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"I Bal Gangadhar Tilak 




r. GoOylc 


First Eddtkm - AprU, 1918 
Enlarged Edition, February, 1919 

D,mi,.=db, Google 


" Home Rule is my birthrigbt " 

" There are higher powers that rule 
-the destiny of things and it may be the will of 
Providence that the cause I represent may 
prosper more by my Buffering than by my 
j-emaining free."— B. O. Tilak. 




(-^♦vVl^A^i^^^ ';' 


Anireciatioo ■ ... 

... 1 

A Standaid Character for lodiao lai^uagas 

.... 27 

The Bhamta Dhartna Mahamandala ... 

... 35 

The Political Situation (1906) 

... 42 

Is Shivaji not a National Hwo ? 

.r. 48 

Honest Swadeshi 

... 52 

Tenets of the New Party (1907) ... . 

... 55 

The SUvaji Festival 

.„ 68 

National Education 

... SI 

... 90 

Congress Compromise 

...- 98 

Speech at Belganm (Home Rule, 1916) ... 

... 10+ 

Do Ahmednagar do 

... 158 

Sec<md do do 

... 163 


... 201 

Home Rale COTferenca, Luckuow 

... 207 

Home Rule (Speech at Akob) , , ..* 

... 210 

Do (^wech at Cawnpore) 

... 216 

Do (Speech at Yeotmal] 

.... 225 

<Hta R^baaya ... 

..; 231 

'The Rights of the Poor Raiyat, 

... 236 

Hame Rule (Speech at Nasik) ' 

... 2+1 

Kaima Yoga and Swaraj ... 

... 2+5 

Home Rale (Speech at Allahabad) 

... 249 

Do , <lo - 

... 254 

The National Demand 

... 2fe5 

■ D,<iz=<i„ Google 


<: CoMen0 _ 

^ -'.-*■-,' ifAQE- 

Shiahir Kumar Ghose 'f , ... * t>J- ■' •'■ 2%l 

AliBrothwrs. !.. ... ... ." ... ZS8 

SwfUBJya (S|«ecb at Godbia) ... ... 292 

'Do , XSpesch at Amraoti) ... ... 29h 

PoliticBl Creed ... ... ^. ... 301 

Mr. Gokhale ... .... -,... ...303 

Speech at Athani ... ... ^ ... 306 

Sslf-Govenimem ... ^. ... 310 

Second Home Rule Ci$nfereDce, Bombay ^ ... 317 

Indian Depatation at Madras ... ... 320 

BepliLto the addresses of the Mafarattas and Andhras. 326 

Honn Rule (Speecb at Madras) ... ... 332 

The Present Situation ... ... ... 343 

National Education' ... ... ... 367 

Refoim Scheme... ... ... ... 369 

Tbe Swadeshi Movement ... ... ... 373 

Priaciplos of the Nationalist Party (Surat) ... 376 

, Meeting of the Nationalist Delegates (Snrat) ... 382 

Mr. Tilak's Letter to the Press ... ». 390' 

Public Address and His Reply ... ...395 

Sell-Reliance ... ... ... ... 401 

Loyalty Resolution ... ... ... 404 

,., Google 



Neither Mr. Tilak nor his speeches ' really 
require any presentation or foreword. His epeechee 
are, like the featureless Brabman', selMuminoua. 
Straightforward, lucid, never turning aside from the 
point which they mean to hammer in or wrapping 
it up in ornamental verbiage, they read like a series 
of self-evident propositions. A.nd Mr. Tilcdc himselfT 
Ms career, bis place in Indian politics are also 
a self-evident proposition, a hard favt bafQiag and 
dismaying in the last degree to those to wbom 
his name has been anathema and his increasing 
pre-eniinenoe figured as a portent of evil. The 
condftion of things in India being given, the one 
possible aim for political effort resulting and the 
S0I9 means and spirit by which it could be brought 
about, this man had to come and, once in the field, 
had to come to the front. He could not but stand 


in the end where he''Btands to-dsyj asnsneoftbe 
t*fp or tttree leaders of the Indian pebple who are 
10 ttielV^g^es the incarnations of the national 
«iideavour and the (Todgiven captains of the 
national aspiration. His life, bis character, his 
work aiid endurance, Ifie acceptance by the heart < 
and the mind of the people are a stronger argument 
than all the reasonings in his speeches, powerful as 
these are, for Swaraj, Self-government, Home Rule, 
by whatever name we may call the sole possible 
present aim of our effort, the freedom of the life of 
India, its self-determination by the people of India. 
Argun^ts and speeches, do not win liberty for a 
nation ; but where there is a will in the natign to be 
free and a man to embody that will in every action 
of his life and to devote bis days to its realisation 
in the face of every difficulty and every suffering, 
and where the will of the nation has once said, 
"This man and his life mean what I have in my 
heart and my purpose," that is a sure signpost of 
the future which no one has any excuse for 

That indomitable will and that unwavering devo- 
tion have been the whole meaning of Mr. Tilak's 
life ; they are the reason of bis immense hold on 
the people. For be does not owe his pre-eminent 
position to any of the canses which' have usually 
made for political leading in India, wealth tand 
great social position, professional euocess, recogni- 
tion by Q-overnment, a power of fervid oratory or of 



Atimf^Kft>jviot &3* Babu Aurglnndo Gkose / 

fluent and taking speebh ; for he had none of these 
t^togB to'^helfl him. He owes it to himself alone 
and to the thing his life has meant and bepa^ise he 
has meant it with his whole mind and his whole 
soul. He has kept back nothing for himself or for 
other aims, but has given all himself to bis ceuntry. 
Yet is At. Tilak a man of various and no 
ordinary gifts, and in several lines of life ha might 
have achieved present distinction or a pre-etniaent 
and enduring fame. Though be has never practised, 
he has a close knowledge of law and an acute fSgal 
mind which, had he cared in the least degree for 
wealth and worldly position, would hiave brought 
him to the front at the bar. He is a great Sanskrit ' 
scholar, a powerful writer and a strong, subtle and i 
laoid thinker. He mig^t have filled a large place 
in the field of contemporary Asiatic scholarship, 
Even as it is, his Orion and his Arctic Home have 
acquired at once a world-wide recogaitioo and left 
as strong a mark as can at all be imprinted on the 
ever-ehifting sands of oriental research. His work 
on the Gita, no mere comme ntary, but an or^ma l 
criticism and pfaaeiltation of einioa l trath, is a 
mon u me ntitl wuffc, t he'fir st prose writing of t he 
fronri'auk iu WtJiKlilTana itnportancB m ^^^aT^arathi 
lai^aage,-tnnl likely Id beconae a crassic.' ' This one 
book sunioiently p roves that had he devoted his 
ena i^i e » _ in this direction, he mig ht easily have 
SUed a large place^ n the history of Marathi 
■lUerature and in the history of ethical thought. 


\ Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak ! 

' * 
80 subtle &nd comprehensive is its thinking, so 
great tbs perfection and satisfying force of its atyre. 
* But it was psychologically impossible for Mr. Tilak 
to devote his energies in any great degree to 
another action than the one life-miBsion for wliich 
the Master of his works had chosen him. Hie 
powerful literary gift haS been given up to a 
journalistic work, ephemeral as even the best j 
journalistic work niustbe, but consistently brilliant, I 
vigorous, politically educative through decades, to | 
an *%xtent seldom matched and certainly never 
surpassed. His scholastic labour has been done 
almost by way of recreation. iN'or can any- 
thing be more significant than the fact that 
the works *hich have brought him a fame other 
than that of the politician and patriot, were 
done in periods of compulsory cessation from 
his life-work, — planned and partly, if not wholly 
executed during the imprisonments which could 
alone enforce leisure upon this unresting worker 
for his country. Even these by-products of his 
genius have some reference to the one passion of his ^ 
1 life, the renewal, if not the surpassing of the past 
1 greatness of the nation by the greatness of its- 
future. , His vedic researches^ seek to fix its pre- 
historic poinTor^eparture ; the Oita-rahasoa takes ' 
the scripture" wh'icfils~perTiaps thestfongest and 
most comprehensive production of Indian spirjtus- 
lity and justifies to that spirituality by its own 
aathorttative ancient message the sense of the- 
' 4 ■ 


An AppreciakoM by Babu AunAindo Ghaae 

importance of lif«, of aotioa, of human eziatence, of 
mas's laMur for mankind which is indispensable^ to 
the idealism of the modern spirit. 

The landmarks of Mr. Tilak's life are landmarks 
also in the history of his provinde and his country. 
His first great step associated bica in a pioneer work 
whose motive was to educate the people for a new 
life under the new conditions, ton the one sidtf, a 
purely eduoatiuaal movement of which the fruit was 
the Fei^uson CoUege.fitlx fouodiag the reawakej^isg 
of the country by an effort of which co-operq^ion 
in self-sacrifice was the moving spirit, on the other, 
the initiation of the Keaari newspaper, which since 
then has figured iocreasiagly as the characteristic 
and powerfuL expression of the political mind of 
Maharashtra. Mr. Tilak's career h^s counted three 
periods each of which had an imprisonment for its 
culminating point. ZTis first imprisonment in the 
Kolhapur case belongs to this first stage of self- 
development and development of the Uahratta 
country for new ideas and activities and for the 
national future. 

The second period brought in a wider conoeption 
and a profounder effort. For now i( was to reawaken 
not only the political mind, but the soul of the people 
tty linMog its future to its past; it worked by a 
more strenuous and popul&r propaganda which 
reached its height in the organisation of the Shivaji 
and the Ganapati festivals. His separation from the 
social reform^ leader, Agarkar, had opened the way 


£,oi. Bal'Gangadhar Tilak 1 

for the peculiar r61e which be has played as 'a 
trusted and accredited leader of conBervative and 
religiouB India in the paths of democratic politics. 
It was this position which enabled him to effect the 
union of the new polijical spirit with the tradition 
and sentiment of the historia past and of both with 
the ineradicable religious temperament of the people 
of Vhich these ft^tivais were the symbol. The 
congress movement was fQr a long time purely 
occidental in its mind, character and methods, 
confined to the English-educated few, founded on the 
political rights and interests of the people read in 
the light of English history and European ideals, 
but wi^ no roots either in the past of the country 
or in the inner spirit of the nation. Mr. Tilak was 
- the first political leader to break through the routine 
of its somewhat academical methods, to bridge the 
gulf between the present and the past and to restore 
continuity to the politjcal life of the nation. He 
developed a langut^e and a spirit and he used 
methods which indianised themovement and brought 
into it the masses. To his work of this period we 
owe that really living, strong and readily organised 
movement in Mebarashtra which has shown ita 
enei^y and sincerity in more than one crisis and 
struggle. This divination of the mind and Vipirit of 
his people and its neeiTs and this power to seize on 
the right way to call it forth prove strikingly the 
political genius of Mr. Tilak; they made him the 
ope man predestined to lead them in this trying and- 

An Appreoiption by Babu Aurohindo Ghoae f 

difficult period when all has to be discovered and 
all has to be reconstructed. What wa3 done theo 
\>Y Mr. Tilak in Maharashtra has been initiated for 
all India by the- swadeshi movement. To bring ia 
the 'mass of the people, to found the greatness of the 
future on the greatness of Che past, to infuse Indian 
politics with Indian religious fervour and spiritua- 
lity, are the indispensable conditions for a gre^ and 
powerful political awakening in India. Others, 
writers, thinkers, spiritual leaders, had seen this 
truth. _ Mr. Tilak was the first to bring it iifCb the 
actual field of practical politics. This second t>eriod 
of his labour for his country culminated in a longer 
and'harsher imprisonment which was, as it were, 
the second seal of the divine hand upon his work ; 
for there can be no diviner seat than suffering for a 

A third period, thatof the swadeshi movement, 
brought Mr. Tilak forward prominently as an All- 
India leader ; it gave him at last the wider field, the 
greater driving power, the larger leverage he needed 
to bring hie life-work rapidly to a head, and not only 
in Maharashtra but thrpughout the country. The 
incidents of tbat period are too fresh in memory to 
need recalling. From the inception of the Boycott 
to th« Surat catastrophe and his last and longest im- 
prisonment, which was ifs sequel, the name and 
Work of Mr. Tilak are a part of Indian history. 
These three imprisonments, each showing more 
clearly the moral stufi and quality of the man under 

\ Lok. Bat Gangadhar Tilak 

the test and glare of suffering, have been the tbre^ 
seals of luB career. The first found him oa6 of a 
> small knot of pioneer workers ;^t marked him out to 
be the strong and inflexible leader of a strong and 
sturdy people. The second found him already the 
iDBpiring power of a j^eat reawakening of the 
Maraths spirit ; it left him an uncrowned king in the 
Decern and gav^ him that high reputation through* 
out India, which was the ioundation-stone of his 
preoent commanding influence. The last found him 
the Iteder of an All-India party, the foremost 
exponent and head of a thorough-going Nationalism: 
it sent him back to be one of the two or three fore- 
most men of India adored and followed by^the whole 
nation. He now stands in th6 last period of bis life- 
lor^ toil for his country. It is one in which for the 
first time some ray of immediate hope and near ' 
success shines upon a cau^ which at one time 
seemed destined to a long frustration and fulfilment 
only perhaps after a century of labour, struggle and 

The qualities which have supported him and given 
him his hard-earned suopess, have been com- 
paratively rare in Indian politics. The first is his 
entirely representative character as a born leader for 
the sub-nation to whioh he belongs. India is a imity 
full of diversities and it; strength as well as its 
weakness is rooted in those diversities :' the vigotfr 
of its national life can exist only by the vigour of its 
regional life. Therefore in politics as in everything 


An Appreoiafion by Babu Aanbittda Ghose ' 

-ejae a leader, to have a firm basis for his life-work, 
must bulM it upon a living work and influence in his 
own sub-race or proTin(!e. No man was more fitted 
to do this than Mr. Tilak. He is the very type and 
incarnation of the Maratha character, the Maratha 
guelitieB, the Maratha spirit, but with the unified 
solidity in the character, the touch of genius in the 
qualities, the vital force in the ^irit which make a 
great personality readily the representative man of 
his people. The Maratha race, as their soil and 
their history have' made them, are a rugged, s^ong 
^nd sturdy people, democratic in their every fibre, 

-keenly intelligent and practical to the very marrow, 
following in ideas, even in poetry, philosophy and 
religion the drive towards life and action, capable of 
great fen^our, feeling and enthusiasm, like all Indian 
peoples, but not emotional idealists, having in their 
thought and speech always a turn for strength, sense, 
accuracy, lucidity and vigour, in learning and 
scholarship patient, industrious, careful, thorough 
and penetrating, in life simple, hardy and frugal, in 
their temperament courageous, pugnacious, full of 

^spirit, yet with a tact in dealing with hard facts 
and circumventing obstacles, shrewd yet aggressive 
diplomatists, born politicians, born fighters. All 
this l&r.' Tilak is with a singular and eminent 
completeaees, and all on a lurge scale, adding to it 
all^ lucid simplicity of genius, a secret intensity, 
an inner strength of will, a singtemindedness in 

■aim of quite extraordinary force, which remind 
9 ■ 

.Coo;ilc ' 

* L6k. Bat Gangadhar Tilak 

one of the brightness, sharpness and perfect trtnpar 
of a fine sword bidden in a sober ecabbard. As- 
he emerged on the political field, bis people saw 
more and more clearly in him tbeir representative 
man, themselves in large, the genius of tbeir type. 
They felt him to be of one spirit and make with the 
. great men who had made tbeir past history, almost 
beli^yed him to be^ reincarnation of one of them 
returned to carry out his old work in anew ferm and 
undj^ new conditions. They beheld in him the spirit 
of . Maharashtra once again embodied in a great 
individual. He occupies a position in his province 
which hag no parallel in the rest of India. 

On the wider national field also Mr. Tilak has rare 
qualities which fit him for the hour and the work. He 
is in no sense what his enemies have called hitn, a 
demagogue : he has not the loose suppleness, the 
oratorical fervour, the facile appeal to the passions 
which demagogy requires ; bis speeches are too much 
made up of hard and straight thinking, he is too 
much a man of serious and practical action. Kone 
more careless of mere effervescence, emotional 
applause, popular gush, public ovations. He tolerates 
them since popular euthusiasm will express itself in 
that way ;* but he has always C^en a little imnatient 
of them as dissipative of serious strength and will 
and a waste of time add energy which might better 
have been solidified and devoted to effective work. 
But be is entirely a democratic politician, of "a type 
not very common among our leaders, one who can, 


An Appreetation by Babu Aurobindo Ghose 

both awaken the spirit of the mass and Respond to 
their spirit, able to lead them, but also able'to see 
where he must follow the lead of their predominant 
sense and will and feelings. He moves among his 
followers as one of |;hen^ in a perfect equality, 
simple aud familiar in his dealings with them.'by 
the very force of his temperament and character, 
open, plain and direct and thoOgh capable of great 
reserve, yet, wherever necessary, in his speech, 
admitting them into his plans and ideas a^ one - 
taking counsel of them, taking their sensw even 
while enforcing as much as possible his own view 
of policy and action - with all the great strength of 
quiet will at his command. He has that closeness 
of spirit to the mass of men, that unpretentious 
openness of intercourse with them, that faculty of 
plain and direct speech which interprets their 
feelings and shows them how to think out what 
they feel, which are pre-eminently the democratic 
qualities. For this reason he has always been able 
to unite all classes of men behind him, to be the 
leader not only of the educated, but of the people, 
the merchant, the trader, the villager, the peasant. 
AH Maharashtra understands him when be ^eaks 
or writes; all Maharashtra is ready to follow him- 
when'he acts. Into his wider field. in the troubled 
Swadeshi tidies he carrie(f the same qualities and > 
the same power of democratic leadership. 

It is equally a mistake to think of Mr. Tilak aa 

by nature a revolutionary leader ; that is not his' 


* Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak . 

character or his political temperameat. Tfa« lodian* 
, peoples generally, with the possible exoeptioo of 
emotional and idealistic Bengal, have nothing or 
very little of the revolutionary temper ; ithey can bo 
goaded to revolution, like any and every people oa 
the face of the earth, tint they have no natural 
disposition to-wards it. They are capable of large 
idealb aud fervent eBthusiasms. sensitive in feeling 
and liable to gusts of passionate revolt which are 
eaail {^appeased by even an appearance of concession; 
but naturally they are conservative in temperament 
and deliberate in action. Mr. Tilak, though a strong- 
willed man and a fighter by nature, has this much of 
the ordinary Indian temperament, that with a large 
mind open to progressive ideas he unites a conser- 
vative temperament strongly in touch with the 
sense of bis people. In a free India he would 
probably have figured as an advanced Liberal states- 
man eager for national progress and greatness, but 
as careful of every step, as firm and decided in it and 
always seeking to carry the conservative instinct of 
the nation with him in every change. He is besides 
a born Pailiamentarian, a leader for the assembly, 
though always in touch with the people outside as 
tbe'constant source of the mandate and the final 
referee in differences. He loves a clear ani^fixed 
. procedure which he caa abide by and use, even 
while making the mo^t of its detail8,~«-of which t&e 
theory and practice would be always at his finger 
ends, — to secure a practical advantage in the stri^gle 


An Appreciation by Babu Aurdbindo GkQse / 

of parties. He alvra^e set a high value on the Coo- 
£res8 for this reasoa ; be saw in it a ceptraiising - 
body, an instrument and a first, though yet shape- 
less, essay at a popular assembly. Many after Surat 
spoke of him as the deliberate breaker of the 
Congress, but to do one wa^the catastrophe so great 
a blow as to Mr. Tilak. He did nob love the 
do-nothingness of that assembly, but he valued it 
both as a great national faot attd for its unrealised 
possibilities and hoped to make of it - a central 
organization for practical work. To destro/ an. 
existing and useful institution was alien to hM way 
of seeing and would not have entered into his ideas 
or his wishes. 

Moreover, though he has ideals, he is not an 
idealist by character. Once the ideal fixed, alt the 
rest ia for him practical work, the facing of hard 
facts, though also the overcoming of them when 
they stand in the way of the goal, the use of strong 
and effective means with the utmost care and 
prudence copsistent with the primary need of as- 
rapid an effectivity as will and earnest action can 
bring about. Though he can be obstinate and iron- 
willed when his mind is made up as to the necessity 
of a course of action or the indispensable'recognition 
of a principle, he is always ready for a compromise 
whicli vrill allow of getting real work done, and rfill 
ta^e willingly half a loaf rather than no bread,, 
though always with a full intention of getting the- 
whole loaf in good time. But he will not accept 


\ Lok. Bal Gangfldhar TOak 

chaff or plaster in place of ^ood bread. 'Sot does ho - 
like to go.t90 far ahead of possibilities, anrt indeed 
has often shown in this respect a caution highly 
disconcerting to the more impatient of his followers. 
But neither would he idistake, like the born 
Moderate, the minimum effort and the minimum 
immediate aim for the utmost possibility of the 
moc^ent. Such a man' is so natural revolutionist, 
but a constitutionalist by temper, though always in 
such times necessarily the leader of an adyaticed 
party«or section, A clear constitution he can use,- 
ameifS and enlarge would have suited bim much 
better than to break existing institutions and get 
a clear field for innovations which is the natural 
delight of the revolutionary temperament. 

This character of Mr. Tilak's mind explains his 
attitude in social reform. He is no dogmatic 
reactionary. The Maratha people are incapable of 
either the unreasoning or too reasoning rigid con* 
servatism or of the fiery iconoclasm which can exist 
side by side, — they are often only two sides of the 
same temper of mind, — in other parts of India. It 
is attached to its social institutions like all people 
who lives close to the soil, but it has always shown 
a readiness* to adapt, loosen and accomodate them in 
practice to the pressure of actual needs. If r, Tilak 
shares this general temperament and attitiide^of his 
people. But there have also been other reasqns 
which a strong political sense has dictated ; and first, 
-the clear perception thait the political ifiovemeat 


An Appremation by Babu Aurobtftdo ,Ghoae I 

could not a£Ford to cut itself off from the grsat mass 
of the nation or split itself up into warring'faotions 
by a' premature assoolation of the social rsforui 
question with politics. The proper time for that, a 
politician would naturally feel, is when the countrT 
has a free assembly of its owb which can consult the 
needs or carry out the mandates of the people. 
Moreover, he has felt strongly that political emaaci- 
patioa was the one pressing need for the people of 
India and that all else not directly connected with 
-it must take a second place ; that has b'eeif 'the 
principle of his own life and he has held ttfat it 
-should be the principle of the national life at the 
present hour. Let us have first liberty and the 
organised control of the life of the nation, afterwards 
we can see how we should use it in social matters ; 
meanwhile let us move on without noise and strife^ 
only so far as actual need and advisability demand 
and the sense of the people is ready to advance. 
This attitude may be right or wrong ; but, Mr, Tilat 
being what he is and the nation being what it is, he 
could take no other. 

If, then, Mr. Tilak has throughout bis life been an 
exponent of tlie idea of radical change in politics and 
during the swadeshi agitation the head of a party 
which could be called extremist, it is due to that 
clear practical sense, essenti|il in a leader of politiciU 
action, which seizes at once on the main necessity 
and goes straight without hesitation or deviatioa to 
the indispensable meaus. There are always two 


^ toft. Bal Gattgadhar Taak 

classes of political mind : one is pre-ncoupied viXh- 
details fitr their ovm sake, revels in tbe petty points 
of the moment and puts away into the background' 
the great principles and the great necessities, the 
other sees rather these first and always and details- 
only in relation to thetn. Tbe one type moves in 
a routine circle which may or may not have an 
issite ; it cannot see the forest for the trees and it is 
only by an accident that it stumbles, if at all, on the- 
way out. The other type tat es a mountain-top view 
of tS% goal and all the directions and keep that 
'in their mental compass through all the deflections, 
retardations and tortuoeities which the character of 
the intervening country may compei them to accept •■ 
bst these tbey abridge as much as possible. The 
former class arrogate the name of statesman in their 
own day ; it is to the latter that posterity concedes i^ 
and sees in them the true leaders of great move-- 
ments. Mr. Tilab, like all men of pre-eminent 
political genius, belongs to this second and greater 
order of mind. 

Moreover in India, owing to the divorce of politi- 
cal activity from the actual government and 
administration of the affairs of the country, an 
academical turn of thought iri too oommon in our- 
dealings with politics. But Mr. Tilak has^ never 
been an academical poli^cian, a" student of potitios" 
meddling with action ; bis turn has always been 
to see actualities and move forward in their Hgbt. It 
was impossible for him to view the facts and needs- 

An Appredatiim by Babu Aurobindo Ghote 

of current Indian politics of the nineteenth centurr 
in the pure serene or the dim religioufi light of 
the Witenagemot and the Magna Charta and the 
constitutional history of England during the past 
seven centuries, or to accept the academic sophism 
of a gradual preparation ftr liberty, or merely to 
discuss isolated or omnihus grievaaces and strive to 
enlighten the darkness of the ofgcial mind by lutnin- 
oue speeches and resolutions, as was the general 
practice of Congress politics till 190d> 'A national 
agitation in the country which would mak^ the 
Congress movement a living and acting force was 
always his ideal, and what the Congress would not 
do, he, when still an isolated leader of a handful of 
enthusiasts in a corner of the country, set out to do- 
in bis own strength and for his own hand. He saw 
from the drst that for a people circumstanced like 
Qurs there could be only one political question and 
one aim, not the gradual improv ement of the present 
administration into something in the end funda- 
mentally the opposite of itself, but the early 
substitution of Indian and national for English and 
bareau<^ratic control in the affaire of India. A subject 
nation does not prepare itself by gradual progresa 
for liberty; it o0ens by liberty its way to rapid 
progre^. The only progress that has to be made in 
the preparation for liberty, jfi 'progress, in the 
awakening of the national spirit and in the oreatioa 
of the will to be free and the will to adopt the neces- 
sary meane and bear the necessary sacriiioes for 


. Lok. Bat Gattgadhar Tilak \ 

liberty. It is these clear perceptions that ha^ 
regulated*his political career. . 

Tiierefore the whole of the Srst part of his political 
life was devoted to a vigorous and living propaganda 
for the reawakening and solidifTiog of the national 
life of Maharashtra. Therefore, too, when , the 
Swalieshi agitation ^ve first opportunity of a large 
movement in the same sense throughout India, he 
seize^d on it with avidity, while his past work in 
Maharashtra, his position as the leader of a small 
advanced section in the old Congress politics and 
his character, sacrifices and sufferings, at once fixed 
the choice of the New Party on him as their 
predestined leader. The same master idea made 
him seize on the four main points which the Bengal 
agitation had thrown^ into some beginning of 
practical form, Swaraj, Swadeshi, National Educa- 
tion and Boycott, and formulate them into a 
definite programme, which he succeeded in intro- 
ducing among the resolutions of the Congress at 
the Calcutta session, — much to the detriment of the 
uniformity of sage ,and dignified impotence which 
had characterised the august, useful and calmly 
leisurely proceedings of that temperate national 
body. We all know the convulsion that fi^Uowed 
the injection of this fgreign matter ; but we must 
see why Mr. Tilak insisted on administering 
annually so potent a remedy. The four resolutioos 
were for him tbe first step towards' shaking th« 


An Apptvaialian &y Babu Aurabindo Ohos4 m 

X^ongress out of its torpid tortoise-lika gait and 
"turaiog i^ ioto a living and acting body. ' 

Swaraj, complete and early self-go vera meat ia 
whatever form, had the merit in hia eyes of making 
■definite and near to the national vision the one '' 
thing needful, the one aim'that mattered, the one 
-essential change that iactudes all the others. No 
nation can develop a living' enthusiasm or aoeept 
■great action and great sacriSces for a goal that 
is lost to its eye in the mist of far-off centuries ; 
it must see it near and distinct hefore it, magnified 
by a present hope, looming largely and aotaalised 
as a living aim whose early realisation only depends 
-on a great, sustained and sincere effort. National 
education meant for him the training of the young 
generation in the new national spirit to be the 
architects of liberty, if that was delayed, the 
citizens of a free India which had rediscovered 
itself, if the preliminary condition were rapidly 
fulfilled. Swadeshi meant an actualising of the 
national self-consciousness and the national will 
and the readiness to sacrifice which would fix them 
in the dally mind and daily life of the people. 
In Boycott, which was only a popular name for 
passive resistance, he saw the means to give to the 
struggle between the two ideas in conflict, bureau- 
ecatlc control and national control, a vigorous shape 
and. body and to the popular side a weapon and an 
«£Feoti7e form of action. Himself a man of orffani- 
sation and action, he knew well that by aotioa. 
19 _ * 


> Lok. Bat GatigaMar Tttak 

most, and oot by thought and speech alone, can thq- Tivified, trained and made solid 
and enduring. To get a sustained authority from 
the Congress for a sustained effort in these four 
'directions, seemed to him of capital importance;, 
this was the reason for "his inflexible insistence on 
their unchanged inclusion when the programme 
seerSed to him to he^n danger. 

Yet also, because he is a practical politician and 
a m^ of action, he has always, so long as the 
essei^als were safe, been ready to admit any 
change in name or form or any modification of 
programme or action dictated by the neoessities of 
the time. Thus during the movement of 1905— 
1910 the Swadeshi leader and the Swadeshi party 
insisted on agitation in India and discouraged' 
reliance on Station in England, because the^ 
awaking and fixing of a self-reliant national spirit 
and will in India was the one work for the hour and' 
in England no partj^or body of opinion existed' 
which would listen to the national claim, nor could 
exist, — as anybody with the least knowledge of 
English politics could have told, — until that claim 
had been unmistakably and insistently made' and 
was clearly supported by the fixed will of the- 
nation. The Home Rule leader and the, Home- 
Kale party of to-day, .which is only the "Kew~ 
Party " reborn with a new name, form and followinfe, 
insist on the 'contrary on vigorous and speedy ■ 
agitation in England, because the claim and the- 

i... ,.,Ct.)onlc ■ 

An Appregiatiotfbs Babu Aurabttido Qhote , 

-frill hare both beea partially, bat not si^ffioientl? 
recognised, and because a great and growios 
firitish party now eziats which is ready to make 
the Indian ideal part of its own programme. So, 
too, they iaeisted then on ^waraj and rejected with 
-contempt all petty botching with the administration, 
because so alone could the real issue be made a 
living thing £o the nation ; non they accept readily 
-enough a fairly advanced but still half-and-half 
-scheme, but always with the proviso th46 the 
;popular principle receives substantial embodiment 
and the full- ideal is included as an early goal and 
-not put off to a far-distant future. The leader of 
men in war or politics will always distrust petty 
■and episodical gains which, while giving false 
hopes, are merely nominal and put off or even 
-endanger the real issue, but will always seize 
oa any advantage Which .brings decisive victory 
-definitel/ nearer. Xt is only the pure idealist,— bat 
let us remember that he too has his great and 
indiepensable uses,— who insists always on either 
-all or nothing. Not revolutionary niethods or 
revolutionary idealism, but the clear .sight and 
-tbe direct propaganda and action of the patriotic 
political leader insisting on the .one thing needful 
-aad tl» straight way to drive at it, have been the 
•sense of Mr. Tilak's political career. 

The speeches in this book belong both to the 
Swadeshi and the Home Rule periods, but mostly to 
ttie latter. Ttwy show Mi. Tilak'» mlad and .i^lLoy • 

. n 


Lok. Bal Gattgadhar Titah 

and Toics with great force that will and politicals 
thought now dominant in the country which h'e has- 
Bo prominently helped to create. Mr. Tilak has- 
none of the gifts of the orator which many lesser- 
men have possessed, but his force of thought and 
personality make him in his own way a powerful 
spe^er. He is at his best in his own Marathi 
tongue rather than*in English ; for there he finda- 
always the 'apt and telling phrase, the striking 
appTication, the vigorous figure which go straight, 
hom^to the popular mind. But ther^ is essentially 
the same power in hoth. iHis words have direct- 
ness and force — ho force can be greater — of a. 
BiDcere and powerful mind always going immedi- 
ately to^ the aim in view, the [foint before it,, 
expressing it with a bare, concentrated economy of 
phrase and the insistence of the hammer full on the- 
head of the nail which drives it in with a few blows. 
But the speeches have to be read with his life, his- 
character, his life-long aims as their surrounding 
atmosphere. That is why I (have dwelt on their 
main points ; — not that all I have said is not well 
known, but the repetition of known facts has its use- 
when they are important knd highly significant. 

T^o facts of his life and character have to he- 
insisted on as of special importance to the Aountry 
because they give a great example of two things in 
which its political life was long {deficient and is- 
even now not sufBcient. First, the inflexible will of 
iiie patriot and man of sincere heart' and thorough. 


An Appreciation fty Bapu Aurobindo Gkose 

action which has been the very grain of his 
oharaoter; for aspirations^ emotion, enthusiasm are 
nothing without this ; will alone creates and 
prevails. And wish and will are not the same 
thing, but divided b^ a great gulf: the one, which is 
all most of UB get to, is a puny, tepid nnd inefficient 
thing and, even when most enthusiastic, easily 
discourage and turned from i*fi object ; the <Tther 
can be a giant to accomplish and endure. Secondly, 
. the readiness to sacrifioe and face suffering^ not 
needlessly or with a useless bravado, but ^th a 
firm courage when it comes, to bear it and to 
outlive, returning to work with one's scars as if 
nothing had happened. So prominent man in 
India has suffered more for his country ; none has 
taken his sacrilices and sufferings more quietly and 
as a matter of course. 

The first part of Mr. Tilak's life-work is accom- 
plished. Two great opportunities have hastened its 
success, of which he has taken full advAntage. The 
lavatike flood of the Swadeshi movement fertilised 
the soil and did for the country in six years the 
work of six ordinary decades ; it fixed the goal of 
freedom in the mind of the people. The sudden 
irruption of Mrs. Besant into the field with her 
unequalled gift,-:-born of her untiring energy, her 
flaming enthusiasm, her nu^nificent and magnetic 
personality, her spiritual force, — for bringing an 
ideal into the stage of actuality with one rapid 
whirl and rush, has been the second factor. Indeed 
,83 '\ 

D,mi,.=db, Google 

* Lok. Bal Gangadhar TUai 

the presence of three such persoTialitieH aa Mr. 
Tilak, Mrfi. Besant and Mr. Gandhi at the bead abd 
in the heart of the present movement, should itself 
be a sure guarantee of succesa. The nation has 
accepted the near fulfilment of his great aim as its 
«WQ political aim, the 6&e object of its endeavour, 
its immediate ideal. The Government of India antl 
the British nation have accepted it as their goal in 
Indian administration; a powerful party, in England, 
-the party which seems to command the future, has 
pronounced for its speedy and totaJ accompl^h- 
ment. A. handful of dissentients there may be in 
the country who still see only petty gains in the 
present and the rest in the dim vista of the centuries, 
but with this insignificant exception, all the Indian 
provinces and communities have spoken With one 
voice Mr. Tilak's principles of work have been 
accepted; the ideas which he had so much trouble 
to enforce have become the commonplaces and 
truisms of our political thought. The only question 
that remains is rapidity of a now inevitable ©volu- 
tion. That is the hope for which Mr. Titak still , 
stands, a leader of all India. Only yrhen it is 
accomplished, will his lifa-work be done; not till 
then can he rest while he lives, even though age 
Ifrows on him and infirmities gather, — for his^spirit 
will always remain fresh ^nd vigorous, — any more 
than a river can rest before the power of its waters 
has found their goal and discha^^ed them into the 
sea. But whether that eqd, — the end of a first 


An Appreciation by B^bw Aurobindo Ghose 

-sjiage of our new national life, the beginning of a 
-greater India reborn for self-fulfilment 'and the 
service of humanity, — oome to-morrow or after a 
little, delay, its accomplishment is now safe, and 
Mr. Tilak's name stands already for history as a 
nation-builder, one of the batf-dozeu greater 
political personalities, memorable figures, represea- 
tative men of the nation in this most critical period 
' of India's destinies, a name 'to be remembered 
gratefully so long as the country has pride in its 
rpast and hope for its future. _ ** 





\Spee>^ deltvered at Benares, at the Nagari Praejyimi 
Sa&Aa Confa-enoe, under the Presidency of Mr. R. C.JDutt,. 
in December, 1905]. 

Gentlemen, — The scope and object of the Nagari 
Pracbami Sabha has alread? been explained to you. 
by the president. I should have gladly dilated on 
the same. But as ten speakers are to follow me- 
within an hour and a half, I mustforego the pleasure' 
and restrict myself, during the few minutes at my 
disposal to a brief mention of the points which I 
think ought to be kept in view in endeavouring to 
work on the lines adopted by the Sabha. 

The first and the most important thing we have to 
remember is that this movement is not merely for 
establishing a common character for the Northern 
India. It is a part and parcel of a larger movement, 
I may^ay a National Movement to have a common 
language for the whule of India; for a common 
language is an important element of nationality. It 
la by a common language that you express your- 
Ibcvghts to others; and Manu rightly says that 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tiiah 

-everythiDg is comprehended or proceeded from v«ik 
or tangUBge. Therefore if you want ttt draw a 
< nation together there is no force more powerful than 
to have a common language for all. And that is 
the end^hich the Sabha has kept in view. 
- But how is the end *to be attained ? We aim at 
having a common language not only for Korthem 
India, but I will ^y, in course of time, for the 
whole of India including the Southern of the, 
Mf^raa Presidency, and when the soope of our 
labo^irs is bo widened our difficulties seem to 
grow apace. First of all we hare to face wha't 
may be called the historic difficulties, .The 
conteata between the Aryans and the non-Aryans 
in ancient, and between the Mahomedans and the 
Hiddus in. later times have destroyed the linguistic 
-harmony of the country. In Northern India the 
languages spoken by the Indian :populatioa are 
mostly Aryan, being derived from Sanskrit ; while 
those in the South are Dravidian m origin. The 
' difference exists not only in words but in the 
characters in which those words are written. T^ext 
■to this is the difference between Urdu and Hindi to 
which so much prominence is given in this province. 
On our side we have also the Modi or the running 
script character as distinguished from the Balabodlia 
or the Devanagarl in which the Marathi books are 
-ordinarily printed. , 

There are, therefore, two great important elements 
which we have to harmonise and bring together 


A Standard Character for Indian Languages 

under our common character or language before we 
venture to go to the Mahomedan or •Persian 
characters. I have already said that though a 
common language for India is the ultimate end wo 
have in view, we begin with the loweet step of. the 
ladder, I mean a common 'character for Hindus. 
But h&re too we have to harmonise the two elements 
now mentioned — the Aryan or the Devana^ari 
character, and the Dravidian or'tte Tamil character. 
It should be noted that the distinction is not one of 
character only inasmuch as there are cefEain 
sounds in the Dravidian languages which are rAt to 
be found in any Aryan language. 

We have resolved to proceed step by step, and as 
ezplaindd to you by the president wo have at first 
taken up in hand only the group of the Aryan 
languages i.e., those derived from Sanskrit. These 
are Hindi, Bengali, Marathi. Gujarathi and' 
Guramuki. There are other suh-dialects, but I have 
named the principal ones. These fanguagcB are all 
derived from Sanskrit; and the characters in which 
they are written are also modifications of the ancient 
characters of India. In course of time each of these 
languages has, however, developed its own peculiar 
rities in grammar, pronunciation and characters, 
tbongb the alphabet in -each is nearly the- 

The Nagari Pr.achami 8abha aims at having a^ 
common character for all these Aryan languages, so- 
that, when a book is printed in that character it 

Lok. Bal Gan^xdhar THak 

may be more readily intelligible to all tl^e people 
speaking the Aryan languages. 1 think wq all agree 
on this point and admit ite utility- But the difficulty 
arises, when a certain character is proposed as best 
fitted to be the common character for all. Thus, 
for instance the BeDgalis may urge that the. 
characters in which they write their language are 
moie ancient than those adopted by the Qujarathi 
or Marathi speaking people, and that Bengali 
should therefore be selected'as a common character 
for *%ll. There are others who think that the 
PevEfhagari, as you find it in the printed books, is 
the oldest character and therefore it is entitled to be 
ttie common character for all the A.ryan languages. 

I do Dot think, however, that we can decide this 
question on poor historic grounds. If you go to 
ancient inscriptions you will find that no lees than 
ten different characters Were in use at different 
times since the days of A.8hoka and that Kharoshtri 
or Brahmi is believed to be the oldest of them all. 
Since then ail letters have undergone a great deal of 
change ; and all our existing characters are modifica- 
tions of some one or other of the ancient characters. 
It would, I think, therefore be idle to decide the ques- 
tion of common character on purely antiquarian basis. 

To avoid this difficulty it was. at one time 
suggested that we should all adopt ^man 
characters.; and one reason advanced in support 
thereof was that it would give a common character 
both for Asia and Europe.' 
' ^ 

D,mi,.=db, Google 

A Stendani Ckaraettr for Indiim Languageg 

.Gentlemen, the suggestion appears to me to be 
-utterly ndiculous. The Roman alphabet, sad 
therefore Rom^n character, U very defective and 

' entirely iinsulted to express the sounds used by as. 
It has been found to be defective even by English 
grammarians. Thus while • sometimes a single 
letter has three or four sounds, sometimes a single 
sound is represented by two or three letters. Add to 
it the difficulty of finding Bo'man characters or 
letters that would exactly represent the sounds in 
our languages without the use of any diaiJntio 
marks, and the ridiculousness of the siigg^tion 
would be patent to all. 
' If a common character is needed for us all, it 

-should be, you will therefore see, a more perfect i 
character than the Roman. European Sanekritists 
have declared that the Dievanagari alphabet is more 
perfect than any which obtains in Europe. And 
with this clear opinion before us, it would he 

- suicidal to go to any other alphabet in our search 
for a common character for all the Aryan languages 
in India. No, I would go further and say that the 
classification of letters and pounds on which we 

^ have bestowed so much labour in India and which 
we find perfected in the works of Paaini is not to 
be found ia any other language in the world. That 
is another reason why the Qevsnagari alphabet is 

'the best suited to represent the dififerent sounds 
we all use. If you compare the different characters 

^ given at the end of each book published in th« 
31 ■ 

D,mi,.=db, Cookie 

Lok. Bat GangaiOiar Tilak 

Sacred Books of the Eaet Series you wii! b& 
convince of what I say. We haveone«ound for 
one letter and one letter for. each sound. I do not 
think, therefore, that there c&n be any difference of 
opinion as to what alphabet .we should adopt. The- 
DeTanagari is pre-enfinently such an alphabet. 
The question is one of character or the form in 
writing which the letters of the alphabet assume in 
different provinces ; and I have already said that 
this question cannot be solved on mere antiquarian 

Life Lord Curzon's standard time we want a 
standard character. Well, if Lord Curzon had 
attempted to give us a standard character on 
national lines he would have been entitled to our' 
respect far more than by giving us a standard time. 
But it has not been done-; and we must 'do it 
ourselves giving up all provincial prejudices. ,The- 
Bengalis naturally take pride in their own character. 
I do not blame them for it. There are others in 
Gujarath who say that their character is easy to 
write because they omit the head-line. The Maha- 
rasbtrae on the other band may ur^e that Marathi 
is the character in which Sanskrit is written, and. 
therefore, it ought to be the common character for 
the whole of India. 

I fully appreciate th^ force of these remarks. But- 
we must come to a solution of the question and for 
that purpose discuss the subject in a business-like 
and practical manner. Whatever character we- 


A Standard Character for Indian Lang^agfis 

a^opt. it must be eaey to write, «legant to the 07^^ 
and capable of being written with fluenoy. The 
letters that you devise must again be sufBcieat to- 
express all the sounds in different Aryan languages, 
nay, must be capable of being extended to express 
the Bravidian sounds without diacritic marks. 
There should be one letter for every sound and vice 
versa. That is what I mean by sufficient and cam- 
plete character. And if we put our heads together 
it would not be difficult to devise such a character 
baaed on the existing ones. In determining dpon 
such a character we shall have to take into consi- 
deration the fact, namely, v^hioh of the existing 
characters is or are used over a wider area. For a 
single character iised over a wider area if suited in 
other respects will naturally claim preference to be 
a common character as far as it goes. 

When you have appointed your committee for the 
purpoie and found out a common character, I think 
we shall have to go to Government ancl urge upon 
its attention the necessity of introducing in the 
vern&QuIar school book^ of each province a few 
lessons in this standard, character, so that the next 
generation may become familiar with it from its 
school days. Studying a new character is not a 
difficulty task. But there is a sort of reluctance to 
study a new ofaaraoter aft^r one's studies are 
conipleted. This reluctance can be overcome by the 
way I have surareated and herein Governiaent can 
help us. It is not a political question as such. 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

though in the end ererytbing may be said to be 
politica}. A QoTeroment that gave ub a staadard 
time and Btaodard system of weights and measuies 
would not, I think, object to lend its help to a scheme 
which aims to secure a standard character for all 
Aryan languages. • * 

^ When this common character is eetablisbed it 
wauld not be difficult to read the books printed in 
one dialect of the Aryan language by those who use 
a different dialect of the same f Uy own difficulty 
in ifot understanding a Bengali book is that I cannot 
rea<f th& characters. If a Bengali book is printed 
in tbe I>evanagari characters I can follow the author 
to a gre^t extent, if not. wholly, so as to understand 
the purport of the book ; for, over fifty per cent of 
the words used will be found borrowed 6r derived 
from Sanskrit. We are all fast adopting new ideas 
from the West, and with the help of the parent 
tongue, Sanskrit, coining new words to express the 
same. Here, therefore, is another direction in which 
we may work for securing a common language 
for all and I am glad to see that by preparing a 
dictionary of scientific terms in Hindi, the Sabha is 
doing a good service in this line. I should have 
liked to say something on this point. But as there are 
other speakers to follow me, I do not thin^ I shall 
be justified in doing scvand therefore resume my seat 
with your permission. 

D,mi,.=db, Google 

, [Benares, irdjamtary, 1906] 

I' am sorry- I caooot address you ia aoy other 
language except Marathi and Gaglish. Engitsh 
should be boycotted for religious purposes. But I 
«aDBot help and hope you will excuse tne. I shall 
speak a few words on the importaace of Hiudu 
religiou, its present oonditioti and efforts thaf are 
being made to preserve it from deoay. ^What is 
Hindu religion ? If you go to the different parts of 
India, you will find different vlewa about Hindu 
religion entertaiaed by diffsreat people. .ITere you 
are mostly Vaishoavaa or followers of Shri Krishna. 
If you go to the south, you .will meet followers of 
Sainanuja and suoh others. What is Hindu 
religion then ? Bharata Dharma Uahamandal» 
cannot be a Mahamandala unless it includes and 
co-ordinates these different seatioas aod parts. Its 
name can only be sigaiScant if different seotioiu of 
Hindu religion, are united under itai banner. All 
these different sects are so many branches of the 
Vedic religion. The term Sanatana DharuM shovB 
that our reli^on is very old — »s old ae tthe^ hiMory 
of the human race itself. Vedic religion was the 
religion of the Aryans from a very early time. But 
you all know no branch can stand by itself. Hlad» 


ttA. Sat Gangadkar Tilak ' 

religion as & whole is made up of different pacts 
co-relat6d to each other as. so many ^eons and 
daughters of one great religion. If this idea is kept 
in view and if we try to unite the various sectiona i£ 
will he consolidated in a mighty force. So long as ^ 
you are divided amongst yourselves, so long as one 
section does not recognise its affinity with another, 
yoti cannot hope to rise as Hindus. Religion is an 
element in nationality. The word Dharma means 
a tie and comes from the root dfiri to hear 
or Sold, What is there to hold together? T& 
connect the soul with God, and man with ' 
. man. Dharma means our duties towards God 
[ and duty towards man. Hindu religion as such 
provides for a moral as well as social tie. This 
being our definition we mut go back to the past 
and see how it was worked out. During Vedic 
times India was a self-contained country. It was 
united as a great nation. That unity has disappeared 
bringing on us great degradation and it becomes, 
the duty of the leaders to revive that union. A. 
Hindu of this place is as much a Hindu as the one- 
from Madras or Bombay. You might put on a 
different dress, speak a different language, but yoix 
should remember that the inner sentiments which, 
move you all are the same. The study of t)^e Oita, 
Ramayana and Mab^ibharata produce the eame- 
ide&s throughout the country. Are not these — 
ootnmon alliance to the Vedaa, the Gita and the- 
lUmaya&a — out. common heritage ? If we lay stress- 

r,.i... ,.,Gt.)(.)nlc 

The Bharaia Dharma Mahamandala 

■oiritfoi^etting all tbe minor difFerenoes tf^t exist 
^tween 'diffeTent sects, then b? the grace of 
Providence we shall ere long be able to consolidate 
all the different sects into a migtity Hindu nation. 
This ought to bs the ambition of every Hindu, If 
you thus work to unite, you will find within a few 
years one feeling aq,d one thought actuating and 
dominating all people throughouuthe country. This 
is tbe. work we hare to do. The present condition 
of our religion is not at all one that is desiraWe. 
We think ourselves separated and the feeling of 
that unity which was at the root of our advancement 
in tbe past is gone.' It is certainly an unfortunate 
circumstance that we should have so many sections 
and sub-sections. It is the duty of an association 
like the Bharata Dharma Uahamandala to work to 
restore the lost and forgotten union. In the absence 
of unity India cannot claim its place among the 
nations of the world. For some two hundred years 
ladia was in the same condition as -it is to-day. 
Buddhism flourished and attacks were made on 
Hindu religion by Buddhists and Jains. After 600 
years of chaos rose one great leader, 3baakar> 
aoharya and he brought together all the common 
philosophical elements of bur religion and proved 
and preitched them in such a way that Buddhism 
was swept away from the land. • 

We have the grand and eternal promise Shri 
Krishna has given in the Gita that whenever there 
, is a decay cA Dharma, He comes down to restore it.' 

^„Coo;ilc ' 

Loh. Bat Oangadhar TOak 

When ^ere iB a decay owing to diBuoion, whea 
good men are pereeoutod, then Shri Eris&na comes 
down to aave ua. There is no religion on the face . 
of the earth except the Hindu religion wherein w^e 
find such a hopeful promise that Grod comes to us 
as many times as becessary. After Mahomed ho- 
prophet is promised, and Jesua Christ comep once 
for' ever. Ne religion holds such promise full of 
hope. It is because of this that th^ Hindu religion 
is not dead. We are never without hope. Let 
heroics say what they may. A time will come 
when our religious thoughts and our rights will be 
vindicated. Each man is doing his best, and as the 
association is doingits best, every Hindu is welcome 
to asBist it and carry it to its f;oal. If we do not 
find men coming forward let us hope they will do so 
' in the next generation. We are never without 
hope; no other religioa has such a definite and 
sacred promise as we have of Sbri Krishna. It is 
baaed on trutb and truth never dies. I say it and I 
am prepared to prove this statement. I believe that 
truth is not vouchsafed ,to one only. The great 
oharacterisfic of truth is that it is universal and 
catholic. It is not confined to any particular raCe. 
Hindu religion tolerates all religions. Our religion 
says that all religions are based on trutl^ " you 
follow your^I mine."r 

Shri Krishna says that the followers of other 
r«1igioDB worship God though not in a proper form. 
Shri Krishna does not say that the followers of 


The Bharata Dharma Mahainandala 

oUier rel^ons would be doomed to eteroal bell. ' I 
challeogeany body to point out to me a'similar 
text from tbe scriptures of otbor religions. It 
cannot be found in any other religion, because tbey 
are partial truth while our Elindu religion is baaed 
OQ the whole, the Sanatan trhth, and therefore it is 
Irouad to triumph in the end. Numerical strength 
also is a great strength. Can (be religion which 
counts its followers by crorea die? Never, unless 
the crores of our fellow-followers are suddeply 
swept away our religion will' not die. All th^t'i» 
required for our glorious triumph and success is 
tbat W8 should unite all the different sects on a 
common platform and let the stream of Hindu 
religion flow through one channel with mighty 
consolidated and concentrated force. Tliis is the 
work which the Bbarata Dbarma Mandala has to 
do and accomplish. Let us be all united. Because 
a particular mau wears a particular dress, speaks a 
different tongue, worships a particular devata, is 
that any reason for our withdrawing our bands 
of fellowship to our Hindu brother? The character 
of our Hindu > religion is very comprehensive — as 
comprehensive as its literature itself; we have a 
wonderful literature. Wisdom, as is concentrated 
in Oitfv and epitomised in about 700 verses, that 
wisdom, I am confident, cannot be defeated or 
overcome by any philosophy, be it Western or any 
otber. Now I turn to the forces that are arrayed 
against us. There are mainly two forces of (I) 
39 ' 

,., Cookie 

L(A. Bal Gangftdhar Tilak 

science aad (3) Christianity. If our rpligioa is 
threatened with any hostile oritioism, 'it oomes 
from these two. As for the first, a great change 
is coming over the West and truths that &re 
discovered by them were known to our Riehis. 
Modern science is gradually justifying and vindi- 
cating our ancient wisdom. With the establishment 
of Physical Research Societies and the expansion 
of scientific knowledge they have comevto under- 
stand that the fundamental principles of our religion 
are Based gn truth that can be proved. Take an 
instance. Chaitanya pervades everything. It it 
strictly a Hindu theory. Frofeseor Bose has 
recently shown that this Vedantic doctrine is 
literally true acoordi'ng to modern science. Take 
the doctrine of the survival of soul independent of 
the body. 

Doctrines of Karma aa.d Re-incarnation go with 
it. Spencer never believed in these. But recently 
it has been our great privilege to see that Sir 
Oliver Lodge and Mayor and others have declared 
that the soul does not die with body; so much now 
they are convinced of. Modem science aooepta the 
doctrine of Karma if not of re-incarndtion. But it 
is not the belief of Christianity. . They hold that 
God gives a new soul each and every Ucae^ Thua 
it would ,be seen that, a change is coming over the 
West. Our ene'mies are fast disappearing before 
the teachings of modern science, take courage and 
work hard for the final triumph. If you make a 


The Bharala Dharma Mahaituindata 

kittle effort aad aim at uaion, you have a bright 
future before you. Now-a-days, Vedanta i^not only 
read but studied by Americaas. Ko Europeaa 
doctox believes that the beating of the heart cau be 
voluntarily stopped. But it has been proved to the 
coQtrary. Vedanta and Yoga have t^een fully viadi- 
cated by modern science and these aitn at giviag 
you spiritual union. It ia our clear duty, therefsre, 
1o follow truth and re-edit our scriptures aud place 
-them before the world in the light of modern science 
'that they may be acceptable to all. But' I tell' you 
again unity is necessarv for such work. You ^ould 
be wanting in duty to yourself and to your ancestors 
if you do not give up provincial prejudices and 
promote unity that underlies all sects. We have 
been very idle. We have grown bo stupid owing to 
our idleness that we are required to be told by 
foreigners that our treasures conceal gold and not 
iron. Modem science and education are prepared to 
help you if you take advantage of them, and time 
will come when instead of Christians preaching 
Christianity here we shall see our preachers preach- 
ing Sanatan Dharma all over the world. Concentrate 
«ll your forces. The idea of a Hindu University 
where our old religion will be taught along wiWi 
moderq science is a very good one and should have 
the support of all. Tn conclusion, I would again 
draw your attention to bring about a harmonious 
-union of all sects and rightly claim and obtain our 
rightful place amdng the nations of the world. 


[Speech detivend bg S^f. TUak, at Caleutta, under the- 
frmdencs of Babu Molital Ghose, on 7th Jutje, 1906]. 

Me. Chairmam 4ND Gentlemen,-! am unable 
to impress you with my feeling and sentiment. I 
expieBB my gratefulness on my own behalf and ihab 
of my friends for the splendid reception accorded to' 
us. This reception is given not to me personally 
but as a representative of the Marathi nation. This 
honour is due to the Marathi nation for tbe seTvices 
and sympathy towards the Beagali race in their 
present crisis. The chairman has said that times 
have altered and I add that the situation is unique. 
India is under a foreign rule and Indians welcomed 
the change at one time. Then many races were the 
masters and they had no sympathy and henoe the 
'change was welcomed and that was the cause why 
the English succeeded in establishing an empire in 
India. Men then thought that the change was for 
their . good. The confusion which characterised 
native rule was in striking contrast with the 
constitutional laws of the British Governmetit. The 
people had much hope ,in the British Ctovemment, 
but they were much disappointed in their antioi- 
pations. They hoped that their arts and industries 
would be fostered under British rule and they would 

The PdtUieal Situation 

gain much from theit new rulere. But all tboae- 
hopes h»'y been falsified. The people were now 
compelled to adopt a new line, namely, to %ht 
against the bureaucracy. 

. Hundred years ago it was said, and believed by 
the people, that they were socially inferior to their 
rulers and as Boon as they were socially insproved 
they would obtain liberties aqd privileges. But 
subsequent events have shown that this waa not 
based on sound logic. Fifty years ^o Mr. Dadaljhai 
Naoroji, the greatest statesman of India, thj^ught 
that Government would grant them rights and 
privileges when they were properly educated, but 
that hope is gone. . Now it might be said that they 
were not fitted to take part in the administration of 
the country owing to their defective education. 
But, I ask, whose fault it is. The Qovernment has 
been imparting education to the people and hence 
the fault is not theirs but of the Government. The 
Government is imparting an education to make 
the people fit for some subordinate appointments. 
Professions havebeen made that one day the people 
would be given a share in the administration of the 
country. This is far from the truth. What did 
Lord Curzon do ? He saw that this education was ■ 
beoomijig dangerous and he made the Government 
control more strict. He passed the Universities 
Act and thus brought alt schools under Government 
control. Education in future would pin the people 
to service.only and they now want to reform it. In 

D,mi,.=db, Google 

LoA. Bal Gangadkar Tilak 

Bombay such an attempt w&S|first mai|B in founding 
■the Fergusson Collie. In 1880 &nd in* 1884 the 
■Government showed willingness to hand over 
Government Colleges to the control of the FergusBoQ 
-College but now. that institution has gone partially 
ijjto the hands of the Government. 

Policy of justice and efficiency was the policy 
undter which the Qpople are now being governed. 
By justice is meant justice not between the rulers 
and, the ruled but that between subjects and 
iBubjects ; by efficiency the efficiency of bureaucracy. 
Assurances had been given which were expressly 
pronounced impracticable. Even Lord Curzon has 
declared that the Queen's Proclamation was an 
impossibility. This was said not by an ordinary 
Englishman but by a Viceroy. Bureaucracy has 
developed a policy beyond which they are deter- 
mined not to go. [t is hopeless to expect anything 
from the rulers. The rulers have developed a 
system which they are not prepared to alter in 
spite of the protests of the people. 

Protests are of no avail. Mere protest, ^ot 
backed by self-reliance, will not help the people. 
Days of protests and prayers have gone. Shivaji 
> heard the protests of the people and the jtjia tax 
was repealed. Good wishes between master and 
servant are impossible-j It may be possible between 
-equals. The people must show that they/ftre fit for 
privileges. They must take such departments as 
finance in their own hands and the rulers will then 

» D,mi,.=db, Cookie 

The Politioal SUtmlion 

be bound to give them to the people. That is tbe- 
key of saocess. \Lt is imposstiile to expect \bat oiir 
petitions will be beard unless backed by firm, 
resolution- Do not expect much from a change in 
government. Three P's-^pray, please and protest- 
will not do unless backed b^ solid force. Look to- 
tbe examples of Ireland, Japan and Russia and 
follow their methods. You probably have read the 
speech delivered by Arthur GrifBn and we must 
consider the way as to how to build a natioi^on. 
Indian soil. 

The rulers have now a definite policy an<f you. 
are asking them to change it. It is only possible 
that they will have enlightened despotism in place 
of pure despotism. If is idle to expect much by 
educating the British public. You will not be able- 
to convince them by mere words. The present 
system of administration is unsuited to this country 
and we must prove it. Mr. Morley has said that 
he was unable to overthrow the bureaucracy.. Th& 
whole thing rests with the people. We must make 
our case not by more words but we must prove it 
by actual facts. We must show that the country 
cannot be governed well by the present method. 
We must convince the Government of this. 

But cjtn this be done ? We must either prdbeed 
onward or give up the cause altogether. Do not rely 
much upon the sympathy of the rulers. Mr, Morley 
has given a strange illustration of his sympathy in 
the partition question. Mr. Morley has said that 



Lo*. Bal GoHgaOhar rffah 

he has full sympathy with the people but he oannot 
or will not undo partition. Aa apt illustration of 
tbie sympathy will be found in the laws of tbe land. 
Punishment of whipping is provided in the Penal 
Code and there is another law which provides that 
tbe sufferer will be seat to hospital for treatment. 
If you want that sort of sympathy Mr. Morley is 
lea^y to give it to jou. If you forget your griev- 
ances by hearing words of sympathy then the cause 
is gfne. You must make a permanent cause of 
grievance. Store up the grievances till they are 
removed. Partition grievsace will be the edifice 
for the regeneration of India. Do cot give up this 
partition grievance for the whole of India is at your 
back. It is a cornerstone and I envy the people of 
Bengal for laying this cornerstone. 

Shivaji'was t)orn at a time when there was 
. darkness and helplessness. I believe that Bengal 
will produce such a leader at this juncture who 
will follow tbe great Maharatta leader not in method 
but in spirit. This festival shows that Providence 
has not forsaken us. I hope that God will give us 
such a leader who would regenerate the' country 
by his self-sacrifice, ardent devotion, disinterested 
action. We must raise a nation on his soil. Love 
of nation is one's first duty. Next comes leligion 
and the Government. * Our duty to the nation .will 
be the first 

Swadeshi and Swadeshi will be our cry for ever 


Th4 Poiitical SU$4alion 

and by this we will grow ia spite of the wishes 
ot the rulers.' Swadeshi and national eduo&tiOD are 
the two methods. 



Hero-worship is a feeling deeply implanted in 
bunion nature ; and our political aspirations need alt 
the strength which ^he worship of a Swadeshi hero is 
likely to inspire iflto our minds. For this purpose 
Shiv&ji is the only hero to be found in the Indian 
histofy. He was born at a time when the whole 
nation required relief from misrule ; and by his self- 
saorifice and courage he proved to the world that 
India was not a country forsaken by Providence. It 
is true that the Mahomedans and the Hindus were 
then divided ; and Sbivaji who respected the religious- 
scruplee df the Mahomedans, had to fight against the 
Mogul rule that had become unbeara'ble to the 
people. But it does not follow from this that, now 
that the Mahomedans and the Hindus are equally 
shorn of the power tbey once possessed and are 
governed by the same laws and rules, they should not 
agree to accept as a hero one Who in his own days 
took a bold stand against the tyranny of his time. 
It is not preached nor is it to be at all expected that 
the methods adopted b/ Sbivaji should be adopted 
by the present generation. The cbarge brought 
by the Anglo-Indian writers in this connection is a 
fiction of their own brain and is put forward simply 

Is Shivf^i not a Nationat Hero ? 

to frighten away the timid amongst us. No ooe 
ever dreams that every incident in Shivajr's life is 
to be copied by any one at .present. It is-the spirit 
which actuated Shivaji in his doings that is held 
forth as the proper ideal to be kept constantly in 
view by the rising generation. No amount of 
misrepresentation can succeed in shutting out this 
view of the question from our visioa ; and we hope 
and trust that our Mahomedan flriends will not be 
misled by such wily methods. We do not think that 
the Anglo-Indian writers^ will object to Engl&nd 
worshipping Nelson or France worshipping the 
great Napolean on the ground that such national 
festivals would alienate tha sympathies of either 
nation from the other, or would make the existence 
of amicable relations betweeti the two nations an 
impoaaibility in future/ And yet the same advice is 
sdmiuistered to us in a patronising tone by these 
Aaglo-Indian critics, heing unmindful of the fact 
that we have how become sufBciently acquainted 
with their tactics to take their word for gospel 
truth. - •The , Shivaji festival is not celebrated to 
alienate or even to' irritate, the Mahomedans. 
Times are changed, and, as observed above, th» 
Mahomedans and the Hindus stand in the same 
boat or on the same platform so far as the political 
condition of the people is concerned. Can we not 
both of us derive some inspiration from the life of 
Shivaji under these circumstances ? That is the real 
question at issue ; and if this can be answered in the 


Lok. Bdl Gangadhar TUtA 

affirmative it matters little that Shivaji was bom in 
Maharashtra. This aspect of the question has been 
clearly perceived and exclaimed by the leading 
Indian papers in Bengal such as the Patrika and 
the Bengalee ; and there is little chance of the 
Berpentine wisdom of. the Anglo-Indian ^ writers 
being blindly accepted by the parties for whom it is 
mejint. We are not agaioat a festival being started 
in honour of Akbur or any other hero from old 
Indian history. Such festivals will have their own 
wonh ; but that of Shivaji has a peculiar value of its 
own ^or the whole country, and it is the duty of 
every one to see that this characteristic of the 
festival is not ignored or misrepresented. Every 
hero, be he Indian or European, acts according to 
the spirit of his times ; and we must therefore judge 
of his individual acts by the standard prevalent in 
his time. If this principle be accepted we can find 
nothing in Shivaji's life to which one can take 
exception. But as sttfted above we need not go so 
far. What makes Shivaji a national hero for the 
present is the spirit which actuated him tbrcjughout 
and not his deeds as such. His life clearly shows 
that Indian races do not so soon lose the vitality 
wfaioh gives them able leaders at critical times. 
That is the lesson which the Mahomedans and the 
Hindus have to learn from the history of tke great 
Mabratta Chief; and Hba Shivaji festival is iateaded 
to emphasise the same lesson. It is a sheer misre- 
presentation to suppose l^at the worship of Shivaji 


Is Shivaji not a National Hero t 

includes invocations to fight either with- the 
Mahometans or with th^e Government. It was only 
in conformity with the political oiroumstanoes of ' 
the country at the time that Shivaji was born in 
Maharashtra. But a future leader may be born 
anywhere in India and wholnows, may even be a 
Mahomedan. That is the right view' of the 
question, and we do not thio^ th^t the Anglo-Indian 
writers can succeed in diverting our attention from 
it."~(rfte MohraUa, Mth June, 1906). 

i... ,., Google 


[Speech delivered on Sunday, the 23rd December, 1906^ 
tf> Beadon Square, Calcutta, under the presidency of Lattr 
Lafpal Rai] :— , 

I did not expect to have to speak on the day on 
whiph my long journey from Poona came to an 
end, but circumstances appear to have left me no^ 
choice. Lor^ Miato opened the Industrial Eichibi- 
tion here the other day and, in doing so, said that 
honest Swadeshism shoatd he dissociated from 
political aspirations. In other words 'the Swadeshi 
agitation had, within the last eighteen months, been 
carried on by the workers for motives other than 
those professed and for ends not yet disclosed.. 
This is entirely an unfair representation of the 
existing state of things and can easily be deriions- 
tratad to be so. To begin with, if Lord Minto thinks- 
the Swadeshi workers dishonest, why should he- 
have associated himself with them by consenting to 
open the Exhibition ? Further, if Lord Minto- 
is honest, and our Bengal leaders who have been, 
preaching the Swadeshi cause are dishonest, why 
should they have incited his Lordship to do the 
formal and the, ceremonious act of declaring th» 
Exhibition open ? So taken either way, it will appear 
that his Lordship and oiir leaders cannot possibly 


Honsit SwadtM 

9iit it off together. If he did not waat us, wo shall 

-certain ly*be able to do without him. SohiscoDsent- 
ing to perform the opening ceremony was clearly a 

.great blunder. Then is our movement really 
dishonest ? In Germany, France, America, Oovern- 
ments 'protect their iofant laduBtrjes by impogiog 
taxes on imports. The Gkivernment of India should 
also have done the eame ae if professes to /ule 
India in the interests of Indians, It failed in its 
duty, so the people are trying to do for themsejves 
what the Qovernment ought to have done years and 
years ago. No, Lord Minto dares not oafl ^he 
Enaperot of Germany dishonest nor can he similarly 
oharactetise the presidents of the French or 
American Republics. How then can our leaders be 
called dishonest? Are they to be abused because 
they are endeavouring to do what the Government 
has culpably omitted to do ? As head of a despotic 

-Government, his Lordship cannot possibly sympa- 
tbitie with the politicaraspirations and agitations 
of the people, and it' may be expected that he may 
maintain an unbroken silence about it. Had I been 
in his Lordship's position I would have done so, but 
why should Lord Minto call us dishonest? There is 
a harder word that is on my lips, but to say the least 
It is in^litio ofXord Minto to have said so. There 
it waa said that Swadesly was an industrial 

.movement and has nothing to do with politio's. 
We all know that Government is not engaged in 

-commerce. It might have begun that way but ib 
53 ' 

- D,mi,.=db,Ct.)onlc 

Lok. Bta Oangadhar Titak 

certainlj' doee not trade now. Did it not protect' 
British trade and adopt measures to pronfote it ? If 
the Indian QoTemnient diesociates itself from the- 
commeroial aspirations of the British nation, then 
it will be time for Swadeshi workers to consider the 
question of ditsooiatiiig their movement from 
politics. But so long as politics and commerce are 
blended ti^ether ip this policy of the Government 
of India, it will be a blunder to dissociate 
Bwftdeshi from politics. In fact, Swadeshism is 
a la^e term which includes politics and to be, a 
true Swadeshi one must look on all lines — whether 
political ^ or industrial or economical — which 
converge our people towards the status of a civilised- 
nation. Gentlemen, I insist on your emphatically 
repudiating the charge of dishonesty. 

,., Google 

Tenets of the new party 

[Calcutta, 2nd January, 1907] 
Two new worde bare receatly come into existesoe 
with regard to out politics, and they are Moderates 
and Extremista. These word% have a speoiSo 
relation to time, and they, therefore, will change 
with time. The Ettremists of to-day will* be 
Moderates to-morrow, just as. the Moderate of 
to-day were Extremists yesterday. When the 
National .Congress was first started and Mr. 
Dadabbai-'s views, which now go for Moderates, 
were given to the public, he was styled an Extremist, 
BO that you will see that the term Extremist is an 
expressioci of progress. We are Extremists to-day 
and our sops will call themselves Extremists and 
as Moderates. Every new party begins as 
Extremists and ends as Moderates. The sphere of 
practical politics is not unlimited. We cannot say 
.what will or will not happen 1,000 years hence — ■ 
perhaps during that long period, the whole of the 
white race will he swept away jn another glacial 
period. We must, therefore, study the present and 
work £>ut a programme to meet the present 
condition. > 

It iB impossible to go into details within the time 
at my disposal. One thing is granted, viz., that 
this Qovemment does not suit us. As has been 

' r,.'i»<i,.,C00ylc 

Lok. Bat Gangadhar Titak 
said by an Qmioent statesman — t}i& government of 
one country by another can never be a tfuccedsful. 
and therefore, a permanent Ooveramen't, There is 
no difFerenoe of opinion about this fundamental 
proposition Jietiveen the Old and New schools. One 
fact is that this alien t^overnment has ruined the 
country. Tn the be^nning, all of us were taken by 
surprise. We weje almost dazed. We thought 
that everything that the rulers did was for our good 
an4 that this English Government has descended 
from the clouds to save us from the invasions of 
Tamerlane and Chengis Khan, and,-as they say, not 
only from foreign invaaions but from interne4sine 
warfare, or the internal or external invasions, as 
they call it. We felt happy for a time, but it soon 
oame to light that the peaee which was established 
in this country did this, as Mr. Dadabhai has said in 
one place — that we were prevented from going at 
«ach other's throats, so that a foreigner might go at 
the throat of us all. Paz Britannioa has been 
established in this country in order that a foreign 
Government may exploit the country. That this is' 
the effect of this Pax Britannica is being gradually- 
realised in these days. It was an unhappy circum- 
stance that it was not realized sooner. We believed 
in the benevolent intentions of the Government, 
but in politics there is,na benevolence. Benevolence 
is used to sugar-coat the declarations of self-interest, 
and we were in thoge days deceived by the apparent 
benevolent intentious under which rampant self- 


Tenett of the New Patiy 

interest was concealed. That was our state then. 
But eooQ'a change came over us-EogliBfa. eduoatioa, 
growing poverty, and bett* familiarity with our 
ralere, opened our eyes and our leaders; especially, 
the venerable leader .who presided over the recent 
'^^Dgress was the first to teU us that the drain from 
the country was ruining it, and if the drain' was to 
ooatinue, there was some great (Jisaster awaiting us. 
So terrihly convinced was he of this that he went 
over from here to England and spent 25 years of his 
life in trying to convince the English people of the 
injustice that is being done to us. He worked very 
hard. He had conversations and interviews with 
Secretaries of State, with Members of Parliament— 
and with what result ? 

He has come here at the age of 83 to -tell us that he 
is bitterly disappointed. Mr. Gokhale, I know, is 
not disappointed. He is a friend of mine and I 
believe that this is his honest conviction. Mr. 
Ookhate is not' disappointed but is ready to wait 
another 80' years tilt he is disappointed tike Mr. 

He. is young, younger than myself, and I can very 
well see that disappointment cannot come in a 
single interview, -from interviews which have 
lasted , only for a year or so. If Dadabhai is 
disappointed, what reason Is there that Gokhala 
shall not, after ^ years? It is said there is ,a 
revival of Liberalism, but how long wiU it last? 
Next year it might be, they are out .of power, and 
■ 57 

D,<iz=<i„ Google 

Lok. Bat Gangadhar TUak 

are we ,to wait till there is another revival of 
Liberajiem, and then again if that goes down and a 
third revival of Liberalism takes place ; and after 
all what can a liberal Government do ? I will 
quote the observation of the father of the Congre^fr 
Mr. A. O. Hume. This* was mad« in 1893. Let the 
Government be Liberal or Conservative, rest 8u»e- 
that they will not jrield to you willingly anything, 
A Liberal Government means that the Government 
or the members of the Government are imbued with 
Libe^l principles because they want to have the 
administration of their country conduoted on those- 
principles. They are Liberals in England, but I 
have seen Liberalsin England come out to India to 
get into conservative ways. Many of the Civiliaa 
ofGcers from schools and colleges, when they come- 
out are very good Liberals. Coming in contact with> 
Anglo-Indian men or when they marry Anglo- 
Tndian women, they change their ^iews, and by the- 
time they leave India they are Consefvatives. This- 
has been the experience all over. So Liberal or Con- ■ 
servative, the point is, is any, one prepared to give 
you those rights and concessions which intellectu- 
ally a philosopher may admit to be fit to he conceded 
or granted to a subject nation in course of time ?' 
It is intellectual perception. A philosophar and. 
statesman oannot be aforoed to do it. I laughed' 
when I read the proceedings of the meeting in< 
Calcutta, congratulating people on the appointment 
-of Mr, Mortey to the Secretaryship- of State for 

Tenets of the New Parly 

* India. Paes~^es were read from Mr. Morley's books.. 
Mr. Morl&y had said so and ho in Mr. Qlad8to^e'8' 
Life ; Mr. Morley had said this and had said that ; 
he was the editor of a certain paper 30 years ago, 
and be said bo and so. I asked myself if it would 
not. have been better that 'some of the passages- 
from the Bhagavat Oita were so quoted. The 
persons to whom I refer aye gentlemen 'for- 
whom I have the highest respect. But what 
I say is, that they utterly misunderstood .the- 
poaitioD or absolutely ignored the distinction 
between a philosopher and a statesman. A states- 
man is bound to look to the present circumstances 
and see what particular coneessions are absolutely 
necessary, and what is theoretically true or wrong. 
He has to take into consideration both the sides. 
There are the interested Anglo-Indians and the 
Secretary of State is the head of the Anglo-Indian 
bureaucracy whose mouth-piece he is. Do you 
mean t*say that when the whole bureaucracy, the 
whole body of Anglo-Indians, is against you, the 
Secretary ofState will set aside the whole bureau- 
cracy and give you rights ? Has he the power ? If 
he does, will he not be asked to walk away ? . So - 
then it comes to this that the whole British 
electorate must be converted. So you are going to- 
convert all persons who have a right to vote in 
England, so as to get the majority on your side, and- 
when this is done and when by that majority the 
Liberal party is returned to Parliament bent upon^ 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar THak * 

doing good to India and it appoints a Secretary of* 
St^te aS good as Mr. Iforley, then you hope to get 
something of the old methods. The new Party has 
realized this position. The whole electorate of 
Great Britain must be converted by lectures. You 
capnot touch thoir pocket or interest,' and that man 
must be a foot indeed who would sacrifice his own 
interest on hearing a philosophical lecture. He 
will say it is a very good lecture; but I am not 

.going to sacrifice my interest. I will tell you' a 
story. One of my friends who had been lecturing in 
England delivered a lecture on the grievances 
of India. A man from the audieaoecame and asked 
him how many of them there were. The lecturer 
replied 30 ororea. The inquirer replied, ' Then 
you do not deserve anything.' That is the attitude 
with which an English workman looks at the 

■ question. You now depend on the Labour Party. 
Labourers have thsir owu grievances, but th^ won't 
treat you any better. On the contrary they will 
treat you worse, because British labourers obtain 
their livelihood by sending us their goods. This is 
the real position. This position is gradually 
recognized. Younger people who have gone to 
England like Mr. Qokhale^are not so disappointed 
though those who went with him were like Lata 
Lajpat Rat. I am entering into personalities but I 
cannot place these facts in an intelligent manner if 
I do not give the names, although all of them are my 

: friends. This is then the state of things. The New 


TutelB of the {Jew Party ' 

Party perceives that this is futile. To convert - 
the wholtf electorate of England to your opinion 
and then to get indirect pressure to bear upon the 
Membere of Parliament, they in their turn to return 
a Cabinet favourable to India and the whole 
Parliament, the Liberal party and the Cabinet to 
bring pressure on the bureaucracy to yield— we say 
this is hopeless. You can no^ understand tTie 
difference between the Old and the New Parties- 
Appeals to the bureaucracy are hopeless. On tbis 
point both the Wew and Old parties are agreed. 
The Old party believes in appealingto the British 
nation and we do not. That being our position, it 
logically follows we must have some other method. 
There is another alternative. We are not going to - 
sit down quiet. We shall have some other method . 
by which to achieve what we want. We are net 
diqappointed, we are not pessimists. It is the hope 
of achieving the goat by our own efforts that has 
brought into existence this New Party. 

There is no empire lost by a free grant of 
concessions by the rulers to the ruled. History does - 
not record any such event. Empires are lost by 
laxury, by being too much bureaucratic or over- 
confident or froin other reasons. But an empire has 
never come to an end by the rulers conceding power 
to the ruled. ^ 

Tou got the Queen's Proclamation. But it was - 
obtained without a Congress. They wanted to- 
paotfy you, am you had grown too turbulent, and you 4 

.Coo;ilc" ' 

LoA. Bal Gangadhar TOai 

got that Proclamation without a demand, without 
-CongresB and without constitutional agitation. That 
is a very good aad generous declaration indeed. 
Tha Queen was very anxious that it should be 
• couched in such terms as would oreate hopes in you. 
Now all that ttnxidty did not proceed from 
-constitutional agitation. It was after 1858 that 
coiTstitutional agitation began. The result was, the 
Proclamation remained a dead letter, because you 
could not get it hnforoed, the conditions under which 
it] was made having disappeared. A promise was 
mad^but you proved too weak to have it enforced. 
That is the reason why it was not enforced. The 
'bureaucracy got the upper hand and they established 
a system of administration in which it made it 
impossible for the Proolamatioa to be acted up to. 
' Lord Curzon poobpoohed it. Another lawyer said 
it was unconstitutional because it was not passed 
'by Parliament. His name was Sir James Stephen. 
This was at the time of the Itbert Bill. They want 
now to explain away that Proclamations. Is Mr. 
Morley going to fulfil it ? The explanation of 
the Proclamation is not the question. The 
•question is what will compel him to fulfil it. This 
is the point at issue. I admit that we must 
ask ; but we must ask with the coasoioosness that 
the demand cannot be refused. There is great 
difference betwea asking and petitioning. Take the 
Age of Consent Bill, the Land Tax, the Tenancy 
- Question. Whenever there was a grievance we uaed. 


Tenets of tha New Parts 

to hold meetings, make petitions, represeatations, 
and complaints in the Press ; and oace the decision 
-of CsBsar was known, everything was silent and we 
accepted it loyally. Such is the experience of the 
Government and this is what, I believe, they wrote to 
Mr. Morley relating to the Partition question. They 
have probably'told Mr. Morley that if he remained 
quiet for a short time, everything would be right, 
"The present howl is due to a ^ew agitators, find 
when sufBcient time has elapsed the agitation will 
-sutraide and the Partition will be accepted. We 
■know the people of India better than you do* We 
have ruled over tbem and we intend to rule over 
them, and if our ezpenence is worth anything we 
advise you not to yield to their clamorous agitation." 
Mr. Morley's counsellors are Anglo-Indians, they 
.placed this before Mr. Morley. He thinks that such 
consensus of opinion, administrative experience, ^t is 
impossible to over-ride. Philosopher or no philo- 
sopher, he tl^inks that the administrative duties 
require it, and be does it as honestly as any other 
man in the world. This is then how the matter 
stands. The new Party wishes to put a stop to this. 
We have oome forward with a scheme which if 
you accept, shall better enable you to remedy this 
state of things than the scheme of the Old School. 
Your industries are ruined utterly, ruined by foreign 
rale ; yojir wealth isgoing out of the country and you 
are reduced to the lowest level which no human being 
•can occupy. Xn this state of tilings, ia there any 


Lak. Bal Ganga^ar Tttak 

other remedy by 'which you can help yourself? The- 
remedy ft not petitioniag but boycott. Wq.say pre- 
pare your forces, organise your power, aud then go to - 
work BO that they cannot refuse you what you 
demand. ^ story in Mahabkarata tells that Sri 
Krishna was sent to effect a cjompromise, but the 
Pandavas and Kauravas were both organizing their 
fortes to meet the contingency of failure of a 
"compromise. This^s politics- Are you prepared in 
this way to fight if your demand is refused ? If 70U 
are, be sure you will not be refused ; but if you are 
not, ifbthing can be more certain than that your 
demand will be refused, and perhaps, for ever. 
We are not armed, and there is no necessity for 
arms either. We have a stronger weapon, a 
political weapon, in boycott. We have perceived' 
one fact, that the whole of this administration,- 
which is carried on by a handful. of Englishmen, is 
carried .'on with our assistance. We are all in 
subordinate service. The whole Government is 
carried on with our assistance and they try to 
keep us in ignorance of our power of co-operation 
between ourselves by which that which is in our- 
own hands at present can be claimed by us and 
administered by us. The point is to have the entire 
control in our hands. I want to have the key of my 
house, and not merely one stranger turned out of it. 
Self-Oovemment is our goal; we want a control 
over our administrative machinery. We don't 
want to become clerks and remain. At present, we- 
64 , 


Tenets o/ the Now Party 

an ulerks and wiUiog iaatruaients of our owd 
oppression .in the Jtanda of an alien Qovernment, 
and that Government is ruling over us not by its 
innate strength but by keeping us in ignoraace and 
blindness to the perception of this fact. ' Professor 
Seely shares this view. Every Eaglishmaa knows 
thiit they are a mere handful in this country and 
it is the business of every one of them to. befool ycui 
ill believing that you are weak antt they are strong. 
This is politics. We have been deceived, by such 
policy 8o long. What the New Party wants you to 
do is to realise the fact Chat your future r«sts 
entirely in your own hands. If you mean to be free, 
you can be free ; if you do not mean to be free, you 
will fall and be for ever fallen. So many of you 
need not like arms ; but if you have not the power 
of active resistance, have you not the power of 
self-denial and self-abstinence in such a way as not 
to assist this foreign Government to rule over you ? 
This is boycott and this is what is meant when we 
Bay, boycott is a political .weapon. We shall not 
give them assistance to collect revenue and koap 
peace. We shall not assist them in ^hting beyond 
the frontiers or outside India with Indian blood and 
money. We shall not assist them in carrying on 
the administration of justice. We shall have our 
own courts, and when time comes we shall not pay 
taxes. Can you do that by your united efforts ? It 
you OAn, you are free from to-morrow. Some 
gentlemen who spoke this evening referred to half 
S . ■ , 


LcA. Bal Gangadhar TUak 

bread as against the whole bread. I say I want the 
whole *bread and that immediately. But if I can 
not get the whole, don't think that I have no 

- I will take the half they give me and then try for 
the remainder. This is the line of thought and 
action in which you must train yourself. We have 
ribt raised this cry from a mere impulse. It ia a 
reasoned impulse. Try to understand that reason 
apd try to strengthen that impulse by your logical 
convictions. I do not ask you to blindly follow us- 
Thihk over the whole problem for yourselves. If 
you accept our advice, we feel sure we can achieve 
our salvation thereby. This is the advice of the 
New Party. Perhaps we have not obtained a full 
recognition of our principles. Old prejudices die 
very hard. Neither of us wanted to wreck the 
Congress, so we compromised, and were satisfied 
that our principles were recognised, and only to a 
certain extent. That does not mean that ^e have 
accepted the whole situation. We may have a step 
in advance next year, so th^t within a few years our 
principles will be recc^nised, and recognised to such 
an extent that the generations who come after us . 
may consider us Moderates. This is the way 
in which a nation progresses. This - is the way 
national sentiment progresses, and this is the 
lesson you have to learn from the struggle now 
going on. This is a lesson of progress, a lesson of 
helping yourself as much as possible, and' if you 

1& ■ ■ ■. 

Tenets of the New Party 

really perceive the force of it, if you are convinced 
by these Arguments, then and then only is it 
possible for' you to effect your salvation from the 
aliqn rule under which you labour at this moment. 

Tbere are many other points but it is impossible 
to exhaust them all in an hour's speeoli. If you 
carry any wrong impression come and get your 
doubts solved. We are prepared to answer every 
abjection, solve every doubt, and prove . every 
statement. We want your co-operation; without 
your help we cannot do anything single-handed. 
We beg of you, we appeal to you, to think over'the 
question, to see the situation, and realise it, and 
after realising it to come to our assistance, and 
by our joint asustance to help in the salvation 
of the country. 

,., Google 


[A apseeh delivere4 *** Marathi, on the ocaoMon of the 
Shivaji Coronation festival, in Poona, on the 25lh June, 

^t ia a pity the government cannot yet understand 
that the objeot of festiralB like these is not to create 
disturbances. Its mind is yet enveloped in ande- 
setved suspicion. There are a dozen detectives and 
reporters at this very meeting. Now where la the 
need for all this suspicion and distrust ? I am sorry 
that the District Magistrate himself did not take the 
trouble to attend. Why not take the golden oppor- 
tunity to know firstfiand what the advocates of the- 
Shivaji festival have got really to' say on these 
occasions ? I, for one, am prepared to say every word 
that I now say even before His Excellency the 
Governor. I will say it before Ood Himself, for what' 
I say I have honestly at heart, I will proclaim it from 
the housetops if required, I will avow it if a detective ' 
come to me and ask for my views. There is no 
occasion for expressing views by stealth or secrecy ;. 
and what need of it ? Surely, Indian people are not 
robbers in their own country. They can certainly 
proclaim their aspirations and they really ought to. 
We do not fear a hearing, only we want a full and a 
fair hearing. I strongly condemn the mean attempt 

The Shivaji Festival 

to lay tbe qqCs for a stray unguarded word to' pena- 
lise and victimise the speaker. If GoTernment wants 
to know the truth let it be prepared to hear the . 
whole truth. Why spend two lace on maintaining 
short-hand reporters and rietectivee, and sucti other 
men of the intelligence department ? The money 
woald be surely better spent on technical education. 
If we celebrate the Shivaji festival'we do not do it for 
raising the standard of revolt. The Idea will be 
foolish and absurd, as we all know that we have no 
arms, no ammunition. . * 

An educated man, an M.A., and an L.L.B, may 
surely be given credit for knowing that the military 
strength of the tJovemment is enormous and that a 
aingte machine-gun showering hundreds of ballets 
per minute wilt quite suffice for our largest public 
meetings. How can a 'detective find out things 
which never enter the perception of the educated 
classes? Those^ who are thus shadowed may 
however console themselves with the idea that the 
great Qod who sees everything is the people'^ 
detective upon kings and Governments, and that 
thiB divine detective must sooner or later bring the 
British Government to justice. The secret of all this 
mlBchief lies iu the idea that the educated classes 
are the enemies of the Qoverament. Mr. Morley in 
^t said it in so many words, and be made much of 
, the fact that every member of the proletariat did 
not often completely endorse what the educated maoi 
had to say,— as if every savage or aborigine, every 
."' D,mi,.=db,Cooglt' 

Lok. Bat Gangadhar Tilak 

illiterate man of the masses, should ^e able to 
comprehend the depths of the political cunning of 
our hureaucracjr. But vhat i^ it in the educated 
classes that leads Mr. Money to mistake them for 
enemies ? Is it the knowledge in them that so leads 
him ? Then surely MK Morley himself is the enemy 
of knowledge. We all know that Adam, the original 
man, suffered be<Aiuse he ate the fruit of the tree of 
' Knowledge ' and the educated Indians are being 
ti%ated similarly for the ' knowledge ' which is 
bestowed upon them. Is the Oovernment prepared to 
be classed with those who are the enemies of 
knowledge in this creation ? 

To turn to the Shivaji festival, the knowledge we 
have, or the knowledge which we want to inculcate 
among the people in this coanection, relates not to 
the actual use of the identical measures which 
Shivaji for instance took but to a proper appreciation 
of the spirit in which he resorted to the measures 
Buitable to hjs time. Festivals like these prove an 
incentive to the legitimate ambitions of a people 
with a great historic past. They serve to impart 
courage, such courage as an appreciation of. heroes- 
securing their salvation against odds, can give. They 
are an antidote to vague despair. They serve like 
manure to the seeds of enthusiasm and the spirit of 
nationality. Malice* or wickedness is aever the 
keynote, or even the minor note, of those who 
come together on occasions like theao> I 
, wish that every word I say on this point 


The Skivaji Feslival 

should be faithfally reported, and I wilt. gladly 
supply ocniasions if the report were submitted 
tome for correctloa. The time is surely uot yet 
for lawlessness, for we have not yet exhausted all 
the possibilities of what may be claimed' as legiti- 
mate and lawful action. Gut the pity of it all is ^ 
that the Oovernment is engaged in treating bven 
this lawful action as unlawful. *Lala Lajpat Rai, 
for iaatance, had done nothing that was not lawful 
and yet the whole official hierarchy conspired aad 
acted like one man to deport him. I cannot 
imagine a clearer sigR that the greatness of the 
Britislf Oovernment is doomed, and that decay and 
demoralisation has set in. Mr. Morley is a great 
"Pandit," a learned man. There is no use deayiag 
the fact; but it was a pity that this excelleot 
repository of learning, this great English " Pandit," 
is no better after all than one of our own orthodox 
Pandits of Benares who aie strangers to worldly 
wisdom. It is an irony of fate that the greater the 
scholarship, the less the statesmanship. Mr. 
Morley ridicules the educated classes on the ground 
that they are poor. Has Mr. Morley forgotten the 
old days when he bimself ebjoyed no better lot ? 
The educated Indian may aspire to rise to high 
office, but that is no more culpable in him than for 
this English Pandit to aspire for State Secretary- 
Bhip. His analysis of the factors, of the Indian 
population is very aimusing. He claims the Princes 
and the Notables on his side. Surely it is not a, 
.71 ■ * 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar TiUA 

thing to be woDdered at when we know that the 
Indian Princes are mere puppets, whose tenure of 
life as Princes bangs on the breath of the British 
Oovernment. The Viceroy proclaimed Ordinance I 
of 190? as there were disturbances in Bengal sad 
. the Punjah; but the Maharajah of Eolhapore went 
oDe1»etter though he had not the least excuse of 
any kind. Mr. M*rley clala:s the merchant class 
on his side. This is not true at)out the -whole olaes 
and it must be remembered that merchants who are 
eng^ed in British trade and who depend on the 
means of enjoying the luxuries of life on that trade 
cannot be expected tocome forward boldly tS speak 
against Uovernment. And, lastly, he claimed the 
lowest and the poorest classes, the illiterate ryots, 
as being on the side of Q-ovfernment. The Hon'ble 
Mr. Logan echoed the same seDtiment only the 
other day in the Bombay Legislative Council. But 
this is moonshine. The pretensions of this official 
friend of the ryot cannot be exposed and con- 
tradicted to his very face only because the ryot is 
illiterate and cannot know who pose aa 
his friend. But surely these false pretensions will 
be doomed as soon as education is sufficiently 
extended, and.I may perhaps say that, it is only for 
this reason that the Government is so cautioua 
in extending it. The" educated classes alone have 
the knowledge and the courage for agitation and 
naturally the State Secretary treats them as 
enemies. But I appeal to you that the educated 


The SfUvaji Festival 

olasses need not feel despair over Buoh j;t thiiig. 
The educated ulasses are no doubt poor but 
they have one compensating advantage. They 
possess knowledge, and knowledge ia not poor 
iaasmuoh as it possesses' unlimited potentiality for 
vealth of every sort. They may also rely upon 
gradually bringing tu their side tbose classes 
on whose support Government now thinks it may 
rely. History abounds in oases of kingdoms undone 
by the discontent of penniless beggars. No one 
could be more poor than the grea^ Ohaua^a of 
niedissval Indian History, and it is well known how 
Ohanakya, who had no stake in the world but the 
little knot of his hair, exterminated the whole race 
of the Kandas in return for the insult that was 
desperately given, to him. Mr. Morley of all persons 
should not have scoraed the power of educated men 
because- they were poor and had no earthly stake. 
But when thoughtful men like Mr. Morley betray 
B^ch evident signs of thoughtlessness, then surely 
the decline of the British Raj has b^un. Mr. 
Morley has however rendered one great service. He 
hae disillusioned the' over-credulous and optimistic 
souls among us, and literally -proved that the 
greatest Radical after all is no better than the 
worst Conservative so far as India is oonoeraed. 
The Old generation, to which I myself belong, is now 
nearly " hors de combat." The younger generation 
certainly does not share in this deluding optimism 
and that is a hopeful sign for India, and I look^ 


Lok. Bal QangatOtar TOak 

forwardtto their exerting themselves with courage 
and perseveiance. Mr. Paranjpe and another speaker 
had referred to the theory of social contract of 
Rousseau, and Mr. Damale bad construed the Fro- 
olatoatlon of 1858 as a contraot. For my part I think 
that the word " contract " caanot he made applicable^ 
to ^relatione existing between uneQuals, and it ia 
dangerous for us ta be deluded into a belief that the 
Proclamation is anything like a contract. No doubt 
it was a pledge solemnly given, but in its inception it 
was ^ utterance made in only a statesmanly spirit,, 
beoause it was calculated to make for peace at 
the time. But the finger of the tactician is discern- 
able in it. It is essentially an English idea that 
a political agitation is an attempt to enforce the 
terms of such an agreement. The Eastern idea is- 
different ; but it is a mistake to hold that it does not 
warrant an agitation by the subjects to ooatio\ 
the power of the IKing. The idea is no doubt true that 
the King is part and parcel of the Godhead, and some- 
foolish people have tried to fling it in the face of the 
Indian people to detract from their demand for 
popular institutions. But the canons of interpreta- 
tion of a text are not less important than the- 
text itself, and the real mischief arises from not 
construing the te^t in this respect as it should 
be. The King or S«vereign is no doubt a part 
and parcel of the Godhead, but acoojding to the 
Vedanta, so is ©very member of the subject people. 
^FoT is not every soul a chip from the same block of 


The Skivaji Festival 

Brahmai) ? It is absurd to suppose that the Indian 
lawgrivars of old regarded a King as absolved from 
all duties towards his subjects. Why, Mana has 
distinctly laid down, for instance, that the King wbo^ 
punishes those whom he should not, or doe/ not 
punish those whom he should, goes to hell. 

And the beauty of it is that this penalty is .not 
stipulated for in an agreement^or contract but is 
imposed by the Biehis, that is to say, those who 
were absolutely disinterested in worldly affairs'and 
bo whom, therefore, the sacred work of legislation 
fell. The Hindu believes in a muttipjioity of " Deva- 
tas " or deities, and we all kaow whnt happens to the 
Eing that becomes undutiful. The King may him- 
self be a sort of deity, but the coaflict between him 
and his subieots begets another deity only superior 
to him- And if the cause of the people be just,, 
the second deity quietly absorbs the first. It is well- 
known that both Para?hurama and Rama are 
regarded as direct incarnations of Q-od. But it is oa 
record that wbea the days of the sixth incar- 
natioD were nuajbered the flame (of glory and 
power, as the Purana graphically describes), 
came outfrom^ the mouth of Parashurama and . 
eatered that of Rama. And what was Parashurama 
but a mere humaa being when he was deprived of 
this fiame, the iusignia of> divinity ? This divine 
elemeut in kingship even aooording to the oriental 
ideas is not free from its peculiar limitations, and 
I challenge any one to point out any text which- 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar TiltA 

lays dowti that t^e yoke of the tyranny o( a ruler, 
whoever he may be, should b^ quietly borne. The 
divine King as soon as he ceases to be just oeases 
also to be divine. He becomes an " asura " and this 
■depreciated divinity is forthwith replaced by a 
deity, the divinity in which is not so alloyed. 
Shivaji did not probably concern himself with the 
text " Na Vishnu n-ithivipathi " and surely he did 
not know what Hobbes or L^cke tbou^t about the 
prinljiples of political government much less 
Rouss«au or the EncyclopEedists who were all 
anxious to replace the old religious theory of 
kingship by the secular one of contract. He knew 
his Vedanta all right and also knew how,to pat that 
Vedanta to practical use. The Vedanta may indaed 
be capable of giving colour to foolish theories of 
QovemmeDt, but the wiseVedaotin knows how to 
refute those theories even in the terms of Vedanta 
itself. But then it may be urged, that we shall 
have to suffer for doing what I want you to do. 
But then the path of duty is never sprinkled with 
rose-water nor roses grow on it. It is true that 
what we seek may seem like a revolution in the 
senae that it means a complete change in the 
"theory" of the Government of India as now pat 
forward by the bureaucracy. It is true that this 
res-olutioQ must be a "bloodless revolution, but it 
would be a folly to suppose that if there is to be no 
shedding of blood there are also to be no sufTerings 
to be undergone by the people. Why, even these 

The Shivaj'i Festival 

8u£Fe>iDgB must be great. But you can wia nothing 
unless you are prepared to suffer. The war.between 
selfishness and reason, if it is conducted only with 
the weapons of syllc^sm must result in the victory 
for the former, and an appeal to the good feelings 
of the rulers is everywhere discovered to have but - 
narrow limits. Your revolution must be bloodless ; 
but tha^t does not mean that you may not have to 
suffer or to go to jail. Your fight is with bureau- 
cracy who will always try to curb and suppress you. 
But you must remember that consistently with 'the 
spirit of laws and the bloodlessness of the revoljition, 
there are a hundred other means by which you may 
and ought to aohiere your object which is to force 
the hands of the bureaucracy to concede the reforms 
and privileges demanded by the people. You must 
realise that you are a great factor in the power- 
with which the administration in India is conducted. 
Tou are yourselves the useful lubricants which 
enable the gigantic machinery to work.^o smoothly. 
Tbovgh dowa-4rodden and negJectod, you must be- 
oonscious of your power of making the administra- 
tion inipossible if you but choose to make it so. It 
is you who manage the rail-road and the. telegraph, 
it is you who make settlements and collect revenues, 
it is. in fact you who do everything for -the 
adminlatratlon though in a subordinate capacity. 
Too must oonsider whether "you cannot turn your 
hand to better use for your nation than drudging on 
in this fashion. Let your places be filled by 


Lok. Bal GangaeOtar TUak 

Europeana on the splendid salary of eight annas 
a day if possible t , You must seriously .consider 
whether your present conduct is self- respectful to 
yourselves or useful to the nation. You must also 
consider what humiliation you have to suffer when 
foreigners openly express their wonder at the three 
hundred millions of Indian bearing their present 
igneminious lot without any effective protest. To 
«ay this, is not to f iolate the spirit of laws of any 
constitution. Surely it does not violate the sense 
of God's justice as we understand it. It is but 
those ^rrho oppose the reaspnable demands of the 
Indian people that offend against God's justioe. 

You must imitate your rulers only in one thing, 
namely, in maintaining an unfailing suooesaion of 
public workers. If one Lala Lajpat Rai is sent 
abroad, another ought to be found to take his place 
as 'readily as a junior Collector steps into the shoes 
of a senior. It is vain to hope that your petitions 
will have the effect of releasing Lala, though it is 
well-known that the Qovemment do not mean to 
keep him a prisoner all his life. His deportation is 
intended not so much. to penalise Lala Lajpat Rai 
as to terrorise those that would follow bis example, 
asd if their agitation stopped as soon as one 
'deportation took place. Government will run away 
.with the idea that terrorism had triumphed. It is 
no use, in fact it is a ^rong course, to declare your 
loyalty with the L. writ lar^e, on an occasion like 
the present. Those prootaimers of loyalty may be 


The Shivaji Festival 

loyal, bat who is not? Government is too shrewd 
not to knew the real sentiments of the people, how 
for loyal or how far disloyal. And just as they are 
likely to put down agitation under the deliberate 
pretence of mistaking it for disloyalty, so stso they 
are shrewd enough to know the real character of 
the loyalty that is so proclaimed by the placards, 
and by the best of drums from the housetops. What 
yon want is courage to declarS that there is no 
disloyalty ia agi;tating for constitutional rights and 
you will go on demanding them, though threate&ed 
that fiuoh demands will be treated as signs of 
disloyalty. What you want is bread for the masses 
and honourable rights for the masses as well as 
classes. That is not being disloyal, and I for one 
do not care that it is likely to be deliberately 
mistaken for disloyalty. The time has certainly 
come when you must be prepared to clearly 
formulate and persisteatly demand the more 
important rights sod privileges. 1 say again to the 
reporters that every word that I am uttering, I am 
uttering deliberately and that a faithful report of 
those words will rather help than retard the cause 
I have at heart. With r^srd to Mr. Kinckaid's 
lecture on the Peshwas I have to point out that on 
the whole he has taken a correct view of that 
period of the Mahratta history, though I differ from 
him in one respect. The ruld of the Feshwae came 
to an end not because they were usurpers of the 
poUticsl power, but because in the very nsture of 

' , ■ , i. ,.,Ct.)onlc 

Z.oA. Bal Gangadhar TUak 

things a single faHnily or dynasty oannot produce 
an unbroken succession of men possessed of such 
incomparable -valour, ability and statesmanship as 
the family of Balaji Vishvanath did. There would 
have been even in England the same collapse of 
dynastic rule if the British constitution did not 
afford the useful ballast of the Parliament in which 
the^ sovereign power is diffused among so many 
individuals. We, Indians, have learnt at our own 
cost the lesson of the impottf^ce of popular and 
repfesentative Government, and that is exactly the 
reasoBvwby our aspirations seem to be diverted 
from the patent oriental ideal. 

D,mi,.=db, Google 


[Extract from the Speech delivered in 1908, Barsi, 
{Original in Marathi) ] :— 

I shall speak here . tkis ev^lQg on national 
education. We are not accustomed to this term, 
hence it needs a little explanation. To be 
read and write alone is no education. These are 
simply the means of its attainment. That which 
gives us a knowledge of. the ezpferieuces of our 
ancestors is called education. It may, however, be 
through books or through anything else. Every 
buainess needs education and every man has thus to- 
give it to his children. There is no business indeed 
whioh 'does not require education. Our industries 
have been taken away by other people, but we do 
not know it. A potter knows how to shape a pot of 
China-clay but does not know what this clay ia 
made of ; hence his industry is lost. Similarly is the 
necessity of religious education. How can a person 
be proud of his religioa if he is ignorant 6f it ? The 
want of religious education- is one of the causes that 
have brought the missionary influence all over our 
country. -4 We did not think of| it until very lately, 
whether we get the right -sort of education or not. 
The tradesmen who are present here this evening 
sead their sons very reluctantly to school and eom& 

■ ' 81 

; 6 ■ . 

r,.i... ...Cooylc' 

Lok. Bat Gangadhttr Tjlak 

of then; do not send at all ; Iwcauae they do not get 
their education which they need. Besides'their eons 
educated in the present-day eystem turn out 
fashionable. They wish to become clerks. They foel 
ashamed to sit on the gaddi where their forefathers 
earned the whole of their estate. The reason of this 
is that the education which they receive is onesided. 
The Oovemment .wanted Engineers, Doctors and 
clerks. It therefore started such schools which 
ccoild supply its need. The students therefore who 
came out of these schools at first were bent upon 
eervices. It was the state of things sometime back 
that after passing three ,or four classes in school 
one could easily get on in life, but it has now 
become absolutely difficult, even to live fron^ hand 
to mouth. We have therefore become conscious. It 
has become now almost clear that it is not the fault 
on our part that even after getting eo much 
-education we remain unable to satisfy our bare 
necessities ; but the fault goes direct to the education 
that we receive. Katurally therefore the question . 
as to how to reform the present system of education 
etood before us. If the Educational Department - 
had been under our control we could have effected 
in it any necessary changes immediately. At first 
we asked the Government to transfer it to our 
control — the setectioji of the text-books for schools, 
for example. We feel now the necessity of such' 
education which will prepare us to be good citizens. 
His Excellency the Oovernor of Bombay also 

National Education 

admits the necesBitj- of reforms in the present 
system of education. But he says that the Gorern- 
meot is short of fuads. I do not think this excuse 
teasonable, it may be true or otherwisB. It is, 
however, true that the Gh)vernment cannot think of 
this matter. The Qoverament cannot give us 
religious education ; and'it is well that they are nqt 
doing it; beosuse they are not our oo-religioaists. 
Wo are not given such education as may inspire 
patriotic sentiments amongst us. In America the 
Proclamation of Independence is taught in V oj VI 
classes; In this way they train their children in 
politics. Some eighty pr- ninety years ago t1\« 
industries of German declined on account of the 
rivalry between England and that country. But the 
German Government at once started scientific and 
mechanical education in that country. In this way 
Germany became so powerful in commerce that she 
has now become an object of dread to other 
countries. Properly speaking these things ought to 
be done by the Government itself. Wo pay taxes to 
the Government only that it may look after our 
welfare. But the Government wants to keep ua 
lame. There is oonflwt between the oommercial 
interests of England and India. The Government 
therefore cannot do anything in this matter. 

Theretieing no convenient schools in the villages, 
our villagers oanifot train their t^hiM^eo. We must 
' therefore begin this work. There has been a good 
deal of discussion over %hiB matter. And in the end 


' Lok. Bat Gang^dkar Tilak 

we h^ve come to the conclusion that for proper 
education national schools must be statted on all 
sides. There are some of our private schools but 
owing to the fear of losing the grant-in-aid, the 
necesaary education cannot be given there. We 
mufet start our own schools for this education. We 
must begin our work selflessly. Such efforts are 
being made air o^er the country. TheGurukul of 
Hardwar stands on this footing. Berar and Madras 
have also begun to move in this direction. Our 
Maharashtra is a little backward, A few efiforts are 
•being made here also ; but they need encouragement 
from you. Money is greatly needed for this work. 
I am sura, if you realise the necessity and impor- 
tance of this subject, you would encourage the 
organisers generously. So far I have told you 
about the subject, now I turn to tell you what we 
shall do in these schools of national education. 

Of the many things that we will do there 
religious education will first and foremost engage our 
attention. Secular education only is not enough to- 
build up character. Religious education is neces- 
sary because the study of high principles keeps 
us away from evil pursuits. Religion reveals to us 
the form of the Almighty. Says our religion that a. 
man by virtue of his action can become evea a 
god. When we cat^ become gods even by virtue of 
our action, why may we not become wise and 
active by means of our action like the Europeans ? ■ 
Some Bay. that religion begets quarrel. But I ask,. 

D,mi,.=db, Cookie 

SaHotial Bdueation , 

"Where is it written in rsligioa to pick up quarreU?" 
If there be any religion in the worid which 
advocates toleration of other religious beliefs and 
instructs -one - to stick to one's own religion, ib 
is the religion of the Hindus alone. Hinduism to 
the Hindus, Islamism to the Musalmaas will be 
taught in these schools. And it will also he taught 
there to forgiwe and forget the di^erences of othftr 

The second thing that toe will do, wilt be to lighten 
the load of the study of the foreign languages. In 
spite of a long stay in India no European can sfteak 
for a couple of hours fluent Marathi, while our 
graduates are required as A rule to obtain 
proficiency in the English language. One who 
speaks and writes good English is said, in these 
days, to have been educated. But a mere knowledge 
of the language is no true education. Such a 
compulsion for fehe study of foreign lan^t^es does 
Dot exist anywhere except in India, We spend 
twenty or twenty-fire years for the education which 
we can easily obtain in seven or eight years if we 
get it through the medium of our vernaculars. We- 
cannot help learning English ; but there is no 
reason why its- study should be made compulsory. 
Under the Mahomedan rule we were required to 
learn Persian but we were not, compelled to study 
it. To save unnecessary waste of time we have 
' proposed to give education through our own 


r,.i»<i,.,Ct.)Onlc ■ 

Lok, BeH Oangadkar Titak 

IndustriAl education uiilt b» the third factor. In no 
schoof this education is given. It wiH be given 
in these scbooU. It is an important thing. During 
the whole of this century we have not known how a 
imatoh is prepared. In Sholapur matches are 
manufactured from straw ; and straw is found abun- 
dantly in our country. If therefore this Industry is 
ttiken into our hands the importation of matches will 
largely decrease in India. It is the same with the 
sugar industry. We can procure here as good sugar- 
cane as is found in Mauritius. It is seen by scientific 
ex[f^riment8 that the sugarcane found in the suburbs 
of Poona can produce as much sugar as is foi^nd in 
the sugarcane of Mauritius. Six crores of rupees are 
drained out every year from this country only for 
sugar. Why should this be ? Well, can we not get 
here sugarcane ? or the machinery necessary for its 
manufacture ? The reason is that we do not get here 
the education in this industry. It is not so in 
Germany- The Department of Industry investigates 
there as to which industry is decaying, and if 
perchance there be any, in a decaying state, sub- 
stantial support at once comes forth from the 
Government for reviving it. The British Govern- 
ment, too, does the same thing in England. But our 
Government does it here. It mey be a mistake 
or the Government may be doing it knowingly, but 
it is clear that we must not sit silent if the' 
Government is not doing it. We are intending to . 
start a large mechanijsat and scientific laboratory 

National Bduaation 

.for this purpose. Sugar produces liab aud from 
Rab is extracted liquor, but the Goyerament 
does not permit us this extraotioa ;. hence w» 
cannot get here cheap sugar. - Mauritius imports to 
this country twenty thousand tons* of sugar every 
year. All this is due to the policy of the OovernmeDt, 
but we do not know it. The Government will be 
obliged to change it if we put pressure upon it. W» 
have come to learn these things not earlier than 
twenty-five years after leaving the college. Qur 
young men should know them in their prime of life. 

Education in politics will be the fourth factor. We 
are not taught this subject in the Government 
schools. The student must understand that the 
Queen's Proclamation is the foundation of our rights. 
The Government is trying to shut our young men 
from these' things. What has been proved by our 
revered Grand Old man— Dadabhoy Naoroji, after a 
ceaseless exertion for over fifty years, should be 
understood by our students in their youth. Every 
year some -thirty or forty crores of rupees are 
drained out of India without any return. We have, 
therefore, fallen to a wretched state of poverty. 
These things, if understood in the prime of life, can 
make such a lasting impression over the hearts 
of our young men, as it woul^ be impossible in an 
advanced age. Therefore this education should be 
given in school. Educated men of the type of Prof. 
Vijapurkar, have come forth to devote their lives ia 
87 - ' 

* - . i... ,.,Gt.)onlc 

Lak. Bat Gtmeadltir TOak 

the caase of this education. The educationists are 
helping with their learning and experience, and 
it now remains with the well-to-do to help them with 
money. It is a matter of oommon benefit, if the 
future generation dome out good, able to earn their 
bread and be true citizens. We should have been 
glad if the Government had done it. If the 
Offremment cannot do it, we must do. The 
Oovemnlent will not interfere with us aad if at all it 
do^s so, we should not mind it. As the dawn of the 
Sun cannot be stopped so it is with this. Our poverty 
has nt>t yet reached its zenith. In America such 
work is done by s single man. But if no one man can 
venture to do it here, let ub do it unitedly, for we are 
thirty crores of people. A sum of five lacs of rupees 
goes out every year for liquor alone from Sholapur. 
Can you not therefore help us in this work ? The 
will is wanted. Let the Qovemment be displeased 
— we hope the Qovemment will never deter us— we 
must do our duty. If the Qovemment prohibits us 
from marriages, do we obey it ? The same is the case 
with aduoation. eAs men do not give up tOiildiog 
houses for fear that rats would dig holes, so we 
should not give up our work for fear of Qoverntoent 
displeasure.* If perchance ' any difBculty arises, 
our young men are to faoe it. To fear difficulties 
is to lose manliness. Difficulties do us immense 
good. They inspire id us courage and prepare us 
to bear them manly. A nation oannot progress if 
it meets no difficulties in the way. We do not get 


National Education 

■tliis sort of education for want df self-GovommeDt, 
W» shouM not therefore await the coming 'of these 
-rights, but we muat get up and begin the work. 



The question of centralisation or~ decentralisation 
of the powers of tiie adminiBtrative machinery 
involves consfderaJ;ionB of uniformity, smoothness 
and regularity of work, general efiScieacy, economy 
of |ime, work and money, popularity, &c. ; .and 
speaking broadly these may be' classed under three 
different heads: (1) EfSciency, (3) Economy, and 
(3) Popularity. 

As regards the first, I do not think it is seriously 
contended that the efficiency of administration has 
suffered merely ovring to over-centraliaation. On 
the contrary it ie urged that it is worth while 
making the admioistration a great deal more 
popular even if it would become a trifle le&s 
efficient by decentralisation. But the cry fo r 
decentralisation has its origin in the' desire of 
the local officers .to have a freer hand in. the 
administration of the areas committed to their 
care. They believe that their life ha^ been made 
rather mechanical or soulless by over-centralisa- 
tion ; and having naturally attributed to the sattae 
cause the growing estrangement between themselves 
and the people they have proposed deoentralisatioa 
as an official remedy to remove this admitted evil. 
J do not think the people, looking from their own.. 

D,mi,.=db,Ct.)onlc ■ 

The Deotntraliaation Commiaaum 

fltandpoint, aaa accept this view. The^ general' 
public is'iDdifferentwhetlier efficiency and economy 
are secured by more or less official decentralisation. 
It is entirely a matter between higher and lower 
officials, between the secretariat and the local 
officers, or between the Supreme and thia Local 
QoTemments. The people still believe that centra- 
lisation secures greater unifornilty and regulanty, 
and reduces the chances of the conscious or 
unconscious abuse of power resulting froR) 
unappealable authority being vested 'in lower 
officers, and would rather oppose decentraifsation 
in this respect. The only complaint so far as- 
I know, against the existing centralisation or 
decentralisation hitherto raised by the people are 
(I) The combination of the Executive and the 
Judicial functions in the same officers, (2) Financial 
centralisation in the Government of India as 
evidenced by the Provincial Contract System, (3) 
Partition of Bengal and (4) Excessive growth of 
departmentalism encroaching upon popular rights. 
But these, excepting the second, do not form the 
subject of the official grievance against over- 

My knowledge of the internal working of the- 
different departments of adrainistratioilis too limited- 
to make definite proposals regarding the redistri^ 
button of power and authority between various 
officials so as thereby to make the administratioa 
more economical than at present.. I shall, therefore- 


Loi. Bal Gatt^dhar Tilah 

confin» giy remarkB mostly to the popular aspect of 
the question and to the four complaints noted 

It is idle to expect that the adoption of the 
loose and irregular system of earlier daya would 
remove the present estraDgement between officers 
and people. It is true that in earlier days 
the* relations bet\{een officers and people were 
more cordial; but this was not due to the looseness 
of ijjie system then in vogue. In days when the 
system of British administration had yet to be 
evolve'iJ and settled, the help of the leaders of 
the people was anxiously sought b^ officers as 
indispensable for smooth and efficient administra- 
tion of a new province. The officers then moved 
amongst the people and were in touch with them, 
not as a matter of mere goodness or sympathy but 
as a matter of necessity, as they themselves had 
yet many things to learn from these leaders ; and 
this much satisiied the people at that time, as new 
aspirations were not as yet created. That state o f 
things has ceased to exist. The creation and gradual 
developmentof the various departments, the framing 
of rules and regulations for the smooth workisg 
thereof, the settlement of all old disputes, the 
completion of the revenue survey, the disarmament 
of the people, the gradpal waning of the influeace of 
the old aristocracy including the^ higher class of 
watandars, the compilation of the works of ready 
reference on all matters embodying th,e experience 


The DecBtttralisalion Commission 

of tnaQ7 years for the guidance of the oflScers, and 
other calises of the same kiad, joined with the 
facilities for communication with the head-Quarters 
of Government, have all tended to make the local 
officers more and more independeat of the people 
and 9o lose touch with the latter. Over-centralisa- 
tion may, at best, be one of such causes ; but if so, 
it is to my mind very insiRni&cant. No amount of 
decentralisation by itself can therefore restore that 
cordfality between the officers and the people which 
existed in the earlier days of the British rule as a 
□eoessity of those times; and though the {Present 
officers may by nature be as sympathetic as their 
predecessors, it is ilot possible to expect from them' 
the same respect for growing popular opinion as 
was exhibited by their -predecessors in older days. 
Under these circumstances such further decentrali- 
sation as would tend to vest greater powers in the 
lower officials will only make the system unpopular 
by encouraging local despotism which the people 
have justly learnt to look upon with disfavour. The- 
only way to restore good relations between the 
officers and the people at present is, therefore, to 
create by law the necessity of consulting the people 
or their leaders, whom the old officials consulted, 
or whose advice they practically followed, as a 
matter of policy in earlier unsettled times. This 
means transfer of authority and power not between 
officials themselves, but from officials to the 
people, and that too in an ungrudging spirit. The 

I D,mi,.=db,CoogLt' 

Lob. Bat Gangadhar TOak - 

leaders of the people must feel tbat matters 
-eoncerning public welfare are decided by oMclals la 
consultation with them. The officers did it in earlier 
days as a matter of necessity, and the necessity 
which was the result of circumstances in those days, 
must, if we want the same relations to continue, be 
now created by laws granting the rights of self- 
gov&rnmeat to the jwople, and thus giving to their 
opinion and wishes a duly recognised place In the' 
affa^s of the State. I do not mean to say that this could 
be done at once or at one stroke. We must begin with 
the vilTbge system the autonomy of which has been 
destroyed by the growth of departmebtalism under 
the present rule. The village must be made a unit 
-of self-government, and village communities or 
councils invested with definite powers to deal with 
all or most of the village questions concerning 
Education, Justice, Forest, Ahkari, Famine Relief, 
Police, Medical Relief and Sanitation. These units 
of self-government should be under the supervision 
' and superintendence of Taluka and District Boards 
which should be made thoroughly cepresentative and 
independent. This implies a certain amount of 
definite popular control even over Provincial finance; 
and the Provincial Contract System will have to be. 
-revised not merely to give to the Provincial Glovern- 
ment a greater stability, and control over its Gnanoes, 
but by farther decentralisation to secure for the 
popular representative bodies adequate assignments 
-of revenue for the aforesaid purposes. This will also 



' The D«ce>Ur<diaation CommtttJoM 

'neoessitate a corresponding devolution of indepen- 
^Jent legal powers on the popular bodies wlietber 
the same be secured by a reform of the Legislative 
'Council or otberwiae. Mere Advisory Counoila will 
not satisfy the aspirations -of the people, nor will 
'they remove the real cause of estrangement between 
the oflScers and the people. The remedy proposed 
"hj m^, I know is open to the objection that it means 
a surrender of power and authority enjoyed by the 
^raeauoracy at present, and that the efficiency of the 
administration might suffer thereby. I hold* a 
different view. I think it should be the dim of 
the British Administration to educate the people in 
the management of their own afiairs, even at 
the cost of some efficiency and without entertaining 
■any misgiving regarding the ultimate growth and 
results of such a policy. It is unnecessary to give, 
Any detailed scheme regarding the organisation of 
Village, Tsluka or District Councils proposed above 
for if the policy b« approved and accepted there will 
h6 no difBculty in framing a scheme or making 
alterations therein to meet difficulties and objec- 
4ioDs as they occur in practice. As regards other 
complaints referred to above against the present 
-centralisatioa or decentralisation of powers amongst 
-officials, I think it is high time that the combina- 
tion of Judicial and Sxecutive functions in the same 
-oC&oers should be disoonfinued. In fJudiolal 
functions I include those judicial powers that; are- 
igranted to revenue officers in the matter of land 


« LoA, Bal G^Mgadhar T-Uak 

revenue, pensionB, loaina and BaraiDJame except 
such as 'are necessary for the oolleotion ofr revenue. 
There is no reason why these powers should be 
retained by executive officers if they are to be 
divested of jurisdiction in. criminal matters. It is 
needless to say that this reform pre-supposes 
complete independence of judicial officers. Unneces- 
saty growth of departmentftlism is welt illustrated 
by the latest instance of the partition of the- 
Eb^D^ssh District. The partition of Bengalis the- 
worst instance of the kind. These are objectionable 
even ttota an economical point of view, and in th& 
case of the partition of Bengal the policy has- 
deeply wounded the feelings of the people. The 
Revenues of the country are not inelastic; but the 
margin, soon as it is reached, is swallowed up by 
the growth of departments at the sacrifice of other 
reforms conducive to the welfare of the people. In 
this connection I may here state that I advocate- 
a re- arrangement of Provinces on coneiderations of 
linguistic and ethnological afBnities and a federa- 
tion thereof under acentral authority. To conclude, 
the mere shifting of the centre of power and 
. authority , from one ofScial to another is not in 
my opinion, calculated to restore tho feelings of 
cordiality between officers and people, prevailing in 
earlier days. English education has created new 
aspirations and ideal^ amongst the people; and 
80 long as these national aspirations remain 
unsatisfied, it is useless to expect that the hiatus 

...Gooylc ^ 

The Decentralisation Commission 

between the officers and the people could he 
nmovei hy any scheme of official decentralisation, 
whatever its other effects may be. It is no remedy. 
—not even palliative, — against the evil complained 
of, nor was it ever put forward by the people or 
their leaders. The fluctuating wave of decentrali- 
sation may infuse more or less life in the individual 
members of the bureaucracy, but it pannot remote 
the growing estrangement between the rulers and 
the ruled unless and until t4ie people are allow^ed 
more and more effective voice in tlje management 
of~their own affairs in an ever expansive Spirit 
of wise liberalism and wide sympathy aiming at 
raising India to the level of the governing country. 

",., Cookie 


Mrs. Annie Besant and the Hon. Mr. Ookhale 
have published their accounts, each from his own 
point of view, of the failure to bring about a United 
Congress at Madfae. But there are gaps in either of 
these accounts ; and as I wae the third patty in the 
n&gotiations, I am obliged to point out where these 
acoountB fail to give a connected versioa of the whole 

Both Mrs. Besant and Mr. Gokhale have omitted to 
mention the important fact that it was understood on 
both sides that the success of the compromise 
depended not so much upon Mr. Ookhale's willing- 
ness, but entirely upon the acceptance of the terms 
of the compromise by the Conventionist leaders 
in the city of Bombay. So all that we dW in Poena 
was to discuss and provisionally settle what amend- 
ment in the Congress Constitution should be made, 
which, even if it did not come up to the marks, would 
make it possible for the Nationalists to join the Con. 
■ gress, and, secondly, what steps should be taken by 
the Provincial Congress Committee if the presence of 
the Nationalists was required at the Madras Congress 
sessions. I had alrdiady ascertained the views of the 
leading members of the Nationalist patty on the . 
subject, and further discussed and settled them at a 


Congnas Compromae 

small meeting of them at my house held pii 29th 
November', when Mrs. Besant was, accordiog to her 
first programme, to come here to vjsit Mr. Q-okhale ' 
and myself. She, with Mr. Subba Has, however* 
came a week later, aad I then fully aud freely 
explained the position of our party to both of them. 
Everything went oa well so far'; and no exception 
has been taken, in any of the .accounts hitherto 
published, to the conversation I had with Mrs. 
Besant or Mr. Subba Rao up to this time. ^ 

ThedifiSculttaskof winning over the Bombay City 
Oonventionists was, however, now assigned fo Mr. 
Sabba R&o ; and t must say here that I never hoped 
that it would be attended with success, and the 
result fully iustified my fears. Mr. Subba Kao, - 
according to his own statement in Ifew India of the 
8th inst., found that the Bombay Oonventionist 
leaders were dead opposed to the extension of the . 
franchise to public meetings or to independent * 
constituencies, and what is pertinent to the question 
in hand, that " great apprehension was felt " by these 
Conventionists " that the Congress would be running 
a great risk, if Mr. Tilak and his followers oame in." 
This, as anybody will aee, was the real cause of 
the compromise aegotiattofis ; for, from what took 
place at Bankipore in 1912, it was not to be expected 
that Mr. Ookhale would, after this, continue ,to 
Bupport the proposed amendment to the Constitutioa 
though it was, as now published, drafted by him. 

My conversation with Mr. Subba Rao, of which. 

D,<iz=<i„ Google 

Lah. Bat Gangadhar Tilah 

BO much la made in Mr. Gokhale'e statement, took, 
place after Wr. Subba Rao returned disappointed 
from Bombay. This was on Ibe Sth December, and 
: he must have told ttnd discussed with Mr. Gokhale, 
(with them he had put up) as he did with me that 
day, the attitude of the Bombay Conveatiouists with^ 
regard to the proposed amendment. When I went 
to Bee him the pext morning he had at his own 
initiation reduced to writing the main point of our 
c^overeation, and reading them to me asked if I had 
-any corrections to suggest. T suggested a few and 
he tiTade them in hie own hand ; and the statement 
remained with bim. A true copy of the written, 
statement Ib now published in the press. 

Mr. Gokhale says that the written statement did: 
not come into hie hands till a ^veek later. Well, I 
have never questioned bis word in this behalf. But 
be certainly knew that one was prepared on the 
9th December. What be, however, did afterwards 
is undisputed. Belying, as he says, upon an oral 
report of my second conversation with Mr. Subba 
Bao, after his return from Bombay, Mr. Gokhale 
wrote a confidevtial letter t« Babu Bhupendra in 
which Mr. Gokhale made certain cbai^ee against 
me, and eaid that he therefore withdrew his former 
support to Mrs. Beeant's amendment. In reply Baba 
Bhupendra is eaid to have asked for a revised editicm 
of this confidential letter in order that the same may 
be freely ueed. But before this second letter bad ' 
Teaohed Babu Bhupendra, he had to efaow the first 

vongnaa Cwnpromiae 

•letter to. some of his Bengal friends to justify his 
'«addeil ohange of front towards 't^e question, for hs 
■too, till then, was in favour of the amendment. The • 
oonfidential letter thus became public property and 
-the effect produced by Che disclosure of its contents 
was that I was believed to have advocated " boycott 
of Qoverntnept," and therefore no compromise was 
either possible or expedient ; and, as a matter of fact 
the Bombay Conventionist delegates and the 
Servants of India delegates jointly opposed tiie 
amendment for the same reason. Mrs. Besant^who 
moved the amendment in the Subjects Oommittee, 
felt embarrassed and telegraphed to me that " my 
opponents charged me with boycott of Government " 
and wished in reply to know what the.tnith was. I 
promptly replied that I had never advocated 
"boycott of Government" and that prominent 
Nationalists had served and were serving in Munici- 
pal and Legislative Councils and that I had fully 
supported their action, both privately and publicly. 
When thi^ telegraphic reply of mine was read in 
the Subjects Committee, Babu Bhupendra withdrew 
bis words ; and Mrs. Besant's amendment, instead 
of being rejected, was referred to a committee for 

This is the history of the failure of the compromise 
in brief. But though Babu Bl^upendra has with- 
drawn the charge, he made against me on the 
' strea^th of Mr. ilrokhkle's confideatial letter, Mr, 
lO-okhale wouid not follow the name course and still 

, r,.i»<i,.,C00ylc » 

Lot. Bal Qmtgadhar THah 

pereisti in openly maintaining the ohai^ against . 
in« relying (1) on the oral report of Mr. Subba Hao*a 
•conversation with me after the former's return from 
Bombay to Poona, and (2) on some detached extracts 
from the newspaper reports of my speech made 
e^bt years ago. In ehort, he pleads justiScation 
for the charge he made against me in hie confi- 
dential letter and wants to throw the - whole 
responsibility of the failure of the compromise on 
ms shoulders. 

Now as regatds the oral reports of parts of my 
oonTeraation with Mr. Snbba Bao I must say that I 
do not accept them as correct ; and they have no 
value as against the writtea statement prepared by 
Mr. Subba Rao. As regards the charge of advocat- 
ing the boycott of Government I have already 
repudiated it in plain terms. It is unfair to ask me 
to do anything more until the confidential letter in 
which the charge was first made is published. For 
I am entitled to know the whole of the case against 
me before I make any further reply. The contenta 
of Mr. Ookb^le's confidential letter were allowed to 
filter through Mr. Basu down to the Subjects 
Committee and have done harm to me on rny 
back, as. also to the compromise. If Mr. Ookhala 
thinks that I am attributing bad faith to him, th& 
way for him is qu^ clear and open. He never 
wanted my consent, though I am in ten minutes' 
drive from his residence, when he wrote bis ' 
confidential letter to Babu Bhupendra, and I fail to 


Coitffvsa Compromtte 

imderBtand why he should now ask me te read 
the letter and ask him to publish it. I am not 
going to do anything of the kind, nor send to Mr. 
Gokhale an accredited agent of mine for th» 
• purpose. The initiative and tbe responsibility of 
sending the letter to Mr. Basu was his, and so must 
be that of' publishing it. It is for him to consider^ 
whether he does not owe it to himself and to me to 
publish both his letters, so that the public may, after 
my reply to them, form their own judgment in Uie 
Puona, 13-2-1915. B. G. TilaK. 



[The Ucft*re btlow was delivered immediately afier the 
meeting held under the auspices of ihe Historical Research 
Bociely.on the 1st of May, 1J16. Rajamanya Rajashn 
Dada Sahib Khaparde presided.] 

When I was requested to deliver a lecture here 
to-^ay, I did not kaow what to lecture. I do not 
stand* before you to-day in any way prepared for 
any particular subject. I had gome for the Con- 
feience. Thinking that it would not be out of place 
if I were to say &few words t6 you about those 
subjects which were discussed during the past few 
days and about the object with which a Home Rule 
League was established here before the Congress, I 
have selected that subject for to-day's lecture. 

What is shoarajya ? Many have a misconception 
about this. Some do not understand this. Some 
understanding it, misrepresent it. some do not 
want it. Thus there are many kinds of people. 
I am not prepared to-day to enter into any parti- 
cular discussion of any sort beyond saying a few 
■ general words on the following among other points : 
What is swarajya ? Why do we ask for it ? Are we 
fit for it or not? In'what manner must we make 
this demand for swarajya of those of whom we have 
to make it ? In what direction and on what lines are 
. 104 


Home Rule Speech at Betgaum 

-we to carry oa the work which we hare to carry 
•611 ? It i%- not the case that these general wor^s 
which I am going to say are the outcome of my 
-efEort and exertion alone. The idea of swarajya is 
-an old one. Of course when swarajya is spoken of 
it shows that there is some kind of rule opposed to 
swa, i.e. ours and that this idea originates at that 
time. This ^ plain. When such a condition 
arrives it begins to be thought that there should be 
swarajya, and men make exertions for that purpyse. 
You are at present in that sort of condition. Tbose 
■who are ruling over you do not belong t5 your 
religion, race or even country. The question 
whether this rule of the English Government is 
good or bad is one thing. The question of ' one's 
own ' and ' alien ' is quite another. Do not 
-confuse the two at the outset. When the question 
alien,' or one's own ?' comes, we must say * alien.* 
When the question ' go6d or bad ?' comes, we 
may say 'good,' or we may say 'bad.' If you 
say ' bad,' then what is the improvement that 
must be made in it ? — this question is dififeiynt. If 
yo\i say * good' it must be seen what good there is 
-under it which was not under the former rule. 

These are different points of view Formerly 

.there were many kingdoms in out India— in some 
places there was Mohammadan rule, in some plaaea 
■Ihere was Rajput rule, in some places there was 
Hindu rule and in some places there was Maratha 
■zule — were these swarajyas good or bad 7 I again 
105 ' 


Lob. Bal Gangadhar TUak 

Temind ^ou that this is a question different from our 
theme. We shall consider it afterwards. AH other 
rules being broken up, the universal sovereignty of 
the English Government has been established in 
India. To-day we have not to consider the history 
of other's down>fall. We have also not to consider 
how they fell. Nor am I going to apeak about that. Let 
us turn to the present system of administration. 
Some able men who have been educated in England 
andjiave received college education there come to 
India and the State administration of India is 
'carried on through ihem. 'Emperor' is a wotd. 
When you give a visible form to the .sentiment 
which, arises in your mind at the mention of the 
word Baja i.e., Eing, there is the present Emperor. 
This sentiment itself is invisible. When a visible 
form is given to this invisible something there is 
the King -the Emperor. But the Emperor does not 
carry on the administration. The question of 
svnrajya is not about the Emperor, not about this 
invisible sentiment. 'This must be remembered at 
the outset. Let tbere be any country, it must have a 
King, it must have some men to carry on its manage- 
ment and there must be exercised some sort of rule 
in it. The case of q.narebical nations is different. 
These nations can never rise. As in a house there 
must be some one to look to its management — when 
there is no man belonging to the house an outsider is 
brought in as a trustee — just so is the case also with 
a kingdom. In every country there is a certain. 

Home ffwlf Sp4ech at Belffium 

body for carrying on its adminiBtration and ^here is- 
some sort of arrangement. An analyeis muet he made- 
of both tbeae things, viz.,oithiB arrangement and 
this body and, ae stated yesterday by the President 
(the President of the Provincial Conference,) of the 
sentimeilt of |' King.' There must be a king, there' 
must be State administration. Both these proposi- 
tions are true from the historical point of view. Of 
a country where there is no order, where there is no- 
kingj that is, where there is no^upervising body,Jbe 
Mahabharat say^ : ' A wise man should not live even 
for a moment at that place. There is no knowing 
when, at that place, our lives may be destroyed, 
when our wealth may be stolen, when our house may 
be dacoited, nay, set on fire.' There must be a- 
government. I will 'not say at length what there 
was in the Kritayuga in ancjent times. The people 
of that time did not require a King. Every one used 
to carry on business looking only to mutual good. 
Our Furanas say that there was once a condition 
when there was no king. But if we consider whether- 
such a state existed in historical times it will appear 
that such a condition did not exist. There must he 
some control or other. Control cannot be esercised 
always by all people assembling together at one 
place. Hence, sovereign authority is always divided 
into two parts : one the Adjrisory body, and the 
other executive body. The question about swarotjya 
^hich h^ now arisen in India is not about the said 
invisible sentiment. This question is not about those- 


Lt)k. Bat Gongttdhar TUak 

■who are^to mle over us, (and) according » whose 
leadership, by whose order and under whose 
guidance, that rule is to be exercised. It is an 
uodisputed fact that we aUould secure our own 
£ood under the rule of the Er^tish people themselves, 
under the supervision of the English nation, with 
the help of the English nation, through their 
sympathy, through their anxious oare and through 
those high sentiments which they possess. And I ' 
hav^ to say nothing, about this (cheers). Note^this 
first. Do not create confusion in your minds by 
confounding both the aspects. These two aspects are 
•quite distinct. What we have to do we must do with 
the help of some one or another, since to-day we are 
in such a helpless condition. It is an undoubted 
■fact that we must secure our good under protection. 
"Had it not been for that, your independence would 
never have gone* If we take for granted that we 
have to bring about the dawn of our good with the 
help of the English Government and the British 
Empire, then one more strange thing which some 
people see in this, will altogether disappear. To 
speak in other words, there is no sedition in this. If 
then with the help of the English Government — if 
the words 'invisible English Government,* be used 
for the words ' EnglishQovernment' there wquld be 
no mistake^f with tlje help of this invisible English 
Government, with the aid of this invisible English 
-Government, you are to bring about the^awn of 
your good fortune, then, what is it that you ask ? 

D,mi,.=db, Google 

Home Rule Speech at Belgaum 

This second question arises. The answer toMt^ 
again, liefe in the very distinction of which I spoke 
to you. Though a Government may he invisible, 
still when it begins to become visible, the manage- 
ment of that kingdom is carried on by its hands and 
by its actions. This stateof being visible is different 
from invisible Government, If you ask how, I say 
in the same manner as the gr^at Brahma is different 
from Mafia. I have taken the word visible and 
invisible from Vedanta (Philosophy). The great 
Brahma which is without attributes and form is ' 
different and the visible forii which it assumetS when 
it begins to come under the temptation of maya, 
is different. Hence these dealings which are due to 
maya are sure to chan^. What is the characteristic " 
of maya ? It changes every moment. One (Govern- 
ment will remain permanent (viz.) invisible Govern- 
ment ; and the visible Qovemtnent changes ©very 
moment. The word Swarajyo which has now arisen . 
relates to visible Government. Maintaining th& 
invisible Government as one, what change, if effected 
iir the momentarily changing visible. Government, 
would be beneficial to our nation ? This is the 
question of Swarajya. And this being the question of 
Swdrajya,- there arises the further question : In 
whQse hands shouldbe the administration carried on 
in our India ? We do not wish to change the invieible 
Government — English Goverr?ment. Wesay that th& 
administratiop should not be in the hands of a visible 
entity by whose hands this invisible Government is- 


Loft. Bal Gangadkar Titah 

■getting work done, but should pass into some other's 
hands. The Stvetrais^o agitation nhioh is nbw carried carried on in the belief that this administration 
if carried on by some other haodsor with the help of 
some one else, or some other visible form would be 
more beneficial to the people than when carried 
on by those by whose hands it is now carried on. 
Let us take a parallel. There is an Emperor in 
England. An English A.ot contains the rule that 
ihe king commits no wrong. The king never 
commits a wrong (offence). His authority is limited 
in suffh a maaner that hf has always to be advised 
by a minister. The Prime Ministeracts on his own 
responsibility. There may be a good many people 
here who have studied English history. This is the 
British constitution. When this principle was 
-established in English History, the number of 
sedition cases began to fall. Here in India, we have 
the administrators instituting cases of sedition. 
Those who carry on the administration are different 
and the king is different. The king is one and the same. 
Buttheministerchangeseveryfiveyears. It would hot 
'be sedition if any were to start a discussion advocat- 
ing a change of ministry. It happens every day before 
the eyes of the English people. The king's ministers - 
go out of office after Sve years, go oat of office after 
two years ; they may quarrel among themselves as 
they like. What is 'that to the king? He is the 
«reat Brahma without attributes? He is not affected 
hy this. The Swarajya agitation now existing in 


Home RtiU Spuch at Bagflum 

India is then about chaage in Buoh a ministry. Wlio 
Tules in India? Boes the Emperor come an'd do it? 
He is to be taken in procession like a god on a great 
occasion, we are to manifest our loyalty towards 
liim. This is our duty. Through whom, then, isthe 
administration carried on. It is carried on through 
those who are now servants (viz.)thQ State Secretary, 
Viceroy, Governor, and below him the Collector, the 
' Patel and lastly the police sepoy. If it be said that 
one Police sepoy should be transferred and another 
Police sepny should 'be appointed would ^hat 
constitute sedition? If it be said that the Collector 
who has come is not wanted and that another is 
wanted, would that constitute sedition ? If ithe said 
that one Governor is not wanted, another Governor 
-should be appointed, would that constitute sedition ? 
If it be said ' This State Secretary is not wanted, 
fering another ' would that constitute sedition ? 
Nobody has called this sedition. The same 
principle which is applicable to a Police sepoy 
is also applicable to the State Secretary. We 
are the subjects of the same king whose minister 
,the State Secretary is and whose servant he is. 
This then being so, if any one were to say, 
■"this State Secretary is not wanted, this Viceroy 
is not wanted, Fuller Saheb is not wanted in 
Bengal, — sucb resolutions have often been 
passed in the case of Governors, not in the 
present but in the past time — and were to give 
reasons for that, you may say about him that 

Lok. Bal Gangadlufr Tttak 

his head must have been turned and that the- 
reasone'he gives are not good hr sufBcient. ' But 
from the historical point of view, it does not follow 
that when he says so, that constitutes seditioQ 
(cheere). Our demand belongs to the seeond class. 
It is concerned with axvarajya. Consider .well what 
I say. If you think that the present administration 
is carried on well, then I have nothing to say. la the 
Congresses and Conferences that are now held you' 
come and say: "Our Kulkarni Vatan has been 
takSn (away), zulum has been exercised upon ua in 
oonneetion with the Forest Department, liquor has 
spread more in connection with the Abkari Depart- 
ment, also we do not receive that sort of education 
which we ought to get." What is at the root of all 
this ? What is the benefit of merely saying this ?' 
Why do jyu not get education / Why are shops of 
tifB Abkari Department opened where we do not 
want them ? In. the Forest Department, laws about 
reserved forests and about forest of tbis sort or of 
that sort are made. Why were they made? At 
present, lists' upon lists of grievances come before 
the Congress. Why was jury abolished against 
your will? Why was no college opened in the- 
Karnatic up to this time ? All these questions ar» 
of Buch a kind that there is but one answer to them. 
At present what do we do? Is there no College? — 
petition to the CoUeofbr or to the Governor, because- m 
he has power in his hands. , If this power had come 
into your hands, if you had been the ofBcials iO' 


Home Rule Speech at Belgaum 

their place, or if thetr authority had been responsi- 
ble to thfl public opinion, these things would not 
have happened. No other answer than this can be 
given to the above. These things happen because 
there is no authority in your hands'. The 
authority to decide these matters is not given to 
you for whose good this whole arrangement is ta b© 
made. Hence we have to ask like children. The 
child cries when it is hungry. It cannot say 
that it is hungry. The ' mother has to find 
out whether it is hungry or has a bellyac^be. 
Sometimes the remedies used prove out of f>lace. 
Such has become our condition at present. In the 
first place you do rtot at all know what you want 
and where lies your difficulty. When you know it, 
you begin to speak. You have no power in your 
hands to oause things to be done according to your 
desire. Such being the condition, what has happenej^ 
now ? Whatever you have to do, whatever you want 
— if you want to dig a welt in your house — you have 
to petition to tbe Collector. If you want to kill 
a tiger in the forest you have to petition to the 
Collector. Grass cannot be obtained, wood cannot. 
be obtained from the forest freely, permission to cut 
grass is required — petition the Collector. All thi» 
is a helpless state. We do not want this arrange- 
ment. We want some better arrangement than 
this. That is Suiarajya, that is*Home Kule. These 
questions do not arise in the beginning. When a boy • 
is young he knows nothing. Wben he grows up he 




Lak. Bal Gangadhar TOak 

begins to know and then begins to think that it would 
be very ftood if the managemeiit of the household was 
carried on at leaet to some extent aocording to his 
opinion. Just bo it is with a nation. When it is 
able to consider for itself, when it acquirefs the 
capacity of considering for itself, then the question, 
is likely to arise. Let us give up the thought about 
the invisible Qovernment, let us come within the 
limits of the visible Government. We then see 
that the people who make this arrangement, who 
car?; on the administration, are appointed ia 
England according to a certain law, and are 
made within the limits of those laws as to what 
should be their policy. These rules may be good or 
bad. They may be good, they may be quite well- 
arranged and methodical. I do not say that they 
are not. But, however good may be the arrangement 
made by other people, stitl he who wauts to have 
the power to make his own arrangement is not likely 
always to approve. This is the principle of Swawjya. 
If you got the powers to select your Collector, it 
cannot he said with certainty that he would do any 
more work than the present Collector. Perhaps 
he may not do. He may even do it badly. I admit 
this. But the difference between this and that is 
this ; this one is selected hy us, he is our man, 
he sees how we may remain pleased ; while the other 
ihinks thus : what we think to be good must appealr 
so to others : what is there with respect to which we 
should listen to others : I am so much educated, I 


Home Rute Speech of Belgaum 

get so much pay, I possess so muoh ability— why- 
would I do aiiTthing which would be harmful to 
oth&?s ? The only answer is ' Because you have 
-such conceit.' (Laughter.) It is only the wearet 
that knows where the shoe pinches. Others cannot 
know. This is the only cause. There is no other 
cause. Henoe if you minutely consider the various 
complaints which have arisen in onr counttr it will 
appear that the system which ia subsisting now is 
not wanted by us. Not that we do not want the 
king, nor that we do not want the English Gk)vefii- 
ment, nor that we do not want the Emperor.- We 
want a particular sort of change in the system 
according to which this administration is carried on 
and I for one do not think that if that change were 
made there would arise any danger to the English 
rule. But there is reason to think that some people 
whose spectacles are different from ours see i^ 
because they say so (cheers). Kenoe the minds of 
many people are now directed to the question as 
to what change should be effected in the system to 
fit in Ei^lish Rule with the popular will. We make 
minor demaodst ins,, remove the liquor shop in a 
certain village named Ghodegoan ; they say it 
should not be removed. ]>one. We say reduce the 
«ait tax, they say we look to the amount of revenue 
derived from the salt duty. If the tax is reduaed 
how should the revenue be aiiin&ged ? He who has 
to make* the arrangement of administration has to 
do these things. When I ask for the authority to 


Lok, Bal Gemgadhar Tilak 

manage my household afFairs, I do not say give tae- 
the incdme which you obtain and spend ifrnot. We 
ourselveB have to earn and we ourselves must 
expend. This is the sort of double responsibility , 
which we want. Then we shall see what we have to 
do. Such is the claim at present. Bureaucrats come 
and say, act according to our wishes ; on the other 
handwe say, set according to our wishes so that all 
our grievances may be removed. We know that 
sometimes a boy obstinately asks for a cap worth 
2S >upeeB from his father. Had he been in his 
fatherts place it is very doubtful whether he would 
have paid 25 rupees for the' cap or not. The father 
refuses, but the boy ie grieved at the time. And 
why is he grieved at it? Because he does not 
understand ; tiecause the management is not in his 
own hands. If he had he would know. In like 
manner the introduction of self-administration is 
beueficial to India. We want this thing to-day.When 
thisonly thing is obtained the remaining things come 
into our possession of themselves. This is at the root 
of the thousands of demands which we are making. 
When we get this key into our hands, we, can open 
not only one but 5 or 10 doors at once. Such is the 
present question. In order that the attention of all 
may be directed to thft question this Home Rule 
League was established here the other day. Some 
will be grieved at it; I do not deny it. Every one is 
grieved. It was said here some time back that 
when a hoy is a. minor, the father when dying 


Home Rule Speech at Belgautn 

appoints ,a panch. The panrh when appointed 
supervises the whole of the estate. Some benefit 
does accrue. This is not denied. Afterwards when 
the boy has grown up, he sees that there is 
something wrong in tbis arrangement. ' I must 
acquire the right of management, then I shall carry 
on better management than this,' he says to himself. 
He is confident. . It may not be that be actually 
carries on the management as well. If he be a 
piodigal, he may squander away his father's money. - 
But he thinks he must manage his own affairs. In 
order to avoid any opposition the law lays down the 
limitation that on the boy's completing 31 years of 
%e, the trustee should cease his supervision and 
give it into the boy's possession. This rule which 
ne observe in every day life applies equally also to 
the nation. When tb^ people in the nation become 
educated and begin to know how they should 
manage their affairs, it is quite natural for them 
that they themselves should claim to manage the 
affairs which are managed for them by others. But 
the amusing thing ia the history of politics is that 
the above law of about 21 years has no existence in 
it. Even if we may somehow imagine a law enjoming 
that when a/ nation has been educated for a 
hundred years it should be given the right ta 
administer itself it is not po88i{)le to enforce such a 
law. The people themselves must get the law 
enforced. They have a right to do so. There must 
'be some such arrangement here. Formerly there 


Lok. Btd Gattgadhar Tilak 

was eoine better arrangement to a little extent. 
Such an arrangement does not exist now. And 
therein lies the reason of all our demapds, of the 
grievances which we have, the wants which we feel 
and the inconveniences which we notice in the- 
ad ministration. And the remedy which is proposed 
after making inquiries is called Home Rule. Its 
name is Swarajya. To put it briefly, the demand that 
the management of our affairs should be in our 
hEfnde is the demand for Swarajya, Many people 
hav^at present objections to this. I merely gave the 
definition in order to make the subject clear. The 
people on the other side always misrepresent it. If 
there be no mistake in the logical reasoning of what 
' I have now said, how will any mistake aris^e unless 
some part of it is misrepresented ? Hence, those 
people who want to point out a mistake misrepresent 
some sentences out of this and find fault with them 
saying this is such a thing, that is such a thing. It 
Is not the duty of a wise man to impute those things 
to us which we never demand at all ; to censure ub- 
and ridicule us before the people. Need X say more 
about this ? (Cheers.) If any one of you has such 
a misconception let him give it up. At least remem- 
her that what I tell you is highly consistent. It is in 
accordance with logical science. It agrees with 
history. I said th^t king means invisible king or 
Government— this is no offence whatever. There are 
deities between. Very often God does not get 
angry ; these deities get angry without reason. We 


Home Rule Speech at Belgaum ^ 

must first settle with them. So if there has arisen 
aay misconception let it be removed. All I have 
said is for that purpose. Now I tell you.the nature 
of our demand. J Even before that, let us consider a 
little thel question whether we are fitforcarryingotii, 
the administration or not. Sometime ago I gave 
you the instance of panch and their ward. There 
generally it happens that aa the boy grows up more 
and more, thotte who think that the management 
should D^t pass 'into his hands report, one ^that 
his head has now begun to turn, another tbat 
he is not mad but that he appears tn Ife half 
mad andrso] on. The reason of this is that the 
management should remain in their own hands for 
a couple of years more. A third says : ' True, you 
may give authority into his hands but do you know 
that he has got bad habits V These people say five 
or ten things about him. What is to be gained by 
doing this. The^ dispute goes before the Court and 
then they get him adjudged mad. Some thing like 
this, has now begun to happen here. To give 
authority into people's hands is the best principle 
of administration. No one disputes this; because 
the same thii^ is going on in the country of those 
officials who are here. When they go there they 
have to advocate the ^nie principle. Therefore no 
one says that this historical principle is bad. Then 
what is bad ? They distinctly say that the Indians 
are not to-day fit for Swarojya (laughter), and some 
of us are like the cunning men in the atory 


' p Lok. Bal Gantadhar THah 

oocurriog Id the PsachataDtra. That story is as 
follows ; A. villager had come taking a sheep on his 
head. One man said to bim ' There is a she goat on 
your head.' A second said ' There is a dog on your 
head.' A third oae said quite a third thing. The 
villager threw aw&y the sheep. The men (oot It 
away. Our oondition is like that. The story 
relates. to bumao nature. There are among us 
people who are just lite thesk Why are we not 
fit ?• Because fitness has not been created ia us. 
We. have not done it, our parents have not done it. 
We have not got such powers. But the U-overnment 
has given you some powers in the Council. Sinha 
and Chaubal are in the Council. In the Executive 
Councils of other places also there are selected 
people. Wheo these people were selected for 
appointment, did any one ever say, " We are not 
fit, do not give us the post." No one said it 
(Cheers). What then is the use of saying so* to our 
meeting? I should concede these people were 
speaking true, if, when the bureaucracy actually 
confers some great powers on tbem, they stand 
up and say " We do not want them, we are not fit 
for them, — the Brahmins alone must cocne and"^ 
perform Shraddba at our house, we cannot perform 
it." I think that those men who say things because 
such and such a person would like or would not like 
and bring forward excuses for that purpose, exhibit 
their own nature (cheers.) Why are we not fit i Have 
we DO nose, no eyes, no ears, no intellect 7 Can we 

» D,mi,.=db,Ct.)onlc 

Home Rule Speech at Belgflum 

not write ? Have we- not read hooks J Can we nob^ 
ride a horse ? Why ^re we not fit ? As a Jew ia . 
one of Shakespeare's dramas asked, I ask you what 
have we not ? You have not discharged your work. If 
it is not given at all, when are you to discharge it ? 
(Cheers.) Has it ever happened that we did not do 
work when it was given ? No one did say, we are 
unfit, do not appoint us," You appoint them. * You 
get work done by them' and afterwards it is also 
announced in a Government Resolution, ' He Jias 
done his duty and so on.' If we go further we may 
ask 'YoiKbring from Elngland quite a new man of 
21 years. What can he do ? Has he any experience 
at all ? He comes all at once and straight away 
becomes Assiatant Collector, and becomes the 
superior of a Mamlatdar though the later be €D years 
old. What is the comparison ? (cheers). Is, 60 
years' experience of no value? A man of 21 years 
comes and b^ins to'teach you. Generally he makes 
this Mamlatdar of 60 years stand before him. He 
does not give him even a chair for sitting, and this 
poor man stands befpre him with joined hands 
because he has to get Rs. 150, 300, or 400 (cheers). 
How then is the Saheb to acquire experience, how 
is he to become fit, and how is the work to go on ? 
Has any one thought about this ? Had it been true 
that the people of India are not fit for swarajya and 
that they would not be able to keep their kingdom ' 
ia good order, then Hindus and Muhammadans 
would never have governed kingdoms in this oonntry- 

.^ Coo-Ac 

Ldk. Bat Gattgadhar Tilah 

in ancient times. Formerly there were_ our kiog- 
dome is this country. There were admlDlBtrotors. 
The proof of this is that before the advent of the 
English Government, in this country there was at 
least some'order, there was no disorder everywhere, 
any man did not kilt another. Since there existed 
such order, bow can it be said that the people are 
not fit for self-rule. To-day science has made pro- 
gress, knowledge has increased, and experience has 
accumulated in one place. We must have more 
liberty than before, and we must have become fitter. 
On the contrary it is said we are not fit. Whatever 
might have been the case in former times, this 
allegation is utterly false now. Better say, we shall 
not give you. What I say is, don't apply the 
words 'not fit' to us. At least we shall know 
that we'are not really to be given. We shall get it. 
But why do we not get it ? It is indirectly said that 
we are not fit. They say it is to teach us that they 
have come here. This is admitted. But how long will 
you teachus ? Weast (Laughter.) For one genera- 
tion, two generations or thres generations I Is there 
any end to this ?...Set some limit. You came to teach 
us. When we appoint a teacher at home for a boy 
we ask him within how many days he would teach 
him-whether in 10, 20 or 35 days, within two months, 
within four months.. But if the study which should 
take six month? for the boy to finish, would, he- 
Were to say contrary to our expectation, take One- ' 
year, we tell him you are useless, go, we shall- 


Home Rule Speech at Belgaum . 

appoint another teacher (cheers). This applies to all 
people alike. Our officers have control over the 
people's education and it is their duty to improve 
them : this duty points one way, their attempts 
point another way. They say that whatever 
attempts they make it is impossible for the people 

to become fit for work. We say our people are 

men like you, as wise as you. Tqu take them in 
service, get work done by them. Your stiictnesa is 
proverbial. What is going on in the Klialsa 
territory? There is no obstruction in the manage- 
ment. Is it obstructed in Mysore ? Who are doing 
the work ? The king of Mysore is a Hindu, the 
minister is a Hindu, the subjects are Hindus, 
the lower officers are Hindus. They carry on 
the administration of such a large kingdom as 
Mysore, but it is said that the people of the two 
districts beyond Mysore cannot carry it on in that 
manner. (Laughter, cheers). There are six districts 
in the Mysore territory, hence, it is like sayingthat 
six are fit and eight'are not fit. There is fitness in 
us beyond any doubt (cheers). You may then, we 
say, fCir some reason admit it or not. Well. What 
authority is there for thinking that we possess 
fitness 7 I pointed to a Native State. I tell you 
another thing. Keep yourself aloof for 10 years and 
see whether it can be done or not (cheers, laughter). 
If it cannot be done take us under your control after 
ten years (cheers.) You are free to do so. This too, 

is not to bedone There is no swarajya. There- 



Lok. Bal Gangadhar TUak 

is DO svarajya. What does it mean ? What do we 
aBk for ? Do we say Drive away the English Gov6tq- 
meat? But I aak what is it to tbe Emperor? 
Does the £)mperor lose anything whether the 
administratioii is carried on by a civil servant or by 
our Belvi Saheb ? (Cheers.) The rule still remains. 
The Emperor still remains. The difference would 
be that the white servant who was with him would 
be replaced by a black servaht (cheers). From 
wh^ra then does this opposition come ? This 
•opposition comes from those people who aye in 
power? It does not come from the Emperor. From 
the Emperor's point of view there is neither anarchy 
nor want of loyalty, nor sedition in this. What 
does rajadroha (sedition) mean ? Hatred of the 
king. Does ' King ' mean a police sepoy ? 
(^augbter) T said some time back that this distinc- 
tion must first be made. Otherwise, if to-morrow 
you say ' remove the police sepoy ' it would consti- 
tute sedition. Such is the belief of police sepoys 
(laughter). In the same manner, go a little further 
and you will see that the demand^ made by us 
is right, proper, just and in conformity with human 
nature. Other nations have done 'what we are 
doing. It has not been done only in our country. 
Swarajya, swarajya — what does it mean ? Not that 
you do not want the English rule. There is the 
mistake ut the root. Some one has some object 
in pefpetuating it. It is served out by men whose 
interest lies in deceiving you. Do not care for it at alL 


' Home Rule Speech at Betgaum 

" If you thint that you are men like other men, 
that ie enOugh. When our objectors go to England 
their intellect and they are put to the test there. 
Therein we stand higher. What then is trotted 
out ? They say your intellect may be good, but 
you do not possess character, courage and other 
qualities. Their character, I admit for a ghatka (24 
minutes) the absence of that particular character. 
But it does not follow that we cannot acquire 
it (laughter). How can such character be develoned 
in men whose life is spent in service and in service 
alone ? Can it be said of any person — He ^rt)rked 
as a clerk for 25 years, wrote on the cover the 
Saheb'e orders, obtained the Saheb'a signature 
thereon and thus he acquired the necessary 
character after 25 years. — Even if some truth is 
presumed in suoh a statement yet he will at first 
find it difficult to do responsible work. This is not' 
denied. But when the system under which such 
men are, has disappeared, it cannot be said that 
men would not become fit in the next generation. 
Hence in my opinion we are fit for Swarajya. 
I shall now briefly tell you what we wish to 
obtain and what we should demand and then con-' 
elude my speech. 

" You know what Indian administration is. It 
must be noted that it is carried on in accordance 
with a particular law. Its rulbs are fixed. What 
are the powers of the Secretary of State ? What are 
the powers of the Governor-General ? They define. 

Lok. Bal Gangfldhar TiltA 

There are three great parts of the system- The 
Secretary of State is io England. The "Qovemor- 
General is at Delhi ia India. Under him there ia a 
Governor for every Preaidenoy. For the present let 
us omit those under him. But the main system is of 
the above triple character. Let us begin to consider 
«ach. Who appoints the Secretary of State 7 Not 
we. This is a heritage from the Company's govern- 
ment. When there was the East India Company's 
rule in this country, all matters were carried on in 
the "interests of trade. The whole attention was 
directed towards the quentipn how might the 
Company's shareholders obtain considerable profit ; 
the Company's Directors were in the place of the 
present Secretary of State. You might say that 
it waa a contract given for governing the entire 
kingdom. You know for instance Under the Peshwa's 
rule Mamlatdar'a offices were given away under 
a contract. This Indian administrEition was, as it 
were, according to the then law of G-overnraent, 
a trade carried on by the East India Company. They 
were to derive from it as much profit as possible. 
The Company's Directors were to be in England. 
The attention of the administration' was directed to 
the fact that profit was to be given to the Directors, 
i.e., shareholders. A letter used to come to the 
■Governor-General here to this effect : — ' So much 
profit must be paid tt^us this year. Realise it aud 
-send it to us.' This was the administration. The 
^people's good was not considered under it. It was 


Home Rule Speech at Belgaum 

the story of the milk-man and his cows. If the 
cows did not yield sufficient milk, he says 611 the pot 
with water. The administration of India was carried 
on like that. Subsequently it appeared after dis- 
cussion that this administration was not good. And 
when Queen Victoria — you may say the Parliament 
— took the administration into their own hands, they 
did not approve of this trading system.Therefore th^y 
took it into theii hands.This was alright. However the 
system of administration was modelled on the policy 
which was in existence when the administratKin 
was assumed (by the Parliament) and under which 
the Directors were masters' in England and their 
servants were masters here. The State Secretary 
has come in the place of the Directors. The Qover- 
nor-General has come in the place of their Governor. 
Thus what was done ? The Sovereign— -the Parlia- 
ment—took the administration into their hands, but 
the establishment of employees which then existed 
has remained just as before. This happened in 185S 
after the Mutiny. From that time to this the 
administration of India has been carried on in 
accordance with rules and arrangements formed as 
a heritage of the Company's policy. If the power 
had really to go to the sovereign this modelling after 
the policy of the Company should have disappeared. 
He is the King and we are his subjects. It is his 
duty to rule for the good of tb* subjects. And an 
. arrangement should have been made in accordance 
with the rules — lawful — that may be included in 


Loh. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

th&t duty. But the arrangement was made -thus — 
the Directors disappeared, the Secretary of State- 
stepped into their shoes as the final authority. Who 
is to decide how much money is to be spent in India 
and what taxes are to be imposed ? The State Secre- 
tary. Such powers are not placed in the Governor- 
General's han'ds. He is the chief officer. The 
Governors are under him. They are servants. There 
are other servaiits under them. And the entire 
administration must be carried on with the consent 
of and in consultation with and with the advice of 
thie State Secretary ? Such is the present policy. 
What has happened gradually ? It has continued 
but a commercial policy. Though the rule went 
into the hands of the Queen's Government, and 
though they issued a great proclamation, the policy 
of the administration is not on the lines of that 
proclamation. It is in accordance with'the trading 
Company's policy, the. administration of the King- 
dom is in accordance wijji the Company's policy. 
So the proclamation has had no ^ffec^t. (Laughter, 
cheers.) Such was the arrangement. At the time 
our people did not know it. I believe, that if 
"education had spread as much as it is now, the 
people would have contended that since the 
Queen had taken the reins of Government 
into her own hands, the administration of the 
kingdom should, al regards the sovereign and 
the subjects, be for the good of the subjects. Our 
people would then have told that the arrangement 


Home Rule Speech at Belg^tn 

made by the Company was simply for its own 
benefit, aifd that a change must be made in that 
policy — in that arrangement. Such oontention did - 
come. - The people have now contended for many 
years. To put the matter very briefly, Mr. Dadabhai 
Naoroji (cheers), who is one of those living persons 
who clearly saw and pointed out the defects, began 
this work. How, did he begin ? He said, What is 
the difierenoe between the Company's system and 
this system ? We do not see any in It. The rules 
are all made in accordance with the Company's 
policy. Are the people likely to derive atty benefit 
from them? Then came the Legislative councils. 
They were such that the Q-overnor-General was to 
appoint them. Originally the members were not to 
be elected by the people. Gradually your men 
became members of the Municipality and of th6 
Legislative Council. Still the final keys are in the 
hands of the authorities. Discusaion may be held 
in the Legislative Council. They say ' You have 
full liberty to holda discussion. You may hold a 
discussion about spending the money in this 
country. But we shall decide whether it should be 
BO spent or not. Exert yourself mentally and vocajly 
as much as you can, we have no objection to it. Be 
awake throughout the night, prepare your speeches. 
Instead of printing them in a newspaper, we shall 
publish them in the Bombay (dovernment) Gazette.* 
This is the result. Nothing is hereby gained. Hope 
is held out no doubt. There is a alokh (stanza) in 


Loh. Bal Gangadkar Tilak 

the Mahabharat which says hope ' should be made 
dependent upon time.' Our friends say ''Bights are 
to be given to you when you become fit. We do 
not wish to remain in India. When yon become 
fit, we shall give the bundle into your possession 
and go to England by the next English steamer* 
(cheers). Very well. A time limit should be laid 
down. ' We shall give in two years. We shall give 
in ten years.' It did come afterwards. Time should 
be coupled with obstacles. Ten years were men- 
ticThed. These days passed and were very wearisome. 
'We are obliged to make them fifteen' was the next. 
Hope and time should be' coupled with an obstacle. 
The obstacle came. ' You yourselves must have 
brought it' was the retort. We did not bring it. We 
were awaiting good time. Excuse should be coupled 
with it. The excuse came. How did it oome ? It is ao 
excuse, only nothing can be said about it Some cause 
should be shown. This is a sort of policy. When 
you do not mean to give, you cannot do otherwise. 
This policy does not find a place ih the modern 
works on morality and politics. Only, the old 
tradition has continued. Thus this bureaucracy has 
been cajoling us. For the last 5 or 50 years the 
State Secretary and the Governor-General too have 
been cajoling ue in this manner, have kept us afloat. 
As soon as you proceed to make some noise, it is 
said there were five members, to-morrow we shall 
make ihem six. What do we benefit by raising the 
number from five to six ? One of our men has merely 


Hom4 Rule Speeek at Belgaum 

io waste hia time there for nothing for a while 
(Cheers.) There is no more advantage than that. If 
you object to six they say we make them eight. We 
raise 10 io 12, if necessary. (Laughter and oheers.) 
The people are already conviaced that this 
matter cannot be disposed of in this manner. 
Whatever rights you may give, give them to us 
absolutely, however great you may keep your 
own powers. Take for instance, the manage- 
meot of the Educational Department. Moet 
of the subordinate servants are from among 'us 
only. There is a Saheb at the head. Why«i3 he 
kept there 7 With a view to restrain their mouths 
and the scope of their intellect. Even if 20 years' 
service be put in by the next" subordinate, work 
cannot be done without the Saheb. That poor man 
actually begins to say so. It is such men that are 
prepared. I shall present to you two points of view. 
When a gardener is asked to prepare a garden just 
here, beyond this place, he wants flower pots. When 
big forests are to be prepared under the Forest 
Department, pots are not required. Bags of seeds are 
brought and emptied. Trees grow everywhere to 
any extent. Some of them grow small, some big. 
The present arrangement is that of the gardener. 
Owing to this arrangement the trees amongst us do 
not grow. Nay, care is taken that are planted in 
pots took pretty, so that flowers^can be reached and 
plucked by the band. We are educated in such « 
^ray that euoh prefity plants may grow. In suoh a 

D,<lz=<l„Ct.)OHlc , 

Lok. Bed Gangadhar TOak 

maimer ie our man treated and made to work. Aud^' 
then after 25 or 30 years are past, he hegins to say 
' I am really not fit for this work.' We do not want 
this system. We want the English Government. 
We want to remain under the sway of tMs rule. 
But we do not want the State Secretary who has 
been created a son-in-law (cheers). W« want at 
least our men, men elected bp us, in his counoil. 
This is the first reform that must be made. In like- 
manner the decision as to who is to expend India's 
revenues, how much money is to be collected and 
how many taxes are to be imposed should rest in 
our handSi (Cbeers}, We say, there must not be 
those taxes. They say how can the expenditure be 
met? That, we will see afterwards. We know thia 
much. Expenditure is to be proportionate to the 
money we have and that again has to be raised-, 
according to the expenditure undergone. We under- 
stand this. We will later see what arrangement 
should be made. The second principle of Home- 
Bule is that these powers should be in the people's- 
hands, in the hands of good men, viz., in the hands 
of men elected by the people. At present a great 
war is going on in Europe. The Emperor does not 
decide how much money has to be spent on the war. 
Mr. Asquith decides it. If there is a complaint 
against the work done by Mr, Asquith, it goes before- 
Farliament, and ifUr. Asquith has committed a. 
mistake, be has to tender his resignation. Will it be- 
sedition if he has to tender his resignation ? Therer 
, 132 


Home Rule Speech al Betgaum 

is the diffdxence ia the arrangement, there is the 
differeace in the organization, there is the difference 
in the system. And we are asking for a change to 
such a syetem. ' The rule will fall, the rule will go 
away '—these thoughts are utterly foreign to us, 
they do not oome within our limits, our reach, oor 
view. And we do not also wish it. I again say, if 
the nation is to get happiness, if the thousands of 
complaints that have arisen to-day are to be remov- 
ed, then first of all, change this system of adminis- 
tration. There is a saying in Marathi, " VVh^ did 
the horse hecome restive ? Why did the betel-leaves 
rot? Why did the bread get burnt? There is one 
answer. ' For want of turning.' the leaves ought to 
have been turned, the bread ought to have been 
turned. Had the horse been turned, it would not 
have become restive.' The root cause is here. 
Complaints about forests, Complaints about Abkari, 
complaints about Kulkarni Vatans have arisen be- 
cause authority is not in our hands. To state it in 
slightly changed words— because we have not 
swarajyn (cheers). That we should have swarajya 
for us is at the root of our demand, we need not 
then dance to anybody's tune. However, this thii^ 
may happen even in sioarajyig. I do not deny it. 
When' we have deficiency of money, and powers are 
placed in our hands, we may increase the tax ; we 
increase it altogether voluntarily. Otherwise, whence 
is the expenditure to be met ? But as it will be in- 
creased voluntarily, it will not oppress our minds. 

Lah, Bal Gangadkar Titab 

Here is the rigbt door. We are passing.througb it^ 
When we are passing through it learned alienB may 
tell as that we should not pass through it but tak& 
another door. We cannot change. If others come 
and obstruct we must give them a push and make 
OUT way. The very same is the case with Swarajya. 
The obstruction comes from the Bureaucracy.. We 
do not want .such obstruction. The demand for 
Swnrojya is such that it has nothing to do with 
sedition. It has nothing to say^against theinvisihie 
Government. AH domestic concerns should be 
managed by yourselves and by doing so what will 
happen, is that in the first place your minds will 
remain in peace. Whatever you have to do, you will 
do with the thought that you are^ doing it for your 
good. Nay, you will also reduce the expenditure. I 
do not think that in any Native State a Collector 
does get a pay of twenty five hundred rupees. If 
there is any place in > the world in which a man 
doing the work of -a Collector gets the highest pay, 
it is India (cheers). To give 2,500 rupees as pay to »■ 
Collector, would, in terms of the former rule, have' 
been like giving an annual jahogir of Ra. 30,000. 
Have we ever given in our Swarajya such a Jabagir 
of; Bs. 30,000 f Bs. 36,000 is not a small amount. 
There are reasons however now for it. What reason 
is giv^n ? Some reason or other can always be giveni 
This man has to send Bs. 2,50^to England for bis 
children, etc- Foi your welfare^he has come from- 
a cold climate to a hot climate risking his health 


Home i?M/e Speech at Belgaum 

Mast he not then be paid? The LCS> have 
laboured bo muoh, made such self-sacrifice, and 
suffered so many hardships, and yoti would 
not pay them rooaey ? It appears to' be right 
at first sight- But now the principal question is, 
who asked them to oome here from there * 
(Cheers). We did not call them. They do such 
work ae they may be fit to do. We do possess as 
much fitness ^as they hare, but we shall be abIe*to 
do the work on less pay. Men can be had. Then 
why give so muph pay to them f We don't n^d it. 
We feel that we 'do not get to-day money for educa- 
tion. The excuse of ' no funds ' which is brought 
forward in connection with the execution of works 
of public utility will then disappear. Business will 
go on nnobstructed just as at present. In the 
b^itming it may not be so efficient. Perhaps it 
may be less by an anna in the rupee. Still the 
satisfactory thought that the business has been 
carried on by the people, is of greater value. In 
this direction good management is to be asked 
for in administration. The present law D\ust be 
amepded. It is to be brought about through Parlia- 
ment. We will not ask for it from others. We 
have not to get this demand complied with by 
petitioning France. The Allies may be there, we ■ 
have not to petition them. The petition is to be 
made to the English people, to the English Parlia- 
ment. The present state of things is to be placed 
before them. We have to do whatever may he 

^ r,.i... ,.,Gt.)Oylc 

LtA. Bal GarteadJtar Titak 

required for this. If you carry on suc^ aa effort 
for 5 or 25 years, you will never fail to obtain its 
fruit. Moreover, such a time haa now arrived. On 
account of the war effort must be made as will 
increase the value of India, India's bravery, India's 
courage, and India's stability. If the fact that the 
nation itself is making this effort comes to the 
notice of the Government, then there is hope of our 
demand soon proving fruitful. I have, therefore, 
puiposely brought this subject before you. The 
subject is being discussed elsewhere also. The 
League which we have established for this purpose 
is such that I myself or some one else will have 
occasion to place the subject before the people at 
every place, if not to-day some days afterwards, for 
carrying on this work. Let this subject be always 
discussed by you. Always think about ii, get its 
usefulness explained, and carefully consider how 
much of loyalty and how much of disloyalty is in / 
it. This is all I have to tell you on the present 
occasion. Though what I have to say be much 
more than this, still I have told you its substance 
in a brief manner. If the consideration of this be 
begun among you, be begun in Maharashtra, be 
begun in India, then some day or other this work 
will succeed, and even if the matter lies in God's 
hanc^s stiU thie is necessary. I admit that it does 
not lie in our hands- But the eflfect of action 
ikarma) cannot fail to take its place in this world- 
The effect of action may not be obtained so soon as 
♦ 136 

D,Mz=<i„ Google 

Home Rule Speech at Belgfium 

I say, ma^ not be obtained before toy eyes, perhaps 
1 may not be benefited by it- But this action must 
have its fruit (cheers). According to the law of 
action, when a certain action is done, another 
results from it, and a third one results out of that. 
9ucb succession goes on- Time will be required, 
there will be delay. But do we aak at all that we 
-should have mokiha before our eyes ? Again do we 
ask for it with the thought that we should have it 
in the hands of a certain' person ? Only just a little 
ago a Resolution was^passed in our conference that 
the parties of Moderates and Nationalists ftre not 
wanted. That is to say, it is the same to us to 
whomsoever swarajya is given. There is no objec- 
tion even if powers be given to your sepoy to- 
morrow. You may say, how will the sepoy 
exercise such a great power? The sepoy is to die 
spme day or other and then we will see (cheers.) 
We want rights. We want* certain sort of arrange- 
ment giving happinea^. We will get it. Our children 
will get it. Make the effort that is to be made. Be 
ready to do this work with the thought that it 
belongs to you. I am sure that by che grace of 
God your next generation will not fail to obtain the 
fruit of this work, though it may not be obtained in 
your life-time (cheers). 

D,mi,.=db, Google 


SIst-May, 1916 
Gentlemen, — Before saying a few words to yow 
it ia my first duty to tKank you very muob. It ia 
my first duty to thank you for the honour you have 
done me and for the address you have presented to 
me. Whatever the motive with which you have 
conferred the honour upon me may be, the few 
words, Vhich I have now to tell you, relate to my 
own work. Perhaps this may appear strai^^e to 
you. You have called me here and I make a 
statement about my own work before .you, that 
Would be a sort of impropriety. Even if you should 
think that Mr. Tilak came here and talked to people 
of his own things I say I do not hesitate at all since 
what I have to tell you is of as great an advantage 
to you as it is to me. Controversies and discussions 
about the state' of our country have taken place 
in various ways and at various places. What is 
--beneficial to the people in general t Many things 
- ar^enefioial. Religion, which relates to the o£her 
world, is beneficial. Similarly, morality too' is 
beneficial. Provision for one's maintenance is 
beneficial. Our trade should expand, the population 
should increase, therS should be plenty and that 
plenty should safely fall into our hands — all these 
things are desired by meo. But it is not possible t»- 


Home Rule Speech at Ahntednagar 

discuss at) these things in the short time allowed to 
me. I will, therefore, say a few words to you about 
such of the above things as are important and are 
considered important by thousands of people and 
about a subject which is now discussed on all sides. 
This subject is swarajya ((-beers.) What concerns 
our homes we do with authority in our homes. 
If I desire to do such and such a thing, if it 
be merely a private one, 1 have not to ask any 
one about it nor to take anybody's permi«(pioQ 
nor is it necessary to consult any one else. 
That is not the case in public matters *to-day. 
As is our own good, just so is the good of 
all people. Tf we turn to consider how peoide 
would begin to live well and how they would 
attain a condition of progressive improvement 
we shall see that, we are handicapped in con- 
sequence of want of authority in our hands. If a 
railway is to be consfructed from one place to 
another, that is not under our control. As for trade, 
I might talk much about giving ' encouragement 
to such and such an indnstry but it is not wholly ia 
our power to acquire knowledge of that industry at 
the place where it is carried on, to lessen the trade 
of those people in this country, and increase our 
own trade. Wherever we turn it is the same state 
that we see. We cannot sto^ the sale of liquor. 
There are also some things which are not wanted by 
UB or by our Government, but the course of the- 
general administration is such that it is not in our 


Lok. Bal Gattgadhar Tilak 

'power to make any change, — the slightest change, — ■ 
in it. We hare till dow made many complaints and 
Ooveraroent have heard them ; but what is the root 
of all the complaints J What things come-ia the way 
of improving our condition as we desire and what is 
our difficulty ? — this has been considered for about 
50 years past, and many wise people have, after due 
consideration discovered one cause and that ia that 
OUT people haver no authority ia their bands. In 
public matters, different people have different 
opinions. Some say, ' Do you not possess authority ? 
Do not drink liquor, and all is done.' The advice is 
sweet indeed, but stopping all the people from 
drinking liquor cannot be done by mere advice. This 
requires some authority. He who has not got that 
authority in his hands cannot do that work. And if 
it had been possible lo do the work by mere advice, 
then we would not have wanted a king. Qovernmeat 
has come into existence for giving effect to the 
things desired by a large number of people. And as 
that Government is not in our hands, if anything ia 
desired by thousands of you but not by those who 
control the adminiatration, that can never be 
accomplished. I had come here on a former occasion. 
What about the famine administration of the time ? 
When Government came to know that the weavers 
sustained great loss during famine no doubt some 
steps were taken about it. We have lost our trade. 
We have become mere commission agents. The busi- 
ness of commission agency used to be carried on 

D,mi,.=db, Google 

Home Rule Speech at Ahmednanar 

formerly ; it is not that comtnisBioii agency did not 
exist before, nor that it does not exist now. The differ- 
ence is that while at that time you were the com- 
mission agents of our trade, you have now become 
the commission agents of the businessmea of 
England. You buy cotton here, and send it to 
England and when the cloth made from it in 
England, arrives, you buy it on commission and sell 
it to us. The business of commission agency has 
remained, but what has happened in it is that the 
profit which this country derived from it, is lo^ to 
us and goes to the English. The men ^id the 
business are the same. Owing to a change in the 
ruling power, we caaaot do certain things. ' Such 
has become the condition that certain things as 
would be beneficial to the country cannot be carried 
tut. At first we thought that even though the 
administration was 'alien' it could be prevailed 
tipon to hear. Since the English administratiou is 
as a matter of fact ' alien,' and there is no sedition 
in calling it so, there would be no aejiition whatever 
sor any other offence in calling alien those things 
which are alien. What is the result of aliennese. 
The difference between aliens and us is that the 
aliens' point of view is alien, their thoughts are- 
alien, and their general conduct is such that their , 
minds are not inclined to particularly benefit those 
people to whom they are alien^. The Muhammedan 
kings who ruled here at Ahmednagar (I don't call 
Muhammedaas aliens) came to and lived la thia 

Lok. Bat Gangadkar Titti 

couDtry and at least desired that local iDdustries 
should thrive. The religion may b© different. The 
children of him who wishes to live in India, also 
wish to live in India. Let them ratnain/ Those are 
not aliens who desire to do good to those children, 
to that man, and other inhabitants of India. By 
alien I do not mean alien in religton. He who does 
what is beneficial to the people of this country, be 
he a Mubammedan or an Englishman, is not alien. 
' Aliennesa ' has to do with interests. A-lienness is 
cerfainly not concerned with white or black skin. 
Alienness is not concerned with reiigion. Alienneaa 
is not concerned with trade or profession. I do not ' 
consider him an alien who wishes tol make aa 
arrangement whereby that country in which he has 
to live, his children- have to live and hid future 
generations have to live, may see good days and be 
benefited. He may not perhaps go with me to the 
same templo to pray to God, perhaps there may be 
no intermarriage and interdining batweenlhim and 
me. All these •are minor questions. But, if a man. 
is exerting himself for the good of India, and takes 
measures in that direotion, I do not consider him an 
alien. If any body has charged this administration 
with being alien, he has done so in the above sense. 
At first I thought that there was nothing particular 
in this- The Peshwa's rule passed away and the 
Mubammedan rule passed away. The country came 
into the possession of the English. The king's duty 
is to do all those things whereby the nation may 

D,ml,.=db,Ct.)l.)nlc ^ 

Home Rwls Speech at Ahmednagar 

become eminent, be benefited, rise, and become the 
flqual of other nations. That king who does this 
duty is not alien. He is to be considered alien, who 
does not do this duty, but looks only tcj his own 
benefit, to the bene&t of his own raoe, and to the 

benefit of his original country At first hundreds 

of questions arose. Agricultural assessment increa- 
sed, 4he Forest Department was organised in a 
particular manner, the Abkari Department^ was 
organised in a particular manner, — about ail tl^ese 
thills we have been constantly complaining to the 
Government for the past 20 or 25 years. But no 
arrangements about the different departmeolji, the 
different professions, the different trades and the 
different industries, were made to accord. This is 
tiie c^ief question of the past 50 years. While look- 
ing out for a cause we at first believed that when we 
informed the administration of it, it would at once 
proceed to do as we desire. The Administration is 
alien. It does not know the facts. When 5 or 10 of 
oar prominent men assemble and 'represent, the 
administration will understand. It being alien it 
cannot otherwise understand. As soon as it is 
informed of facts it is so generous minded and wise 
that it will listen to what you have to say and 
redress the grievances. Such was our belief. But the 
policy of the Bureaucracy during the last 50 years 
has removed this belief. Howler much you may 
' clamour, however much you may agitate, whatever 
the number of grounds you may show, its sight is «o 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

aflfected as not to see the figures drawn from its own 
reports and set before it. Its own arguments and its, 
own grounds do not meet with its own approval. If 
we urge ^ny further it sticks only to what may be 
adverse to our statemeDt. Some may say there is 
nothing to wonder at in this. Whoever were yonr 
rulers thosie kingdoms have been broken up and now 
the rule of the English has been established- Of 
course those people do just what is beneficial to 
tbam. Why then do you complain about them' 
This is sure to happen.' Such is the opinion of 
several people. 'Your outcry only causes pain. to 
the Government and in a manner disturbs its mind. 
So do not raise this outcry. Accept quietly what it 
may give. Accept gladly, what little it may give 
and thank it.' Such is the opinion of several others. 
I do not approve of this opinion. My opinion is 
that whatever be the Qovernment whether Britjab 
or any other, it has, as Gorernment, a sort of duty 
to perform. Government has s sort of religious 
duty to perfonh ; a sort of responsibility lies on its 
shoulders. I say that when a Government evades- 
this responsibility it is no Qovernment atf all. 
Government possesses authority. AH the power 
possessed by Government may be acquired by it by 
fighting or may be conferred upon it by the people. 

Even if it is acquired by conquest still 

Government has a tlaty to perform. As we have a 

duty, so those who are called Government have ■ 

also a duty. They must do certain things. The- 



Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

OovemmenI; has already admitted certain duties. 
• Does not Oovernmeat do such works as constmoting 
roads, establishing post offices and telegraphs 7 It 
does. If to-morrow some one were to say ' If 
Qovernment does not construct roads, it is its 
pleasure. It may construct them if it likes, but 
not, if it does not like,' then all of you who are 
assembled here would find fault with him saying, 
* If these things are not to be done by OovernmenC, 
why do we pay taxes ? If the Qovemment will not 
utilise for the people's conveniences taxes levied 
from us, it has no authority to take any* taxe» 
whatevfei from us. Goverament take these for our 
benefit.' When persons argue that the Government 
is good, what do they point to ? The question is 
always asked, 'This our Government has construoted 
roads, made railways, established telegraphs and 
post offices — are not these convenieuces made for 
you' Why do you then raise- an outcry against 
Government V I do not say that these things have 
not been done, but that those that b'ave been done 
are not suffioient. These things have been done, done 
well and have been done better by the British 
Government than they would have been done by the 
former Government — this is an honour to them. 
But should we not ask it to do those things which it 
does not do ' That is not a real Government which 
considers itself insulted when lold of those things 
which have not been done ajuA a desire to do which, 
is not apparent, which does not direct its attention 

' ■ # Cooyfc 

Loft. Bal Gangadhar Titak 

to them though urged in, many ways, aod which 
thinks that wd should not urge things to it. What 
then is meant by a real Government ? This must be 
considered a little. There is a vast difference between 
the present system and the old s^fstem. At present 
an effort is being made to create a sort of erroneous 
conception. Neither the Collector nor the Civilians 
arriving here who are called the bureaucracy in 
English, are Oovemment. A police sepoy is not 
Government. It does not coastttute any sedition 
whatever to say, 'Do something if it can be done, 
while*maintaining the British rule which is over our 
country, without harm beioR done to that rule ,aad 
without weakening lit.' We want the rule of the 
English which is over us. But we do not want these 
intervening middlemen. The grain belongs to the 
master, the provisions belong to the master. But 
only remove the intervening middlemen's aching 
belly, and confer these powers upon the people so 
that they may duly look to their domestic affairs. 
We aak for sufarajya of this kind. This sivarajfid does 
not mean that the English Government should be 
removed, the Emperor's rule should be removed and 
the rule of some one of our Native States should be 
established in its place. The meaning of swarajya 
is that explained by Mr. Kbaparde at Belgaum, viz., 
we want to remove the priests of the deity. The 
deities are to be Ktained. These priests are not 
wanted. Wesay.appoint other priests from amongst ■ 
us. These intervening Collectors, Commissioners 


Home Rt4Je Sfeeoh at Ahtnednagar 

and other people are not wanted, who at present 
■exerciae rule over us ? The Etpperor does not come 
and exercise it. He is in Ejogland. If facts were 
communicated to him, he would wish that good 
should be done to you. la good done to us ? We do 
now want these priests (cheers). These people are 
clever. We say that no priest is wanted. They say, 
'We have passed examinations. W© do much.' That is 
all true, i But their attention is directed more to the 
remuneration belonging to the priest. Hence this 
priestly o£&ce should remain in our hands. The 
position of the Badwas of Fandharpur an(f these 
people is the same (cheers). Will there be any loss 
i;o the Emperor if the said priestly ofiSce does not 
remain in the hands of tlie bureaucracy who are 
endeavouring to retain ? There will he none. Some 
may say that the English people belong to the 
Emperor's race. We have become the Emperor's 
subjects. He doe? not make any difference between 
the English subjects and the black subjects. He does 
not wish to make it. The meaning of the word 
9warajya is Municipal Local Self-Oovernment. Bat 
even that is a farce. It is not sufficient. Wlien an 
order comes from the Collector, you have to obey it. 
He (Collector) has power to call the President and 
tell him to do such and such a thing. If the 
President does not do it, the Collector has power to 
remove bim. Then where is sw(frajya ? (cheers). The 
meaning of sivarajya as stated above is retention of 
our Emperor and the rule of the English people, and 


Lok. Bal Gangftdhar Tilak 

the full possesBion by the people of the authority to- 
manage the remaining affaits. This is the deftnition 
of sivorojya. What we aek for is not that th& 
authority of the English should be lessened, nor 
that the English Government should go away and 
the German Government should come in its place. 
On the contrary, the present war has proved and, 
the whole world has seen that it is not our wish that 
the German Government should come here. 24ay, 
in-order' that the rulie of this Government should 
remain here permanently, thousands of our people 
are to-day sacrificing their lives in the most distant 
and cold climes (hear, hear, cheers). If in order that 
thin rule may remain and that this rule should not 
go away and the rule of the German people should 
not come in its place, we pay money — be it accord- 
ing to our means — though we are not as wealthy as 

the English- What then is left of the charge 

According to our ability, our fighting men are going 
there and sacrificing their lives and in this way 
exerting themselves. France, Germany and other 
nations are commending and applauding them, 
(cheers, hear, hear). By shedding our blood 
we have proved our desire that our loyalty to 
the English Government should be of this 
intense kind {heari hear, and cheers). I do 
not think that any man can adduce stronger 
evidence th&n this ifi his favour. Thus to-day it is 
an undoubted fact that we want here the rule of tf^e 
English alone and accordingly we dre exerting 


Home Rule Speech at Ahmedtftagar 

-ourselves. When such is the state o£ thijigB, why 
should not these intervening people who have^ been 
appoiated be removed and why should we not.get 
the rights possessed^by the people in other places 
vffithin the British Empire ? We are not inferior to 
them in point of bravery and eduoatioa, we possess 
ability. Such being the case, why should we not,- 
, get the "rights ? Why should the Emperor make a 
distinction between his' black and white subjects ? 
^ho has given such advice to the Emperor? The 
.peculiar feature of this British constitution is that 
the Emperor acts on the advice of the people. • Why 
should the ministers give hjm such ad^ioe ? At 
present those who possess power, i.e., the bureau- 
cracy, are white. When a black man joins them 
he too becomes like them. Under the present 
system, if a native on his arrival from England after 
passing examinations be appointed to be Collector, 
he becomes just like ihem. Note then that I am 
not speakii^ only about the whites. We do not 
want this system. What does it matter if a man or 
two of ours is exalted to the Bureaucracy. He 
cannot do anything in particular. Therefore this 
system must be done away with-. We would not be 
satisfied by the appointment of one or two persons- 
Let us' pass on. ' Who introduced the system ? The 
JGmperor did not introduce it- The Queen's procla- 
mation as promulgated declares^ one policy and the 
present system is quite its opposite. At present it 
is not at all in our hands to' bring about our own 


Lvk. Bal Oangadhar Tilak 

good. Were we to think that encouragement should" 
be given to swadeshi goods by imposing duty on 
certain imported foreign goods, that is not in our 
hands- Were we to think of starting such and such 
industries required in this country or of importing 
paid teachers from foreign countries, that is not in 
our hands. What a trifling matter this is after all ( 
It is necessary that all people should know reading 
and writing. Whether a man be a Mubammadan or 
of any other religion or of any caste, he ought to 
know a little of reading and writing- This is now 
ackniTwIedged by all people throughout the world. 
TheFe is now no doubt about this. By reading and 
writing a man derives at least some benefit. No one 
requires to be told of this anew. Then why is not 
that achieved here? Because there is no money- 
Who gives this 'excuse? The bureaucracy- Their 
pay is Rs. 2,500 and if they want a raising to 3^000- 
Ijhen there is money. Think of exchange compensa- 
tion. When the price of the rupee fell, six crores of 
rupees were b>ought out by Governmenton account 
of exchange. At that time money was found. Unless 
you have authority in your hands this state of 
affairs cannot be got over. There is no money for 
education, but, there is money to pay a salary of 
Rs- 2,500 to the Collector. However clearly we may 
explain this aspect it cannot carry conviction- The 
present bureaucracy cannot consider this matter 
from the point of view from whi(h we would con- 
sider it if authority were to come into oui handa. 
' 150 , 

D,mi,.=db,Cooglt' , 

Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

No doubt we have been told that money should be 
spent on education. When people begin- to know- 
how to read and write' the number ,of offences 
committed falls by thousands, they carry on their 
dealings well; they understand what is of advantage 
and what is of disadvantage to them. When people 
become fit in this manner an offioer on Rs. 2,500 
wiil not ba necessary to govern them. One oq 
Bs. 500 will do and we shall] be able to spend Rs. 
2,000 on education. In no other country are there 
so highly paid of&cera at present The Viceroy who 
comes to govern India gets Rs, 30,000 a month while 
the Prime Minister of England gets Rs. 5,0(r0.' He 
who has to live in England and manage the affairs 
of the whole Empiijh gets Rs- 5,000, while he who 
carries on the administration of India here gets Bs. 
30,000. Why so? There is no answer to this. This 
is so because the latter is managed at the cost of 
others (cheers). ■ This is India. Go and eat- If any 
shop belonging to other people is made over to you 
' for management, you will naturally pay the 
employee a salary of Rs. 100 if he belongs to your 
community or oaste'even when you are prepared to 
pay him a pay of Rs- 50 only ii^your own shop. In 
this way the present arrangement is being carried 
on- We are not at all benefited by this arrange- 
ment- It is net the case that these things have 
come to our notice for the first time. It is 50 years 
since the things came to our notice. When the 
National Congress was held at Calcutta in 1906, Ur. 


Lok. Bat Gangadhar Tilak 

Dadabhai Nsoroj'i (cheers) stated this distiactly. He 
:gave it as his 50 years' experience that for counter- 
acting this present irregularity and the sort of 
injustice that is talciiig place in India, there is no 
other remedy than that the power should pass into 
the people's hands- and rest in the hands of the 
people- He called it Self-G-overnment> We must ■ 
decide upon the arrangement as regards what is to 
be done in our homes, what is to be done in our 
villages! what is to be done in our presidency and 
what is to be done in our country. If we decide about 
this, it will be done at a small cost, it will be done 
well, and our decision ds regards in what matter we 
should expend more money, and in what matter less 
will be more beneficial to the people- The bureau- 
cracy say that we do not possess knowledge as if 
they alone possess it. Their first look out is to see 
how their pay will be secure- When money comes 
into the treasury, the expense on acpount of their 
pay must be first defrayed- Their military expendi- 
ture must be first .defrayed. They jnust be first fully 
provided for. If money remains after this, it is to 
be applied to education. They do not say that 
education is not wanted- Education is not a bad 
thing in their eye- But the people are to be educated 
and their other conveniences are, if possible, to be 
looked to after all the above expenditure ia defrayed. * 
This is to be thought of afterwards. Now we shall 
first see whether we could manage things or not if 
power were to come into our hands- If we think ' 
15 2 

Home Rule Speeck at Ahmednagar 

•that nme pay is demanded of us then we reduce it 
and tell them that they will have to do the work for 
the country' If all things can be considered in this 
manner, we shall have in our hands the opportunity 
-of bringing about those things which it ia desirable 
to bring about- This is mere speculation- Where is 
your difficulty ? There is a common saying in 
Marathi: A. certain man asked three questions- Why 

■ does the horse become restive, why did betel leaves 
rot — the story occurs in the third book it was there 

-formerly, I do not know whether it ia there now. — 
He gave a single answer to two or three such ques- 
tions, which is, 'owing to not turning-' Similarly 
why is not the consumption of liquor reduced in our 
presidency, v/hy are the people subjected to zulum 
in forests, why is money not available for education ? 
— All these questions have one answer, and it is 
this; Because you have no power m your hands 

■ (cheers) and so long as t"his power will not come into 
your hands, so long there will also be no dawn of 
your goqd fortune; Whoever may he the Emperor 
we speak not anything about him- But we must do 

'those things which re|a£e to business, trade, religion 

and society- Unless the power of doing those things 
comes partially into our hands — in the eod it must 
come fully —unless it comes fully into our hands, it is 
impossible for us to see a time of plenty, the dawD 

- ofi good fortune, advantage of prosperity- Water 

- cannot he drunk with others' mouths- We ourselves 

. have to drink it. The present arrangement makes . 

Lok. Bat Gangadhaf THak 

us drink with others' mouths. We ourselves muBt 
draw our water — the water of our well — and drink 
it If that well belongs to Government a tax of a 
rupee -per month may, if neceBsarj, be paid- But we- 
want power. There are no means of salvation for 
UB unlesBwehaveit in our {wsBession. This principle 
of politicsiia almost settled — proved— from the point 
of view of hietory, morality arid social science. Now 
you may ask why it is told you so late that power 
should come into your hands or the time of its 
coming into your hands is approaching- I have to 
say a rfew words about this. Up till now the 
generality of people in England thought of deriving 
as much profit from India aa possible and that 
India was a sort of burden to them. The people in 
England used to think that the 30 crores of people 
in India would overthrow their rule some time or 
other, that they should be disarmed and that they 
must be kept in elavery and under control as much 
aa possible. But that condition is now changed- 
Owiug to the war which is now going on in,Europe, 
it has begunlto be thought that unless all the many 
parts of the British Empire unite together, that 
Empire would not attain as much strength as It 
should. It has so happened now that aconscioi^sness. 
has been awakened in England that they stand in 
need, of help' from other countries called colonies 
belonging to them-iAuatralia, Canada, and New 
Zealand, which are inhabited by Sahebs. If yon 
take advantage of this awakened consciousnedSr- 


Home Rule Speech at Akmtdnagar ' 

yott too have this opportunity of acquiring some- 
rights. No one asks you to obtain these rights by 
the use of the sword. To-day the nation's mind has 
undei^one a change. India can give some help to 
England. If India be happy England too will 
acquire a sort of glory, a sort of strength and a sort 
of greatness. This consciousness has been awakened 
in England. If no advantage is taken of this 
awakened consciousness at this time, such an 
opportunity will not occur again. The bureaacraoy 
considers this to be bad. Who will be the loser 
in this? Not the Emperor, but the bureaacracy. 
They, therefore, consider this thing to be bad, and 
they are now telling us that we are not fit for 
swarajya and that, therefore, they have come here. 
As if there was no swaraji/a anywhere in India 
when they were not here. We aU were barbarians 
and ready to cut each other's throats. There was 
no system of administration under the Peahwa's 
regime. There was no system of administration 
under Muhammadan regime. We vfere not able ta 
carry on State administration, we were not able to 
constructjfoads. We did not know bow the people 
might be happy. Nana Fhadnavis waB\ a fool, 
Malik Amber was a fool, Akbar and Aurangzeb 
were fools'. Therefore these people have come here 
for our good and we are still children (laughter). 
Let us admit for a moment also that we are 
children. When are we to become grown up ? la 
law when one attains his 21st year one is considered 
■ 155 


Lok. Btd Gangadhar Tilak 

-to be growD up. Though these people hare ruled 
■over us for 50 years we have not been able to grow. 
What thea did they do for 50 years ? If the people 
-of India were children whose duty was it to educate 
them 7 It was their duty. They were the rulers. I 
go so far as to say that they have no^ doae this duty 
— heace not only are we children, but they are unfit 
to rule (cheers). It is better that those people who 
<ould not improve the condition of their subjects 
during 50 years should give up their power and 
make it over to others. If there be a manager of 
your slwp and if he performed the duty of mumm 
for 50 years, but there was only loss oontinuously 
for 50 years what would you tell him ? 'Sir, give up 
your place and go away._ We shall look to our own 
management.' Another may be of a lower grade. 
Though he may be less clever he will at least know 
that in managing a shop there should at least 
be no loss. TJiis at least he must know. What those 
people tell us, viz., that we have not become fit, 
proceeds from leelflshness. If what they" say be 
true, it is in a way disgraceful to them. They are 
being proved to be unfit. And if it be false, they are 
selfish. We can draw no other conclusion from this 
than the above. What is meant by ' we are unfit ?' 
What is the matter with us ? Our municipal 
management is tolerated. If some one ccmes from 
England after passing an examination and becomes 
a Collector that is tolerated. He discharges his 
.dutfes and Qovernment commend him. But when 



Horw Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

the rights of sxvarajya are to be given to the people^ 
to tell alt people — crores of people^— plainly that 
they ' are unfit is to make an exhibition of one's 
owp unfitness (cheers). Besides this objections of 
many other sorts are taken against swarajya. In 
the first place, I have already said that they 
unhesitatingly decide that the whole nation is unfit. 
If we say, 'hold an examination' no examination 
too is held. Unfit, unfit — what does it mean? Set 
your men to work and set our men also to work. 
See whether they do or do not work property. No 
opportunity to work is given and yet we arfi called 
unfit Are even those, who have been given an 
opportunity, fothid unfit? There are members' in th& 
Legislative Council, are they unfit ? Have they ever 
called themselves unfit ? Have you ever called them 
unfit ? Mo. What does then unfit mean ? You don't 
mean to give. In order to say there is no butter- 
milk, why oironmlocute and say to-day being 
Sunday, there is no buttermilk-such is the 'shuffling 
that is going on now. I want to as'k you whether 
you-without permitting that shuffling-are prepared 
or not to make a resolute demand. If you are not 
prepared to ask, if you do not make urgent solicita- 
tion about this,— if you throw away the present 
opportunity, such an opportunity will not come 
again for 100 years. Therefore, you must he- 
prepared. I know that if afte* being prepared we 
spoke a little forcibly, some police sepoy may say 
'0 you.' This is not unlikely. -But it must be put 


Lak. Bat GangatUiar Tilak 

up with. There Jb no help for it. We hare do power 
in our hands. We cannot say to the police sepoy, 
* you are a fool, go back.' 9e obeys to Police 
InapectorV order. But I can tell you that if you 
people of all castes and religious, beconfe united and 
at this time make this demand of Oovernment 
reaolutely, unitedly press it earnestly, be 
prepared to bear any expense that may be 
necessary for this, and proclaim not only to 
the Government but to the whole world that 
unless your demand be granted you would not be 
satisfied nor remain conteoted,— if you possess so 
much resoluteness I am sure that by the grace of 
God you will not fail to have the demand granted to 
you as a fruit of your resoluteness. Whether in 
religion or in politics, resoluteness is required 
and that resoluteness of mind does not come without 
courage. It will not do to say 'How may it be?' 
Whether good or evil may result we want this very 
thin^. We will ask for this very thing. For this 
we will co51eot*money and undergo any expenditure 
or exertions that may be necessary and we will not 
stop this agitation till this our demand is satisfied. 
If this work is not completed within our lifetime, 
our children also will keep up this same agitation. 
When there is such devotion for this work, only 
then will it be fruitful. Without devotion, no >f ruit 
is obtained from God, from King, in this world or in 
the next world. If you do not possess this devotion, 
no fruit will be obtained though strenuous exwtions 

D,mi,.=db, Google 

Home Rtde Speech at Ahmednagar 

^e made in this manner. First, de7otion is 
vequired. Botb rich and poor must possess devotion. 
The i>oor must help in their owa vay, the rich must 
Jielp in their own way. Those who possess intelli- 
gence must help by means of intelligence. Every 
man must bear this thing constantly in mind. If 
you do not bear this thing constantly in mind, tf you 
do not prepare yourself to make exertions then 
it will be sheer folly to blame others for failure. 
Perhaps the word folly may not be to your taste. I 
have used it in the heat of speaking. But my firm 
-belief is that we have not yet b^un to make* efforts 
«s strenuously, as earnestly and as devotedly, as 
we should do. If a Saheb were to ask whether there 
vrould be confusion or not if powers were given to 
U8, we say yea, yes. We have no men. The men 
are not prepared ! And then we laugh at the Sabeb 

, in our house. No we must laugh there in his 
presenc^e (cheers) (laughter.)- It will not do to laugh 
in our house. The reply must be giVen just to his 
face. We must be prepared to maintain what 
we consider to be true and proclaim it to the 
people, to the ofBcers. and even to the Emperor. 
On the day on which you will be ready to do this — 
particularly in days after the war is over — the 
administration shall have to be changed in some 
respects at least. If the administration here continue 
as at present, England caitnot hold authority 
Amoi% European nations. At present England 

- is the most powerful of all. The English Uovern- 


^ Lok. Bat Gangadhar Ttlak 

ment is the most powerful, but to keep it so^ 
change must necessarily be made in the present 
' administration. As a matter of fact they say, 
' make that change ' by all means. But India does 
not say that the change should be made! Some 
defect can always be found. I stood up to-day ; 
another will statid up to>morrow and say ' your good 
does not lie in what I have said. The arrangement 
.which exists at present is itself good. There is the 
benign Government. The bureaucracy is wise. 
Therefore if you act in accordance with their 
ptinci^es that would be well.' The question doea 
not concern only our traders ; nor intelligent people ;. 
nor people of any religion such as Musalmans, etc. 
It is not the case that it applies only to one olass* 
■only to Muhammadan merchants. The thing which 
I am urging is not for Musalmans, for Hindus, nor 
for traders. It applies to all. There is only on© 
medicine for all people. That medicine is power p 
take it into your possession ; when it cOmes into 
your possession, if there be any disputes betwoett 
you and us, we would be able to settle them. After 
the power has come into our hands there would 
be much time to settle them. If there be any differ- 
ence of opinion in religious beliefs, that too we will 
remove. We want power for this. We want power 
to settle disputes. It is not wanted for increasing' 
them. Aliens do nof know as much as we do what 
we have to do for our country. Their point of view 
ie different. British Government being mointatDed 


_ Some Rule Speech at Ahmednagar , 

at the head, otie and the same Emperor will rule 
07er India as he does over the British Empire. But 
introduce here an arrangement similar to that in 
other Colonies. There, in those Colonies, the peopl& 
have got in their owb hands all the power, the right 
of ownership,' and the power to make lavrs. That 
does not affect the Emperor. There is no attempt to 
overthrow the British Government. Really it is an 
attempt to make the British rule more pleasing 
to the iieople. Certain people may lose means of 
maintenance, that may happen. We do not think 
that the Emperor has reserved India for those 
people. The present system has come into existence 
for some reason or other. It must go. The Emperor 
ought to give powers ■ into the bands of the 
people, and without making any distinction 
between India and British subjects, between the 
white and the black subjects, As they are the 
Emperor's subjects, so are we too the subjects. We 
must become as happy as they. Th^ thing which 
some wise, learned and thoughtful people have now 
decided to the key of all these, is swarajpa. The 
time for it has now arrived. I have explained to 
you the meaning of it. I have told you how~ 
the time has come. All factors there may be, but 
your resoluteness is the final thing. Without it the 
opportunity which has come will be lost. Though 
the change, of which I speak, brf in contemplation, 
' you will not get it. There must be resoluteness on 
your part. Fortunately agitation of this kind has 

u ■ 

~ Xoo;ilc 

Loft. Bal Gangadhar Tiiak 

now begun. Recently we established at Belgaum 
an institution 'to work for swarajya. An institution 
has been establisbed in Madras. This subject 
is already before the Congress and it will dispose it 
of one way or the other. The several provinces 
will make their arrangements and render help. 
You must show this much courage; that if some 
one, the Collector, Commissioaer, etc. — were to ask 
' what do you want ?' you answer ' We want 
power, there must be power in our hands.' Govero- 
ment servants should' be considered to be people's 
servants. Do not think that when in future power 
comes into your hands, you are not to entertain the 
European as a servant. If he can work well, we 
shall keep him, and we shall pay him what we may 
think proper. But he must be our servant, not we 
his servants. If we entertain this desire and make 
efforts for it, then our ideal is capable of accomplish- 
ment. Give the help that may be required. Be 
prepared lo render such assistance as may be 
required to tfiose who may com© to speak to us in 
connection with this. And when you are thus 
prepared — people of different places, not only of 
Bombay, Poona, Nagar, but also of Bengal, Madras, 
etc., if iieople of all places be prepared this thing 
is feasible. To accomplish it, to accomplish it soon, 
begin to work for it. 

May India enjoyiquick, the fruit of such work. 

<i„ Google 



[On being requested by Mr. Chaukar, Mr, Tilah delivered 
Ihe following lecture amidst cheers and shouts of Tilah 
Maharajki jai in the old cloth market at Nagar, on the 1st 
June, 1916.] 

I had thought that I would probably not have to 
deliTer another lecture after the one deliverecT here 
yesterday. On that occasion I placed before you the 
few thoughts that commonly occur about swarajj/a. 
However this subject Js such that, not only one, but 
even ten lectures on it may not suffice. Therefor© 
to-day I speak again about two more matters 
relating to swarajya which were not dealt with 
yesterday, to make it clearer, lietter understood, sod 
to render the people's ideas about it more distinct. 
My general opinion is that all reforms'we want are 
reforms relating to swarajya. You may perhaps 
know the story about the old woman. It is to the 
following effect : That old woman in the story-, after 
the deity had been^propitiated, considered what she 
shoiild ask, and prayed for the following boon : The 
deity should give her such a boon that she would 
actually see her grandsons dinin^in dishes of gold, " 
that is to say, she should remain alive till that time, 
that she should have a son, that he should earn 


Lek. Bat Gangadhar TUak 

wealth, etc., etc. In this email booa the whole object 
was iQcIuded. Similar is the case with iwarajya. If 
,we do not get mvarajya, there will be no industrial 
progress, if we do not get awarajya there will be no 
, possibility of having any kind of education useful to 
the nation, either primary or higher. If we do get 
awarajya, it is not merely to advance female 
education or secure industrial reform or social 
reform. AH these are parts ot swarajya. Power is 
wanted first. Where there is power there is wisdom. 
Wisdom is not separate from power. If it be, it 
becomes useless. In no nation this proposition is- 
required to ba made particularly clear. But it is 
required to be explained ifl,a particular manner to our 
people. The reason of this is that there is no swarajya 
in our country. Some people raise this objectioa 
against our party : Why do you not effect social 
reform ? This is said not by us but by those who do- 
not mean to give rights of swarajya to us, but wish to- 
transfer the train of our agitation from one track to 
another. There are many people who have effected 
social reform amongst themselves. Social reform is- 
thoroughly introduced in Burma. There is one^ 
religion. There the people are prepared for anything. 
Their children marry any one they like. But that 
country is wholly immersed in a state of dependence. 
There is no spirit of nationality in respect of 
anything there. Then, what is wanted ? We are one 
nation. We have a duty .to perform in this world. - 
We must get the rights which belong to man by 


Second Home Rute Speech at Ahfiiednagar 

-nature. We want freedom' W© musthavein our hands 
the right of carrying on our affairs. If you do not 
^get these things, no reform would be fruitful to you. 
That is the root of all reforms, No power, no wisdom. 
Mere book Learning is useless. Do pou believe that 
the people who have come to rule over ua are 
superiors to us in intelligence and learning ? Such is 
not my owd belief. We cau' show as much learning, 
as much courage, as much ability as they. Perhaps 
iihey may not be apparent now, but they are in 
US. There are conjunctions in history as well as in 
astronomy. When the Muhammadan rul6 was 
declining, the Marathas had Anly recently risen. 
Afterwards, the English having set foot in 
India, the whole power has passed into their posses- 
-flion, and their power is the cause of the admiration 
which we feel for them and the pride — be it true or 
false — whiob we feel for their ability. And when 
even a small portion at least of this power comes into 
your hands, then your wisdom will be of use. Many 
things are sow wanted by us. Our industries must 
be improved. But why are they 'itopped ? Who 
stopped them ? If we begin to look, out for the cause 
-of this, it will appear that we did not stop this 
andustrjal reform, we did not stop this economic 
Teform- In that nation in which there is a way and 
there is liberty to rise and to show one's ability, 
good qualities .flourish- You nlay possess wisdom. 
When you assist some great officer and he 
commends you, then only you think Chat you possess 

\ , , D,mi,.=db, Cookie 

Lok. Bat Gangadhar Titah 

ability. This is a sort of feeble-nuDdedness — want 
of spirit — and it bas enveloped the whole nation. 
You say ' I cannot do it.' Yoo never did it, no one 
gave you satiad; even before it you make as outcry 
that you cannot do such and such a thing. Toa 
say so and advocate «ome other path. In my 
opinron it is a great misfortune that, in out 
Maharashtra at least, some people ehouI<{ bring 
forward this excuse and stand in the way of the 
agitation which is carried on for the acquisition of 
the rights of twarajya. Have we 'not achieved 
anythtng? Think of this, Maharashtra certainty 
possesses a quality that can be utilised for the 
nation. But at the present time we do not get an 
opportunity of making use of that quality, and our 
mind does not turn to other things, sucbas female 
education or this or that simply because that 
opportunity Is not given to us (cheers). If any one 
else sees any danger in this he may do it, but my 
mind cannot he convinced, has not been convinced, 
nor do 1 thin^ that it will be convinced during the 
few years that are left (cheers). It is vain to speak 
of other subjects. At present our people are not 
endowed with heroism, courage and learning, when 
our women are educated their generation will 
become of that sort, but even that is to arise from 
our own seed (cheers). If any one has suob a belief 
(as the above) tha« is wrong. I dp ngt say that 
female education is not wanted but when they tell 
us to turn to it, in order to stop this agitation OD 


Seeand Haute Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

ibis Bide then we say : this is a remedy to kill the 
aatioD. If you do not possess strength, if you hav© 
no pluck to acquire anything, it ie quite fpoljsh 
to take an educated wife and say that the issue 
begotten of her would b© of the above sort and that 
those pur sons would make some exertions in order 
to discharge the obligation under which they would 
be to us (cheers). You must stand on your own 
leg^. You must bring about these things. And , 
you must first bring about the chief of those things. 
The experience of thoso who have made exertions 
for the past fifty years is that this swaraj^a is the 
key to iill things. And If thiS does not come' into 
your hands, then you say ' We shall eEFect this 
reform after making exertions for minor reforms.' If 
you mean to effect it thus do so, I have no objection 
to it. But that will not be helpful to this swarajya, is 
not helpful to this course. And I am to speak again 
to-day on the same subject on which I spoke yester- 
day in accordance with the same opinion. Yesterday 
I told you what swamjya means. By swarajya it is 
not meant that the English should be driven 
away. It does not matter whoever may be the 
king. We have nothing to do with the king. 
When we get Our rights, that is sufficient. And 
whoever might be the king over us those rights 
cau be obtained. There is a king in England. 
But have the English people rights or not ? The 
£ing of England Is himself our Emperor. Hence, if, 
while his kingly position is maintained in England, 


Lok. Bal Gattgadkar Titab 

the English people obtain rights of freedomi then 
what diflSculty is there in our obtaining the rights 
of British citizenship, the eame King continuing to 
be Emperor in India ? No difficulty of any sort 
remains. This dark imputation which is made, viz., 
that the agitation about Home Rule — twarojya — is 
seditious and in the belief of which as sedition a 
security of 2,000 rupees was taken from Mrs. Annie 
Besant the other day- this imputation, this accusa- 
tioD, does not come from the Emperor or from the 
-subjects, but from the intervening j^ranary- keepers 
(cheersj. The duty which you have to do is 
to agita^ that this administration must be changed. 
The King need not be changed. Unless the system 
— the arrangement— according to which the present 
administration is carried on is changed, every man 
in India will become inore and more effeminate. 
The duty which we have to perform is to stop 
that. Some people say, what does it matter if there . 
is slavery ? Do they not give us to eat ? They do 
not starve any, one to death. Even the beast and 
the birds get to eat. To get to eat is not the aim of 
man. To feed the Family is not the end of man. 
* Even a crow lives and eats offerings.' A crow main- 
tains itself. I do not consider it manliness merely to 
maintain oneself and fill the belly, to obey the com- 
mands of the administration accepting posts which 
may be kept open within tlie limits laid down by it 
and to maintain oneself according to its direction. 
This docile nature is common to beasts and men. If 


Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

there is required tbe quality of manhood in man, then 
we should eee whether there is any scope open for 
our intellect, our ability, our courage and boldness. 
Such acope is not open in India. Therefore, if we 
have any duty to perform then the first duty is, 
take a portion of this authority into your posses- 
sion, it does not matter if you take a little portiop 
■of it; as the President (Mr. N. C, Kelkar. Presideirt 
of the Ne^ar District Conference) has said briefly^ 
if we do not entertain the hope of being free to act 
in matters of spending our own money, deciding 
according to oar own understanding according to 
the consent of five or ten men as to what purpose 
the tax which we pay is to be applied, then, accord- 
ing to the law, of nature this kind of hope or thought 
which is in the minds "of men will gradually lessen 
and t{) that extent we shall more and more descend 
to the level of beasts. Swarajva, sioatajya, what does 
it mean 7 And what will be the effect of it? Does 
twarajya mean that one Collector is removed and 
yours has come ? There is no objftction to say, 
remove such and such a man and make such and 
such an arrangement in such -and such a place. 
Perhaps, a white man When paid will he i, servant 
of us too; If he be good we shall also keep him. 
The question is not at all about individuals. The 
question is about the nation. The chief question 
is whether a certain nation is 'to be treated like 
■ leasts or whether considering the people in the 
matioQ to be men, their sentiment, their desire for 

Lob. Bat Gangadhar Tilah 

liberty is to be given the right directioo and they 
are to be brought and placed in the rank of civilized' 
nations. If the matter be considered from such a 
standpoint, then there is no other way to accom- 
plish this than swaras'ya, than the possession of 
authority. When the authority once comes into our 
hands then we shall he able to do thousands of 
> things. A great attempt was made at Poena to 
close, a liquor shop of Ghoda,— which may be 
bringing a revenue of a thousand or two to Govern- 
ment. But it is not under our control to close it. 
Why te so much correspondende required to decide 
that a liquor shop should be started at a certain 
place or should hot be started at all? I think that 
the annual profit of the shop may not be equal to 
the price of the paper that may have been used in 
connection with the business (laughter, hear, hear.) 
This business which goes on under the {^resent 
system should be put a stop to, this high-handedness 
should be ended and the authority should come into 
our hands. Sy the authority coming into our hands 
the hereditary qualities which 'we possess will be 
heightened. We sfaall find a way to make a use of 
those qualities in some way or other. That is- 
Sxoarajya. Swarajya is nothing else What if it be 
to a small extent ? It does hot trouble you. It does 
not trouble you as much as it should. If it be said, 
one sits at home, d»es some business or other, gets 
Bome money, maintains his children, — this much - 
vill suffice, wherefore should there now he the 


Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

mov&ment foT swarajj/af The only answer to this is 
the idea^in respect to the nation, viz., that there is 
ia this world something more than ourselves, that 
there is one more duty of bringing about the good of 
a greater number than yourself — this duty you have 
b^un to forget. There was a time ^ben in this 
country, among the succession of great men In the 
Maharashtra there were able men who were awake 
to ideals. But unfortunately this characteristic has 
not survived. If another man begins to do our work, 
we say alright, when the work is done, that is 
sufficient. But the sense of discrimination *here to 
say aye and where not has left us. The English 
poeple carry on our administration, we are sitting 
idle. Take cattle for example. If there be any dirt 
in the cattleshed the keeper sweeps it away, looks 
to sanitation, foods the cattle and gives them water 
at the proper time, — have the cattle put the question 
that the maaagement should come into their hands ? 
(Laughter). The difference between men and cattle 
is no more. The Collector of I^agar io«ks to 
sanitation, tells what should be done if a disease 
comes, makes arrangement if a , famine comes, 
takes measures that no calamity may befall you. 
Your condition has become that of a parrot kept in a 
cage ; such a condition is not wanted ; I tell you 
why. We are not envious, they are doiyg our work. 
Owing to the existing arrangement all the good' 
qualities possessed by us are gradually disappear- 
ing. In order that those qualities mny not dtsappearr- 

, D,mi,.=db,coogrt' 

LtA. Bat Oattgadhar Tilak 

we must be at liberty to do what they now do ; we 
need not go in search of fresher work to do. We 
are not to leave alone what they do and do any 
other w6rk we may not like. What they do we 
have tol do. We want the same power to be in 
our hands. There is only one objection to this. 
It is very bad indeed that such an objection 
should arise at a}l. A. story was published in the 
Kesari : Rabindranath Tagore has given in his 
autobiograpby a poem to this effect about a parrot 
kept in a cage. It narrates in full a conversation 

'betweeb a parrot kept in a oE^e and a free parrot. 
The free parrot said to the parrot in the cage : 
" Thete is such fun outside ; one can roam so much, 
go anywhere one likes, can eat at any time one likes. 
Have you got such joy !' The parrot kept in the cage 

' replied : " Sir, what you say is true. But where can 

'_this golden perch he obtained after going?" 'Some 
urge an objection like this if swnrajya be got, how 
are we to manage it? None yet to give, none yet to 

'take. Your anxiety is if swarajya be got how are wo 

' to manage it ? We are not fit. If the said parrot 
went out, how was he to get the cage and the perch 

•to sit on, etc ? We have reached just the same 
condition. This condition is not natural. It is 

. artificial. Just as that sentiment arose in that 
parrot's mind owing to his being confined in a 

■ cage for many yeais so also the above sentim'ent 
arose in our mind owing to the above powers having 

passed out of out hands. This is not our original 

D,iz=<i„ Google 

Second Homt Rule Speech at Ahmednagat 

DBtura) sentiment— the natural huQian sentiment. . 
As that is aot the parrot's natural sentiment, just 
80 this is not the natural sentiment of our nation. 
This must be borne in mind at first. We become fit 
to do the work that falls to us. We are the descen- 
dants of those people„who were fit in this manner, 
and if we be their true descendants, the same 
qualities must become manifest in u» wt^en weha^e 
that opportunity. And we must make exertions 
for it with the confidence that they will become 
manifest. This is what I say (cheers.) If heredity 
has any value, recognise it, otherwise at least give 
up calling yourselves the grandsons, — great-grand- 
sons — of such and such a person. There are now 
many sardars in our country. They say that their 
grandfathers were sardars and that they also have 
inherited the qualities of their grandfather's blood. 
But in order to save the vatan acquired by them 
(the grandfathers^ they serve Sahebs in any manner 
they choose ; well I say, they b^an to do so because 
they are sardars. But why should ^ou or we, who 
have nothing to obtain, run after them ? A sort of 
shadow has thus been thrown over the nation and 
we have to get out of it. This is an eclipse. When 
tbe moon is eclipsed, alms are given for its becoming 
free. You are not prepared to spend even a pie to 
put an end to the eclipse which has overtaken 
you, nor are you prepared to move from it 
When the moon was eclipsed the Brahmans of 
aQCient times used at least to lo&ke Jap (repeating 

I^6h. BaJ Ganeftdhar TUak 

passages from Vedas, etc.). Do you make any /op at 
least ? Are you making exertions for this ? Are you 
.prepared to pay two pice to any one tor this ? No, 

. nothing. Oar objectors raise this objection. If 
powers be given to the Hindus, what are the 
Muhammadans to do ? If thq rights of swaraji/a be 
given to the Hindus, the Muhammadans would not 
get them. As if we cannot afterwards duly consult our 
fijuhammadan brethren and come to a settlement. If 
powers came into our hands we would exercise ew/um 
cfver the Mohammedans, and if the powers pass into 
their hands they would exercise sulum over the 
Hindus 1 These men come to tell you these things 
on people's behalf. Who are they ? Why do they 
tell you ? To delude you. This must be remembered. 
These civil servants are far more clever than you. 
They want to keep power in their hands. This case 
is like that of the story of the three rogues. 

When you make a demand in political matters you 
are toid * you are effeminate.' The Muhamoaadans 
are opposed to, you. So will they say. If the 
Muhammadans say that they have no obiaction, they 
point their finger at a third thing. In this manner 

(this trickery is practised. Be not deceived by this 
trickery. I do not say to any of you that you should 
do unlawful things in order to ac'quire these rights. 

■ There is a lawful way. But that lawful way is such 
that you must not listen to others at all. You must 
be prepared to say resolutely that you waiit what is 
yours. So long as you do not make a resolution in your 
^ 174 


Second Home Rule Speech at Ahinednagar 

inind, as soon as some police ofBoflr comes and asks 
you, ' Well, had you gone to Mr. Tilak's lecture ?' 
You answer.'Yes, I went towards the end of it, sat at 
■i, distance, and could not hear the whole.' You can- 
not deny, as the police ofBcvr has seen you. Why Is 
there such a fear in your mind ? What is there to 
fear in- saying that you want swarajya ? It is here 
that the difficulty arises. When subsequently asked 
by the people who had attended lihe lecture you tell 
the truth. But when asked by the Police you say, 'I 
did not bear it well, two or four were talking, what 
could be done ?' Well, my opinion is not like his. 
Such shuffling will not do in this matter. Ko 
gefldess is propitiated by shuffling. That goddess 
knows what is in your mind, and of all these 
knowing goddesses, the goddess of Liberty is most 
particular on this point. Ask what you want and 
they will give it. Perhaps they may say * no ' once 
or twice. How many times will they say ' no ' ? 
They must be convinced that there is no shuffling in 
this matter. They mutt be convinced. There is no 
other course. ££Fort must bo made. It is the busi- 
ness of every goddess to frighten you until it appears 
'that there is some stuff in you. If we look into our 
■9oga shastra it appears that goddesses have to be won 
over. They begin to frighten us. If we succeed all 
goes well. If, without yielding to fear we do our 
work resolutely, the goddesses-iof the yoga shastra 
' tecome propitiated. This admits of proof, this is the 
Tale. Even in political matters there is no other 
. 175 


Lofe. B(d Gangffdhar Tilak 

rula — no itthet way. We want swarajya, we shalt 
secure it and we shall not give up one exertions 
without getting it,— unless theje be eo firm a confi- 
dence in yourselves this cannot be obtained at all. 
Fear will remain behind, the Police wilt remain 
behind, the C.I.D. and tbe Collector will remain 
behind, in the end swarojya wilt be obtained. You 
must not be afraid of others blustering and bawling. 
Nay, you muBt expect this as a definite consequence. 
There is a saying iuEnglish ' How can a lightbe seen 
without going through darkness ? To rise in tbe 
morning, the sun has to go through darkoess, I tell 
you the belief of the common people, and not a 
proposition of science. Without going through 
darkness, light cannot be obtained. Without gettiag 
out of the reach of these blasts of hot air, trochlea 
and others blustering anobawling, liberty cannot be- 
obtained- Resolution is wanted. I told you what is 
swarajya. Efforts for it must be begun as strenuously 
as possible. By the grace of God, the world's 
condition is at present undergoing a change. To 
speak in the language of faith, God is ready to ren- 
der help. But though God be ready, you are not ready 
(laughter), God is quiet. Do you expect a gift from' 
heaven ? None will send you. Even God does not 
send. And if He sends, it will be of no use. 
For when you are afraid, what already exists 
may afterwards distippear. If this gift is given,, 
how is it to be used? If there be any place of> 
God, you will send it back to his house. Yoo 


Second Home RuU Speech at Ahmednagftr 

will send it if it can be sent by post (laughter). 
However if there ie a rise of the real eentiment, 
after authority of the sort which fonns part of the- 
national rights, of which I have spoken, comes 'into 
your hands, what will take place ' What will ba- 
the effect upon the nation ? This I am going to tell 
you to-day. I have told you "what is swarajya. My 
friend, Mr. Eelkar; has already told you that 
swarajya does not mean that our authority is lo be- 
established here by driving away the English. 
Some people will have to be driven away. Swarajya 
is not driving away the King and takimg hia 
authority into one's hands. It meeins taking into 
the hand the subjects' rights. Consider carefully if 
England derives any benefit by keeping this one- 
nation a slave. It will be seen from the condition 
of the whole of the world to-day that England will 
have some day or other to give liberty to th© 
provinces and countries forming parts of the ^mpire 
under its control. This must take place some day. 
It must take place. But if,you do n<$t do anything 
then it may not take place. Keeping awake th» 
wholQ night, you fall asleep when the thief enters. 
That will be your condition. The time is coming. 
Perhaps the. nature of the changd occurring in the 
world — in other nations — will by the grace of God 
prove favourable to you. But if the time be favour- 
able, it will be of use if you are, awake. Otherwise- 
* once you sleep, you will sleep on. What' will it 
avail even if we get the right of swarajya^ I will" 
12 , 

/.oft. Bal Gangadhar TiJak 

briefly give you a picture of what will happen. 
'What happened during Feshwa's time ? We must 
examine history a littte for it. At the time of the 
Peshwas the adminiBtration of Mabacastra was 
going on well. Elphinstone was the Sabeb who 
brought about the fall of this rule of the FeshwftSi 
and who became the Commisaioner after its fall. 
That Saheb is witness to what I say. Though the 
city of Poona was such a big one, there took place 
no dacoities in it at night. The consumption of 
liquor was nil. It was altogether prohibited. The 
origin^ system of jamabandi which was once 
settled by Nana Famavis, was itself copied after- 
wards. . ITay, the science as to how accountB are to 
be kept took its rise among us under the Peshwa's 
rule and those very accounts are now kept. We 
knew how to administer provinces. The C. I. D. of 
Kana Famavis was so very excellent that informa- 
tion as to what a certain sardar spoke to a certain 
man at the time of dining used to be sent to him 
(cheers). The •following incident is said to have 
happened at one time. The Bombay Governmebt 
had sent ammunition to the Resident in a palanquin 
Ijy way of the Khopoli Ghat. An order was issued 
from the Poona Bitter that the palanquin which 
might come on such and such a date should be 
stopped on the Ghat. It had the information that 
ammunition was to^ come in a palanquin. After- 
wards the Resident completined " Why is our 
palanquin stopped ?" Thereupon he received a 


Second Home Rute Speech at Ahtnednagqt 

■reply. from Nana Farnayis, "You yourself think 
-about it. We have attached the palanquin and vill 
not let it go. The Eiog mjist needs be iaformed 
"What has taken place and at what place. ^SLs have 
done it.'' So he was told. TheC. I. D. is wanted. 
Whosayeno? If the King has no information he 
will not be able to carry on the administration. 
We have no complaint; against the O. I. D. Our 
complaint is about its method of working (cheers, 
hear). That method is not under our control. He 
-who has to carry on the administration, must have, 
all departments. Police is wanted, C. I.* D. is 
wanted. The Revenue Department is wanted. The 
Judicial Department is wanted. A.11 departments 
are wanted. Wher^ then is the difBculty? There 
is difficulty in one matter. All the departments 
must be under the control of the people — our 
control. The difficulty lies only in this. Several 
people have formed ths opinion that the English are 
■the most civilized, we too must civilize ourselves. 
Who does not want civilization ? ^1 reforms are 
wanted. During Nana Farnavie' time letters had- 
to be sent: now the C I. D. will send a wire. Means 
-hav^ become available. The administration is to 
to carried on by making use of* all these. But 
the whole of this system of administration existed 
at the time of the Peshwa's rule. Consider what 
has taken place now after th« break-up of that 
system. When the Peshwa's rule passed away 
Nagar, Satara, Poona. which were in the possessioa 


LoA. Bal Qangadhar TUak 

of the Feshwa himself, came into the possessioo 
of the EagliBh. The lieutenants of the Pashwa 
at that time were great generals. Gaekwar, 
Bolkamand Scindla were the chief among the 
jahdsirdors and sardars who commanded the army. 
These three survived as all others soon came under 
the English Oovernment and the Peshwa's rule 
was overthrown. This is the history of 1818. What 
is the condition of these three to-day ? What is the 
condition of the Baroda Sarkar V What is the condi- 
tion of Holkat ? What is the uondition of the Scindia 
Sarkaf ? And what is the condition of the territory 
or the districts adjoining Poona ? Think about this. 
These districts having gone into the possession of 
the English Government, the whole of their adtni- 
uistration gradually passed into the hands of a 
bureaucracy. The policy of this bureaucracy is 
not to. listen at all to the people. First the Governor, 
then the Commissioner, then the CoilBotor, the 
Collector's sn^rdinate the Assistant OoUector, 
Uamlatdar, Aval Earkun, Pouzdar, Police sepoy— 
Buch is the arrangement of the whole of the bureau- 
cracy from first to last. What is to be done for the 
people is to be done by them. The . Government 
above issues orders in respect of anything which it 
may think beneficial to the people, and acoordingly 
. steps are taken below. At first this arrangement 
was thon^t very ■good. The disorder under Baji 
Kao*s rule was put an end to. ■ They said they were- ' 
Bftfe now. They saw the ghee but not the rod 


Second Home RtOs Sketch at Ahnudnagar 

^laughter). It began to be seen gradually -after- 
wards. All authority went under the control of 
this bureaucracy. People got education. Tbey 
began to mak6 use of railways. A telegratn can ba 
«ent if some one is to be informed whether I am 
coming to Nagar or not. Education was revived. 
AILthese benefits were got. But all authority aie 
in the hands of the bureaucraoy. It had passed into 
their hands to some extent at the time of the 
-Company. And it passed wholly into their hands 
by the GkiTornment of India Act passed in 1858. It 
is 58 years now since that Act-was passed. "What 
has happened during these 58 years ? The officials 
'became powerful, and possessed of authority. The 
people's authority became less to such an extent 
that it was said we do not want the Kulkarni, we 
want all servants. Whatever hereditary rights we 
miKht have possessed they too have gone. This did 
not strike us when the Inam Commission was 
appointed. That cannot be helped. They said 
Vinchurkar was ayaAoffiniar at tha^ime. He was 
-the master of the army. Some one was aa officer 
of an army of 10,000 while some other was the ofScer 
of ail army of 15,000. They were told, ' You have to 
supply aji army of 15,000, while you have to be paid 
15 lakhs of rupees of which you have to spend 14 
lakhs. Then, cake one lakh of rupees.' They con- 
. seated. The amount can be enjc^ed sitting at home^ 
' what more was wanted ? This a great principle. 
JSobody said at that time, ' We lost our right to keep 


^ Lot. Bat Gangadkar Tiiak 

an arilay, to fight for Government ;' nobody tbought- 
so. It was thought that the admiaistration was good 
as it gave enough to eat Bitting idle at home. What 
more is required ? We have been reduced to this 
condition owing to this state of things. In 50 or 60 
years all the powers of this province have passed 
into the possession of the European bureaucracy. 
You should not understand from this that I call the 
European bureaucracy bad. They are very .much- 
learned. These posts are given to the best students 
from England. Their abilities are greater. But even 
if all this be,admitted still it is a fact they have to 
undergo great wear and tear while working for us 
and the climate of England being cold and tliat of 
this country hot, larger pay has to be given to them. 
They oome for our good, will you say ' no ' to them ? 
(laughter). All things are admitted by us. I do not 
also deny that they may perhaps be working a little 
morejthan we. I oAly say, when we are ready to do 
the work, when it is our work, why give it to others ? 
- Nor do Itsay tKat they do it badly. Our minds have 
begun to grow weak owing to restriotians being 
placed on our work and against our interests. Our 
enthusiasm has begun to become less. Effeminacy 
is increasing* Therefore, we do not wapt this. I da 
not say that they are not wanted because they are 
not educated. They are good. They are morohanta^ 
Will you not get far your shop some agent more 
clever than yourself ? There may be such men ' 
but will you give your shop into the hands- 


Second Home Rule Speeoh at Akmednagar 

of such an agent and stand aside, taking such^onejr 
as he will give ? This is indeed a que^ion in 
business* It is a question in any matter. Such 
is thS' managemeat of this province' What 
became of Baroda ? Lgok at the history of Baroda. 
The history of Baroda is all there written. And 
what could be done there by degrees was 
not done here by degrees. The gadi of the Maharaja 
of Baroda had to be perpetuated. That was a 
matter of regular succession. That is a part 
of history. Formerly Baroda used tobe~managed 
or supervised from Poena and the rest was (tone by 
the Kings of Baroda. It might have been done by 
other kings. Therefore, if you become ready now 
by receiving education here you go to Baroda and 
ask for service there. There are men educated ia 
Poena and Bombay who are District Magistrates, 
Idunsiffs, Subhas and Diwans there. There are^ 
Naib Diwans and High Court Judges. These people 
are- working there. They work there without 
complaint being heard about them. '^Then where is 
the objection to the same being done here ? [f qiea 
from the districts of Poena and Satara go and 
conduct the administration of Baroda, what ol^*eo- 
tion is there for them to carry" on the very same 
administratioa in the same way in this our province ? 
There can be none. The nation being divided into 
two parts, one part—the Maratfli nation — went Into- 
the poasession of the English on account of some 
historical reason, and one remained in the jraases- 

., D,mi,.=db, Google 

Lek. Bal Gangadhar TiUA 

'■ion Bf the native Chiefs. One part proves that the 
people of this nation ai'e fit to do work. In the other 
part the authorities say that they are unfit and we 
too dance to their tone and be^in to talk like them. 
There are two standards, two sides. Then, what is 
it that is wanted when one talks of taiarafya ? Wher« 
is the objection to make the very same arrangement 
withregsEd toPoonaandSataraasexistsin Baroda? 
The authority of th( English Government will 
Temain. It is over Baroda also. The Chief of Baroda 
is not an independent kit^. When the Peshwas 
ruled at Poena Baroda was subject to them- Hsd 
the State of Poona remained, they too would have 
been able to manage it. Satara and Nagar could have 
been managed by them. The same managemeat 
exists in the Nizam's territory. Suiarajfa means this 
much ; Give those rights which Native States have 
and which the Baroda and Scindia Sarkar have, to 
Poona and Satara after forming them into a State of 
the Central Division. One difference must, how- 
-ever, be madetffthis. Now a hereditary chief will 
not do for us. We shall have to elect oar own 
President. This is the only difference. It is a hiatori- 
-oal puzzle or incontiistenoy, that the province which 
was the capital ofthe Marathas should not be given 
the arrangement which exists in Native States, 
while those provinces which were dependent on that 
province should h^e it. There is no reason for 
this. Why should we not become like them? I 
have told you that the Gaekwar and Scindia 

Second Home Rule Speeoh at Ahmednagar 

'Slave sent money and armies to Europe for tluT n^ar. 
5f these districts had been in our poasessioof we too 

-would have done the same. This thing has nothing 
to do with the question whether the British Govern- 
moDt will go or will remain. The only difference lies 
in the continuance or the disappearance of the 
authority of the bureaucracy, the foreign bureau- 
cracy. This is the di&ereooe in the apranRements. 
There ie no difference as the sovereign authority, 
which is at the root. I think Mr. Lawrence had 
formerly suggested thai in view of the sioara/yu agita- 
tion going on, India should be divided into separate 

.Native States, that some, experts should be kept 
there, and only the powers with regard to making 
treaties with foreign powers and the management 

/of t^e army and the navy should be kept in 
their hands so that the English rule may not be in 
danger. I do not say that they should not retain 
these powers. In Che arrangement of swarajya these 
•will be the higher questions of Imperial politics. 
England should freely retain in^her hands the 
questions as to what kind of relation should subsist 
between India and other oationsiwhether war should 

-be made for a certain thing or not, and what policy 
should be followed when relations with foreign 
nations arise.Those who want swarajya do not wish to 
interfere with these things. tVhat we wafit is that 
just as we are to-day managing our own affairs in 
Native States, we want authority to do the same 

-•with legard to ourselves. We shall expend an 


Lok. Bat GangadHar Tilak 

itemsNjjf our own choice the revenue which -we get 
from taxes, we shall spend it on education, if there- 
is less revenue from liquor we shall decide what 
other taxes should be imposed in lieu thereof and 
arrange accordingly ; we shall manage all affairs,, 
others shall not interfere in them. The people 
of India do Qot go to any other nation- Why 
do they not ? See if you want to, whether 
they join France or Germany.. One must be able 
to understand from the present state of things that 
if Indians are prepared to have connection with any 
particular country that country is England (cheers). 
We will not be benefitted by England going away 
and Germany coming in her plac^ We do not want 
the thing. Even if the matt^ be viewed from 
another practical point of viev^^ England is heie for 
100 years, while Germany will be a-newcomer, and- 
its energy will be fresh and hunger unsatisfied. 
How will that help us J What is now is all right. A 
new king is not wanted. But give into our posses- 
sion a portion of the powers by the loss of which 
we have become mere orphans. It is not I alone- 
that am saying this. Mr. Lavrrenoe has said so. 
He writes that if hereafter improvement is to be- 
effected in India ^fCer the war^ if Qovernment 
intends to effect some new arrangement with r^ard' 
to the people then India should be divided into 
different parts. Th« question of language did not 
enter his head, but we shall add that idea. Form, 
one separate State each of Marathi, Telugu andi 
186 , 

' D,mi,.=db, Google 

Second Home Rule SpeMh at Ahmednagar 

Kanarese provincea. The question of vernaculars- 
also comes into this question of swdrojya. ThCre is no 
gueBtJOD which is "^ot dependent upon tmarajya,- 
Had there been general liberty, there would have 
been aGujarati University, a Marathi University, 
an Agricultural University. But to do that does 
not lie in our hands. Is- the question whether 
education should be given through vernaculare 
sach a big one, that there should arise differences 
with regard to it? Our voice is nowhere. Do the- 
Englieh educate their people through the French 
language ? Do Qermaas do it through the English 
language? So many- examples are before our eyes, 
why should we write articles, columns upon columng- 
apon the subject? Why doesithat which so many 
people practise not take place now? Because we 
have no authority. You have not- got the authority. 
to determine what should be taught to your children. 
So many of you send your children to school, but do 
not consider what will become of them. In short, 
there is no question at present which is not 
dependent on 'swarajya' — on authority Banade 
and others have up till now made efforts with 
regard to the Fergusson College and Che University. 
But who is to be prevailed upon? The administra- 
tors 1 They know what arrangement obtains in their' 
own country. Why should the same not be here ? 
For imparting English education to all, the English 
language has to be taught for seven or eight years.- 
£igbt years is not a small part of life. Such a state- 


Lck. Bal GoHgadhar Titak 

of th?ys8 exists nowhere else. This arrangement 
does no^exiBt in any civilized country. If in epite 

-of this your attention is not drawn towards swarajya, 
then be sure that there Ib something wrong with 
yoqr vision (cheers). Whatever you have to say, 
whatever prayer you have to make to OoTemment, 
let that prayer be for giving authority, and not for 
anything else. We nant those powers which are 
the leading ones under this rule. I have already 
told you that wherever we go our path is ultimately 
obstmoted. The question of education ia an ordinary 
one. Tlteremust be schools in each village. Whence 
ifl the money to be brought by us? We pay taxes to 
Government. Do we pay them for nothing? Let us 
have the system prevalent in England for imparting 
education. There is money in the treasury; it is 
utilised, it is paid for other purposes; but it is not 
expended on those things which are necessary for 
us. Therefore, what I told you a little while ago is 
necessary. India is a big country. Divide it if you 
want according to languages. Separate the Marathi- 

' speaking part and the Uujarati-apeaking part. Bat 
how are the Hindus and the Mussalmans to be 
taught in them ? I am going to speak about this 
also. In Canada fhe population consists of French- 
men and Englishmen. If English statesmen oould 
settle the question there, would they not be able 
to settle h9w Hinc^is and Mubammadans should 
conduct themselves here ? Thus these are excuses 

^for not giving us powers. This you must realise 


Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar ^^ 

well. If India be divided into differmit StsieB^ia' 
the manner, there may be separate Stat«!^. The 
province of Bengal may be one. Instead of 
appointing over it a Chief from this side, I say, a 
European Governor may be appointed for some 
years. What used to happen in Canada before 
president elected by the people was secured? A 
Governor used to go from England to Australia. 
He was obliged to work in the Council as he was 
told. Here, it is the contrary. If you want anything, 
a resolution is to be brought before the Council, 
much preparation is to be made, iiguves are 
to be collected, our representative does not 
get even a pice. The other members of the 
Council are paid. He has to work for nothing, 
and at last the resolution is rejected. Though 
it be passed, Government cannot be forced to give 
effect to it. It is a childish thing. He who does 
not feel this possesses proportionately less patriotism 
(cheers.) ' This is like setting us to fight by throwing 
grains of boiled rice, without giving Anything to us, 
without giving any power to us. If any further 
rights can be obtained from this in future, if any 
power will come into our hands, if this be given to 
us as a step towards the above, tben it has a value, 
otherwise it has no value. What does happen f 
Good and well-educated men are set to fight for two 
or four ghatkas. Hence, beat in mind what will 
result from awarajyn and what we ask. In askiilg 
. for swarajya we ask that in the end there should be 


LtA. Bat Gangadhar TOtdt 

auch\ States throughout India, that at first 
men coming from Eugland aod at last 
pTesideuts elected by the people should be appointed 
in these States, and that a separate Council should 
-be formed for disposing of questions relating to the 
whole nation. Just as there ia an arrangement 
in Europe, America and the United States, and just 
as there are different small States and there is 
a<'oagress to unite them together so the Govern- 
ment of India should keep in their hands similar 
powers of the Imperial Council. There are at 
present seven or eight different provinces; make 
them twenty if you like and make such an arrange- 
ment in respect of those provinces as will give facili- 
ties to the people, meet with their approval and place 
power in their hands. This itself is what is meant 
by the demand for swarajija. The demand for 
xwarojya does not mean that Hie Kmperor should be 
removed. Perhaps, for this arrangement you may 
have to bring English ofBcers in some places. This 
is admitted. Bdf those officers will be ours,' will be of 
the people, will remain servants of the people, will 
not remain our masters. The intelligence of our 
people will not alone suffice to bring about the' 
reforms which areto be effected in India. We shall 

' have to bring men from Elngland or America, but 
those men will be responsible to us. They will not 

' be irresponsible. El^noe from one point of view, it 
cannot be said at all that this agitation is against 
'Europeans. To whom would they be responsible? 


Second Home Rufe Spemh at Akmednagar ^^ 

To themselves or to us, so long as the responB^iility 
is not to us, 80 long as their respoB^ibility 
has not come under our power, it will continue 

"to be just what it is. Till then, our e£Forts in all 
directions will be vain, till then, in whatever other 
matter we may move, it will he ineffectual, and the 

■ desired object will not be accomplished. As long as 

-a nation is not free to bring about its own good, as 

.long as a nation has no power tp make an arrange- 
ment to bring about a certain thing which it may 

-desire, so long I do not think, your belly will be 
filled if you are fed by .others. Now the .people 
know, some people are convinced that the people's 

cgood cannot be effected by- what is called ' despotic 
mle' in English. Hence, my object is to tell you 
that you should jnake efforts. If my words fall 
short of expressing it, that is my defect not s defect 
in the idea, which is faultless. Alt these things,' 
their different natures, cannot be placed before you 
in a single lecture. As regards this idea of states 
about which I spoke, there are maa^ questions, viz.^ 
what arrangements should there be in them ? What 
r^ht should there be in them ? And what amend- 
meot should be made in the India Act of 1858 about 

-consolidation? And ihough I map deliver not only 

-one but ^our or ten lectures, they would not be 

BufGcieat to deal with those questions. Our 

principle is one — about this alone I have to speak in 

. this lecture- Those of you who are competent, by 

-virtue of intelligence, wealth or in some other 



Loft. Bal Gangadhar Tilah 

maon^, to consider thetfe things, will spontaneously^ 
know fliat these things are wanted. Why ask, 
' Will this be obtained ? Will this be obtained ?* To 
acquire it or not lies in other hands. I do not 
understand this question at all. You are making 
BO much^ exertion. ' No matter if it be not obtained. 
As for making exertions, it is in our hands. We- 
need not consider whether we shall get it or not. 
Exert yourself. The work which you do will not 
fail to produce some result or other. Have firm 
belief in yourself. Have not men obtained freedom' 
in othe< kingdoms ? Had goddesses descended from 
above in other nations 1 1 tell you plainly that if you' 
have no courage you cannot obtain anythiog. If 
there be courage, if it be not obtained to-day, it will 
be obtained to-morrow, it will be obtained after 
10 or 30 year^. But you must make efforts for it. 
The principle of your religion is this, ' You are only 
to work, you are not even to look to the fruits." 
Why is this said intheOita? Is it for going to 
worship, for sfilaiaing a %her of rice by reciting. 
Puran ? Great religions tell this very thing. The 
Western history tells this very thing. In spite of 
this, will you ask, ' What will become of us ? How 
phall we fare/ 'As made of a ball of earth, etc.' 
There is a ball of earth. We have it to be called 
Vishnu- We have it to be called Shiva. And we- 
impart so much ImQortance to It that it is worship- 
ped by the people. Lo I it is merely a ball of earth 
without any nlovement. When dropped on the- 


Second' Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

ground it falls down with a \hud. Wq can give pi 

form to that' ball by some act, exertion find cere- _ 

mony. If a form of some sort cannot be given to an 

eartben ball, it must be said to be your fdult. Tt is 

possible to give it a form- Now, these our bodies 

which are' unlike that earthen ball, endowed with 

life. ' How much tetter form can we give to our-^ 

selves. Do not make haste. Kothing will he gained 

by it (baste.) If you work resolutely, a different form 

can be given even to an earthen ball.. This thing is 

'told in ttie nkaatras. It is proved. It is proved h-p 

experience, proved by evidence, by history' If, in 

spite of this testimony placed befoje you, you are 

not convinced, if you are not satisfied, at least give 

up talking about the country attaining a fldurishing 

condition afresh. Do not bother our heads. These 

things are capable of happening — must happen. 

There must be such faith. That faith brings about 

work, Wherft-that faith does not exist nothing can 

be done, dtir Administrators do not give anything, 

' (hey only say they would give — suet a promise is 

not wanted. I do not say that what may be given 

should not be' taken. Take what is given, ask for 

more, do not give up your demand. (Laughter.) We 

want so many rupees. You gave one hundred, we 

take one hundred. WTiy should we not? If even 

some out of hundred be not offered, what can you 

do ? (Laughter.) We ^ant one Aousand. Whan we 

get a thousand rupees, we shall be satisfied. If 1/10 

. of a hundred be [given we shall thank Oaughtet.) 

193 ■ 

13 * y 


Lok. Bat Gtmgadkar THah " 

Not that we shall not thank. This is human nature. 
If' my pE^er falls down, I shall say * thank you' 
when you to me. This is human feeling. I 
do not ask you to give up what you may gei. But 
the humannesa of man lies io seouriag those aspira- 
tions which are included in this very feeling. All ' 
other feelings must be treated as servants, of that 
feeling, that exertion, that one goal. When this is 
done awarajya will be obtained. , Swarajya is not a 
• fruit ready at once to fall into the mouth from the 
sjfy. 'Sot is another man competeat to put it into ' 
your mouth. It is hard work. And for it this 
beginnit^ is made. The paper which my friend Tatya 
Saheb has now gi^ren into my hands is of such a 
sort. The work has been begun a little in India. 
Mrs. Annie Besant has established a Home Rule 
League at Madras. Here also we have established 
one. And in the same manner Home Bule Leagues 
will soon be esteiblished in Bengal or elsewhere. If, 
perhaps, the Congress will take up this question and 
itself establish ^league, the other leagues will be 
merged into it* The same work is to he done. This 
workjsoneand you are to do it. This is a question of 
securing benefit. We have to obtain ivoarajya, I have- 
told you what sort of swarajya is to beobtained. I told 
you what change it will hereafter produce in the pre- 
sent condition. The House of Lords have begun to 
dream such dreams. , Lord Hardinge said that the 
Civilians will soon have to place in your hands the 
r^hta belonging to you. The people beloi^ing to the 


Second Home Rule Speech at Ahniedt$agar 

"party opposed to you ia this matter have begun to 
have had dreams (laughter). You alone say, 'We are 
unfit, we Bhalt not take ..this.' Whence does this 
obstinacy arise? (Laughter.) What is the rationale 
of this ? It is that they have begun to have such 
dreams. They, think that some armngeiuent or 
other of this sort will have to be made. The work 
you have to do first is this : You must agitate in the 
whole country and conArince every man that this 
alone i» our Roal. For this, we have to vrork. Nay, 
we must settle what is it we want, what arrange- 
ment should th«re be — this demand must be settled. 
We must go to England and convince the people of 
it. And when this subject has to be discussed in - 
■Parliament this subject must be placed before it in 
a proper mariner. That proper manner means that 
a bill to amend the existing India Act must be 
hrougbt before Parliament. What we have to 
demand is this : Amend this Act for us. When the 
East India Company was abolished ttnd the rule of . 
the Queen's government came, this Act was amended 
t.e., minor amendments were made in it. We want 
to have it amended in a certain manner' And this 
is wanted not merely for our good but for the good 
of the Empire. To make such a demand is a part 
of our work. This work must be done with the help 
and acquiescence of all. Tfaei;^ must be left no 
■ -differeace of opinion about this. The moderates 
and the Nationalists have one and the same goal, , 
-and ^e same demand is to be made and one and 
195 ^ ' 


LcA, Bal Gangadkar Tilah 

the same result is to be obtained. For doing this- 
work which is to be carried'on by entertaining this - 
sentiment, a separate institution called tbe Home 
Bule League is established. Subjects are placed 
before the Congress. But as the Congress is to 
assembl^ODce a year, once an opportunity is gone,, 
we have to wait till the next year- But we have to- 
do work throughout the year. This is admitted by 
tbe Congress. With this object we have established.', 
this League. Not very great exertion is reauired. . 
Becognize this goal. We have a right to demand 
the fulfilment of this goal. The demand for money 
made to-day is only this : Every man should pay one 
rupee per annum. The admission fee is Es. 2- But if 
this is not to be paid, pay at least one rupee- If one. -' 
lakh out of thirty crores of people be not found 
willing to pay, then at least cease to prate about 
India- Do not tire our ears.^ I do not think that- 
more than a'year will be required for this agitatloui 
to become 'successful- The subscription for one year ' 
is fixed at Be. 1- It is not necessary to carry on the 
agitation for 10 or 20 years. Tbe real ti|me has come- * 
Hence if you are not disposed to make the self- 
sacrifice of taking ^ne rupee out of your pocket for * 
this agitation then at least do not come to the - 
lecture, so that it may not be necessary to talk so 
loudly. If you have to do any^ing it is only this. 
Those belonging to tins institution are prepared to 
make the remaining arrangement. For this purpose- 
many lectures like this will have to be delivered in. 


Second Hottte RuU Speech at Ahtrndnagaf 

varibus places- People will have to be got together- 
The nuLttei will have to be explained to the people* 
If the police come to stop the prooeedingB, if it is Dot 
allowed here, we mu3t go elsewhere and assemble. 
We must go there before the police go. We must 
.persist. Do not think that this. can be obtained 
-easily and pleasantly. One cupee is nothing- There 
■must be resolution of Uie mind- If any one comes to 
-ask, you must plainly tell him : The goal we demand 
is lawful. We have become members and paid one 
rupee. We want swarajya. You must say this 
;fearlesHly. If you have not the courage to »ay,thiB, 
that is a different thing. I trust that this thing will 
be considered good by the whole of India, perhaps 
by your descendants if not by you. Though you 
-may not have the will, this must go on. If not you 
•the people ofthe next generstiot^ will make efforts, 
-but they will call you asses. If you mean to put up 
with this then I,have no objection. My own convic- 
tion is that saarajya will be obtained. Bear in mind 
what work you have to do and what' help you have 
ta give. Perhaps there will be trouble from the 
police, this is not denied. If they ask, ' Well, have 
you become subscribers ? Have you become 
•members?' you must say, ' Yb», we have become' 
" Such is the law, nothing else will happen. If a pro- 
secution be instituted, the pleaders in this institu- 
tion wjll conduct the defence without xaking any 
fee (lai^hter). If a rupee be paid for this work that 
^vould not be sedition. More than this {i.«. Paying 


Lak. Bal Gangadhar Tilah 

Re. 1 and becoming a member) you have not tc^ do. . 
This League undertakes to do the remaining work. 
Strange that the people of Maharastra should 
remain idle at such a time I We want all, whether 
they ]}e Muhammadans, Hindus or Marwdris. 
Among these there are none who are not wanted r 
in this there is no distinction of caste or religion. 
This work is to be dorte for India- I have already 
stated on a former occasion at a certain place, that 
there is^ practice amongst you traders that you 
keep one anna in the rupee out of profits 'for cow 
protection. Such is your habit. I ask, ' Why should 
not the h'aders give to us a pice or half pice in the 
anna for this object also ?' India is a great cow, not 
a small one. That cow has given you birth. You 
are maintaining yourselves on that cow's industry, 
on her fruitfulness, drinking her milk. You forget 
that cow, but sit on seeing the accounts, one anna, 
one anna is seen debited in. her name. For cow pro- 
tection. For what is the anna taken out 7 For 
giving fodder to the cow, for rescuing her from the 
hands of the butcher. We are dying here to-day 
without work. But does the idea ever occur to yon 
that this is a cow for you ? That idea never occJrs 
to you. This is a work for the protection of religion 
and for the protection of cows- This is the work of 
the nation and of political progress. This work is 
of religion, of progress- I ask you to take into dbn- 
sideration all this and to assist us as much as lies 
in your power. I have already said we do not ask 

Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

ior more than one rupee per man. He who has the 
. ability should obtain the merit of protecting the cow 
by paying this one rupee at least once to this insti- 
tution- This is a great work. If sons of the cow 
will not care about this then you shall have to be 
called bullocks, as the eons of the cows are called 
(laughter). You shall have to be given that nam» 
which is commonly applied to cow's sons. I have 
told you these things. This institution has been 
started. Work baa commenced- If perils overtake 
it we are prepared to bear thein. They must be 
borne- It will pot do at all to sit idle- All ^^" ^^ 
able to support themselves. Therefore assist in this 
manner this undertaking. Then God will not 
abandon you : such is my conviction. These things 
will be achieved by the grace of God. But we 
must work. There is a very old principle that 
God helps tbem who - help themselves. The 
principle occurs in the Rigveda> God becomes 
incarnate. When ? When you take complaints 
to him and pray to him. God does not become 
incarnate for nothing. God does not become 
incarnate for idle people. He becomes incacnate 
for industrious people. Therefore begin work,' 
This is not the occasion to 4ell all the people 
to-day what sort of amendment is to be effected 
in the law. It is difficult to discuss every such 
thin^ at auoh a large meeting. Hence put 
together the few generdl things which I told you 
now and- those which I told you yesterday and 


Lok. BiA Gangadhar Tilak 

set about to work. And at last having prayed to 
Ood to make your efforts sucoesaful I conclude my 
speech (cbeere). 

,., Cookie 


[In supporting the resotuiion on Self-Gavemtnent, at the 
.3lst Indian National Congress o/ 1916, AeU at Lucknov,, 
Mr. Bal GangadHat- Tilak, said\.-~ 

Mr, President, brother delegates, ladles and 
gentlemen. — I thank you sincerely for the reception 
that you have given me on this platform; but let 
me tell you that I am not fool enough to thipk that 
fhis reception is given to me personally. It fa given, 
if I rightly understand, for those principles for 
which I have been lighting. {Hear. hear). The reso- 
lution which I wish to support embodies all these 
principles- It is the resolution on self-government- 
It is that for which we have be&n fighting^-the 

'Congress ban been fighting for tte last 30 years. 
The first, note of it was heard ten years ago on the 
banks of the Hooghly and it was sounded by the 
Grand Old Man of «India— that Parai Patriet of 

'Bombay, Dadabhai Naoroji. {Applrtuse.) Since that 
uote was sounded a difEerence ot opinion arose* 
Some said that that note ought to be carried on and 
ought to be followed by detailed soheme at oace, 

^od that it should be taken up and made to resound 

■ all over India as soon as ■ possible- . There was. 
another party amongst us that said that it could not 

''be done so soon and that the tune of that note 


Lok. Bal Ganffidhar Tilak 

required to be a little IBwered- 'Phat was the cause 
of dissension ten years ago- But I am glad to say 
that I Have lived these ten years to see that w» 
reunite on this platform and that ne are going to 
put forward our voices and shoulders togetheV to 
push on this scheme of self-government- We, have 
lived — there i? a further thing — not only have we 
lived to see these differences cloaed, but to see the 
differences of the Hindus and Mahomedans closed 
as well. So we are united in every way int the 
United Provinces and we have found that lucbia 
Lucknow- ILaughUr). I consider this the most 
auspicious day, the most auspicious in the most 
auspicious session of the 31st Indian National 
Congress. And there are only one or two points on 
which I wish to address yoii- 

It has been said, gentlemen, by some that we 
Hindus have yielded too much to our Mahomedan 
brethren. I am sure I represent the sense of the 
Hindu community all over India when I say that 
we could not h^ve yielded too much. I would not 
care if the rights of self-government arefgranted to 
the Mahomedan community only, {Hear, hear)- I 
would not care if they are granted to the Rajputs. 
I would not care if theV are granted to the lovTer 
and the lowest classes of the Hindu population- 
j)rovided the British Government considers them 
more fit than the educated classes of India for 
exercising those ri^ts. I would not oare if those 
rights are granted to any section of the Indiao. 



cotomunity. The fight theh will be between them 
and the other sectloDS of the community and not ss-^ 
at present a triangular fight. We have to get these 
rights from a powerful bureaucracy, an unwilling 
Bureaucracy, naturally, unwilling because the 
Bureaucracy now feels that these rights, these 
priTileges, this authority, will pass out of their 
hands. I would feel the same if I were in that 
position and I am not going to blame the Bureau- 
cracy for entertaining that natural feeling. But 
whatever the character of that feelipg may be it is 
a feeling which we have to combat against j it is a 
feeling that is not conducive to the growth of self- 
government :in this country. We have to fight 
against that feeling- When we have to fight against 
a third party — it is a very important thing that we 
stand on this platform united, united in race, united- 
in religion, united as regards all different' shades of 
political creed. That is the most important event 
of the day. 

Let us glance. As I said, ten years ago when 
Dadabhai Naoroji declared .that Swaraj should be 
our goal .its name was Swaraj. Later on it came to 
be known as self-government or constitutional 
reform; and we Nationalists style it Home Rule* 
It is all the same, in three different names. It ia 
said th^t as there is| objection raised that Swara> 
lias a,t^d odour in India and Home Rule has a bad 
odour JD England we ou^t to call it oonstltutipnal 
reform. I don'( eare to call it by any name. I d(!>B^t'< 

Lok. Bal Gangadkar Tilak 

■care for'any name. If you style it as A, B. 0. reform 
^-scheme fit X. Y. Z. reform scheme I shall be equally 
conteot; I don't mind for the name, but I beliere 
we have. But I believe you have hardly realised . 
the importance, hackly realized the importance 
and character of that scheme of reform. Let me 
tell you that jt is far more liberal than the Irish 
Home Rule Bill and then you can understand what 
possibilities it carries with it. It will not be oom- 
-plete Home Rule but more than a be^hniner of it. If 
may not be complete self-government but it is far 
better ,than local self-government, {daughter.] It 
may not be'Swaraj in the widest sense of the word 
but it is far better than Swadeshi and boycott. It is 
in fact a synthesis of all the Congress resolutions 
passed during the last 30 years,— a synthesis that 
will help us on to proceed, to work in a definite, in 
a certain responsible manner. We cannot dow 
afford to spend our energy on all 30 resolutions — 
Public Service resolutious. Arms Act and sundry 
others. All that is included in this one resolution 
of self-government and I would ask every one of 
you to try to c^rry out this one resolution with all 
effort, might, and enthusiasm, and everything that 
^ you can commandi Vour intelligence, your mosey, 
your enthusiasm, all that you can command, must 
now be devoted for carrying out this scheme of 
reform. Don't think it is an easy task. Nothing 
can be gained by passing a resolution on this 
j>latCorn). ' Nothing can be gained by simple union 



of the two races, Hindus and Mahomedans And the' 
two parties. Moderates and Nationalists. The union 
is intended to create a certain power and energy 
amongat us and unless that energy and power are' 
exercised to'the utmost you cannot hope to succeed. 
So great are the obstacles in your way. In short 
you must now be prepared to fight out youc^cbeme. 
I don't care if the sessions of the Congress are not ' 
held any longer. I think it has done its work as a 
deliberatiye body. The next part is executive and 
I hope I shall be able to place before you later the 
executive part of the scheme. It is onfy the. 
deliberative part that has been placed before you. 
Remember what has been done. It is not the time 
for speaking. When Swaraj was declared as our 
goal it was l|uestioned whether it was legal and 
the Calcutta High Ccyirt has declared that it 
was. Then it was said that Swaraj was legal 
but it must be expressed in such words as do 
not amount to a criticism of the Bureaucracy. 
That too has been judicially ijecided. You 
can criticize, you can make any criticism in 
order to further your object, in order to justify 
your demand, perfectly within the'bounds of law> 
So the'goal has been declared * legal. Here you 
have a specific richenie of Swaraj passed by United 
India- All the thorns in our way have* been 
removed- It will be your faulfc if you now do not 
obtain what is described in the scheme. Bemember 
that. But I will tell you it is a very serious 


Loh. Bal Gangadhar Tilah 

responaibility. Don't shirk it. Work. I say the 
days of 'woadera are gone. You cannot now feed 
hundreds 'of people on a few crumbs of bread as 
.Jesus diti. The attainment of your object cannot 
be achieved by a wonder from heaven. You have 
to do it. These are days of work, incessant labour, 
and I hope that with the help of Providence you 
will find that energy, that enthusiasm '^nd those 
resources which are required for carrying out this 
scheme within the next two years to come. If not 
by the end of 1917, when I expect the war will be 
closed, during at least 1918 we shall meet at some 
place in India,'where we shall be able to raise up 
the banner of self-rule. {Loud applause). 

First Meeting at Lucknow 

[A targe meeting of the Home Rulers v)3S held pit the 
evening of Satttrday, iOth. December, 1916 at the pandal of 
the Theasophieal Convention near Aminabad High School, 
Lucknov, when Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak aidreised as 
follows :]— ' 

I did Dot come here to deliver aa address; nor 
did I think that £ 'would be asked to speak* But 
the subject is so fascinating and one cannot resist 
the temptation of saying at least, a few words. The 
Lucknow Sessions has become tbe most important 
Sessions of the Congress. The President of tbe 
Congress said that it was the Indian National 
Congress. Two things have taken place. Hindus 
and Muslims have been brought together. There is 
a feeling among the Hindus that too much has been 
given. I think the objection is not national. As a 
Hindu I have certainly no objection to" making this 
concession. When a case is difficult, the client goes 
to his Vakil and promises to pay one half of the 
property, to him if he wins the octse. The same is 
the thing here. We cannot rise from our present 
intolerable condition without the aid of Muslims. - 
So in order to gain tbe desire^ end there is no 
■ -objection to giving a percentage, a greater percent- 
age, to the Muslims. Their responsibility becomes 

■i. ,.,,Ct.)onlc 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

greater, the greater the percent%e of repreBentatioD> 
you (?iv& to them. They will be doubly bound to work 
for you and with you, with a zeal and enthusiasm 
greater than ever. The fight at present is a trian- 
gular fight. You have to wrest the .whole Self- 
Goverument from *at of the hands of a powerful 
bureaucracy. This body has already commenced to- 
work in order to retain power in its own bands. It 
is but natural. You woutd do the same thing your- 
self if you were in possession. Posaession is nine- 
points of la*. Bureaucracy is in possession of 
power end why should it part with it? Eights 
cannot be obtained by yearly resolutions. There 
are difficulties in the way of carrying out' these- 
resolutions, hut these difficulties must strengthen, 
us in our beliefs and inlour actions. 

Bureaucracy too have done some good in our 
country. They have tried to clear Indi^ of the 
' jungle that w^ there. But further on, after clear- 
ing the jungle, there is one thing they do. They do- 
not want to sow in the ground thus cleared. We 
want to utilise it for agriculture. India has united 
into one mass uifljerthis bureaucracy, now it ift 
expected to rise on the cMl of duty. The neit point- 
naturally arises. We now want liberty. Similarly, 
we educate our chjldren and expect them to ^ake 
our position later on in life. So is the oAse with 
Englishmen. -'They have united us, they have- 


Home Rulg Confaratce 

educated us and the? must expect us to take the 
poBition we are fit for. Histoir and re'asoa are 
against the difficulties created by the bureaucracy 
and we must triumph in the end. The only thing 
that comes in our way is that we are not yet 
prepared. No ehillyshaliying wiH do. Be prepared 
to say that you are a Home Ruler. Say that you 
must have it and I dare say when you are ready 
you wili get it. There is nothing anarchical in this 
demand. Are you prepared to work for it ? 

Home Rule is an extensive subject. A strong 
resolution has been passed by the Congress lind now 
the education of the masses lies in your hands. 
Home Rule is the synthesis of all Congress resolu- 
tionst Home. Rule is the only remedy. Insist on 
your rights. India is your own house. Is it not I ' 
{Cries of Yes). Then why not man^e it yourself? 
(Cheers). Our domestic affairs must be in our own 
hands. We do not want separation from England. 

There is a saying in our Vedanta, meaning that if 
a, man tries he can become God himself. If that is 
so, do you mean to say that you cannot become 
bureaucrats if you want to ? ^t is very obvious. 
Have firm faitb in the brighter prospects of huma- 
nity or, as they are called, in laws of evolution. 
Then, I believe, by that faith you will be able to 
lealise your object within a year or two (Cheers), 

D,mi,.=db, Google 

[Under ike presidency of Mr. fiana Saheb Data, a piMic 
meeting was hdd at Abola, on January,]9\7, iphen Bat 
Gangadhar Tilak apoke on Home Rule as foilows] : — 

It was about 8 years ago that I had oooasion to 
speak to you and I well remecnber what I said then 
when concluding my address. " Suiat split " had 
occurred 2 years before, and I said, that the split 
was not due to divergeace ia id*eals, but to difFer- 
onces of opinion as to the method of work which 
, was to b© followed to gain the one common ideal of 
Swaraj which was held up before the eyes of the 
Nation by the Grand Old Man of India, Dadabhai 
Naoroji, in his jPresidential speech, as the President 
of the Indian I National Cougress. The difference 
being one of n^thod and not of ideal it would surely 
be forgotten as time rolled on, and the keenness of it 
would be lessened every year till we met again on a 
common platform. The events since the last Con- 
.gress have proved jny prophecy. The ideal of Home 
Rule has passed through trials and ordeals, and 
stands to-day perfectly vindicated as both loyal and 
practical. It is now conclusively proved that the 
gain of the one is the gain of both, and in India's 
Self-Govemment lies the future stability and safety 
of the British Empire. Since Home Rule became 


Home Rule 

an' ideal, vindioated ia Courts of law as legal and 
loyal, it had to be proved by arguments tBat India 
stood in immediate need of it, that India should 
demand it, that the demand was justified by defeats 
in the method of tbe working of the existiag mode 
of Governmeot which could not be remedied except 
by Self-Governraent and that it was also proved 
that we were St for receiving and handling the right 
of Swaraj when they came to us. In justifying 
9waraj aud pointing out the defects of the preseot 
sydtem of Government oae had to use hard argu- 
meats aud a langu^e which — takiog the subject- 
matter into coasideration — could not be soft. And 
in certain quarters this again was reseated. Our 
opponents said : "Ask for your Home Rule as much 
as you like but you must not criticise the bureau* 
ciacy ; that creates discontent." This was asking 
■us to achieve an impossibility. It was as if you 
asked a man to eat a fruit without biting it. To ask 
you to do sols only another way of preventing you 
from eating the fruit. How could the demand for 
Home Rule be justiQed without showing that there 
were defects in the present mode of working of the 
Government which were incurable without Home 
Rule for India ? And how could those defects be 
shown except by irrefutable arguments which hit 
hard ? Luckily this question has been solved by the 
Bombay High Court for us now, »nd it is pronounced 
' that criticising the visible machinery of the Govern- 
iment is not sedition, that an angry word, a hard 


Lok. Bat GangaJhar Titak 

expression, and an indiscreet phrase might have- 
been employed without meaning the least harm* 
Thus we know that the ideal of Home Kuleis legiti- 
mate and just, and criticism of the existing mode of 
Government is not illegal, but the great question is 
yet undecided and the question is 


That is the third st^e in the history of Home- 
Rule. I am glad to tell you the last Congress has 
given J -satisfactory answer to this question. It is 
not a solntion which one party puts forward ; it is 
not a eolution which one community advances' U 
is a solution unanimouRly accepted hy Hindus,. 
Mussalmans, Moderates, and Nationalists alike> It 
means Kepresentative Government, Government 
over which the people will have control. I shall- 
tell you also 


It does not«nean shaping as under the oonnectioo' 
between England and India ; it does not mean dis- 
claiming the suzerain power of the King-Emperor. 
On the contrary it affirms aad strengthens both. We- 
need the protectian of England even as a matter of 
pure self'interest. This is the key-note to which 
the song of Home Bute must be tuned; you must • 
not forget this nor must yon forget that it is the- 
connection with England and the education she- 
gave, that has given rise to the ambitions that fill 
■your hearts to-day. 
* 213 

■ .^Coo;ilc 

Home Rule 

Self-Government, as I told you, means RBpreBan- 
■tatWe Government in which the wishes of the people 
will be respected and acted upon and not disregarded 
as now, in the interests of a small minority of Civil 
Servants. Let there be a Viceroy and let him be an 
Ei^lishman if you like, but let him act according to 
the advice of the representatives of the people. Let 
our money be spent upon us and with our consent. 
Let public servants be really servants of the public 
and not their masters as tbey at present are. The 
■ question as to how tnahy members will sit in this 
Council is immaterial. The material que^ion is, 
will the greater majority of them represent the 
Indian public or not, and will they be able to dictate 
the policy of the Government or not ? This then is 
what Home Rule really means. 

Now, I need hardly tell you that a long and weary 
rpath lies before you. You musttread it with courage 
and steadily. It is a difficult thing to gain and 
therefore worth gaining, (^reat thibgs cannot be 
-easily gained and things easily gained are not great. 
Ja the Oita Lord Stiri Krishna says that among the 
-5 causes that lead to success "Daiwa" is one. 
Daiwa is the chance that God gfves you and leaves 
you to profit by it or not. Diiwa is something that 
human effort cannot control but which comes just 
at the time which is most opportune and it is 
- entirely our fault if we do not know how to take 
advantage of it, and knowii^ it, fail totakeadvan- 


Lok. B(U Gangadhor Tilak 

tage of it. You have now Daiwain your favour. You. 
must pre^s your claims now. This is the time. If 
you fail to make an advance, the world will march 
ahead and you will be left behind like the grass that 
growB by the road side, like the mile-stone that ever 
stands there. * 

Everybody in the world ieltrying to profit by the 
opportunity. The colonies are proclaiming aloud 
their claims. They are making their oWn schemes 
ready and preBsing their claims on England. A 
great raform, a great re-arrangement is inevitable 
after this War and the Colonies are thrusting their 
hands in the management of the Empire. They 
have their claim on the fact of having helped the 
British Empire in this War. Have we not done it 
equally if not better ? If the Colonies succeed in 
their effort we will be brought under their heels and 
they will trample on our liberties. In order to 
justify their schemes they have sent their men in 
India to collect evidence in support of what they 
say and their messengers are already at work. 
None will be more Lunlucky and unfortunate than 
yourselves if you lag[behind[at this critical moment. 
You have the ide&l of Swaraj, you have the legal 
methods to work for it, and you know what the 
ideal means. The Almighty helps you in His 
inscrutable Divine ^ways by offering a unique 
opportunity. Now it is for you to say whether you 
will answer by vigorous efforts or sit silent and let 


Home Rule 

the opportunity slip through your fingers. By 
allowing this golden opportunity to escape, you ar& 
incurring the just blame of tboge that will' be bom 
hereafter. Your daughters and sons will be ashatned 
of you and future generations will curse you. Take ; 
courage therefore and work now. Strike the iron 
whilst it is hot and yours shall be the glory of 

D,mi,.=db, Google 

[At a very wellaUended meeting of the tsilieens of 
■Cawnpon, on January 1,1917, Mr.Titak Spoke on Home 
Rule for India as fiilhws] i— 

GBNTLBMJJN.T-It is extremely unfortunate that 
I am not addressing you in your mother- tongue 
Hindi which claims to be the lingua fratica of India. 
X am sorry for it the more whep I see the large 
crowd that has assembled here to welcome me oa 
this occasion. I am sorry because I am one of 
those who hold that Hiadi should be the hngua 
franca of India in future. But unfortunately not 
being able to speak in Hindi I have thought it fit to 
address you in English on this occasion, a few 
words which relate to a subject in which alt of us 
were engaged at Lucknow. Gentlemen, you must 
have all probably heard that the Lucknow Congress 
was a memorable Congress, a momentous step, 
beii^ taken therein as regards Home Rule. You 
will be able to learn that after 30 years of delibera- 
tion we have at loBt come to the conclusion that 
nothing will save us except Home Rule, As I have 
said in the Congress it is a ssmthesis of all the 
resolutions hitherto passed by the Congress during 
the last 30 years. Whatever side you may look at 
the question from, you will be convinced that the 

,.,Gt.)onlc ^ 

fiotm Rule ConJbnHce 

freedom which Home Rule implies is necessary for 
the regeneration of this country. Everybhing in ' 
•the moral, material or intellectual sphere of this 
nation depends upon tho freedom which at present 
■we are-deprived of. You cannot do anythiag which 
in your opinion is calculated to raise your status 
to that of a civilized nation according to the modern 
standard. It has been pointed out by more eloquent 
speakers than myself and men who ar^ entitled to 
your respect and veneration far more than I am. 
I say it has been pointed out to me several times 
•that unless we get a part of the freedom for*which 
we are trying, for a part of the power which rests 
in the hands of the bureaucracy at present, it is 
impossible for us to attain that position to which 
we are entitled as a birthright. If you see what is 
your position at present, if you look around, you 
•will see that you are crippled in every respect. 
"Whether you take the question of industry, whether 
■you take the question of education, or any other ■ 
question, everywhere there is a stumbling block in 
your way, so that you have not the power to carry 
-out what you wish. We must be prepared to face 
this one important question before we can hope to 
make any progress— progress t&at is worth the 
iname. . Many of the objections to the attainment of 
Home Rule have already been answered in the 
"Congress and out of the Congress. I ^ould only 
4ake one or two of them because I am afraid that 
^speaking in English I shall not be understood by 

. .Coo;il/ 

Loh. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

this large audience and secondly because the time- 
at our command ia very short. You, who are- 
assembled here to listen to me and to do honour to ' 
me will, I think, agree that in honouring me you 
are honouring-tbe cause of Home Rule. The very 
fact of your presence here to hear s speaker who 
has devoted some time to this question shows that 
you are all intereltted in that important queetioD. 
They say t^at there is n» public opinion in India in 
favour of Home Rule, This is a proposition which 
if our opponents were here will find contradicted by 
the presence of you all. I do not think that you 

' have come here to respect my person but I think 
you have come bere to respect the cause of Home 
Rule: and a very large gathering like this is a 
splendid refutation of the objection that we are not 
prepared for Home Rule, that we are unable to- 
exercise influence over the masses in this country,, 
that we can take no interest in it and that it will 
take {several decades of years if not hundreds of 
years according to our opponents to render us fit 
for Home Rule. This meeting is in itself, as I said^ 
a refutation of the charges that are brought against 
as. Another objection that is raised is that we, 
Hindus never enjoyed Home Rule. Nothing cah 
he more incorrect, more erroneous and false, I may 

% say, than a statement like this. Many of you ia 

'Northern India enjoyed Home Rule in ancient days. 

The Hindu polity which is included in the King's- 

duties in the Manusmriti text lays down a kind of 


j-,.i... ,.,Ct.)i.)ylc 

Home Rule Cortfennce 

social organization which is known as Chatur 
Varna. Many of you noW believe thab Chatur 
Varna consists merely of'different castes that divide' 
us at present. No one things of the duties belong- 
ing to these castes. A Kshatitiya will not take 
food with the Brahmin and a Brahmin will not 
take food with a Vaishya and a Vaishya will 
not take food with a Shudra. It was not so, let 
me point out, in the days of Manu and 6hagvatgita» 
Bhagvatgita expressly states that this division was 
not by birth but by the quality and by the profession 
which were necessary to maintain the whol^ society 
in those days-TheEshattriyasdefended the dominion 
and defended the people against foreign aggression 
and against internal iaterruptioss. Where are those? 
The whole of that class is gone off and their duties 
devolve upon the British who have taken charge of 
the duties of 'Kshattriyas. Take again commerce. You 
think this is a oommerical town. There are many 
labourers but you find that the country is exploited 
for the benefit not of India but of 'other nations. 
Raw products are exported and refined products arO' 
brought in to the sacrifice of several industries for 
which India was famous in ancient times. See the 
Vaishya class — that too is now tteing dominated by 
the British people or British merchants. Take the- 
Brahmins. I am a Brahmin. We boasted that we 
were the intellectual beads of ^he community— we 
were the brain in fact—but that brain is now 
rendered so dull that we have hut to import into this 


Lak. Bat Oangadhar Titan 

country foreign philosophy at the cost of our 
ancient learning in every departmeat of life. What 
'I consider ie that Chatur Varna divides the whole 
society into so many departments of life and in 
■every one of these departments you have been a 
loser every year, every decade. I want you now to 
recognize this fact and to try for gaining the position 
which we occupied in our own societies. - We have 
't>een deprived of volunteering, we have beeh 
deprived of the right to the higher grades in service. 
The men remain, but the duties are gone and all 
your feeling at present is that I am a Kshattriya 
■ and you are a Brahmin and that be is a Sudra. A.U 
have lost their titles. I am not partial to one or the 
other. I want you to realise the fact that although 
you may claim the blood of Kshattriya, although 
you may claiifl the hlood of a Brahmin, you do not 
claim that polity, those qualificatione which the 
Sudras are enjoying whioh should have been yours 
at this momeqt. Now one aspect of Home Rule is 
to encourage X9n to acquire the freedom whioh yoa 
' enjoyed in these various departments of life and to 
-come up to that standard by the co-operation of and 
•under the sovereignty of the British rule. This result 
is not to be achieved by any unlawful and un- 
'Constitutional means, but I am sure by>a desire and 
-interest to raise your status to achieve this goal by 
means of the sympathy of the British people and by 
'remaining a permanent part of the Empire. But 
.this part is of two kinds. In a household, servants 

» ' 


HtMie Rule Confeiviue 

form part of a houiebold and children form part of 
a household. We want to occupy thet part of 
children and not of servants— not a dead part but 
an equal part in that greatest Empire which the 
world has seen. We are quite willing to remain a 
part but not a dead part which will be a burden to 
the Empire but a' living member, and a living 
member ig expected to develop all the qualities which' 
you find in the department of social life^. It \b with 
this view, gentlemen, that the Home Rule agitation 
' has been started to make you masters in your house 
and not servants. This is the r^al sensa of that 
situation which every one is bound morally and 
intellectually to attain. Home Bule ia nothing else, 
bat to be masters of your bouses. Have you ever 
thought of such a simple question ' what am I in my 
house — am I a dependent or am I master ?' And if 
India is your house I want to ask you, gentlemen, 
whether there can be any ground or reason to tell 
you that you (^ight to be . masters so far as your 
domestic affaire a^e concerned. Wlfen an English- 
man has been deprived of his rights be will not be- 
content unless he gets back his rights- Wby should 
you lag behind, why should you not in the name of 
religion, in the name of polity, *in the name of that 
polity .which was cultivated in the past to the largest 
extent the history of the world has yet produced — in 
the name of that philosophy, that is religious. I 
appeal to you to awaken to your position and do 
your level beet for the attainment of your birth-right 


Lok. Bat^Gan&tdkar.Tikik 

— I tnean the right of managing your own affairs, la 
your own home. If you do not do it who will do it 
for you ? Do not be hypnotised. You are fit for it, 
only you have not seen it. You can get your object 
by your own efforts, by your own action, and this is 
the self-realiEatioD that I want you t6 feel. If yoa 
once realise that you are the master of your domestic 
affairs as other men are, as in the colonies 
and as men in the other parts are, I daresay- 
nothing can stand between you and your 
object to attain it\ It alt depends upon your efforts. 
In Luo^now and Cawnpore you will find better men 
very soon addressing you on this subject, and if I 
«an prepare the ground for the noble workers that . 
are to come here hereafter, I shall not have spoken 
in vain to-day. It is a thing which you must look 
to now. Qive up apathy. You are as good men as 
members of any other community in the world. 
You have hands and feet aud you know what has 
beea said in one of Shakespeare's dramas. We are 
certainly bettar than Japanese and yet Japan has 
attained what you seem hopeless to attain and are 
indifferent to aspire to get. Your fault lies not in 
the want of oapacity or want of means but your 
fault lies in the «ant of the will. You have not- 
cultivated that will which you ought to have done. 
Will is everything. Will power makes it as strong 
as you can and the material wojld round you 
cannot drive you frftm attaining the object which 
you will attain. You must make up that will 


Honu RuU Confenncc 

and if that will is made up by every commiiDitr 
tbere is a proverb Iq my part that the divine poirer 
resides in five persons. Instead of 5 let me now 
change that 5 into 500 millions; and if you realise 
the fact that you have a certain abject to ^et that, 
yon must attain to a particular stage to which you 
■are entitled as birth-right. You must say that this 
will 80 stret^ftheaed, cannot resist the forces that 
■are arrayed against you. It is the will, you have 
not been thinking over. You do not devote to it one 
moment of your life, one moment during tlie day. 
A. Brahmin is, for instance, enjoined in the Shastras 
to perform his prayers once in tha morning and oace 
in the evening. What is that prayer ? It is the 
cultivation of the will. ' Now let your prayer be, ' I 
will try to have my birth-right.' Have that prayer 
■every morning and evening. Do not forget it 
during all the work or business that you do during 
the day. If there be temptations in your way repeat 
that prayer in the morning and evening. Prayer 
'has such a power as to surmount all Obstacles ; that 
is the effect of prayer. It is no u«e praying merely 
for nothing. God does not want prayer for himself. 
God does not need it. God does not want any 
praise from you — it is all u8el%Bs. Realise that 
fact. What is the good of praying without any 
object. God has created you, God knows how to 
■conduct his own creation. Do you mean to say 
that Ijy your praying you cannot change the coarse 
-of events of karma 1 Do pray 'morning and evening 


Lok. Btd Gangadhar Tilah ^ 

for Home Rule and I daresay that within a year or 
two you can attain your object. 

Thanking you for your reception I close my 
remarks on the subject ; and if any of you have not 
understood me because I have spoken in English 
then some one o^ the gentlemen on the platform will 
undertake to lepeat that for you, and. I ask your 
pardon not to have been able to address you in your 
own word^ 

,., Google 


{An address enclosed in a silver casket sptciallg ordered 
from Bombay was presented to Mr. Tilak, at Yeotmal and 
ift reply, M r. Tilah spoke as follows] : — 

Mr, President, brothers and sisters, — ^ thank you 
very much for the presentation of an address to me 
and for the hospitable reception, you have been kind 
enough to accord to me. But let me tell your T- have 
not come here to receive these marks of honour and 
I never expected them. I have come here to do 
Bomething and if possible to ask you to do it, and 
that something is the work to be done in connection 
with the attainment of " Swaraj" or " Home Rule.'*^ 
It does not require high intellectual gifts to under- 
stand the meaning of " Swaraj." It is a simple 
Sanskrit word, meaning nothing more or less thaa 
the power to rule our homes, and hetlce it is called 
in flhort " Home Rule." It is \pour birth-right to- 
govern your own house or home ; nobody else can 
claim to do it, unless you are a minor or a lunatic. 
The power of the Court of Wards ceases as soon as 
** Malik'' attains majority or becomes !non-lunatic. 
The agent or the Court, to which the power was 
transferred, is in duty bound to transfer the same 
power back to the "Malik" or the real owner. If the 
Court or the agent will not do it, he must bring forth. 

15 > 


Lok, Bdl Gangftdhar TUak 

evideoce to justify his action. ■ We tell the Oovero- 
ment that we are no longer minors, nor are wa 
lunatica, and we are able and competent to took 
after our afifairs, our " home" and we will rule the 
" home ;" we have got a right to say that we want 
this anent or that and we will guide the "Home 
policy-" This demand for " Home Eule" is not a 
new one. The Congress and the other older and 
younger institutions in the country hare been 
demanding it> Nor is the idea novel or new to us. 
The Village Panohayats, the Councils of Pandits or 
Elders U> advise and guide the King or Emperor and 
such other kindred institutions were in existence 
for long. The King was not the final authority in 
matter of law; the king himself used to' consult 
wise men of high spiritual and moral development, 
sages well versed in Shruti and Smriti, and then 
decide the point. King Dushyanta actually did it, 
when he had to accept Shakuntala and' her sod. 
The words swarajyam, vairegyavt, were actually seen 
in the ^hastras. Of course, the word "Swaraj" or 
*' Home Rule" has got a limited meaning to-day. 
" The Swaraj" of to-day is within the Empire and 
not independent of it. There have been lots of 
misrepresentation during the last ten years by our 
opponents and persecutions and prosecutions were 
the consequences. Now the meaning of "Swaraj'* 
has been definitelydefined by the Congress at Luck- 
now ; there is no^ no room left for doubts and 
misrepresentations. This "Swaraj" or Self-Govem- 


Honu Rule ^ ' 

ment as embodied ia the Congress resolution should 
be now openly owned and preached by every one.. 
There is no sedition in it ; the High Courts do not find 
any sedition in it. Our way is now quite olear ; the 
difficulties h^^ve been removed. Svery ione of ub. 
whether a Hindu or a MuhammadaD, a moderate or 
nationalist, should start with this cleap-cooception of 
"Swaraj" and fearlessly preach|it, with all the enthu- 
siasm he can command. Our opponents say we are 
not tit ; but that is not true. Every one who is an 
adulf^nd not a lunatic is fit to manage his house. 
We may commit mistakes in the beginning ; but who 
is so perfect as to be beyond human failings ? Even 
great men err. We want the right to commit 
mistakes also; we will commit mistakes and our- 
selves rectify them ; even the great Avatars commit 
mistakes. The Government does not lay down any 
standard of fitness, if they will lay down any 
we will try to attain that standard. Qovernment 
are not at all definite : those who ask us to be first 
-fit and then demand Swaraj have no mind to give it 
to us at all. It is as good as to .ask a boy to learn 
swimming and then to go into the river. The second 
■clause of the resolution in Self-Government passed 
at Lucknow, demands " Swaraj '' at an early date. 
Our opponents advise us not to embirrass the 
Government at this time ; furthermore they want us 
to believe that this is not the time to make the 
-demand. My reply is that this is exactly the time 
^hen our demands should be put forth in a dafinita 

D,mi,.=db, Cookie 

Lok. Bat Oangadhar TiUA 

'manner. The oolooials are doing the same thing ^t- 
this time and why should we not do it ? The policy 
of the Imperial Qovernment is going to be changed^ 
and important changes are expected in the con- 
stitution and if we will not awake at this time ta 
gUBrd our interests, who else will do it for us ? We 
ought not to sleep at this time; we must work for 
attaining our gqal. 

It appear^ God is helping us, for this time the 
present circumstances are not the results of our 
actions or efforts ; and so I say the time is favour- 
able to MS. When Ch)d has come to help us. shall 
we not exert ourselves ?Itemember, if we lose this- 
. opportunity, we may not get another for a century 
OF so; the colonials have seen this and they are 
demanding a voice in the Imperial affairs at this- 
very time. -Our demand is comparatively moderate. 
We simply demand a right to govern ourselveB. la 
the year 1906, Dadabhai Naoroji proclaimed from> 
the Congress platform this " Swara]" as our ulti- 
mate goal. Till then separate demands were made in 
separate departments ; till then we tried to catch the- 
small hairs on the head : but now we say we want to- 
oatch the hair tufts so that we will be reinstated in 
our position which is oure by birth ; so you see- 
that your demand is clear and emphatic, made- 
by persons of different opinions after much discus- 
sion about it at Lucknow. We have also seen that 
this is the most proper time to make that demand ;. 
and we must work and work incessantly. Yoa. 

Homa Rute 

-ought not to shirk for fear of difficulties and dansero 
and pitfalls. The^ are bound to oome and wh7 
-should they not eome ? 

Our Vedanta says that there is little happiness 
and much of evil and misery in the world. The 
world is sueh, it cannot be helped. I foresee 
dangers in the way and the sigQS of these dangers 
are not wanting ; recently Lord Sydenham, the late 
Governor of Bombay, has asked the Government in 
ihe Nineteenth Century to proclaim once for all that 
they do not intend to give any more reforms to the 
Indians ; let the Government declare, he sa^, " thus 
far and no further." He expects by this move to 
«hut permanently the mouths of the Indians. I 
wonder what he means. How can a proclamation 
of this nature shut our mouths^? It is a pity that 
£>ord Sydenham should betray so much ignorance 
of human nature ; most of the white-skinned papers 
are raising the same cry ; perhaps this may 'be aa 
indication of the future policy of the Government. 

Whatever that be, one thing is certain, that thd 
work before us is not easy. Tremendous sacri&oes 
will be necessary ; nay, we shall have to tide over it ; 
there are, two ways of dying, one constitutional and 
the other unconstitutional. As dur fight is going to 
t)e constitutional and legal, oar death also must, as of 
necessity, be constitutional and legal. We have not 
to use any violence. Kay, we cqndemn the unconsti- 
tutional way of doing. AlB our fight must be oonsti- 
tiitional it must he courageous also. We ought to 

r,.i... ,.,Ct.)i.)ylc 

Leb. Bal Gangadhar TSak 

tell Oovemment courageously and without the leas^ 
fear wbat we want' Let OoTemmeot know that the 
whole Nation wants Home Bule, aa defined by the 
Congress- Let there be no shirking, or wavering or 
shaking. I ssAd that it was our "right" to have 
Home Rule but that is a historical and a European 
way of putting it ; I go further and say that it is our 
"Dbarma"; you cannot separate Home Bule from 
us, as you* cannot separate the quality of "heat" 
from fire; both are inseparably bound up ; let your 
ideas be clear ; let your motives be honest ; let yonr 
efforta be strictly constitutional and I am sure your 
efforts arelbound to be crowned with success ; never 
despair, be bold and fearless and be sure that Qod is 
with you. Eeinember "God helps those who help 



\The following is the summary of the speeoh of Mr. Tilak 
re : GHa Rahaaya, delivered at AmraoH, in 1917] : — 

Let me begin by telling you what Induced me to 
take up the study of Bhagavad Qita. When I was 
quite a boy, I was often told by my elders that 
Btrictly religious and really philosophic life was 
incompatible with the hum-drum life of e^ery day. 
If one was ambitious enough to try to attain 
Moksha, the highest goal a person could attain, then 
he must divest himself of all earthly desires and 
renounce this world. One [could not serve twi> 
masters, the world and Qod. I understood this 
to mean that if one would lead a life which was 
the life worth living, according to the religion in 
which I was born, then the sooner the world was 
given up the better. This set me thinkit^> The 
qaestion that I formulated for Vayself to he solved 
was : Does my religion want me to give up this 
world and renolince it before I attempt to, ociii 
order to be able to, attain the perfection of manhood? 
In my boyhood I was also told that Bhagavad Gita 
was universally acknowledged to be a book contain- 
ing all the principles and philpsophy of the Hindu 
religion, and I thought if this be so I should find an 
answer in this book to my query ; and thus began 


Lok. Bal Gatigadhar TiloA 

Toy Btudy of the Shagfivad Gita. I approached the 
'l)ook with a miad prepossessed by do previous ideas 
about any philosophy, and had no theory of my own 
for which T sought any support in the Gua. A 
person whose mind is prepossessed by certain ideas 
reads the book with a prejudiced mind, for iostanee, 
when a Christian reads it he does not want to know 
what the Gita saya but wants to find out if there are 
any principles in the Gita which he has already met 
within Bible, and if so tbe conclusion he rushes to it 
that the Gita was copied from the Bible, I have 
-dealt with this topic in my book Gita Rahasya and I 
need hardly say much about it here, but what I want 
■to emphasise is this, that when you want to read 
and understand a book, especially a great work like 
the Gita — you must approach it with an unprejudiced 
and unprepoBsessed mind. To do this, I know, is one 
of the most difficult things. Those who profess to 
do it may have a lurking thought or prejudice in 
their minds which vitiates the reading of the book 
to some extent. However I am describing to you 
the frame of mind fine must get into if one wants to 
^et at the truth and however difficult it be, it has to 
be done. The next thing one has to do is to take 
into consideration the time and the circumstances 
in which the book was written and the purpose for 
which the book was written. In short the book 
must not be read devoid of its context. This is 
especially true about a book like Bkagavad Gita. 
Various commentators have put as many interpreta- 

D,mi,.=db,Ct.)onlc • 

Qita Rahas-fa 

'tionB on the book, aad surely the writer or composer 
-«ou)d not have written or composed the book: foi so 
many interpretations being put on it. He must have 
but one meaning, and one purpose rut^niolg through 
the book, and that I have tried to find out. I believe 
I have succeeded in it, because having no theory of 
mine for which I sought any support from 
-the book so universally respected, I had no 
reason to twist the text to suit ipy theory, 
' There has aot been a commentator of the Gita 
who did not advocate a pet theory of his own and 
has not tried to support the same by showing that 
the Bkagavad Gita lent him support. The nonciusion 
I have come to is that the Oita advocates the 
performance of action in this world even after the 
actor has achieved the highest union with the 
Supreme Deity by Qnana (knowledge) or Bhakti 
(Devotion). This action must be done to keep the 
world going by the right path of evolution which the 
'Creator has destined the world to follow. In order 
that the action may not bind the tiotor it must 
be done with the aim of helping hia purpose, and 
without any attachment to the coming result. This 
1,hold is the lesson of the Qita. Q-nanayoga there is, 
yes. Bhaktiyoga there is, yes. Who says not ? But 
they are both subservient to the Karmayoga 
'preached in the Gita, If the Oita was prdached to 
desponding Arjuna to make him ready for the fight 
—for the action — how can it be said that the ulti- 
vmate lesson of the great book is Bhakti or G-nana 


£,0*. Bat Gangadhar TUak 

alone f Id fact there is blending of all these YogaS' 
in the Gita and as the air is not Oxygen or Hydrogen^ 
or any other gas alone but a composition of all these 
in a certain proportion so in the Gita all these Yogas- 
are blended into one. 

I difier from almost all the commentators when 1 
say that the Gita enjoins action even after the perfec- 
tion in Onana and Bhakti is attained and the Deity 
is reached through these mediums- Now there is a 
fundamental unity underlying the Logos (Ishvara), 
man, and world. The world is in existence because 
the Logbs has willed it bo. It is His Will thatholds- 
it together. Mali strives to gain union with God ; 
and when this union is achieved the individual Will 
mei^s in the mighty Universal Will. When this- 
is achieved will the individual say : " I shall do no 
action, and I shall not help the world " — the world 
which is because the Will with which he has sought 
union has willed it to be so ? It does not stand to- 
reason- It is not I who say so ; the Gita says so. Shrt 
Krishna himsSlf says that there is nothin'b in all the 
three worlds that He need acquire, and still he acts. 
He acts because if He did not, the world's Will be 
ruined. If man seeks unity with the Deity, he must 
necessarily seek unity with the interests of the 
world also, and work for it. If he does not, then tfafr 
unity is not perfect, because there is union between 
' two elements out of Jthe 3 (man and Deity) and the- 
third (the world) is left out. t have thus solved the 
question for myself and I hold that serving the- 


world, and thus Berving Hie Will, is the surest way 
of Salvation, and this way can be followed by 
remaining in the world and not going away from it. 

D,mi,.=db, Google 


[The people of Chikodifrom the Bombay Province gnct 
■ an entertainment to Ldk. Ttiak, vahen he made the following 
speech ]:— 

I do not quite understand what 70U mean by 
enterta.iDiQg me " on behalf of the poor raiyats-" I 
am myself a poor man like yon and I have no great 
privilege whatsoever. I earn my livelihood by 
doing some business as you do. I do not see any 
difference between what is done on behalf of the . 
rich and what is done on behalf of the poor. I have 
long been thinking as to what the grievances of the 
raiyats are, what difSculties are ahead of them, 
what help they require, and what things are neces- 
sary to be done. I have beflki doii^ this as a poor 
raiyat myself and ' on that account not only do 
I leel sympathy for you but I feel proud that I am 
one of you. * 

My heart aches- for our present condition and such 
important' questions as (1) what must we do to 
improve our present condition, (2) what are the 
duties of the Government, etc., rise before ua for 
considerKtion. The Government is the Ruler of the 
poor raiyat, and, therefore, it is not that, as a poor 
raiyat, I have no rights over Government. The 
Government is not for the rich ; it is for the poor. * 
The poor raiyat cannot protect himself and when 


The Rightg of the Poor Rtriyaf 

one-section tyrannises over another, it is the duty ~ 
of the Government to protect the oppressed. Every 
man must exercise his rigfts over the G-ovemment, . 
place bis grievances before them and see that they 
arte redressed. If the Government will not listen, he 
. must compel their attention^ The rich are not to be 
given the '.benefit of what is taxed from the poor. 
During the present times, it is the rich who ought 
to be taxed more. If the Government does not 
enquire if the raiyat— the poor raiyat — is happy or 
not they must be made to do so and that is why we 
want our own people in posts of authority. All 
cannot be in posts of authority, and so those who 
carry on the government must be elected by us. 
The question is whether the present Government is 
of this kind. There arise also other questions like 
the one, whether our industries are prospering. The 
solution of all such problems depends upoi^ autho- 
rity as the very foundation of all things. This has 
now been accepted by all. 

I stand here to-day to ask you' to help the 
Ooverament on the occasion of this War. But do 
not fail to place your grievances before them when 
you help them in the collection of the War Fund. 
Give lAoney, but throw on the 'Government the 
responsibility of listening to your grievances. In 
no other country could be tolerated the statement 
that money should be given firsthand the grievances 
might be heard sometime later on. Money pay- - 
menta and your demands must go hand in band. 


Lok. Bal Gaagadhaf Ta<A 

We say that mUlions of jMople should go to War. 
But wheu Bombay alone is supplying 800 young 
men, the Oovernment nyds Snly 1,000, from the 
whole Presidency including Berar, Purchase War 
debentures, but look to them as the little deeds of 
Home Rule. To ask for money, to ask for help and 
not to give any privileges, is Boraething strange. 
The King does not say that you should give money 
but that yau should not make any demand for your 
rights. It is not sympathetic to say : " Givtf money 
now, and when afterwards everything is calm and 
quiet. We shall consider things." The Government 
must be taught that money is obtained when hearts 
are won over. The sniall and the great, the rich 
and the poor, every one shpuld think of his rights, 
make up his own mind, give help and secure rights; 
Even a child knows that the country is in a very 
poor condition. Bemember how difiScult it is found 
to raise 150 crores of rupees- Only- a hundred years 
ago, our enemies carried away crores and crores of 
rupees at ea&h plundering expedition from our 
country, and now in this very country, with all our 
desire to help, we find it dif&oult to collect the 
amount necessary for the War Fund. Does this not 
clearly show to w&at poor condition our country has 
gone ? There Is only one way of getting out of this 
difficulty, and that is the obtaining of Home Hule. 
Home Rule means ^at my affairs shall be carried 
on in accordance with my opinion. The Collectors ■ 
are very clever people but they would do tea times 


The Rights of the Poor Ra^t 

-tha good they are doing now, if they will act as 

-servants of the people. The people will have control 

-over tbe authorities when the pay and the posts will 
be la their hands. The original servants have b^un 
to consider themselves as the masters to-day. They 

. must remain servants. If tbe money is ours, it 
must be expended according to our opinions. No 
■ one says that white people should be driven away. 
The help that we give in raising the W^r Loan is 
certainly not with a view that the Germans should 

■rule over us. We want the Imperial Rule and we 
wish to makej)rogre8s with the help of the £nglish. 
There is no sedition tir anything against law in thi&. 
The servants, who have b^un to think that they 
are the rulers, must remain as servants. Give up 
your lives for tbe Government, help them, but never 
forget that Home Rule is your ideal and that your 
good is only in that. The advice of to-day is that 
you should help, but not silently. Do not put mere 
purses into .the box but attach to them, a slip that It 
is the earnest money for getting Homd Bule. If the 

'Oovernment promises Home Bule, we will get ior 
them 300 crores of rupees, instead of ISO crores 

■which they need. 

Do not be afraid of speaking ouC things, which are 

plain in themselves. There might be some trouble, 

'but nothing can be had without any trouble. Home 

Rule is not going to be dropped into your bands 

' ifrom the sky. 

One who suffers might groan, but we cannot help 

- ,., Cookie 

Ltik. Bat Ganfftdhar TUah 

It. You muat, therefore, work in earnest. It is our- 
good fortune that the people in England are williag 
at present to listen to ue> The Congress has passed 
the Home Bute resolution, the Hindus and tbe- 
Huhammadans are united, the extremists and th» 
moderates have made up their differences — this is 
the time for work- I speak all this mcire to the poor. 

1 have not much faith in the rich. Our experience- 
in collectiog money for the Paisa Fund is that the 
poor put their hands into, tbeir pockets more 
willingly and promptly than the rich. I speak ta- 
you as I am a poor man myself. Homs Rule is such 
an ideal that if we once get it, all our desires .will 
be fulfilled. If we work earnestly and hard, there 
are signs that we will get Home Bute within about 

2 or 3 years after the War is over. Let us stop 
quarrelling among oursekee, let as not listen to 
those who talk against Home Rule, make up your 
minds and have a firm resolve, do not stop working,., 
be perfectly loyal, work in such a way that the 
people in England will come to your aide, and then 
Gk)d will surely fulfil all your desires. God helps - 
those to suceed who work earnestly. 



[Speaking on the Home Rule resolution, at the Naisk 
Conference, 1917, Lok. Ttlak said]:— 

I am young ia spirit though old in body. I d» 
not wish to lose this privilege of youths To deny 
the growing capacity to my thinking power is to 
admit that I have no right to speak on this resolu- 
tion. Whatever I am going to speak is 
eternally young. T]ie body might grow old, decrepit 
and it might perish, but the soul is immortal. 
Similarly, if there might be an apparent lull in our 
Home Rule activities, the freedom of the spirit 
behind it is eternal and indestructible, and' it will 
secure liberty for us. The Soul means Faramesh- 
war and the mind will not get peace till it gets 
identified with Him. Cf one body is worn out the 
aoul will take another : so assures the Gita. This 
philosophy is quite old. Freedom, is my birthright. 
So long as it is awake within me, I am. not old. l^o 
weapon can cut this spirit, no fire can burn it, ho 
water can wet it, no wind can dry*it. I say further 
that no C. I. D. can burn it. I declare the same 
principle to the Superintendent of Police who is 
Bitting before me, to the Collector who' bad been 
invited to attend this meeting an3 to the G^orernment 
shorthand writer who is busy taking down notes of 
16 ^ ' 

ZaA. Bal Gangadhar TOak 

our speeches. This . principle will not disappear 
even if it seema to be killed. Wo ask for Home 
Rule and we must get it. The Science which 
ends in Home Rule is the Soieace of Politics 
and not the [one which ends in slaver?. The 
Science of Politics is the " Vedas " of the country. 
Yoii have a soul and I only want to wake 
it up. I want to tear off the blind that baa 
been let down by ignorant, designing and selfish 
people. TBe- Science of Politics consists df two 
parts. The first is Divine and the second is 
Demonic. The slavery of a Nation comes into the 
. latter part- There cannot be a moral justification 
for the Demonic part of the Science of Politics. A 
Nation which might justify this is guilty of sin in 
the sight of God. Home people have the courage to 
declare what is harmful to them and some have not 
that courage. The political and religious teaching 
consists in giving the knowledge of this' principle. 
Religious and political teachjags are not separate, 
though they appear to be so on account of foreign 
rule. AH philosoj)hies are iaoluded in the Science 
of Politics. 

Who does not know the meaning of Home Rule T 
Who does not want it ? Would you like it, if I enter 
your house and take possession of your cooking 
department ? I must have the right to manage the 
affairs in my own house. It is only lunatics and 
children who do notf know how to manage their own 
affairs. The cardinal creed of the conferences is 

* D,mi,.=db,Cooglt' 

Home Rule \ 

that a rnembef must be above 21 years of age ; do 
you not, therefore, thiok that you want your own 
fights? Kot being lunatics or children you under- 
stand your own business, your own rights and, 
therefore, you know Home Rule. We are told we 
are not fit for Home Rule. A century has passed 
away and the British Rule has not made us fit for 
Home Rule ; now we will make our owa efforts and 
fit ourselves for it. To ofifer irrelevant excuses, to 
hold out any temptation and to make ot&er offers 
will be putting a stigma on the English policy. 
England is trying to protect the email state of 
Belgium with the help of India; how can it then 
■say that we should not have Home Rule ? Those 
who find fault with us are avaricious people. But 
there are people who find fault even with the All- 
Merciful Q-od. We must work hard to save the 
floul of our Nation without caring for anything. 
The good of our country consists in guarding this 
our birthright. The Congress has passed this 
Home Rule resolution. The Provincial Conference 
is only a child of the Congress, whioh submits 
to mandates of its father. We will follow Shri 
Raraachandra in obeying the order of our father the 
<'0ngre8S. We are determined te make efforts to 
get this resolution enforced even if the effort leads 
ua to the desert, compels us to live incognita, makes 
■us Buffer any hardship and even if it finally brings 
. us to death. Shri Ramachandira did it. Do not 
pass this resolution by merely clapping your hands, 


/ Lok. Bal. Ganga^ar Tilak 

but by taking a solemn vow that you will work, for 
it. We will work for it by every possible coDStitu- 
tional and law-abiding method to get Home Rule. 
Through the grace of Grod England has changed its 
mind towards us- We feel our efforts will not b& 
without succesS' England proudly thought that 
a tiny nation might be able to protect the Empire- 
by itself. This prids has gone down, England has 
now begun to feel that it must make changes in the 
constitution of the Empire. Lloyd George has openly 
confessed that Engl and cannot go on without tbe help 
of India. All notions about a Nation of a thousand 
years old have to be changed. The English people 
have discovered that the wisdom of all their parties 
is not sufScient. The Indian soldiers have saved the- 
lives of the British soldiers on the French battlefield 
and have showed their bravery. Those who once 
considered us as slaves have beguhnow-to call us- 
brotbers. God has brought about all these changes^ 
We must push our demands while the notion of this- 
brotherhood i» existing in the minds of the English. 
We must inform them that we, ^hirty crores of the- 
Indian people, are ready to lay down our lives for 
the Empire ; and that while we are with them none- 
«hall dare cast an.evil glance at the Empire. 

D,mi,.=rfb, Google 


The Earma Yoga which I preach is not a new 
■theory ; neither was the discovery of the Law of 
Karma made as recently as to-day. The knowledge 
of the Law is so ancient that not even Sh|;i Krishna 
was the ^re'at Teacher who first propounded it. It 
must be remembered that Karma Yoga has been our 
sacred heritage , froni times immemorial wlwa we 
Indians were seated on the high pedestal of wealth 
and lore. Karma Yc^a or to put it in another way, 
the law of duty is the combination of all that is best 
in spiritual science, in actual action and in an 
unselfish meditative life. Compliance with this 
universal Law leads to the realization . of the 
most cherished ideals of Man- Swaraj is the 
natural consequence of diligent performance 
of duty. The Karma Yogin strive^ for Swaraj, 
and the Dnyanin or spiritualist yearns for it. 
What is then this Swaraj ? It is a life centred 
in Self and dependent upon Self. There is Swaraj 
in this world as wall as in the worid hereafter- The 
Rishis who laid down the • Law of Duty betook 
themselves to forests, because the people were 
already enjoying Swaraj or People's Dominion, 
whioh was administered and defended in the first in* 
^stance by the Kshatriya kings. It is my conviction, 

D,mi,.=db, Google 

Lot. Bal Gangadhar TUak 

it is my thesis, that Swaraj in the life to come cannot 
be the reward of a peoiAe who have not enjoyed 
it in this world. Such was the doctrine taught 
by our fore-fathers who never intended that the 
goal of life should be meditation alone- No one 
CMi expect Providence to protect one who sits 
with folded arms and throws his burden on others. 
God does not belp the indolent. You must be doing 
all that you can to lift yourself up, and then only you 
may rely on the Almighty to help you. You should 
' not, however, presume that you have to toil that you 
yourself might reap the fruit of your labours. Tbbt 
cannot always be the case. Let us then try our 
ntpiost and leave the generations to come to enjoy 
that fruit. Bemember, it is not you who had planted 
the mango-treee the fruit whereof you have tasted. 
Let the advantage now gO to our children and their 
descendants. It is only given to us to toil and work. 
And ao, there ought to be no relaxation in our efforts^ 
lest we incur the curse of those that come after us. 
Action alone'must be our guiding principle, action 
disinterested and well-thought out. It does not 
matter who the Sovereign is. It is enough if we have- 
full liberty tc^levate ourselves in the best possible- 
manner. This is 'called the immutable Dharma, and 
Karma Yoga is nothing but the method which leads 
to the attainment of Dharma or material and 
spiritual glory. 'V^'e demand Swaiaj, as it is the 
foundation and not the height of our future pros- * 
perity. Swaraj does not at all Imply a denial of 

Karma Yoga and Swaraj 

BrUish Sovereignty or Britishtegis. It means only 
ttat we Indians should be' reckoned among the 
patriotic and self-respecting peoples of the Empire. 
We must refuse to be treated like tbe " dumb driven 
catile." If poor Indians starve in famine days it is 
other people who take care of them. This is not an 
enviable position^ It is neither creditable nor 
beneficial if other people have to do everything 
for UB. God has declared His will. He^has willed 
that Se!f can be exalted only through its own efforts. 
Everything lies in your hands. Karma Yoga does not 
look upon this world as nothing; it requires only 
that your motives shpuld be untainted by selfish 
interest and passioct. This is the true view of 
practical Vedanta the key to which is apt to be lost 
in sophistry. 

In practical politics some futile objections aro' 
raised to oppose our desire for Swaraj. Illiteracy ot 
the bulk of our people is one of such objections ; but 
to my mind it ought not to be allowed to stand 
in our way. It would be suflScient for our purpose 
even if the illiterate in our country have only a 
vugue conception of Swaraj, just as it all goes'well 
with them if they have simply a hazy idea about 
God. Those who can efBcientlymanage their own 
affairs may be illiterate ; but they are not therefore 
idiots. They are as intelligent as any educated man 
and if they could understand their village concerns 
they should not find any difSAilty in grasping th& 
principle of Swaraj. If illiteracy is not a disquatifi- 

D,mi,.=db, Cookie 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

'Cation in Civil Law there is no reason why it ehould 
not be so in N&ture's Law also. The illiterat*- 
are our brethren ; they have the Bame rights and are 
actuated by the same aspiration. It is therefore oar 
bounden duty to awaken the maeses- Circurastanees 
are changed, nay, they are favourable. The voice has 
gone forth 'Now or never,' Rectitude and consti- 
tutional agitation is alone what is expected «f you. 
Turn not l^ack, end confidently leave the ultimate 
issue to the benevolence of the Almighty. — [Poana 
Sorvajanik Sabha Qttaflerty). 

,., Google 


[T fie following is the text of the Speech delivered by Lok, 
■ Tilak. on 1th October, 1917, in the contpinnd of the Home 
.Rule League, Allahabad, urtd&r the presidency of Mrs. 
Annie Besani] : — 

Efvery one knew what Home Rule 'meant;. Home 
tule was nothing but to have the management of 
their home iir their own hands. That was simplest 
definitian that could hp given of the word. Thare 
w,as absolutely nothing to, say. why they wanted 
Home Rule. It was their birthright. So^e people , 
bad been managing their affairs fc^ them now, and 
th^ wanted that that- management should- be 
transferred to their hatids. They w«re entitled to 
that right and the burden of proving that bhey were 
not entitled to it lay on the other party. Home rule 
was not a new expression. It waa aa expression 
that had a definite meaning agd it could not be 
mieunderetood, though it was to the interest of some 
people to misunderstand it. All that they asked for 
was not a change in their rulera>but administrators 
— be distinguished rulers from administrators. The 
theory inflicted on them was that the rulers of this 
country were the administrators who had been 
appointed ^r selected under 'tbe Government of 
India Act. His view waa entirely different. Those 

. ■ ,:,..,.Coo;ilc' 

Z.0&. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

were not the rulers in* the strict sense of the word. 
They represented the King but they were npt the 
King. The Indians also represented the Eingbecause- 
they' were bis subjects just as mucb as those officers. 
So in the matter of representing the Kingf the 
Indians and those officials stood on equal basis. 
What then was there more in the position of these 
officers which made them say that they were th& 
real rulers \ That was that certain powers had been 
given to them— they had not usurped those powers 
— under a statute of Parliament. If another statute 
of Parliament repealing that statute and giving the 
Indians those powers was passed the Indians would 
he what those officers were at present. That was 
Home Rule and nothing more. There would be no 
change in the Emperor, absolutely no change in the 
relations of India with England or in the relations 
of India with the Empire as a whole. What was 
there to complain of in this except that some men 
would lose their trade f If the power was transferred- 
from one roan to another the man to whom it was 
transferred would g^ain and the other would lose and 
if that other man would be angry it was natural- 
He did not think that any English politician would 
be deterred by such things for a moment from doing 
his duties. 

Ten or fifteen years ago to talk of Home Bulewas- 

sedition and people were afraid, he himself was- 

afraid, of talking about Home Rule. But now it was-' 

conceded both by the judiciary and the ezecutirft- 


D,mi,.=db, Cookie 

Home RuJe 

tfa&t Home Kule was a proper ambition for a dApend- 
ency to entertain. Ten years of fighting was thus 
required to remove this prejudice against Home Rule, 
and now they could talk about it as a legitimate 
'aspiration. The Viceroy, the Premier, the British 
nation and even the bureaucracy now agreed with 
them. Now what remained ? They said that it was- 
a very good ambiti'on for a dependency; but there 
wa^ time for it. They said that i^ would take 
centuries to attain it, and instances were cited of a 
number of colonies which attained self-Government 
in 50 or 60 years. His reply to it was this. ' The 
colonies, it was true, had attained self-Government 
in 50 or 60 years but Indians were being ruled for 
100 years, and they had not yet attained self- 
Government. There must be a time-limit fixed by 
the bureaucracy. The bureaucracy said that it was' 
not in sight at present. He would say that this was 
an entirely selEsh argument. What was it that 
prevented them from attaining the goal within a few 
years after the war when the ETmplre would be 
reconstructed ? At present India w^s nothing but a 
stone in the neck of the Empire. TIjey knew on what 
principle the bureaucracy governed India for the 
last 100 years. They were a self-governing natioa 
before. They knew how to organise an army, they 
knew how to dispense justice, they had laws, 
regulations, etc. All those Jiad been swept away 
and now the bureaucracy said that they knew, 
nothing about them. Who was responsible for that f 


Loft. Bal Gangadhar Ttiak 

Not the Indians. When they came here their firtft 
care was — he gave credit to them for it — to reduce 
the diBordem prevailing then. How was it done? 
Firstly by disarming them. Next all the principal 
posts in the administration were monopoliBed by 
them. Next there was a check to scientific progress, 
and industries gradually disappeared- But, they 
said, they restored peace. That was true but peace 
was not eve^thing. It was an introductory condi* 
tion to further development. They had restored 
peace, they had given railways, telegraphs sad 
other thibgs. A.1I credit to the bureaucracy for 
these things, but he could not give credit to them 
for doing anything which would develop their 
. national ingtinct. They had not done anything 
which would enable them to stand on their legs. 
The result was when in the name of the 
Empire they werp asked to take up arms and fight 
the enemy they found that so few men volunteered. 
What was it that made them incapable of assisting 
the Empire to the extent that they wished to do? It 
was the system of fidministration followed'^ by the 
bureaucracy. They had governed them in such a 
way that unless radical improvement was made ia 
the system of administration the Empire would 
gain no material strength from this country. It was 
this thought that had actuated the best- lilnglish 
statesmen to come for<f ard and say that the system 
t>f administration in India must be revised after the 
war. -v 



Home Rule , ' 

.From the time of Mr. Daiiabhai Naoroji up to 
aow they had been orbing that they had been 
deprived of the 'powers of administration and they 
^ould be restored to them. Now the British 
democracy had clearly seen that there was much 
force in their cry of reform and they were willing , 
to hear their cry. Now the question was whether'. 
the bureaucracy should have a say or whether the 
Indians should have a say. There was a jud^e and 
he had given notice that he was coming here and 
would hear what the Indians would have to say. 
Therefore they must press their d«mand more 
strongly than their opponents. That was their duty 
at present. They had to cpnvince him that all 
arguments used against them were due to prejudice. ' 
The great work before them at present was to 
educate the people to realize what Home Rule was. 
He would impress on them the supreme necessity of 
doing their best for getting Home Rule, They must 
wake up. If they made strenuous efforts then 
within a year or two they would realize, if not all, . 
at least a part of their wishes. They did not want 
Home Rule at once ; but they wanted a real begin- 
ning, and not a shadowy beginning. When Mr. 
Montagu came here he would speak to their leaders 
about their demand and he wanted that they should 
'have the solid support of the country behind them. 
If that was done Mr, Montagu would carry their 
message to the British people and effectively support. 
' it with the authority of his office. 

j; ,., Google ' 


[Under the preatdencs of the Honourable Pandit Madm 
\Johan Malaviya, Mr. Tilak delivered the following speech, ' 
■in the compound of the Home Rule Leitiue, Allahabad, itt 
October, 1917]:— 

Oae objection raised against Home Rale was 
that if Hoihe Rule was granted to them they 
would turn out British people from India. 
Indians did want English paople, English institu- 
tions, English liberty and the Empire- But 
what they said was that the internal administration 
of India should be under Indian control English 
people had it in England, they had it in the colonies 
and they had it everywhere and would claim it 
-everywhere, and if it was not granted to them they 
would fight for it, and yet some denied to Indians 
that right By whom was this bogey of expelling 
the English frojp India raised and for what purpose? 
That must be clearly understood. It was perhaps 
understood in this country but it was their business 
to isee that the British people understood it in the 
right way. Those tttat held power in their hands at 
present imagined that Indians were not capable of 
governing themselves to the limited extent implied 
by the word Home Rule. They did not tell Indians 
when they would be able togovVrn themselves. They 
did not fix any time-limit. Once it used to be said 

Home Rule 

th^it Asiatic nations were not fit for self-Govemment, 
That however was not said now. They now said that 
India was not now fit for self-Government. If Indians 
asked them why, they were told that they had not 
that thing before, they were deficient in education, 
there were numerous castes quarrelling among 
themselves, and only British administrators could 
hold the balance even between rival sections. As 
regards unfitaeas he had said sometbing^bout it the 
previous day. But it required to be expanded. What 
was unfitness ? Did they mean to say that before the 
British came here there was no peaceful gile any- 
where in India ? What was Akbar ? Was he a bad 
ruler ? Ko Englishman could say that. Let them go 
back to Hindu rule. There were empires of Asoka, 
Guptas, Rajputs, etc, No history could say that all 
these empires bad managed their states without any 
system of administration. There were empires in 
India as big as the German empire and the Italian 
empire and they wete governed peacefully. When 
peace reigned in the country under the Hindu, Bud- 
dhist and Mahomedan rules, what ground was there 
to say that the descendants of those people who 
had governed those empires were to-day unfit to 
exercise that right ? There wasmo disqualification, 
intellectual or physical which disabled them from 
taking part in the Government of any empire. They 
had shown their fitness 4n the past and were 
prepared to show it to-day ff opportunities were 
granted to them. The chaise of unfitness came only 

.D,mi,.=db, Google 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Titak 

from thoBe who held the monopoly of power in their , 
hands. In every case of monopoly that argument 
was used. The Maet India Company need that 
argument. None of them present there whose 
ancestors had founded and administered empires 
would subscribe to the doctrine that Indians, 
whether Hindus or Moslems were incapable of gover- 
ning themselves. The charge of incapacity was 
only brought forward by interested people, simply 
because their self-interest demanded that some- 
argument must be advanced intheir support- They 
were not given higher posts to show their capacity. 
They were only given subordinate posts. Without 
the aid, of Indians in the subordinate departments it 
was impossible for the British people to carry on the 
administration ; and so they were given all the sub- 
ordinate posts. They had been fighting ever since 
the establishment of the Congress to break this 
monopoly and not without success. A few posts- 
reserved for the civil service had been granted to- 
them. A few 'appointments injjthe judicial depart- 
ment — High Court jui^geships, etc., — had been/ 
.granted to them. What was the result? He had not 
seen any resolution of the Government saying that 
when any post of responsibility was given to Indians 
they had misused those opportunities, that they had 
■ failed to come up to the standard of efSciency 
required. On the contrary resolutions had been- 
issued saying that Indians who had acted as- 
members of executive councils had done their duty 


Home Rult 

veiy well. If they went to thfe Indian States they 
would find that all higher posts were held by- 
Indians. What did the 'British administration 
reports say^ about these States ? They said that they 
WBre well administered. So the whole evidence that 
was possible for them to produce was in their 
favour. After barring them from these higher 
services and saying that they were not capable of 
governing was adding insult to injury. «This kind 
of jugglery would not do. The British demot^racy 
would not tolerats it. If they simply pressed the 
right view on the British public, they would^ear it 
now because they were in a mood to hear it. They 
had logic and experience on their side, but mere 
logic and truth would not succeed in this world 
unless backed up by persistent agitation an8 'fixed 
determination to attain that truth. They must be 
determined to see that truth triumph and that 
triumph was what they meant to achieve. The 
Home Rule propaganda was intended for that 
purpose. " 


there were certain British interests which would be 

endangered if Home Rule was given. Mr. Jinnah had 

told them the previous day that tfiere were British 

interests not only in India but all over the world. 

Those British interests bad been created, to speak in 

legal terminology, without their (Indian) consent. 

- They bad never been asked wfien those interests 

were created. Legally speaking they were not barred 


17 . ' 


LtA. Bal Goftgadhar TUak 

from agitating. Thfey knew that those British 
interests would be safeguardod as far as justice and 
iaw were ooncerned. The law of the land would 
remain the same. The offices would remain the same. 
There would no doubt be a change but that change 
vould be so far control was concerned. They wanted 
law. They could not do without law.' To aay that.if 
Home Rule was granted to Indians there would be 
chaos was simple nonsense. They wanted law, 
they wanted alt the departments, even the C. 1. D. 
They wanted as much good rule as at present. They 
did nokwant to lapse into misrule. A.11 that they 
wanted was to have those laws and rules and all 
those departments which administered those laws 
under their control. Only the previous day he read ■■ 
in the Pioneer the instance of Arrab riots and in 
mentioning the steps that had been taken to sup- 
press that riot it appealed to Government to look to 
its duty, namely, that of governing people. Did they 
mean to say that they were going to tolerate riots 
under Homd Rule ? Certainly not. They wanted 
peace. They weuld frame such rules by which 
riots might be averted with the consent of the people, 
and not without their consent. As regards the 
question of empltfyment, if the Eyropeans were pre- 
pared to serve they would employ them, if they 
were fit and if they would accept what they were 
paid. They did not want anybody to leave India. 
H^ knew that British capital was invested Jn rail- ■ 
ways; but they did not want to uproot the rails and 

■ D,mi,.=db, Cookie 

Home Rule , 

send them away to Sagland. * They, wanted the 
railways and he thought that railways could be better 
administered if more Indians were employed on 
them. There would be changes under Home Bule, 
brft not changes for the worse ; they would, lead to 
more efficient and economical rule. Their demand 
was at once sober and conHtitutional. It remained ^ 
to be seen whether the British democracy would 
grant those demands or not. What* was at 
present required was a good statement of their 
case so that the British people who now felt 
inclined to make a change in the constitution 
of the Empire might perceive the case more 
fally than they had hitherto done. It was the 
interest of some people to have the case rais- 
lepresented, to create misunderstanding and create 
darkness. That ought not to be allowed to be done. 
In this connection be must say that Home Rale 
Leagues Iiad done more work than the Congress 
Committees. It had been said that there was the 
Congress and they were opposing the Congress 
by supporting the Home Rule League. His answer 
was "No." The ideal and demand of the Home Rule 
League were the same as the ideal and demand of the 
Congress. It had been expressly stated from the 
Home Rule League platform. They did not go 
beyond the Congress demand. He might say the . 
Home Rule League had been instrumental in bring- 
■ iag about that resolution passed 6y the Congress last 
year. So, there were no difference of ideas between 
/ ' 259 

r,.i»<i,.,C00ylc ■ 

Lok. Bat Gangfldhar TOak 

the League tmd the tiongress. Then, it was askedr 
where was the Decesaity for the Home Rule 
Leagae ? The work done by the Home Rule 
Leagues spoke for itself. These Leagues had been 
started to educate the people and make them under- 
stand what their goal should be. If this work had 
been done by the Congress he should at once have 
given up his membership of the Home Rule League. 
ScHoe people wanted to work more vigorously than 
others' He thought every one Was entitled to do- 
that. They might form small leagues under any 
name. The object was the same. He wanted every one 
of them to work in their own way either by Leagues 
or by associations or individually under as many 
different names as they liked. Names did not matter 
80 long as the idea was the same. The work must 
be done provincially and in the vernaculars of the 
provinces. The work of educating the people could 
only be carried on in this way. There was a time 
when the word Home Rule was looked upon with 
suspicion as suggesting Irish methods, and the Irish 
disturbances cotihected with the same. They could 
not find a thing which had no previousasBOciationsi. 
They must not attach particular importance to 
particular words. The words were made for them 
and not they for the words. If they used the word 
Home Rule what was the objection to it provided 
they said in the beginning what they meant by it ? 
That controversy was therefore out of place. The ' 
jea) dispute now was not about words. It was about 


Home Rtdt 

•edQi^ting the people and heknAw that as they had 
begun to educate the people, the discoatent among 
"the ofScial classes vould increase, because they 
would see that eventually the demand would be forced 
oir them. They should not care for that discontent. 
There was a time when it was held that they should 
work ilk such a way as to enlist the sympathy of the 
admiaiatratoTs in the land. Of course they did wish 
to enlist their sympathy, but if that sympathy could 
not be enlisted without lowering the tone of the 
educative work and without lessening their effort, he 
was not prepared to secure that sympathy.* They ' 
were all agreed tbat they must have Home Rule for 
i:heir goal. They must strive for it. The question 
was how to strive for it. Some wanted to proceed 
slowly, whil& others wanted to proceed fast. He did 
not tbink that this was a difference for which they 
should quarrel and give an opportunity to their 
-opponents to use these differences against them. 
Tbey should not talk of method. Every one might 
have his own method provided it was otinstitutional. 
He wanted each man to keep hknself within the 
■bounds of law and constitution. He made a distinc- 
tion between law and constitution. So long as law- 
-making was not in their hands Maws which were 
repugnant to justice and morality would be some- 
times passed. They could not obey them. Passive 
resistance was the means to an end but was not the 
• ^oalin itself. Passive resistan&e meant that they 
had to balance the advantages and disadvantages 

Loh. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

arising fron^ obeyiag a particular order and. not 
obeying it- If in thejr balanced judgment they found 
that thEf advantages of dieobeying it under particular 
circumstapces were greater, the sense of morality 
would juBtify them in acting upon that conviction. 
This was a very complicated question, and not a 
question which could be diBcusEed by a lai^e 
gathering like that. They must leave the question 
to their leaders for their decision. They must clearly 
underGtand what passive resistance meant. It was a 
determination to achieve their goal at any sacrifice^ 
If they wanted to reach their goal and if they were 
hindered bx artificial and unjust legislation and by 
any unjust combination of circumstances it was their 
duty to fight it out. The Home Rule League wanted 
them to know this. If they did not want to use the 
words ' passive resistance ' they might use the words 
' at all sacrifices ' but he would use both words in 
the sense in which he explained them. He did not 
preach unruliness or illegality, but he preached 
fixed deternkination to reach the goal at any sacri- 
fice- Passive i^^sistance, he said, was perfectly 
constitutional. Law and constitution were not the 
same. .That was proved by history. 80 long as a 
particular law was not in conformity with justioe 
and morality, and popular opinion according to the 
ethics of the 19th and 20th centuries, so long as a 
particular order was not consistent with all these 
principles it might be legal, but it was not consti- < 
tutional- That was a distinction which he wished 


Home Rule 

tham to observe very clearly. They should not 
confound the words ' constitutionally ' and ' legally.* 
He wanted them therefore to confine themselves to 
strictly constitutional means and he wanted to tell 
them at the same tirae that every law in the tech- 
nical sense of the term was not constitutional. They 
should educate their people and see that the right 
political ideal was placed beforei them, and their 
sense of justice roused so that they ipight work 
hard for that ideal without flinching in any way 
from it, and with all the determination they could 
command. , 

In conclusion Mr, Tilak asked the people to joiu 
the Home Rule League in lai^e numbers and do the 
work of educating the people^ They must wake up, 
and do the work enthusiastically. If they would 
not do it, it would be a great misfortune to the 
country. They would not only be ruining themselves 
but they would be ruining the future generations 
who would curse them. They would have to do their 
duty to the country, to the future generations and 
above all to God. It was a duty which they owed 
to Providence which governed ail nations. That 
Providence was favourably disposed towards them ; 
and they should not let go the opportunity granted 
to them by Providence. He would impress on them 
the necessity of moving unitedly at present, irres- 
pective of caste or creed, or jealousies fearlessly and 
boldly. If they did that he was confident that their 


Lok. Bat Gangadhar Ttlak 

«£forts could be crowned with success in the course 
of a few years by the blesaing of Providence. (Loud 

D,mi,.=db, Google 

• [The following resolution on Self-Goveriitnenl waspassed 
at the Caicuila Session of the Sational Congress in 
.DecsirAer, 1917.] 

" This Congress exprssses grateful satisfaction 
for the pronotincflment made by His* Majesty's 
Secretary of State for India on behalf of the Imperial 
Oovernment that its object is the establishment of 
Responsible Government in India. This Cbngress 
strongly urges the necessity of the immediate 
enactment of a Parliamentary Statute providing far 
the establishment of Responsible Q-overnment in 
India, the full measure to be attained within a time 
limit, to be fixed in the Statute itself, at an early 
date. This Congress is emphatically of opinion that 
the Congress-League Scheme of 'Reforms ought to 
be introduced hy the Statute as the first step in the 

In supporting the abme resolittion^ Mr. Titak spcAe a» 
fMtms : — 

I have not the eloquence of my friend Mr. 
Bannerji. nor of my friend Mr. Jinnab, nor the 
trumpet voice of Mr. Bepin Chandra Pal. Yet I have 
to do a duty, and I mean to place before you without 
. any introduction a few facts in sbpport of the resolu- 
:tion which has been so ably moved by the* proposer, 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar TOak 

seconded by the Hont Mr- JiDiiafa and certainly not 
amended but intended to be amended by my friend 
Mr. Bepin Chandra Pal. The resolution, as ynu all 
know, is about Self-Government or Home Rule for 
India. The first paragraph of it says : ' This Congress 
expresses grateful satisfaction for the pronounce- 
ment made by His Majesty's Secretary of State for 
India on behalf of the Imperial Government that 
its object, is the establishment of Responsible 
Oovernment in India.' The speaker who preceded 
m& — I mean Mr. Bepin Chandra Pal — seems to 
think t^at it is not yet time to be grateful for the 
declaration of policy. To a certain extent I share in 
that view, but, at tbe same time, I cannot say that 
the wording of the resolution is not adequate. For 
gratitude, as you know, is defined by one of the best 
ethical writers of England to mean expectation of 
favours to come; and grateful satisfaction, trans- 
lated in view of that definition, means satisfaction 
at the pronouncement attended with an expectation 
that the later stages of it will come' in course of time 
as early as possible. That is bow I interpret 
* gllateful satisfaction.' I am satisfied for the present 
that a thing that was not pronounced before has 
been declared n<Tw, and I hope, at the same time, 
nay expect, that it will be followed up by higbei 
stages of development in time to come. All talk 
about further stages is out of place at present. 
What should be Cbe first step is the point that I 
want ;oa to understand. A very simple definition. 


The Naliontd Demand 

of Home Rule which any of you including a peasant 
can understand is that I should be in my own 
country what an Englishman feels to be in England 
and in the Colonies. The simplest definition is that, 
«nd that is the whole of it A.11 those bombastic 
phrases, such as ' partnership in the Empire,' ' terms 
of equality,' etc., mean that I want to be in my 
country not as outlander but as master in the same 
sense that an Englishman 13 a master^in his own 
country and in the Colonies. That is complete Home 
Rule, and if any one is going to grant it to-morrow, 
1 shall be very glad for its introduction, for it will 
be Indian Home Rule granted all at once, but I see 
that it cannot be done. Some compromise has to be 
made with those who are not in our favour and with 
some of our friends. The British power in India was 
introduced by a compromise, by a Charter. In fact, 
the first step in a province which you have not con- 
quered is always with consent and compromise, and, 
what the first step should be is explained in this 
resolution. All talk about future progress, about the 
establishment of Responsible Qrovernment in the 
Provinces .and afterwards in the Central Govern- 
ment is a very good talk with which I fully 
sympathise but which I am not prepared to 
demand as the first step of the introduction of Home 
Rule in India. That is the difference between 
myself and Mr. Bepin Chandra Pal. He wants the 
whole hog at once, I say 4t should be granted 
±0 you by stages : demand the first step so that the- 


Lok. BtU Gangadhar Tilak 

introduction of the second step would be muph 
more easy than it ia at present. The QovernmeDt , 
in tbe pronouncement has used the words " Res- 
ponsible Government," . not Home Rule or Seif- 
Government. Mr. Montagu in the declaration and 
the Government of India in theit Proclamation bav© 
deliberately used the words " Responsible Govern- 
ment " unfortunately without defining it, because 
Responsibly Government as naturally understood 
means Executive Government responsible to the 
Legislature. But in oneplace in Mr. Curtis's pamphlet 
I find that " Besponsible Government " is defined to 
be one where the legislature is subject to the 
executive. You will see that it is quite necessary' 
to define the words " Responsible Government ;" 
otherwise words maybe interpreted quite coatraty 
to our intention and it may be said : " We promise 
you Responsible Government but a Government 
, where the Legislature ought to be under.the oontrol 
of the Executive." And the more it is placed under 
the control of the Executive the mere responsible it 
will become accor4ing to this. (Laughter^) I must 
' state frankly here that this is not the kind of 
Responsible Government that we want. We under- 
stand by the words " Responsible Government," a 
Government where the Executive is entirely respon- 
sible to the Legislature, call it Parliament or by any 
other name, and that legislature should be wholly 
-elected. That Re^pftnsible Government is what we 
want. When I say that the Executive should be 


The Nalianat Demand 

undei the control of Legislature, I go so far as to Bay~ 
that even Qovernors and Lieuteaant-Qovernor^ 
must be elected by legislative bodies. That, however 
will be the Unal step. But in the present circum- 
stances I shall be quite conteut, and so I think most 
of you will be content, if the first step that we 
demand is granted to you immediately, and Self- 
Govemment at an early date. And by ' early stages' 
I do not thin^ that any sane man would*uDderstand 
to be anything which would be attained in fifty years, 
because a period extending to fifty years Ie not 
'early.' Anything that exceeds the timd of one 
generation is not ' early '. ' Early ' means certainly 
in ordinary parlance ten or fifteen years. I 
should have liked that a definite number of years - 
should have been introduced in this resolution. 
However, we do not lose much. I eay that no sane 
man can understand ' early date ' to mean other 
than ten or fifteen years. But some men thought that 
it would be rash to ask for Home Rule or 
Responsible Government in ten or fifteen years. It 
was dropped. Never mind. At ^ny rate, the sense 
is there. I must draw your attention to the pro- 
nouncement made. What is it? It is that full 
Responsible Government or merely Responsible 
Government without any qualifications —that means 
the same thing— Responsible Government without 
any limiting qualifications will be granted to you in 
ten or fifteen years. That part of tbe answer given 
■ by Mr, Montagu we note with grateful satisfaction 


Lok. Bat Gangadhar Ttfak _ ^ 

'in the sense in wbieh '^I have just ezplaioed it. 
There are certain other conditions. That pronounce- 
ment says that it will be granted to you by stages. 
We also agree to it. The third part of the 
declaration is that these stages would be determined! 
by thB Government of India. We do not a^ree to 
that. We want the stages to be determined by us 
and not at the sweet will of the Eiecutive. Soi do 
we want ajiy compromise about it but insist on 
deSnite stages and the time to be fixed in the Act 
itself so that the whole scheme may work 
automatioally. There we differ from the wording of 
the declaration : however it is not said here in so 
many words but the second paragraph of the resolu- 
tion demands it : it demands a Parliamentary- 
Statute to be immediately passed definitely settling 
and fixing the time when the goal is to be reached, 
not leaving it ;to the Government of India to 
determine when and at what circumstances and ia 
what stages they will grant full Responsible 
Government te us : dednite time should be named 
in the statute which will be passed about the subject 
very soon. So, the second part of the resolution is 
.practically a suggested modification of the declara- 
tion about which *e have expressed our grateful 
satisfaction in the first part of the resolution. In 
the third paragraph of the resolution we stick to 
what was passed last year at Lucknow both by the 
Congress and the Muslim League. It has been said 
4hat that scheme is objectionable and that after a 


The National Detnand 

year's experience we should have modified it at this 
Congress. I hold a different view. I am glad 
that we all hold Che same view. (A cry of ' no, no-') 
That will be determined when we take the votes. 
}f we unanimously pass the resolution it may- 
be that I shall be speaking for you when you 
pass the resolution without a dissentient voice. I 
hold that the Congress-League scheme is the 
minimum which might be granted to ua. to satisfy 
our aspirations at present and to make a decent ' 
beginning in the introduction of Home Bute in 
India. I tell you why. There have been a,number 
of schemes suggested at various places in India by 
Congressmen and non -Congressmen, by Muslim 
League men and non-Muslim League men and by 
backward and forward classes as they call them- 
selves and by other different communities, ftnd 
all these representations have been sent up to the 
Secretary of State. What do you find if you analyse 
them ? The majority of them say that they approve 
of the Congress -League scheme but they want 
something more, and if you t^e vote, you have 
all the votes for the Congress-League scheme and 
one vote for each scheme in the country. I say that 
that itself is an indication that the CongresB 
League scheme is approved all over the country 
and we are not going to swerve from it an inob. It has 
been said that the Goverament is prepared to grant 
to you Responsible QovernmerA but that you do not 
ask for it because the Congress-League scheme does 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

not make Executive* removable at the pleasure, or 
the Legislature ; it cannot be technically said to be 
responsible. The pronoancement is that " Respon- 
sible Government " will be granted to, you, that 
' it should be granted to you by staged, so that the- 
fifsb stage also must have something of Kespohsible 
Governmenf. I do not think that that argument Ts 
right. The Government meaning is that one stage 
will be Municipal and Local, the second stage 
is Provincial aiid fihe last stage is Central Govern- 
inent. That is not the meaning that I attached to 
it. I a^y that the Congress League scheme does . 
not provide for fhe removal of the Executive at the - 
will of the Legislature ; true, but it gives you all the 
control over'the Executive. We say that the Exe- 
cutive should be under the control of the Legislature 
and that four-fifths of the legislative body should be 
elected. What does it mean ? It means that the 
Legislature which the Congress League scheme- 
demands will not be fully responsible in the senae- 
of being able«to remove the Executive, but it can 
transfer the Executive. If the Executive will not obey 
the Legislature they may be transferred to some other- 
post. Why should you ask that the Executive should 
be removed ? Oncethe bureaucracy understand that 
they arO' responsible to the Legislative Councils, 
they are wise enough, intelligent enough to sbape- 
their future conduct accordingly ; they are not fools. 
A. b^inning of tbA responsibility is made. The 
Executive are held respoDsible and they must take- 

, r,.i... ,.,Gt.)oylc 

The National Demand 

tfaeir orders from elected Legislative Coanoils. So,, 
to say that the CoogresB- League scheme is not a 
beginning of Rest^'onsible Government is merely 
deceiving oneaelf and others by a use of words with 
which" always wise ^nd selfish men try to deceive 
the masses. The second objection urged against the 
Congress-League scheme is that it is better to begin 
from belonr, that it is better to build up from 
foundation, than to begin with the top, si that you 
must begin with your Municipality, gradually have 
District Boards under your control, then bring 
Provincial Govemments under your control and then 
the Central Government, Even that argument is 
fallacious. The case may apply to the building of a 
new house where you cannot build the top without 
foundation, but the simile of a house does not apply 
to a political building, especially in the case of 
India. We in Inclia are not children to be prqmoted 
from, standard to standard until we pass our 
graduation either in Arts or in Law. We are full- 
grown people. We have had experience*of governing 
Empires and Kingdoms in the past. (Cheers.) We 
folly know the art. Add to it that we have received 
western education which lays down certain 
principles o^ Government. We have learnt those 
principles and how to use those principles, having 
watched them so far In civilised countries. Are we 
not capable of carrying on the Governmeijt of India 
from t-o-morrow if the Govemfeent is given into 
our hancfe? (Loud oheera.) When we say thak 

Lok.^ Bat Gangitdhar TUak 

Besponsible Qoreramaat should be granted to us by 
fltagea we uanaot be mdant to suppose tbat we 
should have trainiug in Alunicipalities first, in 
Distriot Boards afterwards. Provincial Legislative 
Councils tiext and then in the Supreme Legislativ3 
Council. There is no parallel tfetweeu the two- 
The case of India is like that of an emasoulated 
man who h^d lost or made to lose all his nervous 
power. In the case of a nervous disease, there is 
«niasculation of the whole body and you have to 
begin the treatment with the brain and not with 
the toe.. If you want to restore a man to 
^health at once, you give tonic to the hrain, 
the centre of all nervous system- So it is with 
India. If the present Government is unfit for the 
administration of the country in the besrinterests of 
the Empire, the beet remedy is to give tonio to the 
brain and that is Simla or Delhi. Unless that centre 
is made sound sooh vou cannot expect *that any local 
remedy applied to tne different parts of the body— to 
the foot or hand or other parts of the body-would be 
of any avail. So (he Congress- League provides that 
we must have certain powers in the Qentral Q-overn- 
ment If it is not made removable, we must at least 
be placed on a -footing of equality. Half the 
members of the Executive should be"our represen- 
tatives, i.e., they should be elected by the people. 
Thus we must go on building from the top. We do 
not want to divide tfee political Oovarnment in thia 
country into parts, horizontal or vertical. ^ We want 

The National Demand 

io treat the whole niaQ, and w^wantsuch cure to be 
adminiaterectaa will cure his braia first and power 
over the lower limbs.will gradually be reatored. Our 
-scheme provides for that. To talk of Proviaoial 
Ooveinmeat wheo speaking of Imperial autonomy 
is to talk Doasense. We must have a share of the 
power in the Ceotral Qov«rnmeQt. The control 
over the Maaicipalities remains with the Central 
Oovernment, and you know how that*poVec is 
beiuQ exercised and what actual indepejideace you 
have in a Municipality. If you mean to h-ave local 
Self-Qoverni^ent you must have power all through 
from top to bottom, i.e,, Rsspoasible Governmeat 
from top to bottom. In the Congre^d-Lai^ue 

' Boheme it is provided that the Imperial Lsgislative 
Council should have four-Qfths of its members 
elected and one-fifth nominated aiid that the Legisla- 
ture should have control over the Executive. I admit 
that this is not Responsible Qovernment but it is 
really the beginning of Responsible G-overnmeut. 
Take the case of a minor whose estate is in charge 
of the Court of Wards. The minor having attained 
majority claims the estate from the Court of Wards- 
Suppose the defence of the Court of Wards is that 
they w ill transfer the power by ptfrts, say the stables 
outside the house. What is the result f When that 
is done, the Court of Wards will say " We shall then 
think at the later date of transferring the whole 

' house to the man." That defent^e would not be good 

•enough in a Court of Law; any Judge will throw it 



Lei. Bal Gangadhar TiJak 

away. The same is the case in the political straggle- 
betw«eiFthe Bureaucracy and tlie Nation. Bureau- 
cracy i^ the trustee of our intereete. We have 
attained the age of majority; we claim our estate 
from Bureaucracy and men like Mr. Curtia ai^ 
prepared to tell ua: "Yes, we know that we shall 
have to transfer the whole power to you, but we- 
shall see that it is transferred to you gradually when 
proper^ elacto rates are brought into existence, and 
that at some time in the course of a century or two 
when the preparations are complete or according to 
the Hindu time, some time in this Kali Yuga we 
ehall transfer the power to you." That kind of 
defence ought not to be allowed for one moment. 
We are entitled to the possession of the whole^ 
house, and if we allow you to share our power with- 
you in that house, it is a concession made for you in- 
the hope that at you will soon clear out of it. You. 
have managed the bouse so long; you have been- 
living in the house ; we will allow you to live in the- 
house for a longer time, but eventually you must 
acknowledge that from to-day we are masters of the- 
house ; then aloae there can be any compromise ;: , 
otherwise, none- The first merit of the Congrefl* that it asks for a transfer of power to the 
elective body in a Central Government itsetf. 
Without a share— an equal share— in the Central 
Government, it-is hopeless to be able to govern the 
smaller portions of*the Empire, such as Municipali- 
ties, Locai^ Boards, etc., with any sense o£ 
276 , 


The ftatumai Demand 

^Responsible GoTerameat- ¥ou must banish 
tfrom 7oar mind the idea of buildiag from the 
bottom. That is aot the anal(%y applioable to our 
scheme, ^e oonsont to aothiag less than what is 
' -embodied la the Congrees-League scheme. We must 
have control over the Ceatral Goverameat. The 
>Q-overament of India ia one body from the gods of 
^iml^to the lowest police man ia.the village. If yon 
want to grant our right, if you thiakth^t 9ur claims 
Are just, we must have a share at the top. Ail 
'these arguments against our scheme are intended 
■to deceive you and are advanced by peopIe> whose 
idea is to remain in posaesaioa of the house even 
though we have attained ourmajority andare entitled 
to the possession of the whole house. Mr. Bspin 
Chandra Pal admitted that we must hav^ the whole 
Congress scheme ;>/bS' something moFe- I want also 
that plwi ^nd not minus. But I claim the Srst term 
of this equation to begin with, the other terms will 
follow, and I shall be oas with him when we fight 
for the second stage, and I ask him and entreat bim 
to be one with me in Sghtlng for the first' The 
-second merit of our scheme is that it tries to build 
upon the existing foandation. It is not' a new 
scheme requesting the Government to introduce 
any modification in ihe machinery of the govern- 
ment. The machinery has been in esistehce for 
hundred years or more. We want the Secretary of 
. .State, we want the Imperial Government, we want 
4he Local Governments, we want the MunicipaUt7» 


Loft. Bal Qangadhar Tilak 

■wie waot the Distriot Board, and we want alao .tbe- 
Bureaucracy to stay in the land not to go out of ib. 
We all want theea, but we want certain transference 
of power, a decentraliBation which will vest peopie- 
with power, in every one nf-these institutions. We do- 
not want to change the institutions. We do not say 
that India should be Roverned by a Crown Prince 
from England or that the administration should be 
traneferred to any Native Chief. W© say " Retain 
your administrative machinery as it is." Qur 
question is not with machinery but with 
power> The Government of India is cot^posed of 
L^islative and Executive. We want no changes in 
Governor, Governor-General and also Executive 
Councils but we want that the power that vests in 
the Executive should be transferred to the Legisla- 
ture. We do not want to disturb the machinery. 
We do not want a new machinery to be introduced. 
What we want is that therfe are certain wheels in 
the machinery which have appropriated to them- 
selves the power of regulating the machinery, and 
we want that ]K>wer to be transferred to other 
wheels. It is no new scheme : it is a tried scheme, a 
tried machinery. All that is reqtJirBd is transfer of 
power from one part of the machinery to .another. 
The Secretary of State should be deprived of the 
power of controlling the Government of India. The 
true Government of India should be in India. What 
next ? The Bureaucracy also agrees with us that ■ 
power should be transferied by the Secretary ofc 
278 ' 


The-Naiionat Demand 

Stttte to the present Government of India. We want 
it transferred to the Government of India and that 
the Executive should be under the control of the 
Legislature. At present about half the members are 
elected in the LeKislative Council. What is the 
objection to electing a few more ? All objection falls^ 
to the ground when you remember that when so 
many Imperial Council members are elected now 
and do their work often to the satisfaction of 
Government. All that we ask for in our scheme is 
to have a few mora members of that kind and give- 
them power to control the Executive. We are to 
build upon the existing foundation. The ol>JGction 
that our scheme is unworkable, untried and that it 
has never been tried in other countries is useless 
and harmful to our interests if the objection is put 
in a language which may deceive the unwary- The 
second objection was -that if we have half the 
Executive elected and half the Executive nominated, 
there would be a deadlock. It is said that one-half 
of the Executive will be fighting agiinst the other 
half and that the conflict would make the adminis- 
tration nugatory, t say no. Our scheme says that 
the tjovernor shall have the power of veto and he 
would decide which side is* correct and the 
administration will not be hampered in any way at 
all. We have made provision for it, and that 
proviaio'n does not suit the Bi^reaucrats who are in 
power and they think that when power is shared 
like that they must ^pt with greater respect to 

Lok. Bat Gangadhar Tilak 

popular opinioQ. Lastly, I say that our scheme-is 
better than smy other scheme for another reason, 
And that reason Is that no other scheme will be so 
oompatiable with the wishes of the British Parlia- 
ment as oars. Mr. Curtis and Sir Valentine Chirol 
have been forced— and I do not think quite willingly 
— to accept the pronouncement of the Government 
as the basis of futuje work, G-overnment having 
declared titp policy — those two gentlemen would 
have been very glad if the Govornment had not 
{declared their policy — they have accepted that 
policy.' ,But what are they^ trying to do with ic ? 
Given that proclamation, how much of- it, in fact, 
what is the lowest proportion of it, that can be 
conceded to the people? They wish to draw the 
minimum length provided for in that proclamation. 
That is the problem before Mr. Curtis and Sir 
Valentine. Our problem is how long the line can be 
drawn, I must warn you not to accept any other 
scheme or to be carried away by It simply because 
the author of 4t professes to limit it. I therefore 
commend this resoLtitioh for your unanimous accept- 
ance. (Loud and prolonged cheers.") 

I ■ • ' ■ ■ . 

,., Google 


\The sixth anniversary meeting to cotnmenwraie the 
■ ascension of Babu ,Shiahir Kumar Ghose, xi/as held at 
Manomohon Theatfe, on January i, 1 918. ^ong before the 
appointed hour, the auditorium was filled tS its utmost ■ 
capacity, leaving not even standing room for anybody.] 

The arrival of Lok. Tilak on the platform was 
iignaliaed by repeated rounds of ' oheerihR the 
cries of Bandematsram which continued for some 

Lokainanya Hal Gangidhar fitak rose .imidst loud 
cheers and said ; — , 

Friends and Qentlemen, — We have all heard a 
number of iucidents relating to the life of one wliose 
memory we have come here to commemorate today. 
Ab for inyself, I want to add only a few words to 
what has already been saiH. I must aay first that I 
had the pleasure and honour of 'being personally 
acquainted with'Shishir Bahu. I have learnt many 
ilessona sitting at his feet. I revered him as my 
father (Eiear, hear,) and I venture again to say that 
he, in return, loved me as hia son. I can call to 
mind many an interview that I had with him at the 
" Patrika" office some-of which Jasted for hours, I 
have distinct reoollectioas of what he told me of 
his expdrieaces as a journalist with tears in his eyes 


Lok. Bal Gangadkar THak 

■hnd Bympath; in hie words. I then requested him, L 
remember now, to put down those incidents, at least 
to leave notes in writing, so that they might serve- 
the future historian of the country o'r even the writer 
of his life. 

To me, Shishir Babu Rgures as the pioneer of 
jouroaliBts in this country. After the Mutiny when 
he was only 15 years of age, came the establishment 
of the British Bureaucracy in this country — it was^ 
a despotic rule and the country wanted a man who 
would cope with their devices — who would see the 
inner i&eaning of their devices-who was courageous- 
enough to meet them bold and honest enough to 
expose them, and take defeat calmly and coolly in 
order to resuscitate for future strength. ,Such was 
Shishir Kumar Ghose. The 'JPatrika " is the 
manifestation of the spirit of which he was full — 
nobody may talk of the "Patrika" without being, 
reminded of Shishir Kumar Ghose. At this tii^e a 
man was i-eauired with a feeling heart to realise the- 
position of the masses who were then governed by a 
despotic rule— one who must have, sympathy with 
the -people who were unjustly treated and did nof 
know what to do but only looked up to heaven for 
help. The people were dumb- The bureaucracy bad 
full power. The Mutiny had just been over and- 
British Bule had been firmly established in the land. 
At such a time 4 man was required to steer the 
natlon^hihip to a safe harbour constitutional ly and 
. legally — a mJn of courage, a rastn who could see- 
■ 288 

1 .1... ,?Gt.)oylc 

ShMir Kumar Ghose 

tturoagh the actions of -the •bureauoracy — actions 
whioh were calculated to bear fruit in the distant 
future. I 

It is a very difficult task now to criticise the 
Government — it was more eo in those days and not 
only biting sarcasm but great resourcefulness, great 
courage, great insight and large sympathy was- 
required to make honest journalism a success in the ' 
land.ShtShir Babu bad these qualities imabundance. 
The authorities feared him. They could not raise 
their, finger to crush him. You have just now heard 
the Btory of Sir Ashley Eden who strike 
at him but could not. What was it due to ? It was 
not due to legal or any other protection — it was due 
to the character of the man which was his only 
protection. Sir Ashley feared not so much t^e writ- 
ing of thejman, but Ithe character of the man who 
would persist |in writing such things so long as the- 
injustice was not removed. 

In Shishir Kumar we had a man -who would not 
oar© for honour or favour bQt would Stand boldly by 
his guns until success was attained. (Hear, hear). 
Even a strong man at times is not able to do much 
— for strength ia to be joined with prudence, 
prude nee is to be coupled with foresight— both with 
oourage and keenness of perception, which is 
granted only to, a few people in the world. In 
Shishirj Kumar all these qualities were combined. 
Such a man I had the honour and the pleasure of 



V Loh. Bat Gangadhar TUak 

Journalism — ladflpandent and free jourDaLlsnL — 
was not an easy taek in those <ia}s-r60 years ago, 
when nfany of you w6re charmed with Goveromeiit 
Service. You looked upon such a man as rather 
eccentric— he might he iodependent, might be 
honest, but certainly not worldly. He had to calmly 
bear the reproaches of friends, for having refused 
Oovernment favours and other things that make 
life happy tand easy. He stood alone and his con- 
science was bis stand. He thought that he had a 
messag^ to give to the world— ^he thought that he 
had a duty to do and he did it unflinchingly. That 
was the man who led Bengal in the last decades of 
the 19th century. I am glad to say that ttioae tradi- 
tions of the paper are being faithfully maintained to 
'this d^ (cheers). I myself have something to do 
with journalism and when I take a survey of the 
papers that have been carried on for two genera- 
tions with the same policy and with the s&me spirit 
— I can point to one paper c^nd that is the " Amrita 
Bfizar Patriba " (cheers). I had a talk on that 
subject with my 'friend Babu Motilal Ghose; I 
asked him how is it that he could copy his brother 
80 exactly in language, style and sentiment and be 
told me that be had studied his brother and nothing 
else and hence be had been able to maintain the 
spirit of tlje paper. - ^ 

These high ideals are out of the reaob of the 
-common people and the common people judge these 
.men by their own standards, attribute to them 

- , . „Coo;ilc 

Shiahir KumOr Qhose. 

motives which are foreign to 'them. Shishir Babu 
also had to face this and he did the work which can 
truly be called the work of an angel. He saw that 
the service of humanity was a stepping stone to the 
service of God. When he gave up, owing to physical 
feebleness, his work at the " Patrika " office, he 
devoted his time to the service of God with the- 
same enthusias<n and fervour with which he did 
service to the people. Such was the mah we have 
loat. I am sorry I am not an adept in character- 
idketohing, but if I have given you certain promihent 
characteristics of his life, I think I ha^e done 
enough. Such a man is rare to find. You have h'is 
life written ; and from it you may know the story of 
his life but underneath all this do not fail to find 
out and properly value the man who had made - 
journalism what it is in India. 

I know with what enthusiasm and eagerness the 
" Patrika " was awaited in my province every week 
40 years ago. I know hoV peo;^le were delighted , 
to read his sarcasm, his pithy and critical notes 
written in his racy style, simple* but at the same 
time effective. How people longed to see the paper 
on the day it was due by post, how people enjoyed 
it— I know it personally. (Hear, hear). You in 
Bengal cannot know what we felt and thought in 
the Maharastra. Strange stories circulated about 
tiiese brothers in my. province. , People used to say 
that Shishir Babu was writing with one foot in jail 
sad the other brother was waiting simply to see- 

,...,;Coo;ilc ■ 

Ldh Bat/3anaadhar TUak 

when the elder is seirt to jail. There were atorLes 
like that and if they do not correspond 'with facts 
they at least illustrate the feeling and the revereace 
with which the papep was read in my part of the 
country. They show how the man was appreciated. 
They were really delighted to see bis writings but 
iVery few had the courage to quote those remarks^ 
before others, they enjoyed them in secret. 

I may farther tell you that when, we started our 
paper in vernacular, we tried tofoUow the editor of the 
" A. B. Patrika." This was the time when one had to 
teach the people how to criticise thebureaucraoy and 
at the same time keep oneself safe, bodily at least if 
not pecuniarty. That was the idea fully developed 
by Shishir Kumar in those days of journalism. 
Bureaucracy is always anxious to conciliate its 
critics not by mending its way but by offering bribes 
to them and the dignity of Shishir Ei^mar lay act so 
much in his writingfl as id the courage which he 
showed at a critical time, when favours were offered 
ito him and he rejected them with contempt. Suoh^ 
man he was. • \ ' 

Babu Shishir Kumar was a true political saint and 
■I regret as much as you do that that kind of character 
•is getting rare in'these days, as it is bound to be 
by the demoralization of the despotic government. 
We thank God that we had shch a man in the early 
years of journalism in India. He was a hero in the 
true senee of the word. He did not see bis aspira- 
ilions ful&lled. It might be fulfilled in a generation 


Shishir Kumar GhQse 

•or two or more, but we canaot forget that it was 
be who laid the foiindatioa. Such a maa deserved 
to be respected not oaly during bis life but for all 
time to come. I wish you to study his life — to look 
opt to Ms failings but to his great acbievements — to- 
draw inspiration from him and follow in his foot- 
steps as far as it is possible for you to do- 



[The following is the speech of Mr. Tilak, in moving the- 
reaolulion of the release of AH Brothers, at the Calcutta 
Indian [National Congress, in 1917] ; — 

Madam^ Motber of Messm. Mobomed Ali and 
Sfaaukat Ali, Fellow Delegates, Ladies and 
OeDtlemen. — The mother of Messrs. Mohomed Ali 
and Sh^ukat Ali, the revered mother — the mother 
of the brave — is here, and it befits you all to hear 
in silence what is to be said in support of the 
resolution asking the Government to release th& 
two interned detenuee. I use that word deliberately 
because they have been suffering on auspiciou for 
long from day to day and on grounds, which were 
discovered not at the time of this internment, but' 
after they had been detained. The resolution runs 

That this Congress -urges on the Government the 
immediate release of Messrs. ^ohotned Ali and Shaukat 
Ali, who have remained incarcerated since October, 1914, 
and are now kept itttemed because of religious scruples 
which Ihey hold in common with the whole of lAam in 
India and elsewhere and which are not incompatible with- 
loyally to the King Emperor, 

Continuing the speaker said that they alt knew 
why Mr. Mohomed Ali was interned uader the- 

Alt Brothers •. * 

Defence of India Aot in 1934, ' That Act was very 
elastic sad invested the authorities with the 
complete power of despotism. If the Executive 
thought, -without any further enquiry on the 
evidence of the C.I.D.— ^th© evidence, he might say* 
manufactured evidence, manufactured according to 
their wishes, that there was a danger to the public 
tiii^nquility or safety, without caring to divulgo 
anything, they eould intern a person. ,That was 
what happened in this case. Mohomed Ali was 
interned in 1914 apparently for publishing certain 
articles in the press, but the real cause was that 
he displeased the high authority. Though there 
was no convincing proof before the authorities they 
were (interned. Both the Hindus and the Maho- 
medsns requested Government to publish the 
grounds on which the Executive _ Government 
interned them. No response was made to their 
request and the public protest. Gradually Govern- 
ment climbed down and they were willing to let themi 
off. Negotiations were going on, and Jhe Hon- Raja 
Sahib of Mahmudabad and the Hon. Mr.-Jinnah were; 
both willing to assure Government that there was no 
danger in letting them off. Both those two Hon'ble 
gimtlemen had. the assurance of the whole of the 
Mohamedan community at their back. The whole 
of the Mohsmedan' community was prepared to- 
stand guarantee for them. With it they might add 
tlie voice of the Hindu qommontty. That meant that 
practically the whole of India was unanimous. But 


Lok. Bal Oangadhar TUak 

the C.t.D did not like iheir release. Sometime the 
<;!.I.D- tried to control the Executive Department. The 
speaker compared the Cl.D. with the " RiksIiaBa" 
who wanted to destroy his creator. " Lord Shiva." 
The C.I. D, were entrusted with the task of finding 
out evidence by which the detention of thoge two 
brothers- could be supported. The 0.1.1). went to 
Chbindwara, had a talk with them and wanted to 
ascertain nhether they would be Ibyal to the crown. 
It was not a new thing to them ; they ^irere loyal 
before. But there was a condition attached to it. 
The C'l.p. said that the two brothers owed allegi- 
ance to Godi above and the Executive god below. Mr. 
Mohomed Ali was prepared to be loyal to the King 
Emperor provided ' his retigi9UB scruples t were 
' observed. That statement was at once pounded upon 
hy the C-T.D. and the Executive Qovernment. Those 
two brothers were not detained for that. That fact 
was discovered after this detention and it was made 
the ground for detaining them further at Chbindwara ' 
(shame, shame). They detained the persons for some 
reason which did> not justify them- Something 
-subsequently cropped up and that was immediately 
laid hold of to justify their action. They then 
coDtinuad to detahi them. " Religious scruple " 
•CQiild not he a ground for detaining a person> It was 
not a tenable ground. Tt was illusory, fallacious and 
unjust. The next step taken by Government was this. 
The C.I.D. discovered a letter supposed to have been 
written by the interned brothers. That letter -brought 

D,mi,.=db, Google 

^U Brothers • 

oi^t certain supposed conaeoti<Hi bettreen these two 
brothers and a religious Mahomedatl gentleman of 
Deity and it was alleged that they were in league 
with the King's enemies. Immediately it was got hold 
ef, it was placed before the Viceroy. But Govern- 
ment, instead of asking these two brothers, who 
denied the charge, to explain, detained them further. 
If Q-ovemment had reliable information oa th^ point 
■the two brothers would hare been placed aq trial on 
the information supplied by the C.I.D. This is a 
■very solemn occasion. We are passing the re«>lu< 
tion in the presence of their mother. Mind, giother'g 
grief, and mother's care is something unprecedented. 
I am not going to compare it with anything else. 
But let me assure the mother on your behalf that ' 
the title to become a mother of a brave son so far 
exceeds in importance that I appeal to her to forgive 
and forget what Qovernment has done and to take 
-consolation in the faot that all of us have sympathy 
wiUi her in her present position. I pray to Ood that 
we may have many more mothers like her in this ■ 
country (hear, hear.) That is the pnly consolation I 
can oiEfer in the present situation and I do so with 
■your permission. 


[A great mass meetiitg was held on Sunday, (15-ll-17y 
in the Conference Pandal, at Godhra, when Mr. Tilak^ 
deUvered a stirring address on Indian Home Rule. Mr. 
Gandhi presided] ;— • . 

Mr. Til^k, who was accorded a tremendous 
ovation on rising to speak, apologised to them for tbe 
unavoidable necessity of hie having to speak to them 
in Mar&thi- He then delivered his address on 
"Swarajya" and why they wanted it. He referred 
at the outset to the forces of opposition and reaction 
that had recently been brought into active play. An 
attempt was being itiAde by these forces to create- 
misunderstanding in the minds of ignorant English- 
men as to what they wanted in India, tt was 
unfortunate that some of their own men should 
have allowed themselves to be led away by the 
campaign of Salumny against the Home Rulers. Of 
course, it was expNcable why the authorities were up- 
in arms gainst the agitation for constitutional' 
reform in India. They feared very naturally that, 
if the Indian demand were conceded, it would 
seriously interfere with the unfettered eiercise of 
their power and authority to which they hafl been 
long used. Latterly, a body of retired Englisknien 
who had lost all touch with the rate of progress' 
in India and who had otherwise done little or 


'nothing to acquaint themselvSb about the r^al India 
%ad begun to po30 themaelves ae the great " friends " 
of the ladian people and had been giving the 
world to understand that they were out for helping 
India to attain Nationhood. It was indeed very 
kind of them to be taking so much trouble for their 
sake- But it- was somewhat curious that the 
Harrises and Sydenhams who in their day never did 
a good work to the Indian people should have now 
come forward,-espeoialLy on the evet)f Mr. Montagu's 
visit to this country. 

He next referred to the internment of Mrs. Besant 
and the great humiliation that was ia store for the 
Madras bureaucrats led by Lord Pentland. It had 
irritated them considerably no doubt, and they lost 
their perspective ^n consequence. It had been 
iforgotten that they did not want Lord Pentland to be 
removed but they wanted that Lord Featland should 
act in consonance with their will. The Civil Servants 
too were afraid that, if " Swarajya ' were given to 
<fhe people, their power and authority (IxBat and 
Ibrahat) would be gone, and the Oivil Servants wer9, 
Iberefore, opposed to it. 

" Swarajya " meant only one thing, coatiaued Mr. 
Tilak, and that thing vr&a/ that the power should 
4)e vested i^ them (the people). It meant that, uadet 
it, the^tovereign Power would' be strengthened and 
laot Authority. The great olaim,of the bureaucracy 


' Loft. Bat Oangadhar Tilak 

was that it had made India " prosperous." He would* 
fain concede it, but the facts were against it. Duriog- 
theirJOO years' work ia India, he wanted to know 
what the bureaucracy had done to train the people 
industrially and otherwise and make them setf-- 
helping and self- reliant. It was an open secret that 
the cotton duties, which had happily been done away 
with now, had been hitherto maintained in the- 
interests ofLancaehire cotton spinners. The atitbo- 
rities were naturally anxious to maintain power 
in their own bands and they had no quarrel with 
tbem for^hat' But that desire was unjustifiable the 
moment the lawful claimants demanded it back. It 
had been said that the English Qovernment had 
givei) India peace and order : but that was all. The 
iJeace and order had been accompanied by no- 
tangible results. During the time of the Peshwas, 
there were no elaborate commissariat arrangements- 
and yet at a moment's notice hundreds of people- 
were ready to render service to the State, and it wa» 
not said that t6e Peshwas had not maintained peace 
and order. As he had already remarked, it was the 
great secret of political Government by England thatr 
a so-called peace and order had been given without 
any tangible results*. In this connection, he referred 
to Dadab'hai's famous indictment of British Rule 
and paid a warm tribute of praise to the great work 
of the deceased patriot. 

Referring to the Queen's Proclamation of 1858, her- 
.^ 294 


pcfinted out now it had been treated by many of the 
bureaucrats, responsible as Well as irresponsible, as 
no better than of antiquarian interest. To the ruler, 
colour made no difference in the treatment of his 
subjects, but men in authority were swayed by their 
own passions and prejudices and had nullified the 
great pledges given to them in the past. Dealing 
with the Morley-Minto Reforms, he observed that 
while there was some improvement ov*r the past 
atate of affairs, the jirogreas was by no means satis- 
factory or even consistent with their actual needs. 
In 'the Legislative Councils, they were like witnesses 
in a Court of Law ; they were mere lookers-on of the- 
great drama of Government. They did not certainly 
want that kind of farce any more. What they 
wanted was real, effective control over the adminis- 
tration,^ both Legislative and Executive. 

Mr. Ttlak also referred to the recent Italian 
reverses and regretted that India was not in a 
position to support the Allied cause as well as they 
might have wished. India's military power had 
remained uaexploited, and be deubted very much 
if it would have been^o if the Government were 
"■popular." As Mr. Lloyd George had said in hi» 
messi^e to Lord Willingdon, wh&t was wanted was 
that India's heart should be " touched." Until that 
was done, it was not possible to expect great help 
from India. After all, the Government had to 
remember that with this War, &\l the trouble would 
not. automatically oease. As Mr. Bonar Law one© 

,., Google 

Lob. Bal Gartgadhar TOak 

Temarked, there mig(ft be a second Funic war yet. 
The future vas full " of perils and grave portents 
and it waa statesmansbip to be ready to face any 
eventualities," * 

Tb« Anglo-Iadians' hue and cry was not only ill- 
timed and ill-advised but was positively harmful to 
the lasting to terests of the Empire. The people wanted 
Self-Qp vera men t not only for their own benefit but 
for the sake of the Empire. In any struggle or crisis, 
a contented Self-Goveming. India was the greatest 
and surest asset of the Empire, and those who 
overlooked it were doing the greatest micohief to tho 
Imperial cause. Apart from it the case^for Self- 
Oovernment was iavincibld' A strong wave of 
democracy was passing all the world over and even 
the British Government had hailed the Russian 
Revolution as the " first great triumph of. the 
present War." Lord Sydenham's contention that 
they in India take advantage «f Britain's troubles to 
agitate for Self^Government was false. They had 
already been agitating for Self-Oovernment for over 
30 years. All over the world Self-Qovernment was 
on. the anvil, and India alone oouid not be expected 
to sit still. 

People were no longer prepared to put up with 
*' stoneTlaying " governors and a civil service that 
spent public money as it pleased. They 'wanted to 
see that, after the War, the Oovernment was 


"tfaoroughly responsible to the'people and carried od 
the administration acoording to their needs. Before 
resuming his seat, Mr. Tilak exhorted the audience 
to be bold and courageous and frankly tell the 
o£Sciale, if they were asked, that they wanted Home 
Rule. It was no crime to say that. The demand had 
bean' admitted to be fair, legitimate and oonstitu- 
tioaal by the highest judicial and exeoujiive 
authorities in the land, and lately Sii Majesty's 
GoTernment had accepted it as the goal of British 
-rale inlndia. Mr. Tilak resumed his seat amidst a 
;fre8h outburst of cheering after he had spbken for 
fully an hour. 


[Under the auspices of the Amraoti Hottta Rule League, 
Mr. Tilak '.made the /Mowing speech, on February 13, 
K17.1 . 

Amidst Shouts of cheering and applause- 
Lokamanya Tilak rose to thank the public and 
various associatioas for doing him a great honour. 

* He {said* that the fact Chat so many associations- 
were doing him honour showed that^all people had 
joined hands together for the great National work of 
Home Kule, or Swarajya. Hindus and Muham- 
madans, moderates and extremists had discarded 
their differences. They all wanted Home Rule,' or 
Swarajya. Their demand was a united demand. 
The great Rakshasa in the path of union has 
disappeared. Minor pnes, like th6 antagonisms of 
some non-Brdhmana communities, were negligible. 
They in their own'time would disappear after they 
had experienced the efforts of their suicidal tenden- 
cies. They had a definite plan and organisation of 
Self- Government settled at Lucknow by great men 
of all parties and creeds. Every one should ask 
with an open bold face for Home Rule and declare- 
himself to be a thorough Home Ruler. The ideal of 
Home Rule for India was held legal. To preach it 
was not sedition. Great authorities in England 

^ 298 ■ 

- .Coo;ik- 

and in India bad recognised it as the Worthy 
aspiration of the Indians. The point at dispute was 
only time. Indians wanted it within two or three 
years, that- is, at the conclusion of the War. If 
India were not to he raised to the status of a Self- 
Ooverning member within the Empire, they would 
be disappointed. For the whole Empire to last 
Idng and to remain on a solid foundation, 
India must he granted Self-Qovernment. War 
had given India an opportunity to show its 
loyalty to the British Throne, and its faith 
in the British connection. It had created confi- 
dence' io the minds of the rulers about the 
ruled. It had changed the old "angle of vision" 
of British peopled Even*; conservative people 
like Lord Islington had declared recently that 
something in the way of reform must be done for 
India. War had tested India's loyalty. If conser- 
vative men had changed to that extent:, what must 
be the views of Liberals and 'Badioals in England. 
They must go io them, put their cas^ before them 
and Home Rule would be bad in tfro years. Colonies 
were trying to get a hand in the affairs of India, as 
the conspiracy of Mr. L. Curtis had showed. They 
must have Home Rule as soon as possible, to avoid 
any additional difiSculties. The Almighty God had 
given them the opportunity to strive for. Wo one ■ 
thought that Indian political aspirations would be 
80 near realisation a few years ago. But unless 
they worked, they would not get Home Rule. Such 

Loft. Bal Gangadhar TUak 

oppoftu^iities did not come often. The whole of 
India must be converted into Home Rulers, so that 
the Government might know that not to grant 
Home Bule would be a permsnent disappointment. 
They must aay that they would not be satisfied" 
with anything but Home Bule, which was their just 
and legitimate demand. They should ^rive for'k 
and get it, their offorts should be sincere and conti* 
nuous. TSe rulers would soon come round to their 
view and give them Home Rule. 



I haTfl, like other political workers, my own 
differences with the Government as regards certain 
me^Bures, and to a certain extent even the system 
of internal administration. But it is abstird on that 
account to speak of my actions or my attitude ss in 
any w^y hostile to His Majesty's Government. 
' That has never been my wish or my object." Ijnay 
state once for all that we are trying in India, as the 
Irish Home Ruleie have been doing in Ireland, for 
a reform of the system of- administration and not 
for tbe overthrow of Government and I have no 
hesitation in saying that the acts of violence which 
have been committed in the different parts of India 
are not only repagnant to me, but have, in my ' 
opinion, only unfortunately retarded, to a great 
extent, the pace of our political progress. Whether 
looked at from an individual or frvm a public point 
of view, they deserve, as I have said before on 
several occasions, to be equally condemned. 

It has been well said that British Rule is uonfer- 
ring inestimable benefit on India not only by its 
civilized methods. of administration, but also by 
bringing, together the different nationalities and 
races of India so that a United Nation may grow 
out of it in course of time, I do not believe that if 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tiiah 

. we bad any other ruler except the liberty-lo-vitig 
British, they could have conceived and assisted us 
in developing such a National Ideal. Eve^^ryone who 
has the interests oflndia'at heart is fully alive to 
this and similar ttdvaatage's of the British Rule ; and- 
the present crisis is, in my opinioa, a blessing in as 
much as it has universally evoked our united feel- 
jugs and sentiments of loyalty to the British Throne. 

,., Cookie 

- [Mr. THah, in moving the res^0ion on th& death of Mr, 
GtAhale, -at the nth Provincial Bombay Conference, on 
\Oth May, '1915, spoke as follows] :— 

He aaid that it was in a way a great misfortune 
that a day should come when he shouJd have to 
propose the said resolution which he did. He felt 
sadness and sorrow more keenly than others, 
because he was in part responsible ia intnsducing 
Mr. Gokhale into the field, of politics, a Seld in 
which that zealous and sincere worker lost his life 
by over-work. People should not judge of his rela- 
tions with Mr. Ookhale by what ap^ared on the 
■outside. He had worked with Mr. Gokhale for 
-eight years in the Fergusson Collie, and had known 
him in various capacities in his political career. No 
man could better know than he did Mr. Gokhale's 
qualltiesof bead and heart— his zeal ia4he country's 
cause, his sincerity and sioglemindedaess, his 
determination to take to the end the task he 
might take in hand, [t was a misfortune of India 
ithat she oould not boast of many such men. 
The loss of a man like Mr. Ookhale was irreparable 
but people must try their best to fill up the gap. He 
urged the -audience not to simply rue the loss, hut 
heroically determine to work Ob Mt. Gokhale did. 
Death awaited all ; why not then work strenuously 

r,.i... ,.,Gt.)Onlc 

Loft. ^ Oottgadhar TiMi 

wliile life lasted i AH men, he knew, could not be 
Gokhales ; but surely all Indiaus were not women, 
with bangles on. Indeed he knew people who were 
almost the equals of Mr. Ookbale in abilities, 
but they unfortunatffy had not Mr. G-okhale's- 
sincerity and single-minded devotion to the 
countiy's cause. The resolution he proposed rightly 
conveyed to the late Mr. Ookhale's bereaved family 
the oondolfences of the whole audience. That was 
to alleviate in a small measure, their sorrow which 
not, as all knew, tempered if shared with others. 
But thafr was not the chief reason why he had been 
there to propose the resolution. People must not 
simply be sad and cry; to do so, was to proclaim to 
the world their unmanliness> He would,- therefore, 

-urge his feltowmen t& pass another resolukion - a 
resolution which was to be made in the mind and, 
therefore, which was not expressed in so many 
words — to the effect that they would strive and to 
the^r best to fill up the lamentable void created by 
the death of 4(r. Ookbale. He would not there, h& 
said, speak of th9 actual lines upon which people 

' should work, for the lines would differ according to 
individual' capacities and temperaments, but the 
attitude of heart ^ust be according to what he 

This is not a time for cheers. This is a time for 

shedding tears. This is a time for expressing sorrow 

for the irreparAl,e lt>ss which we have sustained by 

the death of Mr. Ookhale. This diamond of India, 

^ S04 



this jewel of Maharashtra, thi^ prinoe of workers, i8> 
taking eteroal rest on the funeral ground. Look at 
him and try to emulate him> Mr- Gokhale has- ^ 
passed away from our mi^at after having satis- 
feictorily performed his duty. Will any of you come 
forward to take bis plaoe ? Like a triumphant hero . 
be is passing away, after haying made his name 
immortal. N^otonly none of you here assembled, but 
no other citizen in all India will be abid to give a 
more satisfactory account in the other world of 
having done his duty to the Motherland- Up to this 
time very few have had the fortune of being able to- 
render an account before God of having honestly 
done his true duty. I knew Mr. Gokhale from his 
youth. He. was not an Inamdar. He was an, 
ordinary and simple man in the beginning; he was 
not a Jaghirdar ; he was not a chief. He was an 
ordinary man like all of us here. He rose to such 
eminence by sheer force of genius, ability and 
work. Mr. Gokhale is passing away from our midst 
but he has left behind him much to emulate. Evexy 
one of you ought to try to place his example before 
your eyes and to fill up the gap ; and if you will try 
your best to emulate him in this way, h^ will feel 
glad, even in the next world. 

D,mi,.=db, Google" 


[The people of the Athani Taluka oj the Belgaum district 
ioak advantage of Lok. Tilak's artival thert^ and presented 
htnt an address enclosed in a beautiful stiver oas}iel. Lok, 
Tilak, in the course of his reply, said] ; — " 

On account of the Arms Act and similar 
measures of repression Indians have become 
foreigners in their own land. The Congress leaders 
moved heaven and earth for the last 30 years and at 
the end of that period they were given a toy of the 
Morley-Minto reforms to pJay With the administra- 
tion. As a result of all this policy of distrust India 
has become a dead weight round the neck of 
England and if she is allowed to remain in this 
state any longer, not only she will be ruined, but 
she will ruin England also along with herself. 
English Statesmen have now begun to realise this 
and they have made up their minds to put a 
new life in the Indians by granting them self- 
f;overnment. This war is not the last. If another 
war becomes necessary and if India is to be able to 
fight for the Empire with all her might, she must 
-first get Self-Govemmcnt within the Empire to Ve 
able to do so. Government, have now fully realised 
the necessity of granting it and at this juncture 
India must stand united and well-organised. Com- 
munal jealousies and caste rivalries are the weak 


Sptteh at Aihani 

points in our armour, but welnust Btreasthen our 
position by slaking all difforenoes amongst ourselves 
and make a united and firm demand. If every caste 
and community were to ask for separate electorate 
and separate representation then theadmiDistrstioa 
would be a chaos. Religion has no place in modern 
polity. In His Highness the Gaikwar's State village 
communities have been established, but there 
separate representation has not been reatoT-ed to. A 
representative must be judged by his merits and not 
fay his caste or creed. Legislative Council is not an 
exhibition of the different castes aud creeds iiT India, 
Communal representation would rake -up old 
jealousies and would sap up the very foundations of 
unity in India. We would be divided by it and 
divided we will fall. This quarrel has not raised its 
head in othet provinces ahdit is rather a misfortune 
that Maharashtra should find a fertile soil for it. 


Freedom was the soulof the HomeRubsmovement. 

The divine instinct of Freedom never aged. 

Circumstances might affect its manifestation on the 

physical plane ; the mbvements for freedom (the 

bodies) might be weakened and m&imed for a time ; 

but ultimately the soul — Freedom — must triumph. 

Freedom is the very life of the individual soul, which 

Vedanta declares to be not separate from Ood but 

• identical with Him. Thus Freedbm was a principle 

that could never perish. It might get darkened 



Lok. Bal Oangadhar Tilak 

up by BOCumulatiotft of moral and intellectuEiI' 
TUBt, Wherever and whenever Freedom was- 
'found thus darkened up, it wsb the duty of the 
leaders to set about [removing the rust and making 
the people realise the glory of It. There were peopfe 
who tried to thwart the Home Rule movement 
by intimidation, by the spreading of falsehoods 
and by other unworthier means. They were only ' 
he>pingtoliiaketheBriti^hadminiBtration 'blackened' 
(hatefuD'in-the eyes of the" people. The movement 
for [Home Kule was being slantlered in some 
quartew. But was not God Himself, the subject of 
slander [with some of his children ? Times were 
propitious for the achievement of our goal. For one 
thing, India's help wasdiscovered to be indispensable. 
The old Vanity that England could keep her Empire 
without the co-operation of India had vanished to 
the winds. This was of good augury. But this alone 
could not give us what we wanted. We must work. 
The more ' affirming ' of Congress resolution on 
Self-Governroent could not go very far. To oar ' we 
affirm ' our Government might reply ' we hear ' — 
and there the matter would rest, unless we went 
beyond affirming and felt to achieving. The pioneer 
deputation oughE to have left India before now. 
Every day's delay was precious time irretrievably 
lost. The present was the time for putting forward 
gigantic .efforts for the attainment of Home Rule 
—they might give'it what name they pleased — in " 
-which lay the onJy solution of our infinite difficulties. 


speech at Poona 


The Poona correspondent of the Sandesh eenda 

■the following report of the Poona meeting. The 

■following is a very touching extract from Mr, Tilak's 

speech which he quotes in the beginning : 

/ shall give up the Home Rule rttovemenl if •foa do not 
come forward to defend your Home, if you want Home 
Rtde be prepared to defend your Home. Had it not Seen 
for my age, I -would have been the first to voluMieer, You 
cannot reasonably say that the ruling will be done 
by you and the fighting ftyr you-by Europeans or 
Japanese, In the matter of Home Defence. Show by 
your act that you are willing to take advantage i^f 
the opportunity offered to you by the Viceroy to 
-enlist in an Indian Citizen Army. When you do this, 
your claim for having the commissioned ranks 
-opened >to you will acquire double weight. 



[A mass meeting to fiive a hearty send off to Mr. THak 
and other members of the Home Hule Deputation mas held' 
in Bombay on the Zlfh March 1918, when Mr. Tildk, whp- 
on rising to speak was received with deafening cheers and 
loud cries of "Vande Mataram" said 1.- — 

I thank you all very sincerely for the honour 
done to me and my party, and for the good wishes 
for our Buccees. The principle of self-determina- 
tion lays down that every nation, every country» 
has to choose the sort of Government they shall 
have, aTid it should precede Self- Government. We 
are determined to have Self-Government in the neax 
future-^at an early date-^and to have a substantial 
instalment to begin with. While the question of 
self-determination for the European Nations and 
the African colonies is discussed, India is excluded. 
President Wilson said [that Ireland should have 
self-determination and our Prime Minister convened 
the Irish convention to draft a scheme of their own, 
but India Without any such declaration, formed a 
scheme of its o^. Mr. Montagu came to India 
and studied on the spot in consultation with the 
members of the Bureaucracy, who were primarily 
opposed to any sort of Selt-Government in this 
country. He is to formulate a scheme and act as 
umpire and'artive at a settlement,, a compromise 
between the two pafties-the people and the Bureau- 
cracy. We want Responsible Government which is 
, 310 

Self-Gfoem rrtent 

agreed to by the Bureaucracy "except in oontieotioQ 
with the steps and time for establishlDg it. The 
chanoes of Mr. Montagu's scheme, I think, though 
I am an optimist, are not so bright, as many people 
imagine them to be. Oui opponents are trying to 
impress 'upon ' the British people that if Self- 
Oove^nment is granted to India the Empire will go 
to ruin and that id the interests of the Empire India 
muet.continue to be governed in a despotte manner. 
A very keen campaign is undertaken by determined 
people to defeat our object. We have to fight two 
parties — the Cabinet who will have to he convinced 
and the Sydenhamitea, who will have to be— (Mr. 
Jinnah suggested — " auppresaed, ") as our Freaideat 
suggests, suppressed. The way is not ao smooth, a» 
some believe. The question to be determined is 
whether if Mr. Montagu'a scheme falls short, th& 
leaders will accept the temptation held out and will 
be prepared to receive aomething shadowy, but 
looking substantial. Some of our leaders might 
advise, our Anglo-Indian friends andi newspapers 
may. We are going to plead before the British 
Democracy the cause of Self-Government for Indi^, 
taking our stand upon the Congress scheme. Stand 
by us not now but two month's after, like men, 
resolute men, against anything less than the scheme. 
There should be no compromise in the matter. 
(Ipplauae). If you accept any compromise, we shall 
be laughed at by the whole wortd. (Cries of Wo, No.) 
The bureaucracy may try to create a split amongst 


Lak. Bal Oangadhar Tilak 

UB. The bureaucracy may say that they have done 
■enough and that given something we should be 
satisfied. I warn you, you will ruiu your couatry if 
you accept any such compromiae. 

America did not enter the war -aimply b^aus^ 
of Oerman Eaiserdom to be substituted by Bureau* 
cratifi Eaiserdom. She did not go to help Englaod 
fiimply because the latter was her mother country 
or to protect England, but to stop despotism in any 
part of the world. I want you to be careful, atteo- 
tive and to act as men — resolute men and to stand 
by the lesolution of the Congress and the Muslim 

[A Ladita' Meeting was held at China Bagh ta bid good' 
bge and wish bon voyage to Mr. B. G. Tilak, Mr. G. S, 
tihaparde, Mr. B. 0. Pal and others. A large number of 
ladies were present at the meeting, representative of the 
different comnruttitie-s. Mrs. Luxmxbai Tricutndaa presided 
and Mrs. Ramdboi IiSorarji Kamdar, Mrs. Sushilabai 
Jayaber, Mrs. Ratanbai Pavri, Mrs. Maganbhen Manekbihen 
Mrs. Airabai Tfita and Mrs. Godavaribai tpoke in eulogistic 
terms of the services j-endeted by Mr. Tilak to the country. 
They hoped that he would return to India after accomptiih- 
4hg his vaork in England. Mr. Tilak in replying said] : — 

T thank you for* wishing me U-od speed. I have 
also to thank yq^ for the meeting you held in the 
year 1908 sympathising with me in my misfortunes, 
as 1 was unable to do so then. In all spheres of 
. activities women arc coming to the forefront and 
;ou have Mrs. Besaat, a woman, who is your leader 



4nall patriotic movements. I* has beea said'by oar 
-enemies that men want Home Rule and women do 
■not; one caste is for Home Rule and another 
•against it, and so on, but this* meeting is proof 
•Itoaitive that they are wrong' This meeting is an 
-engouragement to me, and I will carry your message^ 
-to England. 

Time and tide wait for nonei we will never get 
• such an opportunity for wttich we have been waiting 
'tor BO many years, and we must do our utmost to 
take tt^e fullest advantage of it. We must make 
hay while the sun shines. The work of the ladies 
-encouraging me in my difficult task ia a good 
augury for the success of my work, and it will be of 
, great help to me in England. We must carry the 
' work, which had been handed down to us, by such 
patriots as Dadabhai Naoroji to a success. In all 
parts of the world, and particularly in India, women 
^ave always taken their proper share oi the national 
work and I am not at alt surprised that you have 
^et here to wish me success in my endeavours. 

[A large and enwded meeting was 1^«U at Dana Bund^, 
4n hono'it of the Home t^le Deputation, Mr. Jantnadaa 
iDwarkadas presided. Among those present were ; Messrs. 
S. R, Bomanji, B. G, Horniman^ Laxmidas Tairsee, 
Narayandas Purahotamdas^ Khimjl Hirji Kayani, Mavaii 
^ovindji, Drs. Sathe, Vdkar, X:handuUa Desai, Mr. S, D. 


Lob. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

Navaliar,a»dmany leading grain merchants. Mr Jamnadas 
Dwarkada* rose amidtt cheets and said'\ ; — 

This evening's occasion is specially a unique one, 
as we all have assembled on an occasion, tt^e 
importance of which is even of a special and unique 
nature.' We all have come together to honour, 
listeD and show sympathy for and co-operation with 
the trusted delegates going to England to put oui 
case fo^ Home Bu^Je hefore the British public in 
general ; and the justice-loving, leyel-niinded and 
truth-loving people in particular. 


The work of Mr. Tilak is unstinted from the 
beginning. He is the same, undaunted and cour- 
ageous true son of mother Ind through thick and 
thin not caring for the frowns of the authorities. 
He takes to his national work, as if he is the only ' 
son born of Ind, specially to uplift her. He 
is grossly misunderstood and misrepresented and 
really suffer* for the amelioration of our Mother- 
land. His work • is acknowledged even by his- 
enemies. He is going to England with Mr- Bepia- 
Chandra Pal, the Hon. Mr. Khaparde and Messrs. 
Kelkar and Earandikar as our delegates and 
champions to plead our case on behalf of our 
Motherland. He has the backing of the whole 
nation. We all hope and trust that God's blessings 
will be showering on him and he will come back 
with fresh laurels; and there will be the feather 



of,Swaraiya in his patriotic Cap. We all pray God 
that he will have a speedy bon voyage and he may 
return to our Mother Country with double vigour 
and redoubtable energy. We are carried away by the 
same eentinients aad emotion as when the great 
Rama left Ayodha and went to the forest in- 
seclusion. The nation and his brothers felt for him 
in the same way we feel for Mr. Tilak, As Mr. Tilak 
is going to get Swarajya wa wish him borfvoyagu and 
God speed in !iis w'ork I 


\\1r. Tilak then rose to address amidst deafening cheers 
and said\ ; — 

I am ready to go through all the crucifying ordeals 
of sea-voyage at this critical and stirring times 
to secure Home Rule for myself, for my countrymen 
— the living and the coming generations. I assert 
that thd whole country is atone on this point. A 
note at dissension is raised in some quarters by 
' vested interests. 


We must gird up our loins to face it boldly. They 

have, it is said, collected nearly. Rs. 30,000 to carry 

on the anti-Home Rule agitation. Lord Sydenham- 

'leads this party and is striving every nerve to spread 

. his propaganda. We are here thirty-three crores 

and we must collect money accordingly for our 

cause. I am hopeful that' India is sure to come out 


D,mi,.=db, Cookie 

Lok. Bal Gan»kihar TOak 

triumphaDt in the fnd. God nCade time and 
circumstaQcee favourable to our cause. Death will 
come to any individual sooner or later. No one 
is free from it. Old age is the fittest age to under- 
take this kind of voyage. • 

We will place the real and true state of things 
before the !@ritisb public and Parliament ; and God 
willing we are sure that they (the British public) 
will give a hearty ear to it^ On your confidence, 
,truat aod backbone we (the deputation) took up this 
iresponsiEility and if you give hearty sympathy 
and co-operation we are sure to win. Let Lord 
Sydenham and his party bring obstacles in our 
way; but we must cany on an agttatioti in India 
and not stop unless and until we get what we 
wanted' Nothing short of our demands would satisfy 
'US. This we must show them by our agita||oa and 
I am sure the battle of freedom will he won. > 

D,mi,.=db, Google 


{Mr. Ttl<A in his concluding remarks at ike Second 
Home Rule Con/erence, at Bombay, said] ; — 

Last year I harl to answer certain objections in the 
course of my speech at the Home Rule Conference 
held at Naaik. First I had to tell the objectors that 
the Home Rule .League was not started as a rlvat 
institution to the Indian National Congress but as 
an institution that would help the Congress in carry- 
ing'out its resolutions into effect. At the Lucknow 
Congress I tried my best to get the Congress to 
consent to send a deputation to England, myself 
undertaking to collect money for the purpose, but 
my offer was slighted and a couple of dozen tnlatees 
were appointed to be in charge of the funds of th« 
'Congress. I do not like to blame anybody for what 
then happened in the Congress about ray suggestion. 
Bengal has hitherto done little work in the direc- 
tion of Home Rule, and the United Provinces have 
done less. ,. Some of the Congress leaders have 
expressed their fear that the Home Rule League 
will make the Congress work difficult to be done by 
them. The Home Rulers depend on the purity of 
their conscience in doing their work in spite of 
what people opine as regards their efforts, Mr. 
Montagu may publish his scheme perhaps in 


Loft. Bal Gangadhar Tildk 

England and India Bimultadeouslj, and then the 
Home Rulers will be on their trial. It is po8Bibl.e 
that after that scheme is published, the Bureau- 
CTEcy in India will deceive the people with half a 
loaf. The BureaucrAcy do not want to give the' 
people of India anything, although they echo the 
sentiment of Parliament that responsible govero- 
ment is the goal of the British Go^rnment in this 
country. ■ The Bureaucracy will not give the right 
of self-determination to Indians. They say they, as 
guardlauB of the IndieAi people, will exercise their 
-own judgment in the matter of self-determination. 
Even the ignorant agriculturist in this country- 
new realises what is meant by responsible govem- 
.ment being the goal of the British policy in India. 
Even the agriculturist now knows that the Civil 
'Servant must be under his control. 

The map of the world is being changed in this 
war. India ^nnot take part in this war because 
her BOBS are emaqpulated under the Bureaucratic 
policy. I use the expressioD ' emasculated ' because 
the late Sir Pherozeshah Mehta used it before. 
^Nevertheless India* wants to take credit in saving 
the Empire. No one can now save the Bureau- 
cracy from the consequences of its policy of emascu- 
lating the people of this country. It is a great 
humiliation for the^ Empire that at this crisis 
it has to appeal to Ja|>an and America, 


Second Home Rule Conference 

■when it can have availed , itself of the crores of 
Indian subjects, if they were trained for military 
purposes. Now that the world's history ia being 
changed India must be strengthened in order to 
strengthen the Empire. The whole constitution of 
India requires to 4)e -modiSed- Substantial righti 
must be given to the Indian people. Mr. Montagu 
<)ame here not on account of the cries of the Ooa- 
gress, but because he was a statesman," who saw 
danger ahead in India from the changed circumstance 
in the world's history. In England they havestates- 
inen and in India we have talkers. The people of 
India should be up and doing and not allow Mr. 
Montagu to go to England and say he managed the 
"thing successfully though he may not have done 
anything. Mr. Montagu should not be allowed to go- 
to England and say there that the Indian people are 
BO foolish that he could cleverly manage to delude 
them. After Mr. Montagu's scheme is published 
'there will be a special Congress here. Indians should 
now speak fearlessly, because the days of repression 
Are gone. The realisation of the people of Indian's 
hope for self-government is within a measurable 
distance. The faith which the deputation has la 
obtaining Home Rule will take u» safe to England 
and enable us to overcome all obstaolesi . 

D,mi,.=db, Google 


[In response to Mrs. Besant's invitations to meet Lok^^ 
Tilak and Deputation at a Dinner party in Blavat^ty 
Gardens, many were present. TeMea were laid out under 
the banyan Jree which was illuminated with eleclrio lights, 
and the whale scene looi^d like a fairy land. Mrs. Besant 
presided at the middle of the long table. The first toast' 
proposed by Mrs. Besant was as usual that of the " King- 
Emperor " (ind it was drunk in the usual manner, 

Mrs. Besant next proposed the toast of " Lok, TUak and' 
the Deputation " and in doing so said: We alt know that 
t>(A. Tilah and the other Members of the Deputation are 
going to Great Britain to plead the cause of India, to assert 
fier place in the Empire, and to address themsilvea espeoi- 
• ally to the democracy of Great Britain in order to win 
their assent >o the Statute which we hope wilt soon be 
pasted. I do not propose to stand between you and our 
guests. I wilt only ask all of you to drink to their health and 
to wish them a hearty success, airrying on your wishes for 
them while they are*away until they return among^ us, 
and 1 join with the toast the n^mes of Lok. Tilak, the Hon. 
Mr. Khaparde and Mr. Bepin Chandra Pal. 

Mr. rilaft. in reply, said]:— 

I tbaDk you, Mft. Besant, for the honour yoa ' 
have done me and for iDoludii^; my name in the 


Indian Deputation at Madras 

toast. It has been said that ^re are going outside' 
India to plead the cause of India. Our going outside- 
ie necessary at this moment for various reasons. 
I^ has been asked wby we should go out of Ipdta. 
In fact. I w^a one of those who thought about ten 
years ago that by going out of India to plead the 
oause of India so much cannot be done as by agit- 
ating in India. That w^s my opinion and I dare 
iay possibly some people may quote it igainst me 
even now — tbey bave long memories. But times. 
have changed and a man who does not change bis 
opinion with the times is sure' to be deceived. 
Things whinh were seditious onoe have ceased to be- 
seditious. The Empire and the Parliament have 
learnt what the value of tndia is at present. The 
administration of the bureaucracy was to a certain 
eztentr glittering in the view, but 'all that glitters is 
not gold, and it has been found out now that 
whatever be the appearance of the bureauoratio 
administfation, it carries under it the seeds of 
decay. Bureaucratic administration was good. It 
made railways, it made telegraphs, it made post 
offices, and so on and so on, and then imports and 
exports were increased, but all that brought about 
the emasculation of this country, and this was not 
- brought to the notice of the British democracy. And 
that fact has now been brought to the notice of the 
British democracy, for they wanted men to fight 
the battles of the Empire and hx>ked to Injdia, but 
found that the Indian Government was not ready^ 
. 381 


l^ Bat Oangt'dhar TiUk 

and was unable to eupply the neoeeaary man-power, 
although there were thirty crores of people. The 
people too are willing to work and fight for the 
Empire. In spite of their willingniess and in spite 
of their sumbers, it is now found necessary tb 
appeal to other Nations for help. What is it due 
to ? I say that it is due entirely to the bureaucratic 
administration of the country, the object of which 
was the Iteeping of the Nation emasculated with 
a view to carry on the whole administration of the 
country with a few hundreds or thousands of 
^sotdiere, and that India should be kept under 
military subjection with the aid of the Britieh 
naval and military power. The Parliament and the 
British people know that but for this bareancratic 
administration during the last 100 or 120 years, they 
-would have been in a position to command a much - 
larger man-power than hitherto from India. So 
long SB this fact is known, and so long as the 
impoi^tance of it is realised, it is our time and 
opportunity to wortc for our right. It is this fact 
that has not been properly noticed even in Indian 
papers and much less in Anglo-Indian papers, 
'because it is not their business to notice it. The 
fact is, however,* there. But this is exactly the 
time when we should put forward our demand, not 
in our own interests but in the interests of the 
Empire. Tou will be heard. I am confident that 
we shall be heard. * (Hear, hear). The case is ready. - 
The circumstances are such. These circumstances 


Indian Deputation at Madrat 

id\d not exist ten years ago, bi^ now is the time, and 
you must strike while the iion is hot. It is our 
faith. After we go there we hope we shall succeed. 

' This is the best time to urge our claim, not merely 
on the ground of liberty, not merely oa the ground 
of right- No doubt I said that Home Bule is our 
birthright, but birthrights are not always recognised 
and you must work for them. This is the time 
when we can work with much profit tq ourselvey. 
Men to whom we go must realise the need them- 
selves, and then when we press our claim, there 
is the greatest chance of our prayers, requests or 
entreaties being heard. That is one reason why our 
Home Rule League is also sending a deputation. 
Much has been said that these are times;of danger 
that there are dangers above the surface of water 
and below the surface of water. But when time 
com^ for work it is for us to stick to that work 
and not leave* it whatever the difficulties are. 
Dangers there are, and where do you find a place 
free from dangers 1 Do you mean to aay that there 
is no danger where I am now s^ndid^ ? No one 
knows when the danger will oooie. But I hope 
that with your good wishes, with the blessings of 
Providence, we shall succeed in Ihis mission and we 
must succeed. That is our faith, that is our firm 
conviction. We are. carrying with us ^s I said, 
not our own fortune but the fortune of the whole of 
India (Cheers), and* when we* carry with us that 

' fortuna we must feel sure that the case is so strong 


Leh. Bal Gangadhar Tttak 

based on Earma that whatever our individual 
difficalties ma; be, whatever the difficulties in the 
way may be, Providence is , with you. and you arp 
bound to succeed, or as the Shastras say PaA> 
Dharm<^thato Jayah. We shall do all thfit we can to 
attain success, but I may assure you that if We 
succeed in the end, much depends upon your good 
wishes, your work here, your sympathy with U8, and 
your unfliHching support. We are going as your 
spokesmen. We are riot going for ourselves. We are 
going for the country. We know what dangers there 
are on t)}e way, and yet feel that there is a certain 
call from Providence, from higher sources, and we 
cannot resist the temptation of responding to the 
call. } cannot resist. I feel I must go, and so also 
my colleagues think. We are going on a mission 
of Dharma. We are going on a mission which 
involves the fortunes of the whole of India, and 
there ought to be no hesitation about it. There is 
a story that whea Csesar was going from Italy to 
Qreeoe in a s^ip, there was a storm on the way, and 
then the sailors refused to carry.him farther. Csssar 
threw off the mask, and addressed the sailors and 
said: "You are not carrying your fortunes with> 
you, but you are csftrrying Cfflsar and his fortunes- 
witb you." After these words, the sailors carried' 
him to Greece and he succeeded in his plan. Such- 
is the case at present. This is not the place to go- 
into full details to explain what is in my mind and 
In the minds of my colleagues, and t may toll you 


Indian Deputation at Madras 

once ^for all that for success in our efforts we 
depend upon your sympathy and upon your support. 
SS stick to what you have asked for till now. 
Without that, force behind us it is impossible for 
us to do anything. We hope that we shat) derive 
inspiration, support and strength from that force, 
.and we ask you all to lend us your support as 
you have been doing hitherto, I thank Jou again 
. for your good wiahes and pray Providence, that is 
working behind us, in front of us, or as the Oita 
says, on all sides of us, will not fail us, and that if 
we show sufficient courage, sufSoient determmation 
then we are bound to succeed by the grace of Ood, 

D,mi,.=db, Google 



[In rephing lo the Presentation tff Addresses gfven by 
the Mahrattfls and Andhras of Madras, Lokamaitya Bat 
Gangadhar TUak said\ :— 

M^ Aodhra and Mahratta Friends : 

I joii^ my Mahratts and Andhra friends together 
foT this leasbn. Tbe principles of administration 
whicl) were followed by Mahratta Government 
were as you are all aware borrowed from the 
Andhra Government at Vijiyanagar. , So we 
Mahrattas owe something to you Andhras. Those 
principles were eventually copied by Shivaji and 
his administrators. So there is that link which still 
exists and I find in the two addresses presented to 
me a similar combination. That combination still 
exists and^ sbi^uld say is still working. Though 
the languages may be different, the one is Dravidian 
and the other Maharatta, the hearts are one. Both 
of us, I believe, are actuated by the same feelings 
for that subordinate naturality which goes to make 
np the whole I^ation. I am one of those who hold 
that the development of fndia will be much facili- 
tated if v^maculaiis are developed and if provinces , 
are redistributed according to language. I expressed 
that sentiment and opinion long ago, long before tbe- 


Rei^y to the addreaea of tht Mahraltoi and Andhrasi 

^Andbra ligitatiOQ commenced. We caa appeal to 
OUT people better through vernaculars, than in 
'^glish* English can never become the language of 
Mie maBaeH. We must appeal to them through their 
'own remdoulars, and this has been one of the chief 
objects of my life, and tell you once for alt why X 
devoted more attention to the Kesart than to 
English papers. It appeals to tbem more- Can a 
foreign language be the language of this country ¥ 
English may bej^om.e a lingua franca which will 
connect different parts of India which are developing 
themselves. That is my' view and I hjve ever 
supported that view in my papers and speeches. So 
yoa need not have any doubt as regards the senti- 
ments expressed here. India can only be something 
like the United States, small States ail over Indis; 
each State having a language of its own, all united 
together by one common language. But then it is 
impossible for us to give up our vernaculars and 
you can never wipe out all vernaculars and 
make substitutes for them. When Home Bule 
comes all these provinces are lively 'k> be divided. 
Now the question is whether we should put this 
question in front of the question of Home Rule. I 
should like to place Home Bule^io front. If you go 
and consult the bureaucracy, they say : " We give 
you the redistribution of Provinces and not Home 
Rule." For it would increase posts of Lieutenant- 
Grovernors and Qovemors' What we say is : " Grant 
us Home Bule and we shall look to all these 


Lok. Btd Gangadhar Tilak 

inatterB." I do not want to put this question in the 
%ack ground, for it is safer to ask for Home Rule as 
it is more oomprehensive. Do not pre88 just now/ 
for redistribution of the Provinces. It will come ii* 
its own time and the development of vernaculars' 
also will come in its own time. All those follow if 
once Home Rule is granted. Our agitation and our 
efforts must therefore at present be directed for 
seouring H«me Rule for India- Speaking in this 
hall which bore the name of my.friend Mr. Gokhale, 
I may remind you that when he went tb England 
ten yearf ago to fight for you, he wanteft to get 
Home Rule but the limitation and the time were 
not favourable. It is plainly told in Lord'Morley's 
reminiscences that Home Rule for India was aimed 
at. Lord Morley said that was impossible and India 
must be content with association with adminis- 
trators and not participation in administration. Yon 
must clearly understand his distinction between 
aasocifttion and participation. The English language 
is wide enough to ezp^ess all these shades add 
differences. ' , 

At that time the idea which was preached was 
association. And Lord Mortey by his reforms 
sought to associate Indians with the real adminis- 
trators, the bureaucratic administrators of the land. 
That was all that could be done at that time. The 
times have changed since and the Government have 
recognised that the goal of British administratioit 
should be Responsible Government for India. Nov 


k^ Raply to the addrSses of the Maharattas and Andhraa 

^Hiere is ccreater latitude to warfe up our ideal. We 
go under more favourable ciroumatauces and it is 
\uite possible now to realise that ideal, though Lord 
^orley did not see it at that time and said that as 
far as be could eee, within the range of his vision 
be could not conceive of Home Rule for India- 
What was impossible ten years ago became 
possible now. We are going in that change of 
atmosphere, change of opinion and Change of 
cifcumstances, in fact wheu everything was 
changed. I am confident that if we are now ^oing 
with determination, it is not impossible £or us to 
obtain Home Rule, We are working in changed 
times and altered circumstances. Mr. Ookhale did 
his best and let us do our best. We are going with 
determination to Sght. The ideal has been worked 
up, and bometbiag must be done that we may 
get some participation which will lead to the 
ultimate goal of Responsible Self-Government, 
that was promised by the Secretary of State and the 
Viceroy. So what instalment are we to sat ? The 
minimum is the reforms we asked for. and the 
maximum is Responsible Self-OoverhmeHt. What 
you get depends upon your exertions. They are 
bound to go beyond what Lord' Morley said and 
they have recognised this in course of time. Now 
all depends upon your initiative and your exertions 
If you stick to your ideal, the Congress-League 
' ^Sobe'bie, then you are bound to^et it. If you allow 
yourselves to be taken away from year goal by 

I ■ D,ml,.=dVCt.)(.)nlc 

Lck. Btd Gangiulhar*tilak j 

allurements, I dare sa^ it will be your own fault^''^ 
You will be told that now you get as. 2 and then 
as. 6 and that in 20 years you will get ttie ful/ 
rupee. Ho, yon should insist upon the Congress^ 
League Scheme as the first instalment. You know' 
that you are working for the Empire. The present 
oondltions in India must be changed ; the character 
of the bureaucratic administration requires to be 
changed. In the interests of the Empire wr must 
see that we have enough power in our hands *to- 
change the character of the bureaucracy. Let u» 
have fuK power to change the policy and character 
of the bureaucratic administration and once that 
character is changed, in TO or 15 years, India would , 
be as great as Japan. And the English statesmen 
and the Empire will then have no need to trust 
Japan ; they can trust India. If they trust India, i 
India shall be equal to all the Asiatic nations put 
together, including Japan. That is our ideal. We 
are now trying to obtain that power over the 
administration of the country, financial oodtrol, 
control of tbe Executive, and sufScient majorities 
in the Legislative Councils. These- three things 
sohieved, everything will follow. They are tbe 
master-key. So j^our demand should now be for 
the Congress Le^ue Scheme. You must not accept 
lees. If you accept anything less, ynu will in a 
great degree not only^baroper the progress of but 
ruin the country. *We shall be insisting upon the - 
Congress-League Scheme. What will he your 


Refly to tha addresses of the Mafirattaa and Andhtat 

imand ? Do you eay that* you are prepared to 
V accept less while we are fighting for the Bcbeme ? 
The Congress has formulated it, the Muslim League 
jbas formulated it, the Home Rule League has 
formulated it, and we of the deputation have taken 
^at as the basis of our work. If you say you 
accept less, you take away the foundations. 
Rerae mber that if you support ua with your deter- 
mination, that if you are not prepare to accept 
anything less, you will enable us to return to India 
with success. We go relying not on our strength 
or eEfortSi but, we rely upon the wishes of Bfovidence- 
which are favourable to us.- It is no question of 
age, it ia no question of infirmity. We have a call 
from above. We are simply obeying thai call 
whatever infirmities are. I have no doubt, I am 
perfectly confident that in following that call w» 
are obeying the call of Providence, and Providence- 
ie graciously pleased to lead us to success. (Loud' 
and continued cheera). 

D,mi,.=db, Google 


'[TA« members of the Mahajana Sabah, tka Madraay 

..Provincial Congrest Committee, the Home RuielMigue, 

■ the Madras Presidenoy Association and the Andhra Pe6plea\ 
Asscciation presented a joint uddress of welcome to Lok. 
Bal Gangfldhar Tilah—aJiearty and sincere vietisome — otf 
his^arrival at Madras. Mr. TilaJt, in reply, said] : — 

I thank you cordially for the honour you have 
done me aitd the other members of the Deputation 
in welcoming us here and in presenting an address 
which has been signed by almost all the representa- 
tive bodiss in this city. {A. friend here suggests 
" all " rep resentatiTB bodies.) My knowledge of the 
place is so scanty that I saved myself by introducing 
the qualification "almost all " but I am prepared to 
accept the amendment moved by my friend, and 
I thank you all the more because all the representa- 
tive bodies of this Presidency have given us their 
blesaing and good wishes for the cause which is the 

' cause of us all, the success of which we have all at 
heart' As observed by the venerable Chairman, 
there is one thing w4iich I wish to communicate to 
you at this moment. No one now requires to be 
told what Home Bule means. I can safely drop 
tbattjuestion. The only question is how Home Rule 
ie to be fought out. The Government of India 'and 
the Secretary of State have both declared from their 
respective places, the one in Parliament and the 
other through the Gazette of India, that Responsible 

'Government or Home Rule shall be the goal of 


Home Rule 

itish administration in India. The King, the- 
LCabinet, the Goveraor-General and the Secretary • 
of State ate all agreed that it is proper and legal 
*Jor you to ask for Responsihie Government, and, 
secondly, that it ought to be the goal of the British 
administration in India, hut the statement is not 
as complete as we want it to be. We are told that 
this Eosponsible Government will be granted to 
you by steps which will be decided by thb Bureau- 
cracy and not by us. That is not the doctrine of ' 
Belf-determination of which they talk so much in 
Great Britain. The steps are to be determined by 
us and not by the present "fiureauoratic adminis- 
trators. Self-determination means that one must 
fix upon these steps, that we must fix upon the time 
limit and that the matter should not be left to 
the sweet discretion of bureaucracy which after 
ISO years of rule have now just come to see what 
the goal of their administration should be. They 
worked in utter darkness till novr groping in 
the way, and when the War brokg out, and 
when it was found that the Empire was in a danger 
they began to see what the goal of their 
administration ought to be. We do not want to 
quarrel with them for that. The* goal is there and 
it is no longer seditious to say that we want Home- 
Rule and that Home Rule is our birthright. We 
are going to England to tell the British Democracy 
plainly that the question as to*wha£ the first step 
should be and what the time of granting full 

J . ,.,Gt.)onlc 

Lok. Sal Gangftdhar Tilak 

Jtrfeponsible Goveranjent should be is no longer^>r" 
-questioii on which bureaucratic opinion can be 
tolerated for a moment. We do npt want th«' 
British Democracy to decide how they should act 
43 an umpire between Ihe^Bnreaucraoy and our- 
eelves. We are going to England for the purpose of 
convincing the British Democracy that the grant of 
Responsible Government is the necessity of the hour. 
It is no longer a question of benevolent generosity 
-or favour. That was the position ten years ago. 
Mow the position is entirely changed' Besponsiblci 
Oovemjnent has now become the necessity of the 
hour, the necessity of the Empire, and, T say, the 
safety of the Empire. We are going to England for 
the purpose of convincing the British Democracy 
that if Home Rule is not granted to .India the 
JSmpire is in danger of being one day crippled. Yob 
All know what the situation is in Asia. India stands 
alone. Russian influence in Asia is dominated by 
German influence. Turkey is under the influence 
-of Germany, Japan has the goal of self-aggrandise- 
ment Indfa caqnot hereafter be defended by the 
.naval and military forces of Great Britain, naval 
forces for reasons you all know, military forces, 
-simply because there a^e none. If India is to be 
defended in the interests of the Empire, India must 
Jbe trained to defend herself. Look at the world 
map — India surrounded by China and Japan on one 
%8lde, with Siberia, ron one side, with two Asiatic . 
Turkeys under German influeaoe, with Russia 




broken up into rival parties. • Supposing you have 
to defend India against a combination inspired from 
Germany, what will you do ? {A cry " we will 
"Viglit.") I will tell you what my answer is. They 
say that they will not trust India. They^wlll trust 
■Japan and any other people on the surface of the 
earth but India. 'The work of the Deputation is to 
coQTinoe the Brijiish Democracy that the gravity of 
the Bitiiation — as the Chairman remarked, the centre 
«f gravity— lies in India and not in Sngland. It is 
here that the solution is to be found and not in 
America anf Japan. The map of the world in changed 
and if we do not take the advantage of these circuoir 
etances which are providential, we do not deserve 
to be called citizens, we do not deserve to be called 
men. Times do not change for you. Time and tide 
w^ for no man and you have to run with them. If 
ytm fail to take advantage of the time and circum- 
«tatices, you fail in the important duties of oitizea- 
«hip. Providence is favourable to you. Why ? 
Because the whole world is changed and it is 
impossible that there could not be a changctk When 
the world is changed, if you propose to remain 
stationary, possibly you will be wiped of speedily. 
You must move along with the times. Wh^t is 
necessary at present is to make the British people 
realise. the position. We are not going to appeal to . 
their generosity, and nothing could be gained by 
that procedure. We must mdke them realise that 
unless they are prepared to r&ise India, they mast 

Lok. Bal Qangadhar TOdk. 

be prepared to lose India. If India remains statio'''^^- 
nary, Bhe'will be a dead-weight round thefneok of .' / 
■ the Empire and there ia a danger of both India and^ . 
the Empire going to the bottom. That js the situa-^^ 
tion which I wish to point out to the British public. 
It is not a situation of our making. Providence has 
brought it about and, as Mr, Pal has said, Provid- 
ence has been working for us all over the whole 
world. Prdtidence is working in your own interest. 
If you have not the ears to hear or the hands to 
work in consonance with the spirit that is running 
abroad, t dare say every independent %nd. civilised 
nation in the world will pass their judgment upon 
you and that judgment will be against you. Are you 
prepared to face it? {Cries of No.) A.fter all I am I 
but one individual. Whatever I may hold or what- . 
ever I may think will count as the judgment of^ne- 
man. I appeal to you to think of the situation, fllm 
going to say in England that Home Rule for India 
is a question of necessity of the hou; and that it | 
must be realised. That is the decisive attitude j 
which must'e taken, whioh must be utilised, which j 
must be exploited to its utmost. We want your full 
support in that work, We are going to represent 
the cause of Home flule through the British Demo- 
cracy as a matter of necessity. We have fixed our 
demand. You know what happened in the case of 
* Ireland. I'he British ministers and Cabinet asked 
the Irish people to meet in a Convention and to 
settle their demands. We are a bit shrewd people- 


Home R«te 

■We thought that such a demand would bemade. We 
"^v anticipated it and mot in the Congress and Muslim 

'« • '^League and 'we have fixed upon the minimum which 
^"^^ught to be conceded to us at once. AH that remains 
is if the British Ministry wishes to treat us on the 
Bame footing as they treated the Irish, what we say 
is, here is our dema'bd, settled at a Convention of 
the Congress and the Muslim League and no more 
Convention is necessary, therefore, extei^d to us the 
same liberty that you have given to Ireland and 
carry it through the Parliament. Nd second refer- 
ence is necessary. We have our demand ready 
made. What is that demand ? Wa ask for iomplete- 
Home Rule within a measurable time. Both of us 
have agreed happily on that, though the words 
" within a measurable time" are susceptible of being 
interpreted in different- ways according to the . 
interests of each party. We have fixed upon the first 
stage or the first step towards Home Rule and that 
step is that we want financial control. Let me 
enumerate the principled invol^d in that. We 
must have the control of the purse, '^p must have 
control over the tixecutive. The £]zecutive must be 
prepared to carry out what the L^islature resolves. 
The Executive must be the servants of the Legisla- 
ture. Our second demand is that there should be 

* substantial majority of elected members in th& 

Legislative Council. There are minor demauda with 

regard to administration in th^Frovinces and so on> 

An attempt will be made — I say it from the know- 



.^Cooylc . 

Lok. Bal Ganga^har TUak 

ledge ot Bureaucraojr — to tempt you to give up a ' 
.part c^ 70ur demands' There is no other alteroative f 
for the Bureaucracy; They have to acbept the goaK' 
-which has heen published all over through thfT 
Oazette of India. We know where we are. Betweei 
,Minto~MorIey Reforms and complete Responsible 
■GovemmeDt the Bureaucracy wants small instal- 
ments to be 6zed at their discretion. That would 
not do. W^ say that we are even prepared to accept 
reforms in instalments but we Bay that the first 
iSBtalment should be substantial and should be 
what we have asked for in the Congress-League 
Scheme, and that after the payment of the first 
instalment, the instalments that are to follow should 
be distributed over as small a number of years as 
possible. We ask for the control of the purse, con- 
trol over the Executive and a substantial majority in 
the Legislative Councils. Without these reforms no 
improvement in the state of the country will be 
brought about We do not want IrJome Rule ao that 
we may get a fefr more Government posts, nor is it 
that we should associate with the Bureaucracy in 
their costly administrations. We say that the 
Empire is in danger and that we are willing to save 
the Empire. We ^ant Home Rule in order that we 
may be better qualified to render that assistance to 
the Empire within ten or fifteen years to come. We 
are anxious to serve the Empire, we' are anxious to 
be a living member,^a self-dependent member of the 
Empire like the other parts of the Empire. Let us 


Home Rule 

' 'havs sufficient power that would enable us to achieve 
^S^this goal within aa short a time as^possible. Japan 
. /became a , nation within a comparatively short 
^* -:T0riod. We hope that if we are granted the power 
and the right that we- ask for, the first instalment 
that we ask for wi!l convert India from a dead- 
weight into a self-dependent unit of the Empire. ■ 
■Our object is imperial and with that object in view, 
■we press that the Congress demand is tbe,niinimum 
demand that we malte. Mind that we are not 
extravagant. The caution- that was necessary to be 
used and perhaps mora than necessary to be used 
has been set aside and this demand has been fixed 
with the consent of Hindus and Muhammadans of 
all shades of political opinion. That is a compro- 
mise that we have arrived at. If after biddii^ 
farewell to us, after allowing us to work in England 
for some time, you chunge your'mind, imagine what 
the consequences would be. It will be a great error, 
also a disaster, to send us to England and then 
change your mind behind our back. You had better 
not send^us to England at all if you &je lilcelyto 
change your mind. I wish to take the 
verdict from you before we are going to England. 
If you will be content with Iess,wh6n temptations 
are put before you and when Bureaucracy say 
that you will ruin your path unless you accept leas 
— they will try to throw the responsibility of the 
failure on you -it is a very spacious argument, an 
argument that is likely to appeal to people who have 

j D,mi,.=db,Cooglt' 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Titak 

Bomething else in vi^w, be firm at that time. If you 
really want us to' go to England and plead the causey 
of the country, we expect full and unstinted support^ 
from you all (Cheers). If you have no mind to stic'f 
to the programme you have made, please let us 
know about it and we" shall know bow to act. Other- 
wise we are going to take the Congress Scheme as 
the basis of our demand. The Congress Scheme 
excludes the military and foreign affairs but in the 
case of military matters the Congress Sfiheine 
demands that the Government of India should make 
« declaration as regards its future policy. We do 
not ask for control over military eiffairs because th& 
bureaucracy would suspect that we have some 
ulterior motive. We still want a definite declaration 
as to future military policy- We want volunteering I 
to be allowed and nfilitary colleges to be opened. In i 
the military matter, it is impossible to utilise the I 
man-power of India without the full consent of the i 
people of India and their full consent to support the j 
Empire. Who can expect any people on the surface i 
of the earth to fi^ht for a country unless ftie fighter I 
hopes that be will improve his material position in 
this world ? The Bhagavnd Oita has beautifully 
expressed that if you die on a battle-field there are 
gates of heaven open to you- The bureaucracy has 
refused encouragement to volunteering. There are 
thousands in this meeting who would declare their 
willingness to voluhteer, who are prepared to de- 
fend their country as the <<olonie6 have done- I see 


Home Rule 

-a number of young peqple before me who would 
'^ come forward with the greatest satisfaotioa if the 
Qoverfimeat of India declares their military policy 
l>n)orrow. I do not know from what portioa 
of the Empire they can find msa-power aa much 
as from India. You will be told that the Govern- 
ment of India ia very liberal and that it we accept 
Responsible Goyernment aa the goal , of British 
administration in India everything else nill follow. 
X say, Noi I say that ihe first instalment ought to 
be suoh as would make us qualify within 10 or 15 
years to take part in the. defence of our ^mpire. 
The Anglo-Indian ABaociatiou and Lord Sydenham 
are saying that India is unfit for Home Rule, 
that Indian women are not yet liberated, that the 
caste system is widely prevalent, that Indians have 
not changed their colour and that therefore Home 
Rule should not be granted. I do not think that 
there is any chance of this argument being heard 
hy the democracy. We must be there on the 
spot. We must be able to say what are the 
essential conditions necessary ,to grant Home 
Rule to India. Have we prevented Government 
from introducing free and compulsory education 
among the masses ? If the masses are uneducated 
it is not our fault. There are said to be diffi- 
culties in the way of finding funds for educational 
purposes but funds are easily found for other 
- purposes such as the grant of Exchange Compensa- 
tion to Civiliana akd others. We want authority to 

• , ' ,.,Ct.)onlc 

LoA. Qgfl Gangadhar Tffak 

abolish tbe bureauct-atio policy of administratioc 
and we want the whole policy to be changed and the^ 
character of the administration to be converted from, 
bureaucratic to reeponsible power. Let ua have yoy^ 
full support, your full sympathy and let ue have a 
continued agitation even more than desirable, for in 
Buch a matter excess is not to be condemned. £ven 
more than now "keep on your agitatioA. Let us 
hear tfae'echoes of your agitation in 'England- 
Kotfaing can be more cheering to us than those 
echoes. I promise on behalf of the deputation 
that wft shall do our best to carry out the object 
upon whitih we go there, not far ourselves but for 
the country. We are going there in obedience to a 
call from Providence, from a higher power — an 
inspiration which we cannot resist. We go in spite 
of bad health and other circumstances^ It is a mis- 
sion from God, a mission from above, and if we are 
determined to follow it up with all your power and 
sympathy, there will be enough energy given to us 
to carry it out We feel that times are changed, we 
feel that it is the*will of God to grant Home Bule 
to India. We possess confidence, that Providence 
which inspired us' in the past, will give ijs the 
necessary strength to carry that impulse safely 
through. I again thank you for the honour you have 
done to US (Loud Cheers.) 




[Before a crowded audience, Lok. Tilahtnade a speeiih on 
the 2\ia April. \'i\&, at GowriV Has compound on "The 
Present Silualion." Mrs. Annie Besanl presided. Loka- 
manya Tilak who wat received with deafening cheers, 
said] : — • 

Cfaairmaa, Sir SubramaDyam and QflnUemen : — 
You have been already told that whatever conclu- 
sions may be formed to-day are likely to 1)b upset 
by the events of to-morrow. So with thi^ qualifica-* 
tioQ first commanioated to you I wish to proceed 
with the subject. It is an important limitation, for 
events come one after another so abruptly without 
notice that I oanpot Fay that what I tell you to-day 
will be repeated by me to-morrow. Yet there are 
certain things which we can see through the number 
of documents that have been furnished by Govern- 
ment recently. When I spoke last here, about three 
weeks ago, I told you that I waaigoin^ to tell thfi- 
British Democracy that India must be granted 
Home Rule as a War measure, apart from the 
question of fitness, apart froia the question of 
justice, apart from the question of grace, apart from 
the questi<Hi of costentmeint. Home Rule to India was 
necessary as a War-measure if the Empire was to 
be saved. Some papers here took objection to that. 
I am glad to say that what I h^ve said has been 
348 ^ 

r,.i... ,.,Gt.)oylc 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilah ^ 

borne out. Home' Ruie has been granted to Ireland . 
as 8 War-measure, a War-meaaure under theneces- j 
8ity of psyuhological principle, backed yp by the^^ 
pressure from America. Ireland mAst be graDte<7^ 
Home Rule. Why V Because, first, Irish youths 
must be made to feel that they were fighting for 
their country, for a principle which is not denied io 
them at home. That is one reason given. _ADd it is 
a sound do'btrine. Another reason is that it is the 
desire of President Wilson. Possibly it means 
that America is not going to take part in this War, 
unless t^e Americans are sure, that this War is for 
establishing liberty and freedom all over the world 
(cheers). The interest of America is not in the 
protests of peoples, whether it be Germans or 
Anglo-Saxons. The American Government are 
interested in the War and are prepared to help 
Sngland and her friends, if ultimately the principles 
of liberty are to triumph and are to be established 
all the world over, irrespective of colour or conti- 
nent. That seems to be the reason why America 
has gi^en itBheIp4>ut notoertainly to defeod Anglo- 
Saxon despotism. For these two reasons Ireland 
will be granted Home Rule immediately. 

As regards the 'situation here created by the 
War, I must say a few words. It is very clearly 
acknowledged that the situation is critioa). On the 
Western side the eit^uation. is very critical and is 
getting more and mof*e critical every day and every 
hour. It is said that if Germans succeed in 
, 3M ■ 

D,mi,.=db, Cookie 

The Present SituattoH 

aonihilatiag tbe British army duriog the. next two 
or three months before A-merica caa some to their 
help, the situatioa will be Iwpeless. England ^ad 
her friends beliere that that cannot- be crushed 
during that time. They will bold their own.-^ It is 
not a question of conquest but a question of holding 
their own till America reinforcements come in 
and go, together with the man-power of America 
and of Ireland, to succeed in stemfliing baolc 
German Militarism. The situation in the Bast is 
this. The whole of Asia is now open to German 
invasion. The Pan-Islsmic League, aad.Turkey, 
the Asiatic Turkestan, Persia and all these 
countries have been brought under the German 
iufluenoe by the parceilii^ of the Russian Empire 
into three or four different compartments, all uader 
Germany. It is quite possible for Germany through 
some agency to approach the North-Westem 
frontier in s week at best. (A voice " God forbid.") 
Certainly, but the situation ia to be gauged whether 
God forbids it or not, and unless you are prepared 
fo face it, I do not think, God will ccAne to yout 
help. It must be thought of, taken into sonsider- 
ation and provided for. That is tbe business 
of the statesman. When he has'done that, you oaa 
rely upon Providence. So there is double dangeri 
As regards the danger in the West, oue provisioa 
made is tbe application of conscription of Ireland; 
That cannot be done uolese the Irish youths acq 
made to feel that>they are %hting for a priaoipl^ 
Hi \ 


Lnk. Bal Ganga^ar Tilak t 

which is not denied tcfthem Iq their own land. That ^ 
has been admitted, and they hope to apply ooasorip- / 
tion to Ireland, even if the Allies are unwilling^^^>* 
England has done all that it oould to satisfy Ireland. 
That iB what the Prime Minister has said : We hftve: 
done what we could and now we are >not afraid to- 
apply the law of conscription. In that way they 
hope to get millions of men, and America says it 
can give five to seven or ten millions of them in two- 
years. Ireland can give some, if conscription is 
applied. So is the War situation. But we are not 
concern^ with the whole of it at present. 

We are concerned with the Asiatic situation. 
Kow w)iat is the Prime Minister's message ? The- 
first docnment says that this tide of 0-erman mili- 
tarism must be stemmed in the West, hut being 
stemmed in the West, it may find a way into the 
East — those are not my words — and it will b« I 
necessary for Indians to guard their Motherland ', 
against any such expected or anticipated danger in 
future. That is the appeal made to us by the Vice- 
roy, Are you prepared to defend your Motherland, 
and upon the terms the Viceroy asked you, that yon- 
ought to be preps red ? If not, you will be forced to 
prepare without even the psyohologioal considera- 
tion shown in the case of Ireland. I want you to 
read the three documents carefully. One document 
explains why the deputation, is stopped, the second 
is the Premier's mfieaage and the third is the- * 
Viceroy's declaration about the Delhi Conferenoe. 


The Present SUuaiiott 


Taking all these together, we can read between 
them a certain plan which Beeois to be settled and 
which is being carried out bit by bit. Go'yernment 
have not given out, yet fully, what they propose to- 
do and I do not blame the Government for it, but it 
is always that they carry on these plans by stages. 
They have done so. But any man c^n read for 
himself. If he reads between.the lines he can very 
easily so©, that stopping the deputation is the first 
scene in the drama which is being enacted. Itwaa 
not an isolated act. When the passports were 
^t'anted to us the policy was under consideration 
it was not settled. Correspondtnce was then going 
on between the Viceroy, the Secretary of State and 
the War Cabinet. By the time we were ready, the 
question was ready with the solution, what the 
Viceroy should do, what the Home Qovernment 
should do and now the first thing to be done was to- 
stop the passage of- the Deputation. The second 
stage was the Conference, whatever tha^ may mean. 
Ido not know what the Conference is to beheld for, 
what conclusions are to be arrived at, or what its 
procedure is, to arrive at the cbnclusions. But it 
was said that one object Of the Conference was to 
consider how to stop the propaganda Work in India 
hereafter, the cessation of all political propaganda. 
The second is how to utilise' the man-power and 
other reBouTces of India to 'the best advantage, and 

L<A. Bat G(Mgadhar Tdak 

the third is to ask the.|>eopIe cheerfully to bear the 
. aaorifices which may be necessarr for victory, These /^ 
are the thiee objects which have been telegraphed to y 
the newspapers and to the different members - 

Now what is the nature of this Conference ? All 
the big Chiefs are invited : I do not know why, 
because when the question of Native Stat^ came 
for consideration, there was a Chiefs' Conference, 
and it wae there said that the Ruling Princes should< 
not interfere in matters pertaining to the Briti^ 
r Administration and we should not interfere with 
theirs. It is a settled principle that we at present 
have nothing to do'with their administration, we 
leave them alone. Now in settling the momentous 
question some of the Chiefs are invited. But why 
are they invited ? You can deal with them 
separately. The demands and aspirations of the 
Princes are entirely different from the demands and 
aspirations df the .BritiBh Indian people. If you do 
not want Home Rule, many Princes will subscribe. 
Whatever assistance you rei^ire from them, obtaia 
it by all means, but do not mix them together, sO 
"that the popular element will be invisible in the 
majority of the Conference. That is one defect la 
the constitution of the Conference. The aeco^d 
defect is that they have invited all non- 
official members of the Imperial Council. The 


Tfu Present Situation 

third defect iBthat they have.invited such members - 
as would be selected by the- Local G-ovdrnments 
as representing various interests, (laughter) and 
then every interest will have one vqte. if votes were 
"taken, and there are so many different interests in , 
India that if every interest is given, a vote, then 
there ia sure to be a majority of them all, agreeing 
to the one thing that whatever Government said 
■was good. They will have thus a majority of vote. 
Being nominated by Government, it will be their 
duty to accept whatever Government proposed, and 
are we to be bound by it ? (Several voice^"no, no" 
and " certainly not ").■ This is the great defect in that 
Conference. I do not think that the leaders of the 
Congress are invited. The President of the Congress 
has yet to be invited, (Cries of Shame.) Mind, she 
is the President of the Congress throughout the 
whole year 1918. So this packed-up Conference 
which is to eif at Delhi is to decide the fate of India 
and pass final judgment upon the aspirations of the 
people. It is not even like the Irish Convention. It 
is something — I do not know w^at t(? call it— but, 
iaome humbug, to get the Government scheme p'assed 
at that Conference. 


Now what is the Government scheme ? We know 

that a scheme has been submitted to the Govern- 

mentby various re presentativfv bodies — the Congress - 

and League Schdrae placed before the' Secretary of. 

349 • 

D,mi,.=db, Cookie 

Lok. Bal Gangadh^ TOalt 

State. The majority of the people ail over 
supported the scheme. Is Mr. Montagu going to 
grant usSelf-Goveniment according to that scheme? 
If so, there is no neoeBsity of stopping any. propa-. 
gandawork. If you grant us Home Rule, weare-- 
quite ready and prepared to support and defend our 
Motherland to the last (Cheers). Not that we are 
uawilllog to support, but now we are told nothing 
about the ^heme, but there ar^ some indications in 
the communique on the question of stopping the 
deputation. What are they? The Government 
attitude is said to be generous. We have forgotten 
it. Thefl it is said that Mr. Montagu has been here 
and he has heard all our representations, — as if Mr. 
Montagu is the whole British Kation (laughter},and 
there is no necessity to carry on the deputation 
because everything has been heard by the Indian 
Government. Now that is the argument from which 
we can see that they are not going to grant us the 
whole thing. In that communique it was stated 
"that the deputation was, going to press their " own 
Home Rulq scheme." What was that? It was 
nothing more than Che Congress-League scheme. 
If you put these two statements together, the 
conclusion is that <jre are going to England to place 
before the English democracy the Congress-League 
'Scheme which Oovernment call our scheme, and 
that Oovernment are not prepared to go so far. So 
they have decided something. That eometliiDg will 
ifall far short of our expectations. It will not amount 
• 350 



The PrmeiU Situation ^ 

te.even As. 4. Th«TS are some who are prepared to 
BS7 that it wilt ootne to &.9-&. But I do not think 
it will come even to As, 4. The bureaucracy have 
decided what they would recommead the Home 
OoTerument to grant to you. Their scheme, is ready. 
I do not' ^now whether the soheme-will be placed 
before the Conference. FoBsibly not. They may 
possibly ask the Conference to give their consent 
for the cessation of political activity and ifropaganda 
work on the faith that the Government are goii^ to 
do something in the future. 

There are some people who still think that what* 
-ever Government is prepared to grant they should 
accept and rely upon the promises about the future. 
That is, they say, prudent, atateitmanlike and, 
considering our position, that is what we ought to. 
You may argue with them as much as possible, but 
once you find that they are prepared to give you so 
much and no more, you ought to fall in with their 
view and tell people that you have done your best 
to convince the rulers, that you have not succeeded 
in doing so, and that whatever falls from them 
should be accepted, with thanks, if necessary. 
Another attitud,e is that the times are such that 
-even if you refuse what is being granted to you, 
'Government will be forced in the circumstances 
to increase what they grant to you and 
that eventually you will' succeed if yoii remain firm. 




Lok. Bal Ganga4har Tilak 

Those are the two achooU of thought and I am afraid 
that the attitude taken up by Ooverament may cause 
a split in the Nation — I say God forbid it. 1 eay that 
matters have come to this pass, vis., that some of 
your leaders who were with us in the Home Rule' 
agitation may be- taken away from us, arfd, relying 
on their support or pretending that they represenb 
the people, the- Government may force their conclu- 
sions. It ts for you now to decide what course you 
will adopt. . 

Look at the state of Government. They think 
that although it is true in the case of Ireland that 
the man there must be made to feel that he is 
fighting for liberty, which ia not denied to him in 
his own home, that principle of liberty is not 
applicable to India- Are we not human beings like 
Irishmen ? It is not a condition imposed by an 
Indian. Some people say : " Who are you to 
impose a ' condition upon Government, and 
it looks absuril for loyal subjects to impose 
conditions upon Government." My idea of 
loyalty is different. We do not impose any condi- 
tion upon Gkivernment, but we bring to the notice 
of Government the psychological law that you 
cannot compel a man to do a thing unless you please 
him at the same time. .Before people determine 
to fight for the liberty of othe; Katlons, they must 
be assured that they will enjoy that liberty in their 


The Pffiseni Situation 

•own hbtne (cheers). It is aot « conditioa made by 
UB- If any one has made that conditioa it is human 
nature, and we are bringing to the notice of Govern- 
ment the law of hutnaa nature which wil! malte 
■co-operation effective. I do not thinlt that it ia ever 
considered by any- historian or any thinker that to 
remind the Governaidnt of the laws of human 
nature is disloyal. In my telegram, which I sent 
■from Ceylon to the Viceroy, I set out thi^ principle, 
vis., that we are prepared to co-operate with 
Government, that we are prepared to defend our 
Motherland against any possible danger £rom the 
north-west, whether real or imaginary, but at the 
-same time we cannot enthusiastically defend it or 
zealously defend it, unhsss in our heart of hearts we 
are' convinced that we are fighting for our own 
country and not as outsiders in our own country. 
That is absolutely necessary and that condition 
must bf granted, - The bureaucracy do not do so. 


Here I must make a distinctio» between bureau- 

■craoy and ourselves. The bureaucracy have a 

scheme of their own . and they will carry it out 

whether you like it or not. Tlley have settled it 

during the last two or three weeks, and that is to 

grant what they think fit, not to consider the 

principle of self-determination but to treat it as a 

■principle of self-determination' 61/ the bureaucracy^ 

for yon, because you are yet children. Tt has beea 




Lck. Bal Gangadhar TOak 

decided to grant you that, to sTiut up your mouth, to- 
prevent all agitation in the country, and after some- 
months to publish Mr. Montagu's scheme and then 
to recommend it to the Home G-overnment, &s a cut 
and dry scheme, and not to allow you even to place 
your views before the Parliament. They think 
that it is a matter which completely rests With the 
Government of fodia and the leaders whom they 
have ealled*t;o meet at the Delhi Oonference. What 
they decide there, will be fathered upon you. They 
forget that the principle of self7determinatioD muat 
he applied to India. You must be made to feel that 
you fight for your own country. If you have no- 
such feeHng, then you will be mercenaries- But 
ten mercenary men are not equal to one patriot. 
The Qovernment knotv it, and they have recognised 
it in the case of Ireland and they do not want to do- 
it in the case of India (loud cries of shame). The 
second fact, which must be brought to your notice 
and which has been already brought in, in the ease of 
Ireland, is the American factor in the situation. 
In the late&t telegram published yesterday, Mr- 
Lloyd George has plainly admitted that the grant 
ot Home Rule to Ireland was in consonance with" 
the wishes of Prtosident Wilson, and he said 
that unless Home Rule was granted to Ireland,. 
American help would not come forth in 8uch> 
large numbers as it is desirable it should 
come. The Parliament acknowledges through its- 
Premier that they are forced to take this step itk 


The Present Situation 

consonance with tbe*^ wishes of the Araerioans,. 
whose help is so tnvich neceBsary at present. Look 
at India.' You probably know in Madras that the 
matter was represented to President Wilson by one 
'of our leaders (cheers), and what i^s the response 
that we got for it? The response is that we were 
"traitors " to go to Atnericafor help, even to inform , 
America what the real situation in India was. They 
'are not prepared to discuss it on merits but any 
referenoe to America in the case of India is looked ■ 
upon as treason by the highest administrative 
authority iQ< the land, while Parliament- openly 
acknowledges that it is only in deference to the 
wishes of President Wilson that Home Bule is- 
being granted to Ireland. That is a noteworthy 
distinction. We cannot go to America. We cannot 
rely upon the principles of liberty which all the 
Allies equally proclaim that it is their intention to- 
establish all over the w>orld. But those principles 
are not to be established in Ihdia. The War is not 
for the establishmAt of those principles in India. 
The German Colonies are Black <7olonieB after alL 
They say that even in the case of the German 
Colonies the Allies have agreed that the principle 
of self-determination will be made applicable. What 
will Germany say? Germany will aay: " If you, 
apply that piinoipte to our Colonies, why not apply 
it to your own ?" Peace negotiations are not to be 
carried on only by the Allies :th6y will be on both 
sides. They nowpubtish to the world that the principle 

■ 'D,mi,.=db,Cooglt' 

1 Loft. Bal Gangadkar Titak 

of self-determiaation i^to be applied to the, Germao 
Ooloniea. If the Allies do not raise it, somebody else 
will raise i(. What reply will Great Britain give to 
it? In spite of thia War, there can be no reply to 
the question at the Peace Conference why this 
principle of self-determination is not extended to 
India, except the reply that India must he kept aside 
for the bureaucracy. 

That is the bureaucratic solution of the question. 
The whole thing has come to this point at present : 
They are going to hold a Conference which will be 
followed by the publication of Mr. Montagu's 
scheme; all political activity will he stopped and 
possibly a few reforms here and there will be placed 
before the War Cabinet or the other Cabinet. It 
seems to me from a reading of these documents that 
it is intended to settle the question io an arbitrary 
fashion as soon as possible, under the pretext that the 
North-West Frontier is in danger and that this is not 
the time to discuss political reforms. There is ample ' 
. time to discuss the question of Home Rule being 
granted to Ireland, though the danger is nearer home 
there. Here, thoughVearefar away from the theatre . 
of War, danger is apprehended, and all political 
discussion is to be stopped with a view that the best 
possible use should be made of the man-power and 
other resources aad that people should be prepared 
cheerfully to saorifioe. Cheerfulness comes from the 


The Present Sttuakon 

heart and if that &eart retnainB untouched, how 
could that cheerfulneSB proceed ? We might be com- 
pelled to work like oxen on the battlefield but that 
^ill be an army of mercenaries. India cannot fight 
a battle for her Motherland unless tbe sons of India 
are made to feel that it is for their Motherland that 
they areSfighting and that in that Motherland they 
possess the birthright of managing their own affairs. 
This must b^ said in the Conference* We must 
muster all our forces together and try to influence 
as manyC ntembers of this Conference as possibly 
could be] influenced, so that a protest may be entered 
in tbe Conference itself before tbe Viceroy, that 
the plan of Government is an absurd plan, a plan 
that violates the laws of nature, and they must be 
reminded also that nature is always merciless in 
enforcing its laws at whatever c6st (cheers). If this 
political citation is to be stopped, how is it to be 
stopped? Is- it by another legislation, another 
Press Act, another Seditious Meetings Act,'aiiother 
Ordioarrce under the' Defence of India Act ? That 
seems to be the object. They dd not say anything 
about HomelRule; they forget the fact altogether. 
They want quiet and peace in India in order that the 
Government of India may conce'ntrate their thought 
on a successful prosecution of the War, as if the 
GoTernment of India ate the only people interested 
in thel successful prosecution of the Warl If thirty 
orores of people here are m^de to fee} that it is 
to' their interest to defend the 'Empire, I think that 


Lak. Bal Gangadhar TOak 

■wb oan defend it witbout Gdverameot aid- It is 
not merely the interest of Gk)vernmeQt. The whole 
thing seems to be that they want help from you, 
that they want you to cheerfoJly help them and 
atthesame time they refuse you your birthright.' 
That is the situation at present. It is being enacted 
ia scenes one after another. Two or three scenes 
* have already been enacted, and we can form an 
estimate — il may be a mistaken one for the present 
but not much mistaken — as to what the plot of that 
drama will be, judging^ of the scenes ^e have 
already witnessed. The Bureaucracy seems to be 
prepared for smoother public discussion In this land 
and to represent to the people that you are not St 
to get more than they are prepared to give you. 
Their plan has been arranged and settled in consul- 
tation with the Home Government. You witl not 
be allowed to go to England to represent your case. 
In India you will not be allowed tQ voice your 
dissent fr6m the proposals of Qovernment. The 
whole thing will go before f>arliament in the form 
in which Government have prepared it, and that is 
ail that you are to expect as a result of the War. 
To my mind, it is the duty of every Indian to fight 
t& the end, and see that India after the War gets the 
same rights of self-determination aa are granted to 
Ireland. This is the time 'to work. Providence is 
with you and is only waiting to see how much 
courage, persistence and determination you show 
at thi^j time. Everything will depend upon that. 

...., .Google 

Th» Preaeni Situation 

T>o not think that it ie a powerful Obvernment sod 
that we must suffer. It is a powerful GrOTerameat, 
no doubt, but it does not follow therefrom that we 
-should submit. We must stick to our guns to the 
■ last. The only reply to-day is that Government 
will not give what they are not prepared to gi^e, 
and that we should not "be prepared to take, what- 
ever they are prepared to give. I do not care what 
'the Government are prepared to give^, * If they are 
going to give us four or eight annas we shall not 
take it. Even a beggar refuses ,to take a pie. All ' 
of you are better than heggars. If yoii insist that 
more mast be given, more viill be given. The 
-circumstances are such that they will force thB' 
Government to make you feel that it is your case 
that the Government is fighting. Another argu- 
ment is that (ikivernment may force you to co- 
operate. If Government pass a conscription law, 
let them do _80, we shall know what to do. If you 
yield, you give up your case. Another ai^ument is 
that you must ' also consider the difficulties of 
Government. They said that Government is in a 
very difiBcult situation and that if you refuse your 
co-operation you will be playing false to Government. 
I am not using the word sedition. That argument 
-has no weight. If Government did not care for our 
'feelings for 150 years and at the last moment, at a 
critical time, oomee and appeals io you for help, 
that Government ought to «be prepared to keep 
-aside its own pr^udices and concede to us some- 

> .^Coo;ilc 

Lok. B<A Gang,adhar TUak 

thing at this stager We are not all bom for 
Government that we {should so much care for it. 
The Government is for us and not we for Govern- 
ment. The iwhole position ia absurd. Why should , 
we care for a Government that would not apply the' 
same principle to ub that it applies to Ireland ? We 
have .that argument, but possibly some of the 
membeis of the Conference will excuse themselves 
on the groiind that they are powerless and helpless. 
Tru.e, we are helpless, but there are weapons even 
in the hands of helpless people. (Cheers). I mean 
the weapon of Passive Resistance which will make 
Government come down on its knees (cheers). It 
must not be thought that we are so helpless because 
Ve have no weapon. We must persist and make 
Government understand that it is impossible to 
obtain [the zealous suppoit of the people unless 
something is conceded to them. That is the position 
at present' Governitient thinks that, it can^carry 
out its plan by choosing leaders of the people and 
nominating them to sit in Conference- That is the 
principle of *Belf-d«termiEiation to be applied to us !' 
They will pack up a few leaders and this packed 
Conference may come to the conclusion that all 
political propaganda should be stopped. 

The British Empire is likely to be threatened in 

A.sia as lit has already been threatened in the 

West, For the West.* a provision has been made. 

For the East, a provision has to be made and tbatii 



The Present Situation 

provision iB of the natute I have told you. When' 
Tre appealed to President Wilson from here that 
letter contained a distinct assurance that India 
could give 5 to 10 millions of men if the conceseion- 

■ is conceded. Take it as a case of the defence of the 
Empire itself. We Can defend the Empire against 
any attaqks in the West and against any attacks in 
the East. India alone is powerful enough afld 
capable enough to do it. It seems to nfe that even 
after this great fight during the War for liberty as- 
it is called colour distinction still lingejs in the 
minds of our Government not willing to. grant to- 
India what they are prepared to grant to Servia and 
to African Colonies because they are German ! They 
are not prepared to extend that principle to India. 
We have been demanding it. I dare say we do not 
want to withhold co-operation. We will co-dperate 
but oiir co-operation cannot be hearty. You may be 
taken up under the Conscription Act and-asked to 
serve in the Army or go to gaol. You will have to 

- do either of the two. ' When that Acf was passed we 
ehalt have to see what we shoul*do. In" that way, 
the thing may be forced and if that does not succeed 
then must come the grant of Home Rule. The 
Government of India is trylngto see whetherthe 
demand for Home Bule can be refused and yet a 
successful prosecution of the War is carried on. We 
are interested in the successful prosecution of the 
"War, We are prepared to-flay to fight for our 
Motherland, but it must be our Hotherlapd and not 

Lak. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

-the land of exploitation for other people. Our feel- 
ing must be that it Is our Motherland that we are 
as^ed to fight for. How can you get that feeling ? 
I do not think that the Government of India is bo 
impervious that it cannot understand it- They are' 
far more intelllgenirthan ourselves: that is the reason 
they are governing us. To attribute to Government 
f/motive or an intention that they are ignorant of 
all these* things is not correct. Bureaucracy 
geDerally does not wish to part with power and if I 
were a bureaucrat I would have acted similarly. The 
bureaucr^acy will try to minimise the concession of 
any political right to you. It i^ for you to insist that 
the miaimum of the Congress-League Scheme must 
be granted. We desire to be treated like the men in 
Ireland and the Germaa Colonies. We desire to be 
treated as men possessing some sentiments two of 
which will be enthusiasm and cheerfulness, and if 
those sentiments are to be evoked, it must be in a 
psychological way. It is not a condition. It is not 
disloyal. It is the ofaly right method — right was the 
word used by Mi; Lloyd Qeorge. It is right that 
people who fight should feel that they are fighting 
for their right in their own land and not to tie a 
rope to their own neck. The present political situ- 
ation is fast changing and after the Conference it 
will change a bit and if it conies in the way I 
expect it to do, and if there is a strong protest 
against the procedure, that prpcedure is likely to 
lead to a change in the plan which sedms Eo be 


The Presant Situatton 

-already settled. But" everythiog now will depend 

-on yoar taking the proper step. Do not make any 
false step. This is a serious time. Onr loaders may 
be led astray, or it may be showa that they are not 

'proper leaders, which is a paraphrase of the same 
thing. There are man of different temperaments all 
over tihe world. There are men who think that they 
should make easy terms with the rulers. There are 
others who think that the people are 'entitled to 
have something from their rulers, this is exactly, the 
time when the question should be dlscusaed. If the 

■Government of India is going to stop all. political 
propaganda, all questions of national freedom and 
international freedom will be decided without your 
knowledge, and then the Goverament of India will 
take the gag out of your mouth and ask yon to say . 
what you have to say I This is just tbe time in the 
country when political agitation and education 
should go forjrard. A serious difference of view 
between you and tbe Government will arise, and 
I am afraid it will arise in spite of any protest 
that may b6 entered at the Viceroy's '(Jonferenoe, 
and you will have to keep yourselves ready for 
that eventuality. Whether you will accept the 
quarter loaf that will be gived to you or insist 
apOD getting the wjjole loaf is the point. It has 
been emphasised in several places and also in 
the newspapers, but the necessity of taking a firm 
attitude has not yet been insisted upon with that 
'force with which it ought to have been insisted upon. 

. ■ . - .^Coo;ilc 

Lak. Bal Gangadhar Titah * 

Some of our leaders* are still wavering as to what ' 
attitude they should take. I have every respect for i 
them. If they caonot rise to the occaBion, let them 
not ; but let them not cut off the legs of others. If I 
they cannot rise, it is no fault of theira-^they by 
nature are made short. Perhaps my hand may 
reach higher and if it does not reach so high I will 
use some one else's hands, but I mean that my hand < 
should rea*ch higher. This is exactly the time when 
they should not deter others from going forward, i 
That is the lesson which requires to be impressed | 
upon o\K leaders. There cannot be unanimity on 
anything in this world. I am prepared to tolerate I 
difference of opinion, but at the same time the will | 
of the majurity must be carried. If the majority of 
the people feel that they must have Home Rule, 
Home Rule must be granted iir spite of the dissent- 
ient voices raised by some people. Let us go to 
Oovernment, let us place the matter* before Parlia- ' 
mant. That will have to be done in the near future 
and everyone must be prepared to and 
be prepared for th6 eventuality. My argument is : 
if I be firm T am sure to get what I want. Let me 
be firm- Let me not budge an inch, and the circuin- 
stances are such th'at our zealous co-operation, our 
cheerful co-operation wiFl be necessary. Cheerful- 
ness and zeal will only come when the rights of 
Home Bule are granted. Even this mighty 
Oovernment will h&ve to do it (cheers). It wa* 
compelled to do so in the case of Ireland. Follow ' 


The Present Sttuation 

that example. Perhape ;ou ipay have the help of 
America, but then even without that help 70a must ' 
remember that Justice and Providenoe are on 
your Bide. What can Providence do ? The favour 
of Providence enables a cripple to cross a mountain. 
We shall be assistAd in that way only if we 
' have patience, but the struggle i? coming. It is 
begun by Government after hearing all that we' 
had to say, and it now remains to b& eeen who 
succeeds in that struc^le, the G-overnment or y6u. 
We all wish- that the people should succeed. We all 
wish that Justice should be done to us. We all wish 
that we should be enabled to help the Empire and 
to defend the Empire E^ainst all attacks whether 
in the East or in the West. Our man-power is very 
great ; that is the only wealth which we now possess, 
and if you think that it should be wasted, probably 
you will be left without any resources. It is the 
-onty strength we have. Insist that that strength 
can be made useful in the interest of the Empire 
only it a psychological condition is fulfilled and not 
otherwise. .That fact must be forced qu the atten- 
tion of Government, and then alone we shall 
eucceed. What will follow hereafter I cannot say. 
If the Conference decides ip oiv favour, well and 
good. If it does not, we will have to organise our 
forces. Possibly the parties will be different tben 
— there will be a Government party and there will 
be a popular party — the old names will have to be 
changed — and then in the end, I think, the War 

[fmi,.=db, Google 

Lak. Bat Gangadhar Tilak 

ci ream stances will be such that even if peace be- 
concluded our demands will be granted to us. (Loud 



[The following is an •article contributed by Mr. Tilak to 
"New India" in response ti the ■invitation by Mrs-,' 
Beaant to express his views on National Education ]; — 

Good Citizenship is the Civic Goal of thfe members 
of a Nation generally ; and la this respect the older ■ 
Sieaeration is naturally the' best guardian of the 
interests of the younger one. In the language of 
Wordsworth, " the child is father to the man," If 
'we therefore want our younger generation to attain 
to the status of full citizenship, we must educate 
them according to that ideal. In other words, 
'* a Nation that has pot. taken its education into 
its own hands cannot soon rise in literary, 
sooial or polijiical importance,;" and it was this 
ideal that prompted myself and my colleagues in 
1880 to start an independent private English school 
and soon afterwards an Arts CollegA in Poona. 
Another attempt was also made in the Maharashtra 
later on in 1907. But though it is fully recognised 
that the people of a country murt have their educa- 
tion in their own hands, yet there is another 
principle in Politics which often comes in conflict 
with it, viz., the Government of the country must 
also have the education of the people under its 
control. At first sight, it seems difficult to reconcile 

,., Google 

Lok. Bal Gangftdhar'THak , 

'these two principles. 'Bat I don't think that there 
is any innate contradiction in these two maxims. 
What conflict there ma? arise, arises onl; from 
accidental oircumstances. Where the people and 
the Q-oTernment are one, that is, actuated by the' 
«ame ideals of citizenship, there can arise no 
conflict or differences of opinion in the matter 
of National Education. Buf where the people 
and the )j^overnment have different ideals of 
citizenship before them, where the governins class 
wants to keep the people down in spite of their 
desire tciise to^the status of full citizcfnship la 
'the Empire, there arises the necessity of national 
'Education as distinguished from governmental 
-education. Viewed in this light, National i<Muca- 
tioQ is only a branch or a means to the attainment 
of 8elf-Qovernment, and those who demand Home 
Rule for India cannot but zealously support a 
movement for the establishment , of National 
Education in this country. The conflict which I 
have mentioned above can- only cease when the 
people and 'the Oovernment become one on the 
higher plane of Self-Government., Till then the 
authorities will, more or less, come in the way of 
3Tatioaal Educatiod^ But these difficulties must be 
overcome until National Education becomes the 
ideal of the governing class, which can be the case 
■only when the Govemmeat is popularised. 



[At the special meeting of the Indian National Congress 
held at Bombay, under the Presidency of Mr. Hasan Itnantr 
in 1918, Mr. Tilak was invited to speak on the Reform 
proposals, and on rising to speak he was received with great 
ovation and shouts of ' TUak Maharajki Jai.' He said] : — 

My tlrst duty is to thaDk the G-OTernment of 
Bombay for allowing me to open my lips here. I 
am sorry, however, that the President has liot been 
so kind to me as the Government of Bombay. He 
has allowed me only five minutes, {Cries of " you. 
may go qq.") I shall coufiQe my remarks to a few 
points on the resolution which has been so ably 
moved by my friend, the Hon. Pandit Malaviya, 
What we have tried^ to do in it is to distil our 
opinions and >t was very difficult to distil in th& 
langu^e of my friend Sir D. Wacha, 'the G-olden 
Cucumber' together^ That was the difficulty. It 
had to be decided and it was a ^ery difficult task 
and our enemies coBsidered it difficult — I shall not 
call them bnemles but I will call them our opponents. 
They beliefed that we were engaged in a very 
impossible task and that by the beginning of 
September, the Congress would be nowhere. Unfor- 
tuiiately their predictions did not come true (orieB 
of " fortunately ") unfortunate^ for them, their . 
prediotions have not proved true. So long as a 
369 ^ ' 


Lek. Bat Gangadhar Ttlak ' 

spirit of forbearance kuA a spirit of give-and-take 
remains in the Congress such a contiogenoy is 
never likely to arise. We tiave been awfully mis- 
represented. We were told, on the strength of 
stray expressions of thought in moments of excite- 
ment and heat that the Congress was going to 
rejeot the whole scheme. I could never understand 
and have pever understood what it meant. We are 
.in the-midst of our negotiations. It you reject the 
scheme then you have, done with ft. What are you 
going to say to the British people ? The British 
people ft'ill say "you have rejected the scheme. 
What have you pome here for. Go back to your 
country." That would have been their reply. I 
think that we fiave learnt enough of politics during 
the last 15 years under the tuition of our rulers. 
We have learnt entiugh of politics ta know that it ie 
absurd to take such an absurd action. That should 
have been made olear. After that tkere were other 
difficulties. Ah I said, fortunately fojr all, we have 
been able to place before you a reasoned resolution 
which comVines the wisdom of one party and X may 
say the tempered temperament of another party— 
'I do not wish to call it rashness. They are happily 
blended together.' The Report on Constitutional 
Reforms is a very artful, very skilful, and very 
statesmanlike document. What was the object of 
that Report ? There are two words in vogue, namely 
Self-Goverbment. 'We asked for eight annas of ' 
Responsible GovernmeDt. TbistReport gives ob ' 
• 370 


Reform Scheme 

one anna of Responsible Gorertiment aad aays that 
, it is better than eight annas of Self-Government. 
The whole literary skill of the Report ties in malciog 
you believe that one anna of Responaible Govern- 
ment is more than sijfficifhit and more than eight 
annas of Self-Governmeat. If you read the report 
over and over again, I' do not know what to aay 
bat it is a very skilful document — a very etatea- 
manlike document— so aa to make you believe that 
one morsel of Responsible Government is more than 
sufficient to satisfy your hunger for Self-Govern- 
ment. , We have discovered that fortunately. We 
now plainly say : 'We thank you for the one anna 
of ReBponsible Governtnent but that in the scheme 
we want to etnbody all that we wanted in the 
Congress League Scheme.' Rails different 
but the passengers might be carried from one raif 
to another. That is what we have tried to do and 
we have tried tb satisfy all parties concerned and 
a very difficult task has been accompanied, as 
difficult as the task that Mr. Lloyd GeoBge is per- 
forming in the British Parliament when he means to 
satisfy the Irish Paci&cts and those who want t6 
carryon the War to the end. It ia a very difficult 
task that has been done.The future way is clear and I 
hope that what we han^e done will be a material help 
to UB in carrying on the War to a satisfactory end. 
The Hon. Pandit Malaviya said^that we have tried 
to focus all opinions. Although some of the rails 
t liave unfortunately escaped, substantially the reso- 

:, " D,mi,.=db,Cooglt' 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

lution represents the* opinion' of the country. There- 
it is on which we can go. You can utilise it and we 
can tell the British Democracy that though ,the' 
Report may be very good and very artfully prepared 
yet the opinion of the country is that it is uDsatis- 
factory and disappointing, 'ion will ask me what 
is the good of saying all that. We ask that Self- 
Government should be completed in 15 years. Our 
critics say that it is too short a period. I want our 
critics to remember ^hat unless India is raised to 
the status of the Colonies, the Empire will be in 
danger.' We ask for Self-Government not for our- 
selves although there Is that self-interest but also 
for the sake of the Empire. What is the good of 
developing India in 200 or 300 years. India's statAs 
should be raised within the next ten or fifteen years. 
Those that say that the Srst step we ask for is too 
much are I must say the enemies of the Empire ^ 
they do not consider the question frcun abroad point 
of view. It is not a question between the Bureau- 
cracy and ourselves. We want the right of control- 
over the bureaudtacy within the next 10 or 15 years. 
Then alone India will be ready to take part in that 
development and strength of the Empire which it 
must possess and which at the time of the recon- 
struction of the Empire it should be the duty of 
British statesmen to bring about by adopting the 
policy which has been enunciated by them. With 
these few words, I bsk you to accept the resolution 
unanimously. , • 

372 - 



[At the session of tha kndian National Congress, held in 
1906, at Calaulta, under the presidency of Dadh*bji ffaord/i 
the resolution on Svoadeshi was moved. Mr. B. G, TUak, in ' 
supporting the same, spoke as fdlowi] :— ' • 

Mr. President, brother-delegates, ladies and gentle* 
men, — I stand on this platforth to-day not to make a 
speech on the Swadeshi resolution. To deliver a 
speech on Swadeshism in Calcutta is something like 
carrying coals to J^ewcastle I I do not think yon 
want any inspiration or any instruction on this 
subject. Your leaders, like my friend Mr. Surendra- 
nath Banerjea and others, have trained you up in 
Swadeshism to such an extent that we might imitate 
you for a long time and yet we may not come to 
your level (Cries of " No, no.") I stand here to-day , 
to declare that some of the ideas which were not 
originally incorporated in the resolution and which, 
unfortunately, I had to suggest, by way of amend- 
ment, have been accepted ; and we have now 
unanimously come to the resolutioo that was read to 
you by Mr. Auandacharlu. I am glad that you have 
come to such a solution for one thing, because our 
Anglo-Indian friends had predicted that the 22nd 
Congreaa would probably be ,tbe last Congress 
-(Laughter) t And that it would meet with a 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar TUak 

premature death immediatel? on attaining the age 
of majoTity 1 That prediction has been falaified 
(Hear, hear); and faleiiied under the able, Impartial 
and judicious guidance of our veteran leader, Mr. 
Dadhabai Kaoroji, whom we have in the chair. Our 
differences have been equarad ; both parties have 
approached the question in a spirit of conciliation 
and not half way. Thanks to my friends, both 
Hindus and Muhammadans, we have come to an 
amicable settlement on that point. It is a' mistake 
to suppose that the* Swadeshi movement is not 
favoured by Muhammadans. It is a mistake to 
suppose that it requires sacrifice from poor people. 
We, the middle classes are the greatest offenders in 
this respect (Hear, hear.) The poor Kumbl villagers 
require not many foreign articles at all, — probably 
none at all- It is we, the middle classes, who are 
the consumers of foreign goods ; and since this 
Government is not going tcj stop the drain by impos- 
ing a protective duty it become's imperatively 
necessary to adopt a measure by which we can do 
. ourselves vhat the Government is [bound to do and 
what the Government ought to have done long ago. 
That one point was self-help and another point was 
determination ; apd the third, saorifioo. You will 
find that all this included in this resolution, joined 
with the declaration made in the Presidential 
addieasi that fSwadeshism is a forced necessity in 
India owing to ui^atural economic conditions in . 
India, mdkes up a complete case for you. J trust ^ 
" ■ 374 


The Swadeshi Mooetnent 

that resolution of eeU'-help adopted this year wilt 
fociu the basis of other resolutions of self-help ia 
years to come. With these few words, and as tiine 
is much' advanced, and I am not prepared to make a 
* speech oa the present occasion, I ask you leave t» 
sit down. • 

,., Google 


[On the evening af the 2irdDece,pber, 1907. Mr.THak 
addressed a mass meeting of over 3 fiOU people in^uding the 
delegates of all provinces at Sural Below is the text] : — 

We bareaDot come to cause a split in the Con- 
gress, we do not want to hold a separate Congress, 
we want to see that the <]!ongre8s does not go back. 
Ws Bolemnly say that we want to see the Congress 
moving witb tbe times, we would not allow it to go 
back. Our views are misrepjeseoted. It has been 
told that the new movement is an impediment to 
progress. Our policy is not destructive, we intend 
to make an effort to move the Congress on. Times 
are changed ; and ao we want some modificationa. 

Our aim ia eelf-govemment. It should be achieved 
as soon as posaible' You should understand this. 
But tbe people who brought the (congress to Surat, 
although Nagpur was willing at any cost, are going 
to drag tbe Congress back. We are^ against auto- 
cratic movement. These autocrats want to cripple 
the Congress and so, they are against Boycott and 
Swaraj reaolutions. The nation is not for the 
repressive policy. They don't want to say or rather 
preach boycott openly. They have no moral Courage. 
They are against the word boycott, they are for 
Swadeshi, If you are\o do it, do not fear. Don't be 


Principles of the Nationalist Partjf 

' covvards ; when you pBofeea tojie Swadeshi you must 
boycott videahi goods; without boycott Swadeshi 
cannot be practised. If you aooept Swadeshi, accept 
boycott. We want this, " don't say what you don't 
■want to do but4o what you say." 

We ate not fighting for men, not for the electioa 
of the president, we want men as representative of 
certain principles. The fight is between two 
principles, (1) " Earnestly doing what ia fight " aud 
(2) " Do, but don't displease the Government." I 
belong to the party who afe prepared to do what 
they think right whether the Qovernment is pleased 
or displeased. (It is not a question of pleasure or 
displeasure-) We want to do duty to ourselves, to our 
country ; and working in the path of duty, we should 
not fear any rational authority, be it ever so high. 
We are against the policy of mendicancy; for it has 
been found, this policy would not yield the' fi'uit but 
would demoralise us. Many young gentlemen in 
Sengal have gladly suffered for this attitude. Mr. 
Morley and other G-overnment ofBcials seem to 
want to make a breach in our capip. They ask us 
iio rally round the Moderates. Are we prepared to 
do this ? It would be ioipolitic, imprudent, to retrace 
our steps. The banner of Bwartif was unfurled last 
year at Calcutta by the Grand Old Man of India, Sj. 
Dadabhai Naoroji. This is our ideal and if we do 
not stick to this resolution — to this ideal of oar 
Grand Old Man, what will ^e say? VTe will bft 
-considered traitors to the country. ' Jpolitioal 

■ D,<iz=<i„Cooglc 

Loi. Bat Gangadhar THak 

ngeneration ig our go^l. Ko one has any authority 
to make the Congress recede from this ideal- It 
will be your sincere duty to see tha^ the name of 
your city be not aesociated with this retrograde 
movement. It would be better if we do not make ' 
soy progress but we should at least try our best 
not to recede. In this we want your assistance. It 
is said by Mr. Morley and by the London Times 
tfiat self-government is impracticable for India. 
Bemember, what is impracticable for Mr. Morley 
and for the Anglo-Indians is practicable forfour 
countrymen because our interests are conflicting. 
This our ideal of Swaraj is a distinct goal for the 
mass to understand- All past ideals are amalga- 
mated into one pure and simple ideal of Swaraj, 
government for the people by the people. 

We do not corae here to embarasa the Moderates. 
We have determined not to allow the Congress to 
retrograde. By the grace of God, we will succeed. 
I am confident of success, for, our > cause te a right 
cause. Whoever be may be, high or low, it will be 
impossible for him to check the tide of progress. 
This ideal is oar ideal, is the ideal of the younger 
generation not to damp the spirit of youth. Don't 
allow them to go far. but don't cripple them. The 
Moderates are afraid of the word boycott but not of 
the deed. We feel also as they feel that Swadeshi 
and boycott had already the e£fect of vivifying the 
-, country. Boycott is tjie only weapon for the subject 



PrifiettUs of the Nationalist Party 

You hu7e heard of the TrfiDBTaal Indians. They 
are not treated as the English K!ing'e subidots, but 
we are asked to be members of the Empire. We 
don't want to be the slaves of the Empire, we want 
to be equals or friends with the white subjects not 
only in India but> throughout the whole Empire. 
The authorities of Tfansvaalhave levied a Jazia-tax 
on the Indians. ' 13,0Q0 of our Indians there have 
met and have determined not to obey the unjust 
law (hear, hear) while only four hundred form 
traitors to the country. "Do you approve of this 
attitude of the 13,000 Transvaal Indians? The 
CongrsBS does approve and the Moderates of the 
Reception Committee are willing to approve this act 
and they have drafted a resolution to this effect. If 
70U approve this conduct of the far off Indians you 
approve boycott, for, the people there have boycotted 
the unjust foreign laws. This is not inconsistent. 
The Moderates don't want to please the Govern- 
ment ; if that would have been the case, I would 
have been very glad; but no, no, they fear a 
civilised government. It is uniQanly.* If you are not 
prepared to brave the dangers, be quiet, but don't 
ask us to retrograde. Pfay do not come in the 
way of the ideals which we have received from the- ' 
Hst two Congresses. When the people of the country 
have no voice in the government of this country, 
boycott is useful. I implore you, you the citizens of 
Surat, to help us in our end|avours. 

Now we have done with Swaraj and Boycott. I 


Lok. Bat Gan^dhar Tilah 

now come to the third. ideal — National Sduoation, 
tbe resolutioD which was passed in the last Congress- 
But the Reception Committee of Surat have not 
thoi^ht it wise to place it among the draft resolu- 
tioDs. It was not allowed in the Provioc^al 
Conference held in April her&, because certain 
autocrats did not like tKis. We don't want to carry 
this matter high-handedly, as they do ; we will place 
this before the Subjects Committee and before tbe 
Congress delegates. We want to be loyal to the 
-Congress first and in sbowing our loyalty if our 
individual interest comes in the way, we will brush 
this out; It is not a personal question. However high 
or dignified may one be, respect for him should 
not come in the way of the Congress. It is a fight 
'for progress. Friction there must be. Where is 
motion without friction ? And this law holds good in 
the sphere of politics. We must take care that the 
friction should not be allowed to go so far as to put 
a stop to this motion. We have our limits. We 
want unanimous consent. If not, we will have the 
resolution pasaed by^the majority and if it is passed, 
it must be carried. Even the President-elect has no 
right to change this. A resolution once passed ia 
the Congress must be accepted by all those who 
join the Congress, whether they like it or not. There 
will not be any rowdyism there; It is misrepresented. 
"We have come here to fight out constitutionally ; we 
will loyally fight out ; we .will behave as gentlemen 
even if our opponents do not do -so. Our opponents 


Principles of the Sationalist P^rty 

create rowdyism wken they fear defeat. We are 
fighting agaiast foreign autocracy. Why should we 
allow this home-autocracy? So we want to prevent 
the autocratic rule in the Congress. The Congress 
ie an organization of all the people and the voice of 
the people ought k> predominate. We should not 
allow any man, high <A low, to ruin the cause of the 
Cougress. Don't recede, even if you cannot progreis. 
Our ideal is practicable. We should «tick to our 
ideal. The policy of the Moderates is destructive. It 
is a suicidal policy. I don't want you to follow it ; 
we want to progress. Again, I appeal to you. 
Suratees, Gujaratee^, be not led by the threats of 

the autoorats- Don't fear and we will eucceed. — - 

{Bande Mata'ram.) * 



[On the 2&th Decetibsr, 1907, uJtder the presidency of Sj. 
Anabindo Ghase, the Nationalist delegates held a meeting to 
consider the then sitttation. The meeting was largfily 
attended. Mr, Tilak in addressing the meeting said] : — 

In the course of a .lengthy speech, Mr. Bal 
Gangadhar. Tilak said that tha^meetiag represented 
the middle class Coogress, and consiBted of those 
Congress delegates who believed that the possession 
taken up last year should not be disturbed. There 
were a number of persons who attempted to disturb 
that position with the result that a regrettable split 
had taken place, and the institution, which took 23 
years to be built up and on which lakhs of Rupees 
had been spent, had at last been suspended. One 
party wanted to go back on last year's resolutions, 
while others desired to maintain the status quo. 

The bone of contention between the two parties 
was that some high persons managing the affairs of 
the Surat Congress wSre firmly determined to bring 
down the Congress from the high pedestal which it 
occupied a year ^o into the lower position- of an 
,All-India Moderate Congress (cries of Shame 1) Tiiat 
was a retrograde move Lgainst which the Nationa- 
JiBts had fought during the past few days. The 


Meeting of Ote Nationalist Delegfltes 

Surat Reception Cotnlnittee had bruehed aside th» 
claims of Lala Lajpat Rai for the Presidentship on 
the ground that his election would offend the 
Government which would throttle the Congress jn 
DO time. That was the beginning of the end of the 
Congress- The dragging of the national movement 
into a sectional one could not have &een accom- 
plished, had not a few individuals been allowed to 
take the whole power Into their own hands and to 
.pat forward ideals and methods which fell in with 
the views of the Government — he did not mean to 
say that there was a compact between tha Govern- 
ment and those individual members. But a creed 
Was enunciated which was least objectionable to the 
Government, He would not say the. most accept- , 
able to thb Government, because he did not believe 
that the Congress creed would ever be acceptable to 

Itf might l^e that they honestly believed that in 
those days of repression it was prudent, from a 
worldly point of view, not to go beyond a certain 
limit,' while others were of opinion tHat repression 
promoted national growth. There were two schools 
■of thought, one believing that political progress in 
India could be made only by being in opposition to, 
and at the same time in associstion with the 
<]rovernment. There was another school represented 
iby the Nationalists which thought otherwise, and 
which has received, duringtthe last two or three 
k jeara. a vigorous intfietue. There was a oonfliot 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

between these two Bcboola, but they have manased' 
so far to carry on the work of the Cktngress with 
UDanimity by a give-and-take policy. The way in 
which it bad been propoised to go back on the reso- 
lutions of last year in regard to Self-GoverDment, " 
Boycott, Swadeshi and Nationdl Education, on the- 
ground they* did not appeal themselves to the Secre- 
tary of State, the London Times and the Anglo- 
Idifian pai;fers and officials, was a deliberate insult 
to^ the whole Congres?, and no one, however emi- 
nently placed, had any right to drag back the 
Congress, The Bombay Moderates wanted the- 
CongresB to move a little backwards, to be within 
the safe line of the boundary, eo as not to displease 
the (government. , 

Sj. Tilak next explained how it had been' proposed- 
to go btick on the four questions mentioned above, 
and how there was opposition to it on the part of 
the Nationalists, which was as deterfoined as the 
desire on the part of the Moderates to push back the- 
Congress. That opposition of . the Kationalists 
manifested it»elf in opposition to the President. 
- When it was settled that Dr. Ghose was to be- 
aelected President, merely to please the Qovernment 
in spite of the unanimous opinion of India in favour 
ot Lala Lajpat Ral, it was considered by the- 
Nationalists to be a wrong step which they were- 
bound to resist. Matters should have been arrange*^ 
and settled on the principle of give-and-take which 
hitherto generally characterised the proceedings- 

Meeting of the NeaionalisI Delegales 

and resolutionB of She Congress. The Bomiiajr 
Moderates were determined not onlf to make further 
compromise with the NfitionalistB, but also to retract 
from the position which tl^ey had been forced to 
■ take at Calcutta by the Nationalists. ) The Nationa- 
lists tried to approach them often, privately as welt 
as publicly, but were kept at arms' lefigth though 
mutual friends intervened. And the Result was the 
split, which he hoped, would not be peAnanent, Mn 
the Congress oamp, just at the time when they 
ought to have shown a tfnited front. No one 
regretted the split more than he did. Th^ Nationa- 
lists were aware of the harmful effects of the split 
and the purposes which it would serve.' The 
Government has been asking the Moderates to rally 
round their standard. It was the duty of every 
educated man at this particular juncture not to play 
into the hands of the Q-overnmont. Eut, fortunately 
or unfortunately, because fortunate to one side and 
Qofortunafe to the other, the thing had happened, 
and the Congress autocrats had gained the day, not . 
by attempting to conciliate the other side but by 
dispersing them (cries of shame), and by even reject- 
ing the most reasonable proposals to maintain the 
»tatus QUO. This new spirit ia the country was 
dangerous, and sooner it was destroyed the better. 
He hoped that the split would only be temporary, 
and he was quite sure that the experience of the 
next few years would expose the insecurity of the 
. position taken up by the Moderates. ' 

, — 25 

Lok. Bal Gatfgadhar TUak 

If it was found ^iffteult tor both the parties to 
unite, the question should have been considered and 
-decided at the meeting of the few leading Congress 
Delegates before the election of the President. In 
fact that was the ameodoient which he wanted to- 
move, an ajdjouroment of the busioesB of election of 
the PreaideBfc, not of the Congress, in order to alhjw 
time for a representative Committee consisting of 
one Moderate and one Nationalist from each pro- ' 
vlnce, to decide the programme of work before the 
election of the Presidertt was taken up, so that they 
could h^ve unanimously elected the President. 
That was the suggestion that he had intended to put 
forward on the Congress platform, if he had been 
allowed to do so. Though several friends tried to 
bring about a oonfpro raise, their effojts failedi 
because there was no desire on the other side to 
yield even an inch. The Bombay Moderates thought 
-that they should take advantage of the excep- 
tional majority of the Moderate detegates which 
. they might command at Surat to force their view on 
the Congress even,at the risk of driving it back. It 
was that spirit of intolerance that had led to the 
present situation. • 

It must he said that the Nationalists should have 
exhibited forbearance, but there were lioiits to that 
forbearance. Would they allow the organisation 
to move backwards? (Cries of 'no,' 'no.') The 
^result was that a useful organisation had been split 
up and, as in the case of every partition of the 


Meeting of the Naiiondliet Delegates 

£Jindu family, each [lad become the weaker for the 
partition. He hoped that those who desired to have 
retrogression would soon see their mistake, and soon 
*discover that, although the G-ovdrnment expressed 
■ its desire to have the Moderates rallied round its 
standard, nothlDg useful could be gained, useful not 
individually but collectiirely, until the Moderates 
were taught by the Government that their position 
was not only illogical, but suicidal, whi«h according 
to his belief was yet before the House and was not 
-finally, at least not properljf, disposed of. Thereon, 
there was some conversation between Mr..Malvl 
and Dr. Ghosh on the one hand and UTr.'Tilak on 
the other; and tben there was an uproar in which 
the Congress was declared to have been suspended 
sine die. , J^QW it should be remembered tbat it is 
not contended for the Moderate party that any 
•ruling as sucb was publicly announced upon Mr. 
Tilak's demand for moving an adjournment and for 
addressing tfhe House, except perhaps to A£r. Tilak 
himself and in the conversation referred to above. 
The fact of Mr. Tilak having asked f(jc an adjourn- 
ment arid permission to address the |House, was 
never openly mentioned to the whole House, nor 
the Ohairmaii*s ruling formally declared to the 
House. And it is not disputed that from first to 
last no question was pul to the House nor votes taken 
nor even the sense ascertained on the subject 
matter of Mr. Tilak's ohit. Now it is urged against 
Mr. Tilak -tbat his unconstitutional act :.coaslsted 

r,.i... ,.,Gt.)oylc 

Loft. Bal Gangadhar Tilak ^ 

of two things — first, ia demagding permiBBion to- 
move an adjournment and to address the House 
on the question of the election of the President, and 
secondly, in persisting in the assertion of his rightf 
to address the House even when he was declared to- , 
be out of order by the Chair. ^aA we have, there- 
fore, to consider whether any one or both of these- 
aots were unconstitutional.' And as correlated to 
these questions, we have also to consider the point 
whether and how far Mr, Malvi or Dr. Ghosh (w& 
will generally say t\i& ^Chairman for either) was- 
acting constitutionally or unconstitutionally itt 
whatever Be did on the occasion. What the Chair- 
man apparently did was that he told Mr. Tilak that 
the latter's chit was considered, but ihi request 
therein was held to be inadmissible; and Ifiter that 
he told Mr. Tilak that he had protested enough, 
that he must no longer speak and interrupt the- 
business and must resume hxH seat. , 

The Nationalists had to devise meadia to kJep up- 
the work of the Congress. They must devise- 
measures for Jieeping up the Congress work, their 
starting point being the position taken up at th«- 
Calcutta Congress. It might be prudent, in worldly- 
interests, to recede (rom it, but it was not prudent 
in the interests of £he country. Time had come to 
exhibit more of the resisting spirit in tbem than the- 
deoire to please the authorities, or to advance as 
cautiously as it might be possible under the rules- 
and regulations, repressive or otherwise, of the- 


Meeting of the Nationatiat Deiegatet 

<}o7ernment of this country. The N'ationalists 
should do what they could do to keep up the fire 
until the time came when the small light they 
might be able to preserve might develop into a 
magnificeiit blaze. The KatioaaUsts were not met 
there for the purpose of creating a new organisation 
which would only advance to the liraiff up to which 
i;he Government would allow it to advance, but for 
-creating ^n orgam3g,tion which woulit htive a life 
-of its Own, a life that would enable it to grow under 
the most distressing and di^ouraging circumstaQces 
under the most chilling atmosphere of regression. 

How to do it was the question. It was necessary, 
therefore, to appoint a committee of 30 to 50 
members, who would watch the effects of the split, 
and decide upon the measure to he taken to check 
the evil effects thereof, and, if possible, make 
. arrangements for the meeting of the Congress next 
year at some place. The committee to be appointed 
WQuld wock, not in a spirit of rivalry with the other 
party, but in a spirit of co-operation wherever 
possible, and he hoped that, within a.sbort time, by 
the grace of Providence, an opportunity would 
present itself when both the parties would again be 
'United for the purpose, not enly of resisting the 
'repressive measures of the Government, but of 
advancing towards the goal of self-government 
'Unfolded last year. 

D,mi,.=db, Google 

his majesty the king 

'and his government. 


Sir, — In view of the exceptional circumstances of 
the present time, I have to ask you to publish the- 
following in order to remove any possible misunder- 
standing as to my attitude towards the Government 
at this juncture. I have already given expression to 
these views vtrhen addressing my friends the other 
day at the Ganapati gathering at my house. But 
feeling that a wider publicity to them should bfr 
advisable 1 am addressing this letter to you. 

A couple of Rionthfi ago, when I had an occasion 
to address those who'came to congratulate me on 
my safe ro^um to Poona, I observed that I was very 
much in the position Rip Van Winkle returning ti> 
his home Jjfter a long sleep in the wilderness. Sinco 
then I have had opportunities to fill up the gaps 1D' 
my information as to what has occurred during my 
absence, and to take stoQk of the march of events ia 
India during the past six years. And let me assuTft 

D,mi,.=db, Google 

Titak's Letter to the Press 

you that in spite of c^ertain measures like the Press 
Act — upon .which, however, it is not necessary for 
me to dilate in this place at any length.-I for one 
do not give up the hope of the country steadily 
• making further progress in the realieation of its 
cherished goal, The.reforra9 introduced during Lord 
Morley's and Lord [Jinto's administration will show 
that the Government is fully alive to the neceastty 
of progressive change and desire to associate the 
people more and more in the work of the Government. 
It can also be claimed, ai»d fairly conceded, that 
this indicates a marked increase of confidence 
between the ilulers and the Ruled, and a'si^sCained 
endeavour to remove popular grievances. Considered 
from a public point of view, I think this is a distinct 
gain : and though ii may (lot be all unalloyed, I 
conSdently hope that in the end the good ariaing^ 
out of the •constitutional reforms will abide and 
prevail, and that which is objectionable will 
disappear. The view may appear optimistic to 
some ; but it is an article of faith with me, airid in 
my opinion such a belief alone can inspire us tO' 
w^ork for the good of our country in co-operation ' 
with the Govprnment. 

There is another matter to which it is necessary 
to refer. I find that during the sis years of my 
absence an attempt has been made in the English 
Press here and in England, as for example in Mr. 
Chirol's book, to interpret my actions and writings 
as a direct or indirect incitentent to deeds of violence. 

Lok. Bal.Gangatihar Tttab 

or my speechea as uttered wilji the object of sub- 
verting the British, rule in India. I am sorry the 
attempt happened to be made at a time when I was 
not a free citizen to defend myself. But I thint 
I ought to take the first public opportunity to 
indignantly repudiate these ^asty and totally 
unfounded chart^es against me. I have, like other 
political workers, my own differences with the 
Oovernment as regards certain measures and to a 
certain extent even the system of internal adminis- 
tration. But it is absund on that account to apeak 
of my actions or my attitude as in any way hostile 
to His Majesty's Government. That has never 
been my wish or hiy object. I may state once for 
all that we are trying in India, as the Irish Home- 
rulers have been doing in Ireland, for a i«form of 
the system of administration and ndt for the over- 
throw of Government; and I have no hesitation in 
saying that the acts of violence which have been 
committed in the different parts of InMia are not 
only repugnant to me, but have, in my opinion, only 
unfortunately ^retarded to a great extent, the pace 
of our political progress. Whether looked at from 
an individual or from a public point of view they 
deserve, as I have aaijl before on several occasions, 
to be equally condemned. 

It has been well said that British Rule is confer- 
ring inestimable benefit on India not only by its 
oivilized methods of administration but also thereby 
bringing together the ^different nationalities and 

Tilak'e Letter to the Press 

'races of India, so tUat a united Nation may grow 
out of it in course of time. I do not believe that if 
we had any other rulera except the liberty-loving 
British, they could have conceived and assisted ub 
in developing such a National Ideal. Every one who 
has the interest of. India at heart ie fully alive to 
this and similar advantages of the Britieh Rule ; and 
the present crisis is, in my opinion, a blessing in 
-disguise inasmuch as it has universally evoked our 
united feelings and sentiments of loyalty to the 
British Throne. • 

England, you know, has been compelled by the 
action of the German Emperor to take up arms in 
defence of a weaker State, whose frontiers have 
been violated In defiance of several treaty obliga- 
tions ' ami of repeated promises of integrity. At 
such a crisis 'it is, I firmly hold, the duty of every 
Indian, be he great or small, richer poor, to support 
and assist His Majesty's Qovernment, to the best of 
his ability ;*and no time, in my opinion, should be 
lost in convening a public meeting of all parties, 
closes and sections of Poona, as tljey have been 
elsewhere, to give an emphatic public expression to 
the same. It requires hardly any precedent to 
-support such a course. But. if one were needed 
I would refer to the proceedings of a public meeting 
held by the citizens of Poona so far back as 1879-80 
in regard to the complications 'of the Afghan War 
which was proceeding at the time. That proves 
■that our sense of loyalty and desire, to support the 


Lok, Bat Gattgadhar Tilak 

government is both intieTent aad unswerving ; and^ 
that we loyally appreciate our duties and responBi— 
bilities under such circumstances. 

I am yours, &c. 

Poona, 27th 4-^giist, 1914. 

,., Google 

[4» address as below jwas presented to Tilak with a putse 
coniainirtg a hundred thousand rupees on his Sashti furthi 
6lst birthday, July 1915, fiji his friends and admirers.] 

We, who are a few among your friends in the 
Maharashtra, have assembled here to-day to 
congratulate you upon having completed your 60th' 
year and we feel extremely happy to greet you 
on this joyous occasion. _ 

The last thirty or thirty-five years-have proved to' 
be a period of great importance for t9& Maharashtra 
and you have during that ' period of its history 
rendered special important service to it. In your 
capacity as a founder of the Mew English School, 
ae an originator of the Deocan Educational Society, 
as' a Professor in the FerKussoa CoUeg^, as a 
dietinguished author, as the Editor of the " Kesari " 
and the "Maratha," as a Cpngre^sman, as a 
member of the Legislative Council and, lastly, as 
the prime leader of the Nationalist movement, you 
have done service which is invaluable ; you have 
moreover become an exemplar to the people of 
this country by your prominent ethical virtues- 
suoh as rectitude, setf-sacrifice and courage. 
The vow of public service which you havfr 
^ imposed upon yourself is very difBcuIt, in fact, very^ 
/ 395 

II ,.,Gt.)onlc 

LcA. Bal Gangadkar Tilab 

•8evet6. One is apt to ^e overwhelmed bythamere 
thought; of calamities which encountered you in the 
past; and we have nothing but admiration for the 
determined courage with .which you faced all of 
them, the resourceful struggle with which yon won ' 
victory ia some of them and the cool courage aad 
equanimity lOf mind with which you bore others 
which were insurmountable. 

The spatk of life vouchsafed to educated men in 
this country is unhappily not a large one. To the 

.general causes of this* state of things, others of 
a special nature as indicated above, have been 
added in your case. It must, therefore, be regarded 

. as a special favour of Providence both upon yourself 
and upon the p^ple of the Maharashtra, that you 
have been enabled to . see the dawn of your. (>lst 
birthday. And we pray to the sanle benignant 
Providence to grant you health and long life so that 
you may be able to render further services to youf 
people, t *. . 

But how could we grdet and congratulate you 

-empty-handed^onthg present occasion? Considering 
the self- sacrificing service that you have rendered 
throughout your life, no present howsoever valuable 
that we may offer ycui, can be fit or adequate. But 
we earnestly entreat you to accept as a present the 

-smaH purse which we place ia your hands along 
with this address. It is the result of contributions 
spontaneously made by a comparatively few iadiri- 

■ duale during the last two or three weeks. Quits 
396 ' 


Public Address and his Reply 
a, ]arge number of people in the Maharashtra could^ 
not participate in the present ceremony as the news 
thereof was not brought to them in good time. But 
tbey will have at least the satisfaction that a few 
. did make a move in time, so that your sixty-first 
birthday could be celebrated in this manner. 

Public- spirited workers like ytjurself are 
thoroughly disinterested, and that makes difficult 
the task of repaying their services. !^ut it is the 
duty of the people in any nation to be ready to make 
that repayment at some •self-sacrifice lest they 
should be called ungrateful ; and we pray that you 
will be pleased to accept nur small pies^nt at least 
to free us of the Maharashtra from that blame, if ' 
■^ not for your own sake, • 

[Mr, Ti\fik^ in reply, said J,-— 

Esteemed Friends and Gentlemen, — I am aware 
that any words which I can use to express my 
heartfelt thanks for your address and gift can but 
inadequately express my feelings at this moment. 
The language of joy or emotion is always brief and' 
of the nature of an exclamation and I pray you- 
from the bottom of my heart to'make up any defici- 
ency that my words may appear to reveal, so that 
■ like the gift which has grown little by little to such 
a stately sum, roy words may in your generous 
minds grow to the full expression of my feelings. 
You have all been of the greatest help to me and 
while I have been anxiously thinking of how to 
repay your kindness, you htive to-day again added 
• 397 

Lob. Bal GangadHar Tilah 
to the already heavy debt of gratitude, as if jrou 
wish me tq be eteinany bound to you. I have no 
doubt that you are actuated by feelings of deep and 
sincere affectioo, bul I do not think that thia makes 
my task any easier. I^only hope that with your . 
blesBings Providence may grant me strength to 
repay this heavy debt of gratitude with .which you 
have overwhelmed me. 

Even if I felt a certain embarrassment in accept- 
ing the Address, I must formally accept it. But 
with the purse it is 4 different thing. I do not 
know what I should do with the money which it 
contains.* I do not want it for my own sake nor 
would it be proper to accept iMor personal use. I 
can only aQcepi it in trust to spend it in a constitu- « 
tional way for national work, and I hopg this pro- 
posal will meet you'r wishes, "You have entrusted 
this sum to me in trust and I assure you that I will, 
after adding my o,wd quota, utilise it to the best of 
my ability in a manner already indicated and 
according to rules which will be framed later on. 
If there is any seo^e of disappointment with the 
conditions on VbicU I accept the sum, I hope you 
will consider my present state of health and mind 
and extend to iqe your generous indulgence. 

Looking into futurity after completing 60 years 
one's mind cannot but be filled with misgivings. At 
any rate I deeply feel thia sensation. Memories of 
storm andTsuffering rather than^^those of comparative 
happiness rise before 'my mind's [eye ; and with 


Public AJdreSs and his Re^y 

-decliaing strength one is apt to feel less fortitude in 
facing them. But t devoufly hope that with your 
support as heretofore I may he granted life and 
strength to add to whatever work of public good I 
may have hitherto done. 

The words of high praise which you have bestowed 
on me in your address remind me of Bhartrihari's 

" How many (good people) are there who rejoice 
in their hearts to make a.mountain of the particle 
■of merit they find in others." 

To me it is rather a proof of your generous feelings 
than of any merits in me. But I earnestly pray 
you not to he content with' what little service 1 
could dij in the cause of the nation. Thft National 
-work which faces us to-day is so great, extensive 
and urgent that you must work together with zeal 
and courage greater than I may have been able to 
show. It i« a task which is not one th&t can he put 
off. Our motherland tells everyone of us to be up 
and doing. And I do not think that Her sons will 
disregard this call. However 'I feef it my duty to 
beg of you to respond to this call of our Motherland 
and banishing all differences from your minds 
strive to become the embodiments of National ideals. 
Here there is no room for rivalry, jealousy, honour 
or' insult, or fear. God atone can help us in the 
fruition of our efforts and if not by us, it is certain 
that the fruit will be gathe/ed by the next genera- 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

tion. And therefore banishing^all other considera-- 
tions from our minds 'we must unite to work iiv 
these National efforts. May .Gr(jd inspire you witb- 
thJB higb ideal and J pray Him to grant me Life to - 
see with my own eyes your efforts crowned witb 
success ! 

T again thant you with all my heart for the grea6 
honour which you have done me to-day. 



[Under the presidene^f af the Hon. Mr, Mattmohan Daa 
Rantii, a ntonsler piMip meelitg was held on 2nd October^ 
1917, in Siadhav Baug, Bombay, when Mr. X^ak spake as 

G-entlemen, — I have chosen to depart fro^i my 
usual practice of addressing meetings. J. have in 
my hands my written spe«ch and I am going to 
read it out to you this evening. You will, perhaps, . 
ask me why I have resorted to this unusual method, 
but I may tell you that [ have no wish to tender 
my explanation I for this, astonishing' as it may 
appear t% you. But I know you will, without my 
telling the reason in explicit terms, draw your 
inferences and I, cannot help if you arrive at the 
truth (laughter). With no much preface I come to 
the subject df my speech. Yoy are/aware, gentle- 
men, that the Faisa Fund has come out suoceasfuUy 
through the severe ordeals to whic_^ it was put 
during the last ten years of its existence. The 
-sphere of action of the Paisa Fund is now no more 
limited to the four corners oj the Bombay Presi- 
dency or the Msrathi-speakiog public. It has now 
transgressed these bounds and received hospitality 
at the hands of our Ceylonese brethren across the 
seas. (Cheers.) The spread of the idea must delight 
the hearts of all those interested in the cause of the 

Lok. Bat Gaitgadhar Ttiak ^ 

Paisa Fund, and I have every bop« that if yotb 
put forth earnest efforts to make the movement 
populsv, it will not take very long before it will lay 
its hold upon the minds of people inhabiting the- 
several provinces of India. To-day we have got on 
band a handsome balance of fort^ thousand Rupees 
out of the, collections wb have made. 1 have never- 
considered this as a very large amount; for even if we- 
are happily^in a position to show a balance of forty 
lacs of Rupees, I would not regard it as ^ very 
prodigious amount, noi; look upon it as a greater 
, achievement. We are in absolute Deed of such 
large amotinte, if at all they are worth tO' be had. 
You wilC perhaps, say that by indulging in such a 
talk, we are mepel; makingashowof ourinordinate 
greed. But, gentlemen, remember that sucl^ colossal 
amounts are very badly needed toSatiate the appetite 
of thirty-three million souls of this motherland of 
ours. - No funds can be said to be too large for this 
purpose. 1, ■ 

' Ifow turning to the way in which the funds are 
disposed of aitd^acpounts kept, we may in glowing, 
tergas oongratiitatd 'ourselves on having seuured in 
the person of Mr. Yeshvantrao Kene an Accountant 
in whose industry, vOTaoity, and business capacity 
you may safely repose the greatest oonfiddnce and^ 
trust. If you believe me, I can confidently give my 
word that Mr. Neae will not allow the smallest 
«rrpr of a pie to creep into his accounts. 
The Paisa Fund ia'&n Institution which has a. 

1 . 

» j , ^ Setf-Reliance 

'variety of leBsons to ^ive to you. la the first place, 
■it provides you agrouud where you can train your 
young men in the art of organisation with the 
object of performing civio dntiea. Selflessness ia 
■ the first lesson which you are to ieara in forming 
Tolunteers'-asBociation for .the purpose of collecting 
-the Paisa Fupd. TheP^isa Fund, moreover, teaches 
you the value of self-reliaaoe. In fact, self-relianoe 
is the very lif6 and soul of the movement. Those 
that desire to do some kind of service or other to 
their motherland must neCesSarily develop these 
qualities, in order to put forth that service to the 
t>e9t advantage. To the volunteers I nave' this 
message to give. Remember all these things, and 
act up to tfaem. Work«with devotiotf and singleness 
of purpose for the uplift of the Motherland. You 
devote only one day in a year for the coltfiction of 
■the Paiaa Fund. If you do the work which you 
have unddrtakea to do as a part of your duty, with 
i all the zeal iod earnestness which you can summ(m 
to your aid, I am sure. yoUr devoted efforts will 
never remain unrewarded by G^d. If j^ou have faith 
in Him, remember ever that He is always standing 
by you. He will certainly crown your efforts with 
success. Ha^e implicit faithin Him, and be doing 
your duty even without the reasonable prospect of a 
suitable reward in return for your exertions. 


[In supporting the Loyalty Resolution at the Praotnciat 
Conference^ held in Belgautn in April 1916, Mr. Tilak . 

President, and Delegates,— The subject of the- 
resolution 1 rise to support now is named " War and 
Loyalty ". * At first sight there appears no connec- 
tion between war and loyalty, and I am going to deal 
with the subject. with h view to see whether there- 
exists a relation between the two and if any such 
relation exists, to see what duty devolves upon us on 
that account.; Gentlemen, at the outset I must make- 
it plain to yoLf that the demands that we are now- 
pressing upon the attention of the Governnent, have- 
absolutely no relation to the assistance we have 
given to them during the present war. We do not 
make these demands by way of a reward for tfae 
services we have rendered during the ^ar> We hava- 
been asking for them long before the war, and they 
have nothing ,to do ,with it- They are baaed on the 
firm foundation of justice, . (cheers)- They are not 
new ones ; we have been dinning them into the ears 
of the Government for a quarter of a century and 
more. We are now pressing them with redoubled, 
vigour, and the present time has only afforded us the 
best opportunity of emphasising them. But for th& 
distrust of the bureaucracy, these demands would:. 
have long ago been granted to us. Heretofore they 


\ Loyatts Resolution 

thought that no Booi|er were the Indians allowed to- 
carry arms, than they woulcf attempt to make use of 
them In oreFthrowing the British supremacy in 
India. But a greater and graver calamitythan this- 
suppQsed oY imaginary fear has now arisen ia tbe- 
shape of the present war, and our bureaucracy must 
now give up alt their auBpicions in view of 
the loyalty wo have showa and the manifold help 
we have given them- (Cheers). Oar^heerful oo-- 
operatiOn and wiUiag aid must convince the bureau- 
cracy, that we never for a moment harboured any 
thought of driving the British out of India. We- 
never entertained the idea that the British rule- 
should be supplanted by any other foreign power. 
On the other hand, in order to «treagthen and 
oonsolidftte the British rule we have shown our 
willingness to saoriSce to the utmost our blood and 
our purse (loud cheers). What other proof is 
needed to demonstrate our genuine loyalty ? We 
request the}Qovernment to revoke the^Arms Act ; 
but if they are afraid or reluctant to do so now, let 
^em revoke it after the termination of the war. Let 
them embark upon the experiment a few selected- 
individuals to carry arms without a license, and if 
the Government is satisfied that the arms are not 
improperly used, there would he do harm to revoke - 
^e Arms Act altogether. • 

Wo firmly believe that if there be any people th^t 

can sympathise with our legitimate aspirations and 

help us to realise them, it i^the British people, (loud< 



Lok. Bid Gan^dhar TOak 

ohaers). We are deeply canYinced that no dthar 
nation than the British can stand us in good stead 
and promote onr welfare (loud cheers). A\\ these 
things we are quite sure of ; but there is no gain- 
saying the fact that owing to a great many 
imperfeotioQS in the prese^at system of admiBiBtra- 
tion a good deal of dieisatisfaction and unrest prevails 
in the country. This diasatisf action need not 
however coijie in the way of conceding our demands. 
The true reason why our bureaucracy is reluctant to 
part with its powers is the vain fear that it would 
lose its prestige. But our services in the war havB 
opened thc^eyes of the British public to our state and 
has convinced them more thaa ever that the 
^suspicions of the bureaucracy had absolutely no 
foundation in fact. They must have now kni^wn 
that the distrust of the bureaucracy with regard to 
us Indians was due to their self-interest. "Now that 
the British democracy is award of the true state of 
affairs in India, I say the present ^ the most 
opportune time to press for our demands being 
reoognisedby an Act of Parliament. This, in my 
opinion, is the relation that subsists between our 
loyalty and the present war (cheers). 

Gentlemen, there a^e certain people who say that 
India ought to have supplied more men than have 
'been hitherto despatch^ from here to the front. But 
who denies the propriety o> this assertion 1 Bat are 
we to be blamed for not doing something which was 
«)ot in our power to do 7* If we were invested wi^ 


1 . 

\ ^oyottji RtBolutioo 

some authority we qould have Bupplied a gigantic^ 
army of ten niiUione to fight the enemy. And I ask 
you, in all earnestness, if India is not now in a 
position to Bend such a vast force, is it not the fault 
. of our bureaucracy ? History telU us that the great 
empires of Rome a^fl Greece were ruined on account 
of the predominance of jealousy in the jliinds of the 
ruliug olaeaes towards those >OTer whom 'they 
exercised'their power. Historians say, that these 
horrible vices of jealousy and avarice were peculiar 
only to uncivilized tribes of Xhe olden times and that 
they are now fast dieaj^waring. This elimination, 
ttiey say, is calculated to obviate the d<wn-£all of 
great empires of modem times. But the behaviour 
of IJie belligerents engaged in the pvsent war gives 
a direct Ije to this assertion- These vices, you will 
note, have not entirely disappeared. They 'ace 
making themselves felt as fierceljr as of yore. So, it 
is clearly the duty of statesmeit^ who guide the 
destinies of pighty empires, to guardj^henf against 
these pit-falls, and in order to do it effectually it is 
equally clear that all the component parts that 
comprise the empire must be made strong enoagh 
to stand on their own legs. Fortunately the- 
potentialities of India are so great and enormous 
that it can supply any number of men to the army ; 
bo much Bo.thatif you make the men stand three feet 
apart from each other they will form an unbroken . 
line from Calcutta to Berlin ! (laughter a^d loud 
cheers). But why are not tAen fortbcomuigln Bnch- 

- . ,..,,.Co*.Vik-. 

Loh. Bat Qangadhar TOak t 

large nurnbers ? There is onljr one reason for this. 
And it is the distrust of our bureaucraoy. Their 
«UBpicionB might be honest Ruapicions, but what is 
'%nneat is not always true (cheers)- It has been now 
proved to the hilt that their misnuderstaQdii^ about 
us, though honest, was due mere^ly to a lack of per- 
- captiou on their part of our good intentions. We 
have' shown, that we never meant to subvert the 
British soYereigaty. (loud cheers). We never 
entertained the idea of severing the British conaeo- 
tion. We believe that itis only the British that can 
have genuine sympathies with our national 
aspiration' and can satisfy our needs, (oheers). No 
one ought to misunderstand us on this cardinal 
point. We are* thoroughly loyal to the person of 
our Eiuperor and His Majesty's empire J[cheera). 
Wfi ^re not against his sovereignty and never mean 
to sever our connection with his throne> But with 
all that you must remember that the empire does 
not mean a bg.reaucracy. Fighting coa^titutionall; 
with the bureaucracy for the attainment of certain 
rights and privileges which we are entitled to as 
citizens of a great empire does not mean any attempt 
to overthrow the empire (cheers). If some people 
try to put suoh a construction on our endeavours, to 
obtain our legitimate privileges, I should say it 
is simply wicked to do so. We do certainly want to 
. help our Government. We have practioally helped 
it in several ways and our assistauoe proceeds in 
no way from a desire tA obtain a reward for it. We 

^ Loyalty Resolution 

help our GoverDment, because it is our doty to do so. 
' (cheers)' But while helping them at this mooMiit of 
their eupreme need, I do say that this is the most 
opportune time to emphasise our demands and you 
should not swerve, an inch from doing both these 
duties. . 

Some of our bureaucrats say, " Why do you want 
arms ? We are here to prbteot you fsom foreign 
invasions as well as from internal violence". I ask, 
however, why should we go^d the District Superin- 
tendent of Police to request him to protect us from 
the depredations of a tiger in the jungle ?'^ I know a 
tiger was at large in the junKlee of Sinhagarh but' 
the people being quite unable ^ protect themselves 
against bis rapacity, had to run over to Foona to 
intimate to the Police Superintendent the danger 
and obtain a redress of their grievance. The 
Superintendent, thereupon, came to the place and 
killed that ^ger. Why should we«be so much 
dependent on the help of the authorities even in such 
petty matters ? Does the killing of^a tiger mean 
fomenting a rebellion t (cheer and laughter). But 
our splendid co-operation in the present waFhas 
thoroughly satisfied the Goveyiment as to our loy- 
alty. There is now absolutely no doubt about it in 
any quarters- And there ought to remain no 
suspicion whatsoever about it. The suspicion having 
been removed, We have every right to receive from 
our Oovemmebt the privileges of carrying arms.t 
The conceBsioQ will not only promote our' welfare 
409 " 

27 .,■ -.U-okIc 

. ( 

Lok. Bal Qanaadfuo' Tilak V 

bat it wlH go to strengchen Hie empire as well. It 
will further secure the peace of the country if all 
three hundred millions are provided with arms, 
tbey will atrike terror into the hearts of our foe. , 
He will be afraid of waging war with a mighty 
power which o^n muster at a; Tnomeot's notice 
milliona of armed people to defend tbeempire. The 
grant of t}ii6 concession wilt make the people 
Htrong, bold and manly. It will help to* establish a 
reign of peace all over Jibe world and contribute to 
universal satisfaction and welfare' It will obviate 
the neoesKity of passing the law of conscription. 
Some of our bureaucrats still assert that tbey by 
themselves ar^ eminently powerful to protect the 
vast British Empire from any danger t^at might 
threaten it. But this is a mere idle boast, and has 
been proved to be eo in the present war. The war 
has shown that you must secure the help of the 
people in orij^r to defend the empire, apd hence our 
just demand derives an additional force from the 
necessities of the circomstanoes. We, therefore, 
pray to the Government to concede to us the right to 
carry arms. And request them to strike one from 
the statute book the pernicious Arms Act which has 
eaten into the vitals of our country. Such a step 
will bring delight to the hearts of millions and make 
them powerful enough to come to the rescue of the 
empire in the hour of its need. We again assure 
the Government that this concession will place the 
loyalty of the people on a more solid foundation ; it 
^410 , . 
.^Coo;ilc . 

^ Loyatty Reaottitioii 

Aiv-ill make them atrongep, and* will go a great way in 
s trengtbeaing the empire as well. With these wotdB, 
delegates, I commeod thie resolution to your accept- 
ance and I hope you will carry it with acclamations. 
C* Long Live Lokamanya" "Tilak Maharajkijay "}, 


f ■ 

Mahatma Gandhi , 

(Enlarged and ap to date edUion)* . % 

His Life, Writings and Speeches with a foreword by 
Mrs. Sarojimi Naidk. Oi^er "450 pages. Tastefully 
bound with an iodex. The Commotautal ■wrilts : — 
The book is nell got ap and very handy to bold and 
it shoald prove an acqaisitioD to every Indian's 
Library. Price Rs. 2. , 

The Ethics of Passive Resistance 

A complete treatise on Passive Resistance by Mr.' 
M. S. Haurice and Satyagraha by M. K. Gandlu 

Price As, 4, 
Tht Hon? Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya 
Hia Idfe and Speeches ■ 
2nd edition, (retisbd and enlarged) 
The speecbes which are embodied in this volume are 
not mere speeches but they are tbe fruit and flower of 
a sourdeeply rooted in a sense of the eternal verities 
of life, of a character distinguished by simplicity and 
self control, of an intellect given to an honest study 
of facts and an impartial and fair minded presenta- 
tion of them. Tbe publishers are cianvinced that they 
are supplying the Indian reading public with a record 
of activity exercised on bebalf of tbe country which 
will serve to infuse moral seriousness, honest study 
and stremums endeavour into the lifp botb private 
and public, of all who seek to take part in ludia's 
public life. 700 pages. ^ Price Ra. 3-0 0. 

Mohomed Ali Jmnah : 

T^iese valuable speeches, ^ow collected for the 
brst time, cannot fail to arouse profound and vivid 
interest in the minrls of all who are concerqed with 
the vital issues of contemporary political events and 
activities in India. 

Tbe volume opens with a Foreword by the Baja of 
Mahm'udabad together with a bic«raphical appreci- 
ation by Mrs. Sarojini Nsidu. 

Over 320 pages printed on Antique paper and attrat- 
tively bound with a portrait and an index. 

Ganesh & Co-> Publishers, Madrat- 

1 N DEX. 



ARC Relotm Scheme ... SOS 


... 3* 

Abkari Department tls, 143 

Aahoka, Emprle* of 

... 266 

Aboiigine ... 69 

Asia and Europe 

... SO 

Action, Performance of ... 233 

AsUtic NaUons 

365. S30 

Adam ... 70 

Do. Siluatidn 

... 846 

Administration Noeatoiy. 2;9 

Do. Sc>iDUr«hip,of 


Administralion, Systtraof. SBa 


„ 3 

Advisory Body ... 10" 

Asquith, Mr. . 

... 132 

Advisory Councils .. 95 


... 76 

Afghan War ' ... B83 


... 306 

African Colonies 310, 861 

Aorangzeb ^ 
Aval Karknn ' 

... 166 

AjarliBr ... 6 

.. 180 

Age of Consent Bill ... 62 


... 815 

Agricultural Assessment ... 1*3 

Agricultural Universily ... 187 

Bad was of^andbarpui 

r „ 147 

Ahmednaear ... 141- 

Baji Rao's Rule 

... 180 

Atbar 50,155, 265 


„, 28 

Aliens ... 160 

Balaji Vishwanath 

-.- 60 

Amraoti ... S98 

Bandc Mataram, Cries of^.. 2^1 

America ... 312 

Banerjea, Mr. 


American factor .. 354 

Bankipore in 1912 

.... 99 

Amrita BazaarPatrika 284, 286 

Anandacbarlu,*lr. ... 873 

Baroda, Hratm of 
Battle of Feedom 

„ 185 

_ 816 

A&dent Message ... 6 


__ t4» 

Anglo-Indian Friends, 311, 373 

Belvi SahLb 

_ 12* 

Anglo-Indians .„ 69 

Bengileo ' 

„ 50. 

Anglo-Indian Women ... 68 

Bengali Race 

... 43 


-TS- 39 

Anti-Home Role Agiution 316 


... 407 

Antiqnarien baaia ... 30 

Beg«nt,Urs. Annie 2f 


Do. Gronnds ... 82 


313, 820 

Do. Interest ... 295 

Bhagavad Gita 

69, 219 

Arctric Home ... 3 

281, 84* 

Arjana ... 283 


... 333 

Arms Act 304, 306 

Bbaltfi Yoga 

... 133. 

JUiAh Riots ... 2B8 

Bbarat Dharma Mabaman- 

Arthur Griffin ... 45 



Arts and Indostries ... 42 

Birthright 231 841. 219 

AcysM ... 38 

823. 333 

Aijan LanSoage ... 29 

Black Colonics 

... 866 





BloodleM Revolution ... 76 

Bombutic PbratcB ... aS7 

Bombay ConventianUI* .» 100 

Do. Guette ... 1|» 

Do. High Coart ._ Sll 

Do. Legislative Cona- 



Bonar Law, Mr. 
Boycott * 7, 18, 19, til 

Boycott of Qoverpment ... 100 
Brahma ... 109 

Bcabmin * ... 218 

Bcahmtn* ... liQ 

Brittth Bareaucracy ^. aS2^ 
Do. capital .„. :t5S 

Do. Democray SS3 2GT 

f 894, 873 

Do. Empire liS, 1st, aiO 
Do. Goverament .^301 
Do. Miaisterd . „ 33<l 
Do. Nation a5i,.-i60 

Do. l^llaroent 280, STl 
Do Party ... 20 

Do, People _ 2fi3 

Do. Power „ 2S7 

Do. Public _ aST 

Do. Raj ~ 73 

Do. Rnle J^, 390, 982, 
Do. Tbrone 80S, 3BS 

BadaUatoand Jaloi, Hindu 

Religion by ._ 87 

BiiddlU,and Ilabomedatt 

Rolea _ SS5 

Bnpendra Basn 100, lOa 

BnreaDcracy 130, us,?60 

351, 376, 97), 9TS 

270, SIO, Sil, S18 

. BnreancratlcAdministratlon 111, 


Do. Control _: IT 

Do. Kaiserdom ._ BIS 

Do. Solution __ SS6 

Bnrcancracy, to fight 

agjOinttbe _ 43 

Bweancntcy, PoAetfot _ 308 




_ lie 


_ 1«4 


_ MI 


68. 984 

Calcuila High Conrt 

__ 3es 

Do. .Sewjon 

_. 18 


.. IM 

Cardinal Creed 

„ 9*» 

Caaie ol India 

_ 831 

Central Government 

_- 9»T 

Do, Ofgjuisatioo 

_. 1$ 


_. 953 


Ceyloneu Brelhem 

_ *01 

... 40 


_. 73 


... ai» 


... 990 


... 334 

Chirol. Mr. 

... sai 

Ctiirol Sir ValeatUe 

... 2tlO 

CtiTisttanlty, acien::e aid.„ 4a 

C. J. D. 178, 179. 

841. 9M 

3B9, 290, Mi 

Civil Law 

... 348 

Ott Servanti 318, 


Do. Service 

... S58 

Collector f 
Colonic* ISi; 214, 

... 184 

161. sn 


Commanding InSaencc 

_ 8 

M. lUI 

... 309 

Common Charactor 


Hindna „. n 

... 1>S 

Company's Directors 

Do. Policy ... isH 

Do. Sbareholders. ISC 

Confidentltd Letter .„ lox 

Congrosa 66, IBl 

Congress, idiUd o( tb« .» 243 

Do. Committeea .. M> 

Do. CoDStltntioa 18, gs 

Do. Deliberate bnek«r 

of the ... IS 
Do,- High TClne on the^ 



Coagit*t IndUm National * SB, 

£02, S17 

Do. Leaders ■ ,. SOe 

CoDgrew Leaene Scheme, S6G 

271,877, 311, 868 

Coogrest Bfovetnent, the... G 

Congreis Polltlct till IMe. 17 

Cooftrets RMolalion), Syn- 

tbcanof _ SOS 

CoDtcriplton Act _, 8B1 

ConMrvative TemperaineDt 12 
Conititntlocal .^giUtlan (3, 248 
Do. Laws _ 48 

Do. Reform .„ SOB 

Convcniionist Leaders _ 98 
Court of Wards 28lk,275 

CoarU of L^ 111,276,8V5 

Crown Prince „ 278 

Current Indian Polilics .._ 16 
Onlis, Hr. 268, 276,380, 89 » 

Cartb, Pamphlet ... 268 

Cnrzon L«rd 83, 43, 82 

Da^hai Naotojl, Hr. 41, Be,66' 
129, 1S3, 2)8, 383,274,818 
Balwa .... 213 

Oamale, Mr. ._. 74 

I>cadlock g „ 379 

Deccan EdudUional Soci- 
Defence of India Act 289.3B7 
Delhi ... 274 

Do. Conference _ 34« 

Deliber^We Body _ 306 

Demonaic Part _ 842 

Democratic PoUtldan ^ 10 
Depacimentallsm, Exces- 

siTO Growth ot 91 

Departroeni of Indattry ,„ S6 
Departments of Life „ SSO 
Depotadon „ 8B2 



• Pare. 

Dhri „ 96 

Oiacrllic Marks .„ 81 

District Connclls _ 98 

District Boards ._ 371 

District Uagislrate 68, ISS 

DlTtnation of, This _ 

Doyanin _ S4S 

Docile Nature __. 168 

Dozen Detectives ... es 

Dravidlan , „, 28 

Do. Sounds ... 38 



. 396 

.„ 39 
86, 88, 380, S34 

East India Company ... 2M 

'Eastern Idea ,.. 74 

Eden, Sir Ashley ... 888 

Education | ... lES 

Edncalional Movement ... & 

Do. do. 82, ISt 

Education in Politics ... ST 

Do. of the Masses ... 209 

EffimiDacy ... 182 

Eight annas a day 78 

Flphinstone ,., 118 

Emperor ... 14T 

Do. In India ... 168 

Empire, Partnership bi the. 367 

EncyclopflMlits ... 76 

England History of l« 

Engifah AdmlniBtration ... 141 ' 

Lio. Government 108, 148 

Dh. Grammarians ... 31 

Bngliih Hialoiy, in the 

light of —^ 6 

Do. Institutions ... 234 

Bo Parliament ... 18B 

Do. feople ... Hi, 

Do. Politics ... 80 

Do M>le ... lift 

Eternal Hell ... 89 

Ethoologicai AEGnitles ... 96 

^nropean Ideals ... 6 

Do. Nations 168, 810 

Do. SanskiisUsts ... Bf 

Do. Way ... 281 

EzchaDgs Cmpenntlon ... 840 



Execatlve CoandlB _ ISO 

Do. and the Judicial 

Fnnctiong „ 91 

Do. Department .... 290 
Do. Will „. 372 

Eitremist ... 16 

Fet(DSK>it College 6,44,303,Sa6 
Fiery Iconsclum .„ 14 

Financial CentraRiatiOD .... !)1 
Foreign Langnagei _ tts 


Qdaded to Revolntion ... 11. 
God Himself ... 209 

Goktule, Mr. 67, 60, 9S, 303 

i)oi, 3cb, saa, ss» 

Governmeat of India 21, S70 
Government of India Act 

ISO, 210 
Government, H^hinery of 

Do. Princifles of ... 2TS 

Foreign Rule, • India, is 

Do. Resolution ... 12t 

under a 42 

Governor-General 126, 278 

Great Britain ... 60 

Foremost Exponent .„. ^ 

Grand Old man 87 

Foozda .._ 180 

Do, do. of India 

Freedom , 217,807 
French BatUe Fields „. 2*4 


Greatness of the Nation, 

Pallet Saheb „ ill 

Past ... * 

Greece .„. 324 

Oi^di ' -._ 82 

Gajarathi or Haiirathi ._ SO 

OMhwar .„. ISii 

Guptas , .„ 26S 

Gaeknar's Stale 1107 

Gurultul of Hardwar „. 84 

Ganapathi Feslival .„. B 

Gurumnkhi „' » 

" OaieUe of India" _. 382 

German Emperor „ 39:i 

Hall-and-half Scheme _ 21 

Do. Empire _ 366 

Hard-earned S>>cce9S „ 8 

Do. GovCQa^iKiit OB 

Hardinge, Lord * .„ 194 
Ha.ris=8 ^ „ 39» 

Do. InBaence ._ 33t 

Do. Kaiaerdom _.. 3!2 

His llirte Imprisonment ._ 7 

Do. Mill Faresin ... Sin 
Ghandi,Mr. ^ ...' 2* 

Heroism „ IfiS 

Hero-Worship _ ig 

Gbailia ... ]25 

HiKh Court Judgeships _.. »• 

GhonSr= ... 170 

HiMi „ 2IC 

Ghodegoari ... lis 

Hindu Community 202,289 

Gbose, Dr. 88i, S87. 988 

Do. Hol'ty _. SIS 

Gifts of tbe Orator, none of 

Do. Religion „, S31 

ihe 22 

Gila 192, 31.1 

of ' ... 36 

Oo. SIndj of ... 36 

Do. Rule, 1JS,2SS 

Gila-rahasya 4.332 

Uiiiveraiiy ..., 41 

Give-3Qd-iake, Principle of 

Hindus and Mahomedans B74 


Hubbea ^t Locie ,. 7* 

Glacial Period ... 66 

Holkir ... IM 

Onana ... 2S8 

Hooghley. (he Banks of ... 201 

Do. Yoga ... 233 

Home Defence ... SU» 





Do. Policy .. 228 

ndnstrial fiefoTm 

... 165 

Do. Kule 113, 168, 203 

nlanl industries 

... w 

Sie.eSl, 225, 2Se. S49, ssa 

nhablUnts of India 

... 143 

suo^sei, »6i 

nterned brotben 

... 800 

Do, do, Confertnce ... '17 

nvisible English Govern- 

Do. do. League 104, 116 


... 108 

19t. 19tt,259, S6S, 3;S, 317 

rish Convention 


Po. Home-Rules 

Sai, 393 

Do. do. Movement ... 307 

Do. Pacifists' 


Do, ■ do. Party ... 20 Ir«le-?aDt Excuses 

... MS 

Do. do- Periods ... 31 

slinaton, Lord 

... 289 

Do. do. Propaganda 3r,7 Italy 

... 824 

Do. do. the ideal of ... atQ 

. Do. do. what U meaot by 213 a£ir 

... 184 

Home Ruler, 20S, 293 


... 181 

Hnuieot Lords ... 19* 


... 180 

Hume Mr. A. O. ... 58 

amabandi ^ 

... 178 

Huindcum Life ... 231 


... 17S 

apan 83! 

830. S84 

I.CS. ... 134 

apaa and America 
ejla Tas * 

... 318 

... 87t 

the • ... 6 

ecus Christ 

... 88 

Idealialic Beng^ „ 11 

ixiya Tax 

... *4 

Ignonianlous lot _ 78 

innah Mr. IS7, 106 

266, S8» 

llbertBill ~. 62 


... 881 

inileracy __ 8*7 

onrnalislic work 

... 4 

tmmufable Dharma „ 2*8 

ddicial Department 

... 17» 

imperial Council ISO, ST» 
Do: GovSnmeDt ... 828 

udiciary =^^ 

... 380 

Qgtice and Providence ... 3G6 

Do. Role ... 839 

Imprisoomenls, during the * 

Kali Ynea 
CararTdildir, Hi. 

... 876 
... 31* 

India ... Ill 


... 824 

Indian Cituen Army ... SOS 

Karma and re-incarnaUonr- 

Do. Government ... 381 

doctrines of 

... 40 

Do. Ideal ... 80 

Karma, Events of 

... 828 

Do, Home Rale .,. 267 

Karnta, Law of 

... 245 

Do. People ... 244 

EUrma Yoga 33S 


Do. Political aspirations 299 


... 113 

Do. Spirituality ... * 

Kelkar, Mr. 168 


Do. States ... 2B7 

KesarJ, the 6, 172 

337, 396 

India's loyally ... 399 

lihalsa territory 
Khandesh District 

... 123 

Do. Stability . ... 136 

... 90 

Rliaparde, Mr. 


Indostrial Education ... S6 

Kharosbtti or Bcahmi 

... 80 

Do. Esbibition ... 58 

KhopoU Ghat 

... 178 



Kincald's Hr. Lectare ... 79 

King DusbyanU ... 286 

Kine-Eoiperor ... 213 

King of England ... 167 

Kings Sabjecta ... ST» 

Kolbapur ca«e ... » 
Do. tba Uabarajab of .. 13 

Krita Yoga . ... 107 

K»halriya ... 219 

Ksbairiya King» ... SIS 

Knikanii . ... 161 

Knlkvui Vatan IIS, lis 

Kumbi ... 371 

Lajpot 6ai Lala 60, 71, TS, 
383. 384 
Lancashire ' ... £34 

Land Tax ,., 62 

Larger Leverage ... 7 

Lan-abidiog Uetbod ... 214 
Lav and ConititutiOD ... 261 
Law of Daly ... 216 

Lawiencc, Mr ISC, 1S6 

Legal mind, an acute ... 3 
Legislative Council 96, 272 

. 279 
. 6<j 
Liberty ... 16 

Do. Preparation for >.. IT 
Liberty-tovfng Brttisb ... 393 
Lieatenant-Govemors ... 269 
Lli^ji^Franca 216, 32T 

Lto;d George, Ur. 214, 29fi 
SSI, 862. S71 
Local Beards ... 276 

Local Deapotiim ... 93 

Local Self- Government, 

Uunicipal ... 117 

Logan, the Hon'ble Hr. ... 72 
Logical Science . ... 118 
Logos ... SU 

Lokamanja Tilab .„ 2SI 

" London Time* " 378, 38i 

Loyalty ... 288 

Lncknow 202, 228 


. * PA8E 

Lucknow CoDgrest 216, 317 
Do. Sessiong ... 207 

Do. and Cavnpore ... 312 

H. A. and L.L.B- ... 69 

Madrat ... 163 

Uadrai Bureaucrat) ... S9S 
UababbanRba ... 64 

Hatiamandala ». 8f> 

Uahomad ... 18 

Uahomad All aas, 289 

Hahomedan commnohy ..: 389 

Do. tiule 142, 166, 105 > 

Mabomedans .„ ]71 

Mahmudabad, Hon'ble 

Raja Saheb of ... 283 

Uahrathtra 81, 135, 176, 

198. 286, 805 

Do. National life of ... 18 

Do. Organised MoveracDt 

in ... 65 

Do. tbe PoiilicalMind of. 6 

Mahratha ... 386 

Do. Chief ... 60 

Do. History ... 79 

Do. Nation •■• 42 

Do. Race . ... 9 

Do. Rule f ... 105 ^ 

Do. Spirit ... 8 4K 

Uahratht 133,153,292 '] 

Do. Language ... 3 

Do. Literature ... 3 

Do. Nation ... 183 

Do. Tongue ... 23 

Do. UaiTcisity ... 187 

Ualik ... 326 

HalibAmbar . ... ISS 

Magna Charta ... 16 

Ualaviya, Hon. Pandit 369, 871 

Uamlatdar ... 121 

Uan-povrcr ... 847 

Manu 27, 76 

Manusmriti .„ 218 ^ 

Map ol tbe World X. S86 ^ 

Masters To-day ... 139 

Uarwaifs ... ]«8 





Ma«3 ... 109 

Hehta Sir Pherozesha ... 3] 8 
Merdfal God ... »8 

Military Colleges ... 310 

., Subjecllon ... 32S 

HintoLotd .... S3 

Moderates and EiltemiBiB. 

SS, IS? 

Modern Science — 10 

Modi ... SB 

Molraha 187, S81 

MODtagn, Mr 35S, 268, 289 

293,310,311, 317, 319 


Morley-minto Reforms ZSS, S06 

Morley, Mr. 4B, S9, 69, 

377, 8»e 

Do. Lord 32S, 3SS 

Hotilal Ghoie, Babu ... 284 
Municipal and Legislative 

Conocin ... 101 

Monim >.. 156 

Mnsllm League 370, 812, 331 
Unalimx ... 207 

Mossalmans ... ISO 

Muirny 127, 282 

Mysore Ternary ... 138 

Nagar 163, 179 

Nagar District Contecmce. 168 
Nagari Pracbami Sabha 27. 29 
Nagpar .» 876 

Naib Dewana ... 1B» 

Nana Fadnavii ... 15S 

Nana Famalrs ... 178 

Nandas «. 78 

Napolean .■■ 48 

Nasik ... 817 

National Aspiration the 

God given Captains of... S 
Nationalists 19G, 203 

Nation Boilder ... 8S 

National Education 18, 19 

81, 367, 366 
KaUonal Ideal ... 302 

« Paqb. 

Nationalist Parly 96, 876 

National life, Prinsiples of 

the - ... IS 

National Worb ... 298 

Native Chief 378, 181 

Native State ISS, 134, l46 

Nature's Law ... 248 

Na Vishna Pri{hivipa(hi ... 76 
New India , ... 99 

New Parties ... SI 

New Party ' 18, 30 

New Spirit ... 385 

jfelson ... 48 

Nineteenth Century ... 229 
Nitam's Territory ... 1B4 

Northern India ^ ... ^18 

North-West Frentier ... 866 

Omnibus Grievances ... 16 

Ordnance I of 1907 ... 68 

Oriental Ideal ... 80 

Orion ... 3 

Paisa Pund 240, 401, 402 

Pal, Beptn Chandra 2AB, 266 
■"-^-W?, 277 314,386 
Panch ... 119 

Panchilantra ... 120 

Pandavas and Kaoravaa .., 6i 
Pandit ... 71 

Pandits, Councils of „. 226 
PaninI, Works of ~^ 31 
Pan-Islamic League ... 846 
Pai^meshwar ... £41, 

Paranjpe, Mr ... 74 

-Parasuraum ... 76 

Parliament ... 127 

Do. Members ol ... t7 
D». Under a SUtute o(. lEO 
^rtiantentary Statute, E6E, 270 
Parsi Patriot ... SOI 

Partition ... 03 

Partition of Bengal ... 9i 
Passive Resistance 261, 360 

i„ Google 



6D, S!SI 


Patriotic MovcmenU 
fax Britannica ^. m 

Peace Conference ... SiH 

Do. KcffotiaUons ... S56 
Penniless Beegars ... 78 

Pentlsrd. Lord ... 293 

People's Dominion „. 24fi 

Perfectinn b[ Manhood ... SUl 
Personalities, Tfirea Such. 24 
Peshwa* • 79, 178 S94 

Peshnas' Rule 1.42, 178 

Pelly-botching ... SI 

Ptiysical Besearcli Societies 49 

Pioneer Workers npall 

knol of ' ... 8 

Police ... 17K 

Police Sepoy • ... lit 

Police Inspector's Order ... 168 
Political Awakening in 

India ... 7 

Do. Effort, the oaf possi- 
ble aim foi ... 1 
Do. Emancipation ... Ig 
Do. Genius _^»- ■.■ 16 
. Do. Liading In lndia». S 
Do. Progress ' ... 198 
Do. Spii)!, New ... 6 
Do. Slrnggle •■ ..*. 278 
Politics, radical change in. 15 
Eiic Science of _. 843 
Poona 62, 179, 367, 390, 398 
Poona DaElar ... 478 
Power, Monopoly of ... 263 
Powerful Mind ... 26 
Predestined to lead ... 6 
Prejudiced Mind ... 232 
Premier .,« SSI 
Press Act 357, 591 
Prime Minister 110, 160, 310 
Princes and the Nobles ,„ 71 
Proclamation of Indepe- 

~D America ,„ 83 



• Pags, 

Proclarostioa of, 1858 _ 74 

Professor Bote , 

Progesslvo Improvement. 

Pro:ecting the con ,_ ]»» 

Providence «, 263 

Provincial Conference ... £48 

Do. Contract System. 91 

Do," Finance _, 94 

Do. Leg>sUtiveCouncil274 

Do. Prejudices ... 88 

Piycbolnelcal Law „, aB3 

public Opinio ... 218 

Public Service Kesolntion. 204 

Punishment of Whipping^ 46 

Puran ... 19S 

Ptirana „. 7» 

Queen's Government lis, 19B 

Queen's Proclamation 44, 61 

S7, 149, 2M 

Qneen Victoria ... 127 




Bablndcanath Tagora 

Sa<\a!s ... 339 

Rajadroha ... 124 

Rakahasa sBO, 298 

Bama * 76.819 

Ramayana »id 'Mahabha- 

ratha „. flS 

Raminuja ... 35 

Ranade ... 187 

Rajput Rule ... 105 

Rajputs 303, S56 

Reform Scheme , „. 36g 
Religious Scrapie ... !90 

Representative Govern- 
ment 80, SIS 
Republics, Frtnch or 

American .» St 

Responsible Goverament 

365, 263, 269, STO, 27S, 3S4 

370, S71 

Revolutionary Idealist »• 91 

R!g Veda " ™ 199 

Rip Van Winkle « 890 



.<i»bis 10,76,245 

Khiokal AJi — 388 

Robbers in their 

bhiahir Babn 8S1, 283, 283 

conmry, not 

... G8 


Komen Alphabet 

... 31 

Shishir Komat Ghose ... 282 

Do. Charadert 

... 30 

Shiva, Lord .. 290 

... 74 

Shivaji . "... 388 

Ruling P.inces 

... 3ifl 

Shiva]! festival B, 44, 4S, 68 

Russian IiiHucDce 

" ... 3»4 


Russian Kevolutiua 

... 236 

Sbolapar materia) ... W 
Shott-Hand Keporters ... B,-* 
Shradda ' . ... 120 

Sacred Books of the 



Shri Krishna " 35, 3B, !13 

Sacred Heritage 

.. 246 

234, 246 



Shri Rainachandra ... 213 


... 23S 

^liudra ... 31» 

Sanatana Dharma 

Sii^tria ■ ... 384 

Sanataii.i Truth 

... 3Lt 

Simla ■ ■ ... 274 



SInha ind Chi^n'.i^l ... IJO 


... 87 

Sine ■>ie ,_ ^h: 


... 178 

Sir Oliver Lodge and Me- 

Saihli l>urthi 

... 396 

yer ■ • . . 40 

Sat-ara j 

... 179 

siokb ■ ... lay 

Scholastic Labour, bis 

... 4 

Social InsLitutioDs ... 14 

Schools, the Old and New. K6 

Do. LUe ... 221 

SdeotiEic terms in Hin 

di ... 84 

Do. Reforoi ... 16i 


itio, 18; 

Do. Science ' " ... 15( 

Secretary ot State 

125. 205 

Spencer ... i't 


, 278, 57 

Spirit.,al Sdicnce ... 245 

Sediton ■• 121,2::, 237 

Sruti and sWili ... 2a« 

Sedition* Meetiugs Act ... 357 

Standard nf Revolt ... 6» 

Seeley, Professor 

... «3 

Sliuidard Tme . ... -U 


:uo. iSS 

btmtrAdmiiiiDtrailuri .. Id; 


351, 3Gr, 

Slate of Uepindent^ . , Ifl* 

S elf-go ire rn me nt 

64, lfi2 

Si3te Secretary Tri VM 

201, 311 

275, aSG 

Statusquo 8'*3, 3^'. 


... 222 

Str;il.en, Sir Jamet. ... (.i! 


... 401 

Student of Politics ... 11 

Self-reliant Xational Spirit. SOU 

Subba Rao, Mr. 'J^. Iw, lol 




Separation from Eufiland. 20U 

Suffering, Glare of ... 8 


Sup-CTi.e Dutv ... 238 

Servants of India delegates, Khi 

Siii'-eme Legislative Coon- 

Servants oi tbe potiple 

... 33» 

■ cil ... 214. 

^Service of llamani'.y 

... as 

Sural 376, 37», SW* 

121, 823 

S.>ral Cal.i8ttoi.|ie ... - 

TShasttas JLia 


IJo. Split ... 21U 

<i„ Google 

Surendraaath Banerjca .„ Sl3 

Sydenham, Lord 229, i^iS, 31S 


Sydenhamitn ... 311 

Sydenhants , 298 

Swadeshi 18, 19 17 

Swadwhl AEllation 18, 6a 

Of. Ubvemeitt J, 373 

Do. and Boycoll ... 201 

Swaraj I8, js, 138, 139 

1*6,186, 197, 208, S14, ays 

2!6, B!I2, STH 

Swarajya 1(14, 109,110 

lis, 113,118.138.134, H« 
157, 168, 170, 185. 194, Bt-a 

■ftimerlaiie and Chenlis- 

khan .. ■ 

Tamil character ... 

Teluga ,„ i, 

Tenancy Quertioo ." . 

Terms of Equality ... fi( 

Theory and Praclice 
Tbitiy-ibree Crores ... : 
Thoroogh-Boing Nation- 
Three R's • "' , 

TilaK, Mr, 9.10,11, 12 ' 

. las, 263, 292, SBC, 314, ,.■ 

An All-lndia Leadef ... 

Born Leader 

Born Parliwnentarles ... 

By-prcducls of his genian. 

Conslitulionallsl by Temper 1 1 

His Career ' ■ , ., 1 

H*3 Mind 14, 

Hfs place in IndianPo lilies'. 1 

His Poiitical Genuis .:. 6 

His Principles . , ^i 

Hiiwoikon IheLLte „. 3 

IndianiEed the Movement, g 

Liliexible Leader ... 8 

Inaexible will ot Ihe patriot M2 

Leader of All-India .^. 

Leader cf ao AU-lndia 

Letter to Ibe Press 

7 No Dogmatic Reaclio-iary. .. 
Xo Natural KevolutiCDlst.,. ji 

12 Practical politician ... "•■ 


erts ■ ■> 

Thrte Seals t.f his Career. S 

Touch cf Genioa 
Transval IndianF 

., 3T'' 

Tria:igular Fight 

203, SOh 


Two Parties 

"'. 2Jr. 

Uncrowned King 


Unhl, what does it 

United Congress 

Do. Nation 


Do. Provinces 

*■ ?, aiT 

Do. Stiles 

Universal Will 

UniverBities, Act 

Urdu and Hindi 

'.'.'. 2t' 


... 221; 


D,mi,.=d'b, Cookie 




... ai9 

War Debentures 

... ats 



War Fund 

137, S38 

Vcdanla and Yo£a 

... 41 

Waf i-oao 

.„ a39 

A'edantic Ooctrioe 

... 40. 

War Meainre 



... 343 

Weighia and Heasves, 

Vedas, commoQ allegience 

aundafd Syatem of 

... S4 


„. 37 

White People 

... 23S 

Vedic religion 

... 35 

Wliole Loaf 

... IS 

Vedic Researches, his 

WUllngdon, Lord 

... IW 


"70, 3» 

Wilson, Prorident 

.SlU, 3U 




.. 3S» 


... IS 

■ Videahi 

... 876 

' Vijapurkar, Prafessor 

... iT 

X, Y, z; Relocm Scbome... 303 


... 986 

. Village Paachayal! 

... 288 

'Vinchorkat, Mr. 

... 181 

Yoga Shattn 

_. 176 

Wacha, Sfr D.E. 

;.. 369 


„. II* 

Tbompson & Co, Priaten,. Hwlrai; 

,., Google 

D,mi,.=db, Google