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"This ought to be one of the most useful and widely read volumes of the 
' Bible Class Handbook ' Series. It is clear, well arranged, sober in judgment, 
and as full as the sources permit the writer to be." — British Weekly. 

"As fine an Introduction as one is likely to find for many a day. Mr. 
Fairweather has made himself master of the literature of this difficult time." — 
Expository Times. 

T. & T. CLARK, 38 George Street, Edinburgh. 




Ei;}z Eiatntkt]] Series oC t])z CTunningljam ILcctures 









Printed by 
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This volume has been prepared in fulfilment of the duty 
laid upon me in connexion with my appointment to the 
Cunningham Lectureship, and is now published in accord- 
ance with the terms of that appointment. 

Chapters VI. and VIII. are additional to those which 
formed the subject of Lectures in Edinburgh in February 
and March 1907. 

The notes in the Appendix consist partly of illustra- 
tive quotations, and partly of discussions on points which 
could not suitably be handled in the body of the book. 

For the convenience of students, I also append a 
bibliography of the literature bearing on the period 
under review. While the acknowledgments made through- 
out the volume will shew my indebtedness to many of 
these writings, it is only right to say that I am under 
special obligation to two living scholars : I owe much 
to Schiirer's great work on the history, and still more 
to Bousset's particularly illuminating treatment of the 
religion, of the later Judaism. 

To the Rev. Principal Skinner, D.D., of Westminster 
College, Cambridge, for valued counsel with regard to the 
general plan of the book, as well as for various sugges- 

X Preface 

tions with reference to particular points; to the Rev. 
George Steven, M.A., Edinburgh, who kindly read the 
manuscript; and to my brother, the Rev. G. M. 
Fairweather, M.A., Berwick-on-Tweed, who has revised 
the proof-sheets, I beg to offer my grateful acknowledg- 

In dealing with the theme chosen, namely, " The 
Background of the Gospels, or Judaism in the Period 
between the Old and New Testaments," I have been very 
conscious of the difficulty of doing it justice within the 
limits of a few chapters. The period embraced is that 
beginning with the Maccabaean revolt and ending with 
the destruction of Jerusalem under Titus. These two im- 
portant events, separated by an interval of two hundred 
and thirty-five years, mark off a well-defined section of 
the history of the nation. The external history has 
been narrated only so far as necessary to make clear the 
development of Judaism. Some readers may feel that 
here and there, as in Chapter III., many of the historical 
details might have been dispensed with, but in view of the 
vital significance of the Maccabsean movement for the 
later Judaism, I have deemed it best to give reasonable 
prominence to the facts. 

This period of Judaism, is one so characterised by 
opposing tendencies that at first sight it seems difficult 
to discover a line of development running through the 
varying phenomena of the national life. Closer investi- 
gation, however, makes it clear that the later Judaism 
represents a religion in the stage of transition from a 
narrower to a wider phase. We see here the national on 
the way to become universal, and the ceremonial in pro- 
cess of being superseded by the spiritual. In this move- 

Preface xi 

ment, which was greatly stimulated by the Diaspora and 
the Jewish propaganda carried on among the heathen, 
Palestinian Judaism shared in virtue of the mere fact that 
it was the acknowledged centre of the religion which was 
fast becoming world-wide. But in Palestine the drift 
towards a universal religion was also strengthened by the 
simultaneous tendency towards the detachment of piety 
from the national life, and by the creation of new spiritual 
forms in which it could express itself, such as the 
synagogue service, the canon of the Holy Scriptures, and 
the cultivation of life under the Law. The mainspring 
of all this was the Maccabaean struggle, which made 
Judaism quite a different thing from what it had been 
before. No doubt the development began as far back as 
the Exile, but until it received an impulse from the 
Maccabaean crisis it had always lacked the power of 
expansion and of organisation. Ever since the Restora- 
tion there had been only a Jewish " congregation " ; 
henceforth there was a Jewish " Church." 

Yet in Judaism we have a striking instance of 
arrested development. From the religious standpoint 
the results of the Maccabsean movement were dis- 
appointing. It failed to secure the emancipation of 
piety from the fetters of the national particularism. It 
paved the way for Pharisaism. Under the influence of 
the scribes, Judaism became a religion of ceremonial 
observance based upon the Law, and retaining a national 
character, partly on account of the religious value 
attached to custom, and partly in virtue of its 
Messianic hope. Although distinctly national, the 
Jewish hope for the future certainly assumed at the same 
time a wider scope in the apocalyptic literature, which 

xii Preface 

furnished Judaism with many new ideas. Whether these 
are to be regarded merely as a normal development of 
Old Testament religion, or as derived in part at least 
from foreign religions, such as the Persian, is a question 
much discussed among scholars at the present time. 

The special type of religious life and thought repre- 
sented in Hellenistic Judaism was really an offshoot from 
the main stem, and lends itself accordingly to separate 

These preliminary observations may serve to indicate 
the general line which it has been my endeavour to 
follow. Chapter I. is devoted to a discussion of the 
fundamental characteristics of Judaism, and Chapter II. 
deals with Palestinian Judaism : Pre-Maccabaean. We 
are thus enabled to relate the particular epoch dealt 
with to the earlier aspects of Judaism. The history of 
the Maccabaean struggle, as the great dividing line of 
the period, next demands attention. This is naturally 
followed by a discussion of Palestinian Judaism : Post- 
Maccabaean, Chapter V. treats of the Herodian age, 
which saw the beginnings of rabbinism and the rise of 
the Zealots. Thereafter the apocalyptic movement and 
literature, as a phenomenon of cardinal importance for 
our period, calls for special notice. Finally, we turn to 
Alexandrian Judaism as a development of exceptional 
interest and significance in relation to Hellenistic culture. 
I could have wished also, by way of completing our 
survey, to advert to the development of doctrine during 
the inter-Testamental period, but must content myself 
with a reference to the article on this subject contributed 
by me to Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible (Extra 

Preface xiii 

It would have been a satisfaction to myself could I 
have dealt more fully with the bearings of the whole 
subject upon the New Testament ; but apart from the 
difficulty of doing this without unduly encroaching upon 
the domain of New Testament theology, considerations 
of space seemed to preclude the attempt. As it is, I 
trust that the more essential points have not been alto- 
gether overlooked, and that readers will at least find in 
these pages something to arouse or deepen their interest 
in the period between the Testaments. For long this 
period has suffered strange neglect. At the hands of 
Old Testament and New Testament expositors alike it 
has received only scant and passing notice. Of late, 
however, it has been justly attracting increased attention 
as the historical soil on which the Gospels grew up, and 
as therefore vital to an intelligent acquaintance with 
their contents. There is still much work to be done in 
connexion with this obscure but important period, and 
it is to be hoped that among the rising generation of 
theological students some will devote their energies to 
an independent study of its unsolved problems. 


Kirkcaldy, October, 1908. 


OuSev yap irekeiwcrev 6 vofios, eTTFAeaywyij 
5e Kpe'cTTOPos eXTrlSos, 8i ijs iyyii^ofiev ti^ 
Qe(^. — Heb. vii. 19. 

"The people of all other nations but the 
Jewish seem to look backwards and also to 
exist for the present ; but in the Jewish 
scheme everything is prospective and pre- 
paratory ; nothing, however trifling, is 
done for itself alone, but all is typical of 
something yet to come." — Coleridge. 


Preface . 
Literary Sources 


Legalism — 

Growth of this conception ...... 

In contrast to the prophets post-exilic Judaism — 
— I . Magnified the ceremonial at the expense of the ethical 
2. Failed to distihgirish between great moral duties and 
little points of petty casjustify- 
—^ 3. Assumed a predominantly negative character 

4. Was characterised by a narrow particularism 

5. Fostered an atmosphere of unreality . . 

n. Religious Fellowship ..... 

1. Growth of the ecclesiastical tendency, and formation of a 

new fellowship unconnected with the national life 
Judaism a " theocracy " ..... 

2. The synagogue. Its functions as church and school in one 

its value for the religious life of Judaism 

3. Principal points of Judaistic piety : prayer, fasting, and 

almsgiving ...... 

4. Although Judaism had become a religious fellowship limited 

to no single country, it failed to detach itself from the 
national life ......... 

III. Individualism .......... 

I. Judaism an attempt to translate the theocratic conception of 
the prophets into terms of individual religion . 









2. Drift of Judaism towards individualism part of a world-wide 

movement ....••••• 

Private worship of the individual still more essential to 

Judaism than the public ritual 

3. Forces in Judaism tending to counteract the centrifugal 

tendencies of individualism 

4. Development of ethical feeling during this age . 

5. Religious individualism awakened through the synagogue 

and reflected in the later portions of the Psalter 

6. In the later Judaism religious individualism but imperfectly 

realised ......... 

IV. Conservatism .......... 

1. This feature explains the lack of originality and of great 

religious personalities in this period .... 

2. Loyal adherence of the Jews to the religion of their fathers 

as attested by — 

( 1 ) their attitude of exclusiveness towards outsiders 

(2) the formation of the Old Testament canon 



1. Judaism not allowed to develop without an admixture of 

foreign elements ....... 

2. Babylonian influence : affected Judaism only in secondary 

points ......... 

3. Persian influence more vital ..... 
Its extent cannot be pronounced upon in view of — 

(i) the uncertain date of many ideas in the Zend 


(2) the fact that it can scarcely have been a pure form 

of the Persian religion which the Jews became 

acquainted with in Babylon 

It was most marked, however, in the spheres of mythology 

cosmology, angelology, and eschatology . 

4. Greek influence. Here the facts more definitely 

ascertained. Hellenism afiected but slightly the 
development of religious thought, but told powerfully 
upon life and manners, as well as upon language and 
literature ......... 

5. The substitution of the dominion of the Seleucid;ie for that 

of the Ptolemies meant simply a transference from one 
form of Hellenistic rule to another ..... 

6. On the accession of Antiochus iv. Epiphancs a bold 

attempt was made to hellenise Jewish life on its religious 
side also ......... 

















Contents xix 




I. The Land and the People ........ 57 

W'^. The Exile a forward movement in Israelitish religion . . 58 

2. Changed character of the restored community • • • 59 

3. Interest attaching to this age of Jewish history as contain- 

ing the key to the proper understanding of the New 
Testament ........ 

4. The Jews bound to Palestine by a religious tie . 

5. Judaism, however, grew up as a new thing on the ancient 

soil, and had to be organised upon a non-political basis 

6. It represented an attempt to realise Ezekiel's vision of a new 

theocracy ......... 62 

7. The new impetus given by the Maccabrean revolt . . 63 

II. The two forms assumed by Jewish legalism — priestly and scribal . 63 

1 . Priestly. The restoration of the cultus — 

(i) Improved the status of the priesthood, and raised 
the high priest as head of the hierarchy to a 
position of unique dignity and influence . . 64 

(2) Led to a sharp distinction between Aaronic priests 

and Levites ....... 66 

(3) Based on the Law-book introduced by Ezra . . 66 
{4) Not a reversion to heathen practices condemned 

by the prophets : the sacred festivals transformed 
into commemorative institutions of supernatural 
religion . . . . . . . . 66 

(5) Yet popular piety growingly detached from the 

Temple and its services ..... 67 

2. Scribal. Rise of the scribes ...... 68 

(i) A new professional class occupying themselves with 
the scientific study and interpretation of the 
Law 68 

(2) Scribal activity as seen in Halacha and Haggada . 68 

(3) The scribes were the jurists, academic teachers, 

and judges of their time ; an organised guild 
with representatives in every locality ; held in 
universal esteem . . . . . . . 68 

{4) Contrast between their teaching and that of Jesus . 71 

(5) That even under the artificial system of the scribes 

true piety was not wholly extinguished, is 

apparent from many psalms written between 

the Exile and the Maccabsean revolt. Ac- 

XX Contents 


cording to these the essence of piety consists 
in (a) the fear of God, (3) trust, {c) humility ; 
and it finds expression in (a) observance of the 
Law, [h) worship, (c) witness - bearing. Jewish 
piety, however, was made a matter of parly 
strife, and tended to become more and more 
external 72-7^ 

III. The Wisdom Movement 79 

1. Theory that it was confined to a certain period of Jewish 

history .......... 8o 

2. Its cosmopoHtan aspect . . . . . . . 8i 

3. Difference between the standpoint of the Hebrew sage and 

that of the Greek philosopher ..... 82 

4. Divine and human aspects of the Wisdom as presented in 

the Old Testament 82 

5. Characteristics of the Wisdom literature .... 83 

6. The conception of the hypostasis of Wisdom ... 84 

7. Doctrine of rewards and punishments in the Wisdom 

literature ......... 86 

8. Main problem dealt with — the reconciliation of the facts 

of experience with the government of the world by a 
righteous God ........ 87 

9. Growth of the Wisdom into an eschatology : this 

development less pronounced in Palestinian than in 
Hellenistic Judaism 91 



I. The Hasidtm and the Hellenists ...... 95 

1. Reaction against Hellenism: organisation of the party of 

the Hasldim in defence of the Law .... 96 

2. Complications due to the impecuniosity of the Seleucid 

court and the intrigues of unscrupulous Jews in Jerusalem 96 

II. Antiochus iv. Epiphanes ........ 97 

1. His character and public policy ...... 98 

2. Notwithstanding progress of Greek party under his 

patronage, it became a prey to the selfish motives of its 
adherents ......... loi 



3. Slaughter of inhabitants of Jerusalem on return of 

Antiochus from his Egyptian campaign of B.C. 170 . 

4. The city subsequently laid waste by his general 

Apollonius ; placing of a Syrian garrison in the citadel 
(Akra), and issue of an edict for suppression of Judaism 
and institution of heathen rites; an idol altar ("the 
abomination of desolation ") set up in the Temple in 
December, B.C. 168 ....... 

5. Persecution of " the pious," who consoled themselves with 

the thought of the resurrection as enshrined in Book of 
Daniel ......... 

III. Revolt led by Mattathias and his sons in alliance with the HasTdim 

1. Death of Mattathias in B.C. 166, and assumption of 

leadership by Judas Maccab^eus .... 

2. Personality of Judas : early triumphs over Syrian generals 

3. Restoration of Temple worship, and institution of Feast of 

the Dedication ....... 

4. Victories of Maccabees over surrounding heathen tribes 

5. Death of Antiochus Epiphanes in B.C. 164, and prosecution 

of the war by Lysias, guardian of Antiochus v. Eupator 

6. Defeat of Judas at Beth-zacharias, and unexpected con 

cession of religious liberty to the Jews 

IV. Continuation of the strife between the rival parties in Judcea 

1. Secession from the Maccabees of the Hasldtm on thi 

appointment of Alcimus, an Aaronic high priest 

2. Defeat of the Syrian general Nicanor by Judas at Adasa 

in B.C. 161 ........ 

3. Judas defeated and slain at Elasa : character of Judas 

V. Jonathan chosen successor to Judas ..... 

1. In his hands the struggle became purely one for the 

supremacy of the Hasmonsean house ... 

2. His appointment as high priest by Alexander Balas in B.c 

153, followed by the bestowal of civil and military 
honours as well ........ 

3. Jonathan secures the favour of Demetrius il., but owing to 

the perfidy of this monarch, makes common cause with 
his rival Tryphon ........ 

4. Tryphon, distrustful of Jonathan's military campaigns, 

decoys the Maccabee into Ptolemais, and takes him 
prisoner ......... 

VI. Simon called to the front ....... 

I. Checkmates Tryphon, who avenges himself by putting 
Jonathan to death (B.C. 143) 














XX 11 


2. Political independence of Judaea achieved (B.C. 143-142). 123 

3. Simon's peaceful administration . . . . .124 

4. Offices of high priest, military commander, and ethnarch 

made hereditary in Simon's family .... 126 

5. Murder of Simon and two of his sons by Ptolemy, his 

son-in-law, B.C. 135 127 

6. Character of Simon as priest, soldier, and statesman . 127 

\'II. Significance of Maccabcean movement for post-exilic Judaism . 12S 
\'III. The question regarding Maccabcean psalms . . . .129 



The rival parties of the Pharisees and Sadducees . . . 137 

1. The Pharisees — 

(i) The party of the scribes : their religious standpoint 

that of orthodox Judaism . .... T37 

(2) Virtually identical with the HasTdim : in no 

sense a political party . . . , .140 

(3) As opponents of the Hasmonsean dynasty became 

formally antagonistic to the Sadducees, who 
supported the king . . . . . .142 

(4) From being the oppressed, had become the ruling- 

party in Israel . . . . . . .143 

(5) Relation of scribes and Pharisees to the Sanhedrin 144 

(6) Tendency to identify piety with culture. . . 147 

(7) Real character of Pharisaic development illustrated 

by its opposition to (a) the Sadducees, {b) the 
Am-hddrez ....... 149 

2. The Sadducees — 

(i) Historical origin of the party . . . .149 

(2) Represented the old priestly aristocracy, and 

became the functionaries and champions of the 
new State, which was the fruit of the Macca- 
bsean struggle . . . . . . .151 

(3) The name Sadducee , . . . . .151 

(4) Genius of Sadduceeism distinctly political . . 152 

(5) Doctrinal position of the Sadducees . . . 153 



Contents xxiii 


II. Relations of Pharisees and Sadducees as illustrated by the 

external history . . . . . . . . -153 

1. Hyrcanus breaks off from the Pharisees and becomes a 

Sadducee . . . . . . . . .142 

2. Civil war between the Pharisaic party and Alexander 

JannKus . . . . . . . . .158 

3. Moral ascendancy of the Pharisees under Alexandra . . 160 

4. Abdication of Alexandra's elder son Hyrcanus 11. in favour 

of her younger son Aristobulus . . . . .162 

5. Sinister influence of the Idumsean Antipater in fomenting 

strife between the rival princes . . . . .163 

III. Downfall of the Hasmonoean, and rise of the Herodian, dynasty . 164 

1. Intervention of Rome : Pharisaic deputation to Pompey . 165 

2. Siegeof Jerusalem by the Romans . . . . .166 
3> Hyrcanus 11. reinstated as high priest, Vjut without the title 

of king ......... 167 

IV. Position of the Jews in general, and of the Pharisees and 

Sadducees in particular, during the first quarter of a century 

of Roman supremacy . . . . . . . .168 

1. Revival of patriotic feeling, and genesis of the idea of a 

political Messiah 168 

2. Roman intervention in some respects not unwelcome to 

the Pharisees, but detrimental to the interests of the 
Sadducees , . . . . . . . .169 

3. "Aristocracies" of Gabinius constituted, but cancelled 

at the instance of Antipater . . . . . .170 

4. Futile attempts under Sadducasan auspices to restore 

Hasmonoean rule . . . . . . . .170 

5. Antipater made procurator of Juda?a, etc. .... 171 

6. Herod's defiance of the Sanhedrin : his investiture with 

political authority . . . . . . . .172 

7. Antigonus Mattathias set up as king by the Parthians : 

flight of Herod to Rome . . . . . .174 

8. Downfall of Antigonus and the Sadducees : with the help 

of the Romans Herod captures Jerusalem and becomes 
King of Judrea (B.C. 37) 175 



I. Herod's failure to conciliate Jewish hatred of the Idumoean 
usurpers, in spite of his understanding with the Pharisees 
and consolidation of his power ...... iJ 

xxiv Contents 

II. Growing decadence of the Sadducees and ascendancy of 

Pharisaism • .189 

1. Rival schools of Hillel and Shammai . . . .189 

2. Codification of oral tradition, and subordination of 

Scripture thereto . . . • • • • .191 

3. Antagonism of the Pharisees to the Am-haarez . . . 193 

(i) In the Old Testament the term simply designates 

the populace as distinguished from the nobility . 193 

(2) It now came to denote the people from whom 

the Pharisees separated themselves, and whom 

they despised as an uneducated mob . . .193 

(3) Cleavage became specially acute after the 

destruction of Jerusalem ..... 194 

4. The fanatical party of the Zealotsi. dissatisfied Pharisees 

who were eager to realise the Messianic hope by an 
appeal to the sword . . . . . . .195 

5. The Herodian princes Archelaus, Antipas, and Philip . 196 

6. Temporary improvement in the position of the Sadducees 

under direct Roman rule . . . . . -197 

7. Jewish insurrection and destruction of Jerusalem by Titus . 201 

8. Subsequent undisputed ascendancy of the Pharisees : 

henceforth Judaism nothing but a religion, yet failed to 

free itself from national limitations ..... 201 

III. The Essenes 203 

1 . An esoteric brotherhood or monastic order : lived a 

communistic life in special quarters of their own : their 
peculiar manners and customs ..... 204 

2. Religious ideas of the Essenes essentially Jewish, but with 

certain decided exceptions or modifications . . . 207 

3. Foreign influences (Zoroastrian and Pythagorean) at work 

in the development of the religious society of the Essenes 211 

4. No real kinship between Essenism and the religion of Jesus 213 

5. Organised Essenism did not survive the destruction of 

Jerusalem, although its influence told upon Gnostic sects 

east of the Jordan . ....... 214 

6. The precursors of Christian monasticism . . . .215 



The name a/ci(-a/)///?V and what it covers . . . . . .219 

Jewish apocalypse a product of the new national sentiment called forth 

by the Maccabsean struggle ........ 220 



I. The apocalyptic writings — 

1. The Book of Daniel ..... 

2. The Book of Enoch (I Enoch, Ethiopic Enoch) 

3. The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs 

4. The Book of Jubilees (Apocalypse of Moses) 

5. The Psalter of Solomon .... 

6. The Book of the Secrets of Enoch (II Enoch, Slavonic 


7. The Assumption of Moses 

8. The Apocalypse of Baruch 

9. 2 (4) Esdras 

10. The Sibylline Oracles . 

II. Special characteristics of Jewish apocalypse 

1 . Relation of apocalypse to prophecy 

2. Pseudonymity 

3. Its visionary-ecstatic form 

4. "Tracts for Bad Times" : the religious content of each 

apocalypse must be estimated from the historical stand- 
point ......... 

III. Question regarding the origin of these writings 
Variously considered — 

1. Fragments of the secret books of the Essenes 

2. Pharisaic compositions ....... 

3. The product of scribes who were not Pharisees 

4. Of Jewish-Hellenistic origin . . . . . . 

5. Lay literature reflecting the influence of Oriental, and 

especially Persian religion ...... 











IV. The main theological conceptions reflected in the apocalyptic 

literature .......... 265 

I. Its dualistic view of the world ...... 265 

(i) Sharp contrast drawn between "this world" and 

" the world to come " 266 

(a) The earthly hope transmuted into a spiritual 

and heavenly ...... 268 

{b) History regarded as a unity with a definite 

goal , . . . . . . .271 



{c) The dualistic element crystallised into the doc- 
trine of a direct opposition between God and 
Satan .....-• 

(2) This new way of regarding history led to — 

(a) A new solution of the problem of suffering 
(i5) The practice of reckoning the time of the 
end of the present reon .... 
(c) An altered conception of the Messiah . 
(r/) Chiliasm or Millenarianism . . . . 

2. A transcendental conception of God and His relation to 

the world ......■• 

This accompanied by a notable development of — 

(i) Angelology ....... 

(2) Demonology, including the evolution of a 
personal devil ...... 

3. The development of religious individualism 

(i) Emergence of the idea of a bodily resurrection for 
individuals ....... 

(2) No uniformity of belief as to scope, nature, and 

time of the resurrection ..... 

(3) The thought of a resurrection bound up with that 

of a world-judgment at the change of ceons 

(4) The new sinless world — "a new heaven and a 

new earth "....... 

(5) Influence of the idea of a resurrection for indi- 

viduals on whole range of thought connected 
with the " future-hope " of Judaism . 

V. Influence of Jewish apocalypse upon the New Testament 
Seen in — 

1. The conception of the Messiah in the Gospels 

2. The vein of dualism which runs through the New Testament 

writings ......... 

3. The New Testament expectation of the nearness of the end 

VI. The question regarding the permanent value of this literature 

1. Bound up with that of the significance of the apocalypti 

element in the teaching of Jesus .... 

2. Theories of — 

(i) Wellhausen and his school .... 
{2) Baldensperger and his school 

(3) Professor Cairns ...... 
















Contents xxvii 




The Alexandrian Jews , . -315 

I. Their environment : commercial, social, intellectual, political . 316 

II. Their philosophy : an attempt to harmonise the Platonic 

philosophy with, and to derive it from, the Mosaic Law . . 320 

III. Stages in the development of Jewish- Alexandrian philosophy — 

1. Alliance between Hellenism and Judaism prepared by the 

pseudo-Aristeas . . . . . . . .321 

(i) Chief aim of the writer to glorify Judaism in the 

eyes of the Greeks ...... 322 

(2) His "Letter" is, besides, an attempt to bring Jew 

and Greek together theologically . . . 324 

2. The Septuagint : basis of entire structure .... 325 

(i) The work of Alexandrian scholars . . . 327 

{2) Linguistic peculiarities ...... 327 

(3) Traces of Hellenistic influence in the Septuagint . 328 

3. Aristobulus : the first known representative of pure Jewish- 

Alexandrian philosophy . . . . . -SSI 

(i) An Eclectic . . . . . . . -331 

(2) Only fragments of his work preserved by Eusebius 331 

(3) Aimed at — 

(a) the allegorical interpretation of Scripture . 332 
(/') the unification of philosophy and Judaism . 334 

4. The Book of Wisdom represents a more fully developed ''~~' 

form of Jewish- Alexandrianism ..... 337 
(i) Its finest literary product ..... 337 

(2) Hellenistic trend of book manifest [a) in thought 

and expression, {b) in its psychology, (c) in its 
effort to prove the existence of God, i^d) in the 
conception of Wisdom as the intermediary 
between God and the world, (<?) in its handling 
of the subject of retribution .... 338 

(3) Significant as reflecting the Judaism of a period 

when strong efforts were made to secure the 
fusion of Judaism and Hellenism . . . 345 

(4) Theological standpoint of the writer remains 

, essentially Jewish ...... 345 

(5) Other literary remains of Hellenistic Judaism — 

(a) Jewish Sibyllines ..... 346 

(6) Fourth Book of Maccabees . , , . 348 

xxvlii Contents 

5. Fullest development of Jewish-Alexandrian philosophy 

attained in the writings of Philo 349 

(i) The interpreter of the Greek to the Jew, and of the 

Jew to the Greek 351 

(2) As an expositor of the Old Testament, Philo 

reduced allegorism to a fine art . . . . 352 

(3) Philo's conception of philosophy .... 355 

(4) His conception of God and the Logos . . . 356 

(5) Root-principle of Philo's philosophy : the dualism 

of God and the world 358 

(6) Philo's doctrine of man as (a) an emanation of 

Deity, (b) a creature of sense .... 359 

(7) Leading principle of Philo's ethic : the rejection of 

the sensuous 359 

(8) His morality differs from that of the Stoics in 

having a religious basis : through Divine deliver- 
ance from the bonds of sense man attains the 
true end of his being — the ecstatic vision of God 359 

(9) Philo's influence upon the development of Christian 

theology 360 

Appendix L— Notes 363 

,, n. — Bibliography . ■ 425 

,, in. — General Index 437 

,, IV. — Index of Passages from the Bible, Apocrypha, and 

Pseudepigrapha ....... 449 

,, V. — References to Josephus, Philo, and Talmudic Litera- 
ture ......... 456 




Note 1 . The chronological Statement in the Prologue to Ecclesiasticus 363 
,, 2. The Relative Value of the Inscriptions and the Papyri . 365 


3. The Diaspora 365 

4. The Lack of spiritual Proportion in legalistic Judaisvi . 367 

5. Jewish Propagandisin ....... 368 

6. The Tendency towards Universalisni and Individualism in 

Religion 369 

7. The synergistic Character of later Judaistn apparent frotn 

its Treatment of primitive Legends 370 

8. Greek Words in Daniel 372 


9, IsraePs Connexion, with Palestine 373 

10. The Wranglings of the Schools 375 


11. The Hasidim essentially a religious Party .... 376 

12. Did Judas Maccabatis conclude a Treaty with the Romans ? 376 

13. The High Priesthood i}t post-exilic Times .... 37S 

14. The Issue of Jewish Coins under Simon .... 379 

15. Probable Reference of the Eulogy of Ecclus. I. 1-21 to 

Simon, son of Mattathias 380 


16. Recent Controversy on the Sanhedrin . . . . .381 

17. IVhat do we learn from rabbijiical Liter attire as to the real 

Nature of the Cleavage between Pharisees and Sadducees ? 384 




Note 18. The Hcrodians 

,, 19. Friedldnder' s View with regard to the Ain-hddrez 

, , 20. JVej-e the Essenes Teachers of the People 1 . 

,, 21. The Russian Doukhobor a Sort of modern Essene 

, , 22. Credibility of the Account of the Essenes in Josephus 

,, 23. Were the Essenes Sun-worshippers? . 

,, 24. The foreign Element in Essenism 

,, 25. Is Essenism of Pharisaic origin? 

,, 26. What led the Essenes to seek Seclusion ? 





27. Contents of the Book of Enoch 399 

28. Original Language of the Testaments of the Twelve 

Patriarchs ......... 400 

29. Date of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs . . . 402 

30. Development towards Apocalypse zvithin the Old Testament 

itself 402 


31. The apocalyptic Conception of the Kingdom as a World- 

Empire ........ 

32. The Development of the dualistic Idea 

33. Legendary Expansion of Gen. vi. 1-4. 

34. Did our Lord expect the Paivusia in His own Time ? . 



35. The eschatological Sayings of Jesus ..... 408 

36. The Hellenistic Dialect ....... 409 

37. The Syntax of the Septuagint ...... 

38. Influence of the Septuagint on popular religious Thought 

39. Are there Traces of Greek Philosophy in the Septuagint ? 

40. Examples of the allegorical Method of Interpretation adopted 

by Aristobulus ........ 

41. Ascription of spuriotis verses to Greek Poets 

42. Alleg07-ism in the hands of Origen ..... 

43. The living Word of God the real Bridge bettveen God and 

Men .......... 






I. Canonical Literature falling within this Period. — 
" Between the Testaments " connotes in reality a much 
shorter space of time than it has been usual to suppose. 
There is a widespread popular error to the effect that 
chronologically as well as actually the Old Testament 
ends with Malachi, and that there is no subsequent 
canonical literature. The general trend of recent 
Biblical criticism favours the view that in seeking to 
explore the inter-Testamental period we are not deal- 
ing with such unknown territory as it has long been 
customary to assume. If its conclusions are correct, 
then we can claim as historical sources for the Greek 
period of Jewish history (B.C. 332-167) the work of 
the Chronicler (including i and 2 Chronicles, and Ezra 
— Nehemiah), the Book of Esther, Ecclesiastes, Zechariah 
ix.— xiv., the Book of Daniel, Joel, and many Psalms. 
Roughly, the interval of four centuries is thus reduced to 
one of two, representing the seven or eight generations 
that divide the Maccabaean revolt from the destruction 


2 The Background of the Gospels 

of Jerusalem by Titus. Even within this limit we may, 
with a high degree of probability, place some of the later 
psalms. In view of this, and of the fa,ct that the 
Gospels, though written fully two generations later, go 
back to the birth of Christ, we may say that the 
canonical hiatus extends to not more than a century 
and a half This is in marked contrast to the " four 
centuries of silence " which were formerly regarded as an 
impenetrable veil hung between the Old and New 
Dispensations. Yet even so the gap is considerable. 
Although the canonical books of the Old Testament 
enable us for many centuries together to place ourselves 
alongside of the life of the Jewish people, the last link 
in the chain they supply stops materially short of the 
point at which the New Testament again brings us into 
touch with the national history. The period thus 
affected is obviously of great importance as that which 
immediately preceded the Advent of Christ and 
determined the whole future of Judaism, It was an 
age of fierce antagonisms, but of marked development, 
during which, as Fritzsche has said, "Judaism shed its 
finest blood and fulfilled its world-historic mission for 
the salvation of all nations in order soon, and again in 
despair, struggling and battling, to withdraw from the 
political arena for ever." 

2. Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha. — We name next 
as undisputed authorities here the Old Testament 
Apocrypha and the writings known as Pseudepigrapha. 
Apart from any question of canonicity, the former are 
invaluable as reflecting the inner life of the Jewish 
people during this obscure but interesting period. 
Although the Wisdom of Sirach or Ecclesiasticus is the 

Literary Sources 3 

only one of these books bearing an approximate date 
(the Euergetes mentioned in the prologue being pre- 
sumably Ptolemy VII. Physcon ^), nearly all of them 
admittedly belong to the two centuries immediately 
preceding the Christian era. That the Wisdom of 
Solomon and 2 (4) Esdras may date from the first 
century A.D. does not really remove them from this 
category, in view of the fact that the earliest of the New 
Testament books were written in the latter half of that 
century. Towards filling the gap between the Testa- 
ments quite as much help is afforded by the Pseude- 
pigrapha, including the Jewish apocalyptic literature, of 
which, apart from the Book of Daniel, the most notable 
extant specimens are the Book of Enoch and the 
Sibylline Oracles. All of these are valuable sources for 
the religion of the age. 

3. Joseplms. — As the great Jewish historian of the 
period, Josephus is necessarily also a leading authority. 
The last nine books of his Antiquities of the Jews, which 
deal with the post-Biblical history, are, however, of very 
unequal merit, and the account given of the long interval 
between Nehemiah and Antiochus Epiphanes is un- 
fortunately most inadequate, being mainly founded on 
picturesque legends about Alexander the Great and 
Ptolemy Philadelphus. The time between Alexander 
and the Maccabees is almost a blank. Josephus makes 
no reference to the rise of synagogues among the Jews, 
and presumably had no idea of the epoch-making 
importance of the period. Schurer suggests that his 
careless execution of this part of the history must have 
been due to " utter weariness," but it is probably nearer 
' See Note i, p. 363. 

4 The Background of the Gospels 

the truth to say that he had no information, except in 
the form of floating legends which he made the most of. 
For the forty years, B.C. 175-135, the main sources 
drawn upon by Josephus are the First Book of 
Maccabees and the Roman history of the Greek 
Polybius ; for the century following, that is, for the time 
of the Hasmonaeans, from John Hyrcanus to the defeat 
of Antigonus (B.C. 135-37), he has used the Greek 
historian and geographer Strabo and Nicolaus of 
Damascus. In spite of his weakness both as a man 
and as an author, it must in fairness be said that apart 
from his works the history of this latter period could 
scarcely have been written at all. 

4. Notices of Greek and Roman Writers. — Direct 
references on the part of classical authors are very 
scanty. Among the Greek, in addition to those already 
named, may be mentioned Diodorus Siculus, whose 
works contain a fragment upon Antiochus Epiphanes ; ^ 
Plutarch, some of whose " Lives " fall within the scope 
of our period ; and Appian, the eleventh book of whose 
history is entitled 'ZvpiaKr]. The Roman include 
Cicero, whose letters and speeches furnish much 
material for the history of Syria from B.C. 57-43; 
Tacitus, whose history contains a brief sketch of Jewish 
annals down to the war with Titus ; Suetonius ( Vit(B 
XII. ImperatoruDt) ; and Justinus's epitome of the lost 
historical work of Trogus Pompeius — a valuable source 
for the history of the Seleucid era. Besides what can be 
gathered from those writers who deal specially with the 
history of Syria, som.e very informing allusions to con- 
temporary Judaism occur in the satires of Horace and 

' xxix. 32. 

Literary Sources 5 

Juvenal. Such sidelights, although all too incon- 
siderable, provide us with a fairly vivid picture of the 
real background of Jewish history during the Greek 

5. Inscriptions on Monuments and Coins, and 
Evidence from Papyri. — With regard to the witness of 
the coins, it is enough to refer to Madden's Coins of 
the fews (1881), now the standard work on Jewish 
numismatics. Here also will be found enumerated the 
Jewish inscriptions referring to our period. These 
consist largely of Hebrew-Greek epitaphs from Palestine 
and the catacombs at Rome, but include some syna- 
gogue inscriptions from Palmyra. Among those in 
Hebrew, collected by Chwolson, is the epitaph of the 
Bene Chesir on the reputed tomb of St. James at 
Jerusalem, dating from the Herodian age. The non- 
Jewish inscriptions from which help can be got towards the 
elucidation of our subject have been collected in the Corpus 
Inscriptionum GrcBcarum, tome iii., and in the Corpus In- 
scriptionuni Latinarum, tome iii. One marble monument 
is worthy of special note. On the walls of the temple 
at Ancyra in Galatia there was engraved in both Latin 
and Greek a record of the chief events in the reign of 
Augustus. This has been preserved virtually entire, and 
is a valuable authority for that emperor's reign (B.C. 28- 
A.D. 14). Some light has recently been got from Greek 
inscriptions and papyri.' At Pergamum, for instance, 
in 1885, was discovered an inscription on a marble stele 
recording the honours paid to Eumenes king of 
Pergamum and his brother Attalus by the council and 
people of Antioch for service rendered to the State in 

^ See Note 2, p. 365. 

6 The Background of the Gospels 

aiding Antiochus to secure his throne. They were made 
the recipients of golden crowns, and the decree was 
ordered to be engraved on stone tablets at Antioch, in 
Daphne, and in Pergamum. This inscription is printed 
in Driver's Daniel, p. 207 f. Special interest attaches 
to the Nabataean inscriptions edited by De Vogue 
(1868) and Euting (1885). Some Scottish gleaners 
in this interesting field have earned the gratitude of 
students — notably Prof, W. M. Ramsay, by his inde- 
fatigable researches in Asia Minor, and Prof G. A. 
Smith and the Rev. VV. Ewing, by their collection of 
Greek and other inscriptions in Gilead and the Hauran, 
It must be acknowledged, however, that for the epoch 
subsequent to Alexander the Great the results obtained 
as yet from the investigation of the monuments are, so 
far as the fortunes of Palestine are concerned, com- 
paratively slight. See, however, some interesting 
particulars given in Deissmann's Bible Studies. 

6. Rabbinical Literature. — Although the mass of 
writings known as the Mishna and the Targums are 
entirely of a date subsequent to the Christian era, they 
certainly embody fragments of pre-Christian origin, and 
really reflect to a considerable extent the religious thought 
and life of the period under review. At the same time, 
in view of the fact that none of these writings were 
completed before the third or fourth, and some of them 
not before the fifth or sixth, century A.D., they must 
obviously be used with caution as sources for de- 
termining the character of social and religious life, as 
well as the evolution of doctrine, in the period that 
elapsed between the cessation of prophecy and the 
Advent of Christ. We can accept them as authorities 

Literary Sources 7 

for our period only in so far as they contain sayings 
which can be referred to rabbinic teachers who lived 
within it, such as Simon ben Shetach, Hillel, Shammai, 
or Gamaliel. 

In what has been said we have viewed the sources 
according to their character. It may be useful if we 
view them also according to their date, and irrespective 
of their character. Without entering upon the discussion 
of debatable points, we shall simply tabulate the con- 
clusions rendered most probable in the light of recent 


1. Palestifiian — Ecclesiasticus, Tobit. 

2. Hellenistic — Translation of Pentateuch, 

II. Works belonging to the Maccab^an Age. 

1. Palestinian. 

The (probably) Maccabjean Psalms {e.g. xliv., Ixxiv., Ixxix., 
Ixxxiii.); Esther; Zechariah ix.-xiv. ; (?) Last recension of 
Ezra-Nehemiah-Chronicles ; (?) Joel ; Ecclesiastes ; Daniel ; 
I (Ethiopic) Enoch; Jubilees; Testaments of the XII. Patri- 
archs ; Psalms of Solomon ; (probably) Judith ; i Maccabees. 

2. Helletiistic. 

Letter of Aristeas; Fragments of Aristobulus (Bousset, 
however, places both of these as late as the Herodian age) ; 
I (3) Esdras; Completion of Septuagint translation; the 
Jewish Sibyllines ; Fragments of Greek writers transmitted by 
Alexander Polyhistor. 

III. Writings of the Post-Maccab.^an or Herodian Age. 

I. In Palestinian JudaisjH. 
Assumption of Moses ; 2 (Slavonic) Enoch ; Life of Adam 
and Eve ; Apocalypse of Abraham ; Legend of Joseph and 
Aseneth ; Martyrdom of Isaiah. 

8 The Background of the Gospels 

2. In the Diaspora. 
The Jewish SibyUines, iii. 46-92 ; Pseudo - Hecatseus ; 
Additions to the Septuagint — {a) Epistle of Jeremiah ; {b) Ad- 
ditions to Daniel and Esther ; The Book of Wisdonri ; 
2 Maccabees ; 3 Maccabees ; 4 Maccabees ; Philo. 

IV. Works written after the Destruction of 
Jerusalem (a.d. 70). 

1. Palestinian — 2 (4) Esdras ; Apocalypse of Baruch. 

2. Hellenistic — Book iv. of the SibyUines ; Josephus. 

V. Contemporary Literature. 

Roman and Greek writers from Hecatseus and Manetho to 
Tacitus (collected by Th. Reinach) ; New Testament literature ; 
Shepherd of Hermas ; the Didache ; Jewish writings in a Chris- 
tian setting (Ascension of Isaiah ; 3 Baruch ; SibyUines, Books 

I.-II., v., VIII.). 

VI. The Later Jewish Literature. 

Mishna ; Gemara ; Talmud (Babylonian and Palestinian) ; 
Halacha (purely legal) ; Haggada (exegesis, fables, etc.) ; 
Targums ; Midrashim (commentaries). 

Smaller (haggadic and apocalyptic) writings not belonging 
to official Judaism. In a slightly changed form these became 
Christian literature. 




The Fundamental Characteristics of Judaism. 

The terms Jew, Jewish, and Judaism are often popularly 
used in such a way as practically to cover the whole 
field of Old Testament history and revelation. In 
reality, however, they do no such thing, being only of 
post-exilic application. The Jews are not to be iden- 
tified with the Hebrew or Israelitish nation as a whole, 
but only with that section of it, chiefly composed of 
the tribe of Judah, which returned from Babylon about 
half a century after the destruction of Jerusalem, to take 
up the arduous task of restoration. This had to be 
prosecuted under new conditions, and its prosecution 
gave rise to peculiar developments. It is to the 
particular facts and ideas connected with these far- 
reaching changes that the term Judaism is properly 
applied. So used, it denotes at once a special form 
of religion, and a distinct nationality, which is the sole 
possessor, as it is the unique product, of that religion. 

What, then, it may be asked, are the fundamental 
characteristics of Judaism ? 

I. Legalism. — We cannot even begin to study the 
history of this period without recognising that there is 
a spirit in Judaism as well as in Hellenism. If less 
subtle, it is equally pronounced. The fundamental idea 

12 The Fundamental Characteristics [Chap. 

of Judaism is that the religious relationship between God 
and His people is legal and national. For the Jews 
religion meant a church based upon a law-code. It was 
the special possession of a particular people, and every- 
thing connected with it had the binding force of statute- 
law. Gradually the whole life of the community was 
brought under the sweep of the legal principle. ^ Laws 
civil and social, as well as moral and ceremonial, were 
viewed as the commandments of God. A halo of 
sanctity was thus cast around Jewish national custom, 
for everything that differentiated the Jews from other 
men became part of their religion. The resultant very 
complex body of Jewish law was accounted the true 
religion in contrast to the false religions of the Gentiles. 
At the same time the God of all the earth was held 
to have delivered to Israel its Law with a view to 
the ultimate acceptance of that Law by the nations 

That Judaism was built upon the Law was fully 
recognised by the Jews themselves. For them law was 
the embodiment of the Divine wisdom.^ As such 
it was not subject to change like other laws. Accord- 
ing to Philo it was an image of the eternal order of the 
cosmos. Our Lord Himself expressly repudiated the 
idea that He came to destroy the Law, and spoke of it 
as destined to outlast the world itself.'- The Law was, 
also viewed as an inalienable possession. " Though we 
be deprived of our wealth, of our cities, or of the other 
advantages we have," says Josephus, " our Law continues 
immortal." ^ So, too, the author of the Syriac Apocalypse 

1 Sir. xxiv. 8 ft. - Malt. v. i8 ; Luke xvi. 17. 

" i: Apion, ii. 39. 

I.] of Judaism 13 

of Baruch, writing after the final destruction of the Jewish 
State, says, " We have nothing now except the Almighty 
and His Law." ^ In the Law, however, they had the 
very substance of life, and the guarantee of a portion 
in the world to come.^ This was expressed by Hillel 
in the aphorism, " much law, much life." ^ Sirach's 
identification of the Law with Divine wisdom seems to 
have led to its being regarded as a pre-existent heavenly 

For the germs of this whole conception we must go 
back to an earlier period of the national history. The 
ideal of the God whose chosen they were had been 
shaping itself in the minds of the finer spirits in Israel 
even from the days of the wilderness wanderings, and 
had found expression in the Decalogue. Another stage 
in the growth of the Jewish idea of religion is reached 
with the conception of the covenant relation between 
Jahweh and His people as formulated in the prophetic 
period, particularly by the Deuteronomist and Jeremiah.^ 

A recent writer has classified the ties which bind a 
man to his God as being those of interest, obligation, 
and love.*^ The prophets represent the pure form of 

^ Ixxxv. 3. 

2 Ps. xl. 8 ; 2 (4) Esd. vii. 129, ix. 31, xiv. 22, etc. 

^ Pirke A both, ii. 8. 

* Assumption of Moses, i. 11, where Clemens (in Kautzsch) reads legem 
instead oi plebem : " He has created the world for the sake of His Law." 

^ Closely connected with this is the thought of God's authority as Judge, 
so often appealed to in the Psalms. Not that Divine grace is here excluded ; 
on the contrary, this is frequently set forth as the basis of the covenant rela- 
tion (Deut. vii. 7 f. ; Isa. xliii. ; Ps. c. 3), which is essentially a moral one, 
involving mutual obligations. The creation of such a relation could not affect 
the essential character of Jahweh as merciful and gracious, and human merit 
could in no case be commensurate with the mercies vouchsafed by God 
(Gen. xxxii. i). 

" Sabatier, Religions of Authority and the Religion of the Spirit, p. 283 f. 

14 The Fundamental Characteristics [Chap. 

the second of these ties. They uniformly inculcate a 
spiritual obedience.^ Even among the prophets, however, 
there is a certain difference of attitude with respect to 
the legal conception of religion. And this is true of 
prophets chronologically and theologically so near of 
kin as Jeremiah and Ezekiel. Jeremiah is far from 
being enamoured of external law as a means of setting 
forth the claims of God upon the homage of man. He 
prefers to regard obedience not as compliance with a 
command, but as the spontaneous fruit of an inward 
life grounded upon the pardoning love of God and 
sustained by personal communion with Him, and thinks 
of the Law as graven not on stone, but on the heart. 
Although Ezekiel also dwells upon the need of a new 
heart in order to fit Israel for obedience to the Divine 
will, his conception of obedience is still that of com- 
pliance with the written Law, and his final ideal is that 
of a community in which the details of life will be 
regulated by definite enactment. 

The spirit of the later Judaism is different from that 
of the prophets, for while equally with the latter it lays 
stress upon the obligatory in man's relation to God, it 
seeks to reduce this to set terms. It was this stand- 
point of Ezekiel, and not Jeremiah's, which was generally 
adopted after the Exile. The opposition which, the Jews 
met with from the surrounding peoples helped to intensify 
their legalistic spirit. It was, moreover, upon that side 
of the Law which related to custom and ceremony that 
special stress was laid. In this direction the development 
of legalism was extraordinary, and just herein lay the 
peculiarity of Judaism. Even the heathen had morality 

' I Sam, XV. 22 ; Isa. i. 19 ; Hos. vi. 6, 

I.] of Judaism 15 

to some extent, but in virtue of the rules observed by 
him in daily life the Jew proudly differentiated himself 
from other men. The root factor in this separation 1 
between Jew and Gentile was the rite of circumcision. 
All other provisions of the Law which so effectually 
fenced off the Jewish people from those of other nation- 
alities were based upon this. The relations of the 
circumcised to the uncircumcised were carefully de- 
fined. Distinctions were drawn between clean and 
unclean meats. Rules were laid down with regard to 
sabbath observance, festivals, ablutions, etc. Principles 
were applied in endless detail, and life girdled with a 
belt of legalism. The idea was to leave no contingency 
unprovided for in the legalistic code. It was of course 
impracticable, although the attempt to realise it had 
certainly its heroic as well as its ridiculous side. 
Ultimately in the hands of the Pharisees religion de- j 
generated into mere ritual, and supreme importance 
was attached to the precise observance of every jot 
and tittle of the external law. Not that such an 
attitude was incompatible with a pure zeal for right- 
eousness. The case of St. Paul is sufficient proof to 
the contrary ; but it also shews that the most earnest 
efforts after righteousness, when pursued on such lines, 
are of no avail to secure inward peace.^ 

The materials are not to hand for tracing the process 
by which the Law was thus expanded in detail. It 
cannot have begun in Ben Sira's time, for with him law 
and morality (wisdom) are practically identical. But 
the conflicts resulting from the advance of Hellenism 
revived the pronounced Jewish sentiment of early post- 

^ Rom. vii. 7 ft". 

1 6 llic Fundamental Characteristics [Chap. 

exilic times. This is already apparent from the Book 
of Daniel.^ Even in the Maccabsean period, however, 
the Law does not seem to have become the burdensome 
yoke which it had become in New Testament times. 
The age was not favourable to such a development of 
legal niceties ; rather did it lead the pious to indulge in 
dreams and forecasts of the future. Their strength, 
moreover, was spent in fighting the Maccabaean dynasty. 
It was pre-eminently during the Herodian age that 
Judaism assumed its legalistic character. Quickened by 
the experiences of the Maccabaean period, the intense 
spirit of the Jewish people threw itself with almost 
fanatical energy into the task of perfecting the Law, and 
it is practically to the colossal diligence of that epoch 
that we owe the development of Judaism as we know it. 
If not perhaps to the same extent, the influences that 
were at work in Palestine affected the Diaspora as well.^ 
While in previous times Jewish soldiers had frequently 
served in the Egyptian army, about the middle of the 
first century B.C. Jews began to claim exemption from 
military service as incompatible with the requirements of 
their religion. In the Dispersion the lack of the Temple 
led only to a greater importance being attached to 
religious ceremony, the sabbath being even more strictly 
kept than in Palestine.^ Jews were everywhere known 
for their practice in this respect, as well as for their 
exclusiveness, and their avoidance of certain kinds of 
food as unclean. The ceremonial Law was the specialty 
of Judaism, and its requirements were satisfied not 
because of any spiritual relationship to its separate 

M. 8 ff., vi. 10 ff. 2 See j^t^^^ ^^ p_ ^^^ 

* Philo, De Vita Mosis, ii. 4; Euseb. Prcep. Ev. viii. 7 ; Jos. Ant. xvi. 

I.] of Judaism ly 

prescriptions on the part of those who kept it, but 
simply on the ground that they represented the will of 
God. Religion was a matter of obedience, and obedi- 
ence meant outward conformity to rule. 

The standpoint of later Judaism differed therefore 
from that of the prophets not only in regard to the place 
given to Law as such, but also in its estimate of what 
were " the weightier matters of the law." While the 
prophets protested against the popular view that it was 
by ceremonial acts of worship that men could best please 
God, and while they placed in the forefront the necessity 
of obedience to His moral commands, post-exilic Judaism 
was developed in the very opposite direction. It magni- 
fied the ceremonial at the expense of the ethical. The 
prophets preached the necessity of justice, mercy, and 
humility,^ and set a higher value upon the knowledge of 
God than upon burnt-offerings.^ After the Exile the' 
position was completely reversed. The teachers of the 
people insisted upon the most punctilious discharge of 
every ceremonial ordinance, even where that might 
mean neglect of moral duties. Morality began to be 
smothered with ceremony. There was such a shifting 
of the centre of gravity that it was no longer sin that 
men were concerned to avoid, but Levitical defilement. 
Subsequent at least to the Maccabsan age, law and 
morality were no longer identical ; morality was largely 
conditioned by its connexion with law, and that in 
several directions, w- 

There was no proper appreciation of the distinction 
between great moral duties and little points of petty 
casuistry. Great duties and small were mixed together 

^ Mic. vi. S. "^ IIos. vi, 6, 


1 8 The Fundame7ital Characteristics [Chap. 

in the most casual way.^ There was no sense of 
spiritual proportion tending to frame life into a moral 
unity. This finds ample illustration in the ethical litera- 
ture of the period, which often mechanically groups 
together numerical lists of otherwise unconnected things.^ 
No doubt there were exceptions to the general 
artificiality. Recorded sayings of learned teachers like 
Hillel, Gamaliel, and others, prove that their moral sense 
was not crushed under the terrible incubus of the Law, 
and that in spite of all their hair-splitting they were 
not destitute of true spiritual perception or incapable of 
a free and earnest outlook upon life. It was a scribe 
who said to Jesus, " Master, which is the great 
commandment in the law ? " Yet these were but 
occasional gleams of clearer spiritual apprehension, and 
the verdict of Jesus that Pharisaism tithed mint and rue 
and all manner of herbs, and passed over judgment and 
the love of God,^ must be accepted as an accurate 
estimate of the essential spirit of later Jewish ethics. 

Another limitation imposed upon Jewish morality by 
its association with legalism is seen in its predominantly 
negative character. Even the Golden Eule — to take 
a familiar example — was expressed by Hillel in negative 
form : " Do not to others what ye would not that they 
should do to you " — a very inferior version as compared 
with the positive precept given in the Sermon on the 
Mount : " Whatsoever ye would that men should do to 
you, do ye even so to them." * Only two command- 
ments of the Decalogue are positive ; all the rest take 

^ See Note 4, p. 367. 

^ Prov. XXX. 15, iS, 24; Sir. xxv. i, 7, etc. 

'•^ Luke xi. 42. •* Matt. vii. 12. 

t. ] of Juda ism 1 9 

the form, " Thou shalt not." And the latter is the 
keynote of the Jewish legislation generally. Its main 
burden is prohibition. The pious Jew must not slander, 
must not be angry, must not give offence, and so on. 
As might be expected from its prevailingly negative 
standpoint, Jewish ethic favours the passive rather than 
the active virtues ; it takes more account of meekness 
and patience than of strenuousness and courage. 

A further feature of Jewish ethic as conditioned by 
the Law is its narrow particularism. It lacks width of 
horizon, and has no outlook into the universal. In char- 
acter and scope it is essentially national. Morality is 
viewed from a purely Jewish standpoint. An Israelite's 
duties are regarded as limited to his own people,^ and 
even within this circumscribed area the tendency towards 
particularism asserted itself more and more — witness the 
sharp division between poor and rich, oppressed and 
powerful, pious and godless, revealed in the Psalms. In 
like manner Ben Sira says, " Give to the good man, and 
help not the sinner." ^ The cleavage is still more pro- 
minently reflected in the later apocalyptic literature. 
That Jewish ethics assumed an ecclesiastical as well as 
a national character is proved by what the Gospels 
disclose as to the common estimate of " publicans and 
sinners," and the relations between Jews and Samaritans. 
Jesus had a new answer to the question, " Who is my 
neighbour ? " He also sums up the spirit of Jewish 
morality in one keen, incisive word : " Thou shalt love 
thy neighbour and hate thine enemy." ^ In practice, 
however, this position was not always strictly adhered to. 
The gentle Hillel, for example, had such faith in the 

' Tob. iv. 13. ^ xii. 7. " Matt. v. 43. 

20 The Fundamental Characteristics [Chap. 

educative power of the Law that, in contrast to the 
school of Shammai, who would have none but intelligent 
pupils of good family, he welcomed all who desired 
instruction. It is also the case that the missionary- 
effort put forth in the interests of Judaism ^ helped to 
detach Jewish morality from its narrow basis. But its 
particularism was never wholly removed. It was only 
in so far as the Gentile was a potential Jew that he 
possessed any interest for a son of Israel. Pure well- 
wishing towards man as man was a sentiment foreign 
to Judaism. Although it is true that Philo and some 
other Jewish writers kept the specifically Jewish in the 
background, it must be remembered that in general they 
wrote from an apologetic standpoint, and that they do 
not represent the position of the average Jew of the 
V Dispersion, whose ethical particularism was scarcely less 
pronounced than that of his brethren in Palestine, 

It still remains to point out that while, like all 
ecclesiastical piety, Judaism was distinguished by the 
practice of benevolence, and even classed almsgiving 
along with prayer and fasting as of primary importance 
for the religious life, its legalistic trend directly fostered 
an atmosphere of unreality. Truth was valued not for 
its own sake, but only as a legal and social asset. To 
bear false witness against a neighbour was strongly 
forbidden, but for truth in the sense of sincerity there 
was small appreciation. Doubtless among the pious 
there were Israelites in whom there was no guile, but 
, of the rank and file it was lamentably true that so long 
' as outward appearances were kept up they were content. 
Jesus directed a constant polemic against the pretence 

^ See Note 5, p. 36S. 

I.] of Judaism 21 

and hypocrisy rampant in His time. That men had 
deviated so far from the path of reality was in some 
measure due to the twist given to their moral nature by 
a situation in which, while it was necessary to conform 
to the rules of piety, so many failed to share the ideals 
of the truly pious. 

In Judaism, therefore, we have an unsuccessful \ 
attempt to establish religion on an ethical basfe^ Its \ 
morality is not a pure morality, but a morality con- 
ditioned on various sides by the Law. 

2. Religious Fellowship. — To the Maccabaean revolt 
Judaism owed the powerful impulse which at once 
renewed its own life and enabled it to become a 
significant factor in the religious history of the world. 
From that time two great currents — the ecclesiastical 
and the national — once more began to act simultaneously 
upon the life of the Israelitish people. At first the national 
was the more vigorous, for the Maccabaean movement 
was above all a national revival ; but the ecclesiastical 
tendency grew stronger and stronger till ultimately it 
became predominant, and the whole development resulted 
in the evolution of the Jewish " Church." 

It was not long before the new nationalism ceased 
to command the unanimous support of the Jewish people. 
No sooner had religious freedom been conceded by the 
Syrians than the Hasldim, the flower of Israelitish piety, 
dissociated themselves from the Maccabaean leaders. 
Their aims being purely religious, they declined to fight 
for political independence. Although the treachery of 
Alcimus, the newly installed Aaronic high priest, coupled 
with the victory of Judas over Nicanor, again gave 
solidarity to the Jewish nation for some thirty years, an 

22 The Fttndamental Characteristics [Chap. 

acute cleavage between the pious and the priestly aristoc- 
racy shewed itself in the time of John Hyrcanus. Under 
Alexander Jannaeus it assumed such alarming pro- 
portions as seriously to threaten the stability of the 
Hasmonaean dynasty. By the time of Pompey the 
Maccabees were pilloried in the Psalter of Solomon as 
usurpers, and their overthrow ascribed to the just 
judgment of God. To such a degree had piety cut 
itself adrift from the political life of the nation. The 
more the pious succeeded in organising themselves into 
a church, the more was religion detached from its 
connexion with politics. 

In the life of the Jewish people, then, the ecclesiastical 
tendency was fast gaining the ascendancy when Herod 
came to the throne, and it was in his day that it became 
absolutely predominant. How was it that the Pharisees, 
who were at variance with the Maccabaean high priests, 
came to terms with a ruler like Herod ? We know that 
their leaders Sameas and Polion advised the people to 
open the city gates to him when, jointly with the Roman 
general Sosius, he besieged Jerusalem ; that they readily 
became his subjects ; and that Herod on his part took 
care to humour them. The real reason for this sur- 
prising turn of affairs was that foreign supremacy was 
essential to the successful development of Pharisaism. 
Under Herod's regime all responsibility for the secular 
side of the national life was removed from the shoulders 
of the pious. They took nothing to do with the conduct 
of war, the arrangement of treaties, the raising of taxes, 
the erection of public buildings, etc. These were things 
which had no connexion with religion. A semi-heathen 
like Herod might be as worldly as he chose in his 

I.] of Judaism 23 

administration of such matters. In this way the 
Pharisees got rid of the troublesome sense of responsi- 
bility which they had in connexion with the worldliness 
of the high priestly rulers. At the same time the way 
was cleared for their exclusive devotion to the perfect- 
ing of legalism in the sphere of religion. The Herodian 
age accordingly came to be of prime significance for the 
development of Jewish piety. During that period the 
Pharisees concentrated their efforts upon the one task of 
controlling the religious life of the people. And they 
achieved wonderful results within their chosen sphere. 
Relieved from all care about externals, and no longer 
spending their strength in opposition to the ruling 
house, they applied themselves with prodigious in- 
dustry to the development of the Law, and moulded 
Judaism into the form with which the New Testament 
has made us familiar. 

As compared with the Romans, Herod was fortunate 

in being thoroughly acquainted with the spirit and the 

'prejudices of the Jews. He knew their peculiarities, 

land respected their scruples, in a way not possible for 

the imperial rulers. This explains how the yoke of the 

Hatter proved more galling to the Jews than that of the 

Idumaean, and how at length the national sentiment 

recovered itself and rose to such a pitch of frenzy that 

the Pharisaic ideals were abandoned for a fanatical and 

hopeless war, which destroyed the Jewish nation, and 

left only the Jewish " Church." Thereafter in the hands 

of the Pharisees and the rabbis — henceforth its only 

possible leaders — Judaism not only entrenched itself so 

to speak within an impregnable fortress, but united in 

an indissoluble fellowship the totality of Jews through- 

24 The Fundamental Characteristics [Chap. 

out the world. It was really in virtue of the extra- 
ordinary spread of Judaism in the Dispersion subsequent 
to the Maccaba^an movement that it developed into a 
Church ; for, after all, the steps taken towards the 
denationalisation of piety had practically only restored 
the status quo prior to the conflicts provoked by the 
introduction of Greek culture, 

Down to the Maccabasan period the growth of 
Judaism had been as nothing compared to the expansion 
which it underwent in the days of the later Hasmonaeans 
and Herod, both in Palestine itself and beyond. There// 
was thus gradually formed a new fellowship unconnected 11 
with the national life, world-wide, multilingual, yet '/ 
binding all its members into a close spiritual unity, 
and surpassing in its intensity anything previously 
witnessed on the field of religion. Josephus recognises 
this special characteristic of Judaism when he points out 
that constitutionally it is neither a monarchy, nor an 
oligarchy, nor a democracy, but a Theocracy} The 
designation is appropriate enough ; it was a new word 
coined to describe a new thing — the development of 
the national religion into the Church. 

All this meant much for Judaism. The formation 
of the new religious fellowship turned it into a great 
spiritual power, and gave it the consciousness of 
superiority to the vaunted culture of the Greeks. From 
the lofty pedestal of those in possession of a truer 
theology and a higher morality the Jews regarded with a 
scornful compassion the superstitions and vices of the 
heathen world, and confidently asserted that the Jewish 
wisdom far surpassed the Greek philosophy in antiquity 
1 c, Apitn, ii. 1 7. 

I . ] of Jnda ism 2 5 

as well as in merit. Nor was it any merely national tie 
that held together the Jewish Church — as even the 
inhabitants of Jerusalem must have perceived when on 
festal occasions the city was thronged with worshippers 
from every country under heaven. In Judaism as 
detached from the political life of the nation there had 
arisen a great spiritual force which no geographical 
barriers could affect. 

By far the most important factor in enabling Judaism 
'^thus to grip an entire race was the synagogue. Although 
it is difficult to trace the origin of this great institution, 
it was undoubtedly post-exilic, and perhaps later than is 
usually supposed.^ The primary object of the weekly 
service was " to hear the Law and to learn it accurately." ^ 
Every synagogue thus became a centre of national and 
religious instruction. Comparatively few could attend a 
Beth-ha-Midrash^ or special centre where the scribes 
supervised the studies of those who wished to become 
experts in the Law, so that, apart from parental 
instruction, the people generally were dependent upon 
the synagogue for such rudimentary knowledge of it 
as was necessary to every Jew. Nor did it prove an 
inefficient instrument for securing the end in view. By 
means of this powerful institution post-exilic Judaism 
was kept in ever closer touch with the Law. Josephus 
could make the proud boast that while no Roman 
procurator could dispense with the services of skilled 
lawyers, " if any one should question one of us concerning 

^ Bonsset. The new spirit which prompted the culture of the Law led 
also to the multiplication of synagogues. By the first century of our era 
Jerusalem alone had between four and five hundred ; and their numbers 
increased in the Diaspora as well as in Palestine, 

- c. Apion, ii, i8. 

26 The Fundamental Characteristics [Chap. 

the laws, he would more easily repeat all than his own 
name." ^ This was largely the result of the synagogue 
service. The instruction thus communicated was both 
theoretical and practical, and was imparted largely by 
the scribes. Not that they held any official position 
analogous to that of the priests in the Temple, Any 
competent male worshipper was permitted to teach. In 
New Testament times our Lord and His apostles often 
availed themselves of this liberty. But naturally the 
leading part in the exposition of Holy Scripture was 
taken by those who had a professional knowledge of it. 
The synagogue also served the important purpose of 
being a house of prayer in which pious hearts could hold 
fellowship with God apart from any priestly ritual.^ 

^ c. Apion, ii. 19. 

2 Without entering into details regarding the buildings in which the 
sabbath assemblies were held, or the officials who were responsible for the 
general management and particular discharge of the affairs of the congregation — 
on these points see Schilrer, 11. ii. p. 63 ff.— we may here advert to the leading 
features and recognised order of the service. The principal diet of worship 
was held on the forenoon of the sabbath, and began with the recitation of the 
Shema', a thankful confession of Jahweh as the God who delivered Israel from 
Egypt. It consists of three extracts from the Pentateuch (Deut. vi. 4-9, xi. 
13-21 ; Num. XV. 27-41, Shemd being the Hebrew word with which each of 
these passages begins), with certain benedictions prefixed and appended. Then 
with the formula, "Bless ye Jahweh," the reader summoned the people to 
pray. This they did standing, and with their faces turned towards the Holy 
of Holies, i.e. towards Jerusalem. An authorised form of prayer was 
pronounced by an adult worshipper, who stood in front of the chest con- 
taining the rolls of the Law. Only certain responses, including the Amen, 
were uttered by the congregation. Next came the readings from the Law 
and the Prophets (Luke iv. 17 ; Acts xiii. 15), with translation into the 
Aramaic vernacular, the Septuagint translation being used, however, in the 
synagogues of the Dispersion. The lessons were read by adult members, 
precedence being given to priests and Levites if any such were present. 
Then followed a homiletic discourse based upon the passages read, the 
preacher being frequently, but not necessarily, a scribe. The service was 
concluded by the priestly benediction, to which the whole assembly gave the 
responsive Amen. This item was plainly borrowed from the Temple ritual. 
If no priest were present, the blessing took the form of a prayer. 

I.] of Judaism 27 

It is clear, therefore, that the synagogue was school 
and church in one ; and in view of the two great ■ 
functions which it discharged, its value for the religious 
life of Judaism can scarcely be overestimated. It 
enjoyed great popularity, and had great influence. More 
than any other agency, it helped to bind Judaism into 
a uniform and compact whole. By fostering freedom 
of speech it broke down the sharp distinction between 
priests and laity, and by its democratic basis saved religion ! 
from the domination of the learned. It created also a new ■ 
conception of worship, in accordance with which prayer 
took the place of sacrifices, and spiritual edification 
was derived from the study of God's Word. The sabbath 
was freed from its ceremonial character, and transformed 
into a day of hallowed fellowship. For the devout Jew 
the Temple and its ritual were no longer a necessity. 
All this was the fruit of that most typical illustration of 
the genius of Judaism — the synagogue. And here let 
it be noted as a fact of cardinal importance, that the 
first Christian gatherings for worship on Sundays were, 
as regards their arrangements generally, modelled upon 
the synagogue. Whatever may be the case with respect 
to the Roman and Anglican Churches, our Presbyterian 
worship is moulded not after the Temple ritual, but upon 
the service of the synagogue. 

The Jewish Church succeeded in enveloping the j 
entire life of the people with a religious atmosphere. 
From earliest childhood every one began to breathe it, 
and it was scarcely possible for any to withdraw them- 
selves from it. Although it is difficult to say how far 
systematic religious instruction was given in elementary 
schools during our period, the testimony of Philo and 

28 The Ftmdamental Characteristics [Chap. 

Josephus is very significant. According to Philo, the 
Jews " are taught, so to speak, from their swaddling- 
clothes by their parents, teachers, and those who bring 
them up, even before instruction in the sacred laws and 
the unwritten customs, to believe in God the one Father 
and Creator of the world." ^ Equally emphatic is the 
statement of Josephus : " Our principal care of all is this, 
to educate our children well." - Now the Jewish Church 
never relaxed its hold upon its members ; it controlled 
their lives throughout. And the forms of religious life 
which it established, and by means of which it retained 
its power over the community, have stood the test of 
time. What, then, were these? Prayer, fasting, and 
almsgiving were undoubtedly the three principal points 
of Judaistic piety ,^ and those which stamped upon it its 
distinctive character. 

The duty of prayer in accordance with a set 
formula, and at stated times, seems to have been 
generally recognised by the middle of the first century 
A.D. While Josephus represents it as incumbent on 
every Jew to pray twice daily (morning and evening), 
later rabbinical writers ^ require prayer to be offered 
three times (morning, afternoon, and evening). The 
forms in use were probably the SJiemci and the SJiemoneh- 
Esreh. At meal-times also the Divine goodness was 
expressly acknowledged.^ Although such regulated 
devotion frequently degenerated into mere form.alism, 
it nevertheless helped, by thrusting the idea of God into 

1 Leg. ad Caium, 31. ^ c. Apioit, i. 12. 

^ Tob. xii, 8 ; Matt. vi. 1-18. * Berachot/t, iv. i. 

''Matt. xiv. 19; Rom. xiv. 6, etc. In the Sibyllines, however, this is 
alluded to as a special mark of piety (Book iv. 26). 

I.] of Judaism 29 

everyday life, to raise the general level of piety in the 
community. In the fact that a teacher was expected 
by his disciples to teach them to pray ^ we have a 
significant illustration of the degree to which the 
synagogue service influenced public life. 

Another prominent element in the framework of 
Jewish piety was that of fasting. The great statutory 
fast-day was the Day of Atonement, although after the 
Exile several other annual fast-days were instituted. 
Fasting was chiefly, but not exclusively, an expression 
of penitence. Special fast-days were observed in view 
of public calamities, such as reverses in war, plague, or 
drought ; as a means of averting threatened disaster ; 
and by way of seeking the Divine favour in connexion 
with some undertaking. Private fasting, though not 
required by law, was not uncommon. In New Testament 
times Pharisees who valued a reputation for piety fasted 
twice in the week.^ The disciples of John and the 
Essenes were also given to fasting, and it was a reproach 
levelled against Jesus and His disciples that they did 
not fast.^ Along with prayer, fasting was resorted to 
as a cure for demoniac possession.^ Although Jesus did 
not bind His disciples to a practice which was not in 
harmony with the essentially joyful character of the 
Messianic age,^ fasting became customary in the Christian 
Church from an early date.^ 

Almsgiving likewise played an important part in the 
religious life of later Judaism, the machinery for the care 
of the poor being supplied by the synagogue. The 

1 Luke xi. i f. - Luke xviii. I2, ^ Mark ii. i8. 

* Matt. xvii. 21. ^ Mark ii. 19, 

® Acts xiii. 3, xiv, 23 ; i Cor. vii. 5 ; 2 Cor, vi. 5. 

30 The Fundamental Characteristics [Chap. 

Church's peculiar ability to handle the social problem 
increased its influence in the State, although at the same 
time in ecclesiastical hands the idea of charity became 
externalised. To some extent, indeed, this had already 
taken place with the very introduction of the word 
" alms," which, frequently as it is used in the Apocrypha, 
nowhere occurs in the Old Testament. But the process 
grew with the lapse of time. The whole scheme of 
moral teaching, as handed down by tradition through 
successive generations of scribes and summed up in 
almsgiving, prayer, and fasting, soon became very 
mechanical, and, as our Lord has shewn in the Sermon 
on the Mount, quite unfitted to advance true religious 
life. The practice of collecting alms on Sundays in 
apostolic times ^ was no doubt taken over from the 

Judaism, then, had become a great religious fellow- 
ship, limited to no single country. And yet it did not 
succeed in completely detaching itself from the national 
life. It fell down, so to speak, between two stools — the 
State and the Church. In the end the spirit of exclusive- 
ness triumphed over the tendency towards expansion. 
Although no longer merely a national, Judaism had 
nevertheless not become a universal, religion. It was 
virtually confined to Jews, even proselytes becoming 
Jews after a fashion. Under the guidance of the rabbis 
of Palestine it became a religion of persistent ceremonial- 
ism, and ultimately Christianity served itself heir to its 
missionary zeal. 

3. Individualism. — The standpoint of the later 
Judaism differs from that of the prophets. In one 

- ^ I Cor. xvi. 2. 


I.] of Judaism 31 

sense it was a development of prophetic teaching, or 
perhaps it might be nearer the truth to say that it was 
a practical application of it. Its significance lies in the 
fact that it was an attempt to embody the Mosaic ideas 
in actual practice, and to translate the theocratic con- 
ceptions of the prophets into terms of individual religion. 
The individual had already been " discovered " by 
Jeremiah and Ezekiel. To Jeremiah it was given to 
perceive that religion essentially consists in personal 
communion with God, and that as a purely spiritual 
thing it could not be injuriously affected by the dissolu- 
tion of the national life. Rather would this help on its 
perfect realisation in the future Messianic age. Ezekiel, 
on the other hand, was called to apply the new truth 
to the immediate circumstances of the time, and on this 
basis to organise the religious community of the future. 
Hence the emphasis laid by him on individual responsi- 
bility. His message is that God will no longer deal 
with men in the aggregate, but as units. Ezekiel knows 
nothing of that philosophy according to which " the 
individual withers, and the world is more and more." 
For him each individual stands in a direct personal 
relation to God, and is accountable for his own free 
actions, and for no other. The Divine righteousness 
is discriminating, and every man's destiny will be in 
keeping with his own character. 

Although the tendency towards individualism had 
begun thus early, it was only in the period subsequent to 
the Maccabasan revolt that it created for itself definite 
and fixed forms. It was not exclusively Jewish. The 
drift of Judaism in this direction was in reality part of 
a larger movement already traceable in the Persian 

32 The Fzmdamental Characteristics [Chap. 

kingdom, and still more in evidence during the age of 
the Ptolemies and the Seleucidse. What lay at the 
root of this movement was the loss by so many States 
of their political independence. In consequence of this, 
importance was no longer attached to the national and 
political aspect of Deity. The bond between a god and 
his worshippers came to be viewed as a purely personal 
one. From being a national concern religion was 
transformed into a matter of individual moment. It 
was cultivated by select guilds, such as those of the 
priests of Egypt, the astrologers of Chaldsea, and the 
different schools of philosophers in Greece. Not only 
so ; each man for himself looked to the heavenly powers, 
chiefly perhaps as a protection from sickness and other 
misfortunes. Hence, for example, the extraordinary 
spread of the cult of yEsculapius, the god of medicine. 
There was no longer any endeavour to realise a great 
living fellowship ; all religions were tending towards 
universalism and individualism,^ And in this world-wide 
stream of development Judaism shared. With its ; 
growing detachment from the national life, and its !/ 
adoption of ecclesiastical forms, piety became a matterlr 
of individual choice and of personal responsibility for' 
the fulfilment of the Law. To have been born a Jew 
was no longer equiv^alent to membership in the 
congregation of the saints. So sharply was the lifie 
drawn between the pious and the godless, that these two 
classes were almost as far apart as Jew and heathen. 
Piety was thus simply and solely the devotion of the 
individual heart. Its adequate exercise depended upon 
no priestly functionary, and it was open to any one by 

' Ed. Meyer, Geschichtc des Alter Ihums, iii. p. 169 f. See Note 6, p. 369. 

I.] of Judaism ^iTi 

personal acquirements and zeal to reach the front rank 
in the new spiritual aristocracy of holiness. / 

Important as was the public service of the Temple 
in welding the theocracy into a unity, and in promoting 
its organisation, Judaism depended still more upon strict 
obedience to its precepts on the part of the individual. 
Not that this private worship was in any way opposed 
to the public ritual ; they were related through the Day 
of Atonement, and through the sin and trespass offerings. 
But the title to be a Jew had to be laboriously earned. 
It was not gained simply by periodical visits to the 
Temple, or by payment of the sacred dues. Judaism 
flourished not only in Jerusalem, but in the Diaspora as 
well. Wherever Jews were found they worked hard to 
build up, and to constitute themselves units in, a 
nation whose distinguishing feature was holiness, and 
whose territory was wide as the globe itself The holi- 
ness they sought to attain was that of perfect 
compliance with the requirements of the Law, which 
contained in concrete form the principles propounded by 
the prophets. This they pursued with unconquerable 
ardour, even under the most disadvantageous conditions. 
The code of regulations as to ceremonial observances 
came to be encyclopaedic, and the self-discipline involved 
in carrying them out, tremendous. Life was so girdled 
witji legalism as to leave but small opportunity for ' 
going astray. Positive enactments were viewed as safe- 
guards against sin, and therefore as conducive to 
holiness. For the idea essentially bound up with 
holiness was not that of doing good, but that of 
shunning evil. 

But while there was thus ample scope and real 

34 The Fundamental Characteristics [Chap. 

necessity for individualism, there were also in Judaism 
controlling and co-ordinating forces which tended to 
shape it into one harmonious whole. The very act of 
circumcision, as the indelible mark of the covenant, 
already told powerfully in this direction. All the 
subsequent training of a Jewish boy was also carefully 
calculated to counteract the centrifugal tendencies of 
individualism, and to create an esprit de corps among the 
sons of Israel. What was aimed at was universal 
instruction in the Law with a view to the realisation of 
the prophetic ideal : " All thy children shall be taught of 
Jahweh, and great shall be the peace of thy children," ^ 
These words may remind us that, intolerable as they 
might appear to us, and intolerable as they ultimately 
became even to the Jews themselves,^ the requirements 
of the Law were not generally felt to be so irksome as 
might be supposed. It is wonderful what men can 
become inured to ; and the Law's demands being of an 
external kind, could at least be met and paid to the 
uttermost farthing. If, moreover, on the one hand the 
system was fitted to create an artificial conscience by 
demanding obedience to prescriptions which had no 
obvious relation to the moral sense, it tended on the 
other hand to give rise to a feeling of contentment with 
obedience to the letter of the Law. One who rendered 
such obedience felt that he had done what v/as required 
of him, and he only needed to keep pace with the 
hourly demands made upon him in order to rid himself 
of all troublesome questions regarding his personal 
responsibility. At the same time it must in fairness be 
recognised that the Jewish Law was not exclusively 

^ Isa. liv. 13. - Acts XV. 10. 

I.] of Judaism 35 

ceremonial ; it contained moral precepts as well. And 
one of the results of the new individualism was a decided 
development of ethical feeling during this age. It was 
possible for a heart of flesh to exist even under the hard 
exterior of Jewish legalism,^ and in the darkest stretches 
of the centuries immediately preceding the Advent, there 
were undoubtedly true witnesses for God. 

From several points of view we have already seen 
that Jewish legalism fell below the prophetic ideals. 
But the latter could not be realised all at once. The 
actual religious condition of the people made it impossible 
that there should be an immediate fulfilment of the 
promise, and so, as St. Paul has emphatically pointed 
out, the Law came in between as the rigorous school- 
master of the immature, till the day of Christian liberty 
should dawn. During this interval the spirit of pro- 
phetic religion enshrined itself in the tangible precepts 
of a positive law determining conduct. In no other 
way could it become a truly national possession. 
This implied, however, a certain concession to ceremoni- 
alism, and post-exilic times are characterised by an 
absence of the strong invective directed by the prophets 
against the hollow pietism of the established ritual. 
For the latter the priestly code had claimed the authority 
of the Mosaic revelation, with the result that the cere- 
monial Law was so intertwined with the ancient belief 
in Jahweh as virtually to put it beyond the pale of 
criticism. In this way the cult of the external came to 
be very strongly entrenched among the Jews of Palestine, 
and nothing short of the spiritual insight and boldness 
of Jesus could ever have led an assault against it. Yet 
^ Ezek. xxxvi. 26. 

36 The Fttndamental Characteristics [Chap. 

Judaism as consolidated under Ezra and his successors 
was far from being a mere fossilising of the old prophetic 
religion. True faith in God could not be altogether 
stifled by formalism. If there was decided deteriora- 
tion, there was not absolute petrifaction. Within the 
hard shell of legalism lay the kernel which was yet to 
emerge and vitalise the world. Alongside of the re- 
splendent ritual of the Temple there sprang up the 
simple and edifying worship of the synagogue. " Our 
houses of prayer in the several towns," says Philo, " are 
none other than institutions for teaching prudence and 
bravery, temperance and justice, piety and holiness ; in 
short, every virtue which the human and the Divine 
recognises and enjoins." ^ Here were canvassed in the 
light of Scripture the deepest problems affecting human 
life, and here was awakened the intense individualism 
reflected in the literature of the period. To an extent 
hitherto unknown in Israel, religion now became a 
personal concern for every man. 

We have evidence of this in the Psalms, many of 
which were the fruit of the synagogue. Without re- 
pudiating the Jewish tradition that David was the 
founder of the Psalter, we must recognise that a large 
portion of the collection as it now stands cannot be from 
his pen, for the obvious reason that it embodies the 
results of the revival of psalmody which marked the 
restoration from exile. It was the hymn-book of the 
Second Temple, and although some of the fresh pieces 
composed for its services may have been adaptations of 
ancient " songs of Zion," many of them were inspired by 
the joyous feeling that Jahweh was once more building 

1 Dc Tifa Mosis, ii. 168, 

I. ] of Juda ism 3 7 

up Jerusalem.^ In the later books of the collection we 
breathe essentially the atmosphere of the synagogue. 
The weekly assemblies called forth these songs, and they 
were also edified by them. In Ps. cxix. we have a re- 
flexion of the new devotion to the Law. While some 
psalms express the prayers and feelings of the com- 
munity as well, others are songs of the individual heart. 
In them piety receives an expression so broadly human 
that the Psalter remains not only for Jews, but also for 
Christians, a hymn-book for all time. The secret of 
this perennial freshness of the Psalms lies in their de- 
tachment. In not a few the element of nationalism is 
absent. For the lyric poets of the Persian and Greek 
periods religion overshadowed politics. They were 
concerned not about the destinies of nations, but about 
God and the soul. If in some respects this had a 
narrowing effect, it resulted in a singularly keen absorp- 
tion of the mind in things religious. Men looked for 
salvation not to outward power or influence, but to the 
spiritual blessings found in fellowship with Jahweh. The 
same cause led also to the noblest idealism. Where 
shall we find such a-* beautiful picture of a soul weaned 
from worldly ambition and calmly resting on the bosom 
of God as that painted in what Dr. Samuel Johnson 
reckoned the gem of the Psalter ? ^ \x\<^ can we imagine 
anything loftier in the way of spiritual aspiration than 
the prayer of the Psalmist : " Lord, if I have but thee, 
there is none in heaven or earth that I desire beside 
thee. My flesh and my heart faileth : but God is the 
strength of my heart and my portion for ever ? " ^ 

^ cxlvii. 2. 2 pg_ cxxxi. 

" Ixxiii. 25 f. Not, of course, that self-culture, even when carried to the 

38 The Ftmdamental Characteristics [Chap, 

We have another reflexion of the individualism of 
the period in the eschatology of the Wisdom literature, 
to which reference will be made in the next chapter. 
Meanwhile we must note that as developed in the later 
Judaism religious individualism was but imperfectly 
realised. Not only was the detachment of piety from 
the national life far from complete, but under the new 
ecclesiastical conditions the religion of the individual 
was crushed by the weight of tradition. Sufficient scope 
was not given for the play of individuality, with the 
result that in the post-Maccabaean age there was an 
utter lack of outstanding religious personalities. With 
all this, however, particularly in view of the familiarity 
of the Jewish people with the doctrine of future 
retribution, which by that time existed in a highly 
developed form, some progress had been made in the 
direction of the pronounced individualism of the Gospel. 
It needed only the magnetic touch of Jesus to call into 
active operation what was already dormant in the 

4. Conservatism. — This feature of Judaism goes far 
to explain the lack of creative originality which character- 
highest pitch, is the be-all and end-all of religion. The merely contemplative 
life, however great its depth and compass, is always barren of results for the 
world. Even the mystical piety reflected in the Psalms could not of itself 
usher in the gospel of the kingdom. It was an excellent preparation for it, 
but that was all. It lacked inspirational force. The indispensable element 
of active and public-spirited endeavour was absent from it— a defect closely 
connected with the fact that there was no longer any prophet in Israel 
(i Mace. ix. 27). Yet the religion of Israel was never without a hue of 
hope. There remained the expectation that there would certainly arise a 
faithful prophet who should be the mouthpiece of God to the whole com- 
munity (i Mace. iv. 46, xiv. 41). When that time came, and when in the 
preaching of the Forerunner the deep spirituality of the Psalms allied itself 
with the social ideals of the prophets, then at length could the proclamation 
be made : " The kingdom of God is come nigh unto you." 

I.] of Judaism 39 

ised our period, and also the lack of great religious 
personalities like Moses or Samuel, Origen or Augustine, 
Luther or Knox, around whom the life and history of 
their own generation revolve. A legal ecclesiasticism 
tended to dry up the springs of life. Apart from the 
heroism of the Maccabees, and the literature to which 
it gave rise, these were virtually frozen. Nor was the 
stream that issued even from this source equal in depth 
or purity to the rivers which in earlier days had made 
glad the city of God. Attention was mainly concen- 
trated upon the development and safeguarding of the 
spiritual inheritance transmitted from the past. And 
this involved labour at once so mechanical and so all- 
engrossing as to preclude the achievement of anything 
remarkable either in the way of fresh thought or of 
independent action. 

But in spite of some unlovely features connected with 
it, the extraordinary tenacity with which the Jews clung 
to__die religion of their fathers compels our admiration. 
Neither the subtle influences of Hellenism nor the strong 
hand of imperial Rome could break down their devotion. 
Under the most difficult circumstances, and at any 
sacrifice, they never ceased to observe down to the 
minutest detail their religious rites. On this score they 
were invincible. Two things in particular attest the 
remarkable adherence of the Jews to their ancestral faith, 
— their attitude of exclusiveness towards outsiders, and 
the formation of the Old Testament canon. 

The character of their relations with Gentiles had to 
be decided very soon after the Restoration, the question 
having been raised in an acute form by the request of 
the Samaritans to be permitted to join in the work of 

40 The Fundamental Characteristics [Chap. 

rebuilding the Temple. These Samaritans were not mere 
godless heathen ; they had Israelitish as well as Assyrian 
blood in their veins. But the fact that they were a 
mixed race led to the declinature of the proffered alliance. 
This meant open and implacable enmity on the part of 
the Samaritans/ and ultimately the erection of a rival 
temple on Gerizim. The point to be noted is that if the 
Jews dealt thus with a neighbouring people partly akin 
to themselves in race and in worship, there could no 
longer be any doubt as to their attitude towards those 
who could advance no such claim. Formerly prone to 
idolatry, the Israelites were now firmly set against it, and 
endeavoured to isolate themselves as a community 
hermetically sealed against all heathen influences what- 
soever. The Hellenistic cities afterwards built in 
Palestine formed no part of the strictly Jewish territory. 
In their rigid exclusiveness the Jews developed that 
bitter hatred and scorn of everything " Gentile," that 
pride of race and of knowledge, that Pharisaic self- 
righteousness and externalism of worship, which we find 
reflected in the Gospels. The sense of the spiritual 
superiority of the Jew to all other men, including his 
political masters, continued to grow as the generations 
passed. In the Talmudic writings a Greek philosopher 
or a Roman emperor is nothing compared to a Jewish 

More or less connected with the religious feeling 
which enabled the Jews to maintain their nationality in 
face of all disintegrating forces were certain other con- 
tributory elements worthy of note. For one thing, lack 
of political independence made them cultivate all the 

^ John iv. 9. 

I.] of Judaism 41 

more eagerly the ideal religious fatherland ; as burgesses 
of the true Zion they needed no earthly citizenship. 
The rite of circumcision, too, kept them apart from 
other men, not only through the faith which it 
expressed, but also through the ridicule which it 
induced. Finally — although this applied to the 
Diaspora more than to Palestine — the extent to which 
in the post-exilic age the Jews began to busy them- 
selves with trade and money-making had an important 
bearing upon the preservation of their separateness as 
a race. Then, as now, the wealth and independence 
thus secured by individual Jews created a general feeling 
of dislike to the race as a whole, and no small measure 
even of religious antipathy. 

But the most concrete embodiment of the loyalty 
of the Jews to their ancient religion is found in " the 
Scriptures " of the Old Testament and the collection of 
them into an authoritative record of Divine revelation, 
occupying as such a plane of its own, and not to be 
measured by the standards of ordinary human com- 
position. This provided the Jewish faith with a new 
spiritual centre, and facilitated the process of detach- 
ment from the State. Israelitish piety was developing 
into a Church, and no Church can dispense with a 
canon of sacred writings. Difficult questions beset the 
subject of canonicity, especially as regards the books 
produced during the later stages of the history, but 
what concerns us here is neither the precise process by 
which the canon was formed, nor the exact date at 
which it was closed, but simply the fact that from the 
year B.C. 444 onwards Israel did virtually possess a 
canon of Holy Scripture in the shape of the new 

42 The Fundamental Characteristics [Chap. 

Law-book introduced by Ezra.^ Strictly speaking, 
the conception of canonical as contrasted with profane 
writings could be crystallised into a definite doctrine 
only after the canon was actually closed, but in point 
of fact an idea was formed of the difference between 
the two categories long before this took place. The 
distinction was equally familiar to the Jews of Palestine 
and those of Alexandria. Although the latter were 
less rigid as to the admission of new writings, there 
was at the time of Christ little difference between the 
Palestinian and Alexandrian canons, and the Greek 
text was not regarded as less authoritative than the 

' Both for Judaism itself, and for Christianity, the 
formation of the Old Testament canon was a matter 
of the highest moment. For Judaism itself, inasmuch 
as the whole life of the new community centred round 
the inspired writings. These formed the subject offj 
instruction in schools and the basis of homiletic exhorta- 
tion in the synagogues. They engrossed the diligent 
labour of numerous copyists. They were the great 
theme of intellectual research on the part of professional 
students. And towards them eagerly turned every 
seeker after eternal life.^ Nor did the Scriptures 
possess less significance for the teaching of Jesus. 
Viewing it in this connexion, Wendt speaks of the 
formation of the Old Testament canon as " the most 
important historical fact of post-exilian Judaism." ^ The 
Gospels make it clear that Jesus had steeped His mind 
in the Old Testament. It was His great controversial 

' Neh. ix. 13. ^ John v. 39. 

^ The Teaching of Jesus, i. p. 36. 

I.] of Judaism 43 

weapon in making good the authority of His teaching. 
Through His constant appeal to the written word He 
was able to silence every gainsayer. That the Law 
was developed in a wrong spirit, and that the living 
truth was obscured through a mechanical worship of 
the letter, does not alter the fact that but for the 
veneration in which, as a fixed and sacred canon, the 
Scriptures were held, and the consequent care with 
which they were transmitted, it would have been 
impossible to preserve unimpaired the spiritual treasure 
which they enshrined. 

Such are the essential features of Judaism. 

5. Religious Syncretism. — It must not be supposed, 
however, that it was allowed to develop without a strong 
admixture of foreign elements. Although after the Exile 
an effort was made to exclude these from the Jewish 
community in Palestine, this was in the nature of things 
an impossibility. When men of different nationalities 
trade with each other there is necessarily an interchange 
not only of goods and money, but also to some extent 
of ideas, opinions, and habits. In the case of Judaism 
this process was doubtless facilitated by the fact that, 
while on its guard against laxity of conduct, it had little 
sense of the danger of intellectual innovation. More- 
over, the want of creative originality, the incongruity / 
resulting from the putting of new cloth upon old 
garments, the tendency to draw from hidden sources, 
the removal of national particularism, and the universal 
fusion of religious ideas which characterised the age, 
all point to the presence of foreign influence in the 
development of Judaism, As a matter of fact, by the 
beginning of the second century B.C., it was largely in 

44 The Ftmdamental Characteristics [Chap. 

touch with the outside world. It shared in the spread 
of cosmopolitan ideas, and in its eschatology passed 
beyond the limits of the older Messianic hopes to the 
thought of an individual retribution before the Divine 
judgment-seat. The allegorising of ancient traditions, 
along with a transcendental conception of God, brought 
it more into line with other religions. Further features 
which have their analogue in the contemporary life of 
other nations are the rise of professional teachers and 
theologians, as well as the reversion to primitive beliefs 
and superstitions, which marked the Judaism of the 
period. All these are probably more than mere parallel 
developments ; they suggest direct influence. 

From what quarter, then, can such influence have 
come ? The religion of Egypt may be regarded as a 
negligible factor in the case. At most it can have 
acted upon Judaism only in the sphere of the magic 
arts. It was otherwise too torpid and degraded to 
have any effect upon a system of belief so immeasurably 
superior to itself. The influences really to be taken into 
account here are the Babylonian, Persian, and Greek. 

It is natural to suppose that the Babylonian religion 
should have influenced the development of post-exilic 
Judaism, for as a centre of that religion Babylon was 
scarcely inferior to Jerusalem itself. Nor is the sup- 
position altogether without confirmation in fact. In the 
Old Testament there are certainly traces of Babylonian 
legends, and the Temple worship was in some respects 
indebted to Babylonian practice. Our knowledge of the 
later development of the Babylonian religion is too slender, 
however, to enable us to arrive at a clear and accurate 
estimate of its influence upon Judaism. After Nebuchad- 

I.] of Judaism 45 

rezzar's empire became subject first to the Persian and then 
to the Greek dominion, religion sank to a low ebb in the 
Mesopotamian plain. Unlike the Jewish, the Babylonian 
creed called forth no heroism in its defence. Neverthe- 
less, it lived on in the schools of the learned, and 
influenced the West through astronomy and astrology, 
as well as through the dissemination of popular super- 
stition and magical lore, in the cultivation of which it 
rivalled Egypt itself. Seeing however that the Baby- 
lonian religion was essentially polytheistic, it could not 
exert an appreciable influence upon the fundamentals 
of a monotheistic religion like Judaism. It affected it 
only in such secondary matters as ceremonialism, the 
visionary method as adopted by Ezekiel, and the 
popular beliefs current at the time with respect to 
spirits, demons, etc. 

The Persian (Iranian-Zarathustrian) influence was 
more vital. At this epoch the Iranian religion had 
spread westwards and attained supremacy in Babylon, 
where Judaism came into contact with it. From the 
first the relations between the Jews and the Persians 
were of a friendly nature, and it was to a Persian 
monarch that they owed their restoration. There were 
striking affinities between the two peoples in respect 
of their religions, their laws, and their customs. Both 
alike practised monotheism, abhorred idolatry, and 
valued morality ; both alike cared for the poor, believed 
in the final destruction of evil, and laid stress upon a 
future judgment. From being prophetic, both religions 
became ecclesiastical, with a priestly code considered to 
have been given to Zarathustra ^ and Moses respectively. 

1 Zoroaster of the Greek historians. 

46 The Fundamental Characteristics [Chap 

Like the Jews, the Persians had an elaborate system 
of ceremonial purifications to be observed by those 
guilty of legal trespass ; and their prescriptions with 
regard to leprosy and other diseases were almost 
identical with those of the Pentateuch. By both 
nationalities great honour was accorded to marriage, 
and great importance attached to family ties. The 
custom of meeting for worship was common to both. 
Under such conditions it was inevitable that the two 
religions should act and react upon each other. 
Darmesteter maintains that the Persian religion is 
debtor to the Jews rather than vice versa, but the 
testimony of Greek writers, including Plutarch, to the 
priority of Parsism seems conclusive against this view. 

What concerns us here, however, is how far Judaism 
was influenced by Zarathustrianism. The conditions 
were present for the exercise of such an influence, but 
what are the facts ? Unhappily there are serious 
difficulties in the way of reaching definite results. For 
one thing we are unable to attach a date to the various 
elements that have gone to make up the religion of 
Zarathustra, although the statements of Plutarch and 
others favour the view that the ideas of the Zend-Avesta, 
the sacred book of the Persian religion, of which only 
fragments are extant, probably for the most part go 
back to the times of the Achaemenidse. A scientific 
investigation of details is still a desideratum, and until 
this is supplied the extent of the Persian influence 
cannot be pronounced upon with certainty. Another 
difficulty is that it can scarcely have been a pure and 
unadulterated form of the Persian religion which the 
Jews became acquainted with in Babylon. Bousset is 

I.] of Judaism 47 

probably right in thinking that it was " perhaps an 
Iranian religion mixed with Babylonian elements that 
eventually influenced Judaism." ^ 

In what respects, then, may it be reasonably held to 
have been affected by this Persian or Babylonian-Persian 
influence ? Here we can only map out generally the 
field on which it made itself felt. It miay at once be 
said that if we except the institution of the Feast of 
Purim, and the custom of repeating the first prayer (the 
Shejud) in the Temple at dawn, the Persian religion did 
not materially affect the outward organisation of the 
Jewish Church. Still less did its influence tell upon 
individual spiritual life. Yet it was very manifest in 
various directions. For some time after the Restoration 
it was apparently confined to a few isolated points not 
belonging to the substance of the faith, such as the 
" seven eyes " of Zech. iii. 9, and the Satan of Job and 
the Chronicler. But by the third or second century B.C., 
through the intermediary channel of the Babylonian 
Jews, Persian ideas had begun sensibly to act upon 
Jewish beliefs. Not that there was a simple transference 
of the ideas or doctrines of Zarathustra. There were 
perhaps a few instances of pure borrowing, such as the 
apocalyptic divisions of thousands of years, which are 
older in Persian sources than in the Book of Enoch. 
But in most cases where the influence of Parsism can be 
traced, Hebrew religion already contained the doctrines 
in germ ; Mazdeism only stimulated and shaped the 
course of their development. That it did affect Judaism 
to this extent, however, is clear from the Palestinian 
writings of this epoch, especially from the Book of 

^ Die Religion des Judentums, p. 457 f. 

48 The Ftmdamental Characteristics [Chap. 

Daniel, in the Aramaic portion of which numerous 
Persian words occur.^ And its influence was most 
marked in the spheres of mythology, cosmology, angel- 
ology, and eschatology. 

The Persian influence is clearly traceable in the 
'treatment of primitive legends, which played their part 
in Judaism as well as in other religions. The stories of 
the Flood, of the building of the tower of Babel, and 
others related in Genesis, underwent extraordinary 
expansion, and were embellished with materials from the 
Persian religion.^ In the cosmological conceptions of 
the Book of Enoch we have another example of Persian 
influence. Ideas from Iranian and perhaps other sources 
are here so freely grafted on to the Old Testament 
account of the creation that naturally the resultant 
representation is full of incongruity. In the department 
of angelology the influence of Parsism upon the later 
Judaism is particularly manifest. It is significant that 
so great a development of ideas as to the character 
and functions of the angelic messengers should have 
synchronised with the period when the Jews were 
thrown into direct contact with the Persians, in whose 
religion a hierarchy of angels played an important part. 
Doubtless the existence of angels was an accepted belief 
of pre-exilic Hebraism, but the prominence given to 
them in post-exilic writings was a direct consequence of 
the Persian environment, and of the new transcendental 
conception of the Deity. Hierarchies of good and evil 
spirits were called in to fill up the gulf between men 
and God. This is already noticeable in the later 

^ A list of these is given in Driver's Daniel, p. hi. f. 
- See Note 7, p. 370. 

I.] of Judais7n 49 

portions of the Old Testament, and is a strongly marked 
feature of the post-canonical writings which have been 
preserved.^ Although these intermediary beings bear 
Hebrew names, at least one of them — that of the evil 
angel Asmodeus " — ^^appears to be simply the Persian 
y^shma-DcEva. It was, however, chiefly in the domain 
of eschatology that the Persian religion proved to be a 
real factor in the development of Judaism. While the 
doctrine of an individual resurrection is properly enough 
regarded as the ripe fruit of Old Testament religion, 
there seems no good reason to doubt that its growth 
into distinctness and maturity was stimulated by the 
Zarathustrian creed. The fact that in Daniel xii. we 
have a clearer expression of the doctrines of immortality 
and the resurrection of individuals than elsewhere in the 
Old Testament may well have been due to the Persian 
belief in a future state of happiness in which the faith- 
ful, finally victorious over evil, should live for ever in 
fellowship with Ormazd and his angels. The Persian 
influence, moreover, is strongly reflected in the Jewish 
apocalyptic literature, and in the dualistic trend which 
it gradually assumed. Not that Jewish dualism was 
ever a mere replica of the Persian : identity is not 
necessary to prove dependence. But two facts are here 
of prime importance. The one is that the conception of 
the devil current in New Testament times was quite 
foreign to the older Hebraism. The other is the 
presence in the apocalyptic literature of the Persian 
doctrine of God's victory over the devil at the end of 
the world. 

^ Dan. X. 13, 20, xii. i ; Tob. xii, 15 ; Enoch xc. 21 f. Cf. Rev. i. 4, viii. 2. 
2 Tob. ill. 

50 The Fundamental Characteristics [Chap. 

With respect to the Greek influence in Palestine, the 
facts have been more definitely ascertained. On the de- 
velopment of religious thought it was slight. It bore much 
more upon life and manners than upon doctrine. It is only 
in Alexandrian Judaism that we detect the impress of the 
Greek philosophy. Regarding their ancestral faith as the 
charter of their nationality, the Jews of Jerusalem clung 
to it with extraordinary tenacity, and viewed with 
corresponding jealousy all extraneous doctrines and 
cults. But in other directions Hellenism exerted a 
powerful influence in Judaea. It stamped itself upon 
the commercial, social, and political life of the Jewish 
people, as well as upon their language and literature. 

After Alexander's death Palestine became the scene 
of a keen struggle between Ptolemy I. and Antigonus, 
two of his successors. In B.C. 320 Ptolemy took 
Jerusalem, but it passed again oftener than once into the 
hands of his rival before the slaughter of the latter at 
the battle of Ipsus in 301 gave the Egyptian king real 
possession. From this date the process of Hellenisation 
went on quietly throughout the country, especially in 
the cities founded by Macedonian soldiers and called 
by Greek names. Hellenistic Greek became the 
language of trade and fashion. The non-Jewish section 
of the population, including the Samaritans, were 
unanimous in their adoption of Greek manners and 
customs. Many Jews also were fascinated by the new 
ideas, attractive habits, and freer morals, alongside of 
which their own traditional ways of thinking, modes of 
life, and standards of conduct appeared uncouth, old- 
fashioned, and provincial. Greek art appealed to the 
more educated classes, and Greek sports to the populace 

1.] of Judaism 51 

generally. The amphitheatres and the racecourse were 
crowded with enthusiastic spectators ; gymnasia were 
multiplied ; even the Bacchanalian festivals proved a 
welcome novelty. 

As a sequel to the battle of Paneas in B.C. 198, 
when Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, defeated the 
Egyptian general Scopus, the lordship of Palestine 
passed from the Ptolemies to the Seleucidas. Although 
it meant simply a transference from one form of 
Hellenistic rule to another, the Syrian supremacy was 
at first hopefully welcomed by the Jews. And they 
did receive some valuable concessions from Antiochus, 
but his successors were of a more mercenary spirit, and 
on the whole the Jews had little reason to be thankful 
for their change of masters. Indeed they were on the 
threshold of some of the direst experiences of their 
history. Antiochus vainly thought to prevent the 
advance of the Romans in the East. Having been routed 
in a great battle at Magnesia in B.C. 190, he came under 
the heel of the new world-conquerors, and in order to 
pay the heavy indemnity imposed by them, he and his 
successors were obliged to resort to such desperate 
measures as the robbing of temples within their own 
territory. In the year 187 he lost his life while thus 
occupied in the region of Elymais. According to 
2 Mace, iii., an unsuccessful raid was made also upon 
the Temple of Jerusalem at the instigation of his son 
Seleucus IV. Philopator (187-176). The contemplated 
sacrilege was, however, actually committed by the next 
monarch Antiochus IV. Epiphanes (176-164), under 
whose reign the conflict between Hellenism and Judaism 
was destined to reach its height. 

52 The Fundamental Characteristics [Chap. 

At the accession of Epiphanes the pagan propaganda 
had made considerable progress, and a Greek party had 
been formed even in Judaea. Although Hellenism had 
lost its political prestige, its hold upon social manners 
and customs was in no degree relaxed. Its diffusion 
still went on. The Book of Daniel, written in Palestine 
probably during the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes 
(B.C. 168-165), contains a few words indisputably Greek, 
such as Kb6api<;, ■^^akTTt'jpLov, and crvfufyovia} The employ- 
ment of foreign terms is in itself an indication of 
influence exerted from without. But the evidence on 
this point furnished by the literature of the period is not 
merely verbal ; it extends to ideas and sentiments as 
well. The presence or otherwise of Hellenic influence 
in Ecclesiastes is a question still debated among scholars, 
but in the case of the non-canonical book of Ecclesi- 
asticus it is unmistakably reflected. In the writer's 
allusions to the danger of associating with women who 
are public singers,- to the artisan who " cuts gravings of 
signets, and . . . sets his heart to preserve likeness in 
portraiture," ^ and to " a concert of music at a banquet 
of wine," * we have proof that even in Judsea Greek 
morals, Greek art, and Greek customs had come to be 
greatly in vogue. Another thing pointing in the same 
direction is the high repute in which literary ability was 
then held in Palestine, in common with other countries 
which were beginning directly to feel the Greek influence. 
" He that hath applied his soul," says Ben Sira, " and 
meditateth in the law of the Most High, will seek out 
the wisdom of all the ancients, and will be occupied in 

' See Note 8, p. 372. - ix. 4. 

** xxxviii. 27. ■* xxxii. 5 f- 

I.] of Judaism 53 

prophecies. He will keep the discourse of the men of 
renown, and will enter in amidst the subtilties of 
parables." ^ And perhaps we are to find a further 
indication of the Hellenic spirit in this author's advocacy 
of the medical profession, which was evidently rising to 
a new importance in Israel. In reply to the allegation 
that the practice of medicine argues a lack of faith in 
God, he points out that both the skill of the physician 
and the healing virtue of herbs are in reality creations 
of the Most High." The significance of his language 
lies in the fact that the medical science of the Greeks 
was renowned throughout Western Asia. 

By the end of the second century B.C. the entire | 
Mediterranean region had been hellenised, with the 
single exception of the purely Judaean district. There 
a stubborn resistance was offered to the progress of the 
Hellenistic spirit, with the result that it was so far kept 
at bay. Down to the time of Epiphanes the high 
priests had been its stoutest opponents. Greek culture 
had been aggressive, but in connexion with the activity 
of the scribes Jewish legalism had also been lengthening 
its cords and strengthening its stakes. A collision 
between two such antagonistic forces was inevitable. 
If Hellenism was inexorable in pushing its claims, the 
adherents of the Law were not less resolute in resisting 
them. Organising themselves as the Hasldim or " the 
pious," they championed the strictest observance of the 
Law as developed by the scribes. Already in some 
measure was the prophecy fulfilled regarding the raising 
up of " thy sons, O Zion, against thy sons, O Greece." ^ 
And the zeal of the former resulted in keeping the 
^ xxxix. if. ^ xxxviii. i-8, ^ Zech. ix. 13. 

54 Fundamental Characteristics of Judaisin\pci2.^. i.] 

pagan worship out of Judaea. Like a rocky islet rising 
proudly out of the sea, the Holy City remained the 
impregnable citadel of Judaism. By extending its 
influence so as to embrace outlying districts like Galilee, 
it did much to counteract the spread of Hellenism 
during this period. Yet even in Jerusalem, outside of 
the religious sphere, the tide of pagan civilisation was 
steadily advancing, and when at last the Greek party 
succeeded in capturing the priestly nobility, a bold 
attempt was made to hellenise Jewish life on its 
religious side also. But the excessive severity of the 
measures employed saved the situation. In decreeing 
the total suppression of the Jewish religion Antiochus 
Epiphanes overreached himself. This mad project 
caused every section of the people to rally in defence 
of their Law. It led to the revolt under the Maccabees, 
and for more than two generations effectually arrested 
the spread of Hellenism in Judaea. 



Palestinian Judaism: Pre-Maccab^an. 

The foreign oppression to which after their return from 
the Exile the Jews were almost constantly subject could 
not fail to tell upon the hitherto strongly maintained 
national unity. From the time of Alexander not only 
was the way opened up for the introduction of new 
thoughts and forms, but the people themselves were 
parted, in respect both of country and of language, into 
two great divisions. Of these one remained in Palestine 
and continued to use the Hebrew speech, though they 
gradually adopted the Aramaic dialect ; while the other 
went abroad and gave up their mother-tongue in favour 
of the Greek, which was then spoken throughout the 
region of the Mediterranean. Naturally the home 
Jews were the more conservative, and they tenaciously 
adhered to the letter of their ancient polity. Those of 
the Dispersion, on the other hand, could not avoid being 
largely influenced by their new surroundings. They 
were attracted by the Greek culture, and soon to a 
considerable extent imbibed the Greek spirit. We shall 
deal first with Palestinian Judaism. 

The shock of the Exile had been bewildering to the 
Israelitish nation. Through the deportation of the 

58 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

inhabitants the national hfe had been torn up by the 
roots, and had seemed smitten beyond all hope of 
recovery. Yet there were those who could contemplate 
the ruins of Jerusalem without despair, — men with that 
depth of intellect, strength of piety, and vision of the 
future, which went to make up the prophet-statesman so 
distinctive of Israelitish history. To a large extent the 
situation was to be saved by the spiritual insight and 
sagacity of these noble patriots. They perceived that 
all was not lost, and that there was grace behind the 
judgment. In the destruction of the Holy City they 
saw not merely a calamity to be bewailed, but a loud 
call to repentance. They proclaimed it as their firm 
conviction that the main cause for lamentation on the 
part of Israel lay in their own persistent sin and folly, 
and that upon their seeking Jahweh with all their heart 
in prayer they would find that His thoughts towards 
them were " thoughts of peace and not of evil." ^ He 
would forgive the sins of the past, restore upon the basis 
of a new covenant the relation which had been severed, 
and write His law upon their heart.- After all, the 
Temple was only the material em.bodiment of the eternal 
truth that God had communicated to His people. It 
was not the true Zion. Its worship was but the 
temporary clothing of what was in itself imperishable. 
So far therefore from being the death-blow of the chosen 
people, the Exile was distinctly a forward movement 
in Israelitish religion, and the exiles had only to follow 
the counsels of these great prophets — men like Jeremiah, 
Ezekiel, Second Isaiah, and Daniel — in order to ensure 
the restoration of their national life. 

' Jer. xxix. 11. - xxxi. 31 ff, 

II.] Pre-Maccabcean 59 

And at least a section of them did so. Tiie truths 
which had been despised at home found acceptance in 
Babylon, At the Restoration under Cyrus a great 
change, amounting to a moral revolution, had been 
produced in the character of the people. The evil spirit 
of apostacy had been cast out of them, and the new 
nationality which they founded was more of the nature 
of a Church than of a State. 

The history of the restored community, although 
unhappily obscure in many of its details, is as remark- 
able as it is important. During the six centuries of its 
existence it passed through many vicissitudes. From 
being a small struggling colony it grew in strength and 
self-confidence until on the open field of battle it 
successfully encountered imperial armies and temporarily 
regained political independence. It also applied itself I 
with incredible devotion to the study of the Law, which L 
in its completed form probably dates from the post- 
exilic period. At last it fell on evil days, and on the 
. destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in A.D. 70 
ceased to exist. Our interest in this age of Jewish / 
history is necessarily enhanced by the fact that it | 
contains the key to the proper understanding of the I 
New Testament. 

The laws which regulated all civic relations within ^s/' 
the Jewish community were based upon possession ofj 
" the land," and were specially drawn with a view to 
securing the preservation of the family and its inheritance.' 
Although agrarian laws were no more able to maintain 
the economic balance in this instance than in others 
where the experiment has been tried, and although those 
enacted were suited only to a small population without 

6o Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

political independence, the bond between land and people 
was particularly strong. It was in fact a religious tie 
that bound the Jews to Palestine. Not only had their 
fathers dwelt in it from the days of Joshua until the 

_^sack of Jerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar, but the Abrahamic 
tradition also gave it a special sacredness in their eyes. 
To them it was already what men have loved to call 
it ever since — the Holy Land. As such it became the 
peculiar home and centre of Judaism. It was " Jahweh's 
land," 1 inhabited by Jahweh's people.- Among the 
Semites the deportation of a people from its land was 
viewed as a severance from its god ; and for the Hebrews 
it was one of the bitterest ingredients in their cup to hear 
the heathen taunt : " These are Jahweh's people, and yet 
they are gone forth out of His land." '^ But these narrow 
traditional ideas were gradually dissipated through the 
monotheistic influence of Old Testament revelation, 
which, while not dissociating from Palestine the special 
presence of Jahweh, attributes that presence not to the 
idea that this is the geographically delimited area over 

I which He holds sway, but to the fact that here is the 
chosen theatre for God's revelation of Himself to all 
men. In this latter circumstance lay the real sanctity of 
Canaan. From the day the Israelites entered this land — 
the land promised to the patriarchs while as yet they 
were but strangers and sojourners in it — it became 
hallowed ground. Not only so ; the occupation of 
Palestine was regarded as indispensable to the national 
religion, at any rate while the Temple stood. If after 
its demolition this conception was considerably modified, 
the restoration of Jahweh's worship on Mount Zion was 
^ Hos. ix. 3, - See Note 9, p. 373. ^ Ezek. xxxvi. 20. 

11.] Pre-Maccabcsan 6i 

none the less wistfully looked forward to. Even Ezekiel, 
who repudiates the notion that the forms of a material 
Temple and an earthly State are essential to the exercise 
of Jahweh's dominion over the world, does not conceive 
of His absence from the earthly sanctuary as permanent. 
For him the presupposition of the establishment of the 
Divine kingdom is the return both of Israel and of 
Jahweh to their own land, and their joint re-occupation 
of it is the seat of the perpetual covenant of peace 
existing between them. But indeed every son of Israel 
looked upon " the land " with a religious feeling, and 
hence the ardour with which it was loved. 

But if among the returned remnant there was a 
warm attachment to the old land and the old faith, there 
was also in many respects a distinct cleavage with the 
past. Judaism grew up as a new thing on the ancient soil.v'''''^ 
It was the embodiment of the altered spirit induced in 
the people by their new conditions. The freedom and 
the joyousness which characterised the religion of the 
ancient Hebrews, the immediate appeal to Jahweh through 
prophet and priest, the sacrifices offered in person at the 
various local shrines, ceased with the promulgation ofj 
the Deuteronomic Law-book. If the tendency to turn |p^ 
religion into a code of rules had already been pronounced 
before the Exile, it now became altogether dominant. 
Every department of life was so penetrated by the 
religious idea that to a denizen of another country! 
Palestine must have seemed like part of a different 

The conditions which stimulated the growth of 
Judaism appeared in the interval between the destruction 
of Jerusalem by Nebuchad?ezzar and the conquests of 

62 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

Alexander the Great. Perhaps the Jewish mind was 
unconsciously drawn towards ritualism by contact with 
[the powerful priesthood of Babylon. Be this as it may, 
the Jews, no longer in possession of a material kingdom, 
were free to devote their whole energies to religion. 
They were also at the same time under the necessity of 
organising their worship upon a non-political basis, and [/ 
in a form likely to prove a defence against heathenism, y 
Moreover, to many whose faith had received a rude 
shock by the calamities that had befallen their nation, 
fa system like that of the Priestly Code, embodying the v 
authoritative rules of religion, came as a welcome relief. 
Finally, the very hatred of the Samaritans, as well as the 
sympathetic aid of the brethren of the Dispersion, tended 
to weld the little Jewish community into a body as com- 
pactly built together as Jerusalem itself. And it is a 
remarkable testimony to the solidarity then given to 
Judaism that to this day it has triumphantly defied 
every disintegrating and alien influence. 

For the starting-point in the development we must 
go back to the work of Ezekiel, Ezra, and Nehemiah. 
It was the task of Judaism to attempt to realise Ezekiel's 
vision of a new theocracy. Its success was only partial. 
The efforts of the men to whom it fell to undertake this 
task necessarily bear the impress of their own times. It 
was not an age of creative enthusiasm, exhilarating pro- 
secution of lofty ideals, and open-minded search after 
truth, but one of practical skill, laborious energy, and 
artificial arrangement. The main actors of the period, 
such as Zerubbabel the prince, and Joshua the high 
priest, were concerned with carrying out a fixed pro- 
gramme rather than with initiating fresh measures. 

n.] Pre-MaccahcBan 63 

They were estimable men, but not born leaders. Neither 
were the post-exilic prophets Haggai and Zechariah cast 
in the large mould of the greater prophets who had 
preceded them. Even Ezra the scribe was only a re- 
storer of former things, and not the pioneer of things 
new. In some respects Nehemiah may appear to be an 
exception, but in spite of the dash and decision displayed 
in his public activity, he never deviated from the course 
already mapped out before the Restoration. It is 
certainly significant that, even in presence of this deep- 
seated tendency to conserve the past, the later Judaism 
gradually drifted away from the position of the earlier 
prophets with regard to the relative religious importance 
of the moral and the ceremonial. So impossible is it to 
stand still in religion, " Finality is the only heresy." 
Where there is no normal development, there will be 
blind deviation into error, or else the fatal stagnation of 
a petrified orthodoxy. 

It was not until the time of the Maccabsean revolt 
that Judaism received its baptism of power. Previous to 
that event it had not the energy to accomplish much, 
but subsequent to the life-and-death struggle which then 
ensued its labours became as strenuous as its zeal was 
unquenchable. Both the zeal and the labour were 
centred in the Law. Jewish legalism appears in two ' 
forms," priestly and scribal, " Temple " being the watch- 
word of the former, and " Scripture " that of the latter. 
There was a development from the one to the other — 
from the priestly form to the scribal ; and perhaps the 
Wisdom movement came in between. If the scribe was 
really the continuation of the " wise," this would shew 
the irresistible tendency of the age towards legalism. 

64 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

At first the life and interest of the new community- 
were concentrated in the Temple services. In so far as 
it was a restoration, Judaism was a restoration of the 
cultus. The sole sovereignty of Jahweh as proclaimed 
by the prophets was now an unchallenged article in the 
Jewish creed, but in the absence of political independence 
something practical had to be done if the sacred remnant 
was not to perish through absorption by the surrounding 
heathen. It was in these circumstances that men be- 
thought themselves of old-established forms and usages 
as a protecting shield for the religion of Jahweh and the 
Messianic hopes associated with it. In spite of the up- 
heaval caused by the fall of the State, the new com- 
munity established itself accordingly on the old site, and 
raised up the altar again. With certain modifications 
required by the circumstances of the time, the former 
praxis was restored, all its parts being arranged into one 
systematic whole, with a view to the proper organisation 
of the colony as a " congregation " of Jahweh. Very ly 
fittingly the priest and prophet Ezekiel represents the 
transition stage between the prophets and the Law.^ 

All this meant a great advance in the status of the 
priesthood. Even before the Exile, particularly after 
Josiah's reformation, the priests of Jerusalem, the sons 
of Zadok, had risen to a position of primacy over their 
provincial brethren, and the Temple there gained in 
prestige correspondingly. But in the post-exilic writings 
it is everywhere assumed that the constitution of Judaism 

^ As Wellhausen says, " He is by nature a priest, and his peculiar merit is •/ 
that he enclosed the soul of prophecy in the body of a community which was 
not political, but founded on the temple and the cultus." — Prolegomena, 
p. 421. 

II.] Pre-Maccab^an 65 

IS a hierocracy.^ By the time of the Chronicler Israel 
had become " a kingdom of priests and a holy nation." | 
A position of unique influence and dignity was accorded 
to the high priest, who was virtually invested with kingly 
power in addition to the spiritual powers possessed by 
him as head of the hierarchy. This was the natural 
result of the situation. Israel was now simply a Church f^ 
devoting itself to things sacred, all secular and political 1 
affairs having been taken out of its hands. Even under 
foreign rule, however, a certain modicum of political 
freedom was still granted to the people, and they looked 
to the high priest as their natural head. The only / 
authority he laid claim to was that derived from the 
Law, but the position he occupied at the head of the 
hierarchy gave him absolute pre-eminence in the nation. 
What Horace says of Jupiter's supremacy in the heathen 
pantheon — 

Unde nil majus generatur ipso 

Nee viget quidquam simile aut secundum — - 

I might also be said of the high - priestly pre - eminence 
in post-exilic Judaism. Evidence of this is afforded by 
the glowing description of Simon the Just in Sirach.^ 
In this unsolicited transference of secular power to the 
pontificate there lurked, however, a subtle danger, which 
was yet to have disastrous consequences alike for the 
high-priestly house and for the Jewish people. 

While hitherto there had been only a general dis- 
tinction between clergy and laity, the priestly order itself 

1 The influence of the Priestly Code is very manifest, for example, in the 
difference of atmosphere between the Books of Chronicles and the older 
Books of Samuel and Kings. 

^ Odes, I. xii. 17 f. ^ 1. 1-21. 

66 Palestinian Judaism: [Chap. 

was now divided into two grades, namely, descendants of 
sj Aaron and Levites, the latter being not only officially 
subordinate to the former, but actually their servants. 
The Deuteronomic phrase " the priests the Levites " 
accordingly becomes with the Chronicler " the priests and 
the Levites." The new hierarchical system was main- ^ 
tained by contributions levied upon the laity, and had 
its legal basis in the Law-book introduced by Ezra, and 
accepted by the people as an integral part of the written 
Law. No better proof could be furnished of the eclat to 
which it had now attained than the enormous crowds 
which gathered from all quarters to attend the yearly 
festivals at Jerusalem. 

Such was the visible framework provided for the idea 

of holiness, which was to be the starting-point of a new 

development for Israel. They reckoned themselves 

f- Jahweh's people, holy through separation from the out- 

/ side world. By a network of ceremonial observances 

the Jew was singled out from other men. The cultus 

thus became the waistband of the theocracy. The term 

rholy " was no longer used in the sense of Divine; it merely 

J meant religious or priestly. The distinction between the 

sacred and the profane was very sharply drawn, and 

there was a strong tendency to encroach upon the sphere 

of the non-religious, until every moment of life was 

virtually redeemed by the necessitj^ of attending to a 

Divine precept. 

We must not suppose that the restoration of the 
cultus was a reversion to heathen practices condemned 
by the prophets, for the sacred festivals no longer 
possessed their original significance as a recognition of 
the Deity in connexion with the supply of human needs. 

II.] Pre-Maccabcsan 67 

Out of regard to ancient custom, they were revived 
after the Exile ; but they were denaturalised, and 
transformed into commemorative institutions of super- 
natural religion. In this way they assumed a purely 
statutory character. From being a spontaneous tribute] ^ 
designed to please God, worship became a matter of 
simple obedience to Divine law. To offer sacrifices 
according to the letter of what was prescribed was thei 
all-important thing. The cultus was based, not uponj/ 
the inward devotion of the worshipper, but upon the) 
positive command of Jahweh, Formerly it had been 
the bridge by which Israel too frequently passed over 
to heathen usages and immoralities, but now that it 
had become completely divorced from nature, it acted 
rather as a protection from heathenism, and was the / 
means of preserving the religion of ethical monotheism 
until it could be embraced by all mankind. In spite f 
of the restoration of the cultus, however, popular piety j 
was at the same time undergoing a process of growing \ 
detachment from the Temple and its services. This 
is indicated by such later developments as the organisa- 
tion of the Essenes, the universal note in the preaching 
of Jesus, and the energetic life of Judaism after the| 
destruction of the Temple. 

The new prominence given to the Law brought 
about an important change in the national development. 
It was drawn up in the interests of the priestly worship,!/' 
and for some time after Ezra the priests were its 
custodians and expositors.^ But its scientific study 
and interpretation naturally drifted into the hands of 
a professional class who made this their calling. From 

1 Hag, ii. II ; Mai. ii. 7, 

68 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

j^heir work as^copylsts^f the Holy Scri^tures^these 
! men were^kn own as sopAe rim or scrib es. They were, 
'' however, far from being mere cah'graphists ; they were 
\ al so th eologians, Biblical scholars, and excretes ; and 
they, and not the priests, were henceforth to exercise 
the controlling influence upon Jewish religious life. 
J The work of the scribes had necessarily its legal as 

■ well as its theological side, for what lay at the very 
heart of the Law was the administration of justice. 
j^hey_wgre^_the__jurists_ qf_ Pentateuchal 

legislation had to be adapted to the needs of the 
present, and through the industry of the scribes in this 
direction there gradually grew up alongside of the 
written Torah a new law of use and wont, known as 
I Halacha} It was their business to deduce from 
Scripture the proper course to be pursued in any 
given emergency, and the conclusions thus arrived at 
- all went to swell the traditional Law. Theoretically 
this could not go beyond the exposition and application 
of the written Law, but in reality it was a develop- 
ment or expansion of it, and that of such a kind as to 
push Scripture itself more and more into the back- 
ground. The importance of the Halacha lay in the 
fact that it dealt with matters affecting everyday life. 
At first the new tradition was merely oral, but it was 
afterwards committed to writing, and so highly was it 
' prized that it was even traced back to Moses. But 
the scribes did not confine themselves to the sphere of 
; law ; they also busied themselves with the elaboration 
' and embellishment of the narrative and didactic portions 

^According to Schurei=that which is current or customary ; Levy, s.v. 
' walk, behaviour," law by which life and conduct can be guided. 

n.] Pre-Maccab^an 69 

of the sacred text. And here they had freer scope 
for their talents. In order to twist the Law into accord 
with practice they were in many instances obliged to ► 
resort to great arbitrariness of interpretation, for they / 
were bound by the sacred text ; but in dealing with 
the non-legal parts of the Old Testament they simply 
introduced into the text what was necessary in order 
to make it reflect the views of their own time. The 
Chronicler's treatment of the older history is a case in 
point. Even the moral and religious statements of 
Holy Writ were modified on similar lines. The product 
of this whole department of scribal activity was 
designated Haggada (narrative). Through the constant/ 
accumulation of oral tradition, and the free manipula- 
tion of the Biblical text, the Old Testament itself was' 
virtually stifled. 

The scribes were also the academic teachers ofj/ 
their dayT I'heir classes m'er'm ffie~pofches of the 
Temple. As compared with modern usage, their 
jadiicational methods. _were ver^ mechanical. The chief 
duties devolving upon their pupils were the faithful 
retentlog. JiL tkeir ,mjgmory:j3f wha ^they were taught, 
and exact adherence to it in their own leaching of 
others, the ideal disciple being " like a well of chalk, 
which loses not a drop of water." ^ As the work of 
a scribe was not paid for, those who practised this 
calling combined it with some secular business, unless 
they happened to be men of independent means. But 
the trade was kept strictly subordinate to the teaching.. 
" Give thyself a little to thy trade, and much to the / 
study of the Law," ^ vvas the rule laid down in this ' 

1 Pirke Aboth, ii. 8. - Ibid, iv, lo. 

70 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

connexion. From the severity with which Christ con- 
demns their covetousness, however, it is impossible to 
believe in the disinterestedness of the scribes. They 
contrived somehow to reap a pecuniary harvest from 
their services.^ 

. It would be a mistake to suppose that the functions 

fof the scribes were exclusively professional ; they were 
/ judic jal_as jvell. In addition to the theoretical system- 
atising of the Law itself in oral conference and disputa- 
tion with each other, and the instruction of their pupils 
in its contents, they were also, latterly, at all events, 
called to administer it by^deliyerin^ judgment jn^cpurt. 
Already in Sirach ^ the scribe is referred to as pre- 
eminently fitted to occupy " the seat of jthejudge ''* ; in 
New Testament times the scribes are spoken of as 

I actually sitting " in Moses' seat ; ^ their influence in 
the synedrium, as in the synagogue, was paramount. 

The scribes were not ^^nly^_a_jearne d orde r, but also 
formed an^ organ ised_^;uild^with representatives in every 
locality. Their headquarters, of course, were at Jerusalem.. 
In all disputed matters they loyally accepted _the 
decision of a majority, so preserving uniformity in their 
teaching, and retaining power over the people, By the- 
time of Christ this unity of sentiment seems, however, 

I to have given way to discord.^ The title Rabbi is ^ 
monument of the universal esteem in which they were 

! held.5 

The moral effects of the idea that only through the 

^ Mark xii. 40 ; Luke xvi. 14. - xxxviii. 33. 

^ Matt, xxiii. 2. * See Note 10, p. 375. 

® From their pupils the scribes exacted a degree of homage greater than 
that given to parents. In this respect, indeed, they seem to have levied 
universal tribute. Even the priests and the aristocracy bowed to their 

II.] Pre-Maccabcean 71 

toilsome fulfilment of the Law can men win the favour 
of God were of that unlovely type disclosed in the 
Gospels. There is the greatest possible contrast between | 
the teaching of the scribes and that of Jesus, who I 
denounced their habit of subordinating the Word of God 
to their own tradition, and so making it void.^ In 
opposition to their artificial externalism He proclaimed 
the necessity for a spiritual worship of a spiritual God, 
and shewed that religion is not simply a science to be 
studied, or an art to be learned, or a manufactured 
product, but a disposition and affection of the heart 
which will spontaneously find its own appropriate modes 
of expression. 

authority. Their advice was eagerly sought and implicitly followed by those 
in difficulty. This general deference was very agreeable to them. " They 
loved the uppermost rooms at feasts, and the chief seats in the synagogues, 
and greetings in the markets, and to be called of men Rabbi, Rabbi" (Matt, 
xxiii. 6 f.). Thus they had gradually served themselves heirs to the moral 
influence of the priesthood. 

As the representatives of the Law, the scribes aimed at making real its 
supremacy in Israel. Their whole activity and power grew out of the idea 
that the Law represented the commandments of God, and that every Jew 
was therefore under obligation to obey it in every particular. But rightly to 
apprehend from this standpoint the claims of religion, so as to know what was 
binding, implied a professional knowledge of the Law. Religion had become/ 
a fine art, and those prepared to shoulder the burden it imposed could not] 
dispense with the guidance of the expert. A Jew had to reckon not only 
with the 6i'^_commandnients q£_t he written _l£w, but also with the inde- 1 
finable number of the unwritten Law or Halacha, said to have been given to 
jVIoses on Sinai, and handed down in regular succession by elders, prophets, 
and learned men, till finally embodied in the Talmud. By dint of reasoning 
and casuistry the scribes deliberately set themselves to lay down the Law for 
every conceivable situation, with the result that the life of the pious was 
crushed under an ever-increasing load of legal exactions. Two things have 
been clearly established by this great Jewish experiment. One is that no ^ 
code of law can take account of everything affecting human life, and the other ' 
is that law does not in itself provide an adequate basis for religion. "The 
law maketh nothing perfect " ; its function is simply that of a schoolmaster. 

^ Matt. XV. 6 : Mark vii. 8 f. 

72 Palestinian Judais?n : [Chap. 

It would, however, be wrong to conclude that, even 
under this system, there was developed nothing but 

lartificialism in religion. Not to speak of the evidence 
furnished by the later prophets, the Psalms in themselves 
afford sufficient proof to the contrary. Many of them 
were written in the interval between the return from the 
Exile and the Maccabaean revolt, and so genuine is the 
spirit of piety pervading them that to this day they 
remain admittedly the most fruitful and inspiring source 
of devotional feeling. 

What, then, is the essence of piety as reflected in the 
Psalter ? What, according to it, are the demands made 
by God upon His people, and what are the forms in 
which true piety expresses itself? Here we remark at 
the outset that piety is based upon the /ea?' of God. 
To serve the Lord with fear and to rejoice with 
trembling 1 is the one foundation upon which the 
structure of a godly character can be reared, Hence 

/the injunction, " Fear him, all ye seed of Israel."." It is 
significant that the destruction of the wicked is not 
represented as calling forth joy and gratitude from those 
to whom deliverance is thus brought, but rather fear: 
" the righteous also shall see and fear." ^ The fear of 
God, however, removes every other fear.^ He that 
abideth under the shadow of the Almighty fears neither 
fowler's snare nor noisome pestilence.^ That Omni- 
potence is on the side of the good and against the 
wicked is a cardinal article of the Jewish creed. 

Fear accordingly becomes the mother of trusts 
another of the constituent elements of piety. The 
congregation of Israel trusts God because it fears Him 

^ ii. II. - xxii. 23. 2 lii. 6. ^ iii. 6. ^ xci. 3 ff. 

II.] Pre-Maccabcean 73 

alone. Its confidence is not in horses and in chariots, 
but in the name of the Lord ; ^ it trusts not in riches,^ 
nor in princes,^ nor in any son of human kind/ but in 
the mercy of God for ever and" ever.^ As the Divine 
arm saved their fathers,^ so is it put forth on their own 
behalf, and they rely implicitly upon this supernatural 
aid : " I will not trust in my bow, neither shall my 
sword save me," ^ God's power and grace are an all- 
sufficient protection : " Thou hast delivered my soul from 
death, mine eyes from tears, and my feet from falling." '^ 
Hence the necessity of trust on the part of every pious 
Jew.® This indeed is represented as the sum of the \ 
Divine requirements : " Judge me, O God, for I have 
walked in mine integrity : I have trusted also in the 
Lord ; therefore I shall not slide." ^^ It also becomes a 
ground of hope in presence of misfortune, both for the 
individual ^^ and for the community.^^ Not that it was 
always easy for the pious Jew to maintain this glowing 
confidence in God. Some of the Psalms reveal the 
inner struggle that frequently went on between faith and 
doubt. Anguish prompts the question, " Hath God 
forgotten to be gracious ? " But faith answers,. " This is 
my infirmity ... I will remember the years of the 
right hand of the Most High."/=^ The position of | 
immovable trust can be reached and maintained only / 
through introspection,^* self-discipline,^^ and prayer.^*^ 

Another essential element of the piety reflected in 
the Psalms is that of humility. The pious are 

^ XX. 7. 

" Ixii. II. 

^ cxlvi. 3. * cxvi. 


s Hi. 8. 

® xliv. 3. 

"^ xliv. 6. * cxvi. 


" xxxvii. 3. 

^" xxvi. I . 

^^ xvi. I, xxxi. 13 ff. ^" xlvi. 

^^ Ixxvii. ; cf. 


9 ft-. 

" cxxxi., cxxxix. 

^^ xliii. 5, ci. 


^Mxi. 2ff., Ixxiii. i6 ff. 

74 Palestinian Judaism: [Chap. 

designated " the poor and the needy," ^ " the poor and 
the sorrowful." ^ In the Psalms these terms are still 
more frequently used of Israel itself,^ while in Zech. ix. 9, 
lowliness appears alon g with justice as^ an a ttribute of 

the Messiah. Humility is therefore treated as a root 
virtue in religion. The pious walk humbly before God.* 
Seeing that He giveth to His beloved in sleep,^ they are 
strangers to an anxious worldliness. For all needful 
provision they look to Him as a servant to his master.^ 
They are " weaned " from worldly ambition and glory.'' 
Intent on the pursuit of peace,^ they strive to overcome 
the natural envy excited by the prosperity of the wicked, 
and, perplexing as the situation is, count it bestial folly 
to cavil at the ways of Providence in relation thereto.^ 
The attitude of the pious under affliction is one of silent 
submission : " I was dumb, I opened not my mouth, 
because thou didst it.',' ^^ They are observant of God's 
works in Providence, through which sinners are called to 
repentance ere judgment overtakes them.^^ Conscious 
that God is the searcher of hearts, and acquainted with 
man's inmost thoughts,^^ j-^gy also " walk mournfully 
before the Lord of hosts." ^^ The pious'man is likewise 
alive to the false security induced by prosperity,^* and to 
the necessity of keeping his tongue from evil.^^ In the 
silence of the night he turns his soul inward upon itself 
so as to make sure that he is walking humbly with his 

^ xii. 6, xxxvii. 14, cix. 16, 22, " Ixix. 29. 

' XXXV. 10, Ixviii. 10, Ixxii. 4, etc. * Gen. xvii. i. 

^ cxxvii. 2. ^ cxxiii. ' cxxxi. 

^ xxxiv. 12, xxxvii. 37. * Ixxiii. 22. " xxxix. 9. 

" xxviii. 5, ^^ cxxxix. ^^ Mai. iii. 14. 

" XXX. 6 f. ^^ xxxiv. 13, cxli. 3. "' iv. 5. 

n.] Pre-Maccab(san 75 

Such being the teaching of the Psalms regarding 
the inner content of piety, we have next to note the 
forms in which it finds outward expression. From this 
standpoint the pious are distinguished from the ungodly 
above all by their observance of the Law. To stand in 
a right relationship to the Divine will is a vital concern 
of all who are animated by godly fear, and as the Law il 
is the revelation of God's will, obedience to its precepts fl 
is necessarily a leading article of piety. The pious man 
treasures it in his heart as his most precious possession,^ 
and meditates upon it day and night.^ His one aim is 
to walk according to its precepts,^ for God's mercy and 
truth are peculiarly vouchsafed to such as keep His 
covenant and are mindful of His commandments.^ The 
fulfilling of the Law is the raison d'etre of all God's 
goodness to Israel.^ Not through sacrifice, however, , 
but through the doing of His will and the cherishing 
of His law in the heart, can they best shew their 

It is the special province of worship to give expres- 
sion to the inward sense of the Divine goodness. To 
kneel before the Lord, to give thanks and to sing 
praises, to shew forth His loving-kindness in the morning 
and His faithfulness every night,^ to worship the Lord 
in the beauty of holiness,^ is not only becoming,^ but 
binding upon Israel, for only thus can all the earth be 
brought to fear before Him.'*' Such worship is, of 
course, public, and associated with " the great congrega- 
tion " as one of its principal duties.^^ The homage 


^ xxxvii. 31, xl. 8, xix. 


" i. 2. 

^ Ixxxvi. II. 

■* ciii. 18, XXV. 10. 

•= cv. 45. 

"xl. 6ff. 

' xcii. I f. 

^ xcvi. 9. 

" cxlvii. I, 

^" xcvi, 9. 

^' XXXV. 18, xl 


"]() Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

thus rendered to God essentially consists of praise 
and J)rayer, " the free-will offerings of the mouth," ^ 
which are more acceptable to Him than " an ox or 
bullock that hath horns and hoofs," - although legal 
sacrifices have their own place and function.-^ Every 
pious Israelite delights to compass God's altar, in order 
to give loud expression to his gratitude and to speak of 
God's wondrous works, and loves the habitation of His 
house and the place where His honour dwelleth.'* But 
the pious scrupulously practise private prayer also.^ 
/ It is their wont to kneel in their chambers thrice daily, 
/ and to offer supplication both on their own behalf and 
/ on behalf of the nation.*^ Sometimes the saint's couch is 
watered with tears because of the sore chastisement laid 
upon Israel ; '^ at other times he is gladdened by the sense 
of God's loving-kindness to His people.^ He is equally 
sensitive to the Divine favour and the Divine rebuke, ^nd 
makes both the theme of his meditation upon his bed. 
I \/ Feelings of cordial brotherli ness pervaded the circles 
(^ the pious. In the fellowship of religious worship 
all true-hearted Israelites were united by a closer tie 
than that of blood-relationship,^ They " took sweet 
counsel together, and walked unto the house of God in 
company " ; ^^ they had discovered " how good and how 
pleasant a thing it is for brethren to dwell together in 
unity." ^^ The pilgrim in Jerusalem felt himself among 
brethren.^2 It was usual for those who feared the Lord 
to strengthen each other in mutual conference,^^ while 

^ cxix. io8. 2 Ixix. 30 f. "XX. 7, etc. •* xxvi. 6ff. 

^ xlii. 8, cxix. 62. " Iv. 18 ; cf. Dan. vi. 10. ' vi. 7. 

*lxiii. 4ff. " cxix. 63. ^^ Iv. 14. " cxxxiii. 1. 

^- cxxii. 8. '3 Mai. iii. 16. 

II.] Pi^e-Maccabcean j'j 

to offend against the generation of God's children was 
viewed as a serious crime.^ 

Another form in which the piety of the age 
expressed itself was t hat of witne ss-bearing: This 
assumed the double aspect of faithfulness to God and 
opposition to the ungodly. Nothing could detach the 
pious Israelite from God. No extremity of his own 
could do it." Nor could the world move him, either 
through its smooth side or through its rough side. To 
him all its glory was as nothing compared with the 
proud consciousness of possessing the truth : " I speak 
of thy testimonies before kings and am not ashamed." ^ 
In his zeal for God's Law he was also proof against 
both contempt* and persecution.^ Even when outward 
events lent no confirmation to his creed, his spirit 
remained steadfast with God.*^ In view, moreover, of 
the purity of his prayers,'^ and of the fact that God 
retained His hold upon him,^ separation was an 
impossibility. But if Jewish piety was distinguished 
by loyalty to God, it was no less so by opposition to 
the godless world. It was the business of a good man 
to eschew evil.^ His hatred and avoidance of evil were 
in inverse ratio to his zeal for God's house. ^^ To avoid 
the sins of the fathers was at first the ruling idea in the 
mind of the restored community, but afterwards what 
chiefly exercised the pious was the ungodliness with 
which they were daily confronted. For among Jews 
themselves there had arisen an irreligious party who 
complained that they had served God and kept His 

^ Ixxiii. 15. - Ixi. 2. ^ cxix. 46. ^ cxix. 141. 

^ cxix. 164. " Ixxviii. 8, 37. '' Ixvi. 18 ; cf. Job xvi. 7. 

^ Ixxiii. 23. " xxxiv. 14; Job i. i. i" Ixix. 9. 



yS Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

ordinances in vain.^ Those too who took this attitude 
were in the majority ; they were rich and prosperous ; ^ 
they were proud, violent, and corrupt ; ^ they hated 
instruction, and forgot God.^ The pious, on the other 
hand, kept their hands clean and their hearts pure,^ 
and set their hope in God.^ There came thus to be 
two keenly antagonistic parties in Israel The question 
at issue was neither more nor less than that of the 
supremacy of the Law. It was the aim of the pious 
to bring the whole community into subjection to the 
will of God, and to make the Law effective throughout 
the entire range of public and private life. Their 
hatred of evil soon became hatred of evildoers. They 
hated the wicked as the enemies of God ; '' they despised 
and shunned them ; ^ they ardently desired their destruc- 
tion.^ In their whole philosophy of life they were dia- 
metrically opposed to the wicked. 

Although in the conflict thus induced they certainly 
reaped some spiritual advantage, and in particular 
" learned in a high degree what faith and duty were," ^^ 
the very fact that piety was made a matter of party 
strife was fraught with serious dangers, For thereby 
it inevitably took on an element of unreality. Zeal for 
the cause of God and purity of heart are by no means 
synonymous terms ; religiosity is not religion. A Jew 
might devote his life to fulfilling the obligations of the 
Law, and yet never attain to the righteousness required 
by the prophets. The outward ordinance may be 
satisfied, and God's will yet remain undone. This is 

^ Mai. iii. 14. - xlix. 7, xxxvii. 7. ^ Ixxiii. 6, 8. 

^1. 17, 22. "" xxiv. 4. ^ Ixxviii. 7. ' cxxxix. 21 f. 

" XV. 4, i. I. " xxviii. 4, cix. 8, ^" Smend, AUtest. Rel. p. 451. 

11.] Pre-Maccabcea7i 79 

what actually happened in the case of Jewish piety, 
v/ It tended more and more to become external, and to 
subs titute lega l enactment jFor, the__hpmage of the heart. 
This tendency was strengthened by the fact that it was 
no longer customary to see the Divine glory and activity 
through the medium of historical events. Such an 
"outlook proved a safeguard to the older Judaism ; now 
that it was abandoned, piety speedily^egenerated into 
a mere matter of conf ormity to a_book. 

There is another remarkable movement which pro- 
bably might be assigned to this time, namely, the Wisdom 
movement. The " Wisdom literature " is tEe'^name 
applied to a group of writings represented in the|^ 
canonical Scriptures by Proverbs, Job, and Ecclesiastes,; 
and in the Apocrypha by Ecclesiasticus and the Wisdom! 
of Solomon. With the exception of the last-mentioned, I * 
which reflects throughout the influence of Greek culture, 
these books are all distinctly national in their type, and 
set forth the teaching of " the wise " in its purely 
Palestinian form. 

For the historical origin of the Wisdom movement, 
which ultimately became a great intellectual force in 
the life of the nation, it has been usual to go back to 
the days of Solomon, who, as the father of proverbial 
Hebrew poetry, is supposed to have laid its first founda- 
tions in Israel. From the time of that king, at whose 
court a band of sages was thought to have already 
gathered, the Hachamim, or "the wise," formed, it is 
said, an important element in Israelitish life. According 
to this view the Wisdom is not the product of any 
particular age of Jewish history, but the accumulated 
literary outcome of the cogitations of a succession of 

8o Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

, sages who had their prototype in Solomon, and who 

^ ultimately formed themselves into an organised body 

I of professional teachers. The strong point about this 

theory is that it explains the tradition which assigned 

at least half of the entire Hokhma literature to the wise 

king. At the same time it is quite possible that the 

ascription of these books to Solomon was merely an 

example of the tendency to pseudepigraphy which 

became so pronounced in the case of Jewish apocalyptic 

iwritings, and the view which has hitherto been commonly 

accepted is not shared by recent scholars like Smend, 

N. Schmidt, Toy, and Bousset, who think that in view 

' of its common features the Wisdom literature is the 

monument of an intellectual movement confined to a 

I certain period in the history of Jewish religion. Just 

I as it was preceded by an age of prophecy, and an age 

' of legalism, and followed by an age of apocalyptic, so, 

it is suggested, there may have been an age of Wisdom 

1 — a period during which its special point of view was 

I the prevailing one, and during which it powerfully 

/influenced the development of Judaism. Assuming 

that this hypothesis is correct, there is clearly only one 

period to which the movement can suitably be assigned, 

namely, that immediately prior to the Maccabaean 

revolt, the recognised watershed of post-exilic Judaism. 

As the date of Ecclesiasticus is known to be c. B.C. i8o, 

or little more than a decade before the outbreak of the 

rebellion against Antiochus Epiphanes, this may be 

taken as the inferior limit in estimating the time when 

such a movement might have flourished. Working 

back from this, we may perhaps reckon Ecclesiastes as 

the next in order of priority ; and the other books 

n.] Pre-MaccabcBan Si 

belonging to the Wisdom category need not have 
preceded it by more than a century and a half or 
thereabouts. The golden age of the Hebrew Wisdom 
would thus be the century and a half or two centuries 
preceding B.C. i8o. In the development of Judaism 
during these years there is certainly nothing incon- 
sistent with this theory. On the contrary, it seems to 
derive some support from the fact that the vital changes 
which they witnessed in the inner life of the Jewish 
nation, and which have already been enumerated in the 
previous chapter, all coincide with the spirit of the 
Wisdom movement. During this period, moreover, 
Greek influence was at its height, and may have been 
a factor in moulding the peculiar type of thought which 
characterises the Wisdom books. It is also conceivable 
that other cosmopolitan influences had an even greater 
share in the shaping of this form of literature. As yet, 
however, this whole theory has only reached the stage 
of discussion, and cannot be regarded as proved. 
Another interesting question raised with regard to the. 
Wisdom movement is whether it was peculiar to Israel, 
or merely the Hebrew aspect of a great Oriental wave 
of thought which swept over other civilised nations as 
well, and found among them parallel developments.^ 
As this also, however, still awaits solution, we cannot 
enter upon the discussion of it here, but must proceed 
to describe positively the nature and characteristics of 
the Hebrew Wisdom. 

1 Cf. I Kings iv. 29-31 ; Prov. xxx. I, xxxi. I ; Jer. xlix. 7 ; Obad. ver. 8 ; 
and see the very suggestive discussion of this question in an article by 
Principal Skinner, of Westminster College, Cambridge, on "The Cosmo- 
politan Aspect of Hebrew Wisdom," in the Jeivish Quarterly Review for 
January 1905. 


82 Palestinian Judaism ; [Chap. 

\ In this connexion we may remark first of all that the 

Hebrew sage, in his treatment of nature and human life, 
occupies a different standpoint from that of the Greek 
philosopher. The wisd om he cultivated was of no 
recondite, ^acadgmic^ type ; it found expression in the 
most public resorts.^ Without being an expert in 
physical science, as some have inferred from i Kings 

iv. 33, he_sought to-arrive^-at— a philosophy of — life 

thr oug h ^he^ee_c^qnternplatior3^_jiLjaati^^ of 

religion and morals. The " sacred " philosophy of the 
Hebrews knows nothing of metaphysics, and is essentially 
religious and practical in its aims. It is not concerned 
to prove the existence of God, for this is assumed to 
start with ; only a fool can say in his heart, " There is 
no God." " The Hellenic philosopher seeks to read the 
riddle of the universe by the investigation of natural 
phenomena ; the Hebrew philosopher already holds in 
his hand the key of revelation, and with the help of this 
aims merely at a clear understanding of the ways of 
God and the duty of man. His theme is not the 
theocracy, but the cosmos ; not the history of Israel, but 
the moral relations of men. Although Wisdom did not, 
like the Law and Prophecy, concern itself with the 
theocracy, there is no reason to suppose that its votaries 
took up an attitude of antagonism towards the legalised 
worship.^ They were independent thinkers, but not free- 

In the Old Testament the Wisdom is presented 
both in a Divine and in a human aspect. It is 
objectively viewed as the skilled artist who, as His 

^ Prov. i. 20 f. - Ps. xiv. I. 

^ So Biuch, Wehheitslehre der Hebrder, 1 851 

It.] Pre-Maccabcean 83 

workman and fellow, consciously moulds the universe 
in accordance with the will of God, so that it is at once 1 
the expression of the Divine intelligence, the reflexion/ 
of the Divine character, and the unfolding of the Divinej 
purpose. As the Divine agency in the creation of the 
world, and the principle of revelation, it occupies the 
same position in later Judaism as the Spirit and Word 
of God in the older Hebraism. But Wisdom also makes 
her appeal to men, and " the wise " are those who listen 
to it, and recognise the fulfilment of God's design in the 
events of human life as well as in the phenomena of the 
material world. In everything they seek first to 
discover, and then to carry out, God's purpose. Wisdom 
thus assumes a human and subjective as well as a Divine 
and objective form, and from this standpoint, theoretically 
and practically, " the fear of the Lord is the beginning 
of wisdom." Moral and intellectual wisdom are scarcely 
distinguished ; to be righteous is to be wise, and to be 
a worker of iniquity is to be a fool.^ 

Now that religion was no longer merely a national 
custom, but the concern of the individual, men naturally 
began to reflect upon it, and the result lies before us 
in these " Books of Wisdom." They deal in didactic 
^fashion witji^ the problems of moral and ^ religious 
philosophy. With the exception of some strains of 
meditation in Sirach, they are characterised on the one 
hand by their freedom from nationalism, and on the 
other by their cold- intellectualism. In their setting 
forth of moral and religious truth they deal in abstract 
propositions of general application, and exhibit a cosmo- 
politanism hitherto absent from Hebrew literature. As 

1 Ps. V. 5. 

84 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

compared with the Psalms and prophetic writings, they 
are marked by a lack of religious fer vour. In the form 
of aphorisms or proverbs (Dy^p, vfshdltin) they contain 
the distilled utterances of sages whose meditative instincts 
have been awakened by revelation., These books' are 
not to any great extent the expression of a living 
experience of religious truths but represent rather an 
attempt to clear up difficulties connected with facts 
of human history which seem irreconcilable with the 
Mosaic doctrine of retribution. They _constitutej, in 
shprt,_^ religious phllosopjiy in which_ the__alling:^rin- 
ciple i^ the^ JLaWj_jGod___bdn^^bst^ conceived '^s 
existin^_in remote_majesty above aiid away from the 

Two important theologoumena emerge from the 
speculations of the sages — the conception of the 
hypostasis of Wisdom, and the doctrine of rewards 
and punishments. 

The former, besides constituting the link between the 
Palestinian and the Hellenistic development of Judaism, 
represents the contribution made by the Wisdom literature 
to the Christology of the Old Testament, and has greatly 
influenced Christian theology. In Proverbs Wisdom is 
conceived as something intermediate beween God and 
the world. She is virtually an attribute of God, and 
yet a separate subsistence, called into being by Him, 
and existing alongside of Him as His workman in 
creation,^ A projection out of the Divine mind, she is 
something more than an attribute, and something less 

^ If, however, as Guiikel and other scholars maintain, the real meaning of 
the word jiDN be nursling, the part played by the Wisdom would require 
to be regarded as merely that of an interested spectator. 

II.] Pre-Maccabcean 85 

than a hypostasis — " a little more than kin and less than 
kind." As a public teacher she leads men to a„ Go.d- 
iearingi-life/ and as the substratum of intelligence and 
piety imparts herself to them that love her. The 
most striking personifications of Wisdom are contained 
in Prov. viii. 22 ff. and Ecclus. xxiv.- In the 
Revised Version the former passage (with omissions) is. 
thus rendered ; " The Lord possessed me in the beginning 
of his way, before his works of old. I was set up from 
everlasting, from the beginning, or ever the earth was. 
. . . When he established the heavens, I was there : 
when he set a circle upon the face of the deep . . . when he 
marked out the foundations of the earth : then I was by 
him, as a master workman : and I was daily his delight, 
rejoicing always before him ; rejoicing in his habitable 
earth ; and my delight was with the sons of men." The / 
remarkable thing about the presentation of Wisdom in | 
Sirach is that she is represented as taking up her abode L 
in Israel, and as incorporated in the Mosaic Law.^ In/ 
this we may detect a reversion from the universalistic 
standpoint to the local and national, which seems to 
foreshadow the practical extinction of the Wisdom 
movement as a separate factor in Jewish life. A section 
of Baruch ^ is devoted to the praise of Wisdom, which 
is described as unattainable by man, and as nevertheless 
appearing upon earth and being conversant with men. 

^ viii. 1-3. 

" Cf. Job xxviii., where, however, there is no personification. 

■' xxiv. 8 ff. This latter point, however, is expressed in such a form as to 
lead to the suspicion of interpolation. In any case, this is probably the 
earliest trace in Jewish literature of that cardinal dogma of rabbinical 
Judaism — the pre-existence and Divinity of the Law. It is also reflected in 

■• iii. 9-iv. 4. 

86 Palestinian Judais7n: [Chap. 

The passage is noteworthy because of the identification 
of Wisdom with the Divine Law : " This is the book of 
the commandments of God, and the law that endureth 
for ever." We have here a good illustration of the fact 
that even in theoretical speculations Palestinian Judaism 
always had an eye to the practical.^ 

As regards the second point mentioned above, we 
have to note that, according to the Book of Proverbs, 

I great blessings accompan^^_Jhe_j)ossessipn_of_ wisc^om. 
In his own personal life the wise man who follows after 
righteousness enjoys the peace of one who is well-pleasing 
to God. Length of days, riches, and honour are his 
portion.^ Earthly possessions, however, are of value only 
when conjoined with righteousness..^ The moral good 
accruing to the wise extends to his domestic life also, 
the Divine favour being betokened in the gift of a good 
wife,* and the sight of children's children.^. As a member 
of the community he will command respect, ,and be 
listened to in the gate.^ Since kings are guided by 
wisdom,'^ and nations exalted by righteousness,^ many 
directions are given to rulers.^ What the Jewish thinker 
delights in isjb he idea ofliife as a whole working out the 

' Divine plan. When the wise are plunged into adversity, 
this is by way of discipline for their good, " for whom . 
the Lord loveth he correcteth." Even for evil itself a 
plade^ is found in the teleology of Him who shall judge it 
at the last : " Jahweh hath made all things for himself, 

^ The figure of the Wisdom is also known to the Book of Enoch (xxx. 8, 
xxxiii. 4, xHi. if.; cf. xci. lo). Speculation on the subject was naturally 
rife among the Alexandrian Jews. See Chapter VII. 

- iii. i6. ^ xi. 28. ^ xviii. 22. 

^ xvii. 6. ^ xxiv. 7. "' viii. 15. 

^ xiv. 34. " xxix. 12, 14. 

II.] , Pre-MaccabcEan 87 

yea, even the wicked for the day of evil." ^ The stand- 
point of Ecclesiasticus is practically that of Proverbs, 
although rather more subtly worked out. Having drawn 
the picture of wisdom's reward from Proverbs, we may 
hear Ben Sira regarding the retribution reserved for the 
sinful contempt of wisdom, " Wisdom will forsake the 
man that goes astray, and will give him over to his fall ; ^ 
the Lord's indignation will rest upon sinners ; ^ in one sin 
thou shalt not be unpunished ; * envy not the glory of a 
sinner, for thou knowest not what shall be his over- 
throw ; ^ the Most High also hateth sinners, and will 
repay vengeance unto the ungodly ; ^ as his mercy is 
great, so is his correction also : he judgeth a man 
according to his works ; '^ think upon the wrath that shall 
be in the days of the end, and the time of vengeance 
when he turneth away his face ; ^ the congregation of 
wicked men is as tow wrapped together, and the end of 
them is a flame of fire;** the ungodly shall go from a 
curse into perdition." ^^ 

The great problem dealt with in the Wisdom litera- 1 
tu^e is tlie^T^oncili ation of the facts of experienc e with' 
^belief in the governmen^of the wori(l^by a ^^r^ God. 

So long as the matter was regarded merely from the 
general standpoint of the national welfare, the question 
did not press for solution ; indeed the older Hebraism 
is hardly conscious of it. But with the individualisation 
of religion, and the new consciousness of personal relation- 
ship to God, and of each man's accountability for his 
own actions, it became acute, and formed the standing 

^ xvi, 4. - iv. 19. ^ V. 6. ^ vii. 8. 

* ix. II. fi xii. 6. ''xvi. 12. . ^ xviii. 24. 

^ xxi. 9. 10 xli. 10. 

88 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

enigma of religious life. As the fundamental aim of the 
Wisdom movement was to base religion and morality on 
observation, the doctrine of Providence was for it of 
supreme consequence, and its devotees tried to maintain 
that doctrine in spite of everything that seemed to 
invalidate it. They generalised, and said, the righteous 
man is pleasing to God, and therefore will be prosperous 
and happy ; and vice versa in the case of the unrighteous 
man; The application of this principle to the providential 
government of the world and of the lives of individual 
men necessarily caused that collision between theory and 
facts which for generations exercised the minds of 
religious thinkers in Israel. 

We have now to glance at the attempts made to 
solve this mystery. . At first indeed there was a dis- 
position sj^mply to assert the wise man's conception of 
God's method of government, and to take no account of 
exceptions. This is still the point of view in Proverbs ; 
outward circumstances illustrate the principles of the 
5age. *' There shall no evil happen to the just ; but the 
kicked shall be filled with mischief." ^ " Evil pursueth 
/sinners ; but to the righteous good shall be repaid." ^ 
Soon, however, there shewed itself a disposition to find 
some explanation of the problem in the recognition of 
the disciplinary value of suffering. This comes out in 
Proverbs : " My son, despise not the chastening of the 
Lord ; neither be weary of his correction " ; ^ in Job, 
where Eliphaz is made to say, " Behold, happy is the 
man whom God correcteth ; therefore despise not thou 
the chastening of the Almighty";* in Sirach, who says, 

^ xii. 21. - xiii. 21. 

^ iii. II, * V. 17. 

11.] Pre-MaccabcEan 89 

" He that feareth the Lord will receive his discipline " ; ^ 
and in some of the psalms, for example the hundred and 
eighteenth, " The Lord hath chastened me sore, but hath 
not given me over unto death." Closely connected with 
this attitude of mind is the view put forward in Sirach 
that temptation is the test of a man's character. " My 
son, if thou comest to serve the Lord, prepare thy soul 
for temptation, etc." ^ " He that giveth ear unto her 
shall judge the nations ; and he that giveth heed unto 
her shall dwell securely. If he trust her, he shall inherit 
her ; and his generations shall have her in possession. 
For at the first she will walk with him in crooked ways, 
and will bring fear and dread upon him, and torment him 
with her discipline, until she may trust his soul, and try 
him by her judgments : then will she return again the 
straight way unto him, and will gladden him, and reveal 
to him her secrets." ^ Neither of these two views, it 
should be observed, carries us outside the principle of 
retribution in this life. But the solution began to be 
pushed still further back through the assertion that the 
moral character of a man is revealed in the fate of his 
children.^ The same idea occurs also in Job. " His 
children are far from safety, and they are crushed in the 
gate, neither is there any to deliver them.; ^ his children 
shall seek to please the poor, and his hands shall restore 
their goods ;^ God layeth up his iniquity for his children ; 
he rewardeth him, and he shall know it ; '^ if his 
children be multiplied, it is for the sword, and his off- 
spring shall not be satisfied with bread," ^ The last 
attempt to find a solution of the mystery within the 

' xxxii. 14. - ii. 1-6. '^ iv. 15 ff. ■* Ecclus. xi. 28. 

^ V. 4. ^ XX. 10. ' xxi. 19. ^ xxvii. 14, 

90 Palestinian Judais7n : [Chap. 

limits of this present life is represented by a passage in 
Sirach which is a refinement upon all that went before. 
In the event of the contradiction between the fact and 
the requirements of justice for the individual lasting all 
his lifetime, the writer suggests that even on the day of 
his death God can still redress the inequality. " For it 
is an easy thing in the sight of the Lord to reward a 
man in the day of death according to his ways.. The 
affliction of an hour causeth forgetfulness of delight ; and 
in the last end of a man is the revelation of his deeds. 
Call no man blessed before his death." ^ This is a some- 
what desperate solution, no doubt, but it illustrates the 
earnestness with which the problem had been studied. . 

I It is in the Book of Job that we have the grandest 
effort to grapple with the difficulty. The writer re- 
presents the pious upright Job as overtaken with sore 
calamity, which his friends, as adherents of the traditional 
theory that suffering is in every case the just punishment 
of sin, attribute to the hidden guilt of the sufferer. 
Against this Job protests with all the fervour of conscious 
innocence, and finally obtains God's verdict in his favour. 
He entirely undermines the position taken up by his 
friends, and shews that there is no absolute connexion 
between suffering and the merits of the sufferer. In the 
interests of the religious^ life he discar3s~the fTme-honoured 
explanation of the wise as pushing the ethical idea of 
God to a one-sided extreme. The wisdom of which the 

jDook_speaks..is_ traditional^. noLscholastic. . It is thus not 
so much a product of the Wisdom as a spirited revolt 
against the Wisdom theory, which it plucks up by the 
roots. While, however, the ordinary explanation is proved 

1 xi. 26 ff. 

II.] Pre-Maccabcsan 91 

to be untenable, no positive solution is substituted for it. 
The poem does not go beyond the suggestion that it 
behoves frail man to resign himself in presence of the 
mysterious ways of God. In the epilogue, indeed, which 
represents Job as receiving ample compensation for his 
sufferings, there is a return to the general principle of 
retribution. It is impossible to be certain what answer 
the writer intended to give, or even whether he had the 
problem in mind at all ;. but at any rate the tendency to 
postpone the solution had at length the effect of pushing 
the difficulty beyond the present life altogether, until the 
Wisdom grew into an eschatology. Towards this an 
important contribution is furnished by the great poem of 
the Wisdom. Job after all is still sure that he is right 
with God.. But, as a late revered teacher of our Church 
has remarked, "If this consciousness refused to deny 
itself, it must postulate something after death which 
would be its verification. This appears to be the mean- 
ing of Job xix., ' But I know that my Redeemer liveth 
. . . and after this my body is destroyed, I shall see 
God.' We may not attribute to Job belief in what we 
call a future life, only an assurance of some point or 
event after death, which would verify the reality of 
religion and of his religion, and shew to him and men 
that the pious consciousness of God is true possession of 
God." ^ 

This idea did not find congenial soil in Palestine. 
It is discarded by Ecclesiastes, which is more of a philo- 
sophical work than any other book of the Old Testament, 
as an idle speculation.- It exhibits a strain of Epicure- 

^ A. B. Davidson, Biblical and Literary Essays, p. 285. 
^ ixi. 21, 

92 Palestinian Jtidaism : Pre-Maccabcsan [Chap, ii.] 

/anism and a sceptical pessimism which suggest the 
j possible pressure of Hellenic influence. The writer is 
without an ideal either for the present or for the future, and 
so for him life loses its moral significance. As all share 
the same fate — the wise man and the fool, the righteous 
and the wicked — he concludes that " all is vanity," Such 
pessimism is but the logical outcome of a conception of 
the world according to which everything is regarded 
from the standpoint of the happiness of the individual. 
The author, however, is no atheist ; he does not re- 
nounce belief in an Almighty God, without whose will 
nothing happens. At the same time it is clear that any- 
thing like a general diffusion of the sceptical mood 
indulged in by him must have led to a rejection of the 
very belief in God's existence. Such a result was 
averted, however, through the check given to the progress 
of Hellenism by the Maccabaean revolt. The author of 
Ecclesiastes stood upon the confines of two religious 
worlds. Ancient Hebraism had become effete, and the 
new impulse given to religion by the revival of patriotic 
sentiment under the Maccabees was still a thing of the 
future. Clouds had overcast the sky ; the spiritual 
atmosphere was one of fog and mist ; Koheleth, standing 
on the edge of a dark abyss, could discern no means of 
reaching the further brink.^ 

But if the eschatological aspect of the Wisdom 
remained undeveloped in Palestine, it took deep root and 
flourished in Alexandria. This is evident from the 
Book of Wisdom, to which attention will be directed 
later on, in connexion with Hellenistic Judaism. 

^ Reuss. 





The History of the Maccab^an Struggle. 

By the beginning of the second century B.C. that 
Hellenic culture, in the interests of which Alexander the 
Great undertook his world-wide campaigns, had taken 
firm hold upon Palestine. Even in the strictly Judaean 
district the Greek life was fast commending itself. The 
upper classes in particular, with the priestly aristocracy 
at their head, became enthusiastic Hellenists. They 
spoke the Greek language, cultivated Greek art, and 
adopted Greek customs. Under the magic spell of the 
gymnasium and the amphitheatre some even went the 
length of renouncing Judaism altogether. 

In other circles, however._ a strong re actio n, set^in s 
against the fashionable Hellenism. Many felt that they ^ 
could not embrace it^ithout being traitors alike to their 
past history and to their religious faith. These now 
stood forth as determined opponents of Greek innova- 
tions, and as uncompromising champions of the Jewish 
Law. Their ideals were those of the scribes. If they 
were drawn chiefly from the ranks of the poor, they were 
at all events a spiritual aristocracy. The better to effect 
their purpose of checkmating Hellenism, they organised 
themselves into a corporate society known as the 

96 The History of the [Chap. 

Hasldim, i.e. " pious " or " tender " ones. They devoted 
themselves to the study and practice of the Law, and 
were ready to lay down their lives if necessary for its 

So far there seemed to be a plain issue between the 
opposing parties. The question was whether Judaism 
or Hellenism was to prevail in Judaea. Owing, however, 
to the financial embarrassments of the Syrian govern- 
ment, and the opportunity for intrigue thus afforded to 
unpatriotic men in Jerusalem, curious complications 
ensued. The Hasldim had not only to fight against 
Hellenism, but against the grasping covetousness of the 
Seleucid court and the corrupt ambition of unscrupulous 
magnates in Judaea. For some time the road to success 
and political favour had been barred for all who refused 
to conform to Greek habits.^ In Onias III. the Jews 
had still, it is true, a worthy and godly high priest at 
the head of the national party, but his influence was 
undermined by the machinations of Simon, an ill- 
conditioned priest belonging to the family of the 
Tobiadae. Not without hopes of self-preferment, and 
out of malice towards Onias, this man informed 
Apollonius, the governor of Ccele-Syria, that vast 
treasures lay stored up in the Temple at Jerusalem, 
with the result that the impecunious Seleucus IV., who 
had inherited from his father Antiochus the Great the 
•burden of the war indemnity imposed by the Romans 
after the battle of Magnesia, sent his minister Heliodorus 

^ It was correspondingly open to men like the knavish tax-collector 
Joseph, son of Tobias and nephew of the high priest Onias 11., who under 
somewhat difficult conditions adroitly wormed himself into favour with 
Ptolemy in. Euergetes. — Josephus, Ant. xii. 4, 2-4. 

III.] Maccabcran Struggle 97 

to appropriate " the foresaid money." ^ At the Syrian 
court Simon represented that the failure of this project 
was due not to supernatural interference as was supposed, 
but simply to the cunning contrivance of the high priest. 
As he v/as also stirring up mischief at Jerusalem, Onias 
decided to go to Antioch and interview the king in 
person ; but there was no royal smile for one who 
asserted the inviolability of the sacred treasures. 

At this stage there appears on the scene a personage 
who for more than a decade was to play a leading part 
in the struggle between Hellenism and Judaism. I 
refer to Antiochus„lv. Epiphanes, the occupant of the 
Syrian throne from B.C. 175-164.^ 

It is not easy to figure to ourselves the strange 
personality of Antiochus. He was a puzzle even to his 
contemporaries. " Rational people," says Polybius, 
" were at a loss what to think about him. Some 
regarded him as a simple and homely man, others 
looked upon him as crazed," ^ The former estimate was 
based upon h[s^ tendency to fraternise with any sort of 
people whom he chanced to meet ; the latter found 
expression in the popular parody of the surname 
Epiphanes into Epimanes (the Madcap). He was 
certainly a successful soldier and an acute diplomatist, 
and if he had many eccentricities, these were so amply 

atoned for by his kingly munificence as to secure for 


^ 2 Mace. iii. 4 ft". 

- Just before the assassination of his brother Seleucus iv. by Heliodorus in 
176, his place as a hostage at Rome had been taken by Demetrius, the son of 
Seleucus. In the absence of the true heir, and with the assistance of the king 
of Pergamos, Antiochus prevented Heliodorus from reaping the expected 
fruits of his crime by himself seizing the kingdom. 

^ Hist. XX vi. 10. 

98 The History of the [Chap. 

him considerable popularity.^ But to his character 
there was a darker side also. It is clear from his treat- 
ment of the Jews that there Was an element of savagery 
in his composition. We can scarcely account for this on 
the theory of insanity pure and simple, although previous 
to his death he appears to have suffered from serious 
mental aberration. Whatever he was, Antiochus was 
not a mere maniac. Possibly his officers were respon- 
sible for much of the barbarity inflicted on the Jews ; 
but assuming that it must be credited to himself, how 
are we to explain it ? First of all probably by the 
circumstance that in its various forms Hellenism 
appealed strongly to the imagination of this monarch, 
who was a lover of ceremonies, pomp, and colour ; and 
then by the further fact that it was a necessity of his 
passionate nature that whatever idea took possession of 
his mind should speedily assume concrete form. The 
idea of restraining his passions was utterly foreign to 
him ; he gave free play to his impulses in whatever 
direction they lecLhim^ that of vengeance not excepted. 
He could brook no interference with his plans, and 
could not allow anything to stand in the way of their 
realisation. Beneath all his good-natured frolics, lavish 
generosity, and odd eccentricity, lay the self-willed 
tyrant. It thus becomes possible to view his inhuman 
conduct towards the Jews as his natural treatment ' of 
men who were unfortunate enough to be an obstacle in 
his path rather than as affording evidence of a deliberate 
delight in cruelty. 

The public policy of Antiochus was as" transparently 
clear as his character is psychologically puzzling. He 

^ I Mace. vi. II. 

III.] Maccabcsan Struggle 99 

aimed ai^ the unifica tion o f his empire on the basis of 
Hellenic culture and local self-government. This ideal 
of the combination of the freedom of individual cities 
with the uniting bond of a universally established 
religion proves him to have been a man by no means 
destitute of political insight. So far as the conception 
itself is concerned, it was rather to his credit than other- 
wise. In Antiochus Epiphanes, however, the instincts 
of the statesman were subordinated to vanity. Not 
content to receive and rate at its proper value the official 
worship commonly offered to kings in those dayg, Jie 
^hewed an unhealthy liking for- those formalities, and 
even proclaimed his divinity upon his coins. These bore 
the high-flown inscription : — 


(of King Antiochus, God Manifest, Victory-bearer). 

Nothing could have better served the interests of 
Hellenism at Jerusalem than the accession of such a 
prince. From the first he was the ardent partisan of 
everything Greek. The good Onias was quickly super- 
seded by his brother Joshua, who as leader of the 
Hellenistic party altered his name into Jason, and bribed 
the new monarch to bestow upon him the sacred office, 
as well as liberty to set up a gymnasium in Jerusalem. 
The state of matters which thus prevailed is graphically 
described in the Books of Maccabees.^ . There was a 
rush upon places of public entertainment. Jewish 
youths wearing the Greek chlam.ys and broad-brimmed 
hat formed themselves into a company of epheboi. 
Many tried to make it appear that they had not been 
circumcised. Even the priests neglected their official 

^ I Mace. i. 11-15 ; 2 Mace. iv. 10-15. 

lOO The History of the [Chap. 

duties in order to join in the games. Inhabitants of 
Jerusalem were enrolled as citizens of Antioch. From 
all this it is evident that the Tobiadae, the wealthy- 
descendants of Joseph, and now the leaders of the 
Hellenistic party, were strongly contending for the 
removal of the wall of partition between the Jews and 
the pagan world as a measure fitted to promote the best 
interests of the community., And they had succeeded 
so well that a majority of the people were in sympathy 
with the Hellenistic movement. ^ The Holy City had 
apparently exchanged its attitude of aloofness for an 
enthusiastic adoption of Greek customs and ways. 
Hellenism had at last got control of the Temple, and 
Judaism, driven from its stronghold, seemed to have 
become practically extinct. Jason even sent gifts to grace 
the festival of Hercules at Tyre, but the bearers, out of 
very shame, handed them over for behoof of the royal navy. 
To witness Jerusalem so much given over to heathen 
frivolity must have been very galling to the Hasldim. 
We may wonder indeed why the wearing of Greek hats and 
a fondness for athletics should have proved a stumbling- 
block to any, but to the "tender" ones of Israel in the 
Maccabaean age these things were abhorrent from the 
very fact that they were foreign. There was nothing 
essentially wicked in the practices referred to ; yet there 
can be no doubt that the flower of Jewish piety was to 
be found outside the palaestra, and among those who 
scorned to wear the Greek costume. We may smile at 
their prejudices ; we dare not minimise their services. 
To them, and not to the Hellenistic faction, we owe the 
preservation and transmission of the spiritual heritage 
granted to Israel in trust for the world. 

III.] Maccabtran Struggle loi 

Although buttressed by the imperial power, the 
Greek party contained within itself the seeds of dis- 
solution. It had no ethical foundation on which to 
build. Its adherents were actuated by no lofty patriotism, 
moral ideal, or religious enthusiasm. Selfish motives led 
them to seek every man his own aggrandisement. They 
were untrue to one another. Jason, who had supplanted 
Onias, had held office for only three years (B.C. 1 74-1 7 i), 
when he was himself in turn supplanted by the Benjamite 
Menelaus, who outbade him by three hundred talents. 
In order to meet this financial obligation, Menelaus did 
not hesitate to despoil the Temple. When the exiled 
Onias III. denounced the impious deed, the base 
Benjamite contrived that he should be treacherously 
murdered. An attempt to impeach Menelaus before 
the king at Tyre was frustrated through bribery, while 
his righteous accusers were put to the sword. These 
things won for him the bitter hatred of the Jews. ; but by 
openly renouncing Judaism he obtained imperial help 
against Jason, who was compelled to retire to the east of 
the Jordan. Emboldened by a false rumour that Antio- 
chus had died in Egypt while making war on Ptolemy yi. 
Philometor, Jason marched upon Jerusalem, forced 
Menelaus to entrench himself in the citadel, and slew 
many citizens who were on the side of the Syrian 

On his return from Egypt in B.C. 170, Antiochus 
visited the Jews with condign punishment for what he 
regarded as a wanton revolt. Advancing on Jerusalem, 
he ordered his troops to slaughter the inhabitants ir- 
respective of age or sex. Thousands perished, and 
many were sold as slaves. Led by the traitorous 

I02 The History of the [Chap. 

Menelaus, he then sacrilegiously entered the sanctuary, 
seized its remaining treasures, and carried off the holy 
vessels to Antioch. The whole Jewish nation was 
stunned by the terrible blow. These measures were 
mild, however, in comparison with what followed. Two 
years later, Epiphanes was returning a baffled man from 
another Egyptian campaign. His plans had been upset 
by the intervention of Rome. This made him all the 
more determined to have his own way in Judsea. An 
army, led by Apollonius, was sent against Jerusalem. 
Deceitfully on a sabbath-day that " lord of pollutions " 
let loose his soldiers to plunder and slay in the defence- 
less city, which was then given to the flames. The 
sanctuary was laid waste, and a Syrian garrison quartered 
in Akra, a fortress which overlooked the Temple, and 
which for more than a quarter of a century remained the 
stronghold of Hellenism, and " an evil adversaryto Israel." ^ 
Not even yet was the scope of the royal commission 
exhausted. Apollonius had instructions to extirpate 
Judaism and force the adoption of Greek manners and 
customs at the point of the sword. An edict was issued 
prohibiting under pain of death all distinctively Jewish 
observances and requiring the Jews to conform to heathen 
rites. The Temple was dedicated to Zeus Olympios, 
and in every township Jews were commanded to sacrifice 
to idols animals which they reckoned unclean, and then 
eat their flesh. . All obtainable copies of the Law were 
destroyed, and the study of it proscribed. Certain 
women with the children they had circumcised were flung 
down from the city wall. It was made compulsory to 
observe the feast of Bacchus. By means of a monthly 

^ I Alacc. i. 56. 

in. J Maccabccan Struggle 103 

inquisition care was taken to see that the king's commands 
were strictly carried out. The penalty of disobedience 
was death. In Chislev (December) B.C. 168 the height 
of sacrilegious oppression was reached. An idol altar 
(" the abomination of desolation " ^) was erected on the 
site of the great altar of burnt-offering, and sacrifice 
made in Greek form to Zeus. 

To all appearance Antiochus had achieved Ms_object, 
^rid Xeriisadern Jiad^ b^^^ It had a 

heathen governor,^ a heathen garrison, and a heathen 
temple. Leading apostates acted as spies, and reported 
cases of contumacy. To save their lives, others re- 
luctantly renounced their religion. Yet in reality the 
Syrian despot had failed. There were many not to be 
moved by torture or death. Rather than conform, 
multitudes fled the country or hid themselves in the 
wilderness. Thus it came to pass that a people insignifi- 
cant in number, but invincible in spirit, now defied the 
proud Hellenism which no other nation could withstand. 
In disappointed rage Antiochus increased the severity 
of his persecutions, but only to discover that by his 
extreme and cruel measures he had alienated even those 
who sympathised with the Hellenistic movement and 
given to the Jewish opposition a solidarity which nothing 
could overcome. As a nation they could endure much, 
but they could not, and would not, abandon their Law. . 

It was none the less a fearful ordeal through which 
the Jews had to pass. " The noble army of martyrs " 

^ Dan. ix. 27. 

" According to Schrader {Die KciUitschriften^ p. 303), it was given a 
new name — 'ETrt^ctJ'cta — in harmony with the new cult of ^eo? iirKpavrj's. 
^ 2 Mace. vi. 

I04 The Histoiy of the [Chap. 

drew from them its first recruits. Many bore untold 
agonies rather than dishonour the Law of their God. 
Typical instances fondly remembered in Israel were 
those of the aged priest Eleazar, and of the seven 
brethren and their mother who were tortured to death 
for refusing to defile themselves by eating swine's flesh.^ 
Even in the rhetorically coloured narrative of 2 Mac- 
cabees we can find proof of deep suffering nobly endured 
for the sake of God and religion. Such examples were an 
inspiration to multitudes. 

That the sympathy of heathendom in general was 
with Antiochus may be gathered from the remark of 
Tacitus that he " endeavoured to root out the Jewish 
superstition, but was hindered by a Parthian war from 
reforming this vilest of peoples." ^ But there was more 
than the Parthian war to prevent the execution of his 
designs. Just when their outlook was of the blackest, 
when the cherished doctrine of the happy end of the 
righteous seemed utterly discredited, when fellowship 
with Jahweh appeared absolutely broken off through 
the cessation of the daily sacrifice, a welcome ray of 
light shot through the cloud to gladden the hearts of the 
bewildered Jews. More clearly than ever before, they 
saw the vision of the New Jerusalem. To some extent 
the resurrection was probably by this time a current 
article of belief, but it had never yet been to them as a 
nation the strong consolation that it now became with 
the issue of the Book of Daniel. The narratives with 

■^ In the church of Santa Felicita, Florence, there is a great painting by 
Professor Antonio Ciseri, representing " The slaughter of the Seven Martyr 
Children and their Mother " at Jerusalem. For a photograph by Alinari see 
the F'rontispiece to I and 2 Maccabees in the Temple Bible. 

- Hist. V. 8. 

in.] MaccabcEan Struggle 105 

which this book opens furnish exalted ideals of piety 
and endurance from Israel's past ; the series of apocalyptic 
visions with which it closes indicates that deliverance is 
near. Not only will the righteous be rescued from the 
terrible trials to which meanwhile they are subject ; the 
holy dead will also rise to share their blessedness. This 
clear proclamation of the doctrine j3f the resurrection 
m arks an epoch in the religious history of Israel. Face 
to face with torture and death, they were led to grasp 
as never before the great truth as to the future destiny 
of man. In another life the righteous would awake to 
everlasting honour, the wicked to everlasting contempt. 
This conviction nerved the martyrs to endure, and, coupled 
with the moral strength of their leaders, enabled the 
Jewish patriots to prove themselves more than a match 
for their adversaries. It soon became plain that no 
human power could make them abjure their religion.. 

At first the persecuted Jews offered only a passive 
resistance, but this attitude was suddenly changed into 
one of open defiance. What brought matters to a crisis 
was the enactment of Antiochus that heathen altars 
should be set up in every township of Palestine, and the 
appointment of commissioners to see that sacrifices were 
offered upon them in heathen fashion. The pioneer of 
Jewish rebellion was found in Mattathias, an aged priest 
of the house of Hashmon. Under stress of persecution 
he had retired to his native town of Modin, between 
Joppa and Jerusalem. Called upon to offer the first 
pagan sacrifice, he refused, at the same time declaring 
that he and his family would never forsake the Law and 
the ordinances. When a renegade Jew was about to 
conform, Mattathias slew both him and Apelles the 

io6 The History of the [Chap. 

king's ofificer, and pulled down the altar as a defilement 
to the holy land. Summoning all the faithful to follow 
him, he then with his five sons fled into the mountains 
and raised the standard of revolt. Many sought an 
asylum in the wilderness, but even there the imperial 
officers followed them up, and required them to yield or 
die. Rather than desecrate the sabbath by fighting, a 
thousand fugitives tamely submitted to be slain ; but 
Mattathias and his followers decided to repel hostile 
attacks even on the sabbath. Approving of this policy, 
the Hasldim and many others joined them. Emboldened 
by numbers, the insurgents raided the country, slaying 
apostates, destroying pagan altars, and enforcing the 
observance of Jewish rites. Mattathias lived only 
to see the movement for religious freedom inaugur- 
ated. He died in B.C. i66, after charging his sons to be 
zealous for the Law, and advising that Judas, surnamed 
Maccaba;us or " Hammerer," ^ should assume the 

The rare personality of Judas at once lifted the 
Jewish revolt into prominence. Possessed of every 
soldierly quality, he was the idol of his friends and the 
dread of his foes. His generalship was superb. Although 
it was no disciplined army that he led, Judas soon worsted 
the provincial troops of Syria under Apollonius and 
Seron. The defeat of both of these generals in the 
first year of his leadership laid the foundation of his 

^ On the derivation of the name, see Kautzsch, Psciidepigr. d. A T. p. 24 ; 
the art. "Maccabees" in Hastings' Bible Diet., or the Introd. to i Mace, 
in Cambridge Bible for Schools. 

^ Hence the name Maccabees, as applied not only to the kinsmen and 
adherents of Judas, but even to all who withstood the tyranny of the 

III.] Maccabcsan Struggle 107 

fame : " every nation told of the battles of Judas." ^ In 
Jerusalem itself the effect was extraordinary : — 

And soon the city rose, 
As at the touch of an enchanter's wand, 
To her old glories, and through all the land ' 
Rose a glad shout of happiness, for now " 
The gloom was fading, and o'er Judah's hills 
Dawned a new day of freedom, hope, and peace." 

It was only anxiety regarding his eastern provinces, 
which had been withholding tribute, that kept Antiochus 
from avenging in person these disasters in Juda;a. As 
it was, he commissioned his kinsman Lysias to employ 
half of the imperial army in suppressing the rebellion. 
In B.C. i«6-i65 a strong force was accordingly dis- 
patched against Judaea under three experienced generals 
— Ptolemy, Nicanor, and Gorgias. The result was 
considered so little doubtful that slave-dealers were in 
attendance to buy up Jewish captives. By observing a 
day of prayer and fasting at Mizpeh, and by such military 
organisation as was practicable, Judas prepared his men 
for battle. The two armies met at Emmaus,^ on the 
border of the hill-country. With a detachment of six 
thousand men Gorgias thought to surprise the Jews by 
night, but, warned in time, Judas promptly attacked and 
defeated the main army under Nicanor. Finding only 
a deserted camp, Gorgias vainly searched for his foes 
among the hills. At daybreak he saw the Syrian camp 
on fire, and the Jews ready for battle. This fairly un- 

^ I Mace. iii. 26. 

* The Seatonian Prize Poem ("Judas Maccabseus") for 1877. 

■^ It has been alleged that "the stratagem of Judas at Emmaus was 
imitated by Bonaparte. If this is so it gives additional point to Professor 
Shailer Mathews' neat description of Judas as a ' Miniature Napoleon.' " 
— International Journal of Apocrypha for July 1908, p. 20. 

io8 The History of the [Chap. 

nerved his troops, and he withdrew, leaving to the Jews 
enormous spoils. The year following, Lysias himself led 
a still larger army against them. Avoiding the danger- 
ous northern passes, he entered the country from the 
south, and engaged the insurgents at Beth-zur, but only 
to meet with another crushing reverse, in consequence 
of which he decided to return to Antioch and recruit his 
forces on a scale which would render further resistance 
on the part of the Jews hopeless.^ 

During the breathing-space thus afforded them the 
Jewish patriots reverently restored the Temple worship. 
They were deeply moved at sight of the deserted 
sanctuary and desecrated altar. Unable to capture the 
citadel, Judas took means to prevent annoyance from the 
Syrian garrison while " blameless priests . , , cleansed 
the holy place, and bare out the stones of defilement." - 
A new altar and new vessels having been provided, the 
Temple was re-consecrated by the offering of the legal 
sacrifice on the third anniversary of its first pollution.^ 
The Feast of the Dedication lasted for eight days, and 
became a statutory observance in Israel.^ As a pro- 
tection against the Syrian garrison and the Idumaeans 

^ Such is the account given in i Mace. iv. 26 tT. But even if five 
thousand Syrians fell, Lysias would still have had sixty thousand men accord- 
ing to the statement of ver. 28 — an ample force for his purpose. Possibly the 
numbers are patriotically falsified. Bevan (p. 89 f. ) thinks the withdrawal of 
Lysias was due to the change in the general situation caused by the news of 
the death of Antiochus, but this event does not seem to have occurred until 
i!.c. 164, whereas the battle of Beth-zur was fought in the autumn of B.C. 165. 

" I Mace. iv. 42 f. 

^ 25th Chislev (December), B.C. 165. 

* It is still observed in Jewish synagogues under the name of Hannukkatk- 
habbaith ( = Consecration of the House), or the Feast oi Lights, in allusion to 
the illumination of the houses, which formed part of the celebration (John x. 
22). For further particulars regarding this festival see note on i Mace. iv. 59 
in Cambridge Bible for Schools, and Stanley, yi.'Z(yzi72 Church, iii. p. 343 ff. 

III.] Maccabcean Struggle 109 

respectively, Judas now proceeded to fortify the Temple 
mount and the frontier city of Beth-zur. This ends the 
first chapter in the history of the wars of the Maccabees. 
As yet their arms had been victorious. 

The surrounding heathen tribes were much chagrined 
at the success of the Maccabees, and shewed their 
resentment by persecuting the Jews resident within their 
borders. A league was formed against " the race of 
Jacob," but Judas immediately took the aggressive and 
severely chastised the Edomites, Ammonites, and others 
who were parties to it. Relief expeditions were also 
organised on behalf of oppressed Jews in Gilead and 
Galilee, Simon marched into Galilee with three thousand 
men, and Judas into Gilead with eight thousand. In both 
cases a rescue was effected, and the Jewish population 
brought back to Judsea. This not only secured their 
safety, but helped to strengthen the Jewish power at the 
centre. Obviously these wars were conducted with all 
the cruelty of religious fanaticism. At Bosora, Mizpeh, 
and Ekron all male inhabitants were slain. Jewish writers 
record these atrocities with evident satisfaction. In the 
case of one place which fell into the hands of Judas, the 
narrative runs thus : " Having taken the city by the will 
of God, they made unspeakable slaughter, insomuch that 
the adjoining lake, which was two furlongs broad, appeared 
to be filled with the deluge of blood," ^ Goaded into 
rebellion by the barbarities they suffered, the Jews 
themselves displayed a spirit of ferocity about equal to 
that shewn by their oppressors. 

Freed meanwhile from the necessity of protecting 
the Jewish religion, the Maccabees now assumed the 

1 2 Mace. xii. i6. 

no The History of the [Chap. 

offensive, and by their raids against the Philistines and 
others made it clear that they were aiming at nothing 
less than political independence. The unexpected 
tidings that Antiochus Epiphanes had died in the far 
East (B.C. 1 64) added fuel to the fire of ambition already 
kindled in their hearts, while at the same time it led to 
disorder in Syria. Before his death Antiochus had 
appointed Philip, one of his " Friends," regent and tutor 
to his young son Antiochus v., but Lysias set up the 
latter as king, with the surname of Eupator. In the 
following year Judas made a bold attempt to capture the 
Akra, so as to secure free access to the Temple on the 
part of worshippers. The situation was fast becoming 
critical for the Hellenists of Jerusalem, who now repre- 
sented to the court at Antioch the urgent need of imperial 
intervention, if the friends of the government were not to 
be placed at the mercy of its enemies. In response to 
this appeal Lysias and his ward advanced with a huge 
army against Beth-zur. For the first time the Jews saw 
themselves confronted by elephants trained for war. 
Raising the siege of the Akra, Judas marched to the 
relief of the southern fortress, and encountered the king's 
forces at Beth-zacharias, eight miles nearer Jerusalem, 
Here for the first time he suffered defeat. His brother 
Eleazar, who had greatly distinguished himself in the 
battle, having courageously fought his way to what 
appeared to be the royal elephant, stabbed it from 
beneath, but was himself crushed by its fall. After 
reducing Beth-zur, the Syrians had almost captured 
Mount Zion also, when its defenders were surprised by 
sudden deliverance. Partly in order to have a free hand 
against Philip, who had seized Antioch, and partly from 

Til.] Maccabcraii Struggle in 

a feeling that Epiphanes had been misled by the 
aristocratic party in Judaea, Lysias quickly came to 
terms with the Jews, and granted them by treaty the 
spiritual independence for which they had so bravely 
fought. Though still politically subject, they were to be 
free to " walk after their own laws as aforetime." As 
the formal repeal of the policy of religious coercion, this 
concession marks the second stage in the Maccabjean 
struggle. In its further developments it was no longer a 
religious war, but a contest between the stricter and the 
hellenising parties for civil supremacy. Henceforth it 
was carried on primarily within the nation, the aid of 
the Syrians being given now to the one side and now to 
the other. 

Lysias soon overcame Philip, but his rule became 
unpopular, and when Demetrius I., who had been a 
hostage at Rome, escaped and landed in Syria, the 
country supported his claim to the throne. He began 
his reign in B.C. 162 by putting Lysias and Eupator to 
death. The new political situation helped to precipitate 
the struggle between the rival parties in Judaea. Led 
by one, who desired to be reinstalled as high 
priest,^ the Greek party complained to the new king that 
they were being oppressed by the Maccabees, whom 
they also represented as fierce enemies to the govern- 
ment, Demetrius accordingly dispatched Bacchides 
with an army to instal the ungodly Alcimus in his office, 
which he did. This action, of course, had nothing to do 
with the revival of paganism ; it was simply in the 
interests of the Hellenisers. 

1 According to 2 Mace. xiv. 3, 7, he had been deprived of the office on 
account of his pagan proclivities. 

112 The History of the [Chap. 

At this point we meet with a fact of deep signific- 
ance in connexion with the Maccabaean movement. It 
was no longer a united patriotic party that carried on 
the struggle. Judas and his brethren now lost the 
sympathy and support of the Hasidim, who, having no 
objection to the Syrian supremacy as such, were content 
to receive Alcimus as an Aaronic high priest, whose 
blood and office alike were a guarantee of his good faith.^ 
But though he spoke them fair, they soon found their 
confidence misplaced, for in one day he treacherously 
slew sixty of them. This and a similar outrage 
committed by Bacchides not only alienated the Hasidim, 
but also did much to rehabilitate Judas and his 
adherents in the national esteem. But for the stupid 
vindictiveness of Alcimus there might ere long have been 
open strife between the Hasidim and the Maccabees, 
who now took the ground that their religious interests 
could never be safe under a foreign yoke. 

Having established the Greek party in power, 
Bacchides returned to Antioch. Judas, however, soon 
made things impossible for Alcimus, who once more 
invoked the aid of Syria. Demetrius accordingly sent a 
fresh army under Nicanor, but this general failed either 
to secure the person of Judas or to worst him in battle. 
Falling back upon Mount Zion, he insulted the priests, 
and blasphemously threatened to burn the Temple unless 
Judas was delivered into his hands. His threats, 
however, effected nothing, and in a further battle at 
Adasa, on the 13th Adar (March), B.C. 161 — afterwards 
known as " Nicanor's Day " — his troops were routed, 
and he himself slain. On the principle that sin and its 

1 See Note ii, p. 376. 

III.] MaccabcBan Struggle 113 

punishment should exactly correspond, the hand so 
impiously " stretched out against the holy house of the 
Almighty," together with the head of the blasphemer, 
were hung up in the vicinity of the Temple.^ 

At this juncture Judas, realising that in the end he 
could not cope with imperial armies, applied to the 
Roman Senate for protection against Syria.^ A treaty 
was concluded, but never became operative. Within 
two months of Nicanor's defeat fresh troops under 
Bacchides were poured into Judaea. Only eight 
hundred stalwarts consented to face the imperial host, 
and even of these some counselled a prudent retreat. 
But the foe did not exist on whom Judas Maccabseus 
would turn his back. And so Elasa became " the 
Jewish Thermopylae." Battling against overwhelming 
odds Judas fell, and for the time Hasmonasan hopes 
were quenched. 

That Judas shewed military genius of a high order 
is beyond dispute. But is he entitled to rank as a 
high-souled hero ? Some doubt this, not so much 
because of the ferocity of his reprisals, which was a 
characteristic of his times, as because of the half- 
hearted allegiance of the Hasidim, and the subsequent 
history of his house. Would " the pious," it is asked, 
have latterly hesitated to follow him had his own piety 
been above suspicion ? And did not the Jewish nation 
suffer spiritually from being led to abandon their position 
of political detachment and exclusive devotion to the 
Law for " a career of carnal strife " ? It will, however, 

^ Gorionides says : " They hung them up in front of the (Eastern) gate. 
Therefore that gate is called the Gate of Nicanor to this day." 
- See Note I2, p. 376, 

114 '^^^'^ History of the [Chap. 

scarcely be contended that to fight for independence 
is incompatible with real piety, particularly where 
religious interests are imperilled by political subjection. 
Apart from this, the portraiture of Judas drawn in 
I Maccabees decidedly favours the view that he was both 
a saint and a patriot, and bears out Chaucer's descrip- 
tion of him as " goddes knight." ^ He and his brethren 
" fought with gladness the battle of Israel . . . and 
salvation prospered in his hand." ^ His preparation 
for battle at Mizpeh was religious as well as military, 
and not that of one lacking in piety or purity of motive. 
To him death was more welcome than to witness the 
dishonour of the holy place, and he was content to 
leave the result in the hand of God.^ The principle 
on which he uniformly acted, that " with heaven it is 
all one to save by many or by few," was the practical 
application to his own circumstances of the great founda- 
tion truth that " the just shall live by his faith." As 
regards the other contention, that the worldliness of the 
later Hasmonsans is a reflexion upon the character of 
Judas, it is enough to remark that a man cannot be 
held responsible for the misdeeds of his successors. A 
recent suggestion, that perhaps his title to fame is on 
a level with that of "the Mahdists of the Sudan,"* 
prompts the question whether in view of all the facts 
Judas may not more fitly be compared with their most 
illustrious opponent — General Gordon. Or perhaps we 
might say that he was a kind of Cromwell, who identified 
the good of the country with the good of his own house. 
At all events he was a bigger man than any of the 

1 The Tale of Melikcus. - iii. 2, 6. 

■■* iii. 59 f. ■* Bevan, op. cii, p. 99. 

III.] Maccab(2an Struggle 115 

Hasldim. Like Alfred of England, Judas Maccabaeus 
is the very embodiment of the Happy Warrior so finely 
described by Wordsworth — the warrior 

Who, if he be called upon to face 
Some awful moment to which Heaven has joined 
Great issues, good or bad for human kind, 
Is happy as a Lover ; and attired 
With sudden brightness, like a Man inspired ; 
And, through the heat of conflict, keeps the law 
In calmness made, and sees what he foresaw : . . . 
Who, whether praise of him must walk the earth 
For ever, and to noble deeds give birth. 
Or he must fall, to sleep without his fame, 
And leave a dead unprofitable name — 
Finds comfort in himself and in his cause ; 
And, while the mortal mist is gathering, draws 
His breath in confidence of Heaven's applause : 
This is the happy Warrior ; this is he 
That every Man in arms should wish to be. 

The cause of the Jewish nationalists seemed irretriev- 
ably lost. Their leader was dead, and the country in 
the hands of the Hellenistic party. Bacchides fortified 
and garrisoned the strongholds, imprisoned the sons of 
leading men as hostages in the Akra, and oppressed 
the friends of Judas. Yet, owing to the internal 
divisions of Syria, the Hasmonseans were soon to attain 
a height of power undreamt of. Jonathan, the younger 
brother of the fallen leader, was chosen as his successor, 
and for a time could only maintain himself as a free- 
booter in the wilderness of Tekoah. On one occasion, 
while returning from Medaba, whither he had gone to 
chastise a robber tribe for cutting off his eldest brother 
John, he suddenly found himself intercepted by Bacchides 
at the fords of Jordan, and with difficulty contrived to 
cross to a place of safety. Thereafter the tide began 

ii6 The History of the [Chap. 

to turn. The death of Alcimus in B.C. i6o was viewed as 
the judgment of heaven upon his sacrilegious interfer- 
ence with the wall of the inner court of the Temple.^ 
Presently Bacchides returned to Antioch, but within two 
years the Syrian party had again to invoke his aid — so 
rapidly had the strength of the Maccabees increased. 
No success, however, attended the campaign, and so 
chagrined was Bacchides at the Hellenisers who had 
undertaken to deliver Jonathan into his hands, that he 
slew many of them, accepted proposals for peace, and 
vowed that he would never again trouble Judaea. 
Possibly the Roman alliance may have prompted this 
decision. At any rate " the sword ceased from Israel." ^ 
Excluded as yet from the capital, Jonathan dwelt for 
four years at Michmash, " judging " the people, keeping 
the Hellenisers in check, and in general establishing his 
power. Now that there was no longer any religious 
coercion, the mass of the people shewed unabated loyalty 
to the Law. The cause for which the Maccabees took 
up arms had been won, but they had begun to dream 
of new conquests. Formerly they had fought to secure 
religious liberty for their nation ; now they were bent 
upon the aggrandisement of their own house. 

The goal of Jonathan's ambition was the high- 

^ " Either the boundary which divided the priests' court from the space 
to which all Jews had access, or more probably the so-called Soreg^a low 
breastwork — which separated the court of the Jews {i.e. the inner court) from 
that of the Gentiles. See Schurer, HJP, i. i. p. 237. In any case the 
offence consisted in the attempt made by Alcimus to destroy the lines of 
demarcation between the "holy" space of the court and the unholy outer 
space, and thus to admit the Gentiles freely within the court" {Cambridge 
Bible for Schools, note on I Mace. ix. 54). Wellhausen thinks Alcimus only 
intended to rebuild it on a more splendid scale {Isr. und Jild. Geschichle, 
p. 216). 

^ I Mace. ix. 73. 

III.] Maccabcean Struggle 117 

priesthood, or rather the secular authority which this 
office carried with it, for he was not essentially a religious 
man like Judas. In his hands the struggle was frankly 
continued in the interests of the Hasmoneean supremacy 
as against the old aristocracy, and the means he 
employed were of a purely worldly sort. He was, 
above all, an astute diplomatist, and had frequently 
the pleasure of seeing his power advanced by those 
who thought to make use of him. Two things in 
particular helped Jonathan to achieve his purpose. One 
was the vacancy in the high-priesthood. No successor 
to Alcimus had been appointed by the Syrians, who 
were weary of giving military protection to their 
nominees, and to whom it mattered little which party 
was uppermost in Jud^a, so long as tribute was paid. 
The other favourable circumstance was the contest 
which arose in B.C. 153 for the Syrian crown between 
Demetrius and Alexander Balas, a pretended son of 
Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, Both courted the friendship 
of the Hasmonaeans. Jonathan had now the game in 
his hands, and he played it well. He might have said 
with Pericles in Shakespeare's play : — 

Thanks, Fortune, yet, that after all my crosses 
Thou giv'st me somewhat to repair myself.^ 

Demetrius was the first to negotiate. He authorised 
the Maccabee to raise an army, and sent an order for 
the liberation of Jewish hostages. Nothing loth, 
Jonathan at once re-entered the city, strengthened the 
fortifications, and drove out the Hellenisers, whose only 
places of refuge now were the Akra and Beth-zur. But 
^ Act ii. Sc. I. 

1 1 8 The History of the [Chap. 

Balas resolved to outbid his rival. He appointed 
Jonathan high priest, conferred on him the distinguished 
order of " King's Friend," — something analogous to our 
orders of the Garter and the Bath, — and sent him a 
purple robe and a diadem, the insignia of royalty. 
Without hesitation Jonathan went over to his side. Not 
only were his terms more alluring than those of 
Demetrius, but he had the powerful support of the 
Romans. At the Feast of Tabernacles, B.C. 153, 
" by the grace of Balas " Jonathan donned the sacred 
vestments and officiated as high priest. He was the 
first of the Hasmonseans to fill that office.^ Demetrius 
now hastened to offer much larger concessions, but 
in vain. Jonathan had no belief in his sincerity, 
and chose to adhere to the worthless Balas. This 
decision was fortunate, for in a battle between the 
rivals Demetrius was defeated and slain. Nor did 
Balas fail to reward his faithful ally. At Ptolemais, 
where in B.C. 150 he married Cleopatra, the daughter of 
Ptolemy VI, Philometor, he accorded him a splendid 
reception, while at the same time refusing to listen to 
the complaints of the Hellenisers. He also raised him 
to the rank of a " Chief Friend," and " made him a 
captain and governor of a province," ^ thus conferring 
on him, subject, of course, to the Syrian suzerainty, the 
military and civil, as well as the spiritual lordship of 
Judaea. No wonder that " Jonathan returned to Jeru- 
salem with peace and gladness." ^ One eyesore, however, 
remained — the Akra with its Syrian commander. 

When, three years later, Demetrius II. came from 
Crete as the avenger of his father, Apollonius, governor 
^ See Note 13, p. 378. - i Mace. x. 65. ^ i Mace. x. 66. 

III.] Maccaba:an Struggle 119 

of Coele-Syria, supported his claim to the throne. But 
Jonathan stood loyally by Balas, and after making 
himself master of Joppa, defeated Apollonius at Ashdod, 
which, with the temple of Dagon, was given to the 
flames. A like fate befell the neighbouring cities ; only 
Ascalon saved itself by timely submission. In apprecia- 
tion of these services Balas promoted Jonathan to the 
highest order of all, that of the " Kinsmen " or princes 
of the blood, and gave him the city of Ekron and its 
lands in perpetual possession. But not even Jonathan's 
steady allegiance could save the cause of Balas after 
his father-in-law Ptolemy Philometor became the ally 
of Demetrius II. Defeated in battle, Alexander fled to 
Arabia, where he was murdered by his own escort. 
Ptolemy had himself been seriously wounded, and died 
soon after being shewn the severed head of his former 
son-in-law, transmitted probably by Demetrius, who 
now became king (B.C. 145). 

Deeming the time opportune, Jonathan laid siege 
to the Akra, and was summoned to Ptolemais to answer 
for himself before the king. Although his enemies 
tried to use the occasion against him, he was tactful 
enough to win the favour of Demetrius, who, so far 
from treating him as a rebel, " gave him pre-eminence 
among his Chief Friends." ^ He also confirmed him in 
the high-priesthood ; and in view of a payment of three 
hundred talents, granted him most of the concessions 
which his father had vainly offered six years before. 
All this meant a considerable step in the direction of 
Jewish independence, although Jonathan probably under- 
took to desist from his attack upon the Akra. It was 

^ I Mace. xi. 27. 

I20 The History of the [Chap. 

not long before he rendered important service to 
Demetrius by sending three thousand men to help in 
quelling an insurrection in Antioch, where the people 
were seeking to free themselves from a tyrannical yoke. 
Strange work this, it may be thought, for Jews who 
were themselves struggling to be free ! Perhaps so, 
but it is fair to remember that they were not there 
primarily at least as the champions of oppression, but 
as parties to a contract. Jonathan had agreed to assist 
Demetrius against the rebels on condition that the 
Syrian garrisons should be removed from the Akra 
and other fortresses — an object almost as dear to the 
Maccabees as life itself. But although the Jewish 
forces admittedly turned the scale in his favour 
at Antioch, Demetrius failed to keep his word. 
Jonathan accordingly went over to the side of Tryphon, 
a former Syrian general who had set up Antiochus VI., 
the infant son of Alexander Balas, as king at Apamea, 
and who not only confirmed the high priest in all his 
dignities, but also appointed his brother Simon com- 
mander of the Mediterranean coast. 

Jonathan, now a Syrian officer, soon brought the 
whole region between Jerusalem and Damascus into 
subjection to Antiochus VI. Having captured Gaza, 
he marched to Galilee to meet the generals of Demetrius, 
whom after a slight reverse he routed on the plain of 
Hazor. He also chastised the Zabadasans, an Arab 
tribe on the Antilibanus, and occupied Damascus, before 
returning to Jerusalem, where he set about strengthening 
the walls and isolating the Akra. Simon, on his part, 
had been equally active, and had succeeded in reducing 
Beth-zur and Joppa, in both of which he placed Jewish 

III.] Maccabcuan Stntggle 121 

garrisons. He now also fortified Adida, on the Philistine 
frontier. But as in thus ostensibly furthering the interests 
of the new claimant the Maccabjean brothers were at the 
same time clearly working for their own hand, Tryphon's 
distrust was aroused. If, as stated in i Mace. xii. 1-23, 
treaties were actually concluded with Rome and Sparta,^ 
this was certainly not for the benefit of Syria, and the 
practical outcome of the intervention of the Maccabees 
was that in the name of the Syrians they had driven the 
Syrians out of Palestine. Too astute not to perceive this, 
Tryphon resolved to be rid of the Jewish high priest, 
whose growing power might militate against his own 
plans. Afraid to encounter Jonathan in open battle, 
he decoyed him into Ptolemais, where he was treacher- 
ously made a prisoner, and had his escort slain. That 
the wily Maccabee should have been so easily deceived 
is one of the surprises of history, and a striking illustra- 
tion of the irony of fate. His indiscretion cost him 
dear, for it put a period to his public life. 

Although the character of the struggle had already 
changed under Judas, and from being religious had 
become political, the attitude of the great Maccabee 
remained one of pious patriotism. He took a genuine 
pride in the Law as the palladium of the Jewish people. 
With Jonathan it was otherwise. From the first he 

^ The historicity of the statement is accepted by Schiirer, but denied by 
Wellhausen, who rejects the entire passage as having no proper connexion 
with the narrative (Isr. u. Jiid. Gesc/i.^ p. 266, n. 3). Kautzsch thinks 
Jonathan's letter to the Spartans (xii. 6-18) quite apposite if the intention 
was to make clear to Jewish readers the true theocratic standpoint with 
reference to treaties with the heathen (4/^(p-^. u. Pseudepigr. des AT. i. p. 29). 
In any case it must be recognised that the document is one which may very 
well have been in the hands of the original author. See note on i Mace. xii. 
j-23 in Cambridge Bible for Schools. 

122 The History of the [Chap. 

fought a purely partisan fight, in which he displayed 
the courage of the desperado and the freebooter, but 
nothing of high-souled heroism. His favourite weapons 
were those of the diplomatist — flattery and gifts. 
Although a high priest of Israel, his morale is scarcely 
superior to that of a Hellenistic Jew at the court 
of the Ptolemies. He valued the sacred office only 
for the sake of the power and prestige connected with 
it. But if he did nothing to shed lustre on the high- 
priesthood, he certainly achieved much both for himself 
and his party. His effectiveness was due to the clever- 
ness with which he exploited the rival factions in Syria. 
Few men have been more favoured by circumstances 
than Jonathan Apphus ; fewer still have shewn them- 
selves so dexterous in the art of taking occasion by 
the hand and making full use of their opportunities. 

The news of Jonathan's capture caused consterna- 
tion at Jerusalem. But there was still left one of the 
sons of Mattathias to guide the national movement. 
Gallantly stepping into the breach, Simon roused the 
enthusiasm of the people, who formally chose him as 
their leader. His first care was to forward the work 
of fortifying Jerusalem, and to annex the seaport of 
Joppa. The latter operation marks a distinct change 
in tactics as compared with the time when, twenty years 
before, Jews were drafted into the capital from the 
outlying districts of Galilee and Gilead. Then the path 
of wisdom seemed to lie in the direction of centralisation ; 
now it was deemed advisable to aim at colonisation. 

Tryphon soon marched against Judaea, but Simon 
awaited him in force at Adida. Thereupon he offered 
to release Jonathan on receiving a ransom ; but though 

III.] Maccabcean Sh'uggle 123 

his demands were satisfied he broke his promise. After 
this he tried to reach Jerusalem by way of Adasa, but 
found himself completely checkmated by Simon. Just 
as Fabius Maximus kept alongside of Hannibal, but 
always on the mountains, so Simon moved his forces 
along the mountain paths, with the result that they 
were always between the invader and Jerusalem. 
Equally unsuccessful was Tryphon's attempt to convey 
supplies to the starving garrison in the Akra ; a heavy 
fall of snow made the wilderness impassable for his 
cavalry. Advancing into Perea, he meanly revenged 
himself by putting Jonathan to death (B.C. 143). The 
bones of the murdered Maccabee were carried to 
Modin, and laid in the family grave, over which Simon 
afterwards erected a magnificent monument which was 
visible from the Mediterranean. While it stood, this 
stately pile, with its seven pyramids and sculptured 
pillars, would inspire the sons of Israel with a patriotic 
spirit by filling them with a grateful admiration for the 
men who saved their religion and (ultimately) won 
independence for their country. 

About this time Tryphon put to death the boy-king 
Antiochus VI., and contested the Syrian throne with 
Demetrius II., whose eastern provinces were being 
menaced by the Parthians. Although taking no part 
in these struggles, Simon seized the opportunity to con- 
clude an alliance with Demetrius on the footing that 
Judaea should be wholly exempt from taxes. The 
political independence of which the Maccabees had 
dreamed, and for which they had planned and fought, 
was thus at length actually achieved and formally 
recognised. If the Jews had still to own the suzerainty 

1 24 The History of the [Chap. 

of Syria, they were freed from all oppressive burdens. 
The writer of i Maccabees proudly records that " in the 
one hundred and seventieth year {ix. of the Seleucid era 
= B.C. 143-142) was the yoke of the heathen taken 
away from Israel." To signalise an event so glorious, 
they made it the commencement of a new era, all 
documents being henceforth dated according to the 
year of Simon as high priest and ethnarch of the Jews.^ 

While the two rival kings of Syria were occupied in 
fighting each other, Simon took care to strengthen still 
further his position in Palestine. In particular, he aimed 
at reducing the fortresses of Gazara and Jerusalem. 
The former was of great strategic importance as com- 
manding the mountain passes and covering Joppa, which 
had already been made the port of Jerusalem ; without 
the capture of the latter there could be no real Jewish 
independence. In both cases Simon was successful. 
Having expelled the heathen population of Gazara, he 
entered the city in triumph, placed in it loyal adherents 
of the Law, and appointed his son John resident governor. 
By reducing the garrison to starvation he also made 
himself master of the Akra ; and after it had been duly 
cleansed, triumphantly entered the long-coveted citadel 
on the 23rd lyar (May), B.C. 142. This was one of 
those glad days in the history of Israel which were 
ordered to be commemorated by a yearly festival. 

Simon could now devote his energies to the con- 
genial task of internal administration. He proved 
himself an ideal ruler. Under his fostering care the 

' Although a year or two elapsed before he got formal permission to 
do so, Simon seems to have lost no time m issuing Jewish coins. See Note 
I4> P- 379. 

III.] Maccabcsan Struggle 125 

country became a hive of peaceful industry. Trade and 
agriculture flourished ; the fortresses were provisioned, 
and the young men exercised in military drill ; a spirit 
of respect for law and religion was evoked. No rallying 
point was left for the Syrians, and every Jew sought the 
common weal. The charming picture drawn in i Mace, 
xiv. 4-15 shews that both morally and materially the 
nation was now prosperous to a degree unparalleled in 
its post-exilic history. " The land had rest all the days 
of Simon : and he sought the good of his nation ; and his 
authority and his glory was well-pleasing to them all 
his days. . . . And they tilled their land in peace, and 
the land gave her increase, and the trees of the plains 
their fruit. The ancient men sat in the streets, they 
communed all of them together of good things, and the 
young men put on glorious and warlike apparel. He 
provided victuals for the cities, and furnished them with 
all manner of munition, until the name of his glory was 
named unto the end of the earth. He made peace in 
the land, and Israel rejoiced with great joy : and they 
sat each man under his vine and his fig tree, and there 
was none to make them afraid : and there ceased in the 
land any that fought against them : and the kings were 
discomfited in those days. And he strengthened all 
those of his people that were brought low : the law he 
searched out, and every lawless and wicked person he 
took away. He glorified the sanctuary, and the vessels 
of the temple he multiplied." 

The fortunes of the Hasmonaean house had vastly 
improved since Judas fell at Elasa. Only twenty years 
had passed, yet now it was troubled neither by rivals 
within the nation nor by despots without. But as it was 

126 The History of the [Chap. 

represented by the last survivor of the sons of Mattathias, 
the question as to the succession to the chief power had 
to be faced. It was settled favourably for the Has- 
monasans, and on the basis of national gratitude. At a 
great public assembly held on the 1 8th Elul (September), 
B.C. 141, Simon was formally appointed high priest, 
military commander, and ethnarch ; and it was further 
ordained that these offices should be hereditary in his 
family until " a faithful prophet " should otherwise direct.^ 
The decree to this effect was engraved on tablets of brass 
and hung up in the Temple. And so Simon became 
the founder of the Hasmonaean dynasty. He no longer 
held his position by the authority of the Syrian king, 
but by the expressed will of the people. The arrange- 
ment was provisional, however, in so far as it was subject 
to a fresh revelation through a trustworthy prophet. 

After some peaceful years, during which Simon 
renewed the fatuous alliance with Rome which was yet 
to cost the Jews so dear, he was once more caught in 
the meshes of Syrian politics. Tryphon was now being 
opposed by the energetic Antiochus Vll. Sidetes, younger 
brother of the weak Demetrius II., who had been taken 
prisoner by the Parthians. While the contest was still 
doubtful, Antiochus wrote to Simon confirming to him 
the privileges granted by Demetrius, including the 
possession of the strongholds, and also conferring on him 
the right to coin money in his own name. But when, in 
B.C. I 39, he succeeded in getting the better of Tryphon 
at Dora, he perfidiously demanded the cession of Joppa, 
Gazara, and the Akra, or, in default of this, payment of 
a thousand talents. To Simon's offer of a hundred 

^ I Mace. xiv. 41. 

III.] Maccabcean Struggle 127 

talents his only reply was to dispatch Cendeba;us, 
governor of the Philistine coast, with an army against 
the Jews. As he was now too old to undertake the 
campaign himself, Simon entrusted the conduct of it to 
his sons Judas and John. After a keen battle, in which 
Judas was wounded, the Syrians were routed near Modin. 
This victory freed the Jews from further molestation at 
the hands of Antiochus all the days of Simon. These, 
unhappily, were almost numbered. Within two or three 
years after the defeat of Cendebseus he came to a tragic 
end. Ever solicitous for the welfare of his country, he 
was engaged in visiting officially the several townships 
of Judaea. In February, B.C. 135, accompanied by two 
of his sons, he came to Jericho, over which Ptolemy the 
son of Abub, and Simon's own son-in-law, was governor. 
This man, who secretly coveted the supreme power, 
invited them to a banquet in the castle of Dok, and 
caused them to be treacherously murdered while they 
were heavy with wine. Ptolemy's ambitious designs 
were foiled, however, owing to the prompt action of John 
Hyrcanus, Simon's third son, who not only contrived to 
elude assassination at Gazara, but also forthwith to occupy 
Jerusalem, where he was installed as high priest and 
prince of Judaia. 

Simon was the last, but not the least, of the five 
brethren. His was in many respects a noble career. 
Possessing in no small degree the soldierly ability of 
Judas and the shrewdness of Jonathan, he excelled 
also as a far-seeing statesman and a worthy priest. 
The glowing eulogy of Ecclus. 1. 1-2 1 seems best 
applied to him.^ If he sought to promote the honour 
1 See Note 15, p. 380. 

128 The History of the [Chap. 

and advantage of his own house, he was not less con- 
cerned for the social and moral well-being of his subjects. 

The elements 
So mix'd in him, that Nature might stand up 
And say to all the world, ' This was a man ! ' 

It was now two and thirty years since, at Modin, 
Mattathias had thrown down the gauntlet in defence of 
freedom to worship God. All his sons had fulfilled his 
solemn charge to give their lives for the covenant of their 
fathers. One after another they had died for their 
country and their Law. In the course of the conflict 
other and less worthy aims and ambitions had indeed 
weighed with them, but, at all events, they had re- 
habilitated the Jewish nation. Under their valiant 
leadership the old spirit of independence had been re- 
kindled, and in the popular mind there had been created 
a fresh appreciation of the worth of their religion. 
Generally speaking, the Maccabaean movement was of 
supreme importance for post-exilic Judaism. It is the 
watershed of those centuries. Before it, both politically 
and religiously, Israel was weak and lifeless. The 
Diaspora had not yet got beyond the stage of feeble 
beginnings. There had also set in a deadly decay of 
self-consciousness in Israel. The nation was fast losing 
its distinctiveness ; as a whole it was torpid and depressed. 
This apathy had already shewn itself in the days of 
Haggai and Zechariah, who had difficulty in persuading 
the returned exiles to rebuild the Temple ; and the later 
Jewish literature of the pre-Maccabaean age, as repre- 
sented by the Wisdom books, bears witness to the 
prevalence of the same sluggish, moderate, rationalistic 
spirit. The Maccabaean crisis altered all this completely. 

III.] Maccabcean Struggle 129 

It gave a mighty impulse to Judaism. And the remark- 
able renaissance in Palestine synchronised with a no less 
remarkable expansion abroad. " Once again Israel has 
a history, its religion puts forth a fresh blossom." The 
intensification of the national consciousness and the 
newborn enthusiasm called forth by the Maccabaean 
revolt are reflected in the apocalyptic literature, which 
originated in this period. These books mark the revival 
in a modified form of the old prophetic ideal of a future 
Messianic kingdom, characterised by righteousness and 
happiness, having Jerusalem for its centre, and thence 
extending to the whole world. All this was no doubt 
of the nature of an aftergrowth, yet historically and 
spiritually it has a deep significance as forming the 
immediate background of the Gospels. 

In concluding this chapter we may advert to the 
vexed question of Maccabaean psalms. The Psalms of 
Solomon, written a century after the Maccabaean crisis, 
shew that although prophecy had ceased,^ the revived 
national sentiment did not fail to find poetical expression, 
and the question arises, do any of the canonical psalms 
reflect the circumstances of the Maccabaean period? 
Two extreme views have been held, — the one, that of 
those who, on the ground that the canon was already 
closed, deny the possibility of the existence of such 
psalms in the Psalter at all ; the other, that of those who 
maintain that from Ps. Ixxiii. onwards the collection is 
mainly or even wholly Maccabaean. Neither of these 
pronouncements can be regarded as satisfactory. Our 
knowledge as to the formation of the Psalter and the 

^ I Mace, iv, 46. 


1 30 The History of the [Chap. 

history of the canon is insufficient to establish the 
former ; and in view of the fragmentary character of the 
post-exilic history, and of the lack in so many of the 
psalms of anything like a definite historical background, 
it is scarcely possible to accept the latter. The question 
is really one of exegesis, and hitherto opinion has widely 
differed. Theodore of Mopsuestia already set down 
seventeen psalms as (prophetically) Maccabaean. Calvin 
ascribes to this period Pss. xliv. and Ixxiv., and considers 
Ps. Ixxix. at least as applicable to it as to the destruction 
of Jerusalem by the Chalda^ans. Most modern scholars 
accept as Maccabaean Pss. xliv., Ixxiv., Ixxix., and Ixxxiii. 
To these Bousset would add Pss. Ixxvi.— Ixxviii., Ixxx., 
Ixxxv., Ixxxix., and in the later books Pss. cvlii. ( = Ix. B), 
ex., cxviii., and cxlix. Baethgen thinks Pss. ii., Ixix., ex., 
and cxlix. most probably Maccabaean, and Pss. Ixxv., 
cii., cviii., and cxliv. possibly so. Hitzig, Olshausen, 
Reuss, and Duhm go still further in the same direction. 
Cheyne also at one time (1891) set down twenty-seven 
psalms as Maccabaean, but in 1895 withdrew this 
opinion and supported the view of Robertson Smith, that 
Pss. xliv., Ixxiv., Ixxix., and Ixxxiii. are best referred to 
the time of Artaxerxes Ochus, not because of their 
contents, which fit the Maccabjean period well, but 
because of their position within the first three books 
of the Psalter. On the other hand, the presence of 
Maccabaean psalms in our Psalter is disputed by 
Gesenius, Ewald, Dillmann, Hupfeld, Bleek, Ehrt, and 
Kirkpatrick. Although we are here manifestly on very 
debatable ground, the prevailing trend of modern critical 
opinion is towards the ascription of practically the whole 
Psalter to the post-exilic period, and of a considerable 

in.] Maccabcsan Struggle 131 

portion of it to the Maccabaean age. Thus Wellhausen 
epigrammatically says : " Since the Psalter belongs to 
the Hagiographa, and is the hymn-book of the congrega- 
tion of the second Temple . . . the question is not 
whether it contains any post-exilic psalms, but whether 
it contains any pre-exilic psalms." ^ The recognition of 
the element of truth expressed here has led, however, 
to extravagance in the reference of psalms to the 
Maccabaean period. Such a reference is often mere 
guesswork ; and even where the cumulative impression 
derived from the presence of various contributory factors 
constrains us to regard this as the probable date of 
composition, there are also considerations opposed to 
such a conclusion. But to regard the latter as 
warranting the denial a priori of the Maccabaean origin 
of any of the psalms included in the Psalter, is to be 
guilty of equal extravagance in an opposite direction. 

The following are the arguments adduced against 
the possibility of such late additions : — 

I. Among psalms ostensibly Maccabaean several 
are ascribed to David ; but if they were written so 
shortly before the close of the canon, such a mistake 
would be inexplicable. 

This is not decisive. Ps. cviii. is certainly late, and 
yet is ascribed to David ; a Davidic authorship is like- 
wise assigned to i Chron. xvi. 8 ff., which is composed 
of post-exilic pieces. The fact that in the Septuagint 
several psalms are ascribed to David which in the 
Hebrew text are anonymous, shews that there was a 
tendency to attach a name to psalms bearing none ; but 
we have no means of judging as to when the inscription 

^ In Bleek's Introduction, p. 507, ed. 1876. 

132 The History of the [Chap. 

^rh was affixed to any particular psalm. That the 
Septuagint translators recognised the composition of 
psalms in the post-exilic period is clear from the fact 
that they ascribe Pss. cxxxviii. and cxlvi.-cxlviii. to 
Haggai and Zechariah, Naturally, however, they were 
not informed with respect to Maccabaean psalms. 

2. Since Ps. Ixxix. 2 f is quoted in i Mace. vii. 17 
ic. B.C. 90) as Scripture, the Psalter must have been 
closed at a considerably earlier date. 

But half a century would suffice to give canonical 
weight to a song which had been admitted into the 
hymnary. This would take us back to B.C. 140 as an 
approximate date for the closing of the canon. On 
this basis it only follows that Maccabaean psalms incor- 
porated in it cannot have been very numerous ; the 
question of their possibility is not affected. 

3. Nearly all the psalms supposed to be certainly 
Maccabaean are in the Elohistic collection, and not in 
the later collection contained in Books IV. and V. 

This is no doubt a real difficulty ; but the Psalter as 
we have it is the final result of a process extending over 
centuries ; and if poems by other writers were admitted 
into the Davidic collection, Maccabaean psalms may also 
have been subsequent additions to the Elohistic group. 
" We are bound to admit that Simon the Maccabee, as 
high priest, had power to deal as he thought best with 
the provisionally closed temple hymn-book." ^ 

4. From the supposed quotation of the closing 
doxology of Book IV." in i Chron. xvi. 36^, it has been 
inferred that by the time of the Chronicler the Psalter 
was already arranged into five divisions. 

^ Cheyne, Origin of the Psalter, p. 457. ^ Ps. cvi. 48. 

III.] Maccabcean Struggle 133 

It is by no means improbable, however, that the 
words in question were really " liturgical formulae " in 
common use. But even if a fivefold division did then 
exist, this is no proof that fresh psalms could not still 
have been inserted. 

5. From the prologue to Ecclesiasticus it appears 
that in B.C. i 80 there was a threefold canon of Scripture 
(" the law and the prophets and the other books of our 
fathers "), and that this had been translated into Greek 
before B.C. 132. Obviously, therefore, it is argued, the 
collection in its Hebrew form must have been com- 
pleted at latest by B.C. 140. Moreover, in the recently 
recovered portions of a Hebrew text of Ecclesiasticus 
there occurs (after ch. li. 12) a psalm of fifteen verses 
containing many phrases derived from psalms in Book v., 
i.e. from some of the latest psalms in the Psalter. 

All this may be conclusive enough against the 
extreme views of Hitzig and others, but it is not so 
against the existence of some canonical psalms dating 
from the Maccabaean period. For the question remains, 
was Sirach's Psalter commensurate with ours ? May it 
not have been supplemented in Maccabaean times ? That 
the collection of the Kethubim was not closed at the 
time of Ben Sira is proved, if not, as Dillmann thinks, 
by the Prologue to Sirach, at all events by the sub- 
sequent admission of the Book of Daniel ; and instead of 
inferring the impossibility of Maccabaean psalms owing 
to the Canon having been previously closed, it would 
seem more reasonable to argue that because of the 
presence of such psalms in the Psalter the canon cannot 
have been finally fixed at the date of the Maccabaean 
revolt (B.C. 167). 

134 History of the Maccabcean Struggle [Chap, iii.] 

6. The statement that Judas Maccabaeus followed 
up the work of Nehemiah in forming a collection of the 
national literature ^ is held to attest the then existence of 
the Psalter {ja rov Aa^ih) in its present form. 

In point of fact it is rather fitted to suggest that it 
was at that time enriched by some additions. But in 
any case the passage has no historical value. 

Our conclusion is that if the history of the canon 
does not favour, neither does it preclude, the view that 
some Maccabaean psalms were received into the Psalter. 
On the question as to how many, and which, of the 
psalms are really Maccabaean, opinion will probably 
always vary. 

1 2 Mace. ii. 13. 


Palestinian Judaism: Post-Maccab^an. 

The age of the Maccabees is interesting in itself as the 
most heroic chapter in Israelitish history. To the student 
of Christianity it is still more interesting and significant 
as that to which we are to look for the formative 
influences which went to mould Jewish character and 
beliefs in the period immediately preceding the Advent 
of our Lord. These influences are chiefly associated 
with the names of the rival parties of the Pharisees and 
the Sadducees, but also subordinately with those of the 
Zealots and the Essenes. 

The Pharisees may be broadly characterised as_the 
party of the scribes. Not that the two terms are con- 
vertible, for all Pharisees were not scribes, and some 
scribes were not Pharisees.^ Historically also the scribe 
represents an older factor in Israelitish life than does 
the Pharisee. Yet from the way in which " scribes and 
Pharisees " are usually linked together in the Synoptic 
Gospels it is evident that they formed practically one 
party, and that the tendencies developed by the scribes 
at an earlier date became, later on, the shibboleths of 
the distinctively Pharisaic party. The aim of the 

^ Mark ii. 2i6 ; Acts xxiii. 9. 

138 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

Pliarisees_jwas the complete ^ndexac^ fulfilment of the 
Law as interpreted and built up by the scribes. Under 
the latter the nation " became a school, and its heads 
were the schoolmasters." They sedulously imbued it 
with their own ideas, and laboured to bring the pro- 
phetic idealism concerning the supremacy of God to 
actual realisation. But the system of rules drawn up 
by them for the regulation of conduct was so elaborate 
that the great mass of the people could not even become 
acquainted with it, much less put it into practice.^ No 
one could realise the ideal of the scribes without devot- 
ing his life to the task. The Pharisees were those who 
were prepared to do this. As their name signifies, they 
were separatists, " those who set themselves apart," not 
only from the surrounding heathen, but also from the 
great mass of their own nation. Probably it was their 
enemies who first called them Perushim ; their own 
designation was Hdberim (brethren). In their view the 
true Israel did not extend beyond their own ranks. 
The Pharisees were therefore " simply Jews in the 
superlative," an ecdesiola in ecclesia, a select circle pf 
the pious such as never fails to form itself in connexion 
with Church life. They represented in its extreme form 
the old antagonism of the pious to the ungodly which 
already shewed itself in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, 
and which is also so clearly reflected in the Psalms and 
in Ecclesiasticus. That this opposition became keener 
during and after the Maccabaean crisis is apparent from 
the later literature, especially the Book of Enoch and 
the Psalms of Solomon. Regardless of consequences, 
the Pharisees set themselves to embody in practice the 

* John vii. 49. 

IV.] Post-MaccabcEan 139 

strictest demands of the scribal deductions from the 
Law as the expressed will of Jahweh. Legally to fulfil 
all righteousness, and to attain complete separation from 
everything that defiled ; — this they conceived to be the 
one concern of the Jewish nation, the one thing needful 
in order to inherit the promises, and therefore the one 
thing worth doing. The tenacity with which they held 
their principles is illustrated in their reply to Petronius 
with reference to the proposed erection in the Temple of 
a statue to the Emperor Caius : " We shall die rather 
than transgress the Law." ^ As a party the _Pliarise£S_- 
simply 5tood for stricL legalism. They were not a sect 
representing any special religious tendency. Their 
standpoint was that of orthodox Judaism. They 
adhered to the current belief in the existence of angels 
and spirits ; they believed in the resurrection of the 
body, and in a future state of rewards and punishmentg.^ 
According to Josephus,^ they held the doctrine of pre- 
destination, while at the same time maintaining the 
freedom, within certain limits, of the human will. But 
it is scarcely safe to estimate their attitude on these 
points from the statements of a writer who tries to 
represent to his pagan readers that the Pharisees were 
a philosophical school akin to the Stoics, while the 
Sadducees and Essenes corresponded respectively to 
the Epicureans and Pythagoreans. If the Pharisees 
were not a sect, as little were they a political party. 
Properly speaking, they took no account of politics at 
all. It is true that they were sometimes involved in 
political struggles, but only in so far as they found it 

^ Jos. Ant. xviii. 8. 3. 2 ^^ts xxiii. 9. 

^ Ant. xiii. 5.9; B. /. ii. 8. 14. 

140 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

necessary to fight for freedom to obey the Law. This 
was their one objective. In the cause of legal piety 
they were ready to suffer and even to die. They 
believed in its ultimate triumph. " God is superior to 
Caius," and " will stand on our side " — this was the 
motive power behind their action, and was, in fact, a 
form of the Messianic hope. 

Already in the Hasidim of the days immediately 
preceding the Maccabaean rebellion the Pharisaic party 
existed in germ. These men were zealous for the Law, 
and opposed the hellenising movement under Epiphanes. 
Although they were well organised,^ many of them, as 
we have seen, let themselves be butchered rather than 
fight on the sabbath. Even afterwards, when they had 
joined the Maccabaean warriors, it was not the political, 
but the religious element in the struggle on which they 
laid stress. They were not patriots fighting for inde- 
pendence, but were content to live under a foreign yoke 
so long as they were free to observe the Law. As soon 
as they thought this had been secured they came to 
terms with Alcimus, and parted from their Maccabaean 
allies. So also later on as Pharisees they endured the 
dominion of Herod, and even of the Romans, although 
they hated the latter for their " anti-legal exactions." 

Amid the confusion created by renewed wars 
between rival claimants for the throne of Syria, the 
Jewish State enjoyed unbroken freedom until the con- 
quest of Palestine by the Romans in E.c. 63. John 
Hyrcanus took advantage of the situation to extend 
his territory. In the worldliness of his policy he even 
surpassed Jonathan his uncle, inasmuch as he employed 

' I Mace. ii. 42, vii. 13. 

IV.] Posi-Maccabcsan 141 

mercenary troops, and paid them with treasure taken 
from the graves of the ancient kings. Thus equipped, 
he first marched to the east of Jordan and captured 
Medaba ; then subdued the Samaritans, and destroyed 
the temple on Gcrizim ; and finally, turning to the south, 
he forced the Edomites to embrace Judaism on pain of 
expulsion from their land. Although they chose to 
comply, so that at last the breach between Jacob and 
Esau seemed to be healed, these Edomites and their 
descendants proved a discordant element in the con- 
gregation of Israel, and continued to be regarded as 
Jews of an inferior caste. Towards the close of his 
reign Hyrcanus laid siege to Samaria, in order to 
avenge the injuries inflicted by the inhabitants upon 
the Jewish colony of Marissa, After seeing the city 
invested, he left his sons Antigonus and Aristobulus to 
carry on the siege. The Jewish legends relate that 
while Hyrcanus was officiating in the Temple a voice 
announced to him the victory of his sons. This gained 
for him the reputation of a seer, and shed on his high- 
priesthood the lustre of special sanctity. We have here, 
however, not so much the record of a fact as an indica- 
tion of the wistful yearning for the restoration of the 
prophetic gift. John died in B.C. 105 after a prosperous 
reign of thirty-one years. He was the first Jewish 
prince to have his name engraved on the coins. The 
fortunes of the Hasmonaeans had been steadily rising. 
Religious liberty, the displacement of the ancient priestly 
line, and independence of the Syrian supremacy, mark 
the successive steps by which they had risen to 

But if John's reign was characterised by outward 

142 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

splendour, it was no less marked by internal discord. It 
was at this time that the deep-rooted antagonisms 
represented by the terms Pharisees and Sadducees first 
crystallised and took definite form in party organisation. 
The consolidation of two rival parties under those names 
was really an outcome of the Maccabsean movement. 
It was upon the establishment of the Hasmonsean 
dynasty that matters came to an open breach, and that 
a section of the scribes were first called Pharjsees. 
These were virtually identical with the Hasidim. 
According to the obviously somewhat legendary account 
of Josephus, Hyrcanus, called upon to " lay down the 
priesthood and content himself with the civil govern- 
ment of the people," replied by forsaking the Pharisees 
and joining their opponents the Sadducees. What is 
certain is that a ruler who had come to regard the 
aggrandisement of his own house as of greater 
importance than a scrupulous fulfilment of the precepts 
of the Law, could not continue in close association with 
the Pharisees. His natural affinities were necessarily 
with the aristocratic party, who saw nothing amiss in 
the arrangement according to which the royal and the 
priestly power were vested in the same person, and not 
with the men who had the spiritual insight to perceive 
that herein lay a lurking danger to all that they held 
most sacred. The cleavage between the two opposing 
parties increased until under Alexander Jannaeus, the 
second of the sons of Hyrcanus to occupy the throne, 
the country was plunged into the miseries of a civil 
war. The Sadducees were on the side of the king ; the 
Pharisees and the mass of the people fought against 
him. Long and bitter was the feud, but after six years 

IV.] Post-Maccabcean 143 

it ended in a victory for Jannaeus. After his death a 
new situation was created through the reversal of his 
poHcy by his widow and successor Alexandra. Her 
alliance with the Pharisees enabled them to gain an 
absolute ascendancy over the popular mind, while it 
correspondingly weakened the influence of the Sadducees. 
The latter received their death-blow as a political party 
when, in B.C. 63, the Romans chose as their vassal-king 
the Pharisaic Hyrcanus, son of Alexandra, in preference 
to his Sadducean brother Aristobulus. 

The Pharisees were the pious of their time, and in 
them ecclesiastical piety reached its full maturity. In 
one important respect, however, the whole position and 
character of the pious had changed since pre-Maccabaean 
days. They were no longer the oppressed, but the ruling 
party in Israel. Formerly the power had been in the 
hands of their enemies, now it was in their own. They, 
and not the priestly nobility, were the real leaders of the 
people in the Herodian age. In the time of our Lord 
the scribes and Pharisees, as the pre-eminently pious, 
enjoyed the highest esteem, and exercised the greatest 
authority. They " sat in Moses' seat," and controlled 
the internal life of the nation. As the head of the 
State the high priest represented the supreme external 
authority, but the inner springs of the national life 
were directed by the scribes and Pharisees. Their 
ascendancy, however, was moral, not official ; the Divine 
Law was the sole basis of their power. It is true 
that the Sanhedrin, which was the Jewish parliament 
and metropolitan town council in one, shared the highest 
power with the ethnarch and high priest, and that it 
included scribes among its members ; but they were in 

144 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

a minority, and could exert only a moral influence upon 
its decrees. 

The question regarding the composition of the 
Sanhedrin has an important bearing upon that regarding 
the place occupied by the scribes and Pharisees in the 
Jewish community. Under the Maccabees the powers 
of this court had been practically unlimited, and under 
the Romans it was subject only to the supreme jurisdiction 
of the procurators. Its prestige is proved by the fact 
that Herod deemed it " as necessary to slay the Sanhedrin 
as Antigonus." He had once been cited to appear before 
it for having exceeded his powers ; but after his cruel 
slaughter of many of its members, it dared in nothing to . 
thwart the will of its master. According to the New 
Testament the Sanhedrin was composed of chief priests 
(a/a^te/jet?), elders (jrpecr^vTepoi), and scribes (ypafjifjLaT6l<;). 
The first category probably includes not only those who 
had been high priests, but also high-priestly families. 
These "chief priests" constituted the most important factor 
in the council, — of which, at all events after the death 
of Hillel, the high priest was president, — and appear to 
have sided with the elders against the scribes.^ While 
the statements of Josephus agree with those of the New 
Testament, the Sanhedrin is represented in the Mishna 
as a mere assembly of scribes, in which the high priest 
could not sit, far less preside, unless he were also a scribe.^ 
The names are given of those pairs {zugotJi) of learned 
men who acted as president {Nasi) and vice-president 
{Ab-beth-din) respectively, from the times of the Mac- 
cabees downwards. But it is impossible to accept this 
Talmudic version as the true one. Scribes are not 

1 Acts iv, 23, xxiii. 14. - See Note 16, p. 381. 

IV.] Post-J\IaccabcEan 145 

ranked as members of the great politico-ecclesiastical 
assembly of i Mace. xiv. 28, and it is safe to conclude 
that previous to that date (B.C. 141) they had no such 
professional standing. Still more important is the fact 
that in the Torah no official position is assigned to the 
scribes, as to the priests and elders. The second 
theocracy was based not upon learning, but upon holiness. 
The high priest was the head alike of the Church and of 
the State. Moreover, the entire history of post-exilic 
Judaism circles round the high priests. It is especially 
significant that by the accession of Alcimus to the 
high-priesthood the Maccabees became a mere rump 
known as " the friends of Judas," and that it was only 
through obtaining the high-priesthood that Jonathan was 
able to become prince of the Jews. Even after the 
succession was declared hereditary in Simon's family, 
the throne of the Maccabees was rendered insecure by 
the fact that they were not the legitimate high priests. 
Their retention of the office was, however, essential to 
their position as national kings. Herod saw clearly that 
the sovereign power was bound up with it, and because 
he could not hold it, did his best to discredit it. The 
Romans themselves looked somewhat askance upon the 
office. The Sanhedrin of the Talmud, then, is not that 
of Jewish history. This is not to deny that sometimes 
the moral weight of the scribes may have influenced the 
decisions of the council, but it is out of the question to 
suppose that mere doctrinaires such as they were should 
have actually carried on the public business of the Jewish 
State until it came to an end in A.D. 70. After that 
date the scribes enjoyed undisputed leadership in 
Palestine. They captured not only the Sanhedrin, but 

146 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

also the titles of its officials and members. What has 
been said of the relation of the scribes to the Sanhedrin 
holds good also with regard to the Pharisees. For the 
Synoptists the scribes form the third class of Sanhedrists, 
and though not yet called Pharisees, must be regarded 
as such. In the Acts of the Apostles, however, Gamaliel 
is introduced as a Pharisee, his special role as a teacher of 
the Law receiving only subsidiary mention. Josephus, 
in whose time the political power formerly possessed by 
the scribes had passed into the hands of the Pharisees, 
scarcely uses the term scribes at all, even with reference 
to the earlier history.^ 

The revolution which had taken place in the lot of 
the pious had not been effected suddenly ; it was the 
outcome of a historical development covering the centuries 
between Ezra and the Maccabees. Particularly note- 
worthy in this connexion is the fact that during that 
period the conceptions of piety and wisdom gradually coal- 
esced, until the pious sage (" wise man ") virtually took 
the place of the quondam prophet. This was inevitable 
in the circumstances of post-exilic Judaism, which centred 
so entirely around the written Law as greatly to increase 
the prestige of the learned. Already for Malachi the 
true priest has taken on the aspect of the scribe.^ 

^ " The chief consideration here, however," as Wellhausen has said, "is 
not the positive one, that the Pharisees were represented in the synedrium, 
but the negative one, that they formed there the minority as homines novi, 
intruders into a sphere not properly theirs. The peculiar seat of their 
supremacy was not the synedrium, but the school (Joh. ix. 22), and life. 
What has been said of the scribes is applicable to them : they were private 
persons without official character ; their power rested upon no difference in 
office or rank as between them and the ordinary members of the theocracy, 
but upon the fact that they brought home to the Jew what manner of man it 
behoved him to be." — Die Pharisiier und die Saddiicder, p. 43. 

2 ii. 6. 

IV. J Post-Maccabcean 147 

Learning not only came to have an extraordinary value 
for piety, but to be actually identified with it. For 
Sirach the scribe is the " wise," who has acquired his 
wisdom by foreign travel, and whose counsel is sought 
by rulers and great men. Through intercourse with 
men of renown he can interpret the subtlest parables.^ 
A master of etiquette, he will also instruct his own 
people, win their confidence, and make for himself an 
everlasting name.^ In the popular assembly he shall 
mount on high, and sit on the seat of the judge.^ But 
no one can attain such wisdom apart from the knowledge 
of the Law, which is the embodiment of the Divine 
creative wisdom itself* To fear the Lord is the be-- 
ginning of wisdom ; ^ therefore " if thou desire wisdom, 
keep the commandments, and the Lord shall give her 
unto thee freely ; for the fear of the Lord is wisdom and 
instruction." ^ For the writer, education and piety are 
convertible terms ; and so also are ignorance and un- 
godliness. " x^ wise man will not hate the law," ^ and 
" the knowledge of wickedness is not wisdom." ^ True 
wisdom is inseparable from piety. This new idea, that 
piety is culture, and therefore a thing capable of being 
taught and learned, was pregnant with great issues for 
Judaism. It led to supreme importance being attached 
to education and upbringing. And here the main object 
always was to secure a proper atmosphere by shunning 
fools and associating with the wise. According to Sirach, 
the wise man has stepped into the place of the prophet 
as the true leader of the people. "If the great Lord 

1 xxxix. 2 ft. 

- xxxvii, 23, 26. 

^ xxxviii. 


* xxiv. 10. 

5 i. 14. 

" i. 26 f. 

' xxxiii. 2. 

^ xix. 22. 

148 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

will, he shall be filled with the spirit of understanding." ^ 
And Wisdom herself is represented as declaring that she 
will yet pour out doctrine as prophecy.- Whether the 
thought originated with him or not, the influence of 
Sirach must be regarded as a powerful factor in producing 
among the Jewish people the conviction that piety is 
something to be learned, and that the learned are its 
peculiar representatives. Although for this writer the 
Law was certainly the centre of wisdom, and as such 
had profound ethical significance, wisdom is not yet 
regarded as confined exclusively to the knowledge of 
the Law. In his proverbial sayings it has a much wider 
range, and denotes man's susceptibility to the Divine 
reason which rules the universe. But soon afterwards 
there set in the narrower conception, according to which 
wisdom is simply knowledge of the Law, and the Law 
is essentially ceremonial. Naturally it took some time 
for this tendency to develop, but ultimately it reached 
its logical issue in the banning of the Greek language 
and of all secular literature, and in the limitation of every 
Jewish boy's education to instruction in the Law. At 
the time of Christ no one who did not know the Law 
was accounted wise, nothing beyond the knowledge of 
the Law was reckoned essential to wisdom, and the 
dictum of Hillel, that " an ignorant man cannot be pious," 
found general acceptance. But it was not until the 
post-Maccabaean age, when the land had comparative 
rest from the turmoil of war, that the alliance between 
piety and theology began thus to dominate the life of 
Judaism. Even in Maccabaean times Jewish writings 
were still entirely free from the spirit of professionalism. 

^ xxxix. 6. - xxiv. 33. 

IV.] Post-Maccabcean 149 

In Enoch, for example, the pious are proud of their 
esoteric knowledge, but not with the pride of a learned 
caste. During the Herodian period all this was changed. 
Learning and piety, " scribes and Pharisees," began to be 
inseparably linked together. 

The real character of the Pharisaic development is 
best illustrated by its opposition on the one hand to the 
Sadducees, and on the other to the uneducated masses — 
the Amhaarez. 

In the post-Maccabaean age the Sadducees formed a 
majority ^f the Sanhedrin. They were_tlie_xepi'esenta- 
tiyes ,of the old_priestly aristocrajcy^ and controlled the 
Temple ritual. It is difficult to trace the historical 
origin of the party, which seems to have arisen gradually 
as a conservative bulwark against the inroads of liberal 
theology as represented by the more democratic scribes 
and Pharisees. The old nobility could not see their 
leadership undermined without their hostility being 
aroused. If the antagonism existed in pre-Maccabaean 
times, it did not express itself in definite party 
organisation until the days of the Hasmonaeans. But 
indeed the strife which then broke out so virulently 
cannot be regarded as simply the continuation of an 
older quarrel. The Maccabaean rising had changed 
everything. Neither the internal nor the external 
relations of the Jewish community were what they had 
been previous to the war of independence. To quote 
Wellhausen, " The beginning, and foundation, and 
content of that inner discord must He within the new 
development of things itself. Only the Hasidaeans as 
the one pole of the hostile relationship are taken over 
from the earlier period, being now in their present 

1 50 Palestinian Jtidaism : [Chap. 

position named Pharisees ; on the other hand, the 
Sadducees are certainly in possession of political 
supremacy like the sons of Zadok before them, but they 
are other people with other tendencies, and the quarrel 
is about other things. The oppositions can well be 
compared, but can only be compared." ^ The same 
writer has shewn that little light upon the origin and 
nature of the cleavage is to be derived from the disputes 
which according to rabbinic tradition were carried on 
between Pharisees and Sadducees,^ and that but for the 
idea of Geiger and others that Sadduceeism was equiva- 
lent to priesthood, no one would ever have traced the 
purely theoretic minutiae discussed in the Talmud to the 
conflict between the general and the special priesthood. 
Jewish history alone can supply the key to the genesis 
of the cleavage, and its real character can be estimated 
only from its bearing upon the national life and destiny. 
The root of the enmity is probably to be found in the 
essential difference of view which led the Hasidim to 
withdraw from the Maccabees. For them the supreme 
concern was the Law, not . the cause of the nation and of 
the Hasmonaeans. From the first they had no sympathy 
with the pretensions of the latter ; and even when the 
high-priesthood was made hereditary in Simon's house, 
the arrangement was only provisional.^ Many never 
ceased to contest the legitimacy of the Maccabsean 
succession to the sacred ofifice. As we have already 
seen, the first historical trace of hostility between the 
two parties dates from the reign of John Hyrcanus. 
The Hasidim could not bear to see a spiritual theocrac)/ 

' Die Pharisiicr iind die Sadduciier, p. 89. 

^ See Note 17, p. 384. ^ J Mace. xiv. 41. 


Post-Maccaba:an 1 5 1 

changed into an ordinary kingdom of this world, while 
yet a vain pretence was made of adhering to the old 
sacred polity. In their opposition to the Hasmonaean 
princes they became Pharisees, and in their opposition to 
the Pharisees the Hasmonaeans and their supporters 
became Sadducees. The Pharisees, then^re essentially 
the partyLor th e Law, and the Sadducees the function- j 
aries and champions of the new State which was the' 
fruit of the Maccab^ean struggle. As, however, the 
fundamental idea of Judaism was "not the earthly 
fatherland, but God and the Law," the Pharisees were 
able in the long-run to secure the adhesion of the 
mul titude , who at first had been caught in the enthusiasm 
of the national movement, and by wrecking the 
Hasmonaean State undoubtedly saved Judaism. 

No satisfactory explanation of the name Sadducee 
has yet been given. The most likely derivation is that 
from the proper name Zadok ; and here again the most 
probable reference is to Zadok the high priest in the 
time of David and Solomon. Although Josephus refers 
to it as having been already current in the time of the 
Hasmonaean kings, the first actual occurrence of the term 
Sadducee is in the Synoptic Gospels. So far as can be 
gathered from the sources, it was theQlQgi(:al, not 
political, in its application. It seems to have been 
applied in a depreciatory sense to the adherents of 
the airistocratic party, which, however, was essentially 
political. Perhaps it was a nickname.^ 

1 So Wellhausen: " Es soUte darnit_ gesagt werden, die jetzigen '5v^^ 0>^^^ 
Herrscher, die vielleicht gar nicht zum geschlechte Zadok's gehorten, seien 
nicht besser als ihre dem Heidenthum zugeneigten Vorganger, auf die sich 
der ganze Hass und die Veiachtung des Voll>:s gesammelt hatte" {Op. cit. p. 

f • ' "^^ 

152 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

If the Sadducees were not numerous, they were 
influential, and held, in fact, the highest offices. They 
were rulers, and elders, and associates of the high priest.^ 
As an aristocracy they did not include the ordinary 
priests. It was not the priestly, but the worldly position 
of the Sadducees that gave to the party its peculiar 
complexion. High-priestly lineage was valued chiefly 
for the heritage of political power which it carried with 
it. The Sadducaean party, therefore, was not confined to 
officiating priests ; it embraced the aristocracy in general. 
If the high priests constituted its most influential section, 
this was due more to their secular power than to their 
ecclesiastical standing. The genius of Sadduceeism was 
distinctly political. While the Pharisees did not under- 
stand politics, this was the sphere in which the Sadducees 
were at home. Josephus, however, is scarcely exact in 
representing them always as a definite political party. 
The truth is they were distinguished from the mass of 
the people by their entire philosophy of life, and it was 
this rather than the mere fact of their being the ruling 
class that made them a party. They stood for practical 
golitics_ in opposition to the purely religious life of the 
Pharisees. Xike the ancient kings of Israel and Judah, 

the SaddiLcees_Ji!:ere pleased to form alliances^, erect 

fortresses, and maintain troops ; like the prophets, the 
Pharisees believed in attending to the requirements of 
religion and leaving everything else to providence. The 
one partj;- refused to think that God would commit to 
them the internal, and deprive them of the external, 
management of the State ; the other regarded all 
statecraft as a usurpation of the functions of the 
1 Acts iv. 5, V. 17. 

IV.] Post-Maccabcean 153 

Almighty. The Sadducees were men of this world, who 
looked with a kindly eye on the general culture of the 
age ; the Pharisees cared for nothing but the Law, and 
looked for the future Messianic deliverance. Now it is 
not in virtue of their official positions, but in virtue of 
their .well-marked spiritual tendencies, and as enemies of 
the Pharisees, that the Sadducees are so named in the 
sources. The Pharisees had no quarrel with the sanctity 
of the priestly office ; what offended them was the 
degenerate character of the priestly nobility, and the 
antagonistic attitude taken up by them towards their 
own doctrinal beliefs. Yet it was not any mere theo- 
logical difference that caused such a rift in the life of 
the Jewish people. As Wellhausen says, " It is the 
opposition between a prevailingly political and a pre- 
vailingly religious party in a community more spiritual 
than worldly." ^ 

The general doctrinal position of the Sadducees was 
the natural result of their view of the world. Having 
no mind to be dragged at the tail of Pharisaic opinion, 
they strenuously disavowed the _new ecclesiastical faith. 
According to Josephus,^ they accepted only the written 
Law, rejecting tradition. It was, however, merely the 
later development of the Law which they rejected ; no 
question appears to have been raised with reference to 
any tenet of Judaism recognised prior to the Greek 
dominion. Their great weakness was that they had 
recourse to barren negation and cavilling opposition ; 
they stood for nothing positive. All the labours of the 
scribes and Pharisees in adapting the Mosaic Law to 
altered circumstances met with their scornful disapproba- 

^ op. cit. p. 56. ^ Ant. xviii. lo. 6. 

154 Palestinian Judaism: [Chap. 

tion. Nor were the eager aspirations of the poor and 
the distressed after a future state in which the wrongs of 
the present should be redressed shared by the Sadducees, 
who formed a select oligarchy of the well-to-do. 
Believing that soul and body die together, they denied 
the doctrine of the resurrection and a future judgment. 
In this particular they refused to move beyond the 
standpoint of primitive Judaism. Their materialism led 
them also to deny the existence of angels, spirits, and 
demons. How they reconciled this negative attitude 
as to intermediaries between God and men with the 
Pentateuch we do not know. It was, of course, in pro- 
nounced contrast to the extraordinary Pharisaic develop- 
ment of angelology and demonology which characterised 
post-Maccabaean times. According to Josephus, the 
Sadducees also denied fate, and asserted within certain 
limits the freedom of the human will. The idea of 
predestination was as unwelcome to them as that of 
future retribution. Sheer worldlings at heart, they were 
also reactionaries and conventionalists in religion. 

The views already expressed as to the origin and 
nature of the conflict between the Pharisees and 
Sadducees are confirmed by the state of the party 
relations under the Hasmonaean dynasty. These have 
already been briefly indicated ; but in order to a clear 
understanding of the situation, it will be necessary to 
trace the external history somewhat in detail. 

At the death of John Hyrcanus there was nothing 
to distinguish the Hasmonaeans from other earthly 
potentates, except that as yet none of them had 
actually assumed the title of king. This sole point 
of difference was now to disappear. John had made 

IV.] Post-MaccabcEan 155 

over the civil government to his wife, and the high- 
priesthood to his eldest son Judas — better known by 
his Greek name "'Aristobulus. Dissatisfied with this 
arrangement, the young prince imprisoned all his 
relatives except his favourite brother Antigonus, and 
assumed the diadem. He did not, however, venture 
to inscribe the title of king on the coins ; these bore 
the simple name, " Judas, high priest." Aristobulus 
was in full sympathy with the revival of Greek culture 
which had set in with the rise of the Sadducsean party. 
If he was not actually called Phil-Hellen,^ the term 
expresses accurately enough the general bent of his 
inclinations. So strangely had the Hasmonsean princes 
drifted away from the ground taken up by the early 
Maccabees. Their Greek tastes did not, however, 
prevent them from acting as champions of Judaism. 
In the north of Palestine, Aristobulus took the field 
against the Ituraeans, annexed a large portion of their 
territory, and forced them to accept the Jewish Law. 
Everything points to the interesting conclusion that 
the tract thus subdued and judaised was practically co- 
extensive with the Galilee of the Gospels — a region 
characterised at once by Jewish faith and Gentile blood. 
Great significance is thus lent to the expedition against 
the Ituraeans, particularly in view of the fact that some 
of our Lord's apostles were of Galilean extraction.^ 

Although Aristobulus shared his kingdom with his 
brother Antigonus, his jealousy was so roused by a 

^ The words of Josephus {Ant. xiii. ii. 3) are XP'')^'-^''''^'^^'^ M^'' 'pCKi}CK-r\v . 
^ "This part of the work of the HasmonKan dynasty, preparing as it did 

ythe field for Christ, was perhaps, of all that they did in the world, the thing 
of most durable consequence for the history of mankind." — Bevan, /emsa/ez/i 
under the High-Priests, p. 116. 

156 Palestinian Judaism: [Chap. 

deceitful plot hatched during his illness, that the innocent 
Antigonus was slain by the royal bodyguards as he 
was entering the citadel. Remorse for this crime is 
said to have hastened the king's death, which took 
place in B.C. 104, after he had reigned only one year. 
It is difficult to form a true estimate of the character 
of Aristobulus. If he was cruelly betrayed into giving 
the order for the slaughter of his brother, what excuse 
can be offered for the atrocity of starving his own mother 
to death in prison ? As he was a Sadducee, and a 
friend of the Greeks, it is, of course, possible that what 
is recorded as to his cruel treatment of his relatives is 
the malicious invention of the Pharisees. Some con- 
firmation is given to this view by the fact that classical 
writers represent him in a favourable light as " a man 
of candour, and very serviceable to the Jews," ^ 

On the death of Aristobulus his childless widow 
Salome, whose Greek name was Alexandra, released 
his three brothers, and made the eldest of them, 
Alexander (called in Hebrew Jonathan = Jannai, 
Jannaeus), king and high priest. Following the Hebrew 
custom, she also gave him her hand in marriage. After 
ridding himself of that one of his two still surviving 
brothers from whom he apprehended danger to his 
throne, Jannaeus set himself to complete the work of 
Palestinian conquest initiated by his father. This was 
a task thoroughly congenial to him as a man of war, 
and he was able to devote himself to it with but little 
interference from Egypt or Syria, whose rulers were 
engrossed with their own interminable quarrels, 

^ Strabo in the name of Timagenes, according to Josephus, Ant. xiii. 
II. 3 : iirLei.KTjS re iyivero o&tos 6 avrip Kal ttoXXA tois 'Ioi;5a/ots x/jijcrt/xos. 

IV.] Post-Maccabcean 157 

Although Alexander's efforts were not uniformly- 
successful, the whole country felt the power of this 
savage chieftain. Along the coast of Fhilistia, from 
the Ladder of Tyre to the borders of Egypt ; to the 
north, as far as Lake Merom ; and among the Hellen- 
istic cities east of the Jordan, he enlarged the scope of 
his dominions until he reigned over a territory equal 
to that of the ancient Davidic kingdom. Although 
certainly, at first a supporter of Hellenism, even to the 
extent of having a bilingual inscription stamped upon 
the coins, his wars were not waged in the interests of 
Greek culture. The hellenised city of Gaza he com- 
pletely destroyed, while a similar fate befell Pella, and 
presumably other cities, for refusing to adopt Jewish/ 
customs and rites. What had been flourishing towns 
were represented only by piles of ruins, and nothing 
in the way of reconstruction was attempted until the 
times of the Roman occupation. 

In view of the devastation thus produced, Alexander's 
was after all but a barren victory. And it was secured 
at a great price, for his territory had been enlarged at 
the expense of civil and religious unity. Tarty feeling 
ran high even in the days of Hyrcanus ; but during the 
reign of Jannaeus, Judaea became a prey to internal strife. 
Hisemployment of foreign mercenaries, and his Sadducaean 
sympathies, alienated his subjects, who increasingly ad- 
hered to the Pharisees. Time had been when under the 
glamour of the victories won by the early Maccabees 
the populace paid little heed to the extreme party of 
the Law as represented by the scribes and the HasTdim. 
But already under Hyrcanus the tide had turned, and 
now under Jannseus it flowed steadily in the opposite 

158 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

direction. God and the Law, it was perceived, were 
more to Judaism than an earthly kingdom maintained 
by force of arms. Not only so, the very existence of 
the latter was a menace to the due cultivation of the 
former in Temple and synagogue. The priesthood was 
being made a mere secondary thing, and the theocracy 
was being brought into contempt. Many began to 
witness with impatience the performance of the high 
priest's sacred duties by a red-handed warrior like 
Alexander Jannaeus. At length, on his return from 
Gaza, the crisis came. During the Feast of Tabernacles, 
as he stood at the altar in his priestly robes, and was 
about to offer sacrifice, the people pelted him with 
citrons from the green branches which according to 
custom they carried. They also repeated the taunt 
directed against his father, that as the son of a woman 
who had been a prisoner of war he was not a fit and 
proper person to act as high priest. Jannseus could not 
sit quietly under an insult so gross, and found an in- 
strument of vengeance to hand in his mercenaries, — 
fierce highlanders from Cilicia and Pisidia, — who slew 
six thousand of the offending Jews. Although cowed 
by this cruel punishment, the people were also embittered 
by it, and eagerly waited for an opportunity to revolt. 
This soon came. At the close of an otherwise successful 
campaign in Persea, Jannaeus met with a serious reverse 
while fighting against Obedas, king of the Arabian 
Nabataeans, at Gadara, and with difficulty contrived to 
escape to Jerusalem. There he had to face open re- 
bellion, and for the next six years (B.C. 94-89) the 
country was steeped in the horrors of a civil war. The 
king was supported by the Sadducees, as well as by 

IV.] Post-Maccabcean 159 

his mercenary troops ; the Pharisees, and the great 
mass of the Jewish people, ranged themselves against 
him. Persistent fighter as he was, even Jannaeus 
became weary of the strife, and endeavoured to come 
to terms with his opponents. But they were irrecon- 
cilable. When he asked them what he could do to 
appease them, they advised him to kill himself, and 
at the same time invoked the aid of Demetrius III. 
Eukairos, then reigning over a part of Syria at Damascus. 
Demetrius accordingly marched into Palestine with a 
large force, effected a junction with the insurgent Jews, 
and pitched his camp near Shechem. A battle was 
fought, and Alexander, having sustained a crushing 
defeat, fled to the mountains. At this stage things 
took an unexpected turn. Fearing fresh subjection to 
the Syrian yoke, and out of pity for the sad plight of 
the heir of the Maccabees, six thousand Jews deserted 
from Demetrius and attached themselves to Jannseus. 
This revival of patriotic sentiment led Demetrius to 
withdraw to Damascus, and enabled Alexander to 
suppress the revolt. Having obliged his opponents to 
shut themselves up in a fortress, he captured it, and 
carried them as prisoners to Jerusalem. There, while 
feasting with his courtesans, he had eight hundred 
crosses erected and a victim nailed to each, and 
ordered their wives and children to be butchered before 
their closing eyes. As an instance of fiendish revenge 
this would be difficult to match in history. His horror- 
stricken adversaries, to the number of eight thousand, 
fled away by night, and remained in exile until the day 
of his death. Thus at length the Pharisees were crushed. 
This protracted struggle sets the position of the opposing 

i6o Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

parties in a clear light. It shews what the Pharisees 
fought for, and what they resisted ; it reveals the 
Sadducees as nothing more nor less than the adherents 
of Alexander ; it proves that the sympathies of the 
people were with the Pharisees. 

After Alexander's death in B.C. 78 a sudden trans- 
formation was wrought in Judsea. The widowed queen, 
Salome Alexandra, who succeeded to the government, 
entirely reversed the policy pursued by her husband. 
While Jannaius detested the Pharisees, she cultivated 
friendly relations with them, and delighted them by 
announcing her desire to rule in accordance with their 
ideals. It is difficult to accept the statement of Josephus, 
that in taking her stand on the side of the Pharisees 
Alexandra was acting upon the advice given her by 
Jannseus on his deathbed. If this was so, however, he 
must either have been seized with compunction for the 
enormities he had committed, or have become convinced 
of the inability of the Sadducees to carve out any sort of 
tolerable future for the nation. What is certain is that 
Alexandra was so completely in the hands of the 
Pharisees that they became the real rulers of the country, 
at least as regards internal administration. The 
Pharisaic ordinances suppressed by Hyrcanus were 
legalised anew. There is, however, no reason to suppose 
that the Sanhedrin was at this time converted into a mere 
college of scribes. All that can be said with safety is 
that the action of every public official was controlled by 
the Pharisaic spirit. Even the Sadducean priests had in 
matters of ritual to obey the directions of the Pharisees. 
Rabbinic tradition looks back upon the times of 
Alexandra as a golden age of miraculous fertility. Rain 

IV.] Post-Maccabcsan i6i 

used to fall periodically on the eve of the sabbath when 
no one might be out of doors, " so that the grains of 
wheat became as large as kidneys, those of barley as 
large as olives, and the lentils like gold denarii." ^ 

Alexandra's elder son Hyrcanus, a feeble creature who 
could be relied upon not to intermeddle with politics, 
was appointed high priest, while her younger son 
Aristobulus, who was brimful of energy and courage, 
was held in strict control. As regards foreign policy, 
she kept the reins in her own hands. Peace was main- 
tained by means of a strong army of Gentile troops. 
Jannaeus had employed mercenaries as an auxiliary to 
his own forces, but Alexandra made them the staple 
element in her army. In this way her soldiers were not 
hampered by the restrictions of Judaism, and might 
disregard the Law without protest from the Pharisees. 
Her sagacity is attested by the fact that neighbouring 
rulers gave hostages to Judaea, and that money found its 
way into the treasury. Beneath all this outward calm, 
however, the fires of Pharisaic revenge were smouldering, 
and ready to burst into flame. The queen was pressed 
to punish with death the instigators of the crucifixion of 
the eight hundred. But when a beginning was made 
in this direction, the Sadducaean party lost patience. Led 
by her own son Aristobulus, a deputation waited on the 
queen and sought redress. After a pathetic reference 
to their services to the State, they begged to be placed 
in the fortresses, where they might live privately and 
unmolested. A more insolent tone was adopted by 
Aristobulus, who declared that they had been themselves 
the creators of their misfortunes in permitting " a woman 

^ Taanith 23% in Derenbourg, p. iii. 

1 62 Palestinian J ttdaism : [Chap. 

mad with ambition to rule over them, when there were 
sons in the flower of their age fitter for it." ^ Alexandra 
was obliged to yield. The fortresses were entrusted 
to the Sadducaean leaders, and Aristobulus sent on a 
fruitless expedition against Damascus. Soon after, the 
oppressed Sadducees were roused to new activity by the 
prospect of Alexandra's death. Within a fortnight 
Aristobulus secured the adherence of more than twenty 
strongholds. He quickly found himself also at the head 
of a large army. The alarmed elders, along with 
Hyrcanus, surrounded the queen's deathbed asking for 
advice. But it was now vain to look for help in that 
quarter. In B.C. 69, while the rebels bore down upon 
Jerusalem, she died after reigning for nine years, the 
only woman since Athaliah who had wielded the Jewish 

Aristobulus II. lost no time in directing his military 
power against Hyrcanus II., who now assumed the civil 
government in addition to the high-priesthood. Defeated 
near Jericho, Hyrcanus fled to the citadel of Jerusalem, 
where, perhaps fortunately for him, the family of 
Aristobulus were still imprisoned. An agreement was 
arrived at between the two brothers, in terms of which 
Hyrcanus, although the elder, was to abdicate in favour 
of Aristobulus, and to live as a private citizen in the 
peaceful enjoyment of his wealth. This meant the 
return of the Sadducees to power, and a corresponding 
eclipse of the Pharisaic influence. Although less 
prominence was thus given to the religious element, 
there was an absence of the extreme friction which 
marked the times of Alexander Jannaius. 

^ Josephus, Ant. xiii. i6. 3. 

IV.] Post-Maccabcean 163 

Trouble was imported, however, from an unexpected 
quarter. Hyrcanus probably entered into the compact 
with Aristobulus in perfect good faith, but he now came 
under the sinister influence of one who made it his 
business to stir up jealousy and strife between the 
brothers, with a view to the furtherance of his own 
designs. This was the Idumsean adventurer Antipater, 
who, together with his son Herod the Great, was to 
dominate Jewish politics down to the Advent of Christ. 
His genealogy is doubtful, but it seems not unlikely 
that he sprang from one of those families upon whom 
Judaism, to its own ultimate detriment, had been forced 
by John Hyrcanus. Called by the same name as his 
father, who as governor of Idumeea under Jannaeus had 
curried favour with the surrounding tribes, the young 
Antipater shewed himself equally possessed of the 
diplomatic genius. Disappointed at the retirement of 
the weak Hyrcanus, from whose regime he had hoped to 
reap much advantage to himself, he resolved to bring 
about, if possible, his restoration to power. To 
Hyrcanus himself, as well as to influential Jews, he 
represented the injustice of his ejection by Aristobulus, 
regardless of the prerogative of birth. Working upon 
his fears, he also induced him to throw himself upon the 
protection of the Arabian king Aretas, who in return 
for the cession of twelve cities wrested from him by 
Jannaeus, undertook to reinstate Hyrcanus. The defeat 
of the usurper in battle caused many of his troops to 
desert him for Hyrcanus, to whom the Pharisees and the 
people generally also adhered. Only the Jerusalem 
priests stood by Aristobulus, who was obliged to 
entrench himself on the Temple hill, where he was 

164 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

besieged by the united forces of Aretas and Hyrcanus. 
Such was the situation in B.C. 65, two years after the 
death of Alexandra. 

The glory of the Hasmonaeans was now upon the 
wane. Although they had in succession secured the 
civil supremacy, the high-priesthood, the status of kings, 
and the extension of Jewish territory, all this was largely 
)( due to the dissolution of the Syrian empire, and to the 
opportunity thus afforded for free development in Judaea. 
But now the situation was on the point of being radically 
altered. The Romans were steadily pushing their 
dominion eastwards, and Palestine began to be affected 
by the convulsions incidental to the process that led 
up to the enthronement of the Caesars. As a result of 
the new conditions, the Hasmonaean dynasty came to 
be superseded by the Herodian, the downfall of the 
one being closely connected with the rise of the other. 
The relations between the two great Jewish parties 
were also materially influenced by this important turn 
of the wheel of fortune. It was while Aristobulus was 
being besieged upon the Temple mount that the Jewish 
people first came into actual contact with Rome, one 
of three competitors for the now disintegrated Seleucid 
kingdom. The other two were Armenia and Pontus. 
In B.C. 55, Pompey received the submission of the 
Armenian king Tigranes, and vanquished Mithridates, 
King of Pontus. Rome thus served herself heir to 
Alexander's dominions as far as the Euphrates. The 
year following, Pompey sent his legate Scaurus into 
Syria. Synchronising as it did with the peculiar 
situation in Jerusalem, this event had a supremely 
important significance for the subsequent history of 

IV.] Post-Maccabcsan 165 

the Jewish State. On hearing at Damascus of the 
strife between the rival princes, Scaurus hastened to 
Judaea so as to reap the fruit of it for Rome. Both 
parties sent envoys to meet him. Not desiring to 
promote the lordship of the Nabataean Arabs over 
Palestine, Scaurus took the side of Aristobulus, and 
ordered Aretas to withdraw, on pain of being declared 
an enemy to the Romans. The oracle had spoken, and 
the siege was raised. After inflicting heavy losses 
upon the retreating army, Aristobulus returned to 
Jerusalem and fancied himself king. 

The arrival of Pompey himself in the spring of 
B.C. 63 was made the occasion for a threefold deputa- 
tion from Jerusalem. In addition to the ambassadors 
of the rival claimants were representatives from the 
Jewish people, i.e. the Pharisees, urging the abolition 
of the kingly power altogether as alien to the spirit 
of the ancient theocracy. This deputation had great 
significance. Although the Pharisees sided with 
Hyrcanus, they were thereby only playing into the 
hands of Antipater. The consciousness of this, and 
the fact that the quarrel was really no special concern 
of theirs, led them to approach Pompey with a request 
which was only the logical sequence of the attitude 
previously taken up by them towards John Hyrcanus 
and Alexander Janneeus. Their grievance was that the 
present high priests were kings rather than priests, 
and they petitioned for a return to the former con- 
dition of things, in which the high priests were 
high priests first, and only incidentally heads of 
the community generally. In other words, they 
welcomed foreign dominion as a security for the 

1 66 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

maintenance of the theocracy in all its ecclesiastical 

Although Aristobulus had sent a costly gift to 
Pompey, the latter postponed his decision, and mean- 
while marched against the Nabataeans, accompanied 
by Aristobulus, who, however, becoming suspicious, 
suddenly departed from Dium and secured himself in 
the fortress of Alexandrium. Pom.pey at once 
suspended his Nabatjean campaign and turned against 
him ; whereupon at the instigation of his friends he 
surrendered the fortress, but retired in wrath to Jeru- 
salem. When Pompey promptly appeared before the 
walls, Aristobulus lost courage and sued for peace, 
offering to pay a sum of money and to open the city 
gates ; but when Gabinius was sent to exact the 
fulfilment of these promises, he met with a rebuff at 
the hands of the king's troops. Irritated at this 
vacillation, Pompey then made Aristobulus a prisoner, 
and proceeded to attack Jerusalem. No resistance 
was offered by the party of Hyrcanus, or rather of 
Antipater, whose guiding principle it ever was to 
adhere to Rome. But the supporters of Aristobulus 
entrenched themselves in the Temple mount, and for 
three months withstood the efforts of the Romans to 
effect an entrance. Even then it was possible for 
Pompey to succeed only by utilising the opportunities 
presented by the Jewish observance of the sabbatic 
rest.^ In the autumn of the year 63 a breach was 

^ Hence the joy expressed when the Hasmonrean State was abolished by 
Gabinius: "The people were glad to be thus freed from raonarchical 
government, and were governed for the future by an aristocracy." — Josephus, 
B./.IS. 5. 

- The decision of the Maccabees to defend themselves on the sabbath was 

IV.] Post-Maccab(Ban 167 

made in the wall, and the stronghold was carried by 
storm. Twelve thousand Jews were slaughtered, and 
many priests, who calmly went on with their sacred 
duties as if nothing were happening, were hewn down 
at the altar. Hoping to discover " some visible symbol 
of the mysterious Eastern cult," the Gentile conqueror 
sacrilegiously forced his way into the Holy of Holies ; 
but to his surprise he found nothing at all. In spite 
of this outrage upon Jewish feeling, however, Pompey 
neither attempted to despoil their Temple of its treasures 
nor to suppress their religion, as Antiochus Epiphanes 
had done. He even made provision for the continua- 
tion of the legal sacrifices, and reinstated Hyrcanus II. 
in the high-priesthood, but without the title of king. 
All the territory annexed by the Hasmonaeans was 
taken away, and the jurisdiction of Hyrcanus confined 
to Judaea proper, which was made tributary to the 
Romans. After beheading the ringleaders in the war, 
Pompey set out for Rome, where Aristobulus and his 
family, — with the exception of his elder son Alexander, 
who made his escape on the way, — and many other 
Jews, helped to grace his third triumph in September, 
B.C. 61. On their release, the captives settled in Rome 
and founded the Jewish community so well known to 
us from Roman literature as well as from the writings 
of St. Paul. 

The loss of the independence achieved under the 
Maccabees Josephus properly enough ascribes to the 
internecine quarrels raised by the Hasmonaean princes, 

not regarded as covering a case like the present, where the enemy took care 
to do nothing on sabbaths beyond preparing for such direct attack as might 
at any time be resisted. Cf. Josephus, Ant. xiv. 4. 2. 

1 68 P ale sthiian Judaism : [Chap. 

and to the fatal step of calling in the interference of 
strangers. Besides lacking the nobler qualities of their 
ancestors, these men were possessed by the spirit of 
stupidity, and simply played into the hands of Rome. 
Not only had the Jews now to mourn the loss of their 
liberty, but their lives were also embittered by severe 
oppression. So different did the reality prove to be 
from the anticipations cherished as to the " friendship " 
of the Romans ever since the days of Judas Maccabaeus.^ 
Instead of a strong ally they had found a hard task- 
master, towards whom they began to entertain a hatred 
so deadly and so unanimous as virtually to quench 
their own party strifes, now that the vexed question 
of the temporal sovereignty had been settled. Accord- 
ingly, the extinction of the Hasmonsean dynasty marks 
the close of the first and main stage in the conflict 
between Pharisees and Sadducees. Through the 
abolition of the kingship the Pharisees had gained their 
end, and the Sadducees had become a spent force. 
With the intervention of Rome there had entered into 
the situation a new and potent factor which could not 
fail to affect party relations in Judcxa. Henceforth the 
strife between Pharisees and Sadducees was little more 
than the back-wash of the earlier feuds. 

What, then, it may be asked, was the position of 
the Jews in general, and of the Pharisees and Sadducees 
in particular, during the first quarter of a century of 
Roman supremacy ? Most noteworthy, as regards the 
spirit of the people, is the revival of patriotic feeling. 
Greatly as they revered the Law and its doctors, they 
rated at a still higher value their freedom and their 

^ I Mace. viii. i, 12. 

IV. ] Post-Maccabcean 1 69 

fatherland. Hatred of foreigners led them to support 
repeated attempts to remove Hyrcanus from the throne. 
Although still obeying the Pharisees in matters ecclesi- 
astical, their growing nationalism caused an inward 
estrangement between them and that party. So far 
from being destroyed by the fall of the Hasmonaeans, 
t patriotism now became the popular religion.^ It was 
I along this path that the Jews began to look for the 
' realisation of their Messianic hopes. To rebel against 
Rome was conceived to be a religious duty and a work 
of faith which, performed upon a national scale, would 
be accounted to them for righteousness. And so there 
was formed that idea of a political Messiah, who would 
restore the earthly kingdom to Israel, which is so clearly 
reflected in the New Testament. 

In some respects the Pharisees could not deplore 
the results of Roman intervention. Although of no 
political party themselves, they must have been grateful 
to the new masters for espousing the cause of Hyrcanus 
against Aristobulus. Freed, moreover, from the necessity 
of opposing the Hasmonaeans, they could now devote all 
their energies to the sacred cause of the Law. But it 
was impossible for them to forget Pompey's desecration 
of the Temple, and this in itself was enough to fill them 
with undying hatred of the Romans. This feeling was 
afterwards to find expression in the efforts of the Zealots, 
a fanatical section of the stricter Pharisees. 

It was the Sadducees who suffered most from the 
advent of Pompey upon the scene. Now that Hyrcanus 
had been reinstated in office, they were obliged to accept 
him as their head, although between them and him there 

^ Wellhausen, Tsr. u. Jiid. GeschJ^ ^. 307. 

1 70 Palestinian Jttdaism : [Chap. 

was no real bond of sympathy. As they watched him 
become increasingly the pliant tool of Antipater and the 
Romans, they made it their chief concern to conserve 
their own position in face of the menacing attitude of 
the Iduma^an house. During the earlier decades of the 
Roman period, Jewish history was consequently little else 
than a series of futile attempts under Sadducaean auspices 
to restore the Hasmonaean rule. The first revolt was led 
by Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, in the year 57. 
He soon got the better of Hyrcanus, but was defeated 
by Gabinius, proconsul of Syria, who stripped the Jews 
of the last shred of political freedom by restricting 
Hyrcanus to his priestly functions and dividing Judaea 
into five fiscal or juridical districts {avvoSot or avueSpia), 
each with its own council or sanhedrin. Although the 
change from a monarchy to " an aristocracy " was 
acceptable enough, particularly to the Pharisees, it had 
no disintegrating effect upon the national unity, and 
failed even appreciably to lessen the importance of 
Jerusalem, which, while the Temple stood, remained the 
premier centre of influence. After two further vain 
attempts had been made to regain the sovereignty, 
Gabinius, on the advice of Antipater, cancelled the new 
political constitution which he had enacted for Palestine. 
The probability is that the placing of four other cities 
on a level with Jerusalem was highly provocative of 
rebellion on the part of the Jews. But not even yet 
was their proud spirit broken. The defeat of the 
Romans at Carrhae was the signal for another Jewish 
rising, which, however, was promptly suppressed by the 
quaestor Cassius. But for the help rendered him by the 
Romans, the Sadducaean party would no doubt have 

IV.] Post-Maccabccan 171 

crushed Antipater ; as it was, the fawning Idumaean 
remained on the crest of the wave. 

The year B.C. 49 marks the outbreak of the civil wars, 
through which Rome was transformed from a republic 
into an empire. After Pompey and the senate had fled 
" beyond the Ionian sea," Caesar released Aristobulus 
from prison with the view of utilising him against 
Antipater, who in common with the entire Orient had 
declared for Pompey. Not only did the scheme fail, 
however, through the poisoning of Aristobulus by those 
friendly to Pompey, but about the same time his son 
Alexander was beheaded at Antioch. There now 
remained only his son Antigonus to contest with 
Antipater the chieftainship of Judaea. After the defeat 
of Pompey by Caesar at Pharsalia in B.C. 48, the astute 
Antipater at once went over to Caesar's side and 
rendered him effective service, which the great Roman 
did not forget to reward. Hyrcanus was confirmed in 
the high-priesthood ; Antipater was raised to the rank 
of a Roman citizen, and was granted immunity from 
taxation. The prospects of the Sadducees were now of 
the gloomiest. An appeal by Antigonus to have the 
government conferred upon himself, Caesar answered only 
by showering fresh privileges upon his opponents. 
Hyrcanus was appointed hereditary ethnarch of the 
Jews, with the civil jurisdiction which he had possessed 
prior to the " aristocracies " of Gabinius, and got per- 
mission to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem ; while 
Antipater was made procurator of Judaea, Samaria, 
and Galilee. Many privileges were also conferred upon 
the Jews generally. They were freed from military 
service, and empowered to manage their own affairs. 

172 Palestinian Judaism : [Chap. 

Joppa and other Palestinian towns were restored to 
them, and throughout Asia Minor they were guaranteed 
full religious liberty. 

Although Antipater had been largely instrumental 
in securing these advantages, and had in consequence 
earned great popularity, " the principal men among the 
Jews," i.e. the Sadducees, looked askance upon his 
growing wealth and power. They sought to rescue 
Hyrcanus from the position of a mere puppet in the 
hands of the Idumsean, who now shewed that he had an 
eye to the future by appointing his eldest son Phasael 
governor of Jerusalem, and his second son Herod 
governor of Galilee. The latter, a young man of 
twenty-five,^ ingratiated himself with the Syrians and 
with the Roman governor Sextus Caesar by his summary 
execution of a robber chief named Hezekiah. But this 
action brought him into collision with the Sanhedrin, to 
whom alone it was competent to pronounce a death 
sentence. At the instigation of the Sadducaean 
aristocracy, Hyrcanus summoned Herod to appear 
before that august body to take his trial. This he did, 
not, however, in garments befitting a culprit, but arrayed 
in purple, and attended by a bodyguard. Then was 
seen " the powerlessness of the party which was built 
upon power." Herod's judges were so overawed that 
silence prevailed in the assembly until Sameas 
(? = Shemaiah) made a fearless protest in the name 
of justice. Poor old Hyrcanus, who had received a 

^ The text of Josephus ^Ant. xiv. 9. 2) reads " fifteen"' ; but this is clearly 
wrong, since at his death, some forty-five years later, Herod was about 
seventy years of age (^«/. xvii. 6. i). At fifteen, moreover, he could not 
have filled the position of governor. 

IV. ] Post-Maccabcean 1 7 3 

threatening letter from Sextus Cpesar, then adjourned 
the sitting and urged Herod to flee. On withdrawing 
to Damascus the latter was appointed governor of Coele- 
Syria, and soon appeared again before the gates of 
Jerusalem with an army to avenge what he chose to 
regard as an insult, but was prevailed upon by his father 
and brother to abstain from violence, and content himself 
with having shewn his power. The episode was 
ominously significant in view of Herod's possible future 
elevation to the Jewish throne. Indeed the downfall of 
the Hasmonaeans was no longer doubtful. Sameas 
truly told the Sanhedrin that although, according to the 
Law, Herod was punishable with death, they had been 
too late in putting a proper restraint upon him, and that 
from a political point of view he was less blameworthy 
than they. After this it is not surprising that the 
Herodians began to distinguish between Hyrcanus and 
his " evil counsellors ! " ^ 

After the defeat of Brutus and Cassius by Antony 
and Octavian at Philippi in B.C. 42, the position of 
the Sadducaean aristocracy became hopeless. As an 
opportunist, Herod was the apt pupil of his father, and 
succeeded in securing the favour of Antony, the new 
lord of the East. More than one delegation of influ- 
ential Jews appeared before Antony to complain of 
Phasael and Herod ; but so far from paying them any 
heed, he appointed the sons of his old friend Antipater ^ 
tetrarchs of Judaea (B.C. 41). Hyrcanus still remained 
nominally ethnarch as well as high priest ; but in reality 

^ Josephus, Ant. xiv. 9. 5. 

^ Antony and Antipater had become friends when the former served in 
Syria under Gabinius, about fifteen years previously (B.C. 57-55)- 

174 P ale stinia7i Judaism : [Chap. 

all political authority was now given into the hands of 
Phasael and Herod. The latter had already received 
from Cassius the assurance that he would be made King 
of Judaea, but he had to pass through a severe ordeal 
before attaining to this position. There was still 
another claimant to the throne — Antigonus, the son of 
Aristobulus II. Realising that the interests of Rome 
and of Herod were inseparable, and stung by the 
treatment it had received at the hands of Antony, the 
Sadduccean party in concert with Antigonus made a 
last desperate effort to retrieve its fortunes. Two things 
favoured the attempt — Antony's absence in Egypt, 
where he was spell-bound by Cleopatra, and the 
simultaneous invasion of Syria by the Parthians in 
B.C. 40. With such a situation Herod and Phasael 
were unable to cope. The former had already defeated 
Antigonus and his allies, Ptolemy Menneus of Chalcis 
and Marion of Tyre, but now that the Parthians were at 
his back the Idumaeans were no longer a match for him. 
The Jews generally supported him as an enemy of 
Rome. Phasael and Hyrcanus were thrown into prison ; 
and Herod, after securing his family and his belongings 
in the fortress of Masada, fled to Rome, where he was 
declared King of Judaea by the senate. Meanwhile the 
Parthians had set up Antigonus Mattathias as king and 
high priest, and handed over Hyrcanus and Phasael as 
his prisoners. Hyrcanus was deported to Babylon, his 
ears cropped, so as to disqualify him from ever again 
acting as high priest ; Phasael gleefully committed 
suicide on learning that his brother had escaped. But 
although for three years (B.C. 40-37) Antigonus had a 
semblance of power, his position was a precarious one. 

IV.] Post-Maccabcean 175 

So soon as the Roman general Ventidiiis had driven the 
Parthians out of Syria, the Hasmonsean king had to 
purchase the leniency of the conqueror. A certain 
obstacle was thus put in the way of Herod when, in 
B.C. 39, he landed at Ptolemais to make good his title to 
the kingdom. The support given him by the local 
representatives of Rome was so half-hearted that no 
headway was made against an opposition that was at 
once fanatical and bitter. For two years the war had 
dragged on without decisive result, when, in consequence 
of a personal interview between Herod and Antony at 
the siege of Samosata, the Roman legions under Sosius 
were sent against Jerusalem. In B.C. 37 siege was laid 
to the capital. While engines of attack were being 
prepared, Herod celebrated his marriage with Mariamme 
at Samaria, probably deeming it politic under the 
circumstances to consummate a union with that beautiful 
and high-spirited daughter of the Hasmonaean house.^ 
Returning to Jerusalem, he joined Sosius in his assault 
upon the city, which, after a further stubborn resistance 
of about two months, fell on the twenty-sixth anniversary 
of its capture by Pompey. So ruthless was the slaughter 
that ensued, that Herod felt constrained by lavish gifts 
to induce the Romans to depart. Antigonus threw 
himself at the feet of Sosius, who scornfully called him 
, Antigone, and carried him a prisoner to Antioch, where at 
Herod's instigation Antony ordered him to be beheaded. 
Never before had the Romans so dealt with a king. 
The fall of Antigonus necessarily involved that of the 

' Mariamme, to whom Herod had been betrothed for five years, was the 
granddaughter of both Ilyrcanus and Aristobulus, and thus represented the 
two opposing branches of the Hasmonaean house. 

176 Palestinian] udaism : Post-MaccabcEan [Chap. iv. ] 

Sadducjean aristocracy which had linked its fortunes to 
his. With this we reach the end of the second stage in 
the history of the two great Jewish parties. Herod now 
assumed the kingdom, and the rule of the Hasmonaeans 
was at an end. 




The Herodian Age. 

It is impossible to admire the character of the Idumaean 
Antipater, whose son now occupied the throne of Judaea. 
He was an obsequious and self-seeking opportunist. Yet 
it may be truly said that in the peculiar circumstances of 
the Jews in his time, he did them a far greater service 
than the aristocratic party opposed to him. Antipater 
had at least the discernment to see that the struggle 
against Rome was a hopeless one, whereas his anta- 
gonists by their constant and futile insurrections brought 
much misery upon Palestine.^ In spite of its obvious 
advantages, however, the Idumaean dynasty was scorned 
and detested by the Jewish people. This, indeed, is a 
leading feature of the historical situation reflected in 
the Gospels. At the beginning of his reign, Herod had to 
face the fact that, although controlled by the Pharisees, 
the great mass of the people viewed his dominion with 
suppressed indignation. It was therefore necessary for 
him either by austerity or by politic concession to secure 
their allegiance. 

' Moreover, " by their opposition to the Romans they were in reaHty 
throwing themselves across the path of the Divine purpose, which was work- 
ing itself out in history by binding the Mediterranean peoples under one form 
of civil rule, as a preliminary to the advent and propagation of the Chris- 
tian faith." — Morrison, The Jews under Roman Rule, p. 56 f. 

i8o. The Herodian Age [Chap. 

JHeJbegan_iD_jtme Roman s tyle by p roscribiog J:he 
leading men of the party opposed to the Iduma;an 
usurpers. Forty-five Sadducaean noWes were led. jto^the 
block, and their property^coiifiseated. The hi^h-priestly 
office was shorn _of its hereditary^character, and put 
under the heel of the secular power. Nobodies from 
Babylon and Egypt, who could be shifted like pawns 
upon a board, were set up and removed at will. Cut 
off in this way from the political sphere, the Sadducees 
were deprived of what was to them the very breath of 
life. To wrangle with the Pharisees about points of 
doctrine and ritual was for minds constituted as theirs 
were a poor substitute for the high game of politits. 
But while Herod lived they had no choice. He was 
resolute in his. determination to drive back the national 
life intoLthe narrow ecclesiastical groove Dutjof which it 
had been diverted under Maccahsean auspices. The 
third and last stage in the history of the rival Jewish 
parties was marked, therefore, by a growing decadence 
of the Sadducees, and a corresponding accession of strength 
to the Pharisees, who remained unaffected by political 
changes. Herod could never hope to win the friendship 
of the Sadducees, whose leaders he had slain and super- 
seded by his creatures. He accordingly threw himself 
into the arms of the Pharisees, although their-leaders, 
Polion and Sameas, in counselling the surrender of the 
city, had only recommended acceptance of his rule as a 
Divine judgment to which it was necessary to submit. 
Antipater's son had the shrewdness to perceive that there 
was no other course open to him, and that only by 
humouring the Pharisees could he hope to sit securely on 
his throne. Profiting by the experience of Pompey, he 

v.] The Herodian Age i8i 

had accordingly on the capture of Jerusalem ^restrained 
the Rornan soldiers from desecrating the Temple. This 
consideration for the religious susceptibilities of the Jews 
was, however, a mere matter of prudence ; it was simply 
the price he was ready to pay in order to have a free 
hand politically. It did not at all proceed from con- 
viction. Nor did Herod's good understanding with the 
Pharisees imply that he shared their fellowship. In 
point of fact he held paganism in quite as high esteem as 
Judaism. The force of circumstances, however, made it 
politic for him to cultivate the friendship of the Pharisees 
and Essenes. If many of these refused to take the oath 
of allegiance to him, this meant no special antipathy 
to Herod ; it represented their religious attitude towards 
all human supremacy, That Herod should have been 
willing in their case to dispense with the act of fealty 
may certainly be interpreted as a mark of esteem. At 
the same time, had he apprehended that in their refusal 
of the oath there lurked the least political danger, their 
religious scruples would not have had for him the weight 
of a feather. 

It took Herod more than a decade to establish his 
power. In his general policy of confining Jewish national 
life to the sphere of religion he had, of course, the approval 
of the Pharisees, who eschewed politics altogether. Still 
in the popular estimation he was regarded with a grudge 
as the destroyer of the Maccabsean sovereignty, and of 
the liberties enjoyed under it. After having tasted the 
sweets of freedom, the Jews were in no mood to endure 
a foreign yoke ; and this was virtually what they had to 
bear, for what was Herod but the minion of the Romans ? 
Besides th e dislik e of the populace, he had to reckon 

1 82 The Hei'odian Age [Chap. 

\v\\\\ 1-he_-bQstUiiy— of^thp F.gypl-tan npopatra^ who not 

only assisted his mother-in-law Alexandra in securing 
the high-priesthood for Aristobulus, but also induced 
Antony to make over to her some of the choicest portions 
of Herod's dominions, including • the rich and fertile 
region of Jericho. But Herod's position was chiefly 
iniperilled by the still surviving members of the Has- 
jmonaean house, on whom the national hopes were 
evidently set. His marriage with Mariamme, and the 
honour paid to Hyrcanus, who had returned from exile, 
failed to reconcile all parties to his rule, These politic 
steps could not alter the fact that he had supplanted the 
dynasty,. During the first twelve years of his reign he 
gave full vent to his jealousy by handing over its re- 
maining representatives — the youthful Aristobulus III., 
the aged Hyrcanus li,, his own wife Mariamme, his 
mother-in-law Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus II., 
and the sons of Babas— ^ne after another to execution. 
_Herod had thus at length consolidated his jiower by the 
extermination of all possible rivals. Except in so far as 
it was still represented in his own children, the Maccabaean 
line had become extinct. For the rest, he had secured 
his fortunes by promptly espousing the cause of the 
conqueror after the victory of Caesar (Augustus) over 
Antony at the battle of Actium. In spite of his out- 
ward success, however, he was made miserable by the 
jealousies and hatreds which permeated his own house- 

When he had obtained a free hand, Herod shewed 
himself no common ruler.. But although in his day he 
was " the brain of the East," the task devolving upon him 
■ — that of pleasing at once his imperial masters and his 

v.] The Herodimi Age 183 

Jewish subjects — was a hopeless one. He was placed 
on the horns of a dilemma ; it was impossible to gratify 
Augustus without offending his own subjects. As the 
patron of heathenism he could not at the same time be 
the friend of Judaism. . By effectually maintaining peace 
and order, and by doing his utmost to introduce Western 
civilisation into Palestine, Herod gave satisfaction to his 
Roman master, and ensured the external stability of his 
kingdom ; but he found it a much harder thing to please the 
Jews. To a certain extent, indeed, he outwardly conformed 
to the Law. He could rank himself among the circum- 
cised ; he abstained from eating swine's flesh ; he avoided 
the use of graven images on his buildings and coins. The 
projected marriage of his sister Salome to the Arabian 
Syllaeus was abandoned because the latter declined to 
conform to the Jewish customs. But all this did not 
constitute him in reality a Jew. . The people hated him 
as a double-dyed alien who in his own person represented 
at once the untitled vassal of a foreign power and the 
upstart " slave of the Hasmonaeans." ^ He had therefore 
to rule by coercion, by nepotism, by extortion, and by 
espionage. His own creatures and relatives made up to 
him for the counsels of the eMeis^Jiis-policyJroni the first 
having been to weaken the Sanhedrinj and_^to make public 
officials, from the high priest downwards, entirely de- 
pendent on his own caprice. It was, of course, on the 
religious side that the keenest friction was apt to be gener- 
ated. On one occasion loud protests were made against 
the imperial trophies which he placed in the theatre 
at Jerusalem. These simple suits of armour hung upon 
wooden frames the people mistook for statues, until they 

^ So described in the Talmud. 

184 The Herodian Age [Chap. 

were disillusioned by ocular demonstration of their real 
charactei:. Although the public indignation was thus for 
the time dissolved in laughter, many continued to resent 
the introduction of heathen innovations. Ten citizens 
banded themselves together to kill Herod in the theatre ; 
but the plot was discovered by one of his spies, and they 
were executed forthwith. The lynching of the informer 
shortly thereafter was a plain intimation that his escape 
from death was viewed as a public calamity. But the 
restiveness of the people only added to the despotism 
of his rule. Not that he wished to institute a reign of 
terror pure and simple. Even had he been disposed to 
emulate the persecuting violence of Antiochus Epiphanes, 
Hellenisation by force was no longer practicable in view 
of the ardent national sentiment which had now grown 
up among the people. 

While, therefore, his rule was essentially despotic, 
he strove to commend himself to the Jews by laying 
them under special obligation to him in various directions. 
\ In times of acute distress he remitted part of the burden 
of taxation under which they groaned. During a famine 
he sold his plate and furniture in order to feed and 
'clothe the poor, and to supply them with seed-corn. To 
northern Palestine, which was infested with robber 
bands, he restored security and order by assailing the 
marauders in their most inaccessible fastnesses, and so 
I" prepared in the wilderness a highway for the Christ." 
iHis influence with the Roman court was steadily used 
for the protection of the Jews of the Dispersion. By the 
construction of the commodious haven of Caesarea he 
gave an impetus to trade and to the material prosperity 
of Palestine. But his crowning service to the Jewish 

v.] The Herodian Age 185 

nation was the rebuilding of the Temple at Jerusalem. 
Only specially trained priests were employed upon the 
work, which was begun in B.C. 20, and was still going on 
in the days of our Lord.^ Its beauty was proverbial, 
and impressed all beholders. Numerous Corinthian 
pillars, with sculptured chapiters, lent an aspect of 
grandeur to the entire structure. " Master," said one of 
the disciples of Jesus, " see what manner of stones and 
what buildings are here." - 

These benefactions certainly did much to temper the 
hatred with which Herod was regarded by his subjects. 
Deeply sensible of what the Jewish nation owed to a 
prince who had raised it to a position of influence by 
securing for it the steady support of Rome, some even 
fancied that in him they saw the Messiah Himself, the 
Deliverer promised of old to Israel, — a theory which 
seemed to gain support from the fact that the date 
chosen for the dedication of the Temple was the 
anniversary of his own coronation. Such a view, of 
course, emptied the work of the Messiah of all spiritual 
significance. But as a purely political party the 
Herodians, as they were called, considered that, broadly 
speaking, the Messianic aspirations of the Israelitish 
people were sufficiently met by the Herodian dynasty. 
They were satisfied with " the leaven of Herod." The 
spirit of his kingdom, as a combination of Hellenism and 
Judaism fitted to enable Jews to make the best of both 
worlds, strongly appealed to them, But these sentiments 
could not prevail in Israel. Although Herodians and 

^ "Then said the Jews, Forty and six years was this temple in building, 
and wilt thou rear it up in three days ? " — John ii. 19. 
- Mark xiii. i. 

1 86 The Herodian Age [Chap. 

Pharisees might agree in their opposition to Roman rule,^ 
they had little else in common. Nothing could ever 
__in duce th e po pulace ta look JSKith^fayouri upon the man 
who had risen to power by crushing and exterminating 
the beloved Maccaba^an line, who degraded the high- 
priesthood by bestowing it upon puppets^f his^own, and 
who_£Yen. while conferring upon the Jewish . nation an 
enormous boon in the rebuilding of the Temple, insulted 
tliem by erecting over the great gate a golden eagle. 
Thus all Herod's efforts to win popularity failed in the 
end. As a ruler he never knew.Jhe_Jiixury: of a, people's 
love. Having wooed the Jews in vain, he could only 
fall back on the resources of the tyrant. As it was, 
many refused to take the oath of allegiance which 
he sought to impose, and in the heart of the nation 
there grew up a silent but deep antagonism to the 

During the latter part of his reign Herod was kept 
mentally on the rack by the intrigues of his household. 
These overshadowed everything else, and were of the 
most sensational Oriental type. A man who had 
married ten wives could scarcely expect his domestic 
atmosphere to be perfectly calm ; but Herod's court 
became the scene of diabolical slanders and plots which 
issued only too surely in storm and bloodshed. His 
jealous nature exposed him in a singular degree to the 
operations of the traducer and backbiter, with the result 
that he was made to drink the cup of misery to the 
dregs. All along, not unlikely, he had been troubled 
with misgivings lest the murder of Aristobulus should 
prove only the first step in a fateful course, This is 

^ Cf. Matt. xxii. i6 ; Mark xii. 13 ; and see Note 18, p. 386. 

v.] The Herodian Age 187 

finely brought out in the drama of Mr. Stephen 
PhilHps : — 

Dimly I dread lest having struck this blow 
Of my free will, I by this very act 
Have signed and pledged me to a second blow 
Against my will. What if the powers permit 
The doing of that deed which serves us now ; 
Then of that very deed do make a spur 
To drive us to some act that we abhor? 
The first step is with us ; then all the road, 
The long road is with Fate. O horrible ! 
If he being dead demand another death. 

At any rate, Herod reaped only what he had sown. In 
its melancholy close his reign inevitably corresponded to 
its evil beginning. The executioner of the Hasmonseans 
became the executioner of his own sons, and only dis- 
covered when too late that he had been duped.. 

If the closing years of Herod's reign were character- 
ised by domestic misery and by remorse for the slaughter 
of his innocent sons, they also witnessed a change in his 
attitude to Judaism. This became one of increasing 
disregard. Neither the Law nor the customs of the 
Jews received the same consideration at his hands as 
formerly. He seems to have conceived a dislike of 
everything Jewish, and did not hesitate wantonly to 
outrage Jewish feeling, as in the matter of the golden 
eagle. In this way he came into collision even with the 
Pharisees. It was not merely the fact that six thousand 
of them refused to swear allegiance to him that caused 
his mistrust ; he knew that this was due to religious 
scruples, and had no political significance. The criix of 
the situation lay in the inflluence which the Pharisees 
exercised at court. This continued undiminished. Con- 
sequently they were, as Josephus puts it, " in a great 

1 88 The Herodian Age [Chap. 

capacity of opposing kings," and by " inveigling a set of 
women " in Herod's household contrived to thwart his 
designs. The strength of their influence may be inferred 
from the rigorous measures which he adopted against 
them : " Herod slew such of the Pharisees as were 
principally accused." 

With all this it is still the case that the reign of 
Herod was the golden age of Pharisaism. It was 
doubtless owing to his goodwill that the representation 
and influence of the scribes and Pharisees in the 
Sanhedrin increased. At the time when he had himself 
defied it under Hyrcanus II., their spokesman Sameas did 
not possess the commanding influence which the scribes, 
as members of the chief council, enjoyed at the time of 
Christ. It was during Herod's reign that thej-^ gained 
complete ascendancy over the religious life of the people. 
This period is therefore of epoch-making importance for 
the development of legalistic Judaism. Under the 
impulse derived from the Maccabaean age it now began 
with a quiet but fierce intensity to grow up into a detailed 
and elaborate system. With the possible exceptions 
of Simon the Just in the time of Jesus Sirach, and of 
Simon ben Shetach in the days of Janna:;us and 
Alexandra, almost nothing is known of the scribes who 
lived before the Herodian period. Then, however, 
certain individual scribes come significantly to the 
front. Among these the most famous are Hillel and 
Shammai, who, shortly before the Advent of Christ, 
founded rival schools. While this proves their import- 
ance for the development of Jewish law, it does not 
imply that much is known with certainty as to their 
personal life. Apart from legendary material, our 

V.J The Herodian Age 189 

knowledge regarding Hillel is practically limited to 
this — that he was the most famous scribe of his age, 
and was marked by a singularly kind and gentle 
disposition. We have a reflexion of his character in 
his own precept : "Be a disciple of Aaron, seek peace, 
love men, and devote thyself to the study of the law." 
Shammai was of a sterner and more uncompromising 
spirit than Hillel. He insisted upon the most rigid 
compliance with the precepts of the Law. The Mishna 
records that on the birth of a grandchild during the 
Feast of Tabernacles he had the ceiling removed and the 
room roofed in with boughs, that the infant too might 
keep the festival. 

The distinctive tendencies of the two masters are 
reflected in their respective schools. The school of 
Hillel dealt with legal questions in a somewhat broader 
spirit than that of Shammai, but in reality there was no 
radical difference between these two schools of scribes. 
Their disagreements were about things which we should 
regard as trifles, as, for example, whether it was lawful to 
eat an egg laid on a feast day, or whether on a holy 
day one durst carry a ladder from one pigeon-house 
to another. In spite of some lofty ethical utterances 
standing to their credit, both Hillelites and Shammaites 
were casuists hampered by tradition. Narrow, however, 
as were the differences which separated them, great heat 
and bitterness were generated by their disputes. Now 
that the Pharisees were for the most part to be found in 
the schools, while the Sadducees were practically confined 
to the Temple, and these old traditional foes came less 
and less into contact, the Pharisees turned their weapons 
against one another. They felt what they reckoned the 

igo The Herodian Age [Chap. 

errors of fellow-believers to be a much more serious 
thing than the scepticism of the godless Sadducees ; and 
so strongly was the partisan spirit developed that they 
sometimes resorted to violence.. " This was a dark day," 
says the Jerusalem Talmud, " like that on which the 
golden calf was made. The Shammaites killed some of 
the Hillelites." ^ 

In the Herodian age the Law became more and 
jnore^ the authoritative basis of all regulations as to 
worship and conduct. Owing to the tendency towards 
a stricter limitation of the canon of Scripture, the naive 
method of obtaining guidance with reference to problems 
of the present by the issue of pseudonymous writings 
purporting to be revelations given to the pious in ancient 
times no longer found favour. A solution was sought 
in another direction — that of technical exegesis; and 
here Hillel seems to have been the pioneer. He is said 
to have laid a broad foundation for the industry of the 
scribes ^^y^ new methods of Jnterpreta- 
llgpi the underlying principle of which is the necessity 
of this technical derivation from Scripture in the case of 
every proposition advanced, in order to its recognition 
as valid. And this principle he succeeded in establishing 
so firmly that in the New Testament the method of 
scriptural proof is used and accepted throughout. The 
Sheba Middoth, or sevett rules^ of exegesis which found 
recognition with the later rabbis are ascribed to Hillel. 
These were the argument from the less to the greater; 
the argument from analogy ; the establishment of a 
principle from a single text ; comparison of a pluralit)- 
of texts in order to establish a main proposition ; 

^ Shabbath, fol. iii. 3. 

v.] The Herodian Age 191 

illustration of the general by the particular and of the 
particular by the general ; the use of one passage to 
explain another ; and attention to the light derivable from 
the context. Through the expansion of the fifth into 
eight, and the combination of the sixth with the secorid, 
these rules were afterwards brought to thirteen, and em- 
bodied in every Jewish prayer-book. Although still of 
value for hermeneutics, they were often so applied by the 
rabbis as to support the most absurd conclusions. And 
while, through the necessity for all legal maxims being 
deduced from the Torah itself. Holy Scripture was 
recognised as the sole authority, its authority was really 
of little worth so long as by means of artificial exegesis 
the entire Halacha could be placed under its eegis. 
The inevitable result^was the subordination of Scripture 
to_tradition. What availed it that the law of custom 
had to find scriptural sanction, so long as the exposition 
of Scripture itself was in the hands of the schools ? If 
the derivation of tradition from Scripture was a fiction, 
the subordination of Scripture to tradition was a reality. 
Although the scribes were not yet called rabbis in the 
time of Herod the Great, what is known of them and 
their rival schools entirely accords with the portraiture 
drawn of the scribes and Pharisees in the Gospels. Not 
content with claiming that the oral as well as the written 
Law was revealed by God to Moses, they even exalted 
the former above the latter, rejecting the commandments 
of God that they might keep their own tradition.^ 

^ Mark vii. 9. Rabbi Hillel is credited with having arranged the oral law 
into six sedarim or orders, and it was committed to writing by R. Jehudah, 
surnamed the holy, in a.d. 191, that the memory of it might not perish, what- 
ever should become of the schools of the rabbis. This written collection is 
called the Mishna, or "repetition" of the Law, and claims to be the oral 

192 The Herodian Age [Chap. 

The type of piety created by this whole method of 
dealing with Scripture was as strained and artificial as the 
method itself. It was largely a matter of memory, of 
devotion to the letter as contrasted with the spirit of the 
sacred books, and of aptitude in applying texts or 
passages from them, regardless of the context, to the 
varied circumstances of life. That even such an attitude 
towards Scripture was not wholly fatal to godliness we 
may well believe, since earnest application to the oracles 
of God, however vitiated by such mechanical conceptions, 
must always be productive of some good. Yet the 
methods of the scribes were obviously detrimental to 
real piety, which is not a feat of memory but a fact of 

Law delivered to Moses plus the accumulated traditions of the intervening 
centuries. The text of the Mishna furnished the basis of a fresh commentary 
named the Gcniara or "complement," added as years went on, and composed 
of notes and discussions by famous teachers, together with a great deal of 
legendary matter. The combined texts of the Mishna and Gemara form the 
Tabinid, which exists in two recensions, the Palestinian or Jerusalem, and 
the Babylonian. In both the Mishna is the same, but the Gemaras are 
different, the one having been arranged in the school of Tiberias, the other 
in that of Sura. The Babylonian is more voluminous, but less valuable, than 
the Palestinian. The Mishna, and not a little of the Gemara as well, is 
really the product of the period between the Exile and the Advent, although 
the Talmud was not closed in either of its versions till the fifth or sixth 
century of our era. That it is not absolutely devoid of system and rule, the 
internal division into Halacha and Haggada itself shews. Both were founded 
on Midrash, i.e. the searching into, or investigation of, the biblical text. 
The Halachic Midrash was "the exegetic development of passages of the 
Law" ; the Haggadic Midrash was the working up of the historic and didactic 
parts of Scripture, an elaboration of them by the free use of the legendary 
element, suitable to the views and requirements of the age. As the Aramaic 
dialect had come to be the vernacular of Palestine, it was considered 
necessary to accompany the reading of the Scriptures in the synagogue by a 
running translation or paraphrase known as the Targum (interpretation). 
These Targumim were subsequently written down, the most famous being 
that of Onkelos (to the Pentateuch), and that of Jonathan (to the Prophets). 
Although not published until, perhaps, the third or fourth century of our era, 
they are undoubtedly based upon earlier works, and contain fragments as old 
as the time of John Hyrcanus. 

v.] The Herodian Age 193 

experience, and which is concerned not with theoretical 
hair-spHtting but with the most momentous issues of 

We have already remarked that the character of the 
Pharisees is revealed not only in their opposition to the 
Sadducaean aristocracy, but also in their opposition to the 
plebeian and uneducated section of the community.^ 
This latter antagonism probably dates from the 
Herodian age, although it was not till the latter part of 
the first century A.D. that it reached its full height. 
Practically from the beginning of the Christian era the 
Pharisee shared the Horatian sentiment, 

Odi profanum vulgus et arceo. 

There was at this time a transference of the exclusive- 
ness long shewn by the Jews towards Gentiles, to men 
of their own nation. Members of opposing parties 
treated each other like heathen. With the arrogance 
of conscious power the Pharisees began to view with 
contempt whatever was unconnected with their own 
party. Hence the ever sharper distinction drawn 
between the Haberim and the Am-haarez. 

In the Old Testament the latter term is used in no 
depreciatory sense to designate the mass of the people 
as distinguished from the nobility. Now, however, it 
came to denote the people from whom the Pharisees 
separated themselves, and it obtained currency even as 
a term of reproach for individuals. " He is an Am- 
haarez," was about the most contemptuous thing that 
could be said of a man. In the dogmatic deliverance 

' See Note 19, p. 387, on Friedlander's view with regard to the Am- 

194 ^-^^^ Herodian Age [Chap. 

reported in the Fourth Gospel — " this multitude which 
knovveth not the law are accursed " — we have a signifi- 
cant reflexion of the attitude of the Pharisees towards the 
Am-haarez, both individually and collectively. They 
were outcasts from the fellowship of the learned. Their 
sin lay in their want of culture. Those who identified 
piety with learning despised them as an uneducated 
mob, ignorant alike of written law and oral tradition. 
If they did not perhaps quite correspond to the "babes" 
and " little ones " so tenderly spoken of by Jesus in the 
Gospels, they were certainly the " sinners " as dis- 
tinguished from the pious Pharisees of the age. While 
the category of Am-haarez embraced all the ignorant 
and unlearned, it was specially associated in the minds 
of the pious with notorious sinners, and with hated 
publicans who stooped to be cat's paws of the foreign 
lords. Hence the deep offence taken by the Pharisees 
because Jesus did not hold Himself aloof from the dregs 
of society : " this man receiveth sinners and eateth with 

The cleavage became specially acute after the 
destruction of Jerusalem. What intercourse there was 
between Haber and Am-haarez was strictly regulated, so 
that the two classes were almost as effectually separated 
as both were from the heathen. Intermarriage was 
regarded as a calamity. While during the earlier part 
of the first century the haughty scorn of the Pharisees 
did not extinguish the feeling of respectful awe with 
which the common people looked upon them as the 
preservers of the Law, by its close — if we may trust the 
testimony of a later time — the situation had become 
embittered to the last degree. The Pharisees were 

v.] The Herodian Age 195 

repaid in their own coin, and exposed to the hatred and 
contempt of what John Knox might have termed " the 
rascal multitude." While R. Akiba was still himself a 
plebeian, he is reported to have said, " If I only had a 
lettered man I would bite him like an ass." 

Although the respectful attitude of the people 
towards the Pharisaic party was scarcely affected by the 
rise of the rival schools of Hillel and Shammai, the 
leadership of the Pharisees was gradually but surely 
superseded through the formation of the new party of 
the Zealots. This was a fanatical war party which 
aimed at the recovery of Jewish independence. During 
the Idumsean supremacy there had been a steady 
denationalisation of Israelitish piety; Herod made it 
his constant care to suppress the national spirit. But 
it revived with his death, and the Zealots were its 
leading representatives. They constituted no " fourth 
philosophical sect," as Josephus asserts, but were simply 
fanatical extremists who departed from the recognised 
non-political standpoint of the Pharisees. They were, 
in fact, dissatisfied Pharisees who formed a party of their 
own on the basis of combining politics with religion. 
While the Pharisees were pious churchmen, the Zealots 
were pious patriots. They were prepared to fight for 
their country as well as for the Law. For them 
patriotism was inseparable from religion. Their 
distinctive mark was this, that they held the recognition 
of foreign supremacy to be derogatory to the majesty 
of God ; they refused to call any man lord. Tired of 
waiting for the realisation of the Messianic hope, they 
were eager to hasten it by an appeal to the sword. 
They took Phinehas for their patron saint, did their 

196 The Herodian Age [Chap. 

utmost to stir up discontent with Roman rule, and 
advocated a resort to war in order to wipe out the stain 
of foreign domination in Israel. Their zeal, however, 
was not according to knowledge. Although the 
Messianic hope was, so to speak, their life-element, the 
attitude taken up by them was thoroughly antagonistic 
to that hope, which is founded upon the conception of 
an ideal and invisible kingdom opposed to, and 
ultimately destined to supplant, the earthly kingdom. 
The pure form of this expectation is reflected not in 
the frenzied efforts of the Zealots, but in the beautiful 
picture of political passivity and religious faith drawn 
in the Book of Daniel, which represents men as content 
to count the days till the Almighty shall suddenly hurl 
from power the last of the heathen dynasties, and 
transfer the dominion to the saints. 

Herod's surviving sons were Archelaus, Antipas, and 
Philip. Augustus divided his kingdom among them in 
terms of his last will, Archelaus being named, however, 
not king but ethnarch of Judaea ; Antipas, tetrarch of 
Galilee and Peraea; and Philip, tetrarch of the north- 
eastern districts. During the time of our Lord's 
ministry Galilee was still under the sway of Herod 
Antipas, who was the slayer of John the Baptist. But 
Judaea was then no longer subject to Archelaus, who in 
the year A.D. 6 was deposed and banished by Augustus 
on a joint petition from Jews and Samaritans. As a 
part of the Roman province of Syria, its affairs were 
administered by procurators whose headquarters were 
in Ceesarea. Of these procurators or governors, Pontius 
Pilate was the sixth in order, and continued in office 
for about ten years. He was on a visit to Jerusalem 

v.] The Herodian Age 197 

in connexion with the feast of the Passover when Jesus 
was arraigned before him. Philip was the most peace- 
loving and popular of the Herodian princes, and ruled 
as tetrarch for thirty-seven years. It was to his 
dominions — " the coasts of Caesarea Philippi " — that 
our Lord retired in order to make clear to His disciples 
the fact of His approaching death. 

The abolition of the vassal kingship and the establish- 
ment of direct Roman rule proved distinctly beneficial 
to the Sadducees, who found themselves again at the 
helm of the national government, and the official 
representatives of the Jews in all transactions with the 
sovereign power. High priest and Sanhedrin were 
invested with something of their old importance, and 
had therefore every reason to be content under the 
Romans. That they developed the haughty spirit so 
frequently begotten of place and power, is evident from 
the narratives in the Acts and in Josephus, as well as 
from the Talmud. Their relations with the Pharisees, 
however, were no longer actively, but only theoretically, 
hostile ; they recognised the futility of disputing the 
ecclesiastical rule of their opponents. At the same 
time. Church affairs were relegated to a position of much 
less prominence than they had occupied hitherto. True 
to their traditions, the Sadducees embraced the 
opportunity of advancing their own personal ends, and 
of consolidating their own power as an aristocracy. 
Nor were they at all scrupulous as to the means which 
they employed. In particular, their unprincipled 
exploitation of the Zealots, whom they made their hired 
assassins, was highly discreditable to them. And it 
was to recoil upon their own heads, for it was through 

198 The Herodian Age [Chap. 

the revolt organised by the Zealots that they finally 
lost their power. It is, however, to their credit that, 
although drawn into the movement against their will, 
the Sadducaean leaders performed their part like men, 
and " went under with honour." Ananos, son of the 
Ananos or Annas of the New Testament, was the last 
representative of the ancient Jewish priesthood. 
Speaking of the downfall of these aristocrats, Renan 
strikingly says, " It was a world that disappeared." 

That the new arrangement was probably as galling 
to the Pharisees as it was gratifying to their opponents, 
may be inferred from the praises bestowed by Josephus 
and the Talmud upon Herod Agrippa I., whose brief 
reign was to them like an oasis in the desert. This 
king shewed all the adroitness of his grandfather in 
humouring the religious susceptibilities of the Jews. It 
was his policy, while resident in Palestine, to leave no 
Pharisaic tradition unobserved. He even persuaded the 
Emperor Caligula not to press his extraordinary demand 
to have his statue erected in the Temple of Jerusalem. 
Every day he offered the appointed sacrifice. His 
persecution of the Christian Church ^ was of a piece with 
the rest of his policy, for he judged that nothing would 
be more acceptable to the Jews than the extirpation of 
the Christians. But Herod's reign was of short duration, 
and after his death the Pharisees found themselves again 
in adversity. No doubt the Roman rule was less 
irksome than the Idumaean, but after all this was in 
their eyes a trifling matter compared with the fact that 
the heathen paid no regard to the Law. At first they 
transgressed it unwittingly, and then of set purpose. 

' Acts xii. 

v.] The Herodian Age 199 

With the Pharisees no civil benefits could atone for 
ecclesiastical insult, and they repaid the latter in bitter 
hatred of the Romans. Yet, in contrast to the Zealots, 
they were no advocates of war ; and consequently, when 
at length the Sadducees had succumbed to the Zealots, 
and the Zealots to the Romans, there were none left to 
dispute with them the inheritance. 

In spite of the mistaken attitude of the Zealots, 
their cause made headway owing to the worthlessness 
of the high priests and the misgovernment of the 
Romans. The discontent which had already found 
repeated expression under Cumanus (A.D. 48-52) 
developed into chronic rebellion under Felix (52-60). 
Not only the masses, but some even of the aristocracy, 
rallied to the support of the Zealots. The country was 
seething with revolution. Marauding bands seized the 
property of such as were loyal to the Roman rule ; and 
although Felix had many of them crucified, the disorders 
continued. In place of the " robbers," as Josephus 
rather inaccurately terms them, there arose the Sicarii 
or Assassins,^ whose deliberate policy it was to eliminate 
their antagonists by the use of the dagger. They 
represented the extreme section of the Zealots, and 
resolutely carried out their murderous designs. The 
sica, or short curved weapon from which they derived 
their name, was carried under their cloaks. So many 
friends of the Romans were secretly stabbed, especially 
at the festal seasons, that even the streets of Jerusalem 
became highly unsafe. It was a time of the wildest 
religious and political excitement. The trouble under 

^ So R.V. of Acts xxi. 38. The literal translation would be "dagger- 
men." A.V. renders "murderers." 

200 The Herodian Age [Chap. 

Festus (60-62) equalled that under Felix. A reign of 
terror had been created by the deeds of the revolutionists, 
and hostility to Rome grew more and more intense. 
After the appearance of a false Messiah who led the 
people into the wilderness, and the death of Festus, who 
failed to suppress him, Jerusalem was in a state of 
anarchy. Under the procurators Albinus (62-64) and 
Florus (64-66) the atmosphere became so charged with 
electricity as to render a storm inevitable. Albinus was 
an unprincipled money-grabber, who contrived to obtain 
gifts both from the high priest Ananias and from the 
Sicarii, while not interfering with the freedom of either ; 
Florus was an unscrupulous tyrant, compared with whom 
even Albinus was a pattern of virtue. Roused to fury 
by the action of Florus in robbing the Temple, and in 
spite of the dissuasion of King Agrippa and leading 
citizens both among the priests and the Pharisees, the 
people rose in rebellion. It was resolved to discontinue 
the daily sacrifice for the emperor. Cestius Gallus, the 
governor of Syria, having made an ineffectual attempt 
to storm the Temple mount, the principal men among 
the Jews now identified themselves with the rebels. 
Inspired by the memory of former victories over imperial 
troops, the nation as a whole set itself to withstand the 
might of Rome. But this was a vain dream ; the 
conflict was too unequal. After the Romans, aided by 
the half-hearted measures of Josephus, who acted as 
Jewish commander in Galilee, had subdued that bulwark 
of Judaea, they laid siege to the capital. Dissatisfied 
with the conduct of the war hitherto, the Zealots, who 
v/ere " the Jacobins of the Jewish revolution," forcibly 
took the reins into their own hands, and, led by John of 

v.] The Herodian Age 201 

Gischala, turned their weapons against all Jews who 
declined to adopt their revolutionary programme. 
Other parties were formed by one Simon ben Giora 
( = " son of the proselyte "), and by his son Eleazar. 
The internecine strife of these warring factions had 
largely consumed the strength of the Jews when, in 
A.D, 70, Titus appeared before the gates of Jerusalem. 
Only the ominous thud of the Roman battering-rams 
availed to stop the civil war. During five months the 
Jews offered a brave and desperate resistance. Then 
the city fell into the hands of the conquerors, and 
national recovery became hopeless. 

As the influence of the Zealots increased, that of 
the Pharisees decreased. The latter, as the champions 
of ecclesiastical piety, could take no share in wild 
schemes of conquest ; and after one of their leaders, 
Simon the son of that Gamaliel at whose feet sat 
St. Paul, had vainly made a joint effort with the priestly 
aristocracy to detach the people from the fanatical 
leadership of John of Gischala, they simply stood aside, 
and either retired into private life or fled from Jerusalem. 
But if for a brief period the victory lay with the votaries 
of aggressive political patriotism, the Pharisees not only 
regained their ascendancy, but became more powerful 
than ever, after the destruction of Jerusalem. This 
event directly led to the fall of the Sanhedrin and the 
exaltation of the rabbis. Now that Israel was once 
more a purely religious community, the doctors of the 
Law exercised undisputed sway. Rabbinical studies 
were carried on at various centres. The chief school, 
which was at Jabne (Jamnia), was founded by Johanan 
ben Sakkai, and had lustre shed upon it by the great 

202 The Herodian Age [Chap. 

name of Gamaliel II. (A.D. 90-110). Other famous 
scribes of the period were the gentle R. Joshua, the 
inflexible R. Elieser, and the popular R. Akiba, in whose 
time, and probably at whose instigation, the oral Law 
was first codified. Although Pharisaic Judaism thus at 
length triumphed over Jewish Hellenism, the national 
spirit was not yet by any means extinguished. In the 
time of Hadrian the great revolt under bar-Cochba once 
more plunged the country into a sanguinary strife which 
lasted for more than three years. On this occasion, 
encouraged by the war between the Romans and the 
Parthians, the Jews of the Dispersion also — in Egypt 
and Cyrene, in Cyprus and Mesopotamia — caught the 
infection, and were not easily suppressed. 

For centuries, then, as Bousset remarks, " Palestinian 
Judaism had been tossed to and fro between the two 
poles, between a piety that stood aloof from everything 
worldly, and therewith also from the national life, and 
a wild political fanaticism. In the Diaspora the situa- 
tion was not materially different." ^ Henceforth Judaism 
was to bear an exclusively religious stamp. At the same 
time, with all its potentialities, it never grew into a 
universal religion. It failed to emancipate itself from 
the national spirit, and to cut itself adrift from the 
national life. It gloried in its exclusiveness. A Jew 
regarded it as nothing less than a religious duty to keep 
himself apart from other men. Thus in spite of the 
dissolution of the bond of State connexion, Judaism was 
doomed to remain a sectional religion. It was held fast 
in the fetters of legalism, and circumscribed by the con- 
ditions of life peculiar to a single people. 

^ Die Rel. dcs Jud. p. 1S8. 

v.] The Herodian Age 203 

The snapping of the political tie led only to a more 
rigid withdrawal from the world on the part of a nation 
" which could not live and could not die." In nothing, 
moreover, are the limitations of the later Judaism more 
manifest than in the central place given by it to the 
hope of the future. Notwithstanding the actual wreck 
of the national life, the pious Jew conjured up to himself 
a glorious future in which Israel should once more see 
palmy days, and should occupy a position of lordship 
on the earth. This became the dream of his life and 
the core of his faith. 

No sketch of the influences at work in the Jewish 
life of this epoch would be adequate without a reference 
to the somewhat shadowy figures known as the Essenes. 
Although represented by Josephus as a third Jewish 
party, strictly speaking they were no such thing. They 
aimed at being, and were, simply a religious force. The 
Essenes are nowhere expressly mentioned either in 
Scripture or in the Talmud, and both in its origin and 
meaning the name remains obscure.^ Seeing, however, 
that Josephus refers to Essenes as existing in the time 
of the Maccabaean prince Jonathan, and alludes to an 
Essene named Judas as living in the reign of Aristobulus I,, 
the sect cannot have originated later than the middle 
of the second century B.C. According to Friedlander, 
its beginnings go back to the golden age of the Wisdom 
literature, and Essenism is to be regarded as the de- 
velopment of one of the prevailing religious tendencies 

^ The most likely derivation is from the Aramaic 'pq, pious, plural ppq, 
equivalent to the form 'Eo-ffijcof, and in the emphatic state N;pn, equivalent 
to the form 'Eo-o-aToj. Lightfoot would derive from D'not, " silent ones," i.e. 
with reference to their secrets. 

204 The Herodian Age [Chap. 

in pre-Maccabaean Judaism, in short, as the ripe fruit of 
Jewish Hellenism.^ 

For the facts we are dependent upon Philo, Josephus, 
and the Roman historian Pliny. The two first agree in 
reckoning the number of the Essenes at about four 
thousand. Although found in every town in Palestine 
they shewed a preference for villages. According to 
Pliny, they dwelt mainly in the neighbourhood of the 
Dead Sea. In the sources they are portrayed as a 
compact, well-organised body. They were really an 
esoteric brotherhood or monastic order, and as such 
were bound by the most rigid rules. Admission to 
the order was solemnised by the threefold gift of an 
apron, a white robe, and a mattock (symbols, presumably, 
of abstinence and purity), followed only upon a lengthened 
and double novitiate, and necessitated the taking of 
tremendous oaths of absolute obedience to the presidents, 
openness towards the members, and secrecy towards 
outsiders respecting the doctrines of the brotherhood. 
When Josephus speaks of four classes of Essenes, he 
includes, besides the regular members of the order, the 
junior and senior novices. The composition of the 
fourth class is not so clear ; some think of the boys 
received with a view to their being trained in the 
principles of Essenism, others, of the guild of presidents. 
Discipline was rigorously enforced, and in cases of heinous 
transgression took the form of expulsion. Judgments 
were pronounced by a court of at least a hundred 
members, and were irreversible. The Essenes lived a 
communistic life in special quarters of their own. All 

^ Die Keligiosen Bewegtmgen innerhalb des Judcntums int Zeitalter /esu, 
p. 114. 

v.] The Herodiaii Age 205 

their belongings were common property, administered 
by chosen stewards for behoof of the entire order. This 
appHed to food, housing, and even clothing ; while in 
every town provision was made for shewing hospitality 
to journeying brethren. The latter circumstance raises 
an interesting question, namely, For what purpose did 
they travel ? From the fact that open houses every- 
where awaited them, it may be inferred that they 
travelled much. That their object was not merchandise 
or gain is certain, and Friedlander very pertinently asks, 
" What can they have had in view but propagandism ? " 
This, of course, fits in well with his view that, like the 
" Wise " before them, and the Apocalyptists after them, 
they were the teachers of the people,^ although they 
hedged themselves about with mysterious forms, and 
influenced the masses for the most part only indirectly 
through their pupils and adherents. _^, 

In respect of manners and customs, the Essenes had 
many peculiarities.- They wore a distinctive dress. 
While sending gifts to the Temple, they offered no 
animal sacrifices, deeming their own lustrations superior 
in point of purity. Theirs was a fellowship based not 
upon sacrifice, but apparently upon sacrament. Their 
midday common meal was at the same time a solemn 
diet of worship, a holy sacrament to which they came 
clad in white after having by a cold bath cleansed them- 
selves on their return from the fields. A purifying bath 
had also to be taken in the event of contact with a 
foreigner, or even with an Essene of a lower grade. In 

1 This is denied by Lipsius. See Note 20, p. 388. 

- cf. the somewhat analogous case of the curious modern Russian sect of 
the Doukhobors. See Note 21, p. 389, 

2o6 The Herodian Age [Chap. 

bathing and in performing natural functions they be- 
haved with extreme modesty. Whether they abstained 
from flesh and wine is uncertain, the generally accepted 
view that they did so being based only on the analogy 
of the practice of kindred sects such as the Therapeutae 
and Ebionites. But they forbade marriage, swearing of 
oaths, and anointing with oil. Slavery and war they 
abhorred. Renouncing trade as tending to covetousness, 
they earned their livelihood by manual labour ; the 
majority of them were engaged in agriculture. They 
were content with the same simple fare day by day ; nor 
were their clothes and shoes replaced until utterly worn 
out. Their ideal, in short, was that of the simple, ascetic, 
gentle life. They strove to live in conformity to nature. 
Equally distinguished for their philanthropy and for their 
piety, they were usually regarded as paragons of virtue. 

It is perhaps a not unnatural result of their ardent 
pursuit of the ethical, that less is known as to the 
doctrines of the Essenes than as to their religious and 
ascetic practices. That they occupied a peculiar position 
both philosophically and theologically there can, however, 
be no doubt. The statement of Josephus that they 
diligently studied " the writings of the ancients " leaves 
it uncertain whether the allusion is to the Scriptures, 
or to their own esoteric books, or to such works as 
those of Pythagoras. In any case, as philosophic 
mystics who laid great stress upon morals and theology, 
and cared little about logic and physics, they zealously 
cultivated sacred science. If they investigated the curative 
powers of roots and the medicinal properties of stones,^ 

^ Josephus, B. J. ii. S. 6. In this passage, which Friedlander considers 
the key to the investigation of the kernel of Essenism, it must be admitted, 

v.] The Herodian Age 207 

it was probably not so much the welfare of the 
body that they had in view as the development of 
their apocalyptic gnosis. In view of the sentiments 
expressed by the Chronicler and by the son of Sirach,^ 
it is at least questionable whether their acting as 
" medicine men " ^ would have been regarded as con- 
sistent with a claim to superior piety. The religious 
ideas of the Essenes appear to have been essentially 
Jewish, but with certain decided exceptions or modifica- ^ 
tions. In respect of their belief in Providence, which 
was more absolute than that of the Pharisees ; in respect 
of their veneration for Moses and the Law ; and in respect 
of their sabbath observance, which was of the strictest 
possible type, they were Hebrews of the Hebrews, 
Apparently also, as a guarantee of ceremonial purity, 
their food was prepared and blessed by priests of Aaron's 
house,^ while the allegorical interpretation of Scripture 
had a place in their worship. Intimately acquainted 
with the discourses of the prophets, many of them, 
moreover, were held in high esteem as foretellers of 
future events ; indeed almost all whose names are known 
to us figure as seers or as interpreters of dreams.* At 
the same time the standpoint of the Essenes was marked 
by some curious deviations from Judaism. They adopted 
a dualistic anthropology not indigenous to Jewish thought. 
They did not hold the Pharisaic doctrine of the resurrec- 
tion of the body, but spoke simply of the immortality 

bodily well-being is specified as being, equally with spiritual, the object 
aimed at. 

^ Ecclus. xxxviii. 15 ; 2 Chron. xvi. 12. But see Chapter I. p. 53. 

- Morrison, The Jews under Roi?ian Rule, p. 336. 

^ Josephus, Ant. xviii. i. 5 ; B.J. ii. 8. 5. 

* Ibid., Ant. xii. 11. 2, xv. 10. 5, xvii. 13. 3. 

2o8 The Herodian Age [Chap. 

of the soul. The material part of man they viewed as 
perishable ; the spiritual, as destined to live for ever. 
Having come out of the purest ether in order to be 
imprisoned in the body as the consequence of a fall into 
sin, souls, when freed at death from terrestrial bonds, 
soar again to the heights, happy to have escaped from 
their long servitude. According to Josephus, it was this 
doctrine about the soul which captivated all who had 
once tasted the wisdom of the Essenes. The present 
world they viewed as evil, apart altogether from the 
human soul, which did not belong to it. But although 
they regarded as ungodly the world of sense as such, 
they yet held sin to be a transgression of the law of 
nature. Possessing their own secret books, they inquired 
into celestial things, and in particular prided themselves 
on knowing and concealing the names of the angels. 
Finally, if they did not worship the sun, in their 
numerous ceremonial lustrations they certainly came 
very near to the worship of water. 

Although in the graecising phraseology of Josephus 
the three Jewish schools appear as clear-cut " philo- 
sophical sects," his statement of the facts may 
nevertheless be taken as at least broadly accurate.^ It 
is the form rather than the substance of his description 
that is inexact. Assuming, then, that Essenism was 
substantially what he and the other authorities repre- 
sent it to have been, how are we to explain it ? It 
grew up exclusively on Jewish soil ; was it also a purely 
Jewish product, or was it moulded by foreign influences ? 

Many scholars view Essenism as only an exagger- 
ated Pharisaism. Its extreme veneration for Moses and 

^ See Note 22, p. 391. 

v.] The Herodian Age 209 

the Law, its rigid Sabbatarianism, and its straining after 
ceremonial purity, are certainly thoroughly Pharisaic. 
It was perhaps their desire to realise perfect Levitical 
holiness that led the Essenes to live apart from others, 
and to associate only with those whose common meals 
were prepared by priestly hands. From this standpoint 
it is also easy to account for their communism with 
regard to property, for their white attire, for the severe 
tests applied to candidates for admission to the order, 
for their scrupulous modesty, and even for their attitude 
towards marriage, which involved ceremonial defilement. 
Their belief that the emancipated spirits of the righteous 
would gladly " mount upwards," may also perhaps be 
regarded as a refinement upon the Pharisaic doctrine of 
a bodily resurrection. In an age affected by foreign 
culture and by enervating luxury, the Essenes stood for 
natural simplicity and frugality, and resisted all ostenta- 
tion and extravagance ; hence their antagonism to the 
taking of oaths, to slavery, and to the use of ointment.^ 
Although their attitude with reference to these things 
was not that of the Jews generally, it is sufficiently 
explained by their asceticism. In nothing to go beyond 
natural requirements — that was the principle on which 
they uniformly acted. It was loyalty to this principle, 
too, that crushed the commercial instinct ; for their ideal 
was that of a brotherhood no member of which should 
work in his own interest, and every member of which 
should labour for the collective benefit of all. 

^ This was not, of course, inconsistent with the one great oath taken by 
them on admission to the order. Bousset thinks their abstinence from 
anointing oil was not the expression of an ascetic mode of life, but was 
probably connected with the rejection of animal sacrifice — a protest against 
the Old Testament priesthood, whose authority rests upon unction. 


2IO The Herodian Age [Chap. 

There remain, however, in Essenism certain non- 
Jewish elements incapable of explanation from the 
Pharisaic standpoint.^ To this category belong its 
repudiation of animal sacrifices, its dualistic psychology, 
and the traditional prayers addressed to the sun at 
dawn. It has indeed been contended that in repudiating 
bloody sacrifices the Essenes were only carrying to an 
extreme the Pharisaic tendency to subordinate sacrificial 
rites to the study of the Law ; that Josephus is 
responsible for the Platonic colouring given to the 
doctrine of man ; and that by the prayers directed to 
the sun nothing further is meant than the recitation of 
the Shema' at daybreak. These contentions, however, 
are not convincing. A more spiritual conception of 
sacrifice had doubtless been reached by the prophets, 
and pervaded the Wisdom literature, while Philo defended 
the rejection of sacrifice on the ground that man must 
make himself the sanctuary of God. Nevertheless the 
attitude of the Essenes on this question constituted a 
distinct breach with Judaism as such. Even more 

^According to Wendt, The Teaching of Jesus, i. p. 51 +, "the Essenes 
represent the tendency of Pharisaic legalism, so far as the latter was influenced 
by the idea of the transcendental character of God. But they exhibit that 
tendency in a more intense degree. Their rejection of animal sacrifices 
. . . which seems out of harmony with the rest of their legal obedience, is 
most simply explained as the consequence of their idea that to bring to God 
a bloody animal offering was derogatory to His transcendental character. 
Therefore they deemed it incumbent upon them to interpret the Old 
Testament command in reference to these ofierings in an allegorising way. 
. . . Finally, the high regard paid to angels by the Essenes must be looked 
upon as a consequence of the same idea of the transcendental character of 
God, from which their tendency to legalism proceeded ; and it might be a 
question worth considering, whether, in their peculiar sun-worship, we have 
not simply an expression of their reverence for the angels as the great 
"powers" through whose mediation, also according to the common Jewish 
idea, God works on nature, specially in the celestial phenomena of nature." 

v.] The He7'-odian Age 2il 

clearly does the alien element find expression in 
connexion with the Essene doctrines of the soul and 
immortality. The notions of the soul's pre-existence 
and of its temporary imprisonment in the body are 
absolutely un-Jewish. Also with reference to the custom 
of turning in prayer towards the sun, — a custom which 
came perilously near to an infringement of monotheism 
itself, involving as it did an invocation of the heavenly 
luminary as at least a living and exalted being, — it seems 
futile to question the presence of a tangible influence from 
the ethnic polytheistic side.^ We are forced, then, to 
the conclusion that in the development of the singular 
religious society of the Essenes foreign influences were 
decidedly at work. 

What these were, however, is not easy to determine. 
Whether in view of the many and composite waves of 
culture which swept over Palestine in the post-exilic 
period anything like certainty is attainable here may 
well be doubted. That we are to look to Buddhism or 
to Syrian paganism in this connexion is scarcely 
probable.- It is much more likely that the outside 
influences which helped to form Essenism were just 
those influences which affected Judaism itself, namely, 
the Greek and the Persian. The question, therefore, 
comes to be, was the foreign element in Essenism 
derived from Hellenistic or Zoroastrian ideas, or from a 
combination of both? It is interesting to find how 
many features of Essenism are common to Parseeism 
and to Pythagoreanism. The white robes and the 
lustrations, the invocation of the sun and the repudiation 

1 So Bousset ; but see Note 23, p. 392. 
'^ See, however, Note 24, p. 393. 

212 The Herodian Age [Chap. 

of animal sacrifices, are equally characteristic of both. 
On the other hand, some peculiarities of the Essenes, 
such as their angelology and magic, favour the theory of 
Persian influence ; others, such as their celibacy and 
their dualistic doctrine of man, point rather to a Greek 
origin. Probabilities are thus so evenly balanced as to 
render any definite pronouncement precarious. Lightfoot, 
Hilgenfeld, and Cheyne lean towards the hypothesis of 
Zoroastrian infliuences ; Schiirer, again, but for the 
important consideration that neo-Pythagoreanism itself 
contains elements that are of foreign and probably of 
Oriental origin, would follow Zeller in holding that it is 
to the Pythagorean school of Greek philosophy that we 
must trace what is non-Jewish in Essenism. Friedlander 
strongly advocates the theory of Greek influence, and 
maintains that Essenism was not only not of Pharisaic 
origin, but distinctly anti-Pharisaic in spirit and 
tendency.^ He insists that it was not for the sake of 
Levitical holiness that the Essenes gradually withdrew 
from civic and social life. They did so in order to 
escape from the distracting bustle of the world.^ It was 
their aim to rise to true holiness and communion with 
God, and they were convinced that this was possible 
only in a healthier atmosphere than that of cities, and 
through the practice of asceticism. According to this 
scholar, then, the fundamental idea of Essenism is the 
crucifixion of sense {SinnlicJikeit) through the observance 
of the greatest possible abstinence with a view to the 
ennoblement of the soul. Perfection is the end aimed 
at, and strict abstinence the means of attaining it. This 
whole ideal of life, however, is inspired not by 

1 See Note 25, p. 396. ^ See Note 26, p. 396. 

v.] The Herodian Age 213 

Pharisaism, but by Hellenism. The position taken up 
by this writer is thus diametrically opposed to that of 
Derenbourg, Ewald, and others, who look upon Essenism 
as nothing but ultra-Pharisaism. We shall probably do 
well to distrust both of these extreme views, neither 
denying an admixture of foreign elements, nor, on the 
theory of such an admixture, asserting it to be 
exclusively Hellenistic. It seems safest on the whole 
to conclude that both Zoroastrian and Pythagorean-^ 
influences were at work in the evolution of a system 
which, while distinctly based upon Judaism, found in 
these other schools of thought certain points of contact 
which helped it towards the realisation of its own ideals. 
But where joint influence of this sort may be reasonably 
assumed, it is much too delicate an operation to attempt 
an analysis so as to allocate the proportions on either 
side. If, for example, the language used by Josephus 
be correct, the Essene doctrine of the soul, while strongly 
neo-Pythagorean, may also be viewed as a hebraised 
combination of elements drawn from Oriental sources ; 
but who shall trace the precise process by which it came 
at length to be formulated as an article in the creed of 
a sect for which it appears to have won so many 
adherents ? 

Another important question arises : Was there any 
real kinship or original connexion between Essenism 
and the religion of Jesus ? Can the latter be in any 
sense regarded as a product of the former ? To this 
we may unhesitatingly give a negative reply. If on 
some subsidiary points the two systems are in substantial 
agreement, they are nevertheless radically at variance. 
The communism of the Essenes, their renunciation of 

21^ The Herodian Age [Chap. 

oaths, and the estimate put by them upon servants and 
the . civil power, and upon riches and poverty, are 
reflected in the life of the early Church and in the 
teaching of our Lord. But far more marked are the 
points of difference. The Essenes were ascetics ; the 
Son of Man came eating and drinking. The Essenes 
turned their back upon the world ; Jesus moved about 
freely in it. Christianity knows nothing of the element 
of secrecy so characteristic of Essenism ; Jesus taught 
openly, and not with closed doors. For the Essenes 
ceremonial purity was everything ; for Jesus it was 
nothing. The Essenes acted on the principle that man 
was made for the sabbath ; Jesus taught that the 
sabbath was made for man. The Essenes, moreover, 
rejected the doctrine of the resurrection, which formed 
the corner-stone of Christianity. In short, the agree- 
ment between Essenism and Christianity extends only to 
minor details, whereas the difference is vital. 

Essenism is interesting not only as an illustration 
of the variety of religious experiences, but as shewing a 
certain elasticity even within the pale of Judaism. It 
proves that Pharisaic control of religious life and 
thought cannot have been absolute. High as was the 
esteem in which its votaries were held, however, Essenism 
in its organised form did not survive the destruction of 
Jerusalem. Subsequent to that event Judaism was 
represented only by Pharisaism. At the same time the 
influence of the Essenes lived on, and told especially 
upon the Gnostic sects which flourished on the east of 
the Jordan. It was probably through this medium that 
certain foreign elements grafted themselves upon 
Christianity. The Essenes must also be regarded as the 

v.] The Herodian Age 215 

precursors of Christian monasticism, although this 
appears to have originated not in Judaea, but in the 
deserts of Egypt. Their esoteric books were almost 
certainly devoted in large measure to angelology and 
eschatology ; and that not a little of this secret literature 
has been transmitted to us through the Book of Enoch 
and other pseudepigrapha ^ is perhaps a warrantable 
conjecture, although no single extant Jewish apocalypse 
can confidently be pronounced to be of Essene origin. 
Indeed, as we shall have occasion to point out later on, 
there is reason to believe that it was from other circles 
that this species of literature emanated. 

' So Wellhausen and J. E. H. Thomson. See Chapter VI. 




The Apocalyptic Movement and Literature. 


It has become usual to designate by the distinctive 
name of apocalyptic that period of Jewish religion and 
literature which covers the two centuries before Christ 
and the first century after Christ. Although it must 
now be regarded as permanently fixed, the name is not 
altogether a happy one. It takes no account of such 
constructive factors in the development of later Judaism 
as the scribal expansion of the Law, the synagogue 
service, or the cosmopolitan tendencies at work in the 
Dispersion. Even as applied to the apocalyptic litera- 
ture, it scarcely does justice to the contents of these 
books ; and although expressing quite appropriately the 
literary form into which for the most part they have 
been cast, may even convey a misleading impression as 
to their character. At the same time it is well fitted 
to indicate at least one main feature of the later Judaism, 
and in view of the influence of apocalyptic upon the 
New Testament, the determination of the nature and 
origin of this whole movement has an obvious importance 
for the student of Christianity. 

The apocalypses ^ are the fruit of the new impulse 

^ The Greek word means "disclosures," "revelations." 

220 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

given to Judaism by the Maccaba^an struggle. They 
are the most important literary expression of the revived 
national sentiment which built up the Hasmonaean State, 
and finally led to the disastrous conflict with Rome. 
Although they were both popular and influential, very 
few of them found a place in the canon of Scripture. 
In these writings we have, however, a very valuable 
reflexion of the political events and party relations 
belonging to that interesting epoch of Jewish history, 
when a discredited priestly aristocracy was superseded 
by the democracy of the pious champions of the 

We shall treat the subject under the following heads : 
(i) the apocalyptic books themselves; (2) their special 
characteristics ; (3) the question of their origin ; (4) their 
main theological conceptions; (5) their influence upon 
the New Testament ; (6) the estimate to be formed of 
their permanent value. 

I. Of the pre-Christian books belonging to this 
once popular species of literature none is so inherently 
charming as the Book of Daniel, none achieved such 
immediate success, and none has become invested with 
such enduring sanctity. The course of events so 
evidently stamped it with the Divine approval as to 
secure for it at once a place in the sacred canon, and 
it became the model upon which other apocalyptic 
writings were framed. 

The first part of the book consists of a series of 
hortatory narratives, intended to encourage the oppressed 
Jews to steadfastness by pointing them to the example 
of faithful Israelites confronted with troubles similar to 
their own. Of these narratives the last four are meant 

VI.] and Literature 221 

to have a special bearing upon the Syrian persecution ; 
and in each case " the King," whether Nebuchadrezzar, 
Belshazzar, or Darius, is practically Antiochus iv. 
Epiphanes, He is the tyrant whose pride, sacrilege, 
and arbitrary intolerance are so graphically mirrored 
forth and so amply punished, while the Jews who are 
the victims of his cruelty are miraculously delivered. 
All this by way of consolation for the oppressed. 

With the revelations of the second half of the book 
a star of hope appears above the horizon. The stand- 
point is that of the Babylonian exile. In a series of 
four visions there is unfolded to Daniel the subsequent 
course of events down to the establishment of the 
Messianic kingdom. These visions, which fill in the 
historical picture outlined in Nebuchadrezzar's dream,^ 
represent the Greek dominion as the last of the great 
world-powers, special emphasis being laid on the 
Syrian monarchy and the impious reign of Antiochus 
Epiphanes. It is noticeable that at this point the 
predictions become more minute, and that they stop 
short just at the beginning of the Maccabrean revolt. 
The last vision ^ contains a very elaborate forecast of 
the relations and conflicts of the kings of Syria (" the 
north ") and the kings ot Egypt (" the south "). With 
still greater particularity the author goes on to describe 
the career of Epiphanes.^ After referring to his debased 
nature and treacherous instincts, he outlines his wars 
with Egypt, foretells his malignant persecution of the 
Jews, and declares that he shall be called away from 
a victorious Egyptian campaign by tidings of trouble 
elsewhere, and shall " come to his end with none to 

^ ii. * x.-xii. '^ xi. 21-45. 

2 22 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

help him." Although the tyrant's name is never 
mentioned, his individuality is beyond dispute. With 
his downfall Israel is to enter on happier times. The 
brightest hopes for the future are expressed at the close 
of the prophecy. Michael the guardian angel of the 
Jewish people will appear, and those found written in 
the book of life shall be delivered out of the appalling 
tribulation of those times. Nor will the pious dead be 
lost to the kingdom of God, for they shall rise again. ^ 
Nowhere else in the Old Testament is the doctrine of 
the resurrection so clearly expressed ; and from this 
time it began to influence devout Jews as it had never 
done before. In the prophetic perspective of the Book 
of Daniel the advent of the Messianic age follows close 
upon the death of Antiochus, and the sequel of the 
glorious struggle for spiritual independence in the time 
of the Maccabees is represented as being nothing less 
than the beginning of the realisation of God's kingdom 
on the earth. Those who are meanwhile enduring the 
bitter persecution of Antiochus are living in " the time of 
the end," the close of which is distant by only three or 
four years from the time of the suspension of the daily 
sacrifice in B.C. i68.^ Daniel is told to seal up his book 
and quietly go his way. It is not intended for his con- 
temporaries, but must be laid aside until the time of 
the end, " so that many may (then) read it line by line, 
and the knowledge (of God's purposes) be increased." ^ 
Next in importance, and in its earliest sections the 

^ xii. 2. 

- In xii. II the period is stated as being 1290 days from this date, while 
in ver. 12 a special blessing is pronounced on him who shall wait and come 
to the 1335 days. 

^ xii. 4. 

VI.] and Literature 223 

nearest in date to the Book of Daniel, is the Book of 
Enoch. It is essentially a Palestinian production, pre- 
served in an Ethiopia version made from a Greek 
translation of a Hebrew original, and is the longest 
extant work of its kind. Other Jewish apocalyptic 
books have been largely influenced by this " Jewish 
prototype of the Catholic Dante." ^ Until toward the 
close of the third century A.D., it was highly valued 
by the Greek and the Latin Fathers, some of them, 
TertulHan for example, even accepting it as inspired.^ 
And it has undoubtedly exercised an important influence 
on the New Testament itself, in respect both of thought 
and language. According to Professor Charles, its 
influence in this direction has been " greater than that 
of all the other apocryphal and pseudepigraphal books 
taken together,"^ 

The statement of Gen. v. 24, that Enoch walked 
with God, was held in later times to mean not only 
that he led a godly life, but that he was endowed with 
supernatural knowledge. In the Book of Enoch we 
have a literary embodiment of the knowledge which 
he was supposed thus to have gained. Although termed 
a book, it is really a composite collection of apocryphal 
writings issued under his name in the second and first 
centuries B.C.* The facts as to its origin sufficiently 
account for the heterogeneous nature of its contents. 

^ Baldensperger, Das Selbstbewusstsein Jesu, p. 9. 

* Origen (c. Cels. v. 52, 54) hesitates in his attitude towards it ; Jerome 
(Z>fi vir. z/lusir.) ca.\ls it apocryphal; Augustine (De Civ. Dei, xv. 23. 4) 
virtually rejects it. 

" The Book of Enoch, translated froin Professor Di/l/nanii's Ethiopic Text, 
Introduction, p. 41. 

^ See Note 27, p. 399, 

2 24 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

Whilst difference of opinion exists upon many points, 
critics are agreed that the book has been largely inter- 
polated, and that the part of it known as The Similitudes i 
is of independent authorship. The most important 
point chronologically is the interpretation of the " great 
horn " of ch. xc. 9. If it be understood of Judas Macca- 
baeus, then chs. Ixxxiii.-xc. must have been written 
before his death in B.C. 1 6 1 , for he is " still warring 
at the close of the rule of the twelve shepherds." On 
the other hand, if, with Dillmann, Schlirer, and others, 
we interpret it of John Hyrcanus, this section would be 
placed half a century later. In any case, as it makes 
use of chs. i.-xxxvi., the latter must be of earlier origin. 
From the fact that no reference is made in these 
chapters to the persecution under Epiphanes, Charles 
infers that they must have been composed before B.C. 
170, that is, earlier than the Book of Daniel. 
\ In chs. i.-xxxvi. Enoch speaks of a vision which he 

saw of future judgment, God would appear with His 
hosts on Mount Sinai to destroy the watchers (fallen 
angels) and ungodly men, and to confer light and joy 
and peace on the righteous.^ Then follows a detailed 
account of the fall of the angels, and of the punishment 
reserved for them.^ Enoch is commissioned to announce 
to them the coming judgment, and at their request 
intercedes for them ; but in vain.* After this he relates 
how he was transported in vision over mountains and 
rivers, and under the guidance of the angel Uriel or 
Raphael saw the deep abyss into which would be 
plunged the angels who had seduced mankind. There 
were also shewn to him the abode of departed spirits, 

' xxxvii.-lxxi. - i.-v. 3 vi._xi. ^ vil -w; 

VI.] and Literature 225 

and the divisions that separate them, and the garden of 
Eden with the tree of knowledge of which Adam and 
Eve had eaten.^ In the next section of the book ^ 
Enoch communicates to his son Methuselah two visions 
which he had seen. The first vision deals with the 
destruction of the world by the Flood ; the second gives 
a history of the world down to the establishment 
of the Messianic kingdom. As in Daniel, men are 
symbolised by animals — bulls and sheep, wild beasts 
and birds of prey. Apostate Israel is placed under the 
charge of seventy shepherds ( = angels), who are after- 
wards convicted of faithlessness to their trust. The 
third division of the book ^ is also addressed to 
Methuselah. Here the world-history is divided into 
seven weeks, the events of which are recounted " from 
the books." Enoch's own life is placed in the first week, 
Noah's in the second, and Abraham's in the third. The 
fourth witnesses the law-giving on Sinai. At the close 
of the fifth the Temple is built. The sixth closes with 
the Babylonian Exile. The seventh is a period of 
apostasy reaching to the time of the author himself, 
who boldly claims to instruct the righteous " concerning 
God's whole creation." The eighth, that of the sword 
and of righteousness, will see the establishment of the 
Messianic kingdom ; in the ninth it will be revealed to 
the whole earth. The tenth ends with the final judg- 
ment on the fallen angels. After that " sin will be no 
more mentioned for ever." In none of these portions of 
the book is there any allusion to a Messiah in the sense 
of the prophets. One passage ^ indeed speaks of " a 
white bull" to whom all the beasts of the field paid 

^ xvii.-xxxvi. - Ixxxiii.-xc. ^ xci.-civ. •* xc. 37. 


2 26 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

homage ; but although superior to the " sheep " who 
compose the rest of the religious community, he is at 
most a glorified man who only appears at the close of 
the world's history. Chs, xxxvii.-lxxi. record " the 
second vision of wisdom which Enoch the son of Jared 
saw." This part of the book consists of three " simili- 
tudes " or allegories. It is distinguished from the other 
portions by the prominence given to the Messiah-hope, 
and by its conception of the Messiah as the supernatural 
Son of Man. In the first similitude Enoch sees the 
mansions of the holy, and the Elect One ( = the Messiah), 
the angelic host standing before the Lord of spirits, and 
the four archangels, Michael, Raphael, Gabriel, and 
Phanuel. " The secrets of the heavens " (of the lightning 
and the winds, of the clouds and the dew), and the 
chambers of the sun and the moon, are also revealed 
to him. In the second similitude Enoch sees the Elect 
One, or the Son of Man, seated on the " throne of His 
glory," which is also the throne of the " Head of Days," 
( = the Almighty), in order to judge the world. The 
judgment is followed by a resurrection of Israelites, and 
the righteous " all become angels in heaven." The third 
similitude contrasts the final blessedness of the righteous 
with the fate which shall overwhelm the wicked when the 
Messiah shall sit in judgment upon angels and men. 
The mighty ones of the earth shall quake with fear, but 
the righteous shall dwell with the Son of Man for 
ever and ever. Chs. Ixxii.— Ixxxii. form what is usually 
termed the astronomical book, and contain curious 
theories about sun, moon, stars, winds, etc., purporting 
to have been disclosed to Enoch by the angel Uriel, and 
intended to supersede the pagan conception of the sun's 

VI.] and Literature 227 

course through the signs of the zodiac. Chs. cvi— cvii. 
are a fragment from a Noah apocalypse setting forth 
his wonderful character from his birth, and predicting 
the Deluge. In ch. cviii. Enoch finally exhorts the 
righteous to wait confidently for the day of triumph, 
when they will be set " each on the throne of his 

The Enoch literature is a veritable mine of Jewish 
folk-lore. The ideas of the fall of the angels and the 
origin of demons, of the heavenly tables and the 
imprisonment of evil spirits and disobedient stars, of 
Gehenna and Paradise, etc., illustrate the trend of Jewish 
popular beliefs already reflected in canonical and 
rabbinical literature. Although the book has its 
fantastic and even repellent side, and suggests the 
magical atmosphere of the Arabian Nights rather than 
the moral elevation of the Hebrew Scriptures, it contains 
much that is valuable, and in particular exhibits a close 
affinity with the eschatology of later Jewish and early 
Christian literature. Even its grotesque nature-symbol- 
ism and nonsensical physical and astronomical specula- 
tions, derived for the most part from Babylonian sources, 
became, through the medium of Persian or Greek culture, 
the possession of academic Judaism, and were made to 
take on the hue of Biblical monotheism. Popular 
Pharisaism itself began to assume a certain speculative 
mystical tendency. In the time of our Lord both 
Pharisees and Sadducees busied themselves about 
weather forecasts,^ and all sorts of silly occult arts. 
And so from the spring of Babylonian and Persian 
mythology there flowed down, through the Book of 
^ Matt. xvi. 2 f. 

228 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

Enoch., a stream which influenced both the Talmud and 
the Gospels. The book is also of great importance as 
affording much material for the study of doctrinal 
development in the inter-Testamental period. 

In the Testaments of the XII . Patriarchs we have 
an example of a pseudepigraphic prophecy in which the 
ethical element predominates. Discovered at Athens, 
and printed in a Latin version by Robert Grosseteste, 
Bishop of Lincoln, in the thirteenth century, these 
Testaments were issued in a Greek text (from a 
Cambridge manuscript) by Grabe in 1698. They are 
also preserved in three other Greek manuscripts, as well 
as in an Armenian and an Old Slavonic translation. 
The work is modelled upon the Testament of Jacob 
in Gen. xlix. As Jacob gave his dying charge to his 
sons, so the latter in their turn are depicted as conveying 
their last instructions to their descendants. These 
exhortations are in each case based upon detailed 
haggadic references to the patriarch's own sins or virtues. 
Wherein they erred, they hold themselves up as a 
warning ; wherein they excelled, they commend their 
own example. Each patriarch also predicts the future 
of his tribe, and in nearly every case advises loyal 
adherence and submission to the tribes of Levi and 
Judah as those to whom God had given the supremacy 
{apyj)). Although in its present form the book un- 
doubtedly betrays the hand of the Christian interpolator,^ 
it is not, therefore, necessarily of Christian authorship. 
The best authorities, indeed, now regard it as an origin- 

1 This is manifest from its repeated references to the Incarnation. Cf. 
Test., Sim. vi., vii. ; Levi ii., iv., xvi. ; Napht. viii. ; Asher vii. ; Benj. xi. ; 
Zeb. viii., ix. ; etc. 

VI.] and Literature 229 

ally Jewish composition.^ Schnapp thinks that even this 
was not a unity, and that at least two hands are trace- 
able. In support of this view he points, among other 
things, to the double narrative regarding the fortunes of 
the patriarch Joseph.^ This much at all events is 
tolerably clear, that the book is mainly of Jewish origin, 
and has been subjected to frequent revision. 

For long it has been held that the original language 
of the Testaments was Greek ; but Grabe's opinion, that 
it was Hebrew, has recently been advocated by the 
Jewish scholars Kohler and Gaster, followed by Resch ^ 
and Charles. In the last-named writer's recently 
published critical edition of the book, and in his 
" Hibbert " article, he adduces linguistic evidence to shew 
that our Greek text is based upon a Hebrew original. 
His chief argument is that many obscurities of the 
Greek text are cleared away by re-translation into 
Hebrew ; and the examples given are certainly interesting 
and striking. Perhaps, however, even in view of the 
existence of a Testament of Naphtali in Hebrew, it 
cannot be said that a Hebrew original has been 
decisively proved ; at the same time it can no longer be 
regarded as improbable. 

The first or second century A.p., though necessary 
to the theory of Christian authorship, seems too late a 
date for the Jewish groundwork. On the other hand, 
from its frequent references to the Enoch literature, and 
its affinities to the Book of Jubilees, it cannot be placed 
earlier than the Maccabaean age. According to Charles, 

^ Schurer, Schnapp (in Kautzsch), Charles (art. in Hibbert fournal for 
April 1905). See Note 28, p. 400. 

2 i.-x.^ and x.b-xviii. ^ Stud. u. Krit., 1899, p. 206 ff. 

230 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

the internal evidence clearly points to the time of " the 
Maccabiean priest-kings in the latter half of the second 
century," and even definitely to that of John Hyrcanus 
(B.C. 135-105). If this is the true date, then the 
Testaments must be held to have influenced the New 
Testament writings, instead of vice versa, and in this way 
they become invested with an importance hitherto 

According to Charles, the Book of Jubilees was 
written in Hebrew, and partly in verse, during the reign 
of John Hyrcanus (B.C. 135-105). Bousset, however, 
ascribes it to the reign of Alexandra — that golden age 
of Pharisaism. It is a haggadic commentary to the 
canonical Genesis, and reflects the legalistic Pharisaism 
of the period. Its relation to Genesis is analogous to 
that of Chronicles to the Books of Samuel and Kings. 
We have in its pages a judaised version of primeval 
history. The author's object was to combat Hellenism, 
and to maintain the eternal validity of the Law, which 
he represents as having been observed in heaven before 
it was revealed on Sinai. The book is aptly named in 
view of its system of chronology, which divides the 
history of the world from the creation to the legislation 
on Sinai into jubilee periods of forty-nine years each. 
It assumes an impossible solar year of 364 days {i.e. 
twelve months of thirty days each, and four intercalary 
days), to which the ecclesiastical year of thirteen months 
of twenty-eight days each exactly corresponds. The 
whole chronology, for which the author claims heavenly 
authority ,2 is based upon the number 7. " Thus the 
week had 7 days ; the month 4x7 = 28; the year 

' See Nole 29, p. 402. - vi. 35. 

VI.] and Literature 231 

52x7 = 364; the year-week 7 years; and the jubilee 

T Y.7 years." 

The Book of Jubilees has also been entitled the 
Apocalypse of Moses. And not inappropriately ; for not 
only is the great Israelitish leader represented as the 
medium of all the revelations it contains, but the 
distinctively apocalyptic element is also present. Its 
author anticipates the immediate advent of a Messiah 
sprung from Judah, and the gradual realisation of his 
kingdom through the simultaneous transformation of 
nature and man. In this age of Messianic blessedness, 
wickedness will be rooted out, and men will live to be 
a thousand years old. After death there will be no 
resurrection of the body, but the spirits of the righteous 
shall enjoy a blessed immortality.^ It is further note- 
worthy that in this book we meet with a somewhat 
highly developed angelology. Four classes of angels 
are mentioned — angels of the presence, angels of sancti- 
fication, guardian angels over individuals, and angels 
presiding over the phenomena of nature. As regards 
demonology, the writer's position is largely reflected in 
the New Testament. 

A very vivid reflexion of the opposition between 
Pharisees and Sadducees is contained in the interesting 
collection of psalms known as the Psalter of Solomon. 
From internal evidence the date may with practical 
certainty be fixed at the end of the Maccabaean age. 
Judaea is suddenly plunged into war ^ by the invasion of 
a foreigner ^ from the ends of the earth.* Although the 
authorities open the gates of the capital to him,^ he 

^ xxiii. 27-30. - i. 2. ^ xvii. 7. 

■* viii. 5. 5 yi;i_ j5_ 

232 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

encounters resistance from a stronghold within the walls.^ 
Being a powerful striker,^ he beats down the battlements 
with the battering-ram.3 Jerusalem is trodden under 
foot by the heathen,* and the sanctuary is desecrated.^ 
Multitudes are slain,*^ and many persons deported to the 
West.' But the destructive dragon soon meets his 
doom on the mountains of Egypt by the seashore ; his 
body is thrown to the waves, and there is none to bury 
him.^ The historical situation here revealed is un- 
doubtedly that of Pompey's conquest of Jerusalem 
(B.C. 63). The actual occurrences which marked that 
crisis in Jewish affairs could scarcely be more realistically 
or accurately mirrored. Some of the psalms were 
written a little later, for example the second, which 
relates the death of Pompey. As this took place in 
B.C. 48, we may safely place the entire collection 
between B.C. 70 and 45. Prior to the siege of Jerusalem 
by Pompey the Pharisees had attained to a position of 
supremacy under Alexandra, and our psalms are a 
protest against the secularisation of Israel during the 
Maccabaean rule. The Hasmonaeans are represented as 
a race of usurpers who arrogantly seized on David's 
throne,^ and whom God has justly recompensed. Even 
from the early days of the Maccabees the Hasldim, the 
forerunners of the Pharisaic party, were dissatisfied with 
the policy pursued, and clung to the ideal of the 
theocracy exemplified in those post-exilic times when as 
yet there was no thought of an earthly princedom. A 
worldly, warring priesthood like that of the Hasmonaeans, 

'- viii. 19. 

- viii. 15. 

^11. I. 

'' ii. 19. 

^ i. 8, viii. 

12 f. 

•* viii. 20. 

" xvii. 1 1 f. 

8 ii. 26 f. 

" xvii. 6. 

VI.] and Literature 233 

combined as it was with the exercise of kingly power, 
was necessarily a thorn in their side. The later repre- 
sentatives of this dynasty, Alexander Jannseus and 
Aristobulus II., as adherents of the Sadducaean party, 
they viewed as sinful and lawless men. In the psalms 
accordingly the downfall of the Hasmonseans is hailed 
with satisfaction, and Pompey is denounced merely for 
his barbarity and impious profanation of the Temple. 

That this is the only date to which these psalms can 
properly be referred, is further obvious from their whole 
tone and spirit. They reflect, and in fact constitute one 
of the most valuable witnesses for, the Pharisaic legalism 
of those days. Precisely herein lies their theological 
significance. Running through the whole eighteen songs 
is the sharp distinction between saints and sinners, 
between pious and godless. They are written in a 
strain of ardent piety, but the conception of righteousness 
is throughout of the most external character. The 
righteous are those who scrupulously observe the 
ceremonial Law, and fulfil all the Pharisaic prescrip- 
tions ; ^ the sinners are their opponents, the Sadducees. 
Piety has no existence outside the ranks of the orthodox 
party ; it is the monopoly of the poet's friends. The 
picture here drawn of Pharisaism enables us to under- 
stand the description and estimate of it given in the 
Gospels. " The righteousness of the scribes and 
Pharisees " could not pass muster with Jesus.- His 
ideal of righteousness was far as the poles asunder from 
the haughty self-righteousness of the Pharisee who 
" despised others." ^ 

In their strongly developed Messianic expectation 
^ xiv. 2. - Matt. V. 20. ' Luke xviii. 9. 

234 1^^^ Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

these psalms reflect a notable feature of the religious 
sentiment animating the Pharisaic circles in which they 
had their origin. The writer looks for a personal 
Messiah who, as the son of David and king of Israel, 
shall cleanse Jerusalem from the heathen, smite the 
ungodly, and bring back the " Dispersion." ^ The 
heathen shall be subject to him, and of their own accord 
shall come to see his glory.- He shall rule not in the 
might of earthly power, but with the help of the Lord 
alone, being (ceremonially) pure from sin, and made 
strong in the holy spirit. Wisdom and justice shall be 
the pillars of his throne.^ Through the exploits of the 
Maccabees the desire for a monarchy had once more 
taken possession of the Jewish mind. Recognising this, 
the Pharisees, who had previously been content with 
urging the claims of the Law, now sought to rally 
patriotic enthusiasm to their side by holding out the 
tempting prospect of a glorious future for Israel under 
a Davidic king.^ Thus at length there would be 
realised a kingdom of the holy. Our psalmist's 
doctrine of rewards and punishments is simple and 
clear-cut. Although subject to the Divine decree as 
regards his general lot in life, man is free to choose 
righteousness or unrighteousness ; and upon his choice 
depends his future destiny. If his works are righteous, 
he shall be raised again to eternal life ; ^ if unrighteous, 
eternal perdition awaits him.^ 

The Book of the Secrets of EnocJi (II Enoch), although 
perhaps widely circulated in the early centuries,^ was 

^ xvii. 21 fi"., xi. 2 f . 2 xvii. 30 f. " xviii. 7. 

^ xvii., xviii. ^ iii. 12. *' iii. 11, xv. 13. 

^ According to Charles, its influence is traceable in Irenaeus (c. Hivr, 

VI.] and Literature 235 

lost for some twelve hundred years prior to its recent 
discovery in certain Slavonic manuscripts.^ Hence it is 
usually designated the " Slavonic," as distinguished from 
the older " Ethiopic," Enoch. In its present form it 
appears to have been the work of a Jewish Hellenist 
who lived in Egypt in the first century A.D. That the 
Slavonic text is derived from the Greek is clear from 
ch. XXX. I 3, which states that the name Adam is formed 
" from the four substances : the East, the West, the 
North, and the South," that is, from the initial letters 
of their Greek names,^ no similar result being obtainable 
in Hebrew. 

Enoch is introduced as " a very wise man " who was 
privileged to see " the heavenly abodes," and " the 
unapproachable throne of the Lord." In ch. i. two 
angels announce to him that he is to ascend with them 
into heaven. After exhorting his sons to steadfast piety, 
and bidding them not seek for him till he is restored to 
them,^ he is borne aloft by the angels. In chs. iii.-xxi. 
Enoch describes his journey through the seven heavens 
in succession, giving details of what he saw in each. 
Much of the material in this section is found in the 
Ethiopic Enoch, but an entirely new setting is given 
to it. Chs. xxii.-xxxviii, form the second division of the 

V. 28) and others of the Church Fathers ; but Schiirer characterises as " sehr 
unsicher" the patriotic quotations given by this writer from the Slavonic 

1 In an article by Kozak in Xhe Jahrbb. fiir Prot. Theol (1892), reference 
was made to a Slavonic version of the Book of Enoch ; but subsequent 
investigation shewed that the work in question was an entirely different one 
from the Ethiopic Enoch. It has been made accessible to English readers 
in the translation of Morfill and Charles (1896). 

^ dvaToK-q, Si^cris, dpKTOS, ixe<yqixfipia. 

3 Ch. ii. 

236 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

book, Michael the archangel is directed to take from 
Enoch his earthly robe, anoint hini with the holy oil, 
and clothe him with the raiment of God's glory, that he 
may become like one of the glorious ones, Enoch is 
then enlightened by God Himself as to the secrets of 
the creation and the history of mankind down to his 
own time. What we have here is virtually a gnosticised 
expansion of Gen. i.^ After receiving a further revela- 
tion that God will send the Flood as a punishment for 
the wickedness of men, Enoch is brought back by the 
angels to the earth. The concluding section 2 contains 
Enoch's instructions and admonitions to his children, 
the 366 books ^ in which he had written down the 
revelations vouchsafed to him being commended to their 
special study. Many of the ethical precepts embodied 
in this part of the work are reminiscent of Ecclesiasticus. 
The book closes with a brief account of Enoch's trans- 
lation to the highest heaven, a resume of the main events 
in his life, and a description of the festival held by his 
sons at Achuzan, whence he was taken up to heaven. 

Although from the date of its composition the 
Slavonic Enoch can hardly have directly influenced the 
writers of the New Testament, numerous coincidences of 
thought and language help to remove obscurity from 
some passages in the latter. For example, with 
Heb. xi. 3, "The worlds have been framed by the 
word of God, so that what is seen hath not been made 
out of things which do appear," we may with advantage 
compare Slavonic Enoch xxiv. 2, " I will tell thee . . . 

1 It is noticeable that Greek names are given to the planets (Kruno, 
Aphrodite, Ares, the Sun, Zeus, Hermes, the Moon (xxx. 3)). 

2 xxxix.-lxvi. ^ xxiii. 6, Ixviii. 2. 

vi.J and Literature 237 

what things I created from the non-existent, and what 
visible things from the invisible"; and xxv. i,"I com- 
manded . . . that visible things should come out of 
invisible," ^ 

The book also throws light upon certain aspects of 
religious thought, notably on the Jewish conceptions of 
the millennium and the seven Heavens. In chs. xxxii. 2— 
xxxiii. 2, God shews Enoch that the whole duration of 
this world is seven thousand years, that is, six thou- 
sand from the creation to the final judgment, to be 
succeeded by a thousand years of blessedness. The 
starting-point of this computation is the account given 
in Genesis of the creation. This was viewed as at once 
a history and a prophecy. It was held that as the 
world was created in six days, so the course of its 
history would extend to six thousand years, for with God 
a thousand years are as one day ,2 and that corresponding 
to the Divine rest on the seventh day there would follow 
a millennial rest of a thousand years. Charles has shewn 
that the detailed account of the seven Heavens in 
Slavonic Enoch probably represents only the full develop- 
ment of notions already existing in the ancient world, 
for example among the Babylonians and the Persians, 
and to some extent perhaps reflected in the Old Testament, 
regarding the plurality of the heavens.^ The idea of 
at least a threefold division of the heavens was accepted 
by St. Paul,^ and from the fact that both in his epistle 

^ For further examples, cf. the Introduction to Charles's edition. 

^ Ps. xc. 4 ; Jubilees iv. 30 ; 2 Pet. iii. 8, etc. 

^ Cf. the expression "the heaven of heavens" (Deut. x. 14; I Kings 
viii. 27, etc. ). The plural form of the Hebrew word for " heaven " (shajndyim) 
may also point in this direction. 

■* 2 Cor. xii. 2 f. 

238 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

and in Slavonic Enoch Paradise is assigned to the third 
heaven, it seems not iinprobable that he believed in the 
sevenfold division propounded in that work. This theory- 
would help to explain some rather obscure expressions 
in his other writings, such as " against the spiritual hosts 
of wickedness in the heavens." ^ The presence of evil in 
the heavens was not alien to pre-Christian religious 
thought, and it is perhaps from this standpoint that we 
are to interpret Paul's statement that there are " things in 
the heavens " as well as " things upon earth " requiring to 
be reconciled to God. The reference is most likely to 
the fallen angels imprisoned in the second heavens.^ 
This apostle's view as to " all the heavens " ^ seems to 
have been shared by the writer of the Epistle to the 
Hebrews, who speaks of Christ as " a great high priest 
who hath passed through ihi^tfkvQb'va) the heavens,'* 
and as " made higher than the heavens." ^ 

The Assumption of Moses is a work which has come 
down to us only in fragmentary form. It is alluded to 
by Origen as the source of the legend about the strife 
between Michael and Satan regarding the body of Moses, 
and references to it occur also in Clement of Alexandria 
and others of the Fathers. It seems to have consisted 
of two distinct parts, the titles of which are given in the 
lists of apocryphal books as the Testament and the 
'AvdXrj-\ln<i of Moses. The former section was discovered 
by Ceriani at Milan in 1861 ; but the latter, from which 
the quotations of the Fathers are taken, has been 

Ceriani's Latin version, which purports to be an 

' Eph. vi. 12. - Cf. 1 Pet. iii. 19. •* Eph. iv. 10. 

' iv. 14. ^ vii. 26. 

VI.] and Literature 239 

address from Moses to Joshua as his successor, contains 
an apocalypse of Israelitish history from the entrance 
into Canaan to the reign of Herod.^ Ch. vii. recounts 
the rule of wicked and ungodly men prior to the end of 
the times. There follows in chs. viii— ix. the description 
of a cruel persecution in terms which point so evidently 
to the tyranny of Antiochus Epiphanes as to render it 
probable that in the present text the passage has been 
misplaced. Ch, x. is a confident anticipation of the 
coming judgment upon the Gentiles, which will take 
place after 250 weeks of years. In ch. xi. Joshua 
expresses his misgivings in prospect of the burden 
laid upon him, and in ch. xii. Moses bids him be 
of good cheer. The book is of Pharisaic origin, and 
was probably written in Hebrew shortly before the 
death of Herod ; but the old Latin version is derived 
from the Greek. 

The Apocalypse of Baruch appears to be a composite 
work, written from a Pharisaic standpoint, probably 
subsequent to A.D. 70," and preserved in a sixth century 
Syriac text — itself a translation from the Greek, as the 
latter seems to have been from the Hebrew — which has 
been rendered into Latin. Baruch records his experiences 
before and after the destruction of Jerusalem, and claims 
to forecast the history of Israel. When he wrote, the 
Jewish mind was still at a loss to understand how God 
could have permitted such a calamity as the ruin of the 

^ ii.-vi. 

^ xxxii. 2-4. Thomson, who thinks this passage need refer only to 
the profanation of the Holy of Holies by Pompey, fixes the date of composition 
approximately at B.C. 59. Charles regards these verses as an interpolation, 
but assigns the writings which compose this book to "various dates between 
50 and 90 A.u." 

240 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

holy city. It can scarcely be decided whether this 
work precedes or follows 2 (4) Ezra, with which it has 
a close affinity, although in the latter the theological 
problem as to the fewness of the saved seems to over- 
shadow that as to the destruction of Jerusalem. In the 
opening sections of Baruch an attempt is made to ex- 
plain this disaster. It was for Judah's sins ; and while 
apparently the work of a heathen power, was really that 
of the angels of God. Judgment will overtake the 
ungodly, and that speedily.^ The period of tribulation 
will consist of twelve parts, each having its own special 
visitation.^ At the end of the twelfth time the Messiah 
will return in glory, and all who have fallen asleep in 
hope of him shall rise again.^ These revelations come to 
Baruch after much prayer and fasting, and in the valley 
of Kidron he announces to the elders the future fate of 
the city and temple. As he sits weeping on the ruins of 
the sanctuary, a new revelation is vouchsafed to him. 
He sees in vision a forest with a vine growing over 
against it. From under the vine there issues a fountain 
whose waters submerge the forest, and sweep it all away 
except a single cedar. At length it, too, is uprooted, and 
ordered by the vine to share the fate of the rest of the 
forest. The cedar is then burnt up, while the vine 
grows amid unfading flowers. By the forest is meant 
the four world empires to which the Jews were subject ; 
by the vine, the Messiah, who will crush the forces of 
the last and worst empire (the Roman) ; and by the 
cedar, the last Roman leader, possibly Pompey.^ 
After receiving certain assurances regarding the nature 
of the resurrection, Baruch sees another vision. A cloud 

^ xiii. 5. " xxvii. ^ xxx. ^ xxxv.-xl. 

VI.] and Literature lA^i 

comes up from the sea, its summit crowned with lightning, 
and discharges upon the earth dark and clear waters 
alternately, twelve times in succession. This is followed 
by a shower of very dark waters, whereupon the lightning 
flashes forth and heals the earth, and twelve rivers ascend 
from the sea and become subject to this lightning. After 
Baruch has prayed to God, the angel Ramiel is sent to 
interpret to him the vision. The cloud symbolises the 
duration of the present world (alcov) ; and the twelve parts 
of black and bright waters, twelve evil and good periods 
(all duly specified) in the history of the world prior to 
the Messianic era. The last and darkest waters of all 
represent a period of general confusion and tribulation ; 
the lightning and the twelve rivers, the Messiah and the 
reign of peace to be inaugurated by Him.^ Baruch 
declares his gratitude for the vision, receives the announce- 
ment of his approaching departure (though not by death) 
from the earth, and is directed to devote the forty 
intervening days to the instruction of the people. At 
their request he writes two epistles, one of which is 
conveyed by an eagle to the nine and a half tribes, and 
the other by three men to the exiles in Babylon. The 
first of these letters forms chs. Ixxviii.-lxxxvi. of the 
Apocalypse of BarucJi as we have it ; the second has 
been lost. 

2 (4) Esdras contains seven visions ostensibly vouch- 
safed to Ezra in Babylon. In the first he complains of 
the sufferings of Israel as contrasted with the prosperity 
of ungodly nations, and is rebuked by the angel Uriel 
for thinking to comprehend the ways of the Most High.^ 
In the second and third ^ Ezra is further rebuked, and 

^ Iv.-lxxiv. - iii. 5-13. ^ v. 2I-vi. 34, vi. 36-ix. 25. 


242 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

taught that history must run its course, even wickedness 
having its appointed time. A more detailed account is 
given of the signs of the end than in the first vision. 
These shall herald the appearance and death of God's 
Son. After an interval of seven days, during which no 
one shall be alive upon the earth, the dead shall rise, and 
the Most High shall be revealed upon the seat of 
judgment, and consign men to the rest or torment earned 
by their deeds. For the wicked there will be sevenfold 
punishment, and for the righteous sevenfold bliss. Com- 
paratively few will be saved. In the fourth vision,^ 
under the imagery of a weeping woman transformed into 
a strong city, Ezra sees the desolation of Jerusalem 
repaired by the reinstitution of the sacrificial worship. 
In the fifth ^ he sees an eagle coming up from the sea 
with twelve wings and three heads ; and out of the wings 
there grow eight little wings. The twenty wings and 
the three heads rule over the earth in succession until a 
lion comes and loudly rebukes the eagle for its insolent 
cruelty, and announces its imminent destruction. The 
eagle represents the fourth of Daniel's kingdoms as 
understood by the writer ; the wings and heads are so 
many Roman rulers ; and the lion is the Messiah, who 
shall judge and destroy these rulers and make glad the 
people of God for four hundred years '^ until the coming 
of the end. In the sixth vision,* Ezra sees a man rising 
up from the sea, and a multitude gathered to war against 
him ; but they are burnt up by the flaming breath of his 
lips. He then calls unto himself another multitude which 
is peaceable ; but at this stage Ezra awakes through fear. 
The man who comes up from the sea is he by whom the 

^ ix. 26-x. 59. - xi. i-xii. 51. ° Cf. vii. 28. ■* xiii. 1-58. 

VI.] and Literat7ire 243 

Most High shall deliver his creation. His only weapon 
is the Law. The peaceable multitude represents the ten 
tribes returning from captivity. In the last vision/ Ezra 
is directed to set his house in order with a view to his 
approaching death, and to dictate to five scribes the 
contents of the Law which had been burnt. No fewer 
than ninety-four books, including the twenty-four of 
the Old Testament, are thus reproduced in the course of 
forty days. 

Although extending to sixteen chapters in the 
Vulgate, the book properly consists of chs. iii.-xiv., two 
chapters at the beginning and two at the end being 
additions of Christian authorship. Different views are 
held regarding the date of its composition. The determin- 
ing factor here is the interpretation put upon the vision 
of the eagle. It is clear that the author wrote during 
the reign of the third head ; and if, as seems most 
probable, the three heads refer to the Flavian emperors 
(Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian), the work must have 
been written during the reign of Domitian (a.d. 81—96), 
Its sadness of tone is in strong contrast to the Book of 
Enoch. It has some doctrinal affinity with the writings 
of St. Paul, while its imagery resembles that of the 
Revelation of St. John. The style is verbose. 

Except in the case of the Testaments of the Twelve 
Patriarchs^ which are virtually moral sermons, the main 
object of most of these books is the consolation of the 
oppressed. There is, however, yet another type of 
apocalyptic literatureve presented by The Sibylline Oracles, 
the aim of which is distinctly propagandist. In form 
they resemble the utterances of the ancient Sibyl (or 

' xiv. 1-50. 

244 T^^^ Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

Sibylls) who authoritatively announced the destinies of 
nations, and thus under a heathen mask seek to spread 
Judaism in the pagan world. Altogether they extend 
to over four thousand Greek hexameters, divided into 
fourteen books, and form a heterogeneous compilation of 
Jewish and Christian materials, the earliest portions of 
which were written about five centuries before the latest. 
The fascinating element of mystery is present through- 
out. In the hands of the various authors the Sibyl is 
made to prophesy the fate of the world down to their 
own times, in order that they may link on to it threats 
and promises for the future. The oldest parts of the 
collection, dating probably from the Maccabaean period, 
and admittedly Jewish, are contained in the third book} 
which reviews Israelitish history from the time of 
Solomon, and makes unmistakable reference to Antiochus 
Epiphanes and his successors.'^ Tov/ards the close 
of this book ^ the Sibyl predicts the coming of the 
Messianic king, and gives a detailed and glowing 
picture of the prosperity in store for the righteous, and 
of the judgment which will overwhelm the impenitent. 
For the godly war will cease, and the earth be fruitful, 
and the sea full of treasure. The sons of the great God 
will all dwell peacefully around the Temple, which will 
be gloriously adorned. Sun and moon will work for 
them ; sweet speech and songs shall be on their lips. 
" And then will all islands and cities say, How greatly 
the immortal God loves those men." ^ On the other 
hand, fiery swords will fall from heaven upon, the wicked. 
The fish of the sea, all animals on earth, and all souls 
of men, will shudder before the immortal countenance. 
Ml. 162-807. - 612 ff. "652-807. ''7iof. 

VI.] and Liter attire 245 

The rocks and water-courses will flow with blood, and 
the clefts of high mountains be filled with corpses. The 
strongest fortifications of hostile men will fall to the 
ground because they have not acknowledged the law of 
the great God. Hellas is strongly urged to abandon 
her presumptuous pagan attitude, and so escape impend- 
ing ruin. " But thou, unhappy Hellas, cease from 
arrogance ; entreat the great-hearted Immortal one, 
and beware of again sending insensate people against 
this (holy) city.^ . . . For He alone is God, and there 
is none else ; He Himself also will consume with fire 
the hostile might of men. Make haste to stir up your 
heart, and flee lawless idolatry. Serve the Living One." ^ 
The end of all things upon earth will be betokened by 
the following signs : the appearance of swords in the 
starry heavens during the night ; the descent of dust 
clouds, the blotting out of the sun's rays at midday, and 
the appearance of the moonbeams ; the flowing of blood 
from the rocks : the sight of a conflict between infantry 
and cavalry, and of a wild-animal chase, in the clouds. 
" With this shall God who dwells in heaven accomplish 
the end of all things. May all therefore sacrifice to the 
great King." ^ 

2. What, then, are some of the more distinctive 
features common to the Jewish apocalyptic writings ? 

The first thing to be considered here is the relation 
of apocalypse to prophecy. For while the apocalyptic 
writings are prophecies, they are not prophecies in the 
ordinary sense. Rather they represent a transformation 
of the older Hebrew prophecy with a view to the re- 
conciliation of the prophetic promises to Israel with 
1 732 ff. - 760 ff. 3 796-807, 

246 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

the present calamitous position of the nation under 
Syrian and Roman oppression. Traces of this type of 
writing are already met with in the Old Testament,^ so 
that the transition from prophecy to apocalyptic was 
a gradual one, and the new species of literature intro- 
duced by the Book of Daniel was not entirely new. It 
is, in fact, the latest phase of Jewish written prophecy, 
the special object of which is to shew that as the pre- 
diction of judgment had been fulfilled in the Exile, so 
the prediction of the future glory of Israel, which had 
not been realised by the Restoration, would be fulfilled 
on the advent of the Messianic era. 

But while in post-exilic times Old Testament 
prophecy drifted steadily towards apocalypse, it was 
not until the Maccabsean age that apocalyptic prophecy 
took definite shape as a new order of literature, and 
became the recognised vehicle of a particular trend of 
thought and sentiment. Great prominence had been 
given, especially by the older prophets, to the subject 
of sin and repentance, but now the centre of gravity, so 
to speak, was shifted. How long was Israel to be 
trampled upon by the heathen ? When would the 
prophetic picture of her prosperity and glory be 
realised ? Could a righteous God be indifferent to 
the suffering state of His righteous servants? Persecu- 
tion forced these questions to the front, and under 
pressure of the problem thus presented arose the practice 
of reasserting the old but hitherto unfulfilled promises, 
and of developing them into the most dazzling visions 
of the future. This was the only form in which prophecy 
now existed, or could exist. It was the inevitable result 

^ See Note 30, p. 402. 

VI.] and Literature 247 

of the political situation. With every fresh crisis in 
Jewish history arose the necessity of reconciling present 
disasters with the national hopes held out by the prophets. 

The apocalyptists, then, drew their materials largely 
from the prophetic books, especially as regards eschatology. 
What concerned them most was not the civic and 
personal reformation of the people, but their deliverance 
from heathen oppression. Their interest centred in the 
day of the Lord as the day of Israel's redemption. 
They eagerly investigated the mysterious phenomena 
of the celestial world, and sought in these a key to the 
ills of the present and to the determination of the time 
and mode of their final resolution through the dawn of 
the Messianic age. They also in nearly every instance 
modelled their writings upon the visionary form adopted 
by Ezekiel and Zechariah. Notwithstanding these 
resemblances to later prophecy, however, the apocalyptic 
books possess, as we shall see, differentiating features 
of their own sufficient to constitute them a distinct 
species of literature. 

The literary method of the apocalyptists was artificial. 
While no one felt that he could come forward as a fresh 
prophet, and in the spirit of the ancient seers claim 
attention for his message as that of Heaven itself, there 
were yet many whose religious enthusiasm made them 
eager to influence the public mind ; and in order that 
their efforts in this direction might be the more weighty 
and successful, they fell upon the plan of issuing their 
writings under such great names of the past as Enoch, 
Moses, Ezra, etc. There thus resulted the somewhat 
curious phenomenon of books conveying prophetic in- 
struction and exhortation for the present from the 

248 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

assumed historical standpoint of the past. From this 
standpoint the writers forecast the history of Israel and 
of the world down to their own time, when naturally 
they cease to be definite. The actual fulfilment, how- 
ever, in past history of the alleged predictions tends to 
create confidence in the prophetic delineation of what 
is still future from the point of view of the reader. This 
delineation is usually of a very transcendental and 
world - embracing character. The activities of the 
celestial powers, the approaching judgment of the world 
and deliverance of Israel, the resurrection and future 
destiny of the righteous and the wicked, are all set 
forth in graphic colours. Unlike the prophets, the 
apocalyptists are never concerned with the historical 
present ; their whole interest is concentrated on the future. 
Although to the modern mind the practice of issuing 
books under forged names seems strange and even 
reprehensible, there is no reason to doubt that in taking 
this course the authors were perfectly sincere in their 
conviction of the truth of their revelations, and had no 
intention to deceive. Nor is there anything to shew 
that pseudonymous authorship was repugnant to the 
public conscience of the period. That the pseudepi- 
graphic Book of Daniel should have been included in 
the canon of Scripture indicates that in the Maccabasan 
age men were more concerned with the contents of a 
book than with its authorship. Later on, too, our Lord 
speaks of this same work without appearing to doubt 
that it was written by " the prophet Daniel," and the 
genuineness of Enoch is similarly accepted by Jude. 
Hebrew writers cared little for fame, — witness the fact 
that the authors of such great works as the Book of 

VI.] and Literature 249 

Job and Isaiah xl.-lxvi. should have been content to 
labour for the common good of the nation, and to remain 
unknown. On the other hand, this indifference to 
personal fame was accompanied by the tendency to 
make a free use of materials furnished by predecessors, 
and in point of fact most of the apocalypses were edited 
and re-edited until they came really to be composite 
works. It may, however, be said that this does not 
justify their issue under fictitious names. Probably 
not, but it may serve to explain, if not to excuse, such 
a practice. There is another consideration which is 
apposite here, namely, that the apocalyptic writers may 
have drawn largely from ancient traditions which in the 
course of the centuries had connected themselves with 
the great names of the past. In this way it becomes 
possible to think of them as honestly ascribing the real 
authorship to the ancient worthies under whose names 
they issued their works. But if it be difficult to vindicate 
the literary device of pseudonymity, it is equally so to 
homologate the opinion, expressed by a revered former 
lecturer under this foundation, that the presence of the 
fictitious element in the Book of Daniel excludes it 
from the category of Divine revelation.^ Surely the 
message of faith and hope which the writer had to 
convey was too weighty and precious to be invalidated 
by its mere literary form. 

Apart from the ethics of pseudonymity, however, we 
may ask what prompted recourse to such a method. It 
has been suggested that it was adopted in self-defence, 
seeing that the writers, living as they did under a 

^ Professor James Candlish, The Kingdom of God, biblically and histori- 
cally considered {iS8^). 

250 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

foreign despotism, could not with safety express 
themselves freely with regard to the outlook of their 
nation. But in that case anonymity would have been 
as serviceable as pseudonymity. A more likely explana- 
tion is to be found in connexion with the belief that 
prophecy had ceased with Malachi,^ and with the fact 
that the canon was being gradually closed. Under the 
circumstances no prophetic writing, unless attached to a 
prophetic name, could carry authority or win for itself 
popular regard. But even if we can thus reasonably 
account for the pseudonymous character of apocalyptic 
literature at its rise and at its best, it is clear that 
latterly pseudepigraphy degenerated into a mere literary 
mode in the hands of men ranking far below the great 
prophets who spoke as the direct and authoritative 
messengers of God, and whose personality was in each 
case the element of peculiar value. 

We have next to note the visionary-ecstatic form 
assumed by Jewish apocalypse. In the use of visionary 
symbolism there is a remarkable development from the 
simplicity of Amos to the more elaborate and 
complicated imagery of Ezekiel, Zechariah, and Daniel. 
Sometimes the images they see are not intelligible to 
the prophets themselves, and they beg for an interpreta- 
tion of them." After Daniel — assuming for convenience 
sake that the term revelation is applicable to subsequent 
apocalyptic works — the vision becomes the form of 
revelation. And necessarily so. No other vehicle of 
Divine communications could be so germane to the 
purpose of the writers, which was the heavenly unv^eiling 

^ I Mace. iv. 46, ix. 27, xiv. 41 ; Ps. Ixxiv. 9. 
^jZech. iv. 4; Dan. viii. 15. 

VI.] and Literatttre 251 

of the future in order to a projection of supernatural 
activity into the sphere of the earthly. In each case the 
apocalyptist claims to have been caught up into heaven, 
to have seen what is hidden from ordinary mortal ken, 
and to describe his exceptional experience, the truth of 
his message being made to hinge upon the reality of his 
translation. Only through this medium could men hope 
to penetrate the secrets of the heavens and of the future. 
The heavenly, however, can never be quite adequately 
expressed ; hence the need for the illustrative, if also 
partly beclouding, imagery peculiar to the vision. 

In its literary form, the vision is characterised by the 
use of symbolic language, the imagery being sometimes 
of a very mysterious and fantastic kind. It is intended 
to be understood literally, however, and not poetically. 
In making use of this extraordinary literary framework, 
what, it may be asked, had the author to begin with ? 
The constituent elements of apocalyptic visions appear to 
be two — tradition and allegory. The former supplied 
the writer with material which he adapted to the 
circumstances of his own time. For example, the Old 
and the New Testament apocalyptist^ both find in the 
Babylonian chaos dragon a figure suitable for their 
respective purposes. Whether they employ the 
traditional figure merely with a view to literary effect, 
or whether they regard it as containing the key to the 
mystery with which they are confronted, is a question 
not easily answered. Frequently the apocalyptist 
alludes to historical personages and events under the 
veil of allegory. Although in Daniel Antiochus 

Epiphanes, and in Revelation Nero, are never mentioned 

* Dan. vii.; Rev. xii. 

252 The Apocalyptic Movc7nent [Chap. 

by name, the former being designated " the little horn " 
and the latter the " beast," the references were obvious 
enough to intelligent readers of those days. The 
apocalypses are thus a strange combination of revelation 
and concealment. No doubt the element of mystery is 
frequently introduced merely by way of literary brocade ; 
but behind the entire presentation undoubtedly lies the 
idea that the heavenly character of the revelation is 
proved by its mysterious dress, nay, that the more 
mysterious the symbols, the better fitted they are to 
adumbrate celestial truths. 

Another question arises here : Do the apocalyptic 
visions represent genuine experiences on the part of the 
writers ? It is certain that the prophets had visions 
both when " in the ecstasy " of overmastering Divine 
influence and v/hen under normal mental conditions, and 
that these visions were actual occurrences and not 
merely literary fancies. Does this hold good of the 
apocalyptists also ? Or are their visions simply the 
products of poetic phantasy ? To what extent was the 
apocalyptist an independent agent ? These are 
psychological questions which cannot be adequately 
discussed here. Two remarks, however, may be 
ventured. In the first place we must allow that, 
although in most cases apocalyptic writings must be 
pronounced literary fictions, they may nevertheless in 
some cases record real visionary experiences, it is 
psychologically conceivable that writers whose ideal it 
was to attain to ecstatic vision should sometimes have 
realised it through prayer and fasting. Such visions as 
those of Daniel and 2 (4) Esdras iii.-ix. seem to bear the 
stamp of reality. In the second place, it is difficult to 


] and Liter ahire 253 

regard apocalyptic visions as " pure creations of poetic 
fancy," for the simple reason that to do so would imply 
that the apocalyptist had no belief in the truth of his 
own message. This would be inconsistent with the 
claim of the New Testament apocalypse : " These are 
the true sayings of God." ^ If anything is certain with 
regard to apocalypse, it is that it aims at giving 
revelation, and at the same time attests the truth of it. 
To say this is not, of course, to deprive the writer of all 
individuality, or to destroy his freedom in the interpre- 
tation, expansion, or arrangement of the traditional 
material which lay to his hand ; it only means that we 
must not so conceive of his independence as to make it 
impossible for him to believe in the truth of his own 

The real significance of an apocalypse lies, however, 
not in its visionary-ecstatic form, but in its religious 
content, in its moral and spiritual import, primarily for 
the generation to which it was first addressed, but also 
in some degree for all time. This means that it is from 
the historical standpoint that the true value of an 
apocalypse must be estimated. Thus, for example, in 
order rightly to appreciate the Book of Daniel we must 
familiarise ourselves with the facts, and enter into the 
spirit, of the Maccaba;an crisis. The key to the Book 
of Enoch is likewise to be found in an intelligent 
acquaintance with the story of the grasping worldliness 
of the priestly aristocracy. And so with the rest of the 
apocalypses ; each must be viewed in its historical setting. 

The aim of these writings is at once didactic and 
hortatory, although sometimes the one element pre- 

1 Rev. xix. 9, etc. 

2 54 ^^^ Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

ponderates, and sometimes the other. Where the main 
object of the author is to impart instruction, the Divine 
mysteries and the surpassing excellence of Judaism are 
the favourite themes. But while some of these books 
are propagandist, in the majority of instances the chief 
purpose seems to have been to comfort the godly and 
warn the sinner by fostering faith in the bright future 
predicted for Israel. From this point of view the 
apocalypses have been aptly termed " Tracts for Bad 
Times," ^ They are practical messages of consolation 
to an age in which faith in God's righteous government 
of the world was sorely tried through the inscrutably 
hard lot meted out to His faithful servants. The 
natural occasion for such writings is a time when faith is 
endangered through stress of persecution or temiptation 
to apostasy, and their burden is that however grievous 
the woes previously endured, or yet to be endured, the 
day of deliverance is coming, and is even nigh at hand. 
The virtue inculcated is faithfulness unto death ; the 
reward promised is a crown of life.^ While the 
apocalyptic literature represents the protest of the weak 
and suffering righteous against the intolerable oppression 
of the prosperous wicked, it also urges that there is no 
justification either for scepticism or despair. What the 
circumstances call for is rather a firmer faith in God and 
in the ultimate victorious destiny awaiting His people. 
The immediate future, indeed, might be even more 
agonising than the calamitous present ; ^ nevertheless a 
happy change is imminent. 

' See Anderson Scott's Revelation (Century Bible), p. 27, and Muirliead's 
Eschatology of Jesus, p. 67. 

- Rev. ii. 10. "^ Cf. Dan. vii. 23-26. 

VI.] and Literature 255 

3. To what source are we to ascribe the origin of 
these writings ? Upon this point great diversity of 
opinion prevails. Wellhausen thinks it a likely con- 
jecture that we have here preserved to us extensive 
fragments of the secret books of the Essenes. This view 
has also been strongly advocated by Dr. J. E. H. 
Thomson,! the gist of whose argument is as follows : 
On the one hand we have a school whose esoteric books 
are wanting, and on the other a series of works produced 
by a school that is wanting; what more natural than 
that the two fit into each other ? The apocalyptic books, 
moreover, exhibit the very features we should expect in 
the sacred writings of the Essenes. Besides, as there 
are satisfactory reasons for believing that these books 
cannot have sprung from the Samaritans, the Sadducees, 
the Pharisees, or the Zealots, there was no other source 
from which they could have come except the Essenes. 
This is an interesting working hypothesis, especially in 
view of the question as to the relation in which the 
Essenes stood to our Lord ; but it involves the doubtful 
assumption that among them the sects included the 
whole population of Palestine. Ginsburg is quoted as 
asserting that " every Jew was obliged to belong to one 
or other of the sects " ; but are there grounds for this 
assertion ? According to Friedlander, in the post- 
Maccabaean age the majority of the people were outside 
the pale of the sects altogether.- 

^ Books which influenced our Lord mid His Apostles (1891). 

^ "Denn es ist — und das kann nicht oft genug wiederholt werden — ein 
schwerer Irrtum, zu glauben, dass das ganze nachmakkabaische Judentum 
entweder pharisaisch oder sadduziiisch war ; im Gegenteil, die grossen 
Massen des Volkes, die Ochloi (Am-haarez), blieben nach wie vor im Banne 
des hellenistischen Geistes, und wie die herischenden Parteien, batten auch 

256 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

Others suppose the apocalyptic books emanated from 
the Pharisees ; and no doubt there is much in them quite 
in keeping with the moral and religious ideals of 
Pharisaism, Seeing, however, that the Pharisees were 
keen ecclesiastics, and that the apocalyptists nowhere 
adopt anything like a party standpoint, or advocate 
any special programme, it is difficult to believe in 
the Pharisaic origin of this literature. Porter, who 
adopts this view in a modified form, thinks these books 
represent the earlier type of Pharisaism, but express the 
hopes and beliefs of Jews of different sects who agreed 
in their condemnation of the priestly and Sadducaean 

According to Hasse, they were the product of the 
democratic schools of the scribes, i.e. of scribes who 
were not Pharisees. In consideration of their political 
neutrality, their sustained continuity, and their probable 
non-stereotyped points of view, he contends that this 
theory suits the facts. When, however, he asserts that 
we cannot otherwise " account for an Egyptian section 
of these writings," there having been " no Pharisees in 
Alexandria," this seems wide of the mark, the reference 
being presumably to the Book of Wisdom^ which can 
scarcely be styled apocalyptic. Moreover, there seems 
no reason to regard the authorship of these books as the 
monopoly of literary scribes.^ 

sie, auch in nachmakkabaischer Zeit noch, ihre Lehrer und ihre Frommen." 
— Die Religiosen Bewegnngen innerhalb des Judentuuis im ZeitaUer Jcsti, 
p. 22. 

^ In this connexion Baldensperger emphasises the expression " Enoch the 
scribe" (i Enoch xii. 3 f., xv. i, xcii. i), and points to the scholastic manner in 
which the subject-matter is frequently handled. He also adds: " Dieser 
Schulcharakter, der sich auch in dem durchgehenden Bestreben verriith, ein 
moglichst auf biblischen Grunde fussendes weltsystem zu entwickeln, erklart 

VI.] and Literature 257 

Friedlander tries to prove that the main features of 
apocalyptic are neither Pharisaic nor Essene, but suggest 
rather a Jewish-Hellenistic origin. He urges that post- 
Maccabaean Judaism is by no means summarily com- 
prehended under the party names of Pharisees and 
Sadducees, and that the great mass of the people re- 
mained spell-bound by the Hellenistic spirit. As the 
Pharisees were the bodily, so the apocalyptists were the 
spiritual, heirs of " the pious " of the Psalms ; they pre- 
served the faith-contents of Mosaism without caring 
about oral tradition. They aimed at combining the 
spirit of Mosaism with the spirit of the age, with a view 
to the enlightenment of the heathen. So far from 
making religion the close preserve of the Israelitish 
people, they sought to bring the wide world within its 
range. According to this writer, such leading features 
of apocalyptic as its missionary spirit, its asceticism, its 
transcendent view of the Messiah, and the redemption of 
the world through the elect righteous, are irreconcilable 
with Pharisaic particularism, and are derived from Jewish 
Hellenism. Even where the standpoint is purely 
national, it has its analogue, he argues, in such poetical 
pictures of the Messianic age as occur in Book III. of 
The Sibyllines, a product of the Diaspora. But how- 
ever convincing Friedlander's arguments are against the 
Pharisaic origin of this literature, they are not convinc- 
ing in behalf of its Jewish-Hellenistic origin. 

The probabilities, indeed, seem to point to an Oriental 

hinliinglich, warum die Henochschriften, woran verschiedene Hande thatig 
gewesen, in einem Rahmen zu stehen kamen, und mag auch dafiir blirgen, 
dass, wie die einzelnen Theile aus derselben Werkstatt hervorgegangen, 
sie auch zeitlich nicht zu weit auseinander liegen." — Selbstbewusstsein 
Jesu, p. 8. 


258 TJie Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

rather than a Hellenistic influence. This is the view 
taken by Bousset, who while agreeing that Jewish 
apocalyptic is not a pure product of Jewish soil, but a 
syncretistic growth containing a large admixture of 
foreign elements, maintains that these were not Greek, 
but Persian. Some confirmation is lent to this theory 
by the existence of an Iranian apocalyptic similar in 
many respects to the Jewish. In both, according to 
Bousset, the world-drama is conceived as a battle between 
God and the devil ; in both this ason has a definite dura- 
tion, and is divided into distinct periods ; in both the 
thought of the resurrection of the dead is connected with 
that of the great judgment ; the thought of the world's 
destruction and of the judgment through fire, which are 
essentially Persian, occur at least here and there in 
Jewish apocalyptic also ; finally, in the one as in the 
other the world-drama ends with the conquest and 
annihilation of the evil spirits. The points of re- 
semblance are sufficiently striking. Is it certain, how- 
ever, that the borrowing was on the Jewish side ? 
According to Darmesteter, the date of the A vesta would 
suggest rather the dependence of Persian on Jewish 
apocalyptic. But this is not the view of Iranologists in 
general ; and if Bousset is right, the antiquity of the 
eschatological ideas of the religion of Iran is not really 
affected by Darmesteter's investigations. No doubt the 
Bundehesh, which contains them in their developed form, 
is as late as the time of the Sassanides, but it is almost 
certainly a correct reproduction of the corresponding 
section of the Avesta. And as its statements in all 
essential points are corroborated by Plutarch, who bases 
his representation on the authority of Theopompus, a 


and Literature 259 

writer belonging to the third century B.C., we are carried 
back to a date sufficiently early to admit of the priority 
of the Persian apocalyptic. 

But objections other than chronological have been 
brought against this theory. While Bousset lays stress 
on the resemblances, others point to the differences 
between the Persian apocalyptic and the Jewish, The 
one, it is said, is optimistic, the other pessimistic ; in the 
one it is a dogma that all the dead shall rise again, 
whereas in the other this first takes the form of a partial 
resurrection of good and bad ; the one is pervaded by 
the idea of the destruction of the world by fire, the other 
seldom alludes to such an idea. To the first of these 
contentions Bousset replies that even if true it would 
be no proof against a dependence of Jewish on Persian 
apocalyptic, but that in point of fact the Persian religion 
is not so optimistic as is represented, seeing that judg- 
ment is preached in the Gathas. In reply to the second, 
without denying that the idea of the resurrection has an 
organic connexion with Old Testament religion, he points 
out that in New Testament times the thought of a 
universal religion was already the ruling one. To the 
third he can only answer that the specifically Iranian 
thought of the final conflagration of the world is found jn 
Books II. and III. of The Sibylline Oracles. 

Bousset does not, however, rest his case solely upon 
such resemblances in detail as are common to Persian 
and Jewish apocalyptic. The dualistic vein running 
through the latter he regards as a strong proof of the 
truth of his contention, for dualism is at once un- 
Israelitish and a central feature of Iranian belief. 
Attempts have indeed been made to shew that there is a 

26o The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

difference between Jewish and Persian dualism, seeing 
that in the one case the devil is represented as ruler of 
this entire world, and in the other as lord of only a part 
of it. But it is in the Fourth Gospel and among the 
Gnostics that the devil first appears as the prince of this 
world. Within the range of the apocalyptic literature he 
appears only as a power in this ceon. Certainly it is 
not easy to resist the impression that Persian and Jewish 
dualism are externally connected, and that in this par- 
ticular at least there is a direct dependence of Judaism 
upon Parsism. When Bousset further finds the explana- 
tion of the new element in Jewish apocalyptic in the 
cosmological principle underlying the dualistic structure 
of the Persian religion, it must be conceded that the 
apocalyptic hopes are on the same plane as those of that 
cult. This view is, of course, rendered historically 
possible by the contact of the two religions in Babylon. 
Amid so many conflicting theories, one can speak 
only with diffidence. I incline, however, towards the 
view of Bousset, that the apocalyptic writings are 
essentially lay literature, books emanating from the 
comparatively uneducated section of the people, and 
reflecting in some important respects the influence of 
Oriental, and especially Persian, religion. Acting upon 
the dictum ascribed to Solomon, that " of making many 
books there is no end," the scribes busied themselves 
with their oral tradition. But among the non-profes- 
sional classes there apparently arose many purveyors of 
popular literature, the very style of which is suggestive of 
its origin. Its fondness for tales, legends, and fantastic 
imagery, its extensive use of dreams, parables, and 
angelic communications, and its uncritical spirit, seem to 

VI,] and Literature 261 

proclaim it to be of the people and for the people. 
Perhaps some Israelitish Carlyle began it — some strong 
soul outside of the strictly academic circles of the age, 
but with a stirring message for his generation. If the 
Book of Daniel be the earliest actual, as well as the 
earliest extant, specimen of this type of literature, its 
striking novelty, its moral elevation, and its spiritual 
fervour fit in well with such a view of its origin. 




The Apocalyptic Movement and Literature. 


4. We now proceed to discuss the main theological 
conceptions reflected in the apocalyptic literature. 

In this connexion we note first the dualistic view 
of the world presented in these books. For the prophets 
the kingdom of God is still future. On its consumma- 
tion His people shall be no longer downtrodden and 
oppressed, but shall attain a position of supremacy under 
the beneficent sway of the Messiah, the anointed king 
of David's line. Israel's enemies shall then be over- 
thrown. As personified in Gog and Magog, they shall 
be destroyed by the Divine judgment in the valley of 
Jehoshaphat (Hinnom). The dispersed of Israel shall 
then congregate at Jerusalem, which together with the 
Temple shall be rebuilt in splendour.^ The holy city 
shall thus become the exclusive abode of the saints, and 
no unclean person shall inhabit the fertile land. Its 
pious inhabitants shall be blest with a numerous progeny, 
and God shall be with them, forgiving their sins, creating 
in them a clean heart, and freeing them from all sickness 
and sorrow. Such is the scope of the older Messianic 

1 Cf. Tob. xiii. 16-18. 

266 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

hope ; and that it lived well into our period is clear 
from the glowing expression given to it in the Psalter 
of Solomon. But now within the circle of Messianic 
expectations a great change was wrought through the 
introduction of a more transcendental type of thought 
specially associated with the name apocalyptic. In the 
books so designated there is an enlarged horizon, the 
merely national outlook being superseded by the 
universal ; while future hopes even of a strictly earthly 
character take on a supernatural hue. Hence to the 
question, wherein consists the specific difference between 
the older Messianic ideas and the later hope of Judaism 
as embodied in the apocalyptic writings, the answer is : 
Clearly in the introduction of the supernatural element 
and in the conception of a new order of the world. The 
bright future for Israel depicted in ancient prophecy 
was still a future that lay within the natural order of 
things, whereas the apocalyptic hope postulates a future 
blissful consummation in which there is a marvellous trans- 
cendental, unearthly element. For this a theoretical 
basis is laid in the division of the history of mankind and of 
the universe into two great periods — this and the future 
age. In the sharp contrast thus drawn between " this 
world " and " the world to come," between the present aeon 
and the future aion, we find the centre of apocalyptic 
thought relatively to the national hopes of Judaism. 

This world is conceived as essentially and increasingly 
bad, as in fact a kingdom of evil, under the influence 
and partly under the dominion of evil spirits, and as such 
irrevocably doomed to destruction. A world so consti- 
tuted must necessarily pass away, but as its appointed 
end approaches^ Satan's power is all the more strenuously 

VII.] and Literature 267 

exerted to fill the cup of the righteous with misery, and 
to send a sword upon the earth. Although an invisible 
spirit, he is humanly conceived as the Antichrist, and 
sometimes, as in Daniel's picture of Antiochus Epiphanes, 
invested with the qualities of a despot ; sometimes, as in 
Book III. of The Jewish Sibyllines, with those of a false 
prophet. This conception is clearly reflected in the 
New Testament.^ As the conflict thickens and the 
destined change of worlds draws near, distresses and 
calamities increase. This is a common idea with the 
apocalyptists, who depict the woes preceding the end 
as the birth-pangs of the Messianic era. The thought 
underlying this eschatological dogma is that there must 
be painful throes before a new era can be born. These 
catastrophic signs of the end include the physical 
degeneracy of man, the failure and aberration of the 
powers of nature, portents in the skies and tumults 
among the nations and their rulers, as well as amongst 
the nearest relatives. Children will be born with grey 
hair ; ' the sown field shall appear unsown, and the springs 
of the fountains shall stand still ; " blood shall drop out of 
wood, and stones shall speak ; the sun shall shine in the 
night, and the moon in the day ; '^ swords shall appear 
in the starry heavens, and a battle between footmen and 
horsemen shall be seen in the clouds.^ All friends shall 
destroy one another ; ^ the small minority of wise men 
shall be silent, and fools shall speak.'^ Thus shall the 
afflictions of Zion be fulfilled, and the seal set upon the 
world that is to pass away.^ 

^ 2 Thess. ii. 1-12 ; Rev. xiii. " Jub. xxiii. 25. ^ 2 Esd. vi. 24. 

■* 2 Esd. V. 4f. 5 Sib. Hi. 798 ff. « 2 Esd. v. 9. 

'' Syr. Baruch Ixx. 5, xlviii. 33. ^ 2 Esd. iv. 19 f. 

268 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

The future age is of an entirely different character 
from the present, being essentially good and eternal. 
It is of heavenly origin, a purely supernatural kingdom 
prepared by God before the foundation of the world, 
and destined to rise upon the ruins of the earthly. This 
is clearly stated in 2 Esd. iv. 1 7 ff. : " This world is 
full of sadness and infirmities. For the evil whereof 
thou askest me is sown, but the gathering thereof is not 
yet come. If therefore that which is sown be not 
reaped, and if the place where the evil is sown pass 
not away, there cannot come the field where the good 
is sown." That is to say, not only evil itself, but the 
world also as the soil in which it has taken root, will 
be destroyed. And for it there shall be substituted a 
new and better field : " For unto you is paradise opened, 
the tree of life is planted, the time to come is prepared, 
plenteousness is made ready, a city is builded, and rest 
is allowed, goodness is perfected, wisdom being perfect 
aforehand." ^ The kingdom of God is no longer con- 
ceived as an earthly kingdom, but as a heavenly, 
prepared and preserved until the end of the world. 
Does, then, the older form of the national hope no 
longer find expression in the apocalypses? It does, 
especially in parts of Enoch, but the prevailing concep- 
tion is that which has just been described. What the 
writers generally have in view is not a return to the 
traditions of the Davidic kingdom, but a new earth 
formed upon a celestial model, and the ultimate trans- 
formation of the righteous into angelic beings. 

But what is meant by this new earth? Is the 
expression to be interpreted ethically or literally ? Do 

' viii. 52. 

VII.] and Literature 269 

the apocalyptists mean only that the world must be 
morally transformed in order to become the seat of the 
Messianic kingdom ? Is it " a fundamental mistake 
to suppose that an apocalyptist has necessarily any 
quarrel with the earth or the world as such " ? ^ Or 
has he in view an absolute upsetting of the present 
order of things, and a new order in which, for example, 
there may be no more any law of gravitation, just as in 
St. John's vision, after the first earth had passed away, 
" there was no more sea " ? ^ To this it is difficult to 
give a precise answer on account of the lack of definite- 
ness in the apocalyptic vision. In this transition period, 
when the older Messianic hope was being gradually 
transformed into the newer apocalyptic belief, " the line 
of demarcation between the earthly and the heavenly 
ideal was not always clearly or consistently drawn, so 
that it is not always easy to be confident in particular 
passages which of the two ideals the writer means to 
express." ^ All that can be said is that, notwithstanding 
the emphatically heavenly character of the kingdom, 
the general implication is that the earth, after under- 
going a renewal so complete as to amount to its virtual 
destruction in its present form, will be the sphere of its 

Although the contrast between the present and the 
future aeon cannot be proved to have become axiomatic 
until towards the close of the first century A.D,,* it was 
no doubt current at a considerably earlier date. It has 
its basis, indeed, in the older prophetic pictures of 

1 Muirhead, The EscJiatology of Jesus, p. 87. - Rev. xxi. i. 

■^ Driver, Daniel, p. Ixxxviii. 

•• 2 Esd. vii. 50 ; Syr. Baruch xliv. 9. 

270 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

Isa. xxiv ,— xxvii. ; Zech. xii— xiv., etc. It finds expression 
in the Slavonic Enoch, written probably before the 
destruction of Jerusalem,^ and apparently in the Gospels.^ 
St. Paul's frequent allusions to " this world " indicate 
that it was familiar to him also. We may therefore 
take it that the dawn of Christianity found this concep- 
tion ready to hand. 

The peculiar significance of these new views lies, 
however, not so much in the transmutation of the earthly 
hope into a spiritual and heavenly, as in this, that they 
supplied the means of setting religion free from the 
trammels of nationalism. The outlook is no longer 
confined to the Israelitish people, it becomes world-wide.^ 
In Daniel the course of the world's history falls into 
two periods. The first is that of the world-kingdoms, 
which are symbolised by animals, and succeed one 
another in a divinely appointed order. The second is 
that of the universal kingdom of the saints, to which 
the dominion ultimately passes. The two kingdoms 
are diametrically opposed, and the ever growing wicked- 
ness of the world-powers is suddenly arrested by the 
judgment and the dawn of the new age. An over- 
whelming sense of the universality of the Divine purpose 
in reference to the events of human history pervades 
the book. In the animal vision of the Book of Enoch ^ 
and in Baruch's vision of the cloud that rose out of the 
sea,^ the writers similarly carry their presentation back 
even to primeval times. " From the days of the 
creation till heaven and earth and "all creatures be 
renewed " is the succinct description of the entire 

^ Iviii. 5, Ixxi. 6. ^ Mark. x. 30 ; Luke xvii. 8, xviii. 30. 

^ See Note 31, p. 404. ^ xxxv.-xc. ^ iiii._ixxiv. 

VII.] and Literature 271 

course of this world given in Jub. i. 29. History is. 
regarded as a unity with a definite goal. The apoca- 
lyptists are thus in a position to view the rise and 
fall of dynasties from a teleological standpoint, the 
present being conceived as the necessary outcome of 
past developments. 

This doctrine of two ?eons strongly influenced the 
newer hope of Judaism. It introduced into it a dualistic 
element which asserted itself with growing emphasis as 
time went on,^ until it crystallised into the doctrine 
of a direct opposition between God and the prince of 
this world. Already in Daniel the saints are actively 
opposed by the rebel angels,^ and in the later Jewish 
writings their arch-enemy is portrayed not merely as a 
heathen despot, but as the prince of evil spirits in conflict 
with the Most High (or the Messiah). The first clear 
mention of a personal devil (Beliar = Satan, Samm?el, 
Mastema, Azazel) occurs in The Testaments of the 
Tzvelve PatJ'iarchs, dating probably from the Maccabaean 
age. Two worlds, then, confront each other in sharp 
antagonism. This world is evil, and for an appointed 
time in subjection to Satan. The transition from the 
present to the future age will be signalised by a battle 
between God and the angels on the one side, and 
Satan and the demons on the other. Victory shall 
rest with God, and Satan will be driven from the earth. 
" At the end of the times Satan and evil will be 
no more." ^ 

Thus had the Jewish Messianic hope become bound 

^ The development of the duaUstic idea is briefly but clearly traced by 
Bousset, Die Jiidische Apohalyptik, p. 20ff. (1903). See Note 32, p. 404. 
^ X. 13. 'Jub. xxiii. 29. 

272 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

up in the popular mind with an apocalyptic dualistic 
conception of the world. It was regarded as the 
denouement in a drama of worlds, beginning with the 
fall of angels and men, and ending with the judgment. 
This decided drift of Jewish religious thought into 
dualism is a fact of great significance in the history of 
religion. It is clearly reflected in the Gospels, which 
represent the destruction of the kingdom of Satan as 
necessary in order to the establishment of the kingdom 
of God. Jesus cites the casting out of devils as a proof 
that the kingdom of God was on the point of realisation.^ 
In the Fourth Gospel the dualistic vein is very marked ; 
here the judgment of the world means the expulsion 
of its prince, the devil.- The same thing is true of the 
Apocalypse of St. John, which shews that foreign 
supremacy, and particularly that of the Roman Empire, 
was widely viewed as the work of the devil. God's 
final victory over Satan and his hosts will, however, 
usher in a brighter era. " Then will His dominion over 
all creatures appear, then will the devil have an end." ^ 

This happy consummation will be preceded by the 
judgment, which is primarily conceived as a judgment 
upon Israel's foes. The idea, however, is gradually 
extended so as to embrace all the nations, and in 
common with the newly formulated doctrine of the 
change of aeons there grew up the thought of a universal 
judgment of all creatures. In the apocalyptic literature 
"the great day," "the great judgment," are constantly 
recurring expressions, and the idea of judgment becomes 
purely forensic. The Lord is conceived no longer as 
" a man of war," but as the Judge, and nowhere more 

^ Matt. xii. 28 ; Luke xi. 20. "^ xii. 31. ^ ^^j._ Mosis, x. i. 


and Literature 273 

strikingly than in Dan. vii. 9 f., " I beheld till thrones 
were placed, and one that was ancient of days did sit : 
his raiment was white as snow, and the hair of his head 
like pure wool ; . . . thousand thousands ministered 
unto him, and ten thousand times ten thousand stood 
before him : the judgment was set, and the books were 
opened." Judgment proceeds according to what is 
written in the books. Sometimes these are thought of 
as records of good and evil deeds, sometimes as contain- 
ing the names of those destined to life and to death. 
Another conception which gained currency was that \ 
which represents the judgment as a weighing of men's : 
deeds in the balances.^ 

Upon this new way of regarding history some 
interesting doctrinal positions soon grafted themselves. 

For one thing, the apocalyptic writers offer a new 
solution of the problem which had so long exercised the 
best minds in Israel. The sufferings of the righteous 
are no longer viewed as the consequence of their sins, 
but purely as a necessary link in the chain of events. 
They form an essential part of the present order of 
things. History is treated as a theodicy in which present 
and future have their necessary place. No attempt is 
made to reconcile the misfortunes of the pious with the 
righteousness of God ; the Gordian knot is cut by the 
simple assertion that this world is essentially bad, and 
that for the solution of all enigmas we must look to 
the world to come. The present supremacy of evil is 
occasioned by sin and strife in the world of spirits, but 
will cease on the arrival of the day of the Lord which is 
at hand. 

^ Dan. V. 27 ; Enoch xli. i. 

2 74 ^^^ Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

To the same cause is to be traced the practice of 
reckoning the time of the end of the present seon. 
This was based upon certain conceptions of what had 
already been divinely planned. " For he hath v/eighed 
the world in the balance ; and by measure hath he 
measured the times ; and by number hath he measured 
the seasons ; and he shall not move nor stir them, until 
the said measure be fulfilled " ^ The world, then, had a 
regular course to run, and a distinct goal to reach. More- 
over, its end was near : " The Most High also hath 
looked upon his times, and, behold, they are ended, 
and his ages are fulfilled." ^ These two ideas combined 
to stimulate inquisitiveness concerning the exact date 
of the world's end. If God had arranged the course of 
history according to a set plan, it should be possible 
for men enlightened by His spirit to trace it out in 
detail.^ Hence the tendency to map out human history 
in sections, and to calculate the length of the different 
stages. To succeed in this attempt would be to measure 
the duration of the present world, and consequently to 
discover the time of Israel's deliverance from oppression. 
Daniel's delineation of the four world-kingdoms, and his 
interpretation of the seventy years of desolation foretold 
by Jeremiah as seventy " weeks " of years, formed the 
prelude to a long series of similar delineations and 
calculations. In many of the apocalyptic books, as an 
aid towards reckoning the time of the end, the world's 
history is divided into separate epochs, such as the ten 
weeks of the Book of EnocJi, the ten generations of 
The Sibyllines, the twelve clouds of the Syriac Baruck, 
the twelve periods of 2 (4) Esdras, the seven weeks of 

^ 2 Esd. iv. 36 f. ^ xi. 44. ^ xiv. f. 


VII.] and Literature 275 

The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, and the seven 
seals of the Book of Revelation. The Assuinptiojz of Moses 
reckons the entire duration of the world at 5000 years, 
and Ethiopia Enoch at 10,000. But the most generally- 
accepted estimate was that put forward, for example, in 
Slavonic Enoch, namely 7000 years, i.e. 6000 years + 
1000 years of the Messiah's reign. Although Jewish 
apocalyptic owed its religious influence to its insistence 
upon the approaching end of this world, yet through the 
extraordinary importance attached to these numerical 
calculations piety soon assumed an unhealthy aspect. 
For at bottom this was an irreligious tendency. Instead 
of the calm patience that is content to bide God's time, 
there grew up a spirit of curiosity which amounted to 
an invasion of the prerogatives of heaven. It is note- 
worthy that while Jesus possibly shared the apocalyptic 
sense of the nearness of this world's end, He expressly 
dissociated Himself from the apocalyptic inquisitiveness 
which sought precisely to determine the time of the 
end.^ Yet misplaced human ingenuity still sets itself 
the futile task of trying to find out how near the world 
is to its end — an inquiry apparently as fascinating as 
it is presumptuous. 

The new view of the world suggested in the apoca- 
lyptic literature is also naturally accompanied by a 
decided alteration in the place given to, and in the 
conception formed of, the Messiah. Seeing the judg- 
ment is regarded as the work of God Himself, there is 
little or no place left for the Messiah, at all events in 
those books which lay stress upon the idea of a world- 
judgment. Such themes as the future aeon, and victory 

1 Matt. xxiv. 36 ; Mark xiii. 32. 

276 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

over the devil, have no real affinity with the ancient 
picture of the Davidic king. Consequently, in the 
apocalyptic books the Messiah is either altogether absent, 
as in Daniel, certain sections of Enoch, and The Assump- 
tion of Moses ; or is relegated to the background, as in 
2 (4) Esdras ^ and 2 Baruch ; or is transformed into a new 
figure of a more transcendental type, as in The Similitudes 
of Enoch. While the Messiah here retains the central 
place, and is still a man, He is at the same time repre- 
sented as pre-existent in a heavenly state, and as a 
companion of God and the angels — in short, as the 
supernatural Son of Man.- This strikingly spiritual 
conception of the Messianic idea is strongly reflected 
in the judicial character ascribed to the Messiah. He 
stands at God's side, and virtually takes His place as 
Judge, pronouncing sentence on angels and men. As 
the Anointed, the Righteous and Elect One, He shall 
receive universal homage when seated on the throne of 
His glory. 

What is specially remarkable about this new picture 
of the Messiah is that we cannot trace the stages of its 
development. Perhaps it did grow, and was no sudden 
creation, yet apparently it emerges all at once, like 
Athene from the head of Zeus. Association of the 
Messianic idea with a pre-existent heavenly being akin 
to that personified in the Hellenistic Logos or the 

' On some special peculiarities of the representation in 2 Esdras, see 
Hastings' Dictionary, Extra Vol., p. 300. 

^ The same spiritualising tendency is seen in the rise of the idea of the 
heavenly Jerusalem, the old expectation of a rebuilt earthly Jerusalem being 
transformed into "the Jerusalem which is above." The conception was a 
familiar one in Jewish apocalypses (Enoch xc. 28 f. ; 2 Esd. vii. 26, etc.), 
and finds expression also in the New Testament (Gal. iv. 26 ; Heb. xii. 22 ; 
Rev. iii. 12, etc.). 

VII.] and Literature 277 

Hebrew Wisdom was something absolutely new to 
Palestinian Judaism in pre-Christian times. And the 
precise origin of the idea of the heavenly man is still 
obscure. Some think the use of the phrase " Son of 
Man " as a Messianic title is to be traced to a misunder- 
standing of Dan. vii. 13 f : "I saw in the night visions, 
and, behold, there came with the clouds of heaven one 
like unto a son of man, and he came even to the ancient 
of days, and they brought him near before him. And 
there was given unto him dominion, and glory, and a 
kingdom, that all the peoples, nations, and languages 
should serve him : his dominion is an everlasting 
dominion, which shall not pass away, and his kingdom 
that which shall not be destroyed." But, as Bousset 
remarks, " it is plainly inconceivable that so influential 
an idea as that of a heavenly, pre-existent Messiah 
should have arisen simply out of a misunderstanding of 
a biblical passage " ; and this writer's theory, that Daniel 
probably found a mysterious concrete picture of the Son 
of Man already to hand, and made symbolic use of it, 
deserves consideration. 

Whatever its origin, in its further development the 
new conception of the Messiah was greatly influenced by 
this prophecy of Daniel. The prophet probably speaks 
here, however, not of the individual Messiah, but of the 
glorified Israelitish nation. In point of fact the allusion 
is not to the Son of Man, but to one like unto a son of 
man, i.e. a figure in human form who receives the 
kingdom as representing " the people of the saints of the 
Most High." The Messianic interpretation appears to 
me to be untenable. It dates, however, from a very 
early period. The Septuagint translators even seem to 

278 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

have understood the reference as being to the Messiah. 
So also did the early Jewish rabbis. The form " Son of 
Man " ^ passed through the Jewish apocalyptic into the 
New Testament, and so has assumed great importance 
for Christian theology. 

The contrast drawn between this and the future age 
further led to Chiliasm or Millenarianism. The effort to 
etherealise the national hope was only partially success- 
ful, for, after all, the prophetic forecasts of Israel's destiny 
could not be realised apart from this earth. With the 
individual it was otherwise ; either a transfigured earth, 
or heaven itself might be his dwelling-place. Both the 
narrower temporal Messianic hope and the supernatural 
apocalyptic hope found literary expression. The former 
is reflected in the Psalms of Solomon ; the latter attains 
its purest expression in Slavonic Enoch. But in several 
instances the two forms of thought are mixed up in a 
confused way without really coalescing. As an amal- 
gamation between the old and the new thus proved 
impracticable, it became necessary to find some way of 
doing justice to both. Hence the millenarian idea, 
according to which there would first be a literal fulfil- 
ment of the prophetic promises to Israel, a period most 
frequently fixed at a thousand years, during which the 
Messiah would reign gloriously at Jerusalem, and then 
would be ushered in the future and eternal aeon with its 
purely spiritual blessings. This conception of an inter- 
mediate kingdom was really introduced as a compromise, 

1 K^3x ^5 (□'ix"i3)=;6 via toO a.vdp(i}irov = b dvOpwjros. On the New Testa- 
ment use and significance of the name " Son of Man," see Driver's Daniel (in 
Cambridge Bible) ; Muirhead's Eschaiology of Jesus, Lect. iv. ; and Well- 
hausen, Isr. und Jiid. Geschichte,'-^ p. 381. 

VII.] a7id Literature 279 

and by means of it a chaotic mass of heterogeneous 
views was reduced to something Hke order. Just as the 
prophets conceived the Messianic age as lying in the 
immediate future, so the apocalyptists regard the end of 
this aeon and the beginning of the new aeon as at hand. 
Owing, however, to the impossibility of displacing all at 
once the older earthly hope, the Messianic kingdom was 
assigned a definite place between the two aeons ; and it 
was not until the days of Jesus and the apostle Paul 
that men began to believe in the immediate immanence 
of the transition from the one world-period to the other, 
and of the final judgment. In apostolic times insistence 
upon this was one of the most potent elements in Chris- 
tian preaching, and proved a great stimulus to piety. 

We meet with the millenarian idea first apparently 
in Enoch's vision of weeks, and in Book III. of The 
Sibyllines. Jesus makes use of apocalyptic images, 
but says nothing of a limited duration of the Messianic 
kingdom. It is doubtful whether chiliasm is implied 
in I Cor. xv. 23-28, but it is definitely expressed in 
Rev. XX. 6 : " Blessed and holy is he that hath part in 
the first resurrection : over these the second death hath 
no power; but they shall be priests of God and of 
Christ, and shall reign with him a thousand years." 
Many early Christian writers went further than this, 
however, and were led into extravagance through 
taking the Jewish apocalypses as practically Christian 
documents ; they accepted chiliasm as a tradition of 
the Church. 

Jewish apocalyptic literature is further characterised 
by a transcendental conception of God and His relation 
to the world. No necessity was felt by the early 

28o The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

Hebrews for metaphysical speculation as to the being 
and attributes of God and His relation to the material 
universe. For them all such problems were settled by 
the fact that " in the beginning God created the heaven 
and the earth," and that since the days of Abraham 
onward He had been their covenant God, and had led 
them through all the vicissitudes of their history. Was 
not Zion the city of God, the holy place of the 
tabernacles of the Most High, and was not God in the 
midst of her ? In the post-exilic period, however, there 
was developed a tendency to conceive God as dwelling 
in the distant heaven, as " afar off," and remote from 
the life of men. ' Prayer was directed not to a present 
. Jahweh", but " toward heaven " or " unto heaven." ^ 
• God was thought of as occupying an inaccessible throne, 
', and owing to a false reverence care was taken to avoid 
speaking of Him in terms of the life of humanity. 
;,|While this absolute, transcendental conception of God 
is more or less characteristic of the later Judaism 
generally, it is most marked in apocalyptic writings. 
The striking description of God in Dan. vii. 9 f. speaks 
to the imagination rather than the heart. This is still 
truer of the description of the palace of God in Enoch 
xiv. 1 7 ff. : " Its floor was fire, and above it were light- 
nings and the path of the stars, and its ceiling also was 
flaming fire. And I looked and saw therein a lofty 
throne : its appearance was as hoar frost, its circuit was 
as a shining sun and the voices of cherubim. And 
from underneath the great throne came streams of 
flaming fire so that it was impossible to look thereon. 
And the Great Glory sat thereon, and his raiment 

^ I Mace. iii. 50, iv. 10. 

vii.] and Literature 281 

shone more brightly than the sun, and was whiter than 
any snow. None of the angels could enter and could 
behold the face of the Honoured and Glorious One, and 
no flesh could behold him." The sight made Enoch 
quake and tremble; but so long as the effect of 
proximity to the Divine is terror, so long as the ethical 
element is absent or in the background, religion must 
degenerate into a vapid supernaturalism. 

The result of this whole way of conceiving of God 
and His relation to the world was the development of 
an elaborate hierarchy of angels and spirits in order to 
bridge the gulf thus created between God and men, 
and so meet what was felt to be an intellectual necessity. 
During the age of the prophets and the Law, angels 
had practically no function to discharge ; Israel had to 
do directly with God Himself. But in view of the 
altered conception of God prevalent in the post-exilic 
period, and under the stimulus of Persian influences, 
the Jews came to think of Him as governing the world 
through hosts of angelic intermediaries, divided into 
different ranks and classes, with special functions 
assigned to each. Every nation was believed to have 
its own guardian angel.^ The idea of the seven 
ameshaspentas of the Persian religion was reproduced in 
the seven archangels who are represented as the chiefs 
of the angelic host. Other features of the new develop- 
ment were the designation of angels by proper names, 
and the conception of elemental angels. In the Book of 
Jubilees, besides the two chief orders, the angels of the 
presence and the' angels of sanctification, mention is 
made of a numerous class of inferior angels who super- 

1 Dan. X. 13, 20. 

282 The Apocalyptic Moveinent [Chap. 

intend the phenomena of nature, " the angels of the 
spirit of the winds, and the angels of the spirit of the 
clouds, and of darkness, and of snow, and of hail, and 
of hoar frost," etc.^ 

Still more remarkable is the development in 
demonology reflected in the apocalyptic books. Ap- 
parently by means of a legendary expansion of the 
fragmentary narrative in Gen. vi. 1-4,^ the origin of 
evil is traced to the fall of the angels, whose alliance 
with women had corrupted the earth. In Ethiopic 
Enoch Ixix. 2 ff. are given the names of twenty wicked 
angels, together with the names of their chiefs. Their 
leader is Azazel.^ They are symbolised by disobedient 
stars, and are meanwhile imprisoned under the earth,^ 
their presence there being attested by volcanic 
eruptions, earthquakes, and all the woes and diseases 
that afflict humanity. At the final judgment they 
will be consigned to eternal torment. 

The attempt to refer the origin of evil to the 
degenerate angels or " sons of God " ^ led to the 
evolution of a personal devil as prince of this world. 
Although the belief in evil spirits is certainly character- 
istic of Jewish religion in more ancient times, it 
attained a particularly strong development in the 
apocalyptic period. Then for the first time do we 
meet with the idea of a kingdom of evil under 
monarchical rule, that, namely, of Satan and his hosts. 
Whereas the Satan of the Old Testament is an angel 
who serves Jehovah in the capacity of accuser, he now 

^ ii. 2, 18. 2 ggp ]\jQ(.g 23, p. 406. 

^ Semjaza in Gen. vi. 3, which Charles regards as an interpolated passage. 

■* Eth. Enoch xviii. 15, xxi. 6 ; Jiide 5, 13. ° Gen. vi. 

vai.J and Literahire 283 

becomes the antipodes of God, the lord of the kingdom 
of evil, in short, " the devil." It is noteworthy that our 
Lord nowhere condemns the current belief in Satan \ 
and demons, and indeed He seems to have been to 
some extent influenced by the apocalyptic writings, j 
Certainly the Gospels represent His whole activity as ' 
directed against Satan and his kingdom. 

The apocalyptists stand at the opposite pole from 
that vulgar familiarity with God which Matthew Arnold 
justly rebuked when he said that some people speak 
of God as if He were a man living in the next street. 
And yet, in spite of all their supernaturalism, it must 
be admitted that /' they turned the idea of the Divine 
transcendence to practical account." ^ Their argument 
was that a God who ruled the armies of heaven could 
be counted on to effect the deliverance of His oppressed 
people on earth. And the narratives in Daniel are 
indeed a standing proof of this, for the hopes which 
they breathe found expression at the very darkest 
moment in Israel's history. 

A third feature in the theological conceptions of 
the apocalyptic writings is the notable development of 
religious individualism which they exhibit. The problem 
of the nation is still uppermost perhaps, yet religious 
individualism comes to active, if not pure, expression. 
There were two directions in which the difficulties 
arising from the discrepancy between the actual situa- 
tion in Israel and the prophetic forecast made them- 
selves acutely felt. A question was thus raised alike 
for the righteous nation and for the righteous individual. 
It was mainly the national destiny that was in the eye'j 

^ Muirhead, op. cit, p. 77. 

284 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

of the Old Testament prophets ; they foretold not only- 
Israel's "resurrection" as a nation, but Israel's 
supremacy in the world as Jehovah's righteous people. 
But these bright hopes remained unrealised. In the 
Maccabaean age it was in its bearing upon the position 
of the righteous individual that the problem pressed 
most keenly. Individualism took a firm hold in the 
thought of reward in a future life, so that in order to 
the vindication of the Divine righteousness, it became 
necessary to assert the resurrection of the righteous 
individual as well as that of the righteous nation ; and 
this was the special task that fell to the apocalyptic 
writers. In their execution of it they painted, as we 
have seen, upon a large canvas, giving a delineation of 
the history of the world and of the human race, describ- 
ing the origin and development of evil, and predicting 
the final triumph of the good through the ushering in 
of a new aeon. Then not only would the righteous 
nation possess the earth, but the righteous individual 
also, whatever his temporal lot, would receive the reward 
of his righteousness. 

We are here face to face with a new and profoundly 
significant conception of human life. The doctrine of 
personal immortality was unknown to the older 
Hebraism. " Shall the dead praise thee," asks the 
Psalmist, " or they that go down into the pit ? " While 
the ideas of immortality and resurrection were applied 
to the nation as a whole, they were never associated 
with the individual. Certainly the thought of a future 
life is implied, and a shadowy existence in Sheol is 
assumed in the case of all the dead. Moreover, in 
some of the Psalms, notably the forty-ninth and seventy- 


and Literature 285 

third, the conviction of personal immortality comes out 
strongly. But the hope of a bodily resurrection for the 
individual first arose in the apocalyptic period, and first 
found expression in apocalyptic writings, Isa. xxvi. 
19 really forms no exception, since it belongs to a 
post-exilic section of manifestly apocalyptic character. 
Apart from this passage, we have in Dan. xii. 2 — no 
doubt within strict limits — a clear-cut assertion of the 
doctrine of a bodily resurrection for individuals, and 
from this time — that of the Maccabaean crisis — it con- 
tinued to form a prominent feature of nearly all 
apocalyptic writings. The seer's words are : " And 
many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall 
awake, some to everlasting life, and some to shame 
and everlasting contempt." This is the first mention 
of the idea of a resurrection for the wicked, and of a 
difference in the destiny of the righteous and the 
wicked after death. The writer has in view Israelites 
only, and again only those who have taken a leading 
part either in advancing or obstructing the Divine 
kingdom ; that is to say, he alludes specially to the 
martyrs and the apostates. There is here no thought 
of a resurrection for all ; indeed this is expressly 

The idea of a resurrection for all Israelites is first 
met with in Enoch li. if.: " And in those days will the 
earth also give back those who are treasured up within 
it, and She5l also will give back that which it has 
received, and hell will give back that which it owes. 
And he will choose the righteous and holy from among 
them : for the day of their redemption has drawn nigh." 
And the doctrine of a universal resurrection of the dead 

2 86 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

is first clearly formulated, possibly under Christian in- 
fluences, in 2 (4) Esd. vii. 32:" The earth shall restore 
those that are asleep in her, and so shall the dust those 
that dwell therein in silence, and the secret places shall 
deliver those souls that were committed unto them," in 
2 Baruch 1. 2, li. i ff., etc., and in Sib. iv. 181 f. 

As to the scope, nature, and time of the resurrection, 
there was no uniformity of belief For the most part it 
is represented as confined to Israel ; and even within this 
limit there are varying points of view. According to 
Dan. xii., only some, both of the righteous and the 
wicked, will be raised up ; in the oldest part of EnocJi ^ 
a resurrection of all the righteous and of only some of 
the wicked is contemplated ; in The Similitudes expres- 
sion is given both to the wider view that good and bad 
alike will share in the resurrection,- and to the narrower 
view that it will be limited to the righteous only ; ^ but 
the prevailing conception seems to be that none but the 
faithful will rise again.* TJie Testaments of the Twelve 
Patriarchs and 2 Maccabees speak of a resurrection of 
the just, and this point of view is still reflected in the 
New Testament. Josephus represents the Pharisees as 
teaching that " the souls of good men only are removed 
into other bodies." In Revelation we have a combina- 
tion of both conceptions.^ At first the resurrection was 
viewed as a resurrection of the body ; but during the last 
century before Christ, in accordance with the greater 
transcendence given to the Jewish hope of a blessed 
future, it came to be regarded as purely spiritual.^ This 

^ i.-xxxvi. ^ li. I. "' Ixi. 5. 

* Enoch xci.-civ. ; 2 Mace. ix. 14, etc. ; Ps.-Sol. iii. 16, etc. 
^ XX. 4, 20. "^ Enoch xci.-civ. ; Ps.-Sol. 

VII.] aiid Literature 287 

was the position taken up by the Alexandrian Jews as 
well as the Essenes. In 2 Mace. vii. both ideas are 
conjoined, while in The Similitudes the older is still 
adhered to. According to Enoch li. i, the resurrection 
will take place at the commencement, according to 
2 Baruch and 2 (4) Esdras, at the close, of the Messianic 

In the course of the second century B.C. the accept- 
ance of the doctrine of the resurrection naturally gave 
rise to the idea of future rewards and punishments, and 
the thought of the resurrection is usually more or less 
closely bound up with that of a world judgment to ensue 
at the change of aeons. And the aspect of Divine 
judgment which now came into prominence was that it 
would be a judgment upon individuals. The question at 
issue was no longer merely that of adjudication between 
Israel and her enemies, but the final destiny of every 
man. Alongside of the national idea there grew up the 
ethical, until the contrast between good and bad stood 
forth in such strong relief that when at length it was 
presented by Jesus in all its purity it fell upon not 
altogether irresponsive ears. His hearers were already 
so far prepared for that searching word : " What shall it 
profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose 
his own soul ? " 

In the later Jewish literature the cleavage between 
the righteous and the wicked is so sharp that the testing 
of the judgment is represented as spelling for the 
individual either eternal life or eternal condemnation. 
The decisive factor in the case is a man's own works — 
what he has done and left undone. Here we have 
an undoubted triumph of religious individualism over 

288 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

national religion ; and although in the apocalyptic 
literature this conception rarely comes to pure expres- 
sion, being frequently mixed up with the materialistic 
hope of a long life upon the earth/ the future life of 
the pious is at the same time not seldom more spiritu- 
ally delineated as an exalted and supernatural life of 
heavenly glory. The righteous shall shine as the stars, 
and be like the angels. On the other hand, the wicked 
are consigned to irrevocable doom, with no further 
opportunity for repentance and prayer.^ Sometimes 
their fate is represented as final destruction, and some- 
times as eternal punishment by fire or darkness or 
rejection. At other times the distinction between the 
destiny awaiting righteous and wicked is expressed by 
saying that while the former shall rise again the latter 
shall be left in Hades. The idea of spiritual pain — 
pain due to the forsaking of God — as the portion of the 
wicked scarcely occurs. 

Formerly the goal of Jewish hope lay in the 
supremacy of Israel and the overthrow of the heathen, 
but now the idea began to gain ground that with the 
advent of the new aeon sin would wholly disappear. 
" The roots of unrighteousness . . . will be destroyed 
from under heaven " . . . " and sin will no more be 
mentioned for ever." ^ The community of the righteous 
shall appear, and the wicked shall be driven forth from 
the houses of the faithful, and even from the face of the 
earth.^ The resurrection of the dead and the judgment 
of the world mark the close of the old a^on and the 
beginning of the new. Then shall the faithful inherit " a 

' I Enoch V. 9, etc. ; Jub. xxiii. 27 ff. - 2 Baruch Ixxxv. 12 f. 

^ Enoch xci. 8, 17. ■* Enoch xxxviii. i, xlvi. 8. 

VII.] and Literature 289 

new heaven and a new earth." If the words are but 
poetry as used by Second Isaiah, in the apocalyptic 
books they have a more definite connotation. They 
signify a world transformed, a world which shall be in 
sharp contrast to the present aeon, and from which sin 
and sickness, death and devils, shall be utterly expelled. 
Later on there rose a tendency to speculate as to the 
process by which this stupendous change would be 
brought about. In The Sibyllines ^ it is indicated that 
the world will be destroyed by fire ; in 2 Peter ^ that it 
will be twice destroyed, once by water and again by fire. 
The new world which is to rise upon the ruins of the 
old, and in which earth and heaven are practically 
merged into one, is represented as the abode of the 
righteous,^ who become angels in heaven,"* and live in 
immediate fellowship with the Lord of spirits.^ Usually 
they are said to be in Paradise, or the garden of Eden 
transferred to heaven — a pre-existent, supramundane 
abode which comes to manifestation at the day of 
judgment, for the reception of the pious. There they 
lead a blessed existence, eating of the tree of life and 
drinking of the water of life. In this new earth and 
heaven the wicked have no place. Until the resurrection 
they share in Shedl the general fate of the dead. After- 
wards, according to one conception, they are condemned 
to outer darkness, left in Hades, and have no resurrec- 
tion ; according to another they are tormented in hell- 
fire. Just as formerly Israel's enemies were represented 
as destined to meet a painful doom in the valley of 
Hinnom ( = Greek, Gehenna), the place of idolatrous 

1 iii. 46 ff. 2 iii_ 5 fjf_ 3 Enoch xlv. 4 ff., li. 5. 

* li. 4. ^ Ixii. 14. 


290 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

sacrifices to Moloch, so were the ungodly now conceived 
as suffering there in sight of the pious Israelites on 
Mount Zion.i Latterly, however, Gehenna was spiritual- 
ised into a transcendent place of punishment not only 
for apostates from Judaism," but for kings and the 
mighty,^ and for the nations generally.* As in the new 
world there was no place for Gehenna, it vanishes hence- 
forth from the sight of the righteous.^ In 2 (4) Esdras 
the furnace of Gehenna is regarded as pre-existent ; it 
will appear at the last judgment, as will also the Paradise 
of delight and the heavenly Jerusalem.^ 

The emergence of the idea of a resurrection for 
individuals powerfully affected the whole range of 
thought connected with the " future-hope " of Judaism. 
Not only was this thereby individualised ; it was also at 
the same time propelled in the direction of universalism, 
the thought of judgment being developed until it took 
in all men without exception. With the belief in the 
resurrection there was also introduced a very marked 
spiritualising tendency. In the new seon to which 
the faithful look forward everything will be upon a 
marvellously transcendental scale. There will be a 
heavenly Jerusalem, and the risen righteous will be as 
the angels of God. A further result of the growing 
belief in the resurrection was the importation of the 
moral element into the thought of the judgment. There 
was a new consciousness that at the great assize the 
question at issue would not be the supremacy of Israel 
over the heathen, but the moral worth or worthlessness 

1 Enoch xxvii. 2 f. ; cf. Isa. Ixvi. 24. ^ Dan. xii. 2. 

3 Enoch xlviii. 8 f. ■* Judith xvi. 17. 

s Enoch Ixii. 13. '' vii. S^- 

VII.] and Literature 291 

of individual men. Finally, it was due to the inspiration 
of the resurrection idea that thoughts regarding a future 
state began to assume definite shape, and that with the 
dawn of the new aeon there was associated the con- 
ception of a complete separation of men into the two 
categories of good and evil, and of a corresponding 
twofold destiny of everlasting life and everlasting con- 

It goes without saying that the thought of a future 
retribution for individuals, once introduced, immediately 
assumed cardinal importance for the religion of Judaism. 
It did not, however, overshadow the idea of a national 
glory. In i Enoch only a single chapter is devoted to 
theorising about the different destinies reaped by the 
spirits of the dead, and even in the eschatological 
discussion of 2 (4) Esd. vii. 36-126 it is about Israel's 
future that the author is chiefly concerned. This 
helps us to understand the opposition shewn to the doc- 
trine of the resurrection, and the keen controversy which 
raged around it. According to i Enoch,i " all goodness 
and joy and glory" are in store for the righteous, 
whereas the wicked " will have no peace." On the 
other hand, the author of Ecclesiastes treats this new- 
fangled doctrine with sceptical sarcasm, affirming that so 
far as death is concerned man and beast are on a level. ^ 
Koheleth is answered, however, perhaps designedly, in 
the Book of Wisdom, which asserts that " God created 
man for incorruption." ^ In the same way the writer 
of the Second Book of Maccabees is at pains to correct 
what seemed to him the defective attitude of the First 
Book upon this point. By the time of Christ, however, 

1 ciii. " iii- 18-22. ^ ii. 24. 

292 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

belief in the resurrection had become an almost uni- 
versally accepted dogma of Palestinian Judaism, and a 
test of orthodoxy. Still objected to by the Sadducees, 
it was adopted and proclaimed by Jesus and St. Paul, 
but in a more spiritual sense than that of the popular 

Although the appearing of the new heaven and the 
new earth formed the dazzling zenith of apocalyptic hope, 
it was nevertheless usual to depict this hope in very 
sensuous colours. The earthly and the material are 
often strangely mixed with a heavenly transcendentalism. 
Hence the confusion of thought which in these books so 
often perplexes the reader. The effect of all new ideas 
was neutralised by the fact that it was never found 
possible to rid the Jewish hope of national and material 
elements. Israel's supremacy in the new aeon as the 
certain result of the judgment was the cherished idea 
which checked the growth of individualism. So far from 
emancipating piety from the national fanaticism, the 
influx of transcendentalism served but to feed it. 

5^Another important point for consideration is the 
influence of Jewish apocalypse upon the New Testament. 

It is an interesting circumstance that Christianity 
took over these books as a legacy from Judaism, which 
began to discard them. In early patristic literature they 
are quoted with approval, and even placed alongside of 
the Old Testament as a constituent part of Divine 
revelation. The Christians did not, however, receive 
them without modification ; they interpolated and 
adapted them to their own requirements, particularly 
with the view of removing all uncertainty about the 
coming of the glorified Messiah as Judge. It is a 

VII.] and Literature i<^2i 

question debated among scholars whether even the 
Apocalypse of John is not merely a christianised version 
of an apocalypse originally Jewish. In any case the 
influence of Jewish Apocalyptic is here most manifest. 
Was, then, this assumption of apocalyptic literature by 
early Christianity due to any real spiritual kinship 
between it and the gospel of the kingdom ? To what 
extent is the apocalyptic element present in the Gospels 
themselves? Did it influence the eschatology of 
Jesus ? 

In a broad sense we may say the apocalypse paved 
the way for Christianity. Doctrinally it represents a 
distinct advance on Ecclesiasticus, and in the direction of 
the teaching of Jesus. It was during the two centuries 
previous to the Christian era that belief in the resurrection 
and in future retribution for the individual was arrived 
at, and this made the preaching of the gospel possible as 
we can hardly conceive it would have been possible in 
an age when for individuals there was no outlook beyond 
the grave.^ 

While Jewish apocalypse was to a certain extent a 
preparation for the gospel, it was, however, only a 
preparation. The new hopes to which it gave rise 
needed and received completion through the Evangel. 
In the preaching of Jesus the doctrine of the resurrection 
is purified, expanded, and clearly enunciated, and the 
meaning of the terms heaven and hell as summing up the 
rewards and punishments awaiting individuals in the 
future are freed from all ambiguity. Thus when He 
spoke of the necessity of fearing God, the almighty Judge 
who can destroy both body and soul in hell, He was 

iSir. xiv. i8f. 

294 ^^^ Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

able, while striking a note that would vibrate in the 
souls of the people, at the same time to give precision 
and final shape to a conception already latent in Judaism, 
and only needing to be brought to its full development. 
It is further noteworthy that Jesus uses but sparingly 
the new terms " this world " and " the world to come," 
and that, though retaining the expression " the kingdom 
of God," and basing His preaching upon it. He not only 
spiritualises the idea into something very different from 
the popular beliefs associated with it, but also strips it of 
that specifically national reference always given to it in 
Jewish apocalyptic speculation. Even the thought of the 
millennium is eliminated. The sharp contrast drawn in 
the Pauline epistles between the age then present and 
the age to come, and the description of the former as 
" seen and temporal," and of the latter as " unseen and 
eternal," not only reflects the signal rapidity with which 
the belief in the world beyond took victorious possession 
of men's minds, but seems also to indicate that before 
his conversion Paul's eschatological ide'as were much 
akin to those expressed in 2 (4) Esdras and in the 
Apocalypse of Baruch. 

But there are certain specific points in regard to 
which the influence of Jewish apocalypse on the New 
Testament is peculiarly marked. 

We find it reflected in the conception of the Messiah 
embodied in the Gospels. There " Son of Man " is 
used as the distinctively Messianic designation of 
Jesus — whether it was at the time of Christ a current 
Messianic title, as Baldensperger maintains, is another 
question. But, as we have already seen, this name 
is closely associated with Jewish apocalypse, which thus 

VII.] and Literature 295 

supplied at least the frame into which was set the 
picture of Christ, the heavenly man, and future Judge of 
the world. To change the figure, this title was made 
the corner-stone of the earliest Christology. As a form 
of thought it was appropriated by primitive Christianity. 
The idea of God as Judge of all fell into the background, 
while that of pre-existence as applied to Christ reached 
ever fuller development. In his Bruce Lecture on 
TJie Eschatology of Jesus, Dr. Muirhead has shewn that 
there are no substantial grounds for holding with 
Baldensperger and others that Jesus publicly used the 
designation " Son of Man " only towards the close of His 
life. But, however this may be, it seems unquestionable 
that it was taken over from the apocalyptic books and 
launched on a new career of the greatest doctrinal 
significance. Strikingly enough, however, it is entirely 
absent from the New Testament epistles. 

To Jewish apocalypse we further owe it that a 
certain vein of dualism runs through the New Testament 
writings. Jesus appears as the antagonist of Satan and 
all his hosts. He came to establish the kingdom of God, 
and to destroy the works of the devil. Although the 
popular belief in demons did not lend itself to theological 
treatment, and has no prominent place in the Pauline 
epistles, the apostle speaks of the devil as " the god of 
this world," " the prince of the power of the air." And 
in the Fourth Gospel we have an approach to a regular 
dualistic system. Two kingdoms confront each other — 
those of light and darkness, truth and falsehood, freedom 
and bondage ; those of Christ the Saviour of the world, 
and the devil the prince of this world. This point of 
view is distinctly reminiscent of Jewish apocalypse. 

296 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

\ The New Testament expectation of the nearness of 
" the end " is also a heritage from the apocalyptic books. 
There can be no doubt that the strongly eschatological 
trend of primitive Christianity — so finely expressed by 
St. Paul in the words : " The night is far spent, the day 
is at hand " — derived its inspiration from this source. 
Although after the destruction of Jerusalem under Titus 
the belief that the last period of history had been reached 
grew faint in Jewish circles, it continued universal 
among Christians. It was certainly shared by the 
apostles. But what of our Lord Himself? Did He also 
entertain it ? While we are here upon ground where we 
must tread reverently, there heed be no nervous dread as 
to the possibility of an affirmative answer. His own 
distinct statement is that He did not know : " Of that 
day or that hour knoweth no one, not even the angels in 
heaven, neither the Son, but the Father." ^ This seems 
the best point from which to start in any discussion of 
this grave theme. Our Lord's words make it plain that 
it did not lie within the scope of His Messianic com- 
mission to disclose the course of future history, or to 
predict the time of " the end." From the fact of His 
nescience it follows that His impression as regards the 
time of the Parousia may not have been a constant 
quantity. It may have oscillated somewhat in view of 
new developments in the providential order, and the 
extreme limits of oscillation on either side may possibly 
be reflected in those passages respectively which speak of 
the Parousia as if it were to be long deferred, and those 
other passages which seem to imply that He considered 
it as nigh at hand. His express disavowal of knowledge 

^ Mark xiii. 32. 



VII,] and Liter atiLre 297 

with reference to this matter even warrants the further 
inference that it is not inherently impossible that He 
should have entertained an impression regarding it which 
events did not verify, and that " He by no means re- 
quired to feel this want of knowledge to be a defect 
which was peculiarly unbecoming for Him as the Son." ^ 
To deny this is to contradict His own words, and to 
maintain that He must have known what He Himself 
says He did not know. However offensive to Christian 
sentiment the bare idea of Jesus being in ignorance or 
under the slightest misapprehension with regard to 
anything^ it must be recognised that, seeing it was on 
His own shewing no part of His office as Messiah to 
forecast the course of the future development on earth 
of the kingdom of God, the mere fact of His actual 
return being either earlier or later in time than He may 
have anticipated, can in no way detract from His perfect 
fulfilment of all righteousness as the Son of God. The 
question is part of the larger problem as to the limita- 
tions of our Lord's human knowledge. The references 
of Jesus to this subject are contained in the following 
passages of the Synoptic Gospels. " Verily I say unto 
you, there be some here of them that stand by which 
shall in no wise taste of death till they see the kingdom 
of God come with power," or as St. Matthew has it, " till 
they see the Son of Man coming in his kingdom." ^ 
" This generation shall not pass away until all these 
things be accomplished." ^ " When they persecute you 
in this city, flee into the next : for verily I say unto you, 

^ WendL, The Teaching of Jesus , ii. p. 344. See Note 34, p. 406. 
" Mark ix. i ; cf. Matt. xvi. 28. 
^ Mark xiii. 30 ; cf. Matt. xxiv. 34. 

298 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

ye shall not have gone through the cities of Israel till 
the Son of Man be come." ^ On the assumption that 
these sayings are substantially genuine,^ a natural reading 
of the language does seem to convey the impression that 
our Lord Himself looked for the consummation of the 
kingdom in the not distant future. Wendt speaks of 
this as " manifestly presupposed," Bousset says " it cannot 
be denied," Charles regards it as " proved beyond 
question," and Sabatier is of the same opinion. 

Yet this view is beset with serious difficulty. Not 
only does it imply defective insight on the part of our 
Lord with regard to the future development of the 
kingdom, but it conflicts with His own utterances. 
Several passages suggest that the Parousia will take 
place only after a protracted period of waiting. Such 
are the parables of the Ten Virgins and the Unmerciful 
Servant. In a further series of parables — those of the 
Mustard Seed, the Leaven, and the Blade, the Ear, and 
the Full Corn — He teaches the gradual and slow growth 
of the kingdom. All these parables indicate that its 
final triumph will be attained only in the ordinary course 
of human development. Then — not to build exclusively 
upon parables — Jesus speaks of the propagation of the 
gospel among the Gentiles as a necessary prelude to the 
final consummation of the kingdom,^ and this was not 
practicable within a single generation. At the same time. 
He so clearly foresees its victorious establishment that 
He can speak of it as on the eve of being accomplished ; 
and in this sense His words were understood by the 
first disciples, who were therefore also led to confound 

* Matt. X. 23. - See Note 35, p. 40S. 

** Matt. xxiv. 14, xxvi. 13 ; Mark xiii. 10; Luke xxi, 24. 

VII.] and Literature 299 

the destruction of Jerusalem with the end of the 

How then are we to reconcile the two sets of 
passages — those which speak of our Lord's second 
coming as quite near at hand, and those which suggest 
that it may be long delayed ? 

There is much to be said for the theory supported 
by A. B. Bruce and others, that the great eschatological 
discourse recorded in Matt. xxiv. and Mark xiii.^ is not 
a unity, but a piecing together on the part of the 
evangelists of sayings uttered on separate occasions, 
with the result that future events are represented as 
closer at hand than the words of Jesus really warranted. 
This hypothesis would certainly explain the fact that in 
the discourse we seem to have an admixture of passages 
referring to the approaching end of the Israelitish state 
with passages which clearly point to another but more 
distant crisis.^ With less probability Colani, followed 
by Wendt and Charles, maintains that an independent 
apocalypse, of Jewish-Christian authorship and written 
shortly before the fall of Jerusalem, has been worked 
into the Parousia discourse, to the consequent confusion 
of the text.^ 

According to Godet and others, the passages which 
seem to imply the imminent nearness of the end refer to 
the destruction of Jerusalem, and not to the end of the 
world, so that it is only the former that Jesus places 

1 Cf. Luke xxi. 

2 Matt. xxiv. 43-50 ; Mark xiii. 34-37. 

^ On this theory, harmony would be restored to Mark xiii. by the excision 
of vers. 7-8, 14-20, 24-27, 30-31 ; while these passages read consecutively 
form " a very short though complete apocalypse, with its three essential 
acts," and a brief appendix. Charles, Eschatology, p. 325 f. 

300 The Apocalyptic Move7nent [Chap. 

within the lifetime of the current generation. This 
would be a satisfactory solution were it well grounded, 
but to limit thus the significance of words some of which 
at least are deeply embedded in eschatological discourses 
seems arbitrary. 

A recent writer, who says, " The cumulative evidence 
in my judgment goes to shew that He had no such 
idea of an immediate return as the Apostles ascribed to 
Him," ^ bases his conclusion on other grounds, holding 
that Jesus merely spiritualised current eschatological 
terms, and that while seeing with penetrating glance the 
true significance and final issues of moral facts and 
forces, " He saw them in no exact temporal perspective, 
or the relations of far and near." Interpreting the 
address to the high priest (" Henceforth ye shall see the 
Son of Man sitting at the right hand of power, and 
coming on the clouds of heaven " ^) as meaning simply 
that in spite of apparent defeat " the invincible might of 
His gospel was about to be manifested," Dr. Forrest 
argues that in the passages already referred to our Lord's 
words are to be understood in the same sense. But is 
it certain that Matt. xxvi. 64 does not itself refer to 
the Parousia?^ The other contention, that Jesus may 
have prophetically viewed as near to each other things 
far separated in time, cannot be disputed, although it 
may be supplemented with the remark of Wendt, that 
" Jesus had no consciousness that this nearness was only 
apparent and in perspective, and did not correspond to 
the real circumstances." 

1 Forrest, The Auihorily of Chris/, p. 323. 

2 Matt. xxvi. 64. 

3 " Cum sessione a dextris conjunclus est reditus ad judicium." — Bengel. 

VII.] and Literature 301 

There are those who would carry the spiritualising 
tendency much further. Many are now disposed to 
interpret the Parousia itself in a purely spiritual sense, 
and to regard it merely as " the perpetual Spiritual 
Advent of our Saviour in the perpetual communication 
of His presence." ^ According to this view there is no 
outward and visible coming of Christ to judgment to be 
looked for : " the Parousia is a process with an eternal 
import, and not a past epoch or future event." It is a 
parable of salvation and judgment, and even more 
closely connected with salvation than with judgment. 
The key to the whole matter is found in the teaching of 
the Fourth Gospel : "It is expedient for you that I go 
away : for if I go not away, the Comforter will not come 
unto you, but if I go, I will send him unto you. And 
he, when he is come, will convict the world in respect of 
sin, and of righteousness, and of judgment ; of sin, 
because they believe not on me ; of righteousness, 
because I go to the Father and ye behold me no more ; 
of judgment, because the prince of this world hath been 
judged." In support of this contention it is urged that 
an earthly apocalypse is " physically, geographically, and 
spiritually " inconceivable. Christ's well-known practice 
of speaking in parables, the impossibility at that stage of 
presenting in its real significance the truth concerning 
the spiritual dispensation, and the appropriateness of a 
catastrophic delineation of the new era which, whether 
sudden or gradual in its advent, " could not but be 
subversionary," are also adduced as arguments against 

^ F. W. Orde Ward, 3. A., in an article upon "The Parable of the 
Parousia," contributed to The Interpreter for Jan. 1907. The further 
quotations in the text are also from this article. 

302 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

putting a matter of fact interpretation upon the Saviour's 
eschatological teaching. Its advocates claim that this 
explanation is the easiest way out of " an embarrassing 
difficulty, not to say a desperate impasse" and that it is 
quite reconcilable with the language of apostolic writers 
even in passages like i Thess. iv. 1 6 f., which have 
usually been considered conclusive in favour of a material 
Parousia. It is held that in view of the comparative 
silence of Jesus regarding the unseen world they were 
obliged, " though assuredly inspired," to fall back upon 
the old imagery of angels and clouds and visions and 
trumpets which the Hebrew prophets had made familiar. 
Attractive in some ways as this theory is, it is question- 
able whether it does not create difficulties at least as 
great as those which it seeks to surmount. It may 
harmonise with the truth of the Christian's present 
communion with Christ, but what of those who have 
died during the progress of the development of the 
kingdom ? Does the Parousia come for the individual 
at death ? And what of the resurrection ? Is it to be 
regarded as purely spiritual too ? This theory leaves it 
uncertain what the eternal life involves. Are those 
spiritually prepared for the great triumph of the 
kingdom just to remain on in the world ? What 
significance are we to attach to the Saviour's prayer : 
'* Father, that which thou hast given me, I will that 
where I am, they also may be with me ; that they may 
behold my glory," or to the declaration of St. Paul : 
" When Christ, who is our life, shall be manifested, then 
shall ye also with him be manifested in glory " ? While 
worthy of consideration, this way of interpreting the 
Parousia leaves many problems unsolved. 

VII.] and LiteratMre 303 

6. There still remains the question regarding the 
permanent value of all this literature. 

It is not surprising that many should have regarded 
these books as practically worthless for present-day 
theology. Even a scholar and theologian like A. B. 
Bruce somewhere says of them that while they have a 
certain interest and importance for the student, the 
general public has only one duty to discharge with 
regard to them, and that is to leave them severely alone.^ 
Broadly speaking, we must allow that there is force in 
the remark, and that in view of their contents and style 
these writings can never again become popular literature. 
Their bizarre imagery, their labyrinthine complexity, 
their excessive supernaturalism, are fatal barriers to 
popularity with moderns. Besides, it is only indirectly 
that they can be said to have a message for our day. 
The semi-scientific views of the world and of history by 
which the apocalyptists account for the temporary 
ascendency of evil are of no real value to us. Their 
high-flown delineations of heaven and of heavenly beings 
are but an expression in terms of the imagination of 
faith in God and the unseen universe. Yet their 
writings are of value historically, not only as reflecting 
the inner life and external conditions of the period when 
they were composed, but also as representing a peculiar 
phase in the development of human thought. From a 
spiritual point of view, moreover, they are by no means 
to be accounted worthless. That element in them which 

' "Scholars may revive a professional interest in apocalyptic, and it is 
not to be denied that the exegete of the New Testament may learn something 
from their labours ; but the great heart of humanity has only one duty to 
perform towards it, and that is to consign it to oblivion." — Apologetics, 
P- 293- 

304 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

j proved the stay of God's people under oppression and 
/ persecution was not ephemeral. These books furnish an 
; illustration on a grand scale of the eternal truth that 
\ " the just shall live by faith." Their appeal is to the 
; world unseen, to the eternal righteousness, in short to 
the fact of God. Alongside of the great and funda- 
mental truth of the Divine authority is set that of 
human responsibility. The apocalyptic writers also 
proclaim the approaching victory of good over evil, and 
claim that in spite of appearances the justice and 
beneficence of God will be made patent to all. They 
are the champions of a lofty idealism, and their writings 
form a plea for God and immortality too strong to be 
ignored. As a key to the future course of the world's 
history, or to the secrets that lie hid within the veil, 
they are indeed useless ; but as a species of religious 
poetry they can still be read to edification. In the 
aggregate, and apart from the specific programme 
outlined in any single book, they bear impressive 
testimony to the fact that human history is a unity 
through which the Divine purpose runs, its onward 
course being simply the evolution towards the one, but 

in their view not 

"far-off, divine event 
To which the whole creation moves." 

The weak point in the apocalyptic conception is that 
the righteous have merely with folded hands to wait for 
the appointed time of the Divine interposition for the 
destruction of evil. In spite of this, however, the 
apocalyptists rendered a service to religion by their 
I advocacy of faith as opposed to materialism. Their 
glowing enthusiasm, too, proved a healthy antidote to 

VII.] and Literature 305 

the crusted legalism of the age, while their interest in 
the coming of God's kingdom opened for Jewish saints a 
wider and nobler vista than could possibly be seen so 
long as religion was narrowly regarded as the mere 
working out of a man's own salvation/ 

The question regarding the permanent value of this 
literature is, however, largely bound up with that of 
the significance of the apocalyptic element in the 
teaching of Jesus. Unhappily this remains a moot 
point. Two extreme views are held. On the one 
hand, Wellhausen and others seem to regard the 
apocalyptic element in the Gospels as a mere Jewish 
excrescence, out of harmony with the ethical precepts of 
the Master, and, like the accounts of miraculous healing, 
tending to obscure His real image. These critics are 
therefore inclined to explain it away as alien 
and worthless. On the other hand, according to 
Baldensperger and his school, it is precisely the 
apocalyptic element that constitutes the fundamental 
and distinctive feature in the personality of Jesus, and 
dominates His entire ethical standpoint. To His 
enthusiastic temperament the end of all things is at hand, 
and therefore in His eyes earthly relationships and 
institutions are of little account. While both of these 
views — based as they are upon opposite conceptions of 
the individuality of Jesus — no doubt contain a certain 
measure of truth, neither of them can command 

^ As an American scholar has said, " Their message for us, their abiding 
truth, is their conquest of self and the world, their resolute choice of the part 
of God against the apparent interests of the hour, the spirit, at its highest, of 
martyrdom." — F. C. Porter, The Messages of the Apocalyptical Writers, 
p. 74- 


3o6 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

To set aside as spurious, or as an importation by 
the Evangelists, the whole apocalyptic element in the 
Synoptic Gospels, is not so much historical criticism as 
reckless caprice. In these apocalyptic passages there 
may be some sayings which the tradition has not pre- 
served in the precise form or context in which they 
were uttered ; there may possibly even be some which 
cannot stand the application of the critical tests. But 
to eliminate them all, so as to deny to Jesus the pre- 
diction of His second Advent in glory and in power, is 
to deny the essential trustworthiness of the narratives. 

But if the wholesale deletion of the apocalyptic 
passages as being of no significance for Christ's teaching 
be an unsatisfactory solution of the problem, that which, 
with Baldensperger and Johann Weiss, regards these 
as its very core and essence is no better. If Jesus lived 
under " the powers of the world to come," He lived not 
less intensely for the present. To represent Him as a 
visionary enthusiast intoxicated by Jewish apocalypse, 
is to draw not a faithful portrait, but a caricature. It 
is true that for Jesus the kingdom of God lies in the 
future : He teaches His disciples to pray for its coming. 
But it is also true that He regards it as already in His 
Person present among men. To lose sight of this double 
aspect of the kingdom is to land ourselves in confusion.^ 
It is the merit of the Baldensperger school that it lays 
stress upon the Farousia as necessary to the consumma- 
tion of the kingdom, and so brings into due prominence 
what is belittled by those who would excise the 
apocalyptic element from the Gospels. But it shares 

' Charles, Eschatology, p. 320 f. ; Cairns, Christianity in the Modern 
World, p, 172. 

VII.] and Literature 307 

the weakness of its opponents in putting forth a one- 
sided view of Christ's teaching and ignoring its other 

Naturally we desiderate some way of combining the 
two apparently conflicting elements, the ethical and 
the apocalyptic, into a higher unity, in preference to 
that mode of conception according to which these are 
so antagonistic as to compel us to choose between them 
as expressions of Christ's teaching. An interesting 
attempt has recently been made to supply this lack 
by the author of Christianity iti the Modern World, 
who finds a principle of synthesis in a proper under- 
standing of the idea of the kingdom of God, This 
writer's contention is that in the eschatological discourses 
of Jesus we have a veiled presentation, such as the 
political situation rendered inevitable, of the social and 
national side of Christian ethics. " The social side of 
Christianity is, as it were, masked under the idea of the 
Parousia. It is masked, but it is also conserved ; for 
so long as the idea of the Parousia remained, there was 
no fear that acquiescence in the present evil order would 
react hurtfully upon Christian faith and morality. Had 
it not been for the Parousia hope, the early Church 
might have been prematurely hurled against the Empire 
as a Revolutionary force, or through enforced ac- 
quiescence in its evils have become a merely pietistic 
association, a new Essenism on a larger scale." ^ If 
this theory is right, then not only does the ancient 
criticism, revived by Mill and Mazzini, with reference 
to the undue individualism of Christian ethics, lose its 
point entirely, but the most pressing need of our time 

^ op. cit. p. 214. 

3o8 The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

is supplied, and that from a highly unlikely quarter, 
seeing that what has hitherto been one of the enigmas 
of the New Testament would be made to throw light 
upon the path of duty with reference to social questions 
so much canvassed to-day. 

Probably this is too much to hope for. Even if we 
do view the apocalyptic passages in this light, how are 
we to apply them to the practical problems of our time ? 
Admitting that they contain veiled guidance upon such 
matters, say, as the nationalisation of the land, capital 
and wages, or the provision of old age pensions, how 
are we to penetrate behind the veil so as to discern the 
will of the Saviour ? This is the difficulty which 
Professor Cairns has to meet. He brings us up to a 
locked door, and says that what we want is inside, but 
he does not furnish us with the key by means of which 
we can effect an entrance. To say that one who 
earnestly contemplates the glorious Advent of Christ as 
the goal of history will order all his life with a view to 
" the winning of the world for his Lord," is doubtless 
to proclaim an edifying truth, but it certainly does 
nothing to convert the perplexing apocalyptic passages 
of our Lord's teaching into a vade mecum with regard 
to social questions. 

And here it seems relevant to remark that, apart 
altogether from their apocalyptic sections, the Gospels, 
particularly in the Sermon on the Mount, clearly assert 
those principles of unselfishness, justice, and fairness by 
which Christian men must be guided in all their social 
and national relations. There is, of course, no detailed 
directory of conduct ; but great principles, applicable to 
all the exigencies of life, are enunciated, illustrated, and 

VII.] and Literature 309 

enforced. Do we really require anything more explicit ? 
Do we need the help of this ingenious and fascinating, 
but somewhat artificial and elusive, theory ? The 
criticism of Mill and others can be met without it ; and 
it is not enough to say that the teaching of Jesus on 
social problems is contained in disguised form in the 
apocalyptic passages of the Synoptic Gospels unless it 
can be shewn with some explicitness what that teaching 
is, and in what respects it adds to the ethical instructions, 
so amazingly tactful and wise, elsewhere recorded. Our 
Lord was continually dealing with the social problem, 
but there is no special solution for any particular time 
intended. We are left to apply the great principle of 
brotherhood in every relation of life. Now either Pro- 
fessor Cairns means that in his view the apocalyptic 
element in Christ's teaching contains something more 
definite than this, or he does not. If he does, we are 
entitled to ask, wherein consists this advance upon the 
general position taken up in the Gospels; if he does 
not, then his theory leaves matters just where they were 

At the same time, it is not the case that in the 
Sermon on the Mount we have a full presentation of 
Christ's teaching. This cannot reasonably be limited 
to a statement of the root principles of religion and 
morals. It is impossible to ignore His demand for 
faith in Himself, and that both as present Saviour and 
as future Judge, "Whom say ye that I am?" "What 
think ye of Christ ? " These questions He pressed upon 
friend and foe alike. He also clearly announced that 
" the Son of Man is come to seek and to save that which 
was lost," and expectantly anticipated "the day when 

3IO The Apocalyptic Movement [Chap. 

the Son of Man shall be revealed," and " shall send forth 
his angels, and they shall gather out of his kingdom 
all things that offend, and them which do iniquity." 
The testimony He thus bore to Himself is as much 
entitled to rank as an integral part of His teaching as 
is the ethical element to which some would give ex- 
clusive prominence. Nor is it easy to judge otherwise 
with respect to the apocalyptic factor, — which, indeed, is 
a part of this testimony, inasmuch as it asserts His 
glorious Advent as Judge, — or to see why it should 
necessarily clash with the ethical. As Christ was " a 
greater than Solomon," so also He was a greater than 
Elijah or any other prophet. Cairns has rendered ex- 
cellent service in emphasising the wide range of the 
Personality of Jesus as more than either sage or prophet, 
as well as the twofold aspect of the kingdom as militant 
and triumphant. If he has failed to establish his main 
point, his is yet a particularly fresh and attractive 
treatment of a theme which is being studied with grow- 
ing interest at the present day. 

In any case the significance of the apocalyptic 
element is presumably greater than Wellhausen and 
his school would allow, and less than Weiss and Balden- 
sperger would claim. Although Jesus makes use of a 
style of expression borrowed from Jewish apocalypse, 
yet, as Dr. Bruce has said, " He borrowed from the 
past in such a way as to transmute traditional data into 
a new conception." Apart from its Jewish garment, 
the teaching is essentially His own, and amounts to an 
assurance that He will come again in glory and in 
power, to bring the kingdom to complete and final 
victory, and to judge the world in righteousness. Still 

VII.] and Literature 311 

the very fact that the form of language in which He 
clothes these truths is that of Jewish apocalyptic, gives 
to the literature bearing that name a certain abiding 
value for the student of Christianity ; and to say with 
Dr. Bruce that " a stray phrase may have found its way . 
into His vocabulary from that quarter, but beyond this. 
an influence emanating thence is not discernible in the 
Gospels," ^ is, it seems to me, to appraise that valiie too 

^ Apologetics, p. 292. 



Hellenistic Judaism. 

Under the Diadochoi the Alexandrian Jews had their 
own special quarters assigned to them in the " Delta " 
(the north-eastern portion of the city), so that they might 
better retain the purity of their religious life ; but 
although continuing for the most part to reside there, 
already in Philo's time they had spread themselves and 
their houses of prayer over the whole city.^ According 
to this writer, there were no fewer than a million Jews in 
Egypt ; and of these a large proportion lived in Alex- 
andria, two of the five districts into which the city 
was divided being virtually appropriated by them. From 
the first they had equal rights with the Macedonians, 
and exercised their own municipal government. They 
had also a national chief of their own, a vassal prince 
or " ethnarch," whose prerogative it was, according to 
Strabo, to " preside over the people and decide processes 

^ " Zahlreiche Bethauser in der Stadt bewiesen ihren Glaubenseifer. 
Vor alien prangte die grosse Basilika mit doppelter Saulenhalle, welche von 
solcher Grosse war, dass der Gustos mit einem Tuche winken musste, um 
den hintenstehenden anzudeuten, wann sie auf die Stimme des Vorbeters mit 
Amen einzufallen batten. Von ihr ward gesagt : ' wer sie nicbt sab, bat die 
Ebre Israels zu jenen Zeiten nicbt geseben,' Succa, 51. 2." — Siegfried, Philo 
voti Alexandria, p. 6. 


3^6 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

and dispose of contracts as if he ruled an independent 
community. " ^ 

From the third century B.C. Alexandria became the 
centre of civilisation. Literally and metaphorically, it 
was the heart of the world. As a great international 
emporium of trade, it stood unrivalled, and afforded ample 
scope for the trading propensities of the ]q\^. As the 
home of science and philosophy, it also provided him 
with the opportunity of bringing the truths of revelation 
into fruitful contact with the imagination of the East and 
the culture of the West. The intellectual atmosphere of 
the place was unique, and characterised by extraordinary 
activity. Hebrew religion, Greek speculation, and 
Oriental mysticism acted and reacted upon each other. 
In their mutual relations there was at once the warlike 
clash of opposition, and the peaceful process of assimi- 
lation. It was a time of religious and philosophical 
eclecticism. Every one, whatever might be his particular 
creed, was affected by the general interchange of thought. 
New forces were thus called into play. Philosophy had 
transferred its headquarters from Athens to Alexandria, 
where it could feed on fresh pastures, and its scope and 
influence inevitably became enlarged. Through its 
union with Hellenism the Oriental imagination gave rise 
to that pantheistic mysticism which stamped itself 
indelibly not only upon Neoplatonism and the Kabba- 
listic lore of the Jews, but also upon Christian theology. 
By introducing the religious element, Judaism also helped 
powerfully to mould the moral and spiritual life of the 
period. Under the alchemy of a process marked at once 
by opposing tendencies and by syncretistic appropriation 

^ Quoted by Josephus, Ant, xiv. 7. 2, 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 317 

of elements from antagonistic creeds, striking results 
were produced. As in India at the present day/ the 
provincial was transmuted into the cosmopolitan ; the 
sectional was taken up into the larger category of the 
universal ; the limitations of nationalism were dissolved 
in the wider intercourse of humanity. This applied not 
only to general manners and customs, but even to 
morality itself. , Another fruit of the syncretism of the 
age was the remarkable spirit of toleration which pre- 
vailed in the community ; no one was pilloried because 
of his religious belief or practice. 

Possessed in an exceptional degree of the linguistic 
faculty, the Jews were not long in acquiring the Greek 
language after their settlement in Egypt. It was, of 
course, a peculiar dialect that they spoke,- but they made 
such constant use of it that they soon forgot their native 
Hebrew. Their primary object in learning Greek was 
no doubt the furtherance of their material well-being, and 
not the desire to come into contact with Greek thought. 
Yet their knowledge of the Greek tongue, once acquired, 
brought within their mental horizon the whole field of 
Hellenistic culture. And they were greatly attracted by 
it. Everything conspired to bring about this result. 
Apart from the eclectic spirit of the age, and the readi- 
ness of the Greeks to allegorise their mythology by way 
of indicating that their numerous pantheon represented 
only so many different phases of the activity of the one 

1 "Charles Kingsley's Hypatia is a vivid picture of the fermentation of 
belief, thought, and life in ancient Alexandria, which marks Calcutta, 
Bombay, and Madras under parallel conditions at the present day." — Dr. 
George Smith, Short History of Missions, p. 54. 

- This must not be understood as holding good with regard to the 
syntax. See Notes 36 and 37, pp. 409, 411. 

3i8 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

God, the special circumstances at Alexandria favoured 
the rapprochement between Jew and Greek. In the 
lectures delivered by the Greek professors in the Museum, 
students of Greek philosophy could find all needful 
stimulus and guidance, while the treasures laid up in 
the Library afforded every facility for sustained research. 
The friendly attitude of the three first Ptolemies was 
also an important factor in the situation, the century 
during which they occupied the throne constituting the 
golden age of the Jews in Egypt. Jews held high office 
in the State, and. played a considerable part in the colonisa- 
tion of certain towns like Cyrene. Under Ptolemy iv. 
Philopator (221-204) they appear to have fallen into dis- 
favour, and even to have endured much cruel treatment, 
if we are to accept the legendary story of 3 Maccabees 
as founded to some extent upon historical fact. But by 
the time of Ptolemy VI. Philometor (180-146) they 
were once more in high favour at court, and two Jewish 
generals, Onias and Dositheus, practically controlled the 
kingdom. Their relations with the ruling powers were 
again less happy under Ptolemy Vll, Physcon (146-1 17) ; 
but this monarch ceased to molest them when, in B.C. 138, 
the Romans took them under their protection. 

Such was the environment — commercial, intellectual, 
social, and political — in which the Jewish-Alexandrian 
philosophy came into being. It took its rise in one of 
the wealthiest cities of the world, in a society more 
cosmopolitan than any other then existing, under the 
most favourable political conditions, and at an epoch of 
exceptional activity in literature and art. Amid such 
surroundings, Jews were necessarily more accessible to 
new ideas than were their brethren in Palestine. 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 319 

Occasional visits to the Temple only served to give them 
a more spiritual impression of the national worship than 
that entertained by those who were constant witnesses of 
the mechanical ceremonial of Pharisaic legalism. The 
exclusiveness which was maintained in Jerusalem was 
impossible in Alexandria, where the Jews had to practise 
the same tolerance that was extended to themselves. 
But with a more tolerant spirit came also broader views, 
and a desire to emancipate themselves from the narrow 
groove of their own national traditions ; and so they 
became philosophers. 

The initial stage in the development thus brought 
about was the acquisition by the Alexandrian Jews of 
the Greek tongue.^ From this it was an easy step to 
the adoption of Greek names and customs, the pursuit of 
Greek philosophy, and the appropriation of Greek wisdom. 
Especially for the more active minds among the Jews, 
Hellenism had a charm not to be resisted. Some de- 
clared themselves Stoics, others embraced the tenets of 
the Peripatetics, while the majority adhered to the 
Platonic school as most akin to the Old Testament. 
With the aid of the Greek language and philosophy, the 
scientific study of religion seemed a far larger thing than 
it could ever be while prosecuted within the limits of 
their own literature. Whatever the special school of 
philosophy to which they attached themselves, all agreed 
in entertaining a certain contempt for the simple religious 
teaching of their fathers ; yet their national pride, as 
well as, presumably, some measure of faith, prevented 
them from breaking with Judaism. In taking to abstract 
speculation they still remained Jews outwardly, and 
1 See Note 37, p. 411. 

320 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

freely employed the new philosophical methods as 
weapons for apologetic and missionary purposes. The 
forces of Hellenism and Judaism thus combined to create 
a type of thought and life richer than that which either 
of them could have produced singly, and the strength of 
the copartnery lay in the fact that the one supplied what 
the other lacked. The Jew gave to the Greek a religious i 
conception of the world ; the Greek presented the Jew with 1 
the means of giving scientific shape to his religious ideas. 
Serious problems were thus raised, however, for these 
Jewish- Alexandrian philosophers. In particular, along- 
side of a revelation at once Divine and adequate, what 
room was there for the conclusions of human philosophy ? 
The truth of the latter must in any case be tested by 
their agreement or disagreement with Holy Scripture. 
Accordingly, in order to fortify their own position, the 
Jewish Hellenists were driven to harmonise the Platonic 
philosophy with the Mosaic Law, and to assert that the 
former was borrowed from the latter. As the traces of 
Platonism found in the Septuagint were in themselves 
insufficient to establish this, the theory was supplied 
with a fictitious basis. This was done first through the 
story of Aristeas, which affirmed the transference from 
the Hebrew to the Greek text of the verbal inspiration 
claimed for the former, and then through the unfounded 
assertion of " the Peripatetic " Aristobulus that there 
existed an earlier translation of the Law for use in the 
synagogue, upon which the Alexandrian was based. 
By the one fiction the whole difficulty was reduced to 
a matter of interpretation, and so relegated to the 
alchemy of the allegorical method, by which it was 
possible to extract from the Scriptures almost any 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 321 

meaning whatever. And under shelter of the other it 
was easy to represent Plato as merely " an Attic Moses." 
The Bible came thus to be used largely as a stalking- 
horse for human speculation. In the struggle that 
necessarily ensued, the religion of Jahweh, through 
having to accommodate itself to philosophy, lost its 
essential character, and, being diverted from its real 
mission, sustained inevitable and serious injury. At 
the same time it gained something from its association 
with the wisdom of the Greeks, and ultimately asserted 
itself as the predominant partner. 

What, then, were the different stages by which the 
Jewish philosophy of Alexandria reached its full develop- 
ment ? To trace these it is not necessary that we should 
deal exhaustively with every extant Hellenistic Jewish 
writing issued during the two centuries before Christ ; the 
development will be made sufficiently clear by reference 
to certain of the leading documents in question. 

I. The Pseudo-Aristeas (Aristaeus).^ — The alliance 
between Hellenism and Judaism was very adroitly 
prepared by the so-called letter of Aristeas. This Greek 
composition, which bears a name unknown to history, 
emanated from Alexandria, probably about B.C. 200,^ 
and purports to narrate the origin of the Septuagint. 
Both the writer Aristeas, an honoured official at the 
court of Ptolemy II. Philadelphus, and his brother, the 
cultured Philocrates, to whom it is addressed, are 

^ Not to be confounded with the Jewish historian of the same name 
mentioned by Eusebius. 

- So Schurer. Kautzsch, however, places the date of composition between 
B.C. 96 and 63, with a leaning towards the superior limit. So also Wendland, 
the most recent editor of the book. Bousset ascribes it to a still later date 

(B.C. 40-A.D. 30). 

322 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

ostensibly pagans who entertain a deep respect for 
Judaism ; but they only wear a heathen mask. Twice 
over the author fails to write in character, and unwittingly 
distinguishes his own times from the past age of 
Philadelphus (28, 182). In reality we have here a story 
with a purpose, the end in view being to glorify Judaism 
in the eyes of the Greeks, and to recommend the Jewish 
Law by adducing royal testimony to its worth. The 
treatise is not written in a controversial vein ; the writer 
is content with trying to create a favourable impression 

\ among the heathen with regard to the Jewish people 

■" and their religion. 

Briefly, the legend is to this effect : Ptolemy II. 
Philadelphus had a zealous librarian, Demetrius 
Phalereus, who advised his royal master to procure a 
Greek translation of the Jewish Law as containing the 
wisest legislation in the world. Acting on this sugges- 
tion, the king sent Aristeas and another courtier named 
Andreas to Jerusalem, with letters and gifts to Eleazar 
the high priest, asking for his co-operation in the work. 
To this request Eleazar responded courteously, and sent 
him seventy-two experienced scholars (six from each 
tribe), with a copy of the Law. At court, where the 
deputies were received with unusual honour, the king 
was astonished at the wisdom shewn by them in answer 
to his questions. After a week had passed, during 
which they were daily invited to the royal table, 
Demetrius conducted them to beautiful and retired 
quarters in the island of Pharos, where they completed 
the translation of the Pentateuch in seventy-two days. 
It was read first to the Jewish community of Alexandria, 
who officially certified its accuracy and decreed its 

VIII.] Hellenistic Jiidaism 323 

finality, and then to King Ptolemy, who was " greatly 
amazed at the insight of the lawgiver," and ordered the 
careful retention of the books in his library. The 
translators, laden with presents for themselves and the 
high priest, were then sent back to Judaea. 

The mere fact that the letter is spurious tends to 
throw doubt upon its historical trustworthiness ; and 
there are other considerations which point strongly in 
the same direction. ^ While, therefore, there is every 
reason to ascribe the translation of the Law to the time 
of the second Ptolemy (284-247), it is improbable, to 
say the least, that we owe it to the literary taste of that 
monarch, according to the shewing of the letter of 
Aristeas. But indeed the writer's object is not primarily 
historical. For him the historical framework is valuable 
only in so far as it is fitted to exalt the Jewish religion 
in the estimation of the Greeks. The same motive 
underlies the glowing descriptions of Jerusalem and the 
Temple which are inserted in the narrative. His aim 
evidently is to strike the imagination of pagan readers, 
and to impress them with the worth of a religion 
emanating from so fine a country, having its head- 
quarters in such a beautiful city among the mountains, 
and so splendidly equipped as regards temple and 

^ According to Hermippus Callimachus {ap. Diog. Laert. v. 78, in Miiller's 
Frag. Hist. Grac. iii. 47), a reputable writer under Ptolemy iv. Philopator 
{221-204), Demetrius Phalereus, who appears to have helped in founding the 
Library under Ptolemy I. Soter (321, King 306-285), was banished im- 
mediately on the accession of Philadelphus. If this is correct, the tradition 
is discredited at the core. Further, Aristeas is unaware that Arsinoe was 
childless ; Ptolemy's naval defeat by Antigonus near Cos is alluded to as a 
victory ; the philosopher Menelaus is wrongly represented as attached to 
the court of Philadelphus ; the authors Theopompus and Theodect* are 
chronologically misplaced ; even the historicity of the high priest Eleazar is 

324 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

priesthood. This conclusion is further supported by 
the fact that in the artificial and monotonous politico- 
religious conversations between Ptolemy and his guests, 
questions and answers are so drawn up as practically 
to form " a resume of Jewish dogma, a catechism of the 
Law of Moses." ^ It is also significant that at the close 
the king is made to declare that he had derived great 
advantage from their exposition of the principles of 

The letter of Aristeas is more, however, than a mere 
recommendation of Judaism to the favourable notice of 
the heathen. To some extent it represents a positive 
attempt to bridge over the gulf that separated Jew and 
Greek theologically. Passing by other and minor 
indications of this, we may note the manner in which 
the writer recognises the distinction, so characteristic of 
Alexandrianism, between the Most High (^eo9 fie'^iaro^, 6 
Kvptevodv diravTcov ^eo?) and the particular gods (Oeol 
fxepiKoi) who collectively stand in a subordinate 
relation to Him. In pleading with Ptolemy for the 
liberation of Jewish slaves within his dominions, Aristeas 
uses the argument that they had received their Law, 
and he his knowledge, from the same God, " the creator 
and guardian of all, whom also all men worship, and we 
ourselves under the name of Zeus." ^ Traces of the 
Alexandrian religious philosophy appear even in the 
utterances put into the lips of Eleazar the high priest. 
Viewing all as one creation, Aristeas asks him. to explain 
why according to the Jewish Law some animals should 

1 Harriot, Philoii le Jidf, p. 65. 

^ TAv 7a/3 Tz6.VTt>}v eiroTTT-qv Kal Krl(TTr]v Oebv ovrot ai^ovrai, bv Kal Trdvre?, 
7j/j,eh di fxdXiffTa Trpoffovoixd^ovres iripojs Zrjpa (16). 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 325 

be reckoned unclean, and some kinds of food forbidden. 
In his reply Eleazar goes into considerable detail, 
pointing out that through the prohibitory precepts in 
question the Jews were defended as by walls of brass 
from prejudicial fellowship with men of other nationalities, 
and further, that there was " a deeper sense of the Law " 
in respect of which all its precepts were not only amply 
justified, but also of equal value. By way of making 
good the latter assertion, the writer already has recourse 
to the method of allegorical interpretation which the 
Jewish-Alexandrian philosophers were yet so fully to 
develop. He unfolds, for instance, the secret of the 
legal provisions with respect to clean and unclean 
animals. The language, he says, is figurative. Moses 
did not legislate with reference to mice and weasels,^ 
but these holy commands were given with the view of 
awakening pious thoughts and building up character, 
Eleazar is 'also made to ascribe the great merit of the 
Jewish religion to its monotheistic doctrine. Polytheism 
and the animal worship of Egypt it counts as folly. 
Its fundamental teaching is that God is one, that His 
power permeates and governs all, that not the most 
secret of man's actions remains hid from Him, and that 
He sees the future as He sees the present. We have 
here a tolerably clear reflexion of the Alexandrian 
doctrine of the world-spirit through whom and in whom 
is all, and that to such an extent that He can Himself 
be called the AII.2 

2. The Septuagint. — Of prime importance for the 
study of Hellenistic Judaism is the Greek translation 

^ Lev. xi. 29. 

- DahviQ, Judisch-Alexandr. Religionsphilosophie, ii. p. 209 f. 

326 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

of the Scriptures known as the Septuagint. This is 
indeed the basis of the entire structure, and — to use the 
felicitous comparison of Schlirer — as much bound up 
with it as is Luther's translation of the Bible with 
German Protestantism. Its antiquity, its exegetical 
value, its formative influence upon New Testament 
Greek, its independent witness to the text of the Old 
Testament — all combine to invest it with exceptional 
interest and value. 

The middle wall of partition that had hitherto 
divided the Jews from other nations was effectually- 
broken down by this epoch-making work. Although 
the legend of Aristeas, which assumed various forms in 
the writings of the Fathers,^ is undoubtedly fictitious, the 
Septuagint may possibly have originated in the literary 
taste of Ptolemy Philadelphus, but the raison d'etre of 
the work is more probably to be found in the growingly 
felt necessities of the Hellenistic Jews themselves. As 
Hebrew was now known only to the priests and the 
learned, a Greek Bible became indispensable for the 
great mass of the community. Some regard the Septua- 
gint as the gradually evolved product of the translation 
into the vernacular of the synagogue lessons from the 
Law and the prophets, according to the custom intro- 
duced by Ezra. On this theory we should have to 
regard its origin as analogous to that of the Targums, 
which contain in written form the oral Aramaic trans- 
lation or paraphrase by means of which the Jews of 
Asia were enabled to understand the sacred books. 

^ Philo adds a new detail. According to his account the translators were 
isolated, yet their renderings when compared were found exactly to coincide. 
This embellishment is already rightly denied by Jerome. 

viii.] Hellenistic Judaism ^2^ 

Others view the Septuagint as a result of the Jewish 
propaganda among the heathen. In any case its Hnguistic 
character stamps it as the work of Jewish-Alexandrian 
scholars, and not that of deputies from Jerusalem.^ 

It is noteworthy that the story of Aristeas refers to 
the Pentateuch only. This was certainly translated 
first, the other books having been added afterwards, at 
different times, and by at least five different hands. 
The exact dates at which the several books were 
rendered are not ascertainable, but the Prophets were 
dealt with before the Hagiographa, some parts of which 
were apparently not written till the age of the Maccabees. 
Not to mention certain other historical data pointing to 
the same conclusion, the prologue to Ecclesiasticus states 
that by B.C. 132 the entire Old Testament was extant 
in Greek.2 T\\& best executed portion of the translation 
is undeniably the Pentateuch ; but it is no less true of 
this than of the whole collection to which the name of 
Septuagint has come to be applied, that the language is 
so harshly Hebraistic in character that no Greek could I 
have perfectly understood it. The very structure of the | 
sentences is strongly Hebraic ; Greek words have new ! 
meanings thrust upon them by their being made to 
connote all that the corresponding Hebrew terms do ; ^ 
and new words are used which do not occur in classical 
Greek.^ How are we to account for these linguistic 

^ For illustrative examples see H. A. A. Kennedy, Sources of N. 71 Greek, 
p. 24 f. 

^ But see Note i, p. 363. 

"^ E.g. d6^a, oiKaiocrvi'7], elprjvrj, ocpelXrifia, etc. 

* E.g. dWo(pv\ian6s, 2 Mace. iv. 13, vi. 24. See on this whole subject 
H. A. A. Kennedy, oJ>. cit. The learned author's examination of the Book of 
Deuteronomy shews that of 313 of the more uncommon words used, 36, or 1 1 
per cent., are peculiar to the Septuagint. 

28 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

features of the Septuagint Greek ? Everything points 
to the likelihood that, while necessarily from the circum- 
stances of its origin " deeply impregnated with Semitic 
characteristics," the Septuagint largely reflects the collo- 
quial Greek of Alexandria as spoken in the third century 

In the very production of the Septuagint, which was 
completed gradually, and was probably, at least as 
regards the prophetical and poetical books, due to 
private enterprise, we have a standing memorial of the 
extent to which Greek influence now pervaded Jewish 
life.2 It was no longer essential for Jews of the Dis- 
persion to be acquainted with the Hebrew language in 
order to remain in possession of the truths of the 
Hebrew religion ; they read the Scriptures, as they 
transacted their business, in the vernacular tongue. 
And although there may be difference of opinion as to 
the extent of it, there can be none as to the fact that 
the Hellenistic influence is already reflected in the 
Septuagint. No sooner did the Old Testament Scrip- 
tures wear a Greek dress than there began to be infused 
into them a Greek spirit. This is so far discernible in 
the very process of translation.^ It is impossible to 

^ " On the one hand it has many elements in common with the writers of 
the Koivi] didXeKTos, on the other it is often a transcript of the vernacular. 
But the predominant features in its vocabulary are — (a) The creation of a 
theological terminology rendered necessary by the original of which it is a 
translation, and {6) The expression in Greek form of special Jewish concep- 
tions and customs due to the same cause." Kennedy, op. cit. p. 164. On 
the syntax of the Septuagint see Note 37, p. 411. 

^ See Note 38, p. 412. 

•' " Toutefois il convient de se rappeler que, meme dans la traduction la plus 
libre, on ne doit pas s'attendre a trouver autre chose et plus que des indices 
obscurs du Credo philosophique des traducteurs." — H. Bois, Essai sur les 
Ongines de la Philosophie Judeo- Alexandrine, p. 130. 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 329 

resist the conviction that the translators were in sym- 
pathy with the tendency of the times to reconcile 
Judaism with the culture of the West. There are tracesi 
of Jewish-Alexandrian philosophy in the Septuagint/ the 
germs, at any rate, of the doctrine afterwards developed 
by Philo. Yet it would be easy to exaggerate here. 
The translators were tied down to the Biblical text, and 
it was only in isolated instances, and even then very 
delicately, that they could put forward their philosophical 
views. It was, however, a necessary consequence of the 
contact of Judaism with Hellenism that the Alexandrian 
philosophy should stamp itself to some extent upon the 
Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures. The 
Egyptian Jews were equally concerned to maintain the 
authority of their sacred books and to conserve their 
philosophical standpoint as to the transcendence of God. 
Refraining as they did from applying even the worthiest 
titles to the Deity, it was distasteful to them to find 
passages of Holy Writ in which He was spoken of in 
terms of human being and working. The Septuagint 
translators therefore set themselves to tone down at 
least the grosser anthropomorphic expressions about God 
and His relation to the world.^ In this connexion, by 

^ This is denied by Frendenthal, Jewish Quarterly Review, ii., 1890, p. 
205 ff. Bois, on the other hand, writes: "Dans une version qui serait 
strictement exacte, il n'y aurait pas de place, a coup sur, pour les vues 
particulieres aux traducteurs. Mais la version des Septante est loin d'etre 
striate. . . . Dans plusieurs passages ou rencontre certains changements d'un 
caractere tel qu'on ne peut alleguer, pour en rendre compte, ni I'incurie ou 
I'ignorance des traducteurs, ni I'usage d'un texte different du n6tre. On 
dirait qu'on est en presence d'adaptations intentionelles des Ecritures a des 
opinions modernes et hellenistiques." — Op. cit. p. 130 i. 

^ In a few isolated passages the use of the Divine name is avoided by the 
substitution of dt77eXos (Job xx. 15 ; Ps. viii. 6 ; Isa. ix. 6 ; Hos. xii. 4, etc.), 
while in Ex. iv. 16, xviii. 19 we have the expression ra tov 9eod. 

330 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

means of slight but subtle alterations, the text of the 
Greek translation has accordingly been adapted to the 
Hellenistic standpoint. Although many of the examples 
of such adaptation put forward by Dahne ^ are disallowed 
by Siegfried, Herriot, Drummond, and other scholars, 
there are at least enough of unmistakable instances to 
prove that the path of Hellenism was appreciably 
smoothed by the labours of the Seventy.^ 

In explanation of this aloofness from anthropomor- 
phism which characterises the Septuagint we have two 
conflicting theories. Some think the modifications of 
the Hebrew text so slight as to make it quite un- 
necessary to view them, as the result of the latent 
influence of a foreign philosophy, and prefer to regard 
them as the natural evolution of dogma among a people 
who were advancing in civilisation. Others, with more 
reason, maintain that we can trace here at least the 
rudiments of the system afterwards built up by Philo. 
This view has certainly been carried too far by Gfrorer 
and Dahne, who write sometimes almost as if the 
Jewish-Alexandrian philosophy had already assumed its 
final shape at the time of the translation of the old 
Testament into Greek. All that can be said with 
safety is that among cultured Jews of the period, and 
apparently owing to Hellenistic influences, there was 
a growing tendency to dissociate the idea of God from 
everything that savoured of human imperfection or 
limitation, or seemed to bring Him into close contact 
with men. The argument that the theory of Greek 

1 Geschichtliche Darstelhmg der Judisch Alcxandrinischen Religionsphilo- 
sophie, Halle, 1834. 

2 See Note 39, p. 414. 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 331 

influence is vitiated by the fact that changes are not 
made throughout systematically, the theophanies for 
example being retained in the Septuagint as in the 
Hebrew Bible,^ is lacking in historic sense. The trans- 
lators were not writing another Bible ; they were not 
exponents of a developed philosophy ; they did not set 
themselves rigidly to remove every anthropomorphic ex- 
pression from the Old Testament. What they did was 
to introduce in various directions such modifications, 
whether slight or marked or subtle, as to leave us in 
no doubt regarding the general bent of their minds, and 
even sometimes the special colour of their thought. 

3. Aristobulus. — The first known representative of 
pure Jewish-Alexandrian religious philosophy was Aris- 
tobulus. He is usually spoken of by the Fathers as a 
Peripatetic ; but as his writings certainly contain Pytha- 
gorean tendencies also, it is safest to style him an 
Eclectic. Eusebius and Clement identify him with the 
philosopher mentioned in 2 Mace. i. 10 as "King 
Ptolemy's teacher." Although there has been a good 
deal of discussion concerning the period when he wrote, 
it is practically certain that he lived at Alexandria under 
Ptolemy Philometor (B.C. 180-146). Clement- says he 
wrote /3i/3Xta Uavd, which seems to mean not that he 
wrote a variety of treatises, but that his work was one of 
considerable size. With the exception of two passages 
quoted by Eusebius,^ it has entirely perished. There is 

^ Heiriot, of. cit. p. g6. 

^ Strom. V. 14. 

' PrcEp. Ev. viii. lo, xiii. 12. The quotations in Clement {Si)-oin. i. 22, 
vi. 3) supply no additional material. Cyril of Alexandria (contra Julian. 
p. 134, ed. Spanh.) erroneously ascribes to Aristobulus a passage from the 
third book of the 'IvdiKo. of Megasthenes. Cf. Clement, Strom, i. 15. 

332 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

no doubt, however, about its character. This is clear 
both from the descriptions of those who knew it, and 
from the fragments which have been preserved. Euse- 
bius calls it " an interpretation of the sacred laws," 
Jerome " an explanatory commentary," and Anatolius 
" an exegetical treatise," upon the Mosaic Law. The 
general tendency of the work is evident from the 
passages quoted by Clement and Eusebius, It does \ 
not appear to have been a consecutive exposition of the i 
sacred text, but rather a sort of philosophical digest of | 
the contents of the Mosaic legislation, drawn up with the 
view of proving that Judaism, rightly understood, had 
anticipated the principal tenets of the various schools of 
Greece. These, he contended, had been taken from the 
Pentateuch, of which some portions had long been trans- 
lated. This fact had been obscured by the literal 
interpretation of Scripture, but was revealed by the 
application of the allegorical method. Aristobulus there- 
fore set before himself a twofold aim — the allegorical 
interpretation of Scripture, and the winning over of 
Greek philosophers and poets to Judaism. 

According to this Jewish-Alexandrian philosopher, 
the Bible contains a truly spiritual conception of God ; 
but this is arrived at only by discovering the hidden 
meaning which underlies its statements. These must 
be expounded in a " God-worthy " way, and this service 
he endeavours to render. With the view of removing 
the unpopularity attaching to the Law on account of its 
anthropomorphisms, he gives elaborate comments upon 
such passages as attribute to the Deity hands, arms, etc. 
He asks his royal patron not to interpret them according 
to the letter, but in what he calls a natural manner, and 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 333 

in accordance with a conception of God from which the 
physical, mythical, and anthropomorphic has been 
entirely eliminated. " For often," he says, " our legis- \ 
lator Moses, when desiring to express an idea, purposely \ 
makes use of sensible expressions^in order to do so." '^ 
Not to recognise this is to be without the key to the 
Mosaic writings.^ 

It may be said on behalf of this v/riter that in 
adopting the peculiar method of Biblical interpretation 
which he did, his intention was simply to present the ' 
essential truth of Scripture apart from its particular , 
historical setting. But whatever service he may have 
rendered in the way of bringing out the moral and 
spiritual teaching of the sacred writings is more than 
counterbalanced by the crop of extravagances which 
followed in his wake, and for which he was mainly 
responsible. To any passage which had either come 
to be literally inapplicable, or which according to its 
plain reading was unintelligible, the allegorical method 
was applied with wonderful effect. But the use of it 
was not limited to such cases ; it was virtually extended 
to the whole of Scripture. And Scripture suffered much 
in the process. Such was the vitality of this method of,.__ 
interpretation that a century and a half elapsed before it 
came to full maturity in the writings of Philo. We find 
it still in vogue after the commencement of the Christian 
era. St. Paul occasionally resorts to it. It has a place 
in the Epistle to the Hebrews. It was in general favour 
among the Gnostics. It was much affected by Origen, 
who expressly replies to the attack made by Celsus not 

1 For examples of this writer's method of interpretation, see Note 40, 
p. 418. 

334 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

only upon the Mosaic history, but upon those who 
understood it allegorically,^ 

The effort to unify philosophy and Judaism is also 
reflected in the extant fragments from the pen of 
Aristobulus.^ He finds a note of similarity between 
Moses and the Greek philosophers in their interpretation 
of the expression " the voice of God." By this he says 
we are not to understand audible words, but the prepara- 
tion of an act. This is what Moses means when he 
says, " God spake, and it was done." Pythagoras, 
Socrates, and Plato speak of having heard the voice of 
God in precisely the same sense. In both cases the 
meaning intended to be expressed is that they have 
understood the inner laws of the world. Again, 
Aristobulus expresses the view that we cannot directly 
apprehend Godhead ; we can only recognise the Divine 
power as dwelling in the world. From eternity God 
and matter have been distinct. All His relations with 
the world are mediated by His wisdom, which is the 
source of all light, and the parent of idealism. Aristo- 
bulus points out that in holding that all light comes 
from wisdom the Peripatetics and Solomon are at one ; 

1 c. Cels. i. 17. 

- We have already seen that this writer maintained the derivation of 
Greek philosophy from the Jewish Law. Clement (Strom, i. 22) professes 
to quote from him verbally as follows : " Aristobulus, in his first book 
addressed to Philometor, writes in these words : ' Plato followed the laws 
given to us, and had manifestly studied all that is said in them. And before 
Demetrius there had been translated by another, previous to the dominion of 
Alexander and of the Persians, the account of the departure of our country- 
men the Hebrews from Egypt, and the fame of all that happened to them, 
and their taking possession of the land, and the account of the whole code of 
laws ; so that it is perfectly clear that the above-mentioned philosopher 
derived a great deal from this source, for he was very learned, as also 
Pythagoras, who transferred many things from our books to his own system 
of doctrines.'" 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 335 

and from the excellence of God he infers the excellence 
of His Law, which requires piety, justice, and modera- 
tion — the very virtues, be it noted, to which Philo 
afterwards gave special prominence in certain of his 
writings. The rest of the seventh day is another thing 
which Aristobulus deems it necessary to explain. He 
cannot suppose that God ever really rested or ceased to 
act upon the world. If Scripture represents Him as 
resting on the seventh day, this is in order to signalise 
the worth of the number seven, which is the symbol of 
reason, the seventh and highest faculty in man." ^ In 
proof of the virtue of this number, Aristobulus quotes 
some verses from Hesiod, Homer, and Linus. Another 
illustration of the spirit and method of this writer is 
found in his treatment of a poem ascribed to Orpheus, 
and still preserved in its original form. This Aristobulus 
largely supplements from the Pentateuch. A meeting 
between Orpheus and Moses is falsely invented and 
gravely chronicled. The poem asserts the immortality 
of God ; but Aristobulus improves upon this, and 
represents Him as absolutely beyond the grasp of the 
human soul, and visible only to pure intelligence. This 
whole theory of the dependence of Greek philosophy on 
Judaism may strike us as somewhat puerile ; but even 
three or four centuries later it was firmly believed in by 
Clement of Alexandria, who speaks of the Greeks as 
" pilferers of all manner of writing." - The idea had 
been mooted even before the time of Aristobulus. 
About the beginning of the Seleucid era (B.C. 3 i 2) the 
historian Megasthenes wrote : " All that was said about 

1 Here we have a point of contact with the Pythagorean philosophy. 
- Strom, vi. 4, 

^^6 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

nature by the ancients is said also by those who 
philosophise beyond Greece : some things by the 
Brahmins of India, and others by those called Jews in 
Syria." ^ Megasthenes, however, only noted the coinci- 
dence ; Aristobulus sought to account for it on the 
supposition of plagiarism from Jewish sources. That 
this view afterwards found many adherents even among 
the Greeks themselves is clear from its acceptance by 
Hermippus ^ and others, who were perhaps led to adopt 
it from the desire to trace their beliefs to an Oriental 
source. It found expression among the Jews of the 
Middle Ages, who represented Aristotle as recognising 
on his deathbed the God of Israel.^ In the fifteenth 
century Reuchlin, and in the seventeenth Huetius, still 
tried to shew that all true philosophy comes from the 

In view of the subsequent development given to his'! 
two leading ideas, the importance of Aristobulus is 
certainly not to be measured by the brief fragments of 
his writings which have been preserved. He was the 
first full-fledged Jewish-Alexandrian philosopher, and 
laid the foundation of the structure which others were 
to rear. Some recent critics regard the entire work of 
Aristobulus as spurious. The truth seems to be that in 
his simplicity he sometimes quotes as genuine verses of 

^ Clement, Strom, i. 15. 

2 Didot, Frag. hist. gr. iii. 41. 

2 According to the testimony of the Fathers, Aristobulus was an Aristo- 
telian. Ravaisson {Metaph. (VAristote, ii. 356) makes the interesting sugges- 
tion that possibly the spurious work De Mundo, which has been ascribed to 
Aristotle, may have been the work of Aristobulus, whose idea of a Divine 
power pervading nature it exactly reflects. " Ne peut-on pas reconnaitre dans 
le faux Aristote, comme dans le faux Orphee (que d'ailleurs il ne manque 
pas de citer), le Juif Alexandrin, imbu de la physique stoicienne ? " 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 337 

Homer, Hesiod, etc., what are clearly Jewish forgeries.^ 
But this is no sufficient reason for doubting the 
authenticity of his work generally. 

4. The Book of Wisdojn, etc. — Jewish- Alexandrian- '^ 
ism appears in a more fully developed form in the Book u 
of Wisdom. This indeed is its finest literary product, * 
It represents the high-water mark of Jewish religious 
thought in the period between the Old and New Testa- 
ments, and in some of its ideas has a remarkable affinity 
with the Johannine books and the Epistle to the 
Hebrews.- Some of its beautiful expressions have 
become the permanent possession of the Christian 
Church. From the circumstance that Solomon is 
several times introduced as the speaker, although he 
is not actually named,^ it has been called the Wisdom 
of Solomon. The book, however, is plainly the work 
of an (unknown) Alexandrian Jew, and its ascription 
to Solomon is quite in accordance with a well-known 
literary method of the times. Chronologically, it comes 
after Ecdesiasticus , and before Philo ; but the date of 
composition cannot be more precisely determined. 
From the clear-cut philosophical conceptions of the 
writer it seems reasonable, however, to suppose that he 
lived as late as the middle of the first century B.C.* \ 
Regarding the unity of the book widely different 
opinions are entertained. Some consider it " the well- 

^ See Note 41, p. 418. 

^ Of the writer Evvald says : "In the nervous energy of his proverbial 
style, and in the depth of his representation, we have a premonition of John, 
and in the conception of heathenism a preparation for Paul, like a warm 
rustle of the spring ere its time is fully come." — Hht. of Israel, v. p. 434. 

^ See especially ix. 7 f. 

■* Bousset assigns it to be the period between B.C. 30 and A.D. 40. 


2,T)S Hellenistic JudaisTn [Chap. 

arranged product of a single author," ^ while others 
regard it as of composite origin.^ For our present 
purpose the question is of little consequence. The main 
burden of the book is the folly of idolatry and the 
excellence of true wisdom as embodied in the Jewish 
Law. Although rhetorically addressed to the kings and 
judges of the earth,^ its teaching is quite as much 
designed to rebuke the faithless among the Jews them- 
selves as to convert heathen readers into proselytes to 
Judaism. While the writer thus appeals to all " heathen- ' 
minded readers," whether of Jewish or Gentile extraction, 
he also seeks to console the faithful under persecution 
by dwelling upon the temporal happiness which attends 
the pursuit of wisdom, and by pointing to the bliss of 

The Hellenistic trend of the book is very pro- \ 
nounced. It was originally written in Greek by one \ 
whose mastery of that language is in evidence on every \ 
page. If Hebraisms occur, there is also a coinage of 
new words which implies an intimate acquaintance with 
the Greek tongue. The book distinctly reflects the 
influence of Hellenic culture generally. Greek phrases, 
figures, and allusions abound. The skilfully constructed 
sentences ^ and flowing rhetoric ^ betray a Greek 
education. The author is familiar with Greek poetry, 
and with the respective tenets of the various schools of 
Greek philosophy. An instance of the Greek logical 
argument known as the Sorites occurs in vi. 17-20. 

^ Siegfried in Kautzsch, Die Apokryphen, etc. 

" Stevenson, Introduction to Wisdom in the Temple Bible. 

3 i. I, vi. I ff . ■* iii. I, 4. 

•> xii. 27, xvii. 2, etc. ^ xvii.-xix. 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 339 

One is struck with the absence of the objectivity so 
characteristic of the Hebrew Scriptures. The writer 
frequently makes reflexions of his own, reasoning in 
dialectic fashion, and basing his conclusions on 
experience,^ and sometimes states, like a pulpiteer or 
rhetorician, how he is going to treat his subject.^ 

A few concrete examples will shew to what an 
extent, alike in thought and in expression, the book 
bears the stamp of Hellenism. In support of the 
position that God is not the author of death, the writer 
says, " Nor hath Hades royal dominion upon earth." ^ 
This personification of Hades ( = the Hebrew Sheol) is 
apparently borrowed from the Greek mythology, and 
is certainly not after the manner of the older Hebraism. 
Equally foreign to the latter is the description of 
reason as " a spark kindled by the beating of our 
heart," ■* and of God as " the first author of beauty." ^ 
In at least two passages '^ the doctrine of the Divine 
providence finds quite abstract and theological ex- 
pression. It is a palpably Grecian and didactic 
condemnation of idolatry to say that " men . . . 
invested stones and stocks with the incommunicable 
Name." ^ Wisdom is said to be " initiated into the 
knowledge of God," ^ and manna is described as " ice-like 
grains of ambrosial food." ^ Whether or not there is an 
allusion to the Greek idea of the river of Lethe in the 
expression " falling into deep forgetfulness," ^^ the Stoic 
enumeration of the four cardinal virtues (" soberness 
and understanding, righteousness and courage") is 

1 xiii. 



2 vi. 22 f. 

" i. 14. 

■* ii. 2, R.V. niarg. 

'^ xiii. 


^ xiv. 3, xvii. 2. 

■^ xiv. 21. 

^ viii. 4. 

* xix. 


^" xvi. II. 

340 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

undoubtedly reflected in viii. 7, and the Pythagorean 
doctrine of the pre-existence of the soul in viii. 20. 
In xix. 4 Jahweh's hardening of Pharaoh's heart 
to pursue the Israelites after having allowed them to 
depart is represented in terms of a philosophical 
determinism which recalls the Greek Nemesis ; the 
Egyptians were lured to their doom by " necessity." ^ 
The abstract mode of thought characteristic of 
Hellenism appears, however, not only in single ex- 
pressions and phrases, but also in the treatment of 
scriptural incidents. An example of this is the 
allegorising reference in xvi. 5 ff. to the lifting up 
of the brazen serpent in the wilderness.'^ In the Old 
Testament narrative we have a simple objective state- 
ment of facts ; there is no explanation of the facts. 
In the Book of Wisdom it is otherwise ; the spiritual 
significance of the incident is expounded at length, 
and the outward details only alluded to in a general 
way. The serpents were sent upon the people " for 
admonition," and the brazen serpent was " a token of 
salvation to put them in remembrance of the command- 
ment of thy law." Not only so ; the writer in a 
speculative vein not natural to a Jew uninfluenced by 
Hellenism, distinctly guards his readers against a false 
interpretation of the narrative, and adds, " For he that 
turned toward it was not saved because of that which 
was beheld, but because of thee, the Saviour of all." 
Here, then, we see the allegorising tendency of the 
Alexandrian Jews in full play. 

The Greek influence is also clearly traceable in the \ 
psychology of the book. As already stated, the writer . 
* Cf. R.V. marg. =^ Num. xxi. 4ff. 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 341 

holds the Pythagorean doctrine of the pre-existence of 
the human soul. " Being good," he says, " I came into 
a body undefiled." ^ It is impossible to find the source 
of this teaching in the Old Testament, the attempt to read 
it into such passages as Deut. xxix. 15, Job xxxviii. 
I9ff., and Ps. cxxxix. 15, being forced and unnatural. 
Another tenet of Greek" philosophy is adopted by our 
author, namely, the Platonico-dualistic doctrine that 
the body is only an " earthly tabernacle " for the mind.^ 
It must return to dust when " required to render back 
the soul which was lent." ^ If he scarcely goes so far as 
to maintain with Philo that the body is the principle 
of all evil, he certainly regards it as a perpetual drag 
upon the progress of the soul. 

The pseudo-Solomon seeks to prove the existence 
of God from the visible works of creation : " From the 
greatness of the beauty even of created things cor- 
respondently iavaXo'^wi) does man form the image 
of their first maker." * In this fact we have a further 
Hellenistic trait. To the unsophisticated Jew the being 
of God is not a matter for demonstration ; it is an 
axiom, the postulate underlying all his thought. But 
in Jewish-Hellenistic circles there was a growing 
tendency to represent human knowledge of the Deity 
as limited to the bare fact of His existence. It was 
reserved for Philo formally to assert the impossibility 
of defining God in His essence ; but the Book of 
Wisdom already approaches to this position when it 
says : " Hardly do we divine the things that are on 
earth . . . and who ever gained knowledge of thy 
counsel, except thou gavest wisdom, and sentest thy 

^ viii. 20. - ix. 15. ^ XV. 8. ^ xiii. 5. 

342 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

holy spirit from on high ? " ^ The work, however, is 
not altogether free from anthropomorphisms,^ and God 
is not always spoken of as a passionless Being. 

But the presence of the Greek influence is in 
f nothing more manifest than in the conception of 
\ Wisdom itself as the intermediary- between God and the 
world, and in the epithets applied to it as such. The 
Hebrew doctrine is hellenised ; the writer describes 
Wisdom after the manner of a Greek philosopher dis- 
coursing of the Nous. She is " a breath of the power of 
God," " a clear effluence of the glory of the Almighty," 
*' an effulgence from everlasting light," " an unspotted 
mirror of the working of God," and " an image of his 
goodness." ^ Wisdom is apparently elevated into a 
substance and invested with a spirit. " There is in her 
a spirit quick of understanding, holy, alone in kind, 
manifold, subtil, freely moving, clear in utterance, un- 
polluted, distinct, unharmed, loving what is good, keen, 
unhindered, beneficent, loving toward man, stedfast, sure, 
free from care, all-powerful, all-surveying, and penetrat- 
ing through all spirits that are quick of understanding, 
pure, most subtil." * The difficult question as to 
whether in the writer's mind Wisdom is merely a Divine 
attribute, or at most a poetical personification, or 
whether it is a Divine personality separate from, though 
always subordinate to, God, belongs more properly to 
the development of doctrine within the period. Here 
the broad fact to be grasped is that the Book of 
Wisdom is really transitional, and that, therefore, its 
doctrine of Wisdom is naturally something intermediate 

^ ix. i6f. '2 Cf. i. lo, iv. i8, v. i6, vii. i6, x. 20. 

^ vii. 25 f. * vii. 22 f, 

VIII.] Hellenistic Jzidaistn 343 

between that of the Old Testament and the Logos 1 
theory of Philo. A great step is already taken towards \ 
the formulation of the latter in the unification of the 
Divine intermediaries under a single name. The writer 
seems to use wisdom as the equivalent of several other 
terms. The parallelism in ix. 17 makes it virtually 
certain that Wisdom and God's "holy spirit" are — 
identical. This conclusion is confirmed by the fact that, 
like Wisdom, the spirit of God is an all-pervading 
principle.^ The same thing holds good with regard to 
the Word. Like Wisdom, the Word is the medium of 
creation, 2 all-powerful ^ and all-healing,* and bearing the 
sword of God.^ As sharing God's throne,'' Wisdom *i 
also stands for the supreme Power,'^ Justice,^ Providence,^ \ 
and Mercy. ^° It was essentially as the image of God's \ 
goodness ^^ that Wisdom presided at the creation of the I 
world out of formless matter, and became the artificer \ 
of all things.^^ This idea was afterwards to find very 
exalted expression in the writings of Philo, but already 
in the Book of Wisdom it is elaborated with much 
clearness and force. " Thou hast mercy on all men, 
because thou hast power to do all things, and thou 
overlookest the sins of men to the end they may repent. 
For thou lovest all things that are, and abhorrest none 
of the things which thou didst make ; for never wouldest 
thou have formed anything if thou didst hate it. And 
how would anything have endured, except thou hadst 
willed it ? or that which was not called by thee, how 
would it have been preserved ? But thou sparest all 

^ i. 12, xii. I, compared with vii. 23. - ix. 2. ■^ vii. 23, xviii. 15. 

** xvi. 2. ^ xviii. 15 f. ^' ix. 4, '' i- 3- ® i. 8, xi. 20. 

^ xiv. 2f. 1" X. 4. ^1 vii. 26. '-vii. 21, viii. 6. 

344 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

things because they are thine, O Sovereign Lord, thou 
lover of men's lives ( = souls) ; for thine incorruptible 
spirit is in all things." ^ 

In this book the subject of retribution also is handled 
in an obviously philosophical spirit. The writer lays 
down the principle that punishment is exactly pro- 
portionate to transgression : " by what things a man 
sinneth, by these he is punished." ^ In illustration he 
points to the case of the Egyptians, whose destruction of 
the male children of the Hebrews in the Nile was 
punished by the experience of " clotted blood instead 
of a river's ever-flowing fountain," and whose worship 
of " reptiles and wretched vermin " was followed by 
avenging plagues of the same " irrational creatures." 
Alongside of the righteous retribution thus meted out in 
this life the writer sets down his brilliant conception of 
the future lot of the righteous. In a passage of great 
beauty he remarks upon the blindness of the wicked tO' 
the fact that the prize of immortality awaits the blame- 
less soul. God made man for incorruption. It was 
only by the envy of the devil that death entered into 
the world. The souls of the righteous are in the hand 
of God. " They are in peace. For even if in the 
sight of men they be punished, their hope is full of 
immortality," ^ A graphic picture is also drawn in 
ch. V. of the revulsion of feeling produced in the wicked 
when at last they are confronted with the victims of their 
abuse. Afraid, and " amazed at the marvel of God's 
salvation," they shall penitently acknowledge their folly 

^ xi. 23-xii. I. 

- xi. 16. This view occurs, however, in 2 Mace. xiii. 7 — a Pharisaic work. 

^ iii. 4, 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 345 

in reckoning as madmen the sons and saints of God, and 
in setting so much store by pleasure and riches and 
arrogance — things which " all passed away as a shadow." 
In all this the way was to a large extent prepared for 
Philo's doctrine, that after death the souls of the righteous • 
dwell in the supersensible world among the angelic 

The Book of Wisdom, then, is a genuine creation of 
the Jewish-Alexandrian philosophy. Here at all events 
there can be no question of detecting isolated traces of 
Greek influence ; it is so pronounced as to amount to 
an actual transformation of Judaism. We see Hebrew 
religion so intermingled with Greek beliefs that the 
resultant product is a philosophy which deliberately 
seeks to remove God to a distance from the world and 
to create a host of intermediaries. It is a philosophy 
not to be identified with Platonism, Stoicism, or any 
other particular school. As its leading idea was the 
fusion of Judaism and Hellenism, it naturally assimilated 
everything conducive to this object, from whatever source 
derived. The significance of the Book of Wisdom lies 
precisely in the fact that it reflects the Judaism of a 
period when the utmost efforts were made to secure this 

To suppose, however, that everything in the Book of 
Wisdom is inspired by the thought and culture of Greece, 
would be as absurd as the contention of those Jews who 
held that all Greek philosophy had been taken from the 
Bible. Although the work is impregnated with Hellen- 
ism, the theological standpoint of the writer remains 1 
essentially Jewish. This is clear both from the form 
and from the contents of the book. The use of Hebraic 


346 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

turns of expression, of the simplest connecting particles, 
and of the parallelism distinctive of the proverbial 
philosophy of the Hebrews, already convey the stamp of 
Judaism. In its whole spirit and purport, moreover, the 
1 work is that of a loyal and earnest-minded Jew, whose 
Judaism, so far from being irksome to him, as was the 
case a little later on with Josephus and Philo, is openly 
, proclaimed and contrasted with the false philosophy 
! which would make pleasure rather than righteousness 
\ the guide of life. The spectacle of so many being led 
by the Greek materialism to abandon the faith of their 
fathers draws forth his strong protest.^ Living amongst j 
Hellenists whose principles and practice differed so , 
widely from his own, he seeks to furnish professors of \ 
the Jewish religion with a solid and philosophically \ 
reasoned basis of belief Did they " seek after wisdom ? " \ 
In its truest form it lay enshrined in Judaism. The 
choice of the term cro^ta was peculiarly happy, inasmuch 
as it covered at once the whole circle of truth embraced 
in Greek philosophy and all that the Old Testament had 
taught about Hokhma. Thus it comes to pass that if 
the writer is influenced by the different schools of pagan 
philosophy on the one hand, on the other his conception 
of Divine Wisdom is exclusively based on Proverbs.^ 
His point of view is therefore neither exclusively Greek 
nor exclusively Jewish, but Gra^co-Jewish, in short, 
Jewish- Alexandrian. 

Two other literary remains of Hellenistic Judaism 
claim at least passing mention — The Jewish Sibyllines 
and the Fourth Book of Maccabees. The former con- 
stitute a confused mass of miscellaneous material which 

^ i. i6-ii. 24. " viii. and ix. 

viii.] Hellenistic Judaism 347 

is the despair of critics. Even the Jewish and the Christ 
tian elements can only here and there be with certaint)^ 
distinguished. But the oldest portions of the collection, 
contained in the third book, and dating from about 
B.C. 140, are undoubtedly of Jewish- Alexandrian origin. | 
A heathen guise is assumed with the aim of propagating 
Judaism. In Greek hexameter the Sibyl prophetically 
addresses the heathen, proclaiming the one true God, and 
denouncing the sin and folly of idolatry. Eternal 
blessedness is promised to the penitent, while the 
severest judgment is threatened in case of impenitence. 
The distinctive features of Hellenistic thought are un- 
mistakably present. Greek and Jewish legends are 
intermingled. There is throughout a studious effort to 
avoid speaking of the Deity in terms of the life of 
humanity, as well as a frequent reiteration of the 
conviction that Judaism is destined to triumph over 
heathenism and to become the religion of the whole 
world. The conception of the heathen gods as demons,^ 
the frequent connexion of God with light, and the de- 
scription of man as roaming in darkness (out of which, 
however, it is his duty to emerge, striving after the 
light),2 suggest the influence of Alexandrianism. It is 
also significant that no allusion is made in the poem to 
Christian faith or practice, and that the language used 
with reference to the absolute exaltation of the Divine 
Being ^ is such as to exclude the worship of the 
Redeemer. This exactly coincides with the fact that 
the notion of a concrete personal Messiah was alien to 
the purely ideal outlook of the Jewish-Alexandrian 

^ Ver. 22. - Ver. 25 ff. ^ Vv. 7, 16. 

348 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

The so-called Fourth Book of Maccabees is a philo- 
sophical discourse upon " the supremacy of pious reason 
( = religious principle) over the passions," and affords a 
good example of Judaism and Hellenism in combination. \ 
In XV. 3 1 the steadfastness of " the mother of the 
Maccabees " in face of a flood of passionate impulses is 
compared to the manner in which at the time of the 
Deluge the ark withstood the force of the waters. Some 
would find in this an echo of the allegorical interpreta- 
tion of the Flood current among the Hellenistic Jews.^ 
Although written in fluent and correct Greek, and clearly 
reflecting the Stoic philosophy, 4 Maccabees is the work 
of an earnest-minded and devout Jew, who is anxious 
that his co-religionists should loyally adhere to the , 
Mosaic Law in spite of the seductions of Hellenism on \ 
the one hand and the pains of persecution on the other. 
It is not to human reason as such, but to pious reason, 
or reason based upon the observance of the Divine Law, 
that he ascribes the mastery of the passions. As the 
result of a philosophical discussion, he concludes that 
this lordship extends to all the affections except forgetful- | 
ness and ignorance. This conclusion is supported by ' 
examples from Jewish history, special stress being laid 
upon the heroism of the priest Eleazar, and of the seven 
brethren and their mother, who in the persecution under 
Antiochus Epiphanes endured the most barbarous cruelty 
rather than deny the faith. From the troubled present 
the writer contemplates the future with calmness, being 
assured that the sufferings of the righteous will be 

^ Dahne, op. cit. ii. p. 196. For Philo the flood means the uprising of 
the passions against the rational will, while Noah is the reason which seeks 
to protect men against this flood. 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 349 

followed by a blessed immortality. The book dates 
probably from the Herodian age. 

Finally, it may be noted here that if the writings of 
the period unmistakably bear the stamp of the Greek 
learning, there was also a corresponding attempt to 
inoculate Greek literature with Hebrew theology. 
Surprising results were sometimes obtained by means of 
slight textual alterations. In this way it became pos- 
sible to represent Sophocles as a teacher of monotheism, 
and Homer as an authority on sabbath observance.^ 
Those who wrote on sacred themes took the Greek 
classical poets as their models of style. Thus a certain 
Theodotus composed an epic poem upon the history of 
ancient Shechem, and an otherwise unknown Philo dealt 
similarly with Jerusalem, while an Ezekiel wrote a tragedy 
upon the Exodus. 

5 . Philo. — The Jewish - Alexandrian philosophyv 
reached its fullest development in the writings of thel 
illustrious Philo [c. B.C. 20-A.D. 50), who not only j 
outstripped all others in the effort to wed Jewish belief 
with Hellenic culture, but also influenced very strongly 
the development of Christian theology. Although no 
names of its representatives have come down to us, it 
would be a mistake to suppose that it had none in the 
interval between the appearance of the Book of Wisdom 
and the works of Philo. But Philo so far eclipsed all 
his precursors that it is little wonder if nearly all of them 
have fallen into oblivion. Aristeas, Aristobulus, and 
even the pseudo-Solomon, were forgotten on the advent 

1 For suspected quotations from these and other Greek poets see Clement, 
Strom. V. This writer evidently took them from the work of the pseudo- 
Hecatteus on Abraham. 

350 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

of him who put the copestone upon the structure which 
they had helped to rear. 

Philo was a native and citizen of Alexandria. He 1 
does not appear to have lived in affluence/ like his \ 
brother Alexander, who held the post of alabarch or 
chief collector of customs on the Arabian side of the 
Nile, but he at all events belonged to an influential 
Jewish family. It is clear from his writings that he \ 
disliked the Egyptians, and could never forgive their \ 
cruel treatment of the Hebrews. The Alexandrians in \ 
particular were obnoxious to him on account of their 
shameless spoliation of the Jev/s, and he stigmatises 
them as " adepts in flattery, jugglery, and lying." ^ A 
lover of Greece and of the Greek learning, he was yet a 
Jew to the core, " attached to all the traditions of his _\ 
religion and of his race " ; and we know from the De 
Providentia that he made at least one pilgrimage to 
Jerusalem. " There is," he says, " on the Syrian shore a 
town named Ascalon. I passed it when I was sent to 
the temple of my fathers in order to pray and offer 
sacrifices there." ^ Even apart from this express state- 
ment, the fact might have been inferred from the circum- 
stantial account of the Temple and the priesthood in the 
second book of the De Monavchia. In A.D. 40, when ao 
old man, Philo headed a Jewish embassy to Rome which 
sought to dissuade the Emperor Caius from requiring 
Divine honour of the Jews. It would appear that in the 
later period of his life, although much against his will, 
he was a good deal immersed in politics.'* The appeal 

^ In De spec. leg. ii. 5 he eulogises the rich who were wilHng to live 
" like the rest of us who are poor." 

- Leg. ad Catum, 25. ^ Sermo ii. § 107. •* De spec. leg. iii. i. 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 351 

to Rome was unsuccessful. More attention was paid to 
Apion, chief advocate for the non-Jewish population of 
Alexandria,- who, perceiving the dilemma of the Jews, 
behaved themselves towards them with greater truculence 
than ever. Beyond these facts nothing is known of 
Philo's personal history. 

We are left in no dubiety, however, either as to the 
aims he set before himself or as to the general principles 
by which his life was regulated. These are sufficiently 
manifest from his works.^ Like Aristobulus, he was 
chiefly concerned to establish the Jewish origin of the 
doctrines derived from Greek philosophers. Assuming 
the absolute authority of the Mosaic Law not only as in 
itself true, but as the source and sum of all truth, he 
proceeded to deduce from it the most approved conclu- 
sions of Greek philosophy, with the view of convincing 
his Jewish brethren that these had already been taught 
by Moses. On the other hand, he sought to point the 
Greeks to the Pentateuch as the source of all that was 
profoundest in philosophy and best in legislation. This 
twofold aim he kept before him in all his literary work. 
He was the interpreter of the Greek to the Jew and of 
the Jew to the Greek. As a Greek he was an eclectic 
philosopher with a marked preference for the doctrines 
of Plato, the Stoics, and the later Pythagoreans. As a 
Jew he clung loyally to the religion of his fathers, and 

^ Philo was a voluminous writer, but many of his works are no longer 
extant. The bulk of those which, in whole or in part, have come down to 
us, deal with the Pentateuch. They include (i) an explanation of it in the 
form of a catechism ; (2) a great allegorical, i.e. esoteric and scientific, 
commentary on Genesis ; (3) a more popular digest of the Mosaic legisla- 
tion for non-Jewish readers. Philo's style is modelled upon the Greek 
classical authors, particularly Plato. 

352 Hellenistic [udaism [Chap. 

had some knowledge of Hebrew, and even of the 
Halacha or traditional law, while in the Haggadic inter- 
pretation of Scripture he excelled. Himself both ]e.\\ 
and Greek, he tried to bring others into the same 
category by hellenising the Jews and judaising the 
Greeks. He sought on the one hand to indoctrinate his 
fellow-countrymen with his own pale conception of 
Judaism as modified by elements imported from Greek 
philosophy, and on the other hand to persuade the 
Greeks that in virtue of the Mosaic revelation the 
highest religious knowledge belonged to the Jewish 

Philo laboured arduously at this double task, and 
relied upon the already established method of allegorical \ 
interpretation as the scientific instrument of its accom- 
plishment. This method had been applied to the 
Homeric poems even before the time of Plato. It 
was also in extensive use among the Stoics, and soon 
developed into a regular system with definite rules and 
methods. In the hands of Philo as an interpreter of the 1 
Old Testament, allegorism becomes a fine art. His con- \ 
tention is that, while Scripture is the depository of truth, 
it requires to be interpreted with the aid of allegory. 
In other words, he starts from the principle that a 
hidden meaning underlies the sacred narrative. He 
grants that the legal enactments of Scripture must 
be strictly and literally observed, but thinks it absurd 
to suppose that it should occupy itself with simple 
genealogies, accounts of battles, etc. More especially 
the literal sense is inadmissible where it is obscure or 
unintelligible, or less elevated than the allegorical sense, 
or where it ascribes to God anything unworthy of His 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 353 

Divinity.^ In general, however, the written record is 
susceptible of only one spiritual interpretation, 

A few examples will best convey some idea of Philo's 
method as an expositor of the Old Testament. Stories 
like those of the creation, the forming of woman out of 
man's rib, and the descent of God to inspect the tower 
of Babel, he regards as so palpably unreasonable that 
they must have been intended to carry a deeper meaning 
than that which appears on the surface. By the creation 
of woman out of the rib of man, for instance, is meant 
that sense (that is, the soul's affections) has been formed 
by one of the powers of the understanding. The 
sabbath rest means simply inward peace. The garden 
Qf Eden represents the virtue which God has planted in 
the human heart ; its situation in the East indicates that 
virtue, dawning in the soul, dispels its darkness ; the 
four rivers by which it is watered are the four (Platonic) 
cardinal virtues ; all four flow out of the great river of 
Goodness ; this, again, proceeds from Wisdom, which 
" disports itself in the Majesty of God the Creator." 
For Philo the figures of the patriarchal age are idealised 
types of character and conditions of soul. Abel is the 
personification of saintliness, Cain of egoism, Noah of 
righteousness. Abraham, who migrated from Chaldaea, 
denotes the advance from heathen ignorance to the 
desire for Divine instruction. Ishmael symbolises un- 
regulated passion, and Isaac ( = " the laughter ") joy in 
Divine truth. Jacob, " the man who saw God," denotes 
the perfect ascetic who has emancipated himself from the 

^ The student will find the Rules of Allegory detailed and illustrated 
with extraordinary thoroughness and patience in Siegfried's Philo von 
AlexMidria, p. i68 ff. 

354 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

world of sense, and found his true home in the sacred 
word ; Esau, on the other hand, denotes sensual appetite. 
When it is said that " man was created " in the image of 
God,^ the preposition Ka-ra indicates that he was created 
not the image of God Himself, but after the image of 
God the Logos. With reference to the animals which 
Abraham was instructed to offer in sacrifice, it is said 
that " he took unto him all these and divided them in 
the midst." '^ In the apparently redundant expression 
fie(To<i, Philo finds the dogma of the equal parts into 
which God divides all things through the \6yo<; ro/iei/?.^ 
According to him, it was not Abraham who took and 
divided, but the Logos Himself. 

To quote examples would be endless, but it may- 
be pointed out that as practised by Philo, allegorism \ 
yields very wonderful and very mixed results. By this 
process, which was in many respects virtually a Hellen- 
istic application of the method of the rabbinical Midrash, 
he contrives to extract the leading psychological and 
ethical theories of Greek philosophy from three chapters 
in Genesis.^ Often, it must be acknowledged, it serves 
to open up rich veins of spiritual truth ; at other times \ 
it leads to what is utterly ridiculous. Lacking the 
wholesome safeguard of the critical spirit, it affords 
ample scope for imaginative caprice. Precisely herein 
lay its attractiveness for Philo, to whose genius as a Jew 
it belongs to think in pictures. But the interpreter 
often allows his method to run away with him. Owing 
to the constant necessity of allegorising, and of pursuing 
in each case the allegory to its utmost limits, he is 

^ Gen. i. 27. ^ Gen. xv. 10. 

■* Qii/s 7'er. div. histrs, 2S ff. ■* ii.-iv. 

vni.] Hellenistic Judaism 355 

sometimes led not only into the most extraordinary 
digressions and obscurities of thought, but also into 
contradictory statements on such important points as 
the eternity of matter, the relation of God to the Logos, 
and the personality of the Divine Powers. The ex- 
travagances of allegorism were still more strikingly 
exhibited two or three centuries afterwards in the 
writings of Origen, the great Christian teacher of 
Alexandria.^ Needless to say, the use of allegory 
does not, in Philo's estimation, detract in any way 
from the authority of Scripture. On the contrary, it 
only leads him to assert it the more. He affirms the 
inspiration not only of the content, but also of the 
form of revelation. Every word and letter is God-given. 
What may seem to be a free way of handling the sacred 
text is in reality the philosophic insight that guards it 
from misunderstanding. This certainly gives point to 
the remark of Lipsius that " allegorical exposition of 
Scripture and a mechanical theory of inspiration always 
go hand in hand." - 

Philo was a philosopher as well as an exegete. * 
That he has given us his philosophical ideas in the form 
of Biblical commentaries makes the study of them more 
difficult than if they had been conveyed directly and in 
a compact system. Yet owing to the ample material 
there is to hand, and by a comparison of passages, it is) I 
easy to follow the main trend of his thought. Of 
philosophy as such he had the loftiest conception. For^ 
him it meant in the first place the study of God, His | 
Divine Logos, and the sensible world, and then of virtue 


1 See Note 42, p. 420. 

^ In Schenkel's Bibel- Lexicon, i. p. 91. 

356 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

and vice in every creature.^ His ethics is the conse- 
quence of his metaphysical theory of God and the world. 
According to Philo, there is a true and a false philosophy. \^ 
The latter is represented in Scripture by Balaam, and in 
Egypt by those whom he calls the Sophists, and whom 
he compares to unclean swine who " divide the hoof, but 
chew not the cud." ^ True philosophy, on the other 
hand, is identical with universal science. It supplies 
the principles which lie at the foundation of each 
separate art, and the definitions by means of which 
progress in the various departments is made possible. 

Only in a few points does Philo's philosophy remain 
distinctively Jewish. He dissociates himself from 
popular paganism by maintaining that there is but 
one God, who is exalted absolutely above the world, 
and is to be worshipped without images. But even here 
his position is not opposed to Greek philosophy^ which 
indeed has strongly influenced his doctrine of God. 
The specifically national and particularistic standpoint 
of Judaism is abandoned in favour of the cosmopolitan 
standpoint of Greek philosophy. Wisely to observe the 
Mosaic Law is to be a citizen not of this country or of 
that, but of the world. 

Philo conceives God as pure Being, of whom no 
quality can be predicated without degrading Him to 
the level of the finite and imperfect. He is eternal, 
unchangeable, and immaterial — not liable to human 
passions, and raised above human virtues. As uncreated. 
He is unknowable and inexpressible, self-sufficient, and 
having neither relations nor attributes. We know that 
He is, but not %vhat He is. By these negations Philo 

^ ]De spec. leg. iii. 34 ; De conftis. ling. § 20. - Lev. xi. 7. 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 357 

seeks only to establish the perfection of God and His 
absolute elevation above the world, and therefore does 
not hesitate to make the contradictory assertion that 
God contains and is the source of all perfection, and 
pervades all things. 

As the perfect Being, God cannot enter into relations? 
with the world of corruptible matter. But although \ 
contact with the universe is impossible for God in His \ 
own proper being, He nevertheless acts upon it through I 
the medium of His Ideas or Forces or Logoi, i.e. partial ■ 
powers of the universal reason. These intermediaries 
Philo identifies not only with the Platonic Ideas and 
Stoic Forces, but also with the Daemons of the Greeks 
and the Angels of the Jews. Among the infinite, 
variety of the powers two are supreme — goodness and! 
might. It must be said, however, that Philo has no 
clear-cut conception of these mediating forces. At I 
times he speaks as if they were mere abstractions, at \ 
other times as if they were persons. But this is the 
necessary result of the premisses from which he starts. 
As the media through which He works in the world, 
His ideas must be inseparable from God ; while at the 
same time, on the assumption of God's aloofness from 
the world, they must rank as independent entities. 

In Philo's philosophy we meet with a still higher 
generalisation than that which ranges the powers under 
the two personifications of goodness and might. This 
is the Logos, a term which he found ready to hand, and 
whose elasticity of meaning rendered it peculiarly suitable 
for his purpose. Out of materials gathered from Jewish 
and Gentile sources alike, Philo constructed a philosophy 
of religion in which the Logos was represented as 

358 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap, 

a mediatorial hypostasis standing between God and the 
world. The Jewish elements in this conception are 
those of the Wisdom, the Spirit, and the Word of God. 
Platonism contributed to it through its doctrine of ideas 
and of the soul of the world, and Stoicism through its 
identification of God with the reason which operates in 
the world. The Logos is related to God as Wisdom, 
and is the full expression of the Divine mind. He is 
the sheckinah or glory of God, the firstborn Son of God, 
the second God. As regards His relation to the other 
Divine powers or ideas, He comprehends them all, 
reconciles them, and directs them. To the world He 
stands related as the organ of creation, and as the pilot 
of its destinies. The Logos is further represented as 
mediating between God and man, and as sharing both 
natures. He is at once God's ambassador, and the 
High Priest who atones and intercedes for men. The 
weakness of Philo's position is that he makes the idea of 
the Logos " oscillate obscurely between personal and 
impersonal being." ^ Clearly the Logos cannot be 
regarded as at once a person distinct from God and at 
the same time as only a certain property of God actively 
operating in the world. 

The root-principle of Philo's philosophy is that of the 
dualism of God and the world. He assumes the pre- 
existence of shapeless matter, and places it as a second 
principle alongside of God. Hence creation in the strict 
sense cannot be ascribed to the Deity; the world was 
merely formed or arranged into a cosmos by the Logos 
and the powers, by whose means also it is preserved. 
Philo's dualism is further apparent in his doctrine of 

^ Zeller, The Philosophy of the Greeks, iii. 2, p. 278. 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 359 

man, which is essentially Platonic. He conceives the 
air to be peopled with souls. Those who dwell in the 
upper parts are the intermediaries between God and the 
world, but those who are nearest the earth are attracted 
by sense, and descend into sensible bodies. Man, there- 
fore, has a higher and a lower origin. On one side he 
is, like the angelic powers, an emanation of Deity ; on 
the other he is a creature of sense, tainted with sin, and 
dwelling in a mortal body. As the source of evil, the body 
is the prison of the soul, which would fain rise again to God. 
The view of man thus propounded formed the basis 
of Philo's ethic, of which the leading principle is the 
rejection of the sensuous, the rooting out of the passions. 
He adopts the teaching of the Stoics with respect to 
the four cardinal virtues and the four passions, and with 
them considers morality the only good. But his morality 
differs from that of the Stoics in having a religious basis. 
Man is not thrown back upon himself, but taught to look 
to God for deliverance from the bonds of sense and the 
power to become wise and virtuous. In this way alone 
can man fulfil the true end of his being and attain to 
the vision of God. This can be reached even in this 
life. " Often when I have come to write out the doc- 
trines of philosophy," says Philo, " though I well knew 
what I ought to say, I have found my mind dry and 
barren, and renounced the task in despair. At other 
times, though I came empty, I was suddenly filled with 
thoughts showered upon me from above, like snowflakes 
or seed, so that in the heat of Divine possession I knew 
not the place or the company, or myself, v/hat I said, or 
what I wrote." ^ To pass beyond this ecstasy the soul 

1 De Migy. Abr. 7. 

360 Hellenistic Judaism [Chap. 

must be altogether freed from the body and return to 
its original state. This takes place at death, provided 
the soul has not become attached to the things of sense, 
in which case it must enter into another body. A sharp 
distinction is drawn between the seeing and the blind. 
" The former lift up their eyes to heaven, contemplating 
the manna, the Divine Logos, the celestial and imperish- 
able nutriment of the soul which loves beautiful sights ; 
the latter broods over the roots of the sfround." Un- 
swervingly to abide in God alone — that is the height of 
happiness. As Herriot has said, " This is the last word 
of Philo, the extreme consequence of a method which 
has allegory for its starting-point, ecstasy for its favourite 
process, and mysticism for its result." ^ 

Although Philo's influence, both in Jewish and in 
pagan circles, was not small, it was nevertheless consider- 
ably neutralised by the perfecting of legalistic Judaism 
on the one hand and the rise of Christianity on the 
other.2 His labours had, moreover, important and un- 
foreseen results in connexion with the development of 
Christian doctrine. In the opinion of many, clear traces 
of Philonism occur in the New Testament itself, notably 
the conception of the Logos in the prologue to St. 
John's Gospel. Be this as it may, Philo's influence upon 
the post-apostolic age was undoubtedly potent.^ It 
was neither an unmixed good nor an unmixed evil. The 
task of the Christian theologian was vastly facilitated by 

^ Phihn icjiaj, p. 199. 2 Sec Note 43, p. 422. 

^ "Almost all the Greek Fathers of the first century, as well as the Alex- 
andrians, the Gnostics as well as their adversaries, and even the great Greek 
theologians of subsequent centuries, have, some more, some less, either directly 
or indirectly, consciously or unconsciously, drawn from Philo." — Schurcr, 
Geschichie^^ -g. 562, Eng. tr. 11. iii. p. 3S1. 

VIII.] Hellenistic Judaism 361 

Philo's conclusion regarding " the possibility and the 
mode of an eternal distinction in the Divine unity " ; but, 
on the other hand, his position as a Platonic philosopher 
militated against a true understanding of the Atonement. 
For him the Incarnation is impossible, vicarious suffering 
meaningless, and faith of less importance than knowledge ; 
and although the Logos is spoken of as Mediator and 
High Priest, these terms do not connote to him what 
they connote to the Christian. Whatever else the Logos 
may be, he is not the Messiah, nor is he Jesus. If, more- 
over, in opposition to the ascetic spirit which would make 
a glorious hereafter contingent upon self-torture in this 
life, Philo did excellent service by representing the soul 
as the centre of its own blessedness, and the vision of 
God as the highest reward, he also did much harm by 
the extent to which he allowed his allegorism to run 
riot in the interpretation of the Hebrew Scriptures. 



NOTE r. See p. 3. 

The Chronological Statement in the Prologue to 

This runs thus : 'Ev yap tw oySdu) Kat TptaKO(rTU) £T€t €7rt toS 
EucpycTOu /SacrtXecos TrapaytvrjOa.s eis Atyi^Trroi/ Kat crvy;(povt(ra5, 
cvpoi/ ov /xiKpas TratSetas d^o/xotov. If the reference is to the 
thirty-eighth year of King Euergetes, we must understand it of 
Ptolemy vii. Physcon Euergetes 11., the only Egyptian king 
bearing the surname Euergetes whose reign extended to more 
than thirty-eight years, and regard the date specified as = B.C. 132. 
On this interpretation, however, the iiri which stands between 
the number and the name of the king appears to be pleonastic. 
Some accordingly view the number as applicable to the year 
of the prologue-writer's own age. This would still make it 
possible to think of the older Euergetes who reigned only twenty- 
five years (b.c. 247-221), in which case the translator would 
have lived about a hundred years earlier. But it is difficult to 
see for what reason he should have mentioned the year of his 
own life in which he came to Egypt, and most expositors are 
agreed that only the year of the reign of Euergetes can 
be meant. Deissmann cites several nearly contemporary 

authorities to shew that the im is not really pleonastic, but 


364 Appendix 

represents a Greek idiom peculiar to the locality. "In an 
Inscription from the Acropolis, as old as the third century B.C., 
we find in line 24 f. the words lepevs ycvo/Atvos ev tw cttI 
Auo-iaSov apxovTO'; hiavrw. Still more significant for the 
passage in Sirach are the following parallels of Egyptian origin. 
The Inscription of the Rosetta Stone (27th March, ig6 B.C.), 
line 16, runs thus: -n-pocreTa^ev [Ptolemy v. Epiphanes] Se koI 


iTaa-aovTO eti)<; roO Trpwrov eVor? eTri tov Trarpos avTov [Ptolemy IV. 
Philopator]. Though Letronne, in view of the alleged want of 
precedent for this usage of im, tries a different interpretation, 
he is yet forced to acknowledge that, if we translate the con- 
cluding words by unti7 the first year [0/ the reign] of his father, 
the whole sentence is made to fit most appropriately into the 
context; the priests, who are hardly inclined to speak of the 
merits of Epiphanes for nothing, would be again but manifesting 
their ability to do obeisance to him, and, at the same time, to 
extol the memory of his father. Had Letronne known the 
example from the Prologue to Sirach, perhaps he would have 
decided for this way of taking ctti, which so admirably suits 
the context. The two passages mutually support one another. 
But the usage of em is further confirmed by other passages of 
Egyptian origin. In Pap. Par. 15 (b.c. 120) two ah/vimai 
avyypatfiaL are mentioned, which are dated as follows : /xias fiev 
yeyovvtas [tov IH' Itous 7rax]wv eVt tov ^iXoixrJTopos, the one of 
Pachou (Egyptian month) of the eighteetith year {of the reign) of 
Philonietor; kTipa% 8e yeyovvias tov AE' /xecroprj Im rov avTov 
/SacrtXews, the other of Mesore (Egyptian month) of the year 
thirty five {of the reign) of the same king. Finally, Pap. Par. 5 
begins thus : ^ao-iXevovrajv KXeoTrarpas Kai IlToXe/xatOii ^ewv 
$tXo/>t7^Topo)j' '%{}iT7]p(iiv €Tot;s A' k<^ leplw<; /JacriXtw? TlToXefiaiov 
6cov 4>tXo|a7;Topos SwT^pos 'AXe$dvSpov /cai 6eC)v Swr'^pwi', k.t.X. 
If the interpretation advocated by Brunet against Brugsch 
[Brugsch translates thus : 7/nder the priest of ' the ' King 
Ptolemy\ viz., under King Ptolemy . . . the priest of Alexander 
[the Great] and of the gods, be correct, then this passage also 
must be taken into consideration." — Bible StJidies, p. 340 f. 

Notes 2 and s 365 

NOTE 2. See p. 5. 

The Relative Value of the Inscriptions and the Papyri. 

" The gains from the Papyri are of much wider extent than 
those from the Inscriptions. The reason is obvious. We 
might almost say that this difference is determined by the 
disparity of the respective materials on which the writing was 
made. Papyrus is accommodating, and is available for private 
purposes; stone is unyielding, and stands open to every eye 
in the market-place, in the temple, or beside the tomb. The 
Inscriptions, particularly the more lengthy and the official ones, 
often approximate in style to the literary language, and are thus 
readily liable to affectation and mannerism; what the papyrus 
leaves contain is much less affected, proceeding, as it does, 
from the thousand requirements and circumstances of the 
daily life of unimportant people. If the legal documents 
among the Papyri shew a certain fixed mode of speech, marked 
by the formalism of the office, yet the many letter-writers, male 
and female, express themselves all the more unconstrainedly." 
— Deissmann, Bible Studies, p. lygf. 


NOTE 3. See p. 16. 
The Diaspora. 

The Dispersion included "the twelve tribes" (Jas. i. i). 
In 2 Mace. i. 27 the term is used of those in bondage, but it 
soon came to be applied to all those residing out of Palestine, 
and even 'to the place of their sojourn (Judith v. 19; cf. John 
vii. 35 ; I Pet. i. i). Partly through the colonising policy of 
the Diadochoi (successors of Alexander), who offered tempting 
inducements to emigrants, and partly through the voluntary 
migration of Jews, who found Palestine no paradise for peaceable 

366 Appendix 

citizens, to most of the trading centres of the ancient world, 
the Dispersion began to assume the proportions of a consider- 
able movement. According to Willrich, indeed, there was no 
such thing as a Jewish Diaspora prior to the Maccabaean 
revolt. But this view is untenable. Not only is it totally 
subversive of the credibiUty of Josephus as a historian, but it 
is also incompatible with the fact that Antiochus Epiphanes 
already found a strong hellenising party in Judaea prepared to 
co-operate with him in his ill-advised attempt to force paganism 
upon that country. We have the testimony of Hecataeus of 
Abdera, a historian who lived at the court of Ptolemy Lagos, 
that many Jews were led to abandon their own customs 
through contact with Persians and Macedonians. At the same 
time it is no doubt the case that subsequent to the Maccabaean 
revolt the dispersion increased to an extent never witnessed 
before. A century before the Christian era, Jews had settled 
in all parts of the known world. The historical evidence on 
this point is abundant. About B.C. 140, we have the lament 
of The Sibylline Oracles (iii. 271) that "every land and every 
sea was filled with them." Cf. also i Mace. xv. 16-24, where 
it is stated that the Romans, in renewing their old league with 
the Jews, sent intimation thereof "to Kmg Ptolemy," likewise 
"to Demetrius the king, and to Attalus, and to Arathes, and 
to Arsaces, and unto all the countries, and to Sampsames, and 
to the Spartans, and unto Delos, and unto Myndos, and unto 
Sicyon, and unto Caria, and unto Samos, and unto Pamphylia, 
and unto Lycia, and unto Halicarnassus, and unto Rhodes, and 
unto Phaselis, and unto Cos, and unto Side, and unto Aradus, and 
Gortyna, and Cnidus, and Cyprus, and Cyrene. But the copy 
hereof they wrote to Simon the high priest." All this implies a 
wide dispersion of the Jews. Josephus {B. J. ii. 16. 4) says 
there was " no nation in the world which had not among them 
part of the Jewish people." The same author {Ant. xiv. 7. 2) 
quotes Strabo as saying : " It is not easy to find a place in the 
world that has not admitted this race, and is not mastered by 

Weizsacker (in 'SichevkeVs Bibel-Lexicon, art. " Zerstreuung ") 

Note 4 367 

rightly calls attention to the fact that the Dispersion is not 
wholly explained by the historical circumstances. Their 
religion enabled the Jews to remain a nation among the nations. , 
Wherever they went they were " the people of God," and a / 
standing witness to monotheism. It was through the Jewish 
Dispersion that Christianity obtained a foothold in every 
quarter of the civilised world. 

NOTE 4. See p. 18. 

The Lack of spiritual Proportion in legalistic Judaism. 

" Denn das ist iiberhaupt das Wesen des Judenthums : die 
hochsten und die abstossendsten Gedanken, das Grossartige und 
das Gemeine liegen unmittelbar neben einander, untrennbar 
verbunden, das eine immer die kehrseite des anderen. . . . Das 
Judenthum ist wie die consequenteste und folgenschwerste, so 
vielleicht auch die bizarrste Bildung, welche die religiose- 
politische Entwickelung Asiens geschaffen hat. Die alte Frage, 
ob die Juden ein Volk sind oder eine Religionsgenossenschaft. 
ist schief gestellt : vielmehr ist gerade das das Wesen dieser 
Bildungen, dass sie das Volksthum in Religion umsetzen und 
dadurch im Stande sind, weit iiber die Grenzen des ehemaligen 
Volks hinauszugreifen. Das ist, ausser etwa im spateren Parsis- 
mus, nirgends in so umfassendem Maasse geschehen wie in 
Judenthum. Das Erbtheil des Volksthums bleibt der Gemeinde : 
die Hoffnungen welche das Volk aufrecht erhielten, sind zu 
Verheissungen fiir die Glaubigen geworden, diese leben in den 
Formen der ehemaligen Nation. Dadurch werden Ziistande und 
Anschauungen einer langst vergangenen Zeit fiir alle Zukunft 
conservirt, Bitten und Brauche, die ehemals naturwiichsig waren, 
aber langst widersinig geworden sind, die Nachkommen bis in 
die fernsten Geschlechter aufgezwangt. Die Juden scheppen sich 
an ihnen bis auf den heutigen Tag. Der gottliche Segen, den 
sie vor der Uebernahme des Gesetzes erwarteten, ist ihr Verhang- 
niss, ist der schwerste Fluch geworden." — Ed. Meyer, Geschichte 
des Altertlnims, iii. p. 218 ff. 

368 Appendix 

NOTE 5. See p. 20. 

Jewi sh Propagan disni. 

It was quite in keeping with the character of Judaism that it 
should endeavour to propagate itself. Under the Greek and 
Roman supremacy, especially after the time of the Maccabees, 
Jewish propagandism was vigorously, and, in many instances, 
successfully, carried on both in Palestine and throughout the 
Dispersion. "Among the mass of the people," says Josephus, 
" there has for a long time now been a great amount of zeal 
for our worship ; nor is there a single town among the Greeks 
or barbarians, or anywhere else ; not a single nation to which the 
observance of the sabbath as it exists among ourselves has not 
penetrated ; while fasting, and the burning of lights, and many of 
our laws with regard to meats are also observed " (c. Apio?i, ii. 39). 
The ' proselytes ' receive distinct mention in the comprehensive 
list of Acts ii. 9-1 1, and apostolic preaching was everywhere 
addressed to the ' God-fearing ' Gentile as well as to the Jew. 
The women of Damascus (Josephus, B.J. ii. 20. 2) and of other 
places adhered in great numbers to the observances of Judaism, 
and among them were many of exalted rank (Acts xiii. 50). The 
case of the Ethiopian treasurer (Acts viii. 26) shews also that 
the converts included men occupying positions of trust and 
influence. The most brilliant example of the success of Jewish 
proselytism, however, was the conversion of Izates, King of 
Adiabene, together with his entire household (Jos. Ant. xx. 2, 4). 
That in Rome also Judaism made considerable headway is 
manifest from the attention bestowed upon it by the satirists 
(Horace, Sat. i. 4, 142 f.; Juvenal, Sat. xiv. 96 ff.). The methods 
used to win converts were not always justifiable. In some 
instances, whole tribes, e.g. the Idumreans under Hyrcanus, and 
the Itureans under Aristobulus, were forced to profess Judaism 
(Jos. Afit. xiii. 9. 3; II. 3). Those who did so spontaneously 
were actuated by various motives ; some to effect a marriage 
{Ant. xx. 7. 3), others to escape military service {Afit. xiv. 10. 
13), others from a sense of religious need (Acts vi. 5, xvii. 4). 

Note 6 369 

When we take into account the hostile feeling of paganism 
which, besides circulating many gratuitous slanders against the 
Jews, ridiculed their abstinence from swine's flesh, their sabbath 
observance, and their refusal to adopt any form of image-worship, 
and detested their proud exclusiveness, it may seem strange that 
the principles of Judaism should have made any progress at all 
in heathen centres. Schiirer ascribes the triumph won by the 
Mosaic cultus against great odds to three circumstances, namely, 
the shrewd way in which the votaries of Judaism kept its 
attractive side to the front ; the fact that the Jewish religion 
aimed at realising a moral and happy life, and could in spite of 
its repulsive externals give a greater deliverance from sin than 
heathenism in any of its forms could offer ; and the tendency of 
the age to patronise Oriental religions in general and monotheistic 
systems in particular. 

NOTE 6. See p. 32. 

The Tendency towards Universalism and Individualism 
in Religion. 

"So werden Universalismus und Individualismus die charak- 
teristischen Ziige aller Religionen und aller Culte. Jeder Cultus 
beansprucht der hochste, womoglich der einzig berechtigte, jede 
Gottheit eine grosse kosmische Macht zu sein, und sie alle 
wenden sich nicht mehr oder nicht mehr ausschliesslich an eine 
Volksgemeinschaft, sondern in erster Linie an jeden Einzelnen, 
ihm versprechen sie jeglichen Gewinn auf Erden wie im Jenseits, 
sicherer als irgend ein anderer Gott. Nicht mit einem Schlage 
ist die Umwandlung fertig geworden : aber sie beginnt in der 
Perserzeit. Die grosse Concurrenz der Religionen bereitet sich 
vor, welche die spatere Jahrhunderte des Alterthums erfiillt. 
Jetzt ist es auch moglich geworden, eine Gottheit fern von 
ihrem Wohnsitz zu verehren, losgelost von dem Heimathsboden 
und dem eigenen Volke : das Band, welches Gott und Verehrer 
verbindet, ist nicht mehr national und politisch, sondern person- 
lich und daher unzereissbar. Sklaven, Kaufleute, Handwerker, 
die ihrer Heimath dauernd entfremdet werden, nehmen ihre 

370 Appendix 

Gottheit mit sich, griinden ihr Heiligthiimer, gewinnen ihr in 
der Fremde Anhanger, so gut wie der Fremde, der an eine 
Cultusstatte kommt, der Gottheit seine verehrung zollt und 
dauernd fiir ihren Dienst gewonnen werden kann. Daher begin- 
nen alle Culte eifrig Propaganda zu machen, sei es, dass sie sich 
bemiihen, den Kreis der Verehrer des Heiligthums zu erweitern, 
sein Ansehen und seinen Einfluss zu steigern weit iiber die 
Nachbargebiete hinaus, sei es, dass sie die Ideen und Riten 
ihrer Religion zu massgebender Bedeutung zu erheben suchen." 
— Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, iii. p. 169 f. 

NOTE 7. See p. 48. 

The syncretistic Character of later Judaism apparent from 
its Treatment of priviitive Legends. 

"Der synkretistische Charakter der spatjiidischen Literatur 
wird auch sichtbar, wenn wir die Legenden, welche dieselbe 
selbstiindig und unabhangig von der alttestamentlichen Erzahlung 
gebildet oder iiberliefert hat, ins Auge fassen. Ich wil] hier nur 
die wichtigsten in Betracht kommenden Stiicke nennen, die 
Esther-, Tobit- und Judith- Legende und die erzahlenden Stiicke 
des Buches Daniel. Dass im Estherbuche keine urspriinglich 
jiidische Erzahlung vorliegt, sondern eine wahrscheinlich babylon- 
ische Sage, die mit einem leichten jiidischen Firnis bedeckt ist, 
ist so gut wie gesichert. Mogen auch die meisten Einzeldeut- 
ungen der, wie es scheint, sehr komplizierten Estherlegende, noch 
nicht feststehen, so weisen doch die Namen Esther (Isthar), 
Mardochai (Marduk) nach Babylon. Auch das Fest der Loose 
(Purimfest), wird irgendwie fremder Religion und Sitte entlehut 
sein, wenn hier sicheres auch noch nicht herausgestallt ist. Die 
Erzahlung des Tobitbuches scheint ebenfalls eine iiberraschende 
Beleuchtung von religionsgeschichtlicher Seite zu bekommen. 
Die Tobitlegende ist namlich vielleicht eine jiidische Umarbei- 
tung der im Folklore weitverbreiteten Legende von dankbaren 
Toten Nach der Legende schiitzt der Held derselben den 
Leichnam des Toten vor Misshandlung. Der dankbare Tote 

Note 7 371 

gesellt sich dann dem Helden als Reisebegleiter, er hilft ihm, die 
reiche Braut erringen, und schiitzt ihn vor dem Schlangendamon, 
der alien friiheren Verlobten der Braut in der Brautnacht ein 
rasches Ende bereitet hat. Ein Zusammenhang des Tobitbuches 
zu dieser Legende erscheint zum mindesten wahrscheinlich. 
Jedenfalls liegt dann im Tobitbuch cine ausserordentlich feine 
und verstandige Bearbeitung der Legende vor. Das charakteris- 
tische an dieser Beobachtung ist eben immer wieder dies, dass ein 
Jude es wagt, eine so specifisch heidnische, auf niederster Stufe 
stehende Legende zu bearbeiten. — Von hier aus lost sich noch ein 
Ratsel. Seit der Entdeckung der interessanten Achikarlegende 
ist man auf die interessanten, gar nicht wegziileugnenden Bezie- 
hungen der Tobit- zur Achikarlegende aufmerksam geworden. 
Die Achikarlegende ist eine Illustration — vielleicht die alteste — 
zu dem Spruche : wer andern eine Grube grabt, fallt selbst 
hinein. Achikar, der weise Minister des Assyrerkonig's Sena- 
cherib, wird von seinem missratenem Neffen schandlich verraten, 
vom Konige zum Tode verurteilt, von einem Beamten des Konig's, 
dem er fruher eine Gnade erwiesen, insgeheim gerrettet. Als 
dann der Konig in seinem Ratselwettstreit mit dem agyptischen 
Konig seiner bedarf, wird er wieder aus Tageslicht gezogen ; er 
filhrt siegreich die Sache seines Konigs und iiberantwortet den 
schandlichen Neffen seiner wohlverdienten Strafe. Es kann 
kaum ein Zweifel sein, dass die Legende ihrem Ursprung nach 
heidnisch (vgl. namentlich die Armenische Recension). An 
einer Reihe von einzelnen Angaben und den hineingearbeiteten 
mythologischen Ziigen wird das vollkommen evident. Wenn 
nun die jUdische Tobitlegende direkt auf jene Erzahlung anspielt, 
den Tobit zu einem Verwandten des Achikar macht und sich 
auch sonst in ihrer Spruchweisheit mit den Spriichen der 
Achikarlegende beriihrt, so lasst diese Beobachtung zweierlei 
Deutung zu. Entweder hat die jiidische Litteratur der spateren 
Zeit sich danach auch der Achikarlegende bemachtigt, und den 
Achikar zum jiidischen Helden umgestaltet, so dass dann die 
umgewandelte Achikarlegende die Tobitlegende beeinflusst 
hatte, — oder es hat dem jiidischen Bearbeiter der Tobitlegende 
diese Legende bereits in einer Gestalt vorgelegen, in welcher 

372 Appendix 

diese in Beziehung zur (heidnischen) Achikarlegende gesetzt war. 
In beiden Fallen wird der enge Zusammenhang der jiidischen 
Legende mit heidnischem Folklore deutlich. In ahnlicher Weise 
wird iibrigens auch die Judithlegende, vielleicht auch die Jonas- 
legende zu beurteilen sein. Auch die Geschichtserzahlung des 
Danielbuches muss einer ahnlichen Beurteilung unterliegen. 
Jene Geschichten sind sicher nicht frei erfunden, vielmehr werden 
wir fast in ihnen alien eine Umarbeitung babylonischer Erzah- 
lungen vermuten diirfen. An einem punkt kdnnen wir das auch 
noch nachweisen. Die merkwiirdige Erzahlung von Nebukad- 
nezars Wahnsinn, die noch jetzt in der vorliegenden Form ihre 
heidnische Herkunft deutlich verrat, hat ihre Grundlage in einer 
babylonischen Legende von einem Traum Nebukadnezars und 
dem Ende dieses Herrschers, welche uns der orientalische 
Chronist Abydenus aufbewahrt hat." — Bousset, Religioii des 
Jiidentums, p. 467 ff. 

NOTE 8. See p. 52. 

Greek Words in Daniel. 

" Nous sommes assez mal renseignes sur le nombre des 
termes ou des tournures que la conquete d' Alexandre imposa 
au vocabulaire et a la grammaire hebraiques. Si nos renseigne- 
ments etaient plus complets, nous verrions sans doubte les 
emprunts faits au grec, ^ peu pres nuls dans la vielle langue 
hebraique, devenir de plus en plus nombreux dans les documents 
de plus en plus jeunes. La conquete avait importe des idees 
nouvelles ; pour les exprimer, il fallait des mots nouveaux. Ce 
sont ces mots nouveaux que H. Derenbourg, dans une mono- 
graphia tres interessante {Mots grecs dans Daniel p. 235 f.), a 
voulu degager du Liv7'e de Daiiiel, ecrit palestinien, de 168 ou 
169 avant I'ere chretienne. Ces mots sont peu nombreux. 
Toutefois H. Derenbourg signale I'influence des mots grecs 
Krjpv$, Kepas, avpty^, KiOapi^ (doublet poetique de KiOdpa), 
a-vfi(f>(i)VLa (en hebreu soumplmeydK), cjiOey/xa (en h6hreu J^ilgdm), 
Trerao-os (? en hebreu pettsch), p,o.via.Kr\<; (en hebreu hamhieka'), 

Note g 373 

et quelques autres influences qui semblent plus douteuses 
(examples : vofxio-fia et nebizbah ; TrporlfjiOL et partemim ; 
AayxTraSes Trupo's, lappidi esch)." — Herriot, Philon le Juif^ p. 24. 

The use of Greek words in Daniel has of course an important 
bearing on the question as to the date of the book. " Whatever 
might conceivably be the case with Kidapi's, it is incredible that 
xpaXTrjpiov and a-vfjLcjiwvca can have reached Babylon c. 550 B.C. 
Any one who has studied Greek history knows what the con- 
dition of the Greek world was in the sixth century B.C., and is 
aware that the arts and inventions of civilised life streamed then 
into Greece from the East, not from Greece eastwards. Still, 
if the instruments named were of a primitive kind, such as the 
Ki6apL? (in Homer), it is jus^ possible — though, in view of the 
fact that the Semitic languages have their own name for the 
'lyre,' by no means probable — that it might be an exception to 
the rule, and that the Babylonians might have been indebted for 
their knowledge of it to the Greeks ; so that had DlIT'p stood 
alone, it could not, perhaps, have been pressed. But no such 
exception can be made in the case of xl/aXr-qpiov and crvf^fiiovLa, 
both derived forms, the former found first in Aristotle, the latter 
first in Plato, and in the sense of concerted music (or, perhaps, 
of a specific musical instrument) first in Polybius. These words, 
it may be confidently affirmed, could not have been used in the 
Book of Daniel unless it had been written after the dissemination 
of Greek influences in Asia through the conquests of Alexafider the 
Great." — Driver's Da?iiel, p. Iviii f. 


NOTE 9. See p. 60. 
Israel's Connexion zvith Palestine. 

This idea of Canaan as the land of Jahweh implied no 
doubt a somewhat primitive and parochial conception of deity. 

374 Appendix 

To the average Hebrew, Canaan was Jahweh's land, just as Moab 
was the land of Chemosh. In Semitic religion generally each 
nation had not only its own land but its own god, and the god 
was as closely associated with the land as with the nation. A 
god had a vested right, so to speak, in his land, irrespective of 
his relation to the inhabitants. Thus even in the event of the 
removal of his worshippers, the land was still theoretically his 
land. The new settlers, drafted into Samaria by the king of 
Assyria after the deportation of the ten tribes, imported their 
own gods ; but the havoc wrought among them by lions led them 
to acknowledge " the god of the land " (2 Kings xvii. 24 ff.). On 
the other hand, it was an accepted principle that a god could 
not be fitly worshipped outside of his own land (Josh. xxii. 19 ; 
2 Sam. xxvi. 19; Hos. ix. 3 ff.). This idea finds expression 
even in connexion with the worship of Jahweh. Naaman asks 
for two mules' burden of Palestinian soil in order to render 
possible the worship of the God of Israel at Damascus ; and the 
exiles in Babylon were at a loss how to sing the Lord's song in 
a strange land (Ps. cxxxvii.). Cf. W. Robertson Smith, Religion 
of the Semites, p. 91 f. 

It would be absurd to think of Israel's connexion with 
Palestine as merely accidental. There was a special function 
assigned in Providence to both land and people. God, who 
has determined for all nations the bounds of their habitation, 
placed Israel in the Holy Land as in a sheltered nook where 
they might be preserved amid all the upheavals of the ancient 
world, and might receive the religious training which should fit 
them to become the bearers of revelation to all mankind. 
"There is no land which is so much a sanctuary and an 
observatory as Palestine : no land which, till its office was 
fulfilled, was so swept by the great forces of history, and was 
yet so capable of preserving one tribe in national continuity and 
growth : one tribe learning and suffering and rising superior to 
the successive problems these forces presented to her, till upon 
the opportunity afforded by the last of them she launched with 
her results upon the world. ... If a man can believe that 
there is no directing hand behind our universe and the history 

Note 10 375 

of our race, he will, of course, say that all this is the result 
of chance. But, for most of us, only another conclusion is 
possible. It may best be expressed in the words of one who 
was no theologian but a geographer — perhaps the most scientific 
observer Palestine has ever had. Karl Ritter says of Palestine : 
' Nature and the course of history shews that here, from the 
beginning onwards, there cannot be talk of any chance.' "— 
G. A. Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy Land, p. 112 f. 

NOTE 10. See p. 70. 
The Wranglings of the Schools. 

"The discussions of the school often degenerated into 
disputes, and the contending scribes did not hesitate to insult 
one another, for there was no law to interfere and punish the 
offender. Jews indeed have never known how to argue calmly. 
Jesus raised His protest against this use of violent language 
so common in His time. Such opprobrious terms as fool, 
imbecile, idiot, were in frequent use, and the word Raca was 
constantly to be heard. We can scarcely form an idea of the 
rancour of these quarrels, and of the bitter mutual hatred in 
which these scribes indulged. This hatred was fostered by the 
spirit of the times, and by the constant agitation of the people 
rising gradually into a perfect paroxysm of exasperation 
against the foreigners. The followers of Hillel and Shammai 
were even more bitter against each other than the Pharisees and 
Sadducees . . . 'This was a dark day,' says one of the 
Talmuds, ' like that on which the golden calf was made. The 
Shammaites killed some of the Hillelites.'" — Stapfer, Palestine 
in the Time of Christ, p. 302 f. 

^j6 Appendix 


NOTE II. Seep. 112. 
The Hasidhn essentially a religious Party. 

" Wenn die Asidaer schon im Jahre 162 ihre Wege von 
denen der Makkabaer trennten, so haben sie fiir die Richtung, 
wohin jene steuerten, ein feines Gefiihl gehabt. 

" Ausdieser Erorterung erhellt erstens, dass die Asidaer nicht 
eine vorzugsweise patriotische Partei waren, nicht die Seele des 
Aufstandes und verschieden von den 'Treuen des Judas,' 
zweitens, dass sie vielmehr eine streng kirkliche Partei waren, 
dass sie nur fiir's Gesetz kiimpften und Friede schlossen, so bald 
es von wegen des Gesetzes erlaubt oder geboten war. Diese 
Ziige passen zu dem Namen der ' Frommen,' zu der Thatsache, 
dass die Schriftgelehrten ihre Fiihrer, endhch zu der Wahrschein- 
lichkeit, dass die Essaer ihre fortsetzung waren — um der 
Pharisaer hier noch zu geschweigen. Darnach nimmt es auch 
kein wunder, dass sie nur so selten und nebenbei von der 
Ueberlieferung erwahnt werden, in sonderbarem Contrast zu 
der Hartnackigkeit, mit der sie in den neueren Geschichtswerken 
fortdauernd als Subjekt alles Handelns erscheinen." — Wellhausen, 
Die Pharisaer zind die Saddiccder, p. 85 f. 

NOTE 12. Seep. 113. 

Did Judas Maccabcnis conclude a Treaty with the 
Romans ? 

"The details of the narrative in i Mace. viii. have been 
called in question by many critics, although the fact of a treaty 
having been concluded between the Jews and the Romans has 
been generally admitted. Wellhausen, e.g., while asserting that 
the journey to Rome, the negotiations with the senate, and the 

Note 12 377 

return to Jerusalem, could not have been accomplished in a 
single month, goes on to say : ' This would be decisive, only I 
am not convinced that the usual assumption is correct. For 
the festival of Nicanor's day is unintelligible, if the sensation of 
victory had been forthwith effaced through a reverse of the 
worst description. It is not maintained that the statement of 
I Mace. viii. 17 (2 Mace. iv. 11) is drawn purely from the 
imagination' {Isr. und Jild. GeschP' p. 250, note 3). That the 
narrative does contain inaccuracies (vv. 8, 15, 16), is not to be 
denied. These, however, may be accounted for by the defective 
means of international communication in those days, and still 
more by the fact that the interests of the Jews were practically 
confined to agriculture and their ancestral religion. The 
writer's graphic picture is upon the whole ' not unfaithful ' 
(Rawlinson), and has ' quite the character of that naivete and 
candour with which intelligence of that sort is propagated in the 
mouth of the common people ' (Grimm). In spite of what is 
said in ver. 13, he is apparently blind as to the dangers attending 
negotiations with the Romans." — i Maccabees in Cambridge 
Bible for Schools, p. 157. 

After pointing out that the ostensible treaty records con- 
tained in I Maccabees are really the products of the writer's 
own pen, Niese proceeds : " Davon abgesehen ist jedoch die 
Thatsache, dass Judas mit den Romern Freundschaft schloss, 
so gut wie nur moglich bezeugt. Auch Josephus im Bellutn 
Judaiaim spricht davon in unverdachtiger Weise, Justinus 
erwahnt es und schliesslich wird wenigstens die jiidische 
Gesandtschaft nach Rom vom 2 Makkabaerbuche in einer 
beilaufigen und ganz unbefangenen Notiz so erwahnt, dass an 
ihrer Wirklichkeit kein grund zu zweifeln vorhegt, zumal da auch 
die Zeitumstande sehr dafiir sprechen. Denn Judas suchte in 
Rom gegen Demetrios einen Riickhalt und hatte auch Grund, 
auf Erfolg zu hoffen ; denn die Romer waren jenem Fiirsten 
durchaus feindlich gesinnt ; wenn sie ihn auch anerkannten, so 
haben sie ihm doch nie verziehen, das er gegen ihren Willen auf 
den Thron gelangt war, und daran ist er dann schliesslich zu 
Grunde gegangen. 

378 Appe7idix 

" Man hat nun gesagt, mit einem Rebellen wie Judas wiirden 
die Romer kein Biindniss geschlossen haben. Dagegen verweise 
ich auf ihr verhalten gegen Timarchos, der sich als babylonischer 
Satrap gegen Demetrios erhob : er erhielt vom Senat eine sehr 
ermuthigende Antwort, und es ist wahrscheinlich genug, dass 
man sich den Juden gegeniiber nicht anders verhielt. Ob nun 
damals schon ein formliches Biindniss mit dem Romischen 
Volke geschlossen ward, oder ob die Gesandten der Juden nur 
einen freundlichen senatsbeschluss und eine Verwendung bei 
Demetrios erreichten, dariiber kann man zweifeln ; denn da die 
Biindnissurkunde in der iiberlieferten Form unecht ist, so 
ist es wohl denkbar, dass der Schriftsteller ein Senatusconsult 
zu einem Biindniss umgearbeitet babe." — Kritik der Beiden 
Makkabderbikher^ p. 88 f. 

NOTE 13. Seep. 118. 

The High-Priesthood in post-exilic Times, 

" For nearly four centuries the high-priesthood, although 
held subject to the dictation of foreign secular authority, had 
been hereditary in the house of Joshua, the coadjutor of Zerub- 
babel. But on the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes, and in 
the person of Jason, who bribed the Syrian king to take it from 
his brother Onias in. and confer it upon himself, it had suffered 
the deepest degradation. A further step was taken when 
Epiphanes sold the office to Menelaus, a Hellenistic Benjamite, 
and therefore not even of priestly family. Alcimus, who had 
been appointed by Eupator, and acknowledged by Demetrius, 
possessed this qualification, and on that account was welcomed 
at first by many pious Israelites. Since the death of Alcimus 
the office had remained vacant for seven years, until now, in a 
moment of happy inspiration, Alexander Balas bethought himself 
of nominating Jonathan to fill it, in order thereby to secure his 
goodwill and support in the contest against Demetrius. As a 
member of a priestly family, and in view of the fact that the 

Note 14 379 

legitimate successor to the dignity had fled to Egypt after the 
murder of his father Onias iii. (Jos. Ant. xiii. 3. i), Jonathan 
was, of course, quite as eligible as any other, even from the stand- 
point of the law." — Note on 1 Mace. x. 20 in Cambridge Bible 
for Schools. 

NOTE 14. Seep. 124. 

The Issue of JewisJi Coins under Simon. 

" The right of coinage was, in fact, an attribute of the inde- 
pendence which had been granted to Judaea, or at all events 
had been interpreted as such, and was enjoyed at this period by 
several free cities of the Syrian kingdom. The coins issued in 
virtue of the assumption of this privilege are to be regarded not 
so much as coins of Simon as of the civic commune of Jerusalem 
in his day. The year numbers on the coins may also be those 
of a civil era of Jerusalem, 'as also other cities of Phoenicia, 
such as Tyre, Sidon, Ascalon, had begun toward the end of the 
second century B.C., in token of the freedom which they had 
obtained, to adopt a cycle of their own' (Schiirer, i. i. p. 258). 
If, on the other hand, they denote the year of Simon, it is strange 
that among extant specimens (which are numerous) there should 
be only one with the stamp of the year 5, and none with that of 
the years 6 and 7, seeing that Simon reigned for eight years. It 
is, of course, possible that the practice of stamping on the coins 
the year of issue was after a time discontinued. The silver coins 
struck were of the value of a shekel, a half-shekel, and a quarter- 
shekel. On one side they bear the inscription, ' Jerusalem the 
holy,' and on the other ' Israel's shekel,' or ' half-shekel,' etc. 
These belong to the years i, 2, and 3. Copper coins were also 
issued, all as yet discovered bearing the inscription, 'Year 4 of 
the emancipation of Israel.' Both classes of coins were inscribed 
in the old Hebrew (Phoenician) characters, but under the later 
Hasmonaean princes these were displaced by the Greek. These 
Jewish coins were formed after the Greek models, but give no 
name or portrait profile of any high priest or prince. They are 

380 Appendix 

adorned with simple symbols, e.g. a cup, a lily branch, a grape 
cluster, a palm, etc. For engravings of them see Madden, Coins 
of the Jews, p. 67 ff." — Note on i Mace. xv. 6 in Cambridge 
Bible for Schools. 

NOTE 15. See p. 127. 

Probable Reference of the Eulogy of Ecclus. I. 1-2 1 to 
Simotz, son of MattatJiias. 

"The unquestionable importance of this high priest, the 

unprecedented honours conferred upon him, and the esteem 

shewn him in a most demonstrative manner by his people, 

render such a eulogy as this natural, while the author's taste 

would dictate the features to be mentioned. That he should 

close with a prayer for the preservation of the high-priesthood 

in Simon's family and a reference to the promise to Phinehas 

is significant. The priests and the people had made Simon's 

pontificate hereditary (i Mace. xiv. 41). But a high priest 

marching sword in hand against the enemy was a new type, and 

demanded a justification in the Law. This was found in the 

example of Phinehas (Num. xxv. 6). The assurance there 

given of an everlasting priesthood as a reward for such zeal 

helped to legitimatise the new pontifical family, and the emphasis 

shifted for a time from Aaron and Zadok to Phinehas (i Mace. 

ii. 26; Ps. cvi. 30; Ecclus. xlv. 23). Simon was the son of 

Mattathias, son of Johanan. In ch. 1. i the text is uncertain. 

While the Greek manuscripts give his father's name as Onias, 

the Syriac has Nethaniah and the Hebrew Johanan, and in the 

Ethiopic it has fallen out entirely. It is possible that the 

original read only ' Simon, the high priest.' ' Son of Mattathias, 

son of Johanan,' may be a later addition, of which the former 

name, in the form of Nethaniah, was preserved by some texts, 

the latter only by others. Such additions, omissions, and changes 

are not seldom found." — N. Schmidt, Introduction to Ecclesi- 

asticus in the Temple Bible. 

Note i6 381 


NOTE 16. See p. 144. 

Recent Controversy on the Sanhedrin. 

"The scholarship of our time has been sharply divided over 
the question of the character and organisation of the Great 
Sanhedrin of Jerusalem. Our information on the subject is 
derived, as has been said, from three sources : the Gospels, 
Josephus, and the Talmudic literature. The evidence of the 
last differs in many respects from that of the two former : 
the question is, which of them are we to trust ? To cite only 
recent disputants, Jewish scholars like Zunz and Griitz accept 
the tradition of the Talmud that the Sanhedrin was presided 
over not by the High Priest, but by successive ' pairs ' of leaders, 
whose names it gives ; and with them some Christian scholars 
like De Wette are in agreement. On the other side, Winer, 
Keil, and Geiger have, in contradiction to the Talmud, asserted 
either the constant, or the usual, presidency of the High Priest ; 
while Jost has defended an intermediate view, that the Sanhedrin 
enjoyed its political rights only in theory, but was prevented 
from putting them into practice through the usurpation of them 
by the High Priests and others. Another question is, when was 
the Sanhedrin definitely constituted? . . . The whole subject 
has been admirably expounded and discussed by Kuenen in his 
essay on ' The Composition of the Sanhedrin.' His results are 
hostile to the Talmudic account of the Sanhedrin, for he 
believes he has proved that a Sanhedrin of the type described 
or implied in the New Testament and Josephus not only 
coincides with the Jewish form of government since Alexander 
the Great, but actually existed since the third century 
B.C., and that the modifications which it underwent before 
its collapse in 70 a.d. may be stated, if not with certainty, 
at least with great probability. Kuenen's conclusions were 
generally accepted till recently Dr. Adolf Biichler, in The 
Synedrion in Jerusakin, etc., offered an argument for the 

3^2 Appendix 

existence of two great tribunals in the Holy City, with separate 
authorities, religious and civil ; and this view has been adopted 
by ihe Jewish Encyclopedia in its article 'Sanhedrin.' 

" The view, of which Kuenen was the chief exponent, and 
which has been generally accepted, is that the Great Sanhedrin 
in Jerusalem was a single court, the supreme tribunal of the 
Jewish nation, which met usually in a hall in the southern part of 
the Temple enclosure known as the Lishkath hag-Gdzith or 
Chamber of Hewn-stone, but which under stress of circumstances 
might also meet elsewhere. There they interpreted the Law, 
and in criminal cases gave sentence. Their power over Jews 
was, subject to the Procurator's approval of their sentences of 
death, unlimited ; and in certain cases they did not wait for 
references from the lower courts, but acted directly. According 
to the Mishna, they alone could try a false prophet or an 
accused High Priest, or decide whether the king might make 
an offensive war ; and Josephus adds that the king was to do 
nothing without the High Priest and the opinion of the Senators, 
and if he affected too much luxury, was to be restrained. Also, 
they judged directly accused priests and other persons. The 
Mishna adds that Jerusalem or the Temple Courts could not 
be extended without the consent of the Sanhedrin. The 
number of the latter was seventy-one. 

" This view of the Sanhedrin rests upon the evidence of the 
New Testament and Josephus, with illustrations from Talmudic 
literature when this agrees with it; and with the rejection of 
the rest of the Talmudic evidence as late and unhistorical. Dr. 
Biichler, however, has made a fresh examination of the Talmudic 
evidence, and has come to the conclusion that there were two 
great Jewish tribunals at Jerusalem, possessing different powers : 
one with civil authority, the Sanhedrin of Josephus and the 
Gospels, one a Sanhedrin with purely religious functions. The 
former, he thinks Josephus indicates, sat in the town, or on 
the west edge of the Temple mount. The latter was entitled 
'the great Beth-Din, which is in the Lishkath hag-Gazith,' or 
'the great Sanhedrin which sits in the Lishkath hag-Gazith.' 
This second tribunal had to decide on the purity of priests and 

Note 1 6 383 

other exclusively religious matters. Neither Josephus nor the 
Gospels report of their Sanhedrin that it judged cases concerning 
priests, the temple service, or any religious questions, but 
ascribe to it exclusively judicial processes, penal sentences, and 
perhaps cases of a political nature. With these the Talmud 
does not associate the ' Great Beth-Din in the Lishkath hag- 
Gdztth.'' Dr. Biichler bases his theory on no mean foundation 
of evidence ; his argument is generally reasonable, and his 
conclusion that there were two supreme courts meets some 
difficulties which are not removed by the view that there was 
only one. Still, the following considerations appear to me to 
be hostile to it. Neither in the Gospels nor in Josephus is 
there any proof of this duality in the supreme national authority. 
Had it existed, the descriptions of the Jewish constitution by 
Josephus would certainly have contained some explicit notice 
of it ; nor do the citations by Dr. Biichler from Josephus 
necessarily imply it. Nor have we found any evidence of a 
second supreme court in our survey of the constitutional 
history previous to New Testament times. Nor does the 
Talmud itself afford an unambiguous statement that there were 
two courts — a curious phenomenon, which would certainly have 
articulated itself somewhere in that vast literature, as it would 
in Josephus, had it actually existed. There is, too, the funda- 
mental idea of the Jewish system that the civil and religious 
sides of life were not separate but everywhere interpenetrating, 
if not identical ; and the impossibility, as we have seen, of 
deciding what matters were religious and what not. To these 
considerations may be added the fact, as Dr. Biichler admits, 
that the Lishkath hag-Gdzith was so situated, on the southern 
edge of the inner court of the Temple but with a door into the 
outer court, that a body, partly consisting of laymen, might have 
gathered in it. The solution of the problem may be in some 
such arrangement as we found the Chronicler to record or suggest, 
whereby cases purely of the ceremonial law were decided by 
the priestly members of the Sanhedrin only. But in that case 
the High Priest would surely have presided; while in the Beth- 
Din, which Dr. Biichler takes as the supreme religious court, 

384 Appendix 

the Talmud says he did not preside ! " — G. A. Smith, Jerusalem^ 
i. p. 418 ff. 

NOTE 17. See p. 150. 

WJiat do we learn from rabbinical Literature as to the 
real Nature of the Cleavage between Pharisees and 
Sadducees ? 

After criticising Gratz, who finds in the Megillath Taanith a 
number of memorial feasts of an anti-Sadducsean character, Well- 
hausen proceeds : " Weitere differenzen zwischen Pharisaern und 
Sadducaern finden sich in der Mischna verzeichnet, namentlich 
Jadaim 4, 6 f. Authentisch sind diese Angaben wohl jedenfalls, 
sehr lehrreich aber sind sie an sich nicht, sondern werden es 
erst durch die Behandlung, die man ihnen angedeihen lasst. 

" m. Jadaim 4, 6 : ' Wir haben euch vorzuwerfen, ihr Pharisaer, 
dass ihr behauptet, die heilige Schrift verunreinige die Hande, 
nicht aber die Schriften Homers.' Geiger versteht die Pointe. 
Er sagt Urschrift S. 146: 'Die Sadducaer in der Hochhaltung 
der eigenen priesterlichen Heiligkeit behaupteten nemlich, dass 
wer sie beriihre, dadurch auch geheiligt werde, desgleichen auch, 
wer die heiligen Gegenstande beriihre, die Pharisaer dagegen 
behaupteten, man ziehe sich dadurch grade eine Unreinheit zu. 
Urn dies an einem schlagenden Beispiele als widersinnig zu 
bezeichnen, heben nun die Sadducaer die erwahnte Consequenz 
hervor.' Die Voraussetzungen dieses Verstandnisses sind, um 
einen bis zur Ungerechtigkeit milden Ausdruck zu wahlen, vollig 
unsicher, und waren sie sicher, so niitzten sie dem Verstandnisse 
nichts. Die angefiihrte Stelle der Mischna nemlich lasst sich 
durchaus aus sich selbst verstehen, und um so unnothiger ist es, 
hier nach einer tiefsinnigen Pointe zu suchen, als die weitere 
Discussion den Grund des auffallenden pharisaischen Verfahrens 
sehr einfach und ohne jeden tendenziosen Witz zu Tage bringt. 
Jochanan b. Zakai verweist die Gegner darauf, dass ja auch die 
Gebeine eine Esels nicht verunreinigen, wohl aber die eines 
Menschen, sei es auch des edelsten. Die Antwort, welche die 

Note ly 385 

Sadducaer darauf haben, ist Wasser auf seine Miihle. Sie sagen 
nemlich : ' weil man Sie hochschatzt, behandelt man sie als 
unrein, damit nicht etwa Jemand aus seines Vaters und seiner 
Mutter Knochen Loffel macht.' Das selbe Princip, erwiedert 
Jochanan, liegt auch dem analogen Verfahren der Pharisaer in 
Bezug auf die verschiedene Behandlung der Bibel und Homers 
zu Grunde : die unreinheit schiitzt das Heilige vor Profanierung. 
Was kann man Graderes verlangen ? Dies ist iibrigens keines- 
wegs der einzige, aber ein sehr interessanter Fall, dass Heilig 
und Unrein sich in dem Begriffe des Unnahbaren beriihren. 

" m. Jadaim, 4, 7 : Ausgegossenes Wasser wird nach den Saddu- 
caern durch das Ausstromen selbst unrein, die Pharisaer aber 
leugnen, dass dies als Grund der Verunreinigung geniige, und 
werden darob hier angegriffen. Eine solche Lappalie, dass es 
fiir Geiger nothwendig ist, die tiefere Bedeutung aufzudecken. 
' Ihr rechnet es, wollen die Sadducaer sagen, dem Unreinen zu 
Gute, wenn es nur von einem Reinen herkommt ; ebenso haltet 
ihr an den spaten Schwachlingen des hasmonaischen Hauses 
fest, weil sie von grossen Ahnen abstammen.' Die Voraussetzung, 
dass die Pharisaer mehr als die Sadducaer an dem hasmonaischen 
Hause festhielten, ware erst noch zu beweisen ; an sich ist das 
Gegentheil glaublicher, denn so lange die Hasmonaer regierten, 
waren bekanntlich die Sadducaer die hasmonaische Partei und 
die Pharisaer ihre wiithendsten Gegner. Ebenso stammt die 
weitere historische Aufhellung der Controverse aus einem Irr- 
lichte. Auf den Vorwurf der Sadducaer erwidern nemlich die 
Pharisaer : ihr selbst haltet doch auch das Wasser eines Aqua- 
ducts fiir rein, sogar wenn es aus einem Kirchhof herkommt. 
Geiger legt dieser treffenden und sachgemassen Antwort folgenden 
tendenziosen Sinn unter : ' Ist Herodes, wollen die Pharisaer 
sagen, nicht dadurch zum Throne gelangt, dass er iiberall urn 
sich her Leichen gehauft, kann der als berechtigt gelten ? ' 
Diese Deutung erklart gar nicht die charakteristische Fassung 
der Antwort, abgesehen davon, dass es noch sehr zweifelhaft ist, 
ob die Sadducaer dem Herodes sehr gewogen waren. Ueber- 
haupt aber ist gar kein Anlass da zu vermuthen, dass die 
Pharisaer etwas anderes sagen woUten, als was sie sagten." 


386 Appendix 

After dealing exhaustively with the other references to the 
Pharisees and Sadducees contained in the rabbinical literature, 
Wellhausen says : " Wer daraus einen durchgreifenden Gegensatz 
inhaltlicher Principien herauslesen will, der darf nicht blode sein. 
Die Sadducaer sollen sich als selbstsiichtiger Klerus zeigen, der 
seine Prarogative als auszubeutendes Monopol behandelt, die 
Pharisaer dagegen als Vertreter des Gemeindeprincips, des 
polemisch gefassten Grundsatzes vom allgemeinen Priesterthum." 
— Die Pharisaer imd die Sadducaer, p. 63 ff. 


NOTE 18. See p. 186. 

The Herodians. 

The Herodians are thrice mentioned in the Gospels (Matt, 
xxii. 26 ; Mark iii. 6, xii. 13), but are not referred to by Josephus 
or any contemporary author. From the data available it is not 
possible to define their position with exactness. Since Origen's 
time it has been usual to regard them as Jews who were content 
to pay tribute to the Romans ; but they were more probably Jewish 
nationalists who preferred the native monarchy with all its faults 
to the direct dominion of Rome. They differed from the 
Pharisees in being not a religious, but a political, or, at all events, 
a diplomatic party. Why then did they join with the Pharisees 
in their opposition to Jesus? Perhaps, as those who were 
"satisfied with the leaven of Herod," they considered the 
Messianic predictions sufficiently fulfilled in his person and 
power, or perhaps they dreaded the result of any movement 
which might lead to complications between the Herodian dynasty 
and the Roman authorities. In any case they favoured the 
Herodian kingdom " as representing that union of Hellenism and 
Judaism which seemed to enable Jews to make the best of both 
worlds. Such a re-establishment, however, was hindered by the 
preachers of Messianism, and the friends of Herodianism recog- 
nised Jesus as one of these. So these ' spies,' as they are called 

Note ig 387 

(Luke XX. 20), put the insidious question to him, 'Is it lawful to 
give tribute unto Caesar, or not,' simply ' that they might catch 
him in talk,' and accuse him to the governor." — Art. " Herod- 
ians " in Ency. Bib. 

NOTE 19. See p. 193. 
Friedldnder' s View ivith regard to the Avi-hdarez. 

Friedlander denies that they were so ignorant, and holds that 
they had for their teachers the pious apocalyptists. " Freilich, 
wenn man in hergebrachter Weise annimt, dass das palastinen- 
sische Judentum samt und sonders entweder pharisaisch oder 
sadduzaisch war, wenn man sogar das Judentum in der Diaspora 
von dem pharisaischen Geiste beherrscht sein lasst, dann aller- 
dings bleibt es unverstandlich, wie aus diesem Milieu das 
Christentum hervorgehen konnte. 

" Nun gab es aber neben dem offiziellen auch ein nichtofifizi- 
elles Judentum in Palastina, welch letzeres sich aus den Massen 
des sogenannten ' Landvolkes,' den Am-haarez, rekrutierte und 
weder zu den Pharisaern noch zu den Sadduzaern zahlte, viel- 
mehr sich gegen beide feindlich abschloss, von ihnen verachtet 
und gehasst, das aber seine eigenen Lehrer hatte : die frommen 
Apokalyptiker. . . . 

"Nach dem bewahrten Beispiel der pharisaischen Schriftgelehr- 
ten, die ihren ganzen Hass und ihre unsagbare Verachtung iiber 
dieses ihrer Fiihrerschaft unerreichbare, ' Landvolk ' ausgossen, 
ist auch die moderne Religionsforschung geringschiitzig iiber 
dasselbe hinweggegangen und hat sich dadurch des einzigen 
Schliissels beraubt, mit dessen Hilfe das geheimnisvoUe Dunkel, 
das die Geburt des Christentums umschliesst, wenigstens einiger- 
massen geliiftet werden kann. Dieses Landvolk, Am-haarez, gilt 
heute noch als der ' idiotische Pobel,' als ein loser unwissender 
Haufe, der sich frech iiber Gesetz und Recht hinwegsetzte, Lehre 
und Zucht hasste und einen schweren Makel am jiidischen 
Volkskorper bildete. — Das war es aber durchaus nicht, am aller- 
wenigsten in vorchristlicher Zeit, wo es noch von gottbegeisterten 

388 Appendix 

jiidischen — allerdings nicht pharisaischen — Mannern geleitet 
wurde. Erst als diese zu schwinden und ihre erhebenden Lehren 
seltener zu werden anfingen, um die Zeit also, als die tobenden 
Kriegstiirme iiber Judaa hereinbrachen, denen Tempel und Reich 
zum Opfer fielen, da verviel auch das Landvolk, ' es war versch- 
machtet und verstreut, wie Schafe, die keinen Hirten haben.' " — 
Die Religiosen Bewegungen innerhalb des Jiidentuins itn Zeitalter 
Jesu, pp. 15 f., and 78 f. 

NOTE 20. See p. 205. 

Were the Essenes Teachers of the People ? 

This is denied by Lipsius. " Die Essaer kommen als Aerzte, 
Wahrsager, Traumdeuter, Exorcisten, aber nicht als Lehrer und 
Prediger mit dem Volk in Beriihrung ; ihre frommen Uebungen 
behalten sie ebenso wie ihre tugendhaften Gesinnungen fiir sich, 
ohne auch nur den Versuch zu wagen, ihre reinen religiosen 
Anschauungen zum Gemeingut der Nation zu erheben. Hierin 
liegt auch der principielle Unterschied zwischen ihnen und dem 
gewaltigen Bussprediger Johannes, dessen Askese und Tauf 
praxis sonst so viele Beriihrungen mit essaischen Wesen bietet. 
Noch scharfer pragt sich aber der Gegensatz aus, wenn wir von 
Johannes dem Taufer zu Jesus fortgehen. Fast alles, was Jesus 
im Gegensatz zu pharisaischem Wesen redet und thut, trifft 
immer zugleich auch das Essaerthum mit, ja zum Theil in gestei- 
gertem Mass. Die ganze Lebenssitte Jesu, sein ungezwungener 
Verkehr mit allerlei Volk, ja gerade vorzugsweise mit den fiir 
unrein geachteten, seine hohe Freiheit von jeder rituellen Engherz- 
igkeit, seine Opposition gegen alles Gewichtlegen auf aussere 
Reinheit, auf Sabbatfeier und Fasten, seine sorglose Theilnahme 
au geselligen Freuden, au Gastmahlern und Festlichkeiten, ja 
selbst eine ganze Reihe specieller Vorschriften und Anweisungen 
an die Seinen beweist, dass von essaischen Wesen auch nicht eine 
Ader in ihm war. Der Essaismus war von Haus aus unfahig, 
etwas neues zu schaffen ; von vornherein als Sekte angelegt, ist 
er Sekte geblieben und hat uberall, wo er spaterhin auf das 

Note 21 389 

Christenthum einwirkte nur sektenbildend gewirkt." — Art. 
" Essaer " in Schenkel's Bibel-Lexicon. 

NOTE 21. See p. 205. 
The Russian Doukhobor a Sort of modern Essene. 

" What I saw of the Doukhobors and heard from those who 
have intimate association with them beUed the unfavourable 
stories which I was told in England, and which were given by 
what I heard in the Eastern provinces. They are of the poorest 
type of Russian peasantry. Their uncouth appearance, their 
shaggy skin coats, their lowering countenances, together with the 
idea that the men put the women folk to the plough and worked 
them like horses, produced a feeUng of resentment among those 
of whiter skin who regarded themselves as more civilised. 

"The Doukhobors are deeply religious, but with a blind, 
mystic, superstitious religion which is impervious to reason. 
They live in daily expectation of the second advent of the 
Messiah. A frenzied faith that the advent is near will send 
them on a pilgrimage in the depth of winter seeking the Messiah. 
They cause much anxiety to the officials. Last year they set 
off on a pilgrimage, making practically no provision for feeding 
themselves, and turning their stock out upon the snow-swathed 
wilderness. Government officials, however, got the stock, sold 
the animals, and held the money in trust for the owners. In 
time the pilgrims were persuaded to return to their homes. At 
intervals they have renewed inclinations to search the world for 
the Messiah. I was at Saskatoon immediately following Lord 
Minto, the then Governor-General, who had arrived after a ten- 
days' horse ride from Edmonton, by way of Battleford. I was 
told how the poor Doukhobors, hearing of the coming of a great 
man, were with difficulty restrained from greeting Lord Minto 
as divine. 

" But though their fanaticism may bring a smile to the lips of 
those who are more worldly, their lives are full of self-sacrifice. 
Most of them left Russia some five years ago \i.e. in 1900] for 

390 Appendix 

the wilds of Canada. As a religious sect they had planned the 
exodus from their native country for a long time. They knew 
hardships would be awaiting them. They regarded it as criminal 
to take very small children with them. So full were they of 
pious restraint, that no children were born into the community 
for several years. Indeed, when four or five thousand of them 
first reached Winnipeg, there was only one baby amongst them all. 

" Hundreds of homesteads have now been taken up. But the 
Doukhobors mostly live for their community. They share in 
common. They own their own steam threshing outfits, and 
have purchased saw mills to provide lumber for their own people. 
I do not think, however, that the ' commune ' will last. 
Already many of the Doukhobors are beginning to lose their 
Russian prejudices, and are adapting themselves to Canadian 
ways. They have the best agricultural machinery to be obtained, 
and I recall meeting a banker who told me it was amazing the 
amount of money they were saving. The more energetic and 
intelligent Doukhobors are giving some signs of wavering in 
loyalty to the ' commune.' They don't see why the best workers 
should share and share alike with the worst. Still the strong 
religious feeling which pervades the sect keeps up a sympathetic 
Socialism between all sections. The more adventurous borrow 
from the banks, and there have been no bad debts. I met a 
man who lent money to a Doukhobor. It was to be repaid by 
a certain date. At that time the weather was terrible. Yet the 
Doukhobor rode 150 miles to pay his debt. That is typical. 

" A few years back the coming of the Doukhobors to the 
Dominion was by no means welcomed. Now they have proved 
themselves good farmers, frugal, virtuous, honourable in all their 
deahngs ; and I never heard anything but praise about them 
from anyone entitled to express an opinion." — Canada As It Is 
(p. 158 ff.), by John Foster Fraser. 

" There has been a tendency for the new lands of Canada 
to become dotted with nationalities with marked distinctions 
from each other. This is prejudicial to the scheme of making 
Canada a homogeneous nation. 

" Take the case of the Doukhobors, the South Russian sect 

Note 22 391 

advocating Universal Brotherhood. Sterling and worthy though 
they be, universal brotherhood is what, as a sect, they are stoutly 
resisting. A little over two years ago the leaders of the Douk- 
hobors in Assiniboia petitioned the British Columbian Govern- 
ment to grant them land where they might live without reference 
to any other Authority than that of God. The application was 
refused. The fanaticism of the sect has caused bodies of them 
to make pilgrimages in the bitter winter to hail the second 
coming of Christ. Because they could not do as they liked, they 
declared Canada was not a land of religious freedom. 

" Foolishness ran through their piety. They petitioned the 
Sultan of Turkey. Here are one or two extracts from the 
document : ' We cannot submit ourselves to the laws and re- 
gulations of any State, or be the subjects of any other ruler 
except God. . . . They refuse to give us any land unless we 
promise to obey all the laws of Canada. We declare before 
God that that is impossible, and that we would sooner bear any 
oppression than be false to Him. Now we turn to your Majesty 
and beg you to shew grace to us and our families, not only as a 
monarch, but as a fellow-being. As pilgrims of God we beg you 
to give us hospitality and shelter in your wide dominions. . . .' 
Fancy such a petition to the Commander of the Faithful ! Pity 
comes in thinking of the poor people." — Ibid. p. 290 f. 

NOTE 22. See p. 208. 

Credibility of the Account of the Essenes in fosephus. 

Only three authorities — Pliny, Philo, and Josephus — mention 
the Essenes. Pliny naturally draws his material mostly from the 
other two, who were Jews, and virtually contemporaries. With 
the possible exception of the Apologia pro fudceis {ap. Euseb. 
Prcep. Evang. viii. 11), the so-called writings of Philo in which 
reference is made to the Essenes, namely, De Vita Contemplativa^ 
and Quod Oftinis Probus Liber y chs. xii. xiii., are now generally 
admitted to be spurious. Much, therefore, turns upon the 
credibility of Josephus. On this point, unfortunately, opinion is 

392 Appendix 

greatly divided, (i) De Quincey regards the whole narrative as 
the invention of a mendacious rascal, and maintains that no such 
sect ever existed. It is the newborn brotherhood of Christians 
that is described under the name Essenes. The essay in which 
this writer expands his theory, if not convincing, is certainly 
ingenious, and, needless to say, eminently readable. 

(2) A directly opposite view is taken by Friedlander, who 
not only maintains the trustworthiness of the narrative of 
Josephus, but also draws considerably upon the Philonic sources. 
He argues that Josephus as a Pharisee may surely be credited 
when speaking of a Jewish sect which completely outshone the 
Pharisees, and asks what the Essenes were to him that he should 
exalt them so ? So far from being an inventor, Josephus as the 
apologist of his people simply makes use of an important and 
world-renowned sect to illustrate "what incomparable ethical 
perfection sprang up on the soil of Mosaism." 

(3) Between these two extremes many prefer to steer a 
middle course, and while recognising that Josephus frequently 
gives a certain colour to his narrative, are nevertheless prepared 
to regard it as in the main substantially true. Cheyne, for 
example, says, "We must not follow Josephus blindly. He 
either suppresses, or but lightly touches upon, one of the most 
important Pharissean doctrines, that which relates to the judg- 
ment, the resurrection, and the ' kingdom of God.' Can we 
hesitate to believe that he deals similarly with the Essenes?" 
And again, "Still I hesitate to accept such a radical criticism as 
Ohle's (Ohle undertakes to shew that the accounts of Essenism 
in Josephus are spurious). There is much in Josephus's account 
of the Essenes which altogether tallies with our previous expecta- 
tions, and can be explained either from native Jewish or from 
Zoroastrian beliefs." — Origi?i of the Psalter, pp. 419, 446. 

NOTE 23. See p. 211. 

Were the Essenes Sun-worshippers ? 

The question practically turns upon the interpretation of the 
words of Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 8. 5 : \ip\v yap uvao-xeiv tov ^Xlov 

Note 24 393 

ovh\v ^Qiyyovrai t5)v ^€J3y]X.(i)v, Trarpiov; 8e riva^ ci? avToi' tvx°^^' 
wcnrep tKcretwres dvaTctXat. Lightfoot, taking them in their 
literal sense, regards the Essenes as sun-worshippers, and finds 
in this a strong proof of Persian influence. Friedlander, on the 
other hand, protests against putting a Hteral interpretation upon 
the words of Josephus here. To do so is, in his opinion, to 
judge of the Essenes as hostile Roman writers did of the Jews 
in general, when they called them cloud-worshippers (cf. Juvenal, 
Sat. xiv. 96, " Nil praeter nubes et coeli numen adorant "). He 
thinks nothing more is intended than the Jewish habit of praying 
at sunrise with hands and eyes directed towards the east 
(Wisd. xvi. 29; Sib. iii. 591 f.), and that the Essenes were no 
more sun-worshippers than the early Christians who, according 
to Tertullian, were similarly looked upon as such by the heathen. 
" Others . . . believe that the sun is our god. We shall be counted 
Persians, perhaps, though we do not worship the orb of day 
painted on a piece of linen cloth, having himself everywhere in 
his own disk. The idea no doubt has originated from our being 
known to turn to the east in prayer." — Aj)o/. c. xvi. 

NOTE 24. See p. 211. 

The foreign Element in Essenisin. 

While fully conscious of the difficulty of the problem, 
Lipsius looks to Syrian heathenism as affording the most 
probable solution. " Es ist unmoglich, diese Zeitmeinungen, 
die uns in den verschiedensten Umgebungen begegnen, auf 
ihre urspriinglichen Mischungsverhaltnisse zuriickzufiihren. Mit 
demselben Recht, mit weichem die einen auf griech. philoso- 
pheme zuriickgingen, haben andere an Einfliisse des Parsismus 
gedacht ; noch naher legt sich, zumal beim Vergleich mit iilteren 
gnostischen Sektenmeinungen, mit den sogenannten Ssabiern, 
den Mandaern u. a., der Gedanke an vorderasiatisches, 
insbesondere syr. Heidenthum, wie es bei dem aramaisch 
redenden Mischvolk Galiliias, Samariens und des Transjordan- 

394 Appendix 

landes in der nachexilischen Zeit von neuem sich ausbreitete, 
und mit der religiosen Weltanschauung des A.T. aufs wunder- 
lichste sich kreuzte. Neben dem, gegeniiber dem Parsismus 
minder scharf ausgepragten Dualismus, der doch auch sonst zu 
einer Weltfliichtigen Askese fiihrte, zeigen sich spuren einheim- 
ischer oder wenigstens einbiirgerter Naturreligion ; so vielleicht 
schon in dem an die aufgehende sonne gerichteten Morgengebet 
(Josephus, 'Jiidischer Krieg,' ii. 8. 5), welches freilich keine 
eigentliche Aubetung der sonne als eines Gottes, aber auch 
schwerlich das gewbhnliche jiid. Schemagebet (5 Mos. 6. 4-9) 
gewesen sein wird, sondern wol eine Anrufung des himmlischen 
Lichts oder auch der Sonne als eines, wenn auch nicht gottlichen, 
doch lebendigen und erhabenen Wesens. Eine weitere Spur 
liegt wol ferner in der magischen Vorstellung, welche die Essaer 
ahulich wie die Maudaer und Elkesaiten von der reinigenden 
und entsUhnenden Kraft des Wassers gehegt zu haben scheinen, 
desgleichen in den von ihnen berichteten magischen Curen und 
Damonenbeschworungen. Unter den alten Schriften, deren sie 
sich 'zur Heilung der Seele und des Leibes' bedient haben 
sollen (Josephus, 'Judischer Krieg,' ii. 8. 6), sind vermutlich 
Zauberbiicher nach Art der dem Salomo zugeschriebenen zu 
verstehen, von welchen Josephus anderwarts redet (' Alter- 
thiimer,' viii. 2. 5). Dieselben enthielten also Beschworungs- 
formeln zur Austreibung boser Geister ; ausserdem gingen auch 
Curen mittels heilskraftiger Pflanzen und Steine bei ihnen im 
Schwange CJiid. Krieg,' ii. 8. 6). Die werke der Barm- 
herzigkeit, in denen den Essaern ausdriicklich auch Fremden 
gegeniiber freie Hand gelassen war, sind wahrscheinlich eben- 
solche magische Curen. Hiermit hangt endlich auch die von 
ihnen berichtete Wahrsagekunst und Traumdeuterei zusammen, 
in welcher sie Bewunderung der Zeitgenossen erregten ('Jiid. 
Krieg,' ii. 8. 2; 'Alt.' ii. 8. 12; cf. xiii. 11. 2, xv. 15. 5, 
xvii. 13. 3). AUes dies weist wol auf starke Einfliisse einer, 
namentlich bei der Heidnischen Bewolkerung Palastinas und 
Syriens weitverbreiteten Superstition, die keineswegs ausschliess- 
lich oder auch nur vorzugsweise hellenischen Ursprungs ist. 
Auch die ebenfalls auf einheimischcr Naturreligion beruhende 

Note 24 395 

Anrufung der elementaren Machte bei verschiedenen Weihen, 
Geliibden, Beschworungen u.s.w., die uns spiiter bei Ebioniten 
und Elkesaiten begegnet, war wol schon bei den Essaern im 
Gebrauch. Die jiid. Dogmatik ward durch diese und ahnliche, 
urspriinglich auf einem fremden Boden gewachsenen Vorstel- 
lungen und Braiiche nicht unmittelbar beriirht; es schien 
moglich, ihnen sich hinzugeben und doch dabei ein gesetzes- 
frommer Jude zu bleiben. Einiges, wie die Damonenbesch- 
worungen und magischen Curen, hatte auch bei den Pharisiiern 
Eingang gefunden ; sie entsprechen nur einem allgemeinen Zug 
der Zeit, dem die Essaer in ihrer Abgeschiedenheit vom 
nationalen Gemeinwesen vielleicht nur widerstandsloser nach- 
gaben. Auf jiid. Boden verpflanzte Pythagoraer sind sie darum 
noch nicht, trotz der zahlreichen Beriihrungen mit neupythag- 
oraischem Wesen, welche Zeller beibringt; nicht einmal ein 
Absenker des jiid. Alexandrinismus sind sie zu nennen, 
vielmehr scheint die Entwickelung deren Resultate die Darstel- 
lungen des Philo und Josephus zusammenfassen, sich durchaus 
auf palastin. Boden vollzogen zu haben. Bestimmteres iiber 
die allmahliche innere Umgestaltung des Essaismus lasst sich 
bei der Liickenhaftigkeit unserer Nachrichten nicht mehr 
ausmitteln. Die fortschreitende Zuspitzung der echt chald- 
aischen Reinheitsangst zu einer wirkHch duahstischen Weltan- 
schauung, also die Ausdehnung der urspriinglich aus echt jiid. 
Motiven entsprungenen Grundgedanken iiber die jiidisch noch 
mogliche Grenzlinie hinaus, ist ohne Zweifel, ahnlich wie die 
Entwickelung des jiid. Alexandrinismus, allmahlich und 
unbewusst vor sich gegangen, unter der Einwirkung von 
mancherlei dem palastin. Juden nicht bios raumlich nahe 
tretenden, sondern auch geistig durch wirkliche oder scheinbare 
Verwandtschaft mit innerjiid. Tendenzen sich empfehlenden 
Zeitmeinungen. Immerhin ist die wenigstens mittelbare Beriih- 
rung mit griech. Ideen, wie schwer sie auch sich nachweisen 
lasst, doch immer noch glaubhafter als die neuerdings alles 
Ernstes befiirwortete Uebertragung des buddhistischen Monch- 
thums auf jiid. Gebiet." — Art. "Essaer" in Schenkel's Bibel- 

396 Appendix 

NOTE 25. See p. 212. 

Is Essenism of Pliarisaic Origin ? 

The following passage shews how vigorously Friedlander 
ranges himself on the negative side of this question. "Aber 
nicht nur nicht pharisaisch ist der Essenismus, er ist sogar streng 
antipharisaisch ! Der Pharisaismus spricht jenen, die die Aufer- 
stehung des Leibes leugnen, oder auch nur behaupten, dieselbe 
werde in der Thora nicht gelehrt, den Anteil an dem kiinftigen 
Leben ab und lasst sie fiir ewige Zeiten in der Gehenna gerichtet 
werden; der Essenismus hingegen verwirft stracks die Aufer- 
stehungslehre, ganz im Geiste des jiidischen Alexandrinismus 
den Leib fiir sundhaft erklarend, den der Fromme schon bei 
Lebzeiten abtoten miisse ; dagegen huldigt er einer, wie Josephus 
berichtet, ungemein erhebenden Lehre von der Unsterblichkeit 
der Seele, die ebenfalls ganz zweifellos der Jiidisch-Alexandrin- 
ischen Schule entlehut ist. Der Pharisaismus verpont die 
Ehelosigkeit als eine krasse Verletzung des gottlichen Gebotes ; 
der Essenismus preist sie und huldigt ihr. Der erstere halt den 
Opferdienst im Tempel fiir eine untastbare gottliche Institution ; 
der letztere verwirft ihn, und fiihrt andere Heiligungen an seine 
Stella ein, bricht mit dem officiellen Judentum und wird deshalb 
aus dem Tempel ausgeschlossen.— Solche und andere, in der 
Folge noch zu beriihrende fundamental religiose Differenzen 
bildeten eine uniiberbriickbare kluft zwischen beiden Sekten, so 
dass es ganz unerfindlich ist, wie ernste Forscher iiber sie 
hinweg, auf unbedeutende ausserliche Ahnlichkeiten hin, zu 
der Uberzeugung gelangen konnten, der Essenismus sei lediglich 
eine Steigerung des Pharisaismus ! " — Die Religiosen Bewegungen, 
etc., p. 130. 

NOTE 26. See p. 212. 
What led the Essenes to seek Seclusion ? 

"Der Hang zur Einsamkeit ist jederzeit ein gewichtiges 
Symptom, und als solches fiiguriert es vor allem im Judentum. 

Note 26 397 

Denn Einsamkeit ist dem jiidischen Wesen an sich fremd. Es 
sind nirgends innerhalb des mosaischen Volkstums Ansiitze, 
keime fiir eine Existenzform gegeben, die sich iiber das soziale 
Medium emporhebt. Das Judentum tragt einen entschieden 
demokratischen Charakter, das Wort in seiner weitesten 
Bedeutung genomenen, also nicht als politischer und okono- 
mischer Wert. Wohl mochte es alexandrinischer Inter- 
pretationskunst gelingen, auch diesem neuen Ideal einen 
wiirdigen Adelsbrief zu schaffen. Wohl hingen Abraham, 
Moses und andere gefeierte Manner des alten Bundes 
in der Einsamkeit ihren frommen Betrachtungen nach, im 
ahnungsvoUen Schauen des Evvigen und seiner Herrlichkeit 
versunken. Ihnen aber war die Einsamkeit und die Fiille von 
Gesichten, die sich in ihr bot, niemals Selbstzweck sondern 
Vorbereitung. Sie waren einsam, um sich innerUch zu stiirken 
und fiir ihre grosse Mission reif zu werden. Ganz anders die 
essenische und jiidisch-hellenistische Einsamkeit. Sie ist die 
Krone und nicht die Wurzel des Lebensbaums. Hier ist das 
Verhaltniss ein umgekehrtes. Zuerst aufgehen in den grossen 
Zwecken der Gesamtheit, dann sinnvolle Kontemplation. Den 
Preis der Einsamkeit ervvirbt sich der, der vorerst unverdrossen 
in Reih und Glied gestanden hatte. Man zahlt seine Schuld an 
die Mitwelt, indem man fiir sie arbeitet. Man heimst den 
Lohn der Arbeit ein, indem man sich mit jener Bemiihung 
das Recht auf Einsamkeit erwirbt. — Das Buch des alten Bundes 
ist durchtrankt von sozialer Gesinnung. Vor ganz Israel 
verkiindet Gott seine zehn Gebote. Aus diesem boden 
entspross kein Wert, der sich von der Gesellschaft emanzipiert, 
der die gedankenvoUe Isolation zum moralischen Imperativ 
verklart. Fremde Einfliisse beginnen sich da zu zeigen. Wenn 
man sie auch vor der Hand nicht zu lokalisieren vermag, es 
geniigt anfangs, sie als solche gekennzeichnet zu haben. Das 
Marchen von der pharisaischen Herkunft der Essener muss 
angesichts eines solchen Phanomens schweigen. Den Pharisaer 
zog kein inneres Bediirfuiss von der ' freundlichen Gewohnheit 
des Wirkens,' von den trauten Kreisen der Gemeinschaft ab. 
Jhn lockte nicht der Wunsch ' Gott zu schauen,' ins Gefilde der 

39^ Appendix 

Einsamkeit. Es kann also nicht gelengnet werden, dass man 
hier auf fremden Boden sich versetzt findet. Aus dem sozialen 
Charakter des Mosaismus ist der Sprung in weltfliichtiges 
Anachoretentum keineswegs zu erklaren. Lassen wir also die 
unfruchtbare Spekulation, die mit sophistischen Mitteln bloss 
verjahrte Irrtiimer decken soil, und rechnen wir mit Realitaten. 
Der Essenismus mit seinem hochragenden Eigenban an Ideen 
und Idealen ist aber eine solche Realitat und lasst sich nicht 
zum Schattenspiel des Pharisaismus verfliichtigen. Wenn sein 
grundbegriff Einsamkeit also nicht aus dem Mosaismus geflossen 
ist, dann restiert bloss die andere Moglichkeit einer Herkunft 
aus dem Geist des Hellenismus. Auch hier wird man wohl 
einer Reihe von Einwanden begegnen. In das Wesen des 
Griechentums ist nicht weniger sozialer Geist gepragt, als in 
das des Judentums. Die drei grossen Denker, die ja vielleicht 
als die Einzigen sichtbare Spiiren in die jiidisch-hellenistische 
Religionsphilosophie eingezeichnet haben konnten : Sokrates, 
Plato und Aristoteles waren keine Saulenheilige oder 
Wiistenmanner. . . . 

" Vor allem muss man den zweifachen Gedankenkern in dem 
an sich fliessenden und relativen Begrifif der Einsamkeit 
festhalten. Einsamkeit ist nicht notwendig die absolute Abkehr 
des Individuums von seinesgleichen, das Anachoretentum, das 
zu seinem Wohnort die Wiiste kiirt. Es gibt auch eine 
Einsamkeit zu vielen, eine sozial organisierte Einsamkeit. Eine 
solche war eigentlich der Essenismus. Er war einsam der 
Masse, dem grossen Haufen gegeniiber, vor dem er sich vornehm 
abschloss. Aber diese Einsamkeit sublimierte nicht zum Extrem. 
der Wiistenheiligen, sondern trug einen im hoheren Sinn socialen 
Charakter. Hier aber erweist sich das Griechentum zweifelos 
vorbildlich. . . . 

"Was namlich sich als der eigentliche Nerv des Einsamkeits- 
ideals immer klarer aus dogmatischen Umhiillungen und 
liturgischem Apparat herausschalt, das ist die eminente 
Potenzierung des theoretischen, des rein philosophischen 
Elementes, das hierin seinen Ausdruck und seine hohere Weihe 
empfangt. Es ist das Verlangen, Gott zu schauen, durch 

Note -?/ 399 

inbriinstige Hingabe an den Erkenntnistrieb der Welt tiefstes 
Geheimnis in sich aufzunehmen. Der antisoziale, besser gesagt, 
der antiplebejische Charakter ist nicht der Sinn, der Kern des 
Essenismus, sondern bloss eine folgerichtige Konsequenz aus 
jenem Hang." — Friedlander, op. cit. p. 125 ff. 


NOTE 27. See p. 223. 

Cotitents of the Book of Enoch. 

According to Charles, the whole is divisible into six parts 
as follows : — 

(i) Chs. i.-xxxvi., written at latest before B.C. 170. 

(2) Chs. Ixxxiii.-xc, written between B.C. 166-161. 

(3) Chs. xci.-civ., written between B.C. 134-94) or possibly 

between b.c. 104-94. 

(4) Chs. xxxvii.-lxx., written between B.C. 94-79, or B.C. 70-64. 

(5) Chs. Ixxii.-lxxviii., Ixxix., Ixxxvii., of uncertain date. 

(6) Fragments from a lost Apocalypse of Noah, and other 

interpolations, scattered throughout the book, written 
some time before the Christian era. 

Beer in Kautzsch groups the contents thus : — 

A. Kap. i.-v. : Eine Einleitungsrede zum ganzen Buche. 

B. Kap. vi.-cv. : Die Hauptmasse, bestehend aus : 

I. Kap. vi.-xxxvi., dem angelologischen Buch. 
II. Kap. xxxvii.-lxxi., dem messiologischen Buch. 

III. Kap. Ixxii.-lxxxii., dem astronomischen Buch. 

IV. Kap. Ixxxiii.-xc, dem Geschichtsbuch. 
V. Kap. xci.-cv., dem paranetischen Buch. 

C. Kap. cvi.-cviii. : Der Schluss des ganzen Buchs. 

400 Appendix 

NOTE 28. See p. 229. 

Original Language of the Testaments of the Twelve 

The case for a Hebrew original has been presented by Charles 
in the Hibbert Joiiryial (April 1905). His contention is that in 
addition to frequent Hebraisms in style, and " paronomasia or 
plays upon words and proper names, which are lost in the Greek 
(but) can frequently be restored by retranslation into Hebrew," 
there are " obscure or unintelligible passages " which on being 
rendered into Hebrew lose their obscurity and become quite 
clear. " Before dealing with illustrations, I would first observe 
that there are two recensions of the Greek text. Sometimes 
these agree word for word through whole sentences and para- 
graphs. At times they disagree in a single word or phrase or 
entire paragraph. Now in the case of such disagreements we 
find that sometimes one text is obviously right and the other 
corrupt, and that by retranslation of the two into Hebrew we 
understand at once how the mistranslation in the one case arose : 
or, again, both may be corrupt, and retranslation enables us to 
discover the original text underlying the corruptions. I will now 
give some examples. First, in the Test. Reub. iv. i. Reuben 
says to his children, according to our recension : ' Expend your 
energies on good v/orks and on learning' (fioxOovvTc<; iv epyois 
KaXoi<; Kol iv ypafx/xacrcv) ; the second recension is here 
unintelligible : ' Expend your energies on works and departing 
in learning ' (/Ltop^^owres ev epyois koi dTroTrXav<x)fji€voi Iv ypayu./x.atriv). 
If we translate both into Hebrew we see that the difference 
between them arose from reading 0''")^''' ( = »<aXots) wrongly as D''1K'1 
( = Kai a.TroTr\avwfx€voi), i.e. D''"ID1. Again, in Test. Levi vi. 10 
all the versions agree in describing the Shechemites as ' forcibly 
carrying off the wives of strangers and banishing them.' Now, 
the Hebrew word for 'banish,' in"'T', means also 'to seduce 
to idolatry.' This suits the context. Again, in xiii. 5 we have 
the following couplet, according to the first recension : 

' Do righteousness, my sons, on earth, 
That you may be made sound in heaven.' 

Note 28 401 

For ' may be made sound ' the second recension has shnply 
'may find.' But neither yields any right sense. When 
retranslated, their Hebrew equivalents shew that the true text, 
from which they each differ by a slight corruption, was probably : 

' Do righteousness, my sons, on earth, 
That you may have treasure in heaven.' 

In the Test. Jud. ii. 2 one recension reads : ' I prepared it for 
my father and he ate ' ; the other : ' I prepared food for my 
father.' The difference arose in Hebrew by the transposition 
of two letters. Again, in iii. 3 of the same Test. Judah says : 
' I hurled a stone of sixty pounds and gave it to his horse 
and killed him.' Here 'gave' (Tinj) is unintelligible, but its 
equivalent in Hebrew differs but slightly from a word TliriD, 
which means 'crushed,' or from ''n"'3n, which means 'smote.' 
Thus, ' I hurled a stone of sixty pounds and smote his horse 
and killed it.' 

"Sometimes the translation of the true text and likewise that 
of its corruption are embodied in the Greek, as occurs occasion- 
ally in the LXX. A single instance will suffice. In Test. Naph. 
vi. 2 we have the following peculiar statement : ' A ship came 
sailing along full of salt food without sailors.' Here 'full of 
salt food ' = m^p or nbo X^D, which is simply a corruption of 
n^O ^^2 = ' without sailors.' 

" I shall content myself with two more examples. In Test. 
Jud. xix. 2, Judah says, after his sin with Tamar : ' Had not 
the prayers of my father run, I should have died childless.' 
Here had run= \i~\, corrupt for 'ii"13 = 'had been accepted.' In 
Test. Dan, i. 4, Dan declares : ' I confess that in my heart 
I rejoiced at the death of Joseph, and I was glad that he was 
sold.' This, of course, is nonsense. The nonsense is due to 
the intrusion of a single letter in the Hebrew. When removed, 
the text runs : ' I confess that I had resolved on the death of 
Joseph, and that I was glad that he was sold.'" See, further, this 
writer's recently issued edition of the book. 


402 Appendix 

NOTE 29. See p. 230. 

Date of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. 

Charles tries to shew that in nine instances quotations 
(direct or implied) from Slavonic Enoch occur in The Testaments 
of the Twelve Patriarchs. In this he has been followed by 
Bonwetsch, the German translator of the first-named book. 
Schiirer, on the other hand {GfV,^ iii. p. 213), is decidedly of 
opinion that in no single case can the contention be made good. 
He also asserts that the discrepancies between the descriptions 
of the Heaven of Heavens in Slavonic Enoch and the briefer 
description in the Test, of Levi (chs. ii.-iii.) preclude the sup- 
position that the author of the latter work was acquainted with 
the former. When Charles published his edition of Slavonic 
Enoch he held that the Testaments belonged to the second 
century a.d. Now he is convinced that this work dates from the 
reign of John Hyrcanus (b.c. 135-105); sqq HMert fournal iox 
April 1905. But as he places Slavonic Enoch between b.c. 30 
and A.D. 70, either Its date must be put back more than a 
century (which cannot well be done, since according to 
Charles himself " Ecclesiasticus is frequently drawn upon " ), or 
it must be admitted that Schiirer is right, and that the supposed 
quotations from it in the Testaments are purely imaginary. 

NOTE 30. See p. 246. 

Development towards Apocalypse within the Old Testament 


There was a prior development, even within the Old Testa- 
ment itself, which prepared the way for the apocalyptic writers. 
This appears from the tangible distinction between pre-exilic and 
post-exilic prophecy. The first representative of the latter is 
Ezekiel, whose transcendental conception of God, employment 
of complicated imagery and symbolical visions interpreted by 

Note JO 403 

angels, and comparative lack of subjectivity, are in considerable 
contrast to the older type of prophecy. Instead of the summons 
to repent, we have the proclamation of a change to be super- 
naturally wrought in the human heart ; and the ushering in of 
the Messianic age is viewed as a thing apart from either the co- 
operation or obstruction of man. These features are largely 
reflected in all post-exilic prophecy, which gravitates more and 
more towards apocalypse. But they are most pronounced in 
Zechariah, Joel, and certain sections of the Book of Isaiah. 
Zechariah's forecast of the last judgment, his highly developed 
angelology, his use of the vision as a form of revelation, his 
contribution to the vocabulary of hope, and his recourse to 
imagery derived from foreign sources (e.g. the seven eyes of 
Jahweh, iii. 10), represent a distinct step in the direction of 
apocalypse. For the apocalyptists valuable materials were also 
supplied in Zech. ix.-xiv., which depicts the miseries antecedent 
to the Messianic age, Jahweh's defence of Jerusalem against the 
final siege on the part of the heathen, and His acknowledgment 
by the survivors as "the King, the Lord of hosts." In his 
treatment of the Day of the Lord, Joel also drifts into apocalypse. 
The prediction of a spiritually revived Israel and the delineation 
of the signs in heaven heralding the day of judgment became 
classical among the Christian apocalyptists of the two first 
centuries. In the apocalyptic section of Isaiah formed by 
chs. xxiv.-xxvii. we are for the first time face to face with 
two conceptions which afterwards attained great popularity 
among apocalyptic authors, namely, the punishment along with 
the kings of the earth of the wicked angels or tutelary genii of 
the nations (possibly, however, the reference is to the stars as 
objects of false worship) and the resurrection. The way was 
further paved for the apocalypse by the idea of the reappearance 
of Elijah (Mai. iv. 5) and by various oracles against foreign 
nations (Isa. xiii., xiv. ; Jer. 1., li. ; Ezek. xxv.-xxxii.). In the 
apocalyptic literature the former conception was extended so 
as to include the return of Moses, Isaiah, and Jeremiah, and the 
denunciations of the latter were used against the galling yoke of 
the Syrians and Romans, 

404 Appendix 


NOTE 31. See p. 270. 

TJie apocalyptic Conception of the Kingdom as a World- 

" The kingdom is one. In other words, it is a world-Empire. 
No other view of it is possible. The whole apocalyptic literature 
belongs to a period when, practically speaking, small kingdoms 
are no more. It is a day of empires, and the world is one. 
Now, I venture to think that this aspect of things reveals one of 
the points at which the apocalyptic mode of presentation, as seen 
particularly in Daniel, must have possessed a certain attraction 
for our Lord. The Gospels inform us clearly enough that the 
imperial idea had for Him the attraction of a temptation ; but it 
is not difficult to see that, while He rejected the showy forms of 
empire that had come and gone in this world. He believed in 
an empire of men, founded not upon the self-assertion of superior 
races or individuals, but upon their self-sacrifice, and maintained, 
not by force of arms, but by the eternal strength of righteousness 
and the overflowing omnipotence of humility and love. The 
world was far enough away from such a kingdom. But such a 
kingdom would come to the world in the good time of God. 
The power was already there in Himself and in all who believed 
with Him in a Father in heaven, to whom all things were 
possible." — Muirhead, The Eschatology of Jesus , p. 87 f. 

NOTE 32. See p. 271. 

The Development of the dualistic Idea. 

" Die Idee entsteht und wiichst sehr langsam. Bereits der 
Verfasser der spaten, in den ersten Teil des Jesaia einges- 
prengten Apokalypse (c. 24-27) redet in seiner geheimnisvoUen 
Weise von dem Heer der Hohe, das beim Gerichl Gottes in 
Gefangenschaft gesetzt werden soUe. Zu diesen dunklen 
Andeutungen bietet das athiopische Henochbuch gleichsam 
den Kommentar Hier (c. 89 f.) wird die Idee entwickelt, dass 

Note J2 405 

Gott seit der Vernichtung und dem Exil des Volkes Israel sein 
Weltregiment an die 70 Volkerhiiten abgetreten habe, und dass 
diese das ihnen zugesprochene Strafmandat Gottes iibertreten 
und als bose Machte in der Welt gehaust haben. Dem 
entspricht es, wenn beim grossen Gericht Gottes jene Hirten- 
engel vor allem gestraft werden, und wenn nach der Wochen- 
vision in der letzten Woche das ' grosse Gericht iiber die Engel ' 
stattfinden soil. Eine andere aber verwandte Anschauung ist es, 
wenn in den Henochbiichern das Ungliick, die Siinde, vor allem 
der Gotzendienst auf die Engel, die in den Tagen Henoch's sich 
mit den Menschentochtern vermischten und deren Nachkommen, 
zuriickgefiihrt wird. Wieder eine andere Wendung des Ge- 
dankens liegt im Buch Daniel vor. Der Zeichnung des 
furchtbaren vierten Weltreich's und der Gestalt des Verfolgers 
des Juden Antiochus iv. (c. 7-8) liegt deutlich die Idee eines 
am Ende der Tage erfolgenden Kampfes Gottes mit dem 
Drachen ungeheuer zu Grunde, ein Mythus, der dann rein und 
nicht mit historischen Ziigen iibermalt in der Offenbarung 
Johannes c. 12 (vgl. auch Ps. Salom. 2), hervortritt. — Die 
eigentliche Idee eines personlichen Widersachers Gottes, der an 
der Spitze eines bosen Geisterreiches steht, findet sich zum 
ersten Mai in deutlicher Auspragung in den Testamenten der 
Patriarchen, eines ihrer Grundlage nach wahrscheinlich aus der 
Makkabaerzeit stammenden Schrift. Hier steht Beliar, der 
Fiirst der bosen Geister, der Herrscher der wilden Tiere, der 
Urheber der Not und der Siinde, der Fiirst der Finsternis und 
Luge in schroffem Gegensatz Gott gegeniiber. Hier gewinnt 
der Gedanke eines endgiiltigen Sieges Gottes iiber Beliar und 
seine Schaaren entscheidende Bedeutung. Spuren des Dogmas 
vom Teufel finden sich auch in dem den Testamenten zeitlich 
nahestehenden Buch der Jubilaen in den Bilderreden des 
Henochbuches. Im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter ist das Dogma 
von Teufel fertig. Diejenige Apokalypse, die wir als einzige 
mit Bestimmtheit gerade in das Zeitalter Jesu setzen konnen, 
die Assumptio des Moses, beginnt die Schilderung des Endes 
mit den Worten : ' Und dann wird sein (Gottes) Regiment iiber 
alle seine Kreatur erscheinen, dann wird der Teufel ein Ende 

4o6 Appendix 

haben.' Jesus setzt in seiner Predigt das Dogma vom Teufel 
als gegeben voraus. Wir brauchen nur an das eine Wort zu 
errinern : ' Wenn ich im geiste Gottes Damonen vertreibe, dann 
ist die Herrschaft Gottes (d. h. der Sieg Gottes iiber Teufel 
und Damonen) gekommen ' (Mtth. xii. 28). Paulus, in dessen 
Weltanschauung wie es scheint der mehr populare Teufelsglaube 
einigermassen zuriicktritt, nennt doch den Teufel den Gott dieser 
Welt (2 Kor. iv. 4). Im Johannesevangelium wird wieder der 
dualistische Gegensatz zwischen Gott und dem Fiirsten dieser 
Welt, dem Vater der Liige und der Finsternis, central, genau wie 
in den Testamenten der Patriarchen." — Bousset, Die judische 
Apokalyptik, p. 20 ff. 

NOTE 33. See p. 282. 

Legendary Expansion of Gen. vi. i-^. 

"Bestimmte dualistische Gedanken und Vorstellungen 
werden fiir uns erst seit der zweiten Halfte des zweiten vorchrist- 
lichen Jahrhunderts (nach Daniel) sichtbar Zunachst hat hier die 
Gen. 6. i als Rudiment aufgenommene Sage von der Ver- 
mischung der Gottersohne mit den Menschentochtern oder 
vielmehr eine ausfiihrlichere Erzahlung dieser Sage, die sicher 
unabhangig neben Gen. 6 stand, weitergewirkt. Schon in der 
Grundschrift des i. Henoch bekommt diese Sage eine principielle 
Bedeutung. Es entwickelt sich an ihr die Idee einer gefallenen 
Engelwelt. Mit ihr tritt fiir den Verfasser der alteren Henoch- 
biicher das Bose in die Welt hinein. Die gefallenen Engel sind 
die Urheber alle boser Zauberei auch der heidnischen Astrologie 
und Wissenschaft." — Bousset, Die Religioti des Judentums, p. 326. 

NOTE 34. See p. 297. 

Did our Lord expect the Parousia in His own Time f 

Charles arrives at the conclusion that "according to the 
teaching of Christ the parousia w^s to be within the current 

Note S4 407 

" Wc must, accordingly, admit that this expectation of Christ 
was falsified. But the error is not material. It is in reality 
inseparable from all true prophecy. For the latter, so far as it 
relates to fulfilment, is always conditioned by the course of 
human development. Herein lies the radical difference between 
Apocalyptic and Prophecy. The former determines mechani- 
cally the date of consummation of a certain process, irrespective 
of human conduct; the latter determines only the ultimate 
certainty of that consummation. Moreover, Old Testament 
prophecy, and likewise Jewish Apocalyptic, represent the 
consummation of the kingdom as following immediately on its 
establishment. Thus all the past gave its suffrage to Christ's 
expectation. Furthermore, as Christ was convinced that all the 
prophecies of the Old Testament were fulfilled in Him, and 
that the age introduced by Him was final and ultimate as regards 
things religious and spiritual, the expectation was in the highest 
degree natural that this age would be final and ultimate in a 
temporal sense also. But whereas the fact that the kingdom 
should be consummated was a matter of transcendental import- 
ance, the time of that consummation had no immediate signifi- 
cance, religious or spiritual. Provided with all knowledge that 
was needful for His vocation, Christ yet confessed that the 
knowledge of this date had been expressly withheld (Mark xiii. 
32). By his unique and perfect communion with God He 
possessed an independent and authoritative judgment in things 
essentially spiritual and religious, but not in other spheres. In 
the latter He was dependent on the thought and development 
of His time." — Eschatology, p. 331 f. 

"Titius {Jesu Lehre vom Reiche Gottes, Mohr, 1895) is 
confident that Jesus expected the end of the world in His own 
time, but he holds that the expectation did not so possess His 
mind as not to pass readily, through His surrender to His 
Father's will, into the larger reality." — Muirhead, op. cit. p. 87, 

4o8 Appendix 


NOTE 35. See p. 298. 

TJie eschatological Sayings of Jesus. 

On this subject Harnack {Dogmengeschichte,'^ i. 65, 97 ; Eng. 
trans, i. loi f.) remarks: "The Jewish apocalyptic literature, 
especially as it flourished since the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, 
and was impregnated with new elements borrowed from an 
ethico-religious philosophy, as well as with Babylonian and 
Persian myths (Greek myths can only be detected in very 
small number), was not banished from the circles of the 
first professors of the gospel, but was rather held fast, eagerly 
read, and even extended with the view of elucidating the 
promises of Jesus. ... It was an evil inheritance which the 
Christians took over from the Jews, an inheritance which makes 
it impossible to reproduce with certainty the eschatological 
sayings of Jesus. Things directly foreign were mixed up with 
them, and, what was most serious, delineations of the hopes of 
the future could easily lead to the undervaluing of the most 
important gifts and duties of the gospel. An accurate examina- 
tion of the eschatological sayings of Jesus in the Synoptists shews 
that much foreign matter is mixed with them (see Weiffenbach, 
Der Wtederkunftsgedanke Jesu, 1875). That the tradition here 
was very uncertain, because influenced by the Jewish Apocalyptic, 
is shewn by the one fact that Papias (in Iren. v. 33) quotes as 
words of the Lord which had been handed^down by the disciples, 
a group of sayings which we find in the Apocalypse of Baruch 
about the amazing fruitfulness of the earth during the time of 
the Messianic kingdom." M. ReviUe (quoted by Gardner, 
Exploratio Evangelica, 1908, p. 279) also maintains that the 
prophetic utterances regarding the last things are not after the 
manner of Jesus. " N'est-il pas surprenant que les enseignements 
de Jesus, meme quand il enonce des id(!es qui ne sont pas 
pt^cisement nouvelles, ont toujours un cachet original, indi- 
viduel, frappe nettement a sa marque personnel, et qu'ici, au 

Note 36 409 

contraire, c'est ce qu'il y a de plus banal dans les apocalypses 
qui nous est presente comme sa revelation supreme?" If 
these sayings are not properly ascribed to Jesus, but are to be 
viewed as importations by the evangelists from foreign sources, 
then the problem indeed becomes insoluble. No doubt, even on 
the supposition that they are genuine utterances of our Lord, they 
are to be read as poetry, not as prose. This does not, however, 
mean the elimination of their essential content as predictions 
of the second Advent, and of a future judgment. 

NOTE 36. See p. 317, 

The Hellenistic Dialect. 

(i) "II etait impossible que ces relations de plus en plus 
frequentes et intimes avec un monde nouveau et si avance dans 
tout ce qui tient \ la civilisation, n'exergassent une influence 
profonde sur la fraction de la nation juive qui y participa plus 
directement. Nous n'avons pas a nous occuper de cette 
influence, en tant qu'elle dut se moutrer dans les habitudes de 
la vie sociale ; nous nous batons de signaler un ph^nomene 
plus curieux et plus immddiatement en rapport avec la sphere 
des idees dont nous etudions I'histoire. C'est le fait de I'adop- 
tion de la langue grecque par les families juives ^tablies hors 
de la Palestine et meme dans les villes maritimes de la mere- 
patrie. Apres la religion, la langue est bien la chose la plus 
etroitement liee avec la vie intime d'un peuple, son heritage le 
plus sacre et le plus inalienable. Eh bien, le peuple juif, dans 
la dispersion, en fit le sacrifice avec une facilite qui resterait une 
enigme, si nous n'avions pas deja constate que I'interet materiel, 
et non pas meme celui qui est justifie par le besoin, a ete le seul 
mobile de cette migration d'un genre nouveau. Get intdret seul 
pouvait amener les juifs \ remplacer la langue de leurs peres par 
un idiome etranger. lis s'appropri^rent ce dernier pour I'usage 
de la vie commune d'abord, et arrivbrent bientot k ne plus 
pouvoir s'en passer dans les autres spheres de la pensee. Mais 
rien n'est plus singulier que I'idiome qui naquit ainsi presque au 

4 1 o Appendix 

hasard du contact des deux nationalitds. Les juifs s'emparerent 
de ce que nous appellerions le tresor de la langue grecque, c'est- 
a-dire de tous les mots qui la composent, ainsi que des formes 
grammaticales qui en sont inseparables. Comme ils durent 
prendre les uns et les autres dans la bouche d'une population 
tres-melangee elle-meme et en partie peu cultivee, le fond meme 
de la langue qu'ils apprirent etait dejk tres-different de celui de 
I'ancienne langue litt^raire des Hellenes. Mais c'^tait bi^n pis 
encore pour ce qui en constituait I'esprit. Ils ne parvinrent pas 
h le saisir ; la syntaxe qui, partout, fait le caract^re propre d'une 
langue \ son etat de perfection et qui est la chose capitale pour 
le grec surtout, ils ne la comprirent point, on pour dire plus vrai, 
ils ne s'en soucierent pas, ils I'ignorerent. Ils continu^rent ^ 
penser selon le genie de leur idiome semitique, si diff^remment 
fagonnd sous ce rapport, et traduisant ainsi leur pensee mot 
a mot de I'hebreu en grec, ils produisirent un langage tout 
particulier, hebreu d'esprit et grec de corps, jargon batard dans 
I'origine, mais acquerant peu \ peu droit de cite dans le monde 
par son usage etendu, se l^gitimant par une litterature aussi 
remarquable qu'exceptionelle, et destine \ laisser des traces 
profondes jusque dans les langues modernes les plus cultivees 
et les plus repandues. Car c'est surtout par son application aux 
iddes religieuses que ce langage particulier est devenue c^lebre 
et influent. II servit bientot a traduire la loi pour les juifs 
d'Egypte qui commengaient a oublier la langue sacr^e, et peu a 
peu tous les autres livres de I'ancienne Alliance furent transcrits en 
grec k leur tour. Enfin, les apotres qui vinrent precher ou ecrire 
en grec, n'eurent guere que le dialecte hell^niste k leur disposi- 
tion ; ils durent lutter, sans toujours triompher, contre la pauvrete 
desespdrante d'une langue dont les moyens tout materiels 
n'dtaient pas en rapport avec la tache elevde qu'on lui imposait. 

" Ce changement de langue, phenomene tr^s-int^ressant par 
lui-meme dejk, n'^tait encore qu'un fait extdrieur si Ton veut. 
Mais il ne faut pas juger I'esprit qui dirige les destinies de 
I'humanite d'apr^s le mouvement plus on moins bruyant qui se 
fait k la surface des 6venements. L'avenir du monde se prepare 
\ une profondeur ou I'oeil de I'observateur ne pen^tre gu^re. 

Note J7 411 

Le courant nouveau qui se forme au fond ne peut se manifester 
que tardivement et par des symptomes d'abord peu appreciables 
a travers les flots de la surface. Le fait de la metamorphose des 
juifs hebreux en juifs hellenistes ne presente pas seulement cet 
interet statistique ou philologique que nous avons du signaler 
d'abord : il cachait dans son sein des consequences qui se 
revelerent plus tard et dont la port^e va droit au coeur de 
I'histoire de la theologie chrdtienne." — Reuss, Histoire de la 
Theolo^ie Chr'etienne au sihle Apostolique^ i. p. 95 ff. 

(2) " We can see from the Septuagint what sort of Greek 
was spoken in Hellenistic capitals — very coarse and rude as 
compared with Attic refinement, interlarded with local words, 
which would differ according to the province and its older 
tongue, but a practical and handy common language, such as 
Latin was in the Europe of the Middle Ages." — Mahaffy, 
Alexander's Empire, p. 154. 

NOTE 37. See pp. 317, 319, 328. 

The Syntax of the Septuagint. 

"The syntactic 'influence' of the Alexandrian translation 
was less powerful by far than the lexical. The spirit of 
the Greek language was, in the imperial period, sufficiently 
accommodating where the enlarging of its stock of terms was 
concerned; the good old words were becoming worn out, and 
gropings were being made towards new ones and towards the 
stores of the popular language — as if internal deterioration could 
again be made good by means of external enlargement. But 
notwithstanding all this, it had a sense of reserve quite sufficient 
to ward off the claims of a logic which was repugnant to its 
nature. The alleged 'Jewish-Greek,' of which the Alexandrian 
translation of the Old Testament is supposed to be the most 
prominent memorial, never existed as a living dialect at all. 
Surely no one would seriously affirm that the clumsy barbarisms 
of the Aramaean who tried to make himself understood in the 
Greek tongue were prescribed by the rules of a ' Jewish-Greek ' 

412 Appendix 

grammar. It may be, indeed, that certain peculiarities, particu- 
larly with regard to the order of words, are frequently repeated, 
but one has no right to search after the rules of syntax of 
a ' Semitic Greek ' on the basis of these peculiarities, any more 
than one should have in trying to put together a system of 
' English High-German ' from the similar idioms of a German- 
speaking Englishman. We need not be led astray by the observed 
fact that Greek translations of Semitic originals manifest a more 
or less definite persistence of Semitisms ; for this persistence is 
not the product of a dialect which arose and developed in the 
Ghettos of Alexandria and Rome, but the disguised conformity to 
rule of the Semitic original, which was often plastered over rather 
than translated. How comes it that the Jew Philo and the 
Benjamite Paul stand so distinctly apart from that of such Greek 
translations? Just because, though they had grown up in the 
Law, and meditated upon it day and night, they were yet Alex- 
andrian and Tarsian respectively, and as such fitted their words 
naturally together, just as people spoke in Egypt and Asia Minor, 
and not in the manner of the clumsy pedantry of the study, sub- 
mitting line after line to the power of an alien spirit. The trans- 
lators of the Old Testament were Hellenists as well as were 
Philo and Paul, but they clothed themselves in a strait-jacket 
— in the idea perhaps that such holy labour demanded the 
putting on of a priestly garment. Their work gained a success 
such as has fallen to the lot of but few books : it became one of 
the ' great powers ' of history. But although Greek Judaism and 
Christianity entered into, and lived in, the sphere of its ideas, yet 
their faith and their language remained so uninjured that no one 
thought of the disguised Hebrew as being sacred, least of all 
as worthy of imitation, — though, of course, there was but little 
reflexion on the matter." — Deissmann, Bible Studies, p. 296 f. 

NOTE 38. See p. 328. 

Influence of the Septuagint on popular religious Thought. 

Deissmann {Bible Studies, pp. 271-300) gives an interesting 
account of" an epigraphic memorial of the Septuagint " discovered 

Note 38 413 

at Adrumetum, south-east of Carthage, in 1890, and dating from 
the time of Origen. The tablet is "a love-spell dressed in the 
form of an energetic adjuration of a demon, by means of which 
a certain Domitiana desires to make sure of the possession of 
her Urbanus. The technical details of the spell have no direct 
significance for our subject; we are interested only in the 
formulae by which the demon is adjured. . . . We may at once 
take for granted that these formulse were not composed by Domi- 
tiana herself. She copied them, or had them copied, from one 
of the many current books of Magic ; and in doing so had her 
own name and that of the person loved inserted at the respective 
places. . . . On this assumption the historical value of the formulae 
is increased, for the formulae thus employed in the third century 
must have been extracted by the writer of the book in question 
at a certainly much earlier date from the Alexandrian Old Testa- 
ment. In the Magic books now in Paris, Leiden, and London, 
which were in the main composed before the third century, we find 
quite a multitude of similar adjurations compiled from biblical 
materials, and the task of subjecting these to a critical survey is 
well worth while." That > that author was a Greek Jew is indi- 
cated both by its almost complete freedom from Hebraisms and 
by the way in which it heaps up attributes of God after the style 
of 2 Maccabees (ii. i, 24 ff., etc.) and other Jewish Greek writings 
of the period. " Thus the tablet of Adrumetum is a memorial 
of the Alexandrian Old Testament, Not only does it reveal 
what a potent formal influence the Greek Bible, especially the 
praise-book thereof, exercised upon the classes who lived outside 
of the official protection of the synagogue and the Church, and 
who thus elude the gaze of history, but it lets us also surmise that 
the eternal thoughts of the Old Testament had not wholly lost 
their germinative power even where, long after and in an obscure 
place, they had seemingly fallen among thorns." 

4 1 4 Appendix 

NOTE 39. See p. 330. 

Are there Traces of Greek Philosophy in the Septuagint ^ 

We may note first the systematic use of Kwptos and 0^6% for 
Jahweh wherever He is regarded in the Hebrew text as actively 
working. Dahne's attempt, however, to ascribe to these terms 
the meaning they ultimately acquired in the religious philosophy 
of Philo, and to shew that as used in the Septuagint they denote 
not only the supreme God, but also intermediary beings or higher 
powers, is not convincing. The same thing has to be said of his 
discovery of the Alexandrian tenet that no human name can be 
appHed to God in the translation of Lev. xxiv. 16, "he that blas- 
phemeth (3p3) the name of Jahweh " by the Greek verb 6vo/xa{w. 
This may not be strictly accurate, but not to mention that Aquila 
(a later authority no doubt) translates similarly, it is a very slight 
deviation on which to build so much. Again, in the Septuagint 
rendering of Ex. iii. 14, "I am" is expressed by the participle 
6 wv. In this Dahne detects the Philonic doctrine that we know 
merely that God is, but not what He is. But the rendering need 
not denote anything more than the eternal or self-existent Being, 
and Philo himself accepts it as the nearest equivalent of the Hebrew 
text. On the other hand, the tendency to avoid anthropomor- 
phism (ascription of members of the human body) and anthro- 
popathy (ascription of affections of the human mind) to set 
forth the moral and spiritual activity of God is undoubtedly 
traceable in a number of passages which have been altered in 
accordance with Alexandrian views. Thus in Josh. iv. 24 for 
" the hand of Jahweh " is substituted the abstract expression, 
" the power of the Lord," and in Isa. vi. i for " the skirts of his 
robe" we have simply "his glory." In Ex. xxiv. 10, where the 
Hebrew text reads, "they saw the God of Israel," the Septuagint 
has, "they saw the place where stood the God of Israel." 
[Herriot, however, points out with force that even with this 
alteration little was gained from the philosophic point of view, 
for "supposer Dieu se tenant en un certain lieu, c'est aussi peu 
conforme aux idees judeo-Alexandrines que pretendre qu'on le 

Note sg 415 

puisse voir en personne."] Similarly, in Isa. xxxviii. 11, Heze- 
kiah's lament, "I shall not see the Lord in the land of the 
living," becomes " I shall not see the salvation of God." In 
2 Chron. vi. 2 the Heb. text speaks of the Temple as the 
dwelling-place of God Himself, but in the Septuagint Solomon 
is made to say, " I have built a house to thy name." Of the 
slave who voluntarily renounces freedom it is said in Ex. xxi. 6 
that " his master shall bring him unto God," but the Greek trans- 
lation phrases it, "unto the judgment of God." In Ps. xvii. 15, 
"thy likeness" is rendered by "thy glory." The hellenising 
hand is particularly traceable in passages which speak of God 
as "a man." Thus in Isa. xlii. 13, where the Heb. text has 
" Jahweh shall go forth as a mighty man," the Septuagint reads, 
" The Lord God of powers (twv Suva/^tewv, according to 
Drummond = ' armies,' according to Dahne = essentially Divine 
powers, yet not individually one with God) shall go forth " ; 
while in the same passage, as also in Ex. xv. 3, in place of the 
concrete designation " a man of war " we have the abstract notion 
of "stirring up war." 

Interesting also is the treatment of passages dealing with 
God's relation to the world. The insertion of the word hi in 
the Septuagint rendering of Gen. ii. 19 is by Dahne adduced as 
evidence that the translators desired to give expression to Philo's 
view that while the ideas of the animals were previously formed 
in the spiritual world, the actual material existences represent 
a further creation. Curious as the use of the adverb is, this is 
perhaps to read too much of Philo into the cosmology of 
the Pentateuch. The same thing is true with regard to 
several of the passages from the opening chapters of Genesis 
(i. II, ii. 5, etc.) which are founded upon by Dahne. But this 
writer also finds the Alexandrian cosmology reflected in the 
Septuagint rendering of Isa. xlv. 13. The Heb. text gives : 
" Thus saith Jahweh that created the heavens ; he is God ; that 
formed the earth and made it ; he established it." The Greek 
translation is : oStos 6 Bf.o% 6 KaraSet'fas t-qv yrjv, kuI TrotT^cras avTrjv, 
auTos Siwjot^ev avTrjv, k.t.A. Since KaTaSttKvvfxL means to bring 
to visibility, to shew clearly, and Stopt^w means to divide by 

4 1 6 Appendix 

limits, to set bounds to, Dahne would find here the Platonic 
doctrine that the visible world is the projection or image of an 
invisible world (/cocr/u,os vot/tos), and that the creation represents 
a process of division. In this instance Bois {Essai sur les 
Origines de la Philosophie Judeo- Alexandrine) is disposed to 
agree with Dahne : " II est bien vraisemblable qu'on doit 
admettre ici que la traduction de ce passage est decidement 
inspiree par une conception philosophique grecque." But it 
is questionable whether we have here really anything more than 
the Hebraic representation of God as dividing the light from 
the darkness, and by the fiat of His will calling the world into 
existence and giving to it sensible forms. On the other hand 
it seems clear that in Gen. i. 2, 57 Sc yrj rjv doparos koL aKaracr- 
KcvacTTos, there is a reference to the Koa-fxos vor^rds, for there is 
no other conceivable explanation of such a rendering of the 
"inni inn of the original. This is allowed even by Siegfried, who 
pronounces the whole question as to the influence of Greek 
philosophy upon the Septuagint "streitig," and speaks of the 
" ausserordentliche Fliichtigkeit " of the alleged parallels. 
Strangely enough, it is questioned by Bois, who regards the 
Hellenistic influence as indubitable. 

The later doctrine of guardian angels seems also to be read 
into the Pentateuch. In Deut. xxxii. 8, where the Heb. text 
speaks of the Most High having assigned to the nations their 
inheritance " according to the number of the children of Israel," 
the Septuagint reads "according to the number of the angels of 
God." This deviation appears to reflect a distinctly Platonic 
influence, and at all events it became the basis of a belief which 
found widespread acceptance among the Jews (Dan. x. 20 ; 
Acts xii. 15). 

Dahne finds a reflexion of the Platonic psychology in the 
words of Gen. iii. 14 : iirl t<2 a-TyOet a-ov /cat t^ KoiXia. But it 
is more reasonable to view this as an instance of double transla- 
tion or as a combination of two textual variants than as an allusion 
to the division of the human faculties into the XoyniTiKov, the 
OvfjitKov, and the eTnOv/x-qriKov (assigned to the head, the heart, 
and the belly). In Job vii. for "my soul chooseth strangling 

Note S9 417 

and death rather than my life " (Ht. than these my bones), the 
Septuagint reads : 'ATraXAa^cts aTro 7rve?'|U,aTos [Lov rrjv ^v)(rjv jxov, 
"Thou wilt separate my soul from my spirit." This decided 
variation may well have been due to the recognition of the 
distinction between soul and spirit. It is difficult also to 
regard the use of the philosophical term r]ye/xoviK6<; as purely 
accidental; but when Dahne explains the addition "in thy 
hand," Deut. xxx. 14, as due to the later Jewish-Hellenistic 
theory relative to the distribution of the active powers of man, 
one feels that he is needlessly ingenious. 

Bois concludes a discussion of the question at issue in the 
following terms : " II est certain qu'il y a deja du judeo- 
alexandrinisme dans les Septante : y en a-t-il beaucoup ? II 
est certains que les auteurs de cette traduction ont ete influences 
par la philosophie grecque : dans quelle mesure ? C'est ce qu'il 
est delicat de decider. 

'* Mais il semble qu'a cote de doctrines et de termes empruntes 
a la philosophie grecque (theorie des idees, doctrine de la 
matiere pr^existante, termes anthropologiques, notions anthro- 
pologiques), la version des LXX contient, dans sa notion de Dieu, 
I'essence du judeo-alexandrinisme, savoir la veritable raison 
d'etre et le germe du Logos philonien. 

" Ce resultat est de la plus haute importance. Car cette 
version des Septante, c'est precisement la seule forme sous 
laquelle la plupart des Juifs Alexandrins connurent les livres 
de I'Ancien Testament. Get amas de traductions, d'origine et 
de merite differents, devint lui-meme inspire a leurs yeux, aussi 
inspire que les originaux. Et c'est ainsi que la " haie " sacree, 
qui devait entourer et abriter les documents de I'ancienne 
alliance, se trouva, en Egypte, singulierement elargie, enserrer 
et legitimer le berceau de la philosophie des judeo- alexandrins. 
La fameuse haie laissera bientot tout passer. Car, un peu 
en fait deja, et completement en puissance, la philosophie 
grecque, le philonisme sont introduits et acceptes dans la 
place sainte." 


4 1 8 Appendix 

NOTE 40. See p. 333. 

Examples of the allegorical Method of Interpretation 
adopted by Aristobulus. 

By way of applying his method Aristobulus points out that 
by God's hand we are to understand simply His power. Just 
as, when Ptolemy himself performs a great action, his subjects 
say, " The king's hand is strong," meaning the king is powerful ; 
so when Moses says, " The Lord hath brought you up from 
Egypt with a mighty hand" (Deut. vii. 8), he alludes to the power 
of God which gave effect to His will. Again, the expression 
o-Tacrts Qiio. is not, he says, to be taken in the literal sense of 
God's stability, but in the figurative sense of the organisation of 
the world (17 toO »coo-/xou Karaa-Kevrj), with its clear divisions of sun 
from moon, land from water, man from beast, etc. " For God is 
over all, and all is subject to Him, and has received from Him its 
stability, so that man can discover that it is immovable. . . . 
Thus we can speak of God's stability." Aristobulus also explains 
allegorically the descent (Kara/Jao-is) of God on Mt. Sinai in fire 
(Ex. xix. 18). We are not to think of a local descent, such as 
the language used might seem to imply, but of the advent of 
Divine power. Cf. Clement, Strom, vi. 3. 

NOTE 41. See p. 337. 

Ascription of spurious Verses to Greek Poets. 

One of the weapons by which a Jewish propaganda was 
carried on under a heathen mask was the ascription of spurious 
verses to Greek poets, in numerous passages of whose writings 
apologists for Judaism found the fundamental doctrines of their 
creed — the unity, spirituality, and transcendence of God, and 
retributive judgment for men. Clement of Alexandria, indeed, 
quotes from Greek poets many verses that are genuine ; but in his 
writings, as well as in those of Aristobulus, and in the pseudo- 

Note 41 419 

Justinian works Cohortatio ad Grcecos and De Monarchia, there 
are also many which are pure forgeries. We have already 
referred to the appeal to Hesiod, Homer, and Linus (not 
Callimachus as Clement wrongly states) with regard to the 
sabbath, and to the poem ascribed to Orpheus, which Schiirer 
characterises as " one of the boldest forgeries ever attempted. 
It is a supposed legacy to his son Musaeus, in which, having 
arrived at the close of his life, he expressly recalls all his other 
poems, which are dedicated to polytheistic doctrines, and 
proclaims the alone true God " (Eng. trans. 11. iii. p. 300). 
Spurious verses are also attributed to the comic poets 
Philemon, Menander, and Diphilus, and to the great writers 
of tragedies, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. 

Who was responsible for these forgeries ? Both Clement of 
Alexandria {Strom, v. 14) and the De Monarchia (chs. 2-4) 
contain nearly all the spurious verses in question (for complete 
list see Schiirer, 11. iii. p. 298 ff.), and appear to have derived 
them from a common source. Now what this was is distinctly 
indicated by Clement {Strom, v. 14, 113); it was the work of the 
pseudo-Hecataeus on Abraham. Not content with giving many 
authentic extracts from the Greek poets, this writer seems 
to have deliberately set himself to supplement them in order to 
make them satisfactory exponents of monotheistic beliefs. His 
work On Abraham, or as it is also more generally entitled On 
the Jezvs, was issued under the name of the historian and 
philosopher Hecatseus of Abdera, who flourished at the court 
of Ptolemy Lagos in the fourth century B.C. This forged 
treatise may, however, have been based upon actual portions of 
the real Hecataeus. That the latter in his history of Egypt 
entered into particulars concerning the Jews is clear from the 
long extract in Diodorus Siculus, who, however, wrongly calls 
him Hecataeus of Miletus. According to Schiirer, the pseudo- 
Hecatsus wrote in the third century e.g. ; according to Willrich 
{/iidaica, p. 97), after the time of John Hyrcanus, that is, at the 
earliest, about 100 B.C. 

420 Appendix 

NOTE 42. See p. 355. 
Allegorism in the hands of Origen. 

I transcribe the following from my volume on Origen in the 
"World's Epoch-Makers" series (p. 78 ff.) :— 

" As a Jew, even Philo had to pay some regard to the literal 
and historical sense of the Old Testament ; but the reins of 
Origen's imagination knew no such restraining influence. For 
him allegorical exegesis meant license to father his own specula- 
tions upon a sacred text which was venerated as the depository 
of all truth. 

"In opposition to the Jews and judaising Christians, who 
denied that their legal sacrifices and ritual were denuded of 
their value and importance by the coming of Christ, Origen 
maintained that to observe the law outwardly in the letter 
now that its spiritual sense has been revealed, is no longer 
religion but superstition, and a hindrance rather than a help to 
piety. ' Compared with the gospel, the law is like those earthen 
vessels which the artist forms before casting the statue in bronze ; 
they are necessary until the work itself is finished, but their 
utility ceases with the completion of the statue ' {In Levit. 
Hom. X. i). 

" With Origen the aggressiveness of the Gnostics weighed even 
more powerfully than the conservatism of the Jews. Learned, 
versatile, speculative, w this class of opponents devoted their 
oratorical and literary powers to wrecking the faith of the simple. 
Undoubtedly the strong point of Christian preaching was an 
unbroken tradition reaching from the creation to the times of 
Christ. The Gnostics sought to undermine this position by 
violently separating the New Testament stem from the Old 
Testament root. They ridiculed the story of Noah's ark, and 
the God who had to send His angels to ascertain what was 
happening in Sodom. They criticised mercilessly whatever 
in the Old Testament offended their moral sense, e.g. the 
atrocities of the Jewish wars, with the view of representing 
them as sanctioned by a cruel God utterly unlike the good God 

Note 42 421 

of the gospel. Cultured Greeks, although otherwise drawn to 
the sacred writings, were shocked at such tokens of barbarity, 
and hesitated to declare themselves Christians. Under these 
circumstances Origen does not, like Clement, content himself 
with pleading that in God justice and goodness are harmoni- 
ously combined. He boldly cuts the knot by maintaining that 
the narratives and commands to which his opponents took 
exception are not literally true ; that the kings slain by the 
Israelites are only figurative names for vices that have dominion 
over men ; and that the nations which they are said to have 
exterminated are not to be regarded as composed of men, but 
of the enemies that assail men's souls. What the Spirit has in 
view in such passages is not the narration of historical events, 
but the communication of mysteries, under the veil of facts, for 
the soul's edification. They thus serve a pgedagogic purpose, 
and are vehicles of the highest truth. The forbidding aspect 
of the upper garment cannot alter the fact that ' the king's 
daughter is all glorious within,' and while it may repel the 
ignorant, it only acts as a spur to redoubled effort on the 
part of the spiritually enlightened. In the hands of Origen, 
therefore, allegorism in its negative aspect becomes an apologetic 
weapon, by means of which he defends Christianity against the 
hide-bound externalism of the Jews and the blasphemous 
criticism of the Gnostics ; but as the result of his fantastic 
interpretations, the history itself, of course, disappears. Lest, 
however, his view should be regarded as invalidating entirely 
both the historical and legislative portions of Scripture, Origen 
is careful to state that the passages having a purely spiritual 
meaning are few in comparison to those that are true historic- 
ally, and that in regard to the Decalogue and such New 
Testament precepts as 'Swear not at all,' etc., there is no 
doubt that they are to be observed according to the letter, 
although in such cases a deeper meaning also may disclose itself 
to the advanced Christian. 

" It has been suggested that, even irrespective of any contro- 
versy with Jews or heretics, Origen would still have been driven 
to these extremities by the mere conditions of preaching in his 

42 2 Appendix 

time. The preacher's custom was one day to read and expound 
a page of scripture, the next day to read and expound the page 
following. In the case of historical books, which were not 
written exactly for edification, one can understand what 
embarrassment he would experience. Only by effacing their 
historical character could he draw edifying lessons from texts 
but little edifying in themselves. Origen's Homilies certainly 
shew how ready he was to sacrifice the literal sense and at all 
hazards to discover a meaning suitable to the moral and 
spiritual needs of his hearers. Any other course would in his 
opinion have been wrong. ' Those do injustice to Moses, who, 
when the Book of Leviticus or some portion of Numbers is read 
in the church, do not set forth spiritually what is written in the 
law. For necessarily those present on hearing recited in the 
church either the rites of sacrifice or the observances of the 
sabbath and other similar things, are displeased, and say. How 
is it necessary to read that here ? Of what use to us are Jewish 
precepts and the observances of a despised people ? That 
concerns the Jews ; let them attend to it if they please ' {I/i 
Num. Hom. vii. 2)." 

NOTE 43. See p. 360. 

Tke living Woj^d of God the real Bridge betiveen God 
and Men. 

"Philo von Alexandria und die palastinensische schrift- 
gelehrsamkeit bilden die aussersten Spitzen, in welche die 
gesetzliche Religionsauffassung auslief. Das lebendige Wort 
Goties, welches von dem Gesetz auf endgiltige feste Form 
gebracht werden sollte, damit die gottesfiirchtigen Juden in 
alien Stiicken den Willen Gottes erfiillen konnten, wurde auf 
der einen Seite in eine philosophische Lehre aufgelost, die 
unfahig war, den Verkehr Gottes mit den Menschen von dem 
allgemeinen Wirken des einen Logos in der Welt zu unter- 
scheiden und so ihn sicher zu stellen, und auf der andern Seite 
in eine Unmasse atomistischer Regeln und Satzungen zerlegt und 

Note 43 423 

verdichtet, die wie ein undurchdringlicher Zaun den Ausblick 
auf Gott unmoglich machten. Von einer Unmittelbarkeit der 
Religion, wie sie die Propheten als die wahre innige Verbindung 
der einzelnen Menschenseele mit Gott erlebten und fiir alle von 
der Zukunft erhofften, und wie sie noch der Dichter Hiobs in 
heissem Ringen gegeniiber der nomistischen Fassung siegreich 
behauptet hatte, war keine Rede mehr. Das lebendige Wort 
Gottes war erstarrt, ein Prophet stand nicht mehr auf; seine 
Stimme ware auch nur wirkungslos an dem gelehrten System 
und dem starren Gesetz abgeprallt. Da hat Gott die Rettung 
gebracht, nicht mit einer anderen Lehre oder einem anderen 
Gesetz, sondern durch die Sendung seines Wortes in lebendiger 
Kraft, das zu den Herzen der Menschen hindurchdringt und 
ihnen eine selbstandige und unmittelbare Erkentnis des Willens 
Gottes verleiht. Weder in den cultischen Riten oder den 
Satzungen der Schriftgelehrten, noch in der philosophischen 
Weisheit ist fiir jeden die Briicke zwischen Gott und den 
Menschen zu finden; sondern, wie die Propheten erhofften, 
nur das lebendige Wort Gottes bildet die wahre Verbindung. 
In Jesus ist dieses Wort in lebendige?i Kraft erschienen : o Adyos 
(Tap^ cyevero Kai ccrKj/vwo-ei/ kv rjfuv (Ev. Joh. i 14)." — Marti, 
Geschichte der Israelitischen Religion, p. 335 f. 



The following works are set down, without any attempt at 
classification, in their (approximate) chronological order. The 
list includes only the more modern literature. Although com- 
paratively few of these books deal comprehensively with our 
period, all treat of some portion or aspect of it. Where 
practicable, the published price of each book is specified. Many 
of the older works are now out of print, and can only be got 

Prideaux : The Old and New Testament connected in the history 
of the Jews and neighbouring nations from the declension of the 
kingdom of Israel and Judah to the time of Christ. Originally 
published in 2 vols. (1716-1718). There have been many sub- 
sequent editions. Diffuse and out of date, but still worth 
consulting. Cheap second-hand copies are numerous. 

Hartmann : Die enge Verbindung des Alten Testaments mit dem 
Neuen (1831). Discusses fully the Sanhedrin and the Syna- 

Cotton, H. : The Five Books of Maccabees translated into English 
(Oxford University Press, 1832. los. 6d.). 

Dahne : Geschichtliche Darstellung der jiidisch-Alexandrinischen 
Religionsphilosophie (1834). The first systematic treatise on 
the subject, and still well worth reading. Procurable second- 
hand for 3s. or 4s. 

Gfrorer : Geschichte des Urchristentums (2 vols., 1838). The 
first valuable attempt at a systematic presentation of Judaism. 

Vitringa : The Synagogue and the Church (1842). An abridge- 
ment oi De Synago^a Vcteir, issued in 1726. 

426 Appendix 

Bruch : Weisheitslehre der Hebraer (1851). 

Fritzsche und Grimm : Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch zu 

den Apokryphen des AT's (185 1-9). This still remains the 

best commentary. 
LtJTTERBECK : Die Neutestamentliche Lehrbegriffe oder Unter- 

suchungen iiber das Zeitalter der Religionswende, die Vorstufen 

des Christenthums und die erste Gestaltung desselben (2 vols., 

1852). Vol. i. is mainly a discussion of the religious condition 

of Judaism in the time of Christ. 
Raphall : Post-Biblical History of the Jews from the close of the 

Old Testament, about the year 420, till the destruction of the 

Second Temple in the year 70 (2 vols., 1856). 
Herzfeld : Geschichte des Volkes Israel (3 vols., 1847-1857. los. 6d. 

second-hand). Vol. ii. deals with the political history, and 

vol. iii. with the inner development, of our period. 
Hilgenfeld : Die Jiidische Apokalyptik (1857). According to 

Dr. Lewis Muirhead, this " remains . . . the standard work on 

the subject of Jewish Apocalypse." 
Geiger : Urschrift und Uebersetzungen der Bibel (1857). Treats 

of the bearing of the inner development of Judaism upon the 

text of the Old Testament. 
JOST : Geschichte des Judentums und seiner Secten (3 vols., 1857- 

59). Vol. i. deals with the development of Judaism down to 

A.D. 70. 
MiLMAN : The History of the Jews (3 vols., 1829-30; new ed. 

1892). Vol. i. and the first part of vol. ii. deal with the inter- 

Testamental period. 
Nicolas : Des doctrines religieuses des Juifs pendant les deux 

si^cles anterieures k I'ere chretienne (i860. 2s. second-hand). 

Characterised by Bousset as " recht unbrauchbar," yet readable, 

and not devoid of merit. 
BOST : L'Epoche des Maccabees, histoire du peuple juif depuis le retour 

de I'exil jusqu' a la destruction de Jerusalem (1862. Fr.3.50). 
EWALD : Geschichte des Volkes Israel (7 vols., 3rd. ed. 1864-68. 

Eng. tr. in 8 vols., 1867-86. About 50s. second-hand). Vol. v. 

is devoted to the history of Ezra and of the Hagiocracy in Israel 

to the time of Christ. An epoch-making work, to which all 

subsequent histories have been largely indebted. 
Reuss : Histoire de la theologie chretienne au si^cle apostolique 

(2 vols., 3rd ed. 1864. 5s. second-hand. Eng. tr. 1872. 36s.). 

Vol. i. contains succinct and able chapters on the Synagogue, 
Pharisaism, Sadduceeism, Jewish Theology, Hellenism, Alexan- 
drine Philosophy, Essenism, and Messianic Hopes. (Scarce.) 

Bibliography 427 

Langen : Judentum in Palastina zur Zeit Christi (1866. 3s. second- 
hand). A very interesting book, written from the dogmatic 
standpoint of the Roman Church. Unlike Gfrorer, Langen 
does not use the rabbinical writings as sources. 
Wordsworth, Bishop C. : The Church and the Maccabees (Riving- 
tons. IS.). "Two inspiring sermons which still have a sale, and 
deserve it." 
Derenbourg : Essai sur I'histoire et la geographie de la Palestine, 
d'apr^s les Thalmuds et les autres sources rabbiniques. Part I. 
Histoire de la Palestine depuis Cyrus jusqu' a Adrien (1867). 
Contains very valuable matter. 
Weber und Holzmann : Geschichte des Volkes Israel (2 vols., 
1867). Relates the history from Alexander the Great to Hadrian. 
Similar in method to Evvald, but much briefer. 
HiTZiG : Geschichte des Volkes Israel von Anbeginn bis zur Erobe- 
rung Masada's im J. 72 nach Chr. (2 vols., 1869). Comparatively 
full treatment of the period subsequent to Alexander the Great. 
Graetz : Geschichte der Juden. A voluminous work of Jewish 
authorship. Vols. ii. and iii. deal with our period. Vols, iii.-xi. 
appeared in 1853-70; vols. i. and ii. in 1874-76. 4th ed. in 
1888. Price £z, i6s. 
Keim : Geschichte Jesu von Nazara (3 vols., 1867-72 ; Eng. tr. in 
6 vols.). The earlier portion of this work treats of the Herodian 
age and of the inner condition of Judaism during that period. 
Cheap second-hand copies obtainable. 
KUENEN : De godsdienst van Israel tot den ondergang van den 
joodschen staat (2 parts, 1869-70). Eng. tr., The Religion of 
Israel to the Fall of the Jewish State (vol. iii., 1881-82. 6s.). 
Vernes : Histoire des idees messianiques depuis Alexandre jusqu' a 

I'empereur Hadrien (1874. 2s.). 
Wellhausen : Die Pharisaer und Sadducaer (1874. 5s.). An 
excellent little book, but unfortunately out of print. Schiirer 
says, " This short monograph gives more information about the 
inner history of Judaism during our period than many an ex- 
tensive work." 
SCHONEFELD : Ueber die messianische Hoffnung von 200 vor 

Christo bis gegen 50 nach Christo (1874. 80 pf.). 
Siegfried : Philo von Alexandria als Ausleger des Alten Testaments 
an sich selbst und nach seinem geschichtlichen einfluss be- 
trachtet (1875. 6s. second-hand). Very scholarly and thorough, 
Stanley : Lectures on the History of the Jewish Church (3 vols., 
1875-76. 36s.). Now to be had in cheaper form. Vol. iii. : 
From the Captivity to the Christian Era. Largely indebted to 

428 Appendix 

Ewald, finely descriptive, and strong in seizing on picturesque 

Hausrath : Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte (3 vols., 186S-74 ; 

2nd ed. in 4 vols., 1873-77. Eng. tr., 2 vols., 1878. los.). 

Graphic and interesting. 
Drummond : The Jewish Messiah. A critical history of the Mes- 
sianic idea among the Jews from the rise of the Maccabees to the 

closingof the Talmud (1877. 15s.). A very good book, but scarce. 
Staffer : Les idees religieuses en Palestine k I'epoche de Jesus- 
Christ (2nd ed., 1878. 6s.). 
WtJNCHE, A. : Beitrage zur Erlauterung der Evangelien aus Talmud 

und Midrasch (1878. iis.). Good and interesting. 
Conder : Judas Maccabaeus and the Jewish War of Independence 

(1879. 4s. 6d.). "Brings out, perhaps more forcibly than any 

other writer, the military genius of 'the Hammer.'" 
Weber, F. : System der altsynagogalen palastinischen Theologie 

aus Targum, Midrasch und Talmud dargestellt (1880). New 

and posthumous editions under somewhat difterent titles in 1886 

and 1897. A standard work of importance. 
BiSSELL : The Apocrypha, in Lange-Schaft"'s Commentary (1880. 

15s. net). 
Lucius : Der Essenismus (1881. 3s.). 
De Saulcy : Histoire des Maccabees ou princes de la dynastie 

asmon^enne (1880. 8s. 6d.). 
Seinecke : Geschichte des Volkes Israel (2 vols., 1884. 15s.) 

Vol. ii. : From the Exile to the Destruction of Jerusalem by the 

Churton : The Uncanonical and Apocryphal Scriptures (1884. 

7s. 6d.). 
Bacher : Die Aggada der Tannaiten (2 vols., 1884-90. 4s.). An 

indispensable supplement to Weber's work, which does not 

sufficiently distinguish between the older and more recent of the 

haggadistic sayings. 
Stanton : The Jewish and Christian Messiah : A Study in the 

Earliest History of Christianity (1886. los. 6d.). 
Mackintosh, R. : Christ and the Jewish Law (1886. 6s.). An 

acute and valuable treatment of this important subject. 
Staffer : La Palestine au temps de Jesus-Christ d'apr^s le Nouveau 

Testament, I'historien Flavins Josfephe et les Talmuds (1855 ; 

5th ed. 1892. 4s. Eng. tr. 1886). Largely archjEological. 
Ball, C. J. : The Variorum Apocrypha (Eyre & Spottiswoode. 

6s. 6d.). Contains useful short notes on the various readings 

and renderings. 

Bibliography 429 

Mahaffy, J. P. : Alexander's Empire (1887. 5s.). A volume of 

the " Story of the Nations " series. 
Stade : Geschichte des Volkes Israel (2 vols., 1888. 32s.). 

Vol. ii. (latter half) : Das Ende des jiidischen Staatswesens und 

die Enstehung der Christentums (by O. Holzmann). This work 

might be called " Ewald up to date." 
Reuss : Die Geschichte der heiligen Schriften alten Testaments 

(1881 ; 2nd ed. 1890. 15s.). Combines history of the literature 

with that of the people. 
Cheyne : Job and Solomon, or the Wisdom of the Old Testament 

(1887. I2S. 6d.). 
Drummond : Philo Juda^us (1888. 2 vols., 21s.). 
Morrison : The Jews under Roman Rule (1890. 5s.). A volume 

of the " Story of the Nations " series. 
Bois ; Essai sur les origines de la philosophic judeo-alexandrine 

(1890. Fr.6). A valuable treatise. 
Hunter, P. Hay : After the Exile : A hundred years of Jewish 

History and Literature (1890. 2 vols., 5s. each). 
Toy, C. H. : Judaism and Christianity (1890. 12s. 6d.). Traces 

the development of religious thought in the inter-Testamental 

period. A valuable study. 
Ryle and James: The Psalms ofthe Pharisees = Psalter of Solomon 

(1891. 15s.). A reliable handbook. 
LOOMAN : Geschiedenis der Israeliten van de babylonische balling- 

schap tot op de komst van den Heere Jezus Christus. Meteen 

aanhangsel, inhondende de geschiedenis der Israeliten van 

Herodes I. tot op de verwoesting van Jerusalem (1867 ; 3rd ed. 

Deane : Pseudepigrapha (1891. 7s. 6d.). Gives a useful, popular 

account ofthe Psalter of Solomon, the Book of Enoch, the Apoca- 
lypse of Baruch, the Testaments of the XII. Patriarchs, the Book 

of Jubilees, the Ascension of Isaiah, and the Sibylline Oracles. 
Thomson: Books which influenced our Lord (1891. ids. 6d.). 

Racily written. 
Strack und Zockler : Apokryphen des Alten Testaments (1891. 

Henderson, A. : Palestine : Its Historical Geography (1893. 2s. 6d.). 

Section 99 gives " a brief account of the places which became 

notable during the wars of the Maccabees." 
Baldensperger : Das Selbstbewusstsein Jesu im Licht der mes- 

sianischen Hofifnungen seiner Zeit (1892. 4s.). Valuable. More 

recently by the same writer : Das spatere Judentum als Vorstube 

des Christentums (1900. 60 pf.). 

430 Appendix 

VoLZ : Jiidische Eschatologie von Daniel bis Akiba (1903. 7s.). 

Smith, G. A. : The Historical Geography of the Holy Land (1894. 
15s.). A standard work. 

Ren AN : Histoire du peuple Israel (vol. v. 1894). A graphic review 
of the history of our period. Eng. tr. in 3 vols, procurable 
second-hand for 15s. to 18s. 

Pfleiderer : The Philosophy and Development of Religion (3 vols. 
1894. 15s. net). Vol. ii. ch. 2: "The Preparation of Chris- 
tianity in Judaism." Characterised by this writer's usual grasp 
and clearness of insight. 

HOLZMANN, O. : Grundriss der Neutestamentlichen Zeitgeschichte 
(1895. 4s- 6d.). A short summary. 

GUNKEL : Schopfung und Chaos (1895. los.). Deals with some 
fundamental questions relating to the genesis of later Judaism. 

Kennedy : Sources of New Testament Greek, or the Influence of the 
Septuagint on the Vocabulary of the New Testament ( 1 895. 5s.). 

Mahaffy, J. P. : The Empire of the Ptolemies (1895. 12s. 6d.). 
A standard history. 

WiLLRiCH : Juden und Greichen vor der Makkabaischen Erhebung 
(1895. M.4). See Note 3, p. 365. 

Meyer, E. : Die Enstehung des Judentums (1896. 6s.). Cf. the 
section on "Die Anfange des Judentums" in his Geschichte des 
Altertums, lli. i. 167-236 (1901). The preceding part of this 
volume is also important for its discussion of this period of 
Judaism in relation to the general culture of the age. 

Bertholet : Die Stellung der Israeliten und der Juden zu den 
Fremden (1896. 7s.). A monograph of special value, dealing 
not merely with a side issue, as its title might suggest, but with 
the most fundamental problems of Judaism. 

Buhl: Geographic des alten Palastina (1896. M.6.60). 

SCHULZ : Alttestamenthche Theologie (5th ed. 1896. 12s.). Con- 
tains a brief review of our period. Eng. tr. in Clark's series, 
2 vols. 

Weiss, H. : Judas Makkabaeus (1897. 2s. 6d.). Written from the 
Roman Catholic standpoint. The writer refers to 2 Maccabees 
as "this so long unjustly depreciated part of the Biblical canon." 

Streane : The Age of the Maccabees, with special reference to the 
religious literature of the period (1898. 6s.). 

Kent: A History of the Jewish People. Part III. : The Greek 
Period of Jewish History (1899. 6s.). 

BiJCHLER, A. : Die Tobiaden und die Oniaden im ll. Makkabrier- 
buche und in der verwandten jiidisch-hellenistischen Literatur 
(1899. M.7). 

Bibliography 431 

WiLLRlCH, H. : Judaica. Forschungen zur hellenistisch-jiidischen 
Geschichte und Literatur (1900. M.5.60). In this work Willi ich 
follows up his " Juden und Griechen," on the main contention of 
which see Note 3, p. 365. 

Wellhausen : Israehtische und Jiidische Geschichte (1894, 
4th ed.; 1901, 5th ed. los.). A work of the greatest value. 
Contains within short compass an able and illuminating pre- 
sentation of the development of Jewish piety in the post-exilic 

CORNILL : Geschichte des Volkes Israel von den altesten Zeiten bis 
zur Zerstorung Jerusalems durch die Romer (1898. 8s., bound). 
Those who are acquainted with this writer's " The Prophets 
of Israel" will turn with interest to his book on Israelitish 

Kent : Israel's Historical and Biographical Narratives (1905. 12s.). 
Contains " an excellent critical translation of i and 2 Mac- 

Herriot : Philon Le Juif : essai sur I'ecole Juive d'Alexandrie (1898. 
Fr.7.50). Like most French works, clear and readable. Book I. 
discusses Jewish Alexandrianism before Philo. Book II. treats 
of the Life of Philo, and gives a classification of his writings. 
Book III. contains an exposition, and Book IV. an examination, 
of his philosophy. 

Dalman : Die Worte Jesu (1898. 8s. 6d. Eng. tr. 1902. 7s. 6d.). 
A treatise of exceptional worth. Specially rich in linguistic 
investigations, and dealing with quite a number of questions 
vitally affecting Jewish religion. 

Cheyne : Jewish Religious Life after the Exile (1898. 6s.). Third 
series of "American Lectures on the History of Religions." 
Informing, suggestive, and well worth reading. 

SCHURER : Geschichte des Jiidischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi 
(3rd ed. 1898-1901, 3 vols. 40s. 4th ed. 1908). Eng. tr. of 
the seconded. 1886-1890, Index 1891, in Clark's " Foreign Theo- 
logical Library" (New Series), 5 vols. A monumental work, 
indispensable for every student of post-exilic Judaism. 

Latimer : Judea from Cyrus to Titus (1899). 

Shailer Mathews : A History of New Testament Times in Pales- 
tine, 17s B.C. to 70 A.D. (1899. 3s. 6d.). 

HtJHN : Die Messianischen Weissagungen des israelitisch-jiidischen 
Volkes bis zu den Targumim (1899. 9s. 6d.). A careful study, 
based on historical sequence, of all Messianic passages, pre- 
sumed or real, in the Old Testament, Apocrypha, and Pseud- 
epigrapha, and the Targums. 

432 Appendix 

GUTHE : Geschichte des Volkes Israel (1899. 6s.). Something of 
the nature of an epitome ; an enlarged form of the article 
"Israel" in the Encyclopaedia Biblica. 

MONTEFIORE, C. G. : Bible for Home Reading (Macmillan. 
5s. 6d.). " Contains reflective comments on i and 2 Mac- 

Charles : A Critical History of the Doctrine of a Future Life in Israel, 
in Judaism, and in Christianity ; or Hebrew, Jewish, and Christian 
Eschatology from Pre-Prophetic Times till the close of the New 
Testament Canon (The Jowett Lectures for 1898-99. 15s.). An 
acute and valuable treatment of the subject, although the writer 
is perhaps disposed to rely too much upon the results of critical 
emendations of the text of the sources. Charles has rendered a 
great service to students of the Jewish pseudepigraphic writings 
by his editions of the Book of Enoch, the Apocalypse of Baruch, 
the Assumption of Moses, the Ascension of Isaiah, the Book of 
Jubilees, the Book of the Secrets of Enoch, and the Testaments 
of the XII. Patriarchs. 

SCHECHTER AND Taylor : The Wisdom of Ben Sira (1899. los. net). 

Caster, M. : The Chronicles of Jerahmeel (1899. Jerah- 
meel is " the oldest and best corpus of apocryphal and pseud- 
epigraphal books of which any literature can boast." 

Wellhausen : Skizzen und Vorarbeiten VI. (1899. 8s.). The 
writer here enters into a controversy with Gunkel on the subject 
of the Apocalyptic literature. See p. 225 ff. 

Niese : Kritikder Beiden Makkabaerbiicher (1900. 2s. 6d.). 

Kautzsch : Die Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen des Alten Testa- 
ments (2 vols., 1900. 20s.). Contains, besides a general Intro- 
duction, brief but adequate introductions to the several books, a 
German text, and a critical commentary. Altogether a most 
serviceable work. 

Schlatter, A. : Israel's Geschichte von Alexander dem Grossen bis 
Hadrian (1901. 3s.). Brief but suggestive. 

RiGGS : History of the Jewish People during the Maccaba^an and 
Roman Periods (1900. 5s.). A companion volume to Kent's 
" History of the Jewish People." 

Edersheim : The Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah (2 vols., 
1884, 1886^, i90o'^. 24s.). Embraces a great mass of (critically 
unsifted) material from late Jewish tradition. 

Deissmann : Bible Studies : Contributions chiefly from Papyri and 
Inscriptions in the history of the Language, the Literature, and 
the Religion of Hellenistic Judaism and Primitive Christianity 
(Eng. tr. 1901. 9s.). Full of interesting and valuable material. 

Bibliography 433 

Salmond : The Christian Doctrine of Immortality (1895 ; 5th ed. 
1901. 14s.). Thirteenth series of the Cunningham Lectures. 
Perhaps the best book yet written on the great subject with 
which it deals. 

Wendt : Lehre Jesu (2nd ed. 1901. 12s.). Eng. tr. of Part II. 
(from the first ed.), in 2 vols., 1892. 21s. First Section : The 
Historical Foundation of the Teaching of Jesus. An important 
contribution to Biblical theology. 

Moss, R. W. : From Malachi to Matthew (1893. 2s. 6d.). Careful 
and scholarly. 

Fairweather : From the Exile to the Advent (1901^. 2s.). One 
of Clark's " Handbooks for Bible Classes." 

MouLTON, R. G. : The Literature of the Bible (1901. %\). Con- 
tains an interesting chapter on " Old Testament Wisdom," in 
which the Books of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus are discussed 
fully from their literary side. 

Bevan, E.: The House of Seleucus (2 vols., 1902. 36s.). A very 
valuable work. 

Wernle : Die Anfange unserer Religion (1901 ; 2nd ed. 1904. 
7s.). In the Eng. tr., (2 vols., 1903. 21s.), pp. 12-36 of vol. i. 
deal with Judaism and the Fulness of the Time. 

BoussET : Die Religion des Judentums im neutestamentlichen 
Zeitalter (1903, 1906^. ids.). Exceedingly valuable. 

Schrader : Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament. Dritte 
Auflage, mit Ausdehnung auf die Apokryphen, Pseudepigraphen 
und das Neue Testament, neu bearbeitet von Dr. H. Zimmern 
und Dr. H, Winckler (1903. 21s.). This important work com- 
prises two sections, " History and Geography" by Winckler, and 
" Religion and Language " by Zimmern. 

Bevan, E. : Jerusalem under the High Priests : Five Lectures on 
the Period between Nehemiah and the New Testament (1904. 
7s. 6d.). A well-written popular sketch. 

MuiRHEAD : The Eschatology of Jesus, or the Kingdom Come and 
Coming (the Bruce Lectures for 1903) (1904. 6s.). Interesting, 
able, and scholarly. 

Porter : The Messages of the Apocalyptical Writers (1905. 
3s. 6d.). The Introduction (pp. 3-75) is specially valuable. 

Marshall, J. T. : Religious Beliefs in the Time of Christ. Hasse, 
Leonard : The Apocalyptic Schools of Judaism in Biblical 
Times. The two last-named form part of the contents of a 
volume of Inaugural Lectures delivered by members of the 
Faculty of Theology in the University of Manchester. (Man- 
chester University Press, 1905.) 


434 Appendix 

Friedlander : Die Religiosen Bewegungen innerhalb des Juden- 
tums im Zeitalter Jesu (1905. 7s.). An important and well- 
written book, if sometimes rather violently polemical. The 
author, himself a Jew nurtured on Pharisaic traditions, main- 
tains that Pharisaism, favoured by the change of political rela- 
tions consequent upon the Maccabaean victories, broke through 
the natural development of Judaism as hitherto dominated by 
the spirit of the prophets and the Wisdom literature, and 
alienated it from its original and peculiar mission. It was 
the Hellenistic Jews who followed the original and true tradi- 
tions of Israel, and cherished the universalism preached by 
the great prophets, whereas the Pharisees forced the re- 
ligious development into the narrow and artificial groove of 

Hollmann-Halle : Welche Religion hatten die Juden als Jesus 
auftrat ? (1905. 40 pf). In the " Religionsgeschichtliche Volks- 
bUcher" series. 

Henderson : The Age of the Maccabees. The Temple series of 
" Bible Characters and Scripture Handbooks." (gd. net.) 

Davidson, A. B. : The Exile and the Restoration (Clark's " Primers." 

Skinner, J. : Historical Connection between the Old and New 
Testaments (Clark's " Primers." 6d.). 

Grant, C. M. : Between the Testaments ("Guild Text-Books." 6d. 
net). Gives a short account of the Literature as well as the 
History of the Period. 

Sedgwick, S. N. : The Story of the Apocrypha (S.P.C.K. is. 

Snell, B. J. : The Value of the Apocrypha (1905. is. 6d.). A 
series of Sunday evening " Lectures." 

Milne Rae, G. : The Historical Connection between the Old and 
New Testaments (Temple series of " Bible Characters and Scrip- 
ture Handbooks." gd. net). 

Abrahams, Israel : Festival Studies (1906. 2s. 6d.). Gives an 
account of Hanucah, when the heroic exploits of the Maccabees 
are commemorated. 

Abrahams, Israel: Judaism (1907. is. net). An illuminating 
little book by a modern Jew. 

Oesterley and Box : The Religion and Worship of the Syna- 
gogue (1907. los. 6d. net). Interesting to the student of the 

The Temple Apocrypha: (J.M.Dent. 6 vols, at is. each). Con- 
tains Introductions to the several books. 

Bibliography 435 

Andrews, H. T. : The Apocryphal Books of the Old and New 
Testament (T. C. & E. C. Jack. is. net). Gives a useful account 
of the separate books. 

Marti : Geschichte der Israelitischen Religion (5th ed. 1907. 4s. 6d.). 
A text-book for students. Sections v. and vi. deal in a concise 
and pointed way with " Die Religion des Nomismus " and " Die 
Religion unter hellenistischen Einfliissen." 

Genung : Hebrew Literature of Wisdom (1907. 8s. 6d.) 

Smith, G. A. : Jerusalem : The Topography, Economics, and His- 
tory from the Earliest Times to A.D. 70 (2 vols., 1908. 24s. 

Pentin, H. : Judith (1908. Vol. i. of " The Apocrypha 
in English Literature." 



Aaron, 189, 380. 

Ab-beth-din, 144. 

Abel, 353. 

Abraham, 225, 280, 353. 

Achsemenidce, 46. 

Achuzan, 236. 

Actium, 182. 

Acts of the Apostles, 146, 197. 

Adam and Eve, life of, 7. 

Adam, the name, 235. 

Adasa, 1 12, 123. 

Adida, 121 f. 

Advent, the, 35, 137, 163, 188, 192". 

yEschylus, 419. 

yEsculapius, 32. 

Agrippa I., 198. 

Agrippa il., 200. 

Akiba, R., 195, 202. 

Akra, 102,110, 115, i I7ff., I23f., 126. 

Alabarch, office of, 350. 

Albinus, 200. 

Alcimus, 21, inf., ii6f., 140, 145, 

Alexander Balas, 117 ff., 379. 
Alexander the Great, 3, 6, 50, 62, 

95, 164, 334", 381. 
Alexander Jannseus, 22, 142 f., 156 ff., 

165, 188, 233. 
Alexander Polyhistor, 7. 
Alexander, brother of Philo, 350. 
Alexander, son of Aristobulus il., 167, 

Alexandra, 143. 
Alexandria, 42, 92, 256, 316, 318, 

321, 350 f., 355; colloquial 

Greek of, 328. 
Alexandrian Jews, 315, 319, 340; 

allegorising tendency of, 322. 

Alexandrians, the, 350. 

Alexandrium, 166. 

Alfred of England, 115. 

Almsgiving, 20, 29 f. 

Ameshaspoitas, 281. 

Atn-hdarez, 149, 193 f. 

Ammonites, 109. 

Amos, 250. 

Ananias, high priest, 200. 

Ananos, 198. 

Anatolius, 332. 

Ancyra, 5. 

Andreas, Egyptian courtier, 322. 

Anglican Church, 27. 

Antichrist, the, 267. 

Antigonus, 11, 50. 

Antigonus, son of John Hyrcanus, 

141, 144, 155 f. 
Antigonus, son of Aristobulus 11., 171, 

174 f. 
Antioch, 5 f., 97, 100, 102, 108, no, 

116, 120, 171, 175. 
Antiochus in. the Great, 6, 51, 57, 

Antiochus iv. Epiphanes, 3, 51 ft., 

54, So, 97 ff., loiff., 107, 108", 

iiof., 117, 140, 167, 184, 221 f., 

239, 251, 267, 348, 378, 408. 
Antiochus V. Eupator, iiof. 
Antiochus vi., son of Balas, 120, 123. 
Antiochus VII. Sidetes, 126. 
Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee and 

Perasa, 196. 
Antipater, 163, 165 f., i7off., 179. 
Antony, 173 ff., 182. 
Apamrea, 120. 
Apelles, 105. 
Apion, 351. 



Apocalypse of Abraham, 7. 

Apocalypse of Baruch, 8, 1 2, 239 ff. , 

Apocalypse, Jewish, influence of, upon 
the New Testament, 292 ff., 293, 
295 ; permanent value of, 303 ff. ; 
Jewish apocalyptic writings, 
2i9ff. ; relation of apocalypse to 
prophecy, 245 ff. ; literary method 
of apocalyptists, 247 ff. ; vision- 
ary estatic form of apocalypse, 
250 ff. ; these writings record 
real visionary experiences, 252 ; 
significance of apocalypse lies 
in its religious content, 253 ; 
its aim didactic and hortatory, 
253 f. ; origin of these writings, 
255 ft". ; main theological con- 
ceptions reflected in, 265 ff. ; 
their dualistic view of the world, 
265 ff. ; this accompanied by (a) 
new view regarding the suffer- 
ings of the righteous, 273 ; {b) 
practice of reckoning the time of 
the end, 274 f.; {c) alteration in 
conception of Messiah, 275 ff. ; 
(c/) Chiliasm or Millenarianism, 
278 f. ; their transcendental 
conception of God, 279 ff. ; 
angelology and demonology of, 
281 f. ; evolution of a personal 
devil in apocalyptic period, 282 f. ; 
development of religious indi- 
vidualism in apocalyptic writings, 
283 ff. ; idea of a bodily resur- 
rection first occurs in, 285 ; 
development towards, within 
Old Testament itself, 402 f. 

Apocalypse of St. John (Revelation), 
271, 275, 286," 293. 

Apocalypse of Moses = Book of 
Jubilees, 231 ; angelology of, 231. 

Apocalyptic, 219, 266 ; conception 
of the Kingdom as a World- 
Empire, 404. 

Apocalyptic element in teaching of 
Jesus, 305 ff. 

Apocalyptic literature, 3, 19, 49, 
80, 129, 220 ff. ; question regard- 
ing permanent value of, 305. 

Apocalyptists, the, 205, 283. 

Apocrypha, 2, 30, 79. 

Apollonius, 96, 102, 106, ii8f. 

Appian, 4. 

Arabia, 119, 

Arabian Nights, the, 227. 
Archelaus, ethnarch of Judrea, 196. 
Aretas, Arabian king, 163 f. 
Aristeas, 349 ; legend of, 320, 326 ; 

letter of, 7, 324. 
Aristobulus (Jewish Alexandrian 

philosopher), 7, 320, 329 ff., 349, 

Aristobulus i., son of Hyrcanus, 141, 

143, 155 f., 203, 368. 
Aristobulus II., son of Alexander, 

161 ff., 169, 171, 233. 
Aristobulus iii., 182, 186. 
Aristotle, 336. 
Armenia, 164. 
Arnold, Matthew, 283. 
Arsinoe, 323". 
Artaxerxes Ochus, 130. 
Ascalon, 119, 350, 379. 
Ascension of Isaiah, 8. 
Ashdod, 119. 
xVsia, Jews of, 326. 
Asia Minor, 172. 
Asmodeus, 49. 
Assumption of Moses, the, 7, 23Sf., 

275 f- 
Athaliah, 162. 
Athene, 276. 
Athens, 228, 316. 
Atonement, Day of, 29, 33, 361. 
Attains, 5. 

Augustine, 39, 223". 
Augustus, 5. 
Azazel, 271. 

Babas, sons of, 182. 

Babel, Tower of, 48, 353. 

Babylon, 11, 44 ff., 59, 62, 174, 180, 

Babylonian Jews, 47. 
Babylonian mythology, 220. 
Babylonian religion, 44 f. 
Babylonians, the, 237. 
Bacchides, 11 1 ff. , 11 5 f. 
Bacchus, feast of, 102. 
Baethgen, 130. 
Balaam, 356. 

Baldensperger, 223", 256, 305^,310. 
Bar-Cochba, 202. 

2 Baruch, 287. 

3 Baruch, 8. 

Baruch, the Syriac, 274. 
Beer, 399. 
Belshazzar, 221. 
Bengel, 299". 



Beth-ha-iiiidrash, 25. 

Beth-zacharias, 1 10. 

Beth-zur, 108 ff., 117, 120. 

Bevan, 108", 114", 115". 

Bleek, 130, 131''. 

Bois, H., 328", 329", 416 f. 

Bonaparte, 107". 

Bonwetsch, 402. 

Bosora, 109. 

Bousset, 7, 25", 46, 80, 130, 202, 
209", 211", 230, 258 ff., 271", 
277, 297, 337«, 37off.,404ff. 

Brahmins of India, the, 336. 

Bruce, A. B., 299, 303, 310 f. 

Brugsch, 364. 

Brunet, 364. 

Brutus, 173. 

Buchler, 381 ff. 

Buddhism, 211. 

Bundehesh, the, 258. 

Caesar (? Augustus), 174, 182 f., 196. 

Csesarea, 184, 196. 

Csesarea Philippi, 197. 

Caesars, the, 164. 

Cain, 353. 

Cairns, Prof., 306", 307 ff. 

Caius, Emperor, I39f., 350. 

Caligula, 198. 

Calvin, 130. 

Candlish, 249. 

Canon, the, 129, 131 ff. ; of 

Scripture, 220, 248. 
Carrhae, 170. 
Cassius, 170, 173 f. 
Celsus, 333. 
Cendebseus, 126 f. 
Ceriani, 238 ; his Latin version of 

the Assumption of Moses, 238 f. 
Cestius Gallus, 200. 
ChaldKa, 32, 353. 
Chaldseans, 130. 
Charles, 223 f., 229, 234", 235", 237, 

239", 299, 306", 399, 402. 
Chaucer, 114. 
Cheyne, 130, 212, 392. 
Chief Friend, order of, 118 f. 
Christian Church, 29, 198, 337. 
Christian doctrine, development of, 

Christian era, 283. 
Christian ethics, 307. 
Christian monasticism, 214. 
Christian theology, 349 ; influenced 

by pantheistic mysticism, 316. 

Christianity, 30,42, 137, 213 f., 219, 

270, 292 f., 29s f., 360, 367, 412 ; 

social side of, 307. 
Christology, 295. 
Chronicler, the, i, 47, 65 f., 67, 132, 

207, 383. 
Church, the early, 307. 
Chwolson, 5. 
Cicero, 4. 
Cilicia, 158. 
Circumcision, 34, 41. 
Ciseri, Prof. Antonio, 104". 
Clemens, 13". 
Clement of Alexandria, 238, 331 f., 

334", 335, 336", 349", 418 f. 
Cleopatra, 118, 174, 181. 
Coele-Syria, 96, 119, 173. 
Colani, 299. 
Conservatism, 38 ff. 
Creation, Old Testament account of, 

Crete, 118. 
Cromwell, 114. 
Cumanus, 199. 
Cyprus, 202. 
Cyrene, 202, 318. 
Cyril of Alexandria, 331". 
Cyrus, 59. 

Dagon, temple of, 119. 

Dahne, 325", 330, 348", 414 ff. 

Damascus, 120, 159, 162, 165, 173. 

Daniel, 58, 221 f., 248, 274, 277. 

Daniel, Book of, i, 3, 7 ; additions 
to, 8, 16, 48, 52, 104 f., 133, 
196, 220 ff., 224, 246, 248, 
25off., 261, 270 f., 276, 283; 
Greek words in, 372. 

Daphne, 6. 

Darius, 221. 

Darmesteter, 46, 258. 

David, the psalmist, 36, 131, 15 1, 
223, 265. 

Davidson, A. B., 91. 

Day of the Lord, 273. 

Dead Sea, the, 204. 

Decalogue, 13, 18. 

Dedication, Feast of, 108. 

Deissmann, 6, 363 ff., 411 f. 

Demetrius i., 97", inf., Il7f. 

Demetrius 11., 118 ff., 123, 126, 378. 

Demetrius iii. Eukairos, 159. 

Demetrius Phalereus, 322, 323". 

De Quincey, 392. 

Derenbourg, 161", 213, 372. 



Deuteronomist, 13. 

Deuteronomy, Book of, 327". 

De Vogue, 6. 

De Wette, 381. 

Diadochoi, the, 315, 365. 

Diaspora, 16, 25, 41, 128, 202, 257, 

365 ff- 
Didache, the, 8. 
Didot, 336". 

Dillniann, 130, 133, 223", 224. 
Diodorus Siculus, 4, 419. 
Diphilus, comic poet, 419. 
Dispersion, 16, 24, 26", 33, 57, 62, 

184, 202, 219, 234, 328. 
Dium, 166. 
Dole, 127. 
Domitian, 243. 
Dora, 126. 

Dositheus, Jewish general, 318. 
Doukhobors, Russian sect of the, 

205", 389 ff. 
Driver, 6, 48", 269, 218", 372 f. 
Drummond, 330. 
DuaHstic idea, development of the, 

404 ff. 

Ebionites, 206. 

Ecclesiastes, i, 7, 52, 79 f., 91 f., 291. 

Ecclesiasticus, 2, 7, 52, 79 f., 133, 

138, 236, 293, 337 ; prologue to, 

327 ; chronological statement in 

prologue to, 363 f. 
Edomites, 109, 141. 
Egypt, 32, 44 f. , loi, 156 f., I So, 202, 

215, 221, 232, 235, 315, 317 f., 

324", 356, 363 ; national worship 

of, 325. 
Egyptian Jews, 329. 
Egyptians, the, 344, 350. 
Ehrt, 130. 
Ekron, 109, 1 19. 
Elasa, 113, 115. 
Eleazar the Maccabee, no. 
Eleazar the priest, 104, 322,324 f., 348. 
Elieser, R, 202, 
Elijah, 310. 
Elymais, 51. 
Emmaus, 107. 

Encyclopaedia Biblica, 386 f. 
Enoch, 223ff., 235 ff., 247, 281, 291. 
Enoch, Book of, 3, 47 f., 138, 148, 

215, 223 ff., 243, 248, 268; 

contents of, 399. 

1 (Ethiopic) Enoch, 7. 

2 (Slavonic) Encjch, 7. 

Enoch, Book of the Secrets of 
(Slavonic Enoch), 234 ff.; throws 
light on Jewish conceptions of 
the Millennium and the seven 
Heavens, 237. 

Enoch literature, 227, 229, 270, 275, 

Epicureanism, 91. 

Epicureans, 139. 

Esau, 141, 354. 

Eschatology, developed from the 
Wisdom, 91. 

Eschatology of the apocalyptists 
largely drawn from the prophetic 
books, 247. 

1 (3) Esdras, 7. 

2 (4) Esdras, 3, 8, 241 ff,, 274, 276, 

2S6, 294. 

Essenes, 29, 67, 137, 181, 203 ff., 
25s, 287 ; four classes of, 204 ; 
manners and customs of, 205 f. ; 
doctrines of, 206 f. , 388 ff. 

Essenism, 307 ; non-Jewish elements 
in, 210 ; foreign influences at 
work in, 211 ff., 393 f. ; points 
of agreement and difference 
between Essenism and Christi- 
anity, 213 f. 

Esther, Book of, 1 7 ; Additions to, 8. 

Ethnarch, 143, 173, 315. 

Eumenes, 5. 

Euphrates, 164. 

Euripides, 419. 

Eusebius, 321", 331 f. 

Ewald, 130, 213, 337". 

Ewing, 6. 

Exile, the, 17, 28, 43, 57 f., 6r, 64, 
67, 192", 221, 225, 246. 

Exodus, the, 349. 

Ezekiel, 13, 31, 45, 58, 61 f., 64, 242, 

Ezekiel, a Jewish- Alexandrian poet, 

Ezra, 36, 42, 62 f., 66 f., 138, 146, 
241 ff., 247, 326; Law-book of, 66. 

Fabius Maximus, 123. 
Fasting, 20, 29. 
Felix, 199. 
Festus, 200. 
Flood, the, 48. 
Florus, 200. 
Forrest, 299. 

Fourth Gospel, 260, 272, 295, 301 ; 
prologue to, 360. 



Fraser, John Foster, 389 ff. 

Freudenthal, 329". 

Friedlander, 193, 203, 205, 212, 255, 

257 ; his view of the Am-haarez, 

387 f., 392 f., 396. 
Fritzsche, 2. 

Gabinius, 166, i7of., 173". 

Gabriel, the archangel, 226. 

Gadara, 158. 

Galatia, 5. 

GaUlee, 54, 109, 120, 122, 135, 171 f., 

196, 200. 
Gamaliel, 7, 146, 201. 
Gamaliel 11., 202. 
Gardner, 408. 
Gaster, 229. 
Gathas, the, 259. 
Gaza, 120, 157 f. 
Gazara, 124, 126 f. 
Gehenna, 227, 289 f. 
Geiger, 150, 381. 
Gemara, 8, 192". 

Genesis, Book of, 48, 230, 237, 354. 
Gentiles, 193, 239, 298. 
Gerizim, 40, 141. 
Gesenius, 130. 
Gfrorer, 330. 
Gilead, 122, 169. 
Ginsburg, 255. 
Gnostics, the, 260, 333. 
Godet, 299. 
Gordon, General, 114. 
Gorgias, 107. 
Gorionides, 1 13. 
Gospels, the, 129, 135, 179, 194, 228, 

233, 270, 277, 283, 293 f., 306 f. 
Grabe, 228 f. 
Greece, 32. 
Greek culture, 24, 57, 79, 155, 157, 

229, 307, 338, 345. 349- 
Greek language, 317, 319, 411. 
Greek philosophy, 24, 50, 315, 319, 

334", 335> 341, 345, 35i f-, 354, 

Greek poets, ascription of spurious 

verses to, 418 f. 
Greeks, the, 24. 

Greeks, medical science of the, 53. 
Greeks, wisdom of the, 371. 
Grimm, 377. 
Grosseteste, 228. 

Hdberim, 193 f. 

Hachamim, 79. 

Hades, 238, 289, 339. 

fladrian, 207. 

Haggada, 8, 69, 192". 

Haggai, 63, 128, 132. 

Hagiographa, 131, 327. 

Halacha, 8, 68, 71", 191, 192", 352. 

Hannibal, 123. 

Harnack, 408. 

Hashmon, house of, 105. 

Hastdtm, 21, 53, 96, 100, 106, 112 f., 

115, 140, 142, 149 f. (Hasidseans), 

157, 232, 376. 
Plasmonsean Dynasty, 154 f., 164, 

168, 170, 175, 182. 
Hasmonaean State, 151, 220. 
Hasmonaeans, the, 4, 22, 24, Ii4f., 

117 f., 125, 141, 149 ff., 154, 

164, 167, 169, 173, 176, 183, 

187, 232 f. 
Hasse, 256. 

Hastings, Bible Dictionary, 106", 276. 
Hauran, the, 6. 
Hazor, 120. 
Hebraism, 284. 
Hebrew poetry, 79. 
Hebrew religion, 316. 
Hebrew theology, 349, 
Hebrews, Epistle to the, 238, 337. 
Hebrews, philosophy of the, 82. 
Hebrews, the, 60 f., 350. 
HecatKUS of Abdera, 366, 419. 
Hecatseus (pseudo), 8, 349". 
Heliodorus, 96, 97". 
Hellenism, 11, 15, 39, 5off., 92, 95ff., 

102 f., 157, 185, 202, 204, 213, 

230,257, 316, 320, 329ff-,339f-, 

345,. 348, 386. 
Hellenistic = Alexandrian, Judaism, 

50, 92, 325 f., Chap. VHI. 
Hellenistic culture, 317. 
Hellenistic dialect, 409 f. 
Hellenistic Greek, 50. 
Hellenistic party, loof., iii. 
Hercules, festival of, 100. 
Hermippus Callimachus, 323", 336. 
Herod the Great, 22, 24, 140, 145, 

163, I72ff., I74ff-, 191, 195, 239- 
Herodian Age, 23, 143, 149, 188, 

193. 349- 
Herodian (Idumaean) Dynasty, 164, 

179, 185. 
Herodians, 173, 185 f., 386 f. 
Herriot, 324, 330, 331", 360, 414. 
Hesiod, 335, 337, 419. 



Hezekiah, robber chief, 172. 

Hibbert Journal, 400 ff. 

High priest, 65, 143 f., 105, 152, 165, 

I97> 199 ; high priesthood in 

post-exihc times, 378. 
Ililgenfeld, 212. 
Hillel, 7, 13, 18, 144, 148, 188 ff.; 

school of, 189 f, 195. 
Hinnom, 289. 
Hitzig, 130, 133. 
Holy, the term, 66. 
Holy Land, 64. 

Holy Scriptures, 68 f., 320, 355. 
Homer, 335, 337, 373, 419. 
Horace, 4, 65, 193, 368. 
Huetius, 336. 
Hupfeld, 130. 

Hyrcanus i. See John Hyrcanus. 
Hyrcanus 11., son of Alexandra, 143, 

161 ff., 167, 169 ff., 182, 188. 

Idumsea, 163. 

Idumsean house, 170. 

Idumaeans, 108, 174, 368. 

India, 317. 

Individualism, 30 ff.; resulted in de- 
velopment of ethical feeling in 
post-exilic age, 35 ; but im- 
perfectly realised, 38. 

Inscriptions, 5 ; value of the, 365. 

Ipsus, battle of, 50. 

Iranian, apocalyptic, an, 258 f 

Irenaeus, 234", 408. 

Isaac, 353. 

Isaiah, 403 ; Book of, 403. 

Isaiah, Second, 58, 289. 

Ishmael, 353. 

Israel, 36, 65 ff., 105, 116, I23ff., 
128 f., 141, 143, 152, 164, 185 f., 
196, 203, 222, 225, 232, 239, 
245 ff., 254, 256 f., 272 ff., 278, 
28 1, 283 f., 286 f., 289 ff. 

Iturseans, 155. 

Izates, king of Adiabene, 368. 

Jabne (Jamnia), 201. 

Jacob, 141, 228, 353. 

Jason, 99 fl". 

Jeremiah, 13 f., 31, 58, 274, 403; 
epistle of, 8. 

Jericho, 127, 162, 182. 

Jerome, 223", 332. 

Jerusalem, 2, 5, 22, 25 f., 33, 37, 44, 
50 ff., 58 f, 61 f., 64, 66, 76, 
96 f., 99, loiff., 105, 107, no, 

118, 120, 122 ff., 127, 129 f., 
158 f., 162 ff., 170 ff., 175, 180, 
184 f., 194, 196, 198 ff., 232, 
239 f., 242, 265, 278, 290,292, 
296, 299, 319, 322 f., 327, 349; 
the heavenly, 276, 377, 379. 

Jesus Christ, 29, 35, 42, 67, 70 f., 
143, 148, 163, 185, 188, 194, 197, 
213 f., 219, 227, 233, 238, 248, 
255, 270, 272, 275, 279, 286, 
291 ff., 305 ff., 321, 361 ; eschat- 
ology of, 297 f. , 408 f. 

Jewish-Alexandrian Philosophy, 318, 
329 ft"., 345, 347, 349; stages of 
its development, 321 ff. 

Jewish Church, 20, 23, 25. 

Jewish coins, 124", 379. 

Jewish Law, 12 ft"., 34, 75, 322, 324, 
334", 338 ; Sirach's identification 
of, with Divine wisdom, 13. 

Jewish nationality ; non - religious 
forces contributing to preserva- 
tion of, 1 10. 

Jewish piety, 77, 79. 

Jewish propagandism, 368. 

Jewish Sibyllines, 346 f. 

Jewish State, 13, 140, 145, 165. 

Jewish wisdom, 24. 

Job, Book of, 47, 76, 89 ff., 249. 

Joel, Book of, I, 7. 

Johanan ben Sakkai, 201. 

John Hyrcanus, 4, 22, 127, 224, 230, 
140 ff., 150, 154, 160, 163, 165, 
192", 368, 419. 

John of Gischala, 200 f. 

John, son of Simon the Maccabee, 
124, 127. 

John the Baptist, 196. 

John the Maccabee, 115. 

John, St., 269. 

Johnson, Samuel, 37- 

Jonathan the Maccabee, 116 ff., 145, 

Joppa, 105, 119 f., 122, 124, 

Jordan, the, loi, 115, 141, 157. 

Joseph and Aseneth, legend of, 7. 

"Joseph, son of Tobias, 96", 100. 

Joseph the patriarch, 229. 

Josephus, 3f.,8, 12, 24f., 28, 139, 
142, 144, 146, 151 ff., 155", 156'', 
160, 166", 167, 172", 173", 187, 
195. 197 ff-, 203 f., 206, 207", 
208, 210, 213, 286, 346, ^66, 
368, 381, 391 f. 



Joshua, 239. 

Joshua, co-adjutor of Zerubbabel, 378. 

Joshua, R., 202. 

Joshua, the high priest, 62. 

Josiah, 64. 

Jubilees, Book of, 7, 229 f., 281. 

Judaea, 50, 52, 96, 102, 107, ill, 
113, Ii6ff., 122 f., 157, 160 f., 
164 f., 167, 170 f., 173 f., 196, 
200, 215, 231. 

Judah, 152; tribe of, 228. 

Judaism, 2, 11, 16 f., 20 f., 23 ff., 
27f.,36, 38, 42ff., 5i> 54, 6off., 
67, 80 f., 84, 86, 95 ft"., 100 ff., 
128, 141, M6fif., 151, iS3ff-> 
158, 161, 163, 181, 183, 185, 
187 f., 202 ff., 210 f., 213 f., 
219 f., 227, 254, 260, 266, 271, 
277, 280, 290, 292, 294, 316, 
319 f., 322, 329, 332, 334 f., 338, 
345 ft"., 356, 368,386. 

Judas, an Essene, 203. 

Judas Maccabseus, 21, 106 ff., 112 ff., 
117, 121, 125, 133, 145, 168. 

Judas, son of Simon the Maccabee,i27. 

Jude, 248. 

Judith, 7. 

Jupiter, 65. 
Justinus, 4. 

Juvenal, 5, 368. 

Kabbalistic lore of the Jews, 316. 

Kautzsch, 13", 106", 121", 229«, 321". 

Keil, 381. 

Kennedy, H. A. A., 327", 328". 

Kidron, valley of, 240. 

King's Friend, order of, 1 18. 

Kingsley, 317". 

Kinsmen, order of, 1 19. 

Kirkpatrick, 130. 

Knox, John, 39, 195. 

Koheleth, 92, 290. 

Kohler, 229. 

Kozak, 235''. 

Kuenen, 381. 

Law, the ceremonial, 16, 34. 
Legalism, lift"., 33, 35, 53, 63, 233, 

305, 319- 
Legalistic Judaism, 360 ; lack of 

spiritual proportion in, 367. 
Lethe, river of, 339. 
Letronne, 364. 
Levi, tribe of, 228. 
Leviles, 26", 66. 

Levy, 68". 

Lightfoot, 203", 212, 393. 

Linus the poet, 335, 419. 

Lipsius, 355, 388, 393. 

Lishkath-kag-Gazttk, 382 f. 

Logos, the Hellenistic, 276. 

Luther, 39 ; his translation of the 

Bible, 326. 
Lysias, 107 f., iiof. 

Maccabgean age, loo, 129, 131, 133, 
137, 142, 148, 188, 222, 229, 

231, 271, 284, 327, 368. 
Maccabtean movement, 112, 128 f., 

133. 140. 
Maccabsean Psalms, 3, 7, 129 ft. 
Maccabaean revolt, i, 21, 24, 31, 63, 

80, 97,io5ff., 151, 22of.,253, 285. 
Maccabee, the name, 106". 
Maccabees, the, 3, 27, 39, 54, 109, 

III, 116, 120 f., 123, 140, 144, 

145 f., 150, 155, 157, 159, 167, 

232, 234. 

1 Maccabees, 4, 7. 

2 Maccabees, 8, 286 f., 291. 

3 Maccabees, 8, 318. 

4 Maccabees, 8, 348 f. 
Macedonians, the, 305, 366. 
Madden, 5, 380. 
Magnesia, battle of, 51, 96. 
Mahaffy, 411. 

Malachi, i, 146, 250. 

Manetho, 8. 

Mariamme, 175, 182. 

Marion of Tyre, 174. 

Marissa, 141. 

Marti, 422 f. 

Martyr children, the seven, 104. 

Martyrdom of Isaiah, 7. 

Massada, fortress of, 174. 

Mastema, 271. 

Mattathias, 105 f., 122, 125, 128. 

Mazdeism, 47. 

Mazzini, 307. 
, Medaba, 115, 141. 
I Mediterranean, the, 53, 57, 120, 123. 
! Megasthenes the historian, 331", 335. 

Menander, comic poet, 419. 
1 Menelaus, loi f. ; the philosopher, 

Merom, Lake, 157. 

Mesopotamia, 202. 

Messiah, 74, 169, 185, 225, 292, 
294, 297, 347 ; a false, 200 ; 
the idea of a pre-existent, 277 ; 



conception of as the supernatural 
Son of Man, 226, 231, 234, 
24off., 257, 265, 271, 275 ff. 

Messianic age, 227, 231, 241, 247 f., 
257, 267. 

Messianic hope, 44, 64, 140, 169, 185, 
195 f., 226, 233, 269, 278. 

Meyer, Ed., 367, 369 f. 

Michael the archangel, 222, 236, 238. 

Michmash, 116. 

Middle Ages, Jews of the, 336. 

Midrash, 8, 192". 

Mill, 307, 309. 

Miskna, 6, 8, 144, 187, 191", 192". 

Mizpeh, 107, 109, 114. 

Modin, 105, 123, 127 f. 

Moloch, 290. 

MorfiU, 235". 

Morrison, 179", 207". 

Mosaic Law, 153, 320, 332, 348, 

351, 356- 
Mosaism, 257. 
Moses, 39, 45, 68, 71", 143, 191, 

192", 208, 238 f., 247, 325, 

333 ft"., 351, 403. 
Muirhead, 254", 269, 278", 283, 295, 


Nabatseans, 158, 165 f. 

Nasi, 144. 

Nebuchadrezzar, 44, 60 f., 221. 

Nehemiah, 3, 62 f., 133, 138. 

Nemesis, the Greek, 340. 

Neo-PIatonism, 316. 

Neo-Pythagoreanism, 212. 

Nero, 251. 

New Testament, 8, 23, 59, 144, 168, 
198, 219, 231, 236, 267, 276", 
278", 286, 292, 294 ff., 308, 360, 

New Testament times, 70, 259. 

Nicanor, 21, 107, ii2f. ; gate of, 1 13". 

" Nicanor's day," 112. 

Nicolaus of Damascus, 4. 

Niese, 377- 

Nile, the, 344, 350. 

Noah-apocalypse, 227. 

Obedas, 158. 

Octavian, 173. 

Ohle, 392. 

Old Testament, 30, 42, 44, 49, 60, 
69, 82, 91, 193, 222, 237, 243, 
246, 282, 292, 319, 327, 330 f., 
341, 346, 353 ; text of, 326. 

Old Testament canon, 39 ; existed 

from B.C. 444 onwards, 41, 42. 
Olshausen, 130. 
Onias 11., high priest, 96. 
Onias in., high priest, 96 f., 99, loi, 

Onias, Jewish general, 318. 
Oriental mysticism, 316. 
Origen, 39, 223", 238, 333, 355, 386 ; 

allegorism of, 420 ff. 
Ormazd, 119. 
Orpheus, 335. 

Palestine, 5 f., 16, 20, 24f., 30, 35, 
40 ff., 50 ff, 57, 60 f., 91 f., 95, 
105, 121, 124, 128, 140, 145, 

i55> 159. 164 f-, 170,179, 183 ff-, 
192", 198, 204, 211, 318, 362, 

368. 373 ff- . 
Palestinian Judaism, 57 ff. 
Palmyra, 5- 
Paneas, battle of, 51. 
Papias, 408. 

Papyri, 5 ; value of the, 365. 
Paradise, 227, 238, 289. 
Parousia, 296, 298 f., 301 f., 306 f. 
Parsism, 211, 260. 
Parthians, 123, 126, 174, 202. 
Passover, the, 197. 
Paul, St., 15, 35, 167, 201, 237 f., 

270, 279, 292, 294, 296, 333, 412. 
Pella, 157. 
Pentateuch, 7, 26, 46, 154, 323, 325, 

327, 351; translation of the, 322 f. 
Persea, 123, 158. 
Pergamos, 97". 
Pergamum, 5 f- 
Peripatetics, 319, 334. 
Persian dualism, 260. 
Persian influence, 281 ; traceable in 

treatment of primitive legends, 

48 ; in chronology of Enoch, 48 ; 

in angelology, 48 f. ; in eschat- 

ology, 48. 
Persian mythology, 227. 
Persian religion, 45 ff. ; extent of its 

influence on Judaism, 46 ff. 
Petronus, 139. 
Pharisees, 15, 22 f., 137 ff.; their 

own designation Haberiin, 138 ; 

their doctrinal standpoint, 139 ; 

142 ff., 146, 149 ff., 1561"., 159 ff., 

165, 168 ff., 179 ft'., 186 ff., 

191, 193ft"., 227, 231 ff., 255ff., 

286, 386. 



Pharsalia, 171. 

Philemon, comic poet, 419. 

Philip, friend of Antiochus iv., iiof. 

Philip, tetrarch of north - eastern 
Palestine, 196 f. 

Philippi, 173. 

Phillips, Stephen, 187. 

Philistia, 157. 

Philistines, the, no. 

Philo, 8, 12, 20, 27 f., 36, 204 ; his 
method as an expositor of the 
Old Testament, 353 ff. ; his ideal- 
isation of the figures of the patri- 
archal age, 353 ft". ; his philosophy, 
355 ff.; its root-principle, 358 ; 
Logos of, 357 ; his view of man, 
359 ; his ethic, 359 ; his influence 
on the post-apostolic age, 360 ; 
his conception of God, 356 f. ; 
his Ideas, or Forces, or Logoi 
identified with Platonic ideas, 
Stoic forces, demons of the 
Greeks, and angels of the Jews, 
357, 391, 412, 415. 

Philocrates, brother of Ptolemy iv., 

Phinehas, 195, 380. 

Pisidia, 158. 

Plato, 334, 351 ; represented Ijy 
Alexandrian Jews as " an Attic 
Moses," 321. 

Platonic school, 319 f. 

Platonism, 345. 

Pliny, 204, 391. 

Polion, 22, 180. 

Polybius, 4, 97, 373. 

Pompey, 22, 164 ft'., i6g, 171, 175, 
180, 232 f., 240. 

Pontius Pilate, 196. 

Pontus, 164. 

Porter, 256, 305". 

Prayer, 20, 28 f. 

Presbyterian worship, 27. 

Priestly Code, 35, 62, 65". 

Prophets, 13 f., 17, 26", 33, 35, 284, 
327 ; the Hebrew, 202. 

Proselytes, 368. 

Protestantism, German, 326. 

Proverbs, Book of, 79, 84, 86 ff., 

Psalms, the, 19, 36, 72 ff. ; absence 
of nationalism from not a few of, 
37 ; idealism of certain of, 
37 ; perennial freshness of, 37 ; 
Elohistic group of, 132. 

Psalter, the, 129 ff.; of Solomon, 138, 

231 ff., 266, 278. 
Pseudepigrapha, 2, 215. 
Pseudo-Aristeas, letter of, 321 ff. 
Pseudo-Hecatreus, 419. 
Pseudo-Solomon, 349. 
Ptolemais, ii8f., 121, 175. 
Ptolemies, the, 32, 122. 
Ptolemy i. Lagos (Soter), 50, 323", 

366, 419. 
Ptolemy II. Philadelphus, 3, 321 ff"., 

Ptolemy III. Euergetes, 96". 
Ptolemy IV. Philopator, 318. 
Ptolemy VI. Philometor, loi, 118I., 

Ptolemy vii. Physcon Euergetes il., 

3, 318, 363. 
Ptolemy, son of Abub, 127. 
Ptolemy, Syrian general, 107. 
Pythagoras, 206, 334. 
Pythagoreans, 139; the later, 351; 

doctrine of, 340 f. 
Pythagoreanism, 211 f., 335". 

Rabbi, the title of, 70 ; rabbis, 201. 
Rabbinical literature, Pharisees and 

Sadducees as reflected in, 384 ff. 
Ramiel, the angel, 241. 
Ramsay, 6. 

Raphael, the archangel, 224, 226. 
Ravaisson, 336". 
Rawlinson, 377. 
Reinach, Th., 8. 
Religious fellowship, 21 ff. 
Renan, 198. 
Resch, 229. 

Restoration, the, 39, 47, 59, 63, 246. 
Resurrection, the, 289 ff. 
Retribution, a future, 241. 
Rewards and Punishments, doctrine 

of, 84. 
Reuchlin, 336. 
Reuss, 130, 4096". 
Reville, 408. 
Roman rule, 1 96 ff. 
Romans, 96, 118, 140, 143 f., 145, 

164, 166 ff., 175, 181, 197, 

1 99 ff., 318, 366, 386, 403. 
Roman Senate, 1 13, 174. 
Rome, 97", 102, iii, 121, 126, 

164!"., 166 ft"., 171, 174 f., 220, 

350 f., 368,386. _ 
Rosetta Stone, Inscription of the, 




Sabatier, 13". 
Sabbath, 16, 26". 

Sadducees, 137, 139, 142 f., 149 ft'., 
158, 1606"., 168 ff., 227, 231, 
'^2>Z'> 255, 257, 292 ; doctrinal 
position of, 153 f., 180, 189 f., 
193, 197. 

Salome Alexandra, 156, 160 ff., 164, 
182, 188, 232. 

Salome, sister of Herod the Great, 183. 

Samaria, 141, 171, 175. 

Samaritans, 19, 39 f., 50, 62, 141, 
196, 255. 

Sameas, 22, 177 f., 180, 188. 

Sammael, 271. 

Samosata, 175. 

Sanhedrin, 143 f., 145, 149, 160, 
172 f., 183, 188, 197, 201; 
recent controversy on, 3S1 ft". 

Sassanides, 258. 

Satan, 238, 266, 271 f., 282 f., 295. 

Scaurus, 164 f. 

Schenkel, 389, 395. 

Schmidt, 80, 380. 

Schnapp, 229. 

Schrader, 103". 

Schiirer, 3, 26", 58", 116", I2i'', 
212, 224, 225", 324", 326", 
360", 369, 379, 402, 419. 

Scott, Anderson, 254;;, 

Scribes, 25 f., 68 ff., 95, 137 f., 
142 ff., 145 f., 149, 157, 188 f., 
191, 233, 256. 

Second Advent, 306, 308, 409. 

Seleucidoe, 32, 51. 

Seleucid era, 124, 335. 

Seleucius iv. Philopator, 51, 96, 97". 

Semites, 60. 

Septuagint, 7, 26, 131 ; origin of, 
321, 325 ff. ; Greek, 328 ; 
additions to, 8 ; translators, 
278 ; influence of, on popular 
religious thought, 412 f.; traces 
of Greek philosophy in, 414 ff. ; 
syntax of, 411 f. 

Sermon on the Mount, 30, 308 f, 

Seron, 106. 

Sextus Caesar, 172 f. 

Shakespeare, 117. 

Shammai, 7, 20, 188 f. 

Sheba Middoth, 190. 

Shechcm, 159. 

Skemd, 26", 28, 47, 210. 

Skemoneh-Esreh, 28, 

Sheol, 284 f., 289, 339. 

Shepherd of Hermas, 8. 

Sibyl, the, 347. 

Sibylline Oracles, 3, 7, 8, 28", 

243 ff., 257, 366. 
Sicarii, the, 194 f. 
Sidon, 379. 
Siegfried, 315", 330, 33S", 353", 

Similitudes of Enoch, the, 224, 226, 

286 f. 
Simon ben Giora, 20 r. 
Simon ben Shetach, 7, 188. 
Simon, one of the Tobiadre, 96 f. 
Simon the Maccabee, 109, 120, 

122 ff., 132, 145, 159; eulogy of 

Ecclus. 1. I -2 1 best referred to, 

380 ; coinage of, 379 f. 
Simon the Just, 65, 188. 
Simon, son of Gamaliel, 201. 
Sinai, Mount, 224 f., 230. 
Sirach, 13, 15, 19, 65, 70, 83, 132, 

147, 188, 207. 
Skinner, 81. 
Smend, 78". 

Smith, G. A., 6, 375, 384. 
Smith, W. Robertson, 130, 374. 
Smith, Dr. George, 317". 
Socrates, 334. 
Solomon, 80, 151, 260, 310, 334, 

Son of Man, 226, 276 ff., 295, 299, 

309 f. 
Sophocles, 349, 419. 
Sosius, 22, 175. 
Sparta, 121. 
Stanley, 108", 
Stapfer, 375. 
Stevenson, 338". 
Stoicism, 345. 
Stoic philosophy, 348. 
Stoics, 139, 319, 351, 359. 
Strabo, 4, 156", 315, 360. 
Sylleeus the Arabian, 183. 
Synagogue, 25 f., 36 f., 158, 192", 

305, 309- 

Syncretism, religious, 43 ff. ; in vi'hat 
respects reflected in the develop- 
ment of Judaism, 43 f., 370 ff.; 
sources to which traceable, 44 ff. 

Synoptic Gospels, 137, 151, 297, 

306, 309. 
Synoptists, 146, 408. 

Syria, 4, 106, iioff., 115, 121 f., 
124, 141, 156, 159, 164, 170, 
173". 174. 196, 200, 336. 




Syria, kings of, 221. 
Syrian paganism, 211. 

Tabernacles, Feast of, 118, 158, 189. 

Tacitus, 4, 8, 104. 

Talmud, 8, 40, 71", 145, 150, 183", 
190, 197 f., 203, 228. 

Targum, 192"; of Onkelos, 192" ; of 
Jonathan, 192". 

Targums, 6, 8, 326. 

Tekoah, 115. 

Temple, the, 26, 33, 36, 40, 47, 51, 
60, 64, 67, 69, 96, 100 ff., no, 
112 f., 126, 128, 131, 141, 149, 
158, 167, 169 f., 180, 185 f., 189, 
198, 200, 205, 225, 233, 265, 319, 
323, 350 ; worship of the, 44. 

Temple Mount, the, 109. 

Tertullian, 223, 393. 

Testaments of the XII. Patriarchs, 
228 ff., 243, 271, 275, 286; 
original language of, 400 f. ; 
date of, 402. 

Theocracy, 24, 66, 158, 166. 

Theodectes, 323". 

Theodore of Mopsuestia, 130. 

Theodorus, a Jewish Alexandrian 
poet, 349. 

Theopompus, 258, 323". 

TherapeutEE, 206. 

Thomson, 215", 239;,, 255. 

Tigranes, Armenian king, 164. 

Timagenes, 156!. 

Titus, 201, 243, 296. 

Tobiadse, family of the, 96, lOO. 

Tobias, 96". 

Toy, 80. 

Tryphon, 120 ff., 126. 

Tyre, 100 f., 379; ladder of, 157. 

Universalism and individualism in 

religion, 369. 
Uriel, the archangel, 224, 226, 


Ventidius, Roman general, 175. 
Vespasian, 243. 
Vulgate, the, 243. 

Ward, Orde, 301. 

Weiffenbach, 408. 

Weiss, Johann, 306, 310. 

Weizsacker, 366 f. 

Wellhausen, 64", 1 16", 121", 130, 
146", 149, 151, 153, 2I5«, 255, 
278", 305> 310, 376, 384 ff- 

Wendland, 321". 

Wendt, 42, 210", 397 ff. 

Willrich, 366, 419. 

Wisdom, 148 ; the Hebrew, 29, 
81 fi'., 276; hypostasis of, 84; 
literature, 38, 79 ff., 128, 203, 
210 ; movement, the, 63, 79, 

Wisdom of Solomon, 3, 8, 29, 92, 
256, 291, 337 ff. ; Hellenistic 
trend of, 338 ff. ; psychology 
of, 340 f. ; contains doctrines 
drawn from Stoic, Pythagorean, 
and Platonic schools, 339-341 ; 
comparatively free from anthro- 
pomorphisms, 341-342 ; Greek 
influence seen in the conception 
of Wisdom itself ; the doctrine of 
Wisdom intermediate between 
that of Old Testament and Logos 
of Philo, 342 f. ; its doctrine of 
retribution, 344 ; significance of 
book, 345 ; its standpoint 
Jewish-Alexandrian, 346. 

Wordsworth, 115. 

Zabadseans, 120. 
Zadok, 64, i5of., 380. 
Zarathustra (Zoroaster), 45 ff. 
Zarathustrianism, 46, 49. 
Zealots, 137, 169, I95ff., 255. 
Zechariah, 7, 63, 128, 132, 247, 

Zeller, 212, 358". 
Zend-Avesta, 46, 258. 
2S€rubbabel, 62, 378. 
Zeus, 276, 324. 
Zeus Olympios, 102 f. 
Zion, 53, 60, 267, 280. 
Zion, Mount, 110, 290. 
Zugoth, 144. 




Gen. i. . 


I Sam. XV. 22 


i. 2 . 


2 Sam. xxvi. 19 

• 374 

i. II . 

• 415 

I Kings iv. 29-31 


i. 27 . 

• 354 

viii. 27 

• 237 


• 354 

2 Kings xviii. 24 ff. 

• 374- 

ii. 5 . 

• 415 

I Chron. xvi. 8 ff. 

• 131 

ii. 19 . 

• 415 

xvi. 36a 

• 132 

iii. 14 


2 Chron. vi. 2 

• 41S 

V. 24 . 

• 223 

xvi. 12 


vi. 1-4 


82, 406 

Neh. ix. 13 . 


XV. 10 

• 354 

Job i. I 


xvii. I 


V. 4 . 


xxxii. I 


V. 17 . 


Ex. iii. 14 


Vll. . 


iv. 16 


xvi. 7 


XV. 3 . 




xviii. 19 


XX. 10 


xix. 18 


XX. 15 


xxi. 6 


xxi. 19 


xxiv. 10 


xxvii. 14 


Lev. xi. 7 




xi. 29 


Ps. i. I . 


xxiv. 16 


i. 2 . 


Num. XV. 27- 





xxi. 4ff. 


ii. II . 


XXV. 6 


iii. 5 . 


Deut. vi. 4-9 

26, 394 

iv. 5 . 


vii. 7f. 


V. 5 . 


vii. 8 


vi. 7 . 


X. 14 . 


viii. 6 


xi. 13-21 


xii. 6 . 


XXX. 14 


xii. 7 . 


xxxii. 8 


xiv. I 


Josh. iv. 24 


XV. 4 . 


xxii. 19 


xvi. i 







Ps. xvii. 15 
xix. II 
XX. 7 • 
xxii. 23 
xxiv. 4 
XXV. 10 
xxvi. 6 ft. 
xxviii. 4 
xxviii. 5 
XXX. 6 f. 
xxxi. 13 ft'. 
xxxiv. 12 
xxxiv. 13 
xxxiv. 14 
XXXV. 10 
xxxvii. 3 
xxxvii. 7 
xxxvii. 14 
xxxvii. 31 
xxxvii. 37 
xxxix. Q 

xl. eff. 

xl. S . 
xl. 10 
xlii. 8 
xlii. 9 ft", 
xliii. 5 
xliv. . 
xliv. 3 
xliv. 6 
xlvi. . 
xlix. 7 
I. 17, 22 
Hi. 6 . 
Hi. 8 . 
Iv. 14 
Iv. 18 
Ixi. 2 . 
Ixi. 2ff. 
Ixii. II 
Ixiii. 4 ft". 
Ixvi. 18 
Ixvii. 10 
Ixix. . 
Ixix. 9 
Jxix. 29 
Ixix. 30 f. 
Ixxii. 4 
Ixxiii. 6 
Ixxiii. 8 
Ixxiii. 15 
Ixxiii. 16 ft". 



. 75 














P.S. Ixxiii. 22 
Ixxiii. 23 
Ixxiii. 25 f. 
Ixxiv. 9 
Ixxviii. 7 
Ixxviii. 8 
Ixxviii. 37 
Ixxix. 2 f. 
Ixxx. . 
xc. 4 . 
xci. 3 ft". 
xcii. I f. 
xcvi. 9 

c. 3 • 

ci. 2ff. 

ciii. 18 
cv. 45 
cvi. 30 
cvi. 48 
cix. 8 
cix. 16 
cix. 22 

cxvi. 8 
cxvi. II 
cxix. . 
cxix. 46 
cxix. 53 
cxix. loS 
cxix. 144 
cxix. 164 
cxxii. 8 
cxxvii. 2 
cxxxiii. I 
cxxxix. 21 f. 
cxliv. . 
cxivi. 3 





Ps. cxlvii. I . . . • 75 

Ezek. xxxvi. 20 . . . 60 

cxlvii. 2 


xxxvi. 26 . 




Dan. i. 8 ff. 






Prov. i. 20 f. 


v. 27 . 

• 273 

iii. II 


vi. 10 


iii. 16 


vi. 10 ff. 


viii. 1-3 


vii. . 


viii. 15 


vii. 9 f. 


viii. 22 ff. 


vii. 23-26 

• 254 

viii. ix. 


vii. -viii. 


xi. 28 


viii. 15 

• 251 

xii. 21 


ix. 4 . 


xiii. 21 


ix. 27 

■ 103 

xiv. 34 


X. 13 • 


xvi. 4 


X. 13, 20 

49, 281, 416 

xvii. 6 




xviii. 22 


xi. 21-45 


xxiv. 27 


xii. I . 


xxix. 12, 14 


xii. 2 . 

222, 290 

XXX. 15, 18, 24 


xii. 4 . 




xii. II 


xxxi. I 


Hos. vi. 6 

■ 13, 17 

Eccles. iii. 21 


ix. 3 . 


iii. 18-22 


ix. 3ff. 

• 374 

Isa. i. 19 


xii. 4 . 

• 329 

vi. I . 


Obad. 8 


ix. 6 . 


]\Iic. vi. 8 


xiii,, xiv. 


Hag. ii. II 

■ 67 


. 27c 

), 403 f. 

Zech. iii. 9 


xxxviii. II 


iii. 10 

• 403 

xiii. 13 


iv. 4 . 

■ 250 

xliii. . 


ix. 13 


xiv. 13 




liv. 13 




Jer. xxix. il 


Mai. ii. 6 


xxxi. 31 ff. 


ii. 7 • 


xlix. 7 
L, li. . 



iii. 14 
iii. 16 

• 74, 78 
. 76 

Ezek. XXV. -xj 



iv. 5 . 

• 403 


(4) Esd. iii. 5-13 


2 (4) Esd. vii. 28 


iv. I7ff. . 


vii. 32 

• 286 

iv. 36 f. . 


vii. 36 


V. 4f. 


vii. 36-126 


V. 9 . . 


vii. 50 


V. 2i-vi. 34 


vii. 129 


vi. 24 


viii. 52 


vi 36-ix. 25 


ix. 26-x. 59 


vii. 26 


ix. 31 




2 (4) Esd. xi. 


• 51 

. 242 

Wisd. XV. 8 


• 341 

xi. 44 


xvi. 2 

• 343 

xiii. 1-58 


xvi. II 

• 339 

xiv. 1-50 

• 243 

xvi. 29 

• 393 

xiv. 5 

• 274 


• 338 

xiv. 22 


xvii. 2 

• 338 f- 

Tob. iii. 


xviii. 15 

• 343 

iv. 13 


xviii. 15 f. 

• 343 

xii. 8 . 


xix. 21 

• 339 

xii. 15 


Ecclus. (Prol 



• 363 

xiii, 16-18 


i. 14 . 

■ 147 

Jud. xvi. 17 


i. 26 f. 

. 147 

Wisd. i. I 

• 338 

ii. 1-6 

• 89 

i- 3 • 

• 343 

iv. I5ff, 

• 89 

i. 8 . 

• 343 

iv. 19 


i. 10 . 

• 342 

v. 6 . 

. 87 

i. 12 . 

• 343 

vii. 8 . 

. 87 

i. 14 . 

• 339 

ix. II 

• 87 

i. l6-ii. 24 


xi. 26 ff. 


ii. 2 . 

• 339 

xi. 28 


ii. 24 . 


xii. 6 . 


iii. I, 4 


xii. 7 . 


iii. 4 . 


xiv. i8f. 


iv. 18 


xvi. 12 


V. 16 . 


xviii. 24 


vi. I ff. 


xix. 22 


vi, 22 f. 


xxi. 9 


vii. 16 


xxiv. , 


vii. 21 


xxiv, 8 ff. 


vii. 22 f. 


xxiv. 10 


vii, 23 


xxiv. 33 


vii, 25 f. 


XXV. I, 7 


vii. 26 


xxxii. 14 . 


viii, 4 


xxxiii. 2 


viii. 6 


xxxvii. 23 . 


viii. 20 


xxxvii. 36 . 


ix. 2 . 


XXX viii. 1-8 


ix. 4 . 


xxxviii. 15 . 


ix. 7 f. 


xxxviii. 33 

70, 147 

ix. 15 


xxxix. I f. . 


ix. l6f. 


xxxix. 2 ff. 


X. 4 . 


xxxix. 6 


X. 20 . 


xii. 10 


xi. 16 


xiv. 23 


xi. 20 


1. I . 


xi. 23-xii. I 


1. I-2I 

35, 3S0 

xii. I . 


Ii. 12 . 


xii. 27 


I Mace. i. II- 

15 • 


xiii. 3 


i. 36 . • 


xiii. 3 f. 


ii. 26. 


xiii. 5 


ii. 42 . 


xiv. 2 f. 


iii. 2, 6 


xiv. 3 


iii. 26 


xiv. 21 


iii. 50 






I Mace. iii. 59 f. . • • 1 14 

I (Ethiopic) Enoch xU. i 273 

iv. 10 


xiv. 4 ff. . 

. 289 

iv. 26 ff. 


xlvi. 8 

. 288 

iv. 42 f. 


xlviii. 8f. . 


iv. 46 


29, 250 

li. I . 

. 286 

'V. 59 


li. 4 . . 


vi. II 

. 98 

li. 5 . . 


vii. 13 


Ixi. 5 

. 286 

vii. 17 

. 132 

Ixii. 13 


viii. , 

• 376 

Ixii. 14 

. 289 

viii. I, 12 



. 226 

viii, 8 

• 377 



viii. 15 

• 377 

Ixxxv.-xc. . 

. 270 

viii. 16 

• 377 

Ixxxix. f, . 

• 404 

viii. 17 


xc. 9 . 


ix. 27 

38, 250 

xc. 21 f. 


ix. 54 


xc. 28 f. . 


ix. 73 


xc. 37 


X. 65 . 




25, 286 

X. 66 . 


xci. 8, 17 . 

. 288 

xi. 27 


xcii. I 

. 256 

xii. 1-23 


Testaments of the XII. 


xiv. 4-15 


archs, i.-x.* 


xiv. 41 

126, I 

50, 2 

5o> 380 

X. ''-xviii. 


XV. 6 . 


Reuben iv. i 


xvi. 16-24 


Simeon vi., vii. 


2 Mace. i. 24 



Levi ii., iv., xvi. 


i. 27 . 


vi. 10 


ii: ^3 • 


xiii. 5 




Judah ii. 2 . 


iii. 4ff. 


iii. 3 


iv. 10-15 


xix. 2 


iv. II 


Zebulon viii,, ix. 




Dan. i. 4 . 


vii. II 


Naphtali vi. 2 


ix. 14 




xii. 16 


Asher vii. . 


xiii. 7 


Benjamin xi. 


xiv. 3. 7 


Jubilees i. 29 . 


I (Ethiopic) E 




ii. 2, 18 . 




24, 286 

iv. 30 




vi. 35 


V. 9 . 


xxiii. 25 




xxiii. 27-30 


31, 288 



xxiii. 29 


xii. 3 f. 


Psalter of Solomon 

i. 2 . 


xiv. I7ff. . 


i. 8 , 


XV. I. 


ii. . 




ii. I . 


xviii. 15 


ii. 19. 


xxi. 6 


ii. 26 f. 




24, 226 

iii. II 


xxxvii. 2 f. , 


iii. 12 


xxxviii. I . 


iii. 16 




Psalter of Solomon viii. 5 

viii. 12 f. 

viii. 15 

viii. 16 

viii. 19 

viii. 20 

xi. 2 f. 

xiv. 2 

XV. 13 

xvii. 6 

xvii, 7 

xvii. 1 1 f. 

xvii. 21 ff. 

xvii. 30 f. 
2 (Slavonic) Enoch 



xxiii. 6 


Iviii. 5 

Ixviii. 2 

Ixxi. 9 
Assumption of Moses i. 


x, i. . 
Apocalypse of Baruch xii. 5 


Apocalypse of Baruch xxvii. . 


XXX. . . . . 


xxxii. 2-4 . 


XXXV. -xl. . 


1. 2 . 


li. I ff. 


liii.-lxxiv. . 


Iv.-lxxiv. . 




Ixxxv. I2f. 


The Sibyllines iii. / 

, 16 


iii. 22 


iii. 25 


iii. 46 ff. 


iii. 162-807 


iii. 271 


iii. 591 f. . 


iii. 612 ff. . 


iii. 652-807 


iii. 7iof. . 


iii. 732 ff. . 


iii. 760 ff. . 

. 245 

iii. 796-807 

. 245 

iii. 798 ff. . 


iv. 26 



Matt. V. 18 . 




1. x:liti. j-iixt X 

Mark ii. 19 . 


v. 20 . 


ii. 2\b 


V. 43 . 


iii. 6 . 


vi. 1-8 


vii. 8f. 


vii. 12 


vii. 9 . 


X. 23 . 


ix. I . 


xii. 28 


X. 30. 


xiv. 19 


xii. 13 


86, 386 

XV. 6 . 


xii. 40 


xvi. 2f. 


xiii. . 


xvi. 28 


xiii. I 


xvii. 21 


xiii. 7-8 


xxii. 16 


xiii. 10 


xxii. 26 

. 386 

xiii. 14-20 


xxiii. 2 


xiii. 24-27 


xxiii. 6f. 


xiii. 30 


xxiv. . 

• 299 

xiii. 30-31 


xxiv. 14 

. 298 

xiii. 32 

275> 2 

96, 407 

xxiv. 34 

• 297 

xiii. 34-37 


xxiv. 36 

• 275 

Luke iv. 17 


xxvi. 13 

. 298 

xi. I f. 


xxvi. 64 


xi. 20 


Mark ii. 18 


xi. 48 




Luke xvi. 17 


Acts xxiii. 14 


xvii. 8 


Rom. vii. 7 ff. 


xviii. 9 


xiv. 6 


xviii. 12 


I Cor. vii. 5 


xviii. 30 


xvi. 2 


XX. 20 


2 Cor. iv. 4 


xxi. . 


vi. 5 . 


xxi. 24 


xii. 2f. 


John i. 14 


Gal. iv. 26 


ii. 19 . 


Eph. iv. 10 


iv. 9 . 


iv. 12 


V- 39 • 


iv. 14 


vii. 35 


I Thess. ii. i- 



vii. 49 


Heb. vii. 26 


ix. 22 


xii. 22 


xii. 31 


Jas. i. I 


Acts ii. 9-1 1 


I Pet. i. I 


iv. 5 . 


iii. 19 


iv. 23 


2 Pet. iii. 5 ff. 


V. 17 . 


iii. 8 . 


vi. 5 . 


Jude 5, 13 


viii. 26 


19 . 




Rev. i. 4 


xii. 15 


ii. 10 . 


xiii. 3 


iii. 12 


xiii. 15 


viii. 2 


xiii. 50 




51, 405 

xiv. 23 


xiii. . 


XV. 10 


xix. 9 


xvii. 4 


XX. 4, 20 


xxi. 38 


xxi. I 


xxiii. 9 


37, 139 




Antiquities, ii 

8. 12 

• 394 

Antiquities, xvii. 6 

I . .172 

viii. 2. 5 


xvii. 13. 3 . 

• 207, 394 

xii. 4. 2-4 

. 96 

xviii. I. 5 . 


xii. II. 2 


xviii. 8. 3 . 

• 139 

xiii. 3. I 

■ 179 

xviii. 10. 6 

• 153 

xiii. 5. 9 

• 139 

XX. 2. 4 

. 368 

xiii. 9. 3 

• 368 

Jewish Wars (cited 


xiii. II. 2 

• 394 

i. 8. 5 . 

. 166 

xiii. II. 3 

1 55 f-, 368 

ii. 8. 2 

• 394 

xiii. 16. 3 


ii. 8. 5 . 

207, 392, 394 

xiv. 4. 2 

. 167 

ii. 8. 6 

206, 394 

xiv. 7. 2 

316, 366 

ii. 8. 14 . 

• 139 

xiv. 9. 2 

. 172 

ii. 16. 4 

. 366 

xiv. 9. 5 

• 173 

ii. 20. 2 

. 368 

xiv. 10. 13 

• 368 

Against Apion, ii. 

17 . . 24 

XV. 10. 5 


ii. 18 . 


XV. 15. 5 

• 394 

ii. 19 . 


xvi. . 


ii. 39 . 

12, 368 

2. PHILO. 

Vita Mosis, ii. 4 


Sermo, ii. 107 


ii. 168 


Quis rer. div. hoeres, 28 ff. 


Leg. ad Caium 

25, 28, 31 

> 350 

De Confus. ling. 20 


De spec. leg. ii. 5 


De Migr. Abr. 7 . 


iii. I . 


De Vita Contemplativa . 


iii. 34 


Quod omnis probus liber 



Pirke Ab6th ii. 8 . 

13. 69 

Ta'anith 23a 

iv. 10 . . . 


Berachoth iv 

Shabbath, fol. iii. 3 




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