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A Monthly Magazine of the Antiquities of the East.- 



and Prop. C. dr HARLEZ, LL.D. (Continental Correspondent.) 


VOLUME (SIXTH---from July, i8g2, to June, iSgjJ 




270, STRAND, W.C. 


(Oppo«it« the British HoMtirj). 

Paris Ernest Leroux, 28, me Bonaparte. Louvain: J. B. Istas. 

Yearly Subscription, 1216, 



Contributors arc. alone .re.fipmi>'ihlt> for their opinions or statfiments. 


In tlio last October number of tlie Record (vol. IV. p. 264) Mr. Piiicli<^s 
states that he found on a bilingual tablet the name of the hero Jstubnr. 
written Gilgame^. In this form of a mere statement, the assimilation 
would be of no gioat interest, as the name of Gilgantes by itself would not 
give us a better known name than that of Tstubar. But this is not the 
case: this very name is to be found in ancient literature. Istubar or Ts- 
tumas cannot be assimilated to any\incient name, but the discovery of the 
Gilgamus in ^Elian's zoological work {De natura animaliiim, XII, 21), 
.explains completely the myth of the Chaldean hero. 

zEliaii says that the Babylonian king Sevechorus, counselled by the 
Chaldaean priests, put his daughter in a tower, locked her up, and had her 
watched by guardians: he would prevent his daughtei from having any 
offspring that might become a danger to himself. 

The Greek author compares Sevechorus with Acrisms, the father of 
Danae, mother of Perseus. But the Babylonian princess had a child by 
by an invisible man (vV uvlpos; ^/0«»/o<)s), and the guardians fearing 
the wrath of the king, threw the child from the tower; an eagle saw it 
falling, and caught it by the neck before it reached the ground. This 
grandson of Sevechorus reigned over Babylonia under the name of Gilgamus. , 

Sevechorus is probably identical with the Evechous of Berosus, the 
tirst post-diluvian king, who reigned 2400 years (41,697 till 80,297), some- 
what long for one individual. The Chalda?an hero was therefore the 
grandson of the first monarch after the deluge, and the statement handed 
down to us by .Elian, explains why the father of Gilgames does never 
occur in the fragments of tlie well known epos. If we liad the commence- 

VoL. V. No. 1. [1] Jan., 1891. 





ment of the first twelve tablets, we could get some information on this 
subject, but it is veiy curious that a Greek writer on zoological matters 
fills up the gap in a very satisfactory maniier. 

Gilgames is therefore not Nimrod who gave his name to a country, 
Elara, like his father Cus and his uncle Misraim. He is the Chalda?an 
Perseus, whose history has a great affinity with that of the Babylonian 
warrior. Perseus flees from Argos with his mother to Polydectes, king 
of Seriphos, \tho in order to get rid of him, sends him to kill the Gor- 
gons. Before he can perform this task, he visits the Graiaj, three sisters 
with one eye and one tooth, and acquired from them and the Nymphs to 
whom he is led several objects necessary for his purpose, the making in- 
visible cap, the oils, the mirror and the scythe, with which he cuts off the 
liead .of the Medusa. Returning to Seriphos, he delivers his mother per- 
secuted by Polydectes, goes back to Argos, undertakes an expedition to 
Ethiopia, where he delivers Andromeda, and kills the monster to which 
the virgin is to be sacrificed. He was honoured as a god in Chemmis in 
Egypt, and Herodotus says, that when Perseus came to the Persians, the 
people of tlif Cephenes changed the name into Persians. Perseus him- 
self is represented with rather oriental arms. This Greek myth seems 
therefore to be of the same origin as the Chaldean one, modified by the 
different genius of the people, wlio changed the Chaldean legend of Khoni- 
baba into that of Combabus. 

The characters iz-tumas signify "a man with the prominent uiulerlip." 
This peculiarity seems to be expressed in the Khorsabad sculptures repre- 
PJ^ senting this hero. The explanation of the name has been given by me 
already in 1875; the Sumerian Gulgenmas has been Assyrianised into Gil- 
games, name handed over to the Greeks, by the aid of whom we place the 
ChaldcTan Perseus in his right position, and put definitely aside his identi- 
fication with Nimrod. J. Oppert. 


In a lecture made at the Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, 
on the 5th of December, Prof. Oppert has established the true character 
of the Babylonian Perseus. Prof. A. H. Sayce, in a letter on Tin' 
Jlfvo of the Chaldean Epic published in The Academy, Nov. 8, j>. 421, 
had pointed out the passage of ^lian, and remarked that Gilgames was 
the prototype of Perseus. On the other hand, Dr. William Hayes Ward. 
writing on the same subject in The Academy, Dec. 13, p. 570, calls at- 
tention to the fact that the scene of the child saved by the eagle while 


falling is probably that which is ropresented on tlie cylinders described 
and illustrated (p, 243) in his article on Sir Henri/ Peek't* Oriental 
Cylinders, published in the B. 0. U., Oct. 1890. T. de L. 

i have been informed that even previously to my taking noiuc oi uu- 
Smncrian equivalence, my learned friend had pointed out the well known 
passage of ^lian. I had no notice of Prof. Sayce's assimilation which was 
obvious to me immediately after, as to all scholars versed in Oriental an- 
tiquities. J. O. 


M. Six has recently treated in the Numismatic Chronicle, vol.' X, third 
series, pp. 185—259, of a great number of Greek unedited and uncertain 
Coins. But among the most interesting objects there is nothing which 
exceeds in attractiveness the Lydian pieces of Alyattes and his pre- 
decessors, described in § xi. The long reign of Alyattes (57 years) was 
eminently favourable to an abundant issue of coins, which were for a long 
time recognised and attributed to the fatlier of Croesus; it is enough to 
recall the names of Francois Lenormant, Brandis, and M. Head; 
everywhere something remained to be said. M. Six has said it by pointing 
out to the left of the lion's head, some copies preserved in the cabinets 
of France, Vienna and Munich, and in the British Museum (Kos. 10—13), 
a legend more or less complete presenting the name of the King of Lydia. 

The name is written in the archaic Greek letters which the Phrygians 
have used during the pre-Ach i men id [)eriod. Here then is Lydian writing 
discovered, of which we desire to consider as a specimen the fragment 
known since 1876, of an inscription which is traced on the base of a 
(ohimu found in the temple of Ephesus by M. Wood (see Transact, of 


the Soc, of Bihl.ArchceoL, IV, pp, 334, 335), that is to say, these five 
letters : 

1 lii I 

The name of Alyattes, sucli as we may gather it from his legends, was 
written thus: 

it may he, in regular Greek letters, and by transcribing from left torigiit: 


The numismatic scholar has commonted on this indigenous form of a 
name known to Herodotus by the expected loss of the first digamma. 
AAYATHZ. But it is more embarrassing to give an account of the 
disappearance of the letters El , altogether extraordinary in its effect. 
If one letter should have disappeared it would have been the second 
digamma, while we see that it is replaced by the upsilon. The Cypriote 
King Evelthon, of whom we have some coins with his legend in syllables 
E-v-ve-l-th-6-n. was found by transcription EveXOvov, where the upsilon in 
no way replaces the digamma of the tliird character. Likewise, tlie 
namt^ of FaXFeia-e^- ought to be AXeimijs- with ei =ii, like the Phrygian 
favuKTei = avaKTi. It would perha))s be so, and ei would have 
been taken by an ancient copyist for u. On this hypothesis, one could 
compare to the Lydian AXeiarrj^ the Carian OXmro?, chief of Mylasa, ac- 
cording to Herodotus. Besides.there are many Carian names which are 
identical with the Lydian names. Tiaicrvus, Tyry^^^, KavcavXij^ among 
others. This last name became among the Lycians KoucaXo^ (Khntia 
Xanthus 8) and at Mount Sipylus TapraXo<i, by the substitution of T 
for the guttural K (or;\'. ) By this substituticm 1 can produce the form 
teroi from the name of •^(^crol upon a Lycian obelisk, the variant ri<T/3/;s- 
for IliKpqs' in the list of the tributaries of Athens, &c. 

Lastly, to omit nothing, I shall give the following drawing, the pos- 
session of which I owe to Prof. Sayce : 

»^ Mo I ^ yi JUH J. 


This inscription is engraved on a little green stone acquired by M, Gre- 
ville Chester at Smyrna in 1888; the stone would have been found at 
Sardis. Is it Lydian ? Why not ? J. Imbert. 

III.K «J(»IH)K:ib i)K (JIIINA. 

/'///'; SILK (f()/)j)/^:ss OF niiiXA 

AND /f/<jn LEGEND. 
{Concluded from Vol. IV.., p. 290). 



40. When 8/eraa Tsien and his fatlier compiled in the .second century 
B. c.tlie materials of the *S^A^ !:i, tiiey came across documents givinsr to 
the first wife of Hwang-ti the traditicnal name of Lai t>iu ^^ jj^ 
which they reproduced accordingly in their history^^, without any intima- 
tion as to the possible meaning which could he inferred from the ideo- 
graphical value of the symbols composing that written name. It seems 
that previously the first symbol was simply written ^. and that the addi- 
ton of the determinative woman was their own,^*^^ according to a prac- 
tice then current to avoid misconceptions The simple symbol was phon- 
etically employed as a proper name and its meaning was left vague and 
undefined. Nothing is said by the Szemas as to the spinning and weav- 
ing inventions attributed in after ages to Lui tsu and her lord. 

41 . But subsequently when rationalists began in the following centuries 
to ponder over the shreds of record, saved from the remotest times, they 
endeavoured to read behind the written words and to guess through the 
ideographical meanings inherent to the characters of the writing, statements 
hitherto hidden to view. The result was to see that the original mean- 
ing of ^ hoi, to bind was that of th r ea d, and therefore that the name 
of Luc ^^i once deprived of the determinative of woman its latest ad- 
Juncti*^^, and combined with jjj, tsu, gran d-p a r en t, was obviously 
the depository of a tradition hitherto concealed from the gaze of former 
historians. The notion that the first wife of Hwang-ti was the g rand- 
mot he r-of-t bread was thus revealed, and forms an interesting instance 
of script-myth, a phenomenon which has not as yet received its share 
of attention from the investigators of the history of culture among po- 
pulations having a hieroglyphic or ideographic writing. Tiiis supposed in- 
formation entailed the formation of a popular legend making the wife of 


the first ruler necessarily busy with the silkworms, like so many other 
housewives in the silk-producing provinces, and the queens of former kings, 
as shewn and regulated by the traditional rites. 

42. But I do not find the fact given as historical before Liu Shu, the 
collaborator of Szema Kwang, author of the Tung kien, published in 
1080. This writer compiled a history, much esteenuMl and entitled Wei 
ki, from the most remote times, in which his purpose was to record all 
that is not stated in the classics. ^^^ ^nd where we find the following 
statement :i<^5 

" Siling she, the Empress of Hwang-ti, began to rear silkworms: 
"At this period Hwang-ti invented the art of making cloth." 

And thus has grown the legend wljich since has been looked upon as 

genuine" history. 

43. None of the classics and historical works which we have referred 
toin these pages, has any meution oi Siling -she, alias Lui-tsu or grand- 
mother of thread, alias Sie7i ts'an or ancient silkworm, alias Yuen 

fei or first wife, as the goddess of sericulture. The Si en Ts'an which 
are referred to in a spurious passage of the LI ki which we have quoted 
in a previous paragraph (3l), were not understood then as applied 
to the silkworms reared by the first wife of Hwang-ti, neither by 
a trope of speech to this fabled personage. The oldest reference to 
worship of such a goddess is that of the Tsin dynasty, probably in 
344 A.D., but then no name is given, and we have found reason to believe 
that Si-ling she was not tlie deity worshipped by the Tsin Empress. Her le- 
gend was still in a state of formation. It had not yet reached a sufficient 
degree of authority, and as a fact was not to reach for nearly eight cen- 
turies the official standing from which the personality of the Grand- 
mother of thread imposed itself on the Imperialat tention, with deifica- 
tion and worship as a natural consequence, and the annual state sacrifice 
of the present time. 

44. The claims of Hwang ti and his Queen to the honour of being the 
first silk culturists are looked upoli as little .established even by Chinese 
writers ; Hwan Tan, for instance, went so far as to suggest that an earlier 
ruler Shen-nung, the I^Iythical husbandman Emperor, was really the first 
who had ever made a. K\n lute in fung- wood, and twisted silk for the 
atrinfi^s.iO'' The suggestion, of course, is valueless in itself, but it shew* 
the little confidence of some Chinese in the story of Siling-she. 

45. Lui-tsu is said by the traditional history to have been a daughter 
from the clan of Si-ling: the name being at the same time that o flier 


native couutr} . Wv may as well state h«re, previously to any enquiry, 
that there is no possible connection between this Si-ling and the Si-ling. 
ipsis litteris, which was tbe name inHiip eh,^^* applied under the Han 
dynasty, to the region of the Mu-ling range of the present day in tbeN.E. 
of the province, iVs it was substituted only at that timefor several nauieB 
which were different before, there is no possibility of any connection with 
the personal name of Yuen-fei. 

As a [act Si-ling, meaning literally West hills,^^ might not suggest 
any special region, and may have been applied to a mountainous tract any- 
where provided it be consistent with the geographical. location of the 
interested writer. The matter requires a greater precision than v (have 
hitherto found in the statements quoted on the subject. 

4:6. The Si-ling name of the original countr}^ of Lui-tsu, has not yet 
been identified, and therefore we may as well make an attempt at eluci- 
dating this point of mythical geography, and enquire as to the possibility 
that it should really indicate a region where silk industry was already in 
existence before the arrival of the Chinese Bak tribes. It would be quite 
in the natural order of things that the Chinese leader should have married 
a daughter of the country, who being acquainted with the industry of her 
native land, should have taught the rearing of silkworms and the windmg 
of the silk to the followers of her lord and master. Unhappily for the ver- 
acity of the legend, sericulture was not known in Si-ling. 

47. In the Er-ya, section of the land^^^ the ancient lings are briefly 
indicated thus : the Tung liny or East hils are Si7i^^^; the Nan ling or 
South hills are the Sik shen^^^ ; the >V /m^ or West hills are the 
Wei barbarians (which we shall refer to hereafter) ; the Tchung ling or 
Central h i 1 1 s are the Tchu t'eng ; the Peh Hut/ or N o r t h h i 1 1 s are 
the West Yu, it is the Yen gate (in N. Shansi). 

48. The Wei barbarians^i^ mentioned therein are known in other 
works, and their settlements were in the immediate south of the present 
department of Tsing-ning in S. E. Kansuh^ii. The information is 
consistent with that derived from the Book of Mountains and 
Seas, which shows that the Si-ling or western hills of the story were t(» 
be sought for in the mountain ranges of the North-west. And as thes« 
mountains, being simply the spurs of the Kuen-lun range, extend east- 
wards, running from the west and passing at proximity of the Heh shui^^^ 
of the story, the identification is sufficiently accurate in its broad lines, 
and we cannot expect a greater precision in a statement of legendary 


49. But had the legend any slight foundation like that we have 
suggested, § 46, it must liave lingered in popular minds quite outside the 
range of literature. The fact does not seem improbable, as records of this 
folklore and belief may have disappeared in one or the other of the five 
great bibliothecal catastrophes which have made of the ancient literature of 
China a mere wreck. However the hypothesis seems difficult to maintain 
with the positive statements and allusions we have collected which show 
vagueness of former beliefs about the protective genii of silk and 
silkworms. Moreover, tlu? geographical information gathered in the first 
part of this paper (§§ 3-21 '• show reason to b3lieve that silkworms did 
not exist in the N.W. of China until later times, and therefore that 
during the period of their earliest settlements in Kansuh and Shensi, the 
immigrating tribes under the leadership of Hwang-ti, who married a girl of 
Si-ling in that region, cannot have been made acquainted by her with the 
art of sericulture. 

oO. The outcome of the foregoing paper, about the history and legend 
of Si-ling she as the real inventor of the silk industry, is that they have no 
historical foundation. It is another instance of the ways and means which 
have contributed to the formation of the modern Pantheon of the Chinese. 
In the few ancient accounts of innovations and inventions attributed to the 
rulers of the legendary period, such as Hwang-ti and others, accounts which 
are found in the great Appendix to the Book of Changes,!^^ the 
authorship of which is attFibuted to Confucius through the pencil of a 
disciple, and in the fragments of older times added to the Book 
of mountains and seas^^^during the Han period, no allusion whatever 
is made to the invention of the silk industry. This silence,to say the least, 
is very significant, as it concerns a most ancient and most prominent in- 
dustry of China which was entitled to a special mention should the 
legend attributing its invention to Hwang-ti and his wife have existed at 
the time when these accounts were compiled. It may be taken as a con- 
curring and final proof that silk culture was not a Chinese invention, and 
was proper to the pre-Chinese populations of the country, particularly in 
the east, as shewn by the geographical and historical data collected in these 

The whole evidence concurs to show that it was only when the civihsed 
chieftains of the Bak families arriving from the West, advanced eastwards 
and intermarried with girls of the native tribes, that they became acquain- 

UmI wiiii iii«; ^ericullmv wliic-li uas in uJifr «iy.-h lo.ikrd uimui in tln-ir irn 
(litions fi-^ special to ilioir i)riniitivo wives in tlie countrv wiliout j^'coj^ni pi il- 
eal distinction betwotMi tlie west :in<] tlx' <'iist of tlic Flowery Land. Ami 
it ^\;l■. in comparatively recejit times tliat attempts were made at fostering 
a leg'eiiJ of invention of the sericulture on some special pers»)na«j:e of 


99) She ki, kiv. 1, fol. 5. 

100) It does not anyhow go further back than the .s/ao tchuen, which is 
ihe style of writing employed during the last centuries preceding the 
Christian era lu my note on The Oldest Chinese Ch .meters: The 
Academy, June 15, 1889, p. 41 H, 1 have given occasionally the history 
of this style of characters. 

101) On the late adjimction of determinatives in many cases, cf. S.W., 
Bufthell : 7 he Stone drums of the Chovj dynasty, 1874: T. deL. 
The oldest Book of the Chinese, § 25, n. A ; Introduction to Historical 
Catalogue of Chinese Money, part VI, 

102) Cf, l)e Mailla, vol I Preface, p. xlv. 

108) Cf. Wells Williams, Middle Kingdom, vol. II, p. 32. 

104) Hwan Tan, Sin lun. Yuen Kien lui han Kiv. 3i6, fol. 22. — Ta 
pi Jig yu Ian, Kiv. 814, fol. 3. 

105) Cf. in G. Playfair, Cities and towns of Chim. Nos. -2426, 2432 
2658, 1731, 8926. 

106) The Er-ya says : 'a great mound is called a ling ; ta fou yueh 

107) Er-yi tcheng wen tcheh yn,ed.lSGl; II. 9. 

108) Position and meaning unknown in geography. 

109) This is a known variant for the name of the Djurtchen. Of. my 
paper on The Djurtchen of Mandshuria, par. 3. But I do not know any 
other document stating their advance in ancient times southwards at a 
sufficient proximity to a hill-range, which could be under any aspect looked 
as south of the ancient Chinese. 1 am afraid an error nmst have crept 
in there. The character sheu may have been mistaken for tcheng town 
as there was asmall state of that same name, S'lk, in Honan, mentioned 
in the Tsotchueii, Duke Yn. year XI, which by its position answers, 
the requirement pretty well, 

110) The term used is Y in the first case, and Juxg in the second: but 
the distinction which their ditterence conveyed in former times was 
lost when that part of the Er-ya was compiled. 

111) Cf. Playfair, The Cities and towns of China, 'i!i oh. 797 S and 1183, 
Tsing-ning. lat. 85*':;")': long.105'^45'. 

112) Namely the Etsina river, east of Sn-tchou in Kansuh, which from 
the slopes of the Nan-shan range runs northwards to the small lakes 
called Sobo nor and Sogok nor. 

113) Yh-king ; hi-tze., pt. 2. 

114) Shan hat king, Bk. 18. 

ic the silk goddess of china 


§ 1, 1. 3, /or ts'eii tsan tao read sien ts'an tao 
5, 1, 13, /or oldest read eldest 

8, 1.3 J after spoken of read: as there was no occasion to make a dis- 
tinction between the WLi andi kung (cf. §15). 
,, 9, 1. 6, /or trings ? ear/ strings. 
„ 12, 1. 1, /or King-tea u read King-tchoii 
,. 15, 1, 7, for uo silk read no silk * 

„ 18. 1. 8. for that silk was read that silk only was 
,. 19. 1. 6, for of Shensi read of in Shensi 
Note 18, for five different read five different 
„ 26, for K'iuson read K'inson 
„ 39, /or Vq.- read Pau- 
,, 47, for devided read divided 
§ 27,1, 11, for pennows rend pennuns 
;, 31, 1, 12 ^for Tt'an read Ts'an 
,. 3-8, 1. 8, /or apply read applied 

Teruien de Lacouperie. 



For the reading of the Hittite legend, we propose, after Amiaud, Z. A. 
1., 282, the following order : behind the king, from top to bottom, a sign 
hy line, in the order of the bases ; in front of the king, the same prin 
ciple, but as the second and third signs (the barbed lozenge and Ujf-) 
are thought to be found ujwn a similar liorizontal line by tlio boustro- 
7)Aerfon character of the writing, tlic sign ||j(- and the following one have 
a direction opposite to that of tho same signs ris-d-vls. This would be 
so likewise as to the two last, if they were capable of it. 

It is a long time since tho double obeHsk has been assimilated to the 
Assyrian ;^ {irtdt). In fact the second last Hittite sign recalls the 
archaic //v\ •^f Gudea, with this difference that the Assyrian or Baby- 
lonian obelisks were placed horizontally. 

Whv not henceforth assimilate tn.^ simple obelisk which follows the 
] 'resumed determinative of coimtr//, and which ought to conceal a proper 
geographical name, to ^j ^^P , [j]jJP> , archaic Assyrian, and which give 
the values 81', ZU, SU- Yet at this point tho obelisk is horizontal in 
j.laceof tlie vertical positions which it has in the Hittite. (Is the Assyrian 
^Y is never written ^ (leg) ciW:iC)1 SU is the name of a country to 

T)lK IoVaNoi 1 -KAI.. 1 I 

t)io West or North of Assyria. Tlie two IJittit*' si-ru^ ^||| ^^j-p .,r 
/|)|- JJh^ • l^eruiit us easily to recognise tlie archaic Assyrjaji d- (^TT iy^ 
"great man'' =/.7«^, the adjective preceding- the Hittite luune, as in the 
^complex Assyrian. 

In the Assyrian sign gal, there are besiilos four liorizotital strokes 
wliieh in the corresponding Hittite sign, are vertical. 

Tlie buck's or antelope's head recalls Tumhu, n")]-^. Tmhic is in- 
deed a divine name. Was the ideogram Tnrahn not that of En. as the 
antelope was perhaps his symbol ? 

In the countries to the west of Assyria and in Nniri Ea was I'miwn 
SeeJ//«mi., /.A., V. 261. 

vm, 'm, or ^iiKi 

This ideogram \T.HT\ > 'nj, *^^' ^^ilBih ^' ^^'^'^*'^' ^^'' Ji'^ve not 
""^ >^ 

the archaic form, is perhaps derived from a hieroglyph nntelope's 
head. Tarqu \^ku)ti7mne would be a construct noun like Ea-bam, &c- 

The sign tim, barbed lozenge, (yoke?) is more difficult to assimilate. 
The corres])onding Assyrian would be: 


The Hittite legend would signify altogether: Tnrqutimnie. liufj of the 
country of Su. 


In ado])ting an idea of Amiaud, Z. A. v. 279, according to our view, 
the first sign of the cuneiform legend is the sign me. 

" Since the first line of the Hittite inscription representing a buck's 
head is placed naturally above to the right and left of the king's head, it 
aj^pears therefore that the first sigu of th(! cuneiform inscription ought to 
be aI>;o found above and at the right hand of the king's head, a little 
nearer above the first sign of the Hittite inscription on the riglit. Morc- 
«)ver, just above the head of the king, a veiy marked gap, and tlie only 
one which is found elsewhere, has been left in the cuneiform legend." 

Prof. Sayce's explanation ( Z. A. I., 330) does not •a])pear conclusive 
against that opinion. 

A negative reason is added to our argument. If it be necessary to 
place the commencement of the cuneifonii lines after the sign me, th«?y 
obtain at the end of the legend the name of a country, wliich no tentative 
has succeeded in identifying: Er? me! 


We read then: Me Tan/utmwie {sar mat) Zu. 

There is nothing stranoe in reading Zu or Su, the last sign, which 
sensibly approaches the ordinary *^\\. The slight difference appears 
when we compare the other signs of the legend with the corresi: ending 
signs of the nsnal writing. 

Thus for the remainder, Z\\\ Tyler has already read {P.S.B.A. , IV. 
Nov. 2) 2'., king of the countn/ of Ztime, and is connected with the name 
Zvzim, Gen.' XIV. 5. 

From tliis point we willingl , recognise that there is no matter here o 
a!i xissyrian language. Sar and mat as ideograms may agree with every 
Assyrian reading. Proper names are not translated but transcribed. 

Me is the only word which may neither be ideographic nor a proper 
name, and consequently the one which really represents to us the language 
of the cuneiform inscription. As a long syllable, me—e is distinguished 
completely from ?ne, a sort of Hittite mimmation. 

What is the country or ZU, SU, or even SU? The Vannic inscrip- 
tion of Palu (D. H. Muller, A. /). , p. 14) points out a country of that 

1. . . . . karuni Puteri-ani 

2. nie, karuni !^uzan-ani 

3. nie, karuni Su (Zu, Su)-wani (»3fi). 

"Sie vcrliehen mir von der Stadt Piiteri [^Pa'itira ( T. P. V. 77 ) Paddii\ ? 
(S.R. [V, 7) Piturul (Cf. K.G. F, 184, 220) das Gebiet, von der 
Stadt Guzan das Gebiet, sie verliehen mir das Land SU — ," 

We know that the Assyrian syllabaries furnish some words of the lang- 
uage of Su. 

Cf.K.. 1359, 39, b, 1. Tarhundapi, amelu sahtu Su-aya,{A.\. 8807). 

That the country called Zu or Su could have been named Su by the 
Assyrians is not extraordinary. Z is the softening of S as S is the em- 
phatic of it. Likewise in the writing zu, su, -,^^|T fome^ from ^^][|<'r 
yice versa. 

Some languages which we know/ro7» other Sources to be related to the 
language of Su, like that of Van aud Mitanni, a country bordering on 
Su (and it is a proof a j^oHeriori of the justice of our reading me .... 
SU) permit any attempi to explain i\\^\ word m(^. 

As to what is of this class, see Sayce, Z .A., V. 270 ; IV. 382,384. 
Does me not correspond to anaku (cf. Sayce Z.A., V. 381, wlio re- 
joc-ts it.) 

We have in Mitanni a suffix sg. of the first person UK, WE, which 

TA15LKT OF MENTUi^A. 1 ;^ 

miglit very well be ntHriiied in me a3 pronoun subject of the person, in 
the sister Ian,y:iiage. Savck (Z. A., V. 265) recof^jnised in nuina a pro- 
noun of tlie person. '\ .Jknsen (/.A. F. 265) hesitates to render 
mana -Qavian by ''fcli'' because of the want (presumed I) of rehvtion 
between it«,m<?and man. Buunnow (Z.A.,V. 218. 219.228), 
mmamni wouKl be the plur. sulT. of the Krst person. 

Tlie Vannic also gives a plausible solution of this subject. 

Ma signifies in that tongue, 'He,' 'him', 'that person'. 

[t has also the meaning, ' being', ' person', buvatm. 

The accusative of ma is m'.ni. 

The same word has the spelling iiie with flexions mei, meini. 

iV/(' alternates witth the word ^m/7, from which the meaning of ' person' 
is acquired. Turi also ex})lains the Assyrian tuntu (Cf. D. H. Muller, 
A.l), p. 14, 15, &c.; 

In Vannic the pronoun of the ;^rd person has therefore the value of 
bundnu, salam. As tlie Egyptian sometimes renders inversely the 1st 
person ego, simply by the image of the subject : man, woman, king, &«',, 

Me TanpHimme (sar mat) Zu. would be: "Likeness of Tarqutimme 
king of Su." 

The kingdom of Su probably comprehends the Hittite country as its 
principal part, and it was the king of the Hittites who had supreme au- 
thority in both countries. Fr. v. S'chbil. 


renpa yemet 
Year three 


o^Jj A f ° I 

Xer ken initen-xexJ ^» nub kan ta anx m wia 

Of theMajesty(ofthe) king Ra nub-kau giving life sun like 
Amenemhat II. 

cy ^ 


erpa ha x/'ht smer thi Ilor neh ha mii 

Lord cliief royal chancellor councillor sole (bf) Horns lord ]):i]ace in 

^ ^ f^ 0> ^ 1 - --% ^\y 

ab ar Ji^sst-f. ra neh .-^nten aan Mentusa 

heart doing will his day every royal scrihe !\Ientusa 

- *> & (HPi k ^ IJ. i 

neb amax^ tet-f mes-a em rek hen snten-seyt 

lord , faithful says-he born (was) I in (the) reign majesty l^ii^g 

Ra shetep ah maxeru nuk x*^'"^ ^'■'*^ '^*''^ X^'' het'-f 

Ra sheteb ab triumphant I page offering crown to majesty his 
Amenemhat I. 

h k Tu M &m f sii Ai 

s-ta am hotep suten-sext -Ka x^7'^'' ^'^ ''^^'X ^^* ^^~^* 

proceeding in peace king Ra ^eper ka living ever gave m*' 

Usertesen I. 

hen-f em aan en ma-t en setem a au 

majesty his as scribe of inclosure to hear I was 

hesnefu her - f er aat urt ta a hen-f , 

praising he me in it to great very gave me majesty his 

I ^ I 

er aan un tema hesu-a hen-f her-f 

to scribe of the tema praised me majesty his in it 

At !^ k) xl 

^ <C:> Oliii Ai^.=_ .JJH^ I ^111 .•"^ 

er aat urt ta-a Jien-f em nehetn natet ? 

to great very gave me majesty his as repeater grain 


h f l\ I 

em resit ha hesn hcn-j her-f er aa - 1 art 

of soiitlt north i>i-aisoil mo ma jesty hi8 in it to ^reat very 

ta-n hcn-f em (uut en ma-t aa he - u Jien-f 

gave me majesty his as seribc of inclo^iire great praised mo majesty his 

hcr-i' er aat urt ta-it hen-/ em suten 

in it to groat very gave me majesty his ;is roval 

Tl U 

aaii mer hat em ta rter-f hesriu 

scribe superintendent work of land entire praised me 

\^ <^ ^Z^ — TP^ -^ 'Z 

hen-f ker meriief - u en mrut-Ju nen sepex 

majesty his because loved lie me to engraved he not anytime 

Im ^ ^"^^ c. ^ H© ^. — ^A^ rB 

nem~a tet neh-t tut ama^ suten aan 

repeated i word any evil faithful royal scribe 

/www _l±, _/j 


Free Translation. 

In the third year of his majesty the king Ra nubkau giving life like 
the sun. The Lord Chief Royal Councillor, sole oouncillor of Horns, lord 
of the palace, in the heart doing his will daily, the royal scribe Mentusa 
a faithful lord, says, I was born in the reign of the majesty of the king, 
the Sun peaceful of heart ( Amenemhat .) the triumphant. I was as a 
page offering a crown to his majesty proceeding in peace, the king 
Ea i^epar Ka giving life. His Majesty gave me a place as scribe of the 
inclosure. I hear that his Majesty praised me while in it very, very much 
His Majesty gave me the place of scribe of the mat; his Majesty peaised 
me while in it very, very much . His Majesty gave me the place of Re- 


peater of Grain of the South and the North; his Majest}- praised me 
while in it very, very much. His Majesty gave me the place of scribe of 
the great inclosure; His Majesty praised me while in it very very much; 
His Majesty gave me the place of Royal Scribe and Superintendent of 
work throughout the whole land ; His Majesty praised me because lie 
loved me: I did not ro])eat at any tinir* any bad word tlip lloval Scribf^ 

The tablet of which tlie above is a copy is No. 828 in the British 
Museum. Mentusa, the person for whom it was written, held various 
important appointments under the king, Ra xo))er ka (IJsertesen I.) 
after the usual titles of a dignitary Mentusa, begins by introducing 
himself as born in the reign of Ra shetep-ab (Amenendia I.), and goes on 
to gay that he was in the service of Ra ^eper ka (Usertesen I.) as a page, 
after having held this office for some time he was promoted to be scribe of 
the ^~I nia-t, a place which I have been forced to translate " inclosurt," 
tliouo-h some Egyptologists translate it -'liaiem," a reading with which I 
cannoti agree. Another appointment is then conferred u])on him, namely, 
that of scribe of the^^T tema, which I have left, though very re- 
luctantly in its original state, as I fail to find any value for it, tlie 
construction of "storehouse" having been doubted. Mentusa is again 
promoted this time to fill the office of "repeater of bushels," an appoint- 
ment which probably was in the Statistical Department of the Ministry of 
Agriculture;, in this capacity his authority extended over the North and 
the South. Another appointment follows which does not call for any 
comment. The sixth and last appointment was one of great importance 
in this stage of his career; he is given the post of Royal Scribe and 
Superintendent of work throughout the whole land. 

It will therefore be seen that this tablet is of great importance from a 
chronological point of view, as it shows us that the monarchs Ra-shetep- 
ab, Ra x^per-ka, and Ra nub kau must have followed one another in 
regular succession, or else 1 fail to see how Mentosa could have been born 
in the reign of Amenemhat I., held office in that of Usertesen I., and 
died in that of Amenemhat II. Lastly, I would mention two words the 

readings of which seems to be doubtful. The first of thesaisX J 

which I have translated "repeater"; this word, I think, was intended for 

X I namely, the bull's foot instead of the human foot, as it appears 


to come fjom XJf ih a second time, to repeat. 
Theothei is H *^^^^^^^ fl *^^~^ . tlii-; I tike to b*^ siinit-f. •* he t'tii^ruveU." 

The right place for the liand in that case wouUl be between n and <zi:>^ 

the word tben being ' ^^ ^ ; but, as is well known, the 9culi)tiirer 
was not of necessity an educated person, and also as the lapidarj' style 
paid great attention to matters of symmetry the position may be under- 
stood; but nevertlieless, f fail to see what connection it has with the rest 
of the text. H. W. MfiNGEDOHT. 


Of the Persian origin of this Syriac word there is no doubt, and in his 
Dictionary Payne Smith has already quoted the reference with the Persian 
T of Vnllers and Lagarde. But, when the people themselvc 
who have learned any word from another acknowledge such an original 
derivation, their testimony bears a great interest for historical philology, 
and not one opportunity, I think, must be neglected to collect such cases 
with care. 

Now I liiive just read in the Life of Paul, Bishop of Tela, preserved 
in the MSS. Add. 14622, fol. 153v. of the British Museum, of which % 
copy lies before me, this curious passage: .OOUSo JOCTI ^]AmSo a\-]>0 

(.luJiQisr:^ ^> Qjoi ^Sopoi .ooiiiaNo oooi ^\q .qjcti) )oio 

IjO'OJJ viz.: And what he was interrogated by tl.ese whom they name 
in their languages ^l0]J01, that is to say, in the Convent of the great. 

For complete explanation of this passage, it is to be remembered 
tliat i aiil of Tela had been arrested by his enemies and led before the 
Justic(vci>urt of the Persian pagans and Magi J^cv^o \zi±A* 
J010aSQjJD(. Bat tlm Syriac writer explains the word —lOpOl, which 

he says was used among the Persians to explain the Syriac term 
Ijj^qio '• assembly,'" ''convention." 

The ])rototype of the Persian word ,,as>A ^^» *^ ^^*^ know, the Aves_ 

tio hahja/nana, in Pehlevi hanjamarv in Sanskrit sahgamana. 

J. Van den Ghkyn. 

18 THE TAN 3HU. 


The fragment whicli vre present here to the readers of the Record, 
is extracted from the f-U-king-tchuen, or the I-li completed by 
order and under the direction of the Emperor K'ien-long, as has been said 
in a foregoing paper on this subject in the Journal Asiatique. 

It forms part of the Wai pien, or "exterior book", an appendix added 
to the annotated text of the ancient ritual. It is a curious monument of 
Chinese antiquity, a waif escaped fi om the shipwreck of the books ante- 
rior to the Tsin. 

The Tan shu, or "Red Book", is a fragment of a collection of rites un- 
der the name of Ta-Tat-li, or rites of Tai, the greatest and oldest. 

We must recall that at the epoch of the restoration of the canonical 
Books, under the first Hans, litterati, all penetrated still by the Confucian 
spirit, strove to cause tiie revival of the abolished rites, condemned 
by the great enemy of the classical recollections, the Emperor Shi-Hoang- 
ti. The rituals no longer existed, they had been burned by order of the 
all-powerful sovereign who saw in them certain rules destructive of his 
despotic authority, and the autocracy he desired to found. The successors 
of the scholars put to death by the despot, reproduced their recollec- 
tions as well as they could, and re-edited different collections of 
ceremonial rules. Among their number they specially quote Kao-tang, 
author of the Shi-li, and the two Tai, of whom the eldest edited a great 
collection in 85 sections, abridged at a later date and reduced to 49 by his 
nephew, called Ted the younger or Siao-Tai. 

Our Tan-shu is a waif preserved from the great Manual, with the Hta- 
Smo-tcheng, or 'Calendar of the Hias,' whose vulue is sufficiently known, 
it is nearly all which remains to us from the book of the eldest Tai, or at 
least which has been published up to this time. The Tan-shu-si has no 
great historic value; but it is by no means unworthy [of being published and 
preserved ; that is why we give a translation; it occupies two leaves of 
toriie III, of the Kiu-king I-liking tchuen^, where it is accompanied by 
a short commentary which we give as a note, inasmuch as it does not re- 
jtoat exactly the text. This latter presents some philological peculiarities 
worthy of atientioii. 



As to the work of Tai the greater, its loss would not be at all rcerret- 
table, if we must believe what the editors of the K'ien hmg's edition, 

y in the preface of four lines at the liead of the text : 

The text of this bo )k is found in the Manual of Rites of Ta-Tai. 

ow this is nothing but a chapter transmitted in an isolated form. The 

a-Tai-li contains a crowd of erroneous, incongruous, or useless, also 
very obscure things. That is why this fragment has bc^en extracted and 
commented on." 

Our chapter is not the Tan-shu itself, it is simply the principal object 
of it. The true Tan-shu was a book of counsel written, according to the 
tradition, by the first princes of the Chinese tribes Hoang-ti and Tchuen 
Heu. Its name signifies " red-vermillion book, " and it arises doubtless 
from this, that vermilion was the colour of the cover. After the com- 
mentary the Red Book was the book of examination for the magistrates 
nf the various orders. 

The king who is spoken of in this fiagment is the celebrated Wu Wang, 
founder of the Teh eon dynasty (122 -' a.c). 

Translation' of the Tan Shu. 

Wu Wang, three days after having taken possession of the throne, 
called the Shis and the Ta-fus, and set this question before them i What 
is the essential rule for keeping^ oneself, the good method^ «)f actions, how 
can one assure the perpetuity of his descent ? 

All the Ta-fus replied to him: We have not yet heard (that is, we know 
nothing of it). Then the king called Sze-shang-fu, and asked of him. 
Have the rules of conduct of Hoang-ti and of Tchuen-heu^ been observed ? 
In spite of fthe troubles which have befallen me) my exhausting anxieties 
truly I cannot yet discover them. Sse-shang-fu replied to him: They 
are in the Tan-shu. The king desiring to hear it read, prepared himself 
by internal purification and fasting.* Three days after, the king having 
taken his right crown.*' Sse-shang-fu equally carrying the twiin mien 
approached near the sovereign, holding in his hand tlie book and pre- 
pared to lean against the screen.^ The king went down to the bottom 
of the Tang, and kept himself turned toward the South. Sae-shang-fu 
saidto him: The rule of the ancient kings was on no account to hold them- 
selves turned toward the North. 

The king went towards the West, turned to the South, and stopped, 
looking at the East. Sse-shang-fu, uttering the words of the Tan-shu, 
said: ''He who by his respectful conduct triumphs over want of respect is 


happy (is a cause of happiness ). He who by his free and easy conduct 
brings it upon therespectfal man, shall perish (make to perish). Jus- 
tice, which triumphs over passions and desires, succeeds ; desires 
which triumph over justice and the principles, cause death (perish ). 
Every matter which is not conducted with correctness'^ is vicious^. With- 
out respect, vigilant care, there is no rectitude. Vicious things shall perish. 
Respect, vigilant care, is the principle of self guidance, i]jp true method 
of action, By it one's posterity may be peri)etuated. Such is ihs* mean- 
ing of these Words." 

The king, having heard these words from the book, was as if seized witli 
fear, ^and placed some sentences at the four corners of his mat. He caused 
au inscription to be placed on his seat, on iiis mirror, on his ewer, 
upon the pillar of the saloon, upon his stuff, upon his girdle and 
sandals, upon his vases and plates^ on the inner gate and the window, on 
his sword and his lance. 

The inscription on the left side on the front of his mat. bore . "In 
pleasure and repose, keep watchfulness over yourself." That on the right 
sid6was thus conceived: 'Do nothing of which you ought to repont." At 
the left hand behind this was written : "Although one may return or in- 
cline to the side, he never ought to relax himself." And on the right 
side: "Let them consider closely what they may change and correct^^". 

Upon the seat this was written: "How admirable is self-respect! the 
mouth engenders pride; the mouth kills the mouth." 

Upon the mirror: "Guard, keep what is before you, and watcli what is 
behind you." On the bason: "It is better to plunge oneself into a gulf 
than among men^^. In a gulf one can yet swim and float; in the midst 
of men there is no means of escaping." 

Upon the pillar: "Do not say, how shah I suffer some harm? evil will 
come unexpectedly (^^). Do not say, how shall I have such evil ? 

for misfortune will come upon you, great (terrible). Do not say: How 
does ruin await me ? for misfortune will increase more and more." 

Upon the staff: "What danger in wrath and hatred I ^ * how many paths 
with uncertain features in the pleasures and enjoyment of the passions ! 
How does one forget himself in the riches and greatness I" 

U))on the girdle: "Fire being extinguished (in the evening) compose 
your countenance; be firm and vigilant (in this); if you are so, strongly 
and constantly, you will have a long life."^^ 

Upon the slippers: "Maintain your zeal firmly: if you were active you 
will become rich."-* 

Up<.n the plates and cups: "While eating, >keep yourself strai-lit and 
firm;''' keep yourselves from self-indulgence; if you are very indulgent in 
t]\\^ ni.nnncr vou will allow manv faults," 


Upon the interior door. '"A good fame is difficult to acquire and easy 

lose. Do not about what you know not, and pretend that you 

mow it. Do not strive after wliat you cannot attain, and say that you 

rill succeed. To trouble oneself in order to overcome difficulties Is like to 

igitate the air with the hand, in order to produce wind and tem[)est. A 

lint himself is unable to succeed in it." 

Upon the window: "Follow the season of heaven (conform thyself to its 
order, to its laws) in order to obtain the use of earthly blessings. Do 
with res[)e'.t the acts of worship towards high heaven; by this worshif) 
anticipate the seasons (that they may be happy V" 

Upon the sword: -'Gird thyself with this sword to practise justice, when 
thououghst to do so, determined to practise virtue. ^^ If thou dost resist 
it, thou shalt perish." 

Upon the bow: "The rule of prosperity, the means of silence,^*^ is that 
one does not forget his own faults."^'* 

Upon the lance: " Raise thy lance; if for an instant even thou dost not 
know how to hold it, thou shalt end by covering thyself with shame.'* 

Such are the words of warning which I have heard from the Only man 
to instruct and to ptit on guard my descendants. 


1) ^ ts^=fS ^*« • 

2) gi=i^. 

3) ;fj = ^. to penetrate intellectually. 

4) Originally the five Tis and the three Wangs had no different principles; 
their morale was quite fixed by their fundamental rules; they are 
summed up in these lines. 

5) i^=iE- P 

6) P e j-an—j^, 

7) 5^ /^>o//.v. This consists in conquering oneself, and his desires to follow 
justice. He who is not so is vicious. 

8; Resp(K-t ^ consists in preserving himself according to the moral rules; 
therefore without respect one is not right JE- 

9) It" people ruin themselves it is because they neglect these; respect im- 
plies the spirit of rectitude in everything. These words have an 
identical value. 

10) 1^ g; refer to sententious terms, rules (/«-,?/«)(& ^)- These 
sentences ara intended to serve as admmonitions, as objects intended 
by a mission. 

11)' fi;=S^ ^ "'> to rule. In everything let people be vigilant and 
attentive; however little it may be, let it not be neglected by them. 
A mat has its opposite faces and sides; it can be turned and bent over 
the side; let them watch the seasonableness of its movements and its 


li) J^ = J^ Tliat is the pivot, the principal eaiise of honour or of 
shame. The mouth which does not know respect for itself and others 
destroys itself and covers itself with shame. It is so also with the 
prince through the decrees which he carrie-, and the orders which ha 

13) To spread oneself among men is the danger of the Great. These ideas 
of escaping danger, or of losing oneself, are represented either by the 
comparison of the swimmer who floats or plunges into the gulf. 

14) The passion of anger, against whomsoever it may be, is dangerous 
in the extreme. When all the care is in the search for riches or great- 
ness, when everyone is given to dissipation or pleasure; they violate the 
moral laws ; it is a danger of extreme gravity. The staff serves to sus- 
tain one in a dangerous position, and to follow the route convenient- 
ly; that is why it lias been chosen by Wu Wang for this warning. 

15) When one even relaxes himself from a severe deportment, one must 
not neglect it faultily. When one retires to his apartments at night 
hefirst removes his girdle. Hence this inscription. 

16 j One ought to maintain his activity and his efforts steadily. By this 
he shall escape misery and finally obtain prosperity. The interior pos- 
ition of the shoes indicates so much the more the difficulty and the 
shame. Hence their choice for this lesson. 

17) (g) ^=^- J^itt. 'make yourself staff.' g=Ug. . 

Tlie commentator adds that according to certain authors the last three 
sentences are not rhymed, but that according to others, ^ i/ong 
rhymes with ^ kong ^ sheu with '^fu, and |g kiao with si tao. 

18) ;^=ij^. Without application, reflection is not firm, and business 
win not succeed. If in spite of this <me says he is sufficiently fit to 
conduct them, sufficiently educated and intelligent, this will not allow 
him to prosper ( ^ to push forth his branches, or to hold firm). 

19) A phrase so obscure ^hat the commentator explains it thus : In misery 
and danger to think only of returning to his ease, gg J&^Tl i, M- 

20) ^ = not to shut, to guard strongly, completely and to move 
by an effort. A gate is a means of procuring security, tranquillity. 
Tliat is why it is used for this inscription. ^ rhymned with ^ and 
S with ISE. 

21) Those ought to be prevented by sacrifices and fasting. That was in- 
scribed upon the window, because it was underneath the window that 
they made sacrifices, and meditated. 

^2) One ought to conform himself to the precepts of virtue in everything 
in which they command and appoint. This sentence is in correlative 

2$) When one knows his defects and his faults, one knows then how to 
humble or raise himself accordingly. 




Ciiineao literature speaks of two Tan Shu in Antiquity, Such a 
designation in the sixth centurv b.c. was applied in the States to a list of 
the criminals. In the XXIIIrd year of the Duke Siang of Lu, i. e. 
501 B.C., the Tso tchuen has a curious entry about it. A slave Fei P'ao* 
whose name was inscribed on the Tan shn, makes a proposal to murder a 
powerful rebel, if the sovereign would consent to the burning of the 
■ objectionable book. 

The other Red book mentioned is quite different in character. It was 
a book of counsels, of great renown in antiquity. The Annals of the 
Bamboo books record that, in his 22nd year, Si Peh or chief of the West, 
afterwards Wen Wang, the virtual founder of the Tchou dynasty, was 
presented with a copy of that work by Kiang Liu-shang, iiis future prime 
minister and Tai Kung Wang of Ts'i, when entering his services. Ac- 
cording to the rectified chronology, this was in 1181 B.C. It was reput- 
ed to embody the moral teachings of the oldest sages of yore, and there- 
fore those of Hwang-ti and Tchuen-hilib. I know no other reference to 
this work in olden times, although I suspect that the following statement 
concerns it, as so precious a work must have been carefully preserved in 
the Royal Palace ot the kings of Tchou, in the same way as were kept 
' other treasures and relics mentioned in history. The Shu-king (V .22:19), 
on the occasion of the funeral of King Tch'ing, enumerates all the precious 
things which were publicly exhibited, and among them figures a book of 
Tahiun or Great instructions, which seems to be the same as that 
given to the grandfather of the deceased king, sixty-four years previously 
As to the reason why the Red Book was so called, it is a matter 
of eonjecture. Perhaps it was only from its outward appearance. The 
silk cloth which used to envelop the slips of bamboo bark, on which it was 
then the habit to write with a graving knife, was perhaps in that case 
red, when Liu-shang made his present to Wen Wang. No correlation can 


be sought for between this red colour and that of tlio personal writing 
ot the Emperor at present, which causes him to be called sometimes the 
Vermilion pencil, Tchu pih. No vorniillion or pencil were used to 
write at the beginning of the Tch'm dynar^ty. and the latter was not in- 
vented for many centuries. And besides Red was at that time the 
colour of Ministers and high Officials, not that of the King. Flesh- 
colour was the Royal colour of the Tchou dynas ty {TcMou-ll, tr. Biot. 11. 
133). in the same way as White was that of the Yn dynasty, and Black, 
in 246 B.C., that of the Ts'in. Red was selected for the Imperial colour 
only in a.d.52 {Hou Han Shu p'u tchu) and has remained personal to the 
Emperor, while Yellow was adopted for the Government colour in 581 a.d. 
7th mouth. {Tang kien kanq Mn; W. F. Mayers N. and Q., Oct. 31, 

The fragments which Prof. De Harlez has translated for the B. & 0. R., 
Are the remains of the Red Book presented to Wen Wang in 1131 
B.C., and however short, they deserve all attention and respect. — T, db L. 

Thb Sino-Annamitb OiALKCT of the Chinese, which is now the lan- 
guage of the literati in Tungking and Annam, is the most archaic of the 
Chinese dialects, and therefore the most valuable for comparative pur- 
poses. It has preserved the eight consonnantic finals of old; k, c, t, p, m, 
n. ng, nh, which have disappeared in the Mandarin Chinese of the present 
dav, and are (»nly partly preserved by some of the other southern dialects. 
Its syllabic sounds correspond with tlujse assigned by tradition in the 
Tonic'dictionaries such as the Kwang-i/a and Kwang-jiun, still better with 
the sounds indicated by horaophonous words, in the Er-ya edited by 
Kwoh-p'oh and the She ming of the Han dynasty, and above all with the 
rhymcb of poetry previous to that dynasty. History confirms this finding 
of modern philology. In 218 b.c. Jen Hiao, a genera] of She Hwang-ti 
founder of the Chinese Empire, settled in Tungking and S. Kwangsi 
half-a-million of Chinese colonists chiefly from the region which is now 
the modern Tchehkiang and was then thoroughly Chinese. In 140 a. d., 
the governor Si-nhip enacted most stringent rules for the maintenance 
and integrity of the Chinese language, script and Hterature in the region. 
The Sino-Annamite sounds have been put at the disposal of scholars in 
the soecial works of Legrand de la Lyraie and of I'hari due ho&.. — L. 




Contributor)^ are. "Joii", responsible for their opinions or st<tt.ernents. 


The area, within which the recently published inscriptions of the Yeni- 
sei are found, forms, between the 51st. and 55th. degree of latitude, two 
broad belts at right angles to each other in the fomn of an L* correspond- 
ing to the upper course of the river. Each zone is about lf)5 miles long 
by 100 miles wide, and is separated from the other by the Sayan range ; 
the northern lies in Russian, the southern in Chinese territory. As simi- 
lar inscriptions have just been reported to exist on the Orkhun river, the 
extreme range from east to west within which inscribed stones are known 
to occur must be increased to at least 565 miles. From the southern belt 
seventeen inscriptions have been published by the Finnish Archaeological 
Society, and more are believed to exist. In the northern zone they num- 
ber fifteen; two to the east, the remainder to the west of the Yenisei. Of 
these latter, two are found on the Black Yus and White Yus, tributaries 
of the Chulym, which falls into the Ob, To these may be added an inscrip- 
tion incised on the rim of a metallic plate found in a tomb in the Aba- 
kan district and figured by Strahlenberg. 

Though these two inscriptional areas are separated h) the Sayan moun- 
tains, through which the Yenisei forces its way, there is little or no dif- 
ference in the characters cut on the stones, though some very rare forms, 
such as f||, n* A are peculiar to the southern zone, while )<, O, have only 
been found in the northern b3lt. 

Tlie stones on which the inscriptions occur are sometimes sculptured 
with a repiesentation of a human liead and breast, and are perhaps gene- 
rally sepulehnil, though this is not always the case. From purely archjeo- 
logical considerations, Mr. J. R. Aspelin, who was in charge of the two 
Finnish expeditions, is of opinion that the inscriptions belong to the 
Bronze period. When they are found on tombstones, tliese foim part of 
Vol. v.— No. 2. [25] B^kb,, 1891. 

!l;6 note on the 

sepulchral monuments of a well marked kind, which excavations have 
shown to belong to that epoch. Sepulchres of the early iron age are quite 
different in form and cannot be mistaken for the earlier ones. 

Though I shall not attempt to explain the characters, I hope to give 
reasonably accurate statistics about them, which should be taken into ac- 
count by all who do make the attempt. By tabulating the percentage of 
times each letter occurs initially and finally, it is possible to compare the 
results with Turkish, Mongol, Samoyede, and Kott, when the same 
method is applied to them. If there is no concordance, we may be sure 
the language of the inscriptions belongs either to a different linguistic 
stock, or to one of the languages compared when in a far earlier state, 
such as may have existed some two thousand yeais ago; for the morpho- 
logical characteristics of a language change but slowly. 

As regards the choice of languages for comparison, Turkish and Mongol 
for geographical and other reasons have an obvious claim. Touching Sa- 
moyede, there is reason to believe the Samoyedcs descended into the great 
tundra of Northern Siberia from the Sayan and Little Altai mountains- 
The Soyots, who inhabit the upper portion of the Yenisei where it receive - 
the name of Ulu Kem, the area in fact of our southern inscriptional zon. 
are believed by Castren and Dr. Radlof to be turkicised Samoyedes with a 
small mixture of Jeniseiers. They call themselves Tuba, a name which 
]Jr. Radlof identifies with the Dubo of Chinese historians of the 7tli. cent. 
One fact liowever mentioned by the latter rather tells against the likeli- 
hood of Samoyedes having written the sepulchral inscriptions, for they 
stated that the Dubo put their dead into coffins which they set on moun- 
ains or suspended from trees, a practice still current among the Samoyede 
tribes tluit roam over the tundra of the north. The origin of the Koibal 
Tartars of the Abakan steppe in the northern belt is also traced to the 
amalgamation of small Samoyede and Yeniseier tribes. In favour of the 
ancient Samoyedes having been workers in metal, is the circumstance of 
their having native words for copper, silver, and iron, or metal in general. 
In fact the word for tin used by the Voguls on the east of the Urals, . 
and by the Votyaks and Perniians on the west is borrowed from the Ostyak j 
Samoyede and means 'white metal or iron'. There are several strongly I 
marked Samoyede dialects, and I have chosen for comparison the most | 
southernly eue of \vhich there are [jublished texts. The Yeniseiers are 
likewise supposed to have descended the river from the mountains to the 
south. They are now for the most part absorbed in the other allophyl I 
nices. I>ul Castren has preserved the grammars of the so called Yenisei 



Ostyaks in the neighbourhood of tlic Syni i\nd Bnkhta rivers between the 
60th and 65th degree of latitude, and of the Kotts who lived further south 
within the northtn-n inscriptional zone. Within the latttir area dwelt the 
Arins or Arintsi whose language resembled Kott, but of which only short 
vocabularies have been preserved. The language of the Jeniseicrs has not 
been brought into relationship with any other existing linguistic family. 
Dr. Radlof believes the Jeniseiers were the original metal workers of the 
Altai region and known traditionally as Tschudes; that the tombs of the 
bronze age in this part of Siberia were erected and sculptured by them; 
that they represent the Gelotchi or Bila of Chinese historians. But 
against their having been metallurgists may be set the fact that all their 
words for metals are borrowed. 

The words in the inscriptions are often separated by punctuation and 
where this has not been done I have divided them, when possible, in ac- 
cordance with other passages, though not always so minutely as the text 
would sometimes seem to permit. I have calculated the percentage of 
initial letters on 625 words or word groups almost as they appear divided 
in the text, and again on 695 words which can certainly be recognised. 
But here I only give the percentage on the larger number, as the difference 
is rarely more than fractional. For the final letters I have used 685 words 
which is 78 more than the actual punctuation warrants, but here again 
the difference between the two results is only fractional. The Uigur per- 
centages are calculated from J 000 words from Vambery's edition of the 
Kudatka Bilik (p. lH-121) which represents eastern Turkish of the 11th 
century; the Yakute from 1000 words from the text accompanying O. 
Bohtlingk's Yakute grammar; tlie Ozbeg from 500 words from Vambery's 
Chairatai Studies; tlie Mongol from 212 words from Schmidt's »Mongol 
grammar: the Ostyak Samoyede from 500 words from the text accom- 
panying Castren's grammar and dictionary of the Samoyede dialects; the 
Kott from 1;>13 words from the vocabulary appended to Castren's gram- 
mar of the Yenisei Ofetyak languages, but as no text is given I am unable 
to state the percentages of the final letters. 

In the following table the figures after each character or set of variants 
give the percentage of times it occurs as an initial and as a final letter. As 
I have followed Mr. J. R. Aspelin's grouping, I have sometimes omitted 
such variants as are of rare occurrence, while others that he gives are not 
met with in an- or auslaut. When two or more variants are in a row, the 
right hand one is the commonest form. The third column under six of 
rhe seven headinsrs shews the order of the characters or letters as finals. 



Yenisei Characters. Uigur. Ozbeg. Yakuts. Mongol. Ostyak Ko 

b 22•^^: 1-3 ib 16-6. l-6n bl5-9: nib 16-: n kl9'4:15-3khl6 

ih/l 13-3: 2-1/ 
- '*>^^ll-4:17-8 

3. > 6-7 ; 2-3 1 [^ 
*. I 6-4 :2-3C;J 

6. T^'6:2'8 ^ S<ik 

7. ?y^5-6:l- X^ 
«. J^K^4.4:l.M^]V^ 
•• »)> 4-3: -5 ^ J 

lO.U 41: 10-3 T 

11. ^;;^3-4:-7</\ 

12. ^4 3-3: 2 9 J 

13. J b 3-3 :-4 v^^ 

14.2C3 1:-4^h 
15.J1 M^^l^i'9X 

16. >) l-8:4-5 If T. 

17. Ay ^8:1-3 ^^j 

18. ^ 15: 11,^^ 

19. -c)vi) 1-4: h 

21- J't l:21-7 4,t 

« YYK '8:y^ 

-3. X -7; 1-7 ^ 
24.00C: -5 V^p< 
«5ff.f -5:4}. 

26. (C- -5 : 3-6 ^| 

27. ^ f. -5: 5 0^ 

28. HN-4:.] l^ 

29. vtt -2 : 1- $ 

30. g. 2 : 1 )7;^( 
51. (4 '2 : » » 
8'-^ <\-2; 9 
33. I -2 : J 
^4. V -1: 2-1 g 

a 10-2 : 3- n 
t 10-: 2-4 e 
7 8-3 : -5 k 

k 6-6:^5-2a 
e5-6: 9-6 u 
i5-6: 17- k 

4-7 : 1-1 1 
6 3-8 : z 
o 2-8 : t 
u2-l : 7-6u 
nl'9.: 9-7 s 
m -9: 1-6 c 

•6: M. b 

klO- : 3-6 i 
J 10 : 1-4 a 
: 2-6 n 
k 7- : 2 
s 5-2; 4-6 s 
i4-6: 13- k 
m 3-8 : 2- I 

d2-8: 1-k 
c2-6 : -41 
o2"2 : z 
o 1-6 : 1- s 

ii -6: 2-2 fi 
h -5:03 
V "5 : Oj 
i-3 : -Qp 
s '3: 1'9 y 

d -2: -Id 

f -1 : 
1 -1 : 4-6 

r : 10-7 
z : 3-1 
n ': 1-3 
p : -7 
S : 

e l'4:o-8b 
g 1-4 : y 
p 1-4: -4 u 
ul-2: 1-2 o 
h 1-2 : -6 d 
s 1' : 2-2 u 
X-8 : h 
1 -6 : 2-4 p 
1 -6 : 3-6 c 
f -6 : j 
u -4 : -8 

k 12-5: 2-8 a 
s 10-3: 4-3 r 
t9-8: 3-6 a 
a 7-6: 13-2 i 
d 5-3: 1*3 A 
a 4-9: 8-4 s 
x4-7 :5-9u 
14-5: 6-7 i 
3-7 : -9 t 
u 3-4: 4-2 m 
m3-4: 3*1 I 
e2-8: 3-8 d, 
g 2-7:0 6 

i 2-6 : o 
u 2-3 : -4 fi 
6 2-2: 1-2 xi 
6 : 01 
•3 : 

iv9-4:3-3 u 
t9-4 : Or 
m6'l:-9 1 

(z 5- 1 : oa 

u 4-2 :-9 o 
y 4 -2 :0 m 
x4-2 : Og 
s 3-7 : •4u 

a 2-8 :4-2n 
i 2-3: 10- 8s 
o 1-8; 1 -8 
L-8 : -91 
o 1-4 : 

m 13- : 3e 

c 9-8 : n 
n 6- : 9-3 t 
s 5-6 : •2p 
p 5-4 ; 7- t 
e5-: 15-21 
s4-8 : 8- i 
g 4-6: 1-2 
2-3: 3- m 
u 2-2 : j 

n 2 : 26-1 ts 1-4 : 

I -1 
r 0: 

50 : 

1 : 

r 0: 




f -4 • 
s -4 : 
I : 6-1. 
r : 13-2 
n : -4 

il-8: 3-4 u 
a 1-4: -2 g 
Y 1-4 : Os 
n' -4: Ob 
1 -4: 4-8 a 
u -2: 1-4 s 
do : 12-4 

r : 4-8 
j : 1-8 
b : -6 

k 6- 

i 4-S 

m 2 

fi -8 

1 a e 

1 () u 


n t i 

r n 

m [1^ 

:i5. % -1: 1-6 I2Q 
36.f )1: -1 X 

37. rr 1: H 

38. )< -1 : ^O ^O 

39. -> -1: 


roAo 2 


1,» 0: -2 


\ 0: 1-5 


SI 0; 1 


X 0; 1 


It is not unlikely that more of the Yenisei characters are rariant forma 
than would appear from the above table, and might therefore be grouped 
with the result of raising the percentages. Though until the words can 
f be interpreted with certainty, there must generally he some doubt about 
the identification of unl'ke symbols, for they might be assumed to represent 
related and not identical sounds. Mr, R. Brown has already noted some 
of these in the Record. 

A comparison of the Turkish and Mongol columns shews plainly that 
b as an initial and r as a final letter play a most important role, and this 
no doubt has been the case for the last thousand years. The percentage 
of the Yenisei is *2: -1, and it occurs 16 times in inlaut. Assuming 
that in two or three of these instances it is really in anlaut, the initial 
percentage would still hardly be raised l\ The only possible conclusions 
therefore are that its value is not b, or that the language is neither recent 
Turkish nor Mongolian. In Turkish and Mongol, :the percentage of r ig 
about 0;10*7-13-6, and however the Yenisei characters are grouped, no 
such result can be even approximately attained. From the absence of an 
r and impossibility of attribnting to ^ the value of a Turkish or Mongol 
b, it would seem certain that the language of the Yenisei inscriptions is 
neither Turkish nor Mongolian of the last millenium. 

In the most northerly of the inscriptions, Mr. R. Brown believes he can 
read the letters okaehs)(i, okaesxi; these words he equates with'an Arin 
word okaeschi, found in Strahlenberg, and adds that it is the form given by 
Strahlenberg to a letter. In the English edition of 1878 the word is 
printed okaeschi, and it is easy to shew, by comparing the accompanying 
Finnish and Turkish lis ts, that he meant to express the sound of okasi 
(a=a inaud, s=Eng, sh). Klaproth gives the form okhyaisi, which is 
probably more correct, as it takes notice of nuances which Strablenberg's 
ear failed to catch. He writes the s with the Russian letter so that there is 
no mistake about it in this instance. As the Kott word is acanse it is 
not improbable that at no very remote date, long posterior to the date of 
the inscription, the form of the Arin word was akhyanse, and developed 
an i out of a gradually disappearing nazalised a. 

John Abercromby. 

NoTiiS ' 

I) With differences as shown by a comparison with Prof, G. Deveria's 
Inscriptions recue'llies a Karakorum, Releve des differents sii/nes figur- 
ants dans les copies rapporte's par M. Yadrintzoff': T'oung Pao, Leide, 

^0 SIR HKNRY peek's 

Oct. 1890, vol. I. pp. 275-1^76; and by the forthcoming article of the 
same scholar in the B. & 0. R. — T. de L. 
2) 111 my Lectures on Indo-Chinese philology, delivered at tn*' University 
College of London, and still in MS.. I have shown reason based upon 
glossarial and grammaticale evidence to classify the Yenisei-Kott in the 
Kuenlunic l)ranch of the Turano-Scythian tock of languages. Cf. for 
this classification The languages of China before the, §231. 
— T. de L. 


It was with great pleasure that I noted the valuable additi(mal remarks 
iipo I this very interesting collection of cylinders by my friend Dr. Hayes 
Wardi, who has made himself known as an earnest and enthusiastic 
student of, and writer upon, objects of this kind. The proverb which tell 
ns that" "two heads are better than one" applies with special force to the 
study of Babylonian cylinder-seals, for they seldom strike two people in 
precisely the same -light, and every intelligent scholar, especially if he be 
anything of a specialist, can generally add something worth noting con- 
cerning the designs they bear. 

Dr. Hayes Ward's remarks concerning No. 1 of Sir Henry Peek's col- 
lection, ar3 of value in that they point out the interesting fact that it 
gives one of the earliest examples of the usual conventional form of repre- 
senting the sun, and shows the buffalo and the bull on the same seal. 1 
must say, though, that I have always regarded the wavy lines in the 
image of the sun on the Abu-habbah stone as the Babylonian way of re- 
presenting rays, not water; and have also thought that the ^ar^e-horned 
bull was the rimu of the inscriptions (compare Psalm xxii,, 21. where the 
horns of the reem, translated "wild-bull" in the revised version, are men- 
tioned). Dr. Hayes Ward may be right, however, on both these points. 

No. 2 of Sir H. Peek's collection I have regarded as being possibly 
Phoenico- Aramaic, but, as Dr. Ward indicates, the style reminds one of 
Persian art. Not having seen, as yet, any cylinder certainly Sabean^, 1 
am unable to pronounce any opinion as to whether it is Sabean or not, 
but I am inclined to doubt it. 

With regard to No. 18, (Dr, Ward's publication of which I greatly re- 
gret having overlooked) with the two others in the same style that he has 


pointed out, I am still in doubt about them. The Babylonian inscription 
on the one published by Lajard (B.& O. R., p. 245) seems to indicate 
that they are of Babylonian origin, and if so, that belonging to Sir H 
Peek possibly refers to the story of Etana and the eagle^. The style, 
however, is very strange — thou^ih probably not more so than that of the 
last two cylinders published by Monsieur de Clercq on pi. 1 of his Cata- 
logue Raisonne, which seem to me to offer a slight analogy. The charac- 
ters on the cylinder published by Lajard look like En-hi-*-ky, but they are 
probably not well rei)rodueed. This inscription seems to me to point to a 
date earher than 2000 B.C., though how mnch earlier, if any, I cannot say. 
With regard to the different styles of engraving in vogue in Babylonia, 
it is to be noted that the Peek-collection, small as it is, gives (without No. 
i8) about fiv.e, namely, (1) the straggling lions and bulls, and GilgameS 
struggling with a lion and a bull (nos. 1 and 3): (2) the scenes showing 
deities and worshippers (nos. 4, 6, and 7-11); (8) seated deities and wor- 
shippers (nos. 12 and 13); (4) standing deities, &c. (nos. 14-17) and (&) 
the late style of the cone (nos. 24 and 25 ;. Classes 2-4 may, it is true 
be regarded as rough variations of the same style, all three being specifi- 
cally Akkadian, bnt the whole shows how much the artof.tlie country dif_ 
fered at different times and in different districts. No. 18 may, therefore, 
as Dr. Ward suggests, notwithstanding its un-Bubylonianness, very easily 
belong to the art of the country. The remark that I have rnade in the 
Catalogue of Sir H. Peek's cylinders upon the work of the representa- 
tion of the manriding upon the bird is, that "the style and design, if not 
West-Semitic, are probably due to Western influence." This is only a sug- 
gestion, — we require more light ere anything can be declared with certainty 
Besides the styles above enumerated, the Peek-collection contains also 
'specimens of Cyprian. Assyrian, and so-called Hittite cylinders. Seven 
of the Babylonian cylinders are inscribed, but none of the others. Of 
equal interest with the cylinder showing Gilganes is the better of the two 
Assyrian ones (No. 2 ), which has a representation of a god with bow and 
arrows, and a winged lion, chasing a winged griffin. The work, though 
rather rough, is very spirited. Theo. G. Pinches. 


1) See the Babylonian and Oriental Record for October, 1890. 

2) The cylinder with a Sabean inscription, concerning which Dr. Ward has 
written to me, is probably Assyrian work, the inscription having been 
added later. 

8) I have had an opportunity of speaking to "Mr. Harper, who is publish- 
ing the legend in question, upon the subject. 




1. Theories of importance concerning the philosophy of history, the 
historical development of language and that of civilization, have found a 
great, when not their main support, in an alleged originality of the civili- 
sation of the Chinese, their supposed great power since remote antiquity, 
and the state of their language, said to have remained unchanged and 
cristallised from its beginnings. But these statements were simply sup- 
positions which no scientific research had ever controlled, and which have 
disappeared when pressed by critical and serious investigations. The 
whole edifice was built on sand. The facts are that the Chinese language 
has passed through and continues to pass through its natural evolution 
like all other languages^ ; that the greatness of the Chinese power in an- 
tiquity is nothing but moonshine caused by the glowing accounts and 
patriotic misconceptions of native historians ;* and that the originahty of 
civilisation of the Empire Beneath-Heaven proves to be loans of western 

2. In a series of articles published in The Babylonian and Oriental 
Record of 1889, we have attempted to draft a resume of the proofs that the 

'sources of the early Chinese civilization were the Babylonian and Elamitc 
culture. These proofs, for the sake of convenience, were enumerated in 
their relation to 1^, Sciences and Arts; 2°, Writing and Literature; 8°, 
Institutions, Government, and Religicn; 4<>, Historical traditions and 
legends; and, a special chaptar was devoted to those of these proofs which 
show that the source of all these loans was in Elam=Susiana. Other 
chapters dealt with the secondary introduction of culture during the after 
ages of Antiquity. The proofs resumed under the aforesaid five heads 
number over one hundred, the importance of which may be estimated if we 
consider that the written characters count for one item only. Since then 
further proofs have been put forward in some papers of the Rev. C. J. Ball 
on Ideograms common to Accadian and Chinese^ and »>n The New Accad- 
mn,* and in several articles of mine on The deluge-tradit'wn and its re- 


mains in Ancient ChinaJ The CaUidar Plant of China, the Cosmic Tiri: 
and the Date-Palms of Babylonia^, The Onomastic similarity of Nui- 
lluang-ti of China and Nahhunte of Susiana^, and on The Zodiacs and 
Cycles of Babylonia and their Chinese derivatives}^ 

3. My purpose in the following pages is to call attention to the rcaj 
position of the historical problem wiiich has received its solution from those 
researches and disclosures, and alsj to indicate a few more proofs of great 
importance which might liave hecn looked upon as decisive hy themselves' 
should they have been publislied before. 


1) On the fallacy of this theory, cf. my remarks §§ 20-i?5, 'J?04, IM9, & 
238 of The Lanfjaages of China before the the Chinese (I8?r7); and n)y 
special paper on Le Non'Moumyllabisme du Chinois Antique, I'evart 
entre les langues ecrite et jjarlee d'avjourdhui et Vhistoire de la langue 
ecrite (Paris, Leroux, 188I>); also §§ 40-55 of Beginnings of writing 
around Tibet (J. R.A.S. 188o.), and seel. Philology of my article Tibet, 
in the Encyclopedia Britannica, last edition. These disclosures, on 
which cf. HerbertBaynes, Die Indo?iescsche Philologie: Ztsch. f.Volkcrs 
psychologic und sprachwissenschaft. pp. 284-"299, vol. xviii, Leipzig, 
1888, have been accepted by almost all the best philologists of the day: 
Cf, R, de la Grasserie's remarkable works, De la Categoric des cas, 
1800. pp. 107-109, his Bssai de phonetifjue generale, 1890, pp. 8(),13(i 
141^, 144, 1G7, and a special |)aper in the Memoires de la Soaete de 
Lingrustiqve of Paris for 1891. 

2) Dr. J. Chalmers, Origin of t/ie Chinese, 18G8, pp. 63-78, has taken 
the gilt away of the ancient Chinese Emperors. On the small begin- 
nings und gradual extension of the Chinese, Cf. T. de L. J^es langues 
de la. Chine avant les Chinols ; llecherches sur les languet des popida- 
tions aborigenes et imin grantes, Varnvee des Chinois, leur extension 
progressive dans la Chine projire et les i^ources de leur civilisation . 1 aris. 
ijcroux, 1888, IX. 209 pp. It is a French edition of my above work, 
largely extended. 

3) Tlie civilisation of the aborig'nal tribes of China previous to the immi- 
gration of the Bak families was at a low ebb, although they had in the 
centre and south the knowledge of iron, and in the east that of silk. 
On the latter fact Cf. my paper on The Silk Goddess of China avd her 
legend, par. 16-18, 29, & 49-50, and also: 2'he languages of China 
before the Chinese, § 196. 

4) Origin from Babylonia and El am of the early Chinese civilisation-, a 
summary of the irroofs; Vol. 111. pp. 02-09,73-91, 97-1 JO, 129-141, 
150-164, 185-192, & 217-223.~Keferences are given therein to the 
many books, papers, and articles which refer to the subject. 

5) Reprinted from the Proc.'/?.i>\ /I. , Dec, 1890, 23 pp. 
•6) Id. 1889-1890, 127 pp.. 

1\ B.&O.IL vol. IV. pp. 15-24, 49-50, 79-88, & 102-111. 

8) B. & O.R. vol. IV. pp. 217-231,& 246-251. 

9) B.&O.R. vol. IV. pp. 250-254. 

10) The Academy, Oct. 11, 1890. 


II. The Problem And its Solution. 

4. The Chinese civilisation is the oldest of the world in existence but 
not in history, and it derives from this fact a great deal of a special in- 
terest mixed of diffidence and prejudice in favour of its isolation. Although 
younger by two or three tliousand years, at the least, than the great 
civilisations of Antiquity, now lost, of Chaldea and Egypt, it has the great 
advantage an them of being still alive. It has remained comparatively 
undisturbed from the early days of its establishment, save the events in- 
herent to its growth and territorial expansion with the evolution resulting 
therefrom. No break in its records and no interruption in its link of 
traditions are noticeable for four thousand years. Thus it has been pos- 
sible for the Cliinese to preserve many souvenirs of remote times, and not 
a few notions and items of the civilisation which was imparted to them 
in Antiquity. And however eventful on a small scale may have been its 
history, and large the losses and alterations in its souvenirs caused by 
these events, the fact of its existence uninterrupted to modern times en- 
hancegreatly its interest and importance in the general history of civilisa- 
tion, at the same time as it increases the value of its evidence for 
antiquarian resear€hes . 

5. The beginnings of the Chinese and of their civilisation have remained 
much longer than could be expected a matter of wonder and obscurity. 
As long as nothing was known of the Chaldeo-Elamite culture beyond 
the statements found in classicalauthors, no satisfactory explanation could 
be found of "the problem they presented and present no more. Wlien 
the decipherment of the cuneiform inscriptions enlightened us more and 
more on the state of things in Anterior Asia and the activity of the 
centres of civilisation of Chaldea and Susiana v«^ince the most remote times 
and for several thousand years, the idea that a distinct civilisation may 
have arisen and grown by itself during that time, without any notions 
from the west, in an eastern part of the ancient continent where such 
notions could possibly have reached, became untenable. On the other 
hand, the long cherished hypothesis that the civilisation of the Chinese 
was the outcome of their independent and self-development during a long 
period of isolation of several thousands of years could find no support in 
their history when critically examined. 

6. The supreme importance attributed by the Chinese to the traditions 
however embellished and adorned they have been in the course of time, 
of their early rulers, paragons of all virtues and possessors of all know- 


ledge, could not be entirely swept away by tlie most daring criticism 
without a wilful destruction of some invaluable shreds of history. And 
although some obscurity still remains on many points, tlic difficulty exists 
no more, and the main lines tf their early period have been traced up. 

Stripped of all the wild growth of exaggeration, flattery, marvels and 
fables which nave develo})ed upon the traditions concerning them, tliese 
beginnings arc simple enough. 

7. A small number of tribes called the Bak Shig-s or Bak families, 
coming from the west, made their way towards the much coveted pastures 
of the Flowery land, about the twenty-third century u.c. They marched 
nnder the leadership of intelligent men, who either by themselves or by 
their immediate fathers, \^ere acquainted with a non-inconsiderable 
amount of civilisation, such as could only have been imparted by a frequent 
intercourse, on the borders of Elam, with populations in possession of the 
civilisation whose focus was on the Northern shores of the Persian Gulf, 
and in to.^ very state of advancement which it had reached then and 
there^^, and nowhere else. Concurrent evidence and similarities show 
this to demonstration. 

8. This nucleus of comparatively civilised population who had settled 
at first on- the confines of China proper, and chiefly in modern Kansuh 
and Shansi, spread eastwards and southwards, and gradually absorbing or 
repelling the native tribes, made its way into the country. Establishing 
posts and strongholds from place to place in the fashion of the Babylonian 
themselves, they were able to extend their dominion on an area less 
smaller than their limited number would have justiiied^^^ Several cen- 
turies elapsed until they were able to advance eastwards as far as the 
sea-coast, in the immediate vicinity of thr Shantung peninsula, which 
until the foundation of the Chinese Empire in the third century b.c, re- 
mained in the possession of non-Chinese tribes, ^Midway between the 
Ho, or yellow river, and the Yang-tze Kiang, were the southern limits of 
their dominion under the Tchou dynasty (1 100-250 B.C.). 

9. Occasional inroads outside these limits extended their influence 
and caused them to be encircled by semi-Chinese and non-Chinese tates, 
acknowledging, but in a faint way, or not .at all, the suzerainty of the 

■central authority. Such a condition of things, which investigators in 
Chinese antiquities ought to consider with the attention it deserves, re- 
sulted into a relative isolation during two thousand years. These outside 
states, little civilised, were necessarily the receivers, or senders, or trans- 
mitters of any foreign communications that happened ; they produced 


the effect of uuffers through which all external influence had to pass be- 
fore reaching the Middle Kingdom, but, when hostile, they stopped the 
way. Many of these communications, generally of an occasional character 
have taken place, but the disappearance or non-existence of records of those 
border states, make their study a matter of great difficulty. Some 
glimpses here and there; have however been discovered, and we are now 
enabled to speak with a certain amount of certainty, about cases where 
foreign influence has penetrated amongst them. 

10. It may be seen from these remarks, that China has not been in an- 
tiquity the isolate and closed world which formerly and rather prematurely 
it lias long been the habit to suppose it to be. Distant from the old 
centres of activity and culture, and therefore less accessible to the reach 
of occasional communications from them, it was not, however, in olden 
times altouether outside the pale of civilised mankind. The general results 
of recent historical research and the well marked tendancy of progress of 
knowledge of Antiquity are to show that the civilisations of old were 
related to each other. 

11. Man has always been migratory, trade has always been an incite- 
ment to long jouriicys and the ancient continent is not large enough for 
any inhabited part to have remained thoroughly isolated. Length of time 
is a great factor in such cases. Occasional displacements of populations^ 
and isolate communications, failing the difficulty of regular intercourse, 
have certainly happened in the course of history. The geographical 
isolation in which the Chinese stand comparatively is greatly the result 
of geological modifications which have occurred in historical times. The 
finding of specimens of metallic money of the third century B.C. in the 
loess formation of western China ^2, and the emtombment in the sand of 
so many cities in the basin of the Tarym and the great desert of Gobi 
since the Christian era^*, show that the access to China from the west 
in ancient times was not accompanied with the difficulties it had to en- 
counter afterwards. 

12. The comparative evidence, and remarkable synchronisms of progress 
now at our disposal show, without possibility of doubt, that a large amount 
of notions and institutions, historical aud mythical souvenirs, religious 
social and scientific traditions, foreign to the idiosyncrasies of Lastern 
Asia, and traceable to their antecedents in the civilisation of Chaldea and 
Elam, had been carried to China at the earliest period of the history of 
the Chinese, not later than the twenty third century B.C. The same 
evidence show also that infiltrations of further notions of western culture 


in the subsequent centuries of Antiquity, have penetrated into the Flowery ' 
land, notwithstanding the various difficulties of tardiness and garbling 
ntermediairies which stood in their way, through the clumsy and irreg- 
ular trade carried by land and by sea, often from hand to hand, between 
the West and the East'^ And those later infiltrations are also traceable 
to their original sources, whichever they were, Khorasmian, Persian, 
West Asiatic, Arabian, Egyptian, Greek and Indian, including by rebound 
51 few notions from the same origin as those carried to China at the 

13. In fact a sort of synchronism exists, during the two milleniums 
preceding our era, between the history of culture in China and that of 
Anterior Asia, It docs not belong to the limited evolution of a character 
naturally similar, which arises from ih.> fact of germs communicated from 
one country to another, or to both, and afterwards developed separately in 
a manner necessarily alike. Far from that, it consists in the fact that 
discoveries, inventions and progresses which have taken place successively 
at that time in the focuses of western civilisation, were partly and suc- 
cessively carried to the other side of the Asiatic continent, where they 
appear in a recognizable manner in the historical civilisation of the 
Middle Kingdom. 


11) Cf. my memoire still unfinished on tho Origin from Bahylo'nia and 
Elam of the early Chinese civilisation : a summary of the proofs. Chap- 
tors I to V : The B.&O.R., 1889. 

12) The Hia dynasty, that which was founded by the great Yii, hardly 
deserves this pompous name ; it consists in a succession of chieftains 
who did not always succeed one another, and whose control over the 
Chinese agglomeration was very weak. 

13) Cf. T. de L. : On the Metallic cowries of ancient China : 1888, p. 
430 : J.R.A.S., vol. XX. — F. von Richtofen, China vol. I, p. Ib8 
had supposed to this money an antiquity of 2200 i?.c. 

14) T. Douglas Forsvth : On the buried cities of the shifting saiids of the 
H^ great desert of Gobi : Proc. R.G.S. 1877, vol. XXI. 

^Ro) One of the most remarkable evidences under that respect consist in 
^B the successive stages of the history of metallurgic industry. 

^^K III. Peculiarities of the Writing Evidence. 

^^ H. Amongst the proofs concerning the oldest period, there are a few 
which may be looked upon as really striking, and convincing. Such for 
instance are those concerning some peculiarities of the written characters 
and the cardinal points. The pala?ographic evidence consists in the fact 
that, in the same way as none of the beginnings of Chinese civilisation 
proceed from savage life, their writing has never passed through the 


primitive hieroglyphic stage in the Flowery land. It was already old and 
decayed when they became acquainted with it. Their oldest characters 
are hieratic derivatives in round and cursive forms instead of the stiff and 
lapidary style, of the transitory forms of the Babylonian symbols of the 
time of Gudea (2500 u.c), and Khammurabi (2300 b.c.)^^ This deri- 
vation is established and made : P, clear, from the comparison of simple 
characters^'; 2^, obvious, from that of double signs, complex ideograms 
in the mother writing, wliich have remained so in their derivate forms^^; 
and 3*^, coercive, from that of complex ideograms which have been derived 
^s simple characters in the daughter writing. As a confirmatory evidence 
from another side we must mention also the legendary knowledge of the 
cuneiform style of writing and some traces of characters shaped thus on 
ancient documents in China. 

15. The third class of proofs and the confirmatory evidence as well as 
the cardinal points are the sole subjects which can be given as evidence 
here, as the arrangement and purpose ot tliis paper does not permit to do 
it otherwise than in a passing way. 

In my first article on I'he Tree of Life and the Calendar Plant of 
Babylonia and China^^. I have called attention to the resemblanceof 
form of the old Chinese character OK- precious, beautiful, gem» 
jade with the old Babylonian UKH, brilliant, sovereignty, charm 
which is apparently its antecedent. Here are the two forms : 
Old Babylonian V* ^^ ( f (Amiaud-Mechineau, Tableau, No 214). 

Early Chinese q '^ | | (Min Tsikih, Luh shu t ung, IX, 11 ?\) 

16. A more striking instance is that of the character for gold, the 
metal precious^^. In ancient Babylonian script as shown on the m- 
scriptions of Gudea it is composed of ^JJ ku, glittering and *^y|^ 
GliN", est'ablislied, which appear on the statue B, coh VI, 1. 18 of 

(jrudea as: ^ -^ and was simpUfied into the early Chinese sign here- 
with, modern^. Both symbols have the same meaning of metal par ex- 

A third instance is that presented by the derivation of the symbol for 
tin. It may have meant occasionally lead as it is not certain that in 
high Antiquity the two metals were always distinguished one from the 
other. In their late forms the characters are the Babylonian anahu 
*~>^ >-^|NIGGIin Sumero- Akkadian, and theChinese sih 1^ ^ anciently 
^ SIK which both have the same meaning. Tiie derivation of the early 
Chinese form from the old Babylonian as its antecedent is shown by a 
comparison of their res])ective forms : 


OKI BaUylnniau ;^ ^^ ^21 ^'^'^^'•^' C^'»"<?se 

Ainiaud, Tableau No. 16. X ^ ftvi MiiiYsikih, s.r. X, 7. 

17. Another interesting case Is that of the Cliinese £ /{// 1 uc k and the 
liabylonian ^V^Yf anspicious, wliose old sounds wore KKT and 
KUR respectively. The ancient forms were the following : 

Old Bahvloiiian -^ db i Earlv Cliinese 

Amiaud, Tableau No. 244. ^^^ V ^ Jj IMinT.-ikih, IX, 20. 

In both last examples the component elomenls of the conipltx ideo- 
grams are still visible in archaic Babylonian, whih; they were lost for the 
Chinese who have indulged into wild speculations to analyse thorn. The 
[)ame thing may be said of the last example of that class which space 
sermits us to give here. 

Itisthe complex ideogram*^ Y|^|dz iltanu the North, in Sumero-Ak- 
kadian SIDI p ropi tious and the Chinese siovtsen^^ west and also 
favorable ; both characters applied to the riglit liand side as we shall sec 
below. The archaic forms show the derivation : 

Archaic Babvlonian ^-g. Early Chinese 

Amiaud, Tableau No. ♦ ^ ^ Min Tsikih, s. v. 
The resemblance is too close to require any comments, 

18. Attention has been called already several times^^ ^q the legendary- 
indications which show that (.ho early Chinese were not unacquainted 
with the cuneiform style of the mother writing of tlieir own. Shen-iiung= 
Sargon is reputed to have written with tongues of fire ; Tsang-hieh 
ancient Dumki (=t]io Chaldean Dungi) had a writing made like the 
marks of claws of birds and animals on clay ; it was also described as like 
drops of rain freezing when falling ; and the palaaographers insist on the 
peculiarity of the Kuwen style, that the strokes composing the characters 
were thin at one end and thick at the other. 

19. Amongst the relics of olden times, collected by the native palaeo- 
graphers, there are a certain number of signs which have a cuneiform 
appearance ; they do not belong properly to a peculiar style of writing; 
they are simply isolate symbols whose shape has permitted better than 
the others to keep something of the cuneitic form of the strokes with 
which their western antecedents were framed. The following are a few 
of them picked up at random^^. 



Identifications with tlie Babylonian and Elamite Antecedents of these 

characters may be established in some cases, but the cuneiform strokes 

.must be looked upon simply as survivals. 


16j Cf. Leon de Rosny: Les ecritures figuratwes et hierogjyjjhiques des 
dijjerents peuples anciens et modernes^ 2e. edit., 1870. pp. 3-4. — T. de 
L. : Beginnings of icriting around Tibet, 1886, par. 46-48. — E. K. 
Douglas, Chinese Manual, 1889, p. 14. 
17; Cf. plate of early Chinese and Babylonian characters in T. de L, : 
Early history of the Chinese civilisation, 1880; The Old Babylonian 
clmracters and their Chinese derivates, March 1888; Chips of Baby- , 
Ionian and Chinese Palwographi/, October, 1888; and the papers of the 
Kev. C. J. Ball. 
18)" Mr. C, J. Ball has called special attention to this phenomenon, in 
his papers on The New Accadian, part V, and on Ideograms common 
to Accadian and Chinese, Nos. lo, 14, 15 and ]8. 
19) BMO.R. June 1888, vol. XI, pp. 149-159. 

.20) A character itself derived from the Egyptian hieroglyphic for gold, 
as we shall havo occasion to show in the last part of my paper on An 
Unknown King of Lag ash 
21) In Babylonian this name of metal was not Avritten with the deter- 
minative prefix for metal, perhaps because AN being part of the word 
was looked upon as sugjresting " glittering like a star," In Chinese 
the determinative KIN was soon after the beginnings always used. 
.22) T. de L. : Early history, p. 28; The Old Babyloni m characters, p. 
13 ; Beginning?, of writing, par. 49 ; Origin of the early Chinese 
civilisation, ch. IV, b. 
23) The references for these curiously shaped characters are the following: 
I, 15, 16, 43, 59; II, 11, 18, 33, 25, 41: II, 5, 7, 31, 6; IV, 9, 24,25, 
31,37, 38,42. 62; V. 15, 21, 28, 47; VI. 1,8,37; VII. 18,20,23,36, 
41, 44; VIII 35; IX, 9, IS, 19 51 : in Min Ts^ikih, Lu Shut\mg. 

IV. Shifting of the Cardinal Points. 
20. In 188024, 1883, and also in 1888, in my special paper on The 
shifted cardinal points from Elam to Early China^^, the first part of 
which has alone been hitherto published, I had called attention to the 
fact that the written symbols of the cardinal points in Chinese were de- 
rived from those of Chaldea with a peculiar shifting, which at first I hav^ 
been at a loss to understand rightly. The explanation and proofs ai 
foithcoming in the second part of the aforesaid paper, but pending ite* 


publication at full lougtli, I bep: to submit here a short resume (>f the case 
which, in my opinion, constitutes one of the most important proofs of 
the Chaldeo-Elamite orip^in of Chinese civilisation. 

21. It is weli known that the Sumero- Akkadian orientation was 
diagonal and facedtho S outh-west while the Assyro-Babylonian orien- 
tation was perpendicular and faced the East. This direction most 
peculiar of the Sumero-Akkadian points of space, whicli was discovered 
by Assyriologists in February ISSS^^, had thus been foreshadowed by mie 
from the Chinese side nearly three years previously (^May, 1880). 

22. The South-east point of the compass of the Sumero-Akkadians, 
Uie South for the Assyrians, was called -^'^l ^-^I^V] !EfT' ^'^' *^^ 
[)awerful point^^. Ass. satu, the south, mehu enormous, a7a des- 
truction. Let us remark that the first symbol is a silent determinative 
prefix meaning wind, whence point of space, and that the second one 
has among other Assyrian values that of alu, and the third that of I u 
while the most common reading of the two is alu. We shall have to 
remember these facts further on. 

Tlie North-West (S.-A.), North (Ass.) was written also with the prefix 
which we can neglect here as we shall do for the two others. The proper 
symbols were "^^J ^^^. S.-A. sidi propitious, Ass. iltanu eviF^.^ 

23. The North-East (S.-A.) or East (Ass.) was written ^ ^t:]] 
S.-A. kiirra the mountain, Ass. sadd, same meaning^^. 

The South-west (A.-S.) or West (Ass.) was written ^'^*- >-^^Y 
S.-A. Martu the abode of sun>et. Ass. aharru, behind. We 
shall have to remember that in martu the first symbol mar is abode'^- 

With reference to their personal orientation, the South-west wa-s the 
front and the North-East the back, while the South-east was the le ft 
and the North-west the right hand side, for the Sumero-Akkadians. 

24. The various meanings of these names distinctly refer to a particular 
country and a settled population. They befitted as might be expected the 
people of Ghaldea, and besides, they embodied the traditional orientation 
of the Sumero-Akkadians themselves, facing the South-west, because 
they had originally emigrated from a North-eastern land. It would be 
for the same reason that the Hindu- Aryans who having came into India, 
from the West, front the East in their orientation. 

25. Now let us see what was the value of these names of orientatiori 
for a population differently settled and having other aspirations, and 
lient to advance in another direction. They would take away with them 
the foregoing terms as far as they expressed the notions of right and left, 
frotit and back. Precising still more our test case, let us see what the 


Bak tribes civilisers of China could do with these notions, when they left 
the border lands of Elam to migrate towards tlie North-east as they were 
compelled to do at the beginning of a jonrneywhich was not to finish be- 
fore their reaching the North-west of China proper. 

26. Martu, which was the front became their back, since tliey left 
it behind them, but with the progress of their journey eastwards and the 
fluctuations of their route, the meaning of the term as abode-of-the-sett- 
ing-sun ceased to be appropriate ; what they had left behind was always 
the ?nar or abode, their abodp, but it was no more that of the setting 
sun, and they dropped accordingly the word and sign tu which conveyed 
that special meaning. And when bending their route southwards to reach 
the N.W. of thefmuch coveted Flowery land, their back was the true 
North, and has remained so for them. Therefore, if they have really 
taken away with them the knowledge of the writing of Chaldea and 
Elam, we must expect that the old Babylonian symbol mar must be the 
antecedent of the early Chinese symbol for North, their back. 

27. For the same reason and as a consequence, kurra the back became 
their fj- on t; and as the complex ideogram had the meaning of high 
lands like these they had frequently in their front when on their journey, 
they must have preserved it without desintegration for their symbol for 

S I di in the Sumero- Akkadian orientation was the name of the point 
of space on the right hand side and that of the North-west ; it was written 
as we have seen previously with a complex ideogram. The Chinese have 
preserved it as a single symbol Avhich we have already quoted, with its 
attributions of right-hand point of space, the west, and the sound si. 

28. As to the fourth and last symbol alu, it was also written with a 
complex ideogram, aud its attributions were those of the left hand point 
of space, and the South-east. Now the future civilisers of China seem 
to have forgotten or neglected the evil character ot that region, and as 
the second symbol of the complex ideogram had by itself the value of Im 
they looked at it as the exponent of the whole name alu, Tliis cannot 
be surprising for us. In all this borrowings and derivations, there is a 
clear evidence that they were made in a somewhat familiar and barbarous 
way or through a clumsy intermediary^^. Their lack of scientific precis- 
ion, and their numerous blunders and misconceptions are evidence in 
favour of the soundness of our views on the whole question. With re- 
ference to this special case, they have preserved with the double accepta- 
tion of east and left-hand point of space a symbol which contains un- 
<loubiedly a derivate of the aforesaid ideogram lu. I am not prepared 


however to say tliat the Cliincse character is not derived from the double 
ideogram alu •{■ lu combined togctlier by the insertion of the second into 
Uie first which was liable to such an absorption. But as we have no 
pala-'ographic proof that this particular combination did take place in 
the Chaldeo-Elamites lands, the matter remains an open question. There 
is no doubt however as to the derivation of the Chinese symbol from 
the second if not from the two composing parts of the Babylonian ideogram. 

29. As thus all four have been sufficiently explained away, the 
following table which shows so clearly the derivation of tlie early Chinese 
from the old Babylonian antecedents is what may have been expected"'* : 
Old Babylonian: S. W. or Front i\ = ^t ^- ^^ ^^ck, Early Chinese 

N. E. or Back^ ^ ^ ^^ S. or Front 

N, W. or Eight ~^ =^ W. or Right 

„ S. 11. or Left ffl _ fe ^- ^^^ ^^^^ " 

We have here a most convincing proof which I had hitherto withheld in 
the hope pf ubiishing at full length all the explanations it requires. The 
present note on the matter is only provisional, as we shall have to c<m- 
sider elsewhere the bearing of the fact on the earliest astronomical state- 
ments of the ancient Chinese which this displacement explain? in the 
most simple way. This will be done in the second part of our paper on 
the shifted cardinal points. 

30. The above proofs of the complete derivation of the notion about 
the p; lints of space by the civiliscrs of the Chinese from the Chaldeo- 
Elamitc cultnre are completed by another set of affinities. 

1*^) The complex symbol which corresponded to the back for the 
Sumero-Akkadians, i.e. Kurra was composed of the ideograms m o u n t a i n 
+ inundation, or quantity of water. The same notion was taught to 
^he Chinese and the author of the Shiooh-wen has recorded the tradition, 
that originally the inventor of writing must have lived on the South of 
great mountains, since the character for north, or back, denoted a moun- 
tain with water over it-*. 

2*^) On the other hand the complex symbol S.- A. s id i which became 
the antecendent of that of the Chinese for west had the meaning of 
propitious, a notion which has alwaj's been connected with the west 
by the Chinese. 

31. A further proof of the loan culture of the west to the east may be 
found in several resemblances of names. Mar which we have already quoted 

may be phonetically represented by the Chinese bale, pak, as the 


Chinese orthoepy lias no final-r*'*. Nam the Chinese word f<»r Souths 
taking into account the frequent equivalence /=??,, is too much alike the 
name of El am, the southern country, not to be looked upon as another 
link of survival in the present researches, while suiu and i s ht a n n u 
seem to have survived in the Chinese s/ w e s t and tang, east. 

32. Without pressing too much on the latter afflriitie=, which may be 
the result of coincidences, those classified under 1^) and 2*^) as well as the 
two fiirst following, will, I think, be looked upon by my readers as suffici- 
ently satisfactory to be classified with the pievious proofs of the derivation 
of the notions, names, and symbols of the point of space by the 
eivilisers of China from the Chaldeo-Elamite culture. These proofs are 
so far conclusive that, while confirming the fact that the latter civihsa- 
tion was the mother culture of that of early China, they show at the same 
time that this loan of civilisation was carried away in a north eastern 
direction by emigrants, whom other proofs have shown to be the Bak 
families once settled on the borderlands of Elam. 


24) Early history of the Chinese c'vilisaHon, p. 29. 

"i5) ll&O.R., Jan. 1888, vol. 11, pp. 25-32. 

2G) Froc. S.B.A. February G, 1883, by Mr. T. G. Pinches. 

27) Lit. IM-GAL-LU. Cf. Brunn. List, Nos. 8381, 94C, 947. 938» 
940, and 10J7l. The first symbol is also read MEK, and we feel not 
sure that it was not to be read as in the present case, because a com- 
plex ideogram formed of four times this symbol arranged as a cross had 
the sound Mermer. Cf. Brunn. List No. 12438. 

28) Cf. Brunn. List Nos. 8410, 3375, 3459, 9518. 

29) CF. Brunn. List Nos. 8462, 73:;G, o352. 

30) Cf. Brunn. List, Nos. 843 0, 58U, 10t>7.— For these different valuer 
and meanings cf. Fr. Lenonnant, Chaldean magic, pp. 1G8-It>9 ; and 
T. de L's. paper on The shifted cardinal points. 

31) Prof. J. Halevy in his valuable paper on The Nation of the Mards : 
B.&O.R.. March 1890, vol. IX. p. 79, has come to the conclusion that 
" If the Chinese possess some scientific or mythological elements, of 
which the jld Semetic origin is certain, these elements have not reached 
them except through the mediu:a of the Mards of Susiana, and con- 
sequently under a sufficiently altered form." He confirms tlierefore 
from another side the conclusiim I advocate since 1880. 

32) I or these forms cf. Amiaud, Tableau, Nos. 67/ 254, 98; 38, 256 ; 
58, 29f^; also for the latter, J. Menant, Grammaire, No. 275. — Min 
Tsikih, Luh shu i'ung, s.v. ; Fu-lwan-siang, Luh shu fun luy, s.v. : 
Tung Wei-fu, Tchuen tze ivei, s.v. 

33) Cf. J. Chalmers, Origin of the Chinese, 1868, p. 23. 

34) "In the oldest time an -7- to be transcribed was supposed to be the 
final of a syllable, for which equivalence a Chinese syllable finishing 
with -k was selected." T. de L. : The Djurtchen of Mandshuria ■., theii 
Name, Language, and Literature, par. 13 : J.R.A.S., April VSd, vol. 
XXI, p. 442. 


{To be continued). 




A recent writer lias endeavoured to shew that the great Chinese kings 
hav3 absohitely no antiquity, that they are purely and simply so many 
'documents invented at pleasure by the literati of the first] Han dynasty^ 
great masters in the art of forgery. He refers abore all to the Shu-king, 
which he represents as having been conceived and composed at the end o£ 
the 2nd century b.c. 

He deduces this opinion from four arguments: 

P The want of certain data. 

2^ The irregularities in the discovery of the Shu. 

3*^ The contents of these Annals. 

4^ The names of the personages of whom mention is made, and which 
all were in reality the names of countries, people, or stars. 

The argument cannot be surprising for those who desire to carry the axe 
among Chinese antiquities. This obliges us rather to examine more close- 
ly and to scrutinize th3 value of his arguments and of those which might 
be opposed to him. 

As to the first, it does not require us to consider it at any length; it 
has nothing to do with the question. It is a confusion between the credi- 
bility and the genuineness with the certain date which has nothing to da 
with that matter. India has not, so to speak, a single ancient document, 
even of the Middle Ages, to which there can be assigned an epoch exactly 
fixed. At this rate it could be maintained that the Vedas themselves have 
been written at a modern date. Ancient China besides is wanting in 
means to fix its dates, but let us pass on. 

2. The second argument is a little more plausible. But we believe we may 
affirm that it has not be en made use of in conformity with the strict laws 
of logic. 

"We shall not recall in their details the well known facts of the discovery 
of the Shu-king after that which we term the persecution of She-hoang~ 
ti; a summary glance will suffice. Here then is a resume of what is said 
by Sse-ma-tsien. 

From the time of the proscription of books and letters, a great Scholar 
of Ts'in, named Fu-seng or Fu-sing concealed a copy of the Shu in a wall 
of his house, When the tempest was past, he set about to look for his^ 


treasure. He found it in tlie place where lie bad put it, but a great por- 
tion of it had been taken away. Twenty-nine books of it only remained. 
Soon he began to explain these to some disciples (eager to recover indi- 
cations of the past), and without informing the Court. He could not in 
fact be certain of the reception which wonld be given to his discovery. 

This happened in the year 175 B.C. about forty years after the work 
of destruction, and the proscription of the Chinese Omar, But the report 
of it quickly spread and the Emperor Wen-ti (178-156) made hira delive^ 
either a copy or the original of the recovered texts. Besides, numerous 
literati hastened to the school of Fu-sens: to collect these teachinsjrs of his 
and became themselves editors and commentators of the monuments which 
had so happily escaped the flames. They founde 1 different schools, of 
which many have remained famous ; let us quote only Gao Yung Seng 
and Y-haen. 

Moreover, can we be reasonably astonished that many literati had had 
recourse to this means of safety, the most natural in the case and the only 
one, besides, which was in their poAver? No, unquestionably not. If in a 
town threatened with pillage, the inhabitants concealed their precious ob- 
jects, once the danger was past, would they not find that wealth in a 
similar kind of spot? 

Nothing is more evident. In every point the second discovery of the 
vanished texts presents a specialty of which it has been thought advantage 
might be taken, and which we ought to examine more closely. The his- 
tory of the Shu bears that the discovered text by K'ong Gan Kuo 
was written in ancient characters which were nearly undecipherable to him» 
^nd that he understood this ancient text by means of the modern text 
which Fu-seng had found or written from memory. It has been conclu- 
ded therefrom that Gan Kuo could not have understood the books which 
had been discovered, and that they were not comprised among those 
which Fu-seng explained, and that consequently all those which he has be- 
stowed on his contemporaries and the following generations were purely 
and simply forgeries of his own. 

This is going rather too far; because Gan Kuo has not told us how he 
Came by the understanding of the Shu, of the Li &c. it cannot bo infer- 
red that he has himself made them out of nothing; and because he was 
helped by Fu-seng's text to understand the manuscripts in ancient charac- 
ters:, may it be deduced that the -celebrated editor of K'ong was incapable 
of understanding anything of it ? All of this it must be confessed is a logic 
rather loose and by no means certain. The consequences of the hypothesis 


Are altogether different, and if it was true, it must havo been that Gan Kuo 
had himself written tlieso books in characters whicli were unknown to him, 
^r that every otlier had done the same kbour, and liad imposed liis fraud 
on all tlie literati of the empire, without any one having perceived it in 
the very least. This were to place oneself in the world of miracles. 

There is, in every view, a book wiiich Gan Kuo has certainly not invent- 

•ed. It is the Shi-king, which was in existence prior to the Ts'ins, 

and whose authenticity is imdeniablc, and this fact alone overturns all 

the scaffolding of the argument. We shall return* to this point further on. 

An account a little different from that which preceedes. is given us by 

the celebrated K'ong Gan Kuo who lived towards the end of the second 

And the comutenccment of the first century b.c. According to him Fu- 

seng would have taught the Shu king from memory. This in no way 

<?'^ntradicts the narrative of Sse-ma-ts'ien ; both of these may be true. 

In this which wo are about to set forth there cannot be anything 
that ought to inspire distrust. Nothing is so simple and congruous as 
aH this. Whoever wished to secure the escape of some precious book from 
the search of the despot's satellites, had doubtless no means more certain 
4xnd natural than to " wall" them in his house, Every other expedient 
would have been full of dangers ; if they had been placed underground 
the books would liave rotted; elsewhere they would have been disfjovered. 
It is very astonishing that these evidences should be passed by in 
silence that others more recent and in no wise worthy of confidence might 
be brought forward. That the history of the former Hans should record 
marvels wrought at the discovery of the Shu and some other classics 
in the house of Kong-fu-tze, what has that to do with the matter? Did 
not Cyrus become a hero in legends (so to speak) before his death ? Did 
he the less exist because of that? What has not been said about Char- 
lemagne in the romances of the Middle Ages ? Would the great emperor 
become, because of that, a Fu-hi or a fabulous Hoang-ti ? 

Does the finding twice of books concealed in the walls prove the pov- 
erty of the imagination of the forgers? Certainly these /o/-^<?/-d* had not 
a sterile fancy, since they were able to invent all the fables our author 
recounts ! 
, On the third argument we shall only say a few words. 
That the Shu-king maynot be worthy of credit because it contains a good 
i^umber of legends or improbable things; this would in nowise prove- 
doubtless, that it had been fabricated at fancy. This would on the con- 
trary give it more antiquity, and the genuineness of its composition would 


be more probable. In fact the more we go back towards the original ages, 
the more are fables accumulated in the historical or literary monuments of 
the people, The reverse is as truly the case; but it is the less frequent 
fact. Altogether, the argument is of no value, and we leave it now, to 
speak of it further on. 

We now come to the principal objection against the antiquity of the 
Shu-king. It is that the names of the personages who figure there, are 
purely fanciful, and the proof of that is that thoy consist for the most 
part of names of districts, countries, people, and even of stars in the firma- 
ment. . 

Criticism has already been passed upon this argument by Prof, de La- 
couperie^. It was enough in his view to make the remark that the forgers 
would have been prophets and would have takenfor their inv^an ted heroes 
names which did not yet exist. 

The anathema includes all that concerns the times previous to the em- 
peror Yao. This we have no need to defend since the Shu knows noth- 
ing of it. We shall throughout observe the characteristic feature. 

Hoang-ti could not exist since he is qualified, among other epithets, of 
Yu-hiung, " possessor sovereign of Hiung," and that Yu-hiung is the 
name of a country Yu-hiung-ti (?) 

Let us remark first that this is an imperfect translation . I'u-hiung-ti 
is the country of him who possesses Hiung and not the country Yu hiung 
(th6 Yu hiung country). Thus Hoang-ti cannot be Yu-hiung because 
it is known that that quality existed ! Besides, as to the explanation of 
this term we refer to a paper^ of Dr. de Lacouperie, of which at least 
some account should be taken. 

As to the remainder and that which concerns the time referred to in 
the Shu, these are the remarks which idspire what has been said to main- 
tain, this opinion. 

(rt) If the alleged forgers have done what has been suggested they were 
downright imbeciles, people of the worst possible tact. They wished in 
fact to impose on their contemporaries by making them believe in the 
reality of the personages of romance of which they were the creators, and 
for this they take only names whose mere aspect betrays their imposturef 

It would be a miracle of folly. C. dk Harlkz. 

{To he continued). 

puinTed and published for the pbopbietok at 2», albert square clapham 
road, and by d. nutt, foreign and classical bookseller. 270, strand. 



Contributors are alone responsible for timr opinions or statements. 


Now that the sound of tho Lycian letters l)n.s been accurately deter- 
mined, it is possible to discuss the phoneticians of tlie language. For a 
table of the whole alphabet it is sufficient to refer to a learned paper by M. 
Iinbert in this Magazine for September. 1889, but there are four letters 
which require especial notice. 

^ = a^ 

T originally A = a j ^'^'^^ ^^'^^^^^ ^' A 

v^, N^n ^ originally y = <> 7 . ^ ^ v 

^, ^, f originally y = o j ^''^"^ ^^'^^^^ V, Y 

The Lycian coins (see Six, Monnaies Lyciennes) clearly shew that A and 
Vare the earliest forms of a and o, nor can there be much doubt that the 
rare form y ^"^ ^^^^ earliest shape of b. It' is therefore almost certain that 
a and ii are in shape, as well as in sound, differentations of the single let- 
ter a, and o and o of the single letter o. 

The most important phonetic law of the language will probably be de- 
tected at the first glance by any unprejudiced scholar who examines a trans- 
literation of any well preserved passage of Lycian. The beginning of the 
inscription of Rhodiapolis reads as follows: 

'iibofmo : prnnafo miinii, prunafato | iyamara: 

tiirssiklah tidiiimi mali | yahi fiidroiiniihi a\otaza 
miipibiyiiti | priinjlzi: silttiiri adaiyo miiinil iitafoto | 

(p)ibiyy,ti: t-irii fibiilio m<iiyun:<. hrppitoti | &c. tfee. 

No one can fail to remark how strings of modified vowels occur in some 
words like iiboiino, ffidroilnilhi, and iibilho, and strings of unmodified 
vowels in others like iyamara, a;\;otaza, and ntafoto. Indeed modified 
and unmodified vowels are not found in the same word, except in prnna- 
fatu and adaiyo ; now prfinafato is formed from the common word prnnafa, 
Vol. v.— No. 3. [49] Mar., 1891. 


" a tomb", with the verbal suffix -to, and adaiyd from the equally common 
ada, a coin, with the suffix -o. If therefore this passage proves to be 
typical, it would follow that a, o, are not found in the same words with ;i 
6, except in suffixes. Or in other words that Lycian stsms shew a strict 
system of vocalic harmony by which the strong vowels a and o cannot be 
combined with the weak vowels iiando; but that suffixes are not neces- 
sarily harmonized. 

An examination of the whole remains of the language shews that this- 
rule holds good throughout. But as it is impossible to discuss every word, 
it may be enough to take as a specimen the South, East, and part of the 
North side of the Xanthian stele. On these there are about 450 words, 
excluding the incomplete; and nearly 380 of them observe strict vocalic 
harmony even in the suffixes. Excluding repetitions there are 55 words 
not entirely harmonized, and 8 at least of these are foreign proper names 
(iya-iusas 'ss "Icktito^', S, 47 ; krzzonasa— xe/^o-orj/^ov^ S, 48 ; mukalii^ 
MvKuXq, S, 48; xafal:ls=:Ka/3aX6i;9, E, 17: — waspii=some Persian name 
in -aspes E, 37 ; ntariyiius;ih;i=Afl/>etou, E, 59 ; Hrtaxssirazaha='A^Ta- 
^ep^ov, E, 59 ; and iiriyamona='76/3a/teV/y9, N, 12). Of the 47 remaining 
words, 3G have the discordant vowel in a distinct suffix ; and tlie same is 
apparently true of the rest, except three words, asiiti, E. 37; tiibona, S. 50; 
and adiimo, E, 61; and one proper name Arufotiyiisi. It will be more 
convincing to give a table of the discordant suffixes. 

I. a. joined to the stem by the connecting semi-vowel y. 

1. ubiii-y-a, JI. 61 from iiba. Ant. 5, &c. 

2. tumimihi-y-a, E 6l from tuminahi, E. 40. 

3. kumiizi-y-a, E. 54, &c, from kum-izi. 

4. zomti-y-a S. 36. 

5. m-'dbi-y-a-hii S, 43. 

6. truf^pui-y-a-di E. 33. 

7. With these class tuprJi-y-o S. 33. 

This suffix seems sometimes to mark the plural. 

II. ii, marks iJat. Sing, in proper names, otherwise generally Dat. Plur. 

8. arafazi-v-;l E. 46 from *arafazi. 

9. (araf)azi-y-a-di S. 27 „ 

10. arafazi-y-ii-dii S. 16. „ „ 

11. xboni-y-;i. S, 40. from x^^n^i- S 39, 

12. mali-y-a-hi S.38. from mali, Ehod, X. b. 7. 
I'd. zxxazi-y-ti S. 3 from ^xx^za E. 77. 

14. xntafati-y-'i E. 64. from xfitafata X. 8. &c. 

15. partai-(y)-:i-di E. 33. (^reading y for s). 

16. suxina-y-a- E, 63,? proper name, Dat. Sing. 


II. (lii, shewn to be a distinct snffix by arafaziyil-dii, but of unknown 
17. tarbi-dii, S. 41. 
18. toma-dii E. 3. 
19. adru-dii L\ 48. 
20. a-dii E 55. 

IV. nio, a verbal suffix. 

21. 6ttati-mG N. 7 from sttati, N. 5. 

V. -ha, marks the Genitive. 

2.2. hota-h;i, E. 56 &c. apparently proper name. 
2.S. atla-hii, vS. 18. from atla, a common word. 

24. padrota-hii-di, S. 32. from padriitw, N. 51. 

VI. til, (add-to), the commonest verbal suffix. 

25. prfmafa-ta,, S. 17. from prfinafa, a common word. 

26. 'A\x<^-^ih N. 3. compare zxx^-^^f »''• ^•^• 
S7. wast-tii, S, 42. 
2^\ ast-til E. 50. 

29. ma-t;i E. ]8. 

30. ubuho-to N. 4. 

VII. tit appeals to be also an adjectival suffix. 

31. arfina-tii iN, 20.- from anina, Xanthus. 

32. xfit^f'^^-tii-^'^ 'N.S. from xii^^fa, cf. xfi^afa-za, W. 67 

33. xntafa-til-di N. 10 

VIII. zo forms the ethnic of a town in pttara-zo (coin) of Patara. 
'd'^. x^rza-zo E. 44. perhaps from a town. 

IX. ta. 
35. muniii-ta, E. 20, but munaiti, Myra. 6, from muni, W. 2 7. 

X. mi. 
36. xba-n;i, S. 39 ; compare ;\;ba-ti Lim. 8. 

All thesie are practically certain; of the remaining eleven words, 7 have 
the discordant vowel in what is almost certainly a suffix. 
-Ul inxallii, S. 6; and apparently in pina(l)a, E. 30.^ 
-ga in xiii"i-ga-h^i S. 5; and xiizi-ga-h S. 26.^ 
-Scl in fa\-s-sii S. 44. 
-ra in il,(k)^^bu-ra, S. 11. 
-na in iirbbi-na-h ii, S. 20 ; but this name may be Carian.*5 

From this examination it appears that stems always harmonize, and as 
a rule suffixes also. 

As a further illustration I have made a complete list of f^OO personal 
names, of which only 24 (excluding undoubted foreign names) fail to har- 
monfze completely. Of these, 22 have the discordant vowel in the last 
syllabic, which may either be proved or fairly presumed to be a distinct 


Taking into consideration the whole remains of the language, the ma- 
jority of words harmonize throughout; and in the rest, vowels which do not 
harmonize are confined to the last syllable, or to a known suffix, except in 
13 words, 11 of which can be shewn to be exceptional (perhaps incorrect) 
forms of words that elsewhere are regular. 

They are : aladiihali X. 1 ") excepti )nal forms of aladahali, which 

aladahiili X. 4 j occurs six times. 

iirafaziya, twice for arafaziya, which appears 5 times in diff- 
erent cases, 
padriitii, N. 51, elsewhere padrota, S. 32, and padrita E. 53. 
f priinafiito, Pin, 4, almost certainly miscopied for priinafato. 
ipriiniifotb, Pinara 3, exceptional form, 
iltofoti, L, 11: but iitafoto, Khodiapolis and Sedek. 
t;i,bona, S- 50 ; but tabona, S. 47. 
wanufuti, L. 12. 
asilti, E. 37. 
adumC, E. 61. 

iisonomla? IST. 40. This is an interesting instance, because the engraver 
a-jDpears to have wavered between asonomla (as W. 54) and ilsonbmla 
(iisiinbmla W^ 37), and has produced a letter not found elsewhere which 
is neither quite o nor quite o. The other two exceptions are proper names.^ 

The most clear and convincing proof of the existence of vocalic harmonv 
in Lycian is to be found in the declension of common nouns. Nouns 
whose stems contain a or o have -o and -a (or u) in the Accusative, -a 
in the Dative Plural, -a-hi in the Genitive; nouns whose stems cbntain^ 
a or o have -o and -a in the Accusative -;l in the Dative Plural, and 
K,-hi in the Genitive ; proper names have a different declension, and will 
be disc ssed presently. Examples of common nouns are: 

Accusatives : lado, priinafo but ;ibonn-G, ilbbnn-a. 

,, arafrtziya but tliloziyo . 

Datives Plural: lada but tidiiim-ii, upnnonii. 

,, atla lihbiiz-a,, fisiidiinniifri. 

maliy-a iihbiy-il. 

maraziy-a ubaiy-il , 

These are, I believe, almost all the certain instances of these cases; Geni- 
tives are far more numerous. 1 give as complete a list as possible, omit»- 
ting those that have neither strong nor weak vowels in the stem. 

maliy-a-hi but ilbiy-il-hi. 

• atl-a-hi iihbiy-ii-hi. 

admm-a-hi prnn;iziy-;"v-hi. 

mahan-a-hi tjilbziy-ii-hi. 


;)^ssa(]nip-a-hi lib-u-hi. 

nagiir-a-hi iisb-u-hi. 

liri V nta fiit-a-h i nuirtiiniahi . 

padrit-a hi fudrofni -ti-hi. 

pddot-a-hi on-ti-hi, 








Ie following forms are exceptional : 
nialiy-."i-hi, once, for raaliy-a-hi, three times. 
\^ritafat-a-hi, once, but hri-;)^fitafat-a-hi, 
tlie case of proper names, the Dative Singular almost always ends in 
-:i, even in the names Adamnna-y-;i, ^ufata-y-ii, and suxma-y-a; however 
we find hmproma and apparently arttumpara and urubillaha as Datives 
Singular. The -hil of Genitives Singular of proper names seems never 
to be harmonized. 

From all this the following general rule may fairly be deduced — 

Itule. The Lycian vowels are divided into three classes, — strong (a and 
o), — weak («, and b), — and neutral (u and i). 

Stems containing strong vowels admit no weak vowel, and vice versa. 
^Neutral vowels may go with either. 

Suffixes are generally brought into harmony with the stem; but not 

It is hardly needful to point out that this feature of Lycian is markedly 
characteristic of the so-called Turanian or Altaic languages. It does not 
necessaril}'' follow that Lycian belongs to that family, but it does follow 
that it is neither Aryan or Semitic. 

In Lycian, if anywhere, will probably b2 found the key to the inscri})- 
tions of the Hittites, who perhaps may have been linguistically, as well as 
geographically half-way between Lycia on the west and Media and Baby- 
lonia on the east.^' 


1) True reading : Arnnahii. 

:! ) I prefer this reading to pinare, as nearer to the old reading pina ne. 

3) The value of the letter which I give as g is still uncertain . 


4) Carian letters appear on the coins of this dynast. Arbessis is a 
Carian name. 

5) The two exceptional proper names are very likely foreign. They are 
the already mentioned arufotiyiisi; and m\ibillaha. 

€) For a most brilliant conjecture as to the true affinities of Lycian, see 
Dr. Pauli's 'Eine vorgriechische Inschrift von Lemnos,' Leipzig, 1886. 
Prof. Sayce has always maintained that Lycian is not Aryan. 

W. Arkwright. 


(Continued from j>age 48 J. 

Imagine a French historian who, ip order to give his natal- country a 
■deceptive antiquity and to endow it with a long line of princes, calls these 
contraband heroes Orleans, Burgundy, the Ehone, or even Sirius, Aquaiius, 
Oapricorn, or Aldebaran! It would not bear discussion. 

{h) This criticism forgets that the Chinese proper names cannot be any- 
thing but words of the language, and must consequently have quite a 
fixed signification in the vocabulary, 

(2) That spoken Chinese is made up of hundreds of monosyllables, each 
of these having necessarily a considerable number of significations and, 
besides, representing a large quantity of different words which cannot be 
•confounded, and which the written characters distinguish exactly. Thus 
Ku Seu {Koo Sow) the name of Shun's father, has nothing in common 
with Keu Seu {Kev Sow) the name of a mountain or of a tribe. It is 
true that if Po-yu and Pa-yi are the same thing, Yao and Tcliiao-yao 
are identical, whatever may be the corresponding graphical character. This 
will free us from all future discussion. Let us proceed. 

After havmg replied negatively to the previous objections, by showing 
their weakness, it remains that we enquire whether there are not positive ar- 
guments which authorize us, or, more than that, force us to. deny to the 
literati of the Han the paternity of the old King which form the only 


ancient annals of China. 

We believe that there are many arguments, and that our task will 
not be one of the most diflicult. We miglit discourse at length upon the 
different points, but, desiring to spare the time of our readers anp the 
space we ask in the Record, we shall be as brief as possible without being 
incomplete Here then is a resume of the reasons which do not permit us to 
remain in doubt that the Shu-king was anterior to the destruction of the 
books, and had not been composed by forgers after the restoration of letters. 

1. For a longtime previously China possessed some historical docu- 
ments known under the name of Shu. Tseng-tze not only quotes these 
annals, but the names of many books of the present Shu, for example, the 
K'ang-I:ao (Shu V. 9), the Tai-kia (iv. 5), the Yao-tien (Shu I. 1). 
(See Ta-Hio II. 1-3) and the Ts'in shi (see Shu v. 50— Ta-hio xi. 14). 
And the terms of it are reproduced even literally, with the same charac- 
ters (cf., e.g., Shu iv. 5. 1, 2, and Ta-hio II. 2. Shu V. 9, 3, and 
Ta-hio II. 1. Ibid- V. 9, 7, and 9, and III. 2 X. 2, Shu v. 9, 22, and 
Ta-kio xi. 11.) Lastly along passage of the last book of the Shu is re- 
produced in the Ta-hio xi. 14, but with some variants and some words 
which more or less show that the one has not been copied from the other.. 

Other quotations of the Shu in the mouth of Kong-tze himself aie 
found in the Lun-Yu, II. 22 (cf. Shu V. 21,1), and xiv. 4^, recall the 
silence kept by Kao-tsong during three years. It is true there remains 
the resource of pretending that the Confucian books have also been fabri- 
cated by our forgers; but this remedy is so "heroic" that we decline to eon- 
test it. It would be to lose our time. It would be necessary, besides, to 
rank in the list of the forgeries the book of Meng-tze himself, since nume- 
rous quotations from the Shu-king have been found, as well as from the 
Shi. We confine ourselves to recalling Meng-tze I. 2, III. 7, which re- 
produces Shu V. 1, I. 7, with variants which do not change the meaning, 
but prove an independent edition and the absence of concert to deceive the 
readers. The same observation holds relative to Meng-tze I. 2, XI. 2 
= Shu IV. 6, 2; III. 1, I. 5, and IV. 8, 1. 8, &c. &c., to which passages 
must be added all those, to a great number, in which Meng-tze recalls some 
facts related in the Shu which concerns Yao, Shun, Yu, Wen, and Wu- 
Wang, the Hia, the Tang, the Tcheou, &c. &c. 

It is the same with the philosopher Mi-tze anterior by about a hundred 
years to Meng-tze, and who brings his contingent of testimony to tlie 
existence of the Shu as of the Shi at that epoch (4th and 5th centuries 
B.C.) In the Kiuen VIII among others he confirms his assertions seven 


or eight .times at least by recalling the words of-the Shu S^ ^ i ^ or 
Slang Wang tchl shu. He speaks besides of Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen 
and Wu-Wang, the three dj'nasties of the Holy kings, &c. ^ 

From the Shi which he calls the Tcheu shu he quotes the Ta-Ya (Tcheu 
shu ta ya) and especially the beginning of Book IH. Ode I., wliich he re- 
produces entire. " Wu Wang is in the light on high. xMthough the 
principality of Tcheou may be ancient, his imperial mandate is recent. If 
the Tcheou are not illustrious, the mandate for this has not come in his 
time, Wu Wang ascends and descends, he is at the right and at the 
left of Ti, &c. &c." — Mi-tze attributes a great deal of importance to the 
Shu, because it says; "If the Tcheu Shu (the Shi) spoke only of the souls 
<jf the dead, and. if the Shang-shu (the Shu King) is ignorant of this, 
that would be sufficient for us to make it the rule (^ 8^ /f^ ^ fl'j ^ 
JS, i^ i/E >^J "ifc- I* ^^^^^ ^^ ^^'^^^ therefore to examine the Sliang-Shu, 
and to see what it says." Mi-tze seeks to prove that the human soul 
survives the body. 

Tchuang-tze, a philosopher of the IVth or Vth century u.c. is not less 
explicit. In many points he recalls the whole history of Yao, Shun and 
Yu (V, Ch. II, XI, XII, XIV, &c. &c., or the deluges and the labours 
of Yu (Ch. II, XYII, &c.), or the tyranny of Kie and Sheou and their 
dethronement by Tang and Wu Wang (Cli. XI, XIII, &c.) He also 
constantly quotes Fu-hi, Shen-nong and Hoang-ti. 

The Tcheou-li speaks of the Books of the three Hoangs and the fiA'e 
Tis,' which proves that their legends were known before the age of the 
Hans. We might again quote Siuen-tze and other authors, but what 
precedes is sufficient. 

Nobody can maintain that all the Chinese literature anterior to the 
Ts'ins had entirely perished, and that all of which we are in possession 
had been composed by fancy a little before our era, and that following on 
a proscription of some years. We are sure that no high critic can hold 
such a view. Let us proceed. 

Another conclusion is drawn from the testimonies we have just 
quoted. The primitive Shu was not a book held so secret and 
concealed that only some initiated persons would know it. The facts 
which were there related were not mysteries for the learned world, and 
the recollection of them could not be completely effaced. It would 
have been then impossible for those fabricators of texts to cause 
to proceed from their pen a quite imaginary history of ancient China 
without calling forth indignant protests. For this a universal conspiracy 


would have beiMi uecessarv; and sound reason does not permit us to sui»- 
l)ose this. Some auth n\ soni3 unknown phih)sopher who would liave 

|)nl'erred a benefit in which the instructed public interested themselves 
ery little, might have done so ; but to give thus to the Em})ire annals 
hich it liad never had, to create numerous and important personages of 
horn no one would ever have been lieard to speak — this exceeds all 
3. The age in which the narratives of the Shu-king begin is another 
proof of its antiquity. All the histjrians of the Han knew the desire 
of their masters to carry back the origin of their dynasty to Hoang-li 
himseh' ; thus all made this emperor appear in their pedigree. 

The grave and sincere Sse-ma-tsien sacrifices — even he — upon the altar 
of the time, and commences his Historic Memoirs with the reign of 
Hoang-ti and his dynasty while separating from it as well as he could 
the legends which were formed about his name. , 

The alleged forgers had certainly, more than all others, need of the 
imperial favour ; they would never have failed to take the best means of 
-assuring themselves of it. Far from that, their pretended work excluded 
all the titles of glory in which the Han appear ; for it commences only 
with the reign of Yao, and the model of princes is not the ancestor of 
the reigning princes, but of the sovereigns who have had no connection 
with him and whose glory on the contrary they have eclipsed. 

4. The more we advance in the examination of the question the more 
the theory of forgery is thrown into the shade. But that which above 
aW renders it improbable is the Shu-king itself, by its contents, its ex- 
ternal form, and its literary character. Nothing is more opposed than 
these contents to the nature of a work composed by one or a^ number, 
at leisure and on reflection, with the object of making their romance pass 
for an authentic document. In a wprk formed of this material we should 
always find a certain unity of plan, opinions, mode of composition and 
stylo ; it would be more or less methodical and continuous. Kow the 
Shu is exactly the opposite of all that. Far from being a history of 
connective annals of wihch the different parts present a sensible uni- 
formity, it is composed only of fragments detached and incongruous 
forming a whole bizarre and full of lacuna*, such as a writer seated at 
his desk would never have been capable of conceiving. 

This is too well known for us to need to enter upon its detail ; let us 
recall it once for all. 

The first book gives ns, not indeed a history, but some ordinances of 


tlie three first emperors, some sittings of their council, some orders given 
by tlieir different ministers, tlio nominations of these personages, some 
acts selected from their administration — all this in the way of presenting 
a model of government for future ages. 

The second book (Hia Shu) contains four chapters which have no kind 
of connection betAveen them : (1) Division of the imperial territory and 
fixing of tlie revenues of the countries made tributary through Yu. (2) 
The battle of Kan-tclii, speech of the sovereign (Ki, son of Yu) to his 
generals. This event is separated from the preceding by a lapse of 80 
years, (o) The culpable conduct of the King Tai Kang, son of Ki. 
Satirical and elegiac song of the five brothers. (4) The misdeeds of the 
astronomers 111 and Ho ; the emperor Tchong Kang (brother of Tai) 
orders Yin to punish them ; speech of Yin to his officers. 

After this the history of the Hias ceases, and the Shu passes to the- 
punishment and dethronement of the last sovereign of this dynasty by 
Tang. That is in the book of the dynasty Shang Yin which forms the 
third of the collection. There we have again some scattered facts, quite 
independent and nearly always related only to explain the occasion of a 
wise discourse pronounced by the sovereign or one of his ministers, or dis- 
course which forms the principal object of the corresponding chapter. 
\Ve pass thus from the downfal of the Hias (1766 B.C.) and its immediate 
consequences to the transfer of the capital two or three centuries after 
(1401 or 1315 according to the Chronologies). Then from an incident 
in the reign of Kao tsong (1323) we are carried to the end of the Shang 
(Jynasty by an exposure of the crimes of its last representative (1150) 
and, after two short chapters, we come to the rebellion organized by Wu 
Wang to overthrow the incorrigible tyrant Sheu. It is the fourth and 
last part (the fifth for Prof. Legge). 

Of this we shall not give a consecutive analysis ; that wouVl be long 
and superfluous. We only remark that after some narratives and certain 
discourses relative to the struggle of Wu Wang against the despot, we 
find there the Great Instruction, a detailed resume of the sciences of the 
age ; after that 25 chapters relate various facts and discour.<*es of the 
reigns of Wu Wang and his son Tching-tang, then a short chapter re- 
produces a discourse of the king Mou-Kong who reigned five centuries 
later (659-621) ; and that is all. 

I ask all my readers without hesitation : Is this the work of writers 
composing at leisure a fanciful history? Very few, I imagine, will reply 
in the affirmative. Forgers would certainly have followed some order. 


)nie harmony, some sequence iii their work as thi-ir contemporaries of 
rrect and veracious meaning, sucli as Sze-ma-tsien, Pan Kou, and 
others hare done. Besides, having been able to create name and fact:? 
and actions for the most ancient sovereigns proceeding from their own 
iinagiiiation, tliey would not liave found themselves in any difficulty to 
continue this forgerii up to the Xllth century, and we should have seen 
ranged in their anuals a whole series of kings of the Tcheou dynasty ©n 
to the Ts'ins without lacuna or incongruity. But it is not only the 
totality of the Shu-king wln'ch renders impossible a qaalification which 
is gratuitously given it; the greater part of its books or chapters are of 
«nch a character as to render the new hypothesis absolutely improbable. 
Everything here bears the character of the original work, spontaneous 
And fresh, which conceals nothing of the secret of its origin. But he^'e 
we must be arrested by some facts only to prevent ourselves from pass- 
ing beyond just limits. 

1. The author of the Memoirs of the first three reigns recognizes dis- 
tinctly that he is not contemporary with the events he relates. T« him it 
is antiquity, and he is not even the author of these relations ; he writes 
according to the evidence of others who have studied the ancient 

2. In many passages the author does not name the sovereign of whom 
lie is speaking in the passage in question ; it is simply the king WANG. 
We see that these are extracts from the more complete annals drawn up 
from clay to day. The forgers do not take this plan ; (see in particular 
Book II, ch. 2 Ilan-tchi ; Ch. 4 Yin-tch'ng, &c). 

:^. The simplicity of the narrative, the naivete sometimes reaching to 
absurdity, mark without any doubt a genuine composition. There is 
thus, for example, in the story of the submission of the Miaos in connec- 
tion with the dances executed in the court of Shun (see chap. Ta-Yu- 
Mo, at the end). We rtmark, besides, that this passage, like many 
others, is out of its place ; which would not have occurred in a work by 
experienced forgers. 

4. Some passages such as the Elegy of the fi^^e Brother-? are absolutely 
inexplicable in a work of this kind. Such pieces do not accord with tlie 
habits of the historians of the Han. dynasty. The very style of this song 
proves its genuineness. Everywhere else the style is concise and elliptical ; 
but in this little poem it is quite developed as in spoken language. 

5. What contrasts equally with supposed forgery, is the complete ab- 
sence of the fables or marvellous stories with which the literati of the 


Ilans would have embellished their Historical Memoirs. Sse-ma-tsien 
himself had not been able to escape from this fault, and the first book 
of his Sse-Ki mav be said to be filled up with ic, although he is more 
sober in this than his competitors. In the Shu we find indeed some legends' 
some facts attributed to the first sovereigns in an improbable manner or 
without sufficient proof; but the excess is not in the supernatural; it 
scarcely exists except in the impossibility of one man accomplishing all 
that is attributed to him, or in the improbability of such a great number 
of acts done by a single prince. 

(). The creed and customs of which mention is made, or which are 
set forth in the Siiu, in no way correspond to those "which were in 
vogue under t\\o linn. The worship ef Shang-ti so preeminent under 
the' first Emperors did not exist further, su to speak, than the age of 
these last princes ; the rules of divination, the functions of the officers 
and magistrates such as those which are set forth in the chapters Hong- 
fan and Tcheou-kmn correspond in nowise with those which were in full 
strength not only under the Hans and the Tsins, but even under the- 
Tcheous of the decadence. Everything was developed to a eonsiderable 
extent ; some other names had been admitted, &c. 

7. The author or the authors of the Shu-King had specially in view 
the placing in relief the best principles of government. It was this they 
sought to do under the speeches, notices, instructions ; the facts are for 
them ot mediocre importance as may be seen in the chapters of the battle- 
()i Kan-tchi and the expedition of Yin, and many more. 

Now there is here yet one characteristic quite opposed to that of his' 
towcal works of the supposed forgers, who sought more for facts than for 
royal and ministerial harangues ; it is moreoA^er that of the work of the 
ancient historians described as from the interior or from the right ;J^, 
charged to relate internal facts, discourses, deliberations, &c.^ 

8. Besides the style, the language, the characters employed in the Shu- 
King are, as every one knows, quite difTerent from those known at the 
time which has been assigned to its composition; the style, constantly 
elliptical, has there a conciseness which renders it very often obscure ,- 
this fashion was already considerably modified under the Han. A good 
nuniber of the characters in the Shu had already fallen into disuse and 
liad been replaced by others. It is sufficient to compare the corresponding 
passages from the old king and from the Sze-ki of Sse-ma-tsien to con- 
vince oneself of the difference of their styles. 

We refer all those who are tempted to admit the hypothesis of the for- 


gery, also lo the works of Dr. Do Lacouperie relative to the nature of 
the characters of the Slia and of the Shi, to the double value throu^i^h- 
out, &e. 

9. Another proof of the authenticity, in tlie meaning in wliich we take 
this word, is furnished us by the short Memoir or the historical Annals 
found among the books styled of Bambou. These bjoks, as we know, were 
discovered in the tomb of Sieng, sovereign of Wei, who died 295 B.C. 
Xheir genuineness, it is true, has been exposed to doubt, for people will 
doubt everything I But it is attested sufficiently by the evidences of con- 
temporaries most deserving of credit; by the mode of the discovery which 
caused a part of these precious documents to be taken to pieces; by their 
very nature, a large portion having been judged unworthy of being pre- 
served; by their conclusion, where they have stopped at the epoch in which 
the prince, in whose tomb they were concealed, died, when a profane hand 
l)rought them to light. 

Forgers would not have allowed to perish in this way the fruit of their 
industry. Besides, it is improbable that they would have hidden it in 
the tomb of n petty sovereign of an insignificant state where none could 
ever expect ihat any one would goto discover it. We do not understand 
moreover, what reason one of tlie literati of the epoch of the Hans would 
have to fabricate annals terminating in the year 295 B.C., and having 
no special interest to anyone of his age, or how a forger would have limited 
himself to bold statements of an ephemeral brevity.'^ The writers of that 
class generally affect great length, extraordinary stories, a bombastic style, 
and would never think of informing us that in " the 50th year of his 
reign Yao took a drive to Mount Sheu in a simple chariot drawn by 
black horses I'' 

It is to be remarked besides that the Annals of Bambou relate as to 
*he ancient Emperors Yao, Shun, Yu, &c., some facts which we do not 
find recorded in the Shu, which proves an independent origin, even as to 
these times and princes. Tliere is even as to chronology a considerabl e 
difference from that of the Shu. The Annals give us probably the true 
standard of Yu's works Jj^ J^ He put the Ho in order, and regulated 
his court. 

Finally, nothing proves the authenticity of the Tchuh-shu so much as 
the very style of that work. There are some impersonal Annals without 
any subjective appraising, and without any prodigious deed* Their editor 
follows the order of the years, and when one or more years are not marked 
by any salient act, he simply gives their figure, "4th year" "5th year,'* 


■without any addition . A proof this, that he has drawn nothing from 
his own imagination. More tlian tljis, when the royal armies experienced 
a check which obliged them to take to flight, the matter is recorded in all 
itg simplicity, as if it related to a foreign and distant country. Five 
times imder the single reign of king Hien (367-313) the author describes 
the rout of the armies of his country without seeking by even a single word 
to diminish the shame ofthe defeat. 

We observe, lastly, that if the Shi-King, whose authenticity cannot be 
seriously contested, affirms that the Shu was not a historic work in the 
strict sense of that word, it is quite** authentic at least in this sense that 
it has been composed in an ancient age, and represents faithfully enough 
t he aspect of the time of which it speaks, apart perhaps from the first 
chapters, of which nothing can be certainly said for or against them 
Thus we find in the Shi the dynasty of the Tcheous with its illustrious 
princes who began it and made an end of the Shang line, as also that of 
the Shang- Yin with Heou-tsih the ancester of the Tcheous, and even the 
repeated mention of the works of the great Yu,^ whose importance it may 
be has been simply exaggerated. If Yao and Shun do not figure there, 
that proves only that none of tlie Shi had been composed in their age, 
and that the poets of the one dynasty did not believe they were composing 
anything useful or agreeable to tlie Master by boasting of the illustrious 
predecessors who were not among the number of Iiis ancestors. In any 
case the legendary or fabulous deed even which they could attribute to a 
sovereign did not at all prove his non-existence. Otherwise it w^ould 
be necessary to banish Cyrus and Charlemagne, for example, amongst 
Hercules, Perseus, and Rhadamanthus. 

We see, besides, by those songs of the Shi-King which mention them, 
how true it is that the names of Yu, of -Heou-tsih or Shang have been 
imagined by the jesters of the last century of the ancient era. We may 
conclude from this what must be replied as to the others. 

We have left aside the whole legendary history of China before the age 
described by the Shu-Kingr. It is not that we concede this without reserve. 
We do not believe in the very least that it has the origin which is sup- 
poped. Many of the texts anterior to the destruction of the books attest 
their existence before that fatal date. But its sources being absolutely 
unknovTn to us. we have preferred to keep it outside of tlie discussion. 

Many of our readers will perhaps find that we have made them lose 
a g«od deal of time in fighting against a cause lost from the first. We 
put aside condemnation, and lay down the pen. 



1) La Mmeon, vol. X. Jan. 1831, p. 14;5. 

'Z) B. i}- 0. R., vol. IV, pp. 2iG-2(;4. 

8) Tlie commcntaiy Telling of the Tcheou-m, L. xxvi., Art. AVai-sse, 
init, quotes the collections of discourses of the kingdoms of Tshi and 
of Lou {Vu). Such is to it the nature of the !Shu-King. (Cf. the 

4) We manifestly do not speak exce])t of the text itself, and not of the 
absurd commentary which is attached to it. As to the pigmies, we 
know that their existence is no longer doubtful : that j^ ^^ which 
tliey bring as tribute are feathers from their bodies, is a gratuitous 

The fact ii!i^^|^]^'^o— which appears extraordinary in Legge's 
translation, signifies simply that a fragment of earth was raised an arm's 
length over a distance of ten feet. 

5) See among others 11. G, VI. 1; III. 1, X 5, III. ?>, VII. 1, &c.; 
III. 2, 1, :3, 4, 2, &c. &c. 



{Continued from p. 44). 

V. Pre-Chinese Legends of the West. 
33. The great strides made in Chaldeo-Chinese researches in the way of 
demonstrations of the loan of Babylonian and Elamite ancient culture to 
the early Chinese,'^ have been such that comparative studies of the legends 
of Mythological Sovereigns of Chinese books witli the early rulers and divine 
beings of Ancient Chaldea and Elam are also coming forward. These 
legends have come down to us in so dilapidated a condition that some dis- 
tinctive features must have disappeared in the transmission. Hardly any- 
thing about them can be found in the , writings of the Confucian authors, 
as the great philosopher of Lull had himself discountenanced all that was 
mythical and fabulous in the traditions preserved in his country. On the 
other hand, the ancient Taoist writers, unfettered by a similar restriction ^ 
and perhaps too much earnest with the reverse system, have collected in 
tradition and literature all the fragments they could discover concerning 
these remote rulers. A large amount of undue inferences, extraneous mat- 


ters. and fabaloiis embellishments added to the original accounts mnst 
therefore be stripped away before any use of these documents is made for 
comparative purposes. 

Let us call attention to two of these legends. 

A. — 'Sargon and Shennung. 
o-lr. In The Bahilonian and Oriental Record of July, 1888, on the oc- 
casion of my researches leading to the conclusion that Wheat (had been) 
carried from Mesopotamia to China, in early times, I gave the legend of 
Shennung as it occurs in ancient Chinese literature, and T pointed out once 
mire^^ its identity with that of the old Sargon. An experienced 
Assyriologist Mr. W. St. Chad Boscawen, deaUng afterwards with that 
same subject, ^"^j not only concurred entirely with my identification, but he 
completed it to some extent with further points of similarity. The Chi- 
nese account is so close that only for those who are either prejudiced and 
willingly Wind or who have not studied the matter, it is impossible not to 
admit it as a version of the Chaldean legend with slight divergences. 

85.. The close resemblance of the two names, which appears when taking 
into account the phonetic corruptions on the Chinese side, was not con- 
sidered then otherwise than in a foot note (Xo. 11), where I pointed out 
that Shennung, looked upon as a corrupted form of Sarru-l-i?m=iSarganu 
=-Sargi7ia, would stand on the same footing as Shinar^=Senrtaar stands 
to 'the older S/ngar=SingirL 

Now I think that I am enabled to show that the corrupted Cliinese form 
Shen-nung conceals from view an old form of the name which is somewhat 
identical with that of the old Chaldean ruler also in sound. 

o6. The name of tlie celebrated hero of Chinese legends is variously 
written therein, viz.: jp^jft Shen-nung or Divine husbandman, ^j^ 
Sien-iiung or First husbandman, and afterwards ^jft Hiran-nvng or 
Imperial husbandman. The three appellatives are therefore qualifica- 
tions of JVung, which besides its common meaning, is one of the oldest 
family names of the Chinese^^. 

Nitng in its original acceptation means agricultural pur suit s^^, 
and not to cultivate the ground or to dig, separately. It represents in its 
present form two ancient characters, that which was its antecedent, with its 
meaning of husbandry, and that which was specially applied to the hero. 
The palsBOgraphic forms, with references to the special texts and inscrip- 
tions where they are to be found for verification are given in the special 
works of Min Tsi-kih^o, and Fu-lwang-siang^^ and without sources in 
the Tung Wei-fu. The two characters were fused into one at the time of 
the reform of writing by Szctch'ou in 820 n.c.^^ 


37. For its rural sense, the symbol was composed as follows: Shen ^ 
growing or pregnant, and Vm j^forest or J|I||I <sao g rass, placed 
over it, as indicating countrj' life and objects. Thus composed, tlie sign 
is a complex ideograph without any apparent suggestion of phonetic com- 
bination, and was read Nung. 

38. The other form is also a complex ideograph, but with phonetic 
suggestion. Shen Is the lower part of the complex, as in the rural form. 
The upper part was not formed of liu ^ a mor ta r, or Si "g" we s t, and 
hiung j)^ unlucky or ts'ung g| a sky li ght, as suggested by later ety- 
mologists busy with preconceived views and speculations, both native 
and European. It was on the contrary formed of two other simple char- 
-acters, namely, huh "^^ holding, as^happily suggested in the latest edi- 
tion of the Shwoh-wen, and g no an old and undeveloped form of rtao 
(g brain. The archaic dialectal sounds of these three component parts 
Tch'e n- kuh - NO look so singularly like an attempt at transcribing 
the name of the Chaldean Saii-ga-nu, that considering their accompany- 
ing a legend -which is obviously imitated from that of the old Sargon, it is 
difficult to escape the conclusion that the identity cannot be doubted. 

39. In the Chinese legends and cosmogonic speculations, Shennung is 
said to "have reigned by the influence of the element Fire," and is con- 
sequently^'* entitled in modern sounds Yen Ti ^ ^, which means liter- 
ally "the Blazing Kuler." So far as we know, it may be the rendering 
of a foreign name, either in sound or in sense, if not in both capacities. 
The symbol Yen is a phonetic which has 54 derivates, to which it imparts 
its decayed sound of i/en in fifteen cases only, and its older sounds of 
tan and shan in the thirty-nine others. These sounds are those of the 
mandarin dialect which has not preserved the -m amongst its final conson- 
ants. Verification made in the more archaic dialects of the South shows 
that m was the original final of the words above quoted, a fact confirmed 
by the tonic dictionaries*^, the phonetic equivalences of the Han period, 
and the rhymes of ancient poetry*^. Therefore Tam and Sham or per- 
haps a medial form Dzam + Te orTEK, making Dzam-tek, was the 
oldest prounciation of the name now corrupted into Ye i-ti. Whatever 
may be the Sumero-Akkadian name, if any, which was the antecedent of 
the Chinese form, the recent suggestion of an equation between the emas 
<;ulated and modern formYen-ti with an appellative of Ea, supposed to be 
read En-ti,*'' is not acceptable. 

40. Tam-teh, Dzam-teh, or Sam-teh, which have no close resemblance 
<vvith En-ti(?), would recall much better Tihamti. Tiamat^ should affinity 


of sound be sufficient, but there is no possible resemblance between thfr 
goddess of the primeval watery abyss, and the fiery deity »nd husbandman 
Shen-nung. Now, in comparisons of Sumero- Akkadian loan words and 
names in Chinese, I have long ago^^ remarked that a hushing or hissing 
sound of t;\.- former is sometimes represented by a dental sound in the 
latter. Such being the case Tvn-teh or Dzam-teh might be a corrupted 
form of Shamash, the sun god^^. Should this equation prove correct, 
and there is no reason to put forward against it, so far as we know, the 
case would be interesting, when con-sidered with reference to the equation 
Shen-nung=Sargon,as we do know tliat Sargon has worshipped Shamash*^^; 
but we do not know that he has ever taken a surname in which the name 
of tlie Sun-god would appear as that of a protector. On the other hand 
the meaning of Tam-teh as "Blazing supreme" applies very well 
to the identification here suggested. And it just happens that Larsam 
was the city where Shamash was specially worshipped^', and that we find 
it also in another appellative of Shen-nung, 

41. .This other name of Shennung-Sargon which deserves some atten- 
tion is that of Lieh-shan on which I have made some remarks 
previously, L i trS an, L et-san are the old pronunciation of the name 
of the country where Shennung is said to have lived,^2and its ancient 
sound is ascertained by the fact that three sy Jibols have been used in- 
terchangeably to indicate the first syllable and that all three were lit or 
let. As in Chinese orthoepy there is nor, it often happens that the 
surd dental makes duty for it, and in the present case lei might be a suit- 
able equivalent for ler, and a weakened sound of a former kit for lar. 
Thus let-san may be for "Ler-san in which form Larsam is easily recog- 
nized. The coincidence of Samash as a surname, and of Larsam as the 
place which he inhabited, is too strong to be looked otherwise than as a 
distinct proof in favour of our view. 

42. It is not necessary to repeat here once more the general features 
of the legend of Sargon in comparison with that of Sheng-nung. This 
lias been done already in the columns of The Academy,^^ and at full 
length in the pages of the B. & O.R.,^^ where it is easily accessible to those 
of our readers who may wish to refer to it. 

43. Tlie legend of the Chinese Shen Nung orTchen-kuno, contains no 
less than seven proper names : Anteng, Nhenti, Tamdam, Eket, Letsamy 
Sohsha and Uluk, which were suggested^^ by me to be the rendering of 
Anzan, Namit, Timdum, Akkad, Larsam, Susa and Uruk. And certainly 
the series is highly significative of a close and intimate contact, between 


the civilisers or teachers of the Cliincse and the Chaldceo-Elamite cul- 
ture, as all these names are connected {ieographically in time and hiBtory. 
44. A further reason in favour of the identification of the legend, if 
not even that of the name of the hero, is that it belongs to a series whose 
several groups of similarities and identifications liave been more or less 
completely indicated akeady. Isolated comparisons and haphazard sugges- 
tions of identifications, based upon a similarity of sounds, dangerous in 
any case and still more in the present, would be of no avail for getting at 
the truth. Nothing would be gained from any departure from the usual 
method of historical criticism which alone will permit us to sift properly 
all the circumstances, facts and environments of the questions at issue. 


So) The views of different character become scarcer and gradually unten- 
able as siiown most clearly by the last efforts which present a complete 
absence of proofs, internal or external, and exhibit only a blind accep- 
tance or an unjustifiable criticism. Among the first may be referred to, 
the paper On Chinese Chronologij by Prof. James Legge, read at the 
Victoria Institute on od March, 1890. Among the second I shall 
mention Chinese Antiquiti/, J.R.A.S. July 1800, pp. 511-525, by Mr. 
Herbert J, Allen who alleges that the Chinese classics have been mostly 
forged under the Han dynasty. Prof. C. de Harlez, in his able article,' 
On the Antiquiti/ of the Ancient Chinese Classics, appearing in the 
B. & 0. R., has silenced all possible objections of that kind. The Rev, 
Ernst Faber, advantageously known by some previous works on the 
moral philosophy of the Chinese, but not on the archaeology and palaeo- 
graphy of the country, and unaware of the progress of Chaldeo-Chineso 
researches, has taken up the cudgels in favour of a self-development of the 
Chinese writing, in his paper on Prehistoric China: Jour. China Br. 
R.AS.. 1890, vol xxiv. pp. 141-220. The author wants his readers 
to believe that the Chinese writing began towards 2000 b.c. with one 
hundred elementary characters, increased to 300 in 1200 r..c. when 
ideographs began, and to 1000 in 800 B.C. when phonetics began, and 
finally reached the number of 9353 in the Shwoh wen of a.d. 100. 
The Rev. E. P. is all along under a delusion, and his paper displays a 
painful lack of preparatory research on the subject. As truly remarked 
after his lecture by Dr. Edkins, he places himself in opposition to 
Confucius, to Mencius, to the Han dynasty scholars, to the classical 
school of the T'ang dynasty, to the Sung dynasty school, and to the 
scholars of the present dynasty, who have carried research much further 
than it had been carried before, and in a perfectly independent manner. 
He is also against the intrinsic evidence of the Shu-King itself. 

36) Wheat earned from Mesopotamia to early China, pp. 184-192 (Repr. 
9 pp.) — Cf. also the interesting lettc-r of Dr. Alph. de Candolle of Gen- 
eva on I'he Wheat 'indigenous in Mesopotamia: B.&O.R.1888, p. ^^^, 
The first time in my article on The Chinese mythological list of Kings 
and the Babylonian Canon: The Academy, Oct. 6, 1883; Traditions of 
Babylonia in early Chinese documents, ibid. Nov. 17, 1883. 

57) Shen-nung and Sargon, ibid. pp. 208-209. 


S8) Cf. Peh Kia ^ing, ITo. 320. 

oD) Shtvoh wen, adapt, by Chaimers,No. 236. 

40) Luh sku t'ung, kir. I. 14. 

41) Luh shu fun luy, sub verb. 
4J) 'Tchwen tze wel, sub verb. 

43 j On this reform cf. T. de L., The oldest book of the Chinese, par, 24,. 
and Beginnings of writing around I'ibet^ par. 55. 

44) W. P. Mayers, Chinese R. M., I, 609. 

45) Such as the Kwang-yun. 

46) Cf. J. Chalmers, The Rhymes of the ^hi king, class VI, group B. ; 
47^ The suggestion lias been made in the paper on The first three of the 

fii^e autocrats, preyiously quoted. — It is a fact that EN-j-TI are the 
•^ individual sounds of the two symbols forming a name of Ea (Brann. 
List. 2831) but they may be a complex ideogram having a different 
reading altogether. The symbol ENU lord is the first component 
part of some twenty different names of Ea, interpersed in the pages 
135-140 of the said Hst. Some have a reading indicated like shennu 
(2933), Sin, Nusku, Anu, Ada, Nabu &c., others have not, like EJ^- 
KI, EN-TI, &c. There are in the list about 75 divine names, in the 
fore-quoted pages. 
4'i) T. de L. : The Affinity of the ten stems of the Chinese Cycle tvith the 
Akkadian numerals : The Academy, Sept. 1, 1883. — Rev. C. J. Ball 
lias given instances of the same phenomenon in his Ideograms 
No." 12. 

49) There is also in sound a strong resemblance with Tammuz the Sun, 
god of Eridu, but there is noihing else in its favour. 

50) Cf. A. H, Sayce ; Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Bahy^ 
lonians, p. 107. 

51) Larsam the modern Senkereh at first, and Sippara afterwards, were 
the two most important places of Shamash worship. Cf. ibid. p. 168. 

52) She ki . san hwa?ig pen ki, fol. 2. 

53) 2Vie Chinese Mythical kings and the Babylonian Canon : The Aca- 
demv, Oct. 6, 1883. 

54) B.&O.R., vol II, July 1888, pp. 184-185 ; August 1888, pp. 
208-2 09. 

55) In the four articles referred in §1. — A tradition in China attributes 
to Shennung descendants half-fish-half-men. (Cf. T. de L.: The 

fabulous fishmen of Early Babylonia in Ancient China, 1888, p. 4 : 
B.&O.R. vol. II, p. 224). It may be a vague souvenir of the fact 
that Safgon's rule extended to the sea-shore of the Persian Gulf. 

B. Kudur Nakhunte and Yu Nai Huang-ti. 
45. In another paper^^ I have given reasons to believe that the name of 
IS'akhunte, chief of the gods of Susiana, and assumed in that capacity 
as part of their surnames by some of the kings of the country, was the 
prototype of Yu Nai Huang-ti, formerly pronounced Nakkonte, the name 
of the first leader of the Chinese. He may have assumed the name in 
imitation of that borne by the actual king of Susiana, and his legend 
may, in the course of time, have been mixed with recollections of facts and 



circumstances proper to that king himself. Sinologists agree to admit 
that so far as the Chinese empire is concerned, Yu Nai Iluang-ti is mythi- 
cal and must have lived elsewhere than in China^'^. Now it is not im- 
possible that ?/?* although generally used as a prefix as we have explained 
elsewhere, may have taken the place of a similar sound expressed by 
another character, and this for the sake of propriety and regularity which 
has pervaded and altered so many foreign names in Chinese literatan;. 
In that case yu would correspond to Icii for kud, kudur, and the wliole 
name YuNai Hwang-ti, might be in its old form Ku Nak Kiinte the re- 
presentative for instance of Kudur Nakhunte or any other such name. 

■16. A much more interesting matter at this juncture is the Ciiinese 
egend of Nakkunte himself. 

He was a man of /S h o-d ze n or Sh o-d e n^^ (Sushan or Suedin) his 
tribe was that of the Kom offspring^^ (cf. Kam family in Sumerian), and 
he was called K om-the-1 ong-ro be d^^ apparently from liis garments 
in the eastern fashion. In his time the generations of Shen-nung (Sar- 
gon — dynasty — ) were exhausted, their ministers were cruel to the Bak 
tribes, prevented them getting salt and imposed upon them heavy taxes, 
until at last Kom-the-long-robed took up arms. He fought against them 
with Gan-lom and the help of the /von-j)^ (Khomba ?), Kiii-fa 3.nd Ti-kiu^^ 
(tribes) in the plains along the Fan source (i.e. Reverting source, a tidal 
river ? the Phrat ?) ; and after three successive battles, he succeeded in 
imposing his will. The Teh' yeu, a people reckoning years of ten 
months, being still rebellious, he killed their chief in a battle near the 
Tokluh (=Diglat? the Tigris) and then became Emperor. His mother 
was from An-teng (=Anzan ?). He begat T\\enty five sons^^^ 

47. In another paper we have given tli.-; sources where his legendary 
history has been written, ^^ and in our paper on The deluge tradition and 
Its remains in Ancient China, we have quoted and compared with deities 
of the Chaldeo-Assyrian pantheon three personages from whom Nak- 
kunte is reputed to have sought advice^'*. It will be sufficient here to 
enumerate them as follows: Tsem-lo, Lek-muhand Dzum-tanh 
which we have assimilated to Samila, Lukmu and Samdan. 

48. T cWl-^yeu ^;J£ anciently /SA?7i-MM, or Tchit-yu, or Shui-viiu, is 
looked upon in the Chinese legends as the first rebel,''^ because he is 
the first one against whom Yu-Nai Huang-ti in his capacity of leader of 
the proto-Chinese Bak families had to fight against. The identification 
of a similar name to his in Anterior Asia with its surroundings would be 
an important addition to the circumstancial evidence gathered in this and 


others papers. The country of his or his tribe or people is said to have 
heen called I\iu-li, jl,^ anciently Ku Li. They were famous for their 
liandicraft in manufacturing metallic weapons, and the legend gives this 
■detail that nine foundries were established by them^^. Their chief was one 
•of eighty-one brothers.^' 

The latter detail refers perhaps to eighty princes his predecessors. 
The peculiarity of having years of ten months which we have previously 
mentioned is undoubtedly a Semitic feature. It seems that the name 
KuU or *Kuri points to a similar direction, as it looks like a recollection 
of' the word Akharru, AViarw among the Egyptians,^^ which was the 
Assyro-Babylonian name of Syria. 

49. The legend of Yu Nai Huang-ti here given reproduces the facts 

arid the names it contains speak by themselves. Assyriologists cannot 

fail to recognize a familiar aspect in the whole affair, and a statement of 

facts befitting to the circumstances of the time we suggest. Might not 

■this account contain distorted, garbled and mixed allusions to Kudur 

Nakhunte of Susiana fostered on the shoulders of the leader of the Bak 

tribes, his contemporary ? 


^56) I'he Onomastic Similarity of Nal Huang-ti of China and Nakhunte 

of Susiana : B.&O.R. 1890, vol. IV, pp. 256-2(54.— Eeprinted, Nutt, 

Luzac, — 10 pp. 
57) Cf. J. Legge, Chinese Classics, vol. Ill, p. 82, intr. 
f)8) Modern sounds, Shao-tien. 
59) Kung sun. 
GO) In modern sounds Hien yuen. — Like the Assyro-Babylonians the 

Chinese rulers wore long and flowing robes. 

61) Old sounds of Hiung-pei, Kiu-hu and Pi-hiu given by Szeraa Tsiea 

62) Cf. the authorities m Tai ping yii Ian K. 79, f. 1-8. — and also Szema' 
Tsien. She ki, Kiv. 1, f. 1-5. — His twenty-five sons call to mind the 
same number of sons of the first man in the Bundehesh of the Vlllth 
century a.d. 

63) Onomastic similarity, par. 5. 

64) Par. 2S—B.&0.R. 1890. vol. IV, pp. 90-91. 

65) The accounts about this legendary being are found in the following 
works: Shu king, Part. V, Bk. 17, par, 2.—Kiooh yu, Tsuh yn, 2.— 
Tchu shu Ki-nien, Part. I, l,—Shih-tze.—Sheki tcheng y.— Hwang-fu 
Mi, (a.d. 275-282) Ti wang she ki. — Lung yu ho t'u, 400 a.d. — Lo 
Pih, Lo shi. — Shan Hai king, XVII, 3, 4, And among european 
works : W. F. Mayers, Chinese Readers Manual, I, 115. — J. Legge, 
Chinese Classics, vol. Ill, introd. p. 108 and p. 590. 

66) As stated by Shih-tze who was flourishing about, 280 B.C. 

67) Cf. Lung-yu ho t'u. 

68) G. >Iaspero,> Uistoire Ancienne, ed. IV, p. 175. 

Teerien dk Lacouperib. 
'To be continued). 





Born in Paris, IZi^.—Dled in London, Feb. 18, 1891. 

I. Book?. 
1888 Abridged Grammars of the languages of the Cimeiform inscriptions. 
1. A Sumero-Accadian Grammar. 2.A.n Assvro-Bab}4onian Gram- 
mar. 3. A Vannic Grammar. 4. A Medic Grammar. 6. An Old 
Persian Grammar, 1888, viii. 117 pp. 
1891 The populations of the Fatherland of Ahraliam (in the press). 

II. Papers and Pamphlets. 

1875 Papers read before the Societe Philologique of Paris on Corsen'ij 

Ueber die Sprache der Etrusker, and on Les Tables Eugnbines. 

1882 Suggestions on the Formation of the Semitic tenses, A Comparative 
and Critical studv: J.R.A.S.. n.s. vol. XIV., part I. January, pp. 
105-118, and table, (llepr.) 

On the Origin of the Phoenician Alphabet: Orientaha Antiqua, voL 

I. pp. 61-1)G. 
— - On the Origin and Primitive Home of the Semites: J. Anthrop. 

Inst. May, 15 pp. (Repr.) 
—i>— The Assyrian Numerals: Trans. S.B.A. vol. VII. part 3, pp. 370- 

389. (Repr.) 
On the Character and influence of the Accent in the Akkadian and 

Assyrian words: Proc. S.B.A., 188?-\ l^ov. 7, pp. 19-21. 

1883 Suggestions on the voice-formation of the Semitic verb: a^comparativo 
and critical study, J. R, A. S. vol, XV., part 4, Oct. pp. 387-418. 

[Notes on the Babylonian Contract tablets: Proc. S.B.A., Feb. 5^ 

pp. 84-88. 

1884 with Theo. G. Pinches and E, A. Budge.— The transcription of As- 
syrian: Proc. S.B.A. March 4, pp. 125-6. 

Akkadian precepts for the Conduct of Man in his private life: Trans. 

S.B.A. vol. VIII., part 2; pp. 230-270, and 4 pi. (Repr.) 
Questions Sumero-Akkadiennes; reponse (to Stanislas Guyard). Itt 

proof— unpublished, pp. 235-244. 

1885 Notes on tho Assyrian and Accadian pronouns : J.R.A.S., vol. 
XVII., Jan. pp. 65-88. 2 pi. (Repr.) 

L'incorpjration verbale en Accadien: Revue d'Assyriologie, 1885, vol. 

I.- pp. 105-115, 148-161, 4to. (Repr.) 
— — Origine de I'alphabet phenicien; Etudes archeol. ling, et hist, dediees, 

a C. Leemans, Leide, pp. 135-6. 

1886 The Bushmen and their language: J.R.A.S. Jan. vol. 18, pp. 51- 
81. (Repr.) 

— • — The Babylonians at home: Contemporary Review, vol. 49, Feb. pp. 

The Pre- Akkadian Semites: J.R.A.S.. vol. 18, July 1886, pp. 409- 


436.— Cf. T. de L.: Pre- Akkadian writing: ibid. Oct. 1886, p.5i8. 
The Burning fiery furnace: B.&O.R. Dec. vol. I. pp. 17-21. 

1887 Origin and Development of the Cuneiform .Syllabary: J.R.A. . 
Oct, vol. 19, pp. 625-654 (Repr.). 

1888 The races of the Babylonian Empire: J. Anthrop. Inst. 1S88, .. 
18, pp. 104-118. 

1889 L'oidre syntactique en Sumero-Accadien: Rev. d'Assyr. et d'Arch. 
Or. 1889, vol. 2, pp. 47-60. 

1690 Akkadian hymn to the Setting sun: Records of the Past, n,s. II, 

pp. 190-193." 
Ancient Babylonian Agricultural Precepts : Records of the Past. 

1390, vol. III. pp. 91-101. 

Til. Short Articles and Notes. 
1331 Notes on Akkadian poetry: Proc. S. B. A. Jan. 7, pp. 121-2. 
— -^—Remarks on Mr. T. G. Pinches' Cappadocian tablets: Proc. S.B.A., 

Nov 1, pp. 20-21. 
1S82 The Origin of the Arabic numerals: The Academy, Feb. 11, pp. 103-4. 
On an inscription communicated by Mr. Ramsey: Proc, S.B.A. 

Dec. 5,pp. 4 5-46. 
1882 On the different Orientation of the Assyrian and Egyptian monu- 
ments: Proc. S.B.A. Feb. 6, pp. 75-6. 
Remarks on the fourth tablet of the Creation Series; Proc. S.B.A. 

Nov. 6, pp. 10-11, 
1884 Remarks on the Origin of the Phoenician characters: Proc. S.B.A. 

Feb. 5,pp. S3-S4, 
1886 Pre- Akkadian writing: The Academy, Nov. 6, p. 13.— Cf. T. de L., 

ibid. Nov. 13, p. 331. 
1387 The Babylonian Zodiac: Acad. Jan. 22, p. 63. 

Babylonian Astronomy: Acad. March, 26, p. 223. 

The'Pi-e-Akkadian writing: J.R.A.S. vol. 19, p. 166. 

1888 The Babylonian origin of Chinese writing: Acad. Jul. 7, p. 13. 
. On Oberziner, il culto del Sole: Triibner's Record, vol. IX., p. 35. 

1890 Herodotus on the Magians: J.R.A.S. Octob. p. 821-2. 

T. DE L. 

Errata TO NOTE on the YENISEI INCRIPTIONS,vol. V. No. 2. p. 28^ 

Yenisei Column, 1. 11, /or A, read ^; 1. 22, after -8: add '7; 1. 30 (35) 
and 1. 33 (i^) for 13 read t^. Uigur column, 1. 3, for 3* read 8*. Ya- 
kute column, 1. 9, for the second i read i. Mongol column, 1. 8, 9, z 

and z are meant to be bracketted as representing one sound; 1. 19, for 
o read o. Ost}/ak Samoyede column 1. 1. for 15'3 read 15'8: 1. 5. 
for 9-3 read 98; \. 7, for t reads,-, 1. 10, for 8* read -8; 1. 12, for 
2*3 read 2 •8. Kott column, 1. 2, for r read a. In this column, t',p',k', 
represent aspirated letters, though d' has to imply that d is followed by a 
y sound. Here and in the other columns, n=ng, g=gh, s=sh. 

. Page 29, 1. 24, /or 1878 rmtZ 1738. 



ContrthmUrs are alone responsible for their opinions or statements.- 



There is a point at which the resemblance between the words and gram- 
matical forms of certain languages becomes so close that their family con- 
nexion is admitted as a matter of course: whether this point, has been 
nearly reached with regard to the language of the Yenessei Inscriptions, 
the reader must judge. I will next give a few instances of case-endings 
and post-positions. It will be remembered that the Inscriptions read from 
right to left. 

1. The Mong. Comitative liiga, hika, luge. 
In Ins. i. 2 we read; — ghuuliq : nea: lug (or luh, |s ^ J) djmdjhza. 
Here, whether the translation I have suggested {The Academy, Sept, 20, 
1890, p. 251) be correct or not, — lulc (^=:luka) is the post-position 
and case-ending of the word ghunliquea. 
In Ins. iii. 1 ,2 we have: — 

with - the - stone 
Zeloua or zeloucB-=i\iQ Mong. tzolo, 'rock' •stone'. Zo?/^a isthe exact 
Mong. form. Hence, also, > (=the Rune-form ^ , X)=(^, which, as we 
have seen {sup, p. 235), =p, the Rune-form /j ((7). 
In Ins. vii. 3 we have — 

with -kind-e very-of-cattle 
Here, 7?/Z=Mong. and Buriat mal^ "cattle of every kind." Lga=higay 
the variant Mong. form. E is the Dat. ending of nouns ending in /; 

April, 1891. [73] Vol. V.— No. 8. 


80 we have noun + case-ending + post-position. An examination of a 
number of words in the Inscriptions satisfies me that \<\, a form of the 
Kypriotc,=« or ^2. Thus the word f-Tih (Ins. i. 2)=«9M5r (vide 
in/.), 'monument'. So f^X^K^n^- iii. 2 ; viii. 8), Mf ^ H 

(Ins. xii. 4), =:"] ^^V| (Ins. x. 1), ekout, an example of the use of 
nine different forms for four letters. 4=-Jl^- 'the same form reversed ; 
>=f'=»J, X=^, and 1 =r- It is clear that this word begins^ 

with a vowel, and |«^ is certainly not a, i, o, or iv. 
In Ins. xviii. 3, we have; — 

a-k- uo-l : ce -z- l~ e- z =zelz(e-IoifJca 
For T as e, vide Ins. xxxii. 5, (sup. p. 234). 
In Ins. xxii- 1, e have; — 

a-k- uo-l: e- a- e-t-i^teae louha 
Vide also )>^J (Ins. v. 5), louJca. 

2. The Mong, plural in ut — the word hhan and variants. 

The forms of tlio word l-han which occur in the Inscriptions, supply 
illustrations of Prof, de Lacouperio's exhaustive article Khan, Khahan^ 
and other Tartar Titles (B. cj- 0. E. Nov.-Dec. 1888). 

In Ins. iii. 6, we have: — 

t-u- n- a-a- z-Tc-jd'. i -e-x-t -u-a;- u-n- e- ce-a-\ 

^ Xaa^enu-aut^ei : djkzaa-nut 

"~ ( khan s + particle great 

J seems to be derived from the Gothic Rune ^ j. DjJ::a=t\ie Mong. 
jeke, Buriatic jike, jlxe, ' great.' Nut is a Buriatic plural-form. 
In Ins. V. 6 we have ; — 

vl^tTlt^ ^ >^M >] =keo-kanue-oiit 

t-uo- e-u-n- a-h-o-e- k j 
=Mong, Khakan-ut, " Great Khan s," 
In Ins. xvii. 5, we find the form (read from left to right):— 

k-a-n-u-e : u -t -e-u-t 
In Ins. iii. 6 we have the form; — 

T Y f . r I T'>^ W ] =:khkhaunem 
•u-u-e-n : u -a-fw-hlc 3 

Mr. A. Wylie renders this word, which occurs several times in " unc 

inscription en caracteres Pa-sse-pa," dated 1314," G'akhanu, i.e., Khakan 


{vide B, 4- 0. R. Dec, 1888). The first letter V^*, wliicli is repeated, is a 
Runic k^ and we may notice both the omission of vowels, e.g., the a be- 
tween y and ^, and their needless insertion, whether in accordanct. with 
the principle of "vocalic support" or otherwise (vide R. B. Jr.. in The 
Academi/, June 28, 1890, p. 448). ^ , it may be observed, has also the 
value of kh both in Lykian and Karian. 

The form f. The letter ?i appears in the Kadmean alpliabet as, as ^, 
the Thrakian A'', the Attic (5th cent, b.c.) N, the Karian [/l. A/, and the 
Lykian |^ &c. But in the Gothic Runes /Vis a form oi h, and A^, as 
noticed {sup, p. 235) of y. Now it is quite clear from such examples as 
(2(ja- ^-Jis-^i (Ins. xxxii. 4; vide sup. p. 234), =^CE//a-«-^s;;^i, 'elk,' and 
khkhan-y, -euu (sup.), that the form [** sometimes •= e, and sometimes = w. 
But such a use points clearly to two distinct origins; and hence. I think 
we may conclude that [^ with an g-power is the Gothic Rune A/(?/), whilst 
whilst l^ with an w-power is the representative of the Thrakian and 
Asianic N . 
Ins. vii. ] r which is distinct from the rest of the Insciption) reads: — 

This appears to be Okhotei ol Khakan, " Okhotei, he (is) the Great 
Khan" (vide R. B. Jr., in The Academy, March 22, 1890, p. 209. I 
will not enter here into the question of the proper names in the Inscrip- 
tions). 01 is the Tcliagatai celui-la. J/e, with 5 other similar forms, is a 
variant of y. Similarly, the Karian alphabet shows 9 variants of Y, Ih. 

As to ©, vide sup., p. 237. O=o in the Kadmean, Thrakian, Attic 
(otli cent. B.C.), Lykian and Karian alphabets ; but the sign is not found 
in the Gulhic Runes. ©=r, 7iz;, in the alphabet of Ulphilas. 

Khok(( = Khaha-n. Probably ® = ou (vide inf.). In Mong. n-final 
frequently disappears, e.g., mungun-mungu, ' s'llyer'; morin-mori, 'horse,' 
tzolon t:olo. ''rock','" galon-galo, 'goose,' 

f A ^\=t'^y'^ (Ins. xii. 1) ukiit, oulcout. 
The interpunction often divides words, e.g. Khkhau-neuu {sup.) 

In Ins. vii. 2 (which is distinct from line 1) we : — 

cc- III -i-e-iLo: a-lc-ao-x ) ^ 

^ =^ \ ^^=kh OiidmcB = the Mong. ouebnei, explained by 

iM=^ . __ \ O—ou Schmidt as " heiliger oder vornehmer Personen." 

/.= ).( "~ W =^ The Inscription, therefore, reads: — "The Khakan, 

a=\ ) C) =rt a holy [sacred] person"; and this exactly agrees 


with an Inscription on a silver paizah, "found in the government of Yeni- 
sei," and which is translated by Schmidt;— "By the strength of the eternal 
heaven may the name of the Khahan be holy. Who pays him not reve- 
rence is to be slain." (Vide Howorth, History of the Mongols, i. 271). 

3. Some other words. 
Ins. xii. 4:^1 lt[\=enie. Cf. Mong. and Buriat ene, 'this.' 
Ins, XV. 2 : >^ ^ f/ ^—crmios. Ditto. 

Ins. V. 5 : >^hK 1 \=eeeqneo>. Cf. Mong. ehoni, 'him.' 
Ins. V. 6 : J^rf ^ThKt VS^ =" csneneuaei. Cf. Bur. enenehe, Ablative- 

of ene. 
Ins. iii. 1 &c. : ^^JH§ 7 , r 

Ins. iii. 4 : %^m =-^-- r ,,,,,, . , 

Ins.xx. 7 : ^4U| ^zelou C "= ^''''-' Uzolo \ ='stone.' 

Ins.xxi. 3 t>^— 4^1 ^zela^i { 

In Ins. xiv. 1 we have the peculiar form: — 

e-q-cs-a-Z" ^-e~-^s-k 
In line -2 it appears as: — 

i- \-a; -u- z-y-e-')(_s-h 
We may compare this and connected names as follows : — 


k-sx-e-\-z-a-cc-q-e ) 

k-s-xre-x-z-u-m^-e ] = Yenissei Ins. fomi 

2. tz-i-xtz-ix-z—.x-t=:^2t. magistrate' (Mong. ap. Strahlenberg) . 

3. h — e-sh—i — ;!^-i=the Persian royal guards. 

4. k— e-sh—i — x-^^=t^e Khakan's body-guard. 


Inscription ii, is cut irregularly on the lower part of an upright Stone of 
a somewhat phallic type, and "aussi ornee de figures de cerfs [elk?] et de- 
sangliers." The Inscription is on the side of the Stone which bears the 
figures of the elk, and not, except a letter or two, on the side bearing 
only figures of wild-boars. The monument in the form of a human figure 
which Strahlenberg gives a Plate of, and which on its back bore charac- 
ters in the Yenessei script (vide Ins. xxx.), is phallic, and was, he thinks, 
"designed for a Priapus;" so that phallic symbolism is not foreign to the 
locality. I give the following undogmatic attempt to transliterate and 
translate Ins. ii.: 


1. Tlie Ihscriptiou nud trausliteration. 
a- :- i(-i/- m- Ue | m -u- kg 

>»X|.A>^Y 2. 

ce- g-q-u- cc-ii 

g- t : a -cc \ ce - 6 - g - u-u 

)t'l5»<a)XTf:>e€Ai 4. 

a-t- i I «; -o -g -u - u ; c -e-z- u -t 

i^M/^^a^ij^fT 5. 

e - ^c- d-^ I u-x8-^-q~ uo -u 

We meet here with 3 new forms — ]£, c2) and X. 

3£. This somewhat obscure form appears to be the Gothic §^, whichr 
amongst others, had the powers ge, gg, and would probably = the Mong. 
gh. Similarly, the Gothic J^ is the reduplication of ^. It may also be 
observed that ) is the Kariau g, so that on the principle of reduplication^ 
3C would =<7^ in Karian. 

(fi is probably derived from fl, a fonii of the Gothic Eune othil (o, », 
at times = ]\Iong. a), thus; — j{ — 3 — di* 

2S is the Gothic Rune dag, d. In Ins. xxx. 3 it appears as ^, which is 
also a Karian letter. 

2. The Inscription in Yenissei, Tchagatai and Enghsh. 

Tcha. G avail alaga-ce. 

A memorial to-an-encampment. 
Yen. U(EUQ-G(E 2. 

Tcha. 6k-ga 


Yen. UUG: 0(E (EO :TG 3. 

Tcha. ogu-r ao-t{e)g{en) 
Good-luck in-the-chase. 

Yen. lUZEE: UUGOCE IT-A 4 . 

Tcha. m'a ogu-r id-a 

A shelter (and) good-luck for-food ; 

Yen. UOUQffiSxU xT>CEE 5. 

Tcha. oqaesxi (?) kette 
an-elk great. 

Line 1. GHUCE, GHUA, The Tcha. guvah {=gu-w-ah, guah) is 
rendered by Tambery 'zeugniss', 'temoignage' ; and, hence, as applied to a 


stone monument, means a 'meniorial'. The word frequently occurs in the 
Inscriptions, e.g., Ins. i. ] : J >^ Y 3£ ■ ^ ^ ^ ' ^^^''^ ghuceih, "Of- 
the-people a memorial," I may observe in passing that il-ng is the Gen. 
of the Tcha, il, 'people'. Gen, ??</, mng. The word GHUA reappears 
in the Osmanlix<'/<ci-f/^?, 'token', 'testimony'. It is probably connected 
in origin with the Sumero- Akkadian gu, 'mouth,' 'fealty,' "to speak,* 
fjfu-de, 'proclaimer.' In Ins. i. 2, we have; — J^ ^ l^ V K h T H H 
equq ghuccaih, "the monument (Mong, ickek-er, 'monument,) as a mem- 
orial." The same phrase occurs in Ins. iii. 2; viii. o ; xii. 4 ; where 
the text reads f , which we may see from Ins. i. 2 is either a mistake for 
y, or equt is a variant of eguq (Vide Ins.x. 3). 

ELCli'.GU-ZCE. Tcha. ala^a, "la tente chez les Turkomans." Z(E 
=Tcha. c'e, a post-position, sign of the Dat. 

Line 2. UCEUQ-GC:. Tcha, ok, 'pillar.' Cf. Osmanli dh-am^, 'pil- 
lar.' GCE=Tcha. qe, a sign of the Dat.-Locative. 

Line 3. UUG:0(E==UUG6cG, (Line 4). Tcha. ogu-r, our, Os- 
manli oughour, 'bonheur,' "sort heureux." For illustrations of connected 
a- and r- terminations, vide Schott, Uber das Altarsche Sjirachen- 
geschJecht, pps. 71-3, in voc. kara-kur. 

TEO. Tcha. ao. 'chasse,' Osmanli t/w. What TG stands for must re- 
main uncertain ; it is evidently a contraction, perhaps for the Mong. Loc- 
ative Ugen, for, as Vambery observes of some of the dialects of the Cen- 
tral Asian nomades, "le langage originairement turc est entremele de 
beaucoup de mots mongols" {Cagataische Sprachstudlen, p. 283). But 
it may stand for the Tcha. taki, Osmanli dakhy, 'also.' 
Line 4, lUZEE. Tcha. vca, "a shelter." 
IT-A, Cf. Mong, and Buriatic ide, idjen, idjeng. "food." A=Dat. 
termination of Mou. nouns in n and ng. 

Line 5. UOUQCESxU. Tlie text reads Uouicesxu, and, if this read-, 
ing be correct, I would compare the word with the Tcha. vcki ' goat,' 
*buck.' But the animals delineated on the Stone appear to be elk; and, 
as noticed (suj). />. -34), Ins. xxxii. has preserved the Arintzi elk-name 
ceqciesxi. 1 therefore venture to amend the text by reading ,sj (ry) for 
I. The forms compare thus: — 

Ins. ii. >^Q^i^T7 ='elk'= uouqcesxu 
Ins. xxxii. l<I\)-{5!> j ^ ceqaesxi 

?7 is a form of noun-ending alike in Mong. and in Arintzi; the M-final 
softens into i on the Law of Least Effort principle. 
^DffiE. Tcha. kette, Tigur ket, 'great.' 

RoBBRT Brown, Jun« 



(^Concluded from p. 70). 

c, Othej' Heroes, 

50. The comparison between the Chinese legends and the list of kings 
of the mythical period must be carried on systematically, otherwise no 
final result can be obtained. In my articles on I'he Chinese Mythical 
Icings and the Babylonian canon and on Traditions of Babylonia in early 
Chinese documents^ I have pointed out the general arrangement of the 
Chinese lists, which are not to be found in the books of vulgarisation, 
such as Mayer's, Summer's, &c., and tutti quanti where only a summary is 
given as in our ordinary school's books. They must be referred to in the 
original works. No satisfactory assimilation can be arrived at until such 
a comparison of the Chinese lists with the Babylonian Canon has been 
carefully worked out. 

For instance Fah-hi or Pao-hi who appears in books of vulgaHsation 
as the first of the Chinese fabuloas rulers, figures in the list among many 
others ; he was, according to probabilities, the first, of these rulers, with 
whom the Pre-Chinese or their civilisers from the borders of Elam had 
anything to do, whence the special veneration applied to his memory. As 
to an assimilation of his name, which is double, Tai Hao Fah-hi, or great 
Hot-Bak-ket, I have suggested that it might be the Chaldajan Ur-Ba- 
gash,*^ inasmuch as it is stated in the list I have referred to that he 
made a written compact with Tchu-siang the leader of the Bak families. 
Dam-kit, modern Tsang-hieh, of the Chinese list, the improver or inventor 
of the writing like prints of birds claws, i.e. the cuneiform characters, is 
apparently the great Dungi of Chaldea. 

51. Many other names of the list in consecutive order agree with those 
of the west in similar order as might be seen from a comparison with the 
aforesaid canon. 

52. Taking into account the peculiarities of the Chinese phonetics, 
such as the absence of R and its equation by K or T, and the great 
difficulty to ascertain the vocalic sounds of the ancient words, we may 


compare the consonantic skeleton of tliese two names of ancient Chaldea 
•and Early China, viz. : 

Anc. Chald. : uR— Ba Ga S DuM G i 

Early Chin. : hoT— Ba KKe T DuM K et 

Their resemblance arranged thus becomes much more striking, than 

when presented otherwise. 

53. However close might be the legends found in China concerning the 
rulers of the mythical period with those of Chaldeo-Babylonia, we cannot 
expect a narrow identity. Tliese legends were known to the civilisers of 
China in an unliterary and unscientific manner. Like many items of their 
early civilisation they came to them by social intercourse, and not as 
the result of a regular teaching without intermediaries. They were part 
of the current folklore, and when put into writing by the Chinese, they 
■could but be rendered approximately. We have had occasion to call the 
attention of scholars on this important aspect of the case. 

54. The evidence gathered in this paper is a part supplement to those 
■enumerated in the chapters hitherto published, pending their completion 
and issue in a book form, of the writer's Summary of the proofs of the 
Origin of the Early Chinese civilisation from Western sources. Readers 
-who have and those who have not seen this Summary, may perhaps in 
reading these pages have conviction either carried to their mind or con- 
firmed as to the genuineness of these disclosures, and the historical 
veracity of the loan of culture adverted to there. And now that, after 
twenty years of toil and ten years of repeated publications on the subject, 
the author of the present pages has received the written acknowledge- 
ment of his disclosures by mure than a score of specialists, including 
most of the prominent scholars in Assyriology and Sinology, it is not 
•without confidence that he makes appeal to more workers in the field, and 
begs to address a few remarks and warnings to new comers. 

55. It is best that they should be aware of the difficulties in the way, 
and of the proper means of making work useful to the science of history 
as in that new field of enquiry, amateurish work must be avoided that 
class of scientific research requires a training as any other sort of work. 
An acquaintance with books of vulgarisation on Assyro-Babylonian 
matters does not do for the pui*pose. This condition is well recognized by 
Assyriologists and does not require any comment as happily in that 
direction extensive and most useful works are now at hand to help the 


66. The same remark applies forcibly to the Chinese side with the 
KlifiFerence that scientific works are there painfully lacking. There are too 
many writers who, because they have been in the East and can road 
Chinese, candid'/ believe themselves thus qualified to discuss with 
•competency the difficult and complex problems of the Archeology of China. 
Without analysing and discriminating between the exaggerations and fables 
of the native works, some have been too easily inclined to throw them 
over and to disbelieve anything of China before Confucius or even before 
the Han dynasty. Let us state that such a sweeping rejection is not 
more critical than would be a blind acceptance. Tradition and legends 
in the various authors must be checked by comparison and by internal 
external and circumstantial evidence. And such a work is a long one. 

57. In pursuing the Chaldeo-Chinese researches to further tlie demon- 
stration indicated by the title of the present paper, it must always be 
remembered in such comparisons and the search of synchronisms, that the 
loan of culture has taken place several thousands years ago, and that the 
borrowing party has continued to live. These conditions imply for it a 
certain amount of self evolution and progress, with inevitable alterations 
and modifications as in all cases of transmission of tradition even in writ- 
ing, while the other party has remained cristallised in the inscribed tab- 
lets of Assyro-Babylonia. 

"58. Documents and traditions must be sifted with care on both sides, 
:and isolate resemblances and similarities cannot be accepted as evidence 
until they find support either from others of the same kind or from cir- 
<;umstancial proofs. All efforts must be made to reach at the oldest forms 
of the Chinese documents, the only ones acceptable in questions of origin 
and derivation. For instance, in the case of the written characters, the 
Siao-tchuen style illustrated in the Shwoh-wen, must be carefully avoided 
l)eeause it is the outcome of two or more previous modifications. I have'- 
given in my papers on The Old Bahjlonian characters and their Chhiese ' 
derwateSy 1888, § 8, Le non-monosyllahisme du Chinols Antique, (1889, | 
Paris, Leroux), and on The oldest Chinese characters^ (The Academy, ■* 
15 June. 1889), all the available information from Chinese sources. 

59. Unless one wants to run the risk of beginning afresh a work al- 
ready done and painfully toil after a disclosure already known to the 
scientific world, it is necessary to be acquainted with the present state of 
the researches, and such of their results which have been made good, as 
it is an imperative duty of a scientific writer to his readers to be au 
courant of the other works published on his subject and to avail himself 


of the help, positive or negative, they may give him to push forward hi» 
resea relies 

60. Enquiries on ancient civilisations, their beginnings and their evo- 
hition are peculiarly attractive and tempting, but they are full of pitfalls. 
Without a strict observance of the principles of the historical method of 
criticism there is no greater possibility of getting at the truth in Chaldeo- 
Ohinese archeology than in any other field of history. And let us 
remember in concluding, that the first results now secured from these 
Chaldeo-Chinese researches have been to destroy conclusively the anom- 
alous isolation to which prejudice had hitherto consigned the people and 
language of China, and to restore them to their legitimate place in the 
liistory and evolution of mankind. 

Additional Notes 

Add. to §2. — These four papers of mine are additional to twenty books^ 
])apers, articles, and notes of Chaldeo-Chinese researches piililished by me 
since 1880, and whose titles will be found elsewhere. This peculiarity 
w;.s probably unknown to the author of a note on the third and fourth 
])apers iii the Revue Crit- que, 2 Mars, 1891. My critic finds the com- 
mentary on the Cosmic tree "interessant et en partie nouveau," and thinks 
that my thesis about the Chaldean and Chinese civilisations requires to be 
more substantially established than in these two pamphlets. He is quite 
in the right, and it is with that object in view that I have published the- 
twenty other works which he has not seen. 

Add. to Note 1. — The Memoires de la Societe de Linguistique de>Paris 
(torn. vii. fasc. 3. pp. 328-354) contains an elaborate paper by Dr. Raoui 
de la Grasserie, entitled, "Des recherches recentes de la Linguistique rela- 
tives aux langues del'Extreme Orient, principalement d'apres les travaux 
du Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie." The author in clear and forcible lang- 
uage, explains, with the necessary amount of evidence, the important dis- 
coveries of our contributor on ^1) the primitive non-nionosyllabism of 
Chinese and other so-called monosyllabic languages; (2) the Origin of 
tones; (3) the Origin of the Chinese writing; (4) the action of hybridity 
in the formation of present Chinese; and (5) the psychical importance of 
t]»e rule of position which is the main feature of the isolating languages.. 
{The Academy, May 9, 1891, p. 446). 

Add. to Note 2. — On this work Cf. the valuable articles of Mr. Alfred 
Maury in the Journal des Savants, 1889, Aout, pp. 473-485. and Sept. 
pp. 557-566. This great scholar intended to write four articles on the 
subject, but a sudden ill-health prevented him continuing. 

Add. to §8, 1. 6, after the Babylonians themselves, read as remarked by 
Mr. W. St. Chad Boscawen. 

Add. to §11. — The late entombment of many cities on the way from the 
west to N.' W. China, and therefore the greater facility of communica- 
tions in olden times than afterwards is further proved by — (1) the dis- 


■oovery of the Baktro-Chiiiepe coins anterior to the Cliristinn era in tho 
buried cities of tlie desert, as described in my monograph Une Monnaie 
Bad rn- Chinese Bilingue dn premier sii'cle arnnt notre ere (Extr. C. R. 
Acad, des Inscript. et B.— L. 1890), — (2) tlie recent discovery of a Birch 
Bark Manuscript at Kncliar from a buried city (Proc. Asiatic Soc, 
Bengal, Nov. 1890) ; — (8) the Ileft IkUm geogra})l»y (Qiiatremere, ^f. 
et Extr, (h's ^fS., vol. XIV ' tliat formerly the route from Khotan to 
China was covered with towns and villages, and became (as today) a sandy 
desert; (4 j the discovery of ruins of cities in the eastern desert near the 
Lop nor (cf. Dutreuil de Rhins, L'Asie Centrale, 1890, p. 148) ; (a) 
■cities existing at the time of the pilgrim Sung-yun (518 a.d.) which had 
been invaded bv the sand when Hiuen Thsang travelled in 629 a.d. ; 
(Cf. S. Beal, Si yu ki, vol. I, introd. p. 85-8G, vol. II, p. 324-825) ; (G) 
the traditions of the country about the numerous cities once flourishing 
and now buried in the sands, and the x\rcheological finds therein, (cf. 
Johnston, Proc. R.G.S, XVI, 244-249 and J.R.G.S. 1867, vol. 37 ; 
Bellew, Kashmir and A'ashgar, p. 370-371 ; H. Yule, Marco Polo, ed. 
II, vol. I, p. 199-201; Elisee Reelus, Asie Orientale, 1882, p. 119). 
Taken as a whole this unsought for evidence, archeological and historical, 
proves most clearly that the covering by drifting sand of the region from 
the N.W. of China to Kliotan and Kashgar has been going on and on 
from centuries before the Christian era to modern times. And it is clear 
from my researches on the ancient trade routes {Origin of the early 
Chinese civilisation, ch. VI, h and e. sect.) that, a thousand years before 
the Christian era, intercommunications, purely commercial, occasional and 
second-hand as they were with the west, were not yet seriously impaired 
by the difficulties of travelling. It was about the eight century b.c, that 
from geographical and perhaps also political difficulties, that the trade 
with the west was impeded by the N.W. route. The old theory that un- 
inhabitable and unhospitable deserts, almost impassable, were in antiquity 
an insuperable obstacle to an early introduction of western civilisation 
into China is therefore exploded and cannot be seriously revived against 
the likelihood of my disclosures. 

Add. to §15.— The two perpendicular strokes on the right side and of 
the early Ctiinese symbol are much longer above and below the horizontal 
line than they appear here in printing. 

Add, to §16. — The resemblance must be sought for in this instance not 
So much in the actual strokes which compose the characters on the two 
sides, as in the ideal pattern which was present to the mind of the 
Chinese scribes when writing the symbol : viz. that of a star and under 
it an open enclosure containing three strokes as in tlie Elamo-Baby- 
lonian antecedent. A s the latter cannot be derived from the simpler, the 
later and derivate character of the Chinese symbol is clear. 
Add. to § 17.— The top horizontal line of the Chinese si west has here 
disappeared in printing. 

The two old symbols here compared are placed upside-down by a printers 
error, so that the Archaic Babylonian turned over appears on the side 
of the early Chinese, and vice versa. 

Add. to §30. — The order of the Cardinal points symbols is the same in 
€hina as it was in Babylonia, but their attribution has been varied be- 


tween the North and South as shown by the scheme we have given. In 
Babylonia it is : South, North, East and West, and in China : Nortli,. 
South, East and West. This is another proof of the genuineness of tlie- 
loan we disclose here. 

Add. to Note 35. — The theory of the Rev. Ernst Faber has been the 
object of a good refutation by Prof. Giistave Schlegel of Leide in the 
T'oung Fao, 1891, vol. II, pp. lOo-llO ; unhappily the critic, rather 
uselessly with reference to Eaber's hypothesis, puts forward again the old 
desert theory which is now exploded and cannot be revived. Vid. supra 
§ 1,1 and add. In the same number of the Toung Fao has appeared an 
abstract of a lecture of mine before the Pliilological Society, Gth March 
1891, on The Non Chinese writings of China and Central Asia, in which 
are stated in a few lines the pith of my disclosures about the origin of the 
Chinese writing as in § 14 supra. The Editor Prof. G. Schlegel has 
thought fit to add in a foot-note to this passage: "We leave these 
statements concerning the origin of Chinese writing, to which we entirely 
demur, entirely to the responsibility ofDr. T. deL." This responsibility 
I assume most willingly, and at the same time I must say that the reas(m 
of Dr. Sehlegel's objection is his own theory in which he is the believer.. 
Some twenty years ago at Batavia, the learned author supposed that the 
unexplained peculiarity of the Chinese Zodiac, (where the winter constel- 
lations are figured in summer, those of spring in autunm and vice-versa} 
was a survival of a remote time when, hy the precession of the equinoxes,. 
such may have been the case astronomically, viz. eighteen thousand years^ 
ago. The result of his efforts was a nonumental work : Uranographie 
Chinoise, ou preuves directes que I'astronomie primitive est originaire de 
la Chine, et qu' elle a ete empruntee par les anciens peuples occidentaux 
s\ la sphere Chinoise, (Leide, 1875, gr. 8vo., 929 pp. and atlas) full of 
astronomical knowledge, and of Chinese folk-lore and history. With a 
good deal of far-fetching and over stretching evidence, an apparent cor- 
respondence is shown therein between a symbolism inferred from the- 
dangerous store of Chinese ideographs and folk-lore of all periods and 
provinces, and the requirements of the theory for the periods of 1700O 
and 14700 years B.C., but not for subsequent times. The work is a marvel 
of ingenuity. But though it was variously appreciated by critics and 
praised for its display of Chinese erudition, the feeling of scholars about 
this theory remained that something was wrong somewhere. We cannot 
enter here into lengthy details but the facts which are fatal to the theory 
are the following : (1) It requires some hours of astronomical observa- 
tion contrary to Chinese tradition : (2) there is a complete silence of 
historical traditions on the matter, and there is in the work an unex- 
plained gap of 12000 years ; (3) it would require the unaltered survival 
of early symbolism during some 11000 years, in so fleeting a thing as 
folklore, without the art of writing, and against the ocular evidence of 
its unfitness in the subsequent centuries ; (4) The symbohsm advocated 
rests on unclassified and uncriticised authorities ; and finally (5) It 
does not explain the Chinese arrangement spring, winter, autumn and 
summer. There are several other reasons, such as the disparition of the 
ancient desert theory, and the greater knov^ledge of Chaldean astronomy 
and civilisation, which, since 1876, have contributed to make the theory 
untenable. Of course I leave my own Researches altogether outside of 



the argumentation. 

Add. to Note 49. — Unless we think it worth consideration that the 
name of tiiis god was also written in a rebus fashion U'im-hi, "the maker 
of fire." Cf. A.H.Sayee, Relly. Anc. Bah. p. 283. As in so many 
other cases, the two elements of tlie name are transposed in writing* Cf. 
Brunn, 4634. 


§4, i. IG, Read: enhances greatly instead of : enhance greatly 

,,0,1.9 „ which have „ wliich nave 

,, 8, 1. 8, „ 'Shensi „ Sliansi . 

,. 9, 1. 2, „ non-Chinese states „ non-Chinese tates 

Note 14, 1.2 „ p. 150-151 „ 158 

§ 23, 1. 3, „ S.A. (for Sumero-Akkadian) „ (A.S.) 

„ 40, 1. 7 „ generally „ sometimes 

,,46,1.11, „ Tch'iyeii „ TchVeu 


I. Introductory. — § 1. Misconceptions of the problem of Chinese be- 
ginnings. — 2. Its solution found in their western origin. —3. Object of 
the present paper. 

II. The problem and its solution. — ^ 4. Chinese civilisation, the 
oldest in existence — 5. Its beginnings for long unexplained. — 6. 
Alleged importance of their first rulers partly comprehensible. — 7. 
Emigration of the Bak tribes from the borderlands of Elam. — 8. Their 
gradual advance in Ciiina. — 9. Their outside influence and the buffer 
states around them, — 10. They have not been entirely isolated in an- 
tiquity.— 11. Communications have resulted from trade and migration.— 

12. Loan of Chaldeo-Elamite culture at the beginning. — 13. Syn- 
chronism afterwards in progress. 

III. Peculiarities of the writing evidence. — § 14. Proofs given by 
the derivation of the written characters 2500 b.c. — 15. Old Babylonian 
complex ideograms have become simple characters in Chinese. — 16-. 
Further examples, gold and tin. — 17. Two more instances, lucky 
and propitious,— IS. Their traditional knowledge of the cuneiform 
characters. — 19. Number of cuneiform survivals illustrated. 

IV. Shifting of the Cardinal points. — § 20. The shifted Cardinal 
points. — 21. Diagonal orientation in Sumero-Akkadian. — 22. The 
South-Iiast and North-west. — 23. The North-East and South-west. — 
"24. Their meanings apply to a settled population in Chaldea, — 25. 
They would be different for the Bak tribes on the borderlands of lilam, 
and going Eastwards. — 26. Mai- of Martu becomes the abode and 
the North. — 27. Ku 7- r a a,nd Sidi become the South and the 
Wes t. — 2S- The fourth symbol and its difficulties. — 29. Pala?ographic 
comparison and derivation of the symbols. — 30. Peculiar survivals of 
meanings in China. — 31. Curious resemblance of names. — 32. Great 
importance of these proofs. 

V. Pre-Chinksb Legends of the Wbst. — § 33. Comparative study 
of these legends. 


A. — Sargon and Shennung. — 84. Their legend already publisliod. — 35. 
Close resemblance of the two names. — 36, Shen-nimg, Sion-nnng, 
Huang-nung. — 37. Shen-nung in its agricultural sense. — o8. Shen- 
nung was formerly 2'c/i'<?w-A^w7i-r/o=Sarganu. — 39. Yen-ti, other name 
of Shennung, formerly Dzam-teh. — tO. Comparison of Dzam-toli with 
Sliamash. — 41. Leh-san, another name of Shennung and Larr^nm. — 
42. Keference to legends published. — 43. Seven other proper names in 
Shennung's legend. — 44. Great value of the concatenation of names. — 

B. — Kiidur Nakhonte and Yu Nai Huang-ti. — 4.5. Yu Nai Huang-ti = 
Ku-Nak-Kon-ti and Kudur Nakhonte. — 46. Legend of Yu Nai 
Huang-ti. — 47. His three advisers and Chaldeo-Assyrian deities. — 
48. Tch'i-yeu of Kuli, or Kharu. — 49. Babylo-Elamite character of 
the legend of Huang-ti. 

c. — Other heroes. — § 50. A systematical comparison is required. — 51. Tai 
Hao Fu-hi and Ur-ha-u. Tsang-hieh and Dungt. — 52, Comparison of 
their skeleton names. — 53. The legends must forcibly have differed. 

Til. — Conclusion. — § 54.The recognized position of the Chaldeo -Chinese 
researches invites new workers. — 55. Requirements on the Babylonian 
side, — 56. Scientific, not amateurish work wanted on Chinese side. — • 
57. Difference for comparison between Babylonia and China. — 58. Iso- 
lated resemblances and modern forms not acceptable. — 59. Duties 
of the new worker to his readers. — 60. A strict observance of historical 
method of criticism is imperative. 


(Translated hy the late Prof. Dr. S. Beat). 
{Continued from Vol. /F., p. 44). 

Sitting beneath the Tree and Beholding the Ploughing. 
At this time the Prince Royal increasing in years and advancing in 
learning, his Royal Father with the ministers of his court all proceeded 
to a neighbouring village to see the men who were tilling and ploughing 
the land. And whilst thus engaged the birds which followed the ploughs 
continually seized and devoured the worms and insects which were turned 



up out of the ground. Bodliisatwa knowing tljis, nevertheless, addressed 
tlie liusbandmen in tlie following terms. *' What is this spectacle and 
why is it so arranged " ? To which reply was given. " This is a sow- 
ing and tilling spectacle, arranged for tlie pleasure of the king of the 
country." Bodhisatwa, hereupon heaving a sigh, exclaimed: "Oh 1 foi a 
Teacher to instruct the people and in the ways of sorrow and the bounds 
of those who hold offices of government."^ His heart thus oppressed he 
was unable to find any rest for a moment, reflecting on the shortness and 
misery of life, its various changes and constant repetitions, at one time 
born as a Deva, or a man, and then in the end in one of the three evil 
ways, thus endlessly whirled in the wheel of transmigration, with no one 
to deliver from it, who by attaining Supreme Wisdom might save the 
whole world and destroy the bonds that hold men captive. Thus re- 
flecting, the ploughing festival being finished, he continued to walk to 
and fro in deep meditation. Thus walking alone, he beheld a Jamba 
tree with its agreeable shade and pleasant verdure, and so, desiring the 
^Ct»ol, he sat down beneath this tree and entered with unclouded heart on 
the exercise of Samadhi. Now at this time there happened to be 50O 
liishis, of the heretical schools, flying through space going Northwards 
from the South, and wishing to pass onward, were unable to cross the 
place where the Jambu tree was under which Bodhisatwa was meditating. 
Looking then around them they saw Bodhisatwa afar off, and with one 
accord they sang the following strain as they gazed upon the wonderful 
grace and effulgence of his person : *'Who is this grand as Mount Sumeru,. 
or the Diamond Mountain, like a superbly bright pearl, in perfect rest,, 
immoveable ; is it the figure of Yama raja or a Ghandarva sitting there 
beneath the tree, his mind like the void of space, sitting there by some 
strange influence, is it he who has caused us to lose our Divine power ?'*" 
Looking closer into the matter and beholding the glory that surrounded 
tlie person of Bodhisatwa they thought and surmised thus with themselves 
and said : " Surely this is the Divine Virvaman the God of riches — who- 
ever of the Godg it is his glory exceeds that of Sakra, and the Sun and 
Moon, or of a Chakravartti King." At this time a Deva replied in the 
space around them and repeated these lines : 

'* His beauty excelling that of Sih-tien^ raja 
Do you suppose that this is the Deva Li-un.^ 
Or one of the countless Diamond devas (Vajrapanis ?) 
No! this is the Divine Teacher (this honourable one is "the talented") 
Infinitely surpassing all the Spirits of Heaven. 

•88 THE P'U YAO KrNG. 

His glory like that of the full moon, 

The very Highest who dwells among men. 

His (excellences) cannot be limited, 

His virtues cannot be measured. 

Exceeding ten thousand times 

The brightness and the accumulated merit 

Of the Heavenly Gandharvas, 

Able at any time to restrain or exercise his miraculous powers (Divine 

At one time using the power of the thousand-eyed God who surveys 

the world, 
At another of the Devarajas who defend the four quarters, 
At another like the Azarai, and the Honourable, one among the Brahma 

Able to seize every favourable occasion, 
This one is he who is capable of all this. 
Able to undertake all the^e responsibilities, 
Behold him theri! the unsurpassed in the world!" 

At this time the five Rishis hearing this angelic song proceeding from 
^pace, immediately descended to the earth, and beheld Bodisatwa as he sat 
in meditation, his body fixed and unmoved, his mind perfectly free from 
all distracting thoughts; beholding him thus their hearts were filled with 
joy, to see his beauty and majesty, immeasurable, unsurpassed ; his reli- 
gious merit (grace) without compare, a Lord amongst Gods and men, 
whose previous experiences were such as never yet had been published — 
seeing him thus they therefore rejoiced exceedingly and forthwith recited 
these verses: 

"In the world there is nought but the fire of sense trouble (dust trouble) 
Obtain Reason, and you destroy all sorrow; 
This one Great as Sumeru living amongst men, 
Is able to accomplish the Rules of complete emancipation, 
He can rise above and remove all sources of pain. 

Practising the rules of conduct fit for such a Master, but difficult to ac- 
complish as the Ocean (is difficult to cross), 
Obtaining Reason by the traasforming power of Divine Wisdom, 
How can he but arrive at perfect deliverance, 
And freedom from all the chains and bonds of flesh. 
By thus following after the Laws of emancipation (enlightenment) 
He fully accomplishes self deliverance, 
And shall not come into the power of (see) the Kingdom of Mara." 

At this time the King, his Ministers, and all the great Assembly, each, 
began to go in different directions, desiring to find out the retreat of the 
Prince Royal. After a long search, at length the Ministers see him sitting 
beneath the Jambu tree in profound meditation ; and so it was that the 
branches of the tree continued to shelter Bodhisatwa from the heat of the 


sun, and bent down over him and covered bis head in honour of Bodliis. 
atwa's person, and lest be should suffer inconvenience, and so continued to 
protect him. The King hearing thereof went to the place wlicre tlie tree 
was, and seeing the spiritual appearance and the rare majesty of Bodhisat- 
wa as he thus sat in conteni})lati()n, he immediately recited these laudatory 
verses and said : 

"As tire on the summit of a mountain. 
As the Moon amongst all the stars, 
So is he sitting there absorbed beneath the tree. 
Glorious as the Sun, ineffably bright, 
Let me then now again bow low 
And adore the feet of the great Master, 
Just as (I did) when first he was born. 
Sitting there in profound contemplation. 
His appearance, how divinely glorious! 
Diffusing its light throughout the world, 
How can I best rejoice beholding it, 
And in this way obtain for myself deliverance." 

{To be continued). 


A Supplement to a Paper on 

In my previous paper on The Silk Goddess of China and her legend, I 
have shown that the present official worship of Lui-tsu Si-ling she has no 
historical basis, and is simply a case of script-myth, that the silk-industry 
was proper to thepre-Chinese tribes inhabiting the east of the country, and 
was only learned by the Chinese Bak sings, immigrant in the country, 
some long time after their arrival. 

I propose in the following pages to complete the information ^^^ concern- 
ing the other Tutelary Spirits of the Silkworms which were or are still 
worshipped in the country, and to supplement my previous researches, so 

far as further statements and documents hav3 come within my reach. 

51. In a popular work the Sou Shen ta tsuen. I have found some refer- 
ences to other Genii of the silkworms. This work in seven books, 
which was published in the 16th century is a kind of description of a hun- 
dred and eighty one Chinese deities, written in a very commonplace style, 
and illustrated by a series of miserable woodcuts^^^. Therein I have 


found a Ts'an Niu, or Silkworm Lady, said to have lived in Shuli 
(Szetchiien) at the time of the fabled Emperor Kao-sin. Her name is stated 
not to have been preserved. The legend says that she was transformed 
into a silkworm, eating the leaves of the mulberry tree, and vomiting silk 
and cocoons from which cloth could be made for people's garments ^i^. 

Kao sin was the dynastic title of the so-called Emperor Kuh, the pre- 
decessor of Yao, and the reason why this legend of Szetchuen has been 
attributed to his time is not apparent, as according to tradition he was 
ruling in Honan^^^. 

52. The other Genius mentioned in the same work belongs to a much 
later date. It is no other than Ts'an ts'unG she. The Silkworm rearer, 
the chieftain of Shuh, who lived in the fifth century B.c.,(and assumed the 
title of King, mentioned, §-21 of our paper. He appears in the Sou 
shen ta tsuen, as a deity under the name of Tsing y shen, literally the 
Green coated Spirit, the reason for this name being that he is re- 
puted to have worn garments of that oolour^^^. He is referred to the dis- 
trict of Tsing shen in the department of Mei, West Szetchuen, which 
seems-to be derived from that of the deity or vice versa; the name appears 
applied to iho district for the first time under the dynasty of the Posterior 
Tchou 951-960, and the end of the Posterior Tang dynasties 923-936 a.d., 
while the deity itself is described in some verses of the Sung dynasty i^*'. 
In the silk districts, another silkworm Tutelary Spirit, Ts'an shen, is wor- 
shipped, and the following story is told about the deity. IsTear Wu-sili 
(Kiang-su) a countryman had forty-nine basket-waiters of silkworms, when 
seeing a very large silkworm he chopped it in two, whereupon all his silk- 
worms died. He knew then that he had killed the Spirit of silkworms. ^^i 
As may be remarked, none of the sesupplementary notes weaken any of the 
conclusions of our paper, while they only confirm and complete ourinqairy. 

53. In the interesting work of Dr. N. B. Dennys on The Folk-lore of 
Chinai22^ ^^e find a piece of curious information which, although secondary 
to our purpose is not unworthy of being mentioned. '-Tlie all pervading 
yang and yin principle so naturally influences the whole arcana of Chinese 
belief that it is not surprising to find it applied to the care of such useful 
contributors to the national industries as silkworms. These are said to 
belong to the yong or male influence and to be under the protection of a 
special constellation (which we have mentioned in § 31 sup7'd). 
Anything male,'? such as men, sunlight, &c,. is congenial to them, and 
anything female deleterious. Hence pregnant women (development of 
the yin principle) are not allowed to approach them; and even the presence 
of a new-born child in too close proximity is thought to be deleterious. 

op silkworms. 91 


115) Fortlie sake of references the same serials of numbers are continued 
liere for tlie paragraphs and notes. 

116) Sou SJien ta tsuen is the title of the work as written in every folio. 
It is commonly known liowever as the Sou i^hen ki, which is the title 
of a different work in 30 books written by Kan Pao, about 320 a.d., 
and is mentioned under that title in Wylie's Notes on Chinese Literature, 
p. 154:, and Cordier's Biblioteca Sinica, vol. I. col. 301 

117) Soushenta tsuen, Kiv. III. p. 17. — According to Du Bose {injrd 
n. 121) she is worshipped near the Great Lake. 

118) On this fabled ruler cf. the statements of the She Ki, Ti Wdnq she 
Ki , Ta Ti-li, Li Ki, l^chun tsm yuen ming pao, Ku site Kao, and other 
works quote 1 m the Tai ping yii Ian, Kiv. 80, fol. 1-2. 

119) Sou shen ta tsuen, Kiv. 7, fol, 6. 

120) Sou shen ta tsuen, ibid. — The section on Shen in the Tai ping yii Ian 
cyclopedia of 983 a. n., where it occupies the books 881 and 882, says 
nothing about any silk Tutelary spirit. — G. Playfair, The cities and 
towns of Chi wi. No. 1243. 

121) Hampden C. Dubose, The Dragon. Image, and Demon, or the 
Three Religions of China, 1886, p. 330. 

122) The Folklore of China, and its affinities ivith that of the Aryan 
and Semitic races; Hongkong, 1876; p. 70-71. 

* • 

54. A short extract, from the 'Tze she tsing him^^^ has been sent to 
me by my friend Professor Deveria. It is under i\w. heading of Yuen yii 
fu jin, the tutelary spirit mentioned in the § 38 of my paper, and pur- 
ports to come from the history of the Sung dynasty, 420-478, or Sung 
shu, which was compiled by Tch'en-yoh, the celebrated scholar from whoai 
we have quoted an important statement in a previous paragraph (37). 
The said history, section of Rites, is made to say, according to this quo- 
tation " in the usages of the Hans, the Empress had her own mulberry 
trees ^2*, and in a Magnanerie of the Imperial park in the east surburbs 
she sacrificed to the genii of the silkworms called Yuen yii fu jin 
(and) Yii she." 

55. Reference made to the Sung sha and in the indicated section 1^5^ 
I find indeed mention of sacrifices made for the silkworms by the 
Empress, and of regulations concerning them, but no special reference is 
made to the names of Yue7i yii fu jin and Ya she or any othe rdeity. On 
the other hand it seems impossible that Tch'en-yoh, in his work the 
Ts'i hiai I'i would have made the imperfect statement ^^6 ^q \^q.yq quoted 
from him (§ 37), should he have been in a position to write the other 
statement said to be found in i\\Qi Sung shu. The quotation is spurious, 
so far as the latter work is concerned*^?, and its apparent meaning. 

56. The ICang hi tze tlen, under the character yu where is given the 
reference to the Er-ya y which mentions the two same tutelary genii gives 


at the end of the article on the same symbol a variant which has been a 
clue to the exact source of the quotation we have just discussed. This 
variant is read Wa^^^, and appears joined to yilen, in the name of 
YtBN-wA, the shen of silkworms in the I'sin shu, sections of Rites and 
Music^29^ 'Xhe Tsin shu or history of the Tsin dynasty which ruled from 
265 to 4l9 A.C., was compiled by Fang-kiao and others^ ^*^ by Imperial 
order, during the reign of Tai tsung, 627-650, of the T'ang dynasty, from 
the works of eighteen previous authors ^ ^^. The statement is therefore 
somewhat remote from a direct source, and comes only from a third hand 

57. It gives ^-^^ in full the names Yuen-wafu jin (and) TiX she hung- 
ichu, and therefore leaves no doubt that there are two goddesses here 
mentioned and not only one, as the imperfect quotation alleged to come 
from the Sung shu, and where the qualification Kung-tchu does not ap- 
pear, could have led some of our readers to consider as an open question'^^. 
The statement is completed by the four words : tz'e yung shao lao which 
mean that for this Ancestral sacrifices a sheep was offered^^^. 

58. We must confess that we entertain some grave suspicions about 
the genuineness of the statement that the Empresses of the Great Han 
dynasty should have sacrificed to two goddesses of the silkworms named 
Yuen-wn fu jin and Yii she hung tchu. Firstly there is no identification 
made of the Empress who began the worship, and no such identification 
is possible on this statement since no name is given therein. And of 
all the Empresses of the Han dynasty (b.c. 206-221 a.d.) whose biogra- 
phies I have seen, no allusion occurs about this alleged fact. 

Secondly, there is a discrepancy in the rite mentioned which shows also 
that we must carry our investigations in another direction. These Han 
Empresses are said to have sacrificed in the eastern, while the rituals 
required the northern, suburbs. And the new rites substituting the East 
for the North were introduced, not as we had supposed^^^, in the 4th, 
but in the third century, i.e. in 286, under the Tsin dynasty. 

Thirdly, the regulations issued previously from 22 G to 285, maintained 
the nortliern suburbs in accordance with the Rites of the Tchou dynasty^'^, 
and no allusion is made therein to the worship of special genii for the 
silkworms ^•^'^. The fact is im2)ortant. 

, And fourthly, if the alleged fact was true for the Empresses of the 
Great Han dynasties, how could we understand the silence of the copious 
Annals of the Han dynasty, and that of subsequent historians, among 
others of Tch'en yoh who was interest' d in the matter as proved by the 
statement we have quoted from his writings ? The silence of Liu Hiang, 


ill his biographies of 71 eminent worthies ^3^, wliich was compiled at the 
time of this alleged worship i.e. under the Great Han dynasty, is also 
rather significant of its non-contemporariness. We are tlius led to 
admit that these two goddesses must have been only the object of a local 
and temporary worship, before the fifth century, but we are not pre- 
pared to admit without some further evidence that it happened before the 
fourth century as we shall see directly. 

59. The question remains to know, failing what it pretended to be, 
when and where such a worship may have taken place. The Great Han 
dynasty being discarded for the various reasons negative and positive 
A\liich have been put forth in the last paragraph, some other Hans may 
be those referred to. There are no less than six dynasties of that same 
name which at one time or other have ruled over the whole or only parts 
of China. Two of them, the Former and Later Han, are those most 
generally known and commonly referred to as the Han period (B.C. 20& 
220 A.D.) Then came the Minor Han of Shuh (221-263), and later on 
the Han (of 304-319 a.d.), which afterwards took the name of Tchao, 
(319-329) the Han of 338-347 ^'9, and finally the Han posterior which 
ruled from 936 to 948. 

60. The three first and the last are out of the question, and so is the 
fifth which hardly deserves to be mentione.d at all. The ])robabilities 
centre around the Hans of 304-319 which at one time ruled over five of 
the northern provinces of China^^^. The detailed history of their Imperial 
house is imperfectly known, except that the Empresses were numerous ; 
one of the Emperors, Liu-tsung, having as many as three at the same 
time, i.e. in 315 a.d.^*^, and leaving four at his dctith, 318 a.d.^^^ They 
were contemporary with tho Tsin dynasty and their relations with them 
were close, too close even for the good of the latter. The Tsin were in 
fact two dynasties, the Western Tsin whose capital city was at Loh-yang 
and who ruled from 2 65 to 315, and the Eastern Tsin from 317 to 420 
having their capital at Nanking. The Western Tsin were put to an end 
by the Han-Tchao who made prisoner their last ruler. Now a good many 
statements concerning the Han-Tchao have slipped into the Tsin shu as 
they were contemporary, and this is the probable explanation of the 
fact concerning the cult of these silk goddesses at the Han court having 
crept into the History of the Tsm dynasty. It is not unhkely either 
that this worship should have led the Empress of K'ang-ti of the Eastern 
Tsin in 343-344 to renew the regulations on the matter (§ 83). 

61. These Hans were not Chinese, but Tartars, Sinibised but partly, 
and this may explain the alteration introduced in the rites, as mentioned 


previously. Moreover it may explain also the non-Chln6se appearance 
of one at least of the names of the two goddesses. Their literal meaning 
is not that which could be expected, should they have been Chinese de- 
nominations. Yuen-wa fii jin has the rather vulgar meaning of the 
wife of the low ground of the park. The name of Yd she hung 
tchu has been already referred to, § 39, and needs no further remarks. 

62. Both may be attempts at rendering foreign names, but this T am 
loth to decide. In the present state of researches however, there is no 
serious objection to the identification I have proposed with the Chinese 
queen of Yijayajaya, the king of Khotan, and some resemblances in the 
name and meaning may be found in support of this view^^^. In that 
case the two names might be those of one single person, the first being 
the rendering of her quality of wife of Vijayajaya, while the second might 
be her name as an Imperial princess in the Chinese fashion which we have 
explained previously (§ 39 sub fine), 

63. Whatever may be the outcome of further researches on the matter, 
the conclusions we have arrived at in another paper with reference to the 
modernness of the worship of Si-ling Lui tsu remain unaltered, with the 
additional statement that this deity is also worshipped by the silk mer- 
chants and by silk and satin weavers. ^^* 


123) A voluminous collection in 160 books) of quotations from the his- 
torical and philosophical literature, classified according to subjects, 
under 30 sections embracing 260 articles. It was published by Im- 
perial order in 1727, according to A. Wylie, Notes on Chinese litera- 
ture, p. 151, it is conA'-enient as a manual in the composition of literary 
exercises, but the value of the work is not placed at a high limit. We 

have here a proof of this statement. 

124) Han y Hiuang hou ts'in sang. — The expression Han y occurs re- 
peatedly in the text of the Tsin shu. 

125) Sung shu, Li tchi, 1-3. 

126) It must be remarked however that the statement of Tch'en yoh is 
guarded in one respect. He says that Teh'' en she is our goddess, as if 
he knew of some other goddess not purely Chinese. Now we know that 
such other goddess existed. 

127) As I have been able to trace the source of this quotation in the 
following paragraph, and to place another construction on its meaning 
than would appear at a glance, we may take the case as an instance 
of the little confidence deserved by the learning of the Chinese of the 
present day. 

123) Bas.7291 is composed of the 116th key, a cave, with Kiia melon 
under it ; the latter character is repeated twice in the sign YiX of 

129) Tsln shu, Li yoh tchi.—ICang-hi tze tien, 116 + 5, fol. 87.— In the 
Tsin shu, Li tchi, I, fol. 9, is the quoted statement. 


130) Fang Kiao died in 648 a.d. 

131) A. Wylie, Notes on Chinese literal are, \). 15. 
182) Tsin "^shu, kiv. 19, fol. 9. 

188) Although the Er-ya y states positively that they were two sheyi-s. 

184) Ta-lao, an ox, shao lao, a sheep. — Cf. Li ki, i Wang tclii — K\ing hi 
tze tien, 98 + 3, fol. 8. — Lao means litterally a paddock, a stable for 
sacrificial aanimals. 

135) The Silk Goddess of China, §38. 

186) Such as recorded in the Ritual of the Tchou (^Tchou-li) and the 
Records of Rites (Li-ki). inasmuch as the latter was compiled under 
the Han dynasty. 

137) Tsin shu, Li tchi, I. fol. 9, and 9r. 

188) Lieh sien tch'uen, — An extract of this work about s il k w o r ni s in 
the Tai ping i/il Ian Cyclopaedia, Kiv. 825, fol. 8 verso, refers to some 
marvels, but not to any spirit of silkworms. — This valuable cyclopauiia, 
published in 988 a.c, contains extracts of no less than 48 previous 
works on the subject, Kiv. 825, ff. 1-6 verso. 

] 89) They had first adopted the name of Tcheng, 303-388, and their cap- 
ital cTty was at Tcheng-tu in Sv.e-tchuen. During their existence, i.e. 
until 847, they had seven rulers. De Guignes, Ilistoire des Huns, vol. 
I. pp. 119-120, has published the list of their names. 

140) Pehtchili, Shansi, Shensi, Honan, and Shantung. Cf. De Guignes, 
Histoire des Iluns, vol. II. p. 162. 

141) Li tai Ti Wang nlen piao, Tung Tsin, fol. 4. 

142) Do Guignes, Ilistoire des Huns, vol. II. p. 187. 

148) For instance, Vijayajaya=Wuyen-oa; the latter being an ancient 
form of Yuen-wa as displayed by archaisms of dialect. 

144) The Rev. H.C.Du Bose, an American missionary who has Iqng been 
resident at Sutchou (Kiangsu), in making that statement speaks of 
See Lingsze! as a god. Cf. The Dragon, Image, and Demon, p. 335. 

* • ♦ 

64. From olden times after the Chinese had learned the rearing of silk- 
worms and winding of cocoons from the native tribes in the east of the 
country they had invaded (§50), it became downwards to the Han period 
the yearly custom to sacrifice for the harvest of mulberry leaves and silk- 
worms to the spirits of the ancient emperors or to the tutelary genii of the 
land (§§24, 33). And under the Tchou dynasty (§§24, 81) this became 
henceforth and above all the special duty of the Queen or Empress. To- 
wards the end of this dynasty it seems that sacrifices were offered to the 
Spirits of the ancient silkworms {sien fsan) themselves (§31) as ancestors 
of the new ones. In the Ilird century of our era there was not yet any 
definite genius of the silkworm recognized (§58). In the following age, 
began the practice of ofltering yearly sacrifices to a Tutelary Spirit of the 
silkworms, but the person of this genius was not the same everywhere. 
The fundamental idea was that such genius was the protecting spirit of a 
person who in life had taken great care of Sericulture. Most probably 


among the Han=Tchao, 304-319, of North China (§§54-60), they wor- 
shipped a single or double goddess Yuen-wa or Yii she, who may have 
been the Chinese Queen of the King of Khotan, of whom an interesting 
story of devotedness to silkworms is reported (§§39-62). The Tsin Em- 
press, in the same age, a little later, i.e. in 343-4 a.d., offered sacrifices 
to a Ts'an shen, whose name is not specially mentioned (§ 32), and 
which was probably the Big silkworm of Wei-sih (§52). The 

■capital city of the Han was in Shansi, while that of the Eastern Tsin 
was at Nanking. In the fifth century, 479-501, the Ts'i, whose capital 
was also Nanking, worshipped the spirit of Tchen-she, the famous wife of 
the great Emperor Wu-ti of the Han dynasty, 140 e.g., as their goddess 
of silkworms (§ 37). 

65. The regional character of such worships of Genii is thus far 
shown in former times,- and it has continued so to the present day. A 
silkworm-Lady Ts'an niu, has numerous worshippers, as well has a 
former ruler of the Shuh region Tshng y shen also called the silkworms 
rearer. Opinion was long wavering as to the personage of Antiquity 
whose spirit would be formally recognized as the tutelary genius of silk 
and silkworms. Besides the names we have mentioned, it was thought at 
one time before the tenth century that Shen-nung should be recognized as 
the god (§44). But in the following age, the claims of Si-ling she 

first Empress of Huangti, the chieftain leader of the Chinese Bak sings, 
immigrating in the country, were put forth by Szema Kwang, who fancies 
or gave vent to undue inferences of a mythological character out of the 
written symbol employed for the name of that worthy person (§41). The 
result was in course of time the formal acknowledgment of the worship of 
Lui tsu Si-ling she among: the governmental institutions. Her worship^ 
although officially carried out in some parts of the country has not yet 
succeeded in taking an important place among the popular religion 
of tho Chinese. 

66. We have thus been able in the foregoing pages to notice eight dif- 
ferent successive deities or Tutelary spirits of the silk and silkworms: ^len 
ts^an, Yuen-wa or Yuen-yu fu jin and Yu she Kung tchu, Ts'an shen, 
Tchen she, Ts'an niu, Ts'mg-y shen, and LuL-tsu Si-ling she. The latter 
goddess, the latest recognized, has not yet ousted the two preceding deities 
which have still a large number of worshippers. 

Tkrrien db Lacouperie. 




Contributors are alone responsible for their opinions or statements 

1. Statements have been made long ago concerning a first arrival of 
Buddhistic missionaries in China during the third century b.c.^ The years 
circa 250, 230, 221, and 217 b.c. are quoted at random, and the matter 
is generally stated to be worth little credence, for want of precise informa- 
tion as to its source, and also because this first introduction of the religion 
was not followed by any lasting effect. The persecution of literature, and 
the troubles which accompanied the death of the founder of the Chinese 
Empire, as well as the overthrow of his short lived dynasty, were apparent- 
ly fatal to the establishment of the new doctrine, while the Imperial pat- 
ronage, and the permanent success which characterised the second intro- 
duction in 67 A.D., have overshadowed the first unsuccessful attempt of 
the missionaries of Buddha. A short statement hitherto unobserved, and 
which I have lately remarked in the Historical Kecords of Szema Tsien, 
gives me the occasion of the present paper. 

2. In his chapter on the Fung and Shang sacrifices, the author of the 
She Ki, or the original document from which he derived his information, 
states^* that the Emperor went to the East on the shores of the Puh hat 
(5080-4993) or Gulf of Pehtchihli, and there accomplished the rites; 
he offered sacrifices to the famous mountains, to the great rivers, and to 
the eight gods.^ Then he sent for the holy men ( fg A )» ^^o were Sien 
men ( ^ P^ ) and his companion s.^ 

Now Sien men is curiously enough, so much like a transcription, Chinese 
fashion, of Sramana, Samana,^ the general designation of Buddhist monks 
and priests, that this similarity, coupled with other reasons which make it 

Vol. V. -No. 5. [97] May, 1891. 


plausible, may certainly be looked upon as indicating the presence of Budd- 
hist missionaries in China at that time. Sang-men (^ p^) and Sha. 
men (^^J/ f^) in later centuries were the current Chinese transcriptions of 
the same denomination,^ and the fundamental resemblance and identity of 
the three can scarcely be doubted. 

3. Nothing is known of what this Sien-men and his companions exactly 
were; the term occurs only once more, and this in the same chapter of 
Szema Tsien where it is coupled with a proper name, Sien-men Tze Kao 
(^^)6 i.e. the Shaman Tze Kao. Our interpretation of Sien men is 
thus far confirmed. This man is mentioned, with three others who had 
preceded him long before,' and were living in Yen^ i.e. N. Tchihli, because 
they were all of them adepts in the doctrines of Tsou-tze, otherwise Tsou 
Yen. The latter, a philosopher, who lived under the reigns of the Kings 
Wei and Siuen of Ts'i, 378 — 332 — 313 b.c.^ and was a younger con- 
temporary of Meng-Ko, vulgo Mencius, 372-289 B.C., is said to have 
composed treatises on Cosmogony^ and on the influences of the five ruling 
elements (J. f^ ^- There are indications which point to a probabil- 
ity tliat he had access to a knowledge of the teachings of Hindu Cosnio- 
gonists.'^^ In the writings of Lieh-Yu K'ou, who was flourishing under the 
reign of Hien Wang of Tchou (368-321 b.c), there are also obvious traces 
of Hindu ideas which he mixed up with his raving legends about Si Wang 
Mu and Muh Wang.^i 

4. Szema Tsien, or the' original documents he has made use of in the 
compilation of the chapter we have quoted, refers apparently t j tlie Nirvana 
as being the principal mover of all these men's conduct. His statement 
looks as a garbled notion of the mental condition of the Buddhist ascetics 
thus transformed into a physical fact.^^ ^^Q j^^ve perhaps here the indi- 
cation of a successful Buddhistic predication of the Shaman Tze-Kao 
among disciples prepared somewhat to receive them by the teachings of 
Tsoa Yen of older times. The date of the event was 219 b.c. 

5. Should we trust the sole evidence of chronology, the Buddhist 
missionary Tze Kao and his companions whose existence we have just been 
able to disclose from the limbos of literature, must have belonged to the 
same Mission as that of Li-fang (^ij |5jJ) the Indian priest, who with 
seventeen companions is said to have come from India to Loh-yang in 217 
B.C. The story, which has been referred to in recent years by severaj 
scholars,^^ had hitherto no other support than that of one sole Buddhistic 
work, from which it had been quoted. This has been looked upon as an 
unsafe source, the more so that the narrative is accompanied with some 


marvellous circnmstances, and that this work, called P'o sie lun^^ hy Fa 
lin, is reputed to have been written between the years 624-640 a.d. 

6. The story therein says that " in the xxxth year of She Hwang-ti, 
in 217 B.C. ,14 the Western Shaman Li-fang, with seventeen others 

arrived at Lohyang, bringing with them original siitras in Brahma's (Fan)** 
characters. Being foreigners they were examined by the officials, and by 
the Emperor's orders were thrown into prison as "strange customers." 
But Li-fang and his comrades continued chanting the Maha Prajnti Pa- 
ramita Sutra, when suddenly a brilliantly bright and shining light, accom- 
panied by an auspicious halo, permeated into and iilled the prison. And 
at the same time appeared a divine being, bright as gold, holding in his 
hand a sceptre, with which ,w ith exceeding majesty, he struck the prison 
walls, which shivered to atoms at his blow. Li -fang and his companions 
then came forth, and the Emperor, alarmed at the miracle, repented of his 
sin, and treated his quondam prisoners with every sign of marked respect."^* 

7. But there is another work in which the story is repeated.^'^ It is 
the Fah wan tchu lin, or "Pearl grove of the garden of the law," a large 
encyclopedia in 100 chapters containing extracts from the Tripitaka, and 
which Tao-shi styled Hiien-yuu, a Buddhist priest, completed in a.d. 668.^® 
Coming a little time afterwards the work of Fa-lin, this can however be 
looked upon as an independent testimony in support of an historical basis of 
the story of the Buddhist missionaries at Loh-yang, because the details are 
different to some extent. It says that Li-fang with seventeen companions 
came to China with Buddhist books for the purpose of converting the 
King. The Iiimperor, however, shut them up in prison. In the evening, 
six men (of superhuman appearance) came and with their diamond maces 
opened the prison doors, and brought the captives out. On this the Em- 
peror was filled with fear, and paid them reverence.^^ 

8. The last version of the story, as we find it in the lamented Sam- 
uel Beal's works, and in William Fred. Mayer's Chinese Reader's 
Manual, which refers especially to the Fah wan tchu Un, differs from the 
other version in the important respect of the date. S. Beal does not 
quote any, but Mayers mentions casually 220 b.c, which is the first year 
after the establishment of the Empire, a rather ominous coincidence. We 
may take it as showing that no precise date is given in the original, and 
that the event is simply referred therein to the reign of She Hwang-ti 
leaving therefore the first version of the P'o sie lun alone in its complete- 
ness of information, and fixation of the date at 217 b.c. 

9. Therefore these facts may be' retained from a comparison of the two 


Tersions: 1^) Buddhist missionaries imder the leadership of Li-fang, ar-. 
rived at the Capital Loh-yang in 217 B.C.; 2^) they were temporarily 
persecuted; and 3° they were afterwards released by the Emperor's orders. 
The two events at Loh-yang and on the shores of the Puh-hai explain and 
complete one another. She Hwang-ti who had heard of and seen the Sha- 
man Tze Kao and his companions, in 219 B.C., and who had learned thus 
something of their doctrines, could not fail to recognize the same teachings 
in those of Li-fang and his followers, and to order them free, when he 
was made acquainted with their presence in his capital, two years afterwards. 

10. The probabilities are in favour of Tze Kao and Li-Fang belonging 
to one and the same mission, and if the second name is mentioned at 
Loh-yang, it may be that Tze-Kao had died in the meantime, and that 
the leadership had then been assigned to Li-fang. But this is a mere 
suggestion as the two names might not refer to one individual only; and 
do not seem to be the phonetic rendering and the sense rendering ©f 
an Indian appellative in the Chinese fashion^o. None however lends easily 
to a clear interpretation, and the question remains for us a matter of 

11. Nothing is known further of these early Buddhists missionaries in 
China. Their teachings were merged into the Taoist ideas which were 
then in activity, and in every case seem to have disappeared a few years 
afterwards during the persecution of the literati. It has been agreable to 
Chinese Buddhists of after times, such as Fa-lin to speculate upon the 
probability that Buddhist books brought in by Li-Fang were involved 
into the Fire of the Books. But the evidence of the fact has not been 
forthcoming, and it is doubted by competent scholars wether anything of 
Buddhist teachings had been as yet committed to writing. 

12. The statement of Fa-lin that Li-fang and his companions came 
from India ileaves open the question to know which route they passed 
through. It could not be the north-west route, nor the west route, both 
and successively the regular trade route of nephrite-jade from Turkestan 
since olden times, as these routes were closed, according to probabilities 
since the IXth century b.c. and the first of them' was not to be re 
opened before the second part of the second century b.c.^^ 

13. It could be the south-west or the South route through the region of 
Shuh, modern Sze-tchuen, which the merchants thereof followed for their 
trade purposes. The South-west route passing through Darchiendo and 
the Brahmaputra to Pataliputra (Patna), reached thus the capital of 
A9oka, che seat of the famous council after which so many Buddhist 


missions were dispatched in yarious countries^^. As this council is said 
to have taken place in 245 b.c, therefore 26 or 28 years before llio arrival 
of the above missionaries in the North of China proper, West and East, 
it was more time thati required for their travelling through, notwithstand- 
ing all the difficulties which stood in their way. 

14. Some more reasons may be adduced in favour of the south west 
route as that through which tlip first Buddhist missionaries arrivtd in 
China. An Indian influence had penetrated in the land of Shuh, several 
centuries previously. A dynasty had been established there by a chieftain 
reputed to have erne from India. And the numerous caves and ana- 
chorets refuges cut in the cliffs over and along the Min river, which have 
been described by the two regretted Sinologists Alexander Wylie, and 
Edward Colborn Baber, and the ornamentation of which is clearly Hindu ■ 
in character, show that this route was undoubtedly followed by Buddhist 
monks in ancient times, although history has not preserved the records of 
the matter. 

15. The South route being longer may be dismissed as infinitely less 
probable, although trade was established at that time between Indo-China, 
properly Burmah and Pegu and North Sze-tchuen, and that Buddhism 
had been carried to the Golden Chersonese, Suvannabhumi , by Sana and 
Uttara at Golanagara, near the mouths of the Irrawaddy, immediately 
after the council of Patna^s. Therefore no impossibility could be argued 
against an extension of Buddhism from there to China ; but it would 
have been of a secondary and consequently more difficult extension, almost 
impossible before a longer time. On the other hand, the direct route from 
Patna has greater claims and presented less difficulties, coming as it did 
from the very centre of expansion of the religion. 

16. Therefore of the three routes hitherto mentioned, the S.W. one 
seems to have been the most probable. But if this route was really fol- 
lowed by the missionaries from India, it seems strange that they should 
have appeared in the North-east instead of the west or centre, and this 
two years at least before their arrival at Loh-yang in the centre of the 
country. We must remember that a fierce state of internecine wars had 
iust given way to a general peace under the sway of She Hwang-ti. The 
missionaries must have remained outside of the warring states in the non- 
Chinese lands of the South and make their appearance only when the 
peace was restored, and after such length of time as necessary for the 
start and journey of their mission after having received the news of the 
establishment of the Empire. The two years* which elapsed between this 


event (221 b.c.) and their presence (219 b.c.) in the Yen country fulfil 
these conditions. 

17. Now, another consideration requires also some attention. The 
Shaman Tze-Kao and his companions, as remarked previously, are men- 
tioned with referenx3e to surroundings congenial to their teachings. They 
were there not far^* from Lang-ya, the famous city built near the Southern 
shores of the Shantung peninsula, which everything shows to have been 
a colony of merchants established there in connection and as a result of 
the maritime trade by the southern seas, which trade had stations of the 
same name on the route^^. Lanka of Ceylon was thus the prototype of 
Lang-ya or Lang-nga of the Chinese coast which was founded before 
the Vlth century b.c.^^. 

18. Many western notions have reached China through that channel, 
and it may not have been an utter impossibility for Buddhist mission- 
aries to have reached finally there after travelling from station to station. 
But reasons may be adduced which show that such a case is improbable. 
It was Hinduism and not Buddhism which by this route was first spread 
eastwards, and the Buddhistic outside influence of Ceylon did not begin 
but after the time of Buddhagosha in the Vth century a.d. 

19. The various circumstances, surrounding and actual, which have 
been enumerated and discussed in the foregoing pages, permit us to con- 
clude that a Buddhist mission arrived in China proper in the first years 
of the Chinese Empire. This mission was under th.-. leadership of Tze- 
Kao and Li-fang, (should these two appellatives not indicate one and 
the same Shaman), and arrived by the South western route, from Pali- 
bothra (Patna), through Darchiendo and North Szetchuen. When they 
arrived on the confines of the Empire, having learned that the Emperor 
was not then in his capital but in the kiun of Ts'i, modern Shantung*^, 
the most eastern province of his dominion, they must have traced their 
way in that direction. 

20. And thus they arrived in the vicinity of and into contact with the 
disciples of a philosophical school congenial to their views and whose the 
founder, Tsou-yen in the IVth century B.C., was acquainted withHindu 
ideas and speculations. TThile thcie, Lh«y were brought to the cognizance 
of the Emperor who took interest to their views and teachings. Two 
years later they went to Loh-yang^s^ one of the greatest and most central 
cities of the Empire, and after a short persecution were set at liberty to 
teach their doctrines. But the persecution of the literati a few years 
afterwards (213 b.c), the death of the Emperor, the weakness of his 

I ,„..„ 

^HJEiccessor and the troubles which accompanied th« overtlirow soon after, 
of his ererlastimj dynasty, prevented these missionaries making a good 
start and a solid establishment in the Floweryland. And so far as we 
know, they may have gone back to India, disgusted with their adventures 
and the attacks made upon them by the Taoists. 


1) Remiisat, said W. F. Mayers, has recorded a statement (the derivation 
of which appears uncertain") to tlio effect that Buddhist missionaries 
from India reached China as early as b.g. 217 ; but Koeppen and 
other (supposed) well informed writers on Buddhism reject this tradition 
as unfounded ; nor has a (supposed) careful search of Chinese author- 
ities been rewarded by the discovery of any conoboration of the state- 
ment. Cf. his note on Chinese views respecting the date of Intro- 
duction of Buddhism : Notes and Queries on China and Japan, vol. 
II, 18(58, p. 51. — Now these writers were not well informed and the 
search of Chinese authorities was not careful, as shown by the present 

1*) Szema Tsien ; She ki, kiv. xxviii. Fung Shan Shu, fol. 10. 

2) There is about these Pah shin or Eight Gods an obscurity which has 
never been cleared. Szema Tsien enumerates them as follows : masters 
of 1) Heaven; 2) Earth ; 3) War; 4) Male principle; 5) Female 
principle ; 6 j Moon ; 7) Sun ; 8) Seasons. He says that they existed 
from remote times, and he reports an opinion that it was Tai Kung of 
Ts'i (at the beginning of the Tchou dynasty) who first sacrificed to 
them, (She Id, xxxviii, fol. 10). After Ts'in She Huang-ti, the sole 
Emperor who is mentioned as having sacrificed to them is Han Wu- 
Ti in 110 B.C. (Cf. Siao Hloh Kan tchu, Kiv. 9 : Yu hai coll.. vol. 
78 ; W. P. IMayers : The Eight Gods : N. and Q. of China and Japan, 
vol. II, 186S, p. 189). — The Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Hiuen Tsang 
speaks of the eight Vajrapdnis surrounding Tathagata (the Buddha) 
as an escort. (Cf. S, Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western Worlds 
1884, vol. II, p, 23). But there is, in our opinion some uncertainty in 
this statement. — It seems likely that those eight gods were of foreign 
origin. There are eight gods in the Hindu Pantheon, on which cf. 
J.A.Dubois, Mdiirs, Institutcons, et Ceremonies des Peupies de VInde; 
Sir George Birdwood, Indian Arts, vol. I. pp. 64-70, but the attributes 
of the Chinese deities were different in six cases out of eight. 

3) Cf. Le Traite sur les sacrifices Fong et Chan de Sema Tsien, trad. 
Ed. Chavannes, Peking 1890, p. 23. 

4) Sanskrit fframana, Pali Samana ; in Chinese sounds Sha-man. 

5) E. Eitel : Handbook of Chinese Buddhism, p. 130. 

6) Le traite sur les Sacrifices, p. 25. 

7) Song wu ki, Tcheng pe k'iao, Tch'ong-shang, and Sien-men Tze-Kao 
who came long after them. 

8) M. Ed. Chavannes, in his note to the translation of this sentence, has 
mistaken Siuen for the name of a former duke and his chronological 
inference is therefrom vitiated. 

9) Cf. his biography in Szema Tsien, She Ki, Kiv. 74. — The great his- 
torian says, that "Tsou Yen had written a famous book on " the chief 


evolution of the Yn and of the Yang," in his chapter on the sacrifices, 
fol. 11. 

10) W. F. Mayers, The Chinese Readers Manual, \, 746. He is re- 
puted to have made a commentary of the Tchou-b*. 

11) He is said by some Chinese writers to have heard of the Buddha, 
because his statement: Si-fang tchijen yusheny tche yeh, ''the men of 
the West possess a Saint" is supposed to refer to Gautama Sakyamuni, 
Cf. W. F. Mayers, Chinese views respecting the date of introduction 
of Buddhism, N. & Q,, I.e. p. 52. — The Buddhistic character of some 
of the views of Lieh-tze has been pointed out by Yeh To-k'ing a Chi- 
nese writer of the Xlllth century in his work K'ao Ku Tchih Y, — 
The statement concerning the Saint is attributed by Lieh-tze to Con- 
fucius, who lived 551-479 b.c. ^N'ow according to modern calculations, 
the Buddha lived c. 513-133 e.g., and the year of his Nirvana was c. 477 
B.C. It would have been therefore impossible for Confucius to have 
heard about him, but Lieh-tze may have received some information on 
the great man. Prof. C. de Harlez, Les Religions de la Chine (Museon, 
•Avril, 1891, p. 150) thinks however that the Saint referred to was Lao- 
tze. He may be right, without necessarily impugning the authenticity 
of Lieh-tze's teachings. Chinese critics while recognizing the foreign 
character of some notions in Lieh-tze's writings, were unable to under- 
stand how they could have reached China in his time, and have attribu- 
ted them to later additions. Confucianist jealousy has helped to that op- 
nion; but this extreme view of hypercriticism is not necessary, and all 
that we know from other sources permit us to say that the writings of 
Lieh-tze do not clash with his time and surroundings. — On some traces 
of Hindu influence in his writings Cf. note 120 of my paper on The 
Deluge traditi07i audits remains in Ancient China: B, & .K., vol. 
IV. p. 109. 

11*) InM. Ed. Chavannes' translation: "C'etaient tous des hommes du 
pays de Yen, habiles a suivre la voie qui mene a la beatitude. lis se 
depouillaient de leur corps qui s'evanouissait et se transformait. lis 
s'appiiyaient sur ^e culte qu'ils savaient rendre aux genies et aux dieux." 

12) R. K, Douglas : China, 1882, p. 318 : ed. II, 1887, p. 344.— 
Samuel Beal : Abstract of four Lectures on the Buddhist Literature of 
China, ]S82, pp. 47-48. 

13) i.e. " A treatise on the confutation of heresy." — Bunyiu Nanjio ; 
A Catalogue of the Chinese translation of the Buddhist Tripitaka, Ox- 
ford 18S3, col. 331, No. 1500. 

14) The thirtieth year of She Hwang-ti, was, according to the Li tai Ti 
Wang nien piao of Ts'i Tchao-nan, a year Kia-shin of the sexagenary 
cycle, therefore not 216 but 217 b.c. 

15) i.e. ^ from all and forest which were then pronounced respectively 
bam and lam, making Bam-lam or Bam-ram for Br am according to 
a device frequently resorted to by Buddhist scribes in China for the 
rendering of foreign words of their religion. 

IQ) Fa-lin, F'o sie lun, in Kang-hi's great Encyclopedia in 10020 books 
published in 1726, Kin ting ku kin t'u shu tsih tcKeng, sect. 18, kiv. 
^AeA;m.— R.K.Douglas: China, 188l^ p. 318. 

17) It is reproduced in abstract from this work inrthe Kwang poh wuh 
tchi, Kiv. 16, a cyclopedia in 50 books, completed in 1607 by Tung 

105 ENTERED CHlHi.. 

Sze-tcbang, and giving ample quotations from ancient literature, down 
to the Suy dynasty, (Cf. A. Wylie: Notes on Chinese literature, p. 150), 
and the beginning of the T'ang dynasty. 

18) Cf. Bunyiu Nanjio: Catalogue, col. 328, No. 1482 and col. 461 
No. 22. 

19) S. Beal: Four lectures, p. 2; Buddhism in China, p. 48.— W.F 
Mayers: Chinese R.M., I. 340. 

20: For instance, Li-fang may be =Revata or any similar name. 

21) Cf. T. de L. : Or gin of the early Chinese civilisation from Western 
Sources, ehapt. VI, e, §§ ^'2, 56. 

22) Recorded in the Stii ciiapter of the Dipavansa and the lilth chapter 
of the Mahdvanm. 

23 ) Em. Forchhammer : Notes on the early history and Geography 0/ 
British Burma, II.- — The first Buddhist ^Mission to Suvannabhumi ; 
Rangoon, 1 >34, p. 5. — T. de L. : Origin, '§ 66. 

24) They wore in fact on the North side of the peninsula, but the whole 
region there had been for long a centre of culture and mental 

25) The names not contemporary are the following : Lankapura (Ceylon), 
Lanka-Balus (Nicobar), Kamalanka (delta of the Irrawadi), Lavg-nga- 
siu (N. Java), Linqga island (S. of Malacca peninsula), Ling-Ka-poh- 
pa-to island (opposite N. Cochinchina) and Lang-ya (Shantung). 

26) Cf. T. de L. : Origin, ch. VI, c, § 44. 

27) One of the thirty-six divisions of the Empire as instituted hi 221 B.C. 

2S) The capital of the Empire was then Hien-yang, in the modern pre- 
fecture of Si-ngan, S. Shensi. In 220 the Emperor had travelled in 
the West and the North; in 219 and 218 his journeys were in the 
ea4ern provinces. The reason which led Li-fang and his companions to 
go to Loh-yang instead of Hien-yang, wa? perhaps that the Emperor 
was at the time staying there, as it was the former capital of the Tchou 
dynasty. Tbrrikn db Laoouperie. 

{Continued from Vol. III. p. 259.) 

VII. The Letter )l(. 
We were all deceived as to the name of the son of Sidarios, (the pos- 
sessor of the 19th tomb at Limyra), for we affirmed with assurance that 
this much - loved son was named in the Greek part of that epitaph, 
nVBIAAAHl, and in the Lycian part DIOICETA^I-; . 


Hence the traditional reading of )K )l( by u^, uv, ww, uu, vv.^^ 
Observe again that this letter figures with the variant )J( and the in- 
contestable reading va in the Cypriote syllabary. 

Thus upon the faith of a single example, and that a doubtful one. v?e 
built some admirable theories. 

However, small revealing rays of the gutturalization of 7K began to ap- 
pear. I had remarked the identity of words to which I believed it possible 
to adapt the following transcriptions : 
zrlv'ali and zrivvali, 

xdriv'a and KAPIKA, (on the Greek epigram of the Obelisk), 
umrv^v'azn and humrxx^^ 
always led away by the idea that )K being v, V became v', with the 
yalue ol hv Zend = x. 

Unfortunately )U is not at all what I thought, since the only example 
upon which this reading ( = r)K)KET^Ti I ) rests, is qnestionable. 

Mr. Arkwright ,who has already done so much for these very difficult 
studies of Lycian epigraphy, sends me a note in which are traced the diff- 
rent copies of the travellers who have published the Sidarios' epitaph. 
Among these copies one — that of Daniell — (second style) has always 
appeared impossible: it bears, in fact, as the first letters of the name of 
Pyhialis, the characters fOE^^;* What is this O and this E % 

The Austrian explorers, in their very conscientious facsimile ^^"^ cenfirm 
in an unexpected manner, Daniell's copy: 

^M^^ (i?m^^n, no. 124, p. 66). 
There had been pOBE t H A*!^ Ii^, including 0=u and E=i, the 
name I ubialIya, which strictly corresponds with Uv^iaWrjt of the Greek 

Thus we are henceforth free in regard to )!(; that letter may he s^ v or 
any other thing. 

And it is in fact anything but a v. 

M. Six makes the remark in his concluding and important numismatic 
work, that the Carian Seskos seated at the banquet sculptured on the inte- 
resting monument of Cadyanda, is marked out to the spectator by a double 
mention, Greek XEZKHX, and Lycian, beneath tha lower foot-stool, 
IEI)K)|(^, from which it is natural to deduce the equivalence K= 

On my side, I believe I have discovered the name of a divinity of the 


Solymes upon the obelisk and in a Lycian epitaph at Myra.* 

TP)l()Kf^/, TP)l()KEI. 

tar^kas, tarkkiz = the Hittite Tar'hu, the sign 

for which is the wild-goat (=Tpayo^- 1)""^ 

But here is a name often repeated on the Obelisk, in a text which is no 
longer Lycian. as I shall show elsewhere, and in the epitaph of Anti- 
phellus 1, equally unconcerned in, as to language, ^the idiom of our monu- 
ments: that name is : 

TP)l()l(3ETF^=<''H-/'i^a (read tarkonda). 
TpoKovda<s was a name familiar to the Cibyrates and the Lycians ; it 
might be at first TapKoi^Sa^, which places it in the same rank as Tarcon- 
demos the Cilician. The name is doubtless a Oetowfios word. Is there here 
a prince of Cibyra allied to the son of Harpagos, and is it his language 
which is inscribed on the West and North sides of the obelisk, as well 
as on the Antiphellus tomb ? A weighty problem. ^^ 
Another solution, inspired by the vicinity of the name of TPMCM^iTh 
and of different ethnics, would be to recognize in our word the value of a 
tribal denomination; exactly as there is at Mylasa, or near Mylasa, a power- 
ful tribe of the Tarcondares.^^ In that case the text is in hieratic Carian, 
and I have for a long time cherished the idea that we should have a dis- 
course (in poetry) of Zeus Labrandeus to his favourite Kreis ! But it is 
necessary to be on our guard against taking up a position on these delicate 
questions too resolutely. Let us work on without taking a side, and con- 
fess our inexperience. 

M^ny thanks to the Austrian travellers for the careful copies they 
have published: they enable us to correct old errors, — the more regrettable 
as they were stopping the way. Why hare they not given us a new copy 
of Antiphellus I? We register this vow, to be answered by a future tra- 


66) See the discussion relative to the complete restoration of this text ni 

Saveisberg's Beitrdge z. Entziff. d. Lyk. Sjjrachd. 1, pp. 24 and ff. 

Savelsberg has made the error of taking for the centre of comparison 

Fellows' defective copy; in this he imitates the bad example of Moriz 

Q7) I owe this outline to Mr. Arkwright, in his letter of March 4th, 1891. 

68) "Monnaies Grecques, Inedites et Incertaines," extracted from Numis- 
matic Chronkle, vol. X. third series, 1890, note 140. 

69) Obel. Ea^t, 34. West, 14. North, 35, 65- Antiphellus, 1. 5. 
Mtj ra, 4, 6. "Let him pay to the treasury of the Lycian state and to 


Tarkos (the god)..." 

70) Another name of a Hittite man appears to be Tiluma, East 21=Tt\o- 
/ta9, Reisen, 1, No. 29, and which recalls the Yessurite Tholmai of the 
Bible. We observe in passing that the Lycian triquetra had been dis- 
covered in the north of Syria, and from another side than the description 
of Choirilos onithe Solymes "which are rubbed out under the head, with 
the exception of a tuft of hair," is a peculiarity discovered on the bas-re- 
liefs of Myra, corresponding to the Hittite customs. 

71) It is to Mr. Arkwright that the honour belongs of having first proved 
that it is a trilingual text with which we have to do on the obelisk of 

72) The Tarcondares are quoted along with men belonging to another tribe 
that of the Otorcondes {OrwfjKov'cewv, lapKovhapeicv) on the Mj'lasa 
inscription, cf. Lebas, Voyage Arche'ologique, part V. No. 408, and 

No. 98 of Inscriptions Grecques du Louvre, by W. Frohner. 
78) Naturally v Is left to F) =the digamma). 


Since these lines were written, an important essay on Lycian phonetics 
by Mr. Arkwright has appeared in the B.&O.E. for March, in which it is 
proved that Savelsberg's rendering of the vowel ^. by a must be re- 
adopted. At the same time the English author distinguishes, as I do, 
V^ (which he writes 6) from the letters which have the form of upsilon, 
except when the latter have at the lower angle a more or less distinct pro- 
longation m the shape of a down-stroke or tail. The presence of this 
down-stroke characterizes the class of weak vowels, and since that class is 
distinguished with us by the dioeresis, we shall consider the letters in 
questio nas absolutely identical vfith^=o. Nevertheless m the class of 
strong vowels. I maintain the distinction, at least serviceable, between <^ 
=a and»j^=o. — Subpunctuation shall be sufficient to the signs Y Y Y 
(= o) ; «^ is a mere different drawing of ^, just as o^ and ^. 

I shall in a short time recur to the value a which I attribute to the 
aign "V. 

It only remains for me to express my intention of transcribing the con- 
sonant )l( by g, and the consonant V by ^: these two gutturals are shown 
by comparison with the Greek to be interchangeable letters : thus the 
Lycian Shikaza is rendered by 2.7ri^aaa, and umrqqazn (cf. 7iumrxx(^) 
would be represented by 'Afiop<yidr]i>. 


A list of such proper names as occur in both languages offers a study 
of interest. It proves that the Lycian alphabet, like those of modern na- 
tions, failed to solve the problem of the exact reproduction in writing of 
spoken sounds. Not only the vowels, but the consonants are curiously 


fluctuating in value ; r stands for I and vice-versa, without losing the 
original distinction of .sound ; and in the same way p=:(pakS well as ;), 
and b:=p as well as b. 

I offer therefore a catalogue of proper names ; in the great majority 
of cases the identifications are worthy of consideration. The credit of 
these discoveries is due to my predecessors, — to FELLOWS and 
SHARPE for Artaxerxes, Xanthus, the Lycians, Patara and Ilarpagos ; 
to BLAU (and BIRCH previously) for Pericles ; to SCHMIDT, for a 
mass of names, such as Satrap, Artembares, Hystaspes, Sarpedon^ 
Nyrtius, Hecataeus, Ossybas, Kindajiubos, ArnStes, latrocles, Abasis, 
hoplites and stglos ; to SAVELSBERG for the equally important Athensr 
Sparta, lonians, Darius, Otanes, Magas, Pigres , Stele, Phrygians, Chios, 
Cragas, Chersonesus, trieres and strategos ; to SIX for MltrobateSy 
Melesandros and Ogyges ; to DEECKE for Pnytos, Zenobia, Heracles 
Sphendates, Moxos, Telmessus, lasos, Tissaphernes, Pharnabazus and 
Pharnaces ; to ARKWRIGHT for /iivBt9, Hieramenes, Arsames^ 
Thyrxeus, Trosobis, Tilomas, Embromos, Idagros, Pigomas, Hdmi- 
dauas, Arbinnas and Pinaia-, and to the Austrian explorers for Mornas 
and Sedeplemis. 

The repayment of so many debts leaves me but impoverished. It is 
with a happy sense of irresponsibility that I have built up my catalogue , 
the monument of many a hard battle with the Lycian sphinx. 



Lycian Part. Greek Part, 

1. ariina ObelS. 29, 30. K20. Stephanus Byz- 
arnnah;i | "A///3ar=Xanthu3). East 49.53. — Coins. I ant. s,v. Apva. 
arnnasa -' ' Decree of Pixodaras ■' (Pixodarus:^ ai/^- 


2. arppaxuh _ Ob. S. 25. l*-2* =APn APOYIOZ 

Obel. ]Sr. 25. 

arppa^us v "Kpirar^o^ N. 58. ") 

[arp]paxa(?) ^ N. 19. 3 

3. arttuJipara ") , ^ , Pinara 2. ^ Herodotus i, 1 14, and 
arttuinparS j A^T6/*/ia^s lAmjr, 16. [ Aeschylus 'The Persi- 

■» ans' 29. 2S4. 

4. aruvatiyiisi ^ Ob. E. 18. Suidas, quoted by 
•[uvjatiyusiih I'Api^ajTiy? — E. 21, [ Schmidt (1881). 
'uvat - - - 3 — E. 41. •> 


5. atanas ) » * ^ ^\r -i Ob. N. 3. 7 (denied by Major Conde^ 

at.^naz[i] ] ^^V^^^M - E. 27. 5 alone 1890). 


^, akatamla — Cadjanda —denied by Chodzko (1844). 

jikat[mlajh ( 'E/cflTo/ii/as — Decree of Pixodarus — 
kutuml[a] •' — Cadyanda — 

7. ii^utiiiya 'E/caTaios Limyra 26. Herodotus. 

8. iirbbina Coins. .^ 

iirbbinahii X'Ap^iwas Ob. rf. 20. J li^mew, 52 (on a tomb at 

arbbiniizis ^ — W. 23. ^ Sidyma. 

9. arimnnuha 'Apfievo^ Myra 2. II Reisen, 13. 

10. iiriyamana 'lepajuievr}^ Obel. K. 12. = Thucyd. VIII, 58. and Xen- 

oph. Hellenica II. 1, 9. (Pro- 
bably from a Persian prototype. 

11. rirta;^ssirazaha 'Apra^ep^evs Obel. E. 59-60= Decree of theMylasians. 

C.I.G. 2691. 

12. as:idaplomi | ^^..^^e^,, f^ra 1 1 H Heisen 57. 
usi<.dapIomaya j Limyra 17. j 

13. §adunimi 'SivBvXt) fit's Ob. S. 34, 35. Halicarnassus stela, 1. 117. 

14. dapara Aairdpa^- — Levisu. 

15. ddarssmma Aav/jetr/tos ? Pinara 2. Herodotus YAIQ (J^avpiff/jiy 

16. hiirikl-.i 7 Ob. S. 45. ■) (taken by S a vels berg 1874 
iiriklab;i 5 ^P'^'^'P W. 17 5 1878, for a different read- 
ing of Pericles. 

17. hlah Aa — Antiphellus 3. — 

18. hlmmidiiva 'EXfii^ava II Reisen (Limyra) = C.I.G. 43156 p. 1146, 

126, p. 66. 

19. hmpr|miib 'E/i^po/iov X. 1. =11 Reisen, p. 105. 

20. hutahu 'Qtov ? Ob. S. 37. 38. 38-39. ") (Savels. 1879"munner.'' 

42-43. 45. 48. 50. E.56. j Deecke, 1888 "ipsius.") 

21. humrxxp. ") , . . Ob. S. 50. =:Thucyd. VIIL 28, 
umrqqazn j ^^''P'^V^ N. (Savels . 1879, "Smyrnseam." 

ida \ Antiphellus. 
23. idazzala EldaffaaXa Cadyanda 

24. idoxra '1^07/30? Cyaneae 1. II Reisen, 116 (Awschar) 

25. i^tta 'l/cTtts Antiphellus 3. 

26. iyarmsas 'larxo's Ob. S. 47. Thucyd. VIII. 28. 

27. iyatruxla 'ii/t/jokXi/s Xanthus 3. 

28. iyana Vt ' 't Obel. S. 47. 
iyanisn j ^•*'*'*''°''' ^""'^^ - E. 27. 

29. kiyazo Xtaic6u Obel. E. 22. Thucyd. 

30. kizzaprnna 7 ^ , , Ob. N, ll. 14. 7 Thucyd. Xenophon, Plu" 
kizzaprnna j ^"''''''P^P^V 15. ] tarch and others. 

81. kla^a K/)a7os Antiph. 1 Steph. Byz. 880, 17. 

82. krzzanasa 

8S. kudalah 

34. kuprini 


Ob. S. 43. 


KoiBivXov Xanthas S. 

kuprlli ( Kv^epviffKo^ 
[kuJprlUlh > 

[ Ma7a9 

. 16 (KuprI-) ] 
.26, & Coins. ^ 

35. manap^ina Mei/e'l^evos ? 
^6. maxah 
max a 

Ob. W. 16. 

— S. 

— s 

Xantli. 5a. 
Cyaneae 1. 
Ob. S. 11. 

Halicam. Stel. line 178. 
Herodot. VII. 98. 

■) perhaps in the Carian 

I graffiti, Sayce, IV. 2 

(Seti's temple). 

37. ma^zza 

38. masasi 

39. mariihi 

Antiphellus 4, 


40. milasantrS UeXrjffavSpov Obel. S. 40. 

41. minti \ 
mintaha f , . 
mintihi I ^'*'^'^' 

miiita ) 

42. mi^rapata Mnp^^artj^ 

43. mizu MeVos- 

44. mliiiiinsi MXavaei 

II i?me??, 150 d. 72=Limyra42. 
Xanthus 8. (Homer, /Z/as, 16, 319). 


X. 1. 3. 4. 7. L.17. A.4. P.2. Telm.?') 

Caria. Limyr. 8. i II Reiseuy 

\ 27, p.22. 

45. mukalii ") ,_ ,. 
mutala j ^^^^"^^ 

46. mula MoX 

47. miillihiisah MoW/atos 

48. murnna Mopva 

49. ntariyuusaha Aapetov 

50. ntlmmii Taao)? (?) 

51, axu^a ''l^^yi'iyov 

62. azzubiiziih ^Oaav^ov 

padrama j 

54, przza 

parzza ") Uepar]^ 
przzidi j 

55. pari'kla ^ 
piirikliiha V llepiKX^^ 
parikli ^ 

Cadyand. 1. 

Obel. E, 16. Coins.=Xenoph. Hell.l.3.l2^ 


II Eeisen (Limyra) 

126 p. 66. =C. 1. J. 4515b. 

Obel. S. 48. 7 rr . , ^ 

^ g^ > Herodotus). 

— Cadyanda— {Muda 1 Moaos ? Cf. II. 
Eeisen, p. 197. no. 267). 

II Eeisen (Limyra) 

126, p. 66. ' =C, I. G. 4315b. 

=^ Xenoph. Anabasis I. 2. 
& Diodor. 14. 19. 35. 

Steph. Byz. s.v, 'Ofyv^m. 

C. I. G. 4269d. 

") (Herodot. I. 152. 
Eeisenll, 11 (Xanthus) j 

Obel. N, 2. S. 28. 

X 5c. I Historians. 

Limyra 32. ^ 

Limyra 16. ^ 

L. 6. 88. 40, 41. ( = Theopomp. Fr. 
■'Ill, &Polyaen.v.42. 

Obel. E. 59. 
Obel. N. 20. 

Pinara 4. 
Pinara 2, 




56. pa,rmonil[h] Uapjuevovro^ Limyra 19. 

57. pinalii Ui'uapa 

58. pi^iidara Ui^wBapos 

59. pi;vainia Utr^o/nas 

60. pi^ril Yli^/pr]^ 
€ ) . pnnutah Uvvtov 

Obel. East 30. Steph. Byz. & Strabo, 

— Decree of Pixodarus. — 
Limyra 18. I Reisen, 29. 

Antiphellus 1. C. I. G. 4305, 

Pinara 3 CI Reisen, 
21. p." 55). 
62. prnna[.baza] ^apva^a^o? Ob. N. 1, Historians. 

68. [priinakjlia ^apvaKov Ob. IT. 2. (cf. arfo- 

naxfi, n Reisen. 11). 
Obel. W. 53. 

Obel, S. 38. 

— Limyra 19 

f Uarapt 

64. pni^ssi 

65. pttara 

"66. pubialivyil Uv^ioWtji 

67. pulanyda ") ^ A7ro\\wvidr]<s 
pul'inydah ) \\7roWa}vi8ov 

68. puriliimiitaha UvptjmdTioi 

69. xa-vaKis Kavvos 1 

\ Steph. Byz. 
; strabo. 


70. xiiriqahii ^ 

Xi'-i'i^ii-ha [ 
^iiriqasa * 

71. X'"^roi 
tarbi -' 

72. xfitiinubah KcvBaw^ov 
75, xfitlah Koi^BaXov 

74. xssadrapa ") ^ 
xssadrapahi j ^ 


75. xssontiya 

76. x^tarama K-napafnu 

77. xudnihila KvhpifKo^ 

78. x^'^^^^J'**' Koa^a 

79. rat[ap]ata 'Opovro^aTi]' 

— Levisu. — 

— Levisu. — 
Obel. E. 17. 


Ob. S. 5. 25. 
— W. 45. 

and Thucyd. 
identifies it 
with Cahali). 


Obel. N. 32. 


Obel. N.:25. 

0, I. G. 4315^. 
=Ari8totle, (Econ. II. 14. 

Xanthus 8. 
Ob. W. 9 (completed). 

Obel. S. 42. 43. 

N. 19. 

E. 23. 

Ob. W. 22. 

Xanthus 4. 
Xanthus 8. 

Xanthus 5c. 
Obel. E. 26. 

II Reisen, 172. 

- Cadyanda — 
(II Ueisen, p. 197, no. 267, xPP<^^^^^ 
Limyra 40. Strabo XIV. 663. 

II Reisen, p, 72 = L. 42. 
Xanthus 5c, =Arrian. I. 23. II, 5. 
Coin with legend 

80. sbikaza ^inr^naa 
3l. sidiiriya YitufJio 
82. si^la 7 

88. sppartazi 7 .^ n i 

sivli i'"'^^"^^ 

84. sppfltaza ^^(pevSartp 


85.3ttala aTrjXtfv 

Obel. N. 5. 7 

86. sttrat[a;!^a] fTT/jaTijyo^ 

Obel. E. 18, 

87. surazi ^oupev^ 


88. taviniizoi Tevo^^o-ov 

Telm. 3. 

89. tilnma TtXo/ta 

Obel. E. 21. 

90, tlava TXa)* 

Obel. E. 30. 



tlavasii TXa^tTot? 

— Decree 

91 tuniiqurii Zr]va<^iopu-i 


92. trggas ) ,^ 
trggiz j 

93.trggnta]^^ ^^^^^^ 
trggnti ) 

94. triyiiro Tpi/jprj^ 

95. triilmili 


Oyanejc =11 Reisen, 21. 

' — Limyra 19. — 

Antiphellus 4, 

Obel. E. 27. 7 Major Conder, 1S90, iden- 
W. 64. J tifies it with a mysterious 
district f/>ar6?a in Lyeia ?) . 

= 0b. North 22. 

C. I. G. 431^;^ and II 
Reisen, no. 137, p. 68. 
I Heisen 29. 
Steph. Byz. 627, 10. 

Schmidt, 1876, identifies 
it with hOfjva^opa^. 

Ob. E. 34. Mvr. 4, 

Ob. N.35. 65.V.14. 
Antiph. 1. 

Ob. N, 63. A. 1. C. I. G. 4300 m. 
Ob. W. 17. 4321 b.c. 

Ob. E. 22 and 23. 
Ob.E. 26. W. 71. 

tr:fimiliya ^ T6/3/*/\iyc^(= L. 42. 43.Myra 4.6. $ Herod. I. 178 
trmmiliyo S Kvkios) Ant. 4. — S VII. 92. 

trmmilisu j Obel. W. 63. N. 39. j Steph.Byz. (T^^e/uXiy). 

Ehodiopolis 1. ") Anton. Liber. 35. 
Obel. E. 60. X5c. j {i^pc^iXis). 

96. trmrais \ r^^^ '^ X 5^ E. 50-51. ? Theopomp. frag.. 111. 
trmmisz ^^ ^ ' Ob. E. 29. \ c r o 

97. trzzubi TpwcoBi^ (a god) . Limyra 13. =Plutarch, De defect, or- 

ac. c. 21. 

98. tura^ssi ") Oy/j^ei^? (agod).Obe_l. S. 49. Pausanias VII. 21.1. 8. 


91). turlUlh 
turlla j 

lOO.upazi 'A)3a<Tiv 
lOl.uplaziz 'oTrXtras 

102. ursmm[a WpcrdjurjS 

N. 48-49. 

Ti'pavvoljv] Xanth. 6. 

- Cadyanda. 

Reisen 11.43 (Myra). C. I. G. 4315rf. 

Cadyanda 1. 
Obel. W. 29-30, 31. Obel. N. 30. 
and N. 58. 

Limyra 15. I Reisen, 52 (Sedek or 


lOS.ur^tiya "Ypno^ Myra 8. Homer, //?as XI Y. 511, 

104. ot^na 'OTavys Ob. N. 5. (Herodot. Ill 68). 

105. vidrnnah'Yoa/ji/oi; Ob. N. 11-12. Herod. YI. 13. 

106. vizttasppazn'Y<rT<t<r7j'[/.a7s] Ob. K. 49. 

107. zizgga SeffKwv — Cadyanda. — 

108. znuba Z'jvd^ia Limyr. 13. 

109. zzala :^a\as — Cadyanda — 

110. zrppaduni -) ^ Ob. W. 6. 7 Appian, Bell. Civil. 
zrppudiiinu C ^^p7rrf8ou[eiov]l _ j.^g^ j j^y 7Q^ 

J. Imbert. 



To the student of early Hebrew history, and especially the period before 
the conquest of Canaan by the Hebrews, the discoveries in Egypt during 
the last few years have an inestiraeble value. The topography of Canaanite 
Palestine, formerly only known to us from the Book of Joshua, (so aptly 
styled by the late Dean Stanley "the Doomsday book of Palestine"), is 
now far more clearly revealed to us by the valuable lists of the conquests of 
Thotmes III. upon the walls of Karnak; and these valuable geographical 
catalogues are now supplemented to an unexpected extent by the reports 
and dispatches of the Agents of Amenophis III. and Amenophis lY., re- 
sident in the cities of Northern and Southern Syria. 

It may not be out of place to devote a short space to indicating the 
great importance, and grarlual development of the Archaeological data 
"Arhich now supplement those of the Hebrew writings. The work of the 
Palestine Exploration Fund in the detailed Survey of Western Palestine 
was the means of showing how, owing to the conservation of Orientals, a 
vast number of the names found in the Hebrew writings remained un- 
changed, or at the most Arabicised. and the map of Ancient Palestine 
could be reconstructed with an astonishing degree of accuracy. The discov- 
eries are now supplemented by still more important documents, which not 
only give us additional facts, but also reveal to us the still more inter- 
esting features of the political and military movements in Palestine at 


a period at least two centuries before the Hebrew conquest of (Janaau. 

The tablets from the Record Office ai Amenopliis IV. are of extK-me 
importance botli from topographical and liistorical points of view, and 
therefore will have to be taken into consideration by all future writers 
upon the early liistory of Palestine. 

The campaigns of the Pharaohs of the XVIII Dynasty formed a series 
of wars of revenge for the days of degradation under the Hyksos rulers. 
Prior to this period the influence of Babylonia had been dominant over 
Syria and the kingdom of'Mitanni or Aram Naliraim, and we can see 
now, from the universal use of the cuneiform writing by the scribes of 
Palestine Phoenicia, Alasiya, and Mitanni, how Babylonian learning had 
permeated the surrounding nations. The wars of revenge culminated in 
the great battle fought under the walls of Megiddo, in which the people 
of the Up])er Ruten were defeated, and Egyptian supremacy in Syria es- 
tablished. The Hittites who no doubt formed no unimportant element in 
the Hyksos confederation still remained in their Northern mountain 
homes and only advanced South as we know from the Tel-el-Amarna 
tablets, as far as the land of Nukliase (i^ J{^ "^^ j:^j and the city of 
Tunib or Dunip (the modern Tennib) between Khazaz (Azaz) and 
Arpad (Tel Erfad) North- West of Aleppo. Their power, however, seems 
to have been di'caded, and many references to their movements occjiir in 
the reports. They had not as yet formed the great confederation of 
Syrian and Asia Minor tribes which swept Southward in the fourteenth 
century, and threatened Egypt with a second Hyksos invasion, but which 
was fortunately averted by the victory of Rameses II at Kadesh. 

The Tel-Amarna tablets are therefore most important as filling in the 
history between these two important battles, and revealing to us the 
civilisation and political life of Western Asia at this period. 

The whole of this wonderful find of inscribed records are of interest to 
the historian and the philologist ; but in the present paper I propose to 
deal only with those tablets which relate to the affairs of Southern 

The Egyptian court seems to have had correspondents, perhaps we might 
say consols, in most of the principal states and cities of Southern Pales- 
tine who reported faithfully the events taking place. The allied tribes of 
South Palestine seem to have been known by the name of ainil Khabiri 
( }J< ^ '-yy<f 5:^ ), "the confederates" and their centre of 
meeting, or capital, was the city of Hebron or Khabirun (the city of the 
allies) which no doubt, as Professor Sayce has already suggested, derived 


its second name of Kirjath-Arba, "the town of the four," from its being 
the meeting place of the four allied clans, These clans doubtless con- 
sisted of the Philistines, the Amorites, the Canaanites, and perhaps a cer- 
tain Hittite contingent still remaining at Hebron.^ 

This seems certainly to have been a confederation of considerable 
power. In a tablet from the Museum at Boulak published by Professor 
Sayce we find Gaturri or Gedor (Josh. xv. 58) North of Hebron Gimti 
Or Gath, Kelte or Keilah (Josh. xv. 44) and Rubute which may be the 
Kabbah of Josh. xv. 60 ; and the still more important city of U-ru-sa- 
lim (*-^y| <JII ?yyY ^y»-)^ <Jr Jerusalem, are described as "belonging 
to the allies." So also in other tablets we find Khazate (Gaza), Lakisa 
(Lacish), Askaluna (Askelon), mentioned, so that we have almost all 
the chief cities of Southern Palestine recorded in these documents. 

The importance of these tablets in showing to us the political state of 
Palestine prior to the conquest by the Hebrews is indeed great, but they 
have also a still more important feature in revealing to us the position 
occupied by Jerusalem even at this early period. It is clear from the 
letter of Akhi tabu, of which I publish a translation, and those already 
published by Prof. Sayce,^ that as Hebron was a political centre, so the 
rock-built Jebus or Jerusalem was a religious centre of pre-Hebrew Pales- 
tine. It would appear that Ki-el-ti the Keilah jT^^'r^p of the Old Testa- 
ment (Josh. XV. 83) was the abode of a marauding body of men who 
made frequent incursions into the high lands of Judea. This city, which 
occupied an important position on the road between Beit Jibrim, the an- 
cient Eleutheropolis, and Hebron was fortified and a powerful city forming 
the key to the Philistine plain from the North. The expedition here re- 
corded in which the men of Keilah of Gezor Gath with the people of Keilah 
who seemed to have been on friendly terms with the Philistines, (comp- 
I, Saral. xxiii. 5) together with the men of Rebute or Rabbah of Judah, 
advanced against Jerusalem, and the object was evidently to capture the 
sacred city, which is described as •-J^ff V ^\\W *'HF" 1?^^ tlT ^ >^ '»£T 
Alu ladu hit Urds"^ u 'sum su, "the city of the mountain of the temple of 
Uras is its name." Prof. Sayce quotes another tablet in the Museum at 
Boulak, where the name of this temple, or perhaps that of the city itself, 
ie stated to be Mar-rum, and which he compares, no doubt correctly, with 
the. gyriac Mai.e j)'-^'l2^ and the Mamas of the coins of Philistia. An 
indication of this sacred character and importance of Jerusalem, under its 
other name of Salem, is found in the record of the meeting between Abra- 
ham and Melchizedek (Gen. xiv. 18), who is specially called "priest of 


the Most High God" (El Elyon^; and it is most interesting to find this 
reference in so distinctly ancient a chapter as Genesis xiv. It was 
no iloubt this association of Jerusalem as a Holy City that lead David to 
combine the sacred and secular centres of South Palestine by removing his 
capital from Hebron to Jerusalem, . From these tablets we learn that 
here was a strong city with a temple and with royal priestly rulers, and 
we can see clearly the causes which in after time made Jerusalem so great 
a centre of Hebrew life. 


1) The Tel Amarna tablets add another to the already numerous indica- 
tions of the importance of Hebron in the history of Southern Palestine, 
Its association with Zoan (Numb, xiii, 22) was a precious tradition of 
Hebrew antiquity, and even until the capture of Jerusalem in the reign 
of David it remains the centre of the confederation of Israelite tribes 
and at that time there remained some of the Hittite colony (1 Sam. 
xxvi. 6). As Hebron was the confederation o{ fonr clans, so I would 
venture to suggest that Beer-bheba was the meeting place of a larger 
confederation of seven Palestinian and Arab tribes. 

2) It is important to notice that here we have the sibilant and not 
shibilant the D ^^^^ i^ot )2T exactly as in the ] Egyptian lists where M. 
Maspero has pointed out the same variation in tlie Egyptian lists 
whepC Sauka (No. 67) is the Shauka of the conquests of Sheshong, the 
[^ s = D having been replaced by JtM^ = sh =^ in Hebrew 
times. Similar changes exist in Ashqalon -|- Ashdod (Maspero, "Names 
of Lists of Thothmes JII." Journ. Victoria Inst. Vol. xii. 76) so we 
find after occupation q^^'T^*' ''^P''^^^^ Dvtl?'^'^''- 

3) Proc. S.B. A., Yo\. XI. and Records of the Past, vol. iii. 

4) We may notice that Uras or Ninip was another form of Nergal, being 
the god of war and of the chase, and had for his totem "the lion," which 
may account for the association of the li«m with Jerusalem, and the 
Ariel, or "lion men" of the Old Testament II Sam. xxiii. 20, I Chron. 
xi. 22), especially in the prophecy of Isaiah (Is. xxix. 1-2). Uras was 
especially the Sun god of Nipar, and bore the title of "Lord of Light," 
the revealer {Baru), the hero {Masn), and was the "strong hero." In 
the latter form he represents "the rising sun at daybreak, who cometh 
forth like a giant," 

5) The name Maru or Marum at once recalls Moriah (Gen. xxii. 2), and 
it is curious to notice the expression "the land of Moriah" in the Hebrew. 
It is to be feared that Yi. Renan will require to modify his statement 
that "the pretended T^Iount Moriah should be eliminated from the topo- 
graphy of Jerusalem." {Hist, of Israel, I. p. 358.) 

Berlin Va, Th. 1646. 
(Winckler, No. 106). 
[A-wa] sar-ri bel ya 
[ik'\ hi-ma um-ma 

ar-ad-kama ana sept 
sar-ri bel ya VII ia-an-an VII ta-a-an am-kut 
\na-kur-ti'\ e-pvr-su'ni 


D.p. Mil-M-ln u D.p. Su-ar-da-tum 

A na mat sar-ri bel-ya 

Mii-hhi-ru zabi (Alu) Ga-az-ri-(kl) 

Zahi {Alu) Gi-im-ti-{Jci) 

7t zabi (Alu) Ki-il-ti-{ki) 

za-ab-tcm mat (Alu) Ru-bu-ti^{ki) 

Kha-ta-ra-at mat sar-n 

A-na {nisi) kha-bi-ri 

U in-n i-an-na-bu-na-ma 

Alu sad U-ru-sa-lim (ki) 

Alu bit Uras u su-mu-sa 

Alu i^ai^-7'i kha-ta-ar-at 

A-sar nisi (A/v) ki-iUti (ki) 

is-mi sar-n a-na d.p Arad-taba Arad-ka 
u hi-ba-kJiiv ra-bl ma-da-ti 
u lu-ti-ra mat sar-ri a-na sar-r'i 

To the King, my lord, 
Speaks thus thy servant, 
At the feet of the King my lord 
Seven times seven I prostrate myself. 
Hostility was made Milkilu and Suardartum 
Tovrards the country of the King my lord 
Ufged on the soldiers of the city of Gezor, 
The soldiers of the city of Gath, 
And the soldiers of the city of Keilah, 
Taking the city of the ^and of Rabbah, 
A Dependence of the land of the king. 
To the Allies 
They aUied? themselves? 
The ci'^y of the mountain of Jerusalem, 
The city of the temple of Uras is its name. 
A city on the king dependent (they came). 
May the king hear to Arad-taba thy servant* 
And may assemble many soldiers 
That he may restore the land of the king to the king. 

123. — Letter prom Lacish. 
A-na sar-ri beli-ya 
Hi ya II Samsi-ya 
II Samsu 8a istu 
D.p. Sa-mi-i 
Um ma d.p. Zi-im-ri-di 
nis aht La-ki-sa 
Arad ip-ri-sa 
-sa sepa-ka 
Ana sepl sar beli-ya 
II Samsu sa is tu d.p. Sa-mi-i 
VII essu VII ta-a-an 
is-ta-kha-khi- ni 
nis-i si-ip-ri 
sa ^ar beli-ya 


Sa is-tap-ra'an-fii 
is-ta-mt a-ma-te 
ma-rah ma rab 
u a-nu-ma 
de-ma sa mas-hi su 

To the King my lord, 

Thus speaks, 

Thy servant Arudi.*^ 

At the feet of the king [ray lord] seven times 

Seven du I prostrate myself. 

when the raid was made, by 

Milki, of the tribe of the seamen, 2 

Upon the country of the king my lord, 

Upon the soldiers of the city Gedor (Gaturri) 

The soldiers of the city of Gath (Oimti) 

And the soldiers of the city of Keilah (Kteti) 

They took the country of Rabbah {Rabuti) 

A dependent (khataraty of the country of the king; 

belonging to the allies (Khabiri). 

Also throughout 

The city of the mountain (saduy of Jerusalem {U-rii aa-lem). 

The city of the temple of Uras^ whose 

Name is Mar-ium^, 

A city dependent on (khatarai) of the king, 

In the land of the men of Keilah, 

I overthrew the enemies ol the king. 


1) Arudi seems to be the Hebrew Jared -j'^i (Gen. 5, 15). Sayce, 
Rec. P. It. 64, suggests reading Aruki, but there is much confusion 
between ki and di on these tablets. 

2) Maratim. This word, from root Marah, means the '-salt marshes" 
and probably applies to some district in Southern Philistia. It is evi- 
dently the same word as the Nar Ma-ra-ti "salt river," "tidal river," 
of the Bull inscription of .]ennacherib (line 78.) 

3) Khatarat, a very common word in these tablets, seems to be from the 
root *^t5n "^0 liang, attached to." 

4) Sadu, here written '^. I prefer this reading to that of country, 

5) Uras or Ninip: in another tablet it would seem as if the name was 
Rimmon, but I am not certain of the reading. 

6) I have here followed the reading of Sayce in the Boulak tablet (Rec. P. 
ii. 64), but am not very well satisfied with it. 

W. St. C. Boscawkn. 

•Records of the Past. — The publication of the first series of the 
Records of the Past, some twelve months ago, may well be said to mark 

•Vols. I-IV, 8vo. Bagster & Sons. London : 1890-1. 


the first recognition of the popular interest in Oriental inscriptions, which 
had hitherto been known only to a few specialists. In the same manner 
the new series, now issued under the Editorship of Professor A.H. Sayce, 
may be said to form an interesting record of the progress which Assyri- 
ology and Egyptologry have made during the above mentioned period. It 
may be said with certainty that the progress exhibited is astonishing; and 
that as regards Assyrian texts, there remains as little uncertainty of the 
rendering as of an ordinary chapter of tlie Hebrew Scriptures. And this 
is clearly clearly shown, if tlie reader will compare the translations here 
given of such texts as the Cylinder of Tiglath Pileser I., the Black Obe- 
hsk of Shalmanazar III., with those pubUshed by Dr. E, Schrader in the 
Keilenschrift Bibliothek. 1+ is difficult to select the most interesting fea- 
tures in this new series, but perhaps the most astonishing revelations are 
those afforded by the inscriptions from Tel-Lo, translated by the late M. 
Amiaud, These wonderful records certainly restore us one of the earliest 
long lost and most important chapters of Oriental history. The clear 
proof afforded of a contact between Egypt and Chaldea about B.C. 3000- 
2500 by these records supplies us with the explanation of much that was 
obscure in the early history of both Empires. The intercourse with the 
Sinaitic peninsula during this period and the working of the quarries there 
for hard stones, diorite and porphyry, has recently been denied in a most 
direct manner by Sir William Uawson, K.C.B. &c., the eminent geolo- 
gist; but the evidence of the inscriptions as to Magan being the copper 
land, the land of the turquoise, as well as its being approached by sea, 
certainly preclude it from being in the regions of Western Persia, where 
neither of these materials is to be found. Diorite and other gneissic 
rocks as well as porphyry are found in Sinai, as well as in Eastern Egypt, 
as proved by Professors Hull, Lartet, and Zittel, and could have been 
obtained by the Babylonians by the use of coasting vessels. I refer to this 
special point at length as much comment has been passed on the subject. 
Professor Sayce publishes selections of the Tel-el Amarna tablets, but 
made before he identified the name read Urususi or Jerusalem, as Urusa- 
lim, or the still more important fact that Queen Thi was the daughter of 
Burnaburiyas, King of Babylonia, and hence a solution of the introduc- 
duction of the disk worship. Complete translations of tho Eponym 
Canons, the Babylonian Chronicle, and other chronological texts will be 
very welcome to students. Mr. Pinches contributes translations of As- 
syrian letters and Dr. Oppert of legal deeds. It i< also to be noticed that 
the newer recruits to the study. Dr. Scheil, Kev. J. C. Ball, and Mr. A. 
Strong are represented. The translation by Mr. Ball of the great India 
House inscription of ^Nebuchadnezzar is especially to be noticed, as this 
has never before been so fully and accurately translated, and its importace 
for Babylonian topography is very great. In the series of Egyptian texts 
the most important Papyrus Prisse containing the Precepts of Ptah-hotep, 
a work full of the wisdom of the Egyptians, and affording a beautiful 
picture of their life, A word of praise must hegiven to the excellent print- 
ing, hardly a single mistake being observed. W. St. C. B. 



Contributors are alone responsible for their opinions or statements. 

1. I HAVE unquestionably some scruples in deciding that these Inscrip- 
tions ought to be read from right to left. 

On the Table herewith sent we find : T ^ ^- These three letters, if 
we read them from right to left, would constitute therefore a termination 
frequently used, but I do not find it elsewhere than in the examples 
which I send you. If, on the contrary, they must be read from left to 
right : P^ |[ (apart from five cases doubtful owing to the accidental 
loss of the two points) these would become the root of words whose flexion 
is produced on the right : 
Example: IP < f : iCKi C 

It is the same also with the group (J ^\. 

It is on the right the flexion appears to be made. 

2. Herewith the comparative Table : 

!r C § (* a word very often repeated on everj 

Vol. V. No. 6. 



< i i }'<: p-5.i3 

< « : pi2. 

< « ( 4 : p. 11. 

< « < C Pl3. 

(id.) LPa§ 



< i y( : p-18. 

< « ( i: p-19- 

p. 1.;. 


< « )"(K< i^: 


JOHB, 18»1 


:r < € ( 4 6 « J- : 

p. 18. 

:c < n i?\ s I ^ f: 

p. 8. 

:r < « « : 

p. 10. 

:p < S ( X K <K : 

p. 14. 

:< r r < « ( )v: 

p. 3. 

:<I A'' < « ( yt- 

p. 7. 

:/> 4 r < € ( n: 

p. 10. 

:r < i T P<i ^<( 

p. u. 

:« r rt Y r < « ( K >r: 

p. 16. 

:vj J, r < € ( : 


:r < « ( )'(: 

:<I h K a 1^ 4 : 

p. 6. 

:a h If r )V : 

10 h K rm 4: 

p. 7. 

?.. One remark here : On tlie first lithographed plate representing the 
Yenissei Inscriptions which refers to a hunt, and especially at page 13 the 
hunters have curved bows and swords, the curved bow unbent is 
thus i ; when bent it becomes f as figures 11 and 12 represent them ; 
now Hiuen-thsang when he is among the Turks beyond Essikoul and 
Taras remarks that the bows of the horse-guards of the Khan are 
straight bows f J). 

Figure 5 represents in my view a holocaust made not by means of a 
boiler, but by a gridiron. 

This gridiron in its form and proportions is exactly like that which every 
Chinese sovereign causes yet to be installed in the temple of Heaven, 
for the sacrifice of the black oxen whom they burn after having cut them 
in pieces. 

In figure 4 they are evidently jars or boilers, which we see represented, 

4. In the suggested system of interpreting the Yenissei inscriptions, 
published in the B.&O.E., vol. iv. pp, 231-8, there are likely several 
misapprehensions. ' 

1^, Because it has been overlooked that many of the Yenissei inscrip- 
tions were circular, which causes us to find a larger number 0/ letters than 
refilly existed. In fact, if we place up in a circle an inscription in a 
straight line in which the character ^ is found, we arrive at the follow- 
ing result : 


This mistake would allow us to make Khubilai out of Kmlan !l! 

20, Because it has been overlooked that certain plates which are found 
in the text are reproduced by the wood-engraver, who has neglected to put 
into the negative the drawings which have been made in the positive, 
the signs which it is proposed to show us. 

3°, Because the pliotogriiphs which are found at the end of the collec- 
tion are taken sometimes in the positive, sometimes in the negative, from 
a rubbing which again has been reproduced without account been taken 
of the position which the inscription occupied on the stone. 

5. What has led me to the foregoing hypotheses is the minute ex- 
amination of inscriptions very homogeneous and copied by the same hand, 
which M. YadrintzoiT has brought from Kara-Korum, and which, until 
the contrary is proved, are cognate to those collected in tlie valley of 

Those inscriptions of M. Yadrintzoff include about 663 words separ- 
ated by the sign * 

These 063 words contain about 3608 letters, giving me 91 signs, from 
which, 1 tliink, may be deduced : 

1^. oO signs figuring only once, and resulting in alterations such as 
^ ill place of ^, J instead of ^, &c. 

2^. 1 4 signs figure each less than five times, and resulting probably 
from analogous alterations, such as A (?\ fC?t (^ instead of /55i» 4^ ^ ^i°i6S 
instead of J, &c. 

There thus remain 47 signs among which there seems to be found a 
number of under-writings, which cannot be deducted, which give an alpha- 
bet comprehending from 88 to 42 signs for the'Inscriptions brought from 
Kara-Koruuj or from Orkhoun by M. Yadrintzoff. 

The sign ^ is found repeated 202 times ; never even once is it pre- 
sented in the positions ^ and >^ adopted by Mr. Brown, but I find 49 
times the sign ^ which appears to be equivalent to ^. 

But I have not even once found the signs *f[^^^)*(^ which in 
the copy of the inscriptions from Yenissei would therefore result from 
nothing but a reversing of the engraving of the signs X U '^ ^ )•(' *^ ^ 
have shown above, and not from a graphic system. 


6. Herewith the List of the Signs on the Inscriptions from Karakorum, 
copied by M. Yadrintzoff. 

About 663 words separated by two points : and comprising nearly 
8608 signs. — I hare made a key tcthem below, by indicating the number 
of times which each sign is used, while the numbers in brackets refer to 
the signs from which they may be alterations : 

1. ; : 663 16.^117 31. ;t36 46.7 5(28) 

2. 4 442 17. ^ 113 32. ^ 32 47. ;-» 5 (5, 44) 
$, <; 258 18. § 108 33. p 31 (20) 48. p 4 (20, 33) 

4. J 231 19. hi04 34. H 30 49. y 4 (39, 50, 61) 

5- /J 217 20. P 90 35. X ^7 (27) 50. ^ 3 (39, 49, 61) 

«. ^ 202 21. ^ 80 .S6. <i> 21 51. 4, 3 (15). 

7. )' ( 184 22. ^* 85 S7. / 21 (13) 52. r\ 3 (36- 41, 55) 

8. Vf 170 23. (J 78 38. C 16(20) 53.(4 ^ C^^) 

9. J^ 158 24. K 61 ?jd.iJU 54. + 2 (24) 

10. rHl45 25. j, 52 40. ^ la 55. in\ 2 (36, 41,52) 

11. |p( UJ 26. y 49 41.O10 (36,52,55) 56. () 2 (40) 

12. C 142 27. Y 44 42. ^ 9 57. 0:i(29,45) 

13. A 133 28. t *3 43. h 9(19) 58, {J 2 

14. 4* 211 29. 6 42 44. /\ 9 (.5-10) 59. )( ^ (7) 

15. J i20 30. X 42 45. b 7 (29,57) 60. /N 2 ? 

61, J 2 (39, 49, 50) 

Signs appearing only once in the Yadrintzoff text: — 

Signs reproduced by engraving or photography from squeezes of the 
Yenissei inscriptions, and which are not to be found in the texts brought 
from Karakorum by M. Yadrintzoff: — 

7. As to the date and the origin of these Inscriptions, it seems difficult 
to admit that these monuments could have been the work of one of the 
nations which, 9fter t\^ foundation in 744 of the Khanate of the Oui- 
gours, having successively occupied the shores of the rivers Orkhoun, Yen- 
issei. and Ob, have adopted, probably in default of a better, the Syro- 

Nestorian alphabet and its derivatives, which any have since renounced 
bat only for adopting directly the system of writing brought by Islamism.^ 


They are certainly not Mongol; for, if the Mongols who ruled only in thexiiith 
century in the region of Kara-Konim had possessed a system of writing 
30 complete as that which the Yadrintzoff inscriptions disclose, they wuuld 
have no need in the year 1204 to make Ta-ta-t'ong-ha teach them 
the S)ro-Nestorian alphabet in use among the Ouigours ; in 1240, 
to employ Chinese characters phonetically to transcribe the sounds of 
the Mongol language when they wrote the Yuen-tchao-pi-chi', in 1269 to 
make an appeal to Baspha to give them an alphabet more complete than 
the Oiiigour alphabet, insufficient to transcribe, as it was, at the same time 
the sounds of the Mongol language and those of the Chinese language. In 
fact, what was lacking to them in the Ouigour alphabet would appear as 
if it should be found in the alphabet of the Kara-Korum incriptions. 

8. I wasfor sometime inclined to think that theSouli alphabet (Chou-lc) 
of 32 letters, indicated by Hiuen-thsang in the viith century, might reckon 
somewhat in those Tchoudic inscriptions under review. 2 But upon second 
thoughts I believe it would be rash at present to affirm anything in that 
direction. This Souli alphabet, used according to Hiuen-thsang, in the 
region between the river Tchou and the town of Kesh to the south of 
Samarcand, must evidently have been known, and perhaps also employed 
by the Turk-Tu-kiue among whom in the seventh century Hiuen-thsang 
found himself when he was in the valley of Tallas, that is to say, upon the 
present territory of the Russian Government of Semirjetshie. Now upon 
this territory up till this . time nothing has as yet been discovered ex- 
cept the Nestorian cemeteries of Tokmak^and Pishpek, of which one dates 
at least from the ninth century. The Russians who pointed them out will 
very likely later on indicate some other monuments in which perhaps will be 
recognised the alphabet of which Hiuen thsang speaks. We see how 
much must be waited for before anything is concluded. 

In a word, I wish that there had been found some monuments of this 
very Tchoudic writing in the countries situated to the west of the Yenisseii 
and in the Trans-Oxiana, and to see reproductions of them. 

I wish, in short, we could speak of those Tchoudic inscriptionn a little 
less theoretically for, to sum up, they appear to promise that we shall be 
to make clear the light as to these bi-lingual texts of which I have spoken 
shall make known their language, their origin, and their date. 

9. These inscriptions either are or may be in the Turkish language. 
Yadrintzoff has had before his eyes some bilingual inscriptions (in 

Chinese and in that unknown writing) and he has unfortunately com- 
pared them only with an incomplete copy, on which he has had no means 


of working. 

In the 91 signs I have extracted from Karakorum copies we may sup- 
pose that there will be found some figures which ouglit to be separated 
from the alphabet. It might perhaps one day be brought up to 32 
letters, and there might be made this reply to what Hiuen-thsang wrote 
for us in the Vllth century : 

Convinced that the best method in many matters is to proceed hy 
eliminatio7i, I have only occupied myself first with what this alphabet 
which provisionally we call Tchoudic cannot he. It is not at once, 
and only upon more complete and more correct documents than we have 
that one shall seek, with any chance of success, from whence this alpha- 
bet comes and what it may he. That is why it has sometimes appeared 
to me useful to establish first that this alphabet consists of a graphical 
system much more complete than the Syro-Ouigour alphabet seems to 
have been able to construct, among any of the nation's which success- 
ively, since the Vlllth century at least have been under the necessity of 
adopting, for want of a better, the least incomplete of the Nestorian 
alphabets or those derived from it, and have occupied the territory of 
Karakorum and the valley of the Yenesei. It is not therefore improb- 
able that this alphabet had belonged, neither to the Ouigours nor to 
the Naimans, nor to the Kirghiz (Kien-Kuen). nor to the Kalmucks, 
nor to the Mongols, nor to the Maudchus. Its use and its ceasing to be 
used would therefore be anterior at least to the Vlllth century (the 
Khitan and the Djurtchen appear to be to be outside the discussion"). 

It remains that we should examine whetlier it might belong to one of 
those peoples who, anterior to the Khanate of the Turks-Ouigours (744), 
had occupied Karakorum and the valley of the Yenessei, that is to say, to 
the Turk - Tu-kiie, the Juan-Juan, the U-hwan, the Sien-pi, the Ting- 
ling, the Hiong-nou, the Ousun (if they are not the same as the Kien- 
kuen (Kirghis). 

10. What is it which presses itself on us? We shall not know how to show 
it for the present, too prudent in our hypothesis to be able to escape from 
certain hasty conclusions, which would destroy at early maturity the new 
documents which are being collected. 

There exist indeed some epigraphical Tchoudic monuments, duplicated 
by a Chinese text, which will doubtless throw light upon the question of 
the origin of our script. M. Yadrinzoff , who has pointed them ont to us, 
I as only furnished us with a manuscript copy which is unfortunately render- 
ed illegible by the fact of his being little accustomed to copy Chinese 



^Hbharacters, but Dr. Hekkel, professor in the University of Helsingfors, who 
is going this summer to Karakorum, will send us, I trust, some plioto- 
graphic reproductions, or some squeezes taken from these Sino-Tchudic 


1) Cf. my communication to tlie Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, 
Paris, 21 Nov., 1890. YadrintzofT has furnished the photographs of 
two fragments of a Chinese inscription which I attribute to the Vlllth 
century; one of these is accompanied by a portion in very clear Ouigour 
writing. I read in the Chinese text the name of Pi-kia Khan; the Vllth 
and VlUh century is full of this title of Pi Kia Khan (Pck Khan?) 
common to the Turko-Toukne Khans and to the Turko-Ouigour 
Khans and Kie.Kia-sze (Kirkhis), as De Guignes' tableaux testify, 

2) Hiuen-thsang states that in the country of Soiilih (situated between the 
river Chou and the Sir-Daria=Sairam, Aulie-ata (Taras. Azur-Tur- 
kestan, Tashkend, Chemskend there exists a writing and a language 
bearing this very name of SoulL The radical forms of the graphical 
signs are not very numerous, but may be reduced to 32 Utters which, 
by being combined, have little by little given birth to a great number 
of words. The inhabitants possess scarcely any historical records. 
They read their texts from top to bottom. Forty leagues west from 
river Chou may be found the summer residence of the Khan of the 
Tu-kiie. (Transl. of Stan. Julien). 

3) According to Ssenang-szeten, To-kmak (Togmak or Toghmak) was 
the settlement of the dominion of Djoutchi, elder son of Gengiskhan. 
According to Bretschneider, the ancient Mongol chronicle designates 
by the name of Togmak the Desht Kipchak of the Khanate- of the 
Golden Horde. 

4) See Additional notes 1 and 2. G. Deveria. 


1. The foregoing notes of Prof. G. Deveria are extracted from letters he 
wrote to me between the Aug. 2 to Oct. 26 of last year. When pass- 
ing them for print, ;ve hear from a letter of M. Yadrintzoff news which 
corroborate the views of the learned Sinologist. Prof, A. 0. Hekkel, 
whose journey is mentioned §11, has discovered near the Zaidam lake, 
i.e. in the vicinity of iKara-Korum, a stela with a Chinese inscrip- 
tion set up by order of the Chinese Emperor Hiuan-tsung to the mem- 
ory of the Twxkxsh (tnJi-kueh) Prince Kiiehteghin, who died in 731 and 
was a brother of the Turkish Khan Mekilien. At the foot of the Impe- 
rial Chinese text are two lines, he says, in that same writing called in the 
previous notes provisorily Tshudic and in Finland Suljek, and which 
henceforth might be called T u r k i s h-p re-Islam script. Prof. 
Deveria tells me that this bilingual inscription has been printed in the 
Oriental Review which Mr. Yadrintzoff pubhshes at Irkustk (Siberia), 


and that this Kiueh tegliin is the same as the Kiueh-tele spoken of in 
the' Documents historiques sur les Tou-kloue (Turcs) transl. from the 
Fien-Y-tien, by Stanislas JuHen (Journal Asiatique, Dec. 1864, pp. 
459 and 471). 

2. On the other hand, the able numismatist M. Ed, Drouin, has informed 
Prof. Deveria, that Tiirko-Chinese coins have been discovered in the 
province of Semirjetschia ; they bear on one side an inscription in the 
so-called Uigur script, and on tho other the Chinese legend ollCaiyuan 
of tha T'ang dynasty. M. Drouin thinks that they have been 
struck by Turks vassals of China, and we may expect his decipher- 
ment with interest. Should these coins have been issued where they 
have been found, they would answer to the wish expressed by Prof, G. 
Deveria, § 8. — it must be remarked that in Chinese numismatics Kai- 
Yuen is not, as might be supposed, the nlen-hao 713-741 ; it is the 
standard denomination of the currency during the T'ang dynasty, which 
with unimportant exceptions remained in use for over three centuries. 
Coins were issued with this legend in 6j1, 7^0 and 841 by the T'ang, 
in 909 by the Min, and in 943 by the Nan T'ang. (Cf. Li Tso- 
hien, Ku tsiten hity, kiv. Li, vii, fol. 1, 10, 11 ; ix, fol. 10 and 13.) 
Therefore it cannot be used as a chronological sign of any precision. 

3. Prof. Aspelin, Die lenissei Inschriften : Ztschr. f. Ethnl. XXI, 744- 
6, in reporting on tho progress made by the archajological side of the 
question in 1889, says that proofs of the existence of this writing 
have been discovered on objects of the bronze period, and also of a late 
date. The Museum of Minussinsk has acquired a bilingual coin, with 
two words of this writing and a Chinese legend of 841-6. Nothing 
is said in the report of the actual means by which this date which is 
that of the Chinese hwei-tcKang period or nien hao of the T'ang 
dynasty. And no instance is known in the history of Chinese coinage 
of the use of hwei-tcKang for coin's legends. 

4. The most important publication of texts is the following: Inscriptions 
de V Yenissei, recueillies et puhliees par la Societe Finlandaise d'Arche- 
ologie, Helsingfors, 1889. This work contains, pp. 3-17, an account 
by Prof. J. E.. Aspelin, of the successive discoveries and attempts at deci- 
pherment of these inscriptions (with fourteen woodcuts); followed by the 
text printed of 32 inscriptions under the supervision of Prof. O. Donner, 
with a list of the characters; and finally, eight photogravures of inscrip- 
tions. — Mr. Wl. de Yenferow has published a few years ago, a history of 
their discovery and of various suggestions and attempts made to deci- 
pher them, in liis paper : Etude sur les Inscriptions Sibeiienn'S ,pp. 
109-150: Memoires de la Societe des Etudes Japonaises, Cliinoises, 
Tartares et Indo-Chinoises, vol, iii. 15 Juillet, 1884. — This interesting 
article, which was unknown to Prof. Aspelin, refers to all the inscrip 
tions of Siberia, and not only to those of the Yenissei. — We must also 
record here the unsuccessful attempt of an American scientist, to read 


them as Japanese. Cf. on tiic subject: Dechiffremeitt des Inacriptioiig 
Siberienneslpar le Japonai8\\h\(\. 15 Avril 1885, vol. iv. pp. 138-141. 
Of course this nightmare has produced a translation as nntriTituortliy 
as it is complete. 
't. Some attempts have been made in Finland to decij)her the same in- 
scriptions, but the proposed identifications of the characters with 
ancient Semitic alphabets have not met with any success. Cf. Aug. 
Totterman, Entziferangsversuch einiger Inschri/ten avf einer Fehen- 
wand hei Suljek (Of^tsibirien), Helsingfors, 1888 ; and Studien uber 
die Suljek-felsen-Inscrifien. Fine polemische schrijt. Dag Suljek'aljtha- 
bet, mit 3 schrifttafeln. Repr. from " Ofrersigt af Fins^ka Vet. Soc :« 
Forhandlingarr Vol. XXXI. Helsingfors, 1889, 2S pp.— 0. Don- 
ner, Die felsenmschrift bei Suljek, ibid. 5 pp. and pi. — H. Grenman, 
Zur frage der Ostsiberischen Inschri/ten. Bemerkungen zum Totter- 
man 'schen Entzifferungsversuch, ibid. vol. XXIX. 4 pp. — We need 
not remind our readers of the various articles of our C(jllaboratcurs on 
the subject ; Mr. Rob. Brown jun. in the Academy last year, and in 
the B.&O.R, vol. IV, pp. 231-23S, vol. V, pp. 73-78, and the Hon. 
John Abercrombie, vol, V, pp. 25-29. Mr. R. B. jun. has already 
come to the conclusion that some of the inscriptions such as the II and 
XXX are written in a Turkish dialect. 

Professor Arniini US Vambery, Das To,rkenwolk,\jQ\\y/A<^, 1885, p}\ 4-6, 
36, 38-42, &c. has called attention to the lenissei inscriptions from 
another point of view, that of the taingas of Turkish clans. The 
Tewarichi-Ali Seldschuk or " History of the Seldschuk family," Ms, 
No. 419 of tiie Leiden library has been described by him. It gives a 
genealogy and list of twenty four tribes, with their respective marks 
or seals, otherwise called tamgas. These marks altogether symbolical, 
in some cases having a faint resemblance to hieroglyphics, according 
to the intended meaning of the symbol, and only recognizable when 
this meaning is known, were used as marks of property, and often in- 
scribed on cattle, as is done elsewhere, such as the wusuror of the 
Bedawi clans. The Magyar scholar has remarked that an inscription 
found at Minussinsk, and published by Castren in 1347, contains many 
signs which are so much like the above tamgas. that this resemblance 
leads him to believe that the latter inscription as well as those on the 
granite rocks of the banks of the Smolanka, a tributary of the Irtish 
were simply a register of those tribes to whom the right of pasture in 
those regions had been granted. 

, Of the Karakorum inscriptions, in the Turkish pre-Islam script, the 
only pubhcation of texts is the following : Anciens Caracteres trouves 
sur des pierres de taille et des monuments au bord du Orkhon dans la 
Mongolie Orientate par I'expedition de l^lr. N. YadrintzofF en 1889. 


St. Petersbourg 1889, 21 p}), autogr.— It contains : p. 2, a sketch of 
, the stela ; pp. 3-19 : I. caracteres trouves pres do (Kocho-Zaidom, 2 
milles de) Kliori-Bolgosoune, Caracoroume ; p. 20 : II. Caracteres 
'sur des pierres de taille sepulorales, tronves (pres de Hara-Bolgoson) 
pres de Kocho-Tsaidom du Orkhon ; p. 21 : la grandeur naturelle des 
lettres. — The additions in brackets, which are not printed, are here put 
from the information given to me by Mr, N. Yadrintzoff, who presented 
me with a copy of the above publication, in Paris in Aug.-Sept. 

• 1S89. — It- is not impossible that the great stone tablet be that which is 
spoken of at length in the Tarikh Djihan Kushai, or " History of the 
conqueror of the world" written by Alai-eddin Atta mulk Djuveni 
(t 1283). According to D'Ohsson, Histoire des Movgoh, t. I, p. 
480, the Persian author reports some stories from Uigur books, 
" There is among the mountains of Karakorum an ancient pit of Pijen 
(a Persian hero who was taken prisoner by Efrassiab and kept for 
some time in a well, v. the Shahnameh). The vestiges of a city and 
a palace are to be seen on the banks of the Orkun. The ancient name 
of this city was Ordu balik (i.e. the city of the Ordu, or residence of 
the Khan), but it is now known as Mao balik (i.e ruined city). Be- 

. fore the palace are found some stones covered with inscriptions, which 
we have seen. In the reign of the Khan (Ogotai) in 1234 these stones 
were removed, when a pit was discovered in which was a great stone 
tablet with an inscription. The Khan ordered it to be examined by 
people of different nations, but no one could read it. Finally the 
Khan sent to China for men who are called Karnes, and the inscription 
proved to be in their language and character." Then follows an alleged 
translation of the inscription which relates the miraculous birth, be- 
tween two trees, of , five boys, the youngest of woom Biiku-tekin, became 
Biiku khan of the Uigurs, built Ordu-halik and also Belasagun then 
Gu-Palik, and in twelve years subdued the whole world. — Ka?7i was 
the name of the shamans amongst the Uigurs and also the Kirghizes 
(Tang shu, kiv. 259). — We learn from the Liao she (Life of Tai Tsu) 
that the Emperor Apaoki, in 923, having camped near the (or an) 
ancient city of the Uigurs, commanded that a marble tablet should be 
erected there in praise of his victories. On the 29th of the 9th moon 
(i.e. 28 days afterwards) being still at the same place, he ordered 
that an ancient epigraphic stela of a P'i-k'o-han (or Beg Khan) should 
be erased and engraved (anew) with a glorification of his own feats in 
Ki-tan, Turkish and Chinese characters. This precise statement which 
I owe to Prof. Deveria, was misunderstood by previous Sinologists 
who wanted Apaoki to have restored a monument of Pi-k'o-han. Cf. 
for an instance cf this misunderstanding the inexact account in E. 
Bretschneidcr, Mediccval Researches, 1888, vol. I, pp. 25<3, n. See 


also on tlie previous inscription, the same work, pp. 254-256, n. 640. 

8. The BihHography of the Siberian inscriptions is given in the precited 
article of Mr. Wl. de Yenforow, and in the introductory chapter o^ Prof. 
AspeHn to the splendid publication of the Helsingfors' Society. 

9. The.inscriptions of Siberia may be classified under five heads : 

a) Mongol and Uigur ; such as among those of Abakansk, Schalabolinsk, 
Teissa, Butcharma, (Jtinge, &c. The latest discovered, on tlie site of 
Karakorum by M. Yadrintzoff, is in Uigur and of the VIII century. 
It has been published in facsimile and translated by Prof. Radlofl in 
the Zapiski of the Imperial archaological society of the present year. 

b) Pseudo - Runic, or Suljek, or Tshudic, or better Turkish prc-Lslam 
script, of the lenissei and Karakorum inscriptions. 

c) Tree-like characters, resembling the El Mushajjar and El Shajan of 
the Arabs, and probably later than the ninth century. 

(t) Archaic Chinese. (Cf. T. de L., Beginjtings of writing around Tibet^ 

e) Pictorial, hieroglyphic and symbolic, very numerous and of all dates and 
sorts, but generally rough and without any trace of systematization, al- 
together the work of uncoutli and uncultured people. 

Terrikx de Lacoupkri*. 

Errat. Addit. note 1, 1. 9. Tmtead of: At the : On the 


The view held by the Jewish colony in the Middle Kingdom is that 
they arrived during the Han period, i.e. between 202 B.C. and 220 a.d. 
This statement somewhat vague is reported in their own inscriptions set 
up at Kai-fung-fu^. It seems, however, that they have preserved by oral 
tradition 2 the idea that they came under the reign of Ming-ti, i.e. between 
58 and 76 a.d. 3. I confess that 1 do not know any contravening or 
confirming statement on the subject in Ancient Chinese literature. Pro- 
fessor Henri Cordier finds an apparent confirmation in the suitableness 
of the years mentioned, as Jerusalem was besieged, taken, and totally 


destroyed by Titus in 70 a.d. Now there was not any reason, for such 
of the Jews who emigrated at that time, to go so far eastwards as China ; 
the fact is not impossible, but we must admit that as far as we know 
there was no inducement to travel to so distant a country. Events had 
happened some years before in Parthia which seem to give a simpler ex- 
planation, as they concern a migration of the Jews per fore* to the East. 
The matter deserves some attention. In 34 a.d.. the numerous Jews 
established, in Babylon were compelled to withdraw from that town to 
Seleucia by punishment for the misgovernment of their fellow country- 
men Asinai and Alinai who had been satraps for the XlXtb Arsace 
Artabanus III. The persecution continued against them notwithstanding, 
and fifty thousand were massacred in their new residence ; the others in 
40 A.D. went to Ctesiphon, and as this place did not prove hospitable, 
they retired finally in the provincial towns of Parthia.* These circum- 
stances ore important. Here we have Jews in Anterior Asia, on the 
great routes of commerce to the East, and compelled to seek after more 
favorable countries to settle therein. The probabilities are thus strongly 
indicated that some of these Jews, most likely at first as trading parties, 
went to China and established themselves there afterwards. Traces are 
said to have been found of a Jewish settlement^between Tcheng-tu, the 
Capital of Szetchuen and Lil-shan of the same province, on the west, 
which has been attributed to the Han period, and more specially to the 
first century b.c. It may be as well the first century of our era as the 
evidence lacks of precision. In that case we may have there a valuable 
corroboration of our suggestion that the first Jews in China came by one 
or the other of the trade routes. The settlement in W. Szetchuen shows 
that they came through the Southern and much frequented route of 
Afghanistan, N. India, latna and S.E. Tibet to Tcheng-tu in Szetchuen. 
Further corroborations come from the fact that the first settlement of the 
Jews in S.E. India, (^Malabar) dates from 68 a.d., and that in their own 
inscriptions of Kai-fung-fu dated 1489, it is stated that they came from 
Tien-tchuh or India. 

The statement that they came during the reign of Ming-ti, does not 
satisfy us at the first glance, beeause Buddhist missionaries were officially 
received by this Emperor in the year 67 a.d. Compared to the vague 
statement of their inscriptions that they came within the Han period 
which lasted 422 years, the special indication that their arrival took 
place under the reign of Ming-ti looks ominous. It seems to be an after 
thought like a self-adaptation by them of the Buddhist affair, unless 

IN CHINA. 13:^ 

they arrived several years afterwards, in a way, on the trail of Buddhism 
through a different route and in a not ostensive manner, without any 
show of their creed. Tliis might explain the complete silence of the 
Chinese Records about them. On the other hand, they may have arrived 
in Szetchuen some time previously, even before Buddhism and the reign 
of Ming-ti. In that case they would have remained for a time in the 
spoken of Ticinity of Tcheng-tu without making any show of themselves 
and their tenets, as otherwise it seems improbable that Ming-ti would 
have sent in the west after disciples and worshippers of the golden statue 
of his dreams. After the second entrance^ of Buddhism . and the glow 
which accompanied it, the Jews must haye slipped into China without 
being remarked, whence the silence of the official historians on the 

Once established in China, the Jews sought for communications with 
their brethren in the west, and therefore received later on new comers from 
time to time. The fact unknown to recorded history is ascertained by 
the circumstance that the Chinese Jews, beside the non-punctuated texts 
of the scripture which they may have had from the beginning, possessed 
also punctuated texts, therefore of a later date than 570 a.d.'' But none 
of these later questions concerns the purpose of the present note. 


1) In the inscriptions of 1489 and of 1511 a.d. 

2) Soon after 72 a.d. is the time mentioned in the Lettres edifiantes et 

3) H. Cordier, Les Juifs en Chine (L'anthropologie, Sept.-Oct. 1890) p, 
549. — As could be expected from the author of the Biblioteca sinicuy 
the bibliography of this short article is extensively worked out. 

4") Cf. G. Rawlinson, The sixth Great Oriental Monarchy, p. 244. 
6) By Mr. Knovvlton, Missionary Magazine, Sept. 1857. — A. R. Mac 
Mahon, The Karens of the Golden Chersonese, 1876, p. 96. 

6) On the first and unsuccessful entrance cf. my paper: How in 219 
B.C. Buddhism entered China : B.&O.R. May 1891, vol. 5, pp. 

7) Dr. A. Kingsley Glover, has published in The Menorah, a Jewish 
monthly of New- York, in 1838 and 1889, an interesting series of arti- 
cles on the subject under the general title of The Jews of the Extreme 
Eastern Diasporah, and the following sections : I. The Jews of India, 
(vol. IV, p. 239-249)— II, III, IV and V. The Jews of the Chinese 
Empire (vol. IV, pp. 859-365, 436-441, 520-524, and vol. V, pp. 
10-19. — VI. Manuscripts of the -Jews of India and China (vol. V, pp. 
144-151. — Biblical and Classical testimony to the Commercial Activity 
of the Ancients in the East, (vol. VI, pp. 91-97. — The Temple and 
Temple Worship at Kai-fung-fu, China (vol. VI, pp. 179-183.— The 
author thinks (art. V, p. 15) that he has found a clue, to the fifth 
century as the date of the Jews' arrival in China, in the following state- 


ment of their inscription of 1489 : "The Sung Emperor said : Since 
they have come to our central source (i.e. China) and reverently ob- 
serve the customs of their ancestors, let them at Pien-llang. In the 
first year lung-hing of the Simg obedience, hwei-wei of the cycle (i.e. 

11 C3) Yen-tn-la built the temple " The Sung Emperor 

mentioned at first and who authorized the Jews to remain at Pien-liang 
cannot be one of the Sung dynasty of 420-479, as the Rev. Glover 
supposes, for the simple reason tliat this dynasty ruled at Kien-ijeh 
(Nan-king) and that Pi'en-liang which was then called Kai-fung was no 
part of. their dominion, and belonged to the Northern Wei, Pien- 
liarig which was so called since the N. TcHou,'was the Capital of the 
N. Sung from 860 to 1127, and it is, without doubt one of the latter 
emperors who is referred to in the inscription. When the Slings were 
driven south by the Kin or Djurtchen-Tartars and transferred their 
capital to Lin-ngan (Hang-tchou) in 1129, Pien-liang became the 
Southern residence of the Kin emperors. It was under the rule of these 
Tartars that the Je ish temple of Pien-liang was built, and Yen-tn-la 
is not a Chinese but a Djurtchen name. The circumstances also ex- 
plain the peculiar reference to the year of the Sung dynasty. 

TerrieN dr Lacouperie, 


(Translated hy the late Prof. Dr, S. Beal.) 
(Continued from p. 89). 

On this the Prince Royal addressed the King and said, "I indeed have 
Come here to give myself to meditation, why tlien are we met together? " 

The King repHed, "And why do you thus act?" To whom he replied, 
Your Ministers desire by their conduct to remove and destroy all evil and 
disgrace from your Kingdom. I also by meditation desire to destroy all 
tho darkness and the misery attending the rule of the King of evil in the 
world (all the MSras)." The King replied, "Sadhu! This is the first 
miraculous event in the life of the Prince — the end shall not be vain; but 
through him shall be found Deliverence for the World !" 

KiouEN V. — Chap. 1 4, 
Consideration of the Doctrines of the three Systems. 
Thus Bodhisatwa sojourning amongst the Mountains at last came to 


the banks of the Ni-lin (Nairanjana) Uiver. where he enjoyed th«^ re}iost' 
of an Aranyaka (hermit), his mind at rest, and filled with love, he con- 
sidered the condition of the world (ten regions of space) deriving above 
Gods and men. 

Bu idha again addressed the Bhikslius and said : " Bodhisatwa seeing 
at a distance Udraramaputra with all his followers engaged in reverent 
attendance on him as he taught them how to calculate coming events, 
the art of figures, the different calniitous changes of heaven and earth, in 
all which he was their distinguished teacher, Bodhisatwa observing this 
began to reflect : *' Now these men have attached tliemsdves to their 
Master's service for the sake of learning from him the art of calculation, 
and the method of predicting calamities from the stars, and so pay him 
the offices I observe, I will myself therefore go to the place and enquire as 
to his proceedings, that I may know if tiiere be any exceeding value 
therein, which may surpass (beat down) the doctrine of the non-existence 
of outward objects (fah), and the doctrine of escape by means of pro- 
found meditation (yeh sin), and the exercise of Samadhi, that so passing 
these by I may by some other cross-expedient perceive at a glance the 
beginning and end of things, or by observing the proceedings of these 
disciples as they exercise themselves in an inferior (wordly) method of 
meditation I may perhaps from that afterwards proceed on to a higher 
method, and fixing myself in the Samadhi of perfect indifference tims at- 
tain to the goal of Supreme (great) Wisdom." Bodhisatwa having 
finished these reflections went to the spot and enquired thus : "Excellent 
Sir ! (Bhadra) what offices (sacrifices) are these ye do ! who is your 
blaster, and what system does he teach with a view to what end " ? 
Udraramaputra answered him : " I am uninstructed by any Master, by 
myself have I acquired this Knowledge (insight) which you possess for 
yourself alone''? He answered: "I alone possess the knowledge of 
that Samadhi known as ' thought without thought :' " Bodhisatwa an- 
swered : " May I then learn by any human means (from man) this sort 
of profound meditation " ? He rephed : " You may, and with welcome, 
for I will instruct you gladly." On this Bodhisatwa rising up and going 
to a retired spot, sat down with his legs crossed, on which in consequence 
of his redundant merit, and his profound Wisdom, and the power of 
the works done by him in previous existences, he entered at ence into 
each distinct sort of Samadhi, by each correct method, and without let or 
hindrance perceived (the truth) for himself in the hundred thousand 
varieties of abstruse contemplation (ecstasy), just as one beholds figures 

136 TnE p'd yao king. 

in an unclouded mirror so he obtained self-perception (independent ex- 
istence) witliout the least obscurity or imperfection. Then Bodhisatwa 
arousing himself from his abstraction, and rising np went, to the spot 
where Udraramaputra was, and again enquired : — " Have you get any 
sort of Samadhi like the one of ' without tliought by which Supreme 
Reason may be obtained.' " He answered : " No ! there is no other 
way." Then Bodhisatwa reflected ; — Ramaputra knows nothing of 
*' Faith " (svaddha) as I know it, Ramaputra knows nothing of " ener- 
getic advance" (virya), as I know it, nor of " reflection " (smriti), nor of 
''dhyana," nor of wisdom (prajna), I alone know of these things. — Hav- 
ing thought thus he arose and departed, and came to the place where 
Kalama (Ara)ta dwelt, and on arriving asked him also : "Who is your 
teacher and from whom have you received the doctrine you profess " ? 
He replied : " I have no Teacher, it is my own doctrine." He then 
further enquired : "And what is this method which you possess for your- 
self alone " ? To which he answered : " I by myself alone use a Samadhi 
called, Wu-yung-liu-hung-san-mui (no-use-empty-Saniadhi)." Then Bod- 
hisatwa having entered, through the right paths, the highest form of 
ecstacy for himself alone, Kailama addressed him and said — this is well 
done indeed — and now as I have reached this point and am instructing 
others in it, so also do you abide here and instruct all these in the same 
way, and become one of us. Bodhisatwa replied : " But this practice (or, 
deed) does not reach to the point of entire deliverance, or the complete 
removal of desire, it does not penetrate into the meaning of supreme in- 
difference (wou wei), it does not reach to perfect quiet resulting from the 
absence of all created being (yeou), its followers (Shaman do not attain 
to Sambodhi, this is not Nirvana." Then Bodhisatwa dissatisfied alike 
with his interviews with Ramaputra and Kalama, departed from them 
and went onward. As he thus advanced he saw three Brahmacharis, 
one was called Yau-wei-ka-ye (Uravilra Kasyapa) the second, Na-ti-ka. 
ye (Nadi Kasyapa) the youngest was called Ki-i-ka-ye (Gaya Kasyapa). 
They were three brothers each followed by a thousand disciples. Bodhi- 
satwa going forward saluted them and said : " What reHgious services 
do you engage in ?" They said: "We sacrifice to fire and'"water, the Sun 
and Moon, and to all Divinities up to Brahma Deva (or, up to the Brahma 
Heaven)." Bodhisatwa replied: " There is no truth in this system. 
Water will not always flow, fire will not for ever glow, th«? sun that 
rises sets again, the moon though full will shortly wane, Brahma Deva 
(or the Brahma heaven) is not eternal, for though he endure long still he 


must come to an end, only that which possesses no-personal-being (won 
wei) no beginning, no end, the insurpassable and absolute is worthy of 
being the ground of discussion : and so leaving them he departed and 
returned to his own place. 

Buddha further addressed the Bhikshus and said " On this Bodhisatwa 
gave himself up to reflection and thought thus," now indeed I dwell in 
this world with its five pollutions (of sense) degraded by tlie false teach^ 
ing which every where abounds, each teacher advocating different views 
according to their 96 works of instruction and their 62 erroneous theses, 
loving their own selves, coveting life, foolish and besotted men ! hanker- 
ing after fleshly lusts, cherishing the very things that destroy and poison 
(happiness) their minds incapable of repentance, with no desire after purity 
of thought, but bent on drinking and eating, infatuated with a love of 
earthly things, always doing that which is not right ; ever thoughtless 
about that which is excellent, not given to charity but loving wealth and 
engrossed in family concerns, regardless about the truth of his (higher) 
Reason, not walking in a plain straight course, (chi ping), but loving to 
continue in the practice of the ten sins the opposite of the ten com- 
mandments detailed by Buddha not rejecting the idea of self-importance 
not instructing others to turn from sin, careless and unstable, hard to 
be influenced (converted) filled with thoughts of murder (killing), injuri- 
ous and licentious, drinking wine without cheek, given up entirely to 
pleasure, and moreover doing sacrifice to Water and Fire, the sun and 
moon, and Brahma, yea, and worshipping the iSpirits of the Mountains, 
and of the Und, Spirits of space and of the sea and fountains and Spirits 
of trees : and moreover dwelling in the Mountains and feeding on fruits 
and herbs, eating once a day, or in two days or even but once in seven 
days, taking one handful at a time once a day, or even for 14 days but 
one handful, or only eating one full meal in a month, practicing pure liv- 
ing the (life of a Brahma), engaged in the four methods of contemplation 
(the four dhyanas) and training themselves in tlie four virtues for the 
sake of being born in heaven, but never striving after deUverance from 
continued birth and death ; moreover some with naked bodies, some clad 
in skins, some sacrificing to devils, Rakshas, and Asuras, not ^striving 
to) escape the evil modes of birth, ever unable to arrive at perfect know- 
ledge, saying they are wise, but being fools, and so unable to be converted, 
believing all the false teaching of the world. Oh then let me rather be able 
to make manifest the true fife of probity, and whilst using the methods em- 
ployed by others, let me exhibit for their advantage the right and only 


correct mode of life, casting away delusive ideas, and satisfied with no 
method of teaching derived from this world (world of desire and world of 
furm) let me enter the path of complete enlightenment (Buddha). 
(To be continued). 



In the Jewish Monthly "■Menordh^''' published in New York City I 
have presented^ to both Jewish and Gentile readers the main results of my 
researches among the Jews of the Far East, especially those of China. 

In the same publication I also presented the translations of the tablet 9 
inscriptions as they appeared in the "Shang-hae Pamphlet" of 1851, the 
year immediately following the discovery of the tablet inscriptions at Kai- 
fung-fu by agents of the " London Missionary Soc." 

But my notes and comments on these tablets were brief, and my know- 
ledge of their contents only half mature, and I now offer to Jew and Gen- 
tile a more detailed account and explanation of these interesting relics of a 
dying colony of Israelites, in the form of a Commentary. The printed 
records (especially the '*Shang-hae Pamphlet,") concerning the Jews of 
China are now very scarce, and I feel that by presenting these short com- 
mentaries, with the translation of the original Chinese, I shall be saving 
from oblivion two very important and unique relics of the Jews of the ex- 
treme eastern dispersion. 

The original translations were made from the Chinese by the Rev. Dr. 
Medhurst of the London Mission at Shang-hae, and these translations I 
present in the following pages, with only occasional suggestions for changes 
in the orthography. In several instances I might have used my own 
knowledge of the Book language of China, in rendering the English equi- 
valents of the original, to some orthographical and etymological advantage; 
but Dr. Medhurst was so great a Chinese scholar that I have accepted his 
translations, and seek only to make the sense of the inscriptions plain to 
those interested in the affairs of China and of Judaism. 

1) 1888-1891. 


In the Jewish publication mentioned above and elsewhere, I have cited 
evidence to show that the Jews did not enter China before the fifth cen- 
tury A.D. Much of this evidence was external, but the testimony of the 
following tablets is final, since they show the prevalence in China of Jew- 
ish customs, moral axioms, &c., which are well known to readers and stu- 
dents of Jewish history, to have appeared as features of Judaism, not only 
after the Christian era, but after Mishnaic times, and which therefore 
preclude the possibility of a Jewish migration to China before Christ. 

The whole field of religious and moral thought traversed by these inscrip- 
tions, plainly shows the influence of Talmudic days. Moreover, while one 
of the two tablets (that of 151]) is so far from the truth as to place the 
entrance into China as early as the date of Christ's birth, the other on the 
other hand, confirms the external evidence, by a most certain reference to 
the 5th century as the time of the settlement of the first Jewish Colony 
in China. 1 

The Inscription of 1511. 

The record of the Temple^ erected in honour of Eternal Reason 

and the Sacred Writings. 

It has been said that the Sacred writings^ are for the purpose, of era- 
bodying Eter7ial Reason^ and that Eternal Reason is for the purpose 
Of communicating the sacred writings. 

What is Eternal Reason^? The principle which is in daily use, and 
constant practice, and which has been generally followed out by men^ of 

1) I entirely demur to this view for the reasons given sMprJ, p. 181, as the 
early Jews of the first century kept up relations with their brethren in 
later ages, and this explains the apparent difficulties. — T.deL. 

2) This tablet deals mainly with morals and purttif of religion. — 'Temple' 
should always be understood in these tablets instead of ' synagogue,' 
since the structure in China was a temp/e. 

•3) Here and elsewhere the ^^Sacred Writings" are the canonical books of 
the Old Testament. They were certainly not any of the Chinese Clas- 
sics, since these Chinese Jews never were so completely absorbed into 
the Chinese population as to forget their own sacred books. 

4) Eternal Reason is an overstretched rendering. The Chinese characters 
are Tsun tchung Tao. The translation of tao by reason may be allowed; 
hnt tsmi tchung mean hterally Respect profoundly (cf. Maclay 
— Baldwin, Alph. Diet. Chin. p. 117), and therefore cannot be rendered 
by eternal, for which a^ yung is the Chinese term. — T. de L. ' 

5^) i.e., by the Jews. ^^ 


indent and modern^ times. It is present in everything and the same in 
all seasons. 2 In fact, there is no place in which Eternal Reason^ does not 
reside. But Eternal Reason without the Saced wrritings cannot be pre- 
served, and the Sacred writings without Eternal Reason cannot be carried 
out into action, for men get into confusion, and do not know whither they 
are going, until they are carried away by foolish schemes and strange 

Hence tlie doctrines of the sages* have been handed^ in the six 
classics'^, in order to convey the knowledge^ to future generations, and to 
extend its benefits to the most distant period. 

With respect to Yih-sze-ld-nee-Kaou^ (the religion taught in the 
happy establishment conferred by the Great One),^^ we find on inquiry 

1) This tablet was erected in 1511 a. d. 

2) 'Eternal Reason,' here referred to, is often incapable of being distinguish- 
ed from God, or Heaven. One of the smaller tablets says: 'Eternal 
Reason is unbounded by the limits of existence and non-existence', a re- 
frain that can refer only to the Supreme Being. 

B)'' Eternal Reason^ These words are followed by their definition, which, 
though brief and partial, is nevertheless approximately sufficient for 
that term {'■'Eternal Reason') which occurs so often in this tablet. It 
here can refer to nothing else than the everlasting truth of God, present 
everywhere, but not discernible by mortals, save by the revelation and 
guidance of the "Sacred Writings." 

4) In this paragraph we seethe deep faith of the Chinese Jews in the 
necessity of inspired writings, in order to preserve and transmit the 
"everlasting truths of God," and keep men in the straight path of re- 
ligious truth and righteousness. 

5) i.e. The Chinese sages and philosophers. (The Han dynasty. T.deL.) 

6) I suppose '* handed down'' is intended here. 

7) At certain periods of Chinese history the classics were divided into 
six classics. 

8) i.e. The knowledge of the Chinese doctrines. In this paragraph we see 
the writer drawing a comparison between the transmittal of Chinese 
doctrines in the Chinese classics, and that of Jewish doctrines in the 
Old Testament. He discovers here, moreover a reverential regard on 
the part of the Jews for the Sacred books or classics of China. 

9) 5 ih-sze-lo-nee-keaou not Yih-sze-lo-nee-keaou. T. de L.— This long 
Chinese word is made up of two ; the one being (as will be noticed by 
pronouncing it) a phonetic rendering of Israel, and the last syllable 
{Keaou^ meaning religion ; the whole meaning Israel religion, (i.e. 


10) This parenthetical explanation of the Chinese word can but refer to 
Jehovah, if a correct translation. But I must translate Yih-sze-lo- 
nee as Israel, and Keaou as religion. 



that its first ancestor Atan^ came originally from Theen-chuh,^ and that 
during the Chou state the Sacred writings were in existence. 

The Sacred Writings, embodying Eternal Reason, consist of fifty-three 
Sections.^'' The principles therein contained arc very abstruse,* and the 
Eternal Reason therein revealed is very mysterious, being treated therein 
with the same veneration as Heaven.'^ The founder of this reli<?icn is 
A'Woo-lo-lian,^ who is considered the first teacher of it. Then came 
Mdy-shcy'^ who established the Law and handed down the Sacred 

1) Adam as given also in this translation of Rev. Dr. Medhurst, as it 
appears in the Shang-hae pamphlet. 

2) This name in China refers to India in a general way, including Ceylon^ 
But in the mind of both Jew and Chinaman, India was not confined 
by its modem boundaries. It practically refers to Hindustan and 
much of the country north and north-west of it, 

S) This number is that observed among the Persian Jews, It is a proof 
of the early contact of the Jews of China with Jewish emigrants or 
travellers from Persia, but it does not prove, by any means, the Persian 
origin of the Ch. Jews, 

4) The turning of the plain Old Test, truths into '' abstruse principles,"* 
either indicates the presence of rabbinical influence among the Jews of 
China, or it is a result of the era of Chinese philosophy which ex- 
tended in its greatest glory from the 9th to the 13th cent. a.d. 

5) There is here discernible a practical identity of God and Eternal Reason. 

6) Abraham. 

7) Moses. 

A. K. Gloyeb. 
(To be continued). 


On Lycian Decipherments. — Our most able collaborateur, M, J, 
Imbert, intends to start shortly for Lycia, and it is not unlikely that he 
will be accompanied in his epigraphical and archaeological expedition by 
another of our collaborateurs, Mr. W, Arkwright, whose articles on Lycian 
epigraphy (Academ, Feb. 7, p. 104, and B. & 0. R., 1890, vol. iv. pp. 
176-181, and discovery of Vocalic harmony in Lycian (B. &0. R, March, 
1891, vol, V. pp. 49-54) have attracted much attention. We extract the 
following interesting passage from a letter just received (24 June, 1891) 
from M. J. Imbert. : (T.deL.) 

"I shall go into Lycia, either alone, or with Mr. Arkwright, my frere 
d'armes. We then intend to publish a new Corpus^ while waiting the de- 
cipherment, which now gains, however slowly, some progress. 

"At the beginning of the year 1890, I had the honour of entering into 
correspondence with Major Conder, who had then written the article on 
the Lycian language, which had been published by the Academy. My 
correspondent sent me a sketch translation of the North face of the Obelisk. 
That translation was rather premature, and the good intention of the au- 
hor did not assist him. In fact, the section in question would have been a 
Lycian edition of the Greek epigram, and consequently, it would have been 
concerned with the Agora of Xanthus, with the twelve tutelary gods of the 
city, with the stele visible from a distance, and with wlioever erected such 
monumennt. There was lacking the Arcadian hoplites of the 1 0th 
verse. Concerning Tissaphernes and the Persian nobles, not an indicative 
word ! I took the sketch, and cut it out entirely except where it treated 
of the erection of the Obelisk. 

"My Phar7iaba2us and Tissaphernes includes some data permitting to 
avoid the idea of a servile adaptation of the Greek piece upon that 
historical and circumstantial narrative. M. Six, appreciating my work, 
has not accepted even the minimum, which I had preserved of Conder's 
views, ajid he maintains that in the sttati sttala or sttatimo sttala conclu- 
ded treatises of alliances were spoken of, nothing of the Xanthian mono- 
lith, of the Tot'avSe (TTTiXijv aveOrjKev. Lastly, (in my Antiphellus), I have 
rejected the idea of the erection of the said Obelisk. And today there is 
even more ; the translation of sttala by 'stela' is contested ! 

" Contested, by Dr. Deecke, in those terms : 
" 'Bei der Durchsicht der Stela Xanthica ist mir eben der Einfall gekom- 
raen, ob nicht sttati: sttala vielraehr larrjcn aroXov ist (nicht (ntjXrjv) "er 
stellt cine Kriegsmacht auf, er sammelt Truppen oder Flotte ; auch 
urubliya wird denn etwas Ahnliches sein.' 16 June, 1891. 

" He is right, for sttala is not mentioned, and also the verb sttati but 
in this section alone, while aravaziya = -qpwov is a little everywhere. 
That is why, in attempting to reconstitute all the opening of the Xanthian 
inscription. South face ( unedited fragment) I avoid both sttala 
and sttati: 

TB^5A/Er:^Pf^FI»^lEi^: TEITT^: E>*^Tpv>^E: VPV P^ 
V^04.:TEAk rE'^E\k/?PEy?^-|.T:AAtAE : KOfPAAt 
^P+ B^tf^l P3EA/^^E ... 



sseboiini aravaziya piyeto -^eroi arppa ^^I'l : tideim i : ^eriqalie: ddedi: 
kuprlleh ;;^ahba ariinadi . . . 

'•This monument la consecrated by Kreis,sonof Harpagos, brother of 

Karikas, son-in-law of Kybernis, in the agora of Xanthus, in the midst 
of his people...? 

" "j^ is unquestionably «, and ^ o. J. Imbert ," 

Chinese-Uiodr documents from Kara Baloasun. — Besides the Rn- 
nic-like inscriptions of which he brought back a copy (published separate- 
ly: Anciens caracteres trouve's sur des pierres de taille et des monuments 'tu 
bord du Orkhon dans la Mongolie Orientale par I'expedition de M. N. 
Yadrintzoff en 1889. St. Petersb. 1890, 21 pp.) M. Nicolas Yadrintzoflf 
of Irkustk had discovered in his excavations on the site of Karakorum, two 
Fragments inscribed in Chinese, one of them with three Hnes in Uigur 
characters, which he brought back to St. Petersburg. M, E. Koch 
made a communication on the subject to the Imperial Academy of Sciences 
of Russia {^Ballet, June, 1890. and Zajnsky of the Imperial Society of 
Archeology, t. v., 1891. p. 147-156, with facsimiles; transl. into French 
by W.S.Lemosoff, and published, without facsimiles, in the Totmg-pao 
of Schlegel-Cordier, vol. ii. p. 113-12 4: Deux jnerres avec Inscriptions 
Chlnoises). Prof. G. Deveria had also made a communication on these in- 
criptions to the Academic des Inscriptions (21 Nov. 1890). Mr. Koch, 
has deciphered the Chinese and found several proper names: She sze-mmg^ 
a rebel Chinese general (759-761 a.d.), and a long title of an UigurKha- 
kan on the first stone :...i/o* mi^-shi AoP ku^-tu^-lu^ hu-lu^ P'i-klek'o- han. 
(I have restored the dropped finals,) which he does not identify; and on 
the second stone the names of Y-nan-tchu and Mok-ho which refer, appar- 
ently to circa 821 a.d., besides an allusion to Kao-tsu, the noble ancestor, 
Kuet PUe-ki Ko-han, whom he identifies with the founder of the Uigur 
Khanate (744 a.d.). Prof. W. Radloff in the same number of the Zap- 
ishj pp. 265-270, has published two notes on the subject. In the first 
he has classified chronologically from 744 to 847, the names andtitles of the 
successive Khakans of the Uigurs, and from his list which is arranged in 
a tableau, it will be seen that the only Khakan who, to our knowledge, 
bore the various titles which appear ou the first inscription was the Kutluk 
(=ku^-tu^-lu\ of above, in Turkish "happy") who ruled between 795- 
805 a.d. In his second note, the author deciphers the Uigur fragment 
and finds therein the name of Moko. In the number of the Toung-pao^ 
quoted above. Prof. Schlegel {Note sur les inscriptions chinoises de Kara 
Balgasoun, p. 125-126), apparently unaware of Dr, Radloff's researches, 
suggests that the unidentified Khakan of Mr. J. Koch was a Ho-kou tou- 
lou pi-kia ICo-han who ruled in 780 -789 a.d. But the Chinese syl- 
lables must be read difierently. Ho (or better Ho^) goes alone, and Kou- 
tou-lou (or better KuUu^-lvy) go together, as they represent Uigur words. 
The Khakan of 780-789 had not the titles md^-mi^-shi and hu-lu^ which 
appear on the inscription, while that of 795-805 had these titles besides 
the others. Therefore the probabilities are in favour of the latter being 
the Khakan mentioned on the inscription.— T. de L. 


Coins from the Gobi Desert. — Letter from Lieut. H. Bower 
Srinaggar, Kashmir, 14 May, 1891. — Two or three of tho coins are from 
the buried cities of the Gobi desert; they are of copper, and the inscrip- 
tions can be made out; the letters are certainly of a Sanscritic nature.... 
When I was on the North edge of the Gobi desert, I saw about 30 copper 
coins that had been picked up in the sand, but the two or three I brought 
away were the only ones with legible inscriptions." 

"There is also a silver one from the neighbourhood of Balk, with the 
figure of a man and a cow." (?) 

PoPDLA-R Religion of China. — Prof. C. de Harlez is preparing a 
translation 'of the Tsih shwoh ts'uen tchen, a description of the popular 
gods of the Middle Kingdom, which he will supplement with all the in- 
formation, native and foreign, within his reach. The work cannot fail to 
be gratefully r<3C3ived by all students of Comparative religions. It will 
consist of materials untinged by European theories that will permit the 
study of the historical evolution of a living mythology, and thus contrast 
with the various systems unsuccessfully put forth to explain the mytho- 
logy of ancient nations. 

The Guimet Musee des Religions in Paris has been lately enriched, 
through the exertions of Dr. J. J. de Groot, of a complete series of the 
deities worshipped in the Fuh-kien provinces, — T. dcL. 

Orientation in Ancient Central Asia. — Prof. G. Dereria, from 
Paris, 13 May, '91. communicates to me a passage from the San tchou 
tsih lioh, vol. vii. p. 88, quoting and commenting upon a statement of the 
Peh she or Northern history (386-581 A.n.jMonography of the Tuh-kiieh. 
The result is that the present North of the Chinese would have answered 
to the East of these popitlations (the Dulgas); the South to the West, the 
West to the North, thr East to the South. Therefore they were facing 
the West. — Among the Hi ung-nu. according to the Tsien Han Shu, kiv. 
9-i, in sitting, the post of honour was on the left, facing the North. As 
the statement comes from a Chinese source, it must not be forgotten that 
the left' here is the East. In the Regulations concerning the Hall of 
Audience in the Li-ki, kiv. XII, 2-4, special reverence is attached to the 
N.E. corner of (of the Hall with reference to the position assigned to the 
various Princes^. It looks like a faint survival of the old respect to thv 
North-East in the mother-culture of tho S.W. — T. de L. 

ERRATUM in " Southern Palestine and the Tel-el-Amarna 
Tablets", (last No,) — By mistake the translation of the letter of Zinirida 
from Lacish was omitted from the sheet. 1 now give it : " To the king 

.my lord my god, my Sun god who from the Heavens, (rises), this Zin- 
irida of the city of Lacish thy servant speaks. At the feet of the king 

.my lord, the Sun god who from the heavens rises, seven times seven I 
cast myself. The messenger of the king my lord, whom he sent to me, 
the words he heard : all is well, and thus I have performed ? the order 
of his judgement." W.—St.C.B. 

printed and published for the proprietor at 29, albert square clapham 
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Contributors are alone responsible for their opinions or statements. 


During a short visit to Berlin this month I had the opportunity or 
examining the antiquities obtained by the expedition to North Syria 
organised by tlie German Oriental Committee. This powerful body of 
Orientalists and Archaeologists was formed in the year 1838 for the pur- 
pose of conducting excavations and explorations in the East, and, under 
the presidency of Professor von Kaufmann, it numbers among its 
members most of the principal archaeologists of Germany, of whom I may 
mention Professors Curtius, Schrader, Dillmann, Erman and Virchow 
among others. The first work undertaken by the Committee was the explor- 
ation of the mound of Sendscherly or Sengerh, on the Eastern slopes of 
the Amanus range. This site is situated on the ancient route leading 
from Marash to the Bay of Soanderoon, the ancient Bay of Issus. This 
road way traverses the northern portion of the Beilan pass, and must 
have been in use until Roman times, as portions of it are well paved, and 
I was told that in 18>0 several sculptured stones had been found in 
breaking up portions of it. This roadway is now abandoned in favour 
of the more southern one, from whicli the Antioch road branches off be- 
low the village of Beilan. 

The position of Senjerli is an important one as it forms the guard to 
a pass of the Amanus range, giving entrance through the Taurus 
into the plains of Cilicia, one of the ancient Cilician gates, and at the 
same time commands a large and fertile valley watered by the Afrin and 
the Kara-Su. This fertile district, now known by the name of the 
Amk or Hollow, was the seat of several small city kingdoms, and at 
an early period was brought into contact with the civilisations of Baby- 
onia, Egypt, and Assyria ; and therefore any explorations in this district 
Vol,, v.— No. 7. [145] July, 1891. 


■were likely to be of great historical importance. 

The excavations at Sinjerh soon brought to light the remains of a 
large edifice built of orick, and decorated with sculptures in the Hittite 
style of art. The sculptures are of particular interest, as they occupy a 
clearly medial position between the more archaic native Asia Minor art, 
as exhibited in the sculptures at Boghaz Keui and Eyuk, and those of 
Carchemish, which exhibit a distinct influence of the Assyrian school.^ 
The door way of the palace was flanked by a pair of 'colossal lions, carved 
in high relief in the style of the Assyrian bulls, but in higrh straight re- 
lief resembling rather the work at Eyuk^— and also in pose somewhat 
similar to the great lion from the temple of Nergal at Nimroud now in 
the Nimroud Central Saloon of the British Museum. The numerous 
sculptures discovered, and the extent of the edifice, proved that the ex- 
plorers had found the site of some important royal city; but, as the few 
inscriptions were in the as yet undeciphered Hittite characters, there 
seemed no clue whatever to the name. A fortunate discovery however 
was at hand which afforded the required- information. In the ruins of 
the palace were found portions of two large statues bearing inscriptions in 
the Phoenicio-Aramaic character.^ The larger of these had a curious 
bearded head with long locks in the Assyro-Phoenician style, and wear- 
ing a horned cap similar to Assyrian divinities. Upon the point of the 
statue is a long inscribed dedication to the god IJadad (~7"^»*t')* ^'y Pan- 
ammu, king of Sama'l. This is an extremely important discovery as it 
enables us to identify the site with one of the most ancient and most 
important of tho city kingdoms of North Syria. Pan-ammu, king of 
Sama'l, was the contemporary of Tiglath-peleser III, and is enumerated 
in the long tribute inscription (W,A.I. IT, 67) as one of the tributaries 
who did homage to the king at Damascus in B.C. 732. The name is there 

am-niu sar(alii) Sa-am-la-ai. Panammu king of the city of the Sumalians. 
The city kingdom seems to have been conquered by Tiglath-pilesar earlier 
in his reign, for in a mutilated text from Nimroud, (Layard, Insc. 73, 3, 
]2), we read : aJu Sa-am-'-al-Jn alvi ahsnd DCCC. nisi adi marsiti 
mnu (asluln), " The city of Sama'l I besieged, I captured, (and) 800 
men with their possessions I carried away." The land of Sama'l is also 
mentioned in the Knrkh inscription of Shalrnanesar III (r.c. 8i)4), 
where the kinp- speaks of the capture of Lntibu the '-•tronghold of \ y^j 
yj »j^. khn-n-nu of Klianu of the country of the Sania'Iians. In the in- 
soriptionswefind that Sama'l is mentioned in conjunction With other North 

ohiental explorations. 1-J7 

Syrian states which enable us to identify its position as exactly ihat of 

The valley between the Anianus range and the Niinrud Dagli and 
Jebel Allah, watered by the Kara-Sii and the Afrin is known by the 
name of the Amk, a name which is evidently the Ameku of the lists of 
Thothmes III,^ and which has given its name to the village of Amek- 
Keui S.E. of lake of Antioch ; and was frequently traversed by tlie armies 
of both Egypt and Assyria. It formed the ancient province of Comma- 
gene, the Kumukhoi of the inscriptions. This province embraced within 
its bounds several smaller kingdoms. Between the Afrin and the gulf of 
Antioch was the land of the Patinai, and north west of this on the slopes 
of the Amanus and the shores of the gulf of Scanderoon and the an- 
cient bay of Issus, lay the kingdom of the Kuaians occupying the fringe 
of the Cilician plain the Khiliki of the inscriptions with the important 
city of Tartsi* or Tarsus. The northern portion of the valley near the 
head waters of the two rivers and the slopes of the Taurus and Nimrud- 
dagh ranges to the banks of Euphrates was the kingdom of the Gamgu- 
maia,'' the Zeugama of the classics which adjorned the district of the 
Hittite and the Armenian kingdom of the land of Milid the modem 
Malatiyeh.^ Between this kingdom and the land of the Patinai on the 
sloi)es of the Amanus range was the kingdom of Sama'l, a portion ex- 
actly marked by Senjerli. There seems to have been two gateways into 
this rich province, from the J ast entrance was obtained through the pass 
near Azzaz the ancient Khazazu, while on the West the pa«s near Sen- 
jerli gives access to the Cilician plain. 

The Kingdom was wealthy having the possession of the silver mines 
in tlie Taurus, and therefore silver formed an important portion of the 
tribute. In the Kurkh inscription of Slialmanesar II, we read : " From 
Khayauu son of Gabbru who (dwells) at the foot of mount Amanus, 10 tal- 
ents of silver, 90 talents of c >pper, 30 talents of iro.n, 300 vestments of em- 
broidered stuff and linen, 300 oxen, 3000 sheep, 200 logs of cedar.. ..I re- 
ceived," and the annual tribute placed upon the country was " 10 maneh 
of silver, 200 logs of cedar and an homer of cedar resin each year," 
Kurkh Ins. I, 1^4-25.) We may conclude therefore that tlie land of 
Sama'l was a wealthy and prosperous kingdom. The city although occu- 
pied ^oy the Hittites, whose sculptures and inscriptions are found there 
seems at an early period to have had Aramean Semitic rulers, as the names 
of the kings known to us appear all to be Semitic. 


Gabbaru contemporary of Assurnazirpal (^Kurk Ins. 1, 24) b.c. 880. 
Khayanu 1 

Khainii ) „ Shalmanesar II b.c. 854. 

Pan-Ammu „ Tiglath pilesar III b.c. 732. 

Gabbaru or Gabrn is apparently the Semitic •^^, -^^^j compare the 
local name Gibbar in Ezra II, 20, as also the Assyrian Gabru, while his 
son Kainii or Khaynu, certainly has a marked Semitic appearance. Pan- 
Ammu is a name formed similar to such Hebrew forms as Penuel f?^^•)2D 
and V§^''iD "the face of El, " the Pani-ilu of the inscriptions of Khara- 
murabi. Here tho divine element is that of Ammu ^3^ .-^ Am-mu. 
This name was given to the supreme god of the Syrian Ammorites and 
occurs also in the name \ ^:^ ^trfc: ^] '^*'^] '-^f Ammi-ba'la a S3 rian 
king mentioned by Assurnazirpal (Rec, P. II, 148-12), and also in that 
of y ^^ >^ >-^y ^ysSfz ^^w Ammu-la-dln, the king of Kedar, and 
of in Ammunadab king of Ammon a contemporary of Assurbanipal (S.A. 
p. 140 1. 31). The occurrence of the name in these regions is extremely 
interesting on account of its association with the mission of Balaam, 
UVhl whose name seems " A lord is Ammu," and whose city of Pethor,'' 
the Pitru of the inscriptions, was situated not far distant, near the banks 
of the Sajur river. The occurence of this name clears up the expression 
in Numbers I. XXII, 5, where " the land of the children of his people " 
must now be read " the land of tlio children of Ammo (Beni Ammu). 
Ammu or q^ is also, as Dr. Neubauer has pointed out, the divine element 
in Rehobo-am and Jerobo-am. The name of the king of Sama'l, Pan- 
ammu, means "the face of Ammu," "the reflection of Ammu," and is 
a purely Aramean name. This Semitic character of the inhabitants is 
borne out by the portrait of the king which appears on the great stela of 
Esarhaddon from here, which has a distinctly Semitic type of feaiures* 
There is little mention of the land of Sama'l after the tribute of lan- 
ammu, but the city appears to have been occupied by the Assyrians 
under Esarhaddon on his return from the expedition against Tirhakah 
and the capture of IMemphis in b.c. 670. During the explorations at 
Sinjerli, the explorers found in the ruins a remarkably fine stela of 
lime stone about 10 feet high and in the same style as. the monoliths of 
Samsi-Rimman and Assur-nazir-apla in the British Museum. The ob- 
verse of the monument has an arched panel cut and framed in which is 
the figure of the king. He is clad in his richest robes and wears a 
crowned head dress with a richly embroidered veil behind it. In his right 
hand he liolds what appears to be a cup, while in his left is his royal 



sceptre, which here differs somewhat in form from that usually met with 
having a lotus bud head. This may be attributed to the fact that the 
statue was set up after the great Egyptian war in b.c. 671, when the 
king claimed the titles of the Pharaohs as well as tfhese of Assyria. In 
front of the figure of the king are the figures of two kings small in 
size hardly reaching to the knees of the larger figure. The first of these 
is a distinct negro with curly hair, thick lips and bullet head, his ankles 
and wrists are in fetters. He wears however on his head a crown with 
the royal urseus serpent diadem. From the inscription we learn that 
this is " Tarku (J >-^ ^^ ^TTT-) '^^'* '"^^ Muzur u Kusi, "Tarkn 
king of Egypt and Ethiopia." Behind Tirhakah stands a Syrian prince, 
clad in a long robe, bearded and wearing a conical cap, whose name does 
not occur in the text, but who is probably the ruling prince of Sama'l. 
The inscription begins with a long invocation somewhat different to 
that usually found on the tablets of which 1 give a transcription. 

(/Ztt) Assur ah Hi ra-'t-im rit-te-ya 

{Ilu) Anu is-ru sak-tii-u na-bu su-mi ya 

(Ilu) Belli sa-ku mu-ki-iu pah ya 

(lluS Ea (?) vl-su mii-du u mu-sim slm-si-ya 

\llu) Sin II Nannai (ki) nam-ru mu {(lam) mi-ik tukulti ya 

Ilu) ^amas dayan Sami u irsitl -pa-ri-su purissi-ya 

i^Il) Rimman bel ra-as-pa mu {na ?) k\a-is ummaui ya 

{II) Nergal (jp^) e-bil Igigu u Anunaki mu-khub-bu Sarru-ti-ya 

{II) Sibbiti in gar-du-ti sa-pe-ik na-kt-ri ya 

Hi rabute kali-sa-nu mu sim mu-sim-ti 

Sa Anaku {}^) mi-gir su-un i-li-ra-ki? da-na-an li-i-tu 


To Assur, the father of the gods, the lover of my service, 

To Anu, the supreme judge of all, the proclaimer of my name, 

To Bel the most high, the establisher of my reign, 

To Ea, the giver of of Wisdom, the foreteller of my destiny. 

To Sin, the lord of Ur, the bright One, the benefactor of my life. 

To Samas, the judge of heaven and earth, the decider of my decisions, 

To Rimmon, tlie burner, the urger-on of my army. 

To Nergal, ruler of the Igigi, and Aaunaki the lover of my reign. 

To the Seven warrior gods, the sweepers-away of the enemies of my 

These great gods, all of them the f oretellersof my fate; 
For me, the king their favourite, they mado great my glory. 

In the names and titles of the king given here, we recognize the fact 
that the inscription was written late in his reign, for the king assumes 
titles which he could not have had until after B.C. 670. 


He calls himself': 

Aisur-akha-iddina sar rahu, sar da'inu, ^'ar kissati, sar mat Assur. 
Sakkanaku Rahili, sar mat Sumiri u Akkadi, sar mat Kar-Duniyas, 
kali sun, sar sarri mat Muzur, Pa-tu-rt& su u mat Kn-su. 

That is: 

Essarhaddon, the sjreat king, the powerful king, the king of multi- 
tudes, king of Assyria, High-priest of Bahylon, king of Snmir and 
Akkad (and) king of Kar-Duniyas, king of kings of the land of Egypt, 
Pathros, and Ethiopia. 

This series of titles is that of the later part of the king's re'gn, and is 
the same as that found on bricks from the king's palace at Sherif Khan 
near Mosul, the ancient Tarbitsi, which must therefore have been built 
between B.C. 670 and 683. 

The campaign of Esarhaddon began in his tenth yeaar, B.C. 671-670, 
and is mentioned in the Babylonian Chronicle in these words: 

Satti X (kan) Araklia nisannu umman Asswi ana Mizir illiku (^f). 
Arakh Duzu urn Ilf , urn XVI, um XVIII. Ill essu diktum ma mat 
Mizir ' . . , um XXlI Mimbi (\*- -^>flf- Jl^) alu sarru-ti su zahit sar 
su uliezib. 

"The tenth year, in the month !Nisan, the army of Assyria to Egypt 
marched. In the mouth Tammuz, on the 3rd, l6th, and 18th days, 
three times battles in the land of Egypt were. On the twenty-second day 
the city of Memphis his royal city, was takan. The king abandoned it." 

This agrees exacly with the account upon the monolitli, which is some- 
what fuller: 

"Tarku, kiuLr "f Ktrypt and Ethiopia, from the city of Iskhupri, as fur 
as his city of Memphis, a journey of 15 days {aJak XY umi kakkar), 
each day without ceasing(w7n/ sam la-naparka^ I followed. His numerous 
fighting men I sW, and him with the blows of my lance five times 
in a deadly manner I smote. Memphis, his royal city, in half a day, 

I captured." 

This march seems to have been the same of which an itinerary is given 
in the fragment W.A.T., III. 3, 5, 4: 

"Then the command of Assur my lord in my ears was made, 
Camels of the kings of Arabia all of them I gathered, 
30 kaspu of ground a journey {malak) of 15 days in haste(?) 
* kaspu of ground of rough (gabi) stones, 
4 kaspu of ground a journey of two days, of serpents 
witli two heads (zer II kakkadi) 
I trampled iu the way. 4 kaspu of ground a 
journey [of two days] of aenpt flies (zuhbu) 
4 ka-^pu of ground a journey of two days. 


15 kaspu of ground a journey of 8 days I descended ; 
The great lord Merodach to my help came." 

The march here recorded is given in a somewliat abbreviated form in 
the fragment of the Xth Campaign, which I published in the Tranmc- 
tiojis of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Vol. V. This wur was 
caused by the intrigues of tiie Egyptian king with Ba'al, king of Tyre. 
From this fragment we learn that the army marched from Apliek on the 
borders of Samaria (Samirina) as far as the city of Raphikh (Rapikht)* 
which was near to the River of Egypt : and thence as described on the 
SinjerU stone through Iskhupri to Memphis, another almost similar dis- 
tance. It would appear that the usual march of the army was two Kaspu 
per day, that is, four hours time or from eight to ten miles a day. a rate 
which gives almost the approximate time of thirty days, according to the 
distance from Aphek to Memphis. 

This vnoimment must liave been set up at the same time that the statue 
of the king was carved on the rocks at the mouth of the Lycus {Nahr- 
el-kelb), as the text is very similar. It is curious that in his lists o^ 
-tributaries in other inscriptions the king makes no mention of the land of 
Sama'l ; but his monument was probably erected here in order to quell 
the districts of Cilicia and the Tanrus which he had visited some time 
previously ; inasmuch as he concludes his inscription by saying : . U sas 
dh'ir va u ana tamar kissat nakri ana zat umi ulmid abnu narua suatu : 
" 1 caused to be written and for the inspection of the host of my foes I 
erected? this stone." 

These discoveries at Senjerli are very important, as they show the ex- 
istence of a rich and powerful centre of civilisation, at a point where there 
was close contact with Asia Minor and the regions occupied by the 
Hittite and other prehellenic tribes. The remains at .ienjerli show many 
traces of the influence of Assyria on the strange art of the people, but 
of this subject I propose to speak in a subsequent article. 


1) I propose shortly to deal with the interesting and important subject 
of the Hittite art and civilisation in the pages of the B.O.R. as* we 
appear now to have as the result of these and other explorations a 
more definite basis on which to study the subject. 

2) For these sculptures, see Perrot and Guillaume, Mission en Galatie, 

3) This inscription has a remarkable peculiarity ; it is written in the 
Phuenicio-Aramaic characters, but these are cut in relief, a custom 


which appears to me to be derived from the former use of the Hittite 
hieroglyphics cut in this manner. 
4") The name Addu or Hadad had variant forms of Dadu-Dadi Didu, 
and as Prof. Sayce has pointed out by comparison of II Saml. xviii. 
10, and I. Chron. XVIII, 9, where the names lo-ram and Ilado-ram 
interchange the name was identified with that of the God of Israel, 
(Rec. P.N.S. iv, 70). The occurence of the name in this district is 
to be expected as Aleppo the Khiibunu, or Helbon, and the Khalman 
ofithe inscriptions had a temple dedicated to Adad (»->f-.^>ff-) in which 
Shalmanesar III offered sacrifice, (Kurkh II, 88), and iMr. Tomkins 
is probably right in identifying it with the Kar-Rimmon of the inscrip- 
tions, (B.&O.R. Ill, 44, No. 17) . The passage in the inscription of 
Shalmanesar II, reads nlH pan (<y»-) Addu ('^>f-'^>fT'' *^ alu Khal- 
man (>->-^^) epus, "Victims before Addu of Khalman (Aleppo) 

5) This land of Ameku occurs in the lists of Thotmes III. No. 308 and, 
as Mr. Thomkins (BAO.R., III. 5 p. 112) remarks, is clearly the 
prescribed in the village name of Amek-Kem, S.E. of the lake of 
Antioch. All this district is full of sites worthy of exploration. 

6) Tartsi seems certainly to correspond with the site of Tarsus and the 
so called tomb of Sardanapalus may be of Hittite origin. It must bo 
noted also that some of the Cappadocian tablets, written in a script 
similar to that of the Tel-el Amarna tablets, were obtained by Mr. 
Ramsay at Tarsus. 

7) The site of Pitru or Pethor seems to me to be clearly identified with 
the mound of Tash-Atan, mid way on the road between Carchemish 
and the Sajur. This mound I visited in March 1880, and was much 
struck by its suitability for explorations. It is built on the outer face 
of a small spur of the lime-stone hills and like most of these cities has 
a small wady between it, into which sheep and cattle could be driven, 
and with, a water supply. The napie Tash-Atan, the village of him 
who turns the stone, is derived from a large black stone in the centre of 
the little village, which however really is an old Roman miles stone. 
The name is I thoroughly believe derived from an older name of Petra 
which in its turn was a corruption of I'etru. 

8) Iskhupri. This name evidently contains the Egyptian word " Kep- 
her," but the site of the city is unknown it must have been between 
Raphia and Memphis probably in the desert, to the South of Wady- 

W. St Chad Boscawen. 




In offering some remarks upon Etruscan divinity-names, I shall as- 
sume that the Etruscan language does not belong to tlie Indo-European 
family of speech. Now that even Prof. Sophns Bugge, in his latest work 
Etruskisch und Armenisch, admits that his laborious atteftipts to con- 
nect Etruscan with the Italic dialects have ended in failure, it would 
surely be waste of time to argue in these jpages against the Aryan theory 
of Etruscan, which the criticisms and researches of Canon Taylor, Prof. 
Sayce, and Dr. Carl PauH, not to mention others, have made impossible. 
We may regard Etruscan as siii generis, or attempt, with Dr. Daniel G. 
Brinton, to connect it with Libyan;^ or we may incline to link it with 
some of the obscurer dialects of Asia Minor, but obviously Indo-European 
it is not. For my own part, 1 should be willing to rest this fact upon 
a study of the numerals alone i^ but it is quite unnecessary to do so, since 
e.g., a study of the divinity-names makes it equally apparent that the 
language is an outlying member of the Turanian or Ugro-Altaic family ;3 
and, as such, is a sister-speech with the Uralic dialects Suomi (Finnic), 
Lapp, Esthonian, Permian, Zyrianian, Votiak, Magyar, Ostiak, etc. ; with 
the Samoied Group, including- Yenissei ; with the Turko-Tatar dialects; 
Mongol and Tungusian, including ^.lantchu ; and, lastly, with the ex- 
tinct West Asian Group of Sumero- Akkadian, Elamitic, and 1 roto-medic. 
An archaic historical connexion of very great importance between the 
Euphrates Valley und Cliina has been abundantly proved by the Director 
of tins Magazine ; whilst tlie recent researches of the Rev. C. J. Ball*. go 
far to show a linguistic connexion between Akkadian and Chinese. Hence. 
not to mention Eskuara (Basque) and any other non- Aryan European 
languages, we have an inmiense group of allied dialects, stretching from 
the Alps to the Pacific ; and the difficulty in establishing a linguistic 
connexion between particular words and names arises almost entirely from 
the loss of intermediate forms. Who, were it not for intermediate 
forms, would regard ^^ as the outcome of a circle, the original and na- 
tural representation in drawing of the sun ? And, as in drawing and 
writing, so is it in language. The few words of the dialect of the Arintzi, 
a tribe who lived near the river Yenissei, which have been preserved by 


the traveller Strahlenberg, show, in several instances, an extraordinary 
resemblance to Etruscan; had such a dialect been found in Inscriptions of 
the date of those of Etruscan, the task of the philologist of to-day could 
have been far easier. From the foregoing consideration it will also be 
observed that a comparative study of Etruscan comes well within the 
scope of this Magazine as an 'Orientar Record, so true is the remark 
of Seneca, " Tuscos Asia sibi vindicat."* 


Etruscan names of divinities and mythological personages are either (1) 
native, or (2) borrowed from {a) the Greeks, or Qi) elsewhere, i.e., Phoe- 
nicia, Asia Minor, &c. The discovery of the presence of Etruscans in 
Lemnos^ opened out quite a new phase of their history, and their long 
intercourse with the Phoenicians and Karthaginians has not yet obtained 
the attention which it well deserves. I shall not here treat of any familiar 
and obviously Greek mythological names which reappear in Etruscan 
forms, e.g., Gk» *h.Um^ 'AiBt}? = Et. Aitas, Aita, Etta ; but shall only 
refer to native names, or to borrowed names which have not as yet re- 
ceived any, or any satisfactory, explanation, 

Acca Larentia. 1. Legend. Acca Larentia appears in Eoman mythic 
history as an Etruscan woman of great beauty and lax morals, beloved 
by Herakles, who won her by a cast of dice : she afterwards became the 
wife of theEruscan Tarrutius ('Carucius' in Macrobius), and left a large 
fortune to the Eomans.^ Another version of the legend made her the 
wife of the shepherd Faustulus, nurse of Eomulus and Remus, and 
another of 12 sons.' As a courtezan she was said to have been called 
Lupa,^ a circumstance which connects her with the Wolf of the legend. 
Other Classical writers refer to the story. She is Larentia (' Larentina' 
in Angustin) as the mother of the "12 country Lares," and the sacred 
day of the Lares stood next to hers in the Calendar.i^ Vergil names 
the special friend of Camilla ' Acca.'^^ 

Acca is thus a nurturing mother-goddess, whose sons, in one aspect, 
were probably represented by the 12 cities of the Etruscan confederation. 
The legend of her profligacy, whatever else it may signify, probably in- 
cludes reminiscences of non-Aryan women-customs and manners. For, 
although the Greeks describe the Etruscans " as pirates and robbers, or 
as effeminate debauchees," and " the Romans brand them as sluggards, 
gluttons, and voluptuaries,"!^ yet, in all probability, and after making 
allowance for the fact that their civilization was far more advanced and 



therefore far more decayed than that of Rorae, tliey were no worse, if no 
better, than their neighbours. 

J2. Etymology. Fick^^ gives Akd, ' mother,' as a ' Lallwort ' ('baby- 
brd ') of the Indo-European ' Grundsprache.' His illustrative instances, 
in which he is followed by IU)scher.^* are "sskr. akka f. Mutter. +'Akkti 
n. pr. Amme der Demeter. — lat, Acca Larentia die Larenmutter." Now 
baby-words for ' father,' ' mother,' <fec., are altogether unsafe as a foun- 
dation for philological superstructures ; they may be the same half the 
world over, and in a dozen unconnected languages. I am unable to find 
a Sanskrit word akkd^ ' mother ;' land any Indian word aJckd is more 
likely to belong to the non-Aryan dialects of India. ' Akka ' is given 
by Roscher,'^^ not as the name of a nurse of Demeter, but as the appella- 
tion of a kind of bogy with which woman frightened children, and as 
probably connected with ugkos, Lakonian oKKop (Hcsychios). Tiiere is 
therefore, practically no evidence in favour of an Aryan etymology of Acca, 
But, when we turn to the Turanian languages the evidence, as might be 
expected, at once becones overwhelming. Thus we find : — 


Kalmuck. - 

Mongol. — 

Bariat. — 

Uigur. — 
Magyar. — 


Et. - Lat. 


(C-k ' 


^" to make." 

f e-k-e ] 

(, e-gli-e \ = 




= " mother." 






V a-k 
\ a-kk-a 



='"praegnans, "foetus. 

The goddess Sar-Akka ("Ancient-lady") was "Dea partus, a Lapponibus 
olim culta, cui adscribebant partus formositatem et felicitatem parturae. 
Mater ejus fuit M udder akka."' Sar-Akka was also known as Uks-Akka 
("The-Lady-of-the-door," i.e. of birth. Uks^janna; Ak. ik, 'door') 
''Dea fuit gravidarum Uks-Akka, a priscis Lapponibus ideo culta, quia ab 
ilia dependere credebant sexus diversitatem, utrum puer nasceretur, an pu- 
ella; quare, qui pueros exoptabant, huic sacra fecere Deae.^^ Acca, as 


''Lady-of-tlie-Door," is thus connected witli Ani (=Ianis, Janis, Janus); 
and the Etruscan Ac;^a, as a maternal divinity and goddess of birth, both 
in name and character is in exact accordance witli her Turanian sister.^^ 

AeOe.^^ A. female figure represented on a mirror, standing between 
Menrva and Tnran, clad in a tunic ending at the knee. There appears 
to be no Greek, Etruscan, or Turanian word which can fairlj be con- 
nected with this name. The Jut., Ae0e:=sGk. A6e, Ate (Cf. Et. A-e-m- 
</)etru=zGk. Am-phitrydn), and the goddess in question is probably the 
Jlian Ate, the Hittite 'Atar-'Ati (Atargatis), 'A^a, whom Hesychios de- 
fines as " the Babylonian Here," the goddess of Gargamis — Karchemish 
— Hierapolis, "the Assyrian Here," ^^ ''A^a9='o Oeo^P The name oc- 
curs elsewhere in a Hittite connexion, for 'Esav married 'Adah, daughter 
of Elon the 'Hitty.^i 'Ati was probably the female divinity correspond- 
ing to the male sun-god Attis, Atys.^^ There is nothing improbable 
in the name of a goddess known throughout Asia Minor and Syria being 
found on an Etruscan mirror, and we shall meet with several similar in- 
stances. A goddess Here, or an equivalent of Here, would group appro- 
priately with Athene (= McnrA'a) and Aphrodite (=Turan). A Gk. ^ 
at times becomes in Etruscan, e.g., Gk. Orestes = Gt. JJrusOe. 

Avun.^^ A naked male figure holding a spear in the left hand, with 
a scarf or cloak over the left arm, facing a naked Tnran, which some 
consider to be a male. 2* Ainm has been explained as an Ares, with re- 
ference to ale S' "Apf}<},^^ as avun{culus &c. Indeed, no explanation of 
Etruscan words and names have been too far-fetched for many writers on 
Etruscology, weighted as they have been with false philological views ; 
but, ere arriving at a conclusion in any case, I have endeavoured to weigh 
the whole of the evidence available^ and to take into account previous 
theories and suggestions. Gerhard calls the figures " Venus and Adonis," 
therefore considers the Turan to be female. Avun ='Awov, 'Aw and 
"Aa;ov being names of Adonis. ^^ 

Amin .^^ Female divinity on mirror with Gastur (Kastor), AraOa 
(Ariadne), Eiasun (lason), and Fufluns ( = Dionysos). None of these 
personages are Etruscan. Castren, when speaking of the Finnic Miin- 
ninggjiiset, observes, " one might be inclined to derive the word Miin- 
ningguiset, which is also pronounced Menningiliset, from the Germanic 
menni (minne), which, according to Grimm, was, among tlie^^ Germans, 
a common appellation of a higher superhuman being of a female nature." 
The passage referred to occurs in Grimm's Chapter on " Wise Women," 
a company which includes Norni (Fatae), Walachuriun (Valkyrjor), ■ 


Swan-maidens, and Wood-wiye3. He says, "One general name for such 
beings must from very early times have been mejini, minnt ; it occurs 
only in compounds : inenmanniy pi. merimanniu, translates sirena or 
scylla."23 The name occurs again in the Gk. dfievifvoi, 'fleeting,' a 
term applied to dreams, shades, ghosts, &c. The AjninO, " a little winged 
genius,"^^ the presiding and superhuman being, stands in the centre of 
the mirror-group, and is the Menni ^with the Etruscan abstract suffix 0^ 
which is especially applied to female personifications, e.^,, Van-O^ Lein-0^ 
Snena-0. This suffix is an abraded form of an earlier -O'l, and repre- 
sents an original -tar. Thus the Etruscan goddess SnenaO, who is re- 
presented with Turan and Atunis (=Gk. Adonis), is identical with the 
Finnic goddess Suone-tar (" Daughter-of-the-veins "), " slender virgin,"'! 
who " healpd and renewed the flesh, "^^ and is thus mistress of health and 
beauty ; and SnenaO = SuonenaO = suae (' vein ') + na (" belonging- 
to") -j- i9 ( = Oi, = ?a-r, ' daughter '), "the Vein-belonging-to-daugh- 
ter." So the tar in I'S.-tar = the Ak. tur, ' small,' ' young ' (cf, Ak. 
<wr-rak, -rakki, "little-woman" = 'daughter'), Finnic ^ar, 'son,' ' child,' 
ty-tar, 'girl,' Mordvin tsora, 'son,' Magyar der, 'girl,' Asiatic Turkic 
tura, Etruscan etera, ' child.' Ta?' is the most common ending for the 
names of the female mythological personages mentioned in the Kalevala ; 
hence the use of in Etruscan goddess-names. The name AminO is 
formed thus : — 

Germanic- \ ^-e-n-n-i 

Greek. — A-m-e-n{e)-n-e 
Etmscan — ) * A-m-e-n{eyn-e-0 

(^ A-M-I — N — e (abraded form). 

Name-forms are constantly highly abraded in the Inscriptions, e.g. 
the Gk. Gany = medes = Et. Catmite ; Gk. Herakles = Et, Hrcle. 

Ant, The name of Ani ( = Janus, vide sup.)^ the unanthropamorphic 
divinity of Velai^ri (Volaterrae), who generally appears on the coins as 
" Bifrons Janus." is a variant of the Ak. an, in, " divine-one," ana^ 
" sky-god," Finnic aina, ' spirit,' Votiak in, ' sky,' tn-mar, ' god,' Tawgy- 
Samoied lia, Turak and Yenissei-Samoied a.^^ *'Avvto^ia an Etruscan 
king in Plutarch, ^ and tlie name Ani appears on the first uf the divis- 
ions of the Templum of Piacenza, " that curious instrument of ancient 
Etruscan augury " (Sayce.) With the AK -^^^ aiid ^^e allied words 
Pinzi and Lenormant connect the Zyrianian Jen, 'god,' which appears in- 


Strahlenberg^^ as jahn ; but Castren seems to be right in regarding jen 
as an abraded variant of the great Turanian god-name Jum-a-la. The 
Eskiiara Fm-kaa, ;m-koa, * god,' is singularly similar. There was a 
four-faced Janus-statue at Falese^e (Falerii), and Macrolius remarks : — 
" Cornificius Etymorum libro tertio Cicero inquit non lanum sed Eanum 
nominat, Hine et I'hoeenices in sacris imaginem eius exprimentes draco- 
nem finxerunt in orbem redactum caudamque suam deuorantem, ut ap- 
pareat mundum et ex se ipso ali et in se reuolui. Ideo et apud nos in 
quattuor partes spectat, ut demonstrat simulacrum eius Faleris aduectum. 
Gavins Bassus in eo libro quem De Dis composuit lanum bifrontem 
fingi ait quasi superum atque inferum ianitorem, eundem quadriformem 
quasi uniuersa climata maiestate complexum."^^ With the Ani-statue 
of Falese we may compare the four-armed statue at Amyklai in Lakonia 
which being that of a Sun-god was erroneously called an ApoUon,^^ for 
Hellenic divinities whose shapes are grotesque monstrous or in anyway 
unhuman, are invariably not indigenons, and many apparent exceptions to 
this canon, on careful examination serve only to confirm it. If the Lake- 
daimonian statue represented a single figure, and not a male and female 
in combination, it would doubtless svmboHze Dionysos-Iakchos, the Time- 
king, in his aspect as Lord of the four seasons, with whom Movers well 
compares the Four-faced Karthaginian Baal,-^^ and the four-faced image 
of Zeus (Baal) which Manasseh is said to have set up in the House of 
the Lord, "Having desecrated the House of the Lord, he set up the four- 
faced image of Zeus in it."^^^ And this fourfold divinity actually appears 
in Athens itself, though in the disguise and under the name of Hermes, in 
a similar form to that in which Manasseh introduced him into the Temple. ■ 
In the Kerameikos stood a four-headed Dionysiac statue, the work of 
the sculptor Telesarchides.^^ It stood where 3 ways met, and the idea 
is quite distinct from that connected with Hermes Trikephalos, and 
Hekate Trioditis (Trivia). 

When in 1877-8 I published The Great Dionysiac Myth, Vols. I. & 
II., the idea that Dionysos was non-Hellenic in origin was quite novel to 
the scientific world. What was then thought by many to be a bold and 
doubtful theory, has now, in the case of those writers who have continued or 
kept up with mythlogical investigation, and who are not hopelessly wedded 
to fantastic views, almost passed into a common place. Thus Prof. Sayce ob- 
serves: — "The Greeks brotight most of the names of their deities with 
them from the early home where they had lived before tho separation of 
the Aryan family. But Dionysos certainly was of later importation., and 


"^ime from the East, either from the Phoiiiicians or from the Uittites."^ 
Writing in 1876, I said that Scmele was in all probability a non-Aryan 
name; but its origin was tlien unknown. Lecturing in 1887, Prof. Sayce 
was able to say, "As the worship of Dionysos, the Wine-god had been bor- 
rowed by the Greeks from the East, it had long been assumed that the 
name of Semele must be of Phoenician extraction; but it was only in 1884 
that a Phoenician inscription was found in a bay to the west of the Peirajos 
containing the name Pen-Samlath, "the Face of Samlath."^' But the 
matter can now be taken still further back. What is Phoenician mytho- 
logy and belief but an outcome and phase of Euphratean mythology and 
behef? And now we find the origin of Seroelc — 'Samlath, the mother of 
Dionysos, in the Sumero- Akkadian Samela »->|- *gyy y>- >-^y ^J ,*< Hu 
Sa-me-la-a, "the goddess Samela," so that alike on the Etruscan and 
the Euphratean side the unanthropomorphic four-faced divinities are found 
to be connected with a Turanian culture, and hence, with each other. 

Aril.^^ "Hercules [Heracles], here called A'aZaweX-^^, from his 'glorious 
victory,' holds the apples he has just taken from Aril, [the Phoenician- 
Greek ATel-AS, 'Darkness' the placer and sustainer of the stars on high,] 
who bears tlie celestial globe on his shoulders."^^ An7='E/)t-X(a/4?rir;s) 
the Starlit-sky. 


1) Brinton, On Etruscan and Libyan Names, 1890. 

2) Vide R. B. Jr., The Etruscan Numerals, in The Archaeological Re- 
view, July 1889. 

S) Gf. Rev. John Campbell, Etruria Capta, 1886 : It is now generally 
agreed that the Etruscans were a Turanian people" (P. 2). Similarly, 
Mr. E. R. Wharton, Etyma Latina, 1890, excludes Etruscan from the 
' Indoceltic ' languages and Italic dialects. 

4) The New Accadian, &c. in the Proceedings of the Soc. Bib. Archseol. 
Nov., Dec, 1889 : Feb., March, June, Nov., Dec, 1890 ; and 
April, 1891. 

5) ConsoL ad Helv. vi. 9. 

6) Vide R. B. Jr., The Etruscan Inscriptions of Lemnos, in the Pro- 
ceedings of the Soc Bib. Archaeol. April-May, iS -8. 

7) Vide Varro, De Ling. Lat. V ; Plutarch, Romulus V, Quasi. Rom. 
.05; Macrobius, Sat. r. 10; Augustin, De Civ. Del, vi. 7. 

8) Vide Macer, ap. Macrob. Sat. i. 10; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 55 ; Flmy, Hist. 
Nat. XVIII. 2 ; Aul. Gellius, vi. 7. 

9) Livy. i. 4. 

10) Vide Deecke-MuUer, Die Etrusker, ii. 105-7. 

11) Aen.yH. 820. 

12) Denni, Cities and Cemeteries oj Etruria, I. cii-ciii, where the ques- 
tion is discussed. 

13") Worterhuchder Indogerm. Sprachen, i. 7. 


14) Lexicon der Griechischen und Romischen Mythologies in voc. Acca. 

15) Lexicon, in voc. 

16) Lindahl and Ohrling, Lex Lappon. 1780, in voc. ; vide Castren, 
Finnische Mythologie, 142 et seq. 

17) Vide R. B. Tr., in The Academy, Nov. 12, 1887, p. 32S. 
18! Vide Gerhard, ^fms^7>c7i6 Splegel.lS^o, CLXXXIII. 

19) Peri tes Syries Oeon, 1. 

20) Pliilon Byblios, ap. Stephanos Byzant. in voc. 

21) GeneHs. XXXVI. 2. 

22) Vide Sayce, in Trans. Soc. Bib. Archaeol. vii. 259 et seq. ; R. B. 
Jr., in The Academy, April 10, 1S86. 

23) Vide Gerhard, Et. Spiegel, No. L. Fig. 2. 

:"?4-) Vide Sayce, in Cooper's Archaic Diet. p. 586. 
25)//. XX.:;1. 

26) Etymot. Mag, in voc. 'Awos. 

27) Specchio nelMuseo etrusco di Firenze. 

28) Finnische Mythologie, 125. 

29) Teutonic Mythol. Eng. edit, by Stallybrass, i. 435. 

30) Dennis, Cit. avd Cem. of Etrurla, ii. 88. 

31) Kalevala, Rune XV. 

32) Lenormant, Chaldean Magic, 262. 

33) Vide Ibid. Etude sur quelques parties des Syllabaires Cunei- 
form'es, 13. 

84) Peri Paralleldn,Y>. ^]5E. 

35) HisL of Siberia, Eng. edit. 1738. 

36) Seryius, ad Aen. VII,u607. 

37) Sat. i. 9. 

38) Vid*^ Hesychios, in voc. Koundion. 

39) Phonizier, i. 541. 

40 ) Souidas, in voc. Manasses, '• He set a carved image, the idol which 
he had made, in the house of god " (2 Chron, xxxiii. 7). 

41) Hesychios, in voc. Hermes Trikephalos ; Eustath. ad 11. XXIV, 
333 ; Photios, Lex. in voc. Hermes Trikephalos. 

42) Herodotos, 157. 

43) Rel. And. Bals. p. 54, note. 

44) W.A.I. III. Ixvi. Col. 5, line 1. 

45) Vide Gerhard, Et. Spiegel, No. CXXXVII. 

46) Dennis, Cit. and Cem. of Etruria, ii. 482. 

Robert Browk, Jun. 



(Continued from p. 141). 

The Inscription q/"1511. 

The record of the Temple^ erected in honour of Eternal Reason 

and the Sacred Writings, {cont,) 

After his time, during the Han dynasty, this religion entered China. ^ 
In the first year of Lung-liing^ of the Sung dynasty,^ a synagogue^ was 
built at Pcen.* In the sixteenth year of Che-yuen^^ of the Yuen dynasty, 
the old temple was rebuilt,^ as a place in which the Sacred Writings 
might be deposited with veneration. 

Those who practice this religion are to be found in other places -besides 
Peen ;^ but wherever they are met with, throughout the world,^ they 
all, without exception, honor the Sacred Writings and venerate Eternal 
Reason. The characters^ in which the Sacred Writings are penned differ 

1) The Han dynasty lasted from about 200 b.c. to about 200 a.d. 

2) A.D. 1164 (see also the Shang-hae pamphlet). The other tablet sa3's 

:3) For this word " Synagogue " I must supply instead the word ^^Temple,'* 
since the Jewish house of worship in China was certainly patterned 
after the Temple at Jerusalem, with its several courts and Holy of 

4) Kai-J'ung-fu of to-day. 

5) A.D. 1280 (see also the Shang-liae pamphlet). 

6) "Rebuilt." The temple at Kai-fung-fu was repeatedly damaged and 
destroyed by fire and flood and as often rebuilt. 

7) Kai-fung-Ju. 

8) The Chinese Jews were in communication with Jews from Western 
Asia, who came by land and sea as traders, and thus they knew more 
of the outside *' 'horld " than the Chinese themselves ; the latter having 
had but little idea of lands beyond their own borders, 

9) i.e. The letters of the Hebrew alphabet. 


indeed from those employed in the books of the learned in China, but if 
we trace their principles up to their origin, we shall find that tliey are 
none other than the Eternal Reason which is commonly followed by 
mankind. ^ 

Hence it is, that when Eternal Eeason is followed by rulers and sub- 
jects, rulers will be respectful, and subjects faithful. ^ 

When Eternal Reason is followed by parents and children, parents will 
be kind, arid children filial. When Eternal Eeason is followed by elder 
and younger brothers, the former will be friendly, and the latter rever- 
ential. When Eternal Reason is followed by husbands and wives, hus- 
bands will be harmonious, and wives obedient. 

When Eternal Reason is followed by friends and companions, then they 
will severally become faithful and sincere.^ 

In Eternal Reason there is nothing greater than benevolence and rec- 
titude, and in following it out men naturally display the feeling of com- 
passion and a sense of shame. In Eternal Reason there is nothing greater 
than propriety and wisdom, and in following it out men naturally exhibit 
the feeliiig of respect and a sense of rectitude. When Eternal Reason is 
followed in fasting and abstinence, men necessarily feel reverential and 
awestruck.^ 'W\\Qn Eternal Reason is followed out in sacrificing to an- 

1) In this paragraph we discern again how deep was the veneration, on the 
part of the Jews, for the Chinese classics. They traced the Chinese 
characters back to the same divine Source as their own alphabet.. 
Between the w^ords "//«?? She'' nnd ^^ Eternal Reason'' 1 wld. insert, 
vehicles of. The characters being ?:ehicles 0/ divine truth. 

2) No nation is so tenacious of mutual obedience and resj^ecthetyfeen rulers 
and subject as the Chinese. 

The government of China is patriarchal, and this and the following two 
paragraphs exhibit the partriarchal influence in all the walks of human 
life. There is thus no land in which social order is so prominent a 
feature as in China. Not only must the subject be faithful to the ruler, 
but the ruler himself is bound to act as father to his subjects. The 
same relation subsists between parents and children, elder brothers and 
younger, husbands and wives, and some among friends and companions. 

3) We see. moreover, in these paragraphs a Jewish dependence, not upon 
human ideas for the execution of these relations of Society, but upon 
The truth of God ('Eternal Keason ') as handed down in the 'Sacred 
Writings ' (O.T.) 

The Jews could hardly refuse to recognize something of a divine plan 
even among the heathen Chinese, for their laws as revealed in the- 
O.T. were by no means opposed, in spirit, to those of the Chinese. 

4) The Jews of China followed the old Biblical customs in fasting. 


jtors,^ men necessarily feel filial and sincere. When Eternal Reason 
is followed in divine worship, men bless and praise high Heaven,* the 
Producer and nourisher of the myriad of things, while in their demeanor 
and carriage, they consider sincerity and respect as the one thing 
needful. 3 

With respect to widows and orphans, the poor and the destitute, together 
with the sick and married, the deaf and dumb, these must all be relieved 
and assisted, that they may not utterly fail.* ' When poor men wish to 
marry, and have not the means, or when such wish to inter their rela- 
tives and are notable to accomplish it, the necessary expenses for such 
must be duly provided.^ 

Only let those who are mourning for their friends carefully avoid rich 
viands and intoxicating liquors,^ and those who are conducting funeral 

1) This '•'sacrificing to ancestors " shows how readily the Jews imbibed a 
prevalent Chinese religious notion of the necessity of honoring ances- 
tors. Indeed, none but the Jews could so readily become " ivorshi2)- 
pers of ancestors," since their reverence for the patriarchs was often 
equal in intensity to the Chinese icorsliij). 

The above 'sacrificing' consisted mainly in offering incense and the fruits 
of harvest. In the Temple at Kai-fung-fu there was a censer for each 
of the twelve patriarchs. 

2) ''Ileavenr Heaven is the Chinese term for our Supreme Being. 

3) In this last clause the everlasting truth of God, as it is given "in the 
Scriptures, if followed faithfully by men, will produce the things above 

4) How closely this conforms to the old {and even the modern) Jewish 
customs ! In modern times, in Europe and America, the Jews take 
conscientious care of their own '■'■■poor" and '■''destitute" their own 
"(-/^(//"and ''dumb" &c. In ancient times in Palestine each Syna- 
gogue congregation or parish was accustomed to care for its own " or- 
phans." (See Edersheim's Jewish social life.) 

5) As to the providing-of money for men desirous of marriage, there is 
little said about it by the Kabbins. But it is well-known that in- 
tended, i/vV/^-s were always provided with a dowry. As to the burial of 
the dead, the Rabbins make it a duty imposed by Scripture, as it is 
written, " Ye shall ivalk after the Lord your God." (Dent. XIII. 4). 
Therefore, according to the Eabbins, as God "buried the dead," (Deut. 
XXXV. 6), men must do the same. (Sota 14a ; Edersheim). The 
Chinese also are very punctilious in their attentions to the dead. In- 
deed, the Jews and Chinese are wonderfully alike in many of their 
habits and ideas. 

6) It was Rabbinical Law that ordered that no 7neat be eaton, or wine 
be drunk, oy phylacteries be worn, while the dead body remained in the 
house. (Edersheim, Jewish Social Life, under " In death and after 


ceremonies not be emulous of external pomp.^ Let them in the first 
place avoid complying with superstitious customs,^ and in the second 
place not make molten or graven images, ^ but in everything follow the 
ceremonies that have been introduced from India.* 

Let there be no false weights and measures employed in trade, with tlie- 
view of defrauding others.* 

Looking around ns on the professors of this religion,^ we find that there 
are some who strive for literary honours, aiming to exalt their parents and 
distinguish themselves. '^ There are some who engage in government em- 
ploy, both at Court and in the Provinces, seeking to serve their Prince, 
and benefit the people,^ while some defend the country and resist the en- 
emy,^ thus displaying their patriotism by their faithful conduct. 

1) Down to the time of Gamaliel, Paul's teacher, extravagance at fune- 
rals had become a prevailing abuse. That Rabbi introduced a reform 
by commanding that his own body be buried in "plain linen" garments. 
(Cf. Tal. Bern, 53a, "concerning the ancient customs"). 

2) These "superstitious customs" were those practised by that portion of 
the Chinese population among whom they lived. If "ancestor-wor- 
ship" is " superstitious custom," the Jews evidently did not know when 
they passed the bounds of lawful worship. 

3) This is not only a reference to the " Decalogue" injunction, but a 
warning against the making and erection of the images ^prevalent in. 
Chinese worship, both among Buddhists and Confucianists. 

4) My researches refer this ' India' to the region of modern Cabul, beyond 
the present boundaries of Hindustan. The Jews themselves in 1511 
did not think of a definite region. 

5) No people have been so strenuous in their efforts to ensure honesty, in 
commerce and trade, as the Jews. See Edersheim's Sketdies of Jew- 
ish Social Life, under ' Commerce.' See also a number of Mishnic 
tractates, as Baha B., v. 10. 11. 

6) i\e. in China. 

7) The Chinese Jews, like the natives of China, strove to attain high lit- 
erary honours by competitive examinations. Upon literary attainments 
depended, and still depends, all civil and political advancement in 
China. This, moreover, is the very best way to " exalt parents," i.e. 
by sons attaining literary honours. 

8) Tradition, and the tablet of 1488 (which see) mention several of these 

i)) The Jews entered the army as piivates and as mandarins. The An- 
nals of the Mongol dynastij say they were called upon to aid the im- 
perial troops (14th cent, a.d.) 

A. K. Gloyeb. 

{To be continued). 



(Translated hy the late Prof. Dr. S. Beat.) 
{Continued from p. 138). 

Diligently practising Austerities for six years. 

Buddha addressed the Bhikshus and said : " On tliis Bodhisatwa 
further reflected with himself, I must exhibit in myself the power of 
energetic advance in the religious life, by the diligent practise of severe 
austerities during six years. !N"ow then, what is the character of this six 
years persevering fast? It is difficult to practise, and not possible for 
men in their ordinary condition to accomplish; therefore it is called Kan 
fu-king. (diligent, suffering, exercise). Amongst men as well as devas^ 
throughout all creation (KTiffisi)^ not one can accomplish this discipline 
perfectly, except a Bodhisativa now arrived at his last birth (fully accom- 
plished destiny); he alone can undergo this fast, and therefore its -name 
'difficult to accomplish.' During its accomplishment, the rules of the 
four kinds of dhyana require an enumeration of {i.e. limitation to) the 
breathing out and breathing in; it demands a thorough sifting of the mind, 
here is no (extraneous) thought allowed, no consideration of (indifferent) 
things, no placing a subject before the mind as if for enquiry, but the 
heart is thoroughly divested of all objective aim ; from first to last, all that 
has ever occurred through every form of existence presents itself to the in- 
ward sight, and so it is called 'embracing space,' without action, (active 
exertion,) yet forbidding the thought of there being no active exertion; it 
is on this account called "universal reference of all things to the idea of 
emptiness like space," and so regarding them whilst practising the ecstacy 
(dhyana) of which this is the distinctive attribute ; it derives another name 
of hu-won-sho-chi, 'departure without a place to arrive at.* 

Wherefore Boshisatwa, wishful to exhibit in the world the power of 
his converting doctrine and to set before Devas the consequences of sin, 
and the possibility of escaping them by acquiring religious merit, set 
himself to the accomplishment of this most rigorous six-years fast. 


Each day taking but one grain of millet seed, sitting with his legs crossed 
on the naked earth, uncovered and exposed to the violence of Aviud and 
rain and storm, he rose not or turned to the right or left, he attended 
to none of the ordinary calls of nature, he neither lay down to sleep, 
nor stirred to avoid the pelting shower, or the lighting, or the hail, but 
through spring and winter and summer he sat there alone in silence and 
endured all these sufferings, not so much as raising his hand once to his 
person, but all his members decently arranged, and with no indecent 
appearance ; and so all the village people and the very oxen and cattle, 
and those who gathered sticks and grass, passed by and let the dust lie 
round and upon him without any thought about his object in suffering the 
privations he did, whilst others regarding him as something of a bizarre 
character (as a monster) as they passed took up straws and tickled his 
ears and his nose therewith, but no effect did they even thus produce ; 
he neither moved nor changed his look ; the Devas, the Nagas, the Amras 
the Kinnaras, the Ghandarvas, the Mahoragas and his incomparable de- 
meanour, came and went from his side, offering him their homage and 
sacrifice ; thus it was Bodhisatwa remained seated for six years enduring 
these pains, and even that as he sat the seeds of future conversion were 
sown in the hearts of countless (twelve millions, altho' tsai does not 
necessarily mean "a million ") devas and men, thus things went on, even 
as it is said in the verses following : 

Bodhisatwa before he left his home 

So great and noble were his religious merits, 

His heart was ever silently occupied in thought 

How to manifest his compassion to the world. 

Born indeed in this fivefold polluted scene. 

He had come down for this cause and humbled himself thus. 

He had received birth in lambudwipa. 

In a world full of the misery of sin 

The consequence of false and erroneous doctrine, 

Exhiibted in the 62 methods of teaching. 

On this ground he established himself in fixed determination 

He afilicted his body with suffering and privation 

By the side of tanks and springs of water, 

Enduring the bright shining of Sun and Moon, 

In woods and mountain, dells and crags, 

^Nauseated with the worship of earth spirits and demons 

He of himself fixed his line of conduct and persevered. 


He established himself in a discipline difficult to accomplish, 

Practising the bitter six years fast to its completion 

And this he did to exhibit to the w orld 

The power of his purpose (body) indestructable as diamond, 

Immoveable in his exercise of dhyana 

In the use of numberless principles (i,=truth) 

So that whatever religious person (Pratyeka) 

Wliatever devas or men of the world 

Or lieretical teacher beheld him were filled with joy ; 

And converted by the power of his example 

In the exercise of this severe fast. 

Thus he sat with his legs crossed, 

On the bare earth, with no seat, 

Each day partaking of one grain of food, 

Exhibiting himself thus provided, 

His breath coming forth and not coming forth, 

xVnd again not inhaling his breath. 

For six years thus fixed and resolved. 

Practising every kind of deep meditation 

Without remembrance and yet not witliout it, 

Not even considering the character of the discipUne he endured,. 

His heart like empty space 

Thus he remained unmoved in ecstacy. 

With no covering above his body, 

With no screen to shelter him from evil, 

Unmoved as the Mountain he sat. 

Engaged in Dhyana with no increase or decrease. 

He feared neither wind or rain, 

Tho' unsheltered was his head. 

No portion of his self-possessed dignity did he lose, 

Still lost in imperturbable ecstasy. 

All the men and women folic of the village. 

The cowherds and shepherd boys 

Heedlessly piled against him their grass and dust, 

Going up beside him there they laid their loads 

And placed on his body every refuse and dirt, 

Innumerable sufferings were his. 

But all borne with no thought of himself. 

168 THE P'U YAO KIl^G. 

Imperturbable still in his meditation. 
His body and flesh now withered away, 
He was but skin and bone in appearance, 
Sunken in and emaciated 

Like the surface of a flat lutein shape ( or form). 
All the Devas (who beheld) his conduct 
The Amvas, Nagas, and Gandharvas, 
Observing his accumulated merit, 
All came to the place to do him service, 
And bowing down in worship received instruction, 
The diseased were restored to health, 
And us has he lead in the right way 
According to his loving and compassionate purpose. 
, Desiring to eradicate all false doctrine, 
To put from the light all heretical teaching. 
For this cause making plain the results of sin. 
Whilst he sat thus he spoke thus : 
Difficult is the way of this Buddha to find 
What way has this shaven head of mine. 
Acting as I have through countless ages, 
This six years penance is the end of all, 
ISTow will I convert both Devas and men, 
Their number twelve millions, 
Therefore did this world honour one 
Set thus in imperturbable meditation. 

Buddha, addressed the Bhikshas and said, "Bodhisatva having finished 
his painful six years fast thought thus with himself: 'Although I have (or 
should have) spiritual powers, and the power of Divine Wisdom, if I now 
with this famished and exhausted body go to the tree of Buddha, then in 
future days those who live in distant countries will slanderously report that 
a starveling had arrived at Supreme enlargement; my body ought rather 
to increase its strength by partaking of fitting (smooth and shining) food, 
and then going to the Tree and sitting beneath it, I shall be able (as I 
ought) to perfect the wisdom of a Buddha'." 

(^To be continued). 



Contributors are alone responaihle for tJifir opinions or statements. 


1. The scanty statements and allusions made by tho classical writers 
about PygiTiy-races of men in Africa and in India, were not long ago, still 
looked upon as flights of fancy based upon distorted reports unworthy of 
any credence. And similar accounts of travellers and writers of tho 
middle ages concerning the existence of pygmies in China were tho object 
of even greater contempt. Now it has come to pass that the Pj-gmy- 
races have assumed their position in scientific anthropology, and their 
importance in former times increases with the progress of research.^ Two 
if not three of their races, ^ have been found in Africa from the Atlantic 
Coast to near the shores of the Albert Nyanza, and from the Upper 
course of the Niger to the Bushmen lands. Their most common name 
Akka has been read by Mariette-Pacha near the figure of a pygmy of 
an Egyptian monument of the Ancient Empire.* With the help of their 
remains in the East their Area has been traced from the Sunda islands 
to Japan, from Malacca to Tungking, and from South India to Belut- 
chistan and the North of the Persian Gulf, but in contradistinction to 
what has been found in Africa, one race only has been recognized in India 
and the Oriental archipelago.'* There was a gap between the Negritos 
of the Philippine islands, their remains in Japan and their brothers of 
India and the Gulf of Bengal, which my disclosure of the Pygmies of 
Ancient China has happily filled.^ The following pages will show that 
they have been known in Chinese history in several instances, beginning 
from the oldest period. 


1) Prof. A. de Quatrefages has collected in his little work Les Pygmees : 
Les pygmees des Anciens, d' apres la science moderne, Negritos ou 
Pygmees Asiatiqnes, Negrilles ou Pygmees Africains, Hottentots and 

VToi,. v.— No. 8. [169] Ado., 1891. 


Boschimans : (Paris, 1887, 1.2mo.) resumes of his own works on ths 
subject since 1361, and of those of man}' scholars, with bibliographical 
references. — Prof. William Henry Flower, in is lecture on The Pygmy 
Races of Man, at the Koyal Institution, April 13, 1888, has sketched 
the whole subject with a few additional remarks, notably on two skele- 
tons of Akkas which he had examined. 

2) Cf. A. de Quatrefages, Introduction a V Etude des Races Humaines, 
1889, pp. 385-390. 

3) In T. Hamy, Essai de coordination des materiaux recemment recueillis 
sur r ethnologie des Negnlles ou Pygmees, p. 21. 

4) Cf. A. de Quatrefages, Introduction, pp. 390, and 344-253. 

5) Short notices have been given by me in The Languages of China be- 
fore the Chinese, 1887, § 127-128, and \Formosa Notes on Mss, Lang- 
uages and Races, 1887, § 34. 


2. The ethnological documents of Cliinese hterature contain a certain 

number of references to populations of short stature, Pygmies or Negritos 
which I have thought useful to collect together. The important position 
once occupied by the Negrito race in the Far East can be recognized by 
the numerous traces it has left of its former presence, whether in the for Ji 
of broken tribes now more or less isolated, in a physiological influence 
still recognizable in the smallness of stature of the races which have taken 
their place, or in their languages, or lastly in their traditions and legends. 

3. The data which the historical works of China furnish concerning 
them, cannot fail to have a certain importance for the study of this race, 
given the sure chronology of many of these sources of information. A 
rule observed as far as possible in this paper, and from which we ought 
never to depart when writing on Chinese matters, is that of referring 
only to the original and oldest sources, as the facts are always stated 
therein in their historical sequence. When 'dealing with ancient subjects, it 
is better to leave aside the compilations of late date and easy access which 
have deceived not a few of the ancient Sinologists and are responsible for 
much of the rubbish still current on Chinese matters. I have here in view 
the two well known huge cyclopedic works, the Wen hien fung Vao 
or Antiquarian Eesearches of Ma TuanHn, and the great histories like the 
Tung kien hang muh of Tchu-hi. There is in them such a lack of criti- 
cism, a neglect of important facts, a confusion of documents of various 
dates, and an absence of re-ference to authorities, that they do not 
answer to the requirements of modern research, and cannot be looked 
upon as safe sources of information. 

4. Literary composition in China, so far as concerns history and 
ethnology has for long been a mere patchwork. The author or compiler 



stitches up, or rathor places in juxtaposition such passages taken from 
anterior works, as lie fancies have a bearing on the subject ; and it is 
precisely in such selections and distractions from their illustrative sur- 
roundings and context, that these passages, in the eyes of Earo[)ean 
criticism suffer from the lack of critical spirit which characterises most 
of the Chinese writers. Statements of different dates and therefore of 
unequal value are mixed together, and assimilations of populations often 
made only on slight resemblances in name have mixed peoples and countries 
entirely alien one to another. And as is likewise more often the case, 
these compilers not being omniscient and therefore being unacquainted 
with many of the subjects they deal with in their works, some very curi- 
ous blunders have occasionally happened. We have named already the 
two great works of Szema-Kwang (1080 a.d.) and Tchu-hi (1130- 
1200 A.D.) through the medium of P. de Moyiiac de Mailla, and of Ma- 
T w an li n (1250 ?— 1325 a.d.) through that of De Guignes, Klaproth, 
Eemusat and others, which are to a great extent accountable for the 
geographical, ethnological and historical misconceptions and errors which 
obtain in the Chinese materials among European writers. 

5. Before trusting any Chinese writer we must make the criticism of 
his text, and endeavour to ascertain the sources of his information. The 
task is comparatively easy when certain documents anterior to his time 
are alone concerned ; the most important for ethnological purposes are 
the special parts devoted to the subject in every one of the Dynastic An- 
nals. These can be checked by one another successively ; but there were 
besides, many special works, some of which no longer exist even in China, 
or are not to be found in any of our great libraries in Europe. Kecent 
experience has shown that with a comparative facility, an intricate eth- 
nological question which had become a puzzle to the native compilers, 
could be cleared and elucidated by a simple reference to these sections of 
the Annals, chronologically arranged, since chronology forms one of their 
most valuable qualifications. But these sources themselves cannot be 
utilised without first subjecting them to the critical examination which 
we have described. Had their authors confined their statements to the 
information gained during the dynasty with which they were directly 
concerned, all would have been well. Such however was not always the 
case. They have thought that the value of the data at their disposal 
would bo enhanced if they completed them, with a reproduction or a re- 
sume of the information supplied by previous works, either of the same 
nature or of a special character, on the same subject ; hence from their 


unknowledge, perfectly admissible in some cases, and their incompetency 
or carelessness less pardonable in others, numerous errors have crept in 
the historical statements and have deen repeated over and over again down 
to our time. 

6. A striking instance of these remarks and criticisms will be seen in 
the Chinese notices concerning Ta Ts'in which the pencil of the historian 
and compilers have turnedinto a, hopeless medley. Notices of the old Ta 
Ts'in of Shensi of the IVth century a.c, have been mixed up with in- 
formations concerning Pegu, South India (Dakshina) and West Asia 
which was also a right-hand side (Dakshina) country, for the Chinese 
backed to the North. The great work of Ma Tuanlin is full of blunders 
ot that sort, if we judge the whole work from the numismatical and eth- 
nographical sections which Dr. S. W. Bushell, Dr. E. Bretschnider and 
myself have examined. 

7. Now before passing on to an examination of the scanty data at 
our disposal, rather disproportionate in their brevity to the great impor- 
tance of the part played by the Negritos in the Far-East, there are two 
points which must not be forgotten. First, the small importance oi the 
Chinese themselves, spread as they were at the beginning within an area 
limited to the basin of the Yellow river. Their growth was indeed very 
slow, and their acquaintance with the races outside of their dominion 
wag acquired gradually and only in proportion to their own geographical 
extension. Therefore we may expect much of legend and romance in 
their earlier information based, as it was, on hearsay. Secondly, the ancient 
literature is a mere wreck. There was the great Uterary persecution of 
213 A.c. and the following years, by the founder of the Empire, who 
wanted to destroy such of the hereditary literature as had escaped the 
havoc of ages, and several centuries of disturbances and ciTil wars. When 
the decree wars repealed in 191 a.c, search was made for the old books, 
and many private soholars and amateurs made large collections of their 
own in various provinces, but the greater part of the books and frag- 
ments of works discovered were sent to the Imperial Museum which was 
destroyed by fire when the insurrection of Wang Mang was quelled in 
A.D. 23. There other bibliothecal catastrophes destroyed the successive 
Imperial collections until the beginning of the Vlfch century, and many 
important works in which valuable fragments of ancient records had 
been embodied were thus lost for ever. The later catastrophes were cer- 
tainly less destructive than the first ones, although the actual number of 
books destroyed was much larger. But the older and more laborious 


process of engraving the characters on bamboo bark, which had necessarily 
led to an extensive system of writing-sparing and suppression — i.e. cur- 
tailment or abridgment of characters — and limited the number of books, 
had been conveniently replaced. The hair pencil had been invented and 
a considerable impetus given to literature. The easier multiplication of 
copies of books increased their number. Editorial work on the ancient re- 
mains preserved in the Imperial and other ci)llections, had been steadily 
going on since the literary revival of the second century a.c. Great 
losses of important works, such as that of J of the Shu-King, which 
had occured in olden times could not take place again. But.minor losses 
of other works still unedited and left uncopied, either because they were 
not clearly decipherable, or because their value was misunderstood, have 
certainly occurred in either one or the other of the five great bibliothecal 
catastrophes which have thus left only fragments of^the ancient literature 
of the Chinese. All these remarks, based onhistorical facts, prevent us in 
a great measure from applying to this ancient Chinese literature the 
general principle of criticism, that notions and ideas quoted into a work 
may be looked upon as having not appeared but a little time before the 
most ancient work which contains them. Each case here must be care- 
fully appreciated on its own merit and circumstantial evidence. 

8. In my work on The Languages of China before the Chinese, being 
•' Researches on the languages spoken by the Pre-Chinese races of China 
proper previously to the Chinese occupation," where nearly the whole of 
he linguistic information available in the matter has been summarised, 
leaving aside from want of space all the confirmatory evidence historic and 
ethnologic, I was led to recognise the existence in former times of various 
races on what is now Chinese soil. Chinese records in hand I have been 
able to sketch out the slow growth of the Chinese from the time of their 
small beginnings in the North West, as well as the gradual disappearance 
by absorption I or retreat of the non-Chinese populations and of their 
two scores of states or political agglomerations mentioned in history, 
classified with the help of the historic and ethnologic data the remains. 
I have been able to collect materials of some fifty of their languages, which 
with allowance for doubtful cases, have proved to be representatives of the 
two great stocks of languages known as the Turano-Scythian and the 
Indo-Pacific. The Tibeto-Burmese and Kareng dialects of the Kuen-lunic 
branch represent the Turano-Scythian ; while the Mon-Taic, Mon-Khmer, 
and Taic-Shan dialects of the Indo-Chinese branch, and Indonesian 
dialects of the Indo-Oceanic branch, represent the Indo-Pacific. As the 


existence of Negritos in China has not left any linguistic data that u e 
know of and rests solely on historic evidence, their presence in Pre- 
Chinese China could only be alluded to with that of the other ethno- 
linguistic races. 


6) I have given a short though detailed account of thn advance of the 
Chinese and the gradual retreat of the pre-Chinese in §§ 137-208 in 
The languages of China before the Chinese ; (London, D. Nutt, 

7) On this persecution cf. Eev. J. Legge, Chinese Classics, vol. I., 
introd. pp. 6-9; and G. Pauthier, Memoire sur V Antiquite de Vhis- 
toire et de la civilisation Chinoise^ 1867, p. 1-140. 

Terries dk Lacouperie. 
(To be continued). 


Among the letters to Amenophis III, from his Egyptian correspondents 
in Syria, are some which afford us information of events earlier than his 
reign. It must be borne in mind that after the great victory of Thoth- 
mes III at Mageddo, which established the supremacy of Egypt in Syria, 
there was constant intercourse between the lands of the Euten, the Keta, 
and other nations, and the court of Egypt. After the defeat of the 
allies in the battle of Mageddo Thothmes appears to have appointed rulers 
in most states ; and this policy seems to have been followed by his son 
and successor Thothmes IV. The first of these letters, of which I give 
a translation, relates to some of these appointments, and, though much 
mutilated, contains several statements of interest. From the inscription 
of the soldier Amenhotep in the British Museum, we know that Thoth- 
mes IV extended his conquests as far as the land of Naharain or 
Mittani, and that in this district he hunted lions ; and it was during 
one of these expeditions that he entered into matrimonial alliance with 
the royal family of Mitanni by marrying the daughter of Artatama, grand- 
father of Dusratta. In one of the large tablets of the Mittani letters, 
the genealogy is thus given by Dusratta : 


♦•Now Manakhbiya, the father of Nimmuriya, sent to Artama the fa- 
ther.".... then again we read: "An embassy from Nimmuriya thy father 
to Sutarna my father came." 

From the scarab of Amenophis III., we can complete the series of 
royal weddmgs. 

Manakhbiya (Thothmes III.) marries daughter of Artama. 

Amenophis III. in 10th. year „ Kirkipa „ Sutarna. 
,, „ later ,, iie „ ,, 

Amenophis IV. marries Tadukhepa, daughter of Dusratta. 

During one of these expeditions the king appointed rulers in the pro- 
vinces through which he passed, and the first letter of Adad-nirari refers 
to these. It is difficult to say exactly what was the precise position 
Adad-nirari held. I was inclined with M. Halevy to think at first that 
he was king of Nukhase ; but the use of such forms as iskunsu " appointed 
him," and ihhibs (su) "he proclaimed him," seems to me to indicate that 
he is rather writing of events in the countries around him, where there is 
trouble, requiring the sending of Egyptian troops. Indeed I am more con- 
firmed in this idea by the apparent occurrence of proper names, where in 
line 7. I think the inexplicable w^rd Kiarihi is a proper name, as is 
clearly the mutilated word in the first line of the reverse Takuana, which 
may perhaps be completed Takuanas. It will be noticed that both the cor- 
respondent of the king, Adad-nirari and Zidatan, write in a very familiar 
manner, different from the usual servile style, and both address their master 
"as father" claiming to be "sons of the king." This title of "son of 
the king" is a very ancient one being found in the maxims of Ptah- 
hotep, and was as M. Virey has remarked, rather to be regarded as 
honorary. Judging however from the mutilated portion of line 6, the 
ofiice held by Adad-nirari or the person referred to was one to which he 
was instituted by anointing with oil ; "samw/ ana Jza^kadu-su being 
possible only of explanation as *' anointing his head with oii." So that 
there may have been some connection collaterally with the royal house. 
The letter of Zidatan is of the usual style, but shows that embassies were 
constantly passing between the the land of the Hittites and the court of 
Egypt. It will be observed that the offering to the king consisted of 
sixteen yound men as a present and peace-offering. In the letter there 
is one interesting reference to the Hittites, which may not be accidental. 
In line 15th the texts reads : Mat all Kha-at-ti, " the land of the city 
of the Hittites." May not this be Kadesh ? In this letter, however, by 


far the greatest interest is found in the grammatical forms which I ex- 
plain elsewhere. 

Letter op Adad-Nirari to Ambnophis III. 

1 Ana Samsi sar beli ya sar mat Misri 

2 Umma Adad-nirari ahduka. 

3 Ana sepi belt ya amkut 

4 .... Enuva Mandkh bill ya sar mat Misri ablya 
6 ri.... ya ina mat Nukhase. 

6 ana sarruti ibbu (su-u) ina-su u sam ni ana kakkadu su 

7 is-kun su u Klaribi sa sar mat 

8 ana aarrutu sa ibbu (su) 

9 sa is kunsu mimma (an) 

10 ittadinsu 

11 anum 


1 I Takuana 

2 u ina anna 

3 M sar mat Khatte ana eli 

4 bil DUP-PA-TB mes u rik(si) 

5 u ana sa sarri mat Misri 

6 u ina anna beliniya ana eli 

7 u ana kati 

8 ana sa beli ni {ya). 

9 ana (sa7'rt) beli ya ina satti lissiru, 

10 lu la temeik ekimu ana ardutti 

1 1 ana sa beli ya tu kittum tatassukur 

12 w summa beli ya ana asim la kaman 

13 u beli y a ana bel (nis) miliga su 

14 masdu sabi u tnasdu narkatte su lispur. 


1 To the Sungod the king my lord the King of Egypt 

2 Thus Adad Nirari thy servant speaks: 

3 To the feet of the King my lord I bow myself. 

,4 When Manakhbiya (Thothmes III), King of Egypt my father. 

5 ri ya in the land of Nukhase 

6 to royalty proclaimed him , and oil on his head 

7 placed, and Kiaribi who is King of the land 

8 To that royalty he proclaimed 


AMENOPHIS 111. 177 

9 and appointed him. Wliatsoever (he degired) 

10 He gave him 

11 iTow 


1 Takuana 

2 and when 

a iind tlie king of the hind of the Hittites against (them) 

4 and tlie messengers, and servants 

5 and to the king of Egypt 

6 and when to my lord to his presence 

7 and to the hands 

8 to that the king my lord. 

9 For the king my lord for one? year they guardep 

10 and there wa-^ not taken spoil for thy? servants 

11 for which my lord the fighting ordered. 

12 and when my lord to 

13 and my lord to his counsellors 

14 Numbers of soldiers and numbers of chariots may he send. 

Letter op Zidatan. 

1 Ana heli ya iar mat Misrl 

2 Ahi-ya Kibe-ma 

3 Umma 1[ Zl-da-tan ahil sarri 
■4 Abll k Vina. 

5 Ana niagir heli abi-ya 

6 gaba lu sulmu 

7 ina makhrl kharran aiutum? 

8 (tiis) sipri ka aiia mat Khatti 

9 it talku u timie ana mukhkhi ka 

10 ittaskharu u anaku-ma 

11 aiia ahkit sa abi-ya 

12 sulu mana aspur u subilta 

mukhkhi ka ultebi. 

13 unum-ma sipri ka 

14 (istu) Ahi khatti ana mukhkhi ka 

15 ann snnuti anaku-ma 

16 itti sipri ka attua slpri-ya 

17 ana mukhkhi ahi ya asjrur sunuti 

18 u suhilta XVI. abli 

19 ana sulmani ka ultebilakku. 

20 u anaknu khurazu khaskhaku 

21 u ahuniya khura si suhila 


22 u minummi hlli ahi ya 

23 khdskhata supraku u khapalakku. 


1 To my lord the king of Egypt 

2 my father speaks. 

3 thus, Zidatan the son of the king 

4 even thy son 

5 For the favour of the king ray lord my father 

6 in all (things) may there be peace 

7 In a former journey now 

8 they ambassadors to the land of the Hittites 

9 went. And with news to thy presence 

10 they are returning; and 1 myself 

1 1 to tiie majesty of my father 

12 a peace offering and a present 

to thy presence cause to be brought 

13 Now thy messengers 

14 from the city of the Hittites to thy presence, 

15 and with them I also 

NOTES — : 

Line ■ Letter of Adad-Nirari. 

4. This name 3/a«rt/.' ^? ya is a transcription of the hieroglyphic car- 
touche T^^W^qI Meii-Kepher-ra the pronomen of Thotmes 17., 

whose secon d name was Khakau. 

.5. The land of Nukhase was situated south west of Aleppo in the neigh- 
bourhood of Tunip or modern Tennib. 

6. I read ina-su here, for the groups do not seem to admit of any other 
explanation; the meaning would be the 'he raised' from nasu. 

7. Scxmnu, 'oil,' here written J^y>->^. Samnu is the Hebrew, 1}y^ and 
is often found in the dedications, as in Nabonidus inscription, W.A.I, v. 
64, II. 5. Ina kurunni samnt dispi sallarsu amkazma. 'wine, oil, and 
honey its platform I anointed.' 

Rev. 1. 4. The word Diqj-jja-te-vies seems to be composed of Dup, 'tablet' and 
Te, 'to carry.' 

10. temeik and ekimu seem to come from pp]^ 'spoil. 

11 . I am inchned to read di-kit-tum here instead of tukittum, and compare 
the Babylonian Chronicle inscription. Col. lY. 25. Tatasukar^=tatan- 
suku7', the Iftanaal, permansive 2nd of sakar, 'to command : compare 
the use of this word in the Deluge Tablet in the long misread passage, 
izzakir sukru inlilati 'was declared the command in the evening.' (Col. 
IV. line 47.) 

1 4. Masdti, a word of frequent occurrence in these tablets with some such 

Letter of Zidatan. 
9. Italkn, 3rd Plural Aorist Ifteal of alaku. 

10. Ittaskaru, 3rd Plural Aorist of Sakharu. 'to return;' compare Cyrus 
cvlinder I. 11. U nisi Sumirl Akkadisa imu salamtao usakhir, 'and the 


men of Sumir and Akkad who spoke peacefully he restond.' R(.ot 

11. A/i:/j a, perhaps the Akkadian Agga, 'power greatness." 

12. ^V/wa?2a, 'peace ofTerlng' the Hebrew ^^1^, and ^uhilta, Shafel deriva- 
tive from ahalu, 'to bring that which is carried,' Root ^^l >i'ltehi— imiebi. 

20. Kha'skhaku, Ist Sing, pennansive Kal of khasakii ry'\!OD '^^ desire,' 
to need.' Khaskha ta in ins. 25 is 2nd pers. sing, of same form. 

21. .5<i^//a, Imperative Sliafel of abalu. 

22. i¥/w?7m7m = 'whastsoever,' Assyrian, mannuma. 

23. suprakii, 'I am sending,' permansive of saparu. 

W, St. C. Boscawek. 


{Continued from p. 141). 

The Inscription o/ 1511, 

The record of the Temple^ erected in honour of Eternal Reason 

and the Sacred Writings, {cont.) 

There are others again, who in private stations cultivate personal vir- 
tue, and diffuse their influence over a whole region,^ Others there 
are who plough the waste lands,^ sustaining their share of the public bur- 
dens,3 and others who attend to mechanical arts,* doing their part 
towards supporting the state, or who follow mercantile pursuits and thus 

1) This is a mere laudatory reference to the high moral character and piety 
of the Jews in China. 

2) These Jews found the fertile place and valley of the Yellow River a 
favorable region for engaging in agriculture. 

3) The principal part of the imperial revenue comes from agriculture, a tax 
proportioned to the yield being imposed on every landed proprietor. 

4) We have no details concerning these pursuits. 


gather in profits from every quarter ;i but all of them should venerate 
the command of heaven, obey the royal laws, attend to the five constant 
virtues,^ observe the duties of the human relations,^ reverently follow the 
customs of their ancestors, be filial towards their parents, respectful to 
their superiors, harmonious among their neighbors, and friendly with 
<fheir associates, teaching their children and descendants, thus laying 
up a store of good works, while they repress trifling animosities in order 
to complete great affairs. The main idea of all the prohibitions and 
commands,* consists in attending to these things. 

This, in fact, is the great object set forth in the Sacred Writings, and^ 
the daily and constant duties inculcated by Eternal Reason. Thus the 
command of Heaven, influencing virtuous nature,^ is by this means 
carried nut to perfection — the religion which inculcates obedience to 
Eternal Reason is by this means entered upon, and the virtues of benevo- 
lence, rectitude, propriety, and wisdom, are by this means maintained. 
Those however, who attempt to represent Him'' by images, or to depict 
Him in pictures, do but vainly occupy themselves wath empty ceremonies, 
alarming ' and stupifying men's eyes and ears, indulging in the specula- 
tions of false religionists, and showing themselves unworthy of imitation.^ 
But those who honor and obey the Sacred Writings know the origin of 

1) The Jews, aided by the great water-ways and the great canals of China, 
grew opulent as local traders. Indeed, they probably carried on a 
considerable commerce with the outer world, by sea and land, Ning-po, 
a great sea-port, having been the principal centre of Jewish maritrine 
commerce. Their MSS. and inscriptions all show a constant contact 
with Persia and Western Asia. 

2) i.e. Gravity, generosity, sincerity, earnestness, and kindness. (Chinese 
Classics. Legge. Confucius, Book 17-6.) 

3) These were Five in number, as given in the first part of this tablet i.e. 
between Ruler and Subject, 

r Parents and Children, 
J Elder and Younger brothers, 
) Husbands and Wives, 
^Friends and Companions. 
These are the '-Five human relations^'oithe Chinese moralists. 

4) i.e. The commands and prohibitions of both the Jewish and Chinese 

5) "J.7?r7" should be followed, presumably, by the preposition " m," if 
sense be looked for in this clause. 

6) i.e. influencing those who possess from birth a naturally virtuous and 
religious mind. 

7) Here we see " Eternal Reason " raised to divine Personality. 

8) This whole clause is. aimed against the idolatry that surrounedd the 


all things, and that Eternal Reason and the Sacred Writings mutually 
sustain each other in stating from whence men sprang.^ 

From the beginning of the world our first father Atan^ handed the doc- 
trine down to A-wo6-l6-hdn^ ; A-woo-lo-han handed it down to E-s:e-ho- 
kih^ ; E-sze-ho-klh handed it down to Ya-ho-Keue-wuh^ ; Ya-ho-Keue-wuh 
handed it down to the twelve patriarchs, and the twelve patri- 
archs handed it down to May-she^: May-she handed it dtjwn to A-ho- 
leenj A-ho-leen handed it down to Yue-suh-wo, and Yue-suh-wo^ 
handed it down to Ye-tsze-la,^ by whom the doctrines of the holy re- 
ligion were first sent abroad, and the letters of the Yew-t'-hae,^^ 
country first made plain. ^^ All those who profess this religion aim at 
the practise of goodness, and avoid the commission of vice, morning and 
evening performing their devotions, ^^ and with a sincere mind cultivating 
personal virtues. They practice fasting and abstinence on the prescribed 
days,^^ and bring eating and drinking under proper regulations. They 
make the Sacred Writings their study and their rule,^* obeying and be- 
lieving them in every particular ; then may they expect that the blessing 
of Heaven will abundantly descend, and the favor of Providence be un- 

Chinese Jews, and which, to this period (1511), they had resisted for 
a thousand years. 

1) Against all the allurements of heathenism, and against the sophistry 
of the Chinese philosophers, the faithful Jew points to the Hebrew 
Scriptures as the safe guide for men. 

2) Adam. 6) Moses. 

3) Abraham. 7) Aaron, ] Phonetic adaptations. 

4) Isaac. 8) Joshua, j 

5) Jacob. 9) Ezra. 

10) The translation of this last clause in the Shang-hae pamphlet is some- 
what different from the above, which is my own, and which brings in 
all the Chinese characters. The Shang. pamphlet reads thus : .... of 
the Yew-t'ae, '• Jewish nation," which i? harsh and crude. 

♦' YeW'fae'" is the phonetic rendering of Ju-dah. It is one of a very few 
instances that indicate a recollection, on the part of these Jews, of the 
land of Judah, {Palestine) . 

11) Cf. Neh. viii. 8, viii. 12-18. 

12) The Ancien Jews prayed regularly three times a day, and the other 
tablet speaks of the Chinese Jews doing the same. 

The above "morning" and "evening " thus means, in reality, morning ^ 
noon and evening. 

13) Whether this refers to much more than the ordinary fasting oi Western 
Orthodox Jews or not, is hard to decide upon — probably it does not. 
But see tablet of 1488. 

] 4) Under the Rabbins the study of the Scriptures, in the Rabbinical 


failingly conferred, every individual obtaining the credit of virtuous con- 
duct, and every family experiencing the happiness of divine protection^. 
In this way, perhaps, our professors will not fail of carrying out the 
religion handed down uy their ancestors, nor will they neglect the cere- 
monies which they are bound to observe.' We have engraved this on a 
tablet^, placed in the Synagogue*, to be handed d<jwn to distant ages, 
that future generations may carefully consider it.^ 

This tablet was erected by the families Yen, Lee, Kaou, Chaou, Kin, 
Hand Chang^, at the rebuilding of the Synagogue, in the first month of 
Autumn, in the seventh year of Ching-Tih,'' of the Ming dynasty.^ 

Schools, became a regular part, in fact, the principal part, of the 
curriculum. This was an established fact before the Christ, era. It 
was a literal realization of the numerous Old Test, injunctions to carry 
tjie Law of the Lord in the heart at all times. 

1) They who live after the divine plan, as recorded and revealed in the 
Scriptures, will never fail to enjoy the blessing of God. 

2) i,e. by observing the mandates, and living by the Spirit, of the 0,T. 
and ." believing them in every particular," the ceremonies, the external 
proofs of religious devotion, will thus be carried out faithfully, and ac- 
cording to the ceremonial law. 

3) The tablets were in out-house, or side booths, within the temple en- 
closure. In 1950 the door-ways were completely clogged with accumu- 
lated dirt and rubbish, and the agents of the " London Miss. Soc. " 
could copy the inscriptions only by making a hole in the wall, and 
transcribing in the light of a candle. 

4) Temple. 

5) These tablets were not read and translated by any Western Scholar 
until 1850, (when they were discovered), the Shang-hae pamphlet con- 
taining the translations by Rev. Dr. Medhurst having appeared 
in 1851. 

6) These were all distinguished and faithfulJews, the families of Chaou, 
Kaou. and Yen especially having been prominent for several centuries. 

7) i.e. 1511. 

8j i.e. from 1368 to 1640 a.d. It was the golden age of Judaism in 

A. K. Glover. 

(To he continued). 



{Translated hy the late Prof. Dr, S. Beal.) 
{.Continued from p. 168). 

Now there was a certain village called Siu-she-man-ka (Sujamauka?) 
in which dwelt a certain nobleman's wife who was in the habit of feeding 
every day 800 Brahmacharis ; she was aware of the painful discipline 
which Bodhisatwa was enduring and had constantly prayed (vowed) that 
she might be able to make him, the great saint, some religious offering. 
Now it so happened that on the very evening when Bodhisatwa took 
his seat beneath the tree that then this nobleman's wife was first married 
to her husband ; on which occasion she made a vow that if she became 
the mother of a male child that she would make an offering of sweet 
and savoury food to the spirits of the Mountains and the Trees (or, to 
the Spirit of the Mountain tree). Now then the nobleman's wife hav- 
ing borne a son, she was filled with joy, and having milked a 1000 cows 
and fed them in turns on the milk taken from the others, she at last 
took the milk of the one who had been fed on that of all the others and 
with this prepared an offering for the Tree Spirit. x\nd now she sent her 
female slave to go to the place and sweep round the tree. On arrival 
the girl saw Buddha sitting there, and not knowing what spirtiual being 
it was, she came back to her mistress having first swept the place and 
told her that there was a very wonderful Spiritual Being, of great beauty, 
seated beneath the tree, and certainly not belonging to the present 
world. Then the lady having heard this report was filled with joy and 
desiring to take some rice gruel (as an offering) went to the place where 
it was preparing, and after stirring it round desired to take out of the 
vessel about as much as would measure a " chang" in height — but found 
she was not able to do so, on which she was filled with astonishment. 
Then the chief of the Brahmacharis seeing the circumstance addressed the 
lady and said : " This rice milk is not such as any mere worldly philoso- 
pher should take, but only one about to become a Buddha should eat such 
food as this and digest it." And then the Devas dwelling in space be- 
gan to sing the following verses : " To-day you desire, Lady, to effect 
a great sacrificial offering ! There is a great Bodhisatwa, lost in calm 


meditation, who has accomplished the severe six years fast, and now rising 
from his seat; and now you may fulfil your vow by giving him before 
any other can do so, some ft)od ere he arrives at the condition of Supreme 
Intelligence on which he is bent — forget not then your vow, but hasten 
to offer him your sacrifice." Then the lady having heard the words of 
the angels immediately took some milk and gruel and filling a golden 
basin with it, and taking in her hand a "Pin-K'ien,"^ accompanied by the 
800 Brabmacharis she went to the side of the Nairanyana River (where 
Bodhisatwa had been dwelling). 

Buddha addressed the Bhikshus and said : " Bodhisatwa knowing the 
circumstances of the case, immediately by his spiritual power and the force 
of his wisdom, returned to the banks of the river, and being arrived there 
entered the river according to the common custom to wash himself 
therein. Then 80,000 Devas each holding out a branch of tree to assist 
Bodhisatwa, he by this means came from the River and stood upon the 
side of it, his body lightsome and perfectly pure ; then as Bodhisatwa 
advanced a Devaputra belonging to tho Tusita Heaven, called Vimala- 
prabba .(li-hu-kwong) taking a heavenly Kasaya garment and also a 
Sanghih, transformed himself into a Shaman and advanced to offer 
these vestments to Bodhisatwa. Then Bodhisatwa having accepted them 
and clad himself therewith, stood still in perfect silence. At this time 
the female consort of the Nagas of the Nairanyana river caused a very 
beautiful couch to appear from the ground as an offering for Bodhisatwa, 
on which he forthwith sat down. And now the wife of the village lord 
of Sujamanka accompanied by all the Brabmacharis with the offering of 
rice milk, came to the place where Bodhisatwa was, and after paying hom- 
age at his feet, circumambulated him by the right three times, and tben 
pouring some water from the Pien-kin (Kundika) or the hand of Bodhi- 
satwa, they offered him the rice milk as a religious sacrifice ; then from 
a principle of compassion he accepted the gift of food, and after having 
partaken of it his strength came again, though his heart changed not. 
Then taking the golden vessel in which the food was, he threw it into 
the River at his feet. Immediately he had done so, a thousand Nagas 
seeying it took it away and offered the vessel (Patra) religious worship ; 
but eventually the female Naga who had offered the seat to Bodhisatwa 
obtaining the Patra, ordained a religious service in its honor, and with 
sedulous attention paid reverence to it. Then countless millions of Devas, 
taking perfumed water and scented words, did worship also, wishing to 
honor the Patra of Bodhisatwa, and so did each one of tbem in his own 


private abode do homage to it. Then moreover the wife of the village 

Lord, and the others, having obtained some of the fhair and nail parings 

of Bodhisatwa, raised over these ^a Pagoda (tower) and worshipped 


Buddha further addressed the Bhikshas and said : •' Bodhisatwa having 

partaken of this rice milk, his body by the force of the completed vow 

which the lady had made, forthwith recovered its beauty and grace. The 

splendour which it reflected was like that of the Sun and Moou, and so it 

is the landatory verses say: 

" At this time the world honor'd one persevering in his purpose 
With earnest heart bethought himself thus : 
Now by the power of spiritual perception and wisdom 
(I perceive I ought to) go and sit down beneath the Royal Tree 
To perfect Supreme and Universal Wisdom, &c. 

(To be continued). 


In the study of Lycian, the three bilingual inscriptions known as Lim- 
yra 19, Antiphellus 3, and Lewisu, are of first-rate importance: and as 
they will be referred to again and again in the course of my argument, it 
is as well to give them in full before going any further. For the sake of 
clearness, the Greek is here written interlined with the Lycian, though in 
the original it follows it in every case. 

Limyra 19. (Reisen im Sudwestlichen Klein- Asian, vol. 2, no. 124) 

1. ;ibsiiya: iiravaziya : muti 

To'^e TO fivfjfia (in the original to fivTJfia roBe) 

2. prnnnavato: Sidariya : Pa ... 
i[^7r]oir}ffaTO StfS^a'/o^os Tla[^pju,evo^ 

3. na:tidaimi hrppi fitli iihbi spi] 

i/TO? vto? eaVTiJr Kal 

4. ladi : ;ihbi : siitidaimi P[ubiR] 


'5. luyji 

Antiphellus 3, (Reisen, Vol. II, No. 122, Spratt and Forbes, No. 3, 
Savelsberg 2, p.1.50). 

ubonno prrmovu: m:iti prnnayato 

rovri 70 p.v7Jfia rjpf^aaaio 

I^tta: Hlah: tidiiimi: hrppi ladi : iihbi 

'I/CTas Aa ' AvTK^eWiTT}^ aVTuf re Koi '^vvaiKi 

8:1 tidjiimii: ahbiyii: suiyiitiadi: tikii : moto 

Ktit TeKvoi9 iciv fe Tts a^tKi^atj '/) ar^opaaij tS /iv^fia 

mil nil qasttu:^ i'ni: qlahi: iibiytihi: su vudri : viihutazi 
^ ArfTw avTov eTrnpitf/l^ei]. 

In this inscription I have altered the order of the Greek words to fit the 
Lycian. In the original they run as follows: — 

'liCTflV Aa * AvTl^eWlTTJ^ TOVTt TO fiv'ifia i^pr^aaOTo 

Lewisu (Reisen, II. 6, Spratt and Forbes, no. 2. 

1. abonno ntato mana prnnavoto Pulanida Mulli[h]asah sa Dapara 

Pulanidah Puri 
TOUTo TO jiivTj^a ip*^aaav-o ^ ATroWtwiSr]*! MoWiaio^ Kal |[A]a7ra/3a? 

2. liiiniitaba prnnaziyahi hrppi lada upttaha sa tidaima saiyatis.irita 
tlvptjiid~io<s' oiKeiot tVi Ta7s r^vvai^iv tol'S uavriov [^ko^I Tot^vJ €<yfyoVotV Kal 

" av Tts aSiKi)<TV 

8. di tika iitat[a] -ibahi: maiya [tub];'iiti punamaththi: aladahali: ada: A 
TO jxvij/ia T0U70 e^toKea Kot travuikea eiif dor io TravTwu, 

In the word Pulanida, the Greek iota is used instead of the Lycian i. 

It is important to remark that in neither of the last two inscriptions do 
the two versions correspond throughout. In Ant. 8 from eav li t/s, and 
in Lewisu from cfwXea onwards, the Greek is not a translation of the 


abonno, -rooro, is formed from aba, (the same word which appears as 
abiiya, youro, in Lim. 19) with the suffix -nn. jibi also means 'this'; 
what then is tho force of the suffix? In this case it is merely adjectival, 
joined on to ilba without altering the meaning, but in other words it is 
found with a possessive sense; for instance the word vsidri, as I shall 
shewi means 'a state,* iroXi^, and with the suffix nn it becomes viidronni 
or belonging to the state, as mali vadrbnni, an elder of the gtate, Rhod.l) 

These derivatives in -nn- are generally 'declinable,' and 'agree' with 
the word which they qualify/ thus Hbonn-o in Lewisu agrees with atato. 


asnd other examples are found in maliyahi vadronnahi, of the elders of the 
tate, Rbod. 1, and in qlahi iibiylihi pntraunahi, Myra [10] Reisen II. 43. 
On the otlicr hand they are sometimes 'indeclinable,' as in ubuuni prn- 
navo Pinara [5] R I. 22, for tibonno; in maliya (dat. plur.) vudronni, 
Rhod. [2] R IL 172, for vudro na; and qlahi abiyahi pTjtronni, L 5, for 
piJtraTinahi. It is worth noticing that such a word as vudroi^ni, of the 
state, when it is not declined is hardly distinguishable from a genitive case. 

TI. -hi, -hd, -h. 
These rather puzzling suffixes have been very fully discussed by Profes- 
sor Deecke, Bezzenberger's Beitrage, vol . 12, and his conclusion is that -hi 
and -ha are the sign of the genitive singular, and -hi (which he writes as 
-he) of the genitive plural. Learned and ingenious as his arguments are, 
I cannot accept his conclusions, because they seem to be contradicted by 
the bilingual inscriptions, which are the beginning and end of ourcertain 
knowledgo. They contain two words in -hu, of which one is ilpttiihil, eair 
wi/; and two translated words in -hi, ilbiihi, toDto, and prnn-lziyiihi, which 
as I shall shew means 'of the household.' Being convinced that in dealing 
with the bilinguals, we must accept the facts as we find them, I offer an- 
other explanation, in support of which it will be necessary to examine all 
the intelligible words in -hi and -ha, which occur in the Known inscrip- 
tions, though I shall confine myself at present to those of which we have 
a Greek translation. The simplest of these is 

1. abahi. 
In Lewisu 1. S. Mtat(|a] i'lbllhi is rendered by to /ivi]fimou7o. ilb'ihi is 
therefore equivalent in meaning to iibCnno, aud is similarly used to begin 
an inscription in Limyra 8: 

tibiihi :xupa miiitisiyoni : Sbiqaza^ <ic. 
this tomb (bought?) Spigasa 

It seems however not to be an accusative, for it is always combined 
with substantives in -a, of which the regular accusative would end in -o 
or -u. This case in -a is always used after certain verbs, such as usuritad 
and giycini. 

The true accusative of abahi, corresponding exactly to iibonnb is abaho 
or abohc, of which the former occurs in Rhod. 1, and the latter on the 
stele, S. 13. 

Now since abahi is identical in meaning with abonno. and in both words 
a suffix is added to aba without altering the sense, it is probable that these 
suffixes have very much the same force. We may set down -hi provision- 
ally as a declinable adjectival suffix. 


2. apttabi, apttaha. 

In line 2 of Lewisu, hrppi lada apttaha, is translated eVl rats r^wai^tv 
rali- eavrwv. eptt ah a therefore means 'their.' The same word is found in 
Lim. 23, as aptta and apttahi. 

abonno xupo mati prnnavato arm[m]rin6ni : s 

E lada : abbi hrppi atta aptta sa prnnazi apttabi 

This tomb built an^manoni and his wife for tbeirselves and their 

A comjparison with atli abbi 'bis self (eavT^), in the bibngual of Li- 
myra 19, shews that apta as well as apttabi means their, and this is con- 
clusively proved by the following inscrip tionfrom Xantbus (Reisen II. 
no. 11). 

abonno : x^po i^aoti [i]ya — 

q[:]'arnna'^a : pssurah : tidai 

mi:sa tidaimi padr^maha 

xudivazada : apanoti b[a]tta 
This tomb — [qjamna^a, son of Pssurii, and the son of Padr^ma Khudi- 
vazada for their father? (Padru^ma?) In 1. 4 iipiinatibtta stands for 
apfmoti ilbtta or (if a letter is wanting) abattii. The cutting off of the 
first vowel is common in Lycian, and the identity of iibttix with apttil ap- 
pears from Lim. 9, line 1. 

abiili: motisiyoni : lala : sii lada : s;i tiduimiabbi :^ isladoi ubttabi, 
this bought(?) Tala and wife and bis five sons for their 

In this same inscription abtta also occurs, but not in intelligible context . 

Since therefore aptta or abttd by itself means 'their,' apttabi must stand 
inthe same, relation toit as abahi to aba; and like ubahiit is declinable. 
For in hrppi prnnazi aptabi, we have the dative singular, as in hrppi tida- 
mi abbi; and in hrppi lada apttaha we have the dative plural, as in hrppi 
^tidaimil abbiyii. 

Sladoi aptabi is probably Dative Singular like moboi mintabi,^ for the 
numerals must be taken with tidaimi, not with sladoi: the inscriptions 
always have *ada 5,' &c., never '5 ada.' 

In apttabi, therefore, as in abahi -hi is a declinable adjectival suffix 
resembling the -nn of abo'nno.^ 

In Lewisu 1. 2 Puribimataba prnnaziyabi is rendered Tlt'/at/taTtos 
'oiKelou If the Lycian word is faithfully represented by the Greek it 
must be an adjective meaning of or belonging to the house or household, 
and the word prnnazi from which j it is formed must be olico'i in the 
sense of household. It has been usual to take prnnazi as meaning ' slave,' 
'retainer,' etc., but an examination of other passages where the word 
occurs will, I think, show that household is a better rendering, if not 



the only possible one. 

Setting aside prunaziyahi for the moment, priinazi occurs 7 times, bat 
never in apposition with a proper name, and never in the plural. Thia 
fact by itself would lead one to conjecture that it means something of 
which people only had one, which is true generally of a household, but 
not of a slave or retainer. 

But the inscription of Xanthus 8, on a very large and richly sculp- 
tured tomb now in the British Museum shows that the old rendering is 

abo^no : prnnavo : moti prnnavato : marahi &c. 

hrppi[:] prunazi :on6 ^i^^f^vata :xar[i]gaha. 

This tomb built Mariihi — for his household. 

He was a captain (4 of Karikas.^^ 

This gives good sense : now let us try the old translation, slave or 

This tomb built MErahi — for his slave (retainer). 

He was a captain* of Karikas. 

If the last clause refers to the ' retainer,' it is most strange that his 
social position should be recorded but not his name. If it refers to 
Marahi, we are asked to believe that he built a pecuharly large and elab- 
orate tomb for a person whose name he omits to record and to whose 
identity he gives no clue whatever. And while leaving out this necessary 
information, he puts in some irrelevant facts about his own career. The 
very object of an epitaph is to record the name of the dead, and it is 
incredible that the Lycians inscribed their tombs with the history of people 
who were not buried there and left out even the name of the person 
who was. 

If we take the rendering ' household,' these difficulties vanish : Marahi 
of course meant to be buried in his own family-tomb. 

Compare also Pinara 3. 

abonnc prnnavo : moti prnnavato: ddarssipma : padr^gimah tid[aimi 

hrj^pi pr'j'nazi : ahbi : urabillaha : trmmisy xV*^W***^ ^ar[n. sa 

[ Ddarssmma built this tomb for his household. He was-captain-in the 
Telmessian army for Urabillaha and Artembares. I do not insist on this 
translation, nor is it at all proved that Urabillaha is a proper name. But 
if it is, it must (for reasons I have given in full before*) be separated 
from the words which precede and joined with those that follow. 

Cadyanda. Upaziyona : prnnavata 

hrppai : prunazi : ahbi 

saiyS : "tatoto &c. 
Upariyona built (this) for his household. He who buries here (must pay) Ac 


Limyra 23, already quoted : 
armrailnoni and his wife built this tomb, 
hrppi atla aptta sii prnnaai apttahi 
for themselves and their household. 

Xanthus 1, 1, 

sa })iy£t6: hrzzi : Kta[t1o : ladi : ahbi . sa mnacaidaha 

asadb'o'nair ) sa piyato otri : ntato : prunazi 


And he set apart the upper grave for his wife, and mnjiouida's — ; and 
he set apart the lower grave for the household of himself. 

It is not likely that a single nameless 'slave' had the lower tomb all 
to himself. 
Rhod. a. i). ma pibiyati 

primazi sattari adaiyo maina )«tavoto 

pibiyati tiir'd ah'dh.q maiyana : hrppitoti 

tika :iyamaraya: tiba ladi alibi. 

Here as in the last case and in several others there seem to have been 
an upper and a lower grave, one for the builder lyamara and his wife, 
and the other for his prnniizi ; and as in Xanthus 1 a difiEerent fine was 
fixed for the violation of each. But though the general sense is fairly 
clear, the exact translation is a matter of conjecture. It seems to mean. 

Let him (pay ?) "2 (?) (of) that (i.e. twice as much), who shall put 
(anotlier body) over lyamara or his wife. 

Stele East. 56, tubiihi prnnjizi sii lihbuza iihbiya. This passage is not 

yet intelligible. It is only necessary to remark that tubahi is not a 

proper name but is derived from tuba E. 19, and is evidently connected 

with tubidi and tubiiiti, * pay.' 

There remain to be mentioned the other inscriptions (besides Lewisu) 

where the derivative prnniiziy;ihi occurs. 

Rhodiapolis (2) Reisen II., 172. 
abalii masiyoni : ;j^sso!iziya 
antlapah : tid inii : mutlSh 
prijnaziyShi rprunavat ti 
ntato : atli : ahbi, &c. 

(This bought ?) p^sscnziya the son of imtlapa of the household of 

Mutlft. He built the grave for himself, etc. 

TelmessuB 1. Sbc \inc x"P(<^) njan* prnna[v]ato 
xudali zutriyah 
tid aim! h 


The h at the end of 1. 3 does not belong to tid.iinai, for the ending -ih 
is unknown in Lycian. It is probably the first letter of the succeedtag 
a proper name, (hri^y^iizrimu, like hr;^mTna, Myra 5 and 6, hrixttbili, Tlos 
1, and hr^ono (Reisen LI 44 and note). The translation therefore is 
This tomb built ^^dali, the son of Zutriya, of the household of 

Limyra, 18 ^^■Jati pr-^navat[a] pi;^?nmah 

tidaimi ^aliyonaj^ssah prnnaziy[ahi] 

i^lafci son of Pi;\ mma of the household of 

;^aliyonay^3sa built (this). 

L. 15 & 25 should perhaps be restored: 
abb'nno : x^pM * "^o^i P^V^^v^ato : urssmm[a] ik?.zi [yali] 

ddava[d]omah : tubas : hrppi ladi : ahbi [sS] tuha 

Urss^ma of the household of Ikazi. Compare Ddarssipma. 
This completes the list of passages where prnniizi and pryniiziyahi 
occur. It will probably be admitted that household gives the best sense 
in all of them. Prnn'iziyivhi therefore means of-the-household. Now-hi 
in iibiihi was shown to be an adjectival suffix, and it seems to me that 
prnnaziyahi of the household stands in exactly the same relation to abahi 
this, as vadroUni of the state to a'x>nno this. Moreover it is translated 
by the Greek adjective oiKeioi. It is probable therefore that it is itself 
an adjective, possibly in the nominative plural, as tidaimi 5 seems to be 
in Lim. 9, already quoted, but more likely not declined and therefore to 
be compared with maliya vadro ^Jni in Rhod. (2), 

There are no more forms in -hi translated in the bilinguals. but a word 
still remains whose meaning is known from one of them, and whose deri- 
rative in -hi is found elsewhere. This is atli or atli : hrppi atli 3hbi 
Lim. 19 = 'eav-r^o. The words prnnazi atlahi, for his-own household 
(Xanthus 1) have been already quoted. In Sura 1. 4, atlahi occurs again 
in an unintelligible context, but in Limyra 4 the meaning is clear 

Kbi tika [t^iatapitadi atlahi tiba Kbiyahi if another shall bury (any- 
one) belonging-to-himself or belonging-to-another. ' 

Here it is almost unavoidable to take atlahi and Kbiyahi as possessive 
adjectives : and this view is I think proved to be correct in the case of 
atlahi by the occurrence of the dative plural (?) atlaha on the Xanthian 
stele s 18, and in the case of Kbiyahi by the accusative (plural ?) Kbi- 
fahis, Xanthus 4, and by Kbiyahadi (Decree of Pixodaruf). 


Here the information derived from the bilingual inscriptions ceases, 
for the words oni glahi iibiyiihi in Ant have no. Greek translation. 

It only remains to notice the termination-li which is found in Hlah, 
MuUihasah, and Pulanidah, and -ha vvhich is found in Purihimataha. 

-h is extremely common, but is absolutely confined to proper names. 
No common noun is known to end in -h. -ha is apparently use(J in the 
same way, for out of 27 words in which it appears as a distinct suflSx 
19 are certainly and 21 almost certainly proper names. The remainder 
are unintelligible words, which may be proper names too, except apttaha 
and atlaha, already explained as datives plural of adjectives. 

It would appear therefore that -ha and -h are used with prope rnames 
instead of -hi, which is used with common nouns, only. This supposition 
is strongly supported by tho analogy of the dative singular which in al- 
most all known instances ends in -ya in proper names, while in common 
nouns it almost invariably ends in -i. Thus the dative singular of 
Asadaplomi is Asadaplomaya, but tidiimi has tidaimi ; and lyamara 
makes lyamaraya, but Kbatra makes Kbatri. 

Whelher -ha like -hi is a declinable suffix, or has passed into some- 
thing like a true case-ending it is impossible at present to decide, but in 
such forms as Arnnaha, Xanthian, on a coin, (Six, Monnaies Lyciennes 
No. 185) which corresponds to Pttarazo, Patarian (No. 199), and in 
Arnnaha -^C'T^oi, KharGi the Xanthian (No. 181) it certainly appears to 
be adjectival. If so it is probably also declinable. 

The general conclusion is that Lycian has no true Genitive. Its place 
is taken by a dechnable adjectival suffix, which sometimes has a possess- 
ive meaning as in atlahi. and sometimes not as in abahi. I hope to 
show on some other occasion that this opinion, at present only illus- 
trated from the bihngualinscriptions, is not contradicted but very strongly 
confirmed by the other Lycian monuments. 


1) The letter here written q has usually been transcribed by w, or u 
consonant. It might possibly be derived from Greek Koppa. 

2) The q in Sbiqaza is not the same letter as that referred to in the last 
note, but as it occurs only once it may be a variant of it, or of the 
letter which I have written as g in Khariga. 

8) This phrase will be discussed in my next article. 

4) ,See an article of M. Imbert, Babylonian and Oriental Record, 
November 1888, p. 281. 

5) See Six, Monnaies Lyciennes. 

6) Babylonian and Oriental Record, July 1890. W. Arkwright. 




Contributors are alone responsible for their opinions or statements. 

{Paper read before The International Congress of Orientalists held in 
London, Sept. 1, 1891). 

When in 1869, the Section des Sciences Heligieuses, in 
imitation of its elder branch the Section des Sciences historiques et 
philologiques of the Ecole des Hautes Etudes, decided to pub- 
lish a library of its own, containing a section of works of professors and 
students, the first volume issued affirming the fact was entitled : Etudes 
d e critique et d^histoire par les membres dela se ction des 
sciences religieuses, avec una introduction par M, Albert Reville, 
president de la Section ; (Paris, Leroux xxx, 371 and 16 pp.) 

In this volume I have inserted (p. 93-97) a short notice upon " Un 
nouveau roi de Saba sur une inscription sabe'enne inedlte du Louvre^'' 
The three first lines of this inscription have alone been preserved, be- 
sides the bucranion placed on the border, within an edge, on the right of 
lines 1 and 2. Herewith this text : — 

hRA I Win mnhVfi n^fth^h i (Head of 

» ISHVV I V^H I floHJH I Sn 2 ''bull) 

nHHnx8oi?h{v<Di HLfth ishmv 3 

Hebrew Transcription : 

T I mnn I mi I "h^^rh I p 2 
ITT I ^T\r\v I ^2pm I ^'^'^ I j«n:in 3 

If I had to translate this inscription to day, I would differ on some 
points from my former version which I would substitute by the following : 

Vol. v.— No. 8. [193] Sept., 1891 


1. Nascha'karib Yoaha'min, king of Saba, 

2. son oi Dhamar'ali Dhirrih, has renewed 

3. and restored an old tradition, and consecrated to 'Athtar of Dhaiba- 
•i. [n, Lord of the Sea of danger, a statue of gold. 

Instead of considering Q^^^^ as a plural in the constructed state of 
D7^J " image," I think now that this word is the undetermined absolute 
state of the substantive h'^^ which I assimilate to the Arabic ^ '^^ 
'* root, principle, origin, nobility, tradi;fcion." ^-^ 

As to the God 'Athtar of Dhaiban, Lord of the Sea of danger, his 
complete literature exists in the Bibliotheque Nationale of Paris, where 
at the least three dedications in his honour are preserved; see in my recent 
opuscule Les monuments Sabeens et Himyarites de la Bibliotheque Nationale 
(Cabinet des Medailles et Antiques), the Nos. ii, 1. 3 and 4, 8 and 9; 
XX, 1. 6 and 9 ; xxii, 1. 5, 10 and 12 ; perhaps xxiv ; p. 11-13, 30-32, 
34-35, 37. The head of a bull or antelope, which the monument of the 
Louvre has in common with those of the Bibliotheque Nationale, shows 
clearly, the figure being one and the same, that they all apply to the 
same 'Athtar. I have supposed, with due caution, that the Sea of danger 
was the famous channel denoted on our maps by the Arabic name 
Bab al-Mandab, " the Gate of the Affliction." 

I now come to the stone mentioned in the title of the present paper. 
It was brought from Ma'rib, the ancient capital city of the Sabseans, to Lon- 
don by Joseph Mikal, for the British and Foreign Bible Society, and 
ultimately purchased by the British Museum, where it was placed on Feb. 
16, 1863. 

The first line of this monument, measuring O^i, 34 in height, and 0"!, 
53 in width, has been left undeciphered by Osiander, Levy, Joseph Halevy, 
and all the scholars who in late years have worked out with great success 
the Yemenite epigraphy. 

It is the Louvre inscription which has given the clue of the secret 
hitherto so completely hidden by these topless letters, reduced by an un- 
fortunate fracture to mere feet, headless and bodyless. 

In the course of one of my conferences at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes 
(Section des Sciences Religieuses), my disciple, M. Mayer Lambert, now 
my successor in the chair of Semitic languages at the Seminaire Israelite 
of Paris, and myself, we have, at the same instant, by a sort of sugges- 
tion resulting from efibrts protracted in common on a series of analogous 
facts, found the solution of the problem ; and I give communication of it 
to our fellow-workers in his name as much as in mine. 


Here is, exactly reproduced, this first line of the inscription 32 of the 
British l^Iuseum, such as it is preserved, and published in the book entit- 
led Inscriptions in the Himyaritic character discovered chiefiy in South- 
ern Arabia and now in the British Museum, (London, printed by order of 
the Trustees, MDCCCLXIII ), pi. XVI : 


My readers may now compare our restoration with it, and no doubt it 
will be possible on its accuracy for any one taking the trouble of examin- 
ing the broken letters and seeing how exactly they agree with the primi- 
tive text. 

Then follows : 

svhJ^oa)isxonjfhih>B'nixioniohXkVABi?s 2 

©vionh® I hf 1A I hx?n 1 'io<oo 1 oiivtooi 1 smAh 3 

i<Dinxmiia>inHHhM?mi<DiivtioAn<»>i<i>nvAiiia> 4 

*iivfhS^«>i<i>iiVBi>iAih>'^h<i'iohii<Dun8<t>ioaa. 5 

«i>Biiixioniohxi<i>iiVABn<i>iv*iii?i<i>MX [80 n ^ 

Hebrew Transcription : 

]n:]nti?:Lr') 1 ]nm« I p^^i^ 1 nSw I ^^n I ^noT^xd 1 *•:) 2 
in^ii^iN^ I ]rho ! p^n i ^m ! inn-'Qi^ 1 phi^Vi 3 

iDn«itri I "iT^m^ I S :d I ]'^h^^ I v:n*i I "inhi I :?2i 5 
\it) I rhv'2 I f)::n 1 iDnDt:to"i I npD^b^^ I "^nCnrn ^ 

Translation : 

1 Nascha'karib Youha'min, king of Saba', son of Dhamar'ali Dhirrih, 

has conse- 

2 crated to his Sun (goddess) Tantjf (who is High), Mistress 

of Gaddar twenty-four, 


8 statues, because he has protected them, and because he has protected 
the fortress of Salhin and its defenders 

4 and their King, and because he has bestowed upon them a fuUnesa of 

wealth and powers, and because he has 

5 humiliated, broken, stopped and caused to withdraw all their adver- 

saries and their foes. 

6 In the name of 'Ath]tar and llmakkah, and of their Sun (goddess) 

Tanuf (who is High), mistress of Gaddar I 

We shall have later on to deal with the details of this interpretation, 
and to justify the cases where it differs from previous works. The only- 
thing I want to point out at present, is that the inscription, like that of 
the Louvre, comes from Nascha'karib Youha'min, king of Saba', son of 
Dhamar'ali Dhirrih. Decidedly the sceptic of the Ecclesiastes was right 
in his mistrust of anything done "under the Sun." Nothing is new under 
the Sun, not even, as I had supposed, the king of Saba' Nascha'karib 

Hartwig Derembourg. 


In the B. & 0. Record, some notices of the Flora of the Assyrian 
Monuments have been published.* There remained however some four or 
five plants, which I recently identified, and now proceed to describe. 

On several of the has-reliefs there is a fir-tree, (Nos. 51, 52, 53, 54 
and 55 — Kouyunjik Gallery) and 45 and 121 basement, which occurs on 
both level and hilly ground. From the way it is delineated it is evident 
that it was meant for a true pine. With the kind help of the officials 
of the Nat. Hist. Mus. (Bot. Dept.), I have been able to identify this 
fir-tree with Pinus Brutia of Boissier's Flor. Orient, (vol. 5, p. 695). 

•- Vol. II. No. 6, May, 1888 ; No. 7, June, 18S8 ; No. 8, July, 1888 
Vol, III. No. 1 Dec. 1888; No. 2 Jan. 7 1889 ; No, 3 Feb. 1889 
Vol. IV. No. 3 Feb. 1890; No. 4 Mar. 1890 ; No. 5 April 1890 
No. 8 July 1890. 


It is found in the mountainous districts of Crete, Chios, Cilicia, Taurus, 
Lebanon, N. Persia, and as far as W. Afghanistan. It is most Ukely to 
have been the one, winch was common in the hilly countries of Assyria. 
A colored drawing is given of P. Brutia in the ' Flora Napolitana ' of 
Tenore, pi. c.c. Boissier states that this pine is near P. Halepensis, the 
only difference being that the latter has more rigid leaves, and less pen- 
dulous cones. 

There can hardly be any doubt that the PinuB of the monuments is one 
of these two, and as P. Brutia ranges from Syria to Afghanistan it is 
more likely to be the one meant by the sculptor. Of course the picture 
that the artist had in his mind's eye was that of a young Pinus, with its 
symmetrical candelabrum-like branches. A Pinus of that age makes a 
very pretty and ornamental object, and such as would attract an artist's 

There cannot be much doubt that in Assyrian times, when the mon- 
arch set forth on a conquering expedition he took his court with him, 
which included artists and poets, to chronicle the deeds of the great man, 
and hand them down to posterity. These were the war correspondents of 
those days. Under such circumstances, the artist would have had ample 
opportunities of seeing young symmetrical pine trees, on the outskirts of 
the forests, which were suited to the ornamentation of his bas-reliefs. 

In the Brit. Mus. basement (No. 76 and 77) there occur delineated 
two figures of one plant, which had puzzled me for a long time. They 
both have large acute sessile radical leaves. In one case, however, it is 
shown with three blossoms unexpanded close to tlie leaves, and in the 
other with three' composite expanded flowers on separate long stalks. 

With the help of the officials of the Nat. Hist. Mus. where they have, 
not only an extensive Herbarium, but a large collection af drawings of 
plants, I think I have been fortunate enough to idertify this also. 

It corresponds closely with Hieracium pannosum of Boissier's ' Flora 
orientalis.' He says it has " large oblong and broad leaves, obtuse or 
rather acute, with a sessile base ; the stem is naked, with from 3 to 5 
flower heads, with its leaves closely packed ; sometimes the stem is re- 
duced to one flower ; the flower-heads are large, globuse and long 
pednncled. Two of its synonyms are H, lanatum and H. orientale. 
It is found in the rocky regions of Greece, Taurus, Cilicia, South Ar- 
menia &c. 

It is pictured in Reichenbach's ' Flora Germanica ' XIX pi. MDLV. 


Of course in Germany it would not be expected to have such luxuriant 
foliage as the artist has given it on the Assyrian M onuments. 

Keichenbach says it has thick leaves, oblong cuneate, with a simple or 
corymbose stem, and is very thickly haired. 

Boissier however mentions a variety of this plant, called H. Taygetum 
(name taken from a ridge of mountains in Southern Greece), which is 
a beautiful plant, with peduncles of half, to one and a half feet in length. 
It is moreover clothed with a hair of a very silvery silkiness. Here then 
appears te be the key for the reason which induced the artist to intro- 
duce this particular plant into his bas-reliefs. He was struck with its 
beauty and with its silvery hairiness, and with its long graceful pedun- 
cleSi each carrying one flower a foot and a half high. 

There are several Hierachiums, liaving only one flower on one stalk, 
but this is ih.» most striking. 

The reader might ask — how comes it that a plant common on the 
Assyrian mountains is also found in Greece and Germany ? This is 
easily explained. Many of the composite have their small light seeds 
furnished with a sort of hairy parachute called a pappus. The wind 
would carry them, not only to Greece and Germany or vice-versa., but to 
Scotland and even Iceland, and wherever they could germinate and live 
they would be found ; of course in colder regions they would not be so 
luxurious as in the warmer ones. 

The description given by Boissier of Hiemcium pannosum agrees closely 
with the characters shown by the Assyrian artistf, making allowance of 
course for the absence of perspective, and for the material being stone. 
Its large compact leaves, globose heads, and very long one-flowered pe- 
duncles leave no reasonable room for doubt that the plant on this monu- 
ment is Hieracium pannosum, or Taggetum of Boissier. 

There is another oriental plant which must have struck the Assyrian 
artist with its purity, elegance and exquisite scent. It is the ' Madonna 
Lily.' — Lilium candidum. C. F. Ledebour, in his • Flora Rossica ' 
(1852) gives it as indigenous in the Caucasian provinces ; while Mr. 
Baker, director of the Kew Herbarium gives its range along South 
Europe, as far as Palestine, Northern Syria, and the Caucasus. There 
is little room for doubt that so sweet and beautiful a lily, with a bulb so 
amenable to cultivation, early found its way to the gardens of the Assy- 
rian monarchs. It is unmistakably, and very truthfully delineated on 

fFor all we know he may have been a Greek Artist ! 


Nos. 76 and 77, in the basement, Brit. Mas. 

Another plant of the Monuments is a reed shown on the river banks, 
on Nos. 3. 9, 10, 11, 56 and 58 of the Kouyunjik Gallery. It is also 
shown in one of the bas-reliefs in the basement It eridently formed 
jungles of reeds so dense that animals and men could hide in them, as 
is graphically shown on some of these sculptures (57 and 58, base- 

It is a tall reed with graceful alternate long leaves, terminating in a 
spindle shaped panicle of grass-like flowers . It appears to be no other 
than the Arundo Donax {thonax, the reed arrow) of Boissier's ' Flor. 
Orient. (Vol. 5, p. 564). 

He says its habitat is in damp places, near banks of rivers, in Syria 
and Transcaucasia, The smaller reeds are thin, and light, and straight, 
and well suited for the stems of arrows. If it were not then found on 
Assyrian territories, it was no doubt found in tlie countries those mon- 
arehs invaded and conquered, which these monuments were no doubt in- 
tended to illustrate. 

The Arundo Donax is a reed that splits up easily into thin strips, 
which makes it suitable for the manufacture of baskets. It is so used in 
the South of Furope, as well as for cages fishing rods, &c. 

There is one other plant on the monuments, the identification of which 
appears tobe hopeless. It is on No. 6, 7, Nimroud Gallery. 

There are two specimens near each other. The plant consists of a thick 
and short stumpy stem, with two thicK stumpy branches, all three end- 
ing in short and wavy branches. I at first conjectured it might be a 
Euphorbia^ but there is nothing like it in Boissier's Flor. Orient. It 
may not impossibly be an introduced specimen of the ' Baobab ' (Adan- 
sonia digitata) shown during its leafless period, which is the most strik- 
ing. The ' Baobab ' is found in the Soudan, but there are several old 
and characteristic specimens in Lucknow, no doubt introduced. In Assy- 
rian times there was great commercial activity between the Red sea and 
Persian Gulf. Their ivory and many other products must have come 
from the Soudan, thro' the Red sea route. The seed of the ' Baobab ' is 
enclosed in a hard shell, which may be carried long distances without in- 
jury to its germinating power. Where there was great commercial ac- 
tivity between the two countries, it is nothing preposterous to suppose 
that the seed of so striking a tree would have found its way to Persia and 
Assyria. The very fact that only two specimens occur close to each other 


on the monuments shows that this tree was rare, and may strengthen the 
conjecture that they were meant for introduced 'Baobab' trees. 

These five plants complete the Flora of the Assyrian Monuments in 
the Brit. Mus. To recapitulate; the flora consists of — 
Phoenix dactylifera — the date tree ; 
Pin us BrutiaJ— a true pine ; 
Ficua Carica — the fig tree ; 
Vitis vinifera — the vine : 
Musa sapi»^ntum — the banana ; 
Cucumis melo, or ") ,, , 

Citrallus vulgaris (?) | ^^^ melon ; 
Arundo Donax — the arrow reed ; 
Lilium Candidum — the Madonna Lily, 
Hieracium pannosum — a pretty hairy plant, 
Adansonia digitata (?) — the Baobab ; 

The latter is doubtful, but it is not clear that it can mean anything 
else, and would be sufiicicntly striking to take the fancy of an artist. 

E. Bonavia. 

% The cone fruit in the hand of certain figures may be the cone of this 
Pine. But as the cedar was known to the Assyrians and held in 
veneration, it may be more probable that the Cedar cone was used for 
sprinkling holy water. 


(^Translated hy the late Prof. Dr, S. Beat.) 
(Continued from p. 185). 

A ndto arrive at complete inward illuminations, 

Thus by my conduct manifesting my compassion and love, 

And for the very last time seeking the deliverance of all that lives. 

Now then I ought to obtain suitable food 

That my body may obtain fullness and strength, 

And then proceed to sit under the Royal Tree, 

With a view to complete Holy and universal knowledge 

Not to seek a limited amount of religious merit. 

But to reach the Highest point of Repose possible ; 

Not to obtain merely the perfection of enlightened sight, 

But reaching by my energy to the attainment of sweet dew 


To declare to the utmost tlie merit of my present hirtli. 
And cut short for ever the imperfect modes of religious system. 
His mind thinking and reflecting thus : 
There came a heavenly .sound to the village 
(To command) to fill up the golden bowH with rice milk, 
And taking it to go to the River side 
And there to present it as an offering with joyful heart. 
That he might attain the Sweet dew of wisdom 
After which he had striven for countless ages, 
All his faculties, (senses) })erfectly composed ; 
And now all the Devas and Nagas and Spirits, going onvvard, 
The Great Holy One arrived at tie bank of the River, 
Intent on afiording perfect deliverance for all, 
He entered the water to cleanse himself. 
In order to wash away for ever all pollution, 
Concerned for and grieved at the defilement of the world. 
Then countless thousand Devas were filled with joy 
And each scattered flowers and sprinkled })erfumes, 
The world silently beheld him advance and enter the water, 
(Accomplishiiig tlms) the highest cleansing among men, 
Knowing indeed that he was indeed Bodhisatwa, 
Firmly es ablishing himself in an undefiled religious life. 
And now the cleansing (baptism) being over, 
A hundred thousand Uevas paid him religious service, 
(For) His body perfectly free from defilement 
A Deva putra offered a Kasaya Garment, 
Which he immediately put on his person, 
This being accomplished perfectly, 
A Naga's consort beholding him with joy. 
Offered to him a desirable couch, 
Silently and with composed mien he sat thereon. 
And with his eyes of wisdom regarding the world, 
He awaited the offering of food from the Sakya lady, 
The golden dish full of rice milk, 
(She brought) and bowed her head at his feet. 
This food by his inward perception he received and ate, 
After which his body became full and strong. 
He flung the bowl into the River, 
All the Devas receiving it offered it worship 
And ever after reverenced it as Buddha himself, 
Thus^ it was he finished his meal 
Partaking of the exquisitely sweet rice milk. 
His body revived and his strength restored, 
He went onward to sit beneath the tree of Buddha. 
Arrived there he sat under the tree. 
Arranging liis body motionless and fixed, 
Firm as the step of the Divine Sakra, 
He set himself to accomplish the allotted task of a Bodhisatwa. 

1) Is the Fifi hien a Sthandila ? L. V. p. 258 n., but more probably it stands 

for the Kundika or water pitcher. 

2) In the original there is an expression ju-la't which generally means 

202 THE p'u YAO KING. 

Thus then Bodhisatvva having finished his meal, filled with compassion 
considered (nini) how best to save the world from its misery and ruin, 
and after this he desired to go sit beneath the tree, with a view to perfect 
the wisdom of a Buddha and to save the world. Then appeared the 
wondeiful signs which always attend the progress of all the Buddhas of 
the ten regions (during this period of their career). Five hundred birds 
came, self manifested, to the place where he sat, and circling around the 
body of Bodhisatwa, with loving and compassionate sound they warbled 
forth: "The infinite merits acquired for the sake of all living things, with 
a view to deliver them from the five modes of birth' (for their conversion), 
on this account has he appeared during 500 (births) (?) to scatter the 
five powers of sense (Yin), to destroy the five "coverings " [anusayas], 
to eradicate the five modes of religious practice (?) to establish the five 
supernatural modes of perception, to banish the five times five, the twenty 
five causes (foundation) of misery, to establish the basis of Kcason 
(Bodhi) to fix firmly that which has not whereon to rest, the original 
unconditioned wisdom of Buddlia — and so the verses say : 

"During the lapse of unnumbered Kalpas 
He has accumulated religious merit acquired by the practice of the six 

The four characteristics, the four compassionate principles, 
As the future deliverer of the three worlds 
How great his Love, how unmixed his compassion. 
Desirous above all things to save, the sick, the deaf, the dumb. 
And now he is about to perfect the Great Wisdom, 
Distinguished by the possession of the 32 signs 

Once for all he has appeared in the world 
To declare the doctrines of sorrow, emptiness, unreality. 
To cause men thoroughly to penetrate thv original condition of no- 

And to enter on the three precious treasures of Btiddha, 

The guilt which clouds the minds of worldly men 

The impediment of the twelve Nidanas, 

Prevent them from penetrating (the secret of) Supreme Truth, 

Lost in the unfathomed gulf of repeated birth and death. 

But if they are able to understand the vanity of all things around them, 

Not transgressing in their w\ilk in the world (world of sense). 

Then as the sorrows caused by sense are destroyed. 

The Spirit (self) pure as the King of the Law 

Arrived at the highest truth, the supremest wisdom, 

Tathagata ; but such a title would not be given to Bodhisatwa in this 
part of his life. 


Can be affected by no impediineiit or limit, 

Full of light, as the Sim or the Moon, 

A source of benefit to others witliout limit 

You might more easily pound Mt. Smneru to dust, 

You might as well set bounds to si)ace, 

As attempt to measure his Infinite Wisdom, 

Or the insurpassable conduct of the Great Holy One. 

(To be continued). 


(Continued from p. 174). 


9. We have called the attention of our readers in the previous para- 
graphs of the present paper, to the process of literary composition followed 
by the Chinese writers on ethnography, and the necessity of making the 
criticism of their text, before giving any credence to their chronological 
arrangement of statements, and their identificaticm of subjects. Now we 
have to consider, under certain respects, how far these statements when put 
right if required, and their original sources when available, can be trusted 
with reference to extraordinary physical peculiarities of races. Our gene- 
ral standpoint being always the subject matter of this paper. 

10. A difficulty in researches of this kind consists in the fact, that in 
referring to antiquity, we are frequently confronted with side questions, the 
solution of which, involving a not inconsiderable enquiry much beyond the 
limits of a passing reference, may appreciably affect the results of such 
researches. Should, for instance, the Annals of the Bamboo Books prove 
to be a late compilation, the historical value of the statement which we 
shall have to quote from it might be affected, but it would be only in a 
very limited sense, as we shall be able to adduce some evidence in favour 
of its antiquity, and several others of subsequent dates. There are how- 
<}ver no sufficient reasons to doubt the veracity of the aforesaid work more 
that of any other historical record from other countries of the same period. 
The work consists of the most concise historical statements, chronologi- 


cally arranged, obvious relics of former and longer records. They extend 
from the time of Hwang-ti to 295 a.c. in which year they were buried, 
engraved on bamboo tablets, in the grave of King Siang of Wei, from 
whence they were dug out, together with upwards of fifteen other works, 
in 279 A.D. The locality was Ki hlen in Weihui fu, Honan, N.^ Their 
authenticity has been specially examined by Dr. J. Legge,^ and Dr. C. de 
Harlez,i<> and they have both concluded in favour of the genuineness of 
the work which we fully support. 

11. A check to the authenticity of manv statements concerning early 
times in Chinese general histories, that is to say, in late compilations, is 
found in the alleged prototypes of genuine historical events, glorious 
for the Chinese sway. Uncritical native compilers, in their unbounded ad- 
miration for their primitive rulers, patterns of all virtues, and models in 
every respect for after ages, were inclined tu, and reall\- often did, attribute 
to the time of their government, prototypes or forerunners of many a sub- 
sequent event of importance, and of grpat deeds which shed a lustre upon 
their era. 1 have already pointed out in various papers such adornments 
in the records concerning the early period of the Chinese sway iu China 
for instance, the so-called embassy of Yueh-shang^ , the introduction of 
metallic money l^, of paper moneys* of the swanpan or abacus^^ &c.; aU 
later events, and inventions or introductions which have been unduly at- 
tributed to primitive times. 

12. We do not perceive any such check as we have just alluded to in the 
present case of the pygmies. There is no historical event known in an- 
cient times which may have suggested to an imaginative compiler any re- 
trospective interpolation concerning them, which, however, if it has ever 
existed, must have been older than the time of Confucius. It is not 
found in the Shu-King, or Book of History, which ends in 628 b.c. ; al- 
though fifty-eight, only, of the original collection of a hundred chapters, 
now remain, but none are missing from those of the beginning or the end 
of the collection. The latest gap concerning events connected with our re- 
searches occurs during the reign of the king Tch'eng of Tchou (1103- 
1066 A.c). One of the missing chapters referred to the wild tribes of the 
East. Our pygmies of S.E. Shantung might have been mentioned there, 
but this is a mere supposition which no evidence supports or disproves. 
Any possible statement about them which may have been lost from the 
Shu-King cannot have been of a later d»%te. That the knowledge of the 
Pygmies by the Chinese and their presence in China proper, dates back to 
high antiquity is, ertainly a fact founded on a sound basis.^^ 

akciknt china. 205 


8) Tai ping jiil Ian, Kiv. IGl, fol. 3. 

9) Chinese Classics, vol. III. pp. 176-188. 

10) Prof. Oil. de Harle/. ha? lately and ably vindicated The Antir/uitt/ of 
the Ancient Chinese sacred hooks in a special jjaper pnijlished in the B. 
& 0. R., 1891, vol. V. pp. 45-48, and 54-63. For the Annals of the 
Bamboo Books, the reraark-^ of Dr. dc H. will be found on pp. 61-62. 

11 The land of Sinim, not China, §2, in The Babylonian and Oriental 
Record, September, 1887, vol. I., pp. 184-185. 

12) The coins of China in the British Museum, vol. I., introd. 

13) Paper money of the Ninth Century and supposed Leather coinage of 
China in Numismatic Chronicle, 18S2 (III^ vol. II. pp. 334-336. 

14) Ttie old numerals, the counting rods, and the swan-pan in China, §§ 
34-35 rRepr. fr. i\um. Chron., 1883 (III) vol. Ill, pp. 297-340.) 

15) In the Preface to the Shu, commonly attributed to Confucius, but 
which is probably older, the missing chapter 1 allude to is thus mentioned: 
"When king Tch'eng had smitten the wild tribes of the East, the Suh 
shen came to congratulate him. The king made the chief of Yung 
make the Charge to Su/i-Shen, and gave him presents also." (Cf.J. 
Lcizge, Chinese Classics, vol. III., p. 12). The Suh-Shen were the 
ancestors of the Djurtchen or Kin of which the Mandshus of the present 
day are the descendants. Cf. A, Wylie, Translation of the Ts'ing 
wan k'e mung. A Chinese grammar of the Manchu Tartar language, 
pp. IV.-Vl,, and my special paper, "The Djurtchen of Mandshuria, 
their name, language, and literature (1889) par. 4, 

13, The stateiDcnt of the Annals of the Bamboo Books which we shall 
have to refer to about the Negrito-Pygmies, is not the only entry of 
fabulous appearance which has caused a slur to be cast upon the veracity 
of this valuable document of antiquity. Several otlier el raordinnry races 
of men mentioned therein have remained unexplained, and it is only fair 
that we should not pass them without notice. Some of these statements 
have been obtained by hearsay and rebound, while others had assumed 
their unacceptable garb before reaching the ears of the faithful if credulous 
reporters. Others have been looked upon as marvellous, simply through 
ignorance of the critics. 

14. Such for instance are the Kwan-hiung, i.e. "Perforated 
breasts," and the Tchang Ku i.e. "Long Legs" tribes, which 
are reported as coming to make their submission to Hwang-ti in the 
59th year of his reign^"^. Surely these statements conceal some truth, and 
as its amount may be approximately ascertained, they should not be dis- 
missed without a careful sifting. That the two names were really intended 
to carry some meaning cognate to that given by their proper translation 
is more than probable. They were not simply renderings of foreign 
names. This is shown by the use made of other words carrying the same 
sense in describing these tribes. 


1"). The Kwa n-hiun g are also called Teh' cs en-hiung which 
has the same meaning, by Hwai Nan-tze of the Ilnd century B.C. In 
the Vlth book of the Shan-hcu-King'^^, which book is looked upon by 
modern critics as a relic of the beginning of the Shang dynasty (XVIth 
<jentury a.c), the Kwan-hiung are carefully described as inhabiting the 
East of the T cVih Kwo h, which was itself east of the San Mtao, and 
therefore in the modern Anhui province ^^. They are said to be men 
with a hole or holes in the breast, which may be a round-about way of 
saying that they used to tattoo or prick their breasts, and nothing more, 
without any tincture of the marvellous in the statement. "We know that 
tattooing tribes existed among the pre-Chinese population of China in 
the east of the country, where I have pointed out linguistic traces of 
Indonesian races formerly in occupation of the land^o. We shall have 
to refer again to the subject in a subsequent paragraph of this paper. 

The legendary interpretationof the above name Kwan-hiung, has been 
developed into a regular notion that &ome men have a hole in the stomach, 
the hole being closed by a sort of claper which permits the entrance of 
a stick,- And this notion was, or is, now current in the folk-lore of 

16. The Tchang Ku called also Tchang Kioh,^^ both names 
meaning ' Long Legs ' are not necessarily a wonderful people. Some 
races do really exhibit a greater development of the leg than others. It 
is, for instance, one of the physical characteristics of the Mois, Penongs 
and Khas of Indo-Cbina, pointed out by Dr. Thorel, the anthropologist 
of the French commission under the command of Doudart de Lagree^^. 

17. With special reference to tlie subject matter of these pages, objec- 
tion has been taken to the veracity of the entry in the same Annals con- 
cerning the Pygmies, because of the alleged unreality of existence of such 
a race of men, and also because of a marvellous additional statement 
resulting from a misconception and unknowledge of the interpreters. 
As we have already disposed of the objection to the Pygmy races, the 
second one only requires explanation. Instead of the plain statement 
exhibited in our translation below, showing that this people brought ith 
them some feathers'of the Mot River, otherwise some sort of marine .plants 
from a river spoken of in ancient works, some interpreters, bent on find- 
ing marvels at all cost, have ventured to understand it accordingly with 
their views. The name of the river has been taken for the common word 

of the same spelling which means 'to sink,' and they have thus ob 
tained the marvellous " feathers which sink in water " which appear in 


some European translations 24. 

18. It is not only in ancient works like tiio Tchuh shu ki nien tliat 
curious cases of ethnology, susceptive of explanation, are met with. Much 
later works of a higher standard contain some remarkable instances. An 
example will be sufficient. 

The annals of the T'ung dynasty report, that during the years tcheng 
kwan (627-649 'a.d,) some envoys from Fu-nam (in Indo-China), pre- 
sented to the court at Loh-yang two men from the Peh-touKwoh or 
White Heads country. They said that in that country, situated to the 
west of Fu-nam, and in tlie south-west of Ts\in-pan, the inhabitants 
were plain white, both in head and body; that they lived in caves in the 
recesses of inaccessible mountains, and have some intercourse with the 

The report has a savour of the marvellous which modern experience 
disapproves of, although there is undoubtedly but an exaggeration of 
truth in this curious statement. Some parts of Indo-China are most un- 
healthy, and the climatic conditions give rise to many skin diseases. The 
White Heads were most probaUy aflf'ected with some such disease, causing 
a discolouration, like the following case reported from Tungking. The 
most curious though inoffensive infirmity is that which causes the hair of 
some young Tungkinese to turn to a whiteness resembling that of old age, 
and their bodies to the colour of a white sheet. Such cases are not in- 
frequent, and the military regulations of the country provide for their dis- 
pensation from military obligations. ^^ 

19. It results from the foregoing paragraphs that ethnographical state- 
ments in the Ancient Chinese literature, even when fabulous in appearance, 
must not be thrown over without due consideration, as ihey almost always 
conceal an amount of truth much greater than their marvellous garb 
would seem to allow. 

Let us now proceed with the direct statements concerning the presence 
of 2Tegrito-Pygmies in Ancient China. 


16) Ku means properly the thigh, the upper part of the leg. 

17) Tchuh Shu Ki nien, I. 1. 

18) Cf. the remarks of I'ih Yuen in the Preface to his edition of the 
Shan hai King, 1781. 

19) Bk. VI., fol. 3. 

20) The Languages of China before the Chinese, § 196 ; also § § 23, 
129-144; and my Formosa notes, §§ 100-104, 

21) Mr. Herbert J. Allen (China Review, 1886, vol XV. p. 187) has 



suggested that the legend of tlie "perforated breasts" arose from an 
incorrect drawing of the mode of carrying palkees in India : a sugges- 
tion more ingenious than probable. Palkee=:hmd. pdlk t The thing 
appears already in the Ramayana, but the word is not mentioned be- 
fore Akbar, according to Yule-Burnell, Glossary/ of Anglo-Indian 
Words, p. n02. 

22) In Hwal ^n-tze, Cf. Shan km King, Bk. VII, f. 4. 

28) Voyage d' Exploration en Indo-Chine, vol. II, p. 317. 

24) Another suggestion was that they> were feathers from their bodies, 
but this was a gratuitous assumption, as declared by I'rof. C. de Har- 
lez, BMO.R., March 1891, vol. V, p. 63. 

25) Tang Shu.— Tai ping yii Ian, Bk. 786, f, 10 v. 

26) Cf. Ed. Planchut, Le Tonkin, p. 166, of Jieime des Deux Mondeg, 
1 May, 1874. 


20. " In the 29th year of the Emperor Yao, in Spring, the chief of 

the Tsiao-^ ao (^ ^ or Dark Pygmies came to Court and offered as 
tribute feathers from the Mo4 water ^ ^-''." 

As shown by this entry, we begin with the semi-historical times as re- 
corded in the " Annals of the Bamboo books," and the date, about 2048, 
A.c. The so-called feathers were simply some sort of marine plant, or 
sea-weed, with which the immigrant Chinese, still an inland people, were 
yet unacquainted. The Mot water or river, says the " Shan hat King,'' 
the canonical book of Hills and Seas, was situated in the south-east of 
the Tai Shan in Shantung^^. lliis gives a clue to the location of the 

21. The Chinese symbols employed are sufficiently clear with regard 
to this small race of men. The signs of the Chinese writing could not be 
deprived of the ideographic meaning contained in nearly every one of them; 
advantage was, therefore, generally taken of this inconvenience, to employ 
in the transcription of proper names of tribes, among the symbols avail- 
able by their phonetic value, such as carried with them an approximate 
description of one or other of their leading characteristics. In the present 
case they were dwarfs, and this is expressed by the above word for pygmies 
Y ao anciently nghiao, and still more anciently ngao, which means pro. 
perly " false, deceitful, deceptive," and therefoi-e •' abortive ;" a most 
appropriate term for ' pygmies,' who were regarded as a not yet grown 
up people, and in fact as runts or castlings. The other word, the first 
and qualitive one as required by the ideology <^f the language, is com- 
mionly written as above T si a o since the time oi the, siao-tchwen, or small 
seal character, i.e. a few centuries before the Christian era ; the silent deter- 
minative for man joined to it shows that the compound symbol is specially 
applieu to this race. Formerly the determinative was absent-^, as shown 


in several instances of old works where the uncomplicated si»elling is still 
preserved^*^. Therefore tslao must be read from right to left, and the 
proper signification of j^ tsiao must be taken into account. It means 
«' burnt black in the fire, darkened by heat of fire (or of the sun), and 
there is no doubt that such was its meaning in the eyes of the scribes, 
authors of the transcription Tsia o-Ya o formerly T va o*-ng a o, which 
must be translated as we have done " Dark Pygmies^^/' Their small size 
and their dark complexion are both characteristics of the Negrito race. 

22. There is, no reason for rejecting the statement of the Annals of 
the Bamboo Books concerning their sending envoys to the Chinese ruler 
at the time of Yao. The location of these Dark Pygmies in S.E. Shan- 
tung agrees with the positive knowledge we possess of the small area 
which the Chinese dominion really covered under his rule. A careful 
analysis of the geographical names mentioned in connection therewith, 
throws great light on the matter. It shows that this dominion was 
limited to the basin of the Yellow River within some distance from the 
sea, which limit was only reached several centuries later. The seat of 
Yao's government, his place of death and burial, were all within the modern 
province of Shansi, according to the best Chinese authorities ; no geo- 
graphical objection can therefore be raised about the matter. 

23. The present monograph shows conclusively that Negritos were part 
of the native population of China, when in the XXIIIrd century B.C. the 
civilized Bak tribes came into the land. They were established in the 
maritime provinces of the East, apparently south of Shantung, (which 
was itself inhabited by men of high stature), in Kiangsu, Tchehkiang, 
Anhui, and in the South to an undefined distance. They came into contact 
with the Chinese Bak tribes when the latter were still under the leader- 
ship of Yao. The emigrants, laden with the elements of the civilisation 
which they had learned in the West, had made their way some two centuries 
previously from the North-west to the fertile and much desired Floweiy 
Land. Stopped in their advance at the south corner of the Yellow River 
by the native states of Tsao and Wei, they had crossed it at a more 
northerly point about the latitude of Tai-yuen and then established them- 
selves in Shansi and W. Tchihli, having the eastward course of the 
Yellow River for their southern boundary. Thence they began to spread 
abroad individually or in groups according to their usual practice of 
gradual occupation and possession by slow infiltration, unless checked hy 
open hostilities. The overbearing pride of their leaders, who called them- 
selves Sons of Heaven, was shared by all their followers, and enhanced 


by the possession of a civilisatian superior to their surroundings, while 
the higher organization which ensued made them welcome among seTeral 
of the native tribes. They therefore considered themselves masters and 
paramount everywhere, and believed their supremacy to be always recog- 
nized tacitly or otherwise as a matter of divine right. They were soon 
led to believe that they were really masters of large tracts of country where 
they had scarcely a footing, and where they were only tolerated by the 
previous occupiers and their successors. It is in this way that we hear 
such glowing accounts of their dominion under their tirst rulers over large 
regions trodden only by a few bold adventurers of their race. A close 
examination and identification of all the geographical names successively 
mentioned in their early records is the only means whereby we may disen- 
tangle the whole fabric of their mythical greatness, and which enables us 
to understand how long and protracted was the effort, being completed, 
as it was, only under the present dynasty, which has led to their possess- 
on of the whole country known as China proper. 


27) Tchuh Shu Ki men, I. 1. Dr. J. Legge, Ch'tn. CL,y. III., int. p.ll2, 
translates: "In his 29th year the chief of the Pygmies came to Court 
in token of hotnage, and offered as tribute their feathers which sank 
in water." 

28) Shan hai King, V. 23 ; K'ang hi tze tien, s.v. 

29) On the growing use of silent determinatives in the Chinese writing 
after the reform of Sh-Tch'ou (820 B.C.) cf. T. de L. : The oldest 
Book a/the Chinese, § 25. J.K.A.S. 1882. vol. XIV, p. 802. 

30) As for instance in the Shan Hai King. 

31) In revising this paper for press, I see that Prof. Marquess D' Her- 
vey St. Denys has given the same interpretation in notes, p. 266 of his 
Ethnographie des peuples etrangers a la Chine par Matouanlirty 
vol. II. 

32) These two states of Jung were not subdued before the 76th year of 
Yao. Cf. Tchuh shu ki nien, II, 1 ; and T. de L., The Languages of 
China before the Chinese, par. 1 91 . 

Terrien dr Lacouperie. 
(To be continued). 




(^Continued from p. 182). 

Tablet op 1488, ^ 
A Tablet recording th", rebuilding of the Temple^ of Truth and Purity. 

Awoo-lo-han,^ the patriarch who founded Yih-sze-lo-nee-keaou^ was the 
nineteenth descendant from Pwan-Koo, or Atan.^ From the beginning 
of the world the patriarchs have handed down the precept, that we must 
not make images and similitudes, and that we must not worship Shin- 
Kwei,^ for neither can images and similitudes, protect, nor Shin-Kwei 
afford us aid. 

The patriarch,^ thinking upon Heaven,^ the pure and ethereal being 
who dwells on high, the most honorable and without compare, — that 
Divine Providence who, without speaking, causes the four seasons to 
revolve and the myriad of things to grow f and looking at the budding 
Spring, the growth of Summer, the ingathering of harvest, and the 
storing of winter, — at the objects that fly, dive, move and vegetate, 
whether they flourish or decay, bloom or- droop, all so easy and natural 
in their productions and transformations, in their assumptions of form and 
colorio, — was suddenly roused to reflection, and understood this deep 

1) In the commentary on this tablet, when words and phrase that appear 
in the preceding tablet are repeated, I frequently refrain purposely from 
commenting a second time. — A. K. G. 

This tablet deals mainly with Jewish history and the externals of 

2) i.e. the Jewish temple at Kai-fung-foo. 
8) Abraham. 

4; i.e. Israel religion. 

5) There is a positive identification, on the part of the Jews, of Adam 
with the Chinese mythological personages, the giant Pwun-Jcoo, the first 
being on earth in the Chinese mythology. We see here again how 
eager the Jews were to blend their religion and customs with those 
of the Chinese, though they kept clear of idolatrous customs to a 
wonderful extent. 

6) Shin-Kwei. 1 prefer to render the two Chinese characters as gods and 
spirits, and thus would make the Chinese read Shin and Kwei. 

7) Abraham. 

8) From what follows Heaven must here mean our God. 

6) There is here a conception of Deity or Jehorah in no wise antagonistic 

with the Old Testament. 
10) AH these aspects of Nature were very prominent in the reign of Kae- 


mysterj.ii He then sincerely sought after the correct instruction and 
adoringly praised the true Heaven, with his whole heart he served, and 
with undivided attention reverenced Him. By this means he set up the 
foundation of religion and caused it to be handed down to the pre- 
sent day. 

This^2 happened, according to our inquiry, ^^ jj^ ^j^g 146th year of the 
Chow state.i* From him the doctrines were handed down to the great 
teacher and legislator Mui/she,^^ who, according to our computation, lived 
about the 613th year of the same state. ^^ 

fung-foo, where the Jews had settled. This valley of the Hoang-ho 
mas, and still is, the most fertile part of China, and terms with many 
forms of animal life. 

11) i.e. Abraham. We most certainly discern here the belief of the Jews, 
that Abraham was inspired by Heaven with the beginnings of the re- 
velation of divine truth, though the whole paragraph presupposes the 
previous possession, on the part of Abraham, of a naturally deep re- 
ligious nature that caused him to " think upon Heaven.'' He, however, 
" understood this deep mystery " by a sudden inspiration. 

12) i.e. i\\\'B, revelcstion KJid estahlishment of the true religion. 

13) Those who erected this tablet were evidently careful in their statements 
and made searching " inquiry " before inscribing these things on 

14) If we suppose that the Jews of China had retained clear views of their 
past national history, (and I think they had), we must refer this Chow 
state to the smaP state of that name that flourished between the years 
2254 A.c. and 1817 b.c. (see Shang-hae pamphlet 96?). — Addit. 
Note. There is here a misapprehension, as there was no Chow state ex- 
isting in 2254 — 1817 b.c, and as a fact, the name of Chow was not 
taken before the year 1325. What happened was this. The Chow 
claimed for their first ancestor Hou tsih, the husbandry olSficer of Shun, 
whose reign began in 2254 B.c. His descendants retired amongst the 
barbarian tribes of the west until 1817 (or 1796) b.c, when they re- 
appeared under the leadership of Kung lew, jand settled at Fin, in 
Shensi, on the borders of the Chinese lands. "It was from this time 
that the principles of the Chow dynasty began to flourish." (Cf. W,H. 
Medhurst, The Shoo King, pp. 335, 347, 357; and J. Legge, Chinese 
Classics, LV. 2). Now the text refers, not to a Chow Kwoh or Chow 
state but, to the Chow Chao or Chow court, reign or dynasty, and 
therefore could not apply to anything before the event of 1817 B.c 
These dates are those of the common chronology in vogue since the 
Sung dynasty (Xlth cent.) and therefore may have been used by the 
Chinese Jews of the XV th century. — T. de L. 

13) Moses. 

16) The Chow State began its independent existence about 2254 b.c The 
613th year from that would have been 1641 b.c This tablet then 
places Moses about 1641 b.c. A. K, Glover. 

{To he continued^. 




Contributors are alone responsible for tJieir opinions or statements*. 

The short reign of Nergal sar usur, the son of Bel sum iskun, who 
revolted against Amil Marduk or Evil-Merodach, the son of Nebuchad- 
nezzar the Great, is one upon which the monuments have afforded as yet 
but little information. Until the discovery of the cylinder of which I 
here give a translation, only one inscription, that upon a cylinder in the 
library of Trinity College, Cambridge, was known and published (I.R. 67). 
The cylinder here translated is in the collection of Miss E. Ripley, and 
the text has been published by Mr. E, A. W. Budge in the Proceedings 
of the Society of Biblical Archeology 1888. This text differs consider- 
ably from that of the Cambridge cylinder, and throws much light upon 
the history of the king. According to Josephus (C.A. p. I. 80) Ner. 
gal-sar-usur is to be identified with Nergal Sharezer, the Rab-Mag of 
the book of Jeremiah, and was one of the officials who took a prominent 
part in the siege of Jerusalem. 

In the Ripley cyhnder, as in the Cambridge text, the prince calls him- 
self the son of Bel-sum-iskun (Bel has established a name), to whom he 
gives the title of rubu emga " wise prince," similar to that given by 
Nabonidus to his father, Nabu-balat su-ikbi ; but in the Cambridge text 
he speaks of his father as *' king of Babyhm " (Sar Babili), a title to 
which he certainly had no right. This variation is all the more appar- 
ent when we notice the humble way in which the king speaks of himself 
in this cylinder, and the direct reference he makes to his former lonely 
position : Istu miskhiruti ya isaris zabtani, "from my insignificance wisely 
he twk me," and again he speaks of himself as chosen from the people. 
The prince probably had royal blood in his veins, and according to Greek 
writers he married a daughter of Nebuchadnezzar ; and it may be upon 

Vol,, v.— No. 10. [213] Oct., 1891. 


his ground that the priestly scribes who wrote the Cambridge cylinder 
call his father king of Babylon. That Nergal sar usur, the son of Bel 
sum-iskun, was a person of some considerable importance in the city of 
Babylon, is proved by the occurrence of his name in the contract tablets 
of the reigns of Nebuchadnezzar and Evil-Merodach. In the thirty-fourth 
year of Nebuchadnezzar, b.c. 571, eleven years before his own accession, 
he appears as party to a contract, and must therefore have been of full 
age, and . in a despatch written in the Month Ab, in the second 
year of Evil-Merodach, only a few months before his revolt, we read : 
" the letters he sealed (sipri iknuk) and to Nergal sar usur, song of Bel 
sum is kun he gave." His position was probably that of a high official 
connected with the reigning house by marriage. 

The work which the king undertook was the restoration of the great 
altar platform, enclosed by gates and approached by steps (sippu), sit- 
uated on the north side of the temple. Here were offered the daily sac- 
rifices {satukid), and the love offering {siddim), and sun offering {Khi- 
ditim). The temple altar had fallen into decay, the brickworkwas broken, 
the joints cracked and foundation sunk. iVll of these the king repaired' 
and added gates and steps to the enclosure. The inscription c<mtains 
many words of great interest which I deal with in the notes. 


1 Nergal-sarra-usur sar Babili 

2 Kubam nada migir II Marduk 
♦3 Asru kansii palikh beli belani 

4 emgam mutniennii 

5 muste'u asratim 11 Nabu bel-su 

6 isakku zaninum 

7 babil igisee rabiitim 

8 ana Bit Sagila u Bit Zida 

9 mudakhid sattukku 

10 mustesiru salukhkoi sun 

11 Apal DP. Bel-sum-is kun rubu emga 

12 idlu gitmalum nasir 

13 mazartim Bit Sagila u Babili 

14 sa kima duri dannu pani matim idilu anaku 

15 Ni-num II Mardnk Bel ilani 

16 rubu multali 



17 Abkallu sa libbi (II) Igjgi kalamu miidn 

18 ina nisi sa rapsatim istannima 

19 istii miskhinitiya isaris zabtani 

20 sum tabi lu imbani 

21 asri salmi u balata lu irnitiddanni 

22 ana isaruti ya sa gagadai izzusa 

23 ana kansuti ya sa kainum 

24 pulukhtim iluti su aste' u 

25 sa eli su tabi ebisu umi sam atamu 

26 ippalsaanni ma ina madm 

27 sum damga ana sarrutim izkur 

28 ana riutim nisi sa ana daira ebisu 

29 kliattu isarti murabbisat matu 
;^0 ana sarruti ya tu isrukara 

31 sibirri kinu musallim nisi 

82 ana bilut tu ikibira 

3S uspari raukannis za'iru 

34 lu usatmikha gatua 

35 aga kinu usasannima 

36 ana sarniti ya saninu u mugallitu 

37 ana arazabi ina gimil zamanu 

Col. II. 

38 ia magiri kalisuna alud 

39 misari ina matim astakkan 

40 nisi ya rabsatim ina sulmi artani'e 

41 Ina umi su ana II Marduk Ilu ban nimiki 

42 sa ina Igigi surbatim 

43 Ina Anunaki sutugat bilut su 

44 palkhis atta'id-ma 

45 >^y ir^5=<^$ makkir Bit Sagila mikhrat (IM) Iltanu 

46 sa ramkutim kiuisti Bit Sagila 

47 ramu u kirib sa I 
'8 sa sar makhri us'si-sa idduma 

49 la ullu riesi sa 

50 ina tamlu istabbilu ma 

51 inusa igara su 

52 riksati sa la dunnunum. 

53 sippusu la kunnuni 


r)4 issakan ana ullulu sulukhkhu zananati 

55 taklimui bili rabu II Mnrduk 

56 ana ubbubinima sullumu sattukku 

57 siddim u khititim ana la subsi 

58 tern mi sa labiri akhit abrima 

59 eli temimimni su labiri ukin iissisu 

60 uzakkir milasu ula khursanio 

61 sippusu ukinna ina babi su 

62 irta dalati 

63 kisa dannim ina kupri 

64 u agurri usakhir 

65 II Marduk bil "surbi etellu siri 
6G kabti sitrakhu nur ilani abiema 

67 libit gatiya sukutum 

68 khadis naplisma 

69 balatam umi arkutim sibie littutu 

70 kunu kussi u labari palie 

71 ana seriktim surkam 

72 ina kibitika kitti sa la nakari 

73 D.p. Nergal-sarra-usur lu sarru zanimi 

74 muste'u asratika 

75 ana dur dara anaku 


1 Neriglissar, King of Babylon, 

2 The glorious prince, the favourite of Merodach, 

3 Humble, submissive worshipper of the lord of lords, 

4 Wise, pious : 

5 Adoring the shrine of Nebo his lord; 

6 The maintaining prince: 

7 Heaper up of offerings : 

8 Pourer out of great gifts : 

9 To Bit Sagila, and Bit Lida. 

10 Directing in person their ceremonies: 

1 ] Son of Bel-sum-iskum, the wise prince, 

12 The perfect hero, the guardian 

13 Of the watches of Bit-Sagil and Bit Lida. 

1 4 Who like a mighty tower in front of the land is guard. 

15 When Merodach, the lord of the gods 

16 The gentle prince, 

17 The counsellor of the hearts of the Igigi, perfect in wisdom. 

18 From among a wide-spread people designated me, 

19 From my insignificance wisely he took me, 

20 By a holy name then he proclaimed me. 


21 To a position of peace and health then, 

22 To the justice of head lie appointed it, 

23 To my obedience which is everlasting. 

24 For the worship of his divinity I devised. 

25 That which before him seemed good I did, each day I communed 

(with him). 

26 He looked upon me in the land 

27 By a favourable name to sovereignty he proclaimed. 

28 To the princedom of men which to all time he has made. 

29 A sceptre of justice, enlarging the land 

30 To my majesty he presented. 

81 A weapon establishing salvation among men 

32 To lordship then he proclaimed 

33 A sword subduing the hostile ones 

34 Then in my hand he caused to grasp, 
85 A legitimate crown he established 

36 To my majesty a rival or traitor was not 

37 To consume into the enemy. 

38 The unrighteous all of them I punished. 

39 Justice in the land I myself established: 

40 My wide-spread people in peace I ruled: 

41 In that time also to Merodach the maker of wisdom; 

42 Who among the Igigi spreads abroad his word. 

43 And among the Anunaki, makes form his dominion, 

44 Reverently I drew near in praise. 

45 The former altar of Bit Sagila facing the North 

46 Where the obedient oblations of Bit Sagila 

47 Raised within it 

48 Which a former king its foundations had placed 

49 And had not raised its head. 

50 Recently had fallen down and 
5 J Its brickwork become weak, 

52 Its bonding was not strong, 

53 Its steps were not firm. 

54 It was appointed (mej to raise the walls anew. 

55 My great lord Merodach trusted me 

56 To make bright the completion of the sacrifice 

57 Of freewill and sin not to be omitted 

58 Its old foundation record I dug for and read 

59 Over its old foundation record I placed its foundation, 

60 And set up its height as a mountain, 

61 Its steps I placed with its doors, 

62 I added also tho doors, 

63 Its strong mass with bitumen 

64 And brick work 1 encircled. 

65 Merodach the mighty lo'-d, the supreme hero. 

66 Noble powerful light of the gods I made and 

67 The construction of my hands speak joyfully 

68 Regarding it. 

69 A life of far reaching days, grey hairs (and) children. 

70 Establishment of throne, and an ancient reign 


71 For an endowment givest thou. 

72 By thy just command, which changes not. 

73 Neriglissar the King, the nourisher, 

74 The proclaimer of shrines, 
76 To everlasting time I am he. 


Line 4, Mutniennu, "reverent or pious", compare its use in Asbp. V. R. 

7, 95. Yati Assur-hani apla sangu ellu nsu mutniennu. " Myself 

Assurbanipal the holy priest, the pure leader." 
1. 5. Muste'a, " Seeker," from nX'^tZ^* ^^^ 1'°^ 24. 
1.7. igisi "gifts" compare, Shal. Ob, 106, igisi su?m amtakhar, "their 

gifts I received," also V.R. 34, 16, hihil igisi rabati, " pourer out of 

great gifts." 
1. 9. Sattuku "Daily sacrifices,"— from the Akkad SA. DAGGA, " heart 

1. 10. sulukhkht "ceremonies," Pognon, Wady Brissa 85, renders "liba- 
tion." Compare rather Cyrus cylinder line 7, la tabsutu sal khutim 

"in unlawful ceremonies." 
1. 11. In Cambridge Cylinder the title sar Babili is inserted. 
1.19. Miskhiruti "littleness, obscurity," Part, from sakharu "to be 

small." Isaris adverbial derivative from asaru " to be straight, just." 

See isaruti line 22. 
1. 24. Literally " which before him did good " atamu from tamu to speak 

commune, compare Nabonid. Sip. T. 23. Palkhis atama "reverently 

I spoke." 
I. 36. Mugallitu=Mukallitu from kalulu " shame," or perhaps a borrowed 

word from the magical vocabulary as gallu " demon." 
1. 53. Slppu. It has some meaning of step or threshold. 
1. 57, ^iddim : From sadadu, TW, "to love," See Dehtzsch, Assy. & 

Heb. Lex. p. 30. Khititim the '« Sin offering," the Heb. Khattathim. 
1. 63. Kisa. Connected with kussu " seat." 
1. 69, Slbe littutu, " Grey hairs and offspring." See S, A. Smith Keils, 

Asbp. p. 32. 

>^y ^t:^<J^ is explained by lanu and igaru meaning a brick construction 

probably a platform. See Scheil, B.O.R., Vol. V., p. 10. 

W. St, C. Boscawbn. 


^^.4 XG - rSING - TSING - KING, 

The Shang~t\nn(]-Ulny-king is after the Tao-te-king the most vaunted 
work of the philosophical school of Tao. We are expected to believe this 
of it, that it is not the product of human intelligence. Spirits only could 
have conceived and executed it. Its author is no other than the famous 
genius Si-wang-mu.^ ^'the royal Mother of the West." Having composed 
it, Si-wang-mu communicated it to the "Genius of the celestial Gate,'' 
Kin-klue-ti-kiun. The latter transmitted it to the Genius of the Flowers 
of the East, Tong-Jioa-ti-kiun^ who made a gift of it to Tao-sse Ko-kong. 
Thus the profound respect with which that book inspired the experts of 
Tao, had given it a place in the great Taoist Encylopedia of the viith 
century, immediately after the sacred manual of the divine Lao-kiun, or 

It is for that reason we place it there, in common with the doctors of the 
Taoist sect. 

Nevertheless that is not our only reason. The Shang-t'sing-Uing-king 
well deserves the honour which has been given to it. For in our eyes it is 
perhaps the best production of the philosophic genius of the Chinese. It 
alone among the manuals of its kind, contains the methodic and complete 
exposition of the great principles of a philosophic system quite reasonable. 
So in spite of its narrow limits, we believe we ought to give it a place of 
honour in our choice of Taoist texts, and direct to it very particularly the 
attention of our readers. 

We are no doubt unable to see in it the work of a celestial genius; but 
we find in it the work of a man of good sense and reflection, who has ex- 
tracted a very good portion of the ideas in which he had been inculcated 
by his masters. This author, quite human, was called Ko-kiuen, and 
lived in the iiird century before our era. That is nearly all we know of 
him. His book has been placed in the great Encyclopedia of which we 
have spoken above, and is commented upon by Tong-tchang, the exegete 
of the Tao-te-king? It is there that we have had to seek for him. 

Neumann has given a lithographed edition of it with translation and 
notes.* It is unnecessary to say that this first essay has not attained per- 
fection. The Tao-te-king was hardly known then, and the skill of this 


appendix to the great work, ought to be perceived on a comparison with 
the uncertainty of other groping s in the dark. 

Neumann has translated the title : "A Book treating of spirit and of 
matter," {Buck ueher Geist und Materte,) or "Book of the eternal Spirit 
and of eternal Matter." These terms render the text very imperfectly, or 
rather very badly, and compel us to attribute to the author ideas which are 
not his. 

He deals, in reality, not with spirit and matter, nor with two fundamen- 
tal principles, but with the conditions of the moral perfections of the hu- 
man soul, its purity and repose, inward calm, and the absence of the 
movement of the passions. 

Literally shang would mean " permanent, of a constant duration," 
t^stng is " purity, light ;" tsing is the perfect repose of the heart." The 
whole has then the meaning we are about to give it. 

It is equally erroneous to render Tao by "reason" and his disciples by 
" rationalists." It is, at least, to produce an equivocal expression which 
may engender an essential error. Tao is the principalard eternal intel- 
ligence, productress of the beings whom it enlightens and not that which 
we call " reason." 

The Shang-fsing-tsing-king has a specially moral aim which its title 
indicates, and all its contents are arranged to elucidate the terms which 
compose the title and which are at the same time the last in the book. 

We know the value ui these two terms. Purity is the condition in 
which the soul follows its own nature and its impulses and is not mixed 
up with any outward thing which occupies it with images and desires. 
Eepose is the state of the heart which no passion or desire agitates, 
which outward objects do not trouble with any attraction. 

Our work is divided into two parts, the one ontological, the other 
moral, like the Tao-te-king. The first treats of the origin of things, the 
second of virtue. A considerable number of phrases are taken from the 
manual of the school, many are also proper to the author of the Shang- 
f sing-tsing-king . But the whole is put into the mouth of the patriarch 
of the school, as is the custom among the Chinese philosophers. Thus 
the complete title is Tai-shang-Lao-hm~shwo-shang, &c. that is to say, 
" words of the very great Lao-tze." But we must not give to our pre- 
liminaries more extension than to the principal subject, and let us see 
this system to which we believe we ought to give unaccustomed praise. 

Here then is the translation; but before that, let us sum up the system 
of which our book is the most succint exposition. 




Resume of the System. 

I. Ontologt/. — The infinite and eternal intelligence produces, moves, 
■M\d contains all beings. In it and by it are the two secondary principles 
which form, by their combination, all the special beings. Heaven and 
the male element belong to the first ; earth and the female element be- 
long to the second ; man reunites these in himself. These two principles 
are that of activity, of light, and that of repose, of obscurity. Heaven 
and earth contain all the contingent beings and their transformations ; 
there is nothing beyond. The principle of the movement is the source 
of tnat which gives repose. 

It is like a wave which rises to fall ; the upheaval of the water is the 
principle of its falling and of its tendency to repose. 

II. Morale. — The mind and the heart tend to the intellectual and 
are by themselves, in repose, exempt from the motion of the desires ; 
but the outward objects excites its desires, then the passions agitate it and 
engender numerous evils. Man ought to resist and repress them ; if 
not, he will be in trouble and pain. To master its passions, enjoying 
internal repose, he looks on his exterior, his body, as external beings, and 
considers them as not belonging to him, and not seen by him except by 

Virtue consists in purity, the absence of all mixture, of all alteration 
of nature and in the calm interior. True virtue is ignorant of itself ; 
he who possesses Tao does not know it. 

Tao is acquired by nature, not by superadded efforts. He who under- 
stands it has perfect virtue ; internal and constant purity and calm. 


1) Si-Wang-mu inhabits the mountains of Kuen-lun, and reigns there 
over numerous genii. The emperor Mu-wang of the Tcheous had an 
interview with her during an expedition to the West. The Taoists, 
have laid hold of this to make her one of the principal genii of their 
sect. She possesses a peach-tree whose fruits which she distributes 
confer immortality. The origin of this divinity is not Chinese, but it is 
as yet unknown. 

2) Or rather by Si-Tao-shun of the Mings. 
8) Lehrsaal des Mittelreiches; S. 17 ff. 


First Part. — Ontology. / 

Lao-kiun says : The supreme Tao, ^^ although without form,^ produces 
and developes heaven and earth. ^ Without internal movement,* it sets 


in motion and causes the sun and the moon to revolve. Without name,^ 
the supreme Tao causes to subsist and maintains all beings. I do not 
know its name; constrained, I call it Tao.^ Tao possesses the luminous 
principle of purity and the obscure principle. It possesses the principle 
•of motion and that of repose.^ Heaven is active (gives the movement)* 
The earth is in repose (and gives it\ 

The male element^^ is luminous ; the female element is obscure. The 
first is active ; the second gives repose. 

Producing! i ^}jg essence and diffusing the qualities (Tao) gives being 
to all things. 

The luminous principle is the source of the obscure principle ; motion 
is the basis of repose. ^^ 

Man can possess purity and constant repose. Heaven and earth com- 
prehend all the destinies!^ of beings. 

The mind of man loves what is intellectual and pure ; but his heart 
troubles and inconv^eniences him. The heart of man naturally loves repose; 
but his desires constrain him to action. ^^ 

When men can constantly reject desires, the heart is in peace bj 
itself. When the heart is kept pure, the mind is pure of itself. By their 
proper nature, then, the six passions ^^ are not born; the three piisons^^ 
grow less and dissappear. 

He who eannot do this is not yet pure in his heart; his passions are not 
yet dispersed. He who knows how to free himself, knows in his own bo~ 
som how to look on his heart naked; and that heart is not his heart. ^^ On 
the outside, he sees his corporeal form, and that form is hot his form; 
further off he sees its objects, and these things are not its things to him. 

For those three things in knowledge and reflection cannot be seen ex- 
cept by abstraction.!^ He sees. this abstraction, and thus he is abstracted: 
but this abstiaction is not a void. Emptiness is nothing, and nothing 
multiplied by nothing is nothing still. Nothing is nothing; it certainly 
is : nothing. 

Through perfect calm is constant repose; but this repose is not absolute 
rest,!^ Only the desires are no longer born. When the desires are no 
longer born, then there is perfect repose. 

When we conduct ourselves, perpetually and with perfect correctness, 
wc! do that which the nature of beings demands, then we require a 
heart whose nature is constantly right and pure.^o This perpetual cor- 
respondence (produces) perpetual . repose (perfect internal calm).*! It is 

PURITY AND KKl'osK. liJ.^ 

purity and constant repose. Wlien this is so, purity and perfect repose 
make one enter little by little into the path of perfect uprightness. When 
one enters tliere, he i? reputed to have attained the perfect wisdom, Tao. 
But altliough he be reputed sucli, in reality lie has not attiiined to it." 
When one knows how to produce tlie different transformations of living 
beings,'^ one is reputed to know how to attain to Tao. Those who know 
how to discourse of these things according to truth, can teach and trans- 
mit the Tao of the holy ones. 

Second Part. — Op Virtue. 
Lao-kiun says: The higher literati do not argue. The lower literati love 
to argue.** 

Lofty virtue is not virtue (distinct), 25 or Inferior virtue is (reputed) vir- 
tue. Those who consider things according to truth never speak the names 
of Tao or of virtue. ^^ 

What is the cause that living beings do not all obtain the perfect way 
^s because tliey have their hearts troubled. When the heart is troubled, 
their understanding is set into disorderly motion. When people have 
their understanding troubled thus, it considers the case of all beings,^^ 
This considerstion causes the desire of material benefits to arise, and 
and through them, pain and grief. Those trouble reflections, sadden 
trouble the body and the heart, and cause man to fall into vice and shame- 
Life and death succeed each other like the billows of tha ocean. Per 
petually (beings plunge) into the sea of grief,^^ and lose the path of 
eternal reason. 

The true and eternal Tao, those who consider anb comprehend it, acquire 
it through themselves. ^^ When they have reached this, (they have attain- 
ed) purity and perpetual repose.*^ 


1) Supreme intelligence, the supreme principle. "Principle of action" is 
the most ancient moral sense of the word Tao; it is that of the old Kings. 

2) Spiritual being, principle. 

3) These two words describe the whole universe. 

4) Lit.: without passion. 

5) And not "without being." This translation of Neumann gives a. 
false idea of the rest. 

6) A phrase taken from the Tao-te-King. We can easily observe the 
differencesand the similarities. 

7) They are his, dependent on hiiv, in their existence and activity; 
but they are not in or of his essence. 

8) Prop. : soiled, filthy. 

9) That vvliich puts in movement and that which stops it; that which 

224 shang-t'sing-tsing-king. 

places in repose, immobility. 

10) Lit.: the man, the male; the woman. It is not spoken of tho man 
completely formed, but of his principle only. 

11) Lit.: causing to descend from above. — The root and the branches, 
a figure consecrated by use. 

12) According to theories expounded elsewhere and supposed here, the 
repose originated when the principle of the movement is momentarily 
exhausted; the impure, the trouble originated when the light has ac- 
complished its movement. 

13) "The returns." Man after his life and, in general, the beings 
after their distinct existence, return to the source of being. The spirit 
of man returns to heaven, and his body, as material beings, goes to 
the earth. 

14) The heart of man is, by itself, pure and in repose. External things en- 
ter there by the mind, the perception, and excite there certain desires 
which trouble it. The mind belongs to the higher principle; the heart, 

~ the source of the passions, to the inferior principle. The mind being of 
itself pure, and the passions no longer troubling it, it is perfectly pure. 

15) These passions are. joy, anger, fear, love, hatred, and desire. 

16) Moral poisons: viz., cupidity, anger, intellectual blindness or madness. 

17) That which falls directly under the obversation is not the object ob- 
served m se, but a representation, an abstraction. 

18") This abstraction is not the object itself, but it is no longer nothing ; 
it is a real and faithful representation. 

19) This repose is not the destruction of the movement in itself, but only 
that of the movement by the action of the exterior. The natural move- 

'ment proceeding from the heart itself is not destroyed. 

20) It is the first thing exacted; to follow the nature, and not to add 
anything to it, is the "do-nothing" of the Tao-te-king. 

21) Or rather: this perpetual correspondence and material repose constitute 
purity, &c. 

22) That is not sufficient, it requires besides what follows it. 

23) When one knows how to act upon beings in such a way as to make 
them pass through the whole cycle of their natural vicissitudes, then one 
attains the principle of all things. 

24) Seeks to excel it in power, wisdom, &c. This is borrowed from the 

25) Beginning of the Tao-te-sing, second part. Perfect virtue does not 
know even itself, and does not even name itself. From the moment 
it knows itself it falls to an inferior rank. 

26) To name them, to render account of themselves, to believe to possess 
them is to lose them. Evil not existing, virtue is not known as such. 
It has not express goodness in it, because it has no wickedness in it. 

27) Desires cause ideas to be produced; ideas make known, and desired 
external things and internal satisfactions. 

28) In hac Icurymarum valle. Griefs of which mention is being made. 

29) And not by efforts. 

30) Term and end of the treatise. C. de Harlez. 




{Translated hy the late Prof. Dr. S. Beat.) 

(Continued from p. 203). 

Now wliilst these words were being chanted forth, an infinite number of 
Bevas and Spirits arrived at a knowledge of the Highest and Truest Wis- 
dom (Anuttara Samyak Sambodhi). 

Buddh-i addressed all the Bhikshus and said: 

"Bodhisatya having cleansed himself by the river side, and finished his 
meal of rice and milk, knowing that his strength was thereby renewed, 
went forward towards the tree of Buddha; and as he went to sit beneath 
this royal tree, he moved in the manner prescribed by the Law, without 
any wavering steps, but firm as a mountain he moved, with no mincing 
gait, with no unbecoming strides, but with steady and dignified steps, with 
no hard mien or hasty pace, but softly and evenly he went; glorious in ap- 
pearance as the sun, radiant with light the true one advanced illustriously, 
free from all pollution, his mind occupied with thoughts respecting the glo- 
rious march (or the same course) of previous Buddhas towards the Lion 
House, with no confused thoughts (or nature) he went, separating all 
-evil associations, his mind entirely at peace, firm in his resolve to defeat 
the power of Mara, and to carry out his purpose to destroy all erroneous 
teaching, and to lead men to accept the true doctrine, to root up the very 
causes of renewed birth and death, to do away with all discordant schools 
of teaching, such as the worship of Sakra, Brahma, the four kings, and so 
on, — with his heart profoundly fixed on the means of destroying the conse- 
quences of enmity and hatred, penetrating to the innermost secrets of wis- 
dom, his mind undividedand perfectly composed, thoroughly resolved from 
first to last to overcome all evil desire, all covetous purposes, to destroy tho 
four evils, without personal aim, with no fear, resolved to pass over to that 

k shore; there it was he advanced from the river side towards the tree of 
Buddha, where he proposed to take his seat. Being thus purposed, the 
Devas caused a wide and magnificent road to appear, and on each side of 
the road they placed balustrades composed of the seven precious substances 
very beautiful to behold and in height four "changs" (1 chang=141 inches 
and a fifth. Above these rails were open work trellis passing through the 
various pinnacles of the rail, all made of the precious substances. Then 
there were heavenly canopies and flags placed at intervals along the course 


and seven rows of precious (Talas) trees of beautiful height and proportion 
between the trees a jewelled net- work, and between every row tanks of 
■water with golden sands, and covered with lotus flowers of every colour and 
description, whilst on the four sides of the trees were crystal rails, shining 
like the bright moon, whilst birds uttered their various notes from the bran- 
ches. Amidst all were 8000 Apasaras who sprinkled scented waters, and 
swept the path clear from all impurities; and two myriads of other female 
attendants who hung up on every side jewelled wreaths, and scattered every 
kind of heavenly flower; between the trees the ground was composed of a 
combination of the seven precious substances, whilst eight myriads of fe- 
male attendants (^stood at intervals along the course), each holding in her 
hand offerings of food, and with scented woods of every kind in golden 
pitchers they stood along the raised esplanades, 5000 along each of these- 
raised terraces [i.e. 500 along each course of trees, 8 courses on each side 
of the way], some waving their censers, and otheis sounding forth every 
sort of heavenly music. 

Buddha said: ''Thus, Oh BikhshusI Bodhisatva desiring to go forward 
to sit beneath the tree of Buddha found the road fully adorned and pre- 
pared; and as he came to the river bank all his thoughts were engaged in- 
/meditating on the principles of) the Great Vehicle, and how as he entered 
on the road he would do what might perfect the condition of a Buddha. 
At this time a thousand Brahma Deva rajas spoke to the assembly of the 
Brahma devas (Brahma kayikas) of his (or, their) religious merit, that it 
should be manifested in its fulness, and that they all should further exer- 
cise themselves in the quahties (traces) of a Brahma Hfe by practising love 
■compassion, joy-thought**, equanimity (upeksha) dhyana and the spiritual 
powers of irrdhi, with a view to make their offerings to the great path during 
thousands of Kalpas to come; and now, they said, going to the tree of Bud- 
dha, let us all make our offerings there to him, who is preparing (to enter 
in the profession of supreme wisdom) with the intention in our worship of 
being freed from all fear, and completely devoid of anxiety about the eight 
calamities, that we may be continually born in heaven, or in one of the' 
worlds where a Buddha is living, or among the Brahma devas of such st 
world. Then the Brahma devas hearing of Bodhisatva's six years' fast, 
and that he was now going to the tree of Buddha, all agreed with joyous 
hearts to go and offer their presents to Bodhisatva, the great religious mas- 
ter of the thousand worlds (Chiliocosm). 

Then Sakradeyaraja, and Brahma, and Suryadeva, and Chandradeva 
and the four kings, going to the River side to make their respectful offer- 
ings; and now the minds of all who dwelt in the different lands of Buddha- 


were engaged in meditation, thus, "how then he ia going forward to take 
liis seat beneath tlie tree of Baddha, he will subdue M4ra, how infinite 
his height, reaching up to the very Brahma Heaven, how ineffable his 
glory, rendering it impossible to see the distinguishing marks which beau- 
tify his person, thirty two in number; his words and his voice how sweet 
and free from all impurities, excelling even the voice of Brahma; he is now 
going to seat himself beneath the tree, let us go and worship his invincible 
strength of purpose, Sakra and Brahma perceiving this intention of theirs 
suddenly caused by their supernatur;il power (manifestation of accumulated 
merits) all their countless hosts to appear, coming thus to "pay their ser- 
vices to Bodhistva. 

Buddha addressed the Bhikshus and said, "There was one Brahraadeva 
called 'San-tsin-kin-lih' who beheld all these worlds of the Great Chilio- 
cosra as one vast field, level as the palm of the hand, beautifully illumina- 
ted, and on this vast field he caused to appear soft blue grass on every side 
like the garments of the Devas, and thus this grass was spread on every 
side throughout the vast chiliocosm, and in no part was there any roughness 
or impediment; in the Eastern region of this vast field, Sakra, Brahma 
and the four Kings and innumerable Bodhisatvas fromi innumerable worlds 
of Buddha came to offer their sacrifices, and so on the Northern side, and 
'- the other cardinal points, the half points, and from the Zenith and Nadir, 
came innumerable Sakra rajas, Brahmas, four Kings, shining with glory, to 
offer their tribute; meanwhile all the mountain ranges that surround these 
worlds, the great iron range that surrounds each chiliocosm, and all the 
mountains throughout all these worlds suddenly disappeared, and their 
place was not known, but only the persons of the vast concourse of Bodhi" 
satvas were seen surrounding the land of Buddha, together with all the 
Devaputras. Again, there were sixteen attendants who personally followed 
Bodhisatva; their names were these: Chun-tsiin Bodhisatva,^ Wou-tsun Bod- 
hisatva, Shi-u Bodhisatva, Vi-ldng Bodhisatva, Ywng-lih Bodhisatvai 
Fat-mang Bodhisatva, Shen-chu Bodhisatva, Tsung-chi Bodhisatva, Chau- 
Ajen Bodhisatva, Fa-wan Bodhisatva, Fa-ying Bodhisatva, Kih-in Bodhi- 
satva, Pah-hai-yen Bodhisatva, Ta-tsing Bodhisatva, Tsing-yan Bodhi- 

1) The followingwill be the restoration of these names as far as can be 
gathered from the Lalita Vistara Foucaux) p. 267: Utkali, Mutkali 
(the Chinese words signify "turning and advancing,'' and "without-ad- 
vancing"), Danapati (?) [certainly not Prajdpati, as in the Thibetan], 
but more (probably Suddna), Reverence loving{l), Surabala. Keyura- 
bala, Supratashita, Mahindhara, Avabhaskara, Jlower-garlatid (which 
can hardly be converted into Kinala), Dharmesvara, tJie fortunate, 
Apratihatanetra, Mahasuddha {great purity, not great exercise, as in the 
Thibetan), perfectly pure (perhaps Kimala), Silavisuddhanetra. 


satva, Kiai-tsing Bodhisatva. These sixteen and all the Devaputras sur- 
rounding Bodhisatva, all possessed of invincible determination, arrived at 
the point of perfect patience (patience of the Law), all came to offer their 
gifts, and to beautify the enclosure of Bodhi (Bodhimanda). Leveling the 
space around for 3200 lis, they placed circularly about it beautiful seven- 
rowed balustrades, seven rows of Talas trees ^iiig shu\ but in all Chinese 
descriptions this is rendered by Talas-tree), seven rows of trellis work, se- 
ven rows of precious (gem-like) turrets, all composed of the purest red gold 
and all kinds of connecting drapery, innumerable in description ; on every 
side gem-like flowers sprang up of themselves, whilst every kind of costly 
incense was burning (in censers); above in the midst of space, there was 
spread a precious canopy covering the four quarters, whilst all the precious 
trees which all the earths of Buddha produced, with the fruits and flowers 
thereof, with the Devas and the people thereof, appeared at the Bodhi- 
manda, and so all the flowers, and whatever ornaments were found arouud 
the various Bodhimandas of these innumerable worlds, all these appeared 
in the neighbourhood of the sacred enclosure of the tree of Buddha. 

Thus then these Devaputras and the vast assembly of attendants sur- 
rounding them decorated the Bodhi Tree, and rendered it perfectly pure. 
And now all the Devas, Nagas, Yakihas (Kwei-shin') Gandharvas, the Asu- 
ras inhabiting their various beautifully adorned palaces in all the remote 
portions of space where they dwelt, all of them beholding this costly array, 
exclaimed in astonishment, "Well done! Well done! how vast and incon- 
ceivable the religious merit (which can obtain such a reward)!" 

And now there are four Devas who in obedience to the Tree-spirit, pro- 
ceed to decorate the tree itself; the first was named foot-trace (tsuh-isih), 
the second l&r ge-dish {p'ln-tav), the third good-thought (Svmana), the 
fourth scattered-essence (pu-tsing); these four undertake the task of deco- 
rating the tree; they perfect in every way the roots, branches, leaves, flow- 
ers thereof; around the tree they place beautiful balustrades, to the height 
of 80 lis, splendid and graceful beyond description, innumerable (or im-- 
measurable in size), the branches of the tree they hang with every precious 
kind of streamer in which all the seven kinds of precious substances com- 
bine to perfect its character; all around the tree they construct devices 
(marks) as in the Trayastrinshat heaven, for ways of approach, so that 
"whoever beheld it would never tire in admiration thereof, unequalled 
throughout the universe, whilst beneath the tree appeared of itself a seat 
hard and imperishable as diamond, on which Bodhisatva might take his- 
Beat when about to perfect Supreme Wisdom . 
(I'o be continued). 




{Continued from p. 212). 

Tablet of 1488, 
Tablet recording tJie re-building of the Temple of Truth and Purity, (cont.) 

This man (Moses) was intelligent from his birtli, pure and disinterest- 
ed, endowed with benevolence and righteousness, virtue and wisdom, all 

He sought and obtained the Sacred Writings on the top of Seih-na's 
hill^, where he fasted forty days and nights^, repressing his casual de- 
sires, refraining even from sleep, and spending his time in Sincere- 
devotion. 3 His piety moved the heart of Heaven^ and the Sacred Writ- 
ings, amounting to fifty-three sections^, were thus obtained. Their con- 
tents are deep and mysterious ^ their promises calculated to influence 
men's good feelings'', and their threatenings to repress their corrupt 

The doctrines were again handed down to the time of the reformer of 
religion and wise instruction, Ye-tsze-la^, whose descent was reckoned 
from the founder of our religion^, and whose teaching contained tlie right 
clue to his instructions, i.e. the duty of honoring heaven by appropriate 
worship, so that he could be considered capable of unfolding the mysteries- 
of the religion of our forefathers. ^"^ 

1) i.e. Mount Sinai. 

2) Kx. 24 : 18. (But no mention is made here of Moses ^' fasting '' \) 

3) This is more of a miniature paraphrase of the Biblical account of" 
Moses in the Mount, than an exact reproduction, since these details of 
the forty days on the Mount are wanting in the Biblical account, 

4) We have here a mere anthropomorphic phrase — a mere rhetorical figure^ 
in " heart of Heaven." 

5) This {as stated in tablet of 1511) was, and is the Persian division^ 
the Western Jews dividing the Law into 54 sections. 

6) " My thoughts are not your thoughts " (Is. 55 : 8), 

7) In the Chinese- Jewish moral code, men in general have a degree of 
natural goodness ascribed to them. 

8) Ezra. 

9) This, of course, is not a fact. There was a tendency among the Jews, 
to trace back every prominent man or woman to a revered patriarchal 
family, and these Chinese Jews are not free from this. 

10) " Whose teaching contained the right clue to his instructions'* is a 


But religion must consist in the purity and truth of divine worsliip.i 
Purity refers to the Pure One, who is without mixture,^ truth to the Cor- 
rect One, who is without corruption.^ Worship consists in reTerence, 
and in bowing down to the ground* . 

Men, in their daily avocations, must not for a single moment forget 
Heaven, but at the hours oljour in the morning, mid-day, and six in the 
evening, should tlirice perform their adorations,^ which is the true prin- 
ciple of the religion of Heaven. 

The form (of worship) observed by the virtuous men of antiquity was, 
first to ia^Ae^ and wash their hands^ taking care at the same time to 
purify their hearts, and correct their senses^, after which they reverently 
approached Eternal Reason^ and the Sacred Writings. Eternal Reason 
is without form or figure, like the Eternal Reason of Heaven, exalted on 

We will here endeavour to set forth the general course of divine worship 
in order^^: — 

peculiar phrase, and probably would convey the idea that Ezra's 

method and style of teaching were conducive to a clear understanding 

•of his instructions about " Z!,o7?or/??(5r Heaven''^ Sao,. 
1) There is here drawn a very distinct line between "religion" and morals. 

"Religion" is "divine Worship" in its "purity and truth." 
•2) i.e. God is l]».-« only object to be thought of as really pure, and in 

speaking of purity, we ought to think at once of this divine purity. 

5) As withj5"purity," so with "truth." We ought not to think of truth, 
without thinking of Him who is the Absolute Truth. 

4) Here "worship"| is defined, — it is inward (reverence), and outward 
(bowing down). (As ti) prostration see Josh. vii. 16. — Neh. viii. 6.) 

•5) The regular] daily devotions of the Jews from the most ancient times, 
(see Psalm Iv. 17.. Danl. vi. 10.) The Biblical hours were as follows. 
9 a.m. (Acts ii. 15), 12 m. (Ps. Iv. 17), 3 p.m. (Ac^s iii. 1— x. 3). 

6) In the temple at Jerusalem no priest could serve in the priests' court 
at the sacrifices, &c., without first bathing the whole body. 

7) After the general bath (the washing of the whole body), only the 
feet and "hands" were required to be washed again during the day — but 
this was necessary each time the temple was entered for service by the 
priests. (Edersheim, Ihe Temple, its Ministry and Services" &c, p. 121.) 
The superintending priest at the Temple, when caUing those on duty to 
prepare for the casting of lotsior the morning sacrifice, said aloud: "All 
ye who have tvashed come and cast lots.." (Mishnah=Tamid, i. 1, 2.) 

■8) This may refer to what the Bible calls "afflicting the soul," i.e., sacri- 
fice of the personal will . (see Smith's Diet.) 

9) I cannot but see in this Eternal Reason something more than the 
everlasting truth of God. It seems here to be the Divine Presence 
(Ao'70?). The editor of the original translations sees the Logos in every 

10) This refers to the worship by the individual, and not to the whole 
course of public worship. 


First, the worshipper, bending his body,^ does reverence to Eternal 
Reason^, by which means he recognizes Eternal Reason as |)resent, in 
such bending of the body : then standing up-right in the midst, without 
declining*, he does obeisance to Eternal Reason, by which means he re- 
cognizes Eternal Reason as standing in the midst. In stillness, main- 
taining his spirit, and silently praising, he venerates Eternal Reason, 
showing that he incessantly remembers Heaven ; in motion, examining 
himself*, and lifting up his voice^, honors Eternal Reason, showing that 
the unfailingly remembers Heaven. This is the way in which our religion 
teaches us to look towards invisible space^ and perform our adorations. 
Retiring three spaces'^ the worshipper gets suddenly to the rear, to sliow 
his reverence for the Eternal Reason who is behind him. Advancing 
five steps he looks on before, to show his reverence for the Eternal Reason 
who is in front of his person; he bows towards the left, reverencing Eter- 
nal Reason, whereby he admires the Eternal Reason, who is on liis left; 
he bows towards the right, reverencing Eternal Reason, whereby he adores 
the Eternal Reason who is on his right, looking up, he reverences Eter- 
nal Reason, to show that he considers Eternal Reason as above him; 
looking down, he reverences Eternal Reason, to show that he considers 
Eternal Reason as close to him. At the close, he worships^ Eternal Rea- 
l's The Rabbins were very precise as to the details of individual ^vorship, 
both for priests and people. As to "bending the body," the Mishnah 
enjoins that the body be completely bent, with care to avoid the appear- 
ance of bodily fatigue. This applies especially to worship in the syn- 
agogues, {comp. I. Saml. i. 26., Matth. vi, 5, (Edersheiui, — '-Jewish 
Social Life," p. 276.) 
2) Here, and all through this description of worship,- we must consider 

Eternal Reason to be the Divine Presence. 
8) If this refers to worship in the temple at Kai-fung-foo, the person prob- 
ably stood as in the temple at Jerusalem; i.e. facing the Holy of Holies. 
The feet according to the Rabbins, were to be placed close together, and 
the hands crossed over the breast. (Edersheim, 2'emple, «fcc. p. 127.) 
The worshipper was to "stand as a servant before his master, with all 
reverence and fear." (Edersheim, and Lightfoot De Minis. Temp.) 

4) i.e. paying strict attention to his person. 

5) i.e. either in prescribed formulge or free prayer = the latter especially in 
privvate devotion. In praying the hands were raised and spread, not folded. 

6) i.e. towards no visible object, but towards God. 

7) This "retiring three paces" and all that follows appear to be accretions 
from the Chinese ceremonies. I am not acquainted with any references 
in the Talmud to such ceremonies as these. Yet there is a Jewish idea 
through them all, since they are intended to show a faith in the omni- 
presence of Jehovah. 

8) i.e. according to a previous commentary on "worship'' (above), of this 


son, manifesting reverence in this act of adoration, 

But to venerate Heaven and to neglect Ancestors, is to fail in tho ser- 
vices which are their due.^ In Spring and Autumn,* therefore, men sac- 
rifice^ to their ancestors, to show that they serve the dead, as they do the 
living, and pay the same respect to the departed that they do to those 
-who survive. They offer sheep and oxen, and present the fruits of the 

tablet, this Cliinese-Jewish worship consisted in internal "reverence," 
and in external "bowing down to the ground." Cf. I. Kings, 18, 42, 
— Neh, 8, 6. 

1 ) Ancestor-worship became a vital point in Chinese Hebraism. 

2) i.e. ai the Spring and Autumn equinoxes. These times were chosen by 
the Chinese for the worship of Heaven. These Chinese equinoctial cere- 
monies I believe to be the survivals of a primitive Sun-worship. 

3) The' Chinese offered a "sheep" in honour of each new moon. (See 
Confucian Analects, B. 3: 17). 

I would not however have it understood that the Jews copied after the 
Chinese as to the Spring and Autumn "sacrihces." The Chinese indeed 
worship with greatest ceremony at the Spring Equinox, but the Jewish 
'■'Passover'" also occurred at the same time of the year, in the montli Ni- 
san (about April 1st). Again the great feast of 'Tabernacles" occurred 
at the Autumn Equinox, in the month Tishri (about Oct. 1st). Thus 
we can see in the '-Spring" and "Autumn" ceremonies of the Chinese 
Jews, survivals of the Biblical festivals, but there were never any bloody 
sacrifices offered in the Kah-fmig-foo temple, since Jews went to China 
in Mishnaic days, and knew well of the end of Jewish sacrificial wor- 
ship. As no Jewish sacrifices were actually offered in China, I can only 
hold to one of two thing?, i.e., either that we have here a proof of the 
corrupted continuance of the "Passover," accompanied by the slaughter 
of animals, (oxen as well as sheep), or else we have a mere reference to 
the worship of the Chinese. The stange part of it all is, (if it refers to 
Jewish worship) the fact of all these offerings being in honour of ances- 
tors, — a view seemingly far removed from the Bibhcal; and yet, were not 
the Old Testament usages of "Passover" really intended to honour an- 
cestors as vrell as to show thanks to Jehovah? How easily transmutable 
was this Jewish feast into a Chinese one! In the letter sent by the 
Jews of China through Consul Layton, at Amoy, in answer to a letter 
of inquiry sent by Mr. Finn (see Finn's "Orphan Colony of Jews in 
China"), mention is made of the observance of several feasts and fasts 
by the Chinese Jews, and among themare "Unleavened Bread" or "Pass- 
over," and "Pentecost," but apparently not "Tabernacles." Thus we 
know that "Passover" was observed in China in our own day; the only 
question being that of the accompanying ceremonies, and whether the 
above reference is to "sheep" and "oxen" offered at the corrupted Chi- 
■ nese-Jewish Passover, or not; at any rate, there is an evident confusion 
of Jewish with Chinese practices. A. K. Glover. 

(To be continued). 




• i — " ' ' " - ^ - — , — ■ 

Contributors are alone responsible for their opinions or statements. 


1. In the basin of the Hwang-ho, as was tlie case long before and since 
remoto times in the Euphrates valley, a generic denomination for the peo- 
ple was Bla ck-hea d s. Four years ago I have already pointed out once 
And rapidly (B. & 0. R. Jan., 1888, vol. It. pp. 25 & 31,) this one curious 
item among the six or more scores of instances which can be traced of 
Chaldean influence in the early civilisation of the Ancient Chinese. But 
the matter, which by itself is not without interest, involves Several impor- 
tant questions of ethnology and intercommunications, which require to be 


2. The appellative Black-heads, ^Ij^ <?:&: t^]]^, Sumero- 
Akkadian Sag-gig-ga, liLt. Heads black, Assyro-Babylonian, Salmat 
kakkadi, litt. blackness of heads, for the Babylonian population, 
occurs from the remotest to the latest times. 

— In the legend of Sargon, he is made to say: "When the King who 
■comes after me in future days — shall govern the men of the black-headed 

— Istar is said to have been the mother of mankind in the story of the del- 
uge, and as Gula "the great" goddess, she is addressed in a prayer as "the 
mother who has borne the men with the black heads." 
— In a hymn to Merodach, it is spoken of "Mankind, {a?id) even tlie black- 
headed race of Akkad.'' 

— In another hymn, the same god is called "nourisher (?) of the black- 
headed race." 
— One very old legend records that Anu the great Heaven god summoned 

Nerra, the warrior of the gods, and told him: "thou shalt strike the peo- 

VoL. v.— No. 11. [233] Nov., 1891. 


pie of the black-heads unto death with the. desolation (?) of the god Net;...'' 
— In a fragmentary hymn composed by order of Assur-bani-pal on the 
occasion of an eclipse of the moon, mankind are called "the people of the 

black-heads, "^ 

The hymn to Ea^ tells us that the god of Gridii was the creator of 
tho black-headed race — that is to say, the old non-Semitic population 
whose primary centre and starting-point was in Eridu itself^ — the river 
port near the Persian Gulf. 

3. Scholars have not agreed on the actual meaning of this term black- 
headed. George Smith when he published for the first time the hymn 
to Ea thought that it referred to a dusky race, in opposition to a fair 
one, not unlike the children of Men and the children of God mentioned 
in the first chapters of Genesis. Francois Lenormant at one time shared 
that view^, but afterwards gave it up. In his Origines de Vhistoire of 
1880 he expressed the opinion, that, it was at first nothing more than 
a poetical expression, which m later times had come to pass in all kind^ 
of texts, and even in the historical inscriptions ; instead of describing a 
particular race, it was a generic word for mankind at large. ^ And there 
he referred to Prof. Friedrich Delitzsch/ who in his German edition b^ 
G. Smith's Chaldsean Genesis, had explained its origin by showing that 
It concerned, not the colour of the skin, but the notion, which is niet 
also in the Bible^, that black hair was a sign of virility and youth. ^ 

4. On the other hand in his remarks on antiquities discovered in The 
islands of Bahrein^ Sir Henry Eawlinson, called attention to the fact 
that " it is certainly a remarkable proof of the persistency of tradition, 
among the Assyrians of their civilisation being derived from the Persiaa 
Gulf, that Nebo — " the burnt and dusty god " — , the special guardian 
of " the dusky race," and the tutelar god of the Bahrein, is always spokea 
of in the Assyrian mythology as the inventor of the system of cuneiform 
writing." ^^ In a paper on Akkadian and Sumerian in Comparative Phi- 
lology , of Nov. 1886, it was remarked that while Sumerian and Akkadian 
exhibit undoubtedly a relationship with the Turano-Scythian group of 
languages in general, their ideological evolution and that of the Assyro- 
Babylonian discloses the early presence in Chaldasa of another population 
who brought, innovated, or in an - case, who made first use of the Chal- 
dasan writing. In the same article and in a subsequent one on The 
Kushites — who were th y ?, it was advocated that this population was no 
other than one of the old Kushite tribes of unequal race, and renowned 
mythical fame, the earliest sea-traders, who used to inhabit the lands and 


the sea-shores from Abyssinia to India, and of whom the Bichari, Somali, 
Oalla, Agao, and Kiinama, Bilin, Afar, Barea, &c. of Abyssinia, the 
Bagas of the Oman coast, the Brahui of the Northern, the Kolarians 
of Central, and the Dravidians of Southern India, are more or less the 
modern representatives diverged here by Semitic, there by Aryan and 
elsewhere by Negritic intermingling.^^ 

5. The finest type was that which is represented by the oldest specimens 
of plastic art hitherto discovered in Chaldaa, chiefly at Telloh, and which 
we look upon as the historic Erythrcean civilisers of Babylonia. The 
principal characteristics,^ ^ ^^re heads neither long nor round, forehead 
straight, jaws orthognathous, the cheek bones prominent, the nose large 
and straight, the hair curly, and we may add a dusky complexion. They 
belonged to the dark variety of the white race that which the lamented 
De Quatrefages, has called the Erythrsean family, in his monumental In- 
troduction a V Etude des Races humainesP It was to that type slightly 
altered in course of time by interminghng that belonged the men of the 
famous body guard of the Persian kings at Susa in Elam, as shown by 
the archasological discoveries made on the site of the Acropole a few 
years ago.^* 

6. Therefore it is only what could be expected to see Prof. Sayce declare 
in his afore-mentioned Lectures, that in his opinion the exact meaning 
of the Babylonian expression black-heads "is uncertain. It, did not 
refer to the custom of wearing long black hair, as in this case the phrase 
would have been black-haired instead of black-headed. His con- 
clusion is this : " As however the excavations on the site of Susa have 
brought to light enamelled bricks of the Elamite period on which a black 
race of mankind is portrayed, it may mean that the primitive Sumerian 
population of Chaldaea was really black skinned."-^'' 

I think that the whole matter duely considered make more than pro- 
bable that the Sag-gig-ga^^ of Babylonian tradition referred simply to 
the dusky race described above, descendants of the civilisers from the 
Erythreean Sea, under the command of a leader, the fabled Cannes of 
Berosus, who introduced in the country the elements of civilisation^^. The 
monuments, concurring with historical and philological researches have 
disclosed the existence of three races of Men in Babylonia and Elam, 
the dark race we have just spoken of ; a round headed one, nose promin- 
-ent, chin and forehead receding, Akkadian of Northern origin, ^^ and 
the A ssyro-Baby Ionian Semite. These facts are most important and 
clear, singularly the problems concerning the origin of civilization in Ba- 



by Ionia . 

7. We have thus come back to the view first proposed by George Smith 
that the expression Black-heads really meant a dusky race. That it 
had that meaning in earliest times seems now sure enough, but there are 
several reasons that prevented it conveying that meaning later. The dark 
civilisers must necessarily have occupied a prominent position for a cer 
tain time before receeding in the lower ranks of the population. And 
the expression Bla ck-hea ds denoting them could be gradually but an 
equivalent of clever and able men, a meaning which must have super- 
seded the former sense, when the dark people ceased to be paramount. 
They were displaced in authority by the Akkadians from the North who 
introduced notions and views of their own and adopted the body of written 
cliaracters which they altered in sounds and somswhat in forms. As 
they were probably yellow-skinned, the old teim could not apply to them, 
more than it could apply to the Semites who in their turn took the lead, 
except in its long acquired sense of able men, also young men, i.e. not grey- 
haired men. And it is undoubtedly with that acceptation that it remained 
in use during the long course of Babylonian and Assyrian history. 

Notes — ^ — 

]) Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, IV. 29, 35a, and elsewhere. 
— Brunnow, Class(f. List Cuneif, No. 36:^7, 3513. 

5) All these quotations I extract from A. H. Sayce's Lectures on the re- 
ligion of the Ancient Babylonians, 1887, pp. 27, 79, 99, 143, 19b, i-'84, 
and 811.— C./. TT.^., III., 4, 7; IV., 61, 27;IV., 2&, 1, 11; II., 50,. 
10; and K. 2354,5, 6; K. 2836, Ohv. 11-13. 

3) Published several times. 

4:) Lectures, p. 143. 

5) Chaldean Magic, 1878, p. 193. 

6) Oppert, Expedition en Mesopotamie, II. 283. — F. Lenormant. Etudes 
Cuneif or tries, IV. 78-80. 

7) G. SiJiith's Chaldceische Genesis, pp. 301-304. 

8) Ecclesiast. XI. 10. — Franz Delitzsch, Comment, p. 387. 
9)0rigines de Vhistoire, I. 312. 

10) J.H.A.S., 1880, vol. XII. p. 219.— CJ.W.A., II. GO, 34.— /^aw;- 
linsons Herodotus, Ilird edit., vol. I. p. 661-664. 

11) T. de L., in B. & OJL, vol. I. pp. 3, 7, 25-31. 

12) Cf. A. H.Sayce, The Races of the Old Testament, 1891, pp. 139-140. 
—T. Gr. Pinches. Upon the types of the early inhabitants of Mesopotamia: 
J.A.I. Nov. 1891. 

13) Part II., 1889 pp. 394 and 486. 

14) M. Dieulafoy, VAcropole de Suse. 

15) Lectures, p. 99 n. 

16) It is interesting to notice here that one of the Assyrian equivalents of 
SAg-gio-ga was pitii panu: blackness of face. Cf. C.T. VV.A., 
IV. 19, 3?a; Brnunow's List, 8921, 


17) Tlie late Arthur Aniiaud, like Sir Henry Rawlinson, was also of 
opinion that the cuneiform writing had not been invented by the Ak- 
kadians of Northern origin. Many proofs may be adduced in favour of 
this view. A few may bo Sttcn in occasional references in my remarkH 
on The Old Babylonian Characters and thtir Chinese dtrivates, 18S8. 

18) See its description in Sayce, The races, pp. ]37-lii8, and in T. GL 
Pinches, /. c, 


8. Seventeen centuries after the age of Sargon of Agade, who was ruling 
over the black headed race of Babylonia, the same expression had 
found its way and appeared on the banks of the Hwang-ho. 

9. We met it in the firdt sentences of the Shu-King, and repeatedly 

— (I. 2) He (Yao) regulated and polished the {Bak sing) people (of his 
domain), who all became brightly intelligent. He united and harmonized 
the myriad states (of his dominion), and the blac k headed people were 
reformed by this cordial agreement. 

(II. i. 18) Shun (the successor of Yao) said (to the superintendent of 

Agriculture), "K'i, the Black headed people are suffering the distress 
of hunger." 

— (II. ii. 10) The great Yii answering to Shim's proposal of taking the 
leadership of his people, says, "My abilities are not equal to the task, and 
the people do not accord with me; but Kao-Yao has vigourously diffused 
his v^irtues, which virtues have descended and caused the black headed 
people t) esteem him." 

— II. iii. 2) Yii answering to Kao-Yao: " When a sovereign gives re- 
pose to the people {mln)^ he is kind, and the black headed people 
cherish him in their hearts." 
—(II. iv. 7) in the last of the books of Yii, Yii speaking to Shun says: 

*' in the myriad states the most able {Li) of the people will all wish to 

be your subjects." 

— (III. iii. I) Tiie chapter containing The songs of the five sons of Tai 
K'ang, circ. 1909 b.c.)^ begins with the following statement: "Tai-K'ang 
was on the throne as a sham sovereign. By idleness and dissipation he ob- 
literated his virtue, till the black headed people all began to waver in 
their allegiance." 

The term black headed appears once in the books of the Tchoc 
dynasty of the Shu-King, and this only in the last which contains the 
speerh of the Duke Muh of Tsin (Sliensi), in 625 B.C. In his concept 
tion of a thoroughly good and valuable minister, he says: 



— ( V. XXX. 6, 7) " such a minister would be able to preserve my des- 
cendants ane my black headed people, "^o and the same state- 
ment is reversed in the following paragraph. 

10. It occurs three times in the Shi King^ and in two cases it is per- 
haps more explicit than in the afore-quoted instances. In the Ode Sang 
yu, composed between 842 and 828 e.g., the Earl of Juy mourns over the 
misery and disorder of the times, and says : 

"Every state is being ruined 

There are no black heads among the people."2i 

The other instance is in the Ode Yun Han, composed by the King Sinen 

oil'chou, about 820 B.C., stanza 3: 

*'Tne draught is excessive, 

Of the remnant of Tchou, among the black headed people, 
There will not be half-a-man left;"2 2 

A statement which Meng-tze (Mencius) tells us must not be taken liter- 

The third instance is that of the Ode T'ien pao^ composed sometime 
■during the first period of the Tchou dynasty. It is addressed to the King. 

(St. 5) " All the black heads, and the people 

Universally practise your virtue."^* 

11. In all the ten quotations above, except the last, the Chinese ex- 
pression is LI or Lt min (13125-4S22), literally, "Black people." In 
the Ode T'ien pao, it is Kiun Lt: 8202-13125; ''theflockof the Blacks." 
Another term also in use was Li tchung ; 13123-9647; "of the blacks 
all;" as well as Li i/uen: 13125-575: Black beginning, Li-hiuen: 13125- 
6051 : Black-black ; Kien-Li : 13139-13125 : Black-black and Li shu : 
13125-2533: Black all, which are still employed at present. Therefore 
all the force of the meaning rests in the word Li: 13123: which means 
B lack in some cases, but does not do so in others. 

It has been taken for granted by translators that this would only refer to 
the conspicuously black hair of the race, and they have rendered it accor- 
dingly; and they agreed also in the interpretation shown, by the Odes Sang 
Yu and Yun han of the Shi King, of black-haired, as those who are not 
grey-haired, and therefore are able bodied. Here we meet the same sense 
as that which became attributed to the primitive Black heads of Babylonia, 
under the sway of the Akkadians and Semites. 

The exact meaning of Li in the earliest times must therefore be enqui- 
red into. 

12. Let us first examine its historical equivalent. 

When Ts'iN She Hwang-ti, having established his sway over the six 
other principal states which with his own principality formed the Chinese 


dominion, founded the Chinese Empire (221 B.C.), his mind was bent to 
introduce changes everywhere, and the old appellative Li Min and variants 
did not escape his attention. He decided-''* that henceforth the expression 
KHenShou: 13139— CI. 185: Black heads shouldbeused^e in its stead. 
The Shwohwen, written in a.d. 89, says that ''K'ien: 13139, has the 
same meaning as Li\ 13125. Ts'in called the people K'ien shou, Black- 
heads, in allusion to Black colour, because during the Tchou dynasty, 
it was called Li min: Black people; but another explanation is that 
it was given on account of the black kerchiefs worn on their heads by the 
people."27 Let us remember that Shi Hwang-ti in his 26th year (221 b.c.) 

had enacted that in dress, insignia, and banners. Black would be the 

ruling colour of his dynasty, ^8 a fact which explains the last statement, 
otherwise unclear, of the author of the Shwoh- Wen. We are thus con- 
fronted here with one of the cases of crossed-sym holism which the Chinese 
mind has ever been wont to establish in anything initiated or instituted by 
them, and which often, most simple and one-sided in its initial stage, has^ 
almost always with great ingenuity, been run up loose and wild by the sub- 
sequent writers and commentators, to the great perplexity of European en- 
quirers. As we shall see below, the first explanation of the Shwuh wen 
was partly wrong, and Iden shou was not the actual synonyme of Li min. 
13. The character Li : 13125 is a complex symbol. It is made of U: 
775 : gain — composed itself of ho : cl. 115: cereal + i^iiA : 933^: sig- 
nal — and of ywA : cl, 11 : enter-j-sAi« : 85: water. The same com- 
ponent parts ho + juh -[■ shut make by themselves the symboP^sAa : cl. 202: 
cereal sown in water, which work it is stated was made in the hot. 
est season 3^ when sun burning was in force. So that the complex 
character Li : 13125 means " that which is signalled by the cereals sown 
in water, i.e. agricultural work, whence the ir.eanings of black, from the 
sun-burn complexion of the husbandmen, and that of able bodies, from 
the necessary ableness of the same men^^. The Chinese have come ta 
the same explanation in a more round about manner, by an assimilation 
of written characters -, Li : 5673 : t o plo ugh has been written with the 
above phonetic li : 775 : gain, or with the complex character Zi : 13125 
in question, with the addition of the cl. 93 of cattle ; this character li: 
5673 : to plough would have acquired the meaning black because 
they used to begin ploughing before dawn when it was still dark. Whence 
the meaning black of the homonymous character Zj: 13125. I think 
my readers will dismiss with me this explanation as pure childishness. 
We can understand for instance that tchao : d a w n should have come to be 


used metaphorically for Imperial Audience because this was held in early 
morning, bat stretching tlie connexion of ideas goes too far in that other 
case. However early the Chinese husbandmen would have wished to 
begin their work, they could not materially do so in the dark and before 
dawn ; therefore the word li : 5673 in question could not have thus ac- 
quired a connected sense of black ; but it might have gained in course 
of time that of 'morning light,' (which in fact it has^^^^ The Chinese 
suggestion must be left aside, as unreasonable, and the common sense 
view above explained of the case is only required to find the solution of 
the problem. 

14. The selection of the character LI : 13125, for their denoting their 
black headed people, instead of one or other more precise in sense which 
they could have chosen in their vocabulary, shows undoubtedly that the 
intention of the early Chinese rulers has never been to denote a dusky or 
dark skinned race. We know only that the colour of skin of the Bak 
families when they came from the West into China, was not dark, and it 
is shown by the symbolism of some of their compound ideograms that 
they had blue eyes, so that in any case we may be sure it was not black. 
The white and red colour of the face are in several instances referred to, 
in the composition of their complex written characters, as well as in the 
literature of olden times^^. There were certainly some dusky skinned race 
among the native populations of the land, and when Ts'in She Hwang-ti 
denominated the region of Kuei-tclinuy conterminous with his dominion but 
independent and chiefly occupied by native tribes, he called it the Black 
Centre [ICien tchmig : 131G9-26) for that reason. But these dark 
races have nothing to do with the Chinese Black headed people as shown 
repeadedly by the instances quoted above from the Great Classics. 

15. As previously stated Li min has been translated as a matter of 
course by Black naired people, but this rendering has come to 
vogue only since the famous commentator Ts'ai Tch'en of the twelwth 
century'* in his remarks on the first chapter of the Shu King. The pre- 
vious glossarists had explained the term as an equivalent of tchung : 
9647 : all. Such are the statements of the Khang-hi dictionary's. I 
do not know any evidence that the followers of Yao an.l Shun, descend- 
ants of the original Bak sings colonists from the west had dark hair. 
I'he question is resolved into a 2ietitto principii, as it is from that ques- 
tioned expression IJ min that the inference has been derived that they 
had black hair. The speculations of Biotas and Pauthier^^ on the peuple 
4iuxdieveux noirs as being thus distinguished from the hair of various col- 


ours of tlie pre-Chinese populations, hare no other basis than that, and as 
far as we know of the latter people, the reverse was probably the case a> 
we shall see further on. 

16. Although there cannot be any doubt that since olden time black hair 
has become the rule in China, from interminglings with the indigenous 
as well as from northern and mongoloid tribes immigrated in the land, 
it is surprising, if any importance was attributed to the black hair, 
that no praise or even any reference to it should appear in ancient poetry 
and literature. Complexion, form of the face, forehead and hair, long, 
and curled^s have indeed been praised, but no allusion was made to the 
black colour of the hair. 

17. Following modern versions, once in the Book of Poetry, the black 
hair of a lady would be mentioned in an ode written to her praise : 

" Her luxuriant hair in masses like clouds. 
No false locks does she descend to.*' 

Tiie translations have '^ black hair."'^^ 

Referring to the text which is that of the Ode Klun tzei Kai lao com- 
posed about 718-696 b.c.*^, we find that it speaks only of the luxuri- 
ant h a i r of the lady and not of her black hair. The latter is another 
instance of stretched interpretation by the exegetes. The expression 
used is tchen fah : 1270--12679 : luxuriant hair, and nothing more. 
Now Tchen : 12702 is described in the Shwoh wen (89 b.c.) as tch'ou 
fah: 7197-12679: thick-like-harvest hair, while the basis (pen) 
of the word is said to be tchen (^phon. 183 Call.) which means luxuriant 
hair. xVnother proof that the Shwoh wen rendering is the right explana- 
tion is given by a statement of the Tso tckuen^^: In ancient times, the 
chief of the Jeng clan had a daughter, with splendid black hair and very 
beautiful, so that her brightness cast a light around her, and she was 
named " the dark Lady." This does really suggest that dark hair was 
not at all common in the remote time when she lived, as we shall see below. 
The words of the text are that the daughter in question had "luxuri- 
ant hair {tchen: 12702) black {heh -. cl. 203), and she was very 
beautiful." If tchen had meant black hair it would not have required 
the qualification of black added to it**. I think this justifies the trans- 
lation of the verse as I give it. 

18. It is only in later times that we find any other references to the 
colour of the hair. 

In the Ode Pih hung of 650-618 b.c.,*' we meet the following verses : 

" May the yellow hair** and wrinkled back. 

Marking the aged men, be always in your employment !" 



The explanation of this statement, unfamiliar to us, is found in the 
Erh-ya of the Vth century b.c, and in a gloss of the Li hi of the Han 
dynasty. When persons begin to be old tlieir hair turns white, but when 
they are exceedingly advanced in age, their hair becomes yellow. 

In 547 B.C., the invaluable chronicle of Ts'o K'iu-ming has the follow- 
ing entry^s : " Before this, Juy, mmister of Instruction in Sung (the 
Chinese state of W. Honan) had a daughter born to him, who was so red 
and hairy, that he made her be thrown away imder a bank." She was 
saved and " as she grew up, she became beautiful." This seems to say 
that her hair was red, whence the dislike of her father for her, which 
would show that black hair had become the rule, and was the only 
colour allowed. But the matter is not clearly stated. 

1,9. The expressions Li min, Li shu, Litchung, TJ i/uen, Kiun Li, &c., 
refer really at present to the commonly black hair of the people, but it 
certainly not did so in very ancient times. It is not even certain that 
the black hair were ever specially regarded as proper to the Chinese race 
as yet in the sixth century B.C. Li min had certainly the acceptation of 
able bodied people under the Tchou dynasty as shown by the references 
which ^ye liave quoted from their odes, and by another important circum- 
stance concerning them which we have to mention here. The Tchou 
people as is well known were red haired. Now as their rulers showed no 
reluctance in making use of Li min, it is quite clear that it could not 
refer to any black-haired race in preference to any other. It denoted all 
the able bodied people, whatever may have been the colour of their hair, 
auburn, brown or dark, as well as the red haired Tchou people, who were 
soon fused and absorbed by their intermingling with the other parts of 
the population. 

20, Going back to the most ancient period, we see that Li mm could 
not apply then more than afterwards to a blackhaired race. The story of the 
Black Lady of Jeng, which we have noticed in the course of our 
investigations is full of signifance under that respect. Her father was 
the chief of the Jeng*^, one of the early Chinese clans, and she married 
Kwei the musical officer of the Ti Shun. So says the chronicle^''. The 
date is then about 2000 b.c. Thereforv) if a black-haired daughter was 
looked upon as an extraordinary person, among the immediate descend- 
ants of the Bak sings colonists, they could not have been black haired 
themselves. This interesting fact joined to several suggestions derived 
from their written characters showing them blue eyed, with a ruddy com- 
plexion, throw an unexpected light on the physical type of the civilisers 


•of China. 

21. The ground is now cleared t-nongh and the obscurities of the case 
are dispelled to a large extent. We can understand at present how it 
was that the early leaders of the Bak sings colonists in China, did not 
select one of the symbols of their writing meaning " black," when they 
had to choose a written character to denote all the able-bodied part of 
the population, Bak sings and Natives. Husbandry was the chief work 
of the people, and their sole moans of getting food ; it was hard work 
requiring strength, and among other work of that class, that made in hot 
weather for the water-s own-cereal was that which apparently most affects 
the colour of the complexion. They were thus led by a natural associa- 
tion of ideas to take the sign li : 13125 meaning, as explained previ- 
ously, that which is signalled by cereals- sown-in water, i.e. able-bodiedness 
of sun-burnt husbandmen.^^ It implied what they wanted, ?.«. a com- 
bined notion of the most able part of the population with that of dark 
headed men, without reference to a dusky race. This complex notion, 
occurring as it does at their very beginnings in the Flowery Land shows 
that it was part of the stock of ideas which they brought with them 
from the West. 


19) Shu King, following the English translations of Medhurst and Legge. 

20) It is quoted in the Ta hish, X., 14. 

21) Shi King, III., 3, Ode III, 2~Chin. Class IV., 520. 

22) Part III.. 3, Ode IV., ^,—ibid. p. 530. 

23) Mencius, V., 2: IV., 2. 

24) Part II., I: Ode VI, 5.— Ch. CI. IV., 257: "All the black haired 
race in all theii surnames;" the text says Li min peh sing, litt. black 
people hundred surnames. 

25) Sze ma Tsien, She Ki, Kiv. 6. f. 12. 

26) G. Pauthier, {Premier) Memoire sur V Antiquite de Vhistoire et de la 
Civilisation Chinoises, 1867, p. 10, has misunderstood the facts. — Mr, 
C.J.Bali, The New Accadian, 1890, p. 124, has compared this Kien 
Shou with the Sag-gigga of Babylonia, without referring to my previous 
comparison of the early Li-min with the same denomination. He right- 
ly compares the Akkadian Kan: black, with the Chinese Klen, to 
which he might have added hiun, hwan, yiten, all variants of the same 
stem. I am not so sure of his comparison of Akk. Sag with the Chi- 
nese Sang (forehead), because the Ku- wen form suggests a contraction 
of shouJf.nok, while the equivalence with the Chinese shou. is better. 
His comparison oi yk: black, with Akk. gig is not sufficient, as yk is 
a dialectic variant of hek, mek, which I have compared with glg^ mig^ 
Akk. since 1880, Early history, p. 21. 

27) Cf. Kha7ig hi tze tlen, 203—4, f. 30. 

28) W. F. Mayers, Yellow as an Imperial Colour : Notes and Queries, 
Hong Kong, 1867, vol. I., p. 142. 


29) As analysed in the Phonetic shwoh-wen of 1833, cf. J. Chalmers^ 
The structure of Chinese characters, p. 100. 

80) Shwoh Wen. — Khanghi tze tieu, cl. i?02. 

81) Li : 13125 occurs once in the Yu Kung, 1, 67 as a qualificative of 
, the soil of Liang tchou, the name given to the region comprising the 
. South of Shensi and the North of Szetchuen. Its meaning there is 

unascertained and commentators disagree hecause the term ought ta 
refer to the nature of the soil. Black does not suit, nor does the 
meaning small and thin or light adopted in ch. cl. Ill, 121 avowedly 
without justification. The meaning of li in its sense of agriculture 
would suit well a land worked by husbandry. 

82) Cf. the character /t : d a w n (cl. 162 + 13125); and the expression 
li-mmg : 13125 — 3890: dark — bright i.e. at day break, also 
written with other derivates of li, 1151 or 18158 and ming : 3890. 

83) Cf. Edward Biot, Eecherches sur les Mccurs anciennes des Chlnois,. 
d' apres le Shi King, J. A. 1843, Transl. into Legge's Chin. Class. 
IV, Introd. — Their ideal of beauty was a white complexion for women 
and a reddish one for men. For the latter Cf. Ode Kien hi, stanza 3: 
" I am red as if I were rouged " (not pointed out by Biot) and Ode- 
Tchung nan, st. 1 : "And with his countenance rouged as if with 

. vermilion." Cf. Shi King, I, iii : Ode XIII, and xi. Ode v. 
34) Ts'ai Tch'en lived 11^7-1230 a.d. cf. W. F. Mayers, Chinese K, 

M., I, 748. 
85) Khang-hi tze tien, s.v. Ki, 202 + 3, f. 26 v. 

36) Le Tcheou-li, Introd. p. v. 

37) Instead of 'Pauthier' read in the text: 'and others.' 

38) For the latter cf. Shi king : Part II, Bk. VIII, Ode I, Tu jense. st. 

• 4: "Those ladies of great houses, — With their side hair curving up hke 
a scorpion's tail!" — And in the following stanza: "Not that they gave 
their hair that curve; — The hair had a natural curl." 

39) Chin, class., IV, 77. 

40) Shi King, Part I, Bk. IV, Ode III. 

41) Tso tchuen, Tchao kung, 28th year, 4, quoted in the Khang-hi tze 
tien,s.Y, TCHEN, 190 + 10, f. 53. 

42) In the modern text of the Tso tchuen as translated by Legge, Chin, 
Class. V, 724, 726, the character tchen : 13i:;6— made of cl. 203 : 
black + phon. 674: tchen: perfect — has been substituted to the 

• older tchen: 12702, — made of cl. 190: hair + phon. 674 : tchen: 
perfect. One cannot be too careful never to trust the modern tran- 
scriptions of ancient texts without verification. 

43) Shi King, Part IV, Bk. 2, Ode IV, st. 5. Partly repeated st. 8. 

44) In Legge's translation. Chin, Class. V. 626 and 629': "May the 
hoary hair...." which is not exact as the text has hwang j'ah : cl. 201- 
12679: yellow hair. 

45) Tso tchuen, Siang kung, ann. xxvi, Q.—Chin. Cl. V, 525. — The 
text says: tch'eh erh mao : cl. 155 — cl. 128— cl. 82: red and 
hair y. 

46)' At the beginning of the Hia dynasty, the Jeng clan had removed 
westwards and settled in centre west of modern Shan tung near Tai- 
ngan fu. Siang the fourth successor of Yu is said to have married 
also a daughter of that clan. Cf. Tchuh shu ki nien, III, 5. The 
Khany hi tze tien, s.v. Jeng, 9-}- 2, f. 4 quotes the She ki, Hia pen ki 


in support of a statement that Shao kang, the successor of Siang made a 
similar marriage, uut I cannot find the passage in Szema Tsien, under 
that ruler. She ki, kiv. II, f. 15. 

47) Tso tchuen, X. : Tchao kung, XXVIII, *. . 

48) The reason why they have selected the sound It in preference to any 
otlier ought to he a souvenir from the west hnt its explanation is a 
matter of conjecture. Was it l>ecause the first character of the Babylonian 
expression was risk (=Akk. sag), but its meaning head goes against 
the suggestion. Or was it from the sounds panu erebu : face sun- 
set-dark which belong in Assyrian to sjg and gig. Inverted as 
required by the Chinese ideology, they would make «;v'/yw ;)awu which 
simplified into *reb pan would he approximately imitated by the Chin- 
ese li men. 

III. Conclusion. 
22. The results of our enquiry on the use of the curious expression 
black heads in Babylonia and China to denote the people in general, 
as represented by the not grey haired able-bodied, clear an important 
problem of ethnology. They show that the Heads black of Babylonia did 
really at first allude to the clever and able dark race civiliser of the country 
originally from the Erythraean sea. But in course of time, under the 
rule of the clear skinned Akkadians and Semites, the expression preserved 
only its acceptation of able-bodied people. Such was the limited sense of the 
term as known to the Bak sings, — who were most probably blue eyed, 
ruddy faced and not black-haired, — civilisersof China, seventeen centuries 
after the time of Sargon. They had obviously carried it to the East^* 
with the so-many notions and ideas which they had received from the Chal- 
dseo-Elamite civilisation. 


49) The Bah sing colonists had been also impressed with the Assyro- 
Babylonian view that the country of the Black heads was the centre 
of everything. In cuneiform texts we find the expression Lib zu : 
^TTY »-^yf: Centre of wisdom which occurs repeatedly in the texts 
as a denomination of the country. (Cf. Brunnow's list, 7995,=Assur). 
In China we find a souvenir of the same idea in the term Tchung 
pang: 26-11194, afterwards Tchung kwoh : 26-1539, which is used 
from oldest times (cf. Shu Hng, III, 1, 15 ; V, 11, 1) for the Central 
state or Middle Kingdom. 

50) The numbers in the text and notes refer to the Chinese characters as 
arranged in Basils dictionary, edit. De Guignes 1813, Hong-Kong, 
1853, Hokienfu, 1877. 

Terrien dk Lacouperie. 

Herewith the Summary of the present paper : 
Introductory. §1. Black heads in both countries. 
I. The Black-heads op Babylonia. — §2. Seven instances from texts 
of various dates. — 3. Scholars disagree on the meaning of the term. — 


4. The dusky race of civilisers from the Erythrjean sea. — 5. Their type re- 
discovered from the three races of the monuments. — 6. The black heads 
must refer to them. — 7. In course of time it meant the able bodied 

IT. The Black Heabs of China, — § 8. Seventeen centuries after 
Sargon the same term had been transmitted to China. — 9. Seven in- 
stances in the Shu King. (2000-625 b.c.)— 10. Three in the Shi King. 
1100-820 B.C.)— 11. The Li are the able bodied people.— 12. The 
Kien shou or Black heads of 221 b c. explain nothing. — 13. Symbolical 
etymology of Li, able bodied's and sunburnt's work. — 14. Li cannot refer 
to a dusky race. — 15. Li min, erroneously rendered " black haired 
people." — 16. No praise of black-hair in ancient literature. — 17, A 
false instance from the Book of Poetry. — 18. Doubtful instances in 
650 and 547 b.c,- — 19. The Red-haired Tchou have used the term Lt 
min. — 20. The early civilisers of China had blue eyes and no black hair. — 21. 
Their notion of Black-heads was complex. 

III. Conclusion. — §22. The Chinese notion was derived from Chal- 
dsea and Elam. 


(Translated hy the late Prof. Dr. S. Beal.) 
(Continued from p. 228). 

Buddha addressed the Bhikshus and said: "The body of Bodhisatwa 
(as he advanced) emitted a bright and shining light of exceeding brilli- 
ancy, which was universally diffused (throughout the abodes) of the dwellers 
in darkness (evil modes of birth) ; on the appearance of this light the 
eight miseries were completely destroyed, the diseased were restored to 
health, those filled with destroying fear obtained rest, those bound with 
fetters obtained release, the deaf, the blind, and the leprous were restored, 
the poor were enriched, the weary were at rest, the thirsty were refreshed, 
the hungry were filled, the barren became fruitful, the old and weak were 
strengthened; and so it came to pass at that time there was no lust or hate 
or envy, or mutual dislikes or quarrels among men, but all was peace, and 
each one regarded the other with the love of a father, or a mother, or a child, 
or as oneself; thus universal Love (loving heart) prevailed on every side; 
and so the verses say: 

"And as he came towards that sacred enclosure, 
There appeared in the midst of the regions of Hell, 
(A light which caused) al' those who suffered pain 


To obtain perfect release and rest. 

All beasts of prey were peaceful and quiet, 

Each one res^arding the other with affection. 

All living things cherished, a loving heart. 

And there was no fear of evil exi)erienced. 

And even down to the abode of the Pretas, 

They obtained refreshing draughts to cool their throats, 

And food to ^satisfy themselves withal. 

Through the spiritual virtue (grace) of Bodhisatwa 

The eight evils (calamities) were all averted. 

There was cessation of the evil modes of birth, 

All creatures were at rest and peace. 

A universal joy like that of Heaven was felt, 

The deaf and tlie blind, 

The halt and the maimed, 

Were at this propitious time restored to sight and hearing. 

And their bodies were made perfectly whole. 

Those debased with lust and envy, or worn with toil. 

Those bound in the fetters of misery and ))ain, 

All these found release and rest, 

And their minds were iixed in paths of virtue. 

The poor were greatly enriched. 

Those born were born in Heaven, 

The diseased were restored to health. 

The prisoners were liberated. 

The was no hatred or variance. 

No quarrelling or discord. 

At this time there was a mutual reverence, 

A universal sentiment of Love was felt, 

As that of a Father or Mother to an only Son; 

So were all creatures bound together by loving thoughts, 

Even as they (the Father and Mother) mutually care for, 

And desire the welfare of their child. 

And now the glory of Bodhisatwa's person 

Shone through and illumined the lands of Buddha, 

Even as the sands of the rivers 

Which flow far and wide towards the four quarters; 

The iron range of Mountains hindered it not; 

It shone through and passed beyond the pitchy hills; 

Throughout the infinite universe, the innumerable worlds 

Appeared in this glory as one Earth, 

Like a row of pearls strung together they appeared, 

Smooth and plain as the palm of a hand; 

Adorned and glorious were all these worlds, 

In honour and for the express homage of Bodhisatwa, 

And now the sixteen Devaputras 

Descend and encircle the Tree of Wisdom (Bodhi Tree). 

They richly adorn iho sacred enclosure 

For the distance of three thousand and two hundred lis; 

In every conceivable way they embellish it. 

With ornaments drawn from countless worlds, 

Because of the spiritual excellencies of Bodhisatwa, 


All these ornaments were used for that Tree of Buddha. 

Then all the Devas and Nagas and Spirits. 

The Ghandarvas and Mahoragas, 

Every one of them raising a Palace, 

Taking there their abode beheld the Tree; 

And as they witnessed the complete adornment, 

Devas and men were filled with joy; 

Wonderful indeed must be the religicns merit 

Of one for whom such preparations are made; 

The mouths and thoughts uf all are engaged (in considering) 

For whom such honour is intended; 

So perfectly adorned in every way. 

Whatever the heart could desire was there, 

For as one who during his earthly sojourn 

Completely performs that which he has vowed, 

Realizes a perfect reward in return for his virtuous conduct, 

So is it now, with him. 

The Sacred Enclosure thus adorned, 

The four Devaputras embellish it further, 

Even 9S the picture and the measured Tree, 

When Buddha ascended to the Trayastrinshat heaven. 

We may not say that these things are self caused. 

We can only ponder on the perfect niprit which brings such results 

The pure and virtuous conduct of Bodhisatwa, 

Whilst he was accomplisiiing his mundane career. 

V. 14/1. The NAga KAlika. Section xvi. 
Buddha addressed the Bhikshus and said, '*The glory which proceeded 
from the body of Bodhisatwa having illumined the Palace of the Naga r^- 
ja Kalika, the Naga faintly perceiving this glory, which gives joy to body 
and mind, which dissipates all earthly pollution (dust) and darkness, and 
brings rest to the heart and joyfulness to the countenance, forthwith his 
eyes were opened and in the presence of his kindred he proceeded to recite 
the following hymn of praise: ''In former days indeed I beheld Kakusan- 
da'' Buddha, long, long ago; and so also I beheld in later time Kanaka mu- 
ni Buddha, and after that the glory of Kasyapa (Buddha) the radiance 
which shines through all the universe,^ and now I perceive this same 
glorious light without any pollution; there must needs be a Buddha born 
in the world with all the sacred marks on his person, full of mercy, pos- 
sessed of perfect wisdom, and therefore this bright light is shining through 
my palace, golden coloured, perfectly glorious, equal to that of the Sun 

1) The first Buddha of the Bhadrakalpa, Kakusanda being the second, 
Kasyapa the third, Sakya Buddha the foaith, and Maitreya Buddha 
the fifth. 

2) The earths of the land. 


which no splendour of fire or lustre of any jewel can rival; excoediug in its 
character the self caused brightness of Sakra Devendra and of Brahma, 
and the glory of the Assuras; — and now this light has suddenly burst 
through this my palace which has ever heretofore been wrapped in gloom; 
perceiving which so pure and effulgent my body has found rest, uiy mind is 
at ease, and filled with joy, my person without any fear of misery, or suf- 
fering (burning) perfectly cool and at rest. Doubtless he who has through 
countless ages steadily progressed (towards tlie acquirement of Supreme 
Wisdom) is now to sit beneath the Tree of Wisdom. Well then! my 
friends, let us all provide ourselves with flowers and perfumes »nd gar- 
ments, let us take gems and precious collars for the neck, choice odours, 
and extracts; let us take our lutes and instruments of music and proceed 
forthwith to offer them as a religious offering." 

{Continued from p. 232). 

Tablet of 1488, 
Tablet recording the re-building of the Temple of Truth and Purity, (cont.) 

This offering of sheep and oxen and presenting the fruits of the season,^ 
is to show that they do not neglect the honour due to ancestors, when 
they are gone from us. During the course of every month we fast and ab- 
stain four times,* which constitutes the door by which religion is entered 
and the basis on which goodness is accummulated. 

It is called an entrance^ because we practice one act of goodness to- 
day, and another to-morrow. Thus having commenced the merit of ab- 

1) This is a survival of the Old Testament offering of '-first-fruits," but 
how different; is the object of all these offerings! In the Old Testament 
it was God, but here only ancestors ! It is a mixture of Chinese and 
Jewish worship. 

2) I suppose this excludes ihe four national fasti. Concerning the above I 
know nothing. 

3) Or -'a door,'' i.e. fasting is here held to be the best means townrd the 
spirit of true holiness, i\\m fasting at the same time arousing the spirit 
of self-denial in other ways. 


fetinence^, we add to our store, avoiding the practice of every vice, and 
reverently performing every virtue^. Every seventh day^ we observe a holy 
rest, which, when terminated, begins anew* ; as it is said in the Book of 
Diagrams^, " the good man, in the practice of virtue, apprehends lest the 
time should prove too short." A.t each of the four seasons^ we lay our- 
selves under a seven day's restraint, in remembrance of the trials endured 
by our ancestors'', by which means we venerate our predecessors and re- 
ward onr progenitors^. We also abstain entirely from food during a whole 
day^ when we revently pray to Heaven, repent of our former faults, and 
practice anew the duties of each day. The Book of Diagrams also says, 
" when the wind and thunder prevail, the good man thinks of what virtues 
he shall practice, ^<^ and if lie has any errors he reforms them." 

Thus our religious system has been handed down and communicated 
from one to another. It came originally from T'Aeen-C^tt/i.^^ Those who 
introduced it in obedience to divine commands^%ere seventy clans, ^^viz., 
those of Yen, Le, Gae, Kaou, Chaou, Kin, Chow, Chang, Shih, 
HwAng, Nee, Tso, Pih, &c. These brought as tribute some Western cloth.^* 

1) i,e. abstinence is the beginning of many other meritorious acts. 

2) She Chinese Jews evidently did not make ol fasting and abstinence a 
mere cloak for righteousness. 

?}) i.e. at the end of every week. The Sabbath was always observed in 
the Jewish Colony in China (see Finn's Orphan Colony.) 

4) This is an apparently abstruse statement, and can be understood, per- 
haps, to moan that ei^ery clay should be to man as a Sabbath — a view 
in accord with the succeeding quotation from the Chinese. 

5) This is an extremely ancient and mysterious book in the catalogue of 
the Chinese Classics. It may be the most ancient of their books. 

6) i.e. the 4th, 5th, 7th and 10th months of the Jewish ecclesiastical 

7) These " trials " refer to the capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar. 
The destruction of the first temple (and afterwards the second), the 
slaughter of (ledaliali and his company at Mizpah, (./^t. 41 : 1), and 
the siege of Jerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar. 

8) This is the expression of a Chinese-Jewish Ancestor-worshiper. 

9) i.e. on " the day of atonement," (lOth of Tlshri). This fasting was 
from Sun-dawn to Sun-dawn. It seems to have been kept very faith- 
fully, and in wonderful purity in the midst of paganism, 

10) i.e. in the presence of impending destruction. 

11) I have already stated that this was India, but, according to my re- 
searches, more particularly the region around Cabul, a great centre of 
Jewish caravan trade. 

12) These Jews evidently held their migration to China to have been by 
divine command. 

13) i.e. about 5000 people. 

14) The text says Si yaug pu, i.e. cloth from the Western Ocean. T. deL. 


Tlie emperor of the Sung dynasty said: " Since they have come to our 
central land, and revently observe the customs of their ancestors, let them 
l)and down their doctrines at Peen-Jedng^, In the first year of Lung- 
Jdng, of the Sung^ dynasty, in the 20th year of the 65th cycle', T^e ching 
and Woo-sze-ta^ superintended this religion, and Yen-too-l a'^ built the 
Synag:ogue<5. In the reign of Che-i/uen, of the Yuen dynasty^, or the 
16th year of the 67th Cycled Woo-sze-ta rebuilt the ancient temple of 
truth and purity, which was situated in the T'hoo- she-tsze-street, on the 
South-east side^. On each side, the area of theteiuple extended 350 feet 
When the first emperor of the Ming dynastyio established his throne and 
pacified the pecjple of the empire, all tliose who came under the civilizing 
influence of our country were presented with gr(»und, on which they might 
dwell quietly, and profess their religion without molestation, in order to 
manifest a sympathizing benevolence, which views all alike.^* But as this 
temple required some one to look after its concerns, these were ap|)<»inted 
for that purpose^2 jr^g^ Ching, Lh Shih, Yen Ping-too, Gae King, Chow 
Gan, Le Kang,'^^ &c , who were themselves upright and intelligent men» 

I) i.e. the modern Kai-fung-foo. The permission to settle, was evidently 
granted the Jews by the emperor on account of their devotion to their 
religion and their " ancestors !" 

2} This was the great Sung dynasty. The date here referred to was 
1163 A.D. (The '' Shang-hae pamphlet" says 11 6. Seep. 71 of timt 

3) I consider these two individuals ta have been Rabbis. 

4; This person was probably a rich Jewish layman. 

5) i.e. Temple. 

6) i.e. the Mongol dynasty, preceding the native Ming. 

7) i.e. 1279 (the Shang-hae pamphlet says 1:380). 

8) There is no mention, as far as I can discover, of any Jewish teninle at 
Kai-fung-foo before the year 1163. Between this date and 1271) the 
temple must have been destroyed by an inundation of the Yellow River, 
unless the word "ancient " refers to a structure set up and destroyed 
centuries before the temple of 1103, which is improbable. 

I rather hope that future research may result in discovering the existence 
of a temple soon after the middle of the 5th century a.d., but as yet 
there are no strong indications of such. 

9) About half the temple area of Solomon's temple (for a ground plan 
of the temple, see '■'■ Menorah" September 1888). 

10) i.e. the native Chinese dynasty succeeding the foreign Mv>ngol, in the 
year 1368. 

II) This is the general humane policy of the Chinese emperors. 

12) i.e. by the Emperor. 

13) A reference to the names of some of the '^severity clans" (p. 25o). will 
will suffice to show that the above-named persons were descendants of 


and able to admonish others, having attained the title of Mwan-la^. So 
that up to this time (1488), the sacred vestments, ceremonies and mnsic 
are all maintained according to the prescribed pattern, and every word 
and action is conformed to the ancient rule^. 

Every man, therefore, keeps the laws and knows how to reverence 
Heaven and respect the patriarchs, being faithful to the prince and filial 
to parents, — all in consequence of the efforts of these teachers*. Yen 
Ching, who was skilled in m^dicine^, in the 19th year of Yung-lo^, re- 
ceived the imperial commands communicated through Chow-foo-Ting- 
wang'', to present incense in the temple of truth and purity^, which was 
then repaired^. 

About the same time also, there was received the imperial tablet of the 
Ming dynasty, to he erected in the temple. -^^ 

the first settlers,— they were among the prominent Jewish families. 

1) I think this is the Chinese phonetic rendering of the English Mollah 
(Turk. Mewla or Molla), the name of the higher order of Turkish 
Ecclesiast. Judges (Webster). The Mahometan influence was very 
great at Kai-fung-foo, and many Turkish and Arabian words were im- 
posed on the Chinese ; and as the Jews were confounded with the Ma- 
hometans by the Chinese, it happened that this Chinese-Turkish title 
was bestowed by the emperors en several of the Jewish ''Synagogue 
rulers." — On this word J)r. Porter Smitli, Vocabulary of Chinese proper 
names (1870) writes: Mwan-lah, the Mullah, a Mahommedan name 
used for the Jewish Rabbi at K'ai-fung fu. Col. H. Yule, Glossary 
of Anglo-Indian ivords (18 -^'6), s.v. Moollah, refers to Hind, mulld, 
corrupted from the Arabic maul a'. — T. de L. 

2) This is by Jio means wholly true. The whole atmospliei-e of the temple 
(save in its shape) was Chinese. The Priests or Rabbis wore a yellow 
cap while officiating, and a red umbrella was suspended or held by an 
attendant over his head. As to music, the Jews chanted; and Gozani, 
a Roman Catholic missionary in Cliinain the 17th cent, says this chant- 
ing reminded him of the Jews of Italy. (See Milman, Hist, of the Jews.) 

vJ) i.e. the above-mentioned persons, who, according to the writer of thi.s 
inscription, were "■teachers'"' (i.e. of religion)— or neriiaps Rabbis. 

4) In the name Yen we again discern a descendant of an original settler. 

5) The only instance of the kind met with in my researches. 
4)) A.D. 1417 (Shang-hae pamphlet, p. 71). 

7) He was an imperial officer of the province, and a Jew ! 

S) i.e. the Jewish temple. T\n^ '^ command " to " ^wrw incense'' y> as to 
burn it in honor of the emperor, before the Imperial tablet which was 
set up in the Jewish temple according to custom, as a sign of loyalty. 

9) It had again suffered from fire or flood. 

10) See note 11. A. K. Glover. 

(To be continued). 



Contributors are alone responsible for their opinions or statements. 



1. We have said elsewhere in commencing the survey of the difFcrent 
rliythms, that metre is a product of the development of civilization, 
not only in the authentication of its rules, bnt in its very existence, that 
verse is born little by little of prose, that there are centres of poetry, 
and that they are those of civilization itself ; that in consequence the 
classification of rhythmics is not adequate to that of languages and nations. 
We have here a striking proof. 

The Arabic Semitic tongue, the Turkish Altaic tongue, the Persian 
and Hindustani Aryan tongues, have the same metre ; this common 
metre comes from the Arabic which has communicated it, like its alpha- 
bet, like its civilization, like its religion. 

The metre, which may be termed indifferently Arabic or Mussulman, pre- 
sents certain great difficulties, whether it be in its practical application, 
or in its theoretical explanation. 

It perplexes all our ideas. 

It is necessary to explain first, without commentaries, its technical and 
practical rules, then the different systems of theoretical explanation 
which have been given of it, and lastly, the theory which we believe 
we can offer. 

1. Practical Expla.vation. 

Arabic metre comprehends like all others : 1st, the number of syllables ; 
2nd, their value ; 3rd, the assonances or dissonances, or the rhyme. 
A) Number and value of the syllables. 
Composition of dijfferent feet and different verse. 

Now, contrary to what takes place in Latin, and agreeably to what 
is produced in Sanscrit, the feet of the Arabic verse are often very long. 
Vol,, v.— No. 12. [253] Dec, 1891. 


It seems difficult to discover here an arsis and a thesis, for example in 
the foot ma,fdiliitun= v -ox>-. 

There are ten original and regular feet, two of five letters, and eight of 
seven. By letters we mean in Arabic not the vowels, but the conson- 
ants only. 

These feet are indicated by the different forms of one particular word, 
— the word faal, signifying to do, and which serves also in the Arabic 
grammar as the type of conjugation. 

These feet are: 

1. fdulun= M-- = the bacchic. 

2. failun=:-%t- = the amphimacre. 

3. mafailun -=o =the first epitrite. 

4. failutan =-«-- = the second epitrite. 

5. must5.filun=--\t-= the third epitrite. 

6. mdfildtun=z---\j = the fourth epitrite. 

7. m(ifazliitun = *t - x> v-=the iambus and the anapest united. 

8. miitdfdtlun = w o - o -=the anapest and the iambus. 

9. fdt-ld-tun = - w I - I -. 

10. mus I tdft I /wn — - \ - v \ -. 

These two last feet reproduce the 1st and 8th, but have a different 

We see that in these feet there is no dactyl, nor anapest ,nor spondee 
nor trochee, nor iambus — none of those which form the foundation of 
the Greco-Latin metre. 

We cannot look upon the first two syllables of mcffailiitun as an- 
iambus, for itw is indivisibleith the anapest, and. to be more exact, there- 
is neither an anapest nor an iambus there. 

Yet theoretically the Arab metremakers have separated the groups of 
two letters called sabab, those of three letters called watad, and those of 
|Our or five letters fdcila, but this distinction, useful for the detail of their 
metrical theory, has nothing to do with the real constitution of their feet. 

Such are the feet called regular. 

Let us add that they are regulated not according to the accent as in the- 
German system, btit according to the quantity, as in the Grseco-Latin 

Besides these regular feet are formed the irregular feet, very numerous 
which are derived from them by cutting off, additions, or changes. 

The principal' of these changes are : 

1st, the irregularity called ismar. The foot mat^faXlun cuts off its 


second vowel, and thus liecomes mutfaKlun, wliich leads us to say that the 
foot v«-w- becomes, by changing its two short syllables into a long--«-. 
In this case there is a tempurarj/ equimlcnce, ami a simple derarif^ement of 
the rythmic plan. As the Arabs love to describe the concrete expression 
by a word typical of their different feet, the altered foot is not called mf/t- 
failun, but mustafilun, adid this new foot is called muzmur, in conseqiK-nc-e 
of its kind of irregularity. 

2nd, the irregularity called ash. 

The foot m^fail (itan suppresses the sound t, and becomes wiy*a«/<Mn, which 
leads us to say that « -- u - becomes u , and this new foot they ex- 
press more elegantly to the Arab ear by the concrete example mjifailun. 

Here there is no farther equivalence ; the temporal value of the foot is 
itself modified . 

r>rd, the irregularity wacf. 

The foot vicifulatn becomes miifuldn, which signifias that ., be- 
comes , that is to say, takes the short fiaal. 

4th, the irregularity Khahn, 

A change from the initial long to short; -u- becomes uw-; -u-- becomes 
vw--; — V- becomes w-v-; v becomes v-u. 

5th, the irregularity taiy. 

A change of the second long into a short. - -^- becomes -w-; — » be 
comes -w-w. 

Gth, the irregularity cahz. 

Suppression of the 5th silent consonant in the feet mafcdlun and 
faulUn, become thus mafailun and fHHlil, which is equivalent to the con- 
version of u — into V-V-, and of «-- into v-«. 

We shall not pursue this enumeration further ; we have only wislied to 
make the system understood. Let it suffice here to add that these irregu- 
larities number thirty one. 

A certain number of those changes only affect one and the same foot. 
It is thus that the foot faulun can be affected successively by certain irreg- 
ularities, viz., tashig, cahz, casr, Iiazf, salm, sarm, and hatr-, that is to say, 
becomes fdulu, fdil-l, fdalun^ falUn, falu, and lastly fa. 

From the constitution of the feet we pass to the constitution of the 

There are nineteen different hemistiches. The five first are peculiar to 
the Arabs, the three last to the Persians, the others are common to all 
Mussulman nations. 

These hemistiches are composed, some of three irregular feet, and 


others of four ; there are some of them which are of less number, but their 
the hemistich remains by itself, and is no longer connected vcith another 
to make a verse. 

Besides there being the regular feet and the irregular feet, there arc 
also, even when all the feet should he regular^ regular and irregular 
hemistiches. ^ 

There are the regular hemistiches which number 19 ; the others are 
much more numerous. 

This is the list of the regular hemistiches or regular little yerses. 

1. Tawil, composed thus : 

w W V-- j w--», 

otherwise spoken, following the Arabic technics : 
f^ulun I mdfallun \ J'^ulun \ mdfailun. 

In this hemistich and in all the following of four feet, we see that the 
equal feet are identical among themseheSj and the unequal feet are iden- 
tical among themselves. 

2. Madid, -»-- | -u- | -v-- I -u-. 
"d. Tacit, --W- I -V- I --W- J -W-. 

In all these hemstiches we see that the equal feet are shorter than the 
irregular feet, and are formed by abridgement. 

4. Kamil, w^,-v- j uw- | w-v- | wu-v-. 

5. Wajir, \t-vv- j w-uw- I w-Mw- I v-vv-. 

6. Eazaj, v — | » | w [ v . 

7. Majaz, — v- | --«- | --v- ! --*-. 

8. Maml, -»-.- | -v-- | -u-- | -»--. 

In all these hemisticles, all the feet, on the contrary, equal or unequal,, 
are identical. 

9. San, --U- I - -w- j V. 

Here there are only three feet, and it is the third which differs from the^ 
two others. 

10. Munsarih, --»- j >/ | --»- \ w. 

Here there is a temporal equivalence between the four feet, but the rhyth- 
mic design varies in each. 

11. Khaff, -V- I — .- I -u-.. 

A difference only of rhythmic design; correspondence of the unequal feet. 

12. Muzari, v J -w-- j u | -«--. 

Here a temporal equivalence,a. difference in rhythmic design-, the feet cor- 
respond, equal with equal, unequal with unequal. 


13. Mucia:ab, « [ --»- | u | --w-. 

14. Mujtas, --V- I -»-- j --w- j -u--. 

15. Mutacarib, o-- I v-- | c-- 1 •.--. 
Here an identity in all the feet. 

IG. Mutadarik, -v- j -v- | -«#- ( -«-. 

17. /arf/rf, -^,-~ [-U-- I--U-. 
Here a difference in the last foot. 

18. Carib, » \ » | -u— . 

19. Muschakily -»-- | w 1 ^ — , 

Here it is the first foot which differs. 

This table suggests to us the following observations: 

1st. Generally the equal feet are identical with each other, likewise the 
unequal feet. 

Yet when there are only three feet, it is one alone which differs. 

2nd. The equal feet are often an abreviation of the unequal feet; yet the 
reverse takes place in the Tawil. 

3rd. In five verses all the feet are absolutely identical. 

4:th. In general there is a temporal equivalence in all the feet ; yet 
the opposite occurs in three primitive metres, the tawil, the madid and 
the bactt, where the unequal feet are shorter or longer than the equal 
feet of the value of a long, but we can see in this peculiarity a sort of 

Tiie result, save one catalectic peculiarity, is that the Arabic hemisticle 
may be divided into equal tenses when the regular verses so called are 
used, that it does vary in each of its feet the rhythmic plan alone, like 
the Greeks and tlie Latins who cause the dactyl and the spondee to alternate. 
Yet here the alternance goes further and equates that which would occur 
in its place in Latin if the iambus and the trochee, the dactyl and the am- 
phimacre, the amphimacre and the anapest were made to alternate. 

As to the catalysis, it is here ^jeculiar ; it no longer passes from verse 
to verse and from hemistich to hemistich only, but into the interior of 
the hemistich itself, by the abreviation, in general, of the equal feet. 

Such are the regular hemistiches. 

In what do the irregular consist ? 

The hemistiches are irregular by the irregularity of the metres which 
compose them. It is certain that the tawil which is composed of w - - 

u I V.-- ( u — becomes in the last foot of the hemistich v-w- instead 

of u — . 

'258 Arabian rhythmics. 

These irregularities are frequent everywhere ; the are to be found 
most in the last foot of the hemistich, and they are met with even in the 
first. Tlien nearly always the hemistich is abridged, the second equal 
foot is shorter tlian the first equal foot ; it produces a special catalysis. 

We shall see that this catalysis is produced also at the end of the 
second hemistich, but then it has a special character which we shall par- 
ticularize further on in treating of complete verse. 

The appellation of regular metre and of irregular metre is not very ex- 
act ; to justify it, it is necessary to suppose that perfect regularity has ex- 
isted at the beginning, and that it is by successive derogations that 
these irregukrities have been admitted little by little and like true 
poetical licenses. On the contrary, we think that the irregularity has pre- 
ceded the relative regularity, that the prose Avas modelled and rhthymed 
nttle by little, as a block which is hewn large because it is to be sculptured 
and that, to be absolutely correct, it would be necessary to say : metre ?wi 
yet made regular. We shall draw some consequences from this. 

We wish here only to cause to appear the impossibility of exact 
mmsure of time in these irregular metres. We have seen that contrari- 
wise this measure m the regular metres, although approximate onl}', was 

Here are some examples : 

In the Kamil and Wafir metres uu-u- may become u-v - by the drop- 
ping of a short, and w <.- may be changed into «-./- by the same cause 

In the Tawil the substitutions are numerous, and may be arranged in 
this form: 

1. „-„ |„— l..--;|„..- 
2. „-- I .->.- K-- 1 „-„- 

O. w - 1/ j \J - - \j I V-- I \J -v- 
4-. u-wj »-w I u-w| W-U" 

Except the last foot which is respected, how may v-u often equal v— and 
v-u- equal « — , without the divisions of the tense marked by the first 
being destroyed by the second ? 

In the Ttadjaz also the fundamental foot -- «- is frequently replaced 
by u-u - or by ^yj u . or by -ow-, whose rhythmic plan is not only different 
but which does not measure the time in the same manner. 

If neither the rhythmic plan nor the equal measure of time exists any 
longer, can poetry be distinguished from prose just by the quantity o 
the syllables ? And if it distinguished from it, how is it done ? That is 


a problem which we shall have to examine soon, but wliich we only indicate 
at present. 

Let us pass from the feet and from the hemistich to the entire verse. 
The Arabic verse is composed of two united hemutlchs. These two 
hemistiches are exactly alike ; these are the Kurzzeilen re-united in 

Thus, while there is disagreement of symmetry between the hemistiches of 
different verses, there is regularity and agreement, except with some slight 
exceptions, between the two hemistiches of the same verse. The one is the 
rhythmic reproduction of the same on other words. 

It is that in reality, as we shall show, the two hemistiches are two dis- 
tinct verses forming a distich, and whose agreement forms exactly the 
unity of the verse which can live alone. 

But one frequent exception takes place to this rule, rarely in tlie com- 
mencement of the verse, more frequently at the end. 

At the beginning of the first, the first short is sometimes suppressed, 
while it is not so at the beginning of the second, a light silence ought 
then to replace the short, if we would not break the temporal correspond- 
ence and the continuity of the rhythmic plan. 

At the end of the second hemistich there takes place a phenomenon so 
frequent as to become nearly normal. The last foot is modified, to mark 
the pause at the end of the verse. 

We see in Latin something analogous when the fifth foot is necessarily 
a dactyl and the sixth a spondee, while the other feet may be indifferently 
the one or the other. 

To mark the end of the verse sometimes the last vowel of the final foot 
is prolonged, sometimes the last syllable of the fundamental foot is cut 
off and replaced by a silence, sometimes a long is interpolated in the 
middle of the final foot ; then is here a sort of pause, when the voice is 
prolonged ad libitum. 

We shall not enter into detail of these numerous variations of the last 
foot of the second hemistich. They have all the same object. They, 
moreover, render the Arabic verse, when they are produced, sometimes 
catalectic, sometimes hypercatalectic. 

The unity of the verse is constituted, therefore, by the connection of the 
two hemistiches. The connection of likeness gives the internal and isolated 
constitution of the verse ; that of dissimilarity, whether at the beginning 
of the first hemistich, or at the end of the second, constitutes it externally 


bj distinguishing it exactly from the preceding verse, and those which 

B) Assonances and Dissonances. 

This is concerned with the rhyme, and with the rhyme only ; Arabic 
rhythm knows nothing of alliteration. 

It is not only the verses which rhyme with each other, hut also very 
often the hemistiches, which prove that originally the hemistich was an 
Entire verse.; when the hemistiches rhyme together, the rhyme changes at 
each verse, when they do not rhyme, it is permanent for the whole poem ; 
moreover, the two hemistiches of the first verse always rhyme together. 

The rhyme is constituted by the identity of the consonant and of the 
vowel which precedes it. 

a) 'The Consonant. 

The essential letter which constitutes the rhyme is the last consonant 
which bears the name of rawt, bat it may include also eight other con- 
sonants, four before and four after. 

The consonants which may concur in the rhyme and which precede the 
rawi or last consonant are : 1st, the ridf or radif, that is to say, the 
alif quiescent after a fatha, the waw quiescent after a zamma and ye 
quiescent after a kesi-a, that is to say, the semi-vowels serve as letters of 
prolongation to the vowels placed before the rawi ; 2nd, the caid, that is 
to say, the quiescent consonant, other than the semi-vowels, placed im- 
mediately before the rawi ; the identity of the caid is compulsory, at 
least a caid should be employed whose pronunciation may be by the 
same organ, as two gutturals, two dentals; 3rd, the tacis, thatis to say, the 
a??/ quiescent before the rait'?, but followed immediately by a letter supported 
by a vowel ; 4th, the dakhil, which is exactly that letter supported by a 
vowel, and preceding the rawi. 

The consonants which concern the rhyme following the Eawi, form 
Ist, the Wasl, that is to say, the consonant which immediately follows the 
Bawi; 2nd, the Khurudj, that is to say, the letter which immediately folow 
the Wasl; 3rd, the Mazid, a last consonant or semi- vowel which follows 
the Khurudj] 4th, the Nacra, the consonant which follows the mazid. All 
these letters are the result of the conjugation or of the addition of servile 

Raoul de la Grasserie. 
(To be continued). 





{Continued from Vol. Ill, p. 223). 

Chap. VII.— Items op Babylonian, Persian, Indian, Egyptian 
AND Greek Civilisations entered into Ancient China from 770 

B.C. TO A.D. 220. 


97, In the previous chapter^^s we have successively examined the var- 
ious channels through which influences of the civilised Western world may 
liave entered and in reality did enter, into Ancient China, viz. : section a) 
Ancient dynasties of Western origin; b) the Jade eastern traffic; c) An- 
<;ient trade route of the eastern sea-trade; d) Ancient trade routes inland, 
South and South-west, and e) the trade of Shuh (Sze-tchuen). 

The second part of the same chapter (called section /) was occupied 
yfiih. a rapid survey of the general advance in foreign knowledge which was 
made in China, during the three first periods of its history, namely, 1) from 
•c. 2272, Arrival of the Bak families, who were most probably a "blue-eyed 
ruddy faced and not black haired race,^^^ from the West, to the Hia dyn- 
asty; 2) from the time of the great Yli to the end of the Shang-Yn dyn- 
asty, and 3) from the beginning of the Tchou dynasty to their removal to 
Loh-yang in 770 b.c. 

98. There are several additions which further researches^^^ enable me to 
'make. The Bak families when they established their settlements in N.W. 
China, knew gold, silver, copper, and tin (or antimony), whose 
symbols are all traceable to their antecedents in the mother writing of 
Western Asia.^^^ They had great difficulty in finding silver in their 

.new country, and the discovery of the obstinatemetal ( silver = Y n- 
made of ken, obstinate and {b'n) metal) under the Hia and Yn dyn- 
asties has remained historical. They owe their knowledge of i r o n at the 
time of the great Yu, to the native populations of North Szetchuen, who 
were well acquainted with it, and they called it accordingly the Barbar- 
ian metal, (tiet, iron, written at first Y, barbarian, and kin, metal), as 
•well as by other names, ttet and lou, borrowed from the native dialects. 
In the middle of the eighteenth century, the Chinese became acquainted 


with the art of Bronze. In 1741 b.c. a branah of the Kun-wus coming" 
from the Kokonor, settled at Hiu (Honan, N.), introducing with them 
^he western art of bronze (invented in Asia Minor about 2500 b.c), which 
had been carried eastwards through the tin stations of Moshed (in Khoras- 
s&n), of Kiu-tse (in Eastern Turkestan), and Kokonor. The initial pro- 
portions of tin to copper, which increased in the east, and diminished in 
the west, was 15 per cent.^'^^ 

99. The introduction of the western art of tempering iron, which I 
thought to have taken place at the time of the expedition of Muhwang to 
the west, in the third period {supra VI. /. 4.), did not happen then.^^i 
A due consideration gifen to the texts on the matter has convinced me 
that they refer to the Assyrian art of inlaying metal, which was then 
brought to the knowledge of the Chinese, 3^2 YfhxlQ the other art was not 
learned by them before several centuries had elapsed. ^'3 

100. As we have not already done so, we must here notice the great 
literary and political event which had happened towards the end of the 
third period. It was due to the energy and foresight of Siuen the King 
of TcHou and of his able minister Sze-tcKoum 820 B.C., during a tempo- 
rary revival of the power of his throne.874 The ancient Ku-wen writing^ 
introduced from the West by the Bak families, had diverged to some extent, 
in the course of centuries, from its original forms and modes of coniposi. 
tion; the language had varied, the area of the Chinese dominion was larger 
than in former times, aboriginal tribes had been absorbed and assimilated^ 
regional variants of the spoken language had arisen, and in consequence, 
the phonetic spelling of ancient times suggesting a spoken term, uni- or 
poly -syllabic in one monogram only, simple or complex, which was largely 
resorted to in the written language, had ceased to be adequate with the 
requirements. Therefore Siuen Wang and Sze-tch'ou felt the necessity of 
obviating possible misunderstandings of the written commands and instruc- 
tions from the Crown in any part of the Chinese dominion, and they made 
a bold attempt to do so. Although successful only in a small limit at the 
time, from want of continuity or power and recognized authority in their 
hands and those of their successors, the principle they laid down remained , 
£^nd, followed in later centuries by powerful rulers,*'^ has given to China 
her present wonderful writing which is understood everywhere, even in non- 
Chinese countries, notwithstanding the variety of the spoken languages^ 
and has thus greatly contributed to the unity and greatness of the Chinese 
Empire. The principle followed by Siuen Wang and Sze-tch'ou in their 
recast of a large number of the written characters, was to make them more- 


ideographic, even more pictorial, and thus to make them more significant 
to the eyes than before, at the expense of the phonetic suggestion, if ne- 
cessary. The original number of characters, beyond the wanted additions 
required by the progress of knowledge, had increased from various sources: 
P) variants resulting from the gradual neglect of the primary rules of 
spelling and composition, and the actual ignorance and carelessness of the 
scribes; 2^) local variants of the standard forms, entered into the vocabu- 
lary with an acquired shade of meaning; 3^) pictorial equivalents, of diflB- 
cult or little known standard characters, actually created among the less 
cultivated part of the Chinese dominion. These various causes of diver- 
gencies continued to act after the reform of 820 B.C., and the new standard 
forms were not regularly obeyed, because of the weakness of the central 
authority; but as the principle of ideographism, by its suitableness to the 
environment, had become paramount, the written documents could hence- 
forth be understood everywhere without great difficulty .3 76 It is only in 
the sixth period, that we shall have to refer again to the transformation of 
the written characters. 

101. The present chapter is practically the continuation of the second 
part of the preceding, since we shall continue now our survey of the evo- 
lution of Chinese civilisation, began therein for the three first periods. But 
the importance of the events which occurred after 770 b,c. downwards, the 
greater supply of documentary evidence, and the everlasting influence 
which these events have exercised on the subsequent history and present 
condition of the country, make it necessary to deal with them in a new 


365) The numbers of the paragraphs which have been omitted in printing 
the previous parts of the present work may be easily ascertained by re- 
ferring to the final table of contents. 

366) A black-haired girl amongst them was looked upon as an extraor- 
dmary being at the time of Shun ; the ruddy faces of the men and the 
whiteness of the women's complexions are severally praised in the Shi 
King; the indigo plant was denominated by them the eye-like plant. Cf. 
my paper on 'The Black heads of Babylonia and Aiicient China: B. & 
0, R. vol. v., pp. 233-246. 

367) Contained in my Monograph on The Metallurgy of the Ancient Chi- 
nese, which, prepared as a chapter of my Introduction to the Catalogue 
of Chinese Coins in the British Museum, was one of the chapters left 
aside for want of funds (unprovided for in the estimates). 

-368) In Gold and Tin, cf. B. & 0. R. vol. V. pp. 38-39, m T. de L., 
From Ancient Chaldcca and Elam to early China, § 16.— Silver was 
white metal as in the west; Copper, tung is derived from the 


original symbol for crucible as in the west. The Rev. C. J. Ball -has 
found independently the derivation of the symbol for gold, Cf. his 
Ideogram common to Accadian and Chinese, P.S.B.A., Dec. 1890. 

369) This date like that of 2282, for the settlement of the Bak sings un- 
der the leadership of Yu nai hwang-ti (Hu Nakhunte) on the banks of 
the Loh river in Shensi, in the 50th year cf his rule, is calculated from 
the statements of the Annals of the Bamboo Books; the date of 2332 
for the first year of Hwang-ti, verified by Hwang-p'u-mi {supra, Ch. III. 
§12); and that of ]904 B.C., lately verified by astronomy (G. Schlegel, 
F. Klihnert, Die Schu-King Finsterniss. Amsterdam, 1889), together 
permit a scheme of chronology much more satisfactory than the common 
scheme built in the Xlth century on false astronomical data, or the 
chronology calculated from the Bamboo Books which has been frequent- 
ly followed in the previous chapters. I have given a comparative table 
of the three schemes, so far as the history of money is concerned in my 
Numismatic Chronology of Ancient China, forming the Cb. I. of my In- 
troduction, referred to. note 367. 

370) The use of special ores of copper led to the discovery of Bronze. 
For the proofs and details, cf. my Monograph On the Western discov- 
ery of bronze and its introduction in Ancient China. — The various pro- 
portions of tin to copper according to the object required are stated in 
the Tchou-li, Kiv. 41 (ed. Biot, t. II. pp. 491-492). The Analvses 
of Chinese bronzes hitherto published concern bronze objects of com- 
paratively recent make. Assyrian bronzes contained from 15 to 10 per 
cent tin^ 

371) It occurred only in the sixth century, as shown below, 

372) For all details and proofs, cf. my paper on The Metallurgy of the 
Ancient Chinese. 

373) A few of the items included in the lists forming the fourth chapter, 
which progress of research has proved to belong to importations of the 
fourth period will be indicated below. 

374) I have called again, after several ancient writers, the attention of 
scholars to that great event, one of the most remarkable which could be 
quoted in the general history of writing, in several of my publications: 
Early history of the Chinese Civilization, 1880, p. 15, sq.; On the his- 
tory of the Archaic Chinese writing and texts, 1882 p. > ; Beginnings 
of writing around Thibet, part I., §55; Le non-monosyUahisme du Chi- 
nois Antique, I'ecart entre les langues ecrite et parlee d'aujoud'hui, et 
I'histoire de la langue ecrite, 1889, p. 14; and elsewhere. 

375) In 227 and 212 b.c, in 165 and 379 a.d. 

376) The own written characters of Sze-tch'ou are generally called ta-tchuen,. 
Great tchuen, and those framed according to his prmciples tchuen^ 
in contra-distinction to the same style reduced and simplified in 227 b.c. ^ 
which was called siao tchuen, i.e., Small tchuen. The Mvoxd. tchuen 
means literally curved, and the usual term seal character is only 
an appropriate rendering. 

II. Fourth Period, 770-481 b.c. 
a) The Ages of Wonder-ism. 
102. The IVth period begins in 770 B.c, when the capital of the 


TcHou dynasty was transferred eastwards to Loh-yh (Loh-yang, Honan), 
after the death of the previous king through tho hands of the Kiuen- 
jung,3" western barbarians, side ancestors of the Burmo-Nagas tribes of 
the present day, and it lasts until 481 B.C., when began tlie internecine 
•wars of the various states of the Chinese dominion contending for tiie 
Imperial supremacy. It is one of the most important in the history of 
Chinese civilisation. Importation by the east and by the south-west of 
numerous foreign ideas and notions which have had an everlasting influ- 
ence on the evolution of the Chinese views, moral and religious, and the 
beginnings of Wonder-ism, Taoism Confucianism and Tao-sze-ism, took 
place during that period. 

The various states and especially the border ones in contact with tho 
outside word, less fettered than previously to accept anything new but 
through the authoritative channel of their suzerain the King of Tchou, 
were henceforth open to initiative of their own as well as to innovations- 
introduced by foreigners. 

10 3. Tho eastern sea-trade which we have noticed in the first part 
of the present chapter, section c, as one of the channels of introduction 
of foreign items of civilisation has exercised a most remarkable influence^^^. 
It was carried by sea traders from the Indian Ocean, who, opposed un- 
successfully after 680 B.c.2'^^ by the small Chinese state of Kiii (in S.E. 
Shantung) founded around the present gulf of Kiao-tchou, (on the South 
side of the peninsula), Lang-ga which they called after the old Ceylonese 
Lanka^^^, S. of the gulf , and Tsih-mieh, afterwards Tsih-moh, their n art 
andmint-placeontheNorth. They reckoned among them sea-farers from the 
Arabian sea^si^ but their chiefs were Hindus. One of them named A'm^- 
lu, i.e. Gotra, as shown by the story of a cow connected with his visit, 
was the object of a grand and unusual reception at the Court of the prince 
of Lu (S. Shantung) in 631 b.c.^'^^. They were friendly with the Chin- 
ese states and carried on with them extensive relations ; their introduc- 
tion of coinage about 675 was soon imitated by the Prince Hwan of 
Ts'i, and his able minister Kwan-y-wu. And in later times they estab- 
lished monetary unions for the issue with joint names of coins between 
themselves and inland Chinese cities^^^. They recognized the suzerainty 
of the Ts'i state in 550 B.C. 

104. Astrology and sorcery^^^ from Chaldsean source, (about 6u5 b.c.) 
tinged with Indian views, Elamo-Persian notions, mythological imagery 
of Egypt, India, and Babylon, ^^^ {(jgas of transmutation and alchemy, 3^6 
amongst other innovations ; and besides coinage and measures^®^ in 


^75 B.C. several material progresses such as the western art of tempering 
iron 388^ known in 540 B.C., or perhaps before, importation of foreign pro- 
ducts such as the Quince-fruit indigenous from Media, ctrcd. 660 b.c'^^, 
were successively introduced, (more or less inaccurate and altered as the 
case may be) by them into China during that period. The charactet of 
their knowledge was not refined, and belonged properly to the wonder- 
mongering spirit that could be expected from sea-traders of that age. 

105. It is through their channel that the following data came into the 
Chinese literature. 

— A hybrid list of names of the twelve Babylonian months^^^ ; 

— A list of ten names which may be that of the old Semitic months^^^ ; 

— A Babylonian list of twelve Zodiacal names^^^ ; 

These three items were chiefly used for astrological purposes and they 
do seem to have been adopted to that service by the sea traders in ques- 
tion previously to their introduction into China. 

All these lists communicated orally to the Chinese scribes were trans- 
literated by them as approximately as they could. They differ in their 
outwards aspect from the data of early date imported by the Bak families 
about 2282 b.c, such as the cycles of 10 and 12, and many others noticed 
in our chapter IV, «) sciences and art, which are thus disencumbered of 
several of the suspicious items which have crept among them. 

106. We must also ascribe to the same influence ; 

— One peculiar superstition, such as the idea of exposing in the sun rays 
to the mercy of heaven, in time of draught, an emaciated person dying 
of thirst and hunger^ '3; known in the state of Lu in^^*, 639 b.c. ; 
^ — The annual practice of " giving a wife in Marriage to the river god 
Ho-peh " in throwing in the river a well-favoured Maiden, which well es- 
tablished at Yeh^^^ (pres. Tchang-teh fu, N. Honan) in the state of Wei, 
was suppressed after 424 b.c, by a new governor named Si- men 
.rao396 ; 

— ^The fire-worship which was estabhshed sometime before 564 and 541 in 
the state of Sung^^* (Honan, E.) where it was connected with astrology^^^i 
— The remarkable dualist worship which was established in Tcheng 
(Honan, E.) in^^^, 524 b.c, to Hwei-luh, god of light and fire, and 
Hiuen-ming, god of darkness and water^^^, then known in Chinese my- 
thology for the first time^^^, 

107. Several men of importance are mentioned in history as having 
promoted the astrological doctrines introduced and propagated by the ac- 
tive traders of the Lang-ya colony. Four of them are conspicuous ; 


namely : Sze yoh, whom we see giving astrological explanations to the 
duke of TsiN (Shansi S.) in 564 b.c.^oz ; Tze Tch'ang who died in 521 
B.C., a younger son of duke Tch'eng (reigned 584-571 b.c.) of the state 
of TcHENQ (Honan C.) where he occupied a high position and becanje 
finally chief Minister for 26 years before his death^^ : Tze Shen, in Song 
(Honan E.) in 545 and 522 B.c.^o^ And Tch'ang Hwang in Tchou 
(Honan W., Shensi S.E.) who flourished in 550-492 b,c. ; Szeraa-Tsien 
says of him that he was acquainted with all matters concerning the gods 
and spirits, and that the sayin<:s about the wonderful amongst the people 
of TcHou date from his teachings^^^. 

108. These four men may be looked upon as the real founders of tlie 
Tao-sze-ism*o^, and were the ijiraedate predecessors of Lieh-tzo and 
Tchwang-tze whom we shall have to refer to in our survey of the next 
period. We must now examine where was the fountain head of the sin- 
gularly mixed influence introduced by these foreigners of Larg-ya, influ- 
ence which continued for several centuries and displayed later on a curious 
and instructive transformation. But during the sixth century, while this 
activity was going on in Shantung and the states in the vicinity, anotber 
influence of a higher standard had reached the Middle Kingdom by the 
South-west route, and introduced several innovations ; the most striking 
was a certain amount of Hindu thoughts which have deeply tinged the 
great philosophical work of the period, i.e. the Tao ieh king of Lag-tze 
(G04-520 B.C.). We shall have to enquire on the important subject of 
the beginning of Taoism in a subsequent section, and afterwards on that 
of Confucianism. 


377) On the Jungs, cf. J. H. VXath, die fremden barharischen sidmmA 
in Alien China, Miinchen, 1874, pp. 477-495 ; and T. de L., The 
Languages of China before the Chinese, par. 28, 150, 172. 

378) The Rev. J. Edkins was, I think, tlie first to point out tlie introduc- 
tion of Babylonian astrology and imagery in China about that time 
and the great movement of thought which ensued, through the ancirnt 
navigation in the Indian Ocean, and I am indebted to him for several 
suggestions. But he was mistaken in several of his premises which he 
had not worked out ; he knew nothing of the opening of tlie Slian- 
tung sea-trade about 680 b.c, nor of the Hindu colonies in Pegu about 
500 B.C. He assumed without proof that a Babylonian sea trade to 
Indo-China had existed from remote date, which assumption is against 
scientific evidence. On the other hand he wants to begin astrolo^^v 
in China about 806 b.c, without any serious proof, which is too early 
by far, and he thinks that it could have reached the Chinese in the 
South of China, where they were not, inland through Indo-China, 


which is not tlie case, as shown forcibly in my present work. 1 am 
not sure that the following list of Dr. Edkins papers and commnnica- 
tions on the matter is complete : Babylonian Origin of Chinese astron- 
omy and astrology, China Review, 1885, XIV, 90-95 ; Babylonian 
Astronomy, ibid., 104 ; Astrology in Ancient China, ibid. 345-52 ; The 
introduction of Astrology in CAma, ibid. 1886, XV, 126-23 ; Chinese 
Mythology and Art, The Academy, July 12, 1884 ; Ancient navigation 
in the Indian Ocean, J.R.A.S. 1886, XVIII, 1-27 ; When did Baby- 
lonian Astrology enter China, Pr. S.B.A., Dec. 7, 1886,32-39; The 
relations of the Persian and Chinese Calendars : China Review, 1887, 
XVI, 95-9S ; also The Yh king as a booh of divination, J.R.A.S. 
1884, XVI, 360 sq. 

379) Cf. Tso tchuen, 2, 1 : 4.— Hoh Tchih, Tsih moh hien tchi, 1763, 
Kiv. I, f. 3. 

330) Vide supra par. 44 ; and note 25 of my paper : How in 219 
B.C. Buddhism entered China. B.&O.R. V, 105. 

381) Tsih-moh, seems to have been called after the emporia of Safar, 
Sophar, Zabar, of the coasts in the Arabian sea. Suppara of the W. 
Coast of India, Zabaj of N.W. Jara, Zahai of Indo-China, all names 
surviving or locally adaptated from a common original. Moreover we 
find a proof of that in their Babylonian astrology, 

382) He was chief of the Kiai foreigners, near Lang-ya, on the south 
side. Cf. Tso-tchuen, 5, xxix, 1 and 5. 

383) introduction to the Catalogue of Chinese coins in the Brit- 
ish Museum, ch. I and VII. 

584) This sorcery appeared I think for the first time in 662 b.c, (cf. Tso 
tchuen, 3, XXXII, 2). Astrology was not known in China, in 710, 
669, nor even in 661 b.c, all dates where it should have been re- 
sorted to, if known then Cf. T'so tchuen, under these years. Besides 
divining by the tortoise shell or the millfoii, the chief means of fore- 
casting events were onomancy and palmistry. Astrology appears rather 
abruptly in 655 B.C. when Yen the state diviner of Tsm quotes as 
childish ditties {fung yao) an astrological answer concerning a project 
of his Prince, given by some adept of the new doctrines. The native 
exegetes in taking tlio expression t'ung yao as meaning " the children 
have a sang which says" are certainly at fault here, as children could 
not have made such a thing. Astrology took gradually its place as a 
mode of forecasting events. An instance occurs in 564 b.c. in the same 
state of TsiN (Shansi) ; it was followed by subsequent statements in 
r^45, 540, etc., which show that the belief had become well established in 
the above state and m those of Tcheng (Honan C.) Sdng (Honan 
E.), and in others. The twelve principal states of the Chinese domin- 
ion were, each, placed under the superintendance of one of twelve 
zodiacal signs whose names appear then for the first time as we shall 
see below (note 392). Amongst these states are those of Tcheng 
which begin in 806 b.c, and of Tsi's (Shensi) which began in 770 
B.C., while the name of the «tate of Yueh which did not appear be- 
fore 537 B.C. was added either to that of Yen under Tcheh-muh, or to 
that of Wu, under Si7ig ki. As the latter state appears for the first 
times in history in 684 b.c amongst the states the astrological ar- 
rangement must have been made between 584 and 564 b.c — At the 
time of the Han dynasty some gaps have occured and the attribution 


of several names forgotten ; they were restored by Tcheng-hiaen (a.d. 
HHIl 127-200) in his comtnenlary of the Tchuu-li, xxv'i. 20 ; and also in 
^^Hp the T'ien-1/uen lih It of Siu-fah (a.d. 1682), with sligiit differences, 
^^Hr Dr. J. Edkins, Ancie?it Navigation in the Indian Ocean, J.A.R.S. 
^^K 1881, XVIII, 12, has quoted only the latter's list, and holds the view 
^^B that the astrological attribution of the states may have taken place in 
^^P 806 B.C. because the list begins by Tchenq, but this is no proof since 
f^F we have not the original list, and the later writers have began it as 
P' they used to do in enumerating the 28 siuh; cf. also a rejoinder made 

on other grounds in the China Review, 

385) As the mythological imagery became prominent only during the 
next period we shall postpone till then our enquiry on the question. 

386) These notions came into effect at the end of the next period; they 
were too crude and vague before. 

387) The coins were cast on the double basis of the light Babylonian 
Mlna as unit of weight, and of the Babylonian empan of 27 mm. as 
unit of length. Cf. the chapter VI on Weights and Measures, in the 
Introduction of my Catalogue of Chinese coins in the British Museum. 

388) This art was known in Shantung about 540 b.c. but not yet in 
the states more south ; cf. my monograph On Ancient Chinese Metal- 

An ode of the Shi-king I, 5, X.) composed about 660 b.c. in Wei 
(Tchihli S.W.) praises the Muh Kua or quince fruit (not the papaya 
now so called in South China and introduced from America). The 
quince tree, indigenous in Media, is highly valued all over the east 
for its cardinal virtues, and its fruits are to this day the object of an 
important traffic from the Persian gulf to the Bay of Bengal. It was 
then introduced in the China by the sea trade of Lang-ya. Cf. for 
the details and proofs my monograph on The Quince-fruit from Media 
to China, 660 B.C. 

390) The naiirfes of the cycle of twelve, which were part of the knowledge 
of the Bak sings, were those of the Babylonian Zodiac, on which cf. 
my letter in the Academy, Oct. 11, 1390, The Zodiac and cycles of 
Babylonia and their Chlness derivations ; while the full names which 
appear in the Erh-ya and She hi are those of the twelve Babylonian 
months. The entry of ch. IV, section a, and note 45, must be altered ' 
and completed as above. See next note. 

591) This is the list which appears, with the preceding, in the Erh-ya^ 
and in the She ki, but with greater divergences which however are not 
too broad not to be explained as.transhterations from oraldictation. Mr. 
E. Chavannes, In his interesting paper on Le Cal ndrier des I'n 
(Journal Asiatique, Nov.-Dec.1890) about the terms of the duodenary 
series, simple formula of good Omen, remarks p, 479, that the oldest 
instance of their use occurs in the Kwoh-yu, in the ninth year of Kon 
tsien of Yueh (496-165 b.c.) i.e. 488 b.c. (not 479 as he states errone- 
ously.) — The duodenary list has been applied in a clumsy way to the 
duodenary cycle of Jupiter, and Dr. J. Chalmers in his paper On the 
Astronomy of the Ancient Chinese (append, in J. Legge, Chinese Classics, 
vol. Ill, 1865) has remarked that the term sheMi-koh, ancient Shepti 
and Koh^ >n\\\q]i Shepti x'a said by Szema-Tsien to, be Jupiter, in Sanskrit- 
Fm^as;)ai/, rqay be an approximate transcription of the Indian- name. 
On the other hand, I have pointed above, ch. IV, a, note 45, the ob- 



vious derivation of these names from a hybrid list of those of the Baby- 
lonian months, and the clear identity of shepti with shebat. Since 
they haye been introduced into China in the sixth century only, and as 
astrological terms through the Indianised sea-traders of Lang-ya, the 
two statements are easiy reconcileable. The outwards resemblance of 
shebat with vrishaspatt ma.j have been one of the reasons which induced 
these astrologers to apply the full list to the cycle of Jupiter. 

392) This list is that of the twelve ts'e, otherwise zodiacal signs which 
appear in Chinese literature in connection with the astrology beginning 
in the seventh century and not otherwise. Seven of them are mentioned 
in the Tso-tchuen, six of these seven, and four more are given in the 
Erh-ya. The Shun ho, i.e. the eleventh of the Chinese list, is men- 
tioned in the Tso tchuen in 653 (5, VI, 9). — Compared with readings 
of the twelve Babylonian signs of the months, they present the follow- 
ing concordance : 

Bab, 1. shara, chief = shou, head, 10. Chinese. 

„ 2. gu, c= ho 11. 

,, 3. mur, = wi 12. ,, 

„ 4. shu, = shou 1. „ 

„ 5. bil, fire = ho, fire, 2. ,, 

„ 6. gi, look = ki, annals, 3. „ 

„ 7. du, = tche 4, ,, 

„ 8. ew^ar, digging = hiuen hiao, dark hole, 5 „ 

,, ^9. gan (KisLivu) = ktang lou 7. „ 

„ 10. (T^^^TW) = TSii TZE 6. „ 

,, 11. ash . = ta Hang 8. ,, 

,, 12. she kin = shi tchin 9. „ 

The concordance fails only for the 8 and also for the 6 of the Chinese^ 
list : the latter's names for 1, 2, 3, 4, 10, 11, 12 are double instead 
of simple but the the additional symbol does not impair the value of 
the other symbol. 

393) The first instance is mentioned in the state of Lu, in 639 B.C. 
{Tso tchuen). In the Li-ki, II, 11, iii, 29, the Duke Muh of Lu 
(409-377 B.C.) is said to have made a similar proposal which was 
reproved . 

394) The practice however does not seem to have ever obtained any hold 
there, and is not known in any other part of the country. 

395; She-ki, kiv. 126, ff. 14-16.— W. F. Mayers, Chinese R. M., I, 172. 
— The god was represented as a man with four faces driving in a 
fairy chariotdrawn by two dragons. Cf. Shan hai king, (text and gloss) 
kiv. 12, f. 3. His name has been assimilated to that of a certain Ho- 
peh, spoken of as an ally of the Chinese in that region, under the reigns 
of HiA Ti Mang, 1st year, and his successor Ti Sieh, ISth year, in the 
Tchuh shu ki nien ; i.e. about 1813 and 1781 according to the rectified 
scheme of chronology. Ho-peh, i.e. Ho-pak was perhaps a local sub- 
stitution of Oh-pak, a god of fire and whose worship we hear in 540 
B.,c. in the Tso tchuen in connection with fire worship, introduced in 
the state of Sung, apparently not long before, from the foreign source 
we are studying. 

396) The exact year of the suppression is not stated ; as Szema-tsien 
says simply that Simen-Pao, was the chief ofiicer of Yeh during the 



reign of the Marquess Wea of Wei who ruled from 424 to 387 B.C. 
303) I'so tchuen, under those dates. 

399) Tso-tchaen, 10, XVILI, 2. 

400) Iliiten-ming, 'litt. : Dark-obscurity. — Once entered into tlieir pan- 
theon, this deity has been connected with a certain 5m or Hi said to 
have been a son of Shao Hao, and Superintendent of Water under 
Tchuan-hiu (2i27 u.c.) by the authors of the Han dynasty, Cf. Khang 
hi tze tien, s.r. ming, 14 -f 8, f. 22 r., and Sacred Boolc9 of the East, 
XXVII, The Li ki, vol. I, p. 296. 

01) It is difficult not to be struck by the outward resemblance of these 
two names, as far as permitted by the Chinese orthoepy with those 
of Ahura-MazdaandxVnro-Mainyua. Gf. Tluei-luh which ha^A no meaning 
in Chinese ; cf, also Anro-Malnyus, with Hluen mingy anciently hun~ 
meng. The Persians were ruling in Babylonia since 5:38 and on the 
eastern shores of the Persian Gulf for some time previously. 

402) Tso tchuen, 9, IX, 1. 

403) Cf. Tso tchuen, Ann. 5G5, 543, 541, 53S, 532, and pass.— A short 
biography of this clever man is given in W. T, Mayers, Chinese R.M. 
I, 730, and more fully in T. Watters, A guide to th- Tablets in n 
Temple of Confucius, Shanghai 1879, pp. 35-37. His tablet was ad- 
mitted in the temple in 1857, which is rather surprising if we consider 
his astrological performance of 541 B.C. Szema Tsieu, She hi, kiv. 121> 
has written his biography. 

404) Tso tchuen, Ann. 545 and 522 b.c. 

405) There are several references to this man in history. Szema-Tsien,. 
' She-ki,^^. 28, f. 7 v. says that Tch'ang-Huang gave his services to 

the king Ling of Tchou (whose reign ended in 544 B.C.) At that time 
the Princes used to come no more to the court of Tchoc, whose power 
was on the wane. Tch'ang-Hwang who was proficient in all matters 
concerning gods and 'Spirits, shot arrows on a pu-lais head, other- 
wise a fox's head which symbolised the pu-lai, or non-coming of 
the Princes . He hoped that this ceremony would have contrived them 
to come, but they did not yield. Afterwards a man of Tsin seized 
Tch'ang-Huang and killed him. The wonder sayings of the people of 
Tchou began with Tch'ang-Huang. — In the Tso tchuen, Ann. 492,. 
par. 5, it is stated that he was put to death in that year by the people 
of TcHOD. — Tchuang-tze says : X, 2, Tch'ang-Huang was ripped open; 
and in XXVI, 1 : " Tch'ang-Huang died in Shu, where the people 
preserved his blood for three years, when it became changed like 
green jade." 

406) Tao-sze-ism which has already been used by several continental 
scholars is used here as a convenient designation of the wonder- mon- 
gering school . which has absorbed and transformed the philosophical 
Taoism of Lao-tze. 


(To be continued). 


Mr. Jacques de Morgan, who has been since appointed to the Director- 
ship of the Ghizeh Museum, has made in his last exploration in Persia, an . 
important find of cuneiform inscriptions. The largest one, from Seripul, 
is a monument of the victories gained in that region by a king of Lulubi, 
named An ubani, and from the text of the inscription, the place where 
it has been found was called mount Batir. 

A second inscription was engraved on a rock, at 108 kilom. northwards 
of the preceding, near the Sheikh Khan village. A King (name lost) had 
his image placed there; a Chald^ean governor, long afterwards, named 
Tar...dunn i, son of Sinip sah, had it restored, and added a commem- 
orative inscription of the fact. The two inscriptions have been translated 
by P, V. Scheil. In style, the two bas-reliefs and two inscriptions are 
archaic. Compared to those of Gudea, they are certainly older, and are 
looked upon by some, as the most ancient Chaldgean monuments hitherto 

Mr. J. Pognon, French Consul at Bagdad, has found by chance the 
country formerly known as Ashnunnak. Some bricks bear names of un- 
known princes such as 1) Ibalpil; 2) Un-an-nin-is-gi-da (?); 3) Nulaqu 
or Gulaqu; 4) ..,.-ma-shu. 

Mr. W, M. Flinders Petrie has unearthed at Tel el-Amarna fragments 
of cuneiform tablets, which Prof. Sayce has examined on the spot. Among 
them are some lexical documents, part of a sort of comparative dictionary 
of two or four different languages explained in Babylonian at length. 
Another work was a dictionary of Sumerian and Babylonian, in which the 
pronunciation of the Sumerian is given as well as their ideographic repre- 
sentation. Thus the Babylonian rlsapu and (di)kate are stated to be the 
equivalents not only of the ideographic GAZ-GAZ, but also of the pho- 
netically written ga-az-ga-az, thus showing the comparatively late date 
at which Akkado-Sumerian ceased to be a spoken language, as advocated 
by Prof. Sayce and Prof. Oppert. 

The influence produced on the evolution of the Chinese civilization by 
the Eea traders of the Erythraean and Indian seas in Shantung, whose first 
arrivals are recorded in the present number, was most remarkable. Persian 
notions, such as those of -the dualistic worship and of five sorts of fire, 
yielded gradually to others entirely Hinduic in character. The worship of 
the eight Vasus was established about .386 b.c. all over the state of Ts'i 
in Shantung. The Cosmogony, including the Sakwala and Sumera 
schemes, was fully explained in the teachings of Lieh-tze and in those of 
Tsou yen (cf. notably on the latter. She Ki, Kiv, 74, f. 2, 3). This mari- 
time intercourse, for some unexplained causes, ceased in the middle of the 
fourth century ; but the legend of the Five, after Three, Fortunate islands, 
■conceals some information about the route followed from India to the Yellow 
sea. And as to the great movements of thought which occurred at that 
time, the Wonderism of Shg,ntung and Taoism of Honan, which caused 
the appearance of Confucianism, fused together and became the Taoszeism. 
— T.deL. 

End of Vol. V. 





le Babylonian and oriental