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l-irsl Edition April l^iS 

F.nlar^ed Edition F<^hruarij, 191^ 
Third Edition Juhi. 1922 

" dome Rule is my birthright " 

" There are higher powers that rule the destiny 
of things and it may be the will of Providence that 
the cause I represent may prosper more by my suffering 
than by my remaining free," -B, C. Tilak. 



Appreciation - - - - I 

A Standard Character lor Indian languages - 11 

nie Bharata Dharma Mahamandala - - 33 

The Political Situation 1 90() - - 42 

Is Shivaji not a National Hero ? - - 48 

Honest Swadeshi - - ~ - 32 

Tenets of the New Party 1907 - - 53 

The Shivaji Festival- - - -68 

National Education - - - 81 

The Decentralisation Commission - - 90 

Congress Compromise - - - 98 

Speech at Belgaum Home Rule, 1916 - - 104 

Do Ahmednagar do - - 1 38 

Second do do - ' - 163 

Self -Government - - - - 201 

Home Rule Conference, Luckuow - - 207 

Home Rule Speech at Akola - - - 210 

Do Speech at Cawnpore - - 216 

Do Speech at Yeotmal - - 225 

Gita Rahasya - - - - 23r 

The Rights of the Poor Raiyat- - - 236 

Home Rule Speech at Nasik - - - 241 

Karma Yoga and Swaraj - - , 245 

Home Rule Speech at Allahabad - - 249 

Do do - - 254 

The National Demand . - , 265 



Shishir Kumar Ghose - - - 28i 

Ali Brothers . . - - 288 

Svvarajya Speech al Godhra - - - 292 

Do Speech at Amraoli - • - - 298 

Political Creed - - - - 301 

Mr. Gokhale - - - - 303 

Speech at Athani - - - - 306 

Self-Government - - - - 310 

Second Home Rule Conference, Bombay - 317 

Indian Deputation at Madras - - - 320 

Reply to the addresses of the Mahraltas & Andhras.326 

Home Rule Speech at Madras - - 332 

The Present Situation - - - 343 

National Education . - - - 367 

Reform Scheme - - r - 369 

The Swadeshi Movement - - - 373 

Principles of the Nationalist Party Surat - 376 

Meeting of the Nationalist Delegates Surat - 382 

Mr. Tilak's Letter to the Press - ^ - 390 

Public Address and His Reply - ^ . ' - 395 

Self-Reliancc - - - ' - 401 

Loyalty Resolution - - - - 404 



Neither Mr. Tilak nor his speeches reall}- 
require any presentation or foreword. His speeches 
are, like the featureless Brahman, self-luminous. 
Straightforward, lucid, never turning aside from the 
point which they mean to hammer in or wrapping 
it up in ornamental verbiage, they read like a series 
of self-evident propositions. And Mr. Tilak himself, 
his career, his place in Indian politics are also 
a self-evident proposition, a hard fact baffling and 
dismaying in the last degree to those to whom 
his name has be^en anathema and his increasing 
pre-eminence figured as a portent of evil. The 
condition of things in India being given, the one 
possible aim for political effort resulting and the 
sole means and spirit by which it could bs brought 
about, this man had to come and, once in the field, 
had to come to the front. He could not but stand 

Lo^. Bal Gangadhar Tilak. 

in the end where he stands to-day, as one of the 
two or three leaders of the hidian people who are 
in their eyes the incarnations of the national 
endeavour and the Godgiven oaptains of the 
national aspiration. His life, his character, his 
work and endurance, his acceptance by the heart 
and the mind of the people are a stronger argument 
than all the reasonings in his speeches, powerful as 
these are, for Swaraj, Self-government, Home Rule, 
by whatever name we may call the sole possible 
present aim of our effort, the freedom of the life of 
India, its self-determination by the people of India. 
Arguments and speeches do not win liberty for a 
nation ; but where there is a will in the nation to be 
free and a man to embody that will in every action 
of his life and to devote his days to its realisation 
in the face of every difficulty and every suffering, 
and where the will of the nation has once said. 
" This man and his life mean what I have in my 
heart and my purpose," that is a sure signpc^st of 
the future which no one has any excuse for 

That indomitable will and that unwavering devo- 
tion have been the whole meaning of Mr. Tilak's 
life ; they are the reason of his immense hold on 
the people. For he does not owe his pre-eminent 
position to any of the causes which have usually 
made for political leading in India, wealth and 
great social position, professional success, recogni- 
tion by Government, a power of fervid oratory or of 

An Appreciation by Baku Aurobindo C»Aose 

rfluent and taking speech ; for he had none of these 
things to help him. He owes it to bimaelf alone 
and to the thing his life has meant and because he 
has meant it vjith his whole mind and his whole 
soul. He has kept back nothing for himself or for 
other aims, but has given all himself to his country. 

Yet is Mr. Tilak a man of various and no 
ordinary gifts, and in several lines of life he might 
have achieved present distinction or a pre-eminent 
and enduring fame. Though he has never practised, 
he has a close knowledge of law and an acute legal 
mind which, had he cared in the lease degree for 
wealth and worldly position, would have brought 
him to the front at the bar. He is a great Sanskrit 
scholar, a powerful writer and a strong, subtle and 
lucid thinker. He might have filled ^^ large place 
in the field of contemporary Asiatic scholarship. 
Even as it is, his Orian and his Arciic Home have 
acquired at once a world-wide recognition and left 
as Strong a mark as can at all be imprinted on the 
ever-shifting sands of oriental research. His work 
on the Gita, no mere commentary, but an original 
criticism and presentation of ethical truth, is a 
monumental work, the first prose writing of the 
front rank in weight and importance in the Marathi 
language, and likely to become a classic. This oi»e 
book sufficient^ proves that had he devoted his 
energies in this direction, he might easily have 
filled a large place in the history of iMaratht 
literature and in the history of ethical thought, 

Lok* Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

so subtle and comprehensive is its thinking, sa 
great the perfection and satisfying force of its style. 
But it was psychologically impossible lor Mr. Tilak 
to devote his energies in any gfeat degree to 
another action than the one life-mission for which 
^e Master of his works had chosen him. His 
powerful literary gift has been given up to a 
journalistic work, ephemeral as even the best 
journalistic work must be but consistently brilliant, 
vigorous, politically educative through decades, to 
an extent seldom matched and certainly never 
surpassed. His scholastic labour has been done 
almost by way of recreation. Nor can any- 
thing be more significant than the fact that 
the works which have brought him a fame other 
than that of the politician and patriot, were 
done in periods of compulsory cessation from 
his life-work, — planned and partly, if not wholly 
executed during the imprisonmen':s which could 
alone enforce leisure upon this unresting wo'Aer 
for his country. Even these by-products of his 
genius have some reference to the one passion of his 
life, the renewal, if not the surpassing of the past 
greatness of the nation by the greatness of its 
future. His vedic researches seek to fix its pre- 
historic point of departure ; the Gita-rahasya takes 
the scripture which is perhaps the strongest and 
most comprehensive production of Indian spiritua- 
lity and justifies to that spirituality by its own 
authoritative ancient message the sense of the 

An Appreciation by Babu Aurobindo Ghose 

importance of life, of action, of human existence of 
man s labour for mankind which is indispensable to 
the idealism of the modern spirit. 

The landmarks of Mr. Tilak's life are landmarks 
also in the history of his province and his country. 
His first great step associated him in a pioneer work 
whose motive was to educate the people for a new 
life under the new conditions, on the one side, a 
purely educational movement of which the fruit was 
the Ferguson College, fitly founding the reawakening 
of the country by an effort of which co-operation 
in self-sacrifice was the moving spirit, on the other, 
the initiation of the Kesari newspaper, which since 
then has figured increasingly as the characteristic 
and powerful expression of the political mind of 
Maharashtra. Mr. Tilak's career has counted three 
periods each of which had an imprisonment for its 
culminating point. His first imprisonment in the 
Kolhapur case belongs to this first stage of self- 
development and development of the Mahratta 
country for new ideas and activities and for the 
national future. 

The second period brought in a wider conception 
and a profounder effort. For now it was to reawaken 
not only the political mind, but the soul of the people 
by linking its future to its past ; it worked by a 
more strenuous and popular propaganda which 
reached its height in the organisation of the Shivaji 
and the Ganapati festivals. His separation from the 
social reform leader, Agarkar, had opened the way- 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

for the peculiar role which he has played as a* 
trusted and accredited leader of conservative and 
religious India in the paths of democratic politics.. 
It was this position which enable him to effect the 
union of the new political spirit with the tradition 
and sentiment of the historic past and of both with 
the ineradicable religious temperament of the people 
of which these festivals were the symbol. The 
congress movement was for a long time purely 
occidental in its mind, character and methods, 
confined to the English-educated few, founded on the 
political rights and interests of the people read in 
the light of English history and European ideals, 
but with no roots either in the past of the country 
or in the inner spirit of the nation. Mr. Tilak was 
the first political leader to break through the routine 
of its somewhat academical methods, to bridge the 
gulf between the present and the past and to restore 
continuity to the political life of the nation. He 
developed a language and a spirit and he used 
methods which Indianised the movement and brought 
into it the masses. To his work of this period we 
owe that really living, strong and readily organised 
movemenc in Maharashtra which has shown its 
energy and sincerity in more than one crisis and 
struggle. This divination of the mind and spirit of 
his people and its needs and this power to seize on 
the right way to call it forth prove strikingly the 
political genius of Mr. Tilak ; they made him the 
one man predestined to lead them in this trying and 

An Appreciation by Baku Aitrobindo Gho.f 

difficult period when all has to be discovered and 
all has to be reconstructed. What was done then 
by Mr. Tilak in Maharashtra has been initiated for 
all India by the swadeshi movement. To bring in 
the mass of the people, to found the greatness of the 
future on the greatness of the past, to infuse Indian 
politics with Indian religious fervour and spiritua- 
lity, are the indispensable conditions for a great and 
powerful political awakening in India. Others, 
v/riters, thinkers, spiritual leaders, had seen this 
truth. Mr. Tilak was the first to bring it into the 
actual field of practical politics. This second period 
of his labour for his "ountry culminated in a longer 
and harsher imprisonment which was. as it were, 
the second seal of the divine hand upon his work ; 
for there can be no diviner seal than suffering for a 

A third period, that of the swadeshi movement 
brought Mr. Tilak forward prominently as an All- 
Indie leader ; it gave him at ^ast the v/ider field, the 
greater driving power, the larger leverage he needed 
to bring his life-work rapidly to a head, and not only 
in Maharashtra but throughou"; the country. The 
incidents of that oeriod are too fresh in memory to 
need recalling. From the inception of^-the Boycott 
to the Surat catastrophe and his last and longest im- 
prisonment, which was its sequel, the name and 
work of Mr. Tilak are a part of Indian history. 
These three imprisonments, each showing more 
clearly the moral stuff and quaUty of the under 

Lok,. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

the test and glare of ;^>uffering, have been the three 
seals of his career. The first found him one of a 
small knot of pioneer workers ; it marked him out to 
be thia strong and inflexible leader of a strong and 
sturdy people. The second found him already the 
inspiring power of a great reawakening of the 
Maratha spirit ; it left him an uncrowned king in the 
Deccan and gave him that high reputation through- 
out India, which was the foundation-stone of his 
present commanding influence. The last found him 
the leader of an All-India party, the foremost 
exponent and head of a thorough-going Nationalism : 
it sent him back to be one of the two or three fore- 
most men of India adored and followed by the whole 
nation. He now stands in the last period of his life- 
long toil for his country. It is one in which for the 
first time some ray of immediate hope and near 
success shines upon a cause which at one time 
seemed destined to a long frustration and fulfilment 
only perhaps after a cfentury of labour, struggle.and 

The qualities which have supported him arc given 
him his hard-earned success, have been com- 
paratively rare in Indian politics. The first is his 
entirely representative character as a born leader for 
the sub-nation to which he be;ongs. India is a unity 
full of diversities and its strength as well as its 
weakness is rooted in those diversities : the vigour 
of its national Hfe can exist only by the vigour of its 
regional life. Therefore in politics as in everything 

An Appreciation by Babu Aurobind'j Ghose 

•else a leader, to have a firm basis for his hfe-work, 
must build it upon a Uving work, and influence in his 
own sub-race or province. No man was more fitted 
to do this than Mr. Tilak. He is the very type and 
incarnation of the Maratha character, the Maratha 
qualities, the Maratha spirit, but with the unified 
solidity in the character, the touch of genius in the 
qualities, the vital force in the spirit which make a 
great personality readily the representative man of 
his people. The Maratha race, as their soil and 
their history have made them, are a rugged, strong 
and sturdy people, democratic in their every fibre, 
keenly intelligent and practical to the very marrow, 
following in ideas, even in poetry, philosophy and 
religion the drive towards life and action, capable of 
great fervour, feeling and enthusiasm, Kke all Indian 
peoples, but not emotional idealists, having in their 
thought and speech always a turn for strength, sense, 
accuracy, lucidity and vigour, in learning and 
■ sch(5larship patient, industrious, careful, thorough 
and penetrating, in life simple, hardy and frugal, in 
their temperament courageous, pugnacious, full of 
spirit, yet with a tact in dealing with hard facts 
and circumventing obstacles, shrewd yet aggressive 
diplomatists, born politicians, born fighters. All 
this Mr. Tilak is with a singular and eminent 
completeness, and all on a large scale, adding to it 
ail a lucid simplicity of genius, a secret intensity, 
an inner strength of will, a singlemindedness in 
aim of quite extraordinary force, which remind 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

one of the brightness, sharpness and perfect temper 
of a fine sword hidden in a sober scabbard. A& 
he emerged on the political field, his people saw 
more and more clearly in him their representative 
man, themselves in large, the genius of their Jype. 
They felt him to be of one spirit and make with the 
great men who had made their past history, almost 
believed him to be a reincarnation of one of them 
returned to carry out his old work in a new form and 
under new conditions. They beheld in him the spirit 
of Maharashtra once again embodied in a great 
individual. He occupies a position in his province 
which has no parallel in the rest of India. 

On the wider national field also Mr. Tilak has rare 
qualities which fit him for the hour and the work. He 
is in no sense what his enemies have called him, a 
demagogue : he has not the loose suppleness, the 
oratorical fervour, the facile appeal to the passions 
which demagogy requires ; his speeches are too much 
made up of hard and straight thinking, he i? too 
much a man of serious and practical action. None 
more careless of mere effervescence, emotional 
applause, popular gush, public ovations. He tolerates 
them since popular enthusiasm will express itself in 
that way ; but he has always been a little impatient 
of them as dissipative of serious strength and will 
and a waste of time and energy which might better 
have been solidified and devoted to effective work. 
But he is entirely a democratic politician, of a type 
not very common among our leaders, one who can. 


An Appreciation by Babu Aurobindo Ghose 

both awaken the spirit of the mass and responds, 
their spirit, able to lead them, but also able to see 
where he must follow the lead of their predominant 
sense and will and feelings. He moves among his 
followers as one of them in a perfect equality, 
simple and familiar in his dealings with them by 
the very force of his temperament and character, 
open, plain and direcl; and though capable of great 
reserve, yet, wherever necessary, in his speech, 
admitting them into his plans and ideas as one 
taking counsel of them, taking their sense even 
while enforcing as much as possible his own view 
of policy and action with all the great strength of 
quiet will at his command. He has that closeness 
of spirit to the mass of men, that unpretentious 
openness of intercourse with them, that faculty of 
plain and direct speech which interprets their 
feelings and shows them how to think out what 
they feel, which are pre-eminently the democratic 
qualkies. For this reason he has always been able 
to unite all classes of men behind him. to be the 
leader not only of the educated, but of the people, 
the merchant the trader, the villager, the peasant. 
Al! Maharashtra understands him when he speaks 
or writes ; all Maharashtra is ready to follow him 
when he acts. Into his wider field in the troubled 
Swadeshi times he carried the same qualities and the 
same power of democratic leadership. 

It is equally a mistake to think of Mr. Tilak as 
by nature a revolutionary leader ; that is not his 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

character or "his political temperament. The Indian 
peoples generally, with the possible exception of 
emotional and ideahstic Bengal, have nothing or 
very little of the revolutionary temper ; they can be 
goaded to revolution, like any and every people on 
the face of the earth, but they have no natural 
disposition tov^ards it. They are capable of large 
ideals and fervent enthusiasms, sensitive in feeling 
and liable to gusts of passionate revolt which are 
easily appeased by even an appearance of concession ; 
but naturally they are conservative in temperament 
and deliberate in action. Mr. Tilak, though a strong- 
willed man and a fighter by nature, has this much of 
the ordinary Indian temperament, that with a large 
mmd open to progressive ideas he unites a conser- 
vative temperament strongly in touch with the 
sense of his people. In a free India he would 
probably have figured as an advanced Liberal states- 
man eager for national progress and greatness, but 
as careful of every step, as firm and decided in it and 
always seeking to carry the conservative instinct of 
the nation with him in every change, he is besides 
a born Parliamentarian, a leader for the assembly, 
though always in touch with the people outside as 
the constant source of the mandate and the final 
referee in differences. He loves a clear and fixed 
procedure which he can abide by and use, even 
while making the most of its details, — of which the 
theory and practice would be always at his finger 
«nds, —to secure a practical advantage in the struggle 

An Appreciation by Babu AurobinJo Chose 

of parties. He always set a high value on the Con- 
gress for this reason ; he saw in it a centralising 
body, an instrument and a first, though yet shape- 
less, essay at a popular assembly. Many after Surat 
spoke of him as the deliberate breaker of the 
Congress, but to no one was the catastrophe so great 
a blow as to Mr. Tilak. He did not love the 
do-nothingness of that assembly, but he valued it 
both as a great national fact and for its unrealised 
possibilities and hoped to make of it a centra! 
organization for practical work. To destroy an 
existing and useful institution was alien to his way 
of seeing and would not have entered into his ideas 
or his wishes. 

Moreover, though he has ideals, he is not an 
idealist by character. Once the ideal fixed, all the 
rest is for him practical work ; the facing of hard 
facts, though also the overcoming of them when 
they stand in the way of the goal, the use of strong 
and »effective means with the utmost care and 
prudence consistent with the primary need of as 
rapid an effectivity as will and earnest action can 
bring about. Though he can be obstinate and iron- 
willed when his mind is made up as to the necessity 
of a course of action or the indispensable recognition 
of a principle, he is always ready for a compromise 
which will allow of getting real work done, and will 
take willingly half a loaf rather than no bread, 
though always with a full intention of getting the 
whole loaf m good time. But he will not accept 

Lok,. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

chaff or plaster in place of good bread. Nor does he 
like to go too far ahead of possibilities, and indeed 
has often shown in this respect a caution highly 
disconcerting to the more impatient of his followers. 
But neither would he mistake, like the born 
Moderate, the minimum effort and the minimum 
immediate aim for the utmost possibility of the 
moment. Such a man is no natural revolutionist, 
but a constitutional' -t by temper, though always in 
such times necessarily the leader of an advanced 
party or section. A clear constitution he can use, 
amend and enlarge would have suited him much 
better than to break existing institutions and get 
a clear field for innovations which is the natural 
delight of the revolutionary temperament. 

This character' of Mr. Tilak's mind explains, his 
attitude in social reform. He is no dogmatic 
reactionery. The Maratha people are incapable of 
either the unreasoning or too reasoning rigid con- 
servatism or of the fiery iconoclasm which can 'exist 
side by side, — they are often only two sides of the 
same temper of mind, — in other parts of India. Jt 
is attached to its social institutions like all people 
who live close to the soil, but it has alwpys shown 
a readiness to adapt, loosen and accomodate them in 
practice to the pressure of actual needs. Mr. Tilak 
shares this general temperament and attitude of his 
people. But there have also been other reasons 
which a strong political sense has dictated ; and first, 
.he clear perception that the political movement 

An Appreciation by Baba Aurobindo Ghose 

could not afford to cut itself off from the great mass 
of the nation or spHt itself up into warring factions 
by a premature association of the social reform 
question with politics. The proper time for that, a 
politician would naturally feel, is when the country 
has a free assembly of its own which can consult the 
needs or carry out the mandates of the people. 
Moreover, he has felt strongly that political emanci- 
pation was th2 one pressing need for the people of 
India and that all else not directly connected with 
it must taks a second place ; that has been the 
principle of his own life and he has held that it 
should be the principle of the national life at the 
present hour. Let us have first liberty and the 
•organised control of the life of the nation, afterwards 
we can see how we should use it in social matters ; 
meanwhile let us move on without noise and strife, 
only so far as actual need and advisability demand 
and the sense of the people is ready to advance. 
Thi^ attitude may be right or wrong ; but, Mr. Tilak 
being what he is and the nation being what it is, he 
could take no other. 

If, then, Mr. Tilak has throughout his life been an 
exponent of the idea of radical change in politics and 
during the swadeshi agitation the head of a party 
which could be called, it is due to that 
clear practical sense, essential in a leader of political 
action, which seizes at once on the main necessity 
and goes straight without hesitation or deviation to 
the indispensable means. There are alv^rays two 

Loh. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

classes of political minds : one is pre-occupied with 
details for their own sake, revels in the petty points 
of the moment and puts away into the background 
the great principles and the great ^ necessities, the 
other sees rather these first and always and details 
only in relation to them. The one type moves in 
a routine circle which may or may not have an 
issue ; it cannot see the forest for the trees and it is 
only by an accident that it stumbles, if at all, on the 
way out. The other type takes a mountain-top view 
of the goal and all the directions and keep that 
in their mental compass through all the deflections, 
retardations and tortuosities which the character of 
the intervening country may compel them to accept ; 
but these they abridge as much as possible. The 
former class arrogate the name of statesman in their 
own day ; it is to the latter that posterity concedes it 
and sees in them the true leaders of great move- 
ments. Mr. Tilak, like all men of pre-eminent 
political genius, belongs to this second and greater 
order of mind. 

Moreover in India, owing to the divorce of politi- 
cal activity from the actual government and 
administration of the affairs of the country, an 
academical turn of thought is too common in our 
dealings with poUtics. But Mr. Tilak has never 
been an academical politician, a " student of politics " 
meddling with action ; his turn has always been 
to see actualities and move forward in their light. It 
was impossible for him to view the facts and needs 

An Appreciation by Babj AurobinJo Ghosc 

of current Indian politics of the nineteenth century 
in the pure serene or the dim religious light of 
the Witenagemot and the Magna Charta and the 
constitutional history of England during the past 
seven centuries, or to accept the academic sophism 
of a gradual preparation for liberty, or merely to 
discuss isolated or omnibus grievances and strive to 
enlighten the darkness of the official mind by lumin- 
ous speeches and resolutions, as was the general 
practice of Congress politics till 1905. A national 
agitation in the country which would make the 
Congress movement a living and acting force was 
always his ideal, and what the Congress would not 
do, he, when still an isolated leader of a handful of 
enthusiasts in a corner of the country, set out to do 
in his own strength and for his own hand. HjS saw 
from the first that for a people circumstanced like 
ours there could be only one political question and 
one aim, not the gradual improvement of the present 
administration into something in the end funda- 
mentally the opposite of itself, but the early 
substitution of Indian and national for English and 
bureaucratic control in the affairs of India. A subject 
nation does not prepare itself by gradual progress 
for liberty ; it opens by liberty its way to rapid 
progress. The only progress that has to be made in 
the preparation for liberty, is progress in the 
awakening of the national spirit and in the creation 
of the will to be free and the will to adopt the neces- 
sary means and bear the necessary sacrifices for 

'Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

liberty. It is these clear perceptions that 'have 
regulated his political career. 

Therefore the whole of the first part of his political 
life was devoted to a vigorous and hving propaganda 
for the reawakening and solidifying of the national 
life of Maharashtra. Therefore, too, when the 
Swadeshi agitation gave first opportunity of a large 
movemant in the same sense throughout India, he 
seized on it with avidity, while his past work in 
Maharashtra, his position as the leader of a small 
advanced section in the old Congress politics and 
his character, sacrifices and sufferings, at once fixed 
the choice of the New Party on him as their 
predestined leader. The same master idea made 
him seize on the four main points which the Bengal 
agitation, had thrown into some beginning of 
practical form, Swaraj, Swadeshi, National Educa- 
tion and Boycott, and formulate them into a 
definite programme, which he succeeded in intro- 
ducing among the resolutions of the Congress at 
the Calcutta session, much to the detriment of the 
uniformity of sage and dignified impotence which 
had characterised the august, useful and calmly 
leisurely proceedings of that temperate national 
body. We all know the convulsion that followed 
the injection of this foreign matter ; but we must 
see why Mr. Tilak insisted on administering 
annually so potent a remedy. The four resolutions 
were for him the first step towards shaking the 

An Appreciation by Bahu AurobinJo Ghose 

Congress out of its torpid tortoise-like gait and 
turning it into a living and acting body. 

Swaraj, complete and early self-government in 
whatever form, ^had the merit in his eyes of making 
definite and near to the national vision the one 
thing needful, the one aim that mattered, the one 
essential change that includes all the others. No 
nation can develop a living enthusiasm or accept 
great action and great sacrifices for a goal that 
is lost to its eye in the mist of far-off centuries ; 
it must see it near and distinct before it, magnified 
by a present hope, looming largely and actualised 
as a living aim whose early realisation only depends 
on a great, sustained and sincere effort. National 
education meant for him the training of the young 
generation in the new national spirit to be the 
architects of liberty, if that was delayed, the 
citizens of a free India which had rediscovered 
itself, if the preliminary condition were rapidly 
fulfilled. Swadeshi meant an actualising of the 
national self-consciousness and the national will 
and the readiness to sacrifice which would fix them 
in the daily mind and daily life of the people. 
In Boycott, which was only a piopular name for 
passive resistance, he saw the means to give to the 
struggle between the two ideas in conflict, bureau- 
cratic control and national control, a vigorous shape 
and body and to the popular side a weapon and an 
effective form of action. Himself a man of organi- 
zation and action, he knew well that by a-iion 


Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

most, and not by thought and speech alone, can the- 
will of a people be vivified, trained and made solid 
and enduring. To get a sustained authority from 
the Congress for a sustained effort in these four 
directions, seemed to him of capital importance ;. 
this w^as the reason for his inflexible insistence on 
their unchanged inclusion when the programme 
seemed to him to be in danger. 

Yet also, because he is a practical politician and 
a man of action, he has always, so long as the 
essentials were safe, been ready to admit any 
change in name or form or any modification of 
programme or action dictated by the necessities of 
the time. Thus during the movement of 1905 — 
1910 the Swadeshi leader and the Swadeshi party 
insisted on agitation in India and discouraged 
reliance on agitation in England, because the 
awal<ing and fixing of a self-reliant national spirit 
and will in India was the one work for the hour and 
in England no party or body of opinion existed 
which would listen to the national claim, nor could 
exist, — as anybody with the least knowledge of 
English politics could have told, — until that claim, 
had been unmistakably and insistently made and 
was clearly supported by the fixed will of the 
nation. The Home Rule leader and the Home 
Rule party of to-day, which is only the " New 
Party " reborn with a new name, form and following, 
insist on the contrary on vigorous and speedy 
agitation in England, because the claim and the 

An Appreciation by Babu Aurobindo Ghose 

will have both been partially, but not sufficiently 
recognised, and because a great and growing 
British party now exists which is ready to make 
the Indian ideal part of its own programme. So, 
too, they insisted then on Swaraj and rejected with 
contempt all petty botching with the administration, 
because so alone could the real issue be made a 
living thing to the nation ; now they accept readily 
enough a fairly advanced but still half-and-half 
scheme, but always with the proviso that the 
popular principle receives substantial 'embodiment 
and the full ideal is included as an early goal and 
not put off to a far-distant future. The leader of 
men in war or politics will always distrust petty 
and episodical gains which, while giving false 
hopes, are merely nominal and put off or even 
endanger the real issue, but will always seize 
on any advantage which brings decisive victory 
definitely nearer. It is only the pure idealist, — but 
let 'us remember that he too has his great and 
indispensable uses,— who insists always on either 
all or nothing. Not revolutionary methods or 
revolutionary ideaUsm, but the clear sight and 
the direct propaganda and action of the patriotic 
political leader insisting on the one thing needful 
and the straight way to drive at it, have been the 
sense of Mr. Tilak's political career. 

The speeches in this book belong both to the 
Swadeshi and the Home Rule periods, but mostly to 
vthe latter. They show Mr. Tilak's mind and policy 

Lok' Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

and voice with great force that will and politicaJ 
thought now dominant in the country which he has. 
so prominently helped to create. Mr. Tilak has 
none of the gifts of the orator which many lesser 
men have possessed, but his force of thought and 
personality make him in his own way a powerful 
speaker. He is at his best in his own Marathi 
tongue rather than in English ; for there he finds 
always the apt and telling phrase, the striking 
application, the vigorous figure which go straight 
home to the popular mind. But there is essentially 
the same power in both. His words have direct- 
ness and force — ^no force can be greater — of a 
sincere and powerful mind always going immedi- 
ately to the aim in view, the point before it, 
expressing it with a bare, concentrated economy of 
phrase and the insistence of the hammer full on the 
head of the nail which drives it in with a few blows. 
But the speeches have to be read with his life, his 
character, his life-long aims as their surroundmg 
atmosphere, That is why I have dwelt on their 
main points ; — not that all 1 have said is not well 
known, but the repetition of known facts has its use 
when they are important and highly significant. 

Two facts of his life and character have to be 
insisted on as of special importance to the country 
because they give a great example of two things in 
which its political life was long deficient and is 
even now not sufficient. First, the inflexible will of 
the patriot and man of sincere heart and thorough 

An Appreciation by Baku AurobinJo Chose 

action which has been the very grain of his 
character ; for aspirations, emotion, enthusiasm are 
nothing without this ; will alone creates and 
prevails. And >vish and will are not the same 
thing, but divided by a great gulf ; the one, which is 
almost of us get to, is a puny, tepid and inefficient 
thing and, even when most enthusiastic, easily 
discouraged and turned from its object ; the other 
can be a giant to accomolish and endure. Secondly, 
the readiness to sacrifice and face suffering, not 
needlessly or with a useless bravado, but with a 
firm courage when it comes, to bear it and to 
outlive, returning to work with one's scars as if 
nothing had happened. No prominent man in 
India has suffered more for his country ; none has 
taken his sacrifices and sufferings more quietly and 
as a matter of course. 

The first part of Mr. Tllak's life-work Is accom- 
plished. Two great opportunities have hastened its 
success, of which he has taken full advantage. The 
lavalike flood of the Swadeshi movement fertilised 
the soil and did for the country In six years the 
work of six ordinary decades ; It fixed the goal of 
freedom In the mind of the people. The sudden 
irruption of Mrs. Besant Into the field with her 
unequalled gift, — born of her untiring energy, her 
flaming enthusiasm, her magnificent and magnetic 
personality, her spiritual force, — for bringing an 
ideal into the stage of actuality with one rapid 
whirl and rush, has been the second factor. Indeed 

Lok- Bal Gangadhar . Tilak 

the presence of three such personalities as Mr. 
Tilak, Mrs. Besant and Mr. Gandhi at the head and 
in the heart of the present movement, should itself 
be a sure guarantee of success. The nation has 
accepted the near fulfilment of his 'great aim as its 
own political aim, the one object of its endeavour, 
its immediate ideal. The Government of India and 
the British nation have accepted it as th-ir goal in 
Indian administration ; a powerful party, in England, 
the party which seems to command the future, has 
pronounced for its speedy and total accomplish- 
ment. A handful of dissentients there may be in 
the country who still see only petty gains in the 
present and the rest in the dim vista of the centuries, 
but with this insignificant exception, all the Indian 
provinces and communities have spoken with one 
voice. Mr. Tilak's principles of work have been 
accepted : the ideas which he had so much trouble 
to enforce have become the commonplaces and 
truisms of our political thought. The only question 
that remains is rapidity of a now inevitable evolu- 
tion. That is the hope for which Mr. Tilak still 
stands, a leader of all India, Only when it is 
accomplished, will his life-work be done ; not till 
then can he rest while he lives, even though age 
grows on him and infirmities gather, — for his spirit 
will always remain fresh and vigorous, — any more 
than a river can rest before the power of its waters 
has found their goal and discharged them into the 
sea. But whether that end, — the end of a first 

An Appreciation by Babu Aurobindo Chose 

stage of our new national life, the beginning of a 
-greater India reborn for self-fulfilment and the 
service of humanity, — come to-morrow or after a 
little delay, its accomplishment is now safe, and 
Mr. Tilak's name stands already for history as a 
nation-builder, one of the half-dozen greatest 
political personalities, memorable figures, represen- 
tative men of the nation in this most critical period 
of India's destinies, a name to be remembered 
gratefully so long as the country has pride in its 
past and hope for its future. 

Aurobindo Ghose. 



(Speech delivered at Benares, at the Nagari 'Pracharni 
Sahha Conference, under the 'Presidency of Mr. R. C. 'Dutt, 
in T>ecember, 1905.) 

Gentlemen, — The scope and object of the Nagari 
PracharnI Sabha has already been explained to you 
by the President. I should have gladly dilated on 
the same. But as ten speakers are to follow me 
within an hour and a half, I must forego the pleasure 
and restrict myself, during the few minutes at my 
disposal to a brief mention of the points which I 
think ought to be kept in view in endeavouring to 
work on the lines adopted by the Sabha. 

The first and the most important thing we have to 
remember is that this movement is not merely for 
establishing a common character for the Northern 
India. It is a part and parcel of a larger movement. 
I may say a National Movement to have a common 
language for the whole of India ; for a common 
language is an important element of nationality. It 
is by a common language that you express your 
thoughts to others ; and Manu rightly says that 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

everything is comprehended or proceeded from Mak 
or language. Therefore if you want to draw a 
nation together there is no force more powerful than 
to have a common language for s\\. And that is 
the end which the Sabha has kept in view. 

But how is the end to be attained ? We aim at 
having a common language not only for Northern 
India, but I will say, in course of time, for the 
whole of India including the Southern of the 
Madras Presidency, and when the scope of our 
labours is so widened our difficulties seem to 
grow apace. First of all we have to face what 
may be called the historic difficulties. The 
contests between the Aryans and the non-Aryans 
in ancient, and between the Mahomedans and the 
Hindus in later times have destroyed the linguistic 
harmony of the country. In Northern India the 
languages spoken by the Indian population are 
mostly Aryan, being derived from Sanskrit ; while 
those in the South are Dravidian in origin. ' The 
difference exists not only in words but in the 
characters in which those words are written. Next 
to this is the difference between Urdu and Hindi to. 
which so much prominence is given in this province. 
On our side we have also the Modi or the running 
script character as distinguished from the Balabodha 
or the Devanagari in which the Marathi books are 
ordinarily printed. 

There are, therefore, two great important elements 
which we have to harmonise and bring together 

A Standard Character for Indian Languages 

under our common character or language before we 
venture to go to the Mahomedan or Persian 
characters. I have already said that though a 
common language for India is the ultimate end we 
have in view, we begin with the lowest step of the 
ladder, I mean a common character for Hindus. 
But here too we have to harmonise the two elements 
now meptioned -the Aryan or the Devanagari 
character, and the Dravidian or the Tamil character. 
It should bs noted that the distinction is not one of 
character only inasmuch as there are certain 
sounds in the Dravidian languages which are not to 
be found in any Aryan language. 

We have resolved to proceed step by step, and as 
explained to you by the President we have at first 
taken up in hand only the group of the Aryan 
languages i.e., those derived from Sanskrit. These 
are Hindi, Bengah, Marathi, Gujarathi and 
Gurumuki. There are other sub-dialects, but I have 
nan/ed the principal ones. These languages are all 
derived from Sanskrit ; and the characters in which 
they are written are also modifications of the ancient 
characters of India. In course of time each of these 
languages has, however, developed its own peculia- 
rities in grammar, pronunciation and characters, 
though the alphabet in each is nearly the 

The Nagari Pracharni Sabha aims at having a 
common character for all these Aryan languages, so 
that when a book is printed in that character it 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

may be more readily intelligible to all the people 
speaking the Aryan languages. I think we all agree 
on this point and admit its utility. But the difficulty 
arises, when a certain character is proposed as best 
fitted to be the common character for all. Thus, 
for instance the Bengalis may urge that the 
characters in which they write their language are 
more ancient than those adopted by the Gujarathi 
or Marathi speaking people, and that Bengali 
should therefore be selected as a common character 
for all. There are others who think that the 
Devanagari, as you find it in the printed books, is 
the oldest character and therefore it is entitled to be 
the common character for all the Aryan languages. 

1 do not think, however, that we can decide this 
question on poor historic grounds. If you go to 
ancient inscriptions you will find that no less than 
ten different characters were in use at different 
times since the days of Ashoka and that Kharoshtri 
or Brahmi is believed to be the oldest of thenr. all. 
Since then all letters have undergone a great deal of 
change ; and all our existing characters are modifica- 
tions of some one or other of the ancient characters. 
It would, I think, therefore be idle to decide the ques- 
tion of common character on purely antiquarian basis. 

To avoid this difficulty it was at one time 
suggested that we should all adopt Roman 
characters ; and one reason advanced in support 
thereof was that it would give a common character 
both for Asia and Europe. 


A Standard Character for Indian Languages 

Gentlemen, the suggestion appears to me to be 
utterly ridiculous. The Roman alphabet, and 
therefore Roman character, is very defective and 
entirely unsuited to express the sounds used by us. 
It has been found to be defective even by English 
grammarians. Thus while sometimes a single 
letter has three or four sounds, sometimes a single 
sound is represented by two or three letters. Add to 
it the difficulty of finding Roman characters or 
letters that would exactly represent the sounds in 
our languages without the use of any diaqritic 
marks and the ridiculousness of the suggestion 
would be patent to all. 

If a common character is needed for us all, it 
should be, you will therefore see, a more perfect 
character than the Roman. European Sanskritists 
have declared that the Devanagari alphabet is more 
perfect than any which obtains in Europe. And 
with this clear opinion before us, it would be 
suicidal to go to any other alphabet in our search 
for a common character for all the Aryan languages 
in India. No, I would go further and say that the 
classification of letters and sounds on which we 
have bestowed so much labour in India and which 
we find perfected in the works of Panini is not to 
be found in any other language in the world. That 
is another reason why the Devanagiri alphabet is 
the best suited to represent the different sounds 
we all use. If you compare the different characters 
given at the end of each book published in the 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

Sacred Books of the East Series you will be 
convinced of what I say. We have one sound for 
one letter and one letter for each sound. I do not 
think, therefore, that there can be any difference of 
opinion as to what alphabet we should adopt. The 
Devanagari is pre-eminently such an alphabet. 
The question is one of character or the form in 
writing which the letters of the alphabet assume in 
different provinces ; and I have already said that 
this question cannot be solved on mere antiquarian 

Like Lord Curzon's standard time we want a 
standard character. Well, if Lord Curzon had 
attempted to give us a standard character on 
national lines he would have been entitled to our 
respect far more than by giving us a standard time. 
But it has not been done ; and we must do it 
ourselves giving up all provincial prejudices. The 
Bengalis naturally take pride in their own charc\cter. 
I do not blame them for it. There are others in 
Gujarath who say that their character is easy to 
write because they omit the head-line. The Maha- 
rashtras on the other hand may urge that Marathi 
is the character in which Sanskrit is written, and 
therefore, it ought to be the common character for 
the whole of India. 

I fully appreciate the force of these remarks . But 

we must come to a solution of the question and for 

that purpose discuss the subject in a business-like 

and practical manner. Whatever character we 


A Standard Character 1or Indian Languages 


adopt, it must be easy to write, elegf^nt to the eye, 
and capable of being written with fluency. The 
letters that you devise must again be sufficient to 
express all the sounds in diiierent Aryan languages, 
nay, must be capable of oeing extended to express 
the Dravidian sounds without diacritic marks. 
There should be one letter for every sound and .I'fce 
versa. That is what I mean by sufficient and com- 
plete character. And if we put our heads together 
it would not be difficult to device such a character 
based on the existing ones. In determining upon 
such a character we shall have to take into consi- 
deration the fact, namely, which of the existing 
characters is or are used over a wider area. For a 
single character used over a wider area if suited in 
other respects will naturally claim preference to be 
a common character as far as it goes. 

When you have appointed your committee for the 
purpose and found out a common character, 1 think 
we shall have to go to Government and urge upon 
its attention the necessity of introducing in the 
vernacular school books of each provirjce a few 
lessons in this standard character, so that the next 
generation may become familiar witn it from its 
school days. Studying a new charactez is not a 
difficult task. But there is a sort of reluctance to 
study a new character after one's sijdies are 
completed. This reluctance can be overcome by the 
way I have suggested and herein Government can 
.help us. It is not a political quesriDn as such, 



Lo^. Bal Gangadhar Tilak. 


though in the end everything may be said to be- 
political. A Government that gave us a standard 
time and standard system of weights and measures 
would not, I think, ob]ect to lend its help to a scheme 
which aims to secure a standard character for all 
Aryan languages. 

When this common character is established it 
Would not be difficult to read the books printed in 
one dialect of the Aryan language by those who use 
a different dialect of the same ? My own difficulty 
in not understanding a Bengali book is that 1 cannot 
read the characters. If a Bengali book is printed 
in the Devanagari characters I can follow the author 
to a great extent, if not wholly, so as to understand 
the purport of the book ; for, over fifty per cent of 
the words used will be found borrowed or derived 
from Sanskrit. We are all fast adopting new ideas 
from the West, and with the help of the parent 
tongue, Sanskrit, coining new words to express the 
same. Here, therefore, is another direction in which 
\ve may work for securing a common language 
for all and I am glad to see that by preparing a 
dictionary of scientific terms in Hindi, the Sabha is 
doing a good service in this line. I should have 
liked to say something on this point. But as there are 
other speakers to follow me, 1 do not think I shall 
be justified in doing so and therefore resume my seat 
■with your permission. 



(Benares, 3rd January, 1906) 

I am sorry I cannot address you in any other 
language except Marathi and English. English 
should be boycotted for religious purposes, But I 
cannot help and hope you will excuse me. I shall 
speak a few words on the importance of Hindu 
religion, its present condition and efforts that are 
being made to preserve it from decay. What is 
Hindu religion ? If you go to the different parts of 
India, you will find different views about Hindu 
religion entertained by different people. Here you 
are mostly Vaishnavas or followers of Shri Krishna. 
If you go to the south, you will meet followers of 
Ramanuia and such others. What is Hindu 
religion then ? Bharata Dharma Mahamandala 
cannot be a Mahamandala unless it includes and 
co-ordinates these different sections and parts. Its 
name can only be significant if different sections of 
Hindu religion are united under its banner. All 
these different sects are so many branches of the 
Vedic religion. The term Sanatana Dharma shows 
that our religion is very old — as old as the history 
of the human race itself. Vedic religion was the 
religion of the Aryans from a very early time. But 
you all know no branch can stand by itself, Hindu 

Lok' Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

religion as a whole is made up ot different parts 
co-related to each other as so many sons and 
daughters of one great religion. If this idea is kept 
in view and if we try to unite the various sections it 
will be consolidated in a mighty force. So long as 
you are divided amongst yourselves, so long as one 
section does not recognise its affinity with another, 
you cannot hope to rise as Flindus. Religion is an 
element in nationality. The word Dharma means 
a tie and comes from the root dhri to bear 
or hold. What is there to hold together ? To 
connect the soul with God, and man with 
man. Dharma means our duties towards God 
and duty towards man. Hindu religion as such 
provides for a moral as well as social tie. This 
being our definition we must go back to the past 
and see how it was worked out. During Vedic 
times India was a self-contained conntry. It was 
united as a great nation. That unity has disappeared 
bringing on us great degradation and it becomes 
the duty of the leaders to revive that union. A 
Hindu of this place is as much a Hindu as the one 
from Madras or Bombay. You might put on a 
different dress, speak a different language, but you 
should remember that the inner sentiments which 
move you all are the same. The study of the Gita, 
Ramayana and Mahabharata produce the same 
ideas throughout the country. Are not these — 
common allegiance to the Vedas, the Gita and the 
Ramayana — our common heritage ? If we lay stress 

The. Bharata T)harma Mahamandala 

on it forgetting all the minor differences that exist 
between different sects, then by the grace of 
Providence we shall ere long be able to consolidate 
all the different sects into a mighty Hindu nation. 
This ought to be the ambition of every Hindu. If 
you thus work to unite, you will find within a few 
years one feeling and one thought actuating and 
dominating all people throughout the country. This 
is the work we have to do. The present condition 
of our religion is not at all one that is desirable. 
We think ourselves separated and the feeling of 
that unity which was at the root of our advancement 
in the past is gone. It is certainly an unfortunate 
circumstance that we should have so many sections 
and snb-sections. It is the duty of an association 
like the Bharata Dharma Mahamandala to work to 
restore the lost and forgotten union. In the absence 
of unity India cannot claim its place among the 
nations of the world. For some two hundred years 
India was in the same condition as it is to-day. 
Buddhism flourished and attacks were made on 
Hindu religion by Buddhists and Jains. After 600 
years of chaos rose one great leader, Shankar- 
acharya and he brought together all the common 
philosophical elements of our religion and proved 
and preached them in such a way that Buddhism 
was swept away from the land. 

We have the grand and eternal promise Shri 
Krishna has given in the Gita that whenever there 
is a decay of Dharma, He comes down to restore it. 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tila^ 

When there is a decay owing to disunion, when 
good men are persecuted, then Shri Krishna comes 
down to save us. There is no religion on the face 
of the earth except the Hindu reUgion wherein we 
find such a hopeful promise that God comes to us 
as many times as necessary. After Mahaomed no 
prophet is promised, and Jesus Christ comes once 
for ever. No religion holds such promise full of 
hope. It is because of this that the Hindu religion 
is not dead. We are never without hope. Let 
heretic say what they may. A time will come 
when our religious thoughts and our rights will be 
vindicated. Each man is doing his best, and as the 
association is doing its best, every Hindu is welcom.e 
to assist it and carry it to its goaU If we do not 
find men coming forward let us hope they will do so 
in the next generation. We are never without 
hope ; no other religion has such a defiriite and 
sacred promise as we have of Shri Krishna. It is 
based on truth and truth never dies. I say it ar^d I 
am prepared to prove this statement. I believe that 
truth is not vouchsaff;d to one only. The great 
characteristic of truth is that it is universal and 
catholic. It is not confined to any particular race. 
Hindu religion tolerates all religions. Our religion 
says that all reUgions are based on truth, "yo'J 
follow^ yours, I mine." 

Shri Krishna says that the followers of other 
religions worship God though not in a proper form. 
Shri Krishna does not say that the followers of 

The Bharata Dharma \iahamandala 

other religions would be doomed to eternal hell. I 
challenge any body to point out to me a similar 
text from the scriptures of other religions. It 
cannot be found in any other religion, because they 
are partial truth while oar Hindu religion is based 
on the whole, the, Sanatan truth, and therefore it is 
bound to triumph in the end. Numerical stre ngth 
also is a great strength. Can the religion which 
counts its followers by crores die ■* Never, unless 
the crores of our fellow-followers are suddenly 
swept away our reUgiop. will not die. All that is 
required for our glorious triumph and success is 
that we should unite all the different sects on a 
common platform and lee the stream of Hindu 
religion flow through one channel with mighty 

■consolidated and concentrated force. This is the 
work which the Bharat Dharma Mandala has to 
do and accomplish. Let us be all united. Because 
a particular man wears a particular dress, speaks a 
different tongue, worships a particular devata, is 

ithat any reason for our withdrawing our hands 
of fellowship to our Hindu brother ? The character 
of our Hindu religion is very comprehensive — -as 
comprehensive as its literature itself : we have a 
wonderful literature. Wisdom, as is concentrated 
in Gita and epitomised in about 700 verses, that 
wisdom, I am confident, cannot be defeated or 
overcome by any philosophy, be it Western or any 
other. Now 1 turn to the forces that are arrayed 

• against us. There are mainly two forces of (1) 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

science and (2) Christianity. If our religion is 
threatened •with any hostile criticism, it comes 
from these two. As for the first, a great change 
is coming over the West and _ truths that are 
discovered by them were known to our Rishis, 
Modern science is gradually justifying and vindi- 
cating ou". a.-icient wisdom. With the establishment 
oi Physical Research Societies and the expansion 
of scientific knowledge they have come to under- 
stand that *he fundamental principles of our religion 
are based on truth that can be proved. Take an 
instance. Chaitanya pervades everything. It is 
strictly a Hindu theory. Professor Bose has 
recently shown that this Vedantic doctrine is 
literally true according to modern science. Take 
the doctnne of the survival of soul independent of 
the body. 

Doctiines of Karma and Re-incarnation go with 
it. Spencer never believed in these. But recently 
it has been our great privilege to see that' Sir 
Oliver Lodge and Mayor and others have declared 
that the soul does not die with body : so much now 
they are convinced of. Modern science accepts the 
doctrine oi Karma if not of re-incarnation. But it 
is not the belief of • Christianity. They hold that 
God gives a new soul each and every time. Thus 
it would be seen that a change is coming over the 
West. Our enemies are fast disappearing before 
the teachings of modern science, take courage and 
work hara lor the final triumph. If you make a. 

The Bharata T>harma Mahamandala 

little effort and aim at union, you have a bright 
future before you. Now-a-days, Vedanta is not only 
read but studied by Americans. No European 
doctor believes .that the beating of the heart can be 
voluntarily stopped. But it has been proved to the 
contrar}'. Vedanta and Yoga have been fully vindi- 
cated by modern science and these aim at giving 
you spiritual union. It is our clear duty, therefore, 
to follow^ truth and re-edit our scriptures and place 
them before the v^orld in the light of modern science 
that they may be acceptable to all. But I tell you 
again unity is necessary lor such work. You would 
be wanting in duty to yourself and to your ancestors 
if you do not give up provincial prejudices and 
promote unity that underlies all sects. We have 
been very idle. We have grown so stupid owing to 
our idleness that we are required to be told by 
foreigners that our treasures conceal gold and not 
iron. Modern science and education are prepared to 
helf? you if you take advantage of them, and time 
will come when instead of Christians preaching 
Christianity here we shall see our preachers preach- 
ing Sanatan Dharma all over the world. Concentrate 
all your forces. The idea of a Hindu University 
where our old religion will be taught along with 
modern science is a very good one and should have 
the support of all. In conclusion. I would again 
draw your attention to bring about a harmonious 
union of all sects and rightly claim and obtain our 
rightful place among the nations of the world. 


(Speech delivered by Mr. Tdak, at Calcutta, under the 
presidency of Bubu Motilal Ghose on 7th June, 1906). 

Mr, Chairman and Gentlemen, — I am unable 
to impress you with my feeling and sentiment. I 
express my gratefulness on my own behalf and that 
of my friends for the splendid reception accorded to 
us. This reception is given not to me personally 
but as a representative of the Marathi nation. This 
honour is due to the Marathi nation for the services 
and sympathy towards the Bengali race in their 
present crisis. The chairman has said that times 
have altered and 1 add that the situation is unique. 
India is under a foreign rule and Indians welcomed 
the change at one time. Then many races were the 
masters and they had no sympathy and henct the 
change was welcomed and that was the cause why 
the English succeeded in establishing an empire in 
India. Men then thought that the change was for 
their good. The confusion which characterised 
native rule was in striking contrast with the 
constitutional laws of the British Government. The 
people had much hope in the British Government, 
but they were much disappointed in their antici- 
pations. They hoped that their arts and industries 
would be fostered under British rule and they would 

The Political Situation 

gain much from their new rulers. But all those 
hopes had been falsified. The people were now 
compelled to adopt a new line, namely, to fight 
against the bureaycracy. 

Hundred years ago it was said, and believed by 
the people, that they were socially inferior to their 
rulers and as soon as they were socially improved 
they would obtain liberties and privileges. But 
subsequent events have shown that this was not 
based on sound logic. Fifty years ago Mr. Dadabhai 
Naoroji, the greatest statesman of India, thought 
that Government would grant them rights and 
privileges when they were properly educated, bur 
that hope is gone. Now it might be said that they 
were not fitted to take part in the administration of 
the country owing to their defective education. 
But, I ask, whose fault it is. The Government has 
been imparting education to the people and hence 
the fault is not theirs but of the Government. The 
Government is imparting an education to make 
the people fit for some subordinate appointments. 
Professions have been made that one day the people 
would be given a share in the administration of the 
country. This is far from the truth. What did 
Lord Curzon do ? He saw that this education was 
becoming dangerous and he made the Government 
control more strict. He passed the Universities 
Act and thus brought all schools under Government 
control. Education in future would pin the people 
to service only and they now want to reform it. In 

Lok,. Bal Gangadhar Tilak. 

Bombay such an attempt was first made in founding 
the Fergusson College. In 1880 and in 1884 the 
Government showed willingness to hand over 
Government Colleges to the control of the Fergusson 
College but now that institution has gone partially 
into the hands of the Government. 

Policy of justice and efficiency was the policy 
under which the people are now being governed. 
By justice is meant justice not between the rulers 
and the ruled but that between subjects and 
subjects ; by efficiency the efficiency of bureaucracy. 
Assurances had been given which were expressly 
pronounced impracticable. Even Lord Curzon has 
declared that the Queen's Proclamation was an 
impossibility. This was said not by an ordinary 
Englishman but by a Viceroy. Bureaucracy has 
developed a policy beyond which they are deter- 
mined not to go. It is hopless to expect anything 
from the rulers. The rulers have developed a 
system which they are not prepared to alter in 
spite of the protests of the people. 

Protests are of no avail. Mere protest, not 
backed by self-reliance, will not help the people. 
Days of protests and prayers have gone. Shivaji 
heard the protests of the people and the jijia tax 
was repealed. Good wishes between master and 
servant are impossible. It may be possible between 
equals. The people must show that they are fit for 
privileges. They must take such departments as 
finance in their own hands and the rulers will then 

Thi Political Situation 

be bound to give them to the people. That is the 
key of success. It is impossible to expect that our 
petitions will be heard unless backed by firm 
rescluiion. Do not expect much from a change in 
government. Three P's — pray, please and protest — 
will not do unless backed by solid force. Look to 
the examples of Ireland, Japan and Russia and 
follow their methods. You probably have read the 
speech delivered by Arthur Griffith and we must 
consider the way as to how to build a nation on 
Indian soil. 

The rulers have now a definite pob'cy and you 
are asking them to change it. It is only possible 
that they will have enlightened despotism in place 
of pure despotism. It is idle to expect much by 
educating the British public. You will not be able 
to convince them by mere words. The present 
system of administration is unsuited to this country 
and we must prove it. Mr. Morley has said that 
he was unable to overthrow the bureaucracy. The 
whole thing rests with the people. We must make 
our case not by mere words but we must prove it 
by actual facts. We must show that the country 
cannot be governed well by the present method. 
We must convince the Government of this. 

But can this be done ? We must either proceed 
onward or give up the cause altogether. Do not rely 
much upon the sympathy of the rulers. Mr. Morely 
has given a strange illustration of his sympathy in 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

the partition question. Mr. Morley has said that 
he has full sympathy with the people but he cannot 
or will not undo partition. An apt illustration of 
this sympathy will be found in the laws of the land. 
Punishment of whipping is provided in the Penal 
Code and there is another law which provides that 
the sufferer will be sent to hospital for treatment. 
If you want that sort of sympathy Mr. Morley is 
ready to give it to you. If you forget your griev- 
ances by hearing words of sympathy then the cause 
is gone. You must make a permanent cause of 
grievance. Store up the grievances till they are 
removed. Partition grievance will be the edifice 
for the regeneration of India. Do not give up this 
partition grievance for the whole of India is at your 
back. It is a cornerstone and I envy the people of 
Bengal for laying this cornerstone. 

Shiva ji was born at a time when there was 
darkness and helplessness. 1 believe that Bengal 
will produce such a leader at this juncture who 
will follow the great Maharatta leader not in method 
but in spirit. This festival shows that Providence 
has not forsaken us. 1 hope that God will give us 
such a leader who would regenerate the country 
bv his self-sacrifice, ardent devotion, disinterested 
action. We must raise a nation on his soil. Love 
of nation is one's first duty. Next comes religion 
and the Government. Our duty to the nation will 
be the first. 


The Political Situation 

Swadeshi and Swadeshi will be our cry for ever 
and by this we will grow in spite of the wishes, 
of the rulers. Swadeshi and national education are 
the two methods. . 



Hero-worship is a feeling deeply implanted in 
human nature ; and our political aspirations need all 
the strength which the worship of a Swadeshi hero is 
likely to inspire into our minds. For this purpose 
Shivaji is the only hero to be found in the Indian 
history. He was born at a time when the whole 
nation required relief from misrule ; and by his self- 
sacrifice and courage he proved to the world that 
India was not a country forsakan by Providence. It 
is true that the Mahomedans and the Hindus were 
then divided ; and Shivaji who respected the religious 
scruples of the Mahomedans, had to fight against the 
Mogul rule that had become unbearable to the 
people. But it does not follow from this that,' now 
that the Mahomedans and the Hindus are equally 
shorn of the power they once possessed and are 
governed by the same laws and rules, they should not 
agree to accept as a hero one who in his own days 
took a bold stand against the tyranny of his time. 
It is not preached nor is it to be at all expected that 
the methods adopted by Shivaji should be adopted 
by the present generation. The charge brought 
by the Anglo-Indian writers in this connection is a 
fiction of their own brain an4 is put forward simply 

Is Shivaji not a National Hero ? 

lo frighten away the timid amongst us. No one 
■ever dreams that every incident in Shivaji's life is, 
to be copied by any one at present. It is the spirit 
which actuated • Shivaji in his doings that is held 
forth as the proper ideal to be kept constantly in 
view by the rising generation. No amount of 
imisrepresentation can succeed in shutting out this 
view of the question from our vision ; and we hope 
and trust that our Mahomedan friends will not be 
misled by such wily methods. We do not think that 
the Anglo-Indian writers will objeet to England 
worshipping Nelson or France worshipping the 
great Napolean on the ground that such national 
'festivals would alienate the sympathies of either 
nation frpm the other, or would make the existence 
of amicable relations between the two nations an 
impossibility in future. And yet the same advice is 
administered to us in a patronising tone by these 
Anglo-Indian critics, being unmindful of the fact 
that we have now become sufficiently acquainted 
with their tactics to take their word for gospal 
truth. The Shivaji festival is not celebrated to 
alienate or even to irritate the Mahomedaixi. 
Times are changed, and, as observed above, the 
Mahomedans and the Hindus stand in the sansE 
boat or on the same platform so far as the political 
condition of the people is concerned. Can we not 
both of us derive some inspiration from the life of 
Shivaji under these circumstances ? That is the real 
question at issue ; and if this can be answered in diCk 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

affirmative it matters little that Shivaji was born in 
Maharashtra. This aspect of the question has been 
clearly perceived and exclaimed by the leading 
Indian papers in Bengal such as the Patnka and 
the Bengalee ; and there is little chance of the 
serpentine wisdom of the Anglo-Indian writers 
being blindly accepted by the parties for whom it is 
meant. We are not against a festival being started 
in honour of Akbar or any other hero from old 
Indian history. Such festivals will have their own 
worth ; but that of Shivaji has a peculiar value of its 
own for the whole country, and it is the duty of 
every one to see that this characteristic of the 
festival is not ignored or misrepresented. Every 
hero, be he Indian or European, acts according to 
the spirit of his times ; and we must therefore judge 
of his individual acts by the standard prevalent in 
his time. If this principle be accepted we can find 
nothing in Shivaji's life to which one can take 
exception. But as stated above we need not go so 
far. What makes Shivaji a national hero for the 
present is the spirit which actuated him throughout 
and not his deeds as such. His life clearly shows- 
that Indian races do not so soon lose the vitality 
which gives them able leaders at critical times. 
That is the lesson which the Mahomedans and the- 
Hindus have to learn from the history of the great 
Mahratta Chief ; and the Shivaji festival is intended 
to emphasise the same lesson. It is a sheer misre- 
presentation to suppose that the worship of Shivaji 

Is Shicaji not a National Hero ? 

includes invocation to fight either with the 
Mahomedans or with the Government. It was only 
in conformity with the political circumstances of 
the country at the time that Shivaji was born in 
Maharashtra. But a future leader may be born 
anywhere in India and who knows, may even be a 
Mahomedan. That is the right view of the 
question, and we do not think that the Anglo-Indian 
writers can succeed in diverting our attention from 
it,"— (The Maralta. 24th June, 1906). 



(Speech delivered on Sunday, the 23rd December, I 906 
in Beadon Square, Calcutta, under the presidency of Lata 
Lajpat Rai): — 

I did not expect to have to speak on the day oir 
which my long journey from Poona came to an 
end, but circumstances appear to have left me no 
choice. Lord Minto opened the Industrial Exhibi- 
tion here the other day and, in doing so, said that 
honest Swadeshism should be dissociated from 
political aspirations. In other words the Swadeshi 
agitation had, within the last eighteen months, been 
carried on by the workers for motives other than 
those professed and for ends not yet disclosed. 
This is entirely an unfair representation of the 
existing state of things and can easily be derrlons- 
trated to be so. To begin with, if Lord Minto thinks 
the Swadeshi workers dishonest, why should he 
have associated himself with them by consenting to 
open the Exhibition ? Further, if Lord Minto 
is honest, and our Bengal leaders who have been 
preaching the Swadeshi cause are dishonest, why 
should they have invited his Lordship to do the 
formal and the ceremonious act of declaring the 
Exhibition open ? So taken either way, it will appear 
that his Lordship and our leaders cannot possibly 

Honest Swadeshi 

hit it off together. If he did not want us, we shall 
certainly be able to do without him. So his consent- 
ing to perform the opening ceremony was clearly a 
great blunder. Then is our movement really 
dishonest ? In Germany, France, America, Govern- 
ments protect their infant industries by imposing 
taxes on imports. The Government of India should 
also have done the same as it professes to rule 
India in the interests of Indians. It failed in its 
duty, so the people are trying to do for themselves 
what the Government ought to have done years and 
years ago. No, Lord Minto dares not call the 
Emperor of Germany dishonest nor can he similarly 
characterise the presidents of the French or 
American Republics. How then can our leaders be 
called dishonest ? Are they to be abused because 
they are endeavouring to do what the Government 
has culpably omitted to do ? As head of a despotic 
Government, his Lordship cannot possibly sympa- 
thise with the political aspirations and agitations 
of the people, and it may be expected that he may 
maintain an unbroken silence about it. Had I been 
in his Lordship's position I would have done so, but 
why should Lord Minto call us dishonest ? There is 
a harder word that is on my lips, but to saj* the least 
it is impolitic of Lord Minto to have said so. There 
it was said that Swadeshi was an industrial 
movement and has nothing to do with politics. 
We all know that Government is not engaged in 
commerce. It might have begun that way but it 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

certainly does not trade now. Did it not protect 
British trade and adopt measures to promote it ? If 
the Indian Government dissociates itself from the 
commercial aspirations of the British nation, then 
it will be time for Swadeghi workers to consider the 
question of dissociating their movement from 
politics. But so long as politics and commerce are 
blended together in this policy of the Government 
of India, it will be a blunder to dissociate 
Swadeshi from politics. In fact, Swadeshism is 
a large te^rm which includes politics and to be a 
true Swadeshi one must look on all lines — whether 
political or industrial or economical — which 
converge our people towards the status of a civilised 
nation. Gentlemen, ! insist on your emphatically 
repudia'-ing the charge of dishonesty. 



(Calcutta, 2nd January, 1907) 

Two new words have recently come into existence 
with regard to our politics, and they are Moderates 
and Extremists. These words have a specific 
relation to time, and they, therefore, will change 
with time, The Extremists of to-day will be 
Moderates to-morrow, just as the Moderates of 
to-day were Extremists yesterday. When the 
National Congress was first started and Mr. 
Dadabhai's views, which now go for Moderates, 
were given to the public, he was styled an Extremist, 
so that you will see that the term Extremist is an 
expression of progress. We are Extremists to-day 
and our sons will call themselves Extremists and 
us Moderates. Every new party begins as 
Extrehiists and ends as Moderates. The sphere of 
practical politics is not unlimited, We cannot say 
what will or will not happen 1 ,000 years hence — 
perhaps during that long period, the whole of the 
white race will be swept away in another glacial 
period. We must, therefore, study the present and 
work out a programme to meet the present 

It is impossible to go into details within the time 
at my disposal. One thing is granted, viz., that 
this Government does not suit us. As has been 

-/ Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

said by an eminent statesman — the government of 
one country by another can never be a successful, 
and therefore, a permanent Government. There is 
no difference of opinion about this fundamental 
proposition between the Old and New schools. One 
fact is that this alien Government has ruined the 
country. In the beginning, all of us were taken by 
surprise, We were almost dazed. We thought 
that everything that the rulers did was for our good 
and that this EngUsh Government has descended 
from the clouds to save us from the invasions of 
Tamerlane and Chengis Khan, and, as they say, not 
only from foreign invasions but from internecine 
warfare, or the internal or external invasions, as 
they call it. We felt happy for a time, but it soon 
came to light that the peace which was established 
in this country did this, as Mr. Dadabhai has said in 
one place — tliat we were prevented from going at 
each other's throats, so that a foreigner might go at 
the throat of us all. Pax Britannica has .been 
established in this country in order that a foreign 
Government may exploit the country. That this is 
the effect of this Pax Britannica is being gradually 
realised in these days. It was an unhappy circum- 
stance that it was not reaUzed sooner. We believed 
in the ' benevolent intentions of the Government,^ 
but inVolitics there is no benevolence. Benevolence 
is used to sugar-coat the declarations of self-interest 
and we were in those days deceived by the apparent 
fcenevolent intentions under which rampant self- 

Tenets of the New Party 

interest was concealed. That was our state then. 
But soon a change came over us. English education, 
growing poverty, and better familiarity with our 
rulers, opened our eyes and our leaders ; especially, 
the venerable leader who presided over the recent 
Congress was the first to tell us that the drain from 
the country was ruining it, and if the drain was to 
continue, there was some great disaster awaiting us. 
So terribly convinced was he of this that he went 
over from here to England and spent 25 years of his 
life in trying to convince the English people of the 
injustice that is being done to us. He worked very 
hard. He had conversations and interviews with 
Secretaries of State, with Members of Parliament — 
and with what result ? 

He has come here at the age of 82 to tell us that 
he is bitterly disappointed. Mr. Gokhale, I know, 
is not disappointed. He is a friend of mine and I 
believe that this is his honest conviction. Mr. 
Gokhale is not disappointed but is ready to wait 
another 80 years till he is disappointed like Mr. 

He is young, younger than myself, and I can very 
well see that disappointment cannot come in a 
single interview, from interviews which have 
lasted only for a year or so. If Dadabhai is 
disappointed, what reason is there that Gokhale 
shall not, after 20 years ? It is said there is a 
revival of Liberalism, but how long will it last ? 
Next year it might be, they are out of power, and 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

are we to wait till there is another revival of 
Liberalism, and then again if that goes down and a 
third revival of Liberalism takes place ; and after 
all what can a liberal Governmept do ? I will 
quote the observation of the father of the Congress 
Mr. A. O. Hume. This was made in 1893. Let the 
Gov-.rnment be Liberal or Conservative, rest sure 
that they will not yield to you willingly anything. 
A Liberal Government means that the Government 
or the members of the Government are imbued with 
Liberal principles because they want to have the 
administration of their country conducted .'on those 
principles. They are Liberals in England, but I 
have seen Liberals in England come out to India to 
get into conservative ways. Many of the Civilian 
officers from schools and colleges, when they come 
out are very good Liberals, Coming in contact with 
Anglo-Indian men or when they marry Anglo- 
Indian women, they change their views, and by the 
time they leave India they are Conservatives. This 
has been the experience all over. So Liberal or Con- 
servative, the point is, is any one prepared to give 
you those rights and concession which intellectu- 
ally a philosopher may admit to be fit to be conceded 
or granted to a subject nation in course of time ? 
It is intellectual perception. A philosopher and 
statesman cannot be forced to do it. I laughed 
when I read the proceedings of the meeting in 
Calcutta, congratulating people on the appointment 
of Mr. Morley to the Secretaryship of State for 

Tenets of the Neu) Party 

India. Passages were read from Mr. Morley's books. 
Mr. Morley had said so and so in Mr. Gladstone's 
Life ; Mr. Morley had said this and had said that ; 
he was the editor of a certain paper 30 years ago, 
and he said so and so. I asked mj'self if it would 
not have been better that some of the passages 
from the Bhagavat Gita were so quoted. The 
persons to whom I refer are gentlemen for 
whom I have the highest respect. But what 
I say is, that they utterly misunderstood the 
position or absolutely ignored the distinction 
between a philosopher and a statesman. A states- 
man is bound to look to the present circumstances 
and see what particular concession are absolutely 
necessary, and what is theoretically true or wrong. 
He has to take into consideration both the sides. 
There are the interested Anglo-Indians and the 
Secretary of State is the head of the Anglo-Indian 
bureaucracy v/hose mouth-piece he is, Do you 
mean to say that when the whole bureaucracy, the 
whole body of Anglo-Indians, are against you, the 
Secretary of State will set aside the whole bureau- 
cracy and give you rights ? Has he the power ? If 
he does, will he not be asked to walk away ? So 
then it comes to this that the whole British 
electorate must be converted. So you are going to 
convert all persons who have a right to vote in 
England, so as to get the majority on your side, and 
when this is done and when by that majority the 
Liberal party is returned to Parliament bent upon 

Lol^. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

<lo'ng good to India and it appoints a Secretary of 
State as good as Mr. Morley, then you hope to get 
something of the old methods. The new Party has. 
reaUzed this position. The whole electorate of 
Great Britain must be converted by lectures. You 
cannot touch their pocket or interest, and that man 
must be a fool indeed who would sacrifice his own 
interest on hearing a philosophical lecture. He 
will say it is a very good lecture ; but 1 am not 
going to sacrifice my interest. I will tell you a 
story. One of my friends who had been lecturing in 
England delivered a lecture on the grievances 
of India. A man from the audience came and asked 
him how many of them there were. The lecturer 
replied 30 crores. The inquirer replied. Then 
you do not deserve anything. That is the attitude 
with which an English workman looks at the 
question. You now depend on the Labour Party. 
Labourers have their own grievances, but they won't 
treat you any better. On the contrary they* will 
treat you worse, because British labourers obtain 
their livelihood by sending us their goods. This is. 
the real position. This position is gradually 
recognized. Younger people who have gone to 
England like Mr. Gokhale are not so disappointed 
though those who went with him were like Lala 
Lajpat Rai. I am entering into personalities but I 
cannot place these facts in an intelligent manner if 
I do not give the names, although all of them are my 
friends. This is then the state of things. The New 

Tenets oj the New Party 

Party perceives that this is futile. To convert 
the whole electorate of England to your opinion 
and then to get indirect pressure to bear upon the 
Members of Parliament, they in their turn to return 
a Cabinet favourable to India and the Cabinet to 
Parliament, the Liberal party and the Cabinet to 
bring pressure on the bureaucracy to yield — we say 
this is hopless. You can now understand the 
difference between the Old and the New Parties. 
Appeals to the bureaucracy are hopeless. On this 
point both the New and Old parties are agreed. 
The Old party believes in appeahng to the British 
nation and we do not. That being our position, it 
logically follows we must have some other method. 
There is another alternative. We are not going to 
sit down quiet. We shall have some other method 
by which to achieve what we want. We are not 
disappointed, we are not pessimists. It is the hope 
of achieving the goal by our own efforts that has 
brought into existence this New Party. 

There is no empire lost by a free grant of 
concession by the rulers to the ruled. History does 
not record any such event. Empires are lost by 
luxury, by being too much bureaucratic or over- 
confident or from other reasons. But an Empire has 
never come to an end by the rulers conceding power 
to the ruled. 

You got the Queen's Proclamation. But it was 
obtained without a Congress, They wanted to 
pa::ify you, as you had grown too turbulent, and you 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

got that Proclamation without a demand, without 
Congress and without constitutional agitation. That 
is a very good and generous declaration indeed. 
The Queen was very anxious that it should be 
couched in such terms as would create hopes in you. 
Now all that anxiety did not proceed from 
constitutional agitation. It was after 1853 the 
constitutional agitation began. The result was, the 
Proclamation remained a dead letter, because you 
could not get it enforced, the conditions under which 
it was made having disappeared. A promise was 
made but you proved too weak to have it enforced. 
That is the reason why it was not enforced. The 
bureaucracy got the upper hand and they established 
a system of administration in which it made it 
impossible for the Proclamation to be acted up to. 
Lord Gurzon poohpoohed it. Another lawyer said 
it was unconstitutional because it was not passed 
by Parliament. His name was Sir James Stephen. 
This was at the time of the llbert Bill. They want 
now to explain away that Proclamations. Is Mr. 
Morley going to fulfil it ? The explanation of 
the Proclamation is not the question. The 
question is what will compel him to fulfil it. That 
is the point at issue. I admit that we must 
ask ; but we must ask with the consciousness that 
the demand cannot be refused. There is great 
difference between asking and petitioning. Take the 
Age of Consent Bill, the Land Tax, the Tenancy 
Question. Whenever there was a grievance we used 


Tenets vf the New Party 

to hold meetings, make petitions, representations, 
and complaints in the Press ; and once the decision 
of Caesar was known, everything was silent and we 
accepted it loyally. Such is the experience of the 
Government and this is what, 1 believe, they wrote to 
Mr. Morley relating to the Partition question- They 
have probably told Mr. Morley that if he remained 
quiet for a short time, everything would be right. 
The present howl is due to a few agitators, and 
when sufficient time has elapsed the agitation will 
subside and the Partition will be accepted. We 
know the people of India better than you do. We 
have ruled over them and we intend to rule over 
them, and if our experience is worth anything we 
advise you not to yield to their clamorous agitation." 
Mr. Morley's counsellors are Anglo-Indians, they 
placed this before Mr. Morley- He thinks that such 
consensus of opinion, administrative experience, it is 
impossible to over-ride. Philosopher or no philo- 
sopher, he thinks that the administrative duties 
require it, and he does it as honestly as any other 
man in the world. This is then how the matter 
stands. The new Party wishes to put a stop to this. 
We have come forward with a scheme which if 
you accept, shall better enable you to remedy this 
state of things than the scheme of the Old School. 
Your industries are ruined utterly, ruined by foreign 
rule : your wealth is going out of ,the country and you 
are reduced to the lowest level which no human being 
can occupy, in this state of things, is there any 

Lok- Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

other remedy by which you can help yourself ? The 
remedy is not petitioning but boycott. We say pre- 
pare your forces, organise your power, and then go to 
work so that they cannot refuse you what you 
•demand. A story in Mahabharata tells that Sri 
Krishna was sent to effect a compromise, but the 
Pandavas and Kauravas were both organizing their 
forces to meet the contingency of failure of the 
compromise. This is politics. Are you prepared in 
this way to fight if your demand is refused ? If you 
are, be sure you will not be refused ; but if you are 
not, nothing can be more certain than that your 
demand will be refused, and perhaps, for ever 
We are not armed, and , there is no necessity for 
arms either. We have a stronger weapon, a 
political weapon, in boycott. We have perceived 
one fact, that the whole of this administration, 
which is carried on by a handful of Englishmen, is 
carried on with our assistance. We are all in 
subordinate service. This whole Government is 
carried on with our , assistance and they try to 
keep us in ignorance of our power of co-operation 
between ourselves by which that which is in our 
own hands at present can be claimed by us and 
administered by us. The point is to have the entire 
control in our hands. I want to have the key of my 
house, and not merely one stranger turned out of it. 
Self-Government is our goal ; we want a control 
over our administrative machinery. We don't 
want to become clerks and remain. At present, we 

Tenets of the New Party 

are clerks and willing instruments of our own 
oppression in the hands of an alien Government, 
and that Government is ruling over us not by its 
innate strength but by keeping us in ignorance and 
blindness to the perception of this fact. Professor 
Seely shares this view. Every Englishman knows 
that they are a mere handful in this country and 
it is the business of every one of them to befool you 
in believing that you are weak and they are strong. 
This is politics. We have been deceived by such 
policy so long;. What the New Party wants you to 
do is to reaUse the fact that your future rests 
entirely in your own hands, If you mean to be free, 
you can be free ; if you do not mean to be free, you 
will fall and be for ever fallen. So many of you 
need not like arms ; but if you have not the power 
of active resistance, have you not the power of 
self-denial and self-abstinence in such a way as not 
to assist this foregin Government to rule over you ? 
This is boycott and this is what is meant when we 
say, boycott is a political weapon. We shall not 
give them assistance to collect revenue and keep 
peace. We shall not assist them in fighting beyond 
the frontiers or outside India with Indian blood and 
money. We shall not assist them in carrying on 
the administration of justice. We shall have our 
own courts, and when time comes we shall not pay 
taxes- Can you do that by your united e'fots ? If 
you can, you are free from to-morrow. Some 
gentlemen who spoke this evening referred to half 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tila}^ 

bread as against the whole bread, I say I want the 
whole bread and that immediately. But if I can 
not get the whole, don't think that I have no 

I will take the half they give me and then try for 
the remainder. This is the line of thought and 
action in which you must train yourself. We have 
not raiised this cry from a mere impulse. It is a 
reasoned impulse. Try to understand that reason 
and try to strengthen that impulse by your logical 
convictions. I do not ask you to blindly follow us. 
Think over the whole problem for yourselves. If 
you accept our advice, we feel sure we can achieve 
our salvation thereby. This is the advice of the 
New Party. Perhaps we have not obtained a full 
recognition of our principles. Old prejudices die 
very hard. Neither of us wanted to wreck the 
Congress, so we compromised, and were satisfied 
that our principles were recognised, and only to a 
certain extent. That does not mean that we. have 
accepted the whole situation. We may have a step 
in advance next year, sq that within a few years our 
principles will be recognised, and recognised to such 
an extent that the generations who come after us 
may consider us Moderates. This is the way 
in which a nation progresses. This is the way 
national sentiment progresses, and this is the 
lesson you have to learn from the struggle now 
going on. This is a lesson of progress, a lesson of 
helping yourself as much as possible, and if you 

Tenets of the New Party 

really perceive the force of it, if you are convinced 
by these arguments, then and then only is it 
possible for you to effect your salvation from the 
alien rule under which you labour at this moment. 

There are many other points but it is impossible 
to exhaust them all in an hour's speech. If you 
carry any wrong impression come and get your 
doubts solved. We are prepared to answer every 
objection, solve every doubt, and prove every 
-statement. We want your co-operation; without 
your help we cannot do anything single-handed. 
We beg of you, we appeal to you, to think over the 
question, to S2e the situaton, and realise it, and 
after reaUsing it to come to our assistance, and 
by our joint assistance to help in the salvation 
■of the country. 



{A speech delivered in Marathi, on the occasion of th& 
Shivaji Coronation festival, in Pooua, on the 25th June, 

It is a pity the Government cannot yet understand; 
that the object of festivals like ithese is not to create 
disturbances. Its mind is yet enveloped in unde- 
served suspicion. There are a dozen detectives and 
reporters at this very meeting. Now where is the 
need for all this suspicion and distrust ? I am sorry 
that the District Magistrate himself did not take the 
trouble to attend. Why not take the golden oppor- 
tunity to know firsthand what the advocates of the 
Shivaji festival have got really to say on these 
occasions? I, for one, am prepared to say every word 
that I now say even before His Excellency the 
Governor. I will say it before God Himself, for what 
I say I have honestly at heart, I will proclaim it from 
the housetops if required, I will avow it if a detective 
come to me and ask for my views. There is na 
occasion for expressing views by stealth or secrecy; 
and what need of it ? Surely, Indian people are not 
robbers in their own country. They can certainly 
proclaim their aspirations and they really ought to. 
We do not fear a hearing, only we want a full and a 
lair hearing. 1 strongly condemn the mean attempt 

The Shivaji Festival 

to lay the nets for a stray unguarded word to pena- 
lise and victimise the speaker. If Government wants 
to know the truth let it be prepared to hear the 
whole truth. Why spend two lacs on maintaining 
short-hand reporters and detectives, and such other 
men of the intelligence department ? The money 
would be surely better spent on technical education. 
If we celebrate the Shivaji festival we do not do it for 
raising the standard of revolt. The idea will be 
foolish and absurd, as we all know that we have no 
arms, no ammunition. 

An educated man, an M,A., and an L.L.B., may 
surely be given credit for knowing that the military 
strength of the Government is enormous and that a 
single machine-gun showering hundreds of bullets 
per minute will quite suffice for our largest public 
meetings, How can a detective find out things 
which never enter the perception of the educated 
classes ? Those who are thus shadowed may 
however console themselves with the idea that the 
great God who sees everything is the people's 
detective upon kings and Governments, and that 
this divine detective must sooner or later bring the 
British Government to justice. The secret of all this 
mischief lies in the idea that the educated classes 
are the enemies of the Government. Mr, Morley in 
fact said it in so many words, and he made much of 
the fact that every member of the proletariat did 
not often completely endorse what the educated man 
had to say, — as if every savage or aborigine, every 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

illiterate man of the masses, should be able to- 
comprehend the depths of the political cunning of 
our bureaucracy. But what is it in the educated 
classes that leads Mr, Morley to mistake them for 
enemies ? Is it the knowledge 'in them that so leads 
him ? Then surely Mr. Morley himself is the enemy 
of knowledge. We all know that Adam, the original 
man, suffered because he ate the friut of the tree of 
'Knowledge' and the educated Indians are being 
treated similarly for the ' knowledge ' which is 
bestowed upon them. Is the Government prepared to 
be classed with those who are the enemis of 
knowledge in this creation ? 

To turn to the Shivaji festival, the knowledge we 
have, or the knowlege which we want to inculcate 
among the people in this connection, relates not to 
the actual use of the indentical measures which 
Shivaji for instance took but to a proper appreciation 
of the spirit in which he resorted to the measures 
suitable to his time. Festivals like these prove an 
incentive to the legitimate ambitions of a people 
with a great historic past. They serve to impart 
courage, such courage as an appreciation of heroes 
securing their salvation against odds, can give. They 
are an antidote to vague despair. They serve like 
manure to the seeds of enthusiasm and the spirit of 
nationality. Maliceor wickedness is never the 
keynote, or| even the minor note, of those who- 
come together on occasions like these. I 
wish that every word I say on this point 

The Shivaji Festival 

should be faithfully reported, and I will gladly 
supply omissions if the report were submitted 
to me for correction. The time is surley not yet 
for lawlessness, ior we have not yet exhausted all 
the possibilities of what may be claimed as legiti- 
mate and lawful action. But the pity of it all is 
that the Government is engaged in treating even 
this lawful action as unlawful. Lala Lajpat Rai. 
for instance, had done nothing that was not lawful 
and yet the whole official hierarchy conspired and 
acted like one man to deport him I cannot 
imagine a clearer sign that the greatness of the 
British Government is doomed, and that decay and 
demoralisation has set in, Mr. Morley is a great 
" Pandit," a learned man. There is no use denying 
the fact ; but it was a pity that this excellent 
repository of learning this great English " Pandit," 
is no better after all than one of our own orthodox 
Pandits of Benares who are strangers to worldly 
wisdom. It is an irony of fate that the greater the 
scholarship, the less the statesmanship. Mr. Morley 
ridicules the educated classes on the ground 
that they are poor. Has Mr. Morley forgotton the 
old days when he himself enjoyed no better lot ? 
The educated Indian may aspire to rise to high 
office, but that is no more culpable in him than for 
this English Pandit to aspire for State Secretary- 
ship. His analysis of the factors of the Indian 
population is very amusing. He claims the Princes 
and the Notables on his side. Surely it is not a 

Lo^, Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

thin3 to be wondered at when we know that the 
Indian Princes are mere puppets, whose tenure of 
life as Princes hangs on the breath of the British 
Government. The Viceroy proclaimed Ordinance I 
of 190/ as there were disturbances in Bengal and 
the Punjab ; but the Maharajah of Kolhapore went 
one better though he had not the least excuse of 
any kind. Mr. Morley claims the merchant class 
on his side. This is not true about the whole class 
%n6. it must be remembered that merchants who are 
engciged in Britiah trade and who depend on the 
means of enjoying the luxuries of life on that trade 
cannot be erpected to come forward boldly to speak 
against Government. And, lastly, he claimed the 
lowest and the poorest classes, the illiterate ryots, 
as being on the side of Government. The Hon'ljle 
Mr. Logan echoed the same sentiment only the 
other day in the Bombay Legislative Gouncil. But 
this is moonshine. The pretensions of this official 
friend of the ryot cannot be exposed and con- 
tradicted to his very face only because the ryot is 
illiterate and cannot know who presumed to pose as 
his friend. But surely these false pretensions will 
be doomed as soon as education is sufficiently 
extended, and I may perhaps say that, it is only for 
this reason that the Government is so cautious 
in extending it. The educated classes alone have 
the knowledge and the courage for agitation and 
naturally the State Secretary treates them as 
enemies. But I appeal to you that the educated 

The Shivaji Feslioal 

classes need not feel despair over such a thing 
the educated classes are no doubt poor but 
they have one compensating advantage. They, 
possess knowlejdge, and ^knowledge is not poor 
in asmuch as it possesses unlimited potentiality for 
wealth of every sort. They may also rely upon 
gradually bringing to their side those classes 
on whose support Government now thinks it may 
rely. History abounds in cases of kingdoms undone 
by the discontent of penniless beggars. No one 
could be more poor than the great Chanakya of 
mediaeval lindian History, and it is well known how 
Chanakya , who had no stake in the world but the 
little knot of his hair, exterminated the whole race 
of the Nandas in return for the insult that was 
desperately given to him. Mr. Morley of all persons 
should not have scorned the power of educated men 
because they were poor and had no earthly stake. 
But when thoughtful men like Mr. Morley betray 
such evident signs of thoughtlessness, then surely 
the decline of the British Raj has begun. Mr. 
Morley has however rendered one great service. He 
has disillusioned the over-credulous and optimistic 
souls among us, and Uterally proved that the 
greatest Radical after all is no better than the 
worst Conservative so far as India is concerned. 
The Old generation, to which 1 myself belong, is now 
nearly " hors de combat." The younger generation 
certainly does not share in this deluding optimism 
and that is a hopeful sign for India, and I look 

Lok' Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

forward to their exerting themselves with courage 
and perseverance. Mr. Paranjpe and another speaker 
had referred to the theory of social contract of 
Rousseau, and Mr. Damale had construed the Pro- 
clamation of 1858 as a contract. For my part 1 think 
that the word " contract " cannot be made applicable 
to relations existing between unequals, and it is 
dangerous for us to be deluded into a belief that the 
Proclamation is anything like a contract. No doubt 
it was a pledge solemnly given, but in its inception it 
was an utterance made in only a statesmanly spirit, 
because it was calculated to make for peace at 
the time. But the finger of the tactician is discern- 
able in it. It is essentially an English idea that 
a political agitation is an attempt to enforce the 
terms of such an agreement. The Eastern idea is 
different ; but it is a mistake to hold that it does not 
warrant an agitation by the subjects to control 
the power of the King. The idea is no doubt true that 
the King is part and parcel of the Godhead, and some 
foohsh people have tried to fling it in the face of the 
Indian people to detract from their demand for 
popular institution. But the canons of interpreta- 
tion of a text are not less important than the 
text 'tself , and the real mischief arises from not 
construing the text in this respect as it should 
be. The King or Sovereign is no doubt a part 
and parcel of the God-head, but according to the 
Vedanta, so is every member of the subject people. 
For is not every soul a chip from the same block of 

The Shioaji Festival 

Brahman ? It is absurd to suppose that the Indian 
lawgivers of old regarded a King as absolved from 
all duties towards his subjects. Why, Manu has 
distinctly laid down, for instance, that the King who 
punishes those whom he should not, or does not 
punish those whom he should, goes to hell. 

And the beauty of it is that this penalty is not 
stipulated for in an agreement or contract but is 
imposed by the Rishis, that is to say, those who 
were absolutely disinterested in worldly affairs and 
to whom, therefore, the sacred work of legislation 
fell. The Hindu believes in a multiplicity of " Deva- 
tas " or deities, and we all know what happens to the 
King that becomes undutiful. The King may him- 
self be a sort of deity, but the conflict between him 
and his subjects begets another deity only superior 
to him. And if the cause of the people be just, 
the socond deity quiedy absorbs the first. It is well- 
known that both Parashurama and Rama are 
regarded as direct incarnations of God. But it is on 
record that when the days of the sixth incar- 
nation were numbered the flame (of glory and 
power, as the Purana graphically describes), 
came out from the mouth of Parashurama and 
entered that of Rama. And what was Parashurama 
but a mere human being when he was deprived of 
this flame, the insignia of divinity ? This divine 
element in kingship even according to the oriental 
ideas is not free from its peculiar limitations, and 
1 challenge any one to point out any t^xt which 

LoJp. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

lays down that the yoke of the tyranny of a rulef, 
whoever he may be, should be quietly borne. The 
divine King as soon as he ceases to be just ceases 
also to be divine. He becomes an ", asura " and this 
depreciated divinity is forthwith replaced by a 
deity, the divinity in which is not so alloyed. 
Shivaji did not probably concern himself with the 
text " Na V^ishnu Prithivipathi " and surely he did 
not know what Hobbes or Locke thought about the 
principles of political government much less 
Rousseau or the Encyclopaedists who were all 
anxious to replace the old religious theory of 
kingship by the secular one of contract. He knew 
his Vedanta all right and also knew how to put that 
Vedanta to practical use. The Vedanta may indeed 
be capable of giving colour to foolish tljeories of 
Government, but the wise Vedantin knows how to 
refute those theories even in the terms of Vedanta 
itself. But then it may be urged, that we shall 
have to suffer for doing what I want you to do 
But then the path of duty is never sprinkled with 
rose-water nor roses grow on it. It is true that 
what we seek may seem like a revolution in the 
sense that it means a complete change in the 
"theory ' of the Government of India as now put 
forward by the bureaucracy. It is true that this 
revolution must be a bloodless revolution, but itv 
would be a folly to suppose that if there is to be no 
•shedding of blood there are also to be no sufferings 
to be undergone by the people. Why, even these 

The Shivaji Festival 

sufferings must be great. But you can win nothing 
unless you are prepared to suffer. The war between 
selfishness and reason, if it is conducted only with 
the weapons of .syllogism must result in the victory 
for the former, and an appeal to the good feelings 
of the rulers is everywhere discovered to have but 
narrow limits. Your revolution must be bloodless ; 
but that does not mean that you may not have to 
suffer or to go to jail. Your fight is with bureau- 
cracy who will always try to curb and suppress you. 
But you must remember that consistcndy with the 
spirit of laws and the bloodlessness of the revolution, 
there are a hundred other means by which you may 
and ought to achieve your object which is to force 
the hands of the bureaucracy to concede the reforms 
and privileges demanded by the people. You must 
realise that you are a great factor in the power 
with which the administration in India is conducted. 
You are yourselves the useful lubricants which 
enable the gigantic machinery to work so smoothly. 

Though down-trodden and neglected, you must be 
conscious of your power of making the administra- 
tion impossible if you but choose to make it so. It 
is you who manage the rail-road and the telegraph, 
it is you who make settlements and collect revenues, 
it is in fact you who do everything for the 
administration though in a subordinate capacity. 
You must consider whether you cannot turn your 
hand to better use for your nation than drudging on 
in this fashion. Let your places be filled by 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

Europeans on the splendid salary of eight annas 
a day if possible ! You must seriously consider 
whether your present conduct is self-respectful to 
yourselves or useful to the nation. You must also 
consider what humiliation you have to suffer when 
foreigners openly express tiieir wonder at the three 
hundred millions of Indian bearing their present 
ignominious lot without any effective protest. To 
say this, is not to violate the spirit of laws of any 
constitution. Surely it does not violate the sense 
of God's justice as we understand it. It is but 
those who oppose the reasonable demands of the 
Indian people that offened against God's justice. 

You must imitate your rulers only in one thing, 
namely, in maintaining an unfailing succession of 
public workers. If one Lala Lajpat Rai is sent 
abroad, another ought to be found to take his place 
as readily as a junior Collector steps into the shoes 
of a senior. It is vain to hope that your petitions 
will have the effect of releasing Lala. though it is 
well known that the Government do not mean to 
keep him a pris:^ner all his life. His deportation is 
intended not so much to penalise Lala Lajpat Rai 
as to terrorise those that would follow his example, 
and if their agitation stopped as soon as one 
deportation took place. Government will run away 
with the idea that terrorism had triumphed. It .is 
no use, in fact it is a wrong course, to declare your 
loyalty with the L. writ large, on an occasion like 
the present. Those proclaimers of loyalty may be 

The Shivaji Festival 

loyal, but who is not ? Government is too shrewd 
not to know the real sentiments of the people, how 
far loyal or how far disloyal. And just as they are 
likely to put down agitation under the deliberate 
pretence of mistaking it for disloyalty, so also they 
are shrewd enough to know the real character of 
the loyalty that is so proclaimed by the placards, 
and by the beat of drums from the housetops. What 
you want is courage to declare that there is no 
disloyalty in agitating for constitutional rights and 
you will go on demanding them, though threatened 
that such demands will be treated as signs of 
disloyalty. What you want is bread for the masses 
and honourable rights for the masses as well as 
classes. That is not being disloyal, and I for one 
do not care that it is likely to be deliberately 
mistaken for disloyalty. The time has certainly 
come when you must be prepared to clearly 
formulate and persistently demand the more 
important rights and privileges. I say again to the 
reporters that every word that I am uttering, I am 
uttering deliberately and that a faithful report of 
those words will rather help than retard the cause 
I have at heart. With regard to Mr. Kinckaid's 
lecture on the Peshwas I have to point out that on 
the whole he has taken a correct view of that 
period of the Mahratta history, though I differ from 
him in one respect. The rule of the Peshwas came 
to an end not because they were usurpers of the 
political power, but because in the very nature of 

Lo^, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, 

things a single family or dynasty cannot produce 
an unbroken succession of men possessed of such 
incomparable valour, ability and statesmanship as 
the family of Balaji Vishvanath did. There would 
have been even in England the same collapse of 
dynastic rule if the British constitution did not 
afford the useful ballast of the ParHament in w^hich 
the sovereign power is diffused among so many 
individuals. We, Indians, have learnt at our own 
cost the lesson of the importance of popular and 
representative Government, and that is exactly the 
reason why our aspirations seem to be diverted 
from the patent oriental ideal. 



(Extract from ths Spzech dzliaerzd in 1 938, Barsi^ 
'(Original in Marathi) ): — 

I shall speak here this evening on national 
education. We are not accustomed to this term, 
hence it needs a little explanation. To be able to 
read and write alone is no education. These are 
simply the means of its attainment. That which 
gives us a knowledge of the experiences of our 
ancestors is called education. It may, however, be 
through books or through anything else. Every 
business needs education and every man has thus to 
give it to his children. There is no business indeed 
which does not require education. Oi!r industries 
have been taken away by other people, but we do 
not know it. A potter knows how to shape a pot of 
China-clay but does not know what this clay is 
made of ; hence h;s industry is lost. Similarly is the 
necessity of religious education, How can a person 
be proud of his religion if he is ignorant of it ? The 
want of religious education is one of the causes that 
have brought the missionary influence all over our 
country. We did not think of it untH very lately, 
whether we get the right sort of education or noL 
The tradesmen who are present here this evening 
send their sons very reluctantly to school and some 

Lol^. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

of them do not send at all ; because they do not get 
their education which they need. Besides their sons 
educated in the present-day system turn out 
fashionable. They wish to become clerks. They feel 
ashamed to sit on the gaddi where their forefathers 
earned the whole of their estate. The reason of this 
is that the education which they receive is onesided. 
The Government wanted Engineers, Doctors and 
clerks. It therefore started such schools which 
could supply its need. The students therefore who 
came out of these schools at first were bent upon 
services. It was the state of things sometime back 
that after passing three or four classes in school 
one could easily get on in life, but it has now 
become absolutely difficult, even to live from hand 
to mouth. We have therefore become conscious. It 
has become now almost clear that it is not the fault 
on our part that even after getting so much 
education we remain unable to satisfy our bare 
necessities ; but the fault goes direct to the education 
that we receive. Naturally therefore the question 
as to how to reform the present system of education 
stood before us. If the Educational Department 
had been under our control we could have effected 
in it any necessary changes immediately. At first 
we asked the Government to transfer it to our 
control — the selection of the text-books for schools, 
for example. We feel now the necessity of such 
education which will prepare us to be good citizens. 
His Excellency the Governor of Bombay also 

National Education 

admits the necessity of reforms in the present 
system of education. But he says that the Govern- 
ment is short of funds. I do not think this excuse 
reasonable, it m^y be true or otherwise. It is. 
however, true that the Government cannot think of 
this matter. The Government cannot give us 
religious education ; and it is well that they are not 
doing it ; because they are not our co-religionists. 
We are not given such education as may inspire 
patriotic sentiments amongst us. In America the 
Proclamation of Independence is taught in V or VI 
classes. In this way they train their children in 
politics. Some eighty or ninety years ago the 
industries of Germany declined on account of the 
rivalry between England and that country. But the 
German Government at once started scientific and 
mechanical education in that country. In this way 
Germany became so powerful in commerce that she 
has now become an object of dread to other 
countries. Properly speaking these things ought to 
be done by the Government itself. We pay taxes to 
the Government only that it may look after our 
welfare. But the Government wants to keep us 
lame. There is conflict between the commercial 
interests of England and India. The Governmenj. 
therefore cannot do anything in this matter. 

There being no convenient schools in the villages, 

our villagers cannot train their children. We must 

therefore begin this work. There has been a good 

deal of discussion over this matter. And in the end 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

we have come to the conclusion that for proper 
education national schools must be started on all 
sides. There are some of our private schools but 
owing to the fear of losing the grant-in-aid, the 
necessary education cannot be given there. We 
must start our own schools for this education. We 
must begin our work selflessly. Such efforts are 
being made all over the country. The Gurukul of 
Hardwar stands on this footing. Berar and Madras 
have also begun to move in this direction. Our 
Maharashtra is a little backward. A few efforts are 
being made here also ; but they need encouragement 
from you. Money is greatly needed for this work. 
I am sure, if you realise the necessity and impor. 
tance of this subject, you would encourage the 
organisers generously. So far I have told you 
about the subject, now 1 turn to tell you what we 
shall do in these schools of national education. 

Of the many things that we will do there 
religious education will Jirst and foremost engage our 
attention. Secular education only is not enough to 
build up character. Religious education is neces- 
sary because the study of high principles keeps 
us away from evil pursuits. Religion reveals to us 
the form of the Almighty. Says our religion that a 
man by virtue of his action can become even a 
god. When we can become gods even by virtue of 
our action, why may we not become wise and 
active by means of our action like the Europeans > 
Some say that religion begets quarrel. But I ask, 

National Education 

" Where is it written in religion to pick up quarrels ? " 
If there be any religion in the world which 
advocates toleration of other religious beliefs and 
instructs one to , stick to one's own religion, it 
is the religion of the Hindus alone. Hinduism to 
the Hindus, Islamism to the Musalmans will be 
taught in these schools, And it will also be taught 
there to forgive and forgst the differences of other 

The second thing that We will Jo, will bz to lighkn 
the load of the study of the foreign languages. In 
spite of a long stay in India no European can speak 
for a couple of hours fluent Marathi, while our 
graduates are required as a rule to obtain 
proficiency in the English language. One who 
speaks and writes good English is said, in these 
days, to have been educated. But a mere knowledge 
of the language is no true education. Such a 
compulsion for the study of foreign languages does 
not exist anywhere except in India. We spend 
twenty or twent-five years for the education which 
we can easily obtain in seven or eight years if we 
get it through the medium of our vernaculars. We 
cannot help learning English ; but there is no 
reason why its study should be made compulsory. 
Under the Mahomedan rule we were required to 
learn Persian but we were not compelled to study 
it. To save unnecessary waste of time we have 
proposed to give education through our own 


Lol^. Bal Gangadhar Tilal^ 

Industrial education will be the third factor. In no 
school this education is given. It will be given 
in these schools. It is an important thing. During 
the whole of this century we have not known how a 
match is prepared. In Sholapur matches are 
manufactured from straw ; and straw is found abun- 
dantly in our country. If therefore this industry is 
taken into our hands the importation of matches will 
largely decrease in India. It is the same with the 
sugar industry. We can procure here as good sugar- 
cane as is found in Mauritius. It is seen by scientific 
experiments that the sugarcane found in the suburbs 
of Poona can produce as much sugar as is found in 
the sugarcane of Mauritius. Six crores of rupees are 
drained out every year from this country only for 
sugar. Why should this be ? Well, can we not get 
here sugarcane ? or the machinery necessary for its 
manufacture ? The reason is that we do not get here 
the education in this industry. It is not so in 
Germany. The Department of Industry investigates 
there as to which industry is decaying, and if 
perchance there be any, in a decaying state, sub- 
stantial support at once comes forth from the 
Government for reviving it. The British Govern- 
ment, too, does the seme thing in England. But cur 
Government does not do it here. It may be a mistake 
or the Government may be doing it knowingly, but 
it is clear that we must not sit silent if the 
Government is not doing it. We are intending to 
start a large mechanical and scientific laboratory 

National Education 

lor this purpose. Sugar produces Rob and from 
Rab is extracted liquor, but the Government 
does not permit us this extraction ; hence we 
cannot get here cheap sugar. Mauritius imports to 
this country twenty thousand tons of sugar every 
year. All this is due to the policy of the Government, 
but we do not know it. The Government will be 
obliged to change it if we put pressure upon it. We 
have come to learn these things not earlier than 
twenty-five years after leaving the college. Our 
young men should know them in their prime of life. 

Education in politics will be the fourth factor. We 
are not taught this subject in the Government 
schools. The student must understand that the 
Queen's Proclamation is the foundation of our rights. 
The Government is trying to shut our young men 
from these things. What has been proved by our 
revered Grand Old man — Dadabhoy Naoroji, after a 
ceaseless exertion for over fifty years, should be 
understood by our students in their youth. Every 
year some thirty or forty crores of rupees are 
drained out of India without any return. We have, 
therefore, fallen to a wretched state of poverty. 
These things, if understood in the prime of life, can 
make such a lasting impression over the heai'ts 
of our young men, as it would be impossible in an 
advanced age. Therefore this education should be 
given in school. Educated men of the type of Prof. 
Vijapurkar, have come forth to devote their lives in 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

the cause of this education. The educationists are 
helping with their learning and experience, and 
it now remains with the well-to-do to help them with 
money. It is a matter of common benefit, if the 
future generation come out good, able to earn their 
bread and be true citizens. We should have been 
glad if the Government had done it. If the 
Government cannot do it, we must do. The 
Government will not interfere with us and if at all it 
does so, we should not mind it. As the dawn of the 
Sun cannot be stopped so it is with this. Our poverty- 
has not yet reached its zenith. In America such 
work is done by a single man. But if no one man can 
venture to do it here, let us do it unitedly, for we are 
thirty crores of people. A sum of five lacs of rupees 
goes out every year for liquor alone from Sholapur. 
Can you not therefore help us in this work ? The 
will is wanted. Let the Government be displeased 
— we hope the Government will never deter us — we 
must do our duty. If the Government prohibits us 
from marriages, do we obey it ? The same is the case 
with education. As men do not give up building 
houses for fear that rats would dig holes, so we 
should not give up our work for fear of Government 
displeasure. If perchance any difficulty arises 
our young men are to face it. To fear difficulties 
is to lose manliness. Difficulties do us immense 
good. They inspire in us courage and prepare us 
to bear them manly. A nation cannot progress if 
it meets no difficulties in the way. We do not get 

National Education 

this sort of education for want of self-Government. 
We should not therefore await the coming of these 
rights, but we must get up and begin the work. 



The question of centralistxtion or decentralisation 
of the powers of the administrative machinery 
involves considerations of uniformity, smoothness 
and regularity of work, general efficiency, economy 
of time, work and money, popularity, &c. ; and 
speaking broadly these may be classed under three 
different heads : (I) Efficiency, (2) Economy, and 
(3) Popularity. 

As regards the first, I do not think it is seriously 
contended that the efficiency of administration has 
suffered merely owing to over-centralisation. On 
the contrary it is urged that it is worth while 
making the administration a great deal more 
popular even if it would become a trifle less 
efficient by decentralisation. But the cry for 
decentralisation has its origin in the desire or 
the local officers to have a freer hand in the 
administration of the areas committed to their 
care. They believe that their life has been made 
rather mechanical or soulless by over- centralisa- 
tion ; and having naturally attributed to the same 
cause the growing estrangement between themselves 
and the people they have proposed decentralisation 
as an official remedy to remove this admitted evil. 
Jl do not think the people, looking from their own 

The Decentralisation Commission 

standpoint, can accept this view. The general 
public is indifferent whether efficiency and economy 
are secured by more or less official decentralisation. 
It is entirely a matter between higher and lower 
officials, between the secretariat and the local 
officers, or between the Supreme and the Local 
Governments. The people still believe that centra- 
lisation secures greater uniformity and regularity, 
and reduces the chances ol the conscious or 
unconscious abuse of power resulting from 
unappealable authority being vested in lower 
officers, and would rather oppose decentralisation 
in this respect. The only complaint so far as 
I know, against the existing centralisation or 
decentraUsatlon hitherto raised by the people are 
(1) The combination of the Executive and the 
Judical functions in the same officers, (2) Financial 
centralisation in the Government of India as 
evidenced by the Provincial Contract System, (3) 
Partition of Bengal and (4) Excessive growth o^ 
departmentaUsm encroaching upon popular rights. 
But these, excepting the second, do not form the 
subject of the official grievance against over- 

My knowledge cf the internal working of the 
different departments of administration is too limited 
to make definite proposals regarding the r^distri- 
bution of power and authority between various 
officials so as thereby to make the administration 
more economical than at present. I shall, therefore 

Lok- Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

confine my remarks mostly to the popular aspect of 
the question and to the four complaints noted 

It is idle to expect that the adoption of the 
loose and irregular system of earlier days would 
remove the present estrangement between officers 
and people. It is true that in earlier days 
the relations between officers and people were 
more cordial ; but this was not due to the looseness 
of the system then in vogue. In days when the 
system of British administration had yet to be 
evolved and settled, the help of the leaders of 
the people was anxiously sought by officers as 
indispensable for smooth and efficient administra- 
tion of a new province. The officers then moved 
amongst the people and were in touch with them 
not as a matter of mere goodness or sympathy but 
as a matter of necessity, as they themselves had 
yet many things to learn from these leaders ; and 
this much satisfied the people at that' time, as new 
aspirations were not as yet created. That state of 
things has cased to exist. The creation and gradual 
development of the various departments, the framing 
of rules and regulations for the smooth working 
thereof, the settlements of all old disputes, the 
completion of the revenue survey, the disarmament 
of the people, the gradual waning of the influence of 
the old aristocracy including the higher class of 
watandars, tbe compilation of the works of ready 
reference on all matters embodying the experience 

The Decentralisation Commission 

'of many years for the guidance of the officers, and 
•other causes of the same kind, joined with the 
facilities for communication with the head-quarters 
of Government., have all tended to make the local 
■officers more and more independent of the people 
and so lose touch with the latter. Over-centralisa- 
tion may, at best, be one of such causes ; but if so, 
it is to my mind very insignificant. No amount of 
decentralisation by itself can therefore restore that 
cordiality between the officers and the people which 
existed in the earlier days of the British rule as a 
necessity of those times ; and though the present 
officers may by nature be as sympathetic as their 
predecessors, it is not possible to expect from them 
the same respect for growing popular opinion as 
was exhibited by their predecessors in older days. 
Under these circumstances such further decentrali- 
sation as would tend to vest greater powers in the 
lower officials will only make the system unpopular 
by encouraging local despotism which the people 
have justly learnt to look upon with disfavour. The 
only way to restore good relations between the 
officers and the people at present is, therefore, to 
create by law the necessity of consulting the people 
or their leaders, whom the old officials consulted, 
or whose advice they practically followed, as a 
matter of policy in earliar unsettled times. This 
means transfer of authority and power not between 
officials themselves, but from officials to the 
people, and that too in an ungrudging spirit. The 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

leaders of the people must feel that matters, 
concerning public welfare are decided by officials in 
consultation with them. The officers did it in earlier 
days as a matter of necessity, and the necessity 
which was the result of circumstances in those days, 
must, if we want the same relations to continue, be 
now created by laws granting the rights of self- 
government to the people, and thus giving to their 
opinion and wishes a duly recognised place in the 
affairs of the State. I do not m2an to say that this could 
be done at once or at one stroke. We must begin with 
the village system the autonomy of which has been 
destroyed by the growth of departmentalism under 
the present rule, h^ village must be made a unit 
oi self-government, and village communities or 
councils invested with definite powers to deal with 
all or most of the village questions concerning 
Education, Justice, Forest, Abkari, Famine Relief, 
Police. Medical Relief and Sanltion. These units 
of self-government should be under the supervision 
and superintendence of Taluka and District Boards 
which should be made thoroughly representative and 
independent. This implies a certain amount of 
definite popular control even over Provincial finance ; 
and the Provincial Contract System will have to be 
revised not merely to give to the Provincial Govern- 
ment a greater stability and control over its finances, 
but by further decentrahsation to secure for the 
popular representative bodies adequate assigriments 
of revenue for the aforesaid purposes. This will also. 

The Decentralisation Commission 

necessitate a corresponding devolution of indepen- 
dent legal powers on the popular bodies whether 
the same be secured by a reform of the Legislative 
Council or otherwise. Mere Advisory Councils will 
not satisfy the aspirations of the people, nor will 
they remove the real cause of estrangement between 
the officers and the people. The remedy proposed 
by fne, 1 know is open to the objection that it means 
a surrender of power and authority enjoyed by the 
brueaucracy at present, and that the efficiency of the 
administration might suffer thereby. I hold a 
different view. I think it should be the aim of 
the British Administration to educate the people in 
the management of their own affairs, even at 
the cost of some efficiency and without entertaining 
any misgiving regarding the ultimate growth and 
results of such a policy. It is unnecessary to give, 
any detailed scheme regarding the organisation of 
Village, Taluka or District Councils proposed above 
for if the poKcy be approved and accepted there will 
be no difficulty in framing a scheme or making 
alterations therein to meet difficulties and objec- 
tions as they occur in practice. As regards other 
complaints referred to above against the present 
centralisation or decentralisation of powers amongst 
officials, I think it is high time that the combina- 
tion of Judicial and Executive functions in the same 
officers • should be discontinued. In Judical 
functions I include those judicial powers that are 
granted to revenue officers in the matter of land 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak. 

revenue, pensions, Inams and Saramjams except 
such as are necessary for the collection of revenue. 
There is no reason w^hy these powers should be 
ratained by executive officers if they are to be 
divested of jurisdiction in criminal matters. It is 
needless to say that this reform pre-supposes 
complete independence of judicial officers. Unneces- 
sar}/^ growth of departmentalism is well illustr»ated 
by the latest instance of the partition of the 
Khandesh District, The partition of Bengal is the 
worst instance of the kind. These are objectionable 
even from an economical point of view, and in the 
case of the partition of Bengal the policy has 
deeply wounded the feelings of the people. The 
revenues of the country are not inelastic ;' but the 
margin, soon as it is reached, is swallowed up by 
the grov/th of departments at the sacrifice of other 
reforms conducive to the welfare of the people. In 
this connection I may here state that I advocate 
a re-arrangement of Provinces on considerations of 
linguistic and ethnological affinities and a federa- 
tion thereof under a central authority. To conclude, 
the mere shifting of the centre of power and 
authority from one official to another is not in 
my opinion, calcualated to restore the feelings of 
cordiality between officers and people, prevailing in 
earlier days. English education has created new 
aspirations and ideals amongst the people ; and 
so long as these national aspirations remain 
unsatisfied, it is useless to expect that the hiatus 

The Decentralisation Commission 

between the officers and the people could be 
/emoved by any scheme of official decentralisation, 
whatever its other effects may be. It is no remedy. 
— not even paliative, — against the evil complained 
of, nor was it ever put forward by the people or 
their leaders. The fluctuating wave of decentrali- 
sation may infuse more or less life in the individual 
members of the bureaucracy, but it cannot remove 
the growing estrangement between the rulers and 
the ruled unless and until the people are allowed 
more nnd more effective voice in the management 
of their own affairs in an ever expansive spirit 
of wise liberalism and wide sympathy aiming at 
raising India to the level of the governing country. 



Mrs. Annie Besant and the Hon. Mr. Gokhale 
have published their accounts, each from his own 
point of view, of the failure to bring about a United 
Congress at Madras. But there are gaps in either of 
these accounts ; and as I was the third party in the 
negotiations, I am obliged to point out where these 
accounts fail to give a connected version of the whole 

Both Mrs. Besant and Mr. Gokhale have omitted to 
mention the important fact that it was understood on 
both sides that the success of the compromise 
depended not so much upon Mr Gokhale's willing- 
ness, but entirely upon the acceptance of the terms 
of the compromise by the Conventionist leaders 
in the city of Bombay. So all that we did in Poona 
was to discuss and provisionally settle what amend- 
ment in the Congress Constitution should be made, 
v/hich, even if it did not come up to the marks, would 
make it possible for the Nationalists to join the Con- 
gress, and, secondly, what steps should be taken by 
the Provincial Congress Committee if the presence of 
the Nationalists'was required at the Madras Congress 
sessions. I had already ascertained the views of the 
leading members of the Nationalist party on the 
subject, and further discussed and settled them at a 

Congress Compromise 

small meeting of them at my house held on 29th 
November, when Mrs. Besant was. according to her 
first programme, to come here to visit Mr. Gokhale 
and myself. She,- with Mr. Subba Rao. however 
came a week later, and I then fully and freely 
explained the position of our party to both of them. 
Everything went on well so far ; and no exception 
has been taken, in any of the accounts hitherto 
published, to the conversation I had with Mrs. 
Besant or Mr. Subba Rao up to this time. 

The difficult task of winning over the Bombay City 
Conventionists was, however, now assigned to Mr. 
Subba Rao ; and I must say here that I never hoped 
that it would be attended with success, and the 
result fully justified my fears. Mr. Subba Rao, 
according to his own statement in A'eu; India of the 
8th inst., found that the Bombay Conventionist 
leaders were dead opposed to the extension of the 
franchise to public meetings or to independent 
constituencies, and what is pertinent to the question 
in hand, that " great apprehension was felt " by these 
Conventionists " that the Congress would be running 
a great risk, if Mr. Tilak and his followers came in." 
This, as anybody will see, was the real cause of 
the compromise negotiation ; for, from what took 
place at Bankipdre in 1912, it was not expected 
that Mr. Gokhale would, after this, continue to 
support the proposed amendment to the Constitution 
though it was as now published, drafted by him. 

My conversation with Mr. Subba Rao, of which 

Lo^. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

so much is made in Mr. Gokhale's statement, took 
place after Mr. Subba Rao returned disappointed 
from Bombay. This was on the Stli December, and 
he must have told and discussed with Mr. Gokhale, 
(^with whom he had put up) as he did with me that 
day, the attitude of the Bombay Conventionists with 
regard to the proposed amendment. When I went 
to see him the next morning he had at his own 
initiation reduced to writing the main point of our 
conversation, and reading them to me asked if I had 
any corrections, to suggest. I suggested a few and 
he made them in his ov/n hand ; and the statement 
remained with him. A true copy of the written 
statement is now published in the press. 

Mr. Gokhale says that the written statement did 
not come into his hands till a week later. Well, I 
have never questioned his word in this behalf. But 
he certainly knew that one was prepared on the 
9th December, What he, however, did afterwards 
is undisputed. Relying, as he says, upon oral 
report of my second conversation with Mr. Subba 
Rao, after his return from Bombay, Mr. Gokhale 
wrote a confidential letter to Babu Bhupendra in 
which Mr, Gokhale made certain charges against 
me, and said that he therefore withdrew his former 
support to Mrs. Besant's amendment. In reply Babu 
Bhupendra is said to have asked for a revised edition 
of this confidential letter in order that the same may 
be freely used. But before this second letter had 
reached Babu Bhupendra, he had to show the first 

Congress Compromise 

letter to some of his Bengal friends to justify his 
sudden change of front towards the question, for he 
too, till then, was in favour of the amendment. The 
confidential letter .thus became public property and 
the effect produced by the disclosure of its contents 
was that I was believed to have advocated " boycott 
of Government," and therefore no compromise was 
either possible or expedient ; and. as a matter of fact 
the Bombay Conventionist delegates and the 
Servants of India delegates jointly opposed the 
amendment for the same reason. Mrs. Besant, who 
moved the amendment in the Subjects Committee, 
felt embarrassed and telegraphed to me that " my 
opponents charged me with boycott of Government '* 
and wished in reply to know what the truth was. I 
promptly replied that I had never advocated 
" boycott of Government'' and that prominent 
Nationalists had served and were serving in Munici- 
pal and Legislative Councils and that I had fully 
supported their action, both privately and publicly. 
When this telegraphic reply of mine was read in 
the Subjects Committee, Babu Bhupendra withdrew 
his words ; and Mrs. Besant's amendment, instead 
of being rejected, was referred to a committee for 

This is the history of the failure of the compromise 
in brief. But though Babu Bhupendra has with- 
drawn the charge he made against me on the 
strength of Mr. Gokhale's confidential letter, Mr. 
Gokhale would not follow the same couf-se and still 

Lok- Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

persists in openly malntaing the charge against 
me relying H) on the oral report of Mr. Subba Rao's 
conversation with me after the former's return from 
Bombay to Poona, and (2) on some detached extracts 
from the newspaper reports of my speech made 
eight years ago. In short, he pleads justification 
for the charge he made against me in his confi- 
dential letter and wants to throw the whole 
responsibility of the failure of the compromise on 
my shoulders. 

Now as regards the oral reports of parts of my 
conversation with Mr. Subba Rao I must say that I 
do not accept them as correct ; and they have no 
value as against the written statement prepared by 
Mr. Subba Rao. As regards the charge of advocat- 
ing the boycott of Government I have already 
repudiated it in plain terms. It is unfair to ask me 
to do anything more until the confidential letter in 
which the charge was first made is published. For 
I am entitled to know the whole of the case against 
me before 1 make any further reply. The contents 
of Mr. Gokhale's confidential letter were allowed to 
filter through Mr. Basu down to the Subjects 
Committee and have done harm to me on my 
back, as also to the compromise. If Mr. Gokhale 
thinks that I am attributing bad faith to him, the 
Way for him is quite clear and open. He never 
wanted my consent, though I am in ten minutes' 
drive from his residence, when he wrote his 
confidential letter to Babu Bhupendra, and I fail to 

Congress Compromise 

understand why he should now ask me to read 
the letter and ask him to publish it. I am not 
going to do anything of the kind, nor send to Mr. 
Gokhale an accredited agent of mine for the 
purpose. The initiative and the responsibility of 
sending the letter to Mr. Basu was his, and so must 
be that of publishing it. It is for him to consider 
whether he does not owe it to himself and to me to 
publish both his letters, so that the public may, after 
my reply to them, form their own judgment in the 

Poena. 12-2-1915. ^ B. G. TILAK. 



{The lecture below was delivered immediately after the 
meeting held under the auspices cf the Historical Research 
Society, on the I st May, 1916. Rajamanya Rajushri 
Dada Sahib Khaparde presided.) 

When I was requested to deliver a lecture here 
to-day, I did not know what to lecture. I do not 
stand before you to-day in any way prepared for 
^ny particular subject. I had come for the Con- 
ference. Thinking that it would not be out of place 
if I ware to say a few words to you about those 
subjects which were discussed during the past few 
days and about the object with which a Home Rule 
League was established here before the Congress, I 
have selected that subject for to-day's lecture. 

What is swarajya ? Many have a misconception 
about this. Some do not understand this. Some 
understanding it, misrepresent it. Some do not 
want it. Thus there are many kinds of people. 
I am not prepared to-day to enter into any parti- 
cular discussion of any sort beyond saying a few 
general words on the following among other points : 
What is swarajya ? Why do we ask for it ? Are we 
fit for it or not ? In what manner must we make 
this demand for swarajyia of those of whom we have 
to make it ? In what direction and on what lines are 

Home Rule Speech at Belgaum 

we to carry on the work which we have to carry 
on ? It is not the case that these general words 
which I am going to say are the outcome of my 
effort and exertion alone. The idea of swarajya is. 
an old one. Of course when stoarajya is spoken of 
it shows that there is some kind of rule opposed to 
sxoa, i. e. ours and that this idea originates at that 
time. This is plain. When such a condition 
arrives it begins to be thought that there should be 
swarajya, and men make exertions for that purpose. 
You are at present in that sort of condition. Those 
who are ruling over you do not belong to your 
religion, race or even country. The question 
whether this rule of the English Government is 
good or bad is one thing. The question of 'one's 
own * and ' alien is quite another. Do not 
confuse the two at the outset. When the question 
' alien,' or ' one's own ?' comes, we must say ' alien.' 
When the question * good or bad ?' comes, we 
may say ' good,' or we may say ' bad.' If you 
say ' bad,' then what is the improvement that 
must be made in it ?— this question is different. If 
you say ' good' it must be seen what good there is 
under it which was not under the former rule. 

These are different points of view Formerly 

there were many kingdoms in our India—in some 
places there was Mohommadan rule, in some places 
there was Rajput rule, in some places there was 
Hindu rule and in some places there was Maratha 
rule — were these swarajyas good or bad ? I again 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

remind you that this is a question different from our 
theme. We shall consider it afterwards. All other 
rules being broken up, the universal sovereignty of 
the English Government has been established in 
India. To-day we have not to consider the history 
of other's down-fall. We have also not to consider 
how they fell. Nor am I going to speak about that. Let 
us turn to the present system of administration. 
Some able men who have been educated in England 
and have received college education there come to 
India and the State administration of India is 
carried on through them. ' Emperor' is a word. 
When you give a visible form to the sentiment 
which arises in your mind at the mention of the 
word Raja i.e., King, there is the present Emperor. 
This sentiment itself is invisible. When a visible 
form is given to this invisible something there is 
the King-the Emperor. But the Emperor does not 
carry on the administration. The question of 
swarajya is not about the Emperor, nor about this 
invisible sentiment. This must be remembered at 
the outset. Let there be any country, it must have a 
King, it must have some men to carry on its manage- 
ment and there must be exercised some sort of rule 
in it, The case of anarchical nations is different. 
These nations can never rise. As in a house there 
must be some one to look to its management — when 
diere is no man belonging to the house an outsider is 
brought in as a trustee — just so is the case also with 
a kingdom. In every country there is a certain 

Home Rule Speech at Belgaum 

body for carrying on its administration and there is 
some sort of arrangement, An analysis must be made 
of both these things, oiz., of this arrangement and 
this body and. as stated yesterday by the President 
(the President of the Provincial Conference,) of the 
sentiment of ' King.' There must be a king, there 
must be stiate administration. Both these proposi- 
tions are true from the histroical point of view. Of 
a country where there is no order, where there is no 
king, that is, where there is no supervising body, the 
Mahabharat says: ' A wise man should not live even 
for a moment at that place. There is no knowing 
when at that place, our lives may be destroyed, 
when our wealth may be stolen, when our house may 
be dacoited, may, set on fire. There must be a 
government. I will not say at length what there 
was in the Kritayuga in ancient times. The people 
of that time did not require a King. Every one used 
to carry on business looking only to mutual good. 
Our Puranas say that there was once a condition 
when there was no king. But if we consider whether 
such a \atste existed in historical times it will appear 
that such a condition did not exist. There must be 
some control or other. Control cannot be exercised 
always by all people assembling together at one 
place. Hence, sovereign authority is always divided 
into two parts : one the Advisory body, and the 
other executive body. The question about swarajya 
which has now arisen in India is not about the said 
invisible sentiment. The question is not about those 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

who are to rule over us, (and) according to whos& 
leadership, by whose order and under whose 
guidance, that rule is to be excercised. It is an 
undisputed fact that we should secure our own 
good under the rule of the English people themselves, 
under the supervision of the English nation, with 
the help of the English nation, through their 
sympathy, through their anxious care and through 
those high sentiments which they possess. And I 
have to say nothing about this fcheersj. Note this 
first. Do not create confusion in your minds by 
confounding both the aspects. These two aspects are 
quite distinct. What we have to do we must do with 
the help of some one or another, since to-day we are 
in such a helpless condition. It is an undoubted 
fact that we must secure our good under protection. 
Had it not been for that, your independence would 
never have gone. If we take for granted that we 
have to bring about the dawn of our good with the 
help of the English Government and the British 
Empire, then one more strange thing which some 
people see in this, will altogether disappear. To 
speak in other words there is no sedition in this. If 
then with the help of the English Government — if 
the words "invisible English Government " be used 
for the words ' English Government,* there would be 
no mistake — if with the help of this invisible EngUsh 
Government, with the aid of this invisible English 
Government, you are to bring about the dawn of 
your good fortune, then, what is it that you ask ? 

Horns Rule Speech at Belgdum 

This second question arises. The answer to it, 
again, lies in the very distinction of. which I spoke 
to you. Though a Government may be invisible, 
still ' when it begins to become visible, the manage- 
ment of that kingdom is carried on by its hands and 
by its actions. This state of being visible is different 
from invisible Government. If you ask how, I say 
in the same manner as the great Brahma is different 
from Maya. I have taken the word visible and 
invisible from Vedanla CPhilosophy^. The great 
Brahma which is without attributes and form is 
different and the visible form which it assumes when 
it begins to come under the temptation of maya, 
is different. Hence these dealings which are due to 
maya are sure to change. What is the characteristic 
of maa ? It changes every moment. One Govern- 
ment will remain permanent (viz.) invisible Govern- 
ment ; and the visible Government changes every 
moment. The word Swarajya which has now arisen 
relates to visible Government. Maintaining the 
invisible Government as one, what change, if effected 
in the momentarily changing visible Government, 
would be beneficial to our nation ? This is the 
question of Swarajya. And this being the question of 
Swarajya, there arises the further question : In 
whose hands should be the administration carried on 
in our India ? We do not wish to change the invisible 
Government — English Government. We say that the 
administration should not be in the hands of a visible 
.entity by whose hands this invisible Government is 

Lok, Bal Gangadhar Tilak. 

getting work done, but should pass into some other's 
hands. The Swarajya agitation which is now carried 
on is carried on in the belief that this administration 
if carried on by some other hands or with the help of 
some one else, or some other visible form would be 
more beneficial to the people than when carried 
on by those by whose hands it is now caried on. 
Let us take a parallel. There is an Emperor in 
England. An English Act contains the rule that 
the king commits no wrong. The king never 
commits a wrong (offence). His authority is limited 
in such a manner that he has always to be advised 
by a minister. The Prime Minister acts on his own 
responsibility. There may be a good many people 
here who have studied English history. This is the 
British constitution. When this principle was 
established in English History, the number of 
sedition cases began to fall. Here in India, we have 
the administrators instituting cases of sedition. 
Those who carry on the administration are different 
and the king is different. The king is one and the same. 
But the minister changes every five years. It would not 
be sedition if any were to start a discussion advocat- 
ing a change of ministry. It happens every day before 
the eyes of the English people. The king's ministers 
go out of office after five years, go out of office after 
two years : they may quarrel among themselves as 
they like. What is that to the king ? He is the 
great Brahma without attributes ? He is not affected 
by this. The Swarajya agitation now existing in 

Home Rule Speech at Belgaiim 

India is then about change in such a ministry. Who 
rules in India ? Does the Emperor come and do it > 
He is to be taken in procession like a god on a great 
occasion, we are, to manifest our loyalty towards 
him. This is our duty. Through whom, then, is the 
administration carried on. It is carried on through 
those who are now servants (viz.) the State Secretary, 
Viceroy, Governor, and below him the Collector, the 
Patel and lastly the police sepoy. If it be said that 
one Police sepoy should be transferred and another 
Police sepoy should be appointed would that 
constitute sedition ? If it be said that the Collector 
who has come is not wanted and that another is 
wanted, would that constitute sedition ? If it be said 
that one Governor is not wanted, another Governor 
should be appointed, would that constitute sedition ? 
If it be said ' This State Secretary is not wanted, 
bring another ' would that constitute sedition ? 
Nobody has called this sedition. The same 
principle which is appliciable to a Police sepoy 
is also applicable to the State Secretary. We 
are the subjects of the same king whose minister 
the State Secretary is and whose servant he is. 
This then being so, if any one were to say, 
" this State Secretary is not wanted, this Viceroy 
is not wanted, Fuller Saheb is not wanted in 
Bengal, — such resolutions have often been 
passed in the case of Governors, not in the 
present but in the past time— and were to give 
reasons for that, you may say about him that 

Lok' Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

his head must have been turned and that the 
reasons he gives are not good or sufficient. But 
from the historical point of view, it does not follow 
that when he says so, that constitutes sedition 
(cheers.^ Our demand belongs to the second class. 
It is concerned with sccarajya. Consider well what 
I say. If you think that the present administration 
is carried on well, then I have nothing to say. In the 
Congresses and Conferences that are now held you 
come and say : " Our Kulkarni Vatan has been 
taken away, zulum has been exercised upon us in 
connection with the Forest Department, liquor has 
spread more in connection with the Abkari Depart- 
ment, also we do not receive that sort of education 
which we ought to get." What is at the root of all 
this ? What is the benefit of merely saying this ? 
Why do you not get education ? Why are shops of 
the Abkari Department opened where we do not 
want them ? In the Forest Department, laws about 
reserved forests and about forest of this sort or of 
that sort or made. Why where they made ? At 
present, lists upon lists of grievances come before 
the Congress. Why was jury abolished against 
your will ? Why was no college opened in the 
Karnatic up to this time ? All these questions are 
of such a kind that there is but one answer to them. 
At present what do we do ? Is there no College ? — 
petition to the Collector or to the Governor, because 
he has power in his hands. If this power had come 
into your hands, if you had been the officials in 

Home Rule Speech at Belgcam 

their place, or if their authority had been responsi- 
ble to the public opinion, these things would not 
have happened. No other answer than this can be 
given to the above. These things happen because 
there is no authority in your hands. The 
authority to decide these matters is r.ot given to 
you for whose good this whole arraneernent is to be 
made. Hence we have to ask like chiUdren. The 
child cries when it is hungry. ;t cannot say 
that it is hungry. The mother has to find 
out whether it is hungry or has a bellyache. 
Sometimes the remedies used prove out of place. 
Such has become our condition at present. In the 
first place you do not at all know what you want 
and where lies your difficulty. When you know it, 
you begin to speak. You have no power in your 
hands to cause things to be done accordmg to your 
desire. Such being the conditijn. what has happened 
now ? Whatever you have to do» whatever you want 
— if you want to dig a well in your house — ^you have 
to petition to the Collector. If you want to kill 
a tiger in the forest you have to petition to the 
Collector. Grass cannot be obtained, wood cannc* 
be obtained from the forest freely, permission to cirt 
grass is required — petition the Collector. All this 
is a helpless state. We do not want this arrange- 
ment. We want some better arrangement than 
this. That is Swarajya, that is Home Rule, These 
questions do not arise in the beginnig. When a boy 
is young he knows nothing. When he grows up he 

Lo^. Bat {jangadhar Tilak 

begins to know and ther. begins to think that it would 
be very good if the management of the household was 
carried on at least to some extent according to his 
opinion. Just so it is with a nation. When it is 
able to consider for itself, when it acquires the 
capacity of considering for itself, then the question 
is likely to arise. Let us give up the thought about 
the invisible Government, let us come within the 
limits of the visible Government. We then see 
that the people who make this arrangement, who 
carry on the administration, are appointed in 
England according to a certain law and rules are 
made within the limits of those laws as to what 
should be their poiicy. These rules may be good or 
bad. They may be good, they may be quite well- 
arranged and metKodicai. I do not say that they 
are not. But, however good may be the arrangement 
made by other people, still he who wants to have 
the power to make his own arrangement is not likely 
always to approve. This is the principle of Swarajya. 
If you got the poweis to select your Collector, it 
caimot be said with certainly that he would do any 
more work than the present Collector. Perhaps 
he may not do. He may even do it badly. I admit 
this. But the differeace between this and that is 
this ; this one is seieciea by us he is our man, 
he sees how we nfiay lemain pleased : while the other 
tliinks thus : what we ihink to be good must appear 
so to others : whut vr. there with respect to which we 
should listen to ovK-v- : I am so much educated, I 

Home Rule Speech at Belgaum 

get so much pay. I possess so much ability — why 
would I do anything which would be harmful to 
others ? The only answer is : Because you have 
such conceit. (Laughter.^ It is only or the wearer 
that knows where the shoe pinches. Others cannot 
know. This is the only cause. There is no other 
cause. Hence if you minutely consider the various 
complaints which have arisen in our country it will 
appear that the system which is subsisting now is 
not wanted by us. Not that we do not want the 
king, nor that we do not want the English Govern- 
ment, nor that we do not want the Emperor. We 
want a particular sort of change in the system 
according to which this administration is carried on 
and I for one do not think that if that change were 
made there would ariss any danger to the Enghsh 
rule. But there is reason to think that some people 
whose spectacles are different from ours see it, 
because they say so (cheers>. Hence the minds of 
many people are now directed to the question as 
to what change should be effected in the system to 
fit in English Rule with the popular will. We make 
minor demands, viz., remove the Uquor shop in a 
certain village named Ghodegoan ; they say it 
sliould not be removed. Done. We say reduce the 
salt tax, they say we look to the amount of revenue 
derived from the salt duty. If the tax is reduced 
how should the revenue be managed > He who has 
"o make the arrangement of administration has to 
tio these things. When 1 ask for tne authority ti 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

manage my household affairs, I do not say give me 
the income which you obtain and spfend it not. We 
ourselves have to earn and we ourselves must 
expend. This is the sort of double responsibility 
which we want. Then we shall see what we have to 
do. Such is the claim at present. Bureaucrats come 
and say, act according to our wishes ; on the other 
hand we say, act according to our wishes so that all 
our grievances may be removed. We know that 
sometimes a boy obstinately asks for a cap worth 
25 rupees from his father. Hfad he been in his 
father's place it is very doubtful whether he would 
have paid 25 rupees for the cap or not. The father 
refuses ; but the boy is grieved at the time. And 
why is he grieved at it ? Because he does not 
understand ; because the management is not in his 
own hands. If he had he would know, In like 
manner the introduction of self-administration is 
beneficial to India. We want this thing to-day. When 
this only thing is obtained the remaining things come 
in^o our possession of themselves. This is at the root 
of the thousands of demands which we are making. 
When we get this key into our hands, v/e can open 
not only one but 5 or 10 doors at once. Such is the 
present question. In order that the attention of all 
may be directed to this question this Home Rule 
League was established here the other day. Some 
will be grieved at it ; I do not deny it. Every one is 
grieved. It was said here some time back that 
when a boy is -a minor, the father when dying 

Home Rule Speech ot Belgaum 

appoints a panch. The panch when appointed 
supervises the whole of the estate. Some benefit 
does accrue. This is not denied. Afterwards when 
the boy has grown up, he sees that there is 
something wrong in this arrangement. ' I must, 
acquire the right of management, then I shall carry- 
on better management than this,' he says to himself. 
He is confident. It may not be that he actually 
carries on the management as well. If he be a 
prodigal, he may squander away his father s money. 
But he thinks he must manage his own affairs. In 
order to avoid any opposition the law lays down the 
limitation that on the boy's completing 21 years of 
age, the trustee should cease his supervision and 
give it into the boy's possession. This rule v/hich 
we observe in every day life applies equally also to 
the nation. When the people in the nation become 
educated and begin to know how they should 
manage their affairs, it is quite natural for them 
that they themselves should claim to manage the 
affairs which are managed for them by others. But 
the amusing thing in the history of politics is that 
the above law of about 21 years has no existence in 
it. Even if we may somehow imagine a law enjoining 
that when a nation has been educated for a 
hundred years it should be given the right to 
administer itself it is not possible to enforce such a 
law. The people themselves must get the law^ 
enforced. They have a right to do so. There must 
be some such arrangement here. Formerly there 

Lok, Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

was some better arrangement to a little extent. 
Such an arrangement does not exist now. -^nd 
therein lies the reason of all our demands, of the 
grievances which we have, the wants which we feel 
and the inconveniences which we notice in the 
administration. And the remedy which is proposed 
after making inquiries is called Home Rule. Its 
name is Swarajya. To put it briefly, the demand that 
the management of our affairs should be in our 
hands is the demand for Swarajyc. Many people 
have at present objections to this. I merely gave the 
definition in order to make the subject clear. The 
people on the other side always misrepresent it. If 
there be no mistake in the logical reasoning of what 
I have now said, how will any mistake arise unless 
some part of it is misrepresented ? Hence, those 
people who want to point out a mistake misrepresent 
some sentences out of this and find fault with them 
saying this is such a thing, that is such a thing. It 
is not the duty of a wise man to impute those things 
to us which we never demand at all ; to censure us 
and ridicule us before the people. Need I say more 
about this ? (Cheers.) If any one of you has such 
a misconception let him give it up. At least remem- 
ber that what I tell you is highly consistent. It is in 
accordance with logical science. It agrees with 
history. I said that king means invisible king or 
Government — this is no offence whatever. There are 
deities between. Very often God does not get 
angry ; these deities get angry without reason. We 

Home Rule Speech a! Bel gaum 

must first settle with them. So if there has arisen 
any misconception let it be removed. All I have 
said is for that purpose. Now I tell you the nature 
of our demand. Even before that, let us consider a 
little the question whether we are fit for carrying on 
the administration or not. Sometime ago I gave 
you the instance of panch and their ward. There 
generally it happens that as the bo:/ grows up more 
and more, those who think thai management 
should , not pass into his hands report, one that 
his head has now begun to turn, another that 
he is not mad but that he appears to be half 
mad and so on. The reason or this is that the 
management should remain in their own hands for 
a couple of years more. A third, says : ' True, you 
may give authority into his hands but do you know 
that he has got bad habits, ?' Ti e^e people say five 
or ten things about him. What is to be gained by 
doing this. The dispute goes before the Court and 
then they get him adjudged mad. Some thing like 
this has now begun to happen here. To give 
authority into people's hands is the best principle 
of administration. No one disputes this ; because 
the same thing is going on in the country of those 
officials who are here. When they go there' they 
have to advocate the same principle. Therefore no 
one says that this historical principle is bad. Then 
what is bad ? They distinctly say that the Indians' 
are not to-day fit for Swarajya (laughter), and some 
•of us are like the cunning men in the story 

Lok- Bal GangaJhar Tilak. 

occurring \n the Panchatantra. That story is as 

follows : A villager had come taking a sheep on his 

head. One man said to him ' There is a she goat on 

your head.* A second said ' There is a dog on your 

fxead.' A third one said quite a" third thing. The 

villager threw away the sheep. The men took it 

away. Our condition is like that. The story 

relates to human nature. There are among us 

people who are just like them. Why are we not 

fit ? Because fitness has not been created in us. 

We have not done it, our parents have not done it^ 

We have not got such powers. But the Government 

has given you some powers in the Council. Sinha 

and Chaubai are in the Council. In the Executive 

Councils of other places also there are selected 

people. When these people were selected for 

appointment; did any one ever say, " We are not 

lit, do not ^-^e us the post." No one said it. 

(Cheers.) What then is the use of saying so to our 

meeting ? I should concede these people were 

speaking true, if when the bureaucracy actually 

confers some great powers on them, they stand 

up and say " We do not want them, we are not fit 

lor them, — the Brahmins alone must come and 

perform Shiraddha at our house, we cannot perform 

it." I think chat those men who say things because 

-«uch and such a person would like or would not like 

" and bring forward excuses for that purpose, exhibit 

iheir own nature (cheers) Why are we not fit ? Have 

we no nose, r.o eyes, no ears, no intellects ? Can we 


Home Rule Speech at Belgaum 

not write ? Have we not read books ? Can we not 
ride a horse ? Why are we not fit ? As a Jew in 
one of Shakespeare's dramas asked, I ask you what 
have we not ? You have not discharged your work. If 
it is not given at all, when are you to discharge it ? 
(Cheers^. Has it ever happened that we did not do 
work when it was given ? No one did say, we are 
unfit, do not appoint us. You appoint them. 'You 
get work done by fhem ' and afterwards it is also 
announced in a Government Resolution. * He has 
done his duty and so on.' If we go further we may 
ask ' You bring Irom England quite a new man of 
21 years. What can he do ? Has he any experience 
at all ? He Comes all at once and straight away 
becomes Assistant Collector, and becomes the 
superior of a Mamlaidar though the latter be 60 years 
old. What is the comparison? fcheers^. Is 60 
years' experience of no value ? A man of 21 years 
comes and begins to teach you. Generally he makes 
this Mamlatdar of 60 years stand before him. He 
does not give him even a chair for sitting, and this 
poor man stands before him with joined hands 
because he has to get Rs. 1 50, 200, or 400 (cheers). 
How then is the Saheb to acpuire experience, how 
is he to become fit, and how is the work to go on ? 
Has any one thought about this ; Had it been true 
that the people of India are not fit for swarajya and 
that they would not be able to keep their kingdom 
in good order, then Hindus and Muhammadans 
should never have governed kingdoms in this country 

Lok' Bal Gangadhar Tilak. 

in ancient times. Formerly there were our king- 
doms in this country. There were administrators. 
The proof of this is that before the advent of the 
English Government, in this country there was at 
least soms order, there was no disorder everywhere, 
anj'^ man did not kill another. Since there existed 
such order, how can it be said that the people are 
not fit for self-rule. To-day science has made pro- 
gress, knowledge has increased, and experience has 
accumulated in one place. We must have more 
Uberty than before, and we must have become fitter. 
On the contrary it is said we are not fit. Whatever 
might have been the case in former times, this 
allegation is'^'utterly false now. Better say, we shall 
not give you. What I say is, don't apply the 
words ' not fit ' to us. At least we shall know 
that we are not really to be given. We shall get it. 
But why do we not get it ? It is indirectly said that 
we are not fit. They say it is to teach us that they 
have come here. This is admitted, But how long wil^ 
you teach us ? We ask ^Laughter.) For one genera- 
tion, two generations or three generations ! Is there 
any end to this ? Set some limit. You came to teach 
us. When we appoint a teacher at home for a boy 
we ask him within how many days he would teach 
him- whether in 10,20 or 25 days, within two months, 
within four months. But if the study which should 
take six months for the boy to finish, would, he 
were to say contrary to our expectation, take one 
year, we tell him you are useless, go, we shall 

Home Rule Speech at Belgaam 

appoint another teacher fcheers). This applies to all 
people alike. Our officers have control over the 
people's education and it is their duty to improve 
them : this duty , points one way, their attempts 
point another way. They say that whatever 
attempts they make it is impossible for the people 
to become fit for work. We say our people are 
men Hke you, as wise as you. You take them in 
service, get work done by them. Your strictness is 
proverbial. What is going on in the Khalsa 
territory ? There is no obstruction in the manage- 
ment. Is it obstructed in Mysore ? Who are doing 
the work ? The king of Mysore is a Hindu, the 
minister is a Hindu, the subjects are Hindus, 
the lower officers are Hindus. They carry on 
the administration of such a large kingdom as 
Mysore, but it is said that the people of the two 
districts beyond Mysore cannot carry it on in that 
manner. Laughter, cheers'. There are six districts 
in the Mysore territory, hence, it is hke saying that 
six are fit and eight are not fit. There is fitness in 
us beyond any doubt (cheers). You may then, we 
say, for some reason admit it or not. Well. What 
authority is there for thinking that we possess 
fitness ? I pointed to a Native State. 1 tell you 
another thing. Keep yourself aloof for 10 years and 
see wether it can be done or not (cheers, laughter). 
If it cannot be done take us under your control after 
ten years (cheers.) You are free to do so. This too, 
lis not to be done. There is no Swarajya. There 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

is no swaraj^a. What does it mean ? What do we 
ask for ? Do we say Drive away the English Govern- 
ment ? But I ask what is it to the Emperor ? 
Does the Emperor lose anything wether the 
administration is carried on by a civil servant or by 
our Belvi Saheb ? CCheersJ The rule still remains. 
The Emperor still remains. The difference would 
be that the white servant who was with him would 
be replaced by a black servant (cheers). From 
whom then does this opposition come : This 
opposition comes from those people who are in 
power. It does not come from the Emperor. From 
the Emperor's point of view there is neither anarchy 
nor want of loyalty, nor sedition in this. What 
does rajadroha (sedition) mean ? Hatred of the 
king. Does ' King ' mean a police sepoy ?• 
(^Laughter) I said some time back that this distinc- 
tion must first be made. Otherwise, if to-morrow 
you say ' remove the police sepoy * it would consti- 
tute sedition. Such is the belief of police sepoys 
Slaughter). In the same manner, go a little further 
and you will see that the demand made by us 
is right, proper, just and in conformity with human 
nature. Other nations have done what we are 
doing. It has not been done only in our country. 
Suoarajya, Swarajya — what does it mean ? Not that 
you do not want the English rule. There is the 
mistake at the root. Some one has some object 
in perpetuating it. It is served out by men whose 
interest lies in deceiving you. Do not care for it at all. 

Home Rule Speech at Belgaum 

" If you think that you are men Hke other men, 
that is enough. When our objectors go to England 
their intellcit and they are put to the test there. 
Therein we stand higher. What then is trotted 
out ? They say your intellect may be good, but 
yovi da not possess character, courage and other 
qualities. Their character, I admit for a ghatka f24 
minutes) the absence of that particular character. 
But it does not follow that we cannot acquire 
it (laughter). How can such character be developed 
in men whose life is spent in service and in service 
alone ? Can it be said of any person — He worked 
as a clerk for 25 years, wrote on the cover the 
Saheb's orders, obtained the Saheb's signature 
thereon and thus he acquired the necessary 
character after 25 years. — Even if some truth is 
presumed in such a statement yet he will at first 
find it difficult to do responsible work. This is not 
denied. But when the system under which such 
men are, has disappeared, it cannot be said that 
men would not become fit in the next generation. 
Hence in my opinion we are fit for Swarajya. 
I shall now briefly tell you what we wish to 
obtain and what we should demand and then con- 
clude my speech. 

" You know what Indian administration is. It 
must be noted that it is carried on in accordance 
with a particular law. Its rules are fixed. What 
are the powers of the Secretary of State ? What are 
the powers of the Governor-General ? They define. 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak. 

There arc three great parts of the system. The 
Secretary of State is in England. The Governor- 
General is at Delhi in India. Under him there is a 
Governor for every Presidency. For the present let 
us omit those under him. But the ' main system is of 
the above triple character. Let us begin to consider 
each. Who appoints the Secretary of State ? Not 
we. This is a heritage from the Company's govern- 
ment. When there was the East India Company's 
rule in this conutry, all matters were carried on in 
the interests of trade. The whole attention was 
directed towards the question how might the 
Company's shareholders obtain considerable profit ; 
the Company's Directors were in the place of the 
present Secretary of State. You might say that 
it was a contract given for governing the entire 
kingdom, You know for instance under the Peshwa's 
rule Mamlatdar's offices were given away under 
a contract. This Indian administration was, as it 
were, according to the then law of Government, 
a trade carried on by the East India Company. They 
were to derive from it as much profit as possible. 
The Company's Directors were to be in England. 
The attention of the administration was directed to 
the fact that profit was to be given to the Directors 
i.e., shareholders. A letter used to come to the 
Governor-General here to this effect : ' So much 
profit must be paid to us this year. Realise it and 
send it to us.' This was the administration. The 
people's good was not considered under it. It was 

Home Rule Speech at Belgaum 

th^ story of the milk-man and his cows. If the 
cows did not yield sufficient milk, he says fill the pot 
with water. The administration of India was carried 
on like that. Subsequently it appeared after dis- 
cussion that this administration was not good. And 
when Queen Victoria you may say the Parliament 
—took the administration into their own hands, they 
did not approve of this trading system. Therefore they 
took it into their hands. This was alright. However the 
system of administration was modelled on the po'icy 
which was in existence when the administration 
was assumed (by the Parliament) and under which 
the Directors were masters in England and their 
servants were masters here. The State Secretary 
has come in the place of the Directors. The Gover- 
nor-General has come in the place of their Governor.. 
Thus what was done ? The Sovereign— the Parlia- 
ment — took the administration into their hands, but 
the establishment of employees which then existed 
has remained just as before. This happened in 1 858 
after the Mutiny. From that time to this the 
administration of India has been carried on in 
accordance with rules and arrangements formed as 
a heritage of the Company's policy. If the power 
had really to go to the sovereign this modelling after 
the policy of the Company should have disappeared. 
He is the King and we are his subjects. It is his 
duty to rule for the good of the subjects. And an 
arrangement should have been made in accordance 
with the rules — lawful — that may be included in 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

that duty. But the arrangement was made thus — 
the Directors disappeared, the Secretary of State 
stepped into their shoes as the final authority. Who 
is to decide how much money is to be spent in India 
and what taxes are to be imposed ? The State Secre- 
tary. Such powers are not placed in the Governor- 
General's hands. He is the chief officer. The 
Governors are under him. They are servants. There 
are other servants under them. And the entire 
administration must be carried on with the consent 
of and in consultation with and with the advice of 
this State Secretary ? Such is the present policy. 
What has happened gradually ? It has continued 
but a commercial policy. Though the rule went 
into the hands of the Queen's Government, and 
though they issued a great proclamation, the policy 
of the administration is not on the lines of that 
proclamation. It is in accordance with the trading 
Company's policy, the administration of the King- 
dom is in accordance with the Company's policy. 
So the proclamation has had no effect. '.Laughter, 
cheers.) Such was the arrangement. At the time 
our people did not know it. I believe, that if 
education had spread as much as it is now, the 
people would have contended that since the 
Queen had taken the reins of Government 
into her own hands, the administration of the 
kingdom should, as regards the sovereign and 
the subjects, be for the good of the subjects. Our 
people would then have told that the arrangement 

Home Rule Speech at Belgaum 

made by the Company was simply for its own 
benefit, and that a change must be made in that 
policy — in that arrangement. Such contention did 
come. The people have now contended for many 
years. To put the matter very briefly, Mr. Dadabhai 
Naoroji (cheers j, who is one of those living persons 
who clearly saw and pointed out the defects, began 
this work. How did he begin ? He said. What is 
the difference between the Company's system and 
this system ? We do not see any in it. The rules, 
are all made in accordance with the Company's 
policy. Are the people likely to derive any benefit 
from them ? Then came the Legislative councils. 
They were such that the Governer-General was to 
appoint th-sm. Originally the members were not to 
be elected by the people. Gradually your men 
became members of the Municipality and of the 
Legislative Council. Still the final keys are in the 
hands of the authorities. Discussion may be held 
in the Legislative Council. They say ' You have 
full liberty to hold a discussion. You may hold a 
discussion about spending the money in this 
country. But we shall decide whether it should be 
so spend or not. Exert yourself mentally and vocally 
as much as you can, we have no objection to it. Be 
awake throughout the night, prepare your speeches. 
Instead of printing them in a newspaper, we shall 
publish them in the Bombay ^Government) Gazette.' 
This is the result. Nothing is hereby gained. Hope 
is held out no doubt. There is a slol^h (stanza^ in 


Loh. Bal CangaJhar Tilak 

the Mahabharat which says hope ' should be made 
dependent upon time/ Our friends say ' Rights are 
to be given to you when you become fit. We do 
not wish to remain in India. When you become 
fit, we shall give the bundle into your possession 
and go to England by the next English steamer" 
TcheersJ. Very well. A time limit should be laid 
down. ' We shall give in two years. We shall give 
in ten years.' It did come afterwards. Time should 
be coupled with obstacles. Ten years were men- 
tioned. These years passed and were very wearisome. 
We are obliged to make them fifteen' was the next* 
Hope and time should be coupled with an obstacle. 
The obstacle came. ' You yourselves must have 
brought it' was the retort. We did not bring it. We 
were awaiting good time. Excuse should be coupled 
with it. The excuse came. How did it come ? It is an 
excuse, only nothing can be said about it. Some cause 
should be shown. This is a sort of policy. When 
you do not mean to give, you cannot do otherwise. 
This policy does not find a place in the modern 
works on morality and politics. Only, the old 
tradition has continued. Thus this bureaucracy has 
been cajoling us. For the last 5 or 50 years the 
State Secretary and the Governor-General too have 
been cajoling us in this manner, have kept us afloat. 
As soon as you proceed to make some noise, it is 
said there were five members, to-morrow we shall 
make them six. What do we benefit by raising the 
number from five to six ? One of our men has merely 

Home Rah Speech at Belgaum 

to waste his time there for nothing for a while 
CCheersJ There is no more advantage than that. If 
you object to six they say we make them eight. We 
raise 10 to 12, if npcessary. f Laughter and cheers. i 
The people are already convinced that this 
matter cannot be disposed of in this manner. 
Whatever rights you may give, give them to us 
absolutely, however great you may keep your 
own powers. Take for instance, the manage- 
ment of the Educational Department. Most 
of the subordinate servants are from among us 
only. There is a Saheb at the head. Why is he 
kept there ? With a view to restrain their mouths 
and the scope of their intellect. Even if 20 years' 
service be put in by the next subordinate, work 
cannot be done without the Sahcb. That poor man 
actually begins to say so. It is such men that are 
prepared. 1 shall present to you two points of view. 
When a gardener is asked to prepare a garden just 
here, beyond this place, he wants flower pots. When 
big forests are to be prepared under the Foresr 
Department, pots are not required. Bags of seeds are 
brought and emptied. Trees grow everywhere to 
any extent. Some of them grow small, some big. 
The present arrangement is that of the gardener- 
Owing to this arrangement the trees amongt us do 
not grow. Nay, care is taken that are planted in 
pots look pretty, so that flowers can be reached and 
plucked by the hand. We are educated in such a 
way that such pretty plants may grow. In such a 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

manner is our man treated and made to work. And 
then after 25 or 30 years are past, he begins to say 
I am really not fit for this work.' We do not want 
this system. We want the English Government. 
We want to remain under the sway of this rule. 
But we do not want the State Secretary who has 
bef»n created a son-in-law fcheers^. We want at 
least our men, elected by us, in his council. 
This is the first reform that must be made. In Uke 
manner the decision as to who is to expend India's 
revenues, how much money is to be collected and 
how many taxes are to be imposed should rest in 
our hands. (^ Cheers^. We say, there must not be 
those taxes. They say how can the expenditure be 
met ? That, we will see afterwards. We know this 
much. Expenditure is to be proportionate to the 
money we have and that again has to be raised 
according to the expenditure undergone. We under- 
stand this. We will later see what arrangement 
should be made. The second principle of Home 
Rule is that these powers should be in the people's 
hands, in the hands of good man \>iz., in the hands 
of men elected by the people. At present a great 
war is going on in Europe. The Emperor does not 
decide how much money has to be spent on the war. 
Mr. Asquith decides it. If there is a complaint 
against the work done by Mr. Asquith, it goes before 
Parliament, and if Mr. Asquith has committed a 
mistake, he has to tender his resignation. Will it be 
sedition if he has to tender his resignatian ? There 

Home Rule Speech at Belgaum 

is the difference in the arrangement, there is the 
difference in the organization, there is the difference 
in the system. And we are asking for a change to 
such a system. ' The rule will fall, the rule will go 
away' — these thoughts are utterly foreign to us, 
they do not come within our limits, our reach, our 
view. And we do not also wish it. i again say, If 
the nation is to get happiness, if the thousands of 
complaints that have arisen to-day are to be remov- 
ed, then first of all, change this system of adminis- 
tration. There is a saying in Marathi. " Why did 
the horse become restive ? Why did the betel-leaves 
rot ? Why did the bread get burnt ? There is one 
answer. 'For want of turning' the leaves ought to 
have been turned, the bread ought to have been 
turned. Had the horse been turned, it would not 
have become restive.' The root cause is here 
Complaints about forests, complaints about Abkari, 
complaints about Kulkarni Vatans, have arisen be- 
cause authority is not in our hands. To state it in 
slightly changed words — ^because we have not 
svoarajya cheers. That we should have swarajva 
for us is at the root of our demand, we need not 
then dance to anybody's tune. However, this thing 
may happen even in stcarajya. I do not deny it. 
When we have deficiency of money, and powers are 
placed in our hands, we may increase t'he tax ; we 
increase it altogether voluntarily. Otherwise whence 
is the expenditure to be met ? But as it will be in- 
creased voluntarily, it will not oppress our minds. 

Loh. Bal Gangadhar Tilah 

Here is the right door. We are passing through it. 
When we are passing through it learned aliens may 
tell us that we should not pass through it but take 
another door. We cannot change. If others come 
and obstruct we must give them a push and make 
our way. The very same is the case with Swarajya. 
The obstruction comes from the Bureaucracy. We 
do not want such obstruction. The demand for 
Su)arajya is such that it has nothing to do with 
sedition, h has nothing to say against the invisible 
Government. Ail domestic concerns should be 
managed by yourselves and by doing so what will 
happen is that in the first place your minds will 
remain in peace. Whatever you have to do you will 
do with the thought that you are doing it for your 
good. Nay, you will also reduce the expenditure. I 
do not think that in any Native State a Collector 
does get a pay of twenty five hundred rupees. If 
there is any place in the world in which a man 
doing the work of a Collector gets the highest pay, 
it is India (cheers^. To give 2,300 rupees as pay to a 
Collector, would, in terms of the former rule, have 
been like giving an annual Jahagir of Rs. 30, COO. 
Have we ever given in our Swarajya such a Jahagir 
of Rs. 30,000 ? Rs. 30.000 is not a small amount. 
There are reasons however now for it. What reason 
is given ? Some reason or other can always be given. 
This man has to send Rs. 2,500 to England for his 
children, etc. For your welfare he has come from 
a cold climate to a hot climate risking his health 

Home Rule Speech at Belgaum 

Must he not then be paid ? The I. C. S. have 
laboured so much, made such self-sacrifice, and 
suffered so many hardships, and you would 
not pay them money ? It appears to be right 
at first sight. But now the principal question is, 
who asked them to come here from there ? 
(^Cheers^. We did not call them. They do such 
work as they may be fit to do. We do possess as 
much fitness as they have, but we shall be able to 
do the work on less pay. Men can be had. Then 
why give so much pay to them ? We don't need it. 
We feel that we do not get to-day money for educa- 
tion. The excuse of ' no funds' which is brought 
forward in connection with the execution of works 
of public utility will then disappear. Business will 
go on unobstructed just as at present. In the 
beginning it may not be so efficient. Perhaps it 
may be less by an anna in the rupee. Still the 
satisfactory thought that the business has been 
carried on by the people, is of greater value. In 
tliis direction good management is to be asked 
for in administration. The present law must be 
amended. It is to be brought about through Parlia- 
ment. We will not ask for it from others. We 
have not to get this demand complied with by 
petitioning France. The Allies may be there, we 
have not to petition them. The petition is to be 
made to the English people, to the English Parlia- 
ment. The present state of things is to be placed 
before them. We have to do whatever may be 

Lok.. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

required for this. If you carry on such an effort 
for 5 or 25 years, you will never fail to obtain its 
fruit. Moreover, such a time has now arrived. On 
account of the war effort must be made as will 
increase the value of India, India's bravery, India's 
courage, and India's stability. If the facts that the 
nation itself is making this effort cqmes to the 
notice of the Government, then there i& hope of our 
demand soon proving fruitful. I have, therefore, 
purposely brought this subject before you. The 
subject is being discussed elsewhere also. The 
League which we have established lor this prupose 
is such that I mj^self or some one else will have 
occasion to place the subject before the people at 
every place, if not to-day some days afterwards, for 
carrying on this work. Let this subject be always 
discussed by you. Always think about it, get its 
usefulness explained, and carefully consider how 
much of loyalty and how much of disloyalty is in 
it. This is all I have to tell you on the present 
occasion. Though what I have to say be much 
more than this, still I have told you its substance 
in a brief manner. If the consideration of this be 
begun among you. be begun in Maharashtra, be 
begun in India, then some day or other this work 
will succeed, and even if the matter lies in God's 
hands still this is necessary. I admit that it does 
not lie in our hands. But the effect of action 
ikarma) cannot fail to take its place in this world. 
The effect of action may not be obtained so soon as 

Home Rule Speech at Belgaum 

I say, may not be obtained before my eyes, perhaps 
I may not be benefited by it. But this action must 
have its fruit (cheers^. According to the law of 
action, when a certain action is done, another 
results from it, and a third one results out of that. 
Such succession goes on. Time will be required, 
there will be delay. But do we ask at all that we 
should have moksha before our eyes ? Again do we 
ask for it with the thought that we should have it 
in the hands of a certain person ? Only just a little 
ago a Resolution was passed in our conference that 
the parties of Moderates and Nationalists are not 
wanted. That is to say, it is the same to us to 
whomsoever Swarajya is given. There is no objec- 
tion even if powers be given to your sepoy to- 
morrow. You may say, how will the sepoy 
exercise such a great power ? The sepoy is to die 
some day or other and then we will see (cheers.) 
We want rights. We want a certain sort of arrange- 
ment giving happiness. We will get it. Our children 
will get it. Make the effort that is to be made. Be 
ready to do this work with the thought that it 
belongs to you. 1 am sure that by the grace of 
God your next generation will not fail to obtain the 
fruit of this work, though it may not be obtained in 
your life-time (cheers). 



• 3lsf May. 19/6 

Gentlemen, — Before saying a few words to you 
it is my first duty to thank you very much. It is 
my first duty to thank you for the honour you have 
done me and for the address you have presented to 
me. Whatever the motive with which you have 
conferred the honour upon me may be, the few 
words, which I have now to tell you, relate to my 
own work. Perhaps this may appear strange to 
you. You have called me here and I make a 
statement about my own work before you, that 
would be a sort of impropriety. Even if you should 
think that Mr. Tilak came here and talked to people 
of his own things I say I do not hesitate at all since 
what I have to tell you is of as great an advantage 
to you as it is to me. Controversies and discussions 
about the state of our country have taken place 
in various ways and at various places. What is 
beneficial to the people in general P Many things 
are beneficial. Religion, which relates to the other 
world, is beneficial. Similarly morality too is 
beneficial. Provision for one's maintenance is 
beneficial. Our trade should expand, the population 
should increase, there should be plenty and that 
plenty should safely fall into our hands — all these 
things are desired by men. But it is not possible to 

Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

discuss all these things in the short time allowed to 
me. 1 will, therefore, say a few words to you about 
such of the above things as are important and are 
considered important by thousands of people and 
about a subject which is now discussed on all sides. 
This subject is Swarajya f Cheers). What concerns 
our homes we do with authoi^ity in our homes. 
If I desire to do such and such a thing, if it 
be merely c private one, 1 have not to ask any 
one about it nor to take anybody's permission 
not is it necessary to consult any one else. 
That is not the case in public matters to-day. 
As is our own good, just so is the good of 
all people. If we turn to consider how people 
would begin to live well and how they would 
attain a condition of progressive improvement 
we shall see that, we are handicapped in con- 
sequence of want of authority in our hands. If a 
railway is to be constructed , from one place to 
another, that is not under our control. As for trade, 
I might talk muci) about giving encouragement 
to such and such an industry but it is not wholly in 
our power to acquire knowledge of that industry at 
the place where it is carried on, to lessen the trade 
of those people in this country, and increase our 
own trade. Wherever we turn it is the same state 
that we see. We cannot stop the sale of liquor. 
Tliere are also some things which are not wanted by 
us or by our Government, but tre course of the 
general administration is such that it is not in our 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

power to make any change,— the slightest change,— 
in it. We have till now made many complaints and 
Government have heard them ; but what is the root 
of all the complaints ? What things come in the way 
of improving our condition as we desire and what is 
our difficulty ? — this has been considered for about 
50 years past, and many wise people have, after due 
consideration discovered one cause and that is that 
our people have no authority in their hands. In 
public matters. different people have different 
opinions. Some say, ' Do you not possess authority? 
Do not drink liquor, and all is done/ The advice is 
sweet indeed, but stopping all the people from 
drink/ng liquor cannot be done by mere advice. This 
requires some authority. He who has not got that 
authority in his hands cannot do that work. And if 
it had been possible to do the work by mere advice, 
then we would not have wanted a king. Government 
has come into existence for giving effect to the 
things desired by a large number of people. And as 
that Government is not in our hands, if anything is 
desired by thousands of you but not by those who 
control the administration, that can never be 
accomplished. I had come here on a former occasion. 
What about the famine administration of the time ? 
When Government came to know that the weavers 
sustained great loss during famine no doubt some 
steps were taken about it. We have lost our trade. 
We have become mere commission agents. The busi- 
ness of commission agency used to be carried on 

Home Rule Speech at AhmeJnaSaK 

formerly ; it is not that commission agency did not 
exist before, nor that it does not exist now. The differ- 
ence is that while at that time you were the com- 
mission agents of our trade, you have now become 
the commission agents of the businessmen of 
England. You buy cotton here, and send it to 
England and when the cloth made from it in 
England, arrives, you buy it on commission and sell 
it to us. The business of commission agency has 
remained, but what has happened in it is that the 
profit which this country derived from it, is lost to 
us and goes to the English. The men and the 
business are the same. Owing to a change in the 
ruling power, we cannot do certain things. Such 
has become the condition that certain things as 
would be beneficial to the country cannot be carried 
out. At . first we thought that even though the 
administration was 'alien' it could be prevailed 
upon to hear. Since the EngUsh administration is 
as a matter of fact 'alien,' and there is no sedition 
in calling it so, there would be no sedition whatever 
nor any other offence in calling alien those things 
which are alien. What is the result of alienness. 
The difference between aliens and us is that the 
aliens* point of view is alien, their thoughts are 
alien, and their general conduct is such that their 
minds are not inclined to particularly benefit those 
people to whom they are aliens. The Muhammedan 
kings who ruled here at Ahmednagar (I don't call 
Muhammedans aliens) came to and lived in this 

Lnk. Bal Cangadhnr Tilak 

couatry and at least desired that local industries 
should thrive. The religion may be different. The 
children of him who wishes to live in India, also 
wish to live in India. Let them remain. Those are 
not aliens who desire to do good to those children, 
to that man, and other inhabitants of India. By 
alien I do not mean alien in religion. He who does 
what is beneficial to the people of this country, be 
he a Mudammedan or an Englishman, is not alien. 
' Alienness ' has to do with interest. Alienness is 
certainly not concerned with white or black skin. 
Alienness is not concerned with religion. Alienness 
is not concerned with trade or profession. I do not 
consider him an alien who wishes to make an 
arrangement whereby that country in which he has 
to live, his children have to live and his future 
generations have to live, may see good day-s and be 
benefited. He may not perhaps go with me to the 
same temple to pray to God, perhaps there may be 
no intermarriage and interdining between him and 
me. All these are minor questions. But, if a man 
is exerting himself for the good of India, and takes 
me£isures in that direction. I do not consider him an 
alien. If any body has charged this administration 
with being alien, he has done so in the above sense. 
At first I thought that there was nothing particular 
in this. The Peshwa's rule passed away and the 
Muhammedan nale passed away. The country came 
into the possession of the EngHsh. The king's duty 
is to do all those things whereby the nation may 

Home Rule Speech at Abmednagar 

become eminent, be benefited, rise and become the^ 
equal of other nations. That king v/ho does this 
duty is not alien. He is to be considered alien, who 
does not do this duty, but looks only to his own 
benefit, to the benefit of his own race, and to the 

benefit of his original country At first hundreds 

of questions arose. Agricultural assessment increa- 
sed, the Forest Department was organised in a 
particular manner, the Abkari Department was 
organised in a particular manner, about all these 
things we have been constantly complaining to the 
Government for the past 20 or 25 years. But no 
arrangements about the different departments, the 
different professions, the different trades and the 
different industries, were made to accord. This is 
the chief question of the past 50 years. While look- 
ing out for a cause we at first believed that when we 
Informed the administration of it, it would at once 
proceed to do as we desire. The Administration is 
alien. It does not know the facts. When 5 or 10 of 
our prominent men assemble and represent, the 
administration will understand. It being alien it 
cannot otherwise understand. As soon as it is 
informed of facts it is so generous minded and wise 
that it will listen to what you have to say and 
redress the grievances. Such was our belief. But the 
policy of the Bureaucracy during the last 50 years 
has removed this belief. However much you may 
clamour, however much you may agitate, whatever 
the number of grounds you may show, its sight is so 

Lok. Bal Ga-igadhar Tilak 

affected as not to see the figures drawn from its own 
reports and set before it. Its own arguments and its 
own grounds do not meet with its own approval. If 
we urge any further it sticks only to what may be 
adverse to our statement. Some may say there is 
nothing to wonder at in this. Whoever were your 
rulers those kingdoms have been broken up and now 
the rule of the English has been established. Of 
course those people do just what is beneficial to 
them. Why then do you complain about them ? 
This is sure to happen.* Such is the opinion of 
several people. ' Your outcry only causes pain to 
the Government and in a manner disturbs its mind. 
So do not raise this outcry. Accept quietly what it 
may give. Accept gladly, what little it may giv^ 
and thank it.' Such is the opinion of several others. 
I do not approve of this opinion. My opinion is 
that whatever be the Government whether British 
or any other, it has, as Government, a sort of duty 
to perform. Government has a sort of religious 
duty to perform ; a sort of responsibility lies on its 
shoulders. I say tliat when a Government evades 
this responsibility it is no Government at all. 
Government possesses authority. All the power 
possessed by Government may be acquired by it by 
fighting or may be conferred upon it by the people. 

Even if it is acquired by conqusst still 

Government has a duty to perform. As we have a 

duty, so those who are called Government have 

also a duty. They must do certain things. The 



Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

■Government has already admitted cextain duties 
Does not Government do such works as constructing 
roads, establishing post offices and TeJet];! aphs ? It 
^oes. If to-morrow some one were to say ' If 
Government does not construct roadj>, it is its 
pleasure. It may construct them if i: tikes, but 
not, if it does not like,* then all of yon who are 
assembled here would find fault with him saying, 
' If these things are not to be done by Government, 
why do we pay taxes ? If the Government will not 
utiUse for the people's conveniences laxes levied 
from us, it has no authority to take any taxes 
whatever from us. Government take rhese for our 
benefit.' When persons argue that the Government 
is good, what do they point to ? The question is 
always asked, ' This our Government har constructed 
roads, made railways, established telegraphs and 
post offices — are not these convenience^ made for 
you ? Why do you then raise an outcry against 
Government ? * I do not say that these things have 
not been done, but that those that have been done 
are not sufficient. These things have been done, done 
well and have been done better by the British 
Government than they would have been done by the 
former Government — this is an honour to them. 
But should we not ask it to do those things which it 
does not do ? That is not a real Government which 
considers itself insulted when told of those things 
which have not been done and a desire to do which 
is not apparent, which does not direct its attention 


Lok.. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

to them though urged in many ways, and which 

thinks that we should not urge things to it. What 

then is meant b\' a real Government ? TTiis must be 

considered a little. There is a vast difference between 

the present system and the old system. At present 

an effort is being made to create a sort of erroneous 

conception. Neither the Collector nor the Civilians 

arriving here who are called the bureaucracy in 

English, are Government. A police sepoy is not 

Government. It does not constitute any sedition 

whatever to say, ' Do something if it can be done, 

while maintaining the British rule which is over our 

country, without harm being done to that rule and 

without weakening it.* We want the rule of the 

English which is over us. But we do not want these 

intervening middlemen. The grain belongs to the 

master, the provisions belong to the master. But 

only remove the intervening middlemen's aching 

belly, and confer these powers upon the people so 

that they may duly look to their domestic affairs. 

We ask for swarajva of this kind. This sivarajva does 

not mean that the English Government should be 

removed, the Emperor's rule should be removed and 

the rule of .some one of our Native States should be 

established in its place. The meaning of sicaraj};a 

is that explained by Mr. Khaparde at Belgaum, viz., 

we want to remove the priests of the deity. The 

deities are to be retained. These priests are not 

wanted. We say, appoint other priests from amongst 

us. These intervening Collectors. Commissioners 


Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagor 

and other people are not wanted, who at present 
exercise rule over us. The Emperor does not come 
and exercise it. He is in England, H facts were 
communicated to him, he would wish that good 
should be done to you. Is good done to us ? We do 
not want these priests (cheers). These people are 
clever. We say that no priest is wanted. They say, 
'We have passed examinations. We do much.' 1 liat is 
all true. But their attention is directed more to the 
remuneration belonging to the priest. Hence this 
priestly office should remain in our hands. The 
position of the Badwas of Pandharpur and these 
people is the same (cheers'. Will there be any loss 
to the Emperor if the said priestly office does not 
remain in the hands of the bureaucracy who are 
endeavouring to retain ? There will be none. Some 
may say that the English people belong to the 
Emperor's race. We have become the Emperor's 
subjects. He does not make any difference between 
the English subjects and the black subjects. He does 
not wish to make it. The meaning of the word 
swaraj^a is Municipal Local L-olf-Government. But 
even that is a farce. It is not sufficient. When an 
order comes from the Collector, you have to obey it. 
He (Collector) has power to call the President and 
tell him to do such and such a thing. If the 
President does not do it. the Collector has power to 
remove him. Then where is swarajya? (cheers). The 
meaning of stcarajya as stated above is retention of 
our Emperor and the rule of the English people, and 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

the full possession by the people of the authority to 
manage the remaining affairs. This is the definition 
of swarajya. What we ask for is not that the 
authority of the English should be lessened, nor 
that the English Government should go away and 
the German Government should come in its place. 
On the contrary, the present war has proved and 
the whole world has seen that it is not our wish that 
the German Government should come here. Nay, 
in order that the rule of this Government should 
remain here permanently, thousands of our people 
are to-day sacrificing their lives in the most distant 
and cold climes (hear, hear, cheers). If in order that 
this rule may remain and that this rule should not 
go away and the rule of the German people should 
not come in its place, we pay money — be it accord- 
ing to our means— though we are not as wealthy as 

the English. What then is left of the charge 

According to our ability, our fighting men are going 
there and sacrificing their lives and in this way 
exerting themselves. France, Germany and other 
nations are commending and applauding them 
fcheers, hear, hear^. By shedding our blood 
we have proved our desire that our loyalty to 
the English Government should be of this 
intense kind (hear, hear, and cheers^. I do 
not i.l;ink that any man can adduce stronger 
evidence than this in his favour. Thus to-day it is 
an undoubted fact that we want here the rule of the 
English alone and accordingly we are exerting 

Home Rule Speech at AhmrAnagar 

ourselves. When such is the state of things, why 
should not these intervening people who have been 
appointed be removed and why should we not get 
the rights possessed by the people in other places 
within the British Empire ? We are not inferior to 
them in point of bravery and education, we possess 
ability. Such being the case, why should we not 
get the rights ? Why should the Emperor make a 
distinction between his black and white subjects ? 
Who has given such advice to the Emperor ? The 
peculiar feature of this British constitution is that 
the Emperor acts on the advice of the people. Why 
should the ministers give him such advice ? At 
present those who possess power, i.e., the bureau- 
cracy, are white. When a black man joins them 
he too becomes like them. Under the present 
system, if a native on his arrival from England after 
passing examinations be appointed to be Collector, 
he becomes just like them. Note then that I am 
not speaking only about the whites. We do not 
want this system. What does it matter if a man or 
two of ours is exalted to the Bureaucracy. He 
cannot do anything in particular. Therefore this 
system must be done away with. We would not be 
satisfied by the appointment of one or two persons. 
Let us pass on. Who introduced the system ? The 
Emperor did not introduce it. The Queen's procla- 
mation as promulgated declares one policy and the 
present system is quite its opposite. At present it 
is not at all in our hands to bring about our own 

Loh. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

good. Were we to think that encouragement should 
be given to swadeshi goods by imposing duty on 
certain imported foreign goods, that is not in our 
hands. Were we to think of starting such and such 
industries required in this country or of importing 
paid teachers from foreign countries, that is not in 
our hands. What a trifling matter this is after all ! 
!t is necessary that all people should know reading 
and writing. Whether a man be a Muhamadan or 
of any other religion or of any caste, he ought to 
know a little of reading and writing. This is now 
acknowledged by all people throughout the world. 
There is now no doubt about this. By reading and 
writing a man derives at least some benefit. No one 
requires to be told of this anew. Then why is not 
tliat achieved here ? Because there is no money. 
Who gives I his excuse ? The bureaucracy. Their 
pay is Rs. 2,500 and if they want a raising to 3,000 
then there is money. Think of exchange compensa- 
tion. When the price of the rupee felf, six crores of 
rupees were brought out by Government on account 
of exchange. At that time money was found. Unless 
you have authority in your hands this state of 
affairs cannot be got over. There is no money for 
education, but there is money to pay a salary of 
Rs. 2,500 to tK° Collector. However clearly we may 
explain this aspect it cannot carry conviction. The 
present bureaucracy cannot consider this matter 
from the point of view from which we would con- 
^der it if authority were to come into our hands. 

Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

No doubt we have been told that money should be 
spent on education. When people begin to know 
how to read and write the number of offences 
committed falls by thousands, they carry on their 
dealings well; they understand what is of advantage 
and what is of disadvantage to them. When peoplfe 
become fit in this manner an officer on Rs. 2,500 
will not be necessary to govern them. One on 
Rs. 500 will do and we shall be able to spend Rs. 
2,000 on education. In no other country are there 
so highly paid officers at present. The Viceroy who 
comes to govern India gets Rs. 20,000 a month while 
the Prime Minister of England gets Rs. 5,000, He 
who has to live in England and manage the affairs 
of the whole Empire gets Rs. 5,000, while he who 
carries on the administration of India here gets Rs. 
20,000. Why so ? There is no answer to this. This 
is so because the latter is managed at the cost of 
others (cheers). This is India. Go and eat. If any 
shop belonging to other people is made over to you 
for management, you will naturally pay the 
employee a salary of Rs. 100 if he belongs to your 
community or caste even when you are prepared to 
pay him a pay of Rs. 50 only in your own shop. In 
this way the present arrangement is being carried 
on. We are not at all benefitted by this arrange- 
ment. It is not the case that these things have 
come to our notice for the first time. It is 50 years 
since the things came to our notice. When the 
National Congress was held at Calcutta in 1906, Mr^^ 

Lok.. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

Dadabhait Naoroji fcheers) stated this distinctly. Her 
Sfave it as his 50 years* experience that for counter- 
acting this present irregularity and the sort of 
injustice that is taking place in India, there is no 
other remedy than tfiat the p©wer should pass into 
the people'5 hands, and rest in the hands of the 
people. He called it Self -Government. We must 
decide apon the arrangement as regards what is to 
be done n our homes, what is to be done in our 
villages, what is to be done in our presidency and 
what is to he done in our country. If we decide about 
this it will oe done at a small cost, it will be done 
well, and om decision as regards in what matter we 
should expend more money, and in what matter less 
will be more oeneficial to the people. The bureau- 
cracy sa'/ :hat we do not possess knowledge as if 
they alone possess it. Their first lookout is to see 
how their pay will be secure. When money comes 
into the treasury the expense on account of their 
pay must he first defrayed. Their military expendi- 
ture must be :Jrst defrayed. They must be first fully- 
provided --.or. If money remains after this, it is to 
be applie>T co education. They do not say that 
education is not wanted. Education is not a bad 
thing in their eye. But the people are to be educated 
and their other conveniences are, if possible to be 
looked to after all the above expenditure is defrayed. 
This is to Oft; thought of afterwards. Now we shall 
first see wliether we could manage things or not if 
power were to come into our hands. If we think 


Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

that more pay is demanded of us then we reduce it 
and tell them that they will have to do the work for 
the country. If all things can be considered in this 
manner, we shall have in our hands the opportunity 
of bringing about those things which it is desirable 
to bring about. This is mere speculation. Where is 
your difficulty ? There is a common saying in 
Marathi : A certain man asked three questions. Why 
does the horse become restive, why did betel leaves 
rot— the story occurs in the third book it was there 
formerly, I do not know whether it is there now. — 
He gave a single answer to two or three such ques- 
tions, which is, ' owing to not turning.' Similarly 
why is not the consumption of liquor reduced in our 
presidency, vy^hy are the people subjected to zulum 
in forests, why is money not available for education ? 
— All these questions have one answer, and it is 
this : Because you have no power in your hands 
(cheers^ and so long as this power will not come into 
your hands, so long there will also be no dawn of 
your good fortune. Whoever may be the Emperor 
we speak not anything about him. But we must do 
those things which relate to business, trade, religion 
and society. Unless the power of doing those things 
comes partially into our hands — in the end it must 
come fully — unless it comes fully into our hands, it is 
impossible for us to see a time of plenty, the dawn 
of good fortune, advantage or prosperity. Water 
cannot be drunk with others' mouths. We ourselves 
have to drink it. The present arrangement makes 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

us drink with others' mouths. We ourselves must 
draw our water — the water of our well — and drink 
it. If that well belongs to Government a tax of a 
rupee per month may. if necessary, be paid. But we 
want power. There are no means of salvation for 
us unless we have it in our possession. This principle 
of politics is almost settled — proved — from the point 
of view of history, morality and social science. Now 
you may ask why it is told you so late that power 
should come into your hands or the time of its 
coming into your hands is approaching. I have to 
say a few words about this. Up till now the 
generality of people in England thought of deriving 
as much profit from India as possible and that 
India was a sort of burden to them. The people in 
England used to think that the 30 crores of people 
m India would overthrow their rule some time or 
other, that they should be disarmed and that they 
must be kept in slavery and under control as much 
as possible. But that condition is now changed. 
Owing to the war which is now going on in Europe, 
it has begun to be thought that unless all the many 
parts of the British Empire unite together, that 
Empire would not attain as much strength as it 
should. It has so happened now. that a consciousness 
has been awakened in England that they stand in 
need of help from other countries called colonies 
belonging to them- Australia, Canada, and New 
Zealand, which are inhabited by Sahebs. If you 
take advantage of this awakened consciousness, 

Hum& Ruk Speech at Ahmednagar 

you too have this opportunity of acquiring some 
rights. No one asks you to obtain these rights by 
the use of the sword. To-day the nation s mind has 
undergone a change. India can give some help to 
England. If India be happy England too will 
acquire a sort of glory a sort of strength and a sort 
of greatness. This consciousness has been awakened 
in England. If no advantage is taken of this 
awakened consciousness at this time, such an 
opportunity will not occur again. The bureaucracy 
considers this to be bad. Who will be the loser 
in this ? Not the Emperor, but the bureaucracy. 
They, therefore, consider this thing to be bad, and 
they are now telling us that we are not fit for 
swarajya and that, therefore, they have come here. 
As if there was no swarajya anywhere in India 
when they were not here. We all were barbarians 
and read}^ to cut each other's throats. There was 
no system of administration under the Peshwa's 
regime. There was no system of administration 
■under Muhammadan regime. We were not able to 
carry on State administration, we were not able to 
construct roads. We did not know how the people 
might be happy. Nana Phadnavis was a fool, 
Malik Amber was a fool, Akbar and Aurangzeb 
were fools. Therefore these people have come here 
for our good and we are still children (laughter^. 
Let us admit for a moment also that we are 
'children. When are we to become grown up ? In 
law when one attains his 21st year one is considered 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

to be grown up. Though these people have ruled 
over us for 1 50 years we have not been able to grow.. 
What then did they do for 1 50 years ? If the people 
of India were children whose duty was it to educate 
them ? It was their duty. They were the rulers. I 
go so far as to say that they have not done this duty 
-hence not only are we children, but they are unfit 
to rule ^cheers). It is better that those people who 
could not improve the condition of their subjects 
during 150 years should give up their power and 
make it over to others. If there be a manager of 
your shop and if he performed the duty of munim 
for 1 50 years, but there was only loss continuously 
for 1 50 years what would you tell him ? * Sir, give up 
your place and go away. We shall look to our own 
management.' Another may be of a lower grade. 
Though he may be less clever he will at least know 
chat in managing a shop there should at -least 
be no loss. This at least he must know. What those 
people tell us, viz., that we have not become fit, 
proceeds from selfishness. If what they say be 
true, it is in a way disgraceful to them. They are 
being proved to be unfit. And if it be false, they are 
selfish. We can draw no other conclusion from this 
than the above. What is meant by ' we are unfit ?' 
What is the matter with us ? Our municipal 
management is tolerated. If some one comes from 
England after passing an examination and becomes 
a Collector that is tolerated. He discharges his 
duties and Government commends him. But when 

Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

the rights of swaraj^a are to be given to the people, 
to tell all people — crores of people — plainly that 
they are unfit is to make an exhibition of one's 
own unfitness ^cheers^. Besides this objections of 
many other sorts are taken against swarajya. In 
the first place, 1 have already said that they 
unhesitatingly decide that the whole nation is unfit. 
If we say, ' hold an examination' no examination 
too is held. Unfit, unfit— what does it mean ? Set 
j-our men to work and set our men also to work. 
See whether they do or do not work properly. No 
opportunity to work is given and yet we are called 
unfit. Are even those, who have been given an 
opportunity, found unfit ? There are members in the 
Legislative Council, are they unfit ? Have they ever 
called themselves unfit ? Have you ever called them 
unfit ? No. What does then unfit mean ? You don't 
mean to give. In order to say there is no butter- 
milk, why circumlocute and say to-day being 
Sunday, there is no buttermilk — such is the shuffling 
that is going on now. 1 want to ask you whether 
you — without permitting that shuffling — are prepared 
or not to make a resolute demand. If you are not 
prepared to ask, if you do not make urgent solicita- 
tion about this, — if you throw away the present 
opportunity, such an opportunity will not come 
again for 100 years. Therefore, you must be 
prepared. I know that if after being prepared we 
spoke a little forcibly, some police sepoy may say 
O you.' ^ This is not unhkely, But it must be pur 

Lok. Ba! Gangadhar Tilak. 

up with. There is no help for it. We have no power 
in our hands. We cannot say to the police sepoy, 
you are a fool, go back.' He obeys the Police 
Inspector's order. But I can tell you that if you 
people of all castes and religions, become united and 
at this tinie make this demand of Government 
resolutely. unitedly press it earnestly, be 
prepared to bear any expense that may be 
necessary for this, and proclaim not only to 
the Government but to the whole world that 
unless your demand be granted you would not be 
satisfied nor remain contented, -if you possess so 
much resoluteness I am sure that by the grace of 
God }'ou will not fail to have the demand granted to. 
you as a fruit of your resoluteness. Whether in 
religion or in politics, resoluteness is required 
and that resoluteness of mind does not come without 
courage. It will not do to say ' How may it be ? 
Whether good or evil may result we want this very 
thing. We will ask for this very thing. For this 
we will collect money and undergo any expenditure 
or exertions that may be necessary and we will not 
stop this agitation till this our demand is satisfied. 
If this work is not completed within our lifetime, 
our children also will keep up this same agitation. 
When there is such devotion for this work, only 
then will it be fruitful. Without devotion, no fruit 
is obtained from God, from King, in this world or in 
the next world. If you do not possess this devotion, 
no fruit will be obtained though strenuous exertions 

Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

be made in this manner. First, devotion ia 
required. Both rich and poor must possess devotion. 
The poor must help in their own way, the rich must 
help in their own way. Those who possess intelli 
gence must help by means of intelligence. F^very 
man must bear this thing constantly in mind. If 
you do not bear this thing constantly in mind, if you 
do not prepare yourself to make exertions then 
it will be sheer folly to blame others for failure. 
Perhaps the word folly may not be to your taste. \ 
have used it in the heat of speaking. But my firm 
belief is that we have not yet begun to make efforts 
as strenuously, as earnestly and as devotedly, as 
we should do. If a Saheb were to ask whether there 
would be confusion or not if powers were given to 
us, we say yes, yes. We have no men. The men 
are not prepared ! And then we laugh at the Saheb 
in our house. No we must laugh there in his 
presence (cheers) (laughter.) It will not do to laugh 
in our house. The reply must be given just to his 
face. We must be prepared to maintain what 
we consider to be true and proclaim it to the 
people, to the officers, and even to the Emperor. 
On the day on which you will be ready to do this — 
particularly in days after the war is over — the 
administration shall have to be changed in some 
respects at least. If the administration here continues 
as at present, England cannot hold authority 
among European nations. At present England 
is the most powerful of all. The English Govern- 

Lok, Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

ment is the most powerful, but to keep it so, 
change must necessarily be made in the present 
administration. As a matter of fact they say, 
'make that change* by all means. But India does 
not say that the change should be made ! Some 
defect can always be found. I stood up to-day ; 
another will stand up to-morrow and say ' your good 
does not lie in what I have said. The arrangement 
which exists at present is itself good. There is the 
benign Government. The bureaucracy is wise. 
Therefore if you act in accordance with their 
principles that would be well.* The question does 
not concern only our traders; nor intelligent people; 
nor people of any religion such as Musalmans, etc. 
It is not the case that it applies only to one class 
only to Muhamadan merchants. The thing which 
I am urging is not for Musalmans, for Hindus, nor 
for traders. It appUes to all. There is only one 
medicine for all people. That medicine is power ; 
take it into your possession ; when it comes into 
your possession, if there be any disputes between 
you and us, we would be able to settle them. After 
the power has come into our hands there would 
be much time to settle them. If there be any differ- 
ence of opinion in religious beliefs, that too we will 
remove. We want power for this. We want power 
to settle disputes. It is not wanted for increasing 
them. Aliens do not know as much as we do what 
we have to do for our country. Their point of view 
is different. British Government being maintained 

Home Rule Speech at Ahmzdnagar 

at the head, one and the same Emperor will rule 
over India as he does over the British Empire. But 
introduce here an arrangement similar to that in 
other Colonies. There, in those Colonies, the people 
have got in their own hands all the power, the right 
of ownership, and the power to make laws. That 
does not affect the Emperor. There is no attempt to 
overthrow the British Government. Really it is an 
attempt to make the British rule more pleasing 
to the people. Certain people may lose means of 
maintenance, that may happen. We do not think 
that the Emperor has reserved India for those 
people. The present system has come into existence 
for some reason or other. It must go. The Emperor 
ought to give powers into the hands of the 
people, and without making any distinction 
between India and British subjects, between the 
white and the black subjects. As they are the 
Emperor's subjects, so are we too the subjects. We 
must become as happy as they. The thing which 
some wise, learned and thoughtful people have now 
decided to the key of all these, is swarajtja. Ihe 
time for it has now arrived, I have explained to 
you the meaning of it. I have told you how 
the time has come. All factors there may be, but 
your resoluteness is the final thing. Without it the 
opportunity which has come will be lost. Though 
the change, of which I speak, be in contemplation, 
you will not get it. There must be resoluteness on 
your part. Fortunately agitation of this kind has 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilah 

iiow beyun. Recently we established at Belgauir 
an i Institution to work for suJaraj)ja. An institution 
lias been established in Madras. This subject 
is already before the Congress and it will dispose it 
oi one way or the other. The several provinces 
will make their arrangements and render help. 
You must show this much courage ; that if some 
one, the Collector, Commissioner, etc. — were to ask 
' what do you want ?' you answer ' We want 
power, there must be power in our hands.' Govern- 
ment servants should be considered to be people's 
servants. Do not think that when in future power 
comes into your hands, you are not to entertain the 
European as a servant. If he can work well, we 
sha]! keep him, and we shall pay him what we may 
think proper. But he must be our servant, not we 
his servants. If we entertain this desire and make 
efforts for it, then our ideal is capable of accomplish- 
ment. Give the help that may be required. Be 
prepared to render such assistance as may be 
required to those who may come to speak to us in 
connection with this. And when you are thus 
prepared— people of different places, not only of 
Bombay. Poona, Nagar. but also of Bengal, Madras, 
etc., if people of all places be prepared this thing 
is feasible. To accomplish it, to accomplish it scon, 
begin to work for it. 

May India enioy quick, the fruit of such work. 



(On being requested bxi Mr. Chauhar, Mr. Tilak delivered 
ihc follwing lecture amidst cheers and shouts of Tilaf^ 
Maharaiki JQ' '" ^he old cloth nmrket at Nagar, on the S st 
June, 1916.) 

I had thought that I would probably not have to 
deliver another lecture after the one delivered here 
yesterday. On that occasion I placed before you the 
few thoughts that commonly occur about swarajya. 
However this subject is such that, not only one, but 
even ten lectures on it may not suffice. Therefore 
to-day I speak again about two more matters 
relating to swarajya which were not dealt with 
yesterday, to make it clearer, better understood, and 
to render the people's ideas about it more distinct. 
My general opinion is that all reforms we want are 
reforms relating to swarajya. You may perhaps 
know the story about the old woman. It is to the 
following effect : That old woman in the story, after 
the deitj^ had been propitiated, considered what she 
should ask, and prayed for the following boon : The 
deity should give her such a boon that she would 
actually see her grandsons dicing in dishes of gold, 
that is to say, she should remain alive till that time, 
that she should have a son, that he should earn 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

wealth, etc., etc In this small boon the whole object 
was included. Similar is the case with swarajya. If 
we do not get swarajya, there will be no industrial 
progress, if we do not get swarajya there will be no 
possibility of having any kind of education useful to 
the nation, either primary or higher. If we do get 
swarajya, it is not merely to advance female 
education or secure industrial reform or social 
reform. All these are parts of iWarajya. Power is 
wanted first. Where there is power there is wisdom. 
Wisdom is not separate from power. If it be, it 
becomes useless. In no nation this proposition is 
required to be made particularly clear. But it is 
required to be explained in a particular manner to our 
people. The reason of this is that there is no swarajya 
in our country. Some people raise this objection 
against our party : Why do you not effect social 
reform ? This is said not by us but by those who do 
not mean to give rights of swarajya to us, but wish to 
transfer the train of our agitation from one track to 
another. There are many people who have effected 
social reform amongst themselves. Social reform is 
thoroughly introduaed in Burma. There is one 
religion. There the people are prepared for anything. 
Their children marry any one they ) ike. But that 
country is wholly immersed in a state of dependaence. 
There is no spirit of nationality in respect of 
anything there. Then, what is wanted ? We are one 
nation. We have a duty to perform in this world. 
We must get the rights which belong to man by 
164 ^ 

Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

nature. We want freedom. We must have in our hands 
the right of carrymg on our affairs. If you do not 
get these things, no reform would be fruitful to you. 
That is the root of all reforms. No power, no wisdom. 
Mere book learning is useless. Do you believe that 
the people who have come to rule over us are 
superiors to us in intelligence and learning ? Such is 
not my own belief. We can show as much learning, 
as much courage, as much ability as they. Perhaps 
they may not be apparent now, but they are in 
us. 1 here are conjunctions in history as well as in 
astronomy. When the Muhammadan rule was 
declining, the Marathas had only recently risen. 
Afterwards, the English having set foot in 
India, the whole power has passed into their posses- 
sion, and their power is the cause of the admiration 
which we feel 'for them and the pride — be it true or 
lalse— which we feel for their ability. And when 
even a small portion at least of this power comes into 
your hands, then your wisdom will be of use. Many 
ihings are now wanted by us. Our industries must 
be improved. But why are they stopped ? Wha 
stopped them ? If we begin to look out for the cause 
of this, it will appear that we did not stop this 
industrial reform, we did not stop this economic 
reform. In that nation in which there is a way and 
there is liberty to rise and to show one's ability, 
good qualities flourish. You may possess wisdom. 
When you assist some great officer and he 
commends you, then only you think that you possess 

Lok. Bal GangaJbar Tilak, 

ability. This is a sort of feeble-mindedness- -want 
of spirit- — and it has enveloped the whole nation. 
You say ' I cannot do it.' You never did it, no one 
gave you sanad : even before it you make an outcry 
that you cannot do such and such a thing. You 
say so and advocate some other path. In my 
opinion it is a great misfortune that, in our 
Maharashtra at least, some people should bring 
forward this excuse and stand in the way of the 
agitation which is carried on for the acquisition of 
the rights of swarajya. Have we not achieved 
anything ? Think of this, Maharashtra certainly 
possesses a quality that can be utilised for the 
nation. But at the present time we do not get an 
opportunity of making use of that quality, and our 
mind does not turn to other things, such as female 
education- or this or that simply because that 
opportunity is not given to us (cheers/ If any one 
else sees any danger in this he may do it, but my 
mind cannot be convinced, has not been convinced, 
nor do ! think that it will be convinced during the 
few years that are left ^cheers'). It is vain to speak 
of other subjects. At present our people are not 
endowed with heroism, courage and learning, when 
our women are educated their generation wilJ 
become of that sort, but even that is to arise from 
our own seed /^cheers/ If any one has such a belief 
Cas the above^ that is wrong. I do not say that 
female education is not wanted but when they tell 
us to turn to it, in order to stop this agitation on 


Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

this side then we say: this is a remedy to kill the 
nation. If you do not possess strength, if you have 
Jio pluck to acquire anything, it is quite foolish 
to take an educated wife and say that the igsue 
begotten of her would be of the above sort and that 
those our sons would make some exertions in order 
to discharge the obligation under which they would 
be to us Tcheers^. You must stand on your own 
legs. You must bring about these things. And 
you must first bring about the chief of those things. 
The experience of those who have made exertions 
for th-^ past fifty years is that this swarajya is the 
key to all things. And if this does not come into 
your hands, then you say ' We shall effect this 
reform after making exertions for minor reforms.' If 
you mean to effect it thus do so, I have no objection 
to it. But that will not be helpful to this sicarejya, is 
not helpful to this course. And I am to speak af^ain 
to-day on the same subject on which I spoke yester- 
day in accordance with the same opinion. Yesterday 
I told you what sivarajya means. By saoaraiya it is 
not meant that the English should be driven 
away. It does not matter whoever may be thcs 
king. We have nothing to do with the king. 
When we get our rights, that is sufficient. /\nd 
whoever might be the king over us those rights 
can be obtained. There is a king in England. 
But have the English people rights or not ? The 
King of England is himself our Emperor. Hence, if, 
awhile this kingly position is maintained in England. 

Lok- Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

the English people obtain rights of freedom, then 
what difficulty is there in our obtaining the rights 
of British citizenship, the same King continuing to 
be Emperor in India ? No difficulty of any sort 
remains. This dark imputation which is made, viz., 
that the agitation about Home Rule — swarajya — is 
seditious and in the belief of which as sedition a 
security of 2,000 rupees was taken from Mrs, Annie 
Besant the other day — this imputation, this accusa- 
tion, does not come from the Emperor or from the 
subjects, but from the intervening granary-keepers 
(chesrs^. The duty which you have to do is 
to agitate that this administration must be changed. 
The King need not be changed. Unless the system 
the arrangement — according to which the present 
administration is carried on, is changed, every man 
in India will become more and more effeminate. 
The duty which we have to perform is to stop 
that. Some people say, what does it matter if there 
is slavery ? Do they not give us to eat ? They do 
not starve any one to death. Even the beasts and 
the birds get to eat. To get to eat is not the aim of 
man. To feed the family is not the end of man. 
' Even a crow lives and eats offerings.' A crow main- 
tains itself. I do not consider it manliness merely to 
maintain oneself and fill the belly, to obey the com- 
mands of the administration accepting posts which 
may be kept open within the limits laid down by it 
and to maintain oneself according to its direction. 
This decile nature is common to beasts and men. It 

Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

there is required the quality of manhood in man, then 
we should see whether there is any scope open for 
our intellect, our ability, our courage and boldness. 
Such scope is not open in India. Therefore, if we 
have any duty to perform then the first duty is, 
take a portion of this authority into your posses- 
sion, it does not matter if you take a little portion 
of it ; as the President (Mr. N. C. Kelkar, President 
of the Nagar District Conference j has said briefly, 
if we do not entertain the hope of being free to act- 
^n matters of spending our own money, deciding 
according to our own understanding according to 
the consent of five or ten men as to what pui'pose 
the tax which we pay is to be apphed, then, accord- 
ing to the law of nature this kind of hope or thought 
which is in the minds of men will gradually lessen, 
and to what extent we shall more and more descend 
to the level of beasts, Swarajifa, swarajya, what does 
it mean ? And what will be the effect of it ? Does 
sLOarajya mean that one Collector is removed and 
yours has come ? There is no objection to say, 
remove such and such a man and make such and 
such an arrangement in such and such a place. 
Perhaps, a white man when paid will be a servant 
of us too ; If he be good we shall also keep him. 
The question is not at all about individuals. The 
question is about the nation. The chief question 
is whether a certain nation is to be treated like 
beasts or whether considering the people in the 
nation to be men, their sentiment, their desire foir 
J 69 

/^o^. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

Ijbertj'^ is to be given the right direction and they 
are to be brought and placed in the rank of civilized 
nations. If the matter be considered from such a 
standpoint, then there is no other way to accom- 
plish this than sLOarajya, than the possession ot 
authority. When the authority once comes into our 
hands then we shall be able to do thousands of 
things. A great attempt was made at Poona to 
close a liquor shop of Ghoda, — -which may be 
bringing a revenue of a thousand or two to Govern- 
ment. But it is not under our control to close it. 
Why is so much correspondence required to decide 
that a liqour shop should be started at a certain 
place or should not be started at all ? I think that 
the annual profit of the shop may not be equal to 
the price of the paper that may have been used in 
connection with the business ^laughter, hear, hear.* 
This business which goes on under the present 
system should be put a stop to, this high-handedness 
should be ended and the authority should come into 
our hands. By the authority coming into our hands 
the hereditary qualities which we possess will be 
heightened. We shall find a way to make a use of 
those qualities in some way or other. That is 
SiOarajya. Swarajya is nothing else. What if it be 
to a small extent ? It docs not trouble you. It does 
not trouble you as much as it should, if it be said, 
one sits at home, does some business or other, gets 
some money, maintains his children, — this much 
will sufficei wherefore should there now be the 


Second Home Rule Speech at AhmeJnagar 

■movement for sujarajyc ? The only answer to this is 
the idea in respect to the nation, viz., that there is 
in this world something more than ourselves, that 
•there is one more duty of bringing about the good of 
a greater number than yourself — this duty you have 
begun to forget. There was a time when in this 
country, among the succession of great men in the 
Maharashtra there were able men who were awake 
to ideals. But unfortunately this characteristic has 
not survived. If another man begins to do our work, 
we say alright, when the work is done, that is 
sufficient. But the sense of discrimination where to 
say aye and where not has left us. The English 
people carry on our administration, we are sitting 
idle. Take cattle for example. If there be any dirt 
in the cattleshed the keeper sweeps it away, looks 
to sanitation, feeds the cattle and gives them water 
at the proper time, -have the cattle put the question 
that the management should come into their hands? 
CLaughter), The difference between men and cattle 
is no more. The Collector of Nagar looks to 
sanitation, tells what should be done if a disease 
comes, makes arrangement if a famine comes, 
takes measures that no calamity may befall you. 
Your condition has become that of a parrot kept in a 
cage : such a condition is not wanted ; I tell you 
why. We are not envious, they are doing our work. 
'Owing to the existing arrangement all the good 
qualities possessed by us are gradually disappear- 
ing. In order that those qualities may not disappear, 

Lol^. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

we must be at liberty to do what they now do ; we 
need not go in search of fresher work to do. We 
are not to leave alone what they do and do any 
other work we may not like. What they do we 
have to do. We want the same power to be in 
our hands. There is only one objection to this. 
It is very bad indeed that such an objection 
should arise at all. A story was published in the 
Kcsari : Rabindranath Tagore has given in his 
autobiography a poem to this effect about a parrot 
kept in a cage. It narrates in full a conversation 
between a parrot kept in a cage and a free pairot. 
The free parrot said to the parrot in the cage : 
" There is such fun outside ; one can roam so much, 
go anywhere one likes, can eat at any time one likes. 
Have you got such joy ? ' The parrot kept in the cage 
replied : " Sir, vsrhat you say is true. But where can 
this golden perch be obtained after going ? " Some 
urge an objection like this if swarajya be got, how 
are we to manage it ? None yet to give, none yet to 
take. Your anxiety is if swarajya be got how are we 
to manage it ? We are not fit. If the said parrot 
went out, how was he to get the cage and the perch 
^o sit on, etc ? We have reached just the same 
condition. This condition is not natural. It is 
artificial. Just as that sentiment arose in that 
parrot's mind owing to his being confined in a 
cage for many years so also the above sentiment 
arose in our mind owing to the above powers having 
passed out of our hands. This is not our original 

Second Home Rule Speech at AhmeJnagar 

natural sentiment — the natural human sentiment. 
As that is not the parrot's natural sentiment, just 
so this is not the natural sentiment of our nation. 
This must be borne in mind at first. We become fit 
to do the work that falls to us. We are the descen- 
dents of those people who were fit in this manner, 
and if we be their true descendants, the same 
qualities must become manifest in us when we have 
that opportunity. And we must make exertions 
for it with the confidence that they will become 
manifest. This is what I say (cheers.^ If heredity 
has any value, recognise it, otherwise at least give 
up calling yourselves the grandsons, — ^great-grand- 
sons — of such and such a person. There are now 
many sardars in our country. They say that their 
grandfathers were sardars and that they also have 
inherited the qualities of their grandfather's blood. 
But in order to save the vatan acquired by them 
/the grandfathers,) they serve Sahebs in any manner 
they choose ; well I say, they began to do so because 
they are sardars. But why should you or we, who 
have nothing to obtain, run after them ? A sort of 
shadow has thus been thrown over the nation and 
we have to get out of it. This is an eclipse. When 
the moon is eclipsed, alms are given for its becoming 
free. You are not prepared to spend even a pie to 
put an end to the eclipse which has overtaken 
you, nor are you prepared to move from it. 
When the moon was eclipsed the Brahmans of 
ancient times used at least to make jap (repeating 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilah 

passages from Vedas, etc.). Do you make any jap at 
least ? Are you making exertions for this ? Are you 
prepared to pay two pice to any one for this ? No. 
nothing. Our objectors raise this objection. If 
powers be given to the Hindus, what are the 
Muhammadans to do ? If the rights of swarajya be 
given to the Hindus, the Muhammadans would not 
get theiK. As if we cannot afterwards duly consult our 
Muhamn-jadan brethi'en and come to a settlement. If 
powers came into our hands we would exercise zulum 
over the Muhammadans. and if the powers pass into 
their Lands they would exercise zulum over the 
Hindu's, 5 These men come to tell you these things 
on people's behalf. Who are they ? Who do they 
tell yoo ? To delude you. This must be remembered. 
These civil servants are far more clever than you. 
They want to keep power in their hands. This case 
is like tibat of the story of the three rogues. 

When you make a demand in political matters you 
are toici ' you are effeminate.. The Muhammadans 
are opposed to you. So will they say. If the 
Muhammadans say that they have no objection, they 
point their finger at a third thing. In this manner 
this trickery is practised. Be not deceived by this 
trickery, I jdo not say to any of you that you should 
do unla-Aful things in order to acquire these rights. 
There is a .lawful way. But that lawful way is such 
that you must not listen to others at all. You must 
be prepared to say resolutely that you want what is 
yours. So long as you do not make a resolution in your 


Second Home Rule Speech al Ahmednagar 

mind, as soon as some police officer comes and asks 
you, ' Well had you gone to Mr. Tila'k lecture ?* 
You answer, ' Yes I went towards the end of it, sat at 
a distance, and could not hear the whole.' You can- 
not deny, as the police officer has seen you. Why is 
ihere such a fear in your mind ? What is there to 
fear in saying that you want swarajya ? It is here 
that the difficulty arises. When subsequently asked 
by th/B people who had attended the lecture you tell 
the truth. But when asked by the Police you say, ' I 
did not hear it well, two or four were talking, what 
could be done ? ' Well my opinion is not like his. 
Such shuffling will not do in this matter. No 
goddess is propitiated by shuffling. That goddess 
knows what is in your mind, and of all these 
knowing goddesses, the goddess of Liberty is most 
particular on this point. Ask what you want and 
they will give it. Perhaps they may say ' no ' once 
or twice. How many times will they say ' no ' ? 
They must be convinced that there is no shuffling in 
this matter. They must be convinced. There is no 
other course. Effort must be made. It is the busi- 
ness of every goddess to frighten you until it appears 
that there is some stuff in you. If we look into our 
yoga shastra it appears that goddesses have to be won 
over. They begin to frighten us. If we succeed all 
goes well. If, without yielding to fear we do our 
work resolutely, the goddesses of the yoga shastr^ 
become propitiated. This admits of proof, this is the 
rule. Even in political matters there is no other 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

rule — ^no otherway. We want swarajya, we shall 
secure it and we shall not give up our exertions 
without getting it, -unless there be so firm a confi- 
dence in yourselves this cannot be obtained at all* 
Fear will remain behind, the Police will remain 
behind, the C. I. D. and the Collector will remain 
behind, in the end swarajya will be obtained. You 
must not be afraid of others blustering and bawling 
Nay, you must expect this as a definite consequence. 
There is a saying in English ' How can a light be seen 
without going through darkness ? To rise in the 
morning, the sun has to go through darkness, 1 tell 
you the belief of the common people, and not a 
proposition of science. Without going through 
darkness, light cannot be obtained. Without getting 
out of the reeich of tliese blasts of hot air, troubles 
and others blustering and bawling, liberty cannot be 
obtained. Resolution is wanted. I told you what is 
swarajya. Efforts for it must be begun as strenuously 
as possible. By the grace of God, the world's 
condition is at present undergoing a change. To 
speak in the language of faith, God is ready to ren- 
der help. But though God be ready, you are not ready 
(laughter). God is quiet. Do you expect a gift from 
heaven ? None will send you. Even God does not 
send. And if He sends, it will be of no use. 
For when you are afraid, what already exists 
may afterwards disappear. If this gift is given, 
how is it to be used ? If there be any place of 
God, you will send it back to his house. You 

Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

will send it if it can be sent by post Slaughter/ 
However if there is a rise of the real sentiment, 
after authority of the sort which forms part of the 
national rights, of which I have spoken, comes into 
your hands, what will take place ? What will be 
the effect upon the nation ? This i am going to tell 
jyou to-day. I have told you what is suoarajya. My 
jfriend, Mr. Kelkar, has already told you that 
iWarajya does not mean that our authority is to be 
established here by driving away the English. 
Some people will have to be driven av'ay. Suoarajya 
is not driving away the King and taking this 
authority into one's hands. It means taking into 
the hand the subjects* rights. Consider carefully if 
England derives any benefit by keeping this one 
nation a slave. It will be seen from the condition 
ef the whole of the world to-day that England will 
have some day or other to give liberty to the 
provinces and countries forming parts of the Empire 
under its control. This must take place some day. 
It must take place. But if you do not do anything 
then it may not take place. Keeping awake the 
whole night, you fall asleep when the thief enters. 
That will be your condition. The time is coming. 
Perhaps the nature of the change occurring in the 
world — in other nations — will by the grace of God 
prove favourable to you. But if the time be favour- 
able, it will be of use if you are awake. Otherwise 
once you sleep, you will sleep on. What will it 
avail even if we get the right of swarajya ? I will 


/: . . Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tildh 

briefly give you a picture of what will happen. 
What happened during Peshwa's time ? We «iust 
examine history a little for it. At the time of the 
Peshwas the administration of Maharastra was 
going on well. Elphinstone was the Saheb who 
brought about the fall of this rule of the Peshwas. 
and who became the Commissioner after its falL 
That Saheb is witness to what i say. Though thft 
city of Poona was such a big one, there took place 
no dacoities in it at night. The consumption of 
liquor was nil. It was altogether prohibited. The 
original system of jamabondi which was once 
settled by Nana Farnavis, was itself copied after- 
wards. Nay, the science as to how accounts are to 
be kept took its rise among us under the Peshwa's 
rule and those very accounts are now kept. We 
knew how to administer provinces. The C. 1. D. of- 
Nana Farnavis was so very excellent that informa- 
tion as to what a certain sardar spoke to a certain 
man at the time of dining used to be sent to him 
Ccheers^. The following incident is said to have 
happened at one time. The Bombay Government 
had sent ammunition to the Resident in a palanquin 
by way of the Khopoli Ghat. An order was issued 
from the Poona Dafler that the palanquin which 
might come on such and such a date should be 
stopped on the Ghat. It had the information that 
ammunition was to come in a palanquin. After- 
wards the Resident complained " Why is our 
palanquin stopped ? " Thereupon he received a 


Second Home Rule Speech al AhmeJnagar 

reply from Nana Farnavis, " You yourself thinly 
about it. We have attached the palanquin and will 
not let it go. The King must needs be informed 
what has taken place and at what place. We have 
done it." So he was told. The C. I. D. is wanteds 
Who says no ? If the King has no information he 
will not be able to carry on the administration. 
We have no complaint against the C. I. D. Our 
complaint is about its merthod of working (cheers, 
hear). That method is not under our control. He 
who has to carry on the administration, must have 
all departments. Police is wanted, C. I. D. is 
wanted. The Revenue .Department is wanted. The 
Judicial Department is wanted. All departments 
are wanted. Where then is the difficulty ? There 
is difficulty in one matter. All the departments 
must be under the control of the people — our 
control. The difficulty lies only in this. Several 
people have formed the opinion that the English are 
the most civilized, we too must civilize ourselves. 
Who does not want civilization ? All reforms are 
wanted. During Nana Farnavis' time letters had 
to be sent : now the C. 1. D. will send a wire. Means 
have become available. The administration is to 
be carried on by making use of ail these. Bu 
the whole of this system of administration existed 
at the time of tiie Peshwa's rule. Consider what 
has taken place now after the break-up of that 
system. When the Peshwa's rule passed away 
Nagar, Satara, Poona, which were in the possession 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

of the Peshwa himself, came into the possession 
of the Enghsh. The lieutenants of the Peshwa 
at that time were great generals. Gaekwar, 
Holkar 'and Scindia were the chief among the 
jahagirJars and sardars who commanded the army. 
These three survived as all others soon came under 
the English Government and the Peshwa's rule 
was overthrown. This is the history of 1818. What 
is the condition of these three to-day ? What is the 
condition of the Baroda Sarkar ? What is the condi- 
tion of Holkar ? What is the condition of the Scindia 
Sarkar ? And what is the condition of the ,' territory 
or the districts adjoining Poona ? Think about this. 
These districts having gone into the possession of 
the English Government, the whole of their admi- 
nistration gradually passed into the hands of a 
bureaucracy. The policy of this bureaucracy is 
not to listen at all to the people. First the Governor, 
then the Commissioner, then the Collector, the 
Collector's subordinate the Assistant Collector, 
Mamlatdar, Aval Karkun, Fouzdar, PoHce sepoy — 
such is the arrangement of the whole of the bureau- 
cracy from first to last. What is to be done for the 
people is to be done by them. The Government 
above issues orders in respect of anything which it 
may think beneficial to the people, and accordingly 
steps are taken below. At first this arrangement 
was thought very good. The disorder under Baji 
Rao's rule was put an end to. They said they were 
safe now. They saw the ghee but not the rod 
4 180 

Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

Oaughter^. It began to be seen gradually after- 
wards. All authority went under the control of 
this bureaucracy. People got education. They 
began to make use of railways. A telegram can be 
sent if some one is to be informed whether I am 
coming to Nagar or not. Education was received. 
All these benefits were got. But all authority are 
in the hands of the bureaucracy. It had passed into 
their hands to some extent at the time of the 
Company. And it passed wholly into their hands 
by the Government of India Act passed in 1858. It 
is 58 years now since that Act was passed- What 
has happened during these 58 years ? The officials 
became powerful, and possessed of authority. The 
people's authority became less to such an extent 
that it was said we do not want the Kulkarni, we 
want all servants. Whatever hereditary rights we 
might have possessed they too have gone. This did 
not strike us when the Inam Commission was 
appointed. That cannot be helped. They said 
Vinchurkar was a jahagirdar at that time. He was 
the master of the army. Some one was an officer 
of an army of 10,000 while some other was the officer 
of an army of 15,000. They were told, ' You have ta 
supply an army of 15,000, while you have to be paid 
15 lakhs of rupees of which you have to spend 14 
lakhs. Then, take one lakh of rupees.' They con- 
sented. The amount can be enjoyed sitting at home, 
what more was wanted ? This a great principle. 
Nobody said at that time, ' We lost our right to keep- 

Loh. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

an army, to fight for Government ; * nobody thought 
so. It was thought that the administration was good 
as it gave enough to eat sitting idle at home. What 
more is required ? We have been reduced to this 
condition owing to this state of things. In 50 or 60 
years all the powers of this province have passed 
into the possession of the European bureaucracy. 
You should not understand from this that I call the 
European bureaucracy bad. They are very much 
learned. These posts are given to the best students 
from England. Their abilities are greater. But even 
if all this be admitted still it is a fact they have to 
undergo great wear and tear while working lor us 
and the climate of England being cold and that of 
this country hot, larger pay has to be given to them. 
They come for our good, will you say * no ' to them ? 
(laughter^. All things are admitted by us. I do not 
also deny that they may perhaps be working a little 
more than we. I only say, when we are ready to do 
the work, when it is our work, why give it to others ? 
Nor do I say that they do it badly. Our minds have 
begun to grow weak owing to restrictions being 
placed on our work and against our interests. Our 
enthusiasm has begun to become less. Effeminacy 
is increasing. Therefore, we do not want this. I do 
not say that they are not wanted because they are 
not educated. They are good. They are merchants. 
Will you not get for your shop some agent more 
clever than yourself ? There may be such men 
but will you give your shop into the hands 

Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

erf such an agent and stand aside, taking such money 
as he will give ? This is indeed a question in 
business. It is a question in any matter. Such 
is the management of this province. What 
became of Baroda ? Look at the history of Baroda. 
The history of Baroda is all there written. And 
what could be done there by degrees was 
not done here by degrees. The gadi of the Maharaja 
of Baroda had to be perpetuated. That was a 
matter of regular succession. That is a part 
of history. Formerly, Baroda used to be managed 
or supervised from Poona and the rest was done by 
the Kings of Baroda. It might have been done by 
other kings. Therefore, if you become ready now 
by receiving education here you go to Baroda and 
ask for service there. There are men educated in 
Poona and Bombay who are District Magistrates, 
Munsiffs, Subhas and Diwans there. There are 
Naib Diwans and High Court Judges. These people 
are working there. They work there without 
complaint being heard about them. Then were is 
the objection to the same being done here ? If men 
from the districts of Poona and Satara go and 
conduct the administration of Baroda, what objec- 
tion is there for them to carry on the very same 
administration in the same way in this our province ? 
There can be none. The nation being divided into 
two parts, one part — the Marathi nation — went into 
the possession of the English on account of some 
Instorical reasons and one remained in the posses- 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilaf^ 

sion of the native Chiefs. One part proves that the^ 
people of this nation are fit to do v^rork. In the other 
part the authorities say that they are unfit and we 
too dance to their tune and begin to talk like them. 
There are two standards, two sides. Then, what is 
it that is wanted when one talks of swarajya ? Where 
is the objection to make the very same arrangement 
with regard to Poona and Satara as exists in Baroda ? 
The authority of the English Government will 
remain. It is over Baroda also. The Chief of Baroda 
is not an independent king. When the Peshwas 
ruled at Poona Baroda was subject to them. Had 
the State of Poona remained, they too would have 
been able to manage it. Satara and Nagar could have 
been managed by them. The same management 
exists in the Nizam's territory. Swarajya means this 
much ; Give those rights which Native States have 
and which the Baroda and Scindia Sarkar have, to 
Poona and Satara after forming them into a State of 
the Central Division. One difference must, how- 
ever, be made in this. Now a hereditaiy chief will 
not do for us. We shall have to elect our own 
President. This is the only difference. It is a histori- 
cal puzzle or inconsistency, that the province which 
was the capital of the Marathas should not be given 
the arrangement which exists in Native States, 
while those provinces which were dependent on that 
province should have it. There is no reason for 
this. Why should we not become like them ? I 
have told you that the Gaekwar and Scindia 

Second Home Rule Speech at AhmeJnagar 

have sent money and armies to Europe for the war. 
If these districts had been in our possession, we too- 
would have done the same. This thing has nothing 
to do with the question whether the British Govern- 
ment will go or will remain. The only difference lies 
in the continuance or the disappearance of the 
authority of the bureaucracy, the foreign bureau- 
cracy. This is the difference in the arrangements. 
There is no difference as the sovereign authority, 
which is at the root. I think Mr. Lawrence had 
formerly suggested that in view of the swarajya agita- 
tion going on, India should be divided into separate 
Native States, that some experts should be kept 
there, and only the powers with regard to making 
treaties with foreign powers and the management 
of the army and the navy should be kept in 
their hands so that the English rule may not be in 
danger. I do not say that they should not retain 
these powers. In the arrangement of swarajya these 
will be the higher questions of Imperial politics. 
England should freely retain in her hands the 
questions as to what kind of relation should subsist 
between India and other nations, whether war should 
be made for a certain thing or not, and what policy 
should be followed when realtions with foreign 
nations arise. Those who want swarajya do not wish to 
interfere with these things. What we want is that 
just as we are to-day managing our own affairs in 
Native States, we want authority to do the same 
with regard to ourselves. We shall expend on 

Lo^. Bat Gangadhar Tilak 

items of our own choice the revenue which we get 
from taxes, we shall spend it on education, if there 
is less revenue from liquor we shall decide what 
other taxes should be imposed in lieu thereof and 
arrange accordingly ; we shall manage all affairs, 
others shall not interfere in them. The people 
of India do not go to any other nation. Why 
do they not ? See if you want to, whether 
they join France or Germany. One must be able 
to understand from the present state of things that 
if Indians are prepared to have connection with any 
particular country that country is England (cheers). 
We will not be benefitted by England going away 
and Germany coming in her place. We do not want 
the thing. Even if the matter be viewed from 
another practical point of view, England is here for 
100 years, while Germany will be a newcomer, and 
its energy will be fresh and hunger unsatisfied. 
How will that help us ? What is now is all right. A 
new king is not wanted. But give into our posses- 
sion a portion of the powers by the loss of which 
we have become mere orphans. It is not I alone 
that am saying this. Mr. Lawrence has said so. 
He writes that if hereafter improvement is to be 
effected in India after the war, if Government 
intends to effect some new arrangement with regard 
to the people then India should be divided into 
different parts. The question of language did not 
enter his head, but we shall add that idea. Form 
•one separate State each of Marathi, Telugu and 
186 . 

Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagaf 

Kanarese provinces. The question of vernaculars 
also comes into this question of sxoarajyia. There is no 
question which is not dependent upon swarajya, 
Had there been general liberty, there would have 
been a Gujarati University, a Marathi University, 
an Agricultural University. But to do that does 
not lie in our hands. Is the question whether 
education should be given through vernaculars 
such a big one, that there should arise differences 
with regard to it ? Our voice is nowhere. Do the 
English educate their people through the French 
language ? Do Germans do it through the English 
language ? So many examples are before our eyes, 
why should we write articles, columns upon columns 
upon the subject ? Why does that which so many 
people practise not take place now ? Because we 
have no authority. You have not got the authority 
to determine what should be taught to your children. 
So many of you send your children to school, but do 
not consider what will become of them. In short, 
there is no question at present which is not 
dependent on ' swarajya 'on authority Ranade 
and others have up till now made efforts with 
regard to the Fergus son College and the University. 
But who is to be prevailed upon ? The administra- 
tors ! They know what arrangement obtains in their 
own country. Why should the same not be here ? 
For imparting English education to all, the English 
language has to be taught for seven or eight years. 
Eight years is not a small part of life. Such a state 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

of things exists nowhere else. This arrangement 
does not exist in any civilized country. If in spite- 
of this your attention is not drawn towards swaraj^a 
then be sure that there is something wrong with 
your vision ^cheers). Whatever you have to say, 
whatever prayer you have to make to Government, 
let that prayer be for giving authority, and not for 
anything else. We want those powers which are 
the leading ones under this rule. I have already 
told you that wherever we go our path is ultimately 
obstructed. The question of education is an ordinary 
one. There must be schools in each village. Whence 
is the money to be brought by us P We pay taxes to 
Government. Do we pay them for nothig ? Let us 
have the system prevalent in England for imparting 
education. There is money in the treasury ; it is 
utilised, it is paid for other purpose ; but it is not 
expended on those things which are necessary for 
us. Therefore, what 1 told you a little while ago is 
necessary. India is a big country. Divide it if you 
want according to languages. Separate the Marathi- 
speaking part and the Gujarati-speaking part. But 
how are the Hindus and the Mussalmans to be 
taught in them ? I am going to speak about this 
also. In Canada the population consists of French- 
men and Englishmen. If English statesmen could: 
settle the question there, would they not be able 
to settle how Hindus and Muhammadans should 
conduct themselves here ? Thus these are excuses- 
for not giving us powers. This you must realise, 

Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

well. If India be divided into different States in 
;the manner, there may be separate States. The 
province of Bengal may be one. Instead of 
appointing over it a Chief from this side, 1 say, a 
European Governor may be appointed for some 
years. What used to happen in Canada before 
president elected by the people was secured? A 
'Governor used to go from England to Australia. 
He was obliged to work in the Council as he was 
told. Here, it is the contrary. If you want anything. 
a resolution is to be brought before the Council, 
much preparation is to be made, figures are 
to be collected, our representative does not 
get even a pice. The other members of the 
Council are paid. He has to work for nothing 
and at last the resolution is rejected. Though 
it be passed, Government cannot be forced to give 
effect to it. It is a childish thing. He who does 
not feel this possesses proportionately less patriotism 
'(cheers. I This is like setting us to fight by throwing 
grains of boiled rice, without giving anything to us, 
without giving any power to us. If any further 
rights can be obtained from this in future, if any 
power will come into our hands, if this be given to 
us as a step towards the above, then it has a value, 
otherwise it has no value. What does happen ? 
Good and well-educated men are set to fight for two 
or four ghatkas. Hence, bear in mind what will 
result from Swaraj^a and what we ask. In asking 
for Swarajy)a we ask that in the end there should be 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

such States throughout India, that at firsi. 
Englishmen coming from England and at last 
presidents elected by the people should be appointed 
in these States, and that a separate Council should 
be formed for disposing of questions relating to the 
whole nation. Just as there is an arrangement 
in Europe. America and the United States, and just 
as there are different small States and there is 
a Congress to unite them together so the Govern- 
ment of India should keep in their hands similar 
powers of the Imperial Council. There are at 
present seven or eight different provinces ; make 
them twenty if you like and make such an arrange- 
ment in respect of those provinces as will give facili-r 
ties to the people, meet with their approval and place 
power in their hands. This itself is what is meant 
by the demand for Sioarajya. The demand for 
Sivarajya does not mean that the Emperor should be 
removed. Perhaps, for this arrangement you may 
have to bring English officers in some places. This 
is admitted. But those officers will be ours , will be of 
the people, will remain servants of the people, will 
not remain our masters. The intelligence of our 
people will not alone suffice to bring about the 
reforms which are to be effected in India. We shall 
have to bring men from England or America, but 
those men will be responsible to us. They will noti 
be irresponsible. Hence from one point of view, it, 
cannot be said at all that this agitation is against 
Europeans. To whom would they be responsible ? 

Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

To. themselves or to us, so long as the responsibility 
is not to us, so long as their responsibility- 
has not come under our power, it will continue 
to be just what it is. Till then, our efforts in all 
directions wil] be vain, till then, in whatever other 
matter we may move, it will be ineffectual, and the 
desired object will not be accomplished. As long as 
a nation is not free to bring about its own good, as 
long as. a nation has no power to make an arrange-, 
ment to bring about a certain thing which it may- 
desire, so long 1 do not think, your belly will be 
filled if you are fed by others. Now the people 
know, some people are convinced that the people's 
good cannot be effected by what is called ' despotic 
rule' in English. Hence, my object is to tell you 
that you should make efforts. If my words fall 
short of expressing it, that is my defect not a defect 
in the idea, which is faultless. All these things, 
their different natures, cannot be placed before you 
in a single lecture. As regards this idea of states 
about which I spoke, there are many questions, viz., 
what arrangements should there be in them ? What 
right should there be in them ? And what amend- 
ment should be made in the India Act of 1858 about 
consolidation ? And though I may deliver not only 
one but four or ten lectures, they would not be 
sufficient to deal with those questions. Our 
principle is one — about this alone I have to speak in 
this lecture. Those of you who are competent, by 
virtue .of intelligence, wegJth or in some other 

Lok,. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

manner, to consider these things, will spontaneously 
know that these things are wantod. Why ask, 
' Will this be obtained ? Will this be obtained ? * To 
acquire it or not lies in other hands. I do not 
understand this question at all. You are making 
so mucfi exertion. No matter if it be not obtained. 
As for making exertions, it is in our hands. We 
need not consider whether we shall get it or not. 
Exert yourself. The work which you do will not 
fail to produce some result or other. Have firm 
belief in yourselves. Have not men obtained freedom 
in other kingdoms ? Had goddesses descended from, 
above in other nations ? I tell you plainly that if you 
have no courage you cannot obtain anything. If 
there be courage, if it be not obtained to-day, it will 
be obtained to-morrow, it will be obtained after 
10 or 20 years. But you must make efforts for it. 
The principle of your religion is thi«, ' You are only 
to work, you are not even to look to the fruits. ' 
Wny is this said in the Gita ? Is it for going to 
worship, for obtaining a sher of rice by reciting 
Puran ? Great religions tell this very thing. The 
Western history tells this very thing. In spite of 
this, will you ask, ' What will become of us ? How 
shall we fare ?' 'As made of a ball of earth, etc.. 
There is a ball of earth. We have it to be called 
Vishnu. We have it to be called Shiva. And we 
impart so much importance to it that it is worship- 
ped by the people. Lo ! it is merely a ball of earth 
without any movement. When dropped on the 

Stcond Home Rule Speech at AhmcJnagar 

ground it falls down with a tlnud. We can gi^ e a 
form to that ball by some act, exertion and cere- 
mony. If a form of some sort cannot be given to an 
•earthen ball, it must be said to be your fault. It is 
possible to give it a form. Now, these our bodies 
which are, unlike that earthen ball, endowed with 
life. How much better form can we give to our- 
selves. Do not make haste. Nothing will be gained 
by it (^haste.j If you work resolutely, a different form 
■can be given even to an earthen ball. This thing is 
told in the skas*ras. It is proved. It is proved by 
experience, proved by evidence, by history. If, in 
spite of this testimony placed before you, you are 
not convinced, if you are not satisfied, at least give 
up talking about the country attaining a flourishing 
condition afresh. Do not bother our heads. These 
things are capable of happening —must happen. 
There must be such faith. That faith brings about 
work. Where that faith does not exist nothing can 
be done, our Administrators do not give anything, 
they only say they would give — such a promise is 
not wanted. I do not say that what may be given 
should not be taken. Take what is given, ask for 
more, do not give up your demand. (Laughter). We 
want so many rupees. You gave one hundred, we 
take one hundred. Why should we not ? If even 
some out of hundred be not offered, what can you 
do ? (Laughter.) We want one thousand. When we 
get a thousand rupees, we shall be satisfied. If 1/10 
of a hundred be given we shall tnank Haughter.^ 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak, 

Not that vire shall not thank. This is human nature^; 
If my paper (alls down, 1 shall say ' thank you ' 
when you .^ive it to me. This is human feeling. I 
do not ask you to give up what you may get. But 
the humanness of man lies in securing those aspira- 
tions which are included in this very feeling. All 
other feelings must be treated as servants of that 
feeling, that exertion, that one goal. When this is 
done swarajjia will be obtained. Swarajya is not a 
fruit ready Jt once to fall into the mouth from the 
sky. Nor .s another man competent to put it into 
your mouth. It is hard work. And for it this 
beginning ,5 made. The paper which my friend Tatya 
Saheb ha:? now given into my hands is of such a 
sort. The vw-ork has been begun a little in India. 
Mrs. Annie Besant has established a Home Rule 
League at Madras. Here also we have established 
one. And in :he same manner Home Rule Leagues 
will soon be established in Bengal or elsewhere. If, 
perhaps, the Congress will take up this question and 
itself establisb a league, the other leagues will be 
merged into it. The same work is to be done. This 
work is one and you are to do it. This is a question of 
securing beneirit. We have to obtain swarajya, 1 have 
told you what sort of swarajya is to be obtained. 1 told 
you what cl;ange it will hereafter produce in the pre- 
sent coiidition. The House of Lords have begun to 
dream such dreams. Lord Hardinge said that the 
'Civilians will soon have to place in your hands the 
rights belonging to you. The people belonging to the 

Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmednagar 

party opposed to you in this matter have begun to 
have had dreams (laughter). You alone say, 'We are 
unfit, we shall not take this.* Whence does this 
obstinacy arise ? ^Laughter.) What is the rationale 
of this ? It is that they have begun to have such 
dreams. They think that some arrangement or 
other of this sort will have to be made. The work 
you have to do first is this : You must agitate in the 
whole country and convince every man that this 
alone is our goal. For this we have to work. Nay, 
we must settle what is it we want, what arrange- 
ment should there be — this demand must be settled. 
We must go to England and convince the people of 
it. And when this subject has to be discussed in 
Parliament this subject must be placed before it in 
a proper manner. That proper manner means that 
a bill to amend the existing India Act must be 
brought before Parliament. What we have to 
demand is this : Amend this Act for us. When the 
East India Company was abolished and the rule ot 
the Queen's government came, this Act was amended 
i.e., minor amendments were made in it. We want 
to have it amended in a certain manner. And this 
is wanted not merely for our good but for the good 
of the Empire. To make such a demand is a part 
of our work. This work must be done with the help 
and acquiescence of all. There must be left no 
difference of opinion about this. The moderates 
and the Nationalists have one and the same goal, 
and the same demand is to be made and one and 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

the same result is to be obtained. For doing this 
work which is to be carried on by entertaining this 
sentiment, a separate institution called the Home 
Rule League is established. Subjects are placed 
before the Congress. But as the Congress is to 
assemble once a year, once an opportunity is gone, 
we have to wait till the next year. But we have to 
do work throughout the year. This is admitted by 
the Congress. With this object we have established 
this League, Not very great exertion is required. 
Recognize this goal. We have a right to demand 
the fulfilment of this goal. The demand for money 
made to-day is only this : Every man should pay one 
rupee per annum. The admission fee is Rs. 2. But if 
this is not to be paid, pay at least one rupee. If one 
lakh out of thirty crores of people bi not found 
willing to pay, then at least cease to prate about 
India. Do not tire our ears. I do not think that 
more than a year will be required for this agitation 
to become successful. The subscription for one year 
is fixed at Re. 1. It is not necessary to carry on the 
agitation for 10 or 20 years. The real time has come. 
Hence if you are not disposed to make the self- 
sacrifice of taking one rupee out of your pocket for 
this agitation then at least do not come to the 
lecture, so that it may not be necessary to talk so 
loudly. If you have to do anything it is only this. 
Those belonging to this institution are prepared to 
make the remaining arrangement. For this purpose 
many lectures like this will have to be delivered in 

Second Home Rule Speech ai Ahmednagar 

various places. People will have to be got together. 
The matter v^ill have to be explained to the people. 
If the police come to stop the proceedings, if it is not 
allowed here, we must go elsewhere and assemble. 
We must go there before the police go. We must 
persist. Do not think that this can be obtained 
easily and pleasantly. One rupee is nothing. There 
must be resolution of the mind. If any one comes to 
ask, you must plainly tell him. : The goal we demand 
is lawful. We have become members and paid one 
rupee. We want marajija. You must say this 
fearlessly. If you have not the courage to say this, 
that is a different thing. I trust that this thing will 
be considered good by the whole of India, perhaps 
by your descendants if not by you. Though you 
may not have the will, this must go on. If not you 
the people of the next generation will make efforts, 
but they will call you asses. If you mean to put up 
with this then I have no objection. My ov/n convic- 
tion is that sLOarajiia will be obtained. Bear in mind 
what work you have to do and what help you have 
to give. Perhaps there will be trouble from the 
police, this is not denied. !f they ask, "Well, have 
you become subscribers ? Have you become 
members ? you must say. '^'es we have become.' 
Such is the law, nothing else will happen. If a pro- 
secution be instituted, the pleaders in this institu- 
tion will conduct the defence without taking any 
fee Oaughter^. If a rupee be paid for this work that 
would not be sedition. More than this (i. e. Paying. 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

Re. 1 and becoming a member) you have not to do. 
This League undertakes to do the remaining work 
Strange that the people Maharastra should 
remain idle at such a time ! We want all, whether 
they be Muhammadans, Hindus or Marwaris. 
Among these there are none who are not wanted ; 
in this there is no distinction of caste or religion. 
This work is to be done for India. I have already 
stated on a former occasion at a certain place, that 
there is a practice amongst you traders that you 
keep one anna in the rupee out of profits for cow 
protection. Such is your habit. I ask, Why should 
not the traders give to us a pice or half pice in the 
anna for this object also ?' India is a great cow, not 
a small one. That cow has given you birth. You 
are maintaining yourselves on that cow's industry, 
on her fruitfulness, drinking her milk. You forget 
that cow, but sit on seeing the accounts, one anna, 
one anna is seen debited in her name. For cow pro- 
tection. For what is the anna taken out ? For 
giving fodder to the cow, for rescuing her from the 
hands of the butcher. We are dying there to-day 
without work. But does the idea ever occur to you 
that this is a cow for you ? That idea never occurs 
to you. This is a work for the protection of religion 
and for the protection of cows. This is the work of 
the nation and of political progress. This work is 
of religion, of progress. 1 ask you to take into con- 
sideration all this and to assist us as much as lies 
in your power. I have already said we do not ask 

Second Home Rule Speech at Ahmcdnagar 

for more than one rupee per man. He who has the 
ability should obtain the merit of protectJng the cow 
by paying this one rupee at least once to "this insti- 
tution. This is a great work. If sons ol the cow 
will not care about this then you shalJ have to be 
called bullocks, as the sons of the cowi are called 
(laughter^. You shall have to be givei^ that name 
which is commonly applied to cow's sons. I have 
told you these things. This institution has been 
started. Work has commenced. If perils overtake 
it we are prepared to bear them. They must be 
borne. It will not do at all to sit idle. All will be 
able to support themselves. Therefore ascist in this 
manner this undertaking. Then God ^will not 
abandon you : such is my conviction. These things 
will be achieved by the grace of God. But we 
must work. There is very old principle that 
God helps them who help themselves. The 
principle occurs in the Rigveda. God becomes 
incarnate. When ? When you take complciints 
to him and pray to him. God does not become 
incarnate for nothing. God does not become 
incarnate for idle people. He becomes incarnate 
for industrious people. Therefore begin work. 
This is not the occasion to tell all the people 
to-day what sort of amendment is to be effected 
in the law. It is difficult to discuss every such 
thing at such a large meeting. Hence put 
together the few general things which I tola you 
now and those which I told you yesterday and 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilah 

set about to work. And at last having prayed! tO' 
God to make your efforts successful I conclude my 
speech (cheers). 



(In supporting the resolution on Self -Government at the. 
3ht I ndian Nationa I Congress of 191 6, held at Lucknow , 
Mr. Bal Gangaclhar Tilak, said :) — 

Mr. President, brother delegates, ladies and 
gentlemen, — I thank you sincerely for the reception 
that you have given me on this platform ; but let 
me tell you that I am not fool enough lo think that 
this reception is given to me personally. It is given, 
if I rightly understand, for those principles for 
which i have been fighting. (Hear, hear). The reso- 
lution which I wish to support embodies all these 
principles. It is the resolution on self-government. 
It is that for which we have been fighting the 
Congress has been fighting for the last 30 years. 
The first note of it was heard ten years ago on the 
banks of the Hooghly and it was sounded by the 
Grand Old Man of India— that Parsi Patriot of 
Bombay, Dadabhai Naoroji. (Applause). Since that 
note was sounded a difference of opinion arose. 
Some said that that note ought to be carried and 
ought to be followed by detailed scheme at once, 
and that it should be taken up and made to resound 
all over India as soon as possible. There was 
another party amongst us that said that it could not 
be done so soon and that the tune oi that note 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

required to be a little lowered. That was the cause 
of dissension ten years ago. But I am glad to say 
that I have lived these ten years to see that we 
reunite on this platform and that we are going to 
put forward our voices and shoulders together to 
push on this scheme of self-government. We have 
lived — there is a further thing — not only have we 
lived to see these differences closed, but to see the 
differences of the Hindus and Mahomedans closed 
as well. So we are united in every way in the 
United Provinces and we have found that luck in 
Lucknow. (Laughter). I consider this the most 
auspicious day, the most auspicious in the most 
auspicious session of the 31st Indian National 
Congress. And there are only one or two points on 
which I wish to address you. 

It has been said, gentlemen, by some that we 
Hindus have yielded too much to our Mahomedan 
brethren. I am sure 1 represent the sense of the 
Hindu community all over India when I say that 
we could not have yielded too much. I would not 
care if the rights of self-government are granted to 
the Mahomedan community only. {Hear, hear). I 
would not care if they are granted to the Rajputs. 
I would not care if they are granted to the lower 
and the lowest classes of the Hindu population 
provided the British Government considers them 
more fit than the educated classes of India for 
exercising those rights, i would not care if those 
rights are granted to any section of the Indian 


community. The fight then will be between them 
and the other sections of the community and not as 
at present a triangular fight. We have to get these 
rights from a powerful Bureaucracy, an unwilling 
Bureaucracy, naturally unwilling because the 
Bureaucracy now feels that these rights, these 
privileges, this authority, will pass out of their 
hands. 1 would feel the same if I were in that 
position and I am not going to blame the Bureau- 
cracy for entertaining that natural feeling. But 
whatever the character of that feeling may be it is 
a feeling which we have to combat against ; it is a 
feeling that is not conducive to the growth of self- 
government in this country. We have to fight 
against that feeling. When we have to fight against 
a third party — it is a very important thing that we 
stand on this platform united, united in race, united 
in religion, united as regards all different shades of 
political creed. That is the most important event 
of the day. 

Let us glance. As I said, ten years ago when 
Dadabhai Naoroji declared that Swaraj should be 
our goal its name was Swaraj. Later on it came to 
be known as self-government of constitutional 
reform ; and we Nationalists style it Home Rule. 
It is all the same, in three different names. It is 
said that as there is objection raised that Swaraj 
has a bad odour in India and Home Rule has a bad 
odour in England w ^ ought to call it constitutional 
reform. I don't care to call it by any name. I don't 

Lok- Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

care for any name. If you style it as A. B. C. reform 
scheme or X. Y. Z. reform scheme I shall be equally 
content ; I don't mind for the name, but 1 believe 
we have. But 1 believe you have hardly realised 
the importance, hardly realized the importance 
and character of that scheme of reform. Let me 
tell you that it is far more liberal than the Irish 
Home Rule Bill and then you can understand what 
possibilities it carries with it. It will not be com- 
plete Home Rule but more than a beginning of it. It 
may not be complete self-government but it is far 
better than local self-government. (Laughter.; It 
may not be Swaraj in the widest sense of the word 
but it is far better than Swadeshi and boycott. It is 
in • fact a synthesis of all the Congress resolutions 
passed during the last 30 years, — a synthesis that 
will help us on to proceed, to work in a definite, in 
a certain responsible manner. We cannot now 
afford to spend our energy on all 30 resolutions — 
Public Service resolutions. Arms Act and sundry 
others. All that is included in this one resolution 
oi self-government and I would ask every one of 
you to try to carry out this one resolution with all 
effort, might, and enthusiasm, and everything that 
you can command. Your intelligence, your money, 
your enthusiasm, all that you can command, must 
now be devoted for carrying out this scheme of 
reform. Don't think it is an easy task. Nothing 
can be gained by passing a resolution on this. 
platform. Nothing can be gained by simple union 

Self -Government 

of the two races, Hindus and Mahomedans and the 
two parties, Moderates and Nationalists. The union 
is intended to create a certain power and energy 
amongst us and unless that energy and power are 
exercised to the utmost you cannot hope to succeed. 
So great are the obstacles in your way. In short 
you must now be prepared to fight out your scheme. 
I don't care if the sessions of the Congress are not 
held any longer. I think it has done its work as a 
deliberative body. The next part is executive and 
I hope I shall be able to place before you later the 
executive part of the scheme. It is only the 
deliberative part that has been placed before you. 
Remember what has been done. It is not the time 
for speaking. When Swaraj was declared as our 
goal it was questioned whether it was legal and 
the Calcutta High Court has declared that it 
was. Tlien it was said that Swaraj was legal 
but it must be expressed in such words as do 
not amount to a criticism of the Bureaucracy. 
That too has been judicially decided. You 
can criticise, you can make any criticism in 
order to further your object, in order to justify 
your demand, perfectly within the bounds of law. 
So the goal has been declared legal. Here you 
have a specific scheme of Swaraj passed by United 
India. All the thorns in our way have been 
removed. It will be your fault if you now do not 
obtain what is described in the scheme. Remember 
that. But I will tell you it is a very serious 

Lok,. Bal Cangadhar Tilak 

responsibility. Don't shirk it. Work. I say the 
days of wonders are gone. You cannot now feed 
hundreds of people on a few crumbs of bread as 
Jesus did. The attainment of your object canno" 
be achieved by a wonder from heaven. You have 
to do it. These are days of work, incessant labour, 
and I hope that with the help of Providence you 
will find that energy, that enthusiasm and those 
resources which are required for carrying out this 
scheme within the next two years to come. If not 
by the end of 1917, when I expect the war will be 
closed, during at least 1918 we shall meet at some 
place in India, where we shall be able to raise up 
the banner of self-rule. (Loud applause). 


First Meeting at Lucknow 

(A large meeting of the Home Rulers was held on the 
evening of SaturJav, 30th T)ecember, 1916 at the pandal oj 
the Theosophical Convention near Aminahad High School, 
Lucknow, when Lok.. Bal Gangadhar TilaJ^ addressed as 
follows:) — 

I did not come here to deliver an address ; nor 
did I think that I would be asked to speak. But 
the subject is so fascinating and one cannot resist 
the temptation of saying at least a few words. The 
Lucknow Sessions has become the most important 
Sessions of the Congress. The President of the 
Congress said that it was the Indian National 
Congress. Two things have taken place. Hindus 
and Muslims have been brought together. There is 
a feeling among the Hindus that too much has been 
given. I think the objection is not national. As a 
Hindu I have certainly no objection to making this 
concession. When a case is difficult, the client goes 
to his Vakil and promises to pay one half of the 
property to him if he wins the case. The same is 
the thing here. We cannot rise from our present 
intolerable condition without the aid of Muslims. 
So in order to gain the desired end there is no 
objection to giving a percentage, a greater percent- 
age, to the 'Muslims. Their responsibility becomes 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

greater, the greater the percentage of representation 
you give to them. They will be doubly bound to work 
for you and with you, with a zeal and enthusiasm 
greater than ever. The fight at present is a trian- 
gular fight. You have to wrest the whole Self- 
Government from out of the hands of a powerful 
bureaucracy. This body has already commenced to 
work in order to retain power in its own hands. It 
is but natural. You would do the same thing your- 
self if you were in possession. Possession is nine 
points of law. Bureaucracy is in possession of 
power and why should it part with it ? Rights 
cannot be obtained by yearly resolutions. There 
are difficulties in the way of carrying out these 
resolutions, but these difficulties must strengthen 
us in our beliefs and in our actions. 

Good done by Bureajcracu. 
Bureaucracy too have done some good in our 
country. They have tried to clear India of the 
jungle that was there. But further on, after clear- 
ing the jungle, there is one thing they do. They do 
not want to sow in the ground thus cleared. We 
want to utilise it for agriculture. India has united 
into one mass under this bureaucracy, now it is 
expected to rise on the call of duty. The next point 
naturally arises. We now want liberty. Similarly, 
we educate , our children and expect them to take 
our position later on in life. So is the case with 
Englishmen. They have united us, they have 

Home Rule Conference 

etlucated us and they must expect us to take the 
position we are fit for. History and reason are 
against the difficulties created bj^ the bureaucracy 
and we must triumph in the end. The only thing 
that comes in our way is that we are not yet 
prepared. No shillyshallying will do. Be prepared 
to say that you are a Home Ruier. Say that you 
must have it and I dare say when you are ready 
you will get ■ it. There is nothing anarchical in this 
demand. Are you prepared to work for it ? 

Home Rule is an extensive sub}ect. A strong 
resolution has been passed by the Congress and now 
the education of the masses lies in your hands. 
Home Rule is the synthesis of all Congress resolu- 
tions. Home Rule is the only remedy. Insist on 
your rights. India is your own house. Is it not ? 
(Cries of Yes). Then why not manage it yourself ? 
(Cheers). Our domestic affairs must be in our own 
hands. We do not want separation from England* 
Vedanlas Support 
There is a saying in our Vedanta, meaning that if 
a man tries he can become God himself. If that is 
so, do you mean to say that you cannot become 
bureaucrats if you want to ? It is very obvious. 
Have firm faith in the brighter prospects of huma- 
nity or, as they are called, in laws of evolution. 
Then, I believe, by that faith you will be able to 
realise your object within a year or two (Cheers). 



(Under the presidency of Mr. Nana Saheb T)ata, a public 
meeting ua.^ htld at Ahola. on January, 1917, when Bal 
Gangadhar Tilak spof^e on Home Rule as follows:) — 

It was about 8 years ago that I had occasion to 
speak to you and I will remember what I said then 
when concluding my address. " Surat split' hatf 
occurred 2 years before, and I said, that the split 
was not due to divergence in ideals, but to difter- 
ences of opinion as to the method of work which 
was to be followed to gain the one common ideal of 
Swaraj which was held up before the eyes or the 
Nation by the Grand Old Man of India. Dadabhai 
Naoroji. in his Presidential speech, as the President 
of the Indian National Congress. The difference 
being one of method and not of ideal it would surely 
be forgotten as time rolled on, and the keenness of it 
would be lessened every year till we met again on a 
common platform. The events since the last Con- 
gress have proved my prophecy. The ideal of Home 
Rule has passed through trials and ordeals, and 
stands to-day perfectly vindicated as both loyal and 
practical. It is now conclusively proved that the 
gain of the one is the gain of both, and in India's 
Self-Government lies the future stability and safety 
of tte British Empire. Since Home Rule became 

Home Rule 

an ideal, vindicated in Courts of law as legal and 
loyal, it had to be proved by arguments that India 
stood in immediate need of it, that India should 
demand it. that the demand was justified by defects 
in the method of the working of the existing mode 
of Government which could not be remedied except 
by Self-Government and that it was also proved 
that we were fit for receiving and handling the right 
of Swaraj when they came to us. In justifying 
Swaraj and pointing out the defects of the present 
system of Government one had to use hard argu- 
ments and a language which — taking the subject- 
matter into consideration — could not be soft. Artd 
in certain quarters this again was resented. Our 
opponents said : " Ask for your Home Rule as much 
as you like but you must not criticise the bureau- 
cracy ; that creates discontent. " This was asking 
us to achieve an impossibility. It was as if you 
asked a man to eat a fruit without biting it. To ask 
you to do so is only another way of preventing you 
from eating the fruit. How could the demand for 
Home Rule be justified without showing that there 
were defects in the present mode of working of the 
Government which were incurable without Home 
Rule for India ? And how could those defects be 
shown except by irrefutable arguments which hit 
hard ? Luckily this question has been solved by the 
Bombay High Court for us now, and it is pronounced 
that criticising the visible machinery of the Govern- 
mer: is not sedition, that an angry word, a hard 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak; 

expression , and an indiscreet phrase might have 
been employed without meaning the least harm. 
Thus we know that the ideal of Home Rule is legiti- 
mate and just, and criticism of the existing mode of 
Government is not illegal, but the great question is 
yet undecided and the question is 

What is meant by Home Rule ? 

That is the third stage in the history of Home 
Rule. I am glad to tell you the last Congress has 
given a satisfactory answer to this question. It is 
not a solution which one party puts forward ; it is 
not a solution which one community advances. It 
is a solution unanimously accepted by Hindus, 
Mussalmans, Moderates, and Nationalists alike. It 
means Representative Government, Government 
over which the people will have control. I shall 
tell you also 

IVhal it docs not mean. 

It does not mean shaping as under the connection 
between England and India ; it does not mean dis- 
claiming the suzerain power of the King-Emperor. 
On the contrary it affirms and strengthens both. . We 
need the protection of England even as a matter of 
pure self-interest. This is the ke5'--note to which 
the song of Home Rule must be turned ; you must 
not forget this nor must you forget that it is the 
connection with England and the education she 
gave, that has given rise to the ambitions that fill 
your hearts to-day. 


Home Rule 

Self-Government, as I told you. means Represen- 
tative Government in which the wishes of the people 
will be respected and acted upon and not disregarded 
as now, in the interests of a small minority of Civil 
Servants. Let there be a Viceroy and let him be an 
Englishman if you like, but let him act according to 
the advice of the representatives of the people. Let 
our money be spent upon us and with our consent- 
Let public servants be really servants of the public 
and not their masters as they at present are. The 
question as to how many members will sit in this 
Council is immaterial. The material question is. 
will the greater majority of them represent the 
Indian public or not, and will they be able to dictate 
the policy of the Government or not ? This then is. 
what Home Rule really means. 

Long and Weary Pa.'h 
Now, I need hardly tell you that a long and weary 
path lies before you. You must tread it with courage 
and steadily. It is a difficult thing to gain and 
therefore worth gaining. Great things cannot be 
easily gained and things e:\sily gained are not great. 
In the Qita Lord Shri Krishna says that among the 
5 causes that lead to success " Daiwa" is one. 
Daiwa is the chance that God gives you and leaves 
you to profit by it; or not. Daiwa is something that 
human effort cannot control but which comes just 
at the time which is most opportune and it is 
entirely our fault if we do not know how to take 
advantage of it, and knowing it, fail to take advan- 

Lol^. Bal CangaJhar Tilak 

lage of it. You have now Daiwa in your favoui\ You 
must press your claims now. This is the time. If 
you fail to make and advance, the world will march 
ahead and you will be left behind like the grass that 
grows by the road side, like the mile-stone that ever 
stands there. 

Profit by the Opportunity 
Everybody in the world is trying to profit by the 
opportunity. The colonies are proclaiming aloud 
their claims. They are making their own schemes 
ready and pressing their claims on England. A 
great reform, a great re-arrangement is inevitable 
after this War and the Colonies are thrusting their 
hands in the management of the Empire. They 
have their claim on the fact of having helped the 
British Empire in this War. Have we not done it 
equally if not better ? If the Colonies succeed in 
their effort we will be brought under their heels and 
they will trample on our liberties. In order to 
justify their schemes they have sent their men in 
India to collect evidence In support of what they 
say and their messengers are already at work. 
None will be more unlucky and unfortunate than 
yourselves if you 'lag behind at this critical moment. 
You have the ideal of Swaraj, you have the legal 
methods to work for it, and you know what the 
ideal means. The Almighty helps you in His 
inscrutable Divine ways by offering a unique 
opportunity. Now it is for you to say whether you 
will answer by vigorous efforts or sit silent and let 

Home Rule 

the opportunity slip through your fingers. By 
allowing this golden opportunity to escape, you are 
incurring the just blame of those that will be born 
hereafter. Your daughters and sons will be ashamed 
oi you and future generations will curse you. Take 
courage therefore and work now. Strike the iron 
whilst it is hot and yours shall be the glory of 



(At a eery aell-attenJed meeting of the citizen>i of 
Cawnporc, on January /, 191 7, Mr, Tilak, spoke on Home 
Rule for India as follows): — 

Gentlemen, — It is extremely unfortunate that 
I am not addressing you in your mother-tongue 
Hindi which claims to be the lingua franca of India. 
I am sorry for it the more when I see the large 
crowd that has assembled here to welcome me on 
this occasion. I am sorry because I am one of 
those who hold that Hindi should be the lingua 
franca of India in future. But unfortunately not 
being able to speak in Hindi I have thought it fit to 
address you in English on this occasion, a few 
wor-ds which relate to a subject in which all of us 
were engaged at Lucknow. Gentlemen, you m«st 
have all probably heard that the Lucknow Congress 
was a memorable Congress, a momentous step 
being taken therein as regards Home Rule. You 
will be able to learn that after 30 years of delibera- 
tion we have at last come to the conclusion that 
nothing will save us except Home Rule. As I have 
said in the Congress it is a synthesis of all the- 
resolutions hitherto passed by the Congress during 
the last 30 years. Whatever side you may look at 
the question fronn, you will be convinced that the 

Home Rule Conference 

freedom which Home Rule implies is necessary for 
the regeneration of this country. Everything in 
the moral, material or intellectual sphere of thi^ 
nation depends upon the freedom which at present 
we are deprived of. You cannot do anything which 
in your opinion is calculated to raise your status, 
to that of a civilized nation according to the modern 
standard. It has been pointed out by more eloquent 
speakers than myself and men who are entitled to 
your respect and veneration far more than I am. 
I say it has been pointed out to me several times 
that unless we get a part of the freedom for which 
we are trying, for a part of the power which rests 
in the hands of the bureaucracy at present, it is 
impossible for us to attain that position to which 
we are entitled as a birthright. If you see what is 
your position at present, if you look around, you 
will see that you are crippled in every respect. 
Whether you take the question of industry, whether 
you take the qtiestion of education, or any other 
question, everywhere there is a stumbling block in 
your way, so that you have not the power to carry 
out what you wish. We must be prepared to face 
this one important question before we c^n hope to 
make any progress — progress that is worth the 
name. Many of the objections to the attainment of 
Home Rule have already been answered in the 
Congress and out of the Congress. 1 would only 
take one or two of them because I am afraid that 
speaking in English 1 shall not be understood by 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak. 

ihis large audience and secondly because the time 
at our command is very short. You, who are 
«ssembled here to listen to me and to do honour to 
me will, 1 think, agree that in honouring me you 
are honouring the cause of Home Rule. The very 
fact of your presence here to hear a speaker who 
lias devoted some time to this question shows that 
you are all interested in that important question. 
They say that there is no public opinion in India in 
favour of Home Rule. This is a proposition which 
if our opponents were here will find contradicted by 
the presence of you all. I do not think that you 
have come here to respect my person but I think 
you have come here to respect the cause of Home 
Rule : and a very large g-athering like this is a 
splendid refutation of the objection that we are not 
prepared for Home Rule, that we are unable to 
exercise influence over the masses in this country, 
that we can take no interest in it and that it will 
take several decades of years if not hundreds of 
years according to our opponents to render us tit 
for Home Rule. Ttiis meeting is in itself, as I said, 
a refutation of the charges that are brought against 
us. Another objection that is raised is that we, 
Hindus never enjoyed Home Rule. Nothing can 
be more incorrect, more erroneous and false, I may 
say, than a statement like this. Many of you in 
Northern India enjoyed Home Rule in ancient days. 
The Hindu polity which is included in the King's 
•duties in the Manusmriti text lays down a kind of 

Home Rule Conference 

social organization which is known as Chatur 
Varna. Many of you now believe that Chatur 
Varna consists merely of different castes that divide 
us at present. No one thinks of the duties belong- 
ing to these castes. A Kshatriya will not take 
food with the Brahmin and a Brahmin will not 
take food with a Vaishya and a Vaishya will 
not take food with a Shudra. it was not so, let 
me point out, in the days of Manu and Bhagvatgita. 
Bhagvatgita expressly states that this division was 
not by birth but by the quality and by the profession 
which were necessary to maintain the whole society 
in those days. The Kshatriyas defended the dominion 
and defended the people against foreign aggression 
and against internal interruptions. Where are those ? 
The whole ol: that class is gone off and their duties 
devolve upon the British who have taken charge of 
ihe duties oi Kshatriyas. Take again commerce. You 
think this is a commercial town. There are many 
labourers but you find that the country is exploited 
for the benefit not of India but of other nations. 
Raw products are exported and refined products are 
brought in to the sacrifice of several industries for 
which India was famous in ancient times. See the 
Vaishya class — that too is now being dominated by 
the British people or British merchants. Take the 
Brahmins. I am a Brahmin. We boasted that we 
were the intellectual head of the community — we 
were the brain in fact — but that brain is now 
rendered s6 dull that we have but to import into this 

Loh. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

country foreign philosophy at the cost of our 
ancient learning in every department of life. What 
I consider is that Chatur Varna divides the whole 
society into so many departments of life and in 
every one of these departments you have been a 
loser every year, every decade. I want you now to 
recognize this fact and to try for gaining the position 
which we occupied in our own societies. We have 
heen deprived of volunteering, v/e have been, 
deprived of the right to the higher grades in service. 
The men remain, but the duties are gone and all 
your feehng at present is that I am a Kshattriya 
and you are a Brahmin and that he is a .Sudra. /Ml 
have lost their titles. I am not practical to one or the 
other. I want you to re^.lise the fact that although 
you may claim the blood of a Kshatriya, although 
you may claim the blood of a Brahmin, you do not 
claim that polity, those qualifications which the 
Sudras are enjoying which should have been yours, 
at this moment. Now one aspect of Home Rule is 
to encourage you to acquire the freedom which you 
enjoyed in these various departments of life and to 
come up to that standard by the co-operation of and 
under the sovereignty of the British rule. This result 
is not to be achieved by any unlawful and un- 
constitutional means, but I am sure by a desire and 
interest to raise your status to achieve this goal by 
means of the sympathy of the British people and by 
remaining a permanent part of the Empire. But 
this part is of two kinds. In a household, servants 

Home Rule Conference 

form part of a household and children form part of 
a household. We want to occupy the part of 
children and not of servants — not a dead part but 
an equal part in that greatest Empire which the 
world has seen. We are quite willing to remain a 
part but not a dead part which will be a burden to 
the Empire but a living member, and a living 
member is expected to develop ail the qualities which 
you find in the department of social life. It is with 
this view, gentlemen, that the Home Rule agitation 
has been started to make you masters in your house 
and not servants. This is the real sense of that 
situation which every one is bound morally and 
intellectually to attain. Home Rule is nothing else, 
but to be masters of your houses. Have you ever 
thought of such a simple question 'what am I in my 
house — am I a dependent or am 1 master ?' And if 
India is your house i want to ask j'^ou, gentlemen, 
whether there can be any ground or reason to tell 
you that you ought to be masters so far as your 
domestic affairs are concerned. When an English- 
man has been deprived of his rights he will not be 
content unless he gets back his rights. Why should 
you lag behind, why should you not in the name of 
religion, in the name of polity, in the name of that 
polity, which was cultivated in the past to the largest 
extent the history of the world has yet produced — in 
the name of that philosophy that is religious, ! 
appeal to you to awaken to j'our position and do 
your level best for the attainment of your birtn-right 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilal? 

— 1 mean the right of managing your own affairs in 
your own home. If you do not do it who will do it 
for you ? Do not be hypnotised. You are fit for it 
only you have not seen it. You can get your object 
by your own efforts, by your own action, and this is 
the self -realization that I want you to feel. If you 
once realise that you are the master of your domestic 
affairs as other men are, as in the colonies 
and as men in the other parts are, I daresay 
nothing can stand between you and your 
object to attain it. It all depends upon your efforts. 
In Lucknow and Cawnpore you will find better men 
very soon addressing you on the subject, and if 1 
can prepare the ground for the noble workers that 
are to come here hereafter, I shall not have spoken 
in vain to-day. It is a thing which you must look 
to now. Give up apathy. You are as good men as 
members of any other community in the world. 
You have hands and feet and you know what has 
been said in one of Shakespeare's dramas. We are 
certainly better than Japanese and yet japan has 
attained what you seem hopeless to attain and are 
indifferent to aspire to get. Your fault lies not ia 
the want of capacity or want of means but your 
fault lies in the want of the will. You have not 
cultivated that will which you ought to have done 
Will is everything. Will power makes it as strong 
as you can and the material world round you 
cannot dr>ve you from attaining the object which 
you wii? attain. You must make up that will 

Home Rule Conference 

and if that will is made up by every community 
there is a proverb in my part that divine power 
resides in five persons. Instead of 5 let me now 
change that 5 into 500 millions ; and if you realise 
the fact that you have a certain object to get that, 
you must attain to a particular stage to which you 
are entitled as birth-right. You must say that this 
will so strengthened, cannot resist the forces that 
are arrayed against you. It is the will you have 
not been thinking over. You do not devote to it one 
moment of your life, one moment during the day. 
A Brahmin is, for instance, enjoined in the Shastras 
to perform his prayers once in the morning and once 
in the evening. What is that prayer ? It is the 
cultivation of the will. Now let your prayer be, ' I 
will try to have my birth- right.' Have that prayer 
every morning and evening. Do not forget k 
during all the work or business that you do during 
the day. If there be temptations in your way repeat 
that prayer in the morning and evening. Prayer 
has such a power as to surmount all obstacles ; that 
is the effect of prayer. It is no use praying merely 
for nothing. God does not want prayer for himself. 
God does not need it. God does not want any 
praise from you— -it is all useless. Realise that 
fact. What is the good of praying v/ithout any 
obiect. God has created you, God knows how to 
conduct his own creation. Do you mean to say 
that by your praying you cannot change the course 
of events of karma ? Do pray morning and evening 
223 • 

Lok- Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

for Home Rule and I daresaj' that within a year or 
two you can attain your object. 

Thanking you for your reception I close my 
remarks on the subject ; and if any of you have not 
understood me because I have spoken in English 
then some one of the gentlemen on the platform will 
undertake to repeat that for you, and I ask your 
pardon not to have been able to address you in your 
own words. 



(An address enclosed in a silver casket i^pzcially ordered 
from Bombay was presznted to Mr. Tilak., at Yeotmal and 
in reply, Mr. Tilak spoke as follows): — 

Mr. President, brothers and sisters, — I thank you 
very much for the presentation of an address to me 
and for the hospitable reception, you have been kind 
enough to accord to me. But let me tell you, I have 
not come here to receive these marks of honour and 
1 never expected them. I have come here to do 
something and if possible to ask you to do it, and 
that something is the work to be done in connection 
with the attainment of " Swaraj " or " Home Rule." 
It does not require high intellectual gifts to under- 
stand the meaning of " Swaraj." It is a simple 
Sanskrit word, meaning nothing more or less than 
the power to rule our homes, and hence it is carlled 
in short " Home Rule." It is your birth-right to 
govern your own house or home ; nobody else can 
claim to do it, unless you are a minor or a lunatic. 
The power of the Court of Wards ceases as soon as 
" Malik " attains majority or becomes non-lunatic. 
The agent or the Court, to which the power was 
transferred, is in duty bound to transfer the same 
power back to the " Malik " or the real owner. If the 
Court or the agent will not do it, he must bring forth 

Lok Bal Cangadhar Tilah 

evidence to justify his action. We tell the Govern* 
ment that we are no longer minors, nor are we 
lunatics, and we are able and competent to look 
after our affairs, our "home" and we will rule the 
" home ; " we have got a right to say that we want 
this agent or that and we will guide the " Home 
policy." This demand for " Home Rule " is not a 
new one. The Congress and the other older and 
younger institutions in the country have been 
demanding it. Nor is the idea novel or new to us. 
The Village Panchayats, the Councils of Pandits or 
Elders to advise and guide the King or Emperor and 
such other kindred institutions were in existence 
for long. The King was not the final authority in 
matter of law : the king himself used to consult 
wise men of high spiritual and moral development, 
stages well versed in Shruti and Smriti, and then 
decide the point. King Dushyanta actually did it. 
when he had to accept Shakuntala and her son. 
The words saarajyam, vairagyam, were actually seen 
in the Shastras. Of course, the word " Swaraj " or 
'' Home Rule " has got a limited meaning to-day. 
" The Swaraj " of to-day is within the Empire and 
not independant of it. There have been lots of 
misrepresentation during the last ten years, by our 
opponents and persecutions and prosecutions were 
the consequences. Now the meaning of "Swaraj "^ 
has been definitely defined by the Congress at Luck- 
now ; there is now no room left for doubts anti 
Wsrepresentations. This *' Swaraj " or Self-Govem- 


Home Rule 

•ment as embodied in the Congress resolution should 
be now openly owned and preached by every one. 
There is no sedition in it ; the High Courts do not find 
any sedition in it. Our way is now quite clear ; the 
difficulties have been removed. Every one of us, 
whether a Hindu or a Muhammadan. a moderate or 
Nationlist, should start with this clear conception on, 
"Swaraj" and fearlessly preach it, with all the enthu- 
siasm he can command. Our opponents say we are 
not fit ; but that is not true. Every one who is an 
adult and not a lunatic is fit to manage his house. 
We may commit mistakes in the beginning ; but who 
is so perfect as to be beyond human failings ? Even 
great men err. We want the right to commit 
mistakes also ; we will commit mistakes and our- 
selves rectify them ; even the great Avatars commit 
mistakes. The Government does not lay down any 
standard of fitness, if they will lay down then 
\ve will try to attain that standard. Government 
are not at all definite : those > who ask us to be first 
fit and then demand Swaraj have no mind to give it 
to us at all. It is as good as to ask a boy to learn 
swimming and then to go into the river. The second 
clause of the resolution Sn Self-Government passed 
at Lucknow, demands "Swaraj" at an early date. 
Our opponents advise us .not to embarrass the 
Government at this time ; furthermore they want us 
to believe that this is not the time to make the 
demand. My reply is that this is exactly the time 
when our demands should be put forth in a definite 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

manner. The colonials are doing the same thing at 
this time and why should we not do it ? The policy 
of the Imperial Government is going to be changed, 
and important changes are expected in the con- 
stitution and if we will not awake at this time to 
guard our interests, who else will . do it for us ? We 
ought not to sleep at this time ; we must work for 
attaining our goal. 

It appears God is helping us, for this time the 
present circumstances are not the results of our 
actions or efforts ; and so I say the time is favour- 
able to us. When Cod has come to help us, shall 
we not exert ourselves ? Remember, if we lose this 
opportunity, we may not get another for a century 
or so ; the colonials have seen this and they are 
demanding a voice in the imperial affairs at this 
very time. Our demand is comparatively moderate. 
We simply demand a right to govern ourselves. In 
the year 1906, Dadabhai Naoroji proclaimed from 
the Congress platform this " Swaraj " as our ulti- 
mate goal. Till then separate demands were made in 
separate departments ; till then we tried to catch the 
small hairs on the head : but now we say we want to 
catch the hair tufts so that we will be reinstated in 
our position which is ours by birth ; so you see 
that your demand is clear and emphatic, made 
by persons of different opinions after much discus- 
sion about it at Lucknow. We have also seen that 
this is the. most proper time to make that demand : 
and we must work and work incessantly. You 

Home Rule 

ought not to shirk for fear of diffculties and dangers 
and pitfalls. They are bound to come and why 
should they not come ? 

Our Vedanta says that there is little happiness 
and much of evil and misery in the world. The. 
world is such, it cannot be helped. I foresee 
dangers in the way and signs of these dangers 
are not wanting ; recently Lord Sydenham, the late 
Governor of Bombay, has asked the Government in 
the Nineteenth Century to proclaim once for all that 
they do not intended to give any more reforms to the 
Indians ; let the Government declare, he says, " thus 
far and no further." He expects by this move to 
shut permanently the mouths of the Indians. I 
wonder what he means. How can a proclamation 
of this nature shut our mouths ? It is a pity that 
Lord Sydenham should betray so much ignorance 
of human nature ; most of tre white-skinned papers 
are raising the same cry ; perhaps this may be an 
indication of the future policy of the government. 

Whatever that be, one thing is certain, that the 
work before us is not easy. Tremendous sacrifices 
will be necessary ; nay, we shall have to tide over it ; 
there are two ways of dying, one constitutional and 
the other unconstitutional. As our fight is going to 
be constitutional and legal, our death also must, as of 
necessity, be constitutional and legal. We have not 
to use any violence. Nay, we condemn the unconsti- 
tutional way of doing. As our fight must be consti- 
tutional it must be courageous also. We ought to 

Lol^. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

tell Government courageously and without the least 
fear what we want. Let Government know that the 
whole Nation wants Home Rule, as defined by the 
Congress. Let there be no shirking, or wavering or 
shaking. I said that it was our "right" to have 
Home Rule but that is a historical and a European 
way of putting it ; 1 go further and say that it is our 
Dharma"; you cannot separate Home Rule from 
us, as you cannot separate the quality of "heat" 
from fire ; both are inseparably bound up ; let your 
ideas be cl^- nr ; let your motives be honest ; let your 
efforts be strictly constitutional and I am sure your 
efforts are bound to be crowned with success ; never 
despair, be bold and fearless and be sure that God is 
with you. Remember " God helps those who help 



(The following is the summary of the speech of Mr. Tilak 
ffe : Giia Rahasya, delivered al Amraoti, in 1917) ; — 

Let me begin by telling you what induced me to 
take up the study of Bhagaoad Gita. When I was 
quite a boy, 1 was often told by my elders that 
strictly religious and really philosophic life was 
incompatible with the hum drum life of ever-day. 
If one was ambitious enough to try to attain 
Moksha, the highest goal a person could attain, then 
he must divest himself of all earthly desires and 
renounce this world. One could not serve two 
matters, the world and God. i understood this 
to mean that if one would lead a life which was 
the life worth living, according to the religion in 
which 1 was born, then the sooner the world was 
given up the better. This set me thinking. The 
question that I formulated for myself to be solved 
was : Does my religion want me to give up this 
■world and renounce it before I attempt to, or in 
order to be able to, attain the perfection of manhood ? 
In my boyhood I was also told that Bhagaoad Gita 
was universally acknowledged to be a book contain- 
ing all the principles and philosophy of the Hindu 
religion, and 1 thought if this be so I should find an 
.answer in this book to my query ; and thus began 

Lok' Sal GangaJhar Tilak. 

my study of the Bhagaoad Gita. I approached the 
book with a mind prepossessed by no previous ideas 
about any philosophy, and had no theory of my own 
for which I sought any support in the Gita. A 
person whose mind is prepossessed by certain ideas 
reads the book »\vith a prejudiced mind, for instance, 
when a Christian reads it he does not want to know 
what the Gi7a says but wants to find out if there are 
any principles in the Gita which he has already met 
with in Bible, and if so the conclusion he rushes to it 
that the Gita was copied from the Bible. I have 
dealt with this topic in my book Gita Rahasxa and I 
need hardly say much about it here, but what I want 
to emphasise is this, that when you want to read 
and understand a book, especially a great work like 
the Gita — you must approach it with an unprejudiced 
and unprepossessed mind. To do this, 1 know, is one 
of the most difficult things. Those who profess to 
do it may have a lurking thought or prejudice in 
their minds which vitiates the reading of the book 
to some extent. However I am describing to you 
the frame of mind one must get into if one wants to 
get at the truth and however difficult it be, it has to 
be done. The next thing one has to do is to take 
into consideration the time and the circumstances 
in which the book was written and the purposes for 
which the book was written. In short the book 
must not be read devoid of its context. This is 
especially true about a book like Bhagacad Gita, 
Various commentators have put as many interpreta- 

Gita Rahasya 

tions on the book, and surely the writer or composer 
could not have written or composed the book for so 
many interpretations being put on it. He must have ' 
but one meaning and one purpose running through 
the book, and that I have tried to find out. I believe 
I have succeeded in it, because having no theory of 
mine for which I sought any support from 
the book so universally respected, I had no^ 
reason to twist the text to suit my theory. 
There has not been a commentator of the Gita 
who did not advocate a pet theory of his own and 
has not tried to support the same by -showing that 
the Bhagavad Gita lent him support. The conclusion 
I have come to is that the G//a advocates the 
performance of action in this world even after the 
actor has achieved the highest union with the 
Supreme Deity by Gnana (knowledge^ or Bhakti 
(Devotion^. This action must be done to keep the 
world going by the right path of evolution which the 
Creator has destined the world to follow. In order 
that the action may not bind the actor it must 
be done with the aim of helping his purpose, and' 
without any attachment to the coming result. This 
I hold is the lesson of the Gita. Gnanayoga there is, 
yes. Bhaktiyoga there is, yes. Who says not ? But 
they are both subservient to the Karmayoga 
preached in the Qita. U the Gita was preached to 
desponding Arjuna to make him ready for the fight 
— for the action — how can it be said that the ulti- 
mate lesson of the great book is Bhakti or Gnana 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

alone ? In fact there is blending of all these Yogas 
in the Ctila and as the air is not Oxygen or Hydrogen, 
or any other gas alone but a composition of all these 
in a certain proportion so in the G/fa all these Yogas 
are blended into one. 

I differ from almost all the commentators when I 
say that the Oita enjoins action even after the perfec- 
tion in Gnana and Bhakti is attained and the Deity 
is reached through these mediums. Now there is a 
fundamental unity underlying the Logos Oshvara), 
man, and world. The world is in existence because 
the Logos has willed it so. It is His Will that holds 
it together. Man strives to gain union with God ; 
and when this union is achieved the individual Will 
merges in the mighty Universal Will. When this 
is achieved witK the individual say : " 1 shall do no 
action, and I shall not help the world" — the world 
which is because the Will with which he has sought 
union has willed it to be so ? It does not stand to 
reason. It is not I who say so ; the G?7a says so. Shri 
Krishna himself says that there is nothing in all the 
three worlds that He need acquire, and still he acts. 
He acts because if He did not, the world's Will be 
ruined. If man seeks unity with the Deity, he must 
necessarily seek unity with the interests of the 
world also, and work for it. If he does not, then the 
unity is not perfect, because there is union between 
two elements out of the 3 (man and Deity, and the 
third (the world) is left out. 1 have thus solved the 
iquestion for myself and I hold that serving the 

Gita Rahasya 

world, and thus serving His Will, is the surest way 
of Salvation, and this way can be followed by 
remaining in the world and not going away from it. 



[The people of Chikpdi from the Bombay Province gave 
an entertainment to Lok. Tilah, whzn he made the following 
speech : — 

I do not quite understand what you mean by 
entertaining me " on behalf of the poor raiyats." I 
am myself a poor man like you and I have no great 
prilvilege whatsoever. I earn my livelihood by 
doing some business as you do. I do not see any 
difference between what is done on behalf of the 
rich and what is done on behalf of the poor. 1 have 
long been thinking as to what the grievances of the 
raiyats are, what difficulties are ahead of them, 
what help they require, and what things are neces- 
sary to be done. I have been doing this as a poor 
raiyat myself and on that account not only do 
I feel sympathy for you but I feel proud that I am 
one of you. 

My heart aches for our present condition and such 
important questions as (\) what must we do to 
improve our present condition, (2) what are the 
duties of the Government, etc., rise before us for 
consideration. The Government is the Ruler of the 
poor raiyat, and, therefore, it is not that, as a poor 
raiyat, I have no rights over Government. The 
Government Is not for the rich ; it is for the poor. 
The poor raiyat cannot protect himself and when 

The Rights of the Poor Raiyat 

one section tyrannises over another, it is the duty 
of the Government to protect the oppressed. Every 
man must exercise his rights over the Government, 
places his greivances before them and see that they 
are redressed. H the Government will not listen, he 
must compel their attention. The rich are not to be 
given the benefit of what is taxed from the poor. 
During the present times, it is the rich who ought 
to be taxed more. If the Government does not 
enquire if the raiyat — the poor raiyat — is happy or 
not they must be made to do so aad that is why we 
want our own people in posts of authority. All 
cannot be in posts of authority, and so those who 
•carry on the government must be elected by us. 
The question is whether the present Government is 
of this kind. There arise also other questions like 
the one, whether our industries are prospering. The 
solution of all such problems depends upon autho- 
rity as the very foundation of all things. This has 
now been accepted by all- 

1 stand here to-day to ask you to help the 
Governnient on the occasion of this War. But do 
not fail to pJace your grievances before them whem 
you help them in the collection of the War Fund. 
Give money, but throw on the Government the 
responsibility of listening to your grievances. In 
no other country could be tolerated the statement 
that money should be given first and the grievances 
might be heard sometime later on. Money pay- 
ments and your demands must go hand in hand. 

Lol^. Bal Gangadhar Tilak. 

We say that millions of people should go to War. 
But when Bombay alone is supplying 800 young 
men, the Government needs only 1 ,000, from the 
whole Presidency including Berar. Purchase War 
debentures, but look to them as the little deed of 
Home Rule. To ask for money, to ask for help and 
not to give any privileges, is something strange. 
The King does not say that you should give money 
but that you should not make any demands for your 
rights. It is not sympathetic to say: "Give money 
now, and when afterwards everything is calm and 
quiet, we shall consider things." The Government 
must be taught that money is obtained when hearts 
are won over. The small and the great, the rich 
and the poor, every one should think of his rights, 
make up his own mind, give help and secure rights. 
Even a child knows that the country is in a very 
poor condition. Remember how difficult it is found 
to raise 150 crores of rupees. Only a hundred years 
ago, our enemies carried away crores and crores of 
rupees at each plundering expedition from our 
country, and now in this very country, with all our 
desire to help, we find it difficult to collect the 
amount necessary for the War Fund. Does this not 
clearly show to what poor condition our country has 
gone ? There is only one way of getting out of this- 
difficult>'. and that is the obtaining of Home Rule. 
Home Rule means that my affairs shall be carried 
on in accordance with my opinion. The Collectors 
are very clever people but they would do ten times. 

The Rights of the Poor Raiyat 

the good they are doing now if they will act as- 
servants of the people. The people will have control 
over authorities when the pay and the posts will 
be in their hands. The original servants have begun 
to consider themselves as the masters to-day. They 
must remain servants. If the money is ours, it 
must be expended according to our opinions. No 
one says that white people should be driven away. 
The help that we give in raising the War Loan is 
certainly not with a view that the Germans should 
rule over us. We want the Imperial Rule and we 
wish to make progress with the help of the English. 
There is no sedition or anything against law in this. 
The servants, who have begun to think, that they 
are the rulers, must remain as servants. Give up 
your lives for the Government, help them, but never 
forget that Home Rule is your ideal and that your 
good is only in that. The advice of to-day is that 
you should help, but not silently. Do not put mere 
purses into the box but attach to them, a slip that it 
is the earnest money for getting Home Rule. If the 
Government promises Home Rule, we will get for 
them 300 crores of rupees, instead of I50crores 
which they need. 

Do not be afraid of speaking out things, which are 
plain in themselves. There might be some trouble, 
but nothing can be had without any trouble. Home 
Rule is not going to be dropped into- your hands, 
from the sky. 

One who suffers might groani, but we cannot help? 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

it .You must, therefore, work in earnest. It is our 
good fortune that the people in England are willing 
at present to listen to us. The Congress has passed 
the Home Rule resolution, the Hindus and the 
Muhammadans are united, the extremists and the 
moderates have made up their differences — this is 
the time for work. 1 speak all more to the poor. 

1 have not much faith in the rich. Our experience 
in collecting money for the Paisa Fund is that the 
poor put their hands into their pockets more 
willingly and promptly than the rich. I speak to 
you as I am a poor man myself. Home Rule is such 
an ideal that if we once get it, all our desires will 
be fulfilled, If we work earnestly and hard, there 
are signs that we will get Home Rule within about 

2 or 3 years after the War is over. Let us stop 
quarrelling among ourselves, let us not listen to 
those who talk ageiinst Home Rule, make up your 
minds and have a firm resolve, do not stop working, 
be perfectly loyal, work in such a way that the 
people in England will come to your side, and then 
God will surely fulfil all your desires. Cod helps 
those to succeed who work earnestly. 



(Speaking on the Home Rule resolution, at the Naisk 
'Conference, 1917, Lok. Tilak taid): — 

I am young in spirit though old in body. I do 
not wish to lose this privilege of youth. To deny 
the growing capacity to my thinking power is to 
admit that i have no right to speak on this resolu- 
tion. Whatever I am going to speak to-day is 
eternally young. The body might grow old, decrepit 
and it might perish, but the soul is immortal. 
Similarly, 'if there might be an apparent lull in our 
Home Rule activities, the freedom of the spirit 
behind it is eternal and indestructible, and it will 
secure liberty for us. The Soul means Paramesh- 
war and the mind will not get peace till it gets 
identified with Him. if one body is worn out the 
soul will take another : so assures the Gita. This 
philosophy is quite old. Freedom is my birthright. 
So long as it is awake within me, i am not old. No 
weapon can cut this spirit, no fire can burn it, no 
water can wet it, no wind can dry it. I say further 
that no C. 1. D. can burn it. I declare the same 
principle to the Superintendent of Police who is 
sitting before me, to the Collector who had been 
invited to atten>d this meeting and to the Government 
shorthand writer who is busy talcing down notes of 

Lok.. Bal Gangadhar Tilah 

our speeches. This principle will not disappear 
«ven if it seems to be killed. We ask for Home 
Rule and we must get it. The Science which 
ends in Home Rule is the Science of Politics 
and not the one which ends in slavery. The 
Science of Politics is the " Vedas " of the countr>'. 
You have a soul and I only want to wake 
it up. I want to tear off the blind that has 
been let down by ignorant, designing and selfish 
people. The Science of Politics consists of two 
parts. The first is Divine and the second is 
Demonic. The slavery of a Nation comes into the 
latter part. There cannot be a moral justification 
for the Demonic part of the Science of Politics. A 
Nation which might justify this is guilty of sin in 
the sight of God. Some people have the courage to 
declare what is harmful to them and some have not 
that courage. The political and religious teaching 
consists in giving the knowledge of this principle. 
Religious and political teachings are not separate, 
though they appear to be so on account of foreign 
rule. All philosophies are included in the Science 
of Politics. 

Who does not know the meaning of Home Rule ? 
Who does not want it ? would you like it, if I enter 
your house and take possession of your cooking 
department ? I must have the right to manage the 
affairs in my own house. It is only lunatics and 
children who do not know how to manage their own 
affairs. The cardinal creed of the conferences is 

Home Rule 

that a member must be above 21 years of age ; do 
you not, therefore, think that you want your own. 
rights ? Not being lunatics or children you uuder- 
stand your own business, your own rights and, 
therefore, you know Home Rule. We are told we 
are not fit for Home Rule. A century has passed 
away and the British Rule has not made us fit for 
Home Rule ; now we will make our own efforts and 
fit ourselves for it. To offer irrelevant excuses, to 
hold out any temptation and to make other offers 
will be putting a stigma on the English policy. 
England is trying to protect the small state of 
Belgium with the help of India ; how can it then 
say thai; we should not have Home Rule ? Those- 
who find fault with us are avaricious people. But 
there are people who find fault even with the All- 
Merciful God. We must work hard to save the 
soul of our Nation without caring for anything. 
The good of our country consists in guarding this 
our birthright. The Congress has passed this 
Home Rule resolution. The Provincial Conference 
is only a child of the Congress, which submits 
to mandates of its father. We will follow Shri 
Ramachandra in obeying the order of our father the 
Congress. We are determined to make efforts to 
get this resolution enforced even if the effort leads 
us to the desert, compels us to live incognito, makes 
us suffer any hardship and even if it finally brings 
us to death. Shri Ramachandra did it. Do not 
pass this resolution by merely clapping your hands 

Lok,. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

ijut by taking a solemn vow that yoa will work tor 
it. We will work for it by every possible constitu- 
tional and law-abiding method to get Home Rule. 
Through the grace of God England has changed its 
mind towards us. We feel our efforts will not be 
without success. England proudly thought that 
a tiny nation might be able to protect the Empire 
by itself. This pride has gone down. England has 
now begun to feel that it must make changes in the 
constitution of the Empire. Lloyd George has openly 
confessed that England cannot go on without the help 
of India. All notions about a Nation of a thousand 
years old have to be changed. The English people 
have discovered that the wisdom of all their parties 
is not sufficient. The Indian soldiers have saved the 
lives of the British soldiers on the French battlefield 
and have showed their bravery. Those who once 
considered us as slaves have begun now to call us 
brothers. God has brought about all these changes. 
We must push our demands while the notion of this 
brotherhood is existing in the minds of the English. 
We must inform them that we, thirty crores of the 
Indian people, are ready to lay down our lives for 
the Empire ; and that while we are with them none 
shall dare cast an evil glance at the Empire. 



The Karma Yoga which I preach is not a new 
theory ; neither was the discovery of the Law of 
Karma made as recently as to-day. The knowledge 
of the Law is so ancient that not even Shri Krishna 
was the great Teacher who first propounded it. It 
must be remembered that Karma Yoga has been our 
sacred heritage from times immemorial when we 
Indians were seated on the high pedestal of wealth 
and lore. Karma Yoga or to put it in another way, 
the law of duty is the combination of all that is best 
in spiritual science, in actual action and in an 
unselfish meditative life. Compliance with this 
universal Law leads to the realization of the 
most cherished ideals of Man. Swaraj is the 
natural consequence of diligent performance 
of duty. The Karma Yogin strives for Swaraj, 
and the Gnyanin or spiritualist 'y^a^'ns for it. 
What is then this Sv/araj ? It is a life centred 
in Self and dependent upon Self. There is Swaraj 
in this world as well as in the world hereafter. The 
Rishis who laid down the Law of Duty betook 
themselves to forests, because the people were 
already enjpying Swaraj or People's Dominion, 
which was administered and defended in the first in- 
stance by the Kshatriya kings. It is my conviction^ 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

h is my thesis, that Swaraj in the life to come cannot 
be the reward of a people who have not enjoyed 
it in this world. Such was the doctrine taught 
by our fore-fathers who never intended that the 
goal of life should be meditation alone. No on^ 
can expect Providence to protect one who sits 
with folded arms and throws his burden on others. 
God does not help the indolent. You must be doing 
all that you can to lift yourself up, and then only you 
may rely on the Almighty to help you. You should 
not, however, presume that you have to toil that you 
yourself might reap the fruit of your labours. That 
cannot always be the case. Let us then try our 
atmost and leave the generations to :;ome to enjoy 
that fruit. Remember, it is not you who had planted 
the mango- trees the fruit whereof you have tasted. 
Let the advantage now go to our children and their 
descendants. It is only given to us to toil and work. 
And so, there ought to be no relaxation in our efforts, 
lest we incur the curse of those that come after us. 
Action alone must be our guiding principle, action 
disinterested atid well-thought out. It does not 
matter who the Sovereign is. It is enough if we have 
full liberty to elevate ourselves in the best possible 
manner. This is called the immutable Dharma, and 
Karma Yoga is nothing but the method which leads 
to the attainment of Dharma or material and 
spiritual gloi'y. We demand Swaraj, as it is the 
foundation and not the height of our future pros- 
perity. Swaraj does not at all imply a denial of 

Karma Yoga and Swaraj 

British Sovereignty or British a^gis. It means only 
that we Indians should be reckoned among the 
patriotic and self-respecting people of the Empire. 
We must refuse to be treated like the "dumb driven 
cattle." If poor Indians starve in famine days it is 
other people who take care of them. This is not an 
enviable position. It is neither creditiable nor 
beneficial if other people have to do everything 
for us. God has declared His will. He has willed 
that Self can be exalted only through its own efforts. 
Everything lies in your hands. Karnaa Yoga does not 
look upon this world as nothing; it requires only 
that your motives should be untainted by selfish 
interest and passion. This is the true view of 
practical Vedananta the key to which is apt to be lost 
in sophistrj'. 

In practical politics some futile objections are 
raised to oppose our desire for Swaraj. Illiteracy of 
the bulk of our people is one of such objections ; but 
to my mind it ought not to be allowed to stand 
in our way. It would be sufficient for our purpose 
even if the illiterate in our country hav^ only a 
vague conception of Swaraj, just as it all goes well 
vy^th them if they have simply a hazy idea about 
God. Those who can efficiently manage their own 
affairs may be illiterate ; but they are not therefore 
idiots. They are as intelligent as any educated man 
and if they could understand their village concerns 
they should not find any difficulty in grasping the 

Lol^. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

principle of Swaraj. If illiteracy is not a disqualifi- 
cation in Civil Law there is no reason why it should 
not be so in Nature's Law also. The illiterate- 
are our brethren ; they have the same rights and are 
actuated by the same aspiration. It is therefore our 
bounden duty to awaken themasses. Circumstances 
are changed, nay, they are favourable. The voice has 
gone forth ' Now or never.' Rectitude and consti- 
tutional agitation is alone what is expected of you. 
Turn not back, and confidently leave the ultimate 
issue to the benevolence of the Almighty. — {Poona 
Saroajanik Sabha Quarterly). 



(The following is the text of the Sf)eech delivered by Lok<. 
Tilak, on 7th October, 1917, in (he compound of the Home 
Rule League, Allahabad, under the presidency of Mrs.. 
Annie Besant): — 

Every one knew what Home Rule meant. Home 
rule was nothing but to have the management of 
their homes in their own hands. That was simplest 
definition that could be given of the word. There 
was absolutely nothing to say why they wanted 
Home Rule. It was their birthright. Some people 
had been managing their affairs for them now, and 
they wanted that that management should be 
transferred to their hands. They were entitled to 
that right and the burden of proving that they were 
not entitled to it lay on the other party. Home rule 
was not a new expression. It was an expression 
that had a definite meaning and it could not be 
misunderstood, though it was to the interest of some 
people to misunderstand it. All that they asked for 
was not a change in their rulers but administrators 
—he distinguished rulers from administrators. The 
theory inflicted on them was that the rulers of this 
country were the administrators who had been 
appointed or selected under the Government of 
India Act. His view was entirely different. Those 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilal^ 

were not the rulers in the strict sense of the word. 
They represented the King but they were not, the 
King. The Indians also represented the King because 
they were his subjects just as much as 'those officers. 
So in the matter of representing the King ' the 
Indians and those officials stood on equal basis. 
What then was there more in the positions of these 
officers which made them say that they were the 
real rulers ? That was that certain powers had been 
given to them — they had not usurped those powers 
under a statute of Parliament. If another statute 
of Parliament repealing that statute and giving the 
Indians those powers was passed the Indians would 
be what those offic-ers were at present. That was 
Home Rule and nothing more. There would be no 
change in the Emperor, absolutely no change in the 
relations of India with England or in the relations 
of India with the Empire as a whole. What was 
there to complain of in this except that some men 
would lose their trade ? If the power was transferred 
from one man to another the man to whom it was 
transferred would gain and the other would lose and 
if that other man would be angry it was natural. 
He did not think that any English politician would 
be deterred by such things for a moment from doing 
his duties. 

Ten or fifteen years ago to talk of Home Rule 

was sedition and people were afraid, he himself was 

afraid, of talking about Home Rule. But now it was 

conceded both by the judiciary and the executive 


Home Rule 

tiiat Home Rule was a proper ambition for a depend- 
ency to entertain. Ten years of fighting was thus 
required to remove this prejudice against Home Rule, 
and now they could talk about it as a legitimate 
aspiration. The Viceroy, the Premier, the British 
nation and even the bureaucracy now agreed with 
them. Now what remained ? They said that it was 
a very good ambition for a dependency ; but there 
was time for it. They said that it would take 
centuries to attain it, and instances were cited of a 
number of colonies which attained self-Government 
jn 50 or 60 years. His reply to it was this. The 
colonies, it was true, had attained self-Government 
in 50 or 60 years but Indians were being ruled for 
100 years, and they had not yet attained self- 
Government. There must be a time-limit fixed by 
the bureaucracy. The bureaucracy said that it was 
not in sight at present. He would say that this was 
an entirely selfish argument. What was it that 
prevented them from attaining the goal within a few 
years after the war when the Empire would be 
reconstructed ? At present India was nothing but a 
stone in the neck of the Empire. They knew on what 
principle the bureaucracy govened India for the 
last 100 years. They were a self-governing nation 
before. They knew how to organise an army, they 
knew how to dispense justice, they had laws, 
regulations, etc. All those had been swept away 
and now the bureaucracy said that they knew 
nothing about them. Who was responsible for that ? 

Lok- Bal Gangadhar Tilak. 

Not the Indians. When they came here their first 
care was— he gave credit to them for it — to reduce 
the disorders prevailing then. How was it done ? 
Firstly by disarming them. Next all the principal 
posts in the administration were monopolised by 
them. Next there was a check to scientific progress, 
and industries gradually disappeared. But, they 
said, they restored peace. That was true but peace 
was not everything. It was an introductory condi- 
tion to further development. They had restored 
peace, they had given railways, telegraphs and 
other things. All credit to the bureaucracy for 
these things, but he could not give credit to them 
for doing anything which would develop their 
national instinct. They had not done anything 
which would enable them to stand on their legs. 
The result was when in the name of the. 
Empire they were asked to take up arms and fight 
the enemy they found that so few rrttie volunteered. 
What was it that made them incapable of assisting 
the Empire to the extent that they wished to do ? It 
was the system of administration followed by the 
bureaucracy. They had governed them in such a 
way that unless radical inprovement was made in 
the system of administration the Empire would 
gain no material strength from this country. It was 
this thought that had actuated the best English 
statesmen to come forward and say that the system 
of administration in India must be revised after the 

. 252 

Home Rule 

From the time of Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji up to 
now they had been crying that they had been 
deprived of the powers of administration and they 
should be restored to them. Now the British 
democracy had clearly seen that there was much 
force in their cry of reform and they were willing 
to hear their cry. Now the question was whether 
the bureaucracy should have a say or whether the 
Indians should have a say. There was a judge and 
he had given notice that he was coming here and 
would hear what the Indians would have to say. 
Therefore they must press their demand more 
strongly than their opponents. That was their duty 
at present. They had to convince him that all 
arguments used against them were due to prejudice. 
The great work before them at present was to 
educate the people to realize what Home Rule was. 
He would impress on them the supreme necessity of 
doing their best for getting Home Rule. They must 
wake up. If they made strenuous efforts then 
within a year or tw^o they would realize, if not all, 
at least a part of their wishes. They did not want 
Hoine Rule at once ; but they wanted a real begin- 
ning, and not a shadowy beginning. When Mr. 
Montagu came here he would speak to their leaders 
about their demands and he wanted that they should 
have the solid support of the country behind them. 
If that was done Mr. Montagu would carry their 
message to the British people and effectively support 
it with the authority of his oftice. 


(Under the pre.iidcncy of the Honourable Pan^Iil \faJaz 
Mohan MalaOia, Mr. Tilak delivered the following speech, 
in the compound of the Home Rule League, Allahabad, in 
October, 1917):- 

One objection raised against Home Rule was 
that if Home Rule was granted to them they 
would turn out British people from India, 
Indians did want English people, English institu- 
tions. English liherty and the Empire. But 
what they said was that the internal administration 
of India should be under Indian control. English 
people had it in England, they had it in the colonies 
and they had it everywhere and would claim it 
everywhere, and if it was not granted to them they 
would fight for it. and yet some denied to Indians 
that right. By whom was this bogey of expelling 
the English from India raised and for what purpose ? 
That must be clearly understood. It was perhaps 
understood in this country but it was their business 
to see that the British people understood it in the 
right way. Those that held power in their hands at 
present imagined that Indians were not capable of 
governing themselves to the limited extent implied 
by the word Home Rule. They did not tell • Indians 
when they would be able to govern themselves. They 
did not fix any time limit. Once it used to be said 

Home Rule 

that Asiatic nations were not fit for self-Government 
That however was not said now. They now said that 
India was not now fit for self-Government. If Indians, 
asked them why, they were told that they had not 
that thing before, they were deficient in education, 
there were numerous castes quarrelling among- 
themselves, and only British administrators could 
hold the balance even between rival sections. As 
regards unfitness he had said something about it the 
previous day. But it required to be expanded. What 
was unfitness ? Did they mean to say that before the 
British came here there was no peaceful rule any- 
where In India ? What was Akbar ? Was he a bad 
ruler ? No Englishman could say that. Let them go 
back to Hindu rule. There were empires of Asoka. 
Guptas, Rajputs, etc. No history could say that all 
these empires had managed their states without any 
system of administration. There were empires in 
India as big as the German empire and the Italian 
empire and they were governed peacefully. When 
peace reigned in the country under the Hindu, Bud- 
dhist and Mahomedan rules, what ground was there 
to say that the descendants of those people who 
had governed those empires were to-day unfit to 
exercise that right ? There was no disqualification.^ 
intellectual or physical which disabled them from 
taking part in the Government of any empire. They 
had shown their fitness in the past and were 
prepared to show it to-day if opportunities were 
granted to them. The charge of unfitness came only 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

from those who held the monopoly of power in their 
hands. In every case of monopoly that argument 
was used. The East India Company used that 
argument. None of them present there whose 
ancestors had founded and administered empires 
would subscribe to the doctrine that Indians, 
whether Hindus or Moslems were incapable of gover- 
ning themselves. The charge of incapacity was 
only brought forward by interested people, simply 
because their self-interest demanded that some 
argument must be advanced in their support. They 
were not given higher posts to how their capacity. 
They were only given subordinate posts. Without 
the aid of Indians in the subordinate departments it 
was impossible for the British people to carry on the 
administration ; and so they were given all the sub- 
ordinate posts. They had been fighting ever since 
the establishment of the Congress to break this 
monopoly and not without success. A few posts 
reserved for the civil service had been granted to 
them. A few appointments in the judicial depart- 
merit — High Court judgeships, etc., — had been 
granted to them. What was the result? He had not 
seen any resolut'on of the Government saying that 
when any post of responsibility was given to Indians 
they had misused those opportunities, that they had 
failed to come up to the standard of efficiency 
required. On the contrary resolutions had been 
issued saying that Indians who had acted as 
members of executive councils ^had done their duty 

Home Rule 

very well. If they went to the Indian States they 
would find that all higher posts were held by 
Indians. What did the British administration 
reports say about these States ? They said that they 
were well administered. So the whole evidence that 
was possible for them to produce was in their 
favour. After barring them from these higher 
services and saying that they were not capable of 
governing was adding insult to injury. This kind 
of jugglery would not do. The British democracy 
would not tolerate it. If they simply pressed the 
right view on the British public, they would hear it 
now because they were in a mood to hear it. They 
had logic and experience on their side, but mere 
logic and truth would not succeed in this world 
unless backed up by persistent agitation and fixed 
determination to attain that truth. They must be 
determined to see that truth triumph and that 
triumph was what they meant to achieve. The 
Home Rule propaganda was intended for that 

Another argument used against Home Rule was that 
there were certain British interests which would be 
endangered if Home Rule was given. Mr. Jinnah had 
told them the previous day that there were British 
interests not only in India but all over the world. 
Those British interests had been created, to speak in 
legal terminology, without their Hndianj consent. 
They had never been asked when those interests 
iwere created. Legally speaking they were not barred 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

from agitating. They knew that those British 
interests would be safeguarded as far as justice and 
law were concerned. The law of the land would 
remain the same. The offices would remain the same. 
There would no doubt be a change but that change 
would be so far control was concerned. They wanted 
law. They could not do without law. To say that if 
Home Rule was granted to Indians there would be 
chaos was simple nonsense. They wanted law, 
they wanted all the departments, even the C. I. D. 
They wanted as much good rule as at present. They 
<lid not want to laps into misrule. All that they 
wanted was to have those laws and rules and all 
those departments which administered those laws 
under their control. Only the previous day he read 
in the Pioneer the instance of Arrah riots and in 
mentioning the steps that had been taken to sup- 
press that riot it appealed to Government to look to 
its duty, namely, that of governing people. Did they 
mean to say that they were going to tolerate riots 
under Home Rule ? Certainly not. They wanted 
peace. They would frame such rules by which 
riots might be averted with the consent of the people, 
and not without their consent. As regards the 
question of employment, if the Europeans were pre- 
pared to serve they would employ them, if they 
were fit and 'if they would accept what they were 
paid. They did not want anybody to leave India. 
He knew that British capital was invested in rail- 
ways ; but they did not want to uproot the rails and 

Home Rule 

send them away to England. They wanted the 
railways and he thought that railways could be better 
administered if more Indians were employed on 
them. There would be changes under Home Rule, 
but not changes for the worse ; they would lead to 
more efficient and economical rule. Their demand 
was at once sober and constitutional. It remained 
to be seen whether the British democracy would 
grant those demands or not. What was at 
present required was a good statement of their 
case so that the British people who now felt 
inclined to make a change in the constitution 
of the Empire might perceive the case more 
fully than they had hitherto done. It was the 
interest of some people to have the case mis- 
represented, to create misunderstanding and create 
darkness. That ought not to be allowed to be done. 
In this connection he must say that Home Rule 
Leagues had done more work than the Congress 
Committees. It had been said that there was the 
Congress and they were opposing the Congress 
by supporting the Home Rule League. His answer 
was *' No." The ideal and demand of the Home Rule 
League were the same as the ideal and demand of the 
Congress. It had been expressly stated from the 
Home Rule League platform. They did not go 
beyond the Congress demand. He might say the 
Home Rule League had been instrumental in bring- 
ing about that resolution passed by the Congress last 
year. So, there were no difference of ideas between 

Lol^. Bal Gangadhar T ilak 

the League and the Congress. Then, it was asked, 
where was the necessity for the Home Rule 
League? The work done by the Home Rule 
Leagues spoke for itself. These Leagues had been 
started to educate the people and make them under- 
stand what their goal should be. If this work had 
been done by the Congress he should at once have 
given up his membership of the 'Home Rule League. 
Some people wanted to work more vigorously than 
others. He thought every one was entitled to do 
that. They might form small leagues under any 
name. The object was the same. He wanted everyone 
of them to work in their own way either by Leagues 
or by associations or individually under as many 
different names as they liked. Names did not matter 
so long as the idea was the same. The work must 
be done provincially and in the vernaculars of the 
provinces. The work of educating the people could 
only be carried on in this way. There was a time 
when the word Home Rule was looked upon with 
suspicion as suggesting Irish methods, and the Irish 
disturbances connected with the same. They could 
not find a thing which had no previous associations. 
They must not attach particular importance to 
particular words. The words were made for them 
and not they for the words. If they used the word 
Home Rule what was the objection to it provided 
they said in the beginning what they meant by it ? 
That controversy was therefore out of place. The 
real dispute now was not about words. It was about 

Home Rule 

educating the people and he knew that as they had 
begun to educate the people, the discontent among 
the official classes would increase, because they 
would see that eventually the demand would be forced 
on them. They should not care for that discontent. 
There was a time when it was held that they should 
work in such a way as to enlist the sympathy of the 
administrators in the land. Of course they did wish 
to enlist their sympathy, but if that sympathy could 
not be enlisted without lowering the tone of the 
educative work and without lessening their effort, he 
was not prepared to secure that sympathy. They 
were all agreed that they must have Home Rule for 
their goal. They must strike for it. The question 
was how to strive for it. Some wanted to proceed 
slowly, while others wanted to proceed fast. He did 
not think that this was a difference for which they 
should quarrel and give an opportunity to their 
opponents to use these differences against them. 
They should not talk of method. Every one might 
have his own method provided it was constitutional. 
He wanted each man to keep himself within the 
bounds of law and constitution. He made a distinc- 
tion between law and constitution. So long as law- 
making was not in their hands laws which were 
repugnant to justice and morality would be some- 
times passed. They could not obey them. Passive 
resistance was the means to an end but was not the 
goal in itself. Passive resistance meant that they 
had to balance the advantages and disadvantages 

Lol^. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

arising from obeying a particular order and not 
obeying it. If in their balanced Judgment they found 
that the advantages of disobeying it under particular 
circumstances were greater, the sense of morality 
would justify them in acting upon that conviction. 
This was a very complicated question, and not a 
question which could be discussed bjt a large 
gathering like that. They must leave the question 
to their leaders for their decision. They must clearly 
understand what passive resistance meant. It was a 
determination to achieve their goal at any sacrifice. 
If they wanted to reach their goal and if they were 
Hndered by artificial and unjust legislation and by 
any unjust combination of circumstances it was their 
duty to fight it out. The Home Rule League wanted 
them to know this. If they did not want to use the 
Avords ' passive resistance' they might use the words 
at all sacrifices, but he would use both words in 
the sense in which he explained them. He did not 
preach unruliness or illegality, but he preached 
fixed determination to reach the goal at any sacri- 
fice. Passive resistance, he said, was perfectly 
•constitutional. Law and constitution were not the 
same. That was proved by history. So long as a 
particular law was not in conformity with justice 
and morality, and popular opinion according to the 
ethics of the 19th and 20th centuries, so long as a 
particular order was not consistent with all these 
principles it might be legal, but it was not consti- 
tutional. That was a distinction which he wished 

Home Rule 

them to observe very clearly. They should not 
confound the words * constitutionally * and 'legally/ 
He wanted them therefore to confine themselves to 
strictly constitutional means and he wanted to tell 
them at the same time that every law in the tech- 
nical sense of the term was not constitutional. They 
should educate their people and see that the right 
political ideal was placed before them, and their 
sense of justice roused so that they might work 
hard for that ideal without flinching in any way 
irom it, and with all the determination they could 

In conclusion Mr, Tilak asked the people to join 
the Home Rule League in large numbers and do the 
work of educating the people. They must wake up, 
and do the work enthusiastically. If they would 
not do it, it would be a great misfortune to the 
country. They would not only be running themselves 
but they would be runnmg the future generations 
who would curse them. They would have to do their 
duty to the country, to the future generations and 
above all to God. It was a duty which they owed 
to Providence which governed all nations. That 
Providence was favourably disposed towards them ; 
and they should not let go the opportunity granted 
to them by Providence. He would impress on them 
the necessity of moving unitedly at present, irres- 
pective of caste or creed, or jealousies fearlessly and 
boldly. If they did that he was confident that their 

Lok' Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

•efforts could be crowned with success in the course 
of a few years by the blessing of Providence. (Lou<Ji 



(The following resolution on Self -Government was passed^ 
at the Calcutta Session of the National Congress in 
December, 1917) 

" This Congress expresses grateful satisfaction 
for the pronouncement made by His Majesty's , 
Secretary of State for India on behalf of the imperial 
Government that its object is the establishment of 
Responsible Government in India. This Congress 
strongly urges the necessity of the immediate 
enactment of a Parliamentary Statute providing for 
the establishment of Responsible Government in 
India, the full measure to be attained within a time 
limit, to be fixed in the Statute itself, at an early 
date. The Congress is emphatically of opinion that 
the Congress-League Scheme of Reforms ought to 
be introduced by the Statute as the first step in the 

In supporting the above resolution, Mr. Tilak spoke as 
follows : — 

I have not the eloquence of my friend Mr. 
Bannerji, nor of my friend Mr. Jinnah, nor the 
trumpet voice of Mr. Bipin Chandra Pal. Yet I have 
to do a duty, and I mean to place before you without 
any introduction a few facts in support of the resolu- 
tion which has been so ably moved by the proposer 

Lok- Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

seconded by the Hon. M. Jinnah and certainly not 
amended but intended to be amended by my friend 
Mr. Bepin Chanda Pal. The resolution, as you all 
know, is about Self-Government or Home Rule for 
India. The first paragraph of it says : 'This Congress 
expresses grateful satisfaction for the pronounce- 
ment made by His Majesty's Secretary of State for 
India on behalf of the Imperial Government that 
its object is the establishment of Responsible 
Government in India.' The speaker who preceded 
me— 1 mean Mr. Bepin Chandra Pal — seems to 
think that it is not yet time to be grateful for the 
■ declaration of policy. To a certain extent I share in 
that view, but, at the same time, I cannot say that 
the wording of the resolution is not adequate. For 
gratitude, as you know, is defined by one of the best 
ethical writers of England to mean expectation of 
favours to ccme ; and grateful satisfaction, trans- 
lated in view of that definition, means satisfaction 
at the pronouncement attended with an expectation 
that the later stages of it will come in course of time 
as early as possible. That is how 1 interpret 
'grateful satisfaction. I am satisfied for the present 
that a thing that was not pronounced before has 
been declared now, and I hope, at the same time, 
may expect, that it will be followed up by higher 
stages of development in time to come. All talk 
about further stages is out of place at present. 
What should be the first step is the point that I 
want you to understand. A very simple definition 

The National T>emand 

of Home Rule which any of you including a peasant 
can understand is that I should be in my own 
country what an Englishman feels to be in England 
-and in the Colonies. The simplest definition is that, 
and that is the whole of it. All those bombastic 
phrases, such as ' partnership in the Empire ,' ' terms 
of equality.' etc., mean that I want to be in my 
country not as outlander but as master in the same 
sense that an Englishman is a master in his own 
country and in the Colonies. That is complete Home 
Rule, and if any one in going to grant it to-morrow, 
I shall be very glad for its introduction, for it will 
be Indian Home Rule granted all at once, but I see 
that it cannot be done. Some compromise has to be 
made with those who are not in our favour and with 
some of our friends. The British power in India' was 
introduced by a compromise, by a Charter. In fact, 
the first step in a province which you have not con- 
quered is always with consent and compromise, and 
what the first step should be is explained in this 
resolution. All talk about future progress, about the 
establishment of Responsible Government in the 
Provinces and afterwards in the Central Govern- 
ment is a very good talk with which I fully 
sympathise but which I am not prepared to 
demand as the first step of the introduction of Home 
Rule in India. That is the difference between 
myself and Mr. Bepin Chandra Pal. He wants the 
whole hog at once. I say it should be granted 
to you by stages : demand the first step so that the 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

introduction of the second step would be much 
more easy than it is at present. The Government 
in the pronouncement has used the words ''Res- 
posible Government," not Home Rule or Self- 
Government. Mr. Montagu in the declaration and 
the Government of India in their Proclamation have 
deliberately used the words "Responsible Govern- 
ment" unfortunately without defining it, because 
Responsible Government as naturally understood 
means Executive Government responsible to the 
Legislature. But in one place in Mr. Curtis's pamphlet 
I find that "Responsible Government" is defined to- 
be one where the legislature is subject to the 
executive. You will see that it is quite necessary 
to define the words "Responsible Government ; 
otherwise words may be interpreted quite contrary 
to our intention and it may be said: "We promise 
you Responsible Government but a Govornment 
where the Legislature ought to be under the control 
of the Executive." And the more it is placed under 
the control of the Executive the more responsible it 
will become according to this, (Laughter.) I must 
state frankly here that this is not the kind of 
Responsible Government that we want. We under- 
stand by the words "Responsible Government," a 
Government where the Executvle is entirely respon- 
sible to the Legislature, call it parliament or by any 
other name, and that legislature should be wholly 
elected. That Responsible Government is what we 
want. When I say that the Executive should be 

The National Demand 

under the control of Legislature, 1 go so far as to say 
that even Governors and Lieutenant-Governors 
must be elected by legislative bodies . That, however 
will be the final step. But in the present circum- 
stances I shall be quite content, and so 1 think most 
of you will be content, if the first step that we 
demand is granted to' you immediately, and Self- 
Government at an early date. And by ' early stages' 
1 do not think that any sane man would understand 
to be anything which would be attained in fifty years, 
because a period extending to fifty years is not 
' early.' Anything that exceeds the time of one 
generation is not 'early*. "Early' means certainly 
in ordinary parlance ten or fifteen years. I 
should have liked that a definite number of years 
should have been introduced in this resolution. 
However, we do not lose much. I say that no sane 
man can understand ' early date ' to mean other 
than ten or fifteen years. But some men thought that 
it would be rash to ask for Home Rule or 
Responsible Government in ten or fifteen years. It 
was dropped. Never mind. At any rate, the sense 
is there. 1 must draw your attention to the pro- 
nouncement made. What is it ? It is that full 
Responsible Government or merely Responsible 
Government without any qualifications — that means 
the same thing— Responsible Governnient without 
any limiting qualifications will be granted to you in 
ten or fifteen years. That part of the answer given, 
by Mr. Montagu we note with grateful satisfaction 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

in the sense in which I have just explained it 
There are certain other conditions. That pronounce- 
ment says that it will be granted to you by stages. 
We also agree to it. The third part of the 
declaration is that these stages would be determined 
by the Government of India. We do not agree to 
that. We want the stages to. be determined by us 
and not at the sweet will of the Executive. Nor do 
we want any compromise about it but insist on 
definite stages and the time to be fixed in the Act 
itself so that the whole scheme may work 
automatically. There we differ from the wording of 
the declaration : however it is not said here in so 
many words but the second paragraph of the resolu- 
tion demands it : it demands a Parliamentary 
Statute to be immediately passed definitely settling 
and fixing the time when the goal is to be reached, 
not leaving it to the Government of India to 
determine when and at what circumstances and in 
what stages they will grant full Responsible 
Government to us : definite time should be named 
in the statute which will be passed about the subject 
very soon. So, the second part of the resolution is 
practically a suggested modification of the declara- 
tion about which we have expressed our grateful 
satisfaction in the first part of the resolution. In 
the third paragraph of the resolution we stick to 
what was passed last year at Lucknow both by the 
Congress and the Muslim League. It has been said 
that that scheme is objectionable and that after a 

The National Demand 

year's experience we should have modified it at this 
Congress. I hold a different view. I am glad 
that we all hold the same view. (A. cry of ' no, no.') 
That will be determined when we take the votes^ 
If we unanimously pass the resolution it may 
be that I shall be speaking for you when you 
pass the rqsolution without a dissentient voice, I 
hold that the Congress-League scheme is the 
minimum which might be granted to us to satisfy 
our aspirations at present and to make a decent 
beginning in the introduction of Home Rule in 
India. 1 tell you why. There have been a number 
of schemes suggested at various places in India by 
Congressmen and non-Congressmen, by Muslim 
League men and non-Muslim League men and by 
backward and forward classes as they call them- 
selves and by other different communities, and 
all these representations have been sent up to the 
Secretary of State. What do you find if you analyse 
them ? The majority of them say that they approve 
of the Congress-League scheme but 'they want 
something more, and if you take vote, you have 
all the votes for the Congress-League scheme and 
one vote for each scheme in the country. I say that 
that itself is an indication that the Congress 
League scheme is approved of all over the country 
and we are not going to swerve from it an inch. It has 
been said that the Government is prepared to grant 
to you Responsible Government but that you do not 
ask for it because the Congress-League scheme does 

Lal^. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

not make Executive removable at the pleasure of 
the Legislature ; it cannot be technically said to be 
responsible. The pronouncement is that " Respon- 
sible Government " will be granted to you, that 
it should be granted to you by stages, so that the 
first stage also must have something of Responsible 
Government. I do not think that that, argument is 
right. The Government , meaning is that one stage 
v*rill be Municipal and Local, the second stage 
is Provincial and the last stage is Central Govern- 
ment. That is not the meaning that 1 attached to 
it. 1 say that the Congress League scheme does 
not provide for the removal of the Executive at the 
will of the Legislature ; true, but it gives you all the 
control over the Executive. We say that the Exe- 
cutive should be under the control of the Legislature 
and that four- fifths of the legislative body should be 
elected. What does it mean ? It means that the 
Legislature which the Congress League scheme 
demands will not be fully responsible in the sense 
of being able to remove the Executive, but it can 
transfer the Executive. If the Executive will not obey 
the Legislature they may be transferred to some other 
post. Why should you ask that the Executive should 
be removed ? Once the bureaucracy understand that 
they are responsible to the Legislative Council, 
they are wise enough, intelligent enough to shape 
their future conduct accordingly ; they are not fools . 
A beginning of the responsibihty is made. The 
'Executive are held responsible and they must take 

The National T)emand 

their orders from elected Legislative Councils. So, 
to say that the Congress-League scheme is not a 
beginning of Responsible Government is merely 
deceiving oneself and others by a use of words with 
which always wise and selfish men try to deceive 
the masses. The second objection urged against the 
Congress-League scheme is that it is better to begin 
from below, that it is better to build up from 
foundation, than to begin with the top, so that you 
must begin with your MunicipaUty, gradually have 
District Boards under your control, then bring 
Provincial Governments under your control and then 
the Central Government. Even that argument is 
fallacious. The case may apply to the building of a 
new house where you cannot build the top without 
foundation, but the simile of a house does not apply 
to a political building, especially in the case of 
India. We in India are not children to be promoted 
from standard to standard until we pass our 
graduation either in Arts or in Law. We are lull- 
grown people. We have had experience of governing 
Empires and Kingdoms in the past. ^Cheers.V We 
fully know the art. Add to it that we have received 
western education which lays down certain 
principles of Government. We have learnt those 
principles and how to use those principles, having 
watched them so far in civilised countries. Are we 
not capable of carrying on the Government of India 
from to-morrow if the Government is given into 
our hands? (Loud cheers.) When we say that 

I^ok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

Responsible Government should be granted to us by 
stages we cannot be meant to suppose that we 
should have training in Municipalities first, in 
District Boards afterwards, Provincial Legislative 
Councils next and then in the Supreme Legislative 
Council. There is no parallel between the two. 
The case of India is like that of an emasculated 
man who had lost or made to lose all his nervous 
power. In the case of a nervous disease, there is 
emasculation of the whole body and you have to 
begin the treatment with the brain and not with 
the toe. If you want to restore a man to 
health at once, you give tonic to the brain, 
the centre of all nervous system. So it is with 
India, If the present Government is unfit for the 
administration of the country in the best interests of 
the Empire, the best remedy is to give tonic to the 
brain and that is Simla or Delhi. Unless that centre 
is made sound soon you cannot expect that any local 
remedy applied to the different parts of the body — to 
the foot or hand or other parts of the body— would be 
of any avail. So the Congress-League provides that 
we must have certain powers in the Central Govern- 
ment. If it is not made removable, we must at least 
be placed on a footing of equality. Half the 
members of the Executive should be our represen- 
tatives. I.e., they should be elected by the people. 
Thus we must go on building from the top. We do 
not want to divide the political Government in this 
country into parts, horizontal or vertical. We want 

The Nalional 'Demand 

to treat the whole man, and we want such cure to be 
administered as will cure his brain first and power 
over the lower limbs will gradually be restored. Our 
schenie provides for that. To talk of Provincial 
Government when speaking of Imperial autonomy 
is to talk nonsense. We must have a share of the 
power in the Central Government. The control 
over the Municipalities remains with the Central 
Government, and you know how that power is 
being exercised and what actual independence you 
have in a Municipality, If you mean to have local 
Sell-Government you must have power all through 
from top to bottom, i.e.. Responsible Government 
from top to bottom, tn the Congress-League 
scheme it is provided that the Imperial Legislative 
Council should have four fifths of its members 
elected and one-fifth nominated and that the Legisla- 
ture should have control over the Executive. 1 admit 
that this is not Responsible Government but it is 
really the beginning of Responsible Government. 
Take the case of a minor whose estate is in charge 
of the Court of Wards. The minor having attained 
majority claims the estate from the Court of Wards. 
Suppose the defence of the Court of Wards is that 
they will transfer the power by parts, say the stables 
outside the house. What is the result ? When that 
is done, the Court of Wards will say " We shall then 
think at the later date of transferring the whole 
house to the man." Ihat defence would not be good 
enough in a Court of Law; any Judge will throw it 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

away. The same is the case in the political struggle 
between the Bureaucracy and the Nation. Bureau- 
cracy is the trustee oi our interests. We have 
attained the age of maiority ; we claim our estate 
from Bureaucracy and men like Mr. Curtis are 
prepared to tell us : ' Yes, we know that v>fe shall 
have to transfer the whole power to you, but we 
shall see that it is transferred to you gradually when 
proper electorates are brought into existence, and 
that at some time in the course of a century or two 
when the preparations are complete or according to 
the Hindu time, some time in this Kali Yuga we 
shall transfer the power to you." That kind of 
defence ought not to be allowed for one moment. 
We are entitled to the possession of the whole 
house, and if we allow you to share our power with 
you in that house, it is a concession made for you in 
the hope that at you will soon clear out of it. You 
have managed the house so long ; you have been 
living in the house ; we will allow you to live in the 
house for a longer time, but eventually you must 
acknowledge that from to-day we are masters of the 
house ; then alone there can be any compromise ; 
otherwise, none. The first merit of the Congress 
scheme is that it asks for a transfer of power to the 
elective body in a Central Government itself. 
Without a share — an equal share —in the Central 
Government, it is hopeless to be able to govern the 
smaller portions of the Empire, such as Municipali- 
ties, Local Boards, etc., with any sense of 

The National Demand 

Responsible Government. You must banish 
from your mind the idea of building from the 
bottom. That is not the analogy applicable to our 
scheme. We consent to nothing less than what is 
embodied in the Congress-League scheme. We must 
have control over the Central Government. The 
Government of India is one body from the gods of 
Simla to the lowest police man in the village. If you 
want to grant oar right, if you think that our claims 
are just, we must have a share at the top. All 
these arguments against our scheme are intended 
to deceive you and are advanced by people whose 
idea is to remain in possession of the house even 
though we have attained our majority and are entitled 
to the possession of the whole house. Mr. Bepin 
Cljandra Pal admitted tiiat we must have the whole 
Congress scheme p/u* something more, 1 want also 
that plus and not minu>. But I claim the first term 
of this equation to begin with, the other terms will 
follow, and i shall be one with him when we fight 
for the second stage, and I ask him and entreat him 
to be one with me in fighting for the first. The 
second merit of our scheme is that a tries to build 
upon the existing foundation. It is not a new 
scheme requesting the Government to introduce 
any modification in the machinery of the govern- 
ment. The machinery has been in existence for 
hundred years or more. We want the Secretary of 
State, we want the imperial Government, we want 
the Local Governments, we want the Municipality, 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

we want the District Board, and we want also the 
Bureaucracy to stay in the land not to go out of ito 
We all want these, but we want certain transference 
of power, a decentralisation which will vest people 
with power, in every one of these institutions. We do 
not want to change the institutions. We do not say 
that India should be governed by a Crown Prince 
from England or that the administration should be 
transferred to any Native Chief. We say " Retain 
your administrative machinery as it is," Our 
question is not with machinery but with 
power. The Government of India is composed of 
Legislative and Executive. We want no changes in 
Governor, Governor-General and also Executive 
Councils but we want that the power that vests in 
the Executive should be transferred to the Legisla- 
ture. We do not want to disturb the machinery. 
We do not want a new machinery to be introduced. 
What we want is that there are certain wheels in 
the machinery which have appropriated to them- 
selves the power of regulating the machinery, and 
we want that power to be transferred to other 
wheels. It is no new scheme : it is a tried scheme, a 
tried machinery. All thai is required is transfer of 
power from one part of the machinery to another. 
The Secretary of State should be deprived of the 
power of controlling the Government of India. The 
true Government of India should be in India. What 
next ? The Bureaucracy also agrees with us that 
power should be transferred by the Secretary of 

The National 'Demand 

State to the present Government of India. We want 
it transferred to the Government of India and that 
the Executive should be under the control of the 
Legislature. At present about half the members are 
elected in the Legislative Council. What is the 
objection to electing a few more ? AH objection falls 
to the ground when you remember that when so 
many Imperial Council members are elected now 
and do their work often to the satisfaction of 
Government. All that we ask for in our scheme is 
to have a few more members of that kind and give 
them power to control the Executive. We are to 
build upon the existing foundation. The objection 
that our scheme is unworkable, untried and that it 
has never been tried in other countries is useless 
and harmful to our interests if the objection is put 
in a language which may deceive the unwary. The 
second objection was that if , we have half the 
Executive elected and half the Executive nominated, 
there would be a deadlock. It is said that one-half 
of the Executive will be fighting against the other 
half and that the confHct would make the adminis- 
tration nugatory. I say no. Our scheme says that 
the Governor shall have the power of veto and he 
would decide which side is correct and the 
administration will not be hampered in any way at 
all. We have made provision for it, and that 
provision does not suit the Bureaucrats who are in 
power and they think that when power is shared 
like that they must act with greater respect to 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

popular opinion. Lastly. I say that our scheme is 
better than any other scheme for another reason, 
and that reason is that no other scheme will be so 
compatiable with the wishes of the British Parlia- 
ment as ours. Mr, Curtis and Sir Valentine Chirol 
have been forced — and 1 do not think quite willingly 
— lo accept the pronouncement of the Government 
as the basis of future work. Government having 
declared the policy — those two gentlemen would 
have been very glad if the Government had not 
declared their policy— they have accepted that 
policy. But what are they trying to do with it ? 
Given that proclamation, how much of it, in fact, 
what is the lowest proportion of it, that can be 
conceded to the people ? They wish to draw the 
minimum length provided for in that proclamation. 
That is the problem before Mr. Curtis and Sir 
Valentine. Our problem is how long the line x;an be 
•drawn. I must warn you not to accept any other 
scheme or to be carried away by it simply because 
the author of it professes to limit it. 1 therefore 
commend this resolution for your unanimous accept- 
ance. (Loud and prolonged cheers.") 



{The sixth anniversary meeting to commemorate the 
ascension of Baku Shishir Kumar Ghose, was held at 
Manomohon Theatre, on January 3, 1918. Long before the 
appointed hour, the auditorium was filled to its utmost 
capacity, leaving not even standing room for anybody.) 

The arrival of Lok. Tilak on the platfrom was 
signalised! by repeared rounds of cheering the 
cries of Bandemataram which continued for some 

Lokamanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak rose amidst loud 
cheers and said : — - 

Friends and Gentlemen, — We have all heard a 
number of incidents relating to the life of one whose 
memory we have come here to commemorate to-day. 
As for myself. 1 want to add only a few words to 
what has already been said, i must say first that I 
had the pleasure and honour of being personally 
acquainted with Shishir Babu. 1 have learnt many 
lessons sitting at the feet. I revered him as my 
father (Hear, hearj and I venture again to say that 
he, in return, loved me as his son. I can call to 
mind many an interview that I had with him at the 
" Patrika " office some of which lasted for hours. I 
have distinct recollections of what he told me of 
his experiences as a journalist with tears in his eyes 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

and sympathy in his words. I then requested him, I 
remember now, to put down those incidents, at least 
to leave notes in writing, so that they might serve 
the future historian of the country or even the writer 
of his life. 

To me, Shishir Babu figures as the pioneer of 
journalists in this country. After the Mutiny when 
he was only 1 5 years of age, came the establishment 
of the British , Bureaucracy in this country — it was 
a despotic rule and the country wanted a man who 
would cope with their devices — -who would see the 
inner meaning of their devices —who was courageous 
enough to meet them bold and honest enough to 
expose them, and take defeat calmly and coolly in 
order to resuscitate for <^uture strength. Such was 
Shishir Kumar Ghose. The " Patrika " is the 
manifestation of the spirit of which he was full — 
nobody may talk of the " Patrika " without being 
reminded of Shishir Kumar Ghose. At this time a 
man was required with a feeling heart to realise the 
position of the masses .who were then governed by a 
despotic rule —one who must have sympathy with 
the people who were unjustly treated and did not 
know what to do but only looked up to heaven for 
help. The people were dumb. The bureaucracy had 
full power. The Mutiny had just been over and 
British Rule had been firmly established in the land. 
At such a time a man was required to steer the 
national ship to a safe harbour constitutionally and 
legally — a man of courage, a man who could see 

Shishir Kumar Ghose 

throught the actions • of the bureaucracy — actions 
which were calculated to bear fruit in the distant 

It is a very difficult task now to criticise the 
Government — it was more so in those days and not 
only biting sarcasm but great resourcefulness, grea' 
courage, great insight and large sympathy was 
required to make honest journalism a success in the 
land. Shishir Babu had these qualities in abundance. 
The authorities feared him. They could not raise 
their finger to crush him. You have just now heard 
the story of Sir Ashley Eden who wanted to strike 
at him but could not. What was it due to ? It was 
not due to legal or any other protection— it was due 
to the character of the man which was his only 
protection. Sir Ashley feared not so much the writ- 
ing of the man, but the character of the man who 
would persist in writing such things so long as the 
injustice was not removed. 

In Shishir Kumar we had a man who would not 
care for honour or favour but would stand boldly by 
his guns until success was attained. (Hear, hear). 
Even a strong man at times is not able to do much 
— for strength is to be joined with prudence, 
prudence is to be coupled with foresight — both with 
courage and keenness of perception, which is 
granted only to a few people in the world. In 
Shishir Kumar all these qualities were combined. 
Such a man I had the 4ionour and the pleasure oJ 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

Journalism — independent and free journalism-- 
was not an easy task in those days — 60 years ago, 
when many of you were charmed with Government 
Service. You looked upon such a man as rather 
eccentric — he might be independent, might be 
honest, but certainly not worldly. He had to calmly 
bear the reproaches of friends for having refused 
Government favours and other things that make 
life happy and easy. He stood alone and his con- 
science was his stand. He thought that he had a 
message to give to the world he thought that he 
had a duty to do and he did it unfUnchingly. That 
was the man who led Bengal in the last decades of 
the 19th century. I am glad to say that those tradi- 
tions of the paper are being faithfully maintained to 
this day (cheers). 1 myself have something to do 
with* journalism and when I take a survey of the 
papers that have been carried on for two genera- 
dons with the same policy and with the same spirit 
—I can point to one paper and that is the " Amrita 
Bazar Patrika " f cheers). I had a talk on that 
subject with my friend Babu iMotilal Ghose. I 
asked him how is it that he could copy his brother 
so exactly in language, style and sentiment and he 
told me that he had studied his brother and nothing 
else and hence he had been able to maintain the 
spirit of the paper. 

These high ideals are out of the reach of the 
common people and the common people judge these 
.men by their own standards, attribute to them 

Shishir Kumar Ghose 

motives which are foreign to them. Shishir Babu 
also had to face this and he did the work which can- 
truly be called the work of an angel. He saw that 
the service of humanity was a stepping stone to the 
service of God. When he gave up, owing to physical 
feebleness, his work at the "Patrika" office, he 
devoted his time to the service of God with the 
same enthusiasm and fervour with which he did 
service to the people. Such was the man we have 
lost. 1 am sorry I am not an adept in character- 
sketching, but if I have given you certain prominent 
characteristics of his life, 1 think I have done 
enough. Such a man is rare to find. You have his 
life written ; and from it you may know the story of 
his life but underneath all this do not fail to find 
out and properly value the man who had made 
journalism what it is in India. 

I know with what enthusiasm and eagerness the 
"Patrika" was awaited in my province every week 
40 years ago. I know how people were delighted 
to read his sarcasm, his pithy and critical notes 
written in his racy style, simple but at the same 
time effective. How people longed to see the paper 
on the day it was due by post how people enjoyed 
it — 1 know it personally. (Hear, hear). You in 
Bengal cannot know what we felt and thought in 
the Maharastra. Strange stories circulated about 
these brothers in my province. People used to say 
that Shishir Babu was writing with one foot in jail 
and the other brother was waiting simply to see 

Lok. Bal Cangadhar Tilak, 

when the elder is sent to jail. There were stories 
like that and if they do not correspond with facts 
they at least illustrate the feeling and the reverence 
with which the paper was read in my part of the 
country. They show how the man was appreciated. 
They were really delighted to see his writings but 
very few had the courage to quote those remarks 
before others, they enjoyed them in secret. 

1 may further tell you that when we started our 
paper in vernacular, we tried to follow the editor of the 
"A. B. Patrika." This was the tipie when one had to 
teach the people how to criticise the bureaucracy and 
at the same time keep oneself safe, bodily at least if 
not pecuniarly. That was the idea fully developed 
by Shishir Kumar in those days of journalism. 
Bureaucracy is always anxious to conciliate its 
critics not by mending its way but by offering bribes 
to them and the dignity of Shishir Kumar lay not so 
much in his writings as in the courage which he 
showed at a critical time, when favours were offered 
to him and he rejected them with contempt. Such a 
man he was. 

Babu Shishir Kumar was a true political saint and 
I regret as much as you do that that kind of character 
is getting rare in these days, as it is bound to be 
by the demoralization of the despotic government. 
We thank God that we had such a man in the early 
years of journalism in India. He was a hero in the 
true sense of the word. He did not see his aspira- 
tions fulfilied. It might be fulfilled in a generation 

Shishir Kumar Ghoae 

or two or more, but we cannot forget that it was 
he who laid the foundation. Such a man deserved 
to be respected not only during his life but for all 
time to come. I wish you to study his life — to look 
not to his failings but to his great achievements — to 
draw inspiration from him and follow in his foot- 
steps as far as it is possible for you to do. 



(The following is the speech of Mr. Tilah, in moving the 
resolution of the release af Ali Brothers, at the Calcutta 
Indian National Congress, in 191 7) : 

Madam, Mother of Messrs. Mohomed Ali and 
Shaukat Ali. Fellow Delegates, Ladies and 
Gentlemen. — The mother of Messrs. Mohomed Ali 
and Shaukat All, the revered mother — ^the mother 
of the brave — is here, and it befits you all to hear 
in silence what is to be said in support of the 
resolution asking the Government to release the 
two interned detenues. 1 use that word deliberately 
because they have been suffering on suspicion for 
long from day to day and on grounds, which were 
discovered not at the time of this internment, but 
after they had been detained. The resolution runs 

That this Congress urges on the Government the 
immediate release of Messrs. Mohomed Ali and Shau^at 
Ali, who have remained incarcerated since October, 1914, 
and are now k^pt interned because of religious scruples 
which they hold in common with the whole of Islam in 
India and elsewhere and which are not incompatible with 
loyalty to the King Emperor. 

Continuing the speaker said that they all knew 
why Mr. Mohomed .-Xli was interned under the 

Alt Brothers 

Defence of India Act in 1914. That Act was very 
elastic and invested the authorities with the 
complete power of despotism. If the Elxecutive 
thought, without any further enquiry on the 
evidence of the C.I.D. — the evidence, he might say, 
manufactured evidence, manufactured according to 
their wishes, that there was a danger to the public 
tranquility or safety, without caring to divulge 
anything, they could intern a person. That was 
what happened in this case. Mohomed Ali was 
interned in 1914 apparently for publishing certain 
articles in the press, but the real cause was that 
he displeased the high authority. Though there 
was no convincing proof before the authorities they 
were interned. Both the Hindus and the Maho- 
medans requested Government to publish the 
grounds on which the Executive Government 
interned them. No response was made to their 
request and the public protest. Gradually Govern- 
ment climbed down and they were willing to let them 
off. Negotiations were going on, and the Hon. Raja 
Sahib of Mahmudabad and the Hon. Mr. Jinnah were 
both willing to assure Government that there was no 
danger in letting them off. Both these two Hon'ble 
gentlemen had the assurance of the v/hole of the 
Mohamedan community at their back. The whole 
of the Mohamedan community was prepared to 
stand guarantee for them. With it they might add 
the voice of the Hindu community. That meant that 
practically the whole of India was unanimous. But 

Lok' Sal Gangadhar Til ah 

the C.I.D- did not like their release,. Son*etime the- 
C.l.D. tried to control the Executive Department, The 
speaker compared the C.I.D. with the ' Rakshasa ** 
who wanted to destroy his creator, " Lord Shiva " 
The C.I.D. were entrusted with the task oi finding 
out evidence by which the detention of those two 
brothers could be supported. The C. I. D,. went to 
Chhindwara, had a talk with them and wanted to 
ascertain whether they would be loyal to the crown. 
It was not a new thing to them : they were loyal 
before. But there was a condition attached to it. 
The C.I.D. said that the two brothers owed ailegi- 
ance to God above and the Executive god below. Mr. 
Mohoraed AH was prepared to be loyal to the King 
Emperor provided his religious scruples were 
observed. That statement was at once pounded upon 
by the C.I.D. and the Executive Government. Those 
two brothers were not detained for that. That fact 
was discovered after this detention and it was made 
the ground for detaining them further at Chhindwara 
(.shame, shame). They detained the persons for some 
reason which did not justify them. Something 
subsequently cropped up and that was imraediateiy 
laid hold of to justify their action. They then 
continued lo detain then). " Rel'gious scruple " 
could not be a ground for detaining a person. It was 
not a tenable ground. It was illusory, fallacious and 
unjust. The next step taken by Government was this 
The C.I.D, discovered a letter supposed to kave been 
written by the interned brothers. That letter brought 
2S0 . 

All Brothers 

out certain supposed connection between these two 
brothers and a religious Mahomed an gentleman of 
Delhi and it was alleged that they were in league 
with the King's enemies. Immediately it was got hold 
of, it was placed before the Viceroy. But Govern- 
ment, instead of asking these two brothers, who 
denied the charge, to explain, detained them further. 
If Government had reliable information on the point 
the two brothers would have been placed on trial on 
the information supplied by the C.I.D, This is a 
very soleinn occasion. We are passing the resolu- 
tion in the presence of their mother. Mind, mother's 
grief, and mother's care is something unprecedented. 
I am not going to compare it with anything else. 
But let me assure the mother on your behalf that 
the title to become a mother of a brave son so far 
exceeds in importance that I appeal to her to forgive 
and forget what Government has done and to take 
consolation in the fact that all of us have sympathy 
with her in her present position. I pray to God that 
we may have many more mothers like her in this 
country fhear, hear.) That is the only consolation I 
can offer in the present situation and I do so with 
your permission. 



(A great mass meetiag was held on Sunday.. (15-11-17) 
in the Conference Pandal, at Godhra, when Mr. Tilak 
delivered a stirring address on Indian Home Rule Mr, 
Gandhi presided)'. — 

Mr. Tilak, who was accorded a tremendous 
ovation on rising to speak, apologised to them for the 
unavoidable necessity of his having to speak to them 
in iMarathi. He then delivered his address on 

Swarajya" and why they wanted it. He referred 
at the outset to the forces of opposition and reaction 
that had recently been brought into active play. An 
attempt was being made by these forces to create 
misunderstanding in the minds of ignorant English- 
men as to what they wanted in India. It was 
unfortunate that some of their own men should 
have allowed themselves to be led away by the 
campaign of calumny against the Home Rulers. Of 
course, it was explicable why the authorities were up 
in arms against the agitation for constitutional 
reform in India. They feared very naturally that, 
if the Indian demand were conceded, it would 
seriously interfere with the unfettered exercise of 
their power and authority to which they had been 
long used. Latterly, a body of retired Englishmen 
who had lost all touch with the rate of progress 
in India and who had otherwise done little or 


nothing to acquaint themselves about the real India 
had begun to pose themselves as the great " friends " 
of the Indian people and had been giving the 
world to understand that they were out for helping 
Indian to attain Nationhood. It was indeed very 
kind of them to be taking so much trouble for their 
sake. But it was somewhat curious that the 
Harrises and Sydenhams who in their day never did 
a good work to the Indian people should have now 
come forward, especially on the eve of Mr. Montagu's 
visit to this country. 

He next referred to the internment of Mrs. Besant 
and the great humiliation that was in store for the 
Madras bureaucrats led by Lord Pentland. It had 
irritated them considerably no doubt, and they lost 
their perspective in consequence. It had been 
forgotten that they did not want Lord Pentland to be 
removed but they wanted that Lord Pentland should 
act in consonance with their will. The Civil Servants 
too were afraid that, if " Swarajya " were given to 
the people, their power and authority (Izzat and 
Ibrahat) would be gone, and the Civil Servants were, 
therefore, opposed to it. 

Meaning oj " Swarajya " 

" Swarajya " meant only one thing, continued Mr. 
Tilak, and that thing was that the power should 
be vested in them (the people). It meant that, under 
it, the Sovereign Power would be strengthened and 
not Authority. The great claim of the bureaucracy 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar TilaJ^ 

was that it had made India " prosperous." He would 
fain concede it, but the facts were against it. During 
their 100 years* work in India, he wanted to know 
what the bureaucracy had done to train the people 
industrially and otherwise and make them self- 
helping and self-reliant. It was an open secret that 
the cotton duties, which had happily been done away 
with now, had been hitherto maintained in the 
interests of Lancashire cotton spinners. The autho- 
rities were naturally anxious to maintain power 
in their own hands and they had no quarrel with 
them for that. But that desire was unjustifiable the 
moment the lawful claimants demanded it back. It 
had been said that the English Government had 
given India peace and order ; but that was all. The 
peace and order had been accompanied by no 
tangible results. During the time of the Peshwas, 
there were no elaborate commissariat arrangements 
and yet at a moment's notice hundreds of people 
were ready to render service to the State, and it was 
not said that the Peshwas had not maintained peace 
and order. As he had already remarked, it was the 
great secret of pohtical Government by England that 
a so-called peace and order had been given without 
any tangible results. In this connection, he referred 
to Dadabliai's famous indictment of British Rule 
and paid a warm tribute of praise to the great work 
of the deceased patriot. 

" A Virtual Scrap of Paper " 
Referring to the Queen's Proclamation of 1858. he 


pointed oai sjow it had been treated by many of the 
bureaucrats, responsible as well as irresponsible, as 
no better than of antiquarian interest. To the ruler, 
coioujf made no difference in the treatment of his 
subjects, but men in authority were swayed by their 
owrj passions and prejudices and had nullified the 
great pledges given to them in the past. Dealing 
with the Moriey-Minto Reforms, he observed that 
while there was some improvement over the past 
state of affairs, the progress was by no means satis- 
factory or even consistent with their actual needs. 
In the Legislative Councils, they were like witnesses 
in a Court of Law: they were mere lookers-on of the 
great drama of Government. They did not certainly 
warn that kind of farce any more. What they 
w^anted was real, effective control over the adminis- 
tration both Legislative and Executive. 

Mr. Tilak also referred to the recent Italian 
reverses and regretted that India was not in a 
position to support the Allied cause as well as they 
might have wished. India's military power had 
remained unexploited, and he doubted very much 
if It would have been so if the Government were 
"popuW, As Mr. Lloyd George had said in his 
message to Lord Willingdon, what was wanted was 
thai Jndia's heart should be "touched." Until that 
was done, it was not possible to expect great help 
from India. After all, the GovernvTnent had to 
remember that w'ih this War, all the trouble would 
not automatically cease. As Mr. Bonar Law once 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

remarked, there might be a second Punic war yet. 
The future was full "of perils and grave portents 
and it was statesmanship to be ready to face any 

The Anglo-Indian Hue and Cry 

The Anglo-Indians* hue and cry was not only ill- 
timed and ill-advised but was positively harmful to 
the lasting interests of the Empire. The people wanted 
Self-Government not only for their own benefit but 
for the sake "of the Empire. In any struggle or crisis, 
a contented Self -Governing India was the greatest 
and surest asset of the Empire, and those who 
overlooked it 'were doing the greatest mischief to the 
Imperial cause. Apart from it the case for Self- 
Government was invincible. A strong wave of 
democracy was passing all the world over and even 
the British Government had hailed the Russian 
Revolution as the " first great triumph of the 
present War." Lord Sydenham's contention that 
they in India take advantage of Britain's troubles to 
agitate for Self-Government was false. They had 
already been agitating for Self-Government for over 
30 years. All over the world Self-Government was 
on the anvil, and India alone could not be expected 
to sit still. 

People were no longer prepared to put up with 

" stone-laying " governors and a civil service that 

spent public money as it pleased. They wanted to 

see that, after the War, the Government was 


' Swarajya 

thoroughly responsible to the people and carried on 
the administration according to their needs. Before 
resuming his seat, Mr. Tilak exhorted the audience 
to be bold and courageous and frankly tell the 
officials, if they were asked, that they wanted Home 
Rule. It was no crime to say that. The demand had 
been admitted to be fair, legitimate and constitu- 
tional by the highest judicial and executive 
authorities in the land, and lately His Majesty's 
Government had accepted it as the goal of British 
rule in India. Mr. Tilak resumed his seat amidst a 
fresh outburst of cheering after he had spoken for 
fully an hour. 



(Under the auspices of the Amraoti Home Rule League, 
Mr. Tilah : made the following speech, on February 13, 

Amidst shouts oi cheering and applause 
Lokamanya Tilak rose to thank the pubUc and 
varidus associations for doing him a great honour. 
He said that the fact that so many associations 
were doing him honour showed that all people had 
joined hands together for the great National work of 
Home Rule, or Swarajya. Hindus and Muham- 
madans, moderates and extremists had discarded 
their differences. They all wanted Home Rule, or 
Swarajya. Their demand was a united demand. 
The great Rakshasa in the path of union has 
disappeared. Minor ones, like the antagonisms of 
some non-Brahmana communities, were negligible. 
They in their own time would disappear after they 
had experienced the efforts of theirsuicidal tenden- 
cies. They had a definite plan and organisation of 
Self-Government settled at Lucknow by great men 
of ail parties and creeds. Every one should ask 
with an open bold face for Home Rule and declare 
himself to be a thorough Home Ruler. The ideal of 
Home Rule for India was held legal. To preach it 
was not sedition. Great authorities in England 


and iin India had recognised it as tilie worthy 
aspiration of the Indians. The point at dispute was 
only time. Indians wanted it within two or three 
years., that is, at the conclusion oi the War. if 
India were not to be raised to the status of a Self- 
Governing member within the Empire, they would 
be disappointed. For the whole Empire to last 
long and to remain on a solid foundation, 
India must be granted Self- Government. War 
fiad gjvert India an opportunity to show its 
loyalty to the British Throne, and its faith 
in the British connection. It had created confi- 
dence in the minds oi" the rulers about the 
ruled, it had changed the old "angle of vision" 
of British people. Even conservative people 
like Lord Islington had declared recently that 
something in the way of reform must be done for 
India. War had tested India's loyalty. If conser- 
vative men had changed to that extent, what must 
be the views of Liberals and Radicals in England 
They mast go to them, put their case before them 
and Home Rule would be had in two years. Colonies 
were trying to get a hand in the affcdrs of India, as 
the conspiracy of Mr. L. Curtis had showed. They 
must have Home Rule as soon as possible, to avoid 
any additional difficulties. The Almighty God had 
given them the opportunity to strive for. No one 
thought that Indian political aspirations would be 
so near realisation a few years ago. But unless 
they worked, they would not get Home Rule. Such 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

opportunities did not come often. The whole of 
India must be converted into Home Rulers, so that 
the Government might know that not to grant 
Home Rule would be a permanent disappointment. 
They must say that they would not be satisfied 
with anything but Home Rule, which was their just 
and legitimate demand. They should strive for it 
and get it, their efforts should be sincere and conti- 
nuous- The rulers would soon come round to their 
view and give them Home Rule. 



I have, like the other political workers, my own 
'differences with the Government as regards certain 
measures, and to a certain extent even the system 
of internal administration. But it is absurd on that 
account to speak of my actions or my attitude as in 
any way hostile to His Majesiy's Government. 
That has never been my wish or my object. 1 may 
state once for all that we are trying in India, as the 
Irish Home Rulers have been doing in Ireland, for 
a reform of the system of administration and not 
for the overthrow of Government and I have no 
hesitation in saying that the acts of violence which 
have been committed in the different parts of India 
are not only repugnant to me, but have, in my 
opinion, only unfortunately retarded, to a great 
extent, the pace of our political progress. Whether 
looked at from an individual or from a public point 
of view, they deserve, as I have said before on 
several occasions, to be equally condemned. 

It has been well said that British Rule is confer- 
ring inestimable benefit on India not only by its 
civilized! methods of administration, but also by 
bringing together the different nationalities and 
races of India so that a United Nation may grow 
out of it in course of time. I do not believe that if 

Loh. Bal Cangadhar Til ah 

we had any other rule except the liberty-loving 
British, they could have conceived and assisted us 
in developing such a National Ideal. Everyone who 
has the interests of India at heart is fully alive to 
this and similar advantages of the British Rule ; and 
the present crisis is, in my opinion, a blessing in as 
much as it has universally evoked our united feel- 
ings and sentiments of loyalty to the British Throne. 



(iV/r. Tilak, in moving the resolution on the death of Mr. 
Gokhale, at the 1 7th Provincial Bombay Conference, on 
lOth May, 1915, spoke as follows) :— 

He said that it was in a way a great misfortune 
that a day should come when he should have to 
propose the said resolution which he did. He felt 
sadness and sorrow more keenly than others, 
because he was in part responsible in introducing 
Mr. Gokhale into the field of politics, a field in 
which that zealous and sincere worker lost his life 
by over-work. People should not judge of his rela- 
tions with Mr. Gokhale by what appeared on the 
outside. He had worked with Mr. Gokhale for 
eight years in the Fergusson College, and had known 
him in various capacities in his political career. No 
man could better know than he did Mr. Gokhale's 
qualities of head and heart — his zeal in the country's 
cause, his sincerity and singlemindedness, his 
determination to take to the end the task he 
might take in hand. It was a misfortune of India 
that she could not boast of many such » men.. 
The loss of a man like Mr. Gokhale was irreparable 
but people must try their best to fill up the gap. He 
urged the audience not to simply rue the loss, but 
herojcally determine to work as Mr. Gokhale did. 
Deaf'-- awaited all ; why not then work strenuously 

Lok. Bal ijangajhar 1 iiak 

while life lasted ? All men, he knew, could! not be 
Gokhales ; but surely all Indians were not women, 
with bangles on. Indeed he knew people who were 
almost the equals of Mr. Gokhale in abilities, 
but they unfortunately had not Mr. Gokhale's 
sincerity and single-minded devotion to the 
country's cause. The resolution he proposed rightly 
conveyed to the late Mr. Gokhale's bereaved family 
the condolences of t e whole audience. That was 
to alleviate in a small measure, their sorrow which 
not, as all knew, tempered if shared with others. 
But that was not the chief reason why he had been 
there to propose the resolution. People must not 
simply be sad and cry ; to do so, was to proclaim do 
the world their unmanliness. . He would, therefore 
urge his fellowmen to pass another resolution — a 
resolution which was to be made in the mind and, 
therefore, which was not expressed in so many 
words — to the effect that they would strive and to 
their best to fill up the lamentable void created by 
the death of Mr. Gokhale. He would not there, he, 
said, speak of the actual lines upon which people 
should work, for the lines would differ according to 
individual capacities and temperaments, but the 
attitude of heart must be according to^ what he 

This is not a time for cheers. Thiis is a time for 

shedding tears. This is a time for expressing sorrow 

for the irreparable loss which we have sustained by 

the death of Mr. Gokhale. This diamond of India, 


Mr. Gokhale 

this jewel of Maharashtra, this prince of workers, is 
taking eternal rest on the funeral ground. Look at 
him and try to emulate him. Mr. Gokhale has 
passed away from our midst after having satis- 
factorily performed his duty. Will any of you come 
forward to take his place ? Like a triumphant hero 
he is passing away, after having made his name 
immortal. Not only none of you here assembled, but 
no other citizen in all India will be able to give a 
more satisfactory account in the other world of 
having done his duty to the Motherland. Up to this 
time very few had the lortune of being able to 
render an account before God oi having honestly 
done his true duty. I knew Mr. Gokhale from his 
youth. He was not an Inamdar. He was an 
ordinai'y and simple man in the beginning; he was 
not a Jaghirdar ; he was not a chief. He was an 
ordinary man like all of us here. He rose to such 
eminence by sheer force of genius, Ebltiity and 
work. Mr. Gokhale is passing away from our midst 
but he has left behind him much to emulate. Every 
one of you ought to try to place his example before 
your eyes and to fill up the gap % and if you will try 
your best to emulate him in this way he will feel 
glad, even in the next world. 



(The people ojlhe Athani Taluku of the Bclgavrn dhlfic* 
took advanlagc of Lof^. Tilah'r, arrival there and presznled 
him an address enclosed in a beautiful silver casket. Lok. 
Tilak, in the cour<ie of his reply, said): — 

On account of the Arms Act and similar 
measures of repression Indians have become 
foreigners in their own land. The Congress leaders 
maved heaven and earth for the last 30 years and at 
the end oi that period they were given a toy of the 
Morely-Minto reforms to play with the administra- 
tion. As a result of all this policy of distrust India 
has becpstie a dead weight round the neck of 
England and if she is allowed to remain in this 
state any longer, not only she will be ruined, but 
she will ruin England also along with herself. 
English Statesmen have now begun to realise this 
and they have made up their minds to put a 
new life in the Indians by granting them self- 
government. This war is not the last. If another 
war becomes necessary and if India is to be able to 
fight for the Empire with all her might, she must 
first get Self -Government within the Empire to be 
able to do so. Government have now fully realised 
the necessity of granting it and at this juncture 
India must stand united and well-organised, Com- 
munal jealousies and caste rivalries are the weak 

speech at Alhani 

points in our armour, but we must strengthen our 
position by sinking all differences amongst ourselves 
and make a united and firm demand. If every caste 
and community v/ere to ask for separate electorate 
and separate representation then the administration 
would be a chaos. Religion has no place in modern 
polity. In His Highness the Gaik war's State village 
communities have been established, but there 
separate representation has not been restored to. A 
representative must be judged by his merits and not 
by his caste or creed. Legislative Council is not an 
exhibition of the different castes and creeds in India. 
Communal representation would rake up old 
jealousies and would sap up the very foundations of 
unity in India. We would be divided by it and 
divided we will fall. This quarrel has not raised its 
head in other provinces and it is rather a misfortune 
that Maharashtra should find a fertile soil for it, 

Bombay Provincial Conference 

Freedom was the soul of the Home Rule movement.. 
The divine instinct of Freedom never aged. 
Circumstances might affect its manifestation on the 
physical plane ; the movements for freedom ^the 
bodies) might be weakened and maimed for a time ; 
but ultimatel}' the soul - Freedom -must triumph. 
Freedom is the very life of the individual soul, which 
Vedanta declares to be not separate from God but 
identical with Him. Thus Freedom was a principle 
that could never perish. It might get darkened 

Lok. Bal Gan§aJhar Tilak 

up by accumulations of moral and intellectual 
rust. Wherever and whenever Freedom was 
found thus darkened up, it ■was the duty of the 
leaders to set about removing the rust and making 
the people realise the glory of it. There were people 
who tried to thwart the Home Rule movement 
by intimidation, by the spreading of falsehoods 
and by other unworthier means. They were only 
helping to make the British administraton 'blackened' 
(hatefuU in the eyes of the people. The movement 
for Home Rule was being slandered in some 
quarters. But was not God Himself, the subject of 
slander with some of his children ? Times were 
propitious for the achievement of our goal. For one 
thing, India's help was discovered to be indispensable. 
The old vanity that England could keep her Empire 
without the co-operation of India had vanished to 
the winds. This was of good augury. But this alone 
could not give us what we wanted. We must work.. 
The more 'affirming' of Congress resolution on 
Self-Government could not go very far. To our 'we 
affirm' our Government might reply 'we hear' — 
and there the matter would rest, unless we went 
beyond affirming and felt to achieving. The pioneer 
deputation ought to have left India before now. 
Every day's delay was precious time irretrievably 
lost. The pTzsznt was the time for putting forward 
gigantic efforts for the attainment of Home Rule 
— they might give It what name they pleased — in 
which lay the only solution of our infinite difficukies. 


Appeal to Volunteer 

The Poona correspondent of the Sandesh sends 
the following report of the Poona meeting. The 
following is a very touching extract from Mr. Tilak's 
speech which he quotes in the beginning : 

/ shall give up the Home Rule momement if you do not 
come forward to defend your Home. If you want Home 
Rule b" prepared to defend your Home. Had it not been 
for my age, I would have been the first to volunteer. You 
cannot reasonably say that the ruling will be done 
by you and the fighting for you — by Europeans or 
Japanese, in the matter of Home Defence. Show by 
your act that you are willing to take advantage of 
the opportunity offered to you by the Viceroy to 
enlist in an Indian Citizen Army. When you do this, 
your claim for having the commissioned ranks 
opened to you will acquire double weight. 



{A mass meeting to gice hearty send off to Mr. Tilak 
anJ other members of the Home Rule 'T>eputation was held 
in Bombay on the 17th March 1918, u)hm Mr. Tilak, who 
on rising to speak: ^^^"^ received with deafening cheers and 
loud cries of " Vande Mataram" said: — 

I tWank you all every sincerely for the honoiir 
<lone to me and my party, and for the good wishes 
for our success. The principle of self-determina- 
tion lays down that every nation, every country, 
has to choose the sort of Government they shall 
have, and it should precede Self-Government. We 
are determined to have Self-Government in the near 
future — at an early date — and to have a substantial 
instalment to begin with. While the question of 
self-determination for the European Nations and 
the African colonies is discussed, India is excluded. 
President Wilson said that Ireland should have 
self-determination and our Prime Minister converged 
the Irish convention to draft a scheme of their own, 
but India without any such declaration, formed a 
scheme of its own. Mr. Montagu came to India 
and studied on the spot in consultation with the 
members of the Bureaucracy, who were primarily 
opposed to any sort of Self-Government in this 
country. He is to formulate a scheme and act as 
umpire and arrive at a settlement, a compromise 
between the two parties — the people and the Bureau- 
cracy. We want Responsible Government which is 

Self -Government 

agifeed to by the Bureaucracy except in connection 
with the steps and time for establishing it. The 
chances of Mr, Montagu's scheme, E think, though 
I am an optimist, are not so bright, as many people 
imagine them to be. Our opponents are trying to 
impress upon the British people thai if Self- 
Government is granted to India the Empire will go 
to rum and that in the interests of the Empire India 
m^ust continue to be governed in a despotic manner. 
A very keen campaign is undertaken by determined 
people to defeat our object. We have to light two 
parties — the Cabinet who will have to be convinced 
and the Sydenhamites, who will have to be — fMr. 
jinnah suggested —" suppressed,'^ as our President 
suggests, suppressed. The way is not so smooth, as 
some believe. Tne question to be determined is 
whether if Mr. Montagu's scheme fails short, the 
leaders will accept the temptation held out and will 
be prepared to receive something shadowy, but 
looking substantial. Some of our leaders might 
advise, our Anglo-Indian friends and newspapers 
may. We are going to plead before the British 
Democracy the cause of Self-Governmeni for India, 
taking our stand upon the Congress scneme. Stand 
by us not now bat two months after, like men 
resolute men, against anything less than the scheme. 
There should be no compromise in the matter 
(Applause). If you accept any compromise, we shall 
be laughed at by the whole world. (Cries of No, No.) 
The bureaucracy may try to create a split amongst 

Lof^, Bal Qangadhar Tilak 

us. The, bureaucracy may say that they have done 
enough and that given something we should be 
satisfied. I warn you, you will ruin your country if 
you accept any such compromise. 

America did not enter the war simply because, 
of German Kaiserdom to be substituted by Bureau- 
cratic Kaiserdom. She did not go to help England 
simply because the latter was her mother country 
or to protect England, but to stop despotism in any 
part of the world. I want you to be careful, atten- 
tive and to act as men— resolute men and to stand 
by the resolution of the Congress and the Muslim 

(A Ladies Meeting Was held al China Bagh to bid good- 
bye and wish bon voyage to Mr. B. Q. Tilak Mr, G. S. 
Khapardp. Mr. B. C. Pal and others. A large number of 
ladies uJere present at the meeting, representative of the 
different communities. Mrs. Luxmibai Tricumdas presided 
and Mrs. Ramahai Morarji Kamba, Mrs. Smhilabai 
Javaker, Mn. Ratanbai Pavri, Mrs. Maganbhen Manekbhen 
Mrs. Airabai Tata and Mrs. Codacaribai spoke in eulogistic 
terms of the services rendered by Mr. Tilak to the country* 
They hoped that he would return lo India after accomplish- 
ing his work in England. Mr. Tilak in replying said) : — 

I thank you for wishing me God speed, i have 
also to thank you for the meeting you held in the 
year 1908 sympathising with me in my misfortunes, 
as I was unable to do so then. In ail spheres of 
activities women are coming to the forefront and 
you have Mrs. Besant, a woman, who is your leader 

Se If- Gove rnmenl 

in all patriotic movements. It has been said by our 
enemies that men want Home Rule and women do 
not : one caste is for Home Rule and another 
eigainst it. and so on. but this meeting is proof 
positive that they are wrong. This meeting is an 
encouragement to me, and I will carry your message 
to England. 

The Right Moment 

Time and tide wait for none ; we will never get 
such an opportunity for which we have been waiting 
for so many years, and we must do our utmost to 
take the fullest advantage of it. We must make 
hay while the sun shines. The work of the ladies 
encouraging me in my difficult task is a good 
augury for the success of my work, and it will be of 
great help to me in England. We must carry the 
work, which had been handed down to us, by such 
patriots as Dadabhai Naoroji to a success. In all 
parts of the world, and particularly in India, women 
have always taken their proper share of the national 
work and I am not at all surprised that you have 
met here to wish me success in my endeavours. 

(A large and crowded meeting u)as held at T)ana Bunder \ 
in honour of the Home Rule "Deputation. Mr. Jamnada^ 
Daiarkadas presided. Among iho^e present were : Messrs. . 
S. R. Soman ji, B. Q. Horniman, Laxmida^ Tairsec 
\croyandas Purshotomda.s, Khimji Hirji Kayani, Mavaj 
Qovindji. Drs. Sathe, Velkar, Chandulal Desai, Mr. S. D. . 

, Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

Naoalkar, and many leading grain merchants. Mr. JamnaJa:? 
Dioarf^adas rose amidst cheers and said) : — 

This evening's occasion is specially a unique one, 
as we all have assembled on an occasion, the 
importance of which is even of a special and unique 
nature. We all have come together to honour 
listen and show sympathy for and co-operation with 
the trusted delegates going to England to put our 
case for Home Rule before the British pubUc in 
general ; and the justice-loving, level-minded and 
truth-loving people in particular. 

;lfr. Tilak's Great Service 

The work of Mr, Tiiak is unstinted from the 
beginning. He is the same, undaunted and cour- 
ageous true son of mother ind through thick and 
ihin not caring for the frowns of the authorities. 
He takes to his national w^ork, as if he is the only 
son born of Ind, specially to uplift her. He 
is grossly misunderstood and misrepresented and 
really suffers for the amelioration of our Mother- 
land. His work is acknowledged even by nis 
enemies. He is going to England with Mr. Bepin 
Chandra Pal, the Hon. Mr. Khaparde and Messrs. 
Kelkar and Karandikar as our delegates and 
champions to plead our case on behlf of our 
Motherland. He has the backing of the whole 
nation. We all hope and trust that God's blessings 
will be showering on him and he will come back 
with fresh laurels ; and there will be the feather 


of Swarajya in his patriotic cap. We all pray God 
that he wil; have a speedy bon voyage and he may 
return to our Mother Country with double vigour 
and redoubtable energy. We are carried av>ray by the 
same sentiments and emotion as when the great 
Rama left Ayodha and went to the forest in 
seclusion. The nation and his brothers felt for him 
in the same way we feel for Mr. Tilak. As Mr. Tilak 
is going to get Swarajya we wish him bon voyage and 
God speed in his work! 

A Posittoe Success 

(Mr. Tilak then rose to addrc>s amidst dtofening cheers 
and said) :— 

i am ready to go through all the crucifying ordeals 
of sea-voyage at this critical and stirring times 
to secure Home Rule for myself, for my countrymen 
— the living and the coming generations. 1 assert 
that the whole country is at one on this point. A 
note of dissension is raised in some quarters by 
vested interests. 

"Musi Gird up Our Loins" 

We must gird up our loins to face it boldly. They 
have, it is said, collected nearly Rs. 30,000 to carry 
on the anti-Home Rule agitation. Lord Sydenham 
leads this party and is striving every nerve to spread 
his propaganda. We are here thirty- three crores 
and we must collect money accordingly for our 
cause, I am hopeful that India is sure to come out 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

triumphant in the end. God made time and 
circumstances favourable to our cause. Death will 
come to any individual sooner or later. No one 
is tree from it. Old age is the fittest age to under- 
take this kind of voyage. 

Political Partners of Britain 

We will place the real and true state of things, 
before the British public and Parliament : and God 
willing we are sure that they ^'the British public> 
will give a hearty ear to it. On your confidence, 
trust and backbone we (the deputation) took up this 
responsibility and if you give hearty sympathy 
and co-operation we are sure to win. Let Lord 
Sydenham and his party bring obstacles in our 
way ; but we must carry on an agitation in India 
and not stop unless and until we get what we 
wanted. Nothing short of our demands would satisfy 
us. This we must show them by our agitation and 
I am sure the battle of freedom will be won. 



{.Mr. Tilak in his concluding remark^ at the Second 
/Home Rule Conference, at Bombay). Mid) : - 

Last year I had to answer certain objections in the 
course of my speech at the Home Rule Conference 
held at Nasik. First I had to tell the objectors that 
the Home Rule League was not started as a rival 
'institution to the Indian. National Congress but as 
an institution that would help the Congress in carry- 
ing out its resolutions into effect. At the Lucknow 
Congress I tried ray best to get the Congress to 
consent to send a deputation to England, myself 
undertaking to collect money for the purpose, but 
my offer was slighted and a couple of dozen trustees 
were appointed to be in charge of the funds of the 
Congress. I do' not like to blame anybody for what 
then happened in the Congress about mj' suggestion. 
Bengal has hitherto done little work in the direc- 
tion of Home Rule, and the United Provinces have 
done less. Some of the Congress leaders have 
expressed their fear that the Home Rule League 
will make the Congress work difficult to be done by 
them. The Home Rulers depend on the purity of 
their conscience in doing their work m spite of 
what people opine as regards their efforts. Mr. 
Montagu may publish his scheme perhaps in 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilah 

England and India simultaneously, and then the 
Home Rulers will be on their trial. !t is possible 
' that after that scheme is pubUshed, the Bureau- 
cracy in India will deceive the people with half a 
loaf. The Bureaucracy do not want to give the 
people ot India anything, although they echo the 
sentiment of Parliament that responsible govern- 
ment is the goal of the British Government in this 
country. The Bureaucracy will not give the right 
of self-determination to Indians. They say they, as 
guardians of the Indian people, will exercise "their 
own judgment in the matter of self-determination- 
Even the ignorant agriculturist in this country 
novr realises what is meant by responsible govern- 
ment being the goal of the British policy in India. 
Even the agriculturist now knows that the Civil 
Servant must be under his control. 

India s Emasculated Man- Power. 

The map of the world is being changed in this 
war. India cannot take part in this war because 
her sons are emasculated under the Bureaucratic 
policy. I use the expression 'emasculated' because 
the late Sir Pherozeshah Mehta used it before. 
Nevertheless India wants to take credit in saving 
the Empire. No one can now save the Bureau- 
cracy from the consequences of its policy of emascu- 
lating the people of this country. It is a great 
humiliation for the Empire that at this crisis 
it has to appeal to Japan and America, 

Second Home Rule Conference 

when it can have availed itself of the crores of 
Indian subjects, if they were trained for military 
purposes. Now that the world's history is being 
changed India must be strengthened in order to 
strengthen the Empire, The whole constitution of 
India requires to be modified. Substantial rights 
must be given to the Indian people. Mr. Montagu 
came here not on account of the ci'ies of the Con- 
gress, but because he was a statesman, who saw 
danger ahead in India from the changed circumstance 
in the world's history. In England they have states- 
men and in India we have talkers. The people of 
India should be up and doing and not allow Mr, 
Montagu to go to England and say he managed the 
thing successfully though he may not have done 
anything. Mr, Montagu should not be allowed to go 
to England and say there that the Indian people are 
so foolish that he could cleverly manage to delude 
them. After Mr. Montagu's scheme is published 
there will be a special Congress here. Indians should 
now speak fearlessly, because the days of repression 
are gone. The realisation of the people of Indian's 
nope for self-government is within a measurable 
distance. The faith which the deputation has in 
oiitatning Home Rule will take us safe to England 
and enable us to overcome all obstacles. 



(In response to Mrs. Besant's invitations to meet Lok. 
Tilak and Deputation at a Dinner party in Blavatsky 
Gardens, many were present. Tables %vere laid 
out under the banyan tree which was illuminated with 
electric lights, and the whole scene looked like a fairy 
land. Mrs. Besant presided at the middle of the long 
table. The first toast proposed by Mrs. Besant was as 
usual that of the "King- Emperor " and it was drunk in 
the usual manner^. 

Lokamanya Tilak 

" Mrs Besant next proposed the toast o* "Lok. 
Tilak and the Deputation" and in doing so said: We 
all know that Lok. Tilak and the other members oi the 
Deputation are going to Great Britain to plead the 
cause of India, to assert her place in the Empire, and 
to address themselves especially to the democracy of 
Great Britain in order to win their assent to the Statute 
which we hope will soon be passed. I do not propose 
to stand between you and our guests. I will only ask 
all of you to drink to their health and to wish them a 
hearty success, carrying on your wishes for them while 
they are away until they return amongsi V3s, and I join 
with the toast the names of Lok. Tilak, the Hon. Mr. 
Khaparde and Mr. Bepin Chandra Pal". 

Mr. Tilak, in reply, said): — 

I thank you, Mrs. Besant, for the honour you 
have done me and for including my name xn the. 

Indian Deputation at Madras 

toast. It has been said that we are going outside 
-India to plead the cause of India. Our going outside 
.is necessary at this momeni for various reasons. 
It has been asked why we should go out of India. 
In fact, I was one of those who thought about ten 
;-years ago that by going out of India to plead the 
cause of India so much cannot be done as by agit- 
ating in India. That was my opinion and 1 dare 
say possibly some people may quote it against me 
even now — they have long memories. But times 
have changed and a man who does not change his 
opinion with the times is sure to be deceived. 
Things which were seditious once have ceased to be 
seditious. The Empire and the Parliament have 
learnt what the value of India is at present. The 
administration of the bureaucracy was to a certain 
extent glittering in the view, but ail that glitters is 
jiot gold, and it has been found out now that 
whatever be the appearance of the bureaucratic 
administration, it carries under it the seeas of 
decay. Bureaucratic administration was good. It 
made railways, it made telegraphs, it made post 
offices, and so on and so on, and then imports and 
exports were increased, > but all that brought ^bout 
the emasculation of this country, and this was not 
brought to the notice of the the British democir&cy. And 
that fact has now been brought to the notKe ot the 
British democracy, for they wanted men :o tight, 
the battles of the Empire and looked lo Kurlia, but 
found that the Indian Government was not leady 


Lof;^. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

and was unable to supply the necessary nr>an-power: 
although there were thirty crores of people. The 
people too are willing to work and fight for the 
Empire. In spite of their willingness and in spite 
of iheir numbers, it is now found necessary to 
appeal to other Nations for help. What is it due 
to ? 1 say that it is due entirely to the bureaucratic 
administration of the country, the objeet of which 
was the keeping of the Nation emasculated with 
a view to carry on the whole administration of the 
country with a few hundreds or thousands of 
soldiers, and that India should be kept under 
military subjection with the aid of the British 
naval and militay power. The Parliament and the 
British people know that but for this bureaucratic 
administration during the last 100 or 120 years, they 
would have been in a position to command a much 
larger man-power than hitherto from India. So 
long as this fact is known, and so long as the 
importance of it is realised, it is our time and 
"opportunity to work for our right. It is this fact 
that has not been properly noticed even in Indian 
papers and much less in • Anglo-Indian papers, 
because it is not their business to notice it. The 
fact is, however, there. But this is exactly the 
time when we should put forward our demand, not 
in our own interests but in the interests of the 
Empire. You will be heard. 1 am confident thaf 
we shall be heard. CHear, heary. The case is ready„ 
The circumstances are such. These circumstances 

Indian Depuiation at Madras 

did not exist ten years ago, but now is the time, and 
you must strike while the irom is hot. It is our 
faith. After we go there we hope we shall succeed. 
This is the best time to urge our claim, not merely 
on the ground of liberty, not merely on the ground 
of right. No doubt I said that Home Rule is our 
birthright, but birthrights are not always recognised 
and you must work for them. This is the time 
when we can work with much profit to ourselves. 
Men to whom we go must realise the need them- 
selves, and then when we press our claim, there 
is the greatest chance of our prayers, requests or 
entreaties being heard. That is one reason why our 
Horns Rule League is also sending a deputation. 
Much has been said that these are times of danger 
that there are dangers above the surface of water 
and below the surface of water. But when time 
comes for work it is for us to stick to that work 
and not leave it whatever the difficulties are, 
Dangers there are, and where do you find a place 
free from dangers ? Do you mean to say that there 
is no danger where I am now standing ? No one 
knows when the danger will come. But i hope 
that with your good wishes, with the blessings of 
Providence, we shall succeed in this mission and we 
must succeed. That is our faith, that is our iirm 
conviction. We are carrying with us as i said 
not our own fortune but the fortune of the whole of 
India (Cheers), and when we carry with us that 
fortune we must feel sure that the case is so stron? 

Lok. Bal Gart^adhor Tilak 

based on Karma that whatever oar indiviciual 
difficulties may be, whatever the difficulties in the 
way may be, Providence is with you and you are 
bound to succeed, or as the Shastras say Yato 
'Dharma thato Jayah. We shall do all tliat we can to 
attciin success, but \ maj' assure you that if we 
succeed in the end, much depends upon your good 
wishes, your work here, your sympathy with us, and 
your unflinching support. We are going as your 
spokesmen. We are not going for ourselves. We are 
going for the country. We know what dangers there 
are on the way, and yet feel that there is a certain 
call from Providence, from higher sources, and we 
cannot resist the temptation of responding to the 
call. I cannot resist. I feel I must go, and so also 
my colleagues think. We are goine on a mission 
of Dharma. W^e are going on a mission which 
involves the fortunes of the whole of India, and 
there ought to be no hesitation about it. There is 
a story that when Ceesar was going from Italy to 
Greece in a ship, there was a strom on the way, and 
then the sailors refused to carry him farther. Caesar 
threw off the mask, and addressed the sailors and 
said : " You are not carrying your fortunes with 
you, but you are carrying Caesar and his fortunes 
with you." After these words, the sailors carried 
him to Greece and he succeeded in his plan. Such 
is the case at present. This is not the p5ace to go 
into full details to explain w^hat is in my mind and 
in the minds of my colleagues, and 1 may tell you 

Indian Deputation at Madras, 

once for all that for success in our efforts we 
depend upon your sympathy and upon your support. 
So stick to what you have asked for till now. 
Without that force behind us it is impossible for 
us to do anything. We hope we shall derive 
inspiration, support and strength from that force, 
and we ask you all to lend us your support as 
you have been doing hitherto, i thank you again 
for your good wishes and Providence, that is 
working behind us, in front of us, or as the Gila 
says, on all sides of us. will not fail us, and that if 
we show sufficient courage, sufficient determination 
then we are bound to succeed by the grace of God. 



(In It plying to the Presentation of Addresses given hy 
ih'. Mahrattas and Andhars of Madras, Lokamanya Ba!^ 
Qangadhar Tilak said): — 

My Andhra and Mahratta Friends : 

ioin my Mahratta and Andhra friends together 
this reason. The principles oi administration 
winch were (oUowed by Mahratta Government 
were as you are all aware borrowed from the 
Andhra Government at Vijiyanagar. So we 
Maharattas owe something to you Andhras. Those 
principles were eventually copied by Shivaji and 
his administrators. So there is that link which still 
exists and I find in the two addresses presented to 
me a similar combination. That combination still 
exists and I should say is still working. Though 
the languages may be different, the one is Dravidian 
and the other Maharatta, the hearts are one. Both 
of us, 1 believe, are actuated by the same feelings 
for that subordinate naturality which goes to make 
up the whole Nation. I am one oi those who hold 
that the development of India will be much facili- 
tated if vernaculars are developed and if provinces 
are redistributed according to language. I expressed 
that sentiment and opinion long ago, long before the 

Rcplv to the addresses of the Mahahattas and Andhras 

Andhra agitation commenced. We can appeal to 
our people better through vernaculars, than in 
English. English can never become the language of 
the masses. We must appeal to them through their 
own vernaculars, and this has been one of the chief 
objects of my life, and tell you once for all why I 
devoted more attention to the Kesari than to 
English paper. It appeals to them more. Can a 
foreign language be the language of this country ? 
English may become a lingua franca which will 
connect different parts of India which are developing 
themselves. That is my view and I have ever 
supported that view in my papers and speeches. So 
you need not have any doubt as regards the senti- 
ments expressed here, India can only be something 
like the United States, small States all over India, 
each State having a language of its own, all united 
together by one common language, But then it is 
impossible for us to give up our vernaculars and 
you can never wipe out all vernaculars and 
make substitutes for them. When Home Rule 
comes all these provinces are likely to be divided. 
Now the question is whether we should put this 
question in front of the question of Home Rule. I 
should like to place Home Rule in front. If you go 
and consult the bureaucracy, they say: "We give 
you the redistribution of Provinces and not Home 
Rule," For it would increase posts of Lieutenant- 
Governors and Governors. What we say is : "Grant 
us Home Rule and we shall look to all these 

Lok' Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

matters/' I do not want to put this question in the- 
back ground, for it is safer to ask for Home Rule as 
it is more comprehensive. Do not press just now 
for redistribution of the Provinces. It will come in 
its own t'.me and the development of vernaculars 
also will come in its own time. All those follow if 
once Home Rule is granted. Our agitation and our 
efforts must therefore at present be directed for 
securing Home Rule for India. Speaking in this 
hall which bore the name of my friend Mr. Gokhale. 
I may remind you that when he went to England 
ten years ago to fight for you, he wanted to get 
Home Rale but the limitation and the time were 
not favourable. It is plainly told in Lord Morley's 
reminiscences that Home Rule for India was aimed 
at. Lord Morley said that was impossible and India 
must be content with association with adminis- 
trators and not participation in administration. You 
must clearly understand his distinction between 
associatiori and participation. The English language 
is wide enough to express all these shades and 

At that time the idea which was preached was 
association. And Lord Morley by his reforms 
sought to associate Indians with the real adminis- 
trators, the bureaucratic administrators of the land. 
That was all that could be done at that time. The 
times have changed since and the Government have 
recognised that the goal of British administration 
shoiild be Responsible Government for India. Now 

Reply to the addresses of the Maharattas and Andhras 

there is greater latitude to work up our ideal. We 
go under more tavourable circumstances and it is 
quite possible now to realise that ideal, though Lord 
Morley did not see it at that time and said that as 
far as he could see, within the range of his vision 
he could not conceive of Home Rule for India. 
What was impossible ten years age became 
pc';sible now. We are going in that change of 
atmosphere, change of opinion and change of 
circumstances. in fact when everything was 
changed. \ am confident that if we are now going 
with determination, it is not impossible for us to 
obtain Home Rule, We are working in changed 
times and altered circumstances. Mr. Gokhale did 
his best and let us do our best. We are going with 
determination to fight. The ideal has been worked 
up and something must be done that we may 
get some participation which will lead to the 
ultimate goal ol Responsible Self-Government, 
that was promised by the Secretary of State and the 
Viceroy. So what instalment are we to get ? The 
minimum is the reforms we asked for, and the 
maximum is Responsible Self-Government. What 
you get depends upon your exertions. They are 
bound to go beyond what Lord Morley said and 
they have recognised this in course of time. Now 
all depends upon your initiative and your exertions. 
If you stick to your ideal, the Congress-League 
Scheme, then you are bound to get it. If you allow 
yourselves to be taken away from your goal by 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

allurements, I dare say it will be your own fault. 
You will be told that now you get as. 2 »nd then 
as. 6 and that in 20 years you will get the full 
rupee. No, you should insist upon the Congress 
League Scheme as the first instalment. You know 
that you are working for the Empire. The present 
conditions in India must be changed ; the character 
of the bureaucratic administration requires to be 
changed. In the interests of the Empire we must 
see that we have enough power in our hands to 
change the character of the bureaucracy. Let us 
have full power to change the policy and character 
of the bureaucratic administration and once that 
character is changed, in 10 or 15 years, India would 
be as great as Japan. And the English statesmen 
and the Empire will then have no need to trust 
japan ; they can trust India. If they trust India, 
India shall be equal to all the Asiatic nations put 
together, including Japan. That is our ideal. We 
are now trying to obtain that power over the 
administration of the country, financial control, 
control of the Executive, and sufficient majorities 
in the Legislative Councils. These three things 
achieved, everything will follow. They are the 
master-key. So your demand should now be for 
the Congress League Scheme. You must not accept 
less. li" you accept anything less, you will in a 
great degree not only hamper the progress of but 
ruin the country. We shall be insisting upon the 
Congress- League Scheme. What wil) be your 

Reply to the addresses of the Mahrattas and Andhra^ 

demand ? Do you say that you are prepared to 
accept less while we are fighting for the scheme ? 
The Congress has formulated it, the Muslim League 
has formulated it, the Home Rule League has 
formulated it, and we of the deputation have taken 
that as the basis of our work. If you say you 
accept less, you take away the foundations. 
Remember that if you support us with your deter- 
mination, that if you are not prepared to accept 
anything less, you will enable us to return to India 
with success. We go relying not on our strength 
or efforts, but we rely upon the wishes of Providence 
which are favourable to us. It is no question of 
age, it is no question of infirmity. We have a call 
from above. We are simply obe3ang that call 
whatever infirmities are. I have no doubt, I am 
perfectly confident that in following that call we 
are obeying the call of Providence, and Providence 
is graciously pleased to lead us to success. (Loud 
and continued cheers). 



(The mejvbzrs of the Mahajana Sabah, the Madras 
Provincial Congress Committee, the Home Rule League, 
fhc Madras Presidency Association and the Andhras Peoples. 
Association presented a joint address of welcome to L--k- 
Bal Qangadhar Tilal^—a hearty and sincere welcome on 
his arrival at Madras. Mr. Tilah, in reply, said) : 

I thank you cordially for the honour you have 
done me and the other members of the Deputation 
in welcoming us here and in presenting an address 
which has been signed by almost all the representa- 
tive bodies in this city. (A friend here suggests 
" all " representative bodies.) My knowledge of the 
place is so scanty that I saved myself by introducing 
the qualification " almost all " but 1 am prepared to 
accept the amendment moved by my friend, and 
I thank you all the more because all the representa- 
tive bodies of this Presidency have given us their 
blessing and good wishes for the cause which is the 
cause of us all, the success of which we have all at 
heart, .^s observed by the venerable Chairman, 
there is one thing which I wish to communicate to 
you at this moment. No one now requires to be 
told what Home Rule means. I can safely drop 
that question. The only question is how Home Rule 
is to be fought out. The Government of India and 
the Secretary of State have both declared from their 
resoective places, the one in Parliament and the 
other through the Gare//e 0/ India, that Responsible 
Goverr.mert or Home Rule shall be the goal of 

Home Rule 

British admini^stration in India, The King, the 
Cabinet, the Governor-General and the Secretary 
of State are all agreed that it is proper and legal 
tor you to ask for Responsible Government, and, 
secondly, that it ought to be the goal of the British 
administration in India, but the statement is not 
as complete as we want it to be. We are told that 
this Responsible Government will be granted to 
you by steps which will be decided by the Bureau- 
cracy and not by us. That is not the doctrine of 
self-determination of which they talk so much in 
Great Britain. The steps are to be determmed by 
us and not by the present bureaucratic adminis- 
trators. Self-determination means that one must 
fix upon these steps, that we must fix up>on the time 
limit and that the matter should not be left to 
the sweet discretion of bureaucracy which aiter 
1 50 years of rule have now just come to see what 
the goal of their administration should be. They 
worked in utter darkness till now groping in 
the way, and when the War broke out, and 
when it was found that the Empire was in a danger 
they began to see what the goal of their 
administration ought to be. We do not want to 
quarrel with them for that. The goal is there and 
it is no longer seditious to say that we wanL Home 
Rule and that Home Rule is our birthnght. We 
are going to England to tell the British Democracy 
plainly that the question as to what the first step 
should be and what the time of granting full 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

Responsible Government should be is no longer a 
question on which bureaucratic opinion can be 
tolerated ior a moment. We do not want the 
British Democracy to decide how they should act 
as an umpire between the Bureaucracy and our- 
selves. We are going to England for the purpose of 
convincing the British Democracy that the grant of 
Responsible Government is the necessity of the hour. 
It IS no longer a question of benevolent generosity 
or favour. That \vas the position ten years ago. 
Now the position is entirely changed. Responsible 
Government has now become the necessity of the 
hour, the necessity of the Empire, and, I say, the 
safe*:v of the Empire. Wa are going to England for 
the purpose of convincing the British Democracy 
that if Home Rule is not granted to India the 
Empire is in danger of being one day crippled. You 
all know what the situation is in Asia. India stands 
alone. Russian influence in Asia is dominated by 
German influence. Turkey is under the influence 
of Germany. Japan has the goal of self- aggrandise- 
ment. India cannot hereafter be defended by the 
naval and military forces of Great Britian, naval 
forces for reasons you all know, military forces, 
simply because there are none. If India is to be 
defended in the interests of the Empire, India must 
be trained to defend herself. Look at the world 
mar.— India surrounded by China and Japan on one 
sidf. with Siberia on one side, with two Asiatic 
Tu/ keys under German influence, with Russia 

Home Rule. 

broken up into rival parties. Supposing you have 
to defend India against a combination inspired from 
Germany, what will you do ? (A cry " we will 
fight.") I will tell you what my answer is. They 
say that they will not trust India. They will trust 
Japan and any other people on the surface of the 
earth but India. The work of the Deputation is to 
convince the British Democracy that the gravity of 
the situation — as the Chairman remarked, the centre 
of gravity — lies in India and not in England. It is 
here that the solution is to be found and not in 
America and Japan. The map of the world is changed 
and if we do not take the advantage of these circum- 
stances which are providential, we do not deserve, 
to be called citizens, we do not deserve to be called 
men. Times do not change for you. Time and tide 
wait for no man and you have to run with them, If 
you fail to take advantage of the time and circum- 
stances, you fail in the important duties of citizen- 
ship. Providence is favourable to you. Why ? 
Because the whole world is changed and it is 
impossible that there could not be a change. When 
the world is changed, if you propose to remain 
stationary, possibly you will be wiped of speedily.. 
You must move along with the times. What is 
necessary at present is to make the British people 
realise the position. We are not going to appeal to 
their generosity, and nothing could be gained by 
that procedure. We must make them realise that 
unless they are prepared to raise India, they must 

LoK Bal CongaJhar T-lch 

be prepared to lose India. If Indiia remains statio- 
nary, she will be a dead- weight round the neck of 
the Empire and there is a danger of 't>oth India end 
the Empire going to the bottom. That is the situa- 
tion which I wish to point out to the British pablic. 
It is not a situation of our making. Proviidence has 
brought it about and. as Mr. Pal has said. Provid- 
ence has been w^orking for us all over the 'svhole 
world. Pro\'idence is working in your own interest. 
if you have not the ears to hear or the haryds to 
work in consonance with the spirit that is running 
abroad, I dare say every independent and civilised 
nation in the world will pass their judgment upon 
you and that judgment will be against you. Are you 
prepared to face it ? (Cries ot No.; After all I am 
but one individual. Whatever 1 may hold or ■^vhat- 
ever I may think will count as the judgment ot one 
man. I appeal to you to think of the situation. I am 
going to say in England that Home Rule ior India 
is a question of necessity of the hour and that it 
must be realised. That is the decisive attitude 
which must be taken, which must be utilised, %vhiich 
must be exploited to its utmost. We want your iuU 
support in that work. W^e are going to represent 
the cause of Home Rule through the BrJris;-! Demo- 
cracy as a matter of necessity. We have fixed our 
demand. You know what happened in the case of 
Ireland, The British ministers and Cabinet a&ked 
the Irish people to meet in a Convention and to 
settle their demands. We are a bit shrewd people. 

Home Rule 

We thought that such a demand would be made. We 
anticipated it and met in the Congress and Muslim 
League and we have fixed upon the minimum which 
ought to be conceded to us at once. All that remains 
is it the British Ministry wishes to treat us on the 
same footing as they treated the Irish, what we say 
is, here is our demand, settled at a Convention of 
the Congress and the Muslim League and no more 
Convention is necessary, therefore, extend to us the 
same liberty that you have given to Ireland and 
carry it through the Parliament. No second refer- 
ence is necessary. We have our demand ready 
made. What is that demand ? We ask for complete 
Home Rule within a measurable time. Both of us 
have agreed happily on that, though the words 
" within a measurable time '* are susceptible of being 
interpreted in different ways according to the 
interests of each party. We have fixed upon the first 
stage or the first step towards Home Rule and that 
step is that we want financial control. Let me 
enumerate the principles involved in that. We 
must have the control of the purse. We must have 
control over the Executive. The Executive must be 
prepared to carry out what the Legislature resolves. 
The Executive must be the servants of the Legisla- 
ture, Our second demand is that there should be 
substantial majority of elected members in the 
Legislative Council. There are minor demands with 
regard to administration in the Provinces and so on. 
An attempt will be made — 1 say it from the know- 



Lo^. Bat Gongadhar Tilck 

ledge of Bureaucracy - to tempt you to give up a 
part of your demands. There is no other alternative 
for the Bureaucracy. They have to accept the goal 
which has been published all over through the 
Gazette of India. We know where we are. Between 
Minto-Morley Reiorms and complete Responsible 
Government the Bureaucracy wants small instal- 
ments to be fixed at their discretion. That would 
not do. We say that we are even prepared to accept 
reforms in instalments but we say that the first 
instalment should be substantial and should be 
what we have asked for in the Congress-League 
Scheme, and that after the payment of the first 
instalment, the instalments that are to follow should 
be distributed over as small a number of years as 
possible. We ask for the control of the purse, con- 
trol over the Executive and a substantial majority in 
the Legislative Councils. W ithout these reforms no 
improvement in the state of the country will be 
brought about. We do not want Home Rule so that 
we may get a few more Government posts, nor is it 
that we should associate with the Bureaucracy in 
their costly administrations. We say that the 
Empire 'r in danger and that we are willing to save 
the Empire. We want Home Rule in order that we 
may be better qualified to render that assistance to 
the Empire within ten or fifteen years to come. We 
are anxious to serve the Empire, we are anxious to 
be a living member, a self-dependent member of the 
Empire like the other parts of the Empire. Let us 

Home Rule 

have sufficient power that would enable us to achieve 
this goal within as short a time as possible. Japan 
became a nation within a comparatively short 
period. We hope that if we are granted the power 
and the right that we ask for, the first instalment 
chat we ask for will convert India from a dead- 
weight into a self-dependent unit of the Empire. 
Our object is imperial and with that object in view, 
we press that the Congress demand is the minimum 
demand that we make. Mind that we are not 
extravagant. The caution that was necessary to be 
used and perhaps more than necessary to be used 
has been set aside and this demand has been fixed 
with the consent of Hindus and Muhammadans of 
all shades of political opinion. That is a compro- 
mise that w e have arrived at. If after bidding 
farewell to us, after allowing us to work in England 
for some time, you change your mind, imagine what 
the consequences would be. It will be a great error, 
also a disaster, to send us to England and then 
change your mind behind our back. You had better 
not send us to England at all if you are likely to 
change your mind. I wish to take the 
verdict from you before we are going to England. 
If you will be content with less when temptations 
are put before you and when Bureaucracy say 
that you will ruin your path unless you accept less 
— they will try to throw the responsibility of the 
failure on you — it is a very spacious argument, an 
argument that is likely to appeal to people who have 

Lof(, Bal GangaJhar Tilah 

something else in view, be firm at that time. If you 
really want us to go to England and plead the cause 
of the country, we expect full and unstinted support 
from you all (Cheers). If you have no mind to stick 
to the programme you have made, please let us 
know about it and we shall knov/ how to act. Other- 
wise we are going to take the Congress Scheme as 
the basis of our demand. The Congress Scheme 
excludes the military and foreign affairs but in the 
x;ase of mihtary matters the Congress Scheme 
demands that the Government of India should make 
a declaration as regards its future policy. We do 
not ask for control over military affairs because the 
bureaucracy would suspect that we have some 
ulterior motive. We still want a definite declaration 
as to future military policy. We want volunteering 
to be allowed and military colleges to be opened. In 
the military matter, it is impossible to utilise the 
man-power of India without the full consent of the 
people of India and their full consent to support the 
Empire. Who can expect any people on the surface 
of the earth to fight for a country unless the fighter 
Ropes that he will improve his material position in 
this world ? The BhagacaJ Gita has beautifully- 
expressed that if you die on a battle-field there are 
gates of heaven open to you. The bureaucracy has 
refused encouragement to volunteering. There are 
thousands in this meeting who would declare their 
wiliingness to volunteer, who are prepared to de- 
fena their country as the Colonies have done, I see 

Home Rule 

a number of young people before me who would 
come forward with the greatest satisfaction if the 
Government of India declares their military policy 
to-morrow. I do not know from what portion 
of the Empire they can find man-power as much 
as from India. \ ou will be told that the Govern- 
ment of Indlia is very liberal and that if we accept 
Responsible Government as the goal of British 
administration in India everything else will follow. 
I say, No. I say that the first instalment ought to 
be such as would make us qualify within 10 or 15 
years to take part in the defence of our Empire. 
The Anglo-Indian Association and Lord Sydenham 
are sajang that India is unfit for Home Rule 
that Indian women are, not yet liberated, that the 
caste system is widely prevalent, that Indians have 
not changed their colour and that therefore Home 
Rule should not be granted. I do not think that 
there is any chance of this argument being heeurd 
by the democracy. We must be there on their 
spot. We must be able to sa}- what are the 
essential conditions necessary to grant Home 
Rule to India. Have we prevented Government 
from introducing free and compulsory education 
among the masses ? If the masses are uneducated 
it is not our fault. There are said to be diffi- 
culties in the way of finding funds for educational 
purposes but funds are easily found for other 
purposes such as the grant of Exchange Compensa- 
tion to Civilians and others. We want auhority to 

Lok Bal Cangadhar Tilak 

abolish the bureaucratic policy of ad ministration ^ 
and we want the whole policy to be changed and the 
character of the administration to be converted from 
bureaucratic to responsible power. Let us have your 
full support, your full spmpathy and let us have a 
continued agitation even more than desirable, for in 
such a matter excess is not to be condemned. Even 
more than now keep on your agitation. Let us 
hear the echoes of your agitation in England. 
Nothing can be more cheering to us than those 
echoes. I promise on behalf of the deputation 
that we shall do our best to carry out the object 
upon which we go there, not for ourselves but for 
the country. We are going there in obedience to a 
call from Providence, from a higher power— an 
inspiration which we cannot resist. We go in spite 
of bad health and other circumstances. It is a mis- 
sion from God. a mission from above, and if we are 
determined to follow it up with all your power and 
sympathy, there will be enough energy given to us 
to carry it out. We feel that times are changed, we 
feel that it is the will of God to grant Home Rule 
to India. We possess confidence, that Providence 
which inspired us in the past, will give us the 
necessary strength to carry that impulse safely 
through. I again thank you for the honour you have 
done to us fLoud Cheers.} 



{Before a croccded audience, Lok-Tilak. made a speech on 
the 2ht April, 191 S, at Goivri Vilas compound on ''The 
Present Situation." Mrs. Annie Besant presided. Loka- 
manya Tilak who was received with deafening cheers ^ 
said): — 

Chairman, Sir Subramanyam and Gentlemen : — 
You have been already told that whatever conclu- 
sions may be formed to-day are likely to be upset 
by the events of to-morrow. So with this qualifica- 
tion first communicated to you I wish to proceed 
with the subject. It is an important limitation, for 
events come one after another so abruptly without 
notice that I cannot say that what I tell you to-day 
will be repeated by me to-morrow. Yet there are 
certain things which we can see through the number 
of documents that have been furnished by Govern- 
ment recently. When I spoke last here, about three 
weeks ago. I told you that I was going to tell the 
British Democracy that India must be granted 
Home Rule as a War measure, apart from the 
question of fitness, apart from the question of 
justice, apart from the question of grace, apart from 
the question of contenment. Home Rule to India was 
necessary as a War-measure if the Empire was to 
be saved. Some papers here took objection to that. 
I am glad to say that what I have said has been 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

borne out. Home Rule has been granted to Ireland 
as a War-measure, a War-measure under the neces- 
sity of psychological principle, backed up by the 
pressure from America. Ireland must be granted 
Home Rule, Why } Because, first, Irish youths 
must be made to feel that they were fighting for 
their country, for a principle which is not denied to 
them at home. That is one reason given. And it is 
a sound doctrine. Another reason is that it is the 
desire of President Wilson. Possibly it means 
that America is not going to take part in this War, 
unless the Americans are sure, that this War is for 
establishing liberty and freedom all over the world 
fcheers). The interest of America is not in the 
protests of peoples, whether it be Germans or 
Anglo-Saxons. The American Government are 
interested in the War and are prepared to help 
England and her friends, if ultimately the principles 
of liberty are to triumph and are to be established 
all the world over, irrespective of colour or conti- 
nent. That seems to be the reason why America 
has given its help but not certainly to defend Anglo- 
Saxon despotism. For these two reasons Ireland 
will be granted Home Rule immediately. 

As regards the situation here created by the 
War, 1 must say a few words. It is very clearly 
acknowledged that the situation is critical. On the 
Western side the situation is very critical and as 
getting more and more critical every day and every 
hour. It is said that if Germans succeed in 

Ths Presznl Situation 

annihilating the British army during the next two 
-or three months before America can come to their 
help the situation will be hopeless. England and 
her friends believe that that cannot be crushed 
during that time. They will hold their own. It is 
not a question of conquest but a question of holding 
their own till American reinforcements come in 
and go, together with the man-power of America 
and of Ireland, to succeed in stemming back 
German Militarism. The situation in ithe East is 
this. The whole of Asia is now open to German 
invasion. The Pan-Islamic League, and Turkey, 
the Asiatic Turkestan, Persia and all these 
countries have been brought under the • German 
influnce by the parcelling of the Russian Empire 
into the three or four different compartments, all under 
Germany. It is quite possible for Germany through 
some agency to approach the North-Western 
frontier in a week at best, f A voice "God forbid.") 
Certainly, but the situation is to be gauged whether 
God forbids it or not, and unless you are prepared 
to face it, 1 do not think, God will come to your 
help. It must be thought of, taken into consider- 
ation and provided for. That is the business 
of the statesman. When he has done that, you can 
rely upon Providence. So there is double danger. 
As regards the danger in the West, one provision 
made is the application of conscription of Ireland. 
That cannot be done unless the Irish youths are 
made to feel that they are fighting for a principle 

Lof^. Bal Gangadhar Tilak. 

which is not denied to them in their own land. That 
has been admitted, and they hope to apply conscrip- 
tion to Ireland, even if the Allies are unwilling. 
England has done all that it could to satisfy Ireland. 
That is what the Prime Minister has said : We have 
done what we could and now we are not afraid to 
apply the law of conscription. In that way they 
hope to get millions of men, and America says it 
can give five to seven or ten millions of them in two 
years. Ireland can give some, if conscription is 
applied. So is the War situation. But we are not 
concerned with the whole of it at present. 

We are concerned with the Asiatic situation. 
Now what is the Prime Minister's message ? The 
first decument says that this tide of German mili- 
tarism must be stemmed in the West, but being 
stemmed in the West, it may find a way into the 
East — those are not my words — and it will be 
necessary for Indians to guard their Motherland 
against any such expected or anticipated danger in 
future. That is the appeal made to us by the Vice- 
roy. Are you prepared to defend your Motherland, 
and upon the terms the Viceroy asked you, that you 
ought to be prepared ? If not, you will be forced to 
prepare without even the psychological considera- 
tion shown in the case of Ireland. I want you to 
read the three documents carefully. One document 
explains why the deputation is stopped, the second 
is the Premier's message and the third is the 
Viceroy's declaration about the Delhi Conference. 
346 ' 

The Present Situation 

Government's Plan 

Taking all these together, we» can read between 
them a certain plan which seems to be settled and 
which is being carried out bit by bit. Government 
have not given out, yet fully, what they propose to 
do and I do not blame the Government for it, but it 
is always that they carry on these plans by stages. 
They have done so. But any man can read for 
himself. If he reads between the lines he can very 
easily see. that stopping the deputation is the first 
scene in the drama which is being enacted. It was 
not an isolated act. When the passports were 
granted to us the policy was under consideration 
it was mot settled. Correspondence was then going 
on between the Viceroy, the Secretary of State and 
the War Cabinet. By the time we were ready, the 
question was ready with the solution, what the 
Viceroy should do, what the Home Government 
should do and now the first thing to be done was to 
stop the passage of the Deputation. The second 
stage was the Conference, whatever that may mean. 
I do not know what the Conference is to be held for, 
what conclusions are to be arrived at. or what its 
procedure is, to arrive at the conclusions. But it 
was said that one object of the Conference was to 
consider how to stop the propaganda work in India 
hereafter, the cessation of all political propaganda. 
The second is how to utilise the man-power and 
other resources of India to the best advantage, and 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

the third is to ask the people cheeriuUy to bear the 
sacrifices wliich may be necessary for victory. These 
are the three objects which have been telegraphed to 
the nev.spapers and to the different members 

Defects of the Conference 

Now what is the nature of this Conference ? All 
the big Chiefs are invited ; I do not know why, 
because when the question of Native States came 
for consideration, there was a Chiefs' Conference, 
.and it was there said that the Ruling Princes should 
not interfere in matters pertaining to the British 
Administration and we should not interfere with 
theirs. It is a settled principle that we at present 
have nothing to do with their administration, we 
leave them alone. Now in settling the momentous 
question some of the Chiefs are invited. But why 
are they invited ? You can deal with them 
separately. The demands and aspirations of the 
Princes are entirely different from the demands and 
aspirations of the British Indian people. If you do 
noi want Flome Rule, many Princes will subscribe. 
Whatever assistance you require from them, obtain 
it by all means, but do not mix them together, so 
that the popular element will be invisible in the 
majority of the Conference. That is one defect in 
the constitution oi the Conference. The second 
defect is that they have invited all non- 
official members of the Imperial Council. The 

The Present Situation 

third defect is that they have invited such members 
as would be selected by the Local Governments 
as representing various interests, (laughter) ar.d 
then every interest will have one vote, if votes were 
taken, and there are so many different interests in 
India that if every interest is given a vote, then 
there is sure to be a majority of them all, agreeing 
to the 1 one thing that whatever Government said 
was good. They will have thus a majority of vote. 
Being nominated by Government, it will be their 
dut>- to accept whatever Government proposed, and 
are we to be bound by it ? fSevcral voices " no. no" 
and " certainly not "). This is the great defect in that 
Conference. I do not think that the leaders of the 
Congress are invited. The President of the Congress 
has yet to be invited- (Cries of Shame J Mind, she 
is the President of the Congress throughout the 
whole year 1918. So this packed-up Conference 
which is to sit at Delhi is to decide the fate of India 
and pass final judgment upon the aspirations of the 
people. It is not even like the Irish Convention, h 
is something — i do not know what to call it — but, 
some humbug, to get the Government scheme passed 
at that Conference. 

What !•< the Gcccrnincnt Schen)c 

Now what is the Government scheme ? We know 

that a scheme has been submitted to the GovefTi- 

menr by various representative bodies —the Congress 

and League Scheme placed before the Secretary of 


Lok. Bal Gan^aJhar Tilah 

State. The majority of the people all over 
supported the scheme. Is Mr. Montagu going to 
grant us Self-Government according to that scheme ? 
If so, there is no necessity of stopping any propa- 
ganda work. If you grant us Home Rule, we are 
quite ready and prepared to support and defend our 
Motherland to the last TCheersj. Not that we are 
unwilUng to support, but now we are told nothing 
about the scheme, but there are some indications in 
the communique on the question of stopping the 
deputation. What are they ? The Government 
attitude is said to be generous. We have forgotten 
it. Then it is said that iMr. Montagu has been here 
and he has heard all our representations, — as it Mr. 
Montagu is the whole British Nation Haughterj, and 
there is no necessity to carry on the deputation 
because everything has been heard by the Indian 
Government. Now that is the argument from which 
we can see that they are not going to grant us the 
whole thing. In that communique it was stated 
that the deputation was going to press their own 
Home Rule scheme." What was that ? lit was 
nothing more than the Congress-League scheme. 
If you put these two statements together, the 
conclusion is that we are going to England tO' place 
before the English democracy the Congress- League 
scheme which Government call our scheme, and 
that Government are not prepared to go so far. So 
they have decided something. That something will 
fail far short of our expectations. It will not amount 

The Present Situation 

to even As. 4. There are some who are prepared to 
say that it will come to As. 8. But I do not think 
it will come even to As. 4. The bureaucracy have 
decided what they would recommend the Home 
Government to grant to you. Their scheme is ready. 
I do not know whether the scheme will be placed 
before the Conference. Possibly not. They may 
possibly ask the Conference to give their consent 
for the cessation of political activity and propaganda 
work on the faith that the Government are going to 
do something in the future. 

Some Views 

There are some people who still think that what- 
ever Government is prepared to grant they should 
accept and rely upon the promises about the future. 
That is, they say, prudent, statesmanlike and, 
considering our position, that is what we ought to. 
You may argue with them as much as possible, but 
once you find that they are prepared to give you so 
much and no more, you ought to fall in with their 
view and tell people that you have done your best 
to convince the rulers, that you have not succeeded 
in doing so, and that whatever falls from them 
should be accepted, with thanks, if necessary. 
Another attitude is that the times are such that 
even if you refuse what is being granted to you. 
Government will be forced in the circumstances 
to increase what they proposed to grant to you and 
that eventually you will succeed if you remain firm. 

Lof(. Bal Gangadhar Tilah 

Those are the two schools of thought and 1 am afraid 
that the attitude taken up by Government may cause 
a split in the Nation— I say God forbid it. I say that 
matters have come to this pass, viz., that some of 
your leaders who were with us in the Home Rule 
agitation may be taken away from us. and, relying 
on their support or pretending that they represent 
the people, the Government may force their conclu- 
sions. It is for you now to decide what course you 
will adopt. 

Compare India and Ireland 

Look at the state of Government. They think 
th?t although it is true in the of Ireland that 
the man there must be made to feel that he is 
fighting for liberty, which is not denied to him in 
his own home, that principle of liberty is not 
applicable to India. Are we not human beings like 
Irishmen ? It is not a condition imposed by an 
Indian. Some people say : " Who are you to 
impose a condition upon Government. and 
it looks absurd for loyal subjects to impose 
conditions upon Government." My idea of 
loyalty is different. We do not impose any condi- 
tion upon Government, but we bring to the notice 
of- Government the psychological law that you 
cannot compel a man to do a thing unless you please 
him at the same time. Before people determine 
to fignr for the liberty of other Nations, they must 
be r.ssured that they will enjoy that liberty in their 

The Present Situation 

own home (cheers). It is not a condition made by 
us. If any one has made that condition it is human 
natue, and we are bringing to the notice of Govern- 
ment the law of human nature which will make 
co-operation effective. I do not think that it is ever 
considered by any historian or any thinker that to 
remind the Government of the laws of human 
nature is disloyal. In my telegram, which I sent 
from Ceylon to the Viceroy, I set out this principle, 
viz., that we are prepared to co-operate with 
Government, that we are prepared to defend our 
Motherland against any possible danger from the 
north-west, whether real or imaginary, but at the 
same time we cannot enthusiastically defend it or 
zealously defend it. unless in our heart of hearts we 
are convinced that we are fighting for our own 
country and not as outsiders in our own country. 
That is absolutely necessary and that condition 
must be granted. The bureaucracy do not do so. 

A T>istinction 

Here I must make a distinction between bureau- 
cracy and ourselves. The bureaucracy have a 
scheme of their own and they will carry it out 
whether you like it or not. They have settled it 
during the last two or three weeks, and that is to 
grant what ihey think fit, not to consider the 
principle of self-determination but to treat it as a 
principle of self-determination bi^ the bureaucracy 
for you, because you are yet children. It has been 


Lok. Bal GangaJbar Tilak 

decided to grant you that, to shut up your mouth, to 
prevent all agitation in the country, and after some 
months to publish Mr. Montagu's scheme and then 
to recommend it to the Home Government, as a cut 
and dry scheme, and not to allow you even to place 
your views before the Parliament. They think 
that it is a matter «vhich completely rests with the 
Government of India and the leaders whom they 
have called to meet at the Delhi Conference. What 
they decide there, will be fathered upon you. They 
forget that the principle of self-determination must 
be applied to India. You must be made to feel that 
you fight for your own country. If you have no 
such feeling, then you will be mercenaries. But 
ten mercenary men are not equal to one patriot. 
The Government know it, and they have recognised 
it in the case of Ireland and they do not want to do 
it in the case of India Uoud cries of sheune). The 
second fact, which must be brought to your notice 
and which has been already brought in, in the case of 
Ireland, is the American factor in the situation. 
In the latest telegram published yesterday, Mr. 
Lloyd George has plainly admitted that the grant 
of Home Rule to Ireland was in consonance with 
the wishes of Persident Wilson, and he said 
that unless Home Rule was granted to Ireland, 
American help would not come forth in such 
large number as it is desirable it should 
come. The Parliament acknowledges through i:s 
Premier that they are forced to takq this step m 

The Present Situation 

consonance witb the wishes of the A^nnericans, 
whose help is so much necessary at present. Look 
at India, ^'ou probably know in Macjiras irhat the 
matter was represented to President Wiison by one 
of our leaders (cheers), and what is. the response 
that we got for it .^ The response is that we were 
" traitors " to go to^ America for help, even to inform 
America what the real situation in India was. They 
are not prepared to discuss it on merits but any 
reference to America in the case oi India as looked 
upon as treason by the highest admnni strati ve 
authority in the land, while PairliamerA openly 
acknowledges that h is only in deference to the 
wishes of President Wilson that Home Rule is 
being granted to Ireland. That is a noreworthy 
distinction. We cannot go to America. We caanot 
rely upon the principles of liberty whxch all the 
Allies .equally proclaim that it is their int-nntion to 
establish all over the world. But those prmcjpies 
are not to be established in India. The War ss not 
for the establishment of those prmciples m India. 
The German Colonies are Black Colonies after all. 
They say that even in the case oi ihe German 
Colonies the Allies have agreed that the principle 
of self-determination will be made applicable. What 
will Germany say? Germany will say; If you 
apply that principle to our Colonies, why not apply 
it to your own ?" Peace negotiations are not to be 
carried on only by the Allies : they will be on foth 
sides. They now publish to the world that the prirxcipie 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilah 

oi self-determmation is to be applied to the German) 
Colonies, If the Allies do not raise it. somebody else 
will raise it. What reply will Great Britain give to 
it > In spite of this War. there can be no reply to 
the question at the Peace Conference why this 
principle of self-determination is not extended to 
India, except the replj' that India must be kept aside 
for the bureaucracy. 

The Bureaucratic Solution 

That is the bureaucratic solution of the question. 
The whole thing has come to this point at present . 
They are going to hold a Conference which will be 
followed by the publication of Mr, Montagu's 
scheme ; all political activity will be stopped and 
possibly a few reforms here and there will be placed 
before the War Cabinet or the other Cabinet. It 
seems to me from a reading of these documents that 
it is intended to settle the question in an arbitrary 
fashion as soon as possible, under the pretext that the 
North- West Frontier is in danger and that this is not 
the time to discuss political reforms. There is ample 
time to discuss the question of Home Rule being 
granted to Ireland, though the danger is nearer home 
there. Here, though we are far away from the theatre 
of War, danger is apprehended, and all political 
discussion is to be stopped with a view that the best 
p>ossible use should be made of the man-power and 
o'^hc!" resources and that people should be prepared 
cheerfully to sacrifice. Cheerfulness comes from the 

The Present Situation 

iJieart and if that heart remains untouched, how 
•could that cheerfulness proceed ? We might be com- 
pelled to work like oxen on the battlefield but that 
will be an army of mercenaries. India cannot fight 
a battle for her Motherland unless the sons of India 
are made to feel that it is for their Motherland that 
they are fighting and that in that Motherland they 
possess the birthright of managing their own affairs. 
This must be said in the Conference. We must 
muster all our forces together and try to influence 
as many members of this Conference as possibly 
could be influenced, so that a protest may^be entered 
in the Conference itself before the Viceroy, that 
the plan of Government is an absurd plan, a plan 
that violates the laws of nature, and they must be 
reminded also that nature is always merciless in 
enforcing its laws at whatever cost (cheers). If this 
political agitation is to be stopped, how is it to be 
stopped ? Is it by another legislation, another 
Press Act, another Seditions Meetings Act, another 
Ordinance under the Defence of India Act ? That 
seems to be the object. They do not say anj^hing 
about Home Rule ; they forget the fact altogether. 
They want quiet and peace in India in order that the 
Government of India may concentrate their thought 
on a successful prosecution of the War, as if the 
Government of India are the only people interested 
in the successful prosecution of the War ! If thirty 
<;rores of people here are made to feel that it is 
to their interest to defend the Empire, I think that 

Lok,. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

we can defend it without Government aid. It is 
not merely the interest of Government. The whole 
thing seems to be that they want help from you. 
that they wamt you to cheerfully help them and 
at the saroe time they refuse you your birthright. 
That is the situation at present. It is being enacted 
in scenes one after another. Two or three scenes 
have already been enacted, and we can form an- 
estimate — it may be a mistaken one for the present 
but not much mistaken— as to what the plot of that 
drama will be. judging of the scenes we have 
already witnessed. The Bureaucracy seems to be 
prepared for smoother public discussion in this land 
and to represent to the people that you are not fit 
to get more than they are prepared to give you. 
Their plan has been arranged and settled in consul- 
tation with the Home Government. You will not 
be allowed to go to England to represent your case. 
In India you will not be allowed to voice your 
dissent from the proposals of Government. The 
whole thing will go before Parliament in the form 
in which Government have prepared it, and that is 
all that you are to expect as a result of the War. 
To my mind, it is the duty of every Indian to fight 
to the end . and see that India after the War gets the 
same richts of self-determination as are granted to 
Ireland. This is the time to work. Providence is 
with you and is only waiting to see how much 
courage, persistence and determination you show 
at this time. Everything will depend upon thatc 


The Present Situation 

Do not think that it is a powerful Government and 
that we must suffer. It is a powerful Government, 
no doubt, but it does not follow therefrom that we 
should submit. We must stick to our guns to the 
last. The only reply to-day is that Government 
will not give what they are not prepared to give, 
and that we should not be prepared to take what- 
ever they are prepared to give. I do not care what 
the Government are prepared to give. If they are 
going to give us four or eight annas we shall not 
take it. Even a beggar refuses to take a pie. All 
of you are better than beggars. If you insist that 
more must be given, more will be given. The 
circumstances are such that they will force the 
Government to make you feel that it is your case 
that the Government is fighting. Another argu- 
ment is that Government may force you to co- 
operate. If Government pass a conscription law, 
let them do so, we shall know what to do. If you 
yield, you give up your case. Another argument is 
that you must also consider the difficulties of 
Government. They said that Government is in a 
very difficult situation and that if you refuse your 
co-operation you will be playing false to Government 
1 am not using the word sedition. That argument 
has no weight. If Government did not care for our 
feelings for 150 years and at the last moment, at a 
critical time, comes and appeals to you for help, 
that Government ought to be prepared to keep 
aside its own prejudices and concede to us some- 

Loh. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

tiling at this stage. We are not all born for 
Government that we should so much care for it. 
The Government is for us and not v/e for Govern- 
ment. TTie whole position is absurd. Why should 
we care for a Government that would not apply the 
same principle to us that it applies to Ireland ? We 
have that argument, but possibly some of the 
members of the Conference will excuse themselves 
on the ground that they are powerless and helpless. 
True, we are helpless, but there are weapons even 
in the hands of helpless people. fCheersj. I mean 
the weapon of Passive Resistance which will make 
Government come down on its knees (cheers'. It 
must not be thought that we are so helpless because 
we have no weapon. We jmust persist and make 
Government understand that it is impossible to 
obtain the zealous support of the people unless 
something is conceded to them. That is the position 
at present. Government thinks that it can carry 
out its plan by choosing leaders of the people and 
nominating them to sit in Conference. That is the 
principle of self-determination to be applied to us \ 
They will pack up a few leaders and this packed 
Conference may come to the conclusion that all 
political propaganda should be stopped. 

The British Empire is likely to be threatened in 

Asia as it has already been threatened in the 

West. For the West, a provision has been made. 

For the East, a provision has to be made and that 


The Present Situation 

provision is of the nature I have told you. When 
we appealed to President Wilson from here that 
letter contained a distinct assurance that India 
could give 5 to 10 millions of men if the concession 
is conceded. Take it as a case of the defence of the 
Empire itself. We can defend the Empire against 
any attacks in the West and against any attacks in 
the East. India alone is powerful enough and 
capable enough to do it. It seems to me that even 
after this great fight during the War for liberty as 
it is called colour distinction still lingers in the 
minds of our Government not willing to grant to 
India what they are prepared to grant to Servia and 
to African Colonies because they are German ! They 
are not prepared to extend that principle to India. 
We have been demanding it. I dare say we do not 
want to withhold co-operation. We will co-operate 
but our co-operation cannot be hearty. You may be 
taken up under the Conscription Act and asked to 
serve in the Army or go to gaol. You will have to 
do either of the two. When that Act was passed we 
shall have to see what we should do. In that way, 
the thing may be forced and if that does not succeed 
then must come the grant of Home Rule. The 
Government of India is trying to see whether the 
demand for Home Rule can be refused and yet a 
successful prosecution of the War is carried on. We 
are interested in the successful prosecution of the 
War. We are prepared to-day to fight for our 
Motherland, but it must be our Motherland and not 

Lof^. Bal Cangadhar Tilak 

the lanil of exploitation for other people. Our feel- 
ino: must be that it is our Motherland that we are 
asked to fight for. How can you get that feeling ? 
1 do not think that the Government of India is so 
inipervioiis that it cannot understand it- They are 
far more 'intelligent than ourselves : that is the reason 
they are governing us. To attribute to Government 
a motive or an intention that they are ignorant of 
all these things is not correct. Bureaucracy generally 
does riot wish to part with power and if 1 were 
a bureaucrat I would have acted similarly. The 
bureaucracy will try to minimise the concession of 
any political right to you. It is for you to insist that 
tlie fniinimum of the Congress-League Scheme must 
be granted. We desire to be treated like the men in 
Ireland and the German Colonies. We desire to be 
treated as men possessing some sentiments two of 
whicii will be enthusiasm and cheerfulness, and ii 
those sentiments are to be evoked, it must be in a 
psychological way. It is not a condition, it is not 
disloyal. It is the only right method — -right was the 
word used by Mr. Lloyd George, it is right that 
peooie who fight should feel that they are fighting 
for their right in their own land and not to tie a 
rope to their own neck. The present political sitU'^ 
ation is tast changing and after the Conference it 
will change a bit and if it comes in the way I 
expect it to do, and if there is a strong protest 
againt the procedure, that procedure is likely to 
lead to a change in the plan which seems to be 

The Present Situation 

already settled. But everything now will depend 
on your taking the proper step. Do not make any 
false step. This is a serious time. Our leaders may 
be lead astray, or it may be shown that they are not 
proper leaders, which is a paraphrase of the same 
thing. There are men of different temperaments all 
over the world. There are men who think that they 
should make easy terms with the rulers. There are 
others who think that the people are entitled to 
have something from their rulers, this is exactly the 
time when the question should be discussed. If the 
Government of India is going to stop all political 
propaganda all questions of national freedom and 
international freedom will be decided without your 
knowledge, and then the Government of India will 
take the gag out of your mouth and ask you to say 
what you have to say ! This is just the time in the 
country when political agitation and education 
should go forward. A serious difference of view 
between you and the Government will arise, and 
I am afraid it will arise in spite of any protest 
that may be entered at the Viceroy's Conference, 
and you will have to keep yourselves ready for 
that eventuality. Whether you will accept the 
quarter loaf that will be given to you or insist 
upon getting the whole loaf is the point. It has 
been emphasised in several places and also in 
the newspaper, but the necesssity of taking a firm 
attitude has not yet been insisted upon with that 
force with which it ought to have been insisted upon. 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilah 

Some of o«r leaders are still wavering as to what 
attitude they should take. I have every respect for 
them. !f they cannot rise to the occasion, let them 
not ; but let them not cut off the legs of others, if 
they cannot rise, it is no fault of theirs — they by 
nature are made short. Perhaps my hand may 
reach higher and if it does not reach so high I will 
use some one else's hands, but I mean that my hand 
should reach higher. This is exactly the time when 
they should not deter others from going forward. 
That is the lesson which requires to be impressed 
upon our leaders. There cannot be unanimity on 
an3^hing in this world. 1 am prepared to tolerate 
difference of opinion, but at the same time the will 
of the majority must be carried. If the majority of 
the people feel that they must have Home Rule, 
Home Rule must be granted in spite of the dissent- 
ient voices raised by some people. Let us go to 
Government, let us place the matter before Parlia- 
ment. That will have to be done in the near future 
and everyone must be prepared to understand it and 
be prepared for the eventuality. My argument is ; 
it 1 be firm I am sure to get what 1 want. Let me 
be firm. Let me not budge an inch, and the circum: 
stances are such that our zealous co-operation, our 
cheerful co-operation will be necessary. Cheerful- 
ness and zeal will only come when the rights of 
Home Rule are granted. Even this mighty 
Government will have to do it f cheers^. It was 
-compelled to do so in the case of Ireland. Follow 

The Present Silualion 

that example. Perhaps you may have the help of 
America, but then even without that help you must 
remember that Justice and Providence are on 
your side. What can Providence do ? The favour 
of Providence enables a cripple to cross a mountain. 
We shall be assisted in that way only if we 
Have patience, but the struggle is coming. It is 
begun by Government after hearing all that we 
had to say. and it now remains to be seen who 
succeeds in that struggle, the Government or you. 
We all wish that the people should succeed. We all 
wish that Justice should be done to us. We all wish 
that we should be enabled to help the Empire and 
to defend the Empire ageiinst all attacks whether 
in the East or in the West. Our man-power is very 
great : that is the only wealth which we now possess, 
and if you think that it should be wasted, probably 
you will be left without any resources, it is the 
only strength we have. Insist that that strength 
can be made useful in the interest of the Empire 
only if a psychological condiction is fulfilled and not 
otherwise. That fact must be forced on the atten- 
tion of Government, and then alone we shall 
succeed. What will follow hereafter I cannot say. 
If the Conference decides in our favour, well and 
good. If it does not, we will have to organise our 
forces. Possibly the parties will be different then 
— there will be a Government party and there will 
be a popular party -the old names will have to be 
changed -and then in the end, I think, the War 

Lok- Bal Gangacfhar Tiiah 

circumstances will be such that even if peace be 
concluded our demands will be granted to us. (Loud 



(The following is an article contributed by Mr. Tilak lo 

""New India' i* response to the mvitation by \frs. 
Besanf to express his views on National Education) : — 

Good Citizenship is the Civic Goal, oi the members 
of a Nation generally i and in this, respect the older 
generation is naturally the best guairdiian of the 
interests of the younger one. In the largusige oi 
Wordsworth, " the child is father to the man." If 
we therefore want our younger generation to^ attain 
to the status of full citizenship, we must educate 
them accordiiig to that ideal. In other words, 
'"a Nation that has not taken , its educatxoni into 
its own hands cannot soon irise in literary, 
social or political importance ;*' and k was this 
ideal that prompted myself and my colleagues in 
1 880 to start an independent private Elnglitsih school 
-and soon afterwards an Arts College in P'oona. 
Another attempt was also made in the Mahajraslhitra 
later on in 1907. But though it is fully ireeogjMsed 
that the people of a country must have their educa- 
tion, in their own hands, yet there its another 
principle in Politics which often comes :n conilict 
with it, ciz,,' the Government of the country must 
also have the education of the people under iis 
•control. At first sight, it seems difficult to reconcile 

Lo/c Bal Cangadhar Tilak 

these two principles. But I don't think that there 
is any innate contradiction in these two maxims, 
wliat confUct there may arise, arises only from 
accidental circumstances. Where the people and 
the Government are one, that is, actuated by the 
same ideals of citizenship, there can arise no 
conflict or differences of opinion in the matter 
of National Education. But where the people 
and the Government have different ideals of 
citizenship before them, where the governing class 
wants to keep the people down in spite of their 
desire to rise to the status of full citizenship in 
the Empire, there arises the necessity of National 
Education as distinguished from governmental 
education. Viewed in this light. National Educa- 
tion is only a branch or a means to the attainment 
of SeM-Government, and those who demand Home 
Rule for India cannot but zealously support a 
movement for the establishment of National 
Education in this country. The conflict which I 
have Tientioned above can only cease when the 
people and the Government become one on the 
hi^rher plane of Self-Government. Till then the 
authorities will, more or less, come in the way of 
National Education. But these difficulties must be 
overcome until National Education becomes the 
ideal of the governing class, which can be the case 
only when the Government is popularised. 



(At the special meeting of the Indian National Congress 
held at Bombay, under the Presidency of Mr. Hamn Imam, 
in 1918, Mr. Tilak was imnted to speak on the Reform 
proposals, and on rising to speak he was received With great 
ovation and shouts of Tilak Maharajki Jai-' He said) : — 
My first duty is to thank the Government of 
Bombay for allowing me to open my lips here. 1 
am sorry, however, that the President has not been 
so kind to me as the Government of Bombay. He 
has allowed me only five minutes, (Cries of " yoi^ 
may go on.") 1 shall confine my remarks to a few 
points on the resolution which has been so ably 
moved by my friend, the Hon. Pandit Malaviya. 
What we have tried to do in it is to distil our 
opinions and it was very difficult to distil m the 
language of my friend Sir D. E. Wacha. ' the Golden 
Cucumber* together. That was the difficulty. It 
had to be decided and it was a very difficult task 
and our enemies considered it difficult — I shall not 
call them enemies but I will call them our opponents. 
They believed that we were engaged m a very 
impossible task and that by the beginmng of 
September, the Congress would be nowhere. Unfor- 
tunately their predictions did not come true (cries 
of " fortunately ") unfortunately for them, their 
predictions have not proved true. So long as a 

Lok- Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

spirit oi iforbearance and a spirit of give-and take 
remains in the Congress such a contingency is 
never likely to arise. We have been awfully mis- 
represented. We were told, on the strength of 
stray expressions of thought in moments of excite- 
ment and heat that the Congress was going to 
reject ihe whole scheme, I could never understand 
and have never understood what it meant. We are 
in the midst of our negotiations, if you reject the 
scheme then you have done with it. What are you 
going to say to the British people } The British 
people will say " you have rejected the schenne. 
What have you come here for. Go back to your 
country." That would have been their reply. I 
^ink that we have learnt enough of politics during 
the last 15 years under the tuition of our rulers. 
We have learnt enough of politics to know that it is 
absurd to take such an absurd action. That should 
have been made clear. After that there were other 
difficulties. As I said, fortunately for all, we have 
been able to place before you a reasoned resolution 
which combines the wisdom of one party and I may 
say the tempered temperament of another party — 
I do not wish to call it rashness. They are happily 
blended together. The Report on Constituttonal 
Reforms is a very artful, very skilful, and very 
statesmanlike document. What was the object of 
that Report ? There are two words in vogue, namely 
Seff-Government. We asked for eight annas of 
Responsible Government. This Report gives us 

Reform Scheme 

one anna of Responsible Governnient and says that. 
it is better than eight annas of Self-Govemment. 
The whole literary skill of the Report lies in making 
you believe that one anna of Responsible Govern- 
ment is more than sufficient and more than eight 
annas of Self-Government, If you read the report 
over and over again, I do not know what to say 
but it is a vei'y skilful document — a very states- 
manlike document — so as to make you beUeve that 
one morsel of Responsible Government is more than 
sufficient to satisfy your hunger for Self-Govern- 
ment. We have discovered that fortunately. We 
now plainly say : We thank you for the one anna 
of Responsible Government but that in the scheme 
we want to embody all that we wanted in the, 
Congress League Scheme.' Rails might be different 
but the passengers might be carried from one rail 
to another. That is what we have tried to do and 
we have tried to satisfy all parties concerned and 
a very difficult task has been accompanied, as 
difficult as the task that Mr. Lloyd Georgo is per- 
forming in the British Parliament when he means to 
satisfy the Irish Pacifists and those who want to 
carry on the War to the end. It is a very difficult 
task that has been done. The future way is clear and I 
hope that wh at we have done will be a material help 
to us in carrying out the War to a satisfactory end. 
The Hon. Pandit Malaviya said that we have tried 
to focus all opinions. Although some of the rails have 
unfortunately escaped, substantially the resolution 

Lol^. Bal Gangadhar Tiiak 

represents the opinion oi the country. Th«re it is 
on which we can go. You can utilise it and we 
can tell the British Democracy that though the 
Report may be very good and very artfully prepared 
yet the opinion of the country is that it is unsatis- 
factory and disappointing. You will ask me what 
is the good of saying all that. We ask that Self- 
Government should be completed in 15 years. Our 
critics say that it is too short a periocl.. i want our 
critics to remember that unless India us raised to 
the status of the Colonies, the Empire will be in 
danger. We ask for Self-Government not for our- 
selves although there is that self- interest but also 
for the sake of the Empire. What is the good of 
developing India in 200 or 300 years. India's status 
should be raised within the next ten or fifteen years. 
Those that say that the first step we ask for is too 
much are I must say the enemies of the Empire ; 
they do not consider the question from a broad point 
of view. It is not a question between the Bureau- 
cracy and ourselves. We want the right of control 
over the bureaucracy within the next 10 or 15 years. 
Then alone India will be ready to take part »n that 
development and strength of the Empire which it 
must possess and which at the time of the recon- 
struction of the Empire it should be tiie duty of 
British statesmen to bring about by adopting the 
policy which has been enunciated by them„ With 
these few words, I ask you to accept the resolution 



(At the session of the Indian National Congress, held in 
J 906, at Calcutta, under the presidency of Dadhabai Naoroji 
the resolution on Swadeshi was moved. Mr. B. G. Tilaf^, in 
supporting the jame, ipo\e as follows): - 

Mr. President, brother-delegates, ladies and gentle- 
men. -I stand on this platform to-day not to make a 
spee«:h on the Swadeshi resolution. To deliver a 
speech on Swadeshism in Culcutta is something like 
carrying coals to Newcastle I I do not think you 
want any inspiration any iifstruction on this 
subject. Your leaders, like my friend Mr. Surendra- 
nath Banerjea and others, have trained you up in 
Swadeshism to such an extent that we might imitate 
you for a long time and yet we may not come to 
your level CCries of " No. no.'V I stand here to-day 
to declare that some of the ideas which were not 
originally incorporated in the resolution and which, 
unfortunately, I had to suggest, by way of amend- 
ment, have been accepted ; and we have now 
unanimously come to the resolution that was read to 
you by Mr. Anandacharlu. I am glad that you have 
come to such a solution for one thing, because our 
Anglo-Indian friends had predicted that the 22nd 
Congress would probably be the last Congress 
CLaughter^ And that it would meet with a 

Lok.' Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

premature death immediately on attaining the age 
of majority ! That prediction has been falsified 
CHaar, hear^ : and falsified under the able, impartial 
and judicious guidance of our veteran leader, Mr. 
Dadhabai Naoroji, whom we have in the chair. Our 
differences have been squared ; both parties have 
approached the question in a spirit of conciliation 
and not half way. Thanks to my friends, both 
Hindus and Muhammadans, we have come to an 
amicable settlement on that point. It is a mistake 
to suppose that the Swadeshi movement is not 
favoured by Muhammadans. It is a mistake to 
suppose that it requires sacrifice from poor people. 
We, the middle classes are the greatest offenders in 
this respect CHear.^ The poor Kumhi villagers, 
require not many foreign articles at all, — probably 
none at all. It is we, the middle classes, who are 
the consumers of foreign goods ; and since this 
Government is not going to stop the drain by impos- 
ing a protective duty it becomes imperatively 
necessary to adopt a measure by which we can do 
ourselves what the Government is bound to do and 
what the Government ought to have done long ago. 
"That one point was self-help and another point was 
determination ; and the third, sacrifice. You will 
find that all this included in this resolution, joined 
with the declaration made in the Presidential 
address that Swadeshism is a forced necessity in 
India owing to unnatural economic conditions in 
India, makes up a complete case for you. I trust 

The SiOadeshi Movement 

that resolution of self-help adopted this year will 
form the basis of other resolutions of self-heip in 
years to come. With these few words, and as time 
is much advanced, and I am not prepared to make a 
speech on the present occasion, I ask you leave to 
sit down. 



(On the evening of the 23rd December, 1 907, Mr. Tilak 
addressed a mass meeting of over 3,000 people including the 
delegates of all provinces at Surat. Below is the text): — 

We have not come to cause a split in the Con- 
gress, we do not want to hold a separate Congress, 
we want to see that the Congress does not go back. 
We solemnly say that we want to see the Congress 
moving with the times, we would not allow it to go 
back. Our views are misrepresented. It has been 
told that the new movement is an impediment to 
progress. Our policy is not destructive, we intend 
to make an effort to move the Congress on. Times 
are changed ; and so we want some modifications. 

Our aim is self-government. It should be achieved 
as soon as possible. You should understand this. 
But the people who brought the Congress to Surat, 
although Nagpur was willing at any cost, are going 
to drag the Congress back. We are against auto- 
cratic movement. These autocrats want to cripple 
the Congress and so they are against Boycott and 
Swaraj resolutions. The nation is not for the 
repressive policy. They don't want to say or rather 
preach boycott openly. They have no moral courage. 
They are against the word boycott, they are for 
Swadeshi. If you are to do it. do not fear. Don't be 

Principles 0/ the Nationalist Party 

cowards ; when you profess to be Swadeshi you must 
boycott oideshi goods : without boycott Swadeshi 
cannot be practised. If you accept Swadeshi, accept 
boycott. We want this, " don't say what you don't 
want to do but do what you say." 

We are not fighting for men, not for the election 
of the president, we want men as representative of 
certain principles. The fight is between two 
principles, (I) " Earnestly doing what is right" and 
(2) "Do, but don't displease the Government. * I 
belong to the party who are prepared to do what 
they think right whether the Government is pleased 
or displeased. (It is not a question of pleasure or 
displeasure,) We want to do duty to ourselves, to our 
country ; and working in the path of duty, we should 
not fear any rational authority, be it ever so high. 
We are against the policy of mendicancy ; for it has 
been found, this policy would not yield the fruit but 
would demoralise us. Many young gentlemen in 
Bengal have gladly suffered for this attitude. Mrl. 
Morley and other Government officials seem to 
want to make a breach in our camp. They ask us 
to rally round the Moderates. Are we prepared to 
do this ? It would be impolitic, imprudent, to retrace 
our steps. The banner of Swaraj was unfurled last 
year at Calcutta by the Grand Old Man of India, Sj. 
Dadabhai Naoroji. This is our ideal and if we do 
not stick to this resolution — to this ideal of our 
Grand Old Man, what will he say ? We will be 
considered traitors to the country. Political 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

regeneration is our goal. No one has any authority 
to make the Congress recede from this ideal. It 
will be your sincere duty to see that the name of 
your city be not associated with this retrograde 
movement. It would be better if we do not make 
any progress but we should at least try our best 
not to recede. In this we want your assistance. It 
is said by Mr. Morley and by the London Timta 
that self-government is impracticable for India. 
Remember, what is impracticable for Mr. Morley 
and for the Anglo-Indians is practicable for our 
countrymen because our interests are conflicting. 
This our ideal of Swaraj is a distinct goal for the 
mass to understand. All past ideals are amalga- 
mated into one pure and simple ideal of Swaraj, 
government for the people by the people. 

We do not come here to embarass the Moderates. 
We have determined not to allow the Congress to 
retrograde. By the grace of God, we will succeed 
1 am confident of success, for, our cause is a right 
cause. Whoever he may be, high or low, it will be 
impossible for him to check the tide of progress. 
This ideal is our ideal, is the ideal of the younger 
generation not to damp the spirit af youth. Don't 
allow them to go far, but don't cripple them. The 
Moderates are afraid of the word boycott but not of 
the deed. We feel also as they feel that Swadeshi 
and boycott had already the effect of vivifying the 
country. Boycott is the only weapon for the subject 


Principles of the Nationalist Party 

You have heard of the Transvaal Indians. They 
are not treated as the English King's subjects, but 
we are asked to be members of the Empire. We 
don't want to be the slaves of the Empirs> we want 
to be equals or friends with the white subjects not 
only in India but throughout the whole Empire. 
The authorities of Transvaal have levied a Jazia-tax 
on the Indians. 13,000 of our Indians there have 
met and have determined not to obey the unjust 
law (hear, hear) while only four hundred form 
traitors to the country. Do you approve of this 
attitude of the 13,000 Transvaal Indians ? The 
Congress does approve and the Moderates of the 
Reception Committee are willing to approve this act 
and they have drafted a resolution to this effect. If 
you approve this conduct of the far off Indians you 
approve boycott, for, the people there have boycotted 
the unjust foreign laws. This is not inconsistent. 
The Moderates don't want to please the Govern- 
ment ; if that would have been the case, I would 
have been very glad ; but no, no, they fear a 
civilised government. It is unmanly. If you are not 
prepared to brave the dangers, be quiet, but don't 
ask us to retrograde. Pray do not come in the 
way of the ideals which we have received from the 
last two Congresses. When the people of the country 
have no voice in the government of this country 
boycott is useful. I implore you, you the citizens of 
Surat, to help us in our endeavours. 

Now we have done with Swaraj and Baycott. I 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

now come to the third ideal — National Education^ 
the resolution which was passed in the last Congress. 
But the Reception Committee of Surat have not 
thought it wise to place it among the draft resolu- 
tions. It was not allowed in the Provincial 
Conference held in April here, because certain 
autocrats did not like this. We don't want to carry 
this matter high-handedly, as they do ; we will place 
this before the Subjects Committee and before the 
Congress delegates. We want to be loyal to the 
Congress first and in showing our loyalty if our 
mdvidual interest comes in the w^ay, we will brush 
this out. It is not a personal question. However high 
or dignified may one be, respect for him should 
not come in the way of the Congress. It is a fight 
lor progress. Friction there must be. Where is 
motion without friction ? And this law holds good in 
the sphere of politics. We must take care that the 
friction should not be allowed to go so far as to put 
a stop to this motion. We have our limits. We 
want unanimous consent. If not. we will have the 
resolution passed by the majority and if it is passed, 
it must be carried. Even the President-elect has no 
right to change this. A resolution once passed in 
the Congress must be accepted by all those who 
join the Congress, whether they like it or not. There 
will not be any rowdyism there. It is misrepresented. 
We have come here to fight out constitutionally ; we 
will loyally fight out ; we will behave as gentleiT>e;n 
even if our opponents do not do so. Our opponents 

Principles of the Nationalist Party 

create rowdyism when they fear defeat. We are 
fighting against foreign autocracy. Why should we 
allow this home-autocracy ? So we want to pjtevent 
the autocratic rule in the Congress. The Congress 
is an organization of all the people and the voice of 
the people* ought to predominate. We should not 
allow any man, high or low, to ruin the cause of the 
Congress. Don't recede, even if you cannot progress. 
Our ideal is practicable. We should stick to our 
ideal. The policy of the Moderates is destructive. It 
is a suicidal policy. I don't want you to follow it ; 
we want to progress. Again, I appeal to you. 
Suratees, Gujaratees, be not led by the threats of 
the autocrats. Don't fear and we will succeed. — 
(Bande Mataram.) 



(On the 28th December, 1 907, under the presidency of 
Sj. Arabindo Ghose, the Nationalist delegates held a meeting 
to consider the then situation. The meeting was largely 
attended. Mr. Tilak in addressing the meeting said) : — 

in the course of a lengthy speech, Mr. Bal 
Gangadhar Tilak said that that meeting represented 
the middle class Congress, and consisted oi those 
Congress delegates who believed that the possession. 
taken up last year should not be disturbed. There 
were a number of persons who attempted to disturb 
that position with the result that a regrettable split 
had taken place, and the institution, which took 23 
years to be built up and on which lakhs of Rupees 
had been spent, had at last been suspended. One 
party wanted to go back on last year's resolutions, 
while others desired to maintain the status quo. 

The bone of contention between the two parties 
was that some high persons managing the affairs of 
the Surat Congress were firmly determined to bring 
down the Congress from the high pedestal which it 
occupied a year ago into the lower position of an 
All- India Moderate Congress (ciries of Shame I) That 
was a retrograde move against which the Nationa- 
lists had fought during the past few days. The 

Meeeting of the Nationalist Delegates 

Surat Reception Committee had brushed aside the- 
claims of Lala Lajpat Rai for the Presidentship on 
the ground that his election would offend the 
Government which would throttle the Congress in 
no time. That was the beginning of the end of the 
Congress. The dragging of the national movement 
into a sectional one could not have been accom- 
plished, had not a few individuals been allowed to 
take the whole power into their own hands and to 
put forward ideals and methods which fell in with 
the views of the Government — he did not mean to 
say that there was a compact between the Govern- 
ment and those individual members. But a creed 
was enunciated which was least objectionable to the 
Government. He would no. say the most accept- 
able to the Government, because he did not believe 
that the Congress creed would ever be acceptable to 

It might be that they honestly believed that in 
those days of repression it was prudent, from a 
worldly point of view, not to go beyond a certeiin 
limit, while others were of opinion that repression 
promoted national growth. There were two schools 
of thought, one believing that political progress in 
India coiild be made only by being in opposition to, 
and at the same time in association with the 
Government. There was another school represented 
by the Nationalists which thought otherwise, and 
which has received, durirtg the last two or three 
years, a vigorous impetus. There was a conflict 

Lok, Bal Gangadhar Tilak. 


between these two schools . but they have managed 
so far to carry on the work of the Congress with 
unanimity by a give-and-take policy. The way in 
which it had been proposed to go back on the reso- 
lutions of last year in regard to Self-Government, 
Boycott, Swadeshi and National Education, on the 
ground they did not appeal themselves to the Secre- 
tary of State, the London Time\ and the Anglo- 
Indian papers and officials, was a deliberate insult 
to the whole Congress, and no one, however emi- 
nently placed, had any right to drag back the 
Congress. The Bombay Moderates wanted the 
Congress to move a little backwards, to be within 
the safe line of the boundary, so as not to displease 
the Government. 

Sj. Tilak next explained how it had been proposed 
to go back on the four questions mentioned above, 
and how there was opposition to it on the part of 
the Nationalists, which was as determined as the 
desire on the part of the Moderates to push back the 
Congress. That opposition of the Nationalists 
manifested itself in opposition to the President. 
When it was settled that Dr. Chose was to be 
selected President, merely to please the Government 
in spite of the unanimous opinion of India in favour 
of Lala Lajpat Rai, it was considered by the 
Nationalists to be a wrong step which they were 
bound to resist. Matters should have been arranged 
and settled on the principle of give-and-take which 
hitherto generally characterised the proceedings 

Meeting of the Nationalist 'Delegates 

and resolutions oi the Congress. The Bombay 
Moderates were determined not only to make further 
compromise with the Nationalists, but also to retract 
from the position which they had been forced to 
take at Calcutta by the Nationalists. The Nationa- 
lists tried to approach them often, privately as well 
as publicly > but were kept at arms' length thouiih 
mutual friends intervened. And the result was the 
split, which he hoped, would not be permanent, in 
the Congress camp, just at the time when they 
ought to have shown s united front. No one 
regretted the split more than he did. The Nationa- 
lists were aware of the harmful efiects of the split 
and the purposes which it would serve. Tiie 
Government has been asking the Moderates to rally 
round their standard. It was the duty of every 
educated man at this particular juncture not to play 
into the hands of the Governmenu But, ortunately 
or unfortunately, because fortunate to one side and 
unfortunate to the other, the thing had happened. 
and the Congress autocrats had gained tiie day. not 
by attempting to conciliate the other side but by 
dispersing them (cries of shame), and by even reject- 
ing the most reasonable proposals to maintain the 
status quo. This new spirit in the country was 
dangerous, and sooner it was destroyed the better. 
He hoped that the split would only be temporary, 
and he was quite sure that the experience ol the 
new lew years would expose the insecurity of the; 
position taken up by the Moderates* 

Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

\i it was found difficult for both the parties to 
unite, the question should have been considered and 
decided at the meeting of the few leading Congress 
Delegates before the election of the president. In 
fact that was the amendment which he wanted to 
move, an adjournment of the business of election of 
the President, not of the Congress, in order to allow 
time for a representative committee consisting of 
one Moderate and one Nationalist from each pro- 
vince, to decide the programme of work before the 
election of the President was taken up, so that they 
could have unanimously elected the President, 
That was the suggestion that he hod intended to put 
forward on the Congress platform, if he had been 
allowed to do so. Though several friends tried to 
bring about a compromise, their efforts failed, 
because there was no desire on the other side to 
yield even an inch. The Bombay Moderates thought 
that they should take advantage of the excep- 
tional majority of the Moderate delegates which 
they might command at Surat to force their view on 
the Congress even at the risk of driving it back. It 
was that spirit of intolerance that had led to thfe 
present situation. 

It must be said that the Nationalists should have 
exhibited forbearance, but there were limits to that 
forbearance. Would they allow the organisation 
to move backwards ? (Cries of ' no,' ' no.') The 
result was that a useful organisation had been split 
up and, as in the case of every partition of thfe 

Meeting of the Nationalist 'Delegates 

Hindu family, each had become the weaker for the 
partition. He hoped that those who desired to have 
retrogression would soon see their mistake, and soon 
discover that, although the Government expressed 
its desire to have the Moderates rallied round its 
standard, nothing useful could be gained, useful not 
individually but collectively, until the Moderates 
were taught by the Government that their position 
was not only illogical, but suicidal, which according 
to his belief was yet before the House and was not 
finally, at least not properly, disposed of. Thereon, 
there was some conversation between Mr. Malvi 
and Dr. Ghosh on the one hand and Mr, Tilak on 
the other ; and then there was an uproar in which 
the Congress was declared to have been suspended 
iine die. Now it should be remembered that it is 
not contended for the Moderate party that any 
ruling as such was publicly announced upon Mr. 
Tilak's demand for hioving an adjournment and for 
addressing the House, except perhaps to Mr. Tilak 
himself and in the conversation referred to above. 
The fact of Mr. Tilak hav ng asked for an adjourn- 
ment and permission to address the House, Was 
never openly mentioned to the whole House, nor 
the Chairman's ruling formally declared to the 
House. And it is not disputed that from first to 
last no question was put to the House nor votes takeri 
nor even the sense ascertained on the subject 
matter of Mr. Tilak's chit. Now it is urged against 
Mr. Tilak that his unconstitutional act consisted 

Lof^. Bal Gangadhar Tila^ 

of two things — (irst, in demanding perirussioji to 
move an adjournment and to address the Houses 
on the question of the election of the President, and 
secondly, in persisting in the assertion of his right 
to address the House even when he was declared io 
be out of order by the Chair. And we have, there- 
fore, to consider whether an>' one or both of these 
acts were unconstitutional. And as correlated to 
these questions, we have also to consider t^ie poiirst 
whether and how far Mr. Maivi or Dr. Ghosh (we 
will generally say the Chairman for either) was 
acting constitutionally or unconstitiitionaUy m 
whatever he did on the occasion. What the Chair- 
man apparently did was that he told Mr. Tiiak that 
the latter's chit was considered, but the request 
therein was held to be inadmissible ; and later that 
he told Mr. Tilak that he had protested enough, 
that he must no longer speak and interrupt the 
business and must resume his seat. 

The Nationalists had to devise mean& to keep 

the work of the Congress. They mast devise 

measures for keeping up the Congress work, theiir 

starting point being the position taken up at the 

Calcutta Congress. It might be prudent, in worldly 

interests, to recede from it, but it was not prudent 

in the interests of the country. Time had come to 

exhibit more of the resisting spirit in them than the 

desire to please the authorities, or to advance as 

cautiously as it might be possible under the rales 

and regulations, repressive or otherwise, of the 


Meeting of the Nationalist Tidegates 

Government of this country. The Nationalists 
should do what they could do to keep up the fire 
until Ithe time came when the small light they 
might be able to preserve might develop into a 
magnificent blaze. The Nationalists were not met 
there for the purpose of creating a new organisation 
which would only advance to the limit up to which 
the Government would allow it to advance, but for 
creating an organisation which would have a life 
of its own, a life that would enable it to grow under 
the most distressing and discouraging circumstances 
under the most chilling atmosphere cf repression. 

How to do it was the question. It was necessary, 
therefore, to appoint a committee of 30 to 50 
members, who would watch the effects of the split, 
and decide upon the measure to be taken to check 
the evil effects thereof, and, if possible, make 
arrangements for the meeting of the Congress next 
year at some place. The committee to be appointed 
would work, not in a spirit of rivalry with the other 
party, but in a spirit of co-operation wherever 
possible, and he hoped that, within a short time, by 
the grace of Providence, an opportunity would 
present itself when both the parties would again be 
united for the purpose, not only of resisting the 
repressive measures of the Government, but of 
advancing towards the goal of self-government 
unfolded last year. 





Mr, Ttlakii Letter to the Press 

Sir, — In view of the exceptional circumstances of 
the present time, I have to ask you to publish the 
following in order to remove any possible misunder- 
standing as to my attitude towards the Government 
at this juncture. 1 have already given expression to 
these views when addressing my friends the other 
day at the Ganapathi gathering at my house. But 
feeling that a wider publicity to them should be 
advisable I am addressing this letter to you. 

A couple of months ago, when I had an occasion 
to address those who came to congratulate me on 
my safe return to Poona, I observed that I was very 
much in the position Rip Van Winkle returning to 
his home after a long sleep in the wilderness. Since 
then I have had opportunities to fill up the gaps in 
my information as to what has occurred during my 
absence, and to take stock of the march of events in 
India during the past six years. And let me assure 

Tilak's Letter to the Press 

you that in spite of certain measures like the Press 
Act — upon which, however, it is not necessary for 
me to dilate in this place at any length, — I for one 
do not give up the hope of the country steadily 
making further progress in the realisation of its 
cherished goal. The reforms introduced during Lord 
Morley's and Lord Minto's administration will show 
that the Government is fully alive to the necessity 
of progressive change and desire to associate the 
people more and more in the work of the Government. 
It can also be claimed, and fairly conceded, that 
this indicates a marked increase of confidence 
between the Rulers and the Ruled, and a sustained 
endeavour to remove popular grievances. Considered 
from a public point of view, 1 think this is a distinct 
gain : and though it may not be all unalloyed, I 
confidently hope that in the end the good arising 
out of the constitutional reforms will abide and 
prevail, and that which is objectionable will 
disappear. The view may appear optimistic to 
some ; but is an article of faith with me, and in 
my opinion such a belief alone can inspire us to 
work for the good of our country in co-operation 
with the Government. 

There is another matter to which it is necessary 
to refer. 1 find that during the six years of my 
absence an attempt has been made in the English 
Press here and in England, as for example in Mr. 
Chirol's book, to interpret my actions and writings! 
as a direct or indirect incitement to deeds of violence, 

Lok. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

or my speeches as uttered with the object of sub- 
verting the British rule in India. I am sorry the 
attempt happened to be made at a time when I was 
not a free citizen to defend myself. But I think 
-! ought to take the first public opportunity to 
indignantly repudiate these nasty and totally 
unfounded charges against me. I have, like other 
political workers, my own differences with the 
Government as regards certain measures and to a 
certain extent even the system of internal adminis- 
tration. But it is absurd on that account to speak 
of my actions or my attitude as in any way hostile 
to His Majesty's Government. That has never 
been my wish or my object. I may state once for 
all that we are trying in India, as the Irish Home- 
rulers have been doing in Ireland, for a reform of 
the system of administration and not for the over- 
throw of Government ; and I have no hesitation in 
saying that the acts of violence which have been 
committed in the different parts of India are not 
only repugnant to me, but have, in my opinion, only 
unfortunately retarded, to a great extent, the pace 
of our political progress. Whether looked at from 
an individual or from a public point of view they 
deserve, as I have said before on several occasions, 
to be equally condemned. 

It has been well said that British Rule is confer- 
ring inestimable benefit on India not only by its 
civilized methods of administration but also thereby 
bringing together the different nationalities and 

Tilak's Letter to the Press 

races of India, so that a united Nation may grow 
out of it in course of time. I do not believe that if 
we bad any other rulers except the liberty-loving 
British, they could have conceived and assisted us 

in developing such a National Ideal. Every one who 
has she interest ■ of India at heart is fully alive to 
this and similar advantages of the British Rule ; and 
the present crisis is, in my opinion, a blessing in 
disguise inasmuch as it has universally evoked our 
united feelingi? and sentiments or loyalty to the 
British Throne. 

England, you know, has been compelled by the 
action of fche German Emperor to take up arms in 
defence oi a weaker State, whose frontiers have 
been violated in defiance of several treaty obliga- 
tions and of repeated promises of integrity. At 
such a crisis it is. I firmly hold, the duty of every 
Indian, be he great or small, rich or poor, to support 
and assist His Majesty's Government, to the best of 
his ability :; and no time, in my opinion, should be 
lost in convening a public meeting of all parties, 
classes and sections of Poona, as they have been 
elsewhere, to give an emphatic public expression to 
the same. It requires hardly any precedent to 
support such a course. But if one were needed 
I would refer to the proceedings of a public meeting 
held by the citizens of Poona so far back as 1879-80 
in regard to the complications of the Afghan War 
which was proceeding .at the time. That proves 
that our sense of loyalty and desire to support the 

Lok' Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

Government is both inherent and unswerving ; and 
that we loyally appreciate our duties and responsi- 
bilities under such circumstances. 

1 am yours, &c. 

B. G. TiLAK. 
Poom, 27th August, 1914. 



(An address as belotv was presenled to Jilak with a purse 
containing a hundred thousand rupees on his Sashti Purthi 
6 1st birthday, July 1916, by his friends and admirers j 

We, who are a few among your friends in the 
Maharashtra, have assembled here to-day to 
congratulate you upon having completed your 60th 
year and we feel extremely happy to greet you 
on this joyous occasion. 

The last thirty or thirty- five years have proved to 
be a period of great importance for the Maharashtra 
and you have during that period of its history 
rendered special important service to it. In your 
capacity as a founder of the New English School, 
as an originator of the Deccan Educational Society, 
as a Professor in the Fergusson College, as a 
distinguished author, as the Editor of the " Kesari " 
and the " Maratha," as a Congressman, as a 
member of the Legislative Council and, lastly, as 
the prime leader of the Nationalist movement, you 
have done service which is invaluable ; you have , 
moreover become an exemplar to the people of 
this country by your prominent ethical virtues 
such as rectitude, self-sacrifice and courage. 

The vow of public service which you have 
imposed upon yourself is very difficult, in fact, very 

Lo^. Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

severe. One is apt to be overwhelmed by the mere 
thought of calamities which encountered you in the 
past ; and we have nothing but admiration for the 
determined courage with which you faced all of 
them, the resourceful straggle with which you won 
victory in some of them and the cool courage and 
equanimity of mind with which you bore others^ 
which were insurmountable. 

The span of life vouchsafed to educated men in 
this country is unhappily not a large one. To the 
general causes of this state of things, others of 
a special nature as indicated above, have been 
added in your case. It must, therefore, be regarded 
as a special favour of Providence both upon yourself 
and upon the people of the Maharashtra, that you 
have been enabled to see the dawn of your 61st 
birthday. And we pray to the same benignant 
Providence to grant you health and long life so that 
you may be able to render further services to your 

But how could we greet and congratulate you 
empty-handed on the present occasion ? Considering 
the self-sacrificing service that you have rendered 
throughout your life, no present howsoever valuable 
that we may offer you, can be fit or adequate. But 
we earnestly entreat you to accept as a present the 
small purse which we place in your hands along 
with this address. It is the result of contributions 
spontaneously made by a comparatively few indivi- 
duals during the last two or three weeks. Quite 

Public Address and his Reply 

^ large number oi people in the Maharashtra could, 
not participate in the present ceremony as tlie news 
thereof was not brought to them in good time. But 
they will have at least the satisfaction that a lew 
Ttlid make a move in time, so that your sixty- first 
birthday could be celebrated in this manner. 

Public- spirited workers like yourself are 
thor:.3ghly disinterested, and that makes difficiilt 
the task of repaying their services. But it is the 
duty of the people in any nation to be ready to make 
that repayment at some self-sacrifice lest they 
should be called ungrateful ; and we pray that you 
will be pleased to accept our small present at least 
to free us of the Maharashtra from thai blame, if 
not for your own sake. 

(Mr. Tilak, in reply, said): — 

Esteemed Friends and Gentlemen, — I am aware 
that any words which I can use to express my 
heartfelt thanks for your address and gift can but 
inadequately express my feelings at this moment. 
The language of joy or emotion is always brief and 
of the nature of an exclamation and I pray you 
from the bottom of my heart to make up any defici- 
ency that my words may appear to reveal, so that 
like the gift which has grown little by little to such 
a stately sum, my words may in your generous 
minds grow to the full expression of ray feelings. 
, You have all been of the greatest help to me and 
while 1 have been anxiously thinking of iiow to 
repay your kindness, you have to-day ageij» added 

Lok- Bal Gangadhar Tilak • 

to the already heavy debt oi gratitude, as if you 
wish me to be eternally bound to you. I have no 
doubt that you are actuated by feelings of deep and 
sincere affection, but 1 do not think that this makes 
my task any easier. I only hope that with your 
blessings Providence may grant me strength to 
repay this heavy debt of gratitude with which you 
have overwhelmed me. 

Even if i felt a certain embarrassment in accept- 
ing the Address. I must formally accept it. But 
with the purse it is a different thing. I do not 
know what I should do with the money which it 
contains. I do not want it for my own sake nor 
would it be proper to accept it for personal use. 1 
can only accept it in trust to spend it in a constitu- 
tional way f3r national work, and I hope this pro- 
posal will meet your wishes. You have entrusted 
this sum to me in trust and I assure you that I will, 
after addin'g my own quota, utilise it to the best of 
my ability in a manner already indicated and 
according to rules which will be framed later on. 
If there is any sense of disappointment with the 
conditions on which I accept the sum. I hope you 
will consider my present state of health and mind 
and extend to me your generous indulgence. 

Looking into futurity after completing 60 years 
one's mind cannot but be filled with misgivings. At 
any rate I deeply feel this sensation. Memories of- 
storm and suffering rather than those of comparative 
ha'ppitiSSs rise before my mind's eye : and with 

Public Address and his Reply 

declining strength one is apt to feel less fortitude in 
facing them. But I devoutly hope that with your 
support as heretofore I may be granted life and 
strength to add to whatever work of public good I 
may have hitherto done. 

The words of high praise which you have bestowed 
on me in your address remind me of Bhartrihari's 

*' How many (good people) are there who rejoice 
in their hearts to make a mountain of the particle 
of merit they find in others." 

To me it is rather a proof of your generous feelings 
thar of any merits in me. But I earnestly pray 
you not to be content with what little service I 
could do in the cause of the nation. The National 
v/ork which faces us to-day is so great, extensive 
and urgent that you must work together with zeal 
and courage greater than I may have been able to 
show. It is a task which is not one that can be put 
off. Ouf motherland tells everyone of us to be up 
and doing. And ! do not think that Her sons will 
disregard ihis call. However I feel it my duty to 
beg of you to respond to this call of our Motherland 
and banishing all differences from your minds 
strive to become the embodiments of National ideals. 
Here there is no room for rivalry, jealousy, honour 
Of insult, or fear. God alone ran help us in thef 
fruition of our efforts and if not by us, it is certain 
diat the fruit will be gathered by the next genera 
tion. And therefore banishing alf other considera 

I.ok Bat Gw}P,adhm Tila'p 

dons from our minds we mast unite to work in 
these National etiorts. May God inspire you with 
this high ideai and i pi ay Hxm to grant roe life to 

see with my own eyejr your ei'foicts <:rowr.ied with 
success ' 

I again thank yoa with al! my heart" ior tfte great 
homour which you have done me lo-oay. 



(Under the presidency of the Hon. Mr. Manmehan Das 
Ramji, a monster public meeting was held on 2nd Octobsry 
1917, in Madhao Baug, Bombay, when Mr. Tilah spoke as 
follows) : — 

Gentlemen, — I have chosen to depart from my 
usual practice oi addressing meetings. I have in 
my hands my written speech and I am going to 
read it out to you this evening. You will, perhaps, 
ask me why i have resorted to this unusual method, 
but 1 may tell you that I have no wish to tender 
my explanation for this, astonishing as it may 
appear to you. But I know you will, without my 
telling the reason in explicit terms, draw your 
inferences and I cannot help if you arrive at the 
truth (laughter^. With no much preface I come to 
the subject of my speech. You are aware, gentle- 
men, that the Paisa Fund has come out successfully 
through the severe ordeals to which it was put 
during the last ten years of its existence. The 
sphere of action of the Paisa Fund is now no more 
limited to the four corners of the Bombay Presi- 
dency or the Marathi-speaking public. It has now 
transgressed these bounds and received hospitality 
at the hands of our Ceylonese bretheren across the 
seas. (Cheers.J The spread of the idea must dehght 
the hearts of all those interested in the cause of the 


Lok. Bal Gangadhar Tilah 

Paisa Fund, and I have every hope that if you 
put forth earnest efforts to make the movement 
popular, it will not take very long before it will lay 
its hold upon the minds of people inhabiting the 
several provinces of India. To-day we have got on 
hand a handsome balance of forty thousand Rupees 
out of the collections we have made. I have never 
considered this as a very large amount ; for even if we 
are happily in a position to show a balance of forty 
lacs of Rupees, I would not regard it as a very 
prodigious amount, nor look upon it as a greater 
achievement. We are in absolute need of such 
large amounts, if at all they are worth to be had. 
You will perhaps, say that by indulging in such a 
talk, we are merely making a show of our inordinate 
greed. But, gentlemen, remember that such colossal 
amounts are very badly needed to satiate the appetite 
of thirty-three million souls of this motherland of 
ours. No funds can be said to be too large for this 

Now turning to the way in which the funds are 
disposed of and accounts kept, we may in glowing 
terms congratulate ourselves on having secured in 
the person of Mr. Yeshvantrao Nene an Accountant 
in whose industry, veracity, and business capacity 
you may safely repose the greatest confidence and 
trust, if you believe me, 1 can confidently give my 
word Aat Mr. Nene will not allow the smallest 
error of a pie to creep into his accounts. 

The Paisa Fund is an Institution which has a 


variety of lessons to give to you. In the first place, 
it provides you a ground where you can train your 
young men in the art of organisation with the 
object of performing civic duties. Selflessness is 
the first lesson which you are to learn in forming 
volunteers'-association for the purpose of collecting 
the Paisa Fund. The Paisa Fund, moreover, teaches 
you the value of self-reliance. In fact, self-reliance 
is the very life and soul of the movement. Those 
that desire to do some kind of service or other to 
their motherland must necessarily develop these 
qualities, in order to put forth that service to the 
best advantage. To the volunteers I have this 
message to give. Remember all these things, and 
act up to them. Work with devotion and singleness 
of purpose for the uplift of the Motherland. You 
devote only one day in a year for the collection of 
the Paisa Fund. If you do the work which you 
have undertaken to do as a part of your duty, with 
all the zeal and earnestness which you can summon 
to your aid, I am sure, your devoted efforts will 
never remain unrewarded by God. If you have faith 
in Him, remember ever that He is always standing 
by you. He will certainly crown your efforts with 
success. Have implicit faith in Him. and be doing 
your duty even without the reasonable prospect of a 
suitable reward in return for your exertions. 



(In supporting fhe Loyalty Resolution at the Provincial 
Conference, held in BeJgaum in April 1916, Mr. Tilak 
said) : — 

President and Delegates, — The subject ot the 
resolution I rise to support now is named " War and 
Loyalty ". At first sight there appears no connec- 
tion between war and loyalty, and I am going to deal 
with the subject with a view to see whether there 
exists a relation between the two and if any such 
relation exists, to see what duty devolves upon us on 
that account. Gentlemen, at the outset I must make 
it plain to you that the demands thar we are now 
pressing upon the attention of the Government, have 
absolutely no relation to the assistance we have 
given to them during the present war. We do not 
make these demands by way of a reward for the 
services we have rendered during the war. We have 
been asking for them long before the war. and they 
have nothing to do with it. They are based on the 
firm foundation of justice, (cheers). They are not 
new ones ; we have been dinning them into the ears 
of the Government for a quarter of a century and 
more. We are now pressing them with redoubled 
vigour, and the present time has only afforded us the 
best opportunity of emphasising them. But for the 
distrust of the bureaucracy, these demands would 
have long ago been granted to us. Heretofore they 

Loyalty Resolution 

thought that no sooner were the Indians allowed to 
carry arms, than they would attempt to make use of 
them in overthrowing the British supremacy in 
India. But a greater and graver calamity than this 
supposed or imaginary fear has now arisen In the 
shape of the present war, and our bureaucracy must 
now give up all their suspicions about us in view of 
the loyalty we have shown and the manifold help 
we have given them. CCheers^. Our cheerful co- 
operation and willing aid must convince the bureau- 
cracy that we never for a moment harboured any 
thought of driving the British out of India. We 
never entertained the idea that the British rule 
should be supplanted by any other foreign power. 
On the other hand, in order to strengthen and 
consolidate the British rule we have shown our 
willingness to sacrifice to the utmost our blood and 
our purse (loud cheers). What other proof is 
needed to demonstrate our genuine loyalty ? We 
request the Government to revoke the Arms Act ; 
but if they are afraid or reluctant to do so now, let 
them revoke it after the termination of the war. Let 
them embark upon the experiment a few selected 
individuals to carry arms without a license, and if 
the Government is satisfied that the arms are not 
improperly used, there v/ould be no harm to revoke 
the Arms Act altogether. 

We firmly believe that if there be any people that 
can sympathise with our legitimate aspirations and 
help us to realise them, it is the British people, rioud 

Lok. Bat Gangadhar Tilak 

cheers\ We are deeply convinced that no other 
nation than the British can stand us in good stead 
and promote our welfare (loud cheers). All these 
things we are quite sure of ; but there is no gain- 
saying the fact that owing to a great many 
imperfections in the present system of administra- 
tion a good deal of dissatisfaction and unrest prevails 
in the country. This dissatisfaction need not 
however come in the way of conceding our demands. 
The true reason why our bureaucracy is reluctant to 
part with its powers is the vain fear that it would 
lose its prestige. But our services in the war have 
opened the eyes of the British public to our state and 
has convinced them more than ever that the 
suspicions of the bureaucracy had absolutely no 
foundation in fact. They must have now known 
that the distrust of the bureaucracy with regard to 
us Indians was due to their self-interest. Now that 
the British democracy is aware of the true state of 
affairs in India, I say the present is the most 
opportune time to press for our demands being 
recognised by an Act of Parliament. This, in my 
opinion, is the relation that subsists between our 
loyalty and the present war Ccheersj. 

Gentlemen, there are certain people who say that 
India ought to have supplied more men than have 
been hitherto despatched from here to the front. But 
who denies the propriety of this assertion ? But are 
we to be blamed for not doing something which was 
hot In our power to do ? If we were invested with 

Loyalty Resolutidn 

some authority we could have supplied a. gigantic 
army of ten millions to fight the enemy. And I ask 
you, in all earnestness, if India is not now in a 
position to send such a vast force, is it not the fault 
of our bureaucracy ? History tells us that the great 
empires of Rome and Greece were ruined on account 
of the predominance of jealousy in the minds of the 
ruling classes towards those over whom they 
exercised their power. Historians say that these 
horrible vices of jealousy and avarice were peculiar 
only to uncivilized tribes of the olden times and that 
they are now fast disappearing. This elimination, 
they say, is calculated to obviate the down-fall of 
great empires of modern times. But the behaviour 
of the belligerents engaged in the present war gives 
a direct lie to this assertion. These wees, you will 
note, have not entirely disappeared. They are 
making themselves felt as fiercely as of yore. So, it 
is clearly the duty of statesmen who guide the 
destinies of mighty empires, to guard them against 
these pit-falls, and in order to do it effectually it is 
equally clear that all the component parts that 
comprise the empire must be made strong enough 
to stand on their own legs. Fortunately the 
potentialities of India are so great and enormous 
that it can supply any number of men to the army ; 
so much so that if you make the men stand three feet 
apart from each other they will form an unbroken 
line from Calcutta to Berlin ! (laughter and loud 
-cheers). But why are not men forthcoming in such 

Lof(. Bal GangaJhar Tilak 

large numbers ? There is only one reason for this. 
And it is the distrust of our bureaucracy. Their 
suspicions might be honest suspicions, but what is 
honest is not always true fcheers). It has been now 
proved to the hilt that their misunderstanding about 
us. though honest, was due merely to a lack of per- 
ception on their part of our good intentions. We 
have shown that we never meant to subvert the 
British sovereignty. Ooud cheers). We never 
entertained the idea of severing the British connec- 
tion. We believe that it is only the British that can 
have genuine sympathies with our national 
aspirations and can satisfy our needs, (cheers). No 
one ought to misunderstand us on this cardinal 
point. We are thoroughly loyal to the person of 
our Emperor and His Majesty's empire (cheers). 
We are not against his sovereignty and never mean 
to sever our connection with his 'throne. But with 
all that you must remember that the empire does 
not mean a bureaucracy. Fighting constitutionally 
with the bureaucracy for the attainment of certain 
rights and privileges which we are entitled to as 
citizens of a great empire does not mean any attempt 
to overthrow the empire Ccheers^. If some people 
try to put such a construction on our endeavours to 
obtain our legitimate privileges, I should say it 
is simply wicked to do so. We do certainly want to 
help our Government. We have practically helped 
it in several ways and our assisstance proceeds .'in 
no way from a desire to obtain a reward for it. We 
408 . 

Loyalty Resolution 

help our Government, because It is our duty to do so. 
(^cheers^. But while helping them at this moment of 
their supreme need, I do say that this is the most 
opportune time to emphasise our demands and you 
should not swerve an inch from doing both these 

Some ot our bureaucrats say, " Why do you want 
arms ? We are here to protect you from foreign 
invasions as well as from internal violence ". I ask, 
however, why should we go to the District Superin- 
tendent of Police to request him to protect us from 
the depredations of a tiger in the jungle ? 1 know a 
tiger was at large in the jungles of Sinhagarh but 
the people being quite unable to protect themselves 
against his rapacity, had to run over to Poona to 
intimate to the Police Superintendent the danger 
and obtain a redress of their grievance. The 
Superintendent, thereupon, came to the place and 
killed that tiger. Why should we be so much 
dependent on the help of the authorities even in such 
petty matters ? Does the killing of a tiger mean 
fomenting a rebellion ? Ccheer and laughter^. But 
our splendid co-operation in the present war has 
thoroughly satisfied the Government as to our loy- 
alty. There is now absolutely no doubt about it in 
any quarters. And there ought to remain no 
•suspicion whatsoever about it. The suspicion having 
been removed, we have every right to receive from 
our Government the privileges of carrying arms. 
The concession will not only promote our welfare 

Lok- Bal Gangadhar Tilak 

but it will go to strengthen the empire as well. It 
will further secure the peace of the country if all 
the three hundred millions are provided with arms, 
they will strike terror into the hearts of our foe. 
He will be afraid of waging war with a mighty 
power which can muster at a moment's notice 
millions of armed people to defend the empire. The 
grant of this concession will make the people 
strong, bold and manly. It will help to establish a 
reign of peace all over the world and contribute to 
universal satisfaction and welfare. It will obviate 
the necessity of passing the law of conscription. 
Some of our bureaucrats still assert that they by 
themselves eire eminently powerfuU to protect the 
vast British Empire from any danger that might 
threaten it. But this is a mere idle boast, and has 
been proved to be so in the present war. The war 
has shown that you must secure the help of the 
people in order to defend the empire, and hence our 
just demand derives an additional force from the 
necessities of the circumstances. We, therefore, 
pray to the Govenment to concede to us the right to 
carry arms. And request them to strike one from 
the statute book the pernicious Arms Act which has 
eaten into the vitals of our country. Such a step 
will bring delight to the hearts of millions and make 
them powerful enough to come to the rescue of the 
empire in the hour of its need. We again assure 
the Government that this concession will place the 
loyalty of the people on a more solid foundation ; it 

Loyalty Resolution 

will make them stronger, and will go a great way in 
strengthening the empire as well. With these words, 
delegates, I commend this resolution to your accept- 
ance and I hope you will carry it with acclamations. 
(" Long Live Lokamanya" " Tilak Maharajkijay "). 



ABC RefofmScheme 203 
AbkariDept. 112, 143 

Aborigine . 69 

Action, Performance . 233 
Adam . 70 

Administration Nuga- 
tory ^ . 279 
Administration, Sys- 
tem ot . 252 
Advisory Body . 107 
Advisory Councils . 95 
Afghan War . 393 
African Colonies 310, 361 
Agarkar . 5 
Age of Consent Bill . 62 
Agricultural Assess- 
ment . 143 
AgricuIturalUniversity 187 
Ahmednagar . 141 
Akbar 50, 155,255 
Aliens . 160 
America . 312 
American factor . 354 
Amraoti . 298 
Amrita Bazaar Pat- 

rika 284, 286 

Anandacharlu, Mr. . 373 
Ancient Message . 5 
Anglo-Indian Friends, 

Anglo-Indians ^ . 59 
Anglo-Indian Women 58 

Anglo-Indian Writers 48 
Anti-Home Rule Agi- 
tation .315 
Antiquarian basis . 30 
Do. Grounds. 32 
Do. Interest . 295 
Arctric Home . J- 
Arjuna . 233 
Arms Act 204. 306 
Arrah Riots . 258 
Arthur Griffith . 45 
Arts and Industries . 42 
Aryan . 28 
Aryan Language . 29 
Ashoka . 30 
Ashoka, Empires of . 255 
Asia and Europe . 30 
Asiatic Nations 255, 330 
Do. Situation . 346 
Do. Scholarship, 
of contemporary . 3 
Asquith, Mr. . 132 
Asura . 76 
Athani . 306 
Aurangzeb . 1 55 
Aval Karkun . 180 
Ayodya .315 

Badwas of Pandharpurl47 
Baji Rao's Rule . 180 

Balabodha . 28 

Balaji Vishwanath . 80 


Bande Mataram.Cnes 28 i 
Banerjea, Mr. . 265 

Bankiporeml912 . 99 
Baroda, Historj- of . 183 
Battle of Feedom ,316 
Belgium . 243 

Belvi SaKeb . 124 

Bengalee . 50 

Bengali Race . 42 

Ber-alis . 29 

Berlin . 407 

Besent. Mrs. Annie 23. 98 
194, 293,312.320 
Bhagavad Gita 59, 210 
Bhakti . 233 

Bhakti Yoga . 233 

Bharat Dharma Maha- 

mandala 35, 37 

Birthright 221.241,249 

323. 333 

Black Colonies . 355 

Bloodless Revolution. 76 

Bombastic Phrases . 267 

BombayConveotionistsl 00 

Do. Gazette . 129 

Do. High Court .211 

Do. Legislative 

Council . 72 

Bonar Law, Mr. . 295 

Boycott 7, 18, 19,63 

Boycott of Govt. . 100 

Brahma . 109 

Brahman ,219 

Brahmins . 1 20 

British Bureaucracy . 282 


British capital . 258 

Do. Democray 253 257 

334. 372 

Do. Empire 149.154 


Do. Government. 202 

Do. Ministers . 336 

Do. Nation 251,350 

Do. Parliament 280 


Do. Party . 20 

Do. People . 253 

Do. Power . 267 

Do. Public . 257 

Do. Raj . 73 

Do. Rule 146,220. 282 


Do. Throne 302. 393 

Buddhists and Jains. 

Hindu Religion by. 37 
Buddist and Maho- 

medan Rules . 255 

Bupendra Basu 100, 102 
Bureaucracy 130,143.150 
Bureaucratic Adminis- 
tration 321, 336 
Do. Control. 17 
Do. Kaiserdom 

Do. Solution 356 
Bureaucracy, to fight 

against the . 43 

Bureaucracy, Powerful 




. 116 

. 164 

Cabinet .311 

Ceasar 63, 24 

Calcutta High Court . 205 

Do. Session . 18 

Canada . 188 

Cardinal Creed . 242 

Cause of India . 321 

Central Government. 267 

Do. Organisation. 1 3 
Ceylon . 353 

Ceylonese Brethern , 401 
Ciiaitanya . 40 

Chanakya . 73 

Chaturvarne .219 

Chindvara . 290 

Chine . 334 

Chirol. Mr. . 391 

Chirol Sir Valentive . 280 
Christianity, Science . 40 
C. LD. 176. 179,241 
258, 289. 290, 291 
Civil Law . 248 

Do. Servants 213 
293. 318 

Do. Service , 256 
Collector . 134 

Colonies 161,214,251 299 
Commanding Influence 8 
Co'mmission Agents . 140 
Commissioned ranks 309 
Common Character for 

Hindus . 29 

Communal Represent- 
ation . 307 
Company's Directors 12iS 
Do. Policy , 128 
Do. Share- 
holders . 126 
Confidential Letter . 102 
Congress 66, 151 
Congress, child of the 243 
Do. Committees 259 
Do, Constitution 13 
Do. Deliberate 
breaker of the , 1 3 

Do. High value 
on the , 13 

Congress Indian 

National 55.202. 317 
Congress Leaders . 306 
Congress League 

Scheme, 265,271,277 
311, 362 
Congiess Movement. 

the . 6 

Congress Politics till 

1905 . 17 

Congress Resolutions, 

Synthesis of . 209 

Conscription Act . 361 
Conservative Tem- 
perament . 12 

Agitatian 62, 248 

Constitutional Laws . 42 

Do. Reform 203 

ConventionistLeaders 98 


Court of Wards 225,275 
Court of Law 211,275,295 
Crown Prince . 278 

Current Indian Poli- 
tics . ^6 
Curtis. Mr. 268,279.260 
Curtis, Pamphlet . 268 
Curzon Lord 32, 43, 62 

Dadabhai Naoroji, 

Mr. 43,55,56, 129, 
228, 253, 274, 
Damale, Mr. 
Deccan Educational 

Defence of India 

Act 289 


Do. Conference 
Deliberative Body 
Demonaic Part 
Democratic Politician 

Excessive Growth 

Department of In 

Departments of Life 









Dharma 36. 38, 230. 324 
Dhri . 36 

Diacritic Marks . 31 

District Councils . 95 
District Boards . 273 

District Magistrate 68, 184 

Divmation of, ihis 

Docile Nature 
Dozen Detectives 

Do. Sounds 


East India Company . 256 
Eastern Idea . 74 

Eden, Sir Ashley . 283 
Education . 1 52 

Educational Movement 5 
Educational Move- 
ment ^82.131 
Educational in Politics 87 
Do. of the Masses 209 
Ef fiminacy . 1 82 
Eight annas, a day . 73 
Elphinstone . 1 78 
Emperor . 147 
Do. in Indi?, . 163 
Empire, Partnership 

in the . 267 

Encyclopoedists . 76 

England History of . (6 
English Administra- 
tion ' . 14^ 
English Government 105 


English Grammarians 31 
English History, 

the light of 
English Institutions 
Do. Parliament 
Do. People 
Do. Politics 
Do. Mile 
Eterra! Hell 
European Weals 
Do. Nations 159, 
Do. Sanskristists 
Do. Way 
Iixcha n '^c Co i n pensa- 

Lxct utivc Councils . 
Do. and tlie Judicial 
Do. Department . 
Do. Will 

. 6 

. 254 
. 135 
. 244 
. 20 
. 113 
. 39 









Fergusson College 5, 44 
303, 395 
Fiery Iconsclasm . 14 
binancial Centralisa- 
tion . 91 
^oreign Languages . 85 
Foreign Philosophy . 220 
Foreign Rule, India, 

is under a . 42 

ForestDepartment 112,131 


Foremost Exponent . <H 

FouzdH . I to 

Freedom 317, 307 

French Battle Fields . 244 
Fuller Saheb .III 

Gaddi . 82 

Gaekwar . 189 

Gaekwar's State . 307 

Ganapalhi Festival . 5 

" Gi\y.eU.G oi India " . 332 

German Emperor . 393 

Do. Fmpire . 255 

Do, Government 148 

Do. Inlliience . 334 

Do. Kaiserdom . 312 

Do. Mili taresim . 345 

Ghandi, Mr. . 24 

Ghatka . 125 

Ghoda . 170 

Ghodegoari . M 5 

Ghose, Dr. 384, 387, 388 

Gifts of the Orator, 

none of the . 22 

Gita 192.213 

Gita Study of . 36 

Gita-rahasya 4, 232 


Principle of . 384 

Glacial Period . 55 

Gnana . 233 

Do. Yoga . 233 

Goaded to Revolution 1 1 

God Himself . 209 

Gokhale, Mr. 57, 60, 98 

303, 304, 305. 328, 329 

Government of India 24 

270, 278 


Government of India 

Act 180,249 

Government, Machi- 
nery of . 277 

of . 273 

Government Resolu- 
tion . 121 
Governor-General 125,278 
Great Britain . 60 
Grand Oldman . 87 
Do. do. of India 

201,210. 377 
Greatness of the 

Nation, Past . 4 

Greece . 324 

Gujarathior Mahrathi 30 
Guptas . 255 

Gurukul of Hard war 84 
Gurumukhi . 29 

Half-and-half Scheme 21 
Hard-earned Success 8 
Hardingc, Lord . 194 

Harrises . 293 

His three Imprison- 
ment . 7 
Heroism . 166 
Hero-Worship . 48 
HighCourt judgeships 256 
Hindi .216 
Hindu Community202.289 
Do. Polity .218 
Do. Religion . 231 
Do. ReHgion, Im- 
portance of . 35 

Hindu Rule. 105, 255 

University . 41 

Hindus and Maho- 

medans . 374 

Hobbes or Locke . 76 
Holkar . 180 

Hooghley, the Banks 

of . 201 

Home Defence . 309 

Do. Policy . 226 

Do. Rule 113. 168.203 


253, 300, 361. 364 

Do. do. Conference 17 

Do. do. League 104, 1 16 

194, 196.259,266 


Do. do. Movement . 307 

Do. do. Party . 20 

Do. do. Periods . 21 

Do. do. Propaganda 527 

Do. do. the ideal of 210 

Do. do. what is 

meant by .212 

Home Ruler, 209, 292 

House of Lords . 194 

Hume Mr. A. O. . 58 

Humdrum Life . 331 

I.C.S. .134 
Idealism, indispensa- 
ble to the . 5 
Idealistic Bengal . 1 1 
Ignomanious lot . 78 
IlbertBiU . 62 
Illiteracy " , 247 


Immutable Dliarma . 246 
Imperial Council 190.279 
Do. Government 228 
Do. Rale . 259 

Imprisonments, dur- 
ing the . 4 
Incarnations . 2, 9 
India .111 
Indian Citizen Army 309 
Do. Government . 321 
Do. Ideal . 20 
Do. Home Rule . 267 
Do. People . 244 
Do. Political aspira- 
tions .299 
Indian Spirituality . 4 
Do. States . 257 
India's loyalty . 299 
Do. Stability . 135 
Indomitable Will . 2 
Industrial Education . 86 
Do. Exhibition . 52 
Do. Reform . 165 
Infant industries . 53 
Inhabitants of India . 142 
Interned brothers . 290 
Invisible English Gov- 
ernment . 108 
Irish Convention . 349 
Do. Home Rule 301, 392 
Do. Pacifists . 371 
Irrelevant Excuses . 243 
Islington, Lord • . 299 
Italy . 324 

Jagir . 134 

Jagirdar . 181 

Jahasirdars . 180 

Jamabandi . 178 

Jap . 173 

Japan 222. 330. 334 

Japan and America . 318 
Jejia Tax 
Jesus Christ 
Jixiya Tax 
JinnahMr. 257,265.266 
Journalistic work 
Judicial Department . 

justice and Provi- 
dence . 365 






Kali Yuga . 276 

Karandikar, Mr. .314 
Karma . 324 

Karma and re-incar- 
nation, doctrines of 40 
Karma, Events of . 223 
Karnia, Law of . 245 

Karma Yoga 233, 245, 247 
Karnatic .113 

Kelkar, Mr. 168. 176,314 
Kesari,the5. 172.327.395 
Khalsa territory . 123 

Khandesh District . % 
Khaparde, Mr. 146, 314 
Kharoshtri or Brahmi 30 
Khopoli Ghat . 1 78 

Kincaid's Mr. Lecture 79 
King Dushyanta . 226 








Local Despotism 


King of England 


Local Self-Govern- 

Kiilgri Subjects 


ment, Munlrip.-il . 

1 17 

Kolhapur rase 


Logan, the Hon'ble 

Do. ll.c l\h.l.a- 



raj all of 


Logical Science 


Krita Yuga 






Lokamanya Tilak 


Kshatriya Kings 


"London Times" 378,384 





Kulkarni Vatan 112, 

, 113 

Lucknow 202, 




Lucknow Congress 


Lajput RaiLala60.71.78 

Do. Sessions 




Do. and Cawnpore 




Land Tax 


M. A. and L.L.B. . 


Lai'ger Leverage 




Law-abiding Method. 


Madras Bureaucrats . 


Law and Constitution 




Law of Duty 




Lawrence, Mr. 185, 




Legal mind, an acute 


Mahomad Ali 288, 


Legislative Council 95,272 

Mahomed an Com- 






Mahomedan Rule 142 


Liberalism, Revival 




Mahomed ans 




Mahmudabad, Hon. 

Do, Preparation of 


Raja Saheb of 


Liberty-loving Britis!\ 


Mahrnshlra 84. 135, 






Lint;ua Franca 216, 


Do. • National life 

Lloyd George, Mr. 




295" 35^. 362, 


Do, Organised 

Local Boards 


Movement in . 



IVIahrashtra the Poli- 
tical Mind of . 5 
Mahratha . 326 
Do. Chief . 50 
Do. History . 79 
Do. Nation . 42 
Do. Race . 9 
Do. Rule . 105 
Do. Spirit . 8 
Mahrathi 133, 153,292 
Do. Language . 3 
Do. Literature . 3 
Do. Nation . 183 
Do. Tongue . 22 
Do. University . 187 
Malik . 225 
Malik Ambar . 155 
Magna Charta . 16 
Malaviya. Hon'ble 

Pandit 369,371 

Mamlatdar . <2i 

Man-power . 347 

Manu 27, 75 

Manusmriti .218 

Map of the World . 335 
MastersTo-day . 239 

Marwaris . 198 

Mauritius . 86 

Maya . 109 

Mehta Sir Pherozesha 3 1 8 
Merciful God . 243 

Military Colleges . 340 
Subjection . 322 
Minto Lord . 52 

Moderates and Ex- 
tremists 55, 137 


Modern Science . 40 

Modi . 28 

Moksha 137.231 

Montagu, Mr. 253, 268 
269,293,310, ill, 317 
319, 350 
Morley-minto Re- 
forms 295, 306 
Morley, Mr. 45, 59, 69 
377, 378 
Do. Lord 328. 329 
Motilal Ghose, Babu . 284 
Municipal and Legis- 
lative Councils . 101 
Munim . 156 
Muslim League 270, 312 
Muslims . 207 
Mussalmans . 1 60 
Mutiny 1 27, 282 
Mysore Territory . 123 

Nagar 162, 179 

Nagar District Con- 
ference , 1 68 
Nagari Prachami 

Sabha 21, 29 

Nagpur . 376 

Naib Dewans . 183 

Nana Fadnavis . 155 

Nana Farnairs . 178 

Nandas . 73 

Napolean . ^^ 

Nasik .317 

National Aspiration the 
God given Captains of 2 


Nationalists 89i), 195 

Nation Builder . 25 

National Education 18. 19 
81, 367.368 
National Ideal , . 302 

Nationalist Party 98. 376 
National life. Princi- 
ples of the . 1 5 
National Work . 298 
Native Chief 278. 184 
Native State 123, 134 
Nature's Law , 248 
Na Vishnu Prithivi- 

pathi . 76 

New India . 99 

New Parties . 61 

New Party 18.^20 

New spirit . 385 

Nelson . 48 

Nineteenth Century . 229 
Nizam's Territory . 184 
Northern India .218 

North-West Frontier. 356 

Omnibus Grievances. 16 

Ordnance I of 1907 . 62 

Oriental Ideal . 80 

Orion . 3 

Paisa Pund 240. 401 

402. 403 
Pal, Bepin Chandra 265 
Panch .119 

Panchatantra . 120 

Pandavas & Kauravas 64i 
Pandit .7) 

Pandits Councils of . 226 
Panini, Works of . 31 
Pan-Islamic League . 345 
Parameshwar , 241 

Paranipe, Mr. . 74 

Parai^urama . 75 

Parliament . 127 

Do. .Members of . 57 
Do. Under a Sta- 
tute of . 50 
Parliamentary Statute 

265, 270 
Parsi Patriot . 201 

Partition . 63 

Partition of Bengal . 91 
Passive Resistance261 ,360 

Patrika 50. 281 

Patriotic Movements . 313 
Pax Britannica . 56 

Peace Conference . 356 
Do. Negotiations . 355 
Penniless Beggars . 73 
Pentland, Lord . 293 

Peoples Dominion . 245 
Perfection of Man- 
hood . 231 
Personalities, Three 

Such . 24 

Peshwas 79. 178.294 

Peshwas' Rule i42 , 678 
Petty-botching . 321 

Physical Research 
Societies . 40 



Pioneer . 258 

Pioneer Work . 5 

Pioneer Worker small 

knot of 8 

Police . 176 

Police Sepoy .111 

Police Inspector's 

Order . 158 

Political Awakening 

in India . 7 
Do. Effort, the 
one possible aim for 1 
Political Emancipation 1 5 
Do, Genius . 16 

Do. Leading in India 2 
Do. Progress . 198 
Do. Spirit, New . 6 
Do. Struggle , 276 

in . 15 

Do. Science of . 242 
Poona 52, 179,367.390 
Poona Daftar . I 78 

Power, Monopoly of. 252 
Powerful Mind . 26 

Predestined to lead ^ 6 
Prejudiced Mind . 232 
Premier . 251 

Press Act 357, 391 

Prime Minister 110, 150 
Princes & the Nobles 
Proclamation of In- 
depedence, in Am- 
erica . 8 


Proclamation, of 1858 74 
Professor Bose . 40 

Progessive improve- 
ment . 139 
Protecting the cow . 1 99 
Providence . 263 
Provincial conference 243 
Do. Contract 

System . 91 

Do. Finance . 94 
Do. Legislative 

Council . 274 
Do. Prejudices 32 
Psychological Law . 352 
Public Opinion .218 

PublicService Resolu- 
tion . 204 
Punishment of Whip- 
ping . 46 
Puran . 192 
Purana . 75 

Queen's Government 1 28 


Queen's Proclamation 44 

61,87, 149.294 

Queen Victoria . 127 

Rab . 87 

Rabindranath Tagore 172 
Raivats . 236 

Rajadroha » 124 

Rakshasa 290, 298 

Rama 75. 313 

Ramayana and Maha- 
bharatha . 36 



Ramanuja . 35 

Ranade . 187 

Rajput Rule . 105 

Rajputs 202, 255 

Reform Scheme . 369 

Religious Scruple . 290 
Representative Gov- 
ernment 80, 212 
Republics French or 

American . 53 

Responsible Govern- 
ment 265, 268, 269 
270,272,334. 370, 371 
Revolutionary Idealist 21 
Rig Veda . 199 

Rip Van Winkle . 390 
Rishis 40. 75, 245 

Robbers in their own 

country, not . 68 

Romen Alphabet . 31 
Do. Characters . 30 
Roussean . 74 

Ruling Princes . 348 

Russian Influence . 334 
Do. Revolution . 296 

Sacred Books of the 

East Series . 32 

Sacred Heritage . 245 
Saheb 161, 13! 

Salvation . 235 

Sanatana Dharma . 35 
Sanatana Truth . 39 


. 309 


. 37 


. 173 

Sashti Purthi . 395 

Satara . 179 

Scholastic Labour his 4 
Schools, the Old and 

xNew . 56 

Scientific terms inHindi 34 

Scindia 180, 184 

Secretary of State 1 25 

265,271, 278, 57 


SeditiousMeetingsAct 357 

Seeley, Professor . 65 

Self-determination, 310 

333. 353, 354, 355 

Self-government 64, 152 


Self-realisation . 222 

Self-reliance . 401 

Self-reliant National 

Spirit . 206 

Self-rule 122. 20 

Separation from Eng- 
land \ 209 
Separate Representa- 
tion . 307 
Servants of India 

delegates . 103 

Servants of the people 239 
Service of Humanity. 25 
Shakepeare's Dramas 121 
Sbastras 193,223.324 
Shaukat Ali . 288 

ShishirBabu281,282, 283 
285. 286 
Shishir Kumar Ghose 282 



Shiva, Lord . 290 

Shivaji • ^«^6 

Do. fe>5iival 5, 44, 48, 68 
Sholapur matflies . 86 
Shoi't-Hand Re[)oitcis 68 
Shradda . 120 

Shri-Krishna 35,38,213 
234, 245 
Shri Ramachandra . 243 
Shudra .219 

Siberia . 334 

Simla ^ . 274 

SInha and Chaubal . !20 
Sine Die . 387 

Sir Oliver Lodge and 

Meyer . 40 

Slokh . 129 

Social Institutions . 14 

Do. Life . 221 

• Do. Reform . 164 

Do. Science . 154 

Spencer . 40 

Spiritual Science . 245 

Sruti and Smriti . 226 

Standard of Revolt . 69 
Do. Time . 34 

State Administration . 107 
State of Dependence. 164 
State Secretary 111, 1 30 
Statusquo . 382. 385 

Stephen, Sir James . 62 
Student of Politics . 1 6 
Subba Rao. Mr. 99. 100 
101, 102 
Suffering, Glare of . 8 

Supreme Duty . 233 

Do. Le2;islativeCouncil27 4 
Surat ' 376, 379. iSO 

Surat Catastrophe . 7 
Surat Split . 210 

Suiendranaih Banei- 

jea . 373 

Sydenham. Lord 229, 296 

315,31 6 

.Sydenhamites .311 

Sydenhams . 292 

Swadeshi 18,19,47 

Swadeshi Agitation 18, 52 

Do. Movement 7, 373 

Do. and Boycott . 204 

Swaraj 18. 19, 133. 139 

146. 185, 197,203, 214 

225,226.292, 376 

Swarajya 104, 109, 1 iO 

112. 113, 118, 123, 124 

148, 157, 163, 170, 185 

194, 298 

Tamerlane and Chenjis- 

khan . 56 

Tamil character . 29 

Telugu . 1 86 

Tenancy Question . 62 
Terms of Equality , 267 
Theory and Practice . !2 
Thirty-three Crores .315 
Thorough-going Na- 
tionalist . 8 
Three R's . 45 
Tilak, Mr. 9, 10, II, 12 
99, 138.263,292,296 


Tilak Mr.- 


An All-India Lf-'adrrr . 7 Practical politician . 20 

Born Leader . 8 

Born Parliamentarlen. 1 2 
By-products of his 

genius . 4 

Constitutionalist by 

Temper . 1 4 

His Career . 1 

His Mind . 14 
His place in Indian 

Politics . 1 

His Political Genius . 6 

His Principles . 24 

His work on the Life, 3 

Indianised the Move- 
ment . 6 

Inflexible Leader , 8 

Inflexible will of the 

patriot . 22 

Iron-willed . 13 

Leader of All- India . 24 
Leader of an All-India 

Party . 8 

Letter to the Press . 390 

Man of various gifts . 3 

No Dogmatic Reac- 
tionary . 1 4 

No Natural Revolu- 
tionist . 1 4 

Three Imprisonments , 7 
Three Seals of his 

Career . 8 

Touch of Genius . 9 
Transval Indians . 379 
Triangular Fight 203, 208 
Turkey . 334 

Two Parties . 205 

Uncrowned King . 8 
Unfitness . 255 

Unfit, what does it 

mean . 157 

United Congress . 98 

Do. Nation . 301 

Do. Provinces 202,317 

Do. States 190,327 

Universal Will . 234 

Universities, Act . 43 

Urdu and Hindi . 28 

Vairagyam . 226 

Vaishnavas . 35 

Vaishya .219 

Vedanta 229, 246 

Vedanta and Yoga . 41 
Vedantic Doctrine . 40 
Vedas . 242 

Vedas, common all- 

egience to . 37 

Vedic religion . 35 

Vedic Researches, his 4 


Verses 70. 39 

Viceroy 213,251 

Viceroy *s Conference 363 
Videshi . 376 

Vijapurkar, Professor 87 
Vijiyanagar . 326 

Village Panchayats . 226 
Vinchurkar, Mr. .181 

Wacha. Sir D. E. . J69 
War Debentures . 238 
War Fund '1'jI , 238 

War Loan . 239 

War Measure 343, 344 
Weights & Measures, 
Standard System of 34 

White People . 239 

Whole Loaf . 13 

Willingdon, Lord . 295 
Wilson. President 30, 344 
354. 355 
Witenagamot .16 

X. Y. Z. Reform 
Scheme . 203 

Yeshvantrao Nenc, 

Mr. . 402 

Yoga Shastra . 1 75 






Tilak, Bal Gangadhar 


Bal Gangadhar Tilak