shah Manstr Sarlds, Yinas-i-‘ali and ‘Abdu’l-lah to engage
those facing them in front of the centre. From that same
position Ustad ‘Ali-quli made good discharge of firzngz shots ; 3

* A dispute for this right-hand post of honour is recorded on f. 1004, as also in
accounts of Culloden.

? tartib u ydasal, which may include, as Erskine took it to do, the carts and
mantelets ; of these however, Ibrahim can hardly have failed to hear before he rode
out of camp.

3 f, 2176 and note; Irvine’s Army of the Indian Mughuls p. 133. Here Erskine
notes (AZems. p. 306) ‘* The size of these artillery at this time is very uncertain. The
word fizingi is now (1826 ap.) used in the Deccan for a swivel. At the present day,
zarb-2an in common usage is a small species of swivel. Both words in Babur’s time

Fol. 2664.

474 HINDUSTAN

Mustafa the commissary for his part made excellent discharge
Fol. 267. of sarb-san shots from the left hand of the centre. Our right,
left, centre and turning-parties having surrounded the enemy,
rained arrows down on him and fought ungrudgingly. He
made one or two small charges on our right and left but under
our men’s arrows, fell back on his own centre. His right and
left hands (gi) were massed in such a crowd that they could
neither move forward against us nor force a way for flight.

When the incitement to battle had come, the Sun was spear-
high ; till mid-day fighting had been in full force ; noon passed,
the foe was crushed in defeat, our friends rejoicing and gay. |
By God’s mercy and kindness, this difficult affair was made easy ”
for us! In one half-day, that armed mass was laid upon the
earth. Five or six thousand men were killed in one place close
to Ibrahim. Our estimate of the other dead, lying all over the
field, was 15 to 16,000, but it came to be known, later in Agra
from the statements of Hindistanis, that 40 or 50,000 may have
died in that battle."

The foe defeated, pursuit and unhorsing of fugitives began.
Our men brought in amirs of all ranks and the chiefs they
captured ; mahauts made offering of herd after herd of elephants.

Ibrahim was thought to have fled ; therefore, while pursuing

Fol. 2674. the enemy, we told off Qismatai Mirza, Baba chuhra and Bijka
of the £hasa-tabin? to lead swift pursuit to Agra and try to |
take him. We passed through his camp, looked into his own a
enclosure (sara@cha) and quarters, and dismounted on the bank a
of standing-water (garda-si).

appear to have been used for field-cannon.” _ (For an account of guns, intermediate
‘n ered Abts: Babur and Erskine, see the Ayin-z-akbari. Cf. f. 264 n. on the carts
araoa).

* Although the authority of the 7arikh-i-salatin-i-afaghana is not weighty its
reproduction of Afghan opinion is worth consideration. It says that astrologers fore-
told Ibrahim’s defeat ; that his men, though greatly outnumbering Babur’s, were
out-of-heart through his ill-treatment of them, and his amirs in displeasure against
him, but that never-the-less, the conflict at Pani-pat was more desperate than had -
ever been seen. It states that Ibrahim fell where his tomb now is (de. in cérca ;
1002 AH.-1594 AD.); that Babur went to the spot and, prompted by his tender
heart, lifted up the head of his dead adversary, and said, ‘‘ Honour to your courage !”,
ordered brocade and sweetmeats made ready, enjoined Dilawar Khan and Khalifa to
bathe the corpse and to bury it where it lay (E. & D. v, 2). Naturally, part of the
reverence shewn to the dead would be the burial together of head and trunk.

® f, 2094 and App. H. section c. Baba chuhva would be one of the corps of braves.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 ro OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 475

It was the Afternoon Prayer when Khalifa’s younger brother-
in-law Tahir Tibri* who had found Ibrahim’s body in a heap of
dead, brought in his head.

(x. Detachments sent to occupy Dihli and Agra.)

On that very same day we appointed Humayiin Mirza? to
ride fast and light to Agra with Khwaja Kalan, Muhammadi,
Shah Mansir Barlas, Yinas-i-‘ali, ‘Abdu’l-lah and Treasurer
Wali, to get the place into their hands and to mount guard over
the treasure. We fixed on Mahdi Khwaja, with Muhammad
Sl. Mirza, ‘Adil Sultan, SI. Junaid Barla@s and Qitliiq-qadam to
leave their baggage, make sudden incursion on Dihli, and keep
watch on the treasuries.3

(April 21st) We marched on next day and when we had gone
2 miles, dismounted, for the sake of the horses, on the bank of
the Jin (Jumna).

(April 24th) On Tuesday (Rajab 12th), after we had halted
on two nights and had made the circuit of Shaikh Nizamu’d-din
Auliya@s tomb+ we dismounted on the bank of the Jin over
against Dihli5 That same night, being Wednesday-eve, we made
an excursion into the fort of Dihli and there spent the night.

(April 25th) Next day (Wednesday Rajab 13th) I made the
circuit of Khwaja Qutbu’d-din’s® tomb and visited the tombs
and residences of Sl. Ghiyasu’d-din Balban7 and Sl]. ‘Alau’u’d-din

* He was a brother of Muhibb-i-‘ali’s mother.

* To give Humayan the title Mirza may be a scribe’s lapse, but might also be
a nuance of Babur’s, made to shew, with other wzzwtéae, that Humayiin was in chief
command. The other minute matters are that instead of Humayiin’s name being the
first of a simple series of commanders’ names with the enclitic accusative appended
to the last one (here Wali), as is usual, Humayiin’s name has its own enclitic zz ;
and, again, the phrase is ‘‘ Humdydin with” such and such begs, a turn of expression
differentiating him from the rest. The same unusual variations occur again, just below, .
perhaps with the same intention of shewing chief command, there of Mahdi Khwaja.

3 A small matter of wording attracts attention in the preceding two sentences.
Babur, who does not always avoid verbal repetition, here constructs two sentences
which, except for the place-names Dihli and Agra, convey information of precisely
the same action in entirely different words.

4 d.1325 ap. The places Babur visited near Dihli are described in the Reports
of the Indian Archaeological Survey, in Sayyid Ahmad’s Asar Sanadid pp. 74-85, in
Keene’s Hand-book to Dihli and Murray’s Hand-book to Bengal etc. The last two
quote much from the writings of Cunningham and Fergusson.

5 and on the same side of the river.

© d. 1235 AD. He was a native of Aish [Ush] in Farghana.

7 d. 1286 ap. He was a Slave ruler of Dihli.

Fol. 268.

476 HINDUSTAN

Khilji,t his Minar, and the Hauz-shamsi, Hauz-i-khas and the
tombs and gardens of SI. Buhlil and Sl. Sikandar (Liad7Z).
Having done this, we dismounted at the camp, went on a boat,
and there ‘avag was drunk.

We bestowed the Military Collectorate (shigdarlight) of Dihli
on Red Wali, made Dost Diwan in the Dihli district, sealed the
treasuries, and made them over to their charge.

(April 26th) On Thursday we dismounted on the bank of the
Jiin, over against Tighliqabad.?

(y. The khutba read for Babur in Dthit.)

(April 27th) On Friday (Rajab 15th) while we remained on
the same ground, Maulana Mahmid and Shaikh Zain went with
a few others into Dihli for the Congregational Prayer, read the
khutba in my name, distributed a portion of money to the poor
and needy,3 and returned to camp.

(April 28th) Leaving that ground on Saturday (Rajab 16th),
we advanced march by march for Agra. I made an excursion
to Tighliqabad and rejoined the camp.

(May 4th) On Friday (Rajab 22nd), we dismounted at the
mansion (#anzil) of Sulaiman Farmu/i in a suburb of Agra, but
as the place was far from the fort, moved on the following day
to Jalal Khan /zg:hat’s house.

On Humayin’s arrival at Agra, ahead of us, the garrison had
made excuses and false pretexts (about surrender). He and his
noticing the want of discipline there was, said, “ The long hand
may be laid on the Treasury ”! and so sat down to watch the
roads out of Agra till we should come.

* ‘Alau’u’d-din Muh. Shah Akc/ji Turk d. 1316 ap. It is curious that Babur
should specify visiting his Minar (mnari, Pers. trs. 1.0. 217 f. 1856, ménar-z-au) and
not mention the Qutb Minar. Possibly he confused the two. The ‘Alai Minar
remains unfinished ; the Qutb is judged by Cunningham to have been founded by
Qutbu'd-din Aibak 7rk, circa 1200 AD. and to have been completed by Sl. Shamsu’d-
din Altamsh (Ailtimish ?) Zzrk, circa 1220 ap. Of the two tanks Babur visited, the
Royal-tank (Aaws-2-khdz) was made by ‘Alau’u’d-din in 1293 AD.

* The familiar Turki word Tighliiq would reinforce much else met with in Dihli
to strengthen Babur’s opinion that, as a Turk, he had a right to rule there. Many,
if not all, of the Slave dynasty were Turks ; these were followed by the Khilji Turks,
these again by the Tiighliiqs. Moreover the Panj-ab he had himself taken, and lands
on both sides of the Indus further south had been ruled by Ghaznawid Turks. His
latest conquests were ‘‘ where the Turk had ruled” (f. 2266) long, wide, and with
interludes only of non-Turki sway.

3 Perhaps this charity was the Azams (Fifth) due from a victor.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 477

(z. The great diamond.)

In Sultan Ibrahim’s defeat the Raja of Gialiar Bikramajit the
Hindi had gone to hell.*

(Authors note on Bikramajit.) The ancestors of Bikramajit had ruled in
Gialiar for more than a hundred years.? Sikandar (Z#az) had sat down in
Agra for several years in order to take the fort; later on, in Ibrahim’s time,
‘Azim Humayiin Sarwdani 3 had completely invested it for some while ; following
this, it was taken on terms under which Shamsabad was given in exchange
for it.4

Bikramajit’s children and family were in Agra at the time of
Ibrahim’s defeat. When Humayiin reached Agra, they must
have been planning to flee, but his postings of men (to watch
the roads) prevented this and guard was kept over them.
Humayin himself did not let them go (darghali qiimas). They
made him a voluntary offering of a mass of jewels and valuables
amongst which was the famous diamond which ‘Alau’u’d-din
must have brought.5 Its reputation is that every appraiser has
estimated its value at two and a half days’ food for the whole
world. Apparently it weighs 8 mzsga/s.° Humayin offered it
to me when IJ arrived at Agra; I just gave it him back.

(aa. Ibrahim’s mother and entourage.)

Amongst men of mark who were in the fort, there were Malik
Dad Karani, Milli Sardak and Firtiz Khan Miwatz. They,
being convicted of false dealing, were ordered out for capital
punishment. Several persons interceded for Malik Dad Karani
and four or five days passed in comings and goings before the

* Bikramajit was a Tinir Rajpit. Babur’s unhesitating statement of the Hindu’s
destination at death may be called a fruit of conviction, rather than of what modern
opinion calls intolerance.

? 120 years (Cunningham’s Report of the Archaeological Survey ii, 330 et seq.).

3 The 7arikh-t-sher-shahi tells a good deal about the man who bore this title, and
also about others who found themselves now in difficulty between Ibrahim’s tyranny
and Babur’s advance (E. & D. iv, 301).

4 Gualiar was taken from Bikramajit in 1518 ap.

5 ¢.e. from the Deccan of which ‘Alau’u’d-din is said to have been the first Mu-
hammadan invader. An account of this diamond, identified as the Koh-i-nir, is given
in Hobson Jobson but its full history is not told by Yule or by Streeter’s Great
Diamonds of the World, neither mentioning the presentation of the diamond by
Humayin to Tahmasp of which Abi’1-fazl writes, dwelling on its overplus of payment
for all that Humayin in exile received from his Persian host (4/éar-nama trs. i, 349
and note; Astatzc Quarterly Review, April 1899 H. Beveridge’s art. Babur’s diamond ;
was tt the Koh-t-nir ?).

° 320 vatis (Erskine). The rafi is 2.171 Troy grains, or in picturesque primitive
equivalents, is 8 grains of rice, or 64 mustard seeds, or 512 poppy-seeds,—uncertain
weights which Akbar fixed in cat’s-eye stones.

Fol. 2684.

Fol. 269.

478 HINDUSTAN

matter was arranged. We then shewed to them (all?) kindness
and favour in agreement with the petition made for them, and
we restored them all their goods.t A pargana worth 7 laks?
was bestowed on Ibrahim’s mother ; parganas were given also
to these begs of his. She was sent out of the fort with her old
servants and given encamping-ground (yz#rt) two miles below
Agra. :

(May roth) 1 entered Agra at the Afternoon Prayer of
Thursday (Rajab 28th) and dismounted at the mansion (manzz/)
of Sl. [brahim.

EXPEDITIONS OF TRAMONTANE MUHAMMADANS
INTO HIND.

(a. Babur’s five attempts on Hindustan.)

From the date 910 at which the country of Kabul was con-
quered, down to now (932 AH.) (my) desire for Hindistan had
been constant, but owing sometimes to the feeble counsels of
begs, sometimes to the non-accompaniment of elder and younger
brethren,* a move on Hindistan had not been practicable and its
territories had remained unsubdued. At length no such obstacles
were left ; no beg, great or small (deg degaz) of lower birth, could
speak an opposing word. In925 AH. (1519 AD.) we led an army
out and, after taking Bajaur by storm in 2-3 gari (44-66 minutes),
and making a general massacre of its people, went on into Bhira.
Bhira we neither over-ran nor plundered ; we imposed a ransom
on its people, taking from them in money and goods to the value

* Babur’s plurals allow the supposition that the three men’s lives were spared.
Malik Dad served him thenceforth.

* Erskine estimated these as dams and worth about £1750, but this may be an
underestimate (77. of 7. i, App. E.).

3 ** These begs of his” (or hers) may be the three written of above.

* These will include cousins and his half-brothers Jahangir and Nasir as opposing
before he took action in 925 AH. (1519 AD.). The time between QIO AH. and 925 AH.
at which he would most desire Hindiistan is after 920 AH. in which year he returned
defeated from Transoxiana.

5 kichik karim, which here seems to make contrast between the ruling birth of
members of his own family and the lower birth of even great begs still with him.
Where the phrase occurs on f. 295, Erskine renders it by ‘‘ down to the dregs”, and
de Courteille (ii, 235) by “‘de toutes les bouches” but néither translation appears to
me to suit Babur’s uses of the term, inasmuch as both seem to go too low (cf. f. 2704).

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 479

of 4 daks of shahrukhis and having shared this out to the army
and auxiliaries, returned to Kabul. From then till now we
laboriously held tight* to Hindiistan, five times leading an army
into it.2 The fifth time, God the Most High, by his own mercy
and favour, made such a foe as SI. Ibrahim the vanquished and
loser, such a realm as Hindiistan our conquest and possession.

(6. Three invaders from Tramontana.)

From the time of the revered Prophet down till now 3 three
men from that side + have conquered and ruled Hindistan. Sl.
Mahmiid GAdzz5 was the first, who and whose descendants sat
long on the seat of government in Hindistan. Sl]. Shihabu’d-din
of Ghir was the second,° whose slaves and dependants royally
shepherded 7 this realm for many years. I am the third.

But my task was not like the task of those other rulers. For
why? Because SI. Mahmid, when he conquered Hindistan, had
the throne of Khurasan subject to his rule, vassal and obedient to
him were the sultans of Khwarizm and the Marches(Darw’/-marz),
and under his hand was the ruler of Samarkand. Though his
army may not have numbered 2 /aks, what question is there that
it® was one. Then again, rajas were his opponents ; all Hindi-
stan was not under one supreme head (padshah), but each raja
ruled independently in his own country. Sl. Shihabu’d-din again,
—though he himself had no rule in Khurasan, his elder brother
Ghiyasu’d-din had it. The 7abagdat-t-nasiri9 brings it forward

* aitirushib, Pers. trs. chaspida, stuck to.

2 The first expedition is fixed by the preceding passage as in 925 AH. which was
indeed the first time a passage of the Indus is recorded. Three others are found
recorded, those of 926, 930 and 932 AH. Perhaps the fifth was not led by Babur in
person, and may be that of his troops accompanying ‘Alam Khan in 931 AH. But
he may count into the set of five, the one made in 910 AH. which he himself meant
to cross the Indus. Various opinions are found expressed by European writers as to
the dates of the five.

3 Muhammad died 632 ap. (II AH.).

4 Tramontana, n. of Hindi-kush. For particulars about the dynasties mentioned
by Babur see Stanley Lane-Poole’s Muhammadan Dynasties.

’ Mahmid of Ghazni, a Turk by race, d. 1030 AD. (421 AH.).

®° known as Muh. GAazi, d. 1206 AD. (602 AH.).

? stribturlar, lit. drove them like sheep (cf. f. 1544).

° khiid, itself, not Babur’s only Hibernianism.

9 **This is an excellent history of the Musalman world down to the time of Sl. Nasir
of Dihli A.p. 1252, It was written by Aba ‘Umar Minhij al Jiirjani. See Stewart’s
catalogue of Tipoo’s Library, p. 7” (Erskine). It has been translated by Raverty.

Fol. 2696.

Fol. 270.

Fol. 2706.

480 HINDUSTAN

that he once led into Hindistan an army of 120,000 men and
horse in mail.t_ His opponents also were rais and rajas; one
man did not hold all Hindistan.

That time we came to Bhira, we had ‘at most some 1500 to
2000 men. We had made no previous move on Hindistan with
an army equal to that which came the fifth time, when we beat
Sl. Ibrahim and conquered the realm of Hindustan, the total
written down for which, taking one retainer with another, and
with traders and servants, was 12,000. Dependent on me were
the countries of Badakhshan, Qindiiz, Kabul and Qandahar, but
no reckonable profit came from them, rather it was necessary to
reinforce them fully because several lie close toan enemy. Then
again, all Mawara’u’n-nahr was in the power of the Aizbeg khans
and sultans, an ancient foe whose armies counted up to 100,000,
Moreover Hindistan, from Bhira to Bihar, was in the power of
the Afghans and in it Sl. Ibrahim was supreme. In proportion
to his territory his army ought to have been 5 /aks, but at that
time the Eastern amirs were in hostility to him. His army was
estimated at 100,000 and people said his elephants and those of
his amirs were 1000,

Under such conditions, in this strength, and having in my rear
100,000 old enemies such as are the Atizbegs, we put trust in God
and faced the ruler of such a dense army and of domains so wide.
As our trust was in Him, the most high God did not make our
labour and hardships vain, but defeated that powerful foe and
conquered that broad realm. Not as due to strength and effort
of our own do we look upon this good fortune, but as had solely
through God’s pleasure and kindness. We know that this
happiness was not the fruit of our own ambition and resolve, but
that it was purely from His mercy and favour.

DESCRIPTION OF HINDUSTAN.
(a. Hindistan,)
The country of Hindistan is extensive, full of men, and full

of produce. On the east, south, and even on the west, it ends at
its great enclosing ocean (muhit darya-si-gha). On the north

* bargustwan-war ; Erskine, cataphract horse.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 to OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 481

it has mountains which connect: with those of Hindi-kush,
Kafiristan and Kashmir. North-west of it lie Kabul, Ghazni
and Qandahar. Dihli is held (azrimish) to be the capital of the
whole of Hindistan. From the death of Shihabu’d-din Ghiri
(d. 602 AH.—1206 AD.) to the latter part of the reign of S]. Firiz
Shah (Tighliig Turk d. 790 AH.—1388 AD.), the greater part of
Hinditstan must have been under the rule of the sultans of Dihli.

(6. Rulers contemporary with Babur’s conquest.)

At the date of my conquest of Hindistan it was governed by
five Musalman rulers ( pa@dshah)* and two Pagans (kajir). These
were the respected and independent rulers, but there were also,
in the hills and jungles, many rais and rajas, held in little esteem
(kichik karim).

First, there were the Afghans who had possession of Dihli, the
capital, and held the country from Bhira to Bihar. Jinpir, before
their time, had been in possession of Sl. Husain Shargi (Eastern)?
whose dynasty Hindistanis call Pirabi (Eastern). His ancestors
will have been cup-bearers in the presence of Sl]. Firtiz Shah
and those (Tighliiq) sultans; they became supreme in Jinpir
after his death3 At that time Dihli was in the hands of
Sl. ‘Alau’u’d-din (‘Alam Khan) of the Sayyid dynasty to whose
ancestor Timir Beg had given it when, after having captured it,
he went away.* Sl. Buhlil Zadz and his son (Sikandar) got
possession of the capital Jinpir and the capital Dihli, and
brought both under one government (881 AH.—1476 AD.).

Secondly, there was Sl. Muhammad Muzaffer in Gujrat; he
departed from the world a few days before the defeat of
Sl. Ibrahim. He was skilled in the Law, a ruler ( padshah) seeking
after knowledge, and a constant copyist of the Holy Book. His
dynasty people call Tank.5 His ancestors also will have been

* The numerous instances of the word pddshah in this part of the Babur-nama
imply no such distinction as attaches to the title Emperor by which it is frequently
translated (Index s.n. padshah).

2 d. 1500 AD. (905 AH.).

3 d. 1388 Ap. (790 AH.).

4 The ancestor mentioned appears to be Nasrat Shah, a grandson of Firtiz Shah
Tighlig (S. L.-Poole p. 300 and Beale, 298).

5 His family belonged to the Rajpit sept of Tank, and had become Muhammadan
in the person of Sadharan the first ruler of Gujrat (Crooke’s 7ribes and Castes;
Mirat-i-stkandari, Bayley p. 67 and n.).

Fol. 271.

Fol. 2714.

482 HINDUSTAN

wine-servers to SI. Firiiz Shah and those (Tighliq) sultans ; they
became possessed of Gujrat after his death.

Thirdly, there were the Bahmanis of the Dakkan (Deccan, ze.
South), but at the present time no independent authority is left
them ; their great begs have laid hands on the whole country,
and must be asked for whatever is needed.*

Fourthly, there was Sl. Mahmiid in the country of Malwa,
which people call also Mandai.? His dynasty they call Khiltj
(Turk). Rana Sanga had defeated Sl. Mahmid and taken
possession of most of his country. This dynasty also has
become feeble. Sl. Mahmiid’s ancestors also must have been
cherished by Sl. Firiiz Shah; they became possessed of the
Malwa country after his death.3

Fifthly, there was Nasrat Shah4 in the country of Bengal.
His father (Husain Shah), a sayyid styled ‘Alau’u’d-din, had
ruled in Bengal and Nasrat Shah attained to rule by inheritance.
A surprising custom in Bengal is that hereditary succession is
rare. The royal office is permanent and there are permanent
offices of amirs, wazirs and mansab-dars (officials). It is the
office that Bengalis regard with respect. Attached to each
office is a body of obedient, subordinate retainers and servants.
If the royal heart demand that a person should be dismissed
and another be appointed to sit in his place, the whole body of
subordinates attached to that office become the (new) office-
holder’s. There is indeed this peculiarity of the royal office
itself that any person who kills the ruler (fadshah) and seats
himself on the throne, becomes ruler himself; amirs, wazirs,
soldiers and peasants submit to him at once, obey him, and
recognize him for the rightful ruler his predecessor in office had
been.* Bengalis say, “ We are faithful to the throne ; we loyally

* S. L.-Poole p. 316-7.

* Mandaii (Mandi) was the capital of Malwa.

3 Stanley Lane-Poole shews (p. 311) a dynasty of three Ghiris interposed between
the death of Firiiz Shah in 790 Au. and the accession in 839 AH. of the first Khilji
ruler of Gujrat Mahmid Shah.

* He reigned from 1518 to 1532 Ap. (925 to 939 aH. S.L.-P. p. 308) and had to
wife a daughter of Ibrahim Liadi (Riyasw’s-salatin). His dynasty was known as the
Husain-shahi, after his father.

re si Strange as this custom may seem, a similar one prevailed down to a very late
period in Malabar. There was a jubilee every 12 years in the Samorin’s country, and
any-one who succeeded in forcing his way through the Samorin’s guards and slew

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 483

obey whoever occupies it.” As for instance, before the reign of
Nasrat Shah’s father ‘Alau’u’d-din, an Abyssinian (Hadédshi,
named Muzaffar Shah) had killed his sovereign (Mahmid
Shah //yas), mounted the throne and ruled for some time.
‘Alau’u’d-din killed that Abyssinian, seated himself on the throne
and became ruler. When he died, his son (Nasrat) became
ruler by inheritance. Another Bengali custom is to regard it
as a disgraceful fault in a new ruler if he expend and consume
the treasure of his predecessors. On coming to rule he must
gather treasure of his own. To amass treasure Bengalis regard
as a glorious distinction. Another custom in Bengal is that
from ancient times parganas have been assigned to meet the
charges of the treasury, stables, and all royal expenditure and
to defray these charges no impost is laid on other lands.

These five, mentioned above, were the great Musalman rulers,
honoured in Hindistan, many-legioned, and broad-landed. Of
the Pagans the greater both in territory and army, is the Raja
of Bijanagar.*

The second is Rana Sanga who in these latter days had
grown great by his own valour and sword. His original country
was Chitir ; in the downfall from power of the Mandai sultans,
he became possessed of many of their dependencies such as
Rantanbir, Sarangpir, Bhilsan and Chandiri. Chandiri I stormed
in 934 AH. (1528 A.D.)? and, by God’s pleasure, took it in a few
hours; in it was Rana Sanga’s great and trusted man Midni

him, reigned in his stead. ‘A jubilee is proclaimed throughout his dominions at the
end of 12 years, and a tent is pitched for him in a spacious plain, and a great feast
is celebrated for 10 or 12 days with mirth and jollity, guns firing night and day, so,
at the end of the feast, any four of the guests that have a mind to gain a throne by
a desperate action in fighting their way through 30 or 40,000 of his guards, and kill
the Samorin in his tent, he that kills him, succeeds him in his empire.’ See Hamilton’s
New Account of the East Indies vol. i. p. 309. The attempt was made in 1695, and
again a very few years ago, but without success” (Erskine p. 311).

The custom Babur writes of—it is one dealt with at length in Frazer’s Golden
Bough—would appear from Blochmann’s Geography and History of Bengal (JASB
1873 p. 286) to have been practised by the Habshi rulers of Bengal of whom he
quotes Faria y Souza as saying, ‘‘ They observe no rule of inheritance from father to
son, but even slaves sometimes obtain it by killing their master, and whoever holds
it three days, they look upon as established by divine providence. Thus it fell out
that in 40 years space they had 13 kings successively.”

* No doubt this represents Vijayanagar in the Deccan.

? This date places the composition of the Description of Hindustan in agreement
with Shaikh Zain’s statement that it was in writing in 935 AH.

Fol. 272.

Fol. 2726.

484 HINDUSTAN

Rao ; we made general massacre of the Pagans in it and, as will
be narrated, converted what for many years had been a mansion
of hostility, into a mansion of Islam. .

There are very many rais and rajas on all sides and quarters
of Hindiistan, some obedient to Islam, some, because of their
remoteness or because their places are fastnesses, not subject to
Musalman rule.
(c. Of Hindistan.)

Hindistan is of the first climate, the second climate, and
the third climate; of the fourth climate it has none. It is
a wonderful country. Compared with our countries it is a
different world; its mountains, rivers, jungles and deserts, its
towns, its cultivated lands, its animals and plants, its peoples”
and their tongues, its rains, and its winds, are all different. In
some respects the hot-country (garm-si/) that depends on Kabul,
is like Hindistan, but in others, it is different. Once the water
of Sind is crossed, everything is in the Hindistan way (¢arzq)
land, water, tree, rock, people and horde, opinion and custom.

.

(ad. Of the northern mountains.)

After crossing the Sind-river (eastwards), there are countries,
in the northern mountains mentioned above, appertaining to
Kashmir and once included in it, although most of them, as for
example, Pakli and Shahmang (?), do not now obey it. Beyond
Kashmir there are countless peoples and hordes, parganas and
cultivated lands, in the mountains. As far as Bengal, as far
indeed as the shore of the great ocean, the peoples are without
break. About this procession of men no-one has been able
to give authentic information in reply to our enquiries and
investigations. So far people have been saying that they call
these hill-men Xas.t It has struck me that as a Hindustani
pronounces shin as sin (z.e. sh as s), and as Kashmir is the one
respectable town in these mountains, no other indeed being
heard of, Hindtistanis might pronounce it Kasmir. These

* Are they the Khas of Nepal and Sikkim ? (G. of I.).

* Here Erskine notes that the Persian (trs.) adds, ‘‘ mir signifying a hill, and fas

being the name of the natives of the hill-country.” This may not support the name
kas as correct but may be merely an explanation of Babur’s meaning. It is not in

1.0. 217 f. 189 or in Muh. Shirazz’s lithographed Wag? ‘at-i-baburt p. 190. .

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 485

people trade in musk-bags, 6:ri-giitds,. saffron, lead and
copper.

Hindis call these mountains Sawalak-parbat. In the Hindi
tongue sawai-lak means one lak and a quarter, that is, 125,000,
and parbat means a hill, which makes 125,000 hills.2, The snow
on these mountains never lessens; it is seen white from many
districts of Hind, as, for example, Lahor, Sihrind and Sambal.
The range, which in Kabul is known as Hindi-kush, comes from
Kabul eastwards into Hindistan, with slight inclination to the
south. The Hindistanat 3 are to the south of it. Tibet lies to
the north of it and of that unknown horde called Kas.

(e. Of rivers.)

Many rivers rise in these mountains and flow through Hindi-
stan. Six rise north of Sihrind, namely Sind, Bahat (Jilam),
Chan-ab [szc], Rawi, Biah, and Sutluj+; all meet near Multan,
flow westwards under the name of Sind, pass through the Tatta
country and fall into the ‘Uman(-sea).

Besides these six there are others, such as Jiin (Jumna), Gang
(Ganges), Rahap (Rapti?), Gimti, Gagar (Ghaggar), Sirti, Gandak,
and many more; all unite with the Gang-darya, flow east under
its name, pass through the Bengal country, and are poured into
the great ocean. They all rise in the Sawalak-parbat.

Many rivers rise in the Hindistan hills, as, for instance,
Chambal, Banas, Bitwi, and Sin (Son). There is no snow what-
ever on these mountains. Their waters also join the Gang-darya.

(f. Of the Aravalli.)

Another Hindistan range runs north and south. It begins in
the Dihli country at a small rocky hill on which is Firiiz Shah’s
residence, called Jahan-nama,5 and, going on from there, appears
near Dihli in detached, very low, scattered here and there, rocky

* Either yak or the tassels of the yak. See Appendix M.

2 My husband tells me that Babur’s authority for this interpretation of Saw4dlak
may be the Zafar-nama (Bib. Ind. ed. ii, 149).

3 z.e. the countries of Hindistan.

4 so pointed, carefully, in the Hai. MS. Mr. Erskine notes of these rivers that
they are the Indus, Hydaspes, Ascesines, Hydraotes, Hesudrus and Hyphasis.

5 Ayin-t-akbari, Jarrett 279.

«

Fol. 273.

7
'

Fol. 2730. little hills Beyond Miwéat, it enters the Biana country. The
hills of Sikri, Bari and Dilpir are also part of this same including
(ta¢a)range. The hills of Gialiar—they write it Galtir—although
they do not connect with it, are off-sets of this range ; so are the
hills of Rantanbir, Chitiir, Chandiri, and Mandat. They are cut
off from it in some places by 7 to 8 kurohs (14 to 16m.). These
hills are very low, rough, rocky and jungly. No snow whatever
falls on them. They are the makers, in Hindistan, of several
rivers.

486 HINDUSTAN

(g. Lrrigation.)

The greater part of the Hindistan country is situated on level
land. Many though its towns and cultivated lands are, it nowhere
has running waters.? Rivers and, in some places, standing-waters
are its “running-waters” (@gar-silar). Even where, as for some
towns, it is practicable to convey water by digging channels (@77q),
this is not done. For not doing it there may be several reasons,
one being that water is not at all a necessity in cultivating crops
and orchards. Autumn crops grow by the downpour of the rains
themselves ; and strange it is that spring crops grow even when
no rain falls. To young trees water is made to flow by means of
buckets or a wheel. They are given water constantly during two
or three years ; after which they need no more. Some vegetables
are watered constantly.

In Lahor, Dibalpir and those parts, people water by means
ofa wheel. They make two circles of ropes long enough to
suit the depth of the well, fix strips of wood between them, and
on these fasten pitchers. The ropes with the wood and attached

Fol. 274. pitchers are put over the well-wheel. At one end of the wheel-
axle a second wheel is fixed, and close (gash) to it another on
an upright axle. This last wheel the bullock turns; its teeth
catch in the teeth of the second, and thus the wheel with the
pitchers is turned. A trough is set where the water empties from
the pitchers and from this the water is conveyed everywhere.

* parcha parcha, kichikrak kichikrak, anda minda, tashlig tagghina. The
Gazetteer of India (1907 i, I) puts into scientific words, what Babur here describes,
the ruin of a great former range.

* Here agar-siilar might safely be replaced by ‘‘irrigation channels” (Index s..).

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 487

In Agra, Chandwar, Biana and those parts, again, people
water with a bucket ; this is a laborious and filthy way. At the
well-edge they set up a fork of wood, having a roller adjusted
between the forks, tie a rope to a large bucket, put the rope
over the roller, and tie its other end to the bullock. One person
must drive the bullock, another empty the bucket. Every time
the bullock turns after having drawn the bucket out of the well,
that rope lies on the bullock-track, in pollution of urine and
dung, before it descends again into the well. To some crops
needing water, men and women carry it by repeated efforts in
pitchers."

(h. Other particulars about Hindistan.)

The towns and country of Hindistan are greatly wanting in
charm. Its towns and lands are all of one sort; there are no
walls to the orchards (daghat), and most places are on the dead
level plain. Under the monsoon-rains the banks of some of its
rivers and torrents are worn into deep channels, difficult and
troublesome to pass through anywhere. In many parts of the
plains thorny jungle grows, behind the good defence of which

the people of the fargana become stubbornly rebellious and pay

no taxes,

Except for the rivers and here and there standing-waters,
there is little “running-water”. So much so is this that towns
_ and countries subsist on the water of wells or on such as collects
in tanks during the rains.

In Hindistan hamlets and villages, towns indeed; are
depopulated and set up in a moment! If the people of a large
town, one inhabited for years even, flee from it, they do it in
such a way that not a sign or trace of them remains in a day or
a day and a half.?_ On the other hand, if they fix their eyes on

* The verb here is ¢a@shmdgq ; it also expresses to carry like ants (f. 220), presumably
from each person’s carrying a pitcher or a stone at a time, and repeatedly.

2 “*This” notes Erskine (p. 315) ‘‘is the wzlsa or walsa, so well described by
Colonel Wilks in his Historical Sketches vol. i. p. 309, note ‘On the approach of
an hostile army, the unfortunate inhabitants of India bury under ground their most
cumbrous effects, and each individual, man, woman, and child above six years of age
(the infant children being carried by their mothers), with a load of grain proportioned
to their strength, issue from their beloved homes, and take the direction of a country
(if such can be found,) exempt from the miseries of war; sometimes of a strong
fortress, but more generally of the most unfrequented hills and woods, where they
prolong a miserable existence until the departure of the enemy, and if this should be

Fol. 2744.

Fol. 275.

488 HINDUSTAN

a place in which to settle, they need not dig water-courses or
construct dams because their crops are all rain-grown,” and as
the population of Hindistan is unlimited, it swarms in. They
make a tank or dig a well; they need not build houses or set
up walls—has-grass (Andropogon muricatum) abounds, wood
is unlimited, huts are made, and straightway there is a village
or a town!

(2. Fauna of Hindustan :—Mammals.)

The elephant, which Hindiistanis call Za¢(Z)z, is one of the
wild animals peculiar to Hindistan. It inhabits the (western ?)
borders of the Kalpi country, and becomes more numerous in
its wild state the further east one goes (in Kalpi?). From this
tract it is that captured elephants are brought; in Karrah and
Manikpir elephant-catching is the work of 30 or 40 villages.”
People answer ( jawab birarlar) for them direct to the exchequer.3
The elephant is an immense animal and very sagacious. If
people speak to it, it understands; if they command anything
from it, it does it. Its value is according to its size ; it is sold
by measure (gari/ab) ; the larger it is, the higher its price. People

protracted beyond the time for which they have provided food, a large portion
necessarily dies of hunger.’ See the note itself. The Historical Sketches should be
read by every-one who desires to have an accurate idea of the South of India. It is
to be regretted that we do not possess the history of any other part of India, written
with the same knowledge or research.”

** The word wu/sa or walsa is Dravidian. Telugu has va/asa, ‘ emigration, flight,
or removing from home for fear of a hostile army.’ Kanarese has valasé, dlasé, and
dlisé, ‘ flight, a removing from home for fear of a hostile army.’ Tamil has va/asez,
‘flying for fear, removing hastily.’ The word is an interesting one. I feel pretty
sure it is not Aryan, but Dravidian; and yet it stands alone in Dravidian, with
nothing that I can find in the way of a root or affinities to explain its etymology.
Possibly it may be a borrowed word in Dravidian. Malayalam has no corresponding
word. Can it have been borrowed from Kolarian or other primitive Indian speech ?”
(Letter to H. Beveridge from Mr. F. E. Pargiter, 8th August, 1914.)

Wuilsa seems to be a derivative from Sanscrit #/vash, and to answer to Persian
wairani and Turki baszighlighi.

* falmi, which in Afghani (Pushti) signifies grown without irrigation.

3 ““ The improvement of Hindiistan since Babur’s time must be prodigious. The
wild elephant is now confined to the forests under Hemila, and to the Ghats of
Malabar. A wild elephant near Karrah, Manikpir, or Kalpi, is a thing, at the
present day (1826 Ap.), totally unknown. May not their familiar existence in these
countries down to Babur’s days, be considered rather hostile to the accounts given of
the superabundant population of Hindistan in remote times?” (Erskine).

3 diwan. 1.0. 217 f. 1906, dar diwan fil jawab mignind; Mems. p. 316. They
account to the government for the elephants they take ; Méms. ii, 188, Les habitants
payent impét avec le produit de leur chasse. Though de Courteille’s reading probably
states the fact, Erskine’s includes de C.’s and more, inasmuch as it covers all captures
and these might reach to a surplusage over the imposts.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 489

rumour that it is heard of in some islands as 10 garvz* high, but
in this tract it? is not seen above 4 or 5. It eats and drinks
entirely with its trunk; if it lose the trunk, it cannot live. It
has two great teeth (tusks) in its upper jaw, one on each side of
its trunk; by setting these against walls and trees, it brings
them down ; with these it fights and does whatever hard tasks
fall to it. People call these ivory (‘a@7, var. ghaj) ; they are highly
valued by Hindistanis. The’elephant has no hair. Itis much
relied on by Hindistanis, accompanying every troop of their
armies. It has some useful qualities :—it crosses great rivers
with ease, carrying a mass of baggage, and three or four have
gone dragging without trouble the cart of the mortar (gazam) it
takes four or five hundred men to haul.4 But its stomach is
large ; one elephant eats the corn (daghiz) of two strings (gitar)
of camels.5

The rhinoceros is another. This also is a large animal, equal
in bulk to perhaps three buffaloes. The opinion current in those
countries (Tramontana) that it can lift an elephant on its horn,
seems mistaken. It has a single horn on its nose, more than
nine inches (garish) long ; one of two garish is not seen.© Out
of one large horn were made a drinking-vessel7 and a dice-box,
leaving over [the thickness of] 3 or 4 hands. The rhinoceros’

* Pers. trs. gaz=24 inches. J/ est bom de rappeler que le mot turk gari, que la
version persane rend par gaz, désigne proprement lespace compris entre le haut de
Pépaule jusqu au bout des doigts (de Courteille, ii, 189 note). The gaz like one of
its equivalents, the ell (Zenker), is a variable measure ; it seems to approach more
nearly to a yard than to a gaz of 24 inches. See Memoirs of Jahangir (R. & B.

pp. 18, 141 and notes) for the heights of elephants, and for discussion of some
measures.

2 khid, itself.

3 z.e. pelt ; as Erskine notes, its skin is scattered with small hairs. Details such
as this one stir the question, for whom was Babur writing? Not for Hindistan where
what he writes is patent ; hardly for Kabul; perhaps for Transoxania.

4 Shaikh Zain’s wording shows this reference to be to a special piece of artillery,
perhaps that of f. 302.

5 A string of camels contains from five to seven, or, in poetry, even more
(Vullers, ii, 728, sermone poetico series decem camelorum). The item of food
compared is corn only (é%#gfu#z) and takes no account therefore of the elephant’s
green food.

© The Ency. Br. states that the horn seldom exceeds a foot in length ; there is one
in the B.M. measuring 18 inches.

? ab-khwura kishti, water-drinker’s boat, in which name &7shtit may be used with
reference to shape as boat is in sawce-boat. Erskine notes that rhinoceros-horn is
supposed to sweat on approach of poison.

8% ailik, Pers. trs. angusht, finger, each seemingly representing about one inch,
a hand’s thickness, a finger’s breadth.

Fol. 2756.

Fol. 276.

490 HINDUSTAN

hide is very thick ; an arrow shot from a stiff bow, drawn with
full strength right up to the arm-pit, if it pierce at all, might
penetrate 4 inches (aé/zk, hands). From the sides (gash) of its
fore and hind legs," folds hang which from a distance look like
housings thrown over it. It resembles the horse more than it
does any other animal.?_ As the horse has a small stomach
(appetite ?), so has the rhinoceros ; as in the horse a piece of
bone (pastern?) grows in place of small bones (T. ashig, Fr.
osselets (Zenker), knuckles), so one grows in the rhinoceros ; as
in the horse’s hand (a#/zk, Pers. dast) there is kimuk (or gimik,
a Zzbta, or marrow), so there is in the rhinoceros.3 It is more
ferocious than the elephant and cannot be made obedient and
submissive. There are masses of it in the Parashawar and
Hashnagar jungles, so too between the Sind-river and the jungles
of the Bhira country. Masses there are also on the banks of
the Sarii-river in Hindistan. Some were killed in the Parashawar
and Hashnagar jungles in our moves on Hindistan. It strikes
powerfully with its horn; men and horses enough have been
horned in those hunts. In one of them the horse of a chuhra
(brave) named Magsiid was tossed a spear’s-length, for which
reason the man was nick-named the rhino’s aim (smagsid-c-karg).

The wild-buffalo5 is another. It is much larger than the
(domestic) buffalo and its horns do not turn back in the same
way.° It is a mightily destructive and ferocious animal.

The xtla-gai (blue-bull)7 is another. It may stand as high
as a horse but is somewhat lighter in build. The male is bluish-
gray, hence, seemingly, people call it #tla-gau. It has two
rather small horns. On its throat is a tuft of hair, nine inches
long ; (in this) it resembles the yak.2 Its hoof is cleft (azz)

* lit. hand (g#/) and leg (4a7).

* The anatomical details by which Babur supports this statement are difficult to
translate, but his grouping of the two animals is in agreement with the modern
classification of them as two of the three Ungulata vera, the third being the tapir
(Fauna of British India :—Mammals, Blanford 467 and, illustration, 468).

5 De Courteille (ii, 190) reads Ai#mak, osseuse ; Erskine reads gumuk, marrow.

4 Index s.2. rhinoceros.

5 Bos bubalus.

6 " so as to grow into the flesh” (Erskine, p. 317).

7 stc in text. It may be noted that the name w/-gaz, common in general European
writings, is that of the cow ; »i/-gaz, that of the bull (Blanford).

8 b:h: rt qitas ; see Appendix M.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 491

like the hoof of cattle. The doe is of the colour of the dighi-
maral*; she, for her part, has no horns and is plumper than
the male.

The hog-deer (fotah-paicha) is another.2— It may be of the
size of the white deer (@g &zyzk). It has short legs, hence its
name, little-legged. Its horns are like a d%ghi’s but smaller ;
like the dughu# it casts them every year. Being rather a poor
runner, it does not leave the jungle.

Another is a deer (£zyzk) after the fashion of the male deer
(airkaki hina) of the jzran.3 Its back is black, its belly white, its
horns longer than the 4a#za’s, but more crooked. A Hindistani
calls it kalahara,t a word which may have been originally kala
-haran, black-buck, and which has been softened in pronunciation
to kalahara. The doe is light-coloured. By means of this
kalahara people catch deer ; they fasten a noose (alga) on its
horns, hang a stone as large as a ball5 on one of its feet, so as
to keep it from getting far away after it has brought about the
capture of a deer, and set it opposite wild deer when these
are seen. As these (Aa/ahara) deer are singularly combative,
advance to fight is made at once. The two deer strike with
their horns and push one another backwards and forwards,
during which the wild one’s horns become entangled in the net
that is fast to the tame one’s. If the wild one would run away,
the tame one does not go; it is impeded also by the stone on
its foot. People take many deer in this way ; after capture they
tame them and use them in their turn to take others ;° they
also set them to fight at home; the deer fight very well.

There is a smaller deer (£zyzk) on the Hindistan hill-skirts,
as large may-be as the one year’s lamb of the argarghalcha
(Ovzs polt).

* The doe is brown (Blanford, p. 518). The word d#ghz (stag) is used alone
just below and seems likely to represent the bull of the Asiatic wapiti (f. 4 n. on
bighu-maral. )

2 Axis porcinus (Jerdon, Cervus porcinus).

3 Saigatartarica (Shaw). Turki 4éna is used, like English deer, for male, female,
and both. Here it seems defined by air#a@ki to mean stag or buck.

4 Antelope cervicapra, black-buck, so called from the dark hue of its back (Yule’s
H.J. s.2. Black-buck).

5 tuiyuq, underlined in the Elph. MS. by ura, cannon-ball; Erskine, foot-ball,
de Courteille, Azerre plus grosse que la cheville (tuyag). __

® This mode of catching antelopes is described in the Ayin-z-akbari, and is noted
by Erskine as common in his day.

Fol. 2768.

Fol. 277.

492 HINDUSTAN

The gini-cow * is another, a very small one, perhaps as large
as the gichgar (ram) of those countries (Tramontana). Its flesh
is very tender and savoury.

The monkey (mazmin) is another—a Hindistani calls it
bandar. Of this too there are many kinds, one being what people
take to those countries. The jugglers (4#/z) teach them tricks.
This kind is in the mountains of Nuir-dara, in the skirt-hills of
Safid-koh neighbouring on Khaibar, and from there downwards
all through Hindistan. It is not found higher up. Its hair is
yellow, its face white, its tail not very long.—Another kind, not
found in Bajaur, Sawad and those parts, is much larger than the
one taken to those countries (Tramontana). Its tail is very
long, its hair whitish, its face quite black. It is in the mountains
and jungles of Hindistan.2—Yet another kind is distinguished
(dula dur), quite black in hair, face and limbs.3

The xawal (nul) + is another. It may be somewhat smaller
than the #zshk. Itclimbs trees. Some call it the mish-t-khirma
(palm-rat). It is thought lucky.

A mouse (T. sichgan) people call galahri (squirrel) is another.
It is just always in trees, running up and down with amazing
alertness and speed.5

* H. gaind. It is 3 feet high (Yule’s H.J. 5.2. Gynee). Cf. A. A. Blochmann,
p. 149. The ram with which it is compared may be that of Ovés ammon (Vigné’s
Kashmir etc. ii, 278).

. on ai Pers. trs. adds :—They call this kind of monkey /angér (baboon, I.O.
217 f. 192).

3 Here the Pers, trs. adds what Erskine mistakenly attributes to Babur :—People
bring it from several islands.—They bring yet another kind from several islands,
yellowish-grey in colour like a pastin tin (leather coat of ?; Erskine, skin of the
fig, ¢im). Its head is broader and its body much larger than those of other monkeys.
It is very fierce and destructive. It is singular god penis ejus semper sit erectus, et
nunquam non ad coitum idoneus [Erskine].

* This name is explained on the margin of the Elph. MS. as ‘‘ a@si#, which is the
weasel of Tartary” (Erskine). Rdas# is an Indian name for the squirrel Scéurus
indicus. The kish, with which Babur’s / is compared, is explained by de C. as
belette, weasel, and by Steingass as a fur-bearing animal; the fur-bearing weasel is
(Mustelidae) putorius ermina, the ermine-weasel (Blanford, p. 165), which thus
seems to be Babur’s Aish. The alternative name Babur gives for his nal, z.e. miish-
i-khurma, is, in India, that of Sc’urus palmarum, the palm-squirrel (G. of I. i, 227) ;
this then, it seems that Babur’s m#/is. (Erskine took #a/ here to be the mongoose
(Herpestes miingus) (p. 318); and Blanford, perhaps partly on Erskine’s warrant,
gives mitsh-t-khirma as a name of the lesser mungus of Bengal. I gather that the
name #awal is not exclusively confined even now to the mungis.)

: 5 e ah be a tree-mouse and not a squirrel, it may be Vandeleuria oleracea (G. of
x >

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 493

(y. Fauna of Hindustan :—Birds.)*

The peacock (Ar. ¢dzis) isone. It is a beautifully coloured and
splendid animal. Its form (axda@m) is not equal to its colouring
and beauty. Its body may be as large as the crane’s (¢#rna)
but it is not so tall. On the head of both cock and hen are 20
to 30 feathers rising some 2 or 3 inches high. The hen has
neither colour nor beauty. The head of the cock has an
iridescent collar (¢aug sisani); its neck is of a beautiful blue ;
below the neck, its back is painted in yellow, parrot-green, blue
and violet colours. The flowers? on its back are much the
smaller ; below the back as far as the tail-tips are [larger] flowers
painted in the same colours. The tail of some peacocks grows
to the length of a man’s extended arms.3 It has a small tail
under its flowered feathers, like the tail of other birds; this
ordinary tail and its primaries+ are red. It is in Bajaur and
Sawad and below them ; it is not in Kunur [Kiinir] and the
Lamghanat or any place above them. Its flight is feebler than
the pheasant’s (girghawal) ; it cannot do more than make one
or two short flights.5 On account of its feeble flight, it frequents
the hills or jungles, which is curious, since jackals abound in the
jungles it frequents. What damage might these jackals not do
to birds that trail from jungle to jungle, tails as long as a man’s
stretch (gu#/ach)! Hindistanis call the peacock mor. Its flesh
is lawful food, according to the doctrine of Imam Abi Hanifa ;
it is like that of the partridge and not unsavoury, but is eaten
with instinctive aversion, in the way camel-flesh is.

The parrot (H. ¢#¢z) is another. This also is in Bajaur
and countries lower down. It comes into Ningnahar and the

* The notes to this section are restricted to what serves to identify the birds Babur
mentions, though temptation is great to add something to this from the mass of
interesting circumstance scattered in the many writings of observers and lovers of
birds. I have thought it useful to indicate to what language a bird’s name belongs.

? Persian, gu/; English, eyes.

3 gulach (Zenker, p. 720); Pers. trs. (217 f. 1926) yak gad-i-adm ; de Courteille,
brasse (fathom). These three are expressions of the measure from finger-tip to
finger-tip of a man’s extended arms, which should be his height, a fathom (6 feet).

* ganat, of which here “‘ primaries” appears to be the correct rendering, since
Jerdon says (ii, 506) of the bird that its ‘‘ wings are striated black and white,
primaries and tail deep chestnut ”.

> The girghawal, which is of the pheasant species, when pursued, will take several
flights immediately after each other, though none long ; peacocks, it seems, soon get
tired and take to running (Erskine).

34

Fol. 2776.

Fol. 278.

Fol. 2786.

494 HINDUSTAN

Lamghanat in the heats when mulberries ripen ; it is not there
at other times. It is of many, many kinds. One sort is that
which people carry into those (Tramontane) countries. They
make it speak words.—Another sort is smaller ; this also they
make speak words. They call it the jungle-parrot. It is
numerous in Bajaur, Sawad and that neighbourhood, so much
so that 5 or 6000 fly in one flock (4/az/). Between it and the
one first-named the difference is in bulk ; in colouring they are
just one and the same.—Another sort is still smaller than the
jungle-parrot. Its head is quite red, the top of its wings (ze. the
primaries) is red also ; the tip of its tail for two hands’-thickness
is lustrous. The head of some parrots of this kind is iridescent
(sésanz). It does not become a talker. People call it the
Kashmir parrot—Another sort is rather smaller than the jungle-
parrot ; its beak is black ; round its neck is a wide black collar ;
its primaries are red. It is an excellent learner of words.—We
used to think that whatever a parrot or a sharak (mina) might say
of words people had taught it, it could not speak of any matter
out of its own head. At this juncture? one of my immediate
servants Abii’l-qasim /a/air, reported a singular thing to me.
A parrot of this sort whose cage must have been covered up,
said, “ Uncover my face; I am stifling.” And another time
when palki bearers sat down to take breath, this parrot,
presumably on hearing wayfarers pass by, said, “ Men are going
past, are you not going on?” Let credit rest with the narrator,3
but never-the-less, so long as a person has not heard with his
own ears, he may not believe !—Another kind is of a beautiful
full red ; it has other colours also, but, as nothing is distinctly
remembered about them, no description is made. It is a very
beautiful bird, both in colour and form. People are understood
to make this also speak words.+ Its defect is a most unpleasant,
sharp voice, like the drawing of broken china on a copper plate.s

Ar. darrag, as on f, 2786 last line where the Elph. MS. has éarrag, marked
with the /ashaid.

* This was, presumably, just when Babur was writing the passage.

3 This sentence is in Arabic.

+ A Persian note, partially expunged from the text of the Elph. MS. is to the
— that 4 or 5 other kinds of parrot are heard of which the revered author did
not see.

> Erskine suggests that this may be the /oory (Loriculus vernalis, Indian loriquet).

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 ‘ro OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 495

The (P.) skarak* is another. It is numerous in the Lamghanat
and abounds lower down, all over Hindistan. Like the parrot,
it is of many kinds.—The kind that is numerous in the Lam-
ghanat has a black head ; its primaries (g@za?¢) are spotted, its
body rather larger and thicker? than that of the (T.) chighir-
chig. People teach it to speak words.—Another kind they
call p:ndawali+ ; they bring it from Bengal ; it is black all
over and of much greater bulk than the sharak (here, house-
mina). Its bill and foot are yellow and on each ear are
yellow wattles which hang down and have a bad appearance.5
It learns to speak well and clearly—Another kind of sharak
is slenderer than the last and is red round the eyes. It
does not learn to speak. People call it the wood-sharak.®
Again, at the time when (934 AH.) I had made a bridge over
Gang (Ganges), crossed it, and put my adversaries to flight,
a kind of sha@rak was seen, in the neighbourhood of Laknau
and Aid (Oude), for the first time, which had a white breast,
piebald head, and black back. This kind does not learn to

speak.7

t The birds Babur classes under the name shdrak seem to include what Oates and
Blanford (whom I follow as they give the results of earlier workers) class under
Sturnus, Eulabes and Calornis, starling, grackle and mina, and tree-stare (Hauna
of British India, Oates, vols. i and ii, Blanford, vols. iii and iv).

2 Turki, gada; Ilminsky, p. 361, sang (¢und?).

3 E. D. Ross’s Polyglot List of Birds, p. 314, Chighir-chig, Northern swallow ;
Elph. MS. f. 2304 interlined 72/ (Steingass lark). The description of the bird allows
it to be Sturnus humiz, the Himalayan starling (Oates, i, 520).

4 Elph. and Hai. MSS. (Sans. and Bengali) p:ndi#z ; two good MSS. of the
Pers. trs. (1.0. 217 and 218) p:ndawali; Ilminsky (p. 361) mina; Erskine
(Mems. p. 319) pindaweli, but without his customary translation of an Indian name.
The three forms shewn above can all mean ‘‘ having protuberance or lump” (znd)
and refer to the bird’s wattle. But the word of the presumably well-informed
scribes of I.O. 217 and 218 can refer to the bird’s sagacity in speech and be panda-
wali, possessed of wisdom. With the same spelling, the word can translate into
the epithet veligiosa, given to the wattled mina by Linnezus. This epithet
Mr. Leonard Wray informs me has been explained to him as due to the frequenting
of temples by the birds; and that in Malaya they are found living in cotes near
Chinese temples.—An alternative name (one also connecting with re/zgiosa) allowed
by the form of the word is dimda-wali. HH. binda is a mark on the forehead, made
as a preparative to devotion by Hindiis, or in Sans. and Bengali, is the spot of paint
made on an elephant’s trunk; the meaning would thus be ‘“‘having a mark”.
Cf. Jerdon and Oates s.2. Eulabes religiosa.

5 Eulabes intermedia, the Indian grackle or hill-mina. Here the Pers. trs. adds
that people call it mina. .

. Sakae chalybecus, the glossy starling or tree-stare, which never descends to the
ground.

7 Sturnopastor contra, the pied mina.

Fol. 279.

496 HINDUSTAN

The Zija* is another, This bird they call (Ar.) b%-galamin
(chameleon) because, between head and tail, it has five or six
changing colours, resplendent (darrag) like a pigeon’s throat.
It is about as large as the kabg-¢-dari? and seems to be the
kabg-t-dari of Hindistan. As the kabg-z-dari moves (yurir)
on the heads (£u/ah) of mountains, so does this. It is in the
Nijr-ai mountains of the countries of Kabul, and in the
mountains lower down but it is not found higher up. People
tell this wonderful thing about it:—When the birds, at the
onset of winter, descend to the hill-skirts, if they come over
a vineyard, they can fly no further and are taken. God knows
the truth! The flesh of this bird is very savoury.

The partridge (durra7)3 is another. This is not peculiar to
Hindustan but is also in the Garm-sir countries+; as however
some kinds are only in Hindistan, particulars of them are given
here. The durraj (Francolinus vulgaris) may be of the same
bulk as the £zk/zk 5 ; the cock’s back is the colour of the hen-
pheasant (girghawal-ning mdda-si); its throat and breast are
black, with quite white spots.© A red line comes down on both
sides of both eyes.?7_ It is named from its cry ® which is some-
thing like Shzr daram shakrak2 It pronounces shzr short ;
daram shakrak it says distinctly. Astarabad partridges are said
to cry Bat mini tutilar (Quick! they have caught me). The
partridge of Arabia and those parts is understood to cry, Bz’

* Part of the following passage about the /i#ja (var. lakha, licha) is verbatim with
part of that on f. 135; both were written about 934-5 AH. as is shewn by Shaikh
Zain (Index s.#.) and by inference from references in the text (Index s.z. B.N. date
of composition). See Appendix N.

* Lit. mountain-partridge. There is ground for understanding that one of the
birds known in the region as monals is meant. See Appendix N.

3 Sans. chakora; Ar. durraj; P. kabg; T. hikith.

‘ Here, probably, southern Afghanistan.

5 Caccabis chukiir (Scully, Shaw’s Vocabulary) or C. pallescens (Hume, quoted
under No, 126 E. D. Ross’ Polyglot List). °

* “In some parts of the country (¢.e. India before 1841 AD.), tippets used to be
made of the beautiful black, white-spotted feathers of the lower plumage (of the
durraj), and were in much request, but they are rarely procurable now” (Bengal
Sporting Magazine for 1841, quoted by Jerdon, ii, 561).

’? A broad collar of red passes round the whole neck (Jerdon, ii, 558).

8 Ar. durraj means one who repeats what he hears, a tell-tale.

° Various translations have been made of this passage, ‘‘ I have milk and sugar ”
(Erskine), ““/’az du lait, un peu de sucre” (de Courteille), but with short sh:v7, it

might be read in more than one way ignoring milk and sugar. See Jerdon, ii, 558
and Hobson Jobson s.. Black-partridge. . rs J » My 55

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 497

shakar tadawm al ni‘am (with sugar pleasure endures)! The
hen-bird has the colour of the young pheasant. These birds
are found below Nijr-ati.i—Another kind is called kamjal. Its
bulk may be that of the one already described. Its voice is
very like that of the £zk/zk but much shriller. There is little
difference in colour between the cock and hen. It is found in
Parashawar, Hashnagar and countries lower down, but not
higher up.

The p(h)al-patkar* is another. Its size may be that of the
kabg-i-dari ; its shape is that of the house-cock, its colour that
of the hen. From forehead (¢#ma@gh) to throat it is of a beautiful
colour, quite red. It is in the Hindistan mountains.

The wild-fowl (sekrai-taigh)? is another. It flies like a
pheasant, and is not of all colours as house-fowl are. It is in
the mountains of Bajaur and lower down, but not higher up.

The ché/sz (or jt/st)3 is another. In bulk it equals the p(h)a/-
patkar but the latter has the finer colouring. It is in the
mountains of Bajaur.

The skam*is another. It is about as large as a house-fow] ;
its colour is unique (ghazr mukarrar).5 It also is in the mountains
of Bajaur.

The quail (P.d%dana)is another. It is not peculiar to Hindistan
but four or five kinds are so.—One is that which goes to our
countries (Tramontana), larger and more spreading than the
(Hindistan) quail.°—Another kind 7 is smaller than the one first
named. Its primaries and tail are reddish. It flies in flocks
like the chir (Phastanus Wallichi?)—Another kind is smaller
than that which goes to our countries and is darker on throat

* Flower-faced, 7rafogon melanocephaia, the horned (simg) -monal. It is described
by Jahangir (AZemozrs, R. and B., ii, 220) under the names [H. and P.] phii/-paikar
and Kashmiri, sov/i.

? Gallus sonneratit, the grey jungle-fowl.

3 Perhaps Bambusicola fytchiz, the western bambu-partridge. For chi/ see E. D.
Ross, é.c. No. 127.

4 Jahangir (/.c.) describes, under the Kashmiri name /#/, what may be this bird.
It seems to be Gallus ferrugineus, the red jungle-fowl (Blanford, iv, 75).

5 Jahangir helps to identify the bird by mentioning its elongated tail-feathers,—
seasonal only.

° The migrant quail will be Coturnix communis, the grey quail, 8 inches long ;
ea it is compared with seems likely to be the bush-quail, which is non-migrant and

orter.

7 Perhaps Perdicula argunda, the rock bush-quail, which flies in small coveys.

Fol. 2796.

Fol. 280.

498 HINDUSTAN

and breast.'—Another kind goes in small numbers to Kabul ;
it is very small, perhaps a little larger than the yellow wag-tail
(garcha)?; they call it gérati in Kabul.

The Indian bustard (P. k/archal)3 is another. It is about as
large as the(T.)¢aghdagq (Otzs tarda, the great bustard), and seems
to be the ¢aghdag of Hindistan.4 Its flesh is delicious ; of some
birds the leg is good, of others, the wing ; of the bustard all the
meat is delicious and excellent.

The florican (P. charz)5 is another. It is rather less than the
tighdiri (houbara)®; the cock’s back is like the zaghdiri’s, and
its breast is black. The hen is of one colour.

The Hindistan sand-grouse (T. d@ghri-gara)7 is another. It is
smaller and slenderer than the daghri-gara |Pterocles arenarius]
of those countries (Tramontana). Also its cry is sharper.

Of the birds that frequent water and the banks of rivers, one
is the ding,® an animal of great bulk, each wing measuring
a gulach (fathom). It has no plumage (¢#gz) on head or neck ;
a thing like a bag hangs from its neck; its back is black ; its
breast is white. It goes sometimes to Kabul ; one year people
brought one they had caught. It became very tame; if meat

* Perhaps Coturnix coromandelica, the black-breasted or rain quail, 7 inches long.

* Perhaps Motactlla citreola, a yellow wag-tail which summers in Central Asia
(Oates, ii, 298). Ifso, its Kabul name may refer to its flashing colour. Cf. E. D.
Ross, 4.c. No. 301; de Courteille’s Dzcttonary which gives garcha, wag-tail, and
Zenker’s which fixes the colour. ;

3 Eupodotis edwardsit ; Turki, tighdar or tighdiri.

* Erskine noting (Mems. p. 321), that the bustard is common in the Dakkan where
it is bigger than a turkey, says it is called #ghdar and suggests that this is a corruption
of taghdag. The uses of both words are shewn by Babur, here, and in the next
following, account of the chars. Cf. G. of I. i, 260 and E. D. Ross Ac. Nos. 36, 40.

5 Sypheotis bengalensis and S. aurtta, which are both smaller than Of¢is houbara
(taighdiri). In Hindustan S. aurita is known as Jikh which name is the nearest
approach I have found to Babur’s [daa] lakha.

® Jerdon mentions (ii, 615) that this bird is common in Afghanistan and there
called dugdaor (tiighdar, tighdiri).

’ Cf. Appendix B, since I wrote which, further information has made it fairly safe
to say that the Hindistan éaghri-gara is Pterocles exustus, the common sand-
grouse and that the one of f. 49 is Prerocles arenarius, the larger or black-bellied
sand-grouse. P. exustus is said by Yule (H. J. s.2. Rock-pigeon) to have been
miscalled rock-pigeon by Anglo-Indians, perhaps because its flight resembles the
pigeon’s. This accounts for Erskine’s rendering (p. 321) éaghri-gara here by rock-
pigeon.

8 Leptoptilus dubius, Hind. hargila. Hindistanis call it pir-¢-ding (Erskine) and
peda dhauk (Blanford), both names referring, perhaps, to its pouch. It is the
adjutant of Anglo-India. Cf. f. 235.

932 AH.—OCT. 181TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 499

were thrown to it, it never failed to catch it in its bill. Once it
swallowed a six-nailed shoe, another time a whole fowl, wings
and feathers, all right down.

The saras (Grus antigone) is another. Turks in Hindistan
call it ¢iwa-tirnd (camel-crane). It may be smaller than the
ding but its neck is rather longer. Its head is quite red. People
keep this bird at their houses ; it becomes very tame.

The sanek? is another. In stature it approaches the sa@ras,
but its bulk is less. It resembles the /ag-lag (Czconia alba, the
white stork) but is much larger ; its bill is larger and is black.
Its head is iridescent, its neck white, its wings partly-coloured ;
the tips and border-feathers and under parts of the wings are
white, their middle black.

Another stork (dag-/ag) has a white neck and all other parts
black. It goes to those countries (Tramontana). It is rather
smaller than the /ag-lag (Czconza alba). A Hindistani calls it
yak-rang (one colour ?).

Another stork in colour and shape is exactly like the storks
that go to those countries. Its bill is blacker and its bulk much
less than the /ag-/ag’s (Czconia alba).3

Another bird resembles the grey heron (a#gar) and the /ag-
lag ; but its bill is longer than the heron’s and its body smaller
than the white stork’s (/ag-/ag).

Another is the large duzak*4 (black ibis). In bulk it may
equal the buzzard (Turki, sar). The back of its wings is white.
It has a loud cry.

The white duzak5 is another. Its head and bill are black.

* only when young (Blanford, ii, 188).

2 Elph. MS. mank:s& or mankia@; Wai. MS. m:nk. MHaughton’s Bengali
Dictionary gives two forms of the name mdanek-jur and mdnak-yoi. It is Dissura
episcopus, the white-necked stork (Blanford iv, 370, who gives manik-jor amongst its
Indian names). Jerdon classes it (ii, 737) as Czconia leucocephala. It is the beef-
steak bird of Anglo-India.

3 Ciconia nigra (Bianford, iv, 369).

4 Under the Hindistani form, d#za, of Persian duzak the birds Babur mentions as
éuzak can be identified. The large one is /nocotis papillosus, biuza, kala buza, black
curlew, king-curlew. The bird it equals in size is a buzzard, Turki sa (not Persian
sar, starling). The king-curlew has a large white patch on the inner lesser and
marginal coverts of its wings (Blanford, iv, 303). This agrees with Babur’s statement
oo im the wings of the large duzak. Its length is 27 inches, while the starling’s is
9 inches.

3 [bis melanocephala, the white ibis, Pers. safed buzak, Bengali sabut biza. It is
_ 30 inches long.

Fol. 2804.

Fol. 281.

500 HINDUSTAN

It is much larger than the one that goes to those countries, but
smaller than the Hindiistan duzak.?

The gharm-pai 3 (spotted-billed duck) is another. It is larger
than the sana biarchin4 (mallard). The drake and duck are of
one colour. It is in Hashnagar at all seasons, sometimes it goes
into the Lamghanat. Its flesh is very savoury.

The shah-murgh (Sarcidiornis melanonotus,comb duck or nukia)
is another. It may bea little smaller than a goose. It has a
swelling on its bill; its back is black; its flesh is excellent eating.

The summaj is another. It is about as large as the dargut
(Aquila chrysaetus, the golden eagle).

The (T.) a/a-gargha of Hindistan is another (Corvus cornix,
the pied crow). This is slenderer and smaller than the a/a@-
gargha of those countries (Tramontana). Its neck is partly
white.

Another Hindistan bird resembles the crow (T. garcha,
C. splendens) and the magpie (Ar. ‘agga). In the Lamghanat
people call it the jungle-bird (P. murgh-t-jangal)5 Its head
and breast are black ; its wings and tail reddish; its eye quite
red. Having a feeble flight, it does not come out of the jungle,
whence its name.

The great bat (P. shapara)® is another. People call it (Hindi)
chumgadur. \t is about as large as the owl (T. yapalag, Otus
brachyotus),and has a head like a puppy’s. When it is thinking
of lodging for the night on a tree, it takes hold of a branch, turns
head-downwards, and so remains, It has much singularity.

The magpie (Ar. ‘agga)is another. People call it (H.?) mata
(Dendrocitta rufa, the Indian tree-pie). It may be somewhat

* Perhaps, Plegadis falcinellus, the glossy ibis, which in most parts of India is
a winter visitor. Its length is 25 inches.

* Erskine suggests that this is Platalea leucorodia, the chamach-biza, spoon-bill.
It is 33 inches long.

3 Anas poecilorhyncha. The Hai. MS. writes gharm-pai, and this is the Indian
name given by Blanford (iv, 437).

* Anas boschas. Dr. Ross notes (No. 147), from the Sanglakh, that sina is the
drake, birchin, the duck and that it is common in China to call a certain variety of
bird by the combined sex-names. Something like this is shewn by the uses of dagha
and maral g.v. Index.

5 Centropus rufipennis, the common coucal (Yule’s H.J. s.2. Crow-pheasant) ;
H. makokha, Cuculus castaneus (Buchanan, quoted by Forbes).

© Pleropus edwardstt, the flying-fox. The inclusion of the bat here amongst birds,
may be a clerical accident, since on f.136 a flying-fox is not written of as a bird.

6

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 501

less than the ‘agga (Pica rustica), which moreover is pied black
and white, while the mazda is pied brown and black."

Another is a small bird, perhaps of the size of the(T.) sandiilach.?
It is of a beautiful red with a little black on its wings.

The karcha3 is another ; it is after the fashion of a swallow
(T. garlighdch), but much larger and quite black.

The kiil+ (Eudynamys orientalis, the koel) is another. It may
be as large as the crow (P. z@g) but is much slenderer. It has
a kind of song and is understood to be the bulbul of Hindustan.
Its honour with Hindistanis is as great as is the bulbul’s. It
always stays in closely-wooded gardens.

Another bird is after the fashion of the (Ar.) shigarriak (Cissa
chinensis, the green-magpie). It clings to trees, is perhaps as
large as the green-magpie, and is parrot-green (Gecznus striolatus,
the little green-woodpecker ?).

(k. Fauna of Hindustan :—Aquatic animals.)

One is the water-tiger (P. shir-abi, Crocodilus palustris).5 This
is in the standing-waters. It is like a lizard (T. gi/@s).© People
say it carries off men and even buffaloes.

* Babur here uses what is both the Kabul and Andijan name for the magpie,
Ar. ‘agga (Oates, i, 31 and Scully’s Voc.), instead of T. séghtzghdn or P. dam-sicha
(tail-wagger).

2 The Pers. trs. writes sdndilach mamila, mamula being Arabic for wag-tail.
De Courteille’s Dictionary describes the séxdéi/ach as small and having a long tail,
the cock-bird green, the hen, yellow. The wag-tail suiting this in colouring is
Motacilla borealis (Oates, ii, 294; syn. Budytes viridis, the green wag-tail) ; this, as
a migrant, serves to compare with the Indian ‘“‘ little bird”, which seems likely to be
a red-start. ;

3 This word may represent Scully’s £¢rzch and be the Turki name for a swift,
perhaps Cyfselus affinis.

4 This name is taken from its cry during the breeding season (Yule’s H.J.
5.2. Koel).

5 Babur’s distinction between the three crocodiles he mentions seems to be that
of names he heard, shir-bi, styah-sadr, and gharial.

© In this passage my husband finds the explanation of two somewhat vague
statements of later date, one made by Abii’l-fazl (A. A. Blochmann, p. 65) that
Akbar called the 4i/as (cherry) the shah-a/i (king-plum), the other by Jahangir that
this change was made because 47/a@s means lizard (_Jahangir’s Memoirs, R. & B. i, 116).
What Akbar did is shewn by Babur ; it was to reject the Perstaz name fi/as, cherry,
because it closely resembled Zuri gilas, lizard. There is a lizard Stellio Lehmanni
of Transoxiana with which Babur may well have compared the crocodile’s appearance
(Schuyler’s 7urkzstan, i, 383). Akbar in Hindistan may have had Varanus salvator
(6 ft. long) in mind, if indeed he had not the great lizard, a/ /agarto, the alligator
itself in his thought. The name 4i/as evidently was banished only from the Court
circle, since it is still current in Kashmir (Blochmann /.c. p. 616); and Speede
(p. 201) gives Zeeras, cherry, as used in India.

Fol. 2814.

Fol. 282.

502 HINDUSTAN

The (P.) s¢ya@h-sar (black-head) is another. This also is like
a lizard. It is in all rivers of Hindistan. One that was taken
and brought in was about 4-5 gari (ctr. 13 feet) long and as
thick perhaps as a sheep. It is said to grow still larger. Its
snout is over half a yard long. It has rows of small teeth in its
upper and lower jaws. It comes out of the water and sinks into»
the mud (dd7¢@).

The (Sans.) g[h]larial (Gavialus gangeticus) is another.’ It is
said to grow large; many in the army saw it in the Sart (Gogra)
river. It is said to take people ; while we were on that river's
banks (934-935 A.H.), it took one or two slave-women (da@dik),
and it took three or four camp-followers between Ghazipir and
Banaras. In that neighbourhood I saw one but from a distance
only and not quite clearly.

The water-hog (P. khak-abi, Platanista gangetica, the porpoise)
is another. This also is in all Hindistan rivers. It comes up
suddenly out of the water ; its head appears and disappears ; it
dives again and stays below, shewing its tail. Its snout is as
long as the szy@h-sar’s and it has the same rows of small teeth.
Its head and the rest of its body are fish-like. When at playin
the water, it looks like a water-carrier’s bag (sashak). Water-
hogs, playing in the Sari, leap right out of the water ; like fish,
they never leave it.

Again there is the kalah (or galah)-fish [daligh]).2 Two bones

* This name as now used, is that of the purely fish-eating crocodile. [In the
Turki text Babur’s account of the ghavida/ follows that of the porpoise ; but it is grouped
here with those of the two other crocodiles. ]

* As the Hai. MS. and also I.O. 216 f. 137 (Pers. trs.) write Aa/ah (galah)-fish,
this may be a large cray-fish, One called by a name approximating to ga/ah-fish is
found in Malayan waters, wz. the galah-prawn (hadang) (cf. Bengali sula-chingri,
gila-prawn, Haughton). Galak and giila may express lament made when the fish is
caught (Haughton pp. 931, 933, 952) ; or if kalah be read, this may express scolding.
Two good MSS. of the Wag7‘at-c-baburi (Pers. trs.) write Aaka ; and their word
cannot but have weight. Erskine reproduces aka but offers no explanation of it,
a failure betokening difficulty in his obtaining one. My husband suggests that Aaka
may represent a stuttering sound, doing so on the analogy of Vullers’ explanation of
the word,— Vir ridiculus et facetus gui simul balbutiat ; and also he inclines to take
the fish to be a crab (Aakra). Possibly Aaka is a popular or vulgar name for a cray-
fish ora crab, Whether the sound is lament, scolding, or stuttering the fisherman
knows! Shaikh Zain enlarges Babur’s notice of this fish; he says the bones are
prolonged (dar dwarda) from the ears, that these it agitates at time of capture, making
a noise like the word 4aka by which it is known, that it is two wajad (18 in.) long, its
flesh surprisingly tasty, and that it is very active, leaping a gaz (cér. a yard) out of the

water when the fisherman’s net is set to take it. For information about the Malayan
fish, I am indebted to Mr. Cecil Wray.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 503

each about 3 inches (az/z#) long, come out in a line with its ears ;

these it shakes when taken, producing an extraordinary noise,

whence, seemingly, people have called it alah [or galah|.

The flesh of Hindistan fishes is very savoury ; they have no
odour (a7d@) or tiresomeness.* They are surprisingly active. On
one occasion when people coming, had flung a net across a stream,
leaving its two edges half a yard above the water, most fish passed
by leaping a yard above it. In many rivers are little fish which
fling themselves a yard or more out of the water if there be harsh
noise or sound of feet.

The frogs of Hindistan, though otherwise like those others
(Tramontane), run 6 or 7 yards on the face of the water.?

(1. Vegetable products of Hindistan: Fruits.)

The mango (P. anxdah) is one of the fruits peculiar to Hindistan.
Hindistanis pronounce the 4 in its name as though no vowel
followed it (ze. Sans. avd) ;3 this being awkward to utter, some
people call the fruit [P.] zaghzak+ as Khwaja Khusrau does :—

Naghzak-i ma (var. khwash| naghz-kun-i bustan,

Naghztarin mewa [var. na‘mat)-t-Hindistan.$
Mangoes when good, are very good, but, many as are eaten, few
are first-rate. They are usually plucked unripe and ripened in
the house. Unripe, they make excellent condiments (g@77q), are
good also preserved in syrup.®° Taking it altogether, the mango
is the best fruit of Hindistan. Some so praise it as to give it
preference over all fruits except the musk-melon (T. gdwzz), but

* T. giytiniighi, presumably referring to spines or difficult bones ; T. giz, however,
means a scabbard [Shaw].

2 One of the common frogs is a small one which, when alarmed, jumps along the
surface of the water (G. of I. i, 273).

3 And and anbah (pronounced amb and ambah) are now less commonly used names

than @m. It is an interesting comment on Babur’s words that Abi’l-fazl spells and,
letter by letter, and says that the 4 is quiescent (Ayiv 28 ; for the origin of the word
mango, vzde Yule’s H.J. s.7.).

* A corresponding diminutive would be fairling.

5 The variants, entered in parenthesis, are found in the Bib. Ind. ed. of the
Ayin-i-akbari p. 75 and in a (bazar) copy of the Quranw’s-sa‘dain in my husband’s
possession. As Amir Khusrau was a poet of Hindistan, either Ahwash (khwesh) [our
own] or ma [our] would suit his meaning. The couplet is, literally :—

Our fairling, [z.e. mango] beauty-maker of the garden,
Fairest fruit of Hindistan.

© Daulat Khan Vasuf-khail Ludi in 929 AH. sent Babur a gift of mangoes preserved
in honey (2% loco p. 440).

Fol. 2824.

Fol. 283.

504 HINDUSTAN

such praise outmatches it. It resembles the kardz peach.* It
ripens in the rains. It is eaten in two ways: one is to squeeze
it to a pulp, make a hole in it, and suck out the juice,—the other,
to peel and eat it like the kardz peach. Its tree grows very large*
and has a leaf somewhat resembling the peach-tree’s. The
trunk is ill-looking and ill-shaped, but in Bengal and Gujrat is
heard of as growing handsome (£4i0).3

The plantain (Sans. hela, Musa saptentum) is another4 An
‘Arab calls it mauz.5 Its tree is not very tall, indeed is not to
be called a tree, since it is something between a grass and a tree.
Its leaf is a little like that of the amdan-gara® but grows about
2 yards (gari) long and nearly one broad. Out of the middle of
its leaves rises, heart-like, a bud which resembles a sheep’s heart.
As each leaf (petal) of this bud expands, there grows at its base
a row of 6 or 7 flowers which become the plantains. These
flowers become visible with the lengthening of the heart-like
shoot and the opening of the petals of the bud. The tree is
understood to flower once only.?7 The fruit has two pleasant
qualities, one that it peels easily, the other that it has neither stone
nor fibre.® It is rather longer and thinner than the egg-plant
(P. dadanjan ; Solanum melongena). It is not very sweet; the
Bengal plantain (z.e. chini-champa) is, however, said to be very

* I have learned nothing more definite about the word 4daraz than that it is the
name of a superior kind of peach (Ghiyasw’l-lughat).

* The preceding sentence is out of place in the Turki text ; it may therefore be
a marginal note, perhaps not made by Babur. 3

3 This sentence suggests that Babur, writing in Agra or Fathpir did not there see
fine mango-trees,

* See Yule’s H.J. on the plantain, the banana of the West.

5 This word is a descendant of Sanscrit mocha, and parent of musa the botanical
name of the fruit (Yule).

° Shaikh Effendi (Kunos), Zenker and de Courteille say of this only that it is the
name ofa tree. Shaw gives a name that approaches it, dryman, a grass, a weed ;
Scully explains this as Artemisia vulgaris, wormwood, but Roxburgh gives no
Artemisia having a leaf resembling the plantain’s. Scully has aramadan, unexplained,
which, like amdn-gara, may refer to comfort in shade. Babur’s comparison will be
with something known in Transoxiana. Maize has general resemblance with the
plantain. So too have the names of the plants, since mocha and mauz stand for the
plantain and (Hindi) mxka’z for maize. These incidental resemblances bear, however
lightly, on the question considered in the Ency. Br. (art. maize) whether maize was
early in Asia or not; some writers hold that it was; if Babur’s amdan-gara@ were
maize, maize will have been familiar in Transoxiana in his day.

7 Abi’l-fazl mentions that the plantain-tree bears no second crop unless cut down
to the stump.

® Babur was fortunate not to have met with a seed-bearing plantain.

a ore

,
a,
:
4

oe

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 505

sweet. The plantain is a very good-looking tree, its broad,
broad, leaves of beautiful green having an excellent appearance.

The anbli (H. zmli, Tamarindus indica, the tamarind) is
another. By this name (azd/z) people call the khurma-c-hind

(Indian date-tree)." It has finely-cut leaves (leaflets), precisely.

like those of the (T.) daz@, except that they are not so finely-cut.?
It is a very good-looking tree, giving dense shade. It grows wild
in masses too.

The (Beng.) mahuwa (Bassia latifolia) is another.3 People
call it also (P.) gul-chikan (or chigan, distilling-flower). This also
is a very large tree. Most of the wood in the houses of Hindi-
stanis is from it. Spirit (‘avagq) is distilled from its flowers,+ not
only so, but they are dried and eaten like raisins, and from them
thus dried, spirit is also extracted. The dried flowers taste just
like k¢shmish ;5 they have an ill-flavour. The flowers are not bad
in their natural state®; they are eatable. The mahuwa grows
wild also. Its fruit is tasteless, has rather a large seed with a
thin husk, and from this seed, again,” oil is extracted.

The mimusops (Sans. khirni, Mimusops kaukz) is another. Its
tree, though not very large, isnot small. The fruit is yellow and

* The ripe ‘‘dates” are called P. ¢amar-i Hind, whence our tamarind, and
Tamarindus Indica.

? Sophora alopecurotdes, a leguminous plant (Scully).

3 Abi’l-fazl gives galaunda as the name of the ‘fruit ” [wzewa],—Forbes, as that
of the fallen flower. Cf. Brandis p. 426 and Yule’s H.J. s.7. Mohwa.

4 Babur seems to say that spirit is extracted from both the fresh and the dried
flowers. The fresh ones are favourite food with deer and jackals ; they have a sweet
spirituous taste. Erskine notes that the spirit made from them was well-known in
Bombay by the name of Moura, or of Parsi-brandy, and that the farm of it was
a considerable article of revenue (p. 325 n.). Roxburgh describes it as strong and
intoxicating (p. 411).

5 This is the name of a green, stoneless grape which when dried, results in a raisin
resembling the sultanas of Europe (/ahkdngir’s Memoirs and Yule’s H.J. 5.7. ; Griffiths’
Journal of Travel pp. 359, 388).

© Ail, lit. the ad/ of the flower. The Persian translation renders aa#/ by 6% which
may allow both words to be understood in their (root) sense of dezzg, z.e. natural
state. De Courteille translates by guand la fleur est fraiche (ii, 210) ; Erskine took
ba to mean smell (AZemoirs p. 325), but the a#/ it translates, does not seem to have
this meaning. For reading a#/ as ‘‘the natural state”, there is circumstantial
support in the flower’s being eaten raw (Roxburgh). The annotator of the Elphin-
stone MS. [whose defacement of that Codex has been often mentioned], has added
points and /ashdid to the ad/-i (z.e. its awl), so as to produce awwali (first, f. 235).
Against this there are the obvious objections that the Persian translation does not
reproduce, and that its 4% does not render awwa/i ; also that a#/-z is a noun with its
enclitic genitive yd (7).

7 This word seems to be meant to draw attention to the various merits of the
mahuwa tree.

Fol. 2836.

Fol. 284.

506 HINDUSTAN

thinner than the red jujube (T. chikda, Eleagnus angustifolia).
It has just the grape’s flavour, but a rather bad after-taste ; it
is not bad, however, and is eatable. The husk of its stone
is thin.

The (Sans.) aman (Eugenia jambolana)* is another. Its leaf,
except for being thicker and greener, is quite like the willow’s
(T. zal). The tree does not want for beauty. Its fruit is like
a black grape, is sourish, and not very good.

The (H.) kamrak (Beng. kamrunga, Averrhoa carambola) is
another. Its fruit is five-sided, about as large as the ‘az-ali?
and some 3 inches long. It ripens to yellow ; gathered unripe,
it is very bitter ; gathered ripe, its bitterness has become sub-
acid, not bad, not wanting in pleasantness.3

The jack-fruit (H. kadhil, B. kanthal, Artocarpus integrifolta)
is another.4 This is a fruit of singular form and flavour ; it looks
like a sheep’s stomach stuffed and made into a haggis (gia) ;5
and it is sickeningly-sweet. Inside it are filbert-like stones ®
which, on the whole, resemble dates, but are round, not long,
and have softer substance; these are eaten. The jack-fruit is
very adhesive ; for this reason people are said to oil mouth and
hands before eating of it. It is heard of also as growing, not
only on the branches of its tree, but on trunk and root too.7 One
would say that the tree was all hung round with haggises.®

The monkey-jack (H. dadhal, B. burhul, Artocarpus lacoocha)
is another. The fruit may be of the size of a quince (var. apple).

* Erskine notes that this is not to be confounded with E. samd#, the rose-apple
(Memoirs p. 325n.). Cf. Yule’s H.J. s.2. Jambu.

2 var. ghat-ali, ghab-ali, ghain-alu, shaft-alm. Scully enters ‘ain-a/i (true-plum?)
unexplained. The samrak fruit is 3in. long (Brandis) and of the size of a lemon
(Firminger) ; dimensions which make Babur’s 4 ai/zk (hand’s-thickness) a slight excess
only, and which thus allow az/zk, with its Persion translation, amgusht, to be approxi-
mately an inch,

3 Speede, giving the fruit its Sanscrit name hamarunga, says it is acid, rather
pleasant, something like an insipid apple ; also that its pretty pink blossoms grow on
the trunk and main branches (i, 211).

4 Cf. Yule’s H.J.s.2. jack-fruit. In a Calcutta nurseryman’s catalogue of 1914 AD.
three kinds of jack-tree are offered for sale, viz. ‘‘ Crispy or Khaja, Soft or Neo,
Rose-scented ” (Seth, Feronia Nursery).

5 The gifa is a sheep’s stomach stuffed with rice, minced meat, and spices, and
boiled as a pudding. The resemblance of the jack, as it hangs on the tree, to the
haggis, is wonderfully complete (Erskine).

© These when roasted have the taste of chestnuts.

7 Firminger (p. 186) describes an ingenious method of training.

8 For a note of Humayin’s on the jack-fruit see Appendix O.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 81H 1526 AD. 507

Its smell is not bad.* Unripe it is a singularly tasteless and
empty? thing ; when ripe, it is not so bad. It ripens soft, can
be pulled to pieces and eaten anywhere, tastes very much like
a rotten quince, and has an excellent little austere flavour.

The lote-fruit (Sans. der, Zizyphus jujuba) is another. Its
Persian name is understood to be kanar.3 It is of several kinds :
of one the fruit is larger than the plum (a/écha) +4; another is
shaped like the Husaini grape. Most of them are not very good;
we saw one in Bandir (Gialiar) that was really good. The lote-
tree sheds its leaves under the Signs Saur and /auzd (Bull and
Twins), burgeons under Savatan and Asad (Crab and Lion) which
are the true rainy-season,—then becoming fresh and green, and
it ripens its fruit under Da/i and Haut (Bucket ze. Aquarius, and
Fish).

The (Sans.) Laratinda (Carissa carandas, the corinda)is another.
It grows in bushes after the fashion of the (T.) chika of our
country,> but the chika grows on mountains, the £aradnda on the
plains. In flavour it is like the rhubarb itself,° but is sweeter and
less juicy.

The (Sans.) paniyala (Flacourtia cataphracta)7 is another. It
is larger than the plum (@/icha) and like the red-apple unripe.®
It is a little austere and is good. The tree is taller than the
pomegranate’s; its leaf is like that of the almond-tree but
smaller.

* aid-i-yamdan aimas. It is somewhat curious that Babur makes no comment on
the odour of the jack itself. :
ce bush, English bosh (Shaw). The Persian translation inserts no more about this

it.

3 Steingass applies this name to the plantain.

4 Erskine notes that ‘‘ this is the bullace-plum, small, not more than twice as large
as the sloe and not so high-flavoured ; it is generally yellow, sometimes red.” Like
Babur, Brandis enumerates several varieties and mentions the seasonal changes of the
tree (p. 170).

5 This will be Kabul, probably, because Transoxiana is written of by Babur
usually, if not invariably, as ‘‘that country”, and because he mentions the chikda
(2.e. chtka?), under its Persian name szjza, in his Description of Kabul (f. 1296).

° P. mar manjan, which I take to refer to the viwajlar of Kabul. (Cf. f. 1298,
where, however, (note 5) are corrigenda of Masson’s rawash for riwdG7, and his third
to second volume.) Kehr’s Codex contains an extra passage about the sarain da,
viz. that from it is made a tasty fritter-like dish, resembling a rhubarb-fritter
(Ilminsky, p. 369).

7 People call it (P.) Aa/asa also (Elph. MS. f. 236, marginal note).

8 Perhaps the red-apple of Kabul, where two sorts are common, both rosy, one
very much so, but much inferior to the other (Griffith’s Journal of Travel p. 388).

Fol. 2846.

Fol. 285.

508 HINDUSTAN

The (H.) gitlar (Ficus glomerata, the clustered fig) * is another.
The fruit grows out of the tree-trunk, resembles the fig (P. anyer),
but is singularly tasteless.

The (Sans.) a@mla (Phyllanthus emblica, the myrobalan-tree) is
another. This also is a five-sided fruit.? It looks like the un-
blown cotton-pod. It is an astringent and ill-flavoured thing,
but confiture made of it is not bad. It is a wholesome fruit. Its
tree is of excellent form and has very minute leaves.

The (H.) chériinjt (Buchanania latyfolia)3 is another. This
tree had been understood to grow in the hills, but I knew later
about it, because there were three or four clumps of it in our
gardens. It is much like the mahuwd. Its kernel is not bad,
a thing between the walnut and the almond, not bad! rather
smaller than the pistachio and round ; people put it in custards
(P. palida) and sweetmeats (Ar. halwa).

The date-palm (P. khurma, Phenix dactylifera) is another.
This is not peculiar to Hindiistan, but is here described because
it is not in those countries (Tramontana). It grows in Lamghan
also. Its branches (ze. leaves) grow from just one place at its
top; its leaves (ze. leaflets) grow on both sides of the branches
(midribs) from neck (daz) to tip; its trunk is rough and ill-
coloured ; its fruit is like a bunch of grapes, but much larger.
People say that the date-palm amongst vegetables resembles an
animal in two respects: one is that, as, if an animal’s head be
cut off, its life is taken, so it is with the date-palm, if its head is
cut off, it dries off; the other is that, as the offspring of animals
is not produced without the male, so too with the date-palm, it
gives no good fruit unless a branch of the male-tree be brought
into touch with the female-tree. The truth of this last matter
is not known (to me). The above-mentioned head of the date-
palm is called its cheese. The tree so grows that where its leaves
come out is cheese-white, the leaves becoming green as they
lengthen. This white part, the so-called cheese, is tolerable
eating, not bad, much like the walnut. People make a wound in

* Its downy fruit grows in bundles from the trunk and large branches (Roxburgh).

* The reference by ‘‘also” (am) will be to the kamrak (f. 2836), but both
Roxburgh and Brandis say the am/a is six striated.

: reer and Bengali name for the chiriinji-tree is Jzya/a (Roxburgh p. 363).

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 509

the cheese, and into this wound insert a leaf(let), in such a way
that all liquid flowing from the wound runs down it.*. The tip
of the leaflet is set over the mouth of a pot suspended to the tree
in such a way that it collects whatever liquor is yielded by the
wound. This liquor is rather pleasant if drunk at once; if drunk
after two or three days, people say it is quite exhilarating
_ (katfiyat). Once when I had gone to visit Bari,? and made an
excursion to the villages on the bank of the Chambal-river, we
met in with people collecting this date-liquor in the valley-bottom.
A good deal was drunk ; no hilarity was felt ; much must be
drunk, seemingly, to produce a little cheer.

The coco-nut palm (P. xargil, Cocos nucifera) is another. An
‘Arab gives it Arabic form 3 and says nazvjil ; Hindiistan people
say zalir, seemingly by popular error.4 Its fruit is the Hindi-
nut from which black spoons (gara@ gashiiq) are made and the
larger ones of which serve for guitar-bodies. The coco-palm has
general resemblance to the date-palm, but has more, and more
glistening leaves. Like the walnut, the coco-nut has a green
outer husk ; but its husk is of fibre on fibre. All ropes for ships
and boats and also cord for sewing boat-seams are heard of as
made from these husks. The nut, when stripped of its husk, near
one end shews a triangle of hollows, two of which are solid, the
third a nothing (dzsh), easily pierced. Before the kernel forms,
there is fluid inside ; people pierce the soft hollow and drink
this ; it tastes like date-palm cheese in solution, and is not bad.

The (Sans.) tar (Borassus flabelliformis, the Palmyra-palm) is
another. Its branches (ze. leaves) also are quite at its top. Just as
with the date-palm, people hang a pot on it, take its juice and
drink it. They call this liquor ¢@rz;5 it is said to be more ex-
hilarating than date liquor. For about a yard along its branches

* The leaflet is rigid enough to serve as a runlet, but soon wears out; for this
reason, the usual practice is to use one of split bamboo.

? This is a famous hunting-ground between Biana and Dhilpir, Rajpitana, visited
in 933 AH. (f. 3304). Babur’s great-great-grandson Shah-jahan built a hunting-lodge
there (G. of I.).

3 Hai. MS. mz‘arrab, but the Elph. MS. maghrid, [occidentalizing]. The Hai.
MS. when writing of the orange (z7zfra) also has maghrid. A distinction of locality
may be drawn by maghrid.

4 Babur’s ‘* Hindiistan people” (az/) are those neither Turks nor Afghans.

5 This name, with its usual form ¢a@di (toddy), is used for the fermented sap of the
date, coco, and mhdar palms also (cf. Yule’s H.J. s.2. toddy).

35

Fol. 2852.

Fol. 286.

Fol. 286.

510 HINDUSTAN

(z.e. leaf-stems) ' there are no leaves; above this, at the tip of
the branch (stem), 30 or 40 open out like the spread palm of the
hand, all from one place. These leaves approach a yard in length.
People often write Hindi characters on them after the fashion of
account rolls (daftar yisinliq).

The orange (Ar. naranj, Citrus aurantium) and orange-like
fruits are others of Hindistan.2 Oranges grow well in the
Lamghanat, Bajaur and Sawad. The Lamghanat one is smallish,
has a navel,3 is very agreeable, fragile and juicy. It is not at all
like the orange of Khurasan and those parts, being so fragile
that many spoil before reaching Kabul from the Lamghanat
which may be 13-14 yighach (65-70 miles), while the Astarabad
orange, by reason of its thick skin and scant juice, carries with
less damage from there to Samarkand, some 270-280 yighach.4
The Bajaur orange is about as large as a quince, very juicy and
more acid than other oranges. Khwaja Kalan once said to me,
“We counted the oranges gathered from a single tree of this sort
in Bajaur and it mounted up to 7,000.”__It had been always in
my mind that the word x@ranj was an Arabic form ;5 it would
seem to be really so, since every-one in Bajaur and Sawad says
(P.) narang.®

* Babur writes of the long leaf-stalk asa branch (sh@#h) ; he also seems to have
taken each spike of the fan-leaf to represent a separate leaf. [For two omissions
from my trs. see Appendix O.]

* Most of the fruits Babur describes as orange-like are named in the following
classified list, taken from Watts’ Economic Products of India :—‘** Citrus aurantium,
narangi, Heat Ss amrit-phal; C. decumana, pumelo, shaddock, forbidden-fruit,
sada-phal; C, medica proper, /urunj, imu; C. medica limonum, jambhira,
karna-nebu.” Under C. aurantium Brandis enters both the sweet and the Seville
oranges (zdrangi) ; this Babur appears to do also.

3 kindiklik, explained in the Elph. Codex by uafwar (f. 238). This detail is omitted
by the Persian translation. Firminger’s description (p. 221) of Aurangabad oranges
suggests that they also are navel-oranges. At the present time one of the best
oranges had in England is the navel one of California.

* Useful addition is made to earlier notes on the variability of the yighdch, a
variability depending on time taken to cover the ground, by the following passage
from Henderson and Hume’s Lahor to Yarkand (p. 120), which shews that even in
the last century the farsamg (the P. word used in the Persian translation of the
Babur-nama for T. yighdch) was computed by time. ‘* All the way from Kargallik
(Qarghaliq) to Yarkand, there were tall wooden mile-posts along the roads, at intervals
of about 5 miles, or rather one hour’s journey, apart. On a board at the top of each
post, or farsang as it is called, the distances were very legibly written in Turki.”

5 ma‘rib, Elph. MS. magharrib ; (cf. f. 2856 note).

a e. narang (Sans. ndvanga) has been changed to xdranj in the ‘Arab mouth.
What is probably one of Humayiin’s notes preserved by the Elph. Codex (f. 238),
appears to say—it is mutilated—that drang has been corrupted into maranj.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 511

The lime (B. Zim, C. actda) is another. It is very plentiful,
about the size of a hen’s egg, and of the same shape. Ifa person
poisoned drink the water in which its fibres have been boiled,
danger is averted.”

The citron (P. turunj,? C. medica) is another of the fruits
resembling the orange. Bajauris and Sawadis call it da/ang and
hence give the name da@/ang-marabbd to its marmalade (marabba)
confiture. In Hindistan people call the turunj bajauri.3 There
are two kinds of ¢wrunj : one is sweet, flavourless and nauseating,
of no use for eating but with peel that may be good for mar-
malade ; it has the same sickening sweetness as the Lamghanat
turunj ; the other, that of Hindistan and Bajaur, is acid, quite
deliciously acid, and makes excellent sherbet, well-flavoured, and
wholesome drinking. Its size may be that of the Khusrawi melon;
it has a thick skin, wrinkled and uneven, with one end thinner and
beaked. It is of a deeper yellow than the orange (dranj). Its
tree has no trunk, is rather low, grows in bushes, and has a larger
leaf than the orange.

The sangtara* is another fruit resembling the orange (ma@vanj).

t The Elph. Codex has a note—mutilated in early binding—which is attested by
its scribe as copied from Humayiin’s hand-writing, and is to the effect that once on
his way from the Hot-bath, he saw people who had taken poison and restored them
by giving lime-juice.

" Erskine here notes that the same antidotal quality is ascribed to the citron by
irgil :—

Media fert tristes succos. tardumque saporem
Felicis mali, quo non praesentius ullum,

Pocula si quando saevae infecere novercae,
Miscueruntque herbas et non innoxia verba,
Auxilium: venit, ac membris agit atra venena.
Georgics IT. v. 126.
Vide Heyne’s note i, 438. E
ee “< turunj, wrinkled, puckered ; Sans. viyapaira and H. dzjaura (Ayin 28), seed-
ed.

3 Babur may have confused this with H. dzjaura ; so too appears to have done the
writér (Humayiin ?) of a [now mutilated] note in the Elph. Codex (f. 238), which
seems to say that the fruit or its name went from Bajaur to Hindistan. Is the
country of Bajaur so-named from its indigenous orange (viyapira, whence bzjaura) ?
The name occurs also north of Kangra.

4 Of this name variants are numerous, saztra, santhara, samtara, etc. Watts
classes it asa C. aurantium ; Erskine makes it the common sweet orange ; Firminger,
quoting Ross (p. 221) writes that, as grown in the Nagpur gardens it is one of the finest
Indian oranges, with rind thin, smooth and close. The Emperor Muhammad Shah
is said to have altered its name to ramg-tara because of its fine colour (vazg) (Forbes).
Speede (ii, 109) gives both names. As to the meaning and origin of the name santara
or santra, so suggestive of Cintra, the Portuguese home of a similar orange, it may be
said that it looks like a hill-name used in N.E. India, for there is a village in the

Fol. 287.

512 HINDUSTAN

It is like the citron (¢urunj) in colour and form, but has both
ends of its skin level ;* also it is not rough and is somewhat the
smaller fruit. Its tree is large, as large as the apricot (aurzq),
with a leaf like the orange’s. It is a deliciously acid fruit, making
a very pleasant and wholesome sherbet. Like the lime it is a
powerful stomachic, but not weakening like the orange (za@ramy).

The large lime which they call (H.) ga/-gal? in Hindistan is
another fruit resembling the orange. It has the shape of a goose’s
egg, but unlike that egg, does not taper to the ends. Its skin is
smooth like the sangtara’s ; it is remarkably juicy.

The (H.) 7andzri lime3 is another orange-like fruit. It is orange-
shaped and, though yellow, not orange-yellow. It smells like the
citron (¢urunj) ; it too is deliciously acid.

The (Sans.) sada-fal ( pha/) + is another orange-like fruit. This
is pear-shaped, colours like the quince, ripens sweet, but not to
the sickly-sweetness of the orange (”aranj).

The amrd-fal (sic. Hai. MS.—Sans. amrit-phal)5 is another
orange-like fruit.

The lemon (H. £arna, C. imonum) is another fruit resembling
the orange (wa@ranj); it may be as large as the ga/-ga/l and is also
acid,

The (Sans.) amat-did® is another fruit resembling the orange.

Bhutan Hills, (Western Duars) known from its orange groves as Santra-bari, Abode
ofthe orange. To this (mentioned already as my husband’s suggestion in Mr. Crooke’s
ed. of Yule’s H.J.) support is given by the item ‘‘Suntura, famous Nipal variety”,
entered in Seth’s Nursery-list of 1914 (Feronia Nurseries, Calcutta). Light on the
question of origin could be thrown, no doubt, by those acquainted with the dialects
of the hill-tract concerned.

* This refers, presumably, to the absence of the beak characteristic of all citrons.

2 melter, from the Sans. root ga/, which provides the names of several lemons by
reason of their solvent quality, specified by Babur (fra) of the amal-bid. Erskine
notes that in his day the ga/-ga/ was known as Ai/mek (galmak ?).

3 Sans. jambira, H. jambir, classed by Abii’l-fazl as one of the somewhat sour
fruits and by Watts as Citrus medica limonum. :

* Watts, C. decumana, the shaddock or pumelo; Firminger (p. 223) has C. decumana
pyriformis suiting Babur’s “‘ pear-shaped”. What Babur compared it with will be
the Transoxanian pear and quince (?. amrid and ézhi) and not the Indian guava and
Bengal quince (P. amriid and H. dae/).

5 The Turki text writes amrd. Watts classes the amrit-phal as a C. aurantium.
This supports Erskine’s suggestion that it is the mandarin-orange. Humayin
describes it in a note which is written pell-mell in the text of the Elph. Codex and
contains also descriptions of the £dmz/a and santara oranges ; it can be seen translated
in Appendix O.

° So spelled in the Turki text and also in two good MSS. of the Pers. trs. I.O.
217 and 218, but by Abii’l-fazl ama/-dit. Both P. did and P. éi¢ mean willow and
cane (ratan), so that ama/-bid (dit) can mean acid-willow and acid-cane. But as

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 513

After three years (in Hindiistan), it was first seen to-day.1_ They
say a needle melts away if put inside it,? either from its acidity
or some other property. It is as acid, perhaps, as the citron and
lemon (turunj and limi).3

(m. Vegetable products of Hindistan :—Flowers.)

In Hindistan there is great variety of flowers. One is the (D.)
jastin (Hibiscus rosa sinensis), which some Hindistanis call
(Hindi) gazhal4 *It is not a grass (gzya@h) ; its tree (is in stems
like the bush of the red-rose ; it) is rather taller than the bush
of the red-rose.5* The flower of the as is fuller in colour than
that of the pomegranate, and may be of the size of the red-rose,
but, the red-rose, when its bud has grown, opens simply, whereas,
when the 7aszu-bud opens, a stem on which other petals grow,
is seen like a heart amongst its expanded petals. Though the
two are parts of the one flower, yet the outcome of the lengthening
and thinning of that stem-like heart of the first-opened petals
gives the semblance of two flowers.®° It is not a common matter.
The beautifully coloured flowers look very well on the tree, but

Babur is writing of a fruit like an orange, the cane that bears an acid fruit, Calamus
rotang, can be left aside in favour of Cztrus medica acidissima. Of this fruit the
solvent property Babur mentions, as well as the commonly-known service in cleansing
metal, link it, by these uses, with the willow and suggest a ground for understanding,
o Erskine did, that ama/-did meant acid-willow ; for willow-wood is used to rub rust
off metal.

* This statement shows that Babur was writing the Description of Hindistan in
935 AH. (1528-9 AD.), which is the date given for it by Shaikh Zain.

? This story of the needle is believed in India of all the citron kind, which are hence
called s#i-ga/ (needle-melter) in the Dakhin (Erskine). Cf. Forbes, p. 489 s.x.
sii-gal. a

3 Erskine here quotes information from Abii’l-fazl (Ayim 28) about Akbar’s
encouragement of the cultivation of fruits.

4 Hindustani (Urdu) gardai. Many varieties of Hibiscus (syn. Althea) grow in
India ; some thrive in Surrey gardens ; the jasé# by name and colour can be taken
as what is known in Malayan, Tamil, etc., as the shoe-flower, from its use in darkening
leather (Yule’s H.J.).

5 I surmise that what I have placed between asterisks here belongs to the next-
following plant, the oleander. For though the branches of the jasaz grow vertically,
the bush is a dense mass upon one stout trunk, or stout short stem. The words placed
in parenthesis above are not with the Haidarabad but are with the Elphinstone Codex.
There would seem to have been a scribe’s skip from one ‘‘ rose” to the other. As
has been shewn repeatedly, this part of the Babur-nama has been much annotated; in
the Elph. Codex, where only most of the notes are preserved, some are entered by
the scribe pell-mell into Babur’s text. The present instance may be a case of a
marginal note, added to the text in a wrong place.

®° The peduncle supporting the plume of medial petals is clearly seen only when the

pede first. The plumed Hibiscus is found in florists’ catalogues described as
ouble ”.

Fol. 2874.

Fol. 288.

514 HINDUSTAN

they do not last long; they fade in just one day. The jasun
blossoms very well through the four months of the rains ; it seems
indeed to flower all through the year ; with this profusion, how-
ever, it gives no perfume.

The (H.) hanir (Nerium odorum, the oleander)* is another. It
grows both red and white. Like the peach-flower, it is five
petalled. It is like the peach-bloom (in colour ?), but opens 14
or I5 flowers from one place, so that seen from a distance, they
look like one great flower. The oleander-bush is taller than the
rose-bush. The red oleander has a sort of scent, faint and agree-
able. (Like the 7aszin,) it also blooms well and profusely in the
rains, and it also is had through most of the year.

The (H.) (kitira) (Pandanus odoratissimus, the screw-pine) is
another.? It hasa very agreeable perfume. Musk has the defect
of being dry ; this may be called moist musk—a very agreeable
perfume. The tree’s singular appearance notwithstanding, it has
flowers perhaps 14 to 2 garish (134 to 18 inches) long. It has
long leaves having the character of the reed (P.) gharau*+ and
having spines. Of these leaves, while pressed together bud-like,
the outer ones are the greener and more spiny ; the inner ones
are soft and white. In amongst these inner leaves grow things
like what belongs to the middle of a flower, and from these
things comes the excellent perfume. When the tree first comes
up not yet shewing any trunk, it is like the bush (dz¢a) of the
male-reed,5 but with wider and more spiny leaves. What serves
it for a trunk is very shapeless, its roots remaining shewn.

* This Anglo-Indians call also rose-bay. A Persian name appears to be zahr-giyah,
poison-grass, which makes it the more probable that the doubtful passage in the
previous description of the asin belongs to the rod-like oleander, known as the
poison-grass. The oleander is common in river-beds over much country known to
Babur, outside India.

* Roxburgh gives a full and interesting account of this tree.

3 Here the Elph. Codex, only, has the (seeming) note, ‘‘ An ‘Arab calls it Adzi”
(or Aawz). This fills out Steingass’ part-explanation of 4a@wi, ‘‘ the blossom of the
fragrant palm-tree, arma¢” (p. 1010), and of armat, ‘fa kind of date-tree with
a fragrant blossom” (p. 39), by making armat and kawi seem to be the Pandanus
and its flower.

_ * Calamus scriptorius (Vullers ii, 607. H.B.). Abi’l-fazl compares the leaves to
Jawari, the great millet (Forbes); Blochmann (A. A. p. 83) translates jawari by
maize (juwdarda, Forbes).

5’ T. airkak-gumiish, a name Scully enters unexplained. Under ga#miish (reed) he

enters drundo madagascarensis ; Babur’s comparison will be with some Transoxanian
Arundo or Calamus, presumably.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 515

The (P.) ya@sman (jasmine) is another ; the white they call (B.)
champa.* \t is larger and more strongly scented than our
yasman-flower.

(x. Seasons of the year.)

Again:—whereas there are four seasons in those countries,”
there are three in Hindiistan, namely, four months are summer ;
four are the rains; four are winter. The beginning of their
months is from the welcome of the crescent-moons.3 Every
three years they add a month to the year ; if one had been added

to the rainy season, the next is added, three years later, to the

winter months, the next, in the same way, to the hot months.
This is their mode of intercalation.4 (Chazt, Baisakh, Jeth and
- Asarh) are the hot months, corresponding with the Fish, (Ram,
Bull and Twins; Sdwan, Bhadon, Kiar and Katik) are the
rainy months, corresponding with the Crab, (Lion, Virgin and
Balance ; Aghan, Pus, Magh and Phalgun) are the cold months,
corresponding with the Scorpion, (Archer, Capricorn, and Bucket
or Aquarius).

The people of Hind, having thus divided the year into three
seasons of four months each, divide each of those seasons by
taking from each, the two months of the force of the heat, rain,5
and cold. Of the hot months the last two, ze. Jeth and Asarh
are the force of the heat ; of the rainy months, the first two, ze.
Sawan and Bhadon are the force of the rains ; of the cold season,
the middle two, ze. Pas and Magh are the force of the cold. By
this classification there are six seasons in Hindistan.

* Champa seems to have been Babur’s word (Elph. and Hai. MSS.), but is the
(B.) name for Michelia champaka; the Pers. translation corrects it by (B.) chaméeli,
(yasman, jasmine).

? Here, ‘‘ outside India” will be meant, where Hindi rules do not prevail.

3 Hind ailari-ning tbtida-st hilal ailar-ning istigbal-din dir. The use here of
estigbal, welcome, attracts attention ; does it allude to the universal welcome of lighter
nights? or is it reminiscent of Muhammadan welcome to the Moon’s crescent in
Shawwal ?

4 For an exact statement of the intercalary months wzde Cunningham’s /udian Eras,
p. 91. In my next sentence (sfra) the parenthesis-marks indicate blanks left on the
page of the Hai. MS. as though waiting for information. These and other similar
blanks make for the opinion that the Hai. Codex is a direct copy of Babur’s draft
manuscript.

5 The sextuple division (77#w) of the year is referred to on f. 284, where the Signs
Crab and Lion are called the season of the true Rains.

Fol. 2886.

Fol. 289.

516 HINDUSTAN

(0. Days of the week.)

To the days also they have given names :—! (Sanichar is
Saturday ; Radi-bar is Sunday ; Som-war is Monday ; Mangal-
war is Tuesday: Budh-bar is Wednesday; Srihaspat-bar zs
Thursday ; Shukr-bar is Friday).

(p. Divisions of time.)

As in our countries what is known by the (Turki) term £icha-
gundiz (a day-and-night, nycthemeron) is divided into 24 parts,
each called an hour (Ar. sé‘a¢), and the hour is divided into 60
parts, each called a minute (Ar. dagiga), so that a day-and-night

(Authors note on the dagiga.) The dagiga is about as long as six repetitions
of the /a¢zha with the Bismzllazh, so that a day-and-night is as long as 8640
repetitions of the /atzha with the Bzsmzllah.

consists of 1440 minutes,—so the people of Hind divide the night-
and-day into 60 parts, each called a (S.) g@hari2 They also
divide the night into four and the day into four, calling each part
a (S.) pahr (watch) which in Persian is a fas. A watch and
watchman (fas u pashan) had been heard about (by us) in those
countries (Transoxania), but without these particulars. Agreeing
with the division into watches, a body of g’harialis3 is chosen
and appointed in all considerable towns of Hindistan. They
cast a broad brass (plate-) thing,4 perhaps as large as a tray
(tabaq) and about two hands’-thickness ; this they calla g’harial
and hang up in a high place (dir éuland yir-da). Also they have
a vessel perforated at the bottom like an hour-cup5 and filling

* Babur appears not to have entered either the Hindi or the Persian names of the
week :—the Hai. MS. has a blank space; the Elph. MS. had the Persian names
only, and Hindi ones have been written in above these ; Kehr has the Persian ones
only ; Ilminsky has added the Hindi ones. (The spelling of the Hindi names, in my
translation, is copied from Forbes’ Dictionary.)

* The Hai. MS. writes gari and garia/. The word now stands for the hour of
60 minutes. :
an at — The name is applied also to an alligator Lacertus gangeticus

orbes).

4 There is some confusion in the text here, the Hai. MS. reading érénj-din tishi (?)
nima guitbtirlar—the Elph. MS. (f. 2406) déring-din bir yassi nima guiubturlar.
The Persian translation, being based on the text of the Elphinstone Codex reads az
biring yak chis pahni rekhta and. The word ¢ishi of the Hai. MS. may represent
tasht plate or ya@ssi, broad ; against the latter however there is the sentence that follows
and gives the size.

5 Here again the wording of the Hai. MS. is not clear; the sense however is
obvious. Concerning the clepsydra vide A. A. Jarrett, ii, 15 and notes; Smith’s
Dictionary of Antiquities; Yule’s H.J. s.x. Ghurry.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 517

in one ¢hari (z.e.24 minutes). The garialis put this into water
and wait till it fills. For example, they will put the perforated
cup into water at day-birth ; when it fills the first time, they strike
the gong once with their mallets ; when a second time, twice, and
so on till the end of the watch. They announce the end of a
watch by several rapid blows of their mallets. After these they
pause ; then strike once more, if the first day-watch has ended,
twice if the second, three times if the third, and four times if the
fourth. After the fourth day-watch, when the night-watches
begin, these are gone through in the same way. It used to be
the rule to beat the sign of a watch only when the watch ended;
so that sleepers chancing to wake in the night and hear the sound
of a third or fourth 2’hari, would not know whether it was of the
second or third night-watch. I therefore ordered that at night
or on a cloudy day the sign of the watch should be struck after
that of the g’/ari, for example, that after striking the third ¢’hari
of the first night-watch, the g’haridlis were to pause and then
strike the sign of the watch, in order to make it known that this
third ¢’harz was of the first night-watch,—and that after striking
four g’haris of the third night-watch, they should pause and then

_ strike the sign of the third watch, in order to make it known that

this fourth ¢’avi was of the third night-watch. It did very well ;
anyone happening to wake in the night and hear the gong, would
know what g’fari of what watch of night it was.

Again, they divide the g’/ari into 60 parts, each part being

called a pal ;* by this each night-and-day will consist of 3,500 pads.

(Author's note on the pal.) They say the length of a fa/ is the shutting and
opening of the eyelids 60 times, which in a night-and-day would be 216,000
shuttings and openings of the eyes. Experiment shews that a fal is about
equal to 8 repetitions of the Oul-huwa-allah? and Bismzllah; this would be
28,000 repetitions in a night-and-day.

(g. Measures.).

The people of Hind have also well-arranged measures :—3
8 ratis = 1 masha; 4 masha = \ tank = 32 ratis; 5 masha =
I mzsqal = 40 ratis ; 12 masha=1 tila=96 ratis ; 14 tila=1 ser.

* The table is :—60 dzpals = 1 pal; 60 pals =1 g’hari (24m.); 60 g’hari or
8 pahr = one din-rat (nycthemeron).

? Qoran, cap. CXII, which is a declaration of God’s unity.

3 The (S.) vati = 8 rice-grains (Eng. 8 barley-corns); the (S.) md@sha is a kidney-

bean ; the (P.) ¢an& is about 2 0z. ; the (Ar.) mzsga/ is equal to 40 ratis ; the (S.) tala
is about 145 oz. ; the (S.) sev is of various values (Wilson’s Glossary and Yule’s H.J.).

Fol. 2898.

Fol. 290.

518 HINDUSTAN

This is everywhere fixed :—40 ser = 1 manban; 12 manban =
I mani; 100 mani they call a minasa.*
Pearls and jewels they weigh by the ¢ank.

(r. Modes of reckoning.)

The people of Hind have also an excellent mode of reckoning :
100,006 they call a dak; 100 daks, a kriir; 100 krirs, an arb;
100 arbs,1 karb; 100 karbs, 1 nil; 100 nils, 1 padam ; 100 padams,
I sang. The fixing of such high reckonings as these is proof of
the great amount of wealth in Hindistan.

(s. Hindi inhabitants of Hindustan.)

Most of the inhabitants of Hindistan are pagans; they call
a pagan a Hindi. Most Hindi believe in the transmigration
of souls. All artisans, wage-earners, and officials are Hindiis. In
our countries dwellers in the wilds (z.e. nomads) get tribal names;
Fol. 2904. here the settled people of the cultivated lands and villages get
tribal names.? Again :—every artisan there is follows the trade
that has come down to him from forefather to forefather.

(4. Defects of Hindistan.)

Hindustan is a country of few charms. Its people have no
good looks; of social intercourse, paying and receiving visits there
is none; of genius and capacity none; of manners none; in
handicraft and work there is no form or symmetry, method or
quality ; there are no good horses, no good dogs, no grapes, musk-
melons or first-rate fruits, no ice or cold water, no good bread or
cooked food in the éé@za@rs, no Hot-baths, no Colleges, no candles,
torches or candlesticks.

In place of candle and torch they have a great dirty gang they
call lamp-men (dwatz), who in the left hand hold a smallish
wooden tripod to one corner of which a thing like the top of

* There being 40 Bengal sevs to the »an, Babur’s word mdandan seems to be another
name for the man or maund. I have not found mandban or minasa. At first sight
manban might be taken, inthe Hai. MS. for (T.) batman, a weight of 13 or 15 lbs.,
but this does not suit. Cf. f. 167 note to 6a¢man and f. 1736 (where, however, in the
note f, 157 requires correction to f. 167). For Babur’s table of measures the Pers.

trs. has 40 sers=1 man; 12 mans =1 mani; 100 mani they call minasa (217,
f. 2014, 1. 8).

? Presumably these are caste-names.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8rH 1526 AD. 519

a candlestick is fixed, having a wick in it about as thick as the
thumb. In the right hand they hold a gourd, through a narrow
slit made in which, oil is let trickle in‘'a thin thread when the
wick needs it. Great people keep a hundred or two of these
lamp-men. This is the Hindistan substitute for lamps and
candlesticks! Iftheir rulers and begs have work at night needing
candles, these dirty lamp-men bring these lamps, go close up and
there stand.

Except their large rivers and their standing-waters which flow
in ravines or hollows (there are no waters). There are no
running-waters in their gardens or residences (‘cmdaratlar).*
These residences have no charm, air (Zawd), regularity or
symmetry.

Peasants and people of low standing go about naked. They
tie on a thing called /ungita,? a decency-clout which hangs two
spans below the navel. From the tie of this pendant decency-
clout, another clout is passed between the thighs and made fast
behind. Women also tie ona cloth (/uzg), one-half of which goes
round the waist, the other is thrown over the head.

(u. Advantages of Hindustan.)

Pleasant things of Hindiistan are that it is a large country and
has masses of gold and silver. Its air in the Rains is very fine.
Sometimes it rains 10, 15 or 20 times a day ; torrents pour down
all at once and rivers flow where no water had been. While it
rains and through the Rains, the air is remarkably fine, not to be
surpassed for healthiness and charm. The fault is that the air
becomes very soft and damp. A bow of those (Transoxanian)
countries after going through the Rains in Hindistan, may not
be drawn even ; it is ruined; not only the bow, everything is
affected, armour, book, cloth, and utensils all ; a house even does

* The words in parenthesis appear to be omitted from the text ; to add them brings
Babur’s remark into agreement with others on what he several times makes note of,
viz. the absence not only of irrigation-channels but of those which convey ‘‘ running-
waters” to houses and gardens. Such he writes of in Farghana ; such are a well-
known charm ¢.g. in Madeira, where the swift current of clear water flowing through
the streets, turns into private precincts by side-runlets.

* The Hai. MS. writes /ungata-dik, like a lungita, which better agrees with Babur’s
usual phrasing. Zzmg.is Persian for a cloth passed between the loins, isan equivalent

of S. achote. Babur’s use of it (2fra) for the woman’s (P.) chaddar or (S.) sari does
not suit the Dictionary definition of its meaning.

Fol. 291.

Fol. 2916.

Fol. 292.

520 HINDUSTAN

not last long. Not only in the Rains but also in the cold and
the hot seasons, the airs are excellent ; at these times, however,

the north-west wind constantly gets up laden with dust and earth.

It gets up in great strength every year in the heats, under the

Bull and Twins when the Rains are near ; so strong and carrying

so much dust and earth that there is no seeing one another.

People call this wind Darkener of the Sky (H. @nudhi). The

weather is hot under the Bull and Twins, but not intolerably

so, not so hot as in Balkh and Qandahar and not for half
so long.

Another good thing in Hindistan is that it has unnumbered
and endless workmen of every kind. There isa fixed caste (jam‘Z)
for every sort of work and for every thing, which has done that
work or that thing from father to son till now. Mulla Sharaf,
writing in the Zafar-nama about the building of Timir Beg’s
Stone Mosque, lays stress on the fact that on it 200 stone-cutters
worked, from Azarbaijan, Fars, Hindiistan and other countries.
But 680 men worked daily on my buildings in Agra and of Agra
stone-cutters only ; while 1491 stone-cutters worked daily on my
buildings in Agra, Sikri, Biana, Dilpir, Gialiar and Kiil. In
the same way there are numberless artisans and workmen of
every sort in Hindistan.

(v. Revenues of Hindiistan.)

The revenue of the countries now held by me (935 AH.—
1528 AD.) from Bhira to Bihar is 52 &rars,t as will be known in
detail from the following summary? Eight or nine £rars of this

* When Erskine published the Memoirs in 1826 ap. he estimated this sum at
1} millions Sterling, but when he published his History of India in 1854, he had made
further research into the problem of Indian money values, and judged then that Babur’s
revenue was 44,212,000,

* Erskine here notes that the promised details had not been preserved, but in
1854 AD. he had found them in a ‘‘ paraphrase of part of Babur”, manifestly in
Shaikh Zain’s work. He entered and discussed them and some matters of money-
values in Appendices D. and E. of his Héstory of India, vol. I. Ilminsky found
them in Kehr’s Codex (C. ii, 230). The scribe of the Elph. MS. has entered the
revenues of three sarkdrs only, with his usual quotation marks indicating something
extraneous or doubtful. The Hai. MS. has them in contents precisely as I have
entered them above, but with a scattered mode of setting down. They are in Persian,
presumably as they were rendered to Babur by some Indian official. This official
statement will have been with Babur’s own papers; it will have been copied by
Shaikh Zain into his own paraphrase. It differs slightly in Erskine’s and again, in
de Courteille’s versions. I regret that I am incompetent to throw any light upon the

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 521

are from parganas of rais and rajas who, as obedient from of
old, receive allowance and maintenance.

REVENUES OF HINDUSTAN FROM WHAT HAS SO FAR COME UNDER THE
VICTORIOUS STANDARDS

Sarkars. Kris. | Laks. | Tankas.
Trans-sutluj ge ai pales Sialkit, ete etc. 3 33 15,989
Sihrind I 29 31,985
Hisar-firtiza . I 30 755174
The capital Dihli and Mian-di-ab . 3 69 50,254
Miwat, not included in Sikandar’s time . I 69 81,000
Biana : : : ; ; : v ; I 44 14,930
Agra : . ‘ ? ; ; 29 76,919
Mian-wilayat (Midlands) : : 2 gI 19
Giualiar . 2 23 57,450
Kalpi and Sehonda (Seondha) 4 28 55950
Qanauyj . 5 ‘ I 36 | 63,358
Sambhal . ’ I 38 44,000
Laknir and Baksar_ ; ‘ n 5 I 39 82,433
Khairabad . y : ; 12 65,000
Aid (Oude) and Bahraj (Baraich) . I 17 1,369
Junpir . 4 o | 88,333
one and Manikpar ‘ 4 ; ‘ ‘ I 63 27,282
Bihar ; , : 3 i : ‘ ; ; 4 5 60,000
Sarwar I 55 17,5064
Saran I 10 18,373
Champaran ; ; : : é : ; I 90 | 86,060
Kandla . ; ; 43 30,300
Tirhut from Raja Rup- narain’s tribute, silver ‘ 2 55,000
black “i i.e. copper) 27 50,000
Rantanbhir from Bili, Chatsii, and Malarna. ; 20 | 00,000
Nagitr . ; , : -{— ae —
Raja Bikramajit i in Rantanbhir : -| — a as
Kalanjari . : ‘ -| — --
Raja Bir- sang-deo (or, Sang only) — — —
Raja Bikam-deo_ ‘ . jo — —
Raja Bikam-chand . ‘ ; . ‘ p | o— — —

* So far as particulars and details about the land and people
of the country of Hindiistan have become definitely known, they
have been narrated and described ; whatever matters worthy of
record may come to view hereafter, I shall write down.

question of its values and that I must leave some uncertain names to those more
expert than myself. Cf. Erskine’s Appendices /.c. and Thomas’ Revenue resources
of the Mughal Empire. For a few comments see App. P.

* Here the Turki text resumes in the Hai. MS.

Fol, 292d.

Fol. 293.

Fol. 294.

522 HINDUSTAN

HISTORICAL NARRATIVE RESUMED.

(a. Distribution of treasure in Agra.)

(May 12th) On Saturday the 29th? of Rajab the examination
and distribution of the treasure were begun. To Humayin
were given 70 laks from the Treasury, and, over and above this,
a treasure house was bestowed on him just as it was, without
ascertaining and writing down its contents. To some begs
10 laks were given, 8, 7, or 6 to others.3 Suitable money-gifts
were bestowed from the Treasury on the whole army, to every
tribe there was, Afghan, Hazara, ‘Arab, Bilich efc. to each
according to its position. Every trader and student, indeed every
man who had come with the army, took ample portion and share
of bounteous gift and largess. To those not with the army went
a mass of treasure in gift and largess, as for instance, 17 laks to
Kamran, 15 laks to Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza, while to ‘Askari,
Hindal and indeed to the whole various train of relations and
younger children 4 went masses of red and white (gold and silver),
of plenishing, jewels and slaves. Many gifts went to the begs
and soldiery on that side (Tramontana). Valuable gifts (saugha?)
were sent for the various relations in Samarkand, Khurasan,
Kashghar and ‘Iraq. To holy men belonging to Samarkand
and Khurasan went offerings vowed to God (nugir) ; so too to

* Elph. MS. f. 2436; W. i. B. I.O. 215 has not the events of this year (as to which
omission vide note at the beginning of 932 AH. f. 2516) and 217 f. 203; Mems.
p. 334; Ilminsky’s imprint p. 380; A/éms. ii, 232.

* This should be 30th if Saturday was the day of the week (Gladwin, Cunningham
and Babur’s narrative of f. 269). Saturday appears likely to be right ; Babur entered
Agra on Thursday 28th ; Friday would be used for the Congregational Prayer and
preliminaries inevitable before the distribution of the treasure. The last day of
Babur’s narrative 932 AH. is Thursday Rajab 28th ; he would not be likely to mistake
between Friday, the day of his first Congregational prayer in Agra, and Saturday. It
must be kept in mind that the Description of Hindustan is an interpolation here, and
that it was written in 935 AH., three years later than the incidents here recorded.
The date Rajab 29th may not be Babur’s own entry; or if it be, may have been
made oi the interpolation of the dividing mass of the Descriftion and made
wrongly.

3 Erskine estimated these sums as ‘‘ probably £56,700 to Humayin; and the
smaller ones as £8, roo, £6,480, £5,670 and £4,860 respectively ; very large sums —
for the age” (Z/istory of India, i. 440 n. and App. E.)

* These will be his daughters. Gul-badan gives precise details of the gifts to the
family circle (Humdyiin-nama f. 10).

5 Some of these slaves were Sl. Ibrahim’s dancing-girls (Gul-badan, 78.).

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 1o OCT. 8rH 1526 AD. 523

Makka and Madina. We gave one shahrukhi for every soul
in the country of Kabul and the valley-side * of Varsak, man and
woman, bond and free, of age or non-age.?

(6. Disaffection to Babur.)

On our first coming to Agra, there was remarkable dislike and
hostility between its people and mine, the peasantry and soldiers
running away in fear of our men. Delhi and Agra excepted,
not a fortified town but strengthened its defences and neither
was in obedience nor submitted. Qasim Sambhali was in
Sambhal; Nizam Khan was in Biana; in Miwat was Hasan
Khan Miwati himself, impious mannikin! who was the sole
leader of the trouble and mischief3 Muhammad Zaztuxz was in
Dilptr; Tatar Khan Sa@rang-khani+ was in Gualiar; Husain
Khan Nuhani was in Rapri; Qutb Khan was in Itawa (Etawa) ;
‘Alam Khan (K@/f7) was in Kalpi. Qanauj and the other side
of Gang (Ganges) was all held by Afghans in independent
hostility,5 such as Nasir Khan Vuhani, Ma‘raf Farmili and a
crowd of other amirs. These had been in rebellion for three or
four years before Ibrahim’s death and when I defeated him,
were holding Qanauj and the whole country beyond it. At
the present time they were lying two or three marches on our
side of Qanauj and had made Bihar Khan the son of Darya Khan
Nuhaniz their padshah, under the style Sultan Muhammad.
Marghib the slave was in Mahawin (J/uttra ?); he remained there,
thus close, for some time but came no nearer.

t Ar, sada. Perhaps it wasa station ofa hundred men. Varsak is in Badakhshan,
on the water flowing to Taliqan from the Khwaja Muhammad range. Erskine read
(p. 335) sada Varsak as sadiir rashk, incentive to emulation ; de C. (ii, 233) translates
sada conjecturally by circonscription. Shaikh Zain has Varsak and to the recipients
of the gifts adds the ‘‘Khwastis, people noted for their piety” (A.N. trs. H.B.
i, 248 n.). The gift to Varsak may well have been made in gratitude for hospitality
received by Babur in the time of adversity after his loss of Samarkand and before his
return to Kabul in 920 AH.

? circa 10d. or 11d. Babur left himself stripped so bare by his far-flung largess
that he was nick-named Qalandar (Firishta).

3 Badayini says of him (Bib. Ind. ed. i, 340) that he was 2afir kalima-gi, a pagan
making the Muhammadan Confession of Faith, and that he had heard of him, in
Akbar’s time from Bairam Khan-i-khanan, as kingly in appearance and poetic in
temperament. He was killed fighting for Rana Sanga at Kanwaha.

4 This is his family name.

5 z.e. not acting with Hasan A/iwaii.

Fol. 2940.

Fol. 295.

524 HINDUSTAN

(c. Discontent in Babur’s army.)

It was the hot-season when we came to Agra. All the
inhabitants (Aha/aig) had run away in terror. Neither grain for
ourselves nor corn for our horses was to be had. The villages,
out of hostility and hatred to us had taken to thieving and
highway-robbery ; there was no moving on the roads. There
had been no chance since the treasure was distributed to send
men in strength into the parganas and elsewhere. Moreover
the year was a very hot one; violent pestilential winds struck
people down in heaps together ; masses began to die off.

On these accounts the greater part of the begs and best braves
became unwilling to stay in Hindistan, indeed set their faces for
leaving it. It is no reproach to old and experienced begs if they
speak of such matters ; even if they do so, this man (Babur) has
enough sense and reason to get at what is honest or what is
mutinous in their representations, to distinguish between loss
and gain. But as this man had seen his task whole, for himself,
when he resolved on it, what taste was there in their reiterating
that things should be done differently? What recommends
the expression of distasteful opinions by men of little standing
(kichik karim)? Here is a curious thing :—This last time of
our riding out from Kabul, a few men of little standing had just
been made begs ; what I looked for from them was that if I
went through fire and water and came out again, they would
have gone in with me unhesitatingly, and with me have come
out, that wherever I went, there at my side would they be,—not
that they would speak against my fixed purpose, not that they
would turn back from any task or great affair on which, all
counselling, all consenting, we had resolved, so long as that
counsel was not abandoned. Badly as these new begs behaved,
Secretary Ahmadi and Treasurer Wali behaved still worse.
Khwaja Kalan had done well in the march out from Kabul, in
Ibrahim’s defeat and until Agra was occupied ; he had spoken
bold words and shewn ambitious views. But a few days after
the capture of Agra, all his views changed,—the one zealous for
departure at any price was Khwaja Kalan.*

_* Gul-badan says that the Khwaja several times asked leave on the ground that
his constitution was not fitted for the climate of Hindiistan; that His Majesty was
not at all, at all, willing for him to go, but gave way at length to his importunity.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 525

(d. Babur calls a council.)

When I knew of this unsteadiness amongst (my) people, I
summoned all the begs and took counsel. Said I, “There is no
supremacy and grip on the world without means and resources;
without lands and retainers sovereignty and command (padshahlig
uz amirliqg) are impossible. By the labours of several years, by
encountering hardship, by long travel, by flinging myself and
the army into battle, and by deadly slaughter, we, through God’s
grace, beat these masses of enemies in order that we might take
their broad lands. And now what force compels us, what
necessity has arisen that we should, without cause, abandon
countries taken at such risk of life? Was it for us to remain in
Kabul, the sport of harsh poverty ? Henceforth, let no well-
wisher of mine speak of such things! But let not those turn
back from going who, weak in strong persistence, have set their
faces to depart!” By these words, which recalled just and
reasonable views to their minds, I made them, willy-nilly, quit
their fears.

(e. Khwaja Kalan decides to leave Hindistan.)

As Khwaja Kalan had no heart to stay in Hindistan, matters
were settled in this way :—As he had many retainers, he was to
convoy the gifts, and, as there were few men in Kabul and
Ghazni, was to keep these places guarded and victualled.
I bestowed on him Ghazni, Girdiz and the Sultan Mas‘idi Hazara,
gave also the Hindistan pargana of Ghiram,' worth 3 or
4 laks. It was settled for Khwaja Mir-i-miran also to go to
Kabul ; the gifts were put into his immediate charge, under the
custody of Mulla Hasan the banker (sarraf) and Tika? Hindi.

Loathing Hindistan, Khwaja Kalan, when on his way, had
the following couplet inscribed on the wall of his residence
(‘¢marati) in Dihli :-—

If safe and sound I cross the Sind,

Blacken my face ere I wish for Hind !
It was ill-mannered in him to compose and write up this partly-
jesting verse while I still stayed in Hind. If his departure

t in Patiala, about 25 miles s.w. of Ambala.
? Shaikh Zain, Gul-badan and Erskine write Nau-kar. It was now that Khwaja
Kalan conveyed money for the repair of the great dam at Ghazni (f. 139).

36

Fol. 2958.

Fol. 296.

Fol. 2968.

526 HINDUSTAN

caused me one vexation, such a jest doubled it.t I composed
the following off-hand verse, wrote it down and sent it to him :—

Give a hundred thanks, Babur, that the generous Pardoner

Has given thee Sind and Hind and many a kingdom.

If thou (z.e. the Khwaja) have not the strength for their heats,
If thou say, ‘‘ Let me see the cold side (y#z),” Ghazni is there.?

(f. Accretions to Babur’s force.)

At this juncture, Mulla Apaq was sent into Kil with royal
letters of favour for the soldiers and quiver-wearers (arkash-
band) of that neighbourhood. Shaikh Giran (G’hiran)3 came

(Author's note on Mulla Apag.) Formerly he had been in a very low
position indeed, but two or three years before this time, had gathered his
elder and younger brethren into a compact body and had brought them in
(to me), together with the Airiiq-zai and other Afghans of the banks of the
Sind. ;

trustfully and loyally to do obeisance, bringing with him from
2 to 3,000 soldiers and quiver-wearers from Between-two-
waters (Wian-di-ab).

Yiinas-i-‘ali when on his way from Dihli to Agra4 had lost
his way a little and got separated from Humayin ; he then met
in with ‘Ali Khan Farmialz’s sons and train,5 had a small affair
with them, took them prisoners and brought them in. Taking
advantage of this, one of the sons thus captured was sent to his
father in company with Daulat-qadam 7urk’s son Mirza Mughal
who conveyed royal letters of favour to ‘Ali Khan. At this
time of break-up, ‘Ali Khan had gone to Miwat; he came to

* The friends did not meet again; that their friendship weathered this storm is
shewn by Babur’s letter of f. 359. The Adashga says the couplet was inscribed on
a marble tablet near the Hawz-z-khas at the time the Khwaja was in Dihli after
bidding Babur farewell in Agra.

* This quatrain is in the Rampir Diwdan (g.v. index). The Adséshga quotes the
following as Khwaja Kalan’s reply, but without mentioning where the original was
found. Cf. de Courteille, Dict. 5.2%. ¢askari. An English version is given in my
husband’s article Some verses by the Emperor Babur (A.Q.R. January, 1911).

You shew your gaiety and your wit,
In each word there lie acres of charm.
Were not all things of Hind upside-down,
How could you in the heat be so pleasant on cold?
It is an old remark of travellers that everything in India is the opposite of what one
sees elsewhere. Timiir is said to have remarked it and to have told his soldiers not
to be afraid of the elephants of India, ‘‘ For,” said he, ‘‘their trunks are empty
sleeves, and they carry their tails in front ; in Hindustan everything is reversed ”
(H. Beveridge zdzd.). Cf. App. Q.
3 Badayini i, 337 speaks of him as unrivalled in music.
4 f. 2676,

5 aturig, which here no doubt represents the women of the family.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 527

me when Mirza Mughil returned, was promoted, and given
valid (?) parganas* worth 25 laks.

(g. Action against the rebels of the East.)

Sl. Ibrahim had appointed several amirs under Mustafa
Farmili and Firiz Khan Sdérang-khani, to act against the rebel
amirs of the East (Parad). Mustafa had fought them and
thoroughly drubbed them, giving them more than one good
beating. He dying before Ibrahim’s defeat, his younger brother
Shaikh Bayazid—Ibrahim being occupied with a momentous
matter ?—had led and watched over his elder brother’s men. He
now came to serve me, together with Firiz Khan, Mahmiid Khan
Nuhani and Qazi Jia. I shewed them greater kindness and
favour than was their claim; giving to Firiiz Khan 1 krir, 46 daks
and 5000 ¢ankas from Jiinpir, to Shaikh Bayazid 1 krar, 48 laks
and 50,000 tankas from Aitid (Oude), to Mahmiid Khan 90 Zaks
and 35,000 ¢azkas from Ghazipir, and to Qazi Jia 20 /aks.3

(h. Gifts made to various officers.)

It was a few days after the ‘Id of Shawwal4 that a large
party was held in the pillared-porch of the domed building
standing in the middle of Sl. Ibrahim’s private apartments. At
this party there were bestowed on Humayiin a char-gad,5 a
sword-belt,° a ¢ipachdég horse with saddle mounted in gold; on
Chin-timir Sultan, Mahdi Khwaja and Muhammad Sl. Mirza
char-gabs, sword-belts and dagger-belts ; and to the begs and
braves, to each according to his rank, were given sword-belts,

dagger-belts, and dresses of honour, in all to the number
specified below :—

* ‘ain parganalar.

? Babur’s advance, presumably.

3 The full amounts here given are not in all MSS., some scribes contenting them-
selves with the largest item of each gift (AZemozrs p. 337).

4 The ‘Id of Shawwal, it will be remembered, is celebrated at the conclusion of
the Ramzan fast, on seeing the first new moon of Shawwal. In A.H. 932 it must
have fallen about July 11th 1526 (Erskine).

_5> A square shawl, or napkin, of cloth of gold, bestowed as a mark of rank and
distinction (AZemoirs p. 338 n.) ; une tunigue enrichie de broderies (Mémoires, ii, 240 n. ).

° kamar-shamshir. This Steingass explains as sword-belt, Erskine by ‘‘ sword
with a belt”. The summary following shews that many weapons were given and
not belts alone. There is a good deal of variation in the MSS. The Hai. MS.
has not a complete list. The most all the lists show is that gifts were many.

Fol. 297.

Fol. 2976.

528 HINDUSTAN

2 items (7a’s) of ¢ipuichag horses with saddles.
16 items (gadza) of poinards, set with jewels, etc.

8 items (gaéza) of purpet over-garments.

2 items (204) of jewelled sword-belts.
— items (gadza) of broad daggers ( jamd’ har) set with jewels.
25 items of jewelled hangers (4hamar).
— items of gold-hilted Hindi knives (247d).
51 pieces of purpet.

On the day of this party it rained amazingly, rain falling
thirteen times. As outside places had been assigned to a good
many people, they were drowned out (gharagq).

(2. Of various forts and postings.)

Samana (in Patiala) had been given to Muhammadi Kikil-
dash and it had been arranged for him to make swift descent on
Sambal (Sambhal), but Sambal was now bestowed on Humayin,
in addition to his guerdon of Hisar-firiiza, and in his service
was Hindi Beg. To suit this, therefore, Hindi Beg was sent
to make the incursion in Muhammadi’s place, and with him
Kitta Beg, Baba Qashga’s (brother) Malik Qasim and his elder
and younger brethren, Mulla Apaq and Shaikh Giiran (G’hiran)
with the quiver-wearers from Between-two-waters (W/zan-di-
ab). Three or four times a person had come from Qasim
Sambali, saying, “ The renegade Biban is besieging Sambal and
has brought it to extremity ; come quickly.” Biban, with the
array and the preparation (Zaya@f) with which he had deserted
us,‘ had gone skirting the hills and gathering up Afghan and
Hindistani deserters, until, finding Sambal at this juncture ill-
garrisoned, he laid siege to it. Hindi Beg and Kitta Beg and
the rest of those appointed to make the incursion, got to the
Ahar-passage * and from there sent ahead Baba Qashga’s Malik
Qasim with his elder and younger brethren, while they them-
selves were getting over the water. Malik Qasim crossed,
advanced swiftly with from 100 to 150 men—his own and his
brethren’s—and reached Sambal by the Mid-day Prayer. Biban
for his part came out of his camp in array. Malik Qasim and
his troop moved rapidly forward, got the fort in their rear, and
came to grips. Biban could make no stand; he fled. Malik
Qasim cut off the heads of part of his force, took many horses,

* f. 2636.
? over the Ganges, a little above Aniip-shahr in the Buland-shahr district.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 529

a few elephants and a mass of booty. Next day when the
other begs arrived, Qasim Samdali came out and saw them, but
not liking to surrender the fort, made them false pretences.
One day Shaikh Giran (G’hiran) and Hindi Beg having talked
the matter over with them, got Qasim Samdali out to the
presence of the begs, and took men of ours into the fort. They
brought Qasim’s wife and dependents safely out, and sent
Qasim (to Court).?

Qalandar the foot-man was sent to Nizam Khan in Biana
with royal letters of promise and threat; with these was sent
also the following little off-hand (Persian) verse :—?

Strive not with the Turk, o Mir of Biana!

His skill and his courage are obvious.

If thou come not soon, nor give ear to counsel, —
What need to detail (aya) what is obvious ?

Biana being one of the famous forts of Hindiistan, the senseless
mannikin, relying on its strength, demanded what not even its
strength could enforce. Not giving him a good answer, we
ordered siege apparatus to be looked to.

Baba Quli Beg was sent with royal letters of promise and
threat to Muhammad Zaz¢iz (in Dilpir); Muhammad Zaztin
also made false excuses.

While we were still in Kabul, Rana Sanga had sent an envoy
to testify to his good wishes and to propose this plan: “If the
honoured Padshah will come to near Dihli from that side,
I from this will move on Agra.” But I beat Ibrahim, I took
Dihli and Agra, and up to now that Pagan has given no sign
soever of moving. After a while he went and laid siege to
Kandar3 a fort in which was Makan’s son, Hasan by name.
This Hasan-of-Makan had sent a person to me several times,
but had not shewn himself. We had not been able to detach
reinforcement for him because, as the forts round-about—Atawa
(Etawa), Dilpir, and Biana—had not yet surrendered, and
the Eastern Afghans were seated with their army in obstinate
rebellion two or three marches on the Agra side of Qanij, my
mind was not quite free from the whirl and strain of things

* A seeming omission in the text is made good in my translation by Shaikh Zain’s
help, who says Qasim was sent to Court.

* This quatrain is in the Rampiir Diwaz. It appears to pun on Bianaand bi(y Jan.

$ Kandar is in Rajpiittana ; Abii’l-fazl writes Kuhan-dar, old habitation.

Fol. 298.

Fol. 2988.

| ae
ws a u

530 HINDUSTAN

close at hand. Makan’s Hasan therefore, becoming helpless,
had surrendered Kandar two or three months ago.

Husain Khan (Vuanz) became afraid in Rapri, and he
abandoning it, it was given to Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang.

To Qutb Khan in Etawa royal letters of promise and threat
had been sent several times, but as he neither came and saw me,
nor abandoned Etawa and got away, it was given to Mahdi
Khwaja and he was sent against it with a strong reinforcement
of begs and household troops under the command of Muhammad
Sl. Mirza, Sl. Muhammad Dz/daz, Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang
and ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz the Master of the Horse. Qanij was given to
Sl. Muhammad Dz/daz; he was also (as mentioned) appointed
against Etawa; so too were Firiz Khan, Mahmid Khan,
Shaikh Bayazid and Qazi Jia, highly favoured commanders to
whom Eastern parganas had been given.

Fol. 299. Muhammad Zazt¢in, who was seated in Dilpir, deceived us
and did not come. We gave Dilpir to SI. Junaid Barlas and
reinforced him by appointing ‘Adil Sultan, Muhammadi
Kikildash, Shah Manstr Bar/as, Qitliq-qadam, Treasurer
Wali, Jan Beg, ‘Abdu’l-lah, Pir-quli, and Shah Hasan Varagz
(or Baragi), who were to attack Dilpir, take it, make it over to
Sl. Junaid Barlas and advance on Biana.

(7. Plan of operations adopted.)

These armies appointed, we summoned the Turk amirs * and
the Hindistan amirs, and tossed the following matters in
amongst them :—The various rebel amirs of the East, that is to
say, those under Nasir Khan Vuhani and Ma‘rif Farmiilz, have
crossed Gang (Ganges) with 40 to 50,000 men, taken Qanij,
and now lie some three miles on our side of the river. The
Pagan Rana Sanga has captured Kandar and is in a hostile and
mischievous attitude. The end of the Rains is near. It seems
expedient to move either against the rebels or the Pagan, since
the task of the forts near-by is easy; when the great foes are
got rid of, what road will remain open for the rest? Rana
Sanga is thought not to be the equal of the rebels.

* This is the first time Babur’s begs are called amirs in his book; it may be by
a scribe’s slip.

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 531

To this all replied unanimously, “Rana Sanga is the most
distant, and it is not known that he will come nearer; the
enemy who is closest at hand must first be got rid of. We are
for riding against the rebels.” Humayin then represented,
“What need is there for the Padshah to ride out? This service
I will do.” This came as a pleasure to every-one ; the Turk and
Hind amirs gladly accepted his views ; he was appointed for the
East. A Kabuli of Ahmad-i-qasim’s was sent galloping off to
tell the armies that had been despatched against Dilpir to join
Humayin at Chandwar ;* also those sent against Etawa under
Mahdi Khwaja and Muhammad SI. M. were ordered to join him.

(August 21st) Humayiin set out on Thursday the 13th of
Zi’1-qa‘da, dismounted at a little village called Jilisir (Jalesar)
some 3 kurohs from Agra, there stayed one night, then moved
forward march by march.

(k. Khwaja Kalan’s departure.)

(August 28th) On Thursday the 20th of this same month,
Khwaja Kalan started for Kabul.

(2. Of gardens and pleasaunces.)

One of the great defects of Hindiistan being its lack of
running-waters,? it kept coming to my mind that waters should
be made to flow by means of wheels erected wherever I might
settle down, also that grounds should be laid out in an orderly
and symmetrical way. With this object in view, we crossed the
Jiin-water to look at garden-grounds a few days after entering
Agra. Those grounds were so bad and unattractive that we
traversed them with a hundred disgusts and repulsions. So
ugly and displeasing were they, that the idea of making a
Char-bagh in them passed from my mind, but needs must! as
there was no other land near Agra, that same ground was taken
in hand a few days later.

The beginning was made with the large well from which water
comes for the Hot-bath, and also with the piece of ground where

* Chandwar is on the Jumna, between Agra and Etawah.

? Here dgar-sular will stand for the waters which flow—sometimes in marble

channels—to nourish plants and charm the eye, such for example as beautify the
Taj-mahal pleasaunce.

Fol. 2996.

Fol. 300.

Fol. 3006.

532 _ HINDUSTAN

the tamarind-trees and the octagonal tank now are. After that

came the large tank with its enclosure ; after that the tank and
talar* in front of the outer (?) residence? ; after that the private-
house (kAz/wat-khana) with its garden and various dwellings ;
after that the Hot-bath. Then in that charmless and disorderly
Hind, plots of garden3 were seen laid out with order and
symmetry, with suitable borders and parterres in every corner,
and in every border rose and narcissus in perfect arrangement.

(m. Construction of a chambered-well.)

Three things oppressed us in Hindistan, its heat, its violent
winds, its dust. Against all three the Bath is a protection, for
in it, what is known of dust and wind? and in the heats it is so
chilly that one is almost cold. The bath-room in which the
heated tank is, is altogether of stone, the whole, except for the
izara (dado?) of white stone, being, pavement and roofing, of
red Biana stone.

Khalifa also and Shaikh Zain, Yiinas-i-‘ali and whoever got
land on that other bank of the river laid out regular and orderly
gardens with tanks, made running-waters also by setting up
wheels like those in Dipalpir and Lahor. The people of Hind
who had never seen grounds planned so symmetrically and thus
laid out, called the side of the Jin where (our) residences were,
Kabul.

In an empty space inside the fort, which was between
Ibrahim’s residence and the ramparts, I ordered a large
chambered-well (zw@zz) to be made, measuring 10 by 10,4 a large

* Index s.z. The ddr is raised on pillars and open in front; it serves often for an
Audience-hall (Erskine).

2 tash ‘imarat, which may refer to the extra-mural location of the house, or
contrast it with the inner £Az/wat-khadna, the women’s quarters, of the next sentence.
The point is noted as one concerning the use of the word ask (Index s.2.). I have
found no instance in which it is certain that Babur uses /a@sh, a stone or rock, as an
adjective. On f. 301 he writes tashdin ‘imdarat, house-of-stone, which the Persian
text renders by ‘imdrat-i-sangin. Wherever ¢ash can be translated as meaning
outer, this accords with Babur’s usual diction.

3 baghcha (Index s.n.). That Babur was the admitted pioneer of orderly gardens
in India is shewn by the 30th Ayin, On Perfumes :—‘‘ After the foot-prints of
Firdaus-makani (Babur) had added to the glory of Hindistan, embellishment by
avenues and landscape-gardening was seen, while heart-expanding buildings and the
sound of falling-waters widened the eyes of beholders.”

4 Perhaps gaz, each somewhat less than 36 inches.

932 AH.—OCT. 18rH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 533

well with a flight of steps, which in Hindistan is called a waz."
This well was begun before the Char-bagh?; they were busy
digging it in the true Rains (‘ai dishkal, Sawan and Bhadon) ;
it fell in several times and buried the hired workmen; it was
finished after the Holy Battle with Rana Sanga, as is stated in
the inscription on the stone that bears the chronogram of its
completion. It is a complete wai, having a three-storeyed
house in it. The lowest storey consists of three rooms, each of
which opens on the descending steps, at intervals of three steps
from one another. When the water is at its lowest, it is one
step below the bottom chamber ; when it rises in the Rains, it
sometimes goes into the top storey. In the middle storey an
inner chamber has been excavated which connects with the
domed building in which the bullock turns the well-wheel. The
top storey is a single room, reached from two sides by 5 or 6
steps which lead down to it from the enclosure overlooked from
the well-head. Facing the right-hand way down, is the stone
inscribed with the date of completion. At the side of this well
is another the bottom of which may be at half the depth of the
first, and into which water comes from that first one when the
bullock turns the wheel in the domed building afore-mentioned.
This second well also is fitted with a wheel, by means of which
water is carried along the ramparts to the high-garden. A stone
building (¢@shdin ‘tmarat) stands at the mouth of the well and
there is an outer (?) mosque 3 outside (¢ashgari) the enclosure in
which the well is. The mosque is not well done; it is in the
Hindistani fashion.
(n. Humayiin’s campaign.)

At the time Humayin got to horse, the rebel amirs under
Nasir Khan Nuhani and Ma'‘rif Farmilz were assembled at
Jajmai.4 Arrived within 20 to 30 miles of them, he sent out

* The more familiar Indian name is éao/z. Such wells attracted Peter Mundy’s
attention ; Yule gives an account of their names and plan (Mundy’s 7ravels in Asia,
Hakluyt Society, ed. R. C. Temple, and Yule’s Hodson Jobson s.n. Bowly). Babur’s
account of his great wdimz is not easy to translate; his interpreters vary from one
another ; probably no one of them has felt assured of translating correctly.

* 7.e€. the one across the river.

% tash masjid ; this, unless some adjectival affix (e.g. diz) has been omitted by the
scribe, I incline to read as meaning extra, supplementary, or outer, not as ‘‘ mosque-
of-stone ”.

4 or Jajmawa, the old name for the sub-district of Kanhpir (Cawnpur).

Fol. 301.

Fol. 3014.

534 HINDUSTAN

Mimin Ataka for news; it became a raid for loot; Mimin
Ataka was not able to bring even the least useful information.
The rebels heard about him however, made no stay but fled and
got away. After Mimin Ataka, Qusm-nai (?) was sent for news,
with Baba Chuhra‘ and Bijka; they brought it of the breaking-
up and flight of the rebels. Humayiin advancing, took Jajmat
and passed on. Near Dilmai? Fath Khan Sarwani came and
saw him, and was sent to me with Mahdi Khwaja and Muhammad
Sl. Mirza.

(0. News of the Atzbegs.)

This year ‘Ubaidu’l-lah Khan (Adzdeg) led an army out of
Bukhara against Marv. In the citadel of Marv were perhaps
10 to 15 peasants whom he overcame and killed ; then having
taken the revenues of Marv in 40 or 50 days,3 he went on to
Sarakhs. In Sarakhs were some 30 to 40 Red-heads ( Qzzi/-bash)

_ who did not surrender, but shut the Gate; the peasantry however

scattered them and opened the Gate to the Aiizbeg who entering,
killed the Red-heads. Sarakhs taken, he went against Titis and
Mashhad. The inhabitants of Mashhad being helpless, let him
in. Tus he besieged for 8 months, took possession of on terms,
did not keep those terms, but killed every man of name and
made their women captive.

(p. Affairs of Gujrat.)

In this year Bahadur Khan,—he who now rules in Gujrat in
the place of his father Sl. Muzaffar Gajrati—having gone to
Sl. Ibrahim after quarrel with his father, had been received
without honour. He had sent dutiful letters to me while I was
near Pani-pat; I had replied by royal letters of favour and
kindness summoning him to me. He had thought of coming,
but changing his mind, drew off from Ibrahim’s army towards
Gujrat. Meantime his father Sl. Muzaffar had died (Friday
Jumada II. 2nd AH.—March 16th 1526 AD.); his elder brother
Sikandar Shah who was Sl. Muzaffar’s eldest son, had become

* 2.é. of the Corps of Braves.

* Dilmaii is on the left bank of the Ganges, s.e. from Bareilly (Erskine).

3 Marv-ning bundi-ni baghlab, which Erskine renders by ‘‘ Having settled the
revenue of Merv”, and de Courteille by, ‘‘ 4prés avoir occupé Merv.” Were the
year’s revenues compressed into a 40 to 50 days collection ?

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 535

ruler in their father’s place and, owing to his evil disposition,
had been strangled by his slave ‘Imadu’l-mulk, acting with
others (Sha‘ban 14th—May 25th). Bahadur Khan, while he
was on his road for Gujrat, was invited and escorted to sit in
his father’s place under the style Bahadur Shah (Ramzan 26th—
July 6th). He for his part did well ; he retaliated by death on
‘Imadu'l-mulk for his treachery to his salt, and killed some
others of his father’s begs.* People point at him as a dread-
naught (2 6@%) youth and a shedder of much blood.

* z.é. those who had part in his brother’s murder. Cf. Nizamu’d-din Ahmad’s
Zabagat-t-akbari and the Mirat-t-sikandari (trs. History of Gujrat E. C. Bayley).

Fol. 302.

Fol. 3024,

933 AH.—OCT. 87H 1526 to SEP. 277TH 1527 AD."

(a. Announcement of the birth of a son.)

In Muharram Beg Wais brought the news of Fariq’s birth;
though a foot-man had brought it already, he came this month
for the gift to the messenger of good tidings.? The birth must
have been on Friday eve, Shawwal 23rd (932 AH._August 2nd
1526 AD.); the name given was Fariq.

(6. Casting of a mortar.)

(October 22nd- Muharram 15th) Ustad ‘Ali-quli had been
ordered to cast a large mortar for use against Biana and other
forts which had not yet submitted. When all the furnaces and
materials were ready, he sent a person to me and, on Monday
the 15th of the month, we went to see the mortar cast. Round
the mortar-mould he had had eight furnaces made in which
were the molten materials. From below each furnace a channel
went direct to the mould. When he opened the furnace-holes
on our arrival, the molten metal poured like water through all
these channels into the mould. After awhile and before the
mould was full, the flow stopped from one furnace after another.
Ustad ‘Ali-quli must have made some miscalculation either as
to the furnaces or the materials. In his great distress, he was
for throwing himself into the mould of molten metal, but we
comforted him, put a robe of honour on him, and so brought
him out of his shame. The mould was left a day or two to
cool; when it was opened, Ustad ‘Ali-quli with great delight
sent to say, “ The stone-chamber (¢@sh-aw7) is without defect ;
to cast the powder-compartment (da@ri-khana) is easy.” He got

* Elph. MS. f. 252; W.-i-B. 1.0. 215 f. 1994 and 217 f. 2084; Mems. p. 343.

? sitinchi (Zenker). Fariiq was Mahim’s son; he died in 934 A.H. before his
father had seen him.

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 537

the stone-chamber out and told off a body of men to accoutre*
it, while he busied himself with casting the powder-compartment.

(c. Varia.)

Mahdi Khwaja arrived bringing Fath Khan Sarwanz from
Humiayin’s presence, they having parted from him in Dilmai.
I looked with favour on Fath Khan, gave him the parganas that
had been his father ‘Azam-humayin’s, and other lands also, one
pargana given being worth a kriur and 60 /aks.?

In Hindistan they give permanent titles [sugarrari khitablar|
to highly-favoured amirs, one such being ‘Azam-humayin
(August Might), one Khan-i-jahan (Khan-of-the-world), another
Khan-i-khanan (Khan-of-khans). Fath Khan’s father’s title
was ‘Azam-humayin but I set this aside because on account of
Humayiin it was not seemly for any person to bear it, and
I gave Fath Khan Sarwani the title of Khan-i-jahan.

(Movember 14th) On Wednesday the 8th of Safar3 awnings
were set up (in the Char-bagh) at the edge of the large tank
beyond the tamarind-trees, and an entertainment was prepared
there. We invited Fath Khan Sarwan to a wine-party, gave
him wine, bestowed on him a turban and head-to-foot of my
own wearing, uplifted his head with kindness and favour + and
allowed him to go to his own districts. It was arranged for his
son Mahmid to remain always in waiting.

(ad. Various military matters.)
(November 30th) On Wednesday the 24th of Muharram 5
Muhammad ‘Ali (son of Mihtar) Haidar the stirrup-holder was

* salah. It is clear from the ‘‘ ¢a@sh-awi” (Pers. trs. Ahdna-t-sang) of this mortar
(gazan) that stones were its missiles. Erskine notes that from Babur’s account cannon
would seem sometimes to have been made in parts and clamped together, and that
they were frequently formed of iron bars strongly compacted into a circular shape.
The accoutrement (sa/ah) presumably was the addition of fittings.

2 About £40,000 sterling (Erskine).

3 The MSS. write Safar but it seems probable that Muharram should be
substituted for this ; one ground for not accepting Safar being that it breaks the
consecutive order of dates, another that Safar allows what seems a long time for the
journey from near Dilmaii to Agra. All MSS. I have seen give the 8th as the day
of the month but Erskine has 20th. In this part of Babur’s writings dates are
sparse ; it is a narrative and not a diary.

4 This phrase, foreign to Babur’s diction, smacks of a Court-Persian milieu.

5 Here the Elph. MS. has Safar Muharram (f. 253), as has also I.O. 215 f. 2004,
but it seems unsafe to take this as an a/ Safarami extension of Muharram because
Muh.-Safar 24th was not a Wednesday. As in the passage noted just above, it
seems likely that Muharram is right.

Fol. 303.

Fol. 3038.

Fol. 304.

538 HINDUSTAN

sent (to Humayiin) with this injunction, “ As—thanks be to
God !—the rebels have fled, do you, as soon as this messenger
arrives, appoint a few suitable begs to Jinpiir, and come quickly
to us yourself, for Rana Sanga the Pagan is conveniently close ;
let us think first of him!”

After (Humayiin’s) army had gone to the East, we appointed,
to make a plundering excursion into the Biana neighbourhood,
Tardi Beg (brother) of Qij Beg with his elder brother Sher-afgan,
Muhammad Khalil the master-gelder (akhta-begi) with his
brethren and the gelders (akhtachilar),* Rustam Turkman with
his brethren, and also, of the Hindistani people, Daud Sarwani.
If they, by promise and persuasion, could make the Biana
garrison look towards us, they were to do so; if not, they were
to weaken the enemy by raid and plunder.

In the fort of Tahangar? was ‘Alam Khan the elder brother
of that same Nizam Khan of Biana. People of his had come
again and again to set forth his obedience and well-wishing ; he
now took it on himself to say, “If the Padshah appoint an army,
it will be my part by promise and persuasion to bring in the
quiver-weavers of Biana and to effect the capture of that fort.”
This being so, the following orders were given to the braves of
Tardi Beg’s expedition, “ As ‘Alam Khan, a local man, has taken
it on himself to serve and submit in this manner, act you with
him and in the way he approves in this matter of Biana.”
Swordsmen though some Hindistanis may be, most of them are
ignorant and unskilled in military move and stand (yarish u
tiviish), in soldierly counsel and procedure. When our expedition
joined ‘Alam Khan, he paid no attention to what any-one else
said, did not consider whether his action was good or bad, but
went close up to Biana, taking our men with him. Our expedi-
tion numbered from 250 to 300 Turks with somewhat over 2000
Hindustanis and local people, while Nizam Khan of Biana’s
Afghans and s¢pahis 3 were an army of over 4000 horse and of
foot-men themselves again, more than 10,000, Nizam Khan

* Cf. f. 156 note to Qambar-i-‘ali. The title A%h¢a-begi is to be found translated

by “‘ Master of the Horse”, but this would not suit both uses of a&hfa in the
above sentence. Cf. Shaw’s Vocabulary.

* 2.€. Tahangarh in Karauli, Rajpitana.
3 Perhaps szfahz represents Hindiistani foot-soldiers.

933 AH.—OCT. 8rH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 539

looked his opponents over, sallied suddenly out and, his massed
horse charging down, put our expeditionary force to flight. His
men unhorsed his elder brother ‘Alam Khan, took § or 6 others
prisoner and contrived to capture part of the baggage. As we
had already made encouraging promises to Nizam Khan, we now,
spite of this last impropriety, pardoned all earlier and this later
fault, and sent him royal letters. As he heard of Rana Sanga’s
rapid advance, he had no resource but to call on Sayyid Rafi‘?
for mediation, surrender the fort to our men, and come in with
Sayyid Rafi‘, when he was exalted to the felicity of an interview.”
I bestowed on him a pargana in Mian-di-ab worth 20 /aks.3
Dost, Lord-of-the-gate was sent for a time to Biana, but a few
days later it was bestowed on Madhi Khwaja with a fixed
allowance of 70 /aks,4 and he was given leave to go there.
Tatar Khan Sdarang-khani, who was in Gialiar, had been
sending constantly to assure us of his obedience and good-
wishes. After the pagan took Kandar and was close to Biana,
Dharmankat, one of the Gualiar rajas, and another pagan styled
Khan-i-jahan, went into the Gialiar neighbourhood and, coveting
the fort, began to stir trouble and tumult. Tatar Khan, thus
placed in difficulty, was for surrendering Gialiar (to us). Most
of our begs, household and best braves being away with
(Humayin’s) army or on various raids, we joined to Rahim-dad
a few Bhira men and Lahoris with Hastachi5 f¢u#ugitar and his
brethren. We assigned farganas in Gialiar itself to all those
mentioned above. Mulla Apaq and Shaikh Guran (G’huran)
went also with them, they to return after Rahim-dad was estab-
lished in Gialiar. By the time they. were near Gialiar however,
Tatar Khan’s views had changed, and he did not invite them
into the fort. Meantime Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus (Helper),
a darwish-like man, not only very learned but with a large
following of students and disciples, sent from inside the fort to
say to Rahim-dad, “ Get yourselves into the fort somehow, for

* Rafi‘u-d-din Safawi, a native of Ij near the Persian Gulf, teacher of Abi’l-fazl’s
father and buried near Agra (Ayin-i-akbari).

? This phrase, again, departs from Babur’s simplicity of statement.

3 About £5,000 (Erskine).

4 About £17,500 (Erskine).

5 Hai. MS. and 215 f. 2014, Hasti; Elph. MS. f. 254, and Ilminsky, p. 394,
Aimishchi ; AZemoirs, p. 346, Imshiji, so too A/émoires, ii, 257.

Fol. 3046.

Fol. 305.

540 HINDUSTAN

the views of this person (Tatar Khan) have changed, and he
has evil in his mind.” Hearing this, Rahim-dad sent to say to
Tatar Khan, “There is danger from the Pagan to those outside;
let me bring a few men into the fort and let the rest stay
outside.” Under insistence, Tatar Khan agreed to this, and
Rahim-dad went in with rather few men. Said he, “ Let our
people stay near this Gate,” posted them near the Hati-pul
(Elephant-gate) and through that Gate during that same night
brought in the whole of his troop. Next day, Tatar Khan,
reduced to helplessness, willy-nilly, made over the fort, and set
out to come and wait on me in Agra. A subsistence allowance
of 20 Jaks was assigned to him on Bianwan pargana.*

Muhammad Zatt¢iin also took the only course open to him by
surrendering Dilpir and coming to wait on me. A fargana
worth a few /aks was bestowed on him. Dilpir was made
a royal domain (4/a/sa) with Abi’l-fath Zurkman? as its
military-collector (shzgdar).

In the Hisar-firiiza neighbourhood Hamid Khan Sdvrang-
khani with a body of his own Afghans and of the Pani Afghans
he had collected—from 3 to 4,000 in all—was in a hostile and
troublesome attitude. On Wednesday the 15th Safar (Nov. 21st)
we appointed against him Chin-timir Sl. (Chaghataz) with the
commanders Secretary Ahmadi, Abi’l-fath Zurkman, Malik
Dad Kararani3 and Mujahid Khan of Multan. These going,
fell suddenly on him from a distance, beat his Afghans well,
killed a mass of them and sent in many heads.

(e. Embassy from Persia.)

In the last days of Safar, Khwajagi Asad who had been sent
to Shah-zada Tahmasp¢ in ‘Iraq, returned with a Turkman
named Sulaiman who amongst other gifts brought two Circassian
girls (gislar).

* About £5000 (Erskine). Bianwan lies in the s#ah of Agra.

2 Cf. f. 175 for Babur’s estimate of his service.

3 Cf. f. 2684 for Babur’s clemency to him.

* Firishta (Briggs ii, 53) mentions that Asad had gone to Tahmasp from Kabul to
congratulate him on his accession. Shah Isma‘il had died in 930 AH. (1524 AD.) ;
the title Shah-zada is a misnomer therefore in 933 AH.—one possibly prompted by
Tahmasp’s youth.

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 541

(f. Attempt to poison Babur.)

(Dec. 21st) On Friday the 16th of the first Rabi‘ a strange
event occurred which was detailed in a letter written to Kabul.
That letter is inserted here just as it was written, without
addition or taking-away, and is as follows :—"

“ The details of the momentous event of Friday the 16th of
the first Rabi‘ in the date 933 [Dec. 21st 1526 AD.]| are as
follows :—The ill-omened old woman? Ibrahim’s mother heard
that I ate things from the hands of Hindiistanis—the thing
being that three or four months earlier, as I had not seen
Hindistani dishes, I had ordered Ibrahim’s cooks to be brought
and out of 50 or 60 had kept four. Of this she heard, sent to
Atawa (Etawa) for Ahmad the chéshnigir—in Hindistan they
call a taster (Gakawal) a chashnigiy—and, having got him,3 gave
a tila of poison, wrapped in a square of paper,—as has been
mentioned a Z#/a is rather more than 2 mzsqa/s +—into the hand
of a slave-woman who was to give it to him. That poison
Ahmad gave to the Hindistani cooks in our kitchen, promising
them four parganas if they would get it somehow into the food.
Following the first slave-woman that ill-omened old woman sent
a second to see if the first did or did not give the poison she had
received to Ahmad. Well was it that Ahmad put the poison
not into the cooking-pot but ona dish! He did not put it into
the pot because I had strictly ordered the tasters to compel any
Hindistanis who were present while food was cooking in. the
pots, to taste that food.s Our graceless tasters were neglectful
when the food (ask) was being dished up. Thin slices of bread
were put on a porcelain dish ; on these less than half of the
paper packet of poison was sprinkled, and over this buttered

* The letter is likely to have been written to Mahim and to have been brought
back to India by her in 935 AH. (f. 3804). Some MSS. of the Pers. trs. reproduce
it in Turki and follow this by a Persian version ; others omit the Turki.

* Turki, 6#@. Hindi dawad means sister or paternal-aunt but this would not suit
from Babur’s mouth, the more clearly not that his epithet for the offender is dad-bakhe.
Gul-badan (H.N. f. 19) calls her “‘ ill-omened demon”. ¥

3 She may have been still in the place assigned to her near Agra when Babur
occupied it (f. 269).

4 f. 290. Erskine notes that the /#/a is about equal in weight to the silver 7#/7.

5 It appears from the kitchen-arrangements detailed by Abi’l-fazl, that before food

was dished up, it was tasted from the pot by a cook and a subordinate taster, and next
by the Head-taster.

37

Fol. 3054.

Fol. 306.

Fol. 3064,

542 HINDUSTAN

fritters were laid. It would have been bad if the poison had
been strewn on the fritters or thrown into the pot. In his
confusion, the man threw the larger half into the fire-place.”

“On Friday, late after the Afternoon Prayer, when the cooked
meats were set out, I ate a good deal of a dish of hare and also
much fried carrot, took a few mouthfuls of the poisoned Hindi-
stani food without noticing any unpleasant flavour, took also
a mouthful or two of dried-meat (gag). Then I felt sick. As
some dried meat eaten on the previous day had had an un-
pleasant taste, I thought my nausea due to the dried-meat.
Again and again my heart rose; after retching two or three
times I was near vomiting on the table-cloth. At last I saw it
would not do, got up, went retching every moment of the way
to the water-closet (@4-khana) and on reaching it vomited much.
Never had I vomited after food, used not to do so indeed while
drinking. I became suspicious ; I had the cooks put in ward
and ordered some of the vomit given to a dog and the dog to
be watched. It was somewhat out-of-sorts near the first watch
of the next day ; its belly was swollen and however much people
threw stones at it and turned it over, it did not get up. In that
state it remained till mid-day ; it then got up; it did not die.
One or two of the braves who also had eaten of that dish, vomited
a good deal next day ; one was in a very bad state. In the end
all escaped. (Perszan) ‘An evil arrived but happily passed on!’
God gave me new-birth! I am coming from that other world ;
{am born today of my mother; I was sick; I live; through
God, I know today the worth of life!” ! |

“T ordered Pay-master Sl. Muhammad to watch the cook ;
when he was taken for torture (giz), he related the above
particulars one after another.”

“Monday being Court-day, I ordered the grandees and notables,
amirs and wazirs to be present and that those two men and two
women should be brought and questioned. They there related
the particulars of the affair. That taster I had cut in pieces,
that cook skinned alive; one of those women I had thrown

* The Turki sentences which here follow the well-known Persian proverb, Rasida

bud balai walt ba khair guzasht, are entered as verse in some MSS. ; they may be
a prose quotation.

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 543

under an elephant, the other shot with a match-lock. The old
woman (47#@) I had kept under guard ; she will meet her doom,
the captive of her own act.” *

“On Saturday I drank a bowl of milk, on Sunday ‘avagq in
which stamped-clay was dissolved.2, On Monday I drank milk
in which were dissolved stamped-clay and the best theriac,3 a
strong purge. As on the first day, Saturday, something very
dark like parched bile was voided.”

“Thanks be to God! no harm has been done. Till now

I had not known so well how sweet a thing lifecan seem! As.

the line has it, ‘He who has been near to death knows the worth
of life. Spite of myself, Iam all upset whenever the dreadful
occurrence comes back to my mind. It must have been God’s
favour gave me life anew; with what words can I thank him?”

“Although the terror of the occurrence was too great for
words, I have written all that happened, with detail and circum-
stance, because I said to myself, ‘Don’t let their hearts be kept
in anxiety!’ Thanks be to God! there may be other days yet
to see! All has passed off well and for good; have no fear or
anxiety in your minds.”

“This was written on Tuesday the 20th of the first Rabi‘,
I being then in the Char-bagh.”

When we were free from the anxiety of these occurrences, the
above letter was written and sent to Kabul.

(g. Dealings with Ibrahim’s family.)

As this great crime had raised its head through that ill-omened
old woman (67a@-2-bad-bakht), she was given over to Yinas-i-‘ali
and Khwajagi Asad who after taking her money and goods,
slaves and slave-women (da@d#k), made her over for careful watch
to ‘Abdu’r-rahim shaghawal4 Her grandson, Ibrahim’s son had
been cared for with much respect and delicacy, but as the
attempt on my life had been made, clearly, by that family, it

* She, after being put under contribution by two of Babur’s officers (f. 3074) was
started off for Kabul, but, perhaps dreading her reception there, threw herself into
the Indus in crossing and was drowned. (Cf. A.N. trs. H. Beveridge Zvrata and
addenda p. xi for the authorities. )

* gil makhttim, Lemnian earth, terra sigillata, each piece of which was impressed,
when taken from the quarry, with a guarantee-stamp (Cf. Ency. Br. s.2. Lemnos).

3 ttridg-t-fariig, an antidote.

4 Index s.7.

Fol. 307.

Fol. 3076.

544 HINDUSTAN

did not seem advisable to keep him in Agra; he was joined
therefore to Mulla Sarsan—who had come from Kamran on
important business—and was started off with the Mulla to
Kamran on Thursday Rabi‘ I. 29th (Jan. 3rd 1527 AD.).*

(h. Humdayin's campaign.)

Humayin, acting against the Eastern rebels? took Jina-pir
(sic), went swiftly against Nasir Khan (V##anz) in Ghazi-pir
and found that he had gone across the Gang-river, presumably
on news* of Humayiin’s approach. From Ghazi-pir Humayin
went against Kharid 3 but the Afghans of the place had crossed
the Sarii-water (Gogra) presumably on the news* of his coming.
Kharid was plundered and the army turned back.

Humayin, in accordance with my arrangements, left Shah
Mir Husain and Sl. Junaid with a body of effective braves in
Jiina-pir, posted Qazi Jia with them, and placed Shaikh Bayazid
[ Harmiuli| in Aude (Oude). These important matters settled,
he crossed Gang from near Karrah-Manikpir and took the
Kalpi road. When he came opposite Kalpi, in which was Jalal
Khan /7k-hat’s (son) ‘Alam Khan who had sent me dutiful
letters but had not waited on me himself, he sent some-one to
chase fear from ‘Alam Khan’s heart and so brought him along
(to Agra).

Humayin arrived and waited on me in the Garden of Eight-
paradises* on Sunday the 3rd of the 2nd Rabi‘ (Jan. 6th
1527 AD.). On the same day Khwaja Dost-i-khawand arrived
from Kabul.

(7. Rana Sanga’s approach.) §
Meantime Mahdi Khwaja’s people began to come in, treading
on one another’s heels and saying, “The Rana’s advance is

* Kamran was in Qandahar (Index s.”.). Erskine observes here that Babur’s
omission to give the name of Ibrahim’s son, is noteworthy ; the son may however
have been a child and his name not known to or recalled by Babur when writing some
years later.

2 f. 2990.

3 The Ayin-i-akbari locates this in the sarkar of Jiin-piir, a location suiting the
context. The second Persian translation (‘Abdu’r-rahim’s) has here a scribe’s skip
from one “‘news” to another (both asterisked in my text) ; hence Erskine has an
omission.

bey is the Char-bagh of f. 300, known later as the Ram (Aram)-bagh (Garden-
of-rest).

5 Presumably he was coming up from Marwar.

el gene a rs =

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 Tro SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 545

certain. Hasan Khan (/zwa7z is heard of also as likely to join
him. They must be thought about above all else. It would
favour our fortune, if a troop came ahead of the army to
reinforce Biana.”

Deciding to get to horse, we sent on, to ride light to Biana,
the commanders Muhammad Sl. Mirza, Yinas-i-‘ali, Shah
Mansir Barlas, Kitta Beg, Qismati* and Bijka.

In the fight with Ibrahim, Hasan Khan J/iwazi’s son Nahar
Khan had fallen into our hands; we had kept him as an hostage
and, ostensibly on his account, his father had been making
comings-and-goings with us, constantly asking for him. It now
occurred to several people that if Hasan Khan were conciliated
by sending him his son, he would thereby be the more favourably
disposed and his waiting on me might be the better brought
about. Accordingly Nahar Khan was dressed in a robe of
honour ; promises were made to him for his father, and he was
given leave to go. That hypocritical mannikin [Hasan Khan]
must have waited just till his son had leave from me to go, for
on hearing of this and while his son as yet had not joined him,
he came out of Aliir (Alwar) and at once joined Rana Sanga in
Toda(bhim, Agra District). It must have been ill-judged to
let his son go just then.

Meantime much rain was falling; parties were frequent; even
Humayin was present at them and, abhorrent though it was to
him, sinned ? every few days.

(7. Tramontane affairs.)

One of the strange events in these days of respite 3 was this :—
When Humayin was coming from Fort Victory (Qila‘-i-zafar)
to join the Hindistan army, (Muh. 932 AH.—Oct. 1525 AD.)
Mulla Baba of Pashaghar (Chaghataiz) and his younger brother
Baba Shaikh deserted on the way, and went to Kitin-qara Sl.
(Adzbeg), into whose hands Balkh had fallen through the

* This name varies ; the Hai. MS. in most cases writes Qismati, but on f. 2674,
Qismatai ; the Elph. MS. on f. 220 has Q:s:mnai; De Courteille writes Qismi.

* artkab gildi, perhaps drank wine, perhaps ate opium-confections to the use of
which he became addicted later on (Gulbadan’s Humayin-nama f. 306 and 736).

3 * Sursatlar, z.¢. between the occupation of Agra and the campaign against Rana
anga.

Fol. 308.

Fol. 3084.

5 ome
ih.
wi

546 HINDUSTAN

enfeeblement of its garrison. This hollow mannikin and his
younger brother having taken the labours of this side (Cis-
Balkh?) on their own necks, come into the neighbourhood of
Aibak, Khurram and Sar-bagh.?

Shah Sikandar—his footing in Ghiri lost through the surrender
of Balkh—is about to make over that fort to the Aiizbeg, when
Mulla Baba and Baba Shaikh, coming with a few Aiizbegs, take
possession of it. Mir Hamah, as his fort is close by, has no
help for it ; he is for submitting to the Atizbeg, but a few days
later Mulla Baba and Baba Shaikh come with a few Aizbegs to
Mir Hamah’s fort, purposing to make the Mir and his troop
march out and to take them towards Balkh. Mir Hamah
makes Baba Shaikh dismount inside the fort, and gives the rest
felt huts (a#/a@q) here and there. He slashes at Baba Shaikh,
puts him and some others in bonds, and sends a man galloping
off to Tingri-birdi (Qachin, in Qindiiz). Tingri-birdi sends off
Yar-i-‘ali and ‘Abdu’l-latif with a few effective braves, but before
they reach Mir Hamah’s fort, Mulla Baba has arrived there with
his Aiizbegs ; he had thought of a hand-to-hand fight (aariish-
muriush), but he cando nothing. Mir Hamah and his men joined
Tingri-birdi’s and came to Qiindiiz. Baba Shaikh’s wound must
have been severe ; they cut his head off and Mir Hamah brought

Fol. 309. it (to Agra) in these same days of respite. I uplifted his head
with favour and kindness, distinguishing him amongst his fellows
and equals. When Baqi shaghdwal went [to Balkh]3 I promised
him a ser of gold for the head of each of the ill-conditioned old
couple ; one serv of gold was now given to Mir Hamah for Baba
Shaikh’s head, over and above the favours referred to above.4

(k. Action of part of the Biana reinforcement.)

Qismati who had ridden light for Biana, brought back several
heads he had cut off; when he and Bijka had gone with a few

* Apparently the siege Babur broke up in 931 AH. had been renewed by the
Aiizbegs (f. 2554 and Trs. Note s.a. 931 AH. section c).

* These places are on the Khulm-river between Khulm and Kahmard. The
meee —_ of this and the following sentences is Babur’s.

3 f, 261,

4 Erskine here notes that if the sex Babur mentions be one of 14 ¢é#/as, the value is
about £27 ; if of 24 ¢a#/as, about £45.

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 547

braves to get news, they had beaten two of the Pagan’s scouting-
parties and had made 70 to 80 prisoners. Qismati brought news
that Hasan Khan J/7wd#i really had joined Rana Sanga.

(1. Trial-test of the large mortar of f. 302.)

(Feb. roth) On Sunday the 8th of the month (Jumada I.),
I went to see Ustad ‘Ali-quli discharge stones from that large
mortar of his in casting which the stone-chamber was without
defect and which he had completed afterwards by casting the
powder-compartment. It was discharged at the Afternoon
Prayer; the throw of the stone was 1600 paces. A gift was
made to the Master of a sword-belt, robe of honour, and
tipichag (horse).

(m. Babur leaves Agra against Rana Sanga.)

(Feb. rrth) On Monday the 9th of the first Jumada, we got
out of the suburbs of Agra, on our journey (safar) for the Holy
War, and dismounted in the open country, where we remained
three or four days to collect our army and be its rallying-point.*
As little confidence was placed in Hindistani people, the Hindi-
stan amirs were inscribed for expeditions to this or to that
side :—‘Alam Khan (7ahangari) was sent hastily to Gialiar to
reinforce Rahim-dad ; Makan, Qasim Beg Sanbali (Sambhaiz),
Hamid with his elder and younger brethren and Muhammad
Zaitin were inscribed to go swiftly to Sanbal.

(1. Defeat of the advance-force.)

Into this same camp came the news that owing to Rana
Sanga’s swift advance with all his army,? our scouts were able
neither to get into the fort (Biana) themselves nor to send news
into it. The Biana garrison made a rather incautious sally too
far out ; the enemy fell on them in some force and put them to

* T. chapdiig. Cf. the two Persian translations 215 f. 2054 and 217 f. 215; also
Ilminsky, p. 401.

? bilghan chiriki. The Rana’s forces are thus stated by Tod (Rajastan ; Annals
of Marwar Cap. ix) :—‘‘ Eighty thousand horse, 7 Rajas of the highest rank,
9 Raos, and 104 chieftains bearing the titles of Rawul and Rawut, with 500 war-
elephants, followed him into the field.” Babur’s army, all told, was 12,000 when he
crossed the Indus from Kabul ; it will have had accretions from his own officers in
the Panj-ab and some also from other quarters, and will have had losses at Panipat ;
his reliable kernel of fighting-strength cannot but have been numerically insignificant,

compared with the Rajpit host. Tod says that almost all the princes of Rajastan
followed the Rana at Kanwa.

Fol. 3096.

fol. 310.

548 HINDUSTAN

rout.!' There Sangur Khan /anjiha became a martyr. Kitta
Beg had galloped into the pell-mell without his cuirass ; he got
one pagan afoot (yayaglatib) and was overcoming him, when
the pagan snatched a sword from one of Kitta Beg’s own
servants and slashed the Beg across the shoulder. Kitta Beg
suffered great pain; he could not come into the Holy-battle
with Rana Sanga, was long in recovering and always remained
blemished.

Whether because they were themselves afraid, or whether to
frighten others is not known but Qismati, Shah Manstir Barlas
and all from Biana praised and lauded the fierceness and valour
of the pagan army.

Qasim Master-of-the-horse was sent from the starting-ground
(safar gilghan yirt) with his spadesmen, to dig many wells
where the army was next to dismount in the Madhakir pargana.

(Feb. 16th) Marching out of Agra on Saturday the 14th of
the first Jumada, dismount was made where the wells had been
dug. We marched on next day. It crossed my mind that the
well-watered ground for a large camp was at Sikri? It being
possible that the Pagan was encamped there and in possession
of the water, we arrayed precisely, in right, left and centre. As
QOismati and Darwish-i-muhammad Sérédu in their comings and
goings had seen and got to know all sides of Biana, they were
sent ahead to look for camping-ground on the bank of the Sikri-
lake (Aa7). When we reached the (Madhakir) camp, persons
were sent galloping off to tell Mahdi Khwaja and the Biana
garrison to join me without delay. Humiayiin’s servant Beg
Mirak Mughil was sent out with a few braves to get news of
the Pagan. They started that night, and next morning brought
word that he was heard of as having arrived and dismounted at
a place one kuroh (2 miles) on our side (at/karak) of Basawar.3
On this same day Mahdi Khwaja and Muhammad Sl. Mirza
rejoined us with the troops that had ridden light to Biana.

* diurbatur, This is the first use of the word in the Babur-nadma; the defacer of
the Elph. Codex has altered it to a#ratar.

? Shaikh Zain records [Abi’l-fazl also, perhaps quoting from him] that Babur, by
varying diacritical points, changed the name Sikri to Shukri in sign of gratitude for his
victory over the Rana. The place became the Fathpir-sikri of Akbar.

3 Erskine locates this as 10 to 12 miles n.w. of Biana.

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 549

(0. Discomfiture of a reconnottring party.)

The begs were appointed in turns for scouting-duty. When
it was ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz’s turn, he went out of Sikri, looking neither
before nor behind, right out along the road to Kanwa which
is 5 kuroh (10m.) away. ‘The Rana must have been marching
forward ; he heard of our men’s moving out in their reinless
( jalai-siz) way, and made 4 or 5,000 of his own fall suddenly on
them. With ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz and Mulla Apaq may have been 1000
to 1500 men; they took no stock of their opponents but just
got to grips; they were hurried off at once, many of them being
made prisoner.

On news of this, we despatched Khalifa’s Muhibb-i-‘ali with
Khalifa’s retainers. Mulla Husain and some others aibrig-
subrig ** were sent to support them,? and Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-
jang also. Presumably it was before the arrival of this first,
Muhibb-i-‘ali’s, reinforcement that the Pagan had hurried off
‘Abdu’l-‘aziz and his men, taken his standard, martyred Mulla
Ni‘mat, Mulla Datid and the younger brother of Mulla Apaq,
with several more. Directly the reinforcement arrived the
pagans overcame Tahir-tibri, the maternal uncle of Khalifa’s
Muhibb-i-‘ali, who had not got up with the hurrying reinforce-
ment [?].3 Meantime Muhibb-i-‘ali even had been thrown down,

* This phrase has not occurred in the B.N. before ; presumably it expresses what
has not yet been expressed ; this Erskine’s rendering, ‘‘ each according to the speed
of his horse,” does also. The first Persian translation, which in this portion is by
Muhammad-quli A/ughal Aisari, translates by az dambal yak digar (1.0. 215, f. 2054) ;
the second, ‘Abdu’r-rahim’s, merely reproduces the phrase; De Courteille (ii, 272)
appears to render it by (amirs) gue se ue nomme pas. If my reading of Tahir-tibri’s
failure be correct (zfra), Erskine’s translation suits the context.

? The passage cut off by my asterisks has this outside interest that it forms the intro-
duction to the so-called ‘‘ Fragments ”’, that is; to certain Turki matter not included
in the standard Babur-ndma, but preserved with the Kehr - Ilminsky — de Courteille
text. As is well-known in Baburiana, opinion has varied as to the genesis of this
matter ; there is now no doubt that it is a translation into Turki from the (/erszam)
Akbar-nima, prefaced by the above-asterisked passage of the Adabur-nama and
continuous (with slight omissions) from Bib. Ind. ed. i, 106 to 120 (trs. H. Beveridge
i, 260 to 282). It covers the time from before the battle of Kanwa to the end of
Abi’l-fazl’s description of Babur’s death, attainments and Court; it has been made
to seem Babur’s own, down to his death-bed, by changing the third person of A.F.’s
narrative into the autobiographical first person. (Cf. Ilminsky, p. 403 1. 4 and
Pp. 494; Mémotres ii, 272 and 443 to 464; JRAS. 1908, p. 76.)

A minute point in the history of the B.N. manuscripts may be placed on record
here ; vz. that the variants from the true Babur-ndma text which occur in the Kehr -
Ilminsky one, occur also in the corrupt Turki text of I.O. No. 214 (JRAS 1900, p. 455).

3 chapar kiimak yitmas, perhaps implying that the speed of his horses was not
equal to that of Muhibb-i-’ali’s. Translators vary as to the meaning of the phrase.

Fol. 3104,

Fol. 311.

550 HINDUSTAN

but Balti getting in from the rear, brought him out. The enemy
pursued for over a kuroh (2 m.), stopped however at the sight e
the black mass of Muh. ‘Ali /ang-jang’s troops.

Foot upon foot news came that the foe had come near and
nearer. We put on our armour and our horses’ mail, took our
arms and, ordering the carts to be dragged after us, rode out at
the gallop. We advanced one kuroh. The foe must have
turned aside.

(p. Babur fortifies his camp.)

For the sake of water, we dismounted with a large lake (£77)
on one side of us. Our front was defended by carts chained
together*, the space between each two, across which the chains
stretched, being 7 or 8 gari (circa yards). Mustafa Ramz had
had the carts made in the Rimi way, excellent carts, very strong
and suitable.* As Ustad ‘Ali-quli was jealous of him, Mustafa
was posted to the right, in front of Humayitin. Where the carts
did not reach to, Khurasani and Hindistani spadesmen and
miners were made to dig a ditch.

Owing to the Pagan’s rapid advance, to the fighting-work in
Biana and to the praise and laud of the pagans made by Shah
Mansir, Qismati and the rest from Biana, people in the army
shewed sign of want of heart. On the top of all this came the |
defeat of ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz. In order to hearten our men, and give
a look of strength to the army, the camp was defended and shut
in where there were no carts, by stretching ropes of raw hide on
wooden tripods, set 7 or 8 gavt apart. Time had drawn out to

20 or 25 days before these appliances and materials were fully
ready.”

(g. A reinforcement from Kabul.)

Just at this time there arrived from Kabul Qasim-i-husain
Sl. (Aazbeg Shatban) who is the son of a daughter of Sl. Husain
M. (ai-garad), and with him Ahmad-i-yisuf (Aughlagchi),
Qawwam-i-aiirdii Shah and also several single friends of mine,

* Erskine and de Courteille both give Mustafa the commendation the Turki and
Persian texts give to the carts.

* According to Tod’s Rdjastan, negotiations went on during the interval, having
for their object the fixing of a frontier between the Rana and Babur. They were
conducted by a “‘traitor” Salah’d-din 7#ar the chief of Raisin, who moreover is
said to have deserted to Babur during the battle.

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 ro SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 551

counting up in all to 500 men. Muhammad Sharif, the astrologer
of ill-augury, came with them too, so did Baba Dost the water-
bearer (s#chz) who, having gone to Kabul for wine, had there
loaded three strings of camels with acceptable Ghazni wines.

At a time such as this, when, as has been mentioned, the army
was anxious and afraid by reason of past occurrences and vicissi-
tudes, wild words and opinions, this Muhammad Sharif, the
ill-augurer, though he had not a helpful word to say to me, kept
insisting to all he met, “Mars is in the west in these days ;*
who comes into the fight from this (east) side will be defeated.”
Timid people who questioned the ill-augurer, became the more
shattered in heart. We gave no ear to his wild words, made no
change in our operations, but got ready in earnest for the fight.

(Feb. 24th). On Sunday the 22nd (of Jumada I.) Shaikh
Jamal was sent to collect all available quiver-wearers from
between the two waters (Ganges and Jumna) and from Dihli, so
that with this force he might over-run and plunder the Miwat
villages, leaving nothing undone which could awaken the enemy’s
anxiety for that side. Mulla Tark-i-‘ali, then on his way from
Kabul, was ordered to join Shaikh Jamal and to neglect nothing
of ruin and plunder in Miwat; orders to the same purport were
given also to Maghfir the Diwan. They went ; they over-ran
and raided a few villages in lonely corners (d%7ga@q) ; they took
some prisoners; but their passage through did not arouse much
anxiety !

(vr. Babur renounces wine.)

On Monday the 23rd of the first Jumada (Feb. 25th), when
I went out riding, I reflected, as I rode, that the wish to cease
from sin had been always in my mind, and that my forbidden
acts had set lasting stain upon my heart. Said I, “Oh! my
soul!”

(Persian) ‘* How long wilt thou draw savour from sin ?
Repentance is not without savour, taste it !” ?

* Cf. f. 89 for Babur’s disastrous obedience to astrological warning.

* For the reading of this second line, given by the good MSS. wzz. Tauba ham bi
masa nist, bachash, Iminsky (p. 405) has Zauba ham bi maza, mast bakhis, which
de Courteille [II, 276] renders by, ‘‘ O zvrogne insensé! que ne gotttes-tu aussi ala
pénitence?” The Persian couplet seems likely to be a quotation and may yet be
found elsewhere. It is not inthe Rampir Diwan which contains the Turki verses
following it (E. D. Ross p. 21).

Fol. 311d.

Fol. 312.

Fol. 3128.

552 HINDUSTAN

(Zurki) Through years how many has sin defiled thee ?
How much of peace has transgression given thee ?
How much hast thou been thy passions’ slave ?
How much of thy life flung away ?

With the Ghazi’s resolve since now thou hast marched,
Thou hast looked thine own death in the face!

Who resolves to hold stubbornly fast to the death,
Thou knowest what change he attains,

That far he removes him from all things forbidden,
That from all his offences he cleanses himself.
With my own gain before me, I vowed to obey,

In this my transgression,‘ the drinking of wine.?

The flagons and cups of silver and gold, the vessels of feasting,
I had them all brought ; ,

I had them all broken up3 then and there.

Thus eased I my heart by renouncement of wine.

The fragments of the gold and silver vessels were shared out
to deserving persons and to darwishes. The first to agree in
renouncing wine was ‘Asas;+ he had already agreed also about
leaving his beard untrimmed.s That night and next day some
300 begs and persons of the household, soldiers and not soldiers,
renounced wine. What wine we had with us was poured on the
ground ; what Baba Dost had brought was ordered salted to
make vinegar. At the place where the wine was poured upon
the ground, a well was ordered to be dug, built up with stone
and having an almshouse beside it. It was already finished in
Muharram 935 (AH.—Sep. 1528 AD.) at the time I went to
Sikri from Dilpir on my way back from visiting Gialiar.

* kichmaklik, to pass over (to exceed ?), to ford or go through a river, whence to
transgress. The same metaphor of crossing a stream occurs, in connection with
drinking, on f. 189d.

2 This line shews that Babur’s renouncement was of wine only ; he continued to
eat confections (ma‘7iin).

3 Cf. f. 1864, Babur would announce his renunciation in Diwan ; there too the
forbidden vessels of precious metals would be broken. His few words leave it to his
readers to picture the memorable scene.

4 This night-guard (‘asas) cannot be the one concerning whom Gul-badan records
that he was the victim of a little joke made at his expense by Babur (H. N. Index s.7.).
He seems likely to be the Haji Muh. ‘asas whom Abi’l-fazl mentions in connection
with Kamran in 953 AH. (1547 AD.). He may be the ‘asas who took charge of
Babur’s tomb at Agra (cf. Gul-badan’s H. N. s.2. Muh. ‘Ali ‘asas faghai, and
Akbar-nama trs. i, 502).

5 sagali girgmagta u giimagta. Erskine here notes that ‘‘a vow to leave the
beard untrimmed was made sometimes by persons who set out against the infidels.
They did not trim the beard till they returned victorious. Some vows of similar
nature may be found in Scripture”, ¢.¢. II Samuel, cap. 19 v. 24.

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 553

(s. Remission of a due.)

I had vowed already that, if I gained the victory over Sanga
the pagan, I would remit the zemgha* to all Musalmans. Of
this vow Darwish-i-muhammad Saréan and Shaikh Zain
reminded me at the time I renounced wine. Said I, “ You do
well to remind me.”

* The tamgha was remitted to all Musalmans of the dominions
I held.2 I sent for the clerks (#umshilar), and ordered them to
write for their news-letters (akhbar) the farman concerning the
two important acts that had been done. Shaikh Zain wrote
the farman with his own elegance (zushasi bila) and his fine
letter (zzsh@) was sent to all my dominions. It is as
follows :—3

FARMAN ANNOUNCING BABUR’S RENUNCIATION
OF WINE.4

5 Let us praise the Long-suffering One who loveth the penitent
and who loveth the cleansers of themselves; and let thanks be
vendered to the Gractous One who absolveth His debtors, and
Sorgiveth those who seek forgiveness. Blessings be upon Muhammad
the Crown of Creatures, on the Holy family, on the pure Com-
panions, and on the mirrors of the glorious congregation, to wit,
the Masters of Wisdom who are treasure-houses of the pearls of
purity and who bear the impress of the sparkling jewels of this
purport :—that the nature of man is prone to evil, and that the
abandonment of sinful appetites is only feasible by Divine aid

* Index s.2z. The ¢amghd was not really abolished until Jahangir’s time—if then
(H. Beveridge). See Thomas’ Revenue Resources of the Mughal Empire.

? There is this to notice here :—Babur’s narrative has made the remission of the
tamgha contingent on his success, but the farman which announced that remission is
dated some three weeks before his victory over Rana Sanga (Jumada II, 13th—
March 16th). Manifestly Babur’s remission was absolute and made at the date given
by Shaikh Zain as that of the farman. The farmdn seems to have been despatched
as soon as it was ready, but may have been inserted in Babur’s narrative at a later
date, together with the preceding paragraph which I have asterisked.

3 “* There is a lacuna in the Turki copy ” (¢.e. the Elphinstone Codex) ‘‘from this
place to the beginning of the year 935. Till then I therefore follow only
Mr. Metcalfe’s and my own Persian copies” (Erskine).

_ * Iam indebted to my husband for this revised version of the farman. He is
indebted to M. de Courteille for help generally, and specially for the references to the
Qoran (¢.v. infra).

5 The passages in italics are Arabic in the original, and where traced to the Qor4n,

are in Sale’s words.

Fol. 313.

554 HINDUSTAN

and the help that cometh from on high. “ Avery soul 7s prone
unto evil,”* (and again) “7hzs zs the bounty of God; He will give
the same unto whom He pleaseth ; and God is endued with great
bounty.” ?

Our motive for these remarks and for repeating these state-
ments is that, by reason of human frailty, of the customs of
kings and of the great, all of us, from the Shah to the sipahi, in
the heyday of our youth, have transgressed and done what we
ought not to have done. After some days of sorrow and
repentance, we abandoned evil practices one by one, and the
gates of retrogression became closed. But the renunciation of
wine, the greatest and most indispensable of renunciations,
remained under a veil in the chamber of deeds pledged to appear
in due season, and did not show its countenance until the
glorious hour when we had put on the garb of the holy warrior
and had encamped with the army of Islam over against the
infidels in order to slay them. On this occasion I received
a secret inspiration and heard an infallible voice say “Js not the
time yet come unto those who believe, that their hearts should
humbly submit to the admonition of God, and that truth which
hath been revealed ?” 3 Thereupon we set ourselves to extirpate
the things of wickedness, and we earnestly knocked at the gates
of repentance. The Guide of Help assisted us, according to the
saying “ Whoever knocks and re-knocks, to him tt will be opened”,
and an order was given that with the Holy War there should

Fol. 3136 begin the still greater war which has to be waged against
sensuality. In short, we declared with sincerity that we would
subjugate our passions,and I engraved on the tablet of my heart
“I turn unto Thee with repentance, and I am the first of true
believers”.+ And I made public the resolution to abstain from
wine, which had been hidden in the treasury of my breast. The
victorious servants, in accordance with the illustrious order,
dashed upon the earth of contempt and destruction the flagons
and the cups, and the other utensils in gold and silver, which in
their number and their brilliance were like the stars of the
firmament. They dashed them in pieces, as, God willing! soon

* Qoran, Siirah XII, v. 53. 2 Surah LVII, v. 21.
3 Surah LVII, v. 15. 4 Sirah VII, v. 140.

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 555

will be dashed the gods of the idolaters,—and they distributed
the fragments among the poor and needy. By the blessing of
this acceptable repentance, many of the courtiers, by virtue of
the saying that men follow the religion of their kings, embraced
abstinence at the same assemblage, and entirely renounced the
use of wine, and up till now crowds of our subjects hourly
attain this auspicious happiness. I hope that in accordance
with the saying “He who incites to good deeds has the same
reward as he who does them” the benefit of this action will react
on the royal fortune and increase it day by day by victories.

After carrying out this design an universal decree was issued
that in the imperial dominions—May God protect them from

every danger and calamity—no-one shall partake of strong
drink, or engage in its manufacture, nor sell it, nor buy it or
possess it, nor convey it or fetch it. “Beware of touching zt.”
“ Perchance this will give you prosperity.” *

In thanks for these great victories,? and as a thank-offering
for God’s acceptance of repentance and sorrow, the ocean of the
royal munificence became commoved, and those waves of kind-
ness, which are the cause of the civilization of the world and of
the glory of the sons of Adam, were displayed,—and through-
out all the territories the tax (tamghd) on Musalmans was
abolished,—_though its yield was more than the dreams of
avarice, and though it had been established and maintained by
former rulers,—for it is a practice outside of the edicts of the
Prince of Apostles (Muhammad). So a decree was passed that
in no city, town, road, ferry, pass, or port, should the tax be
levied or exacted. No alteration whatsoever of this order is
to be permitted. “Whoever after hearing tt makes any change
therein, the sin of such change will be upon him.” 3

The proper course (saz/) for all who shelter under the shade of
the royal benevolence, whether they be Turk, Tajik, ‘Arab, Hindi,
or Farsi (Persian), peasants or soldiers, of every nation or tribe

* Surah Il, v. 185.

* These may be self-conquests as has been understood by Erskine (p. 356) and
de Courteille (ii. 281) but as the Divine ‘‘ acceptance ” would seem to Babur vouched
for by his military success, ‘‘ victories” may stand for his success at Kanwa.

3 Surah Il, 177 where, in Sale’s translation, the change referred to is the special
one of altering a legacy.

Fol. 314.

556 HINDUSTAN

of the sons of Adam, is to strengthen themselves by the tenets
of religion, and to be full of hope and prayer for the dynasty
which is linked with eternity, and to adhere to these ordinances,
and not in any way to transgress them. It behoves all to act
according to this farman ; they are to accept it as authentic
when it comes attested by the Sign-Manual.

Written by order of the Exalted one,—May his excellence
endure for ever! on the 24th of Jumada I. 933 (February 26th
1527). |

(4. Alarm in Babur’s camp.)

Fol. 3144. In these days, as has been mentioned, (our people) great
and small, had been made very anxious and timid by past
occurrences. No manly word or brave counsel was heard from
any one soever. What bold speech was there from the wazirs
who are to speak out (digichi), or from the amirs who will
devour the land (w¢layat-yighiichi)?* None had advice to give,
none a bold plan of his own to expound. Khalifa (however)
did well in this campaign, neglecting nothing of control and
supervision, painstaking and diligence.

At length after I had made enquiry concerning people’s want
of heart and had seen their slackness for myself, a plan occurred
to me; I summoned all the begs and braves and said to them,
“ Begs and braves !

(Persian) Who comes into the world will die ;
What lasts and lives will be God.

(Turki) He who hath entered the assembly of life,
Drinketh at last of the cup of death.

He who hath come to the inn of life,
Passeth at last from Earth’s house of woe.

* The words digichi and yigichi are translated in the second Wag7‘at-¢-baburi by
sukhan-gui and [wildyat)-khwar. This ignores in them the future element supplied
by their component g# which would allow them to apply to conditions dependent
on Babur’s success. The Hai. MS. and Ilminsky read ¢égé#chi, supporter- or helper-
to-be, in place of the yigiichi, eater-to-be I have inferred from the £war of the Pers.
translation ; hence de Courteille writes ‘‘ amirs auxguels incombait 1’ obligation de
vaffermir le gouvernement”. But Erskine, using the Pers. text alone, and thus
having £iwar before him, translates by, ‘‘amirs who enjoyed the wealth of kingdoms.”
The two Turki words make a depreciatory ‘‘ jingle”, but the first one, digdchi, may
imply serious reference to the duty, declared by Muhammad to be incumbent upon
a wazir, of reminding his sovereign ‘‘ when he forgetteth his duty”. Both may be
taken as alluding to dignities to be attained by success in the encounter from which
wazirs and amirs were shrinking.

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 557

“Better than life with a bad name, is death with a good one.
(Persian) Well is it with me, if I die with good name !
A good name must I have, since the body is death’s.*

“God the Most High has allotted to us such happiness and has
created for us such good-fortune that we die as martyrs, we kill
as avengers of His cause. Therefore must each of you take oath
upon His Holy Word that he will not think of turning his face
from this foe, or withdraw from this deadly encounter so long as
life is not rent from his body.” All those present, beg and
retainer, great and small, took the Holy Book joyfully into
their hands and made vow and compact to this purport. The
plan was perfect ; it worked admirably for those near and afar,
for seérs and hearers, for friend and foe.

~(u. Babur's perilous position.)

In those same days trouble and disturbance arose on every
side :—Husain Khan NVuani went and took Rapri; Qutb Khan’s
man took Chandwar?; a mannikin called Rustam Khan who
had collected quiver-wearers from Between-the-two-waters
(Ganges and Jamna), took Kil (Koel) and made Kichik ‘Ali
prisoner ; Khwaja Zahid abandoned Sambal and went off;
Sl. Muhammad Dz/dai came from Qanij to me; the Gualiar
pagans laid siege to that fort; ‘Alam Khan when sent to
reinforce it, did not go to Gualiar but to his own district. Every
day bad news came from every side. Desertion of many
Hindistanis set in; Haibat Khan Karg-andaz3 deserted and
went to Sambal; Hasan Khan of Bari deserted and joined the
Pagan. We gave attention to none of them but went straight
on with our own affair.

(v. Babur advances to fight.)

The apparatus and appliances, the carts and wheeled tripods
being ready, we arrayed in right, left and centre, and marched
forward on New Year’s Day,+ Tuesday, the 9th of the second
Jumada (March 13th), having the carts5 and wheeled tripods

* Firdausi’s Shah-nama [Erskine]. tp

* Also Chand-wal ; it is 25m. east of Agra and on the Jamna [7adagat-i-ndsivi,
Raverty, p. 742 n.9].

3 Probably, Overthrower of the rhinoceros, but if Gurg-andaz be read, of the wolf.

* According to the Persian calendar this is the day the Sun enters Aries.

5 The practical purpose of this order of march is shewn in the account of the battle
of Panipat, and in the Letter of Victory, f. 319.

38

Fol. 315.

Fol. 3154.

*. Fol. 316.

558 HINDUSTAN

moving in front of us, with Ustad ‘Ali-quli and all the matchlock-
men ranged behind them in order that these men, being on foot,
should not be left behind the array but should advance with it.

When the various divisions, right, left and centre, had gone
each to its place, I galloped from one to another to give
encouragement to begs, braves, and szfahis. After each man
had had assigned to him his post and usual work with his
company, we advanced, marshalled on the plan determined, for
as much as one £uroh (2 m.)* and then dismounted.

The Pagan’s men, for their part, were on the alert; they
came from their side, one company after another.

The camp was laid out and strongly protected by ditch and
carts. As we did not intend to fight that day, we sent a few
unmailed braves ahead, who were to get to grips with the enemy
and thus take an omen. They made a few pagans prisoner,
cut off and brought in their heads. Malik Qasim also cut off
and brought in a few heads; he did well. By these successes
the hearts of our men became very strong.

When we marched on next day, I had it in my mind to
fight, but Khalifa and other well-wishers represented that the
camping-ground previously decided on was near and that it
would favour our fortunes if we had a ditch and defences made
there and went there direct. Khalifa accordingly rode off to get
the ditch dug; he settled its position with the spades-men,
appointed overseers of the work and returned to us.

(w. The battle of Kanwa.)?

On Saturday the 13th of the second Jumada (March 17th,
1527 AD.) we had the carts dragged in front of us (as before),
made a kuroh (2 m.) of road, arrayed in right, left and centre,
and dismounted on the ground selected. |

* kurohcha, perhaps a short kuroh, but I have not found Babur using cha as a
diminutive in such a case as kurohcha.

? or Kaniia, in the Biana district and three marches from Biana-town. ‘‘It had
been determined on by Rana Sangram Singh (z.e. Sanga) for the northern limit of his
dominions, and he had here built a small palace.” Tod thus describes Babur’s foe,
*“Sanga Rana was of the middle stature, and of great muscular strength, fair in
complexion, with unusually large eyes which appear to be peculiar to his descendants.
He exhibited at his death but the fragments of a warrior: one eye was lost in the
broil with his brother, an arm in action with the Lodi kings of Dehli, and he was
a cripple owing to a limb being broken by a cannon-ball in another ; while he
counted 80 wounds from the sword or the lance on various parts of his body” (Tod’s
Rijastan, cap. Annals of Mewar).

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 559

A few tents had been set up; a few were in setting up when
news of the appearance of the enemy was brought. Mounting
instantly, I ordered every man to his post and that our array
should be protected with the carts." |

-* As the following Letter-of-victory (Fath-nadma) which is
what Shaikh Zain had indited, makes known particulars about
the army of Islam, the great host of the pagans with the position
of their arrayed ranks, and the encounters had between them
and the army of Islam, it is inserted here without addition or
deduction.” ,

SHAIKH ZAIN’S LETTER-OF-VICTORY.

(a. Introduction.)

Praise be to God the Faithful Promiser, the Helper of His
servants, the Supporter of His armies, the Scatterer of hostile
hosts, the One alone without whom there zs nothing.

* Here M. de C. has the following note (ii, 273n.); it supplements my own of
f. 264 [n. 3]. ‘‘ Le mot araba, gue j'ai traduit par chariot est pris par M. Leyden”
(this should be Erskine) ‘‘ dans le sens de ‘ gun’, ce que je ne crots pas exact; tout
au plus signifierait-zl affat” (gun-carriage). ‘*// me parait impossible d’admettre
gue Baber ett &@ sa disposition une artillerie attelée ausst considérable. Ces araba
pouvaient servir en partie a transporter des pieces de campagne, mats tls avaient ausst
une autre destination, comme on le voit par la suite du récet.”” It does not appear to
me that Erskine ¢vans/ates the word araba by the word gus, but that the aradas
(all of which he took to be gun-carriages) being there, he supposed the guns. This
‘was not correct as the various passages about carts as defences show (cf. Index
$.nn. araba and carts).

? It is characteristic of Babur that he reproduces Shaikh Zain’s Fath-nama, not
because of its eloquence but because of its useful details. Erskine and de Courteille
have the following notes concerning Shaikh Zain’s farman :—‘‘ Nothing can form
a more striking contrast to the simple, manly and intelligent style of Baber himself,
than the pompous, laboured periods of his secretary. Yet I have never read this
Firman to any native of India who did not bestow unlimited admiration on the
official bombast of Zeineddin, while I have met with none but Turks who paid due
praise to the calm simplicity of Baber” [Mems. p. 359]. ‘‘ Comme la précédente
(Jarman), cette piece est rédigée en langue persane et offre un modéle des plus accomplis
du style en usage dans les chancelleries orientales. La traduction d’un semblable
morceau a éloguence est de la plus grande difficulté, st on veut étre clair, tout en restant
Sidéle a V original.”

Like the Renunciation farmdan, the Letter-of-victory with its preceding sentence
which I have asterisked, was probably inserted into Babur’s narrative somewhat
later than the battle of Kanwa. Hence Babur’s pluperfect-tense ‘‘had indited”.
I am indebted to my husband for help in revising the difficult Fath-ndma; he
has done it with consideration of the variants between the earlier English and the
French translations. No doubt it could be dealt with more searchingly still by one
well-versed in the Qoran and the Traditions, and thus able to explain others of its
allusions. The italics denote Arabic passages in the original ; many of these are

ii the Qoran, and in tracing them M. de Courteille’s notes have been most useful
O us.

Fol. 3168.

Fol. 317.

560 HINDUSTAN

O Thou the Exalter of the pillars of Islam, Helper of thy
fatthful minister, Overthrower of the pedestals of tdols, Overcomer
of rebellious foes, Exterminator to the uttermost of the followers of
darkness |

Lauds be to God the Lord of the worlds, and may the blessing
of God be upon the best ‘of His creatures Muhammad, Lord of
ghazis and champions of the Faith, and upon his companions, the
pointers of the way, until the Day of judgment.

The successive gifts of the Almighty are the cause of frequent
praises and thanksgivings, and the number of these praises and
thanksgivings is, in its turn, the cause of the constant succession
of God’s mercies. For every mercy a thanksgiving is due, and
every thanksgiving is followed by a mercy. To render full
thanks is beyond men’s power; the mightiest are helpless to
discharge their obligations. Above all, adequate thanks cannot
be rendered for a benefit than which none is greater in the
world and nothing is more blessed, in the world to come, to wit,
victory over most powerful infidels and dominion over wealthiest
heretics, “ these are the unbelievers, the wicked.” * In the eyes of
the judicious, no blessing can be greater than this. Thanks be
to God! that this great blessing and mighty boon, which from
the cradle until now has been the real object of this right-thinking
mind (Babur’s), has now manifested itself by the graciousness of
the King of the worlds ; the Opener who dispenses his treasures
without awaiting solicitation, hath opened them with a master-
key before our victorious Nawab (Babur),? so that the names of
our 3 conquering heroes have been emblazoned in the records of
glorious ghazis. By the help of our victorious soldiers the
standards of Islam have been raised to the highest pinnacles.
The account of this auspicious fortune is as follows :—

* Qoran, cap. 80, last sentence. 7

? Shaikh Zain, in his version of the Babur-nama, styles Babur Nawab where there
can be no doubt of the application of the title, v2z. in describing Shah Tahmasp’s
gifts to him (mentioned by Babur on f. 305). He uses the title also in the farman of
renunciation (f. 3134), but it does not appear in my text, ‘* royal” (fortune) standing
for it (2% loco p. 555, 1. 10).

3 The possessive pronoun occurs several times in the Letter-of-victory. As there
is no semblance of putting forward that letter as being Babur’s, the pronoun seems to
imply ‘‘ on our side”’.

—

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 to SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 561

(6. Rana Sanga and his forces.)

When the flashing-swords of our Islam-guarded soldiers had
illuminated the land of Hindistan with rays of victory and
conquest, as has been recorded in former letters-of-victory,*
the Divine favour caused our standards to be upreared in the
territories of Dihli, Agra, Jin-pir, Kharid,? Bihar, e¢c., when
many chiefs, both pagans and Muhammadans submitted to our
generals and shewed sincere obedience to our fortunate Nawab.
But Rana Sanga the pagan who in earlier times breathed
submissive to the Nawab,3 now was puffed up with pride and
became of the number of unbelievers.4 Satan-like he threw back
his head and collected an army of accursed heretics, thus

__ gathering a rabble-rout of whom some wore the accursed torque

(taug), the ztmar,s on the neck, some had in the skirt the
calamitous thorn of apostacy.® Previous to the rising in Hindi-
stan of the Sun of dominion and the emergence there of the
light of the Shahanshah’s Khalifate [ze. Babur’s] the authority
of that execrated pagan (Sanga)—at the Judgment Day he shall
have no friend was such that not one of all the exalted
sovereigns of this wide realm, such as the Sultan of Dihli, the
Sultan of Gujrat and the Sultan of Mandi, could cope with this

evil-dispositioned one, without the help of other pagans; one

and all they cajoled him and temporized with him; and he had

this authority although the rajas and rais of high degree, who

obeyed him in this battle, and the governors and commanders

* The Babur-nama includes no other than Shaikh Zain’s about Kanwa. Those
here alluded to will be the announcements of success at Milwat, Panipat, Dibalpir
and perhaps elsewhere in Hindistan.

? In Jin-par (Ayin-z-akbari) ; Elliot & Dowson note (iv, 283-4) that it appears
to have included, near Sikandarpiir, the country on both sides of the Gogra, and
thence on that river’s left bank down to the Ganges.

3 That the word Nawab here refers to Babur and not to his lieutenants, is shewn
by his mention (f. 278) of Sanga’s messages to himself.

* Qoran, cap. 2, v. 32. The passage quoted is part of a description of Satan,
hence mention of Satan in Shaikh Zain’s next sentence.

5 The brahminical thread.

© khar-t-mihnat-i-irtidad dar diman. This Erskine renders by ‘‘ who fixed thorns
from the pangs of apostacy in the hem of their garments” (p. 360). Several good
MSS. have £har, thorn, but Ilminsky has Ar. 4h¢mar, cymar, instead (p. 411).
De Courteille renders the passage by “‘ portent au pan de leurs habits la marque
douloureuse de l’apostasie” (ii, 290). To read khimar, cymar (scarf), would serve,
as a scarf is part of some Hindi costumes.

7 Qoran, cap. 69, v. 35.

Fol. 3178.

Fol. 318.

a f=
|
t2 7

562 HINDUSTAN

who were amongst his followers in this conflict, had not obeyed
him in any earlier fight or, out of regard to their own dignity,
been friendly with him. Infidel standards dominated some
200 towns in the territories of Islam; in them mosques and
shrines fell into ruin; from them the wives and children of the
Faithful were carried away captive. So greatly had his forces
grown that, according to the Hindi calculation by which one
lak of revenue should yield I00 horsemen, and one krar of
revenue, 10,000 horsemen, the territories subject to the Pagan
(Sanga) yielding 10 krirs, should yield him 100,000 horse.
Many noted pagans who hitherto had not helped him in battle,
now swelled his ranks out of hostility to the people of Islam.
Ten powerful chiefs, each the leader of a pagan host, uprose in
rebellion, as smoke rises, and linked themselves, as though
enchained, to that perverse one (Sanga); and this infidel decade
who, unlike the blessed ten,' uplifted misery-freighted standards
which denounce unto them excruciating punishment, had many
dependants, and troops, and wide-extended lands. As, for
instance, Salahu’d-din3 had territory yielding 30,000 horse,
Rawal Udai Singh of Bagar had 12,000, Medini Rai had 12,000,
Hasan Khan of Miwat had 12,000, Bar-mal of Idr had 4,000,
Narpat Hara had 7,000, Satrvi of Kach (Cutch) had 6,000,
Dharm-deo had 4,000, Bir-sing-deo had 4,000, and Mahmid
Khan, son of SI. Sikandar, to whom, though he possessed neither
district nor pargana, 10,000 horse had gathered in hope of his
attaining supremacy. Thus, according to the calculation of
Hind, 201,000 was the total of those sundered from salvation.
In brief, that haughty pagan, inwardly blind, and hardened of

* M. Defrémery, when reviewing the French translation of the B.N. (Journal des
Savans 1873), points out (p. 18) that it makes no mention of the ‘“‘ blessed ten”.
Erskine mentions them but without explanation. They are the ‘asharah mubash-
sharah, the decade of followers of Muhammad who “‘ received good tidings”, and
whose certain entry into Paradise he foretold.

2 Qoran, cap. 3, v. 20. M. Defrémery reads Shaikh Zain to mean that these
words of the Qoran were on the infidel standards, but it would be simpler to read
Shaikh Zain as meaning that the infidel insignia on the standards ‘‘ denounce
punishment ” on their users.

3 He seems to have been a Rajpiit convert to Muhammadanism who changed his
Hindi name Silhadi for what Babur writes. His son married Sanga’s daughter ;
his fiefs were Raisin and Sarangpiir; he deserted to Babur in the battle of Kanwa.
(Cf. Erskine’s story of Jndia i, 471 note; Mirdat-t-stkandari, Bayley’s trs. 5.7. ;
Akbar-nama, H.B.’s trs. i, 261; Tod’s Rayastin cap. Mewar.)

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 563

heart, having joined with other pagans, dark-fated and doomed
to perdition, advanced to contend with the followers of Islam
and to destroy the foundations of the law of the Prince of Men
(Muhammad), on whom be God’s blessing! The protagonists
of the royal forces fell, like divine destiny, on that one-eyed
Dajjal* who, to understanding men, shewed the truth of the
saying, When Fate arrives, the eye becomes blind, and, setting
before their eyes the scripture which saith, Whosoever striveth
to promote the true religion, striveth for the good of his own soul,?
they acted on the precept to which obedience is due, Fzght
against infidels and hypocrites.

(c. Military movements.) |
(March 17th, 1527) On Saturday the 13th day of the second

7 Jumada of the date 933, a day blessed by the words, God hath

blessed your Saturday, the army of Islam was encamped near
the village of Kanwa, a dependency of Biana, hard by a hill
which was 2 kurohs (4.m.) from the enemies of the Faith.
When those accursed infidel foes of Muhammad’s religion heard
the reverberation of the armies of Islam, they arrayed their
ill-starred forces and moved forward with one heart, relying on
their mountain-like, demon-shaped elephants, as had relied the

Lords of the Elephant 3 who went to overthrow the sanctuary
(ka‘ba) of Islam.

* ** Dejal or al Masih al Daijjal, the false or lying Messiah, is the Muhammadan
Anti-christ. He is to be one-eyed, and marked on the forehead with the letters
K.F.R. signifying Kafer, or Infidel. He is to appear in the latter days riding on an
ass, and will be followed by 70,000 Jews of Ispahan, and will continue on the Earth
40 days, of which one will be equal to a year, another to a month, another to a week,
and the rest will be common days. He is to lay waste all places, but will not enter
Mekka or Medina, which are to be guarded by angels. He is finally to be slain at
the gate of Lud by Jesus, for whom the Musalmans profess great veneration, calling
him the breath or spirit of God.—See Sale’s Zutroductory Discourse to the Koran”
[Erskine].

? Qoran, cap. 29, v. 5.

3 “This alludes to the defeat of [an Abyssinian Christian] Abraha the prince of
Yemen who [in the year of Muhammad’s birth] marched his army and some elephants
to destroy the 4a‘sa of Makka. ‘The Meccans,’ says Sale, ‘ at the appearance of so
considerable a host, retired to the neighbouring mountains, being unable to defend
their city or temple. But God himself undertook the defence of both. For when
Abraha drew near to Mecca, and would have entered it, the elephant on which he
rode, which was a very large one and named Mahmid, refused to advance any nigher
to the town, but knelt down whenever they endeavoured to force him that way,
though he would rise and march briskly enough if they turned him towards any other
quarter ; and while matters were in this posture, on a sudden a large flock of birds,
like swallows, came flying from the sea-coast, every-one of which carried three stones,

Fol. 3186.

564 HINDUSTAN

‘* Having these elephants, the wretched Hindus
Became proud, like the Lords of the Elephant ;
Yet were they odious and vile as is the evening of death,
Blacker * than night, outnumbering the stars,
All such as fire is? but their heads upraised
In hate, as rises its smoke in the azure sky,
Ant-like they come from right and from left,
Thousands and thousands of horse and foot.”

They advanced towards the victorious encampment, intending
to give battle. The holy warriors of Islam, trees in the garden
of valour, moved forward in ranks straight as serried pines and,
like pines uplift their crests to heaven, uplifting their helmet-
crests which shone even as shine the hearts of those ¢hat strive
in the way of the Lord; their array was like Alexander’s iron-
wall,3 and, as is the way of the Prophet’s Law, straight and firm
and strong, as though they were a well-compacted building ;4 and
they became fortunate and successful in accordance with the
saying, They are directed by their Lord, and they shall prosper.s

In that array no rent was frayed by timid souls ;

Firm was it as the Shahanshah’s resolve, strong as the Faith ;
Their standards brushed against the sky ;

Verily we have granted thee certain victory.®

Obeying the cautions of prudence, we imitated the gha@zis of
Rim? by posting matchlockmen (¢ufanchidn) and cannoneers
(va‘d-andazan) along the line of carts which were chained to one
another in front of us; in fact, Islam’s army was so arrayed and
so steadfast that primal Intelligence ® and the firmament (‘ag/-z-
pir u charkh-t-asiy) applauded the marshalling thereof. To
effect this arrangement and organization, Nizamu’d-din ‘Ali
Khalifa, the pillar of the Imperial fortune, exerted himself

one in each foot and one in its bill ; and these stones they threw down upon the
heads of Abraha’s men, certainly killing every one they struck.’ The rest were
swept away by a flood or perished by a plague, Abraha alone reaching Senaa, where
he also died” [Erskine]. The above is taken from Sale’s note to the 105 chapter of
the Qoran, entitled ‘‘ the Elephant ”’.

* Presumably black by reason of their dark large mass.

? Presumably, devouring as fire.

3 This is 50 m. long and blocked the narrow pass of the Caspian Iron-gates. It
ends south of the Russian town of Dar-band, on the west shore of the Caspian.
Erskine states that it was erected to repress the invasions of Yajuj and Mujuj (Gog
and Magog).

4 Qoran, cap. lxi, v. 4.

5 Qoran, cap. li, v. 4. Erskine appears to quote another verse.

© Qoran, cap. xviii, v. I.

7 Index s.x.

8 Khirad, Intelligence or the first Intelligence, was supposed to be the guardian of
the empyreal heaven (Erskine).

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 TO SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 565

strenuously ; his efforts were in accord with Destiny, and were
approved by his sovereign’s luminous judgment.

(ad. Commanders of the centre.)

His Majesty’s post was in the centre. In the right-hand of
the centre were stationed the illustrious and most upright
brother, the beloved friend of Destiny, the favoured of Him
whose aid is entreated (ze. God), Chin-timir Sultan,7—the
illustrious son, accepted in the sight of the revered Allah,
Sulaiman Shah,?—the reservoir of sanctity, the way-shower,
Khwaja Kamalu’d-din (Perfect-in-the Faith) Dost-i-khawand,—
the trusted of the sultanate, the abider near the sublime threshold,
the close companion, the cream of associates, Kamalu’d-din
~ Yiinas-i-‘ali,—the pillar of royal retainers, the perfect in friendship,
Jalalu’d-din (Glory-of-the-Faith) Shah Mansitr Aar/as,—the
pillar of royal retainers, most excellent of servants, Nizimu’d-din
(Upholder-of-the-Faith) Darwish-i-muhammad Sda@rbaén,—the
pillars of royal retainers, the sincere in fidelity, Shihabu’d-din
(Meteor-of-the-Faith) ‘Abdu’l-lah the librarian and Nizamu’d-din
Dost Lord-of-the-Gate.

In the left-hand of the centre took each his post, the reservoir
of sovereignty, ally of the Khalifate, object of royal favour, Sultan
‘Ala’u’d-din ‘Alam Khan son of SI. Bahliil Zzd@z—the intimate
of illustrious Majesty, the high priest (dastir) of sadrs amongst
men, the refuge of all people, the pillar of Islam, Shaikh Zain of
Khawaf,3—the pillar of the nobility, Kamalu’d-din Muhibb-i-‘ali,
son of the intimate counsellor named above (ze. Khalifa),—the
pillar of royal retainers, Nizamu’d-din Tardi Beg brother of Qij
(son of) Ahmad, whom God hath taken into His mercy,—Shir-
afgan son of the above-named Qiij Beg deceased,—the pillar of
great ones, the mighty khan, Araish Khan,4—tthe wazir, greatest

* Chin-timiir Chingiz-khanid Chaghatai is called Babur’s brother because a
(maternal-) cousin of Babur’s own generation, their last common ancestor being
Yiinas Khan.

* Sulaiman 7imirid Miran-shahi is called Babur’s son because his father was of
Babur’s generation, their last common ancestor being Sl. Abii-sa‘id Mirza. He was
13 years old and, through Shah Begim, hereditary shah of Badakhshan.

8 The Shaikh was able, it would appear, to see himself as others saw him, since
the above description of him is his own. It is confirmed by Abi’l-fazl and Badayini’s
accounts of his attainments.

* The honourable post given to this amir of Hind is likely to be due to his loyalty
to Babur.

Fol.*3196.

Fol. 320.

}

Fol. 320d.

566 HINDUSTAN

of wazirs amongst men, Khwaja Kamalu’d-din Husain,—and
a number of other attendants at Court (dzwanian).

(e. Commanders of the right wing.)

In the right wing was the exalted son, honourable and
fortunate, the befriended of Destiny, the Star of the Sign of
sovereignty and success, Sun of the sphere of the Khalifate,
lauded of slave and free, Muhammad Humayiin Bahadur. On
that exalted prince’s right hand there were, one whose rank
approximates to royalty and who is distinguished by the favour
of the royal giver of gifts, Qasim-i-husain Sultan,—the pillar of
the nobility Nizamu’d-din Ahmad-i-yisuf Aaghlagchi,,A—the
trusted of royalty, most excellent of servants, Jalalu’d-din Hindt
Beg gachin,?— the trusted of royalty, perfect in loyalty, Jalalu’d-
din Khusrau Kikildash,—the trusted of royalty, Qawam (var.
Qiyam) Beg Aardi-shah,—the pillar of royal retainers, of perfect
sincerity, Wali Qara-qizi the treasurer,3—the pillar of royal
retainers, Nizamu’d-din Pir-quli of Sistan,—the pillar of wazirs,
Khwaja Kamalu’d-din pahlawan (champion) of Badakhshan,—
the pillar of royal retainers, ‘Abdu’l-shakitr,—the pillar of the
nobility, most excellent of servants, the envoy from ‘Iraq
Sulaiman Aqa,—and Husain Aqa the envoy from Sistan. On
the victory-crowned left of the fortunate son already named
there were, the sayyid of lofty birth, of the family of Murtiza
(‘Ali), Mir Hama (or Hama),—the pillar of royal retainers, the
perfect in sincerity, Shamsu’d - din Muhammadi Kikildash and
Nizamu’d-din Khwajagi Asad jén-dar4 In the right wing

* Ahmad may be a nephew of Yisuf of the same agnomen (Index s.27.).

2 I have not discovered the name of this old servant or the meaning of his seeming-
sobriquet, Hindi. As a gachin he will have been a Mughil or Turk. The circum-
stance of his service with a son of Mahmid A/iran-shahi (down to 905 AH.) makes it
possible that he drew his name in his youth from the tract s.e. of Mahmid’s Hisar
territory which has been known as Little Hind (Index s.%. Hind). This is however
conjecture merely. Another suggestion is that as Aznd# can mean d/ack, it may —
stand for the common garda of the Turks e.g. Qara Barlas, Black Barlas.

3 I am uncertain whether Qara-qiizi is the name of a place, or the jesting sobriquet
of more than one meaning it can be.

4 Soul-full, animated; var. Hai. MS. 4idn-dar. Noagnomen is used for Asad by
Babur. The Akbar-ndma varies to jamadar, wardrobe-keeper, cup-holder (424. 7nd.
ed. i, 107), and Firishta to sav-jamadar, head wardrobe-keeper (lith. ed. p. 209 top).
It would be surprising to find such an official sent as envoy to ‘Iraq, as Asad was both
before and after he fought at Kanwa.

EE a.

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 567

there were, of the amirs of Hind,—the pillar of the State, the
Khan-of-Khans, Dilawar Khan,'—the pillar of the nobility,
Malik Dad Kararani,—and the pillar of the nobility, the
Shaikh-of-shaikhs, Shaikh Giran, each standing in his appointed
place.

(f. Commanders of the left wing.)

In the left wing of the armies of Islam there extended their
ranks,—the lord of lofty lineage, the refuge of those in
authority, the ornament of the family of Za Ha and Ya Szn,?
the model for the descendants of the prince of ambassadors
(Muhammad), Sayyid Mahdi Khwaja,—the exalted and fortunate
brother, the well-regarded of his Majesty, Muhammad SI. Mirza,3

=the personage approximating to royalty, the descended of

monarchs, ‘Adil Sultan son of Mahdi Sultan,4—the trusted in
the State, perfect in attachment, ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz Master of the
Horse, — the trusted in the State, the pure in friendship,
Shamsu’d-din Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang,s—the pillar of royal
retainers, Jalalu’d-din Qitliiq-qadam garawal (scout), — the
pillar of royal retainers, the perfect in sincerity, Jalalu’d-din
Shah Husain yaragt Mughil Ghanchi(?),°—and Nizamu’d-din
Jan-i-muhammad Beg Adéka.

Of amirs of Hind there were in this division, the scions of
sultans, Kamal Khan and Jamal Khan sons of the SI. ‘Ala’u’d-din
above-mentioned,—the most excellent officer ‘Ali Khan Shaikh-
zada of Farmil,—and the pillar of the nobility, Nizim Khan of
Biana.

* son of Daulat Khan Vasuf-khail Ladi.

* These are the titles of the 20th and 36th chapters of the Qoran; Sale offers
conjectural explanations of them. The ‘‘ family” is Muhammad’s.

3 a Bai-qara Timirid of Babur’s generation, their last common ancestor being
Timir himself.

4 an Atizbeg who married a daughter of Sl. Husain M. Aai-garda.

5 It has been pointed out to me that there is a Chinese title of nobility Van-wang,
and that it may be behind the words ang-jang. Though the suggestion appears to me
improbable, looking to the record of Babur’s officer, to the prevalence of sobriquets
amongst his people, and to what would be the sporadic appearance of a Chinese title
or even class-name borne by a single man amongst them, I add this suggestion to
those of my note on the meaning of the words (Index s.2. Muh. ‘Ali). The title
Jin-wang occurs in Dr. Denison Ross’ 7hree MSS. Srom Kashghar, p. 5, v. 5 and
translator’s preface, p. 14.

° Cf. f. 266 and f. 299. YVaragi may be the name of his office, (from yarag) and
mean provisioner of arms or food or other military requirements.

Fol. 321.

Fol. 3214.

—
7
3

568 HINDUSTAN

(g. The flanking parties.)

For the flank-movement (t#lehama) of the right wing there
were posted two of the most trusted of the household retainers,
Tardika* and Malik Qasim the brother of Baba Qashqa, with
a body of Mughils; for the flank-movement of the left wing
were the two trusted chiefs Mimin Ataka and Rustam 7urkman,
leading a body of special troops.

(h. The Chief of the Staff.)

The pillar of royal retainers, the perfect in loyalty, the cream
of privy-counsellors, Nizimu’d-din Sultan Muhammad Bakhshi,
after posting the ghazis of Islam, came to receive the royal
commands. He despatched adjutants (¢awdachz) and messengers
(yasawal) in various directions to convey imperative orders
concerning the marshalling of the troops to the great sultans
and amirs. And when the Commanders had taken up their
positions, an imperative order was given that none should quit
his post or, uncommanded, stretch forth his arm to fight.

(2. The battle.)

One watch ? of the afore-mentioned day had elapsed when the
opposing forces approached each other and the battle began.
As Light opposes Darkness, so did the centres of the two
armies oppose one another. Fighting began on the right and
left wings, such fighting as shook the Earth and filled highest
Heaven with clangour.

The left wing of the ill-fated pagans advanced against the
right wing of the Faith-garbed troops of Islam and charged
down on Khusrau Kikildash and Baba Qashqa’s brother Malik
Oasim. The most glorious and most upright brother Chin-timir
Sultan, obeying orders, went to reinforce them and, engaging in
the conflict with bold attack, bore the pagans back almost to
the rear of their centre. Guerdon was made for the brother's
glorious fame.3 The marvel of the Age, Mustafa of Rim, had
his post in the centre (of the right wing) where was the exalted
son, upright and fortunate, the object of the favourable regard of

* or, Tardi yakka, the champion, Gr. monomachus (A.N. trs. i, 107 n.).
? var. I watch and 2 g’havis ; the time will have been between 9 and 10 a.m.
3 juldu ba nam al ‘aziz-i-baradar shud, a phrase not easy to translate.

7

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 569

Creative Majesty (z.e. God), the one distinguished by the particular
grace of the mighty Soveretgn who commands to do and not to do
(ze. Babur), Muhammad Humayin Bahadur. This Mustafa of
Riim had the carts (av@baha)* brought forward and broke the
ranks of pagans with matchlock and culverin dark like their
hearts (?).2_ In the thick of the fight, the most glorious brother
Oasim-i-husain Sultan and the pillars of royal retainers, Nizamu’d-
din Ahmad-i-yiisuf and Qawam Beg, obeying orders, hastened
to their help. And since band after band of pagan troops
followed each other to help their men, so we, in our turn, sent
the trusted in the State, the glory of the Faith, Hindi Beg, and,
after him, the pillars of the nobility, Muhammadi Kikildash
and Khwajagi Asad jan-dar, and, after them, the trusted in
the State, the trustworthy in the resplendent Court, the most
confided-in of nobles, the elect of confidential servants, Yiinas-
i-‘ali, together with the pillar of the nobility, the perfect in
friendship, Shah Mansiir Bar/as and the pillar of the grandees,
the pure in fidelity, ‘Abdu’l-lah the librarian, and after these, the
pillar of the nobles, Dost the Lord-of-the-Gate, and Muhammad
Khalil the master-gelder (akhta-begi).3

The pagan right wing made repeated and desperate attack on
the left wing of the army of Islam, falling furiously on the holy
warriors, possessors of salvation, but each time was made to
turn back or, smitten with the arrows of victory, was made to
descend into Hell, the house of perdition ; they shall be thrown to
burn therein, and an unhappy dwelling shall it be+ Then the
trusty amongst the nobles, Mimin Ataka and Rustam 7urkman
betook themselves to the rear 5 of the host of darkened pagans ;
and to help them were sent the Commanders Khwaja Mahmid
and ‘Ali Ataka, servants of him who amongst the royal retainers

is near the throne, the trusted of the Sultanate, Nizamu’d-din
‘Ali Khalifa.

* viz. those chained together as a defence and probably also those conveying the
culverins.

* The comparison may be between the darkening smoke of the fire-arms and the
heresy darkening pagan hearts.

3 There appears to be a distinction of title between the akhta-begi and the mir-
akhwiir (master of the horse).

* Qoran, cap. 14, v. 33.
5 These two men were in one of the flanking-parties.

Fol. 322.

Fol. 3224,

570 HINDUSTAN

Our high-born brother’ Muhammad Sl. Mirza, and the
representative of royal dignity, ‘Adil Sultan, and the trusted in
the State, the strengthener of the Faith, ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz, the Master
of the Horse, and the glory of the Faith, Qitliq-qadam garawal,
and the meteor of the Faith, Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang,
and the pillar of royal retainers, Shah Husain yaragt Mughil
Ghanchi(?) stretched out the arm to fight and: stood firm. . To
support them we sent the Dastir, the highest of wazirs, Khwaja
Kamalu’d-din Husain with a body of dzwanis.2 Every holy
warrior was eager to show his zeal, entering the fight with
desperate joy as if approving the verse, Say, Do you expect any
other should befall us than one of the two most excellent things,
victory or martyrdom ?3 and, with display of life-devotion,
uplifted the standard of life-sacrifice.

As the conflict and battle lasted long, an imperative order was
issued that the special royal corps (tabinan-t-khasa-t-padshihi) *
who, heroes of one hue,5 were standing, like tigers enchained,
behind the carts,° should go out on the right and the left of the
centre,” leaving the matchlockmen’s post in-between, and join
battle on both sides. As the True Dawn emerges from its cleft
in the horizon, so they emerged from behind the carts ; they
poured a ruddy crepuscule of the blood of those ill-fated pagans ©
on the nadir of the Heavens, that battle-field ; they made fall
from the firmament of existence many heads of the headstrong,
as stars fall from the firmament of heaven. The marvel of the
Age, Ustad ‘Ali-quli, who with his own appurtenances stood in
front of the centre, did deeds of valour, discharging against the
iron-mantled forts of the infidels ® stones of such size that were
(one) put into a scale of the Balance in which actions are
weighed, that scale shall be heavy with good works and he

‘

* This phrase ‘‘ our brother” would support the view that Shaikh Zain wrote as
for Babur, if there were not, on the other hand, mention of Babur as His Majesty,
and the precious royal soul.

2 diwanidn here may mean those associated with the wazir in his duties: and not
those attending at Court.

3 Qoran, cap. 14, v. 52.

4 Index s.n2. chuhra (a brave).

5 hizabran-t-besha yakrangi, literally, forest-tigers (or, lions) of one hue.

© There may be reference here to the chains used to connect the carts into a defence.

7 The braves of the £Adsa tabin were part of Babur’s own centre.

8 perhaps the cataphract elephants ; perhaps the men in mail.

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 571

(ze. its owner) shall lead a pleasing life*; and were such stones
discharged against a hill, broad of base and high of summit, it
would decome like carded wool Such stones Ustad ‘Ali-quli
discharged at the iron-clad fortress of the pagan ranks and
by this discharge of stones, and abundance of culverins and
matchlocks (?) 3 destroyed many of the builded bodies of the
pagans. The matchlockmen of the royal centre, in obedience
to orders, going from behind the carts into the midst of the
battle, each one of them made many a pagan taste of the poison
of death. The foot-soldiers, going into a most dangerous place,
made their names to be blazoned amongst those of the forest-
tigers (z.e. heroes) of valour and the champions in the field of

manly deeds. Just at this time came an order from his
‘Majesty the Khaqan that the carts of the centre should be

advanced; and the gracious royal soul (ze. Babur) moved
towards the pagan soldiers, Victory and Fortune on his right,
Prestige and Conquest on his left. On witnessing this event,
the victorious troops followed from all sides ; the whole surging
ocean of the army rose in mighty waves; the courage of all the
crocodiles + of that ocean was manifested by the strength of their
deeds ; an obscuring cloud of dust o’erspread the sky (?). The
dust that gathered over the battle-field was traversed by the
lightning-flashes of the sword ; the Sun’s face was shorn of light
as is a mirror’s back ; the striker and the struck, the victor and

the vanquished were commingled, all distinction between them

lost. The Wizard of Time produced such a night that its only
planets were arrows, its only constellations of fixed stars were
the steadfast squadrons.

Upon that day of battle sank and rose

Blood to the Fish and dust-clouds to the Moon,
While through the horse-hoofs on that spacious plain,
One Earth flew up to make another Heaven.°®

* Qoran, cap. IOI, v. 54.

* Qoran, cap. IOI, v. 4.

3 ba andakhtan-t- sang u sarb-2an tufak bisyari. As Babur does not in any place
mention metal missiles, it seems safest to translate samg by its plain meaning of stone.

4 Also, metaphorically, swords.

5 “rv. My husband thinks there is a play upon the two meanings of this word,
arrow and the planet Mercury ; so too in the next sentence, that there may be allusion
i “en kuakib sawabit to the constellation Pegasus, opposed to Babur’s squadrons
of horse.

° The Fish mentioned in this verse is the one pictured by Muhammadan cosmogony
as supporting the Earth. The violence of the fray is illustrated by supposing that of

Fol. 323.

Fol. 3230.

572 HINDUSTAN

At the moment when the holy warriors were heedlessly flinging —
away their lives, they heard a secret voice say, Be not dismayed, —
neither be grieved, for, tf ye believe, ye shall be exalted above the —
unbelievers,* and from the infallible Informer heard the joyful —
words, Assistance 7s from God, and a speedy victory! And do
thou bear glad tidings to true believers.2 Then they fought with —
such delight that the plaudits of the saints of the Holy Assembly
reached them and the angels from near the Throne, fluttered —
round their heads like moths. Between the first and second —
Prayers, there was such blaze of combat that the flames thereof —
raised standards above the heavens, and the right and left of —
the army of Islam rolled back the left and right of the doomed ©
infidels in one mass upon their centre. j

When signs were manifest of the victory of the Strivers and
of the up-rearing of the standards of Islam, those accursed —
infidels and wicked unbelievers remained for one hour confounded. —
At length, their hearts abandoning life, they fell upon the right —
and left of our centre. Their attack on the left was the more
vigorous and there they approached furthest, but the holy warriors, —
their minds set on the reward, planted shoots (zzha/) of arrows —
in the field of the breast of each one of them, and, such being —
their gloomy fate, overthrew them. In this state of affairs, the —
breezes of victory and fortune blew over the meadow of our ~

Fol. 324. happy Nawab, and brought the good news, Verily we have 4
granted thee a manifest victory3 And Victory the beautiful
woman (shahid) whose world-adornment of waving tresses was”
embellished by God will aid you with a mighty aids bestowed 1

on us the good fortune that had been hidden behind a veil, and —
made it a reality. The absurd (4é@¢2/) Hindiis, knowing their
position perilous, dspersed like carded wool before the wind, and —
like moths scattered abroad. Many fell dead on the field of battle;
others, desisting from fighting, fled to the desert of exile and

Earth’s seven climes one rose to Heaven in dust, thus giving Heaven eight. The -
verse is from Firdausi’s Shah-nadma, [Turner- Macan’ s ed. i, 222]. The translation
of it is Warner’s, [ii, 15 and n.]. I am indebted for the information given in this —
note to my husband’s long search in the Shah-namda.

* Qoran, cap. 3, v. 133.

2 Qoran, cap. 61, v. 13.

3 Qoran, cap. 48, v. I.

4 Qoran, cap. 48, v. 3.

a

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 573

became the food of crows and kites. Mounds were made of
the bodies of the slain, pillars of their heads.

(7. Hindi chiefs killed in the battle.)

Hasan Khan of Miwat was enrolled in the list of the dead by
the force of a matchlock (zard-z-tufak) ; most of those headstrong
chiefs of tribes were slain likewise, and ended their days by
arrow and matchlock (tir u tufak). Of their number was Rawal
Udi Singh of Bagar,! ruler (wa/z) of the Dungarpir country, who
had 12,000 horse, Rai Chandraban Chihan who had 4,000 horse,
Bhipat Rao son of that Salahu’d-din already mentioned, who
was lord of Chandiri and had 6,000 horse, Manik-chand Chihan
and Dilpat Rao who had each 4,000 horse, Kanki (or Gangii)
and Karm Singh and Dankisi (?)? who had each 3,000 horse, and
a number of others, each one of whom was leader of a great
command, a splendid and magnificent chieftain. All these trod
the road to Hell, removing from this house of clay to the pit of
perdition. The enemy’s country (daru’/-harb) was full, as Hell
is full, of wounded who had died on the road. The lowest pit
was gorged with miscreants who had surrendered their souls to
the lord of Hell. In whatever direction one from the army of
Islam hastened, he found everywhere a self-willed one dead ;
whatever march the illustrious camp made in the wake of the
fugitives, it found no foot-space without its prostrate foe.

All the Hindis slain, abject (Aiwdar, var. z@r) and mean,
By matchlock-stones, like the Elephants’ lords,

Many hills of their bodies were seen,

And from each hill a fount of running blood.

Dreading the arrows of (our) splendid ranks,
Passed + they in flight to each wasté and hill.

4a [see p. 572] farash. De Courteille, reading firash, translates this metaphor by
comme un lit lorsqwil est défatt. Herefers to Qoran, cap. 101, v.3. A_ better
metaphor for the breaking up of an army than that of moths scattering, one allowed
by the word farash, but possibly not by Muhammad, is vanished like bubbles on wine.

* Bagar isan old name for Dungarpiir and Banswara[G. of Z. vi, 408 s.2. Banswara].

* stc, Hai. MS. and may be so read in I.O. 217 f.2206; Erskine writes Bikersi
(p. 367) and notes the variant Nagersi; Ilminsky (p. 421) N:krsi; de Courteille
(ii, 307) Niguersi.

3 Cf. f. 3184, and note, where it is seen that the stones which killed the lords of the
Elephants were so small as to be carried in the bill of a bird like a swallow. Were
such stones used in matchlocks in Babur’s day ?

4 guzaran, var. gurazdn, caused to flee and hogs (Erskine notes the double-
meaning).

39

Fol. 324d.

574 HINDUSTAN

They turn their backs. The command of God is to be
performed. Now praise be to God, All-hearing and All-wise,
for victory is from God alone, the Mighty, the Wise.t Written ;
Jumada II. 25th 933 (AH.—March 29th 1527 A.D.).?

MINOR SEQUELS OF VICTORY.

(a. Babur assumes the title of Ghazi.)

7
After this success Ghazi (Victor in a Holy-war) was written
amongst the royal titles. .

* This passage, entered in some MSS. as if verse, is made up of Qoran, cap. 17,
v. 49, cap. 33, v. 38, and cap. 3, v. 122.

2 As the day of battle was Jumada II. 13th (March 16th), the Fath-xama was A
ready and dated twelve days after that battle. It was started for Kabul on Rajab 9th —
(April 11th). Something may be said here appropriately about the surmise contained
in Dr. Ilminsky’s Preface and M. de Courteille’s note to M/émozves ii, 443 and 450, to
the effect that Babur wrote a plain account of the battle of Kanwa and for this in his
narrative substituted Shaikh Zain’s Fath-nadma, and that the plain account has been ~
preserved in Kehr’s Babur-ndma volume [whence Ilminsky reproduced it, it was —
translated by M. de Courteille and became known asa ‘‘ Fragment” of Baburiana].
Almost certainly both scholars would have judged adversely of their suggestion by —
the light of to-day’s easier research. The following considerations making against its
value, may be set down :—

(1) There is no sign that Babur ever wrote a plain account of the battle or any ~
account of it. There is against his doing so his statement that he inserts Shaikh ~
Zain’s Fath-nadma because it gives particulars. If he had written any account, it would —
be found preceding the Aath-ndma, as his account of his renunciation of wine precedes —
Shaikh Zain’s Harman announcing the act. 2

(2) Moreover, the ‘‘ Fragment” cannot be described as a plain account such as
would harmonize with Babur’s style ; it is in truth highly rhetorical, though less SO

as Shaikh Zain’s. ;

(3) The ‘‘ Fragment” begins with a quotation from the Babur-nama (f.3106 and n. ), ;
skips a good deal of Babur’s matter preliminary to the battle, and passes on with what
there can be no doubt is a translation in inferior Turki of the 444ar-naéma account.

(4) The whole of the extra matter is seen to be continuous and not fragmentary, —
if it is collated with the chapter in which Abii’l-fazl describes the battle, its sequel of
events, the death, character, attainments, and Court of Babur. Down to the death, —
it is changed to the first person so as to make Babur seem to write it. The probable
concocter of it is Jahangir. :

(5) If the Fragment were Babur’s composition, where was it when ‘Abdu-r-rahim —
translated the Baéur-nama in 998 AH.-1590 AD. ; where too did Abi’l-fazl find it to
reproduce in the Akbar-nama? ’

(6) The source of Abi’1-fazl’s information seems without doubt to be Babur’s own
narrative and Shaikh Zain’s Hath-ndma. There are many significant resemblances —
between the two rhetoricians’ metaphors and details selected.

(7) A good deal might be said of the dissimilarities between Babur’s diction and that —
of the ‘‘ Fragment”. But this is needless in face of the larger and more circumstantial -
objections already mentioned.

(For a fuller account of the ‘‘ Fragment” see JRAS. Jan. 1906 pp. 81, $5 and
1908 p.75 ff.) f

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27rH 1527 AD. 575

Below the titles (¢ag/ra)* entered on the Fath-nama, | wrote
the following quatrain :—?

For Islam’s sake, I wandered in the wilds,
Prepared for war with pagans and Hindis,
Resolved myself to meet the martyr’s death.
Thanks be to God! a ghdzi I became.

(6. Chronograms of the victory.)

Shaikh Zain had found (té@ib aidz) the words Fath-7-padshah-
2-2slam 3 (Victory of the Padshah of the Faith) to be a chronogram
of the victory. Mir Gesi, one of the people come from Kabul,
had also found these same words to be a chronogram, had
composed them in a quatrain and sent this to me. It was
a coincidence that Shaikh Zain and Mir Gest should bring
forward precisely the same words in the quatrains they composed

to embellish their discoveries. Once before when Shaikh Zain
found the date of the victory at Dibalpir in the words Wasat-
t-shahr Rabi‘u'l-awwal5 (Middle of the month Rabi‘ I.), Mir
Gest had found it in the very same words.

HISTORICAL NARRATIVE RESUMED.
(a. After the victory.)

The foes beaten, we hurried them off, dismounting one after
another. The Pagan’s encirclement® may have been 2 kurohs

* Tughra means an imperial signature also, but would Babur sign Shaikh Zain’s
fath-i-ndma? His autograph verse at the end of the Rampur Diwan has his signature
following it. He is likely to have signed this verse. Cf. App. Q. [Erskine notes
that titles were written on the back of despatches, an unlikely place for the quatrain,
one surmises. | ‘

? This is in the Rampur diwan (E.D.R. Plate 17). Dr. E. Denison Ross points
out (p.17 n.) that in the 2nd line the Hai. Codex varies from the Diwau. The MS.
is wrong ; it contains many inaccuracies in the latter part of the Hindistan section,
perhaps due to a change of scribe.

3 These words by aéjad yield 933. From Babur’s use of the pluperfect tense,
I think it may be inferred that (my) Sections a and 4 are an attachment to the Fa/h-
nama, entered with it at a somewhat later date.

4 My translation of this puzzling sentence is tentative only.

5 This statement shews that the Dibalpir affair occurred in one of the B.N. gaps,
and in930AH. The words make 330 by aéjad. It may be noted here that on
f.3126 and notes there are remarks concerning whether Babur’s remission of the
tamgha was contingent on his winning at Kanwa. If the remission had been delayed
until his victory was won, it would have found fitting mention with the other sequels
of victory chronicled above ; as it is not with these sequels, it may be accepted as an
absolute remission, proclaimed before the fight. The point was a little uncertain
owing to the seemingly somewhat deferred insertion in Babur’s narrative of Shaikh
Zain’s Farman.

° d@ira, presumably a defended circle. As the word aarda [bracketed in the
text] shows, Babur used it both for his own and for Sanga’s camps.

Fol. 325.

Fol. 3254.

576 HINDUSTAN

from our camp (ard); when we reached his camp (am#rda), —
we sent Muhammadi, ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz, ‘Ali Khan and some others
in pursuit of him. There was a little slackness;* I ought to —
have gone myself, and not have left the matter to what
I expected from other people. When I had gone as much as —
a kuroh (2 m.) beyond the Pagan’s camp, I turned back because —
it was late in the wth, I came to our camp at the Bed-time —
Prayer. p

With what ill-omened words Muhammad Sharif the astrologer —
had fretted me! Yet he came at once to congratulate me! —
I emptied my inwards? in abuse of him, but, spite of his being —
heathenish, ill-omened of speech, extremely self-satisfied, and —
a most disagreeable person, I bestowed a /ak upon him because —
there had been deserving service from him in former times, and, 4
after saying he was not to stay in my dominions, I gave him ~
leave to go. ‘4

(6. Suppression of a rebellion.)

(March 17th) We remained next day (/umada IT. rath) on
that same ground. Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang and Shaikh —
Giran and ‘Abdu’l-malik 3 the armourer: were sent off with —
a dense (ga@/in) army against Ilias Khan who, having rebelled in —
Between-the-two-waters (Ganges and Jumna), had taken Kal ©
(Koel) and made Kichik ‘Ali prisoner He could not fights
when they came up; his force scattered in all directions ; he |
himself was taken a few days later and brought into Agra where
I had him flayed alive. 4

(c. A trophy of victory.)

An order was given to set up a pillar of pagan heads on the
infant-hill (koh-bacha) between which and our camp the battle ©
had been fought.

* Hence the Rana escaped. He died in this year, not without suspicion of poison. —

: aichimni khali gildim, a seeming equivalent for English, ‘‘I poured out my ~
spleen.” s
"3 var. malik as e.g. in I.O. 217 f.2254, and also elsewhere in the Babur-nama.
4 On f. 315 the acts attributed to Ilias Khan are said to have been done by ,

a ‘*mannikin called Rustam Khan”. Neither name appears elsewhere in the B.N. 3 1
the hero’s name seems a sarcasm on ‘the small man. 4

. 933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 Tro SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 577
(da. Biana visited.)
(March 20th) Marching on from that ground, and after halting

on two nights, we reached Biana (Sunday, Jumada IT. 17th).

ue

Countless numbers of the bodies of pagans and apostates * who
had fallen in their flight, lay on the road as far as Biana, indeed
as far as Alir and Miwat.?

(e. Discussion of plans.)

On our return to camp, I summoned the Turk amirs and the
amirs of Hind to a consultation about moving into the Pagan
(Sanga)’s country ; the plan was given up because of the little
water and much heat on the road.

(f, Miwat.)

Near Dihli lies the Miwat country which yields revenue of
3 or 4 krirs3 Hasan Khan Mzwati+ and his ancestors one
after another had ruled it with absolute sway for a hundred
years or two. They must have made5 imperfect submission to
the Dihli Sultans ; the Sultans of Hind,° whether because their
own dominions were wide, or because their opportunity was
narrow, or because of the Miwat hill-country,7 did not turn
in the Miwat direction, did not establish order in it, but just

* Babur so-calls both Hasan and his followers, presumably because they followed

their race sympathies, as of Rajpit origin, and fought against co-religionists. Though

Hasan’s subjects, Meos, were nominally Muhammadans, it appears that they practised
some Hindu customs. For an account of Miwat, see Gazetteer of Ulwur (Alwar,
Alar) by Major P. W. Powlett. :

? Alwar being in Miwat, Babur may mean that bodies were found beyond that
ce in the main portion of the Miwat country which lies north of Alwar towards

i.

3 Major Powlett speaking (p.9) of the revenue Miwat paid to Babur, quotes Thomas
as saying that the coins stated in Babur’s Revenue Accounts, vzz. 169,81,000 ¢ankas
were probably Sikandari ¢azas, or Rs. 8,490, 50.

4 This word appears to have been restricted in its use to the Khan-zadas of the ruling
house in Miwat, and was not used for their subjects, the Meos (Powlett /.c. Cap. I.).
The uses of ‘‘ Miwati” and ‘‘Meo” suggest something analogous with those of
*“Chaghatai” and ‘‘Mughil” in Babur’s time. The resemblance includes mutual
dislike and distrust (Powlett Zc.).

5 gilirlar aikin dur. This presumptive past tense is frequently used by the cautious
Babur. I quote it here and in a few places near-following because it supports Shaw’s
statement that in it the use of aikan (ikdn) reduces the positive affirmation of the
perfect to presumption or rumour. With this statement all grammarians are not
agreed ; it is fully supported by the Babur-nama.

® Contrast here is suggested between Sultans of Dihli & Hind; is it between the
greater Turks with whom Babur classes himself immediately below as a conqueror
of Hind, and the Lidi Sultans of Dibli?

7 The strength of the Tijara hills towards Dihli is historical (Powlett /.c. p. 132).

Fol. 326.

Fol. 3268.

578 HINDUSTAN

put up with this amount of (imperfect) submission. For our
own part, we did after the fashion of earlier Sultans; having
conquered Hind, we shewed favour to Hasan Khan, but that —
thankless and heathenish apostate disregarded our kindness
and benefits, was not grateful for favour and promotion, but
became the mover of all disturbance and the cause of all —
misdoing.
When, as has been mentioned, we abandoned the plan
(against Rana Sanga), we moved to subdue Miwat. Having
made 4 night-halts on the way, we dismounted on the bank
of the Manas-ni' 6 £urohs (12 m.) from Alir, the present seat
of government in Miwat. Hasan Khan and his forefathers must
have had their seat? in Tijara, but when I turned towards
Hindistan, beat Pahar (or Bihar) Khan and took Lahor and
Dibalpir (930AH.-1524AD.), he bethought himself betimes and
busied himself for a residence (‘zdrat) in Fort Alitir (Alwar).
His trusted man, Karm-chand by name, who had come from
him to me in Agra when his son (Nahar ze. Tiger) was with me |
there,3 came now from that son’s presence in Alir and asked ©
for peace. ‘Abdu’r-rahim shaghawal went with him to Alir, —
conveying letters of royal favour, and returned bringing Nahar —
Khan who was restored to favour and received parganas worth ©
several /aks for his support.

(g. Rewards to officers.)

Thinking, “What good work Khusrau did in the battle!” —
I named him for Aliir and gave him 50 /aks for his support, —
but unluckily for himself, he put on airs and did not accept
this. Later on it [khwud, itself] came to be known that —
Chin-timtir must have done4 that work; guerdon was made
him for his renown (?);5 Tijara-town, the seat of government q

* This is one of the names of the principal river which flows eastwards to the south
of Alwar town ; other names are Barah and Riparel. Powlett notes that it appears” —
in Thorn’s Map of the battle of Laswarree (1803 AD.), which he reproduces on p. 146. —
But it is still current in Gurgaon, with also a variant Manas-le, man-killer (G. of
Gurgaon 1910 AD. ivA, p.6). .

? aultirurlar aikin dar, the presumptive past tense.

3 f, 308,

4 gilehan aikan dir, the presumptive past tense. q

5 Sultan atigha juldu balub ; Pers. trs. J/uldi ba nim-i Sultan shud. The juldit —
guerdon seems to be apart from the fief and allowance. q

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 579

in Miwat, was bestowed on him together with an allowance
of 50 /aks for his support.

Alir and an allowance of 15 /aks was bestowed on Tardika
(or, Tardi yakka) who in the flanking-party of the right-hand
(guZ) had done better than the rest. The contents of the Alir
treasury were bestowed on Humayin.

(h. Alwar visited.)

(April 13th) Marching from that camp on Wednesday the
Ist of the month of Rajab, we came to within 2 kurohs (4 m.) of
Alir. I went to see the fort, there spent the night, and next
day went back to camp.

(z. Leave given to various followers.)

When the oath before-mentioned' was given to great and
small before the Holy-battle with Rana Sanga, it had been
mentioned? that there would be nothing to hinder leave after
this victory, and that leave would be given to anyone wishing
to go away (from Hindistan). Most of Humayiin’s men were
from Badakhshan or elsewhere on that side (of Hindi-kish);
they had never before been of an army led out for even a month
or two; there had been weakness amongst them before the
fight ; on these accounts and also because Kabul was empty of
troops, it was now decided to give Humayiin leave for Kabul.

(April 11th) Leaving the matter at this, we marched from
Alir on Thursday the 9th of Rajab, did 4 or 5 kurohs (8-10 m.)
and dismounted on the bank of the Manas-water.

Mahdi Khwaja also had many discomforts ; he too was given
leave for Kabul. The military-collectorate of Biana [he held]
was bestowed on Dost Lord-of-the-gate, and, as previously
Etawa had been named for Mahdi Khwaja,3 Mahdi Khwaja’s
son Ja‘far Khwaja was sent there in his father’s place when
(later) Qutb Khan abandoned it and went off.4

SE 31S:

* Babur does not record this detail (f. 315).

3 f.2984 and f.3284. Ja‘far is mentioned as Mahdi’s son by Gul-badan and in the
Habibwu' s-siyar iii, 311, 312.

4 f. 3884.

Fol. 327.

Fol. 3274.

580 HINDUSTAN

(7. Despatch of the Letter-of-victory.) ; ‘od
Because of the leave given to Humayin, two or three days

were spent on this ground. From it Mimin-i-‘ali the messenger

(tawachi) was sent off for Kabul with the Hath-nama.)

(&. Excursions and return to Agra.) |

Praise had been heard of the Firiizpir-spring and of the
great lake of Kitila.* Leaving the camp on that same ground,
I rode out on Sunday (Rajab 12th-April 14th) both to visit
these places and to set Humayiin on his way. After visiting
Firiizpir and its spring on that same day, ma’7iim was eaten.
In the valley where the spring rises, oleanders (Aanir) were
in bloom ; the place is not without charm but is over-praised.
I ordered a reservoir of hewn stone, 10 by 10? to be made
where the water widened, spent the night in that valley, next —
day rode on and visited the Kitila lake. It is surrounded by |

mountain-skirts. The Manas-ni is heard-say to go into it. q

It is a very large lake, from its one side the other side is not
well seen. In the middle of it is rising ground. At its sides”
are many small boats, by going off in which the villagers living
near it are said to escape from any tumult or disturbance.
Even on our arrival a few people went in them to the middle of
the lake.

On our way back from the lake, we dismounted in Humayiin’s
camp. There we rested and ate food, and after having put

robes of honour on him and his begs, bade him farewell at |
the Bed-time Prayer, and rode on. We slept for a little at some —

place on the road, at shoot of day passed through the pargana
of Khari, again slept a little, and at length got to our camp

* The town of Firizpir is commonly known as Firizpir-jhirka (Firizpir of the
spring), from a small perennial stream which issues from a number of fissures in the
rocks bordering the road through a pass in the Miwat hills which leads from the town
vid Tijara to Rewari (G. of Gurgaon, p.249). In Abi’l-fazl’s day there was a Hinda
shrine of Mahadeo near the spring, which is still a place of annual pilgrimage. The
Kitila lake is called Kotla-jhz/ in the G. of G. (p.7). It extends now 3m. by 24 m.
varying in size with the season ; in Abii’l-fazl’s day it was 4 4os(8m.) round. It lies

partly in the district of Nah, partly in Gurgaon, where the two tracts join at the foot __ )

of the Alwar hills.

* This is the frequently mentioned size for reservoirs ; the measure here is probably
the gari, cir. a yard.
_3 Babur does not state it as a fact known to himself that the Manas-ni falls into the
Kitila lake ; it did so formerly, but now does not, tradition assigning a cause for the
change (G. of G. p.6).. He uses the hear-say tense, hiradr aimish.

— ~

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 581

which had dismounted at Toda-(bhim).t After leaving Toda,

we dismounted at Sinkar; there Hasan Khan Miwdafi’s son

Nahar Khan escaped from ‘Abdu’r-rahim’s charge.

Going on from that place, we halted one night, then
dismounted at a spring situated on the bill of a mountain
between Busawar and Chausa? (or Jiisa); there awnings were
set up and we committed the sin of ma’juim. When the army
had passed by this spring, Tardi Beg £Aaksar had praised it ; he
(or we) had come and seen it from on horse-back (sar-asbg7z)
and passed on. It is a perfect spring. In Hindistan where
there are never running-waters,3 people seek out the springs
themselves. The rare springs that are found, come oozing
drop by drop (dd-z¢h) out of the ground, not bubbling up
like springs of those lands.4 From this spring comes about
a half-mill-water. It bubbles up on the hill-skirt ; meadows
lie round it; it is very beautiful. I ordered an octagonal
reservoir of hewn stone made above5 it. While we were at the
border of the spring, under the soothing influence of ma’jun,
Tardi Beg, contending for its surpassing beauty, said again and
again, (Perszan) “Since I am celebrating the beauty of the
place,° a name ought to be settled for it”. ‘Abdu’l-lah said, “ It
must be called the Royal-spring approved of by Tardi Beg.”
This saying caused much joke and laughter.

Dost Lord-of-the-gate coming up from Biana, waited on me
at this spring-head. Leaving this place, we visited Biana again,
went on to Sikri, dismounted there at the side of a garden which
had been ordered made, stayed two days supervising the garden,
and on Thursday the 23rd of Rajab (Aprz/ 25th), reached Agra.
(1. Chandwar and Rapri regained.)

During recent disturbances, the enemy, as has been mentioned,’
had possessed themselves of Chandwar® and Rapri. Against

* Khari and Toda were in Akbar’s sarkdr of Rantambhor. iy
ys Bhosawar is in Bhurtpiir, and Chausa (or Jisa) may be the Chausath of the Ayin-
t-akbari, ii, 183.

3 As has been noted frequently, this phrase stands for artificial water-courses.
a ad Trans-Hindi-kush lands ; presumably also those of Trans-Indus, Kabul
in chief.

5 austi ; perhaps the reservoir was so built as to contain the bubbling spring.

© Chin j@i khwush harda am.

7 £.315. ‘

® var. Janwar (Jarrett). It is 25 m. east of Agra on the Muttra—Etawa road (G. of /.).

Fol. 328.

Fol. 3286.

Fol. 329.

582 HINDUSTAN

those places we now sent Muhammad ‘Ali Jang-jang, Qij Beg’s

(brother) Tardi Beg, ‘Abdu’l-malik the armourer, and Hasan i

Khan with his Darya-khanis. When they were near Chandwar,
Qutb Khan’s people in it got out and away. Our men laid hands
on it,and passed on to Rapri. Here Husain Khan Vuhani's
people came to the lane-end * thinking to fight a little, could not
stand the attack of our men, and took to flight. Husain Khan
himself with a few followers went into the Jin-river (Jumna)
on an elephant and was drowned. Qutb Khan, for his part,
abandoned Etawa on hearing these news, fled with a few and
got away. Etawa having been named for Mahdi Khwaja, his
son Ja‘far Khwaja was sent there in his place.”

(m. Apportionment of fiefs.)

When Rana Sanga sallied out against us, most Hindistanis

and Afghans, as has been mentioned,3 turned round against us
and took possession of their parganas and districts.*

Sl. Muhammad Di/dai who had abandoned Qanij and come
to me, would not agree to go there again, whether from fear or
for his reputation’s sake ; he therefore exchanged the 30 /aks
of Qanij for the 15 of Sihrind, and Qanij was bestowed with
an allowance of 30 /aks on Muhammad Sl. Mirza. Badaiin 5
was given to Qasim-i-husain Sultan and he was sent against

Biban who had laid siege to Luknir ° during the disturbance with _ dl
Rana Sanga, together with Muhammad Sl. Mirza, and, of Turk
amirs, Baba Qashqa’s Malik Qasim with his elder and younger

brethren and his Mughils, and Abi’l-muhammad the lance-
player, and Mu‘yad with his father’s Darya-khanis and those of
Husain Khan Darya-khdani and the retainers of Sl. Muhammad
Dildai, and again, of amirs of Hind, ‘Ali Khan Farmalzand Malik
Dad Kararani and Shaikh Muhammad of Shaikh Bhakhari (?)
and Tatar Khan Khan-i-jahan.

hiicha-band, perhaps a barricade at the limit of a suburban lane.
: ph has been mentioned already (f. 327).
. 315.
* z.e. those professedly held for Babur.
: Or, according to local pronunciation, Badayin.
This is the old name of Shahabad in Rampir (G. of Z. xxii, 197). The 4.-2-A.
locates itin Sambal. Cf. E. and D.’s History of India, iv, 384 n. and v. 215 n.

.

Seen ey

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 583

At the time this army was crossing the Gang-river (Ganges),
Biban, hearing about it, fled, abandoning his baggage. Our
army followed him to Khairabad,* stayed there a few days and
then turned back.

(n. Appointments and dispersion for the Rains.)

After the treasure had been shared out,? Rana Sanga’s great
affair intervened before districts and parganas were apportioned.
During the respite now from Holy-war against the Pagan
(Sanga), this apportionment was made. As the Rains were near,
it was settled for every-one to go to his pargana, get equipment
ready, and be present when the Rains were over.

(0. Misconduct of Humayin.)

Meantime news came that Humayiin had gone into Dihli,
there opened several treasure-houses and, without permission,
taken possession of their contents. I had never looked for
such a thing from him ; it grieved me very much ; I wrote and
sent off to him very severe reproaches.3

(~. An embassy to ‘Traq.)

Khwajagi Asad who had already gone as envoy to ‘Iraq and
returned with Sulaiman 7urkman,* was again joined with him
and on the 15th of Sha‘ban (Vay 17th) sent with befitting gifts
to Shah-zada Tahmasp.

(9. Tardi Beg khaksadr resigns service.)

I had brought Tardi Beg out from the darwish-life and made
a soldier of him ; for how many years had he served me! Now
his desire for the darwish-life was overmastering and he asked
for leave. It was given and he was sent as an envoy to Kamran
conveying 3 /aks from the Treasury for him.5

* Perhaps the one in Sitapiir.

2 £.3058.

3 As the Elphinstone Codex which is the treasure-house of Hum§ayin’s notes, has
a long /acuna into which this episode falls, it is not known if the culprit entered
in his copy of the Babur-namaa marginal excuse for his misconduct (cf. f.252 and n.);
een was likely to be that he knew he would be forgiven by his clement father.

. 3050.

5 Kamran would bein Qandahar. Erskine notes that the sum sent to him would

be about 4750, but that if the coins were ripis, it would be £430,000.

Fol. 3298.

Fol. 330.

584 HINDUSTAN

(r. Lines addressed to deserting friends.) ie

A little fragment! had been composed suiting the state of
those who had gone away during the past year ; I now addressec ;
it to Mulla ‘Ali Khan and sent it to him by Tardi Beg. It i
as follows :—?

Ah you who have gone from this country of Hind,
Aware for yourselves of its woe and its pain,

With longing desire for Kabul’s fine air,

You went hot-foot forth out of Hind.

The pleasure you looked for you will have found there
With sociable ease and charm and delight ;
As for us, God be thanked ! we still are alive,

In spite of much pain and unending distress ;
Pleasures of sense and bodily toil

Have been passed-by by you, passed-by too by us.

(s. Of the Ramzan Feast.)

Ramzan was spent this year with ablution and Zavawzh3 in
the Garden-of-eight-paradises. Since my 11th year I had not
kept the Ramzan Feast for two successive years in the same
place; last year I had kept it in Agra; this year, saying, “Don’t
break the rule!” I went on the last day of the month to keep
it in Sikri. Tents were set up on a stone platform made on
the n.e. side of the Garden-of-victory which is now being laid
out at Sikri, and in them the Feast was held.4

(¢. Playing cards.)

The night we left Agra Mir ‘Ali the armourer was sent to +
Shah Hasan (Arghin) in Tatta to take him playing-cards
[ganjifa| he much liked and had asked for.5 E

* gita‘, for account of which form of poem see Blochmann’s translations of Saifi’s
and Jami’s Prosody, p.86,

* Rampir Diwan (E. D. Ross’ ed. p.16 and Plate 14a). I am uncertain as to
the meaning of ll.4 and 10. I am not sure that what in most MSS. ends line 4, v2.
ail dam, should not be read as a#/am, death ; this is allowed by Plate 14a where for
space the word is divided and may be ai/iim. To read aa/imand that the deserters
fled from the death in Hind they were anxious about, has an answering phrase in ‘*we
still are alive”. Ll. 9 and 10 perhaps mean that in the things named all have done
alike. [Ilminsky reads khair nafsi for the elsewhere hazz-nafsi. |

_3 These are 20 attitudes (ra4‘ah) assumed in prayer during Ramzan after the Bed-
weet ng The ablution (ghus/) is the bathing of the whole body for ceremonial
ication.

* This Feast is the ‘Id-i-fitr, held at the breaking of the Ramzan Fast on the
Ist of Shawwal. s

5 Erskine notes that this is the earliest mention of playing-cards he can recall in
oriental literature.

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 TO SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 585

(u. Iliness and a tour.)

(August 3rd) On Sunday the 5th of Zi’l-qa‘da I fell ill; the
illness lasted 17 days.

(August 24th) On Friday the 24th of the same month we
set out to visit Dilpir. That night I slept at a place half-way ;
reached Sikandar’s dam‘ at dawn, and dismounted there.

At the end of the hill below the dam the rock is of building-
stone. I had Ustad Shah Muhammad the stone-cutter brought
and gave him an order that if a house could be cut all in one
piece in that rock, it was to be done, but that if the rock were
too low for a residence (‘zmdarat), it was to be levelled and have
a reservoir, all in one piece, cut out of it.

From Dilpir we went on to visit Bari. Next morning
(August 26th) I rode out from Bari through the hills between
it and the Chambal-river in order to view the river. This done
I went back to Bari. In these hills we saw the ebony-tree, the
fruit of which people call ¢2zd#. It is said that there are white
ebony-trees also and that most ebony-trees in these hills are of
this kind.2— On leaving Bari we went to Sikri; we reached
Agra on the 29th of the same month (August 28th).

(v. Doubts about Shaikh Bayazid Farmiili.)

As in these days people were telling wild news about Shaikh
Bayazid, Sl. Quli Zurk was sent to him to give him tryst3 in
20 days.

(w. Religious and metrical exercises.)

(August 28th) On Friday the 2nd of Zi’l-hijja I began what
one is made to read 41 times.+

In these same days I cut up [tagfz‘] the following couplet of
mine into 504 measures 5 :—

* £.3390.

? The two varieties mentioned by Babur seem to be Dzospyrus melanoxylon, the
wood of which is called ¢indu abnas in Hindustani, and D. tomentosa, Hindi, tindu
(Brandis s.z2.). Bari is 19 m. west of Dilpir.

3 mi‘ad, perhaps the time at which the Shaikh was to appear before Babur.

4 The Pers. trs. makes the more definite statement that what had to be read
was a Section of the Qoran (wzrd). This was done with remedial aim for the illness.

5 As this statement needs comment, and as it is linked to matters mentioned in the
Rampir Diwan, it seems better to remit remarks upon it to Appendix Q, Some
matiers concerning the Rampur Diwan.

Fol. 3304.

Fol. 331.

586 HINDUSTAN

‘*Shall I tell of her eye or her brow, her: ers
Shall I tell of her stature or cheek, of her hair o

On this account a treatise was arranged.

(x. omen eo apn

lasted nine days.

(y. Start for Sambal.) :
(Sep. 24th) On Thursday the 29th of Za hi |
for an excursion-to Kil and Sambal. ah
* yisala, See Appendix Q. :

934 AH.—SEP. 277TH 1527 to SEP. 157 1528 AD.

(a. Vistt to Kil (Aligarh) and Saméal.)

(Sep. 27th) On Saturday the 1st of Muharram we dismounted
in Kil (Koel). Humayin had left Darwish(-i-‘ali) and Yisuf-i-
‘ali? in Sambal; they crossed one river,3 fought Qutb Sirwani4
and a party of rajas, beat them well and killed a mass of men.
They sent a few heads and an elephant into Kil while we were
there. After we had gone about Kil for two days, we dismounted

~ aft Shaikh Giran’s house by his invitation, where he entertained
us hospitably and laid an offering before us.

(Sep. 3oth—Muh. 4th) Riding on from that place, we dis-
mounted at Aitrili (Atrauli).5

(Oct. 1st-—Muh. 5th) On Wednesday we crossed the river
Gang (Ganges) and spent the night in villages of Sambal.

(Oct. 2nd—Muh. 6th) On Thursday we dismounted in Sambal.
After going about in it for two days, we left on Saturday.

(Oct. 5th—Muh. 9th) On Sunday we dismounted in Sikandara®

* Elph. MS. /acuna ; 1.0. 215 lacuna and 217 f.229; Mems. p.373. This year’s
narrative resumes the diary form.

? There is some uncertainty about these names and also as to which adversary
crossed the river. The sentence which, I think, shews, by its plural verb, that
Humayin left two men and, by its co-ordinate participles, that it was they crossed
the river, is as follows :—(Darwish and Yisuf, understood) Qutb Sirwani-ni u bir
para rijalar-ni bir darya aitib atiriishib yakshi basib térlar. Autib, aurishidb
and éasié are grammatically referable to the same subject, [whatever was the fact
about the crossing].

3 bir darya; W.-i-B. 217 f.229, yak daryd, one river, but many MSS. har daryd,
every river. If it did not seem pretty certain that the rebels were not in the Miyan-
dii-ab one would surmise the river to be “‘ one river” of the two enclosing the tract
“between the waters”, and that one to be the Ganges. It may be one near
Sambhal, east of the Ganges.

4 var. Shirwani. The place giving the cognomen may be Sarw§n, a ¢hakurdt of
the Malwa Agency (G. of /.). Qutb of Sirwan may be the Qutb Khan of earlier
mention without the cognomen.

5 n.w. of Aligarh (Kal). It may be noted here, where instances begin to be
frequent, that my translation ‘‘ we marched” is an evasion of the Turki impersonal
““it was marched”. Most rarely does Babur write ‘‘we marched”, never,
**T marched.”

i rj the Aligarh (Kil) district ; it is the Sikandara Rao of the 4.-z-A. and the
- FI.

Fol. 3314.

588 Biot s

us. When we rode out at dawn, I made some pretext to_ lie
the rest, and galloped on alone to within a kuroh of Agra where ©
they overtook me. At the Mid-day Prayer we dismodpiaetn in a

Agra.

(6. Illness of Babur.) }

(Oct. 12th) On Sunday the 16th of Muharram I had fever and :
ague. This returned again and again during the next 25 or
26 days. I drank operative medicine and at last relief came. Bb
I suffered much from thirst and want of sleep. ae”

While I was ill, I composed a quatrain or two ; here is one a
of them :—* i

Fever grows strong in my body by day,
Sleep quits my eyes as night comes on ;
Like to my pain and my patience the pair,
For while that goes waxing, this wanes.

(c. Arrival of kinswomen.)

(Nov. 23rd} On Saturday the 28th of Safar there arrived two i
of the paternal-aunt begims, Fakhr-i-jahan Begim and Khadija- _
sultan Begim.? I went to above Sikandarabad to wait on them.3 — 4

(a. Concerning a mortar.) "
(Nov. 24th—Safar 29th) On Sunday Ustad ‘Ali-quli dis- i
charged a stone from a large mortar ; the stone went far but the - |

mortar broke in pieces, one of which, no down a pa
of men, killed eight.

(e. Vistt to Sikri.)

(Dec. rst) On Monday the 7th of the frst Rabi‘ I rode out to
visit Sikri. The octagonal platform ordered made in the wile
of the lake was ready ; we went over by boat, had an awning
set up on it and elected for ma’jin.

* Rampir Diwan (E.1).Ross’ ed., p.19, Plate 164). This Diwan contains othent] M
bee which, peng cry their contents, may well be those Babur speak is
aiso compo in Sambal S =
Riadie Diode ee Appendix Q, Some matters concerning =
* These are aunts of Babur, daughters of Sl. Abi-sa‘id Miran-shahi. )
3 Sikandarabad is in the Buland-shahr district of the United Provinces.

934 AH.—SEP. 27TH 1527 To SEP. 15TH 1528 AD. 589

(f. Holy-war against Chandiri.)

(Dec. 9th) After returning from Sikri we started on Monday
night the 14th of the first Rabi‘? with the intention of making
Holy-war against Chandiri, did as much as 3 kurohs (6m.) and
dismounted in Jalisir.2 After staying there two days for people
to equip and array, we marched on Thursday (Dec. 12¢h—
Rabi‘ [. 17th) and dismounted at Anwar. I left Anwar by boat,
and disembarked beyond Chandwar.3

(Dec. 23rd) Advancing march by march, we dismounted at
the Kanar-passage + on Monday the 28th.

(Dec. 26th) On Thursday the 2nd of the latter Rabi‘ I crossed
the river ; there was 4 or 5 days delay on one bank or the other
before the army got across. On those days we went more than
once on board a boat and ate ma’jzn. The junction of the river
Chambal is between one and two kurohs (2+4 m.) above the
Kanar-passage ; on Friday I went into a boat on the Chambal,
passed the junction and so to camp:

(g. Troops sent against Shaikh Bayazid Farmiiz.)

Though there had been no clear proof of Shaikh Bayazid’s
hostility, yet his misconduct and action made it certain that he
had hostile intentions. On account of this Muhammad ‘Ali
Jangyang was detached from the army and sent to bring
together from Qanijj Muhammad Sl. Mirza and the sultans and
amirs of that neighbourhood, such as Qasim-i-husain Sultan,
Bi-khib (or, Ni-khib) Sultan, Malik Qasim, Kiki, Abi’l-
“muhammad the lancer, and Minichihr Khan with his elder
and younger brethren and Darya-khanis, so that they might
move against the hostile Afghans. They were to invite Shaikh
Bayazid to go with them ; if he came frankly, they were to take
him along; if not, were to drive him off. Muhammad ‘Ali

* It is not clear whether Babur returned from Sikri on the day he started for
Jalisir ; no question of distance would prevent him from making the two journeys
on the Monday.

? As this was the rendezvous for the army, it would be convenient if it lay between
Agra and Anwar; as it was 6m. from Agra, the only mapped place having
approximately the name Jalisir, vz. Jalesar, in Etah, seems too far away.

3 Anwar would be suitably the Unwara of the Indian A tlas, which is on the first
important southward dip of the Jumna below Agra. Chandwar is 25 m. east of Agra,
on the Muttra-Etawah road (G. of /.); Jarrett notes that Tiefenthaler identifies it
with Firizabad (4.-z-A. ii, 183 n.).

4 In the district of Kalpi. The name does not appear in maps I have seen.

40

Fol. 332.

Fol. 3324.

590 HINDUSTAN

asking for a few elephants, ten were given him. After he had
leave to set off, Baba Chuhra (the Brave) was sent toand ordered
to join him. ‘ai
(h. Incidents of the journey to Chandiri.)
From Kanar one kuroh (2 m.) was done by boat. “4
(Jan. 1st 1528 AD.) On Wednesday the 8th of the latter
Rabi‘ we dismounted within a kuroh of Kalpi. Baba Sl came
to wait on me in this camp; he is a son of Khalil Sl. who is
a younger brother of the full-blood of Sl. Sa‘id Khan. Last ~
year he fled from his elder brother * but, repenting himself, went
back from the Andar-ab border ; when he neared Kashghar, The _
Khan (Sa‘id) sent Haidar M. to meet him and take him back.
(Jan. 2nd—Rabi' IT. 9th) Next day we dismounted at ‘Alam
Khan’s house in Kalpi where he set Hindiistani food before us
and made an offering. a
(Jan. 6th) On Monday the 13th of the month we marched
from Kalpi. ‘g
(Jan. 10th—Rabi‘ IT. 17th) On Friday we dismounted at —
Irij.? ;
(Jan, 11th) On Saturday we dismounted at Bandir.3 |
(Jan. 12th) On Sunday the 19th of the month Chin-timir Sl.
was put at the head of 6 or 7000 men and sent ahead against —
Chandiri. With him went the begs Baqi ming-bashi (head of —
a thousand), Qij Beg’s (brother) Tardi Beg, ‘Ashiq the taster, —
Mulla Apaq, Muhsin + Di/dai and, of the Hindiistani begs,Shaikh
Giran. he
(Jan 17th) On Friday the 24th of the month we dismounted .
near Kachwa. After encouraging its people, it was bestowed — \
on the son of Badru’d-din.5 i
Kachwa® is a shut-in place, having lowish hills all round ituéig

* Agha, Anglicé, uncle. He was Sa‘id Khan of Kashghar. Haidar M. says Baba
Sl. was a spoiled child and died without mending his ways. gg
* From Kalpi Babur will have taken the road to the s.w. near which now runs
the Cawnpur (Kanhpir) branch of the Indian Midland Railway, and he must have
crossed the Betwa to reach Irij (Irich, /xdian Atlas, Sheet 69 N.W.). i
3 Leaving Irij, Babur will have recrossed the Betwa and have left its valley togo
west to Bandir (Bhander) on the Pahij (/ndian Atlas, Sheet 69 S.W.). i
* beneficent, or Muhassan, comely,

5’ The one man of this name mentioned in the BW. is an amir of Sl. Husain
Béi-gara. |
_° It seems safe to take Kachwa [Kajwa] as the Kajwarra of Ibn Batiita, and the ©
Kadwaha (Kadwaia) of the /ndian Atlas, Sheet 52 N.E. and of Luard’s Gazetteer

934 AH.—SEP. 27TH 1527 To SEP. 15TH 1528 AD. 591

A dam has been thrown across between hills on the south-east
of it, and thus a large lake made, perhaps 5 or 6 kurohs (10-12 m.)
round. Thislake encloses Kachwa on three sides ; on the north-
west a space of ground is kept dry ;* here, therefore is its Gate.
On the lake are a great many very small boats, able to hold
3 or 4 persons ; in these the inhabitants go out on the lake, if
they have to flee. There are two other lakes before Kachwa is
reached, smaller than its own and, like that, made by throwing
a dam across between hills.

of Gwalior (i, 247), which is situated in 24° 58’ N. and 77°57’ E. Each of the three
names is of a place standing on a lake ; Ibn Batiita’s lake was a league (4 m.) long,
Babur’s about 11 miles round ; Luard mentions no lake, but the Zzdian Atlas marks
one quite close to Kadwaha of such form as to seem to have a tongue of land jutting
into it from the north-west, and thus suiting Babur’s description of the site of
Kachwa. Again,—Ibn Batiita writes of Kajwarra as having, round its lake, idol-
- temples ; Luard says of Kadwaha that it has four idol-temples standing and nine in
ruins ; there may be hinted something special about Babur’s Kachwa by his remark
that he encouraged its people, and this speciality may be interaction between
Muhammadanism and Hindiism serving here for the purpose of identification. For
Ibn Batiita writes of the people of Kajwarra that they were jogis, yellowed by
asceticism, wearing their hair long and matted, and having Muhammadan followers
who desired to learn their (occult ?) secrets. If the same interaction existed in
Babur’s day, the Muhammadan following of the Hindi ascetics may well have been
the special circumstance which led him to promise protection to those Hindiis, even
when he was out for Holy-war. It has to be remembered of Chandiri, the nearest
powerful neighbour of Kadwaha, that though Babur’s capture makes a vivid picture
of Hindiiism in it, it had been under Muhammadan rulers down to a relatively short
time before his conquest. The jogis of Kachwa could point to long-standing relations
of tolerance by the Chandiri Governors ; this, with their Muhammadan following,
explains the encouragement Babur gave them, and helps to identify Kachwa with
Kajarra. It may be observed that Babur was familiar with the interaction of the two
creeds, witness his ‘‘ apostates”, mostly Muhammadans following Hindi customs,
witness too, for the persistent fact, the reports of District-officers under the British
Raj. Again,—a further circumstance helping to identify Kajwarra, Kachwa and
Kadwaha is that these are names of the last important station the traveller and the
soldier, as well perhaps as the modern wayfarer, stays in before reaching Chandiri.
The importance of Kajwarra is shewn by Ibn Batiita, and of Kadwaha by its being
a mahal in Akbar’s sarkar of Bayawan of the s#da of Agra. Again,—Kadwaha is
the place nearest to Chandiri about which Babur’s difficulties as to intermediate road
and jungle would arise. That intermediate road takes off the main one a little south
of Kadwaha and runs through what looks like a narrow valley and broken country
down to Bhamor, Bhuranpir and Chandiri. Again,—no bar to identification of the
three names is placed by their differences of form, in consideration of the vicissitudes
they have weathered in tongue, script, and transliteration. There is some ground,
I believe, for surmising that their common source is faj#r, the date-fruit. [I am
indebted to my husband for the help derived from Ibn Batiita, traced by him in
Sanguinetti’s trs. iv, 33, and S. Lee’s trs. p. 162.]

(Two places similar in name to Kachwa, and situated on Babur’s route wzz. Kocha
near Jhansi, and Kuchoowa north of Kadwaha (Sheet 69 S. W.) are unsuitable for his
**Kachwa”, the first because too near Bandir to suit his itinerary, the second
because too far from the turn off the main-road mentioned above, because it has no
lake, and has not the help in identification detailed above of Kadwaha. )

* gurighir which could mean also reserved (from the water ?).

Fol. 333.

592 HINDUSTAN

(Jan. 18th) We waited a day in Kachwa in order to appoint
active overseers and a mass of spadesmen to level the road and
cut jungle down, so that the carts and mortar * might passalong
it easily. Between Kachwa and Chandiri the country is jungly.

(Jan. 19th—Rabi' IT. 26th) After leaving Kachwa we halted
one night, passed the Burhanpir-water (Bhuranpir)? and dis-
mounted within 3 urohs (6 m.) of Chandiri.

(¢. Chandiri and tts capture.) i

The citadel of Chandiri stands on a hill; below it are the
town (shahr) and outer-fort (¢@sh-girghan), and below these is.
the level road along which carts pass.3 When we left Burhanpir
(Jan. roth) we marched for a kuroh below Chandiri for the —
convenience of the carts.* a

( Jan. 21st) After one night’s halt we dismounted beside Bahjat
Khan’s tank 5 on the top of its dam, on Tuesday the 28th of the
month. ie

(Jan. 22nd—Rabi‘ IT, 29th) Riding out at dawn, we assigned
post after post (d#/jar, baljar),© round the walled town (giurghan) q

l

ZT
rag

eee: There seems to have been one only; how few Babur had is shewn again —
on f, 337. -.
* Indian Atlas, Sheet 52 N.E. neara tributary of the Betwa, the Or, which appears
to be Babur’s Burhanpir-water. ,
3 The bed of the Betwa opposite Chandiri is 1050 ft. above the sea; the walled-
town (g#rghdn) of Chandiri is on a table-land 250 ft. higher, and its citadel is 230ft.
higher again (Cunningham’s Archeological Survey Report, 1871 A.D. ii, 404). al
* The plan of Chandiri illustrating Cunningham’s Report (see last note) allows —
surmise about the road taken by Babur, surmise which could become knowledge if
the names of tanks he gives were still known. The courtesy of the Government of
India allows me to reproduce that plan [Appendix R, Chandiri and Gwaliawar).
5 He is said to have been Governor of Chandiri in 1513 AD. a

° Here and in similar passages the word m:Yar or mlchar is found in MSS.
where the meaning is that of T. daar. It is not in any dictionary I have seen; —
Mr. Irvine found it ‘‘ obscure” and surmised it to mean ‘‘ approach by trenches”, —
but this does not suit its uses in the Babur-nama of a military post, and a rendezvous. —
This surmise, containing, as it does, a notion of protection, links m.:/ar in sens oo
with Ar. malja’. The word needs expert consideration, in order to decide whether —
it is to be received into dictionaries, or to be rejected because explicable as the —
outcome of unfamiliarity in Persian scribes with T. daar or, more Persico with —
narrowed vowels, di%#/jar. Shaw in his Vocabulary enters d%/jag (bu/7ar ?), “‘astation —
for troops, a rendezvous, see malja’,” thus indicating, it would seem, that he was —
aware of difficulty about m:/jar and biljag (baljar?). There appears no doubt of ©
the existence of a Turki word éa#/jar with the meanings Shaw gives to baljag ; it
could well be formed from the root 4#/, being, whence follows, being in a place,
posted, /a/ja has the meaning of a standing-place, as well as those of a refuge
and an asylum; both meanings seem combined in the m:/ar of f.3364, where for

matchlockmen a m:ljar was ordered “‘ rai ” wie, pat
Moghuls p.278.) ed ‘‘raised”. (Cf. Irvine’s Army of the —-

934 AH.—SEP. 271TH 1527 ro SEP. 15TH 1528 AD. 593

to centre, right, and left. Ustad ‘Ali-quli chose, for his stone
-discharge, ground that had no fall* ; overseers and spadesmen
were told off to raise a place (m-Yar) for the mortar to rest on,
and the whole army was ordered to get ready appliances for
taking a fort, mantelets, ladders? and . . . -mantelets (¢#ra).3

Formerly Chandiri will have belonged to the Sultans of
Mandai (Mandi). When Sl. Nasiru’d-din passed away,* one
of his sons Sl. Mahmiid who is now holding Mandi, took
possession of it and its neighbouring parts, and another son
called Muhammad Shah laid hands on Chandiri and put it
under Sl. Sikandar (Lddz)’s protection, who, in his turn, took
Muhammad Shah’s side and sent him large forces. Muhammad
Shah survived SI. Sikandar and died in SI. [brahim’s time, leaving
a very young son called Ahmad Shah whom Sl. Ibrahim drove
out and replaced by a man of hisown. At the time Rana Sanga
led out an army against Sl. [brahim and Ibrahim’s begs turned
against him at Dilptir, Chandiri fell into the Rana’s hands and
by him was given to Medini [Mindni] Rao5 the greatly-trusted
pagan who was now in it with 4 or 5000 other pagans.

As it was understood there was friendship between Medini

* yaghda ; Pers. trs. sar-dshib. Babur’s remark seems to show that for effect his
mortar needed to be higher than its object. Presumably it stood on the table-land
north of the citadel.

2 shatu. It may be noted that this word, common in accounts of Babur’s sieges,
may explain one our friend the late Mr. William Irvine left undecided (1c. p.278),

viz. shatir. On p. 281 he states that xarduddn is the name of a scaling-ladder and
that Babur mentions scaling ladders more than once. Babur mentions them however
always as shdt#. Perhaps shd@¢ir which, as Mr. Irvine says, seems to be made of
the trunks of trees and to be a siege appliance, is really sha¢# u.. . (ladder and
- . -) as in the passage under note and on f.2164, some other name of an appliance
following.

3 The word here preceding ¢#ra has puzzled scribes and translators. I have seen
the following variants in MSS. ;—z#&ri or titkri, b:khri or y:hri, bakri or yukri,
bukrai or yukrai, in each of which the 4 may stand for g. Various suggestions
might be made as to what the word is, but all involve reading the Persian enclitic 7
(forming the adjective) instead of Turki %%. Two roots, zig and yg, afford plausible
explanations of the unknown word ; appliances suiting the case and able to bear
names formed from one or other of these roots are wheeled mantelet, and head-strike
(P. sar-kob). That the word is difficult is shewn not only by the variants I have
quoted, but by Erskine’s reading zaukari tira, ‘‘to serve the ¢aras,” a requisite not
specified earlier by Babur, and by de Courteille’s paraphrase, Zout ce gui est nécessaire
aux touras.

4 SL > sopkchalions was the Khilji ruler of Malwa from 906 to 916 A.H. (1500-
1510 AD.).

5 He was a Rajpiit who had been prime-minister of Sl. Mahmiid II. KAiljz (son
of Nasiru’d-din) and had rebelled. Babur (like some other writers) spells his name
Mindni, perhaps as he heard it spoken.

Fol. 3330.

Fol. 334.

594 HINDUSTAN

Rao and Araish Khan, the latter was sent with Shaikh Giran
to speak to Medini Rao with favour and kindness, and promise
Shamsabad * in exchange for Chandiri. One or two of his
trusted men got out (?).2 Noadjustment of matters was reached,
it is not known whether because Medini Rao did not trust what
was said, or whether because he was buoyed up by delusion
about the strength of the fort. -

( Jan. 28th) At dawn on Tuesday the 6th of the first Jumada
we marched from Bahjat Khan’s tank intending to assault
Chandiri. We dismounted at the side of the middle-tank near
the fort.

(j7. Bad news.) |

On this same morning after reaching that ground, Khalifa
brought a letter or two of which the purport was that the troops
appointed for the East 3 had fought without consideration, been
beaten, abandoned Laknau, and gone to Qanij. Seeing that
Khalifa was much perturbed and alarmed by these news, I said,#
(Persian) “There is no ground for perturbation or alarm ;
nothing comes to pass but what is predestined of God. As
this task (Chandiri) is ahead of us, not a breath must be drawn
about what has been told us. Tomorrow we will assault the
fort ; that done, we shall see what comes.”

(k. Siege of Chandiri, resumed.)

The enemy must have strengthened just the citadel, and have a
posted men by twos and threes in the outer-fort for prudence’ ~
sake. That night our men went up from all round; those few
in the outer-fort did not fight ; they fled into the citadel. \

* Presumably the one in the United Provinces. For Shamsabad in Giialiar see

Luard 1c. i, 286. ea:
2 chigtt ; Pers. trs. bar amad and, also in some MSS. nami bar aGmad; Mems.

p- 376, averse to conciliation”; A/éms. ii, 329, ‘‘ s*élevérent contre cette propost-

tion.” So far I have not found Babur using the verb chigmag metaphorically. It

is his frequent verb to express ‘getting away”, ‘ going out ofafort”. It would be

a short step in metaphor to understand here that Medini’s men ‘sot out of it”, —

‘ —_ Babur offered. They may have left the fort also ; if so, it would be through ‘

3 f. 332.
* 1.0.217, £.231, inserts here what seems a gloss, “‘ 7a in ja Farsi farmida”

(gufta, said). As Babur enters his speech in Persian, it is manifest that he used _
Persian to conceal the bad news. ‘

934 AH.—SEP. 27TH 1527 To SEP. 15TH 1528 AD. 595

(Jan. 29th) At dawn on Wednesday the 7th of the first
Jumada, we ordered our men to arm, go to their posts, provoke
to fight, and attack each from his place when I rode out with
drum and standard.

I myself, dismissing drum and standard till the fighting should
grow hot, went to amuse myself by watching Ustad ‘Ali-quli’s
stone-discharge.* Nothing was effected by it because his ground
had no fall (y@ghda@) and because the fort-walls, being entirely
of stone, were extremely strong.

That the citadel of Chandiri stands on a hill has been said
already. Down one side of this hill runs a double-walled road
(di-tahz) to water.2, This is the one place for attack ; it had
been assigned as the post of the right and left hands and royal
corps of the centre Hurled though assault was from every
side, the greatest force was here brought to bear. Our braves did
not turn back, however much the pagans threw down stones and
flung flaming fire upon them. At length Shahim the centurion ¢
got up where the d#-tahi wall touches the wall of the outer fort ;
braves swarmed up in other places ; the d#-tahi was taken.

Not even as much as this did the pagans fight in the citadel ;
when a number of our men swarmed up, they fled in haste.5 In
a little while they came out again, quite naked, and renewed the
fight ; they put many of our men to flight ; they made them fly
(duchurdilar) over the ramparts ; some they cut down and killed.
Why they had gone so suddenly off the walls seems to have
been that they had taken the resolve of those who give up
a place as lost ; they put all their ladies and beauties (s#rati/ar)
to death, then, looking themselves to die, came naked out
to fight. Our men attacking, each one from his post, drove
them from the walls whereupon 2 or 300 of them entered
Medini Rao’s house and there almost all killed one another in
this way :—one having taken stand with a sword, the rest

* The Zilustrated London News of July 10th, 1915 (on which day this note is
written), has an apropos picture of an ancient fortress-gun, with its stone-ammunition,
taken by the Allies in a Dardanelles fort.

* The da#-tahi is the &-duzd, water-thief, of f.67. Its position can be surmised
from Cunningham’s Plan [Appendix R].

3 For Babur’s use of hand (g#/) as a military term see f.209.

4 His full designation would be Shah Muhammad yaz-degi.

5 This will be flight from the ramparts to other places in the fort.

Fol. 3344.

Fol. 335-

596 HINDUSTAN

eagerly stretched out the neck for his blow. Thus went the
greater number to hell.

By God’s grace this renowned fort was captured in 2 or 3 garzs*
(cir. an hour), without drum and standard,3 with no hard fighting
done. A pillar of pagan-heads was ordered set up on a hill
north-west of Chandiri. A chronogram of this victory having
been found in the words Fath-z-daru’l-harb+ (Conquest of a hostile
seat), I thus composed them :—

Was for awhile the station Chandiri
Pagan-full, the seat of hostile force ;
By fighting, I vanquished its fort,
The date was Fath-i-darw’l-harb.

(1. Further description of Chandiri.)

Chandiri is situated (in) rather good country,5 having much
running-water round about it. Its citadel is on a hill and inside it

* Babur’s account of the siege of Chandiri is incomplete, inasmuch as it says
nothing of the general massacre of pagans he has mentioned on f.272. Khwafi

Khan records the massacre, saying, that after the fort was surrendered, as was done ~

on condition of safety for the garrison, from 3 to 4000 pagans were put to death by
Babur’s troops on account of hostility shewn during the evacuation of the fort. The
time assigned to the massacre is previous to the jaar of 1000 women and children
and the self-slaughter of men in Medini Rao’s house, in which he himself died. It

is not easy to fit the two accounts in; this might be done, however, by supposing ©

that a folio of Babur’s MS. was lost, as others seem lost at}the end of the narrative
of this year’s events (g.v.)._ The lost folio would tell of the surrender, one clearly
affecting the mass of Rajpiit followers and not the chiefs who stood for victory or
death and who may have made sacrifice to honour after hearing of the surrender.
Babur’s narrative in this part certainly reads less consecutive than is usual with him ;
something preceding his account of the j#kar would improve it, and would serve

another purpose also, since mention of the surrender would fix aterm ending the now
too short time of under one hour he assigns as the duration of the fighting. If

a surrender had been mentioned, it would be clear that his ‘* 2 or 3 gavis” included” ‘ b

the attacking and taking of the d#-tahi and down to the retreat of the Rajpits from
the walls. On this Babur’s narrative of the unavailing sacrifice of the chiefs would
follow in due order. Khwafi Khan is more circumstantial than Firishta who says
nothing of surrender or massacre, but states that 6000 men were killed fighting.
Khwafi Khan’s authorities may throw light on the matter, which so far does not
hang well together in any narrative, Babur’s, Firishta’s, or Khwafi Khan’s. One
would like to know what led such a large body of Rajpiits to surrender so quickly ;
had they been all through in favour of accepting terms? One wonders, again, why
from 3 to 4000 Rajpits did not put up a better resistance to massacre. Perhaps their
assailants were Turks, stubborn fighters down to 1915 AD.

* For suggestion about the brevity of this period, see last note.

° Clearly, without Babur’s taking part in the fighting.
_ * These words by abjad make 934. The Hai. MS. mistakenly writes Bid Chandiri
in the first line of the quatrain instead of Bad chandi. Khwafi Khan quotes the
quatrain with slight variants.

5 Chandiri tauri wilayat (da?) wagt‘ bulb tur, which seems to need a4, in, because
the fort, and not the country, is described. Or there may be an omission e.g. of
a second sentence about the walled-town (fort).

:

934 AH.—SEP. 27TH 1527 To SEP..15TH 1528 AD. 597

has a tank cut out of the solid rock. There is another large tank !
at the end of the ad#-tahz by assaulting which the fort was taken.
All houses in Chandiri, whether of high or low, are built of stone,
those of chiefs being laboriously carved ;? those of the lower
classes are also of stone but are not carved. They are covered in
with stone-slabs instead of with earthen tiles. In front of the
fort are three large tanks made by former governors who threw
dams across and made tanks round about it; their ground lies
high.3 It has a small river (daryacha), Betwa* by name, which
may be some 3 kurohs (6 m.) from Chandiri itself ; its water is
noted in Hindiistan as excellent and pleasant drinking. It is
a perfect little river (darya-ghina). In its bed lie piece after
piece of sloping rock (gia@/ar)5 fit for making houses.° Chandiri is
90 kurohs (180 m.) by road to the south of Agra. In Chandiri the
altitude of the Pole-star(?) is 25 degrees.”

(m. Enforced change of campaign.)
(Jan. 30th—Jumada I. 8th) At dawn on Thursday we went
round the fort and dismounted beside Mallii Khan’s tank.®

* This is the “‘ Kirat-sagar” of Cunningham’s Plan of Chandiri; it is mentioned
under this name by Luard (/.c. i, 210). ‘‘ Kirat” represents Kirti or Kirit Singh who
ruled in Gialiar from 1455 to 1479 AD., there also making a tank (Luard, /.c. i, 232).

* For illustrative photographs see Luard, /.c. vol.i, part iv.

3 I have taken this sentence to apply to the location of the tanks, but with some
doubt ; they are on the table-land.

4 Babur appears to have written Betwi, this form being in MSS. I have read the
name to be that of the river Betwa which is at a considerable distance from the fort.
But some writers dispraise its waters where Babur praises.

5 T. gia means a slope or slant ; here it may describe tilted strata, such as would
provide slabs for roofing and split easily for building purposes. (.See next note. )

° ‘imarat gilmag mundasib. This has been read to mean that the gia/ar provide
good sites (Mems. & M/éms.), but position, distance from the protection of the fort,
and the merit of local stone for building incline me to read the words quoted above as
referring to the convenient lie of the stone for building purposes. (See preceding note. )

” Chandiri-da judai ( jady)-ning irtigai yigirma-bish darja dir; Erskine, p.378,
Chanderi is situated in the 25th degree of N. latitude ; de Courteille, ii, 334, Za
hauteur du Capricorne a Tchanderi est de 25 degrées. The latitude of Chandiri, it
may be noted, is 24° 43’. It does not appear to me indisputable that what Babur
says here is a statement of latitude. The word judad (or jady) means both Pole-star
and the Sign Capricorn. M. de Courteille translates the quoted sentence as I have
done, but with Capricorn for Pole-star. My acquaintance with such expressions in
French does not allow me to know whether his words are a statement of latitude.
It occurs to me against this being so, that Babur uses other words when he gives the
latitude of Samarkand (f. 444); and also that he has shewn attention to the Pole-star
as a guide on a journey (f. 203, where he uses the more common word Qz/6). Perhaps
he notes its lower altitude when he is far south, in the way he noted the first rise of
Canopus to his view (f. 12 5).

® Mallia Khan was a noble of Malwa, who became ruler of Malwa in 1532 or
1533 AD. [?], under the style of Qadir Shah.

Fol. 3354.

Fol. 336.

598 HINDUSTAN

We had come to Chandiri meaning, after taking it, to move

against Raising, Bhilsan, and Sarangpir, pagan lands depen- ‘7

dent on the pagan Salahu’d-din, and, these taken, to move on
Rana Sanga in Chitir. But as that bad news had come, the
begs were summoned, matters were discussed, and decision made
that the proper course was first to see to the rebellion of those
malignants. Chandiri was given to the Ahmad Shah already
mentioned, a grandson of SI. Nasiru’d-din ; 50 /aks from it were
made khalsa;* Mulla Apaq was entrusted with its military-
collectorate, and left to reinforce Ahmad Shah with from 2 to
3000 Turks and Hindistanis.

(Feb. 2nd) This work finished, we marched from Malli Khan’s
tank on Sunday the IIth of the first Jumada, with the intention
of return (north), and dismounted on the bank of the Burhanpir-
water.

(Fed. 9th) On Sunday again, Yakka Khwaja and Ja‘far Khwaja
were sent from Bandir to fetch boats from Kalpi to the Kanar-
passage.

(Feb. 22nd) On Saturday the 24th of the month we dismounted
at the Kanar-passage, and ordered the army to begin to cross.
(x. News of the rebels.) | |

News came in these days that the expeditionary force? had
abandoned Qanij also and come to Rapri, and that a strong

body of the enemy had assaulted and taken Shamsabad although ~ a
Abi’l-muhammad the lancer must have strengthened it.3 There am

was delay of 3 or 4 days on one side or other of the river before
the army got across. Once over, we moved march by march ~
towards Qaniij, sending scouting braves (gazaq yigitlar) ahead
to get news of our opponents. Two or three marches from Qanij,
news was brought that Ma‘riif’s son had fled on seeing the dark
mass of the news-gatherers, and got away. Biban, Bayazid and
Ma’ruf, on hearing news of us, crossed Gang (Ganges) and seated
themselves on its eastern bank opposite Qanij, thinking to prevent
our passage.

* 2.¢. paid direct to the royal treasury.

Mer toe be the one concerning which bad news reached Babur just before Chandiri

‘ 4 Pgs presumably is the place offered to Medini Rao (f. 3334), and Bikramajit

934 AH.—SEP. 27TH 1527 to SEP. 15TH 1528 AD. 599

(0. A bridge made over the Ganges.)

(Feb. 27th) On Thursday the 6th of the latter Jumada we
passed Qanij and dismounted on the western bank of Gang.
Some of the braves went up and down the river and took boats
by force,* bringing in 30 or 40, large or small. Mir Muhammad
the raftsman was sent to find a place convenient for making
a bridge and to collect requisites for making it. Hecame back
approving of a place about a kuroh (2m.) below the camp.
Energetic overseers were told off for the work. Ustad ‘Ali-quli
placed the mortar for his stone-discharge near where the bridge
was to be and shewed himself active in discharging it. Mustafa
Rimi had the culverin-carts crossed over to an island below
the place for the bridge, and from that island began a culverin
-discharge. Excellent matchlock fire was made from a post ?
raised above the bridge. Malik Qasim JMughiul and a very few
men went across the river once or twice and fought excellently
(yakhshilar aurishtilar). With equal boldness Baba Sl. and
Darwish Sl. also crossed, but went with the insufficient number
of from 10 to 15 men; they went after the Evening Prayer and
came back without fighting, with nothing done; they were much
blamed for this crossing of theirs. At last Malik Qasim, grown
bold, attacked the enemy’s camp and, by shooting arrows into
it, drew him out (?);3 he came with a mass of men and an
elephant, fell on Malik Qasim and hurried him off. Malik
Qasim got into a boat, but before it could put off, the elephant
came up and swamped it. In that encounter Malik Qasim.died.

In the days before the bridge was finished Ustad ‘Ali-quli did
good things in stone-discharge ( yakhshilar tash aiti), on the first
day discharging 8 stones, on the second 16, and going on equally
well for 30r 4 days. These stones he discharged from the Ghazi
-mortar which is so-called because it was used in the battle with
Rana Sanga the pagan. There had been another and larger
mortar which burst after discharging one stone.t The match-
lockmen made a mass (gd@/in) of discharges, bringing down many

* Obviously for the bridge.

* m: Yar (see f. 333n.). Here the word would mean befittingly a protected
standing-place, a refuge, such as matchlockmen used (f. 217 and Index s.”. araba).

3 sighirirdi, a vowel-variant, perhaps, of sagharardi.
4 f.3310. This passage shews that Babur’s mortars were few.

Fol. 3366.

Fol. 337.

Fol. 3378.

600 HINDUSTAN

men and horses ; they shot also slave-workmen running scared
away (?) and men and horses passing-by.*

(March 11th) On Wednesday the 19th of the latter Jumada
the bridge being almost finished, we marched to its head. The
Afghans must have ridiculed the bridge-making as being far
from completion.”

(March 12th) The bridge being ready on Thursday, a small
body of foot-soldiers and Lahoris went over. Fighting as small
followed.

(p. Encounter with the Afghans.)

(March 13th) On Friday the royal corps, and the right and
left hands of the centre crossed on foot. The whole body of
Afghans, armed, mounted, and having elephants with them,
attacked us. They hurried off our men of the left hand, but
our centre itself (ze. the royal corps) and the right hand stood
firm, fought, and forced the enemy to retire. Two men from
these divisions had galloped ahead of the rest ; one was dis-
mounted and taken; the horse of the other was struck again
and again, had had enough,3 turned round and when amongst
our men, fell down. On that day 7 or 8 heads were brought
in; many of the enemy had arrow or matchlock wounds.
Fighting went on till the Other Prayer. That night all who
had gone across were made to return ; if (more) had gone over
on that Saturday’s eve,t most of the enemy would probably
have fallen into our hands, but this was in my mind :—Last
year we marched out of Sikri to fight Rana Sanga on Tuesday,
New-year's-day, and crushed that rebel on Saturday ; this year
we had marched to crush these rebels on Wednesday, New-
year's-day,5 and it would be one of singular things, if we beat
them on Sunday. So thinking, we did not make the rest of

* nufir giil-lar-din ham karka bila rah rawa kishi u at aitilar, a difficult sentence.

* Afghanlar hiiprik baghlamag-ni istib‘ad gilib tamaskhur gilurlar aikandur.
The ridicule will have been at slow progress, not at the bridge-making itself, since
pontoon-bridges were common (Irvine’s Army of the Indian Moghuls).

5 tuilab ; Pers. trs. uftan u khesdn, limping, or falling and rising, a translation

raising doubt, because such a mode of progression could hardly have allowed escape
from pursuers.

* Anglicé, on Friday night.

5 According to the Persian calendar, New-year’s-day is that on which the Sun
enters Aries,

934 AH.—SEP. 27TH 1527 To SEP. 15TH 1528 AD. 601

the army cross. The enemy did not come to fight on Saturday,
but stood arrayed a long way off.

(Sunday March 15th—Jumada II. 23rd) On this day the
carts were taken over, and at this same dawn the army was
ordered to cross. At beat of drum news came from our scouts
that the enemy had fled. Chin-timir Sl. was ordered to lead
his army in pursuit and the following leaders also were made
pursuers who should move with the Sultan and not go beyond
his word :—Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang, Husamu’d-din ‘Ali (son)
of Khalifa, Muhibb-i-‘ali (son) of Khalifa, Kiki (son) of Baba -
Qashqa, Dost-i-muhammad (son) of Baba Qashqa, Baqi of Fol. 338.
Tashkint, and Red Wali. I crossed at the Sunnat Prayer.
The camels were ordered to be taken over at a passage seen
lower down. That Sunday we dismounted on the bank of
standing-water within a kuroh of Bangarmawi.' Those ap-
pointed to pursue the Afghans were not doing it well; they
had dismounted in Bangarmawi and were scurrying off at the
Mid-day Prayer of this same Sunday.

(March 16th—Jumada II. 24th) At dawn we dismounted on
the bank of a lake belonging to Bangarmawi.

(9g. Arrival of a Chaghatdi cousin.)

On this same day (March 16th) Tikhta-bigha SI. a son of my
mother’s brother (dada) the Younger Khan (Ahmad Chaghatai)
came and waited on me.

(March 21st) On Saturday the 29th of the latter Jumada
I visited Laknau, crossed the Gii-water? and dismounted.
This day I bathed in the Gii-water. Whether it was from
water getting into my ear, or whether it was from the effect of
the climate, is not known, but my right ear was obstructed and
for a few days there was much pain.3

(r. The campaign continued.)
One or two marches from Aiid (Oudh) some-one came from
Chin-timir Sl. to say, “The enemy is seated on the far side of

* so-spelled in the Hai. MS. ; by de Courteille Banguermadii ; the two forms may
represent the same one of the Arabic script.

* or Gi, from the context clearly the Gumti. Jarrett gives Godi as a name of the
Gumti ; Giii and Godi may be the same word in the Arabic script.

3 Some MSS. read that there was not much pain.

Fol. 3384.

Fol. 339.

602 HINDUSTAN

the river Sird[a ?] ;* let His Majesty send help.” Wedetacheda
reinforcement of 1000 braves under Qardacha. |

(March 28th) On Saturday the 7th of Rajab we dismounted
2 or 3 kurohs from Aid above the junction of the Gagar (Gogra)
and Sird[a]. Till today Shaikh Bayazid will have been on the
other side of the Sird[a] opposite Aid, sending letters to the
Sultan and discussing with him, but the Sultan getting to know
his deceitfulness, sent word to Qaracha at the Mid-day Prayer
and made ready to cross the river. On Qaracha’s joining him,
they crossed at once to where were some 50 horsemen with 3 or
4elephants. These men could make no stand ; they fled ; a few
having been dismounted, the heads cut off were sent in.

Following the Sultan there crossed over Bi-khib (var. Ni-khib)
Sl. and Tardi Beg (the brother) of Quj Beg, and Baba Chuhra
(the Brave), and Baqi skaghawal. Those who had crossed first
and gone on, pursued Shaikh Bayazid till the Evening Prayer,
but he flung himself into the jungle and escaped. Chin-timir
dismounted late on the bank of standing-water, rode on at mid-
night after the rebel, went as much as 40 kuroks (80 m.), and
came to where Shaikh Bayazid’s family and relations (zzsba?)
had been ; they however must have fled. He sent gallopers
off in all directions from that place; Baqi skhaghawal and a few
braves drove the enemy like sheep before them, overtook the
family and brought in some Afghan prisoners.

We stayed a few days on that ground (near Aiid) in order to
settle the affairs of Aid. People praised the land lying along _
the Sird[a] 7 or 8 kurohs (14-16 m.) above Aid, saying it was
hunting-ground. Mir Muhammad the raftsman was sent out
and returned after looking at the crossings over the Gagar-water
(Gogra) and the Sird[a]-water (Chauka ?).

(April 2nd) On Thursday the 12th of the month I rode ou
intending to hunt.? .

* I take this to be the Kali-Sarda-Chauka affluent of the Gogra and not its Sarju
or Saru one. To so take it seems warranted by the context ; there could be no need
for the fords on the Sarju to be examined, and its position is not suitable.

* Unfortunately no record of the hunting-expedition survives.

TRANSLATOR’S NOTE.

Here, in all known texts of the Babur-nama there is a break
of the narrative between April 2nd and Sep. 18th 1528 AD.—
Jumada IJ. 12th 934 AH. and Muharram 3rd 935 AH., which,
whether intentional or accidental, is unexplained by Babur’s
personal circumstances, It is likely to be due to a loss of pages
from Babur’s autograph manuscript, happening at some time.
preceding the making of either of the Persian translations of his
writings and of the Elphinstone and Haidarabad transcripts.
Though such a loss might have occurred easily during the storm
chronicled on f. 376d, it seems likely that Babur would then have
become aware of it and have made it good. A more probable
explanation of the loss is the danger run by Humayin’s library
during his exile from rule in Hindistan, at which same time
may well have occurred the seeming loss of the record of 936
and 937 AH.

a. Transactions of the period of the lacuna.

Mr. Erskine notes (ems. p.381n.) that he found the gap in
all MSS. he saw and that historians of Hindiistan throw no light
upon the transactions of the period. Much can be gleaned how-
ever as to Babur’s occupations during the 54 months of the /acuna
from his chronicle of 935 AH. which makes several references to
occurrences of “last year” and also allows several inferences to
be drawn. From this source it becomes known that the Afghan
campaign the record of which is broken by the gap, was carried
on and that in its course Babur was at Jiin-pir (f.365), Chausa
(f.3654) and Baksara (f. 366-3664) ; that he swam the Ganges
(f. 3664), bestowed Sariin on a Farmiili Shaikh-zada (f.3744 and
f.377), negociated with Rana Sanga’s son Bikramajit (f. 342d),
ordered a Char-bagh laid out (f.340), and was ill for 40 days
(f.346). It may be inferred too that he visited Dilpir (f. 3534),
recalled ‘Askari (f. 339), sent Khwaja Dost-i-khawand on family
affairs to Kabul (f.3454), and was much pre-occupied by the

1S SA
ae Ah

604 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

disturbed state of Kabul (see his letters to Humayiin and Khwaja
Kalan written in 935 AH.).” | ;

It is not easy to follow the dates of events in 935 AH. because —
in many instances only the day of the week or a “next day” —
is entered. Iam far from sure that one passage at least now
found s.a. 935 AH. does not belong to 934AH. It is not in the
Hai. Codex (where its place would have been on f. 3636), and, so
far as I can see, does not fit with the dates of 935AH. It will
be considered with least trouble with its context and my notes
(g.v. £.3636 and ff. 366-3660).

b. Remarks on the lacuna. f
One interesting biographical topic is likely to have found ~
mention in the missing record, vzz. the family difficulties which
led to ‘Askari’s supersession by Kamran in the government of
Multan (f. 359).
Another is the light an account of the second illness of 934 AH.
might have thrown on a considerable part of the Collection of

verses already written in Hindistan and now known to usasthe

Rampiir Diwan. The Babur-ndma allows the dates of much of
its contents to be known, but there remain poems which seem _
prompted by the self-examination of some illness not found in
the B.V. It contains the metrical version of Khwaja ‘Ubaidu’l
-lah’s Walidiyyah of which Babur writes on f.346and it is dated __
Monday Rabi‘ II. 15th 935 AH. (Dec. 29th 1528AD.). I surmise |

that the reflective verses following the Walidiyyah belong to the

40 days’ illness of 934AH. z.e. were composed in the period of ; iy
the /acuna. The Collection, as it is in the “Rampir Diwan”, went
to a friend who was probably Khwaja Kalan ; it may have been
the only such collection made by Babur. No other copy of it —
has so far been found. It has the character of an individual gift
with verses specially addressed to its recipient. Any light upon
it which may have vanished with pages of 934.AH. is an appreci-
able loss,

* One historian, Ahmad-i-yadgir states in his 7arikh-7-salatin-i-afaghina that Babur
went to Lahor immediately after his capture of Chandiri, and on his return journey __
to Agra suppressed in the Panj-ab a rising of the Mundahar (or, Mandhar) Rajpits.
His date is discredited by Babur’s existing narrative of 934AH. as also by the absence
in 935 AH. of allusion to either episode. My husband who has considered the matter,
advises me that the Lahor visit may have been made in 936 or early in 937AH. [These
are a period of which the record is lost or, less probably, was not written. ]

935 AH.—SEP. 157u 1528 ro SEP. 5ra 1529 AD."

(a. Arrivals at Court.)

(Sep. 18th) On Friday the 3rd? of Muharram, ‘Askari whom
I had summoned for the good of Multan3 before I moved out
for Chandiri, waited on me in the private-house.*

(Sep. 19th) Next day waited on me the historian Khwand
-amir, Maulana Shihab5 the enigmatist, and Mir Ibrahim the
harper a relation of Yiinas-i-‘ali, who had all come out of Heri
long before, wishing to wait on me.®

(6. Babur starts for Gialiar.)7
(Sep. 20th) With the intention of visiting Gialiar which
in books they write Galitir,® I crossed the Jin at the Other

*Elph. MS. f.262; I.O.215 f. 2074 and 217 f.2344; Afems. p.382. Here the
Elphinstone MS. recommences after a /acuna extending from Hai. MS. f. 312d.

2 See Appendix S :—Concerning the dating of 935 AH.

3 ‘Askari was now about I2 years old. He was succeeded in Multan by his elder
brother Kamran, transferred from Qandahar (Index; JRAS. 1908 p. 829 para. (1)].
This transfer, it is safe to say, was due to Babur’s resolve to keep Kabul in his own
hands, a resolve which his letters to Humayin (f. 348), to Kamran (f. 359), and to
Khwaja Kalan (f. 359) attest, as well as do the movements of his family at this time.
What would make the stronger government of Kamran seem now more “‘ for the good
of Multan” than that of the child ‘Askari are the Bilichi incursions, mentioned some-
what later (f. 3554) as having then occurred more than once.

4 This will be his own house in the Garden-of-eight-paradises, the Char-bagh begun
in 932 AH. (August 1526 AD.).

: 5 To this name Khwand-amir adds Ahmadu’l-hagiri, perhaps a pen-name ; he also
quotes verses of Shihab’s (adibw’s-styar lith. ed. iti, 350).

© Khwand-amir’s account of his going into Hindistan is that he left his “ dear

home” (Herat) for Qandahar in mid-Shawwal 933 AH. (mid-July 1527 Ap.); that
on Jumada I. 10th 934 AH. (Feb. Ist 1528 AD.) he set out from Qandahar on the
hazardous journey into Hindistan ; and that owing to the distance, heat, setting-in
of the Rains, and breadth of rapid rivers, he was seven months on the way. He
mentions no fellow-travellers, but he gives as the day of his arrival in Agra the one
on which Babur says he presented himself at Court. (For an account of annoyances
_ and misfortunes to which he was subjected under Aiizbeg rule in Herat see Journal des
_ Savans, July 1843, pp. 389, 393, Quatremére’s art.)

7 Concerning Gualiar see Cunningham’s Archeological Survey Reports vol. ii ; Louis
Rousselet’s Z’/ude des Rajas ; Lepel Griffin’s Famous Monuments of Central India,
especially for its photographs ; Gazetteer of India; Luard’s Gazetteer of Gwalior, text
and photographs ; Travels of Peter Mundy, Hakluyt Society ed. R. C. Temple, ii, 61,
especially for its picture of the fort and note (p. 62) enumerating early writers on
Gualiar. Of Persian books there is Jalal Wésari’s Tarikh-i-Gwaliawar (B.M. Add.
16 859) and Hiraman’s (B.M. Add. 16,709) unacknowledged version of it, which is of
the B. M. MSS. the more legible.

8 Perhaps this stands for Gwaliawar, the form seeming to be used by Jalal Wzsari,
and having good traditional support (Cunningham p. 373 and Luard p. 228).

AI

Fol. 3390.

606 HINDUSTAN

Prayer of Sunday the 5th of the month, went into the fort of
Agra to bid farewell to Fakhr-i-jahan Begim and Khadija-
sultan Begim who were to start for Kabul in a few days,and
got to horse. Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza asked for leave and —
stayed behind in Agra. That night we did 3 or 4 kurohs(6-8m.)
of the road, dismounted near a large lake (£7) and there slept.
(Sep. 21st) We got through the Prayer somewhat before
time (uh. 6th) and rode on, nooned! on the bank of the
Gamb[h]ir-water ?, and went on shortly after the Mid-day Prayer.
On the way we ate3 powders mixed with the flour of parched
grain,* Mulla Rafi‘ having prepared them for raising the spirits.
They were found very distasteful and unsavoury. Near the Other
Prayer we dismounted a kuroh (2 m.) west of Dilpir, at a place
where a garden and house had been ordered made.5
(c. Work in Dilpir (Dhilpir).) :
That place is at the end of a beaked hill,® its beak being of
solid red building-stone (‘zmdrat-tash). 1 had ordered the (beak
of the) hill cut down (dressed down?) to the ground-level and _
that if there remained a sufficient height, a house was to be cut ~
out in it, if not, it was to be levelled and a tank (Zauz) cut out ‘a
inits top. As it was not found high enough for a house, Ustad
Shah Muhammad the stone-cutter was ordered to level it and
cut out an octagonal, roofed tank. North of this tank the
ground is thick with trees, mangoes, jaman (Eugenia jambolana), —
all sorts of trees; amongst them I had ordered a well made, —
10 by 10; it was almost ready ; its water goes to the afore-named
tank. To the north of this tank SI. Sikandar’s dam is flung across \
(the valley) ; on it houses have been built, and above it the waters F
of the Rains gather into a great lake. On the east of this lake .
is a garden ; I ordered a seat and four-pillared platform (¢a/ar)

* tashlanid, i.e. they took rest and food together at mid-day. .
. * This seems to be the conjoined Gambhir and Banganga which is crossed by the _
Agra-Dhiilpir road (G. of /. Atlas, Sheet 34). |
? ae the plural of which shews that more than one partook of the powders —
safiif). “i
* T. 4algan, Hindi sattu (Shaw). ™M. de Courteille’s variant translation may be due 7

phe — for talgan, talghag, flot, agitation (his Dict. s.2.) and yil, wind, for —
ila, with. x

5 in 933 AH. f. 330d. }
_ § “Each beaked promontory ” (Lycidas). Our name “‘ Selsey-bill” isan English —
instance of Babur’s (not infrequent) tumshiig, beak, bill of a bird.

:
:

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 607

to be cut out in the solid rock on that same side, and a mosque
built on the western one.

(Sept. 22nd and 23rd—Muh. 7th and 8th) On account of these
various works, we stayed in Dilpiir on Tuesday and Wednesday.

(a. Journey to Gialiar resumed.)

(Sep. 24th) On Thursday we rode on, crossed the Chambal-
river and made the Mid-day Prayer on its bank, between the
two Prayers (the Mid-day and the Afternoon) bestirred our-
selves to leave that place, passed the Kawari and dismounted.
The Kawari-water being high through rain, we crossed it by
boat, making the horses swim over.

(Sep. 25th) Next day, Friday which was ’Ashir (Muh. roth),
we rode on, took our nooning at a village on the road, and at
the Bed-time Prayer dismounted a kuroh north of Gialiar, ina
Char-bagh ordered made last year."

(Sep. 26th) Riding on next day after the Mid-day Prayer, we
visited the low hills to the north of Gialiar, and the Praying-
place, went into the fort? through the Gate called Hati-pil
which joins Man-sing’s buildings (‘zza@ra¢3), and dismounted, close
to the Other Prayer, at those (‘csdratlar)+ of Raja Bikramajit
in which Rahim-dad 5 had settled himself.

* No order about this Char-bagh is in existing annals of 934 AH. Such order is
likely to have been given after Babur’s return from his operations against the Afghans,
in his account of which the annals of 934 AH. break off.

2 The fort-hill atthe northern end is 300 ft. high, at the southern end, 274 ft. ; its
length from north to south is 1? m. ; its breadth varies from 600 ft. opposite the main
entrance (Hati-piil) to 2,800 ft. in the middle opposite the great temple (Sas-bhao).
Cf. Cunningham p. 330 and Appendix R, zz /oco, for his Plan of Gialiar.

3 This Arabic plural may have been prompted by the greatness and distinction of
Man-sing’s constructions. Cf. Index s.2. begat and baghdat.

4 A translation point concerning the (Arabic) word ‘zmdrat is that the words
*““palace”, ‘‘ palais”, and ‘‘ residence” used for it respectively by Erskine, de Cour-
teille, and, previous to the Hindistan Section, by myself, are too limited in meaning
to serve for Babur’s uses of it in Hindiistan ; and this (1) because he uses it throughout
his writings for buildings under palatial rank (e.g. those of high and low in Chandiri) ;
(2) because he uses it in Hindistan for non-residential buildings (e.g. for the Badalgarh
outwork, f. 3414, and a Hindi temple zd.) ; and (3) because he uses it for the word
“building” in the term building-stone, f. 3356 and f. 339. Buzlding is the compre-
hensive word under which all his uses of it group. For labouring this point 2 truism
pleads my excuse, namely, that a man’s vocabulary being characteristic of himself, for
a translator to increase or diminish it is to intrude on his personality, and this the
more when an autobiography is concerned. Hence my search here (as elsewhere) for
an English grouping word is part of an endeavour to restrict the vocabulary of my
translation to the limits of my author’s.

5 Jalal Hisart describes ‘‘ Khwaja Rahim-dad” as a paternal-nephew of Mahdi
Khwaja. Neither man has been introduced by Babur, as it is his rule to introduce

Fol. 340.

Fol. 3406,

608 HINDUSTAN

To-night I elected to take opium because of ear-ache ; anot he
reason was the shining of the moon." ‘n

(e. Visit to the Rajas’ palaces.)

(Sep. 27th) Opium sickness gave me much discomfo t next 4s
day (Muh. 12th); 1 vomited a good deal. Sickness notwith-
standing, I visited the buildings (‘tmdaratlar) of Man-sing and
Bikramajit thoroughly. They are wonderful buildings, entirely
of hewn stone, in heavy and unsymmetrical blocks however.” Of %
all the Rajas’ buildings Man-sing’s is the best and loftiest.3 It —
is more elaborately worked on its eastern face than on the others. |
This face may be 40 to 50 gari (yards) high, and is entirely of —
hewn stone, whitened with plaster. In parts it is four storeys
high ; the lower two are very dark ; we went through them with a

when he first mentions a person of importance, by particulars of family, efc. ;
men became disloyal in 935 AH. (1529 AD.) as will be found referred to by Babur. —
Jalal Asari supplements Babur’s brief account of their misconduct and Shaikh —
Muhammad Ghaus’ mediation in 936 AH. For knowledge of his contribution I am
indebted to my husband’s perusal of the 7arikh-2-Gwaliawar. By

* Erskine notes that Indians and Persians regard moonshine as cold but this only —
faintly expresses the wide-spread fear of moon-stroke expressed in the Psalm (121 v.6),
**The Sun shall not smite thee by day, nor the Moon by night.” ee

? Agarcha lik balik u bi styag. Ilminsky [p. 441] has dalak balak but without
textual warrant and perhaps following Erskine, as he says, speaking generally, that he
has done in case of need (Ilminsky’s Preface). Both Erskine and de Courteil
working, it must be remembered, without the help of detailed modern descriptions an
pictures, took the above words to say that the buildings were scattered and witho
symmetry, but they are not scattered and certainly Man-sing’s has symmetry.
I surmise that the words quoted above do not refer to the buildings themselves but to
the stones of which they are made. T./#% means heavy, and T.da/a@k [? block
means a thing divided off, here a block of stone. Such blocks might be 7 siyag, ~
#.¢, irregular in size. To take the words in this way does not contradict known —
circumstances, and is verbally correct. oy

3 The Rajas’ buildings Babur could compare were Raja Karna (or Kirti)’s [whoruled
from 1454 to 1479 Ap.], Raja Man-sing’s [1486 to 1516 Ap.], and Raja Bikramajit’s
[1516 to 1526 ap. when he was killed at Panipat]. a
‘ The height of the eastern face is 100 ft. and of the western 60 ft. The total len th
from north to south of the outside wall is 300 ft. ; the breadth of the residence from
east to west 160ft. The 300ft. of length appears to be that of the residence and
service-courtyard (Cunningham p. 347 and Plate Ixxxvii). te
’ kaj bila agaritib. There can be little doubt that a white pediment would show
up the coloured tiles of the upper part of the palace-walls more than would = a |
sandstone, These tiles were so profuse as to name the building Chit Mandir (Painted
Mandir). Guided by Babur’s statement, Cunningham sought for and found plaster —
in crevices of carved work ; from which one surmises that the white coating approved —
itself to successors of Man-sing. [It may be noted that the word Mandir is in the —
same case for a translator as is ‘imdrat (f. 3396 n.) since it requires a grouping word -
to cover its uses for temple, palace, and less exalted buildings. ] iia

ye
ee

i,
ey
ul |
r ny

5

nl

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 609

candles. On one (or, every) side of this building are five cupolas ?
having between each two of them a smaller one, square after the
fashion of Hindiistan. On the larger ones are fastened sheets
of gilded copper. On the outside of the walls is painted-tile
work, the semblance of plantain-trees being shewn all round with
green tiles. In a bastion of the eastern front is the Hati-pil,3
hatt being what these people call an elephant, pz/, a gate.
A sculptured image of an elephant with two drivers (/¢/-dan) 4
stands at the out-going (chigish) of this Gate ; it is exactly like an
elephant ; from it the gate is called Hati-pil. A window in the
lowest storey where the building has four, looks towards. this
elephant and gives a near view of it. The cupolas which have
been mentionedabove are themselves the topmost stage (surtaba)

_of the building ;° the sitting-rooms are on the second storey

(tabaqgat), in ahollow even;7 they are rather airless places although
Hindistani pains have been taken with them.’ The buildings of
Man-sing’s son Bikramajit are in a central position (adrta da) on
the north side of the fort.2 The son’s buildings do not match
the father’s. He has madea great dome, very dark but growing
lighter if one stays awhile in it.1° Under it is a smaller building

* The lower two storeys are not only backed by solid ground but, except near the
Hati-pil, have the rise of ground in front of them which led Babur to say they were
“even in a pit” (chiigir).

2 MSS. vary between 4ar and dr, every and one, in thissentence. It may be right
to read dr, and apply it only to the eastern facade as that on which there were most

Ay cupolas. There are fewer on the south side, which still stands (Luard’s photo. No. 37).

3 The ground rises steeply from this Gate to an inner one, called Hawa-pil from

‘5 the rush of air (Zawd) through it.

# Cunningham says the riders were the Raja and a driven Perhaps they were a

“mahout and his mate. The statue stood to the left on exit (chigish).

is a window will have been close to the Gate where no mound interferes with
outlook.

® Rooms opening on inner and open courts appear to form the third story of the
residence.

7 T. chigur, hollow, pit. This storey isdark and unventilated, a condition due to
small windows, absence of through draught, and the adjacent mound. Cunningham
comments on its disadvantages.

8 Agarcha Hindustani takalluflar gilib turlar wali bi hawalik-rag yirlar dir.
Perhaps amongst the pains taken were those demanded for punkhas. I regret that
Erskine’s translation of this passage, so superior to my own in literary merit, does
not suit the Turki original. He worked from the Persian translation, and not only
so, but with a less rigid rule of translation than binds me when working on Babur’s
tpsissima verba (Mems. p. 384 ; Cunningham p. 349; Luard p. 226).

9 The words atria da make apt contrast between the outside position of Man-sing’s

buildings which helped to form the fort-wall, and Bikramajit’s which were further in

except perhaps one wall of his courtyard (see Cunningham’s Plate Ixxxiii).
7° Cunningham (p.'350) says this was originally a dara-diiri, a twelve-doored open
hall, and must have been light. His ‘“‘ originally” points to the view that the hall

Fol. 341.

Fol. 3414.

610 HINDUSTAN he
3 ‘ ~~ te

into whichno light comes from anyside. When Rahim-dad settled ie
down in Bikramajit’s buildings, he made a rather small hall
(kichikrag talarghina| on the top of this dome.’ . From Bikra-
majit’s buildings a road has been made to his father’s, a road
such that nothing is seen of it from outside and nothing known
of it inside, a quite enclosed road.? , a
After visiting these buildings, we rode to a college Rahim-dad
had made by the side of a large tank, there enjoyed a flower-
garden 3 he had laid out, and went late to where the camp was
in the Charbagh. ;

(f. Rahim-dad's flower-garden.)

Rahim-dad has planted a great numbers of flowers in his garden
(baghcha), many being beautiful red oleanders. In these places
the oleander-flower is peach,+ those of Gialiar are beautiful,
deep red. I took some of them to Agra and had them planted _
in gardens there. On the south of the garden is a large lakeS —
where the waters of the Rains gather; on the west of it is —
a lofty idol-house,® side by side with which Sl. Shihabu’d-din _
Ailtmish (Altamsh) made a Friday mosque ; this is avery lofty
building (‘cmdarat), the highest in the fort ; itis seen, with the fort,
from the Dilpiir-hill (cr. 30 m.away). People say the stone for ~
it was cut out and brought from the large lake above-mentioned.
Rahim-dad has made a wooden ( yighach) ¢alar in his garden, and a

had been altered before Babur saw it but as it was only about 10 years old atthattime,
it was in its first form, presumably. Perhaps Babur saw it in a bad light. The
dimensions Cunningham gives of it suggest that the high dome must have been ~
frequently ill-lighted. ) a
* The word /a/ar, having various applications, is not easy to match with a single
English word, nor can one be sure in all cases what it means, a platform, a hall, or aa
etc. To find an equivalent for its diminutive a@/ar-ghina is still more difficult.
Rahim-dad’s ¢a@/ar-ette will have stood on the flat centre of the dome, raised on four — i
pillars or perhaps with its roof only so-raised ; one is sure there would be a roof as
protection against sun or moon. It may be noted that the dome is not visible outside
from below, but is hidden by the continuation upwards of walls which form a mean- —
looking parallelogram of masonry. f
* T. tar yal. Concerning this hidden road see Cunningham p. 350 and Plate Ixxxvii.
3 baghcha. The context shews that the garden was for flowers. For Babur’s
distinctions between baghcha, bagh and baghat, see Index s.nn. eo
‘* shaft-ala i.e. the rosy colour of peach-flowers, perhaps lip-red (Steingass).
Babur’s contrast seems to be between those red oleanders of Hindiistan that are rosy-
red, and the deep red ones he found in Gialiar. a
5 kul, any large sheet of water, natural or artificial (Babur). This one willbe the —
Siiraj-kund (Sun-tank). a
® This is the Teli Mandir, or Telingana Mandir (Luard). Cf. Cunningham, p. 356
and Luard p. 227 for accounts of it ; and G. of I. s.m. Teliagarhi for Teli Rajas. ny

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 611

porches at the gates, which, after the Hindiistani fashion, are
somewhat low and shapeless.

(g. The Urwah-valley.)

(Sep. 28th) Next day (Muh. 13th) at the Mid-day Prayer we
rode out to visit places in Gualiar we had not yet seen. We
saw the ‘zmdarat called Badalgar* which is part of Man-sing’s
fort (gz/a‘), went through the Hati-pil and across the fort to
a place called Urwa (Urwah), which is a valley-bottom (g7/) on its
western side. Though Urwa is outside the fort-wall running
along the top of the hill, it has two stages (#urtaba) of high
wall at its mouth. The higher of these walls is some 30 or 40
gari (yards) high ; this is the longer one ; at each end it joins
the wall of the fort. The second wall curves in and joins the
middle part of the first ; it is the lower and shorter of the two.
This curve of wall will have been made for a water-thief ; ?
within it is a stepped well (wa’zz) in which water is reached by
10 or 15 steps. Above the Gate leading from the valley to this
walled-well the name of Sl. Shihabu’d-din Ailtmish (Altamsh)
is inscribed, with the date 630 (AH.—1I233 AD.). Below this
outer wall and outside the fort there is a large lake which seems
to dwindle (at times) till no lake remains ; from it water goes
to the water-thief. There are two other lakes inside Urwa the
water of which those who live in the fort prefer to all other.

Three sides of Urwa are solid rock, not the red rock of Biana
but one paler in colour. On these sides people have cut out
idol-statues, large and small, one large statue on the south side
being perhaps 20 gavz (yds.) high. These idols are shewn quite

* This is a large outwork reached from the Gate of the same name. Babur may
have gone there specially to see the Gijari Mandir said by Cunningham to have been
built by Man-sing’s Gijar wife Mriga-nayana(fawn-eyed). Cf. Cunningham p. 351 and,
for other work done by the same Queen, inthe s.e. corner of the fort, p. 344; Luard
p-226. In this place ‘“‘construction” would serve to translate ‘zmdarat (f. 340 n.).

? ab-duzd, a word conveying the notion of a stealthy taking of the water. The walls
at the mouth of Urwa were built by Altamsh for the protection of its water for the fort.
The date Babur mentions (a few lines further) is presumably that of their erection.

3 Cunningham, who gives 57 ft. as the height of this statue, says Babur estimated
it at 20 9az, or 40ft.; but thisis not so. Babur’s word is not gaz a measure of 24 fingers-
breadth, but g@77, the length from the tip of the shoulder to the fingers-ends ; it is
about 33 inches, not less, I understand. Thus stated in ga@vis Babur’s estimate of the
height comes very near Cunningham’s, being a good 55 ft. to 57 ft. (I may note that
I have usually translated ga7i by ‘‘yard”’, as the yard is its nearest English equivalent.
The Pers. trs. of the B. N. translates by gaz, possibly a larger gaz than that of 24 fingers-
breadth z.e. inches. )

Fol. 342.

Fol. 3426.

Fol. 343.

612 HINDUSTAN Sia.

naked without covering for the privities. Along the sides of
the two Urwa lakes 20 or 30 wells have been dug, with water
from which useful vegetables (sabzi karliklar), flowers and trees o
are grown. Urwa is not a bad place; it is shut in (T. z#r); the — b
idols are its defect; I, for my part, ordered them destroyed.” ‘

Going out of Urwa into the fort again, we enjoyed the window ? a
of the Sultani-pil which must have been closed through the pagan
time till now, went to Rahim-dad’s flower-garden at the Evening
Prayer, there dismounted and there slept. fas

(h. A son of Rana Sanga negociates with Babur.)

(Sep. 29th) On Tuesday the 14th of the month came people
from Rana Sanga’s second son, Bikramajit by name, who with
his mother Padmawati was in the fort of Rantanbir. Before
I rode out for Giialiar,3 others had come from his great and
trusted Hindi, Asik by name, to indicate Bikramajit’s sub-
mission and obeisance and ask a subsistence-allowance of 70 Jaks
for him; it had been settled at that time that parganas to the
amount he asked should be bestowed on him, his men were given __
leave to go, with tryst for Gialiar which we were about to visit. ay
They came into Gialiar somewhat after the trysting-day. The
Hindi Asik ¢ is said to be a near relation of Bikramajit’s mother
Padmawati ; he, for his part, set these particulars forth father-
like and son-like ;5 they, for theirs, concurring with him, agreed
to wish me well and serve me. At the time when Sl. Mahmid _
(Khilji) was beaten by Rana Sanga and fell into pagan captivity e

* The statues were not broken up by Babur’s agents; they were mutilated ; their
crea restored with coloured plaster by the Jains (Cunningham p. 365; Luard
p. 228), om

° rosan lor, afiz:n)... tafarruj gilid. Neither Cunningham nor Luard mentions
this window, perhaps because Erskine does not ; nor is this name of a Gate found. _
It might be that of the Dhonda-paur (Cunningham, p. 339). The Ist Pers. trs. ~~
(1.0. 215 f. 210] omits the word rozan (or, auz:n) ; the 2nd (I.O. 217 f. 2366] renders
it by jJ@i, place. _Manifestly the Gate was opened by Babur, but, presumably, not
precisely at the time of his visit. I am inclined to understand that rvosan...
‘afarruy karda means enjoying the window formerly used by Muhammadan rulers.
If atiz:n be the right reading, its sense is obscure. a
na la will have occurred in the latter half of 934 AH. of which no record isnow
* He is mentioned under the name Asik Mal Raypit, as a servant of Rana Sanga
by the Méirat-?-stkandari, lith. ed. p. 161. In Bayley’s Translation p. 273 heiscalled —
Awasiik, manifestly by clerical error, the sentence being as janib-i-au Asik Mal
Rajpiit dar an (gila‘) baida . . . :

5 ata-lik, aiighiil-lik, i.e. he spoke to the son asa father, to the mother as a son.

—_

sf

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. dru 1529 AD. 613

(925 AH.—I519 AD.) he possessed a famous crown-cap (ta7-kula)
and golden belt, accepting which Sanga let him go free. That
crown-cap and golden belt must have become Bikramajit’s ; his
elder brother Ratan-si, now Rana of Chitiir in his father’s place,
had asked for them but Bikramajit had not given them up," and
now made the men he sent to me, speak to me about them, and
ask for Biana in place of Rantanbir. We led them away from
the Biana question and promised Shamsabad in exchange for
Rantanbir. To-day (uh, 14th) they were given a nine days’
tryst for Biana, were dressed in robes of honour, and allowed
to go.

(7. Hindu temples vistted.)

We rode from the flower-garden to visit the idol-houses of
Gualiar. Some are two, and some are three storeys high, each
storey rather low, in the ancient fashion. On their stone plinths
(cz@ra) are sculptured images. Some idol-houses, College-fashion,
have a portico, large high cupolas? and madrasa-like cells, each
topped by a slender stone cupola.3_ In the lower cells are idols
carved in the rock.

After enjoying the sight of these buildings (‘caratlar) we left
the fort by the south Gate,t made an excursion to the south, and
went (north) to the Char-bagh Rahim-dad had made over-against
the Hati-pils He had prepared a feast of cooked-meat (ésh)
for us and, after setting excellent food before us, made offering
of a mass of goods and coin worth 4 /aks. From his Char-bagh
I rode to my own. :

(7. Excursion to a waterfall.)

(Sep. 30th.) On Wednesday the 15th of the month I went to
see a waterfall 6 kurohs (12m.) to the south-east of Gualiar. Less

* The Mtrat-z-stkandari (lith. ed. p. 234, Bayley’s trs. p. 372) confirms Babur’s state-
ment that the precious things were at Bikramajit’s disposition. Perhaps they had
been in his mother’s charge during her husband’s life. They were given later to
Bahadur Shah of Gujrat.

? The Teli Mandir has not a cupola but a waggon-roof of South Indian style, whence
it may be that it has the southern name Telingana, suggested by Col. Luard.

3 See Luard’s Photo. No. 139 and P. Mundy’s sketch of the fort p. 62.

4 This will be the Ghargaraj-gate which looks south though it is not at the south
end of the fort-hill where there is only a postern approached bya flight of stone steps
(Cunningham p. 332).

5 The garden will have been on the lower ground at the foot of the ramp and not
near the Hati-pil itself where the scarp is precipitous.

Fol. 3434.

Fol. 344.

614 HINDUSTAN

than that must have been ridden ;? close to the Mid-day Prayer F 4

we reached a fall where sufficient water for one mill was coming ©
down a slope (gid) an arghamchi? high. Below the fall there

is a large lake; above it the water comes flowing through solid | 4 9

rock ; there is solid rock also below the fall. A lake forms
wherever the water falls. On the banks of the water lie piece
after piece of rock as if for seats, but the water is said not
always to be there. We sat down above the fall and ate main,
went up-stream to visit its source (dadayatz), returned, got out on
higher ground, and stayed while musicians played and reciters
repeated things (ima aitilar). The Ebony-tree which Hindis

call indi, was pointed out to those who had not seen it before.

We went down the hill and, between the Evening and Bed-time
Prayers, rode away, slept at a place reached near the second
watch (midnight), and with the on-coming of the first watch of
day (6a.m. Muh, 16th—-Oct. rst) reached the Char-bagh and dis-
mounted.

(k. Salahwd-din's birth-place.) 3 |
(Oct. 2nd) On Friday the 17th of the month, I visited the a
garden of lemons and pumeloes (sad@-fa/) ina valley-bottom
amongst the hills above a village called Sikhjana(?)4 which is
Salahu’d-din’s birth-place. Returning to the Char-bagh, I dis-
mounted there in the first watch.5 ug

(1. Incidents of the march Jrom Gialiar.) ats

(Oct. 4th) On Sunday the 19th of the month, we rode before
dawn from the Char-bagh, crossed the Kawari-water and took our
nooning (¢ishlandik). After the Mid-day Prayer we rode on,
at sunset passed the Chambal-water, between the Evening and
Bed-time Prayers entered Dulpiir-fort, there, by lamp-light, af

* Mindin kichikrag atlainilghan aikindir. This may imply that the distance

mentioned to Babur was found by him an over-estimate. Perhaps the fall was on the
Mirar-river.

* Rope (Shaw) ; corde gui sert @ attacher le bagage sur les chameaux (de Courteille) ;

a thread of 20 cubits long for weaving (Steingass); I have the impression that an

arghamchi is a horse’s tether.

* For information about this opponent of Babur in the battle of Kanwa, see the :.

Asiatic Review, Nov. 1915, H. Beveridge’s art. Silhadi, and the Mirat-t-sikandari.
* Colonel Luard has suggested to us that the Babur-nama word Sikhjanamaystand
for Salwai or Sukhalhari, the names of two villages near Gialiar.
* Presumably of night, 6-9 p.m., of Saturday Muh. 18th—-Oct. 2nd.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 615

visited a Hot-bath which Abi’l-fath had made, rode on, and
dismounted at the dam-head where the new Char-bagh is in
making.

(Oct. 5th) Having stayed the night there, at dawn (Monday
20th) I visited what places had been ordered made.t The face
(viz) of the roofed-tank, ordered cut in the solid rock, was not
being got up quite straight ; more stone-cutters were sent for
who were to make the tank-bottom level, pour in water, and, by
help of the water, to get the sides to one height. They got the
face up straight just before the Other Prayer, were then ordered
to fill the tank with water, by help of the water made the sides
match, then busied themselves to smooth them. I ordered
a water-chamber (@d-khdna) made at a place where it would be
cut in the solid rock ; inside it was to be a small tank also cut
in the solid rock.

(Here the record of 6 days ts wanting.) ?

(Oct. 12th?) To-day, Monday (27¢h ?),there was a ma‘jun party.
(Oct. 13th) On Tuesday I was still in that same place. (Oct. 14th)
On the night of Wednesday,3 after opening the mouth and eating
something + we rode for Sikri. Near the second watch (mid-
night), we dismounted somewhere and slept; I myself could
not sleep on account of pain in my ear, whether caused by cold,
as is likely, I do not know. At the top of the dawn, we bestirred
ourselves from that place, and in the first watch dismounted at

® f. 3306 and f. 3390.

* Between the last explicit date in the text, vzz. Sunday, Muh. 19th, and the one
next following, vzz. Saturday, Safar 3rd, the diary of six days is wanting. The gap
seems to be between the unfinished account of doings in Dhilpir and the incomplete
one of those of the Monday of the party. For one of the intermediate days Babur
had made an appointment, when in Gialiar (f. 343), with the envoys of Bikramajit, the
trysting-day being Muh. 23rd (z.e. 9 days after Muh. 14th). Babur is likely to have
gone to Biana as planned ; that envoys met him there may be surmised from the
circumstance that when negociations with Bikramajit were renewed in Agra (f.345),
two sets of envoys were present, a ‘‘ former” one anda “‘ later ” one, and this although
all envoys had been dismissed from Giialiar. The ‘‘ former” ones will have been
those who went to Biana, were not given leave there, but were brought on to Agra ;
the “‘later” ones may have come to Agra direct from Ranthambhor. It suits all
round to take it that pages have been lost on which was the record of the end of the
Dhilpir visit, of the journey to the, as yet unseen, fort of Biana, of tryst kept by the
envoys, of other doings in Biana where, judging from the time taken to reach Sikri,
it may be that the ma‘jam party was held.

3 Anglicé, Tuesday after 6 p.m.

4 aghaz aichib nima yib, which words seem to imply the breaking of a fast.

Fol. 3444.

Fol. 345.

616 HINDUSTAN

the garden now in making at Sikri. The garden-wall wae weil uae

buildings were not getting on to my satisfaction ; the overseers —
therefore were threatened and punished. We rode on from
Sikri between the Other and Evening Prayers, passed through
Marhakir, dismounted somewhere and slept.

(Oct. 15th) Riding on (Thursday 30th), we got into Agra
during the first watch (6-9 a.m.). In the fort I saw the honoured ~
Khadija-sultan Begim who had stayed behind for several reasons
when Fakhr-i-jahan Begim started for Kabul. Crossing Jin
(Jumna), I went to the Garden-of-eight paradises.*

(m. Arrival of kinswomen.) %

(Oct. 17th) On Saturday the 3rd of Safar, between the Othe
and Evening Prayers, I went to see three of the great-aunt
begims,? Gauhar-shad Begim, Badi‘v’l-jamal Begim, and Aq
Begim, with also, of lesser begims,3 S]. Mas‘tid Mirza’s daughter
Khan-zada Begim, and Sultan-bakht Begim’s daughter, and my
yinka chichas grand-daughter, that is to say, Zainab-sultan
Begim.+ They had come past Tita and dismounted at a small —
standing-water (gard s#) on the edge of the suburbs. I came
back direct by boat. |

(x. Despatch of an envoy to receive charge of Ranthambhor.)

(Oct. 19th) On Monday the 5th of the month of Safar, Hamisi
son of Diwa, an old Hindi servant from Bhira, was joined with ©
Bikramajit’s former 5 and later envoys in order that pact and ©
agreement for the surrender of Ranthanbir and for the ©
conditions of Bikramajit’s service might be made in their own
(hindi) way and custom. Before our man returned, he was to
see, and learn, and make sure of matters; this done, if that

_ ' Doubtless the garden owes its name to the eight heavens or paradises mentioned —
in the Quran (Hughes’ Dictionary of Islim s.n. Paradise). Babur appears to have
reached Agra on the Ist of Safar; the 2nd may well have been spent on the home
affairs of a returned traveller, : : i

* The great, or elder trio were daughters of Sl. Abii-sa‘id Mirza, Babur’s paternal- a
aunts therefore, of his dutiful attendance on whom, Gul-badan writes. -

> “Lesser,” de. younger in age, lower in rank as not being the daughters of _

a sovereign Mirza, and held in less honour because of a younger generation.
* Gul-badan mentions the arrival in Hindistin of a khanim of this name, who was

a daughter of Si. Mahmid Khan Chaghatai, Babur’s maternal-uncle; to this maternal Ve
relationship the word chicha (mother) may refer. Yinka, uncle’s or elder brother's _

wife, has occurred before (ff. 192, 207), chicha not till now.
5 Cf. f. 3446 and n.5 concerning the surmised movements of this set of envoys.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 Tro SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 617

person (z.e. Bikramajit) stood fast to his spoken word, I, for my
part, promised that, God bringing it aright, I would set him in
his father’s place as Rana of Chitir.*

(Here the record of 3 days ts wanting.)

(0. A levy on stipendtaries.)

(Oct. 22nd) By this time the treasure of Iskandar and Ibrahim
in Dihli and Agra was at an end. Royal orders were given
therefore, on Thursday the 8th of Safar, that each stipendiary
(wajhdar) should drop into the Diwan, 30 in every Ioo of his
allowance, to be used for war-material and appliances, for equip-
ment, for powder, and for the pay of gunners and matchlockmen.

(~. Royal letters sent into Khurasan.)

(Oct. 24th) On Saturday the 10th of the month, Pay-master
Sl. Muhammad’s foot-man Shah Qasim who once before had
taken letters of encouragement to kinsfolk in Khurasan,? was
sent to Heri with other letters to the purport that, through God’s
grace, our hearts were at ease in Hindistan about the rebels and
pagans of east and west; and that, God bringing it aright, we
should use every means and assuredly in the coming spring
should touch the goal of our desire.3 On the margin of a royal
letter sent to Ahmad Afshar (Turk) a summons to Faridiin the
gabuz-player was written with my own hand.

(Here the record of 11 days ts wanting.)

t This promise was first proffered in Gialiar (f. 343).

2 These may be Bai-qara kinsfolk or Miran-shahis married to them. No record of
Shah Qasim’s earlier mission is preserved ; presumably he was sent in 934 AH. and the
record will have been lost with much more of that year’s. Khwand-amir may well
have had to do with this second mission, since he could inform Babur of the discomfort
caused in Heri by the near leaguer of ‘Ubaidu’l-lah Adzbeg.

3 Albatta aiiztimizni har ni‘ gilib tigitrkimiz dur. The following versions of this
sentenceattest its difficulty :— Wag7‘at-t-baburi, ist trs. 1.0. 215 f. 212, albatta khudra
ba har ni‘i ka bashad dar in khib khwahim rasdnad; and 2nd trs. 1.0. 217 f. 2384,
albatta dar har nu‘ karda khiidr& mi rasinim ; Memoirs p. 388, ‘‘ I would make an
effort and return in person to Kabul” ; A/émoizres ii, 356, e ferais tous mes efforts pour
pousser en avant, I surmise, as Payanda-i-hasan seems to have done (Ist Pers. trs.
supra), that the passage alludes to Babur’s aims in Hindistan which he expects to
touch in the coming spring. What seems likely to be implied is what Erskine says
and more, vzz. return to Kabul, renewal of conflict with the Atizbeg and release of
Khurasan kin through success. As is said by Babur immediately after this, Tahmasp
of Persia had defeated ‘Ubaidu’l-lah Azzseg before Babur’s letter was written.

Fol. 3458.

Fol. 346.

618 HINDUSTAN

In today’s forenoon (Tuesday 20th ?) | made a beginning of
eating quicksilver."

(q. News from Kabul and Khurasan.) ?

(Nov. 4th) On Wednesday the 2Ist of the month (Safar)
a Hindistani foot-man (pi@da) brought dutiful letters (‘arz-
dashtlar) from Kamran and Khwaja Dost-i-khawand. The
Khwaja had reached Kabul on the Ioth of Zi’l-hijja3 and will
have been anxious to go on4 to Humayiin’s presence, but there
comes to him a man from Kamran, saying, “ Let the honoured
Khwaja come (to see me) ; let him deliver whatever royal orders
there may be; let him go on to Humayiin when matters have
been talked over.”5 Kamran will have gone into Kabul on the
17th of Zi’l-hijja (Sep. 2nd), will have talked with the Khwaja
and, on the 28th of the same month, will have let him go on for
Fort Victory (Q7la‘-c-zafar).

There was this excellent news in the dutiful letters received :—
that Shah-zada Tahmasp, resolute to put down the Aiizheg,° had
overcome and killed Rinish (var. Zinish) Awzdeg in Damghan
and made a general massacre of his people ; that “‘Ubaid Khan,
getting sure news about the Qzzi/-bash (Red-head) had risen from
round Heri, gone to Merv, called up to him there all the sultans
of Samarkand and those parts, and that all the sultans of
Ma wara’u’n-nahr had gone to help him.7

This same foot-man brought the further news that Humayin
was said to have had a son by the daughter of Yadgar Taghai,

* Simab yimakni bunyad gildim, a statement which would be less abrupt if it followed
a record of illness. Such a record may have been made and lost.

* The preliminaries to this now somewhat obscure section will have been lost in the
gap of 934AH. They will have given Babur’s instructions to Khwaja Dost-i-khawand
and have thrown light on the unsatisfactory state of Kabul, concerning which a good
deal comes out later, particularly in Babur’s letter to its Governor Khwaja Kalan. It fi:
may be right to suppose that Kamran wanted Kabul and that he expected the Khwaja

to bring him an answer to his request for it, whether made by himself or for him,

through some-one, his mother perhaps, whom Babur now sent for to Hindistan,
3 934AH.—August 26th 1528 ap.

* The useful verb ¢ibramak which connotes agitation of mind with physical move-

ment, will here indicate anxiety on the Khwaja’s part to fulfil his mission to Humayin.
_ 5 Kamran’s messenger seems to repeat his master’s words, using the courteous
imperative of the 3rd person plural.

® Though Babur not infrequently writes of ¢. g. Bengalis and Aiizbegs and Turks in
the singular, the Bengali, the Aizbeg, the Turk, he seems here to mean ‘Ubaidu’l-lah,
the then dominant Aiizbeg, although Kiichim was Khaqan.

7 This muster preceded defeat near Jam of which Babur heard some 19 days later.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 619

and that Kamran was said to be marrying in Kabul, taking the
daughter of his mother’s brother Sl. ‘Ali Mirza (Begchik).*

(r. Honours for an artificer.)?

On this same day Sayyid Dakni of Shiraz the diviner (ghazba-
gar ?) was made to wear a dress of honour, given presents, and
ordered to finish the arched (?) well (AAwaralig-chah) as he best
knew how.

(s. The Walidiyyah-risdla (Parental-tract).)

(Vov. 6th) On Friday the 23rd of the month3 such heat 4
appeared in my body that with difficulty I got through the
Congregational Prayer in the Mosque, and with much trouble
through the Mid-day Prayer, in the book-room, after due time,
and little by little. Thereafter5 having had fever, I trembled
less on Sunday (Wov. 28h). During the night of Tuesday © the
27th of the month Safar, it occurred to me to versify (wagm gilmaq)

* Humiayiin’s wife was Bega Begim, the later Haji Begim; Kamran’s bride was
her cousin perhaps named Mah-afriiz (Gul-badan’s Humdyiin-nama f.646). The
hear-say tense used by the messenger allows the inference that he was not accredited to
give the news but merely repeated the rumour of Kabul. The accredited bearer-of-
good-tidings came later (f. 3464).

? There are three enigmatic words in this section. The first is the Sayyid’s
cognomen ; was he dakni, rather dark of hue, or zakni, one who knows, or rukni,
one who props, erects scaffolding, ec. ? The second mentions his occupation ; was
he a ghazba-gar, diviner (Erskine, water-finder), a 7ida-gar, cuirass-maker, or a jzdd-
gar, cistern-maker, which last suits with well-making? The third describes the kind
of well he had in hand, perhaps the stone one of f. 3534; had it scaffolding, or was it
for drinking-water only (44waralig) ; had it anarch, or was it chambered (4hwdazalig)?
If Babur’s orders for the work had been preserved,—they may be lost from f. 344,
trouble would have been saved to scribes and translators, as an example of whose
uncertainty it may be mentioned that from the third word (4Awdralig?) Erskine
extracted “‘jets d’eau and artificial water-works "2 and de Courteille ‘‘ ¢az//é dans /e
roc vif”.

$ All Babur’s datings in Safar are inconsistent with his of Muharram, if a Muharram
of 30 days [as given by Gladwin and others].

4 hararat. This Erskine renders by ‘‘so violent an illness ” (p. 388), de Courteille
by ‘‘ ane inflammation d’entrailles” (ii, 357), both swayed perhaps by the earlier
mention, on Muh. Ioth, of Babur’s medicinal quick-silver, a drug long in use in
India hie internal affections (Erskine). Some such ailment may have been recorded
and the record lost (f. 3454 and n. 8), but the heat, fever, and trembling in the illness
of Safar 23rd, taken with the reference to last’s year’s attack of fever, all point to
climatic fever.

5 aindini (or, Gndini). Consistently with the readings quoted in the preceding
note, E. and de C. date the onset of the fever as Sunday and translate aindini to
mean “‘twodaysafter”. It cannot be necessary however to specify the interval between
Friday and Sunday; the text is not explicit ; it seems safe to surmise only that the
cold fit was less severe on Sunday ; the fever had ceased on the following Thursday.

© Anglicé, Monday after 6p.m.

Fol. 3463.

620 HINDUSTAN

the Walidiyyah-risala of his Reverence Khwaja ‘Ubaidu’l-lah,
I laid it to heart that if I, going to the soul of his Reverence*
protection, were freed from this disease, it would be a sign © at
my poem was accepted, just as the author of the Qasz atwl-
birda 3 was freed from the affliction of paralysis when his poem
had been accepted. To this end I began to versify the tract, 2
using the metre+ of Maulana ‘Abdu’r-rahim Jamis Subhatu'l-

abrar (Rosary of the Righteous). Thirteen couplets were made —
in that same night. I tasked myself not to make fewer than Io
a day ; in the end one day had been omitted. While last year
every time such illness had happened, it had persisted at least —
a month or 40 days,5 this year, by God’s grace and his Reverence’s-
favour, I was free, except for a little depression (afsurda), on ;
Thursday the 29th of the month (ov. 72th). The end of

the 8th of the first Rabi‘ (Vov. 20th). One day 52 couplets had : 4
been made.® _

(¢. Troops warned for service.) a
(Nov. 11th) On Wednesday the 28th of the month royal

orders were sent on all sides for the armies, saying, “God ~

* The Rashahat-i-‘ainwl-hayat (Tricklings from the fountain of life) contains an
interesting and almost contemporary account of the Khwaja and of his Walidiyyah-
risala, A summary of what in it concerns the Khwaja can be readin the JRAS.
Jan. 1916, H. Beveridge’s art. The tract, so far as we have searched, is now known”
in European literature only through Babur’s metrical translation of it ; and this, again,
is known only through the Rampur Diwan. [It may be noted here, though the topic
belongs to the beginning of the Babur-nama (f. 2), that the Rashahat contains particulars i
about Ahriri’s interventions for peace between Babur’s father ‘Umar Shaikh and those _
with whom he quarrelled. ] a

* “Here unfortunately, Mr. Elphinstone’s Turki copy finally ends” (Erskine),
that is to say, the Elphinstone Codex belonging to the Faculty of Advocates of
Edinburgh. my.

3 This work, Al-busiri’s famous poem in praise of the Prophet, has its most recent ‘EF
notice in M. René Basset’s article of the Zvcyclopedia of [slam (Leydenand London).

4 Babur’s technical terms to describe the metre he used are, ramal musaddas —
makhbiin ‘aris and zarb gith abtar gah makhbin muhsif waan. ‘

5 althan yil (u) har mahal miindag ‘airizat kim baldi, from which it seems correct —
to omit the # (and), thus allowing the reference to be to last year’s illnesses only;
because no record, of any date, survives of illness lasting even one full month, and _
no other year has a /acuma of sufficient length unless one goes improbably far back : for
these attacks seem to be of Indian climatic fever. One in last year (934.AH.) lasting
25-26 days (f. 331) might be called a month’s illness ; another or others may have —

a

i

happened in the second half of the year and their record be lost, as several have been.
lost, to the detriment of connected narrative. “

® Mr. Erskine’s rendering (A/emoizrs p. 388) of the above section shows somethi Ban
of what is gained by acquaintance which he had not, with the Rashahat-- aT hese
and with Babur’s versified Walidiyyah-risala. 7

~~"

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5rH 1529 AD. 621

bringing it about, at an early opportunity my army will be got to
horse. Let all come soon, equipped for service.”

(Here the record of 9 days ts wanting.) *

(u. Messengers from Humayin.)

(Nov. 21st) On Sunday the 9th of the first Rabi‘, Beg
Muhammad fa‘allugcht? came, who had been sent last year
(934.AH.) at the end of Muharram to take a dress of honour and
a horse to Humayin.3

(Nov. 22nd) On Monday the Ioth of the month there came
from Humayiin’s presence Wais Laghari’s (son) Beg-gina (Little
Beg) and Bian Shaikh, one of Humayiin’s servants who had come
as the messenger of the good tidings of the birth of Humayiin’s
son whose name he gave as Al-aman. Shaikh Abi’l-wajd found
Shah sa‘adatmand + to be the date of his birth.

(v. Rapid travel.)

Bian Shaikh set out long after Beg-gina. He parted from
Humayin on Friday the 9th of Safar (Oct. 23rd) at a place
below Kishm called Dii-shamba (Monday); he came into Agra
on Monday the [oth of the first Rabi‘ (Vov. 23rd). He came
very quickly! Another time he actually came from Qila‘-i-zafar
to Oandahar in 11 days.5

* This gap, like some others in the diary of 935 AH. can be attributed safely to
loss of pages, because preliminaries are now wanting to several matters which Babur
records shortly after it. Such are (1) the specification of the three articles sent to
Nasrat Shah, (2) the motive for the feast of f. 3514, (3) the announcement of the approach
of the surprising group of envoys, who appear without introduction at that entertain-
ment, in a manner opposed to Babur’s custom of writing, (4) an account of their arrival
and reception.

? Land-holder (see Hobson-Jobson s.n. talookdar).

“ 3 ae long detention of this messenger is mentioned in Babur’s letter to Humayiin
349).

_ 4 These words, if short a be read in Shih, make 934 by aéjad. The child died in

infancy ; no son of Humayiin’s had survived childhood before Akbar was born, some

14 years later. Concerning Abi’l-wajd /arighi, see Habibu’s-styar, lith. ed. ii, 347;

Muntakhabw t-tawarikh, Bib. Ind. ed. i, 3; and Index s.z.

5 I am indebted to Mr. A. E. Hinks, Secretary of the Royal Geographical Society,
for the following approximate estimate of the distances travelled by Bian Shaikh :—
(a) From Kishm to Kabul 240m.—from Kabul to Peshawar 175m.—from Peshawar
to Agra (railroad distance) 759 m.—total 1174m. ; dailyaverageczr. 38 miles ; (4) Qila‘-i-
gafar to Kabul 264m.—Kabul to Qandahar 316m.—total 580m. ; daily average c77.
53miles. The second journey was made probably in 913 AH. and to inform Babur of
the death of the Shah of Badakhshan (f. 2136).

42

Fol. 347.

Fol. 3478.

622 HINDUSTAN

(w. News of Tahmasp’s victory over the Aizbegs.) eh an
Bian Shaikh brought news about Shah-zada Tahmasp’s ‘Oe
advancing out of ‘Iraq and defeating the Atzbeg.t Hereare
his particulars:—Shah-zada Tahmasp, having come out of ‘Traq
with 40,000 men arrayed in Rumi fashion of matchlock and cart,*
advances with great speed, takes Bastam, slaughters Rinish (var.
Zinish) Aazbeg and his men in Damghan, and'from there passes __
right swiftly on.3 Kipik Bi’s son Qambar-i-‘ali Beg is beaten
by one of the Qzzz/-bash (Red-head)’s men, and with his few __
followers goes to ‘Ubaid Khan’s presence. ‘Ubaid Khan finds ~
it undesirable to stay near Heri, hurriedly sends off gallopers
to all the sultans of Balkh, Hisar, Samarkand, and Tashkend
(Tashkint) and goes himself to Merv. Siiinjak Sl.’s younger son’ c
Baraq Sl. from Tashkend, Kichim Khan, with (his sons) Aba
-sa‘id Sl. and Pilad Sl, and Jani Beg Sl. with his sons, from
Samarkand and Mian-kal, Mahdi Sl.’s and Hamza Sl.’s sons —
from Hisar, Kitin-qara Sl. from Balkh, all these sultans assemble _
right swiftly in Merv. To them their informers (¢é-chz) take a
news that Shah-zada, after saying, “‘Ubaid Khan is seated near
Heri with few men only,” had been advancing swiftly with his
40,000 men, but that when he heard of this assembly (ze. in

Merv), he made a ditch in the meadow of Radagan4 and seated
* On Muh. roth 934AH.—Sep. 26th 1528ap. For accounts of the campaign see
Rieu’s Suppl. Persian Cat. under Histories of Tahmasp (Churchill Collection); the
Habibw's-siyar and the ‘Alam-arai-‘abbasi, the last a highly rhetorical work. Babur’s
accounts (Index s,#. Jam) are merely repetitions of news given to him; heis not _
responsible for mistakes he records, such as those of f. 354. [It must be mentioned
that Mr. Erskine has gone wrong in his description of the, battle, the starting-point —
of error being his reversal of two events, the encampment of Tahmaspat Radaganand
his passage through Mashhad. A century ago less help, through maps and travel,
was available than now. ] ;
* tufak u ardba, the method of array Babur adopted from the Riimi-Persian model. _
3 Tahmasp’s main objective, aimed at earlier than the Aizbeg muster in Merv, —
was Herat, near which ‘Ubaid Khan had been for 7 months. He did not take the
shortest route for Mashhad, wz. the Damghan-Sabzawar-Nishapir road, but went ——_
from Damghan for Mashhad by way of Kalpiish (‘4/am-arai lith.ed. p.45) and =
Radagan. Two military advantages are obvious on this route; (1) it approaches =
Mashhad by the descending road of the Kechef-valley, thus avoiding the climb into
that valley by a pass beyond Nishapiir on the alternative route; and (2) it passes =
through the fertile lands of Radagan. [For Kalpiish and the route see Fr. military map,
Sheets Astarabad and Merv, n.e. of Bastam. ] if {
.. ‘7m. from Kushan and 86m. from Mashhad. As Lord Curzon reports (Persia, —
ll, 120) that his interlocutors on the spot were not able to explain the word ‘‘Radkan,”
it may be useful to note here that the town seems to borrow its name from the ancient "
tower standing near it, the A/i/-7-radagan, or, as Réclus gives it, Zour de méimandan, —
both names meaning, Tower of the bounteous (or, beneficent, highly-distinguished,

vate

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 623

himself there.' Here-upon the Aiizbegs, with entire disregard
of their opponents,” left their counsels at this :—“Let all of us
sultans and khans seat ourselves in Mashhad ;3 let a few of us
be told off with 20,000 men to go close to the Qizil-bash camp 4
and not let them put head out ; let us order magicians 5 to work
their magic directly Scorpio appears ;° by this stratagem the
enemy will be enfeebled, and we shall overcome.” So said, they
march from Merv. Shah-zada gets out of Mashhad.” He
confronts them near Jam-and-Khirgird.? There defeat befalls the
Aizbeg side? A mass of sultans are overcome and slaughtered.

In one letter it (2#d) was written, “It is not known for certain
that any sultan except Kiichim Khan has escaped ; not a man
who went with the army has come back up to now.” The

étc.). (Cf. Vullers Dict. 5.2. r@d; Réclus’ L’ Aste Antérieure p. 219; and O’ Donovan’s
Merv Oasis.) Perhaps light on the distinguished people (7@dagam) is given by the
Dabistan’s notice ofan ancient sect, the Radiyan, seeming to be fire-worshippers whose
chief was Rad-giina, an eminently brave hero of the latter part of Jamshid’s reign
(8008.c. ?). Of the town Radagan Daulat Shah makes frequent mention. A second
town so-called and having a tower lies north of Ispahan.

* In these days of trench-warfare it would give a wrong impression to say that
Tahmasp entrenched himself; he did what Babur did before his battles at Panipat
and Kanwa (¢.z.).

? The Aizbegs will have omitted from their purview of affairs that Tahmasp’s men
were veterans. .

3 The holy city had been captured by ‘Ubaid Khan in 933 AH. (1525 AD.), but nothing
in Bian Shaikh’s narrative indicates that they were now there in force.

4 Presumably the one in the Radagan-meadow.

5 using the yada-tash to ensure victory (Index s.7.).

© If then, as now, Scorpio’s appearance were expected in Oct.-Nov., the Aizbegs
had greatly over-estimated their power to check Tahmasp’s movements ; but it seems
fairly clear that they expected Scorpio to follow Virgo in Sept.—Oct. according to the
ancient view of the Zodiacal Signs which allotted two houses to the large Scorpio and,
if it admitted Libra at all, placed it between Scorpio’s claws (Virgil’s Georgics i, 32
and Ovid’s Metamorphoses, ii, 195.—H.B.).

7 It would appear that the Aiizbegs, after hearing that Tahmasp was encamped at
Radagan, expected to interpose themselves in his way at Mashhad and to get their
20,000 to Radagan before he broke camp. Tahmasp’s swiftness spoiled their plan ;
he will have stayed at Radagan a short time only, perhaps till he had further news of
the Atizbegs, perhaps also for commissariat purposes and to rest his force. He visited
the shrine of Imam Reza, and had reached Jam in time to confront his adversaries as
they came down to it from Zawarabad (Pilgrims’-town).

® or, Khirjard, as many MSS. have it. Itseems to be a hamlet or suburb of Jam.
The ‘Alam-arai (lith. ed. p. 40) writes Khusrau-jard-i-Jam (the Khusrau-throne of
Jam), perhaps rhetorically. The hamlet is Maulana ‘Abdu’r-rahman /amz’s birthplace
(Daulat Shah’s 7azkirat, E. G. Browne’s ed. p. 483). Jam now appears on maps as
Turbat-i-Shaikh Jami, the tomb (¢wrdaz) being that of the saintly ancestor of Akbar’s
mother Hamida-bani.

9 The ‘A/am-drdai (lith. ed. p. 31) says, but in grandiose language, that ‘Ubaid Khan
placed at the foot of his standard 40 of the most eminent men of Transoxania who
prayed for his success, but that as his cause was not good, their supplications were
turned backwards, and that all were slain where they had prayed.

Fol. 348.

624 HINDUSTAN

Chalma, whose real name is Isma‘il, must be in the fort." its ae

Sa

(x. Letters written by Babur.) f e
(Nov. 27th and 28th) This same Bian Shaikh was sent quite
quickly back with letters for Humayiin and Kamran. These
and other writings being ready by Friday the 14th of the month
(Nov. 27th) were entrusted to him, his leave was given, and on a
Saturday the 15th he got well out of Agra. e

Copy OF A LETTER TO HUMAYUN.? 7

“The first matter, after saying, ‘Salutation’ to Humayiin ~
whom I am longing to see, is this :— oe
Exact particulars of the state of affairs on that side and on
this 3 have been made known by the letters and dutiful representa- a
tions brought on Monday the oth of the first Rabi‘ by Beg-gina
and Bian Shaikh. Ds

(Zurki) Thank God! a son is born to thee !
A son to thee, to me a heart-enslaver (dz/-bandz).

May the Most High ever allot to thee and to me tidings as

joyful! So may it be, O Lord of the two worlds !” o
“Thou sayest thou hast called him Al-aman; God bless and — 4

prosper this! Thou writest it so thyself (ze. Al-aman), but hast —

8

* Here the Ist Pers. trs. (I.O. 215 f. 214) mentions that it was Chalma who wrote and —
despatched the exact particulars of the defeat of the Atizbegs. This informationexplains
the presumption Babur expresses. It shows that Chalma was in Hisar where he may
have written his letter to give news to Humayin. At the time Bian Shaikh left,
the Mirza was near Kishm; if he had been the enterprising man he was not, one
would surmise that he had moved to seize the chance of the sultans’ abandonment of
Hisar, without waiting for his father’s urgency (f. 3484). Whether he had done so
and was the cause of the sultans’ flight, is not known from any chronicle yet cometo
our hands. Chalma’s father Ibrahim Janz died fighting for Babur against Shaibaq _
Khan in 906 AH. (f. 90d). -
As the sense of the name-of-office Chalma is still in doubt, I suggest that it may be a
an equivalent of aftabachi, bearer of the water-bottle on journeys. 7. chalma can —
mean a water-vessel carried on the saddle-bow; one Chalmaon record was a safarchi;
if, in this word, safar be read to mean journey, an approach is made to aftabachi
(fol. 156 and note ; Blochmann’s A.-i-A. p. 378 and n. 3). ae
* The copies of Babur’s Turki letter to Humayin and the later one to Khwaja Kalan
(f. 359) are in some MSS. of the Persian text translated only (I.O. 215 f.214); in —
others appear in Turki only (1.0. 217 f. 240) ; in others appear in Turki and Persian
(B. M. Add. 26,000 and I.O, 2989) ; while in Muh. Shirazi’s lith. ed. they are omitted
altogether (p. 228). ee
3 Trans- and Cis-Hindukush. Payanda-hasan (in one of his useful glosses to the _
Ist Pers. trs.) amplifies here by ‘‘ Khurasan, Ma wara’u’n-nahr and Kabul”. i

any

aa P

7

yy

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 625

over-looked that common people mostly say alama or atlaman.*
Besides that, this A/ is rare in names.2, May God bless and
prosper him in name and person; may He grant us to keep
Al-aman (peace) for many years and many decades of years ! 3
May He now order our affairs by His own mercy and favour ;
not in many decades comes such a chance as this!” 4

“Again :—On Tuesday the 11th of the month (Vov. 23rd) came
the false rumour that the Balkhis had invited and were fetching
Qurban 5 into Balkh.”

“ Again :—Kamran and the Kabul begs have orders to join
thee ; this done, move on Hisar, Samarkand, Heri or to what-
ever side favours fortune. Mayst thou, by God’s grace, crush
foes and take lands to the joy of friends and the down-casting
of adversaries! Thank God! now is your time to risk life and
slash swords.° Neglect not the work chance has brought; slothful
life in retirement befits not sovereign rule :—

(Persian) He grips the world who hastens ;
Empire yokes not with delay ;
All else, confronting marriage, stops,
Save only sovereignty.7

If through God’s grace, the Balkh and Hisar countries be won
and held, put men of thine in Hisar, Kamran’s men in Balkh.
Should Samarkand also be won, there make thy seat. Hisar,
God willing, I shall make a crown-domain. Should Kamran
regard Balkh as small, represent the matter to me; please God!
I will make its defects good at once out of those other countries.”

“Again :—As thou knowest, the rule has always been that

* The words Babur gives as mispronunciations are somewhat uncertain in sense ;
manifestly both are of ill-omen :—Al-aman itself [of which the a/amd of the Hai. MS.
and Ilminsky may be an abbreviation, is the cry of the vanquished, ‘‘ Quarter ! mercy !”;
Ailaman and also a/aman can represent a Turkman raider.

? Presumably amongst Timirids.

3 Perhaps Babur here makes a placatory little joke.

4 z.e. that offered by Tahmasp’s rout of the Aiizbegs at Jam.

5 He was an adherent of Babur. Cf. f.353.

© The plural ‘‘ your” will include Humayiin and Kamran. Neither had yet shewn
himself the heritor of his father’s personal dash and valour ; they had lacked the stress
which shaped his heroism. ;

7 My husband has traced these lines to Nizami’s Khusrau and Shirin. [They occur
on f. 2564 in his MS. of 317 folios.] Babur may have quoted from memory, since his
version varies. The lines need their context to be understood ; they are part of
Shirin’s address to Khusrau when she refuses to marry him because at the time he is
fighting for his sovereign position ; and they say, in effect, that while all other work
stops for marriage (kadkhudai), kingly rule does not.

Fol. 3484.

Fol. 349-

Fol. 3494.

626 HINDUSTAN

when thou hadst six parts, Kamran had five; this having been
constant, make no change.” hte As,

“ Again :—Live well with thy younger brother. Elders must
bear the burden! I have the hope that thou, for thy part, wilt
keep on good terms with him ; he, who has grown up an active © y
and excellent youth, should not fail, for his part, in loyal duty
to thee.” ?

“ Again :—Words from thee are somewhat few ; no person has
come from thee for two or three years past; the man I sent to
thee (Beg Muhammad ¢a‘a//ugchi) came back in something over
a year; is this not so?” a.

“Again :—As for the “retirement”, “retirement”, spoken of in
thy letters,—retirement is a fault for sovereignty; asthe honoured __
(Sa‘di) says :—3 .

(Persian) If thy foot be fettered, choose to be resigned ;
If thou ride alone, take thou thine own head.

No bondage equals that of sovereignty ; retirement matches not
with rule.” Sg
“ Again :—Thou hast written me a letter, as I ordered thee to A
do ; but why not have read it over? If thou hadst thought of
reading it, thou couldst not have done it, and, unable thyself to
read it, wouldst certainly have made alteration in it. Though by
taking trouble it can be read, it is very puzzling, and who ever
saw an enigma in prose?4 Thy spelling, though not bad,isnot
quite correct ; thou writest d/tafat with a (dtafat) and giling
with ya (gilinj?).5 Although thy letter can be read if every sort a

* Ailighlar kitarimlik kirak ; 2nd Pers. trs. buzurgin bardasht mi baid kardand.
This dictum may be a quotation. I have translated it to agree with Babur’s reference
to the ages of the brothers, but ai/agh/ar expresses greatness of position as well as
seniority in age, and the dictum may be taken as a Turki version of ‘‘ Moblesse oblige”,
and may also mean ‘‘ The great must be magnanimous”. (Cf. de C.’s Dict. sa.
hiitarimlth. ) [It may be said of the verb éardashtan used in the Pers. trs., that
Abi'l-fazl, perhaps translating £i/drim/ik reported to him, puts it into Babur’s mouth __
when, after praying to take Humiyiin’s illness upon himself, he cried with conviction,

Ihave borne it away” (A.N. trs. H.B. i, 276). ] a

? If Babur had foreseen that his hard-won rule in Hindiistan was to be given tothe ~
winds of one son’s frivolities and the other’s disloyalty, his words of scant content with
what the Hindiistan of his desires had brought him, would have expressed a yet keener
pain (Rampir Diwan E.D.R.’s ed. p.15 1.5 fr. ft.). i

; Bostan, cap. Advice of Noshirwan to Hurmuz (H.B.).

: A little joke at the expense of the mystifying letter. .

For yd, Mr. Erskine writes 4e. What the mistake was is an open question; I have

guessed an exchange of z for #, because such an exchange is not infrequent amongst
Turki long vowels.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 to SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 627

of pains be taken, yet it cannot be quite understood because of
that obscure wording of thine. Thy remissness in letter-writing
seems to be due to the thing which makes thee obscure, that is
to say, toelaboration. In future write without elaboration ; use
plain, clear words. So will thy trouble and thy reader’s be less.”

“ Again:—Thou art now to go on a great business ;* take

counsel with prudent and experienced begs, and act as they say.
If thou seek to pleasure me, give up sitting alone and avoiding
society. Summon thy younger brother and the begs twice daily
to thy presence, not leaving their coming to choice; be the
business what it may, take counsel and settle every word and
act in agreement with those well-wishers.”
_ “Again :—Khwaja Kalan has long had with me the house-
friend’s intimacy ; have thou as much and even more with him.
If, God willing, the work becomes less in those parts, so that
thou wilt not need Kamran, let him leave disciplined men in
Balkh and come to my presence.”

“ Again :—Seeing that there have been such victories, and such
conquests, since Kabul has been held, I take it to be well-omened ;
I have made it a crown-domain ; let no one of you covet it.”

“ Again :—Thou hast done well (yakhshi qgilib sin) ; thou hast
won the heart of Sl. Wais;? get him to thy presence; act by
his counsel, for he knows business.”

“Until there is a good muster of the army, do not move out.”

“ Bian Shaikh is well-apprized of word-of-mouth matters, and
will inform thee of them. These things said, I salute thee and
am longing to see thee.”—

The above was written on Thursday the 13th of the first Rabi‘
(Nov. 26th). To the same purport and with my own hand,
I wrote also to Kamran and Khwaja Kalan, and sent off the
letters (by Bian Shaikh).

(Here the record fails from Rabi‘ 15th to 19th.)

(y. Plans of campaign.)

(Dec. 2nd) On Wednesday the 19th of the month (Radz‘ Z.)
the mirzas, sultans, Turk and Hind amirs were summoned for

* That of reconquering Timirid lands.
? of Xu/ab ; he was the father of Haram Begim, one of Gul-badan’s personages.

Fol. 350.

Fol. 3504.

Fol. 351.

628 HINDUSTAN

counsel, and left the matter at this :—That this year the army —
must move in some direction ; that ‘Askari should go in advance ~
towards the East, be joined by the sultans and amirs from beyond
Gang (Ganges), and march in whatever direction favoured fortune. —
These particulars having been written down, Ghidsu’d-din the
armourer was given rendezvous for 16 days,’ and sent galloping ©

off, on Saturday the 22nd of the month, to the amirs of the East _ yl

headed by SI. Junaid Bar/as. His word-of-mouth message was,
that ‘Askari was being sent on before the fighting apparatus,
culverin, cart and matchlock, was ready ; that it was the royal
order for the sultans and amirs of the far side of Gang to muster
in ‘Askari’s presence, and, after consultation with well-wishers
on that side, to move in whatever direction, God willing ! might

favour fortune ; that if there should be work needing me, please }

God! I would get to horse as soon as the person gone with the
(16 days) tryst (s#z‘@d@) had returned ; that explicit representation
should be made as to whether the Bengali (Nasrat Shah) were
friendly and single-minded ; that, if nothing needed my presence
in those parts, I should not make stay, but should move else-
where at once ;? and that after consulting with well-wishers, they
were to take ‘Askari with them, and, God willing! settle matters
on that side.

(Here the record of 5 days ts wanting.)

(2. ‘Askari receives the insignia and rank of a royal commander.)

(Dec. 12th) On Saturday the 29th of the first Rabi‘, ‘Askari
was made to put on a jewelled dagger and belt, and a royal
dress of honour, was presented with flag, horse-tail standard,
drum, a set (6-8) of tipichag (horses), 10 elephants, a string
of camels, one of mules, royal plenishing, and royal utensils.
Moreover he was ordered to take his seat at the head of a Diwan.
On his mulla and two guardians were bestowed jackets having
buttons 3; on his other servants, three sets of nine coats.

1 Gin ati giinlak m:ljar bila, as on f. 3546, and with exchange of T. m:lar for P.
mi’ad, f. 3556.

* Probably into Rajpit lands, notably into those of Salahu’d-din.

9 tukhmalig chakmanlar ; as tukhma means both button and gold-embroidery, it

peal right, especially of Hindistan articles, to translate sometimes in the second

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 629

(aa. Babur visits one of his officers.)

(Dec. 13th) On Sunday the last day of the month (Radz‘L. 30th)!
I went to Sl. Muhammad Lakhshi’s house. After spreading
a carpet, he brought gifts. His offering in money and goods
was more than 2/aks.2,~_ When food and offering had been set
out, we went into another room where sitting, we ate ma‘jin.
We came away at the 3rd watch (midnight ?), crossed the water,
and went to the private house.

(6b. The Agra-Kabul road measured.)

(Dec. 17th) On Thursday the 4th of the latter Rabi‘, it was
settled that Chiqmaq Beg with Shahi famghachi’s3 clerkship,
should measure the road between Agra and Kabul. At every
9th kuroh (cir.18m.), a tower was to be erected 12garis high + and
having a char-dara 5 on the top; at every 18th kuroh (cir. 36m.),°
6 post-horses were to be kept fastened ; and arrangement was to
be made for the payment of post-masters and grooms, and for
horse-corn. The order was, “If the place where the horses are
fastened up,7 be near a crown-domain, let those there provide for
the matters mentioned ; if not, let the cost be charged on the beg

t These statements of date are consistent with Babur’s earlier explicit entries and
with Erskine’s equivalents of the Christian Era, but at variance with Gladwin’s and
with Wiistenfeldt’s calculation that Rabi‘II. 1st was Dec. 13th. Yet Gladwin (Revenue
Accounts, ed. 1790AD. p. 22) gives Rabi‘ I. 30 days. Without in the smallest degree
questioning the two European calculations, I follow Babur, because in his day there
may have been allowed variation which finds no entry in methodical calendars.
Erskine followed Babur’s statements ; he is likely nevertheless to have seen Gladwin’s
book. :

? Erskine estimated this at £500, but later cast doubts on such estimates as being
too low (Hzstory of India, vol. i, App. D.).

3 The bearer of the stamp (¢amgha@) who by impressing it gave quittance for the
payment of tolls and other dues.

4 Either 24ft. or 36ft. according to whether the short or long gai be meant
(tafra). These towers would provide resting-place, and some protection against ill-
doers. They recall the two mi/-2-radagan of Persia (f. 347 2.9), the purpose of which
is uncertain. Babur’s towers were not ‘‘ os mindrs”, nor is it said that he ordered
each kuroh to be marked on the road. Some of the hos minars on the ‘‘ old Mughal
roads” were over 30ft. high ; a considerable number are entered and depicted in the
Annual Progress Report of the Archzological Survey for 1914 (Northern Circle, p. 45
and Plates 44, 45). Some at least have a /ower chamber.

5 Four-doored, open-on-all-sides. We have not found the word with this meaning
in Dictionaries. It may translate H. chaukandi.

© Erskine makes 9 fos (kurohs) to be 13-14miles, perhaps on the basis of the smaller
gaz of 24inches.

7 altt yam-ati baghlaghailar which, says one of Erskine’s manuscripts, is called
a dak-choki.

630 - HINDUSTAN an

in whose pargana the post-house may be.” Chiqmaq Beg got
out of Agra with Shahi on that same day. Spee

Fol. 3510. (Author's note on the kuroh.) These kurohs were established in relation to
the mi/, in the way mentioned in the A/wdin :—* ‘
(Zurki) Four thousand paces (gadam) are one mi/ ;

Know that Hind people call this a £uroh ;

The pace (gadamz) they say is a gavi and a half (36in.) ;
Know that each gaz (24in.) is six hand-breadths (¢a@/amz)

That each ¢#/am is four fingers (az/zh),
Each ai/ik, six barley-corns. Know this knowledge.?

The measuring-cord (aa@)3 was fixed at 40 gdari, each being the one-and-
a-half ga@vi mentioned above, that is to say, each is 9 hand-breadths.

(cc. A feast.)

(Dec. 18th) On Saturday the 6th of the month (Rabi II.)
there was a feast + at which were present Qizil-bash (Red-head),
and Aizbeg, and Hindi envoys.5 The Qizil-bash envoys sat

* Neither Erskine (ems. p. 394), nor de Courteille (A/éms. ii, 370) recognized the
word A/udin here, although each mentions the poem later (p. 431 and ii, 461), deriving
his information about it from the Akbar-nadma, Erskine direct, de Courteille by way
of the Turki translation of the same Akéar-nama passage, which Ilminsky found in
Kehr’s volume and which is one of the much discussed ‘** Fragments”, at first taken
to be extra writings of Babur’s (cf. Index zz /oco s.m. Fragments). Ilminsky (p. 455)
prints the word clearly, as one who knows it ; he may have seen that part of the poem
itself which is included in Berésine’s Chrestomathie Turque (p. 226to p.272), underthe =
title Fragment d’un poeme inconnu de Babour, and have observed that Babur himself ©
shews his title to be 1/udim, in the lines of his colophon (p. 271), ;

Chi bian gildim anda shar‘iyat,

Ni ‘ajab gar Mubin didim at ?
(Since in it I have made exposition of Laws, what wonder if I named it A/udin
(exposition) ?) Cf. Zranslator’s Note, p.437. [Berésine says (Ch.T.) that he prints
half of his “‘ wzigue manuscrit” of the poem. ]

* The passage Babur quotes comes from the usin section on tayammum mas@ la —
(purification with sand), where he tells his son sand may be used, S# yurag balsa sindin —
air bir mil (if from thee water be one mi/ distant), and then interjects the above —
expats of what the mi/is. Two lines of his original are not: with the Badur-
nama.

3 The fandé was thus 120ft. long. Cf. A.-i-A, Jarrett i, 414; Wilson’s Glossary of
Indian Terms and Gladwin’s Revenue Accounts, p. 14.

* Babur’s customary method of writing allows the inference that he recorded, in
due place, the coming and reception of the somewhat surprising group of guests now
mentioned as at this entertainment. That preliminary record will have been lost in one
or more of the small gaps in his diary of 935AH. The envoys from the Samarkand
Aizbegs and from the Persian Court may have come in acknowledgment of the Fa¢h-

nama which announced victory over Rana Sanga ; the guests from Farghana will have
accepted the invitation sent, says Gul-badan, ‘“‘in all directions,” after Babur’s defeat
of Sl. Ibrahim Zédi, to urge hereditary servants and Timirid and Chingiz-khanid
kinsfolk to come and see prosperity with him now when ‘‘the Most High has bestowed
sovereignty ” (f.293a@; Gul-badan’s H.N. f. 11). oe

_5 Hindi here will represent Rajpit. D’Herbélot’s explanation of the name Qizil-
bash (Red-head) comes in usefully here :—‘‘ KEzEL BASCH or KizIL BASCH. Mot
Ture qui signifie 7¢e rouge. Les Turcs appellent les Persans de ce nom, depuis
qu'Ismaél Sofi, fondateur de la Dynastie des princes qui regnent aujourd’hui en Perse,

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 ro SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 631

under an awning placed some 70-80 g@ris * on my right, of the
begs Yinas-i-‘ali being ordered to sit with them. On my left
the Atizbeg envoys sat in the same way, of the begs ‘Abdu’l-lah
being ordered to sit with them. I sat on the north side of
a newly-erected octagonal pavilion (Zé/ar) covered in with khas ?.
Five or six garis on my right sat Takhta-bigha SI. and ‘Askari,
with Khwaja ‘Abdu’sh-shahid and Khwaja Kalan, descendants of
his Reverence the Khwaja,3 and Khwaja Chishti (var. Husaini),
and Khalifa, together with the Zafizes and mullas dependent on
the Khwajas who had come from Samarkand. Five or six garis
on my left sat Muhammad-i-zaman M. and Tang-atmish Sl. 4
and Sayyid Rafi, Sayyid Rimi, Shaikh Abi’l-fath, Shaikh
Jamali, Shaikh Shihabu’d-din‘A7vaé and Sayyid Dakni(var. Zakni,
Rukni). Before food all the sultans, khans, grandees, and amirs
brought gifts5 of red, of white, of black,® of cloth and various
other goods. They poured the red and white on a carpet I had
ordered spread, and side by side with the gold and silver piled
plenishing, white cotton piece-cloth and purses (dadra) of money.
While the gifts were being brought and before food, fierce camels
and fierce elephants7 were set to fight on an island opposite,®
so too a few rams; thereafter wrestlers grappled. After the

commanda a ses soldats de porter un bonnet rouge autour duquel il y a une écharpe ou
Turban a douze plis, en mémoire et 4 ’honneur des 12 Imams, successeurs d’ Ali,
desquels il prétendoit descendre. Ce bonnet s’appelle en Persan, 7@/, et fut institué
Yan 907¢ de Hég.” Tahmasp himself uses the name Qizil-bash ; Babur does so too.
Other explanations of it are found (Steingass), but the one quoted above suits its use
without contempt. (Cf. f. 354 n.3).

* cir. 140—150ft. or more if the 36in. gari be the unit. :

? Andropogon muricatus, the scented grass of which the roots are fitted into window
spaces and moistened to mitigate dry, hot winds. Cf. Hobson-/Jobson s.n. Cuscuss.

3 A nephew and a grandson of Ahrari’s second son Yahya (f. 3474) who had
stood staunch to Babur till murdered in 906AH.-1500aD. (804). They are likely to
be those to. whom went a copy of the A/udin under cover of a letter addressed to
lawyers of Ma wara’u’n-nahr (f.351n.1). The Khwajas were in Agra three weeks
after Babur finished his metrical version of their ancestor’s Walidiyyah-risdla ;
whether their coming (which must have been announced some time before their
arrival), had part in directing his attention to the tract can only be surmised (f. 346).

4 He was an Aiizbeg (f. 371) and from his association here with a Bai-qara, and,
later with Qasim-i-husain who was half Bai-qara, half Aiizbeg, seems likely to be of
the latter’s family (Index s.772.).

5 sachag kitirdt (kilturdi?) No record survives to tell the motive for this feast ;
perhaps the gifts made to Babur were congratulatory on the birth of a grandson, the
marriage ofa son, and on the generally-prosperous state of his affairs.

© Gold, silver and copper coins.

7 Made so by éhang or other exciting drug.

® aral, presumably one left by the winter-fall of the Jumna ; or, a peninsula.

Fol. 352.

Fol. 3524.

632 HINDUSTAN

chief of the food had been set out, Khwaja ‘Abdu’sh-shahid and

Khwaja Kalan were made to put on surtouts (jabdah) of fine © i

muslin,? spotted with gold-embroidery, and suitable dresses of
honour, and those headed by Mulla Farrikh and Hafiz? had
jackets put onthem. On Kiichtim Khan’s envoy 3 and on Hasan
Chalabi’s younger brother* were bestowed silken head-wear
(dashlig) and gold-embroidered surtouts of fine muslin, with
suitable dresses of honour. Gold-embroidered jackets and silk
coats were presented to the envoys of Abi-sa‘id Sl. (Aazbeg),
of Mihr-ban Khanim and her son Pulad Sl., and of Shah Hasan
(Arghtin). The two Khwajas and the two chief envoys, that is
to say Kicchim Khan’s retainer and Hasan Chaladi’s younger
brother, were presented with a silver stone’s weight of gold and
a gold stone’s weight of silver.

(Author's note on the Turki stone-weight.) The gold stone (¢ash) is 500 misgals,
that is to say, one Kabul stv ; the silver stone is 250 msgals, that is to say, half
a Kabul siv.5

To Khwaja Mir Sultan and his sons, to Hafiz of Tashkint,
to Mulla Farrikh at the head of the Khwajas’ servants, and
also to other envoys, silver and gold were given with a quiver.®
Yadgar-i-nasir7 was presented with a dagger and belt. On Mir

* Scribes and translators have been puzzled here. My guess at the Turki clause is
aurang airalik kish jabbah. In reading muslin, I follow Erskine who worked in

ae and could take local opinion ; moreover gifts made in Agra probably would be
ndian.

2 For one Hafiz of Samarkand see f. 2376.

> Kuchiim was Khaqan of the Aiizbegs and had his seat in Samarkand. One of
his sons, Abii-sa‘id, mentioned below, had. sent envoys. With Abii-sa‘id is named
Mibr-ban who was one of Kiichiim’s wives; Pulad was their son. Mihr-ban was,
I think, a half-sister of Babur, a daughter of ‘Umar Shaikh and Umid of Andijan
(f. 9), and a full-sister of Nasir. No doubt she had been captured on one of the
occasions when Babur lost to the Aiizbegs. In 925AH.-1519AD. (f.2376) when he
sent his earlier Diwan to Pulad Sl. (7rans/lator’s Vote, p. 438) he wrote a verse on its
back which looks to be addressed to his half-sister through her son.

* Tahmasp’s envoy ; the title Chalabi shews high birth,

5 This statement seems to imply that the weight made of silver and the weight made
of gold were of the same size and that the differing specific gravity of the two metals, —
that of silver being cer. 10 and that of gold cév, 20—gave their equivalents the proportion
Babur states. Persian Dictionaries give sang (tash), a weight, but without further
information. We have not found mention of the /ash as a recognized Turki weight;
perhaps the word /dsh stands for an ingot of unworked metal of standard size. (Cf. znter
alios libros, A.-i-A. Blochmann p. 36, Codrington’s Musalman Numismatics p. 117,
concerning the misgal, dinar, etc.)

° tarkash bila,” These words are clear in the Hai. MS. but uncertain in some
others. E. and de C. have no equivalent of them. Perhaps the coins were given by
the quiverful ; that a quiver of arrows was given is not expressed.

’ Babur’s half-nephew ; he seems from his name Keepsake-of-nasir to have been
posthumous.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 to SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 633

Muhammad the raftsman who was deserving of reward for the
excellent bridge he had made over the river Gang (Ganges),!
a dagger was bestowed, so too on the matchlockmen Champion
| pahlawan| Haji Muhammad and Champion Buhlil and on Wali
the cheeta-keeper (Aarschz) ; one was given to Ustad ‘Ali’s son
also. Gold and silver were presented to Sayyid Daud Garm-
sivt. Jackets having buttons,? and silk dresses of honour were
presented to the servants of my daughter Ma‘stma3 and my
son Hind-al. Again :—presents of jackets and silk dresses of
honour, of gold and silver, of plenishing and various goods were
given to those from Andijan, and to those who had come from
Sikh and Hushiar, the places whither we had gone landless and
homeless.+ Gifts of the same kind were given to the servants
of QOurban and Shaikhi and the peasants of Kahmard.5

After food had been sent out, Hindistani players were
ordered to come and show their tricks. Lillis came.® Hindistani
performers shew several feats not shewn by (Tramontane) ones.
One is this :—They arrange seven rings, one on the forehead,
two on the knees, two of the remaining four on fingers, two on
toes, and in an instant set them turning rapidly. Another is
this :—Imitating the port of the peacock, they place one hand
on the ground, raise up the other and both legs, and then in an
instant make rings on the uplifted hand and feet revolve rapidly.
Another is this :—In those (Tramontane) countries two people
grip one another and turn two somersaults, but Hindistani /i/zs,
clinging together, go turning over three or four times. Another
is this :—a /#/z sets the end of a 12 or 14foot pole on his middle
and holds it upright while another climbs up it and does his
tricks up there. Another is this -—A small /#/7 gets up on a big
one’s head, and stands there upright while the big one moves

t 934AH.-1528 ap. (f. 336).

? Or, gold-embroidered.

3 Wife of Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza.

4 These Highlanders of Asfara will have come by invitation sent after the victory at
Panipat ; their welcome shows remembrance of and gratitude for kindness received
a quarter of a century earlier. Perhaps villagers from Dikh-kat will have come too,
who had seen the Padshah run barefoot on their hills (Zzdex s. 27. ).

5 Here gratitude is shewn for protection given in 9IOAH.—1504 AD. to the families of
Babur and his men when on the way to Kabul. Qurban and Shaikhi were perhaps
in Fort Ajar (f. 1224, f. 126).

© Perhaps these acrobats were gipsies.

Fol. 353-

Fol. 3534.

Fol. 354.

634 HINDUSTAN

quickly from side to side shewing his tricks, the little one shewing
his on the big one’s head, quite upright and without tottering. __

Many dancing-girls came also and danced.
A mass of red, white, and black was scattered (sachi/dz) on
which followed amazing noise and pushing. Between the
Evening and Bed-time Prayers I made five or six special people
sit in my presence for over one watch. At the second watch of
the day (9 a.m., Sunday, Rabz' I. 7th) having sat in a boat, I went
to the Eight-Paradises. | |

(dd. ‘Askari starts eastwards.)

(Dec. 20th) On Monday (8th) ‘Askari who had got (his army)
out (of Agra) for the expedition, came to the Hot-bath, took
leave of me and marched for the East.

(ee. A vistt to Dhilpir.)

(Dec. 21st) On Tuesday (Radz‘ IT. oth) 1 went to see the
buildings for a reservoir and well at Dilpir.t I rode from the
(Agra) garden at one watch (pahr) and one gari (9.22 a.m.), and
I entered the Dilpir garden when 5 garis of the Ist night-watch
(pas)? had gone (7.40p.m.).3

(Dec. 23rd) On Thursday the 11th day of the month the
stone-well (sangin-chah), the 26 rock-spouts (¢a@sh-tar-nau) and
rock-pillars (¢ash-sitin), and the water-courses (@rig/ar) cut on
the solid slope ( yak para gia) were all ready.4 At the 3rd watch
(pahr) of this same day preparation for drawing water from the
well was made. On account of a smell (ad) in the water,
it was ordered, for prudence’ sake, that they should turn the
well-wheel without rest for 15 days-and-nights, and so draw off
the water. Gifts were made to the stone-cutters, and labourers,
and the whole body of workmen in the way customary for
master-workmen and wage-earners of Agra.

* This may be the one with which Sayyid Dakni was concerned (f. 346).

* Babur obviously made the distinction between pakr and fas that he uses the first
for day-watches, the second for those of the night.

_ 3 Anglicé, Tuesday, Dec. 21st ; by Muhammadan plan, Wednesday 22nd. Dhilpir
is 34m. s. of Agra ; the journey of Iohrs, 20m. would include the nooning and the
time taken in crossing rivers.

* The well was to fill a cistern ; the 26 spouts with their 26 supports were to take
water into (26?) conduits. Perhaps ¢ésh means that they were hewn in the solid rock ;
perhaps that they were on the outer side of the reservoir. They will not have been
built of hewn stone, or the word would have been sangin or tashdin.

f

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 635

(Dec. 24th) We rode from Dilpir while one gavz of the
Ist watch (pakr) of Friday remained (czr. 8.40a.m.), and we
crossed the river (Jumna) before the Sun had set.

(Here the record of 3 days 1s wanting.) *

(ff. A Persian account of the battle of Jam.)

(Dec. 28th) On Tuesday the 16th of the month (Radz*‘ JZ.)
came one of Div Sl.’s? servants, a man who had been in the fight
between the Qizil-bash and Aiizbeg, and who thus described
it :—The battle between the Aitizbegs and Turkmans 3 took place
on ‘Ashiir-day (Muh. roth) near Jam-and-Khirgird4 They
fought from the first dawn till the Mid-day Prayer. The
Aiizbegs were 300,000; the Turkmans may have been (as is
said?) 40 to 50,000; he said that he himself estimated their
dark mass at 100,000; on the other hand, the Aizbegs said
they themselves were 100,000. The Qizil-bash leader (adam)
fought after arraying cart, culverin and matchlockmen in the
Rimi fashion, and after protecting himself.5 Shah-zada® and
Juha Sl. stood behind the carts with 20,000 good braves. The
rest of the begs were posted right and left beyond the carts.
These the Atizbeg beat at once on coming up, dismounted and

* One occupation of these now blank days is indicated by the date of the ‘‘ Rampur
Diwan”, Thursday Rabi‘ II. 15th (Dec. 27th).

2 The demon (or, athlete) sultan of Rumelia (Xml) ; once Tahmasp’s guardian
( Taszkirat-i-Tahmdasp, Bib. Ind. ed. Phillott, p.2). Some writers say he was put to
death by Tahmasp (@¢. 12) in 933AH. ; if this were so, it is strange to find a servant
described as his in 935AH. (An account of the battle is given in the Sharaf-nama,
written in 1005 AH. by Sharaf Khan who was reared in Tahmfasp’s house. The book
has been edited by Veliaminof-Zernof and translated into French by Charmoy ; cf.
Trs. vol. ii, part i, p. 555.—. Beveridge.)

3 This name, used by one who was with the Shah’s troops, attracts attention ; it
may show the composition of the Persian army ; it may differentiate between the
troops and their ‘‘ Qizil-bash leader”.

4 Several writers give Sarii-qamsh (Charmoy, voseau jaune) as the name of the
village where the battle was fought; Sharaf Khan gives ‘Umarabad and mentions
that after the fight Tahmasp spent some time in the meadow of Sari-qamsh.

5 The number of Tahmasp’s guns being a matter of interest, reference should be
made to Babur’s accounts of his own battles in which he arrayed in Rimi (Ottoman)
fashion ; it will then be seen that the number of carts does not imply the number of
guns (Index s.7. araba, cart).

© This cannot but represent Tahmasp who was on the battle-field (see his own story
infra). He was 14 years old; perhaps he was called Shah-zada, and not Shah, on
account of his youth, or because under guardianship (?). Readers of the Persiar
histories of his reign may know the reason. Babur hitherto has always called the boy
Shah-zada ; after the victory at Jam, he styleshim Shah. Jiha Sl]. (7a4/é) who was
with him on the field, was Governor of Ispahan.

Fol. 3540.

636 HINDUSTAN

overcame many, making all scurry off. He then wheeled to the
(Qizil-bash) rear and took loot in camel and baggage. Atlength —
those behind the carts loosed the chains and came out. Het

also the fight was hard. Thrice they flung the Atizbeg back ;
by God’s grace they beat him. Nine sultans, with Kichim
Khan, ‘Ubaid Khan and Abi-sa‘id Sl. at their head, were
captured ; one, Abii-sa‘id Sl. is said to be alive; the rest have
gone to death! ‘Ubaid Khan’s body was found, but not his
head. Of Atizbegs 50,000, and of Turkmans 20,000 were slain.? |

(Here matter seems to have been lost.) 3
(gg. Plan of campaign.) |
(Dec. 30th) On this same day (Thursday Radz‘ //, 78th) came

Ghiagu’d-din the armourer + who had gone to Jina-pir (Jinpir)
with tryst of 16 days,5 but, as Sl. Junaid and the rest had led

* If this Persian account of the battle be in its right place in Babur’s diary, it is

singular that the narrator should be so ill-informed at a date allowing facts to be — ¥
known ; the three sultans he names as killed escaped to die, Kichim in 937AH.—

1530 AD., Abii-sa‘id in 940 AH.—1I533AD., ‘Ubaid in 946AH.—1539AD. (Lane-
Poole’s Muhammadan Dynasties). It would be natural for Babur to comment on the
mistake, since envoys from two of the sultans reported killed, were in Agra. There
had been time for the factsto be known: the battle was fought on Sep. 26th ; the
news of it was in Agra on Nov. 23rd; envoys from both adversaries were at Babur’s
entertainment on Dec. 19th. From this absence of comment and for the reasons
indicated in note 3 (fra), it appears that matter has been lost from the text.

* Tahmasp’s account of the battle is as follows (7.-2- 7. p. 11) :—‘*‘ I marched against
the Atizbegs. The battle took place outside Jam. At the first onset, Atizbeg

prevailed over Qizil-bash. Ya‘qiib Sl. fled and Sl. Walama 7aA/# and other officers oh

of the right wing were defeated and put to flight. Putting my trust in God, I prayed ~
and advanced some paces. . . . One of my body-guard getting up with ‘Ubaid struck
him with a sword, passed on, and occupied himself with another. Qiulij Bahadur and
other Atizbegs carried off the wounded ‘Ubaid ; Kichkianji (Kichim) Khan and
Jani Khan Beg, when they became aware of this state of affairs, fled to Merv. Men
who had fled from our army rejoined us that day. That night I spent on the barren
plain (sahra’). I did not know what had happened to ‘Ubaid. I thought perhaps
they were devising some stratagem against me.” The ‘A.-‘A. says that ‘Ubaid’s
assailant, on seeing his low stature and contemptible appearance, left him for a more
worthy foe.

3 Not only does some comment from Babur seem needed onan account of deaths he
knew had not occurred, but loss of matter may be traced by working backward from
his next explicit date (Friday 19¢k), to do which shows fairly well that the ‘‘same
day” will be not Tuesday the 16th but Thursday the 18th. Ghiasu’d-din’s reception
was on the day preceding Friday 19th, so that part of Thursday’s record (as shewn
by ‘on this same day ”), the whole of Wednesday’s, and (to suit an expected comment
by Babur on the discrepant story of the Auzbeg deaths) part of Tuesday’s are missing.
The gap may well have contained mention of Hasan Chaladi’s coming (f. 357), or
explain why he had not been at the feast with his younger brother.

* gurchi, perhaps body-guard, life-guardsman.

® As on f. 350 (9.v. p. 628 n. 1) atin alti gunluk biiljar (or, m: jar) bila.

935 AH.—SEP. 151rH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 637

out their army for Kharid,t he (Ghiasu’d-din) was not able to be
back at the time fixed.? Sl. Junaid said, by word-of-mouth,
“Thank God! through His grace, no work worth the Padshah’s
attention has shewn itself in these parts ; if the honoured Mirza
(‘Askari) come, and if the sultans, khans and amirs here-abouts
be ordered to move in his steps, there is hope that everything in
these parts will be arranged with ease.” Though such was Sl.
Junaid’s answer, yet, as people were saying that Mulla Muhammad
Mazhab, who had been sent as envoy to Bengal after the Holy-
battle with Sanga the Pagan,3 would arrive today or tomorrow,
his news also was awaited.

(Dec. 31st) On Friday the 19th of the month I had eaten
majun and was sitting with a special few in the private house,
when Mulla Mazhab who had arrived late, that is to say, in the
night of Saturday,t came and waited on me. By asking one
particular after another, we got to know that the attitude of the
Bengali 5 was understood to be loyal and single-minded.

( Jan. 2nd) On Sunday (Radé JT, 21st), 1 summoned the Turk
and Hind amirs to the private house, when counsel was taken
and the following matters were brought forward:—As the
Bengali (Nasrat Shah) has sent us an envoy ® and is said to be
loyal and single-minded, to go to Bengal itself would be
improper ; if. the move be not on Bengal, no other place on that
side has treasure helpful for the army ; several places to the west
are both rich and near,

(Zurkz) Abounding wealth, a pagan people, a short road ;
Far though the East lie, this is near.

At length the matter found settlement at this :—As our westward
road is short, it will be all one if we delay a few days, so that
our minds may be at ease about the East. Again Ghiasu’d-din
the armourer was made to gallop off, with tryst of 20 days,” to

* A sub-division of the Ballia district of the United Provinces, on the right bank of
the Ghogra.

? z.e. in 16days; he was 24 or 25 days away.

3 The envoy had been long in returning ; Kanwa was fought in March, 1527; it is
now the end of 1528 ap.

4 Rabi‘ II. 20th—January Ist 1529AD. ; Anglicé, Friday, after 6p.m.

5 This “‘ Bengali” is territorial only ; Nasrat Shah was a Sayyid’s son (f. 271).

© Isma ‘il Mita (f. 357) who will have come with Mulla Mazhab.

7 mi‘ad, cf. f.3506 and f.3544. Ghiasu’d-din may have been a body-guard.

43

Fol. 355.

Fol. 3556.

Fol. 356.

638 HINDUSTAN

convey written orders to the eastern amirs for all the sultans, —
khans, and amirs who had assembled in “Askari’s presence, to
move against those rebels.‘ The orders delivered, he was to
return by the trysted day with what ever news there might be.

(hh. Baliichi incursions.)

In these days Muhammadi Kikildash made dutiful representa-
tion that again Baliichis had come and overrun several places.
Chin-timiir Sl. was appointed for the business ; he was to gather
to his presence the amirs from beyond Sihrind and Samana
and with them, equipped for 6 months, to proceed against the
Balichis; namely, such amirs as ‘Adil Sultan, Sl. Muh. Da/dai,
Khusrau Kikildash, Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang, ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz
the Master-of-the-horse, Sayyid ‘Ali, Wali Qizil, Qaracha, Halahil,
‘Ashiq the House-steward, Shaikh ‘Ali, Kitta (Beg Kuhbur), Gujir
Khan, Hasan ‘Ali Sizvddz. These were to present themselves at —
the Sultan’s call and muster and not to transgress his word by road
or in halt.2, The messenger 3 appointed to carry these orders was
‘Abdu’l-ghaffar ; he was to deliver them first to Chin-timir Sl, —
then to go on and shew them to the afore-named begs who were
to present themselves with their troops at whatever place the
Sultan gave rendezvous (d#/7ar) ;+ ‘Abdu’l-ghaffar himself was
to remain with the army and was to make dutiful representation
of slackness or carelessness if shewn by any person soever ; this
done, we should remove the offender from the circle of the
approved (muwapjah-jirgast) and from his country or fargana.
These orders having been entrusted to ‘Abdu’l-ghaffar, words-
of-mouth were made known to him and he was given leave to go.

(The last explicit date ts a week back.)

z Lidi Afghans and their friends, including Biban and Bayazid.
yullig térali hs Memoirs, p. 398, ‘*should act in every respect in perfect conformity
to his commands” ; A/émoires ii, 379, ‘‘chacun suivant son rang et sa dignité.”

* tawachi. Babur’s uses of this word support Erskine in saying that ‘‘ the sawacht J

is an officer who corresponds very nearly to the Turkish chawush, or special messenger”
(Zenker, p. 346, col. iii) ‘* but he was also often employed to act as a commissary for
providing men and stores, as a commissioner in superintending important affairs, as
an aide-de-camp in carrying orders, etc.”

* Here the Hai. MS. has the full-vowelled form, 42/jar. Judging from what that
Codex writes, i/jar may be used for a rendezvous of troops, m.ljar or b:ar for any
other kind of tryst (f. 350, p. 628 n.1; Index s. nn.), also for a shelter.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 to SEP. 5ruH 1529 AD. 639

(zz. News of the loss of Bthar reaches Dhilpir.)

(Jan. 9th) On the eve of Sunday the 28th of the month
(Raébz‘ IT.) we crossed the Jin (Jumna) at the 6th gavz of the
3rd watch (2.15 a.m.) and started for the Lotus-garden of Dilpir.
The 3rd watch was near * (Sunday mid-day) when we reached it.
Places were assigned on the border of the garden, where begs
and the household might build or make camping-grounds for
themselves.

( Jan. 13th) On Thursday the 3rd of the first Jumada, a place
was fixed in the s.e. of the garden for a Hot-bath ; the ground
was to be levelled ; I ordered a plinth (?) (Aursz) erected on the
levelled ground, and a Bath to be arranged, in one room of which
was to be a reservoir 10 X IO,

On this same day Khalifa sent from Agra dutiful letters of
Qazi Jia and Bir-sing Deo, saying it had been heard said that
Iskandar’s son Mahmid (ZLadz) had taken Bihar (town). This
news decided for getting the army to horse.

(Jan. 14th) On Friday (/umada I. 4th), we rode out from the
Lotus-garden at the 6th gavz (8.15 a.m.) ; at the Evening Prayer
we reached Agra. We met Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza on the
road who would have gone to Dilpir, Chin-timir also who must
have been coming into Agra.?

(Jan. 15th) On Saturday (5¢%) the counselling begs having
been summoned, it was settled to ride eastwards on Thursday
_the loth of the month (/az. 27s).

(77. News of Badakhshén.)

On this same Saturday letters came from Kabul with news
that Humayin, having mustered the army on that side (Tra-
montana), and joined SI. Wais to himself, had set out with
40,000 men for Samarkand ;3 on this Sl. Wais’ younger brother

7 yawishiib aidi, which I translate in accordance with other uses of the verb, as
meaning approach, but is taken by some other workers to mean ‘‘ near its end”’.

? Though it is not explicitly said, Chin-timur may have been met with on the road ;
as the “‘also” (ham) suggests.

3 To the above news the 4éar-ndma adds the important item reported by Humayin,
that there was talk of peace. Babur replied that, if the time for negotiation were not
past, Humayiin was to make peace until such time as the affairs of Hindistin were
cleared off. This is followed in the A.N. by a seeming quotation from Babur’s letter,
saying in effect that he was about to leave Hindistan, and that his followers in Kabul
and Tramontana must prepare for the expedition against Samarkand which would be
made on his own arrival. None of the above matter is now with the Babur-ndma ;

Fol. 3568.

Fol. 357.

640 HINDUSTAN

Shah-qiili goes and enters Hisar, Tarstin Muhammad leaves
Tirmiz, takes Qabadian and asks for help; Humayin sends
Tilik Kikildash and Mir Khwurd * with many of his men and
what Mughiils there were, then follows himself.

(Here 4 days record ts wanting.)

(kk. Babur starts for the East.) /

(Jan. 20th) On Thursday the 10th of the first Jumada, I set
out for the East after the 3rd gavz (cir. 7.10a.m.), crossed Jin
by boat a little above Jalisir, and went to the Gold-scattering-
garden.3 It was ordered that the standard (¢#gh), drum, stable
and all the army-folk should remain on the other side of the
water, opposite to the garden, and that persons coming for an
interview + should cross by boat.

(4. Arrivals.)

(Jan. 22nd) On Saturday (72th) Isma‘l Mita, the Bengal
envoy brought the Bengali’s offering (Nasrat Shah’s), and waited
on me in Hindistan fashion, advancing to within an arrow’s
flight, making his reverence, and retiring. They then put on him
the due dress of honour (442Zat) which people call * * * *5, and

either it was there once, was used by Abi’l-fazl and lost before the Persian trss. were
made; or Abii’l-fazl used Babur’s original, or copied, letter itself. That desire for
peace prevailed is shewn by several matters :—Tahmasp, the victor, asked and obtained
the hand of an Aiizbeg in marriage ; Aiizbeg envoys came to Agra, and with them Turk
Khwajas having a mission likely to have been towards peace (f. 3574); Babur’s wish
for peace is shewn above and on f. 359 in a summarized letter to Humayin. (Cf. Abi’l-
ghazi’s Shajarat-i- Turk | Histoire des Mongols, Désmaisons’ trs. p. 216]; Akbar-nama,
H.B.’s trs. i, 270.) a
A here-useful slip of reference is made by the translator of the 424ar-nama (/.¢. n. 3)
tothe Fragment (A/émoires ii, 456) instead of to the Babur-ndama translation (Mémoires
ii, 381). The utility of the slip lies in its accompanying comment that de C.’s translation
is in closer agreement with the Abar-ndma than with Babur’s words. Thus the
Akbar-ndma passage is brought into comparison with what it is now safe to regard as
its off-shoot, through Turki and French, in the Fragment. When the above comment

on their resemblance was made, we were less assured than now as to the genesis of

the Fragment (Index s.. Fragment).

* Hind-al’s guardian (G. B.’s Humadyin-nama trs. p. 106, n.1).

* Nothing more about Humiayin’s expedition is found in the B.N.; he left
Badakhshan a few months later and arrived in Agra, after his mother (f. 380d), at a date
in August of which the record is wanting.

Sunder 6m. from Agra. Gul-badan (f. 16) records a visit to the garden, during
which her father said he was weary of sovereignty. Cf. f.3314, p. 589 n. 2.

4 kitrnish kilkin kishilar.

5 MSS. vary or are indecisive as to the omitted word. Iam unable to fill the gap.
Erskine has *‘ Sir AMawineh (or hair-twist) ” (p. 399), De Courteille, Szr-mouineh

ye ras Miina means ermine, sable and other fine fur (Shamszwl-lighat, p 274,

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1258 To SEP. 51H 1529 AD. 641

brought him before me. He knelt thrice in our fashion, advanced,
handed Nasrat Shah's letter, set before me the offering he had
brought, and retired.

(Jan. 24th) On Monday (74th) the honoured Khwaja ‘Abdu’l
-haqq having arrived, I crossed the water by boat, went to his
tents and waited on him."

(Jan. 25th) On Tuesday (757k) Hasan Chalabi arrived and
waited on me.?

(mm. Incidents of the eastward march.)

On account of our aims (cha@pdiig) for the army,3 some days
were spent in the Char-bagh.

(Jan. 27th) On Thursday the 17th of the month, that ground
was left after the 3rd gavz (7.10a.m.), I going by boat. It was
dismounted 7 kurohs (14 m.) from Agra, at the village of Anwar.4

(Jan. 30th) On Sunday (/umdada TI. 20th), the Atizbeg envoys
were given their leave. To Kiichtim Khan’s envoy Amin Mirza
were presented a dagger with belt, cloth of gold,5 and 70,000
tankas.© Abii-sa‘id’s servant Mulla Taghai and the servants of Fol. 3574.
Mihr-ban Khanim and her son Pilad Sl. were made to put on
dresses of honour with gold-embroidered jackets, and were
presented also with money in accordance with their station.

( Jan. 31st?) Next morning? (Jonday 21st?) leave was given to
Khwaja ‘Abdu’l-haqq for stay in Agra and to Khwaja Yahya’s

* His brother Hazrat Makhdimi Nira (Khwaja Khawand Mahmiid) is much
celebrated by Haidar Mirza, and Babur describes his own visit in the words he uses of
the visit of an inferior to himself. Cf. Zarikh-i-rashidi trs. pp. 395, 478; Axkbar-
nama trs., i, 356, 360.

? No record survives of the arrival of this envoy or of why he was later in coming
than his brother who was at Babur’s entertainment. Cf. f. 3614.

3 Presumably this refers to the appliances mentioned on f. 3506.

4 f. 332, n.3.

5 sarbaft m:l:k. Amongst gold stuffs imported into Hindistan, Abii’1-fazl mentions
milak which may be Babur’s cloth. It came from Turkistan (A.-i-A. Blochmann,
p. 92 and n.).

° A tang is a small silver coin of the value of about a penny (Erskine).

7 tanglasi, lit. at its dawning. It is not always clear whether /amg/ast means,
Anglicé, next dawn or day, which here would be Monday, or whether it stands for
the dawn (daylight) of the Muhammadan day which had begun at 6p.m. on the previous
evening, hereSunday. When Babur records, e.g. a late audience, /amg/asi, following,
will stand for the daylight of the day of audience. The point is of some importance
as bearing on discrepancies of days, as these are stated in MSS., with European
calendars ; it is conspicuously so in Babur’s diary sections.

Fol. 358°

642 HINDUSTAN

grandson Khwaja Kalan for Samarkand, who had come by way
of a mission from Aiizbeg khans and sultans.*

In congratulation on the birth of Humayiin’s son and Kamran’s
marriage, Mulla Tabrizi and Mirza Beg Taghai? were sent with
gifts (sdachag) to each Mirza of 10,000 shahrukhis, a coat I had
worn, and a belt with clasps. Through Mulla Bihishti were
sent to Hind-al an inlaid dagger with belt, an inlaid ink-stand,
a stool worked in mother-o’pearl, a tunic and a girdle, together
with the alphabet of the Baburi script and fragments (gzta‘/ar)
written in that script. To Humayin were sent the translation
(tarjuma) and verses made in Hindistan.4 To Hind-al and
Khwaja Kalan also the translation and verses were sent. They
were sent too to Kamran, through Mirza Beg Taghai, together
with head-lines (sav-khat) in the Baburi script.5

(Feb. rst) On Tuesday, after writing letters to be taken by
those going to Kabul, the buildings in hand at Agra and Dalpar
were recalled to mind, and entrusted to the charge of Mulla
Oasim, Ustad Shah Muhammad the stone-cutter, Mirak, Mir Ghias,
Mir Sang-tarash (stone-cutter) and Shah Baba the spadesman.
Their leave was then given them.

(Feb. 2nd) The first watch (6a.m.) was near ® when we rode
out from Anwar (Wednesday, Jumada I, 23rd); in the end,? we
dismounted, at the Mid-day Prayer, in the village of Abapir, one
kuroh (2m.) from Chandawar.®

(Feb. 3rd) On the eve of Thursday (24¢h)9 ‘Abdu’l-malik
the armourer’® was joined with Hasan Cha/adi and sent as envoy

2 <gtee tarigi bila ; their special mission may have been to work for peace (f. 3594,

n. I).

* He may well be Kamran’s father-in-law Sl.‘ Ali Mirza Taghai Begchik.

3 nimcha u takband. The tak-band is a silk or woollen girdle fastening with
a “‘hook and eye” (Steingass), perhaps with a buckle.

* This description is that of the contents of the ‘‘ Rampur Diwan” ; the tarjuma
being the Walidiyyah-risdla (f. 361 and n.). What is said here shows that four copies
went to Kabul or further north. Cf. Appendix Q. ;

5 Sar-khat may mean ‘‘ copies” set for Kamran to imitate.

° bir pahr yawiishib aidi ; 1.0. 215 f.221, garib yak pas voz bid.
< anne a word which may reveal a bad start and uncertainty as to when and where

o halt.
a This, and not Chandwar (f. 3314), appears the correct form. Neither this place nor
Abapir is mentioned in the G. of I.’s Index or shewn in the I.S. Mapof 1900(ef. f. 3316

n. 3). Chandawar lies s.w. of Firizabad, and near a village called Sufipir.
® Anglicé, Wednesday after 6p.m.,
*° or life-guardsman, body-guard.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 643

to the Shah* ; and Chapiiq ? was joined with the Atizbeg envoys
and sent to the Atizbeg khans and sultans.

We moved from Abapiir while 4 garis of the night remained
(4.30a.m.). After passing Chandawar at the top of the dawn,
I got into a boat. I landed in front of Rapriand at the Bed-time
Prayer got to the camp which was at Fathpir.3

(Feb. 4th and 5th) Having stayed one day (Frzday) at Fathpir,
we got to horse on Saturday (26¢/) after making ablution (waz)
at dawn. We went through the Morning Prayer in assembly near
Rapri, Maulana Muhammad of Farab beingtheleader(zmam). At
sun-rise I got into a boat below the great crook4 of Rapri.

Today I put together a line-marker (s7star) of eleven lines 5
in order to write the mixed hands of the translation.© Today

* This higher title for Tahmasp, which first appears here in the B.N., may be an
early slip in the Turki text, since it occurs in many MSS. and also because ‘* Shah
-zada”’ reappears on f. 359.

2 Slash-face, balafré; perhaps Ibrahim Begchik (Index s.z.), but itis long since he
was mentioned by Babur, at least by name. He may however have come, at this time
of reunion in Agra, with Mirza Beg Taghai (his uncle or brother ?), father-in-law of
Kamran.

3 The army will have kept to the main road connecting the larger towns mentioned
and avoiding the ravine district of the Jumna. What the boat-journey will have been
between high banks and round remarkable bends can be learned from the G. of I. and
Neave’s District Gazetteer of Mainpiri. Rapri is on the road from Firizabad to the
ferry for Bateswar, where a large fair is held annually. (It is misplaced further east
in the I.S. Map of 1900.) There are two Fathpirs, n.e. of Rapri.

4 auligh tighdining tabi. Here it suits to take the Turki word ¢#ghdi to mean
bend of a river, and as referring to the one shaped (on the map) like a soda-water
bottle, its neck close to Rapri. Babur avoided it by taking boat below its mouth.—
In neither Persian translation has ¢#ghai been read to mean a bend of a river ; the
first has az pdyan riiia Rapri, perhaps referring to the important ford (Jaya) ; the
second has az sir bulandi kalin Rapri, perhaps referring toa height at the meeting of
the bank of the ravine down which the road to the ford comes, with the high bank
of the river. Three examples of ¢#ghdi or tagai [a synonym given by Dictionaries],
can be seen in Abi’ l-ghazi’s Shajrat-i-Turk, Fraehn’s imprint, pp. 106, 107, I19
(Désmaisons’ trs. pp. 204, 205, 230). In each instance Désmaisons renders it by
coude, elbow, but one of the examples may need reconsideration, since the word has
the further meanings of wood, dense forest by the side of a river (Vambéry), prairie
(Zenker), and reedy plain (Shaw).

5 Blochmann describes the apparatus for marking lines to guide writing (A.-i-A.
trs. p.52 n.5) :—On a card of the size of the page to be written on, two vertical lines
are drawn within an inch of the edges; along these lines small holes are pierced at
regular intervals, and through these a string is laced backwards and forwards, care
being taken that the horizontal strings are parallel. Over the lines of string the pages
are placed and pressed down ; the strings then mark the paper sufficiently to guide the
writing.

° tarkib (ning) khati bila tarjuma bitir aiichiin. The Rampir Diwan may supply
the explanation of the uncertain words ¢arkib khati. The “‘ translation” (4ax7uma),
mentioned in the passage quoted above, is the Walidiyyah-risala, the first item of the
Diwan, in which it is entered on crowded pages, specially insufficient for the larger
hand of the chapter-headings. The number of lines per page is 13; Babur now

Fol. 358¢.

644 HINDUSTAN

the words of the honoured man-of-God admonished my
heart.*

(Feb. 6th) Opposite Jakin,? one of the Rapri parganas, we
had the boats drawn to the bank and just spent the night in
them. We had them moved on from that place before the dawn
(Sunday 27th), after having gone through the Morning Prayer.
When I was again on board, Pay-master S]. Muhammad came,
bringing a servant of Khwaja Kalan, Shamsu’d-din Muhammad,
from whose letters and information particulars about the affairs of
Kabul became known.3 Mahdi Khwaja also came when I was in
the boat. At the Mid-day Prayer I landed ina garden opposite
Etawa, there bathed (ghus/) in the Jin, and fulfilled the duty of
prayer. Moving nearer towards Etawa, we sat down in that
same garden under trees on a height over-looking the river, and
there set the braves to amuse us.5 Food ordered by Mahdi
Khwaja, was set before us. At the Evening Prayer we crossed
the river ; at the bed-time one we reached camp.

There was a two or three days’ delay on that ground both to
collect the army, and to write letters in answer to those brought
by Shamsu’d-din Muhammad.

(un. Letters various.)

(Feb. 9th) On Wednesday the last day (3o¢h) of the Ist Jumada,
we marched from Etawa, and after doing 8furohs (16m.), dis-
mounted at Miri-and-Adisa.®

fashions a line-marker for 11. He has already despatched 4 copies of the translation
(f. 3574); he will have judged them unsatisfactory; hence to give space for the
mixture of hands (¢arkid khati), z.e. the smaller hand of the poem and the larger of
the headings, he makes an 11 line marker.

* Perhaps Ahrari’s in the Walidiyyah-risala, perhaps those of Muhammad. A
sara a ag the Rampir Diwan connects with this admonishment [Plate xiva, 2nd
quatrain].

* Jakhan (G. of Mainpiiri). The G. of Etawa (Drake-Brockman) p. 213, gives this
as some 18m. n.w. of Etawa and as lying amongst the ravines of the Jumna.

3 f. 3596 allows some of the particulars to be known.

* Mahdi may have come to invite Babur to the luncheon he served shortly after-
wards. The Hai. MS. gives him the honorific plural; either a second caller was
with him or an early scribe has made a slip, since Babur never so-honours Mahdi. This
small point touches the larger one of how Babur regarded him, and this in connection
with the singular story Nizimu’d-din Ahmad tells in his 7% abagat-t-akbari about
Khalifa’s wish to supplant Humayiin by Mahdi Khwaja (Index s.27.).

° yigitlarni shokhliggha saldig, perhaps set them to make fun. Cf. f. 366, yigitlar bir

para shokhlig gildilar. Muh. Shirazi (p. 323 foot) makes the startling addition of dar

ab (andakhtim), 7.¢. he says that the royal party flung the braves into the river.
.. The Gazetteer of Etawa (Drake-Brockman) p. 186, s.2. Baburpir, writes of two
village sites [which from their position are Miuri-and-Adiisa], as known by the name

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 TO SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 645

Several remaining letters for Kabul were written on this same
ground. One to Humayiin was to this purport :—If the work
have not yet been done satisfactorily, stop the raiders and thieves
thyself; do not let them embroil the peace now descending
amongst the peoples. Again, there was this :—I have made
Kabul a crown-domain, let no son of mine covet it. Again :—that
I had summoned Hind-al.

Kamran, for his part, was written to about taking the best of
care in intercourse with the Shah-zada,? about my bestowal on
himself of Multan, making Kabul a crown-domain, and the coming
of my family and train.3

As my letter to Khwaja Kalan makes several particulars
known, it is copied in here without alteration :—*

[Copy OF A LETTER TO KHWAJA KALAN.]

“ After saying ‘Salutation to Khwaja Kalan’, the first matter
is that Shamsu’d-din Muhammad has reached Etawa, and that
the particulars about Kabul are known.”

“Boundless and infinite is my desire to go to those parts.5
Matters are coming to some sort of settlement in Hindistan ;
there is hope, through the Most High, that the work here will soon
bearranged. This work brought to order, God willing ! my start
will be made at once.”

“How should a person forget the pleasant things of those
countries, especially one who has repented and vowed to sin no
more? How should he banish from his mind the permitted
flavours of melons and grapes? Taking this opportunity,°

Sarai Baburpir from having been Babur’s halting-place. They are 24m. to the s.e. of
Etawa, on the old road for Kalpi. Near the name Baburpir in the Gazetteer Map
there is Muhuri (Miri ?) ; there is little or no doubt that Sarai Baburpir represents the
camping-ground Miri-and-Adiisa.

* This connects with Kitin-gara’s complaints of the frontier-begs (f. 361), and with
the talk of peace (f. 3564).

? This injunction may connect with the desired peace ; it will have been prompted
by at least a doubt in Babur’s mind as to Kamran’s behaviour perhaps e.g. in manifested
dislike for a Shia‘. Concerning the style Shah-zada see f. 358, p. 643, n. I.

3 Kamran’s mother Gul-rukh Aegchik will have been of the party who will have
tried in Kabul to forward her son’s interests.

4 f. 348, p. 624, n. 2.

5 Kabul and Tramontana.

° Presumably that of Shamsu’d-din Muhammad’s mission. One of Babur’s couplets
expresses longing for the fruits, and also for the ‘‘ running waters”, of lands other
than Hindistan, with conceits recalling those of his English contemporaries in verse,
as indeed do several others of his short poems (Rampur Diwan Plate xvii A.).

e

Fol, 359.

Fol, 3594.

Fol, 360,

646 HINDUSTAN

a melon was brought to me; to cut andeatit affected me strangely ;
I was all tears!”

“ The unsettled state’ of Kabul had already been written of
tome. After thinking matters over, my choice fell on this :-—
How should a country hold together and be strong (marbut
u maszbut), if it have seven or eight Governors? Under this
aspect of the affair, I have summoned my elder sister (Khan-
zada) and my wives to Hindistan, have made Kabul and its
neighbouring countries a crown-domain, and have written in
this sense to both Humayiinand Kamran. Leta capable person
take those letters to the Mirzas. As you may know already, I had
written earlier to them with the same purport. About the safe-
guarding and prosperity of the country, there will now be no
excuse, and not a word to say. Henceforth, if the town-wall ?
be not solid or subjects not thriving, if provisions be not in store
or the Treasury not full, it will all be laid on the back of the
inefficiency of the Pillar-of-the State.” 3

“ The things that must be done are specified below ; for some
of them orders have gone already, one of these being, ‘ Let
treasure accumulate.’ Thethingswhich must be done are these :—
First, the repair of the fort ; again :—the provision of stores ;
again :—the daily allowance and lodging+ of envoys going back-
wards and forwards5; again :—let money, taken legally from
revenue,° be spent for building the Congregational Mosque;
again :—the repairs of the Karwan-sara (Caravan-sarai) and the
Hot-baths ; again :—the completion of the unfinished building
made of burnt-brick which Ustad Hasan ‘Ali was constructing in
the citadel. Let this work be ordered after taking counsel with
Ustad SI. Muhammad ; if a design exist, drawn earlier by Ustad

* Hai. MS. a marbitlighi ; so too the 2nd Pers. trs. but the Ist writes wazrani
u harabi which suits the matter of defence.
* gurghan, walled-town ; from the mazbat following, the defences are meant.

* vis. Governor Khwaja Kalan, on whose want of dominance his sovereign makes
good-natured reflection,

4 ‘alifau ginal ; cf. 3648.

5 Following ailcht (envoys) there is in the Hai. MS. and in I.O. 217 a doubtful
word, biimla, yiimla ; 1.0. 215 (which contains a Persian trs. of the letter) is obscure,
Ilminsky changes the wording slightly ; Erskine has a free translation. Perhaps it is
yaumi, daily, misplaced (see above).

° Perhaps, endow the Mosque so as to leave no right of property in its revenues to
their donor, here Babur. Cf. Hughes’ Dict. of Islims.nn. shari‘*, masjid and wagf.

TM

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 647

Hasan ‘Ali, let Ustad Sl. Muhammad finish the building precisely
according to it ; if not, let him do so, after making a gracious and
harmonious design, and in such a way that its floor shall be level
with that of the Audience-hall; again :—the Khwurd-Kabul
dam which is to hold up the But-khak-water at its exit from the
Khwurd-Kabul narrows; again :—the repair of the Ghazni
dam‘; again :—the Avenue-garden in which water is short and
for which a one-mill stream must be diverted ?; again:—I had
water brought from Titiim-dara to rising ground south-west of
Khwaja Basta, there made a reservoir and planted young trees.
The place got the name of Belvedere,3 because it faces the ford
and gives a first-rate view. The best of young trees must be
planted there, lawns arranged, and borders set with sweet-herbs
and with flowers of beautiful colour and scent ; again :—Sayyid
Oasim has been named to reinforce thee; again :—do not neglect
the condition of matchlockmen and of Ustad Muhammad Amin
the armourer*; again :—directly this letter arrives, thou must get
my elder sister (Khan-zada Begim) and my wives right out of
Kabul, and escort them to Nil-ab. However averse they may still
be, they most certainly must start within a week of the arrival of
this letter. For why? Both because the armies which have gone
from Hindiistanto escort them are suffering hardship in a cramped
place (tar yirda), and also because they 5 are ruining the country.”

“Again :—I made it clear in a letter written to ‘Abdu’l-lah
Casas), that there had been very great confusion in my mind

(dighdugha), to counterbalance being in the oasis (wadz) of

penitence. This quatrain was somewhat dissuading (manz‘) :—®

* f.139. Khwaja Kalan himself had taken from Hindistan the money for repairing
this dam.

2 sapgun alip ; the 2nd Pers. trs. as if from satgun alip, kharida, purchasing.

3 mazar-gah, perhaps, theatre, as showing the play enacted at the ford. Cf. ff. 137,
236, 2484. Titin-dara will be Masson’s Tiitam-dara. Erskine locates Titin- Sra
some 8 os (16m.) n.w. of Hipian (Upian). Masson shews that it was a charming
place ( Journeys in Biluchistan, Afghanistan and the Panj-ab, vol. iii, cap. vi and vii).

4 jibachi. Babur’s injunction seems to refer to the maintaining of the corps and the
manufacture of armour rather than to care for the individual men involved.

5 Either the armies in Nil-ab, or the women in the Kabul-country (f. 375).

© Perhaps what Babur means is, that both what he had said to ‘Abdu’l-lah and
what the quatrain expresses, are dissuasive from repentance. Erskine writes (Mems.
p. 403) but without textual warrant, ‘‘I had resolution enough to persevere”; de
Courteille (AZems. ii, 390), ‘‘ Voici un quatrain gui exprime au juste les difficultés de
ma position.”

Fol. 3608,

Fol. 361.

648 HINDUSTAN

Through renouncement of wine bewildered am I ;
How to work know I not, so distracted am I ;
While others repent and make vow to abstain,

I have vowed to abstain, and repentant am I.

A witticism of Banai’s came back to my mind :—One day when
he had been joking in ‘Ali-sher Beg’s presence, who must have
been wearing a jacket with buttons, “Ali-sher Beg said, ‘Thou
makest charming jokes ; but for the buttons, I would give thee
the jacket; they are the hindrance (manz‘).’ Said Bandai, ‘What
hindrance are buttons? It is button-holes (7#édagz) that hinder.’ ?
Let responsibility for this story lie on the teller! hold me excused
for it ; for God’s sake do not be offended by it.3 Again :—that
quatrain was made before last year, and in truth the longing and
craving for a wine-party has been infinite and endless for two
years past, so much so that sometimes the craving for wine
brought me to the verge of tears. Thank God! this year that
trouble has passed from my mind, perhaps by virtue of the
blessing and sustainment of versifying the translation. Do thou
also renounce wine! If had with equal associates and boon-
companions, wine and company are pleasant things; but with
whom canst thou now associate? with whom drink wine? Ifthy
boon-companions are Sher-i-ahmad and Haidar-quli, it should
not be hard for thee to forswear wine. So much said, I salute
thee and long to see thee.” 5

The above letter was written on Thursday the Ist of the latter
Jumada (Fed. roth). It affected me greatly to write concerning

* The surface retort seems connected with the jacket, perhaps with a request for

the gift of it.
_ * Clearly what recalled this joke of Banai’s long-silent, caustic tongue was that
its point lay ostensibly ina baffled wish—in ‘Ali-sher’s professed desire to be generous
and a professed impediment, which linked in thought with Babur’s*desire for wine,
baffled by his abjuration. So much Banai’s smart verbal retort shows, but beneath
this is the doudle-entendre which cuts at the Beg as miserly and as physically impotent,
a defect which gave point to another jeer at his expense, one chronicled by Sam Mirza
and translated in Hammer-Purgstall’s Geschichte von schinen Redehtinste Persiens, art.
CLV. (CE. f. 179-80. )—The word mddagi is used metaphorically for a button-hole ;
like na-mardi, It carries secondary meanings, miserliness, impotence, efc. (Cf.
Wollaston’ s English-Persian Dictionary s.n. button-hole, where only we have found
madagi with this sense. )

3 The Ist Pers. trs. expresses ‘all these jokes”, thus including with the double-
meanings of mddagi, the jests of the quatrain.

* The Ist Pers. trs. fills out Babur’s allusive phrase here with ‘‘ of the Walidiyyah”.
His wording allows the inference that what he versified was a prose Turki translation
ofa probably Arabic original.

* Erskine comments here on the non-translation into Persian of Babur’s letters.
Many MSS., however, contain a translation (f. 348, p. 624, n. 2 and E.’s n. f. 3779).

Oa

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 649

those matters, with their mingling of counsel. The letters were
entrusted to Shamsu’d-din Muhammad on Friday night,* he was
apprized of word-of-mouth messages and given leave to go.

(00. Complaints from Balkh.)

(Feb. 11th) On Friday ( /umada IT. 2nd) we did 8 kurohs (16 m.)
and dismounted at Jumandna.?_ Today a servant of Kitin-qara
Sl. arrived whom the Sultan had sent to his retainer and envoy
Kamalu’d-din Q7@@,3 with things written concerning the behaviour
of the begs of the (Balkh) border, their intercourse with himself,
and complaints of theft and raid. Leave to go was given to
Qiaq, and orders were issued to the begs of the border to put an
end to raiding and thieving, to behave well and to maintain
intercourse with Balkh. These orders were entrusted to Kitin
-qara S].’s servant and he was dismissed from this ground.

A letter, accepting excuse for the belated arrival of Hasan
Chalabi, was sent to the Shah today by one Shah-quli who had
come to me from Hasan Cha/adi and reported the details of the

Fol. 3614.

battle (of Jam).5 Shah-quli was given his leave on this same >

day, the 2nd of the month.

(pp. Incidents of the eastward march resumed.)
(Feb. 12th) On Saturday (3rd) we did 8 kurohs (16m.) and
dismounted in the Kakiira and Chachawali° parganas of Kalpi.
(Fed. 13th) On Sunday the 4th of the month, we did 9urohs
(18m.) and dismounted in Dirapiir 7 a pfargana of Kalpi. Here
I shaved my head,’ which I had not done for the past two
months, and bathed in the Singar-water (Sengar).

t Anglicé, Thursday after 6p.m.

2 What would suit measurement on maps and also Babur’s route is ‘‘ Jumoheen”
which is marked where the Sarai Baburpir-Atsu-Phaphand road turns south, east of
Phaphand (I.S. Map of 1900, Sheet 68).

3 var. Qabag, Qatak, Qandk, to each of which a meaning might be attached. Babur
had written to Humayin about the frontier affair, as one touching the desired peace
(f. 359). j

4 This will refer to the late arrival in Agra of the envoy named, who was not with
his younger brother at the feast of f. 3514 (f. 357, p. 641, n. 2).—As to Tahmasp’s style,
see f. 354, f. 358.

5 Shah-quli may be the ill-informed narrator of f. 354.

® Both are marked on the southward road from Jumoheen (Jumandna?) for Auraiya.

7 The old Kalpi argana having been sub-divided, Dirapir is now in the district of
Cawnpore (Kanhpir).

8 That this operation was not hair-cutting but head-shaving is shewn by the verbs
T. girmagq and its Pers. trs. tarash kardan. To shave the head frequently is common
in Central Asia.

Fol. 362.

650 HINDUSTAN

(Feb. rgth) On Monday (5th) we did 14kurohs (28m.), and
dismounted in Chaparkada* one of the farganas of Kalpi. 3

(Feb. 15th) At the dawn of Tuesday (64), a Hindistani servant
of Qaracha’s arrived who had taken a command (/farman) from
Mahim to Qaracha from which it was understood that she was
on the road. She had summoned escort from people in Lahor,
Bhira and those parts in the fashion I formerly wrote orders
(parwanas) with my own hand. Her command had been written
in Kabul on the 7th of the Ist Jumada ( Jan. 17th).? :

(Feb. 16th) On Wednesday (72h) we did 7kurohs (14m.), and
dismounted in the Adampir pargana.3 Today I mounted before
dawn, took the road 4 alone, reached the Jin (Jumna), and went
on along its bank. When I came opposite to Adampir, I had
awnings set up on an island (d@ra/) near the camp and seated
there, ate main.

Today we set Sadiq to wrestle with Kalal who had come to
Agra with a challenges In Agra he had asked respite for
20 days on the plea of fatigue from his journey ; as now 40-50
days had passed since the end of his respite, he was obliged to
wrestle. Sadiq did very well, throwing him easily. Sadiq was
given 10,000 zankas, a saddled horse, a head-to-foot, and a jacket
with buttons ; while Kalal, to save him from despair, was given
3000 tankas, spite of his fall.

* This will be Chaparghatta on the Dirapir-Bhognipir-Chaparghatta-Misanagar
road, the affixes Aada and ghatta both meaning house, temple, eéc.

* Mahim, and with her the child Gul-badan, came in advance of the main body of
women. Babur seems to refer again to her assumption of royal style by calling her
vane Governor (f. 369 and n.). It is unusual that no march or halt is recorded on

is day.

* or, Arampir. We have not succeeded in finding this place ; it seems to have
been on the west bank of the Jumna, since twice Babur when on the east bank, writes
of coming opposite to it (susra and f.379). If no move was made on Tuesday,
Jumada II. 6th (cf. last note), the distance entered as done on Wednesday would
locate the halting-place somewhere near the Akbarpir of later name, which stands on
a road and ata ferry. Butifthe army did a stage on Tuesday, of which Babur omits
mention, Wednesday’s march might well bring him opposite to Hamirpiar and to the

Rampur ”-ferry, The verbal approximation of Arampiir and ‘‘ Rampur” arrests
attention.—Local encroachment by the river, which is recorded in the District
Gazetteers, may have something to do with the disappearance from these most useful
books and from maps, of pargana Adampi (or, Arampir).

4 tieshlas, It suits best here, since solitude is the speciality of the excursion, to
eee Pegi ee to take the road, Fr. cheminer.

awi vila; Mems. p. 404, challenge; Aéms. ii 1, 21 avait fai
a truth probably, but oe felenaa only. : + 30

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 651

The carts and mortar were ordered landed from the boats,
and we spent 3 or 4 days on this same ground while the road
was made ready, the ground levelled and the landing effected.

(Feb. 27st) On Monday the 12th of the month ( /umada /T,),
we did 12urohs (24m.) and dismounted at Kurarah.t Today
I travelled by litter.

(Feb. 22nd—-25th) After marching 12 kurohs (24m.) from

Kirarah (73¢), we dismounted in Kiria? a pargana of Karrah.

From Kiria we marched 8 £urohs (16m.) and dismounted (74¢h)
in Fathpir-Aswa.3 After 8kurohs (16m.) done from Fathpir,
we dismounted (75¢#) at Sarai Munda.4 . . . Today at the Bed-
time Prayer (Friday 16th, after dark), S\. Jalalu’d-din (Shargz) §
came with his two young sons to wait on me.

(Feb. 26th) Next day, Saturday the 17th of the month, we did
$8kurohs (16m.), and dismounted at Dugdugi a Karrah pargana
on the bank of the Gang.®

(Feb. 27th) On Sunday (78th) came to this ground Muhammad
Sl. M., Ni-khib (or, Bi-khib) Sl. and Tardika (or, Tardi yekka,
champion).

(Feb. 28th) On Monday (79¢h) ‘Askari also waited on me.
They all came from the other side of Gang (Ganges). ‘Askari
and his various forces were ordered to march along the other
bank of the river keeping opposite the army on this side, and
wherever our camp might be, to dismount just opposite it.

(99. News of the Afghans.)

While we were in these parts news came again and again that
Sl. Mahmiid (Ziidz) had collected 10,000 Afghans ; that he had

* This will be more to the south than Kira Khas, the headquarters of the large
district ; perhaps it is ‘‘ Koora Khera” (? Kira-khiraj) which suits the route (I.S.
Map, Sheet 88).

? Perhaps Kunda Kanak, known also as ‘*‘ Kuria, Koria, Kura and Kunra Kanak ”
(D.G. of Fathpir).

3 Haswa or Hanswa. The conjoint name represents two villages some 6m. apart,
and is today that of their railway-station.

* almost due east of Fathpiir, on the old King’s Highway (Badshahi Sar-rah).

5 His ancestors had ruled in Jiinpir from 1394 to 1476aAD., his father Husain
Shah having been conquered by Sl. Sikandar Za#di at the latter date. He was one
of three rivals for supremacy in the East (.Skarg), the others being Jalalu’d-din Nahani
and Mahmiid Lidi,—Afghansall three. Cf. Erskine’s History of India, Babur, i, 501.

° This name appears on the I.S. Map, Sheet 88, but too far north to suit Babur’s

distances, and also off the Sarai Munda-Kusar-Karrah road. The position of Naubasta
suits better.

Fol. 362d.

Fol. 363.

652 HINDUSTAN

detached Shaikh Bayazid and Biban with a mass of men towards |

Sarwar [Gorakhpir] ; that he himself with Fath Khan Sarwéanit 5 ie
was on his way along the river for Chunar; that Sher Khan Sar a

whom I had favoured last year with the gift of several parganas
and had left in charge of this neighbourhood,’ had joined these
Afghans who thereupon had made him and a few other amirs

cross the water; that Sl. Jalalu’d-din’s man in Benares had not

been able to hold that place, had fled, and got away ; what he
was understood to have said being, that he had left soldiers
(stpahilar) in Benares-fort and gone along the river to fight
Sl. Mahmid.?

(rr. Incidents of the march resumed.)

(March rst) Marching from Dugdugi (Tuesday, Jumada I.
20th) the army did 6kurohs (12m.) and dismounted at Kusar,3
3 or 4kurohs from Karrah. I went by boat. Westayed here3or4
days because of hospitality offered by Sl. Jalalu’d-din.

(March 4th) On Friday (23rd), I dismounted at Sl. Jalalu’d-

din’s house inside Karrah-fort where, host-like, he served me

a portion of cooked meat and other viands.4 After the meal,

he and his sons were dressed in unlined coats (yaktaz jamah)

and short tunics (zimcha).5 At his request his elder son was
given the style Sl. Mahmiid.® On leaving Karrah, I rode about
one kuroh (2m.) and dismounted on the bank of Gang.

Here letters were written and leave was given to Shahrak

Beg who had come from Mahim to our first camp on Gang os
(ze. Dugdugi). As Khwaja Yahya’s grandson Khwaja Kalan

* Sher Khan was associated with Didi Bibi in the charge of her son’s affairs.
Babur s favours to him, his son Humiayiin’s future conqueror, will have been done during
the Eastern campaign in 934AH., of which so much record is missing. Cf. 7arikh-z-

sher-shahi, E. & D.’s History of India, iv, 301 et seg. for particulars of Sher Khan
(Farid Khan Sar Afghan),

* In writing ‘* Sl. Mahmiid”, Babur is reporting his informant’s style, he himself — 4

calling Mahmid ‘* Khan” only (f. 363 and f. 363).
_ 3 This will be the more northerly of two Kusars marked as in Karrah ; even so, it
is a very long 6£uroks (12m.) from the Dugdugi of the I.S. Map (cf. n. supra).

* bir para ash u ta‘am, words which suggest one of those complete meals served,
each item on its separate small dish, and all dishes fitting like mosaic into one tray.
T. ash iscooked meat (f.2 n. 1 and f. 3434); Ar. ¢a‘am will be sweets, fruit, bread,
perhaps rice also.

5 The yaktai, one-fold coat, contrasts with the d#-tahi, two-fold(A.-i-A. Bib. Ind.
ed., p. 101, and Blochmann’s trs. p. 88).
This acknowledgement of right to the style Sultan recognized also supremacy of
the Sharqi claim to rule over that of the Nihani and Lidi competitors.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 653

had been asking for the records I was writing,t I sent him by
Shahrak a copy I had had made.

(March 5th) On Saturday move was made at dawn (2¢2h),
I going by boat direct, and after 4 £urohs done (8m.), halt was
made at Koh.? Our ground, being so near, was reached quite
early. After awhile, we seated ourselves inside 3 a boat where
we ate ma‘juin. We invited the honoured Khwaja ‘Abdu’sh-
shahid 4 who was said to be in Nir Beg’s quarters (aw), invited
also Mulla Mahmid (/ardaéz?), bringing him from Mulla ‘Ali
Khan’s. After staying for some time on that spot, we crossed
the river, and on the other side, set wrestlers to wrestle. In
opposition to the rule of gripping the strongest first, Dost-i-yasin
-khair was told not to grapple with Champion Sadiq, but with
others ; he did so very well with eight.

(ss. News of the Afghan enemy.)

At the Afternoon Prayer, Sl. Muhammad the Pay-master came
by boat from the other side of the river, bringing news that the
army of Sl. Iskandar’s son Mahmiid Khan whom rebels style

* mindin biti tirgin wagai‘. This passage Teufel used to support his view that
Babur’s title for his book was Wagdi*, and not Aadbur-nama which, indeed, Teufel
describes as the Kazaner Ausgabe adoptirte Titel. Babur-nama, however, is the
title [or perhaps, merely scribe’s name] associated both with Kehr’s text and with the
Haidarabad Codex.—I have found no indication of the selection by Babur of any
title ; he makes no mention of the matter and where he uses the word wagd@i‘ or its
congeners, it can be readasacommon noun. In his colophon to the Rampur Diwan,
it is a parallel of ash‘ar, poems. Judging from what is found in the A/udin, it may
be right to infer that, if he had lived to complete his book—now broken off s.a.
QI14AH. (f.2166)—he would have been explicit as to its title, perhaps also as to his
grounds for choosing it. Such grounds would have found fitting mention in a preface
to the now abrupt opening of the Babur-nama (f. 16), and if the Malfazat-7-timiri be
Timir’s authentic autobiography, this book might have been named as an ancestral
example influencing Babur to write his own. Nothing against the authenticity of the
Malfazat can be inferred from the circumstance that Babur does not name it, because
the preface in which such mention would be in harmony with eg. his Walédiyyah
preface, was never written. It might accredit the /a//azat to collate passages having
common topics, as they appear in the Babur-ndma, Malfizat-t-timari and Zafar-
nama (cf. E. & D.’s H. of I. iv, §59 for a discussion by Dr. Sachau and Prof. Dowson
on the Ma/fazat). (Cf. Z.D.M. xxxvii, p.184, Teufel’s art. Babur und ‘Abi’ lfazl ;
Smirnow’s Cat. of Manuscrits Turcs, p.142; Index ix loco s.nn. Mubin and Title.)

* Koh-khiraj, Revenue-paying Koh (H. G. Nevill’s D. G. of Allahabad, p. 261).

8 kima aichida, which suggests a boat with a cabin, a dajra@ (Hobson-Jobson s.n.
budgerow).

4 He had stayed behind his kinsman Khwaja Kalan. Both, as Babur has said,
were descendants of Khwaja ‘Ubaidu’l-lah Advari. Khwaja Kalan was a grandson of
Ahrari’s second son Yahya ; Khwaja ‘Abdu’sh-shahid was the son of his fifth, Khwaja
*Abdu’l-lah (Khwajagin-khwaja). ‘Abdu’sh-shahid returned to India under Akbar,
received a fief, maintained 2,000 poor persons, left after 20 years, and died in
Samarkand in 982 an.—1574-5 AD. (A.-i-A., Blochmann’s trs. and notes, pp. 423, 539).

44

Fol. 3634.

654 HINDUSTAN

Sl. Mahmid,' had broken up. The same news was brought in
by a spy who had gone out at the Mid-day Prayer from where
we were ; and a dutiful letter, agreeing with what the spy had
reported, came from Taj Khan Sdrang-khani between the A fter-
noon and Evening Prayers. Sl. Muhammad gave the following
particulars :—that the rebels on reaching Chunar seemed to have
laid siege to it and to have done a little fighting, but had risen
in disorderly fashion when they heard of our approach ; that
Afghans who had crossed the river for Benares, had turned back
in like disorder; that two of their boats had sunk in crossing and
a body of their men been drowned.

(tt. Lnucidents of the eastward march resumed.)

(March 6th) After marching at Sunday’s dawn (25th) and
doing Okurohs (12m.), Sir-auliya,? a pargana of Piag *3 was
reached. I went direct by boat.

Aisan-timir Sl. and Tikhta-bigha SI. had dismounted half-
way, and were waiting to see me.‘ JI, for my part, invited them
into the boat. Tikhta-bigha S]. must have wrought magic, for
a bitter wind rose and rain began to fall. It became quite
windy (?)5 on which account I ate main, although I had done
so on the previous day. Having come to the encamping-
ground... .°

* f. 363, f. 3630.

* Not found on maps ; OOjani or Ujahni about suits the measured distance.

3 Prayag, llahabad, Allahabad. Between the asterisk in my text (supra) and the
one following ‘‘ ford” before the foliation mark f. 364, the Hai. MS. has a lacuna
which, as being preceded and followed by broken sentences, can hardly be due
to a scribe’s skip, but may result from the loss of a folio. What I have entered
above between the asterisks is translated from the Kehr-Ilminsky text ; it is in the
two Persian translations also. Close scrutiny of it suggests that down to the end of
the swimming episode it is not in order and that the account of the swim across the
Ganges may be a survival of the now missing record of 934AH. (f. 339). It is singular
that the Pers. trss. make no mention of Piag or of Sir-auliya ; their omission arouses
speculation, as to in which text, the Turki or Persian, it was first tried to fill what remains
a gap in the Hai. Codex. A second seeming sign of disorder is the incomplete
sentence yirtgha kilid, which is noted below. A third is the crowd of incidents now
standing under ‘‘ Tuesday ”. A fourth, and an important matter, is that on grounds
noted at the end of the swimming passage (p.655 n.3) it is doubtful whether that
passage 1s in its right place.—It may be that some-one, at an early date after Babur’s
death, tried to fill the /acuna discovered in his manuscript, with help from loose folios
or parts of them. Cf. Index s. 2. swimming, and f. 3774, p. 680 n. 2.

* The Chaghatai sultans will have been with ‘Askari east of the Ganges.

5 tur hawalik; Mems. p. 406, viol f ind ; ii =
Poet nk P- 409, violence of the wind ; A/éms. ii, 398, une tempéra

* yurtgha kilts, an incomplete sentence.

-~
a

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 ro SEP. 5ruH 1529 AD. 655

(March 7th?) Next day (Monday 26th?) we remained on the
same ground.

(March Sth?) On Tuesday (27th?) we marched on.

Opposite the camp was what may be an island,* large and
verdant. I went over by boat to visit it, returning to the boat
during the Ist watch (6-9a.m.). While I rode carelessly along
the ravine (ar) of the river, my horse got to where it was fissured
and had begun to give way. I leapt off at once and flung myself
on the bank; even the horse did not go down; probably, however,
if I had stayed on its back, it and I would have gone down
together. .

On this same day, I swam the Gang-river (Ganges), counting
every stroke ;? I crossed with 33, then, without resting, swam
back. I had swum the other rivers, Gang had remained to do.3

We reached the meeting of the waters of Gang and Jin at the
Evening Prayer, had the boat drawn to the Piag side, and got
to camp at I watch, 4 gavis (10.30p.m.).

(March 9th) On Wednesday (_/umada IT. 28th) from the Ist
watch onwards, the army began to cross the river Jin ; there were
420 boats.4

(March 11th) On Friday, the Ist of the month of Rajab,
I crossed the river.

(March 14th) On Monday, the 4th of the month, the march

* arial bar aikandur, phrasing implying uncertainty ; there may have been anisland,
or such a peninsula as a narrow-mouthed bend ofa river forms, or a spit or bluff
projecting into the river. The word @ra/ represents Aihi-si-arasi, Miyan-da-ab,
Entre-eaux, Twixt-two-streams, Mesopotamia.

? gual; Pers. trss. dast andakhtan and dast. Presumably the 33 strokes carried the
swimmer across the deep channel, or the Ganges was crossed higher than Piag.

3 The above account of Babur’s first swim across the Ganges which is entered under
date Jumada II. 27th, 935 AH. (March 8th, 1529AD.), appears misplaced, since he
mentions under date Rajab 25th, 935AH. (April 4th, 1529ap. f. 3664), that he had
swum the Ganges at Baksara (Buxar) a year before, z.e. on or close to Rajab 25th,
934AH. (April 15th, 1528Ap.). Nothing in his writings shews that he was near
Piag (Allahabad) in 934AH. ; nothing indisputably connects the swimming episode
with the “‘ Tuesday” below which it now stands ; there is no help given by dates.
One supposes Babur would take his first chance to swim the Ganges ; this was offered
at Qanauj (f. 336), but nothing in the short record of that time touches the topic. The
next chance would be after he was in Aid, when, by an unascertained route, perhaps
down the Ghogra, he made his way to Baksara where he says (f. 3664) he swam the
river. Taking into consideration the various testimony noted, [Index s.z. swimming]
there seems warrant for supposing that this swimming passage is a survival of the
missing record of 934 AH. (f. 339). Cf. £3774, p.680 and n. 2 for another surmised
survival of 934 AH.

4 “Friday” here stands for Anglicé, Thursday after 6p.m.; this, only, suiting
Babur’s next explicit date Sha‘ban Ist, Saturday.

Fol. 364.

656 HINDUSTAN

for Bihar began along the bank of Jin. After 5£urohs (10m.)
done, halt was made at Lawain.* I went by boat. The people
of the army were crossing the Jin up to today. They were
ordered to put the culverin-carts? which had been landed at
Adampir, into boats again and to bring them on by water from
Piag.

On this ground we set wrestlers to wrestle. Dost-i-yasin
-khair gripped the boatman Champion of Lahor; the contest
was stubborn ; it was with great difficulty that Dost gave the
throw. A head-to-foot was bestowed on each.

(March 15th and 16th) People said that ahead of us was
a swampy, muddy, evil river called Tis.3 In order to examine
the ford *4 and repair the road, we waited two days ( 7wesday
Ramzan 5th and Wednesday 6th) on this ground. For the horses
and camels a ford was found higher up, but people said laden carts
could not get through it because of its uneven, stony bottom,
They were just ordered to get them through.

(March 17th) On Thursday (7¢2) we marched on. I myself
went by boat down to where the Tiis meets the Gang (Ganges),
there landed, thence rode up the Tis, and, at the Other Prayer,

* The march, beginning on the Jumna, is now along the united rivers.

? garb-zanlik arabalar. Were the carts are those carrying the guns.

3 From the particulars Babur gives about the Tiis (Tons) and Karma-nasa, it would
seem that he had not passed them last year, an inference supported by what is known
of his route in that year :—He came from Gialiar to the Kanar-passage (f. 336), there
crossed the Jumna and went direct to Qanauj (f. 335), above Qanauj bridged the
Ganges, went on to Bangarmau (f. 338), crossed the Gimti and went to near the
junction of the Ghogra and Sarda (f. 3384). The next indication of his route is that
he is at Baksara, but whether he reached it by water down the Ghogra, as his
meeting with Muh. Ma ‘rif Harmaiz suggests (f. 377), or by land, nothing shews. From
Baksara (f. 366) he went up-stream to Chausa (f. 3654), on perhaps to Sayyidpir, 2m.
from the mouth of the Gimti, and there left the Ganges for Jinpir (f. 365). I have
found nothing about his return route to Agra ; it seems improbable that he would go so
far south as to near Pidg; a more northerly and direct road to Fathpir and Sarai
Baburpir may have been taken.—Concerning Babur’s acts in 934 AH. the following
item, (met with since I was working on 934.AH. ), continues his statement (f. 3384) that
he spent a few days near Aiid (Ajédhya) to settle its affairs. The D.G. of Aysabaa
(H. FE. Nevill) p.173 says ‘‘In 1528 ap. Babur came to Ajodhya (Aid) and halted
a week. He destroyed the ancient temple” (marking the birth-place of Rama) ‘‘and
on its site built a mosque, still known as Babur’s Mosque . . ._ It has two inscrip-
tions, one on the outside, one on the pulpit ; both are in Persian ; and bear the date
935AH.” This date may be that of the completion of the building. —( Corrigendum :—
On f. 339 n. 1, Ihave too narrowly restricted the use of the name Sarji. Babur used it
to describe what the maps of Arrowsmith and Johnson shew, and not only what the

Gazetteer of India map of the United Provinces does. It applies to the Sarda (f. 339)
as Babur uses it when writing of the fords. )

* Here the lacuna of the Hai. Codex ends.

-eeeeeee ee *eer e e e ee

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 657

reached where the army had encamped after crossing the ford.
Today 6kurohs (12m.) were done.

(March 18th) Next day (Friday Sth), we stayed on that
ground.

(March roth) On Saturday (9th), we marched 12kurohs and
got to the bank of Gang again at Nuliba."

(March 20th) Marching on (Sunday roth), we did Skurohs of
road, and dismounted at Kintit.?

(March 21st) Marching on (Monday 11th), we dismounted at
Nanapur.3 Taj Khan Sdrang-khani came from Chunar to this
ground with his two young sons, and waited on me.

In these days a dutiful letter came from Pay-master Sl.
Muhammad, saying that my family and train were understood to
be really on their way from Kabul.4

(March 23rd) On Wednesday (73th) we marched from that
ground. I visited the fort of Chunar, and dismounted about
one kuroh beyond it.

During the days we were marching from Piag, painful boils
had come out on my body. While we were on this ground, an
Ottoman Turk (Rimi) used a remedy which had been recently
discovered in Rim. He boiled pepper in a pipkin; I held the
sores in the steam and, after steaming ceased, laved them with
the hot water. The treatment lasted 2 sidereal hours.

While we were on this ground, a person said he had seen
tiger and rhinoceros on an a@ra/5 by the side of the camp.

(March 24th?) In the morning (74th ?), we made the hunting-
circle ° on that @ra/, elephants also being brought. Neither tiger
nor rhino appeared ; one wild buffalo came out at the end of
the line. A bitter wind rising and the whirling dust being
very troublesome, I went back to the boat and init to the camp
which was 2furohs (4m.) above Banaras.

_* Perhaps, where there is now the railway station of ‘‘ Nulibai” (I.S. Map). The

direct road on which the army moved, avoids the windings of the river.

* This has been read as T. Zit, P. dik, Eng. village and Fr. vzdlage.

3 ** Nankunpur” lying to the north of Puhari railway-station suits the distance
measured on maps.

4 These will be the women-travellers.

5 Perhaps jungle tracts lying in the curves of the river.

° jirga, which here stands for the beaters’ incurving line, witness the exit of the
buffalo at the end. Cf. f. 3670 for a sivga of boats.

Fol. 3646.

Fol. 365.

658 HINDUSTAN

(uu. News of the Afghans.) #3

(March 25th(?) and 26th) Having heard there were many
elephants in the Chunar jungles, I had left (Thursday’s) ground
thinking to hunt them, but Taj Khan bringing the news (/rzday
15th(2)) that Mahmiid Khan (Ladz) was near the Son-water,
I summoned the begs and took counsel as to whether to fall
upon him suddenly. In the end it was settled to march on
continuously, fast’ and far.

(March 27th) Marching on (Sunday 17th), we did 9 kurohs
(18m.), and dismounted at the Bilwah-ferry.?

(March 28th) On Monday night3 the 18th of the month,
Tahir was started for Agra from this camp (Bilwah-ferry), taking
money-drafts for the customary gifts of allowance and lodging #
to those on their way from Kabul.

Before dawn next morning (Monday) I went on by boat.
When we came to where the Gii-water (Gimti) which is the
water of Jiinpiir, meets the Gang-water (Ganges), I went a little
way up it and back. NarrowerS though it is, it has no ford; the
army-folk crossed it (last year) by boat, by raft, or by swimming
their horses.

To look at our ground of a year ago,®° from which we had started — ; :

for Jinputr,? I went to about a £uroh lower than the mouth of
the Junpir-water (Gimti). A favourable wind getting up behind,
our larger boat was tied to a smaller Bengali one which, spreading

its sail, made very quick going. Two garis of day remained a
(5.15 p.m.) when we had reached that ground (Sayyidpur ?), we a

went on without waiting there, and by the Bed-time Prayer had
got to camp, which was a kuroh above Madan-Benares,® long
before the boats following us. Mughil Beg had been ordered to

* austin auzagh, many miles and many hours ?

* Bulloa? (I.S.Map).

3 Anglicé, Sunday after 6p.m.

4 ‘alufa u gunal (f. 3596).

* than the Ganges perhaps ; or narrowish compared with other rivers, e.g. Ganges,
Ghogra, and Jin.

° yil-tiargi yiirt, by which is meant, I think, close to the same day a year back, and
not an indefinite reference to some time in the past year.

: Maps make the starting-place likely to be Sayyidpir.

re-named Zamania, after Akbar’s officer ‘Ali-quli Khan Khan-i-zaman, and now
the head-quarters of the Zamania fargana of Ghazipir. Madan-Benares was in

Akbar’s sarkér of Ghazipir. (It was not identified by E. or by deC.) Cf D.G. of
Ghasipaar.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 to SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 659

measure all marches from Chunar on the direct road, Lutfi Beg
to measure the river’s bank whenever I went by boat. The direct
road today was said to be 11 kurohs (22m.), the distance along
the river, 18 (36m.).

(March 29th) Next day (Tuesday 19th), we stayed on that
ground.

(March 30th) On Wednesday (20¢h), we dismounted a kuroh
{2m.) below Ghazipir, I going by boat.

(March 31st) On Thursday (27st) Mahmid Khan Wuhani*
waited on me on that ground. On this same day dutiful letters ?
came from Bihar Khan Azhari’s son Jalal Khan (Vuanz),3 from
Nasir Khan (V#fanz)’s son Farid Khan,* from Sher Khan Sar,
from ‘Alatl Khan Szr also, and from other Afghan amirs. Today
came also a dutiful letter from ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz Master-of-the-horse,
which had been written in Lahor on the 20th of the latter Jumada
(Feb. 29th), the very day on which Qaracha’s Hindistani servant
whom we had started off from near Kalpi,5 reached Lahor.
“Abdu’l-‘aziz wrote that he had gone with the others assigned to
meet my family at Nil-ab, had met them there on the 9th of the
latter Jumada (Fed. 18th), had accompanied them to Chin-ab
(Chan-ab), left them there, and come ahead to Lahor where he
was writing his letter.

(April rst) We moved on, I going by boat, on Friday (Rajab
22nd). landed opposite Chausa to look at the ground of a year
ago® where the Sun had been eclipsed and a fast kept.7 After
I got back to the boat, Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza, coming up
behind by boat, overtook me; at his suggestion ma‘jzin was eaten.

The army had dismounted on the bank of the Karma-nasa-
river, about the water of which Hindiis are understood to be
extremely scrupulous. They do not cross it, but go past its

* In the earlier part of the Hai. Codex this Afghan tribal-name is written Nahani,
but in this latter portion a different scribe occasionally writes it Liihani (Index s.z. ).

? ‘arza-dasht, 7.e. phrased as from one of lower station to a superior.

3 His letter may have announced his and his mother Didi Bibi’s approach (f. 368-9).

* Nasir Khan had been an amir of Sl. Sikandar Za@a@?. Sher Khan Sar married his
widow “*Guhar Kusain”, bringing him a large dowry (A.N. trs. p. 327; and 7arikk-
t-sher-shahi, E. & D.’s History of India iv, 346). .

5 He started from Chaparghatta (f. 3614, p. 650 n. 1).

® yil-turgi yurt.

7 “‘This must have been the Eclipse of the 1oth of May 1528 ap. ; a fast is enjoined
on the day of an eclipse ” (Erskine).

Fol. 3655.

Fol. 366.

Fol. 3664.

660 HINDUSTAN

mouth by boat along the Gang (Ganges). They firmly believe
that, ifits water touch a person, the merit of his works is destroyed;
with this belief its name accords.t I went some way up it by
boat, turned back, went over to the north bank of Gang, and tied
up. There the braves made a little fun, some wrestling. Muhsin
the cup-bearer challenged, saying, “I will grapple with four or
five.” The first he gripped, he threw; the second, who was
Shadman (Joyous), threw him, to Muhsin’s shame and vexation.
The (professional) wrestlers came also and set to.

(April 2nd) Next morning, Saturday (237d) we moved, close
to the Ist watch (6 a.m.), in order to get people off to look at the
ford through the Karma-nasa-water. I rode up it for not less
than a kuroh (2 m.), but the ford being still far on,? took boat and
went to the camp below Chausa.

Today I used the pepper remedy again; it must have been
somewhat hotter than before, for it blistered (gapardz) my body,
giving me much pain.

(April 3rd) We waited a day for a road to be managed across
a smallish, swampy rivulet heard to be ahead.3

(April 4th) On the eve of Monday (25¢/),4 letters were written
and sent off in answer to those brought by the Hindustani foot-
man of ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz.

The boat I got into at Monday’s dawn, had to be towed because
of the wind. On reaching the ground opposite Baksara (Buxar)
where the army had been seated many days last year,5 we went
over to look at it. Between 40 and 50 landing-steps had been
then made on the bank ; of them the upper two only were left,
the river having destroyed the rest. Main was eaten after
return to the boat. We tied up at an dra/® above the camp, set
the champions to wrestle, and went on at the Bed-time Prayer.
A year ago (yi/-taéir), an excursion had been made to look at the
ground on which the camp now was, I passing through Gang

* Karma-naSa means loss of the merit acquired by good works.

* The I.S. Map marks a main road leading to the mouth of the Karma-nasa and no
other leading to the river for a considerable distance up-stream.

3 Perhaps ‘* Thora-nadee” (I.S. Map).

* Anglicé, Sunday after 6 p.m.

5 anthan yil.

° Perhaps the d#-da between the Ganges and ‘‘ Thora-nadee”.

ee eee ee

935 AH.—SEP. 15rH 1528 tro SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 661

swimming (? dastak bila), some coming mounted on horses, some
on camels. That day I had eaten opium.

(vv. Incidents of the military operations.) |
(April 5th) At Tuesday’s dawn (26¢h), we sent out for news
not under 200 effective braves led by Karim-birdi and Haidar
the stirrup-holder’s son Muhammad ‘Ali and Baba Shaikh.
While we were on this ground, the Bengal envoy was com-

-manded to set forth these three articles :-— ?

(April 6th) On Wednesday (27¢#) Yiinas-i-‘ali who had been
sent to gather Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza’s objections to Bihar,
brought back rather a weak answer.

Dutiful letters from the (Farmiili) Shaikh-zadas of Bihar gave

__news that the enemy had abandoned the place and gone off.

(April 7th) On Thursday (28th) as many as 2000 men of
the Turk and Hind amirs and quiver-wearers were joined to
Muhammad ‘Ali /azg-jang’s son Tardi-muhammad, and he was
given leave to go, taking letters of royal encouragement to people
in Bihar. He was joined also by Khwaja Murshid ‘/v@gi who
had been made Diwan of Bihar.

(April Sth (?)) Muhammad-i-zaman M. who had consented to
go to Bihar, made representation of several matters through

* yil-tir . . . Gang-stii-din min dastak bila autub, ba‘si at, ba‘si tiwah minib,
hilib, sair gililib aidi. Some uncertainty as to the meaning of the phrase dastak bila
auth is caused by finding that while here de Courteille agrees with Erskine in taking
it to mean swimming, he varies later (f. 3734) to appuydés sur une piece de bots. Taking
the Persian translations of three passages about crossing water into consideration (p. 655
after f. 3630, f. 3664 (here), f. 3734), and also the circumstances that E. and de C. are
once in agreement and that Erskine worked with the help of Oriental mzumsis, I incline
to think that dastak bila does express swimming.—The question of its precise meaning
bears on one concerning Babur’s first swim across the Ganges (p. 655, n. 3).—Perhaps
I should say, however, that if the sentence quoted at the head of this note stood alone,
without the extraneous circumstances supporting the reading of dastak bila to mean
swimming, I should incline to read it as stating that Babur went on foot through the
water, feeling his footing with a pole (dastak), and that his followers rode through the
ford after him. Nothing in the quoted passage suggests that the horses and camels
swam. But whether the Ganges was fordable at Baksara in Babur’s time, is beyond
surmise.

* fasil soz, which, manifestly, were to be laid before the envoy’s master. The articles
are nowhere specified ; one is summarized merely on f. 365. Theincomplete sentence
of the Turki text (sara) needs their specification at this place, and an explicit state-
ment of them would have made clearer the political relations of Babur with Nasrat
Shah.—A folio may have been lost from Babur’s manuscript ; it might have specified
the articles, and also have said something leading to the next topic of the diary, now
needing preliminaries, vz. that of the Mirza’s discontent with his new appointment,
a matter not mentioned earlier.

Fol. 367.

Fol. 3674.

662 HINDUSTAN em _ .

Shaikh Zain and Yinas-i-‘ali. He asked for reinforcement ; for
this several braves were inscribed and several others were mi
his own retainers. i
(April 9th)* On Saturday the Ist of the month of Shatban, we
left that ground where we had been for 3 or 4 days. I Pa o
visit Bhijpir and Bihiya,? thence went to camp. |
Muhammad ‘Ali and the others, who had been sent out for
news, after beating a body of pagans as they went along, reached ay
the place where Sl]. Mahmid (Laz) had been with perhaps 2000 © 3
men. He had heard of our reconnaissance, had broken up, killed
two elephants of his, and marched off. He seemed to have left
braves and an elephant 3 scout-fashion; they made no stand when —
our men came up but took to flight. Ours unhorsed a few of his, .
cut one head off, brought in a few good men alive.

(ww. Incidents of the eastward march resumed.)

(April roth) We moved on next day (Sunday 2nd), I going bye
boat. From our today’s ground Muhammad-i-zaman M. crossed — ¥
(his army) over the river (Son), leaving none behind. We spent —
2 or 3 days on this ground in order to put his work through and ag
get him off. i

(April 13th) On Wednesday the 4th4of the month, Muhammadaal a :
i-zaman M. was presented witha royal head-to-foot, a sword and
belt, a ¢jpuchag horse and an umbrella.s He also was made to.
kneel (yakindurildi) for the Bihar country. Of the Bihar revenues _
one krur and 25 daks were reserved for the Royal Treasury ; its —
Diwani was entrusted to Murshid ‘Jragqi. by

(April rgth) 1 \eft that ground by boat on Thursday (6th). —
I had already ordered the boats to wait, and on getting up with ~~
them, I had them fastened together abreast in line.° Though all: 4

* This suits Babur’s series, but Gladwin and Wiistenfeld have 10th. zs

® The first is near, the second on the direct road from Buxar for Arrah. cc a

’ The Hai. MS. makes an elephant be posted as the sole scout ; others post a sardar, ey: i‘.
or post braves ; none post man and beast.

‘ This should be 5th ; perhaps the statement is confused through the pres being» si
given late, Anglicé, on Tuesday 4th, Islamicé on Wednesday night. a

° The Mirza’s Timirid birth and a desire in Babur to give high status to a repre-
sentative he will have wished to leave in Bihar when he himself went to his western e
dominions, sufficiently explain the bestowal of this sign of sovereignty. i:

° jirga. This instance of its use shews that Babur had in mind not a completed.

circle, but a line, or in sporting parlance, not a hunting- circle but a beaters’-line.

[Cf. f. 251, f. 3644 and infra of the crocodile.] The word is used also for a goversiniy
circle, a tribal-council.

>. A ee eee

~

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 663

were not collected there, those there were greatly exceeded the
breadth of the river. They could not move on, however, so-
arranged, because the water was here shallow, there deep, here
swift, there still. A crocodile (ghariza/) shewing itself, a terrified
fish leaped so high as to fall into a boat; it was caught and
brought to me.

When we were nearing our ground, we gave the boats names :—
a large’ one, formerly the Baburi,? which had been built in Agra
before the Holy-battle with Sanga, was named Asaish (Repose).3
Another, which Araish Khan had built and presented to me this
year before our army got to horse, one in which I had had a
platform set up on our way to this ground, was named Araish
(Ornament). Another, a good-sized one presented to me by

_ Jalalu’d-din Shargi, was named the Gunjaish (Capacious) ; in it

I had ordered a second platform set up, on the top of the one
already init. To a little skiff, having a chaukandi,* one used for
every task (ar dish) and duty, was given the name Farmaish
(Commissioned).

(April 15th) Next day, Friday (7¢#), no move was made.
Muhammad-i-zaman M. who, his preparations for Bihar complete,
had dismounted one or two £urohs from the camp, came today to
take leave of me.5

(ax. News of the army of Bengal.)

Two spies, returned from the Bengal army, said that Bengalis®
under Makhdim-i-‘alam were posted in 24 places on the Gandak
and there raising defences ; that they had hindered the Afghans
from carrying out their intention to get their families across the

* atligh (kima). Does aiiligh (ailig, ulig) connect with the ‘‘ bulky Oolak or
baggage-boat of Bengal” ? (Hobson-Jobson s.n. Woolock, oolock).

* De Courteille’s reading of Ilminsky’s ‘‘ Baburi” (p. 476) as Bairi, old servant,
hardly suits the age of the boat.

3 Babur anticipated the custom followed e.g. by the White Star and Cunard lines,
when he gave his boats names having the same terminal syllable ; his is @s/ ; on it he
makes the quip of the far dish of the Farmaish.

4 As Vullers makes Ar. ghurfat a synonym of chaukandi, the Farmiish seems likely
to have had a cabin, openatthesides. De Courteille understood it to have a rounded
gee ne E. & D.’s History of India v, 347, 503n.; and Gul-badan’s H.N. trs.
p. 98, n. 2.

g e ep ai rukhsat ald; phrasing which bespeaks admitted equality, that of Timirid
irth.

e z.¢. subjects of the Afghan ruler of Bengal; many will have been Biharis and
Pirbiyas. Makhdim-i-‘alam was Nasrat Shah’s Governor in Hajipir.

Fol. 363.

Fol. 3680.

664 HINDUSTAN

river (Ganges?), and had joined them to themselves.t This news
making fighting probable, we detained Muhammad-i-zaman
Mirza, and sent Shah Iskandar to Bihar with 3 or 400 men.

(wy. Incidents of the eastward march resumed.)

(April 16th) On Saturday (8¢#) a person came in from Didi
and her son Jalal Khan (son) of Bihar Khan ? whom the Bengali
(Nasrat Shah) must have held as if eye-bewitched.3 After letting
me know they were coming,‘ they had done some straight fighting
to get away from the Bengalis, had crossed the river,5 reached
Bihar, and were said now to be on their way to me.

This command was given today for the Bengal envoy Isma‘il
Mita :—Concerning those three articles, about which letters have
already been written and despatched, let him write that an answer
is long in coming, and that if the honoured (Nasrat Shah) be loyal
and of single-mind towards us, it ought to come soon.

(April 17th) Inthe night of Sunday (9¢/) ® a man came in from
Tardi-muhammad /ang-jang to say that when, on Wednesday
the 5th of the month Sha‘ban, his scouts reached Bihar from this
side, the Shiqdar of the place went off by a gate on the other side.

On Sunday morning we marched on and dismounted in the
pargana of Ari (Arrah),7

(ss. News and negociations.)

To this ground came the news that the Kharid ® army, with
100-150 boats, was said to be on the far side of the Sari near the

* This might imply that the Afghans had been prevented from joining Mahmid Khan —
Ludi near the Son.

* Sl. Muhammad Shah Miihani Afghan, the former ruler of Bihar, dead within a
year. He had trained Farid Khan S#v in the management of government affairs ; had

given him, for gallant encounter with a tiger, the title Sher Khan by which, or its
higher form Sher Shah, history knows him, and had made him his young son’s

“deputy”, an office Sher Khan held after the father’s death in conjunction with the _ |

vs —— Diidii Bibi (7arikh-i-sher-shahi, E. & D.’s History of India iv, 325
et seq.).

* gits baghi yiistinliig ; by which I understand they were held fast from departure,
as ¢.g. a mouse by the fascination of a snake.

: f. 365 mentions a letter which may have announced their intention.

* Ganges ; they thus evaded the restriction made good on other Afghans.

* Anglicé, Saturday 8th after 6 p.m. .

’? The D.G. of Shahadbad (pp. 20 and 127) mentions that ‘‘ it is said Babur marched
to Arrah after his victory over Mahmiid Ziaz”, and that ‘‘local tradition still points to
a place near the Judge’s Court as that on which he pitched his camp”.

Kharid which is now a pargana of the Ballia district, lay formerly on both sides

of the Ghogra. When the army of Kharid opposed Babur’s progress, it acted for Nasrat
Shah, but this Babur diplomatically ignored in assuming that there was peace between

935 AH.—SEP. 157TH 1528 to SEp. 5TH 1529 AD. 665

meeting of Sari and Gang (Ghogra and Ganges). As a sort of
peace existed between us and the Bengali (Nasrat Shah Afghan),
and as, for the sake of a benediction, peace was our firstendeavour
whenever such work was toward as we were now on, we kept to
our rule, notwithstanding his unmannerly conduct in setting
himself on our road;' we associated Mulla Mazhab with his
envoy Isma‘il Mita, spoke once more about those three articles
(fasl soz), and decided to let the envoy go.

(April 18th) On Monday (Zo¢h) when the Bengal envoy came
to wait on me, he was let know that he had his leave, and what
follows was mentioned :2—“ We shall be going to this side and
that side, in pursuit of our foe, but no hurt or harm will be done
to any dependency of yours. As one of those three articles said,3
_ when you have told the army of Kharid to rise off our road and
to go back to Kharid, let a few Turks be joined with it to reassure
these Kharid people and to escort them to their own place. If
they quit not the ferry-head, if they cease not their unbecoming
words, they must regard as their own act any ill that befalls
them, must count any misfortune they confront as the fruit of
their own words.”

(April 20th) On Wednesday (72¢h) the usual dress of honour
was put on the Bengal envoy, gifts were bestowed on him and
his leave to go was given.
| (April 21st) On Thursday (73th) Shaikh Jamali was sent with
_ royal letters of encouragement to Didi and her son Jalal Khan.
_ Today a servant of Mahim’s came, who will have parted from
the Wali(?)5 on the other side of the Bagh-i-safa.

Bengal and himself.—At this time Nasrat Shah held the riverain on the left bank of the
Ghogra but had lost Kharid of the right bank,- which had been taken from him by
Jinaid Barlas. A record of his occupation still survives in Kharid-town, an inscription
dated by his deputy as for 1529 AD. (District Gazetteer of Ballia (H.R. Nevill), and
D.G. of Stran (L. L. S. O’ Malley), Historical Chapters).

* Babur’s opinion of Nasrat Shah’s hostility is more clearly shewn here than in the ~

verbal message of f. 369.

* This will be an unceremonious summary of a word-of-mouth message.

3 Cf. f. 3664, p. 661 n. 2.

4 This shews that Babur did not recognize the Saran riverain down to the Ganges
as belonging to Kharid. His offered escort of Turks would safe-guard the Kharidis
if they returned to the right bank of the Ghogra which was in Turk possession.

5 The Hai. MS. has w/z, clearly written; which, as a word representing Mahim
would suit the sentence best, may make playful reference to her royal commands
(f. 3614), by styling her the Governor (wa/z). Erskine read the word as a place-name
Dipali, which I have not found ; De Courteille omits Ilminsky’s w-ras (p. 478). The
MSS. vary and are uncertain.

Fol. 369.

666 HINDUSTAN ae

(April 23rd) On Saturday (157h) an envoy from ‘Iraq, Murad
Qajar* the life-guardsman, was seen. a

(April 24th) On Sunday (76th) Mulla Mazhab réceie his a
usual keepsakes (yadgarlar) and was given leave to go. .

Fol. 3694. (April 25th) On Monday (77¢/) Khalifa was sent, with geraul
begs, to see where the river (Ganges) could be crossed. a

(April 27th) On Wednesday, (79¢h) Khalifa again was sent
out, to look at the ground between the two rivers (Ganges and
Ghogra).

On this same day I rode southward in the Ari (Arrah) pargana
to visit the sheets of lotus? near Ari. During the excursion
Shaikh Giiran brought me fresh-set lotus-seeds, first-rate little
things just like pistachios. The flower, that is to say, the zz/ifar
(lotus), Hindtstanis call kuzwul-kikri (lotus-pistachio), and its
seed diidah (soot). |

As people said, “ The Son is near,” we went to refresh ourselves
on it. Masses of trees could be seen down-stream ; “ Munir is
there,” said they, “ where the tomb is of Shaikh Yahya the father
of Shaikh Sharafu’d-din Mumirz.”3 It being so close, I crossed
the Son, went 2 or 3 kurohs down it, traversed the Munir orchards,
made the circuit of the tomb, returned to the Son-bank, made
ablution, went through the Mid-day Prayer before time, and
made forcamp. Some of our horses, being fat,4 had fallen behind ;
some were worn out ; a few people were left to gather them
together, water thes: rest them, and bring them on without A
pressure ; but for this many would have been ruined. ;

When we turned back from Munir, I ordered that some-one —

Fol. 370. should count a horse’s steps between the Son-bank and the camp.
They amounted to 23,100, which is 46,200 paces, which is i

* This is the “‘ Kadjar” of Réclus’ Z’ Asie antérieure and is the name of the Turkman 4
tribe to which the present ruling house of Persia belongs. ‘‘ Turkman” might be
taken as applied to Shah Tahmasp by Div Sultan’s servant on f. 354.

* Nelumbium speciosum, a water-bean of great beauty.

3 Shaikh Yahya had been the head of the Chishti Order. His son (d. 782 AH.—
1380-1 AD.) was the author of works named by Abii'l-fazl as read aloud to Akbar, a
discursive detail which pleads in my excuse that those who know Babur well cannot
but see in his grandson’s character and success the fruition of his mental characteristics
and of his labours in Hindiistan. (For Sharafu’d-din A/uniri, cf. Khazinatu’l-asfiya
ji, 390-92; and Ayin- -t-akbari s.n.) “y

* Kostenko’s Zurkistan Region describes a regimen for horses which Babur will

have seen in practice in his native land, one which prevented the defect that hindered — i
his at Munir from accomplishing more ‘than some 30 miles before mid-day.

SON
‘“

935 AH.—SeEp. 15TH 1528 To SEP. DTH 1529 AD. 667

kurohs (23 m.).t Itis about half a £uroh from Munir to the Son ;
the return journey from Munir to the camp was therefore 12 kurohs
(24m.). In addition to this were some 15-16 kurohs done in
visiting this and that place ; so that the whole excursion was one
of some 30 kurohs(60m.). Six garis of the Ist night-watch had
passed [8.15 p.m.] when we reached the camp.

(April 28th) At the dawn of Thursday (Sha‘ban 79¢h) SI.
Junaid Barlas came in with the Jinpir braves from Jiinptr. I let
him know my blame and displeasure on account of his delay ;
I did not see him. Qazi Jia I sent for and saw.

(aaa. Plan of the approaching battle with the Bengal army.)
On the same day the Turk and Hind amirs were summoned
for a consultation about crossing Gang (Ganges), and matters
found settlement at this? -—that Ustad ‘Ali-quli should collect
mortar, firzmgi,3 and culverin+ to the point of rising ground
between the rivers Sari and Gang, and, having many match-
lockmen with him, should incite to battle from that place ; 5 that

* The distance from Munir to the bank of the Ganges will have been considerably
longer in Babur’s day than now because of the change of the river’s course through
its desertion of the Burh-ganga channel (cf. next note).

2 In trying to locate the site of Babur’s coming battle with the forces of Nasrat
Shah, it should be kept in mind that previous to the 18th century, and therefore,
presumably, in his day, the Ganges flowed in the “‘ Burh-ganga” (Old Ganges) channel
which now is closely followed by the western boundary of the Ballia pargaza of Dii-aba ;
that the Ganges and Ghogra will have met where this old channel entered the bed of
the latter river ; and also, as is seen from Babur’s narrative, that above the confluence
the Ghogra will have been confined toa narrowed channel. When the Ganges flowed
in the Burh-ganga channel, the now Ballia pargana of Di-aba was a sub-division of
Bihiya and continuous with Shahabad. From it in Bihiya Babur crossed the Ganges
into Kharid, doing this at a place his narrative locates as some 2miles from the con-
fluence. Cf. D.G. of Ballia, pp. 9, 192-3, 206, 213. It may be observed that the
former northward extension of Bihiya to the Burh-ganga channel explains Babur’s
estimate (f. 370) of the distance from Munir to his camp on the Ganges ; his 124.
{24m.) may then have been correct ; it is now too high.

3 De Courteille, Azerrier, which may bea balista. Babur’s writings give no indica-
tion of other than stone-ammunition for any projectile-engine or fire-arm. Cf. R. W. F.
Payne-Gallwey’s Projectile-throwing engines of the ancients.

4 Sir R. W. F. Payne-Gallwey writes in Zhe Cross-dow (p. 40 and p. 41) what may
apply to Babur’s sard-zax (culverin ?) and ¢¢fang (matchlock), when he describes the
larger culverin as a heavy hand-gun of from 16—181b., as used by the foot-soldier and
requiring the assistance of an attendant to work it ; also when he says that it became
the portable arquebus which was in extensive use in Europe by the Swiss in 1476 aD. ;
and that between 1510 and 1520 the arquebus described was superseded by what is
still seen amongst remote tribes in India, a matchlock arquebus.

5 The two positions Babur selected for his guns would seem to have been opposite
two ferry-heads, those, presumably, which were blocked against his pursuit of Biban
and Bayazid. ‘Ali-quli’s emplacement will have been on the high bank of old alluvium
of south-eastern Kharid, overlooking the narrowed channel demanded by Babur’s

Fol. 3703.

668 HINDUSTAN

Mustafa, he also having many matchlockmen, should get his —
material and implements ready on the Bihar side of Gang, alittle
below the meeting of the waters and opposite to where on an
island the Bengalis had an elephant and a mass of boats tied —
up, and that he should engage battle from this place;* that —
Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza and the others inscribed for the work
should take post behind Mustafa as his reserve; that both for 4
Ustad ‘Ali-quli and Mustafa shelters (szudjar) for the culverin- —
firers should be raised by a mass of spadesmen and coolies (kahar) —
under appointed overseers ; that as soon as these shelters were
ready, ‘Askari and the sultans inscribed for the work should cross
quickly at the Haldi-passage? and come down on the enemy ; —
that meantime, as Sl. Junaid and Qazi Jia had giveninformation —
about a crossing-place3 8 kurohs (16m.) higher up,4 Zard-rii(Pale- —
face ?) should go with a few raftsmen and some of the people of
the Sultan, Mahmiid Khan WV#Zani and Qazi Jia to look at that
crossing ; and that, if crossing there were, they should go over ~
at once, because it was rumoured that the Bengalis were planning _
to post men at the Haldi-passage. ‘

A dutiful letter from Mahmid Khan the Military-collector —
(shigdar) of Sikandarpiir now came, saying that he had collected
as many as 50 boats at the Haldi-passage and had given wages —
to the boatmen, but that these were much alarmed at the rumoured
approach of the Bengalis. a

(April 30th) As time pressed 5 for crossing the Sari, I did not —
wait for the return of those who had gone to look at the passage, ~

narrative, one pent in presumably by sankar reefs such as there are in the region. As 4
illustrating what the channel might have been, the varying breadth of the Ghogra along —
the ‘Azamgarh District may be quoted, wz. from 10miles to 2/5m., the latter being
where, as in Kharid, there is old alluvium with ankar reefs preserving the banks. Ce a
Reid’s Report of Settlement Operations in ‘Azamgarh, Sikandarpur, and Bhadaon.—
Firishta gives Badri as the name of one ferry (lith. ed. i. 210). 4
* Mustafa, like ‘Ali-quli, was to take the offensive by gun-fire directed on the opposite
bank. Judging from maps and also from the course taken by the Ganges through the
Burh-ganga channel and from Babur’s narrative, there seems to have been a narrow
reach of the Ghogra just below the confluence, as well as above. a
* This ferry, bearing the common name Haldi (turmeric), is located by the course a"
of events as at no great distance above the enemy’s encampment above the confluence.
It cannot be the one of Sikandarpiir West. 4
3 guszr, which here may mean a casual ford through water low just before the Rains.
As it was not found, it will have been temporary.
4 z.e. above Babur’s positions.
5 sarwar (or dar) wagt.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 669

but on Saturday (2757) summoned the begs for consultation and
said, “As it has been reported that there are (no?) crossing-places
(fords?) along the whole of the ground from Chatur-mik in Sikan-
darpir to Baraich and Aid," let us, while seated here, assign the
large force to cross at the Haldi-passage by boat and from there
to come down on the enemy ; let Ustad ‘Ali-quli and Mustafa
engage battle with gun (of), matchlock, culverin and firzngz, and
by this draw the enemy out before ‘Askari comes up.? Let us
after crossing the river (Ganges) and assigning reinforcement to
Ustad ‘Ali-quli, take our stand ready for whatever comes; if
‘Askari’s troops get near, let us fling attack from where we are,
cross over and assault ; let Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza and those
appointed to act with him, engage battle from near Mustafa on
_ the other side of Gang.”

The matter having been left at this, the force for the north of
the Gang was formed into four divisions to start under ‘Askari’s
command for the Haldi-passage. One division was of ‘Askari
and his retainers ; another was Sl. Jalalu’d-din Sargz; another
was of the Aiizbeg sultans Qasim-i-husain Sultan, Bi-khib Sultan
and Tang-aitmish Sultan, together with Mahmiid Khan Vihani
of Ghazipir, Baba Qashqa’s Kiki, Tilmish Avzdeg, Qurban of
Chirkh, and the Darya-khanis led by Hasan Khan; another was
of Misa SI. (Farmalz) and Sl. Junaid with what-not of the Jinpir
army, some 20,000 men. Officers were appointed to oversee the
getting of the force to horse that very night, that is to say, the
night of Sunday.3

(May 1st) The army began to cross Gang at the dawn of
Sunday (Sha‘ban 22nd); I went over by boat at the Ist watch
(6a.m.). Zard-rii and his party came in at mid-day; the ford
itself they had not found but they brought news of boats and of

having met on the road the army getting near them.4

* The preceding sentence is imperfect and varies inthe MSS. The Ist Pers. trs., the
wording of which is often explanatory, says that there were o passages, which, as there
were many ferries, will mean fords. The Haldi-guzr where ‘Askari was to cross, will
have been far below the lowest Babur mentions, vz. Chatur-mik (Chaupara).

* This passage presupposes that guns in Kharid could hit the hostile camp in Saran.
If the river narrowed hereas it does further north, the Ghazi mortar, which seems to
have been the only one Babur had with him, would have carried across, since it threw
a stone 1,600 paces (gadam, f.309). Cf. Reid’s Report quoted above.

3 Anglicé, Saturday after 6p.m.

* yagin bulghin fauj, var. ta‘in balghan fauj, the army appointed (to cross). The
boats will be those collected at the Haldi-ferry, and the army ‘Askari’s.

45

Fol. 371.

Fol. 3714.

Fo). 372.

670 HINDUSTAN

(May 3rd) On Tuesday (Sha‘ban 24th) we marched from a
where the river had been crossed, went on for nearly one kuroh
(2m.) and dismounted on the fighting-ground at the confluence.*
I myself went to enjoy Ustad ‘Ali-quli’s firing of culverin and
firingi; he hit two boats today with jirimgi-stones, broke them
and sank them. Mustafa did the same from his side. I had
the large mortar? taken to the fighting-ground, left Mulla Ghulam
to superintend the making of its position, appointed a body of
vasawals 3 and active braves to help him, went to an island facing
the camp and there ate ma‘un.

Whilst still under the influence of the confection4 I had the
boat taken to near the tents and there slept. A strange thing
happened in the night, a noise and disturbance arising about the
3rd watch (midnight) and the pages and others snatching up
pieces of wood from the boat, and shouting “Strike! strike!”
What was said to have led to the disturbance was that a night-
guard who was in the Farmaish along-side the Asaish in which
I was sleeping,5 opening his eyes from slumber, sees a man with
his hand on the Asaish as if meaning to climb into her. They
fall on him ;° he dives, comes up again, cuts at the night-guard’s
head, wounding it a little, then runs off at once towards the river.”
Once before, on the night we returned from Munir, one or two
night-guards had chased several Hindistanis from near the boats,
and had brought in two swords and a dagger of theirs. The Most
High had me in His Keeping!

(Persian) Were the sword of the world to leap forth,
It would cut not a vein till God will.®

* z#.e. near ‘Ali-quli’s emplacement. 2 Cf. f. 303, f. 309, f. 337 and n. 4.

3 ** The yasdwal is an officer who carries the commands of the prince, and sees them
ns ” (Erskine). Here he will have been the superintendent of coolies moving
earth.

* ma‘jiin-nak which, in these days of Babur’s return to obedience, it may be right to
translate in harmony with his psychical outlook of self-reproach, by »a‘jan-polluted.
Though he had long ceased to drink wine, he still sought cheer and comfort, in his
laborious days, from inspiriting and forbidden confections.

5 Probably owing to the less precise phrasing of his Persian archetype, Erskine here.

has reversed the statement, made in the Turki, that Babur slept in the Asaish (not the 4 A E

Farmaish).

_ ° aiistida tashla@r. An earlier reading of this, viz. that stones were thrown on the
intruder is negatived by Babur’s mention of wood as the weapon used.

_? st sri which, as the boats were between an island and the river’s bank, seems
likely to mean that the man went off towards the main stream. Jems. p. 415, ‘‘made
his escape in the river”; Méms. ii, 418, dans la direction du large.

* This couplet is quoted by Jahangir also (7#s#é, trs. Rogers & Beveridge, i, 348).

—

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 to SEP. 5rH 1529 AD. 671

(May gth) At the dawn of Wednesday (2574), I went in the
boat Gunjaish to near the stone-firing ground (dé@sh-atar-yir) and
there posted each soever to his work.

(666. Details of the engagement.)

Aighan-birdi I/ughi/, leading not less than 1,000 men, had
been sent to get, in some way or other, across the river (Sari) one,
two, three kurohs (2, 4,6m.) higher up. A mass of foot-soldiers,
crossing from opposite ‘Askari’s camp," landed from 20-30 boats
on his road, presumably thinking to show their superiority, but
Aighan-birdi and his men charged them, put them to flight, took
a few and cut their heads off, shot many with arrows, and got
possession of 7 or 8 boats. Today also Bengalis crossed ina few
boats to Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza’s side, there landed and
provoked to fight. When attacked they fled, and three boat-
loads of them were drowned. One boat was captured and brought
tome. In this affair Baba the Brave went forward and exerted
himself excellently.

Orders were given that in the darkness of night the boats
Aighan-birdi had captured should be drawn? up-stream, and
that in them there should cross Muhammad Sl. Mirza, Yakka
Khwaja, Yiinas-i-‘ali, Aighan-birdi and those previously assigned
to go with them.

Yoday came a man from ‘Askari to say that he had crossed
the [Sarii]-water, leaving none behind, and that he would come
down on the enemy at next day’s dawn, that is to say, on
Thursday’s. Here-upon those already ordered to cross over
were told to join ‘Askari and to advance upon the enemy
with him. :

At the Mid-day Prayer a person came from Usta, saying
“The stone is ready; what is the order?” The order was, “Fire
this stone off ; keep the next till I come.” Going at the Other
Prayer in a very small Bengali skiff to where shelter (mu/jar)
had been raised, I saw Usta fire off one large stone and several

* This, taken with the positions of other crossing-parties, serves to locate ‘Askari’s

**Haldi-passage” at no great distance above ‘Ali-quli’s emplacement at the confluence,
and above the main Bengal force.

* perhaps, towed from the land. I have not found Babur using any word which
clearly means to row, unless indeed a later rawan does so. The force meant to cross
in the boats taken up under cover of night was part of Babur’s own, no doubt.

Fol. 3720.

Fol. 373.

1)

672 HINDUSTAN

small firingi ones. Bengalis have a reputation for fire-working ;*
we tested it now; they do not fire counting to hit a particular
spot, but fire at random. ;
At this same Other Prayer orders were given to draw a few
boats up-stream along the enemy’s front. A few were got past
without a “ God forbid !”? from those who, all unprotected, drew
them up. Aisan-timir Sl. and Tikhta-bigha SI. were ordered
to stay at the place those boats reached, and to keep watch over
them. I got back to camp in the Ist night-watch of Thursday.3

Near midnight came news from (Atighan-birdi’s) boats which :

were being drawn up-stream, “The force appointed had gone
somewhat ahead ; we were following, drawing the boats, when
the Bengalis got to know where we were drawing them and
attacked. A stone hit a boatman in the leg and broke it, we
could not pass on.”

(May 5th) At dawn on Thursday (Sha‘ban 26th) came the
news from those at the shelter, “ All the boats have come from
above. The enemy’s horse has ridden to meet our approaching
army.” On this, I got our men mounted quickly and rode out
to above those boats5 that had been drawn up in the night.
A galloper was sent off with an order for Muhammad Sl. M. and
those appointed to cross with him, to do it at once and join
‘Askari. The order for Aisan-timir Sl. and Tukhta-bigha Sl.
who were above these boats,° was that they should busy them-
selves to cross. Baba Sl. was not at his post.7

" atish-bazi lit. fire-playing, if a purely Persian compound ; if a@zsh be Turki, it
means discharge, shooting, The word ‘‘ fire-working” is used above under the nearest
to contemporary guidance known to me, zzz. that of the list of persons who suffered in
the Patna massacre ‘‘ during the troubles of October 1763 AD.”, in which list are the
names of four Lieutenants fire-workers (Calcutta Review, Oct. 1884, and Jan. 1885,
art. The Patna Massacre, H. Beveridge).

* bi tahashi, without protest or demur.

3 Anglicé, Wednesday after 6p.m.

* Perhaps those which had failed to pass in the darkness ; perhaps those from
Haldi-guzr, which had been used by ‘Askari’s troops. There appear to be obvious
reasons for their keeping abreast on the river with the troops in Saran, in order to
convey reinforcements or to provide retreat.

5 kimalar aiistida, which may mean that he came, on the high bank, to where the
boats lay below.

° as in the previous note, kimalar aiistida. These will have been the few drawn
up-stream along the enemy’s front.

7 The reproach conveyed by Babur’s statement is borne out by the strictures of
ore i Dighlat on Baba Sultan’s neglect of duty (7arikh-i-rashidi trs.

ap. lxxvii).

re

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 to SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 673

Aisan-timir Sl. at once crosses, in one boat with 30-40 of his
retainers who hold their horses by the mane at the boat-side.
A second boat follows. The Bengalis see them crossing and
start off a mass of foot-soldiers for them. To meet these go 7 or
$8 of Aisan-timir Sl.’s retainers, keeping together, shooting off
arrows, drawing those foot-soldiers towards the Sultan who mean-
time is getting his men mounted; meantime also the second boat
is moving (rawdz). When his 30-35 horsemen charge those
foot-soldiers, they put them well to flight. Aisan-timir did
distinguished work, first in crossing before the rest, swift, steady,
and without a “God forbid !”, secondly in his excellent advance,
with so few men, on such a mass of foot, and by putting these to
flight. Tuikhta-bigha Sl. also crossed. Then boats followed

__ one after another. Lahoris and Hindistanis began to cross

from their usual posts? by swimming or on bundles of reeds.”
Seeing how matters were going, the Bengalis of the boats opposite
the shelter (Mustafa’s), set their faces for flight down-stream.
Darwish-i-muhammad Saréax, Dost Lord-of-the-gate, Nir
Beg and several braves also went across the river. I madea man
gallop off to the Sultans to say, “ Gather well together those who
cross, go close to the opposing army, take it in the flank, and
get to grips.” Accordingly the Sultans collected those who
crossed, formed up into 3 or 4 divisions, and started for the foe.
As they draw near, the enemy-commander, without breaking his
array, flings his foot-soldiers to the front and socomeson. Kiki
comes up with a troop from ‘Askari’s force and gets to grips on
his side; the Sultans get to grips on theirs ; they get the upper
hand, unhorse man after man, and make the enemy scurry off.
Kiki’s men bring down a Pagan of repute named Basant Rad
and cut off his head ; 10 or 15 of his people fall on Kiki's, and
are instantly cut to pieces. Tikhta-bigha SI. gallops along the
enemy’s front and gets his sword well in. Mughil ‘Abdu’l-

Z yusiinlig tishi, Pers. trss. tarf khiid, i.e. their place in the array, a frequent
phrase.

* dastak bila dosta-i-gaimish bila, Cf. f. 3634 and f. 3664, for passages and notes
connected with swimming and dastak. Erskine twice translates dastak bila by
swimming ; but here de Courteille changes from his earlier 2 /a nage (f. 3664) to
appuyeés sur une piece de bois. Perhaps the swift current was crossed by swimming
with the support of a bundle of reeds, perhaps on rafts made of such bundles (cf.
Heat toad London News, Sep. 16th, 1916, for a picture of Indian soldiers so crossing
on rafts),

Fol. 37 3¢.

Fol. 374.

Fol. 3746.

674 HINDUSTAN

wahhab and his younger brother gets theirs in well too. Mughil
though he did not know how to swim, had crossed the river
holding to his horse’s mane.

[I sent for my own boats which were behind ;* the Farmaish
coming up first, I went over in it to visit the Bengalis’ encamping-
grounds. I then went into the Gunjaish. “Is there a crossing-
place higher up?” I asked. Mir Muhammad the raftsman
represented that the Sari was better to cross higher up ;?
accordingly the army-folk 3 were ordered to cross at the higher
place he named.

While those led by Muhammad Sl. Mirza were crossing the
river,+ the boat in which Yakka Khwaja was, sank and he went
to God’s mercy. His retainers and lands were bestowed on his
younger brother Qasim Khwaja.

The Sultans arrived while I was making ablution for the Mid-
day Prayer; I praised and thanked them and led them to expect
csuerdon and kindness. ‘Askari also came; this was the first
affair he had seen ; one well-omened for him !

As the camp had not yet crossed the river, I took my rest in
the boat Gunjaish, near an island.

(ccc. Various incidents of the days following the battle.)

(May 6th) During the day of Friday (Sha‘ban 27th) we landed
at a village named Kindih 5 in the Nirhun fargana of Kharid on
the north side of the Sarii.®

(May 8th) On Sunday (29¢#) Kiki was sent to Hajipir for

news.

* perhaps they were in the Burh-ganga channel, out of gun-fire.

* If the Ghogra flowed at this point in a narrow channel, it would be the swifter,
and less easy to cross than where in an open bed.

3 chirtk-aili, a frequent compound, but one of which the use is better defined in the
latter than the earlier part of Babur’s writings to represent what then answered to an
Army Service Corps. This corps now crosses into Saran and joins the fighting force.

* This appears to refer to the crossing effected before the fight.

_ 5 or Kiindbah. TI have not succeeded in finding this name in the Nirhun fazgana ;
it may have been at the southern end, near the ‘‘Domaigarh” of maps. In it was
Tir-mihani, perhaps a village (f. 377, f. 381).

° This passage justifies Erskine’s surmise (Memoirs, p. 411, n. 4) that the Kharid-
country lay on both banks of the Ghogra. His further surmise that, on the east bank
of the Ghogra, it extended to the Ganges would be correct also, since the Ganges
flowed, in Babur’s day, through the Burh-ganga (Old Ganges) channel along the

southern edge of the present Kharid, and thus joined the Ghogra higher than it
now does.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 675

Shah Muhammad (son) of Ma‘riff to whom in last year’s
campaign (934 AH.) I had shown great favour and had given the
Saran-country, had done well on several occasions, twice fighting
and overcoming his father Ma‘rif.t' At the time when SI.
Mahmid Ladi perfidiously took possession of Bihar and was
opposed by Shaikh Bayazid and Biban, Shah Muhammad had
no help for it, he had to join them ; but even then, when people
were saying wild words about him, he had written dutifully
to me. When ‘Askari crossed at the Haldi-passage, Shah
Muhammad had come at once with a troop, seen him and with
him gone against the Bengalis. He now came to this ground
and waited on me.

During these days news came repeatedly that Biban and

_ Shaikh Bayazid were meaning to cross the Sari-river.

In these days of respite came the surprising news from Sanbal
(Sambhal) where ‘Ali-i-ytisuf had stayed in order to bring the
place into some sort of order, that he and a physician who was
by way of being a friend of his, had gone to God’s mercy on
one andthesameday. ‘Abdu'l-lah (£z/@ddar) was ordered to go
and maintain order in Sanbal.

(May 13th) On Friday the 5th of the month Ramzan, ‘Abdu’l-
lah was given leave for Sanbal.?

(ddd. News from the westward.)

In these same days came a dutiful letter from Chin-timir Sl.
saying that on account of the journey of the family from Kabul,
several of the begs who had been appointed to reinforce him, had
not been able to join him ;3 also that he had gone out with
Muhammadi and other begs and braves, not less than 100urohs

* Bayazid and Ma‘rif Aarmiulz were brothers. Bayazid had taken service with
Babur in 932 Au. (1526 ap.), left him in 934AH. (end of 1527 AD.) and opposed him
near Qanij. Ma‘rif, long a rebel against Ibrahim Zdaz, had never joined Babur;
two of his sons did so; of the two, Muhammad and Misa, the latter may be the one
mentioned as at Qanij, ‘* Ma‘rif’s son” (f. 336).—For an interesting sketch of
Marif’s character and for the location in Hindistan of the Farmili clan, sce the
Wagtat-t-mushtagi, E. & D.’s History of India, iv, 584.—In connection with Qaniij,
the discursive remark may be allowable, that Babur’s halt during the construction of
the bridge of boats across the Ganges in 934 AH. is still commemorated by the name
Badshah-nagar of a village between Bangarmau and Nanamau (Elliot’s Ovaz, p. 45).

? On f. 381 ‘Abdu’l-lah’s starting-place is mentioned as Tir-mihani.

3 The failure to join would be one of the evils predicted by the dilatory start of the
ladies from Kabul (f. 3604).

Fol. 375.

Fol. 3754.

676 HINDUSTAN

(200m.), attacked the Baliichis and given them a good beating."
Orders were sent through ‘Abdu’l-lah (£z¢abdar) for the Sultan
that he and Sl. Muhammad Dzii/dai, Muhammadi, and some of
the begs and braves of that country-side should assemble in
Agra and there remain ready to move to wherever an enemy
appeared.

(eee. Settlement with the Nuhani Afghans.)

(May 16th) On Monday the 8th of the month, Darya Khan’s
grandson Jalal Khan to whom Shaikh Jamali had gone, came
in with his chief amirs and waited on me.? Yahya Wa/anz also
came, who had already sent his younger brother in sign of
submission and had received a royal letter accepting his service.
Not to make vain the hope with which some 7 or $8,000 WViihant
Afghans had come in to me, I bestowed 50/aks from Bihar on
Mahmid Khan WVihani, after reserving one rar for Government
uses (khalsa), and gave the remainder of the Bihar revenues in
trust for the above-mentioned Jalal Khan who for his part agreed
to pay one &rir of tribute. Mulla Ghulam yasdéwal was sent to
collect this tribute; Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza received the
Jiinapir-country.4

(fff. Peace made with Nasrat Shah.)

(May 19th) On the eve of Thursday (z7zh) that retainer of
Khalifa’s, Ghulam-i-‘ali by name, who in company with a retainer
of the Shah-zada of Mungir named Abi’l-fath,5 had gone earlier
than Isma‘l Mita, to convey those three articles (/as/ soz), now
returned, again in company with Abi’l-fath, bringing letters for
Khalifa written by the Shah-zada and by Husain Khan Laskar(?)
Wazir, who, in these letters, gave assent to those three conditions,
took upon themselves to act for Nasrat Shah and interjected
a word for peace. As the object of this campaign was to put

* The order for these operations is given on f. 3554.

* f.369. The former Nihani chiefs are now restored to Bihar as tributaries of Babur.

3 Erskine estimated the svar at about £25,000, and the 50 /aks at about £12,500.

* The Mirza thus supersedes Junaid Bar/as in Jinpir.—The form Jinapar used
above and elsewhere by Babur and his Persian translators, supports the Gazetteer of

/ndia x\v, 74 as to the origin of the name Jinpar.

° a son of Nasrat Shah. No record of this earlier legation is with the Babur-nama
manuscripts ; probably it has been lost. The only article found specified is the one

asking for the removal of the Kharid army from a ferry-head Babur wished to use ;
Nasrat Shah’s assent to this is an anti-climax to Babur’s victory on the Ghogra.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 ro SEP. 5rH 1529 AD. 677

down the rebel Afghans of whom some had taken their heads

and gone off, some had come in submissive and accepting my

service, and the remaining few were in the hands of the Bengali Fol. 376.
(Nasrat Shah) who had taken them in charge, and as, moreover,
the Rains were near, we in our turn wrote and despatched words
for peace on the conditions mentioned.

(ggg. Submissions and guerdon.)

(May 21st) On Saturday (13th) Isma‘il Ja/wani, ‘Alatil Khan
Niuhani, Auliya Khan Ashragi(?) and 5 and 6 amirs came in
and waited on me.

Today guerdon was bestowed on Aisan-timir Sl. and Tukhta-
bigha Sl, of swords and daggers with belts, cuirasses, dresses

- of honour, and ¢iichadg horses ; also they were made to kneel,
__ Aisan-timir Sl. for the grant of 36 /aks from the Narnil pargana,
Takhta-bugha SI. for 30 /eks from that of Shamsabad.

(hhh. Pursuit of Bayazid and Biban.)

(May 23rd) On Monday the (5th of the month (Ramzan), we
marched from our ground belonging to Kindbah (or Kiindih) on
the Sari-river, with easy mind about Bihar and Bengal, and
resolute to crush the traitors Biban and Shaikh Bayazid.

(May 25th) On Wednesday (772%) after making two night-
halts by the way, we dismounted at a passage across the Sari,

_ called Chaupara-Chaturmik of Sikandarpir.t From today

_ people were busy in crossing the river.

_ As news began to come again and again that the traitors,
_ after crossing Sarii and Gogar,? were going toward Lukni,3 the

+

* Chaupara is at the Saran end of the ferry, at the Sikandarpir one is Chatur-mik
(Four-faces, an epithet of Brahma and _Vishnu).

? It may be inferred from the earlier use of the phrase Gogar (or Gagar) and Sarit
(Siri or Sird), on f. 338-84, that whereas the rebels were, earlier, for crossing Sarii only,
z.e. the Ghogra below its confluence with the Sarda, they had now changed for crossing
above the confluence and further north. Such a change is explicable by desire to avoid
encounter with Babur’s following, here perhaps the army of Aid, and the same desire
is manifested by their abandonment of a fort captured (f. 3774) some days before the
rumour reached Babur of their crossing Sari and Gogar.—Since translating the passage
on f. 338, I have been led, by enforced attention to the movement of the confluence of
Ghogra with Ganges (Sari with Gang) to see that that translation, eased in obedience
to distances shewn in maps, may be wrong and that Babur’s statement that he dis-
mounted 2-3 kurohs (4-6m.) above Aiid at the confluence of Gogar with Sari, may
have Some geographical interest and indicate movement of the two affluents such e.g.
as is indicated of the Ganges and Ghogra by tradition and by the name Burh-ganga
(cf. f. 370, p. 667, n. 2).

3 or L:kniir, perhaps Liknii or Likniir. The capricious variation in the MSS.

Fol. 3766.

678 HINDUSTAN

following leaders were appointed to bar (their) crossing * :—The
Turk and Hind amirs Jalalu’d-din Shargé, ‘Ali Khan Farmali; —
Tardika (or, Tardi yakka), Nizam Khan of Biana, together with
Talmish Azzbeg, Qurban of Chirk and Darya Khan (of Bhira’s —
son) Hasan Khan. They were given leave to go on the night a
of Thursday.? 4
(777. Damage done to the Babur-nama writings.) .

That same night when 1 watch (pds), 5 garis had passed (air.
10.55p.m.) and the ¢arawih-prayers were over,> such a storm P
burst, in the inside of a moment, from the up-piled clouds of |
the Rainy-season, and such a stiff gale rose, that few tents were
left standing. I was in the Audience-tent, about to write (Aztabat
gila dir aidim) ; before I could collect papers and sections,4 the
tent came down, with its porch, right on my head. The ine q
went to pieces.5 God preserved me! no harm befell me! ia
Sections and book ® were drenched under water and gathered — a
together with much difficulty. We laid them in the folds of —
a woollen throne-carpet,7 put this on the throne and on it piled —
blankets. The storm quieted down in about 2 garis (45m.); the —

between L:knii and L:kniir makes the movements of the rebels difficult to follow.
Comment on these variants, tending to identify the places behind the words, is grouped
in Appendix T, On L:kna (Lakhnau) and L:knir (Lakhnar).

* Taking guzr in the sense it has had hitherto in the Babur-nama of ferry or ford,

* the detachment may have been intended to block the river-crossings of “Sari and

Gogar”. If SO, however, the time for this was past, the rebels having taken a fort
west of those rivers on Ramzan13th. Nothing further is heard of the detachment.—
That news of the rebel-crossing of the rivers did not reach Babur before the 18th and _
news of their capture of L:kni or L:knir before the 19th may indicate that they had
crossed a good deal to the north of the confluence, and that the fort taken was one more —
remote than Lakhnau (Oude). Cf. Appendix T. ;

* Anglicé, Wednesday after 6 p.m.

3 These are recited late in the night during Ramzan. -

* kaghasz u aj2a’, perhaps writing-paper and the various sections of the Babur-nama
writings, vzs. biographical notices, descriptions of places, detached lengths of diary,
farmans of Shaikh Zain. The /acunae of 934 AH., 935 AH., and perhaps earlier ones _
also may be attributed reasonably to this storm. Tt i is easy to understand the loss of —
e.g. the conclusion of the Farghana section, and the diary one of 934 AH., if they lay
partly under water. The accident would be better realized in its disastrous resultsto
the writings, if one knew whether Babur wrote ina bound or unbound volume. From
the minor losses of 935 AH., one guesses that the current diary at least had not
reached the stage of binding. oo

5 The ¢aéngliig is a flap in a tent-roof, allowing light and air to enter, or smoke to.
come out. ;

° ajzd@ u kita. See last note but one. The &z4ad (book) might well be Babur’s
composed narrative on which he was now working, as far as it had then gone towards
its untimely end (Hai. MS, f. 216d). a

? sagarlat kut-silicha, where sagar/at will mean warm and woollen.

se * _
Rk = =

935 AH.—SEP. 151H 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 679

bedding-tent was set up, a lamp lighted, and, after much trouble,
a fire kindled. We, without sleep, were busy till shoot of day
drying folios and sections.

(yy. Pursuit of Biban and Bayazid resumed.)

(May 26th) 1 crossed the water on Thursday morning
(Raman 18th).

(May 27th) On Friday (z9¢h) I rode out to visit Sikandarpir
and Kharid.. Today came matters written by ‘Abdu‘l-lah
(kitabdar) and Baqi about the taking of Luknir.?

(May 28th) On Saturday (20¢#) Kiki was sent ahead, with
a troop, to join Baqi.3

(May 29th) That nothing falling to be done before my arrival

might be neglected, leave to join Baqi was given on Sunday
~ (21st) to SI. Junaid Barlas, Khalifa’s (son) Hasan, Mulla Apaq’s Fol. 377.
retainers, and the elder and younger brethren of Mumin Ataka.

Today at the Other Prayer a special dress of honour and
a tipiichag horse were bestowed on Shah Muhammad (son) of
Ma‘ruf Farmilz, and leave to go was given. As had been done
last year (934AH.), an allowance from Saran and Kindla+ was
bestowed on him for the maintenance of quiver-wearers. Today
too an allowance of 72/aks 5 from Sarwar and a ¢ipiichag horse
were bestowed on Isma‘il /a/wani, and his leave was given.

_ About the boats Gunjaish and Ardish it was settled with
_ Bengalis that they should take them to Ghazipir by way of
_ Tir-mthani.° The boats Asaish and Farmaish were ordered

taken up the Sari with the camp.

(May 30th) On Monday (Ramzan 22nd) we marched from the
Chaupara-Chaturmik passage along the Sari, with mind at ease

_ about Bihar and Sarwar,? and after doing as much as 10hurohs

* Kharid-town is some 4 m. s.e. of the town of Sikandarpiir.

* or L:kni. Cf. Appendix T. It is now 14 days since ‘Abdu’l-lah £¢tabdar had
left Tir-mahani (f. 380) for Sambhal; as he was in haste, there had been time for him
to go beyond Aiid (where Baqi was) and yet get the news to Babur on the roth.

3 In a way not usual with him, Babur seems to apply three epithets to this follower,
wiz. ming-begi, shaghawal, Tashkindi (Index s.n.).

* or Kandla ; cf. Revenue list f. 293; is it now Saran Khas?

5 £18,000 (Erskine). For the total yield of Kundla (or Kandla) and Sarwar, see
Revenue list (f. 293).

© f. 375, p. 675 n.2 and f. 381, p. 687 n. 3.

7 A little earlier Babur has recorded his ease of mind about Bihar and Bengal, the
fruit doubtless of his victory over Mahmiid Zaaz and Nasrat Shah ; he now does the

680 HINDUSTAN

Fol. 3774. (20m.) dismounted on the Sari in a village called Kilirah (?) 4
dependent on Fathpir.*

(kkk. A surmised survival of the record of 934 A. H.?)

* After spending several days pleasantly in that place where ~
there are gardens, running-waters, well-designed buildings, trees,
particularly mango-trees, and various birds of coloured plumage,
I ordered the march to be towards Ghazipir. 3

Ismail Khan /a/wani and ‘Alatl Khan Vafanz had it repre-
sented to me that they would come to Agra after seeing their
native land (watz). On this the command was, “I will give an —
order in a month,’”* 3 4

same about Bihar and Sarwar, no doubt because he has replaced in Bihar, as his tribu-
taries, the Nihani chiefs and has settled other Afghans, Jalwanis and Farmilis in a
Sarwar cleared of the Jalwani (?) rebel Biban and the Farmiili opponents Bayazid and ~
Ma‘rif. The Farmili Shaikh-zadas, it may be recalled, belonged by descent to ~
Babur’s Kabul district of Farmiil.—The Wag7‘at-z-mushtagi (E. & D.’s H. of J. iv,
548) details the position of the clan under Sikandar Ladi.

* The MSS. write Fathpir but Nathpir suits the context, a Jargana mentioned in
the Ayin-t-akbari and now in the ‘Azamgarh district. There seems to be no Fathpir
within Babur’s limit of distance. The D.G. of ‘Azamgarh mentions two now insigni-
ficant Fathpiirs, one as having a school, the other a market. The name G:l:r:h ~
(K:l:r:h) I have not found.

? The passage contained in this section seems to be a survival of the lost record of
934 AH. (f. 339). I have found it only in the A/emoirs p. 420, and in Mr. Erskine’s
own Codex of the Wagz‘at-7-baburi (now B.M. Add. 26,200), f. 371 where however
several circumstances isolate it from the context. It may be a Persian translation of
an authentic Turki fragment, found, perhaps with other such fragments, inthe Royal
Library. Its wording disassociates it from the ‘Abdu’r-rahim text. The Codex
(No. 26,200) breaks off at the foot of a page (supra, Fathpir) with a completed sentence.
The supposedly-misplaced passage is entered on the next folio as a sort of ending of —
the Babur-nama writings; in a rough script, inferior to that of the Codex, and is —
followed by Zam, ¢am (Finis), and an incomplete date 98-, in words. Beneath this —
a line is drawn, on which is subtended the triangle frequent with scribes; within
this is what seems to be a completion of the date to 980 AH. anda pious wish, scrawled
in an even rougher hand than the rest.—Not only in diction and in script but in
contents also the passage is a misfit where it now stands ; it can hardly describe a —
village on the Sari; Babur in 935 AH. did not march for Ghazipir but may have done
SO In 934 AH. (p. 656, n. 3); Isma‘il_/a/wani had had leave given already in 935 AH.
(f. 377) under other conditions, ones bespeaking more trust and tried allegiance.—
Possibly the place described as having fine buildings, gardens e/c. is Aid (Ajodhya)
where Babur spent some days in 934 AH. (cf. f. 3634, p. 655n. 3).

3 ** Here my Persian manuscript closes” (This is B.M. Add. 26,200). ‘*Thetwo
additional fragments are given from Mr. Metcalfe’s manuscript alone” (now B.M. ~
Add. 26, 202) ‘*and unluckily, it is extremely incorrect” (Erskine). This note will have
been written perhaps a decade before 1826, in which year the Memoirs of Babur was
published, after long delay. Mr. Erskine’s own Codex (No. 26,200) was made good
at a later date, perhaps when he was working on his History of India (pub. 1854), by
a well-written supplement which carries the diary to its usual end s.a. 936 AH. and —
also gives Persian translations of Babur’s letters to Humayiin and Khwaja Kalan.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 681

(Ul. The westward march resumed.)
(May 31st) Those who marched early ( 7uesday, Ramzan 23rd),

_ having lost their way, went to the great lake of Fathpir (?).'

(i People were sent galloping off to fetch back such as were near
and Kichik Khwaja was ordered to spend the night on the lake-
shore and to bring the rest on next morning to join the camp.

We marched at dawn ; I got into the Asaish half-way and had

it towed to our ground higher up.

(mmm. Details of the capture of a fort by Biban and Bayazid.)
i On the way up, Khalifa brought Shah Muhammad diwana’s
~ son who had come from Baqi bringing this reliable news about
Luknir? :—They (ze. Biban and Bayazid) hurled their assault
Bon Saturday the 13th of the month Ramzan (J/ay 27s?) but
~ could do nothing by fighting ; while the fighting was going on,
_ acollection of wood-chips, hay, and thorns in the fort took fire,
so that inside the walls it became as hot as an oven (danirdik
On tafsan); the garrison could not move round the rampart ; the
_ fort was lost. When the enemy heard, two or three days later,
_ of our return (westwards), he fled towards Dalmau.3

Today after doing as much as 10kurohs (20m.), we dismounted
i beside a village called Jalisir,t on the Sari-bank, in the Sagri
a pargana.
_ (June 1st) We stayed on the same ground through Wednesday
Ng 24th), in order to rest our cattle.

vy
a i
Es

TR Dispositions against Biban and Bayazid.)
_ Some said they had heard that Biban and Bayazid had crossed
_ Gang, and thought of withdrawing themselves to their kinsfolk

* Here, as earlier, Nathpiir suits the context better than Fathpir. In the Nathpir

_ fargana, at a distance from Chaupara approximately suiting Babur’s statement of

_ distance, is the lake ‘‘ Tal Ratoi”, formerly larger and deeper than now. There is

_ 4 second further west and now larger than Tal Ratoi; through this the Ghogra once

flowed, and through it has tried within the last half-century to break back. These

changes in Tal Ratoi and in the course of the Ghogra dictate caution in attempting to
locate places which were on it in Babur’s day e.g. K:l:r:h (supra).

? Appendix T.

3 This name has the following variants in the Hai. MS. and in Kehr’s :—Dalm-i-iii
-ur-tid-tit. The place was in Akbar’s sarkar of Manikpir and is now in the Rai
Bareilly district.

i 4 Perhaps Chaksar, which was in Akbar’s sarkar of Jinpir, and is now in the
Azamgarh district.

Fol. 378.

682 HINDUSTAN Pei

(nisbahsilar) by way of..... | Here-upon the begs were sum- —
moned for a consultation and it was settled that Muhammad- —
i-zaman Mirza and Sl. Junaid Bar/as who in place of Jinpir —
had been given Chunar with several parganas, Mahmud Khan —
Nuhani, Qazi Jia, and Taj Khan Sarang-khani should block the —
enemy’s road at Chunar.’ 4
( June 2nd) Marching early in the morning of Thursday (257h),
we left the Sari-river, did 11 uvohs (22m.), crossed the Parsarti

(Sarjii) and dismounted on its bank.
Here the begs were summoned, discussion was had, and the

leaders named below were appointed to go detached from the —
army, in rapid pursuit of Biban and Bayazid towards Dalmit —
(Dalmau) :—Aisan-timir Sl, Muhammad Sl. M., Takhta-bagha
- Qasim-i-husain Sl]. Bi-khib (Ni-khtb) Sl, Muzaffar-i-husain —

, Qasim Khwaja, Ja‘far Khwaja, Zahid Khwaja, Jani Beg, ©
ae ’s retainer Kichik Khwaja, and, of Hind amirs, ‘Alam
Khan of Kalpi, Malik-dad Kararani, and Rao (Rawii) Sarwanz.

(000. The march continued.) |

When I went at night to make ablution in the Parsarii, people —
were catching a mass of fish that had gathered round a lamp on —
the surface of the water. I like others took fish in my hands.3

* Hai. MS. J: nara khiind tawabi si bila (perhaps ¢awadi‘si but not so written). —
The obscurity of these words is indicated by their variation in the manuscripts. Most —
scribes have them as Chunar and Jinpir, guided presumably by the despatch of a force 4
to Chunar on receipt of the news, but another force was sent to Dalmau at the same ~
time. The rebels were defeated s.w. of Dalmau and thence went to Mahiba; it is —
not certain that they had crossed the Ganges at Dalmau ; there are difficulties in
supposing the fort they captured and_ abandoned was Lakhnau (Oude) ; they might —
have gone south to near Kalpi and Adampir, which are at no great distance from
where they were defeated by Baqi shaghawal, if Lakhnir (now Shahabad in Rampiir) ~
were the fort. (Cf. Appendix T.)—To take up the interpretation of the words —
quoted above, at another point, that of the kinsfolk or fellow-Afghans the rebels
planned to join :—these kinsfolk may have been, of Bayazid, the Farmilis in Sarwar, —
and of Biban, the Jalwanis of the same place. The two may have trusted to
relationship for harbourage during the Rains, disloyal though they were to their
kinsmen’s accepted suzerain. Therefore if they were once across Ganges and Jumna, —
as they were in Mahiiba, they may have thought of working eastwards south of the —
Ganges and of getting north into Sarwar through territory belonging tothe Chunar and —
Jinptr governments. This however is not expressed by the words quoted above ;
perhaps Babur’s record was hastily and incompletely written.—Another reading is yi
be Chunar and Jaund (in Akbar’s sarkar of Rohtas).

° yiilini tashgadilar. It may be observed concerning the despatch of Muhammad- :
i-zaman M. and of Junaid Bar/as that they went to their new appointments Jinpir —
and Chunar respectively ; that their doing so was an orderly part of the winding-up of ©
Babur’s Eastern operations ; that they remained as part of the Eastern garrison, on
duty apart from that of blocking the road of Biban and Bayazid.

3 This mode of fishing is still practised in India (Erskine).

:
g,

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 Tro SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 683

(June 3rd) On Friday (26¢h) we dismounted on a very slender
stream, the head-water of a branch of the Parsarii. In order
not to be disturbed by the comings and goings of the army-folk,
_ I had it dammed higher up and had a place, 10 by 10, made for
ablution. The night of the 27th’ was spent on this ground.
( June 4th) At the dawn of the same day (Saturday 27th) we
left that water, crossed the Tiis and dismounted on its bank.”
( June 5th) On Sunday (28th) we dismounted on the bank of
the same water.
( June 6th) On Monday the 29th of the month (Ramzan), our
station was on the bank of the same Tiis-water. Though tonight
_the sky was not quite clear,.a few people saw the Moon, and so
_ testifying to the Qazi, fixed the end of the month (Ramzan).
— ( June 7th) On Tuesday (Shawwal 1st) we made the Prayer
_ of the Festival, at dawn rode on, did 10kuvohs (20m.), and dis-
mounted on the bank of the Gii (Gimti), a kuroh (2m.) from
_ Maing The sin of main was committed (¢rtikdb gilildi) near
a the Mid-day Prayer; I had sent this little couplet of invitation
to Shaikh Zain, Mulla Shihab and Khwand-amir :—

(Zurki) Shaikh and Mulla Shihab and Khwand-amir,
Come all three, or two, or one.

_ Darwish-i-muhammad (Sdrédén), Yinas-i-‘ali and ‘Abdu’l-lah
_ (Casas)+ were also there. At the Other Prayer the wrestlers
et to.
(June 8th) On Wednesday (2nd) we stayed on the same ground.
Near breakfast-time ma‘jin was eaten. Today Malik Sharq came
_ in who had been to get Taj Khan out of Chunar.5 When the
_ wrestlers set to today, the Champion of Aid who had come
_ earlier, grappled with and threw a Hindistani wrestler who had
come in the interval.

Today Yahya Nuhdni was granted an allowance of 15/aks

RES eee

a
ee

* Islamicé, Saturday night ; Anglicé, Friday after 6 p.m.
* This Tiis, ‘‘Tousin, or Tons, is a branch from the Ghogra coming off above
_ Faizabad and joining the Sarju or Parsarii below ‘Azamgarh” (Erskine).

3 Kehr’s MS. p. 1132, Mang (or Mank) ; Hai. MS. Taik; I.O. 218 f. 328 Ba:k;
1.0. 217 f. 2364, Biak. Maing in the Sultanpir district seems suitably located (D.G.
of Sultinpur, p. 162).

* This will be the night-guard (‘asas) ; the librarian (&¢¢abdar) isin Sambhal. I.O.
218 f. 325 inserts £étabdar after ‘Abdu’l-lah’s name where he is recorded as sent to
Sam bhal (f. 375).

°. He will have announced to Taj Khan the transfer of the fort to Junaid Bardas.

Fol. 3784.

Fol. 379.

Fol. 3794.

684 HINDUSTAN

from Parsariir,t made to put on a dress of honour, and given —
his leave. 4
( June 9th) Next day (Thursday 3rd) we did 11 kurohs (22m.), —
crossed the Gii-water (Gimti), and dismounted on its bank. a
(ppp. Concerning the pursuit of Biban and Bayazid.)
News came in about the sultans and begs of the advance that

they had reached Dalmiid (Dalmau), but were said not yet to |
have crossed the water (Ganges). Angered by this (delay), Isent —

orders, “ Cross the water at once; follow the track of the rebels;

cross Jiin (Jumna) also; join ‘Alam Khan to yourselves; be q
energetic and get to grips with the adversary.”

(gqq. The march continued.) 3
( June roth) After leaving this water (Gamitz, Friday 4th) we —
made two night-halts and reached Dalmiid (Dalmau), where —
most of the army-folk crossed Gang, there and then, by a ford.
While the camp was being got over, 7a‘7iim was eaten on an
island (a@ra/) below the ford. ’
( June 13th) After crossing, we waited one day (Monday 7th)
for all the army-folk to get across. Today Baqi 7ashkindicame
in with the army of Aid (Ajodhya) and waited on me.
( June 14th) Leaving the Gang-water(Ganges, Tuesday Sth), we
made one night-halt, then dismounted ( June 15th-Shawwal 9th) —
beside Kirarah (Kiira Khas) on the Arind-water. Thedistance —
from Dalmitid (Dalmau) to Kirarah came out at 22 hurohs —
(44m.).? a
(June 16th) On Thursday (10¢2) we marched early from that —
ground and dismounted opposite the Adampir pargana.3 \
To enable us to cross (Jin) in pursuit of our adversaries, a few —
raftsmen had been sent forward to collect at Kalpi what boats ~
were to be had ; some boats arrived the night we dismounted, —
moreover a ford was found through the Jin-river. |
As the encamping-place was full of dust, we settled ourselves —

* £3750. _ Parsariir was in Akbar’s s#bah of Lahor ; G. of I. xx, 23, Pasriir. aq
* The estimate may have been made by measurement (f. 356) or by counting a —

horse’s steps (f. 370). Here the Hai. MS. and Kehr’s have D:lmiid, but I.O. 218 4
f, 3286 (D:imiia).

° As on f, 3614, so here, Babur’s wording tends to locate Adampir on the right

(west) bank of the Jumna.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 685

on an island and there stayed the several days we were on that
ground.
(rrr. Concerning Biban and Bayazia.)

Not getting reliable news about the enemy, we sent Baqi
shaghawal with a few braves of the interior * to get information
about him. 7

( June 17th) Next day (Friday 11th) at the Other Prayer,
one of Baqi Beg’s retainers came in. Baqi had beaten scouts of
Biban and Bayazid, killed one of their good men, Mubarak Khan
Jalwani,and some others, sentin several heads,and one man alive.

( June 18th) At dawn (Saturday 12th) Paymaster Shah Husain
came in, told the story of the beating of the scouts, and gave

_ various news.

~__ Tonight, that is to say, the night of Sunday the 13th of the
month,? the river Jiin came down in flood, so that by the dawn,
the whole of the island on which I was settled, was under water.
I moved to another an arrow’s-flight down-stream, there had a
tent set up and settled down.

( June 20th) On Monday (74th) Jalal Tashkindi came from
the begs and sultans of the advance. Shaikh Bayazid and Biban,
on hearing of their expedition, had fled to the pargana of
Mahiba.3 Fol. 380.

As the Rains had set in and as after 5 or © months of active
_ service, horses and cattle in the army were worn out, the sultans
__and begs of the expedition were ordered to remain where they
_ were till they received fresh supplies from Agra and those parts.
At the Other Prayer of the same day, leave was given to Baqi
and the army of Aiid (Ajodhya). Also an allowance of 30/aks 4
_ from Amroha was assigned to Miisa (son) of Ma‘rif Farmilz, who
had waited on me at the time the returning army was crossing
_ the Sarii-water,5 a special head-to-foot and saddled horse were
bestowed on him, and he was given his leave.

* Hai. MS. azta, presumably for aarta; Kehr’s p. 1133, Aiid-daghi, which, as Baqi
led the Aid army, is de” ¢rovato; both Persian translations, midmgani, central, inner,
z.€. arta, perhaps household troops of the Centre.

* Anglicé, Saturday 12th after 6 p.m.

3 In Akbar’s sarkar of Kalanjar, now in the Hamirpir district.

4 £7500 (Erskine). Amroha is in the Moradabad district.

5 At the Chaupara-Chaturmik ferry (f. 376).—Corrigendum :—In the Index of the

Babur-nima Facsimile, Misa Farmuli and Misa Sl. are erroneously entered as if
one man.

46

Fol. 3808.

686 HINDUSTAN

(sss. Babur returns to Agra.)

(June 21st) With an easy mind about these parts, we set out
for Agra, raid-fashion,t when 3fa@s 1 gart of Tuesday night were
past.2_ In the morning (7uesday 15th) we did 16kurohs (32m.),
near mid-day made our nooning in the pargana of Baladar, one
of the dependencies of Kalpi, there gave our horses barley, at the
Evening Prayer rode on, did 13urohs (26m.) in the night, at
the 3rd night-watch (md-night, Shawwal 15-16th) dismounted
at Bahadur Khan Sarwani’s tomb at Sigandpir, a pargana of
Kalpi, slept a little, went through the Morning Prayer and hurried —
on. After doing 16kurohs (32m.), we reached Etawa at the fall {
of day, where Mahdi Khwaja came out to meet us.3 Riding —
on after the Ist night-watch (9p.m.), we slept a little on the way,
did 16£urohs (32m.), took our nooning at Fathpiir of Rapri, rode ~
on soon after the Mid-day Prayer (Thursday Shawwal 17th), —
did 17kurohs (34m.), and in the 2nd night-watch4 dismounted —
in the Garden-of-eight-paradises at Agra. ‘

(June 24th) At the dawn of Friday (z8&¢h) Pay-master Sl. a
Muhammad came with several more to wait on me. Towards the ~
Mid-day Prayer, having crossed Jin, I waited on Khwaja‘Abdu'l- —
haqq, went into the Fort and saw the begims my paternal-aunts. —
(ttt. Indian-grown fruits.) 7

A Balkhi melon-grower had been set to raise melons ; he now ~
brought a few first-rate small ones ; on one or two bush-vines
(biuta-tak) | had had planted in the Garden-of-eight-paradises —
very good grapes had grown ; Shaikh Giran sent me a basket —
of grapes which too were not bad. To have grapes and melons —
grown in this way in Hindistan filled my measure of content. —

(uuu. Arrival of Mahim Begim.)
( June 26th) Mahim arrived while yet two watches of Sunda
night (Shazwzwal 20th)5 remained. By a singular agreement

* z.e, riding light and fast. The distance done between Adampir and Agra was
some 157 miles, the time was from 12a.m. on Tuesday morning to about 9p.m. of
Thursday. This exploit serves to show that three years of continuous activity in the
plains of Hindistan had not destroyed Babur’s capacity for sustained effort, spite
several attacks of (malarial ?) fever.

= a

? Anglicé, Tuesday 12.25a.m. 3 He was governor of Etawa.

* Islamicé, Friday, Shawwal 18th, Anglicé, Thursday, June 24th, soon after 9p.m.

5 Anglicé, she arrived at mid- night of Saturday.—Gul-badan writes of Mahim’s —
arrival as unexpected and of Babur’s hurrying off on foot to meet her (Humayin-
nama {.14, trs, p. 100).

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 687

of things they had left Kabul on the very day, the 10th of the
Ist Jumada (/an. 21st 1529) on which I rode out to the army.

(Here the record of 11 days ts wanting.)

( July 7th) On Thursday the Ist of Zi’l-qa‘da the offerings
made by Humayiin and Mahim were set out while I sat in the
large Hall of Audience.

Today also wages were given to 150 porters (kahar) and they
were started off under a servant of Faghftir Diwan to fetch
melons, grapes, and other fruits from Kabul.

(vuv. Concerning Sambhal.)

(July 9th) On Saturday the 3rd of the month, Hindi Beg
who had come as escort from Kabul and must have been sent to
Sambhal on account of the death of ‘Ali-i-yiisuf, came and waited
on me.? Khalifa’s (son) Husamu’d-din came also today from
Alwar and waited on me.

(July roth) On Sunday morning (4¢) came ‘Abdu’l-lah
(kitabdar), who from Tir-mihani3 had been sent to Sambhal on
account of the death of ‘Ali-i-yisuf.

_ (Here the record of 7 days ts wanting.)
(www. Sedition in Lahor.)

People from Kabul were saying that Shaikh Sharaf of Qara-
bagh, either incited by ‘Abdu'l-‘aziz or out of liking for him,
had written an attestation which attributed to me oppression
I had not done, and outrage that had not happened ; that he

* Mahim’s journey from Kabul to Agra had occupied over 5 months.

? Hindi Beg gichin had been made HumAayin’s retainer in 932 AH. (f. 297), and had
taken possession of Sambhal for him. Hence, as it seems, he was ordered, while
escorting the ladies from Kabul, to go to Sambhal. He seems to have gone before
waiting on Babur, probably not coming into Agra till now.—It may be noted here
that in 933 AH. he transformed a Hindi temple into a Mosque in Sambhal ; it was
done by Babur’s orders and is commemorated by an inscription still existing on the
Mosque, one seeming not to be of his own composition, judging by its praise of himself.
(JASB. Proceedings, May 1873, p. 98, Blochmann’s art. where the inscription is given
and translated ; and Archeological Survey Reports, xii, p. 24-27, with Plates showing
the Mosque).

3 Cf. f. 375, £377, with notes concerning ‘Abdu’l-lah and Tir-mihani. I have not
found the name Tir-miihani on maps ; its position can be inferred from Babur’s state-
ment (f.375) that he had sent ‘Abdu’l-lah to Sambhal, he being then at Kunba or
Kunia in the Nurhun fargana.—The name Tir-mihani occurs also in Gorakhpir.—
It was at Tir-mihani (Three-mouths) that Khwand-amir completed the Hadiba’s-
Sstyar (lith. ed. i, 83; Rieu’s Pers. Cat. p. 1079). If the name imply three water-
mouths, they might be those of Ganges, Ghogra and Daha.

Fol. 381.

Fol. 3810.

688 HINDUSTAN

had extorted the signatures of the Prayer-leaders (¢mamlar) of
Lahor to this accusation, and had sent copies of it to the various
towns ; that ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz himself had failed to give ear to several
royal orders, had spoken unseemly words, and done acts which
ought to have been left undone. On account of these matters
Qambar-i-‘ali Arghin was started off on Sunday the I 1th of the
month (Z7’l-ga‘da), to arrest Shaikh Sharaf, the Lahor zmams
with their associates, and ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz, and to bring them all to

Court.

(xxx. Varia.)

( July 22nd) On Thursday the 15th of the month Chin-timtr
Sl. came in from Tijara and waited on me. Today Champion
Sadiq and the great champion-wrestler of Aiid wrestled. Sadiq
gave a half-throw*; he was much vexed.

( July 28th) On Monday the 19th of the month (22’/-ga‘da)
the Qizil-bash envoy Murad the life-guardsman was made to put
on an inlaid dagger with belt, and a befitting dress of honour,
was presented with 2/aks of tankas and given leave to go.

(Here the record of 15 days ts wanting.)
(yyy. Sedition in Gualiar.)

(August 11th) Sayyid Mashhadi who had come from Gualiar
in these days, represented that Rahim-dad was stirring up
sedition.?, On account of this, Khalifa’s servant Shah Muhammad
the seal-bearer was sent to convey to Rahim-dad matters written
with commingling of good counsel. He went; and in a few ~
days came back bringing Rahim-dad’s son, but, though the —
son came, Rahim-dad himself had no thought of coming. On —
Wednesday the 5th of Za’/-hijja, Nir Beg was sent to Gialiar

* nim-kara. E. and de C. however reverse the véles.

? The 7arikh-i-gualiari (B.M. Add. 16,709, p. 18) supplements the fragmentary
accounts which, above and s.a. 936AH., are all that the Aabur-ndma now preserves
concerning Khwaja Rahim-dad’s misconduct. It has several mistakes but the gist of
its information is useful. It mentions that the Khwaja and his paternal-uncle Mahdi
Khwaja had displeased Babur ; that Rahim-dad resolved to take refuge with the ruler

of Malwa (Muhammad X72i/ji) and to make over Giialiar toa Rajput landholder of — — .

that country ; that upon this Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus went to Agra and interceded
with Babur and obtained his forgiveness for Rahim-dad. Gialiar was given back to
Rahim-dad but after a time he was superseded by Abi’l-fath [Shaikh Giran]. For
particulars about Mahdi Khwaja and a singular story told about him by Nizamu’d-din
Ahmad in the 7abagat-t-akbari, vide Gul-badan’s Humayun-nama, Appendix B, and
Translators Note p. 702, Section f.

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 689

to allay Rahim-dad’s fears, came back in a few days, and laid
requests from Rahim-dad before us. Orders in accordance with
those requests had been written and were on the point of despatch
when one of Rahim-dad’s servants arriving, represented that he
had come to effect the escape of the son and that Rahim-dad
himself had no thought of coming in. I was for riding out at
once to Giualiar, but Khalifa set it forth to me, “ Let me write
one more letter commingled with good counsel ; he may even yet
come peacefully.” On this mission Khusrau’s (son ?) Shihabu’d-
din was despatched.

(August r2th) On Thursday the 6th of the month mentioned
(Zi'l-hijja) Mahdi Khwaja came in from Etawa.'

(August 16th) On the Festival-day? (Monday roth) Hindi Beg
was presented with a special head-to-foot, an inlaid dagger with
belt ; also a pargana worth 7/aks3 was bestowed on Hasan-i-‘ali,
well-known among the Turkmans4 for a Chaghatai.s

* He may have come about the misconduct of his nephew Rahim-dad.

? The ‘Idu’l-kabir, the Great Festival of 1oth Zi’l-hijja.

3 About £1750 (Erskine).

4 Perhaps he was from the tract in Persia still called Chaghatai Mountains. One
Ibrahim Chaghatai is mentioned by Babur (f. 1754) with Turkman begs who joined
Husain Bai-gara. This Hasan-i-‘ali Chagha‘ai may have come in like manner, with
Murad the Turkman envoy from ‘Iraq (f. 369 and n. 1).

5 Several incidents recorded by Gul-badan (writing half a century later) as following
Mahim’s arrival in Agra, will belong to the record of 935 AH. because they preceded
Humayin’s arrival from Badakhshan. Their omission from Babur’s diary is explicable
by its minor /acune. Such are :—(1) a visit to Dhilpir and Sikri the interest of
which lies in its showing that Bibi Mubarika had accompanied Mahim Begim to Agra
from Kabul, and that there was in Sikri a quiet retreat, a chaukandi, where Babur
*“used to write his book” ;—(2) the arrival of the main caravan of ladies from Kabul,
which led Babur to go four miles out, to Naugram, in order to give honouring
reception to his sister Khan-zada Begim ;—(3) an excursion to the Gold-scattering
garden (Pagh-2-zar-afshan), where seated among his own people, Babur said he was
*“ bowed down by ruling and reigning”, longed to retire to that garden with a single
attendant, and wished to make over his sovereignty to Humayiin ;—(4) the death of
Dil-dar’s son Alwar (var. Anwar) whose birth may be assigned to the gap preceding
932 AH. because not chronicled later by Babur, as is Fariiq’s. As a distraction from
the sorrow for this loss, a journey was ‘‘ pleasantly made by water” to Dhilpir.

Fol. 382.

936 AH.—SEP. 5rx 1529 to AUGUST 257 1530 AD.

(a. Rahim-dad’s affairs.)

(Sep. 7th) On Wednesday the 3rd of Muharram, Shaikh
Muhammad Ghaus* came in from Gialiar with Khusrau’s (son)
Shihabu’d-din to plead for Rahim-dad. As Shaikh Muhammad ~
Ghaiis was a pious and excellent person, Rahim-dad’s faults were
forgiven for his sake. Shaikh Giran and Nir Beg were sent ~
off for Gialiar, so that the place having been made over to their
charpe:,,.....?

* Cf. f.3816 n.2. For his earlier help to Rahim-dad see f. 304. For Biographies
of him see Blochmann’s A.-i-A. trs. p. 446, and Badayini’s Muntakhabu-’t-tawarikh
(Ranking’s and Lowe’s trss. ).

* Beyond this broken passage, one presumably at the foot of a page in Babur’s own
manuscript, nothing of his diary is now known to survive. What is missing seems
likely to have been written and lost. It is known from a remark of Gul- badan’s
(H.N. p. 103) that he ‘“ used to write his book” after Mahim’s arrival in Agra, the
place coming into her anecdote being Sikri.

TRANSLATOR’S NOTE ON 9386 To 9837 AH.—1529 ro 1530 AD.

It is difficult to find material for filling the /acuna of some
I5 months, which occurs in Babur’s diary after the broken
passage of Muharram 3rd 936 AH. (Sept. 7th 1529 AD.) and down
tothe date of his death on Jumada I. 6th 937AH. (Dec. 26th
I530AD.). The known original sources are few, their historical
matter scant, their contents mainly biographical. Gleanings
may yet be made, however, in unexpected places, such gleanings
as are provided by Ahmad-i-yadgar’s interpolation of Timirid
history amongst his lives of Afghan Sultans.

The earliest original source which helps to fill the gap of
936 AH. is Haidar Mirza’s 7arikh-t-rashidi, finished as to its
Second Part which contains Babur’s biography, in 948 AH.
{1541 AD.), 12 years therefore after the year of the gap 936 AH.
It gives valuable information about the affairs of Badakhshan,
based on its author’s personal experience at 30 years of age, and
was Abi’l-fazl’s authority for the Akdar-nama.

The next in date of the original sources is Gul-badan Begim’s
Hlumayin-nama, a chronicle of family affairs, which she wrote in
obedience to her nephew Akbar’s command, given in about
995 AH. (1587 AD.), some 57 years after her Father’s death, that
whatever any person knew of his father (Humayin) and grand-
father (Babur) should be written down for Abi’l-fazl’s use. It
embodies family memories and traditions, and presumably gives
the recollections of several ladies of the royal circle.*

* Jauhar’s Humdayin-nama and Bayazid Biya?’s work of the same title were written
under the same royal command as the Begim’s. They contribute nothing towards
filling the gap of 936AH. ; their authors, being Humayiin’s servants, write about him.
It may be observed that criticism of these books, as recording trivialities, is disarmed
if they were commanded because they would obey an order to set down whatever
was known, selection amongst their contents resting with Abi’l-fazl. Even more
completely must they be excluded from a verdict on the literary standard of their
day. —Abi’l-fazl must have had a source of Baburiana which has not found its way
into European libraries. A man likely to have contributed his recollections, directly or
transmitted, is Khwaja Muqim Harawi. The date of Muqim’s death is conjectural
only, but he lived long enough to impress the worth of historical writing on his son
Nizamu’-d-din Ahmad. (Cf. E. and D.’s H. of I. art. 7adagat-2-akbari v,177 and
187; T.-i-A. lith. ed. p. 193; and for Bayazid Biya?s work, JASB. 1898, p. 296.)

692 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

The Akbar-nama derives much of its narrative for 936-937 AH.
from Haidar Mirza and Gul-badan Begim, but its accounts of
Babur’s self-surrender and of his dying address to his chiefs
presuppose the help of information from a contemporary witness. 4
It is noticeable that the Abar-nama records no public events
as occurring in Hindistan during 936-937 AH., nothing of the
sequel of rebellion by Rahim-dad * and ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz, nothing of
the untiring Biban and Bayazid. That something could have
been told is shown by what Ahmad-i-yadgar has preserved (vzde
post); but 50 years had passed since Babur’s death and, manifestly,
interest in filling the /acune@ in his diary was then less keen than it
is over 300 years later. What in the Akdar-nama concerns Babur
is likely to have been written somewhat early in the cv. 15
years of its author’s labours on it,? but, even so, the elder women
of the royal circle had had rest after the miseries Humayiin had
wrought, the forgiveness of family affection would veil his past,
and certainly has provided Abi’l-fazl with an over-mellowed
estimate of him, one ill-assorting with what is justified by his
Babur-nama record.

The contribution made towards filling the gap of 936-937 AH.
in the body of Nizamu-’d-din Ahmad’s Tabagat-t-akbari is
limited to a curious and doubtfully acceptable anecdote about
a plan for the supersession of Humayiin as Padshah, and about
the part played by Khwaja Muqim Harawi in its abandonment.
A further contribution is made, however, in Book VII which
contains the history of the Muhammadan Kings of Kashmir,
namely, that Babur despatched an expedition into that country.
As no such expedition is recorded or referred to in surviving
Babur-nama writings, it is likely to have been sent in 936AH.
during Babur’s tour to and from Lahor. If it were made with
the aim of extending Timirid authority in the Himalayan
borderlands, a hint of similar policy elsewhere may be given
by the ceremonious visit of the Raja of Kahlir to Babur,

* Ibn Batuta (Lee’s trs. p. 133) mentions that after his appointment to Gialiar, —

Rahim-dad fell from favour . . . but was restored later, on the representation of
Muhammad Ghaus ; held Gialiar again for a short time, (he went to Bahadur Shah
in Gujrat) and was succeeded by Abii’l-fath (ze. Shaikh Giran) who held it till
Babur’s death.

* Its translation and explanatory noting have filled two decades of hard-working
years. Tanti labores auctoris et traductoris |

rr a ee

936 To 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 693

mentioned by Ahmad-i-yadgar (vzde post). The T.-i-A. was
written within the term of Abi’l-fazl’s work on the Akbar-nama,
being begun later, and ended about 9 years earlier, in 1002 AH.—
1593AD. It appears to have been Abii-1-fazl’s authority for his
account of the campaign carried on in Kashmir by Babur’s
chiefs (Ayin-z-akbari vol. ii, part i, Jarrett’s trs. p. 389).

An important contribution, seeming to be authentic, is found
interpolated in Ahmad-i-yadgar’s Tavrikh-c-salatin-t-afaghana,
one which outlines a journey made by Babur to Lahor in 936 AH.
and gives circumstantial details of a punitive expedition sent by
him from Sihrind at the complaint of the Qazi of Samana against
a certain Mundahir Rajpit. The whole contribution dovetails
into matters found elsewhere. Its precision of detail bespeaks

~ a closely-contemporary written source.” As its fullest passage

concerns the Samana Qa4zi's affair, its basis of record may have
been found in Samana. Some considerations about the date of
Ahmad-i-yadgar’s own book and what Niamatu’l-lah says of
Haibat Khan of Samana, his own generous helper in the Zarikh-
t-Khan-t-jahan Lidi, point towards Haibat Khan as providing
the details of the Qazi’s wrongs and avenging. The indication
is strengthened by the circumstance that what precedes and what
follows the account of the punitive expedition is outlined only.3
Ahmad-i-yadgar interpolates an account of Humayin also, which
is a frank plagiarism from the 7adagat-c-akbari. He tells too
a story purporting to explain why Babur “selected” Humayin to
succeed him, one parallel with Nizamu’d-din Ahmad’s about
what led Khalifa to abandon his plan of setting the Mirza aside.
Its sole value lies in its testimony to a belief, held by its first
narrator whoever he was, that choice was exercised in the matter
by Babur. Reasons for thinking Nizamu’d-din’s story, as it
stands, highly improbable, will be found later in this note.

* I am indebted to my husband for acquaintance with Nizamu’-d-din Ahmad’s
record about Babur and Kashmir.

? In view of the vicissitudes to which under Humayiin the royal library was
subjected, it would be difficult to assert that this source was not the missing con-
tinuation of Babur’s diary.

3 E. and D.’s H. of I. art. Zarikh-¢ Khan-i-jahan Ladi v, 67. For Ahmad-i
-yadgar’s book and its special features v7de /.c. v, 2,24, with notes; Rieu’s Persian
Catalogue iii, 922a ; JASB. 1916, H. Beveridge’s art. Note on the Tarikh-t-salatin
-t-afaghana.

694 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

Muhammad Qasim Hindi Shah Firishta’s Tarikh-t-firishta a
contains an interesting account of Babur but contributes towards —
filling the gap in the events of 9 36-937 AH. little that is not in the ‘-
earlier sources. In M. Jules Mohl’s opinion it was under revision —
as late as 1623 AD. (1032-3 AH.).

a. Humayin and Badakhshan.

An occurrence which had important results, was the arrival —
of Humayin in Agra, unsummoned by his Father, from the —
outpost station of Badakhshan. It will have occurred early in '
936 AH. (autumn 1529 AD.), because he was in Kabul in the first
ten days of the last month of 935 AH. (vzde fost). Curiously q
enough his half-sister Gul-badan does not mention his coming, —
whether through avoidance of the topic or from inadvertence; the
omission may be due however to the loss ofa folio from the only —
known MS. of her book (that now owned by the British Museum),
and this is the more likely that Abi’l-fazl writes, at some length, —
about the arrival and its motive, what the Begim might have —
provided, this especially by his attribution of filial affection as
Humayiin’s reason for coming to Agra. dq

Haidar Mirza is the authority for the Akbar-nama account of | q
Humiayin’s departure from Qila‘-i-zafar and its political and
military sequel. He explains the departure by saying that when
Babur had subdued Hindistan, his sons Humayiin and Kamran ~
were grown-up ; and that wishing to have one of them at hand in 4
case of his own death, he summoned Humayin, leaving Kamran —
in Qandahar. No doubt these were the contemporary impressions fi
conveyed to Haidar, and strengthened by the accomplished fact ~
before he wrote some 12 years later ; nevertheless there are two —
clear indications that there was no royal order for Humayiin to ©

leave Qila‘-i-zafar, véz. that no-one had been appointed to relieve

him even when he reached Agra, and that Abi’l-fazl mentions
no summons but attributes the Mirza’s departure from his post —

to an overwhelming desire to see his Father. What appears ~

probable is that Mahim wrote to her son urging his coming to ,
Agra, and that this was represented as Babur’s wish. However
little weight may be due to the rumour, preserved in anecdotes ~
recorded long after 935 AH., that any-one, Babur or Khalifa,

936 TO 937 AH.--1529 To 1530 AD. 695

inclined against Humayiin’s succession, that rumour she would
set herself to falsify by reconciliation.*

When the Mirza’s intention to leave Qila‘-i-zafar became
known there, the chiefs represented that they should not be able
to withstand the Aizbeg on their frontier without him (his troops
implied).2 With this he agreed, said that still he must go, and
that he would send a Mirza in his place as soon as possible. He
then rode, in one day, to Kabul, an item of rapid travel preserved
by Abia’l-fazl.

Humayin’s departure caused such anxiety in Qila‘-i-zafar that
some (if not all) of the Badakhshi chiefs hurried off an invitation
to Sa‘id Khan Chaghatai, the then ruler in Kashghar in whose
service Haidar Mirza was, to come at once and occupy the fort.

~ They said that Fagir-i-‘ali who had been left in charge, was not

strong enough to cope with the Atizbeg, begged Sa‘id to come,
and strengthened their petition by reminding him of his
hereditary right to Badakhshan, derived from Shah Begim
Badakhshi. Their urgency convincing the Khan that risk
threatened the country, he started from Kashghar in Muharram
936 AH. (Sept.—_Oct. 1529 AD.). On reaching Sarigh-chipan
which by the annexation of Aba-bakr Mirza Diaghlat was now
his own most western territory 3 but which formerly was one of
the upper districts of Badakhshan, he waited while Haidar went
on towards Qila‘-i-zafar only to learn on his road, that Hind-al
(@t.10) had been sent from Kabul by Humayiin and had
entered the fort 12 days before.

The Kashgharis were thus placed in the difficulty that the fort
was occupied by Babur’s representative, and that the snows would
prevent their return home across the mountains till winter was
past. Winter-quarters were needed and asked for by Haidar,
certain districts being specified in which to await the re-opening
of the Pamir routes. He failed in his request, “ They did not
trust us,” he writes, “indeed suspected us of deceit.” His own
account of Sa‘id’s earlier invasion of Badakhshan (925 AH.—
1519 AD.) during Khan Mirza’s rule, serves to explain Badakhshi

* Humiayin’s last recorded act in Hindiistan was that of 933 AH. (f. 3296) when he
took unauthorized possession of treasure in Dihli.

* Tarikh-i-rashidi trs. p. 387.

3 T.-i-R. trs. p. 353 e¢ seg. and Mr. Ney Elias’ notes.

696 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

distrust of Kashgharis. Failing in his negotiations, he scoured —
and pillaged the country round the fort, and when a few days —
later the Khan arrived, his men took what Haidar’s had left. __

Sa‘id Khan is recorded to have besieged the fort for three
months, but nothing serious seems to have been attempted since —
no mention of fighting is made, none of assault or sally, and —
towards the end of the winter he was waited on by those who ~
had invited his presence, with apology for not having admitted —
him into the fort, which they said they would have done but for —
the arrival of Hind-al Mirza. To this the Khan replied that for —
him to oppose Babur Padshah was impossible; he reminded the —
chiefs that he was there by request, that it would be as hurtful for —
the Padshah as for himself to have the Aiizbeg in Badakhshan —
and, finally, he gave it as his opinion that, as matters stood, every —
man should go home. His view of the general duty may include —
that of Badakhshi auxiliaries such as Sultan Wais of Kil-ab —
who had reinforced the garrison. So saying, he himself set out —
for Kashghar, and at the beginning of Spring reached Yarkand.

b. Humayin’s further action.

Humayin will have reached Kabul before Zi’l-hijja roth —
935 AH. (Aug, 26th 15 29 AD.) because it is on record that he met —
Kamran on the Kabul ‘Id-gah, and both will have been there to —
keep the ‘Idu’l-kabir, the Great Festival of Gifts, which is held on
that day. Kamran had come from Qandahar, whether to keep the ©
Feast, or because he had heard of Humayiin’s intended movement —
from Badakhshan, or because changes were foreseen and he |
coveted Kabul, as the Babur-nama and later records allow to be
inferred. He asked Humayin, says Abi’l-fazl, why he was there ©
and was told of his brother’s impending journey to Agra under
overwhelming desire to see their Father.t Presumably the two ~
Mirzas discussed the position in which Badakhshan had been ~
left; in the end Hind-al was sent to Qila‘-i-zafar, notwithstanding —
that he was under orders for Hindistan. %

Humayiin may have stayed some weeks in Kabul, how many — |
those familiar with the seasons and the routes between Yarkand —

_" Abi’l-fazl’s record of Humayiin’s sayings and minor doings at this early date in
his career, can hardly be anything more accurate than family-tradition.

and Qila‘-i-zafar, might be able to surmise if the date of Hind-al’s
start northward for which Humayin is likely to have waited,
were found by dovetailing the Muharram of Sa‘id’s start, the
approximate length of his journey to Sarigh-chiipan, and Haidar’s
reception of news that Hind-al had been 12 days in the fort.

Humiayin’s arrival in Agra is said by Abi’l-fazl to have been
cheering to the royal family in their sadness for the death of
Alwar (end of 935 AH.) and to have given pleasure to his Father.
But the time is all too near the date of Babur’s letter (f.348)
to Humayin, that of a dissatisfied parent, to allow the supposition

that his desertion of his post would fail to displease.

That it was a desertion and not an act of obedience seems
clear from the circumstance that the post had yet to be filled.

~ Khalifa is said to have been asked to take it and to have
refused ; Humayiin to have been sounded as to return and to
have expressed unwillingness. Babur then did what was an
honourable sequel to his acceptance in 926 AH. of the charge of

_ the fatherless child Sulaiman, by sending him, now about 16, to
take charge where his father Khan Mirza had ruled, and by still
keeping him under his own protection.

Sulaiman’s start from Agra will not have been delayed, and
(accepting Ahmad-i-yadgar’s record,) Babur himself will have
gone as far as Lahor either with him or shortly after him, an

_ expedition supporting Sulaiman, and menacing Sa‘id in his
winter leaguer round Qila‘-i-zafar. Meantime Humayiin was
ordered to his fief of Sambhal.

After Sulaiman’s appointment Babur wrote to Sa‘id a fetter
of which Haidar gives the gist :—It expresses surprise at Sa‘id’s
doings in Badakhshan, says that Hind-al has been recalled and
Sulaiman sent, that if Sa‘id regard hereditary right, he will

936 To 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 697

* The statement that Khalifa was asked to go so far from where he was of the first
importance as an administrator, leads to consideration of why it was done. So little
is known explicitly of Babur’s intentions about his territories after his death that it is
possible only to put that little together and read between its lines. It may be that he
was now planning an immediate retirement to Kabul and an apportionment during life
of his dominions, such as Abii-sa‘id had made of his own. Ifso, it would be desirable
to have Badakhshan held in strength such as Khalifa’s family could command, and
especially desirable because as Barlas Turks, that family would be one with Babur
in desire to regain Transoxiana. Such a political motive would worthily explain the
offer of the appointment.

698 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

will make over responsibility to the heir (Sulaiman) ;3 and, “ The —
rest you know.” 4 7

c. Babur visits Lahor.

If Ahmad-i-yadgar’s account of a journey made by Babur to —
Lahor and the Panj-ab be accepted, the /acuna of 936 AH. is
appropriately filled. He places the expedition in the 3rd year of —
Babur’s rule in Hindistan, which, counting from the first reading .
of the £hutba for Babur in Dihli (f. 286), began on Rajab 15th ~
935 AH. (March 26th 1529 AD.). But as Babur’s diary-record for ~
935 AH. is complete down to end of the year, (minor /acune q
excepted), the time of his leaving Agra for Lahor is relegated to 4
936 AH. He must have left early in the year, (1) to allow time, —
before the occurrence of the known events preceding his own
death, for the long expedition Ahmad-i-yadgar calls one of —
a year, and (2) because an early start after Humayiin’s arrival
and Sulaiman’s departure would suit the position of affairs and ~
the dates mentioned or implied by Haidar’s and by Ahmad-i-
yadgar’s narratives.

Two reasons of policy are discernible, in the known events of —
the time, to recommend a journey in force towardsthe North-west; _
first, the sedition of ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz in Lahor (f. 381), and secondly, F:
the invasion of Badakhshan by Sa‘id Khan with its resulting —
need of supporting Sulaiman by a menace of armed intervention.$ —

* The *‘ Shah” of this style is derived from Sulaiman’s Badakhshi descent through —
Shah Begim; the ‘* Mirza” from his Miran-shahi descent through his father Wais
Khan Mirza. The title Khan Mirza or Mirzi Khan, presumably according to the
outlook of the speaker, was similarly derived from forbears, as would be also Shah —
Begim’s ; (her personal name is not mentioned in the sources). i:

* Sa‘id, on the father’s, and Babur, on the mother’s side, were of the same
generation in descent from Yiinas Khan ; Sulaiman was ofa younger one, hence his
pseudo-filial relation to the men of the elder one. .

3 Sa‘id was Shah Begim’s grandson through her son’Ahmad, Sulaiman her great-
grandson through her daughter Sultan-Nigar, but Sulaiman could claim also as the —
heir of his father who was nominated to rule by Shah Begim; moreover, he could ©
claim by right of conquest on the father’s side, through Abi-sa‘id the conqueror, his
son Mahmid long the ruler, and so through Mahmiid’s son Wais Khan Mirza. 5

* The menace conveyed by these words would be made the more forceful by Babur’s”
move to Lahor, narrated by Ahmad-i-yadgar. Some ill-result to Sa‘id of independent ~
rule by Sulaiman seems foreshadowed ; was it that if Babur’s restraining hand were
withdrawn, the Badakhshis would try to regain their lost districts and would have help -
in so-doing from Babur ? ae

> It is open to conjecture that if affairs in Hindistan had allowed it, Babur would”
now have returned to Kabul. Ahmad-i-yadgar makes the expedition to be one for

mh

936 TO 9387 AH.—1529 1o 1530 AD. 699

In Sihrind the Raja of Kahlir, a place which may be one of the
Simla hill-states, waited on Babur, made offering of 7 falcons and
3 mans* of gold, and was confirmed in his fief.?

In Lahor Kamran is said to have received his Father, in
a garden of his own creation, and to have introduced the local
chiefs as though he were the Governor of Lahor some writers
describe him as then being. The best sources, however, leave
him still posted in Qandahar. He had been appointed to
Multan (f. 359) when ‘Askari was summoned to Agra (f. 339),
but whether he actually went there is not assured; some months

later (Zi’l-hijja 1oth 935 AH.) he is described by Abi’l-fazl as

coming to Kabul from Qandahar. He took both Multan? and
_ Lahor by force from his (half-)brother Humayiin in 935 AH.
_ (153! AD.) the year after their Father’s death. That he should
wait upon his Father in Lahor would be natural, Hind-al did so,
coming from Kabul. Hind-al will have come to Lahor after
making over charge of Qila‘-i-zafar to Sulaiman, and he went back
at the end of the cold season, going perhaps just before his Father
started from Lahor on his return journey, the gifts he received
before leaving being 2 elephants, 4 horses, belts and jewelled
daggers.4
Babur is said to have left Lahor on Rajab 4th (936 AH.)—
_ March 4th, 1530AD.). From Ahmad-i-yadgar’s outline of Babur’s
_ doings in Lahor, he, or his original, must be taken as ill-informed

pleasure only, and describes Babur as hunting and sight-seeing for a year in Lahor,

‘the Panj-ab and near Dihli. This appears a mere flourish of words, in view of the
purposes the expedition served, and of the difficulties which had arisen in Lahor itself
and with Sa‘id Khan. Part of the work effected may have been the despatch of an
expedition to Kashmir.

* This appears a large amount.

? The precision with which the Raja’s gifts are stated, points to a closely-con-
temporary and written source. A second such indication occurs later where gifts
made to Hind-al are mentioned.

3 An account of the events in Multan after its occupation by Shah Hasan Arghiin
is found in the latter part of the Zabagat-2-akbarit and in Erskine’s H. of I. i, 393 e¢
seg.—It may be noted here that several instances of confusion amongst Babur’s sons
occur in the extracts made by Sir H. Elliot and Professor Dowson in their Hzstory
of India from the less authoritative sources [e.g. v, 35 Kamran for Humayin, “Askari
said to be in Kabul (pp. 36 and 37) ; Hind-al for Humayiin e¢c.] and that these errors
have slipped into several of the District Gazetteers of the United Provinces.

4 As was said of the offering made by the Raja of Kahliir, the precision of statement
as to what was given to Hind-al, bespeaks a closely-contemporary written source.
So too does the mention (text, 2fra) of the dey on which Babur began his return
journey from Lahor.

700 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

ac een ee

or indifferent about them. Hisinterest becomes greater when he
writes of Samana.

—

ad. Punishment of the Mundihirs. A

When Babur, on his return journey, reached Sihrind, he
received a complaint from the Qazi of Samana against one
Mohan Mundahtir (or Mundhar)' Rajput who had attacked his
estates, burning and plundering, and killed hisson. Here-upon ~
‘Ali-quli of Hamadan? was sent with 3000 horse to avenge the
Qazi’s wrongs, and reached Mohan’s village, in the Kaithal
pargana, early in the morning when the cold was such that the
archers “could not pull their bows.”3 A marriage had been
celebrated over-night ; the villagers, issuing from warm houses,
shot such flights of arrows that the royal troops could make no
stand ; many were killed and nothing was effected; they retired
into the jungle, lit fires, warmed themselves (?), renewed the ~
attack and were again repulsed. On hearing of their failure,
Babur sent off, perhaps again from Sihrind, Tarsam Bahadur
and Naurang Beg with 6000 horse and many elephants. This
force reached the village at night and when marriage festivities
were in progress. Towards morning it was formed into three
divisions,t one of which was ordered to go to the west of the
village and show itself. This having been done, the villagers
advanced towards it, in the pride of their recent success. The
royal troops, as ordered beforehand, turned their backs and fled,
the Mundahirs pursuing them some two miles. Meantime
Tarsam Bahadur had attacked and fired the village, killing many
of its inhabitants. The pursuers on the west saw the flames of
their burning homes, ran back and were intercepted on their way.
About 1000 men, women and children were made prisoner ; there

:
Me

* Cf. G, of I. xvi, 55 ; Ibbetson’s Report on Karnal.

? It is noticeable that no one of the three royal officers named as sent against
Mohan Mundahir, is recognizable as mentioned in the Babur-nama. They may all
have had local commands, and not have served further east. Perhaps this, their
first appearance, points to the origin of the information as independent of Babur, but ~~
he might have been found to name them, if his diary were complete for 936 AH. }

3 The E. and D. translation writes twice as though the inability to ‘‘ pull” the
bows were due to feebleness in the men, but an appropriate reading would refer the
difficulty to the hardening of sinews in the composite Turkish bows, which prevented
the archers from bending the bows for stringing.

* One infers that fires were burned all night in the bivouac.

a
o a“
a

936 To 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 701

was also great slaughter, and a pillar of heads was raised. Mohan
was captured and later on was buried to the waist and shot to
death with arrows. News ofthe affair was sent to the Padshah.?

As after being in Sihrind, Babur is said to have spent two
months hunting near Dihli, it may be that he followed up the
punitive expedition sent into the Kaithal pargana of the Karnal
District, by hunting in Nardak, a favourite ground of the
Timirids, which lies in that district.

Thus the gap of 936 AH. with also perhaps a month of 937 AH.
is filled by the “year’s” travel west of Dihli. The record is
a mere outline and in it are periods of months without mention
of where Babur was or what affairs of government were brought
before him. At some time, on his return journey presumably,
he will have despatched to Kashmir the expedition referred to in
the opening section of this appendix. Something further may
yet be gleaned from local chronicles, from unwritten tradition, or
from the witness of place-names commemorating his visit.

e. Babur’s self-surrender to save Humayiin.

The few months, perhaps 4 to 5, between Babur’s return to
Agra from his expedition towards the North-west, and the time
of his death are filled by Gul-badan and Abi’l-fazl with matters
concerning family interests only.

The first such matter these authors mention is an illness of
Humayin during which Babur devoted his own life to save his
son’s.3 Of this the particulars are, briefly :—That Humayin,
while still in Sambhal, had had a violent attack of fever; that
he was brought by water to Agra, his mother meeting him in

* At this point the A.S.B. copy (No. 137) of the 7arikh-t-salatin-t-afaghana has
a remark which may have been a marginal note originally, and which cannot be
supposed made by Ahmad-i-yadgar himself because this would allot him too long
a spell of life. It may show however that the interpolations about the two Timirids
were not inserted in his book by him. Its purport is that the Mundahir village
destroyed by Babur’s troops in 936AH.—I530AD. was still in ruins at the time it
was written 160 (lunar) years later (z.e. in 1096 AH.—1684-85AD.). The better Codex
(No. 3887) of the Imperial Library of Calcutta has the same passage.—Both that
remark and its context show acquaintance with Samana and Kaithal.—The writings
now grouped under the title 7a7ikh-i-salatin-t-afaghana present difficulties both as
to date and contents (cf. Rieu’s Persian Catalogue s.n.).

? Presumably in Tihrind.

3 Cf. G. B.’s H. N. trs. and the 4#bar-nama Bib. Ind. ed. and trs., Index s.nx. ;
Hughes’ Dictionary of Islam s.n. Intercession.

47

702 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

an ‘
Muttra ; and that when the disease baffled medical skill, Babur
resolved to practisetherite believed then and now in the East to be ©
valid, of intercession and devotion of a suppliant’s most valued —

possession in exchange for a sick man’s life. Rejecting counsel — .
to offer the Koh-i-nir for pious uses, he resolved to supplicate for
the acceptance of his life. He made intercession through a saint ©
his daughter names, and moved thrice round Humayiin’s bed, ~
praying, in effect, “O God! if a life may be exchanged for a life, —
I, who am Babur, give my life and my being for Humayin.” ©
During the rite fever surged over him, and, convinced that his
prayer and offering had prevailed, he cried out, “I have borne
it away! I have borne it away!”* Gul-badan says that he
himself fell ill on that very day, while Humayiin poured water

on his head, came out and gave audience; and that they carried
her Father within on account of his illness, where he kept 7
bed for 2 or 3 months.

There can be no doubt as to Babur’s faith in the rite he had»

practised, or as to his belief that his offering of life was accepted ;
moreover actual facts would sustain his faith and belief. On-
lookers also must have believed his prayer and offering to have —
prevailed, since Humayiin went back to Sambhal,? while Babur ~
fell ill at once and died in a few weeks.3 “4

-_ —t. a.

J. A plan to set Babur’s sons aside from the succession.

Reading the Azdar-nama alone, there would seem to be no
question about whether Babur ever intended to give Hindustan,
at any rate, to Humayin, but, by piecing together various con-
tributory matters, an opposite opinion is reached, vzs. that not ™
Khalifa only whom Abi’l-fazl names perhaps on Nizamu’d-din
Ahmad’s warrant, but Babur also, with some considerable number
of chiefs, wished another ruler for Hindistan. The starting-~
point of this opinion is a story in the Zadagat-c-akbari and,

* A closer translation would be, ‘‘I have taken up the burden.” The verb
bardashtan (cf. f. 349, p.626 n. 1).

2 See Erskine’s History of India i ii, 9. p

3 At this point attention is asked to the value of the Ahmad-i-yadgar interpolatior
which allows Babur a year of active life before Humayin’s illness and his own whict
followed. With no chronicle known of 936AH. Babur had been supposed ill a!
through the year, a supposition which destroys the worth of his self-sacrifice. Moreover —

several inferences have been drawn from the supposed year of illness which
disproved by the activities recorded in that interpolation.

SS : a
SSS tenes
ar

-

Ser} ‘ t

. Se Oe SF tn SOS Ps, Se oe
eegn = at es Ca ip - & s * .%
SE A Ae Re Ey a er Ne eS
«te * = i Sn =
Se: ; Bes ee
a a” os Se PSE

nese

ny ase pek ch

Spee

OTING HIMSELF FOR HIS SON.

To face p. 7

936 To 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 703

with less detail, in the Akdar-nama, of which the gist is that
Khalifa planned to supersede Humayin and his three brothers
in their Father’s succession."

The story, in brief, is as follows :—At the time of Babur’s
death Nizamu’d-din Ahmad’s father Khwaja Muhammad Mugim
Hlarawi was in the service of the Office of Works.? Amir
Nizamu’d-din ‘Ali Khalifa, the Chief of the Administration, had
dread and suspicion about Humayin and did not favour his
succession as Padshah. Nor did he favour that of Babur’s other
sons. He promised “Babur Padshah’s son-in-law (damad) ”
Mahdi Khwaja who was a generous young man, very friendly to
himself, thathe would make him Padshah. This promise becoming
known, others made their salam to the Khwaja who put on airs

~and accepted the position. One day when Khalifa, accompanied

by Muqim, went to see Mahdi Khwaja in his tent, no-one else
being present, Babur, in the pangs of his disease, sent for him 3
when he had been seated a few minutes only. When Khalifa had
gone out, Mahdi Khwaja remained standing in such a way that
Mugim could not follow but, the Khwaja unaware, waited
respectfully behind him. The Khwaja, who was noted for the
wildness of youth, said, stroking his beard, “ Please God ! first,
I will flay thee!” turned round and saw Mugqim, took him by
the ear, repeated a proverb of menace, “The red tongue gives
the green head to the wind,” and let him go. Mugim hurried
to Khalifa, repeated the Khwaja’s threat against him, and
remonstrated about the plan to set all Babur’s sons aside in favour
of a stranger-house.t Here-upon Khalifa sent for Humayin,5
and despatched an officer with orders to the Khwaja to retire to
his house, who found him about to dine and hurried him off
without ceremony. Khalifa also issued a proclamation for-
bidding intercourse with him, excluded him from Court, and
when Babur died, supported Humayin.

* E.andD.’s History of Indiav,187; G. B.’s Humayin-nama trs. p. 28.

* dar khidmat-i-diwani-t-buyatat; perhaps he was a Barrack-officer. His appoint-
ment explains his attendance on Khalifa.

3 Khalifa prescribed for the sick Babur.

4 khanwada-t-biginah, perhaps, foreign dynasty.

5 From Sambhal; Gul-badan, by an anachronism made some 60 years later, writes
KaAlanjar, to which place Humayiin moved 5 months after his accession.

704 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

~e

As Nizamu’d-din Ahmad was not born till 20 years after —
Babur died, the story will have been old before he could ©
appreciate it, and it was some 60 years old when it found way ~
into the Tabagat-7-akbari and, with less detail, into the Akbar- —
-nama. :

Taken as it stands, it is incredible, because it represents ]
Khalifa, and him alone, planning to subject the four sons of Babur —
to the suzerainty of Mahdi Khwaja who was not a Timirid, ~
who, so far as well-known sources show, was not of a ruling ©
dynasty or personally illustrious, and who had been associated,
so lately as the autumn of 1529 AD., with his nephew Rahim-dad —
in seditious action which had so angered Babur that, whatever
the punishment actually ordered, rumour had it both men were to —
die? In two particulars the only Mahdi Khwaja then of Babur’s —
following, does not suit the story ; he was not a young man in ©
1530 AD.,3 and was not a damad of Babur, ifthat word be taken —
in its usual sense of son-in-law, but he was a yazua, husband of
a Padshah’s sister, in his case, of Khan-zada Begim.4 Some ~
writers style him Sayyid Mahdi Khwaja, a double title which —
may indicate descent on both sides from religious houses ; one
is suggested to be that of Tirmiz by the circumstance that in his ~
and Khan-zada Begim’s mausoleum was buried a Tirmiz sayyid 4

* Iam indebted to my husband’s perusal of Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s Asar-t-sanddid
(Dihli ed. 1854 p. 37, and Lakhnau ed. 1895 pp. 40, 41) for information that, perhaps
in 935AH., Mahdi Khwaja set up a tall slab of white marble near Amir Khusrau’s —
tomb in Dihli, which bears an inscription in praise of the poet, composed by that —
Shihabu’d-din the Enigmatist who reached Agra with Khwand-amir in Muharram ~
935 AH. (f. 3394). The inscription gives two chronograms of Khusrau’s death (725 AH.),
mentions that Mahdi Khwaja was the creator of the memorial, and gives its date in
the words, ‘‘ The beautiful effort of Mahdi Khwaja.”—The Dihli ed. of the Asar-_
t-sanddid depicts the slab with its inscription ; the Lakhnau ed. depicts the tomb,
may show the slab zz sztd, and contains interesting matter by Sayyid Ahmad Khan. ~
The slab is mentioned without particulars in Murray’s Hand-book to Bengal, p. 329. —

* Lee’s Jon Batuta p. 133 and Hiraman’s 7arikh-2-gualiari. Cf. G. B.’s Humayun-
nama trs. (1902AD.), Appendix B.—Mahdi Khwaja. zz

3 In an anonymous Life of Shah Ismail Safawi, Mahdi Khwaja [who may be
a son of the Miisa Khwaja mentioned by Babur on f. 216] is described as being, in what
will be 916-7 AH., Babur’s Diwdn-begi and as sent towards Bukhara with 10,000 men.
This was 29years before the story calls him a young man. Even if the word jawamn
(young man) be read, as T. yigit is frequently to be read, in the sense of *‘ efficient
fighting man”, Mahdi was over-age. Other details of the story, besides the word
jawan, bespeak a younger man. a

4 G, B.’s H.N. trs. p. 126; Habibu’s-siyar, B.M. Add. 16,679 f. 370, 1.16, lith. ed.
Sec. III. iii, 372 (where a clerical error makes Babur give Mahdi ¢wo of his full-
sisters in marriage).—Another yasza of Babur was Khalifa’s brother Junaid Barlas, |
the husband of Shahr-banii, a half-sister of Babur. o

were
Yy

a

936 TO 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 705

of later date, Shah Abi’l-ma‘ali. But though he were of Tirmiz, it
is doubtful if that religious house would be described by the word
khanwada which so frequently denotes a ruling dynasty.

His name may have found its way into Nizamu’d-din Ahmad’s
story as a gloss mistakenly amplifying the word damad, taken in
its less usual sense of brother-in-law. To Babur’s contemporaries
the expression “ Babur Padshah’s damad” (son-in-law) would be
explicit, because for some II years before he lay on his death-
bed, he had one son-in-law only, vzz. Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza
Bai-gara,‘ the husband of Ma‘sima Sultan Begim. If that Mirza’s
name were where Mahdi Khwaja’s is entered, the story of an
exclusion of Babur’s sons from rule might have a core of truth.

It is incredible however that Khalifa, with or without Babur’s

concurrence, made the plan attributed to him of placing any

man not a Timirid in the position of Padshah over all Babur’s
territory. I suggest that the plan concerned Hindiistan only
and was one considered in connection with Babur’s intended
return to Kabul, when he must have left that difficult country,
hardly yet a possession, in charge of some man giving promise
of power to hold it. Such a man Humayin was not. My
suggestion rests on the following considerations :—

(1) Babur’s outlook was not that of those in Agra in 1587 AD.
who gave Abi’l-fazl his Baburiana material, because at that date
Dihli had become the pivot of Timirid power, so that not to
hold Hindistan would imply not to be Padshah. Babur’s outlook
on his smaller Hindustan was different ; his position in it was
precarious, Kabul, not Dihli, was his chosen centre, and from
Kabul his eyes looked northwards as well as to the East. If he
had lost the Hindistan which was approximately the modern
United Provinces, he might still have held what lay west of it
to the Indus, as well as Qandahar.

(2) For several years before his death he had wished to return
to Kabul. Ample evidence of this wish is given by his diary, his
letters, and some poems in his second Diwan (that found in the
RampirMS.). Ashe told hissons more than once, he kept Kabul

> Babur, shortly before his death, married Gul-rang to Aisan-timir and Gul-chihra
to Takhta-bigha Chaghatai. Cf. post, Section h, Babur’s wives and children ; and
- e ete Biographical Appendix s.#. Dil-dar Begim and Salima Sultan Begim
tran-shahe,

706 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

for himself.t_ If, instead of dying in Agra, he had returned to
Kabul, had pushed his way on from Badakhshan, whether as far
as Samarkand or less, had given Humayiin a seat in those parts, _
—action foreshadowed by the records—a reasonable inter- —
pretation of the story that Humayin and his brothers were not —
to govern Hindistan, is that he had considered with Khalifa the
apportionment of his territories according to the example of his
ancestors Chingiz Khan, Timir and Abi-sa‘id; that by his plan of
apportionment Humayin was not to have Hindiistan but some-
thing Tramontane ; Kamran had already Qandahar ; Sulaiman,
if Humayiin had moved beyond the out-post of Badakhshan,
would have replaced him there; and Hinditistan would have gone
to “ Babur Padshah’s damad”.
(3) Muhammad-i-zaman had much to recommend him for
Hindistan :—Timirid-born, grandson and heir of Sl. Husain
Mirza, husband of Ma‘sima who was a Timirid by double
descent,” protected by Babur after the Bai-qara débacle in Herat,
alandless man leading such other exiles as Muhammad Sultan
Mirza,3 ‘Adil Sultan, and Qasim-i-husain Sultan, half-Timirids —
all, who with their Khurasani following, had been Babur’s guests —
in Kabul, had pressed on its poor resources, and thus had helped ~
in 932 AH. (1525 AD.) to drive him across the Indus. This Bai-
qara group needed a location ; Muhammad-i-zaman’s future had ~
to be cared for and with his, Ma‘siima’s. =
(4) It is significant of intention to give Muhammad-i-zaman
ruling status that in April 1529 AD. (Sha‘ban 935 AH.) Babur
bestowed on him royal insignia, including the umbrella-symbol —
of sovereignty.t This was done after the Mirza had raised

* Cf. G. B.’s H. N. trs. p. 147.
* She is the only adult daughter of a Timirid mother named as being such by —
Babur or Gul-badan, but various considerations incline to the opinion that Dil-dar
Begim also was a Timirid, hence her three daughters, all named from the Rose, were
so too. Cf. references of penultimate note. !
3 It attaches interest to the Mirza that he can be taken reasonably as once the owner
of the Elphinstone Codex (cf. JRAS. 1907, pp. 136 and 137).
* Death did not threaten when this gift was made; life in Kabul was planned ~
for.—Here attention is asked again to the value of Ahmad-i-yadgar’s Baburiana for
removing the impression set on many writers by the blank year 936AH. that it was
one of illness, instead of being one of travel, hunting and sight-seeing. The details —
of the activities of that year have the further value that they enhance the worth of
Babur’s sacrifice of life. —Haidar Mirza also fixes the date of the beginning of illness -
as 937 AH. :

936 To 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 707

objections, unspecified now inthe Babur-nama againstBihar ; they
were overcome, the insignia were given and, though for military
reasons he was withheld from taking up that appointment, the
recognition of his royal rank had been made. His next appoint-
ment was to Jinpiir, ‘the capital of the fallen Sharqi dynasty.
No other chief is mentioned by Babur as receiving the insignia
of royalty.

(4) It appears to have been within a Padshah’s competence to
select his successor; and it may be inferred that choice was
made between Humayin and another from the wording of more
than one writer that Khalifa “supported” Humayiin, and from
the word “selected” used in Ahmad-i-yadgar’s anecdote.t Much
more would there be freedom of choice ina division of territory
such as there is a good deal to suggest was the basis of Nizamu’d-
din Ahmad’s story. Whatever the extent of power proposed for
the damad, whether, as it is difficult to believe, the Padshah’s
whole supremacy, or whether the limited sovereignty of Hindi-
stan, it must have been known to Babur as well as to Khalifa.
Whatever their earlier plan however, it was changed by the
sequel of Humayiin’s illness which led to his becoming Padshah.
The damad was dropped, on grounds it is safe to believe more
impressive than his threat to flay Khalifa or than the remonstrance
of that high official’s subordinate Muqim of Herat.

Humayin’s arrival and continued stay in Hindiistan modified
earlier dispositions which included his remaining in Badakhshan.
His actions may explain why Babur, when in 936 AH. he went
as far as Lahor, did not goonto Kabul. Nothing in the sources
excludes the surmise that Mahim knew of the bestowal of royal
insignia on the Bai-qara Mirza, that she summoned her son to
Agra and there kept him, that she would do this the more
resolutely if the damad of the plan she must have heard of, were
that Bai-qara, and that but for Humayin’s presence in Agra and
its attendant difficulties, Babur would have gone to Kabul, leaving
his d@mad in charge of Hindistan.

Babur, however, turned back from Lahor for Agra, and there

* The author, or embroiderer, of that anonymous story did not know the Babur-
nama well, or he would not have described Babur as a wine-drinker after 933 AH.
The anecdote is parallel with Nizimu’d-din Ahmad’s, the one explaining why the
Mirza was selected, the other why the damdd was dropped.

708 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE ae
hi:
he made the self-surrender which, resulting in Humayin’s —
“ selection” as Padshah, became a turning point in history,
Humiayiin’s recovery and Babur’s immediate illness will have
made the son’s life seem Divinely preserved, the father’s asadebt
to be paid. Babur’s impressive personal experience will have —
dignified Humayiin as one whom God willed should live. Such —
distinction would dictate the bestowal on him of all that fatherly
generosity had yet to give. The imminence of death defeating —
all plans made for life. Humaytin was nominated to supreme
power as Padshah.

g. Babur's death. 4

Amongst other family matters mentioned by Gul-badan as —
occurring shortly before her Father’s death, was hisarrangement
of marriages for Gul-rang with Aisan-timir and for Gul-chihra
with Tikhta-bigha Chaghataz. She also writes of his anxiety
to see Hind-al who had been sent for from Kabul but did not
arrive till the day after the death.

When no remedies availed, Humayiin was summoned from
Sambhal. He reached Agra four days before the death ; on the
morrow Babur gathered his chiefs together for the last of many
times, addressed them, nominated Humayin his successor and
bespoke their allegiance for him. Abi’l-fazl thus summarizes his
words, “ Lofty counsels and weighty mandates were imparted. —
Advice was given (to Humayiin) to be munificent and just, to
acquire God’s favour, to cherish and protect subjects, to accept —
apologies from such as had failed in duty, and to pardon trans- —
gressors. And, he (Babur) exclaimed, the cream of my testa-
mentary dispositions is this, ‘Do naught against your brothers,
even though they may deserve it. In truth,” continues the —
historian, “it was through obedience to this mandate that his
Majesty Jannat-ashiyani suffered so many injuries from his — Pa
brothers without avenging himself.” Gul-badan’saccountofher
Father’s last address is simple:—“He spoke in this wise, ‘For ~
years it has been in my heart to make over the throne to
Humayin and to retire to the Gold-scattering Garden. By the
Divine grace I have obtained in health of body everything but
the fulfilment of this wish. Now that illness has laid me low,

)
i

936 TO 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 709

I charge you all to acknowledge Humayiin in my stead. Fail
not in loyalty towards him. Be of one heart and mind towards
him. I hope to God that he, for his part, will bear himself well

towards men. Moreover, Humayiin, I commit you and your
brothers and all my kinsfolk and your people and my people

99)

to God’s keeping, and entrust them all to you.
It was on Monday Jumada I. 5th 937 AH. (Dec. 26th 1530AD.)
that Babur made answer to his summons with the Adsum of the
Musalman, “ Lord! I am here for Thee.”
“Black fell the day for children and kinsfolk and all,” writes
his daughter ;

** Alas! that time and the changeful heaven should exist without thee ;

Alas ! and Alas! that time should remain and thou shouldst be gone ;”
mourns Khwaja Kalan in the funeral ode from which Badayini
quoted these lines.* f

The body was laid in the Garden-of-rest (Avam-bagh) which
is opposite to where the Taj-i-mahall now stands. Khwaja
Muhammad ‘Ali ‘asas? was made the guardian of the tomb,
and many well-voiced readers and reciters were appointed to
conduct the five daily Prayers and to offer supplication for the
soul of the dead. The revenues of Sikri and 5/aks from Biana
were set aside for the endowment of the tomb, and Mahim
Begim, during the two and a half years of her remaining life,
sent twice daily from her own estate, an allowance of food
towards the support of its attendants.

In accordance with the directions of his will, Babur’s body was
to be conveyed to Kabul and there to be laid in the garden of his
choice, in a grave open to the sky, with no building over it, no
need of a door-keeper.

Precisely when it was removed from Agra we have not found
stated. It is known from Gul-badan that Kamran visited his
Father's tomb in Agra in 1539 AD. (946AH.) after the battle of
Chausa ; and it is known from Jauhar that the body had been
brought to Kabul before 1544AD. (952AH.), at which date
Humayin, in Kabul, spoke with displeasure of Kamrdan’s in-

Civility to “ Bega Begim ”, the “ Bibi” who had conveyed their

* Bib. Ind. i, 341 ; Ranking’s trs. p. 448.
? The night-guard; perhaps Mahim Begim’s brother (G. B.’s H. N. trs. pp. 27-8).

710 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

Father’s body to that place.* That the widow who performed
this duty was the Afghan Lady, Bibi Mubarika? is made
probable by Gul-badan’s details of the movements of the royal —
ladies. Babur’s family left Agra under Hind-al’s escort, after the —
defeat at Chausa (June 7th, 1539 AD.) ; whoever took charge of
the body on its journey to Kabul must have returned at some
later date to fetch it. It would be in harmony with Sher Shah’s
generous character if he safe-guarded her in her task.

The terraced garden Babur chose for his burial-place lies on
the slope of the hill Shah-i-Kabul, the Sher-darwaza of European
writers.3 It has been described as perhaps the most beautiful
of the Kabul gardens, and as looking towards an unsurpassable
view over the Char-dih plain towards the snows of Paghman
and the barren, rocky hills which have been the hunting-grounds
of rulers in Kabul. Several of Babur’s descendants coming to
Kabul from Agra have visited and embellished his burial-garden.
Shah-i-jahan built the beautiful mosque which stands near the ~
grave; Jahangir seems to have been, if not the author, at least
the prompter of the well-cut inscription adorning the upright
slab of white marble of Maidan, which now stands at the grave-
head. The tomb-stone itself is a low grave-covering, not less
simple than those of relations and kin whose remains have been
placed near Babur’s. In the thirties of the last century [the
later Sir] Alexander Burnes visited and admirably described
the garden and the tomb. With him was Munshi Mohan Lal who a
added to his own account of the beauties of the spot, copies of
the inscriptions on the monumental slab and on the portal of the —
Mosque.* As is shown by the descriptions these two visitors
give, and by Daniel’s drawings of the garden and the tomb,
there were in their time two upright slabs, one behind the other,
near the head of the grave. Mr. H. H. Hayden who visited the
garden in the first decade of the present century, shows in his
photograph of the grave, one upright stone only, the place of

; G. B.’s H. N. trs. f. 344, p.138; Jauhar’s Memoirs of Humayin, Stewart's trs. —
p. 82.

* Cf. G. B.’s H. N. trs. p. 216, Bio. App. 5.2. Bega Begam.

3 f. 128, p.200 n. 3. Cf. Appendix U.—Babur’s Gardens in and near Kabul. 4

* Cf. H. H. Hayden’s Notes on some monuments in Afghanistan, |Memoirs of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal ii, 344]; and Journal asiatique 1888, M. J. Darmesteters
art. /uscriptions de Caboul. B

936 TO 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 711

one of the former two having been taken by a white-washed
lamp holder (chiraghdan).

The purport of the verses inscribed on the standing-slab is
as follows :—

A ruler from whose brow shone the Light of God was that *
Back-bone of the Faith (sahirwd-din) Muhammad Babur
Padshah. Together with majesty, dominion, fortune, rectitude,
the open-hand and the firm Faith, he had share in prosperity,
abundance and the triumph of victorious arms. He won the
material world and became a moving light; for his every
conquest he looked, as for Light, towards the world of souls.
When Paradise became his dwelling and Ruzwan? asked me

the date, I gave him for answer, “ Paradise is forever Babur
Padshah’s abode.”

h. Babur’s wives and children.3

Babur himself mentions several of his wives by name, but
Gul-badan is the authority for complete lists of them and their
children.

1. ‘Ayisha Sultan Begim, daughter of Sl. Ahmad Mirza Wiran-
shaht was betrothed, when Babur was czr. 5 years old, in 894.AH.
(1488-89 AD.), bore Fakhru’n-nisa’ in 906 AH. [who died in about
one month], left Babur before 909 AH. (1503 AD.).

2. Zainab Sl. Begim, daughter of Sl. Mahmiid Mirza Wiran-
shahi, was married in 9IOAH. (1504-5 AD.), died childless two or
three years later.

3. Mahim Begim, whose parentage is not found stated, was
married in 912AH. (1506AD.), bore Bar-biid, Mihr-jan, Aisan-
daulat, Fariq [who all died in infancy], and Humayin.

4. Ma‘siima SI. Begim, daughter of S]. Ahmad Mirza J/iran-
shahi, was married in 913 AH. (1507 AD.), bore Ma‘siima and died
at her birth, presumably early in the /acuua of 914-925 AH.
(1508-19 AD.).

* @n, a demonstrative suggesting that it refers to an original inscription on the
second, but now absent, upright slab, which presumably would bear Babur’s name.

* Ruzwan is the door-keeper of Paradise.

3 Particulars of the women mentioned by Babur, Haidar, Gul-badan and other
writers of their time, can be seen in my Biographical Appendix to the Begim’s

Humayiin-nima. As the Appendix was published in 1902, variants from it occurring
in this work are corrections superseding earlier and less-informed statements.

712 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE ae

5. Gul-rukh Begim, whose parentage is not found stated, was q

perhaps a Begchik Mughil, was married between 914AH. and —

925AH. (1508-I9AD.), probably early in the period, bore Shah-
rukh, Ahmad [who both died young], Gul‘izar [who also may _

have died young], Kamran and ‘Askari.

6. Dil-dar Begim, whose parentage is not found stated, was
married in the same period as Gul-rukh, bore Gul-rang, Gul-
chihra, Hind-al, Gul-badan and Alwar, [who died in childhood].

7. The Afghan Lady(AfghaniAghacha), Bibi Mubarika Visuf- }

s@z, was married in 925 AH. (I5IQAD.), and died childless.

The two Circassian slaves Gul-nar Aghacha and Nar-gul
Aghacha of whom Tahmasp made gift to Babur in 933AH.
(f.305), became recognized ladies of the royal household. They
are mentioned several times by Gul-badan as taking part in
festivities and in family conferences under Humayiin. Gul-nar

is said by Abi’l-fazl to have been one of Gul-badan’s pilgrim :

band in 983 AH. (1575 AD.).

The above list contains the names of three wives whose
parentage is not given or is vaguely given by the well-known
sources,—namely, Mahim, Gul-rukh and Dil-dar. What would
sufficiently explain the absence of mention by Babur of the
parentage of Gul-rukh and Dil-dar is that his record of the years
within which the two Begims were married is not now with the
Babur-nama. Presumably it has been lost, whether in diary or

narrative form, in the Jacuna of 914-25 AH. (1508-19 AD.). Gul- a
rukh appears to have belonged to the family of Begchik Mughils

described by Haidar Mirza‘; her brothers are styled Mirza; she
was of good but not royal birth. Dil-dar’s case is less simple.
Nothing in her daughter Gul-badan’s book suggests that she and
her children were other than of the highest rank; numerous
details and shades of expression show their ease of equality with
royal personages, It is consistent with Gul-badan’s method of
enumerating her father’s wives that she should not state her own
mother’s descent; she states it of none ofher “mothers”. There
is this interest in trying to trace Dil-dar’s parentage, that she
may have been the third daughter of Sl. Mahmiid Mirza and
Pasha Begim, and a daughter of hers may have been the mother of
* Tarikh-i-rashidi trs. Ney Elias and Ross p. 308.

me vl
\
|

936 To 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 713

Salima Sultan Begim who was given in marriage by Humayiin
to Bairam Khan, later was married by Akbar, and was a woman
of charm and literary accomplishments. Later historians, Abi’l-
fazl amongst their number, say that Salima’s mother was a
daughter of Babur’s wife Salha Sultan Begim, and vary that
daughter’s name as Gul-rang-rukh-barg or -‘izar (the last form
being an equivalent of chzhkra, face). Asthere cannot have been
a wife with her daughter growing up in Babur’s household, who
does not appear in some way in Gul-badan’s chronicle, and as
Salima’s descent from Babur need not be questioned, the knot is
most readily loosened by surmising that “Salha” is the real name
of Gul-badan’s “Dildar”. Instances of double names are frequent,
e.g. Mahim, Mah-chicham, Qara-giiz, Aq, (My Moon, My Moon
sister, Black-eyed, Fair). “Heart-holding” (Dil-dar) sounds like
a home-name of affection. Itis the 1/a‘astr-i-rahimi which gives
Salha as the name of Babur’s wife, Pasha’s third daughter. Its
author may be wrong, writing so late as he did(1025AH.—I6I6AD.),
or may have been unaware that Salha was (if she were) known as
Dil-dar. It would not war against seeming facts to take Pasha’s
third daughter to be Babur’s wife Dil-dar, and Dil-dar’s daughter
Gul-chihra to be Salima’s mother. Gul-chihra was born in about
1516 AD., married to Tikhta-bigha in 1530 AD., widowed in czr.
1533 AD., might have remarried with Niru’d-din Chaganiani
(Sayyid Amir), and in 945 AH. might have borne him Salima; she
Was married in 1547 AD. (954 AH.) to ‘Abbas Sultan Aazbeg.t
Two matters, neither having much weight, make against taking
Dil-dar to be a Miran-shahi; the first being that the anonymous
annotator who added to the archetype of Kehr’s Codex what is
entered in Appendix L.-Ox Mahim’s adoption of Hind-al, styles
her Dil-dar Aghacha ; he, however, may have known no more
than others knew of her descent ; the second, that Mahim forcibly
took Dil-dar’s child Hind-al to rear ; she was the older wife and
the mother of the heir, but could she have taken the upper hand
over a Miran-shahi? A circumstance complicating the question
of Salima’s maternal descent is, that historians searching the
Babur-nama or its Persian translation the Wag7‘at-¢-baburi for
information about the three daughters of Mahmiid Miran-shahi
* Bio. App. s.2. Gul-chihra.

714 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

and Pasha Baharli Turkman, would find an incomplete read i
one in which the husbands of the first and second daughters are _
mentioned and nothing is said about the third who was Babur’s —
wife and the grandmother of Salima. Babur himself appears to
have left the record as it is, meaning to fill itin later; presumably
he waited for the names of the elder two sisters to complete his _
details of the three. In the Haidarabad Codex, which there is
good ground for supposing a copy of his original manuscript,
about three lines are left blank (f. 27) as if awaiting information; j
in most manuscripts, however, this indication of intention is —
destroyed by running the defective passage on to join the next 5,
sentence. Some chance remark of a less well-known writer, —
may clear up the obscurity and show that Salha was Dil-dar.

Mahim’s case seems one having a different cause for silence —
about her parentage. When she was married in Herat, shortly —
after the death of SI. Husain Mirza, Babur had neither wife nor 4
child. What Abi’l-fazl tells about her is vague ; her father’s name ~ P
is not told; she is said to have belonged to a noble Khurasan
family, to have been related (mzsbat-2-khwesh) to Sl. Husain —
Mirza and to have traced her descent to Shaikh Ahmad of Jam. —
If her birth had been high, even though not royal, it is strange a
that it is not stated by Babur when he records the birth of her
son Humayin, incidentally by Gul-badan, or more precisely by
Abi’l-fazl. Her brothers belonged to Khost, and to judge froma _
considerable number of small records, seem to have been quiet, —
unwarlike Khwajas. Her marriage took place in a year of which ~
a full record survives ; it is one in the composed narrative, not —
in the diary. In the followine year, this also being one included ~ 4
in the composed narrative, Babur writes of his meeting with —
Ma‘sima Jirdn-shahi in Herat, of their mutual attraction, and i
of their marriage. If the marriage with Humayiin’s mother had —
been an equal alliance, it would agree with Babur’s custom to
mention its occurrence, and to Sie particulars about Mahim’s =
descent.” =

* The story of the later uprisings against Mahim’s son Humayin by his brothers, %
by Muhammad-i-zaman Sdi-gara and others of the same royal blood, and thisin —
spite of Humiayiin’s being his father’s nominated successor, stirs surmise as to whether —
the rebels were not tempted by more than his defects of character to disregard his —
claim to supremacy; perhaps pride of higher maternal descent, this particularly —
amongst the Bai-qara group, may have deepened a disregard created by antagonisiit 4
of temperament.

936 To 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 715

2. Mr. William Erskine's estimate of Babur.
“Zahiru’d-din Muhammad Babur was undoubtedly one of the

_ most illustrious men of his age, and one of the most eminent

and accomplished princes that ever adorned an Asiatic throne.
He is represented as having been above the middle size, of great
vigour of body, fond of all field and warlike sports, an excellent
swordsman, and a skilful archer. As a proof of his bodily
strength, it is mentioned, that he used to leap from one pinnacle
to another of the pinnacled ramparts used in the East, in his
double-soled boots; and that he even frequently took a man
under each arm and went leaping along the rampart from one of
the pointed pinnacles to another. Having been early trained
to the conduct of business, and tutored in the school of adversity,
the powers of his mind received full development. He ascended
the throne at the age of twelve, and before he had attained his
twentieth year, had shared every variety of fortune ; he had not
only been the ruler of subject provinces but had been in thraldom
to his own ambitious nobles, and obliged to conceal every senti-
ment of his heart; he had been alternately hailed and obeyed as
a conqueror and deliverer by rich and extensive kingdoms, and
forced to lurk in the deserts and mountains of Farghana as
a houseless wanderer. Down to the last dregs of life, we perceive
in him strong feelings of affection for his early friends and early
enjoyments. * * * He had been taught betimes, by the voice
of events that cannot lie, that he was a man dependent on the
kindness and fidelity of other men; and, in his dangers and
escapes with his followers, had learned that he was only one of
an association. * * * The native benevolence and gaiety of his
disposition seems ever to overflow on all around him; * * * ofhis
companions in arms he speaks with the frank gaiety of a soldier.
** * Ambitious he was and fond of conquest and glory in all
its shapes; the enterprise in which he was for a season engaged,
seems to have absorbed his whole soul, and all his faculties were
exerted to bring it to a fortunate issue. His elastic mind was
not broken by discomfiture, and few who have achieved such
glorious conquests, have suffered more numerous or more decisive

defeats. His personal courage was conspicuous during his whole

life. Upon the whole, if we review with impartiality the history

716 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

of Asia, we find few princes entitled to rank higher re
in genius and accomplishments. * * * In activity of min
the gay equanimity and unbroken spirit with which he b on
extremes of good and bad fortune, in the possession of th
and social virtues, in his love of letters and his success in
cultivation of them, we shall probably find no other .*
prince who can justly be placed beside him.” is

THE END.

APPENDICES.

A.—THE SITE AND DISAPPEARANCE OF
OLD AKHSI.

SOME modern writers, amongst whom are Dr. Schuyler,
General Nalivkine and Mr. Pumpelly, have inferred from the
Babur-nama account of Akhsi, (in its translations?) that the
_landslip through which Babur’s father died and the disappear-
ance of old Akhsi were brought about by erosion. Seen by the
light of modern information, this erosion theory does not seem
to cover the whole ground and some other cause seems
necessary in explanation of both events.
For convenience of reference, the Babur-ndma passages re-
quired, are quoted here, with their translations.

Hai. MS. f. 46. Sathiin daryd-si qirghdni astidin dqar. Quirghani
baland jar austida waqi‘ bulib tir. Khandagqi-ning atirunigha ‘umigjarlar
dir. ‘Umar Shaikh M. kim mini pdy-takht qildi, bir iki martaba
tashragq-din yana jarlar saldi.

Of this the translations are as follows :—

(a) Pers. trans. (1.0. 217, f. 3b): Daryd-i Saihiin az payha qila‘-i
o mivezad u qgila‘-t o bar jar balandi waqi‘ shuda ba jay khandag jarha-i
‘umiq uftada. ‘ U. Sh. M.kah anra pay-takht sakhta, yak du martaba az
biriin ham baz jarha andakht. ;

(0) Erskine (p. 5, translating from the Persian) : ‘ The river Saihiin
flows under the walls of the castle. The castle is situated on a high
precipice, and the steep ravines around serve instead of amoat. When
U. Sh. M. made it his capital he,in one or two instances, scarped the
ravines outside the fort.’

(c) De Courteille (i, 8, translating from Ilminsky’s imprint, p. 6) :
“ Le Seihoun coule au pied de la fortresse qui se dresse sur le sommet
d’un ravin, dont les profondeurs lui tiennent lieu d’un fossé. ‘U. Sh.
M. a 1’époque oi il en avait fait son capitale, avait augmenté a une ou
deux réprises, les escarpements qui la ceignent naturellement.’

Concerning ‘Umar Shaikh’s death, the words needed are
Mazkir bilib aidi kim Akhsi qiurghani buland jar austida waqi‘
bulub tir. ‘Imdaratlar jar yaqasida airdi.... Mirza jardin kabitar u

i

il APPENDICES

kabiitar-khana bila atchib shungay bildi;—‘ It has been mentiogslll
that the walled-town of Akhsi is situated above ravine(s). The royal
dwellings are along a ravine. The Mirzd, having flown with his
pigeons and their house from the ravine, became a falcon (i.e. died).

A few particulars about Akhsi will shew that, in the transla-—
tions just quoted, certain small changes of wording are dictated ©
by what, amongst other writers, Kostenko and von Schwarz ©
have written about the oases of Turkistan.

The name Akhsi, as used by Ibn Haukal, Yaqiit and Babur, —
describes an oasis township, 7.¢. a walled-town with its adjacent —
cultivated lands. In Yaqiit’s time Akhsi hada second circum- —
vallation, presumably less for defence than for the protection of —
crops against wild animals. The oasis was created by the —
Kasan-water,! upon the riverain loess of the right and higher ©
bank of the Saihiin (Sir), on level ground west of the junction —
of the Narin and the Qara-darya, west too of spurs from the ©
northern hills which now abut upon the river. YAqut locates —
it in the rath century, at one farsdkh (ciyca 4 m.) north of ©
the river.2, Depending as it did solely on the Kasan-water, ©
nothing dictated its location close to the Sir, along which there ©
is now, and there seems to have been in the 12th century, a
strip of waste land. Babur says of Akhsi what Kostenko says —
(i, 321) of modern Tashkint, that it stood above ravines (jarldar). —
These were natural or artificial channels of the Kasan-water.®

To turn now to the translations ;—Mr. Erskine imaged Akhsi —
as a castle, high on a precipice in process of erosion by the Sir. —
But Babur’s word, giéirghan means the walled-town; his for a
castle is ark, citadel; and his jar, a cleft, is not rendered by ©
‘precipice.’ Again ;—it is no more necessary to understand that —

1 Until the Yangi-ariq was taken off the Sir, late in the last century, for :
Namangan, the oasis land of Farghana was fertilized, not from the river but ;
see its intercepted tributaries.

2 Ujfalvy’s translation of Yaqit (ii, 179) reads one farsakh from thes |
mountains instead of ‘ north of the river.’

° Kostenko describes a division of Tashkint, one in which is Ravine-lane —
(jar-kucha), as divided by a deep ravine ; of another he says that it is cut by —
deep ravines (Babur’s ‘umig jarlar). it

A.—THE SITE AND DISAPPEARANCE OF OLD AKHSI( _ iii

the Sir flowed close to the walls than it is to understand, when
one says the Thames flows past below Richmond, that it
washes the houses on the hill.

The key to the difficulties in the Turki passage is provided
by a special use of the word jar for not only natural ravines
but artificial water-cuts for irrigation. This use of it makes
clear that what ‘Umar Shaikh did at Akhsi was not to make
escarpments but to cut new water-channels. Presumably he
joined those ‘further out’ on the deltaic fan, on the east and
west of the town, so as to secure a continuous defensive cleft
round the town! or it may be, in order to bring it more water.

Concerning the historic pigeon-house (f. 60), it can be said
safely that it did not fall into the Sir; it fell from a jay, and in

this part of its course, the river flows in a broad bed, with a
low left bank. Moreover the Mirza’s residence was in the
walled-town (f. 110b) and there his son stayed g years after the
accident. The slip did not affect the safety of the residence
therefore ; it may have been local to the birds’ house. It will
have been due to some ordinary circumstance since no cause
for it is mentioned by Babur, Haidar or Abw’l-fazl. If it had
marked the crisis of the Sir’s approach, Akhsi could hardly
have been described, 25 years later, as a strong fort.

Something is known of Akhsi, in the roth, the rath, the
15th and the rgth centuries, which testifies to szecular
decadence. Ibn Haukal and Yaqit give the township an ex-
tent of 3 farsakh (12 miles), which may mean from one side to
an opposite one. Ydaqit’s description of it mentions four
gates, each opening into well-watered lands extending a whole
farsakh, in other words it had a ring of garden-suburb four
miles wide.

Two meanings have been given to Babur’s words indicat-
ing the status of the oasis in the 15th century. They are,

1 Babur writes as though Akhsi had one Gate only (f. 1120). It is unlikely
that the town had come down to having a single exit ; the Gate by which he
got out of Akhsi was the one of military importance because served by a

draw-bridge, presumably over the ravine-moat, and perhaps not close to
that bridge.

iv APPENDICES

mahallati qiurghan-din bir shar‘t yurdqrag tushub tir. They ©
have been understood as saying that the suburbs were two ~
miles from their uvbs. This may be right but I hesitate to
accept it without pointing out that the words may mean, ‘Its —
suburbs extend two miles farther than the walled-town.’
Whichever verbal reading is correct, reveals a decayed oasis.

In the rgth century, Nalivkine and Ujfalvy describe the
place then bearing the name Akhsi, as a small village, a —
mere winter-station, at some distance from the river’s bank,
that bank then protected from denudation by a sand-bank.

Three distinctly-marked stages of decadence in the oasis
township are thus indicated by Yaquit, Babur and the two
modern travellers.

It is necessary to say something further about the position of
the suburbs in the 15th century. Babur quotes as especially
suitable to Akhsi, the proverbial questions, ‘Where is the —
village ?’+ (qy. Akhsi-kint.) ‘Where are the trees?’ and these ~
might be asked by some-one in the suburbs unable to see Akhsi —
or vice versd. But granting that there were no suburbs within ©
two miles of the town, why had the whole inner circle, two
miles of Yaqiit’s four, gone out of cultivation? Erosion would ~
have affected only land between the river and the town.

Again ;—if the Sir only were working in the 15th century ©
to destroy a town standing on the Kasan-water, how is it that —
this stream does not yet reach the Sir?

Various ingatherings of information create the impression :
that failure of Kasaén-water has been the dominant factor in ©
the loss of the Akhsi township. Such failure might be due to ©
the general desiccation of Central Asia and also to increase of ©
cultivation in the Kasan-valley itself. There may have been ©
erosion, and social and military change may have had its part, — Ps
but for the loss of the oasis lands and for, as a sequel, the de- ~
cay of the town, desiccation seems a sufficient cause.

1 For mention of upper villages see f. 110 and note 1.

A.—THE SITE AND DISAPPEARANCE OF OLD AKHSI v

The Kasan-water still supports an oasis on its riverain slope,
the large Aiizbeg town of Tipa-qtrghan (Town-of-the-hill),
from the modern castle of which a superb view is had up the
Kasan-valley, now thickly studded with villages.’

B.—THE BIRDS, QIJL QUYIRUGH AND
BAGHRI QARA,

~ DESCRIBING a small bird (giésh-gina), abundant in the Qarshi
district (f. 490), Babur names it the gi/-qiuyiragh, horse-tail, and
says it resembles the baghri garda.

Later on he writes (f. 280) that the baghri garda of India is
smaller and more slender than ‘those’ t.e. of Transoxiana
(f. 490, n. 1), the blackness of its breast less deep, and its cry
less piercing.

We have had difficulty in identifying the birds but at length
conclude that the baghrit garaé of Transoxiana is Pterocles
arenarius, Pallas’s black-bellied sand-grouse and that the Indian
one is a smaller sand-grouse, perhaps a Syrrhaptes. As the qil
guyivugh resembles the other two, it may be a yet ere
Syrrhaptes.

Muh. Salih, writing of sport Shaibaq Khan had in Qarshi
(Shaibani-nadma, Vambéry, p. 192) mentions the ‘Little bird
(murghak) of Qarshi,’ as on all sides making lament. The
Sang-lakh * gives its Persian name as khar-pala, ass-hair, says it

1 Cf. {. 114 for distances which would be useful in locating Akhsi if Babur’s
yighach were not variable; Ritter, vii, 3 and 733; Réclus, vi, index s.n.
Farghana ; Ujfalvy ii, 168, his quotation from Yaqit and his authorities ;
Nalivkine’s Histoive du Khanat de Kokand, p. 14 and p. 53 ; Schuyler, i, 324 ;
Kostenko, Tables of Contents for cognate general information and i, 320, for
Tashkint ; von Schwarz, index under related names, and especially p. 345
and plates ; Pumpelly, p. 18 and p. 115.

2 This Turki-Persian Dictiona1y was compiled by Mirza Mahdi Khan,
Nadir Shah’s secretary and historian, whose life of his master Sir William
Jones translated into French (Rieu’s Turki Cat. p. 2640).

ins

vi APPENDICES

flies in large flocks and resembles the baghri gara. Of the ~
latter he writes as abundant in the open country and as
making noise (baghir). .

The Sang-lakh (f. 119) gives the earliest and most informing
account we have found of the baghri garda. Its says the birdis —
larger than a pigeon, marked with various colours, yellow

especially, black-breasted and a dweller in the stony and water-

less desert. These details are followed by a quotation from
‘Ali-sher Nawd@’i, in which he likens his own heart to that of ©
the bird of the desert, presumably referring to the gloom of the
bird’s plumage. Three synonyms are then given; Ar. gifa,one
due to its cry (Meninsky); Pers. sang-shikan, stone-eating,
(Steingass, sang-khwdra, stone-eating); and Turki baghir-tilag
which refers, I think, to its cry. *

Morier (Haji Baba) in his Second journey through Persia ~
(Lond. 1818, p. 181), mentions that a bird he calls the black-
breasted partridge, (i.e. Francolinus vulgaris) is known in ~

Turkish as bokara kara and in Persian as siydh-sina, both names,

(he says), meaning black-breast; that it has a horse-shoe of
black feathers round the forepart of the trunk, more strongly —
marked in the female than in the male; that they fly in flocks —
of which he saw immense numbers near Tabriz (p. 283), have
a soft note, inhabit the plains, and, once settled, do not run. —
Cock and hen alike have a small spur,—a characteristic, it may —
be said, identifying rather with Francolinus vulgaris than with ~
Pterocles arenarius. Against this identification, however, is
Mr. Blandford’s statement that siyah-sina (Morier’s bokara kava)
is Pterocles arenarius (Report of the Persian Boundary Com-
mission, ii, 271). *

In Afghanistan and Bikanir, the sand-grouse is called taturak

and boora kurra (Jerdon, ii, 498). Scully explains baghitag as
Pterocles arenarius. ‘ |

Perhaps I may mention something making me doubt whether 4

it is correct to translate baghri qara by black-liver and gorge-noir
or other names in which the same meaning is expressed. To

translate thus, is to understand a Turki noun and adjective in A

B.—THE BIRDS QIZ QUYIRUGH AND BAGHRI QARA vii

Persian construction, and to make exception to the rule, amply
exemplified in lists of birds, that Turki names of birds are
commonly in Turki construction, ¢g. garda bash (black-head),
Gig-bash (white-head), sdrigh-stinduk (yellow-headed wagtail).
Baghir may refer to the cry of the bird. We learn from
Mr. Ogilvie Grant that the Mongol name for the sand-grouse
njupterjun, is derived from its cry in flight, truck, truck, and its
Arabic name gifa is said by Meninsky to be derived from its
cry kaetha, kactha. Though the dissimilarity of the two cries is
against taking the njupterjin and the qita to be of one class of
sand-grouse, the significance of the derivation of the names
remains, and shows that there are examples in support of
thinking that when a sand-grouse is known as bdéghri gard, it
may be so known because of its cry (baghir).

The word garda finds suggestive interpretation in a B. N.
phrase (f. 72b) Tambal-ning qara-si, Tambal’s blackness, i.e. the
dark mass of his moving men, seen at a distance. It is used
also for an indefinite number, e.g. ‘family, servants, retainers,
followers, garda,’ and I think it may imply a massed flock.

Babur’s words (f. 280) baghri-ning qara-si ham kam dir, [its
belly (lit. liver) also is less black], do not necessarily contradict
the view that the word baghri in the bird’s name means crying.
The root baégh has many and pliable derivatives; I suspect
both Babur (here) and Muh. Salih (1. c.) of ringing changes
on words.

We are indebted for kind reply to our questions to Mr.
Douglas Carruthers, Mr. Ogilvie Grant and to our friend,
Mr. R. S. Whiteway.

13

Vili APPENDICES

C.—ON THE GOSH4A-GIR.

I AM indebted to my husband’s examination of two Persian ©
MSS. on archery for an explanation of the word gosha-gir, in
its technical sense in archery. The works consulted are the ©
Cyclopedia of Archery (Kulliyatw’rv-rami I. O. 2771) and i, vf
Archer’s Guide (Hiddyatw’r-rami I. O. 2768). |

It should be premised that in archery, the word gosha de- a
scribes, in the arrow, the notch by which it grips and can be |
carried on the string, and, in the bow, both the tip (horn) and
the notch near the tip in which the string catches. It is ex-
plained by Vullers as cornu et crena arcts cut immititur nervus.

Two passages in the Cyclopedia of Archery (f. 9 and f. 360) _
shew gosha as the bow-tip. One says that to bend the bow, ~
two men must grasp the two gosha; the other reports a tradition
that the Archangel Gabriel brought a bow having its two gosha
(tips) made of ruby. The same book directs that the gosha be
made of seasoned ivory, the Archer’s Guide prescribing seasoned
mulberry wood. .

The C. of A. (f. 1250) says that a bowman should never be
without two things, his arrows and his gosha-gir. The gosha-gir —
may be called an item of the repairing kit; it is an implement {
(f. 53) for making good a warped bow-tip and for holding the
string into a displaced notch. It is known also as the chapras,
brooch or buckle, and the kardang; and is said to bear these
names because it fastens in the string. Its shape i is that of the
upper part of the Ar. letter jim, two converging lines of which —
the lower curves slightly outward. It serves to make good a
warped bow, without the use of fire and it should be kept upon
the bow-tip till this has reverted to its original state. Until
the warp has been straightened by the gosha-gir, the bow must
be kept from the action of fire because it, (composite of sinew
and glutinous substance,) is of the nature of wax. A

The same implement can be used to straighten the middle of
the bow, the kamdn khana. It is then called kar-dang. It cam

a

“=

C.—ON THE GOSHA-GIR ix

be used there on condition that there are not two daur (curves)
in the bow. If there are two the bow cannot be repaired with-
out fire. The halal daur is said to be characteristic of the
Turkish bow. Thereare three daur. Iam indebted to Mr. Inigo
Simon for the suggestions that daur in this connection means
warp and that the three twists (dawr) may be those of one horn
(gosha), of the whole bow warped in one curve, and of the two
horns warped in opposite directions.

Of repair to the kamdan-khana it is said further that if no kar-
dang be available, its work can be done by means of a stick and
string, and if the damage be slight only, the bow and the string
can be tightly tied together till the bow comes straight. ‘And
the cure is with God!’

Both manuscripts named contain much technical informa-
tion. Some parts of this are included in my husband’s article,
Oriental Crossbows (A.Q.R. 1911, p. 1). Sir Ralph Payne-Gall-
wey’s interesting book on the Cross-bow allows insight into
the fine handicraft of Turkish bow-making.

D.—ON THE RESCUE PASSAGE.

I HAVE omitted from my translation an account of Babur’s
rescue from expected death, although it is with the Haidarabad
Codex, because closer acquaintance with its details has led both
my husband and myself to judge it spurious. We had wel-
comed it because, being with the true Babur-nama text, it
accredited the same account found in the Kehr-I]minsky text,
and also because, however inefficiently, it did something
towards filling the gap found elsewhere within 908 AH.

It is in the Haidarabad MS. (f. 1180), in Kehr’s MS. (p. 385),
in Ilminsky’s imprint (p. 144), in Les Mémoires de Babour (i, 255)

and with the St. P, University Codex, which is a copy of
Kehr’s,

x APPENDICES

On the other hand, it is not with the Elphinstone Codex
(f. 89); that it was not with the archetype of that codex the
scribe’s note shews (f. go); it is with neither of the Wdaqi‘at-1-
babuvi (Pers. translations) nor with Leyden and Erskine’s
Memoirs (p. 122).*

Before giving our grounds tor rejecting what has been offered
to fill the gap of go8 AH. a few words must be said about the
lacuna itself. Nothing indicates that Babur left it and, since _
both in the Elphinstone Codex and its archetype, the sentence
preceding it lacks the terminal verb, it seems due merely to
loss of pages. That the loss, if any, was of early date is clear,—
the Elph. MS. itself being copied not later than 1567 AD. (J RAS.
1907, p. 137).

Two known circumstances, both of earlier date than that of
the Elphinstone Codex, might have led to the loss,—the first is
the storm which in 935 AH. scattered Babur’s papers (f. 3760),
the second, the vicissitudes to which Humf@yiin’s library was
exposed in his exile. Of the two the first seems the more
probable cause.

The rupture of a story at a point so critical as that of Babur’s
danger in Karnan would tempt to its completion ; so too would
wish to make good the composed part of the Babur-naéma. ©
Humayiin annotated the archetype of the Elphinstone Codex
a good deal but he cannot have written the Rescue passage if
only because he was in a position to avoid some of its inac-
curacies.

aE et lee ae

CONTEXT AND TRANSLATION OF THE RESCUE :
PASSAGE.

To facilitate reference, I quote the last words preceding the —
gap purported to be filled by the Rescue passage, from several —
texts ;—

1 The Pddshah-nima whose author, ‘Abdu’l-hamid, the biographer of
Shah-jahan, died in 1065 au. (1655 AD.) mentions the existence of lacun# in
a copy of the Babur-nama, in the Imperial Library and allowed by his wording —
to be Babur’s autograph MS. (i, 42 and ii, 703). |

2 Akbar-nama, Bib. Ind, ed. i, 305 ; H.B. i, 571.

D.—ON THE RESCUE PASSAGE xi

(a) Elphinstone MS. f. 89b,—Quptim. Bagh gosha-si-gha
bardim. Atztim bila andesha gildim. Didim kim kishi agar yuz
u agar ming yashasa, akhir hech.. . |

(6) The Hai. MS. (f. 1185) varies from the Elphinstone by
omitting the word hech and adding aiilmak kirak, he must die.

(c) Payanda-hasan’s Wdqi‘at-1-baburi (I. O. 215, f. 96b),—
Barkhwastam u dar gosha-i bagh raftam. Ba khiid andesha karda,
guftam kah agar kase sad sal ya hazar sal ‘umr dashta bashad,
akhir hech ast. (It will be seen that this text has the hech of
the Elph. MS.)

(d) ‘Abdu’r-rahim’s Wadgqi‘at-i-baburi (I. O. 217, f. 79),—
Barkhwastam u ba gosha-i-bagh raftam. Ba khiid andeshidam u
guftam kah agar kase sad sal u agar hazar sal ‘umr bayabad akhir...
— (¢) Muh. Shirdz?’s lith. ed. (p. 75) finishes the sentence with
akhir khud bayad murd, at last one must die,—varying as it fre-
quently does, from both of the Waqi‘at.

(f) Kehr’s MS. (p. 383-454), Ilminsky, p. 144.—Qéupiub bagh-
ning bir biirji-gha barib, khatirim-gha kilttirdim kim agar adam
yuz yil u agar ming yil tivik bilsd, akhir auilmak din atizka chara
yuq tur. (I rose. Having gone to a tower of the garden,
I brought it to my mind that if a person be alive 100 years

or a thousand years, at last he has no help other than
to die.)

oJ

The Rescue passage is introduced by a Persian couplet,
identified by my husband as from Nigami’s Khusrau u Shirin,
which is as follows ;—

If you stay a hundred years, and if one year,
Forth you must go from this heart-delighting palace.

I steadied myself for death (garar birdim). In that garden a stream came
flowing ;1 I made ablution ; I recited the prayer of two inclinations (ra‘kat) ;
having raised my head for silent prayer, I was making earnest petition when
my eyes closed in sleep.2 I am seeing? that Khwaja Yaq‘ib, the son of

1 Hai. MS. f. 118); aishdl baghdad si aqib kila dur aidi. Babur-nama,
sti Gqib, water flowed and aishal is rare, but in the R.P. occurs 7 times.

2 gizim awiqi-gha barib tir. B.N. f. 117), gizim dwigu-gha bardi.

3 kiva div min, B.N. f. 83, tish kivdiim and tush kivar min.

xii APPENDICES

Khwaja Yahya and grandson of His Highness Khwaja ‘Ubaidu’l-lah, 1e
facing me, mounted on a piebald horse, with a large company of piebald ho: se-
men (sic).1 He said: ‘ Lay Sorrow aside! Khwaja Abrar (i.e. ‘Ubaidu’ Lt: a)
has sent me to you; he said, ‘‘ We, having asked help for him (i.e. to hi
will seat him on the royal throne ;2 wherever difficulty befalls him, let k .
look towards us (lit. bring us to sight) and call us to mind ; there will we
present.” Now, in this hour, victory and success are on your side; lift uf
your head ! awake !’
At that time I awoke happy, when Yisuf and those with him? were giving
one another advice. ‘ We will make a pretext to deceive ; to seize and bi nd*
is necessary.’ Hearing these words, I said, ‘ Your words are of this s 0!
but I will see which of you will come to my presence to take me.’ I \
saying this when outside the garden wall5 came the noise of approachir ng
horsemen. Yusuf darogha said, ‘ If we had taken you to Tambal our affairs
would have gone forward. Now he has sent again many persons to seize
you.” He was certain that this noise might be the footfall of the horses of
those sent by Tambal. On hearing those words anxiety grew upon me;
what to do I did not know. At this time those horsemen, not happening t
find the garden gate, broke down the wall where it was old (and) came ini
I saw (kursdm, lit. might see) that Qutluq Muh. Barla@s and Baba-i Parghari,
my life-devoted servants, having arrived [with], it may be, ten, fifteen,
twenty persons, were approaching. Having flung themselves from their
horses,® bent the knee from afar and showed respect, they fell at my feet. In
that state (hal) such ecstasy (hal) came over me that you might say (goyda)
God gave me life from a new source (bash). I said, ‘ Seize and bind that
Yusuf darogha and these here (targhdn) hireling mannikins.” These se me
mannikins had taken to flight. They (i.e. the rescuers), having taken them
one by one, here and there, brought them bound. I said, ‘ Where de you
come from ? How did you get news ?’ Qutluq Muh. Barlds said : hen,
having fled from Akhsi, we were separated from you in the flight, we went t
Andijan when the Khans also came to Andijan. I saw a vision that Khwa
‘Ubaidu’l-lah said, ‘‘ Babur pddshah' is in a village called Karnan ; go n¢
bring him, since the royal seat (masnad) has become his possession (ta‘allug).’
I having seen this vision and become happy, represented (the matter) to
Elder Khan (and) the Younger Khan. I said to the Khans, ‘“ I have five or
six younger brothers (and) sons; do you add a few soldiers. I will g
through the Karnan side and bring news,.”” The Khans said, ‘ It occurs to 0
minds also that (he) may have gone that same road (?).” They eppointadil
persons ; they said, ‘“‘ Having gone in that direction (sav) and made very §
bring news. Would to God you might get true news!’’ We were saying tl [
when Baba-i Parghdri said, ‘I too will go and seek.” He also having agreet
with two young men, (his) younger brothers, we rode out. It is three d

1 ablaq suwar bilan ; P. suwdar for T. atliq or atlig kishi ; bilan for B.N.
and an odd use of piebald (ablaq).
2 masnad, B.N. takht, throne. Masnad betrays Hindistan.
3 Hamra‘ilari (sic) bir bir ga (sic) maslanat qila dirlay. Maslahat for B.N
kingash or kingdish ; hamrah, companion, for mining bila bar, etc. K
4 baghlamaq and f. 119b baghlaghdnlar ; B. ie almak or titmdq to seize ¢
take prisoner. |
5 diwdar for tam. 4 o
6 f. 119, at-tin aiizlair-ni tashlab ; B.N. tashmak, dismount. Tashlamag | Is_
not used in the sense of dismount by B. a. |
7 pdadshah so used is an moachrcdiain (f. 215) ; Babur Mirza would be correct,

D.—ON THE RESCUE PASSAGE xiii

to-day that we are on the road. Thank God! we have found you.’ They
said (didilar, for dib). They spoke (aitilav), ‘Make a move! Ride off!
Take these bound ones with you! To stay here is not well ; Tambal has had
news of your coming here ; go, in whatever way, and join yourself to the
Khans!’ At that time we having ridden out, moved towards Andijan. It
was two days that we had eaten no food ; the evening prayer had come when
we found a sheep, went on, dismounted, killed, and roasted. Of that same
roast we ate as much asafeast. After that we rode on, hurried forward, made
a five days’ journey in a day and two nights, came and entered Andijan. I
saluted my uncle the Elder Khan (and) my uncle the Younger Khan, and
made recital of past days. With the Khans I spent four months. My
servants, who had gone looking in every place, gathered themselves together ;
there were more than 300 persons. It came to my mind (kim), ‘ How long
must I wander, a vagabond (sar-garddan),1 in this Farghana country? I will
make search (talab) on every side (dib).’ Having said, I rode out in the
month of Muharram to seek Khurasan, and I went out from the country of
Farghana.?

REASONS AGAINST THE REJECTION OF THE
RESCUE PASSAGE.

Two circumstances have weight against rejecting the passage,
its presence with the Haidarabad Codex and its acceptance by
Dr. Ilminsky and M. de Courteille.

That it is with the Codex is a matter needing consideration
and this the more that it is the only extra matter there found.
Not being with the Persian translations, it cannot be of early
date. It seems likely to owe its place of honour to distinguished
authorship and may well be one of the four portions (juzwe)
mentioned by Jahangir in the Tuzik-i-jahangiri,® as added by
himself to his ancestor’s book. If so, it may be mentioned, it
will have been with Babur’s autograph MS. [now not to be
found], from which the Haidarabad Codex shews signs of being
a direct copy.4

[The incongruity of the Rescue passage with the true text has

1 2ahivan; B.N. yaqin.

? Ilminsky’s imprint stops at dib ; he may have taken kim-dib for signs of
quotation merely. (This I did earlier, JRAS 1902, p. 749.)

3 Aligarh ed. p. 52 ; Rogers’ trs. i, 109.
* Cf. £. 636, n. 3.

xiv APPENDICES Bait

been indicated by foot-notes to the translation of it already

given. What condemns it on historic and other grounds will
follow. | |

On linguistic grounds it is a strong argument in its favour
that Dr. Ilminsky and M. de Courteille should have accepted it
but the argument loses weight when some of the circumstances —
of their work are taken into account.

In the first place, it is not strictly accurate to regard —
Dr. Ilminsky as accepting it unquestioned, because it is
covered by his depreciatory remarks, made in his preface, on ~
Kehr’s text. He, like M. de Courteille, worked with a single ©
Turki MS. and neither of the two ever saw a complete true
text. When their source (the Kehr-Ilminsky) was able to be ~
collated with the Elph. and Hai. MSS. much and singular
divergence was discovered. .

I venture to suggest what appears to me to explain M. de
Courteille’s acceptance of the Rescue passage. Down to its
insertion, the Kehr-Ilminsky text is so continuously and so
curiously corrupt that it seems necessary to regard it as being —
a re-translation into Turki from one of the Persian translations -
of the Babur-nama. There being these textual defects in it, it
would create on the mind of a reader initiated through it, only, —
in the book, an incorrect impression of Babur’s style and
vocabulary, and such a reader would feel no transition when —
passing on from it to the Rescue passage. {

In opposition to this explanation, it might be said that a —
wrong standard set up by the corrupt text, would or could be
changed by the excellence of later parts of the Kehr-IIlminsky
one. In words, this is sound, no doubt, and such reflex crit--
icism is now easy, but more than the one defective MS. was —

D.—ON THE RESCUE PASSAGE xv

work on it is still tentative, even with the literary gains since
the Seventies.

Few of the grounds which weigh with us for the rejection of
the Rescue passage were known to Dr. Ilminsky or M. de
Courteille ;—the two good Codices bring each its own and
varied help; Teufel’s critique on the ‘ Fragments,’ though made
without acquaintance with those adjuncts as they stand in Kehr’s
own volume, is of much collateral value; several useful oriental
histories seem not to have been available for M. de Courteille’s
use. I may add, for my own part, that I have the great
advantage of my husband’s companionship and the guidance
of his wide acquaintance with related oriental books. In truth,
looking at the.drawbacks now removed, an earlier acceptance
of the passage appears as natural as does today’s rejection.

GROUNDS FOR REJECTING THE RESCUE
PASSAGE.

The grounds for rejecting the passage need here little more
than recapitulation from my husband’s article in the JASB.
1910, p. 221, and are as follows ;—

i. The passage is in neither of the Wdaqi‘at-t-baburt.

ii. The dreams detailed are too a propos and marvellous. for
credence.

iii. Khwaja Yahya is not known to have had a son, named
Ya‘qub.

iv. The Babur-néma does not contain the names assigned to
the rescuers.

v. The Khans were not in Andijaén and Babur did not go
there.

vi. He did not set out for Khurdsan after spending 4 months
with The Khans but after Ahmad’s death (end of gog AH.),
while Mahmud was still in Eastern Turkistan and after about
a year’s stay in Sukh.

xvi APPENDICES Bi

vii. The followers who gathered to him were not ‘more than _
300’ but between 2 and 300. q
vill. The ‘3 days,’ and the ‘day and two nights,’ and the ~
‘5 days’ journey was one of some 70 miles, and one recorded —
as made in far less time. ‘
ix. The passage is singularly inadequate to filla gap of 14 to ©
16 months, during which events of the first importance occurred —
to Babur and to the Chaghatai dynasty. 4
x. Khwaja Abrdr7s promises did nothing to fulfil Babur’s —
wishes for go8 AH. while those of Ya‘qib for immediate —
victory were closely followed by defeat and exile. Babur knew
the facts; the passage cannot be his. It looks as though the ©
writer saw Babur in Karnan across Timirid success in ©
Hindustan. f
xi. The style and wording of the passage are not in harmony ~
with those of the true text. |

Other reasons for rejection are marked change in choice of —
the details chosen for commemoration, e.g. when Babur men-
tions prayer, he does so simply; when he tells a dream, it seems —
arealone. The passage leaves the impression that the writer —
did not think in Turki, composed in it with difficulty, and ~
looked at life from another view-point than Babur’s.

On these various grounds, we have come to the conclusion —
that it is no part of the Babur-nadma.

BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD

[APPENDICES TO THE KABUL
SECTION. ]

E—NAGARAHAR AND NING-NAHAR.

THOSE who consult books and maps about the riverain tract
between the Safed-koh (Spin-ghur) and (Anglicé) the Kabul-
river find its name in several forms, the most common being
Nangrahar and Nangnahar (with variant vowels). It would be
useful to establish a European book-name for the district. As
European opinion differs about the origin and meaning of the
names now in use, and as a good deal of interesting circumstance
gathers round the small problem ofa correct form (there may be
two), I offer about the matter what has come into the restricted
field of my own work, premising that I do this merely as one
who drops a casual pebble on the cairn of observation already
long rising for scholarly examination.

a. The origin and meaning of the names.

I have met with three opinions about the origin and meaning
of the names found now and earlier. To each one of them
obvious objection can be made. They are :—

1. That all forms now in use are corruptions of the Sanscrit
word Nagarahara, the name of the Town-of-towns which in
the d#-ad of the Baran-sii and Sirkh-rid left the ruins Masson
describes in Wilson’s Ariana Antiqua. But if this is so, why
is the Town-of-towns multiplied into the nine of Na-nagrahar
(Nangrahar) ??

2. That the names found represent Sanscrit xawa vthara,
nine monasteries, an opinion the Gazetteer of India of 1907 has

* Another but less obvious objection will be mentioned later.

xVili APPENDICES

adopted from Bellew. But why precisely nine monasteries ? —
Nine appears an understatement. q

3. That Nang (Ning or Nung) -nahar verbally means nine —
streams, (Babur’s Tiqiz-rid,) an interpretation of long
standing (Section 0 zz/ra). But whence nang, ning, nung, —
for nine? Such forms are not in Persian, Turki or Pushtu | ;
dictionaries, and, as Sir G. A. Grierson assures me, do not 3
come into the Linguistic Survey. :

b. On nang, ning, nung for nine.

Spite of their absence from the natural homes of words, how- —
ever, the above sounds have been heard and recorded as symbols —
of the number nine by careful men through a long space of time.

The following instances of the use of “Nangnahar” show this, —
and also show that behind the variant forms there may be not
a single word but two of distinct origin and sense.

1. In Chinese annals two names appear as those of the
district and town (I am not able to allocate their application ©
with certainty). The first is Na-kie-lo-ho-lo, the second
Nang-g-lo-ho-lo and these, I understand to represent Nagara-
hara and Nang-nahar, due allowance being made for Chinese —
idiosyncrasy.* ;

2. Some 900 years later (1527-30 AD.) Babur also gives
two names, Nagarahar (as the book-name of his zaman) and
Ning-nahar.? He says the first is found in several histories
(B.N. f. 1314) ; the second will have been what he heard and
also bit what AEDEAIEH # in revenue accounts ; of it he
says, “it is nine torrents” (déguz-rid@).

3. Some 300 years after Babur, Elphinstone gives two-

* Julien notes ( Voyages des pélerins Bouddhistes, ii, 96), ‘‘ Dans les annales des
Song on trouve Nang-go-lo-ho, qui répond exactement 4 l’orthographe indienne
Nangarahara, que fournit Vinscription découvert par le capitaine Kittoe” (JASB.
1848). The reference is to the Ghoswara inscription, of which Professor Kielhorn
has also written (/udian Antiguary, 1888), but with departure from Nangarahara to —
Nagarahara. es.

? The scribe of the Haidarabad Codex appears to have been somewhat uncertain —
as to the spelling of the name. What is found in histories is plain, N:g:r: har.
The other name varies ; on first appearance (fol. 1314) and also on fols. 144 and 1546, |
there is a vagrant dot below the word, which if it were above would make Ning-nahar.
In all other cases the word reads N:g:nahar. Nahar is a constant component, asis —
also the letter g (or 4). e.

E.—NAGARAHAR AND NING-NAHAR xix

names for the district, neither of them being Babur’s book-
name, “ Nangrahaur* or Nungnahaur, from the nine streams
which issue from the Safed-koh, zwzg in Pushtoo signifying
nine, and nahaura, a stream” (Caubul, i, 160).

4. In 1881 Colonel H. S. Tanner had heard, in Nir-valley
on the north side of the Kabul-water, that the name of the
opposite district was Ning-nahar and its meaning Nine-streams.
He did not get a list of the nine and all he heard named do
not flow from Safed-koh.

5. In 1884 Colonel H. G. McGregor gives two names with
their explanation, “ Ningrahar and Nungnihar ; the former is
a corruption of the latter word? which in the Afghan language

signifies nine rivers or rivulets.” He names nine, but of them
six only issue from Safed-koh.

6. I have come across the following instances in which the
number nine is represented by other words than xa (7 or nu) ;
viz. the nenhan of the Chitrali Kafir and the zoun of the Panj-
abi, recorded by Leech,—the xyon of the Khowari and the
huncha of the Boorishki, recorded by Colonel Biddulph.

The above instances allow opinion that in the region concerned
and through a long period of time, nine has been expressed by
nang (ning or nung) and other nasal or high palatal sounds, side
by side with za (mz or mu). The whole matter may be one of
nasal utterance,3 but since a large number of tribesmen express
nine by a word containing a nasal sound, should that word not
find place in lists of recognized symbols of sounds?

¢. Are there two names of distinct origin ?

1. Certainly it makes a well-connected story of decay in the
Sanscrit word Nagarahara to suppose that tribesmen, prone
by their organism to nasal utterance, pronounced that word

* Some writers express the view that the medial in this word indicates descent
from Nagarahara, and that the medial 2 of Elphinstone’s second form is a corruption
of it. Though this might be, it is true also that in local speech 7 and ~ often inter-
change, e.g. Chighar- and Chighan-sarai, Sahar and Sihan (in Nir-valley).

? This asserts 2 to be the correct consonant, and connects with the interchange of
n and ¢ already noted.

3 Since writing the above I have seen Laidlaw’s almost identical suggestion of a
nasal interpolated in Nagarahara (JASB. 1848, art. on Kittoe). The change is of
course found elsewhere ; is not Tank for Taq an instance ?

XX APPENDICES

Nangrahar, and by force of their numbers made this comnipeaa J
current,—that this was recognized as the name of the town while 3
the Town-of-towns was great or in men’s memory, and that when —
through the decay of the town its name became a meaningless —
husk, the wrong meaning of the Nine-streams should enter into
possession. F

But as another and better one can be put together, this fair-
seeming story may be baseless. Its substitute has the advantage ©
of explaining the double sequence of names shown in Section 8.

The second story makes all the variant names represent one —
or other of two distinct originals. It leaves Nagrahar to represent —
Nagarahara, the dead town ; it makes the nine torrents of Safed- —
koh the primeval sponsors of Ning-nahar, the name of the riverain -
tract. Both names, it makes contemporary in the relatively brief —
interlude of the life of the town. For the fertilizing streams will
have been the dominant factors of settlement and of revenue
from the earliest times of population and government. They ~
arrest the eye where they and their ribbons of cultivation space —
the riverain waste; they are obvious units for grouping into —
a sub-government. Their name has a counterpart in adjacent
Panj-ab ; the two may have been given by one dominant power, ~
how long ago, in what tongue matters not. The riverain tract, —
by virtue of its place on a highway of transit, must have been ©
inhabited long before the town Nagarahara was built, and must
have been known by a name. What better one than Ningg
streams can be thought of ? j

2. Bellew is quoted by the Gazetteer of India (ed. 1907) as
saying, in his argument in favour of zawa vihara, that no nine
streams are found to stand sponsor, but modern maps shew nine
outflows from Safed-koh to the Kabul-river between the Sirkh- | ;
riid and Daka, while if affluents to the former stream be reckoned,
more than nine issue from the range.* |

Against Bellew’s view that there are not nine streams, is the

long persistence of the number nine in the popular name _
(Sect. 8).

* These affluents I omit from main consideration as sponsors because they are less 3
obvious units of taxable land than the direct affluents of the Kabul-river, but they .
remain a reserve force of argument and may or may not have counted in Babur’snine.

E.—_NAGARAHAR AND NING-NAHAR xxi

It is also against his view that he supposes there were nine
monasteries, because each of the nine must have had its fertilizing
water.

Babur says there were nine ; there must have been nine of
significance; he knew his ¢#man not only by frequent transit but
by his revenue accounts. A supporting point in those accounts
is likely to have been that the individual names of the villages on
the nine streams would appear, with each its payment of revenue.

3. In this also is some weight of circumstance against taking
Nagarahara to be the parent of Ning-nahar :—An earlier name
of the town is said to be Udyanapira, Garden town.' Of this
Babur’s Adinapir is held to be a corruption ; the same meaning
of garden has survived on approximately the same ground in

Bala-bagh and Rozabad.

~~ Nagarahara is seen, therefore, to be a parenthetical name
between others which are all derived from gardens. It may
shew the promotion of a “Garden-town” to a “ Chief-town”.
If it did this, there was relapse of name when the Chief-town
lost status. Was it ever applied beyond the delta? If it were,
would it, when dead in the delta, persist along the riverain tract ?
If it were not, cadit questo; the suggestion of two names
distinct in origin, is upheld.

Certainly the riverain tract would fall naturally under the
government of any town flourishing in the delta, the richest and
most populous part of the region. But for this very reason it
must have had a name older than parenthetical Nagarahara.
That inevitable name would be appropriately Ning-nahar (or
Na-nahar) Nine-streams ; and for a period Nagarahara would be
the Chief-town of the district of Na-nahar (Nine-streams).?

a. Babur’s statements about the name.
What the cautious Babur says of his t#man of Ning-nahar
has weight :—

1. That some histories write it Nagarahar (Haidarabad
Codex, f. 131 4);

* Cunningham, i, 42. My topic does not reach across the Kabul-river to the
greater Udyanapira of Beal’s Buddhist Records (p. 119) nor raise the question of the
extent of that place.

? The strong form Ning-nahir is due to euphonic impulse.

xxii APPENDICES ab 7"

2. That Ning-nahar is nine torrents, z.e. mountain strez
tugqus-rud ; Fi
3. That (the) nine torrents issue from Safed- koh (f. 1348

Of his first statement can be said, that he will have seen 4
book-name in histories he read, but will have heard Ning-nahar,
probably also have seen it in current letters and accounts. q

Of his second,—that it bears and may be meant to bear two.
senses, (a) that the zaman consisted of nine torrents,—their
lands implied ; just as he says “Asfara is four da/aks” (sub-
divisions f. 34)—(d) that ¢taguaz rad translates ning-nahar. a

Of his third,—that in English its sense varies as it is ead
with or without the definite article Turki rarely writes, but that it
either sense helps out his first and second, to mean that verbally
and by its constituent units Ning-nahar is nine-torrents ; 1s
verbally and by its constituents Panj-ab is five-waters.

é. Last words.

Detailed work on the Kabul section of the Babur-nama has
stamped two impressions so deeply on me, that they claim
mention, not as novel or as special to myself, but as set by
the work. |

The first is of extreme risk in swift decision on any problem
of words arising in North Afghanistan, because of its local
concourse of tongues, the varied utterance of its unlettered tribes
resident or nomad, and the frequent translation of proper na 1e
in obedience to their verbal meanings. Names lie there too it
strata, relics of successive occupation—Greek, Turki, Hindi,
Pushti and tribes galore. a

The second is that the region is an exceptionally fruitful fiele d
for first-hand observation of speech, the movent ocean of the
uttered word, free of the desiccated symbolism of alphab
and books.

The following books, amongst others, have prompted the |
above note :—

Ghoswara Inscription, Kittoe, JASB., 1848, and Kielho n,
Indian Antiquary, 1888, p. 311. ;

F.—ON THE NAME DARA-I-NUR xxiii

H. Sastri’s Ramacarita, Introduction, p. 7 (ASB. Memoirs).

Cunningham’s Axczent India, vol. i.

Beal’s Buddhist Records, i, xxxiv, and Cii, gt.

Leech’s Vocabularies, JASB., 1838.

The writings of Masson (7vavels and Ariana Antiqua), Wood,
Vigne, etc.

Raverty’s 7abagat-t-nasiri.

Jarrett’s Ayin-c-akbari.

P.R.G.S. for maps, 1879; Macnair on the Kafirs, 1884; Tanner’s
On the Chugani and neighbouring tribes of Kafiristan, 1881.

Simpson’s Nagarahara, J ASB., xiii.

Biddulph’s Dzalects of the Hindii-kush, JRAS.

Gazette of India, 1907, art. Jalalabad.

Bellew’s Races of Afghanistan.

F.—ON THE NAME DARA-I-NUR.

SOME European writers have understood the name Dara-i-nir
to mean Valley of light, but natural features and also the artificial
one mentioned by Colonel H. G. Tanner (zzfra), make it better
to read the component z#r, not as Persian zr, light, but. as
Pushti ##r, rock. Hence it translates as Valley of Rocks, or
Rock-valley. The region in which the valley lies is rocky and
boulder-strewn ; its own waters flow to the Kabul-river east of
the water of Chitral. It shews other names composed with xzr,
in which war suits if it means rock, but is inexplicable if it means
light, e.g. Nir-lam (Nir-fort), the master-fort in the mouth of
Nir-valley, standing high on a rock between two streams, as
Babur and Tanner have both described it from eye-witness,—
Nir-gal (village), a little to the north-west of the valley,—
Ailigh-nir (great rock), at a crossing mentioned by Babur,
higher up the Baran-water,—and Koh-i-niir (Rocky-mountains),

XXIV APPENDICES

which there is ground for taking as the correct form of the —
familiar “Kunar” of some European writers (Raverty’s Votes, q
p- 106). The dominant feature in these places dictates reading | 7
nur as rock ; so too the work done in Nir-valley with boulders, —
of which Colonel H. G. Tanner’s interesting account is subjoined-
(P.R.G.S. 1881, p. 284). 4

“Some 10 miles from the source of the main stream of the —
Nur-valley the Dameneh stream enters, but the waters of the two —
never meet ; they flow side by side about three-quarters ofa mile —
apart for about 12 miles and empty themselves into the Kunar —
river by different mouths, each torrent hugging closely the foot —
of the hills at its own side of the valley. Now, except in countries —
where terracing has been practised continuously for thousands of —
years, such unnatural topography as exists in the valley of Nur —
is next to impossible. The forces which were sufficient to scoop X
out the valley in the first instance, would have kept a water-way —
at the lowest part, into which would have poured the drainage of 4
the surrounding mountains; but in the Nur-valley long-continued —
terracing has gradually raised the centre of the valley high above
the edges. The population has increased to its maximum limit 4
and every available inch of ground is required for cultivation ; q
the people, by means of terrace-walls built of ponderous boulders
in the bed of the original single stream, have little by little pushed —
the waters out of their true course, until they run, where now
found, in deep rocky cuttings at the foot of the hills on either
side” (p. 280). iP

“T should like to go on and say a good deal more about
boulders ; and while I am about it I may as well mention one —
that lies back from a hamlet in Shulut, which is so big that
a house is built in a fault or crack running across its face. |
Another pebble lies athwart the village and covers the whole of
the houses from that side.” 8

G.—ON THE NAMES OF TWO DARA-I-NUR WINES xxv

G.—ON THE NAMES OF TWO DARA-I-NUR
WINES.

FROM the two names, Arat-tashi and Sihan (Suhar) -tashi,
which Babur gives as those of two wines of the Dara-i-nir, it
can be inferred that he read z#r to mean rock. For if in them
Turki ¢ash, rock, be replaced by Pushtii zr, rock, two place-
names emerge, Arat (-niri) and Sihan (-niri), known in the
- Niar-valley.

_. These may be villages where the wines were grown, but it
_ would be quite exceptional for Babur to say that wines are called
_ from their villages, or indeed by any name. He says here not
_ where they grow but what they are called.

I surmise that he is repeating a joke, perhaps his own, perhaps
a standing local one, made on the quality of the wines. For

whether with ¢ash or with nar (rock), the names can be translated

as Rock-saw and Rock-file,and may refer to the rough and acid

_ quality of the wines, rasping and setting the teeth on edge as

does iron on stone.

The villages themselves may owe their names to a serrated
edge or splintered pinnacle of weathered granite, in which local

° known as good craftsmen, have seen resemblance to tools
‘ow their trade.

H.—ON THE COUNTERMARK BIH BUD
ON COINS.

_ AS coins of SI. Husain Mirza Adi-gard and other rulers do
actually bear the words Azhk bid, Babur’s statement that the

XXV1 APPENDICES

name of Bihbid Beg was on the Mirza’s coins ac a
numismatic interest which may make serviceable the following
eashens art concerning the passage and the beg."

a. The Turki passage (Elph. MS. f. 1356; Haidarabad Codex
f. 1736; Uminsky p. 217).

For ease of reference the Turki, Persian and English versior n
are subjoined :— : 4 ¢
(1) Yana Bihbiid Beg aidi. Birinlar chuhra-jirga-si-da
khidmat qilir aidi. Mirza-ning qasaqliglarida khidmati bagib
Bihbid Beg-ka bi ‘inayatni gilib aidi kim tamgha u sikka-da
aning ati aidi. a
(2) The Persian translation of ‘Abdu’r-rahim (Muh. Shirazi’s :
lith. ed. p. 110) :-— iz
Digar Bthbiid Beg bid. Auwalha dar jirga-t-chuhraha
khidmat mikard. Chin dar gazagiha Mirzara khidmat karda
bid u anra mulahaza namida, ainra ‘inayat karda bid kah dar
tamghanat stkka?® nam-i-au bid. b
(3) A literal English translation of the Turki :— 5
Another was Bihbiid Beg. He served formerly in the chuhra~
jirga-si (corps of braves). Looking to his service in the Mirza’s
guerilla-times, the favour had been done to Bihbiid Beg that his 3
name was on the stamp and coin.3

! tl;
«a

b. Of Bthbiid Beg.

We have found little so far to add to what Babur tells of
Bihbid Beg and what he tells we have not found elsewhere “A
The likely sources of his information are Daulat Shah and
Khwand-amir who have written at length of Husain Baz-gara.
Considerable search in the books of both men has failed to
discover mention of signal service or public honour connected ~
with the beg. Babur may have heard what he tells in Harat.
in 912 AH. (1506 AD.) when he would see Husain’s coins

* Some discussion about these coins has already appeared in JRAS. 1913 and 1914
from Dr. Codrington, Mr. M. Longworth Dames and my husband.

? This variant from the Turki may be significant. Should samghdnat(-t-)sikka be
read and does this describe countermarking ? .

3 It will be observed that Babur does not explicitly say that Husain put the beg’s —
name on the coin. \_

H.—ON THE COUNTERMARK BIH BUD ON COINS xxvii

presumably ; but later opportunity to see them must have been
frequent during his campaigns and visits north of Hindii-kush,
notably in Balkh.

The sole mention we have found of Bihbid Beg in the
Flabibu's-styar is that he was one of Husain’s commanders at
the battle of Chikman-sarai which was fought with Sl. Mahmid
Mirza Miranshahi in Muharram 876 AH. (June-July 1471 AD.).2
His place in the list shews him to have had importance.
“Amir Nizamu’d-din ‘Ali-sher’s brother Darwesh-i-‘ali the
librarian (g.v. Hai. Codex Index), and Amir Bihbid, and Muh.
‘Ali ataka, and Bakhshika, and Shah Wali Qipchag, and Dost-i-
muhammad chuhra, and Amir Qul-i-‘ali, and” (another).

The total of our information about the man is therefore :—

(1) That when Husain? from 861 to 873 AH. (1457 to
1469 AD.) was fighting his way up to the throne of Harat,
Bihbid served him well in the corps of braves, (as many others
will have done).

(2) That he was a beg and one of Husain’s commanders in
876 AH. (1471 AD.).

(3) That Babur includes him amongst Husain’s begs and
says of him what has been quoted, doing this cerca 934 AH.
(1528 AD.), some 56 years after Khwand-amir’s mention of him
§.a. 876 AH. (1471 AD.).

¢. Of the term chuhra-jirga-si used by Babur.

Of this term Babur supplies an explicit explanation which
I have not found in European writings. His own book amply
exemplifies his explanation, as do also Khwand-amir’s and
Haidar’s.

He gives the explanation (f. 154) when describing a retainer
of his father’s who afterwards became one of his own begs. It is
as follows :—

““*Ali-darwesh of Khurasan served in the Khurasan chuhra-
Jirga-si, one of two special corps (khadsa tabin) of serviceable
braves (yarar yigitlar) formed by SI. Abii-sa‘id Mirza when

* Habibu’s-styar lith. ed. iii, 228 ; Hazdarabad Codex text and trs. f. 264 and

f. 169; Browne’s Daulat Shah p. 533.
* Husain born 842 AH. (1438 AD.) ; d. 911 AH. (1506 AD.).

XXVIli APPENDICES

Samarkand and, presumably, called by him the Khurasan corps”
and the Samarkand corps.” >

This shews the circle to have consisted of fighting-men, such
serviceable braves as are frequently mentioned by Babur; and —
his words “yarar yigit” make it safe to say that if instead of
using a Persian phrase, he had used a Turki one, yégiz, brave
would have replaced chuhra, “young soldier” (Erskine). A con-—
siderable number of men on active service are styled chuhra,
one at least is styled yigit, in the same way as others are
styled deg." q

Three military circles are mentioned in the Babur-ndma,
consisting respectively of braves, household begs (under Babur’s
own command), and great begs. Some men are mentioned who ©
never rose from the rank of brave (yigit), some who became 4
household-begs, some who went through the three grades. 3

Of the corps of braves Babur conveys the information that
Abi-sa‘id founded it at a date which will have lain between 3
1451 and 1457 AD.; that ‘Umar Shaikh’s man ‘Ali-darwesh ~
belonged to it; and that Husain’s man Bihbid did so also. —
Both men, ‘Ali-darwesh and Bihbid, when in its circle, would 4
appropriately be styled chuhra as men of the beg-circle were —
styled beg; the Dost-i-muhammad chuhra who was a com- —
mander, (he will have had a brave’s command, ) at Chikman-sarai 4
(see list supra) will also have been of this circle. Instances of the —
use by Babur of the name khasa-tabin and its equivalent biz —
tikini are shewn on f. 209 and f. 2104. A considerable number —
of Babur’s fighting men, the braves he so frequently mentions as —
sent on service, are styled chuhra and inferentially belong to—
the same circle.” yr

* Cf. f. 76 note to braves (yigitlar). There may be instances, in the earlier
Farghana section where I have translated chuhra wrongly by page. My attention
had not then been fixed on the passage about the coins, nor had I the same ~
familiarity with the Kabul section. For a household page to be clearly recognizable ~
as such from the context, is rare—other uses of the word are translated as their —
context dictates.

2 They can be traced through my Index and in some cases their careers followed. —
Since I translated chuhra-jirga-si on f. 156 by cadet-corps, I have found in the Kabul j
section instances of long service in the corps which make the word cadet, as it is used —
in English, too young a name.

H.—ON THE COUNTERMARK BIH BUD ON COINS xxix

a. Of Bih bid on Husain Bai-qara’s coins.

So far it does not seem safe to accept Babur’s statement
literally. He may tell a half-truth and obscure the rest by his
brevity.

Nothing in the sources shows ground for signal and public
honour to Bihbid Beg, but a good deal would allow surmise
that jesting allusion to his name might decide for Bzh bid as
a coin mark when choice had to be made of one, in the flush of
success, in an assembly of the begs, and, amongst those begs,
lovers of word-play and enigma.

The personal name is found written Bihbid, as one word and
with medial Z; the mark is Azk dad with the terminal 4 in the
Bth. There have been discussions moreover as to whether to
read on the coins Bzhk bid, it was good, or Bzk buvad, \et it be,
or become, good (valid for currency ?).

The question presents itself; would the beg’s name have
appeared on the coins, if it had not coincided in form with a
suitable coin-mark ?

Against literal acceptance of Babur’s statement there is also
doubt of a thing at once so Jen trovato and so unsupported by
evidence.

Another doubt arises from finding 42h dzd on coins of other
rulers, one of Iskandar Khan’s being of a later date,’ others, of
Timir, Shahrukh and Abi-sa‘id, with nothing to shew who -
counterstruck it on them.

On some of Husain’s coins the sentence 4zh did appears as
part of the legend and not as a counterstrike. This is a good
basis for finding a half-truth in Babur’s statement. It does not
allow of a whole-truth in his statement because, as it is written,
it is a coin-mark, not a name.

An interesting matter as bearing on Husain’s use of Bzh bud
is that in 865 AH. (1461 AD.) he had an incomparable horse
named Bihbid, one he gave in return for a falcon on making
peace with Mustapha Khan.?

* This Mr. M. Longworth Dames pointed out in JRAS. 1913.

2 Habibu’s-siyar \ith. ed. iii, 219; Ferté trs. p. 28. For the information about
Husain’s coins given in this appendix I am indebted to Dr. Codrington and
Mr. M. Longworth Dames.

XXX APPENDICES

e. Of Babur’s vassal-coinage.

The following historical details narrow the field of numismatic —
observation on coins believed struck by Babur as a vassal of |
Isma‘l Safawi. They are offered because not readily accessible.

The length of Babur’s second term of rule in Transoxiana ~
was not the three solar years of the B.M. Coin Catalogues but —
did not exceed eight months. He entered Samarkand in the ~
middle of Rajab 917 AH. (c. Oct. Ist, 1511 AD.). He returned
to it defeated and fled at once, after the battle of Kiul-i-malik ©
which was fought in Safar 918 AH. (mid-April to mid-May ]
1512 AD.). Previous to the entry he was in the field, without —
a fixed base; after his flight he was landless till at the end —
both of 920 AH. and of 1514 AD. he had returned to Kabul.

He would not find a full Treasury in Samarkand because the -
Aizbegs evacuated the fort at their own time; eight months —
would not give him large tribute in kind. He failed in Trans- —
oxiana because he was the ally of a Shi‘a ; would coins bearing q
the Shi‘a legend have passed current from a Samarkand mint?
These various circumstances suggest that he could not have —
struck many coins of any kind in Samarkand.

The coins classed in the B.M. Catalogues as of Babur’s —
vassalage, offer a point of difficulty to readers of his own 7
writings, inasmuch as neither the “Sultan Muhammad” of
No. 652 (gold), nor the “ Sultan Babur Bahadur” of the silver
coins enables confident acceptance of them as names he himself
would use.

I.—ON THE WEEPING-WILLOWS OF f. 190d. q

THE passage omitted from f. 1904, which seems to describe some _
thing decorative done with weeping willows, (ded-z- mawallah)
has been difficult to all translators. This may be due to in- —
accurate pointing in Babur’s original MS. or may be what a
traveller seeing other willows at another feast could explain.

I.—ON THE WEEPING WILLOWS OF f. 1905 XXX1

The first Persian translation omits the passage (I.O. 215

f. 1544) ; the second varies from the Turki, notably by changing

sach and saj to shakh throughout (1.0. 217 f. 1500). The English

-and French translations differ much (lemoirs p. 206, Mémoires

i, 414), the latter taking the mawadllah to be mila, a hut, against
which much is clear in the various MSS.

Three Turki sources * agree in reading as follows :—

Mawallahlar-ni (or muwallah Hai. MS.) kiltirdilar. Bilman
_ sachlari-ning ya ‘amli sachlari-ning aralarigha k:msan-ni

(IIminsky, kamdan) shakh-ning (Hai. MS. sakh) atizinlighi bila
| ainjiga ainjiga kisib, quinb turlar.

The English and French translations differ from the Turki
_and from one another :—

(Memoirs, p. 206) They brought in branching willow-trees.
Ido not know if they were in the natural state of the tree, or if
_ the branches were formed artificially, but they had small twigs
_ cut the length of the ears of a bow and inserted between them.
(Mémotres i, 434) On faconna des huttes (mouleh). Ils les
' établissent en taillant des baguettes minces, de la longeur du
_ bout recourbé de I’arc, qu’on place entre des branches naturelles
ou faconnées artificiellement, je l’ignore. |

The construction of the sentence appears to be thus :—d/awal-
| lahlar-ni kilturdilar, they brought weeping-willows ; 4 : msan-ni
| guinbtirlar, they had put #:msdn-ni; ainjiga ainjiga kisib,
_ cut very fine (or slender); shakh (or sakh)-ning aiszinlighi, of the
_ length ofa shakh, bow, or sakh . . .; bilman sachlari-ning ya ‘amli
_ sachlari-ning aralarigha, to (or at) the spaces of the sachlar
_ whether their (z.e. the willows’) own or artificial sa@ch/ar.

_. These translations clearly indicate felt difficulty. Mr. Erskine
_does not seem to have understood that the trees were Salzx
_babylonica. The crux of the passage is the word & :msan-ni,
which tells what was placed in the spaces. It has been read as
kaman, bow, by all but the scribes of the two good Turki MSS.
and asin a phrase horn of a bow. This however is not allowed
by the Turki, for the reason that 4 : #san-niz is not in the genitive
but in the accusative case. (I may say that Babur does not use
ni for ning ; he keeps strictly to the prime uses of each enclitic,

* Elphinstone MS. f. 1504; Haidarabad MS. f. 1906; Ilminsky, imprint p. 241.

XXXil APPENDICES

ni accusative, ning genitive.) Moreover, if &:msan-ni be taken ,
as a genitive, the verbs gai#b-tirlar and kisib have no object, no —
other accusative appearing in the sentence than &:msan-ni,

A weighty reason against changing sdch into shakh is that
Dr. Ilminsky has not done so. He must have attached meaning
to sach since he uses it throughout the passage. He was nearer
the region wherein the original willows were seen at a feast.
Unfortunately nothing shows how he interpreted the word. |

Sachmag is a tassel; is it also a catkin and were there
decorations, Azmsan-ni (things kimsa, or flowers Ar. kim, or
something shining, £zmcha, gold brocade) hung in between the
catkins ? q

Ilminsky writes 2’lah (with amza) and this de Courteille
translates by hut. The Hai. MS. writes muwallah (marking
the samma). 4

In favour of reading mawallah (mulah) as a tree and that tree
Salix babylonica the weeping-willow, there are annotations in the —
Second Persian translation and, perhaps following it, in the
Elphinstone MS. of xam-z-dirakht, name of a tree, didan-t-bed,
sight of the willow, ded-¢-mawallah, mournful-willow. Standing |
alone mawallah means weeping-willow, in this use answering to —
majnin the name Panj-abis give the tree, from Leila’s lover the —
distracted z.e. Majniin (Brandis). :

The whole question may be solved by a chance remark from
a traveller witnessing similar festive decoration at another feast —
in that conservative region. a

JON BABUR’S EXCAVATED CHAMBER _
AT QANDAHAR (f. 2082). 4
SINCE making my note (f. 2084) on the wording of the passage

in which Babur mentions excavation done by him at Qandahar,
I have learned that he must be speaking of the vaulted chamber y

J.—BABUR’S EXCAVATED CHAMBER AT QANDAHAR xxxiii

containing the celebrated inscriptions about which much has
been written."

The primary inscription, the one commemorating Babur’s
final possession of Qandahar, gives the chamber the character of
a Temple of Victory and speaks of it as Rawdag-t-jahan nami,
World-shewing-portal,? doubtless because of its conspicuous
position and its extensive view, probably also in allusion to its
declaration of victory. Mir Ma‘siim writes of it as a Pesh-taq,
frontal arch, which, coupled with Mohan Lall’s word arch (¢é@q)
suggests that the chamber was entered through an arch pierced
in a parallelogram smoothed on the rock and having resemblance
to the fesh-tag of buildings, a suggestion seeming the more
probable that some inscriptions are on the “wings” of the arch.
But by neither of the above-mentioned names do Mohan Lall
and later travellers call the chamber or write of the place ; all
describe it by its approach of forty steps, Chihil-zina.3

The excavation has been chipped out of the white-veined
limestone of the bare ridge on and below which stood Old
_ Qandahar.3 It does not appear from the descriptions to have
been on the summit of the ridge; Bellew says that the forty
steps start half-way up the height. I have found no estimate
of the height of the ridge, or statement that the steps end at the
chamber. The ridge however seems to have been of noticeably
_ dominating height. It rises steeply to the north and there ends
in the naze of which Babur writes. The foot of the steps is
guarded by twotowers. Mohan Lall, unaccustomed to mountains,
found their ascent steep and dizzy. The excavated chamber of
the inscriptions, which Bellew describes as “bow-shaped and
dome-roofed ”, he estimated as 12 feet at the highest point,

* Muh. Ma‘sim Bhakkari’s Tarikh-t-sind 1600, Malet’s Trs. 1855, p. 89; Mohan
Lall’s Journal 1834, p. 279 and 7ravels 1846, p. 311; Bellew’s Political Mission to
Afghanistan 1857, p. 232 ; Journal Asiatigue 1890, Darmesteter’s La grande inscrip-
tion de Qandahadr; JRAS. 1898, Beames’ Geography of the Qandahar inscription.
Murray’s Hand-book of the Panjab etc. 1883 has an account which as to the Inscrip-
tions shares in the inaccuracies of its sources (Bellew & Lumsden).

2 The plan of Qandahar given in the official account of the Second Afghan War,
makes Chihil-zina appear on the wrong side of the ridge, n.w. instead of n.e.

3 destroyed in 1714 aD. It lay 3m. west of the present Qandahar (not its

_ immediate successor). It must be observed that Darmesteter’s insufficient help in
plans and maps led him to identify Chihil-zina with Chihil-dukhtaran (Forty-
daughters).

XXXxiV APPENDICES

12 feet deep and 8 feet wide. Two sculptured beasts guard the —
entrance; Bellew calls them leopards but tigers would better —
symbolize the watch and ward of the Tiger Babur. In truth —
the whole work, weary steps of approach, tiger guardians, com- |
memorative chamber, laboriously incised words, are admirably ~
symbolic of his long-sustained resolve and action, taken always —
with Hindistan as the goal. |

There are several inscriptions of varying date, within and
without the chamber. Mohan Lall saw and copied them;
Darmesteter worked on a copy; the two English observers
Lumsden and Bellew made no attempt at correct interpretation.
In the versions all give there are inaccuracies, arising from
obvious causes, especially from want of historical data. The last
word has not been said; revision awaits photography and the
leisured expert. A part of the needed revision has been done —
by Beames, who deals with the geography of what Mir Ma‘sim
himself added under Akbar after he had gone as Governor to
Oandahar in 1007 AH. (1598 AD.). This commemorates not
Babur’s but Akbar’s century of cities.

It is the primary inscription only which concerns this Appendix. —
This is one in relief in the dome of the chamber, recording in
florid Persian that Abi’l-ghazi Babur took possession of Qandahar
on Shawwal 13th 928 AH. (Sep. Ist 1522 AD.), that in the same
year he commanded the construction of this Rawdg-c-jahan-
nama, and that the work had been completed by his son Kamran
at the time he made over charge of Qandahar to his brother
‘Askari in 9 .. (mutilated). After this the gravure changes i*
character. ;

In the above, Babur’s title Abi’ L-ghat fixes the date of the
inscription as later than the battle of Kanwaha (f. 3246), because
it was assumed in consequence of this victory over a Hindi, in
March 1527 (Jumada II 933 AH.). &

The mutilated date 9.. is given by Mohan Lall as 952 AH.
but this does not suit several circumstances, ég. it puts com-_
pletion too far beyond the time mentioned as consumed by the ~ |
work, nine years,—and it was not that at which Kamran made _
over charge to ‘Askari, but followed the expulsion of both full- R
brothers from Qandahar by their half-brother Humayin. a

J.—BABUR’S EXCAVATED CHAMBER AT QANDAHAR xxxv

The mutilated date 9.. is given by Darmesteter as 933 AH.
but this again does not fit the historical circumstance that
Kamran was in Qandahar after that date and till 937 AH. This
date (937 AH.) we suggest as fitting to replace the lost figures,
(1) because in that year and after his father’s death, Kamran
gave the town to ‘Askari and went himself to Hindistan, and
(2) because work begun in 928 AH. and recorded as occupying
70-80 men for nine years would be complete in 937 AH.1 The
inscription would be one of the last items of the work.

The following matters are added here because indirectly con-
nected with what has been said and because not readily accessible.

a. Birth of Kamran.

Kamran’s birth falling in a year of one of the Babur-nama
gaps, is nowhere mentioned. It can be closely inferred as 914
or 915 AH. from the circumstances that he was younger than
Humayin born late in 913 AH., that it is not mentioned in the
fragment of the annals of 914 AH., and that he was one of the
children enumerated by Gul-badan as going with her father to
Samarkand in 916 AH. (Probably the children did not start
with their father in the depth of winter across the mountains.)

Possibly the joyful name Kamran is linked to the happy issue
of the Mughil rebellion of 914 AH. Kamran would thus be
about 18 when left in charge of Kabul and Qandahar by Babur
in 932 AH. before the start for the fifth expedition to Hindistan.

A letter from Babur to Kamran in Qandahar is with Kehr’s
Latin version of the Babur-nama, in Latin and entered on the
lining of the cover. It is shewn by its main topic vez. the
despatch of Ibrahim Zi#dz’s son to Kamran’s charge, to date
somewhere close to Jan. 3rd 1527 (Rabi‘u’l-awwal 29th 933 AH.)
because on that day Babur writes of the despatch (Hai. Codex
f. 3060 foot).

Presumably the letter was with Kamran’s own copy of the
Babur-nama. That copy may have reached Humayin’s hands

' Tarikh-i-rashidi trs. p. 387; Akbar-ndma trs. i, 290.

XXXxVi APPENDICES

(JRAS 1908 p. 828 e¢ seg.). The next known indication of the —
letter is given in St. Petersburg by Dr. Kehr. He will have seen —
it or a copy of it with the B.N. Codex he copied (one of unequal —
correctness), and he, no doubt, copied it in its place on the fly-leaf ~
or board of his own transcript, but if so, it has disappeared.

Fuller particulars of it and of other items accompany it are
given in JRAS 1908 p. 828 ef seg. ,

K.—AN AFGHAN LEGEND.

My husband’s article in the Asiatic Quarterly Review of
April 1901 begins with an account of the two MSS. from which
it is drawn, vzz. 1.0. 581 in Pushti, I.O. 582 in Persian. Both —
are mainly occupied with an account of the Yisuf-zai. The
second opens by telling of the power of the tribe in Afghanistan —
and of the kindness of Malik Shah Sulaiman, one of their chiefs, —
to Ailigh Beg Mirza Kd@dulz, (Babur’s paternal uncle,) when he
was young and in trouble, presumably as a boy ruler. ee
It relates that one day a wise man of the tribe, Shaikh
‘Usman saw Sulaiman sitting with the young Mirza on his knee
and warned him that the boy had the eyes of Yazid and would
destroy him and his family as Yazid had destroyed that of the
Prophet. Sulaiman paid him no attention and gave the Mirza
his daughter in marriage. Subsequently the Mirza having
invited the Yiisuf-zai to Kabul, treacherously killed Sulaiman.
and 700 of his followers. They were killed at the place called
Siyah-sang near Kabul ; it is still known, writes the chronicler J
in about 1770 AD. (1184 AH.), as the Grave of the Martyrs. —
Their tombs are revered and that of Shaikh ‘Usman in
particular. ba
Shah Sulaiman was the eldest of the seven sons of Malik |
Taju’d-din ; the second was Sultan Shah, the father of Mali ci |
Ahmad. Before Sulaiman was killed he made three requests —

K.—AN AFGHAN LEGEND XXXVii

of Ailigh Beg; one of them was that his nephew Ahmad’s
life might be spared. This was granted.

Ailigh Beg died (after ruling from 865 to 907 AH.), and
Babur defeated his son-in-law and successor M. Muqim (Arghin,
g10 AH.). Meantime the Yisuf-zai had migrated to Pashawar
but later on took Sawad from Sl. Wais (Hai. Codex ff. 219,
2200, 221).

When Babur came to rule in Kabul, he at first professed
_ friendship for the Yusuf-zai but became prejudiced against
them through their enemies the Dilazak* who gave force to
their charges by a promised subsidy of 70,000 shahrukhi.
Babur therefore determined, says the Yusuf-zai chronicler, to
kill Malik ? Ahmad and so wrote him a friendly invitation to
Kabul. Ahmad agreed to go, and set out with four brothers
‘who were famous musicians. Meanwhile the Dilazak had
persuaded Babur to put Ahmad to death at once, for they said
Ahmad was so clever and eloquent that if allowed to speak, he
would induce the Padshah to pardon him.

On Ahmad’s arrival in Kabul, he is said to have learned that
Babur’s real object was his death. His companions wanted to
tie their turbans together and let him down over the wall of the
fort, but he rejected their proposal as too dangerous for him and
them, and resolved to await his fate. He told his companions
however, except one of the musicians, to go into hiding in
the town.

_ Next morning there was a great assembly and Babur sat on
_ the dais-throne. Ahmad made his reverence on entering but
Babur’s only acknowledgment was to make bow and arrow
ready to shoot him. When Ahmad saw that Babur's intention
was to shoot him down without allowing him to speak, he
unbuttoned his jerkin and stood still before the Padshah.
Babur, astonished, relaxed the tension of his bow and asked
Ahmad what he meant. Ahmad’s only reply was to tell the
Padshah not to question him but to do what he intended.
Babur again asked his meaning and again got the same reply.

: Hai. Codex, Index szzz.
* It is needless to say that a good deal in this story may be merely fear and
supposition accepted as occurrence.

XXXVIil APPENDICES

Babur put the same question a third time, adding that he could —
not dispose of the matter without knowing more. Then Ahmad
opened the mouth of praise, expatiated on Babur’s excellencies
and said that in this great assemblage many of his subjects ~
were looking on to see the shooting ; that his jerkin being very —
thick, the arrow might not pierce it; the shot might fail and
the spectators blame the Padshah for missing his mark; for —
these reasons he had thought it best to bare his breast. Babur —
was so pleased by this reply that he resolved to pardon Ahmad

at once, and laid down his bow. ;

Said he to Ahmad, “What sort of man is Buhlul Ladz?”
“A giver of horses,” said Ahmad.

“ And of what sort his son Sikandar?” “A giver of robes.”

“And of what sort is Babur?” “He,” said Ahmad, “is © |
a giver of heads.” |

“Then,” rejoined Babur, “I give you yours.”

The Padshah now became quite friendly with Ahmad, came
down from his throne, took him by the hand and led him into
another room where they drank together. Three times did —
Babur have his cup filled, and after drinking a portion, give the —
rest to Ahmad. At length the wine mounted to Babur’s head ; . |
he grew merry and began to dance. Meantime Ahmad’s
musician played and Ahmad who knew Persian well, poured
out an eloquent harangue. When Babur had danced for some ~ f
time, he held out his hands to Ahmad for a reward (6akhshish),
saying, “I am your performer.” Three times did he open his
hands, and thrice did Ahmad, with a profound reverence, drop
a gold coin into them. Babur took the coins, each time placing
his hand on his head. He then took off his robe and gave it to
Ahmad; Ahmad took off his own coat, gave it to Adu the
musician, and put on what the Padshah had given.

Ahmad returned safe to his tribe. He declined a second
invitation to Kabul, and sent in his stead his brother Shah
Mansir. Mansi received speedy dismissal as Babur was dis-_
pleased at Ahmad’s not coming. On his return to his tribe
Mansir advised them to retire to the mountains and make
a strong sangur. This they did; as foretold, Babur came into
their country with a large army. He devastated their lands

K.—AN AFGHAN LEGEND Xxxix

but could make no impression on their fort. In order the
better to judge of its character, he, as was his wont, disguised
himself as a Qalandar, and went with friends one dark night to
the Mahira hill where the stronghold was, a or journey
from the Padshah’s camp at Diarin.

It was the ‘Id-i-qurban and there was a great assembly and
feasting at Shah Mansir’s house, at the back of the Mahira-
mountain, still known as Shah Mansir’s throne. Babur went
in his disguise to the back of the house and stood among the
crowd in the courtyard. He asked servants as they went to
and fro about Shah Mansir’s family and whether he had
a daughter. They gave him straightforward answers.

At the time Musammat Bibi Mubaraka, Shah Mansur’s
daughter was sitting with other women ina tent. Her eye fell
on the qalandars and she sent a servant to Babur with some
cooked meat folded between two loaves. Babur asked who had
sent it; the servant said it was Shah Mansir’s daughter Bibi
Mubaraka. “Where is she?” “That is she, sitting in front
of you in the tent.” Babur Padshah became entranced with
her beauty and asked the woman-servant, what was her dis-
position and her age and whether she was betrothed. The
servant replied by extolling her mistress, saying that her virtue
equalled her beauty, that she was pious and brimful of rectitude
and placidity ; also that she was not betrothed. Babur then
left with his friends, and behind the house hid between two
stones the food that had been sent to him.

He returned to camp in perplexity as to what to do; he saw
he could not take the fort ; he was ashamed to return to Kabul
with nothing effected ; moreover he was in the fetters of love.
He therefore wrote in friendly fashion to Malik Ahmad and
asked for the daughter of Shah Mansir, son of Shah Sulaiman.
Great objection was made and earlier misfortunes accruing to
Yisuf-zai chiefs who had given daughters to Atligh Beg and
Sl. Wais (Khan Mirza?) were quoted. They even said they
had no daughter to give. Babur replied with a “ beautiful”
royal letter, told of his visit disguised to Shah Mansir’s house,
of his seeing Bibi Mubaraka and as token of the truth of his
story, asked them to search for the food he had hidden. They

xl APPENDICES a

searched and found. Ahmad and Mansir were still averse, but —
the tribesmen urged that as before they had always made
sacrifice for the tribe so should they do now, for by giving the
daughter in marriage, they would save the tribe from Babur’s
anger. The Maliks then said that it should be done “for the
good of the tribe”.
When their consent was made known to Babur, the drums off 4
joy were beaten and preparations were made for the marriage;
presents were sent to the bride, a sword of his also, and the two —
Maliks started out to escort her. They are said to have come —
from Thana by M‘amira (?), crossed the river at Chakdara,
taken a narrow road between two hills and past Talash-village
to the back of Tiri(?) where the Padshah’s escort met them. ~
The Maliks returned, spent one night at Chakdara and next —
morning reached their homes at the Mahira sangur. ;
Meanwhile Runa the nurse who had control of Malik Mansir’s ~
household, with two other nurses and many male and female
servants, went on with Bibi Mubaraka to the royal camp. The
bride was set down with all honour at a large tent in the middle —
of the camp.
That night and on the following day the wives of the officers -
came to visit her but she paid them no attention. So, they
said to one another as they were returning to their tents, “Her
beauty is beyond question, but she has shewn us no kindness, |
and has not spoken to us ; we do not know what mystery there
is about her.” 4
Now Bibi Mubaraka had charged her servants to let her know
when the Padshah was approaching in order that she might _ |
receive him according to Malik Ahmad’s instructions. They
said to her, “ That was the pomp just now of the Padshah’s going”
to prayers at the general mosque.” That same day after the
Mid-day Prayer, the Padshah went towards her tent. Her
servants informed her, she immediately left her divan and ~
advancing, lighted up the carpet by her presence, and stood
respectfully with folded hands. When the Padshah entered, she ~
bowed herself before him. But her face remained entirely
covered. At length the Padshah seated himself on the divan |
and said to her, “Come Afghaniya, be seated.” Again she ©

K.—AN AFGHAN LEGEND xli

bowed before him, and stood as before. A second time he said,
“Afghaniya, be seated.” Again she prostrated herself before
him and came a little nearer, but still stood. Then the Padshah
pulled the veil from her face and beheld incomparable beauty.
He was entranced, he said again, “O, Afghaniya, sit down.”
Then she bowed herself again, and said, “I have a petition to
make. If an order be given, I will make it.” The Padshah
said kindly, “Speak.” Whereupon she with both hands took
up her dress and said, “ Think that the whole Yisuf-zai tribe is
enfolded in my skirt, and pardon their offences for my sake.”
Said the Padshah, “I forgive the Yusuf-zai all their offences in
thy presence, and cast them all into thy skirt. Hereafter I shall
have no ill-feeling to the Yisuf-zai.” Again she bowed before
him ; the Padshah took her hand and led her to the divan.
When the Afternoon Prayer time came and the Padshah rose
from the divan to go to prayers, Bibi Mubaraka jumped up and
fetched him his shoes.‘ He put them on and said very pleasantly,
_ “Tam extremely pleased with you and your tribe and I have
_ pardoned them all for your sake.” Then he said with a smile,
| “We know it was Malik Ahmad taught you all these ways.”
He then went to prayers and the Bibi remained to say hers in
the tent.
After some days the camp moved from Diariin and proceeded
_ by Bajaur and Tanki to Kabul? .. .
_ Bibi Mubaraka, the Blessed Lady, is often mentioned by
_ Gul-badan ; she had no children; and lived an honoured life,
as her chronicler says, until the beginning of Akbar’s reign,
_ when she died. Her brother Mir Jamal rose to honour under
_ Babur, Humayiin and Akbar.

Wy

* Always left beyond the carpet on which a reception is held.
2 This is not in agreement with Babur’s movements.

xlii APPENDICES

L—ON MAHIM’S ADOPTION OF HIND-AL.

THE passage quoted below about Mahim’s adoption of the
unborn Hind-al we have found so far only in Kehr’s transcript
of the Babur-nama (z.e. the St.Petersburg Foreign Office Codex). —
Ilminsky reproduced it (Kasan imprint p. 281) and de Courteille
translated it (ii, 45), both with endeavour at emendation. It is
interpolated in Kehr’s MS. at the wrong place, thus indica
that it was once marginal or apart from the text. ;
I incline to suppose the whole a note made by Humayin, ~
although part of it might be an explanation made by Babur, at B |
a later date, of an over-brief passage in his diary. Of such
passages there are several instances. What is strongly against ©
its being Babur’s where otherwise it might be his, is that Mahim, ~
as he always calls her simply, is there written of as Hazrat
Walida, Royal Mother and with the honorific plural. That
plural Babur uses for his own mother (dead 14 years before
925 AH.) and never for Mahim. The note is as follows :— |
“The explanation is this :—As up to that time those of one ~
birth (¢%ggan, womb) with him (Humayin), that is to say a son
Bar-bil, who was younger than he but older than the rest, and ~
three daughters, Mihr-jan and two others, died in childhood, he —
had a great wish for one of the same birth with him.t I had
said ‘What it would have been if there had been one of the |
same birth with him!’ (Humayiin). Said the Royal Mother,
‘If Dil-dar Aghacha bear a son, how is it if I take him and rear
him?’ ‘It is very good’ said I.”
So far doubtfully mzght be Babur’s but it may be Humayiin’s
written as a note for Babur. What follows appears to be by
some-one who knew the details of Mahim’s household talk and ~
was in Kabul when Dil-dar’s child was taken from her.
“Seemingly women have the custom of taking omens in the
following way :—When they have said, ‘Is it to be a boy? is it
* z.e. Humiayiin wished for a full-brother or sister, another child in the house with :

him. The above names of his brother and sister are given elsewhere only by Gul-
badan (f. 64). .

L.—ON MAHIM’S ADOPTION OF HIND-AL xliii

to be a girl ?’ they write ‘Ali or Hasan on one of two pieces of
paper and Fatima on the other, put each paper into a ball of
clay and throw both into a bowl of water. Whichever opens
first is taken as an omen; if the man’s, they say a man-child
will be born ; if the woman’s, a girl will be born. They took
the omen ; it came out a man.”

“On this glad tidings we at once sent letters off.' A few
days later God’s mercy bestowed a son. Three days before the
news? and three days after the birth, they 3 took the child from
its mother, (she) willy-nilly, brought it to our house 4 and took
it in their charge. When we sent the news of the birth, Bhira
was being taken. They named him Hind-al for a good omen
and benediction.” 5

__. The whole may be Humayiin’s, and prompted by a wish to
“remove an obscurity his father had left and by sentiment stirred
through reminiscence of a cherished childhood.

Whether Humayin wrote the whole or not, how is it that the

_ passage appears only in the Russian group of Baburiana ?

An apparent answer to this lies in the following little mosaic
of circumstances :—The St. Petersburg group of Baburiana° is
linked to Kamran’s own copy of the Babur-nama by having
with it a letter of Babur to Kamran and also what may de a note
indicating its passage into Humayiin’s hands (JRAS 1908

_p.830). If it did so pass, a note by Humayiin may have become
associated with it, in one of several obvious ways. This would

_ be at a date earlier than that of the Elphinstone MS. and would
explain why it is found in Russia and not in Indian MSS.”

* The ‘‘ we” might be Mahim and Humayin, to Babur in camp.

? Perhaps before announcing the birth anywhere.

3 Presumably this plural is honorific for the Honoured Mother Mahim.

4 Mahim’s and Humayin’s quarters.

5 Gul-badan’s Humdayiin-nama, f. 8.

® JRAS. A. S. Beveridge’s Notes on Babur-nama MSS. 1900, [1902,] 1905,
1906, [1907,] 1908 (Kehr’s transcript, p. 76, and Latin translation with new letter
of Babur p. $28).

7 In all such matters of the Babur-nadma Codices, it has to be remembered that
their number has been small.

"aa

Sig ae
a a

[APPENDICES TO THE HINDUSTAN
SECTION. ]

M.—ON THE TERM BAHRI QUTAS.

“Tuat the term dahri gitds is interpreted by Meninski, Erskine,
and de Courteille in senses so widely differing as eguus mart-
Y timus, mountain-cow, and dwuf vert de mer is due, no doubt, to
their writing when the g#dds, the yak, was less well known than
Pi: now is.

The word gitas represents both the yak itself and its neck-
tassel and tail. Hence Meninski explains it by xodus fim-

= ex cauda seu crinitbus equi maritimt. UHis “sea-horse”

_ appears to render dakhri giitas, and is explicable by the circum-
_ stance that the same purposes are served by horse-tails and by
) _ yak-tails and tassels, namely, with both, standards are fashioned,
_ horse-equipage is ornamented or perhaps furnished with fly-
“flappers, and the ordinary hand-fly-flappers are made, z.e. the
| chowries of ingle: India.
° Erskine’s “mountain-cow” (Memozrs p.317) may well be due
to his munshi’s giving the yak an alternative name, vzz. Kosh-
gau (Vigne) or Khash-gau (Ney Elias), which appears to mean
hg ‘mountain-cow (cattle, oxen).!
re De Courteille’s Dictéonary p.422, explains giitds (gitas) as bauf
_ marin (bahri gitas) and his Mémoires ii, 191, renders Babur’s
_ bahri gitas by beuf vert de mer (f.276, p.490 and n.8).
_ The term dahri giitas could be interpreted with more confidence
‘if one knew where the seemingly Arabic-Turki compound
originated.2, Babur uses it in Hindiistan where the neck-tassel

* Vigne’s Travelsin Kashmir ii, 277-8; Tarikh-c-rashidi trs., p.302 and n. and
p. 466 and note.
? It is not likely to be one heard current in Hindistan, any more than is Babur’ s
. 64-galamin as a name of a bird (Index s.7.) ; both seem to be ‘‘ book-words”
and may be traced or known as he uses them in some ancient dictionary or book of
travels originating outside Hindistan.
[a]

\

xlvi APPENDICES.

and the tail of the domestic yak are articles of commerce, and —
where, as also probably in Kabul, he will have known of the
same class of yak as a saddle-animal and as a beast of burden into —
Kashmir and other border-lands of sufficient altitude to allow —
its survival. A part of its wide Central Asian habitat abutting
on Kashmir is Little Tibet, through which flows the upper Indus |
and in which tame yak are largely bred, Skardo being a place
specially mentioned by travellers as having them plentifully.
This suggests that the term Jdahvi giitas is due to the great
river (Jahr) and that those of which Babur wrote in Hindistan ~
were from Little Tibet and its great river. But bahkri may
apply to another region where also the domestic yak abounds, ~
that of the great lakes, inland seas such as Pangong, whence the
yak comes and goes between e.g. Yarkand and the Hindistan ~
border.
The second suggestion, vzz. that “ dakri gutas” refers to the ©
habitat of the domestic yak in lake and marsh lands of high |
altitude (the wild yak also but, as Tibetan, it is less likely to be |
concerned here) has support in Dozy’s account of the dahkrt —
falcon, a bird mentioned also by Abi’l-fazl amongst sporting ~
birds (Ayin-i-akbari, Blochmann’s trs. p.295) :—“ Bahri, espece —
de faucon le meilleur pour les otseaux de marats. Ce rensetgn-
ment explique peut-ttre lorigine du mot. Marguerite en donne —
la méme etymologie que Tashmend et le Pére Guagix. Selon lut
ce faucon aurait été appelé ainst parce qu'il vient de l'autre coté
de la mer, mats Sieh dériva-t-il de bahri dans le sens de
marats, flaque, étang.” 3
Dr. E. Denison Ross’ Polyglot List of Birds (Memoirs of the /
Astatic Society of Bengal ii, 289) gives to the Qara Qirghawal
(Black pheasant) the synonym “ Sea-pheasant”, this being the ~
literal translation of its Chinese name, and quotes from the —
Manchii-Chinese “Mirror” the remark that this is a black ~
pheasant but called “sea-pheasant ” to distinguish it from other
black ones. §
It may be observed that Babur writes of the yak once only
and then of the dahri giitds so that there is no warrant from him ~
for taking the term to apply to the wild yak. His cousin and |

M.—ON THE TERM BAARI QUTAS. xvii

contemporary Haidar Mirza, however, mentions the wild yak
twice and simply as the wild gas.

The following are random gleanings about “ dahri” and
the yak :— ,

(1) An instance of the use of the Persian equivalent dary@z
of bahri, sea-borne or over-sea, is found in the Akdar-nama (Bib.
Ind. ed. ii, 216) where the African elephant is described as /7/-
2-darya z.

(2) In Egypt the word dakri has acquired the sense of
northern, presumably referring to what lies or is borne across its
northern sea, the Mediterranean.

3 (3) Vigne (Travels in Kashmir ii, 277-8) warns against
confounding the géch-gar te. the gigantic mouffion, Pallas’
~~ Outs ammon, with the Kosh-gau, the cow of the Kaucasus, z.e. the
_ yak. He says, “Kaucasus (odie Hindi-kush) was originally
from Kosh, and Kosh is applied occasionally as a prefix, e.g.
_ Kosh-gau, the yak or ox of the mountain or Kaucasus.” He
| wrote from Skardo in Little Tibet and on the upper Indus.
_ He gives the name of the female yak as yak-mo and of the
_ half-breeds with common cows as dsch, which class he says is
common and of “all colours ”.
(4) Mr. Ney Elias’ notes (7arikh-i-rashidi trs. pp.302 and
. 466) on the gizds are of great interest. He gives the following
" synonymous names for the wild yak, Bos Potphagus, Khash-gau,
4 the Tibetan yak or Dong.
_ (5) Hume and Henderson (Lahor to VYarkand p.59) write of
_ the numerous black yak-hair tents seen round the Pangong Lake,
_ of fine saddle yaks, and of the tame ones as being some white or
_ brown but mostly black.
_ (6) Olufsen’s Through the Unknown Pamirs (p.118) speaks
of the large numbers of Bos grunniens (yak) domesticated by
the Kirghiz in the Pamirs.
_ (7) Cf. Gazetteer of India s.x. yak.

(8) Shaikh Zain applies the word dahrito the porpoise, when

paraphrasing the Babur-nama f.2810.

, oe

xlviii APPENDICES.

N.—NOTES ON A FEW BIRDS.

IN attempting to identify some of the birds of Babur’s lists
difficulty arises from the variety of names provided by the —
different tongues of the region concerned, and also in some —
cases by the application of one name to differing birds, The
following random gleanings enlarge and, in part, revise some
earlier notes and translations of Mr. Erskine’s and my own. —
They are offered as material for the use of those better acquainted —
with bird-lore and with Himalayan dialects.

a. Concerning the likha, lija, licha, kija (£.135 and f.2780).

The nearest word I have found to /#kha and its similars is’
likkh, a florican (Jerdon, ii, 615), but the florican has not the
chameleon colours of the /#kha (var.). As Babur when writing
in Hindistan, uses such “ book-words” as Ar. bahri (giitas) and
Ar. b%-galamin (chameleon), it would not be strange if his name
for the “/ikha” bird represented Ar. awyja, very beautiful, or
connected with Ar. /o#, shining splendour. . 3

The form Aaa is found in Ilminsky’s imprint p.361 (Zémozres |
ii, 198, koudjeh). ,

What is confusing to translators is that (as it now seems te
me) Babur appears to use the name adg-z-dari in both passages
(f.135 and f.2780) to represent two birds ; (1) he compares the.
likha as to size with the kabg-¢-dari of the Kabul region, and |
(2) for size and colour with that of Hindistan. But the bird of
the Western Himalayas known by the name adg-z-dari is the
Himalayan snow-cock, Tetraogallus himalayensts, Turki, ailar—
and in the Kabul region, chiiirtéka (f.249, Jerdon, ii, 549-50);
while the Labg-c-dari (syn. chikor) of Hindiistan, whether of
hill or plain, is one or more of much smaller birds. 7

The snow-cock being 28 inches in length, the Zikha bird must 4
be of this size. Such birds as to size and plumage of changing
colour are the Lophophori and Trapagons, varieties of which are
found in places suiting Babur’s account of the /zkha.

N.—NOTES ON A FEW BIRDS. xlix

It may be noted that the Himalayan snow-cock is still called
kabg-t-dari in Afghanistan (Jerdon, ii, 550) and in Kashmir
(Vigne’s Travels in Kashmir ii, 18). As its range is up to
18,000 feet, its Persian name describes it correctly whether read
as “of the mountains” (darz), or as “royal” (dari) through its
splendour.

I add here the following notes of Mr. Erskine’s, which I have
not quoted already where they occur (cf. f.135 and f.2784) :—
On f.135, “ lokheh” is said to mean hzd/-chtkor.
On f.2780, to ““ijeh”, “ The Persian has Zikheh.”
2 to “kepki durri”, “The kepki derz, or durri is
much larger than the common eff of Persia
x and is peculiar to Khorasan. It is said to be
a beautiful bird. The common eps of Persia
and Khorasan is the 4z//-chzkor of India.”
% to “higher up”, “The /uwjeh may be the chzkor
of the plains which Hunter calls bartavelle or

Greek partridge.”

The following corrections are needed about my own notes :—

(1) on f.135 (p.213) n.7 is wrongly referred ; it belongs to the

_ first word, viz. kabg-c-dari, of p.214; (2) on f.279 (p.496) n.2
_ should refer to the second hkabg-c-dari.

a Birds called minal (var. monal and moonaul).

Yule writing in Hobson Jobson (p.580) of the “szoonaul” which

he identifies as Lophophorus Impeyanus, queries whether, on
grounds he gives, the word moonaul is connected etymologically

with Sanscrit munt,an “eremite”. In continuation of his topic,
I give here the names of other birds called mzna/, which I have
noticed in various ornithological works while turning their pages
for other information.

Besides L. Jimpeyanus and Trapagon Certornis satyra which
Yule mentions as called “smoonaul”, there are L. refulgens,
munal and Ghir (mountain)-manal; Trapagon Ceriornts satyra,
Called mzénal in Nipal; 7. C. melanocephalus, called sing

l APPENDICES.

(horned)-mznal in the N.W. Himalayas; 7. hizmalayensis, the —
jer- or cher-miinal of the same region, known also as chikor;
and Lerwa nevicola, the snow-partridge known in Garhwal as ©
Quotr- or Qir-miinal. Do all these birds behave in such a way
as to suggest that mzna/ may imply the individual isolation —
related by Jerdon of L. Jmpeyanus, “ In the autumnal and winter ~
months numbers are generally collected in the same quarter of —
the forest, though often so widely scattered that each bird
appears to be alone?” My own search amongst vocabularies of |
hill-dialects for the meaning of the word has been unsuccessful, —
spite of the long range ména/s in the Himalayas. ;

c. Concerning the word chiurtika, chourtka.

Jerdon’s entry (ii, 549, 554) of the name chourtka as a
synonym of Tetraogallus himalayensis enables me to fill a gap
I have left on f.249 (p.491 and n.6),* with the name Himalayan ©
snow-cock, and to allow Babur’s statement to be that he, in
January 1520 AD. when coming down from the 4ad-z-pich pass,
saw many snow-cocks. The MMWemozrs (p.282) has “ chikors “
which in India is a synonym for kabg-c-dari; the Mémoires
(ii, 122) has sauterelles, but this meaning of chiartika does not
suit wintry January. That month would suit for the descent ~
from higher altitudes of snow-cocks. Griffith, a botanist who |
travelled in Afghanistan cr, 1838AD., saw myriads of cecad@
between Qilat-i-ghilzai and Ghazni, but the month was July.

d. On the gitan (£.142, p.224; Memotrs, p.153 ; Mémoires ii, 31 3).

Mr. Erskine for gatan enters khawasil [gold-finch] which he
will have seen interlined in the Elphinstone Codex (f.109) in
explanation of gitan. - 4
Shaikh Effendi (Kunos’ ed., p.139) explains gi#/an to be the |
gold-finch, Szezglitz. =
Ilminsky’s gitan (p.175) is translated by M. de Courteille as
pélicane and certainly some copies of the 2nd Persian translation ~
[Muh. Shivazz’s p.90] have hazwésil, pelican. |
The pelican would class better than the small finch with th :

* My ‘note 6 on p. 421 shows my earlier difficulties, due to not knowing (when ~
writing it) that 4abg-i-dari represents the snow-cock in the Western Himalayas.

O.—HUMAYUN ON SOME HINDUSTAN FRUITS. li

herons and egrets of Babur’s trio; it also would appear a more
likely bird to be caught “with the cord”.

That Babur’s gaan (hawasz/) migrated in great numbers is
however against supposing it to be Pelzcanus onocrotatus which
is seen in India during the winter, because it appears there in
moderate numbers only, and Blanford with other ornithologists
states that no western pelican migrates largely into India.

Perhaps the g#tan was Linnzeus’ Pelzcanus carbo of which
one synonym is Carbo comoranus, the cormorant, a bird seen in
India in large numbers of both the large and small varieties.
As cormorants are not known to breed in that country, they
will have migrated in the masses Babur mentions.

A translation matter falls to mention here :—After saying
that the agar (grey heron), gargara (egret), and gitan
(cormorant) are taken with the cord, Babur says that this

method of bird-catching is unique (6% nih gish titmag ghair

mugarrar dir) and describes it. The Persian text omits to
" translate the ¢#tmagq (by P. giriftan); hence Erskine (ems.
_ p.153) writes, “The last mentioned fowl” (ze. the gi#tan) “is

rare,’ notwithstanding Babur’s statement that all three of the
' birds he names are caught in masses. De Courteille (p.313)
_ writes, as though only of the gitan, “ ces derniers toutefois ne se
_ prennent qu'accidentelment,” perhaps led to do so by knowledge
ie of the circumstance that Pe/écanus onocrotatus is rare in India.

O.—NOTES BY HUMAYUN ON SOME
HINDUSTAN FRUITS.

THE following notes, which may be accepted as made by
_Humayin and in the margin of the archetype of the Elphinstone
Codex, are composed in Turki which differs in diction from his
father’s but is far closer to that classic model than is that of the
producer [Jahangir?] of the “Fragments” (Index s.z.). Various
circumstances make the notes difficult to decipher verbatim and,
unfortunately, when writing in Jan. 1917, I am unable to collate

li APPENDICES.

with its original in the Advocates Library, the copy I made of q
them in IQIO.

a. On the kadhil, jack-frutt, Artocarpus tntegrifolia (£.2830, p. 500;
Elphinstone MS. f.2354).% 4

The contents of the note are that the strange-looking suum pide |
(gar, which is also Ibn Batuta’s word for the fruit), yields
excellent white juice, that the best fruit grows from the roots of —
the tree,? that many such grow in Bengal, and that in Bengal {
and Dihli there grows a kadhil-tree covered with hairs (Arto-_
carpus hirsuta ?). 4

b. On the amrit-phal, mandarin-orange, Citrus aurantium (f. 287,
p- 512; Elphinstone Codex, f.2380, 1.12),

The interest of this note lies in its reference to Babur.

A Persian version of it is entered, without indication of what —
it is or of who was its translator, in one of the volumes of ©
Mr. Erskine’s manuscript remains, now in the British Museum
(Add. 26,605, p.88). Presumably it was made by his Turkish q
munshe for his note in the Memoirs (p. 329). y

Various difficulties oppose the translation of the Turki note ;
it is written into the text of the Elphinstone Codex in two
instalments, neither of them in place, the first being interpolated ©
in the account of the asmz/-did fruit, the second in that of the ©
jasin flower ; and there are verbal difficulties also. The Persian ~
translation is not literal and in some particulars Mr. Erskine's”
rendering of this differs from what the Turki appears to state. —

The note is, tentatively, as follows: 3—“ His honoured Majesty |
Firdaus-makan4—may God make his proof clear !—did not

* By over-sight mention ofthis note was omitted from my article on the Hips
Codex (JRAS. 1907, p. 131). aa

* Speede’s /ndian Hand-book (i,212) published in 1841 AD. thus writes, “‘It is
a curious circumstance that the finest and most esteemed fruit are produced from the
roots below the surface of the ground, and are betrayed by the cracking of the earth
above them, and the effluvia issuing from the fissure ; a high price is given by rich”
natives for fruit so produced.”

3 In the margin of the Elphinstone Codex opposite the beginning of the note a
the words, ‘‘ This is a marginal note of Humayitin Padshah’s.’ )

4 Every Emperor of Hindistan has an epithet given him after his death to
distinguish him, and prevent the necessity of repeating his name too familiarly.
Thus /irdaus-makan (dweller-in-paradise) is Babur’s ; Humayin’s is Jannat-ashi- |
yani, he whose nest is in Heaven ; Muhammad Shah’s /’rdaus-dramgah, he whose
place of rest is Paradise ; e7c. (Erskine).

O.—HUMAYUN ON SOME HINDUSTAN FRUITS. _ liiii

favour the amrit-phal;* as he considered it insipid,? he likened
it to the mild-flavoured 3 orange and did not make choice of it.
So much was the mild-flavoured orange despised that if any
person had disgusted (him) by insipid flattery (?) he used to
say, ‘ He is like orange-juice.’” 4 3

“The amrzt-phal is one of the very good fruits. Though its
juice is not relishing (?chzchiiq), it is extremely pleasant-drinking.
Later on, in my own time, its real merit became known. Its
tartness may be that of the orange (wa@ranj) and demu.” 5

The above passage is followed, in the text of the Elphinstone
Codex, by Babur’s account of the ja@siz flower, and into this
a further instalment of Humayin’s notes is interpolated, having
opposite its first line the marginal remark, “This extra note,
seemingly made by Humayiin Padshah, the scribe has mistakenly
written into the text.” Whether its first sentence refer to the
amrit-phal or to the amzl-bid must be left for decision to those
well acquainted with the orange-tribe. It is obscure in my copy
and abbreviated in its Persian translation ; summarized it may
state that when the fruit is unripe, its acidity is harmful to the
digestion, but that it is very good when ripe——The note then
continues as below :—

c. The kimila, H. kaunla, the orange.®

_ “There are in Bengal two other fruits of the acid kind.
_ Though the amrit-phal be not agreeable, they have resemblance
to it (?).”

* Here Mr. Erskine notes, ‘‘ Literally, zectar-fruzt, probably the mandarin orange,
by the natives called mdrimgi. The name amrat, or pear, in India is applied to the
guava or Pstdium pyriferum—(Spondias mangifera, Hort. Ben.—D. Wallich).” .. .
Mr. E. notes also that the note on the amrit-phal ‘‘is not found in either of the
Persian translations”.
zi: 2 chichiiman, Pers. trs. shirind bi maza, perhaps flat, sweet without relish. Babur

does not use the word, nor have I traced it in a dictionary.

3 chiichiik, savoury, nice-tasting, not acid (Shaw).

4 chachuk naranj andag (?) matin aidi kim har kim-ni shirin-karlighi bi maza
gilkind:, naranj-si’i dik tur dirlar aidi.

5 The demu may be Citrus limona, which has abundant juice of a mild acid flavour.
_ © The £amila and samfara are the real oranges (aula and sangtara), which are
now (czy. 1816AD.) commonall over India. Dr. Hunter conjectures that the saxgtara
may take its name from Cintra, in Portugal. This early mention of it by Babur and
Humayin may be considered as subversive of that supposition. (This description of
the samfara, vague as it is, applies closer to the Cztrus decumana or pampelmus, than
to any other.—D. Wallich. )—Erskine.

liv APPENDICES. ae

“One is the amzla which may be as large as an orange —
(naranj); some took it to be a large narangz (orange) but it is —
much pleasanter eating than the zarangi and is ; understogs not
to have the skin of that (fruit).” 4

a. The samtara.* \

The other is the samfara which is larger than the orange —
(naranj ) but is not tart ; unlike the amrit-phal it is not of poor
flavour (kam maza) or little relish (chiichik). In short a better
fruit is not seen. It is good to see, good to eat, good to digest. —
One does not forget it. If it be there, no other fruit is chosen. —
Its peel may be taken off by the hand. However much of the —
fruit be eaten, the heart craves for it again. Its juice does not —
soil the hand at all. Its skin separates easily from its flesh, —
It may be taken during and after food. In Bengal the samtara
is rare (gharib) (or excellent, ‘aziz). It is understood to grow ~
in one village Sanargam (Sonargaon) and even there in a special
quarter. There seems to be no fruit so entirely good as the -
samtara amongst fruits of its class or, rather, amongst fruits on |
all kinds.” {

Corrigendum :—In my note on the ¢urunj bajduri (p.511, n.3)
for bijaura read bijaura ; and on p.510, 1.2, for palm read fingers.

Addendum :—p.510, 1.5. After yisiinlik add:—‘“ The natives |
of Hindiistan when not wearing their ear-rings, put into the |
large ear-ring holes, slips of the palm-leaf bought in the bazars,
ready for the purpose. The trunk of this tree is handsomer and
more stately than that of the date.” . a

P._REMARKS ON BABUR’S REVENUE
LIST (fol. 292).

a. Concerning the date of the List. y
The Revenue List is the last item of Babur’s account of Hinda-
stan and, with that account, is found s.a. 932 AH., manifestly

« Humayiin writes of this fruit as though it were not the sag-tara described by his
father on f. 287 (p. 511 and note).

a 3 os die ‘ Ma oe
— Se Ai eee ce be

P.—REMARKS ON BABUR’S REVENUE LIST. lv

too early, (1) because it includes districts and their revenues
which did not come under Babur’s authority until subdued in
his Eastern campaigns of 934 and 935AH., (2) because Babur’s
statement is that the “countries” of the List “are zow in my
possession ” (2 loco p.520). |

The List appears to be one of revenues realized in 936 or
937 AH. and not one of assessment or estimated revenue,
(1) because Babur’s wording states as a fact that the revenue
was 52rirs ; (2) because the Persian heading of the (Persian)
List is translatable as “ Revenue (jama‘)* of Hindistan from
what has so far come under the victorious standards ”.

b. The entry of the List into European Literature.

Readers of the L. and E. Memoirs of Babur are aware that
it does not contain the Revenue List (p.334). The omission is
due to the absence of the List from the Elphinstone Codex and
from the ‘Abdu’r-rahim Persian translation. Since the J/emozrs
of Babur was published in 1826AD., the List has come from the
Labur-nama into European literature by three channels.

Of the three the one used earliest is Shaikh Zain’s 7abagat-z-
baburi which is a Persian paraphrase of part of Babur’s Hindistan
section. This work provided Mr. Erskine with what he placed
in his History of India (London 1854, i, 540, Appendix D), but
his manuscript, now B.M. Add. 26,202, is not the best copy

_ of Shaikh Zain’s book, being of far less importance than B.M.
Or. 1999, [as to which more will be said. ] ?

The second channel is Dr. Ilminsky’s imprint of the Turki
text (Kasdan 1857, p.379), which is translated by the J/émozres
de Baber (Paris 1871, ii, 230).

The third channel is the pieaciuad Codex, in the English
translation of which [zz /oco| the List is on p.521.

Shaikh Zain may have used Babur’s autograph manuscript
for his paraphrase and with it the Revenue List. His own
autograph manuscript was copied in 998 AH. (1589-90AD.) by

* M. de Courteille translated jama‘ in a general sense by /ofali¢é instead of in its
Indian technical one of revenue (as here) or of assessment. Hence Professor Dowson’s
“totality ” (iv, 262 n.).

2 The B.M. has a third copy, Or. 5879, which my husband estimates as of little
importance.

ivi : APPENDICES. a.

Khwand-amir’s grandson ‘Abdu’l-lah who may be the scribe
“ Mir ‘Abdu’l-lah ” of the Ayin-¢-akbari (Blochmann’s trs. p. 109).
‘Abdu’l-lah’s transcript (from which a portion is now absent,)
after having been in Sir Henry Elliot’s possession, has become
B.M. Or. 1999. It is noticed briefly by Professor Dowson (Le —
iv, 288), but he cannot have observed that the “ old, worm-eaten”
little volume contains Babur’s Revenue List, since he does not —
refer to it. .

c. Agreement and variation in coptes of the List.

The figures in the two copies (Or. 1999 and Add. 26,202) of —
the Tabagat-i-baburi are in close agreement. They differ, how-
ever, from those in the Haidarabad Codex, not only in a negli- —
gible unit and a ten of ¢anxkas but in having 20,000 more ¢ankas —
from Oudhand Baraich and 30 Zaks of tankas more from Trans- —
sutlej. 4)
The figures in the two copies of the Babur-nama, viz. the —
Haidarabad Codex and the Kehr-Ilminsky imprint are not in —
agreement throughout, but are identical in opposition to the —
variants (20,000 ¢. and 30 7.) mentioned above. As the two are
independent, being collateral descendants of Babur’s original —
papers, the authority of the Haidarabad Codex in the matter
of the List is still further enhanced.

ad. Varia.

(1) The place-names of the List are all traceable, whatever _
their varied forms. About the entry L:kni [or L:knir] and B:ks:r —
[or M:ks:r] a difficulty has been created by its variation in ©
manuscripts, not only in the List but where the first name occurs ©
s.a. 934 and 935AH. In the Haidarabad List and in that of 5
Or. 1999 L:kniir is clearly written and may represent (approxi-
mately) modern Shahabad in Rampir. Erskine and de
Courteille, however, have taken it to be Lakhnau in Oudh,
[The distinction of Lakhnaur from Lakhnau in the historical -_
narrative is discussed in Appendix T.] ;

(2) It may be noted, as of interest, that the name Sarwar is
an abbreviation of Sarjiipar which means “other side of Sarji”
(Sart, Goghra ; E. and D.’s H. of I. i, 56, n.4).

P.—REMARKS ON BABUR’S REVENUE LIST. lvii

(3) Rip-narain (Deo or Dev) is mentioned in Ajodhya
Prasad’s short history of Tirhut and Darbhanga, the Gu/zdr-

‘2-Bihar (Calcutta 1869, Cap. v, 88) as the 9th of the Brahman

rulers of Tirhut and as having reigned for 25 years, from 917 to
942 Fasii(?). If the years were Hijri, 917-42AH. would be
1511-1535.

(4) Concerning the taka the following modern description
is quoted from Mr. R. Shaws High Tartary (London 1871,
p.464) “The tanga” (or tanka) “is a nominal coin, being
composed of 25 little copper cash, with holes pierced in them
and called dahcheen. ‘These are strung together and the quantity
of them required to make up the value of one of these silver
ingots” (“ooroos or yamboo, value nearly 417”) “weighs

~aconsiderable amount. I once sent to get change for a ooroos,

and my servants were obliged to charter a donkey to bring it
home.”

(5) The following interesting feature of Shaikh Zain’s
Tabagat-t-baburi has been mentioned to me by my husband :—
Its author occasionally reproduces Babur’s Turki words instead of
paraphrasing them in Persian, and does this for the noticeable

_ passage in which Babur records his dissatisfied view of Hindiistan

(f.2904, zz loco p.518), prefacing his quotation with the remark

_ that it is best and will be nearest to accuracy not to attempt

translation but to reproduce the Padshah’s own words. The

_ maininterest of the matter lies in the motive for reproducing the

ipsissima verba. Was that motive deferential? Did the revelation
of feeling and opinion made in the quoted passage clothe it with

f privacy so that Shaikh Zain reserved its perusal from the larger

public of Hindiistan who might read Persian but not Turki?
Some such motive would explain the insertion untranslated of
Babur’s letters to Humayiin and to Khwaja Kalan which are left

in Turki by ‘Abdu’r-rahim Mirza?

* Sir G. A. Grierson, writing in the /zdian Antiguary (July 1885, p. 187), makes
certain changes in Ajodhya Prasad’s list of the Brahman rulers of Tirhut, on grounds
he states.

2 Index s.z. Babur’sletters. The passage Shaikh Zain quotes is found in Or. 1999,
f,654, Add. 26,202, f. 664, Or. 5879, f. 790.

Vili APPENDICES.

Q.—CONCERNING THE “RAMPUR DIWAN”.

PENDING the wide research work necessary to interpret Babur’s
Hindistan poems which the Rampir manuscript preserves, the
following comments, some tentative and open to correction,
may carry further in making the poems publicly known, what
Dr. E. Denison Ross has effected by publishing his Facsimile
of the manuscript. It is legitimate to associate comment on
the poems with the Babur-nama because many of them are i te
it with their context of narrative ; most, if not all, connect witht ‘
it; some without it, would be dull and vapid.
a. An authorized English title. q

The contents of the Rampir MS. are precisely what Babufl
describes sending to four persons some three weeks after the date
attached to the manuscript,? vzz. “the Translation and what-
not of poems made on coming to Hindistan” ;3 and a similar
description may be meant in the curiously phrased first clause
of the colophon, but without mention of the Translation (of the
Walidiyyah-risala).4 Hence, if the poems, including the Trans-
lation, became known as the Windiistan Poems or Poems made in
Hindistan, such title would be justified by their author’s words. —
Babur does not call the Hindiistan poems a diwan even when,
as in the above quotation, he speaks of them apart from his
versified translation of the Tract. In what has come down to
us of his autobiography, he applies the name Diwan to poems of
his own once only, this in 925 AH. (f. 2374) when he records
sending “my diwan” to Pilad Sl. Aazbeg.

* Cf. Index 2 loco for references to Babur’s metrical work, and for the Facsimile
JASB. 1910, Extra Number. .
? Monday, Rabi‘ II. 15th 935 AH.—Dec. 27th 1528Ap. At this date Babur h d 4
just iagy from Dhilpir to Agra (f. 354, p. 635, where in note! for Thursday read
Monday
3 Owing to a scribe’s ‘‘ skip” from one yibdrildi (was sent) to another at the end
of the next sentence, the passage is not inthe Hai. MS. It is not well given in my
translation (f. 3574, p. 642) ; what stands above is a closer rendering of the full Bir
Humiyingha tarjuma(u?) ni-kim Hindistangha kilkani aitgan ash’ arni yibarild
(Ilminsky p. 462, 1. 4 fr. ft., where however there appears a slight clerical error). _
4 Hesitation about accepting the colophon as unquestionably applying to the whole
contents of the manuscript is due to its position of close association with one section
only of the three in the manuscript (cf. Jost p. Ix).

2, 46

Sept at

‘os

2 Dipti

|
.

O.—CONCERNING THE “RAMPUR DIWAN”. lix

b. The contents of the Rampur MS.

There are three separate items of composition in the manu-
script, marked as distinct from one another by having each its
ornamented frontispiece, each its scribe’s sign (mim) of Finis,
each its division from its neighbour by a space without entry.
The first and second sections bear also the official sign [saZ/] that
the copy has been inspected and found correct.

(1) The first section consists of Babur’s metrical translation

of Khwaja ‘Ubaidu’l-lah Axrari’s Parental Tract (Wéalidiyyah-
risala), his prologue in which are his reasons for versifying the
Tract and his epilogue which gives thanks for accomplishing the
task. It ends with the date 935 (Hai. MS. f.346). Below this
are mim and sah, the latter twice ; they are in the scribe’s hand-
writing, and thus make against supposing that Babur wrote down
this copy of the Tract or its archetype from which the official
sah will have been copied. Moreover, spite of bearing two
vouchers of being a correct copy, the Translation is emended, in
a larger script which may be that of the writer of the marginal
quatrain on the last page of the [Rampir] MS. and there attested
by Shah-i-jahan as Babur’s autograph entry. His also may have
' been the now expunged writing on the half-page left empty of
text at theend of the Tract. Expunged though it be, fragments
_ of words are visible.?
_ (2) The second section has in its frontispiece an inscription
illegible (to me) in the Facsimile. It opens with a masnawi of
_ 41 couplets which is followed by a ghazel and numerous poems
7 in several measures, down to a triad of rhymed couplets (ma¢/a‘?),
_ the whole answering to descriptions of a Diwan without formal
arrangement. After the last couplet are mim and sah in the
scribe’s hand-writing, and a blank quarter-page. Mistakes in
this section have been left uncorrected, which supports the view
that its sazk avouches the accuracy of its archetype and not
its own.?

* Plate XI, and p. 15 (mid-page) of the Facsimile booklet.—The Facsimile does
not show the whole of the marginal quatrain, obviously because for the last page of
the manuscript a larger photographic plate was needed than for the rest. With
Dr. Ross’ concurrence a photograph in which the defect is made good, accompanies
this Appendix.

* The second section ends on Plate XVII, and p. 21 of the Facsimile booklet.

Ix APPENDICES.

(3) The third section shows no inscription on its frontispiece. —

It opens with the masnawi of eight couplets, found also in the ~
Babur-nama (f.312), one of earlier date than many of the poems —
in the second section. It is followed by three ruba% which
complete the collection of poems made in Hindistan. A prose —
passage comes next, describing the composition and trans-—
position-in-metre of a couplet of 16 feet, with examples in three
measures, the last of which ends in 1.4 of the photograph. _
While fixing the date of this metrical game, Babur incidentally ~
allows that of his Zveatise on Prosody to be inferred from the
following allusive words:—“ When going to Sambhal (f. 330d) in
the year (933AH.) after the conquest of Hindistan (932 AH.), two.
years after writing the ‘Ariz, I composed a couplet of 16 feet.” —
—From this the date of the Treatise is seen to be 931 AH., some
two years later than that of the J7ubim. The above metrical
exercise was done about the same time as another concerning |
which a Treatise was written, vzz. that mentioned on f.3300,
when a couplet was transposed into 504 measures (Section /,
p. lxv).—The Facsimile, it will be noticed, shows something
unusual in the last line of the prose passage on Plate XVIII B,
where the scattering of the words suggests that the scribe was ~
trying to copy page per page. .
The colophon (which begins on 1. 5 of the photograph) is
curiously worded, as though the frequent fate of last pages had ©
befallen its archetype, that of being mutilated and difficult fo r
a scribe to ‘make good; it suggests too that the archetype
was verse.’ Its first clause, even if read as Hind-stan Janib z
‘azimat gilghani (i.e. not gilghali, as it can be read), has an
indirectness unlike Babur’s corresponding “after coming to
Hindistan” (f. 3574), and is not definite ; (2) d% airdi (these
were) is not the complement suiting a#/ dirir (those are) ;
(3) Babur does not use the form di#rir in prose; (4) the undue ~
space after diriir suggests connection with verse ; (5) there is :
. m4

no final verb such as prose needs. The meaning, however, ~
may be as follows :—The poems made after resolving on (the)

* Needless to say that whatever the history of the manuscript, its value as preservin, Q s } ;
poems of which no other copy is known publicly, is untouched. This value would ~
be great without the marginal entries on the last page; it finds confirmation in the —
identity of many of the shorter poems with counterparts in the Bdbur-nama. Pe
ae

-*Q.—_CONCERNING THE “RAMPUR DIWAN’”. xi

Hindistan parts ( 7auzbz?) were these I have written down (¢ahrir
gildim), and past events are those I have narrated (¢agvir) in the
way that (z-chik kim) (has been) written in these folios (azraq)
and recorded in those sections (ajz@’).—From this it would
appear that sections of the Babur-nama (f. 3760, p.678) accom-

panied the Hindustan poems to the recipient of the message
conveyed by the colophon.

Close under the colophon stands Harara-hu Babur and the date
Monday, Rabi‘ II. 15th 935 (Monday, December 27th 1528 AD.),
the whole presumably brought over from the archetype. To the
question whether a signature in the above form would be copied
by a scribe, the Elphinstone Codex gives an affirmative answer

_by providing several examples of notes, made by Humayin in
_ its archetype, so-signed and brought over either into its margin
“or interpolated in its text. Some others of Humayiin’s notes
are not so-signed, the scribe merely saying they are Humayiin
_ Padshah’s.—It makes against taking the above entry of Babur’s
_ name to be an autograph signature, (1) that it is enclosed in an
ornamented border, as indeed is the case wherever it occurs
throughout the manuscript; (2) that it is followed by the
scribe’s mzm. [See end of following section. |

¢. The marginal entries shown in the photograph.

_ The marginal note written length-wise by the side of the text
is signed by Shah-i-jahan and attests that the ruda‘t and the
“Signature to which it makes reference are in Babur’s autograph
_hand-writing. His note translates as follows :—This quatrain
_and blessed name are in the actual hand-writing of that Majesty
‘(an hazrat) Firdaus-makani Babur Padshah Ghazi—May God
make his proof clear !—Signed (arara-hu), Shah-i-jahan son
of Jahangir Padshah son of Akbar Padshah son of Humayiin
Padshah son of Babur Padshah.*

* Another autograph of Shah-i-jahan’s is included in the translation volume (p. xiii)
of Gul-badan Begam’s Humdayiin-nadma. It surprises one who works habitually on
historical writings more nearly contemporary with Babur, in which he is spoken of
as Firdaus-makani or as Giti-sitani Firdaus-makani and not by the name used during
his life, to find Shah-i-jahan giving him the two styles (cf. Jahangir’s Memoirs trs.
il, 5). Those familiar with the writings of Shah-i-jahin’s biographers will know
whether this is usual at that date. There would seem no doubt as to the identity of
an Hazrat.—The words az hazrat by which Shah-i-jahan refers to Babur are used
also in the epitaph placed by Jahangir at Babur’s tomb (Trs. Note p. 710-711).

[6]

Ixii APPENDICES.

The second marginal entry is the curiously placed ruba‘7, which -
is now the only one on the page, and now has no signature
attaching to it. It has the character of a personal message to
the recipient of one of more books having identical contents.
That these two entries are there while the text seems so clearly —
to be written by a scribe, is open to the explanation that when |
(as said about the colophon, p.1x) the rectangle of text was made
good from a mutilated archetype, the original margin was placed
round the rzfaczmento 2? This superposition would explain the
entries and seal-like circles, discernible against a strong light, on ©
the reverse of the margin only, through the rzfacimento page.
The upper edge of the rectangle shows sign that the margin has”
been adjusted to it [so far as one can judge from a photograph]. ~
Nothing on the face of the margin hints that the text itself is”
autograph ; the words of the colophon, ¢akrir gildim (z.e. I have
written down) cannot hold good against the cumulative testimony
that a scribe copied the whole manuscript.—The position of the _
last syllable [zz] of the ruda‘z shows that the signature below
the colophon was on the margin before the diagonal couplet of
the ruba‘t was written,—therefore when the margin was fitted,
as it looks to have been fitted, to the z/acimento. If this be the
order of the two entries [ze. the small-hand signature and the |
diagonal couplet], Shah-i-jahan’s “blessed name” may repre-
sent the small-hand signature which certainly shows minute —
differences from the writing of the text of the MS. in the name
Babur (9.v. passim in the Rampir MS.). |

ad. The Baburi-khatt (Babir’s script).

So early as 9IOAH. the year of his conquest of Kabul, Babur
devised what was probably a variety of xakhsh, and called it the
Baburi-khatt (f.1446), a name used later by Haidar Mirza.
Nizamu’d-din Ahmad and ‘Abdu’l-qadir Badayini. He writes
of it again (f. 179) s.a. 911 AH. when describing an interview had
in 912 AH. with one of the Harat Qazis, at which the script wa:
discussed, its specialities (1z«/radat) exhibited to, and read by the ‘
Qazi who there and then wrote in it In what remains to us

e ae
fdacaicazad Dibeiaatic i

* The Qazi’s rapid acquirement of the mufradat of the script allows the inference
that few letters only and those of a well-known script were varied.—J/ufradat w
translated by Erskine, de Courteille and myself (f. 3574) as alphabet but reconsideration

Q.—CONCERNING THE “RAMPUR DIWAN’”. Ixiii

of the Babur-nama it is not mentioned again till 935 AH. (fol. 3574)
but at some intermediate date Babur made in it a copy of the
Ooran which he sent to Makka.t In 935 AH. (f. 3570) it is
mentioned in significant association with the despatch to each
of four persons of a copy of the Translation (of the Walidiyyah-
risala) and the Hindustan poems, the significance of the associa-
tion being that the simultaneous despatch with these copies
of specimens of the Laburi-khatt points to its use in the manu-
scripts, and at least in Hind-al’s case, to help given for reading
novel forms in their text. The above are the only instances

_ now found in the 4aur-nama of mention of the script.

: The little we have met with—we have made no search—about

i the character of the script comes from the Adishqd, s.n. sighnaq,

_ in the following entry :—

Ss ighnag ber ni‘ah khatt der Chaghataida khatt Baburi u ghatrt

hibit ki Babur Mirza ash'arnda kilir bait

—

Khiblar khatti nasib’ng bilmasa Babur ni tang ?
’ Baburi khattt aimas dir khatt sighnagit mi dir ??

The old Osmanli-Turkish prose part of this appears to mean :—

“Sighnaq is a sort of hand-writing, in Chaghatai the Baduri-
K khatt and others resembling it, as appears in Babur Mirza’s

- poems. Couplet” :—
i Without knowing the context of the couplet I make no

f

by the light of more recent information about the Baburi-khatt leads me to think-this
‘is wrong because ‘‘alphabet” includes every letter.—On f. 3576 three items of the
_ Béaburi-khatt are specified as despatched with the Hindistan poems, vzz. mufradat,
_ gita‘lar and sar-i-khatt. Of these the first went to Hind-al, the third to Kamran,
_ and no recipient is named for the second ; all translators have sent the gzta‘/ar to
_ Hind-al but I now think this wrong and that a name has been omitted, probably
_ Humiayin’s.
* f, 144, p. 228, n.3. Another interesting matter missing from the Baur-nadma by
_ the gap between 914 and 925 AH. is the despatch of an embassy to Czar Vassili III. in
Moscow, mentioned in Schuyler’s 7urhistan ii, 394, Appendix IV, Grigorief’s Russzan
Policy in Central Asia. The mission went after ‘‘ Sultan Babur” had established
himself in Kabul; as Babur does not write of it before his narrative breaks off
abruptly in 914 AH. it will have gone after that date. ;

2 I quote from the Véliaminof-Zernov edition (p. 287) from which de Courteille’s
plan of work involved extract only; he translates the couplet, giving to khatt the
double-meanings of script and down of youth (Dictionnaire Turque s.n. sighnagi).
The Sanglakh (p. 252) s.2. sighnag has the following as Babur’s :—

Chit balai khatti nasil’ ng bilmasa Babur ni tang?
Bare khatt almansiur khatt sighnagi mua dir ?

t

Ixiv APPENDICES.

sighnag \end themselves to the kind of pun (¢ham) “which —
consists in the employment of a word or phrase having more —
than one appropriate meaning, whereby the reader is often left :
in doubt as to the real significance of the passage.” * The rest of -
the ruba‘t may be given [together with the six other quotations -
of Babur’s verse now known only through the Adashga], in carly
Tazktratu ’sh-shu‘ara of date earlier than 967 AH.

The root of the word szghnagq will be sig, pressed together ;
crowded, included, e¢c. ; taking with this notion of compression,
the explanations /ezve ‘Schrift of Shaikh Effendi (Kunos) and —
Vambéry’s pétzte écriture, the Sighnaqi and Baburi Scripts are’
allowed to have been what that of the Rampir MS. is, a small,
compact, elegant hand-writing—A town in the Caucasus
named Sighnakh, “sztuce a peu pres a 800 métres @allitude,
commenca par étre une forteresse et un lieu de refuge, car telle
est la signification de son nom tartare.”® Sighnagt is given by
de Courteille (Dict. p. 368) as meaning a place of refuge OFF
shelter.

The Baduri-khatt will be only one of the several hands Babar
is reputed to have practised ; its description matches it with
other niceties he took pleasure in, fine distinchions of eye and
ear in measure and music.

e. Is the Ramptir MS. an example of the Baburi-khatt ?

Though only those well-acquainted with Oriental manuscript: Ss
dating before 910 AH. (1504 AD.) can judge whether noveltie
appear in the script of the Rampir MS. and this particulasil
in its head-lines, there are certain grounds for thinking that
though the manuscript be not Babur’s autograph, it may be in
his script and the work of a specially trained scribe. F’

I set these grounds down because although the signs of a
scribe’s work on the manuscript seem clear, it is “locally” held te
be Babur’s autograph. Has a tradition of its being inthe Baburi-
khatt glided into its being in the khatt-2-Babur? Several circum- a
stances suggest that it may be written in the Baburi-khatt: !
(1) the script is specially associated with the four transcripts

* Gibb’s History of Ottoman Poetry i, 113 and ii, 137.
? Réclus’ Z ’ Aste Russe p. 238.

Q.—CONCERNING THE “RAMPUR DIWAN’”, Ixv

of the Hindistan poems (f. 3570), for though many letters

must have gone to his sons, some indeed are mentioned in the
Babur-nama, it is only with the poems that specimens of it are
recorded as sent ; (2) another matter shows his personal interest
in the arrangement of manuscripts, namely, that as he himself
about a month after the four books had gone off, made a new
ruler, particularly on account of the head-lines of the Translation,
it may be inferred that he had made or had adopted the one
he superseded, and that his plan of arranging the poems was the
model for copyists; the Rampir MS. bearing, in the Translation
section, corrections which may be his own, bears also a date
earlier than that at which the four gifts started ; it has its head-
lines ill-arranged and has throughout 13 lines to the page ; his
new ruler had 11; (3) perhaps the words ¢ahrir gildim used in
the colophon of the Rampir MS. should be read with their full
connotation of careful and elegant writing, or, put modestly, as
saying, “ I wrote down in my best manner,” which for poems is
likely to be in the Baburi-khatt.*

Perhaps an example of Babur’s script exists in the colophon,
if not in the whole of the J/udim manuscript once owned by
Berézine, by him used for his Chréstomathie Turque, and described
by him as “unique”. If this be the actual manuscript Babur

- sent into Ma wara’u’n-nahr (presumably to Khwaja Ahrari’s

Sey ar

_ family), its colophon which is a personal message addressed to
_ the recipients, is likely to be autograph.

— f. Metrical amusements.

(1) Of two instances of metrical amusements belonging to the

end of 933 AH. and seeming to have been the distractions of

illness, one is a simple transposition “in the fashion of the
circles” (dawd’zr) into three measures (Rampir MS. Facsimile,
Plate XVIII and p. 22) ; the other is difficult because of the high
number of 504 into which Babur says (f. 3300) he cut up the

- following couplet :—

Giz u gash u soz u tilini mi di ?
Qad u khadd u saj u bilint mi di ?

* On this same /ahrir gildim may perhaps rest the opinion that the Rampiir MS. is
autograph.

Ixvi APPENDICES.

All manuscripts agree in having 504, and Babur wrote a tract
(risala) upon the transpositions.’ None of the modern treatises —
on Oriental Prosody allow a number so high to be practicable,
but Maulana Saifi of Bukhara, of Babur’s own time (f 1800)
makes 504 seem even moderate, since after giving much detail —
about vba‘ measures, he observes, “Some say there are 10,000” —
(Ariz-t-Saifi, Ranking’s trs. p. 122). Presumably similar possi- |
bilities were open for the couplet in question. It looks like one
made for the game, asks two foolish questions and gives no —
reply, lends itself to poetic license, and, if permutation of words ~
have part in such a game, allows much without change of sense.
Was Babur’s cessation of effort at 504 capricious or enforced by
the exhaustion of possible changes? Is the arithmetical state-
ment 9X8 x 7=504 the formula of the practicable permu-
tations ? y
(2) To improvise verse having a given rhyme and topic must
have demanded quick wits and much practice. Babur gives at
least one example of it (f. 2524) but Jahangir gives a fuller and
more interesting one, not only because a rz6a’i of Babur’s was the
model but from the circumstances of the game:?—It was in
1024 AH. (1615 AD.) that a letter reached him from Ma wara’u’n-
nahr written by Khwaja Hashim WMagsh-bandi |who by the story
is shown to have been of Ahrari’s line], and recounting the
long devotion of his family to Jahangir’s ancestors. He sent
gifts and enclosed in his letter a copy of one of Babur’s quatrains
which he said Hazrat Firdaus-makani had written for Hazrat
Khwajagi (Ahrari’s eldest son; f. 364, p.62 n.2). Jahangir
quotes a final cate pate only, “Khwajagira mandaim, ae
jagiva bandaim,” and thereafter made an impromptu verse upo a
the one sent to him. ae
A curious thing is that the line he quotes is not part of the
quatrain he answered, but belongs to another not appropriate for [
a message between darwesh and padshah, though likely to have
been sent by Babur to Khwajagi. I will quote both beca Sa
* T have found no further mention of the tract ; it may be noted however that whe: ll ra
Babur calls his 7veattse on Prosody (written in 931 AH.) the ‘47a#z, Abi’l-fazl writes
ofa Mufassal, a suitable name for 504 details of transposition.

2 Tuzik-t- -jahangir lith. ed. p. 149; and Memoirs of Jahangir trs. i, 304. [In bot th ae
books the passage requires amending. ]

R.—CHANDIRI AND GUALIAR. Ixvii

the matter will come up again for who works on the Hindistan
poems.* 3
(1) The quatrain from the Hindustan Poems is -—
Dar haw@i nafs gumrah ‘umr zat‘ kardaim |kanda im 7);
Pesh ahl-t-allah az afal-t-khid sharmand@im,
Vak nasr ba mukhlasan-t-khasta-dil farma ki ma
Khwajagira mandaim u Khwajagiva banda im.
(2) That from the Akdar-nama is :—
Darweshanra agarcha nah az khweshanim,
Lek az dil u jan mu‘tagid eshanim ;
Dir ast magiht shahi az darweshi,
Shahim wali banda-t-darweshanim.
The greater suitability of the second is seen from Jahangir’s
answering impromptu for which by sense and rhyme it sets the
model ; the meaning, however, of the fourth line in each may be
identical, namely, “I remain the ruler but am the servant of the
_ darwesh.” Jahangir’s impromptu is as follows :-—
Ai anki mara mthr-i-tu besh az besh ast,
Az daulat yad-t-biidat ai darwesh ast;
Chandanki’s mushdahat dilam shad shavad
Shadim az anki latif az hadd besh ast.

He then called on those who had a turn for verse to “speak

one ” 7.e. to improvise on his own; it was done as follows :—
ies

‘

Darim agarcha shaghal-t-shahi dar pesh,

| Flar lahza kunim yad-t-darweshan besh ;
x Gar shad shavad’z ma dil-t-yak darwesh,
By Anra shumarim hasil-t-shahi khwesh.

R.—CHANDIRI AND GUALIAR.

THE courtesy of the Government of India enables me to re-
produce from the Archeological Survey Reports of 1871, Sir
Alexander Cunningham’s plans of Chandiri and Gialiar, which
illustrate Babur’s narrative on f.333, p.592, and f.340, p.607.

_* Rampir MS. Facsimile Plate XIV and p. 16, verse 3; Akbar-ndma trs. i, 279, and
lith. ed. p. 91.

TA
—_ —~— ss
“oN : =,
NIMS

pane)

ia

‘ue
We:
- e

a
/ Lie

We ry)
ne

Cal
be

1g 3S T

-

Palaces f Gates
aE l------- 1. Alamgir Gate
A. Shah-Jahini z\----- 2° Hindola Gate
B. Jahangin ¢ ----- 8 Bhairon Gate
C. Karan Mandar é
D. Nikramaditya 4 Ps
E. Man Mandar Y dam [---------- 4. Ganes Gate
F. Gujan Mahal

5. Lakshman Gate
& Rock-cat Tempie

--- 6, Hathiya Gate
7. Hawa Gate

s we
4 oer ie

' (Gen White's breach) @a rgay Go

3
. a
zB Pophar's Escalade $e
. <3 3
— Nn
= ty XV
i ey A
ty xyz. /
-XVAO
FORTRESS a
' OF ES
GWALIOR fi €
J
- Se
Zz
ity és
hak gre abl ‘A
" wo Oe ee Ae ee uf ! | | Feet
1d09 $00 ° 1000 2000 39000 4700

4. Cunningham del.

Ixx APPENDICES.

S.—CONCERNING THE BABUR- NAMA
DATING OF 935 an.

THE dating of the diary of 935 AH. (f.339 e¢ seg.) is several tim si
in opposition to what may be distinguished as the “book-rule”
that the 12 lunar months of the Hijra year alternate in length 4
between 30 and 29 days (intercalary years excepted), and ie
Muharram starts the alternation with 30 days. An early book -
stating the rule is Gladwin’s Bengal Revenue Accounts; a recent
one, Ranking’s ed. of Platts’ Perstan Grammar. 4
As to what day of the week was the initial day of some of the
months in 935AH. Babur’s days differ from Wistenfeld’s whe
gives the full list of twelve, and from Cunningham’s single one of i
Muharram Ist.
It seems worth while to draw attention to the flexibility,
within limits, of Babur’s dating, [not with the object of adversely
criticizing a rigid and convenient rule for common use, but as”
supplementary to that rule from a somewhat special source],
because he was careful and observant, his dating was con-
temporary, his record, as being de die in diem, provides a check
of consecutive narrative on his dates, which, moreover, are all held ~
together by the external fixtures of Feasts and by the marked ~
recurrence of Fridays observed. Few such writings as the Babur-. =
nama diaries appear to be available for showing variation within
a year’s limit. =
In 935AH. Babur enters few full dates, ze. days of the week
and month. Often he gives only the day of the week, the safest ry
however, in a diary. He is precise in saying at what time 0 f
the night or the day an action was done; this is useful not onl
as helping to get over difficulties caigee by minor losses ©:
text, but in the more general matter of the transference of
a Hijra night-and-day which begins after sunset, to its Julian
equivalent, of a day-and-night which begins at I2a.m. This
sometimes difficult transference affords a probable explanation
of a good number of the discrepant dates found in Orienta -
Occidental books. F
Two matters of difference between the Babur-nama dating
and that of some European calendars are as follows :—

S.—CONCERNING THE BABUR-NAMA DATING OF 9354.H. xxi

a. Discrepancy as to the day of the week on which Muh. 935 Au.
began.

This discrepancy is not a trivial matter when a year’s diary
is concerned. The record of Muh. Ist and 2nd is missing from
the Labur-nama ; Friday the 3rd day of Muharram is the first
day specified ; the Ist was a Wednesday therefore. Erskine
accepted this day ; Cunningham and Wiistenfeld give Tuesday.
On three grounds Wednesday seems right—at any rate at that
period and place :—(1) The second Friday in Muharram was
‘Ashir, the roth (f.240); (2) Wednesday is in serial order if
reckoning be made from the last surviving date of 934AH. with
due allowance of an intercalary day to Zi’l-hijja (Gladwin),
z.c. from Thursday Rajab 12th (April 2nd 1528 AD. f.339, p.602);

(3) Wednesday is supported by the daily record of far into the

year.

b. Variation in the length of the months of 935 AH.

There is singular variation between the Badur-nama and
Wiistenfeld’s Zad/es, both as to the day of the week on which
months began, and as to the length of some months. This
variation is shown in the following table, where asterisks mark
agreement as to the days of the week, and the capital letters,
quoted from W.’s Zadles, denote A, Sunday; B, Tuesday, etc.
(the bracketed names being of my entry).

Babur-nama. Wriistenfeld.
Days. Days. é
Muharram . . 29 Wednesday 30 C (Tuesday).
Sarr. 4 . . 30. Thursday * 29 E (Thursday).*
Pere st). 30) Saturday.) - 30 ©F (Friday).
Paerieg oo... 20 Monday 29 A (Sunday).
JumadalI. . . 30 Tuesday 30 B (Monday).
is Me.) ¢ 20 . Thursday 29 D (Wednesday).
majaD. . . . 29 . Friday 30 E (Thursday).
Sha‘ban. . . 30 Saturday * 29 G (Saturday).*
Ramzan. . . 29 Monday 30 =A (Sunday).
Shawwal. . . 30 Tuesday * 29 C (Tuesday).*
Zi l-qa‘da . . 29 Thursday 30 D (Wednesday).

Zi\-hijja . . 30 Friday * 29 T (Friday).*

Ixxii APPENDICES. ae

The table shows that notwithstanding the discrepancy dis-
cussed in section a, of Babur’s making 935 AH. begin on a
Wednesday, and Wiistenfeld on a Tuesday, the two sue
agree as to the initial week-day of four months out of twelve
vig. Safar, Sha‘ban, Shawwal and Zi’l-hijja. A

Again :—In eight of the months the Babur-nama rever 3
the “book-rule” of alternative Muharram 30 days, Safar 29 days
et seg. by giving Muharram 29, Safar 30. (This is seen readily
by following the initial days of the week.) Again :—these eigt it
months are in pairs having respectively 29 and 30 days, and the %
year’s total is 364.—Four months follow the fixed rule, ze. s
though the year had begun Muh. 30 days, Safar 29 days 4
namely, the two months of Rabi‘ and the two of Jumada.—
Ramzan to which under “book-rule” 30 days are due, nal
29 days, because, as Babur records, the Moon was seen on th
29th.—In the other three instances of the reversed 30 and 29,
one thing is common, vzz. Muharram, Rajab, Zi’l-qa‘da (as also
Zii'l-hijja) are “ honoured” months.—It would be interesting ii &
some expert in this Musalman matter would give the reasons”
dictating the changes from rule noted above as occurring iq

935 AH.

c. Varia.

(1) On f.367 Saturday is entered as the Ist day of Sha‘ban |
and Wednesday as the 4th, but on f.3684 stands Wednesday 5th,
as suits the serial dating. If the mistake be not a mere slip, it
may be due to confusion of hours, the ceremony chronicle a
being accomplished on the eve of the 5th, Anglicé, after sunset
on the 4th. .

(2) A fragment only survives of the record of Za.
935AH. It contains a date, Thursday 7th, and mentions a Feast
which will be that of the ‘/dw’l-kadir on the 10th (Sunday),
Working on from this to the first-mentioned day of 936AH. v2
Tuesday, Muharram 3rd, the month (which is the second ofa pz ig
having 29 and 30 days) is seen to have 30 days and so to fit or t
to936AH. The series is Sunday 10th, 17th, 24th (Sat. soni |
Sunday Ist, Tuesday 3rd.

= ~~ a ~~ » a
whl Ss AIP SEN OPE BOS as pa alk te

T.—ON L:KNU AND L:KNOUR. Ixxiii

Two clerical errors of mine in dates connecting with this
Appendix are corrected here:—(1) On p.614 n.5, for Oct. 2nd
read Oct. 3rd; (2) on p. 619 penultimate line of the text, for
Nov. 28th read Nov. 8th. 7

T.—ON L:KNU (LAKHNAU) AND L:KNUR
(LAKHNUR, NOW SHAHABAD IN
RAMPUR).

- ONE or other of the above-mentioned names occurs eight times
in the Babur-nadma (s.a. 932, 934, 935 AH.), some instances being
_ shown by their context to represent Lakhnau in Oudh, others
_ inferentially and by the verbal agreement of the Haidarabad
_ Codex and Kehr’s Codex to stand for Lakhnir (now Shahabad
in Rampir). It is necessary to reconsider the identification of
_ those not decided by their context, both because there is so
much variation in the copies of the ‘Abdu’r-rahim Persian trans-
_ lation that they give no verbal help, and because Mr. Erskine
_ and M. de Courteille are in agreement about them and took the
i whole eight to represent Lakhnau. This they did on different
x grounds, but in each case their agreement has behind it a defective
& textual basis—Mr. Erskine, as is well known, translated the
_ ‘Abdu’r-rahim Persian text without access to the original Turki
but, if he had had the Elphinstone. Codex when translating,
_ it would have given him no help because all the eight instances
_ occur on folios not preserved by that codex. His only sources
were not-first-rate Persian MSS. in which he found casual
Variation from terminal zz to nar, which latter form may have
been read by him as ##i# (whence perhaps the old Anglo-Indian
transliteration he uses, Luknow).'—M. de Courteille’s position
is different ; his uniform Lakhnau obeyed the same uniformity
in his source the Kasan Imprint, and would appear to him the

1 Cf. Index s.z. Dalmau and Bangarmau for the termination in double #.

lxxiv APPENDICES.

more assured for the concurrence of the Jlemozrs. His te:
basis, however, for these words is Dr. IIminsky’s and not Xel
No doubt the uniform Lakhni of the Kasdan Imprint i
result of Dr. Ilminsky’s uncertainty as to the accuracy of h
single Turki archetype [Kehr’s MS. ], and also of his acceptance o
Mr. Erskine’s uniform Luknow.t—Since the Haidarabad Codex
became available and its collation with Kehr’s Codex has b een
made, a better basis for distinguishing between the L:kni an
L:knir of the Persian MSS. has been obtained.? The results 0
the collation are entered in the following table, together will
what is found in the Kasan Imprint and the JZemozrs. [N.B. The
two sets of bracketed instances refer each to one place; the
asterisks show where Ilminsky varies from Kehr.] 4

fai. MS, Kehr's MS. Kasin Imprint. Memoirs, —

1, ff.2785 . . L:knir . . Likna. . Likni, p. 361 . . Luknow. @
Bier, seo 5 é* ekne oe ee EM lie te oo URED Sele a ‘a
Bel wet G2e eso -» | Lskntir l.\. ee ee >» p- 379%. . notente ed.
A340 0 >. Ldknite i252 ee ia »» p. 362%. . Luknow. ~
RB Ra Lika (2). oa ANTS Stata A ei
CE 3a76 os LAR Sie Oise ee a Se ee ae Ks
Pet, S760 4)... \.) Ldenar hea oy igkats io) OP Ace i

De ST70 elo. etka Fae pa dan Me Sb ee ROO ake "

The following notes give some grounds for accepting
names as the two Turki codices agree in giving them :— ae
The first and second instances of the above table, those 0
the Hai. Codex f.2784 and f.338, are shown by their context t
represent Lakhnau. a 4

The third (f:2924) is an item of Babur’s Revenue List. The
Turki codices are supported by B.M. Or. 1999, which is a direct
copy of Shaikh Zain’s autograph Zabagat-c-baburi, all three
having L:knir. Kehr’s MS. and Or. 1999 are descendants a
the second degree from the original List ; that the Hai. Codex
is a direct copy is suggested by its pseudo-tabular arrangement

* Dr. Ilminsky says of the Leyden & Erskine A/emoirs of Babur that it } was
a constant and indispensable help. yy

2 My examination of Kehr’s Codex has been made practicable by the conten
the Russian Foreign Office in lending it for my use, under the charge of the Libra n
of the India Office, Dr. F. W. Thomas.—It should be observed that in this Code:
the Hindistan Section contains the purely Turki text found in the Elaidarabad Codi 2x
(cf. JRAS. 1908, p. 78).

T.—ON L:KNU AND L:KNOUR. Ixxv

of the various items.—An important consideration supporting
L-knir, is that the List is in Persian and may reasonably be
accepted as the one furnished officially for the Padshah’s
information when he was writing his account of Hindistan (cf.
Appendix P, p. liv). This official character disassociates it from
any such doubtful spelling by the foreign Padshah as cannot
but suggest itself when the variants of eg. Dalmau and Ban-
garmau are considered. L:knir is what three persons copying
independently read in the official List, and so set down that
careful scribes ze. Kehr and ‘Abdu’l-lah (App. P) again wrote
L:knir.7~—Another circumstance favouring L:knir (Lakhnir) is
that the place assigned to it in the List is its geographical one
between Sambhal and Khairabad.—Something for [or perhaps
against] accepting Lakhnir as the sarkar of the List may be
known in local records or traditions. It had been an important
place, and later on it paid a large revenue to Akbar [as part of
Sambhal].—It appears to have been worth the attention of
Biban /al/wani (f.329).—Another place is associated with L:knir
in the Revenue List, the forms of which are open to a con-
siderable number of interpretations besides that of Baksar shown
in locoon p.521. Only those well acquainted with the United
Provinces or their bye-gone history can offer useful suggestion
about it. Maps show a “ Madkar” 6m. south of old Lakhnir;
_ there are in the United Provinces two Baksars and as many
_ other Lakhnirs (none however being so suitable as what is now
Shahabad). Perhaps in the archives of some old families there
_ may be help found to interpret the entry L-kuir u B:ks:r (var.),
"a conjecture the less improbable that the Gazetteer of the
Province of Oude (ii, 58) mentions a farman of Babur Padshah’s
_ dated 1527 AD. and upholding a grant to Shaikh Qazi of Bilgram.

The fourth instance (f.329) is fairly confirmed as Lakhnir
by its context, vzz. an officer received the district of Badayitin
from the Padshah and was sent against Biban who had laid
siege to L:kniir on which Badayiin bordered.—At the time
Lakhnau may have been held from Babur by Shaikh Bayazid

ttt may indicate that the List was not copied by Babur but lay loose with his
papers, that it is not with the Elphinstone Codex, and is not with the ‘Abdw’r-rahim
Persian translation made from a manuscript of that same annotated line.

Ixxvi APPENDICES.

Farmiilz in conjunction with Aid. Its estates are recorded as
still in Farmili possession, that of the widow of “Kala Pahar” —
Farmili—( See infra.)

The fifth instance (f.334) connects with Aiid (Oudh) beraualal
royal troops abandoning the place L:knii were those who had ~
been sent against Shaikh Bayazid in Aid. 4

The remaining three instances (f.376, f.3760, £.3776) appear 7
to concern one place, to which Biban and Bayazid were
rumoured to intend going, which they captured and abandoned.
As the table of variants shows, Kehr’s MS. reads Lakhnir in —
all three places, the Hai. MS. once only, varying from itself as
it does in Nos. I and 2,—A circumstance supporting Lakhnir —
is that one of the messengers sent to Babur with details of the ©
capture was the son of Shah Muh. Diwana whose record associates _
him rather with Badakhshan, and with Humayiin and Sambhal ~
[perhaps with Lakhnir itself] than with Babur’s own army.— —
Supplementing my notes on these three instances, much could —
be said in favour of reading Lakhnir, about time and distance ©
done by the messengers and by ‘Abdu’l-lah &z¢abdar, on his way a
to Sambhal and passing near Lakhniir; much too about the —
various rumours and Babur’s immediate counter-action. But
to go into it fully would need lengthy treatment which the |
historical unimportance of the little problem appears not to ~ 3
demand.—Against taking the place to be Lakhnau there arethe
considerations (@) that Lakhnir was the safer harbourage for — §
the Rains and less near the westward march of the royal troops”
returning from the battle of the Goghra; (0). that the fort of —
Lakhnau was the renowned old Machchi-bawan (cf. Gazetteer |
of the Province of Oude, 3 vols., 1877, ii, 366).—So far as I haveg By
been able to fit dates and transactions together, there seems no — |
reason why the two Afghans should not have gone to Lakhnar, ba
have crossed the Ganges near it, dropped down south [perhaps — |
even intending to recross at Dalmau] with the intention of |
getting back to the Farmiilis and Jalwanis perhaps in Sarwar, ~
perhaps elsewhere to Bayazid’s brother Ma‘rif.

U.—INSCRIPTIONS ON BABUR’S MOSQUE, AJODHYA. xxvii

U.—THE INSCRIPTIONS ON BABUR’S
MOSQUE IN AJODHYA (OUDH).

THANKS to the kind response made by the Deputy-Com-
missioner of Fyzabad to my husband’s enquiry about two
inscriptions mentioned by several Gazetteers as still existing

on “ Babur’s Mosque” in Oudh, I am able to quote copies of
both,*

_ @. The inscription inside the Mosque is as follows :—

me, slg
| DL Oe J; an Cols thre Sh ol o> yea «\
Dab we Ooo le SLi byt Glo Slo wy
f =

© Ghston iT Srtcle s Gob dlae Ghsoy +

I, Ba farmida-t-Shah Babur ki ‘adilash
Ban@ist ta kakh-t-gardiin mulaqi,

2. Bana kard in muhbet-t-qudsiyan
Amir-t-saadat-nishan Mir Bagi

3. Bavad khair bagi! chit sal-t-ban@ish
‘Tyan shud ki guftam,—Buvad khair bagi (935).

_ The translation and explanation of the above, manifestly
_ made by a Musalman and as such having special value, are as
’ follows :—?
_ 1. By the command of the Emperor Babur whose justice is
_ an edifice reaching up to the very height of the heavens,

_ 2. The good-hearted Mir Baqi built this alighting-place of
- angels ;3

3. Bavad khair bagi! (May this goodness last for ever!) 4
* Cf. tx loco p. 656, n. 3.
* A few slight changes in the turn of expressions have been made for clearness sake.
3 Index s.2. Mir Baqi of Tashkint. Perhaps a better epithet for sa‘adat-nishan
than “‘ good-hearted” would be one implying his good fortune in being designated
to build a mosque on the site of the ancient Hindi temple. seas

4 There is a play here on Baqi’s name ; perhaps a good wish is expressed for his

prosperity together with one for the long permanence of the sacred building &hazr
(Lhatrat).

[c]

Ixxvili APPENDICES.

The year of building it was made clear likewise when I said,
Buvad khair bagi (=935).* |

The explanation of this is :— ,

Ist couplet :—The poet begins by praising the Emperor Babur >
under whose orders the mosque was erected. As justice is the —
(chief) virtue of kings, he naturally compares his (Babur’s) justice —
to a palace reaching up to the very heavens, signifying thereby —
that the fame of that justice had not only spread in the wide —
world but had gone up to the heavens. ;

2nd couplet :—In the second couplet, the poet tells who was”
entrusted with the work of construction. Mir Baqi was evidently
some nobleman of distinction at Babur’s Court——The noble
height, the pure religious atmosphere, and the scrupulous clean-
liness and neatness of the mosque are beautifully suggested bys
saying that it was to be the abode of angels. |

3rd couplet :—The third couplet begins and ends with the
expression Buvad khair bagi. The letters forming it by their

numerical values represent the number 935, thus :—
B=a2, v= bere total 12
Kh = 600, ai = 10,7 = 200 ,, 810
B=2,4=1,¢9 =100,¢=10,, 113

Total 935 .

The poet indirectly refers to a religious commandment
(dictum ?) of the Qoran that a man’s good deeds live after his —
death, and signifies that this noble mosque is verily such a one, —

Ps

6. The inscription outside the Mosque is as follows :—

HEY [ode Ge Se STenmbb Glad

Bue 2 hdl Se ake jd ile oy Y
dy gh 09999 a2 § « prs yb Ole 52 sls oy

t Presumably the order for building the mosque was given during Babur’s sia in.
Aiid (Ajodhya) in 934AH. at which time he would be impressed by the dignity and
sanctity of the ancient Hirdii shrine it (at least in part) displaced, and like the obedient
follower of Muhammad he was in intolerance of another Faith, would regard the
substitution of a temple by a mosque as dutiful and worthy.—The mosque was finishe@
in 935AH. but no mention of its completion is in the Babur-nama. The diary for
935AH. has many minor /acune ; that of the year 934AH. has lost much matters)
breaking off before where the account of Aiid might be looked for. ;

V.—BABUR’S GARDENS IN AND NEAR KABUL. _Ixxix

1, Ba nam-t-anki dana hast akbar
Ki khalig-t-jamla ‘Glam la-makani
2. Duriid Mustafa ba‘d az sitayish
Ki sarwar-t-ambiy@ dit jahani
3. Fasana dar jahin Babur qgalandar
Kt shud dar daur giti kamrani.*

The explanation of the above is as follows :—

In the first couplet the poet praises God, in the second
Muhammad, in the third Babur.—There is a peculiar literary
beauty in the use of the word /a-makdani in the Ist couplet.
The author hints that the mosque is meant to be the abode of
God, although He has no fixed abiding-place.—In the first
hemistich of the 3rd couplet the poet gives Babur the appellation
of galandar, which means a perfect devotee, indifferent to all
worldly pleasures. Inthe second hemistich he gives as the reason
for his being so, that Babur became and was known all the world
over as a galandar, because having become Emperor of India
and having thus reached the summit of worldly success, he had
nothing to wish for on this earth.?

The inscription is incomplete and the above is the plain
interpretation which can be given to the couplets that are to
hand. Attempts may be made to read further meaning into
them but the language would not warrant it.

V.—BABUR’S GARDENS IN AND NEAR-
KABUL.

THE following particulars about gardens made by Babur in or
near Kabul, are given in Muhammad Amir of Kazwin’s Padshah-
nama (Bib. Ind. ed. p.585, p.588).

* The meaning of this couplet is incomplete without the couplet that followed it and
is (now) not legible.

? Firishta gives a different reason for Babur’s sobriquet of ga/andar, namely, that he
kept for himself none of the treasure he acquired in Hindistan (Lith. ed. p. 206).

Ixxx APPENDICES.

Ten gardens are mentioned as made :—the Shahr-ara (Town- 4
adorning) which when Shah-i-jahan first visited Kabul in the 4
12th year of his reign (1048 AH.—1638 AD.) contained very fine
plane-trees Babur had planted, beautiful trees having magnificent —
trunks,! — the Char-bagh,—the Bagh-i-jalau-khana,? — the
Airta-bagh (Middle-garden),—the Saurat-bagh,—the Bagh-—
i-mahtab (Moonlight-garden),—the Bagh-i-ahi-khana (Garden-—
of-the-deer-house),—and three smaller ones. Round these
gardens rough-cast walls were made (renewed ?) by Jahangir
(1016 AH.). ‘a

The above list does not specify the garden Babur made and
selected for his burial ; this is described apart (Zc. p.588) with
details of its testi and embellishment by Shah" jalaay |
the master-builder of his time, as follows :— a

The burial-garden was 500yards (gaz) long; its ground was |
in 15 terraces, 30 yards apart(?). On the 15th terrace is the
tomb of Ruqaiya Sultan Begam3; as a small marble platform
(chabiitra) had been made near it by Jahangir’s command, Shah- ©
i-jahan ordered (both) to be enclosed by a marble screen
three yards high—Babur’s tomb is on the 14th terrace. In
accordance with his will, no building was erected over it, but —
Shah-i-jahan built a small marble mosque on the terrace below.4 ©
It was begun in the 17th year (of Shah-i-jahan’s reign) and was
finished in the 19th, after the conquest of Balkh and Badakh- —
shan, at a cost of 30,000 777s. It is admirably constructed.
—From the 12th terrace running-water flows along the line
(rasta) of the avenue ;5 but its 12 water-falls, because not

ee eee eee th Oey

* Jahangir who encamped in the Shahr-ara-garden in Safar 1016 An. (May 1607 AD.)
says it was made by Babur’s aunt, Abii-sa‘id’s daughter Shahr-banii (Rogers and”
Beveridge’s Memoirs of Jahangir i, 106).

* A jalau-khana might be where horse-head-gear, bridles and reins are kept, but
Ayin 60 (A.-i-A.) suggests there may be another interpretation. ra

3 She was a daughter of Hind-al, was a grand-daughter therefore of Babur, was”
Akbar’s first wife, and brought up Shah-i- -jahan. Jahangir mentions that she made
her first pilgrimage to her father’s tomb on the day he made his to Babur’s, F riday
Safar 26th 1016 AH. (June 12th 1607 Ap.). She died e¢. 84 on Jumada I. 7th 1035 AH.

(Jan. 25th 1626an.). Cf. Zisi#k-c-jahangiri, Muh. Hadi’s Supplement lith. ed $:

401.

n 4 Mr. H. H. Hayden’s photograph of the mosque shows pinnacles and thus enables.
its corner to be identified in his second of the tomb itself.

5 One of Daniel’s drawings (which I hope to reproduce) illuminates this otherwise
somewhat obscure passage, by showing the avenue, the borders of running-water and
the little water-falls,—all reminding of Madeira,

V.—BABUR’S GARDENS IN AND NEAR KABUL. | Ixxxi

constructed with cemented stone, had crumbled away and their
charm was lost; orders were given therefore to renew them
entirely and lastingly, to make a small reservoir below each fall,
and to finish with Kabul marble the edges of the channel and
the waterfalls, and the borders of the reservoirs—And on the
Oth terrace there was to be a reservoir II X II yards, bordered
with Kabul marble, and on the 10th terrace one 15 X I5, and
at the entrance to the garden another I5 X 15, also witha marble
border.—And there was to be a gateway adorned with gilded
cupolas befitting that place, and beyond (fesk) the gateway
a square station,’ one side of which should be the garden-wall
and the other three filled with cells; that running-water should
pass through the middle of it, so that the destitute and poor
people who might gather there should eat their food in those
cells, sheltered from the hardship of snow and rain.?
* choki, perhaps ‘‘ shelter” ; see Hobson-Jobson s.7.

2 If told with leisurely context, the story of the visits of Babur’s descendants to
Kabul and of their pilgrimages to his tomb, could hardly fail to interest its readers.

yee aISTORY OF. BABUR
OR BABUR-NAMA

Index I. Personal

Aba-bikr Mirza Miran-shahi Timirid, Barlis Turk, son
of Abii-sa‘id and a Badakhshi begim—particulars 22, 26 ;
his attack on Hisar 51; defeated by Husain Bai-garaé and
his death (884) 260; his Bai-qara marriage 266; a Badakhshi
connection 51; [+884 aH.—1479 ap.]. ;

Aba-bikr Mirza Dighlat Kashghari, son of Saniz and a
Chiras (var. Jaras) begim—invades Farghana (899) 32 ;
his annexations in Badakhshan 695; his Miranshahi wife 48;
[t920 aAH.-1514 ap.].

‘Abbas, a slave—murderer of Ailigh (Uligh) Beg S/ah-
rukhi (853) 85.

‘Abbas Sultan Azzbeg—marries Gul-chihra Miran-shahz,
Babur’s daughter (954) 713.

‘Abdu’l-‘ali Tarkhan Arghin Chingiz-Khanitd—particulars
38, 39; [tcir. 899 AH.—1494 aD. ].

‘Abdu’l-‘aziz mir-akhwur—ordered to catch pheasants (925)
404; ge-* posted in Lahor (930) 442; sent into Milwat
(932) 460; on service 465-6, 471, 530; the reserve at
Panipat 472-3 ; reinforces the right 473 ; surprised and de-
feated by Sanga (933) 549, 550; in the left wing at Kanwa
567, 570; pursues Sanga 576; ordered against Baliichis
(935) 638 ; writes from Lahor about the journey of Babur’s
family 659, 660 ; arrested 688; ge sequel to his sedition
not given in the Akdar-nama 692; ge reference to his
sedition 698. .

‘Abdu’l-‘aziz Mirza Shah-rukhi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son
of Auliigh Beg—his Chaghatai wife 19-20.

‘Abdu’l-baqi—surrenders Qandahar to Babur (928) 436, 437.

‘Abdu’l-baqi Mirza Wiran-shihi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son
of “‘“Usman—particulars 280 ;; referred to 266 n. 6; goes to
Heri (908) 336; his wife Sultanim Bai-gara 265 n. 5, 280.

‘Abdu’l-ghaffar sawachi—conveys military orders (935) 638.

Mir ‘Abdu’l-ghaftr lari, of Husain Bai-gara’s Court—
particulars 284, 285 ; [+912 AH.—1506-—7 aAD.].

* The fist indicates Translator’s matter.

H. OF B. 48 717

Index I. Personal

tomb visited by Babur (912) 285, 305; Babur’s reverential
mention of him 283, 286, his example followed by pro-
duction of the Walidiyyah-risadla (935) 620 ; his birth-place

623 n. 8; his disciple ‘Abdu’l-ghafir 284; [898 AH.-1492 AD.].
‘Abdu’r-rahman Khan Barak-zai Afghan, Amir of Afghani-

stan—mentioned in connection with Jami’s tomb 305 n. 6;
[+1319 AH.—1901 AD.].

‘Abdu’r-razzak Mirza Jiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk,

son of Ailigh Beg Ka@du/i—loses Kabul (910) 195, 365 ; out
with Babur 234 ; surmised part-vendor of Babur’s mother’s
burial-ground 246n. 2; in Herat (912) 298; escapes Shaibani
and joins Babur (913) 331; in the left wing at Qandahar 334;
his loot 337-8 ; deserts Qalat in fear of Shaibani 340; left
in charge of Kabul 2.; given Ningnahar 344; rebels (914)
345 ; his position stated 345 n. 6; [¢915 AH.-1509 aD. ?].

Khwaja‘Abdu’sh-shahid, son of Ahrari’s fifth son Khwajagan- 4

khwaja (‘Abdu’l-lah) — placed on Babur’s right-hand (935)
631; gifts made to him 632; invited to a ma‘jiin-party 653 ;
particulars 653 n.4; gee a likely recipient of the Mudin 438,
631 n. 3; [[982 AH.—1574 Ap.].

‘Abdu’sh-shuktr MJughil, son of Qambar-i-‘ali Szakh—
serving Jahangir Wirdn-shahi (after 910) 192; in the right
wing at Kanwa (933) 566.

‘Abdu’l-wahhab Mughi/—given Shaikh Piran to loot (913)
328.

‘Abdu’l-wahhab shaghawal, servant of ‘Umar-shaikh and — :
Ahmad Wirdan- spahi—forwards news (899) 25; givesKhujand —

to Babur 54; his son Mir Mughil ¢.v.

Abraha Yemeni, an Abyssinian Christian—his defeat (571 AD.)
JOe H.'s.

Imam Abti Hanifa—his followers’ respect for the Wzdayat 76 ;
his ruling that peacock-meat is lawful food 493.

Khwaja Abw’l-barka Faragi—criticizes Bana’i’s verse (906)

5s

Shaikh Abw’l-fath, servant of the Shah-zada of Mungir—
envoy from Bengal to Babur (934, 935) 676; placed on
Babur’s right-hand (935) 631.

Abi’l-fath Sa‘id Khan, see Sa‘iid Khan Chaghatai.

Abw'l-fath Zurkmdan, son of ‘Umar—his joining Babur from
‘Iraq 280; made military-collector of Dhilpir (933) 540;
Babur visits his hammam (935) 615.

720

~

Gearon yet aan

Index I. Personal

Abw’1-fazl, see Akbar-nama.

Abw’l-hasan gar-begi—in the right wing at Qandahar (913)
334; does well (925)404; his brother Muhammad Husain g.v.

Abw’l-hasan gi#rchi—in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335.

Abw’1-hashim, servant of SI. ‘Ali [Taghai Begchik]|—oyertakes
Babur with ill news (925) 412. :

Abu’l-ma‘ali 77rmizi—ae- his burial-place has significance
as to Mahdi Khwaja’s family 705 ; [971 AH.-1564 AD.].

Khwaja Abw’1-makaram—supports Bai-sunghar Miran-shahi
(901) 62, (902) 65; acts for peace (903) 91; meets Babur,
both exiles (904) 99 ; at Babur’s capture of Samarkand (906)
132,141; leaves it with him 147 n. 2; speaks for him (908)
157-8 ; fails to recognize him 161; we- at Archian 184;
[+908 AH.—1502 AD. ].

Shaikh Abw’l-manswtr J/afaridi—his birthplace Samarkand
75, 76; [$333 AH.—944 ap.].

Abuw’l-muhammad eza-baz—in the ta/ghuma of the left wing
at Panipat (932) 473; on service (933) 582, (934) 589, 598.

Abw’l-muhammad X/ujandi—his sextant 74 n.4.

Abu’l-muhsin Mirza Sai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk, son
of Husain and Latif—particulars 262 (where for “husain ”
read muhsin), 269 ; serving his father (901) 58; defeats his
brother Badi‘u’z-zaman (902) 69, 70; defeated by his father
at Halwa-spring (904) 260; his men take Qarakil from
Aiizbegs (906) 135 ; co-operates against Shaibani (912) 296;
rides out to meet Babur 297; they share a divan 298;
presses him to winter in Heri 300; returns to his district
(Merv) 301; his later action and death 329-30, 331 ;
[t913 AH.—1507 aD.].

Abw’l-muslim Kukuldash—brings an Arghiin gift to Babur
(925) 401, 402.

Abw’l-qasim /a/dir—tells Babur a parrot story (935)* 494.

Abw’l-qasim—a musician (923) 387, 388 (here Qasim only).

Abw’l-qasim Kohbur Chaghatai, son of Haidar-i-qasim—on
service with Babur (902) 68, (906) 130, 131, 133; in the
right wing at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 139; killed 141;
[+906 AH.—1501 AD.].

Shaikh Abw’l-wajd Farigh7, maternal-uncle of Zain Khawa/ft
—makes verse on the Kabul-river (932) 448; his chronogram
on Al-aman’s birth (935) 621; [f940 AH.-1533 aD.’].

* The date 935 AH. is inferred from p. 483.
* Cf. Badayini’s Muntakhabw’t-tawarikh and Ranking’s trs. i, 616 and n. 4, 617.

721

Index I. Personal

Shaikh Abi-sa‘id Khan Dar-miydén*—particulars 276.

Sultan Abt-sa‘id Mirza MWiran-shahi Timurid, Barlas T. urk
—his descent 14; asserts Timiirid supremacy over Chaghatai
Khaqans (855) 20, 344, 352; takes Mawara’u’n-nahr (855) a
86; forms his Corps of Braves 28, 50; asingle combat in his
presence (857) 50; defeats Husain Bdz-gara (868) 259; a

swift courier to him 25; joined by the Black-sheep Turkmans

(872) 49; orders the Hindistan army mobilized 46 ; defeated
and killed by the White-sheep Turkmans (873) 25, 46, 49;
appointments named 24, 37; his banishment of Nawa’i 271 ;

reserves a Chaghatai wife for a son 21, 36; his Badakhshi

wife and their son 22,? 260; his Tarkhan Arghin wife and
their sons, 33, 45 ; his mistress Khadija g.v.; his daughters
Payanda-sultan, Shahr-bani, Rabi‘a-sultan, Khadija-sultan, _
Fakhr-i-jahan, Apaq-sultan, Aq Begim g.v. ; retainersnamed
as his ‘Ali-dost Sagharichi, Muhammad Barandiiq, Airis, —
and Zi’n-niin Arghin g.v.; his marriage connection Niyan
Tirmizi g.v.; [$873 AH— 1469 AD.].

Abu-sa‘id Darea. see Jamalu’d-din,

Abit-sa‘id Sultan Auzbeg-Shaiban, Chingiz-khanid, son of 4 4

Kichim—ge- at Ghaj-davan (918) 360; at Jam (935) 622, —

636; sends an envoy to Babur 631, 632, 641; [4940 An-—

1533-4 ap.].
Shaikh Abt-sa‘id Tarkhan (var. Bi-sa‘iid)—his house Mirza
Khan’s loot in Qandahar (913) 338.

Abi-turab Mirza 2ai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk, son of a 3
Flusain and Mingli—particulars 262, 269; hisson Sohrab g.v.;

[+ before 911 AH.—1505-6 AD. ]. ;
Adik Sultan Qazzagq, Jiji Chingiz-khanid (var. Aing Sultan), —

son of Jani Beg Khan (T.R. trs. 373)—husband of Sultan-

nigar Chaghatai q.v. E43
‘Adil Sultan Auzheg-Shaiban(?), Chingiz-khanid(?), son of

Mahdiand a Bai-qara begim—marries Shad Bai-gara 263;
suggestions as to his descent 264 n. 1; waits on Babur at

Kalanir (932) 458; on Babur’s service 468, 471, 475, 530;

in the left wing at Panipat 472, and at Kanwa (933) 56/7, = |
570; ordered against Baliichis (935) 638 ; #@- mentioned as rs

a landless man 706.

Sayyida Afaq, a legendary wife of Babir 358 n. 2; her son E 4

and grandson 70,

* Ferté translates this sobriquet by /e dévoué (Vie de Sl. Hossein Batkara 5 q i

p. 40 n. 3).
? At p. 22 n, 8 fill out to Cf. f. 64 (p. 13) n. 5.

722

Index I. Personal

Afghani Aghacha, see Mubarika. :

Sayyid Afzal Beg, son of ‘Ali Khwab-bin—conveys Husain
Sai-qara's summons to Babur for help against Shaibani (911)
255; particulars 282 ; takes news to Herat of Babur’s start
from Kabul(912) 294; sends him news of Husain’s death 295;
[{921 AH.-1516 AD.].

Agha Begim Bdai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk, daughter of
Husain and Payanda-sultan—parentage and marriage (or
betrothal, H.S. iti, 327) 266; [+ died in childhood].

Agha-sultan, ghinchachi of ‘Umar Shaikh—her daughter
Yadgar-i-sultan ¢.v.

Ahi—his feet frost-bitten (912) 311.

Ahi, a poet—particulars 289 ; [+907 an.—1501-2].

Ahli, a poet—particulars 290; (for 4 writers using Ai as
their pen-name see 290 n. 6).

Sultan Ahmad Adchi-bigha, Mughil—one of four daring much
(912) 315; in the left wing at Qandahar (913) 334.

Pir Ahmad—leaves Samarkand with the Tarkhans (905) 121;
fights for Babur at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139.
Ahmad 4/shar Turk—a letter to him endorsed by Babur (935)

617.

Mirza Ahmad ‘Ali Farsi, Barlas—particulars 273.

Ahmad ‘Ali Tarkhan Arghin, brother of Quli Beg—favours
Babur and admits him to Qandahar (913) 337.

Mulla Ahmad Ba/khi—conveys treasure to Balkh (932) 446.

Mirza Sayyidi Ahmad WMiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son
of Miran-shah—particulars 257 n.5; named in a line of
descent 280 n.1; his son Ahmad and grandson ‘Abdu’l-
badi ¢.v.

Mir Ahmad Beg /taraji Mughil, paternal-uncle of Tambal—
guardian of a son of The Khan (Mahmiid) 115; reinforces
Babur (903) 92; acts against him (905) 115, 116; acts
against ‘Ali Wiran-shahi 112 ; makes a contemptuous speech
about Tambal (906) 145.

Ahmad Beg Safawi—we- leads a reinforcement to help Babur
(917) 353.

Sultan Ahmad C/ar-shamba’i, see Char-shamba.

Ahmad chashnigir—helps in poisoning Babur (933) 541;
[7933 AH.—1526 AD.].

Ahmad Haji Beg Di/dai, Barlas Turk—particulars 25, 37,
38; his pen-name Wafa’i and a couplet of his 38; his

723

Index I, Personal

hospitality to ‘Ali-sher Vawaz 38, 271; drives Khusrau Shah
from Samarkand (900) 51; supports Bai-sunghar Wiran-shahi

in the Tarkhan rebellion (901) 62, 63 ; his death at the hands
of slaves and slave-women 63-4; [+901 AH.—1496 AD.]. =

Ahmadi pfarwanchi—on service (925) 377, (932) 458, 460, (933)

540; sent to surprise Ibrahim Ladi (932) 468 (his name is
omitted in my text); in the left centre at Panipat 472, 473 ;
his ill-behaviour in the heats 524.

Sultan Ahmad Khan—Alacha Khan—Chaghatai Chingiz-
khanid, son of Yiinas and Shah Begim—particulars 23, 160 ;
meaning of his sobriquet Alacha Khan 23; younger Khan-
dada, Babur’s name for him 129; considered asa refuge for
Babur (899) 29, (903) 92, (906) 129, (908) 158; visits
Tashkint (908) 159; ceremonies of meeting 160-1, 171-2; ©
moves with his elder brother Mahmiid against Tambal 161,
168,171; his kindness to Babur 159, 166-7, 169,171; is
given Babur’s lands and why 168; retires from Andijan in
fear of Shaibani 172; defeated by Shaibani at Archian
(908 or 909) 7, 23, pe- 182-3; his death (909) reported to
Babur (911) 246 and n. 4: his sons Mansir, Sa‘id, Baba
(T.R. trs. 160, Babajak), Chin-timir, Takhta-bigha, and
Aisan-timir g.v.; his grandson Baba g.v.; pe- followers of
his return from forced migration (908) when Shaibani is
killed (916) 351; [tend of 909 anH.—1504 aAp.].

Ahmad Khan //aji-tarkhani (Astrakhani)—marries Badi‘ul-
jamal (Badka) Bdai-gara (899?) 257, 258; their sons
(Mahmid and Bahadur) 258 ; their daughter Khan-zadag.v.

Sultan Ahmad Mirza Digh/lat—sent by The Khan (Mahmiid) —
to help Babur (908) 161.

Sultan Ahmad Mirza MWivan-shahi Timiirid, Barlas Turk,
son of Abii-sa‘id—the lands his father gave him 35, 86; his
brother Mahmid taken to his care (873 or 4) 46; his disaster —
on the Chir (895) 17, 25, 31, 34; a swift courier to him 25;
defeats ‘Umar Shaikh 17, 34; 12 n. 2; 53; invades Farghana
(899) 13, 30; given Aiira-tipa 27; dreaded for Babur 29;
retires and dies 31, 33; particulars 33, 40; referred to by ~
Husain Bai-gara (910) 190; his wives and children 35-6;
an honoured Beg Niyan 77; iymiet q.v.; [$899 AH.—1494 AD. 1

Sultin Ahmad Mirza, Wirdn-shahi ie imurid, Barlas Turk,
son of Mirza Sayyidi Ahmad—particulars 257 n. 5; his wife
Aka Begim Bai-gara and their son Kichik Mirza g.v.; 266
n. 6; a building of his at Heri 305.

724

Index I. Personal

Ahmad mushtag, Turkman—takes Mahmid Miran-shahi to
Hisar (873 or 4) 46-7.

Sultan Ahmad garawa/, father of Qiich (Qij) Beg, Tardi Beg
and Sher-afgan Beg g.v.—defends Hisar (901) 58; enters
Babur’s service (905) 112 ; in the left wing at Khiban (905)
113; holds Marghinan 123.

Ahmad-i-qasim Kohébur Chaghatai, son of Haidar-i-qasim—
with Babur (906) 133 ; invited to a disastrous entertainment
(907) 152 ; joins Jahangir and Tambal 156 ; in Akhsi (908)
171; defeats an Atizbeg raider (910) 195; helps to hold
Kabul for Babur (912) 313; pursues Mirza Khan 317, 320;
holding Tashkint against Aiizbegs (918) 356, 358, 396, 397 ;
a Kabuli servant of his 351.

Ahmad-i-qasim Qibchag Turk, (grand-?) son of Bagi Chagha-
niani and a sister of Khusrau Shah, perhaps son of Baqi’s
son Muhammad-i-qasim (189 n. 3)—holding Kahmard and
Bamian (910) 189; given charge of the families of Babur’s
expeditionary force 189; ill-treats them and is forced to flee
197, 243; goes to Husain Bdz-gara 1b.; killed at Qindiz
244; [910 aAH.—1505 ap.]. |

Sultan Ahmad Qazi Qi/ich—particulars 29; his son Khwaja
Maulana-i-qazi g.v.

Ahmad gishchi—seen by the fugitive Babur (908) 180.

Khwaja Ahmad Sajawandi—his birthplace 217.

Ahmad Shah Kzhilji Turk — dispossessed of Chandiri by
Ibrahim Liaaz 593; restored by Babur (934) 598.

Ahmad Shah Durrani, Abdali Afghan—his victory at Panipat
(1174) 472; [+1182 an—1772 ap.].
Ahmad Tarkhan Archin Chingiz-khanid (?)—joins Babur in
Samarkand (906) 133; loses Dabiisi to Shaibani 137 ;

[+906 AH.—1500 aAD.].

Ahmad (son of) Tawakkal Zar/as, amir of Husain 4az-gara
—particulars 272.

Ahmad yasawal—conveys a message from Babur to the begs
of Kabul Fort (912) 314.

Khwaja Ahmad Yasawi—Sayyid Ata—Shaibani’s vow at
his shrine 348, 356; [$514 AH.—1120-1 aD.].*

Ahmad-i-yisuf Beg Azghligchi, son of Hasan, nephew of
Yiisuf—managing Yar-yilaq for ‘Alt Miran-shahi (904) 98;
dismissed on suspicion of favouring Babur 98; probably

* For an account of his tomb see Schuyler’s 7wrhistan, 1, 70-72.

725

Index I. Personal

joins Babur with his uncle (910) 196; remonstrated with
him for fighting unmailed (911) 252; helping loyalists in

Kabul (912) 313; saves Babur a blow 315, 316; at Bajaur

(925) 369, 401 (here Ahmad Beg); joins Babur in Hindistan
(933) 550; in the right wing at Kanwa 566 (where in n. 1
for “may” read is), 569; governor of Sialkot 98.

Malik Ahmad Vasuf-zat Afghan, nephew of Sulaiman g.v.—
particulars App. K.

Ai Begim Wiran-snahi Timurid, Barlas Turk, daughter of
Mahmidand Khan-zada I1.—betrothed to Jahangir. (czr.895)
48; married (910) 189; their daughter 48.

Aikit-salam M/ughil—rebels against Babur (914) 345.

Aiki'-timtr Beg Tarkhan Arghiin—his descendant Dar-
wesh Beg g.v.; [f793 AH.—1391 AD.].

Sultan Ailik Mazi Aidighir ( Vightir)—his descendant Khwaja
Maulana-i-qazi g.v.

Airzin Beg (var. Airazan) Barin Mughil—supports Yinas
Chaghatai (cir. 830), takes him to Ailigh Beg Shah-rukhi
(cer. 832) 19; ill-received and his followers scattered 20;
[7832 AH.—1428 AD.].

Aisan-buigha Khan Chaghatdai Chingiz-khanid, son of Dawa
—named in Yinas Khan’s genealogy 19; [fcr. 718 AH.-
1318 AD.]. :

Aisan-bigha Khan II. Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid, son of
Wais—particulars 19; invades Farghana and defeated at
Aspara (cir. 855) 20; quarrels with the begs of the Sagharichi
tiiman and leads to the elevation of Yiinas 20.; [866 AH.—
1462 AD.].

Aisan-daulat Begim Kimi (or Kinchi) Mughil, wife of
Yinas Chaghatai—particulars 20, 21; her good judgment
(900) 43; entreats Babur’s help for Andijan (903) 88-9;
joins him in Khujand after the loss of Andijan 92, and in
Dikh-kat after that of Samarkand (907) 151; news of her
death reaches Kabul (911) 246; rears one of ‘Umar Shaikh’s
daughters 18; her kinsmen ‘Ali-dost, Sherim, Ghiyas g.v. ;
[7910 AH.-1505 AD.].

Aisan-quli Sultan <Adzbeg-Shaiban, Chingiz-khanid —his
Bai-qara marriage, 265, 397.

Aisan-timtr Sultan Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid, son of
Ahmad (Alacha Khan)—on Babur’s service 318, 682 ; meets

* Or Aigi (Ayagi) from dyagh, foot, perhaps expressing close following of

Timir, whose friend the Beg was.

726

Index I. Personal

Babur (935) 654; in the battle of the Ghogra 672, 673;
thanked 677 ; angers Babur 684.

Aka Begim Barlas Turk, daughter of Timiir—an ancestress
of Husain Bai-garda 256.

Aka Begim Béi-gara Timiirid, daughter of Mansir and
Firiza—particulars 257 ; her husband Ahmad and their son
Kichik Mirza g.v. =

Abi’l-fath Jalalud-din Muhammad Akbar Miran - shahi
Limurid, Barlas Turk, grandson of Babur and Mahim—
me 184; D€ an addition about him made to the Chihil-
zina inscription 432; a@- his visit to Panipat (963) 472;
his change in the name of the cherry explained by Babur’s
words 501, n. 6; [71014 AH.—1605 ap.].

Alacha Khan, see Ahmad Chaghatai.

Al-aman, son of Humayiin—his birth and name (935) 621,
624, 642; [fin infancy].

‘Alam Khan X@/i, son of Jalal Khan /tk-hat (or Jig-hat)—
holding Kalpi and not submissive to Babur (932) 523; goes
to Court (933) 544; disobeys orders 557 ; is Babur’s host in
Kalpi (934) 590; on service (935) 682; an order about
him 684.

‘Alau’u’d-din ‘Alam Khan Lidi Afghan, son of Buhlil—
a@-a principal actor between 926-32 AH. 428; a> asks
and obtains Babur’s help against his nephew Ibrahim (929)
439-441 : placed by Babur in charge of Dibalpir (930) 442 ;
a@- defeated by Daulat Khan Yasuf-khail (931) 444; flees
to Kabul and is again set forth 444, 455; defeated by
Ibrahim and returns to Babur (932) 454-8; his relations
with Babur reviewed 455, n. 1; in Fort Ginguta 457, 463;
in the left centre at Kanwa (933) 565 ; his sons Jalal, Kamal,
and Sher Khan (Ladi) ¢.v.

Sultan ‘Alau’u’d-din ‘Alam Khan Sayyidi—holding Dihli 481 ;
[7855 aH.—1451 ap.].

‘Alam Khan 7ehangazi, brother of Nizam Khan of Biana—
works badly with Babur’s force (933) 538; defeated by his
brother 539 ; sent out of the way before Kanwa 54/7.

‘Alau’u’d-din Husain Shah, ruler in Bengal—the circum-
stances of his succession 483 ; his son Nasrat g.v. ; [925 AH.—
1518 AD. ?].

‘Alau’u’d-din Husain /ahan-soz Ghiri—his destruction in
Ghazni (550) 219; [7556 AH.—1161 AD. ?].

727

Index I. Personal

Sultan ‘Alau’u’d-din Muhammad Shah Kili Tirk—
Babur visits his tomb and minar (932) 476; his bringing of
the Koh-i-nir from the Dakkhin 477 ; [7715 AH.-1315 AD.].

Sultan ‘Alau’u’d-din Sawa@di—waits on Babur (925) 372,
375-6.

‘Alaul Khan Sar Afehan—writes dutifully to Babur (935) 659.

‘Alaul Khan Nahanni Afghan—his waitings on Babur (934,
935) 677, 680.

Sharafu’d-din Muhammad al Busiri—his Qasidatu’l-birda an
example for the Walidiyyah-risdla 620; [fcir. 693 AH—
1294 aAD.].

Alexander of Macedon, see Iskandar Fi/giis (Fazlagiis).

Sayyid ‘Ali—escapes from a defeat (909) 102; out with Babur
(925) 403; sent against Baliichis (935) 638.

Sultan ‘Ali asghar Mirza Shah-rukhi Timtrid, Barlas Turk,
son of Mas‘tid Kadudi—particulars 382.

‘Ali Ataka, servant of Khalifa—reinforces the right wing
(tailghuma) at Kanwa (933) 569.

Shaikh ‘Ali Bahadur, one of Timirs chiefs—his descendant
Baba ‘Ali 27.

Khwaja ‘Ali Bai—mentioned (906) 127; fights for Babur at
Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 139; his son Jan-i-‘ali g.v.
Shaikh ‘Ali Barin Mughil, son of Shaikh Jamal—in the left
wing (¢#/¢huma) at Panipat (932) 473; sent against Balichis

(935) 638.

‘Ali Barlas Turk—his son Muhammad Barandig ¢.v.

‘Ali Beg /alair Chaghatdi, father of Hasan-i-‘Ali and Apaq
Bega—his Shah-rukhi service 278." :

Mir (Shaikh) ‘Ali Beg 7urk (inferred 389), governor of Kabul
for Shah-rukh 7imarid—his sons Baba Kabuli, Darya Khan,
and Ghazi (Apaq) Khan (g¢.v.) cherished by Mas‘tid S/ah-
vukhi 382; (see his son Ghazi’s grandson Minichihr for a
Turk relation 386). }

Sultan ‘Ali chuhra, Chaghatai—his loyalty to Babur doubted
(910) 239; rebels (914) 345.

Sayyid ‘Ali-darwesh. Beg Khurdsani—particulars 28; with
Jahangir (ez. 8), in Akhsi (899) 32, leaves Babur for home
(903) 91; on Babur’s service (904) 106, (905) 28, 118.

* Daulat-shah celebrates the renown of the Jalair section (favga) of the Chaghatai
tribes (agwanz) of the Mughiil horde (ai/is, z/us), styles the above-entered ‘Ali Beg

a veteran hero, and links his family with that of the Jalair Sultans of Baghdad
(Browne’s ed. p. 519).

728

Index I. Personal

Mir ‘Ali-dost Taghai Kanji Mughil, a Sagharichi-timan
beg—particulars 27-8 ; his appointment on Babur’s accession
(899) 32; has part in a conference (900) 43; surrenders
Andijan (903) 88-9; asks Babur’s pardon (904) 99; gives
him Marghinan 100 ; defeated by Tambal 106; in the right
wing at Khuiban (905) 113; his ill-timed pacifism 118;
his self-aggrandizement 119, 123; joins Babur against
Samarkand 123 ; in fear of his victims, goes to Tambal 125 ;
his death zd.; his brother Ghiyas, his son Muhammad-dost,
and his servant Yil-chiq g.v.; [fa few years after 905 AH—
1500 AD.].

Mir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani—his death and burial 211; [+786
AH.—1384 AD.].

Mulla *Ali-jan (var. Khan)—fetches his wife from Samarkand
(925) 403 ; is taught a rain-spell (926) 423 ; makes verse on
the Kabul-river (932) 448 ; a satirical couplet on him made
and repented by Babur 448; host of Mulla Mahmiid Faradz
(935) 653.

‘Ali Khan Payandar, Ag-giilig Turkmain—joins Husain Bai-
gara (873) 279.

Shaikh-zada ‘Ali Khan Farmili Afghan—his family - train
captured (932) 526; waits on Babur 526-7 ; in the left wing
at Kanwa (933) 567 ; on service 576, 582, 678.

‘Ali Khan /stz/ji—leads Isma‘il Safawi’s reinforcement to
Babur (917) 353.

Sayyid ‘Ali Khan 7urk, son of Ghazi (Apaq) Khan and
grandson of Mir (Shaikh) ‘Ali Beg—one of Sikandar Lidi’s
Governors in the Panjab(910) 382; leaves Bhira on Babur’s
approach 2d.; his lands made over by him to Daulat Khan
Yisuf-khatl382-3; his son Minichihr andtheir Turk relation
(389) ¢.v.

‘Ali Khan Zurkman, son of ‘Umar Beg—defends the Bai-qara
families against Shaibani (913) 328.

‘Ali Khan Vasuf-khail Lidi Afghan—eldest son of Daulat
Khan—his servants wait on Babur (925) 382 ; comes out of
Milwat (Malot) to Babur (932) 459-60; sent under guard
to Bhira 461 ; his son Isma‘ll ¢.v.

Sayyid ‘Ali Khwdad-bin, father of Sayyid Afzal ¢.v. (cf. H.S.
lith. ed. iii, 346.

Mulla Sultan ‘Ali £hwush-nawis, calligrapher of Husain Baz-
gara—particulars 291; given lessons in penmanship by
Shaibani (913) 329; [f919 AH.—1513 aD.].

729

Index I. Personal

‘Ali-mazid Beg gichin — particulars 26; leaves Babur for
home (903) 91.

Mir ‘Ali ir-akhwur'—particulars 279; helps Husain Baz-gara
to surprise Yadgar-i-muhammad Shéh-rukhi in Heri (875)
134, 279.

Sultan ‘Ali Mirza Miran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son of
Mahmid and Zuhra—particulars 47 ; serving his half-brother
Bai-sunghar (900) 27, 55; made padshah in Samarkand by
the Tarkhans (901) 62—3, 86; meets Babur 64; their arrange-
ment 66; (902) 65, 82, 86; gives no protection to his blind
half-brother Mas‘tid (903) 95 ; suspects a favoured beg (904)
98 ; quarrels with the Tarkhans (905) 121; desertions from

him 122; defeats Mirza Khan’s Mughils 2d.; is warned of —

Babur’s approach 125; gives Samarkand to Shaibani and
by him is murdered (906) 125-7 ; his wife Sultanim MWzran-
shahi and sister Makhdiim-sultan g.v. ; [f906 AH.—1500 AD. ].

Sultan ‘Ali Mirza Taghai Segchik (Mirza Beg Taghai),
brother (?) of Babur’s wife Gul-rukh — movements of his
which bear on the /acuna of 914-924 AH. 408; arrives in
Kabul (925) 2d.; Kamran marries his daughter (934) 619;
conveys Babur’s wedding gifts to Kamran (935) 642; takes
also a copy of the Walidiyyah-risala and of the Hindistan
poems, with writings (sar-khatt) in the Baburi script 642.

Ustad ‘Ali-quli—his match-lock shooting at Bajaur (925) 369 ;

shoots prisoners (932) 466; ordered to make Rimi defences
at Panipat 469; fires firimgis from the front of the centre 473;
casts a large mortar (933) 536, 547 ; his jealousy of Mustafa
Rimi 550; his post previous to Kanwa 558; his valiant
deeds in the battle 570-1; a new mortar bursts (934) 588 ;
his choice of ground at Chandiri 593; his stone-discharge
interests Babur 595, 670—1-2 ; uses the Ghazi mortar while
the Ganges bridge is in building 599; a gift to his son (935)
633; his post in the battle of the Ghogra 667, 668, 669.

‘Ali-quli Hamaddni — ye- sent by Babur to punish the
Mundahirs, and fails (936) 700.

Mir ‘Ali garchi—conveys playing-cards to Shah Hasan Arghin
(933) 584.

Malik ‘Ali gutni(?)—in the left centre at Bajaur (925) 369.

* See H.S. lith. ed. iii, 224, for three men who conveyed helpful information to
Husain.

739

~~)
~
= /
oe
“ns
=
%
j
f
-
By 4
a
>»
itt
=:
é v,
‘pl
Pt
%
~

er renee MEAD eg

Wh

Index I. Personal

‘Ali Sayyid JJ/ughi/—in the right wing at Qandahar (913)
334; rebels(914)345*; hisconnection Airiis-i‘Ali Sayyid 335,

‘Ali shab-kir (night-blind)—one of five champions defeated in
single combat by Babur (914) 349.

Mir ‘Ali-sher Beg Chaghatai, pen-names Nawa’i and Fana’i
—his obligations to Ahmad Haji Beg and return to Herat
38°; fails in a mission of Husain Aai-gara’s (902) 692; his
Turki that of Andijan 4; checks Husain in Shi‘a action 258 ;
opposes administrative reform 282; particulars 271-2; his
relations with Bana’ 286-7, 648; corresponds with Babur

-(906) 106; exchanges quatrains with Pahlawan Bi-sa‘id
292; some of his poems transcribed by Babur (925) 419;
his restoration of the Rabat-i-sang-bast 301 n.1; his flower-
garden (da@ghcha) and buildings visited or occupied by Babur
(912) 301, 305, 306; his brother Darwesh-i-‘ali g.v.; a
favoured person 278; a mystic of his circle 280-1; his scribe
271; [f906 AH.—Dec. 1500 Ap.].

‘Ali-shukr Beg, of the Bahdarlii-aimaq of the Aq-giilig3
Turkmans—his daughter Pasha, grandson Y4r-i-‘ali Balai,
and descendant Bairam Khan-i-khanan g.v.

Sultan ‘Ali Sistani Arghin—his help against Shaibani coun-
selled (913) 326; @- one of five champions worsted by
Babur in single combat (914) 349 ; with Babur and chops at
a tiger (925) 393.

Shaikh ‘Ali Taghai JZervi(?)— holding Balkh for Badi‘u’z-

_ zaman Bai-gara (902) 70; joint-darogha in Heri (911) 293.

Allah-birdi (var. qili)—serving Babur (910) 234.

All@h-wairan 7urkmadn—in the van at Qandahar (913) 335.

Alur or Alwar, son of Babur and Dil-dar—mentioned 689 n. 5.
oe 712; [fdied an infant].

Amin Mirza—an Aizbeg envoy to Babur (935) 631; receives
gifts 632, 641.

Amin-i-muhammad Tarkhan Arghin—punished for diso-
bedience (925) 390-1; deals with a drunken companion 415.

Amir Khan, chief guardian of Tahmasp Safawi—a®- nego-

ciates with Babur (927) 433.

* Later consideration has cast doubts on his identification with Darwesh-i-‘ali
suggested, p. 345 n. 4. eae =

2 On p. 69 n. 2 for aunitling read ainitang and reverse bakunid with nakunid.

3 On p. 491. 3 for ‘* Black Sheep” read White Sheep.

4 Like his brother Hind-al’s name, Alir’s may be due to the taking (a/) of Hind.

731

Index I. Personal

Mulla Apaq—particulars 526; on Babur’s service (932) 526,
528, (933) 539, (934) 590; surprised by Sanga (933) 549;
made shtigdar of Chandiri 598; his retainers on service
(935) 679,

Apaq Bega /alair Chaghatai, sister of Husan-i-‘ali—a poet
286.

Sayyida Apaq Begim Axdikhidi—particulars 267, 268, 269 ;
visited in Herat by Babur (912) 301.

Apag Khan, see Ghazi Khan.

Apag Khan Yusuf-khail, see Ghazi Khan.

Apaq-sultan Begim JMiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of Abii-sa‘id—one of the paternal aunts visited by
Babur (912) 301 n. 3.

Aq Begim (1), Bai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk, daughter of
Husain and Payanda-sultan—particulars 265 ; [pre-deceased
her husband who died F911 AH.—1504 AD.].

Aq Begim (2), Wiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk —daughter
of Abi-sa‘id and Khadija—particulars 262, 268 ; waited on
by Babur (935) 606.

Aq Begim (8), ut supra, daughter of Mahmiid and Khan-
zada I].—brought to join Babur’s march (910) 48.

Aq Begim (4), see Saliha-sultan.

Aq-biigha Beg, one of Timir’s chiefs—collateral ancestor of

Khudai-birdi 7zmiur-tash 24.

‘Agil Sultan Adzbeg-Shaiban, son of ‘Adil and Shad Baz-
gara—his conjectured descent 264 n. 1 (where in 1. 4 for
““aqil” read ‘ adil).

Araish Khan—proffers support to Babur against Ibrahim Laaz
(932) 463 ; in the left centre at Kanwa (933) 565 ; negociates
about surrendering Chandiri (934) 594; his gift of a boat to
Babur 653.

Arghin Sultan, elder brother of Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang
—deputed to hold Milwat (Malot., 932) 461.

Shaikh ‘Arif Azariz, nephew of Timir’s story-teller, see Index
sm. Ailigh Beg Shah-rukhi; [7866 AH.—1461-2 AD. @7. 82,
Beale].

Arslan /azd/a—his building of the Rabat-i-sang-bast 301 n. 1.

Asad Beg 7urkman—joins Husain Bai-gara 279 ; his brother
Taham-tan ¢.v.

Khwaja and Khwajagi Asadu’l-lah /an-dar, Khawafi—with
Babur in Dikh-kat (907) 150; envoy to Tahmasp Safawz

732

I AT

Index I. Personal

(933) 540, 583; has charge of Ibrahim Ladz’s mother 543:
in the right wing at Kanwa 566, 569.

Khwaja Asafi—particulars 286; waits on Babur a 286 :
[7920 or 926 AH.-1514 or 1520 AD. ].

‘Asas, see Khwaja Muhammad ‘Ali ‘asas.

‘Ashigq dakawa/—with advance-troops for Chandiri (934) 590 ;
ordered on service (935) 638.:

‘Ashiq-imuhammad Kukildash Arghiin, son of “ Amir
Tarkhan Junaid” (H.S. lith. ed. iii, 359)—defends Ala-
qurghan against Shaibani (913) 328; his brother Mazid
Beg @.v.

‘Ashiqu’llah <Arghin—killed fighting against Babur at
Qandahar (913) 333 (where for “‘Ashaq” read ‘Ashigq).
Asiru’d-din Azkf/sikiti, a poet—his birthplace Akhsi-village

(kit-kint) 9-10; [f608 AH.—1211-2 AD.].

Muhammad ‘Askari J/tran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son
of Babur and Gul-rukh— me his birth(922)364 ; gifts to him
(932) 523, (933) 628; Dae his recall from Multan (934)
603-—4—5, 6991; waits on his father (935) 605 ; made Com-
mander (ez. ctr. 12) of the army of the East 628, 637; ata
feast 631; takes leave 634; waits on his father at Dugdugi
651; east of the Ganges 654; in the battle of the Ghogra
668-9, 671-3 ; waits on Babur after the victory 674; [T965
AH.—1557-8 AD. ].

Asuk Mal Aapit—negociates with Babur for Sanga’s son
(934-5) 612-3

Sayyid ‘Ata, see Khwaja Ahmad Vasawz.

- Khwaja Jamalu’d-din ‘Ata—particulars 282 (where in n.°3 for

(HLS. iii), “345” read 348-9).

Ataka Jakhshi (var. Atika, Pers. Atka)—a surgeon who dresses
a wound of Babur’s (908) 169.

Ata mir-akhwur—gives Babur a meal (925) 418.

Mir Burhanu’d-din ‘Ata’u’l-lah MWashhadi—particulars 285
(HLS. iii, 345) ; [7926 auH.—1520 ap.].

Attn Mama, a governess—walks from Samarkand to Pasha-
ghar (907) 148: mentioned ? (925) 407 1. 4.

Aughan-birdi Mughal (var. Afghan-birdi and -tardi)— on
service (925) 376, 377; of a boat-party 387; in the battle
of the Ghogra (935) 671, 672.

Sayyid Aaghlagchi, see Murad.
* See the Zabagat-i-akbari account of the rulers of Multan.
H. OF B. 49 733

Index I. Personal

Auliya Khan /shragi—waits on Babur (935) 677.

Aulugh Beg Mirza #ai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk, son of
Muhammad Sultan Mirza —his (?) journey to Hindustan
(933) 265.

Auluigh Beg Mirza Kabuli, Mirain-shahi, ut supra, son of
Abii-sa‘id—particulars 95 ; his earliest guardians amusingly
frustrate his designs against them 270; his dealings with
the Yisuf-zai App. K. xxxvi ; his co-operation with Husain
Bai-gara against the Aizbegs 190; his praise of Istalif 216 ;
his death (907) 185 ; gardens of his bought by Babur (perhaps
one only) 216, (911) 246; another garden 315 ; houses of his
247, 251; his Almshouse 315; referred to 284; his joint-
guardians Muhammad Barandtiq and Jahangir Bar/as, his
later one Wais Ataka g.v.; his sons ‘Abdu’r-razzaq and
Miran-shah, his daughter Bega Begim and daughter-in-law
Manauwar g.v.; [f907 AH.—1501—2 “aD. I.

Aultgh Beg ees Shah-rukhi, ut supra (Uligh), son of Shah-
rukh—his Trans-oxus rule 851; receives Yinas Chaghatat
badly (832-3?) 19-20; defeated by Aba-bikr MMZiran-
shaht 260; his family dissensions 20; his constructions,
Astronomical and other 74, 77, 78-97; his sportsman-
ship 343; his murder and its chronograms 85: Babur resides
in his College (906) 142; his sons ‘Abdu’l- latif and ‘Abdu'l-
‘aziz g.v.; a favoured beg Yiisuf Avghlagchi g.v.; Preface,
g.v. On the misnomer “ Mughil Dynasty”. |f853 AH
1449 AD. |].

Atlis Agha (Ulis), daughter of Khwaja Husain ¢.v.—
particulars 24.

Airdi-bigha Tarkhan <Avrghin (Urdi)—his son-in-law
Abi-sa‘id Miran-shahiand son Darwesh-i-muhammad @.v.

Aurdit-shah —murdered as an envoy (923) 463 n. 3.

Aurang-zib Padshah J/iran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk—_
ge- referred to as of Babur’s line 184; [71118 AH. -O.S.
1707 AD.].

Amir Aturtis—3@- flees from his post on Shaibani’s death
(916) 350,

Atris-i ‘Ali Sayyid Mughil, son? of ‘Ali Sayyid—in the
centre at Oandahar (913) 335.

™ On p. 851. 9 for ‘872 an.-1467 Ap.”, read 851 an.~-1447 AD.

2 On p. 79 transfer the note-reference ‘‘3” to gib/a,

3 See Daulat-shah (Browne’s ed. p. 362) for an entertaining record of the Mirza’s”
zeal as a sportsman and an illustrative anecdote by Shaikh ‘Arif ‘azar? g.v. (H.B.).

734

Index I. Personal

Auris Arghin—his son Muhammad-i-airis g.v.

Auzbeg Bahadur (Uzbeg) — ma- one of five champions
worsted in single combat by Babur (914) 349 n. 1,

Auzun Hasan Beg 49-¢iiliig Turkman—his defeat of the
Qara-qiiliq Turkmans and of Abi-sa‘id Wiran-shahi 49 :
[883 AH.-1478 aD.].

Khwaja Aizun Hasan (Uziin) '—negociates for Babur (899)
30 ; his appointment 32 ; confers in Babur’s interests (900)
43 (where add his name after ‘Ali-dost’s) ; acts for Jahangir
against Babur (903) 87, 88, 91, (904) 100, 101, 102; his
servant’s mischievous report of Babur’s illness (903) 89 ; his
men defeated by Babur’s allies 102; loses Akhsi and
Andijan 102-3; captured and released by Babur 104; goes
into Samarkatid to help Babur (907) 146; his brother
Husain and adopted son Mirim g.v.

‘Ayisha-sultan Begim JSai-gara Timiirid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of Husain—particulars 267 ; her husbands Qasim
Atizbeg-Shatban and Biran, her sons Qasim-i-husain and
‘Abdu'l-lah ¢.v.

‘Ayisha-sultan Begim Miran-shihi, ut supra, daughter of
Ahmad (Alacha Khan) and first wife of Babur—particulars
35, 36; married (905) 35, 120, 711; joins Babur in
Samarkand (906) 135-6; her child 136; leaves Babur 36.

Mir Ayiib Beg Zegchik—particulars 50; sent by The Khan
(Mahmid) to help Babur (903) 92, (906) 138, 161, 170; his ~
Mughils misbehave at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 140;
claims post in the right wing (¢#lghuma) 155; his Mughils
confuse pass-words 164 ; in the right wing at Qandahar (913)
334; me- vainly tempts Sa‘iid Chaghatai to betray Babur
(916) 351 ; ma does not then desert 352, 362 ; ma rebels in
Hisar (918) 362 ; me dying, repents his disloyalty (920) 362 ;
his sons Buhlil-i-ayib, Ya‘qib-i-ayiib and Yisuf-i-ayib ¢.v. ;
[7920 AH.-1514 AD.].

‘Azim Humayun Sarwani—invests Gualiar 4/77; his title
changed and why (933) 537 ; his son Fath Khan ¢.v.

Mir ‘Azu, a musical composer—particulars 292.

* I have found no statement of his tribe or race; he and his brother are styled
Khwaja (H.S. lith. ed. iii, 272); he is associated closely with Ahmad Tambal
Mughil and Mughiils of the Horde ; also his niece’s name Aitlis Agha translates as
Lady of the Horde (#/as, az/as), But he may have been a Turkman.

735

Index I. Personal

Baba ‘Ali aishik-agha (ishik), a Lord-of-the-Gate of Husain —
Bai-gara— particulars 278; his son Yinas-i-‘ali and friend
Badru’d-din ¢.v. a

Baba-quli’s Sultan Baba ‘Ali Beg '—particulars 27 ; his sons
Baba-quli, Sayyidim ‘Ali and Dost-i-anji(?) Shaikh ¢.v. ;
[7900 AH.—1495 AD. ].

Baba-atighuli, see Papa-atighili.

Baba Chubra, a household brave—reprieved from death (914)
344; on Babur’s service (932) 474, 534, (934) 590, 602;
does well in the battle of the Ghogra (935) 671.

Baba Husain, see Husain.

Baba Jan akhtachi, a groom or squire—Babur dislocates his
own thumb in striking him (925) 409. 3 4

Baba Jan ga@izi—musician at entertainments (925) 386-7,
388.

Baba Kabuli 7urs, son of Mir ‘Ali, Shah-rukh (7aniairid)'s
Governor of Kabul—nominated ‘Umar Shaikh’s guardian
when Kabul was allotted to the boy 14; particulars 382 ;
his brothers Darya Khan and Ghazi (Apaq) Khan ¢.v.

Baba Khan Sultan Chaghatat Chingiz-khanid, (Babajak),
son of Ahmad (Alacha Khan)—his ceremonious meeting
with Babur (908) 159; [living in 948 AH.—-1542—T.R.].

Baba Khan Chaghatai,son of The Khan (Mahmiid)—murdered
with his father and brothers by Shaibani (914) 35.

Baba Qashqa WVughul (perhaps identical with Qashqa Mahmid
Chiras q.v.)-—out with Babur (925) 404, 405; in charge of

Dibalpir (930) 442; his brothers Malik Qasim and Kaki;

his sons Shah Muhammad, Dost-i-muhammad and Haji
Muhammad Khan Kai 9.v. ; [tecr. 940 AH.-1553 an. ].?

Sultan Babaé-quli Beg, son of Sultan Baba ‘Ali Beg—serving

under Khusrau Shah (901) 60, 61 ; with Babur and captured a ;
(903) 72; staunch to him 91; in the centre at Qandahar (913)

335 ; conveys royal letters (932) 529.3

Baba Sairami— pursues Babur in his flight from Akhsi (908)
178; promised fidelity but seems to have been false179-182.

t The MS. variants between ‘Ali and -quli are confusing. What stands in my
text (p. 27) may be less safe than the above.

2 Baba Qashqa was murdered by Muhammad-i-zamin Adi-gara. For further
particulars of his family group see Add. Notes under p. 404.

3 Sultan Baba-quli Beg is found variously designated Quli Beg, Quli Baba, Sl.
‘Ali Baba-quli, Sultan-qili Baba and Baba-quli Beg. Several forms appear to
express his filial relationship with Sultan Baba ‘Ali (¢.z.).

736

Index I. Personal

Baba Shaikh Chagha/ai, brother of Mulla Baba Pashéghari—
in the left centre at Oandahar (913) 335; mae rebels at
Ghazni (921) 363; forgiven (925) 397; deserts Humayin
(932) 546; his capture and death 545; a reward given for
his head zd. ; [F932 or 933 AH.—1526 AD.].

Baba Shaikh—sent out for news (935) 661.

Baba Sher-zad—one of three with Babur against Tambal (908)
163; does well at Akhsi 174; fights against rebels at Kabul
(912) 315; at Qandahar (913) 335.

Baba Sultan Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid, son of Khalil son of
Ahmad (Alacha Khan)—waits on Babur near KaAlpi (934)
590 ; particulars 590; on service 318, (934) 599; not at his
post (935) 672.

Baba Yasawal—at the siege of Bajaur (925) 370; chops at
a tiger’s head 393.

Babtii Khan —holding Kalanjar and looking towards Hati
Kéakar (925) 387.

Zahiru’d-din Muhammad Babur Padshah Miran - shahi
Timurid, Barlas Turk—b. Muharram 6th 888 AH.—Feb. 14th
1483 AD. p.1; fJumadaI,6th937 AH.—Dec. 26th 1530 .p. 708 ;
Parentage :—paternal 13, maternal 19, 21 ;

Titles : — Mirza(inherited) Padshah (taken) 344, Ghazi (won)
574, Firdaus-makani (Dweller-in-paradise, posthumous) see
Gladwin’s Revenue Accounts ;

Religion :—" beliefin God’s guidance 31, 72—3, 103-13-37-
94-99; in His intervention 73, 247, 316, 446-51-74-79,
525-96, 620; that His will was done 55, 100—16-32-34-35-
67, 269, 316—22-23-36-37-70, 454—70-—71-80, 542-94, 627-
28-70, that He has pleasure in good 331 ; that to die is to
goto His mercy 67; reliance on Him 100-08—16—32, 311, 463,
678; God called to witness 254 and invoked to bless 624 ;
His punishment of sin 42-5, 449-77 (Hell), and of breach of
Law 449; His visitation of a father’s sins on children 45 ;
His predestination of events 128, 243-46-53, 469, 594 ;—
prayer to Him for a sign of victory 440, for the dead 246,
against a bad wife 258; a life-saving prayer 316;
Characteristics :—ambition 92-7; admiration of high
character 27,67, 89,90; bitterness and depression (in youth)

* Down to p. 346 Babur’s statements are retrospective ; after p. 346 they are
mostly contemporary with the dates of his diary—when not so are in supplementing
passages of later date.

737

Index I. Personal

738

91, 130-52-57-78 ; consideration for dependants 91-9, 158-
78-96, 469 ; distrust of the world 95, 144—56 ; silent humilia-
tion 119; fairness 15, 24, 91, 105, 469; fearlessness 163-5-
73; fidelity :—to word 104, 129 (see 118-9), 172-3, 194, to
salt 125, to family-relation,—filial 88-9, 135-49-57-58-88,
—fraternal see Jahangir and Nasir,—Timirid 41, 149-57-68,
Chaghatai 54, 169-72, Mughil 27, 119-25, Aizbeg 37 ;—
friendship see Niiyan and Khw. Kalan; good judgment 43,
87,91, 134-37-55 ; gratitude 99, 633 ; insouciance 150; joy
at release from stress 99, 134-35-48-81 ; bashfulness and
passion 120 ; persistence 92-7 and passim ; promptitude 117,
170; reprobation of vice, tyranny and cruelty 42-5-6, 50,
66, 70, 90-6, 102-10-25-97, 290 and of an unmotherly
woman 125-28; self-reproach 147 ; self-comment on inex-
perienced action 165-67-73 ; dislike of talkativeness 28, 97,
143-92-93 ; vexation at loss of rule (e@¢. 14) 90-1-9, 129-
30-57 ; truth for truth sake 135, 318 ; seeking and weighing
counsel 73, 100-14~—31-—41-65-70-73-97-98, 229-30-31-48,
340-76-78, 410-12-69, 524-30-77, 628-39-67-69-82 ; en-
joins Humayiin to take counsel 627 ;

Occupations (non-military) :—-archery 7.¢.175; calligraphy
see infra ; literary composition see zz/ra; metrical amuse-
ments see verse ; Natural History passzm ; travel, excursions,
sight- -seeing, social intercourse passim ; building 5, 217-9,
375-98, in Dilpir 585, 606-07-42, in Agra 642, in Kabul
646-7, in Sikri 588, Ajodhya mosque 656 n. 3, App. U,
Panipat mosque 472 n. 1; gardening and garden-making
passim ;—Babur’s script (Baburi- khatt) devised 910 AH. 228,
Qoran transcribed by him in it 228 n. 4; studied by an
enquirer 285; alphabet and specimens sent to Babur’s sons
642 ; Adbushga account of, App. Q, xii to Ixv ;
Observance and breaches of Muh. Law :—signs of his

Sunni mind e.g. 25, 44, 111, 262, 370-7, 483, 547-51-74-89-__

96, in.the Mudin and Walidiyyah-risdla g.v.; his orthodox
reputation 711; his heterodox seeming 354, and arrow-
sped disclaimer 361 ;—his boyish obedience as to wine 302,
up to his 23rd year 299, 302-3-4 ; for breach see Law and
Wine ;

Writings :—a. Verses in the B.N. down to 926AH. see zx/ra;
6. First Diwan 402;* perhaps containing the Adashga
quotations 438; c. Diary of 925 and 926 g.v. AH. (probably
a survival of more) * 438 ; ad. The J/udin (928 Au.) 426-37-
38-49; quoted 630-31 n. 3; ¢. Treatise on Prosody (931 AH.)

"My

i 4

-
.

. ad

Pa.

;

EB
1A
£
2)
*yh
‘.

5 a
oa
er

a
fl aly ire «

Cpe

ere ns Se eee

Pen DEG a

0

es

vO ean.

Index I. Personal

586, App. Q, Ix, Ixvi; f. The Waldiyyah-risdla (935 AH.)
619-20-31 n. 3, (tarjuma) 642-3, App. Q, lix; g. The
Hindustan Poems 642, App. Q; 4. Rampir MS. of 6 and 7,
App. Q, referred to * 438, 620 n. 6, 642 n. 3; 2 Diary of
932 to 936 g.v. ;7. Narrative of 899 to within 914 AH. ¢.v. ;
Babur’s verse quoted in the Babur-nama :—(Turki,)
love-sickness 120-1; the worldling 130; granting a request
137 ; respite from stress 148 ; praise of a beloved 153; the
neglected exile 154; isolation 156; the New Years 236;
Fortune’s cruelty 309; ? Turkman Hazara raid 312; Spring
321; God only is strength 337 ; dealing with tribesmen 393 ;
greeting to absent convives 401: message to a kinswoman
402 ; his broken vow 449, 450 n.; reply to Khw. Kalan 526 ;
disobedience to Law (T.& P.) 556 ; Death inevitable (T.& P.)
556 (2?) ; the Ghazi’s task 575; to those who have left him
584; couplet used in metrical amusement 586, App. 2, sect. 2;
fever 588 ; Chandiri 596; on his first grandson’s birth 624 ;
Mibin quoted 637 ; Pagan lands 637 ; pain in renunciation
648 ; an invitation 683 ; [Persian,] good in everything 311;
insight of Age 340; on casting off his Shi‘a seeming 361 ;
parting from Khw. Kalan 372; a message 411; satirical
couplet 448; before Panipat 470; Biana warned 529.
See Table of Contents, On Babur’s Naming.

Babur Mirza 4r/iz, son of Muhammad-i-qasim and Rabi‘a-
sultan Miran-shahi—his Bai-qara marriage 266.

‘Abdu’l-qasim Babur Mirza Shah-rukhi Timurid, Barlas
Turk, son of Bai-sunghar—his sister 265; his retainers
Muhammad Barandiiq and Mazid g.v.; his pleasure-house
302 ; [f861 AH.-1457 AD.]. |

Baburi—a bazar-boy (905) 120.

Badi‘u’l-jamal Begim Miran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of Abii-sa‘id—waited on by Babur near Agra (935)
616.

Badi‘wl-jamal Badka Begim #di-gara, ut supra, daughter of
Mansir and Firiza—particulars 257, 258; her husband
Ahmad Hajitarkhani, their sons Mahmiid and Bahadur and
daughter Khan-zada ¢.v.

Badi‘w’z-zaman Mirza Bdi-gard, ut supra, son of Husain
and Bega Mervi—serving his father against Khusrau Shah
(901) 57 ; defeated 61 ; takes offence with his father 61, 69 ;
in arms and defeated by his father 69, 70; his retort on

739

Index I. Personal

Nawa’i (g.v.); goes destitute to Khusrau Shah and is well-
treated 70,130; on Khusrau Shah's service 71 ; moves with

Arghin chiefs against his father (903), 95, 261; gives Babur 4
no help against Shaibani (906) 138; his co-operation sought

by his father (910) 190, 191; takes refuge with his father
243; has fear for himself (911) 292-3; joint-ruler in Heri

293 ; concerts and abandons action against Shaibani (912) — :

296-7, 301 ; his social relations with Babur 297, 8, 9, 300,
2, 4; courteous to Babur as a non-drinker 303; a false
report of him in Kabul (912) 313; irresolute against Shaibani
(913) 326; his army defeated 275, 327 ; abandons his family
and flees (1) to Shah Beg Arghiin, (2) to Isma‘ll Safawi 327 ;

captured in Tabriz by Sultan Salim Rami (920) and dies in — z

Constantinople (923) 327 n.5; a couplet on his name 201-2 ;
musicians compete in his presence 291 ; his host-facility 304 ;

his son Muhammad-i-zaman, his begs Jahangir Bar/as and —

Zi’n-nin Arghin qg.v.; joined by Sayyidim Darban q.v. ; his
College in Heri 306; [f923 AH.-1517 AD.].

Sayyid Badr—particulars 276; safe-guards Mahmid J/iran-
shaht 46-7 ; seen by Babur in Herat (912) 299; (see HLS.
lith. ed. iii, 233).

Badru’d-din—particulars 278; his friend Baba ‘Ali g.v.; his
son (?) receives Kachwa (934) 590.

Maulana Badru’d-din /7/al, Chaghatai—particulars 290 ; his
poet-daughter 286 n. 1; [939 AH.—1532-3 AD.].

Bahadur Khan Sarwani—Babur halts at his tomb (935) 686.

Bahadur Khan Gwrati, Tank Rajput—aill-received by Ibrahim

_ Liidi (932); exchanges friendly letters with Babur 534; i

becomes Shah in Gujrat 535; is given the Khilji jewels 613
n. 1; [f943 AH.-1547 ap.].

Bahjat Khan (or Bihjat), a Governor of Chandiri—Babur
halts near his tank (934) 592, 594.

Bai-qara Mirza ‘Umar-shatkhi Timirid, Barlas Turk, grand- | is
son of Timir—mentioned in a genealogy 256; a grandson

‘Abdu’l-lah Andikhidi q.v.

Bai-qara Mirza ‘Umar-shaikhi, ut supra, son of Mansir and
Firiiza—particulars 257 ; his brother Husain, and sons Wais
and Iskandar ¢.v.

Bairam Beg '— 2@ reinforces Babur from Balkh (918) 359;
serving Najm Sanz 360.

* He may be the father of Mun‘im Khan (Blochmann’s Biographies A.-i-A. trs.
317 and n. 2).

740

Index I. Personal

Bairam Khan Aekarli-Qara-giilig Turkman( Akbar’s Khan-
i-khanan), son of Saif-‘ali—his ancestry 91 n. 3, 109 n. 5
(where for “father” read “ grandfather”); p@- mention of a
witness of his assassination 348; quotation of his remarks
on Hasan Khan Mewa?ti 523 n. 3; [F968 AH.—1561 AD.].

Bairam-sultan Begim Jdai-gara Timirid, Barlis Turk,
daughter of Husain and Mingli— particulars 266; her
husband ‘Abdu'l-lah Andzkhid?, their son Barka g.v.

Bai-ssunghar Mirza Miran-shahi, ut supra, son of Mahmid
and Pasha—particulars 47, 110-112; succeeds in Samarkand
(900) 52, 86; withstands The Khan (Mahmid) 52; the
khutba read for him in Babur’s lands 52; his man surrenders
Aira-tipa 55-6; his favouritism incites the Tarkhan rebellion
(901) 38, 61; escapes from Tarkhan imprisonment 62, 86 ;
defeated by his half-brother ‘Ali 38, 63; prosperous (902) 65 ;
moves against ‘Ali 65; retires before Babur 66; at grips
with him 67 ; asks Shaibani’s help (903) 73 ; goes to Khusrau
Shah 74; made ruler in Hisar 93, 5,6, 261; murdered (905)
110; his death referred to 50, 112 ; his pen-name ‘Adili 111;
his sister’s marriage 41; his brother Mas‘id, his guardian
Ayub g.v.; [F905 AH.—1499 AD.].

Bai-sunghar Mirza Shah-rukhi Timirid, son of Shah-rukh
—his servant Yisuf Andzjani 4; [¢837 AH—1433—4 aD.].

Balkhi /a/iz-kari—grows melons in Agra (935) 686.

Baltti—rescues Khalifa’s son Muhibb-i-‘ali (933) 550.

Mulla Bana’i— Maulana Jamalu’d-din Bana’t—in Khwaja
Yahya’s service and seen by Babur (901) 64, in Shaibani’s
(906) 136, in Babur’s 64,136; particulars 286-7 ; given the
Heri’s authors to loot (913) 328; Babur recalls a joke of his
(935) 648; two of his quatrains quoted 137; his musical
composition 286, 292 ; [murdered 918 AH,—1512 AD.].

Banda-i-‘ali, ddérogha of Karnan—pursues Babur from Akhsi
(908) 178-9, 180, 181.

Banda-i-‘ali Varagi Mughil, son of Haidar Kikildash—sent
to reinforce Babur (904) 101; in the van at Sar-i-pul (906)
139; his mistimed zeal (908) 176; his son-in-law Qasim
Beg qiichin g.v.

Baqi Beg Chaghaniani, Qibchig Turk — his influence on
Mas‘id Miran-shahi (901) 57, (903) 95; defends Hisar for
him (901) 58; acts against him (902) 71 ; joins Babur (910)
48,1188~9 ; advises sensibly 190, 197 ; leaves his family with
Babur’s 191; dislikes Qambar-i-‘ali S7/akh 192; helps his

741

ee TT
: “oS

Index I. Personal

brother Khusrau to make favourable terms with Bab a
192-3; quotes a couplet on seeing Suhail 195 ; his Mughiils —
oppose Khusrau 197; mediates for Mugqim ‘Arghiin (910)
199; Babur acts on his advice 230-1, 239, (911) 246, 249 ;

particulars 249-50; dismissed towards Hindistan 250; killed
on his road 231, 251: his son Muhammad -i-qasim and
grandson (?) Ahmad-i -i- qasim g.v.; [F911 an.—1505-6 Ap.].

Baqi Gagiani Afghan—his caravan through the Khaibar os os
250. q 3

Baqi (44iz)iz—opposes Babur (908) 174, 396.

Khwaja Baqi, son of Yahya son of Ahrari—murdered 128;
[7906 AH.—1500 AD. ].?

Bagi Beg TZishkindi, shaghawal and (later) ming-bashi
( = hazari)—sent to Balkh with promise of head- Mee 1
463, 546; on service (934) 590, 601, 2; reports from Aid — q
(Oudh) (935) 679; on service with the Aid (Oudh) army — a
684, 5; leave given him for home 685.

Baqi Tarkhan, Arghin Chingiz-khinid, son of ‘Abdu'l-‘ali onde
a daughter of Aarda- biigha—nparticulars 38, 40; consumes q
the Bukhara revenues (905) 121 ; defeated by Shaibani 124;
occupies Qarshi (qy. Kesh) (906) 135; plans to join Babur
138; goes to Shaibani and dies in misery 40, . 3

Baraq Khan, Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid—mentioned in the : a
genealogy of Yanas 19. =

Baraq Sultan Aiasbeg-Shaiban Chingiz-khanid, son of Siainjuke
—at Jam (934) 622.

Sayyid Barka Andikhidi, Timir’s exhumation of his ei
266 n 4. :

Sayyid Barka Axdikhiidi, descendant of the last-entered, son |
of ‘Abdu’l-lah—particulars 266; serving Babur (917) 266, |

Bar-mal /dri—his force at Kanwa (933) 562.

Ba-sa‘id Zarkhani, see Abi-sa‘id Zarkhani. a

Basant Rao—killed by (Baba Qashqa’s brother ?) Kiki in thea aa |
battle of the Ghogra 673 ; [935 AH.—1529 AD.]. a :

Batalmits (Ptolemy) — mentioned as constructor of an
observatory 79.

Sultan Bayazid *?—urges attack on the Afridi (925) 411, 412.

* See note, Index, s.2. Muhammad Zakaria.
2 He is likely to have been introduced with some particulars of tribe, in one of —
the now unchronicled years after Babur’s return from his Trans-oxus campaign,

742

x

Ss
ote
ars

A

Index I. Personal

Shaikh Bayazid, Farmiulit Afghan—acts for his dead brother
Mustafa‘ (932)527; waits on Babur and receives Aid (Oudh)
527 ; on service 530; in Aiid (933) 544; his loyalty tested
(934) 589 ; with Biban, opposing Babur 594, 598-601, 2,
(935) 638 é serving Mahmid Lidz against Babur 652, 673;
Babur resolves to crush him and Biban 677-8; mentioned
679, 692 ; takes Luknir(?) 681, App. T; action continued
against him 681, 2,5; his comrade Biban g.v.; [7937 an.—
1531 AD.].

Shaikh Bayazid /térachi Mughiil, brother of Ahmad Tambal
—holding Akhsi for Jahangir (908) 170; sends a force
against Pap 171; receives Babur in Akhsi 171-2; made
prisoner against Babur’s wish 173 ; escapes 175; reported
as sending Yusuf darogha to Babur’s hiding-place 182.

Bega Begim (1), ai-gara Timirid, Barlis Turk, daughter
of Husain and Payanda—particulars 266; [+ before Husain
911 AH.-1505 aAp.].

Bega Begim (2), J/tran-shahi ut supra, daughter of Atligh
Beg Kadudi—her marriage with Muhammad Ma‘sim BSai-
gara (902) 264.

Bega Begim (3), Miran-shahi ut supra, daughter of Mahmud
and Khan-zada I[—betrothed to Haidar Bai-gard (901) 48,
61, 263; married (903) 48; their child 263.

Bega Begim (4), Shih-rukhi ut supra, daughter of Bai-
sunghar (Sha@h-rukhi)—her grandson’s marriage 265. ~

“Bega Begim (5),—Haji Begim—daughter of Yadgar Taghai,
wife of Humayiin—her son Al-aman g.v.

Bega Begim (6),—‘“the Bibi’—, see Mubarika.

Bega Sultan Begim J/ervi, te of Husain Bdai-gara —
particulars 261, 7,8; divorced 268; her son Badi‘u’z-zaman

v.; [893 AH,.-1488 AD. |.
Wais Laghar:’s Beg-gina,—brings Babur news of Al-aman’s
birth (935) 621, 4.?

The Begims, Babur’s paternal aunts—waited on by him 301,
616, 686.

Begim Sultan, see Sa‘adat- bakht.

Begi Sultan Aghacha, ginchachi of Husain Bai-gara—
particulars 269.

* His wife, daughter of a wealthy man and on the mother’s side niece of Sultan
Buhlil Zadz, financed the military efforts of Bayazid and Biban ( 7arikh-z-sher-shahi,
E. and D. iv, 353 ff.).

2 My translation on p. 621 i 12 is inaccurate inasmuch as it hides the circumstance
that Beg-gina alone was the ‘‘ messenger of good tidings”,

743

Index I, Personal

Beg Mirak Mughil—brings Babur good news (932) 466; on
service (933) 548.

Beg Mirak 7urkman, a beg of the Chiras (Mughil) saman—
acts for Yiinas Khan 191 ; [f832 aAH.-1428-9 ap.].

Beg Tilba /tarachi Mughil, brother of Ahmad Tambal— a

induces the Khan (Mahmid) not to help Babur (903) 91,
(905) 115; his light departure petplexes his brother 116;
invites Shaibani into Farghana (908) 172.

Bhupat Rao, son of Salahu’d-din—killed at Kanwa 573;
[7933 AH.-1527 ap.].

Bian Shaikh (Biyan)—his rapid journeys 621, 624; brings
news of the battle of Jam (935) 622, 623 n. 3; the source
of his news 624 n. 1; hurried back 624, 627.

Bian-quli—his son Khan-quli g.v.

Malik Biban /z/wani?+ Afghan—deserts ‘Alam Khan Ladi
(932) 457 and n. 2; writes dutifully to Babur 464; is
presuming at an audience 466; deserts Babur 468, 528;
is defeated 528-9; with Bayazid, besieges Luknir (933)
582; defeats Babur’s troops 594, 598; opposes Babur in
person (934) 598-601; referred to as a rebel (935) 638;
serving Mahmid Ladz 652, 675; Babur resolves to crush
him 677-8; mentioned 679 n. 7, 692; takes Luknir (?)
681, App. T; action taken against him 681, 2, 5; his
constant associate Bayazid Karmuli g.v.

Muhammad Shah, Bihar Khan 2ihari, Nihdani Afghan, son
of Darya Khan—declared independent in Bihar (932) 523;
particulars 664; his widow Didi and son Jalal gw. ;
[7934 AH.-1527 aAp.].

Bihar Khan Liadi (or Pahar Khan,? a Panj-ab amir of
Ibrahim Lidi’s in 930 Au.—3 defeated by Babur (930) 208,
441 (where add “or Pahar”), 578; a chronogram which
fixes the date 575.

Bihjat, see Bahjat.

Bih-btid Beg—particulars 277, App. H, and Additional Notes
under p. 277.

Ustad Kamalu’d-din Bih-zad—particulars 291; his training
due to Nawa’l 272; is instructed in drawing by Shaibani
(913) 329.

* In taking Biban for a Jilwani, I follow Erskine, (as inferences also warrant, )
but he may be a Lidi. ‘ :

2 For the same uncertainty between Bihar and Pahar see E. and D.’s History of
India iv, 352 n. 2.

3 Firishta lith. ed. i, 202,

744

Index I. Personal

Raja of Bijanagar ie yahacar) — mentioned as ruling in
932 AH. 483.

Raja Bikam-deo, named in the Hindistan Revenue List.

Raja Bikam-chand, w¢ supra.

Raja Bikramajit, v7 supra.

Bi-khiib Sultan (var. Ni- or Nai-khib) ? Aazbeg-Shatbhan—
on Babur’s service (934) 589, 602, (935) 651, 682; in the
battle of the Ghogra 669,

Rana Bikramajit, son of Sanga and Padmawati—negotia-
tions for him with Babur (934) de- 603, 612, (935) 612-3,
615, 616; pact made with him 616-7 ; possessor of Khilji
jewels 613; his mother Padmawati and her kinsman Asiik
Mal ¢.v.

Raja Bikramajit Gadliari, Tinwar Rajpit—his ancestral
fortress 477 ; his Koh-i-niir (932) 477 ; his buildings 607—
610 and nn.; his palace Babur’s quarters (935) 607 ; his
death (932) 477 ; [F932 AH.-1526 aAn.].

Raja Bikramajit (Vikramaditya) — his Observatory and
Tables 79.

Birlm Deo JJalinhas—on Babur’s service (932) 462.

Raja Bir-sing Deo—named in the Revenue List (935) 521 :
his force at Kanwa (933) 562 ; serving Babur 639.

Khalifa’s Bishka (?)—-a woman who leaves Samarkand with
Babur’s mother (907) 147.

Bishka Mirza Jtdrachi Mughil—brings and receives gifts
(925) 415, 416.

Brethren of Babur—removal of their opposition to his aim
on Hindistan 478.

Buhlul-i-ayub Segchik, son of Ayib—Babur warned against
him (910) 190; joins Babur 196; his misconduct 241,
(911) 254.

Sultan Buhlul, Sahi-khail Lidi, 4/g/du—grandfather of
Ibrahim 463 ; his treasure 470; his tomb visited by Babur
476; his capture of Jinpir and Dihli 481 ; his sons Sikandar
and ‘Alau’u’d- din g.v.; [T894 AH.-1488 AD. I.

Pahlawan Buhliul, ¢«fang-andazi—receives gifts (935) 633.

Bujka, a household bravo—on Babutr’s service (932) 458, 474,
534, (933) 545; his success at Biana 54/7.

Malik Bu Khan Dilah-zak (Dilazak) Afghan—treceives g Bits
from Babur (925) 394; brings tribute 409.

745

Index I. Personal

Buran Sultan Adzbeg-Shaiban—his marriage with p Ayishae
sultan Bai-gara 267 ; their son ‘Abdu’l-lah g.v. a

Shaikh Burhanu’d-din ‘Ali Qilich, J/arghinani, all
the Hidayat—his birthplace Rashdan 7; a descendant 29,
89; [$593 aH.-1197 ap.]. ;

Malik Bu-sa‘id Kamari—a guide (910) 230, 231 ; doubted 233,

BS 4

Chaghatai Khan, second son of Chingiz Khan— his srt 4
(camping- ground) occupied by his descendant Yunas 12; —
mentioned in the genealogy of Yinas 19; [1638 Aue 3 :
1241 ap.]. ‘a

Chakti Barlas, one of Timir’s noted men—an ancestor oe ME
Muhammad Barandiiq 270; descent of his line to Akbar’s —
day 270 n. 2.

Rai Chandraban, Chauhan Rajpit—killed at Kanwa (933)
573; [7933 AH—1527 A.D.].

Chapiiq (Slash-face), see Ibrahim Begchzk.
Sultan Ahmad Char-shamba—unhorses Muhammad Mamin* | a
Bai-qara (902) 71; coincident occurrences of “Char-shamba”

‘kG ay

Ismail Chilma (or Chalma), son of Ibrahim fink 3
particulars of the battle of Jam (935) 624. 4

Chilma J/ughil (or Chalma) — in the centre at Qandahar - :
(913) 335; rebels in Kabul (914) 345. i

Chilma Sahl Mughil (2? shoeing-smith) —in the centre at
QOandahar (913) 335. E%,

Chingiz Khan J/ughi/—counted back to in Yunas Khan's —
genealogy 12, 19; his capture of Samarkand (619 AH. -
1222 AD.) 75: referred to concerning the name Qarshi 84; —
his Rules (Tira) 155, 298; [{624 AH.—1227 AD.]. ie

Chin Szf*—defends Khwarizm for Husain Aai-gara sre
Shaibani (910) 242 n. 3, 244; killed in the surrender 255-6;
[t911 AH.—1505-6 AD.)

Chin-timiir Sultan Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid, son of Annie
—mentioned s.a.912 as serving Babur 318; succeeds againgeaa e
Ibrahim Li#dz’s advance (932) 467; in the right centre at
Panipat 472, and at Kanwa (933) 565, 568 n. 3; rewarded ;
527, 578-9; on service (933) 540; at Chandiri (934) 590; —
pursues Biban and Bayazid 601, 602 ; in command against
Baliichis (935) 638, 676; met on a journey 639; writes om

t For ‘‘ Mi’min” read Miimin, which form is constant in the Hai. MS.

746

Index I. Personal

loss of reinforcement 675; ordered to Agra 676; waits on
Babur 688; his brothers Mansar, Aisan-timir, Takhta- bigha,
Sa‘id, Khalil g.v.; [F936 AH.-1530 ap.].

Chiqmaq Beg-—sent on road-surveyor’s work (935) 629-30;
the J/ubin quoted in connection with his orders 630; his
clerk Shahi ¢.v.

Chirkas qizlar (Circassian girls), see Gulnar and Nar-gul.

Chuli Begim, Azég 7urkman — particulars 265, 268; her
husband Husain Aaz-gara and their daughter Sultanim g.v. ;
[Tbefore 911 AH.—1505 AD. |.

Damachi 1/ughi/—in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335.

Danktsi var. Nigarsi—killed at Kanwa 573; [7933 AaH—
1527 ap.].

Darwesh-i-‘ali—serving Humayiin in Sambhal (934) 587.

Darwesh-i-‘ali Beg Chaghatai, brother of Nawa’i—particulars
275; in Babur’s service (916) 275 and (917) 277; his poet-
wife Apaq Bega ¢.v.

Darwesh-i-‘ali fzada and, later, */ang-andaz—takes news
of Hind-al’s birth to Babur (925) 385.

Darwesh-i ‘Ali Sayyid J/ughi/—in the centre at Qanda-
har (913) 335.

Darwesh Beg Tarkhan, 4*g/iin—particulars 39; [+895 an—

1490 AD.].

Darwesh Gati 4 xdijani—put to death as seditious (899) 30.

Shaikh Darwesh Kukuldash gir-degi—at a household-party
(906) 131; his death, successor in office, and avengeance
251, 253; [F911 AH.—1505-6 AD. ].

Darwesh-i-muhammad /as/i—defeated (910) 241; degraded
for not supporting a comrade (925) 405.

Darwesh-i-muhammad Sarban—Mirza Khan's envoy to
Babur (925) 402 a non-drinker not pressed to disobey 406;
replaces a china cup 407; enters Babur’s service 408 ; over-
pressed to break the Law 410; eats a strange fruit 410-1;
at ma‘jiin-parties 412, (935) 683; asks a fruitful question
(932) 470-1; in the right-centre at Pani-pat 472 and at
Kanwa (933) 565 ; recals a vow to Babur 553; in the battle
of the Ghogra (935) 673.

Darwesh-i-muhammad Tarkhan 4 ghin Chingiz-khanid—
particulars 38; envoy to the Andijan begs (899) 31; his
part in the Tarkhan rebellion (901) 62; his death 38, 63 ;

747

Index I. Personal

his relationship to Miran-shahis 13 n. 5, 33, 38, and his
kinsman ‘Abdu’l-‘ali g.v.; [7901 AH.-1496 AD.
Darwesh Sultan (? Chaghatai)—on Babur’s service (934) 599,
Darya Khan 7vrf, son of Mir (Shaikh) ‘Ali Beg—particulars _
382, his sons Yar-i-husain and Hasan g.v.

Darya Khan NVikani, Afghan—his sons Saif Khan and Bihar
Khan, his grandson Jalal ¢.v.
Mulla Datid—killed serving Babur 549 ; [7933 aH.-1527 ot
Sayyid Daud Garm-seri—receives ain (935) 633.
Daud Khan Liadi—defeated by Babur’s troops (932) 467-8.
Daud Sarwini, see Rawi’i Sarwani.
Daulat Khan, Vasuf-khail Lidi, Afghan, son of Tatar
given Bhira efc. 382, 383; concerning his lands, Ae
Note 383; ma a principal actor from 926 to 932 AH. 428; —
dreads Ibrahim Ludi 439; ae- proffers allegiance to Babur
(929?) 439, 440; pa his gift of an Indian fruit decides
Babur to help him 440, 503 n. 6; a@- his action causes the —
return to Kabul of Babur’s fourth ‘expedition into Hindistan —
442; his strength and action 443-4; his rumoured attack —
on Lahor (932) 451, 453; negotiates with ‘Alam Khan —
(931 ?) 455-6; loses Milwat to Babur (932) 459; his death —
461; his sons ‘Ali, Apagq, Dilawar g.v. ; his relations with
Nanak 461 n. 3: [+932 AH.—1526 A.D.]. 4
Daulat- iimiubaminad Kukuldash, see Qitliiq-i- _muhamae eS
Daulat-qadam ?—his son Mir Mughil g.v. S ‘
Daulat-shah /s/arayzni, author of the 7azkiratu sh-shu‘arad— —
at the battle of Chikman-sarai (876) 46 n. 2; [{895 AH— 4
1490 aD. ?]. Se
Daulat-sultan Khanim, Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid, daughteea
of Vinas Khan and Shah Begim—particulars 24; her long —
family separation (907) 149; meets her brother Ahmad (908) —
159; married as a captive by Timiir Aws-beg (909) 24;
rejoins Babur (917) zd. and 358 n. 1; letters from her reach a
Babur (925) 409; sends letters and gifts to him (932) 446.
Dawa Khan, Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid—mentioned in be a
Khan’s genealogy 19; [+706 AH.-1306~-7 AD.]. a
Dejal, the false Messiah 563 n. 1.
Deo Sultan, see Div. 5
Raja Dharmankat Gid/idri—stirs trouble (933) 539; lays —
siege to Gualiar 557. 4
Dharm-deo—his force at Kanwa (933) 562.
748

Index I. Personal

Dilawar Khan Vdsuf-khail Lidi, Afghan, son of Daulat
Khan — ge ill-received by Ibrahim Ladi (929?) 439;
g@- goes to Kabul to ask help from Babur 439-40; im-
prisoned by his father (931) 442, 443; escapes and joins
‘Alam Khan 455, 456; joins Babur 457, 461; location of
his mother’s family 462; does not sit in Babur’s presence
466 ; entrusted by Babur with care for the corpse of Ibrahim
Lidt 474 n. 1; in the right wing at Kanwa (933) 567 (here
styled Khan-i-khanan) ; [f946 AH—1539 ap.].

Dil-dar Begim (? Salha-sultan 3rd daughter of Mahmid
Miran-shaht and Pasha), wife of Babur—her unborn child
forcibly adopted (925) 347, and App. L; her son Alwar
(Alir)’s death (935) 689 n. 5; particulars 712-4; her sons
Hind-al and Alir, her daughters Gul-rang, Gul-chihra and
Gul-badan ¢.v.

Dilpat Rao—killed at Kanwa 573; [7933 AH—1527 Ap.].

Div Sultan Ruam/i (or Deo)—recaptures Balkh (cir. 919) 363 ;
particulars 635 n. 2; his servant describes the battle of Jam
(935) 635-6.

Diwa Hindi, son of Sikti—waits on Babur in Bhira (925)
382 ; made prisoner and ransomed 399.

Diwana jama-baf—put to retaliatory death 73; [t903 aH.—
1497 ap.]. |

Baba Dost—put in charge of Humayin’s Trans-Indus district
(925) 391 ; conveys wine to Babur’s camp (933) 551 (here
stichi).*

Dost, son of Muhammad Bagir—drunk (925) 415.

Dost-anju ?2 Shaikh, son of Baba ‘Ali—left in charge of
Ghazni (911) 307.

Dost Beg JZughil, son of Baba Qashga and brother (p. 588) of
Shah Muhammad—at a social gathering and sent to Bhira
388 (here muhrdar); made a diwan (932) 476; in charge of
Biana (933) 539 and made its shtgdar 579 (here Lord-of-the
Gate); in the right centre at Kanwa 565, 569; waits on
Babur 581; pursues rebels(934) 601(here Dost-i-muhammad);
in the battle of the Ghogra (935) 673; for his kinsmen see
s.2. Baba Qashqa.

Khwaja Dost-i-khawand—lets himself down over the wall of
Qandahar (913) 343; at boat-parties (925) 385, 388 ; comes

* He may be Hamida-banii’s father and, if so, became grandfather of Akbar. —
? Ilminsky, av/z, Erskine, axgz. Daulat-shah mentions a Muhammad Shah
anji (see Brown’s ed. Index s.7.),

H. OF B. 50 : 749

lg Mae
ih,

Index I. Personal

from Kabul to Agra (933) 544; in the left-centre at Kanwa 3
565; m@- sent on Babur’s family affairs to Humayiin in —

Badakhshan (934) 603; delayed in Kabul till Kamran’s —
arrival 618 and nn. 2-6; his letters reach Babur (935) 618.
Dost-kildi J/ughi/—in the centre at Oandahar (913) 335.
Dost-i-nasir Beg—Dost Beg—(NaAasir’s Dost), son of Nasir— _
enters Babur’s service (904) 103; on service (906) 131, (908) —
163, 165; one of three standing by Babur 166, 167, 396 ;

with him at Akhsi 174, 396; one of the eight in the flight

177, 396; at the recapture of Kabul (912) 315; in the left

centre at Qandahar (913) 335, 338; at Tashkint (918) me- 356 &

n. 1, B@- 358, 396-7; opposing rebels (921) pe- 364, 397;
leading the left at Bajaur (925) 368 (here first styled Beg), —
369, 370, 397 ; his revenue work 384; at wine parties 387,
388 ; at Parhala 390; attacked by fever 394; his death and

his burial at Ghazni 395-6; his brother Mirim q.v.; particulars q

395-7 ; [F925 AH—1519 aD.]. 3
Dost Sar-2-puli, pidada and (later) kotzva/—attacks Babur blindly —
(912) 316-7 ; wounded (913) 324; [+913 AH—1507 AD.].

Dost-i-yasin-khair—wrestles well with eight in successive :
(935) 653 ; 656.
. Didi Bibi, widow of Bihar Khan 2zkari—news of her bringing —

her son to Babur (935) 664; encouraging letters sent to her a 3

665; Sher Khan S#r her co-guardian for her son 664 n. 2;
her son Jalalu’d-din Nuhanz q.v.

Faghfir Diwan—on service (933) 551; his servants sent for =
fruit to Kabul (935) 687. Hai. MS. reads Maghfir. Bs
Fajji Gagiani, Afghan — guides Babur’s first passage of the ~
Khaibar (910) 229. -
Fakhri’n-nisa’, daughter of Babur and ‘Ayisha—died an ime
infant 35-6, 136; [+906 AH.—1500-1 AD.]. R
Faqi-i-‘ali—reprieved (914) 345 ; with Babur and left in charge

of Balkh (923) 463; a= left in charge of Qila‘i-zafar by

Humayin (936) 695. 3
Farid Khan Nuhani, Afghan, son of Nasir—writes dutifully
to Babur (935) 659. 3

Faridiin, (an ancient Shah of Persia)—mentioned in a verse 85. ,
Faridtn-i-husain Mirza Jdi-gara Timirid, son of Husain

and Mingli—particulars 263, 269 ; [1915 AH.-1509 AD. ].
75°

Index I. Personal

Faridun gavizi—summoned by Babur (935) 617.

Mulla Farrukh—placed on Babur’s left at a feast (935) 631;
gifts made to him 632.

Farrukh Arghin—surrenders Qalat-i-ghilzai to Babur (911)
248-9.

Mirza Farrukh Azghlagchi, son of Hasan—mentioned for his
qualities 279.

Farrukh-i-husain Mirza, 2ai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk,
son of Husain and Papa — particulars 264; [1915 an—
1509 AD.].

Farrukh-zad Beg—Babur dismounts in his garden at Qanda-
har (913) 337.

Fariuq, son of Babur and Mahim—his birth (932) announced
to Babur (933) 536, 689 n. 5 ; [933 AH.-1526-7 AD.].

Fath Khan Serwani Khan-i-jahan, son of ‘Azim-humayin—
is escorted to Babur (932) 534; well-received (933) 537 ;
his hereditary title superseded zd. ; invited to a wine-party 20. ;
serving Mahmiid Ladi (935) 652; his son Mahmid gv. ;
?a kinsman Daud g.v.

Fatima-sultan Agha J/ughil—first wife of ‘Umar Shaikh
Miran-shahi 17, 24; their son Jahangir g.v.

Fatima -sultan Begim #8ai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of Husain and Mingli — particulars 266; her
husband Yadgar-i-farrukh Miran-shahi g.v.; [tbefore 911 AH.
—1505 AD.].

Fazil Kukuldash—serving Shah Beg Arghiin (910) 238;
m- a good account of him named 443 ; his death a crushing
grief to Shah Beg 2d.; [930 AH.-1514 AD.].

Fazil Tarkhan—a Turkistan merchant created a Tarkhan by
Shaibani, [Author’s Note] 133; his death 76.; [906 AH.
1500 AD.].

Fazli, see Darwesh-i-muhammad.

Ferdinand the Catholic -— his action in 1504 (910 AH.) 187
n. 2 (Erskine).

Firtiza Begim Qanjit, wife of Mansiir Bai-gara her Timirid
ancestry 256; her children Bai-qara (II), Husain, Aka and
Badka g.v.; ([{874 AH.-1469-70 aD. ].

Firtiz Khan M/ewati—reprieved (932) 477-8.
Firtiz Khan, Savang-khani, Afghan —on Ibrahim Lidi's
service 527 ; waits on Babur (932) 527, and on his service 530.
751

Index I. Personal

Sultan Firtiz Shah, Zughlig Turk—his servants’ dynasties

481, 482; his relations with the rulers of Malwa 482 (where _

in n. 3 for “ Gujrat” read Malwa); [(790 AH.—-1388 AD.].
Firtiz Shah Beg—his grandson ‘Abdu’l-khaliq g.v.

Gadai Sa/a/— rejoins Babur (913) 330-1.

Gadai dz/j7at—misbehaves (925) 414.

Gadai Taghai—shares a confection (925) 375 ; at social gather-
ings 385, 7, 8, 400, 412; rides carrying a full pitcher 386;
out with Babur 404; removes a misbehaving namesake 414.

Gauhar-shad Begim, wife of Shah-rukh 7Z7mirzd— Babur
visits her college and tomb (912) 305 ; [861 AH—1457 AD.].

Gauhar-shad Begim J/iran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of Abii-sa‘id—visited by Babur (935) 616.

Mir Gesu—finds chronogram identical with Shaikh Zain’s 575.

Apaq Ghazi Khan Zur, son of Mir (Shaikh) ‘Ali Beg—
particulars 382 ; his brothers Baba Kabuli and Darya Khan,
his son ‘Ali and his relation Nazar-i-‘ali Zurk q.v.

Apaq Ghazi Khan Visuf-khail Ludi Afghan, son of Daulat
Khan— ge@- arrested by Babur (930) 442; moves against
Babur (932) 451, 453; not trusted 455; agrees to help —
‘Alam Khan 455-6; receives him ill on defeat 457-8;
pursued for Babur 458, 460, 461, 462, 463 ; Baburs reproach
for his abandonment of his family 460-1; his forts in the
Din 462; his library less valuable than was expected by —
Babur 460 ; his kinsman Haji Khan and his own son 465.

Ghiy4as, a buffoon 400 (where erroneously Ghias).

Mir Ghiyas, building entrusted to him (935) 642. :

Mir Ghiyas Taghai Kani Mughul, brother of ‘Ali-dost— ;
particulars 28; enters the Khan (Mahmid)’s service (899) |
28, 32; [T before 914 AH.-1507-8 AD. |.

Amir Ghivaawa- din, 2 patron of Khwand - amir anda : 4

supposed ally of Babur—killed in Herat (927) 432.

Ghiyasu’d-din, nephew of Khwand-amir—g@- conveys the . 3 4

keys of Qandahar to Babur (928) 432, 435, 436.
Sultan Ghiyasu’d-din B2a/éan—Babir visits his tomb (932)
475; [+686 Au.—1287 AD.]. ‘
Ghiyasu’d-din girchi—takes campaigning orders to Junaid —

Barlas (935) 628; returns to Court 636; takes orders to the 4 4

Eastern amirs 638,

752

Index I. Personal

Ghulam-i-‘ali—returns from taking Babur’s three articles to
Nasrat Shah (935) 676.

Ghulam bacha, a musician—heard by Babur in Herat (912)
303.

Ghulam-i-shadi, a musician—particulars 292 ; his younger
brother Ghulam bacha g.v.

Mulla Ghulam Yasdwal— makes an emplacement for the
Ghazi mortar (935) 670 ; sent to collect the Bihar tribute 676.

Ghuri Sarl/as—on Babur’s service (905) 125; in the left wing
at Qandahar (913) 334 ; wounded 336 ; [+919 AH.—1513 AD. it

Gujur Khan—ordered on service (935) 638.

Gul-badan Begim Jirdn - shahit Timirid, Barlis Turk,
daughter of Babur and Dil-dar—ae— her birth (929 or 930)
and her book (cr. 995) 441 ; her j journey to Agra (935) 650
n. 2; g=- her parentage 712 ; [$1011 AH—1603 ap.].

al ares Barlas Turk, daaokter of Khalifa—sa- betrothed (?)
to Shah Hasan Arghiin (924-5) 366 ; 9B married (930) 443.

Gul-chihra Begim, full sister of Gul-badan supra — her
marriage with Tukhta-btigha Chaghatai 705 n. 1, 708; her
parentage 712; m@- perhaps the mother of Salima Chaganiani
713.

Gul-rang Begim MViran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk,daughter
of Babur and Dil-dar — me born in Khwast (920) 363;
a@- married to Aisan-timir Chaghatai (937) 705 n. 1, 708;
parentage 712.

Gul-rukh Begim Begchik, wife of Babur—ae- with Babur on
the Trans-oxus campaign (916-20) 358; particulars 712 ;
her sons Kamran and ‘Askari and her brother (?) Sultan ‘Ali
Mirza Taghai ¢.v.

Mirak Gur diwan (or Kir) captured by Shaibani (913) 328.

Shaikh Abi’l-fath Giran (G’hiran)—serving Babur (932) 526,
528-9, (933) 539, 567, (934) 590 ; in the right wing at Kanwa
(933) 567; host to Babur in Kil (Koel) (934) 587; takes
lotus-seeds to him 666 ; sends him grapes (935) 686; given
Gialiar (936) 688, 690; ae holds it till Babur’s death
692 n. 1.

Habiba-sultan Begim Avrghiin, wife of Ahmad Wiran-shahi
—particulars 36, 37; arranges her daughter Ma‘siima’s
marriage with Babur (912) 306, (913) 330.

753

Index I. Personal

Habiba-sultan Khanish Digh/at, daughter of Muhammad
Husain and Khib-nigar Chaghatat—her marriages 21-2;
depends on Babur (917) 22.

Hafiz Haji, a musician—heard by Babur in Heri (912) 303.

Hafiz kabar-kattb—his brother conveys Babur’s earliest Diwan
to Samarkand (925) 482; at a feast (935) 631, 632.

Hafiz Mirak—composes an inscription (913) 343.

Hafiz-i-muhammad Beg Dz/dai Barlas—particulars 25 ; in
Aira-tipa (893) 17, 25; a joint-guardian of Mirza Khan
(905) 25, 122; his death 26; his sons Muhammad miskin
and Tahir g.v.; his (?) Char-bagh 108; [fcezr. 909-10 aH.—
1504 ap.]. 3

Khwaja Shamsu’d-din Muhammad Hafig SAzrazi—parodied
(910) 201; [+791 AH.—1389 ap. ].

Hafiz 7ashkindi—gifts made to him (935) 632.

Haibat Khan karg-andaz, Hindiistant —\eaves Babur a |

557.

Haibat Khan Samanai—a@®- perhaps the provider of matter
to fill the /acuna of 936 AH., 693.

Mulla Haidar—his sons CA pla’ minan and Mimin ¢.v.

Haidar ‘A/amdar—on Babur’s service (925) 383, (926) 421.

Haidar-‘ali Sultan Lajauri—obeys custom in testing his
dead mother’s virtue 212 ; da his Gibri fort taken by Babur
(924) 366, 7, 8.

Haidar Kukuldash Varagi Mughil, Mahmid Khan’s “looser

and binder ”—defeated 35, (900) and killed 52, 111-2; his |

garden 54; his son Banda-i-‘ali and a descendant (?) Husain
Varaji q.v.

Haidar- -Mirza Lai-qgara Timurid, Barlas Turk, son of Husain
and Payanda-sultan— his Miran-shahi betrothal at Hisar
(901) 48, 61; rejoins his father ‘opportunely (903) 261;

particulars 263 ; his wife Bega g.v.; [f908 AH.—1502-3 AD. 4

Muhammad Haidar Mirza Kiarkan Dighlat, author of the
Tarikh-t-rashidi—particulars 21—2,7 348; ma takes refuge
with Babur (916) 350; ma his first battle (917) 353 ; pa ill
when Kil-i-malik was fought (918) 357-8; goes to Sa‘id

Khan in Kashgar 22, 362 ; on Sa‘id’s service (933) 590, (936) ©

695-6 ; [(958 AH.—1551 AD.].

™ On p. 22 n. 2 delete ‘‘ Chaghatat Mughal” on grounds given in Additional
Note, Page 22.

754

Index I. Personal

Haidar-i-qasim Beg Kohbur Chaghatai— father of Abi’l-
qasim, Ahmad-i-qasim and Qiich (Qij) Beg ¢.v.

Haidar-quli—on Aiziin Hasan’s service (904) 102.

Haidar-quli, servant of Khwaja Kalan—on service (932) 467 ;
mentioned by Babur in writing to the Khwaja (935) 648.

Haidar rz7kabdar—stays with Babur at a crisis (903) 91; his
son Muhammad ‘Ali ¢.v. :

Haidar ¢@gz—his garden near Kabul 198 n. 1.

Haji Ghazi M/anghit—sent to help Babur (904) 101 where in
n. 3 add Vambéry’s Note 29 to the references.

Haji (‘Ali) Khan Vasuf-khail Lidi Afghan — acting with
‘Alam: Khan Liidi (932) 445-6-7.

Haji piada—killed at the Lovers’-cave 68 ; [902 AH.-1497 aD. ].

Haji Pir dakawa/—negociates for Husain Baz-gara with the
Hisar begs (901) 61.

Halahil—on service (925) 391, (925) 638.

Halwachi Tarkhan Arghiin—engages Babur’s left wing at
Qandahar (913) 336.

Sayyid Mir Hamah-—gets the better of two traitors (932-3)
546; receives head-money (933) 546; in the right wing at
Kanwa 566. |

Hamid Khan Khdasa-khail Sarang - khani Ludi — opposes
Babur (932) 465; defeated by Humayiin 466; defeated
(633) 540; sent out of the way before Kanwa 547.

Hamisi, son of Diwa—sent to make a Hindi pact with
Sanga’s son (935) 616.

Amir Hamza—a poem mentioned imitating that in which he is
celebrated 280; [3 AH.—625 aD.].
Hamza Beg giichin, son of Qasim and a daughter of Banda-i-
‘ali—his wedding gifts to Babur on his marriage with
Khalifa’s daughter (925) 400; joins Babur on summons

from Qindiz 406, 410.

Hamza Bi Mangfit Atzbeg — defeated, when raiding, by
Babur’s men (910) 195. :

Hamza Khan, Malik of ‘Ali-shang—made over to the avengers
of blood (926) 425; [{926 AH.-1520 aD.].

Hamza Sultan Adzbeg — his various service 58, 59, 131;
defeated by Husain Bai-gara (901) 58; enters Babur’s
service 59; given leave 64 ; his Mughils rebel against Babur
(904) 105; serving Shaibani (906) 131, 139, (910) 244;

755

Index I. Personal

m= holding Hisar and comes out against Babur (916) 352 ;
defeated at Pul-i-sangin and put to death by Babur (917) 18,
37, 262, 353; his defeat announced to Isma‘il Safawi 354 ;
his sons in the battle of Jam (935) 622; his sons ‘Abdu’l-
latif and Mamaq g.v., his Miran-shahi wife 37 ; [f917 AH.—
1511 AD.]. 3

Haq-dad, headman of Dir-nama—makes offering of his garden
to Babur (926) 420.

Haq -nazar—finds the body of his nephew (Niiyan) Kikildash
(907) 152.

Hag-nazir chapa—to punish his raid, beyond the power of
the Herat Mirzas (912) 300.

Hartnu’r-rashid Khalifa—his second son Mamiin Khalifa
(d. 218 AH.) 79; [7193 AH—809 AD.].

Ustad Hasan-i-‘ali—orders given for the completion of work
he had begun in Kabul (935) 646-7.

Hasan-i-‘ali Chaghatai—receives a pargana (935) 689.

Hasan-i-‘ali /alair Chaghatai, son of ‘Ali (g.v.)—particulars
278, 286; meets Babur (912) 299 ; his poet-sister 286 n. 1;
[+925 AH.—1519 AD. ].

Sayyid Hasan daghlagchi Mughul, son of Murad—particulars
279; serving Babur (917) 279; his son Farrukh ¢.v. ;
[7918 AH.—1522 Ap.].

Hasan #arlas—his rough dealing with Babur (910) 194.

Shah Hasan Beg Arghiin, son of Shah (Shuja‘) Beg —
quarrels with his father and goes to Babur (924) 365,
ge- 430; his betrothal (?) to Gul-barg (924-6) 366 and
marriage (930) 443; in the left centre at Bajaur (925) 369;
sent to claim ancient lands of the Turks 383-4 ; is successful
388 ; out with Babur 395; gifts to him 2d. 414, 584; social
matters 400, 7, 10,12; Babur sends him a quatrain 401 ;
[see s.z. Shah-zada), 98° a principal actor between 930 and
932 AH. 427; his attack on Multan 437, 442 and sx.
‘Askari; accedes in Sind (930) 443; reads the Ahutba for
Babur 430; his envoy to Babur (935) 632; [7962 aH—
1555 AD.].

Hasan Chalabi — Tahmasp Safawi’s envoy to Babur (935),
arrives late 631, 632 n. 3, 641; Babur accepts excuse for
his delay 649 ; Babur’s envoy accompanies him on his return
641; his servant gives Babur an account of the battle of
Jam 649,

756

“. Lie! Le”
Ae ‘

y

9
j = 7 Ai scsind ; ‘

<, > 7 A — » 2s _ “ ; 3 ee +: ‘ J i

eee) > a) ds el < ’ q 2 7 ~ be . “ - a f a =

St aee s e Ree Fis ht Geet G6 ae a. 7” MSE Pee 7

Sree ey oe as pata NN, ie | le Se A i ee ANY Bo ars

Index I. Personal

Hasan-dikcha of Akhsi—supports Babur (904) 101.

ee son of Nizamu’d-din ‘Ali—sent on service
679.

Hasan Khan Sariwal Hindistani—leaves Babur for Sanga
(933) 557. .

Hasan Khan Darya-khani, son of Darya Khan son of Mir
‘Ali Beg—on service for Babur (933) 582; in the battle of
the Ghogra (935) 669 ; pursuing rebels 678.

Hasan-i-makan, loses Kandar to Sanga (932) 529-30,

Hasan Khan J/ewdati—his change of capital (930) 578; his
opposition to Babur (932) 523 and n. 3, (933) 545, 547;
his force at Kanwa 562 and death 573; Bairadm Khan’s
remarks on him 523 n. 3; his son Nahar ¢.v.; [+933 AH—
1527 AD.].

Hasan Nabira, grandson of Muhammad Sigha/— waits on
Babur (902) 66; captures his elder brother (903) 72 ; leaves
‘Ali for Mirza Khan (905) 122; goes as envoy (?) to Babur
from Mirza Khan (925) 415; his elder brother Muhammad
Qasim Nabira g.v.

Mulla Hasan sarra/—given custody of gifts for Kabul (932) 525.

Hasan sharbatchi—helps Bai-sunghar MJiran-shahi’s escape
(901) 62.

Hasan-i-yaq‘iib Beg, son of Niyan Beg? — particulars 26 ;
supports Babur (899) 30, 31; his appointments 32; shows
disloyalty (900) 43; his death 44; his sobriquet Niiyan’s
Hasan 273; [(900 AH.—1494 ap.].

Malik Hast /anjuzha—receives an envoy from Babur (925) 380;
serving Babur 380, 389 ; his injuries from Hati Kakar 391.

Hati Kakar—particulars 387; his misdeeds provoke punish-
ment (925) 387, 9,91; abandons Parhala 390; sends Babur
tribute and is sent an envoy 391-2; referred to 452.

‘Abdu’l-lah Hatifi, nephew of Jami—particulars 288.

Hatim girchi— promoted to be gir-begt (911) 252; in the
centre at Qandahar (913) 335.

Hazaraspi, see Pir-i-muhammad.

Henry VII of England —his /ztercursus malus contemporary
with 910 AH. 187 n. 2.

Henry of Navarre— 3© his difficulties, as to creed, less
than those of Babur in 917 AH.—1511 AD., 356.

Hilali, see Badru’d-din Y7/alz.

757

Index I. Personal

Abi’l-nasir Muhammad Hind-al Mirza /tran-shahi Timirid, -

Barlas Turk,son of Baburand Dil-dar—his pre-natal adoption
(925) 374; meaning of his name Hind-al 385 ; gifts to him
or his servants 522, (935) 633, 642; the Walidiyyah-risala and
Hindistan verses sent to him 642 ; under summons to Hind
645, o@- 696; 26 - sent by Humayin to Qila‘i-zafar (936)
695 ; referred to 697 ; ME waits on his father in Lahor 699 ;
ge his dying father’s wish to see him (937) 708 ; his escort
of Babur’s family in 946 AH. referred to 710; [+958 an.
1551 AD.].

Hindi— Mindi,—Mahndi, see Mahndi.

Hindti Beg gichin—leaves ‘Ali Miran-shahi for Mirza Khan
(905) 122; sent to raid Panj-kiira (925) 374; in Bhira(386-8;
leaves it 399 ; out with Babur 403; serving under Humayin
(932) 465-6, 528-9 ; in the right wing at Panipat 472 and at
Kanwa (933) 566 and n. 2, 569; escorts Mahim from Kabul
(935) 687 ; sent to Sambhal zd. ; waits on Babur zd. and n. 2,
689 ; his mosque in Sambhal 687 n. 2.

me- Hulakii Khan Ad-hhani (/l-khani) — referred to 79;
[+663 AH.—1264 AD.].
Hul-hul Aniga—a woman drinker 417.

Nasirud-din Muhammad Humaytin Mirza iran - shahi

Timirid, Barlas Turk, son of Babur and Mahim—his birth
(913) 344; his mother’s parentage 344 n. 3, @- 712-3; death
of elder brethren referred to 374 ; a Trans-indus district given
to him (925) 391; carried in haste to meet his father 395 ;
makes a good shot 417; prefers not to go to Lamghan (926)
421; s@- appointed to Badakhshan (927) 427; with his father
in the Trans-oxus campaign (916—20) 358; his delay in joining
the Hindistan expedition (932)444,446 n.3, 447; a desertion
from him 545 ; first sight of a rhinoceros 451; books given to
him at Milwat 460; his story-teller killed 2d.; a successful
first military affair 466-7; on service 471; in the right wing
at Panipat 472; sent to take possession of Agra 475, 476,
526 ; becomes owner of the Koh-i-niir 477 ; receives Sambhal
and other gifts 522, 7, 8; appointed against the Eastern
Afghans, his campaign 534, 544; mentioned in connection
with the title ‘Azam- -humayiin (933) 537; his return to Agra
544 ; his dislike of wine 545 ; in the right wing at Kanwa 566,
568-9; his departure for Kabul (and Badakhshan) 579-80 ;
misappropriates treasure 583, d@- 695 n. 1; a daughter born
(934 or 5) 618; his father’s messenger, detained a year by

758

4. a Soe ther i

pe en Te i

Index I. Personal

him, arrives in Agra (935) 621, 626 ; birth of a son (934) 621,
624—S ; letter to him from his father quoted 624—27 ; ordered
to act with Kamran against the Aiizbegs 625-6; news of his
action reaches Babur 639, 640 ; gifts sent to him on his son’s
birth and with them the Watidtyyah-risala and the Hindustan
poems 642 ; topics of a letter to him enumerated 645 ; the
letter despatched 649; gifts from him to his father 687; a
family tradition that his father wished to abdicate in his favour
689 n. 5 ; #& misery of his creation 692 ; concerning a plan
to set him aside from the succession 644 n. 4, 688 n. 2,
ge 692-3, pee- 702-7; deserts his post in Badakhshan (936)
694 ; its sequel 695, 6, 7-8 ; ordered by his father to Sambhal
697 ; his illness and his father’s self-surrender (937) 701-2 ;
goes back to Sambhal 702; summoned and is declared
successor at his father’s last audience 708; [ +963 AH.-
1556 AD.].7

Baba Hiusain—his murder of Ailigh Beg Shah-rukhi (853)
85 and n. 3.?

Maulana Shaikh Husain—particulars 283-4.

Hisain Azkrak (?) (or Hasan)—receives the Chin-ab country
from Babur (925) 386; misbehaves (926) 423.

Sayyid Husain Akbar 77rmizi,a maternal relative of Mas‘iid
Miran-shahi—attacks the fugitive Bai-sunghar (903) 74;
out with Babur (910) 234; suspected 239; in the left wing
at Oandahar (913) 334.

Sultan Husain Arghin Qara-kili— particulars 40; leaves
Samarkand with the Tarkhans (905) 121; fights for Babur
at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139; his great-niece
Ma‘siima a wife of Babur 36.

Husain Aga Szs‘ani—in the right wing at Kanwa (933) 566.

Husain ‘azidz, lutanist of Husain Baz-gara—particulars 292 ;
owed his training to ‘Ali-sher Vawd’z 272.

Shah Husain éakhshi—-brings Babur news of a success(935) 685.

Khwaja Husain Beg, brother of Aiiziin Hasan—particulars 26;
his daughter a wife of ‘Umar Shaikh 24, 146 n. 3; leaves
Samarkand with the Tarkhans (905) 121; fights for Babur
at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139; one of eight in
the flight from Akhsi (908) 177 (here Khwaja Husaini) ; his
lameness causes him to leave Babur 178; sends Lahor revenues

For Humiyin’s annotation of the Babur-nama, see General Index s.x.
Humiyin’s Notes.
2 For a correction of dates, see s.z. Auligh Beg.

759

Index I. Personal

to Kabul (932) 446; waits on Babur 458; on service (933)
549 (here Mulla Husain) ; in the left centre at Kanwa 566.

Shah Husain chuhra, a brave of Husain Aai-gara—eft in
Balkh (902) 70.
Sultan Husain Dighlat—joins Babur (901) 58-9; conspires
against Tambal (907) 154; sent by The Khan (Mahmid)
to help Babur (908) 161.

Husain Ghaini—a punitive force sent against him (911) 253.

Hiusain-i-hasan—out with Babur (925) 403; killed and avenged
404, 405; [7925 an.-1519 ap.].

Maulana Shah Husain Kami, a poet—particulars 290.

Hisain Kashifi—his omission from Babur’s list of Herat
celebrities 283 n. 1.

Husain Khan Lashkar (?) Wazitr—writes from Nasrat Shah,
accepting Babur’s three articles (935) 676.
Sultan Husain Mirza 4ai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk, son of
Manstir—defeats Mahmiid MWiran-shahi (865) 46, 259 and
(876) 260; his relations with Nawa’l 33, 272 ; his campaign
against Khusrau Shah (901) 57, 58-61, 130; his dissensions
with his sons 61, 69, (902) 68-70, 260, (903) 94-5; his
capture of Heri (875) compared with Babur’s of Samarkand
(906) 134-5; does not help Babur against Shaibani 138, 145;
asks Babur’s help against him (910) 190-1, (911) 255; his
death 256, and burial 293; particulars of his life and court
256-292 :—(personal 256—amirs 270—sadrs 280—wazirs,
etc. 281—poets 286—artists 291)—his dealings with Zi’n-
nin Arghuin and Khusrau Shah 274; his kindness-to Mas‘tid
Mirdan-shihi (903) 93, 95; his disorderly Finance Office
281-2; delays a pilgrim 284, his copyist 291; his splendi
rule 300; his buildings 305 ; his relation Nuyan Beg 7irm
273 ; Babur writes to him in ignorance of bis death (91 2)

ree
a
4; oa Tez
aay
i F ~<a
tT a a i oe i ——T Ent i ee Vee ee
Fig ‘a a ae i a Se, . AL at S 7 . the x sh SS
4 iF fe 58, sor tl worse ee y ee oa ee . Care er,
’ wee Psi ime n : bees oe ’ eee eS , =
= : — = aa a ool > Ra

attributed to him 281; [+911 au.-1506 fey ee

Sultan Husain Mirza Wirdn-shahi, son of Mahmid and a _
Tirmizi wife—his death (@¢.13) in his father’s lifetime, 47,110. a

Mir Husain mu‘amma@i Nishapiri—particulars 288 and n. 7;
[7904 AH.—1498-9 ap.].

Husain Khan Nihani Afghan—holding Rapri and not sub-
missive to Babur (932) 523; abandons it 530; takes it again
(933) 557 ; drowned in flight 582; [+933 AH.-1527 AD. |.

760

Index I. Personal

Sultan Husain Qazi, maternal grandfather of Husain Bai-gara
—his Timirid descent 256 n. 5.

Shah Mir Husain Qar/ig—waits on Babur (925) 403 (here var.
Hasan) 409; sent to Bajaur (926) 422; meets Babur on
his road 423; in charge of zmpedimenta (932) 458; allowed
to raid from Milwat 464; fighting for Babur 468, 471; in
the left wing at Panipat 472 ; posted in Jinpir (933) 544.

Husain-i Shaikh Timtr—particulars 273 (where in n. 2 read
grand(“ father”).

Sultan Husain Sargi— rise and fall of his dynasty 481 ;
[¢905 AH.—1500 apD.].

Shah Husain Ydaragi Mughul Ghanchi—in the left wing at
Panipat (932) 472, and at Kanwa (933) 567 ; on service 530.

Husamu’d-din ‘Ali Bar/ds, son of Khalifa—on service (934)
601; waits on Babur (935) 687.

Ibn-i-husain Mirza Bai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk, son of
Husain and Papa—parentage 265 ; joins his brothers against
Shaibani (912) 296; fails in etiquette when meeting Babur
297 ; his place at a reception 298 ; goes back to his districts
Tiin and Qain 301; mentioned 331; the poet Ahi his servant
289; [7919 AH.—1513 aAD.].

Ibrahim Ata (Father Abraham)—his tomb in Turkistan 159.

Ibrahim Beg Zegchik, brother of Ayib—in the right wing at
Oandahar (913) 334.

Mir Ibrahim Zegchik—fights and kills a guardian of ‘Umar
Shaikh MWiran-shahi (cir. 870) 25. :

Ibrahim Chaghatai—joins Husain Bai-gara 279," 689 n. 4.

Ibrahim chuhra—conveys a quatrain of Babur’s (925) 401.

Ibrahim Di/dai Barlas—particulars 274.

Sultan Ibrahim Ghaznawi—histomb 218; [+492 Au.—1098 aD. ].

Ibrahim-i-husain Mirza 2ai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk, son
of Husain—particulars 265 ; on his father’s service (901) Sf
receives Balkh (902) 70; besieged (903) 93-4; [+910 AH.—
1504-5 AD.].

Ibrahim /ani—fights for Babur at Sar-i-pul (906) 139 ; one of
three Ibrahims killed there 141,624 n. 1; his son Chilma ¢.v.;
[7906 AH.-1501 AD.].

* On p. 279 1. 3 from foot read *‘There was also Ibrahim Chaghatai
**Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza”.

” after

761

Index I. Personal

Mir Ibrahim gaxini—waits on Babur (935) 605 ; his kinsman

Yinas-i-‘ali ¢.v.

Sultan Ibrahim Sahu-khail Ladi Afghan, son of Sikandar—

Babur sends him a goshawk and asks for the ancient
lands of the Turk (925) 385 ; »=- co-operation against him
proffered to Babur by Sanga 426, 529; m@- a principal actor
in the years of the /acuna from 926 to 932 AH. 427 ; J no
indication of Babur’s intending to attack him in 926 AH. 429;
his misdoing leads to appeal for Babur’s help (929) 439;
defeats his uncle ‘Alam Khan (932) 456-7 ; Babur moves
from the Din against him 463; his military strength 463,
470; imprisons humble men sent by Babur 464; various
news of him 465, 466-7; Babur’s estimate of him 470;
defeated and killed at Panipat 473-4, 630 n. 4; an Afghan
account of Babur’s care for his corpse 2d. ; references to his
rule in Gualiar 977, to the rebellion of his Eastern amirs 523,
527, to his capture of Chandiri and defeat at Dhilpir by
Sanga 593, to Babur’s route when he was defeated (932) 206,
and to his “ prison-house” 459 ; his resources contrasted with
Babur’s 480; his treasure at an end (935) 617; his mother
q.v. 5.2. mother; his son sent to Kamran’s charge in Qandahar
(933) 544; [f932 aH.-1526 AD.].

Ibrahim Saru J/ingligh Beg—Chapik—particulars | Author's

Note] 52; disloyal to Babur (900) 52; besieged and submits
53; receives Shiraz (902) 66; remains with Babur at a crisis
(903) 91; on service (904) 101, 106; his man holds fast in
Aish 107 ; plundered by ‘Ali-dost (905) 119 ; waits on Babur
125; one of three Ibrahims killed at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja
Kardzan) 139, 141 ; his brother Samad g.v. his good bowman
66; [7906 AH.-1501 AD.].

Ibrahim Sultan Mirza Shah-rukhi Timirid, Barlas Turk,

son of Shah-rukh—his rule in Shiraz, death and successor
(838) 20; referred to 85; [¢838 AH.-1414—5 AD.].

Ibrahim Taghai Beg Zegchik, brother of Ayib—wounded

762

and nicknamed Chapik (902) 67; leaves Babur (903) 86;

in Akhsi with Bayazid /tdrachi (908) 171; sent against —

Pap 76.; arrests Bayazid 173-4; wounded but fights for
Babur 174; soon falls behind in the flight from Akhsi 176;
in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 334; holds Balkh for
Babur (923) 463 n. 3; sent as Babur’s envoy to Auzbeg
Khans and Sultans (935) 643.

: . i i 55 a hl eT Pe ae <i oer ,
AS Oa aa aS oa

te, We

Z
q

Index I. Personal

Ibrahim Tarkhan Arghiin—serving Husain Bai-gara (901)
58 ; holding Shiraz (906) 130; reinforces Babur 131; one of
three Ibrahims killed at Sar-i-pul 140-1; his brother Ahmad
g.v.; [f906 AH.-1501 AD.].

| Oazi Ikhtiyar—particulars 285 ; waits on Babur and examines
the Baburi script (912) 285; is instructed in the exposition
of the Qoran by Shaibani (913) 329; [7928 AH.—1521 ap.].

Ilias Khan, see Rustam.

Shah ‘Imad SAzrazi—brings Babur friendly letters from two
amirs of Hind (932) 463.

‘Imadu’d-din Mas‘uid—an envoy of Jahangir J/tran-shahi to
Tramontane clans (911-912) 296.

‘Imadu’l-mulk, a slave—strangles Sikandar Gujrati (932) 535.

Imam-i-muhammad—Babur’s company drink at his house
(925) 418; his master Khwaja Muhammad-amin g.v.

Isan, see Aisan.

Ishaq Ata (Father Isaac)—his tomb in Turkistan 159.

Iskandar, see Sikandar.

Islim Zarlas—particulars 276.

Isma‘il chz/ma, see Chilma.

Isma‘il Khan /2/wani (not /alwani)—with ‘Alam Khan Lidz
(932) 456; deserts him 457 ; writes dutifully to Babur 464 ;
speaks of waiting on him (934?) 680; does it (935) 677, 679.

Isma‘il Khan Visuf-khail Lidi, son of ‘Ali—parleys with
Babur at Milwat (932) 459; deported 461.

Isma‘il Mita—Nasrat Shah’s envoy to Babur (935) 640-1,
664—5.

Isma‘il Safawi ‘Arab, Shah of Persia—reference to his capture
of ‘Iraq (cir. 906) 280, 336 ; gives refuge to a fugitive Bai-qara
(913)327n.5; a@— hostilities begin between him and Shaibani
(915) 350; defeats Shaibani at Merv (916) 18, 318, sa 350 ;
sends Khan-zada back to Babur 18, 352; m@- asked by Babur
for reinforcement (917) 352-4 ; ma his alliance dangerous
for Babur 355; g@- indication of his suzerain relation with
Babur 355; s@- a principal actor in the /acuna years from
926-930, 427; s@- his relations with Shah Beg Arghin
430; relations with Babur (927) 433-4 ; mae his death after
defeat (930) 443 ; m= Lord Bacon on his personal beauty
443 n. 1; his son Tahmasp g.v.; his (presumed) Bai-qara
disciple in Shi‘a heresy 262 ; [930 AH.-1524 AD. ].

763

Index I. Personal

Ja‘far Khwaja, son of Mahdi Khwaja and step-son of Babur’s
sister Khan-zada—fills his father’s place in Etawa (933) 579,
582; sent to collect boats (934) 598; pursues Bilan and
Bayazid (935) 682.

Jahangir 4arlas, son of Ibrahim and a Badakhshi Begim
(T.R. trs. p. 108)—particulars 273 ; joint-governor of Kabul
for Abi-sa‘id 270, 273.

Jahangir Mirza Sarlis Turk, eldest son of Timir—named
in Abii-sa‘id’s genealogy 14; is given Samarkand by Timir
85; his tomb in Kesh 83; his son Muhammad 78, 85;
[1776 AH.-1374—5 AD.].

Jahangir Mirza Jiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son of
‘Umar Shaikh and Fatima d/ugha/—particulars 17; sent
(a child) to reinforce an uncle (czr. 895) and then betrothed
48,189; comes to Andijan after his father’s death (899) 32 ;
Mughil support for him against Babur (900) 43-4, (903)
87-8, (904) 101; joins Tambal 103 ; a “worry” 104 ; defeated
at Khiban (905) 113; waits on Babur 119; summoned for
a Samarkand expedition 122; reinforces Babur (906) 138 ;
a gift-to him from the exiled Babur (907) 150; joins Babur
(908) 173; acts against Babur’s wishes 173-4; flees in panic
174-5 ; rumoured a prisoner 176; 3@- his occupation of
Khujand (909?) 182; Babur rejects advice to dismiss him
(910) 191; deference to him from Khusrau Shah 193; his
part in occupying Kabul 198, 199 ; receives Ghazni 227 ; out
with Babur 233-4, 235-6, 239 ; rejects counsel to betray him
239; is Babur’s host in Ghazni 240; his experiences in an
earthquake (911) 247 ; insists on a move for Qalat-i-ghilzai
248 ; waits on Babur and does service 252-3 ; his misconduct
254 ; causes Babur to mobilize his troops 255 ; goes to Yaka-
aulang (912) 294; the clans not supporting him, he goes to
Heri with Babur 295-6; at social gatherings 298, 302;
defeats his half-brother Nasir 321; his death 331 n. 3, 345;
his widow brings their son Pir-i-muhammad to Babur (913)
331; [F912 or 913 AH.—1507-8 AD. ].

Nirwd-din Muhammad Jahangir Padshah J/iran - shahi
Timurid, Barlas Turk, son of Akbar—his work in Babur’s—
burial-ground 710; words of his made clear by Babur’s 501
n. 6; mentioned concerning the zamghd 553 n. 1; [$1037 AH.—
1627 AD.].

Jahangir Zurkman — revolts in Badakhshan against the
Aiizbegs (910) 242; keeping his head up (913) 340.

764

Index I, Personal
Jahan-shah A4arlis, son of Chakii— mentioned in his son
Muhammad Barandiiq’s genealogy 270.

Jahan-shah Mirza Barani, Qara-quiliig Turkman—truling in
Tabriz while Yinas Chaghatai stayed there 20; his sons
defeated by the Aq-qiiliiq (872) 49 ; his son Muhammad? s
wife Pasha 49 ;* [7872 AH.-1467-8 AD].

Rai Jaipal Lahort—a legend of his siege of Ghazni 219;
[teer. 392 AH.-1002 aAD.].

Raja Jai-singh /dpiri—his astronomical instruments 79 n. 4;
[71156 AH.-1743 AD. ].

Jalal Khan /. 1g-hat—waits on ‘Alam Khan Ladi (932) 456 and

n. 4; his house in Dihli Babur’s quarters 476 ; his son ‘Alam
Khan Kalpi q.v.

Jalal Khan Ladi, son of ‘Alam Khan—deserts his father (932)
457; in the left wing at Kanwa oS) 567 (where for “Jamal ”
read Jalal).

Jalal Zashkindi—brings Babur news of Biban and Bayazid
(935) 685.

Jalalu’d-din Mahmud zdz—a flautist, heard in Herat (912)
303.

Sultan Jalalu’d-din Va#/ani—Jalal Khan, son of Bihar Khan
and Didii—one of three competitors for rule (935) 651 n. 5 ;
writes dutifully to Babur 659 ; news of his and his mother’s
coming 664; waits on Babur 676; receives revenue from

_ Bihar 676.

Maulana Jalalu’d-din Pardui—origin of his cognomen 306 ;
his descendant Jamalu’d-din Abi-sa‘id P#ran g.v. ; [f862 AH.—
1458 AD.].

Sultan Jalalu’d-din Shargi, son of Husain Shah—waits on
Babur (935) 651; particulars 651n.5; his man abandons
Benares 652; entertains Babur 652; his son styled Sultan 20. ;
his gift of a boat to Babur 663; in the battle of the Ghogra
669 ; on service 678.

Shaikh Jamal Barin Mughil—his son (?) Shaikh ‘Ali ¢.v.
Shaikh Jamal Farmili Afghan—deserts ‘Alam Khan (932)
457 ; serving Babur (933) 551.

Shaikh Jamali—at a feast (935) 631; conveys encouragement
to Didi Bibi 665-6.
* Addendum :—p. 49 1. 4, read “‘ wife” of Muhammadi “‘son” of Jahan-shah.
H.OF B. 51 765

Index I, Personal

Shaikh Jamalu’d-din Abt-sa‘id Parain—particulars 306 n. 2;
ill-treated by Shaibani (913) 306 n. 2, 328; [7921 An—
1515 AD.].

Shaikh Jam@alu’d-din har, Arghin—captor of Yiinas Khan
and Aisan-daulat Begim (T.R. trs. p. 94)—slain 35;
[7877 AH.-1472-3 AD.].

Mir Jamalu’d-din muhaddas—particulars 284 ; [living 934-7
AH.-1527-31 AD. ].

Shaikh Jami—ancestor of Akbar’s mother 623 n. 8.

Jami, see ‘Abdu’r-rahman /amiz.

Jamshid, (an ancient ruler of Persia)—mentioned 85, 152.

Mir Jan-airdi, retainer of Zi’n-nin Arghan—sells provisions
to Babur (912) 308.

Janak—recites in Turki (912) 304.

Janaka Kukuldash, (or Khanika)—escapes after Sar-i-pul
(906) 141.

Jan-i-‘ali— murdered by Shaibani (906) 127, 128; [7906 AH.—
1500 aD.].

Jan Beg—in charge of zmpedimenta (932) 458; allowed leave
for a raid 464; in a night-attack 471; in the left wing at
Panipat 472 and at Kanwa (933) 567 (here Jan-i-muhammad
Beg Ataka); on service (935) 682 (here Jani Beg).

Mir Jan Diwan—his house in Qandahar reserved as loot for
Nasir Miran-shahi (913) 338.

Jani Beg Diuldai Barlis T: urk—particulars 37 (where nn. 2
and 3 should be reversed). . 3

Jani Beg Sultan Khan Adzbeg- Shabin Chingis-khanid—
his two Miran-shahi marriages of conquest 18, 35 ; fights for
Shaibani at Sar-i-pil (906) 139 (where read Jani Beg Sultan);
he and his sons at Jam (935) 622; flees to Merv 636 n. 2.

Jan-i-hasan, Barin Mughi/—sent to reinforce Babur (903) 92,
(908) 161, 170.

Jan-i-nasir—answers a call-to-arms (925) 408.

Mir Jan Samarkandi—his distasteful singing (912) 303. |

Jan-wafa Mirza—serving Shaibani in Samarkand (906) 131;
escapes on Babur’s success 133.

Barlas Juki—brings Babur good news, a live Aiizbeg, and a
head (925) 408.

Juha Sultan Zaki, Governor of Ispahan — with Tahmasp
Safawi on the battle-field of Jim (935) 635.

766

Index I. Personal

Juji Khan Chingiz - khanid —a Qazzak descendant men-
tioned 23.

Muhammad Juki Mirza Skhah-rukhi Timirid, Barlas Turk,
son of ‘Abdu’l-latif ({854)—mentioned as besieged by Abi-
sald Miran-shahi 24 ; [868 AH.-1463-4 AD.].

Sultan Junaid Sar/as (or Junid)—particulars 276; his sons
Nizamu’d-din ‘Ali Khalifa and Junaid ¢.v.

Sultan Junaid Zarlas (or Junid), son of the last-entered—
incites an attempt on Samarkand (900) 52, 111; serving
Babur (932) 460, 468, 471; in the left wing at Panipat 472 ;
sent to help in occupying Dihli 475; given Dilpir 530-1;
posted in Jiinpir (933) 544; in Kharid (935)-637 and n. 1;
joins Babur late and is not received 667 ; gives local informa-
tion 668 ; in the battle of the Ghogra 669; on service 679,
682 and n. 2; his wife Shahr-banii Wiran-shahi 9.v.

Kabuli Begim Miran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk—aban-
doned by her husband Badi‘u’z-zaman Aai-gara and captured
by Shaibani (913) 328.

Kahil sahzb-7-gadam—gives his horse to Babur (908) 174.

Pahlawan Kalal—wrestles (935) 650.

Kalantar of Dikh-kat (var. £a/antar and kilantar)—his house
used by Babur (907) 150; his aged mother’s story 2d.

Kalimu’1-lah Shah Bahmint Afghan—ruling the Dakkhin
(932) 482.

Kal-qashtiq—put to retaliatory death (903) 73.

Sayyid Kamal—serving Khusrau Shah (903) 96 (where for
“Qasim” read Kamal). :

Kamal Khan Sdahi-khail Lidi Afghan, son of ‘Alam Khan
—in the left wing at Kanwa (933) 567.

Kamal Khwaja—his birth-place Khujand 8; [{803 AH—
1400-1 AD. ].

Kamal sharbatchi—in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 335.

Pahlawan Khwaja Kamalu’d-din Badakhshi—in the right
wing at Kanwa (933) 566.

Khwaja Kamalu’d-din Husain Gézur-géhi—particulars 280,
281; sent as envoy to Shaibani (904) 145.

Khwaja Kamalu’d-din Mahmid, retainerof Isma‘il Sa/awi—
gs- with Babur after the defeat at Ghaj-davan (919) 362-3 ;
[teer. 919 AH.-1514 AD.].

| 767

Index I. Personal

Kamalu’d-din Qidg (var.)—lays before Babur complaint of
the begs of the Balkh frontier (935) 649.

Kamran Mirza Miran-shihi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son of
Babur and Gul-rukh Segchik—ae- the date of his birth
App. J, xxxv; 3 taken on the Transoxus campaign
(916-920) 358 ; carried in haste to meet his father (920) 395 ;
joins his father 417; ge the 1/udiu written for his instruction
(928) 438 ; ae left in charge of Kabul and Qandahar (932)
App. J, xxxv; a letter from Babur to him 2d. and App. L,

xliii; his copy of the Babur-nama App. J, xxxv-vi; gifts —

sent to him (932) 460, 522, 642; put in charge of Ibrahim
Lidi’s son (933) 544; o- of his transfer to Multar (934-5)
g@- 604, 605 n. 3, 645; of his proceedings in Kabul 618;
his marriage to a cousin 619; the Walidiyyah-risdla, Hindu-
stan Poems and specimens of the Baburi script sent to him
642 ; heads of a letter to him 645, 646 ; m- meets Humayin
in Kabul (935) 696; me- meets Babur in Lahor-(936) 699 :
as- of his governments 699; gs- later action in Multan
and Lahor (938) (which read for 935) 699; ga visits his
father’s tomb near Agra (946) 709; [7964 AH.-1556 AD.].

Kanku or Gangi—killed at Kanwa 573 ; [f933 AH.-1527 AD.].

Karim-birdi—on Babur’s service (935) 661.

Karim-dad 7urkman—at a household party (906) 131; escapes
from Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 141; one of four fighting
with Babur (908) 166, 396; reprieved from a death sentence
(914) 345.

Karm-chand — acting for Hasan Wewati (933) 545, 578; asks
peace from Babur for Hasan’s son Nahar 578,

Karm Singh—killed at Kanwa 573; [7933 AH—-1527 AD.].

Raja Karna G#a/iari, (or, Kirti), Tanwar Rajpit—his build-
ings in Gialiar 608 n. 3.

Khadija Agha, and later, Begim, mistress of Abii-sa‘id Wivan-
shihi, wife of Husain Bai-gara—particulars 262, 268 ; her
dominance 268, 292; visited in Heri by Babur (912) 301;
at an entertainment to him 302 ; a suspicion against her 302
n. 1; captured by Shaibani (913) 327; given for a traitor to
loot 328; her daughter Aq Begim and sons Shah-i-gharib
and Muzaffar-i-husain g.v. .

Khadija-sultan Begim Viran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of Abii’sa‘id—(probably) seen by Babur in Heri

768

Index I. Personal

(912) 301; Babur visits her near Agra (934) 588 and in Agra
_ Fort (935) 606, 616.

Khaldar Yaragi Mughil, son of Haidar Kikildash—fights
for Babur at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139..

Khalifa, see Nizamu’d-din ‘Ali Barlas.

Khalil chuhra—a brave who fought well for Babur (904) 101.

Khalil d#wana—on Aiiziin Hasan’s service (904) 102 (where
for “ Diwan” read diwana),.

Sultan Khalil Mirza, MJiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son
of Miran-shah—mentioned 262 n. 2 ; [814 AH.—1411-2 ap.].

Sultan Khalil Mirza Miran-shahi (ut supra), son of Abii-sa‘id
—his daughter sole wife of Bai-sunghar Wirdan-shahi 112.

Khalil Sultan Chaghatait Chingiz -khanid, son of Ahmad,
(Alacha Khan), full brother of Sa‘id—his son Baba Sultan g.v.

Khalil Sultan /taraji Mughil, brother of Ahmad Tambal—
holding Madi for Tambal (905) 109; captured 72. and
released 119; surprises .Atish 125; helps Babur against
Shaibani (906) 138; killed at Sar-i-pul 141; [7906 an.—
1501 AD.].

Khalwi /7@da (or Khalwa)—his spear-head bitten off by a tiger
(925) 393.

The Khatib of Qarshi—an envoy to Babur (910) 188.

Khan-i-jahan, see Fath Khan Sarwani.

Khan-i-jahan, a “pagan”—opposes Babur (933) 539.

Khan-quli, son of Bian-quli—leaves Babur in Samarkand (903)
86 ; at a household party (906) 131 (where read Khan-quli
for “ Khan-i-quli”) ; gives ground for suspicion (907) 156 ;
one of eight in the flight from Akhsi (908) 176, 177; in the
right-centre at Oandahar (913) 335.

Khan-zada Begim (1), Wiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of Mahmiid—particulars 48.

Khan-zada Begim (2), ut supra, daughter of Mas‘tid and
Sa‘adat-bakht—particulars 267 ; visited by Babur near Agra
(935) 616.

Khan-zada Begim (3), w¢ supra, daughter of ‘Umar Shaikh
and Qitliiq-nigar—particulars 17 ; her marriage with Shaibant
(907) 18, 147, p@- 184; her divorce and remarriage with
Sayyid Hadi Khwaja 352 [H.S. iii], 364 ; her reunion with
Babur (916) 18, 352, 356; her marriage with Mahdi Khwaja
g.v.; her summons to Hindistén (935) 647; his son
Khurram Shah g.v.; [F952 Au.-1545 Ap.].

769

Index I. Personal

Khan-zada Begim (4), 7irmizi, wife of Mahmid JM/iran-
shahi—particulars 48 ; her son Mas‘ iid g.v.; her niece 48.
Khan-zada Begim (5), Tirmizi, niece of the above, wife of
Mahmiid—particulars 48,9; her son Husain g.v.; her five

daughters 47-8.

Khan-zada Begim (6), 7irmizi, wife of Ahmad MWiran-shahi
—particulars 37 ; Babur, a child, pulls off her wedding veil
(893) 37.

Khan-zada Khanim //ai-tarkhani, daughter of Ahmad and
Badi‘u’l-jamal (Badka)—particulars 258 n. 2, 329; illegally
married by Shaibani (913) 329; her husband Muzaffar-i-
husain a7-gara q.v.

Khawand Shah Amir, (“ Mirkhond ”), author of the
Rauzatu’s-safa—omitted (or lost) from Babur’s list of Herat
celebrities 283 n. 1; [f903 AH.—1498 Ap.].

Khizr Khwaja Khan Chaghatai Chingiz-khantd—mentioned
in Yiinas Khan’s genealogy 19.

Khwaja Khigr WViasani, a merchant—killed by a Mughil (910)
235 (where for “ Lihani” read Nihani).

Khtb-nigar Khanim Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid, daughter of
Yiinas and Ajisan-daulat — particulars 21, 22; her death
announced to Babur (907) 148, 149; her rebel husband
forgiven for her sake (912) 319; her husband Muhammad
Husain Digh/at, their son Haidar and daughter Habiba ¢.v. ;
[7907 AH.—1501-2 AD.].

Khuda-bakhsh Chaghatdi, retainer, (1) of Khusrau Shah,
(2) of Babur—in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 334;
rebels against Babur (914) 345.

Khudai-birdi Beg tighchi, Mughil—stays with Babur at a
crisis (903) 91; made a beg and on service 110; killed at
Sar-i-pul 141; [+906 AH.—1501 AD.].

Khudai-birdi Jigag, Mughil—killed at Asfara (900) 53 (here
atakam, my guardian) ; his favour from Babur 105; his son
Quli chiindg q.v. ; [+900 AH.—1495 AD. ].

Khudai-birdi taghchi Timir-tash — made ‘Umar Shaikh’s
Lord-of-the-Gate (cir. 870) 14; particulars 24-5; [ta few
years after 870 AH.—1466 AD. ].

Khurram Shah A‘dzbeg- Shaibin, Chingiz-khanid, son of
Shaibani and Khan-zada — particulars 18; [ta few years
after 916 AH.—1510-11 AD. ].

779

ee ietie,

“Ai OME RE Bos

et ee

Index I. Personal

Khish-kildi! 1/ughi#/—in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335,
Khusrau, an ancient ruler of Persia—mentioned in a couplet 85.

Khusrau Gda@gidni—waits on Babur (910) 230 (where insert his
name in the last line); taken as a guide 231.

Khitsrau Kutkitldash-—at a household party (906) 131 (where
insert his name after that of Shaikh Darwesh) ; captured by
Tambal (908) 168; rejoins Babur (913) 330-1; in the right
centre at Qandahar 335; out with Babur (925) 377, 403;
an enquiry 405; oa posted in Sialkot (930) 442; seeming
still to hold it (932) 453 ; on service 465, 471; in the van at
Panipat 472; in the right wing at Kanwa (933) 566, 568 ;
given Alir (Alwar) by mistake 578; sent against Baliichis
(935) 638; at social gatherings 385-7-8.

Amir Khwaja Khusrau Lachin Turk—a couplet of his quoted
503 ; [¢725 AH.-1325 AD.].

Khusrau Shah? 7urkistani, Qibchag Turk,—particulars49-S0 ;
takes Mahmiid Wiran-shahi (et. 17) to Hisar (ctr. 873) 46-7 ;
referred to as a rival 50; his tolerance of Hisari ill-conduct
(899) 41-2 ; expelled from Samarkand on Mahmid’s death
(900) 51-2; opposes Husain Bai-gara (901) 57, 60-1; his
rise helped by Bai-qara failures 61; supports Mas‘tid MWiran-
shahi 64; falls out with him 71,93; blinds him (903) 95 ;
defeats Badi‘u’-zaman Bai-gara 60-1; re-equips him defeated
by his father (902) 70; receives well the fugitive Bai-sunghar
Miran-shihi (903) 74; makes him padshah in Hisar 93;
strangles him (905) 110; a fugitive Tarkhan goes to him
(906) 120, 141; his niggardliness to Babur 129, 130; gives
him no help against Shaibani 138, me- 183; Qasim Beg
guchin takes refuge with him (907) 27; his position less
secure (910) 188; followers of his join Babur 189, 192, 196,
227 n.3; invited to co-operate with the Timirid Mirzas
against Shaibani 190; takes the Kabul road on Babur’s
approach 192, 244; offers him service 192 ;. the interview of
his submission 193-4 ; allowed to go towards Khurasan 194,
195; breaks his pact and is put to flight 197, 243; gets
sensible counsel in Herat 243; makes trouble for Nasir
Miran-shahi in Badakhshan 244-5 ; beheaded at Qindiz by
the Aiizbegs 244 ; good results from his death for Babur 245 ;
Babur’s reflections on the indiscipline of his followers 199,
230 n. 5, 239, 244-5 ; his former following rebels (914) 335 ;

* His name might mean Welcome, Bzen-venit.
? Khusrau-shah may be the more correct form,

771

Index I. Personal

his brothers Wali and Baqi, and nephew Ahmad-i a qasim g.v.;
[7910 AH.—1505 AD.].
Khwaja Chishti var. Husaini—at a feast (935) 631.
‘Abdu'l-lah Khwajagan-khwaja, fifth son of ‘Ubaidu'l-lah
_ Ahrari—his son ‘Abdu’sh-shahid 653 n. 4.

Khwajaka Khwaja, Muhammad-i-‘ubaidu’l-lah, eldest son of
Ahrari—protects Bai-sunghar J/iran-shahi in the Tarkhan
rebellion (901 )62 (where, erroneously, “Khwajaki”); becomes
his spiritual guide 63 ; visited in Farkat by Babur (907) 149 ;
his brother Yahya g.v.

Khwaja Kalan, descendant of ‘Ubaidu’l-lah AZrari— per a
likely recipient of the J/udinm 438, 631 n. 3 (where for “son”
read grandson of Yahya); at a feast in Agra (935) 631;
gifts and leave given 632, 641-2; a copy of Babur-nama
writings sent to him 653.

Mir Khwaja Kalan, son of Maulana Muhammad Sadru’d-din
—receives Bajaur (925) 370; particulars 370 n. 2; prisoners
pardoned at his request 371; out with Babur 372 ; returns to
Bajaur 376; is recalled on grounds given (926) 422-3 ; joins
Babur for Hindistan (932) 447; on service 465-6 ; in the
right wing at Panipat 472 ; helps to secure Agra 475 ; of his
leaving Hindiistan 520, 531; his offending couplet about
leaving, and Babur’s reply 525-6; has charge of Kabul and
Ghazni 524; conveys money to repair the Ghazni dam 219,
524 n. 2, 647 n.1; Babur’s various writings sent to him,
quatrains (925) 372, (932) 525-6, (935) the Walidiyyah-risala
and Hindistan poems 642—letters (925) 411, (935) 604,
618 n. 2, quoted 645-8 ; commended to Humayin as a friend
627 ; aletter of his mentioned 644; wine parties in his house
(925) 371-2, 375; has Ghazni wine at Milwat (932) 461;
urged to renounce wine 648 ; tells Babur of a fruitful orange-
tree (935) 510, cf. 483 n. 2; D8- quotation from his ode on
Babur’s death 709.

‘Abdu’l-lah Khwaja Maulana-i-qazi—particulars 29, 89-90 ;
supports Babur (899) 30; chases off an invader 32; confers
with other well-wishers of the boy (900) 43; mediates for
Ibrahim Sara 53, for Atirgitis (902) 68; envoy to Aiizin
Hasan (903) 87; open-handed to Babur’s followers 88;
entreats him to save Andijan 88-9; Mir Mughil aids him
in its defence 122 ; hanged by Tambal and Aiiziin Hasan 89 ;
‘Ali-dost fears retaliation for his death (905) 119; his right
guidance recalled by Babur (912) 303 ; [}903 AH.—1498 AD.].

772

Index I. Personal

- Khwajaki Mulla-i-sadr, son of Maulana Muhammad Sadru’d-
din, and elder brother of Khwaja Kalan—particulars 67 ;
killed near Yam 67 ; [F902 AH.—1497 aD.].

Khwaja Mir-i-miran—speaks boldly at Akhsi (908) 174; in
charge of baggage camels (925) 376, 377, and of Babur’s
camp 389, 391; Babur halts near his Lamghan village (926)
424 ; given charge of Daulat Khan Yasuf-khazl (932) 459-60 ;
in the left-centre at Panipat 973; entrusted with gifts for
Kabul 525.

Khwaja Mir Sultan—he and his son receive gifts (935) 632.

Khwand-amir, grandsonof Khawand Shah Amir (“Mirkhond”)
—we- associated with Muhammad-i-zaman Bai-gara (923)
364—5, 463 n. 3; fleeced by Shaibani’s order (913) 328 n. 2;
his discomforts in Herat 617 n. 2; waits on Babur (935) 605;
Babur invites him in verse 693 ; completes the Hadibu’s-styar
while at Tir-mihani with Babur 687 n. 3; his omission (or
loss) from Babur’s list of Herat celebrities 283 n. 1; his and
Babur’s varied choice of details 328 n.2; se his patron
Amir Ghiyasu’d-din and nephew Ghiyasu’d-din 436 ; [+942
AH.-1535 AD.].

Khwaja Khwand-sa‘id—Babur visits his tomb (925) 407.

Mir Khawand—Shah Amir (“Mirkhond”)—author of the
Rauzatu’s-safa, grandfather of Khwand-amir—his omission
(or loss) from Babur’s list of Herat celebrities 283 n. 1;
[7903 AH.-1498 ApD.].

Kichik ‘Ali—his courage (908) 176 ; made prisoner (933) 557,
576; shigdar of Koel 176.

Kichik Baqi dwana—suspended (911) 248 ; killed at Qalat-i-
ghilzai 248 ; [f911 anH.—1505 ap.].

Kichik Begim £2i7-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk, daughter of
Husain and Payanda-sultan—refused in marriage to Mas‘id
Miran-shahi 265 ; “afterwards” marries Multa Khwaja 266."

Kichik Khwaja—on ‘Askari’s service (935) 681, 682.

Kichik Khwaja Beg, son of Maulana Muhammad Sadru’d-
din and elder brother of Khwaja Kalan—in the left wing at
Khiban (905) 113; killed at Oalat-i-ghilzai 2487; [$911 aH—
1505 AD.].

* The ‘‘afterwards” points to an omission which Khwand-amir’s account of
Husain’s daughters fills (lith. ed. iii, 327).
? No record survives of the Khwaja’s deeds of daring other than those entered

above; perhaps the other instances Babur refers to occurred during the gap
908-9 AH.

73:

Index I. Personal

Kichik Mirza MWirdn-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son of
Ahmad (Mirza Sayyidi) and Aka Bai-gara—particulars 257.
aoa tungtar—sent with orders to Tramontane begs (925)

Kipa and Kipik, see Kipik.

Raja Kirti G7aliari, see Karna.

Kitin-qara Sultan Azvzdeg—in Balkh (932) 545-6; at Jam
(935) 622 (where in n. 1 read 935 for “934”); makes com-
plaint to Babur 649, 645 n. 1.

Kitta Beg Kohbur Chaghatai, son of Sayyidi Qara—convoys
Yiisuf-khail chiefs to Bhira (932) 461; on Babur’s service
465-6, 468, 528, (933) 545, (935) 638; wounded at Biana
(933) 548.

Kitta Mah and Kichik Mah, slaves of Muzaffar-i-husain
Bai-gara—offend Babur by their performance (912) 304.
Kitchim Khan Sultan — Kichkinji— Aazdbeg- Shaiban,

Chingiz-khantd—particulars 632 n.3; a his force gathered
at Qarshi (917) 353; 2@- a principal actor between 926 and
932 AH. 427; his position in relation to ‘Ubaidu’l-lah (935)
618 n. 6; in the battle of Jim 622; various accounts of his
escape or death 623, 636; his envoy to Babur 631, 632 ; his

sons Abii-sa‘id and Pulad g.v.; [937 AH.—1530-1 AD.].

Kuki-i' Baba Qashqa, see Haji Muhammad Khan Kaki.

Kuki,’ paternal-uncle of the last-entered (A.N.)—on Babur’s
service (934) 589, (935) 674,679 ; in the battle of the Ghogra
673; [7940 AH.-1553 AD.?].

Kupuk Beg, var. Kipik, Kipa (hunchbacked) — in Babur’s
service (910) 237; promoted (911) 253; frost-bitten (912)
311; in the centre at Oandahar (913) 335; envoy to Mirza
Khan (925) 405.

Kupuk Bi Azzbeg var. ut supra—blamed for three murders
(906) 128; given Khwarizm by Shaibani (911) 256; his son
Oambar-i-‘ali ¢.v.

Kipuk Mirza 2ai-gard, Muhammad Muhsin, son of Husain
and Latif-sultan — parentage 262; defeated by his father
(904) 260 ; does not join his brothers against Shaibani (912)
296-7 ; defeated and killed 329-30 ; [f913 AH.—1507 AD.].

* This may be a tribal or a family name. Abi’l-ghazi mentions two individuals
named ‘‘Kouk”. One was Chingiz Khan’s grandson who is likely to have had
descendants or followers distinguishable as Au#Ai. See Add. Note P. 673 on
Kiki fate.

774

*
=
ay
“1
‘5
7 '
%
a

Index I. Personal

_ Sayyid Lachin—bearer of an urgent message from Babur (932)
453.

Hazrat Lam, (Lamak, Lamakan), father of Noah—his reputed
tomb, 210.

Langar Khan /anjziha—on Babur’s service (925) 380, 381,
388-9, 412 ; one ofa raft-party 385 ; waits on Babur 391, 411.

Langar Khan Viasat Afghan—one of a raft-party (925) 412 ;
waits on Babur (926) 421.

Latif Begim Dz/dai Barlas T: urk—particulars 37 (where for
“916” read 917 AH.).

Latif-sultan Aghacha Chdr-shamba’i, a mistress of Husain
Lai-gara — parhiculars 269; her sons Abi’l-muhsin and
Kipuk g.v. ; [tbefore 911 AH.-1506 AD.].

Lope de eee popular use of his name resembling one of
Nawa’i’s 287 n. 3.

Lutfi Beg—measures the Ganges- bank on Babur’s journey
(933) 659.

Maghfiur, see Faghfir.

Mah-afriz— married by Kamran (934) 619 n. 1.

Mah-chichtig 4”ghin, daughter of Mugim and Zarif—marries
Oasim Kikildash (913) 342, 199 n. 1, me 365; their
daughter Nahid ¢.v. ; [Tezr. 975 AH. 1568 AD. ].

Mahdi Sultan Azzbeg, the constant associate (brother?) of
Hamza —defeated by Husain Bai-gara (901) 58; enters
Babur’s service 59 ; deserts 64 ; defeats ‘Ali Wiran-shahi and
goes back to Shaibani65 ; his Mughils are disloyal to Babur
(904) 105; serving Shaibani (906) 131; at Sar-i-pul 139;
at Hisar (910) 244; oa retires before Babur (916) 352;
defeated and killed by him at. Pul-i-sangin (917) 18, 37, 262,
353, 354; his Miran-shahi wife 36; his sons at Jam (935)
622; [f917 AH.—1511-12 Ap.].

Mahdi-Sultan Auzbeg-Shaiban?—his identity discussed 264
n.1; his son ‘Adil and grandson ‘Aqgil ¢.v.

Sayyid Mahdi Khwaja, son of Misa Khwaja and third
husband of Babur’s sister Khan-zada—Babur’s diwdn-begi
(916-7) 704 n. 3; da - dissuades Muhammad-i-zaman from
accepting Babur’s invitation to Kabul (after 920) 364; on
Babur’s service (932) 468, 471; in the left wing at Panipat
472, 473; commands troops sent to seize Dihli 475; gifts
made to him 527; given Etawa 530; orders changed 531;

775

Index I. Personal

serves as an escort (933) 534, 537; given Biana 539; sends
news of Sanga’s approach 544; joins Babur quickly 548; in
the left wing at Kanwa 567; given leave for Kabul 579;
host to Babur near Etawa (935) 644; waits on him returning
to Agra 686; displeases him 688 n. 2, 704 n. 2; summoned
to Court 689 ; later particulars 644 n.4, 688 n. 2, ge 692 ;
g@- discussion of a plan to make him Padshah 703-7 ;
m=- his name may be a gloss in the story 705; his son
Ja‘far g.v.; his inscribed slab at Amir Khusrau’s tomb 704
n. 1; his surmised Tirmizi descent 704; his relation or
servant Mir Muhammad (925) 381.

Mahim Begim, wife of Babur— particulars 344 n. 3, 711,
ge- 712,714; ge@- with Babur during the Transoxus cam-
paign (916-920) 358; adopts Hind-al (925) 374, 385,
gs- 715, App. L; d@ visits Humayiin in Badakhshan
(928) 436; goes to Agra (935) 640 n. 2, 650 n. 2, 665,
686-7, 689 n. 2,690; g@- her influence probably misused
on Humayin 694, 707 ; meets him, sick, in Muttra (937)
701-2; ge her care of Babur’s Agra tomb (937) 709;
[+940 AH.-1533-4 AD. ].

Sayyid Mahmud Adaghlagchi, Mughil—forced to go on foot
(910) 239.

Mahmud Beg Windiki, Barlas Turk—particulars 51; defends

Hisar against Aba-bikr Miran-shahi (873) 51, and against

Husain Bai-gara (901) 58; negociates with Husain 61.

Sultan Mahmud Di/dai Barlas Turk—expelled from Andijan
(900) 44; turns informer (905) 125.

Mulla Mahmud /arddz, associated with Khalifa—reads the
Ooran to Babur (925) 401; rebukes a jest at Khalifa’s expense
416; reads the Khutba first for Babur in Dihli (932) 476;
reinforces the right wing [¢#/ghuma] at Kanwa (933) 569 ;
leads the Morning Prayer at Rapri (935) 643 (where for
“Muhammad” read Mahmiid).

Sultan Mahmtd Ghazi Ghaznawi Turk—his humble capital
Ghazni 217, 219; his and his descendants’ tombs 218;
Dost-i-nasir’s tomb near his 396; his dam and Babur’s gift
from Hindiistan for its repairs 219; Bit-khak traditionally
named from his idol-breaking 409 n. 3; mentioned as a
conqueror of Hindiistan 479; contrast made between his
position and Babur’s 479 ; [7421 AH.—1030 AD.].

Sultin Mahmiid Khan Chaghatai Chingis-khanid, Khaqan of
the Mughils, elder son of Yinas and Shah Begim—succeeds

776

a
V3
e

f
e

via

Index I. Personal

his father (892) 13 ; his disaster on the Chir (895) 31, 34, 39;
invades Farghana (899) 13, 31; thought of as a refuge for
Babur 29, (908) 178; retires from Farghana 32; attempts
Samarkand and is defeated (900) 52, 111, (905) 122 ;. takes
Aiira-tipa (900) 55-6 ; demands Andijan (903) 87 ; is visited
by Babur (900) 54, (903) 90, 92, (907 and 908) 153-159 ;
sends help to Babur (903) 90, 92, (904) 101, (906) 138, 139 ;
his men abandon Babur (903) 91, 92 ; he opposes Babur (905)
115-6, 116; moves out against Tambal (907) 154, 156;
numbers his army 154; acclaims his standards 155; cere-
monies on his meeting his brother Ahmad (908)160; goes with
him against Tambal 161,168, 171; they number their armies
161; retires to Tashkint 172; defeated at Archian by Shaibani
(909) 7, 23, 9- 182-3; his prae-accession sobriquet Khamka
Khan 23 ; his summer retreat in Farghana 5 ; his Miran-shahi
marriage (cir. 892) 13, 35; retainers of his 25, 28; former
followers, deported (908) by Shaibani, return after his death
(916) 351; Babur’s comment on him as a soldier 91, 157, and
as a verse-maker 154; 3&- murdered with five young sons
by Shaibani 350 ; [914 AH.—1509 aD. ].

Mahmud Khan Lidi Afghan, son of Sikandar—fights for
Sanga at Kanwa (933) 562; reported to have taken Bihar
(935) 639, 675; one of three competitors for rule 651 n. 5;
gathers an army to oppose Babur 651-2 ; it breaks up 654;
is near the Son 658; flees before Babur’s men 662; referred to
664 n. 7,679 n.7; on his title Sultan 652 nn. 2, 6, 653-4 n. 1;
[+945 AH.—1543 AD.].

Mahmud Khan WNihani Afghan — holding a district from
Babur ; taken by ‘Alam Khan (932) 455, 456; deserts ‘Alam
Khan ; ’ waits on Babur and given revenue from Ghazipir 527 ;
sent against Etama 530; waits on Babur (935) 659 ; searches
for a passage through the Ghogra 668; in the battle of the
Ghogra 669 (here Ghazipiiri) ; receives a grant on Bihar 676 ;
on service against Biban and Bayazid 682. |

Mahmud Khan shzkdar of Sikandarpiir—collects boats for
Babur’s passage of the Ghogra (935) 668.

Mahmud Khan Sultan Adzbeg-Shaibin Chingiz-khanid—
in the battle of Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139;
receives Qiindiiz (910) 244; his protection sought 196 n.5;
dies 244; [F910 AH.-1504 AD.].

Sultan Mahmud K2z/z7 Turk, ruler in Malwa—particulars 482
‘(where in n. 2 for “ Gujrat” read Malwa) ; his territory (916)

777

Index I. Personal

593 ; his jewels (925 and 935) 612-3 ; thought of by Rahim
dad as a refuge 688 n. 2 (where for “Muhammad” read
Mahmid) ; [937 AH.—1531 AD.].

Mahmud “indir-sangak, pidda—killed fighting 68; [+902 au.-
1497 AD. |.

Sultan Mahmud mir-akhwur, see Mirza Beg firmgi-baz (58
and n. 4).

Sultan Mahmud Mirza Ghazi, Miran-shahi Timurid, Barlas
Turk, son of Abii-sa‘id—particulars 45-51; defeated by
Husain 4az-gara (865 and 876), 46, 259-60, 268 ; . succeeds
his brother Ahmad (899) 40-1, 86 ; alienates allegiance 41—2
sends Babur wedding-gifts (900) 43 ; his death 27, 45, 50, 52
his family joins Babur (910) 189; referred to 12 m 2,13n.5,
190, 194; his Hisar house 93 ; [+900 AH.—1495 AD.].

Sayyid Mahmud Saifi, Maulana ‘dr#zz — author of the
‘Ariz-t-satifi—tutor of Bai-sunghar Miran-shahi 111.

Mahmud Sarwan, son of Fath Khan Khan- tjehan oe
to stay at Court (933) re

Mahmud Shah //yas—his murder mentioned to illustrate a
succession custom of Bengal 483.

Sultan Mahmud S/argi, son of Jalalu’d-din—Babur gives him
the title of Sultan (935) 652.

Mahmud, son of Muhammad -i- makhdiimi — beheaded in
Badakhshan 242; [7910 aH.—1504—5 Ap. ?].

(?) Mahndi (415, 473), or Mindi or Hindi (235, 335)—kills an
Afghan trader (910) 235; in the centre at Qandahar (913)
335; wine first given to him (925) 415; in the left wing
[zalehuma| at Panipat (932) 473. |

Khwaja Majdu’d-din Muhammad Kkawd/i — particulars
281, 282.

Makan Farmili(?) Afghan—not submissive to Babur (932)
529; sent out of the way before Kanwa (933) 547; his son
Hasan ¢.v.

Makhditim-i-‘alam, Nasrat Shah’s Governor in Hajipiir—his
defences on the Gandak (935) 663.

Hazrat Makhdimi Nura—mentioned 641 n. 1.

Makhdim-sultan Begim JJiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of Mahmiid and Zuhra—in Badakhshan (czr.935)48.

Makhdiim-sultaén Begim Qard-giiz, wife of ‘Umar Shaikh—
particulars 18, 24.

778

HR eee

Index I. Personal

Malik-dad Kararani (Karani)*—reprieved (932) 477-8; on
service (933) 540, 582, (935) 682; in the right wing at
Kanwa (933) 557.

Malik-i-muhammad Mirza MWiran-shahi, nephew of Abi-
sa‘id—aspires to rule (899) 41; murdered 41; his wife 47 ;
his house 146; [7899 AH.—1494 AD. ].

Maliks of Alangar—their garden a halting-place (926) 424.

Malik of Fan—stingy to Babur (906) 130.

Malik-quli Ka#nxéri—Babur halts at his son’s house (926) 423
(where read quli for “‘Ali”).

Malik Sharg—returns from service (935) 683.

Mallu Khan of Malwa—his tank at Chanderi 597 n. 8, 598.

Mamaq Sultan Azsbeg- Shaiban Chingiz - khanid, son of
Hamza—takes service with Babur (901) 58,59; me his
death 353; [7917 AH.—1511-2 AD.].

Mamtum Khalifa ‘4 00dasz, son of Hariinu’r-rashid—his Ob-
servatory and Tables, Author’s Note 79 ; [{218 AH.—833 AD. ].

Manik - chand Chauhan Rapit—killed at Kanwa 573;
[7933 AH.-1527 aD.].

Raja Man-sing Gidlidri, Tiinwar Rajpit—his buildings 607,
608 ; his son Bikramajit g.v. ; [F924 AH—1518 AD.].

Shah Manstr Jakhshi—helps Shaibani to take Herat (913)
325; given Khadija Begim to loot 326.

Shah Mansur ZBarl/as—on service (932) 465-6, 475, 530, (933)
545 ; in the right centre at Panipat (932) 472, 473, and at
Kanwa (933) 565, 569; his untimely praise of the Rajpit
army 548, 550.

Sultan Manstr Khan Chaghatai Chingiz-khantd, eldest son
of Ahmad, Alacha Khan—a@— defeats his half-brother Sa‘id
(914) 349; ge mentioned as Khaqan of the Mughils,
Sa‘id as Khan in Kashghar 427; [7950 AH—1543 AD.].

Mansur Mirza 4ai-gara,‘Umar-shaikhi Timirid, Barlas Turk
—mentioned in his son Husain’s genealogy 256; his not-
reigning 256; his wife Firiiza and their children 256, 257 ;
his beg Wali ¢.v.

Mansur 7urkman—in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335.

Malik Shah Manstr Yasuf-zai Afghan, son of Sulaiman—
envoy of his tribe to Babur (924) 371; his daughter’s

* Cf. E. and D. for ‘‘Karani” (e.g. vol. iv, 530). The Hai. MS. sometimes
doubles the 7, sometimes not.

779

Index I. Personal

marriage with Babur (925) 375, App. K; waits on him
399, 400; his brother Taus Khan and cousin Ahmad g.v.;
a follower 377.

Magsud sichi, sharbatchi, karg—in the left centre at Qandahar
(913) 335, 338; his tossing by a rhinoceros (arg) 400.

Marghub gu/—in Mahawin (932) 523.

Mian Ma‘ruf Farmilt Afghan*—disaffected to Ibrahim and
(later) to Babur (932) 523; his opposition 530; flees 533-4 ;
his son Muhammad (?) leaves him (934) 598; his sons
Muhammad and Misa g¢.v.

Ma‘ruf Yag‘ib-khail Dilah-zak (Dilazak) Afghan—waits on
Babur at ‘Ali-masjid (925) 394.

Shaikh Maslahat K/ujandi—his birthplace 8 ; dreamed of by
Babur (906) 132 ; his tomb visited by Timir (790) 132 n. 2.

Masti chuhra—deals with a drunken man (925) 415; intoxicated
by beer (926) 423.

Sultan Mas‘td Ghaznawi—his tomb 218.

Sultan Mas‘id Mirza J/iran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son
of Mahmid and Khan-zada I—particulars 47, 48; holding
Hisar (900) 52; opposes Husain Baz-gard and flees (901)
57-8, 130; one of three besieging Samarkand; retires with
his desired Barlas bride 64; quarrels with Khusrau Shah
(902) 71, and with the Hisar begs (903) 93; takes refuge
with Husain Bai-gara 93, 95, 261, 265; returns to Khusrau
and is blinded by him 95,50; goes back to Husain 95, 266 ;
mentioned as older than Bai-sunghar 110; meets Babur in
Herat (912) 302; murdered by Aiizbegs (913) 267; his
wives Saliha-sultan Wivran-shahi, and Sa‘adat-bakht Bai-gara
g.v.; his betrothed (?) Kichik Begim Bai-gara q.v.; [t913 AH
1507 AD. |.

Sultan Mas‘ud Mirza Kabuli, Shah-rukhi, ut supra— par-
ticulars 382 ; his cherished followers, sons of Mir ‘Ali Beg g.v. ;
his son ‘Ali asghar g.v.; [deposed 843 AH.—1439-40 AD.].

Mulla Mas‘ud Sherwani, of Flusain Bai-gar@s Court — no
particulars 284.

Ma‘stima-sultan Begim Wiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of Ahmad and Habiba-sultan, and wife of Babur—
particulars 36, @- 711; her marriage arranged (912) 306,
gs- 714; brought from Herat (913) 330; married 339; dies
in child-bed and her name at once given to her child 36;
[fezr. 915 AH.—1509 AD.].

‘ * See Wagi‘at-i-mushtagi, E. and D. iv, 548,
700

Index I. Personal

Ma‘suma-sultan Begim, #/ supra, daughter of Babur and
Ma‘suma-sultan (supra)—her birth 36 ; with her father in the
Transoxus campaign (916-920) 358; her marriage (or
betrothal) to Muhammad-i-zaman Bai-gara (923 or 924) 365;
gifts made to her servants (935) 633 ; Da in the family-list
705, 706.

Maulana Sayyidi, or J/ashhadi—his chronogram on Huma-
yiin’s birth (913) 344.

Shaikh Mazid Beg, Babur’s first guardian—particulars 26, 27,
[+ before 899 AH.—1494 ap. ].

Mir Mazid Taghai Kanji J/ughil, brother or uncle of Aisan-
daulat—takes part in a sally from Samarkand (906) 142;
wounded at Akhsi (908) 168; rebels (921) 363, 397; his
relations, ‘Ali-dost, Sherim, Qul-nazr g.v.; [fezr. 923 AH-
1517 AD.].

Mazid Beg Tarkhan Arghiin, son of Amir Tarkhan Junaid
(HS. lith. ed. iii, 359)—his retainer Khusrau Shah 49 ; his
action in 873 AH. 51; his brother ‘Ashiq-i-muhammad g.v.

Shaikh Mazid Kuikwuldash—envoy of Muhammad-i-zaman to
Babur (925) 402.

Medini Rao var. Mindi e¢c.—particulars 593 n.5; his force at
Kanwa (933) 562 ; holding Chanderi (934) 483, 593 ; Babur

negociates with him 594; his house the scene of a supreme
rite 595, :

Mihr-angez Begim Bai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk—married
as a captive (913) 329 n. 1.

Mihr-ban Khanim (see 2z/ra)—gifts to and from Babur (935)
631, 632, 641; her husband Kichim Azzbeg and their son
Pulad g.v. ; a verse seeming to be addressed to her (925) 402.

Mihr-bant. Begim Mivan-shahi, half-sister of Babur (perhaps
the Khanim last entered )—particulars 18.

Mihr-nigar Khanim Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid, daughter of
Yinas—particulars 21, 149 ; joins Babur in Kabul (911) 246;
visited by him after her disloyalty (912) 315 ; goes to Badakh-
shan (913) 341; dies a prisoner 21.

Milli Strdtik—reprieved from death (932) 477, 478.

Mingli Bi Aghacha, a mistress of Husain Adai-gara—par-
ticulars 269 ; her sons and daughters 262-3, 266.

Minglik Kuikuldash—leaves Samarkand (907) 147.
H. OF B. 52 781

Index I. Personal

Minwtchihr Mirza J/iran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk, brother
- of Abii-sa‘id—an attributed descendant 24; his son Malik-i-
muhammad g.v. ;

Mintchihr Khan 7urk—delayed in waiting on Babur by a
forcible marriage (925) 386, 388 ; on Babur’s service in Bhira
389 ; leading Darya-khanis (934) 589; his relation Nazar-i-
‘ali Turk g.v. .

Mirak—entrusted with building work (935) 642.

Mirak Kir Diwan (or Gir)—in Ala-girghan when Shaibani
took Herat (913) 328.

Miran-shah Mirza JWiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son

of Ailigh Beg Kaduli—trebels against his father and goes to j ;

Khusrau Shah 95; sent to Bamian 96,

Miran-shah Sultan Mirza 7imirid, Barlas Turk, 3rd son
of Timir—mentioned in a genealogy 14; his daughter’s son
Ahmad 447-gara g.v.; [$810 AH.—1407-8 AD.].

Mir Buzurg 7zrmizi—his daughter and granddaughter, wives
of Mahmud MWiran-shahi 47-8, 49.

Mirim—Mir Muhammad ? *—adopted son of Atizin Hasan—
killed fighting against Babur 170; [f908 AH.-1502 ApD.].
Mirim Diwan—wz? supra—captured serving Babur (904) 106;

released (905) 119; discovers a rebel (912) 319.

Mirim Laghari—ut supra—leaves Babur for home (903) 91;
captured serving Babur (904) 106; killed 167; [7904 an.—
1499 ap. ].

Mirim-i-nasir Beg—wt supra—enters Babur’s service (904)
103 ; one of a household-party (906) 131; in the left centre
at Qandahar (913) 335, 338; at social gatherings (925) 385,
388 ; on service 389, 391; receives his dead brother’s district
397.

Mirim Tarkhan — w/ supra— drowned while serving Bai-
sunghar Miran-shahi 74 ; [$903 AnH.-1497 AD.].

Mir Khurd /akawal—one of a boat-party (925) 388 ; ordered
to catch pheasants 404; made Hind-al’s guardian 408 ; on
service (935) 640.

Mir Mughiul, son of ‘Abdu’l-wahhab shaghawal— helps to
defend Andijan (903) 122; his son killed (904) 102 (here
Mughil Beg); sent by Tarkhans to invite Babur to Samar-
kand (905) 122, 123; on service (925) 389 (here Beg

* Shaikhim Suhaz/i however was named Ahmad (277) not Muhammad.
782

Index I. Personal

Muhammad J/ughil) ; measures Babur’s marches (935) 658
(here Mughil Beg); in the battle of the Ghogra 673-4
(here Mughial-i ‘Abdu’l-wahhab).

Mir Sang-tarash—entrusted with building-work (935) 642.

Mirza Beg jfiringi-bdz—in Husain Bai-gara’s service (901) 58.

Mirza Beg Kai-khusrawi—in Ala-qirghan when Shaibani
took Heri (913) 328.

Mirza Beg Taghai, see Sl. ‘Ali M. Taghai Begchzk.

Mirza Beg Tarkhan—in the left centre at Panipat (932) 472.

Wais Mirza Khan MWiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk—Khan
Mirza—son of Mahmiid and Sultan-nigar Chaghatai—par-
ticulars 47 ; sent by The Khan (Mahmid Chaghazaz) against
Samarkand (905) 122; in Tashkint (908) 159; at Khusrau
Shah’s audience of submission (910) 193; demands vengeance
on him 194; on service 234 ; disloyal (912) 313-20; captured
and banished 320; rejoins Babur from Herat (913) 331; in
the right wing at Qandahar 334; his loot 338; goes to
Badakhshan on Shah Begim’s insistance 340-1, 342; his
claim to rule in it 698 nn. 1-3; serves as a refuge for Sa‘id
Chaghatdai (915) 349 and Haidar Dighlat 350; sends Babur
news of Shaibani’s defeat at Merv (916) 350; invites his
help in recovering their ancestral lands zd.; messenger of
Babur to Isma‘il Safawi 352; helps him to defend Hisar
(918) 359; receives him plundered 362 ; sends him an envoy
(925) 402; loses lands to Sa‘id Chaghatai 695; D=- men-
tioned 427; his death announced to Babur (927) 433, 621
n. 5; his titles 21 n. 5; his guardians 26, 122; et AH.—
1521 AD. ].

Mir-zadas of Khwast—wait on Babur (925) 399.

Mirza-i-malt. Qar/ig?—his son Shah Husain or Hasan g.v.

Mirza Mughil, son of Daulat-qadam-i-turk—conveys letters
(932) 526-7.

Mohan Mundahir Rajpit—ve- a punitive expedition against
him (936) 700-1; [7936 AH.-1529 Ap. ?].

The Mother of the Head-man of Dikh-kat—particulars 150.

Ibrahim Lids Mother — receives an allowance from Babur
(932) 478 ; attempts to poison him (933) 541; started under
guard for Kabul 543; her grandson sent to Kamran 544;
[7933 AH.-1527 AD.].

Mirza- quill Kukutldash (Mirza’s servant ?)—with Jahangir
(et. 9) in Akhsi (899) 32 ; one of three with Babur (908) 166,

783

Index I. Personal

396 ; fights for him in Akhsi 174-5; one of eight in flight
177 ; his horse fails 178 ; at social gatherings (925) 385, 387,
388 ; out with Babur 403; behaves in his own fashion 407.

Muatikan Chaghatai Chingiz-khdanid— mentioned in Yinas
Khan’s genealogy 19.

Bibi Mubaraka Visuf-zai Afghan, a wife of Babur—referred to
367 n. 3; her courtship App. K ; asked and given in marriage
375, 376; a couplet suiting her 411; accompanies Mahim to
Agra (935) 689 n.5; g@- her probable charge of conveying
Babur’s body to Kabul 709-10; her brother Jamal App.
K, xli; [f early under Akbar 963 AH.-1556 AD.].

Mubarak Khan /2/wani—killed serving Biban (935) 685.

Mubarak Shah Mwuzaffart — rises in Badakhshan against
Shaibani (cer. 910) 242 ; invites Nasir Wirdn-shahi 242, 243 ;
defeats Aiizbegs (912) 294-5; defeats Nasir 321; in force
(913) Author’s Note 340 ; invites Mirza Khan to Qila‘i-zafar
21; [fezr. 913 AH.-1508 ap.].

Mughil Beg, amir of Husain Bai-gara—particulars 275.

A Mughiul servant—aims an arrow at Babur (912) 316.

Mihammad, the Prophet—reference to 75 ; a saying on travel
184; his edicts do not include the imposition of the samgha

-555; on the duty of a wazir 556; mentioned in the farman
and the fath-nama (933) 553, 559-574.

Khwaja Muhammad, an old tailor of “Umar Shaikh’s—allays
anxiety for Babur (899) 30.

Mir Muhammad-i-Mahdi Khwaja—on service (925) 381.

Pahlawan Haji Muhammad—gifts made to him (935) 633.

Ustad Sultan Muhammad, a Kabul builder—orders for his
work (935) 646-7.

Muhammad ‘Ali, son of Haidar ekabdar—brings a gift (925)
418; summons Humayin (933) 537-8; sent out for news
(935) 661, 662.

Muhammad ‘Ali dakhshi—on Abi-sa‘id’s service and defeated
by Husain Bai-gard (868) 259.

Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang—in the centre at Bajaur (925)
370 ; at boat-parties 387, 388 ; his servant’s service 391, 392;
his districts 392—3, 530 ; reinforced 412 ; waits on Babur 403,
419, (932) 458; at Milwat (932) 460, 461; at Hisar-firiza
465-6 ; wounded 471; in the van at Panipat 472 ; on service

784

Index I. Personal

530, (933) 549, 550, 576, 582 ; in the left wing at Kanwa 557 ;
acts unsuccessfully against Biban and Bayazid (934) 589, 594,
598 ; pursues from near Oanij 601; sent against Baltichis
(935) 638 ; his brother Arghin and sons Tardi-muhammad
and Nan-roz g.v.

Khwaja Muhammad ‘Ali scta@ddar — messenger to Khwaja
Yahya (905) 124; confuses a pass word (908) 164 (here
sdirt-kishi = sart) ; captured by Tambal 168 ; fights against
rebels (912) 315; in the left centre at Qandahar (913) 335 ;
in charge of treasure 338 ; at entertainments (925) 410, 411,
413; D@- at Kalanir (930) 442 (here Tajik = Sart).

Muhammad ‘Ali Mndbashir-beg—stays with Babur at a crisis
(903) 91; at Khiiban (905) 113; in the flight from Akhsi (908)
163; captured by Tambal 168; killed on service 252; his
servant Sulaiman 175; [+911 AH.—-1506 aD. ].

Muhammad ‘Ali pidda—deserts Nasir Mirdn-shahi (913) 343.

Khwaja Muhammad ‘Ali Taghai — ‘Asas — brother of
Mahim Begim ?—in the van at Qandahar (913) 335; meets
Babur at a crisis (914) 346; waits on Babur (925) 399, 403 ;
answers a military summons 408; the first to follow Babur
in renouncing wine (933) 552; at various entertainments
(925) 387, 388, 400, 412, (926) 423, (935) 683 ; on his identity
922 n.4; S@ in charge of Babur’s Agra tomb (937) 709.

Khwaja Muhammad-amin—out with Babur (910) 230; deserts
from Qandahar (913) 343 ; at a garden-wine-party (925) 418;
his servant Imam-i-muhammad 2d.

Muhammad-amin Khan Qazani, Jiigi Chingiz - khanid —
Shaibani sends him a Herat musician 292; [+925 AH-
1519 AD.].

Ustad Muhammad-amin /i/achi—attention for him desired
from Khwaja Kalan (935) 647.

Muhammad 4A xdzzani—sent to Kabul (912) 313-4.

Muhammad 4rghiin—with Mughils against Babur (904) 106.

Sayyid Muhammad-i-atriss 47ghin, son of Airis — par-
ticulars 279,

Shah Sultan Muhammad Badakhshi —his claim to Greek
descent and his six daughters 22. (Cf. T.R. trs. p. 107.)
Mir Muhammad Sadakishi of Ishkimish—particulars 288-9 ;

waits on Babur (917) 289.
Muhammad éakhshi—on service at Qandahar (913) 338.

785

fndex I. Personal

Muhammad Bagir Beg Axdzjani—with Jahangir (899) 32 ;
disloyal to Babur (900) 44; with Bai-sunghar (902) 65;
leaves Babur for home (903) 91; in Akhsi and seen in the
flight (908) 189,181; me@- 182; his son Dost g.v.

Muhammad Baranduq Beg Barlas Turk—particulars 270;
on Husain Bdai-gara’s service (901) 58; retorts on Khusrau
Shah (910) 243 ; retainer of Muzaffar-i- husain Bai-gara (911)
274, 293; acts against Shaibani (912) 296, 297; at a feast
298 ; concerning Babur’s reception at the Heri Court 299;
presses him to winter in Heri 307; his plan of defence
rejected (913) 326.

Muhammad Beg Begchik, brother of Ayib—in the right wing
at Oandahar (913) 334.

Pahlawan Muhammad Biu-sa‘id—particulars 292.

Shah Muhammad diwdana, receives a fugitive Bai-qara 263 ;
his son brings Babur news of Biban and Bayazid (935) 681.

Muhammad-dost Taghai Kaji Mughil, son of ‘Ali-dost—
with Babur (900) 53; remains at a crisis (903) 91; captured
by Tambal (904) 106 ; released (905) 119; his self-aggrandiz-
ment 119; deserts to Tambal 125; negociates for him with
Babur (908) 173; blinded by the Atizbegs 125.

Sayyid Muhammad Dighlat Hisari—enters Babur’s service
(901) 58,59; his Mughiils desert Babur (904) 105 ; conspires
against Tambal and goes to The Khan (Mahmid) (907) 154;
sent with Babur against Tambal (908) 161.

Sultan Muhammad Didldai, Barlas Turk—Babur’s messenger
to Husain Bai-gara (912) 294; returns with news of Husain’s
death 295 ; in the right centre at Qandahar (913) 335 ; waits
on Babur from Bajaur (925) 401; overtakes him at Jii-shahi
410; at a wine-party zd.; at Hisar-firiza (932) 465-6; in
the right-wing at Panipat 472; given Qantj 530; abandons
it (933) 557; unwilling to return there 582; sent against
Balichis (935) 638 ; ordered to Agra 676.

Shah Muhammad Farmili Afghan, son of Ma‘raf—particulars
675 ; Babur gives him Sariin (934) 603, 675 ; waits on Babur
(935) 675, 679.

Sultan Muhammad Galpuk, Itirachi Mughil — opposing
Babur (908) 165.

Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus—particulars 539 ; helps Babur to
gain Gialiar (933) 539-40; intercedes for Rahim-dad (936)
688, 690.

786

Index I. Personal

Muhammad Haidar Mirza Digh/at, see Haidar.

Muhammad Husain Mirza Kurkan Dzugh/at, receives
Aira-tipa (900) 56; effects Qasim gichin’s dismissal (903) 90;
sent by The Khan (Mahmid) to help Babur 92; lends him
Pashaghar (904) 97, and Dikh-kat (907) 148; sent against
Samarkand (905) 122; keeps back Aiira-tipa from Babur
(907) 149; goes to him in Kabul (911) 246; incites a
Mughil revolt against him (912) 313-17; captured and
banished 319 ; ungrateful for leniency zd.; Shaibani avenges
Babur 2.; his son Haidar’s excuses for him 317 n. 3; his
wife Khib-nigar, son Haidar, daughter WHabiba g.v. ;
[7914 AH.-1508 AD. ].

Muhammad Husain, brother of Abi’l-hasan ga#r-degi—joins
Mirza Khan (912) 315; on Babur’s service (925) 413 (here
gurchi).

Muhammad-i-husain Mirza Sai-gara Timirid, Barlas
Turk, son of Husain and Mingli—particulars 262, 268;
hostile to his father (903) 94; his flight into ‘Iraq 262.

Mir Muhammad 7@/a-ban—examines a ford through the Sind-
water (Indus) (925) 378; selects a site for a pontoon-bridge
across the Ganges (934) 599; examines fords above Aiid
(Oudh) 602 ; advises about crossing the Sari (Goghra) 674 ;
rewarded for his pontoon-bridge (935) 635 ; his raft-mishaps
(925) 407, 423.

Muhammad Jan, Najm Sani’s Lord-of-the-Gate—Ds- envoy
to Babur and discontented with his reception (917) 355.
Muhammad Khalil ekhta-degi—sent raiding (933) 538; at

Kanwa (933) 569.

Muhammad Khan Chaghatai Chingiz-khantd—mentioned in
Yiinas Khan’s genealogy 19. |

Muhammadi Kukuldash, kinsman of Baba Qashqa (?—¢.v.)
—seen with Babur by Khan-zada (before 907 and in 916) 18 ;
on service at Milwat (932) 458, 460; in the right centre at
Panipat 472, 473, 475; sent against Dilpir 530; receives
Samana 528; in the right wing at Kanwa (933) 566, 569,
576; sends news of a second? Baliichi incursion (935) 605
n. 3,638; reports action 675; ordered to Agra 676; at
various entertainments (925) 385, 388, 412.

Muhammad-i-makhdtimi—his son Mahmid g.v.

* The record of the first appears likely to be lost in the /acuna of 934 AH.
787

Index I. Personal

Muhammad Ma‘sum Mirza bai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk,
son of Husain and Mingli—particulars 264, 269; his wife
Bega Miran-shahi g.v.; [907 AH—1501-2 ap. See HS.
iii, 290].

Mulla Muhammad J/aghab—profers support to Babur (932)
463 ; Babur’s envoy to Bengal (935) 637.

Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan Arghin Chingiz-khanid, son
of Airdii-bigha—particulars 39 ; has charge of Nasir Wiran-
shahi (899) 32; leaves Samarkand after the Tarkhan rebellion —
(901) 62; displeases ‘Ali Miran-shahi (905) 121; plotted
against 2d.; invites Mirza Khan and Babur122,123; welcomes
Babur 40, 124; joins Khusrau Shah (906) 129; fights for
Babur at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 139; takes refuge with
Khusrau Shah 141; at Kil-i-malik (918) pe- 357; killed
there 39; his house a post of Babur’s 143; [7918 aH—
1512 anp.].

Sultan Muhammad Mirza Lai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk—
parentage 257.

Sayyid Muhammad Mirza Dig/dat, uncle of Haidar—sent
to help Babur (906) 139; envoy of Sa‘id Chaghatai to him
(917) 22; escorts his niece to Kashghar zd.

Sultan Muhammad Mirza WViran-shahi, grandson of Timir
—his son Abi-sa‘id g.v.

Sultan Muhammad Mirza J/ivan-shahi Timirid—his father
Abi-sa‘id ¢.v.

Muhammad miskin, Dildai Barlas, son of Hafiz—captured by
Babur’s men (903) 72.

Muhammad Muhsin 2di-gard, see Kipik.

Muhammad Mugim Beg Arghiin, son of Zi’n-nin—takes
possession of Kabul (908) 195 n. 3; loses it to Babur (910)
198, 199, 227, 246 n. 3; loses Qalat-i-ghilzai to him (911)
248-9; seeks his co-operation against Shaibani (913) 330;
withdraws and fails in etiquette 331-2; opposed to Babur
at Oandahar 333-7 ; flees in defeat 339.

Khwaja Muhammad Mugqim Heréwi, father of Nizamu'd-din
Ahmad the historian—a@- mentioned 691 n. 1, me 692;
as his story of a plan to supersede Humayin as Padshah in
937 AH.703; discussion of it 704-7 ; its incredibility as told
704-5.

Muhammad Mumin Léi-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk, son of
Badi‘u’z-zaman—Astarabad claimed for him (902) 69; de-

788

Index I. Personal

feated by an uncle 71 (where de/efe the ‘azz from his name) ;
his murder attributed to Khadija Begim 268.

Shaikh Muhammad J/usalman, ancestor of the Farmili
Shaikh-zadas—his tomb and descendants 220.

Sultin Muhammad MuzZaffar Guwjrati, Tank Rajpit—par-
ticulars 481-2 ; his death 481; his sons Sikandar Shah and
Bahadur Khan g.v. ; [$932 Au.—1526 AD.].

Muhammad Vii/dni, see Bihar Khan.

Mulla Muhammad Parghari—loquacious (932) 453.

Muhammad-i-qasim Barlas—comes accidentally on Babur
(925) 417.

Muhammad-i-qasim Mirza Av/az, son of Abi’l-qasim (H.S.
iii, 327)—his Bai-qara wife and their child 265 ; his sons (?)
Babur and Murad g.v.

Muhammad-i-qasim Mirza 2ai-gara Timirid,son of Husain
and Papa—parentage 265.

Muhammad-i-qasim Vadira, grandson of Muhammad Sighal
—made prisoner when opposing Babur (903) 72.

Muhammad-i-qasim Qébchag Turk, son of Baqi Chaghaniani
—leaves his family in Ajar (910) 191; father (?) of Ahmad-
i-qasim g.v.

Muhammad-quli peice — Mir Shah gichin —helps Bai-
sunghar’s escape from Samarkand (901) 62; with Babur at

‘Samarkand and wounded (902) 68; stays with him at a
crisis (903) 91; captured (904) and released by Tambal (905)
119; in the van at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139;
besieged i in Samarkand 142-144 ; with Babur when surprised
by Tambal (908) 163; in the left wing at Qandahar (913)
334 ; in a raid (925) 403.

Muhammad gérchi, retainer of Khusrau Shah—trises against
the Aiizbeg occupation of Badakhshan (910) 242; expels
Nasir Miran-shahi (912) 321; keeping up his head (913) 340.

Ustad Muhammad sadz-bana—his son Bana’i g.v.

Maulana Muhammad Sadru’d-din Axzdzjani—his six sons’
service to Babur 370 n. 2; his sons Khwajaka Mulla-i-sadr,
Kichik Khwaja, Khwaja Kalan ¢@.v.

Muhammad Salih Mirza Khwerizmi, author of the Shazbani-
nama—in Khwaja Yahya’s service * and waits on Babur (901)

™ See Shaibdni-nédma, Vambéry’s ed. Cap. xv, |. 12, for his changes of service,

and Sam Mirza’s 7uhfa-i-sami for various particulars including his classification as
a Chaghatai.

789

Index I. Personal

64 ; leaves Samarkand with the Tarkhans (905) 121; enters
Shaibani’s service 65 n. 3; on Shaibani’s service (910) 196
n. 5 ; couplets of his quoted by Babur 120-1, 448 ; [f941An.—
1534-5 AD.].

Ustad Shah Muhammad sang-tarash—cuts an inscription
(913) 343 ; receives orders for work (933) 585, 606, (935) 642.

Muhammad Shah K%i/ji Turk, son of Nasiru’d-din of Malwa
—takes Chanderi and seeks Ibrahim L#dz’s protection (916)
593 ; his young son Ahmad g.v.; [931 AH.-1524 AD. ?].

Muhammad Shah Padshah Wiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas
Turk—his change of name for an orange 511 n. 4; [f1161AH—
1748 AD.].

Muthammad Shazbani, see Shaibani.

Shaikh Muhammad-i Shaikh Bhakari(?) — on service
(933) 382.

Shah Muhammad Shaikh-zada Farmiuli Afghan, son of
Ma‘riif—leaves his Afghan associates (934) 598 (no name
here); favoured by Babur 603, 675; compelled to act with
Biban and Bayazid (935) 675; writes dutifully to Babur 2. ;
waits on ‘Askari and Babur zd. and 679.

Muhammad Sharif munajjim (astrologer)—comes to Kabul
(925) 399 and to Agra (933) 551; augurs defeat at Kanwa
551, 576; offers congratulations on victory, blamed and
banished with a gift 576.

Sultan Muhammad Sighal, Chaghatai — his descendants
Muhammad-i-qasim and Hasan g.v. (Cf. 66 n. 4 and H.S.
lith. ed. iii, 275 for tribe and title resp.).

Muhammad Sultan dakhshi—left behind to catch pheasants
(925) 404; in a night-attack on Ibrahim’s camp (932) 471;
in the left wing at Panipat 472 ; has custody of the cook who
poisoned Babur (933) 542 ; staff-officers at Kanwa 568 ; host
to Babur (935) 629; introduces a Kabul messenger 644 ;
brings news of Mahmid Zz#dz 653-4; writes that Babur’s
family is on its way from Kabul 657; waits on Babur 606 ;
his servant Shah Qasim g.v.

Sultin Muhammad Sultan Chaghatai Chingiz - khanid —
Sultanim and Khanika—eldest son of The Khan (Mahmid)
—sent to help Babur (903) 92 ; his guardian and he oppose
Babur (905) 116; his part in acclaiming the standards (907)
155; goes out to meet his uncle Ahmad (Alacha Khan)
(908) 159; g@- murdered 350; [+914 an.—1508 AD.].

799

Index I. Personal

Muhammad Sultan-i-jahangir Mirza /ehangivi Timirid,
Barlas Turk—Samarkand given to him by his grandfather
Timir 85; his college 78.

Muhammad Sultan Mirza 2ai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk,
son of Wais and Sultanim—particulars 265 ; waits on Babur
at Kalaniir (932) 458; on Babur’s service 468, 471, 475, 530,
534, (933) 545, 548, 582, (934) 589, (935). 682; in the left
wing at Panipat (932) 472 and at Kanwa (933) 567, 570;
gifts to him 527; given Qanij 582; joins Babur (935) 651;
in the battle of the Ghogra 671, 672, 674; Da- mentioned
706 (where wrongly classed with half-Timirids) ; once owner
of the Elphinstone Codex 706 n. 3.

Beg Muhammad fa‘al/ugchi — conveys gifts to Huméayiin
(Muh. 934) and returns (Rabi‘ I, 935) 621; Babur complains
of his detention.

Muhammad Tahir—captured (903) 74.

Muhammad Timur Sultan Adzbeg-Shaiban, Chingiz-khanid,
son of Shaibani—at Samarkand (906) 128; at Sar-i-pul
(Khwaja Kardzan) 139; defeats and kills two Bai-qara
Mirzas (913) 263, 329-30; leaves Samarkand on Babur’s
approach (917) 354 ; at Ghaj-davan (918) 360 ; his marriages
with captives 24, 36, 328 n. 1.

Mulla Muhammad /é/2b-mu‘ammai—an enigmatist of Husain
Bai-qara@’s Court—particulars 201 n. 7; a couplet of his
quoted 201-2; [F918 AH.-1512 AD.].

Pahlawan Haji Muhammad ¢u/ang-andazi — receives gifts
(935) 633.

Mulla Muhammad 7urkistanz, retainer of Khusrau Shah—
makes Qiindiiz safe for Shaibani Khan (910) 192.

Muhammad-i-‘ubaidu’l-lah, son of Ahrari, see Khwaja
Khwaja.

Sultan Muhammad Wais—waits on Babur (902) 66; runs
away and is suspected (907) 156; serving Babur at Akhsi
(908) 174; his retainer Kichik ‘Ali ¢.v.

Muhammad Wali Beg—particulars 277; on Husain Bai-
qara’s service (901) 57, (902) 70, (903) 94.

Muhammad-i-yusuf dAiaghlagchi, elder son of Yisuf—waits
on Babur (905) 125.

* He died serving Babur, at Kil-i-malik (H.S. iii, 344).—Further information
negatives my suggestion (201 n. 7) that he and Mir Husain (p. 288 and n. 7) were one.

791

Index I. Personal

Mir Muhammad-i-yusuf—particulars 285; waits on Babur
in Herat (912) 285; Shaibani instructs him in exposition
(913) 329.

Muhammad Zavztiin '—opposing Babur (932) 523; written to
and makes false excuse 529, 530; waits on Babur (933) 540;
sent out of the way before Kanwa 547.

Khwaja Muhammad Zakariya,” son of Yahya—murdered
128; [906 AH.—1500 AD.].

Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza Jai-gara Timiurid, Barlas Turk,
grandson and last surviving heir of Husain—particulars 261,
269 n. 6, 279; spared by Shaibani 263 ; his wanderings and
association with Khwand-amir 364-5, 463 n. 3; sent to
Babur and married to his daughter Ma‘siima-sultan (923-4)
365 ; in Balkh 365, 522; dutiful letters and tribute sent by
him to Babur (925) 385, 402, ge- 427, par (926-932) 428 ;
with Babur (935) 606, 631, 639, 659; objects to the Bihar
command 661-2 ; does homage for it and is given zusignza
of royalty 662, s- 706; starts for Bihar but is recalled 663,
664 ; in the battle of the Ghogra 668, 669, 671; m=- given
Jinpir 682; pursues Biban and Bayazid 682; grounds for
surmising in Babur the intention to leave him as ruler in
Hindistan 705-7; ae of his later uprisings against
Humayin 714 n. 1; [fdrowned at Chausa 946 AH.—1539 AD. ].

Muhibb-i-‘ali Khan 2ar/as Turk, son of Khalifa—e- marries
Nahid Begim (930) 443; in a night-attack (932) 471; in
the left centre at Panipat 472, 473 and at Kanwa (933) 565 ;
unhorsed in ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz’ discomfiture 549-50; on service
(934) 601.

Muhibb-i-‘ali gi#rchi—on Khusrau Shah’s service (901) 60,
(902) 71; joins Babur (910) 188 ; Babur’s praise of him (912)
307, 308; loyal 313, (914) 346; in the van at Qandahar
(913) 335 ; collector of an impost (925) 384; at Hisar-firiiza
(932) 465-6 ; at an entertainment 410.

Muhibb-sultan J/iran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk, daughter
of Mahmiid—particulars 48, 49.

Saqi Muhsin—wrestles (935) 660.

t “*Zaitun is the name of the Chinese city from which satin was brought (Aodze
Thsiuancheu or Chincheu) and my belief is that our word satin came from it”
(Col. H. Yule, E. and D. iv, 514).

2 My text omits to translate yigit(aagha#/) and thus loses the information that
Yahya’s sons Baqi and Zakaria were above childhood, were grown to fighting age—
braves—but not yet begs (see Index s.%. chuhra).

792

Index I. Personal

Muhsin Di/dai Barlas—at Chanderi (934) 590.
Muinu’d-din al Zamji—omitted (or lost) from Babur’s list
of Herat celebrities 283 n. 1.

Mujahid Khan J/u/tani—on Babur’s service (933) 540.

The Mulla, see ‘Abdu’r-rahman /amiz.

Mulla Baba Parkati—brings Babur news of Shaibani(913) 343.
Mulla Bihishti—conveys gifts to Hind-al (935) 642.

Mulla Baba Pashaghari, Chaghatai—comes into one of Babur’s
dreams (906) 132; at Sar-i-pul 141; envoy for Babur to
Khusrau Shah (910) 188; loyal (912) 313, (914) 346;
oe disloyal in Ghazni (921) 363; deserts Humayin (932)
545 ; joins the Aiizbegs; his proceedings 546; his brother
Baba Shaikh ¢.v.; his Kabul garden 315.

Mulla Hijri, a poet—waits on Babur (907) 153.

Mulla Kabir—his devious route to wait on Babur (925) 399.

Mulla Khwajaka—prescribes for Babur (925) 399 (where
read Khwajaka).

Mulla Khwaja-i Sayyid Ata—his Bai-qara wife 265-6.

Mulla Tabrizi—conveys gifts (935) 642.

Mulla Taghai—envoy to Babur of Abii-sa‘id Aazbeg (935)
631, 632, 641.

Mumin—suspected of the death of Niyan Kikildash (907)
151-2.

Mumin-i-‘ali sawachi—conveys orders (932) 451; conveys the
Kanwa Letter-of-victory to Kabul (933) 580.

Mimin Ata&ka—out with Babur (925) 404; on service (932)
465, 534; in the left wing (¢#/ghuma) at Kanwa (933) 568,
569 ; his brethren (935) 679.

Khwaja Munir Azshi—incites attack on Bukhara (902) 65.

Sayyid Murad Azghlagchi '—referred to as father of Yisif 39
and Hasan 279; [+874 AH.—1469-70 ap.].
Murad Beg Sayandari Turkman—his joining Husain Bai-gara
(908) 280, 336.
Murad Mirza Ar/az, son of Muhammad-i-qadsim and Rabi‘a-
sultan Miran-shahi—his Bai-qara (?) marriage 266.2

Murad Qajar Turkman, girchi—'\raqi envoy to Babur (935)
666, 688, 689, n. 4.

* See Add. Notes under p. 39.
* See Add. Notes under p. 266.

793

Index I. Personal

Mulla Khwaja Murshid ‘/r@gi—envoy of Babur to Ibrahim
Ludi (925) 385, p@- 427 n. 3; made Diwan of Bihar (935)
661, 662.

Mir Murtaza—particulars 284.

Musa Khwaja—whispers of Mughil rebellion (914) 346.

Malik Musa D7lah-zak (Dilasak) Afghin—treceives gifts (925)
394 ; brings tribute 409.

Musa Sultan Farmiili, son of Ma‘rif—waits on Babur (935)
685 ; in the battle of the Ghogra 669.

Mustafa Shaikh-zada farmiuli Afghan — on service for

Ibrahim Ladi (932) 527; his brother Bayazid g.v. ; [{932 AH.—
1525-6 AD.].

Mustafa Rimi, tawachi—his culverin-discharge at Panipat
(932) 474; has carts made for defence at Kanwa (933) 550;
at Kanwa 550, 568-9 ; at the Gangas bridge (934) 599; in
the battle of the Ghogra (935) 668, 669, 670.

Mwu’yad—leading Darya-khanis for Babur (933) 582.

Shah Muzaffar—particulars 291; his artist-training owed to
Nawaii 272.

Muzaffar Bar/ds—particulars 270-1.

Sultan Muzaffar Gwrati—his death and successor 534 (where
for [Jumada II] “and” read 932 ; [7932 AH.-1526 AD.].
Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza £2a7-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk,
son of Husain and Khadija—particulars 262, 268; serving
under his father (901) 58, (902) 71; given Astarabad (902)
61, 69; made joint-ruler in Heri (911) 292-3 ; combines in
action against Shaibani (912) 296-7 and withdraws 301;
fails in etiquette 297 ; in social relation with Babur 298, 299,
300, 302-3; plain speech to him from Qasim Beg 304; a
false report of him in Kabul 313; irresolute in opposing
Shaibani (913) 326; his army defeated 327; flees (to
Astarabad) abandoning his family 2d.; his wife Khan-zada

Khanim g.v.
Sultan Muzaffar Shah //adsi, mentioned in illustration of a
Bengal custom 483.

Mirza Yar-i-ahmad Najm Sani, wazir of Isma‘l Safawi—
his killing Sohrab Aaz-gara 262; D@- his commission to
correct Babur (918) 355, 359; ma- his massacre in Qarshi
360 ; u@- slain at Ghaj-dawan 262 n. 4, 361 ; Babur’s alleged

794

Index I. Personal

failure to support him 361; his retainer Muhammad Jan g.v. ;
[+918 AH.—1512 AD.].

Nadir Shah A/sharid—his birthplace (mod.) Qalat-i-nadiri
329 n. 4; [71160 AH.-1747 AD.].

Nahar, son of Hasan Khan Mewatt—teleased by Babur from
capture (933) 545; returns to Court 578; escapes 581.

Nahid Begim—m@- her marriage (930) 443.

Na‘man Chuhra—captured by Tambal (908) 168; at a wine-
party (925) 385.

Guri Nanak Shah—his relations with Daulat Khan Yasuf-
khai and traditionally with Babur 461 n.3; [7946 aH—
1539 AD.].

Napoleon—s@- his problem of creed in Egypt less difficult than
that of Babur with Shi‘a support 356.

Narpat Hara Chauhan Rajpit—his force at Kanwa (933) 562.

Nasir Beg—makes over Andijan to Babur (904) 103 ; counsels
him (908) 165; captured by Tambal 168; his sons Dost-,
Mirim-, and Shahim -i-nasir; his brother-in-law Aizin
Hasan ¢.v.

Nasir Khan Wihani Afghan—particulars 659 n. 4 ; disaffected
to Ibrahim Ladz and unsubmissive to Babur (932) 523;
discussion of his movements 530 ; assembles a force but flees
before Babur’s 533-4, 544; his son Farid ¢.v.

Nasir Mirza Jiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son of ‘Umar
Shaikh—particulars 17; in Kasan (@¢. 8) (899) 32; taken
to his uncle Ahmad 32 ; meets Babur (908) 172,178; at the
capture of Kabul (910) 198, 199; Zurmut hostility 220;
given Ningnahar 227; misconduct 229, 241-2; accepts an
invitation to Badakhshan 242-3; has an imbroglio with
Khusrau Shah 243; clans which had left him 255 ; defeats
Aiizbegs (912) 295; defeated by Badakhshis and goes to
Babur 321; Babur’s reflections on the situation 322; out
with Babur (913) 324; in the van at Qandahar 335; his
loot and command and beleaguerment in Qandahar 339-40 ;
goes to Ghazni 343, 344; me given Kabul (917) 363;
ge@- returns it to Babur (920) 363 ; dies in Ghazni (921) 363 ;
his sister Mihr-banii and wife Qara-giz /dai-gara q.v.;
[7921 AH.-1515 AD.].

Khwaja Nasiru’d-din 77#st— his Astronomical Tables 79;
[7672 AH.-1274 AD.].

795

Index I. Personal

Sultan Nasiru’d-din Khiijz Turk, Sultan of Malwa—-events
following his death 593; his son Mahmid g.v. ; [F916 AH.—
1510 ap.].

Nasrat Shah /usazn-shahi, Sultan in Bengal — particulars _
482-3 ; reported friendly to Babur (935) 628, 637 ; sends him
an envoy 637 ; negociations with him 661, 664, 676 ; referred
to as at peace with Babur 665; mentioned 667, 677, 679 ;
his troops defeated on the Ghogra 671-4; peace made 676 ;
[7939 AH.~1532 AD. ].

Nasrat Shah Zighlig Turk—receives Dihli from Timir 481
n. 4.

Naurang Beg—w#s punishes the Mundahirs (936) 700, 701.

Nau-roz, brother of Muhammad-‘ali /ang-jang — at Bajaur
(925) 370.

Naukar Hindu, see Tika.

Nazar-i-‘ali Z7urk—on Babur’s service (925) 389; his relation
Minichihr g.v.

Nazar Bahadur—killed on Khusrau Shah’s service 93, 94,
279; [F903 AH.-1497-8 ap.].

Nazar Bahadur Azzbeg—one of five champions worsted by
Babur in single combat (914) 349 n. 1.

Shah Nazar 7urkman—in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335 ;
rebels (914) 345.

Ni‘amat Arghiin—his defeat 34.

Mulla Ni‘amat—killed in a surprise by Sanga 549 ; [f933 AH.-
1527 ap.].

Khwaja Nitamatu’l-lah—his son Asafi 286 n. 2.

Nigarsi, see Dankisi.

Nizam Khan Ziana’t—not submissive to Babur - (932) S235:
receives letters and a quatrain from him 529 ; defeats Babur’s
troops (933) 538-9; waits on Babur 539; in the left wing
at Kanwa 567 ; on service (935) 678.

Khwaja Nizamu’d-din Ahmad, the author of the 7adagat-
z-akbari, son of Muhammad Mugim—23@> discussion of his
story of the intended supersession of Babur’s sons 702-8 ;
[71003 AH.-1594 ap. ].

Sayyid Nigamu’d-din ‘Ali Khalifa Warghilani, Barlas Turk
son of Junaid—escapes from prison and death (900) 55;
driven from Babur’s presence.(903) 90, (905) 119; defends
Kabul (912) 313; mediates (914) 345; hears rumours of ©

796

Index I. Personal

Mughil revolt 346; in the left centre at Bajaur (925) 369
and at Panipat (932) 473; given charge of Ibrahim’s corpse
474 n. 1; at Kanwa (933) 556, 558, 564-5 ; on service 384,
395, 666 ; communicates bad news at Chanderi (934) 594
and (935) 639; mediates for Rahim-dad 689; me- declines
the Badakhshan government (936) 697; me@- discussion of
his plan to set Humayin aside (in Hindistan ?) 702-8 ; his
seat at a feast 631; host to Babur 408; his sons Muhibb-i-
‘ali, Husamu’d-din-i-‘ali, Hamza and daughter Gul-barg ¢.v,

Shaikh Nizamiwv’d-din Auliya—his tomb visited by Babur
(932) 475; [$725 AH.-1325 aD. ].

Nizamu’l-mulk Kawa/z, Diwan in Heri—arrested and put
to death 282 ; [t903 AH.—1497-8 ap. ].

Hazrat Nuh (Noah)—his father Lam ¢.v.

Nur Beg (perhaps Sayyid Niru’d-din Chaghdaniani infra)—
disobeys the Law, plays the lute (925) 395; joins Babur in
an autumn garden 418; his brethren on service (932) 446;
with Babur in the East (935) 653; in the battle of the
Ghogra 673; sent to allay Rahim-dad’s fears 688-9 ; his
brother Shaham g.v.

Sayyid Nuru’d-din Chaghaniani—Sayyid Amir—a son-in-
law of Babur and father of Salima-sultan pe- 713; perhaps
Nir Beg supra.

Shaikh Niiru’d-din Beg Zurkistani, Qibchag Turk—grand-
father, through a daughter, of Yinas Chaghataz 19 (see T.R.
trs. p. 64).

Niru’l-lah ¢amdirchi—his experience in an earthquake (911)
247. :

Sayyid Nuyan Beg 77rmizi—particulars 273 ; his son Hasan-
i-ya‘qib ¢.v.

Nityan Kikildash 7irmizi— makes a right guess (906)
131-2 ; on service against Shaibani 142; his sword sent as
a gift to Tambal (907) 150; that sword wounds Babur’s head
(908) 151, 167, 396; his suspicious death 151-152 ; Babur’s
grief 152; Niyan’s uncle Haq-nazar g.v.; [f907 AH—
1502 aD.].

Padmawati, wife of Rana Sanga—in Rantanbhir (935) 612 ;
mentioned 613 n. 1; her son Bikramajit and kinsman Asik-
mal g.v.

Pahar Khan Lid, see Bihar.

H. OF B. 53 797

Index I. Personal

Pahar Mirza, a father-in-law of Jahangir J/iran-shahi—his
daughter brings her son Pir-i-muhammad to Babur (913) 331.

Pahlawan Addi (Oudhi)—wrestles (935) 683, 688.

Pahlawan La@hovi, a boatman—wrestles (935) 656.

Papa Aghacha, a mistress of Husain Baz-gara—particulars
266, 268-9 ; her five sons and three daughters 20,"

Papa-atghiuli, of Babur’s household—out with Babur (910)
234; at Qandahar (913) 335.

Parbat Kakar—conveys tribute to Babur (925) 391, 392, 393.

Pasha Begim Baharli, Ag-quilig Turkman, daughter of ‘Ali-
shukr Beg—particulars 49 ; her nephew Yar-‘ali Bad/a/ g.v.?

Payanda-muhammad Q//an—out with Babur (925) 404.

Payanda-sultan Begim MViran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of Abi-sa‘id and wife of Husain Bai-gara—par-
ticulars 263, 265, 268 ; her son Haidar and her daughters 2@. ;
visited in Herat by Babur (912) 301; arranges a marriage
for him 306; captured by Shaibani (913) 327.

Pietro della Vallé—an illustration drawn from his recorded
morning-draught (1623 AD.) 395.

Khwaja Pir Ahmad Khawda/i—his son 281.

Pir Budagh Sultan, Khagan in Desht Qibchagq (HLS. iii, 232)
—his Bai-qara marriage 258 n. 2.

Mir Pir Darwesh Hazdar-aspi—in charge of Balkh (857) 50;
fights there zd.

Piri Beg Zurkmdan — joins Babur (913) 336; particulars
Author’s Note, 336.

Pir Kani of Sakhi-sarwar—Babur halts at his tomb (910) 238.

Pir Muhammad Aid/chi-bigha, quchin—particulars 50 and nn. ;
drowned 48 n. 4, 50; [895 AH.—1490 apD.].

Pir Muhammad JMViran-shahi Timurid, Barlas Turk, son of
Jahangir—brought by his widowed mother to Babur (913)
331.

Pir-quli Szsténz—in the right wing at Panipat (932) 472, and
at Kanwa (933) 566; on service (932) 530.

Pir Sultan Pashai—one of Babur’s guides (912) 308.

Prester John, Wang Khan [T.R. trs. 16], Ong Khan [ Abu’l-ghazi,
Desmaisons’ trs. p. 55|—his title 23 n. 3.

* For emendation of 266 n. 7, see Add. Notes under P. 266.
2 On p. 49 1. 3 for ‘* Black ” read White ; and in 1. 3 read (‘‘ wife of ”) Muhammadi
son of (‘* Jahan-shah’’),

798

Index I. Personal

Pulad Sultan Azzbeg-Shatbain Chingiz-khanid — son of
Kiichim—Babur sends him his earliest-mentioned Diwan
(925) 402, 632 n. 3; at Jam (934) 622; an envoy goes from
him to Babur (935) 631, 632, 641.

Puran (Allah-birdi or Allah-quli)—out with Babur (910) 234 ;
wounded (913) 342; his father-in-law Qasim giichin q.v.

Qabil (Cain)—Babur goes alone to his tomb (925) 415.

Qadir-birdi Ghazni— spoken to by Babur when in hiding
(908) 180-1. 7

Qaitmas 7 urkman, retainer of Jahangir—drowned (910) 237.7

Qalandar fizida—on Babur’s service (932) 529.

Qambar-i-‘ali Avghin—on Babur’s service (935) 688.

Qambar-i-‘ali Beg—mobilizes the Hindiistan army by Abi-
sa‘id’s order(873?)46; expelled from Khurasan with Mahmid
Miran-shahi 47.

Qambar-i-‘ali Beg giichin, son of Qasim—races with Babur (?)
(907) 147 ; wounded, brings Babur a message (908) 174;
one of the eight in flight from Akhsi 177; gives Babur his
horse 177-8; beats down snow for a road (912) 308-9;
fights rebels in Kabul 315 ; at Qandahar (913) 334 ; wounded
336; hurries from Qindiz against rebels in Ghazni (921)
364 ; brings Babur a letter from Balkh (?) (925) 385.

Qambar-i-‘ali Beg S7/akh, Mughil—particulars 28; his in-
convenient absence (904) 106; recalled (905) 108; goes
away 110; returns 112; in the van at Khiban 113; goes
away 115; returns and is ill-tempered 117; his districts
115, 124; his ill-timed pacificism 118 ; his misconduct 123 ;
goes to Tambal, made prisoner, escapes to Babur 124; on
Babur’s service (906) 130, 131, at Sar-i-pul 138,139; sends
his family out of Samarkand 141; ? races with Babur (907)
147 ; ? leaves Babur in Dikh-kat 150 n. 3; conspires against
Tambal and goes to The Khan (Mahmiid) 154; serves
Babur against Tambal (908) 161, 162, 165, 166; counsels
Babur distastefully and flees 168,170; talks to him of peace
with Tambal 173; made prisoner in Akhsi against Babur’s
wish 174; leaves Khusrau Shah for Babur (910) 189; dis-
missed by Babur and why 192, 532 n.1; his son “Abdu-
shukir g.v.

* Cf. H.S. Ferti’s trs. p. 70 for the same name Qaitmas.
799

Index I. Personal

Qambar Bi Azzbeg—blamed by Shaibani for three murders
(906) 128; on service for him (910) 242, 244; defeated by
Tahmasp Safawi’s men (934) 622. _

Qara Ahmad yirinchi—Babur’s messenger to the Kabul begs
(912) 314.

Qara Barlas—leaves Samarkand with the Tarkhans (905) 121;
fights for Babur at Sar-i-pul (906) 139; besieged and holds
out to the end 143, 144.

Sayyid Qara Beg Kohbur Chaghatai—remains with Babur at
a crisis (903) 91; invited into Akhsi (for Babur) (904) 101;
escapes after defeat 106; at Khiban (905) 113; released
119; his (?) hasty retreat to entrenchments (906) 138, 232
n. 4; his son ‘Abdu’l-qadis g.v.

Qara Biltit—surrenders Qalat-i-ghilzai to Babur (911) 248-9.

Qaracha Khan—punished for disobedience (925) 390-1; on
service (934) 602, (935) 638; his messenger with news of
Mahim’s journey 650, 659.

Qara-guz Begim Arv/at—her marriage with Nasir MMW/iran-
shahi 265.

Qara-guz Begim, see (1) Makhdima, (2) Rabi‘a-sultan.

Qara-quzi—on Babur’s service (932) 471; in the left-wing
[calghuma|\ at Panipat 473.

Qarlighach Bakhshi kills Mughil Beg’s son (904) 102.

Qashqa Mahmud (or Qashqa), Beg of the Chiras ¢éiman of
Mughils—sent to help Babur (906) 138; quarrels with a
Begchik for the military post of honour (907) 155. (He
may be “ Baba Qashqa” g.v.

Mulla Qasim—building work given to him (935) 642.

Sayyid Qasim (p. 96), see Sayyid Kamal.

Qasim-i-‘ajab Beg—remains with Babur at a crisis (903) 91;
promoted to beg’s rank (904) 104; captured by Tambal’s
men (905) 115-6; released 119,

Qasim-i-‘ali zarzyaki—musician at entertainments (925) 385,
387, 388.

Qasim Beg gichin—particulars 26; supports Babur (899) 30,
(900) 43; his appointments 43, 44 (where delete Sayyid as
his title) ; punishes misconducted Mughils (902) 66-7, 153
and has to leave Babur (907) 27, 67; on missions (903) 90,
(904) 100, 101; remains with Babur at a crisis (903) 91;

* His capture is not recorded.

800

Index I. Personal

defeated by Mughils (904) 105-6 ; in the centre at Khiban
(905) 113; banished from Andijan by ‘Ali-dost 119; rejoins |
Babur for Samarkand 123, (906) 130; suspects Bana’ 136 ;
in the centre at Sar-i-pul 139; defending Samarkand 141,
142, 143, 144; races with Babur (907) 147 ; advises a tactful
gift 150; out with Babur (910) 234; rewarded (911) 252;
goes with a punitive force to Nigr-aii 253; a saying of his
twisted for ill 254; defeats Atizbegs (912) 295; insists in
Herat on ceremony due to Babur 298; angered by Babur’s
being pressed to drink wine 304; mistaken as to a route
308-9 ; mistakenly compassionate 313; allowed to keep his
Fifth of spoil (913) 324; in the left wing at Qandahar 334,
335; wounded 336; retainers allotted to him 339; his
counsel 339-40 ; mediates for suspects (914) 345 ; waits on
Babur returned from Hindistan (925) 395; mediates for
Tramontane clans to leave Kabul 402 ; Babur breaks fast at
his house 408 ; his sons Hamza, Tingri-birdi, Qambar-i-‘ali
g.v.; his ill-conducted nephew 414 ; a servant 313 ; .a father-
in-law Banda-i-‘ali g.v.; [f928 AH.-1522 AD.].

Qasim Duldai, Barlas Turk — serving Bai-sunghar M/tran-
shahi (902) 65 ; joins Babur 66.

Qasim-i-husain Adzbeg-Shaiban, son of Qasim and ‘Ayisha-
sultan Bai-gara—particulars 267, 298; joins Babur (933)
550; at Kanwa 556,559; receives Badaiin 582; on service
582, (934) 589, (935) 682 ; in the battle of the Ghogra (935)
669 ; mentioned 631 n. 4, pe 706.

Sayyid Qasim /a/dir—wins the Champion’s Portion at Asfara
(900) 53; takes it at Shahrukhiya 53 ; stays with Babur ata
crisis (903) 91; joins him for Samarkand (905) 123-4; at
Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139 ; his strange doings in
Pap (908) 171 ; his unseasonable arrival in Akhsi 174; defeats
an Aiizbeg raider (910) 195 ; out with Babur 234, (925) 403 ;
drunk 415 ; Babur pays him a consolation-visit 418 ; a party
in his country-house (926) 420 ; assigned to reinforce Khwaja
Kalan in Kabul (935) 647.

Qasim Khan Qézzdq, Jiji Chingiz-khanid—his marriage with
Sultan-nigar Chaghatdi 23; his good administration 23-4 ;
[7924 AH.-1518 AD. |.

Qasim Khitka(?) Arghin, (var. Jangeh)—in Akhsi (908) 171.

Qasim Khwaja-—succeeds in his brother Yakka’s appointments
(935) 674; on service 682.

8o1

Index I. Personal

Qasim Kikildash—at a household party (906) 131 (his name
is omitted from the Hai. MS. f. 83 and from my text); helps
Babur at his mother’s burial (911) 246; at Qandahar (913)
335; his Arghiin marriage 342, 199 n.1, mae 443.

Qasim Mir-akhwir—stays with Babur at a crisis (903) 91 ;
on service (933) 548.

Malik Qasim J/ughi/, brother (p. 568) of Baba Qashqa—in the
right-wing [¢#lghuma] at Panipat (932) 473, and at Kanwa
(933) 568; on service with his brethren (932) 528, (933) 558,
582, (934) 589; his good service near Qanij and his death

. 599; his kinsmen, see 5.7. Baba Qashqa; [+934 AH.-1528 AD. ].

Shah Qasim /z@d¢da—sent on a second mission to Babur’s kins-

folk in Khurasan (935) 617.

Qasim Sambhali—not submissive to Babur (932) 523; sur-
renders 528, 529; sent out of the way before Kanwa (933)
547 (where the Hai. MS. adds “ Beg”, by clerical? error).

Qasim Sultan Azzbeg-Shaibain Chingiz-khanid—his Bai-qara
marriage 267; at a reception (912) 298; his son Oasim-i-
husain g.v.

Qataq Begim, wife of Ahmad JMiran-shahi—particulars 36 ;
of Ahmad’s escape from her dominance 36 n. 1.

Qayyam Beg—Airdi (Urdii) Shah—out with Babur (925)
403; waits on Babur as Governor of Ningnahar (926) 421;
joins him in Hindistan (933) 550 (here Qawwam Airdi-
shah) ; at Kanwa 556, 569.

Qazi Bihzadi—Babur forbids unlawful drinks in his house (925)
398.

Qazl1 Ghulam—escapes death by pretending to be a slave
(904) 102.

Qazi Jia—waits on Babur (932) 527; on service 530, (933)
544, (935) 639; joins Babur 667 ; on service 668, 682.

Qazi of Kabul—waits on Babur (925) 395.

Qazi of Samana—®- complains of Mundahir attack (936)
693, 700.

Qismatai Mirza—on Babur’s service in Hindiistan (932) 474,
(933) 545, 546-7, 548; his untimely praise of the Rajput
army 548, 550.

Qilka Kashghari—escapes death (904) 102.

Qizil sawachi—messenger of Shah Beg Arghiin to Babur (925)
395,

802

Index I. _ Personal

Qublai Khan, great-grandson of Chingiz Khan—his building
at OQarshi 84 n. 2; [7693 AH.—1294 apD.].

Quch Beg (Qij), son of Ahmad gara@wa/—in the left wing at
Khiban (905) 113; his courage at Bishkharan 118; leaves
Babur for Hisar (906) 129; ? reprieved at Odsim gichin’s
request (914) 345; on Babur’s service (925) 374, (925) 384;
at Parhala 390; comes on summons to Kabul 409 ; referred
to as dead (933) 565; his brother Tardi Beg ¢.v.

Quch Arghiin—allotted in Qalat to Qasim gachin (913) 339.

~Quch Beg Kohbur Chaghatai, son of Haidar-i-qasim—at Sar-
i-pul (906) 139; in Samarkand besieged 142, 143, 144.

Qul-artik—drowned in the Sind-water (910) 237.

Qul-bayazid dakawa/—particulars 237 ; swims the Sind-water
(910) 237 ; at Oandahar (913) 335, 338; his son Tizak g.v. ;
his tomb near Kabul 198.

Quli Beg dArghiin—known as attached to Babur (913) 337;
returns from an embassy to Kashghar (925) 415 ; his brother
Ahmad-‘ali Tarkhan g.v.

Qulij Bahadur Azvzbeg—mentioned in Tahmasp’s Safawz’s
account of Jam (935) 636 n. 2.

Mirza Quli Kikildash, see Mirza-quli.

Quli-muhammad Bighda gichin—particulars 40.

Ustad Qul-muhammad ‘A#di—particulars 291; his musical
training owed to Nawa’i 272.

Qul-nachaq—holding Balkh for the Bai-qaras (912) 294, 296 ;
surrenders it to Shaibani 300.

Qul-nazar of Taghai Beg—sallies out from Samarkand (906)
142; does well 144.

Qurban Chirkhi—sent into Bhira (925) 381; a false rumour
about him as invited into Balkh (935) 625; gifts to his
servants 633 ; in the battle of the Ghogra 669 ; on service 678.

Qusam ibn ‘Abbas, one of the Companions—his tomb at
Samarkand 75,

Qusum-nai (?)—on service (932) 534.

Qutb Khan Sarwaui—not submissive to Babur (932) 523;
Mahdi Khwaja sent against him in Etawa 530; takes
Chandwar (933) 557; abandons both places 579, 582;
defeated 587.

Khwaja Qutbu’d-din Azshi (Ushi)—his birthplace in Far-
ghana 475 n.6; Babur visits his tomb in Dihli (932) 475;
[7633 AH.—1235 AD.].

803

Index I. Personal

Qitlig Khwaja Kukwtldash—with Babur in Samarkand

(906) 143, 144 ; host to Babur (925) 398, 407 ; held up as an
example 406.

Qutligq-muhammad Kukuldash, foster-brother of Daulat-
sultan Khanim—brings Babur letters from Kashghar (925)
409 (where for “ Daulat” read Qitliq).

Qitliq-nigar Khanim Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid, mother of
Babur—particulars 21; mentioned 17, 19; in Andijan (900)
43; entreats her son’s help (903) 88, 89; sent to join him in
Khujand 92, and in Aira-tipa (905) 136; her Mughils rebel
(904) 105 ; with Babur in Samarkand (906) 136; leaves the
town with him (907) 147; hears of a sister’s death 148-9 ;
goes to her own family in Tashkint 149; her dangerous
illness 26.; her safety leaves Babur free (908) 157, 158;
ge with him in Sikh 184; uses his tent in the exodus from
Farghana (910) 188; left in Kahmard 189; crosses Hindi-
kush and rejoins him in Kabul 197 ; her death (911) 21, 246;
her treatment as a refugee in Tashkint (908) contrasted with
that of her refugee-relations in Kabul (912) 318; her concern
for her son’s marriage affairs (905) 120, (910) 48; her old
governess 148 ; [f911 AH.—1505 ap.].

Qutlugq-qadam garawal/—out with Babur (910) 236-7 ; in the
left-centre at Qandahar (913) 335; on service (925) 403,
(932) 458, 460, 468, 471, 530; in the left wing at Panipat
472 and at Kanwa (933) 567, 570; on service 475; host to
Babur (926) 424 ; his tomb and bridge near Kabul 198, 204 ;
[7934 AH.-1528 AD. ?]. .

Qutliq-sultan Begim, daughter of Miran-shah son of Timir
—wife of Husain Qanjit 256 n. 5.

Rabi‘a-sultan Begim MWiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk—
Qara-giiz Begim—daughter of Ahmad—particulars 13, 35.

Sayyid Rafi‘u’d-din Safawi— Mulla Rafi‘ — mediates for
Nizam Khan with Babur (933) 539; concocts tonic powders
(935) 606; at a feast 631.

Khwaja Rahim-dad, paternal - nephew of Mahdi Khwaja—
receives and obtains possession of Giialiar (933) 539, 540,
547; his quarters and constructions there (935) 607, 610,
613; Babur sleeps in his flower-garden 612, 613; action
against him as seditious 688-9, (936) 690; his son held as
hostage and escapes (935) 688-9 ; ma Ibn Batuta’s account

804

}
=
ei
'
Es
Ra
A
be
a
*®
BS
=
mo
F

by ty

“Ae

Index I. Personal

of him 692 n.1; i no sequel of his rebellion mentioned in
the Akéar-naima 692.

Rahmat /iada—conveys letters to Kabul (932) 466.

Raja of Kahlir—2®- waits on Babur (936) 699.

Rajab-sultan Begim JWJiran-shahit Timirid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of Mahmid—particulars 48, 49.

Ramzan /é/i—a musician at parties (925) 387, 388.

Rao Sarwani, see Daid.

Sultan Rashid Khan Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid, son of Sa‘id
and Makhtiim Qa/ichi (T.R. trs. p. 187) — his Qazzaq
marriage 23.

Mr. Thomas Rastel—an illustration drawn from his morning-
draught recorded [1623 AD.] 395.

Rana Ratan-si—successor of his father Sanga in Chitor 613 ;
mentioned in connection with the Khilji jewels 24.; his
younger brother Bikramajit ¢.v.

Rauh-dam—musician at entertainments (925) 385, 387, 388 ;
in a raft-misadventure 407.

Rawwi Searwani (Rao)—serving Babur (933) 538 (here read
as Daiid), (935) 682 ; host to Babur (934) 588.

Rinish (var. Zinish) Awzbeg—his defeat by Tahmasp Safawi
(934) 618, 622 (where in n. 1 for “ 934” read 935 as the date
of the battle of Jam) ; [f934 AH.-1528 AD.].

A Rumi prescribes for Babur (935) 657, 660.

Raja Rup-narain—included in Babur’s Revenue List 521.

Ruqaiya Agha, wife of Badi‘u’z-zaman Sai-gara—captured
in Herat and married by Timir Aazbeg 328.

Ruqaiya-sultan Begim MViran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of ‘Umar Shaikh—particulars 18, 19; [feer.935 AH.—
1528 Ap.]. ;

Riustam-i-‘ali 7urkman—in the centre at Qandahar (913)
335; on service (925) 377, (933) 538; in the t#lghuma of
the left-wing at Kanwa 568, 569.

Rustam Khan—lIlias (p. 576)—captures Babur’s commander
at Kil (Koel) (933) 557, 576; captured and flayed alive 576.

Sa‘adat-bakht Begim—Begim Sultan—JSai-gara Timirid,
Barlas Turk, daughter of Husain—particulars 266-7.

‘Nasiru’d-din Sabuktigin Ghaznawi Turk—the humble status
of his capital 217; a legend concerning him 219; his son
Mahmid g.v. ; [$387 AH.-997 AD.].

805

Index I. Personal

Sadharan 7ank Rajput—his acceptance of Islam 481 n. 5.

Pahlawan Sadiq—made to wrestle (935) 650; forbidden as an
antagonist 653; wrestles 688.

Mulla Sa‘du’d-din Mas‘tid 7a/tasani—a descendant of 283 ;
[7792 AH.-1390 AD. ].

Sultan Sa‘id Khan Ghazi, Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid, son of
Ahmad—particulars 698 nn. 2, 3, 349; meets Babur (908)
159; stays with him in Kabul (914) 318, 349-50; receives
Andijan from him (916) 318, 357; loyal to him 344 n. 2,
g@- 351-2; sends an envoy to him (917) 22; Haidar
Dighlat goes from Babur to Sa‘id (918) 362 ; two kinswomen
take refuge with him (923 and 924) 24 (where in n.1 de/efe
the second sentence); reported to havedesigns on Badakhshan
(925) 412; an envoy to him returns 415; @- named asa
principal actor between 926 and 932 AH. 427; writes and
sends gifts to Babur (932) 446; m@- invades Badakhshan
(936) 695-6 ; D@- gist of a letter from Babur to him 697-8 ;
g@- Babur moves menacingly for the North-west 698 ; his
full-brother Khalil, his son Rashid, his wife Habiba,and #7ki/-
dash Yangi Beg g.v.; [939 AH.-1533 AD.].

Sa‘idliq Sa‘d 7urkman—defeated by Husain Bai-gara (873?)
260.

Saif-i-‘ali Beg Baharli Qara-qiilig Turkman, father of
Bairam Khan-i-khanan—particulars 91 n. 3.7

Maulana Saifi Bukhari—‘Ariizi—particulars 288 ; [+909 an—
1503-4 aAD.].

Saif Khan Ni/ani, son of Darya Khan—deserts ‘Alam Khan
Liidi (932) 457.

Saifu’d-din Ahmad, Shaikhu’l-iskim in Herat—particulars
283; takes the keys of Herat to Shaibani (913) 328; his
pupil Muhammad-i-yisuf g.v.; killed by Shah Isma‘il 283 ;
[+916 AH.-1510 A.D.].

Haji Saifu’d-din Beg, ?uncle of Timir—his descendant
Wali Beg 272.

Sakma J/ughii/—rebels against Babur (914) 345.

Salahu’d-din (Silhadi)—particulars 562 n. 3, 614 n. 2; his
force at Kanwa (933) 562; attack on him planned and
abandoned (934) 598; Babur visits village near his birth-
place (935) 614; mentioned 628 n. 2.

* He joined Babur with his father Yar-i-‘ali Ba/a/ (g.v.) in 910 au. (Blochmann’s
Biographies, A.-i-A. trs. 315).

806

Index I. Personal

Saliha-sultan Begim J/iran-shahi, daughter of Mahmid and
Pasha, wife of Babur—(name not now in the Turki text) 47 ;
ge@- the likelihood that she and “ Dil-dar” were one 713
(where read Saliha).

Saliha-sultan Miran-shahi—Aq Begim—daughter of Ahmad
and Qataq—particulars 35; gifts from her wedding reach
Babur (900) 43.

Salima-sultan Begim- 2@- her parentage 713.

Sultan Salim Rami—takes Badi‘u-z-zaman 4ai-gara, a captive,
to Constantinople (920) 327 n.5; ze- defeats Isma‘l Safawz
at Chaldiran (920) 443, 469; [7926 AH.—1520 aD.].

Samad MJinglighi—wounded and dies 106; [F904 AH.—1499 AD. ].

Mehtar Sambhal, slave of Shah Beg Arghiin — particulars
338 n. 2; captured at Qandahar and escapes (913) 338;
ge- Commander in Qandahar and revictuals it for Shah
Beg 432.

Sultan Sanjar Barlas Turk, son of ‘Abdu’l-lah — incites a
Mughil revolt in Kabul (912) 313-17; spared on family
grounds 317.

Sultan Sanjar Mirza Jervi — his daughter Bega Sultan
Begim’s Bai-qara marriage (cér. 860) 267.

Rana Sanga J/ewari—particulars 483, 558 n. 2; his capture
of Chanderi 593; proffers Babur co-operation against Ibrahim
Lidi (931?) 426, 529 ; fails him (932) 529 ; takes Kandar 530,
539; Babur’s attack on him deferred 530-1 and determined
(933) 538 ; his strength and approach 544, 547 ; defeated at
Kanwa 559-574 ; escapes 576; references to the battle 267,
533, 579, 582, 583, 599, 600, 630 n. 4, 637, 663 ; his lands not
invaded, on climatic grounds 577, 578; Babur’s planned
attack on him in Chitor frustrated (934) 598; his wife
Padmawati and sons Ratan-si and Bikramajit g.v.; his trusted
man Medini Rao g.v.; [F934 AH—-1528 AD.].?

Sangur Khan /avjiha—waits on Babur (925) 383 ; on service
389, 419; killed in a sally from Biana 548; [f933 AH.—
1527 ap.].

Mir Sar-i-barhana, see Shamsu’d-din Muhammad.

Sarigh-bash Mirza /tdrachi—sent by The Khan (Mahmid)
to help Babur (908) 161, 170.

Mulla Sarsan—Kamran’s messenger and custodian of Ibrahim
Liidi's son (933) 544.

* Concerning the date of his death, see Additional Notes under p. 603.
807

Index I. Personal

Sar-u-pa Gujir—Babur’s guide to Parhala (925) 389, 391.

Satrvi Kachi—his force at Kanwa (933) 562.

Sultan Satiq-bighra Khan Ghazi Padshah (b. 384 An—
994 AD.).—a surmised descendant 29 n. 8; his style Padshah
344 n. 2.

Sayyid Amir, see Niru’d-din Chaghaniani.

Sayyid Dakkani—Shah Tahir Khwandi Dakkani—present
at a feast (935) 631.7

Sayyid Dakni S/érdzi, or Rukni, or Zakni—receives honours
and orders (935) 619; on his name and work 2d. n. 2, 634
n.1; (see supra).

Sayyidi Beg Taghai, see Sherim Taghai.

Sayyidim ‘Ali darban (? Muhammad-‘ali), son of Baba ‘Ali
Beg—particulars 307; serving Khusrau Shah (901) 60-1;
leads the Rusta-hazara to join Babur (910) 196; a follower
punished 197; takes Bai-qara service (912) 307; drowned
by Badi‘w’z-zaman 307-8 ; [fezr. 913 AH.—1507 AD.].

Sayyid Mashhadi (var. Masnadi)— brings Babur news of
Khwaja Rahimdad’s sedition (935) 688.

Sayyid Mirza Andikhidi, ? brother of Apaq Begim—his two
Bai-qara marriages 267.

Sayyid Rumi—at a feast (935) 631.

Sayyid Tabib K/urdsani—attends Babur’s mother (911) 247. :

Shad Begim JSai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk — particulars
263-4 ; her husband ‘Adil Sultan Aazdeg g.v.

Shadi, a reciter—his son Ghulam-i-shadi 292.

Shadi Khan Kiwi Afghan—fights and submits to Babur (910)
230:

Shadman chuhra—wrestles (935) 660.

Shah Baba /dar—entrusted with building work (935) 642.

Shah-baz ga/andar—his tomb destroyed by Babur (925) 377.

Shah-baz Qarliqg—serving Tambal (908) 170.

Shah Beg Arghin—Shuja‘ Beg—son of Zii’n-niin—his close
association with his father 274; mentioned as with him in
Qandahar (902) 71, (910) 198, 227; they give refuge to

* Since my text was printed, my husband has lighted upon what shows that the
guest at the feast was an ambassador sent by Burhan Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar to
congratulate Babur on his conquest of Dihli, namely, Shah Tahir the apostle of
Shiism in the Dakkan. He is thus distinguished from Sayyid Dakni, (Rukni,
Zakni) zxfra and my text needs suitable correction. (See Add. Notes under p. 631
for further particulars of the Sayyid and his embassy.)

808

a
i
-
z
ve

Index I. Personal

Badi‘u’z-zaman Baz-gard (902) 71, (913) 307; act with the
Mirza (903) 94,95; favoured by Husain Bai-gara 264 ; his
dominance 2d.; proffers and renounces co-operation with
Babur against Shaibani (913) 330, 331-2; loses Qandahar
to him 337-8 ; o@- released from Safawi imprisonment by
his slave Sambhal’s devotion (917) 338 n. 2, 365; news of
his taking Kahan reaches Babur (925) 395 ; his interpretation
of Babur’s reiterated attack on Qandahar 365, pe 427;
other suggestions for the attack of 926 AH. 430; ma action
of his checks an expedition into Hindustan (926) 428, 429,
430; ma his position and political relations 429; Babur’s
campaign against Qandahar (926-928) 366, 430-436, App.
J. xxxiv; @@- final surrender to Babur (928) 7d.; Dar his
death 437, 443; his son Shah Hasan, brother Muhammad
Muqim, slave Mehtar, commissary Qizil g.v.; [930 AH—
1524 AD. ?].

Shah Begim #adakhshi, wife of Yinas Khan Chaghatai—
particulars 22-3 ; visited by Babur (903) 92, (907) 149, (908)
157; delays to accept his plans 158 ; meets her younger son
Ahmad 159; m@ ordered by Shaibani to stay in Tashkint
184; comes to Babur in Kabul (911) 246; disloyal (912)
317; his reflections on her conduct 318-9 ; goes to Badakh-
shan (913) 21, 35, 341; captured by Aba-bikr Kashghari;
her sons Mahmiid and Ahmad, her daughter Daulat-sultan,
her nephews Sanjar Barlas ; her grandsons Mirza Khan and
Sa‘id (and his brothers) g.v.

Shah-i-gharib Mirza Bai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk, son of
Husain and Khadija—particulars 261, 268 ; his retainer Ahi
the poet 289 n. 3 ; [7902 AH. 1496-7 AD. eS S. lith. ed. iii,
260].

Shahi ga/andar—plays the rzbab.(925) 417.
Shahi tamghachi—appointed clerk (935) 629.
Shahim (Shah Muhammad ?)—sent for news (932) 454; climbs

into Chanderi (934) 595 (here yuz-bashi) ; his brother Nir
Beg ¢.v.
Shahim-i-nasir—one of eight fugitives from Akhsi (908) 177.
Shah-jahan Padshah J/iran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk—
pe- 184; his imitation of Babur (1030) 298 n.3; Da his

work in Babur’s burial-garden 710, App. V, lxxx, [+1076 AH.—
1666 AD.].

809

Index I. Personal

Shah Muhammad muhrdar, son of Baba Qashqa—on Babur’s
service (925) 388, (935) 688; his kinsmen see s.m, Baba
Oashga ; [F958 AH.-1551 AD.]. :

Shah-quli ghichaki—a guitar- ARREST 291.

Shah-quli K7/-adt—goes into Hisat (935) 640; his brother
Wais g.v.

Shah-quli, ? servant of Div Sultan (p.635)—sent to give Babur
a report of the battle of Jam (935) 649 ; conveys from Babur
an acceptance of excuse to Tahmasp Safawi 649.

Shahrak—conveys letters and a copy of Babur-nama writings
(935) 652, 653.

Shahr-bantt. Begim JMJiran-shahi Timirid, Barlis Turk,
daughter of Abii-sa‘id—particulars 268; married to Husain
Bai-qara (cir. 873) and divorced (876) 21 n. 1, 268.

Shahr-banti Begim Jiran-shahi,(ut supra), daughter of ‘Umar
Shaikh, wife of Junaid Bar/as—particulars 18.

Shahrukh Mirza #arlas Turk, son of Timtir—mentioned in
a genealogy 14; ruling in Herat when Husain Bai-gara was
born there (842) 256; his wazir serves Husain (after 873)
281; [f850 AH.—1447 ap.].

Shahrukh-Sultan Afshar 7Turk—commands a reinforcement
for Babur from Isma‘il Safawi (917) 354.

Shah Sufi—does well in Samarkand (906) 144.

Shah Sultan Begim (? Arghun), wife of Abi-sa‘iid Miran-
shaht and mother of ‘Umar Shaikh—her parentage not
stated 13 n. 5,2 45 n. 1; goes from Akhsi to Andijan when
widowed (899) 32; a mediator (905) 113;. her death
announced (907) 149; [+906 aH.—1501 AD.].

Shah-suwar J/ughii/—fights in single combat (904) 106.

Shah Tahir Khwandi Dakkani, see Sayyid Dakkani.

Shah-zada, ? Shah Hasan Arghiin—(926) 417, 418.

Shah-zada J/ungiri, son of Nasrat Shah —negociates with
Babur (935) 676 (where the note reference “5” should follow
Mungir).

Shaibak /iada—brings news of Hind-al’s birth (925) 385.

A Shaiban-Atizbeg Sultan’s marriage 23.

* For further particulars see Add. Note under p. 688.
2 For ‘‘ HS. 1i” read iii (as also in some other places),

810

Index I. Persahal

Muhammad Shaibani Khan — Shaibaq Khan ' — Adzbeg-
Shatban Chingiz-khanid—his relations with Hamza and
Mahdi Sultans ¢.v.; invited to help Bai-sunghar (903) 73 ;
raids Shiraz 92; defeats Tarkhans in Dabiisi (905) 40, 124,
(906) 137; takes Bukhara 125 ; is given Samarkand by ‘Ali °
Miran-shahi125; murders the Mirza (906)128; his men
murder Khwaja Yahya and two sons 128; loses Samarkand
by Babur’s surprise attack 131, 132, 134 ; Babur’s comparison
of this capture with Husain Bai-gard’s of Herat 135 ; Babur’s
estimate of Shaibani’s position 137-8; defeats Babur at
Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 138-141; besieges Samarkand
and effects its surrender (906) 142-7 ; receives an envoy from
Husain Baz-gara 145; crosses the frozen Saihiin and raids
Shahrukhiya 151; plunders Aiira-tipa 152-3; referred to
(908) 158, 168; invited into Farghana 172; defeats the
Chaghatai Khans and Babur at Archian 18, 9@- 183; cap-
tures Andijan (909?) 192 ; beheads Wali Qidchdg (910) 196;
takes Khwarizin (911) 242, 255-6; co-operation against -
him invited by Husain Bai-gara (910) 190, (911) 255; his
men beaten in Badakhshan (911-2) 294—5 ; takes Balkh 300 ;
his capture of Herat (913) 263,275, 296-7, 325-330; besieges
Nasir Miran-shahi in Qandahar and retires 339-40, 343; a
recognized menace to Kabul 21 n. 4; 340, 342; orders Sa‘id
Chaghatai’s death (914) 349; me- murders Chaghatai and
Dughlat chiefs 350 ; war begun with Shah Isma‘il (915) 350 ;
defeated and killed at Merv 350; his wives Mihr-nigar
Chaghataz, Khan-zada Miran-shihi, Zuhra Atizbeg g.v.; his
sons Timir and Khurram g.v. ; Bana’i his retainer (906) 136;
creates a Tarkhan 133; [7915 AH.—Dec. 1510 AD.]. *

-Shaikhi—receives gifts (935) 633.

Shaikhim Beg, amir and poet of Husain Bdiz-gara—particulars
277, 286; [+918 AH.-1512-3 ap.].

Shaikhim Mirza Azzbeg — holding Qarshi for his nephew
‘Ubaidu’l-lah (918) 360.

Shaikhim miv-shikar—loses one of Babur’s good hawks (925)
394,

Shaikhi @y7, flautist in Husain Bai-gara’s Court—particulars
291; owed his training to Nawa’i 272.

* Down to p. 131 the Hai. MS. uses the name Shaibani or Shaibani Khan ; from
that page onwards it writes Shaibaq Khan, in agreement with the Elphinstone MS.
—Other names found are e.g. Gulbadan’s Shahi Beg Khan and Shah-bakht. (My
note 2 on p. 12 needs modification. )

8ri

Index I. Personal

Shaikh Sharaf Qara-baghi—his arrest for sedition (935) 687-8.

Shaikh Sharafu’d-din J/univi — his father Shaikh Yahya
Chishtt 666; his writings read aloud to Akbar 666 n. 7;
[1782 AH.-1380 AD.].

Shami (Syrian)—deserts from Qandahar (913) 343.

Sher-afgan, brother of Tardi and Qij Begs—on Babur’s service
(933) 538.

Sher-i-ahmad—belittled as good company (935) 648.

Sherak Beg Arvghun (var. Sher, Sherka) — serving Mugim
Arghin (910) 195; defeated and takes service with Babur
196, 198; in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335.

Sher-i-‘ali Aughlan,' Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid—mentioned in
Yiinas Khan’s genealogy 19.

Sher-i-‘ali cuhra (a brave ?)—deserts Babur (906) 129; put to
death under suspicion (911) 248.

Mir Sher Haji Beg Kimji Mughi/—his daughter’s marriage
with Yiinas Khan 20 (where for “‘Ali-sher” read Sher Haji).

Sherim (Sher-i-muhammad ?) chuhra, a brave ?—defends Hisar
(910) 244; killed at Qindiz 2d.; [$910 AH.—1505 ap.].

Sherim Taghai Awnji Mughi/—Taghai Beg—maternal uncle
of Babur’s mother—supports Babur (899) 29, (903) 91, 98;
captured by Tambal (905) 110; released 119 ; in Samarkand
(906) 141, 143,188; Babur’s reflections on his conduct 141,
188 ; thinks of leaving Babur (910) 188; on his service 194,
197, 234 ; loses an index-finger 235 ; his post against rebels
(912) 314; an opinion on game (#zyzk) (913) 325; in the
right wing at Qandahar (913) 334, 337 ; counsels a retreat to
Badakhshan from Kabul 340; da disloyal (916) 351; heads
Mughil revolt in Ghazni (921) 363 ; defeated 364, 397 ; takes
refuge with Babur 364; his son Tiga g.v.; his (and other)
abbreviated names 29 n. 2.

Sherim Zikr Beg —put to death in Kabul under ‘Abdu’r-razzaq
(909 ?) 195 n. 3.

Sher Khan Lidi Afghan, son of ‘Alam Khan—on his father’s
service (932) 455.

Sher Khan Str 4/¢/an—Farid Khan—Sher Shah—favoured
by Babur (934) 652; serving Mahmiid Ladi (935) 652; co-
guardian of Jalal Khan W#hani with Didi Bibi 652 n. 1,
664 n. 2; writes dutifully to Babur 659; his training, cog-

* The title ‘‘ Aighlan” (child, boy) indicates that the bearer died without ruling.
812

Index I. Personal

nomen and one of his marriages 664 n. 2, 659 n. 4; his
victory over Humayiin (1540) 652 n. 3.

Sher Khan 7arkalani—host to Babur (926) 424.

Sher-quli garawal Mughal —loyal to Babur (912) 315; at
Qandahar (913) 333, 335; rebels (914) 345.

Baba Sher-zad, see Baba Sher-zad.

Mulla Shams—very riotous (932) 453.

Sultan Shamsu’d-din Ad/tmish* (Altamsh) of the Slave
dynasty in Dihli— his buildings in Gialiar 610, 611;
[7633 AH.—1236 AD.].

Sayyid Shamsu’d-din Muhammad— Mir Sar-i-barahna—
particulars 280.

Shamsu’d-din Muhammad — bearer of letters between
Khwaja Kalan and Babur (935) 644, 645, 649.

Maulana Shihab mu‘ammai—arrives in Agra from Herat (935)
605 ; invited in verse by Babur 683; [7942 AH.-1535 AD.].

Khusrau’s Shihabu’d-din—on Babur’s service (935) 689, (936)
690.

Shaikh Shihabu’d-din ‘Avad—at a feast (935) 631.

Mu‘zzu’d-din Shihabu’d-din Muhammad G/iri—his capital
Ghazni 217; mentioned as a conqueror of Hindiistan 479 ;
his position contrasted with Babur’s 479-80, 481 ; [f602 AH.-
1206 AD. |.

Shah Sikandar—on Babur’s service (932-3) 546 ; sent to Bihar
(935) 664.

Sikandar-i-Filktis— Alexander of Macedon—Badakhshichiefs
claim of descent from him 22; a surmise that he founded
Samarkand 75; his supposition that the Indus was the Nile
a probable root of a geographical crux 206 n. 3; [}327 B.c.].

Sultan Sikandar Mirza Bdi-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk,
nephew of Husain—parentage 257; his wife Sultan-nizhad
g.v.; [¥908 AH.—1502-3 AD.].

Sultan Sikandar Lidz Afghan, son of Buhlil—over-lord in
Bhira (910) 382, 383 ; his treasure 470, exhausted (935) 617 ;
his siege of Gialiar 477; his capture of Jinpir and Dihli
(881) 481, 571 n.5; Babur visits his tomb (932) 476; his
brother ‘Alam Khan and sons Ibrahim and Mahmid g.v. ;
ue his death and its date 427 and n. 3 ; [}923 AH.-1517 aD.].

* This cognomen was given because the bearer was born during an eclipse of the
moon (di, moon and the root a/ taking away) ; see Badayini Bib, Ind, ed. i, 62.

H.OF B. 54 . 813

Index I. ——

Sikandar Shah Gujrati —his accession and murder 534-5

(where for “2nd” read 932); [7932 aH.—-1526 aK

Siktt Azxdi—father of Diwa g.v.

Siunduk 7urkman—his hands frost-bitten (912) 311; in the
centre at Qandahar (913) 335; rebels against Babur (914)
355.

Situnjuk Sultan Khan Adzbeg-Shaiban, Chingiz-khanid, son
of Abu’l-khair—s@- besieges Tashkint (918) 358, 396; his
son Barag at Jam (935) 622.

Sohrab Mirza 4ai-gara, son of Abi-turab—particulars 262.

The Spanish Ambassadors—the place of their first interview
with Timir 78 n. 2.

Sulaiman—offers his horse to a wounded man (908) 175.
Sulaiman Aga 7urkman — envoy of Tahmasp Safawi to
Babur (933) 540, 583; in the right wing at Kanwa 566.
Sulaiman Mirza MWiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son of

Mirza Khan (Wais) ‘—a- brought to Kabul on his father’s
death (927) 433 n.1; in the right centre at Panipat (932)
472, and at Kanwa (933) 565; g@- sent to govern Badakh-
shan (936) 697-8, 699; a@- Babur’s protective warning to
Sa‘id Chaghatai 697-8 (here styled Shah Mirza); on his
descent 698 nn. 2,3; meets his rebel grandson Shahrukh

(cir. 983) 191 n. 2; [+997 aH.—1589 AD.].

Mian Sulaiman Shaikh sada Farmiuli Afghan — reinforces
‘Alam Khan Lid (932) 456; gives him 4 /aks 457; Babur
dismounts at his Dihli home 476.

Malik Shah Sulaiman Yésuf-zai Afghan — murdered by
Ailigh Beg Ka@dulz App. K, xxxvi; his sons Mansir and
Tais, his nephew Ahmad g.v.

Sultan-bakht Begim JMJzran-shihi Timirid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of Abii-sa‘id—her daughter visited-by Babur (935)
616.

Sultanim Begim MViran-shahi (ut supra), daughter of Ahmad
and OQataq—particulars 36.

Sultanim Begim J&di-garda (ut supra), daughter of Husain and
Chili Begim—particulars 265 ; arrives in Kabul (925) 397 ;
dies on her way to Agra (933) 265; her husbands Wais
Bai-gara and ‘Abdu’l-baqi Miran-shahi, her son Muhammad

* Here delete ‘* Sultan-nigar Khanim”, who was his quads and not his
mother.

814

ares

4 revere f Reh) bis ¢
tt het % t ———n Seen Fy oP pla A
> gee ET ee eee >
f Py eee
ic it ta AM ial tg nl hee lS ul cg Nl NS 2 mM

Index I. Personal

Sultan Mirza and grandson Ailigh Mirza (265 n. 5) g.v.;
[7933 AH.—1527 AD.].

Sultan Malik Kashghari, Duldazt Barlas Turk — his sons
Hafiz Muhammad and Ahmad Haji Beg, his brother Jani
Beg @.v.

Sultan-nigar Khanim Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid, daughter
of Yuinas Khan and Shah Begim—particulars 23; long
parted from a half sister (907) 149; meets her brother
Ahmad (908) 159; mentioned in Babur’s reflection on dis-
loyal kinsfolk (912) 318; writes to him from Kashghar (932)
446 n. 2 ; herson Wais [Mirza Khan] and grandson Sulaiman
g.v.* ; [$934 AH.-1527-8 AD.].

Sultan-nizhad Begim BSai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of Husain and Papa—particulars 266; her husband
Sikandar Bai-gara q.v.

Sultan-quli and Sultan ‘Ali, see Baba-quli and Baba ‘Ali.

Sultan-quli chinag, Mughil—his fidelity (904) and treachery(?)
(914 and 921) 105, 109 n. 5; falls into a pit outside Kabul
(910) 198; does a bold deed 236; out with Babur (911)
252-3; rejoins Babur from Herat (913) 330-1; in the
Mughil rebellion at Ghazni (921) 364 n. 1.

Sultan Suyurghatmish Mirza Shah-rukhi Timirid, Barlas
Turk, son of Shah-rukh—mentioned in his son Mas‘id’s
genealogy 382.

Taghai Beg, see Sherim Taghai.

Taghai Shah dakhshi—put in charge of Shah Beg’s treasury
(913) 338.

Taham-tan 7urkman—particulars 279 ; his grandson Muham-
mad-i-zaman g.v.

Tahir Beg Dildai Barlas Turk, son of Hafiz-i-muhammad—
joint governor of Mirza Khan (905) 122 ; feeds the famished
Babur (907) 148.

Tahir ¢#6r7—finds Ibrahim Liadz’s body (932) 475; surprised
by Rajpiits (933) 549.

Shah-zada? Tahmasp Safawi ‘Arad, son of Isma’il—a@- men-
tioned as reigning from 930-932 AH. 427 ; Babur’s envoy to-
him (930) returns with gifts (933) 540, 560 n. 2, 538, ae- 712 ;
his campaigns against the Aizbegs (934) 618, (935) the
battle of Jim 617 n. 3, 622-4 (where on p. 622 n. 1 read 935

* On p. 433 n. i her name is mistakenly entered as that of Sulaiman’s mother.
? Concerning this title, see Add. Notes under p. 540,

815

Index I. Personal

for “934”), 625 n. 4, 635-6; his own account of the battle
635-6 ; desires peace 639 n. 3; his envoys in Agra 630, 632 ;
his friendship enjoined on Kamran 645; [7984 AH.—1576AD.].

Taj Khan Sdrang-khanit Afghan — sends Babur news that ~
Mahmid Liadz’s army has broken up (935) 654; waits on
Babur 657 ; brings news which prevents hunting 658; sent —
on service 682; superseded in Chunar by Junaid Larlas 683.

Taju’d-din Mahmud Arghiin —holding Qalat for Muqim
(913) 339; waits on Babur (925) 418.

Sultan Ahmad Tambal /térachi Mughil—with Babur at Asfara
(900) 53; wounded near Samarkand (902) 67; promoted
(903) 86 ; deserts Babur under privation 86, 87 ; joins Atizin
Hasan in supporting Jahangir in Farghana 87-8; induces
The Khan (Mahmiid) to withdraw support from Babur 91;
his tyranny (904) 100-1; brings Jahangir against Babur in
Marghinan 101; his men drubbed out of Akhsi and defeated
at the ferry 101-2; loses Andijan 103 ; is joined by anxious
Mughils 105; takes Jahangir against Andijan and retires
106-7 ; Babur’s campaign against him (905) 108-110, 112-5 ;
defeated at Khiiban 113; helped feebly by The Khan 115-6;
opposes Babur at Archian 117 and at Bishkaran 118; terms
made 118-9 ; waits on Babur 119; his ill-influence 119, 125 ;
makes Qambar-i-‘ali prisoner 124; deserters to him 118, 125,
156; moves against The Khan (906) 145, 154; an uncle’s
rough comment on him 145 ; issent Niiyan’s sword by Babur
(907) 150-1; conspiracy against him154; the two Khans
join Babur against him (908) 161-176; wounds Babur with
Niyan’s sword 166-7, 396; terms with him repudiated by
Babur 169,171; invites Shaibani into Farghana 172; occupies
Akhsi citadel 173 ; left by Jahangir 173-174; mentioned to
Babur in the flight from Akhsi 178, 182; ma helped by
Shaibani 183; defeated by him and killed 244 and n. 3;
a couplet of Muhammad Salih’s about him 289; his brothers
Beg Tilba, Khalil, Muhammad and Bayazid ¢.v.; [f909 AH.-
1504 aAD.].

Tang-atmish Sultan Adzbeg-Shaiban ?—at a feast (935) 631;
his descent 631 n. 4; in the battle of the Ghogra 669.

Tardi Beg, brother of Qij (Qiich) and Sher-afgan— in the left
centre at Panipat (932) 472, 473, and at Kanwa (933) 565 ;
on service 538-9, 582, (934) 590, 602 ; [¢946 AH.—1539 AD. ].

Tardi Beg #iaksar—Babur visits him (925) 417-8; makes
verse dropping down the Kabul-river (932) 448; praises a

816

Index I. Personal

spring and receives a district 467, 581; returns to the darwesh-
life (933) 583; conveys a gift to Kamran in Qandahar 583.

Tardika—Tardi yakka (568 n. 1)—on service (932) 462 ; in the
right wing [¢a#Zehuma] at Kanwa (933) 568, 579 ; joins Babur.
at Dugdugi (935) 651; on service 678.

Tardi-muhammad /ang-jang, son of Muhammad /ang-jang—
sent into Bhira (935) 661, 664.

Tardi-muhammad Qibchaqg—at entertainments (925) 386,400.

Tarkhan Begim Arghiin Chingiz-khanid, daughter of ‘Abdu’l- —
‘ali—particulars 36.
Tarsam Bahadur—punishes the Mundahirs (936) 700-1.

Tarsin-muhammad Sultan—serving Humayiin (935) 640.

Malik Tatis Yisuf-zat Afghan—escorts his sister Mubaraka to
her wedding with Babur (925) 375.

Tatar Khan Kékar (or Gakar)—particulars 387 ; detains one
travelling to Babur (925) 386; killed by his cousin Hati
387, 389; Babur dismounts at his house in Pauhala 390;
[7925 AH.—1519 AD.].

Tatar Khan Sarang-khan: Afghanu—Khan-i-jahan—in Gialiar
and not submissive to Babur (932) 523; surrenders (933)
539-40 ; on Babur’s service (935) 582 (here Khan-i-jahan).

Tatar Khan Visuf-khail Lidi Afghan—particulars 382, 383 ;
his son Daulat Khan ¢.v.; [ta few years before 910 AH.—
1504-5 aD.].

Amir Timtr Beg Barlas Turk—Sahib-i-qiran—mentioned in
genealogies 14, 256 ; his birthplace Kesh 83 ; Samarkand his
capital 75, 77, 78; his description of Soghd 84; his removal
of the body of Sayyid Barka to Samarkand 266 n. 4; circum-
ambulates Shaikh Maslahat’s tomb (790) 132 n. 2; and
Ahmad Vassawi’s (799) 356; captures of Qarshi 134 n. 1;
his example followed in the bestowal of Farghana 14; his
gifts of the governments of Dihli 487 and Samarkand 85 ;
his descendants styled Mirza down to 913 AH. 344; Husain
Bai-qara the best swordsman of his line 259 and greatest in
his lands 191; a descendant 567 ; favoured begs 19, 39; one
of his old soldiers 150 ; a descendant effects the migration of
fowlers to Multan 225; Babur’s victory where his had been
at Pul-i-sangin 352; his and his descendants rule in Hindi-
stan 382 ; their loss of lands to the Aiizbegs 340; his builders
and Babur’s numerically compared 520; [+807 AH.-1405 aD.].

817

Index I. Personal

Timtr ‘Usman Miran-shahi Timiurd, Barlas fT; urk—men-—

tioned 280.

Tinegri-birdi Bashaghi (?) Mughi/—in the left wing [alg hua : : §

at Panipat (932) 473.

Tingri-birdi Beg, son of Qasim guchin—helps to beat down SS .
snow for a road (912) 308-9; in the left wing at Qandahar
(913) 334, 336; his servant at Bajaur (925) 361; entertains
Babur 401; returns. to his districts Khwast and Andar-ab
403 ; overtakes Babur at Jiii-shahi 410; acts swiftly forhim

(932-3) 546.

Tingri-qili, a musician—plays at Babur’s entertainments (925) =
385, 386, 388 ; upset into the Parwan-water 407 ; first given

wine 415. z
Tirahi Sultan—takes a letter to Khwaja Kalan (925) 411.

Mulla Tirik-i-ali (=Pers. Jan-i-‘ali?)—fights for Babur at

Bajaur (925) 368 and (on his name) n. 5; on service (933)
551 (where read Tirik).

Tizak, son of Qil-i-bayazid dakawa/—captured as a child and = :

kept 4 years (910) 197.

Tufan Arghin—joins Babur and so creates a good omen (913)
333.

Sayyid Tufan—on Babur’s service (932) 453.

Tughlug-timtr Khan Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid—mentioned
in Yiinas Khan’s genealogy 19.

Tuka Hindi (var. Nau-kar)—given charge of gifts for Kabul
(932). 525.

Tukhta-bugha Sultan Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid, son of — =

Ahmad (Alacha Khan)—waits on Babur (934) 601; at a
feast (935) 631; referred to as serving Babur 318; works

magic 654; in the battle of the Ghogra 672, 673; receives

praise, thanks, and guerdon 674, 677; on service 682;
[fer. 940 AH.—1533-4 AD.].

Tulik Kukuldash '—Tambal strikes him with Babur’s sword
(912) 316; defeats Aiizbegs in Badakhshan (925) 408; on
Huma§ayiin’s service (935) 640; his servant Barlas Jaki ¢.v.

Tulmish Azzbeg—in the battle of the Ghogra (935) 669; on
service 678.

Tulun Khwaja Beg, Barin Mughal — particulars 87; on
Babur’s service (902) 66, (903) 88; killed 88; [7903 AH—
1498 aD. ].

* He may be the Talik Khan gachin of the Ma‘asirw’l-umra i, 475.

818

Index I. Personal

Tiin-sultan (var. Yin) Mughil—ghinchachiof ‘Umar Shaikh 24.

Tuga Beg, son of Sherim Taghai — captured by Tambal
when serving Babur (904) 106; killed as a prisoner 107;
[7904 AH.-1499 AD. ],

Khwaja ‘Ubaidu’l-lah Axrari Nagshbandi— his righteous
influence in Samarkand 42; his intervention for peace
between ‘Umar Shaikh and kinsmen 62 and n.1; Pashaghar
once his village 97 ; disciples named by Babur, Ahmad and
‘Umar Shaikh JMJiran-shahi, Darwesh Beg Tarkhan, and
Maulana-i-qazi g.v.; held in slight esteem by Mahmid
Miran-shahi 46 ; his family ill-treated by Mahmid (899) 41;
dreamed of by Babur (906) 132; his Walidiyyah-risala
versified by Babur 619-20, 468 n.4, ma 604; his sons
[Muhammad ‘Ubaidu’l-lah] Khwajaka Khwaja and Yahya
g.v.; [+895 aH.—1491 AD.].

‘Ubaidu’l-lah Sultan Khan dAdzbeg, Shaibani Chingiz-
khanid, son of Mahmiid and nephew of Shaibani—defeats
two pairs of Bai-qara Mirzas (913) 263, 329-30; defeated
at Merv (917) 354; defeated north of Bukhara shi ; his vow
and return to obedience 348, 356; victorious over Babur at
Kil-i-malik (918) 201 n. 7, 357-8; routs Najm Sani at
Ghaj-davan 360-1; avenges Mughil tyranny in Hisar 362;
attacks Herat (927) 434; takes Merv (932) 534, 617 n. 2;
takes Mashhad (933) 534, 623 n. 3; attacked by Tahmasp
Safawi (934) 618, 622; defeated at Jam (935) 622 (where
in n. 1 for “934” read 935), 635-6 ; Tahmasp’s description
of him 636 n. 27; his wives by capture Habiba Digh/at and
Mihr-angez Baz- -garé g.v.; [F946 AH—1539 aAD.].

Rawal Udai-singh 2agari—his force at Kanwa ad, 562 ;
his death 573 ; [f933 AH.—1527 aD.].

Ulugh, Ulis, see Ailigh, Ailis.

Mir ‘Umar Beg 7urkman—particulars 279; his sons Abi’l-
fath and ‘Ali Khan ¢.v.

‘Umar Mirza 7imirid, Barlas Turk, son of Miran-shah—
mentioned 262 n. 3.

‘Umar Shaikh Mirza I, son of Timiir—mentioned 14 (where
in ]. 3 for “and” read who) ; receives Farghana 14; [7797 AH.—
1395 AD.].

* Haidar Mirza gives an interesting account of his character and attainments
(T.R. trs. p. 283).

819

Index I. Personal

‘Umar Shaikh Mirza II Wiran-shahi, father of Babur—
particulars 16-19, 24—28 ; his lands 17, 24, 50, 55, 95 n. 2,103;
Akhsi his capital 10; his ambition 12 ; his family relations 12;
betroths Babur 35,120; Farghana invaded (899) 13; his
death 13, 29, 32, App. A, i, iii; his house used by Babur (908)
172 and his tomb visited (900) 54, (908)173; his mother Shah
Sultan Begim ¢.v.; his retainers Tilin Khwaja, ‘Abdu’l-
wahhab, Khwajaki Khwaja g.v. ; his old tailor 30 ; mentioned
6; [7899 aH.—1494 ap.].

Umid Aghacha Axdijani, ghiinchachi of ‘Umar Shaikh—her
son Nasir g.v.; [tbefore 899 AH.—1494 AD.].

‘Usman, the Third Khalif—Babur surmised that Samarkand
became Musalm4n in his reign 75; [fmurdered 35 AH—
665 AD. |.

Mulla-zada Mulla ‘Usman—particulars 284; his birthplace
Chirkh 217.

Amir Wahid—his tomb in Herat visited by Babur (912) 306 ;
[735 AH.—655-6 AD. ?].

Beg Wais—brings news from Kabul to Agra (933) 536.

Pir (or Mir) Wais—stays with Babur at a crisis (903) 91;
released (905) 119; leaves Samarkand during the siege
(906-7) 146.

Shaikh Wais—stays with Babur at a crisis (903) 91; leaves
Samarkand during the siege (906-7) 146.

Wais Ataka—his canal at Kabul 200.

Wais Khan Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid, father of Yinas Khan
—mentioned 19; his sons Yiinas and Aisan-bigha ¢.v. ;
[7832 AH.—1428-9 ap.].

Sultan Wais Ki/abi—his friendship recommended to Humayiin
(935) 627; pe- reinforces Qila‘-i-zafar (935 or 936) 696 ; his
daughter Haram Begim ¢.v.

Wais Laghari Beg tighchi—particulars 28; joins The Khan
(Mahmiid) (899) 32 ; safe-guards his ward Nasir Mivan-shahi
zb.; on service for Bai-sunghar (902) 65 ; waits on Babur 66;
stays with him at a crisis (903) 91; on his service (904) 98,
100,101,106; at Khiban (905)113; advises117; plundered
by ‘Ali-dost 119; leaves Samarkand during the siege (906-7)
146; his son (?) Beggina g.v.

Wais Wiran-shahi, see Mirza Khan.

820

Index I. Personal

Sultan Wais Mirza Bai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk, son of
Bai-qaralI—parentage 257 ; his cousin and wife Sultanim ¢.v.

Sultan Wais Sawadi—mentioned 372 ; sent to collect a tax he
had fixed (925) 374; receives gifts and leave 376."

Sultan Walama Zak/i—mentioned in Shah Tahmasp’s account
of the battle of Jam (935) 626 n. 2.

Pir Wali Barlas Turk—we- loses Siwistan to Shah Beg (cer.
917) 429 n. 1.

Wali Beg Zar/as—particulars 272-3; his son Muhammad-i-
Wali g.v.; [$973 AH.].

Wali Beg Qibchag Turk, brother of Khusrau Shah?—particulars
51; on his brother’s service (901 ) 60, 64, (902) 71, (903) 93-4 ;
mentioned (906) 129, (910) 191 by Husain Bai-gara ; inquired
for from Khusrau by Babur 193; defeated by Aimagqs 196;
his death 51, 196; his former followers gathered together 242;
[7910 AH.—1504 aD. ].

Wali khazanchi, Qara-qizi—captured by Tambal in Akhsi (908)

- 181; in the left centre at Qandahar (913) 335 ; his matchlock
shooting at Bajaur (925) 369; on service 391, (932) 458,
465-6, 471; in the right wing at Panipat 472, 475, and at
Kanwa (933) 566; his ill-behaviour in the heats 524.

Wali parschi (cheeta-keeper)—receives a gift (935) 633.

Wali Qizil Mughil—rebuked (932) 453; in the right-wing
[cailghuma] at Panipat 473 ; made shzg-dar of Dihli 476; on
service (934) 601, (935) 638.

Yadgar-i-muhammad: Mirza Shah-rukhi Timirid, Barlas
Turk, son of Muhammad—his capture of Herat referred to
278; his defeat by Husain Baz-gard at Chandran (874) 260 ;
his loss of Herat to Husain (875) 260, 279, compared with
Shaibani’s of Samarkand to Babur (906) 134-5 ; the date of
his death referred to 259 n.1; his Master-of-horse Mir
(Qambar-i-)‘ali g.v.; [¢875 AH.—1470-1 AD.].

Yadgar-i-nasir Mirza MJiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk,
son of Nasir—gifts made to him (935) 632; [7953 AH-
1546 AD.].

Yadgar-i-sultan Begim I/iran-shahi (ut supra), daughter of
‘Umar Shaikh—particulars 18; her Aizbeg marriage (908)
18, 356; her return to Babur (917) 356.

* See Additional Note under P. 372.
2 See Additional Notes under P. 51.
3 Here the Hai. MS. and Ilminsky’s Imprint add ‘‘ Nasir”.

821

Index I. Personal

Yadgar Taghai—his daughter Bega Begim g.v.

Khwaja Yahya, younger son of ‘Ubaidu’l-lah A rvari—his part
in the Tarkhan revolt (901) 63; treats with Babur (904) 98 ;
welcomes him to Samarkand (905) 124; waits on Shaibani

(906) 127; banished by him and murdered with two sons —

128,147 n.4; his house mentioned 133 ; his sons Muhammad
Zakariya and Baqi, his grandsons ‘Abdu’sh-shahid and
Khwaja Kalan g.v.; [f906 AH.—1500 AD.].

Shaikh Yahya Chishti—his tomb visited by Babur (935) 66 ;
his son Sharafu'd-din JZuniri g.v.

Yahya Nihkani, at the head of Hindistan traders—allowed to
leave Kabul (925) 416.

Yahya Nuhani (perhaps the man last entered)—waits on
Babur (935) 676; a grant and leave given 683 ; his younger
brother (no name) 683.

Yakka Khwaja—on Babur’s service (934) 598 ; in the battle
of the Ghogra (935)671; drowned 674; his brother Oasimg.v.;

[+935 AH.-1529 Ap.].

Yangi Beg Kukuldash—brings Babur letters and gifts from
Kashghar (932) 445-6.

Ya‘qub-i-ayub Legchik, son of Ayib—on Husain Bai-qara’s
service (901) 58; proffers Khusrau Shah’s service to Babur
(910) 192-3.

Sultan Ya‘qub Beg Ag-giiliig Turkman—a desertion to him
275; affords refuge to Bana’i 287; his beg Timiir ‘Usman
Miran-shahi g.v.; {f896 AH.—1491 AD.].

Maulana Ya‘qub WVagshbandi — his birthplace Chirkh 217;
[7851 AH.—1447 AD. ].

Ya‘qub ¢ez-jang—wDe- one of five champions defeated in single
combat by Babur (914) 349 n. 1.

Ya‘qub Sultan—mentioned as at Jam 636 n. 2.

Mulla Yarak—plays one of his compositions and incites Babur
to compose (926) 422.

Yarak Taghai (var. Yarik)—-stays with Babur at a crisis (903)
91; locum tenens in Akhsi (905) 116; retaliates on Turkman
Hazaras (911) 253; takes charge of sheep raided by Babur
(912) 343; in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 334.

Yar-i-‘ali Balal, Baharli Qara-qiiliig Turkman, grandfather of
Bairam Khan-i-khanan—stays with Babur at a crisis (903)
91; wounded (905) 109 (where in n. 5 for “father” read

822

“a
~@E

e oi Ase oe
aga tie, y are

Spt SO Ney oh eae

BETTY Wig TEEN ALY | Pf

ANS = -, piv na ws 7
We en ae we

Index I. Personal

grandfather) ; ; rejoins Babur (910) 189 ; on his Tramontane
service (932-3) 546.

Yar-i-husain, grandson of Mir (Shaikh) ‘Ali Beg—waits on
Babur (910) 228 ; asks permission to raise a force in Babur’s
name 231; kills Baqi Chaghdniani (911) 250-1.

Yarim Beg—Yar-i-muhammad?—on Babur’s service (913) 337.

Yili-pars Sultan Adzbeg-shaiban—his brother Aisan-quli (¢.v.)
265.

Yistin-tawa Khan Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid—mentioned in
Yunas Khan’s genealogy 19.

Yul-chtiq—conveys a message to Babur (904) 99.

Yunas-i-‘ali, son of Baba ‘Ali Lord-of-the-Gate—surprised at
a Tuesday’s fast (925) 398; on Babur’s service 278, 468
(where read his name in 1. 3) 475, 521; in the right centre at
Panipat (932) 472, 473 and at Kanwa (933) 565, 569; has
charge of Ibrahim’s mother 543, 545 ; makes a garden (932)
532; in social charge of Tahmasp Safawiz’s envoys (935)
631 ; inquires into Muhammad-i-zaman 4ai-gara’s objections
to Bihar 661, 662; in the battle of the Ghogra 671; at
entertainments (925) 400, (935) 683; his kinsman Ibrahim
Ganuni gv.

Yutnas Khan Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid, Babur’s maternal _
grandfather—particulars* 19-24; made Khan of the Mughils
by Babur’s grandfather 20, 344 n. 2, 352; his friendly relations
with Babur’s father 12; receives Tashkint from him 13;
defeats him 16; his sons Mahmiid and Ahmad g.v. and
daughters 21-4; his servant Qambar-i-‘ali g.v. mentioned
92 n. 1, 149, 565 n. 1; [+892 AH.—1487 ap.].

Khwaja Yiinas Sajaniandé—bis birthplace in Luhigur haces)
217.

Yiusuf-i-‘ali—musician at entertainments (925) 385, 387, 388 ;
418.

Yusuf-i-‘ali dak@wa/—on Babur’s service in Bajaur (925) 375.

Yusuf-i-‘ali Kikuldash—made joint-darogha in Herat (911)
293 ; Babur’s cicerone in Herat (912) 304; his good dancing
303.

Yusuf-i-‘ali *zkaddar—conveys a letter concerning Hind-al’s
pre-natal adoption (925) 374; receives a gift for swimming

* The natural place for this Section of record is at the first mention of Yiinas
Khan (p. 12) and not, as now found, interrupting another Section. See p. 678 and
n. 4 as to ‘‘ Sections”

823

Index I. Personal

401; meets Babur 418; (?)in Sambhal (934) 587; (?) dies <i ;

there 675, 687 (here ‘All- i-yisuf); [{935 AH. “1529 ap. Us
Khwaja Yusuf Axdzani, a musician—particulars 4.

Yusuf-i-ayub Zegchik, son of Ayub—Babur warned against
him (910) 190; takes service with Babur 196; winters with
Nasir 241; leaves Babur for Jahangir (911) 190, 254.

Yusuf dadz‘*—particulars 289 ; [¢897 AH.—1492].

Sayyid Yusuf Beg Adghlagchi, son of Murad—particulars 39 ; .

waits on Babur from Samarkand (903) 72 ; holding Yar-yilaq

for ‘Ali Wiran-shahi (904) 98 ; dismissed from Khurasan on

suspicion 98; joins Babur (910) 196; advises him 197 ; his
death 241; his brother Hasan and sons Muhammad-i-yiisuf
and Ahmad-i-yisuf g.v. ; [910 AH.—1505 aAD.].

Yusuf darogha of Akhsi ?—interviews Babur during the flight
(908) 181-2.

Sayyid Yusuf M/achami—particulars 118 ; opposes Babur (905)
148/417 /n. 2.

Zahid Khwaja—abandons Sambhal (933) 557; on service
(935) 682; [F953 AH.—1546 AD.].

Shaikh Zain Khawaft—verse-making on the Kabul-river (932)
448 ; his account of Babur’s regretted couplet 448 n. 5; goes
into Dihli for the Congregational Prayer 476 ; makes a garden
at Agra 532; recals a vow to Babur (933) 553; his zasha@ on
Babur’s renunciation of wine and of the tamehi 553-6 ; his
Fath-nama of Kanwa 559-574, and chronograms of victory
575; in the left centre of the battle 565 ; prefers requests for
Muhammad-i-zaman Bai-gara (935) 662 ; invited in verse by
Babur 683 ; his maternal uncle Abi'l- wajd g.v.; [940 aAH.—
1533-4 AD].

Zainab-sultan Begim—her granddaughter met by Babur near
Agra (935) 616.

Zainab-sultan Begim Miran-shahi Timurid, Barlas Turk,
daughter of Mahmitid—particulars 48; married to Babur
(910) 48, 711; [feer. 912 AH.-1506-7 AD.].

Zard-rui—on Babur’s service (935) 668, 669.

Zar-dusht (“Zoroaster ”)—mentioned in a verse 85.

Bibi Zarif Khatin—her daughter Mah- chiichugq 199 n.1, 342
n. 3.

* The entries of 934 and 935 may concern a second man ‘Ali-i-yisuf.
? Perhaps skilled in the art of metaphors and tropes (‘¢/mu’l-badi*).

824

d = " x or ~3 % P| pt Ley a “i + ee ha
‘. ae : ee a mF, as oe oie 5 2 ce Qj ‘ew
? al lla i Te) eh A ee ee te ae eee “f
— 8 pe eS OS », ‘ i < Ce aes r ; bit i
2 “4 awed 2 ’ ~ Se d ‘ * P.
i ad a oe B oS oe

Index I. Personal

Zubaida Aghacha /c/dir—particulars 267, 273 n. 2 ; [tbefore
911 AH.-1506 AD. |.

Zubaida Khatun, wife of Khalifa Harinu’r-rashid—a surmise
concerning her 306 n.1; [1216 AH.—831 AD.].

Zubair Raghi—revolts against Aiizbeg rule in Badakhshan
(910) 242, (912) 295 ; defeats Nasir Miran-shahi 321; stand-
ing firm (913) 340; [f914 AH—1508 AD.].

Zuhra Begi Agha Azzbeg, concubine of Mahmid MMzran-
shahi—particulars47,49; intrigues disastrously with Shaibani
(905)'125-6, (906) 127-8. |

Mir Shaikh Za’n-ntiin Beg Avghin—particulars 274-5 ; cap-
tures Shal (Quetta) (884) 429 n.1; his ward-ship of ‘Ali
Mivan-shahi (900) 55; imprisons Khalifa 55; surrenders
Aira-tipa 56; serving Husain Bai-gard (901) 57, 60 n. 3;
becomes an ally of the rebel Badi‘u-z-zaman (902) 71, (903)
94-5, 260; invited by Husain to co-operate against Shaibani
(910) 190, 191; goes for refuge to Husain 243 ; dealings with
his son Mugim 198, 227, 248; his title Lion-of-God 281;
part of the coalition government in Herat (911) 293; defeats
Aiizbegs (912) 296 ; social matters 298, 299, 307 ; hears plain
speaking from Qasim Beg gichin 304; his futile opposition
to Shaibani (913) 326; defeated and killed 275, 327; his
retainer Jan-airdi; [913 AH.—1507 AD.].

825

oat

:
a
‘

‘

anes

Index II. Geographicat.

Abapir (S.E. of Agra), Babur at 642-3.

Aba-qiiriiq (Kabul), Babur at 197.

Ab-burdan (Upper Zar-afshan), description
of 152; spring and pass of 152; a route

_ through 40 n. 4.

Ab-dara (Hisar-shadman), Babur takes up

_ good ground at 353.

Ab-dara (Hindii-kush), a winter-route through

- 205, 242, 321, 351.

aia hao (Farghana), Tambal in 110,

Ab-i-rahmat = Qara-si g.v. (Samarkand),
mentioned to locate Kan-i-gil 78, 81.

Ab-istida (S.E. of Ghazni) described 239;
Babur at 218, 239.

Abiward (Khurasan),
260 n. 1.

Ab-i-yar-qiiriiq (Samarkand), Babur in 66.

Abuha or Anuha (N.W.F.P. India), limits
Sawad 400,

gains or Atiin-village (Kabul), Babur at
407.

Adampir or Arampiir-fargana (U:P. India),
Babur at 650, 684; 682 n. 1; location of
650 n. 3; 684 n. 3.

Adinapir (Kabul), on the Surkh-rid 209;
of the name 207, App. E, xxi; a
darogha’s head-quarters 208; the Bagh-
i-wafa near 421, 443; Babur at 229.

Adiisa-and-Miri (U.P. India), Babur at 645.

Afghanistan, Babur’s limitation of the name
200 ; demerits of its mountains 223.

, revenue of 521; ‘Alam Khan plans
to attack 455-6, 474; estimate of
Panipat casualties made in 474; submits
to Babur 523; exhaustion of treasure in
617 ; a military rendezvous 676 ; supplies
from 685; hot season in 524; measure-
ment of Kabul-Agra road 629; water-
raising in 487 ; Babur takes oleanders to
610 ; his workmen in 520, 630, 642 ; keeps
Ramzan in 584; receives letters from 639;
comes and goes to and from 478, 548, 581,
606, 686; others ditto 475, 526, 540,
576-8, 606, 621-4, 650; mentioned to
locate places 529, 531 (2), 588, 597, 641,

_ 650-8, 680.

Ahangaran (on the Heri-riid, Khurasan), 308n.
ngaran-julga} (S.E. of Tashkint), Babur
at 90, 152, 161.

Ahar-passage (Ganges), Babur’s troops at 528,

Aibak, mod. Haibak, Fr. map Boukhara,
Hai-bagh (Kabul-Balkh route), Babur at
189; a rebel near 546, and for location
546, n. 2.

Anwari’s birthplace

two-waters (Farghana) an alternative name
Rabatik-airchin 88; located 88, n. 2;
Mughils in 88, 105; Babur in 114;
Tambal in 116.

Ailaish- or Ailamish-darya, ? Qara-darya
(Farghana), Babur’s men defeated on,
105; game near 114.

Ailak-yilag (Hisar-shadman), Babur at 187-8,
194

Ailchi (E. Turkistan), of the name 50, n. 2.

Aindiki var. (Kabul), Babur gathers tooth-
picks near 407.

‘Aish-pushla (Farghana), Tambal near 106;
Babur near 165.

Aitmak-daban (Samarkand) described 83 ; a

_ boundary 84; 64n.1; 80n. 2.

Ai-tighdi (Kabul) position of 253 n. 3;
Babur at 253.

Ajar Fort (in Kahmard, or Kahmard g.v. Fr.
map Maiméné), Babur’s and his followers’
families left in 189; various occurrences
in 197, 243, 293; a plan to defend 191 ;
gifts to its peasantry 633 n. 5.

Akhsi, Akhsikit (Farghana), described 9;
book-name of 9 and n. 4; position of 13;
— ‘Umar Shaikh’s capital 10; exploit at
16; death at 13; —a rebel at 26; adeath
in 40 ; appointments to 32, 115 ; a notable
of 110; a village of 171; a melon of 82;
besieged 31-2, 54; threatened 44 ; army
of, called up against Babur 110; comings
and goings from and to 87, 90, 101-3, 124,
161, 176, 180, 182, 183; river-fight below
102; Babur at 54, 116, 470-1-2; ap-
portioned to Jahangir 118-9; an army
hostile to Babur near 162; promised to
Babur 168; his attempt to defend 173-6;
his flight from 176, 396 ; Shaibani defeats
the Chaghatai Khans near 18, 182, -
351-6.

Akriida-gargana (Panj-ab), a holder of 453.

Alai-tagh (Farghana), on a Hisar-E. Turkistan
route 129; sub-districts of 162.

Alangar-taman (Kabul), described 210 ; acon-
stituent of the true Lamghanat 210;

_ aholder of 241; Babur in 424.

Ala-qirghan = Ikhtiyaru’d-din (Herat), Babur
reported captive in 313; the Bai-qara
households in 327 ; captured by Shaibani

328.
Ala-sai-dulak (Kabul), described 220-1;
wines of 221.

1 My text has yu/gas?, but I am advised to omit the genitive sz; so, too, in aiki-sti-ara-si, Rabatjk-aurchini g.7.

2 Cf. s.z. Ahangaran-julga n. as to form of the name,

827

Index II. Geographical

Ala-tagh (s. of Qalat-i-ghilzai, Afghanistan),
over-run 249,

Alexander’s Iron-wall (Darband g.v. Caspian
Sea), mentioned in metaphor 564 ; purpose
of 564 n. 3.

Alexandria ad Caucasum (Kabul), site of
214 n. 7

Alghi-tagh var. Ailigh-tagh (mid-Oxus
valley), a Bai-qara arrival near 60.

‘Ali-abad (Samarkand), Shaibani in 135.

‘Ali-masjid por ait route), Babur passes
394, 4411-2
412 n. 1.

‘Ali-shang-taman (Kabul), described 210 ; a
constituent of the tune Lamghanat 210;
a holder of 241 ; Babur in 342, 424.

Allahabad (India), see Piag.

Almiligh (E. Turkistan), depopulation of 1;
located 2 n. 1; referred to 162 n. 2.

Almar (s. of Maiméné, Fr. map), Babur

_ passes through, 296.

Almati (E. Turkistin), depopulation of 1;
located 2n.1; referred to 162 n. 2;

* a battle near 349,

Alti-shahr (E. Turkistan), an occasional name
of Yiti-kint 11 n. 6.

Alwar, Alir (Rajpitana), a rebel leaves 545;
an arrival from 687; mentioned to fix
limits 577-8-9 ; gift made of its treasure
519 ; an appointment to 578.

Ambahar (N.W.F.P. India?), on a suggested
route 376 ; pass of 376.

Ambala (Panj-ab), Babur at 465.

‘Ambar-koh (Oandiz), a fight on 61.

Amla (Kabul), Babur at 422.

Amroha (U.P. India), revenue assigned of 685.

Ami-darya, Oxus, Babur on 48, 189, 249,
others on 57, 74, 193, 244, *359'; of
Trans-Amii tribes 242 ; limits territory 49 ;

*Babur’s fortunes lost beyond 426; ;—ferries
of, Aibaj, 93, 95 (where for Aiibaj read
Char-jani, 110, 189, Charjii (which read
for Aibaj), Kilif 57, 191, Kirki 191,
Tirmiz 191.

Andar-ab (n. of Hindii-kush), a n. boundary
of Kabul 200; mountains of 221; roads
from 205; a holder of 403; comings
through 51, 193 (Babur’s), 196.

Andaraba (Panj-4b), Babur at 391-2.

Andijan (Farghana), description of 3-4; the
capital, sport in, pure Turki in, climate of
4—its water 5, mountains of 15, 55, 102,
118, 125; tribes of 162; a grass of 221 3
its Char-bagh 29; celebrities of 4, 280 ;
mentioned to locate places, etc., 4, 8, 10,
16, 113, 396: its railway 30n.5; given

to ‘Umar Shaikh I and II, 14; ‘people
of led into captivity 20, 22; Babur its
governor 29 n. 1; succeeds in it 29
attacks on 27, 30, 54, 87-8, 106-8, 161-8,
171, 192; captures of 18, 20, 89, 90, 122,
192, 244; demanded from Babur 87, 168,

compares it with Samarkand 123; araid
near 164; its army on service, 48, 87, 101,

, 450; description of its spring’

Andikan (Farghana), 161 see Andijan.
Andikhid (w. of Balkh, Khurasan), fighting

Agqar-tiizi (Samarkand), a. battle near 34. *
Aq-bira-rid (Farghana), rapid descent of — 4

Aq-kiital (between Soghd and Tashkint), a

Aq-si (Aira-tipa,

Aq-si (Eastern Turkistan), 20 n. 5, 29. 5.
‘Arabia, a bird of 497. :
Arat (Kabul), App. G, xxv.

Archa-kint (Farghana), a road through 116.
Archian-qirghan (Farghana), Tambal enters —

ieee -ab (Candela irrigation off-takes of

Poet lite Rind (U.P. India), Babur on 684,
Aripar (U.P. India), see Ripar.
Arus-, Urus-, Arys-si (W. Turkistan), a

Asfara (Farghana), described 7 ;

123.
Asfidiik (Samarkand), Babur in 131-2, ae.
Aspara or Ashpara (Mughilistan), Abii-sa‘id

Astarabad (Khurasan), partridge-cry in 496;

318, 351-2; Auzbeg chiefs wait on Babur
in 58; lost by Babur 89-90, 122; his
attemptstoregain92-7-8, 162-5; succeeds, .
103-4, 115; proposed disposition of 118;
the cause of his second exile from 105; he ft

171-2 ; occupied by Sa‘id Khan 351-75
362; commandants of 25, 32, 44; gifts —
sent to 633 ; comings and goings to and
from 32, 58, 64, 102-3-6-8-9, 113, 145,
150, 165-8, 170, *183, 399 ; Babur’s- 8
comings and goings to and from 55, 66,
71, 114-9, 174; hint of another visit 358 —
and n. 2; (see Farghana).

near 46, 260 ; plan to defend 191 ; Seyret 4
of 266-7-8 ; a commandant of 279 3 =
a traitor in 325.

Anwar, ? Unwara (near Agra), Babur at 589,

641.

5n. 3.

force passes 111.

Aq-qachghai (Adra-tipa, Samarkand), a rapid 4

message through 2% 4
Samarkand), Ahmad. 7
Mirdnshahi dies on 33. a

117; scene of the Chaghatai Khans’ defeat
117 n. 2, *182, *351 (where read Archian —
for ‘* Akhsi »y. 356 (here read near Akhsi). —

332 n, 4, 333 n. ‘

battle near 16.

Persian- Z
speaking Sarts of 7 and n. 3; a holderof —
115; Babur takes refuge in 7 and sends
gifts to Highlanders of 633 and n. 43
Babur captures 53; Babur in a village of

Mirdan-shahi leads an army to 20.

Astar-ab (e. of Pul-i-chiragh, Fr. map Mai-

méné), tribes in 255.

oranges of 510; a poet of 290 n. 3; Husain
Bai-garaé and 46, 95, 259, 260, 264, 272;
assignments of 61 -9, "70, 94 94; commandants

1 Asterisks indicate Translator's matter.

828

in 272 (Nawa’l), 275; two Bai-qaras put
to death in 262, 266.

Atak, ‘‘ Attock”’ (on the Indus), locates Nil-
ab 206 n. 3, and Baba Wali Qandahdari’s
shrine 332 n. 4.

Atar (Kabul), located 211; Babur at 343,
422-3,

Aiiba, Ubeh, ‘‘Obeh” (on the Heri-riid), a
holder of 274.

Aid (U.P. India), see Oude, Oudh.

Aalaba-ta (Ghazni?), Babur at 323.

Ailia-ata (E. Turkistan), 2 n. 1.

Ailigh-nir (Kabul), located 209; a route
past 209; on the “‘nur” of the name
App. F, xxiii; Babur at 421-5.

Aiinji- or Unji-tipa (Farghana), Babur at
110

Aurangabad (Haidarabad, Dakhin, India), a
grape of 77 n. 2.

Aiira-tipa (between Khujand and the Zar-
afshan, Samarkand), its names Airiish
and Airishna 77; an alp of 25; Dikh-
kat a village of 149, 154; locates Khwas
17; escapes to 124, 141, 156; transfers
of, to ‘Umar ‘Shaikh 17, to Ahmad 27,
30, 35, to Muh. Husain Daghlat 97;
Ahmad dies in 33; The Khan in 92;
Babur’s family in 136; Babur in 98-9,
424, 149(2); enemies of Babur in 152, 154.

Aiirganj or Urgenj (Khwarizm), a claim to
rule in. 266,

Airgit (Samarkand), surrenders to Babur, 68.

Aish, Ush (Farghana), described 4; a trick
of the ragamuflins of 6 ; course ofits water
10; appointments to 32, 65; a raid near
25; an arrival from 112 ; fugitive to 168 ;
dependencies of 109, 110; Tambal and
4103-7, 123; Babur’s men in 114; oppres-
sion of 172; good behaviour at 176; Babur
at 108, 161-2-4-7-9 (advice to go to).

Aiitrar, Utrar, ‘‘ Otrar” (W. Turkistan), see
Yangi.

Aitrili, Atrauli (U.P. India), Babur at 587.

Ajiz-kint (Farghana), refuge in planned, for
the child Babur, 29 ; Mughils take refuge
in 105; Jahangir, with Tambal, and 103,
114-6-8, 123; Babur and 29, 108-9, 118,
161-2-9 ; Babur’s note on 162.

Awighir (Farghana), a holder of 118, 125
n, 2.

Azarbaijan (on the Caspian), taken by White

~ Sheep 49; cold of 219; a comer from
280 ; Timiir’s workmen in 520.

Baba Hasan Adda, z.e., Baba Wali Qanda-
havi (Qandahar), irrigation-channels to-
wards 332-6; shrine of the saint near
Atack (Attock) 332 n. 4.

Baba Ilahi (Herat), Husain ai-gard dies at
256; (see Fr. map Herat, Baboulei).

Baba Khaki (Herat), a rapid message from
Farghana to 25; an army at 3263; located
25 n: 2,:326'n..1.

WT OF R. rE Ad

Index II. Geographical

Baba ee (Kabul), Babur advances towards
315,

Baba Qara (Bajaur ¢.v.), spring of 371;
? identical with Khwaja Khizr 371 n. 1;
valley of 367 n. 3.

Baba Tawakkul’s Langar (Farghana), the
younger Khan halts at 168.

Baba Wali (Atak, Attock), see Baba Hasan.

Babur-khana (Panj-ab), 450 n. 5. ;

Baburpir (U.P. India), Babur at 644 n. 6.

Bachrata var. (Farghana), a ferry crossed
near 116, 170 (by Babur).

Badakhshan, Farghana’s s. boundary 1 ;
Hindi-kush divides Kabul from 204 ; trees
of 221 ; locates Kafiristan 46; Kabul
trade of 202; Babur sends sugar-cane to
208; a poet of 288; Rusta Hazara of
196 ; unprofitable to Babur 480 ; reference
to his conquest of 220; Greek descent of
its Shahs 22, 242; a series of rulers in
47-9, 208 n. 8, 243, 340, *426, *433,
*697 ; a plan for defence of 191 ; Aizbegs
and 242, 294; considered as a refuge for
Babur 340 ; various begims go to 21-2-4,
48 ; Nasir’s affairs in 242-3, 321-2; a letter
of victory sent to 371 ; Babur plans going -
to 412 ; Babur and Mahim visit Humayin

in 426, 436 ; Sa‘id Chagha/di’s affairs with
412, *695-6; *Humiayim’s desertion of
690, 707; *offered to Khalifa 697 and
n. 1; *contingent disposition of 706.

Badam-chashma (Kabul), climatic change at
pass of 208; Babur at 229, 409, 445.

ee (U.P. India), appointments to 267,

Z.
ee (Khurasan, n. of Herat), Aiizbegs
ote Bai-qaras in 275; Babur in 296,

307.

Bad-i-pich-pass, Bad-pakht ? (Kabil), a route
through 209; Babur goes through 343,
421; places an inscription in-343.

Badr-ati-du/#k, Tag-at’ (Kabul), described
221 ; water of 227 n. 1; a route through
209 ; Babur in 421.

Badri-ferry (Ghogra, Sari); 667 n. 5.

Badshah-nagar (U.P. India), Babur’s visit
gives the name to 678 n. 1.

Bagar (Rajpiitana), a holder of 573 ; identified
573 n. 2.

‘* Baghdad,” a variant for Bighda 40 and n. 2.

*Baghlan (Qindiiz), nomads leave Kabul for

402.

Bahar or Bihar (Kabul), seat of a tribe 413;
Babur at 414.

Bahat, Bihat, Jhelum-river (Panj-ab), course
of 485; Babur on 382, *441, 453; crossed
in fear of him 382.

Bahraich (U.P. India), revenue of 521;
locates Ghazra crossings 669,

Bajaur (N.W.F.P. India), concerning its
name 367 n. 4, 571 n. 3; once a Kabul
dependency 207 ; wines and fruit of 372,
510-1 ; monkeys and birds of 492-3-4;
beer made in 423; a test of women’s

829

Index II. Geographical

virtue in 211; Babur and 367 to 370,
371-3, 377, *429; repopulation of 375;
tribute of 400 ; Dost Beg’s valour at 370,
397 ; Khwaja Kalan and 370, 411, 422-3 ;
Bibi Mubarika left in 376; arrivals from
401.

Bakkak-pass (between Yaka-ailang and the
Heri-rud valley), Babur’s perilous crossing
of 309; an alternative pass (Zirrin) 310
A, 2:

Baksar sarkar (U.P. India), revenue of 521.

Baksara (U.P. India), Babur at *603, 660.

Baladar, Biladar (U.P. India), Babur at 686.

Bala-hisar (Kabul), present site of 198 n. 4;
(see Citadel).

Bala-jai (Kabul), maker and name of 200 and

5

n. 5.

Ballia (U.P. India), sub-divisions of 637 n. 1,
664 n. 8, 667 n. 2.

Balkh (Oxus valley), border-countries of 76,
261, 204 ; heat in 520; a melon-grower
of 686; its trade with Kabul 202 ; holders
of 18, 61-9, 257, 263, 275; exploits at
50, 93, 270; Husain Bdi-gara and 70,
191; Khusrau Shah and 93-4, 110, 270;
Shaibani and 294-6, 300, *363; Kitin-
qara and 5456 ; ‘Ubaid and 622;
*Isma‘il Safawi and 359, 363; Muham-
mad-i-zaman and *364, 385, *428; Babur
and 220, *359, *426-7, *442-4-5-6, 463
and n, 3, 546 n. 1, 625.

Balkh-ab, headwaters of 216; Babur crosses
295.

Balnath Jogi’s hill (Panj-ab), Babur near 452.

Bamian (IChurasan ? w. of Ghir-bund, Kabul),
mountains of 215 ; how reached from
Kabul 205 ; Khusrau Shah and 96 (where
for ‘‘Qasim” read Kamal ; Babur and 189,
311, *351, 409.

Bam-valley (Herat), a /angar in 308 n. 1;
Babur in 296, 297 n. 1

Banakat, Fanakat = Shahrukhiya (Tashkint)

n. 5, 76.
Banaras, Benares (U.P. India), crocodiles
near 502; threatened 652-4 ; Babur near

657.

Banas-river (India), course of 485.

Bandir, Bhander (C. India), a fruit of 507;
Babur at 590-8.

Band-i-salar Road (Farghana), Babur on 55,
116,

Bangarmawii, Bangarmau
Babur near 601.

Bangash ¢#mdan (Kabul), described 220, 209,
233, 405; a holder of 27, 252; plan of
attack on 229, 231-3, 382.

Banni plain (N.W.F.P.India), a limit of
Kabul territory 200; a waterless plain
near 234; date of the modern town 232
n. 5; Babur and 218, 231-2, 382, 394.

Banswara (Rajpitana), an old name of 573
n, 1.

(U.P. India),

1 Babur uses this name for, Anglicé, the Kabul-river as low as nearly to Dakka.

830

*Bhander (C. India), see Bandir.

torrent of
(The) Bar (Panj- ab), 380 n. 4. *
Baraich (U.P. India), see Bahraich. 3
Barak or Birk (? N.W.F.P. India), mention nec
as between Dasht and Farmiil 235. r
Barakistan, Birkistan (Zurmut, Kabul),
tomb in 220; ? tongue of 207. 4
aur (Farghana) described 5 ; positiana

Banir (Patiala, Panj-ab), Babur on (Ghagga gar)

Baramila (Kashmir), a limit of Sawad te
tory 372 n. 3 a
Baran-si,? Panjhir-si (Kabul), affluen +a
to 210-1; the bird-migrants’ road 224;
migration of fish in 225; bird-catching o 1
228 ; routes crossing 209, 342; locates
various places 207 n. 5, 215, App. E,
xvii ;—passers along 195, 242; Babur and
254, 420, see Koh- daman. ve
Baran wilayat (Kohistéan, Kabul), Babur in
253, 320, 405. y
Bara (N. W. F. P. India), road of 411 ; Babur
fords the water of 230, j E-
Bari (Rajpiitana), hills of 486; hunting-
grounds in 509 n. 2; Babur at 509, 585.
Barik-ab (affluent of the “ Kabul-river™
Babur on 409, 414, 446.
Bast, Bost, Bust (onthe’ Helmand Afghanistan n),
Husain Bai-gar@ s affairs at 94, 260. -
Bastam (‘Iraq), a w. limit of Khurasait 261
(where read Bastam) ; captured 622,
Bateswar (U.P. India), ferry of 643 n. 3.
Bazar and Taq (India), see Dasht.
Bazarak (Hindii-kush), described 205.
Beg-tiit (Kabul), earthquake action near 247,
Benares (India), see Banaras. =
Bengal, Bangala (India), particulars of the 2
rules and customs in 482; envoys to and
from 637, 640, 665; army of 663; Babur
at ease about 677, 679 n. 7; traversed ‘
the Ganges 485 ; a bird of 495 ; fruits of 5€ 4
Between-two-waters (Farghana), see Aiki-sit- =
ara. =

Betwi-river, Betwa (C. India) described 597.

\
ie
‘a

Bhilsan (C. India), Sanga’s 483, Babu's .
plan against 598.
Bhira (Panj-ab), history of 382; revenue of
521; tribes of 387; Baliichis in 38
locates places 379, 380, 381 ; limit ¢
Lidi Afghan lands "481, and of Babur's i
Hindistan 520 ; servants from 616, 678;
arrivals from 228, 391, 419 ; local soldi ery.
389, 539, rhinoceros in 490, Babur and
377-8, 382- 3-7, *429, 478; he stays in
the fort of 384 ; safeguards people of 383,
478 ; sends prisoners into 461; summons
by Mahim of an escort from 650; a
governor 386-8, 392-9. 7
Bhijpir (Bihar, India), Babur at 662.
Biah-sii, Beas (Panj-ab), course of 485 ; Babur
' crosses 458. BS

Biana, Bayana (Rajpitana), mountains in 486 ;
red-stone of 532, 611; water-raising in
487 ; a dependency of 563 ; locates places
539, 613; disaffection to Babur of 523-9;
taken 530-8, 540-5; a gun made to use
against it 537; praise of its soldiers 548,
550 ; an appointment to 579 ; asked for
613 ; Babur at 577, 581 ; his workmen in
520 ; revenue from assigned to support his
tomb *709.,

Bianwan pargana (U.P. India), assignment on
540

Bibi Mah-rii (Kabul), Babur at 314.

Bigram, Bikram (Panj-ab), four ancient sites
so-named 230 n. 2; Babur at 230, 394,
450-1.

Bihar (India), a limit of Afghan lands in Hind
480-1, and of Babur’s 520; revenue of
521; Babur and 639, 656, 677-9; an
assignment on 676; mentioned as if
Babur’s 561; Muhammad-i-zaman and
661-3-4 ; an earlier Lidi capture of 675 ;
a diwan of 661.

Bihiya (Bihar, India), Babur at 662-7 n. 2.

Bih-zadi (Kabul), Babur at 398, 416-8; wine
fetched from 417 ; 19th century vinegar of
417 n. 2.

Bijanagar, Vijaynagar
India), a ruler of 483.

Biladar (U.P..India), see Baladar.

Bilah (Panj-ab), Babur at 237.

Bilkir ? (Kabul), Babur at 420.

Bilwah ferry (Ganges), Babur at 658.

Bimriki fargana (Panj-ab), a holder of 453.

Birk and Birkistan, see Barak.

Bishkharan (Farghana), good fighting at 28;
Babur at or near 117-8, 170.

Bish-kint (on the Khujand-Tashkint road),
Tambal at 145, 154; Babur at 151.

een (Kabul), Bi-siitis migrated to Bajaur
375.

Bolan-pass (Baliichistin), *Shah Beg’s en-
trance to Sind 429.

** Bottam” (?débouchement of the Zar-
afshan), a word used by Ibn Hankal 76 n. 6.

Biidana-g#riig (Samarkand), described 82;
Babur at 131 (here Quail-reserve).

Buhlilpir (Panj-ab), Babur at 454.

Bukhara (Transoxiana), described 82; w.
limit of Samarkand 76 and of Soghd 84;
deficient water-supply of 77; trade with
Kabul 202 ; wines of 83; melons of 10,
82; bullies in 7; Babur sends sugar-cane
to 208; various rulers of 35, 38, 112;
governors in 40, 52, 121; taken by Shai-
bani 125; various attacks on 63-5, 124,
*356-7-9, *354, *359, *360 ; Babur’s
capture of 21, 704 n. 3; Mahdi Khwaja
and 704 n. 3; various comings and goings
from and to 62-3-4, 135, 534.

Bilan (Kabul), a route through 209.

Bili (Rajpitana), revenues of 521.

Burhanpir (C. India), Babur on water of
592-8,

(Dakhin, Deccan,

Index II. Geographical

Burh-ganga (Old Ganges), its part in the
battle of the Ghogra 667 n. 2; 674 n. 6,
667 n. 2.

Birka-yilaq (Aira-tipa g.v.), Babur at the
fort of 92, 124.

Busawar (Rajpitana), Babur at 548 (where
read Busawar) 581.

Bi-stan-sarai (Kabul), Babur at 251-4.

Bii-stan-sarai (Samarkand), 62; Babur at 74,
134.

Bit-khak (Kabul), damming of its water
647 ; Babur at 409, 446 n. 4.

Buz-gala-Khana (Samarkand), see Aitmak-
dabin.

Chach, see Tashkint.

Chachawali (U.P. India), Babur at 649.

Chach-charin (on the Heri-riid), a holder of
274; Babur at 308.

Chaghanian (Hisar-shadman), located 48 n. 5;
an earlier extension of the name 188 n. 4;
Nindak dependent on 471; a meadow
(a#lang) of 129; a ruler in 47; Khusrau
Shah at 93; Babur in 188.

Chaghan-sarai 4/#%, Chighan-sarai (Kabul),
described 212; water of 211-2; name of
212 n.2; a governor of 227; Babur’s
capture of 211 (where for ‘‘920” read 924),
*366-7 n. 3.

Chahar see Char.

*Chak-chaq pass (Hisar-shidman),
traverses 359.

Chaldiran (Persia), cart-defence in the battle
of 469 n. 1.

Chambal-river (C. India), course of 485;
Babur on 509, 585-9, 607, 614; Shah-i-
jahan pours wine into 298 n. 3.

Champaran (Bihar, India), revenue of 521.

Chanaran (n.w. of Mashhad), Husain 2a:z-
gara@s victory at 260; located 260 n. 1
and Ferté g.v. p. 39 n. 2). _

Chandawal (Bajaur, N.W.F.P.), of its name
367 n. 3; torrent of 372; Babur hunts
near 372.

Chandawar, Chandwar (U.P. India), correct
name of 642 n. 8, water-raising in 487 ;
comings and goings from and to 531, 552,
582 ; Babur at 589, 642-3; he loses it
557, 581.

Chandiri (C. India), described 582-3-6 ; hiils
of 486; death of a holder of 573; men-
tioned to fix dates 269, 483, 605 ; Babur’s
capture of 589, 590-2-4-8.

Chapar-kuda (U.P. India), identity of with
Chaparghatta 650 n. 1; a start from 659
n. 5; Babur at 650.

Char-dar co/ (Hindii-kush), 204 n. 4.

Char-dih plain (w. of Kabul-town), the Kabul-
river traverses 200 n. 4; *overlooked from
Babur’s tomb 710.

Charikar, Char-yak-kar (Kabul), altitude of
204 n. 4; name of 20. 295 n. 13; Judas-
trees of 216 n. 3.

Babur

831

Index I. Geographical

Char-jii ferry (Oxus), 95 (where ‘‘ Atbaj ”
is wrong).

Char-shamba = Wednesday (Oxus valley see
Fr. map Maiméné), 71 n. 2.

Char-sii (Samarkand), an execution in 196.

Char-yak (Fr. map Maimeéné), over-run 295,
94 (where for ‘‘ San-chirik” read San and
Char-yak).

Chashma-i-tiira pass (Kabul), Babur at 403-4.

Chash-tiipa (Kabul), Babur at 320.

Chats (Rajpitana), revenue of 521.

Cha-ti var. Jal-ti (Kabul), Babur at 228.

Chatur-mik (U.P. India), a Ghogra-crossing
at 669, 677.

Chaupara (N.W.F.P. India), an Indus ferry
at 206; a limit of Banni 233; Babur near
234.

Chaupara (U.P. India), ferry of 677-9.

Chausa (Bihar, India), a death at 273 n: 3;
Babur at *603, 659, 660.

Chausa or Jiisa (C. India), Babur at 581.

Chichik-ti (Balkh-Herat road), located 300 ;
Babur at 296.

Chihil-dukhtaran (Farghana), 107,
(Heri) 296, 301 ; (Kabul), 107 n. 1.

Chihil-qulba (Kabul), Babur hunts near 420,

Chikman-sarai (Andikhiid, Oxus valley), a
defeat at 46, 260, 268.

Chin, China, Kabul trade with 203; a Chini
cup 407; [for ‘‘ China” see Khitai].

Chin-ab, Chan-ab, tract and river (Chen-ab,
Panj-ab), course of 485; the Bar in 380
n. 4; a Turk possession 380-2; Babur
resolves to regain 380; he on the river
*441, 453; envoys to him from 386 ; his
family reach 659; an appointment to
386.

China-girghan (Kabul), Babur at 407.

Chiniat or Chiniwat (Panj-ab), a Turk posses-
sion 380-2; Babur resolves to regain 380,

Chirégh-dan (Upper Heri-riid),
309; see Add. Note p. 309 for omitted

assage.

Chirkh (Kabul), described 217; a mulla of
284 ; a soldier of 669, 678.

Chics, Chir-chik (Tashkint lands), Ahmad
Miran-shahi’s disaster at 17, 25, 31-4-5.

Chitr (Panj-ab), Babur at 645.

Chitir, Chitor (Rajpittana), hills of 486,
Babur’s plan against 598; Rana Sanga’s
483, 617.

Chunar (U.P. India), advance on 652-4;
arrival from 657; appointments 682-3 ;
Babur at 658; road measured from 659;
question of identity 682 n. n.

Chiipan-ata (Samarkand), 72 n. 3, 76 (Kohik),
76 n. +3; Babur crosses 124; [see Kohik].

Chitiali (Diki, Qandahar), Babur at 2338-9,

Cintra (Portugal), oranges of 511 n. 4.

Citadel (arg) of Kabul, 201; Bala-hisar 198
n. 4; —of Samarkand, 77: position of 78
n. 63 Babur in 134, 141,

162 ;

1 “The Dara-i-suif, often mentioned by the Arabian writers, seems to lie west of Bamian” (Erskine, Memzoirs,

P- 152 Nn. 1),

$32

Babur at

Dabisi (Samarkand), Atizbeg victories oy
124, 137. i
Dahanah (see Fr. map Maiméné), corn
295 ; traversed ae 243, 295, 7
Dakka (Kabul), App. E. xx; [see note
Baran-si]. =
Dakkan, Dakhin, Deccan (India), ali si
482 ; ? Dakni = Dakkani 619, 631,
Note pp. 619, 631.
Daman (N.W.F. P. India), see Dasht.
Damghan (Persia), a w. limit of Khurasan
261 ; Bai-qaras captured in 263 ; ‘Aiizbe og
defeated at 618, 622. " si
Dandan-shikan pass (Khurasan), Babur cros:
294.

Dara-i-bam (Badghis, Khurasan), Babur
296,

Dara-i-gaz (s. of Balkh), a recal from 14.
Dara-i-Ghazi Khan (Panj-ab), 233 n. 3.
Dara-i-khwush (Kabul), Babur in 27, 251
Dara-i-ntr (Kabul) described 210 ; unig
character of 210, 241, App. F; wines
210, 410, App. G, xxv; monkeys of 241,
492; name of App. F, Xxiii, XxiV 5 2.
holder of 227, 344 ; attacked 241 ; Babu
in 422, ee
Dara-i- ~pir- amin (Kabul), Babur at 342 (wh
‘for *‘ anim” read amin). ae
Dara-i- sif (Khurasan), character of 222.) —
ae (Khurasan), defence for ple
191

Dara-i-zindin (Kabul-Balkh road), moun
of 222; located 189 n. 6; Babur in 18
Darband (Caspian Sea), 564 n. 5. ;
Darband-i-ahanin (Hisar-shadman), a limit
territory 47; a name of Quligha, Quhq
sea *Babur at 353; Najm Sami ne
359
Dar-i-gham canal (Samarkand) deeptiae
84; Babur on 124-5; (see Kohik-wat
Dariita: (Kabul), Babur at 421-2.
Darwaza (Bajaur ? N.W.F.P. India), a
through 376,
Dasht (Plain),
(N.W.F.P. India), names of 229 n, 4,
233 and n. 4 ; (Mehtar Sulaiman) mountains ©
of 223 ; limits Banni 233; a rout
through 206 ; Babur and 229, 235-7, 394.
Dasht-i-shaikh, Kurrat-taziyan (Kohistan, -
Kabul) described 215. wi
Dawar (Kohistan, Kabul), Babur at 421 ; :
perhaps Dir-nama 421 n. 5. a
Dhar (C. India), observatory in 79. —.
Dibalpir (Panj-ab), revenue or 521 5 wat efi
wheels in 486, 532 ; comical n-
lee, 463; Babur captures 208, Bi
—8
Dih-i-afghan (Kabul), a rebel in 345; a goer
to 402. as.
Dih-i-ghulaman (Kabul), Babur at 413. Be. :
Dib-i-yaq ‘tb (Kabul), narrows of 200 ; water
of 241; Babur at 409, 445. ;

Daman, Bazar and

Dihli, mountains of 485 ; the capital of
Hindistan 463; a Lidi possession 481 ;
revenue of 521 ; Miwat and 577; ‘Alam
Khan and 455-6; Ibrahim marches from
465 ; Sanga gives Babur rendezvous near
529; Babur takes possession of 475;
appointments to 476; submissive 523 ;
mentioned as Baburs 561; Khwaja
Kalan’s inscription in 525; an arrival
from to Babur 526 ; treasure of 583, *695
n. 1, 617.

Dikh-kat (Aira-tipa, Samarkand), described
149, 152; an arrival in 151; Babur in
149, 150, 633 n. 4.

Dilmat var. (U.P. India), comings and goings
from and to 534-7, 681-4 ; variants of
name of 681 n. 3.

Din-kot, Dhankot (N.W.F.P. India), location
and name of 206 n. 6; limit of Koh-i-jid
380 and of Banni 233; routes through
206, 399,

Dirapir (U.P. India), Babur in 649.

Diri pass (Kabul), a route through 209.

Diyil (Samarkand), allies of Babur in 138.

Dizak (Samarkand), Babur a fugitive in 148 ;
a governor of 26.

** Doab,” see Miyan-di-ab.

Di-aba (U.P. India), Gangetic changes in
667 n. 2.

Dugdiigi (U.P. India), Babur at 651-2.

Diaghaba river (Khurasan), head-waters of 216.

Daki (Qandahar), mountains of 223, 236;
Babur in 218, 238, 382.

Dialpir, ‘‘ Dholpur” (Rajpiitana), mountains
of 486; Ibrahim Za#az’s begs in 593;
Babur and 520, 552, 585, *603-6, 614,
634-5-9, 689; accounts of work in 606,
634, 642; a view from 610.

Din (Jaswan, Panj-ab); ‘Alam Khan in 457 ;
Babur in 461-2. .

Dungarpir (Rajpiitana), old name of 573 n. 1.

Dir-nama or -nama’i (Kohistan, Kabul), de-
scribed 215 ; Babur at 420; (see Dawar).

Dirrin- or Diirrin-tangi (Kabul), a limit of
Shah-i-Kabul 200, 417.

Dii-shamba (Badakhshan), Humayun at 621.

Diishi (n. of Hindia-kush), Khusrau Shah
submits to Babur at 51, 191-5.

Egypt, see Misr.

Etawa, Itawa (U.P. India), hostile to Babur
523-9, 530; appointments to 530-3, 579,
582; comings and goings from and to
541, 645, 689 ; Babur at 644, 686.

Faizabad (Badakhshan), *? Babur and Mahin
at 436.
Fakhru’d-din-ailiim (Balkh-Herat road), Babur
_ at 296; (see Fr. map Maiméné).
Fanakat, Banakat = Shahrukhiya (Tashkint),
passed by the Sir-darya 2; identity of
2 ty. %5)

Index II. Geographical

Fan-tagh (Hisar-shadman), Lake Iskandar in
129; Babur in 130.

Farab (W. Turkistan ?), a mulla of 643,

Faraghina (Farghana), Babur at 168,

Farghana mod. Kokand, description of 1 to
12; extent of 2n. 3; included in Trans-
oxiana 76; Alps of 223; nick-name of
289; winter-route into 2, *183; capitals
of 3, 10, 162; an e. limit of Samarkand
76; Kabul trade of 202; celebrities of 4,
7, 76, 90, 289 ; ‘Umar Shaikh’s (I and IT)
14-7, 24; Babur succeeds in 1, 29; in-
vasions of 13, 20-9, 54, *183; proposal
to dispossess Babur 168 ; an arrival in 28 ;
an.exit from 190; Babur’s loss of 19 n. 1,
*183 ; Babur’s leaving 187 ; (see Andijan).

Far-kat (n. of Kindir-tau g.v.), a refugee in
149; a mulla of 343; reached from
Ghawa (Farghana, Fr. map, Gava), 179.

Farmiil témdn (Kabul), described 220; a s.
limit of Kabul 200; Urghiin in 206 n. 2;
roads through 206, 231-3-5; Shaikh-
zadas of 220, 679 n. 7.

Fathpir (U.P. India), Babur at 643, 686.

Fathpir or Nathpir (U.P. India), a de-
pendency of 680 ; lake of 681.

Fathpiir-Aswa (U.P. India), Babur at 651.

Firtizabad (U.P. India), 643 n. 3.

Firitiz-koh (Ghir-Kabul road), Babur on 365.

Firizpir (-jhirka ; Gurgaon, Panj-ab), de-
scribed 580 n. 1; Babur at 580.

Fulil (Badakhshan), Khusrau Shah and 60;
Mughils from, join Babur 192 (where
read Fulil).

Gagar, Ghaggar, Kakar river (Patiala, Panj-
ab), Babur visits and describes 464-5;
called rad (torrent) of Banir and Santr
464.

Gagar, Kakar (U.P. India), a constituent of
the Gogra, Ghogra g.v. ; the word Gagar
or Kakar used 602.

Gamb(h)ir-water (India), Babur crosses 606.

Gandak river (India), course of 485; defence
of 663.

Gandamak (Kabul), Babur at 394, 414, 446.

Gang-river, Ganges (India), course of 485 ;
changed course of 667 n. 2, 674 n, 6-7
n. 2, 682 n. 1; bridged by Babur 495,
599, 633; lands and chiefs east of 523,
628, 638, 651 ; various crossings made of
530, 544, 583-7, 598, 669, 681-4; Babur
on 598 to 665, 666-7; a battle-station
east of 371 ; Babur swims 603-5, 655,
660.

Garm-chashma (Kabul), Babur at 229, 411,

448.
Garm-sir (S. Afghanistan), *432 ; a bird of 496.
Garzawan (Khurasan, Fr. map Maiméné,
Ghourzistan), mountains of 222 ; locates
a place 69; a plan for defence of 191; -
Babur at 296 (where mis-spelled ‘‘ Gurz-
wan”).

833

Index II. Geographical

-Gau- or Kau-water (Kabul), Kafiristan the
source of 210.

Gawar or Kawar (Kabul), position of 210.

Ghain (Kabul), a punitive force against 253.

Ghaj-davan (Bukhara), *besieged 360 ; *battle
of 361, 279: a fugitive from 363.

Gharjistan, Ghurjistan (Khurasan), mountains
of 222; Babur near 308; Muhammad-i-
zaman in 365.4

Ghawa (Farghana, Fr. map, Gava), Babur
seeks the road to 179, 180-1-*2.

Ghazipir (U.P. India), crocodiles of 502; an
assignment on 527; a holder of 669;
threatened 544, 680; Babur at 659 ; his
boats sent to 679.

Ghazni = Kabul and Zabulistan, Ghaznin
(Kabul) ; describes 217, 321; a N.W.
limit to Hindistain 481 ; cold of 219, 526 ;
game in 224; no honey from 203; fire-
wood of 223; highwaymen on road to
228 ; wines of, taken to Hindistan 461,
551 ; repairs of a dam at 219, 646 ;
a route to 206; locates Zurmut 220; a
Shahrukhi’s 382 (here Kabul); Ailigh Beg
and 95 n. 2; Dost Beg buried at 396;
various governors of 227, 253-4, 307,
343-4, 363, 397, 525; not subjected to
Babur (912 aun.) 300 ;_ rebellion in
(912 AH.) 363 ; Khwaja Kalan and 447,
526; Babur and 199, 228, 239, 240, 330,
526.

Ghir (Khurasan), mountains of 222 ; w. limit
to Kabul 200; road from Kabul to 214:

_ a holder of 274.

Ghuram (Panj-ab), an assignment of 525.

Ghir-bund témdan (Kabul), described 214;
Nil-ab (Naulibis) in 206 n. 3; ; roads from
205 ; a tulip of 215; Babur in 195, 294,
314

Ghiri (Khurasan), position of 409 ; a route

aoe 94; corn from 295; a failure in
46.

Ghurjistan, see Gharjistan.

Ghwaliri pass (on the Gimal g.v., India), a
surmised route through 235 n. 2.

Gibrik or Kibrik (Kafiristan), people of 207.

Gingiita (Panj-ab), described 462 ; an occupa-
tion of 457.

Girdiz (Kabul), head-quarters in Zurmut 220 ;
tribesmen on road to 228, 403; a road for
405; locates a place 403; Khwaja Kalan’s
525 ; Tang-i-waghchan a name for its pass
403 n. 1.

Gogra, Ghogra, Gagar, Kakar river (U.P.
India), see Sari.

Gosfand-liyar (n. of Bannii-plain), a sheep-
road travelled by Babur 233.

Goshta (Kabul), 206 n. 4.

Gialiar, Gwalior (C. India), described 607 to
612, 613-4; Babur’s building in 520;
hills of 486; revenue of 521; forms of
the name 486 ; ruler of killed at Panipat

477; hostile to Babur 523-9 (where adc
““ Gialiar” after Dilpir, 1. 4 fr. foot),
539 ; assigned 539; gained 540; rein-
forced 547, 557; Babur’s visit to 605
552, 607 to 614: 3; on envoy from 612
sedition in 688-9, 690, *692 n. 1.
Gii-water, Gumti (U.P. India), course of 485
(where for ‘‘Gumti” xead (Babur’s) Gil) ;
Babur on 601, 658, 683-4. 3
Gujrat (Panj- ab), a tree of ; aruler in 481 t>
affairs of 534-5. ;
Gik-sarai (Samarkand), described 41 n. 2,
63, 77; ascension-stone in 77 n. 5; a
Mirza sent to 41. ;
Gul-i-bahar (Kohistan, Kabul), described
(without name) 214-5 ; fish-catching in
226, Babur at 320-1, 406-7. s
Giimal valley and river (N.W.F.P. India),
Babur and 235-6. >
Gumbazak pass (Khurasan ; “map
Maiméné), Babur at 294. ft
Gumhaz-i-chaman (Farghana), Babur at 176,
Gira-khattri (Panj-ab), Babur and 230, 294, —
Gurgan-sii (s.e. of the Caspian), Husain Bai-—
gara swims 259, 260 n. 6. Aq
Guzar var. (Qandahar ?), Babur at 332. ;

see Fr.

a-darwesh waste (Farghana), described 9,
9, 151; “birthplace of Babur’s legendary
son 358 ni;

Haft-bacha pass (Hindii-kush), described 205. *

Haji-ghat pass (Hindi-kush), turns Hindi- —
kush 205 n. 2. &

Hajipir (Bihar, India), Babur and 674; a =
governor of 663 n. 6.

Haji-tarkhan = Astrakhan (on the Caspian), a —
chief of 258. ‘a

Haldi-guzr (U.P. ee, location of 668 n. 2,
669 n. 1, 671 n. 1; Babur’s men cross | .
668-9, 675, .

Halwa- chashma (Khurasan), a victory at 260. |

Hamadan (Persia), a saint of 211; “a soldier
of 700.

Hamtatii pass (Panj-ab), Babur crosses 381.

Hangii (N.W.F.P. India), Babur at 231-2.

Harmand-, Halmand-river (Afghanistan), .
source of 216 ; a drowning in 307. ?

Hari, Kacha- kot water (Panj-ab), Babur —
crosses 379, 452; an Indus-ford near
206 n oF 4

Hash(t)-nagar (N.W.F.P. India), a limit of
Kabul 200; desolate 207; rhinoceros in —
490 ; birds ‘of 497, 500; locates a place —
376 ; Babur advised to raid 410-1. :

Hasht-yak (W. Turkistan), Babur near 151.

Hitya (Panj-ab), limit of a clan 452 n. 5.

Hazarasp (Khwarizm), a holder of 50. ;

Heri, Herat (Khurasan), description of 304 to }
306 ; Husain Bai-gara’s birthplace 256,
conquest of 134, splendid rule in 273,
ease in 261, feast in 264, delay of a

1 Babur’s itinerary gives Gharjistan a greater eastward extent than the Fr. map we esrys bese pi thus
azreeing with Erskine’s surmise (Memoirs p. 152 n. 1).—The first syllable of the name may be “*

Qa,

pilgrim in 284, reception of fugitives 243,
burial in 293 ;—joint-rule in 293, 326;
weakness before Aiizbeg attack on 296-9,
326 ;—Shaibani’s capture of 207, 326-8-9 ;
—Isma‘il Safawi’s capture of *350-5 ;—
‘Ubaidu’l-lah Adzbeg and *434 :—‘Ali-
sher Vawd@’z in 4, 271, 286-7 ; Bana’i and
286-7 ; *Shah Beg and 365, 429, 430;
Khwand-amir and *432, 605 ; fugitives
from 331 ; governors of 24, 37, 274
(Koh-daman), 275, *633 ; envoys to
Babur from *436; a Begim comes from
267 : Mas‘ima brought from 330; Babur
at 300-1-2, 302 to 307; his marriage
with Mahim in *704;—locates a place
25; fixes a date 258.

Himar or Khimar (? Khurasan), a passer

through 260.

Hind, Hindistan, Hindustanat—a northern

limit of Kabul 200; routes between it and
Kabul 206; a journey to Makka made
from Kabul through 26 ; trade and traders
202, 331, 416; Jats and Gujirs in 454;
a saint honoured in 238; a raja of 219;
comings and goings to and from 250, 265,
267, 368 ; Khwand-amir in *432, 605

and n. 6 ;—Astronomical Tables in 79 ;.

names for outside places used in 202;
gold from 446; titles in 537; building
style in 609 ; greetings in 640 ; mentioned
by Babur in a verse 584; Hind-al named
from 385; of Biana in 529; of the Betwa
597 ;—a seemingly limited use of the
name Hindistan 386; of its three names
used by Babur, Hind 26, 219, 385, 525,
532, 577, 577 n. 6, 578, Hindistanat 485,
Hindistan usually ;—Hindistan the Less
(?) 46 and 46 n. 4 ;—Lidi rise in 383 ;
Liidi possessions in 463, 480; Ibrahim’s
accession in 385; *torn by faction 439;
envoys to Babur from *426, *436 ; Babur’s
comments on its chiefs 219, 385, 459 ;
Farmiili ascendancy in 220 ; begs in 387 ;
armies in 547 ;—Timir’s conquest of 382 ;
his employment in Samarkand of workmen
from 77; pictures of his victories in 78;
tradition of a soldier in his army of 150;
—Babur’s persistent wish to regain Turk
possessions in 340, 377, 380-1-2, 478-9 ;
working-out of his desire for *426: varied
opposition to his aims 478; “*his five
expeditions to :—

910 AH.—39, 229, 382 ;
925 AH.—378 et seg., 478, 480 ;
926 AH.—*428, *429; its frustration
*429, *430, *441;
930 au.—575, *442; its frustration
442;
932 aH.—*444, 445, 479 ;—
one start frustrated in Kabul 913, AH.
341-3; ‘Alam Khan asks and obtains
help in *439, *441, 455; Daulat Khan
proffers allegiance *440 ; *Babur’s prayer

Index II. Geographical

for a sign of victory *440; his fifth ex-
pedition fixes dates 269, 545; indications
that only the fifth aimed at Dihli *429,
*444, 480; his decisive victories, at
Panipat 475, at Kanwa 574; references
to his conquest 220, 561; some of his
Begs wish to leave 524-5, 579, 584; his
Hindistan poems.642, App. Q; his ease
in and hints at leaving 617, 645, 686 ; his
family brought to 646, 686 ;—the * Azéar-
nama chronicles no public events of 936—
937 AH. in 682; *Babur’s journey to
Lahor (936 AH.) may point to his leaving
Hindustan 707; .*Humiayin’s arrival in
696, 707 ; *on Babur’s intended disposal
of Hindistan 702 to 708; *burial of his
body in 709 and later removal from 709-
710 ;—Babur’s description of Hindistan
478 to 531, vzz. :—Introduction, on earlier
Tramontane expeditions into 478 to 480,
boundaries and capital of 480, rulers in
932 AH, 481, varied climate, character of
and northern mountains 484 ; rivers and
Aravalli range 485; irrigation 486, other
particulars 487,—mammals 488, birds
493, aquatic animals 501, fruits 503,
flowers 513 ;—seasons of the year 515, days
of the week 516, division of time 516,
weights and measures 517, modes of
reckoning 518 ;—Hindis in 518 ;—defects
and advantages of 518-9, 531, 532,
revenues 520-1.

Hindi-kush mountains, n. boundary of Kabul

200-4 ; connected ranges 210, 380 ; called
Hindi-kush in Kabul 485; account of
their prolongation in Hind (z.e, Hima-
layas), 485 ; roads and passes of 204-5;
the clouds a hindrance to bird-migration
224; limits of territory fixed by 47-9,
194 ; an episode on 270 *Babur’s crossing
930 AH. 442.

Hisar-firiiza (Panj-ab), revenue of 521; given

to Humayiin 465, 466, 528; opposition
near 540.

Hisar (-shadman ; Transoxiana), mountains of

222; clans from 228 ; Kabul trade with
202 ;—Aba-bikr and 51; Mahmid and
47-9; Mas‘id and 52, 64, 71, 93-5, 261 ;
Bai-sunghar and 52, 61, 96, 110-2 ; Husain
and 48, 57-8-9, 61, 130, 191, 260-3,
275; Babur traverses 128, 130, 187-8,
moves for *352, takes 37, 262, *352-3,
defends *358, 471, attacked in 345,
*361-2, leaves 362-3 ;—Mughils leave 58
and rebel 105; goers to 104, 141; Shai-
bani and 192, 244, *362; abandoned by
the Aizbegs 622-4; Khusrau Shah and
see s.n. 3 *threefold catastrophe in 362 ;
Humayin ordered to attack 625 ; Qasim
guchin and 66; a governor in 46-7 ;
occupied for Babur 640.

Hormuz (Persia), Farghana almonds imported

to 9.

Hini (Kabul), Babur at 405.

835

Index If. Geographical

Hipian pass, Upiain (Kabul), Babur crosses
195 ; locates a place 647 n. 3.

Hurir (Panj-ab), taken from Babur 464.

Hushiar (Farghana), a subdivision of Asfara
7; Babur a refugee in 7, *181; his gifts
to envoys from 633.

Ilyak-si, Kafirnighan (Hisar-shadman), locates
a place 48 n. 5

Indri (U.P. India), an arrival at 456.

Indus, see Sind-darya.

‘Trig (Persia), Kabul trade with 202 ; various
captures of 49, 51, 280, 336; envoys to
and from 540, 583, 666 other comings
and goings from and to 20, 46, 260-2-8 ;
275, 282-7, 291-4 n. 3, 622; Babur’s
gifts to kinsfolk in 522.

‘Iraqain, z.¢, ‘Iraq-i-‘ajam and ‘Iraq-i-‘arabi,
places noted for cold in 219.

‘Iraq-pass (n. w. of Kabul), a presumed crossing

_ of 294n, 3.

Irij or Irich (C. India), Babur at 590.

Ishkimish (Qiindiiz ?), notin Badakhshan 288 ;
on a named route 321 ; military action at
60, 192, 243.

Ispahan (Persia), a governor of 635 n. 6.

Istalif (Kabul), descrited 216; a garden at
246; fishing at 226; Babur at 246, 406,
416-8.

Jagdalik pass (Kabul), Babur crosses 229,
341, 414

Jahan-nama fort (Bhira, Panj-ab), Babur in
384 (where for ‘‘ niima” vead nama).

Jahan-nama hill (Dihli district), 485.

Jahan-nama’i (Kabul), Babur at 421 ; see
Jiii-shahi.

Jajmai or Jajmawa (U.P. India), rebels in
533 ; a submission near 534.

Jakin pargana (U.P. India), Babur in 644.

Jalandhar (Panj-ab), an appointment to 442.

Jalisar, Jalesar (on the Jumna, U.P. India),
Humiayin at 531; Babur at 589, 640 (in
both places read Jalisar).

Jalisar, Jalesar (on the Ghogra, U.P. India),
Babur at 681; perhaps Chaksar 681 n. 4.

Jalmish (w. frontier, Kabul), 205 n. 2.

Jal-ta var. Cha-tii (Kabul), Babur at 228,

Jam, mod. Jam-rid (N.W.F.P. India), Babur
at 229, 230, 412.

Jam (Khurasan), Hatifi’s birthplace 288 ; how
marked in maps 623 n, 8, *714; Jami the
cognomen of Maulana ‘Abdu’r-rahman
g.v.; Atzbeg defeat near 622 n. 1, 625
n. 4, 635, 636 n. 2, details as to location
of the battle 623 n. 8, 635 n. 4.

Janara or Chanara (U.P. India), rebels take
refuge in 682 ; not identified 682 n, 1.
Janglik (Kabul), Babur at 251-3, 311-4 n. 1.
Jaswan-diin (Panj-ab), described 462 ; Babur

in 461-3.
Jaunpir (U.P. India), see Janpir-

836

Jauz-wilayat (Khurasan), 46 n. 3.
Jihlam, Jilam, Jhelum (Panj- Ab), Babur n
453; see Bahat for Jhelum river,
Jad mountains (Panj-ab), see Koh-i-jud. —
Jiduk (Samarkand), Babur at 147.
Jii-shahi (Kabul), Babur at 229, 394, 4 410
422 ; (see Jahan-nama’i). a
Jumandna, mod. ‘‘ Jumoheen” ? (U.P. India
.~Babur at 649. on
Jiin-river, Jumna (India), course of
locates a place 532 ; a drowning in
Babur on or crossing 467, 475, 531,
616, 638-9, 640, 650-5, 684-6 ; he ba
in 644; orders his officers to cross 684 ; i
flood 685.
Jinahpir, Jiinapar (U.P. India), an old form
of Jinpir or Jaunpir 676 n. 4; used b
Babur 276 (where read it for “ Jaunpur”) Z
544, 636, 676, 682 ; see tnfra Jinpir. —
Janpar, Jaunpar (U. P, “India), water of 658; —
formerly a Sharqi possession 481 ; revenue = 3
of 521; taken by Humayin 544; an
assignment on 527; appointments to 276, |
S36, 544, 676, 682; arrivals from 636, —
66 a
Jargha-ti (Kabul), see Qirgha-ti. Se
Jasa or Chausa (C.P. India), Babur at 581.

=

Kabul town and country, description of joo ;
to 227,—position and boundaries 199, 481, —
town and environs 200, fort 201, 344.
bridges 198, 314, 417, trade 202, clima
77, 501-3, 223, 314, 584, snow in 208-9.
223, 314, dividing line between hot and
cold climates 208, 220, 229, fruits 202,
510, cultivated lands 243, meadows 204,
Hindii-kush roads 204, Lamghanit roads
201, Khurasin road 205, Hindistan ae mee
205, 206 n. 3, 231, 308, 629; hiss ;
men 205, 341, peoples 207, 221,
divisions 207 to 221, dependencies ran:
revenue 221, iountain-tracts 221, fire-
wood 223, fauna 223, 496-8, bird- catching
224, fishing 225 ;—rivers of, Baran g.v.—
Kabul, Luhigur (Logar); ‘garm-sil 208,
484; unfitness for nomads 228, 402; use |
“ Hinda-kush” in 485; use of ‘ Kabul "in &
Agra 532; a mulla of 284 ; ;— givento
‘Umar Shaikh 14; Ailigh Beg Xabuliand
95 and n. 2 (where **2” should follow
“Mirza” and not ‘‘son”); *185; Aba-
bikr and 260; ‘Abdu-r-razziq as 1953s
Muqim Arghiin and 195, 198-9, 227; —
Khusrau Shah and 192 ,—-Babar’s move
to win it 7, 189, 191-7; his capture of
198-9 ; dates fixed, by the capture of, 19 —
ee 21, 26, 39, 48, 227, 251, 274, 282, Ay
377, 383, 394, and by his possession of
27, 529; a sequel of its capture 243;
reserved by him for himself 227, 227 n. 5,
627, 645-6 ;—his comings and goings to
and from 27, 229, 241, 248-9, 504, 4323,
325, 330, 339, *350, #363-4-5, 389, 395,

403-4-5-7-8, 415-18-19, 441-2-3; other
comings and goings 51, 196, 228, 321,
349, 364-5, 385, 399, 531, 539, 544,
*696, 687, 699; men sent to 343, 413,
466, 476 ; various Begims arrive in or leave
36, 306, 339—265, 397—21—264—267—
269—606, 616 ; family journey from 646-7,
650-5-7-8, 686-7-—9 n. 5; followers
delay to go to 307; *landless men in 706;
excess levy of grain on 228 ; its six (weight)
632; officers in 250, 270, 273, 382, 646
n. 3; newly-made begs of 458, 524 ;—
anxiety for 300, 307; disloyalty in 313-
$20, 331, 345; *tranquil 349; *Mughiils
of 357; of its troops 375, 550, 579, 625;
—Babur in it the last ruling Timirid 340,
*427; envoys to him in *439-440, *441,
529; his poverty in 525; learns the word
sangur in 232; family affairs in *603-4;
—letters of victory sent to 371, 466, 580;
other letters to and from 374, 541, 618,
639, 644-5, 6; gifts 463, 523, 642; Babur’s
seeming intention of return to 698 n. 5,
*705-6-7; his chosen centre *705; the
taking of his bedy to *709-10; his burial-
garden and grave *710-11.

Kabul-water, Nil-ab a name of 206 n. 3;
fords of 206, 345, 411; App. E xvii, xix,
xx ; Babur on 451.

Kabud (Soghd, Samarkand), 73; 98.
Kacha-kot (Panj-ab), a holder of 250; Babur
crosses water of (Hari) 379, 403, 452.
Kachwa (C. India), described 590; Babur at

590-2.

Kafiristan, mountains connecting with its own
480; former extent of 212 n. 3; border-
lands of 210-1-2; wines of 211-2, 372;
highwaymen of 205, 214; a ghdzi raid
into 46.

Kahadstan (Heri), Babur at 305; Shaibani
at 329.

Kahan (Sind, India), Shah Beg’s capture of
398, *430-5.

Kahlir (Simla Hill-state, India), taken for
Babur 464; *its Raja visits him, 692-9.

Kahmard or Kalmard (Kabul-Balkh route,

Fr. map Maiméné), a plan for defence of

191; a governor in 409, 546 n. 2; ex-
posed to Aizbeg attack 409; various
occurrences in it 239, 250, 295; Babur in
48, 189 ; households left in 189, 194-7;
Babur loyal to Jahangir in 190, 239; he
sends gifts to peasants of 633 ; (see Ajar).
Kahraj (N.W.F.P. India), Babur at 373-4.
Kakar river (N. India), see Gagar, Ghaggar.
Kalabagh (Panj-ab), locates Dinkot 206, n. 5.
Kalanjar (Panj-ab), perverted allegiance of 327
(where in n. 3 delete the second sentence).
Kalanjar (U.P. India), revenue of 521;
Mahuba a dependency of 685 n. 3.
Kalanir (Panj-ab), a governor of 442 ; Babur
and 451-8.
Kalda-kahar (Panj-ab), described 381 ; Babur
at 381-9, 391.

Index II. Geographical

Kalpi (U.P. India), revenue of 521; elephants
in 488 ; dependencies of 649, 686 ; locates
places 544, 590, 659; hostile to Babur
523 ; Babur in 590; boats from 598, 684.

Kalpiish (Khurasan), 622 n. 3.

Kama 4ul/ak (Kabul); described 213 ; water
of 211.

ed (Kabul), meadow “of 204; Babur at

3 (on the Indus), Babur at 230.
fanaa valley (Hisar-shidman),
through 58; Babur in 129-30.

Kanar ferry (Jumna U.P. India), Babur at
589, 590-8.

Kan-bai (Samarkand), locates places 52, 64;
Mahmiid (Khan) at 53, 111.

Kandar, Kuhandar (Rajpitana), besieged by
Sanga, surrenders 530-9.

Kand-i-badam (Farghana), described 8, locates
a place 20; a. governor of 115; passers
through 44, 172; Babur at 92, *358 n. 2
(a legendary visit).

Kandla or Kindla (U.P. India), revenue of
521; an assignment on 679.

eotgrs ‘(Panj- ab), a ‘* Bajaur” north of 511

a flight

Kanto, ‘Cawnpore” (U.P. India), 649

Kanigiram (Dasht-Kabul route), 235 n. 2.

Kanwa, Kanwaha (Rajpiitana), Babur’s
victory of 549, 557 to 574, 523 n. 3.

Kanwahin (Panj-ab), Babur at 458.

Karal (Panj- ab), Babur at 464.

Kara-si, Qara-sii ? (Kabul), a tribe on 413.

Karg-khana, see Sawad.

Kark ? (Kabul), Babur at 395.

Karman (‘Iraq), surrenders 51; an intruder
in 260.

Karma-na§a river (Bihar, India), ill-repute of
659 ; Babur on 659-60.

Kar-mash mountain (Kabul), located 403;
Babur near 403-5.
Karmina (Samarkand),

welayat 84.

Karnal (U.P. India), *Babur at 701.

Karnan (Farghana), a village of 161 ; locates
place 162, 168 (where in section heading
for ‘* Kasan” read Karnan) ; a darogha of
179-80 ; Babur and 179,* 182.

Karrah (U.P.I.), adependency of 651 ;
at 652.

Karrah-Manikpir (U.P. India), revenue of
521; elephants in 488; Humayin near
544

mentioned as a

Babur

Kasan (Farghana), described 10; fixes a date
28; a raid near 26; a departure to 32;
a holder of hostile to Babur 170; Babur
ag 104, 116.

Kasnghar (E. Turkistan), an e. limit of
Farghana 1, of Samarkand 76; a border
tribe of 55; *Kashghar—-Farghana road
183; trade with Kabul 202, Andijani
captives in 20 n. 3; rulers in 21, 29 n. 5,
32-7, 318, 415, 427, 695-6; Mughils i in
*184, 351, 364; arrivals from 399, 415-6 ;

837

Index II. Geographical

Babur’s kinsfolk in 21-4, 318, 409, 522;
a devious journey through 399; a return
from 408, and to 590,

Kashmir, mountains of 380-7, 481 ; a bird of
494 ; lost dependencies of 484; Babur on
name of 484, *sends an expedition to 692-
3-8 n. 5, 701. Additional Note p. 693.

Katlang (N.W.F.P. India), Babur at 377.

Kattawaz-plain (Ghazni ?), torrent of 240;
Babur in 323-5,

Kawéari-water (C. India), Babur crosses 607,
614.

Kechef-dara (Khurasan), leads down to
Mashhad 622 n. 3.

Kesh = Shahr-i-sahz (Samarkand), described
3, 83; a blinded refugee in 95; Bana’
dismissed to 136; an arrival from 137;
Babur and 125-8, 138.

Keshtiid (Hisar-shadman tract), Babur at 130.

Khaibar-mountains (Kabul), route through
206 ; crossings of 250, 260, 492; Babur’s
crossings of 229, 382, 411-3.

Khairabad (U.P. India), revenue of 521;
Babur’s army at 583.

Khakan-ariq (Farghana), Babur on 165-7.

Khalila (Soghd, Samarkand), Babur at 148.

Khalishak (Qandahar), a water-head 332;
Babur at 333.

Khamalangan (Badakhshan), a holder of 242.

Kbamchan (Badakhshan), military move to
321.

Khan-yarti (Samarkand), described 82 ; Babur
at 67-8, 82, 124, 131.

Kharabik (Farghana), Babur near 163-8.

Kharbin (s.e. of Ghazni), 323 n. 3.

Khari (U.P. India), Babur at 580.

Kharid jargana (on the Sari = Ghogra),
formerly on both banks of the river 561
n. 2, 664 n. 8, 674 n. 63 present limits
637, n. 1 ; position of town of 679 and n. 1;
a (now) Bihar pargana of 674; Humayin
plunders 544 ; capture of mentioned 561 ;
Babur’s man in 637; position of its army
opposing Babur 664, 676 n. 5

Khartank (Samarkand), a celebrity of 76.

Khasban plain (Farghana), Babur crosses 124.

Khaslar (W. Turkistan), Babur at 151.

Kawak road (Hindii-kush), 205 ; height of its

pass 204, n. 4.

Khawal-i-giti (see Zirrin pass), Babur in 309.

Khinjan (n. of Hindi-kush), roads to 205.

Khirgird or Khirjard (Khurasan), Jami’s
birthplace 623, n. 8; battle of Jam fought
near 623, 635.

Khirs-khana (Kabul), Babur passes 417.

Khitai = N. China, a caravan from 15;
porcelain, etc. from 80, 157-9, 160; trade
profits in 202. [N B.—For all instances
Babur’s word is Khitai and not ‘‘China’’,]

Khozar or Khiizar (Samarkand), mentioned as
a wilayat 84; lost by Aiizbegs, 135, 359.

Khiban or Khiinan (Farghana), approx. site
of Babur’s first ranged battle 113.

Khujand var. (Farghana), described 7; not

838

counted by all as in Farghana i7; locates —
a place 55; holders of 35, 115; Ahmad —
Miran - shahi takes 30; surrender to
Babur of 53; Babur’s first marriage made
in it 35, 120; he in it 89, 90-1-2; a

“* poor place ” 97-8 ; ‘he halts in a village i
of 100; his legendary transit of 358 n. 2; —
a follower’ s compulsory journey to 124.

Khujand-water, Saihiin, Sir-darya, see Saihiin.

Khiilm (Kabul-Balkh road, Fr. map Bokhara), —
vine-culture in 210 n. 6; places on its
river 546 n. 2. f.

Khigan {Kergnene), an arrival at 44; Babur Be
at 16

Khurasan, Khurasanat (219), Hindustani use 4
of the name 202; Kabul roads from 205,
300 ; Kabul trade with 202, 225; melons _
and oranges of 203, 510, compared with —
Kabul Koh-daman 216 ; hammams i in 79; 3
medical practice in 246 ; ; refined manners >.
of Khurasanis 303 ; nomads of 221; *en-
forced migration of Mughils to "354 5. iz
— Mahmid Ghaznawi and 479; Abi- —
sa ‘id’s Cadet Corps of 28, 50, App. Ha
xxvi, xxvii; Yiinas Khan in 20; Aba-
bikr defeated in 260; Mahmid expelled a
from 46; Mas‘id “did not stay in” 95
(where add the quoted words, 1. 12, after

‘service”); Badi‘u’z - zaman returns to _
70 ; Husain Bai.gara and 57, 94, 259-60-
80-3 ; Babur and 185-7-8, 255, 285-6, 295,
300, 330-2 ; Ma‘siima in 36, 339; —tr 5
of 61, 296 ; dismissals to 98, 128, 194-7,
319, 320 ; comings and goings from aa
to 15, 194, 197, *243, 264, 270, 331, 363 ;
distinguished men of 280-2—4, 291 ;
Babur’s kinsfolk in 246, 253, 522, 617;
a verse well known in 328,

Khird (Khwurd)- Kabul (Kabul), wild asses in” é
224; river-dam of 647; Babur in 344. ="

Khurram (Kabul - Balkh route), traitors to “a
Babur near 546 (Fr. map Maiméné,
Khouram).

Khiish-ab (Panj-ab), Aba- bikr in 260; Babur
regards it as his own 380-2; Balichis
in 383; an enemy to 383-4, 388; a
governor of 388 ; a fugitive through 399. ae

Khutan, Khotin (E. Turkistan), Ailchi the
capital of 50 n. 2; Girkhan a title of - 4
rulers in 84 n. 2; a ruler in 32. Mi

Khutlan (Hisar- shadman territory), riverand
alps of 60, 222; a saint’s burialin 211;
a ruler and holders of 47, 58, 93, 191-65 ~
Babur’s victory in 1

Khwaja ‘Abdu’s-samad ian 201.

_— Basta (Kabul), a water-course near
64

Khwaja Bikargan (Farghana), water of 99 n. 4.

Khwaja Changal (Tahqan), 61 ; located 60 n.4.

Khwaja Char-tag (Qindiz) 244,

Khwaja Didar (Samarkand), Babur’s winters
in 73-4; Shaibani near 130-1-5; Babur
passes 147,

Khwaja Hasan (Kabul), Babur passes 398, 418.

“e
ieee "

“

a, te

Khwaja ‘Imad (Hisar-shadman), Babur at 188.

Khwaja Isma‘l Szrviti (s.e. of the Kabul
territory), mountains of 223; Babur at
323-4.

ae Kafshir (Samarkand), escapes by 62,

Khwaja Kardzan var. Kardzin (Samarkand),
65, 128 ; Shaibani at 138.

Khwaja Khawand Sa‘id (Kabul), wines of
203, 215.

Khwaja Kitta (Farghana), Babur at 165.

re Sa (N.W.F.P. India), Babur at
372-

oT, Khizr’s Qadam-gah (Kabul), 201,
0

Khwaja Khizr’s Mosque (Samarkand), 142.

Khwaja-rabat (Samarkand), 73, 97, 127-8,
130-1.

Khwaja Raushana’i’s Chashma (Kabul), 201.

Khwaja Reg-i-rawan (Kohistan, Kabul),
described 215 ; Babur at 420.

Khwaja Riwaj (Kabul), rebels go to 245, 345.

Khwaja Rustam (Kabul), Babur near 447,

Khwaja Shahab (Kabul), Babur at 418.

Khwaja Shami’s tomb (Kabul), 201.

Khwaja Sih-yaran (Kabul), described 216;
names of the ‘‘ Three friends ” 216, n. 4;
Babur at 398, 405-6-20.

oe Zaid (n. of Hindi-kish), Babur at
195.

Khwas (Samarkand border?), ‘Umar Shaikh
defeated at 17, 34; located 17 and n. 1.
Khwarizm = Khiva, w. limit of Samarkand 76;
and northern of Khurasan 261; cold in
219; Mahmiid Ghaznawi’s over-rule in
479; Chin Suft defends 242, 255-6;
Khusrau Shah’s head sent to 244; a Bai-
gara refugee in 397; governors of 256,

274; Muhammad Sa/7h of it 289 n. 4.

Khwast, ‘‘ Khost” (n. of Hindi-kush),
mountains of 221; name and character of
221 n.4; a mulla of 368; Mir-zadas of
412 ; comers and goers from and to 399,
403, 196 n. 5; piety of Khwastis 523

n. 1; *Mahim Begim’s connection with -

714; Babur at *363, 408.
Kila-gahi (n. of Hindi-kush),
through 321.
Kilirah ? (U.P. India), Babur at 680.
vate (Oxus), Husain Bai-gara and 57,

a fugitive

Kindir-tau, Kurama (Farghana’s n.w. border-
mountains), 8n. 5,11 n.6; — Kindirlik
pass, when open 2 n. 4, *183; dis-
tinguished 116 n. 2; The Khans and 90,
161, 172; Babur crosses 54, 90, 161.

Kind-kir(Kabul), described 424 ; (see Masson,
iii, 193).

Kintit (U.P. India), identified 657 n. 2;
Babur at 657.

Kirki ferry (Oxus), 191.

Kishm (Badakhshan), Aiizbeg defeat at 295 ;
Humayiin near 621, 624 n.1; ? *Babur
winters in (919 AH.), 362.

Index II. Geographical

Kisri-taq (below Baghdad), height of 83.

Kitib or Kib (Panj-ab), an appointment to
393.

Koel, Kal, Kail (U.P. India), see Kil.

Kohat (Panj-ab), Babur in 218-31-33-50,
382-94,

Koh-bacha (var. ?a common noun; Ka4bul),
tooth-picks gathered on 407.

Koh-daman (Herat), an appointment to 274.

Koh-daman (Kabul), described 215 to 2173

Babur on 320, 405, 416, 420.

Koh-i-jiid, Salt-range (Panj-ab), described
379 ; places connecting with 381, 452;
a note of Erskine’s on 380 n. 2.

Koh-khiraj (U.P. India), Babur at 653.

Kohik, Chipan-ata g.v. (Samarkand), de-
scribed 76 n. 4; gardens on 78, 80;
bounds a meadow 82; Babur near 72.

Kohik-si = Zar-afshan (Samarkand), course
and name 76, 76 n. 4; bounds a meadow
82, and a ¢uémdadn 84; suggested drowning
in128n.2; Babur and 64, 130-1 ; swims
it in flood 140.

Koh -i-niir, Rocky - mountain (Kabul), see
Kiunar.

Koh-i-safed, Spin-ghur (Kabul), described
209; Pushtii name of 209 n. 2; App. E,
XVll, XixX, Xx.

Kohistan (Badakhshan), begs of 296; —
(Kabul), villages of described 214 and
n. 7; a tamdan of 213; rara avis of 213
eee

Kohtin mountains (s. of Samarkand), limits
possessions of territory 47.

Kifin (Samarkand), 65.

Kikcha-sii (Badakhshan), 321.

Kil, Kiil, Koel (U.P. India), a governor of
176; Babur’s building-work in 520 (here
Kail), his envoy to 526, loss of 557, 576,
visit to 586-7.

Kil-ab (Badakhshan),
*696.

Kula-gram (Kinar, Kabul), Babur at 423.

Kuldja (E. Turkistan), Almaligh the former
capital of 2 n. 1; *The Khans escape
after defeat by ies road 183 (where read
Kuldja).

Kul-kina or Gul-kina (Kabul),
revel 200-1, 395.

Kil-i-malik (Bukhara), Babur defeated at 40,
7357.

Kiinar with Nir-gal (Kabul), described 211 ;
is Koh-i-ntir (Rocky- mountain), the true
name of, App. F, xxiii, xxiv; torrent of
212; beer made i in 423 ; peacocks in 493 ;
a test of woman’s virtue in 212, governors
in 227, 344; Babur in 343, 376, 423.

Kundi (Lamghanat, Kabul), see Multa-kundi.

Kindih or Kindbah (Bihar, India), Babur at
674-7, 687 n. 5 (where read the name as
above).

Kira pass (Kabul), divides the hot and cold

climates 220; Babur at 421.

Kirarah (U.P. India), Babur at 651.

a chief of 627 n. 2,

a place of

839

hades II. Geographical

Kirdim-daban (Farghana), 5 n. 3.

Kiria (U.P. India), Babur at 651.

Kurrat-taziyan (Kabul), see Dasht-i-shaikh,

Kusar (U.P. India), Babur at 652.

Kushan (Persia), locates Radagan 622 n. 4,

Kiutila (Panj-ab), Babur gains 462 ; strength
of 463

Kitila-lake, mod. Kotila-jhil (Gurgaon, Panj-
ab), Babur at 580 and n. 1.
Kiy-payan, Low-lane (Samarkand), 146.

Lahir, Lahor (Panj-ab), revenues of 446,
521 ; snows seen from 485; water-wheels
of 486, 532 ; locates Sialkot 429; Daulat
Khan and 382-3, *428, *441-2-3, 451 ;
Babur’s envoy detained in 385; ‘Alam
Khan and 444, 455-8; Babur’s begs in
443, 453-4; sedition in 688; *Babur’s
visit to (936 AH.) 604 n. 1, *692-3-7-8-
9, 707; Mahim and 650-9; *taken by
Kamran (where for ‘‘ 935” read 938).

Lak-lakan (s, of Tashkint), a hostile meeting
at 145.

Laknau, Lakhnau, Luknau, ‘‘ Lucknow ”
(U.P. India), a bird of 495; abandoned
by Babur’s men 594; Babur at 601 ;
? Biban and Bayazid approach it 677;
? news of capture of 679 and n. 2, 681;
variants in name of 677 n. 3, 678 n. 1,
582 n. 6, App. T ; see Luknar.

Lamghanat ¢amans (Kabul), described 207-
13 ; true use of the name 210; classifica-
tion of 200; a timan of 318; mountains
of 222; tribes in 229, 242: fruits of 203,
424, 510-1 ; birds of 494-5, 500; fishing
in 226; routes into 206-9; locates 208,

211; Babur in 414-19-21-*29; (see

_ Lamghan).

Lamghan ¢iéman (Kabul), the name of 200
n. 1, 210; a fruit and tree of 508; limits
a tribe 341; Babur’s retreat to 21, 340 ;
Babur in 407-14-19-21-*29,

Lar (Persia) a native of 284,

Laswaree, Battle of (1803 ap.) 578 n. 1.

Lat-kint (Farghana), Babur at 108.

Lawain (U.P. India), Babur at 656.

Lombardy (Italy), wine culture in 210 n. 5.

Luhigur, mod. Logar (Kabul), described 217 ;
Chirkh its one village 217 ; a celebrity of
184, 217; vine'culture in 210 n. 6.

Luknir (Rampir, U.P. India), revenue of
521 ; besieged by Biban 582 ; ? approached
by Biban and Bayazid 677; ? news of its
capture 679 and n. 2, 681.

Macha (Upper Zar-afshan), located 149, 152;
‘Ali: Miran-shahi takes refuge in 55;
Babur in 27, 67, 152-3.

Macham (Farghana), a foot-hill 118, 125 n. 2.

Madan-Banaras, Zamania (U.P. India), Babur
at 658.

840

Maragha (Azar-bayigan, Caspian Sea), astro- ¢ :

1 On p. 7, l. x, after “turbulent”, add, “! They are notorious in Mawara'u'n-nahr for their bullying.”

Madina (Arabia), Babur sends gifts to 523. a
Madu, Mazi (Farghana), Babur takes 109.
Madhakir (U.P. India), Babur at 548, 61€
(where read as here). Rae.
Maghak-pul (Samarkand), Babur at 68, 132.
Mahan (Farghana), Babur at 123. ho
Mahawin (Muttra ; U.P. India), not submissive —
to Babur 523. as
Mahiiba (U.P. India), rebels take flight to
685, 682 n. 1. | ae
Mahira-sangur (N.W.F.P. India), locates a
tribe 376, Pa
Mahyar (N.W.F.P. India), 373 n. 6. Pa
Maidan (Kabul), the road to 228; earthquake _
action near 247; white marble of 710,

on

Maidan-i-Rustam (Kabul), Babur at 405, _ —
Maing (U.P. India), Babur near 683. ee
Makka (Arabia), Babur sends money gifts to _

ye
522, and a Qoran in his script 228 n. 33
pilgrims to 26, 267 n. 2, edc. : mS
Malabar, a succession-custom in 482 n. 5. a
Malarna (Rajputana), revenue of 521. =
Malot, see Milwat. Pp
Malwa (C. India), an observatory at 79 a
known in Babur’s day as Mandatig.v. 79.
Mama Khatiin (Kabul), 405, inn
Manas-ni (nai; Rajpiitana), other names of 578 —
n. 1; reputed outfall of 580; Baburon 578-9,
Mandaghan (Khurasan), Babur at 295. eam

hills of 486; a ruler of 482; a holder of —
593, 688 n. 2, downfall of sultans of 483; —

[Elphinstone Codex fassim and Haidara- —
bad Codex, except on p. 79 where
“*Mandu” occurs, write Mandai].
aces Mandesh (N.W.F.P. India), Babur —
at 375. Tem
Mandrawar ¢émdan (Kabul), described 210; —
one of the three constituents of the true
Lamghanat 210 ; a village of 424 ; holders
of 229, 344; Babur in 321, 421. eae
Manikptr (U.P. India), revenue of 521; —
elephants in 489,
Maqgam (N.W.F.P. India), perhaps mod. i
Mardan 377 n. 2; Babur near 377-8, i

nomical Tables constructed at 79. ES

Marghinan (Farghana), described 6; bullies :
of 71; a celebrity of 7, 76; locates M3
place 7; comings and goings fromandto
30, 97 n. 2, 173; lost to Babur 303) |
recovered by him 99-100; rebel attack on
101-2; Babur in 103, 123, 162-9,172. a

Mariichag (on the Murgh-ab, Khurasan), ae
Aiizbeg raiders defeated at 296. .

Marwar (Rajpiitana), Sanga’s approach from
544 n. 5.

Mashhad (Khurasan), a celebrity of 285;
a Bai-qara holder of 263, 296, 329-30;
held by Aiizbegs 534, 623; Tahmasp’s
route to 622 n, 3.

Pay ~
ie

Masht (Ghazni ?), a tribe in 323.

Masjid-i-jauza (Farghana), described 5.

Masjid-i-laqlaqa (Samarkand), described 80.

Masjid-i-maquta‘ (Samarkand), described 79.

Mastiing, Quetta (Baliichistan), Shah Beg and
337, *427 (where read Mastiing).

Matarid (Samarkand), a celebrity of 75.

Mawara’u’n-nahr, Transoxiana, name of the
country of Samarkand 74; name includes
Farghana 76; melons and wines of 82-3 ;
bullies in 7 (see s.2. Marghinan for an
omission); Leaders of Islam born in 7,

_ 75-6; three strong forts in 3; an appoint-
ment in its interests 61, 85; in Aizbeg
hands 427, 480, 618; *Babur’s desire to
regain 697 n. 1 (and s.~. Babur).

Mehtar-Sulaiman range (Afghan border), a
shrine on 238; Babur and 236-8.

Merv, Marv (Khurasan), comings and goings
from and to 135-7, 296, 301, *357, 623;
chiefs of 261, 244; ‘Ali-sher winters in
287 ; Babur’s sister in 18, *352 ; Shaibani
defeated and killed near 318, *350;
‘Ubaid and 534, 618, 622.

Mewat, Miwat (Rajpiitana), revenue of 521 ;
hills of 486; account of 577-8-9 ; holders
of 523, 551; Babur orders a raid on 551 ;
Kanwa casualties on the road to 577;
Babur at 578.

Mian-dii-ab, ‘‘ Doab” (between Ganges and
Jumna), revenue of 521 ; archers of 526-8,
551-7 ; a pargana bestowed in 539;
‘Alam Khan goes to 457; Ibrahim ad-
vances into 467 ; Babur puts down a rebel
in 576.

Mian-kal, Miyan-kal (Samarkand), returns to
Babur 135; Atzbegs in 622.

Mian-kalai (N.W.F.P. India), Babur in 373 ;
? a di-ab 373 n. 6.

Mian-wilayat, Miyan-wilayat (U.P. India),
revenue of 521.

Mich-gram (Kabul), a tribe in 413; Babur
at 414.

Mil (K@firistan), position of 210.

Milwat, Malot (Panj-ab), prisoners sent to
461.

Milwat, Malot (U.P. India), Babur’s capture
of 457-8, 461.

Minar-hill (Kabul), Babur crosses 314.

Mir Ghiyas-langar (Khurasan), Babur at
307-8.

Mirza-rabat (Farghana), w. wind over 9 n. 2,

83.

Misr, Egypt, compared with a Samarkand
timan 84; *Napoleon’s task in 356.

Mita-kacha (Kohistan, Kabul), described 214.

Mughilistan, mountains of 222; game in
325 ; Aspara in 20; Yinas Khan in 12;
a Mughil ¢#mdadn enters 20; *Mughils
forced to go far from 351; a dweller in
114 ; Babur thinks of going to 158, *184.

Muhammad Agha’s village (Kabul), Babur at
405

Muhammad Chap’s Bridge (Samarkand), 72.

Index II. Geographical

Muhammad-fajj (N.W.F.P. India), meaning
of the name 229 n. 5; Babur at 231.

Multa-kundi (Kabul), defined 211.

Multan (Panj-ab), the Five-rivers meet near
485 ; a dependency of 237; fowlers
migrated from 225; Aba-bikr at 260;
Daulat Khan and 441-2; ‘Askari recalled
from *603, 605 ; Kamran and 645, 699.

Mungir (Bengal), Babur’s envoy to 676.

Munir (Bihar, India), Babur at 666-7, 670.

Muniighul-tagh (Farghana), variants in name
of 8 n. 5; mines and malarial influence of
8; surmised action on wind of (here
Mogol-tau) 9 n. 23 (see Abi’l-ghazi,
Désmaisons p. 12).

Muqur (Afghanistan), Babur at 345,

Mira-pass (Hisar-shadman), 58 n. 1; Babur
crosses 129 (not named).

Murgh-ab river and fort (Khurasan), Husain
Bai-gara and 191, 260; Babur on 285,
297-9, 300 ; Shaibani at 327.

Murghan-koh (Qandahar), position of 332 n. 4;
Babur at 336.

Miri and Adisa, Baburptir (U.P.
Babur at 644.

Muttra (U.P. India), see Mahawin.

India),

Naghr or Naghz (Kabul), as. limit of Kabul
200 ; position of 206, 231-3,

Nagir, Nagor (Rajpitana), revenue of 521.

Nakhshab (Samarkand), see Qarshi.

Namangan (Farghana), new canal of App. A,
ii, n. 1; Babur near 117.

Nanapir (U.P. India), Babur at 657.

Nani (Ghazni), Babur at 240; old Nani
plundered 254.

Napoleon’s* task in Egypt compared 356.

Nardak* (U.P. India), a hunting-ground 701.

Narin (n. of Hindii-kush), a fugitive through
321.

Narin-river (n. arm of Saihin), 88 n. 2,
App. A, u.

Narnil (U.P. India), an assignment on 677,

. Nastkh (Farghana), Babur at 92.

Nathpir or Fathpir (U.P. India), Babur near
680-1

Naugram (U.P. India), Babur meets his sister
at 689 n. 3.

Nijr-aii ¢#man (Kabul), described 213 ; moun-
tains of 222 ; products of 203, 213 ; boiled
wine in 213 ; a dependency of 220 ; locates
Ala-sai 220; Babur in 253, 420-1, his
frontier-post of 213 n. 2.

Nil-ab (Indus), various instances of the name
206 n. 3; a tribal limit 378, 387 ; routes
to Kabul from 206; old Nil-ab located
392; comings and goings from and to
250, 265, 399, 419, 422, 647, 659; given
to Humfayiin 391 ; Babur at 392, counts his
army at 451.

‘Nile (The),* used as an illustration 9 n. 2; —

Alexander takes the Indus for 206 n. 3.
Ning-nahar ¢#man (Kabul) described 207-9 ;

841

Index II. Geographical

its book-name Nagarahar 207 ; meaning of
the name 208, App. E; not included in
the Lamghanat 210; a dependency of
213; waters of 209, App. E; wintering
tribes 242 ; a bird of 493; division of hot
and cold climates n 229; Bagh-i-wafa
laid out in 208 ; holders of 227, 317, 344,
421 ; an arrival from 345; Babur at 342.

Nirah-ti or Tirah-ti, Kaliiin (Heri), Shaibani’s
family in 343.

Nirhun (Bihar, India), Babur at 674.

Nirkh-pass, Takht-pass (Kabul),
crosses 228,

Nishapiir (Khurdsain), mentioned as on a route
622 n. 3

Nishin-meadow (Heri), Husain Bai-gara and
95, 261.

Ni-kint (Farghana), locates an enemy 116;
threatened 170.

Nuliba (U.P. India), Babur at 657.

Nindak, H.S. Nawandak (Chaghanian g.z.),
located 471 ;
**Badakhshan” is wrong); Babur near
129; Aiizbegs retire to 471.

Nir-gal (Kabul), described 211 ; meaning of
its name, App. F, xxiii; holders of 227,
334; Babur at 343, 423.

Nir-lam (Kabul), see App. F, xxiii.

Nir-valley (Kabul), see Dara-i-niir.

Nish-ab (Farghana), Babur near 114.

Babur

Otrar (W. Turkistan), see Aitrar.

Oude, Oudh, Aid, Adjodhya (U.P. India),
revenue of 521 ; river-crossings to 669;
locates places 601-2, 679 n. 2; army of
684-5; a bird of 495; appointment to
544 ; ? Babur at 680 and n. 2; his Mosque
in App. U.

Pakli, Pakhli (Panj-ab), formerly part of
Kashmir 484,

Palghar (Samarkand), limit of Samarkand on
upper Zar-afshan 152.

Pamghan range and village, Paghman (Kabul),
described 215-6; village destroyed by
earthquake 247; Shah Begim’s 318;
aoe seen from Babur’s burial-garden

10.

Pamir routes, “spring re-opening of 695.

Pani-mali or -mani (N.W.F.P. India), the
road to 376.

Panipat (Panj-ab), battles at 472 n.1; Babur’s
victory at 457, 469, 470-1-2, 534.

Panj-ab (India), of the name App. E, xx;
*Babur’s power in 426, 430; *Daulat
Khan’s strength in 412, 443; Babur’s
journey to (937 AH.), 604 n. 1, *698.

Panj-dih, Pand-dih (Khurasan), Aizbeg
raiders beaten at 296.

Panjhir, Panj-sher ¢#mdan (Kabul), described
214; pass-roads of 195-6, 205; highway-
men of 214; river of 407 ; 3a ‘darogha i in
250.

842

Barlas family of 51 (where .

Panj-kira(N.W.F.P. India), Babur at 373-4. e)
Pap (Farghana), holds fast for Babur 91,101;
affairs in 171-4-6 n. 3.

Parandi-pass (Hindi-kush), described 205 ;
height of 204 n. 4,

Parashawar, Peshawar (N.W.F.P. India), a
limit of Kabul 200; beauty of flowers
near 393 ; rhinoceros of 490; partridges
in 496 ; Bigram near 230n. 2; Baburand
382, 393, 410-2. a

Parhala (Panj-ab), a Kakar stronghold 387-9; —
described and taken by Babur 396-7,

Parsarii-river (U.P. India), Babur on 682-3.

Parsrir, Parsarir (Panj-ab), an assignment on
684; Babur at 458; G. of India form of
name Pasrir 684 n. 1.

Parwan (Kohistan, Kabul), described 214-5;
wind of 201, 224; road and pass of 205;
oe} in 226, 406 ; wines and flowers of

215.

Pashaghar (Samarkand),
native of 188 ; Babur at 97-8, 148.

Patalch:i-abs-chaioas (Kabul), meaning of the
name 403 n. 2; Babur at 403. tp)

Pawat-pass (Mehtar Sulaiman range), Babur
crosses 238, ;

Pehlir, Phillaur (Panj-ab), Babur at 458.

Pesh-gram (N.W.F.P. India), Babur at 373.

Piag, Allahabad (U.P. India), Babur at 654-

5; incident of his march from 657. :

Pichghan (Kabul), bird- catching in 220;
punitive attack on 253.

Pich-i-Kafiristan (n. of Kabul country), wines a

of 212; hostile to Babur 212.
Pir Kani, see Sakhi-sarwar.
Pul-i-chiragh, Bil-i-chiragh (Balkh- Herat
road), located 69 ; a victory at 69, 260.
Pul-i-salar (Herat), 329-30.

Pul-i-sangin (Hisar-shadman), *Timir’s and : : *

Babur’s victories at 353-4.

Pushta-i-‘aish (Farghana), forces near 106, ae

165.

Qaba (Farghana), swamp of 31 ; invaded 30 ;
Babur at 123, 162. a

Qabadian (Hisar-shadman), Babur at 188;
taken for him 640. ‘a

Qabil’s tomb, z.e. Cain’s (Kabul), Babur at
415.

Qain (Khurasan), held by a Bai-qara 296, 301.

Qaisar (s.w. of Maiméné, see Fr. map), Babur
at 296.

Qalat-i-ghilzai (Qandahar), Babur takes 248- +
9, 339 ; road south from 333; a governor

of 340; fugitives join Babur near 331 ;
Hindistan traders at 331.

Qalat-i-nadiri (n. of Mashhad, Khurasan),
birthplace of Nadir Shah 263 n. 4, 329
n. 4; Bai-qara holders of 263, 329.

Qanauj (U.P. India), revenue of 523
appointments in 265, 582; hostile both
to Ibrahim and to Babur 523-9 ; military
occurrences at 530, 557, 582-9, 594-8.

described 972 Sa

Qandahar (Afghanistan), sometimes reckoned
as part of Ghazni 217; a s. limit of
Khurasan 261 ; irrigation-waters of 332-6 ;
heat of compared 520; Kabul trade with
202; routes to 206, 308 ; — governors in
264, 274; Arghiins in 71, 227, 326, 336,
429; Husain Sdi-gard’s failure at 94;
— Babur’s campaigns against 220, 246-8,
330-9, *365, *426—-28-36-39 ; unremunera-
tive to him 480 ; his rock-residence (Chihil-
zina) near 333-5, App. J; Shaibani’s
siege of 21, 331-9, 340-3; Nasir in 338;
Kamran in 583, *694-9, *706; —Khwand-
amir leaves 605; a rapid journey to 621 ;
*705 ; Lord Roberts on his first view of
333 n. 1; ruins of in 1879 Ap. 430.

pure Dagh (Kabul), Baburat 196 ?a rebel of
687.

Qara-bagh-meadow (Qandahar), flood-waters
of 240 ; spoils shared out at 339; ?a rebel
of 687.

Qara-bigh (Samarkand), Babur at 147.

Qara-bilaq (Samarkand), Babur at 66-7; a
punishment at 66, 153.
Qara-darya (s. arm of Saihiin), now supplies
Andijan 3 n. 6; 88n. 2; App. A, ii.
Qara-kil (Samarkand), mentioned 84; irri-
gation of 76-7; a governor of 40; lost
and regained by Aiizbegs 135-7.

Qara-kipa pass, ? Malakand (N.W.F.P.
India), Babur on 376.

Qara-nakarigq ? (Kabul), a route through 209.

Qarliiq w7layat (Panj-ab), a governor of 403.

Qarshi, Nashaf, Nakhshab (Samarkand), de-
scribed 84 ; Tarkhans in 62, 88, 135 (here
? Kesh, p. 138) ; Aiizbegs and 135, *353-
4; Babur’s wish to spare and Najm Sani’s
massacre 359-60, 361.

ee taba (n. of Herat), Bai-qara defeat at
32

Qara-sii, Siyah-ab (Kabul), Babur fords 396 ;
(N.W.F.P. India), he crosses 450 ; (s. arm
of Zar-afshan, Samarkand) 78; course of
82 ; a meadow on 81 ; known as Ab-i-rah-
mat 78.

Qara-tigin (n. of Hisar-shadman), passers
through 58, 112, *349; Babur plans to go
through to Kashghar 129; *his Mughil
assailants retire to 362.

Qara-ti (Kabul), located 208-9; Babur at
395, 409, 425.

Qargha-yilaq (Kabul), low hills of 320.

Qiaq-ti (Ghazni?), Babur at 323.

Qibchaq road and pass (Hindi-kush), de-
scribed 205; Babur on 197.

Qilaghii (Kabul), Babur at 413.

Qiriq-ariq (Kabul), Babur at 410, 448.

Qila‘-i-Ikhtiyaru’d-din, Ala-qirghan (Herat),
Babur rumoured captive in 313; Bai-qara
families abandoned in 327.

Qila‘-i-zafar. Shaf-tiwar (Badakhshan), former
name Shaf-tiwar 242; sends an envoy to
Babur 618; a rapid journey from 621 ;
offered to Mirza Khan 21, *349; a

Index II. Geographical

Chaghatai fugitive through 349 ; opposes
the Aizbegs 242; -— Humiayin’s de-
partures from (932 An.) 545, *(935 AH.)
694-5 ; *Hind-al in charge 696-7; *be-
leaguered by Sa‘id 697; *made over to
Sulaiman 699,

Qizil-si, Surkh-ab, g.v. (n. of Hindii-kush),
locates a road 205 a fugitive on 321;
Babur near 192-3.

Quhlugha, Quhqa (Hisar-shadman), see Dar-
band-i-ahanin.

Qulba meadow (Samarkand), described 82;
80; a murder in 128; Babur in 72, 141.

Qindiiz (Badakhshan), n. limit of Kabul 200;
pass-roads 204-5; head-waters of 216;
tribes of 228, 402; Mughils of 345, 361 ;
a ruler in 47; Husain Aai-gara and 48,
50-7, 61, 94, 191, 260, 275; Khusrau
Shah and 57, 60, 70-4, 93, 110, 141, 196,
244 ; Shaibani and 192, 242-4; goings to
270, 546; Babur and 51, 3418, *352-3,
*362-3, *427-80; letters of victory sent
to 371 ; his sister sent to 18, *352.

Qurgha-ti (Kabul), a route through 376.

Quriigq-sai (Kabul), located by context 208-9,
341, 395 ; Babur at 341, 395, 414.

Qiish-khana (Hisar-shadman), an encounter at
7

Qiish-khana meadow (Qandahir), Babur in
338. :

Qiish-gumbaz (Kabul), Babur at 229, 241,
447,

Qiish-nadir or nawar (Kabul), Babur at 247,
417. ‘
Qiitliiq-qadam’s tomb and bridge (Kabul),

position of 208 ; Babur at 198, 395.

Rabat-i-duzd or -diidur (n. of Herat), a Bai-
qara defeat at 263.

Rabat-i-khwaja (Samarkand), head-quarters
of Shavdar 97 ; Babur’s men in 73; Babur
in 97, 130-1; 127-8.

Rabat-i-sarhang (Farghana), Tambal in 108,
110

‘Rabat-i-Soghd (Samarkand), a battle near 111.

Rabat-i-surkh (Kabul), Babur at 341.

Rabat-i-zauraq or -riizaq (Farghana), Babur
at 165, 396.

Rabatik-airchin (Farghana), see Aiki-sii-ara.

Radagan (n.w, of Mashhad), Tahmasp at
at 622; name and location of 622 nn. 4,
5, 623 nn. 4, 7.

Ragh (Badakhshan), uprisings in 242, 321.

Rahap river, ? Rapti (India), course of 485.

Raising (C. India), Babur’s intention against
598.

Rant(h)ambir (Rajpitana), revenue of 521;
hills of 486 ; Sanga’s 483.

Rapri (U.P. India), a pargana of 6443; a
dependency of 686; military vicissitudes
at 523-30-57-81-82-98 ; Babur at 643.

Rashdan (Farghana), birthplace of the author
of the Hidayat 7, 76.

843

Index II. Geographical

Ravi river (Panj-ab) 458 ; source of 485.

Rechna di-ab (Panj-ab), *Babur in 429.

Rivers of Hindistan 485.

Rohtas (Panj-ab), a tribal limit 452 n. 5.

Rim (Turkey-in-Asia), Kabul trade with 202 ;
a medical remedy of 657 ; Rimi defence
of connected carts 469, 550, 564, 635.

Ripar (Panj-ab), Babur at 464.

Riista-hazara, ? a tribe name (Badakhshan),
men of join Babur 196; (Elph. and Hai.

MSS. Rasta, Ilminski, p. 153, Riistakh ;_

is it Riistaq 22fra ?).
Rustam -maidan (Kabul),
Babur at 405.
Riistaq (Badakhshan), revolts against Aazbegs
242; see Rusta-hazara swpra.

described 405;

Sabzawar (Khurasan), a return from 261; on
a route 622 n. 3.

Saf-koh (Kabul-Herat route), Babur on 295-6.

Safed-koh (Kabul), see Koh-i-safed.

Saighan (Khurasan; see Fr. map Maiméné),
on the summer-road by Shibr-ti 205;
Babur in 294.

Saihiin - darya, Sir-darya, Khujand - water

' (Transoxiana), course of 2, 84 n. 5, App.
A, ii; the Khans and 13, 31, 156, 172 ;
various crossings of 101-16; a proposed
limit of lands 118-62 ; Babur’s crossings of
151 (on ice), 161, 170-9, *183 ; his men’s
success on 102; his father’s defeat on 16 ;
see Narin and Qara-darya for constituents of.

Sai-kal (Kabul), Babur at 342.

Sairam (n. of Tashkint), locates Yagha 159 ;
holders of 17, 35 ; name of used as a pass-
word 164; *withstands the Aiizbegs 358.

Sajawand (Kabul), celebrities of 217; Babur
at 241.

Sakan (Farghana), a ferry near 161.

Sakhan (Ghazni), ruined dam of 219.

Sakhi-sawar (Dara-i-Ghazi Khan, India), Pir
Kanii’s tomb at 238; Babur at 238.

Salt-range (Panj-ab), see Koh-i-jiid.

Samana (Panj-ab), river of 465; fixes a limit
638 ; an appointment to 528; *a surmised
source of historic information 693; *a com-
plaint from to Babur and punitive results
700.

Samarkand (mod. Asiatic Russia), description
of 74-86 ; names of 74, 75 and n. 4; sub-
divisions, see Bukhara, Karmina, Kesh,
Khozar, Qara-kil, Qarshi=Nashaf and
Nakhshab, Shavdar or Shadwar, Soghd ;
meadows of 67-8, 70-77, 81-2, 128, 131 ;
buildings and constructions in:—(1) Timir’s
77-8 and s.a. Gardens, (2) Ailiigh Beg’s

. 78-9, 80, 133, 142-4, (3) others 75-7
nn. 6-8; — Alps of 222; cold in 202-4;
a comparison of 216 ; fruits 8, 510 ; bullies
7; Aimaqs 221; trade with Kabul 202;
name locates places or fixes dates 1, 2, 25,

- 1 On p. 134 for ** (I was) 19 ” xead in my roth (lunar) year.

844

44-9, 136, 150-1-2, 244, 284, 289; Co

of Braves 28, App. H, xxvii; ‘aghe
28; rulers of 13, 35, 41-6, 52, 65, 74, §
111, 121-7, 147, 152, 479, 622; governors
of 37, 131; 3 comings and goings to and
from 15, 20-2-4, 64, 88, 136-7, 14:
256, 300, 402-3 ; refugees to 46, 51, “Hy
95 (plan for), 271; an execution in 54,
196; araid near 16; ‘Umar Shaikh and
12, 15; Tarkhan revolt in 61-3 ; besieged —
for a bride 64; Abii-sa‘id takes 20-8 ;
Mahmid Chaghatat and 23, 88, 122;
— Babur e. 5, taken to 35-7 ; his desire
for 97-8, *706 ; desired by others 64, 111-
2; his attempts on 64-6-8, 72-4, 92-3-7,
112-5-9, 131-2, *354; invited to 122-3- —
4; captures of 18, 35-9, 40, 74, 88, 132-—
4, 266, 277-9 ; *355, 471 ; his _ Surprise —
capture compared 134-5); ; rule in 86-7,
135, 147; leaves it to help Andijan 88-9,
190 ; defeated at 133-141 ; besieged in
and "surrenders 141-7, 168, 04; leaves it” ;
147, 358, 471; — Shaibant receives it in|
gift 125; loss "and gain of 74, 147, 168; —
occupation of 125-8, *183, 256, 300, 325-
8, 360; —*Haidar ‘Diighiat i in 357; Merv —
Mughils near 357 ; Humiayiin attempts to —
recover 625, 639 ; — envoys from tog
Babur 438, 630-1, 642; gifts to 522;
Babur’s 1st Diwan and the Miubin sent 18 =¥
402, App. Q, viii, *438.

Samnan (Persia), a fruit of 6. a

Sambhal (U.P. India), revenue of 521 ; snows — a
seen from 485; hostile to Babur 523;
Babur’s 528, 547; abandoned by his men
557; Babur at 586-7 ; deaths of officers 2
in 675, 683 n. 4, 687; Humiayan’s fief 697,
*700-2,

Sam-sirak (s. of Tashkint), The Khan’s army 4
counted near 154; hunting near ‘re
Babur at 152. :

San (Balkh territory ?), plundered 94, 295 ~%
(p. 94 for ‘* San-chirik”, read San and ©
Char-yak).

Sanam (C. India), river of 465.

Sang (Farghana), Babur at 176 ; *183,

Sang-i-dina (Farghana), described 7.

Sang-i-barida (Kabul), Babur passes 407.

Sang-i-lakhshak (Qandahar), Babur at 333.

Sang-i-siirakh (Kabul), Babur passes 228 ; ;and —
(Dasht-Farmiil road) do. 235.

oie op pass (Panj-ab), Babur crosses 379,

392.

Sangzar (Samarkand), “Babur and 92, 124, i"
131; (p. 92, 1. 9, read “to Sangear by
way éE Yar- -yilag sg b
Sanji-taq (Kabul), a pleasure resort 200 n. 6.
Sanjid-dara (Kabul), Babur at 196, 406.
Saniir (C. India), torrent of 464.
Sapan (Farghana), a hostile force at 101.
Saqa (Farghana), Babur’s victory near 113.
Sarai Munda (U.P. India), Babur at 651.

Sarai Baburptr (U.P. India), see Miri and
Adusa.

sper sy (on the Heri-rid), Aiizbeg capture of

Saran (Bihar, India), revenue of 521; held
by a Farmuli *602, 675, an assignment on
679; locates troops 672 n. 4.

Sarangpir (C. India), Sanga’s 483; Babur’s
intention against it 598.

Sara-taq pass (Hisar-shadman), described 129 ;
mentioned on routes 40 n. 4, 58, 129;
Babur crosses 129.

Sar-bagh (Kabul-Balkh route), traitors to
Babur near 546; (see Fr. map Maiméné).

Sar-i-dih (Ghazni), dam of 218; Babur at
240, 323.

Sarigh-chipam (Badakhshan), *annexed to
Kashghar 695 ;* Haidar Dagh/at at 697.

Sar-i-pul, Bridge-head (Kabul), Babur at 314;
(Samarkand), an army at 65; Babur de-
feated at 18, 137-8 to 141, 188.

Sarjii affluent of the Gogra, g.v. 602 n. 1.

Sarsawa spring (U.P. India), Babur at 467.

Sarii-darya, Gagar, Gogra, Ghogra (India), two
constituent rivers Sird (Sarda) and Gagar
(or Kakar) 602, 1677 n. 2; course of
(Gagar) 485; confluence and d#-a with
Gang (Ganges) 665-6-7, 677 n. 2;
narrowed below and above the confluence
668 n. 1, 674 nn. 1, 2; rhinoceros and
water-hogs of 490, 502; — various
crossings of 544, 668, 671-4-5-7, 685;
Babur crosses after his victory on 674-7-9 ;
leaves it 682; Battle of the Gogra 671-7.

Sarii-qamsh (Khurasan), an ascribed site of

the battle of Jam 635 n. 4.

Sarwar (U.P. India), revenue of 521; Biban
and Bayazid sent towards 642 ; an assign-
ment on 679; 682 n. 1; Babur at ease
about 679.

Sawad (N.W.F.P. India), a limit fixed 400;
trees of 222; various products of 492-4,
510-11; brewing in 422; desolate 207;
a test of women’s virtue in 211 ; chiefs of
372-4; Yisuf-zai in 410, App. K, xxxvii,

an arrival from 399; Babur and 373-6-7, |

411-2.

Sawa-sang (Qandahar), Babur over-runs 249.

Sawati, ? an adjective=of Sawad, g.v. karg-
khana and Babur’s rhino-hunting in 378,
450.

Sayyidpir ? or Sidhpir (Panj-ab), Babur takes
429.

Sehonda, Seondha (C. India), revenue of
21.

Shaf-tiwar (Badakhshan), see Qila‘-i-zafar.
Shahabad (Panj-ab), Babur at 466.

Shah-i- Kabul mountain, Sher-darw4za (Kabul),
located 200-1; *Babur buried on 710.
Shahmang ? (Panj-ab), once part of Kashmir

484

Shahr-i-sabz (Samarkand), see Kesh.
Shahr-i-safa (Hisaér-shadman), a holder of
188 ; (Qandahar), Babur at 332-3.

H. OF B. 56

Index II. Geographical

Shahrukhiya = Fanakat g.v. (Tashkint), a
limit of Samarkand 76; names of 2 n. 5,
7 n. 5, 13, 76; holders of 13, 17; various
military occurrences at 21-4, 16, 54, 7,
23, 151 ; Champion’s-portion taken at 53.

Shakdan (Badakhshan), a force at 295.

Shal = Quetta (Baliichistan), Shah Beg goes to
337 5 *427.

Sham, Syria, a Samarkand ‘aman compared
with 84.

Shamsabad (U.P. India), exchanges of 477,
594-8, 613; an assignment on 677,

Sham-tii (n. of Hindii-kush), on a route 192.

Shash (W. Turkistan), see Tashkint.

Shatlut river, ? Sutlej (Panj - ab),
crosses 457.

Shavdar or Shadwar ‘témdadn (Samarkand),
described 84 ; a fort of 68; head-quarters
in BL ; a Tarkhan in 122; joins Babur
125.

Sherkot (Bhira, Panj-ab), a holder of 382.

Sheriikan ? (Ghazni?), a fight near 397.

Sherwan (n.e. of Mashhad, Persia), a native
of 284; (see Fr. map Maimeéné).

Shibarghan (Khurasan), besieged 94; defence
planned 191 ; battle near 260.

Shibr-ti pass (Hindi-kush), described 205 ;
height of 204 n. 4; meaning of name 205
n. 2; crossed 242, 321; Babur crosses
294, 311; (for an omission on p. 205, see
Add. Note p. 205).

Shiraz (Persia), Yinas Khan in 20; (Samar-
kand), a Commandant of 130; Babur near
64-6, 73; raided by Shaibani 92; 98.

Shiwa (Kabul-river), Babur at 343. .

Sniz (Kabul-Ghazni road), Babur near 248.

Shorkach (Ghazni ?), locates a place 323 n. 3,

Shulut (Kabul), App. F, xxiv.

Shungar-khana mountains (n.w. rampart of
Zar-afshan valley), Babur crosses 130.

Shutur-gardan (Samarkand), described 142
n. 1, 143. ;

Sialkot (Panj-ab), revenue of 521 ; officers of
98, *442-3; *attacked 443; Babur and
*429-52-54-58.

Sidhpir (Panj-ab), see Sayyidpir.

Sihkana (Afghanistan), a tribe in 323.

Sihrind, Sahrind, Sirhind (Panj-ab), revenue
of 521; names of 383 n.1; rivers rising
n. of 485; fixes a limit 638; fixes a date
457; snows seen from 485; a holder of
383 ; an assignment on 582; Babur and
*441-64, *693-9, *700-1.

Sikandar’s dam (C.P. India), described 606 ;
Babur at 585.

Sikandara (U.P. India), Babur at 587.

Sikandarabad (U.P. India), Babur passes 588.

Sikandarpir (U.P. India), a ferry station of
677 ; an official of 668 ; Babur at 679.

Sikri (U.P. India), hills of 485 ; *Babur keeps
Ramzan at 351, changes name of 548 n. 2 ;
selects it for his camp (933 AnH.) 548;
Babur at 549, 581-5-8, 600, 615-6;
revenues of support his tomb *709.

Babur

845

Index II. Geographical

Sind (India), *Shah Beg and 427-9.

Sind-darya, Indus, of ‘* Nil-ab” as a name of
206 n. 3; fords and ferries of 206;
tributaries of 216, 485; rhinoceros of 490 ;
limits lands 206 n. 6, 231-3, 380, 392,
484, 525; — *Shah Beg and 431 ;
— *Babur’s compulsion to seek territory
across 706; Babur on 230-7-8, 378-92,
*452-3 ; mentions it in verse 525-6.

Singar-water, Sengar (U.P. India), Babur
bathes in 649.

Sinjid-dara (Kabul), Babur in 196, 406.

Sir-ab or Sar-i-ab (n. of Hindii-kush), a pass-
route to 205; a defeat near 51, 196.

Sir-auliya (U.P. India), Babur at 654.

Sird, Sirda, Sarda (U.P. India), a constituent
of the Gagar, Gogra, Ghogra 602.

Sirhind (Panj-ab), see Sihrind.

Sirkai, ? Sirakhs (Khurasan), Shaibani near
327.

Sistan (Khurasan), a s. limit of Khurasan 261 ;
plan of defence for 326.

Siwalik-hills, or Sawalak (N. India), Babur
on the name 485.

Siwi, Sibi (Balichistan), an official in 238;
an incursion into 260; Siwistan, *427.

Siyah-ab, see Qara-sii.

Siyah-koh (Kabul), located (unnamed) 209;
various names of 209 n. 3.

Siyah-sang (Kabul), meadow of 201; *scene
of an Afghan massacre, App. K, xxvi.
Soghd fiéman (Samarkand), described 84,

147; Babur and 64, 135, 147.

Son-water (Bihar, India), an enemy near 658 ;
crossed for Babur 662 ; Babur on 666.

Spin-ghur (Afghanistan), see Safed-koh.

Suf-valley (Khurasan), see Dara-i-sif.

Siagandpir (U.P. India), Babur at 686.

Sthan-niiri, or Sihar-niri (Kabul), App. Gy
XXV.

Sihan-sii (Panj-ab),
on 379, 391.
Sikh (Farghana), Babur’s refuge in 7, 130
n. 1, 176 n. 1, *184-5; gifts to envoys

from 633.

Sukhjana (C.P. India), Babur near 614.

Sulaiman-range (Afghan border), see Mehtar
Sulaiman.

Sultania (Persia), cold of 219.

Sultanpir (Kabul), Babur at 409-13-47,
Sultanpir (Panj-ab), founder of 442-61; a
return to 457 ; *taken from Babur 443.

Sinkar (Rajpitana), Babur at 581.

Sirkh-ab (n. of Hindii-kiish), see Qizil-si.

Surkh-ab, Qizil-si (Hisar-shadman), Babur’s
victory on 352-3.

Surkh-ab and riid, Qizil-si (Kabul), 207 n. 5;
Bagh-i-wafa on 208, Adinapir-fort on
209; wild-ass near 224; Babur crosses
395 ; ruins near App. E, xvii. -

Surkh-rabat (Kabul), see Rabat-i-surkh.

Sisan-village (Kabul), Babur at 422.

Sutluj and Shutlit (sz Hai. MS.), Sutlej-
river (Panj-ab), limits lands 383; course

846

a tribe on 380; Babur

of 485; crossed 457 ;
revenues 521.
Syria, see Sham.

Trans - Sutloj

Om

meni Persia), cold of 204-19 ; Yiinas Khan
in
Tag-aii (Kabul), see Badr-ai. a a
Tahangar (Rajpiitana), hostile to Babur 538. 5 4
Takana (? Khurasan), a fight at 260. a
**Takhta Qarachi” (Samarkand), 83 n. 25
see Aitmak-daban.
Takht-i-sulaiman (Farghana) 5 n. 2. ss
Taliqan, Taikhan (Oxus), a Bai-qara at 60 ;
Mughiils from 192.
Tal Ratoi (Nathpir, U.P. India), 681 n. 1.
Tang-ab earahas), Babur at 100; locates ui
99 n

Tang-i- erekeng pass (Kabul), see Girdiz.
Tank, Tag (N.W.F. Province), see Dasht.
Taraz or Tarar (E. Turkistan), see Yangi.
Tarnak river (Qandahar), see Turnik. oe
Tarshiz (Khurasan), Husain Bai-gard’s victory — -
at 259 and n. 5 (where vead p- 524). e
Tashkint, Tashkend (Russia-in-Asia), of its
names 2 n. 5, 7 and n. 5, *184; its —
book - names Shash and Chach 13, "163 si
ravines of App. A, ii; holders of 32-5,
115, 154, 161; a rebel at 36; Khalifa _
sent to 90 ; name of used as a pass- -word —
164; Shaibént’ i’s capture of (908 AH.) 23-4.
¥*184 holds out for Babur (918 AH a
356- 8, 396; its Atizbeg Sultans at Jam 4
622. ;
Tash-rabat (n. of Heri), Babur at 301.
Tatta (Sind, India), course of the Indus
through 485 ; playing cards sent to 584.
Tazi var. Yari (Ghazni: Qalat road), Babur at ae
248, =
Tibet, Babur locates 485.
Tijara_(Rajpiitana), a chief town in Miwat 4
578; given to Chin-timir 578-9, 688. -% %
Tika- stkritka, Goat-leap. (Farghana), ‘Umar —
Shaikh defeated at 16. oe
Til, Thal (Kohat, N.W.F.P. India), Babur at Dg
"232. ee
Timir Beg’s Langar (Kabul), Babur at 313.
Tipa (Kabul), assigned for a camp hou
earthquake damage in 247 ; an exit from
254.
Tirak-pass (Farghana), 15 n. 5.
Tirhut (Bihar, India), revenue of 521.
Tirmiz (Hisar-shadman territory), a s. limit of
Samarkand 76, Begims of 37, 47-8; Husain —
Bai-garé and 5, 191; a governor of 743
Baqi Chaghaniani’ 5 188, 249; asayyid of
*704-5; Najm Sani at 359; entered for i
Babur 640.
Tir-mithani (Bihar, India), mentioned 679,
675 n. 1, 687 and n. 2; the Aabibu’s-
styar finished at 687 n. 2.
Tizin-dara (Kabul), 208 n. 4.
Tochi- valley (N.W.F.P. India), ? to be ee
traversed by Babur 231.

Toda-bhim (Rajpatana), Babur at 581; Sanga
at 545 (where ‘* Agra district ’’ is wrong),

Tons-river, Tias-si (U.P. India), Babur on
656, 683.

Tramontana (between the Oxus and Hindi-
kush), army of 447; *706.

Tighligabad (Dihli), Babur at 476.

Til-pass and road (Hindii-kush), account of
205; height of 204 n. 4.

Tin (Khurdsan), a Bai-qara holder of 296,
301

Tip (Kabul-Herat road), Babur at 295.

Tiigiiz-atlim (Oxus), a defence question 191.

Turfan (Chinese Turkistan), Babur plans
going to 158.

Turkistan, course of the Saihiin in 2-3; trade
with Kabul 202; gold-cloth of 641 n. 5;
Shaibani and 65 n. 3, 73-4, 135; his vow
in Hazrat Turkistan 356 ; *‘Ubaid in 354.

Turnik, Tarnak (Qandahar), 332 n. 3; a
holder of 340.

Tiis-stii (U.P. India), see Tons.

Tis (‘Iraq), an astronomer of 79; Shaibani
attacks 534.

Tita (U.P. India), Begims from Kabul pass
616.

Tiatliq-yil, Mulberry-road (Farghana), Babur
on 165.

Tiitiin-dara (Kabul), water taken from 647.

Udyanapira (Kabul),
Adinapir.

Ujjain (Malwa, C. India), an observatory in
79.

App. E, xxi; see

‘Uman-sea, receives the Indus 485.

‘Umarabad (Khurasan), an ascribed site of
the battle of Jam 635 n. 4.

Unja-tipa (Farghana), see Ainjii-tipa.

‘Uqabain (Kabul), site of the Bala-hisar 201.

Urgenj (Khwarizm), see Airganj.

Urghin (Kabul), see Airghin.

Uris-si (W. Turkistan), see Aris.

Ush (Farghana), see Aiish.

Ushtur-shahr (Kabul), Babur in 195, 294, 314.

*“Utrar, Otrar, Aiitrar (W. Turkistan), see .

Yangi.

Varsak (Badakhshan), position of 523 n. 1,
Babur’s gifts to 523.

Vierney, Vernoe (E. Turkistan), position on
site of old Almati 2 n. 1.

gpg (Hisar-shadman), Aiizbegs at 352,
362.

Walian pass (Hindii-kush), account of 205;
height of 204 n. 4.

Warikh (Farghana), account of 7.

Wasmand fort (Samarkand), Babur at 132.

Wazr-ab (Hisar-shadman), 58 n. 1.

Index II. Geographical

Yada-bir (Kabul), Babir at 394, 411, 448.

Yaftal (Badakhshan), a force at 321.

Yagha or Yaghma (n. of Tashkint), tombs at
139; Babur at 139.

Yai (Khurdsan), tribes in 255.

Yaka-aulang (w. of Bamian, see Fr. map
Maimene), Jahangir goes to 294; passes
from Heri-rid valley to 310 n. 2; Babur
in 3141.

Yak-langa (Kabul), Babur crosses 445.

Yam (Samarkand), Babur at 67; 84 n. 3.

Yan-bulagh (Kabul), Babur on road of 425.~

Yangi-hisar (Kashghar), *a death-bed repent-
ance at 362.

Yangi = Taraz (E. Turkistan), depopulated 2 ;
book-name of 2 and n. 1; an army at 20.

Yangi = Utrar, Otrar (W. Turkistan), a mis-
taken entry of in some MSS. 2 n. 1.

Yangi-yil pass (Hindi-kush), described 205.

Yari (Ghazni-Qalat road), see Tazi.

YAari (Zar-afshan), Babur crosses the bridge to
130.

Yarkand (E. Turkistan), *696.
Yar-yiliq (Samarkand), Timir’s ‘‘ head” of
_ Soghd 84; fights near 35, 122; villages of

97-8 ; submits to Babur 98; Babur in 64,
92, 125, 130-1.

Yasan (Farghana), see Khasban.

Yasi-kijit (Farghana), Babur’s men defeated
at 27, 105.

Yilan-aiiti or Vilan-aitt (Samarkand), Babur
at 147.

Yilan-chaq (n. of Hindii-kush), a tribe of 196.

Yiti-kint (Farghana), mandrake in 11 ; of its
position 11 n. 6; Yiinas Khan’s head-
quarters 20 n. 5.

Zabul, Zabulistan, a name of. Ghazni ¢.v.
Zahaq fort, ‘‘ Zohak” (s. of Bamian), Babur
at 294; (see Fr. map Maiméné).
Zamania (U.P. India), see Madan-Banaras.
Zamin (Samarkand), locates places 34, 64;
Babur at 97. :
Zamin-dawar (Qandahar), Arghiin chiefs in
71, 337-9; Zi’n-nin’s 274; taken by
Babur 27 ; plan to defend 326.

Zar-afshan river, Kohik-sii g.v. (Samarkand),
described 76 and nn. 4, 5; Macha village
on 149 n. 4; Babur crosses 67, 130;
*Najm Sani crosses 360.

Zardak-chil (w. of Balkh), over-run 94.

Zarqan or Zabarqan (Farghana), Babur at 161.

Zindan valley (Kabul-Balkh road), see Dara-i-
zindan.

Zirrin - pass (between Heri-riid valley and
Yaka-aiiling), Babur misses it 309-10.
Zurmut ¢aman (Kabul), described 220 ; floods

in 240; Girdiz head-quarters in 220.

847

Index III.

Abbreviated names 29.

Abdw’l-wahhab Ghaj-davani see Wagi‘-nama-
2-padshahi.

Ablution—before death 188; reservoirs 208,
217, 580, 639, 683.

Abi-talib Husaini or Abi’l-husain Turbati see
Malfizat-t-timire,

Abishga, a Turki— Turkish Dict. — quotes
verses as Babur’s 438 ; quotes Khw. Kalan
526; the Baburi-script App. Q, Ixiii.

Account-rolls of palm leayes 510.

Adoption—of ason 170; pree-natal 374, App. L.

Afghanistan and the Afghans, H. W. Bellew—
vine-culture 210 ; decoy-ducks 225 (where,
inn. 5, read title as above).

Afghan Foets of the XVII Century, C. E.
Biddulph — Khish-ab Xzattak mentions
Babur 439,

Afzal Khan Khattak—( Raverty’s Notes q.v.)—
Nil-ab (ferry-station) 206.

Agriculture—seed-corn and money advances
86 ; young millet grazed 215; methods of
vine culture 210; water-raising appliances
388, 486-7 ; irrigation, ‘‘ running waters” :
—Farghana 4, 5, 7, Samarkand 76-7, 147 ;
Hindistan 486-7, 519-31-81, Qandahar
332-6, Chandiri 596 ;—canals :—Farghana
67, Samarkand 76, 147 ;—grain, corn :—
Farghana 2, 3, 55, 114-46, Kabul 203, 228,
373-4, [green corn] 394, Qandahar 333,
Hash-nagar 410, Bara 414, Bhira 381 ;—
raft of corn seized on the Sind 392; horse-
corn fails on a march 238-9; (rice) 342-
74-94, 410.

Akbar-naima, Shaikh Abi’1-fazl ‘Allamiy, (trs.
Hl. Beveridge)—(see notes on pp. given)
meanings :—dda/-gag 31; nihtlam and éas-
gawal 45; Tardika 568; Tarkhan 34;
fil-t-dary@i App. M. xlvii ;—persons ;—
13, 22, 263-4, 346, 552, 562, 641, 657 ;— -
various places :—191, 206, 441, 523, App.
J, xxxv ;—winter access to Farghana 2;
Nizami quoted 44 ; an inscription of Babur’s
343 ; Rimi defences 469 ; the (Koh-i-nir)
diamond 477; a cognomen 566; risks to
MSS. App. D, x; Akbar-nama material
*441-5, *691-3; Babur supplemented
639; length of work on it *692n. ; Mubin
passage translated in the ‘‘ Fragments”
(g.v.) *437-8 ; Babur’s self-devotion *701 ;
his choice of a successor *702 to 705,
mentioned Preface xxxiii; translated from
by Jahangir (?) xlv.

‘Ali-sher Vawda’i’s comforts 287.

Allgemeine Erdkunde, Carl Ritter—Bara-koh
5; Babur’s farsi-gii useful 7; Akhsi dis-
tances App. A, v.

General

‘Amal-i-salih, Muh. Salih—Shah-jahin’s de-
struction of wine 298 ; ¢é#zean (bird) 418.

Amenitates exoticae, Engelbertus Keempfer—
Tjtihad 284.

Amusements see Games.

Ancient Geography of India, Major-Gen. Sir
Alex. Cunningham—(see nn. on pp. named) .
Shibr-tu 205 ; Nil-ab 206; Kohistan villages
214; Gurkhattri 230 ; Bigrém 230 ; Udyan-
apiira App. FE, xxi.

Annals and Antiquities of Rajastan Col.
James Tod—Sanga’s force 547; negocia-
tions with Babur 550; appearance 558 ;
Salahu’d-din (Silhadi) 562.

Antidotes—lime-juice 511, Lemnian earth 543.

Anwar-t-suhatli, Wusain Wa‘izu ’1-kashifi— ©
quoted 22; Firdausi quoted 557, Add. N,
Py S57.

Apostates 577-8, 590-1.

Arabic Sciences 283-5.

‘arag see fermented drinks, s.7. Wine.

Archery*—{see un. on pp. named), good bowmen
16, 22, 26, 34 (2), cross-bowman 53; 263,
remarkable feats 276, 279 ; —archer’s
marks :—ilbasiin (duck), gabag (gourd),
tugig (hen) 34, takhta (target); gabag-
maidin 276 ;—arrows :—atig 22, 34, 255,
étc., giz 213, 225, khadang (white poplar)
13, tir-giz 11 (where preface n. 2 by the
name), 34; arrow-barb, pazkdn 22, -notch,
gosha App. C, -flight 8, 140; flights of
arrows 52; rain of, 138 ; quiver T. saghdag
160, 166, P. zarkash 526; an arrow-borne
letter 361 ;—dows :—Chachi bow (Laman)
13; cross-bow ‘fakhsh-andaiz, kamdan-t-
guroha55, 263; narmadtk yai, an easy-bow
420; gatig ydi, a stiff-bow 490 ;—bows
ruined by Hindiistan climate 519, *700 ;—
various :—chapras, daur, gosha, kaman-
khana, kardang explained App. C ; gosha-
gir, a repairing-tool 166, App. C; Turkish
bow-making a fine craft App. C, ix; dis-
mounting to shoot 52 ;—/o bow-string (T.
hirish salmaq) 110.

Architecture Timuriya and Timurid Pr. xxxi.

Archiv fiir Asiatische Litteratur H. J. Klap-
roth (g.v.)—Kasan gardens 10 ; his extracts
from the Bukhara Compilation MSS. Pr.
XXXIx, xlvii.

Ariana Antiqua, H. H. Wilson—ZMasson’s
art, Actinapur Region 227, Nagarahara
App. E, xvii.

Army of the Indian Moghuls, W. Irvire—
trepanning 109; misled 470; on muljar
(g.v.) 592; ‘‘shatur” explained 593 ;
Jiringt (gun) 473, pontoon-bridges 600.

‘Ariiz-t-saifi, Maulana Sayyid Mahmid Sazt

1 Cf. Life of Busbecg (Forster and Daniels) i, 252-7, for feats of Turkish archery.

849

Index III. General

of Bukhara, (ts. Blochmann and Ranking)
—a note by Rieu 288; Saifi’s pupil Bai-
sunghar 111; his high number of ruba’i
measures App. Q, lxvi.

Asia Portuguesa, Manuel de Faria y Sousa—
Habshi succession custom 482.

Astronomy and Astrology—Tables and Obser-
vatories 74, 79, Pr. xxx ; Canopus (Suhail)
195; forecasts 139, 551 ; houses of Scorpio
633; Pole-star a guide 323, its altitude at
Chandiri 597 ; Capricorn 597,

Ayin-i-akbari, Abi-fazl (tvs. Blochmann,
Jarrett)—(see nn. on pp. named) ; Climates
1 ; gili7 (cognomen) 29; observatories 79 ;
guns 473: clepsydra 516; kitchen rules 541 ;
fruits 3, 501-3-4-5, 512; chalma 624;
hunting deer 630; bahri (falcon) 632;
milak (gold, cloth) 641 ; yak-taz (unlined)
652 ;—{ weights and measures) har-war
228, tanab 630, sang=tash 632 ;—a title
209; a child traveller 265; Barlas begs
270 ; (places) Kabul 207, 221 ; Kacha-kot
250; Sidhpir 429; Nagarahara App. E,
xxiii; Buhlilpir 454; Kanwdahin 458;
Milwat (Malot) 461; Jahan-nadma 485;
Chausath 581; Lakhnir 582; Sikandra
Rao 587, Godi, Gii 601 ;—(persons) 285,
653, 666, App. P, lvi;—Babur’s expedition
to Kashmir 693.

A zar-t-sanadid, Sayyid Ahmad Khan—places

Babur visited 475; Mahdi Khwaja and
Amir Khusrau’s tomb 704.

Noticeable words :—P. ab-duzd 109 =
P. du-tahi 62, 595-6; atki-sa-ara = P.
miyan-di-ab (Mesopotamia) z.a 88 ; aimag
(clan) 51, 196, 207-15-55, Add. Note P.
49; M. alachi whence Alacha 23 ; argham-
chi 614; ash-kina \stew) 4; atdalig (oda-
lisque) = P. ghinchachi 9.v.; aughlan
(child, boy, non-regnant chief) 19; aagh-
lagcht 39; aiirchin 44, 88; ating, in
(Prester John’s title) 23; atipchin 176, 282;
Aiiz-beg, -khan, -kint, 7.2 162, (see A.N.
trs. i, 160, 170); ayik-ait=P. mihr-siyah
(mandrake) 11.

The Biabur-nima, Zahirv’d-din Muh. Babur
(Lion) Mirza and (later) Padshah Ghazi.

I. SECTIONS OF THE BooK :—(7%e
record of pre-accession years ts lost Pr.
axxxvt); (1) Farghana 1-182, (Trs. N.
[4ridging a gap|182-185) ; (2) Kabul 187-
346, (Trs. N. 347-366), 367-425, (Trs. N.
426-444 ; (3) Hindustan 445-602, (Trs.
N. 603-4), 605-690, (Trs. N. 691-716) ;

SUB-SECTIONS :—(a) Descriptions of
Farghana 1-12, Kabul 199-227, Herat

304-5, Hindustan 480-521, Chandiri 592, .

596, Gialiar 605-614; (4) Biographies
of Yiinas Khan 19-24 (see infra, displace-
ments), of Miran-shahis vzz. ‘Umar Shaikh
13-19, 24-28, Ahmad 33-40, Mahmid
45-51, Bai-sunghar 110-112, of Husain

850

Bai-gar& 256-292, of amirs etc. 24, 37,

49, 270;

II. LAcuNA :—(other than mentioned —
above) ; minor in 935 AH. see datingandnn.
on pp. 617, 621, 630, 636, 687, and for —
surmised patching from fragments of —
934 aH. 654, 655, 680; (1) Referencesto
events of the gaps see nn. on pp. 105, —
364—208, 441, 575—381—408, 422—(of
934 AH.) 603, 617, 618, 621—an Akbar-

nama indication 639; (2) Varia concern= __
ing the gaps :—Causes of, Pr. xxxiv;

misinterpreted xxxv; results in present —

displacement xxxvi ;

III. VARIA CONCERNING THE BOOK :— a

(1) Date of composition, [see xn. on pp.

named]; 48, 50, 79, 98—102. 105—139,

154, 176, 190 (1. 5 fr. ft.) 198—203-4-6-8

—214-18-19-20 (para.3), 269-76-78-85

—313 (‘‘now” para. 2), 314(‘‘ now”’ |. 4), P

315 (1. 2), 318 (para. 2), 337 (1. 16), 373

(1. 8 fr. ft.), 374; (2) Literary styleand

idiom :—plain diction 2, precise wording a
e.g. 5, 79, 475, 485, appreciation of words
67, 265, 283,627, comments on stylee.g.22,

67, and pronunciation 210, 484, earlydiary

differs in wording from the narrative 367 ;

lapsesinto courtly Persian 445, 537.539; (3)

Grammatical details :—relatives not used

Add. Note, P. 167; uses of ‘* we” and **1” 4

104, 118; distinctions of meaning expressed
by Ar. and T. plurals e.g. 5, 80; uses of
the presumptive tense 37, 75, 162, 167, 577
(cf. Shaw’s Grammar) ; examples of idiom
29, 44,66, 75, Add. Note, P.167 (ghavricha);
(4) Varied information see Preface passim;
(5) Babur’s notes :—Khwaja Maulana-i-

qazi 29—Ibrahim Sari 52—Champion’s _

portion 53—Gik-sarai 63—-Fazil Tarkhan

133 — Aiiz-kint 163— Pass-words 169 —
Multaé-kundi 211—Military terms 334—

Piri Beg 336 — Badakhshan 340 — Sl.
Ma‘sid M. 382—Campaign of 910 AH.
382—Daulat & han 383—dagiga 516—pal
517—Mulla Apaq 526—uroh (from the
Mubin) 630—ash weight 632 ;

IV. Work DONE ON THE BOOK :—

(1) Turki Codices see Preface, Cap. III,

Part Il and Table xli ;—(a) Hatdar Mirsa’s

Codex—its importance Pr. xxxiv, xXXV,
xxxviii, xli, xlii (No. iv); (4) Zlphinstone
Codex—archetypes 405, Pr. xli, xlii, xliii
(No. v);_ its losses of pages 445; deface-
ment 129, 325, 415, 548; Erskine’s use of
it Add. Note, P. 287; reliance on it 27 loco
1, 187, 445 ; preserves Humayun’s attested
notes 447-52-67, 510-14. and attributed
notes 216, 494, 507—also a quatrain on
Mughils 140 ; ‘‘ Rescue-passage” not in it
App. D; divergency from it in the Kasan
Imprint 24. xiv ; a former owner 706 ; re-
ferred to in nn. on pp. 7, 10, 12, 14, 23-6-8,
31-6, 44-7-8, 60-4, 75, 88, 112-3, 133

<a

‘

(Shaibaq), 143-8, 154 (dim), 159, 161-4-9;
Preface xli, xlii, xliii (No. v), xlvii; of
JRAS Notes infra; (c) Haidarabad Codex,
published in Facsimile by the Gibb Trust,
ed. A. S. Beveridge—basis of the B.M. zz
English 1,187, 445, Preface xxvii ; appears
a direct copy of Babur’s autograph Codex
47,103, 515; contains (Jahangir’s?) Rescue-
passage App. D; divergency of Kasan
Imprint from it 25. xiv; referred to in nn.
on pp. 2, 8, 9, 10, 12, 133 (Shaibaq), 14,
18, 23 (careful pointing clears away a
doubt), 28, 31, 36, 40 (Baghdad corrected
to Bughda), 60-4, 75, 88, 132, 140-6-8,
153 (a mistake?), 154 (dim), 159, 164
(sairt kishi), 165, 168, 177 (Pers. dictum),
App. A, i (Akhsi); Preface xxvii, xxxiii
(title), xxxv, xli (Table), xlvi (No. x),
xlvii ;— +

(2) Persian work :—(a) 7abagat-i-baburi,
described 445; made known to Erskine
520; its deference to Babur App. P, lvii;
shews a date 496; shews nature of an
illness (B.’s) 446; specifies drinking-days
447, 450; gives a useful pen-name 448 ;
Buhlilpir 454 ; of agun 489; Varsak and
Khwastis 523; Naukar or Tuka 525;
Babur points ‘‘ Sikri” to read shukri 548 ;
styles him ‘‘ Nawab” 560 efc.; describes
a porpoise as dahri App. M, xlvii; helps as
to ‘‘ Luknir” App. T, Ixxiv ; (6) Wag¢‘at-
z-baburi (Acts of Babur), (the first Pers.
Trs. 1583), Payanda-hasan AZughil of
Ghazni and Muh-quli Mughal of Hisar
—explicit 187, 198; useful variants 267,
624, 645; a puzzling phrase 549, and
assage 617 ; title Pr. xxxiii ; described liii
No. vi); (c) Wagt‘at-z-bdburi (Acts of
Babur), (the second Pers. Trs. 1589),
‘Abdu’r-rahim M. 7urkman—misleading
glosses 2n. 1, 3n.1; ‘¢a&shk misread 312
efc. ; verses doubtfully Babur’s 312 ; a gloss
unsupported 337; a difficult passage 617 ;
a fine illustrated copy (B.M. 3714) 155,

298, 325; Erskine’s account of its diction.

(quoted) Pr. xliv (No. vii); on its title
XXxiii ;

(3) Persian - English work : — Zhe
Memoirs of Baber, Leyden and Erskine
(1826)—[see zn. on pp. named|; Varia :—
Leyden’s slight collaboration 287, 367, 380,
Add. Note, P. 287, Pr. xlviii, Cap. iv, [L.
and E. Memoirs}; two notes by Leyden
10, 219 ; not fully representative of Babur’s
autobiography 2, Cap. iv ; advance in help
(MSS. and other) since Erskine worked
347, 620-22, App. T, Ixxiii ; hisown MSS.
680; Indian guidance 632, 661; dating
agrees with Babur’s 629; misled by his
Persian source [g.v. 3 e¢c.] and by a scribe’s
slip 544 ; his help to Ilminski 1, 187, 326,

Index III. General

Pr. lv; misleads by uniform ‘‘ Luknow ”
App. T; omissions 2, 632, 468, 559
(‘mportant) ; a prayer reproduced in its
words 316; quoted 715 ; questioned
readings :—143, 223-5-9, 324-7, 333-7,
369, 400-16, Add. Note, P. 416, 446-49-
57-62-67 (shaving-passage), 478, 523-34~—
49-55-59-61, 608-9, 617-19-26- 38-40-
46-47 ;—[Numerous verbal explanations
and other notes are reproduced as Erskine’s
and each taentified| ;

(4) Turki-English work :— 7/%e Babur-
nama in English (Memoirs of Babir),
Annette S. Beveridge—see Preface and other
contents of these volumes.

Babar, Stanley Lane Poole—the Eight Stars
139; a misled note 468.

Babur und Abuw'l-fazl, Teufel [ZDMG, 1862]
—an opinion negatived 119; useful critique
on ‘‘ Fragments” (g.v.) Preface Cap. III,
Part III and App. D ; Mubin MS. used by
Berézine 438; Babur-nama title 653, Pr.
XXXiil.

Bahar-i-‘ajam (Pers. Dict.) see Dictionaries.

Baz-nama (Book of Sport), Muhibb -i- ‘ali
Barlas—its author’s descent 276; / ex-
changed with x (cf. Luhani and Nuhani) ib.

Bélin M.— [Journal Asiatigue xvi, xviz]
257-8, 271-82-92.

Bengali Household Stories, Macculoch—a sign
of obedience 275.

Beveridge Annette S.—JRAS. Notes in re-
ferred to 7 loco :—MSS. of the B.N. Turki
text 1900; Further Notes 1902, Haidarabad
Codex and all others 1905, 1906; Elphin-
stone Codex 1907 ; Material for a definitive
text and account of Kehr’s Codex and its
Persian alloy 1908; Kehr’s Latin Version
of part of his source z.e. the Wag¢*-nama-
2-padshahi (Bukhara Compilation g¢.v.)
1908, Klaproth’s Archiv 1909, and (ex-
pected) on the confused identity of the
Bukhara Compilation with the Babur-nama
1922 ;—-(2) Grounds for making a new
translation Preface Cap. IV ; the mistaken
identity of Kehr’s source (sapra) Cap. III ?;
‘of the Babur-ndma, Preface passim.

Beveridge Henry — (1) Notes in loco :—
tabalgeha 11; Baba-i-kabuli 14; Quintets
15, 288; a mistake by Firishta 15; Lotus-
eaters 42 ; Daulat-shah 46 ; Hafiz parodied
201 ; Byron’s sambourgi 247 ; Jami plagia-
rized 258 ; Khazinatu’l-asfiya quoted 211;
Timir’s burial-position 266; syphilis 279 ;
an illegal marriage 329; Babur’s satirical
verse and Shaikh Zain 448; Zafar-nama (?)
quoted 485; ‘‘ aka’? 502 ; Khw. Khusrau’s
couplet 503; the name ‘‘ Cintra” for an
orange 512 ; Timir on Hindistan 526 ; fate
of Ibrahim Z#di’s mother 543; tamgha
553 ; a pun 571 ; verses traced 571, 625-6 ;

1 For the Bukhara (Babur-nama) Compilation see Wagi'-nima-i-padshahi; as also for its Codices,

descendants and offtakes, vz. Ilminski’s “‘

abur-nama’”’ and de Courteille’s Mémoires de Baber.

2 The confusion of identity has become clear to me in 1g21 only.

851

Index III. General

Ibn Batiita quoted 591; date of Babur’s
visit to Lahor from Agra 604; Khwand-
amir 605; Rahim-dad 608, 688; Mahdi
Khw. 704; Scorpio and Libra 623; Battle
of Jam 635; ‘‘ bulky Oolak” 663; Kashmir
expedition 693; a poor MS. App. P, lv;
Shaikh Zain’s deference 2b. lvii ; — (2)
Translations :—(a) Akbar-nama g.v. and
Tizik-i-jahangiri g.v. — (4) revision of
Persian farman 553, and the Kanwa
Letter-of-victory 559;—(3) Articles re-
ferred to :— (a) A.Q.R. 1899, Badbur’s
Diamond, was it the Koh-t-nir ? 447;
1901, An Afghan Legend 375, App. K;
1910, Paper-mills of Samarkand 81; 1911,
Oriental Cross-bows 140, 142; Bdbur’s
Diwan (Rampir MS.) 439 ; Some verses by
the Emperor Babur 439—1915, Silhadi
and the WWrdat-z-stkhandari 614 ;—(6) Cal-
cutta Review 1884, he Patna Massacre 672;
—J ASB. 1898, Bayazid Biyat 691—1905,
The Emperor Babur’s legendary son 558—
1884, Authorship of the Dabistin ;—1916,
Tarikh -t-salatin-¢-afaghana 693 ;—(c)
JRAS. 1900, Ox the word nihtlam 45, 224
—1901, Pers. MSS. in Indian Libraries
348—1910, On the word mutaiyim 16, 275
—1913-14, Cotnage of Husain Bai-gara
App. H, xxvi—1916, Rashahat-t-‘ainu’l-
hayat 620 ;—(4) Other related articles :
—(a) A.S.Q.—Emperor Babur and the
Habibu' s-siyar1906; Emp. B. and Khwand-
amir 1909 (2 parts); Emp, B.’s cAtiag y
India 1917; Attempt to poison B. tb. ;
‘Abdwr-rahim the translator of B.’s Mewes.
into Persian ? 1900 (2 parts) ; (6) JRAS.—
The B.N. “ Fragments” 1908; Date of
Shah Hasan Arghiin’s death 1914; An ob-
scure quatrain by Ban®i1917 ; The Mongol
title Tarkhanzib.; Tarkhan and Tarquinius
1918" ;—(5) His help; see Postscript of
Thanks, Preface 1xi.

The Bible — untrimmed beard 552; moon-
stroke 608.

Bibliotheque Orientale, B. d’Herbélot — (see
nn. on pp. named), ‘Umar Skaikh 13;
Satiiq-bighra Khan 29; Mahmiid J/tran-
shahi 46; Mataridiyah and Ash ‘ariyah Sects
75-6 ; Isma‘il Khartank 76; Nasiru’d- re
Tisi 79; Nil-ab 206; ‘‘ Quil- -bash” ex-
plained 630.

Biographie Universelle, Langlésart. Babourxlv.

Biographies of Ladies (Sprenger’s Cat.)—two
women-poets 286.

Birds of India, T. C. Jerdon—partridge-tip-
pets 496; cries 26. ; bustard 498 ; manek 499;
likhh (florican) App. N; kabg-t-dart and
chitirtika (snow-cock) 76.

** Blessed Ten” 562.

1 One of the nine great gods of the Etruscans was called Tiran,
(fortress) ; with it may connect L. twa (troop) and the ne of Virgil’s Rutulian hero Turmus may root in the
Professor lant Marthe writes in La L

Mongol tongue,
entre I’Etrusque et les

852

ange finns-ougriennes d’étroites affinit H a with the
“Tarkhan” is ‘‘ Tirkhan” in Miles trs. p. 71 of the Shajaratu'l-atrak (H

Blochmann H. (74 SB. 1873)—Babur’ + Moca -
in Sambhal 687; see Ayin-t-akbari,
Blood-ransom 461 ; retaliation 64, 102, 119, ‘Sa
194, 251-53, 424. 7
Boats—383-5-7-8, 407-10-22-23-54, 589,
652-4-5-6-8-9, 660, 662; Babur names —
his Ganges flotilla 663, 669, 670-1-4-9, _
681-4 ; pontoon bridge '599, 633. =
Book-names—Akhsikit = Akhsi 9; Banakat=
Shahrukhiya 76; Chach and Shash = Tash- —
kint 13, 76; Galiir or Galiwar=Gialiar
605 ; Nashaf and Nakhshab= Qarshi 84; —
Nagarahara = Ning-nahar 207; Taraéz=
Yangi 2. s C
Book- room-—Ghizi Khan Lédi’s 460.
Books (xo ¢ztles)—Exposition of the Naf
284; On Jurisprudence 285,—prosody 271,
—rhyme 285,—riddles 289. ww
Botany of the Afehan Delimitation Commission, m.
Aitchison—regional grasses 222 ; gargand —
= sax-aol (?) 223. -
Brahminical thread 561.
Bridge of boats see Boats. -
Buddhist Records, S. Beal—Greater Udyana-
pura App. E, xxi; sugarcane in Lamghan
203 (where read Beal). .
Browne, Professor Edward Granville —the
Haidarabad Codex Facsimile, Preface xlvi _
(No. x). 4
Building- stone — Samarkand 83, Kabul 710, —
Chandiri 597, Dilpir 606, Gaaliar 608, 7
Biana 611.
** Bukhara Compilation, ” known as “‘ Babur-
nama” see Wagi‘ndma-t-padshahi, ‘
Bullies of Marghinan (Marghilan) 7 (where in
line 1, add, ‘‘ They are notorious in Ma-
wara’u’n-nahr for their bullyings ”).
Burhan-i-gati‘ (Pers. Dict.) see Dictionaries,
Buried Cities of Khotan, Six M. Aurel Stein—
Aq-bira-rid 4. ao
Bi-stan, Sa‘di—couplets quoted 139,152, 626.

Noticeable words:—(P.-Ar.-T.)baghat,
baghlar, baghcha and begat, beglar 5, 80,
478; baghish 59,69; bakhshi (in M. sur-
geon) 169 ; bashliglar (commanders) 119;
batman (a weight) 261 ; datgag (slough of
despond) 31; 4a (rich man) 127; ddirt
(old servant) 30 ; bi = beg 127-8; bildurga “”
225; ob: d-hindt = P. sih-bandi (Byde
Horse) 470 ; b7/ak 446; bighi-maral8,10;
bighda (cutlass) 40; balak and baliig 196, a
17 and 221; dish (bosh) 507. =

Cabool (Kabul), Sir Alex. Burns—(see 27. on
named) ; wind and running sands 201, 215
climate 204; kabg-t-dari 213; Kohistan
214; millet 215; Babur’ s Burial-garden 710.

Cadell, Jessie E. —quoted Preface xxvii.

Etr. 7% means strong, a strong place

angue Etrusgue (Pref. vi), “Il m’a paru qu'il y avait
Mongol tongue).

Cadet-corps formed 28, App. H, xxvii.

Cairn z.e. ‘‘Babur Padshah’s Stone-heap”
446, Preface xxxvii.

Candles and candlesticks—none in Hind 518 ;
offensive substitutes 2d.

Canopus see Suhail.

Capitals of Farghana—Andijan 3, Akhsi 10,
Aiz-kint 162.

Caravans—15, 202, 250, 331.

Carruthers, Mr. Douglas—help from App. B,
Vii.

Carving—Babur no carver 304.

Caste-names—518.

Catalogues :—(see nn. on pp. named) ;

», Coins of the Shahs of Persia (B.M.),
R. S. Poole—Babur’s surmised vassal
coin 355, App. H, xxx, Preface xxxv;

», Feronia Nursery Calcutta, Seth—Jack-
fruit 506; sang-tara orange 511;

», Libraryof the King of Oudh,A. Sprenger
—Biographies of Ladies 286; Shah u
Darwesh 290; Ahli 290 ;

», Library of Tippoo Sultan, C. Stewart—
Tabagat-t-nasiri 479 ;

» Manuscrits Turcs del Institut des langues
ortentales, WV. D. Smirnov—Malfizat-
2-timuré 653; Babur’s writings 2d.

», Persian MSS. (B.M.), C. Rieu—Shash
and Fanakat 2, 7; Khw. Kamal 8;
Akhsikiti 9; ‘Abdu’l-lah Bar/as 51;
Saifi 111, 288; Halwa-spring 260;
Nizdmi 271; Daulat-shah 274; Bdz-
nama 276; Suhaili 277; Marwarid
278; Amir Hamza 280; ‘Ata’u’l-lah
282; Taftazani 283; Ahamsatin 288 ;
Husain WVzshapiri 288 ; Yisuf of Far-
ghana 289 ; Hilali 290; a scribe-poet
291; Salakwl-mulik 348; Nawa’i’s
Diwans arranged 419; Histories of
Tahmasp 622; Hadbzbw’s-szyar finished
687; Tarikh-t-salatin-i-afaghana 693,
701 ;—Kasan Imprint misleads 259; a
questioned reading 266;

», Persian MSS. in the I.O. Library, H.
Ethé—Khw. Hijri 153 ; Husain WVzsha-
puri 288; Shah u Darwesh 290; a
scribe-poet 293";

», Turki MS.in B.M., C. Rieu—the author
of the Sang-/akh App. A, v ; the Shaz-
bani-naima 289.

Catamites 26, 42-5-9, 278, 396 (cf. 174 n.).

Cathay and the way thither, ed. Sir H. Yule
(Hakluyt Society vol. i, p. 20)—running-
sands 215. a

Caubul (Kabul), Hon. Mountstewart Elphin-
stone—millet 215; Judas-tree 216; Indus
ford (Vz/-a6) 378 ; ‘‘ Nangrahaur ” App. E,

7

xix.

‘* Chaghatai Castles ” 208.

Chaghatai families—‘Ali-sher Vawda’i a mem-
ber of one, Preface xxxi.

Chaghatai-Osmanisches Worterbiich see Dic-
tionaries.

Index III. General

Chaghataische Sprach-studien, H. Vambéry—
(mz/.) pass-words (aaran) 219; meaning of
gepanzert 221, bildurga 225, sighndg App.
Q, Ixiv.

Champion’s portion won and explained 53.

Chartkar,T. C. Haughton—Kohistan of Kabul
214-5.

Charles XII’s sobriquet Iron-head 14.

Char-ulis (Four hordes), Aulugh Beg Mirza,
Preface xxx.

Childe Harold's Pilgrimage—tambourgi 247..

Chinese Turkistan, P. W. Church—mar§l 8.

Chingiz-tira (ordinances) respected 155, 298.

Chiniut, D. G. Barkley [/RAS. 1899|—its
position 380. .

Chirkas sword 65.

Chishti order 666.

Chrestomathie Turque, Berézine—the Mubin
quoted 438, 630.

Chronograms 85, 135, 152, 217, 344, 427, 575,
596.

Cider 83.

Circumcision 14, 69.

Coincidences 71, 123, 261, 686.

Coins—ashraft 446-60 ; dam 383 ; kipki 296 ;
stkka (coined money ?) 277; shahrukhi 379-
83, 400, 408, 417-46—78-9, 523; tang 641;
tanka ‘‘ black” (2.e. copper) 521, *‘ white”
(z.e. selver) 338-9, 344, 446, 521-7, 641,
App. P, lvii; ‘‘red and white” (money)
522; Babur’s ‘‘ vassal coins” 354-5-6,
App. H, xxx.

Confections — ma‘jain : — used in excess 16;
gifts of 373; parties on non-drinking-days
447 ; eating of 377-83-84-88-93, 410-12-
15-16-18, 420-2, 448-50, 580-8, 615-
50-59-83 ; kamali 373.

Congregational Prayer—unbroken attendance
at 283.

Countermark [8z-5a%d] on coins 277, App. H,
XXV, XXVi, XXix.

Cross-bow, Sir W. F. Payne-Gallwey—archers’
marks 34; bow-shot distances 140; what
ay apply to Babur’s zarb-zan and tufang
667.

Cunningham, Maj.-Gen. Sir Alex. see Zndian

Eras and Reports on Arch. Survey.

Customs—Musalman scruples about burial-
places 246; the Champion’s-portion 53;
circumambulation of tombs 54, 285, 301-—
5-6, 475, and of the sick 701 ; amongst
combatants’ wives 22, 268; dipping 16
times in bathing 151; levirate marriage 23 ;
mourning rites 32, 246, 293; a nativity-feast
344; nine a mystic number seée s.7. nine ;
an ordeal of virtue 211; divining from sheep-
blade-bones 233 ; pillars of heads 232, z.a.
573-6 ; rock-inscription 153; signs of sub-
mission 53, 232-3, 248; succession in
Bengal 482-3 n. 5; unveiling a bride 37;
gifts from those marrying 43, 400; gifts by
Wives 9.2.

Cyclopedia of Archery see Kulliyatu’r-rami.

1 This Cat. contains the Turki MS. of the Bukhara Compilation, once owned by Leyden.

“

853

Index III. General

Czar Vassili III—Babur’s embassy to, App. Q,
Ixiil.

Noticeable words:— Chachi 13; chaghir
83, 298; chapih, slash-face 68; P. char-
dara 80, 629; chaughan (polo) 203° E>
chalma 624; H. chaukandi = Ar, ehurfat
and P. char-dara(?) 629-63 ; chaphun 324;
chigar (exit) 44; yinka-chicha 616 ; chuhra-
Jirga 50, 227, App. H, xxvi-vii.

Dabistan, Mir Zi’1-fiqar ‘Ali’u’l- bean (pen-
name Mubad)—Nanak founder of the Sikh
religion 461 ; Radiyan sect 622 ; [concern-
ing the authorship of the book see JRAS.
H.B.’s art. g.v.s.m.].

Darwesh-life—soldiering abandoned for 262 ;
return to 583.

Dating by events:—Battle of the Goat-leap
16, Dispersion of Airzin 20, Battle of
Kanbai 111-2 [ 7.2. ¢rs. 119]; the dating
of 935 AH. 605, App. S.

Defrémery C.—[/. des Savans 1873), art. Les
Mémoires de Baber (P, de C.) 562.

De Paris a Samarcande, Madame Ujfalvy—
(see nn. on pp. named); Bara-koh 5, 6;
Samarkand 74-5 ; gara i yighach (hard- wood
elm) 81 ; paper- pulping mortars 81.

De Sacy, A. ‘L. Silvestre (Wat. et Ex. 265, 285)
—Husain Shaikh Timir 273 (ef. Dazlat-
shah (Browne) 538-9) ; date of Hilali’s
death 290.

Dialects of the Hindu-kush, Col. J. Biddulph
—Khowari 211 ; forms of ‘ “nine” App.
E, xix.

Dictionaries, Lexicons, Vocabularies: —[see 7272.
on pp. named |;

», of Antiquities, W. W. Smith—clepsydra
516;

5, Arabic-English Lexicon, E. W. Lane—
akhmatl 336 ; ,

3, <Arabes, Supplément aux Dictionnaires,
R. Dozy—dahri (a falcon) App. M,
xlvi;

», Bahar-i-‘ajam (Pers. Dict.), Rai Tik-
chana Bahar—a sign of fear 232; the
Taftazani Shaikhs of Islam 283 ;

», Burhain-7t-gati‘ (Pers. Dict.), Muh.
Husain b. Khalfa’u’t - tabrizi—zzara
(dado) 80;

‘5, Chaghatai - osmanisches Worterbuch,
Shaikh Sulaiman Effendi (ed. Kunos)
—tungitar +64; gutan App. N, 1;
sighnag App. Q, Ixiv ;

», English- Persian, A. N. Wollaston—a
rare meaning 648 ;

»» Hindustani-English, D. Forbes—changed
name of an orange 511; ‘‘ needle-melt-
ing” citron 513 ; great millet (maize ?)
514 ; names of days 516 ; gongman 74.;

»» Hindustani- “English, J. Taylor [ed. W.
Hunter]}—‘“‘ sang-tara” and ‘‘ Cintra”
App. O lii;

854

Dictionaries, Lexicons, Vocabularies

Diseases and accidents :—(a) Babur’s saddle a

Diversity of place-names through trs. see (ee)
Dividing line of the Afghansand Khurdsin200.

tinued) : .
», Of Islam, J. P. Hghes-turheaieall 415;
eating of food 44; mazhab 463; the
Eight Paradises 646; ; legal endowm a
01;
», Oriental Biographical, T. W. Beale [ed.
Keene|—Khw. Nasir 7asi 79; x
», of Oriental Quotations, C. Field —s L
common couplet 22 ; aa
», Persian-English,F. Steingass—176,20
286, (metres) 514, 527, 630, gizdl-ba
643 ; a
u Passion: Latinum Lexicon, I. A. Vullers”
—shash-par 160; kaka 502; ghare
514; rad (whence Radagan) 622; ;
43 Pushti- English, H. J. Raverty—Mult
kund 211; a
5, Sang-lakh (Turki-Persian), Muh. WV
Khan—described App. B, v; 4
fala (the ‘‘ Qarshi birdie >) 2b. ; "
tains verses entered as by Babur "439; ie
»» Sanscrit-Bengali-English, Haughton—a
stork 499; gula-prawn 502 ; rag
», Of Towns (Majama‘u l-buldan), “—
—‘‘ Akhsikis” 9, 10; a
5, Lurc Orientale, A. Pavet de Courteill lle
—Babur’s verses quoted 439, 526; a
wag-tail 501 ; a meaning 626; Babur'’s
script App. Q, Ixiii ;
»» Turki Vocabulary, R. B. Shew ae
burda (a game) 39; gurigh, reserved —
land 81 ; atipchinkth, 4horse-shoesand
their nails 176; chariig, brogues, and —
chapan, long coat 187; galpag, felt
wide-awake 258; gish-beg?, a Court
official 278 ; shagh@wal ib. 463 ; ; Jiran, =
a deer 491 ; gin, scabbard 503 ; akhia- —
begt, master-gelder 538 ; biljar, ore
dezvous etc. 592 :—Part II J. Seu
—godan, water- hen 224 ; Aiklik (cacca-—
bis, chiki) 496; ‘agga, magpie 501 a
girich, swift 501; bua, a plant 505;
aman - gara (perhaps ’maize) 504;

4

airkik-gumush, male-reed 514. |

turns 147; sciatica 253-4; boils 254, 657— _
60 ; dislocated wrist 409-13-—20; tooth

breaks 424; ear-ache 310, 601-8-15! fal!
of river bank 655: fall of tent 678 ; Se

of head 150-167, — leg 167-9, — arm-pit >
176; his illnesses :—unspecified (923) 365; —
catarrhal discharge (resandalik)446-49-51;
fever (903 au.) 88-9, (911) 247, (925) 399
to 401; (934) 585-6-8, 603-4, (935) 619-
20, (937) 702-3-5; (4) Of others: :—child- |
birth 36; small- -pox 48; ‘‘ violent illness” —
45 ; frost- bite 116, 311; ‘cold 151; ulcerated —
hand 125; siphylis 279; pestilence 524;
paralysis 620; malarial fever 4, 8; fever =
33, 246. A

Qizil = Surkh, Safed = Spin.

Divorces 267-8, 329.

Diwian-t Babur Padshih, {ed. Sir E. D. Ross)
—not Babur’s earliest collection 438-9, 447;
appears referred to 642; verses suiting his
moods and deeds 604, 626-44, 705; verses
of the Diwdn in the B.N. 526-75-84-89 ;
the Walidiyyah-risala and B.’s new ruler
643 ; Elizabethan conceits 645 ; concerning
the Rampir MS. App. Q, (illustration) ;
585; 635.

Diwin-t Khwija Hafiz(ed. H. Brockhaus, trs.
W. Clarke\|—a couplet 411.

Diwin-i Niru'd-din‘ Abdwr-rahmin Jami—
a quatrain plagiarized 257. “

Diwan writers mentioned by Babur—Ahi 289 ;
Ahli 290; ‘Ali-sher Wawa (Pers.) 272;
Husain Bai-gara (Turki) 259; Kami 290;
Saifi 288; Suhaili 277; Mahmid Aar/as
51; Mahmiid Miran-shahi 46.

Domestic animals—ass 144; buffalo 231, 393,
454, 490; camel :—Ahachar 74, 249, fiwa
232-5, 240, 376-91 ; camels counted 391;
flesh eaten 251; cost of keep 489; gift of
382;—cattle 150, 231-4—5-8, 333-96, 454;
symbol of submission 232 ;—dog 144, 224;
elephant s.7. Nat. Hist. ; horse see s.m. ;
mule 194, 338; sheep 50-5, 71, 228, 234—
5-8-9, 249-50, 394; swine 211; yak 55,
490 (here dahri-gatas) App. M ;—fowls 82,
213; goose 82; pigeon 13, 259, 401.

Domestic appliances — china 80, 195, 407;
festal ornament 304, App. I; drinking cups
489, 298 and 552; fuel 223, 311; goat-
skins 371, 421; gong 515; knife 44; lamp
518; litter 254 and 401, 331 n. 3, 268;
rope 509; spoon 44, 73 n. 1, 407, 509;
table-cloth 44, 132 ; tooth-pick 407 ; torch
213-34, 387-8, 518.

Dreams—Babur’s 132, (attributed) 132 n. 2,
App. D, xi; another’s App. D, xii.

Dress, articles of—édash-aydag = sar-u-pa (head
to foot) z.a. 159, 393 ; bathing-cloth (/iza)
275, 527; brogues (cha@riig) 187; caps :—
black lambskin (gara-gizi bark) 258, ermine
(as buirk) 150, Mughal bairk15,179 ; muftal
or miftiniig Mughil birk 159; helm-cap
(diwulgha biurk) 167 ;—char-gab 304, 527 ;
clasp (gu/ab) 156; girdle (tak-bund) 156,
(d2/-bagh lit. waist-band) 298, (Aamr-bund)
642 ; cymar (Ah2mar) 561; coats and tunics:
—yjama 652, surtout (jiba) 303, 632, long
coat (chdépan) 187, sheep-skin coat (fostin)
181 ; short tunic (simcha) 652; tunic and
coat (ti) 14, 51, 159; 166, 371, 400;
clothes -in- wear (artmag, artmag) 339;
torque (aug) 561; head-wear (bash/ig) 632;
lung (dots) 519; rain-cloak (4zping) 389 ;
feather tippet 496 ; turban 14, 33,101, 258 ;
turban - aigrette 225, 325; wide - awake
(galpag); vest (kanglak) 171.

Drums—nagaret 144, 155, 250, 337, 369, 628 ;
of departure 235, morning 392, saddle 163-

Index III.

General

4; drumming sound [at the Running Sands]
315 ; dismissal of 595 ; tambour-player 247.

Durch Asten’s Wiisten, Sven Hedin—Farghana
wind 9.

Dynasties—Bahmani 482 ; Qilich 29; Tighliig
451; Shaibani’s destruction of 39; ‘‘Mughul
Dynasty” a misnomer in Hind 158 (see
s.nn. Turk and Mughal).

Noticeable words :—daddan, a difficult
defile; dada 157 (see taghai); Ar. daur,
warp of a bow, App. C; dim [T root de,
telline|=P. san, numbering154',161, 468, .
Add. Note, P. 54.

Ear-rings 540 (where add (in 1. 5) an omitted
passage entered in App. O, liv).
Economic Products of India, Watts—date-plum
210; fish-drugs 226; oranges var. 512.
Editors mentioned zz /oco—A. S. Beveridge,
G. B.’s Humayin-nama, and Fac-simile of
the Haidarabad Codex; H. Brockhaus,
Die Lieder des Hafis; E. G. Browne,
Tazkiratw sh-shu‘ara (Memoirs of Poets),
Tarikh-t-guzida (Select History); C. M.
Freehn, Shajarat-i Turk (Genealogical Tree
of the Turk) ; N.I. Ilminski, Bader-nama
(Kasan Imprint); I. Kinos, Shaikh Sulai-
man Effendi’s Vocabulary ; D. C. Phillott,
Tazkirat-t Tahmasp; E. D. Ross, Babur’s
Diwan (Rampir MS.), and Three Turki
MSS. from Kashghar ; C. Schafer, Szyasat-
nama; R. C. Temple, Peter Munday’s
Travels; F. Veliaminof-Zernov, Abiushga
H. Yule, Wood’s Journey.

Einblikke in den Farghana Thal— A, I. v.
Middendorf—winds 9.

Elphinstone, Hon. M. —his Codex see s.n,
Babur-nama.

Embassy from Babur to Moscow App. Q, Ixiil.

Embassy to Timur, Ruy Gonsalves di Clavigo
(tvs. Sir C. Markham) — Hindustan the
Less 46; kneeling in greeting 54; Samar-
kand 74-5-8; Kesh 83.

_ Encyclopedia Britannica—range of tempera-

ture 204; Faridu’d-din ‘4¢/ar 271; rhino-
horns 408; maize when first in Asia 509.

Encyclopedia of Islam — Réné Basset’s art.
Al-busiri 620.

Erskine William—Preface xxxiii, xliii—iv—vili—
ix, Cap. IV, [see Memoirs of Baber and
History of India).

Essays, Lord Bacon—Isma‘il Safawi’s per-
sonal beauty 441.

Etiquette and decorum — well-mannered 45,
271-3-6, 303; knees not crossed 33; feet
hidden 34 ; deference to elders 303 ; episto-
lary 332; farewell 330 ;—Interviews :—
kneeling 61-9, 301, 408; looking one
another in the eyes (¢.a.) 54, 64; embrace
160 ;—Meetings :—The Khans with Babur
54,159,169; the two Khans 160 ; Timiriya

1 where, in n. 3, for f. 1834 and f. 2644 vead f. 1030 and f. 264,

855

Index III. General

reception 59; Babur and the Bai-qara
Mirzas 297-8-9, and elder Begims 301-97 ;
his reception of Khusrau Shah 193, Daulat
Khan 459, Nasrat Shah’s envoy 640-1.

Exemplars of Babur—Preface, Cap. I.

Expédition scientifique Francaise, C.E. Ujfalvy
—yighich (measure) 4; Aish (Ush) 53 Bara-
koh 5; Babur’s serviceable ‘‘ Farsi-giil”’ 7 ;
misreading (? ) App. A, ii; distances near old
Akhsi 24. v; Samarkand 74; Ab-burdan152.

Explorations in Turkistan, R. Pumpelly—Aq-
bira-riid (Huntingdon’s art.) 5; Akhsi
App. A, i, v

fair at Sakhi-sarwar, Michael Macauliffe—
238.

Famous Monuments of Central India, Sir Lepel
H. Griffin—Gidaliar 605.

Fan-valley, W. R. Rickmers—[/RGS. 1907],
Sara-taq-daban 129 ; Ab-burdan 152.

Farhang-t-azfari [ T: urki- Pers. Dict.| nihilam
explained 45.

Fauna of British India, Oates and Blanford—
flying-squirrel and snow-cock 213 nn. 5, 6,
7; various birds 495, 497, 501. __

Festivals—Babur’s Ramzan rule 584 ; Id-i-fitr
66, 235, 311, 351, 410, 584, 683, 689;
Id-i- qurb- an 154; Ni-roz 236 ; approxima-
tion of Nii-roz and Id-i-fitr 236.

Fifth-share (Khams) 324.

Five-days’ World 50, 128, 328.

Flora Indica, W. Roxburgh—spikenard 392;
mahuwa 505; gilar 508; chiranzi 2b. ;
kinra 514,

‘Florio Beg Beneveni”, Secretary to a
Russian Mission, Preface xliv.

Folk-lore—test of a dead woman’s virtue 212;
blizzard-raising spring 219; ‘‘ commerce
with the Spheres” 275; eye-bewitchment
664; omen as to sex of an unborn babe
App. L; succession customs 482.

Food (ex. birds and fruits)—bread 148 (cf.
A.N. trs. t, 421 for spiced bread, also
Memoirs p. 144 n.); brochettes (kabad)
148, 415; betel 440; camel-flesh 493;
carrots 542; cheese 394; meat cold 411;
date-palm cheese 508; dried meat 542;
fritters 541 ; haggis 506 ; hare 542 ; honey
203, 409, 440 ; lotus seed 660 ; mango pre-
serve 440; millet porridge 181; pistachio
nuts 508 (cf. 5.2, Nat. Hist.).

A Frontier Campaign, Lord Fincastle—khahr
= shahr 367 ; Katgola and Panj-kira 374,

Frontier-posts 213.

Games and amusements—acrobats 635 ; cards
584; chess 38, 275-84-87 ; dancing 276-
99, 303; dancing-girls 522, 634; dice 16,
275-8; draughts 16, 278; feats of archery
g.v.3 fights of cocks 259, rams 259, ele-
phants 631, camels 631; improvisation and
recitation of verse 16, 26, Preface xxx;
kik-biira 39; leap-frog 26; pigeon-flying
13, 259; polo (chaughan) 26; wrestling

856

Gardens — Andijan :— Char-bagh 29, Ha

Gardening see *“‘ Indian” and ‘‘ Manual”.
The Gate—Lordship in 24; Babur’s 26, "323

Gates of India, Sir T. H. Holdich—a Central :

Gazetteers :—I[see mn. on pp. named] ;
,, of India[ed. 1908-9]—Observatories ral

292, 660-83, Index I. s. mn. Dost-i-yasing
Sadiq ; ; hawking and fowling see s.2.

Beg’s 108, Birds’ 168, Aiish 5, Asfara
Kasan 10; Tashkint : — Haidar Kakil-—
dash’s 54, Poplar 145, 146; Samarkand:

—Heart- -expanding 78, 82, New 62, 1 3,
North, Paradise, Plane-tree 78, Plain’s $ fe
Porcelain, World - picture 78, Darw ht
Tarkhan’s 80, 81; Kabul :—Almsho se
315, Avenue "647, Babur’s Burial-garden —
709 see illustrations, Char- -bagh 249-51-54 —
346-97-98, 416-7-8, Haidar Zagi’s 198, a
401, Khalifa’s 315, Little 198, Paradis ng
315-6-7, Plane- tree 401, 418, Private 34 6—
97, Rendezvous (?) 346, Violet 395, 415-7 <a
Koh-damans—= Istalif 216-7, 398, 416,
New Year’s 246, Royal 418 ; Ning-nahai =
—447, Adinapir 207 and n. 5, Char-bagh, —
Fidelity 207 n. 5, 208, 394, 409, 414-21
22, 443-7 ; Qara- tu 395 ; Herat :— ‘Ali-
sher’ s 305, Marigold, Town, White 306, —
Raven’s 134, 306; Hindustan :— Safa —
(purity) 381, 665, (Agra), Chir - ba agh, —

Eight- -paradises 531-3-7, 543-4, 548, 616

34-86, Gold-scattering 640-41, 689 n, 38
*708, Garden of Rest 709, (Dalpar) Char-
bagh 603-6-15, Lotus 639, (on the Gagar) _
465, {Sis 581-4, (Gualia ar) 607-10-12—
13-1

the place of judgment 24, 197, 259 ; Gate- a
house 43; between-the- doors 24, 100, 133; a
waiting in 277 ; gate-ward post 166. os

Asian chain to Greek descent 22; head-
waters in Koh-i-baba 216; a souks: 310. _

Nil- ab 206; Gir -khattri 230; Pir
Kanii 238 ; SawAtt 378 ; Parhala 387 ; :
Nagarah4ra App. E, xvii, or Bele a
the Gagar (Kakar, Ghagghar) 465;
Bagar 573; Chandawar, Chandwar —
581-9, 643; Lukhnir 582; Sarwan —
587 ; ‘Sikandra Rao 2b. 3 Gaaliar 605, ‘
610, 611; Parsariir 684 : :—Gu ‘air 250; &
Kakar 386 ; Luhani (var. ) 455 ; Mun- 3
dahir 700 ; oo heackish streams 384; 3 aoe
ruined range 486; a hunting-ground —
(Bari) 509 ; Jana(h)par =Junpir 676;
—tree squirrel 492; frogs 503; yak —
App. M, xlvii.

5, District Gs. of India: —Allahabad, (H.G. a
Neville), 653 ; ‘Azamgarh, (,, ),680; =
Ballia, (,, ), 664, 667; Etawa, (Drake- q
Brockniann); 644 nn. 2, 6; Fath oe
(H. G. Neville), 651; Fyzabad, Bee
656, App. U; Ghazipur, (Drake - 5
Brockmann), 658; Gualiar, C. E. a
Luard, 500-4-7, 605-9, 610-12-13-
14; Gurgaon, (F. Cunningham), 578-
80; : Jihlam, (,, ), 452, 461 3 Mainpuri,

(E. R. Neave), 643-4; Rawalpindi,
(F. A. Robertson), 452 ; Saran, (L. L.
S. O’Malley), 664 ; Shahabad (D. B.
Allen),664; Sultanpur, (H.G. Neville),
-683 ; Ulwar, Alwar (P. W. Powlett),
557-8.

Gazetteers of the Province of Oude, App. T,
Ixxv, Ixxvi.

», Of the Turkistan Region, Col. L. F.
Kostenko — Farghana : — passes 2 ;
fruits 3; cooking recipe 4; fever 4;
running-waters 5; Aq-bira-rid 5;
Khujand 7, 8; Mogol-tau 8; Sang-
ferry176 ;-—Samarkand :—-74 ; extent
of town 75, 145 ; Kohik-sii 76 ; paper-
making 81; Ab-burdan 15; three
passes 83, 90,129 ; Lake Iskandar 129;
—distances 4, 6, 75, 84 ; ravines App.
A, ii; various 2d. v; rapid riding 25 ;
kik-bira 37 ; Sarts and their tongues
6, 7; Central Asian claim to Greek
descent 22.

Géographie, Abi’l-feda [¢rs. Recnaud|—land
cultivated by the Zar-afshan (Kohik) 76;
Nasir 7#si 79 ; names of Qarshi 84.

Geography and History of Bengal, H. Bloch-
mann—Habshi succession-customs 452.

», of the Qandahar Inscription, T. Beames
[JRAS. 1898]— revision incomplete
App. T. xxxiv.

3, Oriental [Ashkalu’l-bila@d| Ibn Haugqal,
[¢rs. Ouseley|—absorption of the Sir 3;

Kohik irrigation 76; Samarkand Gates
. 773; Qarshi names 84.

Geographical unit, [vz//age and its cultivated
land | 3.

Geschichte von schinen Redektinste Perstens,
Freiherr v. Hammer - Purgstall — Hilali
290; Shah u Darwesh 290; Sam Mirza’s
jeer 648,

Ghiyasw l-lughat (Pers. Dict.), Muh. Ghiyasu’d-
din Rampiri—kardt-peach 504.

Ghulam -i- muhammad (collaborator with
Raverty—Nijr-au 213; Nil-ab 206; Babur’s
frontier-posts 213; a route 208.

Gibb, E. J. Wilkinson, Memorial Trust—
Preface xlvii.

Glossary of Terms, H. H. Wilson—ser (sir)-
measure 517 ; ¢azas-measure 630.

The Golden Bough, T. G. Frazer—a succession
custom 482.

Goswara Inscription, Kittoe and Kielhorn
[7.A. 1888|—App. E, xviii-ix, xxii.

Grant, Mr. Ogilvie-—his help App. B, vii.

Great Diamonds of the World, E. W. Streeter
—its Koh-i-nir account incomplete 477. °

Greek descent, 22, 341.

Guest-begs 141, 227.

Gul-badan Begim (Zady Rosebody) see H.N.

Gulistan, Sa‘di [trs. Hastwick]—quoted 42,
152-8, 190, 313.

Index III. General

Gulzar-t-Bihar, Ajodhya Prasad—rulers in
Tirhut and Darbanga App. P, lvii; varied
by Sir G. A. Grierson (7. A. 1885) 24. n. 1.

Noticeable words :—P. gosha, bow-tip
and notch App. C; P. gosha-gir, an archer’s
repairing-tool 160-6, App. C, = chapras
and kasdang ; P. ghiinchachi 17.

Habibu’s-siyar, Khwand-amir—[see nn. on pp.
named|; relations with the Babur-nama
57,127, 256, 328 ; value asa source 70, 348,
426 ; not used for 7he Memoirs 347 ; used
by Babur 11, 256-91 ; completion of 687 ;
—Kinsmen of Babur 13,* 18, 34-5, 46-8,
50, 61, 90, 111, 127 ;—-Babur 29, 147, 184,
297, 354-7, 432-7, 704 ;—various persons
25, 38, 47, 50-4-8, 72, 98, 111, 128, 249,
396 ; [Bih-bid] 227 and App. H, xxvi,
579, 621; varia 133, 244-96, 327-8-9, 463
(x. where read Tamarisk), 469, 617-22 ;—
Herat 305; Char-shamba 71; %isak 66;
Nizami 85 (where in n. read /. 2), H.S. iii,
44, 167.

Haft Iglim, Amin Ahmad Rdzi—celebrities of
Chirkh 217.

Hand-book to Dihli, H. J. Keene—places
visited by Babur 475.

», to Bengal, Murray’s—observatories 79 ;
Dihli 475, 704.

», tothe Panj-ab, Murray’s—Qandahar In-
scription App. J, xxxiii.

Hawking and fowling—experts in 31-8, 40-5,
67, 270-3-6 ; birds with dogs 224; a story
254; lost hawk 394; Babur’s gift of a
goshawk (ga chigha) 385 ; Ahmad MZran-
shahi and goshawks 34, Add. Note, P. 34.

Herat’s high standard of proficiency 283, Pre-
face xxx; see Index II.

Herat, On the city of, Col. C. E. Yule [7A SB.

1887|—280, 305-6.
», B. de Meynard (J. A. xvi)—257, 305-
6-7, 326.

Hidayat, Burhanu’d-din ‘Ali Qzlich (trs. C.
Hamilton)—its author’s birth-place 7, 76 ;
held in honour 76; his descendant 29;
Khams, the Fifth 324.

Hidayatu’r -rami (The Archer’s Guide),
Aminu’d-din (T. O. MS. 2768)—nadwak
142; gosha-gir App. C, viii; (f. AQR.
1911, H.B.’s art. Oriental Cross-bows).

High Tartary, R. Shaw—tanga, (coin) App.
P, lvii.

Hindi-shahi rulers in Kabul 200.

Hindustani uses of ‘‘ Khurasan” 202 and other
words 455-88-91-92-99 (where for yak-
rang read bak-ding); pronunciation 380,
484.

Hinks, Mr. A. E. (2.G.S.), estimate of di-
tance from Kishm to Qandahar 621.

Histoire de Chingiz Khan, F. Pétis de la
Croix, the elder—Gik-sarai 63, Ascension
Stone 77.

1 For “FS. ii” read HS. iii—also on p. 244.

857

Index III. General

Histoire du Khanat de Khokand, L. Cahun—

Farghana winds 9,

», @u Khanat de Khokand, Gen. V. R.
Nalivkine—Sarts 6 ; Akhsi App. A, i,
iv, v; tradition of Babur’s abandoned
child 358.

,, ae Timur Beg, F. Pétis de la Croix, the
younger—Samarkand Gates and walls
77 (see Zafar-nadma).

Historical Sketches, Col. Mark Wilks-—wu/sa
(flight e masse)486 7 (where for ‘‘iilwash”
read tlwan); Add. Notes, P. 487.

Histories :—(see un. on pp. named).

», of Bukhara, A. Vambéry—descent of
chiefs 244.

», of Gujrat, E. C. Bayley trs. see MWirdt.

», of India, Elliottand Dowson—Tarkhans
31 (where add (n. #) references vol. Zt,
300, 320-1, #98) ; Farmiilis 456, 675 ;
Bugials 452 ; varia 274, 440-77, 652-
9, 693; places 191, 219, 457, 582,
699 ; earthquake 247 ; Mian = Shaikh
457 ; a B. N. source 348, 428-39, 621;
The Malfuzat-i-timirit 653; supers-
session of B.’s sons proposed 703.

», Of India, Baber, W. Erskine—148-94,
247, 332-8, 343-6, 361, 440-78, 520-
2, 562, 651, 702; gunpowder 369;
coins and Revenue List 446-78, 520-
22, 627, App. P, lv; value of the
book 428.

os OE esr Sounds, C. Carus-Wilson—
215.

», of Ottoman Poetry, E. J. Gibbs—double
meaning in composition App. Q, Ixiv.

Hobson-Jobson, Sir H. Yule (ed. Crookes)—
(see nn. on pp. named), Byde (var.) Horse
470; the Koh-i-nir 477 ; black-buck 491;
gynee-cow 492; partridge cries 496 ; rock
-pigeon (baghri-qara ?) 498; coucal 500 ;
koel 501; mango 503; plantain 504;
““mohwa” 505; kishmish 505; jambi
506 ; jack-fruit 506 ; toddy 509 ; an orange
511; shoe-flower 513; ghurry (clepsydra)
516; sex (measure) 517; ‘‘ bowly” (éaolz)
533; ‘‘talookdar” 621; ‘‘cuscuss”’-grass
631; ‘‘moonaul” (monal) App. N, xlix ;
**choki” App. V, Ixxxi.

Holy War—against Kafiristan 46; Babur’s
against Sanga 547 e¢ seg. and Chandiri 589;
references to 579-83, 637.

Horse-accoutrement—Mughil 160 ; mail 140-
67, 380; saddle-bags 338.

Horses—éipichags ;—a breeder of 38; men-
tioned 235, 303 and 336 (grey), 383
(almond-coloured), 401, captured at Qan-
dahar 338 ;—Kabul horse-trade 202 ; horses
bred for sale 235 ; how fed ina siege 145 ;
eaten on a journey 148; swim the Zar-
afshan in mail 140; in snow 253, 308-11 ;
single-file in snow 314; women’s use of
during a battle 268; murrians 31 ; aban-
doned 239, 379 ; invalided to Kabul 376-8 ;
trodden down by elephants 457 ; restorative

858

treatment 666 ;—tribute in 228, efc. ; ra
by Babur 313 ; galloping-ground for
steps counted to estimate a distance
gush-at, a change-horse led bya rid
corn and grass for 186, 221—2-3, 238
394 ; unfit grass 222 ; anatomical simi
with the rhinoceros 490. Ny
Hot-bath, amman—Samarkand 78, A
173, Kabul 346, Babur finds none in
distan 518, constructs in Agra, 532, 6
in Dilpir 614, 639. :
Households and families—various 32, 123
125-9, 141; Babur’s sent to him 71
151-3; (B.’s) 184, 306; marching {
Kabul 189, 191-7 ; Mughiils’ come to é :
army 192-4; B. safeguards 199, 460—
driven like sheep 242 (2) ; Bai-qaras des
327; Shaibani anxious about 135, 3:
B.’s come to Hind 645-6, 650-7-8, 6
75-89 ; his wives and children 711—4.
Houses—high 221, windowed 201; in Chan
597 ; in Gialiar 608. :
Huma, a fabulous bird 26. ;
Hunting :—circle (ivga) 114, 325, 424-50, —
657; Babur’s hunting 296, 602, 707.
Humayiin-nama, Bayazid Biyat—-a com-—
manded book 691.
Humayin-nama, Gui-badan Begim—(érs.
ed. A. S. Beveridge)—{seenn. on pp. named]; —
Adik Sl. 23; a betrothal 48; Khan-zada —
147; Mah-chichiik 199, 342; Apaq B. —
301; Mahdi Khw. 381, 688, 703-4, 579; —
‘Asas (1) 387, (2) 552; Mama Atin 148, —
407 ; various men 408 and 640, 526; a —
begim’s manly pursuits 263; Mahim B. 344,
686 ; Mirza Khan 433 (where, 1. 2fr. fle
read grand-‘‘ mother”); Babur’s sons 436,
App. J, xxxv, 619, App. L, xliii, 545
B.’s daughters 441, 522, 708, 713; Babur’s
wounds 167, 524, 616, 630 ; his self-devo- —
tion 701, (illustration 702, Preface xxxii; —
his death 708-9 ; removal of body to Kabul —
709 ;—references to the H.N. 347, 689,
691-4, Pref. xxviii; its Biographical App.
13, 705, 711. se

Ibn Batuta see Travels. be
,, Haugal see Geography. <a
Illustrated London News—fortress gun ani
stone ammunition 595; rafts 673.
Indian Eras, Sir Alex. Cunningham—inter- ~
calary months 515; discrepant dates App.
S, Ixxi.
Indian Forest Trees, D. Brandis—[see nn. 0m —
pp. named|, date-plum 210; cypress 2223)
weeping-willow App. I, xxxii ; “'mohwa.”? :
505; bullace-plum 507 ; orange-like fruits —
510; ebony-tree 585. i
Indian Hand-book of Gardening, G. T. Fo
Speede—sinjid (jujube) 203 ; amluk (date- —
plum) 210; sambal (spikenard) 392;
‘‘keeras’? (cherry) 501 ; Zamrak(averrhoa
carambola) 506; sang-téra (orange) S145

&
ee

-
=]

*

under-ground jack-fruit App. O, lil.

Inscriptions—Babur’s at Ab-burdan 152, Bad-
i-pich pass 343, Qandahar App. T ;—on
aah Mosque App. U; on B.’s tomb

10.

Inscriptions de Caboul, J. Darmesteter [/.A.
1888|—in Babur’s Burial-garden 710.

Intercession—Babur’s, through Ahrari 620,
through Imam ‘Ali, 702.

**Tslam ’’’s foes killed 370; its army 564.

Ivory 489.

Jogis—at Gir-khattri 230. .

Journal of Travel, W. Griffiths—red apple 507;
cicade s. of Ghazni App. N, 1.

Journey from Bengal to England, G. Forster
—division of climates 229 (where for
** Travels’ read Jour ney).

Journey to the Sources of the Oxus, J. Wood
(ed. Yule) — Kabul 199; Running-sands
201, 215; Hindu-kush passes ( Ye/e’s Zn-
troduction) 204; dun sheep 224; Nagara-
hara regions App. E, xxiii.

Journeys in Biluchistan, Afghanistan and the
Panj-ab, E. Masson— (see nn. on pp.
named), Kabul 199, 200, 201, (fruits) 203-
4; Shibr 215; Panjhir 205; Nil-ab (in
Ghir-bund) 216 ; Adinapir 207 ; Chagha-
tai castles 208 ; a meaning of ‘‘ Lam’? 210;
Running - sands 215; Judas-tree 216 ;—
places 405, 412-17 -45, 647; routes 231,
417; sign of submission 232 ; Nagarahara
App. E, xvii; ‘*‘Babur Padshah’s stone-
heap ”’ (cairn) 416; Preface p. xxxviii.

Journey to India overland, A. Conolly—Kabul
199 ; rawdaj (rhubarb) 203.

Kabul see ‘‘ Cabool’’ and ‘‘Caubul’’.

** Kafir’’—uses of the word 481-3; 518, 577.

Kafirs of the Hindu-kush, Robertson—their
wines 212.

Kaiser Akbar, Count F. v. Noer (és. A. S.
Beveridge)—finance reform 282.

Kehr, Dr. G. J. [serzbe of the Pet. F. O. School
Codex of the ‘‘ Bukhira Bibur-nima’’]see
Wagt'-nama-t-padshahi.

The Khamsatin (Two Quintets)—a reader of
15; imitated 288.

Ki hasinatw’ l-asfiya [Treasury of Saints], Ghu-
lam-i- sarwar — Khwajaki Khw. 67; Mir
Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani’s grave 211; Pir
Kani 238; Jalalu’d - din Piurdani 306 ;
Sharafu’d- din Muniri 666,

Khutba—read disloyally 52, 328; Babur’s
compact 354-6 ; read in Dibli for him 476.

The (Koh-i-nir) diamond 477, 702.

Klaproth Jules—Preface xxxix, xlvii; [see
Archiv and Mémoires relatifs etc.].

Kulliyatwr-rami (Cyclopedia of Archery),
Muh. Budha’i—xdwak 142; gosha-gir
App. C, viii; (fp. Oriental Cross-bows,
HB. AQR. 1911).

Noticeable words :—zhachar 74, 249;
khak - bila (leap-frog) 26; Khdn-dida;

Index III. General

hkisak (old person) 66; kim (yeast) 423;
kiyik ©, 8,10, 224, 491; khimar = cymar
(scarf) 561 ; huilak syn. kinglak (pull-
over vest, jersey) 171-5; kiukbirad see
atighlagchi ; ; kur-khana ; Qarshi= Ar. gasr
84; kurtsh, looking in the eyes, inter-
viewing z.a. 54, 64, 640 (cf. gachiish, em-
bracing) ; Ausaré[?] 369; kashlaig 250.

La Grande inscription de Qandahar, J. Darm-
esteter (/.4.S. 1890), App. J, xxxiii-iv.
Lahor to Yarkand, Hume and Henderson—

yak App. M, xlvii.

Laidlaw (/A SB 1848) — nasal utterance
App. E.

Lane’s Lexicon see Dictionaries.

Langlés art. Babour Preface xlv.

Law (Muhammad’s) — on blood - vengeance
194, 251-8; Shaibani’s disregard of 329;
Husain Bai-gara’s regard for 258 ; Babur’s
orthodox observance shown ¢.g. 25, 44,
111, 262, 370-7, 483, 547-51—74-89-96,
and in the Aubin and Walidiyyah-risala
g.v. ; his orthodox reputation (efztaph) 711;
his observance as to intoxicants 302, beyond
his 23rd year 299, 302-3-4; his return to
obedience (933) in 44th year 551-5; re-
ferred to 203 (verse) 645-7—8 ; his breaches
of Law :—against types of verse 447, re-
pented 448; against wine, see s.z. Wine.

Les Mosquées de Samarcande, Pet. Archeol. S.
—74-8-7.

Les six voyages en Turquie, en Perse, et aux
Indes, Jean Baptiste le Tavernier—the coin
casbeke, kipki 296.

Letters of Lady Mary W. Montagne—lovers’
marks 16.

_Letters—Nawa’i’simitation of Jami’scollection

271; Babur keeps a letter of 910 to 935 AH,
190 ; his royal-letters ( farman) 463-4, 526,
617 (wth autograph marginal couplet),
others (A/azz/) 331-2; to Khw. Kalan 411
(with autograph couplet), 603 n. 3, 627, and
(reproducea) 645; to Humayiin (reproduced)
624; to Kamran 645-6, Preface xxxv, xliii;
to Mahim 374, 541; Letters-of-victory :—
Kabul 319, Bajaur 371, Hisar-firiza 466,
Kanwa 559-74, 580.

Levirate marriage 23, 267.

Levy on stipendiaries 617.

Lexicon Persico-Latinum, I. A. Vullers see
Dictionaries.
Leyden John—tentative trs. of the Bukhara
Compilation, Preface xlvii—viii-ix, lviii.
Life and Letters of Ogier G. de Busbecg lérs.
Forster & Daniel|—explains ‘‘Sultanim”
29.

L’ Inde des Rajas, L. Rousselet-—Gialiar 605.

Linguistic Survey of India, Six G. A. Grierson
—forms of ‘‘nine’’ App. E, xviii.

Loess 3, 30, App. A, ii.

Looting of assigned individuals 328.

Lord [JASB 1838]—Ghirbund 205; Running-
sands 215.

859

Index III. General

‘* Lords of the Elephant ’’ 563-73.

Lordship in the Gate see Gate.

Lotophagt, a fruit they ate 210; quoted 42.

Lover’s-marks 16, Add. Note, P. 16.

Lubbut t-tawarikh, Yahya Kazwini—an early
(brief) source 349; dates the battle of
Ghaj-davan 361.

Noticeable words :—/aém (fort) 210;

likh, lija, likha (a bird) 498, App. N,

xl vii.

Ma‘asir-t-rahimi (a Life of ‘Abdu’r-rahim
Mirza g.v.), ‘Abdu’l-baqi Mahkavandi —
Babur’s wife Salha 713.

Ma‘asiru’l -‘umrd, Shah - navaz - Khan —
Mu‘azzam-nagar = Din-kot 206.

McGregor, Col. H. G.—meaning of ‘‘ zzng-
rahar”’ and ‘‘nungnihar’’ = 9 streams,
App. E, xix.

Magic—rain making with the jade-stone (yada-
tash) 27, 67, 654; the stone used to ensure
victory 623; Babur’s talisman to stop rain
423.

Majalis-t-nafa’is, ‘Ali-sher Vawa@i—mentions
‘Abdu’l-lah Barlds 51.

Making of a Frontier, A, G, A. Durand—
Greek descent 22.

Malfazat-i-timari (Timir’s Turki Annals)—
not discredited by no-mention in the mu-
tilated B.N. 653; Yinas Khan and the
book Preface xxix ; an incentive to Babur
xxx, perhaps also at xxxii; their accept-
ance in a Persian translation by Shah-jahan
xlvi.*

Mammals of India, T. E. Jerdon — hog-deer
491.

Manners and customs of the modern Egyptians,
E. W. Lane—drinkables 298.

Manual of Gardening, Firminger — cherries
203, kamzak fruit 506; an orange 511;
sada-fal 512.

Manufactures of Samarkand, cramoisy and
paper 81, 305.

Marmion ( Scott’ s Notes to), wild geese checked
in flight 214.

Marriage, compelled 386, levirate 23, 267,
legitimate 269 ; illegal 329.

The Masnawi of Jalalu’d-din Rami (trs. £. H.
Whinfield)—read by ‘Umar Shaikh 15,
Preface xxx.

Materials for the History of India, Nassau
Lees—amongst the sources for filling out
Babur-nama gaps 428,

Matla‘u’s-sa‘dain, *‘Abdu’r-razzak (NV. et Ex.
xiv)—Timurid suzerainty acknowledged in
Dihli [in 814-1411] 459.

1 On this peg may be hung the following note:—The Padshah-n@ma (g.v.) calls the author and presenter of
the above translation “‘Abii-tulib” //usainz (Bib. Ind. ed. vol. i, part 2, p. 288), but its index contains man
references seemingly to the same man as Khwaja Abi'l-husain 7Zurdati, The P. 0
it entitles Wagi@t-i-sahib-giran (The Acts of Timur), was in Turki, was brought forth from the Library of
the (Turk) Governor of Yemen and translated by Mir Abi-talib Husainr; that what Timir had done with
this book of counsel (dastan-i-nasa'th) when he sent it to his son Pir-i-muhammad, then succeeding (his
brother) Jahangir [in Kabul, the Ghaznis, Qandahar, efc.) Shahjahan also did by sending it, out of love, to
his son Aurangzib who had been ordered to the Deccan.

860

Meal-hours — big breakfast 389 ; nooning-
Measures—Linear : — ai/ék (finger - breadth) ‘

Medical and surgical remedies :—dried plums —

Memory, retentive, 290.

Merv Oasis, O’Donovan—Radagan 622.
Metamorphoses, Ovid—Scorpio and Libra 623.
Migration enforced—of Mughiils of the Horde

Military: — Armies, size of : — Mahmid

614-861. 2

489, 630; arxghamchi (rope) 614; arrow’s- —
flight (z.@. bow-shot), z.a. 8, 640; from
gate-ward to Gate 316; gaz 611 n. 3;
kuroh t.a. 76; gadam (step, pace) 75, 630, ©
(of a horse) 666; gari 7, 208-9, 489, 550, —
611-29-30-31 ; garish (inch) 489; galach —
406-93; shart 76, 200; spear’s length —
196, 377, 474; ¢anab (rope) 630; tatam —
(hand-breadth) 630 ; yighdch (Prs. trs. far- —
sang) 4, 7, 9, 10, 25, 55, 76, 82-3-4, 99, —
138, 208-17-18, 323, App. A, vn. 1;— _
Time :—Hindiistan divisions of the year
515 to 517; boiling of milk 175, 237;—
Weight :—ddatman 263, 276; man 699;
misqal 421-77, 632; +at@ 477 n. 6, 517;
tash (stone, silver & gold) 632; Kabul —
sir (ser) 632, 546; Table of weights of
Hind 517-8; ‘aa 517-41;—ass-load
(zhar war) 228, 338-9, 374;—Numeration _
(Indian) 518 ;—Capacity:— x mills water- _

power 2z.a. 208, 216, 462-5, 581; (coinsby
the) quiverful 632. ou

(prunes) 82; water dropped from cotton
89; trepanning 106-9; seton, bandage —

(yildiz) 169; powder for bone- growing —
169; water-melon and narcissus 246, 399,
401 ; rose-water (7i/-44) 400; antidotesto
poison 511, 543; tonic powders 608; opium
608, 661; quicksilver 618; pepper-steam- _
ing 657, 66), a

Medieval geography and history of Central and a:

Western Asia, E. Bretschneider—Almaligh
and other old towns 2; Simiz-kint [Faé-
village), aname of Samarkand 75; Mayan
explained 131.

Mémoires relatifs al Asie (tz, 134), J. Klaproth a ey

—its valuable extracts from the Bukhara
Compilation, Preface, Cap. III, Part III;
Babur’s letter to Kamran, App, J, xxxv,
(see Archivs).

20, 350-1; of Tramontane tribes 202 70,
322 ; of villagers to Bajaur 375, and planned
to Sialkot.

(Ghazni) 479; Shihabu’d-din Ghuri 480;
Aiiz-beg 480; Daulat Khan Ladi 451;
Babur, Qandahar 334, Bhira 480, Panipat
452-80; Ibrahim Ladi 463-80 ; Sanga 547;
Tahmasp at Jam 635;—Babur’s force in

N. says the book whi

various encounters (200 to 300) 91; (240)
100; (1000) 87; (240) 334-7; (10 to 15)
140; (100) 147; (10 to 15) 166, (3) 24.,
(1) 167; (100) 173 ; (20 to 25) 177, (1) 1783
— Commands: — Mingligh (1000) 52;
Niyan (ughalz)151; Tiiman-begi (10,000)
17; Yiz-atlik (Centurion of horse) 143;
Qichin 32 ;—Army array :—108-13-55-
98; 234-381; 468-71, 557-8; Babur’s
organization and terms 334; flanking-
movement (¢#/ehuma) 139, described 140,
473, 568; rallying-point 547; rendezvous
(uljar) 122-3, 592, 638; at the Sind-
ferry 461-2; postings 113-39, 372, 595,
662-68 ;—Various :— A.S. Corps 674;
army-list 451-2 ; camp-bazar 67-8 ; Corps
of Braves 28, App. H, xxvii; discipline
66-7 ; necessaries for holding a fort 145;
numbering (di7) 154-61, 468, (saz) 451-2;
pass-words 164 ; pillars of heads 232, 324-
71, 404; war-cries 138-44-55-63-66 ;
ways and means 228, 617 ;—Rajpit fighting
customs 595 ; massacres of ‘* Pagans” 370,
484, 596;—Appliances and construc-
tions :—axe (tool) 108, 379; catapult 59;
camp defence :—ditch and branch 60-1,
110-17, 138, (908 an.) 162, Rimi defence
of linked carts zzfra (932 au.) 469-70,
550-58; draw-bridge ( pz/-2-rawan)171-76;
flaming-fire 595 ; guns see fire-arms ; ladders
(shat#) 130-31-43-71, 368-70, 593 ; man-
telet (¢#ra@) 108--13-55, 368, 469, 593;
mines 53-9, 343-70; moat 10; pit 198;
head-strike (sav-ob) 53-9 ; spade or shovel
(hitman) 108; smoke 59; wheeled-tripod
550-7 ;—Armour :— helm 166-7, 396;
cuirass (mail or wadded) z.a. 195, 315-96 ;
the word jiéa 195; Qalmaq jiba 175; coat
of mail (foshan) 195; horse-mail (Zichim)
see horse; arm-protector, the 4 plates of
mail, attachment ( gharicha) 167, 315, 396;
—Arms :—battle-axe (da/tz) 160, 370;
broad dagger (jamdar) 528 ; hanger (4han-
jar) 528; Hindi knife (ard) 528; lance
(zeza) 370; six-flanged mace (shash-par)
160; rugged mace ( piyazt, Sanglakh Dict.
f. 3126, kisgin) 160; casse-tdte mace
(2éstin) 160; scabbard (giz) 167; sword
(gilich) 160-61-67, 315-70-96, 453 ; broad
sword (yasi gilich) 150; (see Archery) j;—
Carts (avaa) for Rimidefence :—( Panipat)
ordered collected 468; 700 brought and
used as described 468-9 ; — misleading
omission from (E.’s) AZemoztrs 468 n. 3 ;—
progress of the defences 469-70; mantelets
used 469; (position of guns 473-74) ;—
(Kanwa) carts supplemented by wheeled
tripods 550; place of carts in the march
out 550—57—58 ; carts the frontal protection
550-58 ; well-made in Riimi fashion 550;
[posts of matchlockmen and canoneers
along the line of carts 569]; carts in the
battle 564-697, 471; centre troops move
from behind them 570-71 ; carts advanced

H. OF B, 57

Index III. General

in front of Babur 571 ;—(Jam) Tahmasp’s
Rimi defence 623, 635-36 ;—Fire-arms :
—firingi (swivel-gun, pirerrier) 472, 667 ;
mortars (gazaz) 59—the Ghazi cast 536,
tested 547—used 570-99—ineffective at
Chandiri 592-5— its elephant-traction 489;
mortars and (add) carts landed 651—used
in the Gogra battle (where ‘‘tope”) 669-—
70-71 ; a larger mortar made, bursts 588 ;
—zarb-zan (culverin) 473—used at Panipat
474, Kanwa 564-9, 71, the Ganges-bridge
599, Eastern campaign 651-6 ;—/d/ang,
tuifak (matchlock) used 368-9, 466-9, 558—
64-70-71-73, 599, 628-67-8-9 ; Tah-
masp’s 622-35 ;—gunners and matchlock-
men 368, their pay 617 and wellbeing 647 ;
**fire-working’’ Bengalis 672 ; — muljar
(gun emplacement) 593, 628 (for di/7ar?),
668 ;—Stone-missles :— hurled by hand
109, 370, 595; legendary dropping of by
birds 563; discharged from catapults 59,
from mortars and matchlocks 109, 369,
431-73, 571-88-93-95-99, 617-67-70-
79 ; — Transport :— pack animals 235 ;
camels 232-5, 378, (counted) 391, 601-56
(see Domestic animals); elephants 489 ;
carts (aggage) 237, 376-77, 468, 636, 700,
(gun) 592-99, (unspecified) 601-51-56.

Minerals :—ribbon-jaspér 6 ; turquoise 8, 12 ;
iron 12; jade 27, 67; ruby 194; silver and
lapis-lazuli 214; lead and copper 485.

Mirat-t-jahin-numa, Shaikh Muh. Baga—
Khwand-amir’s journey to Hind 505.

Mirat-t-stkhandari, ‘Ali Muh. Khan (¢rs. Z.
Clive Bayley)—Guijrat affairs 535 ; persons
562 and 614, 612; Gialiar jewels 613.

Mirror-stone, (/arghdna) 7.

Miscellaneous Works, Greaves—Observatories
79,

Mohl, Jules—date of revision of Z7arikh-t-
firtshta 694 (Z. and D.’s Hist. of India tz,
209). ;

Mongolia, N. Prejevalsky (tvs. Z. Delmar-
Morgan)—aimdag 49, explained Add. Notes
P. 49.

* Moon-stroke 608.

Mountain-tasses leading into the valley of
Bamian, Lt.-Gen. E. Kaye, C.B. [PRGS.
1879)—birds 213.

Mubin (Exposition), Babur—date of composi-
tion (928 au.) 426, 437 ; described 437-8 ;
Babur’s choice of its title 630, 653 ; thought
during its composition 449 ; quoted 630 ;
sent to Samarkand 653.

Mughuls and Babur :—a faithful Mughil
87-8 ; Mughils enter his service 58-9, 189,
190-2-4 ; 245; support Jahangir against
him see z.@. sn. Tambal, ‘Ali-dost ; offer
to supplant him by Sa‘id Chaghatai 351 ;
sent to help him 101-4, oppose him 115;
desert him 86—7, 104-5; Five Rebellions
against him 105, 208, 313-4, 345-9, 361-
2-3, 397; his following purged of them
427; his comments on them 66, 104-5,

861

Index III. General

115-40, 172; a Mughiil chief’s dying com- —

ment on them 363; ‘‘ Mughil dynasty” a
misnomer 158.

Muhammadan Dynasties, Stanley Lane-Poole
—Table of Timurids 262 ; various 479-82 ;
certain Aiizbeg deaths 636.

Mw’inu’d-din al Zamji (/.A. xvz, 476, de
Meynara’s art.)—Kichik Mirza’s Egyptian
information 257.

Muntakhabw l-lubab, Muh. Hashim Kh(aw) afr
Khan—[see un. on fp. named], a source
for filling Babur-nama gaps 208 ; Sihrind,
Sar-i-hind 383; siege of Chandiri 596;
vg Babur’s chronogram of the victory

96.

Muntakhabu't-tawirikh, ‘Abdu’|-qadir Bada-
yuni (trs. Ranking, Lowe) Uasan Hijri 153;
Babur’s Script 228, App. Q, Ixii, arrow-
sped couplet 361 ; 4Zubin 437-8 ; Chrono-
gram of Sikandar Zwd2’s death 427; the
haunted field of Panipat 472; Hasan
Miwati 523; Shaikh Giran 526; Farighi
621; Muh. Ghaws 690; quotes Babur’s
Funeral Ode 709.

“*Musalman” as used by Babur 99, 104, 268,
481, and by Shaikh Zain 553-5,

Musalman Numismatics, O. Codrington —
various coins 632 [see /RAS. 1913-4].

Music—instruments :—‘azd (lute) 292, 395;
chang (jews’-harp) 303; drum see s.m. ;
ghachak (guitar) 291 ; zai (flute) 291, 303 ;
ganim (dulcimer) 278 ; gadaz (guitar) 39 ;
—modes :—76 n. 5, 136, 287, 422 ;—
performers :—39, 278, 286-7, 291, 292,
422 (Babur) ; at entertainments Jass7m ;—
Bana’i’s rapid progress as a musician 287.

Noticeable words :—dimdg 51 etc. Add.
Note P. 51; ming = P. hastra 52; ming-
begi see giichin ; mthman-beg 227.

Nadir Shah Pref. xlvii.

Nagarahara, Simpson [J ASB. xiii?)—App. E.
xxiii.

Narrative of the Journey of the Embassy to
Kashghar (Varkand), H. W. Bellew —
Satiiq-bighra Khan 29.

Nasal utterance—its seeming products ‘‘ zing”
(var.) = nine, App. E, xviii, xix, and
** Tank” = Taq 233.

Natural History—Beasts :—those common to
Kabul and Hind 222; wild ass 224, 325;
wild buffalo 490, 657 ; baghii-marél 8, 10,
114, 373, 491, 500 ;—elephant described
488, encounters with rhino and camel 451,
631, 657, in battle 463-70, 457-66-68,

1 Inn. 5 for ‘

farses " read Jarrvan, and xead Blanford, ; Ya i a
2 which vead (I. 17) for yak rang. The name Jak-ding appears due to the clapping of the bird’s mandibles
and its pompous strut ; (cf. Ross’ Polyglot List, No. 336).

529, 668, in hunting 657, killed bya fleeing _

foe 662, killed in Makka 563, statues of, m

at Gialiar 609, various 590, 628-58 ;—
erming-weasel 492 ; yellow fox 114 ; flying-
fox (bat) 500 (and x. 6 where read f. 135);
gaini cattle 492; goat 16, 83; hare 10, —

114 ;—4iyik :—black buck, hog-deer and —
a smaller deer 222, 491, ag kiyit (white)
6, 8, 10, 491, gisil Riyih, argarghalcha
(dun sheep) 224, 491 ;—tree-mouse 492;

monkey, ape 211, 222, 492 ; musk-rat 214;
nil-gau 222, 490; pig 114; gachgdr (ram)

492 ; karg (rhinoceros) 378, 450-1-89, 557;
squirrel 492; flying squirrel 213'; tiger

393, 664; yak (gitas) 55,155, bahri gutas

485, 490, App. M.—Birds :—migration
220-4; catching 220-4-5; common to
Hind and Kabul 220; decoy-birds 225;
impeded flight 214, 496; special notes on
App. B and N; combined sex-name 500;
ding (adjutant) 398, 498 ; dak-ding? (adju-

tant) 499 ; daghri-gara see sand-grouse and
App. N. ; Indian bustard and Great bustard
498 ; Large buzak (black ibis) 499 ; white
buzak 499, 500 1. 2; buzzard (T. sar) 499,
5003; chameleon-bird see Jakha; cranes
var. 224, 499; crow var. 500; ducks var.
224, 500; egret (gargara) 224; golden —
eagle (4d7 gat) 373, 500; florican 4984;
goshawk (T. garchigha and girghicha) 34,
Add. Note, P. 34, 385; grey heron (aagar)
224, 499; jungle-fowl var. 497; adg-7-
dari 214, 496-7, App. N, xlix (see dakha) ;
kil, koel 501 ; Indian loriquet 494 n. 5;
lakha var. 213, 222, 496, Add. Note, P. 496
(see kabg-i-dari); magpie 500; green
magpie 501 ; mdnek (beef-steak bird) 499 ;
monal 496, 497, App. N, phitl-patkar 497 ;
bulbul (nightingale) 420, 501; northern-
swallow 495 ; parrot var. 493-4 ; partridge

var. 421-93-96-97 ; peacock 493; pelican 4 F
(gatan) 224, App. N, 13 pheasant (gir

>
ghawal) 3, 8, 10, 34, 114, 493-97 (chir) ;
gil-guyirigh (Qarshi-birdie) 84, App. B;
quail var. 34, 497-8 ; sand-grouse One
gara) 84, 498,5 App. B; sdrigh-atish ° 373 ;
shai ak ;—Himilayan starling ? 495 n. 33
pindawati 495; house-mina 495 (add n. ref.
5); pied-mina ib.—sparrow (chiichiig) 8;

snow-cock 213, 421, App. N, 1, (see azha ae
and chiartika tb.) ; white stork 499; karcha

(swift) 501; wag-tail 498, 501; wild fowl ‘a
497 ; little green wood-pecker 501; seemmaj —

500 (‘‘ eagle,’’ add Its colour is black) ;— ~~

Fish and amphibia :— migration 225;

catching 225-7, 406, 682; of Hindustan ;

8 Following the zavzmaj insert ‘‘ Another is the buzzard (T. Sav); its back and tail are red”, (C/ Omission

List under p. 500.)
4 See Omission List under p. 408.

5 After ‘‘Tramontane”, add Its breast is less deeply black.
6 The bird being black, its name cannot be translated

[saragh or savigh means a bird’s song].

862

‘yellow-bird”; as noted on p. 373 savigh = thief ;

fish 503; cray fish 502; unnamed 663;
frog 503; porpoise 502; crocodile var.
501-2, 663 ;—Various :—lizard 501-2;
locust (chitirttka) 421, App. N, 1; mosquito
204; snakes, 8, 147, 406; Flowers :—
Farghana 5, 10; Kabul 215-7; Peshawar
393; Hind 513-5 ;—arghwan (red, the
Judas-tree) 216-7, 305, (yellow) 217;
hibiscus 513; jasmine 515; oleander 514,
580, 610; roses 5, 3214 (cou sr 513:
screw-pine 516; tulips 5, 215, 321 violets
5 ;—Fruits :—Farghana 2, 3, 6, 8, 10;
Samarkand 77, 82-4; Kabul 202-3--8-9-
polar gabe 20-21; Hind 503 to 513,
p. O ;—‘ain-ali 506 ; almond 6, 7, 9,
oe 507- 8; ala-bali 203; apple 2, 'g, 77,
202-20, 507 ; apricot 6, 202 ; badrang 208:
plantain feugiat 208, 504; cherry 203;
chisingi 508; citron var. 203-8-10, 501-
11; clustered-fig 508; coco-nut 509;
colocynth-apple (wz/d gourd) 410-11(where
for khuntal read hunzal); coriander 211 ;
corinda 507; date-palm 410-24, 506-8 ;
date-plum (T. gard-yimish) 203-10; fig
508; grape 3, 77, 202-3-10-12-18-21-
507-8, 646-86-87 ; jack-fruit 506 ; saman
506, 606; jilghiiza (pine-seeds) 203-13;
jujube (sinjid 196, 203; chikda 506;
kamrak 506 (where add, lt has no stone);
lemon 512, 614; lime var. 512; lote-fruit
507 ; lotus-seed (di#dah) 666 ; mango 503 ;
melon var. 10, 82-4, 92, 411, 645-6;
686-7; mimusops 505; myrobalan 508;
nashpatt 3; orange var. 203-10-11, 414,
510, 512, Add. N. P. 512, 614, App. O,
liii; pear 203; peach 203; pistachio 508 ;
plum 82; monkey-jack 506-7; pom-
ranate 6, 8, 77, 202-8, 507; quince 202,
07-12; tamarind 505 (2. ref. to biia)
walnut 203, 508 ;—Trees and plants :—
aman-qara, maize? ) 504, small almond
223, bu7a 505, bata-hkith 224 , clover, trefoil,
sih-barga, yuranchga 6, 209, 346, conifers,
archa, 221-2, cypress 81, 222, dhak 472;
ebony-tree 585, 614, hardwood-elm 81,
grass (cuscus) 631 n. 2, holm-oak 213-16-
23, madder 218, mahuwa 505-8, male-
reed 514, mandrake and its similars 11,
mastic 213-23, millet 81, 215, mulberry
(tat) 248, 494, olive 222, palmyra palm
509, App. O, liv, Pinus Gerardiana, jz/ghaza
203-13, plane 216, 398, poplar var. 13, 15,
(tarik) 145 and 156, 414 (where for ‘‘purs-
lain” read poplar), gargand 223, reed 514,
rice 210, 342, rhubarb 203, 345, 507,
spikenard 392, sugar-cane 208, 388, ¢ada/-
ght 11, tamarisk 14, 463 (where, wrongly,
** Tamarind”’) ;—willow 217, 306, (weep-
ing) 304, App. I, (amdal-bid) 512 ;—Phy-
sical various—Climate :—change on the
Kindirlik-pass (?) 2; meeting places of hot
and cold in Kabul 208 and 229, 220; both
near the town 202; good climate Aiish 4-
6 Kasan 10, Soghd 84, Kabul 263 ;—

Index Ili. General

Climes :—Farghana and Samarkand in the
5th 1, 74; Kabul in the 4th 199 ;—cold,
Akhsi 116, :Hasht-yak 154, Ghazni 219,
526, Khwarizm 219, upper Heri-riid valley
311, Kabul 314 ;—
Various:—dust-storm 520, 32-6; earth-
quake 247, 367; solar eclipse 659 ; ice ;—
Sir-darya crossed on 151; Kabul ice-houses
215; near Parhala 452; none had in Hind
518 ;—malaria :—Andijan 4, Khujand 8;
—rain:—384, 425; rain-making see magic;
rain-talisman 423; rainy season (various)
405, 507, 514-19, 677-8 ;—snow :—208,
215, 252, 314, 373 ; Himalayan snows
485 ; perilous journey in snow 309-11;
snowfall of Samarkand and Kabul compared
77 ;—wind :—Farghana 9 and n. 2, 151;
Kabul 201; upper Heri-riid valley 310;
Hind 520, pestitential 524, 532, 654-7,
does damage to Babur’s writings 658.

Nestorian Church 2.

New account of the East Indies (Edin. 1727),
Alex. Hamilton—Malabar succession cus-
toms 482.

Nigir-naima-i-hind, Sayyid Ghulam-i-‘ali—a
British monument at Panipat 472,

Nine a mystic number—9 Tarkhan privileges
250 ; 9 allowed offences 250; gifts by nines;
[Ci. Shajaratwl-atrak, Miles trs. p. 530,
for the root of reverence for the number
nine].

Notes on Afghanistan and Baluchistan, H. G.
Raverty—I[see nn. on pp. named), Kabul
rulers and river 200; river called Nil-ab
206 ; ‘Aqabain 201 ; Adinapiir-region 207 ;
Ghazni magic spring 219; migration of
fowlers 225 ; Timiir’s pillars of heads 232 ;
place of Zii’n-niin’s death 327; ‘‘ Kakar”
386; ‘‘ Patakh’’ (= da¢-gag = quagmire)
403; But - khak a vahara- site 409 ;—
Various places 206, 220, (Giim-rahan)
236, 238-47-48 (2), ‘* Chariakar” (Char-
yak-ar) 295, 345-73, 403, (Zabul) 405 ;—
Routes 206-9, 212, 228-35-54; book
needs revision 330-67 ; a collaborator 213.

- Notes on the Chugani and neighbouring tribes

of Kafiristan, Col. H. S. Tanner (/RGS.
1881)—map mentioned 209; Dara-i-niir
210, App. F; Ning-nahar App. E, xix.
[Cf. Index IT s.n. chigin.]

Notes on some monuments in Afghanistan, H.
H. Hayden—Babur’s Grave (illustration)
710, App. V, Ixxx.

Nouvelle Géographie; L Asie Antérieure,
Réclus—[see un. on pp. named), Farghana
4, 5, 9; distances (Akhsi) App. A, v,
(Tirmiz-Hisar) 57 ; Samarkand 74, 83, 88 ;
Mil-i-radagan 622; Kadgar (z.a. Qajar)
666 ; sighnag = fort App. Q, Ixiv ; daban
and other pass-names 54,

Noticeable words :—P. xadir a 66, 72 ;
nthilam (game-driving) 45 ; M. za#yaz 131,
224-73.

863

Index III. General

Observatories see Astronomy.

Omens—of the sex of an unborn child App. L ;
of success 466, 558.

Onau, Sir Charles Elliot — Badshah-nagar
named from Babur’s halt 675.

**Oolak” (baggage-boat), perhaps from T.
atligh, great 663.

Open-table, maintainers of 39, 45-9, 119, 227.

Opium-eater 385.

Oriental Biographical Dictionary, T.W. Beale
(ed. Keene) see Dictionaries.

Oriental Proverbs, T. Roebuck—the ‘‘ five-
days’ world” 50.

Noticeable words :—M. Oghlat = T.
Dighlat = Qingir-at of Atizbegs 22.

Padshah—uses of the word 1 ; title assumed by
Babur 344.

Padshih-nama, ‘Abdu’l-hamid—/acune in an
early copy of the Babur-nadma App. D, x.

Padshaih-nama, Muhammad Amin Kazwini—
Babur’s gardens in and near Kabul App. V;
[cf. Malfuzat-t-timiri).

Pagan see Kafir.

Painting and painters—22, 78, 111, 272-91.

Painting and Painters of Persia, Martin—
Bih-zad 291.

Pargiter, Mr. F. E.—on ‘‘ wu/sa”’ 487-8, Add.
Note, P. 487.

Pass-names 54,

Pass-words see Military.

Penmanship and scripts—good writers 28, 111,
278, 291; the Baburi-script 228, 642, App.
Q, Ixii.

Pen-names—‘Adili 111, Ahi 289, Ahli 290,

‘Arizi 288, Badakhshi 288, Bana’t 286,
Bayani 278, Fani and Nawal 272, Faraqi
137, Gharbati 261, Hatifi 288, Hilali 290,
Husaini 259, Kami 290, Sharaf 448,
Suhaili 277, Tufaili 278, Wafa’i 38, etc.

Persia and the Persian Question, Lord Curzon
—its ‘‘ Radkan” explained 622.

Persian Grammar, J. T. Platts (ed. Ranking)
lunar months App. L, lxx.

Persian Poets, Six W. Ouseley — Khwaja
Kamal 8.

‘** Pharoah” used as an epithet 39.

Poems of Nizimi (Mecon and Lahor eds.\—
Haft Paikar quoted 6 ; Khusrauu Shirin:
—parricide 85, Add. Note, P. 85; death
inevitable 182 [here Turki], App. D, xi
[here Pers.; Mazon ed. tit, 1589]; Fate an
avenging servitor 251, Add. Note, P. 251
[f. 281 in MS. of 317 ff.) ; swift action a
maker of victory 625; lovers’ marks Add.
Note, P. 16 ;—the Khamsatin 15, 288."

Poems of Niru’d-din ‘Abdwr-rahmin Jami—
an exposition of the Wafahat 284; the
metre of the Subhatu’l-abrar adopted in
the Shaibani-nama 289, and in the Waii-
atyyah-ristla 620 (where read rahman for
‘“vahim’’).

1 For references to Nizami's text, I am indebted to Mr. Beveridge’s knowledge of the poems.

864

Poems of Kipling—‘‘ My Lord the Elephant
208 ; ‘‘ The Border-thief” 308 ; ‘* If
320.

Poison—suspected 302, 576; given to Babu:
541; revealed by ‘rhino-horn 489; anti- —
dotes, lime-juice 511, Lemnian Earth 543.

Political Mission to Afghanistan and Seistan,
H. W. Bellew—birds at Ab-istada 240 10;
Qandahar 430, App. J, xxxiii. ie

Polyglot List of Biras, E. Denison Ross, Ph.D, —
—373, 495-6-7-8, 500; App. M, xlvi.

Popular Religion of Northern IndiaW. Crooks —
—Sarsawa 467. 3

Beevers, The Five—‘Umar Shaikh’s obsery- —
ance of 15 ; voluntary Sunnat-prayer 100; —
Babur (ez. 12) less neglects the after-mid: a |
night prayer 44; Ahmad Miran-shahi —
observes on drinking. days. 33; a reverse
case 111 ; Erskine on their ‘ ‘performance te
258 ; time expressed by their names passin.

Prisoners—rebels killed 69, 113; war-captives —
killed 233, 466-8; set free 37, 237, 313, =e
ie 413; traitors pardoned 317-9, 320, =
345. ae:

Projectile-throwing engines of the ancients, Sir
us F, Payne-Gallwey—stone ammunition
667... 3

Promotions—to beg’s rank from the household-
circle 104 ; household beg to Great Beg 86,
104 ; yasawal to beg 273 ; to begship 87,
114, 278 ; gurchi to ghr-begt 252 ; brave to
beg 396 ;—a beg self-made 118; (‘Askari) a.
to preside in Diwan 628; (a Mirza) to —
royal insigna 662, 706; to use of the /a#gh —
(standard), frequent.

Proverbs and sayings—90, 117, 24-5-8, 145—
66-77-82-84-90-93, 223-7-8, 254, 310,
453-94, 542-3, 703.

Punishments—beard shaved off 404; blinding _
50, 63, 95, 194, 266; bow-stringing 110,
194; quartering 238, 454, 543; hanging
345; impalement 341; nose-slitting 234,
383 ; parade mutilated 404, 234; shooting
543; skinning alive 542 ; for disloyalty 70,

113.

Puns and Quips—44, 115, 136-7, 150, 189,
287, 391, 529, 648.

Noticeable words :—P. /akr and Em ee
distinguished 634 ; postin 10. ;

Qandahar in 1879 av., Le Mesurier—the old
town 431 ; stone-ammunition 20, Cam

Qandahar see La grande inscription de Q. |

Qasidatw l-burda, Al- busiri—Babur works from
its motive 620 ; [cf. Réné Basset],

gibla—discrepancy 79.

gtzil-bash {red-head) 266, 618-22-30-35.

The Qoran (és. G. Sale)—quoted by Babur
194, 316, 449; read by or to him, reme-
dially, 401, Add. Note, P. 401, 585;
copied by him in his Script 228 ; obeyed
as to the Khams (5th) of booty 324; re-

ferred to by him 517 ;—‘Umar Shaikh a
reader of 15, Preface xxx ; transcribers of
38, 481 ; recited 246, 301 ; frequent quota-
tions by Shaikh Zain 553 to 6, 559 to -74;
quoted ona Samarkand arch 77 ; sworn on
179, 557; Shaibani makes exposition of
329 ; a collection of homonymous verses
285; Sale’s Intro. referred to 562-3,

Quatremére, E.—(WV. e¢ Ex.) 446-59, (/. des
Savans, 1843) 605.

Qtranu’s-sa‘dain, Amir Khusrau—a couplet
quoted 503 (H.B.).

Neticeable words :—gdbag 34; giachar
(punned on) 44 ; gai (a measure) 7 ; gara-
tiyag 101, 103; gazaglar (guerilla times)
35; gaptal (part of a saddle) 253; giba-
yuzlug (fat-faced) 14; gurchi (armourer,
life-guardsman) z.@. 188, 288; gachin =
ming-begi 26, 40; gurghan (walled-town)
z.a. 3, 5,8, 10; gé#riag (reserved land) 81,
168, 197; géshig (improvised dance and
song) 24; gumiz (fermented mare-milk)
155; gichish (embrace) 160; gilach (a
measure) 406.

Races of Afghanistan, H. W. Bellew—Khilich
29 (where read title as above).

Raft—(Farghana) 161, 180; (Kabul) 410-41-
12-21-22-23, 447-8.

Raimacts ita, H. Sastri (Memoirs, AS Bengal)
Nagarahara App. E, xxiii.

Rampur MS. of Babur’s Diwan, Preface 1,
App. Q.

Rapid travel—Aira-tipa to Baba Khaki 25;
Kishm to Qandahar 621; Kabul to Agra
621.

Rashahat-t-‘ainw l-hayat [Tiicklings from the
Fount of Life\ ‘Ali Kashifi — Khwajaki
Khwaja 62; Ahrari 620; [ot known to
Erskine).

Rauzatu s-safa, Mir Khwand—referred to (?)
141; Baba-i-kabuli 14; Hazaraspi 50; a
chronogram 85; the Chaghatai Khans
(908 an.) 161.

Récuetls @ ltinéraires, Th. Radloff—fruit as

food in C. Asia 3, 114; position of Yiti-
kint 11; elevation to Khanship 21; Pul-i-
mougak 68 (Khorochkine’s art.) ; battle-
cries 163.

Reports :—

,, onthe Ghilzat country, J. S. Broadfoot
fed. W. Broadfoot]— birds at Ab-
istada 240 ;

s, Of the Indian Archeological Survey,
Cunningham & Ferguson—[see mz.
on pp. named), places Babur visited
475-6 ; a Gualiar dynasty s term of
rule 477; Chandiri 592-7, App. R,
(plan) ; Gialiar 605-7 to 13; App.
R, (plan); Sambhal 687 ;—Annual
Report 1914—os-mindar 629 ;

ne o* Karnal, D. Ibbetson—Mundahirs

00 ;

Index III. General

Reports :—

», Of Mission to Kashghar, Col. J. Bid-
dulph’s art.—maral 8 ;

Persian Boundary Commission, W.
T. Blanford’s art.—Pvreroclas arena-
rius App. B, vi;—A. Gérard’s art.—
irrigation-channels of Aish (Ush) 4;

Settlement Operations etc., Reid—
old alluvium on the Gogra 667 ; nar-
rowing of the river 669 ;

Reports (7. O. Zzbrvary) I, VI, VII, J. Wood
—vine-culture 210 ; Ghiir-bund 214 ; do0tr
(a plant) 222; climate-shed 229 ;—VI,
VII, D. Leach—204-5-6-13-38 ;—IX, X,
Alex. Burnes—Kabul 199; unchanging
trade-habits of Luhanis 235.

** Rescue-passage” 182, App. D; Preface xlv
{No., viii).

Revenue Accounts (Bengal), ¥. Gladwin—
‘dating of 935 an. 629, App. S; tandé-
measure 630.

Revenue resources of the Mughal Empire, E.
Thomas—coin-values 446; samghd 553;
Sikandari tanka 577.

Revenues various—Farghana 12, Tatar Khan
Ladi’s 383, Kabul-town 250, Hindustan
520, App. P..

khétorigue, Gargin de Tassy—combinaisons
énigmatigues 202.

Ride from Samarkand to Herat, N. Grodekoft
(tvs. Marvin)—Pul-i-chiragh 69; Char-
shamba 71.

Riyazu’ s-salatin, Ghulam-i-husain — a Lidi
alliance 482.

Roads measured—Agra-Kabul 629 ; Munir to
camp by horse-paces 666; Chunar east-
wards 659.

ruler, mzsfar—a new one for copying the
Walidiyyah-risala 643.

Russian Policy in Central Asia, Grigorief
(Schuyler’s Turkistan App. I1V)—Babur’s
embassy to Moscow App. Q, Ixiii; Peter
the Great’s embassy to Bukhara Preface
p. liti.

+) 99

>? 29

Sachau, C.—on the Malfuzdat-i-timiri 653.

Sahth-i-bukhari, Ismail Khartank—his native
land 76.

Sainthood—courage a witness to 90.

Siyarw l-muta‘akhirin, Ghulam-i-husain Khan
—trepanning 105.

Salt, fidelity to 125, 440.

Samarkand begs—action of 52, 62, 86, 124-5.

Samarkandis—displeased with a Mirza 42;
oyerjoyed at his death 52 ; no scarcity ina
siege 64; move against Bukhara 65; oppose
Babur 72; their orthodoxy 75; joy at
Babur’s return 131-3.

Sanctuary 63.

Sang-lakh see Dictionaries.

Sart, Sairt—Babur’s serviceable use of the
name 6, 7, 149; a “‘ Sairt ” ’s blunder 169.

Science of Language, Max Miiller—guest-tribes
224s

865

Index III. General

Scottish service for the Babur-ndma, Preface
xvii, xlviii.

Second Afehan War (Oficial Account)—its
maps 201-6, 229, 314-32 ; Char-dih 200 ;
Qandahar App. J, xxxiii ; ‘Ali-masjid 450 ;
a valuable book in following Babur’s cam-
paigns, 333.

Second Journey through Fersia, J. J. Morier
(Haji Baba)—a bird App. B, vi. -

Sects, Muhammadan—MéAataridiyah, Ash ‘ari-
yah, Abt Hanifa’s 75-6, Shafi‘i 283 ;
Radiyan 625.

Shahi Kings of Kabul, Sir Aurel Stein—200.

Shih-naima, Firdausi [trs. Warner| Chachi
bow, Ahadang arrows 13; much read 15;
Baqi Tarkhan sketched 40 ; a couplet 557 ;
a quatrain 571.

Shatbani-nima, Muh. Salih Mirza [ed. Vane-
béry|—{see nn. on pp. named\, writes
** Shaibani”? not Shaibag 12; Sh.’s mar-
riages, with Babur’s sister 17-8, 147, and
with Zuhra Adzbeg 126-8; his dealings
with Zuhra’s son ‘Ali 126-8, with Babur
144-6-7, with the Chaghataéi Khans 182-
3-4; later action 191-2 ;—Tambal 145,
244; others 40, 62, 101, 196; Chin Sifi
242-56; Khusrau Shah’s’ jewels 144;
Oghlat (Diighlat) 22 ; Chirkas sword 65;
Khwast a hell 221, daghri gara App. B,
v, vii; the book and its author 64, 120—-1-7
[f. Tuhfa-c-Sami 1.0. 655, f. 342),

Shajarat-i Turk, Abi |-ghazi Mirza[ed. Frehn,
trs. Désmaisons|—{ see nn. on pp. named),
**Nurim’’ Sherim eéc. 293; an archer’s
mark 34; san=dim 154; tighai, tiga
(bend of a river 643 ; a Shaban sultan 265 ;
of Babur’s descent see its Introduction.

Shajaratw l-atrak, Ailugh Beg Shahrukhi (trs.
Miles) —Babur’s descent see its Introduc-

tion.
Sharaf-nadma, Sharaf Khan (és. F. Z£,
Charmoy)—Battle of Jam 635.
Sharafu’d-din ‘Ali Yazdi—his book on

enigmas 201; his Zafar-nama (see 5.7.)
Preface xxix.

Shaving—Babur’s first 187; Humayiin notes
his in the B.N. 466; beard shaved as
punishment 404 ; untrimmed by vow 552 ;
head shaved 408, 649,

Shi‘a heresy—instances 258-62-86, 111 (and
return) ; Babur’s fatal Shi‘a alliance, 347—
54-55-61, Preface xxxv.

Sikh religion—Nanak’s exposition to Babur
461 ; Nanak and Daulat Khan 74.

Siydsat-nima [Tratté de gouvernement),
Wazir Nizamu’l-mulk, [ed C. Schefer|—
use of a whip in making count of an army
154

Slaves—slave-women retaliate on their owner’s
murderers 63, are captured at the Samar-
kand ditch 73, taken by crocodiles 502 ;
slave-agents in poisoning Babur 541 ;—

1 Cf. Mr. G. Murray’s trs. (Euripides i, 86) suggesting that the Wooden Horse was a sa7-kod.

866

Shah Beg’s faithful slave see Sambhal ;
chief-slave 346 ; slave-trade between Hit
and Kabul 202.—Mingli Bibi, a slay
woman 269. ie
Song by Wordsworth recalled—the ‘‘ undying —
fish” 305. ag
Spanish Literature, Ticknor—Montalvan on —
Lope de Vega 287. a
Sport and politics under an Eastern sky, Lord
Ronaldshay—marda/ 8. i:
», and Travel, F. C. Selous—maral 8.
Square seal—Abii-sa‘id’s 28. a
Standards (igh, gatas-tugh—acclaimed 155;
bestowed 372 efc.; Babur’s 140-66 e/c. y
Sulikw l-mulik, Fazl b. Ruzbahan /sfahdnt
—value as a source 348; supports the
form ‘‘ Babur” 356. “a
Supplément etc., R. Dozy see Dictionaries. os
Swimming-——man and horse in mail 140, 237;
man and horse bare 237 ; competition 401;
on bundles of reeds 673; Babur’s(in mail)
140, 603-55-660-61. 28
words :—P. sar-i-sabz,
green-head 66,703; P. sar-kob 53-91;
sangur 232; sighnag, ascript App. Q, xiii,

Noticeable

Tabagit-i-akbari, Nigamu'd-din Ahmad—[see
nn. on pp. named), Baburi Script 228,
App. Q, lxii; Jang-jang 370; date of
Shah Beg’s death 437; Hazaras serve
Babur 457; Gujrataffairs535; Multan
affairs 699; Babur’s Kashmir force
692-8; the author’s father 691; pro-
posed supersession in Hind of Babur’s
sons 644-88-92-93, discussed 702 ff. ;
the book plagiarized 693 ; an

5, -¢-ba@burt, Shaikh Zainu’d-din Khawa@fe
see B.N. and Zain ; ie
5, -2-nasivt, Minhaj [érs. Raverty] Satiq-
biaghra Khan 29 [where read Tabagat\;
Chandwal 537 ; quoted by Babur 479;
described by Erskine 279 ; used in Ap-
pendix E, xxiii.
tamgha (lit. stamp), a transit or customs duty ;
250; forms the revenue of Kabul town 7.,
Husain Bai-gara marks his stamps Bih bud
(valid) 271; remission of 553-95; a fam- —
ghachi clerk 629,

Tarikh-i-‘alam-ardi, Mir Sikandar—l[see #72.
on pp. named), its Safawi outlook 349 ;
Tahmasp’s. Aiizbeg campaign 622;
Battle of Jam 623; insignificant appear-
ance of ‘Ubaidu’l-lah 636.

5, -2-badayiini see Muntakhabw t-tawartkh,

», -t-daudi, ‘Abdu’l-lah—‘‘ Shaikh” and
‘* Mian ” interchangeable titles 457.

5, -t-firishta, Muh. Qasim Firishta [i7s.
Major-Gen. J. Briggs|—‘Umar Shaikh
13; a mistake 15; Babur’s reluctance
to rank himself with Timir 134; his
single combats 329; his sobriquet

Qalandar 523; his Embassy to Persia
540; his siege of Chandiri 596 ;—
Yar-i-‘ali Balal 91; Ghazi Khan’s
literary culture 460; the cognomen
jan-dir 566; Badrii-ferry over Gogra
667 ;—value of the book as a source
208, 349, 694; date of its revision 694.

Tarikh-t-Gialiarwar, Jalal Hisarit and Hira-

99

“

>

>

99

man—Gialiar 605; Khw. Rahim-dad
697, 688, 704.

-t-Haji Muh. ‘Arif Qandahari—account
of Qandahar 348.

-t-Khan-t-jahan Lidi, Ni‘amatu’l-lah
—helped in his book by Haibat Khan
693.

-?-vashidi, (Muh. ] Haidar Mirza Diigh/at
[ed. Ney Elias, trs. E, D. Ross\—
Places :—Almaligh 2; Yiti-kint 11;
Qilat-i-nadari 263; Qila‘-i-zafar 21 ;
Herat 306; Qandahar [Insc.] App. J,
xxxv; Tribes efc. :—tiiman-begs 17;
guchin 28; chuhrazirga App. H, xxvii;
Chaghatais and Mughils distinguished
320; Chaghatai or Timurid supremacy
344, Begchiks 50, 712 or Chirds 155;
Tarkhans 31; Greek descent 317;
Jigraks 55; Turkman Hazaras 311;
Persons :—12—App. A, iii; 21; 23;
32; 48; 62; Jahangir 183, 254-94-
302; 195-242-56; 249-272; 273;
330-41-96-7; 409; 641; 6946;
Varia :—fruit as food 3; yak, gitas
App. M, xlvii; on joint-rule 293 ;
epoch-making events 20, 35, 158, 182,
350; Babur :—name 17; character 194,
320; Script App. Q, Ixii; disastrous
expedition (910 AH.) 241 ; relationships
246 ; single combats 349 ; Tramontane
campaign 349 to 366; hospitality to
exiles 350 ; a frontier affair 412 ; onset
of last illness 706 ; Haidar :—his life
saved 21 ; descent and other particulars
22 ; excuses his father 317 ; his list of
tribes and chiefs valuable 415; his
book of great and, perhaps, unique

value for Babur’s /acune@ 347-8; re-—

ferred to Preface xxxiv, xxxviii; his
Codex xli, xlii (No. iv) ;
-t-salatin-t-afaghana, Ahmad Yadgar
[ part-trs. EB. & D, vol. 7}—Hindustan
in 929 aH. 439-40; Panipat 474;
Babur’s visit to Lahor (936 Au.) 604—
98 to 700, 703-6; Mundahirs 700 ;
anachronism 707 ; Babur’s “‘ selection”
of a successor 707 ; importance of its
contribution for filling a lacuna 693,
702-6.
-2-shahrukhi, Niyaz Muh. Khukandi—
tradition of a babe abandoned 358.
-t-sher-shahi, ‘Abbas Khan Sarwani—
** Shaikh ” and ‘‘ Mian” 457; ‘Azam
ree 477; Sher Khan Sz 659,

-4-Sind, Muh. Ma‘sim Bhakhari—a

Index III. General

chief authority 336, 428; Shah Beg
338, 427, (death) 437; sieges of
Qandahar 431 to 436; the Inscription
App. J, xxxiii.

Tarkhan—suitable meaning 31 [where add
ref. E. & D.’s H. of I. i, 300, 20, 21, 498]
privileges nine 250; not given to all
Arghin chiefs 249 n.2; a merchant
Tarkhan 133; marriages 49, Preface xxviii;
revolt 61 to 64, 86, 112; see s.x. Nine
& H. Beveridge’s note on Etruscan names).

Tarkhan-nima or Arghiin-nima, Sayyid
Jamal—a useful source 428.
Tawarikh-t-guzida — (Select Histories) —

fashions of sitting and kneeling 33,
54-9; Tilin Khwaja Mughal 66;
supplements the B.N. 127.

», -2-haft-t-rahmat-khani (part-trs. H.
Beveridge AQR. 1901)—Bibi Mubar-
ika’s marriage with Babur 375, App. K,
An Afghan Legend.

Tazkiratu’sh-shu‘ara (Memoirs of Poets)
Daulat-shah (ed. Browne)—I[see nn. on
pp. named), Akhsikiti 9; dates of
Mahmiid JA/iran-shahi’s boyhood 46 ;
Ahmad Mushtag 47 ; Hazaraspi 50; a
couplet 85 ; Husain Bdai-gara 259-60-
73; Géazur-gahi’s good birth 281;
Rabat-i-sangbast 301-30 ; Bih-bid Beg
App. H, xxvi-vii; Radagan-(town)
622; Jjami’s birthplace 623 ;—the
author in the battle of Chikman-sarai
A4G.; one of his collaterals 274.

», -2-Sultan Satig-bighra Khin-—a seem-
ing descendant 29.

», -t-Lahmasp, Shah Tahmasp Safawi (ed.
D. C. Phitllott)—Div Sultan 635 ;
battle of Jam 636.

». -2- Wagt*at (var.) Jauhar (tvs. C. Stewart)

. —outside literary criticism 619 ; a date
oe which Babur’s body lay near Kabul

09 :

Tents—dlachiig 188; aitégh 339; ag-awi=

chadar 169-88, 239, (flooded) 339, 678 ;
char-tag 264; khar-gah (=hibitka, and
Glachug ?) 239, 678 ;—shamiana (awning)
re ; tunglig (roof-flap) 678 ; pesh-khana
678.

Thesaurus, Meninsky—éddaghrigara cry App.B,
vi; bahri-gitds App. M, xlvi.

Thomas, F. W., Ph.D.—his help App. J,
Ixxiv with Preface lii.

Thorn-defences 487. :

Timiir-pilad, buys a Codex of the Wagz‘nama-
z-padshahi q.v.

Three ( Turki) MSS. from Kashghar (ed. Sir
E. Denison Ross\—the title Juin-wang 567.

Through unknown Pamirs, O. Olufsen—yak
App. M, xlvii.

The Times—on diverse names of a single
place 209.

Tongues and utterance—Andijin Turki 4;
Farsi (Persian)-speaking Sarts of Asfara 7;
Kabul’s polyglot tongues 207; Mughili-

867

Index III. General

speaking Hazaras ; Babur on clipped Hindu-
stani utterance 380, and on the words
Kas and Sawalak 485.

Trade—202-35, 331, 416-85.

Traditions—4, 5; one versed in 283-4.

Translators :—Babur [ Wa/.-rzs.]; E. C. Bayley
(AZirat); A. S. Beveridge [s.7.]; H. Bever-
idge [s.2.]; H. Blochmann [s.z.]; H. S.
Jarrett [Ayiz]; J. Briggs [Zar.-zjir.];
F. C. Charmoy [Sharaf-2.]; W. Clarke
[Diwan-z-H.]; A. P. de Courteille [AZéms.];
Delmar-Morgan [JZong.]; Desmaisons
[.Shaj.-2-Turk]; E. B. Eastwick [Gad.];
H. M. Elliot and J. Dowson [Z. of Z.];
Forster & Daniel [Zzfe of O. de B.); C.
Hamilton [Adayat]; W. H. Lowe &
G. S. A. Ranking [A/Zunt.]; H. E. Lloyd
[ Zravels]; G. du Laurens [ Voyages]; C. E.
Markham [Zyméassy]; R. Marvin [Ride];
W. Ouseley [Or. Geo.]; F. Pélis de la
Croix, elder & younger | Histotre];G.S. A.
Ranking [see Lowe ; and ‘Ariz]; H. G.
Raverty [ Za@d.-z-7.]; M. Reinaud [Geo.];
G. Sale [Qoraz]; B. R. Sanguinetti & T.
Lee [7Zravels}; H. Sastri [Rama.J; C.
Stewart [7az.]; A. Vambéry [.Shaz.-2.];
Warner [SAdh-n.]; E. H. Whinfield
[Afas. and ‘Umar.

Transliteration 2.

Transmigration 518.

Travelsin Bukhara, Sir Alex. Barnes—[see 2m.

on pp. named |, nuzla, a Panj-ab disease
446 ; water-fall fishing 227 ;

», tn Europe and Asia, Peter Mundy (ed.
Sir R. Temple)-—baoli (a well) 533;
Gialiar 605.

;, 7 India, Pietro della Vallé—the morn-
ing-draught 395,

», Of lon Batita \trs. Sanguinetti & Lee)
—Samarkand the Protected City 75,
Add. N.P. 75 ; Kajwarra 590 ; Rahim-
dad 693; 704.

,, @ Kashmir, G. T. Vigne—yak and
kosh-gau App. M, xlv-vii.

», @# Panj-ab \etc.), Mohan Lall—Herat
305-6; Qandahar Insc: App. J; Babur’s
burial-place 710.

»» Of the Russian Mission, G. Timkovsky
[ts. H. £. Lloyd) fruit as food 3.

on the Upper and Lower Amoor, T. W.

Atkinson—marda/ 8.

Tribes and Castes of the N.W.P. and Oude,
W. Crooke—Jats 454; Nuhani (or
Luhani) 455; Jaghat (serpent) 456; Tank
481.

Tribes and other groups :—

Afghan :—‘Abdu’r-rahman 403 ; Afridi
411-2; Aighan 217-20; Aiiriiq-zai 526 ;
Bilit 248; Birki 207; Dilah-zak 231,
367-94, 412-3; Dilah-zak Ya‘qiib-
khail 394; Gagiani 251; Ghilji 323-31 ;
‘Isa-khail 233 ; Jasawal var. Jaswan 462

1 Abi'l-ghazl_ classes Manghit with Mughul tribes, Radloff with Turk tribes (Récuetls p. 325), Erskine

says, ‘‘modern Nogais.

865

Jalwani see Index1I; Khattak 439; Khirilchi —
208-20-49-413 ; Khizr-khail 413; Khi
giani 220; Kiwi 233; Kirani, Kara:
Kararani 233, 477; Landar 220; Ladi —
481, Index I; Lidi shasa-khail i.e.
Sahi-khail 465; Ladi Sarang-khani —
540, 654; Luhani see Nuhani; Mahmand
221, 323-—31-45 ; Muhammad-zai 376
(where read as here); Nia-zai 233;
Nuhani 235 (f. 455 ~.3), Index I; Pani
540; Pashai(?) 207; Samii-khail(Khirilchi?)
412; Sir 233; Tarkalani 242, 424; Tari
220; Waziri 413; Yisuf-zai 231, 371-3-5-
6, 400-10-19 ;—Afghans of Bhira 399,
Ghazni 218, Sind riverain 218-36, Kabul
207-21 ;—Afghan thieves 208, 3414; Afghan
warrings in Hind 426, and power 480-1;
serving Babur 522; bad-mannered 451 ;—

Aliz-beg (‘‘Uzbeg”) :—2, 37, 135, 622,
IndexI; Aiiz-beg Qazzaq (‘‘Cossack”)233
Aliz-beg Mankfit 195 ;— Bins

Chaghatai z.e. Chaghatai Khan’s tribal
appanage) :—extinct but fortheir Khansin
1547 (953 au.) Zar. Rash. trs. 149; near
Heri 320, 689 ; its Kohbur clan 55; high
families in, Sighal 66, 72, Nawa’i’s (Judex
/); distinguished from Mughiils 320, 354,
Turks 340 ;— a,

Mughuls of the Horde:—1i05-92; —
timans (groups of 10,000) :—Barin 19,
473; Begchik 155; Chiras 158; Sagharichi
20; sub-divisions (?) :— Bishaghi (var)
473; Darbain 60; Itaraji161, 415; Jalair
91; Kiinchi 20; Qalmaq 23; Manghit
101 *;—Mughil devastation 2, 98,172,362;
faithlessness 105, 140 e¢c.; conduct on the
Chir 17, 31-4; the Horde divided 19; its
dislike for cultivated lands 12; its dimags
in open land 221-54—55; return from en-
forced migration 20, 350-1 ;— * ee

Turk:—Afshar 354; Atighir(4wightr, —
Uighiir) 40, 118; its Ishrit clan 40, 65;
Barlas 51, 429, Index1I; Barlas Dialdai
25, 37; Darya-khani 231, 589; Istiljai
353; Khilij 482; Qipchaq 19, 49;—
Turks of Andijan 4, Kabul-lowlands 207-
15-21; early Turk rulers of Kabul 200;
contrasted with Sarts 149 ;— Uses of the
name, ‘‘Mughil and Turk” 158, 402,
‘*Chaghatai and Turk” 340; ‘* Turk and
Timirid” one 380-2-4-8-9; probable
statement of B.’s descent 320; his claim
to rule in Hind, based on Turk descent ~~
380-2-4; 476-9; Turk warning to Biana
529 j-—

Turkman :— White-sheep Horde 49
(where read White for ‘* Black”) ;—its
Baharli clan 49; its Balal 911 and
Bayandar 279 ;—Black-sheep Horde 10;—
Qajar 666; Turkmans serve Babur 47, 279,
361 ;—features 111 ;—Hazaras (infra);
Tiriiq-shar 101 ;—

aes

Various :—‘Arab 207, 522, 6313 Arlat
(Turk?) 265; Ashpari 104; Asiqanchi
[var. Saqanchi] 197 ; Baliichi 383, 459,
522; Bengali (race) 482; Bugial 452 ; Kafir
212-3, 342-72, 421; Kakar (var.) 387-9 ;
Kas 484 ; Kib (or Kitib) 393; Meos 577;
Farsi (Persian, race) 7, 207, 507-55 ;
Ghiyas-wal (or-dal) 393; Gajar 250, 379-
87, 454; Habshi 483; Janjuha- khail and
Jad- khail 379-80-87 ; Jats 250, 387, 454;
Jigrak (var.) 55, 101; Nikdiri (var.) 196-7,
200-1-7, 275, 326, 430 (ff A. & D. iv,
304, Ti “hdr z) Nil-abi 379 (see Index IZ);
Paraji 207 ;—Rajpit ;—Chihan 573, Tank
sept 481 ;—Tajik 6, 207, 420, 535 ;—

Hazara (1000) :—Gadai or Kidi 250,
Oarliiq 391-3, 403 ; Rustaq [or Rusta] 196 ;
Sl. Mas‘idi 221-8, 525; Turkman 27,
214-51, 311 to 313; Hazaras :—w. of
Kabul 200-7-22, 430; e. of the Sind 457,
522; in the open country of Ghazni 218,
Kabul 221, Heri-riid valley 308; refuge
taken amongst 95; traversed 254.

Tribute—Jigrak 55, Ghazni 240, Visuf-zai
375, Bhira 384, Kakar 391, Bajaur and
Sawad 400, Balkh 402 ; Nijr-ai 421 ; Koh-
i-jid 379.

Tuhfa-t-simi (a Turki anthology), Sam M.
Safawi—Marwarid 278; syphilis 279; a
jeer 648.

The twelve Imams, 258, 354.

Turki tongue, Preface xxvii, Cap. iv.

Turkistan, Alex. Petzhold—Sarts 6.

»5 E. Schuyler—[see nz. on pp. named],
Farghana : i
6, 8; (wind) 9; (out-of-doors life) 29 ;
kitk-bira (a game) 39; Old Akhsi
App. A; Sarts 6 ;—Samarkand : —
67, 74-5-7, 83, (Airgit) 68 ; Kesh 83;
Various :—Sara- -taq pass 129 ; Lake
Iskandar 26. Hazrat Turkistan (shrine)
356; a distance 9; a lizard 501 ;—
Babur’s Moscow Embassy App. Q,
Ixiii ; Gregorief’s Russtan Policy,( App.
zv trs.) Preface, liii.

;» Franz v. Schwarz—autumn fever 4;
running-waters 4, recipe for ma‘jiin

16; yighach (measure) 4; a Kirghis:

measure 196; loess constructions 30 ;
charkh (a hunting bird) 224; Mogol-
tau 8; duties of the Lord of the
Gate 24; suk bara, baiga 39; Greek
descent 22; various App. A, v.
Tusik-ijahangiri, Jahangir Padshah (és.
Rogers and Beveridge)—Bugials 452; Daulat
Khan Laat 461; measures 189; birds 497 ;
kishmish 515; couplet 670; metrical
amusement App. Q, Ixvi-vii; its titles for
Babur varied 24. lxi; Jahangir’s additions
to the B.N. App. D, xiii, Preface xlv
(No. viii), lii; his pilgrimage to B.’s burial-
garden App. V, Ixxx; his stay in B.’s
Garden 70.

Index Hi. General

Noticeable words :—/abalehi, a tree
11; ¢ash-chantai, outside bag (?) 160; ¢ash,
stone confused with ¢ésh, outer 3, 43, 78,
80, 160; /amzi, complete, enclosed 109,
280, 501 (where this better describes the
koel’s song) ; ttipichag a horse and its points
38; 7ir-giz, arrow 34; tirik 36, 362;
P. ¢#, turn of a hill 205-8 etc.; talak
vegetable food, other than grain 114; ¢zz-
yarim, half-dark 100; tara (ordinances)
38, Zura (army mantelets) 108—13-55, 368,
469, 593; tamdn, 10,000, a district com-
mand 17; ¢ég-bdi, one using a standard
313; tiélehuma s.n. Military; ‘tusgawal
224, 314; ¢déighai and tugdi 643.

‘Umar Khayyam’s Quatrains (trs. E. H.
Whinfield) — a couplet Babur’s words
recal 203.

Upper Basin of the Kabul-river, Sir C.
Markham (PRGS. 1879) — Hindu-kush
passes 204, maps of Koh-i-baba 216.

Veliaminof-Zernof, editor of the Sharaf-nuama
635 and Adiashga App. Q, Ixiii.

Vergletchunge-Tabellen des Muh. und Christ-
lichen Zettrechnung, ¥. Wiistenfeld—dates
of 935 AH. 629, App. S.

Verses :—of untraced authorship 332, 316
and 670; verse-making 15, 22, 38-9, 46,
54, 111, 136-7, 154; Babur’s opinion of
Nawa’i’s Turki verse 271; Shaibani’s
verses made public 329; composition on
a model 448 ; — Metrical amusements
585-6, App. Q, Ixv—vi.

Vikramaditya Era 79 (where read began).

Virgil — citron-juice as an antidote 511;
Scorpio and Libra 623.

Visit to Ghuszni (etc.), G. T. Vigne—see nn,
on pp. named), boundary between Afghans
and Khurasan 200; Kabul-river 70.
‘Uqabain 201 ; rhubarb 203; sahibi- grapes
203 ; Dir-nama 215; Running-sands 215;
Pamghan villages 216 ; arghwdan 217 ;—
various :—218-9, 224, 227; *‘ Tank’? for
Taq 233; routes 208, 235 ; Bilah on the
Indus 237 ; see App. E, Xxlii.

Visit to Kafiristan, W. W. Macnair (PRGS.
1884)—Ning-nahar App. E, xxiii.

Voyage dans le Turkistan, Fedtschenko (¢rs.

G. du Laurens) — Sang-aina, Mirror-
stone, 7.

», @ans Ll’ Aste septentrionale, P. S. Pallas
—ag kiyik, argali (Ovis polt) 6.

,, aes Pélerins Bouddhistes, S. A. Julien—
Nanganahara App. E, xviii.

Voyages en Perse et autres liewx d Orient,
Jean Chardin—lovers’-marks 16; square
seal 28; Sikiz-yildiz, Eight-stars 139 ;
kipki ‘* casbeké’’ (a coin) 296; epistolary
etiquette 332.

Wagt‘-nadma-i-padshaht (Record of Royal
Acts), ‘Abdu’l-wahhab akhund of Ghaj-

869.

Index III. General

davan (1709)—(/ound mentioned as the
Babur-nama, the **‘ Bukhira Babur-nima”
and the ‘‘ Bukhara Compilation”) —for its
seeming author’s colophon JRAS. 1900,
p. 474 and Preface lvii; its divergence
from the true text Preface xxxix, its
element of true text (Kamran’s tattered
Codex) li; its dual purpose xxxix, Ixii;
its character xl; its stop-gaps xlv; its use
by Leyden xlviii; Described (as zt zs in
Kehrs transcript) :—Preface, Cap. III,
Parts I and III; its history hii, author
and colophon lvii, (cf JRAS. 1900, p.
474); its identity confused with Babur’s
true text Preface, Cap. III, Part III ;

ITs DESCENDANTS AND OFFTAKES Table
lvii ;—(z) Petrograd F. O. Codex (ax
indirect copy (?), described by purchaser as
Babur-nima, Preface xlili-iv ;

(2) Pet. F. O. School of Oriental
Languages Codex, entitled Babur-nama,
scribe G. J. Kehr—referred to 27 loco :—
diction of the Farghana Section 1, of the
Kabul Sect. 187, of the Hindistan Sect.
445; its Persified character exemplified
147, 150, 167, and Add. Note, 177, (cf
JRAS. 1908, pp. 76, 88); its Latin
version App. J, xxxv, Preface liv ;—Other
references 9, 18, 19, 44-8, 88, 164, 169;
Full contents :—Preface lii ; their recon-
struction by Ilminski lii-iv, (cf Azs own
Preface JRAS. 1900 and a separate form
in B. M., 1.0., R.A.S. Libraries, etc.);
the ‘ ‘ Fragments ”? Preface xlv (No. viii),
lii, (27 loco) 438, 549, (a discussion) 574,
630, 640 (ef JRAS. 1900-6- ~8).

(c) The ‘‘ Babur-nama’’ Imprint (con-
structed and edited by) N. 1. Ulminski—
referred to zz loco, App. D, 227-59, 336,
420, App. I, xxxii; modelled on the L.
and’ E. Memozrs of Baber 326, 337, App.
T, lxxiv, Preface lii (of. Z/minski’s Preface
ref. supra), 5743; Preface :—its Kasan
publication li; its deviation from its sole
basis (Kehr’s Codex) lii; Iminski’s work
and some results lii, with n.1 mid-page,
liv ; his doubts and achievement of a Turki
reading book see his own Preface ref. supra ;

(2) Mémoires de Baber, (French trs. of
liminshi’s Babur-nima) A. Pavet de
Courteille—referred to zu Joco, 215, 227,
346, 347, 407, 446, 478, 489, 559, 632,
App. T, Ixxviii, App. M, xlv ;—the
Mubin not recognized 449, 630 ; an illness
619; mistakenly controverted 468; sur-
mised ground on which it accepted the
** Rescue Passage’? App. D, xiv; its
help in considering Shaikh Zain’s com-
positions 553, 559 ;—questioned readings
223-5, 327-33-69, 421 (chiurtika), 462-
70, 534, 617-19-38-40-47; a surmise
discussed 574 ;—reviewed by Defrémery
562 ; its title Preface xxxiii, translation li,
source liv, diction lix.

870

Water—water-thief 109, -road 595; angi
234 ; under-ground courses of 447,
Wedding-gifts—43, 400.
Wednesday (Char-shamba)—coincidences
the day 71.
Wills -chenbersd (wan, baoli) 532-3; &
548, 552; purified when new 634,
Bi 8 cloth—traded 202; booty 233-4-5- —
-8, i
Whiteway, Mr. R. S.—his help App. Ba a
Vii.
Wilayat = Kabul 414. x
With the Kuram Field- Force, J. A. Ss
Colquhoun—a route 231. .
Wine (¢.e. any fermented liquor) —- ‘ara
(spirit) 385-6-7-8, 453-61-76 ; mahuwa-
flower 505; beer 423; cider (chagir) 83,
Add. Note, P. 83; wines of Bukhara 83, 3
Heri 265, Kabul sate Wr -sal 221, Dara-i
nir 210, 410, App. G; Ghazni. a 3
Kabul-taman 203, Nijr-aii 213 Mei :
211-12, 372 ;—rules i in use :—dri “ae
days 33-4, 111, 447 ; one liquor only 386 ;
no-pressure on a non-drinker 406-10
wine - parties :—Babur protests against — ;
excess 398; excludes drunkards 419, is —
disgusted by drunken uproar 386 and by a
beer-intoxication 423; gives his followers —
freedom to do as Heratis did 304 ; givers a
of ‘‘wines”, Khw. Kalan 371-5, 461,
Shah Beg 400, the Bai-qara Mirzas 299; | a
302, Khw. Muh. ‘Ali 411 (a business- =
party), 413 ;—Babur’ 's breaches of Lowe ot
not committed till cér. his 28th year 83, _
355; resisted temptation in Herat 299, Bt
etc.—his parties associated with beauty of a
scene ¢.g. autumnal 414-16-18; in his
gardens 412, 406 and 420; under a plane- “a
tree 405, at Istalif 406, near an illuminated —
camp 450; after and before long marches — e
(frequent); mention made of (925 AH.)
8375-85-88, 408-10-14-15-16-17-19 ; 3
(926 Au.) 420-1-2-3-4 ; ; (932 an.) 447,
4450-53-61; (933 aun.) 537; ;—drinks bc
a few cups to console 418, out of courtesy
in a charmless place 424 ; ‘‘morning’?
395-8, 415-20-22; gallops when not
sober 388-98 ;—
Other Law-breakers Preface xxix, 16,
33-4, 45, 70, 134, 259-68-73, (woman)
36, 417; Heratis 259, Hisdris 42, Pich-
Kafirs 22 ;— +a
Parties accompanied by improvisation __
26, dancing 299, music (asually); (for
return to obedience see Law and IndexIT
s.a. Babur).
Wordsworth’s ‘‘ undying fish ’’ recalled 305.
Workmen—Timiir’s 77, 520; Babur’s 520,
634.
Wray, Mr. Cecil and Mr.
help 495, 502.

Yajuj and Majuj (Gog and Magog) 560.
Yaqiit see Dictionary of Towns.

io

Leonard—their

Noticeable words :— Vada-tash, jade-_

stone see Magic; ydghrinchi, divination
from sheep’s-blades 233; yighdch, tree,
wood 11, 81; yighach see Measures ;
yigit, a brave 16, 53, 70, App. H, xxvii;
yilag, alp see za. Y@ar- and Birka-;
yinka-chicha, maternal-uncle’s mother-in-
law (?); yinkalik, levirate 23, 267, 306,
616; yukinmak, to bend the knee 301 ;
yustnlig, hereditary 23.

Zafar-naima (Book of Victory z.e. Timir’s)

Maulana Sharafu’d-din ‘Ali Yazdrt —[see
_ mn. on pp. named), places 10, 74-8, 83-4 ;
persons 39, 272; meaning of Sawalak
485 ; Timir’s capture of Qarshi 134 ; his

Index III. General

burial at a saint’s feet 266; his workmen
77, 520; partly translated in Histoire de
Timur Beg g.v.; the book and its main
basis, the Ma/fizat-¢-timiri Preface xxix,
xxx, its author xxxiii.

Zainu’d-din Ahaw4ft (Shaikh Zain)’s writings

—(1) Zabagat-c-baburi g.v.; (2) Mubin,
a Commentary on Babur’s Aubin 438 ;
(3) Harman announcing Babur’s renounce-
ment of wine and remission of ¢amgha-tax
553; (4) Fath-ndma of the victory at
Kanwa 559 to 574; Babur’s reason for
inserting it (4) in his book 559 ; the sole
Letter of victory so preserved 561 ; grounds
against supposing Babur wrote a plain
Turki account of the battle 574.

871

‘OMISSIONS FROM TRANSLATION AND FOOT-
NOTES.

p.7 1.4 pier spot ” add They are notorious in Mawara’u’n-nahr for their
bullying

p.27 1.5 a (1504) ” add when, after taking Khusrau Shah, we besieged Muqim in
abul.

1 ‘‘ paid” add no (attention).

9 enter f. 246.

fr.ft. ‘* Taghai” add and Auzun Hasan.

eC. C, 1.2 ‘* good” add he never neglected the Prayers.

16 * ‘ grandmother ” add Khan-zada Begim.

4 fr.ft. “* childhood” add and had attained the rank of Beg.
9 he add and Sl.Ahmad Tambal.
8 *
1

lL.
1.
8
S

1.

L.

1,

1, ” add to Sang-zar.

1.12 ** service” add did not stay in Khurasan but.

8 1.18 ‘*two” add young (sons).

11.12 ** Jan-wafa” add Mirza.

4 1.7 fr.ft. *‘ that”? add night that.

.3 fr.ft. ‘‘ was” add in my 19th (lunar) year.

61.5 *‘ was” add in my 19th (lunar) year.

91.11 fr.ft. read Jani Beg Sultan.

1 1.10 “‘ Khusrau Shah” add my highly-favoured beg Qambar-i- -ali the Skinner

Mughul, not acting at such a time as this according to the favour he had

received, came and took his wife from Samarkand ; he too went to Khusrau

Shah.

p.143 1.16 ‘* that” add near Shutur-gardan.

p.152 1.12 fr.ft. ‘‘dead ” add A few days later we went back to Dikh-kat.

p.164 Sec. d, 1.6 fr.ft. ‘*for” add Sairam.

p.201 1.12 read Kabul-fort.

p.205 1.10 fr.ft. read “‘are closed for” 4 or 5 months in winter. After crossing
Shibr-tu people go on through Ab-dara. In the heats, when the waters come
down in flood, these roads have the same rule as in winter (*‘ because ” efc.).

p.217 1.11 ‘‘Sih-yaran” add It became a very good-halting-place. I had a vine-
yard planted on the hill above the seat.

p.221 Sec.h, at the beginning zw#serxt The mountains to the eastward of the
cultivated land of Kabul are of two kinds as also are those to its westward
(‘* Where the mountains ” e/c.).

p.230 last line ‘‘men”’ add Khusrau Gagianz.

p.247 1.1 ‘‘Qush-nadir” add meadow.

p.308 1.14 ‘*‘ground” add Moreover it snowed incessantly and after leaving
Chiragh-dan, not only was there very deep snow but the road was unknown.
p.391 March 18th ‘‘darogha-ships” add Sangur Khan Qarlug and Mirza-i-malui
Qarluq came leading 30 or 40 men of the Qarlugq elders, made offering of
a horse in mail, and waited on me. Came also the army of the Dilah-zak

Afghans.

p-393 March 25th 1.2 ‘* out” add from the river’s bank.

p.454 1.5 ‘“‘boat” add There was a party; some drinking ‘arag, some beer.
After leaving the boat at the Bed-time Prayer, there was more drinking in the
khirgah (tent). For the good of the horses, we gave them a day’s breathing on
the bank of this water.

p-468 1.3 ‘‘sent” add Yunas-i-’ali and Ahmadi and (‘‘ ‘ Abdu’ I-lah”’).

p-484 1.14 ‘f Rao” add with four or five thousand Pagans.

p.498 (s.2. florican), ‘‘ colour” add The flesh of the florican is very delicate. As

the Aharchal (Indian buzzard) resembles the ‘ughdag (great buzzard) so the

charz (florican) resembles the ¢ughdirz.

CVISPPPVPP PPP SPT
rr 10 10 ON

874 OMISSIONS FROM TRANSLATION AND F OTNO’

76. (s.n. sand-grouse) “* Tramontana cs add the blackness of its reise is]
cry also is sharper.

p-500 after 111 ‘‘eagle” add (new para.) Another is the buzzard a sar
tail and back are red.

p-506 (s.%. hamrak) *‘long” add It has no stone. —

p-507 n.3 “fname” add also; ‘‘ plantain” add (banana). .
= 510 1.5 see App. O, p. liv for addendum. ; Mea
p-529 1.4 fr.ft. °° Dulpur ” add Gualiar.

p-595 1.19 ‘‘ other” read 2 or 3 (places) 5 the Pagans in the du-tahi Son to '

away; ‘‘ the du-/ahi was taken.”

p-603 1.7 fr.ft. ‘* (3664) ” add and between Ghazipar and Aas . a

p-674 1.2 ‘ river” add in his mail.

p-678 1.2 ‘‘amirs” add Sultan.

p-679 1.8 fr.ft. “‘given” add It was settled that a son of each of Ae sould
always in waiting in Agra; 1. 7 fr. ft. ‘* Araish” add and tne others ; W2 hs
**Saru” add towards Oude.

p-689 1.2 fr.ft. ‘‘laks”’ add and a head-to-foot (dress).

App. Q 1.1 ‘‘ interpret” add those of.

CORRIGENDA.

To ensure notice many of these are entered in the Indices.

Pages

6 1.4 ‘* meadow ” read plain (matdan).
11 n.4, ‘‘siyar” unaccented ; (H.S.)

li vead iii n.n. pp. 18, 38, 48, 244.

12 n.4 1.3 ‘‘ attack in” read attacking.
14.1.3 ‘‘and” read who.
16 1.10 n. ref. £3” ¢. ¢o ‘‘amorous”’.
24 n.1 °6932” read 923.

27 para.2 read ‘‘Baba ‘Ali Beg’s
Baba-quli”.

28 1.8 ‘‘leaders” vead Mughul mir-
zadas.

29 n.6 1.5 ‘‘ then” vead his.

37 1.8 ‘£916” read 917; and tr. nn.
2 and 3.

38 1.9 ** favour” rum on to Ahmad.

44 1.9 55 1.12 delete ‘‘ Sayyid”’.

46 1.12 read Chikman.

49 1.3 ** Black ” read White.

51 1.12 fr. ft. ‘* Badakhshan” read
Hisar.

55 ‘*f. 34” read f. 326.

57 1.1, enter f. 33 and move ‘‘f. 330”
to 58 1. 2.

61 1.4 ‘‘ Beg” read Baba-quli Beg.

68 1.10 fr. ft. tv. n. ref. 4to ‘‘ Aurgut”’.

69 n.2, read aunutung; and ¢r.
nakunid and bakunid.

791.5 tr. n.ref. 3togzbla; in author’s
n. vead Batalmius ; and in n.4 read
Ayin.

85 1.9 vead 8514.H.-1447A.D.; 1.3
fr.ft. wzove ‘* Jumada I, 22,855 A. H.”
to p.86 1.1, after ‘‘ years”.

94 1.6 ** Chirik ” read Char-yak.

95 1.2 fr.ft. ‘* Aubaj” vead Char-jui.

96 last line ‘‘ Qasim” read Kamal (or
Kahal).

109 1.16 ‘‘ qasim” read qadus.

26. n.5 1.3 read grand‘‘ father”.

117 n.2 ‘*909” read 908.

122 n.4 ‘‘ dbulghar” read buljar.

129 1.14 ‘‘daban” read kutal,

131 11.3-4 fr.ft. read Khan-quli and
Karim-dad.

134 1.3 fr.ft. and 136 1. 5 read in my
19th (lunar) year.

144 para.3 ‘‘ rain” read grain.

148 n.2 ‘‘f. 18” read f. 118.

149 1.17 read Khanim.

154n.3 ‘‘f. 1836” read f. 1036 and for
f. 2646 read f. 264.

168 Sect. heading
Karnan.

175 1.11 read Mirza-quli.

183 last line *‘ Kulja” vead Khuldja.

1921.3 read Taliqan.

194 1.12 read Quhlugha.

**Kasan” read

Pages
26. n.3 vead Bai-sunghar.
204 1.16 read Curriers’.
205 1.5 read Sir; 1.13 read Wa(lian) ;
1.14 read Qibchaq.

205 1.10 fr. ft. ‘* three or four ” read four

or five (cf. omissions p.205).

211 para. 3, end, ‘‘920” read 924.

212 n.2 1.2 read chigmag.

213 n.5 “‘ parwan” read parran; and
nn.5, 6, 7 read Blanford.

244 11.8 and 25 ‘‘ page ” read preferably,
brave ; 1.19 vead gallopers.

273 n.2 read grand-‘‘ daughter ”.

282 n.3 1.2 ** 345” read 348-9.

289 1.5 *‘ wonderful” vead metaphorist.

342 mid-page read Pur-amin.

344 last line ‘‘ Appendix” vead Trs.’
note 711.

351 1.15 ‘ Akhsi” read Archian. |

387 n.3 delete sentence 2.

410 last line ‘‘ huntul’’ read hunzal.

4141.2 °§18th” read 13h ; and 1.2 fr.f
** purslain ” xead poplar.

438 1.15 ‘son ” vead grandson.

447 n.3 para.2 1.1 *‘ month” read week.

470 n. 1.5 fr.ft. ‘* p.66 ” vead p.166.

482 n.3 ‘‘ Gujrat” read Malwa.

485 sec.e 1.7 ‘‘ Gumti read Gui.

499 1.17 ‘‘ yak-rang” read bak-ding (see
Add. Note P.499).

500 1.15 s.2”. crow ‘‘ garcha” read
gargha; n. 6 “‘f. 136” read f. 135.

505 1.6 tr. n.ref. 62” to, duza.

520 n.1 ‘* 1854” read 1845.

534 1.2 fr.ft. ‘‘and” read 932.

535 1.2 fr.ft. delete ** others ”.

579 1.8 ‘* April 13th” read April 3rd.

591 n.2 ‘‘ gurughir read qurugtur.

604 n.1.1 read Afaghana.

616 1.5 read Madhakur; and Sect. m
**gara-su” read darya garaght or
garaghina.

620 1.7 rahim read rahman.

621 1.11 after ‘‘ servants ” read Beg-gina
**had come”.

622 1.12 read Siunjuk ; 1.13 Tashkint.

631 1.13 delete the parenthesis (see Add.
Note P.631). ¥

6321.4 read Farrukh.

636 1.7 ‘‘ rest ” read eight others.

640 1.4 vead quli.

643 (Feb. 4th)
Mahmud.

644 n.5 6 323” read 232.

699 1.13 °° 935” read 938.

713 1.3 vead Saliha; and 1.11 fr.ft.
Miran-shahi.

**Muhammad ” read

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

P, 16 1. 14. —Nizami mentions “‘ lover’s marks” where a rebel chieftain commenting

; on Khusrau’s unfitness to rule by reason of his infatuation for Shirin, says,
** Hinoz az‘ashigbaxi garm dagh ast.” (H.B.)

P. 22 n. 2.—Closer acquaintance with related books leads me to delete the words
‘**Chaghatai Mughil” from Haidar Digh/a?’s tribal designations (p. 22, n. 2, 1.1).
(1) My ‘‘ Chaghatai” had warrant (now rejected) in Haidar’s statement (T.R.
trs. p. 3) that the Dighlat amirs were of the same stock (adna‘-z-jims) as the
Chaghatai Khaqans. But the Dighlat off-take from the common stem was of
earlier date than Chingiz Khan’s, hence, his son’s name ‘‘ Chaghatai” is a mis-
nomer for Diighlats. (2) As for ‘‘Mighil” to designate Dighlat, and also
Chaghatai chiefs—guidance for us rests with the chiefs themselves; these
certainly (as did also the Begchik chiefs) held themselves apart from ‘‘ Mughils
of the horde” and begs of the horde—as apart they had become by status ,as
chiefs, by intermarriage, by education, and by observance of the amenities \of
civilized life. To describe Dighlat, Chaghatai and Begchik chiefs in Babur’s
day as Mughils is against their self-classification and is a discourtesy. A clear
instance of need of caution in the use of the word Mughil i$ that of ‘Ali-shgr
Naw@i Chaghataéi. (Cf. Abi’l-ghazi’s accounts of the formation of several
tribes.) (3) That ‘‘ Mughil” described for Hindustanis Babur’s invading and
conquering armies does not obliterate distinctions in its chiefs. Mughils of the
horde followed Timirids when to do so suited them; there weré also in Babur’s
armies several chiefs of the ruling Chaghatai family, brothers of The Khan, Sa‘id
(see Chin-timir, Aisan-timtr, Tikhta-bigha). With these must have been their
following of ‘‘ Mughiils of the horde ”.

P. 34 1.12.—‘‘ With the goshawks” translates givchigha bila of the Elph. MS.
(f. 126) where it is explained marginally by da bai, with the falcon or goshawk.
The Hai. MS. however has, in its text, fza@zt dt/a which may mean with arrows
having points (Sanglakh f. 1446 quoting this passage). Ilminski has no answering
word (AZéms. i, 19). Muh. Shzvazi[p. 13 1.11 fr. ft.] writes ba ba2i miandakhtan.

P. 39.—The Hadibw’s-styar (lith. ed. iii, 217 1.16) writes of Sayyid Murad Aaghlagcht
(the father or g.f. of Yiisuf) that he (who had, Babur says, come from the
Mughil horde) held high rank under Abii-sa‘id Mirza, joined Husian Bai-gara
after the Mirza’s defeat and death (873 a.H.), and (p. 218) was killed in defeat by
Amir ‘Ali /a/air who was commanding for Yadgar-i-muhammad Shah-rukhi.

P, 49.—An Aimdg is a division of persons and not of territory. In Mongolia under
the Chinese Government it answers to khanate. A Khan is at the head of an
aimag. Aimagqs are divided into koshung, z.e. banners (AZongolia, N. Prejevalsky
trs. E. Delmar Morgan, ii, 53).

P, 75 and n. 1.—For an explanation, provided in 94aH., of why Samarkand was
called Baldat-i-mahfiiza, the Guarded-city, see Daulat-shah, Browne’s ed. s.7.
Qulaiba p. 443.

P. 85 n. 2.—The reference to the Habibw’s-styar confuses two cases of parricide :—
‘Abdu’!-latif’s of Aulugh Beg (853-1447) to which H.S. refers [Vol. III, Part 2,
p. 163, 1. 13 fr. ft.] with (one of 7-628) Shiriiya’s of Khusrau Parviz (H.S. Vol. I,
Part 2, p. 44, 1. 11 fr. ft.) where the parricide’s sister tells him that the murderer
of his father (and 15 brothers) would eventually be punished by God, and (a little
lower) the couplet Babur quotes (p. 85) is entered (H.B.).

P, 154 n. 3. —The Persian phrase in the Szya@sat-nama which describes the numbering
of the army (T. dim kiirmahk) is ba sar-i-taziana shumurdan. Schafer translates
taziana by cravache. I have nowhere found how the whip was used ; (cf. S.N.
Pers. text p. 15 1. 5).

P. 171 n. 1.—Closer acquaintance with Babur’s use of daryd, rid, sz, the first of
which he reserves for a great river, casts doubt on my suggestion that darya
may stand for the Kasan-water. But the narrative supports what I have noted.

H. OF B. 58

878 ADDITIONAL NOTES

The “‘upper villages” of Akhsi might be, however, those higher up on the
Saihiin-darya (Sir-darya).

P. 189 and n. 1.—A third and perhaps here better rendering of 47 dagi is that of

p. 662 (s.@. April 10th), *‘ leaving none behind.”

P, 196.—The Habibw’s-styar (lith. ed. iii, 250 1. 11 fr. ft.) writes of baradaran of

A

Pp.

Kbusrau Shah, Amir Wali and Pir Wali. As it is improbable that two brothers
(Anglicé) would be called Wali, it may be right to translate daradaran by

brethren, and to understand a brother and a cousin. Babur mentions only the
brother Wali.

. 223 ll. 1-3 fr. ft.—The French translation, differing from ‘Abdu’r-rahim’s and

Erskine’s, reads Babur as saying of the ranges separating the cultivated lands of
Kabul, that they are comme des ponts de tréfle, but this does not suit the height
and sometimes permanent snows of some of the separating ranges.—My bald
“*(great) dams” should have been expanded to suit the meaning (as I take it to
be) of the words Yér-anchaga pul-dik, like embankments ( fu/) against going
(yar) further ; (so far, zucha). CE. Griffiths’ Journal, p. 431).

251.—Nizami expresses the opinion that ‘‘ Fate is an avenging servitor” but not
in the words used by Babur (p. 251). He does this when moralizing on
Farhad’s death, brought about by Khusrau’s trick and casting the doer into
dread of vengeance (H.B.).

266 n. 7.—On p. 266 Babur allots three daughters to Papa Aghacha and on p. 269
four. Various details make for four. But, if four, the total of eleven (p. 261)
is exceeded

. 276 para. 3.—Attention is attracted on this page to the unusual circumstance that

a parent and child are both called by the same name, Junaid. One other
instance is found in the Babur-nama, that of Babur’s wife Ma‘suma and her
daughter. . Perhaps ‘“‘Junaid” like ‘* Ma‘siima” was the name given to the
child because birth closely followed the death of the parent (see s.7z. Ma‘siima).

. 277.—Concerning Bih-biid Beg the Shazbani-nama gives the following informa-

tion :—he was in command in Khwarizm and Khiva when Shaibani moved against
Chin Sift (910 AH.), and spite of his name, was unpopular (Vambéry’s ed. 184,
186). Vambéry’s note 88 says he is mentioned in the (anonymous) prose
Shatbani-nadma, Russian trs. p. Ixi. f

. 372 1. 2 fr. ft.—Where the Hai. MS. and Kasan Imp. have z‘araz, rival, E. and

de C. translate by representative, but the following circumstances favour
** rival” :—Wais was with Babur (pp. 374-6) and would need no representative.
His arrival is not recorded ; no introductory particulars are given of him where
his name is first found (p. 372); therefore he is likely to have joined Babur in
the time of the gap of 924 au. (p. 366), before the siege of Bajaur-fort and
before ‘Ala’u’d-din did so. The two Sawadi chiefs received -gifts and left
together (p. 376).

. 393 1. 4.—In this couplet the point lies in the double-meaning of va ‘zyat, subject

and peasant.

P.401.—Under date Thursday 25th Babur mentions an appointment to read figak

sabagi to him. Erskine translated this by ‘‘ Sacred extracts from the Qoran”
(I followed this). But ‘‘ lessons in theology” may be a better rendering—as
more literal and as allowing for the use of other writings than the Qoran.
A correspondent Mr. G. Yazdani (Gov. Epigraphist for Muslim Inscriptions,
Haidarabad),tells us that it is customary amongst Muslims to recite religious
books on Thursdays.

. 404 1. 7 fr. ft. —Baba Qashqa (or Qashqa)’s family-group is somewhat interesting

as that of loyal and capable men of Mughil birth who served Babur and
Humayin. It must have joined Babur in what is now the gap between 914 and
925 aH. because not mentioned earlier and because he is first mentioned in
925 AH. without introductory particulars. The following details supplement
Babur-naéma information about the group :—(1) Of Baba Qashqa’s murder by
Muhammad-i-zaman #di-garaé Gul-hadan (f.23) makes record, and Badayiini
(Bib. Ind. ed. i, 450) says that (czr. 952 an.) when Baba’s son Haji Muh. Khan
Kuki had pursued and overtaken the rebel Kamran, the Mirza asked, as though
questioning the Khan’s ground of hostility to himself, ‘‘ But did I kill thy father

ADDITIONAL NOTES 879

Baba Qashqa?” (Pidrat Baba Qashga magar man kushta am?).—(2) Of the
death of Baba Qashqa’s brother ‘‘ Kiki”, Abia’l-fazl records that he was killed
in Hindistan by Muhammad Sl. M. Séi-garé (952 An.), and that Kiki’s
nephew Shah Muh. (see p. 668) retaliated (955 AH.) by arrow-shooting one of
Muh. Sl. Mirza’s sons. This was done when Shah Muh. was crossing Minar-
pass on his return journey from sharing Humayan’s exile in Persia (see Jauhar).—
(3) Haji Muh. Khan X#s and Shah Muhammad Khan appear to have been
sons of Baba Qashqa and nephews of ‘‘ Kiki” (supra). They were devoted
servants of Humayiin but were put to death by him in 958 au.-1551 ap. (cf.
Erskine’s A. of J. Humayiin).—(4) About the word A##i dictionaries afford no
warrant for taking it to mean foster-brother (fokah). Chingiz Khan hada beg
known as Kak or Kouk (or Gik) and one of his own grandsons used the same
style. It may link the Baba Qashga group with the Chingiz Khanid Kuki,
either as descendants or as hereditary adherents, or as both. (See Abi’l-ghazi’s
Shajarat-t-Turk, trs. Désmaisons, Index s.z, Kouk and also its accounts of the
origin of several tribal groups.)

P. 416.—The line quoted by ‘Abdu’l-lah is from the Anwéar-z-suhailz, Book II,
Story i. Eastwick translates it and its immediate context thus :—

** People follow the faith of their kings.”

** My heart is like a tulip scorched and by sighings flame ; S

** Tn all thou seest, their hearts are scorched and stained the same.” (H.B*)
The offence of the quotation appears to have been against Khalifa, and might be
a suggestion that he followed Babur in breach of Law by using wine.

P. 487 n. 2.—The following passages complete the note on wz/sa quoted by Erskifie
from Col. Mark Wilks’ Azstortcal Sketches and show how the word is used :—
** During the absence of Major Lawrence from Trichinopoly, the town had been
‘completely depopulated by the removal of the whole Wzu/sa.to seek for food
elsewhere, and the enemy had been earnestly occupied in endeavouring to
surprise the garrison.” (Here follows Erskine’s quotation see zz loco p. 487).
** The people of a district thus deserting their homes are called the Wadsa of
that district, a state of utmost misery, involving precaution against incessant war
and unpitying depredation—so peculiar a description as to require in any of the
languages of Europe a long circumlocution, is expressed 7 all the languages of
Deckan andthe south of India by a single word. No proofs can be accumulated
from the most profound research which shall describe the immemorial condition
of the people of India with more precision than this single word. It is a bright
distinction that the Wx/sa never departs on the approach of a British army when
this is unaccompanied by Indian allies.””—By clerical error in the final para. of
my note #/vash is entered for #/van [Molesworth, any desolating calamity].

P, 540 n. 4.—An explanation of Babur’s use of Shah-zada as Tahmasp’s title may
well be that this title answers to the Timiirid one Mir-zada, Mirza. If so, Babur’s
change to ‘‘ Shah” (p. 635) may recognize supremacy by victory, such as he had
claimed for himself in 913 AH. when he changed his Timirid ‘* Mirza” for
** Padshah ”.

P. 557.—Husain Kashifi, also, quotes Firdausi’s couplet in the Anwar-2-suhatl
(Cap. I, Story XXI), a book dedicated to Shaikh Ahmad Szhailz (p. 277) and of
earlier date than the Badur-nama, Its author died in 910 an.-1505 AD.

P. 576 n. 1.—Tod’s statement (quoted in my n. 1) that ‘‘the year of Rana Sanga’s
defeat (933 AH.) was the last of his existence ” cannot be strictly correct because
Babur’s statement (p. 598) of intending attack on him in Chitor allows him to
have been alive in 934AnH. (1528 ap.). The death occurred, ‘‘ not without
suspicion of poison,” says Tod, when the Rana had moved against Irij then
held for Babur; it will have been long enough before the end of 934 AH. to
allow an envoy from his son Bikramajit to wait on Babur in that year (pp. 603,
612). Babur’s record of it may safely be inferred lost with the once-existent
matter of 934 AH. ;

P, 631.—My husband has ascertained that the ‘‘ Sayyid Dakni” of p. 631 is Sayyid
Shah Tahir Dakni (Deccan?) the Shiite apostle of Southern India, who in
935 AH. was sent to Babur with a letter from Burhan Nizam Shah of Ahmad-
nagar, in which (if there were not two embassies) congratulation was made on

880

ADDITIONAL NOTES

the conquest of Dihli and help asked against Bahadur Shah Gujratz. A second
but earlier mention of ‘‘ Sayyid Dakni” (Zakni, Rukni ?) Shirazi is on p. 619.

Whether the two entries refer to Shah Tahir nothing makes clear. The
cognomen Shirazi disassociates them. It is always to be kept in mind that pre-
liminary events are frequently lost in gaps ; one such will be the arrivals of the
various envoys, mentioned on p. 630, whose places of honour are specified on
p. 631. Much is on record about Sayyid Shah Tahir Daknz and particulars of
his life are available in the histories by Badayini (Ranking trs.) and Firishta
Nawal Kishor ed. p. 105) ; B.M. Harleyan MS. No. 199 contains his letters (see
Rieu’s Pers. Cat. p. 395).

P. 699 and n. 3.—The particulars given by the 7aéagat-t-akbari about Multan at this

date (932-4 AH.) are as follows:—After Babur took the Panj-ab, he ordered
Shah Hasan Arvghinx to attempt Multan, then held by one Sl. Mahmid who,
dying, was succeeded by an infant son Husain. Shah Hasan took Multan after
a 16 (lunar) months’ siege, at the end of 934 an. (in a B.N. /acuna therefore),
looted and slaughtered in it, and then returned to Tatta. On this Langar Khan
took possession of it (H.B.). What part ‘Askari (z. 12) had in the matter is
yet to learn; possibly he was nominated to its command and then recalled as.

.. Babur mentions (935 AH.).

Stephen Austin and Sons, Lid., Printers, Hertford.

oS) OP

se

es

ee
tees 5
es
AB TPG

Nee aE

a ae . 4
ee

af i

= <2
=I ee

So &

2 uu
Ss (2) cel”
eal 58 S| PE
"2 Z, © Q = S) hd 42a
= che eer es | 3?
= AXMRFUORRA |2 8

|

*S°TOA *OSpTisaeg ka +29

| gO SITOMSyy) USTTSuq ut emEU-mape ota qq
& Ueysnputy so LoLedbig ae eTTd
TZ908T oe ley

oa
=

eis . + ae eS , ;
ae
~

a
,
Nhat a oe . os aad
Ser caee
Ce ty ¢ a ee ee oa «

%
2 - nial 2 = ‘ ?
peter ee cna, f
+ a> s
Agee SMe
o
- >
ax ; | eats ee aL ys
ne ., ‘ ° . ‘e — . : i. A c ,
> << - 7 5
4 ioe ‘
: Bye -
Sank i
as
‘

AA
ay

2,

A* 2 SAAD ET
a

wa

ceR eek lpg eh tay Sone ples Sate ep ear seme ced red ;
Tighe aE SOT OES GNC LEC ag aegis SUE fr oh bet Tay peat eee Be
Sete renee ots came a
ce rir hed ve ~ Pc: : ry tow gh y ,

sig bel

ar yt Eee
ra a or)
tee

MOT AAA

=
ox

e

‘,

1a AS
if ARAB ALAS

-

ii,