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HUGO RADAU 0\ / ,0 



Published by the Department of Archaeology, University of Pennsylvania 


(J The Editor determines trie material to constitute a volume and 
reports to trie Committee of Publication on trie general merits of 
the manuscript and autograph plates submitted for publication ; but 
the Editor is not responsible for the views expressed by the writer. 





2>m»li> Qrrljttipa of Qtpour 



Sixty-eight Plates of Autograph Texts. Twelve Plates 
of Halftone Reproductions 

Published by the Department of Archaeology, University of Pennsylvania 


MacCalla & Co. Inc., Printers 

C. H. James. Lithographer 

Weeks Thoto- Engraving Co., Halftones 



JVIrs* Sallie Crozcr Hilprccbt 

JMy Benefactress 

Hs a very small token of profound and 
lasting gratitude 


About the same time when the children of Israel were invading the land of 
Canaan preparatory to their final conquest these letters (DUB mrs ") were inscribed on 
clay. They form part of the "Temple Archives" (DUB MU"" S ") of the Cassite 
period, situated on the west side of the Shatt-en-Nil. In all probability these Archives 
were found in one or several buildings (connected with each other), known as the 
E.DUB shd E.GAL and including the Temple Library and the Temple School. The 
Cassite Kings at this time were the chief administrators of the affairs of the Temple of 
Enlil at Nippur ; for they are known by the title shakkanakku Enlil, characterizing 
them as the representatives of Enlil on earth, who had "to put the seal" (kanaku) 
of the god to each and every transaction made by and for the Temple. Nothing 
could be clone without their consent, approval, or authority (seal). While the 
' 'Temple Archives" proper give us a picture of the business methods of the Temple 
administration, under the chief supervision of the King, these letters represent the 
correspondence about those methods. 

Among them we find complaints from governors about non-delivery or delay in 
the delivery of goods by the chief bursar of the Temple, medical reports about the 
sickness of certain ladies connected with the sanctuary, complaints about goods 
asked for, but not received, accounts of the disposition of taxes gathered, requests for 
wages, building material, food, clothing, and the like. 

The Temple of Enlil being a richly endowed institution, royal officers kept watch 
over its proper administration and welfare and reported about the various affairs of 
Enlil's property to his earthly representative, the King. Thus we find reports about 
the deplorable condition of canals, about the prospects of the harvests on the fields be- 
longing to the Temple, about building operations with suggestions as to desirable im- 
provements, about certain expeditions undertaken in defence of Enlil's earthly 
possessions, etc. 

Though most of these letters are addressed to the "Lord," i.e., the "King" who 
had his residence at least temporarily in Nippur, some of them may be classified as 
part of an "official correspondence between Temple or State officers." There are 
even letters in these archives written by the kings themselves (comp. Nos. 75 and 93). 

V 1 11 I 111 ERS TO < ISSIT] K [NGS 

This collection of official letters from Nippur tonus an exact parallel to the 
letters from the BO-called Kuyunjuk collection of Nineveh, which constitutes the 
remains of the famous library <<i King Ashshur-ban-apal excavatccl l>\ bayard and 

The letters hero published have been copied during the winter of l!)()(i ()7 from 
the originals to be found in the Babylonian Museum of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania. Nos. 33a, 59a, 60a, 73a and 95 99 ha\ e been added after the plates had been 
arranged and prepared for the press (November, 1 007) . Willi the exception of three 
Nos. 33a, 84, s -~> these letters are mostly fragmentary, badly damaged, and poorly 
preserved. This being the case, it was my aim to reproduce, as nearly as possible, all 
the marks and wedges of every sign in question, bearing in mind that a reliable 
copy must and ought to be an exact reproduction of the "original" as it presents itself 
to the eyes of the copyist, and not of his "thoughts" or of what he "expects" to find 
in a particular passage. This principle having been strictly adhered to, i came to the 
result that the following signs are used interchangeably: (1) di and hi; (2) D, bi, ni, 
ir, lit, sha; (3) ib, ur, lu; ( 1) ish, ma, ba, zu, shag Qibbu), su; (•">) ku, shu, lu\ (6) im, 
ah l ,a > ,mur;(7)du,ush,ta,shd } ra; (8) az, ug; (9) ad, si, mir; (10) be, nu; (11) al, shit, 
etc., etc. 

As the texts here submitted have been written by more than fifty scribes, and as 
each scribe has his own peculiar ductus, I tried to imitate that ductus in the best 
manner possible. This is the reason apart from the copyist's own ability of writing 
cuneiform signs — for the varied execution of the copy of the letters here published. 
The copyist, in fact, did not try to give in the following pages an exhibition of his 
ability in copying inscriptions, but he rested content with a faithful reproduction of 
all the peculiar characteristics of the ductus of the several scribes. After the letters 
had been copied and translated, the copy was once more compared with the originals. 
In this wise I flatter myself to have obtained an absolutely reliable copy. It is, 
therefore, the fond hope of the copyist that the prospective decipherer will not commit 
a mistake like the one the writer of No. 45 complains of when he writes to his "Lord" : 
' T have written concerning 'pots' that they be brought down, but they were 'straw' ! 
What for has my 'Lord' sent this?" The "Lord's" order-filler misread apparently 

the two signs: ^^"■^ = KAN.NI me * h - diqarati == "pots" for ^L<r'" es " =IN mesh = 
tibnu ma,h (Hebr. pfi) = "straw"! 

These letters forming, so to speak, the connecting link between those of the 
Hammurabi and Amarna periods on the one hand and those of the later Assyrian and 
Babylonian on the other, it is, of course, quite natural to find that they show the 



several characteristic features of the periods mentioned. Thus the sign PI is still 
used, at least sometimes, for wi; a t does not yet exist; we have di-im, te-e-ma and 
NE-rna. The latter ought to be transcribed rather by de-ma than by te-ma. The 
q begins to make itself felt in quite a good many instances. Yet, wherever hi is 
written for qi, I transcribed accordingly. 

It will be noticed that I read the name NIN.IB Errish(t). This reading I am 
still prepared to maintain, not only on account of the gloss wash, but also on account 
of the identity of i,u NIN.IB and ''"Er(r)ish, see The Monist, Vol. XVII, No. 1 (Jan., 
1907), p. 142. The Aramaic transcription of NIN.IB is not fWUN but ntTUX, 
as is now beyond question, it being plainly written in the latter fashion on several 
unpublished tablets in Constantinople, and also on an ostracon from Nippur pre- 
served in the Babylonian Section of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania 
(private communication of Prof. Hilprecht; see also p. 41, note). nBHJK appa- 
rently does not represent the pronunciation (this is Errish{t)), but an attribute of 
U NIN.IB and all those gods who, in the Babylonian "Trinity in Unity," at one 
time or another, played the role of the "Son." It is, therefore, not exclusively 
confined to ""NIN.IB, the "Son" of ""En-lil. I propose to read nvm --- en 
usati = "lord of help," an attribute ascribed, among others, also to Uv Marduk, the 
"Son" of ''"E.A; cf. the nom. propr. '" " a Marduk-en-usati, quoted by Delitzsch, 
H. W. B., p. 1076, under usati. Instead of us&ti we find, at the time of the Cassites, 
also the writing u-za-ti, cf. B. E., XIV, 125 : 12, "'En-u-za-ti, a noteworthy peculiarity 
which shows that usati, uzati has to be connected with the Sumerian A.ZU --= dsu -- 
"helper, physician." We know that '''IB (gloss urash) is = ""NIN.IB (see Bel, 
the Christ, p. 16, note 8; p. 18, III; p. 19, 2), but IB (gloss urash) is also = bam (II R. 
62, 36a), and bar A is = A.ZU (Reisner, Hymnen, p. 7, 18. 19). From this it follows 
that IB = A.ZU, and i,u NIN.IB = ilu NIN.A.ZU (cf. II R. 57, 51o,&, where the star {mid) 
ilu NIN.A.ZU is identified with ""NIN.IB). Again, ""IB is also = i,u MASH, but mash 
changes with mash, cf. mash-pad = mash- pad (E.B.H.,p. 256, note 16); mash-shu-gid 
(Cyl. A 20 :5) = mash-shu-gid (Cyl. A 12 : 16, 17), and mash is likewise == banl - 
A.ZU. I take, therefore, rWUN to stand for [X = en == NIN, and n«FI = usati = uzati 
(the abstract for the concrete noun) A.ZU IB MASH. In other words, 
ilu IB or ilu MASH is "the helper," "the physician" (hence the patron god of the 
physicians), and ""NIN.IB or ""NIN.A.ZU the "lord of help," the "helping lord." 
As such a "lord of help" he is the veriest "Saviour" — a saviour that saves not only 
from bodily or( !) spiritual harm (notice that sickness is the result of the evil spirits 
within a person; if these demons are cast out, the sick person recovers!), but also 
one who delivers mankind from death, destruction, and the grave. He is the ' 'mer- 


ciful one" (r&m&nti,, K 128 Jensen, Kosm., p. 170), the "merciful god" (ilu rimewCt, 
1 1!. 17 : 19), the "one who gives life" (qa-ish TI.I.A. I li. 17 : 19), "who gives 
the spirit of life" (q&'ish napsh&ti, Jensen, I.e.), ''who quickens the dead" (muballit 
»it\h)ii\, Jensen, I.e.), who delivers the dead oul of the nether world: ''who has been 
brought down into the aether world, his body thou bringesl back again" (sha una 
aralli shftrudu pagarshu tuterra, Bel, the Christ, p. I">. note 2; cf. 4 ixl. 15, "God 
will redeem my soul from the power of Sheol"; or C- xvi. 10, "For thou will not 
leave my soul to Sheol "). 

From those considerations it follows that the "Son" of the Nippurian Trinity 

I XI X.I It XI X.I. 1 1. Bau) was the prototype not only of Nin.Girsu in the 
Girsu Trinity (Enlil Nin.Girsu NIN.LIL Bau)oroi Marduk in the Eridu Trinity 
(E.A Marduk Damkina Sarpanitum) , but even of Chrisl in the Christian Trinity 
Father Son Holy Spirit); in each and every case the "Son" was the Saviour, 
the en usdti; hence Christ was rightly called the "Jesus" and was "too tod, when 
entering Jerusalem, with joyful "Hosannahs," wytPlfT, "Save (now, Lord)!" 

While writing this Preface, there lies before me a copy of "The so-called Peters- 
Hilprechl Controversy." Prof. Hilprecht's critics make so much ado about the 
"probable" place of provenance of the so-called Lushtamar letter, all of them claiming 
that if the envelope were opened and the contents read, its place of origin would be 
settled for all time to come. This very clamor proves better than anything else that 
those gentlemen never have read a Babylonian letter! To help clear the atmosphere 
a little in this respect, I may be permitted to say a few words about the place of 
origin of letters in general. 

1. In no letter thus far published is there ever found an absolute reliable indi- 
cium about its place of origin. The only thins;- in a letter which might possibly help 
solve such a question is the so-called invocation frequently found after the address. 
If, e.g., for the protection of his correspondent, a writer invokes certain gods wor- 
shipped in a certain city, it is probable that that writer hailed, resp. sent, his letter 
from that city the gods of which he invoked. Cf. here No. 89, where the writer 
Pdn-AN .GAL-lu-mur invokes the gods of Dur-ilu for the protection of the addressee; 
hence the probability is that the writer hailed and wrote from Dur-ilu. But this, as 
I said, is and must remain a probability only, for we find in the letters here published 
another example in which the writer invokes the gods of Nippur. This letter (No. 38) 
has likewise been found in Nippur. Now it is not at all likely that the writer, when 
sending his letter to the "Lord" at Nippur, was himself in Nippur. If he were, he 
would most assuredly have appeared before the "Lord" in person, thereby saving 
himself the trouble of writing a letter, which had to lie baked, encased in an envelope, 

From the temple archives op nippur. xi 

addressed, sealed and handed over to a messenger in order to be delivered. What 
then is the inference from this invocation? Does the invocation prove that the 
letter was sent from Nippur to Nippur, where it was found? Such a thought would 
be simply ridiculous. All we can say is this: the writer of No. 38, because he invokes 
the gods of Nippur, was in all probability a Nippurian, but was away from Nippur 
when writing that letter. The invocation of that letter, then, does not prove any- 
thing at all with regard to the place whence that letter has been sent. 

2. Prof. Hilprecht has some very good, convincing, and absolutely reliable 
reasons why he assigns the Lushtamar letter to the business or administrative 
section of the Temple Library of Nippur. We believe his words a thousand times 
more than those of his accusers, which, at the very best, are merely hearsay. In 
fact, his critics have absolutely nothing to bring forward in corroboration of their 
claim that "the Lushtamar letter did not come from the ruins of Nippur, but from 
those of Sippar. " In corroboration of this hearsay talk Prof. Hilprecht's critics now 
point out that the seal impression of the Lushtamar letter mentions certain persons 
who are known from tablets that have been found at Sippar. What is there on the 
envelope of the Lushtamar letter to justify such a strange conclusion? Besides the 
address "to Lushtamar (a-na Lu-ush-ta-mar) " , I find a seal impression which reads: 
Ilu-shu-Ba-ni dam-qar | mar I-bi- ,,u NIN.SHAH \ ardi :h NIN .SHAH-ge. The same 
persons occur again on a tablet published in B. E., VI 1 , 50 : 19, 20, which tablet 
was "probably" excavated in Sippar. .The critics draw the conclusion, it seems, 
that, because the same persons occur on both tablets (the Lushtamar letter and B. E., 
VI 1 , 50), and because B. E., VI 1 , 50, was "probably" found in Sippar, the Lushtamar 
must have been found in Sippar likewise. But can anyone imagine that Ilu-sh u-Ba-n i, 
a resident of Sippar, would write to Lushtamar, another resident of Sippar, which he must 
have done if the letter had been found at Sippar? If Lushtamar had been a resident of 
Sippar, like Ilu-shu-Ba-ni, is it not much more probable that the latter would have 
gone in person to the former and communicated to him his wishes orally? Instead of 
this contention being against Prof. Hilprecht, it much rather speaks decidedly for him. 
We may admit that the Ilu-shu-Ba-ni of the Lushtamar letter and the Ilu-shu-Ba-ni 
of B. E., VI', 50, are both one and the same person; we also may admit that both 
were residents of Sippar; but from this it by no means follows that the addressee, 
Mr. Lushtamar, lived likewise in Sippar. On the contrary, the fact that Ilu-sh ii- 
Ba-ni, a possible inhabitant of Sippar, did write to Lushtamar would prove a priori 
that the latter was not a resident of Sippar, but was, as Prof. Hilprecht, for reasons 
given in his "Controversy," quite rightly and correctly claims, a resident of Nippur. 

In conclusion, I must apologize to the Editor and the Publication Committee for 


tlic length of the [ntroduction to the letters here published. In view of the extra- 
ordinary importance of these letters for the history, religion, language, grammar, 
and lexicon of the Babylonians, but more especially for a correct understanding of 
the terms "Temple Archives," "Temple School" and "Temple Library," it was 
absolutely necessary thai the wrong impressions created by those who hold ;i con- 
trary view should be set aright. II' I have done nothing else Imt created a basis 
upon which tit reconstruct the system of administration, education, and worship of 
the Babylonians at L500 B.C., I shall be more than repaid for my labors in connec- 
tion with this volume. 

It only remains to thank here the Provost of the University, Dr. ('. C. Harrison, 
and the Director of the Museum of Science and Art, Mr. S. F. Houston, for their 
hospitality, kindness, and courtesies shown to me during my sojourn in the Museum. 
To express my gratefulness to Mr. Eckley Brinton Coxe, Jr., through whose gen- 
erosity the Museum is enabled to publish the following pages, gives me special pleasure. 
I am sure I voice the sentiments of all Assyriologists when I say that this noble and 
unselfish benefactor erects by these publications, the elegance of which is not attained 
by any other similar works, much less surpassed, an everlasting monument upon 
which all scholars look with admiration and gratefulness. To my friend and teacher, 
Prof. Dr. H. V. Hilprecht, who so generously and freely assisted me in words and 
deeds during the course of the preparation of this volume, whose valuable time, 
profound scholarship, and learning were at all times most abundantly at my dis- 
posal, who not only read the proof-sheets, but who constantly and continually helped 
me most liberally with his valuable advice, I am especially most grateful. I only 
hope and pray that the work of the pupil may be worthy of the master. It is a 
special delight to be able to express publicly my sincere gratitude to Mrs. Sallie 
C'rozer Hilprecht for her most generous benefactions bestowed upon me during the 
last two years while here in Philadelphia. Were it not for her help I never could 
have written this book. May she graciously condescend to accept this work as a 
very small token of my profound and lasting gratitude. 

Hugo Radau. 
Philadelphia, Pa., May 1, 1908. 


A. F . - ..Hugo Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen. 

A. J. S. L. L "The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures," edited by R. F. Harper. 

.1. P Bruno Meissner, Beitrage zum Altbabylonischen Privatrecht. 

A. S. K. T Paul Haupt, Akkadische und Sumerische Keilschrifttexte. 

B. A Beitrage zur Assyriologie und veryleichenden Semitischen Sprachioissensehafts, edited by Friedrich 

Delitzsch and Paul Haupt. 

B. E... ."The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania," edited by H. V. Hilprecht. 
Bel, the Christ .Hugo Radau, "Bel, the Christ of Ancient Times." 

C. B. M "Catalogue of the Babylonian Collections in the Archaeological Museum of the University of 

Pennsylvania," prepared by H. V. Hilprecht. 
Creation Story ..Hugo Radau, "The Creation Story of Genesis I, a Sumerian Theogony and Cosmogony." 
C. T "Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, etc., in the British Museum." Printed by order of 

the Trustees. 
E. A. II.. "The E. A. Hoffman Collection of Babylonian Tablets in the General Theological Seminary, New 

York City." 

E. B. II Hugo Radau, "Early Babylonian History." 

H R. F. Harper, "Assyrian and Babylonian Letters belonging to the K Collection of the British 


U- L L. W. King, "The Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi." 

//. IP. B Friedrich Delitzsch, Assyrisc.hes Handworterbuch. 

J. A. U. S "Journal of the American Oriental Society." 

J. R. A. S "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society." 

K ...Kuyunjuk Collection. 

K. B Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, edited by E. Schrader. 

L.C.L C. H. W. Johns, "Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts, and Letters." 

L. S. S Leipziger Semitistische Studien, edited by A. Fischer and H. Zimmern. 

0. L. Z Orientalisiisehe Litleratur-Zeitung, edited by F. E. Peiser. 

P F. E. Peiser, Urkunden aus der der dritten Babylonischen Dynastie. 

P. S. B. A "Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology." 

■ft "The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia," edited by Sir H. C. Rawlinson. 

.S. A. K. I F. Thureau-Dangin, Die Simerischen und Akkadischen Konigsinschriften. 

U- ^- O Hugo Winckler, Untersuchungen zur allorientalischen Geschichte. 

Z- A- Zeitschrijt fur Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, edited by C. Bezold. 



I. Time and Age of the Letters 1-12 

II. Letters between Temple and State Officials 13-28 

III. Letters between Officials of the Temple or State and the King 29-58 

IV. Results: 

(a) The Genealogy of the Cassite Kings of this Period 59-7 1 

(b) The Seat of Residence of the Cassite Kings 72-76 

(c) The Nature and Purpose of the so-called Temple Archives and 

their Relation to Royal Archives 76-93 

V. Translation of some Specimen Letters 94-144 

VI. Concordance of Proper Names: 
I. Names of Persons: 

1. Masculine Names 145-150 

2. Feminine Names 150 

II. Professional and Gentilic Names 150-152 

III. Names of Places 153-154 

IV. Names of Gates 154 

V. Names of Houses and Temples 154-155 

VI. Names of Rivers and Canals 155 

VII. Names of Gods 155-157 

VII. Description of Tablets: 

(a) Autograph Reproductions 158-172 

(b) Photograph Reproductions 172-173 

(c) Numbers of the Catalogue of the Babylonian Museum 173-174 

VIII. Cuneiform Texts Plates 1-68 

IX. Halftone Reproductions Plates I-XII 



All the tablets here published are Letters — DUB, dup-pi, dup-pa, IM. 
They were excavated in Nippur during the second to fourth expeditions 1 of the 
University of Pennsylvania (1889-1900), and form part of the so-called Temple 
Archives 2 of Nippur, partly published by Clay, B. E., XIV and XV. The facts 
that these letters were found, when unpacked by Prof. Hilprecht, intermingled with 
the tablets of B. E., XIV and XV, which are all dated in the reign of certain Cassite 
Kings, that they are of the same peculiar "color of clay," have the same "form" 
and "writing" as those of the Temple Archives, would, a priori, make it reasonably 
certain that we have to assign them to the Cassite period. Apart from these criteria 
there are others which prove, beyond a doubt, that the letters here published did, 
and actually do, belong to the reigns of either one or the other of the following Cassite 
kings (see Hilprecht, B. E., XX 1 , p. 52, note 1) : 


Reigned according 
to "List op Kings." 

Burna-BiiriasU II. 


on Nippur Tablets 


25 (or 27 3 ) 

1450-1423 B.C. 

23 5 

1421-1396 B C. 


1390-1370 B.C. 

1G ? 

1369-1352 B.C. 

6 s 

1352-1340 B.C. 


1339-1331 B.C. 

12(!) 10 

1331-1318 B.C. 

6 11 

1317-1309 12 B.C. 

Kuri-tfalzu* II | 25 

Nazi-Maruttash (son) 26 

Kadashman-Turgu (son) 17 

Kadasbman-Enlil II (son) [l]lor[l]2 

Kudur-Enlil (1st (?) son) 

Shagarakti-Shuriash (2d(Y) son). 
Kashtiliashu II (son; 

jj/o (Notice <lis- 
°*-"erepancy !) 


1 Cf. Hilprecht, B. E., Series D, Vol. I, pp. 289-568. For the second expedition see also Peters, Nippur, Vol. II, 
p. 188. 

2 "Temple Archives," to mention it here, were called at the time when all these documents were written: III 'B 
MU mesh , DUB sM-ma-(a-)ti, DUB.SHA.RA, DUB MU.Bl.IM, DUB GISH, DUB za-kar-tum. For a discussion of 
these terms see below under "Results," p. 83. 

3 The last year thus far known was the 25th. Cf. B. E., XIV, 9 : 5ff. ar ^ENGAR.GAB.A iimu 10*"™ 
shattv 25* am Biir-ntt-Bti-ri-iti-i'tsh LUC A L-E. But Prof. Hilprecht informs me that Burna-Buriash II seems to have ruled 


■j Letters to c v.ssi n kings 

Among these criteria and indicia may be mentioned (a) thai the persons intro- 
duced in these letters are to be found to a greal extent al leasl also in the dated 
documents of the Temple Archives. The following few examples will illustrate it. 
Jn-na-an-ni, who figures so conspicuously in the texts of />'. E., XIV, as one 
who transacts (i-na q&t) the business of the Temple's storehouses at Nippur and 
elsewhere" during the L8th, w 21st," and 23d'° year of Kuri-Galzu 17 and the 1st 18 and 2d 10 

at least twenty-seven years, according to a Fragmentary tablet ol thi Cassite period recently catalogued by him (No. 
12907), which tliougli insufficiently dated: "Shabatu, 12th day, 27th year," according to internal evidence must be 
assigned to the reign ol Burna-Buriasli or Kuri-Galzu, in all probability to the former. After an examination of the 
personal proper names occurring on this tablet I agree entirelj with Prof. Hilprecht's conclusions. 

•That i his Kuri-Galzu has to be identified both with "Kuri-Galzu, the sen of Burna-Buriash, " and with "Kuri- 
Galzu jrfftr", the son of Kadashman-Harbe, " will be shown below sub "Chronology," pp. 63ff.; hence the "gap" between 
Burna-Buriash and Kuri-Galzu. 

5 />-. /■:.. XIV, 3S : 15f. [" '"' ] umu lh A '"'" shall,, 23* am i,u [Kur]-e-{Ga]l-zu. 

« H i XIV, 86 IS ' I SH . I. I \ nmii \7 k "'" shattu 21*"'" .\a-;i-.\r,i-ru-ut-la-ash. 

: g / \i\ p ] 6i 114a ( - E, a. II.. 179): 5f. a 'b u SHEG.GA Amu Z kam shattu ir/""" Ka-dash-man-Tur-gu. 
■ this ruler see Clay, />'. /■.'.. XIV, p. I. and I.e., No. L16 : Ml'. '"'*". t.s7/.. I. .l.V shattu (/"'" ilu Ka-dash-man- 

•This is the last year mentioned in the published texts from the Temple Archives that I can find. Clay, B. E., 
XIV, pp. 3, 71 "hoin Hilprecht, B. /■:.. XX'. p. 52, note 1, follows), gives the year 9 as the last, referring to I.e., No.124: 
is But here we have clearly the year 8, for we read: " &SHE shattu 8(!)*°™ ilu Ku-<Mr^ri- Uu Erir[Hl\. / c., 
1.':; : 24 and /'. 135 22 both of which are likewise dated in the 8th year. 

Hilprecht, B. /•.'.. XX 1 . p. 52, note 1. has shown that the tablet B. E., XIV, 139, is not dated from the 22d 
(Clay, I.e., pp. 3, 72), but from the 2d year; hence the last recorded date is found in B. /■,'.. XIV, 138 : 32, a '^"<;.\\ 
Amu W kam shattu l[2](cf. 1. 2) kam Shd-ga-ra-ak-ti-ShuMa-dsh LUGAL. Cf. also P. Ill : 15 | 131 : is. and especially 
s: nff. [° r b»]EXGAR.GAB.A Amu 5 kam [shattu] \2 I: "'" [Shd-garhak-ti-Shur-id-ash ( = 6) [LU]GAL KI-SH1R-RA 
( = kishshati). 

11 B. A.'.. XIV. Ill : 9 [shattu] 6 fcom Kash-lil-ia-sM LUGAL-E. For the pronunciation of Bi as Kash in this 
nam.-, cf. Thureau-Dangin in 0. I.. /.. 15th February, 1908, Sp. 93. 

I », possibly about 1296 1289 B.C. Cf. Ill R. 4. Xo. 2 (Sennacherib's capture of Babylon, i.e., either the fust 
702 B.C.) or the second (689 B.C.) took place), "600 years after Tukulti-NIN.IB," who reigned seven years over 
Babylon, following immediately upon Kashtiliashu. 

13 E. g., Za-rat-IM H , B. E., XV, Nos. 3. 63, 86. Kar- ,l "X[X .1 B 1 ' . B. E., I.e., Xo. 99. I)„-u„-aa-a-h; k '. I.e., No. 
112. &t «Za-^at-Dur- iltl Gu-la H , I.e., Nos. Ill, 128. "'"Dar-'*" Uanh,l: k '. I.e., No. 120. Kdr-UD.NUN 1 *, I.e., Nos. 
124. 135. B " /' KUR-MU-MU, I.e., Nos. 138, 139, etc., etc. See also pp. 81; 85, note 3; 110. 

" B. /■;.. XIV, 29 ■ 3; 30 : 3. The tablet, I.e., 23 : S (dated in the 13th year of Kuri-Galzu), where it is reported 
that Kl'.Ml'X w :l s paid {nad-nu) to (or by?) '"ln-na-a„-,iu, was not taken into consideration here. 
15 B. E.. XIV. 35 : 3. 
18 B. /•;.. XIV, 38 : 10, where it is stated that certain animals, which had been loaned out, are to be returned to 

" From the 22d year of Kuri-Galzu Innanni shared honors with his successor, n Mar-tu-ku, B. E., XI\ , 36 : 3. 
18 B. E., XIV, 41o (pi. 56) : 3, cf. 1. 12ff.: arf J"KIX- ,l "Jnn ma shattu l'"'" ilu PI( = Na\)-zi-Masra-ta-dsh. 
18 B. E. XIV, 42 : 2. 19fT. ar b u GUD.SI.Si(= di) Amu 3 k " m shattu 2 kam ''".Xa-zi-Ma-ru-uI-ta-ash LUGAL-E. 


year of Nazi-Maruttash 1 — i.e., during a period of at least ten years 2 — is represented 
in our texts as the recipient of four letters, 3 two 4 of which have been addressed to 
him by '" ""N IN. IB (resp. Uu MASH)-TUR.USH-SE-na* From the contents and 
the tone of these two letters it is apparent that Innanni was the "chief bursar" 
of the Temple's storehouses, where nothing could be either received or expended 
without his knowledge and consent, and that Errish-apal-iddina was likewise a 
person of no mean rank; for he hires workmen, and dares to command Innanni: 
"Thou, hurry up, give the seed corn to the city."" Apparently then he was at the 
head of a city. More than this, he even had certain prefects {hazanndti) under 
him, for he requests Innanni in another letter: "Thou shalt not accept the sesame 
of the prefects." 7 This latter passage shows that Errish-apal-iddina, because he 
had authority over hazanndti, "city prefects," must have been a "governor," a 
"bel pah&ti."* Comparing these results with the texts of B. E., XIV and XV, 
we learn that a certain place, called either Diir-'" il "NlN .IB-TUR.USH-SE-na ki » 
or Bit- m i,u MASH lu (resp. m ^NIN.IB^-TUR.USH-SE-na 1 ", flourished as a "barley 
depot" during the 13th year of Kuri-Galzu 12 and the 19th, 13 22d," and 24th 15 year 
of Nazi-Maruttash — i.e., during a period of at least thirty-two years, including 

1 The statement in B. E., XIV, p. !S : "All the tablets in which tliis name (i.e., Innannu) occurs, with the exception 
of one, which is dated in the reign of Nazi-Maruttash, belong to the reign of Kuri-Galzu," will have to be modified 

2 Of . here also the Bit- m In-na-an-nt (situated in Nippur, B. E., XV, 115 :5; 135 : 0) which flourished from at 
least the 22d year of Kuri-Galzu (B. E., XIV, 36 : 2, 11) to the 1.5th year of Nazi-Maruttash (B. E., XIV, 65 : 7, 14). 
Add here to Btt-Innanni of B. E., XV, the following references: 66 : 6 | 117 : 2 | 141 : 22 | 155 : 20, 22. A Mdr- m In-na- 
a[n-ni is mentioned in the 6th and the 7th year of Shagarakti-Shuriash (B. E., XIV, 132 : 22). 

3 Nos. 83-86. 

4 Nos. 83 and 84. 

6 Possibly to be read Errish{t)-apal-iddina. For the possible reading of NIN .IB resp. MASH as Errish(t), see 
The Monist, XVII (January, 1907), pp. 140ff. Clay reads this name either N 1 N .1 B-mar-iddina (B. E., XIV, p. 49a) or 
NIN.IB-apal-iddina (B. E., XV, p. 38a). Why this change, considering that in all the passages known to me the 
writing TUB.USH = apal is found? 

6 No. 83 : 24 it at-ta ha-mu-ut-ta al-ka-am-ma SHE.ZER a-na dlu-ki i-din, see p. 112. 

' No. 84 : 3, SHE.GISH.NI slid ha-za-an-na-a-ti la ta-ma-Jia-ar at-ta, etc., see p. 114. 

8 This follows also from a comparison of, e.g., B. E., XIV, 99a (pi. 59 = E. A. H., 195): 4, 7, 16, 26, 29, 41 with 
B. E., XIV, 168 : 59, 51, 26, and especially 1. 40, i.e., in this latter tablet, which is an "inventory of cattle," the "shd 
Bu m Uu NIN JB-TUR.USH-SE-na" apparently stands for pi-hat m i,u NIN .1 B-TUR.U SIl-SE-na. 

8 B. E., XIV, 18 : 7 (notice that KI-II refers back to DUr- of 1. 6). In B. E., XIV, pp. 49a, 586, this name 
is read NIN.TB-mtir-iddina ki resp. NIN.IB-mdr-iddiiia, but in I.e., p. 58a, DHr- m tlu NIN.IB-mdr(read: apal)-iddina ki . 

10 B. E., XIV, 76 : 2. 

» B. E., XIV, 79 : 4 | S4 : 2. 

" B.E., XIV, 18 :7, 1. 

13 B. E., XIV, 76 : 2, 8. 

U B. E., XIY, 79 :4, 11 

15 B. E., XIV, 84 : 2, 9. 


the time during which [nnanni was the "chief bursar" a1 Nippur. Eence 
Innann i and ■ «»Irrish-apal-iddina, the founder, owner, and occupant oi EMr 
(resp Bit)-* Irrishrapal-iddina, were contemporaries.' 

v ., m i n No. 9 : -M a certain "BanoHwfca-""Ma«foA: > when writing to his 
••l ()1 ,r (fte-R) states thai he has, in order to corroborate the truthfulness of his 

communications, "made ... be his witnesses" a .main Nergal-Ba^i, the prefect 

{h a-za-rm of Rakanu, and the prefecl Q^za-an-rm) of Bit-»Ki-din-ni,> upon whom 
hi s -Lord" may call, if he desires confirmation of the truth. The "prefect" of 
Bit-Kidinni was. of course, Kidinni.' This statemenl of Bana-sha-Marduk, no 
doub i indicates that he stood in some kind of a .viatic, to the prefect Kidinm. 
What .his relation was we may gather from a tablet/ dated in the 20th year ol 
Kuri-Galzu which reports thai Bana-sha-Marduk received certain cereals 5 "on the 

authority" or "by order" of Ki-di-nu-V the latter apparently being the superior 

of the former. Bui we ran go a step farther. B. E., XIV, 99a ( = E. A. H.. 105) : 35," 

«Cf herealsoB E \Y I'M where a certain ™Ri-esh-Sham S hu(.-shu) or "Ri-esh-Shamshi-shu (this reading prefer- 

,»„..,.. Clay's RMM . B B.,XV,p. .'/.•-' ^ (Z. A., XX (1907), p. U7f.) in view of such names as 

-R^na-pa-a^ku, B > , XV, 24 7. and "Ri-es^En-Ul, I, . 19 16) , ives f. j £. *0 ^ "J™ 

Ilin .. ullt of grain as Kl QAR wages, which grain was taken ft thai belonging to «,„„ U . SfflMM) ^ 

rra r.s'// 5 rhe tablet is dated in the 22,1 year («c. doubtless of Kuri-Galzu). In B. B., X^ , 136 (dated the 

23d year sc ol Kuri-Galzu), Innannu endorses the pay at of GIG ( - fcibdto, "flour," Jensen, A. B., \ I, p. 485) to 

certa - n ' ■ bv order of" or "in the emploj of" thus receiving the amount specified "on the authority of 

ie "per" -rfi; in this differing from Clay, B. *, XV, pp. 5, 6, who translated oat "in the hands of" or 'paid to ; 

I;,,!. „ r may (as here) I jessed before the s d name in "lists of pa 3 nts") - ^MASH-TUR.l Sll- 

SE-na. These two tablets pr beyond a doubt that Innanni and Errish-apal-iddina were contemporanes dunng 

the 22,1 and 23d ve u ol Kuri-Galzu). 

Xll . 9 21, M-bu-ti-ia '"""A, ,•-„,/-/;,-»/ fea-zo-na shd ^Ra-ka-nu „ h„-;,,-,,„-„„ sh,, H;,-"'l,,-,li„-,n dsh-ta- 

ka-an, see p. 106 

Notice that in our letter the prefect of Bit-Kidinni is not mentioned by name, simply because there was no other 

prefect oi the "house of Kidinni" than Kidinni himself-a fact quite well known to the "Lord." 
< B. E., XIV. 34:6. 

3H.AN.NA (wheat), G&.G-4I (beans), and n&(- ZA(?)-&i-K (caper, cf. Hilprecht, B. B., Senes D, Vol. I, 


' Thus I translate because the nam,- of Kidinu follows that of Bana-sha-Marduk. 

' Kidinni is a shorter form of Kidm(n)ri. The latter is. as the long u indicates, a hypocoristicon of some such 

name SsKidin-NIN.IB,-N, rgal, -R i f. No. 33 : 12), -N/,,. -I <lmash, etc. See " Lis, of Names" in B. E., \I\ , p 

4.;/,. Cf. also is : 22. m KUd™i; 23 : 23, '"Ki-din-^'Mnrduk. and B. E, IX, p. 61b, and /.,-.. X. p. 53b, m Ki-dm. 

■ , )wing to the fact that the writer was in Europe while reading the proofs of his E. B. II. (thus having no access 
to the E A H < Election), it happened that E. A. II., 195 was erroneously reckoned to the Neo-Babylonian period; it 
should have been read. E. B. 11.. p. 328 sub e: -The dynasty of the Cassites, 175-195." instead of 194. Clay, B. /•:., 
XIV p 2 n,,te 3 however 'infers from this inaccuracy that the writer did not understand the nature of the tablet in 
question Turning to the ''Table of Contents" of B. E., XIV, p. 69, No. 99a, I find that its author does not give its 
contents either I take this opportunity to state what I regard to be the contents of this and two exactly similar tablets 
(B E XIV 168 and 99), which are interpreted somewhat differently by Dr. Clay, who sees in No. 168 a "record of 


informs us that there lived in the 11th year of Kadashman-Turgu (1. 46) a certain 
m Ki-di-nu-u who was one of the prefects, hazannati (I.e., col. XV : 22), belonging 
to the pi-hat of m • l, 'En-lil-bel( = EN)-nishe'" esh -shu (1. 41). Now, as m Ki-di-nu-u 

collections" (see I.e., p. 73), while No. 99 in the same volume is pronounced to be a "record of the collection of 
taxes in animals" (see I.e., p. 69). -Ml three tablets just referred to are inventories. Cf., e.g., 99a : 46 (and see 99 : 1), 
mi-iiii LIT.GUDHI.A it GANAM.LTJHI.A NIN.AN mesh , "the number of large and small cattle belonging to the 
NIN.AN mesh ." The latter were two "beings"; one was called NIN AN.GAL, 11. 13, 34 (cf. B.E., XI\ , S'.i : 1, 9; 
104 : 3; 131 : [1], 18; 136 : 16; 138 : 31), and the other NIN.AN.TUR, 1. 44 (cf. B. E., XIV, 89 : 1, 16; 136 : 29 (!)), 
and, per analogy, we ought to expect a NIN.AN.TUR also in 1. 21. What these X/.Y..1.Y"""'' were, cannot be 
made out as yet. From Letter No. 85 (see p. 115) I would like to infer that Inbi-Airi was such a NIN.AN or 
qadishtu. From the arrangement of the tablet in question we might draw the conclusion that the "large cattle" 
were imder the chief supervision of the kash-shu (not = Cassite) m Ki-lam-du, 11. 1, 2, 14; while the "small cattle" 
were under that of the kash-shu m Amel-Ba-nu-u (if kash-shu were = "Cassite," Amel-Banu would be one witli a good 
Babylonian name), 11. 22, 23, 35 (the traces given in B. E. , XIV, are, node ml >t , wn tng). Each kash-shu , it seems, had several 
(three or more?) bel pihdti under him. And as, according to our tablet, the three pi-hat included in tin- kash-shu of 
Kilamdu are exactly the same as those of the kash-shu of Amel-Banu, it is most likely that a kash-shu is the general 
„n rseer of either the large or the small cattle, irrespective of ten itory; in other words, a kashshu has the supervision of 
all. small or of all large cattle of a NIN.AN scattered over all the different provinces (pihati). I propose, therefore, 
t.i derive kashshu from WV3, "to gather" (Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , pp. 322, 562), here in the sense of "one under whose juris- 
diction are gathered a number of bel pih£ti," i.e.. "governor- or overseer-in-chief." A bel pihdti, on the other hand, 
is responsible for the flocks of both the large and small cattle herded in his territory, which responsibility is always expressed 
,, v q6i = " per '\ see 11. 11 (cf. 1. 7); 12 (cf. 1. 4); 17, 20 (cf. 1. 16); 32 (notice the u(\) and cf. 11. 29 and 26); 42 (cf. 1. 
11 ) ; hence we have to translate, e.g., 1. 11, "total 10 (sc.oxen of six years) a-na za-bal KU.QAR amelu RIQ ii KA .ZID.DA 
q&t (= SHU) m • l "Shaii,ash-nadin-ahc"" !sh ," by "(are employed) for the carrying (zabdl = inf.; cf. our No. 34 : 40. 
i-na » ish MAR.GID.DA IX ki-i az-bi-la, when I was bringing straw in the harvest (lit. "long") wagons, the horses, etc.) 
of the KU.QAR-wages of tin- vegetable- and grain-gatherers 'per' (sc. order, information of) Shamash-nadin-alje (the 
bel pi-hat, 1. 7)"; or 1. 17, "total S3 cattle, the property (na-kain-lum) of Mar-Idinanni-Shaniash, 'per' (order, infor- 
mation of) Enlil-bel-nishc shu (the bel pi-hut, 1. 16)." The territory of a pi-hal was subdivided into two to six (cf. 11. 
2, 3 and 35-40), or possibly more, hflzann&ti, and each hazannu or "prefect" had one (cf. 11. 2, 3, etc.), two (cf. 11. 27, 
28 and 36, 37) or more na-gid or "shepherds" under him. The nagid, huzunnu, bel pihfiti, kashshu of this tablet corre- 
spond exactly to the nagid, nu-banda(-gud), PA. pa-te-si of the "inventory " lists of the Ur dynasty tablets, as published 
in E. B. H., pp. 333-361 (lor uu-haiula - hazannu see, e.g., Meissner, Idcograinme, Xo. 1159). It will be noticed thai 
the cattle introduced by TA = itti or EN = adi are never counted, hence TA = itti cannot mean here "together with," 
nor can adi be translated by "in addition to". TA = itti has to be rendered by "besides," and EN = adi by "apart 
from." For TA cf. e.g., 1. 43, TA 15 ki-is-bu, i.e., "besides 15 (that were given for a) sacrifice to the dead. " For 
kishu see, besides Zimmern, Ritualt., p. 160, 11; Jensen, K. B., VP, pp. 446, 517; also B. E., XV, 185, I : 5; 200, I : 6, 
ki-si-bu u ri-im-ku. For EN = adi cf. 1. 5, EN 1 shut (not lain, as ( 'lay's copy gives, see XlV, 16S : 16, EN 5 shul-ma- 
ni and cf., /.c, 1. 15, shu!-niu-na-a-tum; XV, 199 : 21, 22; shul( = DI)-ma-nu)-ma-nu, i.e., "apart from one (that was 
given for a) peace (-offering)." Cf. also 1. IS, EN 2 GUI) MU-i u 1 LIT slid i-na Kdr-EN .KUR.KUR k ' bu-uk-ku-ra. 
i.r., "apart from two oxen, four years old, and one cow which are being taken care of in Kar-EN.KUR.KUR." For 
bukkura cf. also XIV, 168 : 55, shd i-na shattu l kl "" bu-uq-qu(\)-ra. and I.e., 1. 16. tab-ki-ir-(XIV, 99a : 10, tab-kir(\)- 
iDlum shd ma-du-tu u-pai')-ak-ki-ru-ni, which shows that we have here a verb baq&ru = paqdru = Hebr. ">p3, Piel: 
"to cleave, discern, to look alter a thing"; met with also in Neb., Winckler, I : IS (quoted by H. W. B., p. 1S16), 
where inu-bu-ak-ki-ir ga-ar-ba-a-tim should be translated by "who looks alter the fields," i.e., "who takes care of them." 
A tapqirtu accordingly, would lie a "Hock which requires special treatment," a "special looking alter," and XIV, 168 
16, quoted above, might be translated: "the flock(s) requiring a special looking alter of the several shepherds they 
take care of them." Lastly cf. 1. 43: EN 20 za-bit-ti MU U kam , i.e., "apart from 20 (special) 'holdings' of the 11th 


(the i and superior of Bank-sha-Marduk 1 ) is only another writing for m Ki- 

din-ni (the hazdnu of Bft- m Ki-din-ni and the high and influential witness of Bana- 
sha-Marduk, the writer of Letter No. 9), there can be absolutely no reason againsl 
our identifying both and establishing the fact thai Bana-sha-Marduk, the writer 
of No. 9, must have lived between the 20th year of Kuri-Galzu J and the I lth of 
Kadashman-Turgu, or during a space of aboul forty-three years. 

In like manner we mighl go through the whole 'd.isi of personal names" or 

,,..,,.- special holdings of the 10th and the Llth year here, because not introduced l.\ EN, they 

iin ,„l. cf.als GANAM l.l ' " shi si-bi-ti ■ ■ "small cattle of the special 

holdings of the citj T.") The root of m-bit-H si-bi-e-ti si-bi-ti is ros, and we have here the same word as sibitlu, 
DelitEsch, //. U. />'.. p. 562b, 2. translates bj Eigentum." These examples show that the different shepherds 
herding the cattle of the A7.Y..I .\"" s '' had among their herds verj often animals belonging to other people, whirl, 
animals were designated either by nakamtu, "property" (XIV, 99a : 17), or by sibitti, "special holdings"; cf. here 
aN „ \i\ .,., 16 - Ml ll'-'"" ilu Ka-dash-man^Tur-gu a-di LIT.GUD^ ia -shv i no &lu En-lil' a U-ta-ansma-ar [fol 

lows enumeration], i.e., --in (In- nth year of K. there were seen in Nippur in additii bis (i.e., ol '" ''"[. .. •], 1.1) 

cattle als,. the following." Clay, B. /•.'.. XIV, p 52fc, also mentions a title or office, /,•/'-»<». as occurring after tin- name 

Shamash-nCidin- 11,32. These two references are an evident mistake, yet Kl MU does occur in 99a : 38 

Shamash-na?ir) and in 1. 4(1 (after "' Sh h^iqisha). For still other occurrences of Kl MU after proper 

■ .,,.. HE. XV, 132 : 23. '" I ' Ma dul Kl MU '"A.\ I .1,// or Bel)-ma-tMbu (notice that wo have two 

s in this line only!); I.e., 171 : 11 (again in this line only two names!); i.e., 96: U, m Bu-un^na- llu AG Kl MU UD.DA- 
.;. ; B /... \1\ 168 25, etc., etc. The meaning ol this expression we gather from />'. /•■'.. XIV, 168 : 34, 3 LIT.GAL slid 

01 B.SHA.RA sh&shattu in' '" 1/' shum) m Qu-un-nu-ni shat-ru, i.e., "3 large cows which are entered (shafru) 

in the inventors tablel - (which form part of the "Temple Archives") lor the year 10 under the name of Qunnuni." 

KI.MU, when standing bi twe< n two (proper) ni s, ha- to lie transcribed hi shum ami must !.<• rendered by "for the 

name"; heme ' \ : fei shum '")' na-gid is a "shepherd whose name is entered in the inventory tablet ' lor' that 

of another, the real or original, shepherd who, at the time when the inventory was taken, happened to In. away from his 
flock"; in other words, '".V ki shum '"¥ is as much as "X. the substitute lor V." In conclusion I may mention here 
that several mistakes are to be found in this tablet, as, e.g., col."S II 8, read "19" instead of "20" (1.8, cols. I-V only lit 
cattle are enumerated; the mistake has probably its origin in 1.8, col, I); col. X : 34 gives as "grand total" 370, hut if 
we add together the totals of col. X, as given in the copy, we receive the sum 3S6, or 10 too many. These 10 "too many" 
are found in col. X : 25, where we ought to read, according to the different items of cols. I IX. 83, instead of 93, a- the 
copy gives it. As the grand total is correctly given as 37(1. we must suppose that the mi-take is not attributable to the 
original, but to the copyist. These notes, I hope, will convince the reader that we have to see in B. E., XIV, 99a (and all 
-imtlar tablets, called in Vol. XIV "records of the receipt of taxes in animals") an "inventory" ol the Mocks (including at 
the same time an inventory of the "butter" l VI.NUN, col. VIII, Obv.) and "wool" (S/G* io , col. XII. Rev.) yielded by 

t hem) of tl ad small cattle ol the NINAN™**'' under the chief supervisio two hash-shu. This inventory 

includes such additional notes as might be found necessary to account for certain "absent" or "present" cattle that 

nally did. or did not. form a component part of the Hocks mentioned. For inventory tablets From the time of the 
kings of l'r cf. Hilprecht. />'. E., Vol. I. part 2, Nos. 124, 126, and my /■-'. /.'. //.. pp. 333-361. 

' Bana-sha-Marduk. the contemporary of Amel-Marduk, No. 3 : Hi. lias probably to be differentiated from this 
one here. The former lived and flourished during the time of Sliagamkti-Shuriash . 
'■ /;. E., XI V. 34 :6. 
3 B. E., XIV, 99a ( = E. .1 . //.. 195) : 35. 


"scribes" 1 and show that they lived during the reign, or were contemporaries, of 
one or the other of the above mentioned Cassite kings. Seeing that such an investi- 
gation would lead too far here, we reserve it for Series C. 

We need not, however, rely entirely upon the "persons" introduced in these 
documents to establish for our letters a Cassite origin and age. There are other 
means at our disposal which lead to the same result. Among these might be enum- 
erated : 

(/)) The Cassite names of the persons mentioned as, e.g., m Gu-za-ar-AN ( = Hut), 7 
"Si-vi-da-ash, 3 Mar-'" ll-su ( l)-ub-Sh i-palc,' Mar-'" V-da-sha-dsh, 5 m Na-zi- ilu En-lil, e 

1 m Ardi-GASHAN ( = BMit), the writer of X,,. 5, is mentioned in B. E., XIV, 40 : 30 (dated in the 21st year 
of Kuri-Galzu, 1. 23) as DUB.SAR or "scribe." Cf. also the DUB.SAR Erba-Marduk of B. E., XIV, 127 : 14 
(dated "the beginning of the reign of Shagarakti-Shuriash " ; for the expression c!'. The Monist, XVII (January, 1907), 
p. 150), with the writer(s) of Nos. 13, 14 (SI?), 82, and see pp. 14, note 7; 117; 121. 

2 No. 87 :3. Cf. m Gu-za -ur-zn-ar-Bu-ga-ash, C. B. M., 3532 : 16 (quoted by Clay, />'. E., XV, p. 31a, and I.e., 
p. ix), which, no doubt, is the same as m Gu-NI (\)-za-ar-Bu-ga-ash (thus read by Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 436, and quoted 
from ('. B. M., 3646), seeing that Nl might be read zal = zar. The interchange of I and r in the different languages 
is loo well known as to require further examples. Gu-zar-zar resp. Gu-zal-zar "might " be an intensive form of Gu-zar, 
which latter we find in our text. If AN lie read ilu we would have here a "mixed" nami — partly Cassite, partly Baby- 
lonian; for such names cf., e.g., Kadashman- ilu Enltt, Kudur- ilu Enlil, NIM.GI-shar-Ui, etc. In view of such names as 
Guzarzar-Bugash, Guzalzar-Bugash, we might lie justified in reading our name here Guzar-Bugash, thus identifying the 
Babylonian AN with the Cassite Bugash and attributing to the latter the role played by AN in the Babylonian pantheon. 

:l Xo. 28 : 5 in [Bit]-'"Si-ri-da(av shdl)-ash. Is this name to be compared with Si-ri-in, B. E., XV, 198 : 3(1, and 
Si-!i-[iir, for this emendation cf. Clay, Z. A.. XX (1007), p. 4171'.], I.e., 88 : 2. with interchange of / and r? 

1 Xo. 55 : 2. For the reading Shi-pak, instead of Shi-hu, see B. E., XV, 190, VI : 15, Me-li-Shi-pa-[ak], and < 'lay. 
/.<-., p. 3, note 4. Cf. here the names tf-zu(l)-ub-Shi-pak, Scheil, Textes Slam. San.. I, p. 93, I, 3; U-zn-itb-HA .LA (tic, 
against Clay, I.e., XIV, p. 54//), B. E.. XIV, 132 : 27, and U-zu-ub-SHI-ia-SAjff, Clay, I.e., XV. p. 456. For the inter- 
change of s and z cf., among others, also za-bit-ti, B. E., XIV, 99a : 30, with si-bi-ti, I.e., 99 : 65, and si-bi-e-ti, I.e., 99k : 32. 
In view of this interchange we cannot connect U-sn-nh = V-zu-ub with 3IK and see in our name a formation similar 
to that of Nabti-u-zu-bu ("Nebo ist Entgeltl"), quoted by Del., H. W. B.. p. 356. Uzub, Usub. no doubt, is a side-form 
of ii-zi-ib = e-te-rum, Del., Sprache der Kossaer, p. 26 : 42. For the interchange of i' and u cf'., e.g., lish-ki(\)-riu, No. 
35 : 33; li-mi-ish-shi-ru-ni, 55 : 12, etc. {j-m-ub-Shi-pak, then, is = Bpir-Marduk, i.e., "Protect, oh Marduk!" Uzub- 
gA.LA ="Protect my portion " (sc.ohgod!); Cziih-S/lf-ia-SAH =" Protect my face (= me), oh Shamash," or possibly 
"th • protector of my face U Shamash." See here also the remarks to NIM.GI, introduction to No. 33a. 

■ Thus to be read according to B. E., XV, 16S : 4, where we have ash for dsh. According to 55 : 8, 16, 20 iliis 
person was the messenger of King Burna-Buriash, see p. 53, note 2. 

6 No. 24 : 25. This half Cassite and half Babylonian name is found again in C. B. M„ 3520 : 13 (B. /?., XV, p. 
33a). Whether the element Na-zi be the same as Na-nh-zi, which Clay, B. E., XV, p. 4, note 2, thinks to be possible, 
cannot be made out as yet. It is, however, a fact that ah and a' very often change in these texts — a phenomenon 
overlooked by the author of Vols. XIV and XV, as seen from B. E., XV, p. 37, note 1, where we have Mi-na-a-a'-di-a- 
na-AN ( = ilu) for Mind-aliti-mni-ili. For this interchange of ah and a' cf. Ki-shd-ah-bu-ut (34 : 1), resp. Ki-shnh-lin-nl 
(35 : 1), with Mdr- m Ki-shd-a'-bu-ut, B. E.. XV, 1SS, I : 25 (not registered by Clay), II : 13 (I.e., p. 49a, wrongly has 
ah for a'); "'"Md,-'"Bn-ah-li,-li, B. E.. XV, 159c :5 (the dlu Sihru- m Ba-ah-lu-ti and all others quoted under "'"Sihrn 
in B. E., XIV, p. 586, and XV, p. 536, have, of course, to be corrected into &lu Mdr-\ cf. &lu shd Mdr-ShUibi in Scheil, 
Textes Elan,. Sem., I, p. 100) with [Mdr]- m Ba-a'-lu-ti, B. E., XV, 120 : 3. From this we might infer that Xu-ah-;i 
could also be written Na-a'-zi and become Na-zi. But the intermediate form Na-a.'-zi has nol yet been found; hence the 
dentification of Na-ah-zi and Na-zi must, at the present, be left open. 



We-li-Shi-pak,' ami lastly -Me-li- »Shu-qa-mu-na> who. as regards his name, is 
a thorough Cassite, but who. as regards his national sentiments, was a good Baby- 
lonian citizen, for his son bears the unmistakably Babylonian name m "■I'A.KC- 
SHESH-SE-na Nusku-ab-iddina.* 

(c) Certain cities or places peculiar i«» both, our letters hero and the dated 
tablets of the Cassite kings. Among those may be mentioned alu Ardi-GASHAN kt 
( />'."///>. BU-^Ki-din-ni, 1 BAR.TUR k ,' i mr-EN.KUR.KUR ki ,° 1Mr- il »En- 

Uso mentioned in />' / \l\, 125 8 (13th year ol Ku[ri-Galzu]) and I.e., XV, 190, VI : 15. 
N " ''' ' '■ '" H - l: - xv I' '■ this name i- considered to have a Babylonian element. As Meli is correctly 
Cassite element, the god Shuqamuna is evidently regarded as a Babylonian divinity. The fact, however, 
Shuqamuna was no, known in the Babylonian pantl n lill the time of the Cassites proves, ..part from other con- 
siderations, that he must have been introduced b 3 them. For Shu- also the writing S/ni-occurs, see />' /•: XIV 132 ■ 
II; XV, 136 : in. 

account of mar (not marS me,h ), 1. 1 I. I do not hold m Bu*m-na- ilu NIN.IB, 1. 12. to l»- a son ol' Meli- 
- iqamuna. 

•No 59 13. 

x - I:; • 7 66 : -'■ •" l « 19 we have * lu Ardi-NIN ( = BelU) H and in 11 : 20 dtu Ardi-GASHAN H . The 
latter writing is found also in B. E. \l\. l23o I K.A.H. ISO) : 5 (8th year of Kudurri-Enlil, 1. 13). 
9 23 II : 15. For the hpzanu m Kirdi-nu-u = m Ki-dirwni see above, pp. -Iff. 
? x " v; ;s '" ! " ""' according to Br 6900) Pa-^-ak »»,-,■/'■' (so also Clay. Z. .!.. XX (1907), p. 4171'., cor- 
recting H. I \1\. p. 576, passim). The ■■ is, of course, the Nippurian mar ■cm' ef oxfyv, i.e., ilu NIN.IB. From 
/>'. /■:.. XIV, 133 : 3, we Iran, thai it existed in "the seventh year of Shagarakti-Shuriash, " 1. 13. Of. hero also the 
KAS : "Parak-maH H in />'. E.. XIV. lor : :), ami see below, p. 10, not- 3. 

1 No. 17 : 18, 26. EN.KVR.KVR in our letters is used either of ilu NIN.IB or of ''" En-lil, never ol' Marduk 

: No 2 1 :14. 17. ami el. n ^ u Nam-ga-ri-shcUEN.KUR.KUR in No. 59 : 9. For the omission of ilu 

" : ""*" ; " i - imong others, also la-ma-as-si, /»'. /•.'.. XV, l(i:i : 38 (the city mention,.,! i„ ll. E., XV, 159r:12 

has to be read "' ilu En-lil-IGI.BAR.RA, i.e., "Enlil looks Favorably upon," and not (Clay, I.e., p 52,m "'"/>\ /-//,„- 

»Htt-*u(?)); Ishtar (U.DAR), I.e., 185 : 36 . Ins. I : 13 V : 15; Sarpanitum, I.e., Y&Z :Zl; Sham( = 0)-shi, I.e., 90 : 10; 

= UD)' h . I.e., 10,7 : 33, 34; ffIN.AZAG.BI, I,:. ISO : .'4; .S7„ ( = XXX), I.e., 104 : 7 100 : 5; /Ll, I.e., 

1st', o; En-lil, I.e., 132 : 10 177, : 65 | 17,1 : 27; Marduk, I.e., 90, : 20; Nusku, C. B. M., 3472. etc., etc. A Mr-EA''- 

KUR.KUR'" is mentioned in B. E.. XIV, 5 :6 filth year of Burra-Buriash). Of. also alu Dur-he-el-KUR.KUtt in 

1 I mdth. DHr-EN.KUR.KUR.GAL, l.c.,159e: 10. The correct reading of the different writings would 

Mr-bel-w "the fortress (wall) of the (great I lord of lands," i.e., of Enlil of Nippur. Now we know from 

such P /; '■'■■ XV, 37 : 1. that the temple of Enlil as the I,;!-,,,,;/,;/;-,,,!,,, is very often referred to simply as E.AN 

= WWK, i.e., "the house of the god" pai excellence, and that Enlil himself is very often spoken of as the A N or iZu, i.e., 

'•the god" («. A'.. XIV, 16 : 1, see below, p. 80); hence Enlil, "the great lord of lands," might also be called "the 

great god oi lands." Furthermore, it is well known that KUR.KUR = mdtati = lands (= "world," "cosmos") is 

KA LAM = matati = lands ( = Babylonian world = Simmer and Akkad), hence the reading Btt- ilu UN .GAL 

En-lil 1 * defended in 7. A .. XX (1907), p. 119. must be abandoned in my judgment. There is no god UN.GALl B. E.. 

XIV. Us : I.",, is. has to he read t-AN .KALAM. GAL-EN .LIL U = Bit-Ili-matati-rabu Nippur*, i.e., "the temple ol 

at god of the lands at Nippur," which temple is the E.KVR inhabited l,\ Enlil-NIN.IB-Nusku or better, which 

d by the Nippurian Trinity in Unity: Enlil (Father)— NIN.IB (Son)— Ninlil = Gula (Mother, resp. wife of 

. for the latter also B. F... XV, 34 : 2. BU- ilu Gu-h u AN .KALAM. GAL-EN. LIL* 1 , i.e., "the temple of Gula 

= Enlil; the temple of the god standimi lor the god's name. el. apil-E-shar^ra = NIN.IB). V!. here 

also the note on AX. GAL = ilu KA.l)I = Enlil farther below, p. 20. 


tf'™'-"', 1 "'"Dur-Ku-ri-Gal-zuf and lastly """'A.AB.BA 1 .' 

'No. 39 :21, or written also Dur-' lu Eii-lil'i' ■"- ki , No. 3 : 33, 38, 41, which latter is mentioned in H. E., XIV, 
5 : 10 (11th year of Burra-Buriash) and I.e., 78 :4 (22d of Nazi-Maruttash). A '''"DAr-' 1 " En-i;fi> n - k < we find in 
B. E., NIV, IIS : 1, 30 (5th year of Kudur-Enlil), and a dl "DAr-' ,u En-Ul""» h - ki in I.e., XIV, 127 : 4 (beginning of the 
reign of Shagarakti-Shuriash). In this last passage the same city is mentioned in 1. 7, where its name is "'" 'Dur- En* 
lil-li-e — a most interesting writing, showing that even at the time of the Cassite kings ''"EX.LIL was pronounced 
and read Enlil resp. Ellil, or still better: EnliM with a plural EnlilS, the long u or $ still betraying the fact that we have 
here a Semiticized Sumerian word. For such formations ef., e.g., gu-za = hussti = Hebr. ND3, "throne." Clay's 
view, A. J. S. L. L., XXIII, pp. 2091'., that Enlil was always pronounced Enlil must be modified, as will be shown 
elsewhere. The name Enlil, signifying originally the chief god of Nippur, was in course of time applied to each and 
every god that played the same role in the religious conception of the Babylonians as did Enlil of Nippur. The same 
holds good of NIN.LIL = H/lil, E.KVR = temple, llu Innanna = Ishtar = goddess, AN = Hit = god; ef. the German 
word " Kaiser" = Caesar, etc. In other words: Enlil, originally t lie name of a god, became later mi a title, as such signi- 
fying "the highest lord," the bil «ar fi<>\'/'". just as AN became later on "the god par excellence." Enlil, when 
a name, is read and pronounced Enlil, resp. Ellil, but when a title, it must be pronounced '><"/. Not only linguistically, 
however, but also from a religio-historic standpoint is this name and writing important. It shows us that ever since 
the time of the "kings of Ur and of the four corners of the world," when Enlil of Nippur was referred to as ' l "Eit-Iil-li 
En-lil ki -a (E. B. //., p. 272, 1. 5) or as En-lil ki -a ''" En-lil-li (E. B. II., p. 269, note 11; p. 271, 1. 5), i.e., "Enlil of the 
Nippurians" or "the Nippurian Enlil" (for the Formation En-lil k '-a = Nippurian, see dlSII-IJl' 1 ' ' -,i (E. B. II., p. 
79, 1. 28; p. 81, 1. 55) = ""'"GISH.IJU^ (E. B. II., p. 70, 11. 5, S; p. SI, note 1, et pass.). Hrozny's theory, Z. A ., 
NX (1907), p. 4211'., to read GISH.ffU = Umma or Alma is untenable. From the fact that HU has the pronunciation 
Umma or Alma, it does not yet follow that GISH.IjU lias to be read likewise Umma or Alma), there came to be known 
in Babylonia a "collection" (hi. a) of Enlils, among them Sin (of Ur), Dagan (of Ism), Shamash (of barsa), Mardvk 
(of Babylon), AN-SHAR = Ashshur (of Ashhur), and the Cassite Enlil = Harh, , thus demonstrating beyond a shadow 
of a doubt that Enlil ceased very early to be a name and became a title. There is no old Enlil or Bil as over against 
a new or later BH ( = Marduk), but all gods called Enlil have simply put on the jacket of the chief god of Nippur, 
i.e., they were identified with him — an observation clearly showing that the "religion" of Nippur formed the pattern 
after which the religion of all other Babylonian cities was formed. Cf. my remarks in Old Pain, February 16, 19117, p. 3. 
This latter statement is not contradicted by B. E., XV, 102 : 13, 14, where we hear of two cities called Dilr- 
ilu MAR.TU-labiru( = SHA) M (Clay, I.e., p. 526, Dur-Amurru-u ki ) and Kl-Ih = Dt%r- ilu MAR.TU)-eshshu( = BIL) 1 " 
(Clay, ibid., Dur-BIL(.\E) kl ), for here labint, resp. eshshu, does not refer 1 1 > llu MAR.TU, but to Dur; i.e., we have here 
an "old" and a "new" Dar-' 1 " Martu, or two parts (hence no items given for "new" DAr-' l "Marlu) of one city, cf. the 
German .4//- and Neu-Stettin, 

2 Nos. 45 : 23 | 57 : 15, 20, or only Dur-Ku^ri-Gal-zu, Nos. 13:7 | 23 : 29. From No. 13 : 7 it is evident that 
t Ins city cannot have been too far away from Nippur, it being connected with it by a ki-sir( = BU)-ti or "stone dam, ' ' 
hence the same canal that passed by Nippur must have passed by Dur-Kuri-Galzu (and "'"Anli-Bi'lit) likewise. The 
ruins represented at the right of No. I, below No. Ill (see the Plan of Nuffar in Hilprecht, li. E., Series I), Vol. I, p. 
305, and regarded by Hilprecht as covering the ruins of the fortified palace of the patesis of Nippur, which, like the 
palace of Sargon at Khorsabad, formed a bulwark in the fortification line of Nippur), in all probability represent those 
of Dur-Kuri-Galzu. Notice also that the "canal" which starts from the Shatt-en-Nfl (for which see No. V), between 
Nos. I and IV, passes the lower part of the ruins to the right of No. I. The first occurrence of this place is in an omen- 
tablet (inspection of a liver) from the 11th year of Burra-Buriash, B. E., NIV, 4:11, LU.ARDU meah li-mur-ma a-na 
Dur-Ku-rir[Gal-zu] li-she-bi-l[am]. This passage is not referred to in B. E., XIV, nor in the corrections, Z. A., NX 

(1907), p. 417f. It is again ntioned in B. E„ XIV, 12 : 42, dated i-na '"'>'" KIS -''" I imaum, ll-tu (i.e., shanHtu) shd 

shattu 4 k "'" Ku-ri-GaLzu. These two passages prove that this place was founded not by Kuri-Galzu sihrii, but by the 
older Kuri-Galzu. Notice in this connection thai the last quoted tablet gives us the first occurrence of a second Elul 
fur the Cassite period, being called there not ar b u KIN(- ilu Innanna) //'""" (H. !■:., XV, 40 : 1) nor ar b u KIN(- ilu Innanna) 
U {B E X y 4(i , 3 | gg . u 1 106 , 5) ^ but ■»-h><iaX->l"I, l „anna ll-tu. This month had its origin, as we know, 

10 IRS I'n « \-~rM m: KINGS 

{(h Certain peculiarities which our letters here have in common noi only with 

instigation ol Hamrau King, Letters, No. II 6, where il is called " ' ,U R I \ i,u Innanna U kam - ma . It was 

not recognii • I in />'. 6 '.. XIV, p 02, No 12, where the niontli is lefl out. 

V- -'-' i Tamtim, the "sea county " For tl lose relation between Babylonia and the 

sea country al the time of the Cassites see Weissbach, Babyl, Miscellen, p. 7, where {B, E., 6 105) a certain / ' la Hu-ri-in- 
nsh appears both as "king of m,tu A A B.BA" and as "son P( R ol /•' na-Bi ' ia-ash " (probablj the same as 
Buma-Buriash II. the son of Kuri-Galzu 1. Bee p. 71). Cf. now also King, Chronicles concerning Early Babylonian 

and Wiuckler, < >. I.. '/... November, 1W7, where ii i> recorded thai I 'lam-Bur{i)ash, the brother of Kashtiliashu I. 
conquers the "sea country," and thai igum, the son ol KashHliashu I, "goes ou1 against" the same counl ry and "captures 
Dur-E.A." For the occurrences ol I [B.BA "sea"or"sea country, " see also B. A.. XIV, 58 : 50, 53 (13th year of 
Uaruttash 16S IS 22,23 XV, 199 26, 27, 33, 38, 40, and the GIR.RI A.AB.BA in B. E., XIV, 147 I E.A.H., 
182 6 In connection with the reading and the signification ol the last mentioned expression, Clay, Ii. /'.'., XIV, 
p. :i. finds sufficient reason to correct a statement made in /.'. Ii. //.. p. 329, where the question was asked, "Is this 
latter i . GIR.RI A.AB.B I to be c-lassid among the kings of iliis dynasty?" He, although admitting that "it is 
not impossible that it is a ruler's name," thinks, however, that "the facl that there is no gap in that part of the lisi 
of kings which these archives represent, into which it would fit, speaks against it being a ruler's name." However, 
what is assumed by Prof. Clay to be a fact, ran onlj be regarded as a theory— a theory from which other scholars, 
the present writer included, beg to differ. No valid reason lias as yet been brought Forward to show that, e.g., Kuri- 
Galzu was the immediate successor of Buma-Buriash. On the contrary, there exists a great divergence of opinion with 
regard to the succession of Kuri-Galzu upon the reign of Burna-Buriash. To illustrate this I quote sm-li prominent 
scholars as \\ inckler, Das alte IVest-Asien, p. 21; Delitzsch, Chronologischt Tabt II < n; Weissbach, Babyl. Miscellen, p. -I '. ; 
Hilprecht, Ii. /.'.. XX 1 , p. 52, note 1- The latter, e.g., when speaking of the succession of Kuri-( lalzu upon Buma-Bur- 
iash's reign, expresses himself (l.c.) quite carefully, saying: "Kuri-Galzu, liis (i.e., Burna-Buriash's) son and possibly 
not his immediait successor." From this divergence of opinion il will he apparent that it is by no means a "fact" that 
there is no gap in that part of the list of longs which these archives represent. For a full discussion of the questions 
here involved see pp. 59ff. Clay, however, is doubtless correct in denying to GIR.RI A.AB.BA the title "king," and 
likewise in seeing in him no "person" at all. I also accept his proposition to read Gir-ri T&mlu, but I am unable to 

with his interpretation of Girri-Ttxmtu as a "place name." as which we find il {I.e., p. 58a) mentioned in the list 
S i nes o Places." For both his leading ami its identification with the name of a "place" he invokes as "conclu- 
sive evidence" a passage in Ii. E., XIV, 134 : 2. "where Girru i KAS) Tam-tim is written," comparing this with 
- KAS) Dur-ilu h {I.e., XIV, 161 : 7) and with Gir{sic Clay)-M-ru, Mi-ls-ru {Trans. Dep. of Arch. V.ofP.. 
Vol [, Part 3, p. 2231 .). On account of the importance of this new interpretation proposed by Prof. Clay, it is necessary 
to examine that author's "places" mentioned under Girru, H. E., XIV, p. 58a, a little more carefully. We begin with 
II. E., XIV. 134, which reads. 3 qa M DUG.GA a-na KAS ( = girru or harrSnu) Tam-tim j '" ilu NIN.IB-DUGl D- 
SHESH{si< copy; hu GAR-mt "' '"SlIEi, -,,-„„ shattu 8 kam ilu Sha-garak-te-Shur-4a-a[sh]; i.e., either 

"li qa ol good oil for the journey to the sea(-country) which X. is making, " or, possibly better, "3 qa of good oil which 
A7.V '.lR-bilitti-nhi -shu I = X. is the most important one of his brothers) has put up {GAR-nu shaknu nu = permansive; 
cf. in this connection mn-hi-ir = permansive, as e.g., H. E., XV, 86 : 6) for Ut-mt) the KAS, i.e., the journey (lit. the 

to the sea. linn follows date. According to this translation the "place" Girru-Tam-tim resolves 
itself into a "journey to thk sea." B. E., XIV, ltil reads: 17 qa 1 DUG GU.ZI.NI GISH.BAR-SHE.BA \ 18 
\I GISH.BAR-5-qa 37 qaSHE.GISH.Nl GISH.BAR-SHE.BA ,'"'"' l>V I..AZM, \ Amu 26* om | shattu 23* om | KAS 
t = girru, harranu) Dur-ilu 1 " i '"A »/■-' "DIL.BAT IN.SAR; i.t ,"17 qa (in) one vessel, fcdsu(see Meissner, Ideogr., No. 
2048 -oil GISH BAB provender, 18 (qa in one vessel I sesame-oil, GISH.BAR-5-qa, 37 qa of sesame, GISH.BAR provender, 
month Tishri, the lsth. year 23. Journey to I Nir-ilu. Nur-DIL.BAT has entered " {sc. in the "Temple Archives, " (cf. sha 
i-na DUB.SHA.R 1 hat-ru, B, /■:.. XIV, 168 : 34, 13) as having paid out or received). B. Ii.. XIV, 147 (= E. A. II.. 

L82, cl E. Ii. II. . p. 329 reads 28 {gur) ZID.DA m l-li-ish-man-ni ^"SHE.KIN.KUD j Omu 1*'"'" | shattu W k "'" | 
gir-ri A.AB.BA ; i.e., "2s gur of Hour Ili-ishmanni (sc. has received or put up or given). Adar, the 1st, year 1U. Journey 


the "Temple Archives," but also with the letters from the Hammurabi and the 
Amarna periods. Among these may be mentioned : 

(a) The use of dlu-ki, 1 or a-li-ki, 2 "city," for simple dlu. 

(i3) The use of DISH before be-D 3 — a peculiarity so far met with only in 
tablets of the Amarna 1 period. 

to the sea." There is lastly a text which is of the highest importance in this connection here, but which lias not been 
referred to by Clay, it being quoted by him neither under Girru (/>'. E., XIV, p. 58a) nor under alu BAR.TVR M (I.e., p. 
.57//). Its importance consists in the fact that there is to be found between KAS ( = girru) and BAR.TVR ki the determi- 
native for "city," dlu, thus showing conclusively that KAS does not belong to BAR.TUR ki ; if it did, such a place 
would have to be written "'" KAS.BAR.TUR ki , and not KAS &lu BAR.TVR ki , as we find it here. The text, B. E., 
XIV, 1(17. reads: 34 qa ZID.DA | 24 (go) SHE.BAR | KAS ( = girru, hflrrdnu) "'" BAH.TUR ki | 2 qa SHE. BAR a-na 
te-e-ni | &mu 17'""" | ar b u ENGAR shattu 1 l'""" \ ilu Ka-dash-man-Tur-gu LUGAL.E; i.e., "34 qa of flour, 24 qa of barley 
(for the) journey to l'arak-mari (and) 2 qa of barley for grinding" (teni = HAR.HAR = KkuA = qa-mu-u = OAZ = 
hash,;/,,, d. //. II'. />'., p. 6986, and />'. E., XIV, 84 : 4 I 91 : 4 | XV, 171 : 11, KTJ.QAB GAZ ZID.DA). Then follows 
date. In the above given texts, then, the KAS Tam-tim, KAS Dur-ilu ki , Gir-ri A.AB.BA, KAS " h 'BAR.TUR ki are 
not "places," but '•.journeys" to the places named alter KAS resp. Gir-ri, and the tablets in which these expressions 
occur do not represent "payments" (Clay, Table of Contents, B. E., XIV, p. 711'.), but are what the Germans would 
call "Verproviantirungs-Bescheinigungen" resp. " Anweisungen." As such they are exactly similar to, e.g., that pub- 
lished by Thureau-Dangin, R. T. Ch., No. 351, which reads: "X. qa zid-gu lugal \ ud B kam shag uru | X. qa aid KAS(l)- 
shit | Giinil-1-l'i lugh | ii Ib-ku-shd dumu nu-banda | A.AB.BA(\)-shu mu-gha-sM gin( = DV)-na "; i.e., "so and so many 
qa of GU-flour, royal quality, for (a) three days (stay) in the city, so and so many qa of flour to Gimil-Ili, the sukal, 
and to Ibkusha, the son of the nu-banda, for the journey (KAS-shu) to the sea (A.AB.BA-shu) which they make (lit. 
'go') for the purpose (shit) of fishing (mu-gha)." Here is KAS-shu A.AB.BA-shu exactly the a-na KAS Tam-tim of 
B. E., XIV, 134. A journey to the sea from Nippur demanded on account of its distance and duration some kind of 
" Verproviantirung." This, likewise, is true of a journey to Dur-ilu on the Elamitic boundary, and if so, then Parak- 
mari cannot be sought in the immediate neighborhood of Nippur, but must have been some distance away from the 
latter place. This note, I trust, will have shown the necessity of removing the KAS resp. Girru-Tamtim and the Girru- 
Dur-Uu kt from the list of "places, " and of assigning to Girru-Misru, i.e., "The Misru-road" = "road to Misru " its proper 
pit among the- "highways" of Babylonia. 

1 Of. Nos. 24 : 22 , 27 : 20 | 28 : 17 | 34 : 39 1 38 : 6 | 52 : (i, 20 | 66 : 1 I, 27 | 83 : 17, 20. See here also dlu-ki karu Ash- 
tab-gan-tug, B. E., XIV, 23 : 2; dlu-ki, B. E., XIV, 5 : 3; dlu-ki^Kal-bi-ia, B. E., XV, 60 : 2. Whether KA A.GUR.DA- 
dlu-ki, B. E., XIV. 29 : 2, may be mentioned in this connection, or whether dlu be here = ri (cf. the god Za-za-m and 
Za-za-ri, E. B. II., p. 53, note II, 10), i.e., whether we have to read Pi-ndrirf-M must remain, in view- of B. E. XIV 
35 : 12, Pi-i-Na-a-ri k% , doubtful. For the Amarna period see the passages cited by Bezold, Oriental Diplomacy, p. 
71; for the Hammurabi period cf., e.g., C. T., VI, 276 : 17, 24, 30, dlu-ki; C. T., IV (Bu. S3-5-12, 689), pi. 4.5 : 21, 
dlu-ki UD.KIB.NUN ki , and for the time of Naram-Sin, see Scheil, Textes Elan,. Si m., II, pp. 3, 13. 

• No. 29 : 14. This is, however, doubtful, for a-li-ki may be taken here also as a first pers. praet. (sic]) of npS 
and be translated "(as many as) I have taken," see pp. 100, note; 108, note 1. 

■ H No. 20 : 1, 8, 9, 11, but in 1. 4 it is omitted. 

4 Bezold, I.e., p. XVI, says that DISH is found in the Amarna letters of the L. collection before aiab "foe," iashi 
"me," amelu "man," h/izdnu "prefect," mdru "sou," ramdniAa "myself," and sharru "king," but he omits EN = hih, 
In view of our letter, quoted above, we have to see in places like Amarna, L. 16 : 1,21 or L. 52 : 1, pass., where the sign 
for EN has the peculiar form of I-en, the determinative DISH + EN and read either m EN = btlu or 'EX = bilu. 
Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna-Tafeln, has, quite correctly, recognized this DISH. 

[2 i i Mil;- ro CASSl II' KINGS 

u I The use of /<"/.' also written dsk-dsh, to express tin 1 plural, 
(e) Even glossed seem(!) to appear in our letters an observation showing 
thai we have to do here with an originally non-Babylonian people. 

v. 33a 3, 21, ««*"'; l.e . I 15, on-nu-»«u»i ( - plural) dZu*°'. Clay, B. B ,XIV, p. 58a, ie inclined to regard 

tlusin/.c, 25 read i new cil SAL or Bttru, but there , i a plural, as a comparison with 11. 4, 

s. i:;. 16, 1" clearlj shows. \n " '// U Clay, correctionB in /.. A., XX (1907), p. U7f.) does likewise not exist in 
/; /.; \\ [32 i, where we are told what amounts of grain wen- paid oul (tuut-nu) in the cities (<;/»''"') of fshtar- 
apal-iddina, who, therefore, must have been a btl pMti with several fiwwnruMt (city prefects) under Lis command. 

For other occurrences of M - dsft-asA see, .,/.. B. /' . XIV, L8 : 2, al I -«' ; B. B, XV. 185 1 : 6 | 200 I : 7, 

f; i V<kA.d«A; />•. /■;.. X\ . 17s : 3 200 1\ 9, tfl •■-'■ "'' (Clay's copy gives in the last quoted passage zSr for MU, but 

this may be a peculiarity ol the scribe). These passages quoted Fr Vols. XIV and XV for the use of M as a plural 

sip. may be compared with King, Lett ,39 5 I " ,■///"■'. and Bezold, I.e., p. 71, under d!u. 

u ! He we have in No. 6 : 7 only ISH, and in No. 24 : 9 ip-rw, we find in No. 53 : 36, [. ..] \ 10 gur ISH e-pvri, 
with which cf. Amarna, I.. 16 : 3, ISH, U . e-ot-ri. Is No. 28 : 24, .1 mini ma-a'-du » ->;-m/-H« ii-taZ-fcu, to be com- 
pared with Amarna, 1 31 10 A nuth , i.e., mi-mat 




The letters published in this volume may be conveniently subdivided into three 
classes : 

(a) Letters of diverse writers addressed a-na be-h-ia, ' 'to my Lord," i.e., letters 
written by various royal and Temple officials and addressed to the king, Nos. 1-74. 

(b) One 1 letter from a king (LUGAL) to Amel-Marduk, or, more specifically, 
a letter of King Shagarakti-Shuriash to his sheriff-in-chief and attorney of stale 
{GtJ.EN.NA), No. 75, see pp. 132ff. 

(c) Letters of several writers to certain persons named in the address; in other 
words, letters constituting an official correspondence between officers of the Temple 
and the State, Nos. 76ff . 

For the sake of convenience and in order to show the fundamental difference 
between the letters of Class (a) and those of Class (r), as regards their "address" 
and ' 'greeting," we begin with the letters between Temple and State officials. Among 
these letters we find : 

1. One 2 addressed by a father to his son. Both hold official positions in store- 
houses (karu), but neither the name of the father nor that of the son is given. 

2. One 3 written by a certain '" ilu A-shur-shum-etir(KAR) to the governor 4 
" lll "En-lil-[bel( == EN)-nisht ieah -shu], s who flourished at the time of Kadashman- 

3. Two written during the reign of Burna-Buriash by the celebrated trader in 
slaves, '" ''"En-lil-ki-di-ni, 6 and addressed 

' In all probability No. 93 is a fragment of a royal letter. 

2 No. 76. For a translation see below, p. 144. 

3 No. 77. 

' The bi I /"(">'''; this follows from the greeting in 1. 5, u a-na pii-b<i-l[i-ku} lu-u shul-mu. 

5 Thus I propose to read his name, identifying him with the bSl i>ihnli mentioned in B. E., XIV. 99a : 16, 41; el. 
ibid., 11. 17, 20, 42 (dated the 11th year of Kadashman-Turgu). He was a contemporary of the lyaz&nu m Ki-di-nv << 
and of m Bana-a-$ha- ilu Marduk, the writer of No. 9, see p. 5. 

6 For further details see below, pp. 54ff. 


l'.> \-ht(-slli-IM. i 

I.. Im-gu-ri. 1 
4. Eight letters, addressed to certain officials, in which the writer calls himself 
"brother," o&u, of the one to whom he addresses his Idlers. Among these the 
following are to be mentioned : 

One' written sometime between the L2th year of Nazi-Maruttash and 

the lltli year of Kadashman-Turgu and addressed l.\ l "En-lti-mu-kin-apal 

( TUR.USH) to A-mi-\l\,-n,: 

(b) Two from m Erba Ji Marduk' and addressed 
(a) To the sheriff -in-chief at the time of Kudurri-Enlil, m Ahu~u-a-Ba-ni* 
( 5 ') To lhi-ni-ti-ia: 

No 7s Aii m A-bushi-na is mentioned also in S. /•'.. XIV, 25 ; 1-', l.">, 23 (17th year of Kuri-Galzu) and in 
/.(-.. 1(17 : 11. 12 (25tli or better 26th year, which can refer only to the reign of Burna-Buriash, because Enlil-kidinni 
i> mentioned in all other tablets as living only under that ruler's reign). From this we may infer that King Burna- 
Buriash reigned in facl at least twenty-five or twenty-six years. See also p. 1. note 3. 

v 79 das person, although not mentioned in />'. /.'.. XIV, XV, has to be identified with m Im-gu-rum, the 
writer of Nos. '_".'. 23. See introduction to No. 23, below, p. 94. 

' This lo ibt, is to be understood cum grano sails and parallel to Burna-Buriash's railing himself "thy brother," 

when writing to the king of Egypt (cl , e.g., Vmarna, L 2). That we are in many cases forbidden in take the term 
"brother" literally is shown, e.g., by C. T.. XXII, PI. 3, No. 1 1 . where the writer m SHESH meah -MU- ilv Marduk addresses 
his letter to bis "brothers," SHESH me ° h , among whom is to be found another m SHESH me,h -MU- ilu Marduk. If 
"brother" were to be taken in its literal sense here, we would have two brothers of the same name— a thing impossible even 
among the Babylonians. -U"< in this connection means probably nothing more than "friend." 

i No. 80 

s Cl. II. A.'.. XTV, 55 : 1 (12th year of Nazi-Maruttash); I.e., 56a : 24 (13th year of ditto); I.e., 60 :2 | 62 :2 tilth 
year of ditto) ; I.e.. 65 : 12 (15th year of ditto); I.e., 99a : 20 (11th year of Kadashman-Turgu); I.e., 106 :2 (14th year 

6 In this form it is found neither in />'. E., XIV, nor XV. Is m A-mi-lu the ma(\)-h,i-su (sic! not ZU.gI.$U, Clay, 
II. /•.'.. XV, p. -Jiil*; cf. //. H'. /-'.. 1'. 400a, anil Meissner, .1. P., p. 115, note 1), I.e., XV, 37 : 15 (13th year of ?) to he 
compared with Amilir-ia ;<< "Kosenamt "; cf. tin' German "mein Mannchen." 

1 Erba-Marduk, tin- author of No. 81, hailed either from Larsa or more probably from Sippar, while the writer 
i 82 was, no doubt, a Nippurian, see p. 23. The latter I would identity with the DUB.SAR Erba-Marduk of 
/>'. E., XIV, 1-7 : 14 idated in the beginning of the reign of Shagarakti-Shuriash) and with the writer of Nos. 13, 14. 
The former, being a contemporary of Ah,u-u-Ba-ni, lived during the time of Kadashman-Enlil (see following note) 
and Kudur-Enlil. Cl also War-Innibi, si : !», with Innibu, II. A'.. XIV, 56a : 20 (13th year of Nazi-Maruttash) and 
llu-Mjtf.TUK.A-remu (Meissner, Ideogr., No. 3857), SI : 10, with the person of the same name in H. E.. XIV, 116 :6 
(6th yearoi Kadashman-Enlil) and I.e., 124 : 17 (8th year of Kudurri-Enlil). For possibly still another Erba-Marduk, 
see introduction to No. 35. |>. 121, and cf. p. 107. 

» Xo. 81. A son of Mni-i'i-n-H[n-ni\ Nur-Shuqamuna by name, is mentioned in B. E., XIV, 119 : 32 (5th year 
of Kudurri-Enlil). The father, then, probably lived during the time of Kadashman-Enlil and possibly was still alive 
during Kudurri-EnhTs reign. 

9 Xo. 82. Before Danitia there is neither a DISH nor a SAL to be found. As in the texts of this period nil 
num. propr. have either the "male" or "female" determinative, it is apparent that Daniti-la must be a kind of "Kose- 
name" or possibly one signifying a "profession." Notice in this connection the difference between TUR.SAL m (\)Ma- 


(c) One 1 from "'Gu-za-ar-AN' 1 to the Temple official "'In-nu-u-a:' 

(<■/) One'' from '"Pdn(= SHI)-AN.GAL-lu-mur, 4 an inhabitant of Dtir-ilu ki , 
to a high Temple and State officer of Nippur, "'NIN-nu-u-a.'' This letter, although 
it had been sent to "''UD.KIB.NUN 1 ", i.e., to Sip-par, where '"NIN-tiii-ii-a 
happened to be at that time, was found by the Expedition of the University of 
Pennsylvania at Nippur. 

(e) One" written during the time of Burna-Buriash and addressed by '"7-D-tp- 
pa-ash-ra 7 to [ m ]Da('!)-li-li-sh[d'?]. a 

(/) One" from '" Uu Sin(=-- XXX)-irish( = ENGAR)" 1 ' 1 , 10 a storehouse official, 

oWh (23. E., XV, 163 : 13), on the one hand, and TUR.SAL (tie!) ma-an-di-di (/>'. E., XV, 155 : 7 | 164 : 4) resp. TUR 
shd-an-gi-e (B. E., XV, 168 : 17) on the other. Cf. also our "Smith" and "smith." Notice further that whenever a 
nam. propr. is found without the determinative DISH (or SAL) it does not signify the name of a person (kings are 
excepted because they are gods!), but a place called after that person, see, e.g., llu Shamasht =UD)-tu-kul-ti (sicl with- 
out alu, DISH, and hi), 16 : 8, 12; ilu Gir-ra-ga-mil, 3 : 13, 17,20, but also alu Gir-ra-ga-mil, 3 : 38, 40 + fr. d, resp. 
"'" ilu Gir^ra-ga-mil, 3 : 31. The name Daniti-ia by itself looks like a feminine of Dun it (for which cf. //. II'. B., p. 
223a) ! £a, but if it were a feminine then the ka-shd (1. 5) and ta-ash-pu-ra = second pers. (1. 10) would be, to say 
the least, quite strange; we would expect kashi resp. tashpuri. The name is not to be found in B. !■'... XIV, XV. 

1 No. 87. 2 For this name see p. 7, n. 2. : ' No. S9. ' See pp. 19ff. ; 25, n. 4 ; 27, n. 8. 

5 In view of the fact that XIX has very often not only the pronunciation XI but also that of IN, we would 
be justified in identifying m Xin-nu-ii-a (No. 89) with m In-nu-u-a (No. 87). For XIX = XI cf., e.ff., ''" ( ni )NIN. 
IM( mu ' r ") ki , III R. 68, No. 3, 51, and see II R. 60, 23a + 22/-; ilu NIN( ni )-sa-a,Ill R. 69, No. 5, 64; ''"X/.Xi"' ""■ rc ). 
GA.KAS, III R. 69, No. t. (it (see also ilu EX{°" ra ). GA.KAS in III 1!. (is, 21-0; ""XIX. PISH has the gloss ni(=NIN) 
+ ki-U-te ( = PISH), III R. 68, No. 3, 4(1. For NW = IX cf., e.g., th '(f n )XIX ner-gal nin-e-ne-ge = ''"ditto e-tel-lit 
be-lv-e-ti, A. S. K. T., No. 11, col. Ill, (df. C= II R. 18,63); IV R. 55, 8b, with ''"XIX ner-gal sag-gig-ga, IV R. 56, 
12a; 29?-. This shows conclusively that XIX = XI = IX, and hence "'XlX-iui-ii-n "might" be read m In-nii-ii-u and 
be identified with the addressee of No. 87. Neither '"In-nii-ii-n nor '"XIX-n u-ii-a are to In' found in B. E., XIV, 
XV. Comparing these two names with such formations as '"Ahu-ii-nt-Bn-ni, No. 81 : 1), '"/--— i-an-nu-il-a (B. E., 
XX, 37 : 24), it would be better to transcribe m In-nu-v-a, m XIX-n ------ anil regard the va as the pron. suffix of the 

first person, "my." In that case these two names would be either " Kosenamen" or hypocoristica. 

6 No. 88. 

7 For the writing XI. XI = i-l), a plural of majesty signifying always the highest god, whether In' be Ann, Enlil, 
Sin, Dagan, Shamash, Marduk, Ashshur, etc., see The Monist, XVI (October, 1906), p. 637, and I.e., XX]] (January, 
1907), p. 115, where it was shown that XI.XI may change with DINGIR.RA, AX, AX""" 1 ' and AN.AN. An 
'"Ilu(=AX)-ip-pa-(is:h-ra, the father of NIN.IB-Ba-ni, is mentioned in B. E., XIV, 2 : 9 (6th year of Buma-Buriash). 

8 The Da might possibly be ik or SIIESH, and the shd -'--. To judge from ka-shd (not kashi), 1. 5, this name 
is that of a male person. A m Da-/i-lu(<)-sh(i (= male) occurs in B. E., XV, 156 : 23, but in I.e., XIV, 58 : 7 (13th year 
of Nazi-Maruttash) ; XV, 163 : 8 | 188 II : 17 (here U = XI) that very same name is a female. If. after all, this name 
should have to be read as given above and should prove to be (notwithstanding the ka-shd in 1. 5) a female, then cf. B. E., 
XV, 163 :35, Un-na-ni-iu (not ^In-na-nn-vi-ia as given by Clay, List of Names, /.-■., pp. 34a, Is-) with "7----(-------ii-(-, 

B.E.,XV, 37 :24. DaliliAa, considered by itself, might be taken as a hypocoristicon and be translated "my obedience" 
sc. "is towards that or that god" — a name applicable to both male and female persons. 

• No. 90. 

10 According to B. E., XIV, this person lived during the 24th year of Nazi-Maruttash (I.e., 86 : 14) and the 7th 
(I.e., 94 : 5), 10th (I.e., 98 : 4), and 14th year of Kadashman-Turgu (I.e., 106 : 12 | 111 : 6). From these passages we 
learn that he was the son of m Xur-[ . . . . ] and the father of Aftiirfiitum and X'ergal-nadin-ah.<'. 


stationed, as ii seems, al differen! points' :it various times, and addressed, no doubt, 
to /" Meissner, Ideogr., No. 3857)-s/w \/\.//>. the chief bursar at Nippur 
during the time of Kadashman-Turgu. 

One written by the royal official (probably itH) m Il-li-ia i during the reign 
of Nazi-Maruttash and addressed, as it seems, to the chief bursar of Nippur, Martuku.* 

5. Four 1 letters addressed to m In-na-an-ni,' 1 the chief bursar of tli<' Nippurian 
remple storehouses during the reign of Kuri-Galzu. 

Two 8 of these were written by the governoi '"XI X.I B (or MASII)- 

TUR.USH-SE-na.- 1 

(b) And two' by a lady of high rank, in all probability a NIN.AN.GA /,'" or high 
priestess, In-bi-Ai-ri}' byname. 

6. One" from " D(T)ar-hu-nur( SAB)-gab-ba, 13 a merchant, to m [D]in 
(=[DI]-KUD)-li-[mur]. u 

I In />'. /•.' . XIV, 86 3 he appears as a witness at a transaction in the storehouse of Kdr-Zi-ban kl ; in I.e.. 
the cluef bursar ol Nippur, m Irtm-shu- i,u NIN.IB, transacts business for fjdqat) '" Uu NergaUiadin-ahe m ' ! , son of 

\ \ \ \-Crish( i,h ) al A. ' 'Ba ■/'■ , in I.e., 106 : 12, he is found a ng certain witnesses at dlu Shar-mash; 

in 111 :•;"' ilu Nergal-nSdin-abe me ' h , son of '" "'"> i I "'''. receives grain from (tna y.i/i '" ilv En~lil-zii-lu-li and 

'"lrhii-sliu- l! "\IX.IIi .-ii the storehouse i <'->»> bi< fcaril) of Nippur; and in our Idler he seems to have been connected with 

/'»/■-[• • • • ]. '-"I : 5. 

- Uthough the name is broken off, yet the circumstances ol the time and the contents of the letter justify such 
an emendation. For this official sec also Clay, B, /.'., XIV, p. S. 
v.. 92. 

• A person with this name occurs li. /•.'., XIV, 48a : 7 (6th year of Nazi-Maruttash). That he was a royal official 
1 conclude from 92 : 2 II'.. ha-mu-ut-ta sM-up-ra-am-ma a-na LVGAL lu(,])-ta-pu-ush /< nikasi(= NI(G).SHIT)^ni 
il-li a-ha-mi-ish i ni-pu-Aish-ma, and thai his position must have been a high one, such as was that of an ih'i. follows 
from92 9 iSHE.BARma-{ cf.l. 22!]be>Ze (= EN) me * h pi-ha-[ti, cf . 1. 20 ; . . . .] uli-ma-gu^ru .... 

" The name is broken off. The contents of the letter and the time when it was written justify this emendation. 

• NTos 83 86. ' See pp. 3ff.; llOff. 

• Mos 83, 84. " Nos. 85, 86. 
■ ir possibly a NIN.AN.TUR. For both of these expressions see pp. 4, note 8; 115. 

II This "fruit ol I.i.jar" is not mentioned in />'. E., XIX, XV. Because she was writing to Innanni, she must have 
flourished during the time of Kuri-Galzu. For further details see "Translations," pp. 1151. 

'- No. 91. 

ir The first sign in this name is the last variant given in the "Sign List " of B. /•.'.. XIV, No. 28; cf. B. E., XV, 
151 2. m Lu-dari ')-!><-l'i. For th.' identity ol' Tur-hu, Tar-ku, Tur-gu, see Hilprecht, Assyriaca, p. 119. Tar-fiu. being 
called blere "the light of everything (= the whole = the world)", is as such identified, not only with Shamash (cf., e.g., 
Ranke, />'. /:'.. Seiies 1), 111. p. 147a, Shamash-nvr-Hr-ma-tim), hut also with Sin (Ranke, I.e., p. 163a, Sin-nHr-mati; 
see also Clay. />'. E., XIV, 19 : 23). , '"Sin (= XXX) is according to 11 R. is : 33 = TUR.KU (gloss du-mu-gu), 
hence I' I ar-lm = Sin I a g)u. \- regards the linguistic difficulties cf., lor the change of </ and u in proximity 

. Hilprecht, Ii. /■"., XX', p. 17, note 1. ami for the change of k and £, cf. kammn and hammu, Jensen, K. B., XI', 
pp. 385, 568. After -ha there is broken away a -/»</. 

" As the DI and mur are missing, we possibly might read t m /-na>stZ(=2f UD)-li-[. . . .]. With m [D]ui-ll-[»iiir], 

judgment," cf. 27 : 18 m IH-in-Uh = AN)-lu-mur, "may / see the judgment of god." Neither Tariu- 

niir-gabba nor Din-limur is mentioned in Ii. E., XIV, XV. 


7. To this class have been added, after the plates and the MS. had been prepared 
for the press, several fragments, of some of which it may be doubtful whether they 
belong here or to the letters addressed "to my Lord." 1 

As only one letter from this period has been published so far, it would seem 
advisable to treat of this class of literature in its general aspects more fully here. 

Each and every letter consisted originally— as it does at our present time— of 
two integral parts: the envelope and the letter proper. None of the envelopes 
of this class of letters has been preserved to us — an unmistakable sign that all these 
communications had been received and read by the addressee. From the analogy 
of other letters known to us and partly preserved in the collections of the University 
of Pennsylvania, we may, however, conclude that the envelope originally exhibited 
(a) an address, reading either (a) a-na ">Y., i.e., "To »Y." (here giving the name of 
the addressee) 3 or (,i) dup-pi " l X. a-na m Y., i.e., "Letter of '"X. ( = writer) to " ! Y." 
(= addressee), 4 and (6) the seal" impression of the writer. In no case, however, 
was a date or the place of the writer or addressee ever put on the envelope— an 
omission which seriously hampers us in determining the time when or the place 
where or to which each letter was written. 

The fact that all of these letters have been found at Nippur does not yet justify 
us in maintaining that they have been originally addressed to that place; for it 
can be shown that at least one of them, though found in Nippur, was yet sent to 
Sippar, whence it was brought back to the city of Enlil and deposited there with 
the rest of the Temple Archives. The purpose of the envelope, then, was to insure (1) 
privacy, (2) safe delivery to the person named, (3) authenticity. 

The contents of the letter proper divide themselves easily into three parts: 

1 Nos. 93ff. 

J This is to lio found in F. E. Peiser, Urkunden "us der Zeit der dritten bdbylonischen Dynastie in Urschrift, 
Umschrift und Uebersetzung, Berlin, 1905, under P. 111. Its introduction reads: 

A-na '"A-mur-ri-i,, ki-bS-ma | [um]-ma '" »«Si»(= XXX)-MU-{SE] na SHESH-ka-ma \ ilu Sin (^ XXX) a-ab 
I y >«•*'< /.„/_/„, i aap-shd-ti-ka li-iz-zu-ru, which cannot be rendered with Peiser by "Sin tier Vater der Gotter moge all 
deine Seelen bewahren," but must be translated by: "Sin audi !) the father of gods may protect all thy souls"; this follows 
clearly from li-iz-zu-ru = plural! Although this letter is very fragmentary, yet this much can he made out witli certainty : 
The boundary stone of a certain piece of property could not be found, and hence its boundaries could not be determined 
exactly. A certain '" ilu Sin{= XXX )-luh-ui-usur knew the position of that stone; lie, therefore, was asked: al-ka-ma 
mi-is-ri-li kul-li-im i, ku-dujur-ru ....], i.e., "come, show the boundaries and the boundary stone." The rest of the 
letter is too fragmentary to warrant any translation. 

3 Of. the celebrated Lushtamar tablet with the address u-nu m Lu^ush-ta-mar or the letter from the Sargomc 
period which is written a-na Lugal-ushumgal. 

4 Cf. per analogy the address of No. 24, dup-pi m Kal-[bu] a-na be-h-shii. 

6 Traces of a seal impression are still discernible on No. 24. On the Lushtamar and the Sargonic tablets the seal 

is quite distinct and clear. 


(a) address, (o) greeting, which is coupled in some instances with an invocation to 
the "gods" to bless and proted the addressee, (c) subject matter. With the excep- 
tion of No. 76, where the subjecl matter of the communication is introduced quite 
abruptly by "thus (saith) thy father" (um-ma a-bi-ka),' the address of these letters 

is clad, in sharp contrast to those published under Nos. 1 71, into one of the 
following two formulas: 

Into •■ a-na 2 "•)'. ki-U-ma? um-ma m X.-ma,' i.e., "to Y. speak, thus saith X."' 


Into ;/■ ■)': ki-be-ma 3 um-ma m X. ahu*-ka-ma\ i.e., "to V. speak, thus 

saith X.. thy brother." 11 

In none of these letters, then, does the writer ever call himself "thy servant," 
nor does he ever express the bumble petition, "before the presence of my Lord man I 

.'" an observation which is, as we shall see, of the highest importance for the 
corred understanding of the nature of the letters here and those of Xos. 1-74. 

The greeting, whenever it occurs in one of these letters, invariably takes its 
place after the emphatic -ma terminating the address." Its simplest form is a-na 
kasha 11 lu" shvlmu, 14 u .. ' -unto thee greeting." If the addressee happens to occupy 
an especially high position in life, the writer may extend his greeting, as is done in 
Xo. 77. even to "the house" and the "domain" of his correspondent: a-na ka-a-shd 

' Tliis peculiar introduction of what the father had to say to his son is, no doubt, due not so much to the parental 
or any other relation as to the mental strain under which the father labored at the time when writing the letter. The 
son was negligent in making his report (di-e-ma) to the "barley overseer" (be-elSHE.BAR), who in turn caused the 
"father" to delay his report to the "Lord" or King. Tor a translation of this tablet see below, p. 144. 
Nos. 77. 78, 7d. s:;. 84, 85, 86, 91. 
Uso written U-tri-ma, so in Nos. 77, 81, 82, 88, 91. 
•This emphatic -mo is invariably found at the end of the address, and as such a -ma lengthens the preceding 
syllable, the name of the writer ol No. 85 cannot he '/ n-hi-A i-ri-im , but must be '/ n-hi-M-ri. 

5 This is also the stereotyped formula used by Hammurabi when writing to his subjects, such as, e.g., Sin-idinn tm. 
For a justification of the above given translation of this formula see King, Letters of gammurdbi, Vol. Ill, p. XXV, 
note 1: Delitzsch, B. A., Vol. IV, p. 435 below; Nagel, B.A.,VoI. IV, pp. 177ft". Knudtzon's translation {Die Bl-Amarna- 
eln, pass.), ")uU gesprochen," is out of place. 
• Nos. 80, 81, 82, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92. 
In case the writer wishes to express his particular devotion to his correspondent he may add after a-na m ) . 
sojne such words as shd cM-a-mu-shu, "whom I love," cf. No. SO. 

- Written either SHESH-ka-ma, Nos. 80, 81, 87, 88, 89, [90], 92, or a-hu-ka-ma, No. 82. 

' A~ ahu-ka is here the attribute to '"X., hence an inseparable part of the latter, the emphatic -ma naturally takes 
its place after the attribute. 

10 Tor the signification of this term see already above, p. 14, note 3. 

" I.e.. after '"X.-ma or after nhii-bi-mn . 

>- Written either ka-sha, S. is. 82, 87, SS, S9 [90, 92], or ka-a-shd, Nos. 77. 81. 

13 Written In in N..s. ss, 89, or lu-ii in Nos. 77, 81, 82 57. 

" Shul-mu in Xos. 77, 81, 82, 89 [90], or slni-ul-mu in Nos. 87, 88, 92. Dl-mu has not yet been found. 


bt[ti-ka] it a-na pa-ha-t[i-ka] lu-it shul-mu, i.e., "to thee, thy house, and to thy pahdt 
greeting." In many cases there is coupled with this greeting an invocation to the 
gods of the writer's city in the form of a prayer for the well-being and protection of 
the addressee. These invocations are of the highest importance, both for deter- 
mining the exact domicile of the writer and for a correct understanding of the 
religion of the Babylonians. To illustrate this by one example I may be permitted 
to quote the "invocation" of No. 89 in extenso, gathering from it the facts that (1) 
Pan-AN .GAL-lu-mur (i.e., "May I see the face of AN. GAL"), the writer, was a 
resident of Dur-ilu^, 1 whose gods he invokes, and that (2) the "divine court" of 
Dttr-ilu ki was formed after the pattern of the Nippurian court, as such consisting 
of Father (AN. GAL), Son (TAR), and Mother (NIN.LIL)— three persons, though 
distinct, yet one: a veritable Trinity in a Unity. 2 It reads (89 : 4f.) : 

4 AN.GAL 3 u ''"NIN.LIL > lu TAR u AN. GAL and NIN.LIL, TAR and GU, 

U "GU 

1 See also 89 : 24, 26. 

2 Cf. The. Monist, XVII (January, 1907), p. 14S, ami Old Finn, V, No. 21 (February 16, 1907), p. 3, col. III. 

3 That the divinity AN.GAL cannot be here = ilu Ai (II R. 57, 13a), the wife of ilu SIIAG.ZU (= Enlil, Sin, 
Ramman, Shamash, Marduk), a female, but must be a male, is apparent from his being coupled with ''"XIX.LIL. 
AN.GAL it ilu NIN.LlL are male and female, husband and wife. A male AN.GAL as god of Dur-ilu^ occurs also in 
Jensen, K. B., VI, p. 64, 21 (cf. I.e., p. 62, 20, where the verb i-pu-la = masc. (not ta-pu-la\) refers back to AN.GAL). 
Among the tablets of the Ur dynasty, now being copied and published by Dr. Myhrman, I saw a variant of date No. 12 
(E. B. H., p. 255), reading mu AN.GAL [Dur-rab-ilu ki ] 4-a ba-tur, instead of, as it is commonly found, mu Uu Ka-di Dur- 
rab-ilu ki e-a ba-tur, i.e., "in the year when AN.GAL was brought into his temple in Dur-rab-ilu kl ," see also Thureau- 
Dangin, S. A. K. I., p. 229, 7. This proves that AN.GAL = ilu Ka-di, and if AN.GAL be a male, then ''"Ka-di must 
be a male likewise. Again, in an inscription translated in E. B. H., p. 255, note 12 (see Thureau-Dangin, I.e., p. 176, 2) 
AX-mutobil, the shakkanakku of Dur-ilu ki , calls himself the mi-gir ilu Ka-di na^ra-am llu Innanna, i.e., "the favored 
one of Kadi, the beloved of Ishtar." Here Kadi is coupled with and in opposition to Ishtar, hence must lie a male 
and the husband of Ishtar (= NIN.LIL). Lastly, in II R. 57, 54a ilu Ka-di is identified with ilu Nin-Gir-su and with 
•'"NIN.IB, both being male divinities and gods of thunder and lightning; hence Thureau-Dangin (I.e., p. 176, 2, and 
passim), Huber (Die Personennamen in den KeUschrifturkunden aus der Zeit der Kbnige von Ur und Isin, A. B., XXI, 
p. 174, note 14, who thinks that Kadi "war die Hauptgottin von Dur-ilu, die Gemahlin ties d GAL") and others, who see 
in ilu Ka-di a female, are wrong. The pronunciation of the name of this god is neither Ka-di nor Ka-silim (Huber, 
I.e.,) but ilu Gu(=KA)-sir(.=DI = NU\); as such he is the same as ilu GU.NU-ra (= Gu-sir-ra). For the reasons of 
this identification see my forthcoming volume on the Religious Texts of Nippur. llu NIN.LIL, here coupled with 
AN.GAL, hence his wife, is, of course, the same who otherwise is known as "the wife of Enlil," and who, as 
wife of Enlil, is "the mistress of En-i;i ki ," i.e., ilu NIN.EN.LIL ki , II R. 59 : 9. But in the passage just 
quoted she appears not as the wife of Enlil, but as that of ilu NIN.IB or > h 'M.\SII. We have seen above that AN.GAL 
or ilu Ka-di was identified with ilu NIN.IB. From this it follows that Kadi originally played the role of the "Son" 
(just as Enlil did in the Trinity: AN-EN .LIL-ANl), but was, when lie became the chief god of Dur-ilu, identified also 
with the Father, i.e.,with Enlil, whose wife now becomes also his (i.e., Kadi's) wife. In the role of the "Son" we find Kadi 
also in such proper names as " , '' u A'«-di'-f7«-^/-//'(^i', ba;B. E., XIV, 14 :4;XV, 36: IS. etc), i.e., "Kadi is speaking," 
sc. through, or by means of, the thunder; m u "Ka-di-da.-bi-En-lil k '( B. E., XV, 119 : 10. Omitted by Clay. Thus 
I read on account of the i in bi), which name might be translated either by "Kadi is the good (= fabi, «\ child ) of Nippur" 


(i.e., Enlil; cf. Marduk a pit Eridu, where Bridu, the cit) of god E.A, stands for the god liimself), or bj "Kadi is the 
SHACH j "pig," the emblem of A7A rB,see77t< 1/ .... , XVII (January, 1907), p. 143) of Nippur 

Enlil)." \/N £7L, "the mistress or queen Nippur," beei is the wife ol IN. GAL, the highest god of 

Dur-ilu, si . icquires also t (<•■ title "mistress 01 que* ti ol DCh ilu " This n«« helps us i" understand the 

passage in Meissner, Bauinschriften Assarhaddon's, B. 1., III. p 238, I2f. I.e., p. 297, 12 (K. 2801), together with its 
parallel texl and variants in l.c p. 307, 341 K 221 2669), which has been completely misunderstood l>> all who 
took IN.GAL resp Kadi to be a female The passagi reads IN.GAL shar-rat Dur-ilu'" ilu Sir ilu Be-lit-baldH 

II LA) "/<„■ KU)-ru-ni-tum i,u SAG " r '-"> Bu-bi-e ki-rib bM a-iia Dur-ilu'-' dli-shu-nu ti-lir. It will be seen 
thai in this pas Dur-ilu are nol connected bj "and," bul are simply enumerated in their succession. 

Prom what was said above it follows thai we 1 1 three pairs" consisting of husband and wife; have, therefore, 

to translate "AX. GAL (and) the queen (. VIX.LIl btiit sharrat) of Dur-ilu{variant : ''"(/.I.s7/.I.V 1 l!,lil, 
mistress of) Di-ri 1 Dur-ilu)], Sit (and) the Bdlit-baldfi ( "mistress of life") [variant: ilu EN.TI.LA - "lord of 
life"!], Ddr-ru-ni-tum ( fern, of i,u KU( du ''" m ) VA, III It. 68, 9a) (and) SAG in the month Ilu -hi-, into the temple 
in Dur-ilu, their cit) . I brought." 

\. cording to tin- Nippurian pattern we can now establish tin following Trinity for I lur-ilu: 

( BMit-baldfi (wife of the Son) 1 I Sharrat Dur-ilu (Mother) 

\ \ '• 1/ Father) Sir (Son) ,. , , , > - ,, .... ,,. . 

/. I baiah 1 masc!) j 1 #</;/ Di-rt 

which corresponds exactlj to that of Nippur, viz.: 

f Hut, (Gula) (wife ol' the Son) ) 
E.\ .1.11. (Father) A7.Y./B (Son) <[ ^'^ ^f/GG 1 < =y,XUL (Mother) 

( NIN.EN.LIL ki 

In the Nippurian pattern NIN.IB appears as the ur-sag, "chief servant," or sukkal, "prime minister, ambassa- 
dor." or apil, "son" of Enlil. ami Sir i- called in the Dur-ilu Trinity the me-ru, "son" (or if read ship-ru, then = "mes- 
senger" of (shd) ilu Ka di, see Scheil, Textes El, tin. Sem., I. p. 91, 23 (= Plate 17). NIN.IBis the apiltshar^ra, and in 
V I! . .">.'. 1 19, 20 l Sir i< identified with iln She-ra-ah, and termed the ra-l'i-is tl-shar-ra, "tin- watchman of Esharra," 
i.e.. of the house of the totality, the Universe. XIX. IB as ''"L or as l v En-kur-kur is the same as his father Eulil. and 
in V R. 31, 2, Rev. 30, ''"Sir is identified with his father ''"Ka-ili. XIX. IB is both male and female. As We he is 
the husband and called also ''"IB, ami as f, nial, he is the 10'/, , then known also as Bu-ii, Gula, or NIN.DIN.DUG.GA = 
muballitai miti, "who restores the dead to life" (see also The Monist, XVII (January, 10(17), p. 141f .). The wile of 
ippears here likewise both as_a female (Belit^baldti, "mistress of life") and as a male (BSl-baldpi, "lord of life"); 
hence she is paralleled exactly by X I X DIN.DUG.GA = Ba-ti = NIN.IB: female and male! From this we may infer 
I 1 1 1.1 1 S .'.•■ played the same role in Dur-ilu as did XI X.I Bin Nippur; (2) that Kadi must have been the "god of Esharra" 
according to the people of Dur-ilu, just as Enlil was the "god of Esharra" according to the Nippurians, i.e., Kadi = 
Enlil. and the wife of Kadi = NIN.LIL (cf. here also the name .1 \.(;M. Kadi with AN.GAL.KALAM.MA, the 
name of Enlil of Nippur ; B. E., XIV, 1 Is : IS, 18 [ XV, 31 : 2); (3) that the "Son" in each and every case is the same 
as the "Father," NIN.IB = Enlil ;£i> = Kadi; (4) that the "wife of the Son" is = the "Son" (hence male and female): 
they are "orw flesh." Again, the " wife of the Son" is also identified with the hitter's ".Mother": l '"XIX.EX.LIL kl = 
Ba-u = NIN.DIN.DUG.GA is also = ''"XIX. 1. 1 1., the Belit nar' .•';"i'/ 1 '. who otherwise was known also as 
Ishtar. But Ishtar is. as is well known, male and female and appears in the inscription of AN-mutabil as the wife of 
Ka-di, while in our letter the wife of AN.GAL (= Kadi) is called ''"XIX. LIL; hence Ishtar is = ''"XIX. I.IL and 
both are mat, and femah Cf. here also the %lu G6rra = AN = Antum = NIN.LIL, the wife of ''"E-kur = AN = 
Anu = Enlil, hence Enlil = AN and XIX. LIL = AN: ball, arc our — mdU and female; see B,'l, the Christ of Ancient 
p 17 '. Nowil the wif.- of Kadi =A N.GAL be male and female, then the same observation applies, mutatis mutandis, 
also to Kadi, i.e., Kadi, the husband of NIN.LIL = Ishtar must be also a female; as such a female lie appears in II R. 
57, 18a and in Sp. 1, 331 (= Z. A., VI, p. 241) compared withReisner, Eymnen, p. 146, II. The net result of this 



last observation is this: (1) the wife of the Son is not only one with the Son, but is also the same as the "Mother"; 
(2) the Mother being identified with the Father, the Father is thus proven to be one with the Mother (or third person) 
and one with the Son (second person); in other words the divine court of each and every city, though consisting of 

three persons, clearly distinct : the begetter (Father), the c leiver (Mother), the begotten (Son), are yet one: clearly and 

unmistakably a veritable Trinity in a Unity. 

But how are we to account for il "Dur-ru-ni-tum and ■'"SAG on the one, and ''"TAIl and ilu GU on the other 


If Uu Dur-ru-ni-tum be not only a fern, of ilu Du(r)runa, but also the wife of llu SAG, as was claimed above, it 
would follow that ilu SAG is the same as ilu Du(r)runa, the masc. of Durrunitum. From III R. 68, 9a we learn that 
' : '«D» (r)n,,m was the first (SAG) of the seven ^udtybalanga (or is [gucQ-balanga to be read here = rabisul) AN.NA-ge, 
i.e., "tambourines" (= tambourine-beaters, heralds, creatures who proclaim "the glory of God") of AN.NA. In Pinches, 
,/. B. A. S., January, 1905, p. 143f. (= 81-8-30,25), Obv. col. II, 7, 6, ''".SAC is called SAG.GAB, i.e., "Haupt- 
macher" - captain, chief (= the first (SAG), cf. Du(r)runa, the first of the "seven"!) and is identified with •'"Mil!, 
which latter is according to I.e., 11. 19, 20, not only = ilu IM, "the god of lightning," but also = En-di-zu-gim = GU 
(Pinches, l.c, 1. 4). In our letter ilu GV is coupled with Uu TAB, who is (,, be read according to III A'. 68, X". 2, 53, ki- 
tam-ma, and is called there the LUGH or sukkoMv ^Ka-di-ge, i.e., "the (chief) messenger of Ka-di." Taking all these 
passages together we might derive the following results: 

1. God TAR, the messenger of Kadi, being coupled with GU, must be the latter's husband -in other_ words, 
GU is here a female. 

2. GU, although a female, appears also as a male, being identified not only with MIR but also with IM— both 
male gods, and gods of thunder and lightning — nay, even with SAG. 

3. SAG being coupled with the female ''" fJiir-ni-ni-liini, and being identified with MIR, IM and GU, must be 
a male and the masc. counterpart of Ihir-ru-ni-liim . i.e., lie is the same as Du(r)runa. 

4. GU, the wife of TAR, is the same as SAG, the husband of Durrunitum— i.e., husbandsmd wife are one, hence 
also male and female. (Cf.for TAR + GU also AN + KI = shame + irsitim = Ann f Antum = husband and wife = 
AN + AN = AN, Bel, the Christ, etc., p. 20f. Is the ilv Tar-gu an artificial (foreign, Cassite? or Elamitic?) name, 
consisting originally of ilu Tar and ''"GU = husband and wife = one: ''"'/Vow,,,.'). 

5. ilu SAG, because called " Hauptmacher" and identified both with the "god of storm and lightning," and with 
ilu Dur(r)una, the first of the seven heralds of AN.NA, must have been the "Hauptmacher" or chief, the first of the 
"seven," which seven can only be the "sevenfold manifestations" of the powers of nature, i.e., of the lightning and 
storm. The "seven" correspond on the one hand to the "seven sons" of Bau (Creation Story, pp. 45 and 23, note 6), 
and on the other hand to "the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost" or the "seven archangels," or the "seven virgins," the 
emblem of the church, the sphere of the Holy Ghost, the "bride of the Lamb," " thenomf!) of Christ." These "seven" 
were in the Babylonian religion always identified not only with the "Son " win ise "servants" ( rvu-bahda = ekduti = hflzanu) 
they were, but also with the". U„///rr," resp." the wife of the Son "—hence Labartu (Myhrman, Z.A., XVI, 153 = Weiss- 
bach, Babyl. Miscellen, p. 42) and Ishtar had "seven names" (Reisner, Hymnen, p. 109, 571'.), henee also the remarkable 
name of ''"( NIN.LIL = ) NIN.GAL in V R. 30, 46a, where she is called ilu Si-VH-bi, i.e., "the goddess Seven." (Cf. 
here also the seven names of ''"SIX.UL, III B. 68, or, dS. = III B. 67, 20a. bf., the fourth of which is ''"Sn-lmrn . 
who is identified in Thureau-Dangin, B. T. Ch., 10 : 3, with Im-gig-ghu, a cognomen of ilu Nin-Gir-su = Uu NIN.IB, the 
god of thunder and lightning. See further the "seven sons" of ilu NIN.KA.Sl or ''"( s, - r '- ,s )RIQ (the wife of Ka-di), 
III id. 68, No. 1,26c. /ff.; " the seven sons " of ilu Pap^nigin-gar-ra and ilu Nin-pap-nigin-gar-ra (i.e., of NIN.IB&ndGula) 
in III R. 07, No. 1 , 25c, dS. ; the seven sons of ilu En-me-shar-ra, III R. 69, No. 3, 64a, 6, etc., etc.). This name shows clearly 
that "the seven " were considered to be "one" (notice also that in the religious texts very often the singular is used in connec- 
tion with the ilu VII-bi)— just as the "sevenfold gift" of theHoly Ghost is the Holy Ghost in her (\ruah is feminine) com- 
pleteness, or as the "seven virgins" are "the Church," the "bride of the Lamb." These "seven," when pictorially repre- 
sented on seal-cylinders, etc., appear as *,,,» weapons— six of them are to lie found generally on the back of the god or 
goddess and one (the twin-god = Shar-Hr and Shar-gaz, etc.) in his or her hand, or as seven curls, braids (Gilgamesh! 
Samson: in the hair lies the strength!), or as seven rays or beams of light, etc., etc. And as these seven represent the 
fulness of the power of the divinity, the number seven became in course of time the "number of the fulness oi the 

22 i.ii rEES i" c \s~-i ii k im.s 

5 AN m " k a-shib J&-DIM.GAL- the gods thai inhabit G-DIM.GAL- 


(i nap-shd-ti-ka li-is-m-ru may protect thy life (lit. souls), 

7 ki-bi-is-ka li-shcd-li-mu keep thy steps! 

S / na a-ma-ri-ka (How) my hearl has urged me 

J) is-si-lui-aii-nr to sec thee! 

ID man-nu pa-ni-ka ba-nu-ti li-mur 3 Whosoever may In 1 permitted to sec thy 

gracious lace 

I i it da-ba-ab { [/// ( tab and who is of "good words," 

12 ki('>)'-na .\7.\Y.M-| . . . .] to ... . 

godhead," ii became the divine and sacred number par excellence. Cf. the sevenfold candlestick, the emblem of the 
fulness of Uie divinity in the Old Testament. See here my article -"Hi.- Latest Biblical Archaeology " in the Homi- 
February, L9U8 (written Mar.!,. 1907), pp. lOOff. To make the certain doubly certain 1 maj 
mention in this connection thai there appears in 111 /,'. 68, 1 1«. as tlic third of the seven tambourine(-beaters, heralds, 
angels) a certain i,u Galu-An-na, to 1m- read in Assyrian lu Amel-ili, who is in Hebrew none other than the well-known 
Gabri-el, "the man of El <.r «u" one of the seven archangels, the heralds and proclaimers of the glory of God when he 
appears under thunder and lightning and through whom he reveals himself! For a lull diseussion of all questions 
raised here see my forthcoming volume on the Religious Texts of the Temple Library of Nippur. In conclusion 1 shall 

give here the t«o parallel Trinities of Dur-ilu as gathered froi ir letter and from the building inscriptions of 

\--arhaddon : 

1 \ ,, 1/ pati 'TAR Son) a "GU (wife of Son) = ilu NIN.LlL (Mother) 

l\,,l/ ) | ''"liilit- I ( ilu Shar-rat Dur-ilu! 1 

htili'iti = 

) •, ' I ilu Belitr I 

'''"N.K, (husband) ilu Durrunitum (wife) ^ 

7,'T ! The first of the seweri manifestations of the powers 

''"Mil,' \ of nature ( = Son). 

il *Du(r)runa J 

' If the Trinity of Dur-ilu be formed alter the pattern of the Nippurian, it follows that the temple of that city 
must hear the same- or similar names as that of Nippur. fi-DIM.GAL-KALAM.MA means •'The temple (6) which 
is the -reat (gal) firmament lit. -hand.'/;/.!/ = riksu) of the world (sc. here the 'Babylonian world' as microcosmos 
formed after the macrocosmos)." Among the names of Enlil's temple at Nippur we find, e.g., Dur-an-U, i.e., "the 
firmament (dur = riksu) of heaven and earth (i.e., the world, the macrocosmos)"; see also Bel, the Christ, etc., p. '-'1 

and ii- i' - 

* P oi tVS. Cf. N. E., <>:> :,{\. iii-lm nashl-ma ar-na a-ma-ri sa-ai-at, and see Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , pp. Ill, 140, 169. 

1 at is, "all who are in thy immediate entourage, who have the privilege of appearing before thee, who are 

thy frieads and equals." Cf. here the New Testament phrase, "to see the face of Christ" = "to be like Christ," the 

I honor conferred upon Christian-. 

•Those "ol good words" (lit. "speaking") are the friends outside the immediate environs of a person. All 
persons, near and far. who are not slanderers may listen, 

5 Supplemented according to 38 : 71'.. ma-arwnu pa-an lui-nu-linn shd hr-D-ia li-mur [u] man-nv da-ba-ba gl-ab 
(= tub) [a-na] be-h-ia li-il-te-mi um-ma-a a-na be-ViAa-ma. 

6 According to tl e pa-age quoted in the preceding note, we would expect here a-na uhi-la or better a-na '"M.\- 
. a. The trace,- on the tablet are, however, as reproduced. The sign NIN(?) looks rather like a SAL + ma = 

mimma; besides, if NIN ?) were the beginning of NIN-nu-ii-a, we miss a DISH before the nom. propr. 


13 lish-te-[me] may listen! 

14 um-ma-[a a-na ahi-ia-ma] The following to my brother: 

Again, Nos. 81, 82 seemingly appear to have come from the same writer, Erba- 
Marduk. Yet the fact that the writer of No. 81 invokes "Shamash and Marduk," 1 
while he of No. 82 implores "the significant lord," 2 speaks, no doubt, in favor of a 
separation of both writers. I believe, therefore, that the author of No. 81 was an 
inhabitant of either Larsa or Sippar, 3 and that the writer of No. 82 hailed from Nippur, 4 
being at the time when this letter was written away from his seat of residence. To 
deduce from the invocation in each and every case the exact domicile of the writer is, of 
course, not possible, because we do not know as yet all Babylonian cities with their 
chief gods. Thus it would, e.g., be useless trying to determine the habitat of the 
writer of No. 87, who invokes for the protection of the life of his brother "the gods 
that inhab't the great heavens."' An argument ex silentio is rather precarious, yet 
the complete absence of any form of greeting or blessing or endearing term as "brother" 
in all letters addressed to '"In-na-an-iti* the severe and sometimes disagreeable 7 
chief bursar of the Temple storehouses at N'ppur, is significant. 

The subject matter of a letter, following, as it does, immediately upon the address, 
or, if the address be coupled with a greeting 8 resp. an invocation, upon the latter, is 

'No. 81 :4, ilu UD it ''"Mar/Ink nap-sh&-ti-ka li-is-su-rwm. 

2 No. 82 : 6, be-h kab-tum [nap-slia]-ti-ka li-is-sur. Kdbtu, when used figuratively, has the signification "heavy" 
(sc. in quality, not quantity), gewichtig, bedeutungsvoll, significant, weighty, important, foremost, first (= asharidu), 
and when attributed to a god makes that god play the role of the "Son"; i.e., an ilu habtu is in every case the god 
of "lightning, thunder, and storm." This title is attributed, among others, to Nabu (the preacher, or herald of the Father, 
IV Ii. 14, No. 3 : 13, II), NIN.IR (cf. the nam. prop,: '" ilu NIN.IB-kabtu (= DUaUD)-ah.<\\)-*hu, B. E.. XIV, 134 : 3. 
Only by reading ahv (even if written without me or mesh) instead of a}ii (Clay) does this name give any sense: "MX. IIS 
is the weighty one among his brothers"), En-lil (IV R. 24, No. 2, 11, 12, 23, 24. Enlil is Here not the "god of heaven 
and earth," but "the lord of the LIL or storm " — one of the few passages which betray the fact that Enlil originally 
played the role of the ,f Son," and this he did in the Trinity: AN (Father), ilu En-lil (Son), AN = ''"XIN.LIL (Mother)). 

'Seeing that Larsa (UD.UNUG ki ) is mentioned neither in these letters nor in B. E., XIV, XV, while Sippar 
(UD.KIB.NUN ki ) occurs quite frequently (see, e.g., No. 89 : 24, 20, and the Kdr-UD.KIB.NUN ki , B. E., XV, 109 : 1), 
I prefer to regard Sippar as the home of the writer of No. 81. 

4 Where NIN.IB was worshiped as the "Son," the be-h kab-tum. 

5 No. S7 : 5, AN mesh shd a-si-bu ina sha-me-{e rahati]. Tims I propose to read, and by doing so I take the sign 
looking like rat to stand for sha-me-[e]. Cf. here an analogous passage in B. E., X, 96 : 5, where Clay, I.e., p. 09a, 
finds a city Kob-ri[lal)-li-ri-ini-iur-shi, but where me-shi has to be separated from the name of the city and has to be 
read sha ina ( = me) p&ni ( = shi) ; see The Monist, XVII (January, 1907), p. 1.54. 

6 Nos. 83-86. 

1 This applies also to Aljushina (78 : 1), as the expression li-ti-ga-am air-la shows. The slave-dealer Enlil-kidinni 
was dissatisfied with the actions of Aljushina. 

8 In 39 : 2 the introductory um-ma-a a-na be-l\-ia-m.a stands, quite strangely, before the greeting. 


invariably introduced directly, either without" or with the help of um-ma-a? or 
um-ma-a a-na m Y.-ma. s As mosl of the letters published in this volume do not 
deal with one subjecl only, but discuss, on the contrary, very often as many as ten 
differenl affairs, it is oi the highest importance to be acquainted with certain particles 
and phrases that are employed to introduce either (a) a completely new subject 
matter, not referred to in a previous communication, or (&) the answer to a former 

inquiry or note. 

\xnong the particles or phrases used by the writer in order to introduce his 
answer (um-ma-a*) to a former note or inquiry may be found the following: 

l dsh-shum : (2) sM°; (3) <-//" /<"-»/ ; : (4) */»< ta-ash-pu-ra a ; (5) s/id .r.r. s/id 

: So among o 

,ther places also in Nos. 76 : 2 78:4 si :: 85 : 3. Cf. here for the letters discussed under 
Chap , ni.v, |°:4 | 7:4 |8:3 | 12:4 | 21:4 | 22:5 | 23:4 33:7 35 U 37 : 7 | 10:3 19:2 52:5. 

i Nos. si ;, S3 3. This introductory um-ma-a is not to be found in Nos. 1 74; cf. the following note. 
Nos 80 i S2 :8 s; : 7 92 : t. To the urn 111,1-1 a-na m Y.-ma corresponds in Nos. 1 71 an um-ma-a a-na 
be-H-ia(-a)-ma which is mosl generallj found in connection with Lhe address: ardi-ka '"X. a-na dt-no-on be-R-ia luUik, 
oUows either («) immediately upon lullik, so in Nos. 1 :3|4: 1,21 : 3 | 29 : 3 | 39 : 2 | 40 : 2 | 41 :2|[45:3], 
or (6) upon the "greeting," a- in Nos. 9:5 11 : 3 | 26 : 3 | 27 : 3 | 34 :5-bu1 in 39:2 it stands before the 
greeting! a the "invocation," so in No. 38 : 11. In connection with the address : a-na be-h-ia ki-be-ma um-ma 

m X.-ma ardi-ka-ma a-na di-na-ai d lik ii is found in three passages only, viz., in Nos. 13 : 4 | 14 : 1 | 17 : 6. In 

\.. 26 :; we have wi fo-ia lor be-Twa-ma. 

• Sometimes also um-ma, instead of um-ma-a, is found. Notice here thai the um-ma-a resp. um-ma, in connection 
with these particles or phrases, may (1) introduce the answer to an inquiry ( - "I beg to state that,"), (2) introduce a 
m fronl a preA iouS communication I = "saying"), (3) may be left out altogether. For examples, see under the 
following notes, passim, and cf. below sub 11. pp. 26 ami 27, note s. 

»/.e., "as regards." Cf. 81 : 61 . dsh-shum marc me * h Vir-ib-bu-rum shd GU .EN.NA-ka ash-sM-mv-ka im-ta-na- 

„h-ha-n„n um-v Uar- m In-ni-bi a-na di-ni [. . . .]; i.e., -as regards the Nippurians w] thy (deputy) sheriff 

has received on thy account ( - upon thy command) (sc. lor the purpose of holding them as prisoners), the following: 
To Mar-Innibi for judgment [they have been brought, or he has brought then,].'" Cf. here also Nos. 11 : 4 | 14 : 5 | 
2:i::;:: 26 8,12,17 27 15 2S :5|34 : in::?.', : 13, 15, 25, 30 I 57 : 2, t | (ill : S | 60 : 3. 

With the same aning as dsh-shum, i.e., "as regards," Nos. 83 : S. 15 | si; : 16 s7 : 8 (followed by shl iq-ba-[a], 

cf. p. 25, note 3b; p. 26, note 5), See also Nos. 3 : 21, 24 | 17 : 7, 8 | 31: 11, 15, 25, 27 | 34 : 33 | 60 : 9. 

■ With the sai r similar meaning as nha or dsh-shum, see also p. 25, note 1, and cf. 83 : 19 (context mutilated), 

translation on p. 112. Among the letters addressed to the "Lord" we find it. e.g., in 11:7. wna bu-ui KU* " be-lh la 
ig-an-ni, cf. below, p. 109. The i-na bu-ui di^qa-ra-ti a-na ra-di-i aUa-{par\ of 45 : 10 does not belong 
here; see p. 142. 

' "With regard to what thou hast written," or "replying to your recent communication," so far not yet found 
in this ,1, rs. It corresponds in the letters, Nos. 1-74, to shd be-l\ ish-pu-ra, "with regard to what my Lord 

has written," whh-h latter may be found either with, so in 3 : 29 26 : 3, or without following um-ma-a, cf. 39 : 3s. "xx. 
concerning which my Lord has inquired (sc. I beg to say that = um-ma-a) a-na be-K-w ush-te-U-la, 'I have sent (it • to 
my Lord.' " Cf. here also 62 : 7? Um-ma-a in 33a: 6 introduces a quotation from a previous communication; the 
answer to this quotation begins with um-ma-a a-na be-li-ia-ma, '.0; for a translation see p. 137. Cf. here also 34 : IS 
and [i-na-d\n-na ki-i shd >>■-!) i-shd-pa-[ra] in 3 : 60. 


ta-dsh-pu-ra\ or abbreviated, shd x.x. ta-dsh-pu-ra 2 ; (6) dsh-shum x.x. shd ta-ash- 
pu-ra 3 ; (7) a-na bu-ut x.x. shd ta-ash-pu-ra*', (8) x.x. shd tash-pu-ra resp. taq-ba-a 5 ; 

1 "With regard to x.x. concerning whom (which) thou hast written (lit. sent)," see No. 86 : ISf: shd m E-mi-da- 
' " Marduk shd ta-dsh-pu-ra ul na-ka-rum shd-d a-hu-iu um-ma a-bi-ta lu shd-pi-is-su at-ta am-mi-ni ki-i ar-di te-te-pu 
us-su; i.e., "as regards Emida-Marduk concerning whom thou liast written (sc. I beg to state = um-ma-a) 'lie is not the 
enemy (evil person), he is my brother,' (therefore), pleas ! (um-ma) grant him his wish, etc." Notice in this connection 
that lu is connected here with the Imperative. Or have wa to suppose that shupissu is = shupussu, Permansive III 1 ? 
Prof. Hilprecht translates differently, regarding the lu as a mistake for ku( = la), " thy," and taking abita in the sense 
of command, order, edict, in which it generally appears in the letters of the Kuyunjuk Collection: " As regards Emida- 
Marduk, concerning whom thou hast written: 'he is not the enemy, he is my brother,' (I beg to state) thus: 'make 
him execute thy order (abttaku).' " Cf. in this connection p. 110, note 3. 

2 The a in ra shows that this is a relative clause, i.e., that a slid has to be supplied before ta-dsh-pu-ra. ( For another 
similar abbreviation see below, note 3). Cf. 86:4, shd AZAGGl ta-dsh-pu-ra um-ma-a slid murc mesh EN.LIL 1 '' 
AZAG.G1\)-su-na(\) shd-d i-na EN.LIL ki a ""'"DAM.QAR"" ?sh , etc.; i.e., "as regards the gold (feurdsu) concerning 
which thou hast written I bag to say (um-ma-a, so better than 'saying,' and making what follows a quotation): 'he 
of the Nippurians who keeps the gold is in Nippur, may the merchants, etc' " Notice here the form h/is-su-na =relative 
clause as indicated by the u of na. It must be a Permansive II 1 ; but how is the a of fins to be explained? We would 
expect hus-su-7ia. Have we to suppose that lias had also the value feus'! The forms ba'i = bu'i, Delitzsch, Gram., p. 270; 
Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , p. 350, or ba'amma = bu'amma, Jensen, I.e., p. 372, are hardly analogous here, because in these 
latter forms the u is due, no doubt, to the b. In view of the imperative rammik, Gr., I.e., for rummik, we might see 
in h/issuna a dialectical Nebenform of the Permansive for hussuna. Prof. Hilprecht regards fiassuna as being differen- 
tiated from the regular hussuna, Perm. IP, under the influence both of the final " a " of this word and of the " & " in the 
preceding hurdsu, to facilitate the pronunciation of the two words (containing both fi and s) by avoiding three " u " 
words immediately following each other. Per analogy, we would expect in Nos. 1-71 a phrase like : shd x.x. slid be-h ish- 
pu-ra, but this is not found in our letters. Instead of it we have, so far, only dsh-shum x.x. slid be-h ish-pu-ra; see the 
following note. 

3 With the same signification as shd x.x. shd ta-dsh-pu-ra. ci. also shd and dsh-shum. Cf. 82 : 9, dsh-shum 
ameiu AZAG.GIM(.=kudimmu) [shd] ta-ash-pu-ra, context mutilated. This phrase corresponds in Nos. 1-74 to (a) dsh-shum 
x.x. shd b -I) ish-pur-ra. so in 14 : 16 | 23 : 19 [ 26 : 15, for which see pp. 90, 119. Cf. also 27 : 12, dsh-shum NI.GISH 
pish-shat bit be-li-ia shd be-h ish-pu-ra 1 (gur) 2 I (qa) NI.GISH pish-shat shatti \ k " m 1 qa NI.GISH ulad-din, i. •., "as regards 
the oil, ointment for the house of my 'Lord,' concerning which my 'Lord' has written (sc. I beg to state that) 'of the 
1 gur 21 qa of oil, ointment for one year, I have not (yet) given (paid, delivered) a single qa.' " Or 27 : 18, dsh-shum 
m I)i-in-ili-lu-mur slid be-h ish-pu-ra um-ma-a a-bu-us-su-d sa-ab-ta-ta i-nu dlu-ki i-na a-shab be-h-iu a-na be-h-ia [a]k-t[a?]-be 
(or bif)-ma; i.e., "as regards Din-ili-ldmur. concerning whom my 'Lord' has written, saying (= um-ma-a, introduces here 
quotation from previous communication, not the answer): 'Art thou interceding for him?' (the long u in a-bu-us-su-u 
indicates a question, dr., p. 215, ;) (sc. I beg to say that = um-ma-a = answer to inquiry) 'I have spoken in the 
'city' (i.e., Nippur) in the presence of my ' Lord ' to my 'Lord,' etc' " See here also 27 : 27 | 57 : 2 | 59 : 16. (6) To 
dsh-shum x.x. slid be-h iq-ba-a, 23 : 11, 24, sec pp. 98, 99. (c) To dsh-shum x.x. be-h ish-pu-ra (sc., shd before 
be-h and cf. above, note 2), cf. 26:17 (see p. 119); 28:5, dsh-shum m Iz-gur- ilu DIL.BAT shd i-n\a Hit]- 
m Si-ri-ila-ash be-h [ish-pit-r]u [u]m-mu-a IMER.KUR.[RA" leah -ia li-i]m-ta-uli-,-u-iii it a[n-nu-um-ma i]q-ta-ba-a um-m[,i-a 
IMER].KlJR.RA""" h am-ma-ar-ma mar ship-ri-ia i-li-ki-ma i-lak; i.e., "as regards Izgur-DIL.BAT (= Ishtar), who is 
(at the present) in BIt-Siridash, concerning whom my 'Lord' has written, saying (um-ma-a = quotation): ' let him receive 
my horses' (I beg to say, sc., um-ma-a): 'Behold he spoke as follows (um-ma-a): "I shall (will) examin the horses, but 
my messenger shall (will) take (them) and go."' Notice the peculiar form i-lak= illak\ (A reading i-shet =" he 
shall run, i.e., go away, leave instantly with the horses," might also be possible.) 

' This is used here in apparently the same signification as shd resp. dsh-shum x.x. shd ta-ash-pu-ra — hence i-na 
or a-na (see instantly) bu-ut = shd resp. dsh-shum (cf. p. 24, note 7). See here S9 : 15f.: a-m l{u-u]t [sc., ilini arneU] 


9 the "object" concerning which there was a reference in a former letter, and to 
which now the answer is to be given, is placed ai the beginning of the sentence 
without any introductory pari cle whatever 1 : (10) shum-ma ta-sap-pa-ra or ta-al-ta- 
al-ma 1 ; (11) urn-ma or um-ma-a* ; (12) if more subjects than one are referred to in 

.s/i.i la-nsh-f{u-ra um-ma-a] n-ini-li-e K[U.DA] fct il-qu-i}-{ni] il-ta-alshil-nv-ti it it-ta-an-na shti-nu-ti, i.e., "replying to 
your recent communication [concerning tin' judgment or fate dl the men] I beg t" state tlu I llowing (um-ma-a)'. 
•In- has examined the men after thej had taken stolen?) the wheat flour, and (in consequenc of this examination: 

n Mill ; ilir A may be translated here also by but; cf. for this < between sentences, Jensen, K. />'.. VI 1 , pp. 325, 336, 
337, 339, and Johnston, J. /I.O.S., XIX p 50) acquitted them.'" For /'-' sha'alu, used of judicial cross xamination, see 
Jensen, f.c, p. 531. It-ta-an-nashii-nu-ti 1 take as i |3H (from which we have annu, "Zusage"): i'-ta-nana, Ma- 
nna; the a at tl ad indicates the third person of a duel sentence. A "possible" derivation from Hebr. 

no;', "to answer," which "might" seem to be preferable hereon account of the following (1. 21) um-ma a (see p. 27, n. 8), 
does not lit. Or should we derive it from HJN, //. II. />'., p. 986 (from which we have mdnu, "Ruhelager"), and 
translate "he impriso led them"? The "he" according to the context must be some unnamed GU.EN.NA, "sheriff," 
or possibly a judge or king. Among the letters addressed to the " Lord " we find a similar expression, e.g., in :!'.• : I, 
i-na bu-ut A.SII A<;"" xh shd Tul Kl \-kvl-ii-E'.KTJR k * shd b[e-R] ish-pu-ra ik-te-di-irl-ru?], see translation on p. 127. 
^s regards the x.x. concerning whom (which) thou hast written or spoken "is, after all, only a shorter form 

i, dshshum, or i-na (a-na) Im-tit x.x. shd ta-ash-pu-ra, cf. (5) i7). Although not i>> he found in Nos. 76ff., it does 
occur, i.'j.. in No. 'J7 : 35, » """ ''">'//. t .KUD.DA (= mdkisu, tax-gatherer) shd be-R ish-p\u-ra . . . .]-ma i-la-am-mi- 

' and as regards the poll-gatherers concerning whom my Lord'has written (I beg to state that) 'he .... and shall 
f i it, 1 out.' " No. 3-1 : 17. u SIG Slllt; shd be-Vl iq-ba-a [ushyshe-ii-la, "and with regard to the 'good wool' about which 
my ' Lord ' has spoken (sc., in a former letter, 1 beg to state that ) ' I have sent it.'" 

8 Tliis is a still further abbreviation ol (8); in other words, it is the same as (5)-(7) with both shd, dshshum, 
i-na (H-mi) bit-itt and shd tashpura (resp. sha be-R ishpura) left out, so that only the x.x. = object remains. Ci'. here 
;;.-, : 10, .i 70 Pi '// .1 />('""*'' shd 6i K-ia iq-bu-^ii, "and as regards the 70 (gur) of fcastf-root (see Meissner, Ideogr., 
belonging to mj ' Lord ' (sc. concerning which my ' Lord ' has written, I beg to state that I 'they informed me 
that, etc' "; see translation, p. 12:5. See also 42 : 4. A .SIIAd"" "'' shd be-R id-di-na m U-bar-ru a-na be-h-da iq-bu-4 um- 
ma-a A.SIIA(,"" sl ' un-di-shi-ir a^na-ku id ush-shi-ir: "as regards the fields, which my 'Lord' has given and concerning 
which (iq-bu-ri = relative!) Ubarru has reported to my 'Lord' saying: 'he has forsaken (them),' (sc. I beg to state 
that) 'I have not forsaken (them).'" A construction like this elucidates clearly the terseness and businesslike 
character of these lett ers 

' (And i when thou writest or askest " is found in the letters addressed to the " Lord" (Xos. 1-74) under the fori.i 

shum-ma be-R i-sap-pa-ra or shum-ma be-R il-ta-al-ma. For the former see 31 : 9, shum-ma be-R i-sap-pa-ra li-xhn- 

nim-rr, aj ziAi-shi-ma; i.e., "(and) when my 'Lord' writes: ' they (one) may repeat ' (sc. the treatment formerly 

applied to the sick person, I must tell my Lord that ) ' her side (= Hebr. JHS) is too weak (sc. for such a repetition).' " 

In this connection notice the shi after zi-li for shd, duo to assimilation, facilitated by the preceding sibilant and 

repeatedly known also from the tablets of the Murashu archives. For the latter cf. 56 : ">. shum-ma be-R il-ta-al-ma 

i',\IJI i ru-ku-bi shd be-fts-ia i-pu-shu a-na-ku lu-^-ba-at-ma lu-pu-ush-{ma\; "when my 'Lord' asks that 

they make the pole(s or shafts') for the chariot of my ' Lord ' (sc. may I beg my Lord that ) I be permitted to take hold 

of it (them) and make it (them)?" For <""'' .'.//< " SI cf. B. E., XV, 32 : 1, <>'*'', l-hl-mi ; for HI' • SI see Meissner, 

. \o. 1206 = hinnu, and for h,innu, DeL.ff. J7.B.,284a: « uh BV + SIMA = h.i-in(-nu, sic\) e-lip-pi = "ein Theil 

S All of which passages sh w that ffU + SI has here the pronunciation h,in and that sl>h tJ.UV ■ SI has 

to be read ai cordingly ""ii-hin. It must be here the "shaft" or "pole" of the wagon and is distinct from the hin (not 

tihin'.; of a ship. The abnu ii-h,i- j nv ol 91 : 5 was probably a stone of the shape of a "pole," i.e., "finger," and the 2 

,;-hi- si of Str., IV. 116 : 2 (cf. I.e., 220 12, "5 ti-hi-tiu") are, therefore, "2 gold hats." This would prove 

that the Babylonians had besides " the money in rings " also that "in bars." 


the letters, they are introduced either (a) directly or (6) by u 9 or (c) by u and one 
of the above given particles or phrases. 10 

Letters not in answer to a previous communication are much simpler in form 
and construction. In these the subject matter is stated either directly, 11 or the 

8 Whenever these particles are found they take up either (a) the um-ma alter ki-be-ma or (l>) the um-ma-a of the 
introduction: um-ma-a a-na m Y.-m<i resp. um-ma-a a-na be-h-ia-ma or (c) some other um-ma(-a) in the text of the 
letter; they are, therefore, nothing but particles that introduce direct speech by quoting either from a previous com- 
munication or by giving the answer to an inquiry or note; see p. 24 notes 2, 4. For um-ma 86 : l!Sff. is instructive. 
While 1.19 contains the "answer" (with um-ma-a omitted) to the 'Lord's' inquiry concerning Emida-Marduk, we still 
find another sentence introduced by um-ma in 1.20. This um-ma must take up a preceding um-ma(-a), to be found 
either in the text of the letter or in the introduction, seeing that it otherwise stands quite isolated I think we may trans- 
late this um-ma by: '(seeing that this is so) therefore, please (um-ma), grant him his petition (or will), i.e., let him doit 
(but cf. p. 25, note 1 ).' For um-ma-a cf., e.g., 89 : 21f. I.e., 11. 171'. (see p. 25, n. 4), contain the answer to an inquiry 
of '"X/X-uii-ii-a with regard to the fate (judgment?) of certain men who had taken (stolen?) wheat flour. L. 211'., 
introduced by um-ma-a. which latter takes up the [um-ma-a] of 1. 14, contains an answer to another inquiry, resp. repri- 
mand, which had been expressed (in a former letter addressed to Pdn-AN.GAL-lumur) in probably some such words as 
"Why hast thou not communicated by a messenger the result of the trial of these men long ere this?" Answer: 1.211., 
um-ma-a mar ship-ri-ia shd a-ua' 1 " hiX .IJL kl a-na muh gharri ( = LUGAL) ash-punru (erasure) ki (erasure) i-mu-^ru-ka 
ma-la a-sap-ruk-ku iq-ba-a um-ma-a i-na tUu V b.KlB.XV X k ' shu-u mdr ship-ri-ia ul ash-pu-raic-ku mar ship-ri-ia 
a-na " l "-UD.KIB.XUX kl ul-ta p-rak-ku um-ma-a a-na '" X IX-nu-u-u-ma de( = NE)Am-ka ii shti-lum-ka shu^-up-ra; 
i.e., "(But as regards thy reprimand in thy letter of recent date I beg to assure thee of) the following 
(um-ma-a): 'my messenger whom I had sent to Nippur to the king was, when hi' saw (= would 
see) thee, to have told everything I had written thee. But he (the messenger, when he hail returned Id me) said 
(um-ma-a): " he (i.e., m XIN-nu-u-a) is in Sippar." (This is the reason why) I have not sent my messenger to t lire 
(and why) I have (now) dispatched my messenger to thee at Sippar with the following note (um-ma-a) : " To '"XIN-nu- 
u-a. Send thy news and thy greeting (i.e., with this letter, asking for an answer by "return mail")." ' " The events dis- 
cussed in this letter are the following: (a) NIN-nu-u-a of Nippur has written to P&n-AN.GAL-lumur of Diir-ilu concern- 
ing the fate of certain men who had taken wheat flour, at the same time reprimanding him I'm- his negligence in not 
having communicated to him by messenger the outcome of the trial long ere that, (b) P&n-AN.GAL-lumur, wishing 
"to kill two birds with one stone," entrusted the answer to the inquiry and reprimand to his messenger, whom he had 
to send to the king at Nippur anyhow, (c) The messenger found the king at Nippur, but not XIX-uu-u-u, being informed 
that the latter had left for Sippar, where he could be addressed, (d) P&n-AN.GAL-lumur, anxious to avoid receiving 
a second reprimand and to show his "brother" (I. 3) that his accusation of negligence was unmerited, at the same time 
wishing to assure him that "he still loves him" (1. 1), and that " he wants to see him personally and explain matters to 
him " (1. 8f.), dispatches at once, in order not to lose further lime, his messenger with this letter to Sippar, asking for a 
reply, (e) This letter was received by NIN-nu-u-a at Sippar, brought back with him to Nippur, deposited by him 
among the "Temple Archives," where it was excavated by the Babylonian Expedition of the 1 miversity of Pennsylvania, 
and carried thence to Philadelphia to the Museum of Science and Art. To the um-ma(-a) of these letters corresponds 
an um-ma-a a-na be-l'i-ia-ma of Nos. 1-74. See 33a : 9, 12, 18 compared with 1. 5 (see pp. 137f.); 45 : 18 compared with 
1. [3] (see p. 1 13); 48 : 26 compared with 1. 3. 

9 Cf. e.y., Nos. 11 : 19, 20, 22 | 12 : 14 | 17 : 27 | 24 : 24, 32, 36 | 26 : 20 | 27 : 30, 32 | 28 : 16 | 34 : [16], 17 | 35 : 10, 
17, 24 | 37 : 15, 20 | 39 : 7, 12, 17 [ 45 : 7, 10 | 48 : 16, 20 | 58 : 7, 12 | 60 : 9, 11 | 66 : 27 [ 81 : 15, IS | S3 : 19, 24, 27 | 
84 : 11, 13 | 92 : 9. 

10 U slid, 3 : 40 + 1'r. d. | 27 : 38; it x.x. shdbc-h ish.-pu-ra, 27 : 27; it slid be-l'i ish-pu-ra, i'.l : IS, etc., etc. 

11 Cf. 70 : 2, i-din pa-nu-u-ka; 78 : 5, li-li-ya-am at-ta ; 84 : 4, la ta-um-hu-ar ul-ta ; 85 : 4, 9, II, i-i/i-iu : 83 : 3 begins 
with um-m i-niash.-pu-r[u-ak-ku], la ta-al-li-i-m[a% which is introduced l>v »/»-»mu,r. p. 1 1 I. 

28 LETT] RS I" C \-M n: KINGS 

writer may use as a kind of introduction some such words or phrases as: ami,' 
eninna, 1 inanna,' anumma* be-Pi i-di A'/,' etc., etc. 

Mo 10 - 'behold " 

old) qow." Written either i n ri, .; i 6; oi ■ ntn-no, '■'> I : II; or e-ni-en-na, 20 : 6 | 43 : 11 | 69 : 5. Cf. 
also the following note. 

"Now." i I : 19 (i with parallel passage in J. 30, where we hive t-na-on-no-a(l), and see a-nu-wn-ma-a, 
note 1). in 24:27 31 IS "> s 2 3 60, \i-na-a\n-na ki fti-po r[a] See also " i-na-an-na, 11 :9; 

[ii] i-na-an-na a-na be-li-ia al-tap-ra, ;i : 23; « i-na-an-na be-R il-ti-tli. -\ : 26. Cf. also preceding note. 
V n - 86 8, : 1 1 1 ■ 1 cf. an-nu-um-ma-a, 24 : 11, with i na an no o, note 3. 
"'My Lord knows that," r_' 16 13 1; bi M i-di sM, 71 : 15; a-no 6i fl ia oZ-fap-ra be-h hi i-di, II : 28. 





Even a most perfunctory perusal will and must convince the casual reader 
of the fundamental difference in language and address as exh'bited in the "letters 
between Temple and State officials" and those to be discussed here. In the former 
the writer addresses his correspondent, whose name he always mentions, simply 
by "thou": "thou shalt do this and that," "to thee I have sent," "with regard to 
what thou hast written," etc., etc. In the latter the addressee is invariably ' 'the Lord,' ' 
without ever being mentioned by name, and is spoken of as "my Lord": "may my 
Lord do this and that," "to my Lord I have sent," "with regard to what my Lord 
has written," "the following to my Lord," etc. Surely such a formality must have 
a historic basis, must have been required by etiquette, must have been rigidly 
enforced, and must have been absolutely necessary. Considering, furthermore, the 
fact that the various writers who sent their letters to this "Lord" lived at diverse 
periods during a space of about 150 years, it at once becomes evident that the 
term "Lord" here employed cannot have meant a single person, but must have 
been applied to several individuals holding the office of "Lord." Taking these 
a priori considerations as my guide, I was able to collect and publish in this volume 
seventy-eight letters (Nos. 1-74) addressed to the "Lord" -fifty of them having the 
address "to my Lord," etc., either completely or partially preserved, while the rest 
(twenty-eight) refer to the "Lord" in their text. 

In the Table of Contents has been given a complete list of all writers addressing 
their letters to the "Lord"; we may, therefore, dispense with a recitation of their 
names here, though this would, in many cases at least, help us materially towards 
a right appreciation of the exact position and relation of the various writers to their 
"Lord." An investigation of this kind would necessarily lead us far beyond the 
scope of these introductory remarks here; it must, therefore, be reserved for Series C. 
All we are concerned with here is to determine, if possible, the meaning of the expression 
' 'my Lord," bc-h or EN-li; and by doing this we will, ipso facto, it is hoped, arrive at 
tangible results which are both absolutely necessary for a correct understanding of 

:;(i i i i 1 1 rs ro < issi ri ki nxjs 

the nature of these letters here published, and of the highesl importance for deter- 
mining the exacl relation between T> mpl and Stati . or, to express ii in more modern 
phraseology, "between Church and State," as represented by Knlil the god of 
Nippur on the one hand, and the Cassite king or kings on the other. 

The question, then, lias to be asked and answered: Who is the BE.NI, i.e., 
be-ft, or - 'Lord," of these letters? 

When trying to answer this question ii would seem necessary to discuss in 
extenso here all those passages which may or may not, as the case may be, shed any 
light upon this term. The most important am >ng these passages are ( 1 ) the address; 
(2 the greeting; (3) such incidental references in the text of the various letters which 
elucidate the position of the "Lord" in his relation to the writer or the Temple. 

All letters to be discussed in this paragraph, like those treated in the previous 
chapter, were orignally enclosed in an envelope, which was sea'ed with the writer's 
seal and addressed, as may he gathered from No. 24.' where, fortunately, a portion 
of the envelope has been preserved, as follows: 

dup-pi A", (giving here the name of the writer) a-na be-h-shu; i.e., "Letter 
of X. to his Lord." 

The fact that a letter could be addressed to and safely received by a person 
called simply "Lord" suffices to call our attention to the pre-em'nence of the 
addressee: he must have been a "Lord" par excellence, a "Lord" hke unto whom 
there was none other— a person who went and was known throughout the country 
by the title be-Vi. 

Unfortunately for our investigation, there have not been published among the 
so-called "Letters of Hammurabi" 2 any that are written to King Hammurabi 
himself. If snch letters were known to us, it would be a comparatively easy task 
to ascertain how lie as king was addressed by his subjects. And yet, thanks to 
Hammurabi's well-known habit of quoting frequently from his correspondent's 
letters when answering them, we are able to establish the important fact that Ham- 
murabi, though kino-, was yet addressed by his subjects 3 not as LUGAL = sharru, 

■ Here we 1 i to read dup-pi m Kal-{bu], "-»<< be-Vi-shii. '"Knl-hu was the writer, according to I.e., 1. '•». 

■ 1. W. King, 11" Letters and Inscriptions of Sammurabi, Vols. I -III. 

3 In King. I.e., Vol. I. No. 1,11. 8f., Hammurabi quotes From a letter of Sin-idinnam, saying: "And thou (i.e.. 
Sin-idinnam) answeredst: 'Those Eoui temple servants he {i.e., Ibni-^MAR.TU) caused me to conscribe as per his 

1 contract, but i ertain Gimillum, I {i.e., Sin-idinnam) senl a-na >i,n-hnr be-Rria, before my Lord 

{i.e., Hammurabi).' This is what thou hast written. Now they have brought before me ("-»» mu-oh-ri-in) that certain 
Gimillum whom thou hast sent." Cf. also the quotation from Sin-idinnam's letter, King, I.e., Vol. I, No. 4, 1. 13: be-Vi 
U-ish-pur-am," my Lord Hammurabi) may send," and also that in King, I.e., Vol. I, No. 8,1. 10 (compared with 1. 1 t): 

tgain Hammurabi) thinks." Taribatum speaks to Hammurabi, King, I.e., Vol. 
Ill, p. 62 (No. 75), 1.5: "the crews of the ships shd be-h i-sp-ha-am, which my 'Lord' has desired," and/ u EN.ZU-ma-gir 
refers to the seal of Hammurabi as the ka-niAk be-h-ia, "the seal of my ' Lord,' " King, I.e., Vol. I, No. 26, 7. 


"King," but as be-Pi or "Lord." It must, however, be conceded here that at the 
time of the Hammurabi dynasty the title be-li was not exclusively used of a king-. ( >n 
the contrary^ several letters are known to us, written by persons calling themselves 
"thy servant" (ardi-ka) and addressed to the "Lord," where the title be-h expresses 
nothing but the position of a "higher" with regard to a "lower" person; i.e., where 
bc-l) indicates simply the rank of the "master" as opposed to that of the "servant" 

(ardu). 1 

Asain when we examine the so-called Tell-Amarna letters (written at 
about the same time as those published here) with regard to the usus loquendi 
of the title "Lord," we find that both governors- and kings? may be designated 

by it. 

The fact, however, that the title "Lord" might be and actually was used both 
during the Hammurabi and the Amarna periods as a title of the king is not yet proof 
sufficient to warrant a conclusion that the be-li of our letters designates in each and 
every case a king likewise. Such a conclusion must, in order to stand the closest 
scrutiny and severest criticism, be absolutely beyond the pale of skepticism and 

l Cf. e.g. C. T., II, p. 19 (Bu. 91-5-9, 290), a-na be-Vi-ia ki-bi-ma um-ma Be-eUshu-nv ardi-ka-ma. C. T., II. 
p. 20 (Bu. 91-5-9, 294), a-na be-h-ia ki-be-ma um-ma ''"UD-rn-bi-inu (sic\ without ardi-ka-ma). C. T., II, p. 18 (Bu. 
91-5-9, 2185), a-na be-h-ia ki-be-ma um-ma Ib-ga-tum ardi-ka-ma. C. 7\, IV, p. 19 (Bu. 88 8 1'-'. 278), a-na be-h-ia 
ki-be-ma um-ma Ardi- ilu Ul-mash-tum-ma (without ardi-ka-ma^). C.T.,VI, p. 27 (Tin. 91-5-9, IKS), a-na be-h-ia ki-bt- 
ma um-ma Ta-tuC!)-ur-ma-tum amaU = GIN)-ka-ma. C. T '.. VI, p. 32 . Bu. 91-5 9, 585), a-na be-h-ia ki-be-ma um-ma 
il "EN .ZU-ta-ia-ar-ma (without ardi-ka-ma). Cf. also C. T., IV. p. 1 (Bu. 88-5-12, 5), ki-ma be-h at-ta ti-du-u, with 
C. T.. II. p. 20 (see above), 1. 4, ki-ma be-h i-du-u. 

2 Cf., e.g., Amarna, B. 219, [a-na] amelu GAL m EN-{ia ki-be-ma um-ma] Ba-PI<= ia)-di ardi-[ka-ma], to which 
title Winckler, K. B., V, p. xxxiv. note 2, remarks: "Zh diesem wird Her gerade so gesprochen, wie sonst zu dem Konig, 
Man kommi auj die Vermutung, dass der Schreiber gemeint hat den 'grossen Konig' (sharrv si, ill mucin):' Seeing that 
we find the same address in B. 146, [a-na '""]''" CM. EX-in [ki-be-ma um-ma] Bi-bi-PI( = in) ardi-ka (cf. 11. 8, 
11- Rev. 11. 7, 8) I do not think that """'"(,'.1/. is here a title of the king, hut in all probability that of a high official 
(governor?) of the king. In Amarna, B. in, Aziri addresses hi- "father," the governor of Amurru (1. 15, cf. with B. 
92 : 1, """'" "'"A-mn-iir-ra) as follows: a-na m Du-u-du m EN-ia a-bi-ia um-ma '"A-zi-ri mar-ka ardi-ka. Winckler, 
,1. O. /<'., Vol, II, p. 312 (whom Johns, L. C. L., p. 330, follows) finds in the expression (a-na) a-PI-lim shd llu Marduk 
u-hii-al-lii-hi-shi'i, i.e., "the man whom Marduk may keep alive" (V. A. Tl>„ 793 = Meissner. />'. .1., II, p. 579), the 
title of a (the) kins during the Hammurabi dynasty. Though amelv is used in the Code •>( Hammurabi for "nobleman," 
"one that lives in a palace," I cannot accept this view, simply and solely because we find in the phrase just quoted 
besides amelv (seealsoC. T., II, p. 29; C. T., IV, p. 24) also sha-bi-ri-ia if. T., IV, p. I2;cf.with this title also our letters 
Xo. 52 : 11, sha-piH-sku-nu; 21 : 2(1, sha-pi-ir-{. . . .]; Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 6836; Johns, A. D. D., III. p. 327) and 
a-bi-ia (C. T., VI, p. 32). 

3 See here, e.g.. the letter of Akizzi addressed to the king of Egypt in the following words (Amarna, L. 37), a-na 
m Nam-mur4\ia]mar >'"UD be-li-h um-ma "\A-ki-iz\-zi amelu ardi-ka-ma, and cf. I',. 2!). a-na be-R (sic\) LUGAL 
»"ii"ki(<!)Mi-is-ri-e a-bi-ia ki-M-ma um-ma '"Zi-i-\Lii\r mar LUGAL mar-ka-ma; i.e., "to the Lord (sic] not 'my Lor.!,' 
which had to bo be-h-in), the king of the land of the Egyptians, my father, etc.," instead of the more commonly used 
a-na LUGAL bc-h-in LUGAL Misri or n-nu LUGAL Misri be-h-ia. 


reasonable doubl : in other words, ii musl be warranted by facts which cannot be 
unit roverted. 

Somewhat farther we would advance, it seems, if we were (<> compare the 
"address" as exhibited in the letters to the "Lord" with thai discussed in Chapter 
II. While the address in the "letters between Temple and State officials" runs 
simply "To Y. speak, thus saith X.." it reads here either 

"To my Lord speak, thus saith "X. ( name of writer), thy servant," which, 
with the exception of two letters (Nos. 8 and 16), is invariably followed by what 
mighl he called a "Hdflichkeits"-form\ila,: "before the presence of my 'Lord' may I 
come" 1 : a-na be-h-ia 1 ki-be-ma um-ma "A. ardi-ka-ma* <i-na di-na-an* be-li-ia lu- 
///ior ////'-//-/7,'MH' Ilk)* ; or 

(6) "Thy servant '"X. ( == name of writer). Before the presence of my 'Lord' 
may 1 come" : ardi-ka m X.-m(ay a-na di-na-an be-l\-ia lul-lik{ov lu-ul-li-ik) .' 

The difference in the address between the letters written to the "Lord" and 
I hose discussed in ( Ihapter II is marked and fundamental and may he briefly summed 
up as follows: 

I 1 Tn the letters spoken of above the writer never called himself ardu or 
"servant;" on the contrary, if he warded to express any relation at all, he did so 
by applying to himself the term "brother," ahu. 

(2) He never addressed his correspondent by be-h, "my Lord," but simply 
mentioned the name of the addressee without any title whatever. 

(3) He never used the phrase "before the presence of my 'Lord' may I come." 
The last mentioned peculiarity is also the distinguishing feature between our 

letters here and those of the Hammurabi period, in which the writers, it is true, 
called themselves "an/it" and their addressee be-h, hut in which they never used 
the "Hbflichkeits" -formula a-na di-na-an be-h-ia lul-lik. On account of the 
absence of this phrase the letters of the Hammurabi period prove themselves 
at first sight — without even considering their contents — to be nothing but simple 
epistles of an inferior (servant) to a superior person (lord). 

" ' For a justification of this translation see In 'lew, pp. 58, note 2; in I. note 1. 

Notice here tin- difference between the address of the letter proper and that of the envelope. While the 
former is always addressed "t<> my(!) Lord," n-im be-Vi-ia, the envelop" has "to his(!) Lord," n-nn be-h-shii. 
3 That this emphatic -ma indicates the end of the address proper we have seen above, p. 18, notes 1, 9. 
1 So always; a possible <ft-na~ra has not yei been found in these letters. 

5 Nos". _'. ::. .V 6, 7. 8; LO, 12, 13, 1 I. 15, 16, 17, 19, 2n. 25, 30, 37 [43, 1 I. 19, 50, 51]. 

6 For -ma cf. No. 4 : 1 ^A-na-ku-rum-ma; the -ma in No. 21 : 1, m Ilu-MU.TUK.A^rema ma (Meissner, Ideogr., 
No :;s."7 . inav(!) be a phonetic complement to rSmu; lor m ef. Mukallim (Nos. 31, 32, 33), Shiriqtum (No. 38), 
Ubarrum (Nos. 30. 10), etc. This -ma or m terminates the address proper, see note 3. 

7 Xos. 1, 4. 0, 11, 21, 22, 23, -'ii. 27, 2s 2(1. 31. 32, 33, 33//. 31, 35, 36, 38, 3D, 10, 41, 42 [45, 47, 48]. 


It would seem, then, that a correct interpretation of the words "before the 
presence of my 'Lord' may I come," as regards their application to persons, might bring 
us somewhat nearer to a valid understanding of the term "my Lord." Examining 
all letters so far published with regard to the usage of the phrase a-na di-na-an be-h-ia 
lul-lik, we find that it may be employed in letters addressed either (a) to an official 
called "'" fl "LUGH = sukkaUu 1 or (b) to the King, LUGAL = sharru. 2 Now, as the 
"'"''"sukkaUu as "ambassador" or "chief representative" (for that is the meaning 
of the term sukkaUu in those letters) shares the king's honors, we might suppose 
that the be-h of our letters was such a chief representative of the king or kings of 
the Cassite dynasty. As representatives of the Cassite kings — especially with 
regard to the affairs of the Temple, resp. its storehouses — appear, as we learn from 
B. E., XIV, XV, a certain Innanni, the chief bursar during the time of Kuri-Galzu, 
and his successors Martuku (time of Kadashman-Turgu), Irimshu-NIN.IB 
(time of Kadashman-Turgu and Kadashman-Enlil), etc. 3 That none of the 
three chief bursars just mentioned can be meant by the be-h here is obvious. For- 
tunately we possess four letters, addressed to Innanni, which are absolutely void 
of any of the three fundamental criteria; in them the writers do not call them- 

'See e.g., H., VII, 74S, ardi-ka '" ilu AG-u-shal-lim (of. also below, //., VII, 747, a letter by the same writer 
addressed to the king) a-na di-na-an nmc,u LUGH be-h-ia lul-lik nm-m.n-a a-na be-h-ia -a -ma. II., VIII, 7S1, ardi-ka 
m ''"Marduk-SHESH-ir a-na di-na-an amel "LUGH be-h-ia lul-lik ilu A-nim u ilu Ish-tar [a]-na ame '"LUGII be-h-ia 
lik-ru-bu um-ma-a a-na nme '"LUGH be-h-ia-a-ma. H., VIII, 805, ardi-ka '"Mar-dak a-na di-na-an amc '"[LUGII be-h-ia, 
cf., 1. 5] lul-lik ''"AG [ii ilu Marduk] a-na be-h-ia lik-ru-b[u um-ma-a] a-na ami '"LUGH bc-h-[ia-a-ma]. II., VIII, 844, 
ardi-ka '" ''"EX-shu-nu a-na di-na-an ame '"LUGII be-h-ia lul-lik ilu Marduk u ''"Sar-pa-ni-tn.m a-na be-h-ia lik-ru-hu 
um-iiia-a u-nti be-h-ia-it-ma . 

2 In connection with a modified form of address (a) — see p. 32 — we find it, e.g., in //., V, 516, a-na LUGAL be-h-ia 
ardi-ka m ilu EN-SE-na a-na di-na-an LUGAL be-h-ia lul-lik ilu AG u ''"Marduk a-na LUGAL be-h-ia lik-ru-bu um-ma-a 
u-un LUGAL be-h-ia-a-ma. H., VIII, 793, a-na LUGALbe-h-ia { = Axhshnr-ilil-ili mesh , son of Ashshur-bdn-apal) ardi-ka 
m ''"E.Y-ib-ni a-na di-na-[an] LUGAL be-h-ia lul-lik ""AG u ""[Marduk] a-na LUGAL be-h-ia iik-[ru-bu]. 

In connection with address (/)) — see p. 32 — it occurs, e.g., in //., IV, 422, ardi-ka '"AI)-ia-KI-ia a-na di-na-an 
aic LUGAL.GI.NA (= Slmrru-ukin) be-h-ia [sc, lullik, left out here] lu-u [sc, xhul-mu] a-na sic LUGAL.GI.NA be-h-ia 

um-ma-a a-na LUGAL be-h-ia-a-ma. H., VI, 542, ardi-[ka m X a-na di-na-a]n sic LUGAL-u-kin LUGAL SHU 

(= kishshatu) be-h-ia lul-lik ''"AG a ''"Marduk a-na LUGAL lik-ru-bu um-ma-a a-na LUGAL be-h-ia-a-ma umu'""-us-su 
a-na ba-lat ZI mesl <(= napshdti) sha LUGAL be-h-ia ilu EN u >' U AG u-sal(= NI)-li. It., VII, (ills, ardi-ka '" ''"EX. 
BA.SHA a-na di-na-an LUGAL [sic] II., but nothing is missing] sha be-h (! = the king of the lords) be-h-ia lul-lik 
lhc AG u ''"Marduk a-na LUGAL be-h-ia lik-ru-bu um-ma-a a-na LUGAL be-h-ia-a-ma. II., VII, 721, [ardi]-ka 
'" ''"yiarduk-MU-SE-na [a]-na di-na-an LUGAL be-h-ia lul-lik um-ma-a a-na LUGAL be-h-ia-a-ma. II., VII, 747, 749. 
ardi-ka m ilu AG-ii-xhal-lim (749 has " ! ''"AG.DI-im, cf. also above, //., VII, 748, a letter by the same writer addressed to 
the nmelu LUGH) a-na di-na-an LUGAL be-h-id lul-lik um-ma-a a-na LUGAL be-hAa-a-ma. If., VIII, 803 [ardi-ka 
m a<LMar\duk-MU MU ame '"EN.[NAM a-na di]-na-ni(\) LUGAL be-h-ia [lul-lik ''"AG u ''"] Marduk a-na be-h-ia 
lik-ru-bu [um-ma-a a-na br\-h-ia-a-ma. II., VIII, 832, 833, 835, S36, 8.37, ardi-ka '" ''"AG.EN.MU mesh a-na di-na-an 
LUGAL be-h-ia lul-lik um-ma-a a-na LUGAL be-h-ia-a-ma. 

3 Cf. Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 8. 


selves • 'thy servant," oor do they beg to be permitted "to come before his presence," 
nor do they term him "my Lord." 

Though we d d not yet arrive a< a positive result, we may claim a< least a nega- 
tive one. and thai is: the /«-/'/ of these letters cannot have been a representative of 
the Cassite king, such as [nnanni, the chief bursar of the Temple storehouses at 
Nippur, was ;it the time of Kuri-Galzu. 

Trying to determine the exacl significance of the expression hi -I), we get, it would 
seem, agood deal farther in our investigation if we examine the formula of greeting,' 
a-na .... shul-mu 2 (which here, as in the letters above, is very often coupled with 
an invocation), and all those incidental references in the text of the letters which allude 
to the personality of the bearer of this title, [n doing this we learn that the Lord was in 
possession of (1) a "house," bttu" ; (2) a "house and field," bttu ii siru 4 ; (3) :i "house, city, 
and field," bttu dlu-ki ii sin?; (4) a "field," eqlu"; (5) a "city and field," dlu-ki ii 
siru (resp. siru 1 > : ; (6) a "city, field, and house," dlu-ki siru (resp. si-ri) u bttu 8 ; 
(7) "large and small cattle," UT.GUD hia it GANAM.LU^**; (S) "young cows 
and oxen," lali bu-ra-ti it alpe bu-ru-ti 10 ; (9) "harvests of the land and [pastures] of 
the field," i-bu-ri sha m[a-ti it ri-i\i{l) siru": (10) "canals and ditches," nam'-, nam- 
ga\ D-ni 13 ; (11) "messengers," mar ship-ri u ; (12) "workmen," resp. "soldiers," 

I With the exception of No. 39 to be Found always after lullik and before the introductory um-ma-a a-na 
be-h-ia-ma. No. 39 has thr greeting, quite strangely, after the last mentioned introductory phrase. 

- Always written either shu-vl-mu or shul-mv ; DI( = shul)-mu has not yet been found. 
Nos. 22 : I 23 : 3 {.writer m Im-gu -rum) ; 35 : .'! (writer m Ki-shah r bu-ut, cf. also note 5): a-na E be-h-ia shii-ul-mu. 
Cf. also the bdb shd E be-h-ia in 26 : 19 and the NI.GISH pish-shat E be-h-ia in 27 : 12. 

' No. 11:1' (writer '"lie-la-nu i : a-na E it EDIN shd be-h-ia shul-mu. For EDIN cf. p. 7."), note 1. 
'* No. 34 : 2 (writer m Kir-shd-ah,-bu-ut, cf. also note 3) : a-na E be-h-ia dlu-ki it [EDIN shd be-V^-ia shii-ul-mu. 
•Cf. No. 4(1 :.-,, A.SHAG-ka, "thy field," i.e., the Lord's. 

7 No. 9:3 (writer m Bana-a-sha- %lu Marduk) ; a-na dlu-ki it EDIN shd be-hAa shii-ul-mu. No. 17 :5 (writer 
'" ''"XIX.lE-i, l.BU-AN m " h ): a-na dlu-ki it EDIN k ' shd be-h-ia shu[l-mu\. 

■ Nos 26 -' -'7 : -' 28 :3 (writer m Ku-du-ra-nu) : a-na dlu-ki EDIN (26 : 2. si-ri) it, E be-h-ia shii-ul-mu. 

No. 51 :4 (nai writer broken away): [a-„a LIT.GUD&" »] GANAM.LU^-" shd [be-h4a shul-mu]. No. 

16 :4 (writer '" "'"MX. //>'-[ . . .]): »-m, LIT .< ,1'D*'" it GANAM.LU^-" sh[u-ul-mu\ it slid be-h-ia shu-ul-mu, i.e., 
"to the large and small cattle, greeting; and to all that belongs to my Lord, greeting!" For LlT.(Hl) hl -" it GANA M. 
I = alpe it seni. i cf. also B. /:'.. XIV, 99 : 1 | 99a : 46 | 132 : 1 

10 Xo. 10 : I writer [. . . ."'"] M arduk) : [a-na LIT" 1 " 11 ' 1,,,-,-a-ti} i, GUD me ' h bu-ru-[ti]. Cf. also No. 60. 

II No. 25 : ( (writer ™UR- ilu NIN.DIN.DUG.GA): a-na i-bu-ri shd m[a-ti it ri-tVO EDIN shu-ul-mu. 

12 He was at least co-owner, cf. No. 10 : 21 (writer m TJ -barium): me-e '""'"( = A.GUR) Ilu(=AX)-i-pu-ush it 
me-e " ur "(= A.GUR) Na-la-ah me-e zi-it-ti shd be-h^ia; for translation see p. 132. Cf. also the mti ( =A) be-h-ia in 1 : 11. 

13 Xo. 40 : 15, it shri-ii a-na pa-an nam-ga^ri shd be-h-ia a-shi-4b; I.e., 1. 20, nam-gar-ra shit be-h-ia li-mash-shi-ir. 

11 No. 8 : 17 writer m Ba-il-' ,u Minduk): mar shijHri shd be-h-ia. Cf. [31 : 21] | 53 : 37, mar ship-ri-ka. 


ummani (= SAB hLa ), sdbe ( = SAB"*) 1 ; (13) "servants," ardv?; (14) shattam 
and amdu PA.ENGAR 3 ; (15) </»'; (16) "tax-gatherers," mdkisu 5 ; (17) "sheriffs," 

1 No. 39 : 17 (writer m U-bar-rum) : SAB^-" shd be-h-ia. Cf. 46 : 9, N.l/>''-" v '-[><] and 58 : 12, N.W>'^ " shd be-h 
im-hu-ru. From 9 : 17, 100 $ABb iM (\) gi-in-na-ta l.i-i ig-nu-na N.t />'"""''(!) sM be-h-ia ir-ta-pi-is, it is apparent that 
there seems to have been a difference between N.I/)''-" " and SAB"""*; the former are = ••men," while the latter are = "sol- 
diers"; for a translation see p. 10(3. InB.E., XIV, XV, $AB&' '■" and N.I />""' s '' are used interchangeably; cf., e.?., Z.c, 
XIV, 56a :26, PAD 27 SAB mesh shd ii-aa-ri-<- i-pu-shu, i.e., "food (wages) for 27 'men' who have tilled (made) the 
fields," and according to I.e., 1. 30, the ■""■'" 1<'!(J and KA.ZID.DA have N. 1 A.'"" "'' . 

2 This follows not only from the term "servant" which the various writers apply to themselves when writing to 
their "Lord," but also from the fact that very frequently other persons are referred to in these letters as "thy (i.e., the 
Lord's) servant," ardi-ka. Among the persons thus spoken of as the "Lord's" servant we find, e.g., m Erba- llu Marduk, 
27 : 30, 32 | 29 : 4 [5] | 35 : 17 | 65 : 9 (cf. here also m Erba- ilu Marduk, the writer of letters Nos. 13, 11, 81, 82V, 
'" il *NIN.IB-SHESH-SE-na, 1 : 16, 17; m BA.SHA- ilu IM, 34 : 34, 35; m I-na-£.KUR.GAL,24<:Z2; "> il »DIL.BAT- 
Ba-ni, 14: 18; m Ku-du-ra-ni, 35:31 (cf. also the writer of Nos. 20, 27,28); m Me-li-Shi-pak, 17:32; '"Xa-ah-zi- 
[ ilu Marduk], 42 : 12, 13; m SHESH-shd-dsh^ra, 45 : 7; '"E.SAG.lL-zu-ri-ia [ardi-ka], '.) : 15. Cf. 21 : 27,7/ ardv-ka. 

3 No. 39 : 3 (writer m U-bar-rum); [45:4, name of writer broken off]: a-na SHAG.TAM (or possibly better 
A.SHAG, cf. 39: I) » """'"PA.EXdA R shd be-h-ia shu-wl-mu. To SHAG.TAM ( = VD) = plural and without 
amelu, cf. 35 : 33, be-h, a-na SHAG.TAM li-ish-pu-ra-ma NI.GISH shubi = RU)-ta lish-kir-nu-[ma], see translation p. 125. 
See also 21 : 4, i-lu amelu SHAG.TAM shd a-na shul-mi-shil al-li-ku shu-ul-ma shd be-h-ia ish-ta-la-an-ni (original gives 
,r), "the M of the shattam for whose welfare (interest) 1 have come, has asked me about the welfare (here = 'news,' 
as in de-im u shu-lum = 'good news') of my 'Lord' "; 27 : 15, dsh-shum NI.GISH i-tu-u SHAG.TAM-mi e-she-ir, "as 
regards the oil (sc. concerning which my Lord has written, I beg to state that) 'the M of the shatammi (so, no doubt, 
better than: "as regards the oil of the itu, the shattammi, etc." and this because (1) the letter is addressed to the " Lord"; 
(2) shattammi, terminating in i. requires a noun on which it is dependent ; (3) if shattammi were the subject we would sxpect 
a form esh(i)ru) is taking care of it;' " 54 : 25, amelv SHA[G-T]AM . The SHAG.TAM, in all passages quoted, being 
closely connected with the watching, guarding, taking care of (27 : 15) or storing (35 : 33) of the NI.GISH or sesame 
oil, must have been an official in charge of the oil of the Temple or Palace. Delitzsch, II. W. B., p. 696a, 
"ein Berufsname" ; Meissner-Rost, B. S. S., Ill, p. 359, and Zimmern, Bitualt, p. 93 = zammiru, "Sanger"; 
Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , pp. 531, 532 = shaknu, qipu, " Statthalter" ; King, Letters of Hammurabi, III, p. 57 : 3, "overseer of 
cattle"; Delitzsch, B. A., IV, p. 486, on thebasisof Utters of Hammurabi, 39 : 5, SHAG.TAM mesh shd E^- a AX h - a '-ka 

compared with I.e., 37:7 and No. 15 = "Tempelverwaltung, ein In, Inns Tempelverwaltunysamt. '"PA.ENGAR 

is hardly better than amelu IYENGAR, seeing that the sign PA looks rather like GISH. """'"PA .ENGAR = 
akil errisM, ikkare, "overseer of the tanners or irrigators." If read """''" »' sh EXGA h> , this official would be one who 
had charge of the "works of irrigation:" amelu nartabi, see also p. 127, note 2. 

4 m Kishah-l>ii-nt, the writer of No. 35, after having passed through the positions of na-gid, ENGAR, RIQ, calls 
himself, I.e., 1. 25, a-na-ku i-lu be-h-ia. As itu he was in charge (of the storehouse affairs) of the city Dur- ilu PA.KU < 
(see below, p. 120). '"Kal-hn, the writer of No. 21, who had been entrusted by royal grant with the administra- 
tion of the city Mannu-gir- Uu IM , calls himself, I.e., 1. 36, a-na-ku l-tu [be-h]-ia. In 26 : 17 the i-tu-u m Iz-gur- llu NIN.IB 
"puts up" shu-ki-i: dsh-shum shu-ki-i shd i-tu-u m Iz-gur- ilu NIN .IB sha-ak-nu-ma be-Vi ish-pu-ra a-na bdb shd bit be-h-ia 
ul i-la-ak; for translation see p. 119. Cf. also 21 : 27, GAL <:(?)-/»? Also other persons had an ihi. The writer of No. 
11, m Be-la-nu, says, I.e., 1. 21, i-tu-ii-a ma-am-ma ia-a'-nu, and '" ''"En-lil-ki-ili-ni , the slave dealer, commands m A-h,u- 
shi-na (78 :4): Mar-'"Mu-ra-ni i-tn-ii-u lUi-ga-am at-ta. In 21 : 1 we have an I-lu """'" SH AG.TAM, and in 27 : 15 
an i-tu-u SHAG.TAM-mi (see preceding note). Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 157a, gives only "itu, ein Berufsname." The 
root of this word is nn^, "to see"; to the same root belongs also another itu, "side, boundary." A side of a house 
(or of a piece of land, etc.) is any of its four extremities which "looks" towards a certain direction, either north, south, 
east, or west. The extremities of a piece of land which look towards or in the different directions are its ihi, pi. US, or 
"boundaries"; hence the person called itit is "one who looks out towards or in the different directions, or sides or bound- 


GU.EN.NA* : (18) na-'i-ri-e na-'i-ra-a-ti SAL E-di-ir-ti it hittr ; (19) "cities," din 1 " 1 *; 

may they be those of property or of other business interests of his master," "one who looks out that the various 
sides of his master's interests be protected." Such a person who "looks oul " for his master's interests (as did Kalbu, 
after having been entrusted by royal grant with the administration of Mannu-gir- ilu IM I at the time of Ur-Ninna, king 
of Shirpurla, was called an i \ / /I "one who is at his side." The latter, then, is the exact Sumerian counterpart of 
Semitic-Babylonian iiu = itu I- Aju = "one who is at the side of somebody, who guards his interests" (cf 
Nippur ii = Nippur-dju, one who lives at, belongs to, Nippur, a Nippurian), "his administrator, his representative": 
just as the sides (till) represent a piece of properly, guard it against trespassing, so an itii represents and guards and 

out for the interests of his master. 

5 No. 27 :3S (ymteT m Ku-du-ra^nu): amelu SHA( NIG) KUD D I shd h<-l) ish-pu-[ra]. For SHA.KUD.DA cf . 
besides the passages quoted in />'. E., XTV, XV, also I.e., XIV, 5 : 5 | is : 2 | 125 : H [ XV, 122 : 7 | 131 : 17 | 157 : 25 | 
166 : is. etc. 

' For this officer see introduction to No. 75. below, pp- I33f. 

; The passages in which this phrase occurs as pari of the greeting are the following, No. 36 : 3 (writer ['" ll "]IM. 

1. 1 G I/... I V"'" i : [" na SA]L E-di-ir-tim [u /■.' be-Vu-ia sK\itod-mu [. . . . ma-a']-di- j ish shii-ul-mu; 31 : 3 

(writer m Mu-kal-lim I : a-na na-'i-ri-e na-'wa-ti it E be-li-ia shiir-ul-mu S I /• E-di-ir-ta li-pi-tu an-ni-tum il-to-pa-as-sii.? or 
a na It R.S 1/. m Ku-ri-i it TUR.SAL m Ahu(=SHESH)-ni shu-ul-mu shi-ir-shi-na da-ab; 32 : 1 (writer m Mu- 
k[al-lim]): [a-na] nn-'i-ri-r na-'[i-ra-ti SAL] E-di-ir-ti [u] /? be-Vu-ia shd-u\l-mu\; 33 : -1 (writer [ m M]it-kal-[lim]): [a-na] 
iri-'i-rl-c na-'i-ra-a-ti [SA]L E-ili-ir-t[i] it E be-li-ia shii-ul-mu. nd'irt, nd'irdti are participles masc, and fern. plur. of 
inj, which IVlit/.seh, //. W. 11., p. 1396, translates by "schreien, briillen." Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , p. 588, assigns to 
n&'ru a signification "klagend." We have to combine both significations here ami translate nd'irt, nd'irdti by "howlers 
(masc. and fern.) of lamentations" = "lamentation men and women," who began their operations, as is well known, 
at the time of sickness, death, or funeral of a person. This is apparent also from the texts quoted above, for all of 
them are nothing but reports of a physician about the progress of the sickness of certain ladies connected, no doubt, 
with Enid's sanctuary. Cf., e.g., 31 : 9f., shum-ma be-lh i-sap-pa-ra li-sha-nim-ma a-na-ah zi-li-shi(\)-ma (for trans- 
lation see p. 20, n. 7) shd TUR.SAL m Mush-ta-U (cf. 32 :7) i-shd-ta-tu ba-al-da shd (cf. 32 : 13) pa-na i-gi-en-ni-h.ii 
i-na-an-na ul i-</i-cn->u-ih_ shd TUR.SAL m Ilu( = AN)-ip-pa-dsh-ra II i-shd-tu shd uh-fiu-ra-tum shi-i-pa it-la-di, etc. 
For i-shd-ta-tu, 11 i-shd-tu cf. I.e., 1. 2ii, mi-shi-U i-shd-ta-ti [shd(?) uh]-hti-ru; 1. 28, i-shd-ta-tu shd si-li (cf. zi-li, 1. 10 = 
Hebr. y)H, "side") shd ufe-jgu-ra, and 33 : 24, i-shd-ta-tum. Ishdtdtu (ti, turn) is either a plural of ishdtu = "lire, 
fever" (for formation cf. Delitzsch, Gr., p. 18S), or, less probably, a plural of ishdtu ( = eshttul), syn. of ka-ra-ru-u, 
which Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 1436 (sub eshttu), translates by "eversiones." The II i-shd-tu is, no doubt, "the double 
fever" in the sense of either "intermittent fever" or, more probably, of "chills and fever." Ba-al-da = Permansh i 
I 1 , third pers. plur. fem. after ishdtdtu. For gandh,u cf. the Talmudic lexiea sub n3J = "to suffer from angina pec- 
toris," and for shipa nad&, "to grow, become old," sec Jensen, K. />'.. VI 1 , p. 511; here, because used of sickness, it has 
the meaning "to become chrome." The passage, then, might be translated: "With regard to the daughter of Mushtali 
(I beg to report that) the fevers are improving; what was suffering before is not suffering any more now. With regard 
to the daughter of Ilu-ippashra (I beg to report that) the 'double fever' which is remaining ( = third pers. sing. fem. 
Perms II' after // i-shd-lu = singl.) has become chronic," i.e., it appears at regular intervals. Cf. also 33 : 7f., Amu 
hd mu-shi ish-te-en a-ka-la it-ti pa-pa-si u-nl d-ga-atr-ti ba-rar{a\r-tum ki-i ig-tu-ii um-mu [is]-sa~bat-si, and I.e., 
1. 25f., iimu 29 fcom ''"CD na-pa-[hi] mdr ship-ri^ia ul-te-sa-a ki-i shd be-D iq-ba-a te{ !)-e-iw mu-shi a-htm-ma-ad-[ma(?) 
i-n]a * ,U UD na-pa-hi a-s[hd]-ap-p[a-r]n [le-e]-im su-ma-nu a-[lam-]nia-ad-[nia u(?) a-n\a ra-bi-e a-[shd-a]p-pa-ra [s/id(?)] 
dup-pa a-na [muh] bc-l't-ia [ul-U]-bi-la. With the exception of ish/rn akdla ilti papasi everything is plain. Is this a 
food prepared with the pafasi? For papasu cf. also B. E., XIV. 103 : 42, /// '''•"udlu (= RI) pa-pasu ilu A.GUR, 
which shows that papasu was taken from the river, and is probably the "slime" of the river; cf. also Kuchler, Medizin, 
p. 128, "Brei, Schlamm." Also in B. E., XV, 44 : 23 it is paid, like M.UN, GU.GAL, GD.TUR, sihrhi-K, to certain 
■work i men; is, therefore, different from pappasu, Delitzsch, //. W. B.,p. 53 hi i against Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 28, note to No. 
8, 1. 4 i. From the above given passage it appears that the nA'iri and nd'irdti began their operations (ba-ra-ar-tum = 


"guards," massartu 9 ; " fortress (es)," bi-ir-ta 10 ; "chariots," '"'"narkabtu 11 and sak- 
shup-par 12 ; (20) ' 'carriages/', ru-ku-bi 13 ; and last, but not least, (21) "creatures," 

"lamentation"; Del., H. W. B., p. 188a, mentions only a bararum, syn. ikkillum, " Wehklage" ; see also 47 : 4) while the 
lady was still under treatment {id ugatbi) and sick. No wonder, then, that she was seized with fever (ummu) after 
those men and women had finished their lamentations. In the closing lines Mukallim reports that he will send out his 
messenger early at dawn of the 29th day, "as his 'Lord' had commanded," in order to learn through him how the sick 
person had passed the night {te-e-im mu-shi) and how the su-ma-nu { -- samdnu, the it on account of the m, II. W. B., 
p. 503; Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , p. 574?) was progressing. Women, by the name SAL E-di-ir-tum, are mentioned in B. E., 
XIV, 40 :3, 12, 14, 19 (21st year of Kuri-Galzu, 11. 31, 23) and a TU R.SAL GAB E-di-ir-tum occurs in I.e., 58 : 42 
(13th year of Nazi-Mamttash). As this lady is closely connected with the lamentation men and women, it seems 
probable to suppose that she was at the head of that profession. What the real meaning of li-pi-tu an-ni-tum il-ta-pa- 
as-si (or sul = U-ta-pa-al-shi or -shu, i.e., i/ns 1 ?, so, no doubt, better than a "possible" y/02'd or rut?) in No. 
31 : 5 is, is not clear to me. With lipit{t)u tapdtu cf. Amarna, B. 6, Rev. 3, 7, 9; B. 218, Rev. 3, 4. It is construed 
with double accusative, as here, also in IV It., 15*, col. 1:14, 15, ap-pa u ish-dl i-sha-a-ti lu-pu-ut-ma ana marsi si-bit- 
ti-shu-nu ai it-liu-u; but neither the signification given by Delitzsch, //. II'. B., p. 382a, "umsturzen, anriihren," nor that 
by Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 379, "beriihren, schlagen, werjen," nor King's {Letters of ffammurabi, III, p. 279), "to over- 
throw, to destroy," nor Nagel's {B. A., IV, p. 479), "zdgern,verzdgem," nor even Kiiehler's {Med., p. 75), "stossen, 
anstossen, beriihren, umstossen, vernichten, antippen," seem to fit here. Cf. also the li-bi-it ilim{= AN), "visitation of 
god," ffam. Code, XXXVIII, 77, and our letter No. 47 : 9, 14, a-di slid me-e la-pa-ti. Also this letter treats of 
sickness, cf., e.g., 1. 18, ii shd pa-na ma-a'-da i-ni-i' -i-shil i-na-an-na id. i'-i-ish — an expression exactly parallel 
to shd pa-na i-gi-en-ni-ku. i-na-au-na id i-gi-en-ni-ih in Nos. 31 : 13 | 32 : 13; hence eshu must signify a 
suffering from a certain malady and not merely a "Verwirren," Kuehler, Med., pp. 137, 138; Delitzsch, 
H. W. B., p. 143a. What sickness this was is indicated in 1. 4, i-na ba-ra-ri (cf. above ba-ra-ar-tum) ki i'-i-shil. 
Another letter that touches upon sickness, to mention it here, is No. 22 : S (writer m Im-ga-rum), di-im mur-si-shd 
ki ish-a-ht^shi ri-ik-sa ki e-si-fiu li-ra-ak-ka-xit.-shi. m M u-kal-lim, the writer of Nos. 31, 32, 33, and possibly 
of 47, was, no doubt, a physician. And as physicians are always under the patronage of goddess Gula, the azagallatu 
rabitu or "great physician," the one who muballitat miti, "quickens the dead" {sic]), I propose to identify our writer 
with the m Mu-kal-lim mentioned after the bit llu Gu-la in B. E., XIV, 148 : 9 (the 17th year), who lived during the 
time of Burna-Buriash. As such a physician and priest in the Temple of Gula he had to look after the welfare of the 
"ladies of the sanctuary," for notice that Mukallim sends not only greetings {shidmu) and good wishes {da-ab = IA 
ta-ab, 31 : 8) for the well being {shi-ir-shi-na , lit. their flesh, their body) of "the daughter of Kuri" and "the daughter 
of AJjuni," who had, no doubt, recovered from their sickness under his care, but In- reports also about the sickness of the 
following women: (1) "The daughter of Mushiali" (31 : 11 | 32 :7); (2) "the daughter of Ilu-ippashra" (31 : 15); 
(3) the lady La-ta (? or shd) (31 : 20); (4) the slc Ali-la-mi-ti {i.e., "the nomad"; 31 : 25 | 32 : 8. Cf. also B. E., XV, 
188 V : 11, ,S'.1L Ahda-iiii-rtim, and afz-la-mu-u, I.e., XIV, 1(3 : 0; XV, 154 : 20, besides the passages quoted by Clay in 
I.e., XV, p. 51a); and (5) the daughter (TUR.SAL) of the lady {SAL) Ush (or Ba)-ba-[. . . .] (31 : 27). 

8 No. 33a : 3, a-na dlu^ al massartu{-EN .NU .UN) shd be-li-ia shd-uJA\m\a. For dhfi al — plural, see p. 12, note 1. 

9 For EN.NU.UN = EN. NUN = massartu see Delitzsch, //. II'. />'., p. t7N„, and cf. //., II, 187, Rev. 5 (a letter 
of m Ishdi- ilu PA to the mar sharri be-Vi-ia), shidmu { = DI) ma a-na EN.NUN mesh gab-bu, "greeting to all the guards," 
and H., II, 186, Rev. 1 (by the same writer), EN.NUN shd LUGAL. 

10 No. 33a : 31, 36, bi-ir-ta shd bc-li-ia. 

» No. 33a : 6, 10, 13, 22, 29, 31, 34, 35. Chariots arc also mentioned in B. E., XIV, 124 : 10 | XV, 13 : 2 | 21 : 7; 
they are to be distinguished from the ru-ku-bi and ! '" <I 'MAR.GID.DA, see below, note 13. 

12 No. 33a : 27f ., um-ma-a a-na be-li-ia-ma be-li a-na sak-shup{ = RU)-par liq-btfma] II if "narkablu a-na gir-ri shd 
be-l\ i-gab-bu-il lil-U-ik u a-na-ku htruk-ka-li-ma i-na II ,s " iiarl;nhtu bi-ir-ta shd be-ll-ia lu-us-sur; for translation see 
p. 139. InB.£.,XV, 154 :41 (not mentioned by Clay) asak{=SAG)-shup-par LU[GAL]U mentioned, and from /.c, 13: 5 
(not mentioned by Clay) we learn that a certain m Er-ba-a-tum, the [s]ci-ak{siel)-shup-par, received {im-liu-ur) from {i-na 


VI(G)-GAL-tum nap-ti. On account of the difficulties that are to be encountered 
in this expression it is necessary, ii would seem, to give the passage in which it 
occurs in full. It is found in the ''greeting" of a loiter (No. 38) written by a certain 
Si i-ri-iq-tum, an inhabitanl of Nippur (dlu-ki, I. 6), whose gods he invokes for 
the protection of his "Lord." The writer, unfortunately, is not mentioned in any 
of the tablets published in />'. /•.'., XIV, XV. Though a m Shi-riq-[tum] is to be 

qdt) m M ar-tu-ku, the duel bursar oi the Nippurian Temple storehouses during the reign of Nazi-Maruttash, '■ ma-na ZAG.SA 
(a metal, or a kind of leathei d(t)il (or bit; bat; ziz) slid ^narkabtv ; i.e., either for the "mounting" (metal) or 

"covering" (leather) of a chariot. Seeing that a sak-shup-par is in each and every case closely connected with "chariots," 
which he may command when the} are sent out on an expedition (see p. 139, 11. 28ff.), we may conclude that a shup-par 
i- a "charioteer," and a sak-shup-par, a "chief, commander, captain, general of the charioteers." The word shup-par 
has to be derived fom "13©, "to govern," from which root, as Jensen, K. />'., VI 1 , p. I Hi. has .shown, we have also 
the words ishpar (a form like- ikribu, irrishu) eshpar (Sum. ESH.BAR --)"Zaum, Zugel," shipru,"Zaum,Gebiss" 
and its! 'Insignu des Kbnigs" = "Zaum." With ishpar Jensen, I.e., quite correctly compares the Syriac N}D3N 

"Haljler" (for such changes of radicals cf. e.g., Sum. Sill. Ml! = Assyr. shurinnu; Assyr. lahjru = Hebr. vm, 
i i i According to this a shuppar would be "our who governs, directs the chariots by having hold of the ishpar, eshpar, 

ushpar" =Syr. **??r x - or "bridle" of the horses. Delitzsch, //. II". />'.. ]>. 685a, mentions an officer called amelu shu- 
UD-SAG, "Oberst, General." That this cannot be read with Delitzsch, I.e., shud-shaqu, but must be transcribed with 
Winckler, Forschungen, I. p. 170, 2 (and before him Guyard, Notes de lexicographie Assyrienne, Paris, 1883, §33) by 
shu-par-siiaq (or better saq) is evident from the passages quoted above. Furthermore, in view of the analogy that 
exists between sak-shuppar and shuppar-saq on the one hand and ij'il + galu = lugal (cf. gal + ushum = ushumgal, 
on the other hand, I propose to identify both. As gal + (ga)lu, "the great one among men" (cf. GAL.SAG = 
rab-saq = the great one among the sag) becomes the "great man," «.af Efo^v, i.e., the lugal or "king," so 
sak-shuppar, "the chief among the charioteers," becomes the shuppar-sak, i.e., "the charioteer of the chief," and as 
such the "chief's (i.e., of the kings) foremost charioteer." "the charioteer-in-chief." From this, however, does 
not yet follow that we have to correct with Hoffman, Z. A., II, p. 54f.; Marti, Gram, des Bibl. Aram., p. 53, the 
NO^-'SX, Ezra 5 : (i (cf. also Ezra 4 : 9, NOrcniJN, ^OnSK) into K'3D"I3D in order to make it agree with shup(p)ar-saq(k) . 
A change from X into D is much harder to imagine than a simple aberration of the eye from one to another D, which 
took place if we suppose that SO012N stood for N'DDIDSN, i.e., 1D3N, emphatic JOOSN (which is the Syr. -Aram, word 
for "Halfter" (Jensen), better "bridle," "bridle-holder" = Assyr. mi. u)shpar—the ushpar as insignia of the king 
represents him as one who "holds the bridle" = who "governs" the people) + (S')DD (= sa-aq(k)). The N'DD"I3K = 
XOD"iD£3S, then, were "the bridle-holders," "governors-in-chief." This also against Ilinke, B. E , Ser. D, IV, p. 185. 

13 Xo. 56 : 6, o ish U.BV+'SI ( = u-}un, "pole, shaft," see p. 26, n. 7) shd ru-ku-bi shd be-Vv-ia, cf. also the " lsh /JU + SI. 
SI .tli,i be-Vv-ia in 51 : 18. See in this connection also Friedrich, 0. L. 7... August, 1906, 465, on ' x "ni-uk-l>u. Rukubi 

are t.i be distinguished from "'"'' M A h'.) i/D. DA , which latter signify, at this ti either "harvest wagons" (lit. "long 

wagons" = eriqqu, Meissner, Ideogr., Xo. 414S, cf. No. 34 : 39, i-na '"'■"'' .1/ AR.GID.[DA] IN ki-i az-U-ia IMER.KUR. 
HA""* 1 ', etc.; i.e., "while 1 was fetching the straw in the harvest wagons, the horses, etc.") or "wagon loads," cf. the 
e uh MAR.GID.DA me,h te-li-tum =" the wagon loads of the crop, harvest (sc. of grain)," Xo. 52 : 35 and B.E., XIV, US : 1, 
29, 30. In B. E.. XV, 91 : 1, 2 (cf. our Xo. 54 : 7; 52 : 33), the harvest (te-li-tum ) of the pa-tc-si is computed accordingto 
''"''' M AI1MI1). DA . "wagon loads." For the various amounts of grain paid as "hire" (ID) for "harvest wagons," see, 
e.g.. B. E., XIV, 144 : | XV. 28 : 11 1(11 : 12 ] 103 : 10. In B. E.. XV. 155 : 36 a certain amount of grain is inn, 
tinned as biAa-at '""''MAh'.GID.DA ; as this here can mean nothing but "hire for harvest wagons," we have the proof 
that //) = "hire" has to be read bv-la-at, from biltu, " Abgabe, Steuer, Tribut" ill. W. B.. p. 232), and "hire." Cf. 
also the SHE shd B iak MAR.GID.DA me » h naphjir shd a-na &li (= Nippur) sM-ru-bu, B. E., XV, 107 : 0, and see 
the o i,h MAR LUGAL (?!) in B. E., XIV, 121 : 10, and the " ish MAR AZAG.UD in our Xo. 28 : 16. 


found in a letter of m Gu-za-ar-AN to m In-nu-u-a (87:8), we are still unable to 
assign No. 38 definitely. In all probability Shiriqtum lived sometime during the 
reign of Kuri-Galzu, i.e., somewhere between 1421-1396 B.C. That part of the 
letter with which we are concerned here reads (38 : Iff.) : 

1 ardi-ka m Shi-ri-iq-tum a-na d[i-na-an] Thy servant Shiriqtum; before the pres- 


2 be-h-ia lu-u-ul-li-[ik] of my "Lord" may I come! 

3 ''"SUGH 1 u shar-rat m "EN .LIL[ k '] SUGH and the queen of Nippur 

1 From a religious standpoint this greeting is most important. It teat-lies us that the Nippurian Trinity— Enlil, 
XIX. IB, Ninlil or Gula (Ban) — was known als.> as 

SUGH (.Father) NIN.IB (Son) il *NIN.MAGH(vn(e of the Son) = shar-rat alu En-lil ki (Mother). 

Without going into details here (see my forthcoming volum > on the Religious Tc.rts from the Temple Library of 
Nippur), I may be permitted to show briefly that the gods mentioned in this letter form indeed a parallel "Trinity 
in Unity." 

ilu SUGH (thus the sign has to be read, and not DAR (Jensen), see my Forthcoming volume) was originally 
the name of a god playing the role of the "Son." This is still evident from II R., 57, Obv., 1. 35, c, d, where 
''"SUCH (with the gloss Tishfeu) is identified with ''"NIN.IB, who in our letter occupies the position of the "Son." 
Cf. also ''"SUGH EN um-mami, "the lord of hosts," Zimmern, Shurpu, IV, p. 2-1, 74; ''"SUGH (gloss sud) NIGIN = 
mu-lml-lu-ii ai-bi, "the destroyer of the enemy," K. 2107, 19— two attributes of the "Son," who, as the personification 
of the powers of nature ("the seven," "the Igigi" and "the Anunnaki," etc.), protects the faithful and destroys the 
wicked. Just as ''"NIN.IB (the Son) was also = ''"IB, and this one. = ''"E.KUR, "the god of Ekur," i.e., Enlil (see Bil, the 
Christ, p. 17), so ilu SUGH (originally the Son) appears in this letter at the head of the Nippurian Trinity— is, therefore, 
here = ''"Enlil, the "Father " or "first person," and as such clearly a male. SUGH = Enlil, as the highest god of Nippur, 
is, of course, "the king of Nippur," and his wife would naturally be called "the queen of Nippur," shar-rat En-lil kl . 
The latter is coupled in this invocation with SUGH; hence SUGH and shar-rat En-Hl kl are husband and wife. That 
the "queen of Nippur" was indeed none other hut ''"XIN.LIL follows also from other considerations, of which I shall 
mention only one: NIN.IB, "the son of Enlil," is called in K. B., I, p. 175, 18, the ilitli Ku-tu-shar beltu, "the one borne 
by Kutushar, the mistress (beltu = NIN) " ; hut Kutushar is according to III R., 38, 3a = sheir ra-tu or "queen." Hence 
sharratu must be the wife of Enlil (= SUGH), i.e., she is ''"XIN.LIL, the "queen of Nippur." Furthermore, Enlil, 
the "Father" or "first person of the Nippurian Trinity," is in every case identified with his wife, the "Mother," or 
"third person of the Trinity": they are, as "husband and wife," "one flesh." This Unity is still clearly attested to 
I y t he inscriptions themselves. Above we saw that SUGH or Enlil was a male divinity, but ''"SUGH is according to II 
R., 35, 18" the same as "Ishtar of Eridu." generally ealled An-nu-i(not ni)-tum or Antum. Antum again is identified 
with ilu Gd-ra, the wife ""E.kur = Enlil (see Bel, the Christ, p. 17). The wife of Enlil is called also Ninlil or sharrat 
EnAil ki (our letter), hence i,u SUGH is on the one hand the same as ilu Enlila,nd on the other = ''"Ninlil; i.e., the "Father" 
and the "Mother," or the "first " and the "third person" of the Nippurian (and of any other Babylonian) Trinity are 
one: male and female in one person. What this Unity means we know: it is nothing but the Babylonian prototype of the 
Greek Ovpavbc nal Tarn, "the heaven and earth " or " the firmament of heaven and earth" ; the upper part, "the firmament 
of heaven," or "heaven" is the husband or "Father," and the lower part, the "firmament of earth" or "earth" is the 
"Mother": "Mother earth." This oneness, this unity, is also expressed in such names of Enlil as xlu Dur-an-ki or 
""Dur-an or AN, the Saw/ o noa/me BaOv'/urtoc (see Bet, the Christ, p. 21). 

The "heaven and earth" or cosmos had a son, ealled ""NIN.IB. The Babylonian name for cosmos is not only 
on-hi, but also E.KUR or lt-shar-ra, hence XIN.IB is termed the bu-kur Nu-gim-mul i-lit-ti E.KUR, K. B., I, p. 52 : 2; 
the apil E.KUR, I R. 15, VII : 55; the bu-kur ''"En-lil bi-nu-ut E-shar-ra; I R. 29, 1G (= A'. B., I, p. 171 : 15, 16); 

In ii i i i IBS i" < LSSITE CINGS 

4 nap(sic\)-ti be-ft-ia li-issu-rum may protecl the life (lit. souls) of my 

.-, NINJBu NIN.MAGH ashib MVIBaml MN.MAdlT who inhabit 

,!„. ,/„,„„-.. 1 shar-ra ti-kir-shu, Craig, Rel. Texts, 1, p. 13 : 17, the apil t s/idj ro, [V R. [, 34a. Seeing 

that tin- "cosmos" is represented b 3 Enlil ( SUOH) and Ninlil ( storm* Entil**), NIN.IB appears also as the 

/,•„.///./„,.,,, ! ... Reisner, r/yntnen, p. L23 : 6f., or as the /.''"'"" ,\/\ IB dunvu ''"'""/., 

K [70, i;,x 1 1, and as the ilittu Kv tu-skar(.~ sharratu, see above) /„'//,,. K. />'., [, p. 17:. : is. As such a ••Sen" he is 
liis Father's "voice" (qulti, cf. the hip of Jahveh), III R. 67, 68c, d, through whom the Fatherspeaks and revealshim- 
self; he is his "messenger," the sukkal ti.KUR, V /,'. 51 : 26a, whose business it is to enforce and guard the commands 
of bis Father 'NIN.IB ndsir {SHESH) purussi (ESH.BAR) a-bi ""En-lil. II B. 57, Obv. 24, 25c, d. He ran do it, 
for he is the ur-sag kal-ga, "the mighty hero" Git. "head-servant"), "who has ,„, equal" (gab ri nu tug-a), and he does 
do it bymeansol liis "seven sons" cl V/A IB a «Pap-nigin-gar-ra, II B. 57, Rev. r,7h. who, according to 
III B 67, No 1 25c, dff. - II R., 55 : 59o,6), lias "seven" sons, among whom (1. 35) is to be found a certain ""l'r- 
\ UN-ta-u[d-du-a]. The latter appears also among the "seven" sons of />'„« and Nvn-Girsu (Creation Story, p. 23: 6, 
where £-nun must be read, instead of kalam)), who are his TUR.DA orekduti, "mightj ones" (German: Recfcen). The 
chief one (NU or »»a-/iifc) among these "seven mighty ones," since the time of the kings of Ur, is llu PA.KU or 
iVusfcu, while '•'" \7 V.//»' himself is the ""Lf/G 1 L.TUR.DA, "the king of the mighty ones." That these "seven sons" 
,ihing but ih i sevenfold manifestations of the powers of nature, i.e., of .\7 Y.//>*. the god of lightning and storm. 
!,:,-!, ,■„ indicated on p. 21 , and will he proved in detail in my forthcoming volume. And as the "seven powers of nature," 
I bj Nusku, are simply manifestations of the "Son" or NIN.IB, through which he reveals himself, Nusku came 
« identified with XIX. IH (see 11,1, the Christ, p. 2, note 10, and p. 3, notes Iff.). NIN.IB, again, was, as "Son," 
Kfied with h.s "Father," Enlil; cf. here the names ""I., <'"KX.KUIi.KirR, il «SUGH, all of which stand for Enlil 
and VIN.IB; hence the "Father" is - the "Son" and the latter is = Nusku, the (chief of the) seven powers of nature: 
all are one and yet distinct. In this wise ,t happened that "the seven " came to stand for the "fulness of the Babylonian 
id," jus! as in the Christian religion the "seven gifts" of the Holy Ghost stand both for the "fulness of the Holy 
Ghost" and for "the go Ihead," or as the sevenfold candlestick represented the "fulness of the godhead" in the Old 
Testament. On account of this symbolic significance, the "seven" was looked upon as the most sacred and the most 
ceil number: it being Loth holy and tabu. So is also the Holy Ghost. He is on the one hand the most gracious comforter, 
and on the other the only being that do, not pardon a sin committed against him: the sin against the Holy Ghost being 
unpardonable (see here also my review of Prof. Hilprecht's B. E., XX', in the Homiletic Review, February, 1908, pp. lOOff., 
which was written, however, in March. 1907). 

""NIN.MAGH, who appears also in 111 fl. 68 : 21,,, h (cf. 11. 19, 17) as the DAM4\BI-SAL] of '"'XIX.IB, must 
be here likewise (because coupled with him) the wile of NIN.IB. Butinll B.59: 19; IIIB.68 : I9g,h (cf. 1. 17) there 
appears as the wife of ilu MASH = "<W/iV./B the goddess NIN.EN.LIL U , i.e., the "mistress of Nippur"/' who was* as we 
-aw above, the same as Ku-lu-shar, the "queen and mistress of Nippur." Again, in Reisner. Hymnen.Tp. 47, No. 23. Rev. 
2'2, 23. XIX.. MAGH is called the .«/ ( = ummu), "mother," of ""IB.. \ = ""XIX.IB. From this it follows that the "wife 
of the Sou" is the same as the "Mother" or the "third person" of the Babylonian Trinity; in other words, the "Son- 
marries or may marry his own "Mother"! The explanation of this extraordinary phenomenon is simple enough. The 
•■Mother." we saw, was the earth, and the "Son" was said to be the powers of nature: the wind, rain, storm, lightning, 
etc. The "Son," although begotten by the " Father" and borne by the "Mother," marries every spring his own "Mother"; 
i.e., the rains of the spring unite themselves with "Mother" earth, in consequence of which she becomes, after the dead 
and barren season of the winter, fructified, brings forth new life, quickens the dead (muballitat miti): the vegetation 
and the (seven) equinoctial storms (the seven sons). And because the "Son" marries his own "Mother" he now 

| aes "one flesh with her." hence ""XIX.IB and ""XIX.MAGH (sic! not NIN.ENGAR11) are identified, are one: 

III B. 68 : is,/, h (cf. 11. 21. 17). Cf. also i lu NIN.MAGH = Antum, II. R. 54, No. 2, 1. 2 (Hommel, S. L., p. 48, 36). 
Antum = ilu NIN.IB, Bel, the Christ, etc., pp. 16, 18. ilu NIN.MAGH is, therefore, a name signifying the "Son," the 
"wife of the Son," and the "Mother." 

In conclusion I may add a few words about the pronunciation of ""XIX.IB. In my review of Clay's volume 


6 shd dlu-ki NI(G ■■ ■■ GAR, sha)-GAL the city (i.e., Nippur) may protect 

( = ik)-tum nap(sic\)-ti-ka thy creatures (subjects)! 

7 li-is-su-rum ma-an-nu pa-an 1 Whosoever 

' 8 ba-nu-tum shd be-li-ia li-mur may see the gracious face of my "Lord" 

9 0'/?-] man-nu da-ba-ba tdb( = HI) ab [and] whosoever be of "good words" 

10 [a-n]a bc-D-ia li-il-te-mi may listen to my "Lord"! 

11 [um]-ma-a a-[na b]e-l[)-i]a-[mu] The following to my "Lord": 

Two peculiarities of this text require some words of explanation. The first is 
the word nap-ti in 11. 4 and 6. According to the greeting of 89 : 6 3 we would expect 

entitled Business Documents of Murashu Sons of Nippur ( = B. E., X) I tried to show (see The Monist for January, 

1907 (Vol. XVII, No. 1), p. 139) that NIN.IB was originally an Amurritish god coming from the "westland," where he 

had been identified with ''"MAR.TU, and where lie was called Irrishu, resp. Irrishtu. Three months alter my review had 

appeared, Dr. Clay read a paper before the American Oriental Society, on April 5, 1907, in which he had reached the 

same conclusion, viz.: NIN.IB has to be identified with ''"MAR.TU. Though I naturally was sorry not to find in his 

treatise any reference to my review, and to learn from p. 2 of the /. .1. 0. S. for 1907 that the reading Irrish(t)ii was 

known to him only from "private communication," I still greeted Clay's discovery with rejoicing. Upon the basis of 

his investigations Clay thought to be justified in rejecting any and all readings of the name nBHJN so far proposed. 

He accordingly proceeded, being encouraged in this by Jensen's reading ('numshl = namushtu = namurtu), and identified 

ntyiJN (thus has to be read, see "Preface") with En-ieashtu = Enmashtu = Eu-murlu. The objections to such a reading, 

however, are evident to every Assyriologist : MAR.TU, a Swnerian ideogram, cannot be treated as an Assyrian icord, 

martu, to which one applies Semitic-Babylonian phonetic laws (the change of )■ to sh before 0, making martu mashtu. 

Surely, every Assyrian would unhesitatingly translate a word En-mashtu (martu) by "the lor/I of the daughter" or "owner 

of a daughter." A Sumerian ideogram MAR.TU, signifying "westland," according to Assyro-Babylonian grammar, 

cannot become a "daughter," or martu. The god MAR.TU played in the westland the same role as did, e.g., Enlil in 

Nippur, or Sin in Ur, or Marduk in Babylon, i.e., he was the highest god among the Amurrites, hence being identified 

not only with ilw KUR.GAL, "the god of the great mountain" or "world" (an attribute of Enlil, Sin, Marduk, etc.; 

this shows that KUR.GAL cannot be read in each and every case Amurru, but must be understood quite 

frequently of Enlil or Anu or Sin or Marduk, cf. ilu BE = bel = Enlil and Ea), but also with 'Ur = "UN (cf. here 

also C. T., II, 12 (Bu. SS-5-12, 212), 1. 30, ilu Marduk(\) u ilu En-zu- il " MAR.TU, i.e., "Marduk and Sin-Amurru"). 

There were known in Babylonia a "Sin of Ur," a "Sin of Harran," a "Sin of Amurru," a "Sin of Nippur" (cf. here 

the date of Dungi, E. B. II., p. 256, 15: mu din! > ir Uru-ki En-lil ki e-a ba-tur. Of this Nippurian Sin we have quite a 

number of hymns and prayers in our Museum), and many others. I also beg to differ from Prof. Clay's explanation 

of the dingir dingir in the name Warad-dingir-dingir-Mar-tu, found in his paper referred to above (p. 7 of the reprint), 

in which, upon the suggestion of Prof. Jastrow, he states with regard to dingir-dingir that it is a pluralis majestatis 

corresponding to the Hebr. DTlSx. That name has to be read Warad-AN- ilu MAR.TU and shows that MAR.TU was 

identified, as is to be expected, with the highest and oldest Babylonian god AN. AN- llu MAR.TU is, therefore, parallel 

to the AN si-ru-um ilu EN.LIL (Code of Hammurabi, I : 1, see The Monist, Vol. XVI (October, 1906), p. 634) or to the 

well-known ilu EN.LIL Hi ilu Marduk. Cf. also for the formation ]Yarad-AN- ilu MAR.TU names like Galu- llu Ba-u- 

Mar-tu (or is Mar-tu here a title?), Reisner, Tclloh, 159, VI : 23; Galu- ilu DISH-AN, Reisner, I.e., 154, III : 4. This 

last name is especially interesting, showing us that ilu DISH was not only xlu t.A (Br. 10068), but also AN; notice also 

that DISH is = 60, which is the number of -47V, and AN is = ilu. 

1 For this and the following see above, p. 22. 

2 The traces visible seem to be against such an emendation, but the parallel text, 89 : 11, justifies it, see p. 22, 

3 AN mesh a _ shih g.DIM.GAL.KALAM MA nap-shd-ti-ka li-is-su-ru. 

12 ii ITERS r<> C ^.SSl n: KINGS 

here the word nap-sh&4\ for nap-ti. Should the writer have made twice the same 
mistake of omitting shd, or have we to sec in naptu a synonym, resp. side form <>t 
napshati? As 1 personally cannot imagine thai our writer could be guilty of com- 
mitting i!h- same error twice in a space of only three lines, I prefer to consider nap-ti 
not .-is a mistake for napshd-ti, with the sM left out, bul as a synonym of napishtu, 
from the root fptf(?), '•soul," "life." The second peculiarity is met with in 
the expression NI(G).GAL-ium nap-ti-ka. If these two words have to be connected, 
thus taking NI(G).GlL-tum as the nomen regens of nap-ti, we will have to admit 
that this is a rather singular status constructus relation. We would expect either 
\ /(,•./, i L-tum shd nap-ti-ka or NI(G).GlL(-ti, -at) nap-ti-ka. However, such 
Status constructus relations may be paralleled, cf. e.g., ul-tu ihini'"" (for urn) sa-a-ti, 
Neb., V ft. 64, I :'.»: ktma purim seYi, h,aranam namrasa, quoted by Delitzsch, Gram., 
p. 192, note. If, then, NI(G).GAL-tum nap-ti-ka be one expression we may com- 
pare with it the well-known NI(G).ZI.GAL ■■ shiknat napishti ■■ NI(G).GAL-tum 
Zl shikittum nap-ti ■■-- creatures — an attribute ascribed not only to ilv NIN (var. 
SAL)-in-si-na, the dm kalam-ma ZI.GAL kalam gim-gim-me, "the mother of 
the world, who creates the creatures {ZI.GAL --- NI(G).ZI.GAL ---- shiknat napishti) 
of the world." E. />'. //., p. 202, note I, 1, but also to Shamash, the be-el shik-na-at 
napishtim tim , IV R. 28, No. 1, 7, 8b. This gives us the important result that the 
writer Shiriqtum ascribes in this passage divine attributes to his "Lord," which would 
be not at all surprising if it can be proved that the "Lord" was in each and every 
case t he ' 'King" ; for we know that the Cassite kings of this period, like their Egyptian 
contemporaries, were deified, as is indicated by the sign ilu, 1 so very often found 
before their names. The intended signification of this passage, then, is clearly this: 
"May SUGH and the queen of Nippur protect 'the life of my Lord'," i.e., my Lord 
himself, "and may NIN.IB and NIN.MAGH that inhabit the city (sc. of Nippur) 
protect my 'Lord's' creatures" a prayer for the protection of the "Lord" and his 
"subjects." 2 

See Claj . List of Names, /-'. E., XIV. and especially Hilprecht, B. E., Series A, Vol. XX. Part 1, p. 52. 
■-' If it wi re possible to read instead of hi iin 6lu-ki) = DUL (cf. Clay, List of Sipis. B. E., XIV, No. 136) we 
might be tempted to transcribe 1. (i. shd &lu DVL.NI(G) GIL-lum nap-ti-ka, and translate: "thai the ■mountain 
of creatures,'" thus taking DUL.\I(G).GAL-tu7n to be another name for DUL.AZAG, "the holy mountain" of the 
nether world, of which ilu NIN.IB was. as we know, the "king" (LUGAL). But this cannot be done, simply because 
ki is absolutely certain. A third explanation might be suggested by taking NI(G).GAL-tum nap-ti (1. <i> as standing in 
opposition to twp-ti = "soul" (1.4); SUGH and the queen of Nippur may protect the "soul" of my Lord, and NIN.IB 
and NIN.MAGH may protect "thy body." This would fit very well, for we know that the wife of NIN.IB was "the 
great physician," who pared for the "spiritual" (napti) and "bodily welfare" (NI(G).GAL-tum napti) of her people. 
However, a signification "body" - NI{G) GAL-tum napti is not known to me. Hence the only translation that seems 
linguistically justified is the one given above. For ZI.GAL cf, also Jensen, Z. A., VIII, p. 221, note 5. 


Even though it be admitted that the "Lord" was in possession of all that has 
been enumerated above, it might still be objected that, e.g., a sukkallu or the "king's 
representative" was designated here by the title be-Vi, and this the more as he "appa- 
rently shared honors with his royal masters" ; for we saw on p. 33 that certain writers 
used the phrase "before the presence of my 'Lord' may I come" not only in their 
letters to the king, but also in those which they addressed to his "representative." 
Surely such a high officer of the king would naturally have been in possession of 
cities, guards, houses, lands, wagons, chariots, fields, cattle, and servants. Or it 
might be said that a governor, bel pahati, was meant by be-Vi in our letters; for he 
as the head of a government and the superior of the hazannati or city prefects had, 
as a matter of course, under his command cities, chariots, servants, houses, lands, 
etc., etc., and writers, addressing their letters to such an official, would quite natur- 
ally include in their greeting some kind of a wish for the prosperity and the safe- 
keeping of their "Lord's" possessions. 

Fortunately for our investigation here we have a letter, published in this volume, 
that has been written to a governor. And how does the writer address the governor? 
By be-li or "Lord"? Does he beg to be permitted to "come before the face" of his 
Lord? Does he call himself "thy servant"? Nothing of the kind. The writer 
simply names his addressee by name and extends his greeting to him, his house, and 
his government. An address in a letter to a governor at this period, then, reads 
(No. 77 : i ff.) : 

1 a-na milu En-lil-[bel( = EN)-nishe mesh - To Enlil-bel-nishe-shu 

shu 1 } 

2 ki-bi-[maum-ma] speak, thus saith 

3 '" ,la A-shur-shum-etir( = KA[R]"-ma] Ashur-shum-etir : 

4 a-na ka-a-shd bt[ti-ka] to thee, thy house 

5 u a-na pa-ha-t[i-ka] and thy government 

6 lu-ii shul-[mu] greeting! 

Again, in No. 24 Kalbu, the writer, itu, "dust and loving servant," after having 
reported to his "Lord" that a city and its gate had been destroyed, adds in 1. 29ff.: 

29 uMdr- m [. . . .] AlsoMar-[. . . .], 

30 bel pahati ( = EN. NAM 2 ) a-na ardi- the governor, when he had come to thy 

ka ki-iil-li-ku um-ma-a servant (i.e., to the writer), said: 

1 For this emendation and for the time when this governor lived (11th year of Kadashman-Turgu) see p. 13, n. 5, 
» For EN. NAM = bil ■pafi&ti see Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 5196, 


I ill ERS TO C V.SS1 n: KINGS 

:;i abulUn KA.GAL) i-ma-ad-di* tu- 
shd-an-na-ma taddan( SK)-mr 

hey make lamentations on account 
(of the Kiss) of the gate. Duplicate 

In this passage the "governor" evidently is quite a different person from the 
/><-/'/ or "Lord"; nay, he, although a bel pah,ati, lias to go to the UH Kalbu with the 
request, no doubt, thai the latter report the loss of the gate to the "Lord," in 

order that a new one lie made. 

That also a "representative" or sukkallu of tin- king cannot he meant by the 
"Lord" in our letters is evident from a passage of No. 35 : 24ff., which reads: 

24 it Itbittu (= SHEG) ia-a'-nu 

25 dsh-shum a-na-ku i-tu be-h-ia 

26 al-li(l or la?)-ka a-na n Erba- Uu Mar- 


27 shu-pu-ur-ma a-na n Ku-du-ra-ni 

28 [li]-ish-pu-ra-ma sukkalmahh/u 

( =PAP.LUGH.*MAGH) li-ilq-h \ 

29 libittu (= SHEG) mesh li-U-bi-nn 

There are also no adobes! 

As regards this that I, the it a of my 

have come (gone up to thee saying) : 
"Send to Erba-Marduk 

that he send to Kudurani"- 

" so may the sukkalmah,h,u (i.e., Erba- 
Marduk) finally give orders (sc. to 

that adobes be made (lit. that they 
make adobes)." 

A beautiful example of ' 'red tape" for this remote period ! The sense of this pas- 
sage is apparently the following: Kishahbut, the writer and itii (p. 35, n. 4), living in 
Dur-Xusku during the reign of Kadashman-Turgu, had at some previous time gone 
(up) to his "Lord" with the request that the sukkalmahfyu (a higher officer than 
a sukkal) Erba-Marduk be instructed to issue orders to Kudurani (the chief brick- 

1 In view of the fact thai mata = LAL i.s 1 '' 142), which latter in the Temple Archives of this period signifies 
"a minus," "a loss," one might be inclined to translate "the gate is gone." Against this must be said, however, that 
G 1/..L.1 = abuttu is feminine, hence we would expect ia^mar-ad-di. l-ma-ad-di I take, therefore, a.s a third pers. 
plur. for imattii. For i, instead of ft, cf. Delitzsch, Gram., p. 252, and for the signification "klagen, stdhnen u. dergl.," 
Jensen, K. B., XV. pp. 364, 557: "They {i.e., the inhabitants, or the German indefinite man) make lamentations 
on account of the gate." !.<■., "they deplore its lew- 

; By translating as given above I consider tushannama tadanna as a continuation of the "speech " of the governor, 
and not as a request of the writer. If the latter were to be preferred we should expect a phrase be-Vi lishanna-ma 
(= lushanna-ma), cf. 1. 34, hc-h ar-m&-a$ li-mur-ma. Tushannama tadanna is a < i ''"' ivoiv= "thou shalt duplicate and 
give" = "thou shall give again." 

3 For PAP.LUGH = LUGH = mkkaUu cf. Ill R. 67, 55, ilu LUGH = ditto (i.e.. ilu PAP.LUGH). 


maker) that adobes be made. The writer, after having returned from his ' 'Lord," 
and having waited for some time to see whether his request had been complied 
with or not, finds that this had not been done. He, therefore, takes in this letter 
another opportunity to remind his ' 'Lord " once more of his former request. ' 'May," 
he says, "the sukkalmahhu Erba-Marduk upon thy command now finally issue 
orders for the making of adobes. This is very urgent, seeing that there are abso- 
lutely no adobes at hand" (1. 24). The "red tape" in connection with this order 
(the itu writing to the be-li that he give instructions to the sukkalmahhu that this one 
issue orders to the chief brickmaker that the latter induce his men to make adobes) 
shows clearly that the sukkalmahhu was the inferior of the be-li: he had to receive 
instructions from his "Lord" before he could issue the necessary orders, and the 
writer, knowing this, does not write directly to the sukkalmahhu, but directs his 
request to the proper authorities, the be-li. Only by doing this could he (the writer) 
expect that his wishes were ever conformed with. The be-l\, being here the superior 
of the sukkalmahhu, cannot possibly have been a sukkal. 

There is, however, still another and last possibility to be considered in connec- 
tion with this title. In Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 457a, we are told that the manzaz 
pani, i.e., "one who takes his stand before the king," 1 was the "Ranyhochster, 
hbchster W urdenstraqer" (sc. of the king). Is not perhaps this highest of all royal 
officials intended by be-lh in our letters? The answer to this supposition is given 
by a letter (No. 48 : 27) in which the writer, whose name is unfortunately broken away, 
assures his "Lord," be-Vi \- ul mu-shd-ki-lu 3 a-ua-ku hi man-za-az pa-ni a-na-ku, 
i.e., "not a mischief breeder, but a manzaz pani am I." Surely, no manzaz pani 
could or would ever speak to another manzaz pani in this manner, because (1) there 
was not or could not have been another highest(!) official by this name; (2) even if 
there were, no official would ever humiliate himself as far as to call his brother officer 
"my Lord," nor would he humbly beg "to be permitted to appear before his equal's 
face"! Such things might be possible at present, but they are absolutely excluded 
and wholly unthinkable, nay, absurd for a period to which these letters belong, 
the time of the Cassite kings, when petty jealousies reigned supreme. If, then, 
the "Lord" of this manzaz pani could not possibly have been a "brother" officer, 
but was, as the title indicates, that official's "Lord," then the only conclusion to be 

1 Cf. ScheiL, Textes Elam. S, m., I, y. 97 : l.;, ma-an-za-az pdni (= SHI) LUGAL. 

2 Cf. 48 : 2, a-na di-{na-]an lir-l[)-i\,i ////-[///,•], and I.e. 11. A, 26, um-ma-a a-na br-D-ia-ma. 

3 IIP of ak&lu = musha'kilu, sc. qar?e, lit. "one that nourishes false accusations." Cf. here also No. '_'() : 6, 
r-iii-eii-iin an-nu-tu-ma-a ka-ar-su-^d-a-a shd a-na dl * h be-li-ia i-ku-lum um-ma-a dish be-l\ a-na pa-ni-shii ul-te-shi-ba-an-ni, 


arrived al under these circumstances is thai the "Lord" of tin' manzaz pani must 
have been and actually was the King. 

We ueed not. however, contenl ourselves with emphasizing merely what the 
"Lord" was not or could not have been. Thanks to the wonderful collection of 
Babylonian letters preserved in the Museum, of which only a very small pari is 
published here, there areabundanl direct proo/sal hand which, if correctly explained, 
establish once and for all the truth of the conclusion above arrived at by a process 
oi elimination. 

To enumerate all the data which furnish direct proof for our conclusion would 
lead me far beyond the scope of the present investigation. I must content myself, 
therefore, with the following: 

(a) The address as it is found in No. 24 could never have been written to any 
official, high or low, but the King. It reads (No. 24 : Iff.): 

A-na be-Vi-ia: 

1 As-mi lu-iil-lt-i zeri 1 ishtu( =TA) shame{ = AN)-[e) 

2 la mn-ir an-ni gu-ra-di li-e-i it-pi-sh[if 

3 nu-ur ahe( =SHESH)"" sh -»hu i Pl-in-di-e- na-ma-a-ri 

'In view of such forms as lu-ii-ul-li-ik, No. 38 :'-'; Ii-isk-jiu-u-ra-[am-]ma, No. 39 : 23, and many others, one 
inifrht be inclined to see in this sign a variant of ik and read lu-ul-h-i-ik, "may I come." But against this is to be 
said that (1) in all texts of this period only the regular form for ik, as given by Clay, Sign List, B. E., XIV, No. 257, 
is to he found; (2) the TA.AN [+ one sign] would be completely left in the air; (3) having examined this sign 
repeatedly, I am absolutely confident thai it is none other but ZER = ziru, "seed." The TA.AX then is easily amended 
to ishtu *h,i»u-[c]. For an analogous attribute of a Cassite king cf. the inscription of Agum-Kakrinie (Jensen, A". B., 
IIP. p. 134, col. I : 3), where this king calls himself zcru el-him $h& ,lu Shu-qa-ma-nu, "the pure seed of Shuqamuna." 
Cf. also in this connection the sign of god. ilu, before the names of the Cassite kings of tins period. 

- So rather than la ba-ir an-ni. "who does not deny grace." The attribute here ascribed to the "Lord" has its 
origin in the fact that the writer had to report to his be-h rather sad news, which possibly might be attributed to his 
(the writer's) negligence, see 11. llff. 

3 For U-piski see Hilpreclit, B. E., XX 1 , p. XII, note 7. 

'In this expression two divine attributes fall together, viz., niir muli res]), niir uli-shti or mlr gab-ba, ascribed 
especially to Sin, Shamash, and D(T)ar-foi (p. 16, n. 13), and asharid ak£-shu(sha), found in connection with NIN.IB 
and It-hlar. i.e., with all gods who played the role of the "Son" and " his wife." 

5 Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. .532", mentions a word pindi, which he takes to be a plural, quoting III R. 65, 96, "wenn 

s Kind pi-in-di-c ma-li roll ist von p." In our text Pl-in-di-e is apparently a noun in the genitive 

r ana, 1. If and the regens of na-ma-a-ri. As such a noun it is a fifal of mi: vit-di-c = rid-di-e = vin-di-c 

= vi-in-di-e, which latter, when graphically expressed, becomes l'I-in-di-r. This "Lord." being the "light," i.e., the 

first and foremost of his brothers, has, of course, the power, authority, and right to "order," "appoint" the namari 

a function of the sun in the early morn; he is, therefore, identified here with the moon, who as "Father" asks his 

the Mini to do his bidding: "to lighten the world." Hilpreclit takes Pl-in-di-e as a fa"al form : vaddaj = 
vadde = vandi = vende (a with following n is often changed to e or i) = vindS = " appointer, commander." 


4 ki-ib 1 kab-tu-ti ra-dsh-ba-nu-ii-ti 2 

5 e-pi-ir 3 um-ma-ni pa-dsh-shur ni-shi 

6 e-tel ki-na-te-e-shu 4 slid i!u A-nu ilu En-lil u « U E.A 

7 u ilu Be-lit-i-l\( =NI.NI) 5 ki-ib-ti l du-um-ki 

1 Ki-ib, ki-ib-tu = qipu, qiptu. Delitzseh //. IF. B., p. 584a, defines a qipu to be one "der mit etwas betraut ist," 
and of qiptu lie says, I.e., that it is a "Darlehen, spec, zinsenfreies DarlehenC!)." On the basis of our passages here it 
would be better to see in a qipu "one (may he be king, governor or common man) who holds something in trust as 
a gratuitous gift from a higher person (god or king), for whom he administers, rules, governs it." This "something" 
thus held, administered, governed is a kiptu. What this "something" in each and every case is has to be determined 
by the context. It may be a city, or money (cf. here the faithful steward of the New Testament who used or adminis- 
tered the kiptu, i.e., the talents gratuitously given him, wisely), or even an empire. As the "Lord" here referred to is 
the King (see under 6), the kiptu is the "kingship" held in trust by him as a gratuitous gilt from the gods of the whole 
world, for whom he has to administer it in such a way as to tend towards "grace and righteousness," hence duiiiki ii 
mishre are objective genitives. To take them as subjective genitives would be senseless, because everything that 
comes from the gods is in itself gracious and righteous. A king that administers his kibtu in such a way is a shar 
mi-shd-ri-im, Neb. Grot., I, 1. For ki-ib = qipu, see also 46 : 17, ki-ib-ka (i.e., the Lord's) a-a-um-ma uli-mu-ur. 

2 A plural of rashb&nu, and this a form in -An (which forms adjectives and nouns, Delitzseh, Grain., § 65, p. 175, 
No. 35) of rashbu. 

3 E-pi-ir .... pa-dsh-shur. The correct explanation of these words depends upon whether we see in them 
participles or nouns. If e-pi-ir be the participle of epiru, "sattigen, versorgen" (Jensen, K. B., VI', pp. 43S, 572) 
we might see in it a translation of the well-known title of, e.g., the kings of Isin, Larsa, Warka, who call themselves 
in their inscriptions U.A = ipirum, zdninum (Delitzseh, H. II". B., p. 1156). ( 'f. for the kings of Isin : Sin-magir (Thureau- 
Dangin, A. S. K. I., p. 204, No. 4, 1. 2), Ishme-Dagan {I.e., p. 206, No. 5, 1. 2); for the kings of Larsa: Sin-iddinam 
(I.e., p. 208; No. 5, 1. 3;. p. 210, 1. S above; d, 1. 3), Arad-Sin (I.e., p. 212/;, 1. 5; c, 1. 7; p. 214d, 1. 8), Rim-Sin (I.e., p. 
216a, 1. 13; p. 218c, 1. 10; p. 220, 1. 11 above; /, 1. 11); for the kings of Warka: Sin-gashid (I.e., p. 222c, 1. 8). It' epir 
be a participle then pashshur must be one likewise, in which case the latter might stand for p&shur = pdshir, Delitzseh. 
H. W. B., p. 5496: "Loser, der sich gnddig annimmt, Erbarmer" (cf. V R. 21, 53a, 6; 65a, b, nap-shii-ru syn. of re-e-mu). 
As. however, a writing pa-dsh-shur for pdshir would be somewhat strange for this period, it is preferable to take pa-dsh- 
shur in the sense of pashshiiru, "platter," and then, of course, e-pi-ir not as a participle, but, on account of the parallelism, 
as a stat. constr. of epru (so also Hilprecht and Hommel in personal communications), "the food of people, the platter 
(vivaf) of men," from which, i.e., from whose (the Lord's) grace they all eat. For eperu as a divine attribute 
cf. also the proper names m u "En-lil-e-pi-ir, B. E., XV, 1S1 : 12; m i!u Eu-lil-e-pir (sic\ neither tu, Clay, I.e., p. 286, nor 
"perhaps" tir, Clay, Corrections(i) in Z. A., XX (1907), p. 417f.). I.e., 37 : 9; "'XXX-i-pi-n,-,,,,-,,!, I.e., ISO : 17; 
l Bilit( = GASHAN)-e-pir-ra-at, I.e., 155 :27; m i,u SHU .UD.DA-e-pir(ir) (&ic\ Clay, I.e., p. 336, wrongly Ilu-shu-urra-e- 
pir(ir)), I.e., 1S6 : 10. For SHll.VD.DV cf. the proper name in R. T. Ch., 330, Rev. 2, a name like m Mar-duk. From 
this it follows that the "Lord" as e-pi-ir um-ma-ni has a divine attribute: he was deified. 

1 The long e in ki-na-te-e-shu is noteworthy. I take kinAte as a plural of kinatu, II. W. B., p. 3386. Cf. also 
H. Ill, 333 : 1, LVGAL ki-na-a-te. Besides this plural the B. E. publications give us two others: ki-na-ta-li, B. E., IX, 
5: 3 | 22: 7, and ki-na-at-ta-ti, I.e., 45:6 | 106: 5. Hilprecht ascribes the long e to the open syllable under the verse accent 

6 Notice here the u before Belit-ili and the u between Enlil and E.A. The first three gods represent the "whole 
world," the cosmos as it was known since the time of the Enuma elish epic, i.e., since the time when Babylonia proper 
(Ki-en-gi-ki-BVR.BVR = Simmer and Akkad= kalam= "high and lowland") had extended its confines south over the 
/oinlands as far as and embracing the Persian Gulf ("the tower sea" = apsu) and north over the Armenian mountains 
and the "westland" (notice that these two lands are likewise known as BVR.BVR = Akkad = highlands) up to and 
including the Mediterranean Sea ("the upper sea"). In this wise it happened that the kalam became a kur-kur and 
the dinoir LVGAL.KALAM .MA a di,, 0' T LVGAL.KVR.KUR; in other words, the microcosmos became a macrocosmos 
which included the two oceans and was called E-shur-ra, being as such inhabited by Anu (heavenly ocean =upper sea), 


8 it mi-ish-ri-t' ish-ru-ku-u-shii 

9 Ix-D-nt ki-bi-ma um-ma '"Kal-bif ip-ru 
Id it ar-du iiit-nt-iiiit-L-ti-tiia' 


To my " Lord" 

1 Glorious in splendor. Seed out of heaven; 

2 Not summoning punishment, Strong, powerful, wise one; 
:\ Lighl of his brothers, Ordering the dawn; 

4 Ruler of mighty, Terrible lords; 

5 Food of the people, Platter of man; 

(i Hero of his elan, Whom the triad of gods 

7 Together with Hi* lit Presented a fief 


S Tending towards grace And righteousness— 

9 to my "Lord" speak, thus saith Kalbu, thy dust 
10 and thy loving servant: 

The attributes here ascribed to the "Lord" — such as "the strong one, the power- 
ful, the wise one," "the ruler of weighty and mighty ones," ' 'hero of his family" ; his 
being identified with the gods, as such being called "seed out of heaven," "light of 
his brothers," "the orderer of thedawn"; his holding in trust the administration of a 
"fief tending towards grace and righteousness", which was gratuitously given him 
by the gods of the whole world and not by any human being, shows absolutely 
and conclusively that we have here a divinely appointed ruler, who holds his king- 

Knlil (kur-kur = kalam, the terra firma, as consisting of the upper ( = BUR. BUR) and the lower (ki-en-gi) firmament), 
I \ terrestrial ocean = apsu = Persian Gulf), see Bel,the Christ, p. 14, note 3. Belit-ili, because identified in the 
inscriptions with Antum. Ninlil, and Damkina, represents here the feminine principle of the "world," "cosmos, 
K-liarra. What the writer, then, wants to say with these words is this: "the whole world, as represented by its triad 
of gods, united in bestowing upon the Lord the ki-ib-ti d/w-um-ki it mi-ish-ri^e" — not a ruler made by man, but a 
divinely appointed sovereign is the "Lord" of the writer Kalbu, 

1 Though we have forms with e, instead of i, in the third pers. singl. or plur. (cf. c-si-ki-ir-nm, 3 : 18; e-pi-(it-)te-ma, 
3 : 19, 30, 32; e-ri-ba-a, 2li : 13, etc.), yet we never find an e used as a phonetic complement in these forms, hence I read 
hen- not e-ishr-ru-kur-ii-shii, bul mi-isli-ri-i ( ! i ish-ru-ku-u-shii. M i-inh-ri-r I take as a plural of misharu = mishru 
(cf. epiru, i pru : yimini, tjimru ; Delitzsch, drum., p. 1(1"), § 15), "righteousness" (hence not of meshrQ,, "riches," H. B. W., 
p. 688a), and ihinujl. oti account of the parallelism, in the sense of "grace," //. W. />'., p. 22'Jh (against Jensen, K. B., 
VI 1 , p. MS, "Schonht it, Gutht it. gute Beschaffenheit"). The e may('), however, stand for I (cf. 92 : 27) = " behold!" 

- Neither the name of this writer nor that of any other person occurring in this letter (cf. '"E-tci-bu m&r "Tsh- 
bu-la, 1. 12; "'I-,„,-E.Ktl!.HM., 1. 32; "'\a-:i-' h 'En-iiI. 1. 25, and the city &lu Maw-nu-gi-ir- ilu IM , 11. 13, 18) is mentioned 
in B. /:.'.. XIV. XV. See now, however, the Bit-'"Ush-hii-l,i. Neb, Nippur,III,5 (=Hinke, B.E., Series 1), IV. p. 148). 

3 In view of 89 : 1, shd OHrar-mu-shu, " whom (the addres e l I 1 1 he \\ riter) love," 1 prefer to translate ar-du na-ra- 
am-ka-ma as given above, and not as"thy beloved servant." It is hardly to be expected that the "Lord" loves the 
'dust," but the "dust" loves his "Lord," is delighted to come in contact with his Master. 



ship by the special favor of, and governs his people for, his gods in order that gracious- 
ness, truth, and uprightness may forever reign supreme. As such a divinely 
appointed ruler, he has, of course, also the bodily welfare of his people at heart- 
he is both their ' 'food " and their "platter" : by him and through him the gods are both 
the "givers" and the "gift." 

(b) To make the certain doubly certain we may be permitted to consider briefly 
another section of this letter. The paragraph, important for our discussion here, 
reads (24 : ISff .) : 

18 it a ' u Man-nu-gi-ir- ihl iM x shd LUGAL Even the city Mannu-gir-Ramman, with 

ra-rn ga-[tif which the King is entrusting me 

(i.e., which I hold as fief of the king) 

19 u be-h a-na rid-sabe ( = MIR.NIT. and which my Lord has handed over to 

TA*) an-nu-ti id-di-na* these conscribers, 

1 A city called alter the name of a person. In such cases the DISH before the proper name is, if preceded by 
alu, always omitted, cf. "'"Ar,li-<;ASI1 A X . 66 : 24 ; "'" il *Gir-ra-ga-mil, 3 : 31 ; "'"Gir-ra-ga-mil, 3:39; or only ^Gir- 
ra-ga-mil, 3 : 13, 17, 20; ilu UD-tu-kul-ti, l(i : S, 12, but BU- m Kv-din-ni, 9 : 23, so always after Bit- in our letters. The 
name of the person means "who is like linn, man." and corresponds to the Sumerian A-ba- din ^ ir IM-gim. The gi-ir, 
therefore, in this name represents the Sumerian GIM or the regular Babylonian kima (or ki). As the a in ana or inn 
may be omitted and the n assimilated to the next consonant, so the a of kima has been omitted here and the m assimi- 
lated itself (by first becoming an n) to the following r, but this it could do only if ilu IM was actually read ll "Ramm&n. 
This writing, then, proves that Uu IM was not read, at the time of the Cassites, Adad but ilu Ramrndn. For the change 
of k to g cf. akanna = aganna, p. 53, note 6. 

■ The /( which is broken away stood originally on the right edge of the tablet, in the break indicated in the copy. 
Ra-in = ra-im, m before q (even if the q belongs to another word, cf. ana, ina, kima above) may become an u, Delitzsch, 
Gram., § 49a. For OKI ,-. double ace. see //. W. B., p. 604a, 2, "Jem. mit etwas begnaden, d. h. besehenken" ; here 
lit.: "with which the king entrusted my hand." It is the term, technicus used in the so-called " boundary stones " for 
a "royal grant," cf. e.g... Scheil, Textes Elam. Sim., I, p. S9. Our writer Kalbu, then, has received the city Mannu- 
gir-Ramman by "royal grant." 

3 MIR.NIT.TA. King, Letters aj Hammurabi, III, p. 99, note 5, was the first to recognize that the sign which 
looks like SI has to be read MIR. It is found with either two (Letters of gammurabi, 3 : 7, 11 | 26 : 10, 16 | 36 : 14 | 
43 : 4, 7, 19. 23, 27, 29) or three (B 2 , 418 (= C. T ., VI, 27) : 14) or four (Letters oj gammurabi, 1 : 19, 22) wedges at 
the beginning. Delitzsch, B. A., IV, 485, read this sign BARA which in our letters looks quite differently, cf. 3 : 13 | 
41 : S (BAR = parakku shd hu-lu-up-pi) | 66 : 7 (parakku ^En-lit). Cf. also Z. A., XVIII, 2021'. and I.e., p. 393; Harper, 
Code of gammurabi, List of Signs, No. 135. The latter quotation shows that the signs wrongly read IP.USH or TU. 
USH (E. B. II., p. 423 passim) are to be transcribed MIR.NIT. Although Delitzsch read wrongly BARA for MIR, 
yet ho. was the first to recognize its true meaning. While King, I.e., translated our signs by "captain of troops," "driver 
of slaves," and Nagel (B. A., IV, 437) by " Truppenfiihrer," Delitzsch rendered it (I.e.) by " Militarbehorde." The 
au-nu-ti shows that MIR.NIT.TA must, be masc. plur. TA apparently contains only the "overhanging" vowel 
of USH = NIT. MIR.NIT.TA is = rid-sabe = a composite noun in the plural, in which case only the last noun 
has the plural form. Harper, Code oj gammurabi, p. 1S3, probably gives the best translation of rid-sabe, rendering 
it by "recruiting officer; one who impresses men for the corvee." In view of the fact that the phrase of the Hammurabi 
Letters, ana MIR.NIT shatdru resp. mullil (Delitzsch, B. A., IV, 487 = conscribere) , corresponds exactly to our a-na 
MIR.NIT.TA naddnu, I prefer to translate as given above. From this it is evident that Kalbu held the city Mannu- 
gir-Ramman by "royal grant," subject to military service. All royal "grants" were, therefore, fiefs. 

4 iddina = relative after shd, 1. 18. 

50 :rs i" < issitE Kings 

20 i-na la-me-& na-di zu-un-wa i-na is destroyed by inundations: rains out 

sha-me-e of (ho heavens 

21 u mi-la i-na nnh-hr ki-i i-di-nu 1 and Hoods out of the depths are, when 

sha 4 -ku (after) he had handed her oxer, 

overfiooding her! 

22 dlu-ki shd be-Vi i-ri-man-ni i-na la- Yes, the city with which my Lord has 

me-e entrusted me is destroyed 

23 na?-di a-na ba-la-ad a-i-ka-a lul-lik by inundations! Where shall I go to 

save my life? 

Kalbu, ' 'the dust and loving servant," reports hero to his Lord, who is gracious 
and pardoning, thai a great misfortune had overcome the city with which he had boon 
endowed by royal grant: a tremendous flood lias destroyed it. As a result of this 
the writer is in danger of losing his own life, crying, therefore, out in despair: 
"Where can I possibly go to save myself?" The change of tenses in 1. 18 (ra-in 
ga-ti) and 1.22 (i-ri-man-ni) pictures quite vividly the progress of the flood. While 
in 1. IS Kalbu is still the possessor of the city, holding it in trust for his Lord, he 
has lost it in 1. 22, appearing as one that has boon holding it. 

If we compare in this paragraph the words "the city Mannu-gir-Ramman 
with which the KING is entrusting mo" (1. 18) with those of 1. 22, "the city with 
which my Lord has entrusted me," we will have to admit that the writer refers 
in one sentence to the KING and in the other to his LORD as the one who had given 
him (the writer) authority over the city. But if wo admit this, then wo will have 
to admit also the other, viz., that the Lord (BE=LI) is the King (LUGAL). 

(c) And because the "Lord" is the "King," therefore could our writer, in one 
and the same letter, speak of his master as be-Vi and as LUGAL, when he complained 
in the closing lines as follows (24 : 36f.) : 

1 La-me-i is apparently used here in the same sense as edelu, 1. 15. Literally translated il means "is east into 
encircling." What this encircling was the words thai follow tell us: il was an encircling caused by "rain and floods," 
hence an "inundation, a deluge." 

2 To "rains out of the heavens and floods out of the depths" cf. the parallel expressions of the biblical fl 1 story, 

FopS-jn Otf:n and Dinn rirjpp, Gen. 7 : 11.12 | 8 :2. 

3 To i-di-nu, which refers back to id-dv-na, 1. 19, hence = id-di-nu, cf. besides 1. 37, l-di-na-an-ni, also S3 :29, la 
i.; \7 : 17. shd ta-di-na and 57 : 18, hemu i = K.U) ma-ad-gan (cf. B. E., XIV, 106c : 2; XV. 181 : -1; Delitzsch, 

//. W. B., p 136a) shd lu-ta-tu (root HK 1 ??, Delitzsch, //. W. II.. p. 366a, Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , p. 112. Notice that 
pi. lu-ta-tu is a syn. ol mursu = aid'. HA, which latter we find again in KU.GIG.BA = kibdtu (Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , 
p. 185), hence lu-ta-tu, a kind of coarse, dirty flour) n-nu PAD E-AX ti-di-nu. A possible derivation from dinu or 
even dandnv is out of place here. 

' This older form of shd I found, so far, only here. Cf.. however, B. E., XIV, Sign List, No. 272. The permansive 
expresses here the idea that the overfiooding is still going on. 
Nothing is missing before na-di. 


36 u a-na-ku i-tu b[e-Ti\-ia a-na a-la-a-ki And I, the M of my "Lord," though I 

have written to the "King" concern- 
ing my going (away, i.e., leaving) 

37 a-na LUGAL ki-i ash-[pu-r]a LUG AL yet the "King" has not given me (an 

uli-di-na-an-ni answer or permission to do so 1 ). 

Kalbu, who was looking out for the interests of his ' 'Lord" continually and in all 
directions (itu), feels somewhat slighted that he should be treated by the "King" 
in the way he was. He had, in a previous note dispatched to the King, asked 
"where to go" (cf. also 1. 23), but the King had not advised him what to do, hence 
his renewed complaint here. 

(d) At the same result we arrive if we study another letter published under 
No. 55. Though the beginning 2 and the end of that letter are broken away, yet the 
passage important for our investigation is, fortunately, preserved and clear. From 
this epistle we learn that the King (LUGAL, 1. 8), upon the instigation of '" i,u En- 
lil-ki-din-ni, commanded his messenger Mar- m U-da-sha-dsh to "go and send certain 
persons" (1. 10f.). But in 1. 20 of this very same letter the royal messenger refers 
to his King's command by saying (1. 21f.), "when m ilu En-lil-ki-di-ni had spoken 
to my Lord (be-li-ia), my Lord (be-h) sent word to me saying: send the 
persons, etc." (follow the exact words which the king had spoken to his messenger 
and which the messenger now quotes, 1. 9f.). Here, then, again one and the same 
person is referred to as both King {LUGAL) and Lord (be-li). But this could 
be done only if the Lord was indeed the King. The letter, as far as it concerns 
us here, reads (55 : 2f.) : 

2 Mdr- m U-su-ub-Shi-pak i-di u lu-u Mar-Usub-Shipak knows. And with 

TUR.TUR['" es 'J regard to the young slaves 

3 slid na-sha-nu* li-il-ta-a'-a-lu urn- whom we are holding prisoners let them 

ma-a i-na a-[ma-as-su-nu] inquire as follows : 

1 Or " adjudged me worthy of an answer," see p. 104, note 5. 

2 On account of the absence of the address it is very doubtful whether this letter -belongs to those "addressed 
to the ' Lord ' " or whether it ought to take its place behind No. 75. 

3 TUR.TUR mesh ,tobe read according to 1. 5, si-ih-h'-rn-ti. are here "youngsters," "young slaves." CI'., however, 
H., Ill, 289, a-mat LUGAL a-na amelu """"ram-dm-a-a «^l>< A B.BA m ™ h u TUR mesh (» ardi™ esh -ih (see also H., 
Ill, 296, 297, V, 518) with H., Ill, 295, a-mat LUGAL a-na amelu m " lu Ra-xha-a-a <™elu ABBA me,h u ?J - fe(= Nm) . 

4 Perm. I 1 , first pers. plur. for nashi'i-ni of KOT; here with the same meaning 'as, e.g., Letters of gammurabi, No. 
1 : 23, ka-an-ki-im shd Ib-ni- ilu MAR.TU na-shu-ii, "the contract which Ibni-Martu holds," i.e., "which he has in his 
possession, which he keeps"; it being above in opposition to mushshuru, "dismiss," 11. 12, 13, requires here some such 
signification as "to hold as prisoner." 



4 ma-ti shd-a' -ma-tu-nu' it 77 7/. 

77 7/ •** nashd-nu-ma? 

5 Mar-'". ish(?)-pi-la-an-du s .?/-/h-hi- 

ru-ti ki i-ki-ba-washi* 

6 ki-ini-U-li-kua-na '" av En-lil-ki-din- 


7 ni-iq-ta-bi '" aw En-Hl-ki-din-ni a-na 


8 ki-i iq-hu-ii LUGAL Mar- m t)-da- 


9 <li-)nii' U-tarka-an um-ma-a shii-pu- 

10 amau DAM.QAR mah it TUR.TUh"" 1 ' 

"When are ye finally going to decide 
their affairs, seeing that we arc hold- 
ing the young ones as prisoners?" 

After Mar-Ash(?)pilandu had committed 
to us the young ones 

and we had gone we spoke (as com- 
manded) to Enlilkidinni. 

And after Enlilkidinni had informed the 

the KING gave orders to Mar-Udashash 

as follows: "Send 

the agents and the young slaves 

1 Shimu c. na, "to decide," "determine the fate with regard to something," "to give a decision with regard to 
something," "to decide an affair." 
See note l. page 51. 

3 The reading of this name is not certain. If the dsh which is written here strangely at the lower end of DISH 
does nut belong to the name we might read Mar- m Pv-la-an-du. Also some such readings as Mdr- m Ashr-pi-la-' 1 V DU 
or Mar-"'Pi-la- n "l)r might be possible. A reading Mar- m Na-dsh-la-an-du (resp. ,l "DV) is, however, less probable. 

1 For qtpu (here c. doubli ace ), "to entrust something to somebody," see p. 47, note 1. 

s Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , p. 412, doubts whether shak&nu may be construed with double accusative. Here and p. 125, 
n. 8, it is. Dima I /• ma) shak&nu c. ace, lit. "to make news to somebody," i.e., "to make them known to somebody," 
"to report," and as it is here the kins; who "makes these news known to his messenger," it is equivalent to "to order," 
"to command." it is interesting to observe that the following verbs may be used in connection with femu: 

(a) lamddu, "to learn news," here only with the first pers. of the verb, hence = "to inform one's self of some- 
thing." Cf. 57 : 21; di-im E.[.\.\] a-la-ma-ad; 33 : 28, te(l)-e-im mu-shi a-lam-ma-ad] 33 : 30, [te-e]-im sitr-ma-nv a-lam- 
ma-ad. See also ('. 7*., VI, 3( : 24, a-na te-im a-va-tim slui-a-ti la-ma-di-im. 

(b) nad&nu," to give news," "to inform." Cf . B. E., XIV, 111 : 4, shd HA{ = fish) LUGAL di^e-mi irdin-[. . .] 

(c) sha'&lu, "to ask lor news about something," "to inquire about it." Cf . 22 : 8, di-im mttr-si-xhd ki ish-a-lushi. 

hak&nu, "to give news," "to report," "to command," "to order." Cf. 59 : 10, di-c-ma i-shd-ak-ka-nu; 07 : 6, 
di-ma lu-ush-ku-na ?); so i;;. dv-ma shti-kun-ma; 92 : 21, 31, te(\)-e-ma sM-kun; 9 : 10, shakin (= GAB) in de(= NE)- 
m i [here not an "officer," but a permansive: "is reporting concerning {shd) Btt-Sin-issahxa"). From this it will be evident 
that an amelu shakin(-in I (emi may be (a) either a "reporter," who keeps his "superior" informed about the affairs of certain 
or territories, etc., or (6) he may lie (if he be, e.g., a king, etc.) one that "gives commands" to his inferior. Cf. 
furthermore 55 : 9, di-ma il-ta-ka-an; 55 : 23, [di-ma i]l-ta-iik-iui-iui-iii. In view of the two latter phrases we cannot 
explain 34 : 38, be-li di-c-ma il-KL'('.)-na-<iii-,ii as standing for hi I) tema il-qu{\)-na-an-ni — which would be without 
any sense — but we must, seeing that the sign KU has also the value tuk(g), postulate that value here and read il-tuk{V)- 
na-an-ni, or we must suppose that KU could be read (besides tuk,(g)) also lak(g): il-tak{=KU)-na-an-ni . In the latter 
case we would have here a now value for KU, viz., lak(g). 

(c) shaparu, "to send news." Cf. 53 : 40, di-im ta-sap-pa-ra-am-ma; 81 : 11, di-im ta-ash-pu-ra; 57 : 17, di-e-ma 
li-ish-pu-ra-am-ma; 76 : 5, di-e-ma shti-up-ra-am-ma] 94 : 8, te(l)-ma xhii-ap-ra; 89 : 29, de(= NE)-im-ka it shii-lnm-ka 
shti.-4l.p-Ta— the latter phrase being used for "a request of a letter in answer to a note sent." 

(/) turru, "to return news," "to advise," "Bericht erstalten." Cf. 76 : 9, di-c-mi a-na be-el lu-te-ir. 



11 shd '" ilu En-lil-ki-di-ni shu-pu-ur-ma 

12 li-mi-ish-shi-ru-7ii l 

13 mar ship-ri LUG AD a-na mu-ush- 

shu-ri-ni 3 

14 ki-i il-li-ka shit-ii ki u-si-bi-ta-na-shi 

15 a-na mu-uh LUGAL ul-te-bi-la-na- 


16 LUGAL a-na Mar- m U-da-xhd-ash 


17 shd-al-ma-at* aq-ta-ba-ak-ku um-ma 

18 ta-al-ta-pa-ar-ma TUR.TUR'"™' 1 

19 shd "' !,u En-lil-ki-din-ni un-di-ish- 


20 Mdr- m tJ-da-shd-dsh a-ka-an-na-a n 


21 um-ma-a m lhl En-lil-ki-di-ni a-na 


22 ki-i iq-bu-u be-Vi a-na ia-a-shi 

23 [di-ma i}l-ta-ak-na-an-ni um-ma-a 

24 [shu-pu-ur-m]a "'DAM.QAR m ' sk 

it TUR.TUR"f sh ] 7 

of Enlilkidinni — send, that 

they dismiss them (i.e., set them free)." 

(Now) when the royal messenger had 

come for the purpose of dismissing 
us (i.e., of securing our release) (then) 

he, after he had seized us, 
brought us before the KING. 

Whereupon the KING said to Mar- 

Udashash : 
"Have I not sent greetings (i.e., a letter 

containing greetings) unto thee and 

commanded thee saying: 
'Thou shalt send that they ' 
dismiss the young slaves of Enlil- 
Mar-Udashash answered under those 

as follows: "After Enlilkidinni had 

spoken to 'MY LORD,' 
commanded me saying : 
' Send [that they dismiss] the agents and 

young slaves [of Enlilkidinni], etc' ' 

' Stands for lu + umashshird-ni. La + u- (if 3 pens.) or lu + I- = li, so always! Fur the i in mir-ish = mash cf. also 
un-diAsh-shi-ru-n™, 55 : 19; li-sir-eUv-lu-ma, (id : 22; e-ki-ir-ri-im-ma, 23 : 10 ; iMkb, 60 : 13; u-prbi-ta-na-shi, 55 : 14; 
li-si-bi-lu-shu-nu-ti, 58 : 11; l-di-ik-ku-u, 40 : 7, etc., hence an emphatic a with i preceding or following may become 

an i. 

2 The royal messenger here referred to is Mdr- m tf-da-shd-dsh, 1. 8. 

3 Lit. "for our dismissal"; the infinitive being treated here as a noun, hence -ni for -na-shi (11. 14, 15). 

' Shd-al-ma-at here not, a plur. of shalimtu, hut a permansive - (lu) shalmdt(a), "peace (greeting) be unto thee." 
This would make it appear that the Cassite kings, when writing to their subjects and using any greeting at all, employed 
the following formula: shulmu iashi hi skalmdta, " I am well, mayest thou be well." The later Babylonian resp. Assyrian 
kings said, as is well known, in its stead, shulmu iashi libbaka Id tdbka (resp. libbakunu lu tabkunushi). 

5 Undishshvrt = umdashshiru. The long i in ni-i I take as the sign of a question, hence standing for original u: i 
instead of u on account of the i in ni. 

• Cf. here also a-ka-an-na, 3 : 35, 37 | 41 : 4 | 63 : 2 | 95 : 8. B. E., XIV, 2 : 13 | 8 : 10, 13; „-l,a-an-n«-ma, 67 : 7. 
See also e-ka-an-na-am , 52 : 25, on the one and a-gan-[nal 21 : 9, 14; a-ga-an-na, 71 : 9, on the other hand. For the 
last cf. also Behrens, L. S. S., II 1 , p. 2. 

' To be completed and translated according to 11. 9f. 

."> I M I 1 I i;s ro CASSITE KINGS 

\\ e Deed not, however, be satisfied merely with the resull thai the "Lord" is in 
each and every case the "King," but wecangoa step farther and identify definitely 
the King of No. 55. 

Enlilkidinni, 1 who plays such an importanl r61e in (liis letter and who clearly 
must have been a person of influence and affluence, he being in possession of "young 
slaves and agents" and having access to the King (who listens to his entreaties and 
arts accordingly . appears also as the writer of the two letters, N'os. 78, "!», and is as 
such a contemporary of LFsub-Shipak, 2 of Mar-Udashash, 3 of Ahushina (78 : 1). The 
last is mentioned as patesi in the 17th year of Kuri-Galzu (/>'. E., XIV, 25 : L2), 
receivingP^D LU.ARDXJ in the 26th(!) year (of Burna-Buriash, />'. A'., XIV, L67: 
12, cf. 1. 11) and KU.QAR narkabtn in the 3d year (of Kuri-Galzu, />'. A'., XV, 2] :7), 
and is found together with a certain Muranu in a tablet from the time of Kuri-Galzu 
(cf. [nnanni, 1. 25), B. E., XV, I'.M : 7, 8. This Muranu' was a son of Meli-Shah and a 
patesi, hving during the isth year of Kuri-Galzu, B. E., XIV, 28 : "». A "son of 
Muranu," Mar- m Mu-ra-ni, who likewise is a patesi, is mentioned not only during 
the L3th year of Ku[ri-Galzu, sic\ againsl Clay], B. E., XIV, 125 : 6, 8,13, but he 
appears also in the letter No. 7S : 1 as a contemporary and itu(J) of Enlilkidinni. From 
No. 7!) : 1 we learn that Enlilkidinni was a contemporary of Imguri, who again, as 
writer of N'os. 22, 23, is contemporaneous with Huzalum (22 : 6) and Kidin-Marduk 
(23 : 23). But Huzalum as well as Kidin-Marduk figure as witnesses in certain 
business transactions executed between Enlilkidinni and some other parties at the 
time of Burna-Buriash, more particularly Huzalunris mentioned as witness in the 
J 1st year of Burna Buriash {B. E., XIV, 8 : 30) and Kidin-Marduk in the 
19th (or 18th?) year of the same king, B. E., XIV, 7 : 34. Taking all 
these passages together, there can be absolutely no doubt that the Enli kidinni 
of Xos. 55, 78, T'.i is the same person as the one who appears in the tablets of B. E., 
XIV, as livng during the 3d (I.e., 1 : <>. 30, Clay wrongly 1st) 6th (I.e., 2 : 7, 19, 
29), 19th (I.e., 7 : 14, 38) and 21st (I.e., 8 : 22, 25, 33) year of Burna-Buriash. From 
this it follows that the "Lord" and "King" of No. 55, the contemporary of Enlil- 
kidiimi, was none other but King Burna-Buriash. 

Having established the identity of the King, we can now more specifically de- 
termine the occupation of Enlilk'dinni. Above we saw that Enlilkidinni was in 

1 Written either '" " " Kn-lil-hi-J!,,-,,; , .V, : 6, 7. ID. or '" ilu Enr-lil-ki-di-ni, 55 : 11, 21 | 78 : 3 | Til : 3. 

J [dentical with Uzub-Shipak in Scheil, '/■ ctes Slam, S< m., I, p. 93, 1 : 3 (a kudurru from the time of Kashtiliashu). 

I : . name oi tl is royal messi nger i-. so Far, do1 mentioned again. 
•The Muranu ol />' /.'., XIV, 128 : 8, living al the time of Shagarakti-Shuriash (1st year) is another person. 

- n ..i m •' "<■;,, -i ;i-b;i(= A'.Yi-i.v 

• The father of m Ta-ki-shum. 


possession of agents (DAM.QAR), young slaves (TUR.TUR me * h == si-ih-hi-ru-ti) and 
of an itu, "one who looked out for his superior's interests." If we compare this 
with the tablets of B. E., XIV, we find that Enlilkidinni was the son of m >'"NIN. 
IB-na-(lin-SHESH" ,csh (I.e., 1 : 6 | 7 : 14, here: SE-SHESH.SHESH), living in BU- 
m ilw En-ltt-ki-di-ni (I.e., 2 :8), where he kept slaves (NAM.GALU.LU .... ka- 
lu-ii, I.e., 2 :6, 8), whom he bought from (KI .... IN. SHI. IN. SHAM, I.e., 1 : 4, 
8 | 7 : 12, 15) other slave-dealers (DAM.QAR, I.e., 1:4); he had even his own 

agents (No. 55 : 10, DAM.QAR * h ) and representatives (itil, Mar-Jtfurani by name, 

No. 78 : 4) who had continually to look out for their employer's interests. Here 
it is especially interesting to note that one and the same person could be a pa- e-si 
and at the same time also an itu for a dealer in slaves, as was the case with Mar- 
Murani. This business must have been quite profitable and must have carried with 
it a great influence at the King's court, for Enlilkidinni need only appear before 
King Burna-Buriash, requesting the release of his slaves, and his wishes are instantly 
complied with. No wonder then that the "house of Enlilkidinni" became rich and 
powerful, flourishing as late as the time of Ramman-shum-usur and Meli-Shipak. 
The boundary stone, London, 103, ' the provenance of which is unknown, has been 
stealthily abstracted (by some workmen employed by the B. E. of the University of 
Pa. ?) from the ruins of Nippur. On this stone are mentioned not only the GU.EN.NA 
or ' 'sheriff" of Nippur (I: 20, 48, III: 7) and the ' 'pih,at of Nippur" (III: 42)— which 
by themselves would show whence that stone came — but also such names as Bit- '" ''"En- 
Ul-H-di-ni (IV : 29, 44; V : 31) and A hu-da-ru-u, the "son" (mar, 2 i.e., = "descend- 
ant") of '" au En-lil-ki-di-ni (IV : 13, 40; V : l), 3 who was, as we just saw, a rich 
and influential slave-dealer at Nippur during the time of Burna-Buriash Cf. fur- 
thermore the writer of No. 25: 2, "'Ur-''"NIN.DIN.DUG.GA, with the person bearing 
the same name 'n London, 103, 1:6; also the m Parak-mari ki (I. c, V, 15, with our 
No. 53 : 38) and the "canal of Du-r^Enlil," Nam-gar-Dur- ilu EnM, /. c, III, 23, with 

1 Preserved in the British Museum, No. 103 of the Nimroud Central Salon, and published by Belser, B. A., II, 
p. 187f. A translation was given by F. E. Peiser in A". B., IIP, p. 154f. 

2 For mar = "descendant," see below, Chapter IV, pp. 64, 05. 

3 The following members of the "House of Enlilkidinni" are known: 

'» ilu NIN.IB^ichdin-SHESH me3h (or SE-SHEILSHESII). 

m "" I:i(-lil-l:i-ili-nt, the founder of the house. 

| ? (mar here "descendant.") 
m Ahu-,la-ru-d (see A*. B., IIP, pp. 158, 100, IV : 12, 45). 
'" ' h 'Kli-in-sh„in~;,hlina (= MU.MU). 

Afcu-daril lived during the time of Ramm&rir-shiim^usur and M elv-Shipak, and Erdil-shum-iddina during the 
latter's reign. 


our \..s. :; : :;:;. :;i. :;s. n | 39 : U; B. /•;.. XIV. p. 58a; XV, p. 52a; X, |>. 70a. 
Such identity of names and places cannot be accidental. 

It' now it be admitted, as it undoubtedly must he, thai the "Lord" of our 
letters is always and invariably the' King," then, of course, it is not al all surprising 
that we should find in this collection epistles written by the King himself. Prof. 
Hilprecht informs me thai he has seen several of them (one of them senl by King 
Nazi-Maruttash) while examining in Constantinople the tablets of flic Nippur find. 
Fortunately I am in the position to publish at least one 1 of them hero. It is a 
"royal summons"' sent by King Burna-Buriash to his sheriff (GV.EN.NA), 
m Amel- au Marduk, to arrest certain men accused of lese majeste. 2 

(J) At last we are in a position to account for the peculiar characteristics of 
the Amarna Letter, B. L88 -characteristics which put this letter into a class all by 
itself, as such separating it from all the rest of the Amarna Letters, whether they 
belong to the Berlin or the London collections. The peculiarities of this letter 
consist in the wording of its "address" and its "greeting," forming, as it were, an 
evict parallel to the address and the greeting of all of our letters addressed to the 
'Lord." he-!). Seeing that this letter does form such a striking corroboration of 
our contention, I shall give it in full, though its lamentable condition would hardly 
warrant a complete and satisfactory translation. The letter 3 (Amarna, B. 188) 

1 a-na m be-Vi-ia To my "Lord" 

i' ki-be-ma urn-ma speak, thus 

:] TUR.SAL LUGAL-ma saith the princess: 

4 a-naka-sh<i Vnarkab&ti! h] -ka Unto thee, thy chariots, 

5 {alu^ 1 u blti-ka] thy cities, and thy house 

6 lu-ii shu-vl-mu greeting! 

7 AN mesh ska '"Bur-ra-Bu)i\)-ia-dsh The gods of Burra-Buriash 

1 Another royal letter is possibly that published under No. 93. 

- No. 75. For a translation sec below, p. 135. 

3 Since the above has been written there appeared in the Vorderasiatische Bibliothek a new translation of the 
Amarna letters by .1. A. Knudtzon. This scholar, when speaking of this letter in the Preface to his translation, says 
(Die El-Amarna-Tiijrln, pp. 20f.): "Der erstere (i.e., No. 12 = B. 18S) slamint nach seiner Schrift irohl am eheslen aus 

Babyl* h nach dem Ton moglich und nach dem wahrscheinMchen Inhnlt von Z. 7 das Nachstliegende ist 

Wenn mii dem, was iibcr die. Herkunft dieses Briefi s gesagt ist, ungef&hr das RicMige getroffen ist, so ist der "Herr," an den 
er gerichtet ist, ka >u:o als in Mgypten :« suchen." Kundtzon differs (I.e., p. 98, No. 12) in the following points 

from the translation (and emendation^ as given above: 1. 5, [a]->n[i]-l[t<-l]i for i//»-" z ' (but cf. Rev. 1. 5); 1. 11, ' i(\)-ir-ma, 
wandele; Rev. 1. 3, si-ir-pa he translates by "gefarbU n Staff," but then Rev. 11. 5f. is left in the air. Rev. 11. 7f., it-ti(\) 
li(l)-bi-ka, a l[a] ta-[d]a-[b]u[-u\b — -9 « ia-a-shi it-ku l[a ] le-te-en-da~ni wliieh is rendered by "Mit deinem Herzen wirst 
(or soUst) du n[icyu r[e]d[e]n . . . ., und mir tvirst (od. sollst) du . . . . n[ic]ht errichten." 



8 it-ti-ka li-li-ku 

9 shal-mi-ish a-li-ik 

10 u i-na sM-la-me 

11 ti-ir-ma blti-ka a-mur 

12 i-napa-[. . . .] 

Reverse : 

1 a-ka-an-n[a .... 

2 um-ma-a ul-ttim sic Gi-[ .... 

3 mar ship-ri-ia si-ir-pa 

4 ii-she-bi-la a-na 

5 alu-"'-ka h bitim"" , -ka 

6 lu-ii [shu sic\]-ul-mu 

7 it-ti-[nu, sic\\ i-na bi-ka 

8 . . . . 

9 it ia-a-shi id ma-la 
10 te-te-en-da-ni 
lTardi-ka m Ki-din- i '"IM 

12 i-shd-ak-ni 

13 a-nadi(\)-na-an 

14 be-l\-i[a !] lu-ul-lik 

The writer of this letter is a "daughter of a kins," a ' 'princess." She addressed 
her epistle to "my Lord." This "Lord," being the "Lord' of a "daughter of 
a king," cannot be anyone else but a "king." Now I cannot agree with Winckler, 
K. B., V, p. X, that this letter was addressed to the k'ng of Egypt. On the con- 
trary, the princess, by using a "greeting" and a "phrase" {ana d'indn beh-ia lullik) 
so far met with in no other Amarna Letter— a "greeting" and "phrase" paralleled 
only by our letters here published— shows that she was of Babylonian origin, i.e., 
she was a Babylonian princess, having been given in marriage to the king of Egypt. 1 
We have to see, then, in this letter a "copy" 2 of an original sent to her father, the 

1 From Amarna, London, 1, e.g., we know that a sister of Kadashman-Enlil had been given in marriage by. her 
father, the king of Babylonia, to the Egyptian king. It may not he. impossible that this princess is that very same 
sister about whom Kadashman-Enlil complains in a letter to the king of Egypt that "nobody has ever seen her, whether 
she is alive or dead," and that this letter is an assurance on her part that she is still well and among the living. 

2 Which happened to be preserved with the other Amarna tablets in the same way as was the "copy" of tin- 
letter of Ni-ib-mu-a-ri-a, the king of Egypt, to Kadashman-Enlil (Amarna, L. 1). For its being a "copy" speaks also 
the hastiness and carelessness in which it has been written, cf. e.g., ul-mu for shit-ul '-mu (R. 6), be-tt-i for be-lUa (R. 14), 
id for i-di (R. 9), it-ti for il-ti-nu (Rev. 7). For several other Egyptian copies among the Amarna letters see also 
Knudtzon, /. c, p. 1G. 

may go with thee! 

Walk in and out 

in peace! 

Thy house, I behold, 

in former times [....] 

but now .... 

thus: "Since I sent Gi- . . ., 

my messenger, with a letter 


greeting to thy cities 

and thy house, 

they gave upon thy command 

and with regard to me remember (know) 

all thou hast told me." 

Thy servant is 

Kidin-R amman. 

Before the presence 

of my "Lord" may I come! 

I i ri'i BS i" « LSSITE KINGS 

"Lord' and "King" of Babylonia. This princess, after having communicated 
herwishes to this "Lord,"finds that, according to good woman fashion,a postscript 
is proper and in order. She forgot to introduce Kidin-Ramman, who, no doubt, 
broughl this letter to the Babylonian king, as "thy servant," assuring in this wise 
the king that the servanl is reliable and may be entrusted with an answer to her 
letter. Nay, more than this. The princess, finding, after her extended sojourn 
in the land of the Nile, that she had not employed the correel form of address custom- 
ary among Babylonians? when writing to their "Lord" and "King," as we know 
now. adds another postscript, saying: a-na di-na-ari be-fo-ia lul-lik, "before the 
presence of my Lord may 1 come." And by using this phrase as well as the greeting, 
"to the cities and thy house greeting" (a-na alu''"' U bltim'""~hi lu-il shil-vl mu, 
Rev. 5f.), the princess proves herself to he a real .laughter of the Babylonian king, 
who. when addressed by his subjects, is always called "my Lord," be-l\. 

1 When foreigners like, e.g., an Egyptian king write to a Babylonian kins they never fail to mention the exact 

title of the king of Babylonia, calling In... invariably shar ( LUG \.L) lu Ka-ra- ilu Du^ii-ia-ash, Ainarna L., 1. el 

passim. For ilu Du-nUia-ash see Hiising, 0. I. Z., December, L906, p. 664, on the one, and M. Streck, Z. A., January, 
C»is. p. 255f., "ii tin- other hand. 

i dinanu cf. also 24 ; 33,ash-shu di-na-{ni-}ia, "on my account " = ash-shumi-ia. Knowing, as we do, that the 
highest honor conferred upon a servant of the king is to see the king's "face," and remembering that mortal beings 

always pray for their being permitted "to see the fac such and such a god" (cf. m P&n-AN .GAL-lu-mur and the 

New Testament promise that the faithful shall sec the "face" of Christ, shall see him from "face to face," i.e., shall 
be admitted into Christ's presence), I translate din&n by "presence," though its real signification is "Selbst, Selbst- 
B 3 doing tin- 1 am, however, unable to find the difficulty which Behrens, L. S. S., II 1 , p. 27, thinks he finds; 
,,, rl , , elf H ident that the writer did not mean to imply in these words that he himself maybe permitted to 

appear before the presence of the Lord. All the writer wants to convey through these words is this: may I by and 
through the mediation of this letter appear before the Lord; in other words, may the King himself graciously condescend 
to listen to me 1>\ mean- of this letter when I speak as follows to my Lord (um-ma-a <i-n« be-VUa-ma) . The writer 
thus pl,-a. Is that his letter may not be prevented bj the "red tape" surrounding the person of the King f rom reaching 
his "Lord" and master. He wants a personal interview, he desires that the King himself shall see the letter, and il the 
writer's wish he granted he, ipso facto, is admitted through his epistle to the presence of the King, to the King himself. 
Xor are the words mar shipri-ia mm shulmi sharri sise » sabe cdtapra, occurring in //.. VII, 721 : 5 (writer '" "Marduk- 
MV-SE-na) and //.. VIII, sf :5; 833 ; 5; 835 5; 836 5; s::7 :5 (all written by '" ""AG-EN-MU""**) to be trans- 
late,! with Behrens. I.e. by •'meinen Bolen habi ich mil Gefolge (Pjerde ». Krtiger, <l. i. berittene KriegerT) zur Begrus- 
sumj des h i hickt " The sise u sabe belong, on account of their position, to the king, thus making him a king 

horses" - cavalry (cf. the "horses" = cavalry of the Old Testament, as, e.g., in Dent. 11 : 4: the army of Egypt— 
their "horses" I = cavalry) and their chariots) and of "men" = infantry— a veritable "war-lord." 



The fact that the be-h in all our letters is the KING is of the highest importance 
for a correct understanding of (a) The genealogy of the Cassite kings of this period; 
(b) Their seat of residence, and (c) The nature and purpose of the so-called Temple 

(a) The various investigations conducted by scholars 1 with regard to the gene- 
alogy of the kings of this period has, as was to be expected, led to widely divergent 
results. Without going into any controversy here, I shall confine myself to stating 
what seems to me the most probable solution of this rather difficult, tangled up, and 
knotty problem. 

From the so-called Synchronistic History 2 ( = S. H.) we learn that at the 
time of Ashshur-uballit, king of Assyria, 3 the Cassites (SAB me8h Kash-shi-e) 4 had 
revolted and killed '" Ka-ra-Har-da-ash, the king of Babylonia, 5 the son (TUR) of 
m Mu-bal-li-ta-at- u "She-ru-u-a, a daughter of Ashshur-uballit, raising a certain 
'"Na-zi-Bu-ga-ash to the kingship over them." Whereupon Ashshur-uballit, to 

1 Cf. e.g., Winckler, Das alte Westasien, p. I'll'.; Delitzsch, Chronologische Tabellen (not accessible to me); Weiss- 
bach, Babylonische Miscellen, p. 2f.; Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 3 (see p. 10, note 3); Hilprecht, B. E., XX', p. 52, note 1; 
and Thureau-Dangin in Z. A., XXI (1907-1908), p. 17011'., a reprint of which has just reached me. After a lengthy 
discussion of all historical data furnished, this last scholar established a chronology all his own and confesses: "Si ulc 
In donnee de Nabonide, relative it Shagarakti-Shuriash serait inexplicable: si, en effet, suivarU Vhypothese la plus probable 
les 800 am soul eomptes de In fin du regne de Shagarakti-Shuriash n Vavhnement de Nabonide, ce chiffre serait trop fort de 
pris d'un siecle (exactement de 90ans). Our scheme given on p. 1 docs justice both to Nabonid's statement with regard to 
Shagarakti-Shuriash (sc. that the latter lived 800 years before him, i.e., 539 (end of the reign of Nabonid) + 800 = 1339- 
above we gave 1331-131S as the probable time of Shagarakti-Shuriash), and to that of Sennacherib (p. 2, note 12). 
But, more than this, I believe, with Thureau-Dangin and Ed. Meyer (Das chronologische System des Berossos in Beitrdge 
zur alien Geschichte, III, pp. 131ff.), that the beginning of the first dynasty of Babylon has to be placed at 2232, and 
Hammurabi, its sixth ruler, accordingly at 2130 -2088. Now, il Nabonid informs us that Hammurabi lived 700 years 
before Burna-Buriash (II) (see Bezold, P. S. B. .-1., Jan., 1889), the latter ruler must be put somewhere between (2130 — 
700 =) 1430 and (2088—700 =) 1388 B.C. On p. 1 we assigned to Burna-Buriash the time between 1450-1423; hence 
our chronology, given above, comes as near the truth as it is possible at the present. 

2 See Winckler, U. A. G., p. 148 (= K. B., I, p. 194), 11. Sf. 

3 "'Ashshur-ii-TLLA MAN "'"'"Ashshur. 

4 Not necessarily "Cassite soldiers," for SAB mes " at this time is used simply for umm&ni, "people," changing 
frequently with 8AB& 1 -", see also p. 35, note 1. 

6 MAN mU "Kar-Du-ni-ash. 

e A-na LUGAL-ii-te a-na mufi-shu-nii ish-shu-ti. 



avenge [ m Ka-r]a-In(l)-da-ash (notice this name), went to Babylonia, killed [ m JVo]- 
zi-Bu-ga-ash, made [ m Ku-r]i-Gal-zu si-ih-ru, the son (TUR) of m Bur-na-Bur-ia-ash, 
to be king, and pul him "upon the throne of his father" (ina "'"''GU.ZA AD-shu). 

The questions to be asked and answered in connection with this text are the 

(1) Why should the S. II. say that Ashshur-uballit went out to avenge Kara- 
Indash? We would expect that the king of Assyria went out to "avenge rather the 
murdered Babylonian King Kara-Hardash." Who is this Kara-Indash, that 
Ashshur-uballit should display such an interest? In what relation does he stand 
to the king of Assyria on the one hand and to the murdered king of Babylonia, 
Kara-Hardash, on the other? 

(2) What do the words "put him (i.e., Kuri-Galzu sihru) upon the throne of his 
father" mean? Does ' 'father" refer here to Burna-Buriash or to Kara-Hardash? If 
it refers to the former, then who was Burna-Buriash? In what relation did he 
stand to Kara-Indash or Kara-Hardash or to the Assyrian king that he (the latter) 
should be so anxious as to secure the Babylonian throne for his (Burna-Buriash's) son, 
Kuri-Galzu? Why was the son and heir of the murdered Kara-Hardash not put 
upon the throne of Babylon? But if the term "father" refers, as we would expect, 
to Kara-Hardash, thus making Kuri-Galzu sihru the son and successor of his mur- 
dered father, then why should Kuri-Galzu be called here (and elsewhere) the "son 
(TUR) of Burna-Buriash"? 

Some of these questions we can answer with the help of Chronicle P. ( =Ch. P.), 1 
where we are told that a certain '"Ka-dash-tuan-Har-be was the son (TUR) of m Kar- 
In 2 -da-ash and of (sic\ cf., I.e., 1. 12) Mubullitat-Sherua, 3 the daughter of Ashshur- 
uballit,* king of Assyria; hence Kara-Indash (S. H.) = Kar-Indash (Ch. P.) was the 
husband of Ashshur-uballit's daughter, Muballitat-Sherua, and the father of Kadash- 
man-Harbe. Ashshur-uballit in avenging Kara-Indash acted, therefore, in the 
interests of his nearest relations — his daughter and his son-in-law — to preserve the 
Babylonian throne for the rightful heir. But the rightful heir in this case was 
the "son of the murdered King Kara-Hardash." This would force us to the con- 
clusion that the term "father" of the S. H. meant Kara-Hardash and not Burna- 

1 So called after its discoverer, Theodore G. Pinches, J. R. .1. S., October, 1894, p. 811 (= p. 816), 11. 5f. Cf. 
also AVinckler, Altorienialische Forschungen, I Reihe, p. 298( = p. 115)f. 

: This IN, according to Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna-Tafeln, p. 35, and Delitzsch, Abh. der siiclis. Ges. d. Wiss., 
Vol. XXV, is absolutely certain. So also Ungnad, 0. L. Z., Marz, 1908, Sp. 139. Peiser, ibid., p. 140, and Winckler 
A. 0. F., 1. pp. 116, 298, read Ka^ra~gar-da-a&. 

3 Written lMu-h«l-lit-ni-' lu VI>[X-u-a. 

* Written m A.X.SIlAR-l>lX-;t. 



Buriash, and that Kara-Hardash (S. H.) is only another name for Kadashman- 
Harbe. This is corroborated by the further statement of Ch. P. which relates (col. 
I, lOf.) that the Cassites 1 revolted against and killed m Ka-dash-man-ffar-be 2 , and 
raised "to the kingship over them" 3 a certain "' Shu-zi-ga-ash, a Cassite, "the son of 
a nobody." Whereupon Ashshur-uballit, the king of Assyria, went to Babylonia 4 
to avenge m Ka-dash-man-Har-be, "the son of his daughter 6 ," [killed] m Shu-zi-ga-ash 
and put ['"Ku-ri-Gal-zu sihru, the son (sic\) of m Ka]-dash-mau-Har-bc, upon the 
throne [of his father]. 6 

If we were to arrange the genealogies as given by S. H. and by Ch. P. in parallel 
columns we would have to do it as follows : 

Synchronistic History, 
babylonia. assyria. 

Burna-Buriash Ashshur-uballit 

Kara-Indasli Muballitat-Sherua 


Kurv-Galzu sihjru 

Chronicle P. 



Kar- Tndash j\[ul><ilUtn(-Slierua 

I ' 



All scholars have — and, no doubt, correctly — admitted the identity of Nazi- 
Bugash and Shuzigash 7 ; we need, then, not lose any words about this point. But 
if we do admit their identity we cannot very well deny the other, viz., that Kara- 
Hardash and Kadashman-Harbe are likewise only two different writings of one and 
the same person. And here it is that I beg to differ from all the other scholars who 
either take Kara-Hardash to be a mistake for Kara-Indash (so Winckler), or who 
remove him altogether from the list of kings (so Weissbach). What might possibly 

1 Here nishS (UN) mish Kashshi. 

2 Notice that the shn in 1. 10 refers hack to 1. 5. 

3 A-na LUGAL-il-lu a-na mu}i-shu-nu. 
""' H "Kur- il "Dun-ia-ash. 

5 TUR TUR.SAL-sku = Muballitat-Sherua. 

6 The words in [ — ] are broken away, but they have been added here because they are the only rational and 
logical emendation of the text. See for this emendation also Winckler, Alloriciildlisclie Forxrliumjcn, I.e. 

7 Denied now, as I see, among others, also by Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna-Tafeln, p. 3S. The reasons -il thej 
may be called so — adduced by Knudtzon against the identity of these two persons are not at all convincing, in fact, 
they are against both the S. H. and the Ch, P. 


have been the reason <>f these two seemingly widely divergent readings, Kadashman- 
Harbe (Ch. P.) and Kara-gardash (S. H.)l 

If I were to put before the various scholars in the realm of Assyriology a com- 
bination of signs, such as KXJ /.. asking them to transcribe, read, and translate 
it. what would be the result? One would read it kakku 'SIS .III, the other kakku 
F.i, lit, the third kakku ' u Nin-Girsu, and translate it "the (a) weapon is (of) 
NIN.IB, or Enlil, or Nin-Girsu." A fourth, if he suspected a nomcn proprium in 
that combination and knew that it was taken from a taUet belonging to the Cassite 
period and was aware that, at the Cassite period, the names of "cities called after a 
person" may be written without the determinative DISH (cf. au G\r-ra-ga-mil, '"UD- 
tu-kul-ti, etc., in "Lisl of Cities"), might read that very same combination TukuUi- 
'Enlil (NIN.IB, Nin-Girsu) and think it represents a "city." A fifth, again, would 
objeci seriously, pointing out that the "names of the Cassite kings" are likewise very 
often written without the DISH (cf. e.g., Burna-Buriash in B. E., XIV, 1 : 30 | 2 : 29 | 
I : IS, etc.. etc.). and read accordingly (translating it hack into Cassite) Kadashman- 
'Harbe (or Enlil. or NIN.IB, or Nin-Girsu). A sixth, lastly, would maintain that 
Cassite kings were gods or were identified with gods, hence a name oM KU ilu L should 
express the "name" or the ' 'attribute" of a god ; he accordingly would see in that com- 
bination such an attribute and would read and transcribe it by "weapon of god 
I.." which would be in Cassite— what? And why is there such a difference of opinion 
among scholars when reading and transcribing personal names? Answer: Any 
modern Assyriologist has, or he thinks he has, the privilege to transcribe ideographic- 
ally written names -be they those of persons or of gods— according to his own 
notions; thus one may see in the name Uu SUGH a male, the other takes it to be a 
,, male, and the third declares both are wrong: i!u SUGH is a ' 'hen (-goddess)". To 
be sure, all three are right and all three are wrong. What modern scholars do now, 
the old scribes did 3,000 years before them. The name Kadashman-Harbe means 
in Cassite "my support is garbe," and Harbe translates the Babylonian ''"Enlil. 
Kadashman-Qarbe, when written ideographically, may be " ish KU- a "EN .LIL 
{' b 'E.KUR, Uu L, etc.). but this might, per se, be translated also by "the (my, a) 
weapon is (of) Enlil (E.KL T R. L. etc.)." Should the writer of the S. H. have mis- 
taken the ' KU = tukulti, "support," for ^KU - kakku, "weapon," and have 
it translated back into the Cassite language by kar(a), "weapon"? If we knew 
the Cassite word for "weapon" it would be a comparatively easy task to ascertain 
whether this suggestion or supposition might hold, but unfortunately we do not 
know it— at least I do not; and as long as this word is not known to us just so long 
the hypothesis will have to stand that the writer of S. H. mistook the ° M KU = 


tukultu = Kadashman, "support," thinking it was the same as " M KU -- kakku 
= kar(a), "weapon". And if " M KU could have been mistaken for kar(a) 
(instead of tukulti), the ideogram expressing Harbe -- Enlil might likewise have 
been mistranslated by Hardash. If ffardash be a composite word consisting of 
Hard + ash we might compare it with Bugash ~- Buy-ash. Should Hard + ash be 
= 5 (x) 10 = 50 = '"'L, and Bug + ash = 6 (x) 10 = 60 = AN or Hit (see p. 7, note 2, 
under Guzar-AN)1 If this could be proved then the original ideographic writing of 
this name might have been <"' sh KU-''"L. : S. H. translating it by Kar(a)-gard + ash 

= a weapon of (is) ''"L and Ch. P. by Kadashman-ffarbe ■■-- my support is Enlil. 
For aw L = ilu Enlil, see p. 40, note. (The ash in Hard-ash resp. Bug-ash is hardly the 
same as iash = mutu -- KUR; if it were, Hard-ash might represent either E.KUR 
or KUR.GAL, likewise names of Enlil and AN). If, on the other hand, Hardash 
be a simple (not composite) name, it might translate such ideographs as ''"NAB 
(== Enlil, V R. 44, 40c), ' l "AB ( == Enlil, III R. 67, No. 1, Obv. 11a, 6; cf. 1. 20, 
'"■NIN.IJL dam-bi-sal, i.e., of '"AB - ilu Enlil; in Weissbach, Balnjl Miscellen, 
p. 7 (B. E., 0,405), 1. 8, "AB is = Ann (AN): au AB(=- AN) ""SAR.SAR ( = 
Enlil) ''"SUR.UD (=■■ E.A.) u '"'NIN.MAGH fern, principle of the world, cf. 
No. 24 : 6 (p. 47, n. 5) , Ann, Enlil, E.A , BeldAD) , or "'IB ( = Enlil, AN, NIN.IB) . At 
any rate, the circumstance that we are not yet al >le, owing to our ignorance of the 
Cassite language, to say definitely which ideographic writing was before the eyes 
of the compiler of S. H. does not preclude the possibility that Kadashman-Qarbe 
and Kara-Hardash are one and the same person. This much we can say, however, 
that the original ideographic writing consisted of "'"''KU + a name of a god which 
could be translated both by Harbc and by Hardash. We must maintain the identity 
of Kara-Hardash and Kadashman-Harbc till we know that it is wrong and abso- 
lutely impossible. 

Somewhat more difficult is the task to reconcile the two genealogies of Kuri- 
Galzu. If we knew nothing about the S. H. and had only the Ch. P., in which 
Burna-Buriash is not mentioned with one syllable, nobody would ever have attempted 
to amend the broken text of Ch. P. differently from what was done above, viz., 
that Ashshur-uballit went out to avenge Kadashman-Harbe,' ' 'the son of his daughter 

(i.e., his grandson)," who had been killed by the Cassites and whose throne had 

1 Notion here the difference between S. H. and Ch. P. According to the runner Ashshur-uballit went out to 
avenge his "son-in-law, Kara-Indash" ; and according to Ch. P. the same king wanted to avenge his "grandson, Kadash- 
man-Harbe." As the latter statement is far mere to the point, it shows that the narrative of Ch. P. is to be preferred 
to that of S. II. Cf. also the writing Kara-Hardash {S. II.) with Kadashman-Harbe {Ch. P.); the latter, no doubt, 
represents the better tradition. 


been usurped by Shuzigash, in order to regain and preserve, of course, the Baby- 
lonian limine for the rightful heir of his grandson. Bui the rightful heir in this ease 
was none other than the son of Kadashman-garbe, Kuri-Galzu, who naturally 
must have been still a "little child." a sihru, 1 seeing that his great-grandfather, the 
Assyrian king Ashshur-uballit, was still living. Hut if Kuri-Galzu was according to 
Ch. /'. the son and rightful heir to the throne, it follows that the words of S. //., 
■ put him upon the throne of his father," can mean only that Ashshur-uballit 
put Kuri-Galzu sihru upon the tin-one of his murdered father, Kara-Hardash 
Kadashman-Harbe; hence the word "father" in S. //. does not- refer to Burna- 
Buriash, as the interpreters want it, hut must refer to Kara-Hardash. Thus, even 
according to S. //.. Kuri-Galzu sihru may very well, yes, must have been the son of 
Kara-Hardash Kadashman-Harbe. And by being put upon the throne of his 

murdered father, Kuri-Galzu ipso facto was put also upon that of Burna-Buriash, 
seeing that the son 2 of Burna-Buriash, Kar(a)-Indash, was his (Kuri-Galzu's) 

Hut if Kuri-Galzu was the "son of Kara-Hardash Kadashman- 

Harbe," as has been maintained, then he cannot have been, at the same time, 
the "son of Burna-Buriash," as S. H. informs us. Weissbach, who was the last to 
discuss the genealogies of this period, failed utterly, simply and solely because he did 
not recognize the true meaning of "son" (TUR) in Kuri-Galzu TUR Burna-Buriash. 
In the Black Obelisk of Shalmanassar II (858-824 B.C.), inscription to pictures II 
(cf. also III /?., 5, No. 6, 11. 25, 26), we are told that Jehu ('"Ia-ii-a) was the "son " 
(TUR) of Omri ('"lju-um-ri-i). But according to what we know from the Old 
Testament, Jehu was by no means a son (II Kings 9 : 2), but simply a ruler in "the 
land of the house" of Omri, being the fourth in the succession of his so-called father. 
Hence the TUR ■■= mar, "son," in Kuri-Galzu TUR Burna-Buriash does not neces- 
sarily have to signify "son," but may, and here must, mean "a later (descendant 
and) 'ruler of the house' of Burna-Buriash," "one that was of the 'line of reign' 
of Burna-Buriash." This follows also from the following consideration: from 
several inscriptions published by Hilprecht 3 we know that Nazi-Maruttash was the 

' For sihru in tins sense cf. also //.. III. 289 :2; 296 :2; 297 :3; //., V 518 : 3, ""'"ABJiA""-" 1 ' u TVR""" 1 ', 
which changes in //., Ill, 295 : 2, with O al *AB.BA me * h u sifi( = \ : E)-ru-ii-li, thus showing that sihru "young" is in 
opposition to AB.BA — shebu, "old." 

2 It should he noticed, however, that there is, so far, no inscription known which states that Kar(a)-Indash was 
the "son of Burna-Buriasti." The above conclusion is nothing hut an inference from S. //.'s words: "Kuri-Galzu, 
son of Burna-Buriash," see below, pp. G5ff . 

'■ See, e.g., Hilprecht, />'. E., I 1 , Nos. 53, 55, 50, 58, 78, 75 + 136 + 137 (cf. Zinunern, Z. A., XIII, p. 302); 
B. E., XIV, 39 : 9. 



son of Kuri-Galzu, and from a boundary stone of Nazi-Maruttash 1 we learn that 
this latter ruler was "the son {TUR) of Kuri-Galzu and the SHAG.BAL.BAL of 
Burna-Buriash." Now SHAG.BAL.BAL means in each and every case nothing 
but "one who is of the reign(ing house) of," libbi pale. Hence the mar {TUR) of 
the S. H., because it corresponds here to SHAG.BAL.BAL, must likewise be taken 
in the signification of libbi pale; in other words, the expression mar (TUR) Burna- 
Buriash of S. H. designates Kuri-Galzu not as son, but as "one who belonged to 
the line of rulers of the house of Burna-Buriash." As such he may have been the 
third, fifth, tenth, or hundredth in the line. 2 Kuri-Galzu was, and still is, the son of 
Kadashman-Harbe = Kara-Hardash, and this he was and is not only according 
to B. E., XIV, 39 : 8f. (ish-tu Ku-ri-Gal-zu TUR ""Ka-da-dsh-man-Har-be a-di 

1 Scheil, Textes Slam. Sim., I, p. 86 (cf. plate 10), col. I, 11. 1-5. 

'Weissbach, Babyl. MisceUm, pp. 2f., by first trying to establish for SHAG.BAL.BAL an impossible meaning, 
"Enkel," puts the cart before the horse, and at the end of his investigations has to admit after all that SHAG.BAL.BAL 
in all passages cited by him means either "Urenkel," "femen Nachkommen," or "einen urn Jahrhunderte spateren 
Nachkommcn." This alone ought to have been sufficient to convince Weissbach that SHAG.BAL.BAL in IV R?, 
38, I, 20-26, could likewise not have the signification -Enkel." Not heeding this warning, Weissbach arrived a! results 
which were both impossible and disastrous: he had to maintain three Marduk-aplu-iddinas, three Kadashman-Harbes, 
three Kuri-Galzus; had to remove Kara-Hardash altogether from the list of kings and make Kuri-Galzu sihru, "the 
son" of Burna-Buriash, the ahu obi, the "brother of the father" of Kadashman-Harbe, i.e., had to make him a brother 
of Kara-Indash. Such manipulations are altogether too subjective to be taken seriously, and overlook the fact that 
a person at this time is designated only as "X., the son of Y."; in no ease is there ever mentioned a grandfather. 
".V mdr Y. marZ." means at this time "X., the son of V., belonging to (the house of) Z"(!) and stamps such a person as 
being of high, special, influential, or distinguished rank. Hinke's (B. E., Series D., IV, pp. 133, 174) Nabu-zerlUMr mar 
/^Mard^&aMta mdr Ardi-j£.A, because par^^ 

Ardi-E.A the founder of the distinguished and celebrated surveyor family of which the two brothers, Nabu-zer-llshir and 
Shdpiku, were later members (not necessarily grandchildren). Again, if mdrbe - SHAG.BAL.BAL - "belonging to 
the reign(ing house) of," then it is, of course, quite natural that Meli-Shipak should call himself (B. E., 637s - Weissbach, 
l.C, p. 2) m&r Kuri-Galzu. Why? Because Meli-Shipak was an usurper. But someone might object that in London, 
103 (Belser, B. A., II, p. 187f. = Peiser, K. B.. IIP. p. 100), IV, 31, the immediate predecessor of Meli-Shipak, 
Ramman-shum-usur, is referred to as "thy (i.e., Meli-Shipak's; cf. I.e., 1. 17) father (a-bu-ka)." How can he I,, a 
usurper if his father occupied the throne before him? Apart from the list of kings, where Me-li-Shi-pak is not designated 
by TUR-shu (i.e., the son of Ramman-shum-usur), the fact that a father, bearing a Babylonian name (as Ramman- 
shum-usur undoubtedly does), would call his son (Meli-Shipak) by a Cassite name is simply impossible in the history of 
the Cassites and without any parallel. ( >nly the opposite may be admitted, i.e., a Cassite father may call his son by a 
Babylonian name; but never would a Babylonian degrade himself so far as to acknowledge his oppressors by naming 
his son with a name which was despised among them. Meli-Shipak, then, by .'ailing himself mdr Kuri-Galzu, lays 
" rightful" claim to the inheritance of the throne of Babylonia, which he would have as "one belonging to the house " 
(m6r) of Kuri-Galzu. The same desire is evidenced by Meli-Shipak's son, Marduk-aplu-iddina (notice the Cassite 
father and the Babylonianized son!), who does not call himself (IV R.\ 38, 1, 20-20 = K. B., IIP, p. 102) grandson of 
Ramman-shum-usur, but "the son (TUR) of Me-li-Shi-pa-ak (cf. also List of Kings: '" ^SHU-A-MU TUR-shu, i.e., 
son of Meli-Shipak), the SHAG.BAL.BAL of Kuri-Galzu LUGAL la-a s ha-na-an\" For a later example of mdr (resp. 
aplu) = "of the," or "belonging to the, house of," ef. Rimut(- ilu MASH) aplu -:1m Murdshu, and see Hilprecht, B. E., 
IX, p. 15. 



a Na-zi-Ma-ru-ut-ta-&sh TUR au Ku-ri-Gal-zu) , but also according to Br. Mus., 
83-1 18/ where he (written here au Ku-ri-Gal-zu) calls himself "the mighty king, 
the king of Babylon, the son (TUR) of ilu Ka-ddsh-rnan-gar-be, the king without 
equal (LUGAL la sh&- j rui-an). ,1i 

But though it mighl be admit ted, as it must, that Kuri-Galzu, "the son" 
of Buma-Buriash of S. II., was de judo the "son of Kadashman-garbe (Ch. P.) 
Kara-Hardash", as such belonging to the reigning house of Burna-Buriash (TUR 
SUM;. HAL. HAL libbi pale), we still owe an explanation of the fact that there 
are other tablets in existence in which this self-same Kuri-Galzu is not only called, 
but even calls himself "sou (TUR) of Burna-Buriash." 8 The question is this: 
Why should this self-same Kuri-Galzu (sihru) call himself or be called on the one 
hand "son of Kadashman-Harbe Kara-Hardash," and on the other "son of 
Burna-Buriash"? Whal were the reasons, if any, for this playing hide and 

We learned from S. II. and Ch. P. that the father of Kuri-Galzu, Kadashman-Harbe 
Kara-Hardash, was killed by his own kinsmen, the Cassites, who had revolted 
against him, and who went even so far as to put a king of their own choice and 
liking, viz., Nazi-Bugash Shuzigash, upon the throne of Babylon. We also 
heard that Kuri-Galzu did not occupy the throne of his murdered father by the 
wish and the consent of the Cassites, but, on the contrary, by and through the grace 
of his great-grandfather (on his mother's side), Ashshur-uballit, who forced him while 
still a child ( upon the dissatisfied Cassites. Is it not more than natural to 
suppose that the Cassites would feel rather inimical towards their new king, who was 
in their eyes nothing but an usurper/ occupying the throne of Babylon and swaying 
the royal scepter over them by the intervention and brutal force of a foreign king so 
inimical to their own interests? And was it not a wise and diplomatic stroke of 

1 See Winckler, Z. ,1., II, p. 307f. 

2 This very same attribute is ascribed to Kuri-Galzu also in a boundary stone (IV R. 2 , 38, I, 20-26 = K. B., 
IIP, p. 162) quoted p. 65, n. 2. Kuri-Galzu, "the son of Kadashman-Harbe," is identical with Kuri-Galzu, the prede- 
cessor "l Meli-Shipak ami Marduk-aplu-iddina (see p. 65, n. 2, end). 

3 See, e.g., A. R. C. 146 (Lehmann, Z. A., V, 117); Hilprecht, B. E., I 1 , Nos. 35, 36, 39; I.e., P, 133 (see also 
Zimmern, Z. A., XIII. p. 304);Scheil, Textes EUim. S6m., I, p. 93, col. I, 18. 

4 One of the maxims in Babylonian history is that whenever a ruler or king terms himself "the legitimate" this 
or that, such a ruler is invariably an usurper. The truth of this maxim is clearly established also in Kuri-Galzu's case. 
One of his favorite titles is rijnum k'tnum, "the legitimate shepherd," see Hilprecht, B. E., P, Nos. 41 + 46 : 3 
(cf. Hilprecht. I.e., p. 32. and Zimmern. Z. A., XIII. p. 304); I.e., P, 133 : 5, 6 (Zimmern. I.e.). Also Kuri-Galzu's 
son, Xazi-Maruttash, claims this very same title, Hilprecht, B. E., P, Nos. 75 + 136 + 137 (Zimmern, I.e., p. 302): 5. 
What Kuri-Galzu lacked in favor from his subjects he made up in empty assertions. 


policy on Kuri-Galzu's part not to call himself "son of Kadashman-Harbe," thus 
avoiding to remind continually the enraged Cassites of their revolt and their murder 
committed? The Cassites hated any and every allegiance with the Assyrians, 
thrust upon them by the marriage of Kar(a)-Indash to Muballitat-sherua, knowing 
quite well that such a friendship would eventually lead — as it actually did — towards 
disaster. They preferred to have their country return to the status quo it occupied 
before this infamous intermarriage — to the first years of the reign of Burna-Buriash, 
"the ancestor" of Kuri-Galzu, when he warned the Egyptians, in a letter addressed 
to their king Ni-ip-ku-ur-ri-ri-ia ( = Amen-hotep IV; Amarna, London, No. 2 : 3 If.), 
not to listen to the machinations of the Assyrians, "my subjects" (da-gi-il pa-ni-ia). 
Kuri-Galzu, knowing this and eager and willing to appease his dissatisfied Cassites, 
did not — great diplomat and "king without equal" who he was — call himself 1 "son 
of Kadashman-Harbe, " "but "descendant (mar) of Burna-Buriash"; thus he main- 
tained on the one hand his "rightful," "legitimate" (kinum) succession to the throne, 
and on the other he avoided to remind the enraged Cassites of their revolt and 

From all this it would follow that Kuri-Galzu sihru was ale facto a "son of 
Kadashman-Harbe," whom he followed upon the throne of Babylonia, but de arte 
diplomatica a ' 'son of Burna-Buriash" ; hence we have to place between the reigns of 
Burna-Buriash and Kuri-Galzu those of Kar(a)-Indash, Kadashman-Harbe = 
Kara-Hardash, and Nazi-Bugash = Shuzigash. 2 

With the publication of these letters the period just discussed receives some 
new and additional light. Above we showed that all letters addressed to the ' 'Lord " 
were intended without any exception for the "king." Who this "king" is or was 
cannot be said, except it be determined in each particular case from the so-called 
"internal evidence" as gathered, e.g., from the names of persons occurring in a 
specific letter, from the circumstances of time and place, etc., etc. We also saw 
that the letter published under No. 24 was especially instructive in this respect. 
And this it was not only because of its wonderfully poetic introduction — an intro- 
duction such as may be found only in a letter addressed to a king — but also because we 
learned from it that the writer had been entrusted by a ' 'grant" from his ' 'Lord " and 
"king" with the supervision (itu) and administration of the city Mannu-gir-Ramman. 

1 I.e., at least "not generally." 

2 Hilprerht's statement, B. E.. XX 1 , p. 52, note 1, "Kuri-Galzu, his (i.e., Burna-Buriash's) son, Iml possibly mil 

liis immediate successor," I would like to i lily by substituting: "Kuri-Galzu, the son of Kadashman-Harbe, the 

descendant of Burna-Buriash, the successoi "I his murdered father." Clay's view (IS. A'., XIV, p. 9), "there is no gap 
in that part of the list of kings which these archives represent," differs from what I have above stated, p. 10, n. :',■ 


Now it happens thai the writer of No. 24, Kalbu by name, mentions in the course of his 
communication, addressed to his Lord and king, the hitler's hither, m Na-zi- ilu En-UL 
A pnon we are justified in assuming thai if the "Lord" to whom Kalbu addressed 
his letter was a "king," the ••herd's" lather was in all probability one likewise. If 
so, we would have to see in m Na-zi- En-lil a new and. so far, unknown king of the 
Cassite period. The question then arises to what time of the known Cassite 
kings have m Na-zi- u "En-lil, together with his son. the be-R of No. 24, to he 


The passage which mentions this new king is unfortunately somewhat mutilated, 
so that its real sense has to remain, for the present at least, still doubtful. If I 
understand the paragraph in question correctly, it would seem that Kalbu, after 
having communicated to his "Lord" the news about the dreadful flood which had 
overtaken the city Mannu-gir-Ramman and himself, threatening him even with the 
loss of his own life, complains here that the same flood had destroyed also the "gates," 
together with the -'herds" which were kept in their environs, in consequence of 
which destruction and loss he is left without any means of subsistence both for him- 
self and for the inhabitants of the city. In fact there is nothing left that could be 
■taken" or "given." That portion of the letter which mentions the "Lord's" 
and ••kind's" father, m Na-zi- ilu En-lil, may be transcribed and translated as follows 
(24 :24f. : 

24 ii abulia ( KA.GAL) era (URU- Also the mighty bronze-gates together 

DC )»<■>>! DA"""'" u lahra ( = GA- with the two-year-old ewes which 

NAMYshattu-Hshaish-tubiel-na-ti* (were kept there) since the time 

25 sha m NA-zi- iltt En-lU a-bi-ka ii adi of Nazi-Enlil, thy father, even unto 

( = EN) ihai"" (this) day, 

1 Abiilln <ru"" sh i- a composite noun in the plural, for the formation of which see Delitzsch, drum., p. 193, £ 73. 

- 1).\ here to be taken probably in the sense of le'u, Abel-Winckler, Keilschrifttexte, Sign List. No. 221 ; M. issuer. 
lib ogramme, No. 17oj 

lor GANAM = lahra, "ewe." see E. Ii. II.. p. 313. and lor MU-II, ibidem, pp. 369ff. 

' Ish-tu b\e\-na-ti u adi ( = EN) Omi"". The ish-tu be-na-ti, standing here in opposition to adi dmi, 

must signify in this connection some kind of a terminus <• quo. Benati is. no doubt, related to bennu, which Delitzsch 
H. W. Ii.. p. 1806, translates by "lather"; el. also Zimmern, Shurpu, p. 54, 35, who renders it by "Ahnherr." If this be 
true. I would like to see in benati either a plural of benHtu = (binn-utu=biniutu = )binuttu, which latter word occurs also in 
Amarna, B. 24 : 22. mar ship-ri-ka i-nn hl-„ii-nl-ti [Li-i] iUi-ka, i.e., "when thy messenger came formerly," or a forma- 
tion like salu, ahrati, dar&ti, ruqati, lor which see Delitzsch, Gram., p. 189, and I.e., i 65, No. 37. on p. 177. above. BCnMi 
in our passage refers undoubtedly to the "times of the father" oi the "Lord," hence must mean something like "tin.i 
of preceding generation," "the time when one's lather was living." The root, then, would be '»<««, from which we lis 
banii, "father, begetter." Adi iimi"" stands here for adi Ami an-ni-i. 

n e 


26 \e\-ka-ku l (?) u i-na-an-na be-li it-ti- (the floods) have destroyed. And now 

[dishdf my "Lord" knows that 

27 [i(l)-la] 2 -ka-an-ni i-na-an-na ki-i i-li- they (the inhabitants of the city) will 

[ka-an-n]i 2 come to me (sc. for pay, 1. 29). 

Now, when they have come (i.e., 
when they are there) , 

28 [a zu-un-n]a 3 LU(?) mcsh7 lahru ( =GA- what shall I take and give (them), see- 

NAM) shattu-II i-si-ru* mi-na-a[' } .]' ing that the floods have encircled 

the flocks and the 

29 [hd]-qa-am-ma lu-ud-di-in* two-year-old ewes? 

As the succession of the Cassite kings from Kuri-Galzu sihru down to Kashtiliashu 
is well known and absolutely controllable both by the publications of the B. E. 
and the "List of Kings," and as Nazi-Enlil cannot have reigned before Burna- 
Buriash — for no documents of the Cassite period have been found at Nippur which 
antedate the last-named ruler — it is at once evident that Nazi-Enlil, together with 
his son, the be-li of No. 24, must have reigned during the time that elapsed between 
Burna-Buriash and Kuri-Galzu sihru. 

We saw that the Cassites revolted during the reign of Kadashman-Harbe = 
Kara-Hardash against their king, killing him, and selecting in his stead a king of 
their own choice, a certain Nazi-Bugash or Shuzigash. We also heard that Ashshur- 

1 E-ka-ku. One might expect e-ka-lu, but against this is to be said: (1) the ku, although somewhat doubtful, 
cannot be very well lu. Having examined the sign repeatedly I am unable to discover even the faintest indication of a 
middle perpendicular wedge; (2) if this were a form of akOlu, one would look for i-ka-lu. A present tense, e-ka-lu = 
ik-ka-lu, is senseless here. In view of these difficulties I am inclined to connect this form with akdkdti(1), II. W. />'., 
p. 53a, which Delitzsch, however, leaves untranslated. Seeing that akuk&ti is a syn. of a-sham-shxi-tum and this = 
IM.GHVL.LA resp. IM.RI.GHA.MUN (Del., I.e., p. 146a, Orkan) I propose to translate akuk&ti by storm-flood (cf. 
also RI.GHA.MUN, an attribute of Ramman, the bel abubii), used either literally or figuratively. In the latter sense it 
is used also of "spears," which are "thrown" in such numbers into a city that they practically "pour down upon" or 
"overflood" a city. In this meaning it is to be found in Sarg. Ann. l6&,anapuhur&Mnishunua-kv^?)-karartiad-di-ma, 
"into all their cities I threw a veritable flood (of spears)." The root of e-kti-ku would be pp>' or "|D}\ it, standing 
for i'kakO, = ckakA, with a in the Preterit. The subject of Skaku is the zunnu u mild in 11. 2(1, 21 : the floods have 
overflooded = destroyed. 

2 These emendations are, of course, very doubtful, but they seem to me the must, probable ones. For aldku c. 
ace, "to go, come to," see besides Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 66a, also Jensen, K. H., VI 1 , pp. 4tit, 175. If the emendations 
be correct, these forms would stand for i-/«(resp. i-li-)-ku-in-ni. 

3 The traces of these signs cannot possibly be amended to KA.GAL era""" 1 ' DA me,h , 1. 24. For LU = UDU = 
|KX, see E. B. //., pp. 343ff. 

I Est'ru, "to encircle," is here parallel to lamii, used of "floods"; see above, 1. 21), i-na la-me-e na-di. 
5 Hardly anything missing alt it mi-na-a. 

II For the force of this hi Sea dvoiv e!.,e.g., B. E., XIV, 38 : '.», 10, "that and that," '".V. i-liq-qa-am-ma a nu 
m Y. i-nam-din, " X. shall take and give to Y.," i.e., "X. shall pay back to Y.," and I.e., Ill : 10, 11, "the grain . 

at harvest time," is-si-ra-am-ma i-nam-din-ma, "he shall put up and give," i.e., "he shall return." 


uballit, king o\ Assyria, eager to secure and preserve the Babylonian throne for 
his great-grandchild, Kuri-Galzu, went out, killed Nazi-Bugash and put Kuri- 

Galzu upon the throne. Now it is not at all likely that the Cassites would have 
acquiesced in such a despotic act of the Assyrian king as to kill the king of their 
choice and liking; nor is it human nature to suppose that the enraged Cassites would 
have joyfully received the new child-king by the grace of Ashshur-uballit. On the 
contrary, they will have endured this insult only as long us they had to; they will 
have waited eagerly for the first moment, for the first opportunity to strike back 
and rid themselves' of a king who was forced upon them. This opportunity came 
when Ashshur-ul.allit died, which he, no doubt, did soon after Kuri-Galzu had 
been seated upon the throne, seeing that he must have been well advanced in years 
if he could put a great-grandchild upon the Babylonian throne. With Ashshur- 
uballil out of the way and Kuri-Galzu still a child, the time was propitious to strike 
and to strike hard. And the Cassites did strike. The result of this ' 'striking" is 
embodied in letter No. '_>4: they put up a king who was a king indeed— a king by 
///, voia oj tin people. El vox populi est vox dei: he was a divinely appointed ruler, 
a ruler '•whom Ann, Enlil, E.A, and Belit-ili themselves had presented with a king- 
ship excelling in grace and righteousness." I see then in the be-D of No. 24 a counter- 
king of Kuri-Galzu during at least the first years of the hitter's reign. But if the 
be-Pi was a contemporary of Kuri-Galzu, then the Lord's father, Nazi-Enlil, must 
have lived at the time of Nazi-Bugash. In view of the fact that both these names 

I »egin with Nazi, and considering how easy it is to misread and mistranslate the name 
of a god when idee .graphically written, I propose to identify both. The Synchronistic 
History is, as we saw above, rather arbitrary in transcribing names expressed by ideo- 
graphs. Now as "7<:////7 may also be written ""E.KUR, which latter is according to 

II R. 54, No. '■>>, 10. identified with Anum? and as Anum changes with Bugash in such 
proper names as Gu-zar-AN and Gu-za-ar-za-ar-Bugash, Gu-zal-za-ar-Bugash, it is not 
unlikely that the name .Nazi-Enlil was written N a-zi-"" E-KU R in the original from 
which S. II. compiled his story. This Na-z,-'" KKUR S. H. read Nazi-Bugash, 2 and 
Ch. P. shortened it to Shuzigash. 

Furthermore, Kalbu, the writer, praises his Lord and king as "light of his 
brothers," which implies that the bc-l) had brothers. It happens that there is 
mentioned in B. E., XIV, 10 : 56, a certain »'E-mid-a-na-""Marduk, who is termed 
TUR LUGAL, "son. of the king," and who lived, according to that tablet, in the 
first year of Kuri-Galzu (1. 1). This Emid-ana-Marduk cannot have been the son 

1 See also my B< I, th, < Christ, pp. 17, 16. 

' Thus identifying <>"E.KVR according to II R. 54, No. 3, 10 with AN{ -Bugash), instead of « "EX.LIL. For 

.1 A as a name of i,u £nlil see p. 80. 



of Kuri-Galzu, because the latter was himself a child, nor can he have been a son 
of Kadashman-Harbe, i.e., a brother of Kuri-Galzu, because if he were he would 
have to be a younger(\y brother; but a younger brother of a sihru, "a child," would 
not receive "salary," nor can he have been an Assyrian prince — his name speaks against 
such a supposition; hence the only conclusion at present possible to reach is that 
Emid-ana Jlu Marduk was a son of Nazi-Bugash = Nazi-Enlil and a brother of the be-lh 

of No. 24. 2 

On the basis of the above-given investigations we are prepared to establish the 
following succession of the Cassite kings covering both periods, the Amarna and 
that which follows immediately upon it. During the latter our letters here pub- 
lished have been written. 


A shshur-uballit 



Kara-Indash I 

I (?) 
Burna-Buriash I 

Kadashman-Enhl I 

Kuri-Galzu I ; daughter 


Burna-Buriash II, " ances- 
tor of Kuri-Galzu II " 
j (son ?) 

Kar(a)-In,dash II; U-la- 

Bu-ri-ia-ash, s king of 





1 For footnotes see page 72. 

— Shuzigash 

Kuri-Galzu II, sihru,* " of 
the house of Burna-Buriash" 

(to be followed by the kings 
as given above, p. 1.) 


Nimmuria (— Amen- 

hotep III) 


i * 

daughter; Naphuria 

(zz Amen-hotep IV) 

■'Na-zi- Uu En-HI 

be-ll (No. 24) ; Emid-ana- 


(b) The seat of residena of the Cassite kings a< the time when (ho letters here 
published were written. 

1 [f he \ver< the oldi r brother, he (and not the child Kuri-Galzu) would have been the rightful heir to the throne 
lab) Ion. 

• For a complete rendering ol this letter see below under "Translations." 
Mi ntioned in /•' /•.'.. 6405 (Weissbach, Babylonisclu Wiscellen, p 7), where he is called the "son (TUR) of Bur- 
-ia-4sh." Cf. now also Thureau-Dangin, 0. /. /.. January, L908, Sp. 31f., who is of different opinion. 
•Through the kindness of the Editor, Prof. Bilprecht, who gave me special permission (letter of June 22, 1908) 
to do so, 1 am enabled to add here a note about the several papers, treating of the same period discussed above, which 
have appeared since the Ms. had been approved and sent to the press. These papers are (a) F. E. Peiser, Chronik I' 
,mil synchron '. " L. '/■ . January, 1908, Sp. 71.. and again, I.e., Sp. 1 Wf.; (6) A. Ungnad, Zur Chronologie der 

Kassitendynastie, I.e., Sp. in., and ibidem, Sp, I39f.; (c) - 1 A.. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna-Tafeln, pp.34ff., especially p. 
IS n iched me March, 1908); (<i) Thureau-Dangin, Z. A., XX] (1907-8), pp. I76ff. (see also above, p. 5<>, note 1); 
I 1 /. /., January, 1908, Sp. 31f.; Journal Asialiqut , Janv.-F6v., 1908, pp. 1 171V. (received July 1, 1908), and the correc- 
tions i" the last-named paper. 0. /.. / . June, 1908, Sp. 275f. (was not accessible to me till July 1 I, 1908). 

]\ isi r's and Knudtzon's genealogy of the kings of this period is nothing but Weissbach re-edited with some slight 
modifications, hence we need not dwell on their arrangement here. Ungnad omits Buma-Buriash I (why?) and Kara- 
Indash II. About the latter he remarks (I.e., Sp. 13): "Ein anderer Karaindai war wohl der Gemahl der Muballital- 
clbst lcaum Konig gewesen." It is hardly to be expected that the Assyrian king Ashshur-ubattil with Ins 
pronounced intentions towards the Babylonian throne would give in marriage his daughter M uliullitul-Sht run to a Baby- 
lonian prince who was not, at some time or another, destined to become the king of Babylonia, nor would he have been so 
anxious to avenge his "son-in-law" if it had not been for the fact that he wanted to preserve the throne of Babylon tor 
"his own family," £.< . for the descendant of his own daughter. Ungnad's (and Knudtzon's) reading Kadashman-garbe 
instead ol Kada hman-Enlil) is quite arbitrary. Though the Cassite Uarbe was identified with Enlil, from this it does 
not yet follow that Enlil in Cassite names has always to be read gurbr. We know that ''"Enlil is = >'"Ekur = 
An., but it would be preposterous to read ilu Enttl= An, or An = ilu Enlil (see also Thureau-Dangin. J. A., 1908, p. 121, 
17- Though Ungnad establishes otherwise the same succession as the one given above, yet I cannot agree with 
him in details. His argument, I.e., Sp. 12, 2, based upon the expression ishtu .... adi of B. E. t XIV, 39 : 8, to 
show that Kuri-Galzu, the son of Kadashman-ffarbe, was the same as our Kuri-Galzu I. the son of Kadashman-Enlil I. 
contemporaries of Amen-hotep III, are contradicted by No. 24 : 24, ish-tu bt-na-ti shd "'Xa-zi- 1 '" Enlil a-hi-ka(\) 
Ami, for which see above, p. 68, note 1. Ungnad's statement (I.e., Sp. 12, nob' 1) that abbu (with double b) 
has to be always a plural is simply an assertion without any argument. Abbu, like ahjiu, is very often nothing 
but a graphic peculiarity of these' times. With regard to the investigations of Thureau-Dangin the following: 
In his latest attempt (0. L. '/.., 1908, Sp. 275) this scholar arranges the predecessors of Kuri-Galzu (the father 
ol Vazi-Maruttash), to whom he assigns the 22d place .among the Cassite kings, in the following fashion: (lfi) 
/„ lash /, (17) Kadashman-Qarbe I, his son, (18) Kuri-Galzu I, his son (contemporary of Amen-hotep III); (19) 
in-Enlil I , his son , (20) Buma-Buridsh, his son (contemporary of Amen-hotep IV); {'21) Kara-Indash II. "petit- 
It Burna-buriai" ; {Nazi^Bugash, "usurpateur") ; (22) Kuri-Galzu, "second(T) fits tie Burna-buriaS" and father of 
Maruttash. A comparison of this arrangement with the one postulated above will show the following differences: 
a) Kadashman-Qarbe = Kara-Qardash is left out. The reason lor this omission is given by Thureau-Dangin, J. A., 
1908, p. 1-7, in the following words: "Kara-hardal et Kara-indai mentionne's par VHistoire synchronique reprisenient It 
meme personnagi (but why?). On a supposi que Kara-indai pourrait Ure le pere de Kara-h/irdaS. Mais le ridacteur n'a 
dire qu'Ahir-ubaliit etait venu pour venger le pere du roi assassini." But this is exactly what he did want to 
say, see above p. 00. (/>) With regard to Kadashman-Qarbe Thureau-Dangin (0. L. Z., 100.S, Sp. 275) refers to Knudtzon, 
l.c, p. 34, note 2, to Ungnad, 0. L. Z., 1908, pp. 12. 15, and to his own remarks in J. A., 1908, p. 12S, where he says: 
"V introduction de ce personnage a peut-Ure son explication dans I, jail que le ridacteur de la Chronique P aura confondu 
Kuri-galzu le -hum, fds de Burna-buriai, am- Kuri-galzu I"', fits de Kadashman-h/irbe. II faut sans doute restituer a 


Prof. Winckler, when discussing the Elamitic invasion under Kitin-lmtrutash 1 
at the time of '" i,u EN.LIL.MU.MU (i.e., Enlil-nddin-shumu, generally, read Bel- 
nadin-shum) , who is mentioned in the ' 'List of Kings" immediately after Kashtiliashu 
II, says (Das alte Westasien, p. 20) : "Unter dem nur \h Jahre regierenden Bel-nadin- 
sham I, fdlU Kitin-hutrutash, Konig von Elam, in Babylonien ein, verwustet Dur-ilu 
.... und erobert Nippur, das von den Kassiten Konigen bevorzugt und wohl vielfach 
als Residenz benutzt wurde." 

Indeed, Nippur has been the favored city of the Cassites since they ascended 
the throne of Babylon, for already Gandash 2 , the first of the Cassite kings, called 
Nippur "my city"; 3 but that it ever had been used as a Cassite residence has, 
though it was surmised by Winckler, never been proved. 

Without going into details here, I am prepared to maintain, upon the basis of 
the evidence furnished by these letters, that ever since the time of Burna-Buriash II till 
Kashtiliashu II, and possibly longer, as the campaign of Kitin-hutrutash against Nippur 
would indicate, Nippur was, if not the, then at least a royal residence of the Cassite 

I'histoire de Kadashman-hjirbe, pere de Kuri-galzu /'''. le recit de la guerre conire les Sufiens." He accordingly assigns to 
this Kadashman-garbe, the son of Kara-Indash (Ch. P., I, 51'.), place No. 17, and identifies him with Kadashman- 
garbe, the father of Kuri-Galzu I (B. E., XIV, 39:8; Winckler, Z. A., II, p. 309). Though the latter identification is 
undoubtedly correct (see above, p. 64), yet the Kuri-Galzu, the son of Kadashman-Qarbe, is not Kuri-Galzu I, but Kuri- 
Galzu II, sihru (see above, p. 64). From this it. follows that Ch. P. did not only not confound Kuri-Galzu, the son of 
Burna-Buriash, with Kuri-Galzu, the sun of Kadashman-ffarbe, but, on the contrary, knew that both Kuri-Galzus were 
one and the same person. For the reason why Kuri-Galzu should have called himself both "son of Burna-Buriash " 
and "son of Kadashman-Sarbe" see above, p. 66. (c) With regard to No. 19 I may be permitted to ask: "On what 
authority does Thureau-Dangin maintain his statement that Kadashman-Enlil I is the son of Kuri-Galzu II" (d) 
Burna-Buriash, whom he mentions under No. 20, Thureau-Dangin identifies on the one hand with [ . . . . ]-ri-ia-ash, 
the son of Kadashman-Enlil (Hilprecht, 0. B. I., V, No. 68), and on the other with the Burna-Buriash known from 
Knudtzon, I.e., 9, 19 (cf. No. 11, Rev. 19), where this ruler calls Kuri-Galzu "my father," a-bi-ia, maintaining at the 
same time that the expression "father" has to be taken in the sense of "ancetre" (O. L. Z. t 1908, Sp. 275). Though 
it is true that aim may, and very often does, mean "ancestor" (Tigl.-Pil. I, col. VIII, 47; Knudtzon, I.e., 10 : 19, com- 
pared with M. D. O. G., No. 25, p. 40) — just as TUR = maru very often means "descendant"— yet Thureau-Dangin 
still owes the arguments resp. convincing reasons that abu of Knudtzon, I.e., 9, 19, has la or must be taken in the sense 
of ancestor. Again, the name [. . . .]-ri-ia-ash of 0. B. I., I 1 , No. 68, may be read with Hilprecht, B. E., XX 1 , p. 52, 
note l.[Sha-garak-ti-Shu]-ri-ia-ash (the space is large enough for this emendation), see above p. 1. Thirdly, following 
Thureau-Dangin's methods, we might quite as well maintain that the dumu-sag of 0. B. I., V, No. 68, means "principal 
descendant," thus making Shagarakti-Shuriash a "grandson" (instead of a " second ? son " ) of Kadashman-Enlil. By the 
way, on what authority does Thureau-Dangin claim that Shagarakti-Shuriash was the son of Kudur-Enlill (e) Why does 
Thureau-Dangin (following Ungnad) omit Burna-Buriash PI Does he identify him with Burna-Buriash, the son (resp. 
grandson) of Kuri-Galzu I and ancestor (resp. father) of Kuri-Galzu II, What are his arguments for doing so? 
The result: Thureau-Dangin has failed to bring in any convincing arguments which would force us to modify the above- 
given arrangement. 

1 See Ch. P., col. IV, 14f. 

2 Written '"Ga-ad-ddsh (= UR). 

3 Ali-ia Ni-ip-pu (sic\), see Winckler, U. A. G., p. 156, No. 6, 1. 11. 

7 1 i i ill i:s id CASSITE K [NGS 

kings. This Follows (1) from the fact thai these letters, having been addressed to 
the be-h, i.e., to the king, were found in Nippur: letters, if discovered al Nippur mid 
found to be addressed to the king, presuppose thai the king must have lived al that 
place; (2) from internal evidence, (a) Kishajibul, when answering an inquiry of the 
king concerning "wool." says, :>.">: L3, dsh-shutn SIG bl1 i-na En-lil 1 " a-na be-l\-ia 
aq-ta-bi, i.e., "as regards the wool (1 beg to say that) I have spoken aboul i( to my 
'Lord 'in Nippur." This shows thai Kishahfiut, although "out of town" when he wrote 
his letter, must have been at one time in Nippur, where he reported to his "bold" 
about the disposition of the wool; bul this he could not do except the king himself 
was residing in Nippur. Now, as Kishahbut was a contemporary of Kadashman- 
Twrgu (see below, pp. I20ff.), it follows that this king lived in Nippur. (o) 
P&n-AN .GAL-lu-mnr, a resident of Dur-ilu, when explaining to NIN-nu-ii-a why 
he had not sent a messenger previously, says, 89 : 211". : mar ship-ri-ia shd a-na 
i'.n-lil a-na muh LUGAL ash-pu-ru ki i-mu-ru-ka ma-la a-sap-rak-kv. iq-ba-a, i.e., 
' 'my messenger whom I had sent to Nippur to the king was, when he would see thee, 
to have told everything I had written thee." Nothing can show more plainly than 
this passage that the king actually did live and reside in Nippur, where he received 
not only the reports of his trusted servants, 1 but where he also (y) gave orders for 
the disposal of certain goods, see 27 : 29f . : // hilt it slid Kn-ltV" shd be-lh u-she-bi-la 
it XX ma-na shd ardi-ka ""Erba-^Marduk id-di-na ki-i u-za-i-zu XL nut-mi SIG' 
ir-te-hii-/ti-i n-it i; i.e., "(and with regard to) the two talents (of wool) of ( = for) 
Nippur which my 'Lord' has ordered to be brought and the 20 ma-na which thy 
servant Erba-Marduk has paid, (I beg to state that) after they had divided them, 
they left me (a rest of) only 40 ma-na." The "Lord" to whom Kudurani sends this 
letter (No. 27) is again Kadashman-Turgu ; hence also according to this epistle that 
king must have resided in Nippur. 

The king, however, did not always stay in Nippur, but made, like every good 
"father of his country," occasional visits to other towns, where he condescended to 
hear the complaints and grievances of his subjects; of such an incident we read in 
23:33f.: dsh-shum amelu USH .BAR mesh an-nu-ti shd i-na alu Pa-an-Ba-li H ka-lu-v. 
t-ntt C-pt-i k ' a-na be-li-ia aq-ta-bi it shd-la-shi-shu a-na mu-uh be-li-ia al-tap-ra 
be-lh li-ish-pu-ur-ma li-U-qu-ni-ish-shu-nu-ti , i.e., "as regards these weavers who are 
being held in Pan-Bali, (I beg to state that) I have not only spoken about them 
to my 'Lord' in Up.i, but I have written three times to my 'Lord.' My 'Lord' may 
at last send that they take them away {i.e., that they be liberated)." According to 

1 CI', hero also such passages as 27 : 20: i-na alu-ki i-na ashab be-lir-ia a-na be-l\-ia aq-ta-bi-ma] i.e., "in the city 
(i.e., Nippur) in the presence of my ' Lord ' I have spoken to my ' Lord.' " See also 3 : 122. 


this the king was at one time in Upi, where he received the writer [Imgujrum in 
audience. The king had promised him to "do something" for the imprisoned 
weavers, but had, after leaving Upi for Nippur, forgotten all about his promise. The 
writer was determined that the weavers should be liberated; he had written four 
times to his Lord, reminding him of his promise, by addressing this (No. 23) and 
three previous communications to him at Nippur. As Imgurum, the writer, was a 
contemporary of Burna-Buriash (see below, p. 94), it follows that also Burna-Buriash 
must have resided in Nippur. 

In this connection a passage of Ch.P., col. Ill, 9, receives a new and welcome light. 
There it is recorded that Kuri-Galzu, after having conquered the """ a Tam-ti[)n, col. 
II, 1. 6], added also Babylon and Borsippa unto his country. 1 How could this be 
done, seeing that Kuri-Galzu had been seated by Ashshur-uballit upon the throne of 
Babylon? How could he possibly have added Babylon and Borsippa to his land, if 
he resided, as ' 'king of Babylon, " in Babylon? Surely, if we are able to read between 
the lines, the succession of events during the reign of Kuri-Galzu must be recon- 
structed in the following fashion: Ashshur-uballit, after having killed Nazi-Bugash 
and after having proclaimed his great-grandson king of Babylon, foresaw, no doubt, 
some such event as was pictured on p. 70, i.e., he feared that the Cassites would arise 
again and, if possible, get rid of his "child-king." In order, therefore, to insure the 
safety of Kuri-Galzu he established him, not in Babylon, nor perhaps even in Nippur, 
but possibly in Dur-Kuri-Galzu — a fortress founded by the older Kuri-Galzu 2 
and situated near Nippur. Here he probably lived as long as the be-Vi of No. 24 3 
had power enough to maintain his independence. As soon as Kuri-Galzu felt that 
he was sufficiently strong to cope with his enemies, he went out and conquered them, 
first of all the Cassite party in allegiance with Nazi-Bugash or his sons, then the sea 
country, in order to prevent a possible attack from the rear, and last of all Babylon. 

As soon as Kuri-Galzu had gotten rid of the be-Vi of No. 24, he established, as is 
to be expected, his residence in Nippur, where he lived till he had conquered Babylon. 
After the conquest of Babylon he possibly might have resided also in that city, 
though there is as yet no proof to that effect. 

1 Ch. P., Ill, 9, Dl\'.TER ki u Bar-sap ki muh seri( = EDlN)-ia lu-ti-slia-at-tir; i.e., "Babylon and Borsippa I 
caused to write ( = I had them written, added by means of a treaty after a successful war) to my laud (lit. field)." 
To EDIN cf. here the greeting, "to the field (EDIN), etc., of my 'Lord' greeting," which shows that EDIN in the 
passages given above (p. 34) means the whole territory over which the "Lord" was king. 

z Cf. H. E., XIV, 1 : 111'., where Ddr-Kuri-Galzu is mentioned in the 11th year of Burna-Buriash. See already 
above, p. 9, note 2. 

3 Who likewise must have resided — for a time at least — in Nippur, or else this letter could not have been 
excavated there. 


\- long, then, as we have such indisputable evidence :is to the royal residence' 
.>!' the Cassite kings at this period we will have to look upon Nippur as a, if not the, 
residence of all Cassite kings from Burna-Buriash II to Kashtiliashv //; and if so, we 
will surely find, at some future time, if the excavations of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania are to be continued, as is to lie earnestly hoped and desired, a royal palace 
befitting the glory and splendor of the "king without equal," of Kuri-Galzu sih,ru 
and his descendants. Prof. Hilprecht regards the largely unexplored lofty group of 
mounds forming the eastern corner (cf. the map in Series I), Vol. 1, p. 305) of the 
temple complex as the probable site of the palace of the early patesis of Nippur and 
also of the Cassite rulers— a palace which, like the Sargon palace at Khorsabad, at 
the same time constituted the strongest bastion in the huge outer temple wall. 1 

The nature ami purpose of the "Temple Archives," including the letters 
here published, and their relation to "Royal Archives." 

When I studied Prof. Clay's introduction to B. E., Vol. XIV, purporting to 
give a general survey of the nature of "Temple Archives," as far as they had been 
published by him. the questions uppermost in my mind, about which I hoped to 
receive some information and instruction, were: What are "Temple Archives"? 
What is their nature and purpose? What do they represent? Clay answers these 
questions in the following manner (B. E., XIV, p. 5): "With the exception of 
about fourteen 2 documents these inscriptions (i.e., the 'Temple Archives') are 
records of the receipt of taxes or rents from outlying districts about Nippur; of 
commercial transactions conducted with this property; and the payment of salaries 
of the storehouse officials as well as of the priests, and others in the temple service. 
In other words, they refer to the handling and disposition of the taxes after they 
had been collected. " If I understand his explanation of the contents of these tablets 
correctly, I gather that, according to his interpretation, "archives," such as have 

1 Cf. Hilprecht in B. E., Series D, Vol. I, p. 485, and "The So-called Peters-Hilprecht Controversy, " p. 254. 
See also above, p. 9, note 2. 

1 The fourteen documents which form the exception are enumerated. I.e., p. 2, note 1. They are Nos. 1, 2. 7, 
8, 11, 39. 40. 41, 119. 123, 127, 12So, 129, 135. It will be noticed that, e.g.. neither the "inventory" tablets nor the text 
published in B. £., XIV, 4, are enumerated among these exceptions. I therefore drew the natural inference from the 
above given enumeration that tablet X T o. 4 (B. E., XIVi was likewise regarded by the author of the volume as "a 
record of the handling and the disposition of the taxes," etc., especially as in the "Table of Contents," I.e., p. 61, sub 
4, not a word was said with regard to the, peculiar contents of this tablet. Cf. my statement in Old Penn, February 16, 
1907, p. 3, col. Ill, below. However, in a later issue of Old Penn (February 23, 1907, p. S, col. Ill), my attention was 
called to a passage occurring in Clay's " Light em the <H<I Testament from Babel." p. 312, from which I learned with pleas- 
ure that the true nature of the text in question was stated then'. Cf. now also Jastrow, Die Bel. Bab., p. 277, note 4. 
As a religious text of a similar type as those known from the Library of Ashurban&paJ it is preferable to exclude this 
tablet Xo. 4 from our present discussion. 


been published by him, are "records of the handling and the disposition of the taxes 
from outlying districts about Nippur after they had been collected!" Clay's reasons for 
calling these archives Temple Archives are the following (B. E., XIV, p. 6). The 
taxes are temple revenues because : 

(1) Payments are made out of the mashsharti slid ekalli (written E.GAL), 
' 'temple stipend" (XV, 47) ; out of the GISH.BAR.GAL Ut-ili, ' 'full tax of the house 
of god" (XV, 37) ; to the ardu and atntu ekalli ( == E.GAL), "male and female temple 
servants" (XV, 152 : 15 and 200, III(!) : 9, 38). 

(2) "Priests" (ishshaku), "the temple gateman" (a-bil bdbi blt-a-nu (sic), XV, 
93), "the temple shepherd" (ndqidu sha biti, XIV, 132 : 15), "the singer" (zammeru, 
XIV, 6:4) are salaried officers. 

(3) The property handled is spoken of as the possession of the god, cf. VI 
(sic, read / SHV) 1 gur she' urn GISH.BAR.GAL sha Hi (XIV, 16 : 1), "60 guroi grain 
of the full tax the property of the god." 

(4) The temple in these archives is usually called bitinu, "our house," cf. VI 
gur LXXXIV qa SHE.BA(\) a-mi-lu-ti sha biti-nu, "VI gur LXXXIV qa, wages 
for the men of our house" (no reference given 2 ), or simply bitu, "house," cf. ipru 
mare biti(-ti), "wages for the sons of the house" (XV, 200, I : 38). 

With regard to the relation of the Temple to the State, Clay, I.e., p. 6, comes 
to the following conclusion : 

"There is little in the documents (i.e., the Temple Archives) to show that the 
revenues were collected in the interests of the State, or that the king was a bene- 
ficiary, unless perhaps tablet No. 26 : 3 of Vol. XV, which reads: sha a-na SHE.BA(\) 
Xippur' 1 ii Dur-Ku-ri-Gal-zu, "which is for the maintenance of Nippur and Dxir- 
Ku-ri-Gal-zu. " This statement is made even in view of the fact (I.e., p. 7) that 
"amounts are also paid (XIV, 148), sha si-ri-bi-shu sha sharri, a-na nu-ri sha 
sharri, a-na sharri." 

It was necessary to state Clay's views about Temple Archives at some length 
here, because I beg to differ from him upon important points. But before stating 
my own view with regard to the character and contents of the Temple Archives, 
it seems desirable to add a few words about two terms often occurring in these texts. 

The chief reason why Clay did not recognize the true character and nature of 

1 SHU is an abbreviation of shii-shu = soss = (id, just as <»« is abbreviated from ma-ma. For SHU cf. also B. E., 

XV 19 : 20 | 73 : 15 | 149 : 44 | 154 : 45 | 199 : 29, 10, and sec the later KU = rubu or "prince" a g the numbers, 

which shows that KU has to be read shtt{shu). 

-„But>e B. E., XV, 41 : 3. 



the "Temple Archives" is to be found in the fad thai he failed to sec any difference 
between /-.'.'-.I/. ekallu "palace," sc. of the king, and E-nu, •'our house," 

• •our temple. " 

E.GAL or ekallu in our letters as well as in B. /•-'.. Vols. XIV and XV, docs 
not signify the "temple" (Clay, /»'. E., XIV, p. 6; XV, p. 18, transl. of No. 7. above), 
l„,i „/. uys the ''royal palace." This follows evidently from />'. /•-'.. XV, 50 a (able! 
which 1 translate and interprel differently than Dr. Clay; see I.e., p. 17, No. 7. 
On account of its importance 1 may be permitted to reproduce it here in transcrip- 
tion, adding to it the translation as given by Clay: 

1 3 (GUR) 90 (Clay wrongly 84) (go) 


2 '" ""XXX-is-saU-ra • 

3 «'■ Dili E.GAL ( ('/,■<//// 

4 ushe-is-sa-am-ma 

5 o-na n In-na-an-m 

6 i-ii(i-nii-(li)i 


8 s/wttM 15* om 

9 3 (Gf/i2) 90 (Clay again wrongly 84) 

(go) »«»XZX-I 

10 ASH.AN.NA ( 8iC ) is-sab-ra 


12 7-:/'-/'/ 

13 m iltt XXX-is-sah-ra 

3 <////• si ga of ashanna grain of the 1'ul 


(under) the seal of the temple 
carried away, 
and to Innannv. 
he shall pay. 

3 gwr 84 ga of ashanna grain 


in the royal seed gur 

of Nippur [shall measure.] 

[Seal of] Sin-issahra. 

Against this translation is to be said: (1) The expression ina SHE. BAR GUR 
LUGAL En-lil ki (11. 11, 12) can never mean "in the royal seed gur of Nippur," but 
would have to be translated, if En-lil ki really does belong to the preceding line, ' 'in (or 
"according") to the grain-measure of (a) GUR of the king of Nippur"; (2) but this 
translation shows at once that EnluV" cannot belong to LUGAL, because, firstly, the 
Cassite kings, though residing at Nippur, do not take the title "king of Nippur," and 
secondly, a royal gur was everywhere the same, the Nippurian did not differ from that 
of Babylon or Sippar; (3) the expression DUB E.GAL u-she-is-sa-am-nw (11. 3. 4) 
can be rendered only "per sealed order (""""DUB - anything that is sealed, "letter," 
"order," "decree," etc.) of the E.GAL (as such to be distinguished from the DUB 
E-nu, B. E., XV, 30 : 19) he caused to go out, " or ' 'he caused to carry away." Sin- 


issahra comes to Innanni, the chief bursar of the Temple storehouse, with a sealed 
order of the E.GAL calling for 3 gur and 90 qa of wheat, Innanni honors this order 
at once and gives permission to Sin-issahra to have it removed, but stipulates 
that the wheat is to be returned or paid back to him again. Accordingly 11. 1-8 
are a "statement" of Innanni in the "form of a note of indebtedness" (Schuldschein) , 
and as such quite different from a simple "note of indebtedness." (The latter 
would have to read : X gur of wheat Sin-issahra has per order of the E.GAL received 
(imhur) from (ina qdt) Innanni. DUB ""' U X XX -issahra). But any "statement 
in the form of a note of indebtedness" has, if it is to be valid, to be signed by the 
debtor. Sin-issahra, being the debtor, signs it in the briefest possible way: "3 
gur 90 qa of wheat Sin-issahra (sc. has received) according to the G UR (barley) - 
measure of the king.— Nippur.— Sin-issahra." Taking 11. Off. in this sense they 
contain the signature of the debtor in the form of a receipt, which makes the ' 'state- 
ment of indebtedness" a regular ' 'note of indebtedness." But, and this is important 
here, Sin-issahra wants grain ' 'per order of the E.GAL," and receipts for it as having 
been given him "according to the king's, i.e., the royal GUR." This shows quite 
clearly that in orders for the E.GAL royal measures were or had to be used, hence 
E.GAL cannot be the ' 'Temple," but must have been the palace of the king. At the 
same conclusion we arrive when considering sundry other passages. Cf. e.g., B. E., 
XIV, 167 : 10, where the amount of grain designated as PAD E.GAL is differentiated 
from that intended for the BAR ( = parakku) Uu En-lil (1. 8), etc., etc. If, then, the 
E.GALhe the "royal palace," we have to see in the kanl E.GAL a "palace or royal 
storehouse." Such a storehouse is mentioned in the archives and is called karu 
ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG ki . 1 Wheat which was paid at the karu ASH.TAB.BA. 
GAN.TUG'' 2 is called in the closing paragraph (B. E., XV, 38c : 27), ASH.AN.NA 
ska i-na mah-ri-im ini-hu-ru a-na ZER E.GAL nadna"" ; i.e., "wheat which they 
(= German "man") received formerly and which was given (paid) for (as) seed- 
corn of the 'palace.' " Again, B. E., XV, 96 is, as Clay correctly recognized (I.e., 
p. 22), "almost identical" with B. E., XV, 111, which was written two years later. 
As both tablets are payments of salaries to various officials whose names are iden- 
tical, or nearly so, in both tablets, and as the one (No. Ill) mentions ASH.TAB.BA. 
GAN.TUG 1 " (1. 24) as the place where the payments to these officials were made, 
while the other (No. 96 : 1, 25) informs us that it was Kan-du-ru\u ki ], we are justified 

1 B. E., XV, 135 : 7, so and so much flour {ki-mu), interest (IJAR.RA), a-na kanl E.UA I. a-na hard ASH. TAB. 
BA.OAN.TUG ki m Nu-na-ak-te ish-shi, "to the palace storehouse, i.e., to the storehouse of (or "called") ASH.TAB.BA. 
GAN.TUG Nunakte took." Cf. here also the fytrnin Ash-ta-ba in Bu. 91-5-9, 381 (C. T., II, 37), 1. G. 

2 B. E., XV, 38c : 1, ASH.AN.NA slid i-na karA ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUt; 1 ' GISH.BAR 5 qa nadnu"". 


in identifying both: ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG is Kan-du-ru-[<i kt \ l , maintaining 
at the same time thai both were a "palace storehouse.'"- As over against the E.GAL 
,»r ■•polar," (sc. of the king) the "Temple" is called E.A-nu, i.e., "House of 
A-nu." B. /•-'.. XV, 93 : •">. Clay, />'. E., XIV, p. 6, reads hlt-a-ini, "our house." 
But in view «>f the fact that (a) such a tuonst rous Babylonian form half Sumerian 
and half Semitic: E.A-nu btt-a-nu biti-nu would he. to say the least, very strange 
for this and later periods f (b) that in our letter, No. :;."> : 15, E.A-nu is followed imme- 
diately by bdb A-n\ti-um\: (c) that the determinative for "god," ////. is very often 
omitted before the names of gods in these texts. 1 prefer to read as given above. 
But in this connection it ought to he remembered that A-mt is simply the semiticized 
Sumerian for ilu. signifying in each and every ease the highest god of a city, whether 
that god he AN or Enlil or Marduk, or whether the city he Nippur or Babylon or 
Dur-Uu, etc. lu this way it happened that Enlil, the god of Nippur, was simply 
called AN (B. /•;.. XIV. Hi : 1 | 132 : 3, 4, 54 : XV. 97 :3 | 115 : 11 | 143 : 2 | 163 : 28), 
and the Temple of Enlil al Nippur was termed not only t.KUR {B. E., XIV, 148 :2), 
hut also ft.AN.KALAM.GAL, "the temple of the great god of the (Babylonian) 
world" (B. E., XIV. 148 : 15, 18; XV, 34 : 2), or merely E.AN (B. E., XIV, 24 : 16; 
XV, 37 : 1). That this E.AN or •■Coin slums" was indeed the temple of Enlil of 
Nippur is evident from a passage in B. E., XV, 128 : 14, which mentions the E.AN(l) 
F.ii-1,1' shd i-na libbi-nu, "the house of god ( - temple) of Nippur which is in our 
midst." Of this house the Nippurians speak as the E.AN E-nu, the "house of 
god our temple." B. E.. XIV, 159 : 2, or simply as E-nu, "our temple"; see, among 
other passages, also B.E., XIV, 148:45,47; XV, 38 : 2 | 44 : 6 | 71 : 6 1 73 : 10 | 77 : 5 | 
79 : 4 89 : 3 | 92 : 16 | 127 : 5 | 154 : 21 | 168 : 26. As there was a DUB E.GAL 
(B. E., XV, 50 : 3) so there existed also a DUB E-nu (B. E., XV, 36 : 19), as there 
are mentioned ardi resp. amai E.GAL (see p. 77) so there occur also a-mi-luHi 
shd E-nu {B. E., XV, 41 :3). All this, then, forces us to separate the E.GAL or 

1 Also written K,ni-dii-ri-e hi , see List in B. E., XV. It is also mentioned in our letters 18 : 38, [. . . .]"" s/ ' shd 
K,in-<lu-ri-c [. . . .]#-fa-aJ-fa*-ni [....] a-mi mu-uh-lii be-h-ia [ul-tc-hi]-<i. Cf. here also kadurru = kaddurrti = kanduru, 
Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 319a; />'. A., IV, 485, and Nagel, I.e., p. 482 : (1) Frohndienst, (2) Frohnarbeiter, Leibeigener. 
The city read by Clay, B. /•;.. XV, p. 536, Sh, ("!)-diHnt-u-er-tu ki has to be transcribed, of course, kan dv^ru-u "'"?'//''. 

2 For other occurrences of E.GAL cf., iv/.. the etrdi AV/.I Z. in letter No. 34 : 11 and B. £., XV, 84 : 2 | 152 : 15 | 
200 III : 3S; V : 6; amat (GIN) E-GAL, B. E., XV, 200 II : 33, 37; III : 2, 9, 21; lihittu(T) E.GAL, letter No. 50 : 11; 
shd-lam-ta-shti a-na E-GAL shu-bMam, 59 : 1, mash shar-M shd E.GAL = "special fund (of in GUR) se1 aside by the 
palace for the payment of .certain officers or otherwist ," B. E . XV, 17: 1. For mashshdrtu = "special fund," see p. 96, note 1. 

3 Cf. here also the amehi shd muh. E.A-nu, i.e., "overseer of the house of god," //., VIII, 855 : 1 , and see the EN E 
in B. E., XIV, 122 :4. 

' And is differentiated from the fi.GAL which precedes the E.A-nn\ 



' 'palace" from the E-nu resp. E.AN, E.A-nu or ' Temple." 1 If we thus distinguish 
between E.GAL and E.A-nu, the tablet published in B. E., XV, 93, becomes 
of special importance. We learn from it that a certain m Amel-Ba-nu-u, who is a 
a-bil bdbi E.A-nu, a "doorkeeper of the Temple," i.e., a Temple official, receives 
a certain amount of grain in "'" Kan-du-ri-e k: from Innanni, the chief bursar of the 
Temple storehouses during the time of Kuri-Galzu. But Kandure was, as we saw 
on p. SO, the same as ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG 1 ", the ' 'Palace storehouse" -hence a 
Temple official is paid out of the Palace storehouse, and Innanni, the chief bursar of 
the Temple storehouses, appears here also as the chief bursar of the Palace store- 
house; in other words, Innanni, the chief bursar, and Amel-Banu, the gatekeeper 
of the E.A-nu, were both Temple and Palace, i.e., royal officials, otherwise Innanni 
could not have exercised authority over the royal storehouse, nor could Amel- 
Banu have been paid out of it, No wonder, then, that Martuku, who succeeded 
Innanni in the capacity of chief bursar of the Temple storehouses during the reign 
of Nazi-Maruttash, is called in B. E., XIV, 56 :9, a-rad LUGAL, "servant of the 


Is it under these conditions to be wondered at that even the king himself- 
directly or indirectly— should appear as a beneficiary of the revenues of Enlil of 
Nippur? In proof of our contention that the king actually was such a beneficiary 
cf. the following expressions, occurring in the "Temple Archives": bil-la-ti shd 
LUGAL, B. E., XIV, 116 :l;e-li LUGAL, I.e., XV, 33, 34; bronce a-na i-ter (hardly 
shul, kar, see p. 88, note l)-ti « M 'MAR LUGAL, I.e., XIV, 124 : 16; a-na LUGAL, 
I.e., XIV, 148 : (43), 44, 46; na-gid shd LUGAL, I.e., XIV, 132 : 17; sak-shup-par 
LUGAL, I.e., XV, 154 :41; a-ra-ad shar-ri, I.e., XV, 199 :30; a-rad LUGAL, I.e., 
XIV, 56 : 9; -""SAG LUGAL, I.e., XIV, 132 : 2; GU.EN.NA EN.LI[L k % I.e., 
XIV, 136 : 1, etc., etc. Cf. also the facts indicated on p. 79, namely, that a royal 
measure (gur LUGAL) is employed in a Temple storehouse, and that Sin-tssahra, 
though acting as the head of the Palace storehouse of Kandure and as such giving 
grain a-na E-nu, i.e., "to our Temple" (B. E., XV, 89 : 3), receives grain ' 'per order 
of the Palace" {E.GAL) from Innanni, the bursar-in-chief of the Nippurian Temple 
storehouses. Cf. also the ina mufj LUGAL, p. 84, note 9. 

This result, derived solely from the "Temple Archives" as published by Clay, 
is more than corroborated by several passages from the letters here published. 

1 See here also the t li = btti in B. E., XV, 200 I : 17, and the ku-tal £", "the rear palace of the t ix ," in I.e., XV, 
SO : 11 (cf. Letters, No. 23 : 13, ku-tal; 23 : 8, ku-tal-li, and 60 : S, zfr ku-tal). An EN E = Ul b'di occurs, e.g., in H. E., 
XIV, 122 : 1. Whether this t i% ' means "palace," or more proba My "temple " cannot be made out as yet with certainty. 
The bel E is, no doubt, the same as the amelu shd muh E.A-nu, cf. //., VIII, 855 : 1. 



In Chapter 111 we have shown thai all lot tors addressed to the be-lh or "Lord" 
were intended for the king. Bearing this in mind I included in this collection, for 
definite reasons, the peculiar tablet published under No. 00. Whosoever merely 
glanced at the "Temple Archives" known from B. A'., XIV, XV, will recognize a 

similar document in the Obverse of No. 60, while the Reverse apparently is a letter 
addressed to the "Lord" (be4\) or king, in which an unknown writer begs him to 
command that, annum other things, certain oxen of the patesi's he brought down. 1 
Now. as the Obverse is a record concerning the receipt of grain (SHE) from certain 
crops (har-bu) of the patesi's, and as the Reverse contains a letter addressed to the 
king, the natural inference to be drawn from this letter is that the king was the person 
to whom such records had to l>< sail. In other words, this tablet proves that the 
Temple A rehires were records made and kepi for the king, as the highest official of the 
T, mple of Knlil at Nippur. The "Temple Archives," therefore, at the same time are 
Royal Archives. 

What was the purpose of these archives? Kishahlmt, when answering an 
inquiry of king Kadashman-Turgu whether sesame-oil had boon forwarded or not, 
writes to his ••Lord" as follows (35 :30ff.) : dsh-shum shamnu ( = NI.GISH) shd be-Vi-ia 
na-shu-[ma'!} il-ta-na-su a-na n Ku-du-r[a-ni] [ardi]-ka ki-i aq-bu-u um-ma-a shamnu 
( NI.GISH) i-na qdti-ia [i-din] be-l) a-na shatammi ( =SHAG.TAM) li-ish-pu-ra-ma 
shamnu ( == NI.GISH) shub( = RU)-la lish-ki-nu-[ma], i.e., "As regards the sesame- 
oil of my 'Lord' (I bog to report) : Tt has been removed' they read, when I spoke 
to Kudurani thy servant: '(live the sesame-oil to me.' My 'Lord' may now send 
to the shatammi that they store up the oil." 

The expression U-ta-na-su (P of nDt?) refers here apparently to the action of 
consulting a tablet recording that such and such an amount of sesame-oil had been 
removed (nashi) by a certain person in the name of the king or "per order of the" 
palace," "'■"'DUB J2.GAL. Everything that was either received from (shd ina 
qdt .... mahru) or .paid out to (shd ina libbi shd .... ana .... nadnu) or 
removed (shd ishtu .... nashd) or taken away from (shd ishtu .... laqii) or 
delivered to (shd ana .... shulu) or taken to (shd ana .... nashu, resp. laqti) 
the different storehouses or possessions of the Temple under royal administration 
had to be faithfully recorded on tablets under the name of the donor or recipient, for 
future reference (as here) or for the examination by the king, resp. his representatives. 
Hence the Temple .Archives primarily are "Records" embodying statements about 
many things in connection with the royal administration of the Temple property; 

1 No. (ill : 9, ii shd alpe mash sh.6 pa-tesi mah .... be-l\ H-hh-pu-ra-am-ma li-ri-irl-duj. . . .]. 


they are "Administrative Records," more particularly "Royal Administrative 
Business Records in connection ivith the Temple property, resp. its revenues." As 
such they give ns an insight into the methods employed by the king, resp. his repre- 
sentatives, while administering these revenues. 

The action of recording a certain item under the name of a person, city, etc., or 
names of persons, etc., in the so-called "Temple Archives," is referred to in such 
expressions as xx. shd i-na DUB.SHA.RA' . . . .MU '"X shat-ru (B. E., XIV, 
168 : 34, 43) or [xx. shd] i-na DUB shd dlu2 Ardi-B$lit( = GASHAN)"' 3 shd-at-ru 
(B. E., XV, 199 :37). "To record," then, is shatdru ina, and "Temple Archives" 
are called DUB, resp. DUB.SHA.RA. Besides these two there occur still the 
following names for "Archives," viz., DUB shu-ma-ti 4 (thus especially where several 
items are recorded under various names), or [DUB] shu-ma-a-t?, or dup-pi shu-ma-ti 9 , 
or dup-pi shu-ma^a-ti, 7 or DUB MU'" esh , s or only Ml/"" -8 '' 9 ; thus apparently desig- 
nated on account of the expression MU.BI.IM 10 = shumdti, found so often on tablets 
of this character. And as we meet instead of MU.BI.IM also GISH 11 or za-kar( [)-tum 12 
we may not be wrong in saying that "Temple Archives" were termed also DUB 
MU.BI.IM; DUB GISH' 3 ; DUB za-kar-tum; DUB MU.BI. 1 * At the end of each 

1 If the document records that the items are for a certain period, say, e.g., a year, this is entered here, thus shd 
shattix. kam , i.e., "for the year so and so," cf., e.g., B.E., XIV, 16S : 33. 

3 Or we might transcribe DUB.SIlA.Rt( = uru). 

3 This shows clearly that, because a tributary storehouse to that of Nippur, had to keep its own 
records . 

' B. E., XIV, 168 : 55; XV, 199 : 33, 37, 38, 44. 

5 B. E., XIV, 168 : 22, 58. 

6 B. E.. XIV, 99 : 60. 

I B.E..XIV, 99 :31. 

* B. E., XIV, 16S : 17. 

" 'in-bi-A-a-ri writes to the chief bursar Innanni, 85 : 8, SHE.BA MU mesh a-na m il "XXX-is-mh„-ra i-di-in, 
"the wages for those persons (= MU meah ) give to SinAssaJira," i.e., the wages as recorded on the tablet giving the 
"names" of the persons hand over to Sin-issafira; so, no doubt, better than shu'atu, because in business transactions 
the amount of wages must always be specified. But the specification was to be found on a tablet containing the MU" lcs 
= MU.BI.IM or "names." See p. 116, note 6. 

10 See B. E., XIV; XV passim. For MU.BI.IM we have also MU.BI, e.g., B.E., XIV, 51, 1. 

II B. E., XV, 59 • 2. 

12 B. E., XIV, 89 : 3. 

13 Cf. here also the interesting variant in B. E., XV, 59 : 12, SHE.gAR.RA GISH-rum(\) which corresponds 
to I.e., 11. 1, 2, SHE.gAR.RA .... GISH, hence GISH. = GISH-rum = zikarum rum = za-kar-tum. 

14 Cf. here also the MU.NE.NE in Cassite Tablets published by F. Peiser, e.g., P. 89 : 15; P. 100 : 6 (1. 5 only, 


year, i.e., either in the second' (so most generally), or the last,' or the sixth,' in other 
words, around the end of the first resp. sixth month, the differenl heads of the store- 
houses or of the possessions {e.g., flocks, etc.) of the Temple were required, ii seems, 
to make iheir yearly* reports, i.e., "to draw the balance of accounts" (epesh nikasi, 1 

resp. ri-ha-a-nu shd DUB.SHAR" I or "lake the inventory" of the stock (mi-nu 

shd) 1 iii the presence of (shd u-kin-nu) a royal(l) official, either the "'"■'"S.\(; Ll'dM: 
or the GU.Eh VA, i.e., sheriff," of Nippur, when they (the shepherds or other parties 

'Cf. B. E .. \1\ . 57, SHE GISH.B 1/,' 6 i rut libbi te-li ti shd shatti I2* am Uu Na • Mu ru-ut-tor&sh i rw 

Za-ral-IM ki a-na pa-te-ri*'-" nadnu nu , bul dated, 1 35, ar h"Gl D.SI.S1 shaUu 13'""". B. E., XV, 23 : 7, ak-hi ishtu 
D.S1 Si shd shatti s A '"'" adi " '■>;! D.S1 Si shd shatti '/■•'". B. E., XV, 25 : 6, ak-lu GISH.BAR SHE.BA 
ishtu -' ' ',( D(shd)shatti 9 kam adi arbu GUD(shd)shatti in'"'". />'./•:.. W, 2s : 1. SHE ASH. IN.NA shall, 1 ii !)* am ,but 
dated 1. 12." ' '<,' D.SI.Slshattu I2 kam . See here also />'. E.,XIV,133:10,afc-Z« 121 Clay's copy is wrong and misleading) 
arbu ishtu ami &•'" shd '"'''.' D sis} shd shatti r/'"'" adi umi 30 kam shd "''"7>\t R.ZAG.GAR shatti 7'""". The dup-pi 
ri-ki-ish-ti 'I! 1. . \1\ 12) was drawn up at the end ol the year, i.e., at the time of the epesh nikasi. Here probably 
e also tablets like />'. /■;.. XIV, is : 20 52 : l | 80a : 9; />'. /•-'., XV, 1 12 : 9. In view of these examples it is mosl 
likely that also .-it the time of the kings of lr the yearly epdsh nikasi did no! take place in the first ( itu SHEJL.LA) 
bul in the second (,' ,U GAN.MASH) month jus! as at our present limes, when the books resp. their accounts are bal- 
anced in February. Dr. Mylirman informs me thai he has definite proofs which show that not GAN.MASH but SHE. 

II I \ was the first month of the yearal the time <>! the kings of lr. GAN.MASH is mentioned so prominently in 

the tablets of the lr dynasty because it was, as second ith, that of the i pesh nikasi. Sec 1 >r. Myhrman's forthcoming 


• />'. /•;.. \I\ 58 51, so and so much shd ishtu ar b u BAR shd shatti 13'""" adi ar b u SHE.KIN.KUD shd shall i i.V""" 
.... nadnu™. Cf. hen- tablets like B. /•.'., XTV, 121 : 18; B. E., XV, Nos. 12, 52, 53, 119, 120, 130. In />'. /■-'., XIV, 

123a :2 the copyist (.Clay) must have made s mistakes. While we read /.('.. 1. 13, naphflr 13 ina-iai \'.\\ TV (sc. 

URUDU) ZI.G 1 VU8 i) kam , the copy reads in 11. 1. 2, URUDU ZI.GA .... ishtu <"'-"'A7.V (so the traces given) 
shd shatti 7{\) k '"'" adi " '- "Sill-: shd shall! 8 fcom . According to this the ZI.GA would extend over a space of one and a 
half years -a thing absolutely impossible and against 1. 13 where the ZI.GA is only for the 8th year; hence read in 1. 2, 
ishtu ar b u BAR(\) shd sJiatti 8< '<'-"" adi arh - u SHE shd shall! 8 kam . 

3 B. E.. XV, lti . L0, ak-lum .... ishtu "'^"KI.X shd shall! \ k "'" adi '"'-'"A7.V shd shall! .-/*"", dated, 1. 13, 
KIN- ilu Innanna umu 2'.)'"'" shattu -/"'"—hence the last month excluded. Ii. I-:.. XV, 10 : 11, ishtu '"'i"/v7.V-''" 
Innanna shd shatti l k "'" adi ar & u NE.GAR shd shall! 2 kam , i.e., both months included. 

' For half-yearly reports see,e.a., B.E., XIV, 56a: 31, ishtu ar b u DUL.AZAGadi arh - u BAR.ZAG.GAR. B.E.,XV, 

III : 1, ishtu ar b u DUL.AZAG shd shatti 2i >*""'" adi ar ^ u BAR.ZAG.GAR shd shall! 2\ kin ". i.e., the last month excluded, 
cf. 1.23; so also i.e., 96 : 1 Hut B.I-:., XIV. 117 : 1, ishtu ar ^ u DUL adi ar b u SHE, i.e., both included. B. E., XIV, 91a : 2, 
ishtu "'''BM! adi ' 'A, / \ «hd shall! Z kam , i.e., the last month included. For quarterly reports cf. e.g., B.E., XV, 7 : 10, 
ishtu ar b u ASH.A.AN adi ar b"GUD.SI.[Sl]. 

5 Cf. Letters No. 86 : 2s. uaUta [NIG].SHIT-shuC>) e-pu-ush-ma; 92 26, » NIG.SHIT-ni U-ti a-hfl-mi-ish I ni-pu- 
ushPma; B. E.. XIV. 99 36, \ It; SUIT ip-sku; I.e., 140 : I. ishtu NIG.SHIT-shu ip-shU; I.e., 168:23; i-na NIG.SHIT 
shd shatti l k "'";B. E., XV. 39 : 16, i-na NIG.SHIT KU.DA ul id-diAn shii-u i-pal. 

6 B. E., XIV, 136 : 1. 

7 B. E., XIV, 99 : 1 | 99a : 16 | 132 : 1. 

s B. E.. XIV. 132: 1, [mi-nu LIT ( ,7 ' //' " | to GANAM.LU&" shd i-aa shall! h'""" Shd-ga^a-ak-ti-Shu-fi 
,«( = abnu)-dsh ['".I /«.■/( ?i-''"J Marduk amclu SAG.LVGAL u-ki-n-nu-ma. Cf. p. 131. 

9 B. E., XIV, 136:1, ri-ha-a-nu shd DUB.SHAR mah shd MX. AX'"'" 1 ' shd m Amel- ilu Marduk Gt.EN.NA 
En-l^l ki ] i-na '"'-" NE shd shall! n'"'" slai-aa-ra-aL-tl-Shur-la-iish i-na muh LU[GAL] li-kiii-nu. For the signification of 
t,l' EX.XA = sheriff, see "Translations." pp. 133i. Notice the ina muh LUGAL = "for (in place of) the King." 



concerned) had to testify to the truth of their statements 1 before "God" (AN 
Enlill). This having been done the "records" were sent to "headquarters," i.e., 
to Nippur. For how could it possibly happen, I ask, that, e.g., a document like 
that of B. E., XIV, 37, was found in Nippur— a document which records how much 
grain (SHE) was received (mah-rum) and stored up (tab-ku) in the storehouse (i-na 
karu) of Bu-un-na Jlu Marduk u during the 22d year of Kuri-Galzu? Surely, 
the fact that this document was excavated in Nippur shows that the "head" of the 
storehouse at Bunna-Marduk had to make his report and send it to Nippur. In 
this connection our letter published under No. 76 is especially interesting. In it 
the father asks his son, "Send the report to the 'lord of the barley'," i.e., the store- 
house official, ' 'in order that I may send my report to the ' Lord (be-el) ' ." 2 No better 
evidence than the one contained in this letter could be expected to establish our conten- 
tion that the archives are ' 'administative records." Or, I ask again, why should B. E., 
XIV, 65, have been dug up in Nippur, seeing that that tablet states the amount 
of grain (SHE) which Apil-Ramman has removed (ish-sha-a) by means of ships 
(i-na giBh MA) from (ish-tu) Du-un-ni-A-hi ki l And again the answer has to be: 
It is a "record" of the expenditures in connection with the storehouse in Dunni- 
Ahi ki during the first month of the 15th year of Nazi-Maruttash which had been 
forwarded to headquarters. In this wise it happened that we found among these 
"Temple Archives" so appallingly many documents which apparently came from 
other places than Nippur. 3 Nippur, therefore, must have been the central "record- 
ing office," the executive department of the administration of the Temple properties 
under royal supervision. Such documents, thus forwarded and excavated in Nippur, 
cannot but be records (yearly, half-yearly, etc., as the case might be) of the receipts, 
resp. expenditures of grain, etc., in connection with the particular "depot" or 
"storehouse" from which they come; in other words, they are business records giving 
us an insight into the administration of the several "depots" or "storehouses" connected 
with that of the Nippurian Temple under the chief supervision of the Cassite kings; 
they are administrative business records of the Temple properties, resp. its revenues, 
made and kept for the king. 

These administrative records, having arrived at and been received by the executive 

1 More particularly to three things: (a) shd pt ( =KA) ki-ni (_= n>\. I); (6) [shd ar-na e-s\i-ri rwdnu™ (resp. shd a-im 
e-si-ri kun-n„, col. II); (c) u RI.BI.GA na-gid™' s '' a-na p6n ( =SH1 ) AN (= Hi = Enlil) ish-pusru (resp. shd a-na mafi-ri 
AN shap^ru, col. Ill), />'. E., XIV, 132. Notice that amounts of cols. II + 111 are = col. I! 

2 See below, under ''Translations," p. 144. 

H'l'. here the "List of Places" as given in H. E., XIV, XV, and notice thai Innanni, the chief bursar of Nippur, 
had authority not only over the Nippurian Temple storehouses, but also over all those mentioned above, Chapter I (p. 2, 
note 13); yes, even over the karH t.GAL, ASH,TAB,BA,GAN,TUG, resp. Kandurt; see pp. M, 110. 

LETT) RS rO ' \ssiii: Kl ffGS 

department in Nippur, had necessarily to have a place where they could be deposited 
for future reference, cesp. for inspection by the king or Ins representatives. This 

place was the E DUB 1 or also called E ku-nu-uk-ki, 1 resp. E "' DUB shd EMM.* 

where they have been excavated by the Babylonian Expeditions of the University 
of Pennsylvania. And as Hill VI (Hilprecht, B. E., Ser. D, Vol. I. p. 305, Plan of 
the Ruins of Nuffar) represents the place where all (he ' 'Temple Archives", together 
with the lei lers here published, have I 'ecu tow ml, (here is nothing which might prevent 

us from identifying the ruins of Hill VI with the E al DUB shd E.GAL, so called 

becausi tin ti.GAL <>/• "Palace," resp. its occupant, the be-Vi or king, hint to administer 
tin' temporal affairs, resp. earthly possessions, of the "Temple of Enlil at Nippur." 
This he did either personally or through his trusted servants, the arad LUGAL (cf. 
Martuku, the "servant of the king," who is the chief bursar at the time of Nazi- 
Maruttash, />'. E., XIV, 56 :8). Now we also understand the reason why the Cas- 
site kings ^( tlii< period very often ascribe to themselves the title which precedes all 
others even that of "king of Simmer and Akkad," resp. that of "king of the four 
corners of the world" -the title GIR.NITA or shakkanakku ''"Enlil. 4 

1 />'. /•;.. XIV, loi 6, Cf. Letter 84 : 7, LO, p. 111. 

\\ . 53 : 12. Notice in this connection the a-na En-liu" after K ku^nu-uk-ki, thus showing that tliis 
building was indeed situated in Nippur. 
/;. /•:.. XIV, 124 :6. 

1 Cf., c.ij.. the inscriptions of Kuri-Gahsu (sihru) in 1 B . I, XIV, Nos. 1-3; Winckler, K. B., Ill 1 , p. I54a-c. For 
occurrences of shakkanakku see, e.g., Gudea, Cylinder B, VII : 20; VIII : 7; Statue B, IV : 13; !•'. B. II., p. 2.55, 
note 12 (AN-Mu-ta-bU the shakkanakku of Dur-ilu ki ), and Hinke, B. E., Ser. D, \ ol. IV, pp. 312a, 173. For the read 
ing of the ideogram GIR.NITA (not NER.ARAD) see Thureau-Dangin, Z. A., XV, p. 46f. With GIR.NITA is 
closely connected the well-known official title GIR, so often found in tablets from the second dynasty of CJr. In my 
E. B. It., p. 124, 1 said: "The GIR seems to have been an officer resembling very much a 'quartermaster.' He had to 

look a 1 ol the royal officers as well as that of the priests, and even of the royal flocks." This will now have 

to be modified. The nil! who figures so conspicuously in the Ur tablets was what we might call an "auditor," on 
who had to approve the expenditures,resp.receipts, mentioned in those tablets, who had to "O.K." them — put, so to speak, 
his seal to them. Such a function of an "auditor" was also exercised by Innanni and his successors as chief bursar* of 
the Nippurian Temple storehouses. This is evident not only from the "checkmarks," but also from such tablets as 
II. I'... XV, 1 and 2; I.e., XV, 8 and 9; I.e., '_':> and 2.5. Clay, who translated the first two mentioned, thinks that they 
weri "salary paj ments," adding, "in this class of tablets the seal impression of. another is frequently made upon the 
document, evidently by an officer who recorded the payment or delivered the goods mentioned" {li. E., XV, p. 19; 
cf. />. /'... XIV. p. 11). This latter explanation contains the reason why Clay misunderstood the character of the tablets 
just mentioned. The seal found on a table! alwaysproves that the person to whom the seal belongs was the debtor, was 
the one who "received" the amount specified in the tablet. Payments of salary at the time of the Cassite kings were 
well regulated, as is apparent from, e.g., B. E., XIV. 5S. If B. E., XV, 1, 2 were, as ( 'lay claims, such payments of salary, 
there would be, at least in Iananni's case, no regulation whatever; i.e., the so-called salary received by Innanni for the 
fifth day of the first month (B. E.. XV, 2) would be completely out of proportion to that received for the period extending 
from the first day of the tenth to the fourth day of the first month (B.E..XY, 11. No, not salary payments are those tablets, 
nor do they indicate thai payments leel to be or were made to Innanni. They are nothing but Anieeisiniyen , or "cheilites" 
or "drafts" on certain storehouses endorsed by the chief bursar; they were "bills" "0. K."-ed by Innanni. When some 


From the position the Cassite kings hold in relation to the administration of 
Enid's earthly possessions, it is at once evident that shakkanakku cannot be derived, 
with Delitzsch and others who follow him, from u sha" + "kanakkii" and be trans- 
lated "Verschliesser, Thiirhuter, Vorstcher, Machthaber" (Deliztsch, H. W. B., p. 338a), 
or "the one of the door" (Jensen, Z. A., VII, p. 174, 1), but that it must be taken 
as standing for "sha" + "kanaku" (= qanaqu), i.e., "the one who exercises the function 
of the 'sealing,' one who 'seals,' the man of the 'seal' of Enlil." The Cassite kings 
of this period, then, are the authoritative representatives <>j Enlil, through whom 
Enlil, ' 'the king of heaven and earth," exercises his power and his authority, through 
whom he administers his kingdom, through whom he shepherds and feeds his people 
—they are "the food of the people, the platter of man." 1 Nothing could be done, 
nothing could be either removed from or be added to the possessions of Enlil, except 
the king first gave his authorization (seal) ; and if the king did, Enlil acted through 
and by him. The king's approval is Enid's seal and authority. In this sense the 
Cassite king, as shakkanakku of Enlil, was but the earthly representative of his god 
—a representative whose business it was to administer and "regulate the tithes of 
E.KUR and Nippur."- Now, as the "Temple Archives," i.e., the Archives of the 
Temple E.KUR, the sanctuary of Enlil of Nippur, concern themselves with the 
administration of Enid's possessions, and as the king as shakkanakku ilu Enlil has to 
seal, to approve them, it follows that these "Temple Archives" are at the same time 

governor or other person sent his mdr shipri to the chief bursar with the request that certain am. Hints of grain or certain 
cattle were to be. given to the writer, the chief bursar, after having satisfied himself that the request was justified, sat down, 
wrote an Anwcisung to the storehouse, stating what was to be given to the bearer of the draft or Anweisung (who in tins 
case was the mdr shipri), at the same time "endorsing" it (that it was "0. K.") by putting his name to it. The head of the 
storehouse, not knowing the mdr shipri, thus not being sure that the things asked for would fall into the right hands, asked 
for identification. The mdr shipri identified himself by producing the endorsed or "O. K."-ed draft of the chief bursar. 
Whereupon he (the m&i shipri) received the goods, but had to give up the draft, which now insured the head of the 
storehouse against any loss or fraud.for he (the head ) could cover the expenditure with the certified draft of the chief bursar. 
These drafts, together with the DUB MU mesh to which they belong, were sent to the executive department and, after 
having been examined, were deposited in the E nbnu DUB. In case where such a draft bears the "seal" of a certain 
person, this seal proves that person, thus represented by it, to be the one who "had actually received" the goods speci- 
fied in the tablet or draft, and served thus as a safeguard not only for the chief bursar, but also as a means of preventing 
the head of a storehouse from "cheating "—from saying that certain goods had been delivered to a certain patty, while 
in fact they were not— for the head of a storehouse might possibly imitate an endorsed draft, but he could not very 
well imitate a "seal impression." Lastly, the "recipient" by putting his seal on the draft could not venture to deny 
the receipt of the goods, which he otherwise might possibly do by saying that the head of the storehouse had delivered 
the goods to another party or had forged the "draft." Of. in this connection the interesting passage in S3 : 35, 3G, where 
Innanni is threatened will, an accusation, "thou hast given to Mdr-T&du {i.e., to another person) an order on my barley." 
"To give to somebody an order on something" means at this time " ushshuru a-na m X. i-na libbi xx." 
1 No. 24 : 5. 
Sa-dar DI.KA (! = saluk) 6.KUR u EN.LIL ki , Hinke, B. E., Ser. D, IV. p. 144, II : 3. 

88 iii rERS ro c lssiti m ngs 

Royal Archives] hence the E DUB is al the same time an E "' DUB shd E.GAL, 

because ii contained the official administrate* documents of the Temple as approved, 
sealed by the king. 

Right here some our may objecl that the E "' DUB, resp. the f: "' DUB 

shd E.GAL, if certain passages of B. E., XIV and \Y, and Letter No. 84 are taken 
into consideration, was used also for "storehouse" purposes. Upon closer observa- 
tion this objection will be found to be of no avail. In />. E., XIV, 104 :3 we read 
of a certain amount ot butter (NI.NUN) belonging to the A7.Y..1LY """''] shd i-uu 
shatt, 13 Ka-dhsh-man-Tur-gu n Irim-shu- ilu NIN.IB im-hur-ma a-na E "'""DUB 
u-she-ri-bu a-na 4 * arpa "'SAG{ ?) shd-pi-ik, "which Irim-shu-NIN.IB received in (during) 
the L3th year of Kadashman-Turgu and which he (they?) caused to bring to the 
/. DUB, having it pul up (or putting it up) in 4 SAG-]&rs." B. E., XIV, 124 : Gf. 
informs us of two amounts of bronze {era) which '" Ilu-MU .TUG.A-ri-ma receives 
(ma-bi-ir). The first of these amounts is specified as shd E "'""DUB shd E.GAL shu- 

U s-si shu-sa-a, i.e., •'which the E "' DUB shd E.GAL caused to go (i.e., sent) out," 

and the other as coming shd (jut m Na-ah-zi- ilu Marduk, "per order of Nahzi-Marduk." 
Both amounts were received a-na i-tcrC!)-ti' " M MAR LUGAL "as an indemnity for 
the royal wagons (chariots)." B. E., XV, 53 : llf. mentions wheat flour {ZID.DA 
ASH.AN.NA) shd E ku-nu-uk-ki a-na En-lil 1 " ish(l or na?)-shu-u, "due to (or 
belonging to) the E ku-nu-uk-ki (and which) they brought to Nippur." Finally 
Letter No. 84 : of. contains the following exhortation addressed to Innanni: "ma- 
an-nu SHE.GISH.XI li-is-hu-tu-u-ma NI.GISH a-na E "'""'DUB U-she-ri-bu u 
at-ta SHE.GISH.NI-ka su-hu-ut-ma NI.GISH a-na E "'""DUB shu-ri-ib," i.e., 
"All who press out sesame must bring oil (in)to the E "'"'"DUB, therefore press out 
thy sesame and bring the oil (in)to the E "' DUB." 2 

Examining these passages we find that B. E.. XV, 53, is an administrative 
record (having been forwarded to Nippur from Za-rat-IM hi ) , which enumerates 
the expenditures in wheat made during the course of a year, being therefore dated 
from the 29th day of the 12th month. At the end of the regular expenditures two 
additional notes are added, one of which, quoted above, implies that the E ku-nu- 
uk-ki at some previous time must have sent orders to Zarat-IM ' that they 
( = German "man") take wheat flour to Nippur. The E ku-nu-uk-ki here apparently 
denotes as much as "the head of the E ku-nu-uk-ki," and is as such exactly parallel 
to our "such and such a house has ordered these and those goods." The same is 

i For «-/< r-tum, "indemnity," see ffilprecht, B. E.. IX. 41 : 7, e-ter-li l-nam-din-u' a-na, "shall pay an indemnity 

-'Cf. here p. 114, notes 3. 4. 


true of B. E., XIV, 124, where the E abnu DUB shd E.GAL, i.e., the head of the 
house mentioned, shussi shusd the bronze. These two passages, then, show that 
orders were sent out from the E abnu DUB to certain men or branch storehouses. 1 
But this could be done only if the E abn "DUB of Nippur was a building containing 
the administrative and executive department of the various branch storehouses con- 
nected with the Temple of Nippur. From here orders were sent out for the delivery 
of goods to this building, and, after having arrived there, they were distributed 
to wheresoever it was found necessary. It served, therefore, as a kind of a central 
clearing house, which again is paralleled at our present day by the fact that a great 
business corporation, such as the Temple of Enlil must have been, has likewise a 
central clearing, house which is generally connected with the main office or executive 
department. In this sense B. E., XIV, 104, and Letter No. 84 have to be under- 
stood. Is it under these circumstances at all surprising that in this central executive 
office, from which the manifold possessions of the Temple of Enlil were administered, 
letters should be found which were addressed to the administrator-in-chief, the 
representative of Enlil, the be-h or king? 

We had to find such documents in this building, because each and every corre- 
spondence carried on about the administration, resp. methods in connection with 
the administration of EnliVs property, had necessarily to be addressed (a) either 
to the highest official, i.e., the king as "shakkanakku of Enlil," or (b) to the king's 
representative, i.e., his chief bursar, etc. And, if so, we had to find a correspondence 
also between "officials and officials," i.e., between officials outside of Nippur and the 
king's representatives at Nippur. Both classes of correspondence arc represented: 
Nos. 1-74 contain letters addressed to the king, and Nos. 76ff. are those addressed 
to the king's representatives in one capacity or another. With these facts before us, 
the title of this volume, "Letters to the Cassite Kings," is not only justified, but is, 
in fact, the only proper one. 

But the question may be asked, and quite rightly, how have we to account 
for the fact that letters written by the several kings themselves were recovered 
from this E ab ""DUB shd E.GAL, which was, as has been claimed, the adminis- 
trative department (of the king as highest executive officer) of the Temple of Enlil? 
Then, again, numerous scientific, historic and religious texts, such as omens, hymns, 
prayers, incantations, etc., have been found in this "administrative building (resp. 
buildings connected with each other)." How, I ask, can we account for the presence 
of such texts in the E abnu DUB shd E.GAL? A comprehensive answer to the latter 

1 Resp. that the heads of the storehouses sent their "orders" to the "central" office at Nippur to have them 
"filled," see No. 45, pp. 142f. 


question will be given when the sen-oral classes of texts will be published. At the 
presenl only this much: At the time of the Cassite kings the E "'"'"Dili shd E.GAL 
embraced in its walls the administrative resp. /h< executive department of the Temple, 
by which ami through which the shakkanakku au Enlil, the king, governed and 
officially directed both the temporal and the spiritual affairs of the worshippers of 

Enlil. In thiswise it happened that the E al DUB shd E.GAL became the "Min- 

isterium" with its different departments administrative, religious, educational — as 
such containing tablets which are either "administrative records" (Temple Ar- 
chives) or religious (Temple Library) or educational (Temple Library and Temple 
School' in character. This I maintain in the face of and notwithstanding the 
clamor of certain men who, on account of their inability to read and interpret cunei- 
form inscriptions or who on account of their lack of acumen to discern between the dif- 
ferent classes of texts, can, in the ruins of Hill VI 1 , not see anything but a "kitchen 
midden," and in the tablets there excavated, but so much "dried mud," "potsherds," 
■'dead, meaningless, insignificant bricks." 

The tablets recovered from the E "'""DUB shd E.GAL form thus an exact 
parallel to those found in the rightly famous Library of Ashshur-bdn-apal. To 
uncover here all the various parallels with regard to the several classes of texts would 
lead me too far, and is, in fact, beyond the scope of these introductory remarks. How- 
ever, as we are concerned with the "Letters" of the E " b ""DUB shd E.GAL, I 
may be permitted to compare these briefly with those of the K. Collection, i.e., 
with those letters which form an integral part of the Royal Library of Ashshur-ban- 

1. Though we find in Ashshur-ban-apaV s Library 2 some letters that are addressed 
to the "prince," TUR LUGAL, 3 "princess," TUR.SAL LUGAL, 4 or "queen 
mother," AM LUGAL? by far the greater number are written to the "KING," 
LUGAL. Of the one hundred and three letters here published seventy-eight" are 
addressed to the bc-fi or king. 

2. In the Library of Ashshur-bdn-apal, Royal Library as it undoubtedly was, 
we also find a correspondence between officials; thus we meet with letters addressed 

1 Situated on the west side of the Shatt-en-NU; see Hilprecht, B. E., Ser. D, I, p. 305, Plan of the Ruins of Ntiffar. 

2 Here I take into consideration only those letters which are designated as "A"," omitting the D. T., Bu., and 
all other r< illcct ii ms 

3 Cf. K. 641 (H., I, 10) ; K. 029 (H., I, 0.5); K. 1101 + K. 1221 (H., II, 152); K. 614 (H., II, 175); K. 589 (H., 
II, 187); K. 1048 (H-, H, 189); K. 1303 (H., V, 500). 
* K. 476 (H., I, 54). 

5 K. 478 (H., Ill, 254); K. 825 (H., Ill, 263); K. 523 (II., Ill, 324); K. 980 (H.,VI, 569). 
' Nos. 1-74 + 33«, 59a, 60a, 73a. 


to the (a) ame '"ENGAR l or ikkaru, originally "farmer," here probably a high 

official; (6) l '"[A.B]A KUR, 2 "secretary of the State"; (c) amel »A.BA E.GAL, 3 

"secretary of the Palace"; (d) amelu nagir E.GAL,' "major domo" ; (e) amelu LUGH : ' 
or sukkallu, "ambassador"; (/) «'»<->»ITI n or abbarakku; (y) """'"GAL.SAG 7 or 
rab-shaq; (h) """''"EN.NAM* or bel pahati, "governor"; (i) amelu slid muh E A-nu," 
"man who is over the house of God," i.e., "the Temple superintendent." In the 
administrative department of the Temple under the Cassite kings we also have a 
correspondence between "Temple resp. State officials." 10 If it be objected to 
my including such letters into a volume ostensibly called ''Letters to the Cassite 
Kings," I ask my would-be critics why they do not object to calling the Library of 
Ashshur-ban-apal a Royal Library, seeing that it includes not only a correspondence 
between "officials and officials" but even such unmistakably "private 11 documents" 
as letters from "' ''"AG-EN-shu-nu to '" Ashshur-mu-dam-me-ik 12 ; from '"Um- 
ma-ni-id to sic A-ma-'-gu-nu, 13 "his brother" 14 (SHESH-shu) ; from m ilu Nergal- 
SHESH-ir to m au AG-u-shal-lim, 15 "his brother" 11 (SHESH-shu) ; from m i,u EN-u- 
HU to m Ku-na-a, ie "his father" 17 (AD-shu); from m MU.GI.NA to m i,u Nergal- 
SHESH-ir ls ; from m A-qar-[ i! "EN-lu-mur] to m EN-ib-ni ls ; from an unknown writer 
to m ' lu PA-IK-shi, 20 and last, but not least, a letter to m XXX-man-nu-GAR-[. . . .] 
from m XXX-KAK-[ni?]; n "thy servant" (ardi-ka), etc. 22 If it be not objected 

1 K. 568 (H., I, 4); K. 1197 (H., I, 1.5); K. 1049 (H., I, 38); K. 113 (H.. II, 183); K. 112 (H., II 223); K. 1.3,000 
(H., Ill, 332); K. 8S (H., VIII, 816). 

2 K. 547 (H., I, 62); K. 175 (H., II, 221). 

3 K. 1274 (H., II, 220). 
*K. 4S5 (H., I, 112). 

5 K. 1070 (H., I, 70); K. 655 (H., II, 132); K. 986 (H., VIII, S44). 
11 K. 910 (H., II, 145). 

7 K. 597 (H., Ill, 2S3). 

8 K. 1376 (H., VIII, 830). 

9 K. 1226 (H., VIII, 855). 

10 Cf. Nos. 76-99. 

" Private{\), because both the writer and the addressee appear in these letters without any titles whatsoever. 

" K. 1396 (H., II, 185). 

13 K. 831 (H., II, 214). 

" Cf. above, Part II, p. 14, note 3. 

15 K. 1228 (H., Ill, 229). Cf. K. 830 below, note IS. 

16 K. 1239 (H., II, 219). 

" Cf. our Letter No. 76, which is written by a "father" to his "son," p. 144. 
" K. 830 (H., V, 527). Cf. K. 1228 above, note 15, 

19 K. 1158 (H., Vm, 854). 

20 K. 578 (H., Ill, 273). 

21 K. 5S5 (H., V, 523). 

' 2 Cf. K. 186 (H., II, 222), 


to such apparently "private' letters forming pari of a Royal Library, it need not 
worry us to have included in our volume of "Letters to the Cassit< Kings" twenty-four 
specimens representing a correspondence between officials and officials. 

:>. Bui the most remarkable of nil is that there have been found in the Library 
of Ashshnr-ban-apal letters decrees — written either by himself or by other kings. 
We have "royal decrees" {a-mat LUGAL a-na) to "the Nippurians" (""■'"EN. 

LI\U -<(]>' ; to "the people of the sea country, old and young, my servants" 

( ; ' •'"Tam-tim-a-a ' '"AB.BA"" sh it TUR me,h ar<M mt ° h -ia) i ; to "the Gambulaeans" 

('•""'"(lam-bu-lit-a-a)'; to "the Rashaeans, old and young" ( (/ " """ u Ra-sha-a-a 

' ! 'AB.BA msh it sih( =NE)-ru-u-tiy ; to "Shadu and the people of Erech, old and 

young, my servants" ( m Sha-du s it «^UJfUG kLmmh """'"AB.BA mcsh u TUR" lcsli 
<ir<h'"' f! -i<)r ; to "Nabu- .... and the people of Erech, old and young, my servants" 
('" ilu AG-[. .] it """•'" UNUG k "" rsh ■'""''" A B.BA mesh it TUR mcsh arde'" csh -io.y ; to '" i,u EN-ib-ni 
(or KAK)*; to m Uu XXX-tab-ni-umr ( = SHESH) ,J ; to '" ih AG-ibash{ = IK)-shi'"; to 
"Ashi-pa-a 1 * ; to '" ,lu EN-etir ( = SHUR) iri2 ; to m i,u XV-[naHd ( = I)}" ; to n Z$ru-u-[a] u ; 
and last, but not least, a royal decree to "the 'Not-Babylonians' " (a-mat LUGAL 

a-na la '"'DIN .TER kim,sl ') v '. We furthermore find in this Library royal ' 'orders" (or 

decrees, a-bit LUGAL a-na) to "the Babylonians" (" me '"KA.DINGIR kl " us 'T> ; to 
"> ' lu PA-shar( = MAN )-ahe( = PAP) mes, '-shu 17 ; to the "queen-mother" (SAL AM 
sharri ( =-- MAN) 1 *; to "'Man-nu-ki- , '"IM li '; to '"A-shi-pa-ar" ; to "' ilu PA-dttr( = BAD)- 

1 K. 94 (H., Ill, L',S7). 

2 K. 313 (H., Ill, 289). 
5 K. 1051 (H., Ill, 293). 
*K. 1139 (H., 111,295). 
B Cf. K. 5157 (H., VII, 754). 

« K. 1162 (H., Ill, 290); cf. 83-1-18, 27 (H., V, 518). 

I K. 1271 (H., Ill, 297). 

8 K. 95 (H., Ill, 2SS); K. S28 (H., Ill, 291); K. 938 (H., Ill, 292). Cf. also 07-4-2, 1 (H., IV, 399) ; 82-5-22, 
97 (H.. IV, 400); 83-1-18, 31 (H., IV, 402). 

9 K. S24 (H., Ill, 290). 

10 K. 1085 (H., Ill, 20 1 1; cf. 82-5-22, 91 (H., V, 517). 

II K. 1SS3 (H., Ill, 298); cf. a-bit LUGAL „-,m "• A -.,!,,- pa-a, K. 592 (II., Ill, 305). 

12 K. 13135 (H., Ill, 299). 

13 K. 13154 (H., Ill, 300); cf. a-hil LUGAL a-na '" ''" XV-nd'id (= /), S. 1942 (H., IV, 417). 
"83-1-18, 30 (H., IV, 401). 

15 Bu. 91-5-9, 210 (H., IV, 403). Though numbered "Bu." this tablet undoubtedly belonged originally to the 
K. Collection. 

'" K. S4 (H., Ill, 301). 
" K. 96 (H., Ill, 302). 
1S K. 486 (H., Ill, 303). 

19 K. 533 (H., Ill, 304). 

20 K. 592 (H., Ill, 305); cf. a-mat LUGAL a-n« m Ashi-pa-a, K. 1883 (II., Ill, 298). 


usur ( = PAP) 1 ; nay even an "order" of a "princess" to ' ' Uu Ashshur-sharrat (a-bit 
TUR.SAL LUGAL a-na SAL dlu SHAG{ = libbu).ER-skar-raty and a letter of a 
"prince" (IM TUR LUGAL) to the "'" e <"Sha-na-i 3 . How have we to account for the 
presence of royal letters in a Royal Library? Did Ashshur-ban-apal extend his 
activity in procuring the best and choicest specimens of Babylonian and Assyrian 
literature as far as to have his scribes copy even royal letters? Or are we to suppose 
that those royal decrees have never been delivered to the various addressees, thus 
happening to be found in this Library, to which they really do not belong? Or, if 
they had been delivered, have we to maintain that it was customary to have copies 1 
made of letters like these, and have those copies deposited in a Library, so that 
the king could "keep track" of his various orders and decrees? Or, lastly, did the 
messengers to whom these decrees had been entrusted go and communicate them 
to the several addressees and, after having read them to the persons named, bring 
them back with them and deposit them for future reference in the Royal Library 
of Ashshur-ban-apal? How, I ask again, could such royal letters possibly be found 
in a royal library? Whatever reply we may make to these questions, the same with 
equal force holds good of the royal letters — one or possibly two of which (Nos. 75 
and 93) have been published here — to be found among the administrative records of 
the Temple under royal supervision. And as long as there is no objection made to 
the fact that the Royal Library of Ashshur-bdn-apal may(!), as it actually does, 
include in its collection of documents both an official and private correspondence, 
just so long will I be justified in maintaining that the letters here published form a 
part, small and fragmentary though it be, of that collection of tablets now known 
as "Temple Archives," which with the tablets of the Temple Library and the Temple 
School constitute the contents of the E abnu DUB slid E.GAL, or simply E abnu DUB, the 
bit tapshuhtif "the place of the appeasing"" of Enlil. 

1 K. 622 (H., Ill, 306). 

J K. 1619 B (H., Ill, 308). 

3 R. M. 72 (H., IV, 430), probably belonging to Ashshur-ban-apal's Library. 

* Cf. here above, Chapter III, for the several eopies to be found among the Ainarna Letters, see p. 57, note 2. 

5 Cf. K. 11,174 (= B. A., V, p. 634), Rev. 11. 13, 14. 

6 I.e., then as now the favor of a god can be obtained only by contributing freely, in the form of tithes and taxes, 
towards the maintenance of the worship, ritual, and priesthood of the great E>-lil of Nippur. A god can be appeased 
only by offerings — for the benefit of his (the god's) priests. 

«)4 I i rTEES TO CAssiTl. KINGS 



In order to illustrate more fully the general character of the letters here pub- 
lished I may he permitted to submit a few of them in transcription and translation, 
adding such critical notes as might he found necessary to elucidate their contents 
more clearly. While in the autograph plates the letters have been arranged alpha- 
betically according to the names of the writers, I have followed here the, no doubt, 
more scientific method of giving them in their historical sequence. 


No. '-'3 (= C. B. M. 11,090). (Of. photographic reproduction, PI. V, 12, IZ.) 

Imgurum, a royal official stationed at Dur-Kuri-Galzu, reports to his "Lord," King 
Burna-Buriash, about the affairs in connection with the administration of his 
office. About 1430 B.C. 

The author of this letter, Imgurum, has to be identified not only with the writer 
of No. 22/ but also with the addressee m Im-gu-ri of No. 79 : 1, a contemporary of 
the slave-dealer m il "En-lil-ki-di-ni, who flourished, as we saw above (pp. 54ff.), 
during the time of King Burna-Buriash. From this it would follow that Imgurum 
was likewise a contemporary of Burna-Buriash, This result is corroborated by the fol- 
lowing two considerations: (1) In 22 :6 Imgurum mentions a certain m gu-za-lum, who 
appears in B. E., XIV, 8 : 30 (dated the 21st year of Burna-Buriash) among the 
witnesses 2 at a legal business transaction executed by "' il "En-JM-ki-di-ni (11. 22, 25). 
(2) m Ki-din- i,u Marduk 3 referred to in our letter (1. 23) is mentioned, B. K, XIV, 
7 : 34 (dated the 18th, better 19th, year of Burna-Buriash), as the father of a certain 
m Ta-ki-shum, who appears likewise as one of the witnesses at a slave sale executed 
between the two brothers - ""NIN.IB-SHESH and « ""NIN.IB-MU-MU (sellers) 
and m il »En-lil-ki-di-ni (buyer). According to 1. 29 Imgurum was apparently sta- 

' In both the greeting is the same and in both the writer records about the disposition of adobes, resp. burnt bricks. 

2 Called here m Qu-za-lum mdr m "«£n-ZiZ-6<3( = EN)-ilt(.= AN) mesh . 

3 Cf. also the dlu shd m Ki-dirv- ilu Marduk in B. E., XIV, 166 : 9. 

from the temple archives of nippur. 


tioned at JMr-Kuri-Galzu, where he had charge both of certain building operations 
in connection with its palace or temple (cf. 11. 4-18) and of the weaveries and its 
personnel. 1 The fact that No. 79 was found in Nippur would show, however, that the 
writer must have been living, for some time at least, also in Nippur. 
The contents of this letter are the following : 

(a) The disposition of adobes, 11. 4-10. 

(b) The disposition of burnt bricks, 11. 11-13. 

(c) Elul is the propitious time for transferring the resting chambers (of the god) , 
11. 14-18. 

(d) B el-usatum has not yet delivered the bleached wool, 11. 19-20. 

(e) Accounting of the disposition of wool, 11. 21-28. 
(/) Complaint, 11. 29-32. 

(gr) Request that certain weavers be finally dismissed out of the prison at Pan- 
Bali, 11. 33-39. 

The letter reads : 

1 [ardi-ka m Im-gu\-rum a-na di-na- Thy servant Imgurum; before the pres- 

an be-h-ia ence of my "Lord" 

2 [lu-ul]-li-ik may I come! 

3 [a-na bit be]-li-ia 2 shu-ul-mu To the house of my "Lord" greeting! 

4 [. . . ] 3 + 6 M libittu(= SHEG-gumV) x + 6000 adobes have been made dur- 

a-di 5 umi 4. ka '" la-ab-na-at* ing four days. 

5 [ ] M libittu{ = SHEG-gunu) I caused to fetch y + 1000 adobes to 

a-na pi(?)-i na-ak-ba-ar 7 the entrance of the excavation 

1 As Imgurum reports (22 : 5) about the condition of 'Ga-ga-da-ni-lum, the zammertu, who is sick, it would seem 
that lie superintended also the personnel of the Temple or Palace, for a zammertu or "songstress" was, no doubt, connected 
with both the Temple and the Palace. 

- Emendation according to 22 : 4 — hence also our reading of the writer's name, ['"Im-git]-rum. For this form of 
greeting see also 35 : 3, p. 121. 

3 The space is too small for dsh-shum. Here and in 1. 5 a larger number has been broken away. 

4 For SHEG-guml (not given by Clay, List of Signs) cf. Thureau-Oangin, R. E. C, No. 129. Cf. also 11. 5, 11. 
In 35 : 29 the simple SHEG occurs. 

5 "Up to the fourth day," i.e., "during four days," "in the space of four days." Cf. //., IV, 392, Rev. 1G, a-du 
i!»i('""* s/i 7, 8, i-ba-lat, "he will be well within a space of seven (or) eight days." 

6 For the construction labnat, singl. after x + 6000 libitlti, see Hilprecht, B. E., IX, p. 35, note to No. G, li. 1, and 
cf. p. 137, note 3. 

7 Here, of course, not Grab, Begrabniss, Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 580a, but "cellar," "excavation." The pi naqbar 
is the "entrance to the cellar," or that place where the cellar empties into the open air or into another room. A "mouth" 
(pd) is ascribed not only to a "cellar," as here, but also to a "canal" (No. 34 : 22; cf. B. E., XIV, 29 : 2, i-na pi{ =KA) 
nari(=A.GUR.DA) dli-ki, i.e., "at the mouth of the canal of the city" or "at the mouth of the Shatt-enr-NU, the canal of 
the city (sc. of Nippur) par excellence," where the little hamlet, called Pi-ndri , was situated) and to a natbaktu, see I '.' : '.», 
i-na p?(= KA) tui-at-ba-ak-ti, cf. p. 96, note 5. 


(I du-vl-li-ia 1 U-ra-ad-da-ma? [am working at; 

7 a-di i-na TashrUu( DUL. and till I shall lay the foundations in 

AZAG) ushshi? a-na-an-du-ii the month Tishri, 

8 i-ga-ra shd i-na ku-tal( RI)-U* ad- I shall have torn down the wall which is 

du-it-ma in the rear (palace). 

9 20 na-at-ba-ku* uh-hu-ni' The remaining twenty heaps I shall 

the various significations of dullu see, besides Delitzsch, //. W, />'., p. 2196, also Behrens, E. S. S., II', 
p 8 Here it is to be taken in the sense of "working at," cf. //., V, 171 : is. ,/ul-li shd tS.SAG.lL, "the working al 
compared with I.e., Rev. 7. wliich shows thai the letter refers to building operations. 
a-ad-da-ma, because construed here with a-na, cannot be taken as a II' of III rm, Delitzsch, //. II". B., 
p. 6136 (this 1 Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , p. 317, has shown that there is only one mi, although the various significa- 

tions assigned to this verb by him (fliessen, nachfolgen, hinterhergehen, treiben) ought to be enlarged so astoinclude 
also the meaning fuhren (Behrens, L. S S., II'. p. ii. note 2), and "to take," "to fetch," cf. Nagel, />'. .1 .. IV, p. 1st), and 
see Lettt -.-■ of Hammurabi, No. 78 : 18, ish-U -en ta-ki-il-Ln n-im li,ibili k ' li-ir-di^a-dsh-shil-nu-ti, "one of thy trusted servants 
ni:i\ bring, take, fetch them to Babylon." Tin- II 1 of rm is heir "causative," i.e., "to cause to bring, letch." Uradda 

tor uraddi because it stands in the chief sentence. 

3 Ushshi a-na-an-du-ii = anaddil, with the signification "to lay the foundations" sc. of my duUi (1. 6), i.e., of 
the building i am at present working at. Addd-ma, here of the "completed action in the future'' = "I shall have torn 
down" = "I have lorn down." 

1 For ku-Ud see besides Delitzsch, //. II". 11., p. 362a, also Jensen, K. />'., VI 1 , p. 464, and below, 1. 13, ku-tal na- 
In No. 60 : 8 the zer ku^lal is mentioned and in />'. /.'., XV, SO : 11 we are told of the mash-shar-ra-tum shd i-na 

biti 1 ' tab-ku, ii .. of the mashsharrdti( — pi. of mashshdrtu) which are "poured out," i.e., stored up in the rear 
of the "house." This latter passage shows that the translation "stipend" for mashshdrtu (Clay, B: IB., XIV, p. 30, 
note below, who follows 1 ''lit zsch, //. H". />'.. p. 1336) is out of place here. A "stipend," surely, could not and was not 
"stored up." Mashshdrtu signifies at this time the "reserve fund," hence it is not only "stored up," but out of it pay- 
ments are made; cf. Ii. /•.'., XV. 7ti : 2. SHE. ...shd i-na libbi mdsh-shar-H ar b u AB.UD.DU nadnu nu ; I.e., XV, 

inc. : 1. SHE shd i-na libbi mash-shar-ti i-na alu Kalbv-ia u i-na( = "as") GISH.BAR.GAL n<idnu n "; I.e., 101 : 1, 
SHE . . .shd i-nn libbi mash-shar-tim shd m Ir>r-na-an-ni m Ta-ki-shii nadnu"" (notice here the reserve fund of Innannil). 
In B. /'.".. XIV, 02 : 2 the mash-shar-ti shd karu Knr-Zi-ban 1 ' 1 is mentioned and in B. E., XV, 47 : 1 we are told that 
payments were made i-na libbi Hi GUB mash-shar-ti shd E.GA L, i.e., out of the Palace's reserve fund of 10 GUR. B. E., 
XX, 40 : 5 mentions the total of SHE nadnu nu i-na libbi mash-shar-ti which SHE is according to I.e., 1. 1, that slid i-nq 
karu ASH.TAB.[BA.]GAN.TUG ki nadnu"". From this it follows that the Palace, the several storehouses, officials 
(like Innanni), and even months had each their special "reserve funds." In some passages, as e.g., Str., IV, 374 : 10, 
mashshdrtu might be translated even by "collateral security." Mashshdrtu, then, is "something that is left over (rnush- 

to insure the payments of certain obligations." 

5 Xa-at-ba-ku here (ami in 22 : 1.5, [iui]-<it-b(i-l:i [at-t]a-ba-ak) apparently a singl. masc, although after the num- 
eral 20; for construction see p. 95, note 0. Also a fern, form of this word is found, see, e.g., 3 : 15, 21, shd na-at-ba-ak-ti; 
3 : 19, ti-nn na-at-ba-ak-ti (so also I.e., 11. 30, 32); 3 : 20, mu-ii ul-tu na-atba-ak-ti shd ll "<iir-ra-ga-»iil( = a city!) li-zu-ni; 
(is : 20. eqlu{= A.SHAG) slid na-at-ba-ak-ti slid Kdr- ilu AG; cf. also 12 : 0. 10. In 3 : 17, 55 we have na-at-ba-ak-ta, 
and according to 12 : 9, i-na pi(= KA) na-at-ba-ak-ti, it has an "opening," a "mouth," an " access " to wliich one 
may come. The plural of natbaktu is found in 12 : 4, x na-at-ba-ka-a-li. The root is, of course, tabdku, "to 
pour out "; here, because used of bricks, "to store, pile up." A naibaku, natbaktu accordingly would be "some- 
thing that is stored, piled up," a "heap," "pile," comprising a certain numberoi bricks. For tab&ku in this signification 
cf. e.g., B. E., XIV, 37 : 2, SHE mahyrwm slut i-na karu. . .tab-ku; B. E., XV, 122 : 8, the grain which a-na libbi 
SHE.GAL tab-ku, i.e., "which has been added to the great grain (das Stamm-, Haupt-korn)." See also note 4 and 
cf. B. £., XIV, 144 : I, 10 GUR 1 P/(= 36 qa) tu-bu-uk-ku-il i-na 1 GUR 1 PI, i.e., "10 gur and 36 qa 'stored up' (extra) 


10 e-ki-ir-ri-im-ma 1 a-tab-ba-ak pile and store up. 

11 10 M agurru( = SHEG-yunu AL») 10,000 burnt bricks of (by?) the ur^rar-gal 

<"» elu GUSHUR{or tJR).RA.GAL me ' hs have been made. 


—for each gur (cf. 1. 3) 1 PI (or 36 go). " One gur of grain stored up at harvest time lost in volume during the time o! 
its being stored up, i.e., it dried up, it shrunk— hence at the- end of, say. one year 1 gur of grain would be equal not to 
180 qa but only to 180 - 36, i.e., to 144 go. The shrinkage of grain at this time, then, was computed al the rale of 
1 PI or 36 go to 1 GUR or 180 go, i.e., at the rate of 1 to 5 qa. Grain or cereals thus stored up to insure against shrinkage 
were called BAL or ti-ib-ku or tab-ki, out of which, if not used, payments might be and were made. For (SHE) BAL 
cf. B. E., XV, 115 : 1 | 144 : 6 ] 94 : 2; for (SHE) tab-ki see, e.g., B. E., XV, 10 : 7 | 29 : 6 | 115 : 1, 4, and for (SHE) 
ti-ib-ku(-ki), B. E., XV, SO : 1 (here it is simply stated that a tibku was added to the different items of grain); B. E., 
XV, 66 : 3 (here we have GISH.BAB tiAb-ki instead of the more commonly used GISH.BAR tab-ki, hence tibki = tabki). 
How many bricks such a natbaku or natbaktu comprised, cannot be made out as yet. In view of the fact that the bricks 
excavated at Nippur, and now preserve,! in the Babylonian Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, were at all 
times of a certain "standard size and thickness," and that tibki in the historic inscriptions signifies the "height" of a 
"brick" or "layer of bricks," then a "measure of length" (cf. the German "so und soviet Backsteinschichten hoc),"), Prof. 
Hilprecht is inclined t<» see in a natbaku a quadrangle or rectangle comprising a certain number of tibki, hence a "pile 
which is of a certain height, length and breadth." 

» Stands either for xhd ubburu, masc. singl. on account of natbaku, or it may be taken as an adjective, Delitzseh, 
Gram., p. 211/,. Cf. here 68 : 34, zeru shd uh-ha-ru; 68 : 10, // har-hi uh-hu-ru; 68 : 24, /// (gur) z'er a-na ma-li-e ub-bu-ur] 
31 :26, mi-*hi-il i-shd-ta-ti [shd^)ubybu-ra; I.e., 1. 28, i-shd-ta-tu shd siAi ( = J^I) shd „h_-hu-ra; 37 : 16, II C SHE 
GUR shd ub-hu-rum, I.e., 11. 20, 2.5, shd-ma-a-ti. . .shd uh-hu-rum; 31 : 16, // i-shd-tu sM uh-hu-ra-tum; see also 3 : 5 | 
18 : 18 | 33 : 15 | 66 : 10. From these passages it will be evident that ubburu has the meaning "that which is left over, " 
"the rest, balance in one's favor, which one either has or which is due him from another. " This "rest in one's favor, " 
if ideographicallv expressed, is called IB-KID and is to be distinguished from LAL.NI, "the rest, remainder still to be 
paid, which is against one, one's loss, debt, liability." In other words, in records that are epesh nikasi (balances ol 
accounts) the items marked iB.KID represent the "assets," a plus, and called LAL.NI are the "liabilities," a 
minus. For iB.KID or "assets," "amounts still outstanding in one's favor," cf. especially B. E., XIV, 33 : 2, col. III. 
Col. I gives the "whole amount due," col. II that "which has been received (mob-rum)" and col. Ill the "amount still 
outstanding (iB.KID) "-hence if we subtract from the "whole amount due" the "item(s) that have been received" 
we obtain the "iB.KID," i.e., "which is still due hi one's favor, one's assets." For IB.KID cf . also B. E., XIV, 41a : 1 | 
92 : 1 | 99 : 49; XV, 68 : 2 | 141 : 8, and lor LAL.NI see B. E., XIV, 65 : 27 | 99 : 40, 42 | 136 : 14 | 1J-I : 8; XV, 78 : 12 
141 : 25 [ 196 : 1 (similar to B. E.. XIV, 33 : 2). A synonym, if not a translation, of (LAL.NI or ?) iB.KID seems to be 
ri-ba-a-nu, B. E., XIV, 136 : 1, 4. Ungnad, 0. L. Z., 1907, Sp. 141, by reading TUM.KAD (resp. ib-kad) and trans- 
lating "rest" is only partially correct. 

i E-ki-ir-ri-im-ma, because parallel to a-tab-ba-ak, I propose to derive from \y, i.e., eUrrim-ma stands for 
original agomra-mo, hence \y has a side-form (iqarrin), iqrin lor the usual iqrun (Delitzseh. //. IF. B., p. 5966). 
The i (lor u) is due to the influence of the n, cf. 35 : 33. shubi = RU)-ta lish-ki(l)-nu (lor lish-ku-nu) . See p. 125, note 
8. For the i in ki-ir, see already above, p, 53, note 1, and for the e (instead of o) cf. uk-te-ir-ri-iU, 23 : 13; ;k-te-di-ir-[ru], 
39 : 6; Delitzseh, Gram., p. 85 and below, p. lit), n. 5. A possible derivation from 2y ( = ogomfe-mo) is less probable, 
and a'lorm ekirrim = akarrim (root DTJ, Delitzseh, //. W. «., 354o) is against context and parallelism. 

'Shortened form tor SHEG.A I..GUSHUR.RA = agurru, "burnt bricks." Cf. also 22 : 11, z M + 300 a-gar-ra 
as-sa-ra-ab, and see following note. 

•What kind of an office this name represents I do not know. Are we to suppose that the scribe misplaced the 
amet u? _ if so? we might read GUSHUB.RA (which has to be connected with SHEG-gunu A L, cf. note 8) "' elu GAL m ' 

Or is it a shortened form of ' l«SHEG.AL.GUSHUR.RA.GAL™* h , "chief brickmakers "-the SHEG.AL being 

omitted either by mistake or to avoid repetition? 

§8 i I i II Rg ru CASSITE MXCs 

12 iil-tu Ami 4*" agumt i AIAi)' After having examined the burnt bricks 

ab-ta-ta-ar-ma? during (the last ) four days, 

13 a-na ku-lul ( RI) na-kasi' uk-te- I brought them to the rear of the 

ir-ri-ib* slaughtering house, 

li dshshum bit "irsM{ NAD) me * h6 With regard to the resting chambers 

shd libbi asu-up-pa-ti? which are in the asuppati 

15 shd be-lh \( NI)-$a-a 7 iq-ba-a (and) which my "Lord "has commanded 

(o bring out (I beg to state that) 

Ki dup-pa ki a-mu-ru i-na a Ululv. | the month Elul is, as I learned from 

KIN- ilH Innanna) a-na )( Nfy-si-e 1 communications, propitious for 

(la-itls bringing them out. 

17 Ih-I) li-ish-pu-ra-am-ma shum-ma shd My "Lord" may send word when I shall 

i( Nfy-si-e 1 

18 lu-us-si bring them out. 

1 AL-li - SHEG.AL, 1. 11? But cf. allu, Del., //. II'. />'., p. 70/-: "ein Gerat der Ziegelstreicher." 
1 Ab-ta-ta-ar-ma 1 propose to lake as a prses. I 4 (circumstantial clause) of "113, "to examine," see Meissner, 
B. A., III. p. .">2:i, and Nagel, li. A., IV, p. 17s. By itself a form I- of patdru (II. W. B., p. 555a) or pafdru would 
likewise be possible, but with what meaning? Cf., however, Delitzsch, //. FT. B., p. 5226, under patdru II-: agurri 
takJubHsha up-ta-at-pi-ir-ma, " war geborsten," and see p. 122, note 8. Or should we translate after all. "since the fourth 
day having loosened (departed from, set free) the n/lu ( = term, teehn. for "to stop to make bricks," cf. mesirru pafdru 
= "den Gurtel losen," Jensen, K. li., VI 1 , |>. 171) I brought," etc.? This latter translation is preferred by Prof. 

; With na-ka-si cf. """'"„„-/, ■/-*„, Delitzsch, //. W. IS., p, t63a, 

4 A IP (= causative) of 3ip. The common signification of qardbu ana, "to go, inarch against," is here 
against the context. For other forms of qardbu, to be met with in these letters, see 26 : 16, ki-ri-ib] 3 : 25, li-ga-ri-bu; 
12 : 16, ik-ii -ri-ili ana. 

5 F,„- !'"'.V1D (= irshu), as distinguished from NAD.KI ( = maialu), see Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , p. 409, and for 
E '" S, 'X.\I), cf.. e.g., II , I, ti") : 9, "the bed-chamber ol ilu AG." A "bed-chamber," because it can be carried, etc., was, 
c.i course, not an E or bitu, "house," in its commonly accepted sense. Whose "chamber" is meant here, is not said. 

"Cf. bit a-zu-uli-lni bit ka-a-ri, Str., II, 499 : 1. For the interchange of ,s- and z cf. on the one hand m u-su-ub- 

Shir-pak ( = Uzub-Shipak), 55 ; 2, and on tl ther m Shd-la-zu-[nu], B. E., XV, 1SS V : IS; ['By-l'i-ZK-nu. I.e., IV : 2(1; 

za-bit-ti, B. E., XIV, 99a : 30, 31, 43, and its plural zi-ba-a-H, B. E.. XIV, 121 : G | 122 : 6 (standing for si-bi-li. si-bi-e-ti = 
sibittu, sibtu, see above, p. ti, notei; qa-az-zu tur-tt 'lav's copy gives tab)ra-at, B. E., XV, 15S : 5, for qat{ = SHU)-su 
tur-rat, B. F... XV, 99 : 14 (cf. here also I.e., XV, 39 : 5, qdi '"X. tur-rat; XV, 90 : 45, shd go-turn tur-ra-tum; XV, 6:9] 
19 : 12 121 8, ga-ta d-ta-ar, etc., etc.). I beg to differ from Proft Clay, who reads MAR.RA T (instead of lur-rnl) and 
regards this to be a profession (sec li. I... XIV, p. 57a; XV, p. 516). Qdt resp. qdt-su lur-rnl evidently means "his 
portion is returned, lias been paid." 

: l-sa-a, i-si-e '11. 16, 17), i-su-u (21 : 16) is the infinitive of 8X1, cf. adu and idu, "to know." 

1 For construction and meaning cf., e.o , //., IV, 406 : Kit'., !>m »u,h ll'iiii/i'""' 1 ' shd LUGAL be-lh ish-pur-an-ni 
,ntt nrhi an-ni-e da-ba <i-n<t e-pa-a-shi, and //., I, 77. Rev. 31'., da^a-ba a-na a-la-ki Amu II 1 -'"" da-a-ba ihim IV '"'" a-dan- 
nish da-a-ba. Any action undertaken by the Babylonians had to be determined by the Imrii priest with regard to its 
most propitious time. 



19 \dsK\-shum ta-bar-ri 1 shd be-li ish-pu- 


20 [hur-h]u-ra-tr- i-na qdt m BU( = EN)- 

ii-sa-tum ul am-hu-ur 

21 [dsh-shum hur]-hu-ra-tum 2 shd a-na 

ma-an-da-a t-t i- id' 

22 [al]-qu-it 

23 [shd be-h i]q-ba-a a-na '"Kt-din- 

ilu Marduk 

24 [be-lii-diki x.] + 10 ma-na ta-bar-ri' 


25 [ina libbi-shu x.] + 10 ma-na a-na 


26 [al-t]aC!)-ka-an 4 

27 [x.] + 20 ma-na a-na mu-uh be-h-ia 

28 [ul]-te-bi-la 

29 [h]ur-hu-ra-tum 2 i-na Dur-Ku-ri-Gal- 


30 [shu('l) ]-u-bi-'u-w' ia-nu 

With regard to the tabarri (-wool) concern- 
ing which my "Lord" has inquired 

(I beg to state that) I have not yet 
received the bleached (?) wool from 

As regards the bleached (?) wool which 
I have kept 

as my due 

and concerning which my "Lord" has 
spoken to Kidin-Marduk 

"my 'Lord' knows that I have received 
only x + 10 ma-na of to&arri(-wool) , 

x + 10 ma-na of which I have applied 
as compensation 

for my work, 

and x + 20 ma-na I have sent 

to my 'Lord.' " 

There is no bleached (?) wool 

to be gotten in Dur-Kuri-Galzii. 

1 Ta-bar-ri, here without tin- determinative SIG = ship&ti, is a. certain kind of "wool" (Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 
701a) or a "garment" (Tallquist, Sprache, p. 142). Here, because measured according to ma-na (1. 24), it must be 
"wool," more particularly "dirty(?) wool." 

2 So we have to read according to 11. 29, 31 (not ufb-hu-raAum) . It is here a kind of wool. In Esth., 1 : 6 | S : 15, 
we hear of a certain "un (LXX, fivoaoc) and in Isa., 19 : 9, of 'Tin, in both of which passages the idea of 
"white" (garments) is predominant. fjurhuratum accordingly I propose to explain as "wool that is washed, cleaned, 
bleached, white" (ef. also Arabic h&ra, havvara, "to wash white, bleach"), taking it to be a fern. pi. (sc. ship&ti) of burhuru, 
and this a reduplicated form of hur = iin. 

3 Cf. also 27 : 28, man-da-at-ta. la-i u-qa-lu-u at-ta-din; 35 : 18, garments which a-na amelu USH.BAR it ka-si-ri ki-i 
ma ii-da-at-ti-shii-nu id-di-nu; B. E., XV, 200, III : 9, mipliar 1 (gur) 6 GIN (i.e., female servants) E.GAL a-na man-da- 
[at-li-shi-na], all of which passages show that mandatlu was at this time a certain kind of "stipend," "wages," in the 
form of "wool," "garments," or "grain," i.e., "food and clothing" for work performed (1. 25). 

4 Shitkunu c. ace. and ana, "to take something for something," "to make something to be something" (cf. 9 : 21, 
a-na shi-bu-ti-ia m X. it. "' Y. iUli-ta-ka-an), here "to apply something as compensation for." 

5 If my emendation be correct — the traces visible speaking decidedly for shd (ku or u being out of question) — 
then shu-iiM-'u-ii may be either (a.) the infinitive III 1 of K31, i.e., shuvpu'u = sh&pu'u = shilpi). But the significa- 
tion of this verb docs not fit into the context. Or, what is more probable, we may consider it (6) as an infinitive III 1 
of nSO, i.e., shvb'uiu = shub'il. If this be true, there remain two peculiarities to be explained, viz.: (1) the long il 
in shu-A and (2) the presence of the i in bi. For the graphically (not morphologically) long il cf. such forms as lu-ti- 
id-li-i[k], 38 : 2, and li-ish-pu-u-ra-[am]-7na, 39 : 23, With regard to the presence of the i in bi it should be noticed 
that we may have in Babylonian, resp. Assyrian, an euphonic i or u after the first radical in all those forms where this 


31 [hii\r-lju-ni-ti' Ih-I) lishe-bi-lam-ma? May my "Lord" send bleached (?) wool! 

32 [d \u-vl-li (a a-ba-ad-di? I have no pleasure in my work. 

33 dsh-shum ,u ishpare( USII. As regards these weavers 

BAR)" ■' an-nu-ti 

34 sh&i-na l Pa-an-Ba-li ku ka-lu-W who are being held prisoners in Pan- 


35 i-na V-pi-i** a-na be-h-ia aq-ta-fo (I beg to remind my Lord that) I have 

spoken to my "Lord" in Upl (about 
30 u shd-la-shi-sM a-na tnu-uh be-h-ia and that I have written three times to 

my "Lord" 

37 al-tap-ra about them: 

38 be-Vi li-ish-pu-ur-ma my "Lord" may (finally) give orders 

39 that they take them away. 


No. 55 (= C. B. M. 10,497). (Cf. photographic reproduction, PI. III. 6, 7.) 

Dispute about the exact words of a message sent by King Burna-Buriash with 
regard to the release of young slaves belonging to Enlil-kidinni, a slave-dealer. 
About 1440 B.C. 
For introduction, transcription, translation, and notes see above, Chapter III, 

pp. 5 Iff. 

radical generally is vowelless. With regard to an euphonic i after the first radical cf. among other forms li-ki-ri-ku( = 
UkriU), II.. I. 100 : 0; i-c ! ;-b„-n>(= iqbtini), H.,m,%\l,R.$\li-gi-ru-M=ligruril),H.,lV ', 387, R. 24 ; i-qi-fi-bu-nUhu 
( = iqtiMnishu), II.. V, 515 : 9; mu-sha-kU 1)-rik( = mushakrik), II.. I, 21, K. 1 ; ti-she.-hi-liu( = ushehMq), H., IV, 430 : 7, 
and possibly »-K-fci(= ahpil However, a-li-ki = city is likewise to be considered), No. 29 : 14. With regard to the 
euphonic u after the originally vowelless first radical the following forms are interesting: i-su-hu-rn{ = isfiuni), H., V, 
515, 1!. li; i-zu-gu-pu( = izqupu), II.. IV, 381 : 7; lu-qu-ba-ki( = luqbaki), MaqU, I : 59. Cf. here also the Hebrew 
verbs with Chatef vowel under the first radical in the imperfect, Ges.-K, f>. 25 , 810, 2, notes a, b, on p. 49. Shu-u- 
bi-'tb-ii then, as infinitive III 1 of PIK3 stands for shub'-O., the i being inserted to prevent the assimilation of the guttural 
to the preceding" (shvb'uiv. = shub'ti = slmbbii, which latter would be the infinitive II 1 of «3itf, "to satisfy"). An 
infinitive III" 1 of 813 (shubu"u = shvh"u = shubi'u) is less probable. Delitzsch, H. II'. B.. p. 161n, gives only a II 1 
of H50 with the signification "to seek," "to ask." Ill 1 would be causative and the sense might be: "there is no 
bleached wool in D. to make one ask lor it," /.c, there is none that one might, could ask for— hence the request of 1.31. 

1 See note 2 on preceding page. 

* For lishebilam = lushebilam, see Chapter III, p. 53, note 1. 3 I.e., "I am disgusted with my job." 

< "The face of B«/"-an Amurritish name? Probably to be sought in the neighborhood of Dur-Kuri-Guhtt. 

5 Cf. B. E., XIV, 2 : 8, five slaves of Enlil-kidini who are i-na Bit-" 1 ''"En-lil-ki-di-ni ka-lvr-u; I.e.. XV, 152 : 14, 

the slave. . .shi !-n« '''"IM 1 -' fca-Zu-ii ; /.<'.. XIV, 135 : 3, i-na ki-li ih-ln-shu-ma. In 3 : 33, 42 | 15 : 5, 14, ka- 

lu-ti resp. ka-la-a signifies the "destruction by water," cf. Delitzsch, II. W. /»'., p. 329b under II dSd-. ka-lu-u shd rhe-e. 

« Although not registered by Clay, yet a ""'''"('-pi-i occurs, e.g., in B. E., XIV, 132 : 43, 40, 52. 

' For 11. 33ff. cf. Chapter IV, p. 74. 



No. 24 (= C. B. M. 19,793). (Cf. photographic reproduction, Pis. I, II, 1-5.) 

Official report about various occurrences, among which a disastrous flood, under a 
hitherto unknown Cassite King. About 1430 B.C. 

The contents of this letter may be conveniently subdivided into the following 

parts : 

(a) Introduction and address, poetic in its arrangement and conception, 11. 1-10. 

(b) The complaint of the tenants of the fields of "The Lord of Lands" about the 
actions of Etelbu mar m Ush-bu-la l in causing waters to overwhelm their possessions, 

11. 11-17. 

(c) The city Mannu-gir-Rammdn, which the writer held as fief of the crown, is 
deluged by "rains out of the heavens and floods out of the depths," 11. 18-23. 

(d) Gates and cattle are destroyed; there is nothing left wherewith to keep alive 
or pay the inhabitants, 11. 24-29. 

0) Report about the request of the governor Mdr- m [. . . ] for a new gate, 11. 


(/) Request that the King may look into the affairs of " l Ina-E.K UR.GAL, 11. 32-34. 

(</) The writer's urgent request to the King to act quickly and give an immediate 
answer, 11. 34-37. 

For the personality of the King and of his father Nazi- iU Enlil see above under 
Chapter IV, pp. 68ff., where also the notes to 11. 24-29 will be found. For the notes 
to 11. 1-10, 11. 18-23, 11. 29-31, 11. 36-37 see Chapter III, pp. 46ff., 49ff ., 43ff., 51. The 
letter in its completeness reads : 

1 a-na be-h-ia as-mi lu-ul-li-i zeri{= To my "Lord" — : 

KUL) ishtu(= TA) shame-[e] Glorious in splendor, 

Seed out of Heaven; 

2 la ma-ir an-ni gu-ra-di li-e-i it-pi-sh [i ] Not summoning punishment, 

Strong, powerful, wise one ; 

3 nu-ur ahi(= SHESH) mesh -shu PI- Light of his brothers, 

in-di-e na-ma-a-ri Ordering the dawn; 

4 ki-ib kab-tu-ti ra-dsh-ba-nu-u-ti Ruler of mighty and 

Terrible lords ; 

1 Cf. now also the BU- m V ' xh-hu-ln iii H. K., Series D, IV, p. 1 Is, col. Ill, 5, where it is reported that it adjoined 
a district "which had been given to the 'Lord of Lands.' " 



5 e-pi-ir um-ma-ni pa-dsh-shur ni-shi Food of the people, 

Platter of man; 

6 e-tel ki-na-te-e-sM shd ''"A-na Uu En- Hero of his clan, 

lil a "'"A. I Whom the triad of gods 

7 it au Be-lit-\-ft(= NI.NI) ki-ib4i Together with Bttit 

du-um-ki Presented a fief 

S it mi-ish-ri-e ish-ru-ku-ushii Tending towards grace 

And righteousness— 
!) be-h-ia ki-be-ma um-rna m Kal-bu ip- to my Lord speak, thus saith Kalbu, 

ru thy dust 

10 ii ar-du na-ra-am-ka-ma and thy loving servant. 

11 an-nu-um-ma-a 1 shii-ii ki-i ra-ma-ni Behold that one, though I myself have 


12 Ix-D-ia ap-ki-du-ma m E-tel-bu mar recommended him to my Lord, that 

m Uslt-bu-la Etelbu, son of Ushbula, 

13 | ]-mat(?)-su u a-na pa-an has .... his .... even up to the city of 

Man-nu-gi-ir-^IM Mannu-gir-Ramman 

14 [ ] sa-ab-ta-ku ash-bu eqlu( = he has .... which I possess. The ten- 

A.SHAG) shd EN.KUR.KUR ant of the field of "The Lord of 

1") [um-ma-a a-na .... ]-mi-ia-ma i-na [came and spoke thus before my ] 

me-e i-di-la-an-ni? "By means of water he has encir- 

cled me." 

16 [alulf* 1 slid it-ti-ialu ash-bu-tu The cities which are with me — be they 


17 lu na-du-tu 3 shd EN.KUR.KUR i-na or be they doomed — and which belong to 

1 An-nu-um-ma-a = an(n )umma. Cf. um-ma-a = um-ma and see also Hammurabi, 2 : 10; S. 273 : 17; C. T., IV, 27 
(B l 329) : 10. Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , 175, 527, translates anumma by "nun, sofort." A translation: "Grace (please grant 
unto me) if I speak as follows (um-tnn-n)" is likewise possible. Cf. the dialogue between Abraham and the "angel of 
the Lord," Gen. 18, lbff. 

: Etlt'lu inn mS, not "to shut off from water." but edelu, because a synonym of sandqu = "to shut in" (Jensen, 
K. B.. VI 1 , p. 410), has to be translated here "has shut me in. encircled me, enclosed me with or by water." As such 
it evidently point- to the i-na la-me-e na-di, 1. 20, e-ka-ku, 1. 26, and i-xl-rn, 1. 2s. The tenant, or inhabitant (notice 
the singl. instead of the plural!) of the fields of god EN.KUR.KUR (i.e., either Enlil or XIX. IB; for omission of ilu 
before names of gods see p. 8, n. 8), which were situated in the immediate neighborhood of the city Mannu-gir-Ramm&n, 
complains of his being encircled by "waters" through the negligence or spite of Etelbu, who failed to keep the canals 
clean. These "waters" became so fierce that even Mannu-gir-Ramm6n was surrounded {i-na la-me-e na-di). Added to 
this "the rains and floods," the city's destruction was complete. 

3 Root nadu. The sense is: The complaint is made by all inhabitants— by those who have and those who have 
nut vet suffered from the effects of the inundation. The shd EX.KUR.KUR is parallel to that of 1. 14 — belongs, therefore, 
to [alut or eqlulf" 1 , 1. Hi. 


pa-an me-e i-ha-bu-bu 


18 v ''•'"Man-nu-<ji-ir-''"IM slid sharru 

(= LUGAL) ra-in ga-[ti] 

19 it bc-h a-na MIR.NIT.TA an-nu-ti 


20 i-na la-me-e na-di zu-un-na i-na sha- 

me-e \c u 

21 u mi-la i-na nak-bi ki-i i-di-nu s ha-ku 

22 dlu-ki slid be-l) i-ri-man-ni i-na la- 


23 na-di a-na ba-la-ad a-i-ka-a lul-lik 

24 it abullu( = KA.GAL) eru me > h DA mesh 

u lahru(=- GANAM) shattu-H slid 
ish-tit b[e]-na-ti 

25 slid m Na-zi- u "En-lil a-bi-ka ii adi( = 

EN) umi mi 

26 [e]-ka-ku('l) ii i-na-an-na be-Vi it-ti-[di 

slid ] 

27 [i(l)-la]-ka-an-7ii i-na-an-na ki-i i-li- 


28 [ii zu-un-n\a LU{1) mesh lahru(=GAN- 

AM) shattu-II i-si-ru mi-na-a[2] 

29 [lul ]-qa-am-ma lu-ud-di-in ii 

Mdr- m [. . .]' 

30 bel pahdti(=- EN. NAM) a-na ardi- 

ka ki-i il-li-ku um-ma-a 

31 abulla{= KA.GAL)'" i-ma-ad-di tu- 

shd-an-na-ma taddan( = SE)-na 

32 u m I-na-E.KUR.GAL ardi-ka shd 

a-na be-h-ia 

"The Lord of Lands" cry out on 
account of the waters ! 
Even the city Mannu-gir-Rammdn with 

which the King is entrusting me 
and which my "Lord" has handed over 

to these conscribers 
is destroyed by inundations: rains out 

of the heavens 
and floods out of the depths are, when (or 
after) he (i.e., my Lord) had handed 
her (the city) over (sc. to the con- 
scribers), overflooding her! 
Yes, the city with which my "Lord" has 

entrusted me is destroyed 
by inundations! Where shall I go to 

save myself? 
Also the mighty bronze-gates together 
with the two-year-old ewes which 
(were kept there) since the time 
of Nazi-Enlil, thy father, even unto 

(this) day, 
(the floods) have destroyed! And now 

my "Lord" knows that 
they will come to me ; now, when they are 

there (i.e., have come), 
what shall I take and give, seeing that 
the floods have encircled the sheep 
and the two-year-old ewes? 

And Md r- m [. . .}, 
the governor, when he had come to thy 

servant, said : 
"They make lamentations on account 

of the gate! Duplicate it!" 
And Ina-E.KUR.GAL, thy servant, 
whom I have recommended 


33 ap-ki-du ash-shii} di-na-[ni-]ia to my "Lord"— on my account, 

;;i be-h a-ma-as li-mur-ma a-hi-ti-ia? my "Lord," look into his affairs! If I 

am to get out 

35 mu-ushshu-ra-ku? ba-am-dish li-ta- of my predicament then (my Lord) may 

al-Hk* aci (lit. come) quickly. 

36 ii a-na-ku i-tu h\i-l)\-ia a-wa a-Ui-a-kr And I, the M of my "Lord," though I 

have written to the "King" 
:\~ ,i-ii(i sharri{ = LUGAIA ki-i ash- concerning (my) coming, yet the "King" 
\pu-ra] sharru(= LUGAL) ul i-di- has not given me (an answer or 

na-an-ni. permission). 


No. 9 (= C. R. M. 11,635). 

Bandsha-Marduk reports to King Kuri-Galzu about the revolt which has broken out 
in Bit-'" ''"Siii-issiihra. About 1390 B.C. 

Above (pp. 4ff.) it has been shown that our writer, Bandsha-Marduk, lived 
between the 20th year of Kuri-Galzu and the 11th year of Kadashman-Turgu, i.e., 
during a space of about forty-three years. We may assign this letter, therefore, to the 
time of Kuri-Galzu, and this the more because the Bit- m il "Sin-issahra, so named after the 
head of the royal storehouse (karu) ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG, situated in Kandure ki , 
Sni-issahra, flourished, in all probability, principally during the time of Kuri-Galzu." 
From 11. 19, 20 we may conclude that our writer was a master builder, who, while 
engaged in building a gate, received news about the revolt in Bit- m ilu Sin-issahra, 
which he, as faithful servant, communicated instantly to his Lord, King Kuri-Galzu. 
Is this revolt connected in one way or another with the uprising of the Cassites 
under the be-h, the son of Nazi-''"Enh'i mentioned in No. 24? 

The contents are the following: 

'Not ap-hirdv^ash-skd, but ash-shu ili-)ii:-[iii]-ia is to be read. Ash-slni di-nu-ni-ia again is the same as the 
well-known dshshum-mi^ia (27 : 44) = ana shu-mi-ia (S. 274 : 17,4) = dsh-shu-mi-ia (C. T., VI, 32 (= B 1 .534) : 4), of the 
Hamruiirabi period. From this it follows that dindnu = shumu, i.e., "all thai which expresses the essence of a being," 
"the being itself" (cf. FUST DC), or, as Delitzsch, //. 11". B., p. 224£i, gives it. "das Selbst," see also p. 58, note 2. 

2 For ak'itu sc. shrmtu, see II. W. B., p. 416. 

' I.e., "if I am to leave and thus be out of it forever." 

' Not I it + tallik hut lu + itallik, Pal&ku. 

5 In view of li-ta-al-lik : , "may act, (quickly)!" and alkam, "hurry!" etc., we might translate here: "though I have 
written to my Lord to hasten (sc. the reply to my last letter), yet the King has not adjudged me worthy (sc.of an answer)." 
In this case i-di-na-an-ni might be derived from p ( = idin-anni), instead of naddnu. 

8 See pp. 79, 81, 110, 116. 



(a) Exhortation to rejoice, 11. 6—? 

(6) News about the revolt in Bit-" 1 ilu Sin-issahra, upon information received 
from m E.SAG.IL-zu-ri-ia, 11. 15-19. 

(c) The gate is finished, 11. 19, 20. 

(d) The truth of the communications made in this letter may be verified by 
calling upon the prefects of Rakanu and Bit- m Ki-din-ni. 

1 ardi-ka m Bana ( = KA K) -a-sha- ilu Mar- 


2 a-na di-na-an be-Vi-ia lul-lik 

3 a-na alu-ki u siri ( = EDIN) shd be- 


4 shu-ul-mu 

5 um-ma-a a-na be-h-ia-ma 

6 ad-ru l shu 2 -te-su-uk 

7 ii ma{1)-hi-sa 3 [. . . . ]-ma 

8 si(?)-pi-[ri 4 ] 

9 um-m[a a-na be-h-i]a-ma 

10 [....] shd be-Vi 

11 [...] 

12 a-[ " lilu IM-ra]-im-zer 

.... brake .... 

13 [....] u-ba-a\sh-shu1J 

14 [. . . .]-u-maki-ki-i a si(l or ad?) -[. . .], 

15 m E.SAG.lL-zu-ri-ia ar[di-ka] 

Thy servant Band-sha-Marduk; 

before the presence of my "Lord" may I 

To the city and the fields of my "Lord" 

greeting ! 

The following to my "Lord" : 
Let the palace rejoice 
and the soldiers let ... . 
and the si-pi-ri let ... . 
speaking thus to my "Lord" : 
.... which my "Lord" 

E '.SAG .lL-zuri-ia, thy servant, 

1 For adru cf. Johnson, ./. A, O. S., XIX, p. 5H, perhaps "enclosure"; Behrens, L. S. S., IV, p. 47, note 1, "Palast- 

2 So is to be connected, not ad-ru-shu te-su-uk (which latter had to be in this case tesik). Shu-le-su-uk, either 
infinitive or permansive IIP of pDX, "to glorify" (Delitzsch's =]DS, H. 11'. B., p. lOSb, and POX, I.e., p. 1106, belong 

3 MaC!)-fii-sa might stand here for mundaJUbipu, "soldier." 

* Cf. with this the amelu si-pi-ri, Delitzsch, //. IF. B., p. 5096. A reading e-pi-ri seems to be against the 

5 Very doubtful. Might be IP of HX3, "to seek," or possibly a II 1 of either N13 or HEO. 

6 The context being mutilated, it is difficult to tell whether to connect [. . .]-ma kl ki i-si-[. . . ] or [. . .]-ma 
ki-ki-i si{or ad)-[. . . ]. 



16 shaking GAR)**' de( XE)->ni is reporting about BU-Sin-issahra (say- 

shU BU- m ''"Sni{ XXX)-is-sah-ra ing:) 

17 IC umm&ni{- SAB) ' gi-in-na-ta? "100 men killed, while the 

18 ki-i ig-nu-na sabi( SAB) mMh shd famwes were settling down, the soldiers 

be-h-ia of my Lord." 

19 ir-ta-pi-is* u 6A6a at4a-di(^)-ish As regards the gate— I renewed 

20 ib-ta-ta-ak* it, it is finished. 
•_M u-mi shi-bu-ti-ia '" au Nergal-Ba-ni Nergal-Bani, 

22 ba-za-na shd alu Ra-ka-nu the prefect of Rakanu, 

•j;; ft h,i-:<t-<i>!-iw shd Bit-'" Ki-dm-in and (he prefect of BU-Kidinni I have 

24 <\sh-ta-ka-an made to be my witnesses. 


No. 29 (= C. B. M. 11,956). 

A letter of Marduk-mushallim, head of the storehouse at Dur-Enlil, to King A'-wn- 
Gafcu. About 1400 B.C. 

A certain Marduk-mushallim endorses in fi. #., XIV, 154 : 5, the payment of a 
specified amount of grain (SHE) as ri-mu-tum (a kind of wages) to a lady of the bit 
a-m ,-la-ti ("house of female (slave)s") and as SIGISSE.SIGISSE ("offerings") to ilu Sin. 
The position* 1 which the name of Marduk-mushallim occupies on this tablet makes it 
certain that he was the head of the storehouse at Dur-' lu En-lil k '. This tablet 
is dated simply the "16th year" (1. 7). As only the first four kings (Burna-Buriash 
to Kadashman-Turgu) reigned sixteen or more years each, it is reasonably certain 
that our letter belongs to the earlier Cassite kings known from the Temple Archives. 
We may, however, go a step farther. The person m A-na-tukulti( = KU)-ilu( = AN)- 
ma, mentioned in 11. 9, 15, I propose to identify with one of the witnesses mentioned 

'If shakin dSmiwere here a title, its position would have to be before ardi-ka : shakin dimi ardi-ka. I take it, 
therefore, as a permansive : "is just now (wink- I am wilting this) reporting about (shd)." Cf. here also p. 52, 
note 5d. In 1. 17, which contains the report, um-ma-a has been left out. as is often the case in our letters. 

2 To bring out the difference in writing between §AB&- a and SAB mesh I transcribed as given above. Both 
(SAB^ ia and SAB mesh ) signify, however, at this time very often, if not always, simply "men, workmen" (uw.m6.rA), see 
p. 35, note 1. 

3 Gi-in-nn-la ki-i ig-nu-na = qinn&ta (fern, plur.) ki iqnund (3d plur. fern, of |Jp) = qinn&ta qinna fci iqnund,, i.e., 
"while the families (employed on the Temple properties) were building a nest," "were settling down." For the signi- 
fication of qinnu, qinn&ti at 'this time cf., e.g., B. E., XIV, 126 : 7 | XV, 160 : 29, qin-ni; B. E., XIV, 111 : 7, qi n-na-a-t i . 

1 Rnpasu here in the sense of "to kill" (sha da-a-ki), Delitzsch, H . W. B., p. 626a. The singular being employed, 
because "objects counted (SAB- ia are such objects) are construed as singulars," see p. 95, note 6. 

5 P of pat&qu ill. II". B., p. 554o ; Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , p. 319) here with passive signification: "it is built, finished." 
" See also the position of the name of Innanni in such tablets of "endorsement," Chapter IV, c, p. 86, note 4. 



in a document from the 4th year of Ku l -[ri-Gal-zu], B. E., XIV, 11 : 16. Erba- 
Marduk of 1. 4 would, therefore, have to be identified with Erba-Marduk, the son of 
Sin-nur-mdti, B. E., XIV, 19 : 23 (dated in the 13th year of Kuri-Galzu). Taking 
all these facts into consideration I do not hesitate to see in the be-li of 1. 2 and in the 
LUGAL of 1. 6 King Kuri-Galzu, to whom this letter has been addressed. Marduk- 
mushallim, then, was during the reign of Kuri-Galzu the head of the storehouse at 
Dur- i,u Enlil ki , which place must have been situated at a river, resp. canal, deep 
and safe enough for the lalld-ships (i.e., H Fracht{?)-schiffe ,y ) . 
The contents of this letter are: 

(a) The royal provender will be shipped per lalld-ships by the 16th of this month, 
11. 4-8. 

(b) Request that the king send certain men to remove the workmen and 
clients and to return them to their owner, 11. 9-18. 

1 [ardi-ka m ] ilu Marduk-mu-[shal-]lim. 

2 [a-na di-n]a-an be-h-ia lul-lik 

3 um-ma-a a]-rm be-li-ia-ma 

4 [dsh-shum GAR. LUGAL 2 ] slid m Erba 

(= SU)- ilu Marduk 

5 [ardi-ka i]k-shu-da 

6 [um-ma-a] akdli ( — GAR) sharri 

(LUGAL) umu 16 w 

7 a-na i?u md-la( = lal)-al-la-a 3 

8 ummdni(= SAB) kia li-su-u-ni 

9 m A-na-tukulti( = KU)-ilu( = AN)-ma 

10 u m itu Sukal( = LUGH)-she-mi 

11 it ummdni{= SAB) mesh shd a-la-ak- 


12 shu-up-ra-am-ma 

13 li-zu-u-ma lil-li-ku 5 

Thy servant Marduk-mushallim; 
before the presence of my "Lord" may I 

speaking thus to my "Lord": 
As regards [the royal provender] which 

Erba-Marduk, thy servant, was to have 

(I beg to say that) the men shall bring 

the royal provender 
upon the lalld-ships 
by the 16th (of this month). 
A na-t ukult i-ilu-ma 
and Sukal-shemi 
and the men of their company 

send (give orders) 
that they come, 

1 Kudur-Enlil is out of question, because he reigned only six resp. eight years, see p. 1. 

2 Emendation according to 1. 6. Very doubtful. Cf., however, the MA.GAR.RA of the Hammurabi Letter, 
No. 34 : 16, which likewise was put upon the lfu ma-lal. 

s F or »f" m ^(= e lippu)-la-al-la-a see Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 414a (left untranslated) and lung, Letters of Ham- 
murabi, III, p. 7, note 2 (to No. 34 : 10), "processional boat." 

'Lit., "of their going" {alak= infinitive), "their following." 
6 Lit., "that they may go out and go (come)." 


11 // ummi'imX SAB) ■* u ki-din-iia so that Ana-4ukuUi-ilu-rm may return to 
roa-fa s/id a-Zi-fci 1 turn 

L5 ■ A-na-tukultn KU)-ilu( AN)-ma all the men and proteges (clients) 

16 a-na pa-nisku li-ter-ra-am-ma? which 1 have taken. 

17 lni-a \m-di-ish' Let them dojt 
is //A'-.s'/; J »-'/"' quickly. 


No I l ( ('. B. M. 19,799). 

The superintendent of the Temple weaveries reports to King Kuri-Galzu about the 
administration of his office. About 1-100 B.C. 

As the name of the writer is broken away, it is rather difficult to assign this 
letter to a definite period. If. however, the emendation of 1. 16, BU- m Ki[din-ni], 
be correct. I would refer this letter to the time between the 20th year of Kuri-Galzu 
and the 11th of Kadashman-Turgu* Our writer was apparently the royal superin- 
tendent of the Temple weaveries. Where these weaveries were situated cannot 
be made out. Noteworthy in this letter is the statement that one weaver had been 
a fugitive for one wdiole year, until he was brought back from the "house of Kidinni." 
That the Temple employees fled very often from their place of service is well known 
from the Temple Archives; cf. e.g., Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 34. But that such a fugitive 
employee, when recaptured, would not be punished is new." Nothing, apparently, 
is said here of such a punishment of either the fugitive slave or of the man who 
harbored him, nor is the reward of the two shekels mentioned. 

The contents are the following : 

(a) The .... have been put up, 11. 4-7. 

(b) The King must wait for the garments, 11. 8, 9. 

1 As indicated by the translation, I consider this form to stand for shd alqu; cf. p. 100, note. If one prefers 
he may take it in the sense of "as many as are of ( = in) the city (= ali-ki)," seep. 11, note 2. 

: Stands here for lutera-ma, hi + u of the 3d pers. becomes at this time always li. To "whom" shall he return 
the men? To Erba-Marduk'i 

3 Cf. here hp-an-di-ish, 80 : 13 | 93 : 5; bfl-am-disk, 24 : 35, and ha-mu-ul-la, 49 : 10 | 51 : 10 | 68 : 12 | 83 : 24 | 
92 : 24. 

* I.e., "May they (Ann-tukulti-ilu-mn and the other men, 11. 9f.) come, take the men, and return them to him 
quickly." Likshudd=likshudH, so better than singular : " may he, i.e., Ana-tiikulti-ilu-mn, do it." 

5 See the remarks to 9 : 21 above, ( Siapter I (p. 4fL). 

8 A recaptured slave was put to death at the time of Hammurabi, Code, 8 : 30-36. A man who harbors in his 
house a fugitive slave was likewise put to death, Hammurabi Code, 8 : 37-48. To him who captures a fugitive slave 
are awarded two shekels of money, Hammurabi Code, 8 : 49-58. 



(c) The wool just sheared has been removed, 11. 10-12. 

(d) The fine wool is all gone, 1. 12. 

(e) A fugitive weaver has been recaptured and returned by Bit-Kidinni, 11. 

(/) Only one workman bargained for has been received from Kish, 1 11. 18-21. 

1 [ardi-ka " l X . . . . a-na di-na-an] Thy servant X.; before the presence 

2 [be-h-ia lu-ul]-l[i-ik] of my "Lord" may I come! 

3 [a-na GANAM.LU] u bit [be-h-ia To the cattle and the house of my 

KU) bia 


4 [....]da[....]-li 

5 [sh]d id-[di-]mi-ni 

6 be-Vi li-mu-ur 

7 id-du-u-ni (! sign bi) 2 

8 i-na bu-ut lubushti( = 

9 be-Vi la i-sa-an-ni-iq-an-ni 3 

10 shipdtu( = SIG) hia shdna-gid me,h 

1 1 ma-la ba-aq-na* 

12 it-qu ba-ni-turrt ia-nu 

13 amelu ishparu( = USH.BAR) ishten en 

14 shd id-tu ishten shattu(= MU) 

15 ha-al-qu 

16 ul-tu Bit- m Ki-[din-ni] 

17 il-te-qu-ni 

18 ishten en amelu li-ib-bu" 

19 ummdni( = SAB) h,a ra-ak-su-u-ti 7 

20 ul-tu Kish ki 

21 il-te-qu-ni 

"Lord" greeting! 
The .... 

which they (were to) have given, 
my "Lord" may behold, 
they have put up. 
For the garments 
do not press me, my "Lord." 
The wool of the shepherds, 
as much as has been sheared, 
they have removed. Good (sc. wool) is 

not here. 
One weaver, 
who was a fugitive 
for one year, 
they have received 
from (out of) Bit-Kidinni. 
Only one of 
the stipulated workmen 
they have received 
from Kish. 

1 For the different cities called Kish, see Jensen, Z. A., XV, p. 214ff., and Hommel, Grundriss 2 , pp. 33S, 3S3- 390. 

2 For the sign bi as variant for ni, li, see "Names of Professions" under Ha-bi(\)-gal-ba-ti-i. A possible derivation 
from 310 (cf. nidbti, nindabit) would be less probable and quite peculiar in formation, (1) because of the long il (but 
cf. p. 129, 1. 23), (2) because of the i in bi (standing for biX). The object which was "put up" is unfortunately broken away. 

3 /.<•., wait a little longer for them. 

4 For baqdnu = baqdmu, "to cut off," "to shear," see now Hinke, B. E., Series D, IV, pp. 203a, 177. Besides the 
passages quoted there cf. also B. E., XIV, 128 : 1, SIG^ Ka bu-qu-nu, and I.e., 42 : 12, i-ba-qa-nu (said of akdlu, shikaru, 
and mi-ri-esh-lum, hence here at least it cannot mean "to cut off" or "to shear"). See also a-ba-qa-am-ma, 2 : 10. 

6 For ba-ni-tum {sc. shipdtu ), fern, of band, (syn. of damqu), in the sense of "good," "nice," "fine," etc., see Jensen, 
K. B., VI', p. H2. • For libbd = ina libbi slid cf. Delitzsch, A. G. 2 , § 108, pp. 226f. 

'Cf. here the dup-piri-ki4sh(l)-tisM m Irir-na-aTMua^ ame ' u RIQ me * h ilKA.ZID.DA 1), 

i.e., "the (tablet of) stipulations upon which I. has agreed with the R. and K." 

1 10 mi itks TO CASSITE KINGS 


\,. s; i B M BIS Cf. photographic reproduction, PI. XII, 29, 30.) 

A letter of complaints, requests, and threats written by the governor Errish-apal- 
iddina to the bursar-in-chief, Innanni. Time of Kuri-Galzn, about I 100 B.C. 

Above, pp. 2ff., it has been shown that Innanni, the chid' bursar of the 
Nippurian Temple storehouses, lived ami transacted business during a, period extend- 
ing at least from the ISth year of Kuri-Galzu to the 2d year of Nazi-Maruttash, 
and that Errish-apal-iddina, the governor of D#r(resp. BU)-Errish-apal-iddina k \ 
flourished from the loth year of Kuri-Galzu to the 24th year of Nazi-Maruttash. 

mni, though frequently mentioned on tablets apparently emanating from the 
aeighboring towns around Nippur, where he was at intervals looking after the 
interests or possessions of Knlil, 1 was yet a resident of Nippur, cf. B. E., XV, 115 : 5 | 
135 :6, BU- m In-na-an-nu(ni) Nippur (= En-lU) ki . We also saw that during the 
reign of Kuri-Galzu, /.cat the time when m In-na-an-ni was bursar-in-chief, '" il "Sin- 
issaJtra was the head of the royal or Palace storehouse (karu), named ASH.TAB.BA. 
GAN.TUG . Hut, though the head of that storehouse, he was still subordinate 
to Innanni. This follows not only from No. 85 : 8, 9, where Innanni is commanded 
to give to Sin-issahja the "wages for certain persons," or from B. E., XV, 50, where 
he (Sin-issahjra) receives grain from Innanni "per order of the Palace," but more 
particularly from such passages as B. E., XIV, 35 : 3, where it is reported that a 
certain '" ilu I J A.KU-ma-lik-AN'" csh receives in ■'•'"Kara ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG 
a certain amount of grain as horse-feed from (ina qat) m In-na-an-ni, which shows 
clearly that Innanni must have had and actually did have authority also over the 
Palace storehouses; in other words, Innanni, though bursar-in-chief of the Temple 
storehouses, was ipso facto also the chief bursar of the Palace storehouses — he was 
both a Temple and a royal official, hence his successor, Martuku, is expressly called 
an a-rad LUGAL {B. E., XIV, 56 : 9), a "servant of the king." Innanni 3 seems to 
have been a rather slow and stingy official; the only way to make him live up to 
his obligations was by threatening him (cf. 11. 12 and 27ff. and 85 : 5). 
The contents of this letter are : 

(a) Complaint over Innanni 's negligence, 11. 3, 4. 

(b) Request to urge the workmen not to leave the city, 11. 5-7. 

& i above, p. 2, note 13. 2 Sec Chapter IV . c, pp. 70; 81; cf. p. 116. 

I the term iihu of No. SO : 10 is to lie taken in its literal sense, Innanni would be a brother of m E-mi-da- llt 'Mar- 
duk, hi-., 1. 18. See lure the interpretation "I that passage by Prof. Hilprecht, above, p. 25, note 1, and cf. Emid-ana- 
Marduk, p. 71 ! Is Emida - Emid + mm = an = am = a? If so, this would explain the exalted position of Innanni, 
i.e., Lununui would have been a brother of the bell of No. 24. 



(c) Comply with the wishes of the RIQ officials, 11. 8, 9. 

(d) Request coupled with threat, 11. 9-13. 

(e) Give barley to Mdr-Tadu, 1. 14. 

(/) Pay the barley to the RIQ of Shelibi only in the "presence of the city," 
11. 15-18. 

(g) Thirteen oxen are missing, 11. 19-21. 

(h) Pay the barley to Sin-apal-erish, 11. 22, 23. 

(i) Hurry up and pay the seed-corn to "the city," 11. 24-26. 

(k) Complaint coupled with two threats in the form of accusations, 11. 27-37. 

This letter reads : 

1 [a-na m ] In-na-an-ni ki-be-ma 

2 um-ma m ilu Errish(t)( = NIN.IB)- 

apal { = TUR. USH ) -iddina ( = SE) 
n [ a -ma] 

3 um-ma-a am-mi-ni ash-pu-r[a-ak-ku\ 

4 la ta-al-li-i-mla 1 ?] 



5 um-ma-a ummani( = SAB) 


6 shd ash-pu-ra-ak-ku tu-sh[e-ir-shu]- 

nu-ti-ma 2 

7 dlu-ki la mu-ush-shu-u[r] 

8 shd 5 a '"^RlQ""- sh shd Nippur ( = 

EN.LIL) k [ l ] 

9 ku-ri-ib-shu-nu-ti-i-ma 3 shd [um- 

a • / Ci A 7"»\ hi i .a mesh 

mani(= SAB)- ] 

10 it-ti Ni-ib-bu-ri-i iuim-s[a-a]r-ta 

11 sh u-u m-h i- ir-sh u-nu-ti 

To Innanni speak, 

thus saith Errish-apal-iddina: 

Why have I sent word to thee 

and thou hast not come up? 

Also the following: As regards these 

concerning whom I have sent to thee — 

"(so) urge them 
not to leave the city." 
As regards the 5 RIQ of Nippur— 

"comply with their wishes !" As regards 

the workmen — 
"let them, together with the Nippurians, 
receive the namsartu-vessels. 

1 For the long I ci. ku-ri-ib-shu-nu-ti-i-ma, 1. 9. The traces of -mo(?) speak rather for -ka. In view of li-ish-bu-ii- 
ra-am-ma, 39 : 23, a form ta-al-l i-i-ka would not be impossible. 

'•' Tu-she-tir-sh]u-nu-ti is supplied according to 1. 36, tu-she-ir. Both lorms may be lakeo \,a) eithei as a 11' ol 
Ity' (= tu-iashshir, tu'ashshir, tushshir, lushr-ir), "in den richligen Zustand versetzen," Delitzscli, //. IT. R-, p. 311a, 
or (b) they may be (and this is more probable) a II 1 of VtfN ( = tu'ashshir, etc., as above). According to Jensen, K. B., 
VI 1 , p. 409, 410, ashdru is a synonym of both paqadu and sandqu. For sandgu in the sense of "to press, to urge," see 
44 : 8. Cf. also for "WX Meissner, Supplem., p. 13 (= K. 4587, Obv. 6); Delitzsch, .4. L.*\ Zimmern, K. A. T.\ p. 421. 
The sense apparently is : "urge them by putting them into the right frame of mind." A II 1 of I'^l is excluded here. 

3 On account of shu-um-hi-ir-shu-nu-ti, 1. 11, and tu-ul-te-hi-ir-«hii-nii-ti, 1. 12, I take this form as a II 1 of 31J, 
"Jemandem willjahren" (not as a II 1 of 3"^, "to bring near"). 



12 shum-ma an-ni-ta id tii-iil-li-lji-ir- 


13 ul at-tu-u-a SHE.BAR ik-ka-lir 

14 2 GUR SHE.BAR a-na Mar->Ta-a- 

dii i-di-in 

i:> shd! "RIQ " u She4i-bi ki 

(.6 9 a-mi-lu-ussu a-na pi-i a-mi-lu- 

1 7 it-ti* ashshd-bi shd dlu-ki 

15 SHE.BAR id-na-ashsh{i-[1] 

19 ar-di i-na bu-[ut . . . .] 

20 u alpu shd i-na Alu [ ] 

21 13 alpu ia-a-nu it 10 [. . . . ] ia-a-nu 

22 SHE.BAR a-na "■ ""£m( = XXX)- 

a P al{= TUR.USH)-[Crish] 

23 mu-du-ud-ma i-din-ma li-ish-shd-a 

24 it at-ta lja->nu-ut-ta 

25 al-ka-am-nia SHE.ZER 

26 a-na dlu-kr i-din 

27 w SHE.BAR 10 G'C//? GISH.BAR 

GAL shd m Ib-ni- ilu Marduk 

If this thou doesl not grant unto them, 

they shall (no longer) 'rat my ''food".' ' 
Give 2 gur of barley to Mdr-Tddu. 

As regards the A'/Q of Shelibi— 
"give him the barley for his 9 men 
upon the demand of his representatives 
in the presence of the ' city '." 

I went down on account of ... . 

and the oxen which are in the city of ... . 

(and found) that 13 oxen are not there 

and 10 + x are not there. 

Measure and pay the barley to Sin-apal- 

so that he can take it away. 
Also hurry up and give 
the seed-corn 
to the " city ". 
And as regards the barley, the 10 gur 

GISH.BAR.GAL, due to Ibni-Mar- 

duk — 

1 IF of shafedru = safiaru. 

• As SHE.BAR at this time is the "money" or "wages" in form of "barley" which an employee receives for his 
services, the phrase "to eat the barley of somebody" clearly means "to be in somebody's employ." According to this 
id al-tu-ii-a SHE.BAR ik-ka-lu would mean as much as: "my barley, i.e., food they shall no longer eat," "they shall no 
longer be in my employ," "I will dismiss them." But, and this is important, the threat is directed against Innanni. 
We have here clearly an indication that Errish-apal-iddina, the governor, employed these men upon the instigation 
of Innanni, i.e., they were given an office by and through the help of the "political" influence of Innanni; and the gov- 
ernor, in order to force Innanni to comply with his (the governor's) wishes, threatens him with the dismissal of his 
(Innanni's) proteges. For SHE.BAR cf. also p. 113, note 4. 

3 The translation of 11. 15f. depends upon whether we read, 1. IS, id-na-ash-shti or id-na-ash-shu-nu. As there was 
ample space on the O. of the tablet for the sign -nu it would seem strange that the writer, if he wrote -nu, should have put 
it on the R. E. We might translate accordingly: "as regards the RIQ . . . and his nine men ... so give them ( = 
idnashskunu, amiliUi-shu-nu)" oY "as regards the RIQ ... so give him (idnashshu) with regard to his nine men (or for his 
nine men) . . . upon the demand of his representatives (amiluti-sku)." 

' The RIQ of Shelibi must have been a rather untrustworthy official seeing that grain shall be delivered to him 
in "the presence of the city (i.e., the city's (= Nippur) heads)." 

6 The "city" in which Errish-apal-iddina was stationed, i.e., "Bit-Errish-apal-iddina k '." 



28 na-da-na aq-ba-ak-ku "I have told thee to pay it, 

29 am-mi-ni la ta-di-in why hast thou not paid it? 

30 shii-u it-ti-ia te-bi l He is angry with me. 

31 ul a-shi-im-mar it-tf-ka It will not be my fault, if he does not 

32 ul i-da-bu-ub accuse thee, saying: 

33 um-ma-a 4 SUM.SAR 5 u SUM.EL. 'No onions and garlic (?) 


34 a-na a-ka-li va-a-nu are there to eat,' 

35 um-ma-a* a-na Mar- 1 Ta-a-du or: 'thou hast given to M&r-T&du 

36 i-na libbi s (= SHAG) SHE. BAR at- an order on my barley.' ' 

tu-u-a tu-she-ir'" 

37 na-ha-sa" aq-ba-ash-slui I told him to depart (="to keep quiet"?) 


No. 84 (= C. B. M. 325S). (Cf. photographic reproduction, PI. XII, 31, 32.) 

Errish-apal-iddina, a governor, writes to Innanni, the chief bursar of the Nippurian 
Temple storehouses, demanding of him to comply with his several wishes. Time 
of Kuri-Galzu, about 1400 B.C. 

For general introduction see preceding letter. The contents are the following : 
(a) The sesame of the prefects must not be accepted, 11. 3, 4. 

1 Permansive of JUfl. 

2 Lit., ' I shall not ordain it; I shall not cause it; it will not be my fault." The sense is: Do not blame me if 
he {Ibni-Marduk) accuses thee (Innanni), etc., but 1 would not be surprised at all if he does accuse thee. 

3 It-ti here "against" ; cf. dab&b limnutim dababu il/i, No. 75 : 6, p. 135. 

* Um-ma-a . . . um-ma-a introduces the twofold possible accusation with which Ibni-Marduk may, and Errish- 
apal-iddina does, threaten Innanni, viz., an accusation of neglect and one of fraud. It seems that Errish-apaUddina 
had to threaten Innanni continually in order to make him live up to las agreements (cf. 1. 13). The first accusation 
with which Errish-apaUddina threatens Innanni is this: If thou dost not give to Ibni-Marduk the SHE.BAR he will 
accuse thee of neglect by saying there are "no onions, etc., to eat!" This shows that SHUM.SHAR, etc.. belong to, 
and form part of, SHE.BAR; hence "barley" at this time signifies everything that belongs to the sustenance, food, 
of the people, cf. our "bread." See also p. 112, note 2. 

5 For Sl'M.SAR = shumu, "onions," see //. IP. B., p. 617. 

« SUM.EL.SAR probably = "garlic!" Cf. also Meissner, Ideogramme, Nos. 2970-2972. Or is EL here =HUL? 
li so, then cLqishshu = HUH = ii-ku-i,sh).SAR = "cucumber," H. 11'. B., p. 598a. 

7 KAR indicates here a certain kind of SUM EL.SAR. 

8 The second accusation with which Innanni is threatened by the writer is that Ibni-Marduk will say: "Thou hast 
not only withheld from me what belongs to me, but hast even given an order on my barley to Mdr-'Tddu, and thus hast 
cheated me out of my own." Cf. here p. 87, note. 

• I.e., to take "from" my grain. 
10 See p. Ill, note 2. 

" Xa-ha-sa = infinitive (cf. mhtsu, H. 11". />'., p. 45Sa, and Jensen. K. B., VI, pp. 388, 196). 




t^ Bring the oil into "the Tablet house," 11. 5 10. 

Send the report about the barley, 11. II, 12. 
(rf) Give three jars of Lager-beer to Hashmar, 11. L3 L6. 

Make the GAR.RASH AT. II. 17 19. 

1 a-na m In-na-an-ni ki-be'-ma 

2 um-ma Errish(t)( MASH) 

apal-(TUR.USH)-iddina( SE)" n - 

3 ' shamashshammu(*= GISH.NI) sha 


4 la ta-ina-hi-ur 

5 at-ta ma-an-nu' ' shamashshammu 

(= GISH.NI) 

6 li-is-hii-lii-ii-tnii 

7 s>iam/m( NI.GISH) a-na E* />£/£ 3 


8 // a£-fa ,he shamashshammi( = (USH. 


9 m-fyu-ut-ma shamnu( = NI.GISH) 

10 a-na # 'DC/5 shii-ri-ib 

11 udi-imSHE.BAR s 

To Innantii speak, 

thus saith Errish-apal-iddina\ 

The sesame of I he prefects 

thou must not accepl . 
All who press out 

the sesame 

must bring the oil (in)to the "Tablet 

therefore press out thy sesame 

and bring the oil (in) to 
the "Tablet house." 
Also no report whatever 

'M.i-nn-ini. because construed with tin- plural (/»'-/ f-fpt-lu-ii-imi, U-shr-ri-hu ).has here the signification "all those 


■Tin- root of li-is-bit-tiir-ii-ma has to be, on account of the writing ?u-hu-ut-mn (1. 9), nm\ It having 
here an object, must show an a in the present, hence s„hnlu. ishut (prist.), isahflt (pnes.), .?»£»/ (inrperat.). Both 
Delitzsch H. W. /■'.. p. .".i'U/. (wrongly "Tli'i, and Muss-Arnoldt, p. 873, leave this verb untranslated. The action of the 
so&Mii shall be applied to the > he GISH.NI; the result of this is NI.GISH, which shall be brought into the £ " bn "DVli. 
Prom this it follows that sa&2ft< means something like "to press," "to squeeze out." by chopping up the ' "GISH.NI 
(hence sa&dta parallel to su&fera-u, "Mew macken," see //. II'. B., i.e.), and is as such the same as the German "keltern." 
"The oil of the wood," i.e., the NI.GISH or, therefore, gained by chopping up, pressing, squeezing the sl "'GISH. 
Nlat "sesame leaves (resp. hark)," and is. in fact, nothing but the "oil of the sesame"; hence the GISH in NI.GISH 
is the same as the "'<,/>// in ' he GISH.NI. Now we understand also what a amelu NI.SUR is. T?rom am <> l "GESHTIN. 
I /,'.! = sa-&i-a A.'-m-H/' = "li" 1 /,-/.W/,,M"i'i we kn<>» thai SE/.R = sofedfo; hence a amelu NI.SUR is one who 
presses, squeezes, etc., the AT/, i.e., the faf (scout of the milk i : in other words he is the "butter-maker"; or if .V/ in 
\ / .sf'/, J be the same as the A7 in NI.GISH, he would become the "sesame oil manufacturer." 

3 Cf. pp. 88ff. Whether this t abnu DUB refers to that of Nippur or, what is more probable, to that of Diir- 
Errish-apal-iddina, cannot be made out from this passage. 

1 LI. 5-7 contain a generally accepted law or custom: It is the rule that therefore (» introduces the apodosis) 

comply thou to this rule: press out, etc. 

6 See introduction to No. 70, p. 143, and cf. pp. 84ff. * 


12 mi-im-ma id ta-ash-pu-ra about the barley hast thou sent. 

13 u m Ha-ash-mar Furthermore as regards Hashmar 

14 shd ash-pu-rak-ku concerning whom I have sent to thee — 

15 3 1 labiru{ = U 2 ) shikaru(= KASH) "give (him) upon the demand of his 

a-na pi-i 3 representatives 

16 a-mi-li-e-shu* i-din 3 jars of Lager-beer." 

17 it GAR. RASH KW shd a-di Also the .... which is for(?) my 

18 li-tu-u-a e .... 

19 e-pu-ush make. 


No. S5 (= C. B. M. 3206). 

Inbi-Airi, a lady of high rank, demands of Innanni, the chief bursar of the Nippurian 
Temple storehouses, the payment of barley and wages. Time of Kuri-Galzu, 
about 1400 B.C. 

Inbi-Airi, "fruit of Ijjar," 7 must have been a lady of very high rank, seeing that 
she dared to write to the bursar-in-chief, Innanni, in words which are equal to a per- 
emptory order: "give." It may not be impossible that she was one of the many 
ladies connected with the Temple, and hence indirectly with the Palace — ladies 
who are in the "Temple Archives" quite frequently mentioned under the title NIN. 
AN'" esh (= qadishtuT), but whose status quo can, however, not yet be defined more 
clearly. She, like the governor Errish-apal-iddina, experiences the same difficulties 
in her dealings with Innanni, having to warn him "not to act inimically towards 
her," but to do as told, or else she might lodge a complaint against him with the 
King! m Iddina Jlu Nergal is, no doubt, the same as the one mentioned in B. E., XIV, 

1 DUK — karpalu is, like gur, etc., very often omitted. 

2 The writer had first written BI (traces of which are still visible)- He erased this and wrote over the partial 
erasure the sign U = labiru, intending, by doing so, to put special emphasis upon the "old." "Old beer" is, of course, 

3 Here abbreviated from a-na pi-i shir-pir-H, i.e., "upon the written order of." 

1 Amelu used here (as at the time of ffammurabi) in the sense of "a certain one," i.e., a "representative." 

5 GAR.RASH KU. Cf. B. E., XV, 44 : 6, "x. qa of flour (ZII).DA) as GAR.RASH for our house (E-nu) m Be- 
la-nu (has given or received?)"; similar is/.c, 156 : 2. In I.e., 79 : 5, we have: nil urn E-nu GAR.RASH sil(= NUN)- 
li-fia. In B. E., XIV, 117a : 3, we hear of 3 qa SHI GA R.RASH. These passages show that KU is not a part of the 
ideogram. KU, however, cannot be here = kemu, "flour"; if it were, it had to stand before GAR.RASH; see p. 123, note 
10. Is it possible to take GAR.RASH KU here(!) in the sense of akdli {shd) ana feorrdni = "Verproviantirung," lit, 
" food for the journey"? The above-quoted passages are, however, against such a translation, 

6 For li-tu-ii cf . Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 3806. 

7 For another letter of Inbi-Airi see No. 86, 



14 :tv i 10th year of Kuri-Galzu), who appears there as the brother of m Nu-ri-e-a. For 
Sin-issahra* the head of the royal storehouse, ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG ki , see 
pp. 79, 81, 104, l in. 
The contents arc: 

(a) Request forpaymenl of barley t>> 
(a) Idin-Nergal, II. :> 7. and to 
I) 'ittm, 11. in. II. 

"The wages for the persons" are in be handed over to Sin-ixsahra, II. 8, 9. 

1 o-na " Iii-mt-uii-iii ki-bi-ma To 2 nnanni speak, 

2 uni-nia 'In-bi-A-a-ri-im-ma thus saith Inbi-Airi:] 
A 3 (grwr) SHE.BAR a-na n Idin (= Give to I din-Ner gal 

SE)- Nergol 

4 i-di-in 

5 li-mu-ut-ta la te-ip-pu-shd-an-ni-^ma? 
(i sfed aq-ba-dsh-shit li-ish-am-ma 4 
7 li-U-qa-a? 



8 iprwl SHE.BA) MXJ 

m il "Sin(= XXX)-is-sah-ra 

9 i-di-in 

10 4 ((/»/•) SHE.BAR a-na ! l)i->n mdrat 

(== rt/7? 7 ) '".46/ (= A£>)-/a 

11 i-di-in. 

3 ((/wr) of barley. 
Do not act inimically towards me, 
but as I have told him let him take 
and carry away. 

The wages (food) for the persons give to 

To Dim, the daughter of Abi-ia, give 

4 (gfur) of barley. 


No. 26 (= C. B. M. 19,785). 

Kudurdni, the royal superintendent of the Temple storehouse at Pi-nari, reports to 
King Kadashman-Turgu about the administration of certain affairs incumbent 
on his office. About 1360 B.C. 

1 Notice that this tablet contains in 1. 5 the name '" ilu Sin(= XXX)-issafera( = NlGIN) ra . 

- ct. also the Btt- ' l Sin-issah,ra in No. 9 : 16. 

3 Lit., l><i not make enmity towards me, but do as told by him. 

' For nashii used in connection with there valoi barley, etc., <•!'.. e.<j., B. E., XV, 141: 11, 16 | 100 : 3 | 55 : 3, etc. 

5 For laqu, "to remove barley, etc., from (= TA =ishtu) a place to (ana) another," el'., e.g., B. A'.. XV, 197 : 5, 7. 

• In view of the fact that the amount is invariably stated and not simply referred to as "that (MU me * h = shu'atu) 
amount," I see in this MlP ne,h the same expression as that occurring in DUB MU meeh = DUB shumati, "Temple 
record"; in othei words, I take Ml'""" 1 ' to stand her.- for shumati = "persons," as mentioned in the "Temple Archives," 
where they are generally introduced by the expression MU.Bl.l \i. See p. 83, note 9. 

1 TUR lor Til!. SAL; the SAL having been omitted here, because the gender was already indicated by the SAL 
which precedes the name Di-ni. 


The writer of this and the following letters (Nos. 27, 28), m Ku-du-ra-nu, was a 
contemporary of Kishahbut. 1 If so, then Erba-Marduk of No. 27 : 27, 30, 32 is, no 
doubt, identical with the sukalmahhu of No. 35 : 28. Taking all other passages into 
consideration' 2 1 propose to identify our writer with n Ku-du-ra-ni, the son of m U-bar-ri 
(see below, p. 126). m Ku-du-ra-ni, being stationed, in the 12th year of Kadash- 
man-Turgu, at Pi-nan 1 " where a certain m Ta-ki-shii receives grain (SHFJ) from him 
(ina qat) , 3 must have been at that time the head of the storehouse at Pi-nari ki . In the 
same capacity he is mentioned among certain storehouse officials or superintendents 
who paid, in the 13th year of Kadashman-Turgu, SHE HAR.RA (lit., "interest 
grain") to the city Dur-''"Gu-la k '. i We may, therefore, identify the be-li of our letter 
with King Kadashman-Turgu and assign the letter itself to about 1360 B.C. 

The contents of this letter are the following : 

(a) A plan as to how to pay barley to certain officials, 11. 3-8. 

(6) Concerning fugitives, 1. 9. 

(c) The "stone eyes" will be taken to the gem-cutter's, 11. 12-14. 

(d) The ploughing has been begun two days ago, 11. 15, 16. 

(e) The watering tank shall not extend to the King's palace, 11. 17-19. 
(/) Wells are few in number and pastures do not exist at all, 11. 19, 20. 

1 ardi-ka m Ku-du-ra-nu a-na di-na-an Thy servant Kuduranu ; before the pres- 

be-Vi-ia lul-lik ence of my "Lord" may I come! 

2 a-na dlu-ki si-ri" u bit be-h-ia shu-ul- To the city, the field, and the house of 

mu my ' ' Lord ' ' greeting ! 

3 um-ma-a a-na be-D-ia" sha be-Vi ish- The following to my "Lord": With re- 

pu-ra gard to what my "Lord" has written 

4 um-ma-a SHE. BAR slid "' u Hi-ba-ri- saying: "The barley of the city of 

ti u "'"Kdr-^Nabu ( = AG) Hibariti and of Kdr-Nabu 

1 Sic introduction to No. 35, p. 120. 

2 Cf. e.ij., '".\ ti,r- llu Shamash (27 : 8, here railed gii-gal-lum) is mentioned as pctr-te-si in the 11th year of Kadashman 
Tinyii (/)'. E., XIV, 99a : I'd). m Di-in-ili-htr-mur (27 : 18) occurs again in the :i<l year of Kadashman-Turgu (/>'. A'., XIV, 
91a : UN, etc, etc. Meissner, <!. G. A., February, 1908, pp. 130-113, thinks, because m Dtn-ili-lumur is followed, in 
the. latter passage, by da-mi-tum =t&mitum, that he must have been a " woman." That DISH, instead of SAL, mm/ 
be placed before the name of a woman is apparent especially from /;. /■.., XV, loo, 10: " oil N.I / '" ,s \" among whom 
(11. 1-18, 23-34) are to he found three (11. 13, II, IS) who are determined by DISH. 

3 B. E., XIV, 112 :7. 

1 H. /•:., XIV, 101 : II. 

5 In Nos. 27, 28, written likewise by Kuduranu, we have ED1N lor si-ri. 

9 Only here without the emphatic -ma, see p. 24, note :-!, 


."> a-na : ' RIQ it KA.ZID\ give bo the riqqu and KA.ZID.DA 

Kl l>A i-di-in officers" 

6 ki-i slur' MUM* -ma ga-am-ral "somaymy 'Lord,' as soon as the city 

I C SHE.BARGISH.BAR.GAD MUM-ma has paid up, (first) set 

aside (the) loo igur) of barley, 

7 /'.-/'/ li-mi-da-ma' a-na RIQ for the riqqu and KA.ZID.DA officers, 


8 '. : SHE.ZER lu-ud-di-in" ash- in order thai I may be able to pay the 

shum u milium \ SAB "[...] seed-corn." As regards the men 

9 sM hi-il-<ju u 'C!) [....] who have fled(?) 

[. . . . large break .... J .... 

1" [ ] 

11 a-na mu-uh be-h-ia [ul-te-bi-la] "to my 'Lord' I have brought." 

12 ash-slum, sill slut "'"'"[. ... J With regard to the "eyes" of . . . stone 

Probabh dn official who gathered the "vegetables" or "green ihings." 

- Lit., "the man who has the u fi L) overthi Hour {ZID.DA)," as regards its gathering and its disposition. 

3 Ki "when it is that," "as soon as." 

' Written MUN, but has to be pronounced here, on account of the phonetic complement -ma, MUM; cf. alan 
and alam, "statue," etc. Alu MUM ki may be translated either by " W&stenstadt." or by "flour (cf. p. 123, note 10) city." 
Notice that SHE.B I /,' GISH.BAR.GAL, which is "set aside," may be paid out as SHE.ZER. 

•The a-ma in li-mi-da ma indicates the chief sentence. Emidu c. ace and ana, "elwas fur jemand jeslsetzen, 
bestimnu n," "to set aside." 

' U consecutivum. 
For SHE.ZER = z> ru, see Meissner, Ideogr., No. 5406. 

■ 1.1. 6-8 is quite a strange answer to the inquiry of the "Lord." In fact it is no answer at all, but a request 
on the pari .>f the writerthat if he is t.i pay barley to the riqqu and KA.ZID.DA, the "Lord" may first of all "set aside" 
the barley (i.e., give orders that the barley he "set aside") — nut that of Hibariti ami K&r-Nabu, however, but that of 
* lu MUM ' 

'"The traces speak rather for ra, ta, shd. 

ii abnugffpneeh lit. "Augensteine," "pearls ?)." With regard to these "stone eyes of ... . stone" Prof. 
Hilprecht writes me under date of July '_', 1908, as follows: 

" \mong the numerous smaller votive objects hit by the Cassite kings in Nippur (cf. Hilprecht, H. E., Series D, 
Vol. I. pp. 335f.) two classes are especially well represented in the museums of Constantinople ami Philadelphia: (1) 
Lapis lazuli <lhhs. known under the name of ASH-ME "'"'"id-mi (cf. Hilprecht, 0. B. I, Nos. 58, 59, 61, and pp. 49ff., 
and Meissner, Ideogramme, No. 28). (2) Little plano-convex round or oval objects in polished agate, resembling eyes. 
Cf. Hilprecht, I.e.. Nos. 29, 31, 51, 52, 65, 7::. 134, 135, 139. In my 'Description of Objects' I called them simply 
'agate cameos.' More exactly they are cut out of two-colored agate in such a manner that the lower white layer rep- 
resents the white of the eyes, the upper smaller brown layerthe pupil, ka pule the pupil alone bears the votive inscrip- 
tion, exceptionally it is engraved on the white layer (73), sometimes cuneiform signs are found on both (135). All the 
agate eyes' so far discovered in Nippur by tin' four expeditions, especially by the second and third, belong exclusively 
to the Cassite period. In Babylon similar 'eyes ' in agate were found in a jeweler's shop of the Parthian period. From 


13 a-na m I-li-ah-hi-e-ri-ba l a-[ 2 ]- (I beg to state that) they will be taken 

ma (shall take them?) 

14 i-li-ik-qa-a 3 to Ili-ahhi-eriba, the 

15 dsh-shum shd-ba-shi* slid be-Vi ish- With regard to the ploughing, concern- 

pu-ra ing which my "Lord" has inquired, 

(I beg to say that) 

16 umu 2 ham a-na shd-ba-shi e-ki-ri-ib* I am at the ploughing for the last two 


17 dsh-shum shu-ki-i 1 slid i-tu-ii m Iz- With regard to the watering tank(?) 

gur-""Errish(t)( = NIN.IB) which the M Izgur-Errish 

18 shd-ak-nu-mabe-Viish-pu-raa-nabdbi is putting up (and) concerning which 

my "Lord" has written (I beg to 
assure my Lord that) 

19 slid bit be-li-ia ul i-la-ak ku-bur-ra 7 it shall not go up (extend to) the gate 

the inscriptions on some of them it becomes clear that they also belong to the Cassite period and originally came from 
Nippur. There are, however, known two identical, beautiful agate eyes (formed of three-colored agate, the lowest light- 
brown layer serving as a basis for the two upper layers), which dale from the time of Nebuchadrezzar II, and according 
to the story of the Arabs, corroborated by the inscription (running in minute but very clear characters along the outer 
edge of the pupil), came from the ruins of Babylon. This inscription reads: d Nabu-kudurru-usur shar Bdbili, apil 
d Nabu-apal-wsur, ""-a d Marduk, beli-shu iqesh(,-esh), 'N., king of Babylon, son of N., presented it to Marduk, his lord.' 

"In view of these characteristic votive objects of the Cassite kings we are scarcely wrong in interpreting 'the 
stone eyes of ... . stone' mentioned in the above passage as objects in the shape of eyes cut out of a certain stone, 
the name of which is unfortunately broken away, but which according to the results of the excavations in all proba- 
bility was 'agate.' " Cf. in this connection the "eye of God" which sees everything! 

1 In view of i-li-ik-qa-n (1. 11) one might lie inclined to read here m I-K-AhrM e-ri-ba-a[ ]->»», but this would 

give no satisfactory sense. 

2 We would expect here a "title" or the "name of the profession" of IU-ahbi-wiba: "goldsmith," "gem-cutter," 
etc. The traces, however, do not fit for zadimmu or kudimmu. 

3 By translating as given above, I take i-li-ik-qa-a to be a 3d pers. fern. plur. IV: iUiqqa = illaqd, referring back 
to ab "".SW"' s '',a jcm. plural (abnu is masc, but more frequently fern.). Cf. pp. 131, note; 141, note 2. 

*The signification of sha-ba-shi is very doubtful. I would like to take it as an infinitive of V2V = sabdsu, 
for which see Jensen, K. Ii., VI 1 , pp. 383, 511, who assigns to this verb the significations "urn-, anriihren, dahinstiirmen, 
aufiiruhlm." The last signification is used not only of the "dust," but also of the "ground," i.e., "to plough." 

5 E ki-ri-ib = a-qa-ri-ib—e for a on account of the guttural p, cf. p. 07, n. 7. Qardbu c. ana here "to go at 
something," just as "a man goes at his enemy." 

6 Heading, form, and signification doubtful. The shu-H-i must be something that is "put up" (shd^ak-nu), a 
kind of building. It must be long, for "it shall not go to the house of the Lord." If slui-hi-i be a formation like shugd 
(root yiW, II. W. B., p. G40ai its root might be either HUty or Hp». Have we to see, therefore, in shu-ki-i a side 
form of shiqu, "Tranke," Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 685b? ShuqA might lie a fa'al form. 

7 In view of shu-ki-i, "watering tank," I am inclined to see in ku-bur-ru the same word as qubiiru, a synonym of 
shatlatu, which latter Delitzsch, //. IF. B., p. 097, translates by •'Loch," and Jensen, K. />'., VI', p. 416, by "Grube," 
"Fallgrube." Seeing, however, that shuttatu is the same as shii-ut-tu, and that the latter has the ideograph u (Im-ru), 
which also stands for bilru, "well," I take ku-bur-ra = quburu in the sense of "well." 

120 I ETTERS DO C \ssi it KING8 

a-mi-if of the house of my "Lord." Of 

wells I here are only ;i few 

20 it mu-ra-ku 1 ia-a'-nu-um and of pastures there are none. 


V, 35 C. B M G057). 

Report of the royal superintendent Kisha^bui aboul liis affairs. Time of Kadashman- 
Turgu, aboul L355 B.C. 

Kishahbut, 3 the writer of this and the preceding letter (No. 34), has, if our 
combinations be correct, gradually worked himself up from a rather lowly position 
to thai of an M (1. 25), an "inspector," of the king. In the I lth year (of Nazi- 
Maruttash)* he acted as na-gid, •'shepherd," for (ki shum) "' K ' n-du-ra-ni? In the 
12th year of Nazi-MamMash" we find him in Zarat-IM ki as one of the ENGAR, 
"farmers," "irrigators," receiving PAD or "wages." In the 14th year of the same 
ruler 7 (month Tishri) ho is stationed as riqqu in KI- m Ga-ir ki , receiving "KU.QAR 
wages" from Erdil-mukln-apal. Two months later (Kislev) we meet him in the 
same capacity, hut in the city Dii-nn-ni-n-hi '■ ' ." receiving some more "KU.QAR 
wages" from EnM-mukin-apal. In the 15th year of Nazi-Maruttash? he is still in 
Du-un-ni-a-h.i . where "KU.QAR wages" are "furnished" by him to AptI J '"Rammdn 
who is to transport them by ship to Nippur. 'While living in Kur(pr Tah-ri-ti 1 " he 
appears, during the 14th and 15th year of Kadashman-Turgu 10 , again as a "payer of 
wages." Finally in the 15th year (of Kadashman-Turgu n )we find him in I)i"ir-' h 'Nusku k \ 
apparently as a superintendent (ihh of the Temple's storehouse, receiving (mi-toh-hu- 
runi ) pain ( SHE i from i i-na qat I various persons. While in Dur- llu Nusku ki " Kishahbut, 

1 For iinn'fii = mem, "to be small, to be few in number (opp. ma'du )," see Jensen, A". />'.. VI 1 , p. 543. 
V the last paragraph of thislettei is apparently concerned with "watering tanks," "wells"— things absolutely 
ssary for the pasturing oi herds I see in mu-^ra-ku a maf'al-form of p" 11 , i.e., mavraqu = mauraqu = mUraqii, 
"a place of green things," "a pasture." 

3 For the different writings of thisnai ' tpter I, p. 7, note 6. 

'B.E., XIV, 168 :8. 

5 This KuduT&ni is, no doubt, the same as the one mentioned in our letter, 11. 27, 31, and who appears as the 

oi Nos. 26 28. For further details see introduction to No. 26, pp. 1171. 

>B. /;.. XIV, 57 12. 

■ B. A - ., XIV, no . I. 

8 A. A.. XIV. 62 : 17. 

8 B. E., XIV, 65 : 6. 
B A.. XIV, 111 :6." 

" B. E., XV : Is ; 2. Thus I would supply the date, seeing that Kishakl'"' has attained at this time apparently 
his highest position; this date must, therefore, 1"- the latest. 

'•This city must have had a "palacte" (&.GAL), an A A-nu and a Mb A^nu-nm, cf. 1. 15. 


no doubt, wrote the letter translated below. The writer's official life extended, 
therefore, over a period of thirty-one years (i.e., from the 1 1th year of Nazi-Maruttash 
to the 15th of Kadashman-Turgu) , and supposing him to have been twenty 
years old when first mentioned, he would have been about fifty-one years when he 
wrote this letter. If our deductions be correct, the be-lh of 1. 1 must have been King 
Kadashman-Turgu . 

Erba-Marduk, 1 "the servant" and sukkalmahhu of the king (11. 17, 26), I propose 
to identify with the one known from B. E., XIV, 19 : 23, as "the son of Sin-nur- 
mdti." 2 According to this passage Erba-Marduk was one of the Temple or Palace 
servants receiving wages due him for the last six months of the 13th year of Kuri- 
Galzu. Again supposing that Erba-Marduk was during the 13th year of Kuri- 
Galzu about twenty years old, he must have been eighty-four years of age in the 15th 
year of Kadashman-Turgu, when he had reached the exalted position of a sukkalmahhu. 
Need we wonder that Kishahbut should have been somewhat irritated about the 
slowness of this old and venerable official? 3 

The contents of this letter might be conveniently subdivided into the following 
parts : 

(a) Report about a successful completion of building operations, 11. 6-9. 

(b) Fifty-five out of seventy gur of kasia due to the King have been sent, 11. 10-12. 

(c) The disposition of wool has been communicated to the King, while the writer 
was received, in Nippur, in private audience by his "Lord," 11. 13, 14. 

(d) Certain buildings (in Dur Jlu Nusku ki ) need "strengthening'^?), 11. 15, 16. 

(e) The garments have not been paid to the weavers and fullers, 4 11. 17-19. 
(/) Digression: Twofold complaint, 11. 20-24. 

(g) Renewed request that adobes be ordered to be made, 11. 25-29. 
(h) The sesame oil of the King has been sent, the shatammu must now store it, 
11. 30-33. 

1 ardi-ka "' Ki-shah-bu-u[t] Thy servant Kishahbut ; 

2 a-na di-na-an be-Ti-ia lu[l-lik] before the presence of my "Lord" may I 


3 a-na bit be-l)-ia shu-u[l-mu] To the house of my "Lord" greeting! 

1 Cf. here also above, pp. 7, note 1 ; 14, note 7; 23, 107. 

2 Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 43a, quotes two passages where this Erba-Marduk is supposed to have been mentioned, 
but the second passage (27 : 1-1) is wrong. Under Sin-ni'ir-iin'ili only our passage is quoted. 

3 Cf. 11. 25rT., and sec already above, Chapter III, pp. 44ff. 

4 Or complaint about Erba-Marduk in not sending the garments for the weavers and fullers, see notes to 11. 17f. 

]._>._> Mill RS l'i> (' \SSIIT. KIN<.s 

±vUu{ TA :• aksM-dia] 1 Since the day I began, I have covered 

;, ish-te-en bUa pa-ar-fa* us-sa-li-il' one building will, (flower) ornamenta- 


>< bit! ru-uk-ki* shd h.-l) i-mu-ru-ma And the farther (away) building which 

my "Lord" 1ms examined 
7 bu-us-su* na-pa-la? iq-ba-a and whose front side he has commanded 

to tear down 
S ki-i a-mu-ru-ma bu-hu-ur-shv? I bave, after I bad examined it, ton. 

9 bu-ud-du-ru" at-ta-pa-al 1 it down to improve its ensemble. 

■ | „ ..since the daj when I a sW, hence the relative a in oteftudo) I wenl al ii." i.e., when I began doing it. 

hence kasMdu has here the signification of "to begin, to ci nence." 

> Pa-ar-ba. < >n account of the ish-U ■ r> we ■ ai > connect BU-pa-ar-hfl, bul must take /.../-/m as object to u«faJtf, 

,-.,.. parfio must signify something with which the W./. n Mia was "covered." From Exod. 25:33; 37 : 20 we loan, 
i ma, generally translated bj "flower," was an ornament, resp. ornamention, of the "candlestick." There ran be 
,,„ doubt that we have the same word here, but whether the ornaments were in the shape of "flowers" lias to remain, 
at the present, an open question. 

II "V ,-. doubh ace, "t,i cover something with something." Cf. also the II 1 (or IP?) form in 66:22, 

WAD m " h li-sinJ-li-lu- For a different translation of saUlu IP (a IP is not mentioned), see Delitzsch, H.W. B., 

,, 568a, and Jensen, K. />'.. VI 1 . pp. 185, 343. 

'Ru-uk-ki seems to be here in opposition to ish-te-en. If so, we might translate ish-te-en btta . . MA ru-uh-ki 
by "the first nearer) house .... the farther (awaj < house." A place name BU-Ruqqi is out of question. 

. Either f 01 Delitzsch, II. W. B., p. 516a, "side"; Jensen, K. B., VP, pp. 414, 506, "back"; Kiichler, 

W. i . „. "shoulder" lor for pu^su (Delitzsch, I.e., p. 517a, "front" ; Jensen, I.e., pp. 500. 525f., 549, 555, "back," "body"). 

1 signification "front side" seems to be here the most appropriate one. Cf. in this connection the strange expression, 
-TV. (i.e., always the person who puts his seal to the document, the "recipient") bu-us-su im-hfi-ds-ma im-hur {e.g., 
H E xiv. 11 6 127 6 135 : 6 et passim)— no doubt a religious ceremony (cf. the German "sich bekreuzen," the 
Hebrew Jtt* lit. to hit one's self seven times, "sich besiebenen"), indicating that the recipient "smote his breast" 
before he received the things mentioned in the "contract." This "smiting of the breast" on the part of the recipient 
was a kind of oath, signifying that he (the recipient or debtor) will abide by the terms of the contract. Meissner, 
M. V. A.G., 1905, p. 308, translates put-su mah/isuby "garaniiren." 

'Na-pa-la .... at-ta-pa-al, root SS3 = ^23, "to destroy," here "to tear down." cf. Tigl., VI :2s, "the 
wall . , na-pa-li aq-ba-shum-ma I commanded him to tear down." A possible derivation of aUa-pa-al from 

apAlu (for signification see, besides H. W. />'.. p. 112/,. also Delitzsch, B. A.. IV. p. si ; Nagel, ibid., p. 478; Jensen. K. B., 
vr p 369 orfrom ^31 Jensen, I.e., p. 353) is, on account of na-pa-la, out of question here. 

I ,- "completeness," "totality," here in the sense of "ensemble." Jensen, if. B., VI 1 , p. 507, mentions a - 
, i, , ing "irgend elwas heUes." If we have this buhru here we might translate "in order to improve its light 

( = VD =bu\ 

»An infinitive IP of 1)3 (cf. the imperative bu-ut-te-ir, C. T., IV, 32 (= B' 598) : 17 and p. 98, note 2) is 
here onaccountof the writing with d, excluded. It can, therefore, he only an infinitive II' of either 103 or 113. 

|.. . : ion ol IBS does not lit here. Delitzsch, II. W.B., p. 510,, mentions a root TM without giving a 

translation. Tallquist, Sprache, p. 113, following the Hebrew 113, "fat," translated padaru by "to be fat." From 
the context we would expect here some such meaning as "improve." According to this the alpu (.immeru) tap-dinru 
would be "improve,!" in the sense of), "fattened," oxen (or sheep)-oxen that had gone through a special process ot 
"impi-"\ ing" them. 


10 u 70' ' "A'os«(= PUHADU)"" shi slid And with regard to the 70 (gur) of my 

be-h-ia 3 "Lord's" kasia — 

1 1 iq-bu-iV 55 is "kasu( = PUUADU) mesh "they informed (me) that they have paid 

12 ish-shu-ni-ma id-di-nu-nr out 55 (gur) of kasia." 

13 dsh-shum shipdtu(= SIG)-'" 6 i-na As regards the wool — "in Nippur 

Nippur{= EN. LILY 11 

14 a-na be-h-ia aq-ta-bi I have spoken to my 'Lord' about it." 

15 dsh-shum E.GAL E A-nu u bdb A- As regards the palace, the "Temple of 

n[u-umj God" and the "gate of God"- 

16 ki-i a-ha-mi-ish ri-i[t-ta'?] a " one with the other." 

17« lubushti(= KU) hl '" 10 slid ardi-ka And as regards the garments which thy 
'"Ei-ba- ilu Marduk servant Erba-Marduk 

1 The measure GURis (as is often clone at this time) left out here; of. also 37 : 8 and see Tallquist, Sprache, p. 21. 

2 For * U PU3ADU or * ham PUgADU.SHAR or PUgADU.SHAR = kasii (e.g., B. E., IX, 29 et passim) see 
now Meissner, Ideogramme, No. 379(5. Hilprecht in class lectures on B. E., IX, explained it (in 1898) as mala. 

3 A good example showing the difference between be-ll-ia and be-li—J. difference which is of the highest import- 
ance for a correct understanding of many passages in the letters here published. Be-lv-ia is always the genitive or 
dative (used after prepositions or in a stat. constr.) and means either "of my Lord" or "to my Lord." Be-li, on the 
other hand, is either the nominative or vocative and has to be rendered "Lord" or "my Lord." This being true we 
cannot translate here "the kasia wood about which my Lord has spoken" (this had to be lsu kasu shd bc-lh iq-bur-ii or 
iq-ba-a), but must render as given above. That this difference ; s rigidly carried through even in the letters ol the K. 
Collection lias quite correctly I n observed by Behrens, /•. S. S., II', p. 221'. 

4 "They," i.e., the storehouse officials whom I asked about the kasia. 

5 Lit., "they have taken (se. ishtu kari mini, i.e., from this storehouse) and they have given," i.e., "55 gur have been 
taken from and have been paid." The payments here referred to were apparently made in installments. The "Lord," 
however, seems to have received none so far — hence his inquiry and the answer. For a similar in 6m Svolv cf. 
B. E., XV, 159 : 2, i-na qnl '"A", mafe-ru-ma nadnu nu , i.e., "by X. was paid." 

6 For SIG = ship&tu, see Zehnpfund, B. A., I, p. 494. Wool is weighed according to ma-na, see, e.g., 27 : 31; 
B. E., XV, 6 : 11 | 11 : 1. For the different kinds of wool at this time cf. e.g., 44 : l()f. | 23 : 19f. | 44 : 12 | 38 : 15f. and 
B. E., XIV, 94 : 1 | 99a, Rev., col. XII; I.e., XV, 11:1, etc. 

7 See Chapter IV, p. 74. 

8 Traces of -tun are clearly visible. See also p. SO. 

» Emendation doubtful, but probable. Ritta = I 1 imperative of iim, "to fortify, strengthen." 
10 Hardly KU, i.e., ZID or ZID.DA = qtmu or better kemu, "Hour," see, besides Delitzsch, //. II'. />'., p.5866, also 
No. 14 : 5. If so, then compare II. /'.'., XV, 181, where the following "kinds of flour" are mentioned: KU.DA 
ri-<hi (1. 3), cf. B. E.. XIV, 1 17n : (i and our No. 57 : 14 (here without KU); KU ni„U)-at(d)-yan(\) (I. 1 1, cf. No. 57 : 18; 
B. E., XIV, 106c : 2; //. II'. B., p. 436a ; KU pri-hi-tln (1.5), et'. B. E.. 117a : 2 ; KU.GIG (1. 6). The last is most 
generally found without the determinative KU as, e.g., in I.e., XIV, 18 : 2 | 24 : 2 ; XV, 10 : 2 I 36 : 3, etc. For 
GIG = kibdlu, see Delitzsch, //. II'. «.. p. 317a; Jensen, K. B.. VI 1 , p. 485f. With GIG, resp. GIG.BA( = GIB.BAT), cf. 
also GIG.GIG.BA in H. E.. XV, 46 : 12 | 117 : 1. Hilprecht, class lecture on H. E., IX, read (1898) GIG.BA =gulha 
and translated "spelt"; KU shi-ib-ri (1. 7), cf. Hebrew "Otf; KU shi-ni-tum (1. 8), cf. H. E., XIV, 117a: 5. Besides 
these I noted also the following: KUMUN, B. E.. XV, 19 : 16 I 164 : 4, 7; XIV, 23 : 1 I 65 : 13; also written KU.DA. 
MUN, I.e., XV, 64 : 7, or only MUN, I.e., XV, 16 : S | 44 : 20, 22, 35 | 169 : 3 | 181 : 9, which shows that MUN at this 
time was a certain kind of flour (not salt); KU ASH.-XN.NA, I.e., XV, 140 : 1, or only ,I,S7/,.I A'.A'.l, our No, 37: 8; 

[2 | l.KTTl.KS TO < ASSITi: KIN'OS 

IS a-na lu ishparu( = USH.BAR) ii was bo have given to the weavers and 

ka-si-ri filers 

19 ki-i man-da-at-tishu-nu' id-di-nu* as their due (I beg to state that) 

20 a-shar* U-kal-lum* ma-am-ma? ul wherever one lucks none has been 

im(l)-ma-ha-ar received: 

•21 um-ma-a? \ shiqlu(=TU)-ma? hums, "not even a half sheqel of gold 
(= AZAG.GI) 

22 id ub-ba-lum do they bring." 

23 um-ma-a 1 a-na bUi ki-i a-ha-mi- "(Surely), they are, one with the other, 


against the 'house' (sc. of my 
24 a^-ta-shd-ab" u libittu(= SHEGY" There are also no adobes ! 

KV UD, l.c, XV. 1 in : 2; KV mi-ir-qu, I.e. XV, 1 in : 3; XIV, 117,. : 1; KV VSH, I.e. XV, 14(1 : 4; KU.DA GISH. 
BAR SHE BA,l.i , XV, 140 : 5;KU ar-kir-i(."ruckstandigesC>) Mehl"), I.e., XV, 168 : 20; kir-mu, i.e., XV, 59 : 20 1 144: 1, 
.-, ,„,, ,,, be identified with ki MV( = shum) between two proper names, for which see p. 6, note) ; kl-mu JJAR.RA, 
. XV, 135 : 7. KU.QAR, for which see Clay, Ii. E., XIV, p. 28, note to X". 8 : 1. does probably not belong here. 
Are also the sl-hi-ra,,,. SHI GAR.RASH of B. B, XIV. 117", 11. 1 , 3, to be referred to here ? With KV®- a cf. 109, 1. S. 

' For kafiru - qdsiru = "fuller," see Meissner, .1/. V. A.G., IX (1904). p. 52. ! See p. 99. n. 3. 

3 The translation of 11. 17-21 depends entirely upon what view one takes with regard to the beginning of the 

apodosis or answer. Thus per se the Following translations might be suggested: (a) "as regards the garments of thy 

servant -Erba-Marduk has given." etc.; (b) "as regards the garments of thy servant Erba-Marduk— they have given"; 

- regards the garments which thy servant Erba-Marduk . . . has given (was to have given)"— answer : 1. 2(11., i.e., 

"wherever one looks (where they keep them), none arc ihave I in received." 

* For this signification of a-shar cf., e.g., C. T., VI, 3 : 12, a-shar i-qa-ab-bu-u, i.e., (I will give it) "wherever he 

shall say." 

ttf-kaUum by itself might be taken either as a II' of ^3 (i.e., ukdlu-ma, cf. d-ka-a-al, gam. L., 37 : 6; IP uktali, 
Jensen. K. Ii.. VI 1 , p. 356), "to hit up" (synonym of nashu), used not only of "the head" but also of "the eyes," 
i.e., "to see"; cf. kuttu shd mimmaiS), II 1!. 27 : 39, Kir. /. Or, if one prefers, he might see in ukallum a II 1 of Tf!D 
ikaUO-ma) with the signification of "to shut up." "to keep," c. ina, "in something," cf. C. T„ II, 19 ( = B* 290): 4, 
ka-U-n-l.u. "I am shut up, kept (in the house of the abarakku)"; IS. E., XIV. 135 : 3, i-nu ki-li . . ik-la-shu-ma. If 
taken in the latter sense, 1. 20 might be translated: "where they keep them (se. the garments) none have 1 n received." 

•Here "neuter" as in S. 273 : 22, akdla{ = GAR) ma-am-ma a-na a-ka-lir-ia, "something to eat" ; V. A. Th., 
809 : 8, a-na ma-am(T)-ma, "for anything," u ., "at all events," kaspa shu-bi-lam. See also Delitzsch, Gram., p. 142. 

: Introduces here the direct speech of the implied complaint of 1. 20. 

1 Stands here for A.AN, "viz." For the signification of A.AN behind numerals see now Hilprecht . B. E., XX 1 , 
p. 22. note 2, and cf. No. 33a : 13, p. 137. 

• ItAasha-ab, though parallel to ub^ba-lum, is here in the singular on account of the subject "one" implied in 
,..,.., 10 Seep. 95. n. 4. 

» Besides ia-a'-nu is,, also 11 : 22, 28 | 13 : 15 | 28 : 20 | 87 : 14. 18) there occur the following variants in these 
letters ia-a'-nu-um, 26:20; ia-a-nu, 18 28 66 27, 29 71 : 16 | 83:21; ia-nu, 14 : 13 | 23 : 30 | 44 : 11 | 57 : 13, 
14 | SI 12 95 : 14; ia-CMU-ma, 95 : 18; ia-a-nu-um-mi, li. /•-'., XIV, 8 : S. For the -mi{ = -mu, -ma) cf. now Hinke, 
B. E., Series D, IV, p, 282,;, For this and the following lines cf. pp. 44f. 


25 dsh-shum a-na-ku i-tu 1 be-li-ia 


26 al-li(?)-ka 2 a-na m Erba- ilu Marduk 

27 shii-pu-ur-ma a-na m Ku-du-ra-in 

28 [li]-ish-pu-ra->na sukkalmahhu( = 

PAP.L UGH.MAGH) li-i [q-bi ] 

29 libittu(= SHEG)" ush li-d-bi-nu 

30 ash-shunt shamnu(= NI.GISH) 4 shd 

be-h-ia na-shu-[ma?J 

31 d-ta-na-su a-na m Ku-du-r[a-ni] 

32 \ardi\-ka ki-i aq-bu-u um-ma-a 

shamnu(= NI.GISH) i-na qdti-ia 

33 be-ha-na shatammi(^SHAG.TAM) 7 

li-ish-pu-ra-ma sliamnu(=NI .GISH) 
shub{= RU)-ta lish-ki-nu-[maf 

As regards this that I, the itil of my 

have come (saying): "Send to Erba- 

that he send to Kudurdni"- 
"so may the sukkalmahhu (i.e., Erba- 

Marduk) finally give orders 
that adobes be made." 
As regards the sesame-oil of my "Lord "- 

"It has been removed" they read 
when I spoke to Kudurdni 
thy servant: "Give the sesame-oil to 


My "Lord" may now send to the shatam- 
mi that they store up the oil. 

1 See Chapter III, p. 35, note -1. 

2 The a in al-li-ka shows that it is dependent upon a suppressed shd after dsh-shum. And because allika is followed 
by the imperative shupurma (1. 27) we have to supply an ummd before ar-na m Er-ba- Marduk, making it a direct speech. 

3 See Chapter IVc, p. 82. 

4 From 8-1 : 6 it is apparent that NI.GISH, "(lie fat of the tree," i.e., shamnu or "oil," was obtained by "pressing" 
{sahfitu) the SHE.GISII '.NI, I.e., the shamashshammu or "sesame." NI.GISH is, therefore, at this time the "sesame 
oil." For other occurrences of NI.GISH in our letters see 13 : 14 | 21 : 32 | 27 : 12, 13, 15 | 35 : 32, 33, and for 
SHE.GISH.NI cf. 8 : 3 | 65 : 5 | 84 : 3, 5; B. E., XIV, 136 : 4. Cf. p. 114, note 2. 

5 Emendation doubtful, yet probable. For nashu in connection with the "removal" of goods "from" or "to" 
certain places cf. among other passages also B.E., XV, 53 : 12, ASH. AN. NA .... sh&E ku-nit-uk-ki a-na EN.LIL 
na-shu-u; I.e., 55 : 3, KU.DA .... shd ishtu shd {!.<■., "which from that of," Clay, I.e., p. 19, No. 14, wrongly "from") 
■''"Sliv-U-bi na-sha-a\ I.e.. KM) : 1, SHE shd ishtu EN.LIL kl na-sha-a KI-II (i.e., SHE shd ishtu) ,Hu Kal-bi-iit (sc. na~ 
sha-a); I.e., 115 : 25, ASH.AN.NA shib-shum shd .... a-na karu ish-shu-ni; I.e., 181 : 2, KU.DA .... a-na UNI'C 1 -' 
ish-shu-ii, etc., etc. Cf. already p. 116, note 4. 

6 This is, it seems to me, the best emendation according to the traces visible. I-na ijdli-ia i-ilin, "give into my 
hand," is as much as idinanni, "give (unto) me." 

1 See Chapter III, p. 35, note 3. 

8 Shubta shakdnu, c. arc. "to put something on a place," "to make a resting place fur something." i.e., "to store 
it." Here (and p. 52, n. 5) shakdnu is construed with double ace, the possibility of which appeared to Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , 
p. 412, doubtful. Notice also the vulgar preterit form (l)ish-ki(\)-nu for (l)ish-ku(l)-nu, due, no doubt, to the influence 
of n, aided by the I of lish; cf. also p. 97, n. 7. If one prefers, he may see in lishkirvu a III"' of [13, ushkin 
(cf. ushmit of niD) 4- In = lishkin (fur lushkln), taking it as a causative of II', for which .see Delitzsch, //. II'. B., 
p. 322a. "etwas art. einem Ort aufstellen, nicderlegen." 



No. 39 I C B M 3661). 

I 'Inn-rum, a royal inspector, resp. superintendent, of fixers and canals reports to King 
Kudur-Enlil aboul the results of his various inspections. About 1335 B.C. 

From No. 39 :'-l we Learn that the writer of this and the following letter, 
Ubarrum, was in one way or another connected wit li the city Uur- aniu 
This very same city is mentioned, among other places, also in B. E., XIV, 118 : V 
(5th year of Kudur-Enlil). It happens that this last-named tablet mentions, to a 
great extent, the same persons which occur again in No. 48.- Among the names of 
No. IS is to be found also that of '" V '-bur-ruin (48 : 7). From this it would follow 
that both 3 persons by the name of Ubarrum, because closely connected with one 
and the same city, are in all probability identical. If so, I propose to identify our 
writer with the father of both Kudurani, B.E., XIV, 112 :7 (14th year of Kadash- 
man-Turgu) and Zakirum, U.K.. XIV, 114 : 17 (15th year of Kadashman-Turgu) ; 
in other words, Ubarrum, the writer of Nos. 39 and 40, is the father of Kudurani, the 
writer of Nos. 26 4 -28. Ubarrum, accordingly, must have lived at least from the 14th 
resp. loth year of Kadashman-Turgu* (when he appears as the father of the two sons 
just mentioned) till the 5th resp. 8th year of Kudurri-Enlil (when he is introduced as 
contemporary of m Na-ah-zi Jlu Marduk*), i.e., during a space of at least twenty-three 
years. Supposing him to have been about forty years old when first mentioned, it 
would follow that he reached an age of at least sixty-three years, and wrote the 
letters in question sometime during the reign of Kudur-Enlil, i.e., when about sixty 
years old (5th year of Kudur-Enlil). As both letters here published concern them- 
selves with rivers and canals, it is safe to suppose that Ubarrum was, at the time of 
Kudur-Enlil, a royal inspector of canals and waterways, about the condition of which 
he had to and did report to his Lord and King. 

1 Written here Dur-' l "Iin-lil l -""- k ', see also p. 9, note 1. 

•(.'l'.,.,,.. 18 : 8, m Na^ahrzi- ilu Marduk=B. E., XIV, 118 : 16; 124 : 14 (8th year of Kudur-Enlil); 48 : 11,'" Uu Ram- 
= m)-&rish uh - B. A'., XIV, lis : 19; 120 : 7 (5th year of Kudur-Enlil); 18 : 20, '" ilu L-GIR-AN meah = 
B.E., XIV, 118 : 12. Cf. also48 : 22, m Bu-noS lu NIN.IB = B.E., XIV, 115 : 3 (heresonof m In-nv-U, 1st year of 
Kadoshman-Enlil). In 12 : 5, 7, m U-bar-ru appears as contemporary of m Be-la-nu (1. 17), which latteris likewise men- 
tioned in B. /-.'..XIV. lis: 21 (5th year of Kudur-Enlil) as the son of m KUR.GAR.RA. This last passage is, therefore, 
against the signification "eunuch" whirl, Jensen, K.B., VI',PP- 62, 9; 377, assigns to KVR.G IR.RA 
I < ., our writer of Nos, 39, 10 and thai of 18 : 7. 
See introduction to No. 26, p. 1 1 7. 
>B. E., XIV, 112 :7 | 114 : 17 . 

: No. is : 7 will. 1, 8 and with li. E., XIV, 1 is : 16 | 124 : 14, 



The contents of this letter are the following: 

(a) Concerning the fields of Tukulti-E.KUR 1 -', 11. 4-6. 

(b) Concerning a flooded district, 11. 7-12. 

(c) Concerning the condition of the fields with crop belonging to Burruti, 11. 

(d) Concerning Dur-'"'E>dd h "- ■*-*, 11. 17(?)-26. 

(e) LI. 27-39, too fragmentary. 

This letter may be read and translated: 

1 ardi-ka m U-bar-rum a-ria di-na-an 

be-l[\-ia lul-lik] 

2 u??i-m[a-a] a-na be-h-ia-ma 

3 a-na eqli( = A.SHAGT) u '"akil 

erishe( -PA*(?).ENGAR)shd be-Vi-ia 

4 shu-ul-mu i-na bu-ui? eqlc(= A. 

SHAG)'" csh 

5 shd Tuk{= KU)-kul-ti-E.KUR kU 

shd b[e-D] 

6 ik-te-di-ir-[ru?Y 

7 ii ummdni( = SAB) h -' n shd pa-te-si mah 

u [la-me-e?]" me-e 

8 ish-tum 1 Tufc( = KU)-kul-ti-E. 

KUR kl 

9 a-di u-ga-ri-e* shd ta-mi-ir-ti 

Thy servant Ubarrum; before the pres- 
ence of my "Lord" may I come, 

speaking thus to my "Lord": 

To the field and the chief irrigator of my 

greeting! With regard to the fields 

of Tukulti-E.KUR concerning which my 
"Lord" has written (I beg to state 

that) they have established their 

And as regards the workmen of the 
pa-te-si and the [flood?] of waters 

extending from the canal Tukulti- 

to the plains in the neighborhood 

1 Doubtful, supplied according to 1. I. Might be SHA(G).TAM., for which see Chapter III, p. 35, note 3. 

2 The PA = aUl is uncertain. We possibly might have to read """'" gish ENGAR, i.e., "one that tends the 
watering machine." For giah ENGAR, i.e., narfabu, "Sckopfwerk," see Hilprecht, B. E., IX, p. 10, note to 1. 2, cf. Code 
of Hammurabi, 38 : 11, 14, and above p. 35, note 3. A greeting "to the held and irrigator(s)" would he, it seems, 
more in accord with the position of Vbarru, the royal inspector of canals and waterways. 

3 I-na bu-ut = ina muhhi = ,s7i<i or dshshum, see ( !hapter II, p. 2 I, note 7. 

' Cf. here m Tukiilli( = KU) U -^.KUR, lather of '"Il-li-ia, B. E., XIV, 4Sa : 7 ( = 6th year of Xa-zi-Mu-ru-lash). 
As KU has also the value tukulti, we might transcribe Tukult>( = KU) kulM . 

5 For the double r cf. Behrens, L. S. S., II 1 , pp. 47, 1; 29. 4; 35. As F has also passive signification I Delitzsch, 
Gram., p. 232) we might translate: "their boundaries are established." 

" So according to No. 21 : 21) (see p. 5(1, note 1)? An emendation [ta-Jme-e or mc-te-iq me-e, Hinke, B. E., Series 
D, Vol. IV, p. 146, 1. 31, is, according to the traces visible, impossible. 

7 Notice the m in ish-tum .... a-di. 

8 For ug&ru, i.e.. ■■ill, zur Stoat <// horiy< u Laiidereien," see Meissner, .1. P., p. 123. 


10 lya-am-rf sM i-na mi4i ma-ha-ri-r of the bamri the district which during 

a former Hood 

11 mu-ii is-ba-tu-wa ip-ti-nu-ma* the waters had seized and devoured (I 

beg to state that ) 

12 iz-zi-zu 4 i/i-tu-tii-iu u Inir-hn they have subdued (sc. the [flood] of 

waters of thai district). And with 

regard to the (field with) crop 
\:\ sM m Bu-ur-ru4i shd i-na belonging to BurrMi, which 

11 ta-mi-ir-ti ha-am-ri in the inundated districl has become free 

L5 m-ku* dii( dul)-vl4d? ul i-pu-ush (sc. from the waters of the flood, I beg 

to state that) nothing is being (has 

been) done. 

16 mu-ii ma-fia-ru-u-tum*[ ] The former waters 

17 It ummAni( SA /?)'"" shd be-h-ia And as regards the Workmen of my 

db(= dul)-vl-la "Lord," (I beg to say that) the 


18-20 [....] 

21 [....] shd Dur-''"En-in hl '" ** .... of DUr-Enlil. 

22 [....] 

' With feo-am-ri, of. 1. 14; 52 : 19, • *■(?) «flB(- A.SHAG) ba-am-rum; B. E., XIV, 114 : 13, 14, IJ»-»»'-n k '- 

Delitzsch, //. II'. B., p. 283a, mentions a bamru without giving a translation. Kuchler, Medizin, p. 116, renders 

/mm,;™ by •'»'„//,»." In our passage here 6«»M is apparently a kind of field, more particularly a field thai has been 

I and ru-t into disorder by waters. Prof. Hilprecht (personal communication of July 9, 1908) compares with it. 

quite correctly, the Hebr. inn, Hab. 3 : 15, Ex. 8 : 19, and suggests a translation "Ueberschwemmungsgebiet." 

2 M,,.},,,-,-:-! (a side form of mahru) has a plural ma-fci-TU-u-tum (1. 16); from this it follows that mu-ti (1. 16) 

must likewise be a plural. 

s Ip-tir-niir-ma, root |n9. The signification "to strengthen, support, protect" (Hilprecht, B. E., IX, p. 53) 
note t), .Iocs not fit here, nor does any signification which Delitzsch, //. II'. B., p. 5536, assigns to it. Pat&nu here is 

parallel to SObdtU, and, because it folloWSthe latter, expresses the result Of theSO&dta. DeUtzsdl, l.C, mentionsa piteu, 

"Schlinge," i.e . lit. "a seizer," thus showing again that patdnu is a synonym of sabdiu. The waters took ( sa&dta) and 

seized ,,./ the fields during a former flood and, as a result of this, were east into disorder (cf. Aral,, patana, c. i., 

, ,, ,, , , ,,.,;,, i , pitnat, discorde, stdition, trembles, etc.). Still better it would be to derive this patanu, with Hilprecht, 
from patanu = akdlu, "to eat, to devour," Delitzsch, //. IT. B., p. 5536., bene- patdnu, iptin, ipattan] 

4 h-zi-?ii ifi-ln-lu-ni is (like is-ba-tu-ma ip-tv-n.u-ma) a h> 5ia Svolv; lit.: "as regards the workmen . 
they arose, subdued the waters {sc. by leading them hack into their dams, cf. 40 : 19)." Ih-lo-tu-n! I take as a P of 
nnn, "to subdue," Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. -2<)5b. 

5 For fuir-bu see p. 130, note 6. 

• Za-ku I take as a" perniansive of H3I, "to be or become free of something" (Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 254a). 
Translate: "with regard to . . . . which lis situated) in .... (and which) has become free (sc. from the water of 
the flood)." 

7 For dulla epesku see also Behrens, L. S. S., IP, p. 8. 

8 Cf . above, note 2. 

prom the temple archives of nippur. 129 

23 [....] li-ish-pu-u-ra-[am-]ma l .... may send 

24-26 [....] 

27 um-ma-a a-na be-li-ia i-na [....] Also the following to my "Lord": "In 

28-37 [....] 

38 slid bc-l) ish-pu-ra a-na be-Ti-ia concerning which my ' Lord ' has in- 

quired (I beg 

39 ush-te-bi-la to say that) I have sent it to my 'Lord.' " 


No. 40 (= C. B. M. 5134). (Cf. photographic reproduction, PI. X, 24, 25.) 

Ubarrum, the royal superintendent of rivers and canals, lodges a complaint against 
the prefect of Dur-Sukal-patra ki . Time of Kudur-Enlil, about 1335 B.C. 

For the general introduction see preceding letter, No. 39. 

The contents of this letter, being similar to those of No. 39, may be subdivided 
into the following parts : 

(a) Complaint lodged against the prefect of Dur-Sukal-patra ki for neglect of 
a certain canal, 11. 3-20. 

The answer to this complaint lodged with King Kudur-Enlil by Ubarru is, no 
doubt, contained in No. 42 :4f. : "As regards the fields, which my 'Lord' has given 
and concerning which Ubarru has reported to my 'Lord' saying: 'he has 
neglected (lit. forsaken) them,' (s.c. I beg to state that) T have not neglected 
(forsaken) them,' " see above, p. 26, note 6. From this it follows that No. 42 is a 
letter of the "prefect" (hazannu) of Dur-Sukal-patra, addressed to the be-Fi or King 
Kudur-Enlil, teaching us that the prefect held Dur-Sukal-patra as a fief of the crown 
(eqle'" esh slid be-h id-di-na, 42 : 4, cf. below 1. 11, shd i-na libbi b '-shu u-ma-al-lu-u) , and 
that royal officers never mention their titles when writing to their "Lord," but have 
to be content with the attribute "servant," ardu. 

(b) Request that the King issue orders to the sheriff' that the waters of the 
Ilu-ipush and Nalah canals be led back into their dams, 11. 21-26. 

1 Xotice here the long H in b& and cf., e.g., 21 : 28, im-qu-u-tu; 46 : 12, i-ra- 'u-ii-ub (or i-ra-a'-u-ub?); 38 : 2, lu-ii- 

2 The fact that orders shall be given to the "sheriff" shows that the waters of these two canals, in which the 
King lias an interest, had been criminally put to misuse. 


130 l.ll ll'lis TO i \ssiTK KIM.s 

1 ardi-ka n U-bdr-ruma-nadi-na-anbe- Thy servant Ubarrum; before the preS- 

h-i[a lul-lik | (Mice of my "Lord" may I come, 

2 um-ma-a a-nd be-h-ia-a-ma speaking thus to my "Lord": 

. a-za-an-nu shd Dtir- m Sukal( The prefect of DUr-Sukal-patra 

PAP?)-pad-ra kii 
A nam-ga-ra? is-si-[ki-]ir a a-di shi-it-ta 4 has shut off the canal so that they can 

irrigate (water) at the most 
.") la-im-ni-lr shd har-pi* i-sha-aq-qu-ii? only two fields with crops, 
li it 20* shd ub-bu-W while there are 20 (fields with) crops 

7 [ish-shd(7)]-ak-nu h i-di-ik-ku-ii 10 are perfectly dry and hence are de- 


1 For formation cf. Diir-Kuri-Galzu and Dflr- m Uu Errish(jt)-apal-iddina, B. A'., XIV, 18 : 7. 

: For the various occurrences and writings sec under "Names of Rivers and Canals." 

3 Sakdrv when used of "canals" mean- "to shul off, stop up, dam" (opp. ptiti). Cf. is-ki-ir, 10 :9; e si-ki-ir^ma, 
3 : is; ix-ni-k'i-ir. 34 : 32; us-si-ki-ir, 12 : .">. Issikir = itsikir = itsakir (the / in the last, syllabic on account of the 
' see p. 97, note 7) = itsakar, a I 2 , so far known only from this passage. 

' SAf-iWo here hardly the same as sheUu( = LA.L.SAR), "field" (Hommel, N. L.. p. 76 to S c , 146), hut the tern. 
of sliina, "two"; as su<h iii opposition to "20," 1. 6. For the construction cf. shind Ami and shelalM Hm6, Delitzsch, 
Gram.,p. 333. 

5 Tamir&H are the fields situated in the immediate neighborhood and environs of a city, or a. flooded, inundated 
district, cf. No. 39 : 9, 14, pp. 127, 128. 

'This writing here proves that fear-bit (1. 6; Delitzsch, H. IT*. B., p. 289o) has to be read fearpu. Johns, .1. D. I)., 
p. 131, assigns to the word fearbHtu a meaning "waste," or "cropped." that is to say, "stubble" land. Myhrman, Z. .-1., 
XVI, p. 170. renders fear-bi by "Verwustung't" In view of the fact that fearbu has to be read fearpu and that it renders 
i Sumerian EBVR.GID.DA, "tin' great (long) harvest," and is the same word as the Hebrew *pn, "harvest," 
the ta-mi-ra-ti shd fear-pi must be "fields" that are "with crops readyto be harvested." For fearbu, cf. 17 : 33 | 11 : 14, IS, 
24 | 39 : 12 | 68 : 2(1; har-bu c. numeral, 28 : 21, 22 | 40 : 6 | GO : 2 [ 68 : 5, 0; fear-bi, S : IS; fear-bi c. numeral, 3: 21, 
37 | 34 : 28, 33, 34 | 63 : 10, 14, 15. See also P. 96 : 9 and Peiser, I.e., p. 7, note. 

1 I-sha-aq-qu maybe taken either as 3d pers. plur. masc. prses. I 1 : "so that they (= German indefinite 'man') 
irrigate or can irrigate (= ein Feld tranken, bewassern, Delitzsch, //. II'. B., p. 685a, l>) only (up to) two fields with crops"; 
or. which is less probable, ishaqqti may be considered a IV = ishshaqqil, dependent upon fear-pi. In this case tn-mi-ra-ti 
shd fear-pi would have to be considered as a. kind of "composite noun," the gender of which being determined by the 
word nearest to tin- verb, i.e., by fear-pi, a plur. masc. Translal so that only two fields with crops are watered." 

8 Objects counted are construed as, and stand in, the singular. Cf. here note 6 and p. 95, note 6. 

• Ub-bu-li here not "Zerstorung durch Insekten," Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 5S0, but "ein sehr trocken sein," i.e., "to 
be very dry." Lit., "which exist" (IV 1 shakdnu) as "very dry ones." Or have we to read [shayak-nu = Perm. I 1 , 
witli the same meaning ? The size of the break would speak rather for the latter emendation. 

10 The same form occurs again in 66 :6 (context mutilated). To derive it from HDT (i.e., HpT (!), Delitzsch, 
H. W. B.. p. 2166), "to overthrow, cast down, tear down," docs not give any sense. We would expect here some such 
signification as "to perish." but this meaning is not yet established for daqu. Delitzsch, //. II". B., p. 52<v, mentions a 
root HDS, "darben, mangeln, etw., entbehren." This would fit very well here, but on account of the writing with d 
this root could not be riDX, but had to be HDK, i.e., rip;' (related with postbiblical Np; 1 , "trouble, distress," 



8 [be]-li me-e a-a-ii-ti 1 ish-ki-ma 

9 [. . . . ]-v? nam-gar-ra is-ki-ir 

10 be-Pi lish-pu-ra-am-ma ta-mi-ir-ta 

11 slid i-na libbi hi -sliu u-ma-al-lu-u 3 


12 u ub-bu-la li-shd-ak-li-ma 4 

13 be-h mi-ig-ra it e-ri-shd 

14 la i-ha-ad-d i nam-gar-shit mush-shui* 

15 ii shu-u a-na* pa-an nam-ga-ri 

16 shd be-Vi-ia a-shi-ib mu-ii i-na riam- 


17 m[a]-a'-du ii shii-ii a-na pa-an 

18 nam-ga-ri an-ni-i a-shi-ib 

My "Lord," thus he has watered and 
.... the canal he has shut off ! 
My ' ' Lord ' ' may give orders that he water 
the whole field with which he has been 

and thus put an end to its being dry. 
My "Lord," may not delight in a favorite 
and (or: i.e., in) an irrigator who neglects 

his canal ! 
Let either the superintendent of the 

of my "Lord"— if water be plentiful 

in his canal — 
or the superintendent of 
this canal (sc, which has been neglected 

so shamefully by the prefect) 

yy_, "to embarrass," etc.). I propose, therefore, to take i-di-iq-qu as standing for i'taqqil, itfaqgiX, itteqqti, iteqqu, IdiqqU, 

I 2 of ^\>l\ "to be in want." The long u at the end is not the plural, but the relative in pause: iftaqqaju, after shd (1. 6). 
Hilprecht (letter of July 9, 1 90S) proposes to derive idikM from dikH, postulating the significations: 1, " stiirzen, 
vernichten, zerstorerir" (transitive) ; 2, "umsturzen, umfallen, umkommen" (intransitive), translating "und verderben 
(kommen urn)," and referring this expression to the ", das die Kopje Mngen lasst, das umfallt, umknickt." 
However, if one prefers, he may see in i-di-ik-ku-n. a I 2 or IV (cf. No. 26 : 14, i-li-ik-qa-a, see p. 119, note 3) of H3T = 
npn with passive signification: "and in consequence of which (= u consecutivum) are cast down, destroyed!" The 
last derivation and translation is possibly better than the one mentioned above ("are in want"). 

1 A-a-u-ti cannot be here translated by "wer, welcher" (H. W. B., p. 476), but must be, on account of its position 
(after the noun), an adjective. A-a-ii-ti me-e = "what waters?" me-e a-a-ii-ti = "what kind of waters!" i.e., "such 
waters!" This line, therefore, is a complaint in the form of ridicule and scorn which the writer expresses with regard 
to the prefect's doings: "My 'Lord!' (or en-ni = cn-im, "behold"?) in such a way, with such waters he has watered the 

2 Read [« shii]-iV! For -ma u cf. also p. 13S, note 4. Translate: "Thus he has watered seeing that (») 'that 
one' (shii-ii) has shut off the canal." 

3 Lit., "with which he (i.e., my "Lord") has filled his heart," i.e., "which he has given him." Hence i-na 
libbi bi -sM = ana (irm) q&ti-shu umallH, "with which he has filled his hand, which he has entrusted to him." 

* III 1 of rrn, a synonym of nnD, and having the same meaning as sahtlpu, "to cover something, to suppress it, 

to bring to end, to end." 

5 Mu-ush-shur, II 1 permansive in circumstantial clause: "leaving," i.e., "who leaves." This explains how 
the prefect "shut off" (is-si-ki-ir, 1. 4) the canal: he left it, paid no attention to it, neglected it (Permansive II 1 = 
duration and intensity!). And by neglecting it, the canal was in course of time filled up with mud. This caused the 
dryness (ub-bu-li, 1. 6). 

• A-na pa-an a-shi-ib = ina pan Cishib, one that dwells, is at the head of something, i.e., a superintendent. 

Cf. here also 13 : 9, a-shi-ib pa-ni-shu-mi . Or is it onlv "the one who lives near it"? 



19 i-nanam-ga-rishii{iyme-€ lU-ki-ma 1 

20 nam-gar-ra shd be-h-ia li-mash-shv-ir* 

21 me-e n6ru Ilu-i-pu-ush 

22 ii me-i Na-la-ah 4 

23 me-e :i-it-tr shd be-h-ia 

24 be-ha-naGU.EN.NA t shvlmu( DI) 


25 a-na ki-sir( = B(')-ti" lish-pu-ru- 


26 lid-di-nu-ma e-ri-shii la i-ma-ad-di. 10 

lead (take) waters through (into) hiscanal 

and (in this case) let alone my "Lord's" 
canal ! 

As regards (lie waters of the Ilu-ipush 

and the waters of the Nalah— 

waters in which my "Lord" has an 
interest — ■ 

"let my 'Lord' send greeting to the 

that they lead (the waters) back into the 

in order that the 'irrigator' do not com- 

\ IV. 

X,,. ;,-, (= ('. B. M. 12,582). (Cf. photographic reproduction, PI. III. 89.) 

Royal summons issued by King Shagarakti-Shuriash to his sheriff Amel-Marduk. 
' About 1325 B.C. 

The King as shakkanakku ilu Enlil administered and looked after the Temple 
property of the god of Nippur, consisting of fields, flocks, taxes, revenues, etc. In 
the administration of such vast and extended holdings of god Enlil he had to depend, 
in a large measure at least, upon his officials: shepherds, farmers, collectors of taxes, 
prefects, governors, etc. It is only natural that such an army of officers, differing 

1 l.e., into the canal of the \uxzannu il. 3) who had neglected it by forsaking it (.1. 1-1). 
'I.e., my Lord may command that either he ... or he lead (take). 

3 Serins; that the Iflzannu has forsaken and neglected liis canal, the king shall issue orders to the "superinten- 
dent " (who apparently is a higher official than the "prefect") thai the latter lead waters through (into) the neglected 
i anal and in this case do without the waters from the " Lord's" canal. 

4 For the situation of this canal cf. the topographical map of .Nippur in T. D. .1. of ('. of Pa., II, p. 2231'., and see 
Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 7, comparing with it what has been said under "'"'". Xulal! in ".Names of Canals and Rivers," below. 

5 See Delitzsch, //. 11". />'., p. 2656; Tallquist. Sprache, p. 70. and Meissner, .1. P., p. 104. 
For this title cf. introduction to No. 75, p. 133. 

' Lit., "speak greeting." 

F With ki-sir-ti, "stone dam," cf. also 13 : 6. 

9 Lixh-bii-rii-ni-im-ma lidrdi-nvr-ma, b Sid Svolv; that they (the men instructed by the sheriff, i.e., the deputy 
sheriffs) may send or give orders that the waters of the two canals (11. 21, 22) be given back, returned, led back into 
their dams. 

10 For i-wa-iid-di = i-rna-ut-ti, root DB3, see Jensen, A". B., VI 1 , pp. 304, 557, "klagen, stohnen, Wehklagt < rheben 
w. dergl." and cf. 13 : 18, u-ma-da = umatta. 


in rank and influence, could not at all times work together in harmony and peace- 
fulness. Then, as now, petty jealousies made themselves felt, which very often 
took the form of slander. Wheresoever and whensoever opportunity offered itself, 
one official would accuse the other of all imaginable offenses in the administration 
of his particular office. The result of such an accusation, which here is indignantly 
referred to as "slander," is this letter. 

ffanibi, son of Sdmi, a shepherd, had complained to the King, his highest 
superior, of having been slandered by Errish-nddin-shum and others. The nature 
of this slander is, unfortunately, not to be made out, as the passage in question is 
very mutilated. It possibly referred to some wrong statements supposedly to have 
been made by the complainant at the time when the inventory of the flocks was taken- 
The King, knowing that the affairs of the Temple and State can best be administered 
only if slanders, wrong accusations, and jealousies give way to peace, quietness, and 
"brotherly love" among the several officials, dispatches this letter to Amel-Marduk, 
summoning him to produce the orginators of the slanders and bring them before 
him (the King) . 

Two things become evident from this letter: (1) Every offense against an 
official of the Temple or State is a crime against the King — a majeste. The King, 
therefore, appears not only as the person to whom the officials had to and did report 
their grievances, but he, as good administrator, takes an interest in the happiness 
and contentment of his subordinates by trying to do justice to both, offender and 
offended. This he did by inquiring into the pro and con of the accusations and by 
passing judgment thereon: the King becomes thus the highest judge, the court of last 
appeal. (2) Amel-Marduk, to whom the royal summons was issued, is evidently an 
official of the King, whose functions consisted in citing, resp. arresting, and bringing 
before the King, for purposes of judgment (dinu), slanderers or other criminal offenders. 
From 81 : 6f. we learn that such an official was known by the title GU.EN.NA, i.e., 
lit. "strength of the Lord," who may or may not have other GU .EN .NA J s,i.e., deputy 
sheriffs, under him, for we read, I. c.,dsh-shum mare mesh Ni-ib-bu-rum slid GU.EN.NA-ka 
ash-shu-mi-ka im-ta-na-ah-ha-rum um-ma-a a-na Mdr- m In-ni-bi a-na di-ni [....], i.e., 
"as regards the Nippurians whom thy 1 sheriff has seized (lit. has received) upon thy 
command (I beg to state) the following: 'To Mdr-Innibi for the purpose of judgment 
[helms taken them 2 ].' " Amel-Marduk, exercising here the functions of the GU.EN.NA, 
has, therefore, to be identified with the Amel- ilu Marduk GU.EN.NA En-Hl ki , B. E., 

1 I.e., '"Afiu-u-a-Ba-ni, the addressee of tile letter, who, therefore, must have been a sheriff-in-chief. 

2 See already above, p. 24, note 5. 


XIV, 136 : I. From />'. A'., XIV, we furthermore learn thai Amel-Marduk lived 
during the 5th 1 and 8th' year of Kudur-Enlil, 3 "the beginning of the reign, "* and the 
Ml,. -'Mli.' ;uk1 lOth'yearof Shagarakti-Shuriash. As sheriff (GU.EN.NA*) he had, of 
course, a prison {ki-li, />. /•-'.. XIV, L35 :3), where such persons as '" au Errish(t)- 
nadin-shum, the slanderer, were held {kaM) for judgment; he had to be present 
(u-kin-nu) when the several scribes made their final reports (ri-h/i-a-nu shd DUB. 
sum: sha NIN.Ah . /•'. E., XIV, L36 : I) or "drew the balance of accounts." 
In short, wherever and whenever the "a flairs utniali ) of the King" were in need of (he 
strong supporl of the "arm of the law," the GU.EN.NA had to give it: he was "the 
Lord's (EN-NA) strength (GU)," as such acting "for (or in place of) the King," 
ina miih LUGAL, p. 84, note 9. 

Amel-Marduk seems to have advanced to the office of a GU.EN.NA from that of a 
SAG.LUGAL. In the latter position he is mentioned during the 6th and 7th 
year of Shagarakti-Shuriash. 1 read therefore, B. E., XIV, 132 : 2, [»>Amd- lh ']Marduk 
amdw S AG. LUGAL. In his capacity as SAG.LUGAL he was present (ii-kin-nu) 
at the taking of the inventory of the flocks (mi-nu LIT.GUD it GANAM.LU). 
This very same tablet mentions also m ga-ni-bi mar Sa-a-mi (I.e., 1. 12), the na-gid or 
••shepherd." who appears in our letter as the complainant (1. 7). There can, then, be 
no doubt that the Amel-Marduk of our letter has to be identified with the GU.EN.NA 
of Nippur, and that the King who addressed this letter to his sheriff was none other 
than Shagarakti-Shuriash. Our letter has, consequently, to be placed at about 1325 
B.( '. For documents which are clearly official reports {" h ""DUB) of the sheriff Amel- 
Marduk? to his "Lord." i.e., either to King Kudur-Enlil or to King Shagarakti- 
Shuriash, see No. 3 (report about the condition of canals, cf. 40 : 24 | 46 : 11); B. E., 
XIV, 123a : 15 (report about the royal(!) ZI.GA), and B. E., XIV, 137 (report about 
the liabilities, LAL.NI, of the prefects, hazannu). Our letter may be transcribed 
and translated as follows: 

1 B. E.. \1V, lis : L9. 
■ Li.. 123a : 15. 

• The Amel- ilv Marduk mentioned in the 13th year of Kv[ ....], B. E., XIV, 125 : 4, belongs to the reign of 

Kt<[n-G"U«']- This against Clay, I.e. 

* L.c, 127 :3. 

5 L.c, 135 : 3. 15. 

8 L.c, 13(3 : 1. 

'L.c., 137 :27. 

a For other occurrences see 10:24 , 15 : 19 | 16:11 |59:5; B. E.. XIV, 39 : 1 | 142 : 28; B. E., XV. 101 : 13; 
Meissner, Ideogramme, No. 2050; Hinke, B. E.. Series 1 >. IV. p. 20 16. lor the GtT.EN.NA among the gods see my forth- 
coming volume on "The Religious Texts of tin- Temple Library." 

•The shu-la-dsh-shum after Amel-Marduk in B. E., XV, 171 : 6, which (lay, I.e., \>. 206, takes to be a title, is, 
of, an Imperat. Ill 1 of nip + shd + >n(a). 



1 a-na m Amel Jlu Marduk ki-bi-ma 

2 um-ma sharru( = LUG A L) -ma 

3 um-ma-o a-na m Amel J '"Marduk 

4 '" ilu Errish(t) (= NIN ~.IB)-nadin ( 

SE)-shum( = MU) 

5 mar '" Ap-pa>-na-a-[al] 

6 sha. da-ba-ab [limnutim] 

7 d-ti m hla-ni-\bi id-bu-ub] 

8 ii m Dam-qu [mar . . . .] 

9 [slid i]t-ti m ih >XXX-[. . ..} 

10 [da-ba]-ab [limniltim idbub] 

11 it [,....] 

12 [....]" ""XXX-[rr^] 
13-17 [....] 

18 [....] a bu(?)na(?) 

19 [. . . .]-di-W2 

20 [. . . .]-da-ku 

21 [. . . . be]-el da-ba-bi-shii 

22 a-wa m[wfe]-ia 

23 shu-bi-la-ash-shu. 

To Amel-Marduk speak, 

thus saith the King. 

The following to Amel-Marduk: 


son of Appandi, 

who has slandered 


and Damqu, the son of ... . 

who has slandered *Sm- 



his slanderer 
bring him 
before me! 


No. 33a (= C. B. M. 0123). (Cf. photographic reproduction, PL IV, in, 11.) 

A general's explanatory letter to the King. About 1400 B.C. 

The expressions "guards," "chariots," "fortress," "enemy," "to campaign," 
"to go on an expedition" (ana girri aldku resp. tebti), "to plunder," etc., etc., occur- 
ring in this letter, show that the writer must have been an officer, more especially a 
general commanding the chariots (cf. ash-ba-tu, 1. 22) in his King's army. Unfor- 
tunately for our investigation there occurs only one name in the whole letter, and 
this is not mentioned in any of the tablets published in B. E., XIV and XV. We 
are, therefore, at a loss to state definitely who the King here referred to was. The 
name of the writer and "general" was m NIM.GI-shar(= LUGAL)-di{= AN) mes ", 
i.e., "NIM.GI is the king of the gods"— a formation parallel to Ramman-shar-ili 

1 Or m Isin{ = Ezen)-na-a-[a]1 


(No. 36 : 1: B. /■:.. XIV. 10] :5 et passim), Marduk-shar-ilt (/>'. E., XIV, 121 :3), 
etc. Clay, />'. E., XIV, p. 186, mentions a NIM.GI-ra-bi {I.e., 1 12 : 5), and in />'. E., 
XV, p. 38a, a NIM&lWa-bu {I.e. 130 :3), adding in both cases: "(Cassite)". r rhis 
addition be, no doubt, made on the strength of Delitzsch, Die Sprache dcr Kossatr, 
p. 26 : II. where the Cassite nim-gi-ra-ab is explained by the Assyrian c-tc-rum, "to 
protect." As, however, NIM.GI-ra-bi, resp. NIM.GI-ra-bu, corresponds to such 
names as Shamash-rabU {B. E., XV, 183 :3) or Ilu-ra-bi {B. E., XIV, 39 : 7), resp. 
Ilu-rabu {I.e.. 1(K> : lb we have to understand the so-called Cassite vocabulary cum 
grano salisl NIM.GI-ra-ab {ra-bi, rabu) must be translated by "NIM.GI is (the) great 
one {sc. anion- the gods)." This "great one" was. like NIN.IB, a god of lightning, 
"one who smites the enemies," and also "one who protects {etir) the faithful." In 
this wise it happened that NIM.GI-ra-ab came to be looked upon as the e-te-rum, 
the "protector" par excellence. Such an i,u E-di-ru we find among the gods of E-sag-U, 
III R., 66, Rev. 136. And as NIN.IB was identified with Enlil, so NIM.GI, resp. 
NIM.GI-ra-bi, was considered to be one with Har-be ( = Enlil); hence the name 
NIM.GI-ra-gar-be (C. B. M. 3446, Clay, B. E., XIV, 486) has to be read Etif a -garbe, 
"a protector is garbe." NIM.GI becomes thus the name of a Cassite god who 
played originally the rule of the "Son," but who, later on, was identified with the 
••Father," with garbe. 

The several subject matters of this letter are clearly indicated by the stereo- 
typed repetition of the um-ma-a a-na be-li-ia-ma and are the following: 

(a) Answer to an inquiry of the King as to whether the chariots have gone out 
to the place previously designated, 11. 5-12. 

(6) The five old chariots shall go out on the expedition as commanded, 11. 12-14. 

(c) Suggestion as to how the gouvernement and the fortress may be protected 
by the cities and by the writer, 11. 15-24. 

(d) Rectification of the writer's former suggestion as to the use of one chariot, 
coupled with the request that the King command either the sak-shup-par or the writer 
to go out with two chariots, while other two are to be left behind to guard the 
fortified camp, 11. 25-37. 

The letter reads : 

1 ardi-ka m NIM.GI-shar{= LUGAL)- Thy servant NIM.GI -shar-ili; 

M{= AN) [mesh] 

2 a-nadi-na-anbe-h-ial[u-ul-li]k before the presence of my "Lord" may 

I come(!) 



3 a-na tdu' 1 "' 1 massartu( = EN.NU. 


4 slid be-li-ia shu-ul-[m]u 

5 um-ma-a a-na be-li-ki-ma 

6 sha. be-D ish-pu-ra um-ma-a V ''"'nar- 

kabti 3 -ka 

7 lu-u am-ra-ad-ma" a-shar a-sap-pa- 


8 tu-si-i-ma* tal( = PI)-lak 

9 um-ma-a a-na be-Vi-ia-ma 

10 at-tu-it-a" a-na muh. V l?u narkabtu 

11 slid be-li i-du-it a-a i-tu um-ma-a 

12 i-ba-dsh-shi 7 um-ma-a a-na be-Ti-ia- 


13 V-ma* is "narkabtu labirtu (= UY 

a-na gir-ri shd bc-lh 

14 i-gab-bu-u il-la-ak 10 

Unto the cities and the guards 

of my "Lord" greeting! 

The following to my "Lord": 

With regard to what my "Lord" has 

written, saying: 
"Behold I have ordered out thy five 

chariots ; have they started going 
to the place I have written thee?" 
I beg to state the following to my 

"I am there at the head of the five 

asmy 'Lord' knows — or has the inspector 

not informed (my Lord) saying: 
'he is'?" Also the following to my 

"The five old chariots shall go to where- 
soever my 'Lord' 
shall command." 

1 For hul rcsp. fUh-iish as plural sign cf. 1. 15, an-nu-u-ium iilii 1 '" 1 and sec Chapter I, p. 12, note 1. 

2 EN.NU.UN = EN.NUN = massartu, If. II'. />., p. IT.Sa. See also p. 37, note !). 

3 Objects counted stand in, and are construed as, singulars — hence tu-si-i-ma tal-lak, 1. 8 — cf. i-ba-ash-shi, 1.12; 
te-ba-at, 1. '21, and see p. 95, note 6. In 1.34, // i!U narkabtu are treated, however, as a masc. singl.: lil-li-ik for H 
tallik. See also note 10. 

4 Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 425/), mentions a root 11D without giving its signification. According to the context 
iniirndii may have some such meaning as "to ask lor," "summon," "(to command) to go or bring out" (cf. Arab, iiinruilii , 
"pousser"), "to be in need of." This passage shows that marddu has an a in the Tret, and Pres.: amrad, amarad. 

5 By itself this iv 8ia dvbiv, expressed in the form of a. circumstantial clause (Pret. plus Pres., Delitzsch, 
Gram., § 152, p. 362), might be taken as referring to the writer: "hast thou gone out" (then 2d pers. masc. singl.). 
In no event, however, can tu-si-i-ma be taken in the sense of either "hast thou brought out" (this had to be lusln'si) 
or "thou (they) shalt (shall) go" (this required a form tussi, cf. 1. 26, us-sa-am-ma) . 

" Literally: "As regards me I have come to the five chariots (and am now with them), as my Lord knows — or has 
the inspector not (informed my Lord) saying, 'he has come to them' (sc. and is now with them)?" 

7 This may be either Pres. of baslni, "to be," or Pret. of Ih'i'ii, "to come," plus shi, referring back to 1' '■-"iiurhiililii. 

8 For this -ma cf. 35 : 21, p. 124, note 8. 

9 With U = labirtu, "old," cf. B. E., XIV, 124 : 10, ^"uarbihlu SHUL.GI on the one hand and CVD^" Sl/U.GI 
(/>'. /•:., XV, 109 : 42; E. B. II., p. 370, 11 ) on the other. 

10 By translating as given above, I connect illak with V-mu ^ u narkabtu, cf. 1.34 lil-li-ik, and see note 3. 
Narkabtu, therefore, is construed in our letter both as /,•;». and as masc. If this translation be objected to, we would 
have to render 1. 13: " he shall go with the five chariots," etc., referring the "he "to a person well known to the 


138 i El II i:s 10 I V.SS1 ir KINGS 

15 an-nu-u-tum &lu h " shd be-h* As regards these cities concerning which 

my "Lord" (has inquired, saying) : 

if. i-na mi-ni-i pihniay NAM "With whal (how) shall they guard 

17 li-is-su-ru the gouvernementV 

IS [um]-ma-a a-na be-h-ia-ma I beg tostate the following to my "Lord": 

L9 [i]-na gi-na-a a-na-ku ash-ba-ku-ma 3 "I shall be campaigning in the fields 

20 u* gi-na-a ir-te-ni-id-du-ma* while they(are trying to)invade the fields 

21 a-na dZu* ' shd be-lh shu-ul-m[u-shu]- up to the very cities the welfare of which 


mv 'Lord' hns at hearl . 

22 i-na-an-na V-ma i? "narkabtn shd ash- Nkw, the five chariots which I have com- 

ba-tu-ma° manded 

•_':> [b]i-ir-ta i-na-as-sa-ru 7 a-na gir-ri must be going out to wheresoever my 

'Lord' shall command, 
24 shd be-lh i-gab-bu-u te-ba-at only while they (the cities) guard the 

fortified camp. 

"Lord," concerning whom the writer had received orders to send him out with five old chariots. Alaku ana girri c. 
ace., "to go i march) with something to," here apparently used of military expeditions. Cf . tebi ana girri, 1. 24. 

1 Undoubtedly a shortened sentence for ashshum annutum ulu 1 "' 1 shd beVi ishpura wrnma. Notice the position 
of annHtum ' 

'-' NAM = juih.'tli, i>!hiUi is well known. For nas&ru c. ace. and ina seep. 139, note 6. 

s Cf. the later ki-i i-na "'"A", us-ba-ku-ni. Ash-ba-ku-ma i< . . . . ir-te-ni-id-du-ma is, like i-na-as-sa-ru .... 
,,,,, ;. q . a circumstantial clause with a change of subjects. The subject of ash-ba-ku-ma is the writer in 
his capacil y as " general " (i.e., his chariots and men) and thai of ir-te-ni-id-du-ma are the "enemies." 

Notice the -ma <«' Cf. here "die Wagensha rakibushin dikiima u shina mushshurama rumanushshin ittanallakd, 
i: jefa, wahrend sie selbst verlassen waren und fiir sich selbst umherfuhrcn," quoted by Delitzsch, 

I , p. 364, from Sanh., VI, 9ff. 

5 Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , p. 317, lias shown (against Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 612f., who enumerates four roots fmj 
thai there is only one nv^ but the significations which he assigns to this verb {fliessen, nachjolgen, hinterhergehen, 
ir, iben) do not lit here. Nagel, B. A., IV. p. 180, argued on the basis of Letters o] Qammurabi, 34 : 7, for a meaning 
"holen, nehmen," comparing it with Jud. 14 : 9, "and the honey V33-7X WITH he took into Ids hands." The 
besl translation of FTP, because construed c. ace. and ana, would I"', it seems to me, "they went {sc. to take. 
plunder, cf. also 1. 27)," "they invaded," " swepl down upon." 

I or shabatu (ashliait !), ashabat), "treiben," sec Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , p. 533. Here, because applied to a "general" 
in connection with chariots = "to command." 

J l-na-as-sa-ru .... te-ba-at is a circumstantial clan.-'' (Perm, plus Pres.), with a change of subjects. The 

i t of i-na-as-sa-ru is .;/»'-'"', while thai of te-ba-at is V-ma ltu narkabt , u (cf. note 3). For such constructions see 

Deli) , Gram., \ 152, pp. 364, 363 and above, note 3. The suggestion which the writer makes to his King's inquiry 

is this: "Let me defend the open country with the chariots, while the cities, resp. the inhabitants of the cities, 

must protect the fortress." To protect the open country chariots are absolutely necessary; with these the general 

can hurry quickly from place to place and thus drive away I nemy. For the protection of the fortified camp 

chariots are less needed than men, soldiers, and these the ci1 ies shall furnish. 



25 u it-ti 1 a-iia tur(= KJJ)-ru-ki-ia 2 

< "" e '"nakru( = PAP) 

26 id i-had{ = PA)-di 3 us-sa-am-ma 

27 i-hab-ba-at um-ma-a a-na be-li-ia-ma 

28 be-Vi a-na sak-shup-par' liq-bi-[ma] 

29 II '"" imrkabtu a-na gir-ri shd be-l\ 


30 lil-U-ik it a-na-ku lu-uk-ka-li-ma? 

31 i-na II is "narkabti( bi-ir-ta shd be-li-ia 

32 lu-us-sui* I' a-la-ka 

33 be-Vi ish-tap-ra-am-ma 

3-t // ""'narkahtu it-ti-ia lil-li-ik 7 

35 u II ™ u narkabtu li-ik-ka-li-ma 5 

36 bi-ir-ta shd be-Vi-i[a] 

37 li-is-sur 8 

And with regard to the one (chariot with 
which I was) to smite (the enemy) 
so that (t)he (enemy) 
may not (again) become fresh, go out, and 
plunder, the following to my "Lord" : 
"My 'Lord' may give orders to the sak- 

that he go with two chariots to whereso- 
ever my 'Lord' shall command, 
while / may be kept behind (back) 
and guard with two (other) chariots the 

fortified camp of my 'Lord'; 
but if my 'Lord' 
should write, telling me to go, 
then may two chariots accompany me, 
while he may be kept behind with two 

and guard the fortified camp 
of my 'Lord.' " 

1 It-ti, sc. narkabiu, is the fern, of edu, "one." 

2 Inf. II 1 of t|~in. Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , pp. 421, 436, 450, 498, zer-, nieder-schlagen; Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 714a, 
entzweireissen, zersprengen. Turruku is used here apparently in the sense of ma&djw, both as a means of "defense" and 
"offense." Lit. translate,! this line would read: " And with regard to that one (chariot) which was (to serve) for my 
smiting (sc. the enemy)." 

3 A reading i-pa-di, from m3, "to destroy" (cf. tapdH, "destruction," Delitzsch, //. W. B., p. 515b), though 
possible, is against the succession of events we would expect: go out, plunder, destroy! I-bad-di = i-fat-pi from 
Nan, "to sin";and as earl, and every sin is a "Vermessenheit (gegen Gott)," I translated as given above. Prof. Hilprecht 
suggests a. translation, "moge tich nicht freuen (i-hnd-di = i-hi-,11, , mnj," ,]. h., " moge kein Vergniigen daran finden 
auszurucken," in anderen Worten, " moge nicht frohlich darauj losplundern." (Personal communication of July 9, 190S.) 

1 For the sak-shup-par see above, Chapter III, p. 37, note 12. 

5 Notice the difference between lukkalima, 1. 30 (= 1st person) and likkalima, 1. 35 (= 3d person). Both forms 
are IV of n 1 ?:), "to be kept back," "to be retained." 

» Nasai u c. ace. and inn, "to protect . guard something with something." Cf. p. 138, note 2. 

' As narkabtu is fern. (p. 137, n. 3), we would expect here h, tallik, cf., however, ibid., note L0. 

'The writer apparently lias changed his mind since he addressed his last note to the King. He finds that one 
chariot will not be sufficient to cope effectively with the enemy. Two chariots must be sent against the enemy, while 
two others are needed to protect the fortified camp. (The birta of 11. 31, 36 has, of course, nothing to do with 
that of 1. 23!) He leaves it. however, to the King as to whom to send out or to keep behind with the chariots requested. 

l 10 

I i ITT] RS TO < IlSSITE kings 


v, 38 C B M. 1955) CI photographic reproduction, PI. VII, 18, 19.) 

A letter of Shiriqtum,a Nippurian, sent out by his Lord and King to look after the 
receipts of wool and provender. About 1 KM) B.C. 

This letter has been translated chiefly on account of its manifold peculiarities : 
(1) sr<;il. generally read Tishfyu and identified either with NIN.IB or with 
Ishtar, is here apparently a name for En-lil; (2) the strange form nap4i (11. 4, 6) 

for nap-shd-ti(?) ; (3) the unusual slut, constr. in shikittum( NIG.GAL)' nap-ti-ka 

(1. 6) ;(4) the expression a-na li-ti for single a-na (11. 11, 17) ; (5) the two new words 
a-da-ium mmh and il-lm-u : (6) the long u in lu-u-ul-li-ik (1. 2). 

Unfortunately there is no other person mentioned in B. E., XIV or XV, known 
by the name Shiriqtum. We are, therefore, at a loss to place this letter historically. 
This much, however, we may maintain, that our writer was a Nippurian, living prob- 
ably at the time of Kuri-Galzu (cf. the invocation and see above, Chapter III, pp. 38ff.), 
who had been sent out by his "Lord" and King to look after the receipts of wool and 

The contents of that part of the letter which is preserved are the following: 

(a) A-da-tum meah and ilhu have been sent, 11. 15-18. 

(6) 12 qa of barley shall be removed, as per previous order, 11. 19-21. 


1 ardi-ka m Shi-ri-iq-tum a-na d[i-na- 


2 be-h-ia lu-u-ul-li-[ik]' 

3 a «TishbuH = SUGH) it 

Nippur{ = EN.LIL)[ ki ] 

4 nap-ti be-h-ia li-is-su-rum 

5 au Errish(t)( = MS. IB) u 


6 slw dlu-ki shikittum(= NI(G).GAL) tu " 


7 li-is-su-rum ma-an-nu /xi-nn 

8 ba-nu-tum shd be-h-ia li-mur 



Thy servant Shiriqtum; before the pres- 
of my "Lord" may I come! 
Ttshhu and the queen of Nippur 

may protect the life of my "Lord" ; 
Errish and NIN.MAGH who inhabit 

the city (i.e., Nippur) may protect thy 

may see the gracious face of my "Lord" 

'Notice here the long (2, out of lu + a (of 1st person), in lu-ii-ul-li-ik. Though tlii.s » may I"' called :i 
graphically long fl, it need not !»• a morphologically long i'i [fur lit-n-nl-li-ik may stand for lu + li-ul-li-ik. a form we!) 
known from the inscriptions, but not yet found in tablets Iron the Cassite period, Hilprecht]. But then ii-iil-l!-ik- 
would have to lie a II', while in this and all other passages it is evidently a I 1 ! 

2 For introduction, 11. 3-11, see above, Chapter III, pp. 39ff. 



9 w(?) man-nu da-ba-ba tdb( = Ul) ah 

10 [a-na] be-li-ia li-il-te-mi 

11 [uin-m]a-a a-na be-h-ia-[ma] 

[. . . . large break . . . . ] 

12 .... 

13 [. . . .]'" esh i-qa-bu-fi 

14 a-na li-ti 1 be-li-ia 

15 i-li-qa-a 2 2 MA 3 slid a-da-tum meshi 

16 u 2 il-hu-ic 

17 a-na li-ti be-li-ia 

18 il-te-bi-la 

19 m si-di-tunf be-h li-mur 

20 12 [SHE].BAR i-na-[shu-ii ki] 

21 [as/i-p«?]-ra-fca. 7 

and whosoever be of "good words" 
may listen to my "Lord" ! 
The following to my "Lord" : 

.... they say 

to my "Lord" 

they (lie) will take. Two mana of dark- 
red (?) wool 

and two ilhu 

he has sent 

to my "Lord." 

And as regards the provender, my "Lord" 
may be assured 

that they shall take away the 12 (qa) of 
barley as 

I have written thee(?). 

1 For Litu cf. King, Letters of Hammurabi, I, p. XLII; Nagel, />'. .1 ., IV, p. 479, and especially Jensen. K. B., VI 1 , 
pp. 337, 403, 400, who quite correctly recognized thai a-na lit (or, as in our letter, a-na li-li) is as much as mm. "c» hin." 

2 As the context is mutilated, it is hard to tell whether this is the 3d pers. fern, (or masc.) plural ( =iliqd = UiqH = 
ilmjii ; for the vowel i. instead of ", see also Behrens, L. S. S., IV. p. 53). or whether this is a singular, parallel to il-lr-bi-la 
(1. 18), the long d at the end indicating the chief sentence. By itself it might be also a 3d pers. plur. (or sing.) preterit 
(ffiqd = ilqd, see p. ! 9, note .5), or even a IV 1 = illiq U/'n, see above, p. 119, note 3. 

3 MA is here an abbreviation of ma-na (cf. also B. E., XV, : 11), just as Sill 7 is abbreviated from shu^-shu 
(i.e., soss), cf. B. E.. XV, 199 : 29, 40 | 19 : 20 | 73 : 15 | 154 : 45 | 149 : 44, etc. See p. 77, note 1. 

4 .\-tl<i-liiiti"" sl ' must be something thai was measured according to ma-ma — a kind of wool? Strange is here the 
slid between MA and n-il,i-/iiiii""' sh , seeing that the "object measured" follows almost invariably directly (i.e., without 
a slui) upon the "measure." cf. 23 : 24 | 27 : 31, etc. The adattu mentioned in Delitzsch, //. II'. B., p. 26a, and I.e., 
p. 316, are out of question here. The former means " Wohnstdtte," and the latter " corbeille,'' Thureau-Dangin, 
Z. A., XVII, 190, 1. We may, however, consider it as standing for adamatum, adamtum, adantum, adattum, adatum 
(.sr. shipdtu), i.e., "dunkelfarbige, dunkelrote, braunrote Wolle" (cf. II DtX, Delitzsch, //. II'. B.. p. 26a). 

5 If ii-da-tniii""" 1 ' he one kind, 2 (sc. ma-na) il-(iu-ii might possibly be another land of wool. The form (ilfiii) 
is, however, against this supposition, for we would expect a formation like illiit (fern, on account of shipdtu) if this 
existed. Or have we to suppose a reading like: 2 ( s, ">"' tu )il-liu-ii'! 

" Si-di-ttnn. "provender" (Delitzsch, //. II". B.. p. 5036: Reisekost, Proviant) , occurs also in B. E.. XV, 113 :3 | 
151 : 15 (Clay's copy gives lure ad{V)-dv-tum) , ami si-di-su(= xi,lil-xu) in II. E.. XV, 10S : 30, 33. (Cf. here also the 
si'( !)-*/(!)-// of B. E.. XV, 87 : 10?) 

7 Emendation is hardly correct! We would expect ki (aim) mm be-Vl-ia ashpura. 

I 12 



V. 15 < B M 11,860 

An unknown writer complains to his "Lord" and King that, though he asked for 
"pots," "straw" has been senl to him a mistake showing thai even Babylonians 
could and actually did misread their own signs: /A'"' 1 (= straw) was read 
instead of KAN.NP ' i pots). About L370 B.C. 

More particularly the emit en is of this letter are the following: 
The "good reeds" have been senl to the King, 11. 1 '.». 

(b) Complainl aboul the "straw" which has been sent instead of "pots," 11. !() 13. 
Request for (a) one talent of copper, 11. 14, 15; (6) for good fiulup trees, 

u. ir,. it. 

(d) The affairs of the King arc being well looked after by the sheriffs, 11. 18-22. 

(c) Communication thai the writer had gone to DUr-Kuri-Galzu for one purpose 
or another, 11. 23 25. 

1 [ardi-ka ' X ....] 

2 a-na di-[na-an be-h-ia ] 

3 [lu]l-lik u[m-ma-a a-na be-h-ia-ma] 

4 [dsh-shum sh \d t[a-ash-pu-ra \ 

5 [. . . . ]-6e-(?) iiGI DUG\ HD.G.V 

6 [. . . . ]-a ul-tc-b[i-l]a 

7 iP [ar]di-ha m Ahu-raC!)-dsh-$haC?) 3 

8 GI DUG( = IJ I ).<;.[ a-na be-h-ia 

9 ul-te-bi-la 

10 ii i-na bu-ut di-qa-ra-ti 

11 a-na ra-di-i al-ta-p[ar] 

12 htibnu(= IN) '" be-Vi 

13 am-mr an-na-a ii-she-bi-la 

Thy servant X . . . . ; 

before the presence of my "Lord" 

may I come,speaking thus to my "Lord" : 

[With regard to thy inquiry (?) . . . . ] 

[whether . . . . ] and the good reeds 

.... has brought 

(I beg to state that) thy servant 

has brought the good reeds 
to my "Lord." 

Furthermore I wrote that "pots" 
be brought down, 
but they were "straw" ! 
What for lias my "Lord" sent this? 

1 GI DUG.GA = qani, t&bu, good, i.e., sound, reeds that are nol rotten. 

• it introduce,-; here the apodosis. 

' Or m Afeu-shd(?)-<i ' . both readings are very doubtful. 

' The only way to account for such a mistake in sending "straw'' instead of "pots" is by supposing that our writer 
must have used in his former Letter the ideogram KAN.N1 for diqardti. The "order-filler" mistook KAN.NI for /A 

t.i . accordingly, "stray 

5 Am-mi = ana-mi = DD 7. Mi, therefore, is an abbreviation for mtnu, "what," Jensen, K. B., VI 1 , p. -17'-'. For 
another mi = -mu = -ma, see p. 124, note 11, • 


14 1 biltu(= GUN) ent(= URUDU) My "Lord" may send one talent 


15 li-she-bi-lam-ma of copper. 

16 si-it hu{lY-lu-ub da-a-a-bi 2 May I bring the rest of the 

17 lu-shal-li-im 3 good hulup trees? 

18 um-ma-a a-na be-h-ia-ma Also the following to my "Lord" : 

19 a-ma-ti slid GU.EN.NA* "The affairs of the Gtl.EN.NA, 

20 ma-la i-ba-ash-shu-ii as many as there arc, 

21 a-nabe-h-ia are entrusted safely 

22 pa-aq-da-at to my 'Lord.' 

23 a-na ' Hu DCtr-Kii-ri-[Gal-zu] To Dur-Kuri-Galzu 

24 [at-ta]-lak [....] I went . ..." 

25 [....] 


No. 7(i (= ('. P. M. 3660). (Cf. photographic reproduction, PI. XI, 2.S.) 

A father's peremptory order to his son to send in his report. About 1400 B.C. 

From this letter we learn that the "report" (di-e-ma, 1. 5) took its origin with 
the "son," who had to send it to the be-cl SHE.BAR (1. 7). The latter again had to 
report to the "father," who turned it over to the King (bc-cl)J' As the report has to 
be sent by the "son" to the be-cl SHE.BAR, we may, and this finite rightly, assume 
that the di-e-ma embodied a report about the receipts, resp. expenditures, of "barley" 
in connection with a sub-station of a branch storehouse of the Temple of Enlil, over 
which the "son" presided." This would give us the following classification of the 
various storehouses: (a) sub-station of a branch storehouse (son); (&) branch 

'The sign h" looks here like si in si-it, bu1 a word si-lu-ub docs not exist; or is si-lu-ub = su-lu-up, "dates .' 
As. however, the things here mentioned are apparently building mate-rials (reeds, bronze, feulup trees), I prefer to read 
as given above. If sUu-vb = su-lv^-up be preferred, we might translate : " Shall I bring the rest of the good dates?" 

'Thebi has here the appearance oi TUR resp. I. Daibi is a fa"al form, expressing quality or >»m patio „ , 
Delitzsch, Gram., p. 168 (§ 65), No. 24. Cf. also the stress laid upon the quality of the GI, 11. 5, 8. 

3 On account of the In in lit-shal-H-im, this form cannot be the third (which had to be UshaUim), but must be the 
first person. But whether it be a I' or II' is doubtful. I take it. to be a II'. for which see Kin-, Letters of 
ffammurabi, III, p. 292. 

' See introduction to No. 75, p. 133. 

5 It ought to !»■ noticed here licit tin- King, when addressedby his subjects, is called be-Vi or F.X-(li), but when 
spoken of to a third person, is referred to as either LUGA I. or be-< I. 

8 Cf. here also the request for such a report in No. 84 : 11, see pp. 114, 84ff. 

1 I I l.i i ii:ks id i \ssi i i kings 

storehouse (be-el SHE.BAR); (c) maiD storehouse (father); (d) central office al 
Nippur (King, resp. bursar-in-chief). This letter, then, shows more than anything 
else that the so-called "Temple Archives" are nothing but administrative report* aboul 
the receipts, resp. expenditures, of the various branch storehouses of the Temple of 
Enlil reports as they had to he made to the earthly representative of (he god of 
Nippur, the King, the shakkanakku Enlill 

1 um-ma-a a-bi-ka Thus saith thy father: 

2 i-din pa-nu-u-ka* "Give, 

3 „/ i&-6a-6o-?w a be good, 

I it shum-ma i-na inu-uh-ln and send, as soon as ready, 

.". ! i -shir 1 ili-r-mn I he report 

6 shu-up-ra-am- j ma to the 

7 a-na be-el SHE.BAR' 'lord of barley' 

8 (1,-,-nn ,,-m, be-el so that I may send my own 

9 {SHE.BAR erasun I 

pi /„_/, .ft report to the 'Lord' (i.e., the Kins)-" 


X,,. so (C. I'.. M. 19,764). 

An official of Dur-ilu sends a messenger with a note to the Kin"', then at Nippur. 
Another note, addressed to m NIN-nu-u-a of Nippur, could not he delivered by 
the same messenger, because the addressee had gone on business to Sippar, 
fifty miles distant. Whereupon the official of Dirr-ilit sent the present explana- 
tory note to Sippar. whence it was brought back by m NIN-nu-u-a to Nippur. 
About 1350 B.C. 
For introduction, transcription, translation, and notes, see above, Chapter II, 

pp. 19-23 ; 25, note 4 ; 27, note 8. 

i Pa-nit-w-fca might be, per se, connected either with i-dhi, "give thy face," /(■..'•sot thyself about to do something, 
arouse thyself, !»■ determined," or with ul ib-baAia-lu. 

- IV of liabriln. With the signification here given cf., besides Helitzseh, //. II'. B., p. 1666, also Jensen, K. /•'., VI 1 . 
pp 320,378.and />'. .1.. III. p. 541, la bdbil p&ni, "freundlich, gut," lit. "one who does not put his face upon, does not 
turn it towards (something else, i.e., upon or towards evil)"; here "thy lace ( = plur.) must not be put (sc. upon evil)." 
i , "be good," "do not delay." A bibil-libbi, accordingly, is something towards which one's heart is turned continu- 
ally, tin fondest thought of one's heart. 

'V.r. i-na mu-uh-hi = "to be at a tiling." "to be ready." 

*SHE.BAR is here not only the "barley," but everything that goes through the hands of the "lord," as head 
of a branch storehouse. Cf. also pp. 112, note 2; 113, note 4. 






addr., addressee ; b., brother ; " b.," brother (in address) ; cf., confer ; d., daughter ; f., father ; f., fol- 
lowing page ; ff., following pages ; I.e., loco citato ; p., page ; pp., pages ; q.V., quod vide ; S., son ; si., sister ; 
wr,, writer. 

Determinatives: ilu, god ; mesh, plural ; 111., masculine ; f., feminine; [ . . ]=text restored; (....) = 
interpretation of text; C. B. M., refers to the "Catalogue of the Babylonian and General Semitic Section of the 
Archaeological Museum of the University of Pennsylvania," prepared by Prof. Dr. II. V. Hilpreeht. The numbers 
refer to the cuneiform texts of the autograph plates. 

I. Names of Persons. 

1. .M \sitline Names. 

m A-a-n', 1 47 : 3. 

'".l/)-[. . .],» 69 :4. 

m Abi{ = AD)-w, f. of iDi-nl, 85 : 10. 

m Afiu( = SHESID-ii-a-Bn-ni, addr., "1 

ilu Marduk SI : 1. 
m A-hvr-Boni, wr., 2 : 3. 

m Ah(=SHESH)-kldina (= SE) na - ilu Marduk, wr 
m A h«(= SHESH)-ni, 31 : 7. 
m Aiu(= SHESH)shdC!)-dshC!)-ra, 3 45 ; 7. 
m A-hii-shi-na, addr., 78 : 1. 
m Ak-kardu-ii< 54 : 11. 
"Wmcl-Bn-ni-;, 86 : 16. 

of '"Erba- 

1 : 1. 

m Amcl-' l "M,i,-duk, 

1. wr., 3 :2. 

2. addr. 75 : 1 3. 

m A-mi-lir-ia,"b." of™ ''" En-Ul-mu-kiv^l /«/(= V V R .V SI 7 ; , 

80 : 1,5. 
\ m \\-nii-kii-nini-mii, h wr., 4 : 1. 

n A- 


Sin(= XXX)-b,k-l„-lcu, IS :5. 

"■A-na-tukulti (= KU)-ilu-ma, 29 : 9, 15. 

"Ap-pa'-na-ar-[a], f. of 

75 :5. 
"Ap- 7 [. ...], 69 :4. 
n Ardi-Belit ( = GASHAN),* wr., 5 : 3. 

NIN.IB-nddin( = SE)-sh 

1 Cf. lln-bi-A-a-ri. 

2 Q r m ilu Enr .<t 

3 Or'".i;j»-m(?)-fc/(-s/ki(?). 

"'The Akkadian!" Cf. amelu Ak-ka-diA 18: 25 | 41 : 14. 

6 Cf. B. E., XIV, 11 : 16, or have we to read here m A-na-tukulti( = KV)-ilu-ma1 

"Or is Ap-pa = 7.sin( = EZIN) and Isivr-na-a-a = "One who is from Isin? " Cf. here the nom. pr. quoted under 
Ap-pa-ai in B. E., XIV, p. 40a and I.e., XV, p. 27a. 

7 See note to m Ab-[ . . ], above. 

8 Cf. Uu Ardi-NIN ki and dU Ardi-GASHAN. 



Masculine Names 

>■ ■ I ■■ ; I ■' I o 

(g.v.),Sl " 
\S 9 
li-'lMjtfonlii*, wr., a :'-'. 
Mr-rop^a-a-a-EtKN],' 53 20, 27 

r|'-/,|-(l||-,/ , 55 5 

l^sAur-sAun 1" ' " K IR), wr., ["''■" 1 " r 

'" 'l"i:, l -lil-[h,-l-„isl„-">"''-sln l \. 77 I 

I" 1 ] l-ei-r[u-!im], wr., 7 : 2. 

R ot.,S:2 

"•Banal K [K)-a-.ilm-' ,u Marduk, 
1. wr., 9 : I. 

. L6 


1. wr., 11:1. 

2. 12 : 17. 

"■ ■''»/: / \ ! :. 53 L6 | 69 I. 

|,* 69: 5. 
m H.l(- EN)-tisa-tum, 23 : 20. 
'"«»-[...].=• 57 : I. 

m Bu-na- ilu Errish(t) (= NIN.IB), Is : 22. 
"'/<«-,ni-»<!-''" Bmsn(0 (^NIN.IB ■." 7,7 : I |59:12| 60:6. 
"•Bur-ru-oi, 50 : 4. 
m H„-ur-ru-t;. 39 : 13. 
[ m ?]Da(?)-i«t-ia, addr., "b." or "si "(?) of "7- 

<i.7<-m, 88 : 1. 
m Dam-qu, 75 : 8. 

an-[. ..],' 69 : 3, 6. 

D \h'-lir-ni,,\^ S YB)-gab-ba, wr., 91 : 3. 
m ilu DIL.BAT-Ba^ni, 1 I : is. 


"'i>;-hi-iii< i \ . 27 : 18. 

[D/?] / IB) K-[mur?],' addr., 91 : 1. 

'"10 .KISH.S ll'il; \ I \-GAl li "li-'ir. 37 : Is. 

1 \Iarduk, b. (1. 19) of 'lulu A -a-n, 86 : 18. 
"7 \ . see "7>V/-. 

[ ].'" 53 16 69 : I 

"' !lu En-lil [bi I / \ | n I ■■ ' "' '' »nu]," addr., 77 : 1. 
"' <lu En-lil ki di ni, 

1. wr., 7s 3 79 : 3. 

2. 55 : 11. 21. Cf. the Following name. 
En-lil-ki-dirwrd, 55 : 6, 7, 19. Cf. the preceding name. 

'" ilu En-Kl-mu-kinrapal I TUR.USH), wr., "b." of 

"U-»o // ia, 80 : 3. 
» lt 'EnrUl-lu-kuUi, 15 : 13 us ; 20. 
m Br6ai S? I '" Marduk, 

1. wr., "b."of m Ah.u-ii-a-Ba-ni, 81 : 2. 

2. wr., "b." of Da(1)^ni-ti-ia, 82 : 3. 

3. 27 :[27], 30, 32 | 29 : I | 35 : 17, 26. 
'"/■> l,„- l ' l, M„,;U,l:. 

1. wr., 13 :•-'. 

2. s. of m Hu-v,p-jriri ) 58 : 5, 7. 

3. 65 :9. 
"<K l -lia-uiii-''"yinr,li,L-, wr., II :2. 

»' «"JSmsfc(0(= .V/ V. [//>'])'--[. . . ]. 52 : 39. 

'" «»£msfc(0l - ['" ilu NIN].IB)-ah(= SHESH)4ddina 

(= ,s7-;i"", 1 : 17. 
'" ilu ErrishCt)( -- NIN.IB) ( == ,s7/[/.DC/]), 

s : 25. 
'" ilu Errish{t)( = NIN.IB)-apal( = TUR.USH) -iddina 

(= .S7-.'!"", wr.,83 :2. 

'"The Ar(ra)pachaean." Cf. B. /•-'.. XIV, 22 : 15, m Ar-rap-fea-a-o-ii-[um]. In our letter the sigo 
rap looks very much like tf/G 1/.. cf. also Clay, Sign List, />'. B., XIV, Nos. L58 and 89. For the interchange of rap 
and LUGAL cf. ''' "' Bap b)-kam-me-ir and din B iT Lugal-kam-me-ir. 

-Also the following readings might possibly be suggested: m Pi-]<t-ni-,hi, m Na-ash-la-an-du, or m Ash-pi-la-, rpsp. 
'"Pi-hi-, resp. '" \. '-<--/, -la- ilu DU, see Chapter III, p. 52, note 3. 
Oi "' "»£«-[. ..]? 

< m /i,7-[„-,„;-/»/»]? 

s Or ■■">// /•;-[...]. 



■On account of the »Wlr I (Wire), 59: 14, 1 do not consider this person to beabrothi 

and a son of m Me-li-' ll ' u Shu-qa-mu^na. 
'Cf. Dannu-Nergal in B. A'., XIV, p. 426. 

Mir m [/-n«]-. ? //-/i-ri-[/aA-]. '/•''• 

See also pp. 25, note 1; 110, note 3. 
'•Or m,i "ft7-[.. .]? 

" According to I. f> he is a h;l pa-hfirti. A pihfit '" ''"En-ill-lt.'l-tiixlif-xlni is mentioned in /?. A., XIV, (10a : 41. 
'• For the reading of NIN.IB = Errish(t), see The Monist, XVTI (January, 1907), p. ltoff Cf. also "Preface." 


Masculine Names 

'» <'UYnVK0(= MASH)-apal{ = TUR.USH)-iddina ( = m Idin> = SE)- ilu Errish{t) ( - NIN.IB), wr., 20 : 3. 

S£)"°, wr., 84 : 1'. m Idin(=MU)-GHE.GAL, a 59a : 11. 

m i/«£YnV,(0<> NIN.IB)-GA.BU-AN mesh , 1 wr., 17 : 2 | > ic Idin- ilu Marduk,< 59 : IS. 

18 :1 ( ?) . m Idin(SE)- ilu Nergal, 
"• ''"/•>n.s/H/)(= L)-GIB-AN mesh , 2 18 : 20. 1. f. of m Ki-shd-tum, 56 : 4. 

'" ilu Erri8h(t)(=NIN.IB)-n&din(=SE)-ate (,SHESH) mceh , 2. 85 : 3. 

52 : 13. '"/-!/'-!/', 4 : 5. 
'" ilu Ernsh{t){=NIN.IB)-n6.din{=SE)-shum^MU), s. of »HH4[ a ?],» 21 : 19. 

m 4p-pa-no-o-[a], 75 : 1. '"I-[i-ah-hi n -c-ri-hn, 26 : 13. 

milu Errish(.t)-zer-ib 3 -ni,vfT., 15 : 1 | 16 : 2. "'/-ri( = NI.NI)Ap-pa-dsh-ra, wr., "b." of Da(?)-K-h'-ia, 
"'E.S.W.lL-zu-rl-Ui,* 9 : 15. SS : 3. 

'"E-kl-bu, s. of ">Ush-bu-ta, 24 : 12. '"/'„( = AN)-ip-po^dshr-ra, 31 : 15. 

m E(ir(= KAB)- ilu Marduk, wr., 12 : 2. "7/»-V-/»-['.']. 5 : 16. 

(••"'■ )'''"Gi>-w-!/'(-»»V, 5 3 : 13, 17, 20. "7Zu( = AN)-MU.TUK.A a ^r&ma ma , 
'"Gu-m-ar-AX," "b." of m In-nu-ii-a, 87 : 3. 1. wr., 21 : 1. 

'"Hn -«»-[/)«?], 08 :23. 2. 81 :16. 

"7/(/-»i-[6/], 75 : 7. '"Il-li-in," addr., 92 : [1], I. 29. 

m IJa-a.ih-i,iar, 84 : 13. '" ,7 "/.U-, see '" ilu Ramm6.rv-. 

'"IJu-ldl-lb-ti-t]!, 1 f. of fAb-b[u-ut-t]a-ni-ta, 78 : 7. m Im-gitr-ri, addr., 70 : 1. 

'"IJu-na-bi, 4S : 16. "7/»-./«-™m, wr., 22 : 1 1 23 : 1." 

m ffu-up-pU, i. of m Er-ba- ilu Marduk, 5S : 6. <"I-„a-E.KUR.GAL, 24 : 32. 

m Bu-za-lum, 22 : 6. m [/-na]-si«t-a-[fafc], 15 addr., 91 : 1. 

" l Ib-iti-' ,a KUR 3 : 48. " l [n-ii.a-iui-ni, addr., 83 : 1 | 84 : 1 | 85 : 1 | 86 : 1. 
m Ib-ni- ilu Marduk, '"Iii-nl-bi,Sl : 9. 

1. wr. 19 : 4. m In-mirU-a," addr., "b." of m Gu-za-ar-AN , 87 : 1. 

2. 81 : 13 | 83 : 27. m Iqtsha( = BAsha )- Uu Rammdn ( - /.U). 3 1 : 35. 

1 Probably to be read Errish-qu-sir-ili, i.e., "Errish is the fuller (adsiru = ashlaku, Meissner, M. 7. .1. (?., IX 
(1904), p. 52) of the gods." Cf. II R, 57, 35c, d, il '\ri-i.-<h-bu) SUGH \ ditto (= <<"XIX.II!) sha ram-ku-U. See also 
m n«L„GiR-AN me8h , 48 : 20. 

2 Probably to be read Errish-shakkanak-ili. < 'I', here for the present our note to GIR.NITA (Chapter IV, p. 86, 
n. 4) and see my forthcoming volume on the Religious Texts. Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 49a, reads NIN.IB.KISH 
( = kashkash)-ildni 

3 The traces speak rather for ba\ Cf. %Ul Zer-ba-ni-tum\ 

I An Amurritish name: " E. is my rock!" 

5 Here a city named after a person. Cf. < Hu (. llu )Gir-ra-ga-i»il. 

8 AN here in all probability the same as the Cassite Bugash, see pp. 7, note 2; 63; 70. 

7 Cf. B. E., XV, p. 32a, gu-di-ib-til( = BE)-la, a Mitanni name. 

s See m MU.GHE.GAL. 

" Here a city, see under ' ,,a Idiii- llu Marduk. 

10 Cf. '"Il-li-iii, lather of m Tukulli(= KU) H -E'.KUR, B. E., 48a : 7, and see below under '"[l-Ii-ia. Or is V =afe? 

II Cf. B. E., XIV, 39 : 6, 14, m ilu NIN .IB-na-din-ah-hi . 

'- Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 45a, reads MU.TUK.A = mu murashsM. For the sign rcmu sec Meissner, Ideogramme, 

No. 3857. 

13 Cf. m Il-li-ia, father of m TukuUi{= KU) li -fi.KUR, B. E., XIV, 48a : 7, and see also m J-K-i'-i[a] above. 

" ( )r here [T/-&ar]-ru»i? Cf., however, introduction to No. 23 sub " Translations," p. 94. 

15 Or Dln-U-[. . .], q.v. 

18 Cf. m NIN-nu-d-a and see Chapter II, p. 15, note 5. 

I 18 


m Ir-sha-a, i 19. 
m Ish-8hd-ki, x 54 7 


;,,-''"/■>,-/- \/\ //.'\ ; '». 26 : 17. 

,ur- i,u hhtar DIL.B \ I !8 :5 
K UR)- ,,tt XIN.DIN.DOG.GA,'> wr., ! 

K.ilbi- 1 i sii. '37 ;9. 
m Kal4tu, wr., 24 9,38. 
"Ki-din-f. . |,97 5. 

["JCi^di-m, s. {TUR.USH) of [. .], 1 : 13. 
[»]K«-d£-»H, s. of [. . .]. IS 22 
m Ki-din-ni, 9 : 23 n LS 
"•Ki-<<in->'"M t u l luk. 23 : 23. 
m /v'/-,/i»- , '"/.' ( .mm,i;H JM), 33 12. 
m .Ki-ir-ru-m<i(?6 ! 9 
'"/v"/-.s/i.i-../j'-(.H-«/. wr., 34 : 1. 
'"Ki-xlmh-hti-ut, wr., 35 I 

ot m Idin- ilu Nergal,56 : I. 
«"KMt-i[/?], 28 : 17. 


1. wr., 26 : 1 27 : 1 28 : L. 

2. 35 : 27, 31 (here m Kvrdu-ra 
m KUR.GAL-[..],92 : 16. 

A.V Dur-Ku-ri-Gul-:,,. 

m Ku-ri-i, 31 7. 
"'Lki-/. /•;.'.' 1/.. 34 : 11. 

milu LUGH-,s» - kaU. 

Masculine Names 

M I. I \.( Sff,«37 :9. 

I/- nu-(/i-ir'-'' u iJo»! h I /!/'. 24 : L3, L8. 

inrnu-kl- ilu Sukal I /7<,7/i, s. of [. . }*ha, is 23 
1/ ..■■ "I |. 24 29 60 3, 5. 

\l,n '■' 1 na lu Sin\ KXX) tak la-leu, Is 5 
; . ._,_ W , m Ar-di-Ia^l, Is 9 

W i n Ash-pi-la-an-du,' 55 5 
W . "JBu-u [■/,-. . . |,» 57 ■ I i 60 :6. 
w li "7m ,,,, [ |. 69 : 3, 6. 
W i " : ll» na-bi, Is : 16. 
Mar- m In-ni-bi, 81 : 9. 

Mar K '- m Man-nu-H- ila Sukal I Lr/Gtf), Is ; 23. 
M6r- m Mu-[. . . |,60 : 1. 
l/,.;--'".!//)-™-/!/. ita, 78 : I. 
.l/,ir-'" ''",s7»i = XXX)-mu-ba-Ut, li 19 : 6. 

tfdl '",s7, '•■-(. . |,57 : I. 
UaiJTa-n-duy Sii : 14, 35. 

l/.n- "T-ihi-xhii -Ash," messenger of King Burna-Buriash , 

55 :8, L6, 20. 
Mdr- m U-su-ub-Shi-pak, .">■"> : '-'. 
['" " u ]Mardufc-er6a (= Nt r ), 15 : 13 
'" au MardukA> i -shu, wr., 50 : 1. 
rm].7.< M, m hik-mn-[xU«l-]lim. wr., 29 : 1. 
'" « u Jlfardufc-n(5$ir ( = SHESH), 3 : 22, 26 | 15 : 12. 
'" ''".l/-/,7»/,-,v/w7»7./7-[//]. wr., 30 : 3. 
'" « u jtfan2u/i;-s/mro( = MU)-iddina{ = MJ7), """'".s. '.;,', 

93 : 7. 

\, ,i ,,-,. that we find in this connection generally v ish MAR.GlD.DA shd x (= numeral) pa-te-si mel ' h . Should 
we, therefore, read "m" = 1 or 60? See under pa-tesF nesh . 
z Cf. Kudurru, London, 103, passim, and see p. 55. 

3 Or MA.AN.USH, doubtful whether a nom. pr.; it might be an official's title. 
' For a writing «' instead of ah, see Chapter I, p. 7, note. 6. 
s Or is this a woman ? If so, then cf. p. 117, note 2. 

•Or VR( = Kalbi)- il "USH , doubtful whether a nom. pr.; it might be an official's title. 

: The gir-ir for ki, kint(a), gim shows that ll "IM was pronounced at this time Uu Ramman, see Chapter III, p. 49, 
note 1. Here this name is that of a city, see ilu Gir-ra-gasmil. 
5 under m Ash-pv-la-an-&u. 
- under '"Bu-nn-un-' 1 " En; sl,U\. 

10 Doubtful whether belongs to the name. 

11 A reading'" ilu Sinr*hv,m(= MU)-iqtsha(= BA-sha) might also be possible. 
a Or m Bu-. 

"Thus I propose to read this name. This, no doubt, is preferable to Marat-Ta-a-du. If the latter reading were 
adopted the absence of SAL would be without parallel, cf. Marat( = TUR.SAL)J(\)Ba{'l or Ush?)-ba(1 or fca?)-[. .. ], 
31 : 27. Here the descent is apparently reckoned through the mother. 

"Cf. B. E., XV, 168 : 4. m tf-da-shd-ash(\) . 

,s " M. exist-." So better than -ni-sku '.' 



ilu Nusku-ab-iddina, 

m Me-li-Shi-pak, 17 : 32. 
m Me-H- ilu Shu-qa-mu-na, f. of 

59 : 14. 
">M, <-[...], 60 :4. 

m Mu-kal-lim, wr., 31 : 1 I 32 : 1 | 33 : 1. 
'"Ma-rii-tti, 7N : 4. 
m MU.GHE.GAL, l 59a : 14. 
m M ush-ta-li, 31 : 11 I 32 : 7. 
m Ndam( =M tf)-nu&Ai ( = GHE.GAL), 2 59a : 14. 

»Wa-afc(or a' •> ) -:i-' lu M<inluk, 42 : 12 | 48 : 8. 

•"NannarH = SHESH.KI) H - il,i Marduk, 34 : 11. 

m Na-zi- ilu EnAil, 21 : 25. 

'" ilu Nergal-Ba-ni, fea-za-na sM "'"Hu-ht-nu, 9 : 21. 

™NIM.GI-shar( = LUGAL)-ili ( = .1A')"" S \ : ' 33a : 1. 

'" ''"A7.Y./B-, sec '" ilu Errish(.t)-. 

™NIN-nu-ii-a.* addr., "b." of m Pan-AN .GAL-lu-mur , 
89 : 1,[14],28. 

m i7»_v/.V.,s7/.l/ l '-/7-/(i-/('-//'4»-H-i, 31 : 12. 

m Ndr(= §AB)- ilu ShamasM = UD), 

1. """'".s.W; LUGAL, 1 : 5, [18]. 

2. gu-galAum, 27 : 8. 

><< fl»JVwsfc«(= PA.X!7)-a&( = SHESH)-iddina(= SE)™, 
s. of m Me-lv- ilu Shu-qa-mu-na, 59 : 13. 

m ii«p.4 ./£(/-, se e '" ilu Nusku-, 

'"/<„„( = SHI)-AN. GAL-lu-mur, wr., "b." of m NIN-nu- 

ii-a, 89 : 2. 
m Pi-[. . .]. wr.,43 : 1. 
"•Pi-la-an-du? 55 : 5. 

»«»Rammdn( = Of)-<Jrisfc( = ENGAR) i ? h ,*48 : 11. 
['" ilu Rammdn(=IM)-ra}-im-z^r, 9 : 12. 
['" "«]fiomi«iin(= /Af)-sfear(= LUGAL)-ilt( = AN) mesh 

wr., 36 : 1. 

Masculine Names 

m il>'n„,n»iun(-^ IM)-she-mi, 59a : 16. 

»Sin(= -Y-YA- )-[•■•]. S : 10 | 66: 17. 

'" ''",s7»-[. . . ], 75 :9, 12. 

'" ''"*/«( = XXX) 7 -apal( = TUR.USH)-iddinai = .Si.')' 

S3 : 22. 
'" <'«,s'm-cra/i( = ENGAR) ish , wr., 90 : 2. 
'" "^Sm-is-s[a6]-ra, 9 : 16 I 85 : 8. 
"' ''"Shi-ga-mil, """'"UAS1I, 72 : 4. 
'" ilu Sin-kara-bi-esh-me, wr., 37 : 3. 
"' ilu Sin-ma-gir, 11 : 25 j 59 6. 
'" "«Sira-mii-6a-K«, 8 19 : 6. 

\Svnr-na-dirb-ap-lim, 68 : 32. 

rm '/" 1 

m Si-ri-sh6?-ash, 28 : 5. 

-»SuifcaZ( = PAP)-paJ-ro, 10 40 : 3. 

" l ilu Sukal( = LUGH)-she-mi, 29 : 10. 

^il^Shamashi = UD)-sharru (= LUGAL), 1 I 16 

(»«') U»Shamash(= UD)-tu-kul-ti," 16 :8, 12. 

m Sh(Umi-lu-shd, amelu nangaru, 59 : L6. 

m SHESH.Kl H , sec m Nannari-. 

m Shi-ri-iq-tum, wr., 38 : 1. 

m Shi-riq-tim, s7 : 8. 

m Tar-ba-zu, 22 : 13. 

'" ''"TAR-IJI'-inhi - §AB)-gab-ba, wr.,91 : 3. 

TuUkulti-E.KVi!, see under -Places" and "Rivers.' 

•»tf-(«t 13 - [...]. 34 : 41. 
m XJ -bar-rum, 

1. wr., 13 39 : 1 | 40 : 1. 

2. 4S : 7. 
m U-bar-ru, 12 : 5, 7. 
'"['-aW/ai-a^.-'oo :8, 16,20 
m (7i?-, see '"Knlhi. 
il "Ur-r<i-,s<v ' lu Gir-ni-. 

• Probably to be read either «Z<**W£.G2L or «Wdd*W««WW. The latter might be abbreviated from 
m Wu/Jlf^r NIX. IB, etc.)-ntidin-nvlixlti. 
*See m MU.GHE.GAL. 

3 NIM.Gl is probably to be read £<i>, see under Translations, pp. 1351'. 

4 See also m In-nu-u-a and cf. Chapter II, p. 15, note 5. 

5 See m Ax)i-iii-hi-nn-da. 

. For the pronunciation of "«//»/ - «»* mdn, cf. -.Wnu-^r-^O/, Chapter III, p. 49, note 1. 

' So in all names beginning with '" ''".Sm-. 

8 Or '" il "Siii-shnm(= MU)-iqisha(= BA-sha). 

•Or da? 

10 See also p. 129. 

11 Here the name of a city, cf. "•'Gir-ra-ga-ml/. 
" Or m tf-su-[u&-SAi-pafc?]. 

13 Does No. 23 : 1 [ m U-bar]-rum belong here? But see p. 94. 
» Cf. B. E., XY, 168 : 4, ash(\). 


I III ERS I" C \>sl ri: KINGS 

Masculine Names 

i 5 2 
w-to, f. m E-tel-bn, 24 12 
[ m C] ,18:8 

72 6 
[...>i*-/i-/i-ui,'SS I 
'" [...]-. IV. TIM. II 19 
'"[ yishtari DIL.BAT), 72 : 5. 



. }- ilv Marduk . wr., LO: 2. 

. ]-mi-il-Llsh-sh(i~li{:), 3 : 5. 

. . ]-'' u JV7J\ G I/. 50 :9. 

. ]-s/ki,s.ol " tfai 'SuJfcoJi U (.7/i. is . 23. 

.y itu Shamashi UD), wr., III. 

.]-uj«ri SHESH), 22 : 17. 

See also 13 : 7 | 60 : 10, 

2. Feminine \ hues. 

'.!-[. 78 S 

>M>-l>[„-i,l-t]<,-„;-l,t. 3 dr. of '"Llii-[,li-ib-ti-i\l. 78 : 6. 

' or t/sA)-6o(? or *»?)-[. ..],31,27. 
fDa-ak-da, :il : 1 I' H 
f?]Z>«(?)-lt-i*-*o,* addr., "b." or "si." of "'I-li-ir . - 

« : 1. 

wi-Zi-fo,* addr., "si." or "b."?) of m Erba-Marduk, 
82 ! - 
'£>i-m, 7 d.of m .46i-ta, 85 LO 
•E-di-ir-hi. 31 :.".. 
fE-di-ir-li, 32 5 33 : 5. 
r/]E-di-ir-<un . 36 3 

: '-dii-ni-lum. zammertui LUL), 22 5 
['/-Ju]»»(?)-mu-oaM£-#,« 31 : 23. 

/.- M-A-a-ri, wr., si." ol '"/■: m^da- iu Marduk, 85 :2 86 3. 
/ i to(?orsfc<S, ra?), 10 31:20. 

1/ r.n'l 77 /,\N I/.) 11 "M ■„-;•/,'-' 17 : 3. 

W, ,„/-'".l£„( = SHESH) ni, 31 : 7. 
MaratrfBaOoi UsM)-ba(1 or fca?)-[. . . ], 31 : 27. 
M,)r„l-'"Uii(=-- .1 \ I ij) /«» as/s-ra, 31 : I.",. 
1/ .■,■../-'" A' /-,//«-[. . .], 97 :5. 
Maral- m Ku-ri-i, 31 : 7. 
l/,,,w/- , ".l/».s/,./„-//. 31 : 11 | 32 :7. 
M„rnl- s ""T,i-«-<lu, 83 : 1 I, 35 
MdratJUsh{1 or Ba?)-6a(? or /,«?)-[. . .], 31 : 27. 
fRi-shd-tum, 95 : !). 
' Fa-a-oV 3 , 83 : 14, 35 
/r.s/, i •.'(,!■ Ba?)-6a(? or fco?)-[. . . ]. 31 : 27. 

II. Professional and Gentilic Names. 

<i-/«7 bd&i, 86 21. 
nh-bt-ml-ti" 31 : 25. 

[<i/i ]-/i - m-;/. ■■'-.' ,32 8 

"""'". \k-ka-di-i'\ 18 : 25 1 41 : 14. 
""" <"„klu( = / J -l )'" ENGAR, 39 : 3. 
,--//-//,• /«!«!(= *///)'"', 37 :24. 

'/.p.. " L". makes to rejoice." 
■ lr ['"]Du-l,--li-i,r: 

lAb-bur-utrta-ni-tum, B. E., XV. 185 : 11. 
•Here the da is doubtful; it might be also ra, then cf. h'JDa-ak-ra TUR.SA L '" ilu AG. 1)1. TAR, B.E., 
\\ . L88, [V : 10. 

C ri RjS I /. Da-li-lu-shd, B. E., XTV, 58 : 7. Here probably a "ifosename" which the writer applies to his 

6 A " A 

: Hypocoristicon for I )i-ni-Ui-hi-innr, cf. B. E., Xl\'. 58 : 21. 

? Doubtful whether a nom. //r. 

» But see pp. 25, note 1 ; 110, note 3. 

'"Might expect 'La-ta-^rak, but no trace of rak is visible. 

So also in all following names. 
>*CL tln-bi-A-a-ri. 

See note to Mdr-ffa-a-du. 
"Cf. fi. £., XV, 154 : 26, nh-ta-nm-u (not registered by Clay). 

I "'.-U--Av,-,/„-„-, 54:11. 
" Or better « uh ENGAR, i.e., nartabu, see pp. 35, note 3; 127. note 2. 



Professional and 

amelu( = GALU), 44 : 17; a-PI-lu, 67 :7 ; a-mi-la, 66 : 
25 ; a-mi-U, 42 : 9 | 72 : 10; a-mi-li-e, 89 : 17; 

a-mi-lu-ti, S3 : 16; a-mc-lu-skii, 92 : 17; a-mi-ll-e- 

shii, 84 : 10 ; a-mi-lu-us-su, 83 : 16; a-PI-lu-us- 

su-nu, 51 : 17, 20 | 67 : 13. 
,/,,/,/,' 1 : 4, 16 1 3 : 58 \ 14 : 18 | 15 : 10 | 24 : 30, 32 | 27 : 

30, 32 | 34 : 34 | 35 : 17, 32 | 41 : 7 | 42 : 13 | 45 : 

7 | 65 :9 | 67 : 15; ar-du, 24:10; ar-di, 50:6; 

»,-,/<;»/"" s \ 13 : 6; // urdu, 21 : 27; ardi E.GAL. 

34 : 11 I 50 : 11. 
Ar-riiii-hii-a-it-H/n, see " Proper Names." 
amelu AZAG.OIM, see kudimmu. 
"""'"/„;'/>«( = SHtf.GHA),*58 :3. 
"""'"baril see amel "MAXlf. 
bapiW?(=EN.NAM), 24 : 30 | 41 : 7; /i .■/<■( = EX) mesh 

pi-jia-ti, 92 : 10, 20. 
be-el SHE.BAR, 76 : 7. 

omfrr "ZMiW.QA.R me,, \ 55 : 10, 21 | 86 : 7, 11. 
ENGA II see errishu. 
EN.NAM,seebel pihdli. 
<"»''»,rmM= ENGAR) me * h , 11 : 10; amelu PA.ENGAR, 

39 : 3. Cf. also r-ri-shd, 40 : 13; e-rishU, 40 : 26 

er passim. 
GAL, seeitil. 
amelu GAR, see shaknu. 
(!IR{= NER),< 22 :5. 

<""<■'" ii' sh ENGAR{ = nnHabti). see """•'", ih/u-EXGAR. 
Gfr.EN.NA* 40 : 24 | 45 : 19 | 46 : 11 | 59 : 5 | 81 : 7. 
yu-gal-lum, 27 : 8. 
"""'"GUSHUR.RA.GAL, see ame '"UR.RA.GAL. 

Gentilic Names 

ga-bi(l)'-gal-ba-ti-i, 53 : 28; Sa-bi(\)-gal 7 -tu-il, 53 : 33. 

ha-zii-nn, 9 : 22; hi-za-uit-ntt, 9 : 23 | 72 : 14; hii-za-un-ini , 
40 : 3 | 56 : 3; Jia-za-an-na-li, 37 : 21; hu-zu-nu- 
na-a-ti, 51 : 14 I 56 : 8 1 84 : 3. 

m Isin-na-a-a, see "Proper Names" under '"Ap-pn-wt-u-ti. 

amelu ishparui = USH.BAR), 35 : 18 | 44 : 12; amelu USH. 
BAR mesh , 23 : 33. 

ishshaku, sec pa-te-si. 

irtu,' 24 : 36 | 33a : 11 | 35 : 25; i-fe """ '",S7, .1 (f7).7'.l .1/ . 
21 : 4; /-///-», 1 1 : 21 | 26 : 17 | 3 I : 28 | 78 : 4; 
i-tu-ii SHA(G).TAM-mi, 27 : 15. 

kan-du-ri-e,' 18 : 38. 

kn-si-ri, 35 : 18. 

•""•'»/v\ |. ///)(= A"t/)./),1, 26 :5. 7. 

A-i-//),' 24 :4 | 40 : 17. 

amelu kudimmu(_= AZAG.GIM), 82 : 9. 

Kii-lu-ii-ii, 87 : 14. 

LUL, see zttiiiiinrhi- 

iim[ '.')-///-s./, 9 : 7. 

"""'"m,;/ l /su(= NI(G).KUD.DA)," 27 : 35 | 57 : 7. 

nuin-za-az pa-ni, 4S : 27. 

,U.1..I.V.r,s7/(ur .\77'),'- 37 : 9. 

/,/,;,( -- TUR) ship-ri, 4 : 17 | 22 : 17 | 28 : 10 | 33 : 26 | 34 : 
21 | 47 : 6 | 53 : 37 | 68 : 37 | 79 : 8 | 89: 21 , 25 | 92 : 
0; rnt'ir xlii-ip-ri, 7 : 1 | 43 : 8, 11 ; mar shijhri 
shdbe-li-ia,S : 17 '; mar ship^ri LUGAL, 55 : 13. 

mare( = TUR)""' 3 ' 1 Eit-lil ki ," 86 : 5, 8;mdre ( = TUR) meBh 
X i-ih-hii-riim, 81 : 6. 

m,in'(= TUR) mesh " l "Ki u -im-ma, 90 : 20, 25. 

amelu MASH, 72 : 4. 

1 See also the address of Nos. 1-74 and cf. Chapter III, p. 35, note 2. 

2 Cf. B. E., XV, 162c : 14, napbar 11 SIIU.GHA mesh (omitted by Clay). 
1 Cf. pa-lui-li-ka, 77 : 5; pi-hat, 3:11. 

'Doubtful; it may be LUL = zammertu, q.v. 

5 See introduction to No. 75 under "Translations," p. 133. 

6 So clearly here. At this time the bi and XI = Ih are very often written alike, cf. <\</., 44 : 6, id-du-ii-ni{\ = -/</!); 
9 : 23, BU- m Ki-din-m{\, the sign looks like hi\). See B. E., XV, 174 : 17, 175 : 45, UR.PA.XI (so Clay, Z.A., XX 
(1907), p. 417f.).B7, which, when compared with I.e., 84 : 5, UR-k«t( = PA )-tr-in. lias In be read (against Clay, I.e., p. 
45b) K<ilhi( = UR)-k(itti(= P.1)-WK= BI=NI). g<i-bi(\ = XI =l',)-gnl-hii-ti<->i is, of course, the same as the //./-//(sir', 
not l))-gal-ba.-tu-u of Scheil, Textes tlnm. Sim., I, pi. 20 (opp. p. 96), 2. 

7 Ba omitted by scribe. Cf. B. E., XIV, 164 : 2, ga-bi(\)-(jal-bii-l,i-ii (not registered by Clay). 

8 Is i-1.u{".), 53 : 12; GAL i-tu(1), 21 : 27, to be conferred here? Cf. here p. 35, note 4. 
' Cf. dlu Kandur& in B. 77., XIV, XV, and see Chapter IV, pp. 79ff. 

10 See p. 47, note 1 . " See p. 36, note 5. 

12 Doubtful ; might be a nom. pr. : VR- Uu USH. 
1? See also Xi-ib-lni-ri-i. 
h 0r fl'»-*i/Jlf -ma. 



Professional ami 
MIU \IT T l.seerfdu. 

'." • .hnHmmu. 
na-'i-r e, 31 3 32 I 33 I. na-'i-ra-ti, II 3 32 I. 
tia-'i-ra-a-t , 33 I. 
68 :S ■ ■ ■ i i 9 

/' IP na-ka-rum, 86 : 19. 

\ , 18 : 21 83 i" m. ■■■■■■. Tl I! »* A : i-t6 

bu-rum,Sl :6;m<Sr*l H /,' """'' /■;»-///' S6 5,8 
VI(G).KUD.D l.seemdfcum. 
[XU].GISH SH ' 12:21. 

•nu&atimmu If J i m <*\ 21 : 23. nJWu. 
jHiltiili. pi'Jrt/i, sec '"7. 

pa-re-si""*,' 3:22,24 8:18,22 17 20 18:34 19 
7 Is : I 60 9 68 : 14; pa-lesi^ ", 68 : 5. 
see hisiru. 
gtpu, see fa'-ib. 

S/B .17 :27. 

K-tfu, in : 7 ■■'; ; rtd ?d&, MIR.NIT.TA |, 24 : 19. 
"""<•' IUQ. 26 ■">. 7 s:i 15; """'"/,'/(/"■-'', 83 : 8. 
■•"«' - w, /J G I/.. 1 5 13 :5, 17. 

amei "saJfe( S 1'. shup-par,' 33a : 28. 
"""'"sarfnu, 81 18. 
>//>'. see ■<"». 

1 /"'-[n']- 9 . 8 
su-ma-ak 77, s 37 :22. 

Gentilio Names 

iS I />' gee niiitii.ini. 

\5 : 5; II i;.TI /,•""*''. 55 2, I. 10, In, 24. 

sAd i/u/ /.i li s/»i ip /« /(,;/.■ 13 : li. 

'""■'"SIIA.Krh I) L,see>»<5ftisu. 

sAaJWnl G W.'> ,: '<fei V£) mi, 9 16. 

"""'".•.■/,„/,„. G i/;,-. 28 : 18; shdrakyna, 65 I. 

shd-pir-ir, 21 : 20. 

<"'"'".s// 1 /.' -,„■ /,' l-i./vl? 50 : 15. 

sharru(= LUGAL), 5 22 | 24 : 18, 37 29 : 6 | 55 : 15, 
Hi I 59a : 3, .") | 89 : 22 , 92 : 7. 25; um-ma 
LUG W. ma, 75 : 2; mar s/iip-ri LUGAL, 55 : 
l3;"""'".s'.W; LUGAL, 1 :5| 13 : 5, 17. 

sfta-tam" 1 ! N//.I (G ). TA .1/1, 35 : 33 | 39: 3(?); 
""" '".S//.I ,f,i 7M.1/. 21 : 1 : 54 : 25; i-tu-ii 
SH 1(G). T I 1/ mi, 27: 15. 

SHJ5.GH I, see od'trtf. 

TUR.TUR mah , see yi-ih-hi-ni-i;. 

Ill DI.TA "37 : 10. 

ummanii S I /,')"" s/ ','- 3 : 53 i s : 6 | 9 : 18 | 11 : 19, '-'2, 
27 12 : 1 I. 19 | 13 : 14 | 29 : 11, 1 I 66 : 11, 22. 
26 68 39 93 : ii; N.l />''"". 9 : 17 | 26 :S | 29 : 
s 34 12 39 : 7, 17 | 44 : 18 | 46 : 9 | 58 : 12 | 
62 : 1 | (17 :n;,S.I/;'" " m "\ 83 : !i; SA li-ni, : 8. 

"""'"Cr.R.\.(, ■M.'"" ll, \ 23 : 11. 
"""■'•'CSIf.HAR, see amelu ishparu. 
amelu Z ADIM, see """"'"«,.,,'»». 
zammertu(= LUL), U 22 : 5. 

See Chapter III, p. 36, note 7. 

See also m Ishr-shd~ki. 

i , howe r. pp. 123, note 10, and 49, note 3 . 
' See Chapter III. p. 37, note 12. 

For this 77 ef. also />'. B . XV. 05 : 3, dan^qdr TI, read by Clay, Z.c, p. 516, NIN.LIL-H. 

See p. 51, note 3. 

Here the same as the muskepishit of the Ham. Letters. 
' Here, however, a permansive. 

Or LU = dub1 

- ■■ p. 35, note 3. 
11 Doubtful whether an official. Cf. hero the ud-dUH - /v7, K. 2875, 27, 28 (= li. A., V, p. 533); hence not 
the title of an official, but a part (the lower?) of m&tu Tamtim1 
a See p. 35, note 1. , 
13 See p. 97, note 9. 
» Doubtful, might be GIR( = XER). 



III. Names of Places. 

'"■"". \.AB.BA ki , see mMu Tdmtim. 

>>"""A-ga-a-de( = NE), 28 : 21; A-ga-di( = NE) ki , 27 : 23. 

dlu A-ma{or ba?)-la ki , 96 : 4, 11, 21, 2S ; cf. 1. 7, "'"-I- 

ma kl } 
alu Ardi-Belit( = GASHAN), 2 13:7; 66:24; dlu Ardi- 

GASHAN ki , 11 : 20; dlu Ardi-NIN ki , 18 : 19. 
ma-at Ash-shur, 20 : IS. 
dlu Bdb-ili( = KA.DINGIR.RA), 60a : 6 [ 95 : 3; A'.4. 

DINGIR.RA ki , 62 : 7 | 71 : 8. 
dlu Baldti{= !TJ) H (?), 3 65 : I"- 
BAR.TUR' 1 , see Parak-mdri ki . 
lf,l-'"Ki-,liii-)n, 9 :23 | 4-1 : 15. 
Bi!- milu Sin(= XXX)-is-3ah-ra, 9 : 16. 
Bit- mi!u Sin(= XXX)-ma-gir, 11 : 25 j 59 : 6. 
lt;t-'"S;-r;-shd , -ash, 2S : 5. 
jr» t - r (= Dilr-ilu) ki , 5 :6. 
"''•I>;im,:n(= DIL.BA !T) M , 5 67 : 5. 
''•'••f>C[.-shd-isC!)-si-la-ali-*liii-r;-;,i, 59a : 11. 

'''"/;«;•-[... ], 90 :5. 

«'"Z>ilr-&eZ( = EN)-matdti(= KUR.KUR), 17 : 18, 26. ' 

/J»[ ( -'''"B«-/i7]*-"'- a ,3 :3i;I>iir- il "En-lifi i - a - ki , 3 : 33, 38, 

41; DHr- ilu En-Ul^- a - mesh - ki , 39 : 21. 
Dilr-ilu ki , see Da 1 '. 

Dih-Ixhlu,i= U.DAR)-$trat(.= MAGH),6S : 28. 
DUr-Ki^rv-Gal-zu," 13 : 7 | 23 : 29 | 59a : I; dlu DHr-Ku-ri- 

Gal-zu, 45 : 23 | 57 : 15, 20. 

Mr- ilu Nusku(= PA.KU), 3 : 40. 
Dar- m Sukal( = PAP)-p„t-n, k ' : 40 : 3. 
DUr-U.D ARMAGH, see Dilr-IslUar-siral. 

£-, see BM-. 
E-ka-la-li ki , 1 : 18. 

&lu E-mu-<iu-at-' hl Mnnl ll l;, 1 66 : 3 | 67 : 3. 
to-fcis U»En-ki-SAH, 73a : 15. 
En-Ul kl , see Nippur 1 '' . 

dlu GAL-IM-[...],65 :22. 

"'" Uu Gir-ranga-mil, 3 : 31; "'"Gir-ra-ga-mil, 3 : 39 | 3 : 40. 

73; ""ffir-ra-aa-wrt, 9 3 : 13, 17. 20. 
"''•IJi-lm-ri-ti, 26 : 4 | 27 : 36 | 34 : 33, 37 | 65 : 2. 
«'"Idin(= SE)- ilu Marduk, 59 : IS. 
"'" J ''IM-ma, see "'"Ki-iw-ma. 

dlu Kdr- ilu Nahti,( = AG), 26 : .4; Kdr- ilu AG, 68 : 26, 30,36. 
Kdr- ilu NIN.LIL, see Nam-gar-Kdr- ilu NIN.LIL. 
dlu Ktem-ma, w 96 : 20, 25. 
KM, H , 44 : 19. 
d ' M Z«-[...],51:5. 
dlu Lu-ub-dUhd ki , 99 : 6. 

dlu Manrnvr-giAr- ilu Rammd,n{= IM), U 24 : 13, 18. 
dlu MASH-IM ki ," 27 :5. 
"'".Ur.l/(= MUN), 13 14 : 13 ; dlu MUM ki , 27 : 5, 11 33 | 

41 : l5; alu MUM ki -ma, 26 : 6. 

Vind ki " 17 :24. 

1 Here the to is, no doubt, left out by the scribe. 

2 Cf. m Ardi-Belit. 

3 Identical with the city TE, A'. B. //., p. 95, note 1? 

I ( >r (to. 

5 Hardly <;/«"*'' •' is '\ 
See p. 9, note 2. 

7 Cf. here the E-mu-qat( = SHU)- U " , Eii-lil ki in B. B., XIV, IS : 4 | 31 : 11, which Clay, i.e., p. 58, reads errone- 
ously E-mn-shu-Bcl ki , registering the second passage quoted under dlu Nippuru kl \ 
s For dZu-fci see Chapter I, p. 11, note 1. 
9 Cf. ilu Shamash-tu-kul-ti. 
io Or dlu ~ ki IM-ma. 

II See p. 49, note 1. 

12 0r AluMUM, q . r .? 

13 For this city cf. e.o., B. B., XIV, 167 : 29 (omitted by Clay), and above, p. 118, note 4. 

"This is doubtful. Here a reading dlu MASH.IM ki is likewise possible. As, however, this city occurs in a 
letter of Kudurdnu, who was closely connected with the "'"MUM kl , I prefer to read as indicated. 
16 Or Uruk ki t 

I.-, I letters to c dssi i e kings 

Names <>r Places 

Vippur(- EN.LIL) IS I 89 21; /\///\ ''"Shv-Ud-na-li* 28 : 22. 

11:19 13 G 18 20 27 29 35 13 58 I TdroWmi 1..4B.BA)**',' 22 : 15 37:10. 

.,-, i: CI sha rat I \ LIL ki , ' i; 66 23 

/\ ///' . see " ProfessionaJ "»r/ w (?), see ; 'BaM( 

and Gentilic Na r M fci K\ - kul-ti ti.Kl R» 19 5. 

; :;i / D.KIB M \ Sippar. 

I \ I i, ,see (',•«/,■'•'. 
1 8 34. £ fc V23 :35; D pi i, I : 6, alu t}-p[U], 65 :4. 

ParaA( BAfl)-mdri 53 18 <"»&r-ro-ffo-mi7, see diu ffir-ra-sa-mi7. 

diuftr . .]' 7'J : 1 I rnW." ,( '. 17 : 24. 

«<"/?o-Jfca-nu,« 9 Uruk ki -labiru ki ," 34 : 29, 32. 

S /.7'rK A \'-. 96 : 11. <"»Zo-[...],50 :9. 

VD.KIB.NUN)> ,89 : 24, 26. «'«[...], 72 : 11. 

''«StowMsfc(= UDVto-kul-ti.s 16 : S, 12. [. . . ]-bi7*7' 18 : 14. 

Sh+li-bi", 83 15 [ ]''''■ 18: 11- 13, 15 
Si i-i-te-woCO-P***], 27 : I. 

IV. Names of Gates. 

afcu«a(= KXG W ',24 31; KA.G IL, 66 : 24. b<36(= KA) Ar<K(?)-GAB(?).BA(?) wo(T) » 81 : 14. 

abu«u(= KA.G lL)erfll / /,T/^ ""' D [»»««*, 24 : 24. 6fi6(= KA) Nam-giM-a-BSU = BE), 27 : 33. 
6d6u(= KA), 11 9 : 19. Mb sW &«(= #) /W/-m, 26 : 18. 

IhiI>(= KA) A-nu. 27 : 13; 'm'> A-nu-wn, 35 : 1~>. 

V. Names of Houses and Temples. 

/•;, see introduction to Nos. 1-74, pass, and Chapter III, bit be-ZV-m, 26 : 19 | 27 : 12 | 50 : 3. 

p. 34. bitsharri(.= LUGAL),59a : 3. 

/•;""*. ::i ::r, 37 : 23 66:27,28. S. DI M. G AL.KALAM.M A, a 89 : 5. 

fi.AN,»Sl :19,21 93 :6; J-A-nM, 35 : 15. £ "'""'DUB,'" 84 : 7, 10. 

1 Cf. B. A'.. XV, 128 : 3. " ,u Pa-ln-„k' n ; thus to be read instead of ■''"Pn-m-nsln ?), Clay, Z.c, p. 53a? 

3 For pronunciation see Br., Ltsi, No. 6900. 
i If. r;-i-na-„-ri, Ii. E., XIV, p. 58b. 

'Or Ra-fca-oe? 

»Cf. ilu Gir-ra-ga-mil. 

'Cf. the preceding name. Both are, no doubt , identical. 

: See p. 10, note 3. 

»Cf. n&ru Tvk-kuUi-£.KUR ki , 39 : 8. 

•Cf. m6tu tJ-pir-i in B. /.'.. XIV, 132 : 43, 46, 52 (not registered by Clay), 
i lr Nina ki 1 

"Ct.B.E., XV, 102: 13. DHr- ilu MAR.TU-U( = labiru)^ and ?.c, 1. 11. K7-/J( = Dtir- ilu MAR.TU)-BIL 
(=eshshu) k >. This passage, then, would testify to the existence, at the time- of the Cassite kings, of an "Old" and 
a " New Erech or Warka." 

12 Cf. a-bilbubi(= Kl). 

" Or b&b Ardi-Tab-tu-mal 

" See pp.-SOf. 

is see p. 21'. note I. See Chapter IV, pp. SGff. 



Names of Houses and Temples 

E- Uu EX.ZU-[?], 53 : 22. 

E.<;AL.' 34 : 11 I 35 : 15 | 50 : 11 | 59 : 1. 

bil-ilu, see E..\ Y. 

Mt- i *Hrshu(= NAD), 06:21: bit ^HrsM(NAD) mesh , 

23 : 14 | 66 : 22. 
E.KlSlI.Sllllli -. NV).GXL, see Masculine Names. 
S.KUR mesh , 66:23; E.KI'R. see Tuk-kvl-tv-S.KUR ki 

ami "'•'"Tuk-kul-ti-E.KUh''". 
E~.KUR.GAL, see '"I-mi-E.KUR.GAL. 

E.LVGAL, see bft sharri. 
E-''"MAR.TU,7Za : 3. 
A'-''".Yrn/<//C.\), 54:20. 
&.SAG.IL, see Masculine Names. 
H-SAL.AZAG, 91 : 7. 
E~- Uu Sin^,seeE'- ilu EN.ZU-. 
ku-litl-li, 23 :8; feu-fa/ )i<i-l:ii-.-ii, 23 : 13. 
parafcfcul - />'.'i /;> ilu Erail, 66 : 7 | 70 : 1. 

VI. Names of Rivers and Canals. 

n<iru(= -4.G072), 3 : 4, 7 | 18 : 31 | 40 : 4 | 48 : 28. 

"'"" ilu BUit,see "'"" ''"XIX.LIL. 

nAra Da-li-(a-m, ,-wi-H : 4. 

ndra DUjlat( = MASH.TIK.QAR), 31 : 26. 

n&ru Diglat(= M[ASH.TI]K.QAR)-ilu(= AN)-Nippu 

(=EN.LIL) ki ?Z : IS. 
"'"'"£-/(•»>/-[?], 3 : S | 60 : 0, 12. 
ndru Gam 3 -mar-GAL, 3 : 9. 
ndru Idiglat, see "•"'"Diglat. 
"■"'"Ilu(= AN)-i-pu-ush, 40 : 21. 
^"AfASff.r/ir.QAfl, see ndru Diglat. 
ndru Na-la-ak, i 40 : 22. 
nam-ga-ra, 40 : 4 | 66 : 15; nam-ga-ri, 40 : 15, 16, IS, 19; 

nanv-gar{= sha), 1(1 : 14 | 68 :22; nam-gar-ra, 

40 : 9, 20; nam-kar, 3 : 16; nam^qar, 66 : 8. 
Nam-gar(,=kar)-DHrO) Jlu Erir-Ul, 3 :,6 5 | 71 : 15. 
X„m-< ! <i-r,:-Bcl(= BE), 27 : 33; X,im- q ar' l -Bcl( = BE), 

66 : 12. 
Nam^gar-Kdr- ilu NIN.LIL, 68 : 22. 
""'".Y,,,»-, / „-,-/-N/,d-;«'/(= EN)-mmti (= KUB.KUB), 

59 : 9. 
intni-kiir, nam-qar, see nam-ga-ra. 
ndru Nannar( = SHESH.KI)-gu-gal, 3 : 14. 
ruiru U"X1X.UL, 67 : 2. 
"■""Pat-W- ilu En-lil, 28 : 11. 
ndru SHESH .KI-gu-gal, see " dru Nannar-gu-gal. 
"«'«r«/t(= KU)-kul-li-E.KUR ki ,' 39 : S. 

VII. Names of Gods. 

.1-u-ri: m A-a-ri;iIn-bi-. '!"''' ', '"A-na-lukiilti-AX-nm; " dru Diglai-AN-En- 

ilu AG, see "»!Va&d . /'''' ' I #-• 

4&u:"M-fcu-; m .'l-fe«-«-a-. AN meih : mUu Errish{t)-GA.BU-) milu Errish(f){=L)-GIR--, 

''"AMAR.UD, see ilu Marduk. m llu Rammdivshar-; m NIM .Gl-shar-. 

AX: AN.RA,seeDINGIR.RA; m AX-, see'Vlu-; """'AX- AN.GAL,' 89 : 4; '".P.iH-.l V/;.lL-/»-m»r. 

i-pu-ush ; m G'u-za-ar-; m Di-in-AN-lv^mur; Dur- AN.RA, see DINGIR.RA. 

1 See pp. 7Sf. 

2 Hence "the Tigris of Nippur" is = "the Tigris of the god(!) of Nippur," in other words, "the god of 
Nippur" is = "Nippur." Cf. here also fi.AN(= ilu)-Nippur( = EN.LIL) ki , B. E., XV, 128 : 14, and see p. 80. 

3 Or Kudt 

1 Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 7, says that the me-e ndTU Na-la-ah occur also on C. B. M. 3527; but this apparently is a 
mistake, as the tablet referred to has been published by Clay in B. E., XIV, 149 (see I.e., p. 72). Read I.e., C.B.M. 
5134, instead of C. B. M. 3527. 

6 Here dur looks like si-lb, while in 71 : 15 it has the appearance of si + sal( = {&?). 
9 Cf. also 66 : 8. 

7 See Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 555a. 

8 Cf. Tuk( = KU)-kul-ti-i.KUR ki , 39 : 5. 

• Chief god of Dilr-ilu ki ; see Chapter II, p. 19, note 3, and cf. ilu KA.Dl. 



I \ TIM, II ; 19. 

■ ir-; mu-ol .ish-shiu: 
Ba-li: alu Pa-an-. 

"1-ftH-, "' ««DIL.BAT-, "" \. 
gal-; Ba-ni-i: '"A»i,l-; Bana-a: m Bana-a-. 

Bclm ! V.KUR.Kl A'. 

!>// l\; \/\ . \ /\. /.//.. 
»,'M_/i(= X/.N/i.'-M :7. 
!/,'.//(": '" ''"/). I R.HU-. 
/ ,./;.l r, 72 : 5; '" ""DIL.BAT-. m lz-gur-, 
see note to m Ash-pMa-an-du. 
I ji 6. - K7. 

E.KIsii.silli; VU).GA1 I- KISH.SHlR.GAl 
tiJCUR: Tuk-kul-H-ti-KUR*. ndru Tuk-kul-i I KUR 

also under "Names of Houses and Temples." 

&JCUR.GAL: "7 ■■■■■ 

'" '''"£'«-' -sAm. 

\ Kl:' il "- ki u "i:\.KI.sMJ. See also "' '/•:. I 
EN.KUR.KUR, 1 24 : 1 I. 17; ' Waro-^o-ri-sM-; "'"/)«,-. 
''"AW//. 18 : 8 24 : 6 | 06 : 6 ] 71 : 15; '" ''"A',,-//-; 
"'A'n-.'i'-; pnrakhir, " :,r " Pal-ti-; Xaiu-gur-hiir-; 
ilu En-lifi i - a : Ditr-; ilu En-Ufi i - a - me,h : Ddr-; 
ilu En-lU ki , see -l.V. 
ilu Errish(t)? milu Errish(.t)-; m Bu-na-, " , Bu-n„-ii,:-, 

'"Idin-, m lz-gur-. 
ilu EN .ZU : £-. Seealso ilu Sin{= XXX); Vannar. 
E > \<;JL:'"E.S.W.iL-. 
£tir. see NIM.GI. 
GA B{ T)-BA I ?)-«a(?) ; Mi .-IrA'-. 

. <-r/-. 
OASIIAX:"' I 1 /',//-. 

llu Gir-ra, Gir-ra: dlu (, ilu )Gir^ra-ga-mU. 

,>i <:.. ( is 

Gl «89 : i. 
""Gii-sir I D/. 

G//J i i kfit-. 

[il indeed name of n god and not the liypocorisl 

ending ia i inative ending u frequently 

attached to names without regard to their lasi 
element |: '".In//-. 

\i: m I-gi-gi. 

) \i \l > I ■ . 'Be-lit-; cf. "7-//-, '"//-/<-. 

Ilu,see I \ \ m Ilu-,ll-lum-, B6b-,Mr-, llu-i-pu^ush. 

ilK IM, see "".Earomdn. 

""Jstor.see ilu DIL.B IV; / ./' I/,'. 

"«7stor(= Wl-.l -./,i-./.'(- NE) ki ,27 :23. 
S !./>/,• .". :6,21. 

'''"A7 /,': "7/,-,,,'-. 

Kl R.G.4L: m KUR.G IL-. 

/\«-/7: l>tir-Ku-ri~(;<il-:u\ '"Ktt-ri a. 
I i \i-rnlr. I La-Ui-ruk{T). 

''"LUGII:"' ilv LUGH( = SwfcaZ)-, m Marwnu-kU. 

"»j\fordufc(= .11/ \.R.UD), 10 :2|81 :4; '" du Mardak-, 
m Abriddina-, '"Amcl-. '".In//-, '"Ba-il-, m Bana-a- 
sha-, m E-mi-da-, li,u E-m,i-ga-al-, '"Erba-, " l Er- 
ba-am-, m Etir-, m lb-ni-, ■''"Idin-, '"Ki-dln-, 
'"Xa-ah-zi-, '"Xmnitiri-. 

i '"MAR.TU:E'-. 
ilu MASH, see ilu Errish(t)-. 
ilu Nabil(= AG), 7 : 7, 18; "'"A'-ir-, Kdr-. 
Nannari(=SHESH.KI) ri : m Nannari- iiu MarduI, ;"■"■' \ „,,- 
nar(= SHESII.KI)-gu-gal. See also ilu EN.ZU; 
i!u Sin(= XXX). 
ilu Nergal: m ilu Nergal-, E-, m Idin-. 
NIM.GI [if name of a god]: m NIM.GI-shar-ili. 
NI.NI, see ift. 

' : "XINNtl(= L), see '" ilu Errish(t)-. 
XIX: dla Ardi-NIN ki , see also fitTO, GASHAN, ilu NIN. 

LIL, ilu NIN-[...],3 :62. 
ilu NIN.DIN.DtjG.GA : m Kalbi-. 

' See p. 47, note 5. ' See P- 8 ' note 8 " 

3 For this pronunciation of ''"XIX.IB, ''"IB. ""MASH, U "L. etc., see ZTie Mon,V, XVII (January, 1907), p. 
Hurt", and cf. "Preface". 

<a."'"Ardi-XIX k '. 

5 Wife of ilu TAR; see Chapter II, p. 21. 

6 For this clement in proper names see The Monist, XVII (January, 1907), p. 144c. 

' Is to be pronounced ilu Gii-slr ; see Chapter II, p. 19, note 3. He was the chief god of Dur-ilu k \ a male and 
also called 4.N.GAL. 




ilu NlN(1).GAL, 50 :9. 

''"X/N.IB: 1 '" ''"Ernsh(l)-, '"Bu-na-, '"Bu-u,i-n<i-, 

'"Id!,,-, '"h-gur-. 
ilu NIN.LIL,' S9 : 4; Nam-gar-Kdr-, " lir " ilu NIN.LIL. 
ilu NIN.MAGH, 2 38 : 5. 
ilu NIN.SHAR: '" ilu NIN.SHAR-. 
u "X„sku( = P.t .A'[/) : 2 m ilu Nusku-, Dur-. 
ilu PA.KU,see ilu Nusku. 
PAP, see m Sukal( = PAP)-, Dti,r- m PAP-. 
' I "h',ii,iii„)ii(= IM): '" ''"Hamnnin-, m Igtsha(=BA-sha)-, 

'"Ki^lin-, ■ u "Uan-nu-gi-ir-; i d <" MASH .IM ki (1). 
ilu RI, see ''"Ishlar. 
SAH: '""-''' il "EN.KI-SAg. 

ilu Sin{= XXX): 

m 1 1 u o 


n A-na- llu XXX-tak-la-ku, 


"XXX-. See also ilu EN.ZU; Nannar. 

of Gods 

ilu SUGH,see Uw Tishhu. 

ilu Sukal: m ilu Sukal-, see also ilu LUGH ; P.1F. 

ilu Shamash( = UD), 33: 2.5, 29 | 41: 1| 81:4; mVu Shamash-, 

m Nur-. 
Shar-rat- dlu Nippur( = EN.LIL) k ',' 38 : 3. 
SHESII.KI, see Nannar. 
Shi-pak(.= hu):'"U-su-ub-, m Mc-li-. 
llu Shu-qa-mu-na: m Me-li-. 
ilu TAB, 1 89 :4. 
ilu TAR.gU, see ilu DAB.HU. 
ilu Tishhu(= SUGH), 1 38 : 3. 
''"{/£>, see ilu Shamash. 

U.DAB( = Ishtar): Ditr-U.DAR-sirat( = MAGH), 68 : 28. 
ilu L/R.RA,see ilu Gir-ra. 
itu USH . >icKalbi- Uu USHC!). 

1 See Chapter III, p. 39, note 1. 

2 See Chapter III, p. 40, note. 

3 For this gi-ir, which proves that ilu IM was pronounced llu Rammdn, see Chapter III, p. 49, note 1. 
1 Husband of ilu GU; see Chapter II, p. 21. 


i i i n:i;s to C LSSITE KINGS 



A BBKEVl \ ri"NS. 

C. circa' O. 15. M.» Catalogued the Babylonian Museum, University of Pennsylvania, prepared by the Editor, 
li,. || V". Hilprecht; el'., confer; Exp., Expedition; 1'., following page; II'., following pages; fragm., frag- 
ment(ary);iuscr., inscription; I- E., Left Edge; li.. line(s); Lo. E., Lower Edge; No(s)., ISTumbers; O., Obverse; 
,,.. ge; i>|>., pages; R., Reverse; K. E., Right Edge; U. E., Upper Edge; Vol.. Volume. 

.■ni- are given in centimetres, width ■ length (height) X thickness. Whenever the tablet (or fragment | 
varies iii size, the largest measurement is given. The Roman numbers under "description" indicate the several expedi- 
tions: 1 iiisi.ll second; III = third; r\ fourth expedition. 

Text. Plate 




'My Lord" 

A. Autograph Reproductions. 


tlul, . 

m A-tu-li(i-ni, 

m Amel- ilu Marduk. 

'" A-mi-kii-riuii-nw . 

C. B. ML Description. 

11716 Baked. Light brown. Left 
part of R. and right lower 
corner broken off. 4 X 
5.8 X 2. Inscr. 11 (O.) + 
12 (It.) = 23 li. II. 
10930 Baked. Ruled. Light brown 
with occasional dark spots. 
Lett part and lower half of 
tablet broken off. 4.5 X 
4.5 X 2.6. Inscr. 7 (O.) + 
4 (R.) = 11 li. HI. 
Shagarakti-Shuriash, 11426 Baked. Ruled. Light brown. 


about 1420 B.C. 


about 1400 B.C. 

about 1325 B.C. 

About 1400 B.C. 


Cracked. Crumbling. Several 
fragments glued together. 
Insertion of fragments a and 
b on place indicated very 
doubtful. 14 X 8.4 X 3.2. 
Inscr. 29 (O.) + 32 (R.) + 
3 (U. E.) + 2 (L. E.) + 4 
(fragm. c) + 4 (fragm. d) = 
74 li. II. 
Unbaked. Light brown. Lower 
part of tablet broken off. 
4.5 X 6.5 X 2. Inscr. 9 (O.) 



Text. Plate. 



'My Lord" 

(a-na be-l'i-ia) 

m Ardi-Bmt. 



about 1400 B.C. 





m Ardi- ilu Marduk. 


about 1400 B.C. 

[ m A]-zi-r[ii-iim]. 

About 1350 B.C. 

n Ba-a- ilu Ma[rduk]. 

about 1370 B.C. 

n Bana-a-sha- ilu Marduk. Kuri-Galzu, 

about 1390 B.C. 




about 1390 B.C. 

m Bc-h,-nu. 

about 1335 B.C. 

m Mir- ilu Marduk. 

About 13.50 B.C. 

C.B.M. Description. 

+ S (R.) + 2 (U. E.) + 3 
(L. E.) = 22 li. II. 

11149 Baked. Dark brown. Cracked. 
Right lower corner of O. 
broken off. Lower part of 
R. not inscribed. 5.5 X 10 
X 2.S. Inscr. 16 (O.) + 7 
(R.) = 23 li. I (stray tablet 
found out of place). 

12559 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Ruled. Beginning and end 
of lines crumbled away. 
Lower part broken away. 
I!, razed off. 7.5 X S X 
2.7. Inscr. 9 li. II. 

37S7 Unbaked. Dark brown. 

Cracked. Crumbling. Right 
side and lower part of 
tablet broken away. 4 X 
7.5 X 3. Inscr. 11 (O.) + 
9(R.) = 20 li. II. 

10S1G Unbaked. Dark brown. 

Cracked. Glued together. 
Fragment. Upper left cor- 
ner of larger tablet. 4.3 X 

5.2 X 4. Inscr. 14 (O.) + 
14 (R.) = 28 li. III. 

11035 Unbaked. Dark brown. Lower 
part broken off. 5X6X2. 
Inscr. 12 (O.) + 12 (R.) = 
24 li. II(?). Translation, pp. 
3837 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Ruled. Left half and lower 
part of tablet broken away. 
Remainder of R. not in- 
scribed. 5.2 x 4.5 X 3. 
Inscr. 7 (O.) + 2 (R.) = 
9 li. III. 
19781 Unbaked. Light brown, I!. 
darker. O. crumbling and 
greatly obliterated. 4.8 X 

7.3 X 2.2. Inscr. 14 (O.) 
+ 2 (Lo. E.) + 14 (R.) + 1 
(U. E.) = 31 li. IV. 

11929 Baked. Light brown. Ruled. 
Beginning of lines on O. 
broken away. 4.5 X 7 X 



I'i in. 




•My Lord" 
(,(i-Hd be-Zl-ia) 



v C.B.M. Description. 

2. lllMT. 11 (O.) + II 

(K.) - 22 li. II. 
.:',. Shuriash, 10804 Unbaked. Light brown. 

aboul 1325 B.C. 



m Er-ba-am- ilu Marduk. 

Shagarakti-Shuriash, 1 1637 
aboul 1325 B.C. 



m n u firrishQ)^,;.,..;!,.],! ; Burna-Buriash, 

:il><>nt 1430 B.C. 



m ilu Em^ (t)-[:;r-ib-n i\ Burna-Buriash. 

about 1430 B.C. 




m HuETrish{t)-GA.BU- 

About 1350 B.C. 







m Ib-ni- Uu Marduk. 

About 1350 B.C. 

aboul 1335 B.C. 

Cracked. O. and R. dol- 
led with dark spots. Lower 
part of tablet broken away. 
Lower part of 1!. not 
inscribed. 5 X 5.2 X 3. 
[nsor. 11 (O.) + 7 (H.) - 
lsli. III. 
Baked. I 'ark brown. Lower 
half of tablet broken away. 
1.5 X 3.8 X 2. Inscr. 9 
(O.) + 8 (R.) + 3 (U. !•:.) 

+ i (L. k.) = 2i h. ii. 

10571 Baked. Light brown. Crum- 
bling. Cracked. Beginning 

of lines and lower part 
of tablet broken away. 
X 4.5 X 2.5. Inscr. 8 
(O.) + 8 (R.) + 3 (U. E.) 
= 19 U. III. 
Unbaked. Dark. Ruled. Badly 
effaced. Upper right and 
lower left corners broken 
away. Only upper part of 
R. inscribed. 5.8 X 9.5 X 
2.5. Inscr. 15 (O.) + 3 (R.) 
= 181i. II. 
Baked. Light brown. Very 
small script. The end of 
nearly all lines is broken 
away. Lower part of 1 i . it 
inscribed. 4.3 X 6.7 X 2. 
Inscr. 20 (O.) + 2 (Lo. E.) 
+ 14 (R.) = 30 li. IV. 
Baked. Light brown. Most 
of O. and left part of R. 
broken away. 6 X 11.5 X 
2.8. Inscr. 15 (O.) + 25 (R.) 
+ 1 (U.E.) = 41 li. II. 
Unbak ed. Light brown. 
Ruled. 0. crumbling. Lower 
part of tablet broken away. 
Only upper part of R. in- 
scribed. 4.3 X 6.8 X 2. 
Inscr. 12 (O.) + 1 (R.) = 
13 li. IV. 






Text. Plate. 
20 15 ' 

To From 

My Lord" "'hliH-''"Err;sh(t). 

{a-na be-l'i-iti I 



m Ilu-MU.TUK.A- 
,..'.„, n ma 












m Kalbi- ilu NIN.DIN. 



'' Kii-ilu-rii-nn . 





about 1375 B.C. 

about 1345 B.C. 


about 1430 B.C. 


about 1430 B.C. 



about 1430 B.C. 


about 1309 B.C. 


about 1300 B.C. 



Unbaked. Light. Lower part 
of tablet broken away. R. 
mostly crumbled off. 5.8 
X 6.3 X 2.4. Inscr. 13 
(O.) + 13 (R.) + 3 (U. E.) 
= 291i. IV. 

Unbaked. Light brown. 
Lower right part of tablet 
broken off. 5.3 X 8.4 X 
2.3. Inscr. 14 (O.) + 10 
(R.) + 1 (U. E.) + 2 (L. 
E.) =331i. III. 

Baked. Dark brown. Ruled. 
Lower left corner broken 
away. Lower part of R. 
not inscribed. 5.5 X 7.5 
X 2. Inscr. 14 (O.) + 4 
(R.) = 18 li. II. 

Baked. Light. In-own. Ruled. 
Upper and lower left corners 
broken away. Beginning 
of lines on R. mutilated. 
Lower half of R. not in- 
scribed. 7 X 11 X 2.5. 
Inscr. 24(0.) + 15 (R.) = 39 
li. II. Translation,pp. 94ff. 

Baked. Light. Glued together. 
Part of case with address. 
Faint traces of seal-im- 
pression on case or envelope 
visible. Case glued to- 
gether. Lower part of R. 
not inscribed. 7 X 10 • 
2J. Inscr. 19 (O.) + 4 
(Lo. E.) + 14 (R.) + 2 
(Case) = 39 li. IV. Trans- 
lation, pp. 101 ff. 

Unbaked. Light brown. I.ei't 
part and lower half of tablet 
broken away. Cracked. 
Glued together. R. crum- 
bling and greatly mutilated. 
6.2 X 5 X 2.5. Inscr. 8(0.) 
+ 4 (R.) + 4 (U. E.) = 
1G li. II. 

Baked. Dark brown. Lower 
half of tablet broken away. 
6.2 X 6 X 2.6. Inscr. 9 (<).i 


1 (•>•_' 



"My l-i.l" 

(a-na be-H-in) 











Vol . 

' 'in in Tiir<ju, 
about 1360 B.C. 

m Kv-du-ra-nu. 

about 1360 B.C 

Mill'ihl!:-l)lll-[.tlllll-] Kiwi << 


about l-ioo B.C. 

m Mu-kaUim. 

About 1350 B.C. 

about 1430 B.C. 


about 1430 B.C. 

[ m Af>-fcaZ-[ftrrc]. 

about 1430 !?.('. 

C.B.M, I 'l SCRIP! [ON, 

II (R.) 20 li. rv. 
Translation, i>i>. 1 1 < ill". 
12633 Baked. Dink. G lued to- 
gether. I pper and lowei 
right corners broken awaj . 
6.5 10.5 2.5. Inscr. 
20 (O.) ! I (Lo. E.) I 20 

(R.) illi. II. 

loos:', Baked. Light brown. Lower 
part of tablet broken away. 
Part ofO. razed off. 4.6 X 
7X2. Inscr. 13(0.) 13 

(R.) t 1 (U. E.) + 2 (L. 
E.) - 29 li. 1 (stray tab- 
let found out of place). 

11956 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Upper left corner broken 
away. 4X5X2. Inscr. 
9 (O.) + 1 (Lo. E.) + 8 
(R.) = IS li. II. Trans- 
lation, pp. lOOff. 

1O020 Baked. Dark. Ruled. Crum- 
bling. Lower part , end of 
lines, and R. broken away. 
4.6X5X2.4. Inscr. 6 li. III. 

11098 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Ruled. Crumbling. Cracked. 
* ). partly covered with silica. 
I! . upper left and lower right 
corners crumbled away. 
6.8 X 12.4 X 3. Inscr. 19 
(O.) + 21 (R.) + 1 (U. E.) 
= 41 li. II. 

11497 Baked. Light brown. Ruled. 
Beginning and end of lines 
i in O., lower part of tablet 
and nearly the whole of R. 
broken away. Lower part 
of R. not inscribed. 5.5 X 
9.3 X 2.7. Inscr. 14 (O.) + 
7 (R.) = 21 li. II. 

10514 Unbaked. Light brown, R. 
darker. Crumbling. Cracked. 
Greatly mutilated. Lower 
part of tablet broken away. 
Line at end of inscription. 
6X9X3. Inscr. 18 (O.) 
+ 15 (R.) = 33 li. III. 



Text. Plate. 





33a 26 

'My Lord" 

(a-ua lii-l i-in) 

m NIM.GI-shar-ili mesh . 


mt 1 100 B.C. 














"Ki-sltii-nfi-hii-ul . 


['" ilu ]Rammdn-shar- 

;n'" csh . 

" Si ii-l;nra-bi-esh-inc. 


m U -bar-rum. 

about 1355 B.C. 


about 1355 B.C. 



about 13.50 B.C. 


about 1430 B.C. 



about 1400 B.C. 


about 1335 B.C. 



Unbaked. Light brown. Oc- 
casional dark spots on O. 
and R. Cracked. Signs on 

some places chipped off, 
otherwise well preserved. 
5 X 7.2 X 2.2. Inscr. 17 
(O.) + 18 (R.) + 2(1. E.) 
= 37Ii. III. Translation, 
PP. 135ff. 

Baked. Dark. Upper right 
and lower left corner 
broken away. 5.2 X 9.5 X 
2.3. Inscr. 21 (O.) + 21 
(H.) + 3(U.E.) + 1 (L.E.) 
= 46 1i. II. 

Baked. Light brown. Upper 
right corner chipped off. 
On R. occasional dark spots. 
4.8 X 7.3 X 2.2. loser. 
13 (O.) + 1 (Lo. E.) + 15 
(R.) + 2(U.E.) +2 (L.E.) 
= 33 li. II. Translation, 
pp. 120ff. 

Unbaked. Light brown. Only 
upper right corner of O. 
preserved, resf broken away. 
On R. is only a part of 
sign e(?) visible. 3 X 3.3 
X 2. Inscr. 6 li. III. 

Baked. Dark brown. Ruled. 
II. cracked and lower right 
comer chipped off. Lower 
part of R. not inscribed. 
5.5X9.5X3. Inscr. 16(0.) 
+ 10 (R.) = 26 li. IV. 

Baked. Light brown. Lower 
part and right upper corner 
of tablet broken away. 6 
X 6 X 2.5. Inscr. II (O.) 
+ 9 (R.) + 1 (U. E.) = 21 
li. II. Translation.pp.l -101T. 

Unbaked. Light brown. 
Crumbling. Greatly muti- 
lated. R. almost entirely 
crumbled away. 5 X 8.4 
X 2.3. Inscr. 17(0.) + 19 
(R.) + 3(U.E.)=391i. II. 
Translation, pp. I26ff. 



h s 

Pi \ ir 


Fri hi 



M) 1 ord" 



K d 1 1 Bnii7, 
about 1335 B C 





fiii;niiiiii 11! D&r-Sukal- 
jidlra, el', p. 129. 




4 1 .:i 

45 35 

46 36 

47 37 

about L350 B.C. 

A udur-Enlil, 
about 1335 B.C. 

AUnt L350 B.C. 


about 1 100 B.C. 

About 1370 B.C. 

About 1350 B.C. 


about 1360 B.C. 

I I 198 


I Iescripi ion. 
Baked. Dark, Cracked. 
Glued together. Lower 
hall "i R, not inscribed. 
5.5 ■ 9.3 > 2.5. [nscr 17 
,n 1 1 1 (Lo. E.) i 8(R.) 
26 li. 111. Translation, 
pp. I29ff. 
Baked. Dark brown. Cracked. 
Crumbling. Left part and 
lower half of tablet broken 
away. Clued together. 5.2 
X 5 X 2.5. Inscr. 11(0.) ; 
12(R.)+3(U.E.)=261i. II. 
Unbaked. Light brown. Lower 
half "1 tablet broken away. 
First line and some signs of 
R. chipped off. 5 X OX 2.5. 
[nscr. 10(O.) + 11 (R.) + 2 
(U.E.) + 3(L.E.)=261i. 11. 
Unbaked. Light brown, 0. 
has largo black spot. 
Crumbling. End of lines 
on O. covered with silica. 
Lower part of R. not 
inscribed. Line at end of R. 
5 X 7.2 X 2.3. Inscr. 13 
(O.) + 4 (R.)= 17 li. IV. 
Unbaked. Darkbrown. Ruled. 
Crumbling, (racked. Up- 
per part broken away. 
Lower part of R. not in- 
scribed. 5.7 X 9.3 X 2.4. 
Inscr. 14 (O.) + 6 (R.) - 
20 li. IV. Translation, pp. 
11S60 Unbaked. Light brown. Crum- 
bling. Cracked. Upper part 
of tablet broken away. 4.5 
X 7 X 2. Inscr. 12 (O.) + 
12(R.)= 24 li. II. Trans- 
lation, pp. 1 I2ff. 
Unbaked. Grayish brown. 
(). has occasional black 
spots. End of first two 
lines on O. broken off. 
4.3 X 5.7 X 2. Inscr. 9 
(O.) + 9(R.) = 18 li. II. 
Unbaked. Light brown. 
Cracked. Glued together. 






Text. Plate. To 




48 38 "My Lord" 

(a-na bc-lt-in) 

about 1335 B.C. 


49 38 

about 1380 B.C. 


50 39 


about 1400 B.C. 


51 39 

About 1350 B.C. 

52 40 

about 1430 B.C. 

53 41 

Shagarakti-Shuriash, 1 1 504 
about 1320 B.C. 

Upper part of tablet broken 
away. Line after inscrip- 
tion on Lo. E. 5.7 X 7.4 X 
2.3. Inscr. 12 (O.) + 11 
(R.)=231i. III. 
Unbaked. Light b r o w n . 
First two lines broken 
away. Cracked. Right up- 
per corner of R. clupped off. 
4.5 X 5.8 X 2. Inscr. 15 
(O.) + 15 (R.) = 30 li. II 
Unbaked. Light brown. 
Cracked. Upper and lower 
part of tablet broken away. 
Lower part of R. not in- 
scribed. Line at end of 
inscription. 4.5 X 4.8 X 
2.5. Inscr. 8 (0.) + 3 (R.) 
= 11 li. III. 
Baked. O. dark, R. light . 
brown. Left and right side 
and lower part of tablet 
broken away. Line after 
O. 1. 12 and at end of in- 
scription. Greatly muti- 
lated. Lower part of R. 
not inscribed. 6.2 X 8.5 
X 2.5. Inscr. 13 (O.) 4- 5 
(R.) = 18 li. II. 
10510 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Ruled. Crumbling. End of 
all lines broken away. 4.5 
X 8 X 2.5. Inscr. 12 (O.) 
+ 9 (R.) = 21 li. III. 
Unbaked. Light. Cracked. 
Upper part broken away. 
Script almost obliterated. 
5 X 9 X 2.5. Inscr. 18 
(O.) + 22 (R.) + 1 (U. E.) 
= 41 li. III. 
Unbaked. Light brown. 

Crumbling. Glued together. 
Line at end of inscription. 
End of lines and beginning 
of O. broken away. Greatly 
mutilated. 6.2 X 9.6 X 
2.7. Inscr. 22 (0.) + 19 
(R.) = 41 li. II. 




;>i 12 "M> Lord" 

1 ROM 







59 11 


60 15 

\.,i C.B.M. 

Vboul 1350 B.( 1 1".M 

Burna-Buria sh, in 197 

about 1 140 B.C. 

about 1 100 B.C. 


About 1350 B.C. 


Shagarakii-Sh uriash , 1 981 10 
about 1320 B.C. 

about 1340 B.C. 



about 1-130 B.C. 


About 1350 B.C. 


1 >E8I iiii'i ii .\ 

Unbaked. 0. light, K. dark 
I pper part, Lefl side, and 
lower half of tablet broken 
away. I!, covered with 
silica. 5 5.5 X 2.6. 14(0.) ! 12 (R.) = 
26 li. 11. 

I Ihbaked. Light. Upper half 
broken away. 7.8 X 5.9 X 
3. Inscr. 10 (O.) ■ 2 
(!..». E.) I 12 (R.) = 21 li. 
111. Translation, pp. 51 II. 

Unbalted. Ligh t b ro \\ n . 
Ruled. Cracked. Crum- 
bling. Upper half broken 
away. 7 x 5 X 2.5. 
[nscr.7 (O.) + 7 (R.) = 14 
li. III. 

Unbaked. Dark brown, li. 
dark. Upper part and left 
lower corner broken away. 
5.4 x 5.3 X 2.5. Inscr. 11 
(O.) + 11 (R.I = 22 li. II. 

Unbaked. Hark brown. 

Ruled. Cracked. Upper 
and lower part as well as 
whole of O. broken away. 
End of lines missing. 5.5 
X 8 X 2.5. Inscr. 13 li. 

Baked. Dark b r o w n . O. 
completely crumbled away. 
R. covered with silica. 5.S 
X 9.3 X 2.4. Inscr. 3 
(Lo. E.) + 16 (R.) - 19 li. 

Unbaked. Light b r own. 
Cracked. Greatly muti- 
lated. Upper part broken 
away. 5.3 X 3.8 X 2.3. 
Inscr. 6 (O.) + 3 (Lo. E.) + 
8(R.) = 17 li. III. 

Baked. Light brown. Ruled. 
Lower part and end of li. 
broken away. Temple Rec- 
ord with postscript in form 
of letter, cf. No. 61. S X 
3 X 2.5. Inscr. (O.) + 5 



Text. Plate. 



60a 46 "My Lord''(?) [....]-im. 

(a-na he-h-ia) 

01 46 

62 47 

63 47 

64 47 

65 47 

Age. C.B.M. Description. 

(R.) + 2 (U. E.) = 13 li. 
About 1350 B.C. 3094 Baked. Light brown. Left 

side and upper part of R. 
broken away. Line after 
O. 1. 1. Cloth impression 
on right lower corner of 0. 
— hence strictly speaking no 
letter (?). 5X7X2. 
Inscr. 10 (O.) + 2 (Lo. E.) 
+ 10 (R.) = 22 li. II. 
12634 Baked. Brown. O. and up- 
per part of R. broken away. 
Postscript,cf.No. 60. Lower 
part of R. not inscribed. 7 
X 13 X 2.7. Inscr. 8 li. II. 
" 10878 Baked. Light brown. Fragm. 

(right lower middle part) of 
larger tablet. 5.2 X 6 X 
4.2. Inscr. 12 (O.) + 8 
(R.) = 20 li . III. 
10931 Unbaked. Brown. Fragm. 
of larger tablet. Dark. 
Ruled. R. completely 
broken away. 5.5 X 3.7 X 
1.5. Inscr. 7 li. III. 
10935 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Crumbling. R. broken 
away. Fragm. of larger 
tablet. 3.5 X 4.7 X 1.8. 
Inscr. 10 li. III. 
Shagarakti-Shuriash, 10954 Baked. Dark brown on O., 

about 1320 B.C. 

66 48 

about 1339 B.C. 

67 49 

light brown on R. Upper 
and lower part of tablet 
broken away. End of lines 
missing. Crumbling and 
greatly mutilated. 6 X 
6.5 X 2.7. Inscr. 14 (O.) 
+ 11 (R.) =251i. II. 

11926 Unbaked. Dark brown. Up- 
per and lower part of tablet 
broken away. End of lines 
missing. Part of larger 
tablet. Cf. No. 70. 8.5 X 8 
X 3. Inscr. 15 (O.) + 17 
(R.)=321i. II. 

11999 Unbaked. Fragm. (lower 
right part) of larger tablet. 


I . \ Pi ITE. fo 

i ii ii Ra ro « U3S) DE KINGS 


\. 1 

68 50 "My Lord" 

ui-mi (><-/W<i) 

aboul 1339 B.C. 


70 .".1 

■1 51 


73 52 

73a 53 

About 1339 B.C. 

74 53 

CUM. Description. 

it. .l.-uk. II. light brown. 
R, badlj mutilated, 8 X 
8.5 I. baser. 17 (0.) + 
13(R.) 301i. II. 
11946 Unbaked. O. .lark, K. light 
brovi n. 1 pi"' 1 ', lower, and 
righl part oi tablet broken 
aw.'i\ . [nscription on I., E. 
in i wo columns. Cf. No. 69. 
8X8.5X4. Inscr.l7(0.) 
+ 14 (R.) + 9(L.E.) =40 
li. II. 
10621 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Fragm. (left lower part) of 
1 a rger tablet. I!, com- 
pletely broken away. Cf. 
No. 68. 4 X 4.6 X 2.2. 
Insor. 9 (O.) + 1 (L. E.) = 
lOli. lit. 
3S36 Unbaked. Fragm. of larger 
tablet. Light brown. Cf. 
No. 66. 4 X 4 X 3.8. 
Inscr. 5 + 6 = llli. III. 
10392 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Fragm. (right lower part) 
of larger tablet. Ruled. 
4.5 X 5.5 X 3.8. Inser. 10 
(0.) +8(R.) = lSli. III. 
10924 Unbaked. Light brown. 
Crumbling. Occasional dark 
spots on O. and R. Upper 
part and end of lines 
broken away. 4.S X 5 ■ > 
X 2.2. Inser. 9 (O.) + 10 
(R.) = 191i. III. 
1065S Unbaked. Light brown. 
Crumb li ng. Fragm. of 
larger tablet. Only on one 
side is the inscription pre- 
served. 3.8 X 6.5 X 3.2. 
Inscr. 14 li. III. 
1093S Unbaked. Light brown. 
Cracked. Fragm. (upper 
middle part) of larger tab- 
let. Greatly mutilated. 
3.8 X 5 X 2.3. Inscr. 8 
(0.).+ 10 (R.) + 2(U. E.) 
= 20 1i. 111. 
10853 Unbaked. Dark brown. 

Text. Plate. 















I 'id iu 



a Amel- ilu Marduk. 

'The King" (LUGAL) Shagarakti-Shuriash, 12582 
(cf. No. 93). about 1325 B.C. 



About 14(10 B.C 

'" ''"En-lil-[b('l- "' ilu A-shur-shum-£tir. 







about 1430 B.C. 


,7 m 


about 1430 B.C. 

" 'A-mi-li-ia. 

ilu En-Kl-mu-kir^apal. NazL-Maruttash, 

about 1350 B.C. 

57 m Alm-u-a-Ba-m. m ErbaS lu Marduk 


Kadashman-Turgu, 10575 
about 1360 B.C. 




about 1335 B.C. 



Fragm. (middle part) of 
tablet. Only one side pre- 
served. 5.5 X 6.8 X 2.4. 
Inscr. 141i. III. 
Unbaked. Light brown. 
End of lines and lower part 
of tablet broken away. R. 
almost completely crum- 
bled off. 3.9 X 4.8 X 1.7. 
Inscr. 10 (O.) + 10 (R.) + 
3 (U. E.) = 23 li. III. 
Translation, pp. 132ff. 
Unbaked. Light brown . 
Cracked. Covered with 
Mack spots. Line after O. 
1. 1. R. has only one line 
of inscription, rest not 
inscribed. 5 4- 7.5 X 2.3. 
Inscr 9(0.) + 1 (B-0 = 1() 
li. II. Translation,pp.l43f. 
Unbaked. Dark brown. 
Cracked. Crumbling. Bight 
side and lower part of tablet 
broken away. 4.S X 6.8 X 
2.2. Inscr. 10 li. III. 
Unbaked. Light brown . 
Lower part of tablet broken 
away. < >nly upper part of 
R. is inscribed. 4.7 X 6.5 
. 2.4. Inscr. 10 (O.) + 3 
(li.) = 131i. III. 
Baked. Brown. Left side 
brokenaway. Badly muti- 
lated. Crumbling. Lower 
part of 11. not inscribed. 4 
6.8 X 2.5. Inscr. 9(0.) 
+ 4 (R.) = 13 li. II. 
Unbaked. Light brown. 
Lower half of tablet broken 
away. RigW upper corner 
of o. was pressed down- 
ward while tablet was still 
soft. 4X4X2. Inscr. 
8(0.) + 7(R.) + 2(U.E.) 
= 171i. II. 
Baked. O. light brown, R. 
darker. Occasional black 
spots. Lower part of tablet 




l'i \ i l'i \ 1 1 







s| 59 m In-na-an-ni. 


59 m In-na-an- j ni 


60 m In-n<i-on-n>. 


01 '"tn-nu-ii-ii. 



\..i . 

aboul 1325 B.C. 

IB)-apal-iddina na . 

u . Galzu, 

about 1 idii B.C. 

II /idl-illililHl'"' 

MASH)- Kurv-Gahu, 

about 1400 B.C. 

tln-bi-A i-ri. 

about 1400 B.C. 

fltirbi-A i-i i. 



about 1400 B.C. 

About 1350 B.C. 

62 ['?]Da(?)-ft-Z«a. m l-l\-ip-pn-i'ixh-rn. 

about 1430 B.C. 

C.B.M. Description. 

broken away. 1.5 X 5 X 
2.3. Insor. 10 (0.) I 10 
(R.) 20 li. II. 
1 L852 Unbaked. Da rk b ro w n . 
Greatly mutilated, 0. left 
lower corner broken away. 
I!, completely crumbled 
..IT. 3.7 X 5.1 X 1.7. 
[nscr. 10 li. II. 
3315 Baked. Light brown. Occa- 
sional black spots on 0. 
Part ..r right side ..f < ). and 
upper right corner of If. 
chipped off. Other w i s e 
well preserved. Line after 
I. 2 and at end of 0. 
5.5 X 9.5 X 2.2. Inscr. IS 
(O.) + 19 (R.) = 37 li. II. 
Translation, pp. llOff. 
3258 Baked. Light brown. Per- 
fect. Line after O. 1. 10. 
Lower part of R. not in- 
scribed. 4.8 X 9 X 2.3. 
Inscr. 14 (CO + 5 (H.) = 
19 li. II. Translation, pp. 
3200 Baked. Light brown. P.. 
covered with silica. Lower 
half of R. not inscribed. 
5.5 X 4.3 X 2. Inscr. 7 
(().) + 4(R.) = 11 li. II. 
Translation, pp. 115ff. 
3675 Baked. Light brown. Lower 
part of tablet broken away. 
4.8 X 5.8 X 2.3. Inscr. 13 
(O.) + 11 (R.) + 3 (U. E.) 
+ 4(L. E.) = 31 li. II. 
3663 Unbaked. 0. light brown. 
1!. darker. Occasional 
black spots. Lower part of 
tablet broken away. 5.5 
X 6 X 2. Inscr. 11 (O.) 
+ 9 (R.) + 3 (U. E.) + 2 
(L. E.) = 25 li. II. 
3S34 Baked. Light brown. Greatly 
effaced. Lower part of tab- 
let broken away. R. blank. 
4 X 4 X 2.2. Inscr. S li. 



Text. Plate. To 

89 62 m NIN-nu-u-a. 




m ilu Sin- cristi 

about 1350 B.C. 

91 63 [ m I-na]-sil-U-a-[lak]. 

1 Uu DAR.gU-nth-gab- About 1350 B.C. 


6-1 m ll-li-ia. 



"The King"(?) (cf. No. About 1400 B.C. 






96 67 

Age. C.B.M. Description. 

About 1350 B.C. 19764 Baked. Dark brown. Right 

lower corner broken away. 

4 X 6.3 X 1.7. Inscr. 14 
(O.) + 14 (R.) + 2 (U.K.) 

= 301i. IV. Translati 

pp. 19ff.; 25, note 4; 27, 
note 8. 

10936 Baked. Dark. Fragm. (left 
upper part) of tablet. 4 X 

5 X 2.3. Inscr. 7 (O.) + 7 
(R.) = 14 li. III. 

19796 Baked. Light brown. 3 lines 
on tablet. Beginning of first 
section broken away. 0. 1. 5 
is continued over the whole 
of 1!. Lower part of R.not 
inscribed. 5X5X2. 
Inscr. 10 (O.) + 2 (Lo. E.) 
+ 3(R.) = 15 li. IV. 

Nazi-Maruttash, 19784 Baked. Light brown. Lower 

1390 B.C. right part of tablet broken 

away. 4.5 X 7.5 X 2. 
Inscr. 14 (O.) + 2 (Lo. E.) 
+ 15 (R.) + 3 (U. E.) = 
34 li. IV. 
3674 Unbaked. Fragm. (lower 
right part) of t a b 1 e t . 
( 'rumbling. Cracked. Bad- 
ly mutilated. Other side 
of tablet completely effaced . 
4.5 X 5.3 X 2. Inscr. 8 li. 

About 1350 B.C. 3665 Unbaked. Light brown. 

Crumbling. Line at end of 
O. and R. Upper part of 
tablet broken away. O. 
completely effaced. Lower 
part of R. not inscribed. 
5.8 X 8.8 X 2.3. Inscr. 3 
(O.) + 5(R.) =Sli. II. 
" 3671 Baked. O. light brown, R. 

dark. Large black spot on 
R. Ruled. Crumbling. 
Upper part of tablet broken 
away. 5.2 X 5 X 2. 
Inscr. 6 (O.) + 10 (R.) + 2 
(L. E.) = 18 li. II. 
10775 Unbaked. O. very light, R. 

17 J 

1 1 m . r 


97 6S 

•IS |,S 

99 as 




I s i Plate. 

1. 2 I 

3, 4. 5 II 



10, 11 

12, 13 A' 

14, 15 VI 

16, 17 VII 

is. 19 VII 

20 VIII 

'-•1 IX 



Vqi C.B.M. I '1 SCRIM ION, 

darker. Cracked, Crumb- 
ling. Fragm. (middle pari I 
of larger tablet. 6.8 9.5 
:; [nscr. L5 (O.) I II 
(R ) 29 li. Ill 
Kadash I rgu, 10922 Unbaked. Dark brown, 

aboul L360 B.C. Ruled. I pper part and 

right side of tablel broken 
away. Last line and -ill of 
other side nol inscribed. 
3.8 X 5.5 X '1.1. Inscr. 7 
li. 111. 
10895 1 nbaked. Fragm. of larger 
tablel . I >ark brown. Ruled. 
( Jrumbling. 1!. completelj 
broken away. 6.3 X 5.8 X 
1.5. Inscr. 8 li. III. 
10915 Unbaked. Brown. Fragm. 
(middle part | of larger tab- 
let. The other side of 
tablel completely crumbled 
away. Cracked. 5.4 X 6 
X 2. Inscr. 10 li. III. 

Aboul 1350 B.C. 

B. Photographic (Half-tone) Reproductions. 

C. B. M 

ii. and R. of a letter from Kalbu to the "Lord." Cf. 19793 

Translation on pp. 101 ff. 
Pari of envelope. R. E. and Lo. E. of a letter from 

Kalbu to the " Lord." Cf. Translation on pp. lOlff. 
O. and 1!. of a letter referringto Enlil-kidinni. For 

Translation cf. Chapter III, pp. 51 ff. 
O. and R. of a royal letter to Amel-Marduk. Cf. Trans- 
lation on pp. 132ff. 
O. and I!, of a letter from NIM.GI-shar-ilt to the 

"Lord." Cf. Translation on pp. 13.5ft". 
O. and R. of a letter from [Im-gu]-rum to the "Lord." 11090 

Cf. Translation on pp. 94ft". 
O. and R. of a letter from Mukallim to the "Lord." 

C\. Chapter III, p. 36, note 7. 
(). and R. of a letter from Mukallim to the "Lord." 

Cf. Chapter III, p. 36. note 7. 
O. and R. of a letter from Shiriqtim to tin- "Lord." 

Translation on pp. 140ff. 
<> o a letter from Amel-Marduk to the "Lord." 11426 

aletter from Amel-Marduk to the "Lord." 11120 






1051 I 


Ci. description of t<-\t Xo. 24. 

Cf. description of text No. 24. 

Cf. description of text No. 55. 

Cf. description of text Xo. 75. 

Cf. description of text Xo. 33u. 

Cf. description of text No. 23. 

Cf. description of text Xo. 31. 

Cf. description of text No. 33. 

Cf. description of text Xo. Ms. 

I If. description of text Xo. 3. 
( i. description of text Xo. 3. 



Text. Plate. C. B. M. Description. 

22,23 X O. and R. of a letter from Sin-karabi-eshme to the 19783 Cf. description of text No. 37, 

21,25 X O. and R. of a letter from Ubarrum to the "Lord." Cf. 5134 Cf. description of text No. 40. 
Translation on pp. 129ff. 
26 XI R. of a letter showing the fragmentary condition of the 10504 Cf. description of text No. 52. 

2" XI 0. of a letter from Imgurum to the "Lord." Illnl Cf. description of text No. 22. 

28 XI 0. of a letter from a "father" to his "son." Cf. Trans- 3660 Cf. description of text No. 76. 
Iation on pp. 143ff. 
29,30 XII (). and R. of a letter from Errish(t)-apal-iddina to 3315 Cf. description of text No. 83. 

Innanni. Cf. Translation on pp. llOff. 
31,32 XII O. and R. of a letter from Errish(t)-apal-iddina to 3258 Cf. description of text No. 84. 
Innanni. VS. Translation on pp. 113ff. 

C. Numbers of the Catalogue of the Babylonian Museum (Prepared by 

Prof. Dr. H. V. Hilprecht). 

C. B. M. 



C. B. M. 



C. B. M. 






































































































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1 i n iks in CASSITE Ki NGS. 

C. B. M. 


Pi \ IK. 

C. B. M. 

h ST. 

l'l \ IK. 

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26. REVERSE OF No. 52 

27. OBVERSE OF No. 22 

28. OBVERSE OF NO. 76 













University of Toronto 








Acme Library Card Pocket 

Under Pat. "Ref. Index File"