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/^c/^^i*«. /S^r *^" 




FAINTKD by U. J. CLAY. M. A . 






•*Tl8 wonderful 
What may be wrought out of their discontent."— 








The distant view of the Castle and Battle 
Field of Lewes having led the Author to examine, 
with additional interest, the causes and circum- 
stances of the great event which has given them 
a place in history, he felt that the mere details of 
a sanguinary contest would be imsatisfactory, unless, 
in some degree, illustrated by the manners and 
temper of the times, as well as by the characters 
and motives of the chief actors. He has not there- 
fore scrupled to digress widely with that object, 
and the intended narrative of a day has insensibly 
swelled into a sketch of many years; but on con- 
sidering the importance of that period of British 
history, it did not appear that justice would other- 
wise be done to the subject. 

Surprise may well be felt by those who are not 
conversant with the rude materials from which 
History has to be constructed, at the confusion and 
contradictions of the various chronicles relating to 
these times : many of these have been consulted by 


vi . author's preface, 

the author in manuscript, and of several important 
papers which have been lately published free use 
has been also made. Much of their discrepancy, 
however, becomes corrected by the authentic test 
of public documents, and much by a due considera- 
tion of the circumstances of the writers. While 
party bias, for they had party even in those days, 
often induced some to distort facts, others, from the 
seclusion of their habits, had no means of accurately 
ascertaining even contemporary events; not a few 
wrote a century too late for collecting original evi- 
dence, and many in their indiscriminate records 
did not refuse even " profane and old-wives' fables." 
Later writers in succession, glad of an easy path, 
have often contentedly followed such authorities, 
as on a sheep-track, without farther enquiry. The 
weight of each witness thus requiring adjustment in 
the balance, a list of the principal references has 
been subjoined, somewhat explanatory of their re- 
lative value. 

Several specimens of the quaint but characteristic 
poetry of the age have been purposely introduced in 
evidence of the opinions then current, and the aspect 
of their antique phraseology has been occasionally 
rendered less forbidding by translation. 

To the kindness of friends the author is much 
indebted for some of the illustrations*, and for some 

* These have been omitted from the present edition. — Editor, 

author's preface. .vii 

notices on the family of Simon de Montfort in its 
foreign branches. 

The following pages were not intended as a dis- 
quisition on the origin and nature of Parliaments, so 
ably treated by others, and being but " an ancient 
tale new told," may not present many new facts to 
the historical student, yet it is hoped that the details, 
freshly gathered from their original sources, and 
here newly combined, may impart to some readers 
a clearer view or a warmer interest in so remark- 
able a crisis of British history. 

W. H. B. 

Beichland, Newick, 
January^ 1844. 


After Mr Blaauw's death, I learned that he had 
been preparing a second edition of the Barons' War 
when he was struck down by the iUness that even- 
tually carried him off. There was a difficulty in 
finding any one who could see the sheets through 
the press. Under these circumstances I volimteered 
to give what aid I could. When the papers came 
into my hands, I foimd that the author had scarcely 
touched the text except to make a few verbal cor- 
rections, most of which had been suggested to him 
by his friend, the well-known archaeologist, Mr 
Weston S. Walford. On the other hand there was 
a mass of notes, many of which were quotations 
from modern authors or picturesque extracts from 
chronicles that had struck Mr Blaauw's fancy. Al- 
together, I think, several pages had been transcribed 
from Jocelin de Brakelond. It was clearly unneces- 
sary to reprint these, and I have therefore had the 
difficult task of sifting what was to be retained from 

editor's preface. ix 

what ought to be excluded. My practice has been 
to keep all that was derived from unprinted sources, 
and all that related to family history : whUe I have 
left out mere illustrations and extracts from books 
that are now generally accessible. I have adhered 
rigidly to Mr Blaauw's spelling, even where it is 
now antiquated; and wherever I have thought it 
necessary to make a chan^fe or add a note have 
diatui^ed what is »y7,n by sp^ced lines [ ] 
or by the initial P. In a few cases where Mr Wal- 
ford's notes had not been transcribed by Mr Blaauw 
(I believe merely from the interruption of illness), 
I have added them and distinguished them by the 
letters W. S. W. 

I need not say that no care of an editor can in 
any appreciable degree replace the last touchings and 
remodellings of an author. Nevertheless judged by 
what it is, I believe Mr Blaauw's work will long 
continue to hold a high place among works of its 
kind. It may serve as some evidence of the care 
with which he explored the sources of history, that 
the invaluable publications of the Record Commission 
during the last foiui^een years have not, I think, 
contained a book except the Annals of Dunstaple, 
which he had overlooked, while many of the Manu- 
scripts he cites are unfortunately to this moment 
without an Editor. I confess to thinking that 
the Barons' War is even now unsurpassed as a 

editor's preface. 

history of the particnlax period it deals with. Some 
day it will no doubt be superseded, for there are still 
unused records to be drawn upon. So thorough and 
modest a student as Mr Blaauw would have been 
the first to disclaim the praise of having left nothing 
for his successors to add : the last to wish that his 
own work should be final. 

I have to return my best thanks to Mr F. J. Fiu*- 
nivall, who kindly collated a MS. for me in the 
British Museum; and more particularly still to the 
Rev, H. R. Luard, who besides doing me the same 
good oflfice, has supplied many valuable corrections 
throughout the book. The Index is due to the 
author's son, Mr T. St Leger Blaauw. 


Tbikxtt Colleoe, Cambbidob, 
May 28, 1871. 


* denotes those who were of the Boyolists* party, and f the BaroniaL 

Anglia Sacra. By Heniy Wharton, folio, London, 1691, contains 

the account of the affairs of Durham Cathedral 
from 1214 to 1336, by Bobert de Graystanes, Sub- 
Prior of Durham, who was elected Bishop by his 
convent 1332, and consecrated in spite of the 
king's prohibition.— He was afterwards super- 
seded, and died of yexation. A graphic intelli- 
gent writer. 

Art de verifier les Dates— 3 T. folio, Paris, 1783. 

Ann. Burt.t Annals written in the monastery of Burton contain 

many interesting documents, and end abruptly 
with the King's intention to annul the Oxford 
Statutes. [Edited by Fulman, and more lately by 
the Bev. H. B. Luard for the Becord Commission. 
Annales Monastici, Vol. I.] 

[Ann. of Dunstaple . . . Edited by Heame, and more lately by the Bev. H. 

B. Luard for the Becord Commission. Annales 
Monastici, Vol. III.] 

Anon. Langued Chronicle by an impartial Languedocian of the Albi- 

gensian war, from 1202 to 1219. Becueil des 
Histoires de la France, Tom. XX. 1840. 

Archiv. du Boy There are many interesting MSS. relating to English 

history in the vast collections of the Archives du 
Boyaume, at Paris. An imperfect catalogue of 
them has been printed in Tr^sor des Chartes. 

Carlav Siege of Carlaverock (from MSS. Cott. Caligula A. 

XVin.), a poem in French, by Walter, a Fran- 
ciscan monk of Exeter, describing the siege of 
that castle (6 m. south of Dumfries) by Edward I., 
in July, 1300, edited by N. H. Nicolas, 1828. 



Chr. Dover t • Chronica pancommy oontinadd to 1286 by a monk of 

S. Martin in Dover. The MS. (Cott. Jolins D. Y.) 
IB much burnt and shrivelled by fire in the pages 
relating to 1264-5. 
Chr. Jooelin. ...... Chronica Jocelini de Brakelond, a monk of S. Ed- 
mund's Boiy, relating the affairs of the monastery 
from 1178 to 1202, daring the Abbacy of Samson 
de Totington, or Totigtune, in the hundred of 
Weyland, Norfolk, — a picturesque account in 
ftynnging detaU of the manners, &c. of the interior 
of the Abbey, — published by the Camden Society 
from MS. HarL 1005. 

Chr. Lanerc.f Chronicle of Lanercost Abbey, in Cumberland, MSS. 

Harl. 8425. Cotton MSS. Claud. D. YU. 18: 
** Historia Anglorum ab 1181 ad 1846— per quem- 
dam Canonicum de Lanercost." — The Cotton MS. 
is much better than the more recent transcript in 
Harl. MS. Printed by the Maitland Club in 4to. 
1889. The battle of Lewes is described on the au- 
thority of a nobleman there present (protestante 
mihi uno nobili qui ibi fuerat), and also that of 
Evesham (ore tenus attestante mihi uno illorum 
qui adversus eum dimicavit). 

Chr. Laud.* Chron. Laudunense a Bruto usque ad 1888.— MSS. 

Cott. Nero, A. IV., 8vo. At p. 110 is a rude draw- 
ing of the capture of Heniy IH., and the death of 
Simon de Montfort. 

Chr. Lewes.* Chronicle by a monk of Lewes to 1312 contains a 

concise but authentic account of the battle. — 
MSS. Cott. Tib. A. X. 

Chr. Maib-. f Cotton MS. Faustina B. IX. Chronicle by the 

monks of Mailros, in Galloway, begun 1285, and 
continued to 1270 by various hands, from 1262 by 
one partial to the Barons in Berum Anglic. Script. 
Vet. T. L 

Chr. Oxen. Chronicle of John de Ozenede, Benedictine monk of 

S. Hulme, continued to 1298.— MSS. Cott. Nero 
D. n. Cotton MS. Faustina B. XIY. is appa- 
rently similar. [Edited by Sir H. Ellis for the 
Record Commission.] 

Chr. Peterb Chronicle of John de Raleto, Abbot of Peterborough, 

and Robert Boston, monk of Spalding, continued 
to 1868. 

Chr. Ramsey Chronicle by a monk of Ramsey, written before 

1267.— MSS. Cott. Otho D. VIH., partly burnt. 



Chr. Ro£f.t Chroxiiea de primis incolis Hybemus et de rebns 

BritannioiB, &o,, ad ooronationem Edwardi I., 
folio MS. Cott. Nero, D. II., by a monk of Roches- 
ter, with some rode drawings at the bottom of the 
pages, one at p. 176 representing the mutilation 
of Simon de Montfort*s body. 

Chr. Shepis Chroniole of William de Shepisheyed, MSS. Cott 

Faust. B. YI. 

Chr. Taster Chronicle of Taxter, a monk of Bury, from 1245 to 

1265, MSS. Cott. Jolins, A. L, quoted in potes to 
Bishanger's Chr. de Bellis L. et Ey. [Printed by 
Mr. Thorpe in the second yolume of Florence of 
Worcester, as the continuation of that author.] 

Chr. Trivet Chronica Triveti, HarL MSS. 4322, written durmg 

Edward I.'s reign... printed in the Spicilegium of 
Luc d'Aohery, and edited by Mr Hog for the 
English Historical Society. 

Chr. Wore. Wigom. . . Chronicle of Worcester, MSS. Cott. Calig. A. 10 to 

1308 A. D. [Edited by Rev. H. R. Luard for the 
Record Commission. Annales Monastioi, Vol. IV.] 

Epist. Ad. de Marisoo . EpistolflB Adamie de Marisco, a Franciscan monk of 

much learning. The MS. (Cott. Vitell. C. Vm.) 
is much shriyelled by fire in the upper part of 
each page, but is mostly legible, and contains 
many curious letters to Q. Eleanor, Simon de 
Montfort, his Countess, &o. [Edited by the Rev. 
Professor Brewer for the Record Commission. 
Monumenta Franciscana.] 

Fabyan f Chronicle of Robert Fabyan, Alderman of London, 

Sheriff 1493 ; a good authority for details relating 
to London. 

Gugl. Pod. Laur Guglielmi de Podio Laurentii Historia Albigensium, 

a monk of Pay Laurent, near Albi, bom about 
1210, died after 1272. Recueil des Hist, de la 
France, tome XX., 1840. 

Walt. Heming.t .... Chronicle of Walter Hemingford, a monk of Gisbum, 

where he died 1347. He had good opportanitieB 
of obtaining information from eye-witnesses for 
his histoiy, which extends to 1308. [Printed in 
Gale, and edited (as Hemingburgh) by Mr Hamil- 
ton for the English Historical Society.] 

Hist. F. Fitzw Histoire de Foulques Fitz Warin, Paris, 1840, edited 

from MS. in Br. Mas. by M. Michel, who refers 
this curious biography crroneoasly to the Fitz 



Warin drowned at Lewes, instead of to his father. 
Some parts printed as prose appear to be verse. 

Househ. Exp Manners and Household Expenses in England in 

the ISth centory, comprising the Roll of the 
Countess of Leieester*s Expenses in 1265, from 
the parchment MS. in Br. Mus. Add. MSS. 8877. 
Privately printed for the Roxburghe Club by 
Beriah Botfield, Esq., M.P., 1841, and contains 
much interesting matter, ably illustrated by the 
editor, Mr. Turner. 

Joinv .^. . . . Histoire de S. Louis by his friend and fellow- 
crusader the Sire Jean de Joinville, bom 1224, 
died 1817. 

W. Euight.f Chronicle of William Knighton, who flourished 

in the time of Richard XL His account of the 
battle of Lewes is copied verbatim from W. 
Hemingford. [Printed in Twysden's Hist. Ang. 
Scrip. X.] 

Peter Langtoft*s Chronicle in Verse. [Edited l^ Heame, and more lately by 

Mr. Aldis Wright for the Record Commission.] 

Lib. de ant. leg.f. . . . Liber de antiquis legibus, a copy, in MSS. HarL 

690, of the London chronicle possessed by the 
corporation, a register of contemporaneous events. 
[Edited by Mr. Stapleton for the Camden Society.] 

MS. in Antiq. Soo. . . . Habingdon MSS. 

MS. of D. of Bedford at Wobum, written by Richard Fox, a prose Chronicle 

following R. de Gloucester. 

MSS. Harl. 542 Mr. John Stowe*s Collections. 

MSS. Lonsdowne, 255. 

MSS. Add. 5444 f ... In Br. Mus., copied from one that was destroyed by 

fire, Otho B. m. This "son of a burnt father" is 
a chronicle written by Londoners from time to 
time as the events occurred from 1195 to 1307. 

MSS. Harl. 548 The Rules drawn up by R. Greathead, Bishop of 

Lincoln, for the Countess of Lincoln. 

Mat. Par.f Chronicle of Matthew Paris, monk of S. Alban's, is 

of the best authority for events during his life ; 
he died 1259. He frequently describes personal 
interviews with Henry III., but his chronicle, ac- 
cording to the usual custom, was not made public 
till after the King^s death. 

Mat. Westm.* Chronicle of Matthew of Westminster, who flourished 

1375, a decided Royalist in his colhpilation. 

Mirac. S. de Mont.f . . Miracnla Simonis de Monteforti, printed with Rish- 

anger's Chr. by the Camden Society, from .SM 



Cott. Vespas. A. VI. , probably written from time 
to time by the monka of Evesham, between 12C5 
and 1278. 

Nangisf Histoire de S. Lonis, by William de Nangis, a monk 

of S. Denis. Annals to 1300 in French and Latin 
—good contemporaneous authority. Bee. des 
Hist. Fr. T. XX., 1840. 

Nichols, Leicest Historyof Leicestershire by J. Nichols, F.S. A. Edin., 

' contains an excellent account of Simon de Mont- 
fort by Bev. Sambrook N. Russell, in Part I. 
Vol. 1. 

Nobility Catalogue of, compiled by Robert Cooke, Claren- 

deux, from MS. 1440 Harl. Art. 23. f. 17. 55. 
MS. of Rev. H. Wellesley. 

NobiHty of England from 1066 to 1602. MS. of Rev. H. W. 

Petr. Vail. Sam Petri Vallium Samaii Historia Albigensium, a monk 

of Vaux Semai Abbey, near Paris, bom about 
1170-80, living 1218, a furious bigot engaged in 
the Albigensian war. 

Polit. Songs Political Songs of England from E. John to Edward 

n., edited by Mr T. Wright for the Camden 
Society ; a very curious and interesting collection 
of contemporary evidences of popular feeling. 

Raspe Critical essay on oil painting, proving that the art 

of painting in oil was known before the pretended 
discovery of John and Hubert Von Eyck, io which 
are added Theophilus, de Arte Pingendi, and 
Eraclius de Artibus Romanorum, &c, ; by R. E. 
Raspe, London, Cadell 1781. 

W. Rish.f Chronicle of William Rishanger, monk of S. Alban'Sy 

continuing that of Matthew Paris from 1259 to 
1312, and published with it. A competent con- 
temporary authority. [Edited by Mr. Riley for the 
Record Commission.] 

W. Rish. de bello Lew.f Another chronicle by the same author, ** de Bellls 

Lewes et Evesham," lately printed by the Cam- 
den Society from MS. Cott. Claud. D. VI. 

Rob. Bmne The chronicle of English History, written in French 

verse by Peter Langtoft, Canon of Bridlington, 
was translated by Robert Manning, called R. de 
Brune (from Bourne, near Deping, co. Lincoln), 
begun 1303. [This is now being edited for the 
Record Commission by Mr. F. J. Fumivall.] 

Rob. Gloucf Chronicle in English verse, by Robert of Gloucester, 

who resided at Oxford. Camden and Usher con- 


aider him to have lired in the time of Hemry 
m. ; O. EUiB in the time of Edward I. 

BollB of Arms Boll 1240—1245 made abont 1808-14, published 

fiom MS. in Br. Mas. by N. H. Nicolas, 1828. 

Bymer The inTalnable series of docoments relating to 

English history, Bymer's Foedera, Vols. I and II. 

Starke Historife Anglicane Soriptores. Fol. Lond. 1723, 

containing Chr. Walteri de Whyttleseye, csnobii 
Bnrgensis Hist. (Burgh, originally Medeshamstede 
until burnt by the Danes, named Peterborough 
when restored, a. d. 970). 

W. Thorn Chronicle of W. Thorn, a monk of S. Augustine in 

Canterbury, who flourished 1880. 

Tr^sor des Chartes ... To be published in 9 4to. Vols, at Paris by com- 
mand of Nap. m. by M. Henri Plon; 17,000 
documents from ▲. n. 755 to 1559. 

T. Wyke* Chronicle of Thomas Wyke, an Augustine Canon of 

Osney, to 1290 ; an historian of good authority. 
In Hist. Anglic. Scriptores V. [Edited also with 
the parallel annals of Osney by the Bev. H. B. 
Luaid for the Becord Commission* Annales 
Monastici, Vol. IV.] 






Introduction 1 

— 11. 




Simon de Montport . 



The Oxford Statutes 



War and Truce . 

. 100 


The Award of Amiens 

. 112 


War ICenewed . 

. 125 


Negotiations at Lewes 

. 139 


The March upon Lewes . 

. 163 


The Battle of Lewes 

. 187 


The Mtse of Lewes . 

. 213 



; 221 



. 244 


Treachery and Hostilities 

. 266 


The Battle of Evesham . 

. 270 

- XVI. 

The Disinherited 

. 297 


Eleanor de Montfort and her 



XVIIL The Murder at Viterbo . 


Author's Appendices, A to E . 


Editor's Appendices, P. G. 

. 363 





p. 45. Note 1, 1. 7, instead ol *' de Bald/* read ** the Bald.' 

p. 129. End of Note 6 from p. 128, add [John de Granford was also 

tbere. New Bymer, I. p. 450]. 

p. 149. Note 1, ooL 8, 1. 8, of pedigree, instead of "1177?** read 

•* c. June 1240.** 

p. 185. Note 8, coL 2, L 16, instead of " cenlA ** read " oenlz.** 

p. 169. Note 8, 1. 1, for " Greneqner,** read " Crevequer.** 

p. 251. Note 8, coL 2, L 1, insert ** the hishop of ** before Norwich. 

p. 821. Note 2, dele the last sentence. 

p. 826. 1. 9, instead of ** Karl of Lincoln,*' read '* descended from the 

old Ea:cl8 of Linooli^.** 



'* Stand upon that elevation of reason, which places centnries under 
onr eye, and brings things to the tme point of comparison, which obscures 
little names and effaces the colours of little parties, and to which nothing 
ean ascend, bat the spirit and moral quality of human actions.'* 


The attention of the present age is not easily attracted to 
the records of past times : eager to enjoy the luxuries which 
commerce and science are yearly multiplying for their use, 
few are disposed to turn back to a distant period of British 
History, when a very diflferent state of things prevailed ; 
when the seeds of those blessings, now so habitual, were cast 
upon an unfriendly soil, requiring the watchful guard of a 
bold mind, and an armed hand for their growth and maturity. 
The fierce struggles for freedom or power, and the miseries 
of civil war, once necessary to secure the rights of the com- 
munity, are now read with a traditional assent, indeed, to 
the verdict of history, but with little scrutiny into the justice 
which has thus stamped some transactions with honour, and 
branded others with disgrace; has considered some conspi- 
cuous characters as patriots, others as rebels. 

This has been remarkably true as to the great events of 
the thirteenth century, which established the main prin- 



2 THE barons' war [CH. 

ciples of liberty in this land. Magna Charta now passes 
current everywhere as a household word, the hallowed type 
of a successful assertion of political rights ; while the Barons' 
war and the battle of Lewes, though also great moral lessons 
of permanent influence occasionally forced upon monarchs, 
have dropped away as if unimportant from general remem- 

There are, indeed, too many battlefields strewed over the 
face of England, where no really national interest was at stake, 
where blood flowed only to gratify or thwart the ambition of 
an individual, or where some point of a disputed pedigree 
trembled in the balance. From such selfish contests, if they 
could have been decided by personal combat without involv- 
ing the welfare of a whole nation, the mind would shrink 
with less regret ; but the Barons* war, of which the Battle of 
Lewes was a main incident, does not deserve to be forgotten 
or confused with such. It occurred in stirring times, when 
every man readily took his side, the proud noble and the 
half-enfranchised commoner uniting their strength with zeal- 
ous earnestness ; the contest was of a nature which we now 
consider the most awful and irreconcilable, a war of prin- 
ciples. The conflicting claims of royal prerogative, and of 
popular control, there met at length in active hostility, after 
the fruitless trial, for many years, of more pacific means. 

There would have been no need to revive this remote 
subject, which, as Drayton* said of his own story of some 
later wars, " is surely fit matter for trump or tragedy," had 
it fortunately attracted the electric spark of Shakspeare's 
genius. Such alchemy would long since have transmuted it 
into current gold, and would have fixed in the popular mind 
the sterling worth of the personages and facts, undisturbed 
by the doubts of philosophers or historians. The silence of 
the dramatist, however, having prevented them becoming so 
familiar to us as the events he has handled, Ave can only feel 

1 Preface to his poem Barons* War. 



sure that he would have depicted the chief actors in the 
reign of Henry III., if at all, with their usual mixture of 
good and evil qualities, as he has done all his characters, 
whether historical or self-created*. 

It is not from men of the thirteenth century that we 
could expect the performance of great actions from pure and 
unmixed motives ; it is not so in the nineteenth. Great and 
gross vices then prevailed in every class, and public opinion 
did not require even that decorous homage to virtue, which 
modern vice is content to render. United with the genuine 
patriotism of one party, no doubt ambition, self-interest, and 
revenge played their part, while the conscientious main- 
tenance of long used prerogative on the other side, was 
embittered by love of despotic power and by personal resent- 
ment; and though the warm incentives of religion were 
called in aid by both parties, each at times displayed an 
almost ostentations perjury. A modern hand cannot pre- 
sume to trace out all the various influences then at work in 
the breast of individuals : all was not pure, for the agents 
were human; but nothing can evince more strikingly the 
soundness of the views adopted by the party victorious at 
Lewes, than the fact that during their short year of triumph, 
English freedom rose to so vigorous a manhood, and acquired 
so confirmed a development, as to enable the spirit of their 
principles long to survive the downfall of their promoters, 
and to this day we are enjoying the full maturity of their 

There were some powerful engines of agitation to ruffle 
the surface of society in the thirteenth century. The 

^ Gibbnn (see Miscell. Works, Vol. 
I. p. 106) at one time selected the 
Barons' War for an biHtorical sub- 
ject, but soon abandoned it. In a 
letter (April, 1761) he writes that he 
had fixed upon the expedition of 
Charles VIII. into Italy ; but in 
another letter, date! Beritou, Aug. 4, 
1761, he states that he had ''re- 
nounced Charles YIII. I succes- 

sively chose and rejected the Crusade 
of llichard I., the Barons' Wars 
aRainst John and Henry III., the 
History of the Black Prince, the lives 
and companions of lleury V., the 
Emperor Titus, Sir Philip Sydney, 
the Marquis of Montrose : at length I 
have fixed on Sir Walter Raleigh for 
my hero." In July, 1762, he drops 
Kaleigh for the Swiss, and the Medici . 



4 THE barons' war. [CH. 

Crusades, those furious efforts of wild credulity, the glory of 
their own age, though now its reproach and scorn, ftimished 
allurements yet sufficient to assemble hosts too vast for use 
or restraint ; and the Popes of Rome, besides exciting these 
outbursts of foreign adventure, put forward also at this period 
their most extravagant pretensions. A war preached in the 
name of God is indeed an awful matter ; but not content with 
sending crowds of zealots to destruction in Pagan Syria, they 
wielded the same weapon against all nearer opposition, and 
repeatedly exhibited the strange anomaly of organizing 
Crusades against the disciples of the Cross\ The simpler 
faith of the Albigenses was thus crushed by fire and sword ; 
dethronement and a holy war were decreed against our own 
King John and other monarchs ; the political disputes with 
the Empire were decided in a similar way, although the 
Popes met occasionally with a stout resistance. Gregory IX. 
was thus in 1227 publicly denounced by the excommunicated 
Emperor Frederick as " the Great Dragon and the Antichrist,** 
although, indeed, he retorted on him as " the beast of blas- 
phemy, and the king of plagues." When this Emperor found 
himself, in 1243, excommunicated for the third time, and his 
crown declared to be forfeited, he desired his attendants to 
see if his crown were really lost from his jewel chest, and on 
it« being produced, put it firmly on his head, and stood erect, 
saying, " I have neither lost it, nor will I do so with im- 
punity for any Pope or Council. As to the Pope presuming 
to depose me, his superior, so much the better ; I was before 
bound to obey him in some measure, or at least to respect 
him, but now I am absolved from any sort of love, venera- 
tion, or peace towards him*." This practical refutation of 

> Lo principe d^ naoyi Farisei, Close to the Lateran his war to 

Avendo gaerra presso a Laterano, wage : 

£ non CO* Saracin nd con Giudei ; Not against Saracend or Jews he 

Che ciascon sno nimico era Cris- fi^ts; 

tiano. Inf. xxvii. 85. On Christians only he vents all 

This Prince of modem Pharisees his rage, 

delights a M. Paris. 


the Pope's power forms a strong contrast to the abject spirit 
of King John. 

The head of the Church insisted not only on the inde^ 
pendence but the supremacy of its members, for as the soul 
is superior to the body (they sophistically* argued) so should 
spiritual authority govern and punish secular power. No 
civil court being allowed to interfere for the punishment of 
their most heinous offences, it is said that Henry II. found 
that one hundred murders had been committed by the clergy 
unpunished. These and other monstrous abuses might well 
justify King Bichard's satirical bequest of his favourite vices 
to the different orders of clergy ; and the long enduring sub- 
mission to such arrogance is the strongest proof of prostrate 
intellect during the dark, or, what modem courtesy terms, 
the middle ages. 

From such prevailing influence, even the French King 
Louis IX., though eminently distinguished for strength of 
mind, and resolutely maintaining the rights of his national 
Church, was unable wholly to free himself. Coming to the 
throne in early youth, he retained such a lofty purity of 
conscience and such a mixed spirit of piety and enterprize, 
that he attracted the universal respect of his contemporaries, 
who frequently referred their disputes to his arbitration, as 
we shall have occasion to notice in connexion with the battle 
of Lewes. 

The love of distant adventure, and the spirit of priestly 
ambition, were felt in England, as well as elsewhere, during 
the reign of Henry III., while the social condition of the 
country not only exhibited a civilization inferior to many 
parts of the continent (for an insular position, until com- 
merce becomes general, necessarily retards its progress), but 
was still powerfully influenced by the great Norman con- 
quest. The heaviness of a foreign yoke had not yet ceased 
to gall the conquered, whose debasement had been complete. 
The Conquerpr had seized the estates not only of all who 

' Thomas Aqninas (who died 1274) quoted in HaUam's Hist. Lit* 

6 ' THE barons' WAB. [CH. 

had opposed him at Hastings, but even of those who had 
intended to be there; and, indeed, many of the Normans 
had done homage to him before the expedition, for lands 
about to be conquered'. To his fellow-soldiers, accordingly, 
many of them poor and lowly at home, were vast tracts of 
English land granted. 

It is due to King William's discretion, to observe that 
in Domesday there occurs only once, perhaps by an over- 
sight, a phrase indicating conque8t^ the more usual term 
referring to so great a change being the courteous one 
"after the King came to England';" and it is also remark- 
able, that there was no grant of a single acre to any of 
his own sons. 

When Domesday reports but two or three ploughs in a 
large parish, it is obvious that land of so little value was 
indeed the cheapest reward in the Eling*s power, and of this 
he made an unsparing use, giving, for example, to his son- 
in-law, William, Earl de Warenne, 298 manors. The whole- 
sale nature of the confiscation may be made more palpable, 
perhaps, by stating that all the three adjoining counties of 
Kent, Surrey, and Sussex*, were thus in the hands of 56 pro- 
prietors, very few indeed of whom were Saxons. 

Kent was the property of 12 owners, all Normans, except the clergy. 
Surrey — • 41 including 6 Saxons, who held only 8 manors. 

/ of the 3489^ hides, 2649 belonged to the King 
Sussex 15 / and Normans, 833 to the Church, and 10 only 

I to Saxons. 


The King, however, being reckoned in each county, and 
10 of the 15 Sussex proprietors holding lands also in Surrey, 

1 Ghr. de Norm. Thierry, Gonq. prising many estates that belonged 

d'AngL * to Harold, his family and his ad- 

3 '* Postquam Wilhelmus Bex con- berents, suffered in proportion more 

quisivit Angliam." than the rest of England. P. 
• 3 *' Postquam Rex venit in An- ^ The numbers given amount to 

gliam.*' 3492. My own calculation of the 

^ Kent, Sussex, end Surrey being hidage of Sussex makes it under 

the first counties occupied, and com- 3200. P. 


THE barons' war. 

a deduction of 12 would reduce the number to 56. In all 
Domesday, which does not include four Northern counties, 
there are only ^00 named proprietors*. 

The few Normans thus enriched, and scattered over the 
fane of the country, became by the very condition of their 
scanty numbers, and their masses of property, too proud and 
powerful for easy control, and gradually imbibed from the 
soil of their new country the inherent maxims of Saxon free- 
dom. They who had conquered the land with the Conqueror, 
were little ready to give up the privileges which they had so 
earned, and as, fortunately, no difference of religious creed 
separated them from the humbled Saxons, though of another 
race and language, common interests aitd intercourse gradu- 
ally led to mutual respect. The Norman landholders were, 
indeed, but little of patriots, and set slight value on the good 
of the people, but being jealous of the royal authority, they 
readily combined with them in the coercion of their King. 
They had grievances too of their own, heavy burthens repug- 
nant to their feelings, arising from their feudal tenures, 
which, on every fresh occasion, revived heart-burnings and 
rebellions among them. Some of these hardships — the unfixed 
alienation fines, the inability to devise fiefs by will, and the 
control of .the crown over the marriage of wards — had been 
unknown to them in Normandy*. 

The more refined arte and manners of their foreign 
dominions naturally attracted the early Norman kings to 
frequent residence in the country of their birth. During 
the 36 years of his reign, Henry I. passed but 5 summers in 
England. Henry II. visited Normandy annually for 26 
years, and died there. Richard I. was abroad for 9 years. 

^ Mr Blaaaw here refers to a pas- 
sage in Brady's Introduction (pp. 170, 
171), '* there were not in William the 
Couqaeror*8 reign (as appears by 
an alphabetical oatidogae made out 
of Domesday Book) 700 tenants in 
capite besides Bishops, Abbots, Priors, 
and great Churchmen," &c. Kel- 

ham, however, only enumerates 435, 
besides Bishops and Churches. Sir 
H. Ellis, reckoning in Ecclesiastical 
Corporations and IQng's Thanes, says 
**The Tenants in capite amounted 
scarcely to 1400." Introduction to 
Domesday, Vol. ii. p. 511. P. 
* Hallam, Middle Ages. 


except a few months in England. The long absences of their 
kings afforded greater opportunity to the barons to establish 
themselves on an independent footing. After the lapse of 
four or five generations, they began to consider themselves 
as Englishmen, and resented as such the tyrannous caprice 
and corruption of the court. It must be remembered that at 
this period there was no permanent tax, and no standing 
army ; the physical strength of the crown was but occasional, 
and the revenue casual. When the Sovereign, therefore, in 
his need grasped at forbidden profits, his rapacity was resisted 
at once by the feudal Barons as an unlawful interference, not 
so much with their rights as subjects, as with their individual 
privileges and property. These were much more intelligible 
to them and more dearly cherished, for " what we now call 
public rights were then private ones,'* as has been remarked 
by a sagacious historian';" and it was under these impulses 
that their combined efforts of resistance won the Great 

^ Goizot, Oiyilisation en Europe. 




"Our coffers with too great a conrt 

And liberal largess are grown somewhat light." 

Rich. IL 

Magna Charta, to which it is remarkable that Shakspeare 
makes no allusion whatever in his King John, required 
about thirty confirmations from subsequent kings to enforce 
its provisions, although its renewal in the ninth year of 
Henry III. is now referred to as an existing statute, and 
was of so little avail to check discord, that it was while a 
foreign Prince was occupying the country and claiming the 
Crown (in behalf of his wife, John's niece), that Henry III., 
a boy of nine years old, first inherited the throne. 

Nothing but the wisdom and courage of the Regent 
William, Earl of Pembroke, which won over the chiefs of 
the opposite party, preserved England from then becoming 
a tributary province to France, and until his death (in March, 
1219) the councils of the young Prince were swayed by his 
prudence ; nor did the defects of the King's character become 
apparent, until deprived of this statesman. 

This Earl, by his marriage with the heiress of Strongbow, 
the conqueror of Ireland, had acquired immense estates in 
that country, which extended over 124 miles in length and 
74 in breadth. Leaving ten children, his earldom was suc- 
cessively held by each of his five sons, after whom his five 


10 THE barons' war. [cH. 

daughters became, in 1245, the co-heirs of the property*. 
This failure of male heirs was looked upon as fulfilling the 
curse of a priest, from whom he had seized some lands. 
The zealous churchman, when urged by the King to remove 
the excommunication after his death, stuck steadily to his 
text, while professing compliance ; and though he ceremoni- 
ously absolved the soul of the Earl, it was on the express 
condition of previous restitution by his heirs of the lands 
in question". 

An ambitious native of Poictou, Peter de Roches, Bishop 
of Winchester, succeeded as Regent. Having been an active 
knight in earlier life, he was employed, in 1234, by the Pope, 
long after his episcopacy, to command his troops'; and this 
soldier-prelate made the weak King for many years the 
passive instrument of his own power, inspiring him with 
those arbitrary principles of government, which so often en- 

1 William, the Marshal, Earl of 
Pembroke, married Isabella, only 
child of Richard de Clare, Earl of 
Pembroke, somamed Strongbow. He 
died March, 1219, and lies buried in 
the Temple Church. His arms were 
" Party per pale, or and vert, a lion 
rampant, gales." 

1. William, 2nd Earl, his eldest 
son, a gallant soldier, one of the 25 
guardians of Magna Charta, died 
April, 1231, and is buried in the 
Temple. He married Princess Elea- 
nor, daughter of King John, in 1224, 
but they had no children, and she 
remarried, January, 1238, Simon de 
Montfort, Earl of Leicester. 

2. Bichard, 8rd Earl, rebelled, and 
was killed in Ireland, 128'1. 

3. John, defeated Prince Louis at 
sea, 1217, and died unmarried. 

4. Gilbert, 4th Earl, implicated 
in the rebellion of Earl Richard 
(ArchsBoL Journal, 1863, p. 165), a 
Crusader, in 1236, suddenly dismissed 
by Henry III., 1239, died at a tour- 
nafiient, May, 1241, and is buried 
in the Temple ; he married Margaret, 
a princess of Scotland. 

5. Walter^ 5th Earl, died Decem- 

ber 4, 1245. 

6. Anselm, 6th Earl, Dean of Salis- 
bury, died December 22, 1245. 

7. Matilda, the eldest daughter, 
carried the hereditary title of Earl 
Marshal into her husband's family, 
with whose descendants it still re- 
mains. She died 1248, having mar- 
ried, first, Hugh le Bigod, Earl of 
Norfolk, and, secondly, John de 
Warenne, Earl of Surrey. 

8. Joan, married Warin de Mon- 
chensi. Their daughter carried the 
earldom of Pembroke to her husband, 
William de Valence, half brother of 
Henry UI. 

9. Isabella married, first, Gilbert 
de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, who 
died October, 1230; and, secondly. 
Prince Bichard, Earl of Cornwall, 
April, 1231. Her incised memorial 
was lately found at Beaulieu Abbey. 
ArchsBol. Journal, 1863, p. 107. 

10. Sybilla, married William de 
Ferrers, Earl of Derby. 

11. Eve, married William de Bra- 
ose (see Caiend. Geneal. i. p. 227. P.), 
who died 1254. 

» M. Par. 
' Ibid. 




dangered his throne, and even monarchy itself. He is thus 
described in a contemporary satire' : 

Wintoniensis armiger 
PrsDsidet ad Scaccarium, 

Ad computandum impiger 
Piger ad Evangelium, 

Regis revolvens rotalam ; 

Sic Lacain lucrum superat, 

Marco marcam praBponderat 
£t librce librum subjicit. 

The Winchester Bishop — Knight 

At th* Exchequer sits paramount, 
Slow to read Gospel aright 

Tho' nimble the money to count: 
The King's Rolls handling all day, 

He looks more to lucre than Luke, 
Marcs their namesake Saint outweigh, 

He ponders on pounds, not his book. 

The inherent caprice of the King's "waxen heart"* in 
favour or hatred, evinced a natural incapacity for governing. 
The only fixed point in his character seems to have been his 
devoiioii, if it can be so called ; in his movements, either in 
England or on the continent, he never failed to visit all the 
churches and shrines of mouldering relics within reach, and 
not content with three public masses a day, he attended 
others in private, practising religious ceremonies as diligently 
and with as little self-discipline of conduct as any man of his 

The anomaly of a governor without either the talent of 
governing or of selecting others fit to do so, is a heavy afflic- 
tion upon a nation ; the obedience of a willing people re- 
quires to be met by the affectionate care and wisdom of a 
Sovereign, especially when no system of popular control has 
been devised. Imbecile virtue upon a throne, as affording 
scope to the evil passions of others, often weighs as grievously 
upon a people as the daring crimes of ambitious tyranny. 
Dante, nearly the contemporary of Henry III., puts him into 
his Purgatory as a man of simple life, singing psalms 

* Polit. Songs, p. 10. 

« *♦ Cor cereum regis." — M. Par. 

» Louis IX. advised Henry III. 
to hear more sermons, and fewer 
masses, hut he replied, that he pre- 
ferred to hear of his friend more 
seldom, and to see him the oftener. 
Chr. Triveti.— See Archaeol. Journal, 

1860, p. 816, the same anecdote 
fully reported from Add. MSS. Br. 
Mus. 4573,^ p. 57; it occurred in 
1259, and in explanation of E. Henry 
having been delayed by his attendance 
on masses in his way from meeting 
the French king in due time for Par- 



among flowert and odours in a narrow valley, typical of his 
contracted views. 

''Yedete il Be delln semplioe vita 

•* Seder \k aolo, Arrigo d'lnghilterra."— Puro. vii. 180. 

But, perhaps, the judgment of later times would pass a 
sterner sentence on the cause of so much misery and con- 

Peter de Roches would not allow that there were any 
peers in England as in France, and considered all the barons 
therefore liable to his jurisdiction. He encouraged the King 
in such a distrust of his own nobles, that all the English 
were dismissed in 1233, and their offices and the command 
of the royal castles committed to foreigners, 200 of whom 
came over on his invitation. The King was in vain warned 
that, to avoid the shipwi*eck of his kingdom, he must shun 
stones and rocks, in allusion to the names of Pierre de 
Roches ; his preference for foreigners unhappily continued to 
prevail long after the disgrace and death of the first sug- 

Among the aliens thus promoted was the well-known 
l^ate Pandulf, who, on his return to Rome, after his memor- 
able scenes with King John, had taken priest's orders and 
was raised to the bishopric of Norwich \ This advancement 
of a man, who had for three days ostentatiously withheld the 
crown from the King of England, must have been peculiarly 
distasteful to loyal feeling. After being employed confiden- 
tially in the King's service, and procuring from Rome the 
imusual grant of the firstfruits of his diocese for himself 
and his successors in the see, he died, greatly enriched, in 
Dec. 1226. 

Among other foreigners who shared the rises and falls of 
De Roches, were Peter de Rivaulx, the treasurer, and Robert 
de Passilewe, his underling. The latter is, indeed, sometimes 

^ He writes as Bishop Elect from to H. de Burgh (Bymer), but was not 
Chichester, in May, 1320, reporting consecrated until 1222. 
an unsuccessful mission in Wales, 


designated "as a degenerate Englishman \" and at any rate 
was a crafty courtier, who recommended himself by his con* 
trivances to extort money for his master. As a means of 
receiving increased wealth, he became a priest, and though 
his election to the see of Chichester (in 1244) was successfully 
resisted, large benefices in Durham and Ely, as well as the 
archdeaconry of Lewes, were conferred upon him". 

The great rival of de Roches was Hubert de Burgh", one 
of the few nobles of unshaken loyalty to King John, for 
whom he firmly defended Dover against all the assaults of 
Prince Louis. Shakspeare has made his name familiar and 
odious to us, representing him as taunted by the Earl of 
Norfolk with " Out, dunghill ! dar'st thou brave a nobleman ? " 
(K. John, IV. 2.) His fathier had, however, been high in office 
and favour with Henry II. Hubert was so much esteemed, 
that, besides obtaining the earldom of Kent, he was made 
Justiciary of England for life in 1228, and though of a violent 
disposition and surrounded by many enemies at court, es- 
pecially de Boches, there seems no reason to doubt his good 
fiiith and loyalty. The King, however, reproached him with 
personal insult as a traitor, and he was made to feel all the 
bitterness of serving a fickle prince, who alternately caressed 
and persecuted him in his old age, until, after surrendering 
part of his estates, he died in 1243, in comparative neglect. 
It speaks well for him, that in the depth of his adversity, 
when the furious King was urging others to take his life, he 
met with two pleasing instances of sympathy : when dragged 
out of Brentwood Cliapel by soldiers, in 1232, a blacksmith 
refused to put fetters upon " him who had fought so well 
against the French, and who had preserved England from 

1 »» Degener AngUcus." — M. Par. fell with Hubert de Burgh. Passilewe 

* M. Par. In 1283 the King ap- died in 1252. His arms were "Bendy 

pointed Balph de NeviUe, Bishop of or, and azure, on a quarter argent, a 

Chii^ester, to hold the King's seal leopard passant, guardant, gules." — 

joT life, and to be Chancellor of Eng- Boll of Arms. 

land and Ireland. Bymer, i. 208. ' '* De Burgh " arg. on fees sable 

B. de Passilewe*s election was an- 8 bezants. 

nulled. Chancellor Neville rose and 



THE barons' wars. 


aliens ; " and when the King was compelled by the indignant 
clergy to replace him in the Sanctuary*, and was there 
starving him by a blockade, his former chaplain, Luke, the 
Archbishop of Dublin, offered himself as a substitute with 
the most earnest entreaties and tears". 

Stephen de Segrave ', an alien patronised by De Roches, 
who had obtained the grant of many castles and lands, while 
his knighthood was yet recent, for he had been a priest, suc- 
ceeded De Burgh as Justiciary. [July, 1232.] "Judgement (says 
the indignant chronicler*) was then entrusted to the unjust, the 
laws to outlaws, peace to the turbulent, and justice to wrong- 
doers." He became not only obnoxious to the barons, but 
went through the same vicissitudes of royal favour and dis- 
grace as his predecessor, dying, in 1251, concealed in^the 
Abbey of Leicester, where he had taken refuge. 

It would appear that the King had proposed to himself 
perpetual continence*, and was much disturbed by the re- 
monstrances of his council calling on him to marry for 
reasons of state. Five unsuccessful treaties for his marriage 
with different princesses had been proposed, and in one 
instance so far advanced that the Pope's dispensation was 
required to annul his previous betrothal to Joanna, after- 
wards Queen of Castile, when he was at length, at the age 
of 29, in January, 1236, married to the beautiful Eleanor, 
one of the four queenly daughters of Raymond, Count of 
Provence. Used to the superior refinement of arts and man- 
ners of her own country, herself highly accomplished and a 

* Those who took refuge in a 
^ sanctuaiy were obliged by law to 
swear before the coroner that they 
would go out of the kingdom, and 
not return without leave. They were 
to go to some port assigned for their 
embarkation, carrying a cross to prove 
that they were under the protection 
of the Church, and to embark within 
two tides, unless the winds were 
contrary, in which case they were 
obliged to walk into the sea up to 
their knees daily, as a token of their 

readiness. The protection ceased in 
forty days, unless they returned to 
the sanctuary. In later times they 
were marked by the coroner with A 
(abjured) on the baU of the riglit 
thumb.— Grose. 

» M. Par.— Luke died 1255, after 
a blindness of many years. 

' ** Vir flexibilis, de clerico factus 
miles." — M. Par. 

« Wendover, Vol. nr. p. 265. 

^ Chr. Lanerc. 




poet*; it was by sending specimens of her talent in this 
respect, that she introduced herself to the notice of the 
English Court. 

The young Princess was brought over by her uncle, 
William, Count of Champagne, an artful man, who soon 
acquired great influence over the King, and from this time 
all patronage was in the hands of the Queen's relations and 
adherents. The Pope had given him the bishopric of 
Valence, in order to secure his military talents in the war 
against the Emperor, and King Henry was so bent on mak- 
ing him Bishop of Winchester, that he would probably have 
succeeded, had not the news of his death, by poison, at 
Viterbo, in 1239, prevented the scheme. The King's grief 
at his loss was so outrageous, that he tore his clothes, cast 
them into the fire, and with loud groans shut himself up in 
total seclusion*. 

The Queen's influence prevailed in welcoming others of 
her own family with grants of wealth and offices of dignity, 
to the disgust of the neglected English. 

*• Thoro the Qnene was bo xnuche Frenss folc ibrougt 
That of EugliHBe men, me tolde as right nought ; 
And the King horn let hor wille, that each was as King, 
And nome povere menne god, and ne paiede nothing'.*' 


Peter of Savo)% another uncle, was raised to the chief 
place at the council, and received grants of the vast domain 
of Richmond*, in Yorkshire, soon after his arrival in 1241. 

» Arms in 8. aisle of Westminster 
Ahbey, "Or, 4 paUets gules." In 
Sandford's General Hist. p. 67, are 
two seals of Qaeen Eleanor of Pro- 
vence. Some MS. poems of hers 
are still extant at Turin.— See Strick- 
land's Queens. 

« M. Par. 

' Through the Queen was so many 
French fo& brought, that English- 
men were reckoned as right nought, 
and the King let them have their 
wUl, 80 that each was as a King, and 

they took poor men*s goods, and paid 

♦ Peter de Savoy received Bichmond 
1241, allowing John, son of Peter, 
Earl of Brittany, who had resigned it 
1237, a pension of 2000 marcs. On the 
marriage of John, Earl of Brittany, 
in 1259, with Beatrice, daughter of 
Henry III., Bichmond was claimed 
by him, and finally surrendered to 
him, July 1268, by Peter de Savoy, 
who accepted the Honor of Hp stings 
in its place. By patent 12»>«, the 



THE barons' war. 


The castles of Pevensey and Hastings were quickly added, 
besides the wardship of the young Earl of Warenne and 
Surrey*, by which Lewes Castle also came under his extended 
influence in Sussex, a circumstance which may have decided 
the King, at a later period, in the selection of that county 
for his field of battle. The honour of knighthood was con- 
ferred on him with great pomp in Westminster Abbey. On 
one occasion, he returned from the continent (1247) bringing 
with him a bevy of fair damsels, as destined mates to the 
young nobles held in ward by his courtiers ; an unnecessary 
importation, sure to provoke the jealousy of all the affironted 
sex. The wealthy earls of Lincoln, of Devon, of Kent, of 
Gloucester and of Warenne" were thus provided with foreign 
countesses in their early youth, before they had the power 
of exercising any choice. Peter became a Crusader in 1255, 
and was employed repeatedly in embassies to France. The 
Savoy in London stiU keeps up the remembrance of another 
grant to him, which, with his other propei*ty, he bequeathed 
at his death, in 1268, to the Queen and his brothers'. 

King had granted to his executors 
7 years^ revenue after his death, and, 
1262, allowed Peter de Savoy to 
dispose of his lands by will. — 
Whitaker's Hist. Bichm. Bymer. 
GeU's Begistrum Honoris de Bich- 
mond, 1722. 

» Sept. 23, 1341. 

> Edmund de Lacy, Earl of Lin- 
coln (who died 1258), married, 1247, 
Alice, daughter of Marcheso Saluces. 
His arms in S. aisle Westm. Abb. 
are, ** Quarterly gules and or, a bend- 
let sable, and a fUe of 5 lambeaux 

Baldwin de Bipariis, Earl of Devon, 
married, 1257, a Savoyard, kins- 
woman of the Queen. 

Bichard de Burgh, Earl of Kent, 
married another kinswoman in 1247. 

Gilbert de Clare, son and heir of 
the Earl of Gloucester, married, 1253, 
Alice, daughter of Guy Couut of An- 

John de Warenne, Earl of Warenne 
and Surrey, married Alicia, the King's 

half sister, who died 1256, while yet 

Peter de Geneve, a Provencal fa- 
vourite of the King, of low origin, 
was married to one of the wealthy 
daughters of Walter de Lasci. — M. 

' On the seal Petri de Sabaudia 
appended to the deed confirming theo | 
peace with France in 1259, there is 
a lion rampant, not included within 
an escutcheon. Archiv. du Boyaume 
cart. 629. 10. In Boll of Arms, t. 
Henry III., Peter de Savoy's arms 
are '* gules, a cross argent," being 
assumed by Amadeus V. at the re- 
quest of the Knights Hospitallers 
of St John, patron of Lombardy, 
after the raising the siege of Bhodes 
in 1315. [In his first edition Mr 
Blaauw had said : *' His marble ef&gy 
in complete ring-armour, covering 
even his hands is still extant on 
an altar- tomb at Aquabella in Sa- 
voy." He afterwards added in a (cor- 
rected) note, from information sup- 




His brother, Boniface, exercised a similar influence over 
the King, and, in 12-1?1, to the great scandal of the Church, 
this stranger was, by dint of royal compulsion, chosen Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, although so reluctant was the chapter 
to elect him, that many of its members abandoned their stalls 
in disgust, and became Carthusian monks. His person was 
tall and elegant, but his youth, ignorance, and overbearing 
manners^ made him incompetent for such a dignity, and the 
offence was the more striking from his contrast with the 
sainted Edmund', whom he succeeded, and who had retired 
to a foreign monastery, where he died hopeless of reforming 
the Church. 

Boniface was enthroned, with great pomp, in 1249, in 
presence of the Royal family, and afterwards freely mingled 
in the intrigues and wars of the Continent, together with 
his brother Philip, Archbishop of Lyons, neglecting his 
see, and draining off its revenues for 13 years*. The well- 
known anecdote of his visitation at the convent of St 
Bartholomew may illustrate his views of episcopal duty, 
though somewhat startling to modern clergy, accustomed to 
the serene tranquillity of such an occasion. Though he waa 
met with every mark of respect, and led in procession, with 
ringing of bells, to the choir, yet his authority being there 
questioned, the archbishop so far forgot himself as to assault 
the agfed sub-prior with his fist, beating his breast and grey 
head, and crying out with horrid oaths, " This, this is the way 
to attack English traitors," while the example was naturally 
followed by the attendants, who attacked the canons in the 

plied by Mr Walford : '* The eagle of 
the empire is on his shield. The arms 
of Savoy as a fief of the empire were, 
or, an eagle displayed, sable." But he 
finally wrote, ** The effigy at Aqiia- 
bella is more probably that of Peter 
de Manrienne, his brother, or that of 
his nephew Thomas, Count of Mauri- 
enne, who founded the Church at 
Aquabella." P.] 
* M. Par. — •* Plus genere quam 

scientid coniscus." " Morum et sci- 
eniiaB mendicum." Add. MSS. 5444, 
**inutilis minister,*' Chr. Lanero. 
"homo honestuf^, cnriars et com- 
positas sed admodum Uteris indoc- 

' He was canonized 1246, and Nov. 
16 appointed as his Feast. 

» When he died in 1270, "tota 
lietatiur Anglia specialiusque Cantu- 
arium."— Add. MSS. 5444. 





8ame manner. It is even said that in this disgraceful affair, 
the prelate's robes becoming discomposed betrayed armour 
beneath. The beaten party presented themselves in their 
bruised and bleeding state to the Bishop of London, who at 
once forwarded them to the King, but at the palace-door 
they waited in vain for an audience, and were obliged with- 
out any redress to betake themselves, with prayers for ven- 
geance, to their patron saint, who having, according to the 
legend, been flayed alive, must be considered a good judge in 
matters of torture. The good citizens of London losing all 
patience at such a scene, rang the tocsin, and fairly hunted 
the archbishop back to Lambeth \ Such conduct justifies our 
applying to this prelate the bold address of a satirical song, 
composed about this time : 


Tu qui teiifes hone tenorem 
Frostra dieis te pMtorem, 
Neo te regis nt leetorem 
Bemm mersiu in adorem t 
Haceet alia 
Bangniwigm filia 
Qiiam Tenalis curia 
Doxit in oxorom.**' 

Thou, with that greedy haughty face. 
No shepherd thou, but hireling base ! 
In all the world's intrigues plunged deep, 
In vain your forfeit rank you keep. 
Spawn of the horseleach, whom weU fed 
The grasping CJourt may fitly wed. 

It was for bishops of this character, that the King's 
brother, Bichard, candidly expressed his wish at a later 

^ M. Par. That the violence and 
doubtful principles of a monk did not 
disqualify him for the mitre, may be 
teen by the early life of Robert de 
StichiU, who was elected Bishop of 
Durham, 1260. When yet a monk, 
gi first ** nimis leris fuit, et quAdam 
-die Dominica cum propter levitatem 
Boam et rebellionem esset injunctum 
sibi, ut super sellam in medio chori 
solus sederet, nt sic mbore confusus 
maturesceret, tellam per pedem ar- 
ripuit, et extra chorum inter populum 
prqjecit. Dicitur etiam quod, ipso 
apostare cogitante, cum per crucem 
ex aqnilonari parte chori noctanter 
transire oonaretur, monitus est, per 

Tocem emissam ooelitus, ut rediret, 
et si stare Tellet de episoopatu pro- 
missum accepit—sic igitur dimissis 
levitatibus et puerilibus caepit ma- 
turescere.** Anglia Sacra, B. de 
Graystones, p. 789. 

' Polit. Songs, from MS. Cotton, 
Jul. D. Til. Bioniface died abroad — 
on his tomb was the following in- 
scription, **Hic jacet Bonifacius de 
Sabaudia Cantuarensis episcopus, 
oporibus et virtutibus plenus; obiit 
autem apud S. Helenam, a.d. 1270, 
18 die Julia. Magister Henricus 
Calonensis fecit banc tumbam." Hist. 
Chron. Piedm. p. 853 in Godwyn de 




period. His letter to Prince Edward from Aix la Chapelle, 
1257, after boasting of his friend, the Archbishop of Mainz, 
having in person defeated and nearly captured the Arch- 
bishop of Treves, remarks, '* See what spirited and warlike 
prelates we have in Grermanyl I think it would not be 
wholly without its use to you, if similar ones were created in 
England, whose services you might then safely employ against 
the troublesome attacks of your rebels \" For such hints to 
be current even in a confidential letter, sufficiently stamps 
the character of the court 

In 1243, the Queen's mother, Beatrice, Countess of Pro- 
vence, visited England, a lady of remarkable beauty, manners, 
and prudence. Already mother of two queens, she lived to 
see her two other daughters bear the same title, an un- 
common fortune, recorded by Dante, 

"Quattro figlie ebbe e dascnna reina 
RamoDdo Berlingbieri.** — Par. vi. 

Before her death, indeed, in 1268, by the marriages of 
grand-daughters, Beatrice saw six' queens descended from 
her. Well might she be proud of her progeny, like a second 
Niobe, to whom a chronicler' compares her. 

She was received by the King with all the honour due to 
accomplishments and rank. Nobles met her at Dover, and 
conducted her in procession through London, where the 
streets were adorned with gay trappings, and, by a very 
necessary compliment, rendered passable for the occasion by 
clearing away the mud and other impediments of the high- 
way\ The festivities at the marriage of her daughter. 

' Latin letter in Ann. Barton, dated 
May 18, 1267. 

* Her daughters were Margaret, 
Queen of France, whose daughter 
became Qaeen of Navarre ; Beatrice, 

Saeen of Sicily ; Senchia, Queen of 
le Bomans ; uid Eleanor, Queen of 
Eng^d, mother of the Queen of 
> M.Par. 
« Blonde of Oxford, 1. 5622.— This 

poem of the 18th cent, describes a 
similar preparation of the town of 
Dammartin to receive the Earl of 
Oxford : 

** La novele tost s'estendl 
Parmi la vile« et espandi 
Que li peres leur dame vient, 
Dist luns k Tautre, ' Or nous con 

Fairs la vile netoUer/ 
Qui donque veist desploiier 

C 2 


20 THE barons' war. [cH. 

Senchia', with Prince Richard were of unparalleled prodiga- 
lity, and when she left England, she was attended by the 
King and court on foot to the sea-side. 

Her distinguished reception, blamable only on the score 
of extravagance, naturally induced her to repeat the visit 
five years afterwards, as a widow, and she was then accom- 
panied by her brother, Thomas, Count of Maurienne, " both 
thirsting for fresh draughts from the well-known fountain of 
royal bounty'/' Thomas had been previously welcomed with 
such unsuitable pomp, as to excite the ridicule of the English, 
but he, too, must have been merry, when he went back after 
only a few days' visit with the King's gift of 500 marcs (£333. 
6$. Sd.), and a grant of the same sum as an annual charge for 
twenty years upon the Exchequer. Another deed was pre- 
pared which would have given him a groat on every sack of 
wool exported, but to this the keeper of the King's seal, 
Simon Norman, positively refused to aflSx its authority, and 
for this act of sturdy patriotism was disgraced (1239) and 
turned out of oflSce*. 

Count Thomas, who had married the Pope's niece, was 
besieged in 1255, in Turin, until his brothers, the two valiant 
archbishops of Lyons and Canterbury, went to his rescue, 
and the English court again contributed money. Although 
so weak as to be carried in a litter, it was to King Henry he 
once more repaired, in 1258, when in need of fresh supplies 
for his ransom, and readily procured from him a thousand 
marcs (£G66. 13*. 4id.). He died abroad, in 1259, by poison. 

Another turbulent and ambitious Savoyard was raised 
by court favour, in 1240, to be Bishop of Hereford. This was 
Peter de Aigue Blanche (Aquablanca), who had been chap- 

Toilles de lin et couvrir mes Pat. 28^ H. III., Shencia. By dif- 

Si done que mis ni voit les nnes ; forent authors she is variously named 

Et es cost^s par les fenestres, as Sanctia, Scientia, Cynthia, and 

Perdre tant couvertoirs aestres, Cincia. 

Tant drap d'or et tant d'escarlate, * M. Par. " Ad notnm fontem siti- 

Qui ne sont pas fourr^ de nate, entes." 

Mais de Tair, de gris et d'ermine." ' M. Par. The seal was delivered 

^ Her name in tiie Latin treaty of to Richard, Abbot of Evesham, 
marriage (Bymer) is Senchia ; in Cal 


lain and steward to William, the Queen's uncle, and it was 
by his advice that all the preferments in the Church were 
given to foreigners. He accompanied the Crusade of 1250, 
and was the principal agent in Italy when the Sicilian crown 
was given to the English King's son. Being at Rome in 
1256, with Robert Waleran^ a koight, engaged in raising 
money for the payment of the King's debt to the Pope, he 
there devised the remarkable expedient of sending over bills 
of exchange, drawn upon the English clergy, to which the 
legate was instructed to require their signatures, each ac^ 
knowledging the debt inscribed. This method of transacting 
business had arisen but shortly before this period in Italy, 
then the great mart of commerce, and Aigue-blanche derived 
much credit for his ingenuity in thus perverting it to the 
purposes of extortion. Fulk de Basset, the Bishop of Lon- 
don (who is boldly praised by a contemporary', as '*the 
anchor of the whole kingdom and the shield of its safety"), 
strenuously resisted this base expedient, and on being threat- 
ened with the loss of his mitre, made his memorable reply 
that "he would then put on his helmet." Aigue-blanche 
continued under the patronage of the King, notwithstanding 
his bad character', and ignorance of the language and inter- 
ests of England, although even that patronage failed when 
attempting to procure him the sees of Lincoln or Lichfield. 
On a subsequent occasion also, we shall find that he was 
made to suflFer the effects of his personal unpopularity. 

Among all the oppressions that vexed the subjects in this 
reign, none galled their pride or irritated their feelings more 
than this ostentatious preference of foreigners at court. To 
enrich them, the choicest gifts of the royal prerogative were 
willingly lavished ; the most lucrative wardships of the 
young nobles, implying the enjoyment of theii* estates, the 
direction of their education, and the disposal of their marr 

^ Waleran the Hunter— sepolohral ' M. Par. 

slab at Steeple Langford, Wilts.— * M. Par. <' inlamia.*' 

^rch. Journal, 1858, p. 75. 




riages, fell into the ready hands of these insolent favourites. 
"We have nothing to do with your English laws or cus- 
toms*," was their bold reply to all complaints, after acts of 
violence or plunder, and their impunity induced even some of 
the English to imitate .them: "there are so many tyrants 
already in England (they argued) that we too may as well 
set up for such." 

The jealousy of foreigners thus became, by force of circum- 
stances, the bond of union between the Normans and Saxons, 
once so hostile to each other ; but the one party was now 
anxious to retain what they had, and the other dreaded the 
fresh swarms of oppressors. High and low were therefore 
eager to exclude these aliens, and it is not surprising that 
Queen llleanor herself, by whom they had been introduced, 
should partake largely of their unpopularity. It was, indeed, 
to her own foreign steward, William de Tarento, "who 
fastened on plunder as a leech does on blood*," that she 
transferred the important wardship of William de Cantilupe 
and the Earl of Salisbury', which had been granted to her. 
This man, a Cistercian monk, had earned her gratitude by 
raising money for her on the pledge of monastic lands. 

For many years her finends had enjoyed a monopoly of 
court bounties, and it was resented by them as an inter- 
ference, when another flight of needy foreigners, from a 
different quarter, arrived in 1247, to bask in the same 

Isabella, the King's mother, had, four years after King 
John's death, married^ her first affianced husband, Hugh le 

> M. Par. 

* M. Par. — ** Qui quasi saDguini 
Bangnisnga emolumentis inhiabat." 
He died in 125S. 

> The wardship of the lands and 
beirs of William, grandson of William 
LoDgespie, Earl of Salisbury, was 
granted in 1257 to Queen Eleanor. 
Bat according to Dogdale, whom Sir 
Harris Nicolas follows, the earldom 
did not pass beyond the first Wil- 

liam. P. 

* Qaeen Isabella's letter to her 
son Henry III. announcing her mar- 
riage with the Lord Hugh de Lusig- 
nan, who had ** remained alone and 
without heirs in Poictou/' explains 
that his friends would not aUow of 
his marriage with her daughter 
Joanna (bom 1208), affianced to him, 
on account of her tender age, and 
therefore, lest he should take a wife 




Brun, Count de la Marche. This gallant troubadour, whose 
songs are still extant, not only avenged himself for the loss of 
her broken alliance by a rebellion in Foictou, but with a 
poetic chivalry remained unmarried until accepted by the 
lady in her 34th year. She retained, indeed, the undi- 
minished charms of her English dower, and the title of 
Queen, which she never relinquished. By this connexion, 
King Henry was subsequently entangled in an inglorious 
war with France, which rendered the Count unpopular with 
the English, and on the Queen Dowager's death, in 1246, all 
their children* were sent to thrive under the protection of 
their royal half-brother. Although they arrived poor, their 
condition was soon altered ; the most confidential offices, and 
the highest stations in the Church were considered due to 
them, and, in 1256, the King even commanded that his 
chancery seal should never be affixed to any deed to their 

William de Valence*, the third, was, in 1247, made go- 

in France, ** which if he had done, 
all your land in Poictoa and Gascony 
wonld be lost. We seeing the great 
{>eril that might aocnie if that mar- 
riage should take place, when our 
counsellors could give us no advice, 
ourselyes married the said Hugh, 
Karl of March, and God knows that 
we did this rather for your benefit 
than our own.** M. A. £. Wood's 
Letters of Boyal and Illustrious 
Ladies, YoL i. p. 38, from the Latin, 
Boyal Letter, No. 892 in Tower. 
King Henry does not seem to have 
had preyious notice of his mother's 
marriage, yet he wrote to congratulate 
the court on hearing of it, May 20, 
1220, "gavisi simius et plurimum 
Intati." — Bymer. Particulars relat- 
ing to the family of Le Brun are 
given in ArchftoL Journal, 1868, pp. 
859, 860. 

' 1. Hu^, married Joland, daugh- 
ter of Peter de Dreux, Duke of 

2. Guy, Count of Angouldme, whose 
daughter, Alice, married Gilbert de 

Glare, Earl of Gloucester. 

8. William de Valence, Earl of 
Pembroke, died 1296, buried in 
Westminster Abbey, married Joan da 

4. Geoffiy de Lusignan. 

5. Aymer, Bishop elect of Win* 

Margaret, married Baymond,Ooant 
of Thoulouse. 

Alicia, married, 1247, John, Earl 
of Warren. 

Isabella, wife of Maurice de Cro* 

' Arms, burelle d*argent et d'azure 
de 10 pieces, orle de martlets gules — 
his tomb in Westminster Abbey, 
engraved in Stothard's Monumental 
Effigies. An enamelled casket (see 
Shaw's Ancient Furniture) bearing 
the arms of England, Angouldme^ 
Valence, Dreux, Duke of Brittany, 
Brabant Lacy, and **a2ure, a lion 
rampant purpure," is extant, was ex- 
hibited in 1862 at Archieol. Institute*! 
Enamel Exhibition, by G. Chapman, 
Esq. (Arch. Joum. p. 286), and may 





verhor of Goodrich Castle, and married to Joan, a great 
heiress of the Monchensi family, grand-daughter to the great 
Earl of Pembroke, a title afterwards borne by himself, in 
virtue of the estates at Pembroke, which he held (by grant, 
1250) on the tenure of doing suit for them to his wife. 
On the death of her father, Warin de Monchensi, in 1255, 
who is said to have bequeathed more than 200,000 marcs 
(£133,333. 68. 8d.), the wardship of his son, William, was 
granted to this foreigner. 

It was on a solemn occasion, that the King conferred 
knighthood on his half-brother. The pious monarch had 
passed on foot through the muddy ard uneven streets to 
Westminster Abbey, himself clad in the humblest dreas, 
though following a procession of full-robed clergy. In his 
uplifted hands he held a crystal vase, containing what had 
been sent from the Holy Laud by the Templars, as the blood 
of our Saviour*; he had prepared himself by previous fasts 
and watches for this ceremony, the fatigue of which nearly 
overpowered him, but which he thought so important at the 
time, that he charged his historian, Matthew Paris, whom he 
invited to dinner, especially to record all the circumstances of 
the day. The pride of his knightly belt, thus publicly in- 
vested, led William de Valence to try his prowess too soon 
afterwards against some English nobles at a tournament, at 
Newbury, where, being yet young and not grown to his full 
strength, he got ** egregiously cudgelled'" by the tough 

His command of Hertford Castle gave him the opportu- 
nity, in a hunting-party, of first poaching in the Bishop of 

have been his or his son Ajmer's — 
the work perhaps of the artist who 
has left his enameUed coats of arms 
on W. de V.'s tomb : the casket is 
7 in. long, S) high, 5^ broad. 

^ By the Pope's Bull, a promise of 
six years and 116 days of pardon from 
the pains of purgatory was made to 
all who came to reverence this relic. 

On another occasion, when King 
Henry obtained a Papal Bull, per- 
mitting him to eat meat on a Satur- 
day, a yery sensible condition was 
annexed to the frivolous privilege, 
that he should also feed 1000 poor 
persons on that day. 
■ "Egregie baotUatus.**— M. Par. 




Ely's park at Hatfield, and then unceremoniously making 
free with his cellar. The bishop being absent, he broke down 
the doors, cursed the beer as sour, and pulled the spigots out 
of all the casks, leaving the choicest wines to run waste, after 
serving it out to all the grooms and huntsmen, until the 
whole party were drunk\ The good bishop, when told of 
this outrage, remarked, with a most courteous reproof, " Wliy 
plunder and spoil what I would readily have given away on 
a civil request*?" 

His qualities as a soldier made him of importance, how- 
ever unpopular ; and he steadily adhered to, and fought for, 
the King, — surviving, indeed, to share in the Welch wars of 
Edward I., and though killed at Bayonne in 1296, in battle, 
his body was brought over for burial in Westminster Abbey, 
where his conspicuous tomb still remains, and where his 
epitaph' (now destroyed) praised him with the accustomed 
truth of such memorials, as placid, courteous and humble. 

The next brother, Guy, though the object of profuse gifts 
in 1251 and 1253, was not personally obnoxious to the 
English, who remembered in his favour that he had, during 
the war in Poictou, given the King timely warning of some 
intended treachery on the part of his own father. He be- 
came a Crusader, and returned so poverty-stricken that he 
could not make his way up to London without borrowing 
some horses on his road from the Abbot of Feversham, a loan, 
indeed, which he forgot to restore*. 

Aymer, the youngest brother, was a priest, and, in spite 

1 «* Usque adnaaseam."— M. Par. 

* A similar specimen of the abrupt 
manner in which the clergy were 
liable to be plondered, is given in the 
Chronicles of Bamewell Monastery, 
in 1366. "A tall knight, Philip 
Champion, roused the Prior out of 
his bed at dawn, saying, ' I want aU 
your wheat, all your beer, and all 
your larder. Give me the keys.'" — 
Cart. Bam. MSS. Harl., 8601, in 
notes to Bish. Chr. 

• ** Qui Taloit validus, vincens vir- 

tute valorem, 
Et placuit placidus sensus morum* 

que vigore, 
D^psilis et habilis immotus prtelia 

Utilis ac humilis devotus pnemia 

Stoth. Mon. Eff. 

Not far from his own tomb is that 

of his son and successor, Aymer^ 

whose widow founded Pembroke Col< 

lege, in Cambridge. 

< M. Par. 


THE barons' war. 


of the King's recommendation, was rejected by the chapter 
of Durham, in 1249, as insufficient in age and learning for 
the bishopric. In the following year, however, the King 
repaired in person to the chapter-house at Winchester, the 
more effectually to influence the election there, and by 
dint of his persuasion, Aymer became bishop elect of that 
see, and long enjoyed its emoluments, though he was never 
consecrated. When, subsequently, on a dispute with his 
clergy, he shut them up in the church for more than three 
days without food, they looked upon it as a just retribution 
for their guilt in having elected, under constraint, " such a 
youth, ignorant even of grammar, unable to speak English, 
and incompetent to perform any clerical offices*.** 

The subordinate offices about court, as well as the higher 
dignities, swarmed likewise with aliens. The Queen's trea- 

^ M. Par. Many years afterwards, 
the interest of a foreign queen was 
sufficient to bring an incompetent 
bishop into the ddurch. In 1318, 
Louis de Beaumont was recommended 
to the clergy of Durham for election 
to that see by Queen Isabella (of 
French blood), to whom he was related 
by the marriage of her first cousin 
Ihrincess Catherine, sister of Philip 
VI. to Bobert de Beaumont. The 
Earls of Lancaster, Hereford and 
Pembroke with Henry de Beaumont, 
his brother, a successful soldier, wait- 
ed during the election in the chui«h, 
threatening if a monk should be 
chosen in preference, to split his 
shaven crown. Henry de Stamford 
was nevertheless chosen, but the 
Queen made Edward II. reject him 
{*"* ipsa nudatis genibus corruit coram 
eo**), and the Pope, in consideration 
of a large bribe (which was paid with 
difficulty in li years), appointed Louis 
de Beaumont. On his road to con- 
secration, he was plundered and 
seized by Gilbert Middleton, who 
carried him ofif 60 miles to Mitford 
Castle (of which he was the goyemor, 
not the proprietor), and who exacted 
a heavy ransom. Middleton was 
afterwards surprised at liitfbrd by 
treachery and executed at London. 

The bishop^s consecration at West- 
minster, March 26, 1818, was a diffi- 
cult task to a man ignorant of Latin, 
and is gprophically described by a 
COL temporary chronicler (Bobert de 
Gr^stanes) : ** Castus erat sed laicus 
— Latinum non inteUigens, sed cum 
difficultate pronunoians; unde cum 
in consecratione su& profiteri debuit, 
quamvis per multoe dies ante in- 
structorem habuisset, legere nesci- 
vit, et cum aurioulantibus aliis cum 
difficultate ad iUum verbum, ' Metro- 
politics?,' pervenisset et diu anhe- 
lans pronunciare non posset," he 
broke out into his native French, 
" Seit pur diu" let it pass as if said. 
Coming next to the phrase, **in lenig- 
mate,'" he again confessed his dis- 
tress with ** Par Seynt Lowys il ne 
fu pas eurteis qui eeste parole ici 
escrite," Beaumont afterwards ob- 
tained of the Pope Bulls to vest the 
appointment of Prior in himself, and 
also to devote one-fourth of the re- 
venues of the Church to the Scotch 
wars, but the chapter would not act 
upon them: ''sed quod istse Bullae 
impetratiB erant tacita veritate et 
suggesta falsitate, noluit ejus con- 
cilium eis uti.'* See Chr. Graystanes, 
0. 83, in Anglia Sacra. Surtees' 
Durham, xxxvni. foUo 1816. 




surer, Peter Chaceporc, became a privy councillor, and was 
so high in favour, that, after his death, in 1254, the King 
went expressly to visit his tomb at Boulogne. As he is 
extolled for bequeathing money to a monastery, he probably 
died enriched*. When one Poictevin Hurtald, who was the 
King's councillor, died, another succeeded him, Peter de 
Kivallis ; to Elias de Raban, an estate of 500 marcs (£333. 
6«. Sd.) was readily granted, in 1252, even when the King 
was himself extremely pressed for money. The Queen's 
physicians were Henry of Montpelier and the Italian Leo- 
pardi; another, who is highly praised in his friend De 
Marisco's letters, Peter, rector of Wimbledon, may indeed 
have been an Englishman*. 

Even in those remote times, a royal kitchen was naturally 
attractive of foreign artists ; accordingly, we find the King 
appointing Robert de Monte Pessulano, to mix choice, deli- 
cate beverages for him at his feast, in 1250; bestowing 200L, 
in 1258, on William de S. Hermite, a Poictevin, for holding 
his napkin and carving his meat ; and following the example 
of the Conqueror, who rewarded a successful dainty of his 
cook, Tezelin, with a manor'. In such days of gross feeding, 

1 M.Par. 

* Ep. Ad. Maris. MS. Cotton, 
TitelL, c. Yiii. John de Kaleto or 
Cauz, a native of Normandy, is said 
by Gnnton (Hist. Peterb.) to have 
been allied to Q. Eleanor, and was 
made abbot of Peterborough, Jan. 15, 
1250. Pope Innocent IV. granted 
leave in 1250 to the monks, in con- 
sideration of the coldness of climate, 
to perform service in the church 
hooded. He was made a justiciary, 
and also the King's treasurer. He 
died March, 1262. See Dugd. Mon. 

* Addington in Surrey. " Teze* 
linus coquus tenet de Bege Edintone ; 
valet et valuit c solidos." — Domes- 
day. It passed, by the marriage of 
Isabella de Caisneto (Cheney), to her 
husband, Peter, son of Henry Fitz 
Aylwin, first Mayor of London; he 
held the moiety, 1199, by service of 

the kitchen. In 1233, W. Aguilon and 
on the Excheq. Boll is allowed ** non 
debet servioium militare de terria^- 
sed seijanteriam, scilicet, inveniendi 
unum cocum in coronatione Begis 
ad faciendum cibum, qualem Senes- 
callus preceperit in coquina Begis.** 
In 1294, Margaret, Countess of Devon, 
died seized of it, by gift of Bobert 
Aguilon, and held it, *'de Domino 
rege in capite per servicium uniua 
ferculi die coronationis Domini Be- 
gis, et vocatur iUud ferculum— Mau- 
pygeman." In 1330, on death of 
Thomas, Lord Bardolf, he had held 
it by the service of serving up to the 
King at bin coronation, three dishes 
of a certain mess called Maupyger- 
noun, one to be set before the Km^ 
another for the luxshbishop, a third 
for a nobleman selected by the lord 
of the manor in lieu of all service. 
In 1379, WiUiam Bardolf held it, 

28 THE barons' war. [ch. 

the refined skill of a French cook must have had a double 
value ; and trustworthiness, as a protection against poison, 
being of the highest importance, the office was often filled 
by pei*sons of consideration. When the papal legate was on 
a visit at Osney Abbey, in 1238, his own brother was his 
cook, and, like other great artists, so jealous of interruption 
when exercising his high functions, that he angrily threw 
some of the scalding broth he was cooking at a poor Irish 
student, who stood at the kitchen door, provoking thereby a 
dangerous riot and even his own death*. The Queen's 
favourite cook, Richard de Norreys, was rewarded by the 
grant of Ocholt manor, in Berkshire ; he died, in 1255', 
possessed of more than 5000 marcs (£3,333. 6s. 8d.),-and the 
mansion, built by his descendants, at Ockwell, in Henry the 
Sixth's time, still exists, to testify with its quaint gables and 
the founder's wholesome mottoes, (** jpfeBftfullg getbe," 
^^l^umble tt lofall,") that the foundations of a family may 
be as firmly laid in services of peace as in deeds of war and 

The rivalry between these Poictevins, Provencals and 
Savoyards, naturally produced violent quarrels, and the 
court was divided into separate parties, as " King's men and 
Queen's men*." Their successive plunder recalled to the 
minds of the suflferers the scriptural image: "That which 
the palmer-worm hath left, hath the locust eaten ; and that 
which the locust hath left, the canker-worm hath eaten ; and 
that which the canker-worm hath left, hath the caterpillar 

Besides the grievance of these court favourites, BrOme, 

" in capite per servitiam seijanterie liam Moantfort, of Lapworth, by 

coqoine, qnaliter et quo modo ig- Rose Braundeston. In the painted 

norant ^uratores).*' See Mr Staple- glass of the haU, the arms are, ** Ar- 

ton*8 Preface to Liber -de Antiquis gent, a chevron between three eagles' 

Legibns. heads erased, sable." — Lyson'sBerks. 

1 M. Par. » * Le Cordon Bleu ' of Lady Mor. 

' M. Par. — He was the ancestor gan. 
of Lord Norris, of Bycote, now re- * M. Par. — '* Begales contra Be- 

presented by the Bertie family. John ginales, Pictavenses contra Provin- 

Korreys, who built Ockwell, and died cialcs." 
Ii67| married the coheiress of Wil- 





during all this reign, turned to profit King John's illegal 
homage. He has been often blamed for his baseness in 
surrendering the crown to the Pope*, but the illegality of 
such a transfer is still more apparent No sovereign, even 
at that time, could acquire a personal right to subject his 
own nation to a foreign power, and it is remarkable that the 
French nobles, in 1216, as if alarmed at the precedent, 
unanimously protested in council against such a doctrine. 
John's homage was void from want of consent of the party 
interested, although there were, indeed, some bishops and 
nobles* (among whom we regret to find the earls of Pem- 
broke, Warren and Arundel) who sanctioned this degi'a- 
dation with their formal assent. At a later period, in 1801, 
the barons of England boldly protested to Pope Boniface 
VIII., that they would not relinquish the independence of 
their country, even if the King were willing to do so. 

It may be satisfactory to know that the record of national 
disgrace, "that detestable charter of England's tribute'," did 
not long survive its abject author*, the document having 
been destroyed in an accidental fire in the Pope's palace, at 
Lyons, in 1245. 

The Pope, however, naturally would not forego the ad- 
vantages which the acknowledgment of his supremacy seemed 
to give him, and long lists of Italian priests were sent with 
peremptory claims upon the first vacant benefices in England, 
setting aside all previous rights of patronage. A calculation 
of the value of the benefices held by aliens, in 1252, which 
amounted to more than 70,000 marcs (£46,666. 13«. 4d)* a 

^ The suireDder of the crown is 
said to have taken place at the house 
of the Knight Templars on the ridge 
of the western heights at Dover. 
The remains of a tower, called Bre- 
denstone, were discovered there in 
1806, the ruins heing five feet above 

* Bymer. 

* M. Par.— He calls it also *' Ilia 
non formosa sed famosa subjectio.*' 

* When King John's tomb was 
examined in 1797, he was found to 
have been buried in the fitting shroud 
of a monk^B cowl, while his hands, 
with a cnrious inconsistency, were in 
white jewelled gloves. 

^ The collection of Peter's pence 
(Bomfeoh) was irregular, and the 
proceeds often intercepted by the col- 
lectors, so that Bome received little. 
Originally a royal Anglo-Saxon grant. 





year, was forwarded to Rome by Qrethead, the excellent 
Bishop of Lincoln. The Pope, who did not relish such arith- 
metic, asked, ''Who is this ridiculous old madman?** and 
took no notice of the letter, although informed, by a Spanish 
Cardinal near him, of Qrethead*s superior scholarship and 
piety ^ The parishes thus in the hands of non-residents, 
enjoyed neither the offices nor comforts of religion. 

It is curious to observe, that, even in these early times, 
there prevailed on the Continent an idea of the great wealth 
of England, the Pope professing to look upon it as " an in- 
exhaustible well of money*.** When the nobles resisted his 
demands, he extorted contributions with a greedier hand 
from the King and clergy, from whom he often required a 
tallage of a twentieth, a tenth, or even more. An unholy 
barter of patronage and plunder was thus established : the 
King, in awe of the Barons, relied on the protection of the 
Pope, and therefore encouraged his exactions; while the 
Pontiff, on the other hand, sold his spiritual thunders to 
guard the throne, for the privilege of draining the country of 
its riches. 

No pains were taken to conceal the King's preference for 
his alien clergy : how bitterly this degradation was felt, may 
be seen in a contemporary poem', written probably by a 
native ecclesiastic. 

*' Ja fa cleregie 

franche e k dessas, 
Aim6e e oherie 

niile nen pot plus ; 
Ore est enservie 
£ trop eavil^e 

e abatu jas. 

it was regulated by William I., pay- 
ment l^ a lord of manor being an 
acquittance for all in his demesne. 
The popes frequently complained 
that the money, though ooUected, did 
not reach them, and indeed they did 
not expect much, and would have 
been content with 800 marks — it was 
reserved in K. John*s surrender to 
the Pope (salvis per omnia denariis 

Once was the clergy 
Looked up to and free, 
Cherished and loved 

None more could be. 
Kow all enslaved, 
Trampled, debased. 

They lie full low. 

Petri) in addition to 1000 m. a year, 
to be paid by the King as the Pope's 
feudatory. See Archd. Hale's Domes- 
day of St Paul's, cxviii and cxxvix. 
» M. Par. 

* M. Par. — "Puteus inexhaustus 
quem nullus poterat exsiccare." 

* PoL Songs from a MS. Cotton, 
written, probably, in 1256. 




Par ioens est honie 

Dtmt dat aver aie, 
Je n^ dire plus. 
Li rois ne Upostoile ne pensent 

Mto coment aa ders tolent lur 

or e Inr argent." 

I dare not name 

Who give them shame 

Thongh help they owe ; 

Neither Pontiff or King 

Think of other thing 

Than how hest to grasp and hold 

The clergy*s silver and gold. 

The legate was placed in the King's seat at a royal feast, 
to the great scandal of the English nobles; even the legate's 
nephew was knighted and pensioned. In the reckless dis- 
tribution of Church patronage, a valuable benefice was given, 
in 1252, to a Foictevin chaplain of Qeoffry^de Lusignan, a 
mere half-witted jester, kept to amuse the court. Matthew 
Paris tells us that he saw this man in the orchard of St 
Alban's Abbey, pelting the King and his master, Geoffry, 
with hard apples, and squeezing sour grapes into their eyes : 

" The skipping King, he amhled up and down 
With shallow jesters and rash bavin wits, 
Soon kindled and soon bnm'd : carded his state. 
Mingled his royalty with capering fools." 

Hemby IV., p. 1, 8. 8. 

The King^s chaplain and £^ent, John Mansel, is another 
instance of the prodigality by which a favourite becomes 
enriched. The son of a country priest, he had, when young, 
exerted himself manfully* at a siege in Gascony, and nearly 
lost his life by his eager valour, though he escaped with a 
broken leg ; he appears to have been a good man of business, 
and was constantly employed afterwards by the court, in 
diplomacy or other matters. He had been chancellor to the 
Bishop of London, and received the great seal from one king, 
1246, till the feast of St Mary, 1249*. Although his highest 
[ecclesiastical] dignity was that of provost of Beverley, yet 
he accumulated wealth to a degree and by means which 
astonished his own times, as well as ours, enjoying, it is 
said, no less than 700 benefices at once, calculated at 4000' 

* M. Par. — '* Inter strennos non clause into grants and patents. John 
ultimas.*' de Lesington sooceeded him. 

* 31 Hen. m., Bot. Pat. m. 2. > Ghr. Maihr. yalaes them higiher. 
He introduced the ** non obstante " at IS,000 marcs (£12,000). Lord 

32* THE barons' war. [ch. 

marcs a year (£2,666. 138. 4d.). This Wolsey of the thirteenth 
century, as he has been termed, gave a sumptuous feast, in 
1256, to all the court, on occasion of the King and Queen 
of Scotlands visit, the most choice, orderly, and plenteous 
ever given by a priest. His house at Tothill being insuffi- 
cient to contain the numerous guests, the banquet, the first 
course of which was supplied by 700 dishes, was served in 
several large tents. His sister, Clarice, and her husband, 
GeoflFry, a soldier of mean birth, partook of his good fortune, 
and received from the King grants of lands, the title to 
which was disputed by the Abbey of St Albans. Matthew 
Paris remonstrated personally on this injustice, but the King 
justified it by the similar pretensions of the Pope, adding, 
indeed, " Bye-and-bye, however, I will consider this matter :" 
the memory of such promises, the chronicler remarks, passed 
away with their utterance. 

Subject to the ignominious slights of the court, the great 
nobles and clergy scarcely needed additional motives for 
personal resentment and resistance, but the King's conduct 
in matters afifecting the very principles of government, and 
his avowed contempt for the restraint of law, afforded still 
stronger grounds for their distrust. 

His fear or his fickleness, indeed, caused him again and 
again to proclaim Magna Chaila when in difficulties, but he 
played this game so often, that the Barons could not but see, 
that his compliance was only intended to disarm their op- 
position to his demands for money. He had annulled the 
charter when he came of age, although he had repeated his 
oaths to it on many subsequent occasions, and in like manner 
his vow of a crusade was often used as a convenient form 
of requiring supplies. So lightly esteemed, indeed, was the 
King's faith, that even when he publicly fixed* the very 

Campbell presumes he '* presented not account fully for such a number 

himself to all that feU vacant and in three years, 
were in the gift of the Crown while ' This was in 1252, when he 

he was ChanueUor " (ChanoeUors, i. named the feast of St John the 

p. 136). Even this, however, would Baptist, 1256, for his departure on 



day for oommencing his enterprise, '' the bystanders were not 
the more persuaded of his truth/ and, in fact, he never went\ 
On every new perjury the solemnity of the royal pledge 
seemed to increase : when the oath to the charter was ad- 
ministered in Westminster Hall (May 3, 1258) before all the 
barons and prelates of the realm, every stringent form which 
honour or religion could devise to bind the conscience was 
employed. The awful curse was pronounced aloud, " which 
excommunicated, anathematized, and cut off from the thres- 
hold of holy Church all who should by any art or device, in 
any manner, secretly or openly, violate, diminish, or change, 
by word or writing, by deed or advice, either the liberties 
of the Church, or the liberties and free customs contained 
in the Great Charter, or the Charter of Forests." The ori- 
ginal charter of King John was spread out in sight, and to 
this solemn confirmation of it, both the King and prelates 
and barons impressed their seals, " in testimony of the truth 
to posterity*." While others held a lighted taper during the 
ceremony, it was remarked that the King put his out of his 
hand, excusing himself as not being a priest, and it is pos- 
sible that even this frivolous omission may have satisfied his 
conscience afterwards as to the invalidity of the oath, but he 
held his hand on his heart all the while, when the torches, 
amid the ringing of bells, were extinguished ; and when the 
universal cry arose, "So may all transgressors be extinguished 
and smoke in hell !" he added with a superduous hypocrisy, 
** So may Qod help me as I keep this oath, as a man, as a 
Christian, as a knight, and as an anointed Eang' !" So few 
laymen could at this period write their names that the 
utmost importance was naturally attached to the stamp of 

the Grosade. — CaL Kot. Pat., 87^ approaching feast of St. John, with- 
H. m. '* Nee tamen hoc oircom- oat farther delay (sine alteriori dila- 
stantes reddidit certiores.** — M. Par. tione), going beyond seas to the help 
> On the 20th May, 1270, the King of the Holy Land, the Lord so will- 
writing from Westminster again al- ing. — Bymer. 
lades to his departure for the Cra- * Bymer. 
Bade with his son Prince Edward as ' M. Par, 
being fixed for the morrow of the 





their seals as the readiest substitute of authentication, and 
hence the satirical yerses\ written in mixed French and 
English, on a similar occasion, in Edward II/s time, 
humorously suggest that the Charter became invalid because 
the wax of the seals was held too near the flames and so 
melted : 

'<L'6n paet fere et defere, 
Ceo fait il trop souyent ; 
It nis noather wel ne faire, 
Therefore Engeland is shent. 

La Ghartre fet de eyre, 
Jeo renteink et bien le orey, 
It was holde to neih the fire 
And is molten al away." 

To do and undo he'll dare, 
On change too oft the King's bent ; 
It is neither well nor fair 
Therefore England is shent. 

'Tis stamped on wax: none need 

If the Charter's power decay, 
It was held too nigh the fire 
And is molten all away. 

A modem historian* has praised Henry as having " re- 
ceived strong religious impressions," but certainly he was 
not ambitious of the Psalmist's eulogy of " him that swear- 
eth to his own hurt and changeth not ;*' and it is revolting 
to state that immediately after these serious pledges, he 
reverted to his old course, capriciously quarrelling with some, 
and oppressing others, promoting aliens, and dealing out his 
prodigal bounty to his foreign kinsmen as before. A curious 
instance of his duplicity occurred in 1258, when he ordered 
the public exhibition of some enormous darts, as a palpable 
proof of the dangerous weapons he was exposed to in Gascony, 
demanding fresh supplies to carry on the war, but concealing 
the fact of his having already concluded a treaty of peace* 

^ Folit. Songs from Auchinl. MS. 

* Lingard. 

* Queen Eleanor, as Begent, and 
Bichard, Earl of Cornwall, write to 
King Henry III. while absent in 
Gascony at this time (Fob. 14, 1254), 
that the Earl Marshal and John de 
Balliol after a contrary wind for 
twelve days, had arrived in England, 
Feb. 4 ; that before and after their 
arrival the prelates and barons had 
been consulted about a subsidy, and 
had promised if the King should be 

attacked in Gascony -to come over 
with aU their power, but o£Fered no 
money — ^the clergy too voted no sub- 
sidy, but expected the tenth levied 
for the Crusade which should begin 
in that year, to be relaxed ; *' bat 
from the other laymen who do not 
sail over to yon, we do not think we 
can obtain any help for your use, 
unless you write to your lieutenants 
in England firmly to maintain your 
great charters of liberty, since by 
this means they would be more 




and alliance with his enemies. Some mistrust naturally 
arose among the nobles of the council, when they learnt that 
the Queen and her eldest son had been summoned to this 
scene of supposed danger, and the unexpected arrival of 
Simon de Montfort, who knew the truth \ completed the 
exposure of this dishonest trick. 

The empty title of King of Sicily, being craftily proffered 
by the Pope', was soon ^fter wards accepted for the King^s 
second son, Edmund, a mere boy of ten years old. This 
''likeness of a kingly crown," so far from conferring any 
national advantage, was only the occasion of draining off 
more of the wealth of England to Italy. In the words of 
Dante, speaking of another titular King of Sicily : 

'* Qoindi rum terra, ma pecoato e onta 
GnadagneriL, per se ianto pid grave 
Qaanto piiH lieve simil danno conta." 

PuBo. xz. 76. 

Even when the royal treasury was exhausted, the King was 
made a responsible debtor for vast additional sums claimed 
by the Pope for the expenses of asserting this title by force 
of arm& 

Edmund, acting of course as the instrument of his father, 
lost no time in displaying his unsubstantial power', and 

strongly animated cheerfully to grant 
you aid.*'— Wood's Letters of Boyal 
Ladies, vol. ii. p. 86. Boyal and His* 
torioal Letters, voL ii. p. 101. 


* The crown was accepted March 
14, 1254, for the English Prince ; but 
Ckmrad, the King de factor did not 
die tiU May 21, 1254, and was then 
yonng. The Pope's grant required 
the paymentof 185,541 marcB£90,860. 
13«. 4d.) in retnm. By a brief from 
Viterbo,xiv. KaL Feb. (Jan. 19), 1258, 
Pope Alexander allowed the post- 
ponement for three months of the 
payment of money due for the final 
settlement of his claims on account 
of Sicily. By a brief from Anagni, xv. 
Kal. Jan. pec. 18), 1259, the Pope 
threatened to xeroke his grant of the 

crown of Sicily, unless the xnoney 
was paid. By a brief from Yiterbo 
iii. Kal. June (May 80), 1258, the 
Pope pressed uigently for the money 
(rogandum attentius et portandum 
snblato obstaculo, &c,). 

s Pope Innocent IV. having autho- 
rized Prince Edmund (May 25, 1254), 
to make a seal for Sicily ; we find the 
Prince signing, accordingly, " aureft 
buM nostr^,** at Windsor, March 20, 
1261— Bymer. The impression of 
this seal in the British Museum, re- 
presents him seated on his throne 
with ball and sceptre, inscribed, **Ed- 
mnndus natus Begis Henrici illus- 
tris ; " on the other side are the arms 
of England only, not Sicily, inscribed 
<* Edmundtts Dei gratis SiciliaB Bex.'* 



THE barons' war. 


granted (Oct 3, 1254) the principality of Capua to Thomas^ 
Count of Maurienne, the Queen's brother. Aigue-blanche 
•received the investiture of Sicily by a ring, as his proxy, 
June 22, 1257, not long before the good sense of the English 
barons renounced the title. 

Twice again (in 1255 and 1256) was the great Charter 
publicly confirmed, and afterwards disregarded; when the 
barons, whose good faith had been ^p often abused, at length 
resolved to secure themselves and the state from the ruinous 
incompetence of their King. This they put into eflfect at 
the great council, summoned at Oxford, in 1258. Their 

" Broke oath on oath, oommitted wrong on wrong, 

And in oonclosion led them to seek out 

This head of safety.*' 

Hen. IV. 1 

The great civil struggle began in consequence from this 
period, and before entering into the diflferent events of the 
contest, it will be well to consider the character of some of 
the leading actors not before referred to. Among the King's 
friends, those of superior historical importance were his 
brother and his son. 

The Prince Richard, Earl of Cornwall, prominent by birth 
and immense wealth*, was much superior in capacity to the 
King his brother, and had on several occasions expressed 
disgust at his arbitrary conduct. Although, when he con- 
federated with other barons (in 1227, 1233, 1237) to enforce 
the Charter, he had been as often won back to the court 
party by personal or other motives, yet he fully shared in 

^ Prince Richard had a grant of 
the Stannaries and mines with Corn- 
wall, to be held by the service of five 
kni^ts' fees, 1239 ; the castle of 
Lidford and the forest of **Dert- 
more '' were granted to him. — Dogd. 
He did not bear the arms of Emg 
John, but those of the earldom of 
PoictoQ (argent, a lion rampant gales, 
crowned or) united with those of 
Cornwall, bezants used as a bordure 

sable bezant^e. Sandford's Gen. Hist, 
p. 95 — a plate of seals of Prince 
Aichard. One represents him as a 
knight gaUopmg with his arms (Uon 
and bezants) on his shield. The 
same arms larger are on the reverse, 
on both sides the words, Sigillum 
Bicardi Comitis Comubis. Another 
seal exhibits him as a King seated 
on his throne, with baU and sceptre. 

IL] king henry III. AND HIS COURTIERS. 37 

the universal jealousy of the thriving foreigners who sur- 
rounded the King. He often sat in council at the Ex- 
chequer to advise the King in money-matters \ But he 
felt so strongly that his influence was not powerful enough 
to sway the King to better counsels, that, on his departure 
for the Crusade, in 1240, he confessed his anxiety to be 
"absent from the sight of those evils which he foresaw 
would, in consequence, gather upon his family and the king- 
dom*." Some years afterwards his prudence induced him to 
repel the offer of the Sicilian throne for himself, but it un- 
happily yielded to the temptation of another title equally 
profitless, and he was crowned King of the Romans at Aix- 
la-Chapelle, in May, 1257, by the suffrages of Mainz, Cologne 
and Bavaria, though never acknowledged by the greater 
part of Germany. His wealth seems to have been the prin- 
cipal inducement with the electors who raised him to this 

Prince Edward displayed, in early manhood, decided 
symptoms of sound principle and energy, in remarkable con- 
trast to the King his father, of whom he soon became the 
ablest defender and friend. 

The Horatian* maxim of sons resembling their fathers 

^ He is recorded as present, 1230, Aix-la-Chapelle according to their 
with H. de Burgh, the Justiciary, R. archives ; his silver crown of Ger- 
Earl of Chester, G. Earl of Glocester, many is still preserved there, hut with 
W. Earl of Warenne, W. Earl of a modem addition. — See ArchsDol. 
Albemarle, H. Earl of Hertford, J. Journ. 1863, p. 197. 
Earl of Huntingdon, and other barons * "Fortes creantnr fortibns et 
determining, '* quod tallice factse ante bonis, 
gnerram, quae recognita) fuerint de — neo imbellem f erodes 
Scaccario et non fuerunt huonsque Progenerant aquiliffi colum- 
allocataB,allocentur ;" and on Feb. 12, bam." — 4. 4. 29. 
1270, making better arrangement for Dante gives a fine religious inter- 
the King's debts in Exchequer, with pretation to the degeneracy of off- 
Walter, Archbp. of York, Godfrey, spring: 

Bp. of Worcester, Prince Edward, *' GiacopoeFederigoannoireami, 

W. de Valence, our brother, Boger Del retaggio migUor nessun pos- 

de Mortimer, Philip Basset, Henry siede, 

de Aleman, Robert Aguillon, Robert Bade volte risnrge per li rami 

Waleran and others. — Madox, Hist. L'umanar probitate : e questo 

Exch. 1711, folio. vuole 

* M. Par. Quel che la da, perch^ da lui 

' K. Richard presented his regalia, si chiami." 

a crown and robes, to the church at — Purgat. vu. 121. 




is curiously opposed to the history of British sovereigns. 
Neither Edward I. nor Edward III. were bom of " the great 
and good ;" nor were the dove-like Edward 11^ Richard II., 
or Henry VL true i^ the eagle-breed of their fathers. 

Prince Edward's birth, June 17, 1239, after three years' 
marriage ^ had been welcomed with the utmost joy by his 
father and the nation. When only 15 he was betrothed* at 
Burgos to the beautiful Eleanor of Castile, receiving knight- 
hood at the time from his brother-in-law, King Alphonso X.', 
at whose court his gallant demeanor s^ttracted much admi- 
ration ; his ample dowry consisted of Oascony, Ireland, part 
of Wales, Bristol, and other lands, the value of which, if de- 
ficient, was engaged to be completed to 15,000 marks (£10,000) 
a year. Such early marriages, or rather espousals, were then 
common ; but a year elapsed before the bride came (about 
Michaelmas 1255) to her husband, preceded by her brother 
Senchius, Archbishop-elect of Toledo, though only in his 
20th year. The surprise of the English was much excited 
by so youthful a prelate, and by the unusual luxury of his 
domestic habits ; they were disposed to scoff when the youth 
raised his hand with the pastoral ring to bless them, and still 
more when they observed his lodging at the Temple* with 

^ *' Natns est regi filius ex inspe- 
rato." — Chr. Lanero. 

* He recorded bis assent to his 
own marriage by a deed, dated Mor- 
row of Saint Mary Mugdalen, 1254. — 
Bymer. Lous IX., wben of tbe age 
of 19, bad married a queen of 13 
years. Alexander III., of Scotland, 
was only 9 years old wben be married 
tbe dau^ter of Henry III. Tbe 
Bisbop of Worcester, Peter de Mont- 
fort, and Robert Waleran, were ap- 
pointed to receive King Alpbonso's 
letters of security for Prince Ed- 
ward's journey (dated Toledo, KaL 
Apr.), and tbey were to deposit a copy 
of tnem at Bayonne, before tbey 
went into Spain, for fear of accidents. 
—Bymer, 1254. 

' "Vedrassi la lossuria, e'l viver 

Di quel di Spagna.** 

Par. 19. 124. 
4 " Fecit tapeciis, palliis et cortinis, 
etiam pavimentum nimis pompose 
adomare." — M. Par. Tbe King by 
a letter from Nottingbam, July 25, 
1255, in expectation of tbe arrival of 
tbe Arcbbisbop of Toledo and Gar- 
syas Martini, as ambassadors from 
tbe King of Castille, to wbom be was 
anxious especially to do bonour (quos 
rex quam plurimum optat bonorari) 
desires bis cbamberlaiu, in Londun, 
Jobn de Gysore, to send four casks 
of good wine to be put in tbe cellars 
of tbe New Temple. By anotber 
order of tbe same date be ordered 
Biebard de Muntficbet, tbe warden 
of bifl forest in Essex, to take ten 
deer (damos) and cause tbem to bo 
conveyed to tbe New Temple. By. 




tapestry and curtains and carpets. At a time when our 
kings' palaces were strewn with rushesS and the windows 
had no glass, the introduction of such luxuries by these 
children of the South was derided as eflfeminacy: they had 
probably adopted the use of carpets from the Spanish Mo- 
hammedans, among whom, as among all others of oriental' 
origin, the universal habit of sitting on the ground had made 
them from the earliest times almost necessaries. King 
Henry displayed much gallantry in preparing the rooms 
destined for the Princess in a manner similar to those of the 
archbishop, and on her arrival she found silken hangings' on 
her walls, and carpets on her floors, much to the wonder and 
envy of the English. Two jongleurs who came in the arch- 
bishop's train, received twenty shillings each fiom the King 
in return for their entertainment ; while another attendant, 
Garcias Martinez, had an annuity of 100 marcs (£66. ISs. id,) 
granted to him. 

Prince Edward was soon forced into conspicuous action 
by the circumstances of the court. Some Gascon merchants, 
who considered themselves entitled to his special protection 
against some illegal exaction, obtained redress by his bold 
reproaches, although this soon rendered him an object of dis- 
favour at court, and of this he became so conscious that he 
kept a guard of 200 horsemen about his person. These mili- 
tary comrades unfortunately behaved with so much insolent 
licence towards the people, helping themselves to the horses 
and vehicles of other persons with violence and cruelty, that 

another order, July 26, he desires the 
major and sheriffs of London to 
receive the said ambassadors with 
courtesy and honour, and to pro- 
chiim that no insult should be offered 
to any of their suite. — Bymer. 

^ In 1222 there is a grant to Ri- 
cher de Fonte of 3«. 8^. for rushes 
to the King's two chambers, and3«. id. 
for rushes for his great chamber. In 
1223, 9s, lid, for rushes for two 
chambers, and 15<. dd, for rushes for 

the King's houses. — 

Brayley*s Westm. 31. 

' The Chinese arc to this day the 
only Asiatics who habitually use 
chairs. Even at Troy, King Priam 
selected a dozen carpets for Achilles, 
probably smaU ones, for sitting. — II. 
xxiv. 230. 

* "Holosericis paUiis et tapeciis, 
ad simUitudinem Tempi! appensis, 
etiam pavimentum auheis redimitum, 
invenit/* — M. Par. 



THE barons' war. 

[cH. ir. 

some disrepute was reflected back upon the Prince. Though 
his income was bo large, yet his expenses exceeded it, and 
lie was oblii^ed, in 1258, to pledge some of his estates to 
William de Valence, for a supply to his extravagance*. 

It is but due, however, to the reputation of a Prince who 
became one of the boasts of British history, to remark that 
his household as King was both well-regulated and econo- 
mical; in proof of which may be quoted the account of his 
expenses during three successive weeks in Lent, 1290, at 
Laugley, co. Bucks. In the first week they were £7. lOs. 4^rf., 
in the second,£o. 19«. l^d., and in the third, £51. 28. 2^d.\ or, to 
take a period of four months, they were but £81. 5«. lOcZ., a 
rate of domestic expense which, even allowing for the great 
difference in the value of money, must appear very small. 

From the same account it appears that among the pro- 
visions for his Lenten fare, were some strange fish for a 
King's table; besides the "Aberdeens " (herrings cured there), 
salmon pasties, oysters, eels, lampreys, pikerels, gurnards, 
"troites" (trout), and '*morud" (cod), there are also men- 
tioned congers, whelks, and a gallon of *' menus" (minnows). 
To complete the picture of these olden times, may be added 
the weekly charges for " litter for the hall and the chamber 
twenty pence, and for rushes sixteen pence'." Such was the 
luxury of the thirteenth century. 

^ The Prince also endeavoured to 
raise money by alienating to his 
iincle Guy de Lusignan the island of 
Olcron at the mouth of the Charente, 
which had been granted to him as 
dower on his marriage. The King 
wrote to the mayor and prudhommes 
of Oleron (Westm. 26 Oct., 42°, 1257) 
stating that such grant had been 
procured wrongfully {alio modo quam 
bono) without his assent, and desir- 
ing them not to obey Guy. He again 
wrote to the same effect, (Winton, 

July 11, 42°, 1268,) and Prince Ed- 
ward was obliged in consequence to 
acknowledge his forgetfulness of the 
clause of non alienation in his own 
grant, and to revoke the life-grant to 
Guy, from Sutwerk, rv. Nov. 43°, 
1258. The King wrote again to as- 
sure the authorities of Oleron that 
he would never alienate them from 
the Crown, in consequence of their 
fidelity. — Bymer. 

' Archseol. 5. 15, from Botulus 
Familiffi MS. in the Tower. 




Always acting as if in the presence of canonized forefathers, the spirit of 
freedom carries an imposing and majestic aspect : it has a pedigree and 
illustrating ancestors; it has its bearings and its ensigns armorial; it 
has its gallery of portraits, its monumental inscriptions, its records, 
and titles." 


The ablest and most active chiefs among the barons opposed 
to the court at the time of the Oxford Parliament were 
Richard de Clare*, the Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, and 
Simon de Montfoi-t, Earl of Leicester, each allied by marriage' 
to the royal family, but exasperated into opposition by per- 
sonal affironts, as well as by public motives, and each too 
powerful and ambitious not to be jealous of the other. 

De Clare had, as a minor, espoused the daughter of 
Hubert de Burgh, whose ward he was, but the King anxious 
himself to dispose of so wealthy an heir, had compelled a 
divorce, and constrained him to marry another lady. He 
had distinguished himself in the Crusade and the Welsh 

1 Arms in north aisle Westm. 
Abbey, ** Or, 3 chevrons gules." 

' De Glare's widowed mother had 
married Earl Richard; de Mont- 
fort was the hosband of Princess 
Eleanor. Isabella Marshal, the 
Countess of Gloucester, died at Berk- 
hamstead, 1239 ; and, though she had 
wished to be buried at Tewksbury, 
near her first husband, Earl Bich- 
ard, her second, who married her 
1230, did not permit this, but buried 

her at Beaulieu, and founded a chap- 
lain to pray for her souL She had 
done the same for her first husband's 
soul, when a widow — she bequeathed 
to Tewksbury monastery, besides 
some silver cups, and some church 
vestments, a phial sent her by the 
Pope with relics of various saints, 
some hairs of S. Elizabeth the virgin, 
some linen of S. Agnes, de tribus 
pueris, de Sanctis 40 martyribus, &o, 
— Dugd« Monast. ii. 55. 


THE barons' war. 


wars, and was beloved and trusted by all the English nobles 
on account of his eloquence, prudence, and acquaintance 
with the laws. The persuasions, however, of the King, and 
the proflFered dower of 5000 marcs (£3333. 6s. 8d.), induced 
hiin, in 1253, to yield his eldest son, Gilbert, then about 15, 
in marriage to Alicia, the daughter of Guy, the King's half- 
brother, an alliance very distasteful to his friends. De Clare 
had ever been an active party in upholding the liberties of 
the subject, and having personally witnessed the King's 
solemn oaths to maintain them, he considered himself in 
a manner pledged to insist upon their fulfilment. 

The most remarkable person, however, of his party, and 
the one who has most identified his name with the history of 
the times, was his compeer, Simon de Montfort, a man of so 
much energy and talent in war and council, that although 
allied to the King and bom abroad, his acknowledged capa- 
city and honour overcame these disadvantages ; and at a time 
when foreigners were universally odious and the court dis- 
trusted, the barons and people of England with one accord 
ranged themselves under this foreign courtier, as their leader 
for the recovery of their national liberties. There must obvi- 
ously have been no common ascendancy of character to pro- 
duce such a result. 

His grandfather, Simon the Bald, the third Count de 
Montfort, was descended from a King of France, and by his 
marriage with the heiress of Robert Fitzpamel^ Earl of 
Leicester, transmitted to his son the claim of large English 
estates, and of the dignity of High Steward. This alliance in 
1165 with the daughter of Blanchemains, as the earl was 
called, formed the only tie of connexion between England 

^ PetroniUa, his widow, famished 
the church of Leicester with a curious 
piece of fancy work, a rope made of 
ner own hair, to suspend the lamp 
in the choir. — Chr. Knight. She 
was the heiress of Hugh de Grante- 
menill. Baron of Hinckley, and by 
that tenure Hereditary Grand Steward 

of England. In the Exchequer HoU 
of Normandy (Ducarel, Ant. Ang. 
Norm.) the Earl of Leicester is named 
as owing 10 soldiers and 40 servants 
for the honour of Grantemenill, and 
81 soldiers for the honour of Britolio. 
— See Pedigree of de Montfort, at 
page 45. 


and the great Simon de Montfort, which enabled him success- 
fully to establish his claim to a place among the nobles of 
England, in 1232, after a long interval of foreign absence of 
all the family. On the death of Fitzpamel, accordingly, 
Simon, the fourth Count de Montfort, became Earl of Leices- 
ter, and the estates were, in 1206, divided between Simon and 
Saiher de Quincy*, Earl of Winchester. Simon's rebellion 
soon afterwards caused a forfeiture of his estates, and his 
own banishment ; but he must have had bold and powerful 
adherents, for Kiug Johu was some time afterwards startled 
by a report, a false one indeed, of the barons having elected 
Simon as their King*. Being a good soldier, and remarkable 
for his stature and strength, he had an opportunity, while an 
exile from England, of making his "name very precious to 
all the bigots of that age" (as Hume remarks) by his bar- 
barous crusades against the Albigenses'. The cruelties prac- 
tised are well known, but the fanaticism of the period was 
widely spread, and the merit of extinguishing heretics so 
blinded his contemporary historian, that even after relating 

^ Arms in s. aisl^ Westm. Ab. pour que Us Catholiquet ne rougitsent 

" galea, 7 maBcles conj. 3, 3, and 1 ji'us de la proclamer hatUement. 

or." Khistoire offre assnrement bien pea 

' Chr. Dnnst. For an account de caract^rcs auBsi grands que le sien 

of Simon de Montfort's incised slab par la volonte, la perseverance, le con- 

at Carcassonne, see Archseol. Joum. rage, lo m^pris de la mort ; et qoand 

1855, p. 280. on songe d, la ferveur et k rhnmilite 

3 It is curious to mark the feeling de sa piete, k la purete inviola- 

of modern Boman Catholics on this ble de ses mceurs, k oet inflexible di' 

point. Comte de Montalembert, puir vouement h VautoritS eccl^siastique, 

de France, in his ** Histoire de 8te qui Tavoit fait se retirer tout seul du 

Elisabeth de Hongrie (l'J31)/' thus camp des croises devant Zara, porce- 

expresses himself : II est reconnu que le Pape lui avoit d^fendu de 

aujourd'hui que ces cruaut^s contre guerroyer contre les chr^tiens, on 

les Albigeois, &c., etoient du moins con^oit tout Texcdsde son indignation 

r^ciproques, et Ton u*a pas encore, contre ccux qui troublaient la paix 

que nous sachions, trouv^ le moyeu des consciences, et renversaient 

de faire la guerre, et surtout ime toiites les barri^res de la morale, 

guerre de religion, avec amdnite et Son caract^re et son ^poque se peig- 

douceur. Celui qui fut dans cette uent A, la fois dans ce mot qu'il pro- 

lutto de champion de Catholicisme, non^a an moment d'entreprendre une 

Simon de Montfurt, a sans doute lutte in^gale : *' Toute Tt-glise prio 

temi une partie de sa gloire par une pour moi, je ue saurois succomber;** 

trop graude ambition, et par uue et encore lorsque poursuivi par Ten- 

rigueur que la bonne foi no sauroit nemi, et ayaut pasE^ avec sa cava- 

excuser ; mais il lui en reste assez lerie une riviOre, que les gens k pied 

44 THE barons' war. [ch. 

Simon's order, at the capture of the castle of Brom, to cut off 
the noses of a hundred of the garrison, and to pluck out their 
eyes, with the exception of one eye reserved to a single guide, 
he immediately praises him as " the mildest of men*." 

There is, indeed, some reason to hope that the service 
was unpopular among his troops, and revolted their common 
feelings of humanity ; for Simon, in a letter to Pope Innocent 
III. (August, 1209), not only urges his own merits for having 
so rapidly marched upon the heretics, but also puts forward 
this special reason why he ought to be confirmed in his 
government over the country, that " he had been obliged to 
hire soldiers to remain with him at a greater price than in 
other wars, as he could scarcely retain them, unless rewarded 
by double pay*." 

This zealot has been compared" to Cromwell, as a hero 
well fitted for a holy war, and was superior to the meaner 
superstitions of his time. When his wife came to him 
greatly alarmed at having dreamed of blood flowing from 
her arms, he replied, " Do you think we follow dreams and 
auguries like the Spaniards ? If you had even dreamed that 
I was to die in this war, I should go forward so much the 
bolder and freer, in order to reprove the folly of such peo- 
ple*." The Countess de Montfort, was, indeed not unlikely 
to have such dreams of blood ; for, a Montmorency herself, 
she shared all her husband's perils of war, at one time 
(1210) leading to him a reinforcement of 15,000 soldiers, 
at others enduring, with her children, the miseries of a be- 
sieged town*. 

ne pouvaient francliir, il lA repass^ ^ " Omnium mitissimns erat.*' — 

avec cinq hommes seulemeut, en Pet.Yell. Sam. Besides clemency, he 

s'^criant : *' Les panvres du Christ laid claim to the virtue of truth, and 

sont exposes & la mort, et moi je bore ** Veritas" as the motto of his 

resterais en surety? advienne de moi Beal. — See Montfaucon, pi. 88. 
la volont^ du Seigneur, j'irai ccr- • GurI. Pod. Laur. 

tainement avec eux." — ^In accord- > Hollam, Middle Ages, 

anoe with these opinions, the bust of ^ Pot. Yall. SGU*n., anno 1213. 

Simon de Montfort is placed in the ^ At Yaur, 1211, while nursing her 

great Salle des Batailles at Yersailles, sick son ; and at Narbonne, 1217, 

among those Frenchmen who have blockaded with her sons and their 

fought for their country. wives. — Pet. Yall. Sam. 




From such noble and fierce parentage issued the Simon 
c[p Montfort^ of English history, the youngest of four sons, a 
youth of about eighteen years, at the time of his father's 
death in 1218. 

Large grants had rewarded the terrible services of the 
sword and torch of religious bigotry ; and to these Alraeric, 
the eldest son, succeeded, who is described as '' an imitator of 

^ The pedigree of the de Montfort 
family includes so many historical 
oharaotera that it is here subjoined 
for reference. — See Dngd. Baron., 
Nichols* Leicest., Hooseh. Exp., 
Gngl. Pod. Laor. 

^e children of Simon de Bald, 
eighth Connt de Montfort, were 
these: — 

1. Almeric, Gomit d'Evreax, which 
he ceded to the King of France, 1200 ; 
died about 1224. 

2. Simon, ninth Count de Montfort, 
Earl of Leicester, 1206; banished 
rebel, 1208 ; leader of the war against 
the Albigenses, 1209; killed at Tou- 
louse, 1218 ; married Alice, who died 

1221, dau^^ter of Bouchard, Sire de 
Montmorency and Eoouen, Constable 
of France, who died 1230. 

3. Guy, a crusader in Palestine 
and against Albigenses, received a 
grant of Castries. 

4. Bobert, killed at Toulouse, 1218. 

5. Bertrade, who died 1231; married 
to Hugh, Earl of Chester; their son 
Buiulph died 1231, having had a 
grant 1215 of the forfeited estates of 
the rebel Earl of Leicester. 

The children of the above Simon, 
ninth Count were— 

1. Almeric, tenth Count de Mont- 
fort, knighted 1213; Constable of 
France in succession to his grand- 
father de Montmorency, 1231; cm* 
sader 1238 ; prisoner there till 1241 ; 
died at Otranto, 1241 ; he married, 

1222, Beatrice, daughter of Count de 
Yienne; their son John, sixth Count 
de Montfort renounced aU EngUsh 
claims, 1248. 

2. Guy, a crusader, slain at Castel- 
nauderi, 1220; Count de Bigorre, by 
his marriage with Petronilla, Countess 
of Bigorre, 1216; she died, 1251, 

surviving five husbands ; Eskivat was 
their son ; their daughter Alicia died 
at Montargis. 

3. Bobert, died unmarried, 1226. 

4. Simon, bom about 1200, became 
Earl of Leicester on the cession of 
his brother Almeric 1232; com- 
manded the Barons* army at Lewes, 
1264 ; killed at Evesham, 1265 ; mar- 
ried, Jan. 7, 1238, Princess Eleanor, 
daughter of King John, who was 
bom, 1212; widow of William le 
Mareshal, Earl of Pembroke, who 
died April, 1231; she died, at Mon- 
targis, 1274. 

5. A daughter, in treaty of mar- 
riage to a son of Uie King of Arragon, 

6. A daughter, married 1217, to 
Ademar Poictou. 

The children of Simon, Eari x>f 
Leicester, and Princess Eleanor, 
were — 

1. Henry, named after his sponsor, 
Henry UL ; killed at Evesham, 1265. 

2. Simon, prisoner at Northamp- 
ton, 1264; defeated at Kenilworth,, 
1265; murdered his cousin. Prince 
Henry, at Viterbo, 127L 

3. Guy,wounded at Evesham, 1265; 
entered service of Count d'Anjou in 
Italy; murdered P. Henry at Viter- 
bo, 1271. 

4. Almeric, a priest, treasurer of 
Tork, 1265; taken prisoner by Ed- 
ward 1. 1273 ; released, 1283 ; became 
a knight in Italy. 

5. Bichard, left England for Bi- 
gorre, 1265, perhaps the ancestor of 
the Wellysboume Montforts. 

6. Eleanor, left England for Mon- 
targis with her mother, 1265 ; taken 
prisoner, 1278 ; married, 1279, to Lle- 
wellyn, Prince of Wales. 




the goodness and energy of his father in all things^" The 
forfeited English estates had been granted in 1215, to the 
rebel Earl of Leicester's nephew, Ranulph, Earl of Chester\ 
Perhaps the grant was only temporary and conditional', for at 
his death in 1232, Almeric, who had frequently put forward 
his claims to the property, became still more urgent for its 
restoration, and two of his brothers having died, he now sent 
his only remaining brother Simon with a petition to King 
Henry, dated from Paris, February, 1232*. He described 
himself in this as Count de Montfort and Earl of Leicester 
(although nd such title had been recognized by the English 
King for twenty-four years), referring to the lands and rights 
of his " father of good memory," and offering to be satisfied, 
if the King would accept of Simon to do homage for them, 
in case his own claims should be disallowed. Simon, as hold- 
ing no lands under the King of France ^ could pay a more 
undivided homage, and on this plea was at length admitted* 
to his hereditary possessions and honours, after the solemn 
renunciation of Almeric in hia favour, with the reversion 
only in case of failure of heirs mala This took place in the 

» Pet. ValL Sarn. 

* In 1218deBBoches, Biahopof Win- 
chester [had custody], of the estates. 

* This conjecture is almost cer- 
tainly tnie, as the Testa de Nevill 
(p. 86) mentions the Honour of Lei- 
cester as a ward in the Eing*s hands 
tn behalf of Simon de Montfort (c. 
1218), and the younger Simon did 
homage for the Honour of Leicester 
in Aug. 1231, more than a year be- 
fore the Earl of Chester's death. 
— Ezcerpta e Boi Fin. i. p. 217. P. 

* Almeric and Simon, probably 
the 6th and 7th lords of Montfort, 
counts of Ecouen (Simon being the 
father of Simon the Bald, and their 
brother William being a canon of 
Chartres), being among the benefac- 
tors to the cathedral of Chartres, 
their effigies appear in the painted 
glass of the choir, occupying the 
roses of the 5th and 6th windows in 
knightly armour, seated on horses at 

a walking pace, each bearing the 
arms of de Montfort on his shield 
(gules, a lion rampant, with forked 
tail argent), and each carrying a ban- 
ner for Evreuz (party per pale in- 
dented gules and argent). — ^Willemin 
Mon. Fr. Montfaucon. Winkle's 
Cath. A contemporary (Anon. Lan- 
gued. ) describes Simon 9th lord* as 
planting on the highest tower of a 
captured castle ** son estcndart 1& 
ont era pint lo leon." Bolls of arms, 
1308-14— **Conte de Leister, goules 
ung leon rampand d'argent, la cowe 
fourch6e, et banner party endent^e 
d'argent et de goules.*' 

** Simon de Monte Forti expulsus 
fuit de regno FranciaB propter sedi- 
tiones suas." Cott. MS. Nero A. iv, 
is the only authority for such a state- 

^ Simon's homage was acknow- 
ledged by the King, Shrewsbury, 
May 27, 1232. 




presence of the Eang, at Westminster, soon after Easter, 

This act was probably the result of a private division of 
the family estates between the two brothers, and when 
renewed by Almeric's son John, in 1248, it is expressly 
stated in the deed that " on the other hand, Simon, Earl of 
Leicester, renounced all the rights in France, which either 
his father or brother ever had, so that neither the one in 
England, nor the other in France, could claim anything ex- 
cept by failure of heirs*." 

Thus replaced, after a long interval, in the possessions 
and dignities which his family had before enjoyed in England, 
Simon de Montfort was not slow in rising to favour at the court 
of Henry III. Being '' a gentleman of choice blood, education, 
and features'," he was perhaps all the more welcome there, 
because his foreign birth and habits might seem to connect 
him more readily with the feelings of the other aliens who 
surroulided the King. In his capacity of High Steward — • 
though the powerful family of Le Bigod also claimed this 
honour — he attended to hold the basin of water at the feast 
of the Queen's coronation. Fully sensible of the maxim of a 
quaint author of his times, that *' a woman who has lands of 
her own is much the most desirable','* a maxim not out of 
date, though six hundred years old, Simon had been twice 
led by his aspiring views to seek a marriage with widowed 
ladies of princely blood. The French King, from whose alle- 
giance he had withdrawn himself, interfered on that account, 
to prohibit the alliances he sought with Matilda, Countess of 
Boulogne, and afterwards with the great territorial heiress 
Joan^ Countess of Flanders. 

1 " Nisi per reotam eschaetam.*' — 
MSS. Lands., 299. The seal of John 
represents him galloping on a horse, 
and bearing the double-tailed lion on 
his shield and trappings. The re- 
verse has the banner of Evrenx. 

* Short View of a long Beign, by 
8ir B. Cotton. The Chronicle of 

Lanercost (p. 39) describes Simon as 
tall and handsome. 

' ** Qnar femme que ad terre en 
t6e serra d&ssez plus desirr^." — 
Hist. F. Fitzwarin, p. 10. 

^ Joan, daughter of Baldwin 9, 
Count of Flanders, widow of a Portu- 
guese Prince. King Louis had made 


THE barons' war. 


Baffled in these quarters, Simon next won the affections 
of another widow, under circumstances of difficulty which 
might well have deterred a less ardent lover. The King's 
sister, Princess Eleanor, had in 1224, married William, the 
second Earl of Pembroke, one of the foremost warriors of his 
time, and who had been one of the chosen guardians of Magna 
Charta. He had distiuguished himself in repelling and 
punishing the aggressions of the Welsh in 1223, and when 
left by the King in command of Brittany (1230) he took 
some Norman castles with great spirit; and, although on 
one occasion, 1227, he had sided with Prince Richard to 
compel the King by force of arms to do him justice, yet he 
was so much beloved, that on his death, in April, 1231 \ the 
monarch wept over his corpse and looked upon his loss as an 
additional punishment for the blood of Thomas Becket. He 
had but lately, in perfect health, attended the marriage of 
his sister* to his friend Prince Richard, and his death occur- 
ring so suddenly, his successor was refused admission to the 
inheritance of his lands, until it was ascertained whether the 
widowed Princess was with child, as was rumoured. There 
was, however, no issue ; and the lady in the first anguish of 
her grief, had publicly taken a vow* of perpetual widow- 
hood*, in the presence of two eminent prelates, both after- 

it an express condition in his treaty 
with her in 1226, '* quod nunqoam 
subtrahent se a ooron& et homagio." 
She married, in 1237, Thomas of 
Bavoy, the Queen's brother, swearing 
previously that her marriage with 
Simon de Montfort had not been 
completed. — Pdre G. Daniel t. lu. 24. 
NichoU's Leicest. 

^ He was buried in the Temple 
Church, where his effigy still remains. 
Hallam (Middle Ages, Vol. iii. p. 242) 
confuses the persons of the earls of 
Pembroke, attributing to the father 
and regent '*one of the greatest 
names in our ancient history,*' tiie 
anecdote of the King's defiance and 
the earl's rebellion, which can apply 
only to Richard his second son, who 

was earl 1231-34, succeeding Prin- 
oess Eleanor's husband. 

* Isabella, Countess of Gloucester, 
who died in childbirth, 1240. 

' **Solenne votum castitatis emi- 
sit, cujus postea pnevaricatrix efifec- 
ta.»— T. Wyke. 

* The following was the form of 
prayer used on such occasions ; 
** Consecratio vestium vidusB. In- 
lumina, quaasumus, oculos majesta- 
tis tuie ad benedicendam banc vidui- 
tatis vestem, ut quffi inordinatis yes- 
tibus viri sui visibus placuit, in 
sacratis indumentis benedictionis turn 
servire mereatur. Consolare, Do- 
mino, banc famulam tuam viduitatis 
languoribus constrictam, sicut con- 
solan dignatus os Saraptinam viduam 


wards canonized, the Archbishop Edmund, and Richard, 
Bishop of Chichester. 

To this solemn resolution she had held true for more 
than six years ; but, if we may trust the King's subsequent 
reproaches, de Montfort was now not only an accepted suitor, 
but had so forwarded his suit, that a marriage had become 
necessary for her honour. The ceremony was performed by 
the King's chaplain, without publicity, on January 7, 1238, 
and the King himself gave her hand to de Montfort at the 
altar of St Stephen's Chapel*, within those walls which have 
since so often witnessed the eloquence and wisdom of the 
representatives whom de Montfort's subsequent eflforts suc- 
ceeded in establishing. 

Besides his real admiration of her as a beautiful woman, 
and his pride in so lofty an alliance, de Montfort may have 
been partly influenced by the dazzling hope* of their issue 
hereafter inheriting the crown, for at the time no children 
had been bom to the King after two years* marriage, and 
£arl Richard had but one son living. Their union, how* 
ever, even if it had its origin in policy, continued in affection 
until death, unchanged by discouragement and trials, and 
the Royal Princess, with a true woman's heart, invariably 

per Heliam Propbetam. Concede ei 
padioitiffi fmctom, nt antiquarum 
nom memineat yolaptatnm, nesciat 
etiam incentiva desiderii, nt soli tibi 
subdat propria oolla, qno pos4t pro 
laboribns tantis sexageminnm gra- 
dom perdpere, mnnus dilectabile 
sanetitatis." — MabiUon, De Litnrgia 
Gallicana, Paris, 1685. 

^ The marriage took place **m 
parvnla capeUa Begis, quae est in 
angnlo camene.*' There are several 
no&ces of this chapel : in 1229, 
609. lOd. paid to Walter, chaplain of 
St Stephen's Chapel ; to Adam of the 
King*s Chapel 30«. 6(2. ; and annually 
to the same, 21«. The treasurer is 
ordered at another time to make a 
new, good, and large door at the 
upper end of St Stephen^s ChapeL 
100 wax candles are ordered for St 

Stephen's day. The chapel was 
begun to be rebuilt, 1292; was burnt 
1298 ; its building continued by Ed- 
wurd II., and renewed by Edward 
III., 1830. The Parliament called 
by the barons met Jan. 20, 1265, 
** coram omni populo in Magna Aula 
Westmonastenonsi." In the last two 
Parliaments of Edward III. the Com- 
mons were directed to withdraw to 
their ancient place in the Chapter 
House, '* & lour ancienne place en la 
maison du Chapitre de I'Abbeye de 
Westminstre" (Bot. Pari. ii. p. 322 
— 366V- the peers to the White 
Chamber. During some Parliaments 
in Edward III.'s time the Commons 
met ** en la Chambre de Peinte.'* — 
Brayley's Westm. 241—424. 
a M. Paris. 



adhered to her husband's interests and fortunes, even when 
her own kindred stood opposed to him. 

On her marriage becoming known, an immediate outcry 
of sacrilege arose against the lady's broken vows, which, 
though she had not taken the veil or habit of a nun, were 
held to be binding on her, and Prince Richard, though so 
near of kin, was prominent in anger and menaces, because 
neither he nor the other barons had been consulted on the 
subject. It was with great difficulty that gifts and the 
mediation of friends succeeded in appeasing him. 

Alarmed however lest his enemies should procure the 
marriage to be annulled, de Montford resolved to plead his 
own cause with the Pope, to whom he secretly repaired, 
after sending the Princess to the castle of Kenilworth*. The 
Eling did not, as yet, withdraw his favour from him, for he 
furnished him on his departure with letters to the Pope and 
cardinals, dated Tewkesbury, March 27, 1238. The letter 
ran thus: "The King to all the cardinals, health. We 
have thought it right to send our beloved brother and liege 
Simon de Montfort to the Apostolical Court for certain busi- 
ness, touching the honour and advantage of ourselves and 
our kingdom, particularly beseeching your fatherly love to 
be pleased to give him equally honour and confidence in 
those matters which the said Simon shall lay before you, and 
which concern the good of ourselves and of our kingdom*." 
These letters were strengthened by the Emperor's interest, 
which de Montfort secured in his way to Rome, and by a 
well-timed distribution of money at the Papal Court. These 
bribes appear to have been so large, that de Montfort, 
whether authorized or not by his instructions, included the 
King as a security for their payment That no success was 
to be expected however without such appliances may be 

^ This royal oastle had been com- and Conntess of Leicester. — Dogd. 

mitted to his care. It was granted Warw. 

to the Princess Eleanor, 1248, for ' Honseh. Exp. from Pat. Hen. 

her life, but in 1254 it was again III., m. 8. 
granted for the joint lives of the Earl 



learned from the opinion of a humourous poet* of the times, 
who even intimates that the word "papa" signifies "pay, 

Cam ad Papam veneris, habe pro eonstanti, 
Kon est loons panperi, soli favet danti: 
'* Paez, paez,'* dit le mot, si vis impetrare. 
Papa qnierit, ohartnla qnsrit, bulla qnierit, 
Porta qufierit, cardinalis qnierit, cnrsor qnasrit, 
Omnes qniemnt, et si qnod des nni deerit, 
Totnm jns falsnm, tota cansa pent. 
Das istis, das aliis, addis dona datis, 
Et cnm satis dederas, qnasmnt nltra satis ; 
O vos bnrs£B tnrgida, Bomam veniatis, 
Bom» viget physioa bnrsis oonstipatis. 

Bich givers may hope to speed with the Pope, 

Of this be snre, *tis no place for the poor: 

"Pay, pay's" the word, if you wish him **yes" to say ; 

The Pope and his Brief and his Bull cry **pay.** 

Cardinal, porter, and lacquey cry "pay," 

All echo " pay, pay,** and if one's left unfeed, 

All your right becomes wrong, your suit goes to seed; 

Give these and give those, empty store alter store; 

Give freely to all, they beg a little more: 

Come quick, ye fat unwieldy purses, come. 

Tour costive bulk get physicked thin at Bome. 

After obtaining by these means such a letter from the 
Pope to his legate in England as ensured a decision in favour 
of his marriage, de Montfort hastened back, landing October 
14, 1238, and not suffering himself to be detained even by 
the joyous welcome of the King, repaired at once to his 
home at Kenilworth, where he arrived in time to hail the 
birth of a son at Advent. Remembering the King's subse- 
quent imputation on his sister^s honour, which may have 
been but a mean subterfuge to excuse himself towards those 
who disliked the marriage, it is of interest to note the in- 
terval of nearly eleven months between the dates of the 
marriage and this birth. As far as posterity can judge, 
Eleanor seems to have well deserved the simple eulogy of 
the old chronicler', as a ** god woman thorn out all." 

> Pol. Song of 13th century from MSS. Harl. 978. ' Bob. Gloua 

E 2 


The royal favour continued to betray no symptom of 
diminution: de Montfort was fully invested as the Earl of 
Leicester, Feb. 2, 1239. He had been one of the appointed 
sponsors in the following summer at the baptism of Prince 
Edward, and came with his countess, as a matter of course, 
to attend the solemn churching of the Queen, in Westminster 
Abbey (Aug. 5, 1239), when they were unexpectedly received 
by the King with the most violent reproaches as to their 
conduct before marriage, and its sacrilege, to which he pre- 
tended his assent had been entrapped, and he angrily pro- 
hibited them from entering the church, as if they had been 
excommunicated. What seems especially to have irritated 
him, was having been made a security for the payment of 
the bribe to Rome ; but as they could not pacify, even by 
their tears, this capricious outbreak, they left the palace, and 
going down the Thames that very evening in a small boat, 
at once sailed abroad. From this moment de Montfort 
ceased to be a mere courtier, and though often afterwards 
caressed at court, when his services were needed, he main- 
tained henceforth, in active emplojnnent, the more independ- 
ent character of a soldier and a statesman. 

When he returned indeed in the April following (1240), 
he was welcomed with all honour by the King, whose resent- 
ment seems to have been as unsteady as his favour, but the 
only object now of de Montfort, who had become a crusader, 
was to raise money from his estates for that expedition. 

His adoption of the cross was perhaps in penance for his 
marriage, but whether it also required a peculiar hatred of 
the Jews does not appear. His antipathy to them, how- 
ever, is curiously recorded in his charter to Leicester, in 
which, as if conferring a great boon upon the burgesses, "he 
concedes that for the good of his own soul and that of his 
ancestors and successor, no Jew or Jewess should ever reside 
there, either in his own time or that of his heirs to the end 
of the worlds" The same prejudice may have indeed led 

^ The Jews were banished also from Bury by the Abbot, 1190, **fnagn€B 




him to sanction some cruelties on the Jews in London, which 
will be noticed at a later period. 

In Syria the military talents of Simon de Montfort must 
have made themselves conspicuous, though we have no de* 
tails ; he appears to have been present at the fierce contest 
near Damascus, where his brother Almeric and other nobles 
were taken prisoners \ and his fellow-crusaders thought so 
highly of him, that the barons, knights, and citizens of Je- 
rusalem, (in a deed' still extant) sent a petition to the Em- 
peror Frederick II. for his appointment as governor there 
during the minority of the King ConraA This honourable 
testimony to his merits, however, did not detain him long in 
Palestine, for when the English Prince, Richard, had gene- 
rously redeemed the captive crusaders, de Montfort returned 

probitatU indicium^'** according to 
Jooelin — "et earn emissi essent, et 
armata maun conducti ad diversa 
oppida. Abbas jossit solempniter ex- 
communicari per omnes ecclesias, et 
ad omnia altaria omnes illos qui de 
cetero reoeptarent JndsBos yel in 
hospioio reciperent in villa S £d- 
mnndi. Qncd tamen postea dispen- 
satmn est per Justiciarios Begis, sci- 
licet, at si Judffii yenerint ad magna 
placita Abbatis ad exigendom debita 
sua a debitoribus suis, sub hac occa- 
sionepotemnt dnobus diebos et duo- 
bos noctibuB hospitari in villa, tercio 
autem die libere disceJent/' — Chr. 
Jocelin, p. 83. No Jews were aUowed 
to be present at the coronation of 
Bichard I. for fear of their enchant- 
ments — the Lion-heart afraid! piVen- 
dover. Vol. iii. p. 7. Compare the 
statement in the Chronicle of Dun- 
stable, p. 57, that at the second co- 
ronation of Henry III., in 1220, " Ju- 
dsi * in turn Londoniarum servaban- 
tor * ad cautelam." P.] The Begent 
Marshal, in 1218, daring the King's 
minority, issued an order to the 
sheriff of Worcester that throughout 
his (balliyam) bailiwick Jews should 
bear on their outer garment, when- 
ever they walked or rode iu the town 
or out of it, two white linen tablets 
on their breast (factas de litico pauno 

vel de parcameno), in order that Jews 
by this sign might openly be dis- 
tinguished from Christians.— Oxon, 
80 March, 121Q^ Teste Camite.— 
Bymer. In 1253 the King ordered 
(providit et statuit) that there should 
be no more schools for Jews than 
those allowed in the time of K. John. 
In synagogues they were to celebrate 
their rites in a low voice, so that 
Christians might not hear (submissa 
voce — ita quod Christian! non au- 
diant), no Christian nurse was to 
suckle a Jew*s child, no Christian to 
serve a Jew, nor eat with them, nor 
dwell in their houses. No Jew was 
allowed to eat meat in Lent, nor to 
enter a church, except to pass through 
(nisi transeundo).— Bymer. 

^ Almeric was taken prisoner near 
Jaffa ; many fled to Ascalon and on 
to Ptolemais.— See Qesta Dei per 
Francos, 2. 21B, also Assizes et bons 
usages, &c., folio, Bourges, 1690, pp. 

' Househ. Exp. from MS. Cotton, 
Vesp. F. 1. This letter of the 
"Barons Chevalers et Citeens de 
Jerusalem,** dated from Acre, June 7, 
1241, is signed among others by 
*' Philip de Montfort, Seigneur de 
Thoron," whom Joinville also men- 
tions as Lord of Tyre, in King Louis' 


to Europe with him; his brother Almeric, after his ransom 
from captivity, died at Otranto^ in 1241 on his return. 

During the #ftr against the French in the following year, 
de Montfort exhibited no scruple in fighting against his 
former countrymen, and exerted himself greatly at the battle 
of Saintes'; in England too he was one of the twelve com- 
missioned by the King to retrieve the confusion of his finances. 
So fully did the sunshine of royal favour now again light 
upon him, that his influence prevailed even over the competi- 
tion of the King's brother in obtaining a grant of the rich 
wardship of Gilbert de Umfraville' in 1245. This courtly 
warmth, however, did not relax his zeal as an earnest re- 
former of abuses, and his name stands second among the 
signatures to the remarkable remonstrance to the Pope sent 
by the barons in 1246. The English Church had been so 
long goaded and beaten, that like Balaam's ass (such is the 
unsavoury simile of the chronicler), it now at length opened 
its mouth in reproaches, and a threat was uttered that unless 
speedy redress were made, " it would become their duty to 
raise a bulwark in defence of the house of the Lord, and of 
the liberty of the realm *." 

The grievances at home, the prodigality of the court, and 
the employment of aliens, as well as the decay of commerce 
by the exactions on merchandize were sternly urged by Lei- 
cester and others in 1248, and with such effect as to produce 
in the King a sudden fit of economy as reckless as his previ- 
ous bounty; his means had been indeed at one time so ex- 
hausted, that being unable to pay 200 marcs (£133. 68, Sd.) 
for the wages of those employed in his chapel, he had ordered 
John Mansel to pawn the image of the Virgin Mary "on 
condition that it should be deposited in a decent place*." In 

' Almerio was buried in St Peter's * M. Paris. ** Oportebit nos po- 

Choroh. — MS., Lansd. 299. nere mumm pro domo Domini et 

* M. Par. libertate regni.'* 

' Umfraville, arms — gules, a * Smith's Westminster, from Bot. 

cinquefoil within an orle of crosses Claus. 27, H. III. 
patonoe or. — Surtees' Durham, 2. 394. 


his passion all his vases and silver plate and jewels were 
now ordered to be at once sold by the weight, without any 
regard to their real value ; his household expenses, his alms, 
his customary Christmas gifts, even the number of wax 
candles in the churches were reduced, and he threw himself, 
an expensive and unwelcome guest, on the hospitality of many 
abbeys, requiring rich complimentary presents in requital 
for such honour. 

King Henry tried also private persuasion to obtain loans 
of money, but his credit was gone, and the Bishop of Ely, 
when applied to, plainly told him so. " Turn out this boor, 
(cried the King in his anger), and when out, never admit him 
again ^." Hugh Northwold however was no niggard, as his 
beautiful and costly works at Ely remain to testify, and *' this 
boor ■* continued a pious and liberal prelate for twenty-five 
years. His present refusal, perhaps, was the motive for the 
rude rifling of his cellar about this time, before related. 
The King did not spare even his own brethren from these 
coarse reproaches, when disappointed of money. On Bishop 
Aymer coming to take leave of him, he treated him with the 
utmost discourtesy, and greeted him with — " Go to the devil 
for not backing me up better in wringing money out of the 
bishops *." 

In the meanwhile, Simon de Montfort had been on the 
point of returning to Palestine' with his wife, but was dis- 
suaded from doing so by the King, who needed his services 
to suppress the rebels of Gascony. Although he soon re- 
stored order in that province and sent the chief rebel, Gaston, 
Count de Beam, prisoner to England, unfortunately King 
Henry, who never knew how to choose well either a friend 
or an enemy, took Gaston into favour, and restored him to 
his estates, thereby enabling him to repeat his rebellion a 
few years afterwards. De Montfort was employed also suc- 
cessfully to form a treaty* of peace in 1249 with Theobald, 
King of Navarre, nephew to Berengaria, Queen of Richard I. 

^ M. Paris. ' M. Paris, anno 1248. 

' M. Paris, anno 1253. « Clarendon, Jan. 10, 88 Bot. Pat. 


During his occasional visits to England, he had been honour- 
ably welcomed, though still preserving the same independ- 
ence of spirit, and on one occasion had remonstrated with 
eflFect on some breach of the chartered liberties of London \ 
a circumstance which may afterwards have secured him so 
many friends in that city. His earnestness to redress wrongs 
may be traced in his friend Adam de Marisco's letters, who 
represents him as personally exerting himself day after day 
at Oxford in reconciling a dispute between some oflScers of 
the Earl of Cornwall, and of Bishop Grethead*, and his zeal 
for the public service induced him to raise money by cutting 
down his own timber, in order to renew the war in Gascony 
more effectually. 

Some of the castles (Egremont and Chatillon) which he 
took there from the rebels had been hitherto deemed quite 
impregnable, and the discontented Gascons, anxious to get 
rid of so strong a master, intrigued secretly to prejudice the 
King against him. Though the Archbishop of Bordeaux 
and others, who headed this mission of complaint, had been 
convicted traitors, they were readily listened to at court, and 
de Montforb, finding himself thus accused behind his back 
of extortion and tyranny, hastened to England, there to meet 
his accusers face to face. A most extraordinary scene ensued, 
which the King's previous loss of character could alone have 
made possible within the precincts of a court. De Montfort 
appeared in the Council to silence his enemies by the refuta- 
tion of their charges, and then appealed to the King's per- 
sonal knowledge of their falsehood and of his own faithful 
services, reminding him with what promises of support he 
had encouraged him to undertake the command in Gascony 
for six years. "Let your words be made good, my Lord 
King," he exclaimed, "keep your covenant with me, and 
replace those expenses which I have borne for you to the 

* M. Paris. to is not ideDtified by Professor Brew- 

' Ep. de Mar. p. 105, in a letter er with the Earl of Leicester, and 

addressed to the bishop. [The Si- seems from the context to have been 

mon Fitz Simon of whom Adam de a person of inferior rank. P.] 
Marisoo speaks in the letter referred 





notorious beggary of my own earldom." On the King re- 
plying that " he did not hold himself bound to fulfil promises 
made to a false traitor/' the affronted earl lost all command 
of his impetuous temper, and in direct terms openly gave 
the lie to the King, intimating, too, that the shelter of his 
royalty alone protected him from instantly feeling the con- 
sequences of such a charge. "Who can believe you to be 
a Christian, or that you ever go to confession ? of what use 
indeed would such a mere form be without repentance and 
atonement?" The King, though goaded by these insults, 
did not dare to order his arrest, but gave vent in his reply 
to his long-harboured hate; "never has my repentance of 
anything certainly been more sincere, than of having ever 
suffered you to enter England and to enjoy those estates and 
honours which now so puff you up\" 

The interposition of their friends, who were present at 
this Council, Prince Richard with the Earls of Gloucester 
and Hereford, put an end to this unseemly wrangle ; and the 
Prince, who had also been forcibly defrauded out of the 
government of Gascony*, may well have looked on with com- 
placency at the humiliation of his brother now arising from 
a similar want of integrity. 

The friendly hand of Adam de Marisco' has left us an 
authentic account of these Gkscon plots, their favourable 
reception at court, and the King's contumelious reproaches 
on Simon de Montfort, but praises '' the calmness and mode- 
ration with which he endured them." There is, however, 
reason to distrust this eulogy as too partial, and perhaps 
even derived from de Montfort's own account, for the popular 
opinion of his hasty temper and unreserved speech appears 
in many other contemporary accounts. A curious poem* of 

> M. Paris. 

' It had been granted to him, 1243. 

' Marisoo mentions the accusa- 
tion to have been made by both lay- 
men and clergy (*' tam clerici qoam 
laici— malitiosis mendaciomm snp- 
positionibns, Comitem LeyoestrlfiB 
cftrenati impetentes — comes passus 

est contmnelias a Domino Bege coram 
moltis"'), the Earl observing modera- 
tion, gentleness (mansnetudinem), 
and magnanimity towards the King 
and his flatterers (adolatores). £p. 
A. de Mar. ^. 123, &c. 

« Pol. Songs, from MS. in BibL 
da Boi, 7218. 


58 THE barons' war. [CH. 

this time reports a supposed debate oa French affairs be- 
tween the King, Roger le Bigot, and Simon de Montfort, and 
thus characterizes the quick and haughty bearing of the 
latter : the King had been talking of setting the Seine on 
fire, and making the French run away from Paris : — 

Sir Simon k Montfort attend! ee navel, 

Donoqnes sailli a piez; il ne font mie bel, 

A dit i nd Inglais, *<Par8 le oors Saint AneL 

Lessiez or oesti ohos: Francois n'est mi aneL** 
♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ 

"Que dites vona, Symon?*' pona Rogier Bigot, 

"Bien tenez voob la nd por binart et por sot?" 

De Montford starts up, looking grim to scofl. 
When the boasting King he hears. 
'* By the Lamb of God leave this meddling o£E, 
''For France is no lamb for your shears.*' 

"Why how now Simon?** le Bigot cries out, 
''Bo yon set the King down for a fool or a lout?* 

In no instance did King Henry's disregard of private 
rights meet with a more remarkable reproof than from the 
young Countess of Arundel*, widow of Hugh, the last earl 
of the Albini family. 

On being refused redress concerning some property, she 
personally rebuked the monarch in free, but noble language : 
"Why do you turn away your face. Sire, ftx)m justice? 
Placed as you are between us and God, how can you dare to 
vex the Church, oppress the barons, and deny us our rights ?** 

On the King taunting her with being chartered by the 
barons to plead for them with such eloquence : " No, Sire," 
she replied; "your barons have given me no such charter, 
but with respect to that great Charter, granted by your 
father, and so often solemnly sworn to by yourself, you stand 
guilty of repeated perjury, on which account not only I as a 

^ Isabella de Warenne, whose erroneously given by Cartwright(Bape 

husband died 1243. She was still of Arondel) to Isabella de Albini, 

▼eiy yonng at the time of this inter- wife of John Fitzalan [who died be- 

yiew (1252) : ''earn jam vix metas fore her husband, and consequently 

adolesoentisB pertransis8et.~M.Paris. before 1289]. 
She died 1283. The anecdote is 




woman, but all your true-bom subjects appeal to the tribunal 
of the Highest for retribution on you." Her grandfather, 
Hameline, had been half-brother to Henry II., and her bro- 
ther, the Earl de Warenne, was married to the King's half- 
sistei: ; these alliances suggested another answer to the em- 
barrassed King : "Tou ask this favour perhaps on the strength 
of being my kinswoman?*' "No, Sire," was her abrupt reply 
on leaving him ; " how should I expect any favour from you 
when I cannot get bare justice*?" The contempt of the royal 
person must have been widely spread indeed to have embold- 
ened a young noblewoman thus to address her Sovereign. 

With something of the policy of David towards Uriah, 
Eang Henry now desired de Montfort, as he was so fond of 
war, to go back to Qascony, where he would find plenty of 
work. " I will cheerfully go," he answered; " nor will I return 
till I have made the rebels your footstool, however ungrateful 
you may be." There is an interesting letter of Adam de 
Marisco, which describes the anxious consultation of Simon 
and his countess to provide for the education and discipline 
of their children during his absence at this period: after 
entrusting them to the care of Qrethead', the Bishop of 
Lincoln, he is represented as "embarking with his eldest 
son Henry for this expedition, cheerfully rejoicing in the 
protection of the Most High, and proceeding without delay 
towards Gascony, while the countess earnestly implores the 
bishop's prayers in behalf of her husband and family at so 
anxious a period, which had kept them all in suspense, not 
only day by day, but from hour to hour*." 

1 M. Paris. 

* The bishop was in the confi- 
dence of another countess, and has 
left us the roles he drew up for her 
guidance in the management of her 
household. "Commences les 27 
Beules que le bone Evesk de Licbln 
Robert Qrosseteste fist a le Countesse 
de Licbln de garder et gouvemer sa 
terre et son hostel. Ky cestes Beules 
tient bien et biel, occu bien purra 
vivre." Harl MSS. 548, f. 21. Was 

this the foreign countess,Alice,daugh- 
ter of Marchess Saluces, 1247? See 
p. 16 ante. 

[Mr Fumiyall has kindly examined 
these rules for me, and finds that 
they differ from the seyenteen called 
Grosseteste*s, which Professor Brewer 
has printed in the Monumenta F^ran- 
ciscana, and Mr Fumiyall again in 
the Babees Boke. P.] 

' Epist. A. de Mar. 

60 THE barons' war. [CH. 

The malcontents of Qascony had, in the meanwhile, ac« 
qaired such strength, that de Montfort found himself sorely 
pressed by them, in a manner to call forth all his energies 
as a soldier. It was with the utmost difficulty that he was 
able to preserve the mastery over them in a battle, during 
which he was himself unhorsed, and his life in great danger ; 
at another time he was blockaded by them in an unpro- 
visioned town\ irom which, however, he extricated himself 
by personal activity. 

These perilous services were rendered to a thankless 
master. Soon after his back was turned, the Queen had 
prevailed upon King Henry formally to strip de Montfort 
of his military command, and to substitute Prince Edward*. 
The Archbishop of Bordeaux and his partisans, induced by 
the gifts and feasts of the court, at once performed homage 
to the young Prince as Seneschal of Gascony, and the King 
even enjoined the Gascons not to obey Simon de Montfort 
if he should oppose the arrangement thus made". 

Released by this treachery from all public duties, de 
Montfort quitted the scene of his governmeut, and repaired 
to Paris, where offers awaited him of dignity and power, 
superior to what he had been deprived of The affairs of 
France were in great confusion at the time ; King Louis 
being an absent crusader, and Blanche, the Queen-mother, 
recently dead, the nobles of France feeling the need of a 
directing head, invited de Montfort to exercise the powers 
of Regent over the country. The temptation was great 
indeed to a man "not without ambition," especially at a 
moment when he had been recently insulted, discarded, and 
betrayed by the English King; and yet these flattering 
proofs of the esteem in which he was held among his former 
countrymen, could not win him over from his duty towards 
England, as the country where all his public and private 
duties now centered. 

> MontanbaiL — K. Par. ' August 27. CaL RotuL Patent, 

s WindlesboureCWindBor) June 13. MT., H. IIL 





The GkscoD rebels were in the meanwhile still more 
irritated by King Henry's destruction of their cherished 
vineyards, than they had been by the stem warfare of de 
Montfort, and the English were still more disgusted when 
they saw the castles they conquered granted by the reckless 
monarch to Peter de Savoy and other foreigners. Qascony 
was nearly lost, when relief came from an unexpected quarter; 
for de Montfort at this crisis again tendered his assistance, 
which being now welcomed by the King, the very dread of 
his presence soon so awed the Gascons, that they gradually 
came back to their allegiance. To this act of generous 
patriotism^ it is said that de Montfort was advised by his 
great master in religious and political matters, Bishop Gret-' 
head, who died soon afterwards (1254), in such popularity, 
that twenty manifest miracles were attributed to the sanctity 
of his tomb in one year*, and the University of Oxford peti- 
tioned Clement IV. for his canonization. To complete the 
reconciliation with so useful a soldier, the King now agreed 
to pay de Montfort a compensation" for the three-and-a-half 
years unexpired term of his command in Oascony. which had 
been originally granted him for six years. 

After Gascony had been thus reduced to order. King 
Henry indulged himself with an expensive visit to Paris, oh 

^ A royaligt chronicler even here 
supposes guilty designs "pro pne- 
meditatA calliditate."— T. Wyke. 

' M. Paris. To Orethead are as- 
cribed the completion of the nave, 
the transept, and the upper story of ' 
the central tewer of Lincoln cathe- 
dral.— '^Canonization.'* The dean and 
chapter of S. Paul's also petitioned 
Clement V. for this honour to Gret- 
head, whom they thus describe: 
'* quem primitus filium et post patrem 
ipsius ecclesisB patrona edidit yirgo 
mater, qui, in hujus mundi ergastulo, 
a vitffi suie primaevo certamine acri 
et sedulo camis domuit incentiva, et 
quanto super cunctos ejus temporis 
eminebat philosophos, et in Dei 
Bcientia et doctrina anteibat theo- 
logos — yerbo edificationis insistens, 

quod yerbis docebat, operibus exhi- 

bebat qu® signa miracula et 

yirtutes apud nos per usum sunt Ve- 
tera, et per augmentum quotidie sunt 

recentia atque nova quails autem 

erat in came, et est modo in spiritu, 
quia sanctus per yirtutes et miracula 

limpide est ostensus flexis peni- 

bus exoramus — Sanctorum asonbere 
catalogo confessorem.*' Non. Julii, 
1307.— Wilkins' Cone. II. 287. 

> In 1254, 7000 marcs (£4666. IBs. 
4(2.) were paid. Liberate 38^, H. HE., 
m. 8.4. In 1259, several barons 
pledged themselves for 3000 maros 
(£2000) to certain merchants who 
had advanced the money for the 
King^s debt to Simon de Montfort» — 
Bot. Pat. 430, H. m. 


THE barons' war. 


his return to England. The Abbey of Fontevraud was in his 
road, where two of his kingly ancestors lay buried, and where 
his mother had taken the veil and died ; over her remains he 
caused a tomb to be placed (the mutilated effigy of which 
was lately discovered^ among the rubbish of a prison cellar), 
and he bequeathed his own heart' afterwards with an affec- 
tionate remembrance to the same spot. After being met at 
Chartres by his brother-in-law, King Louis, he was conducted 
to the Old Temple at Paris, as being the only building capa- 
cious enough for his suite, which included one thousand 
beautiful horses, besides sumpter-beasts and carriages. The 
procession of his entry was graced by the English students at 
the University of Paris, who appear to have been numerous 
enough to welcome their King with great splendour. These 
students, indeed, were apt to bring back to England 
" false ideas, French nonsense, and corrupt morals," and are 
satirically complimented as being very agreeable companions, 
with only three vices clinging to them, incident to their 
young blood and jovial tempers*. The sumptuousness of the 
feast given by Henry on the following day astonished the 
Parisians. All the poor were freely invited to an abundant 
meal, and afterwards a banquet of unparalleled magnificence 
was open to the French and English courts, without any 
restraint of guard or doorkeeper, when to each guest some 

^ StothArd detected it in 1816, bat 
when applied for with a view to re- 
move it to England, it was refused. — 
Stoth. Mon. EfE. [The old arms of 
AngoolSme were lozengy or and gales. 
W. S. W.] 

' It was aetaally delivered to the 
abbess at Fontevraud, Dec. 18, 1291, 
nineteen years after his death, by the 
Abbot Wenlock, of Westminster. 

> ^'Sophismata et ineptias Galli- 
canas, et inqainatos mores.*' — ^Wood, 
Ant. Oxon., 55. 

** Washeyl et Drynkheyl nee non per- 
sona secanda, 

HflBc tria sunt vitia quae oomitan- 
tor eoB. 

His tribns exoeptis nihil est quod 
in his reprenendas 
HsBC tria si toUas csBtera onncta 

placent.'*— Nigellns Wireker. 
Robert Wace, in his description of 
the behaviour of the English on the 
eve of the battle of Hastings, uses 
the same Saxon words for their jovial 
pledges in their carousals : 
''Mult les veissiez demener 
Treper et saillir et chanter, 
* Dublie* crient et * Weisseil' 
Et 'Laticome' et 'Drincheheil* 
Drino *Hindrewar" et 'Drintome' 
Drinc helf et drinc tome 
Eissi se oontindrent Engleis.'* 




gift— a golden clasp, a sUver cup, or silken belt was presented 
by the King. Though it was Lent, yet the fertile variety of 
the dishes and of delicious drinks are fondly put on record ; 
nor does it appear that the appetite of the French guests at 
all failed them, as had been apprehended by some, who 
thought the sight of Richard Coeur de Lion's shield, which 
hung on the Temple walls, might have that effect^ 

It was perhaps on this occasion that King Louis ob- 
served to Joinville: "I believe you would be loth to do 
what our guest the King of England is now doing, washing, 
the feet of lepers and then kissing them on this Holy Thurs- 
day'.'* Louis' son died during this visit, and, as another 
instance of menial offices still more unusual in a King, his 
body was carried to the grave part of the way on the 
shoulders of King Henry, and the noblemen of the two 
courts*. With a mixed devotion and love of art, both strong 
impulses with Henry, his first visit at Paris was to the 
Sainte Chapelle, then in all its fresh beauty, having been 
rebuilt by Louis IX in order to receive the genuine Crown 
of Thorns^ which had been pawned by the French Emperor 
of Constantinopla In the satirical'^ poem of the age, before 
referred to, King Henry is made to covet in a droll manner 
this architectural gem of Pierre de Montereau*. 

'* Par la due plais a Dien, 
Paxrifl font vil molt grant, 
n i a i ohapel dont je fi ooetant ; 
Je le ferra portier a i charrier roUant 
A Saint Amont k Londrea toute droit 
en estant." 

"By the five woimdfl of God I swear. 
That at Paris, that yerj great city. 
There's a ohapel so choice and rare, 
m have it rolled o£f in a car 
To my Abbey in London afar, 
There set it up just as it stands." 

During his eight days' residence at Paris, he was much 

1 Fdre Daniel, H. de Fr.^M. Paris. 

' Mem. Joinville. 

' Nangis. 

* The Holy Cross, Crown of Thorns 
and other relics had been " pawned" 
to the Venetians, and redeemed from 
them for a large sum of money, with 
the consent of the Emperor Baldwin, 
by Louis DL, by deed dated 8. Ger- 

main en Laye, June 1241. Oall. 
Christ, i tu. 98. 

» Pol. S. from MS. 7218, Bibl. du 
Boi , Paris. 

^ The rebuilding in its present form 
of this chapel attached to the ancient 
palace of the courts of Paris was 
begun 1245, and the consecration 
April 27, 1248. 

64 THE barons' war. [ch. 

struck also with the superior elegance of their phdstered 
houses, and their height of many storiesS matters then rare 
or unknown in England. 

The enormous expenses of this royal visit rendered still 
more urgent the King's want of money on his return to 
England, and his difficulties were aggravated hoth by a 
Welsh invasion, and by the exigencies of the Sicilian crown of 
Prince Edmund. At the Council summoned in order to pro- 
cure a supply, William de Valence cam^ to an open rupture 
with de Clare and de Montfort, who resisted the grant — ^term- 
ing the latter " an old traitor," and giving him the lie with 
the same rudeness that de Montfort had exercised towards 
the King on a former occasion. " No, no, William,*' was de 
Montfort's answer ; " I am neither a traitor myself, nor the 
son of one ; our fathers were not at all the same sort of per- 
sons," alluding to the imputed treachery of Hugh le Bnm 
towards King Henry. Had not the King thrown himself 
between his fierce relations, the affront might have been 
avenged by blood, and it was remarked that foreigners would 
scarcely believe it possible that anybody, even of royal blood, 
should presume so to insult a nobleman like Simon de 
Montfort, " so much esteemed above all persons native and 

Urged by Simon's passionate claim for speedy redress, 
and pressed to adopt restraints upon such insolence in future, 
the King once more, on the tomb of Edward the Confessor, 
the saint to whom he was specially devoted, pledged his royal 
word to amend the general grievance. 

This led to the meetings of the gieat Council, first held 
at Westminster*, and afterwards at Oxford, June 13,1258, in 
order to consider by what means the royal oath should be 

> M. Paris. Earl of Leicester had been nomi- 

' ''Inter omnes transmarinos et nated for a mission to Italy in June, 

cismarinos praecommendatum.** — M. 1257 (Bymer, i. 360), but probably 

Paris. did not go on it, as he was present at 

' Paoli, in his *' Bimon von Mont- the Parliament of Westminster, May 

fort" (s.s. 82, 83), observes that the 2, 1258. 


made effectual The vigour and novelty of the statutes en- 
acted at Oxford were the cause of the civil commotions, 
which acquired the name of the Barons' War, of which the 
battle of Lewes was one of the most important events; and by 
some historians the meeting at Oxford has been called the 
Mad Parliament, the monopoly of which title, however, it 
has been remarked^ would be a grievous disparagement to 
some of its successors. 

1 ^y Sir F. Falgraye, « Tniihs and Fieiions.** 



"If then we Bhall shake o£f our slaTish yoke, 
Imp out our drooping oonntry's broken wing 
Bedeem from broking pawn the blemished orown, 

Away with me**^ 

BioH. n. iL 1. 

While profusion had brought the King to penury, the 
dearth of provisions had, at this period, spread misery among 
the people, and prepared them more readily for some public 
expression of the general discontent. The bad weather of 
1257 had prevented the ripening of all fruits and com; 
wheat had remained uncut even to November, and so great 
was the urgency to carry the harvest, that even Sundays 
and other church festivals were so employed, if the weather 
permitted. Wheat, which had in 1255 been at the price of 
28. a quarter, now rose to 20^. or 24^. ; horseflesh and even 
the bark of trees became articles of food\ During this 
famine, the King, by an invidious exercise of his prerogative, 
seized and forestalled for his own purveyance the com 
which Prince Richard had imported from abroad in fifty 
vessels ; London, however, resisted this as a breach of their 
charters with such effect, that by a legal decision the King 
was required to come into the market like others, with the 

1 M. Paris. Taxter Chr. (1258), « 20,000 Londini attenuati fame."- 
Gh] . Evesh. Lei. Coll. y. 1. 

CH, IV.] 



advantage only of buying his com there at 2d, a quarter be- 
low the market price \ 

There was a wide*spread desire and expectancy of some 
remedy for the long course of mismanagement, and it was at 
this crisis that many of the great barons confederated with 
the fixed resolution to devise and enforce a reform of the 
abuses of the Royal government. All the barons at this time 
must have had more Norman blood in them than English, 
but their assimilation in feeling with the country, into whose 
vital interest the strong hold of the Conqueror had grafted 
them, was now so feur advanced that they resented ike intru- 
sion of any fresh stock of aliens into their privileges. Having 
met therefore at Oxford at the time appointed with their 
retainers, to the number of 60,000, armed as if prepared for 
the Welch war, their manifest strength sufficed to overpower 
the alien fSetction which had guided the King, and the statutes 
then enacted, which continued for seven years the source of 
civil discord, were accepted and sworn to by King Henry 
with a constrained assent. 

Without detailing these well-known enactments, it may 
be stated here, that they confirmed Magna Charta, provided 
for the orderly inheritance of property, forbade the disparaging 
marriages of wards and the wasteful grants to aliens^ and 
required that the officejrs of state and the fortresses of the 
kingdom should be put into the hands of Englishmen only. 
The necessity for this latter stipulation was proved by fifteen" 
of the principal castles, as well as the Cinque Ports> being at 
this very time under foreign governors. Following the ex- 
ample of Magna Charta, twenty-four persons' were appointed 
to watch over the rigid execution of these laws, twelve being 

1 Fabyan'B Chr. 

' Doyer, Norihampton, Corfe, Scar- 
boroiu^, Nottingham, Hereford, Ex- 
eter, Btfum, E^adleigh, Winohester, 
Porehester, Brngos, [Bridgewater,] 
Oxford, Sherbonxe, and London. — 
See Nichols's Leicest. 

s ** 24 GonseiUers de aide le BoL" 

^Bog. Hoyed. The King, in his 

Srodamation (May 2, Westminster) 
ad engaged, by oath, to reform the 
Qoyemment according to the adyice 
of twelye elected by himself, and 
twelye to be elected by the barons at 
the meeting at Oxford, which was to 
last a month (in nnom mensem). 




THE barons' war. 


chosen by each party. On the barons* side, among the 
most conspicuous, may be named (though the lists of 
various* authors differ) the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester, 
Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, Roger le Bigot the 
Earl Marshal, Walter Cantilupe the Bishop of Worcester, the 
powerful Marcher Roger de Mortimer, and Peter de Montfort, 
a cousin of Simon's ; while, on the other side, the twelve 
nominated by the King comprise but one independent no- 
bleman, John de Plesseys, Earl of Warwick', his own three 
half-brothers, his nephew. Prince Henry, his brother-in-law, 
Earl de Warenne, his two secretaries, John Mansel, treasurer 
of York, and Henry Wengham*, Fulk Bassett, Bishop of 
London, who was as much a friend of the barons as of the 
King, and a few inferior persons. 

As this "mad parliament" of Oxford sat in deliberation 
for the unusually long period of a mouth, and was attended 
by about 100 baron8\ nearly the whole number then entitled 
to be summoned, the attendance being commonly but twenty 
or thirty, the King's continued resistance to such a pressure 
was evidently hopeless, when he could prevail on so few of 
the great barons to act as his friends at such a crisis. 

The different temper of the parties to these Oxford Sta- 
tutes was displayed, when the oath of their observance was 

Prince Edward and the King's bro- 
ihera aimed this preparatory dooa- 
ment. — Rymer. 

^ Roger Hoyeden. — ^Ann. Bnrton. 

' He had become earl by marry- 
ing Margery, [sister and heiress of the 
last earl, Thomas de Newborg,] and 
died without issue, 1263. 

' On the resignation of William 
de Kilkenny, Ghanoellor from 1254 to 
St. Edward's Dav, 1255, the Great 
Seal was deliyered to Henry de Weng- 
ham, and as Chancellor made oath to 
seal with it only according to the 
directions of the twenty-four barons, 
appointed by the provisions of the 
Oxford Parliament, 1258 (Ann. Bnr- 
ton). When he was displaced (Oct. 
18, 1260) by Nicholas de Ely, Arch- 

deacon of Ely, the seal was broken 
np, and the pieces giyen l^ the King 
** to Bobert Waleran to be pre- 
sented to some religious house of the 
King'sgift."- (Rot. Pat. 44* Hen. UI.) 
Lord Campbell's Chancellors, 1. 148. 
Wengham became Bishop of London, 
1259, and died 1261, haying had a 
grant from the King to retain two 
deaneries, ten rich prebends, and 
other benefices, besides Ms bishopric 
(Rot. Pat. 43 H. HI). 

^ There were about 250 baronies 
at this time, but many were in the 
King's hand, and seyeral barons h^ld 
a great many each ; Prince Richard, 
Earl of Cornwall, held eighteen. — 
See Nichols's Leic. 


tendered, for "the King who was the first to set them aside, 
was the first also to swear to them*," while Prince. Ed ward 
followed with avowed reluctance"; Prince Henry, who had 
been recently knighted by his father at Aix-la-Chapelle, 
excused himself on account of his youth, as needing the 
sanction of his father, whose absence abroad probably em- 
boldened the barons on this occasion, and having no land of 
his own to constitute him a baron, his plea obtained a delay 
of 40 days*. The King's half-brothers, and his brother-in-law 
de Warenne, not only refused compliance, but swore, "by the 
death and wounds of Ood," never to surrender the castles 
which the King had committed to their charge. 

Simon de Montfort, on the contrary, declared that he 
took the oath as a religious tie upon his conscience, " never 
under any pretence to break the pledge he was solemnly 
contracting, whatever others might do*." It is indeed singu- 
larly strange to observe that this rigorous expulsion and 
exclusipn from office of all foreigners should have been guided 
and executed by a foreigner. But, being himself an alien, 
de Montfort surrendered accordingly his own castles of 
Kenilworth and Odiham, and then felt himself entitled to 
address the recusants, especially his old enemy William de 
Valence, who had been the most vehement in his protests 
and defiance: "To a certainty you shall either give up 
your castles or lose your head." 

This threat, coming from a man well known to be able 
and willing to execute it, waa/lost upon them, and the recu- . ^*^ y 
sants stole away unobserved from Oxford, at the hour when 
others were at dinner, to Wolvesham* Castle, where they 
hoped their brother, the Bishop of Winchester, would be able 
to protect them. So hot a pursuit, however, was set on foot, 
that the unpopular fugitives were soon reduced to submission, 

- ^ Chr. Lanero. ' Letter in Ann. Burton. 

* Four oonnseUors were appointed ^ Nangis. 

to him, probably as sureties for his > ** Ulvesham." — Ann. Burt. The 

observance, John de Baliol, John de palace in Winchester is still called 

Gray, Stephen Longespee, and Roger Wolyesey. 
de Montalt. — Ann. Burton. 




and it is even said, that the bishop recommend^ them to sur- 
render quietly, as being justly punished for their former 
misdeeds \ Though the King, who accompanied the .besiegers, 
used every endeavour to obtain better terms for them, the 
barons were now inexorable in requiring the immediate exile 
of all aliens on pain of death, reserving only to Aymer as a 
bishop, and to William de Valence as Lord of Pembroke, 
the option of remaining under sureties for good behaviour. 
These, though thus excepted, would not separate their fate 
from the others', and all accordingly resolved to quit Eng- 
land, venting their spleen even against the Queen, as 
having, from jealousy of their court favour, contrived their 
ruin and involved them in her own unpopularity. It is 
certainly remarkable that her own uncles, Peter of Savoy 
and Archbishop Boniface, remained unmolested and were 
publicly employed. 

This strong measure of banishment was additionally 
recommended to the barons, by the treatment they had 
remarked in two recent instances of English Princesses 
married to foreign Sovereigns, when their train of English 
attendants had been scrupulously dismissed both by the 
Emperor and the King of Scotland — a prudent step on all 
such occasions, the neglect of which is sure to excite jealousies. 

The Earl de Warenne, thus left alone in his opposition to 
the Oxford Statutes, now at length yielding to circumstances, 
pledged himself by oath to their maintenance. 

Dover and other castles* were now put into native hands, 
and Hugh le Bigot being made Justiciary of England, was 
*'swom to do justice in spite of the King, the Queen, their 
sons, or any living person, uninfluenced by hate or love. 

^ W. Bifih. de beUo Lew., ineon- 
flistently with his usnal opinions, re- 
presents the bishop on this occasion 
841 a man of conspicuous sanctify. 

* B. Hored. Ann. Burt W. Bish. 

* These other castles were, Bam- 
borough, Newcast^e-on-Tyne, Scarbo- 

rough, Haldesham, Nottingham, Nor- 
thampton, the Tower of London, 
Bochester, Canterbury, Winchester, 
Porchester, Ck>rfe, Sarum, Devizes, 
Exeter, Bridgewater, Gloucester, He- 
reford, Oxford, Horestan.— Ann. de 
Burton, p. 458. P. 


prayer or price, and never accepting from any one anything, 
except such matters to eat and drink as are accustomed to be 
carried to the table of a rich man;" a hazardous permission, 
implying that no corruption could arise from gifts of dainties. 
Truly was it now observed in a private letter*: ** Great and 
arduous matters have the barons to arrange, which cannot 
soon or easily be accomplished ; they advance fiercely in 
their business ; I wish the issue may be fortimate.'' 

By a safe-conduct to the place of embarkation, dated from 
Winchester, July 5, 1258', to last until the Sunday after S. 
Thomas of Canterbury (Saturday July 7), the Bishop Aymer, 
his brothers Guy and Geoffry de Lusignan, and William de 
Valence, were put under the care and escort of the Earls of 
Hereford, Warenne, and Albemarle ; but a new charge of crime 
arose against these exiles on their road. At a great banquet 
in the bishop's palace (it is not clear whether at Winchester 
or at Southwark*) some of the principal guests, including 
the Earl of Gloucester and the Abbot of Westminster, were 
taken ill with sjrmptoms of poison. The earl's brother, 
William, indeed died, but the earl himself, by the care of 
his physician, John St. Giles, a Dominican monk, escaped 
after a tedious illness with the loss of his hair, his nails and 
teeth nearly dropping off, and his skin peeling away. ^ The 
Lord was unwilling (observes a chronicler^ with much feeling) 
to widow England by his loss, at such a moment of extreme 
danger and need." 

Another victim of this illness, Richard de Crokesley, 
Abbot of Westminster, who died under it July 18, 1258, 
was a person of importance by station and talents ; learned 
in canon and civil law, he had been often employed by the 
King at home and abroad, and was one of the twelve nomi- 
nated by him at the Oxford Parliament, His death gave 

1 Ann. Burt, liiera onjiudain. A Bortiantor.'* 

▼ery intfiresting authority, evidently • Bymer. 

written by one well informed with * The remains of the episcopal 

the persons and transactions around. palace have been recently effaced by 

** Ferodter procedunt Barones in modem buildings, 

agendis suis : utinam bonum finem ^ H. Knighton. 


THE barons' WAB. 


occasion to his elected successor, Prior Philip de Lewisham, 
to decline the honour, for the most singular reason, namely, 
that he was too fat ever to travel to Rome for confirmation, 
and preferred living at ease in his old way ; he died indeed 
a few months afterwards, before he could learn the Pope's 

The sudden illness and death of so many persons of note 
naturally gave rise to suspicions of foul play, but the evidence 
of poison as against the departing aliens, though in the 
temper of the times readily believed, appears very slight ; 
though some concealed stores of poison were said to be found, 
yet the same illness attacked others after the exiles were 
gone, and the odium was then transferred to their own cooks. 
The Earl of Gloucester's steward, Walter de Scotney^ being 
accused of taking bribes from William de Valence, for the 
betrayal of his master in this attempt on his life, fled from 
the charge, and, when taken some months later, was hanged 
at Winchester, in spite of his professions of innocence. 

Together with the nobler exiles, some meaner aliens were 
now cast out — the King's favourite carver, William de S. 
Hermite and Guy de Rochfort, who had converted his trust 
of Colchester Castle into means of oppression. Another, by 
his brutal tyranny and arrogance, had made himself so pecu- 
liarly obnoxious that he was imprisoned ; this was William 
de Bussy, the steward of W. de Valence, whose usual defiance 
of aU complaints had been, "the King sanctions whatever 
my master wishes;" when on his trial he endeavoured to 
plead his tonsure, he was prevented by force and dragged 
back to a closer cell*. 

The Poictevin brothers had been expressly limited to the 
sum of 6000 marcs (£4000) to cany away with them, the rest 

1 ** 1259 Waltenu de Scotney egno- 
rum distractions coneinu et pottmodo 
patibulo suBpenstu periit Wintonke 
pro morte Domini Onlielmi de Clare, 
fratriB Comitis, quern yeneno per- 
didit, at dioebatnr, Gomes antem ipse 
et qaidam alii ad jentaeulum Domini 

Edwardiy tunc proditione ab Angli& 
ezulatorom, yenennm paaseront."— 
Ghr. Eyesham, Leland Coll. Vol. i. 
p. 243. His descendants continued in 
possession of Scotney Castle, in 
Sussex, until the time of Edward HI. 
• 21 Paris. 


of their treasures and the rents of their estates being with- 
held^, and made responsible in the suits commenced against 
them in the courts of law. The King, who wrote from Win- 
chester, July 3, commanded the immediate seizure of 3000 
marcs (£2000) belonging to W. de Valence, lying in the 
Abbey of Waltham". Much more than the permitted sum 
was, however, smuggled out of the country, and the King 
enjoined de Clare (Woodstock,. August 18) to enquire strictly 
into this evasion '• Joan, the wife of W. de Valence, having 
obtained by petition a sum of 500 marcs (£333. 68. Sd,) from 
her own estates, and being refused more, in fear that it would 
go to her husband, contrived nevertheless to join him at 
Christmas*, with a quantity of money concealed in wool- 
packs. Yoimg Henry de Montfort, with a fresh recollection 
of their insult to the earl, his father, had followed the Poic- 
tevins to Boulogne, and prevailed on the French King to 
show them no favour, beyond that of a safe passage to 

That young de Montfort was not alone in his eager hatred 
against these exiles, is shown by the contumelious terms em- 
ployed by others at the time, when speaking of them : 

"Totam turbat modica terrain tnrba oannm, 
Exeat aut pereat genus tarn prophanum.** ' 

A paltry set of cnrs is troubling aU the land, 
Dxiye out or let them die, the base ungodly band. 

llie new order of things established by the barons soon 
received the ready assent of the city of London, and of the 
community, though there may have been some who disliked 
any innovation upon the accustomed submission of the 
people to their kings*. Owing to de Clare's dangerous illness, 
however, the former publication of the Oxford Statutes was 

^ W. Blsh. Printed by Hawthorne in lUust of 

' CaL Bot. Pat. Domestio Manners, t. Edw. I. 

• Rymer. * Polit. S. in W. de Rish. Chr. 

^ She trayelled in ** Umpa quad- * It is in this spirit that Thomas 

riga," Expense Roll. 23-24 Edw. I. Wyte, a royalist poet in the begin- 




deferred till October 18, 1258, when they were golemnly pro- 
claimed, together with Magna Charta, in every county, with 
the unusual and striking circumstance of being in Latin, 
French and English\ 

The latter language, then just emerging into form, being 
now for the first time, as far as we know, used in any public 
document, proves the anxiety of the barons to explain their 
conduct to the people at large, by the use of the best medium 
of information. While the clergy were familiar with Latin, 
and the Normans, living either at court or in their own 
feudal castles, naturally retained their own French, the 
country people as tenaciously had preserved their Saxon ; 
and though, with the growth of towns, the fusion of the 
races advanced, yet the use of the three languages in Eng- 
land continued for some time after the present period. It 
was strikingly marked, during the persecutions of the Tem- 
plars, under Edward II. ; the priests and clerks made their 
recantation in Latin, the laymen in French principally', but 
"some decrepit Templars, unable to stand from old age, 

nixig of Edhmrd I/b reign, refers to 
tiw Oxford Statutes : 

**Degener Anglomm gens, qua 
sendre solebat, 
Ordine mntato regem com prole 

Conjurat popnlns froitums lege 
— PoL Songs from MS. Cotton, Yes- 
pas. B. zm. 
^ Ann. Burton. 

' In the romance of "Blonde of 
Oxford " (13th c.) are several aUn- 
sions to the mized prevalenoe of the 
two languages. Even highborn per- 
sons are represented as speaking bad 
French; the yoong Frenonman, Jehan 
de Dammartm, made love to the Barl 
of Oxford's daughter by teaching her 
better French, and the Earl of Glou- 
cester speaks bad French. 

" Un pen parroit k son langage 
Que ne fu pas n^ k Pontoise.'* 


** Et en miUemr Francois le mist 
Qu*ele n'estoit quant k U Tint.*' 

** Si Taut k lui parler Francois, 
Mais sa langue tome en Englois.*' 

L 2623. 
The Abbot of Buiy at an earlier date 
is chronicled as being able to speak 
Latin and French in a plain way, 
and to read Englieh well, though 
with a Norfolk brogue. — Chr. Joce- 
lin. His remark on the election of 
a prior (1200) proves that sermons 
in English were needed, and were 
not uncommon. ' ' Abbas " — " dioens 
quod in multis eoclesiis Jit sermo in 
conventu QaUice, vel potitu Anglich 
at morum fieret edificatio, non litera- 
tune ostensio/' p. 95. Herebert, the 
abbot*8 chaplain, when elected prior, 
is thus described: "Sobrius et vo- 
lubilis lingas in Gallico idiomato 
utpote Normannus naoione/' p. 96. 


resorted to English, because they had not the use of any 
other language \" 

As in the Eling's circular letter' to each county on this 
occasion, we have the earliest state paper in English extant, 
it may be interesting to have a genuine specimen of this 
King's English, the concluson of which runs thus : 

" Widnesse usselven set Lunden' thane egtetenthe day on 
the monthe of Octobr' in the two fowertigthe yeare of ure 
cruninge : and this wes idon setforen ure isworene redesmen 
(here follow the names of the councillors), ^tforen othre moge, 
and af on the ilche worden is isend in to aurihce othre shcire 
over al thare Kuneriche on Engleneloande ek in tel Irelonde/' 

The King appears in this proclamation unreservedly to 
pledge himself and enjoin obedience to the Oxford Statutes. 

" Henry, through God's support. King of England, Lord of 
Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, Count of Anjou, 
sends greeting to all his liegemen, clerical and lay, in Himt- 
ingdonshire ; That you may all well know that we will grant, 
that whatever our Councillors, all or the majority of them, 
who are chosen by us, and by the people of this land (Lands- 
folk) in our kingdom, have done or shall do for the honour of 
God, for our aU^iance, and for the good of this land, by the 
agency of these aforesaid Councillors, be stedfast and lasting 
in all things without end. And we enjoin all our lieges^ by 
the allegiance which they owe to us, that they stedfastly hold, 
and swear to hold in this respect to the Provisions that are 
made or may be made by those aforesaid Councillors, or by the 
majority of them, as has been also before said ; and that each 
other person help to do that which others ought to do and to 
be€ur towards them, and that none, either of my land or else- 
where, through this business be hindered or reversed in any 
way; and if any man or woman should go against this, we will 
and command that all our other lieges hold them as most 
deadly enemies ; And because we will, that this be stedfast 

1 July 18, 12S1.— Wilkins'a Gone. * Bymer, from Pat. in Tar. Lond. 

M. Br. 1, 391. 43 H. HI. 




and lasting, we send you this writ open, signed with our seal 
to keep among your stores. Witness ourself at London the 
18th day of the month of October, in the 42nd year of our 
reign : And this was done before our sworn Councillors — 

" Boniface, Archbishop of Canterbury, 

" Walter of Cantelop*, Bishop of Worcester, 

" Simon of Montfort, Earl of Leicester, 

" Richard of Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, 

''Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, Marshal of England, 

" Peter of Savoy, 

''William of Fortibus, Earl of Albemarle *, 

"John of Plesseiz, Earl of Warwick, 

"John Geofifreyson, 

" Peter of Montfort, 

"Richard of Grey, 

" Roger of Mortimer, 

"James of Aldithel', and before many others. 

"And all and each word is sent into every other shire 
over all the kingdom of England and into Ireland^." 

Nearly the same names are also found to a spirited me- 
morial, which the barous at this time sent to the Pope in 
explanation of their conduct, and which their messengers 
were desired to deliver and then return without entering 
into any controversy. Among the chief complaints thus 
embodied, are " the ruinous disorders, the distress, and the 
decay of learning to which the introduction of so many Ita- 
lians into English benefices^ and the infatuation of the 

^ Cantelow. OxonMS. 

' His arms, in the north aisle of 
Westminster Abbey, are "gules, a 
cross potence yaire." He sided with 
the barons throughout, dying 1263, 
without male heirs. 

' The curious in surnames should 
remark that these noblemen, when 
speaking English, did not pre&L " de" 
to their surnames, but the transla- 
tion " of." 

^ Another copy of this proclama- 
tion was found among the archiyes 

of the ciW of Oxford by Mr Joy, and 
is published in Dr Ingram*s Me- 
morials of Oxford, Vol III. p. 6. It 
is directed ** To alle his holde ilerde 
and ileawede on Oxenefordeschir.** 

^ As a paUiation of this evil, the 
Pope, in 1253, had permitted patrons 
to present at once to benefices, even 
before vacancies, reserving, however, 
the life interest of the foreigners. — 
Lingard. A century after this, how- 
ever (1874), Widiffe was sent to 
Bome witii ihe very same complaint. 


^Bong, by denying justice against his favourites, had brought 
the country /Hhe manifesto announced that twelve on each 
side had been appointed to reform all abuses, while the 
barons at once renounced the crown of Sicily, which had 
been accepted for Prince Edmund without their consent. 
The point, however, most strongly urged upon the Pope, as 
that most within his competence, was the dismissal of Ay- 
mer, from the bishopric of Winchester, denouncing him as 
leading the King and Prince Edward to perjury, unmindful 
of his own salvation, and watching only for the disturbance 
and waste of the kingdom. They supposed his deposition 
would be the easier, inasmuch as he had never yet been 
consecrated bishop, but even if the King and barons wished 
to re-admit him, they stated plainly that the community 
would not tolerate it, and worse would ensue ; the officials of 
Aymer^ and the other aliens had been more like robbers, so 
plundering the poor and ensnaring the simple, that neither 
could inferiors live under them, nor equals deal with them, 
nor superiors check them. The barons, however, were re- 
solved to oppose to the subterfuges of their enemies an union 
so much the more earnest, as well knowing that no faithful 
brotherhood could exist, unless where there was an entire 
agreement of will and a cementing together of the very 

The Pope's answer did not come till two years after 
(1260), and even then declined to discuss any schemes of 
church reform with laymen ; to the complaint of the decay 
of literature his reply was remarkable, adroitly denying the 
fact by complimenting England on its poetry and learning : 
" On the contrary," he remarked, " so far from finding any 
scarcity of learned men in England, by the grace of God we 
cannot discover now-a-days any kingdom or province in the 

^ The prior and conyent of S. deprived them of nnlawfuUy, under 

Swithin at Winchester, in a petition pretence of purchase. — 697, Chano. 

to the King, prayed the restitution Bee. 5th Hep. 

to them of the manor of Portland, ' **£tiam conglatinatio animo* 

which their late Bishop Aymer had rum.**— Bymer. 


whole world, which has a greater, or even so great, an abun« 
danoe of them. For in this kingdom of England there is 
found in these present times a most agreeable fountain of 
Helicon, from the yery sweet liquor of which, not onlj 
natives, but even foreigners, receive and quaff pleasant 
draughts, by which their dry hearts and thirsty breasts are 
copiously refreshed. There reside the liberal M-ts of philo- 
sophy, by which the rude spirits of men are disciplined: 
from thence proceeds, and has proceeded, an illustrious mul- 
titude of learned men, and a succession of saints, in whose 
company the army of Heaven rejoices, and from the authors 
of this knd also deep springs of writings have burst forth, 
and are now bursting forth, so as to irrigate the neighbour- 
ing provinces with their floods V 

What these draughts were of which the Pope had so 
keen a relish, it is difficult to trace. There were certainly 
some Englishmen of great learning even in this age', when 
paper was [practically] unknown and parchment scarce, but 
they were mostly educated at Paris, such as Archbishop 
Langton, St Edmund, and Bishop Qrethead. The latter, 
indeed, was partly an Oxford scholar, and was not only a 
good Grecian, but composed, also, a Roman9al poem ^ on the 
sin of the first man," of 1700 verses, still extant There 
were some other poets' of little note : William of Wadding- 

^ Bymer. < ArduBoLVol. xni. p. 86. [We may 

' £yen long afterwards the laity perhapB add to these] the twelve lays 

were thought unworthy of leamixig : in Fronch yerse by Marie, bom in 

the enlishtened Biihop of Dorham, Brittaznr, bnt writing in England, 

B. de Bury, the sreat book oolleotor, and dedicating to a kmg who nnder- 

the author of Philobiblion (finished stood English. The romances appear 

1848], the ooireepondent of Petrareh, taken from Welch or Armorio ones ; 

the preceptor of Edward IIL, ob- she introduces English words occa- 

serves,^ Laici omnium librorum eotn- sionally, as **fire," translates ** Laus- 

munione tunt incUgni,'* — Hutch. tic" (Arm.) into Nightgale, and 

Durh. The Hamaritic Arabians proper names into English. — Harl. 

laid the most jealous restrictions MS. 978, tnmslated Gotton Calig. A. 

on learning their mode of writing, 11. She is referred by Fauohet 

'* charaoteres eorum — ^vulgo discere (GSuvres, 579) to middle of 13th 

non permittebant ; nee cuipiam, nisi centuiy. — Pasquin, B^cherohes de la 

post impetratam ab ipsis yeniam, France, 8. 1. She also wrote Fables 

iisdem utendi faoultatem.'* — Pooook, with some English words : Harl. MS. 

Speot. Hist Arab. p. 161. Foster's 978 (104 fables) — ^the prologue refers 

Arabia. to Longsword, Earl of Salisbury, who 




ton, who translated the poem of " Manuel" into French ; the 
native of Amesbuiy^ who continued Wace's* "Brutus;" Denis 
Pyramus, the author of some free tales at Henry III/s court ; 
and the *' Roman de la Bose/* too, was begun in 1250 by 
William de Loris. Can the Pope have alluded to the won-* 
drous intellect of Roger Bacon', to whom all the know- 
ledge preceding and succeeding times seems to have been 
&miliar? Many of his greater works, however, had not then 
been written. 

The barons, having by their union and courage estab- 
lished the government upon principles consistent with public 
liberty and their own security, saw England now, at length, 
restored to a peaceful content, which continued for three 
years. If they, however, are to be charged as rebels when 
fighting in the subsequent war, they were so now, for they 
had changed all the powers of the state, and if not justified 
by the paramount necessity of the case in the battle-field of 
Lewes, neither were they so now, in effecting a bloodless, but 
not less complete revolution. 

It would be neiUier easy nor safe to define strictly the 
point of oppression at which the right of resistance begins — 
"a right," as has been eloquently observed*, "terrible and 
unsocial, for it appeals to force and to war, which is the 
destruction of society itself, but a right nevertheless which 
must never be effaced from the inmost heart of man, for its 
effacement is the acceptance of slavery." No hasty hand, on 

died 1226; [and she bi^b at the end,] 
"Marie id non, ai snu de France." 
La Fontaine took from her the sah* 
jeots of '* The Drowning Woman," 
»• Fox and Cat," " Fox and Pigeon." 

1 Bobert Waoe, in 1156, turned 
the Latin Bmtna of Geofhy of Mon- 
mouth into French yerse, ending 
with 7th century (Cott. ViteU. A. x.). 
The continuation carried on the an- 
nalB to 1241. He lived at Amesbury, 
and alludes to the death of Princess 
Eleanor of Brittany at Bristol, 1241. 
He is supposed to have been of a 

Saxon family, as his Anglo-Norman 
history is not exact. He relates the 
choice of the Conqueror's sons, Bo- 
bert to be a hawk, William Bufos to 
be an eagle, Henry to be a starling. 
(Cott. Cleop. A. XII.) 

' B. Bacon says he only knew four 
men of his time skilled in mathe- 
matics : his own pupil John of Lon- 
don, Peter de Maham Curia of Pi- 
cardy, Campan of Novaria, and Ni- 
colas, the tutor of Almeric de Mont- 
fort. — Op. Min. Wood, Antiq. Oxon. 

* Ouizot, Civilis. en Europe. 




slight cause, should grasp at even the rightful arms of defence; 
such weapons may well be suspended in the armoury of the 
Constitution as a token and a warning, without being handled 
for every-day use. Though custom has limited the term of 
rebellion to the opposition of subjects to their King, yet all 
disobedience to the supremacy of the law^ might, on sound 
principles, be thus denounced, and such disobedience may 
equally arise from a King, a House of Commons, a self- 
exempting Church, or a misled people. In all cases where 
law ceases, disorder begins; and though it may, according to 
the agent, at times be called tyranny, and at others privilege 
or rebellion, it is substantially the same, and deserving of 
the same reproach. In the present case it was not only the 
feudal chieftain in his castle, but the men of peace, the 
bishop in his palace, and the monk in his cell, the busy 
citizen, and the peasant in his cottage, who felt aggrieved, 
and who all joined heart and hand in the resistance to 
Henry IIL In the words of Lord Bacon", "such men's eyes 
are upon the business, and not upon the persons, or if upon 
the persons, it is for the business' sake as fittest, and not for 
flags and pedigree." 

Almost all the memorials of the time teem with approba- 
tion of the change resulting from the Oxford Statutes, and 
with well-considered arguments in their support. The 
reasons justifying the barons were reviewed with ability in a 

^ The yenerable H. de Braoton, a 
judge of this age, maintainB the same 
doctrine throiighoat in piis treatise 
on the laws of England] : ** Lex om- 
nium rex.*' '* Hoc sanxit lex homana, 
quod leges snmn ligent latorem." 
'' Merito debet (rex) retribnere legi, 
quia lex triboit ei, faoit enim lex quM 
™e sit rex."— 1. 3, c. 9. **Sedemju. 
aicandi,qtiiB est quasi thronns Dei, non 
pnesiunat qnis ascendere insipiens 
et indoctus."— 1. 1. c. 2. "Superva- 
cniun esset leges condere et jnstitiam 
faoere, nisi esset qui leges tueretnr ; 
* * nihU enim aUnd potest rex in 
terriSiCum sit Dei minister etvicarius, 

nisi id solnm qnod de jure potest, 
nee obetat quod dicitnr, quod prin- 
dpi placet legis habet vigorem; po- 
testas sua joris est et non injuriffi ; 
quia ilia potestas solios Dei est, po- 
testas antem injnriie DiaboU et non 
Dei, et onjns horam opemm fecerit 
rex, ejus minister erit, cnjus opera 
fecerit.**— 1. 3. c. 9. f. 107. ••Est enim 
corona regis facere jnstitiam et judi- 
cium et tenere pacem, sine quibns 
corona consistere non potest neo 
tenere.**~L 2. c. 24. Henr. de Broc- 
ton, De Leg. et Cons. AngUs.— Lond. 
* Essays. 




poem^ written a few months after the battle of Lewes, the 
condensed spirit of which is worthy of remark. 

It urged "that the barons intended no prejudice to the 
royal honour, but that they felt as much bound by duty to 
come forward and reform the state, as if the kingdom had 
been attacked by an enemy ; for if the King^s real enemies, 
the wretched false flatterers around him, strove to pervert 
the prerogatives of the crown to their own pomps, trampling 
on the native nobles, while contemptible aliens were ad- 
vanced to high places, did not this amount to an attack by 
enemies, and if the King, seduced by them or by his own 
evil will* should do wrong, was it not the duty of the barons 
to reform it ? Nor could the analogy of CJod being a single 
and supreme governor at all warrant a weak fallible King to 
claim uncontrolled power. The King might, indeed, urge 
that he should have the power of selecting whom he pleased 
to assist his own weakness; such freedom would not, however, 
be interfered with by restrictions on his doing wrong, to which 
children and even angels submit Let him be free then to 
do all that is good, but let him not dare to do ill; such is 
God*s charter'. He, himself, was but the servant of Heaven, 
and could claim no allegiance from others, unless he owned 
his to his God; let^ him feel that the people belong to God, 
not to himself; he who may be set over a people for a time is 
soon laid low under his marble tomb, while God's power remains 

^ Polit. Songs, from Harl. MS., 
978, in Latin rhyme. The inscrip- 
tion on an old tUe from Great Mid- 
vem (in Gent. Mag., May 1844, pi. 1, 
fig. Tii.) is said to have been an- 
ciently used as a talisman against 
fire, and is found also on a bell at 
Kenilworth: "Mentem sanctam,spon- 
taneum honorem Deo, patrisB libera- 
tionem." It would have been no bad 
exposition of the professed principles 
of the barons* party at this period. 

' " Seu rex ex malitia faceret no- 
civa."— V. 690. 

' ** Ergo regi libeat onme quod est 

Sed malum non audeat : Hoc est 
dei donum."— V. 687. 

Compare the lines quoted in the 
Vision of Piers Plowman. LL 281- 
284, ed. Wright : 

"Dum rex a regere dicatur nomen 
Nomen habet sine re, nisi studet 
jura tenere." 
* <* Sciat populum non snum sed 
£t qui parvo tempore populo pras- 

Citd dausus marmore terrie sub- 
iiifertur."— V. 707. 


82 THE barons' war. [ch. 

for ever. If a prince, instead of loving his people, should de- 
spise and strip them, it would be diflScult not to despise and 
resist in return ; for freemen cannot be expected to submit to 
such treatment. As a King, therefore, depending on his own 
judgment may readily err, it is very fit that the Commons of 
the realm should be consulted, to whom the laws and customs 
are best known, and who can best express public opinion. 
Men should be chosen as counsellors to the King, who have 
both the will, knowledge, and courage* to be useful, who would 
feel themselves hurt when the kingdom suffered, and would 
rejoice when the nation was glad. If the King cannot choose 
such men, others must, for as the safety or ruin of all must 
depend on the guidance of the vessel of state, the choice of a 
competent pilot concerns all. To permit fools in their ignor- 
ance to govern cannot be called true liberty *, which should ever 
be bounded by the limits of the law, beyond which all iserror; 
for the law is paramount even to the King'^ dignity' ; it is the 
light without which he who guides others must go astray." 

After the lapse of six centuries little could be well added 
to the force and clearness of this argument, which singularly 
tallies with the soundest constitutional doctrine of the present 
day, and it may serve as an answer to the reproach of a 
modem historian* upon the revolution effected by the Oxford 
Statutes, "that its tendency was to a very narrow aristocracy, 
the end of which would be anarchy or tyranny." By the 
general concurrence of evidence it is manifest that the people 
of England judged the reasons suflScient at the time to justify 
the innovation on the usual forms of their government ; and 
he only, who is ready, in the present day, to avow his passive 

> "Qui velint et Bciant Sed libertas finibus juris limi- 

Et prodesse valeant. • • • • ^^^^ 

Qui se laedi sentiunt, si regnum Spretisque limitibns error re- 

laedatur,^ putetur.'*— V. 833. 

***** * *' Legem qnoque diclmns regia 

Oaudenti congaudeant." — V. 780. dignitatem 

« " Nee libertas propria debet no- Regere."— V. 848. 

minari 4 Home. 
QuBB permittet stultos dominari; 



obedience under similar provocation, may presume to reverse 
their judgment. 

King Henry, who, like Proteus, as he was called by a 
contemporary ^ had so often evaded all the ties of faith and 
honour, now felt his power eflfectually restrained by sterner 
bonds. Though the only means of defence left him were a 
false heart and a bitter tongue, yet with both these did he 
continue the struggle. To relieve his conscience from the 
pressure, however slight, of his oath, he applied at once to 
the Pope for absolution from it, while he betrayed the vexa- 
tion of his reduced position by ill-advised speeches. 

Going down the Thames one day he was overtaken by so 
violent a thunderstorm, of which he had a great dread, that 
he was put on shore at the Bishop of Durham's' palace, 
which was opposite. De Montfort, who was residing there, 
came out to meet him with all due respect, observing, 
"What do you fear now, Sire, the tempest has passed?" 
The King, however, who continued to evince alarm, openly 
confessed, ** I do, indeed, dread thunder and lightning much, 
but, by the head" of Qod, I tremble before you more than 
for all the thunder in Heaven." It was in vain that the earl 
calmly pointed out to him ''how unjust and incredible it 
would seem that he should fear one who had ever been a 
true friend to him, his family, and the kingdom, when he 
ought rather to fear his enemies and deceivers*." Such 
hatred of those who now held sway, thus overpowering even 
his hypocrisy, was not likely to conciliate them. 

The barons were, at this time, embarrassed by the ex- 
pected return of the titular King of the Romans from Ger- 
many, whose influence they feared might upset their new 
arrangements. The Bishop of Worcester, Peter of Savoy, 
John Mansel, and the Abbot of Bury, were sent over to 

* M. Par. by the Adelphi. 

' In after times it was given by ' King John had adopted for his 

Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn, and habitual oath, *' by God's feet." 

was the residence of Elizabeth, while * M. Par. 
Princess. The site is now occupied 


84 THE barons' war. [CH. 

require his oath to the Oxford Statutes before he landed, and 
the King, who had hastened to Canterbury to meet him, also 
exhorted him, by letter^ not to introduce the exiled aliens 
by force, which he was evidently expected to do. Though 
the prince, at first, not only declined the oath, but refused 
any explanation of his visit, insisting on his right as an earl 
and prince to be consulted in the reform of abuses, he soon 
learnt that the barons now in power were not to be trifled 
with. Troops and ships lined the coast to resist his approach 
on any terms, and finding all animated with a hearty good- 
will to maintain the new state of things, he yielded, and was, 
at length, permitted to land, with his wife, his second son 
Edmund, and a very limited suite. Even then he was not 
allowed to enter the castle of Dover, but, on the following 
day, was called forward as Earl of Cornwall in the Chapter 
House at Canterbury by the Earl of Gloucester, who took no 
notice of his foreign title, and he then publicly and solemnly 
swore to be a faithful and active helper in reforming the 
government on pain of forfeiting all his lands. 

The Londoners, when they saw him return thus peace- 
ably without his Poictevin brothers contrary to their fears, 
honoured his entry with unusual welcome (Feb. 2), and he 
seems to have attended principally to his own affairs and the 
management of his enormous wealth during his residence. 
It was soon after this that he obtained the grant of a Guild- 
hall for his German subjects in London, where they might 
import grain, ropes, linen, steel, &c.' 

After thus maintaining domestic peace, and disentangling 
England from the ties of the Sicilian crown', the barons 
exhibited another proof of wiser counsels by a treaty with 
France, in which the formal resignation was made of Nor- 

1 Dated Jan. 18, 12o9.~-Rymer. " si viderint expedire."— Windsor, 

' Stow's London. Grant dated Jane 18. Rymer. There are many 

Westminster, June 16, 1259. Papal briefs pressing for money on 

» The King had authorized proxies, account of Sicily, May 30, Dec. 18, 

one of whom was Simon de Mont- 1258. — ^Bymer. 

fori, to renounce the crown of Sicily, 




mandy and other French provinces, long lost indeed^ but to 
which the title had never been disclaimed until now ; some 
territories (Perigord Limousin), long estranged from the Eng- 
lish crown, were in return restored, by the conscientious 
French monarch, and also such a sum of money, as the main- 
tenance of 500 knights for two years ought reasonably to cost, 
was to be paid to the King of England, to be expended only 
for the service of God, the Church, or the kingdom, to the 
satisfaction of the twenty-four councillors*. Notwithstanding 
any precaution, this article to supply the means of keeping 
on foot a standing army appears a singular, and as the event 
proved, dangerous device. Commissioners" were appointed 
to settle the amount due under this clause, and as 134,000 
livres Toumois (at 28,, £13,400) were subsequently agreed 
upon, payable by six instalments^ we. may learn from this, 
that each horseman was calculated to cost 335 livres Toumois 
(£33. lOs.y a year, or 28 livres Toumois (£2. Ifo.) a month, 
about la. lO^d. a day. 

The French treaty was throughout negotiated and con- 
cluded by the principal barons in person: the earls of 
Hereford and Albemarle witnessed King Henry's act of 
renunciation; Simon de Montfort, Peter de Savoy, and 
Hugh le Bigot acted as his proctors* at its ratification in 

* Bymer. The text of the treaty 
is in French, the preamble and con- 
clusion m Latin. The 5th article 
nins thos: "Derechef 11 Boi de 
France donra al Boi d*Angleterre ce 
qne cine cenz chevalers devroient 
coster reisnablement a tenir deux 
anz a l^sgard de prodes homes qui 
seront nom6 d^nne part et autre * * 
et li Bois d'Angleterre ne doit oes 
deniers despendre forsqne el service 
Dieu on d'Eglise on al profit del 
roiaome de iGigleterre, et ce par la 
vene des prodes homes de la terre, 
eslenz par le Boi d^Angleterre et par 
les hauz homes de la terre.*' 

' Bymer, Westminster, May 20. 

s Spelman values the livre Tour- 
nois at this period at 2«., Lingar.l 
at 5<. The Abbot of Bury St. Ed- 

mund's seems to have paid his four 
knights in 1198 about 9s. a day each, 
during their forty days of service. 
** Abbas autem in instanti eis (qua- 
tuor militibus^ 36 marcas dedit ad 
expensas 40 merum." — Chr. Jocelin. 
p. 63. 

* Bymer. In Archives duBoyaume, 
Carton, 629, 4 (Tresor des Charten, 
p. 7), there are several seals appended 
to the original treaty of peace, 1258. 
1. Simon de Montfort's arms on a 
heater escutcheon within a circular 
seal. 2. Peter de Savoy, a lion ram- 
part (broken). 3. Guy de Lusignan 
(perfect) Secretum Sigillum, ** barry, 
a lion rampant." 4. Oeoflfry de Lu- 
signan, a large seal representing him 
ou horseback with his horn, a dog on 
the saddle behind him. 5. Bigot (its 

86 THE barons' war. [cH. 

the presence of the French King, and they with others 
acted as commissioners to arrange the amount of payments. 
There was very properly a reservation of private claims on 
thus surrendering the nominal sovereignty of the French 
provinces, and there were probably many such to be ad- 
justed, several of the great families settled in England 
having held lands in Normandy on feudal tenurea In a 
record* of the time of Henry II., among those from whom 
service to the duchy of Normandy was due, are the follow- 
ing names, familiar in English history : 

Kniglita. In hit own scnice. 

Humphrey de Boon (Bohnn ) .... 2 ... 2 

WiUiam de Veteri Ponte (Vipont) . . 2 ... 11 J 

WaUcelin de Ferrara 6 ... 42} 

Hugh de Mortimer 5 ... 18| 

William de Tregoz 1} ... 

Ralph deVer 1 ... 

Robert de Montfort, for the honour of CaucainviU 5 ... 38 

„ „ for Orbeo .... 2} ... 

Geoflrey de Montfort ...•,. 8} ... 18} 

Hugh de Montfort, for lands held under the church 

of Bayeux . 8 ... 

Robert Marmiun and Dom. Bardolf neither came nor sent, nor said any- 
thing in answer to their summonB. 

The service of a fractional [knight or- heavy-armed 
soldier] so carefully noted in the register was of course 
fulfilled by the whole man extending his legal forty days 
in a similar proportion. 

As there was drawn up at the same date with the treaty 

wanting). To the Confirmation of one side a knight on horseback, on 
the Peace by the barons and pre- the other his arms. 7. Peter de 
lates of Engluid, 1259 (Arch, du Roy. Montfort, within a circular seal an 
Oarton, 629. 10, Fr. des Ch. p. 9,) escutcheon bendy. 8. John Mansel, 
there are 16 seals appended. 1. on one side an antique head with 
Roger de Mortimer, his arms on a inscription from a Roman Imperial 
heater escutcheon within a circular coin, on the other, half of an armed 
seal 2. Hugh le Bigot, Justiciary, man on a tower, beneath which a 
lion rampant on a small escutcheon. kneeling figure. 9. Philippe Basset 
8. Peter of Savoy, a circular seal, (large), circular containing arms on 
with a lion rampant, no escutcheou. escutcheon three bars indented. 
4. Richard de Grey, a knight gallop- ^ Exchequer book of Duchy of 
ing. 5. James de Andridelee (in- Normandy in Ducarel's Antiq. Anglo- 
distinct). 6. Earl of Albemarle, on Norm. pp. 29—88. 


(May 20, 1259) an act^ to indemnify the Princess Eleanor, 
Countess of Leicester, for any loss she might sustain by it, 
an eiToneous charge' has arisen against her and her husband, 
as having broken oflf the treaty under the hope of Normandy 
becoming the inheritance of their children. So far from 
this being true, the countess did in fact solemnly resign her 
claims to any " lands in Normandy, Anjou, Touraine, Maine, 
Poictou, or in any other part of France," in the presence 
of both kings and of her husband at Paris, on the Thursday 
after St Andrew, Dec. 1259*. 

The twenty-four councillors went on thus ruling the 
country successfully, though absorbing for a time the royal 
authority; the merits of monarchy however are not un* 
usually seen best in contrast with the experiment of other 
systems. One of the inevitable evils of multiplied sources 
of power soon arose, jealousy among co-eqnals*; and though 
the overpowering weight of the public interests for a time 
overbalanced the violence of the«shock, yet the elements 
of derangement were in activity, and ultimately produced 
results fatal to the mechanism of the barons' government 

The dissension which arose between the two great chiefs, 
de Clare and de Montfort, in their hour of undisputed autho- 
rity, has been indistinctly assigned to various motives. The 
supposition of the Countess of Leicester's retention of her 
private claims has been already disposed of, and another 
account represents de Clare as reviving against his colleague 
the refuted accusations of oppression in Qascony ; while on 
the other hand de Montfort is said to have provoked a 
sharp personal altercation by his straightforward rebukes 
on the hesitation of his colleagues in enforcing the reforms 

^ Bymer. A commission to settle their Confirmation of the Peace, 

her claims was also appointed on the dated Dec. 4, 1259, in Arohiv. du 

same day.— Bymer. Boy. Cart. 629, 13. 

' M. Par. * ** Nulla fides regni sociis, omnis- 

' Bymer. The seals of Simon de qne potestas 

Montfort and his coontess are both Impaticns consortis crit. 

wanting (apparently torn ofiF) from — Lucan i. 




detennined upon. "What, my lords, after having resolved 
and sworn, do you still deliberate in doubt, and you espe- 
cially^ my lord of Gloucester, who, as the most eminent of 
us all, are so much the more strictly bound to these whole- 
some Statutes? I have no pleasure in dealing with such 
false and fickle men." Although de Bohun and others of 
the Council sided with him, he appears to have withdrawn 
to France in dissatisfaction. 

That there was a general apprehension of the barons 
halting in their career at this period may be gathered from 
the "vehement tone of remonstrance in some contemporary 
writings, calling upon de Clare, le Bigot, and others, not to 
-flinch from their oaths \ 

The King, though doubtless rejoiced to see any division 
among the barons, continued yet for some time to dissemble, 
perhaps waiting for the papal brief of absolution. With the 
ostensible motive of forwarding the additional articles of the 
treaty with France, which were arranged during the autumn 
of 1259*, he repaired in person to meet the French King, 

* •* 0, ComeB GlovemiflB, comple 

quod ccBpisti, 
Nisi claudas congrnd, multos de- 

cepisti :" 

« « « « 

'* O tn Comes le Bygot, pactnm 

senra sanum 
Cum sis miles strenauB, nnno ex* 

erce monum." 

• • • • 

**0 YOB magni proceres, qui tos 

Observate firmiter illnd qnod ju- 
ratis."— Pol. Songs. W. Rish. 

« VI. Cal. Dec. (Nov. 26) 1269, the 
King of England coming to Paris for 
peace, was received solemnly in the 
great chnrch (in ecclesia majori). — 
Gall. Christ, tome vii. The King 
evinced some signs of reluctance ut 
Paris in this negotiation of treaty. 
The Parliament of Paris waited for his 
presence, as Duke of Aquitaine, before 
proceeding to business, but he ar- 
rived too late, and excused himself 
to Louis IX. by alleging that he had 

stopped to hear masses at so many 
churches in his way from his sister- 
in-law's, St Oermain des Pr^. Thin 
again happened the next day. To 
obviate this, the French King secretly 
ordered all the churches on the road 
to be shut up, so that King Henr}*, 
deprived of this pretext, arrived ut 
the Parliament among the earlieKt ; 
but when complimented for his punc- 
tuality, interposed another objection, 
** My dearest brother and kinsman, 
I cannot hold intercourse with people 
and at a place under an interdict;*' 
and explained his reason for so say- 
ing by the fact of having found all 
the churches on his road shut up, as 
if under an interdict. The French 
King was therefore obliged to confess 
his stratagem, and with somewhat of 
a taunt, which we should not have 
expected from so saintly a monarch, 
asked: "My beloved kinsman, why 
do you delight in hearing so many 
masses ?" Henry : ** And why do you 
delight in so many sermons ?" Louis : 




•and probably procured promises at least of assistance from 
him in his intended change of policy, besides drawing upon 
the fund appointed by the treaty from time to time^ for his 
own purposes. He wrote' indeed to enjoin Prince Richard 
" to guard his Cornish coasts from any landing of aliens, his 
Poictevin brothers having collected arms and horses for in- 
vasion;" but the armaments were probably with his con- 
nivance, and the prohibition only dictated by the barons. 
While sickness was detaining him abroad, he was much 
alarmed by a suspicion that de Montfort was conspiring to 
prevent his return and to supersede him by Prince Edward. 
This was probably unfounded', but there appears to have 
been some coolness at the time between the King and his 
son, whom he would not even admit to his presence on his 
return, being conscious, as he confessed himself, of his own 
weakness : " If I see him, I might not be able to resist kiss- 
ing him," and it required the mediation of Prince Richard 
to effect a reconciliation. Of de Montfort the King was evi- 
dently distrustful, though that nobleman's absence abroad 
had weakened the barons and excited suspicions^ of his fide- 

"It seems to me very sweet and 
wholesome to hear so often of my 
Creator." Henry : " And it seems to 
me sweeter and wholesomer to see 
Him again and again rather than mere- 
ly to hear of Him." The result of this 
incident was that each King was left 
to attend sermons or masses at his 
own option, and that the treaty was 
carried on by the other peers without 
them. One cannot help suspecting 
that there was a real unwillingness 
in the English King to appear as a 
Tassal duke in the French court, 
disguised under this show of religious 
zeal. — Archieol. Joum. 18C0, p. 31G. 
The articles were signed on theMonday 
before S. Lucia, December 8, 1258. 

1 Rot. Pat. 44 Hen. UI. On the 
Monday after St Peter and St PanU 
1300, he received 14,513 L T. from 
King Louis, who was also to repay 
5000 marcs to the King of the Bo* 
mjuis for him. Henry III. did hom- 

age to King Louis for Aqnitaine at 
Paris, December 9, 1259 ("die Jovia 
post festum St^ Andreae), in presence of 
Archbishop Boniface of Canterbury, 
Godfrey de Kinton, Archbishop of 
York, Benedict de Oraveseud, Bishop 
of Lincoln, Simon de Wanton, Bishop 
of Norwich, one of the King's Justices, 
Henry de Wingham, Bishop Elect of 
London, Bichard de Clare, Earl of 
Gloucester, William de Fortibus, Earl 
of Albemarle (who died the same year), 
Domiuus Petrus de Montfort, John, 
Lord de Balliol, John Mansel, Lord 
Keeper, "cum multis aliis adstanti- 
bus.'' — MS.reoord attesting it, belong* 
ing to P. O'CaUaghan, Esq. 

' Boulogne, April, 1260. — Rymer. 

* T. Wykes considers it falbe. 
MS. Add. 5444 affirms it. 

« " Nam se quidam retrahunt, qui 
possunt juvare, 
Quidam snbterfugium qusBrunt ultra 
marc."— W. lUsh. Pol. Songs. 


THE barons' war. 


lity among his own party. A few days after his return, the 
King complained of French passports having enabled de 
Montfort to bring over some horses and arms, " by which (he 
observes in his letter to the French King) you may more 
clearly see the disposition of his mind towards us*." 

Whether this was written confidentially, or in the hope 
of fomenting the jealousy of the other barons, may be 
doubted, but as the King was still watching the opportunity 
to take oflf the mask, we find the Earl of Leicester a little 
later o£5ciating, by his special appointment, as steward at the 
court feast of St Edward, Oct. 13, 1260. King Henry had 
secretly invited his brother Aymer to return from exile, but 
he was deprived of what help his violent and unpopular 
advice might have given him, by the bishop's death at Paris 
at this time : he had in the meanwhile considerably increased 
the fortifications of the Tower of London, within which he 
had entrenched himself with the Queen, preferring such de- 
fences to the nobler and firmer guard of his people's love*. 
As this and other symptoms gave occasion to rumours of 
some intended treachery, he endeavoured to counteract their 
effects by a proclamation, dated from the Tower, March 14, 
1261', disavowing any intention of imposing unusual taxes, 
and ordering " the arrest of any persons who should excite 
discord between himself and the barons by such reports.*' 

At length there came to him the expected relief to his 
scrupulous conscience, derivable from a papal absolution, 
procured by bribes*; and it may be as well to reproduce to 
public scorn a state paper* avowedly sanctioning perjury, 
with some selfish reservations : 

> April 28, 1260.— Rymer. Simon 
de Montfort had mode a temporary 
visit to England in February, when 
he offered a precious baldeqnin at the 
shrine of St Alban. — Mat. West. 

' ** Perd la miglior fortezza che sia, 
d non esser odiato dal popola ; perchd 
ancora che tu abbi le fortezze, e il 
popolo ti abbi& in odio, le non ti 
i>alvano. ** A striking remark of Ma- 

chiavelli (D Principe), anticipating 
Burke's "cheap defence of nations." 

■ B^oner. 

* **Donariis missis." — Oxenede's 

^ The Latin original is in Bymer. 
Its author, Alexander IV. (Beinaldo 
de Oonti di Segna, Bishop of Ostia, 
elected Dec. 12, 1254), died in the 
next month, May 25, 1261. 


"Alexander, bishop and servant of the servants of God, 
to our dearest son in Christ, the illustrious King of England, 
health and apostolical blessing. 

" It has come to our knowledge, that you, heretofore in- 
duced apparently by a certain pressure* of the nobles and 
people of your realm, have bound yourself by your personal 
oath to observe certain statutes, ordinances and regulations, 
which they, under the pretext of reforming the state of your 
kingdom, are said to have made in your name, and to have 
confirmed by oaths to the diminution of your power and to 
the detriment of your royal freedom. 

" We, therefore, being willing to provide for your dignity 
in this matter, with our apostolical authority in the plenitude 
of our power, from this time forwards, entirely absolve you 
from your oath. If, however, there should be contained in 
those statutes and ordinances anything concerning the favour 
and advantage of prelates, churches, and ecclesiastical persons, 
we do not intend to make such void, or in any way relax the 
said oath in that respect. 

" Let no sort of person, therefore, infringe this charter of 
our absolution, or oppose it by rash endeavour ; if, however, 
any one should presume to attempt it, let him know that 
he will incur the wrath of Almighty God and of the blessed 
apostles Peter and Paul. Given at the Lateran, April 13, 1261." 

A similar brief was addressed to the Queen, the prelates, 
nobles and others who had taken the oath, which the Pope 
now annulled with the convenient explanation, "that the 
sanctity of an oath, by which faith and truth should be con- 
firmed, ought not to be made the strengthening bond of 
wickedness and perfidy'." It has been justly remarked' that 
this doctrine of absolution would in civil wars always ne- 

^ *' Quasi qoMam impressioiie bono Ottomano, H^. de Seinchier, 

magnatum et hominnm." and B. Hanybal, for promoting his 

* Rymer. 8 Kal. Maii, April 30, business (negotia), as had been re- 

1261. On the 20th May, 1259, the ported to him by William Bonquer. 

King wrote from Westminster letters — Bymer. 

of thanks to the Cardinals Pietro ' Sir J. Mackintosh. 
Capoccio Albo, John Gaytano, Otto- 

92 • THE barons' war. [ch. 

cessitate the extermination of one party by the other, for 
nothing less would ensure the observance of any terms of 

The absolution having been read publicly at PauFs Cross 
on the second Sunday in Lent, the King by a protean effort 
again cast loose the restraints of his oath, and proceeded to 
annul the laws he had sanctioned, but which yve have reason 
to think he had long meditated to get rid of. His courtiers 
are represented as thus addressing him immediately after the 
Oxford Parliament : 

"Sir, we see thin iUe, 

Thi lordschip is donn laid, and led at other wille, 

« i» i» • « 

It is a dishononre to the and to thi hlode. 

Call agen thin oath, drede thou no menace, 

Nowthor of lefe ne loth thi lordschip to pnrohace; 

Thou may full lightly haf abolution 

For it was a gilery, thou knew not ther tresonn. 

Thou hast frendis enowe in Inglond and in France, 

If thou tume to the rowe, the salle drede the chanced" 

In his proclamation he now accused the barons of not 
having kept the conditions agreed upon as to his own treat- 
ment, or the amendment of the laws: a charge which the 
exciting circumstances of the period rendered probably true 
to a certain extent, but a plea by which the King could have 
no right to benefit, having, in fact, applied for absolution so 
" lightly had," long before any possible infraction of the terms 
by the other party. 

The Queen had also won* over some of the least resolute 
of the barons, so that Henry now felt emboldened to displace 
some of the new governors from his castles", and Mansel, 

^ Boh. Brone, Ch^'. ** Sir, we see a cheat, thou knewest not their trca- 

thy grievance, thy power is cast down son : thou hast friends enough iu 

and guided at the will of others. It England and France : if thou tumest 

is a dishonour to thee and to thy to resistance they shall dread the 

blood ; recall thy oath, dread thou chance." 

no menace, either by consent or force, > M. Par. 

to recover thy power. Thou mayest * Hugh le Bigot was displaced from 

have absolution very easily, for it was Dover. — T. Wyke, 


though one of the twenty-four councillors, surrendered* to 
him Scarborough and Pickering in pursuance of the Pope's 

All the fruits of the new policy, which had restored Eng- 
land to peace for the last three years, were in evident peril, 
when the barons, who could not be inattentive to the King's 
course of reaction, gathered again their formidable strength, 
and offered for the sake of peace to assent to any reasonable 
alterations of the Oxford Statutes : a conference between the 
parties thus prepared for contest having taken place at Kings- 
ton*, they agreed at length (July 9, 1261), upon a mise or 
reference on the disputed points to the decision of the 
French King Louis, the integrity of whose character, con- 
nected as he was by brotherhood with King Henry, received 
thereby the most honourable tribute. 

Ihe King, however, did not allow himself to be checked by 
this arrangement, and was preparing himself not to acquiesce 
in any adverse sentence : he had collected troops, shut him- 
self up in the Tower, sent orders to the Cinque Ports for the 
seizure of any arms, or horses or ships, should Simon de 
Montfort attempt to land with them'; and as another indi- 
cation of the political struggle on which he was bent, he had 
in May committed all his crown jewels to the custody of his 
sister-in-law, the Queen of France, not perhaps so much for 
their security as to raise money* upon their deposit, a prac- 
tice not unusual in that age. In the list, besides his great 
crown, three golden cro^nis, and five " garlands," which were 
also cinctures for the head, were an alphabet, three gold 
combs, fifty-two clasps, sixty-six girdles, 208 jewelled rings, 
and the two golden peacocks, which poured sweet waters 
from their beaks. 

The King had sent urgent summons for the return of his 
son, who, having left England without his leave, had been 

1 Rymer. I261.--Pat. Rot. 

' The safe conduct granted to ' Rymer. 

the harons to meet at Kingston, to ^ 5000 marcs borrowed on pledging 

arrange terms, was dated May 20, them. 

94 THE barons' war. [ch. 

received with great distinction by the Duke of Burgundy, at 
whose tournaments he gained great credit^ ; at Paris also 
the Prince had engaged in similar trials of martial exercise 
(Feb. 1262), accompanied by his friends and cousins the two 
sons of Simon de Montfort. When at length, in the begin- 
ning of June, the Prince attended his father's call, it was 
only to reproach him bitterly for his false policy, and to 
declare' that "as for himself, though he had unwillingly 
sworn, yet he would not be false to his oath, and was ready 
to risk death for the good of the state, and commonalty of 
England." He accordingly held himself aloof from the court 
in order the more strongly to denote his opinions. One of 
the exiles, William de Valence, whom he had brought over 
with him, had been compelled to swear to the Oxford 
Statutes, and to answer any charges made against him ; he 
had been offered indeed the liberty of remaining when the 
other foreigners were sent away, in consideration of holding 
the lands of the earldom 6f Pembroke. 

Soon after the mise had been arranged, the Eong justified 
his own course in a proclamation", wherein he announced 
that " he should no longer consent to the frivolous restraints 
imposed on him, but should find a remedy for his diminished 
power, boasting of the long peace enjoyed by England during 
his reign, explaining that he had recalled some of the aliens 
in order to profit by their advice, and had lately committed 
his castles to his own friends, as being persons of greater 
weight^ and cautioning his subjects not to listen to any 
deceitful or false suggestions concerning him." 

The arguments on behalf of the King's views in his pre- 
sent position are found not unfairly stated in the poem from, 
which the summary of the barons' reasoning has been already 
extracted. The King's case was made to rest mainly upon 
precedent and prerogative, "according to which he would 

* Chr. Dover, " bene in omnibus • Rymer. — MSS. Add. 6444. 
se habuerat." * " Majoris poteuciffi.*' 

• Ann. Burt. Chr. Rish. 


cease to be a King, if restrained in his ^ower; the free 
choice of judges, governors, and councillors had always been 
at the pleasure of the King without any interference from 
the barons, who might indeed rule over their own property, 
as the King might over his; while any diminution of his 
hereditary privileges would reduce him to be their slave*.*' 
These were the opinions probably not only of himself, but 
of most of the King's adherents at the time, and were not 
wholly unwarranted by the previous history of English 

While awaiting the result of the reference to the French 
King, there was no relaxation on the part of King Henry in 
improving his own position. He wrote' to desire Louis "to 
give no credit to the Earl of Leicester, who had gone to 
France without his knowledge, and for reasons unknown to 
him " — a satisfactory proof of that statesman's fidelity to the 
great cause in which he was so deeply engaged, however un- 
explained his absence may be. 

After having so absolutely annulled the Oxford Statutes, 
the King thought it expedient to grant a formal pardon to 
the chiefs concerned in framing and executing them, appre- 
hensive probably of their strength, and also glad of the 
opportunity of thus describing their reforms as crimes which 
needed his pardon. This document, dated from the Tower, 
Dec. 7, 1261", especially named the twenty-four councillors, 
who had been exercising the highest authority in the state 
during the last three years. 

A fresh absolution having become necessary to the tran- 

1 «* ♦ • Esse desineret rex, priva- * • ♦ ne tarn nbere valeat 

ius jure regnare 

Regis, nisi faceret quid vellet. Sicut reges bactenns qui so prte- 

Non intromittentibus se de fac- cessenint, 

tis regis Qui suis nullatenus subjecti fue- 

AngliaB baronibns, vim babente runt.'* 

legis —Pol. Songs, from MS. Harl., 978, 

Principis imperio. * * * v. 491, &c. 

Quare regem fieri servum ma- ' ** Windsor, Sept. 2, 1261."— Ry- 

cbinantnr mer. 

Qui Buam minnere volunt po- ' Rymer, in Frencb. 


96 THE barons' waiu [ch. 

quillity of his mind in consequence of the death of the Pope 
who had granted the first, the King wrote, Jan. 1, 1262, from 
Westminster, to petition the Pope to cancel his oath, as his 
predecessor had done*, and found the new Pontiff, Urban 
IV.", as pliant as his predecessor, so that his emissaries, 
John de Hemyngford and John Lovell, soon brought back 
another "solemn revocation of all the statutes, ordinances 
and restrictions which the barons of England had devised in 
diminution of the King s authority, even though he should 
have consented and sworn to them, denouncing at the same 
time the penalties of excommunication on all recusants'." 
Some of the King's party, the Archbishop, Simon de Waltone, 
Bishop of Norwich, John Mansell and others, were enjoined 
to publish this in all churches with ringing of bells and 
lighted tapers*. 

Louis IX. had in the meanwhile been anxiously assisting 
Henry's agents at Paris, John de Cleyshill and John de 
Montferrant, in their endeavours to detach Simon de Mont- 
fort from the party of the barons, but he was obliged to 
report with deep regret his inability to find any method by 
which the Earl of Leicester might return to the peace and 
favour of his Sovereign, having been assured by the earl in- 
deed just before Lent, that ** though he had confidence in 
the good intentions of King Henry, yet he had none in his 
advisers, and therefore did not think it comported with his 
honour to agree to any terms, for certain reasons which be 
should only give by word of mouth*." Even after this 
answer, which fixes the integrity of de Montfort on the high- 
est testimony, the French King detained the agents at Paris, 
in the vain hope of ultimate success. 

* Rymer. Rymer. **John Lovell,'' olerk and 

* Urban IV., Jacobo Pantaleon, proctor to the King of England at 
Patriarch of Jemsalem, elected Aug. the Boman court, writes relative to 
29, 1261 ; crowned Sept. 4 ; died Oct. the Bull of Absolution which he had 
2, 1264. «» procured from Yiterbo, 14th May. — 

> The absolution is dated "Yitcrbo, 5 956 Chanc. Bee. 5th Bep. 
Kal. Mar. (Feb. 6); ** and its proclama- * Bymer. — Chr. W. Thorn, 

tion in Westminster, May 2, 1262.— ^ Bymer, in Latin. 




Another attempt at accommodation had been made in 
England by Commissioners^ jointly appointed by both par- 
ties, and when these could not agree the disputed questions 
had been referred to the arbitration of Prince Richard. This 
decision, however, which pronounced* in favour of the King's 
unlimited right of appointing any one he pleased to com- 
mand his castles, obtained but little general acceptance, 
however much it encouraged the King to persevere in his 
unpopular course. Again Henry went to Paris, where he 
was always treated with the utmost courtesy, and was there 
so stricken with illness that for some time he could not 
attend to business ; he described himself in a letter to his 
brother from St Germain*, Sept 30, 1262, "so depressed and 
broken down by his fever, that he could even then scarcely 
get out of bed, and walk a little ; regretting also that he 
could not yet pay him the money he had borrowed* of him 
through Peter de Savoy, but thanking him for his labours 
and vexations on his account/' 

Finding the negotiations with de Montfort now broken 
ofif, he cautioned his English adherents to guard against 

^ Philip Basset, Walter de Merton 
the Chancellor, and Bobert Waleran, 
by the King; John de la Ha^ Bieh- 
ard Folyot and Biohard de Middleton, 
by the barons. Walter de Merton 
receiyed the Great Seal "without the 
consent of the barons,** as stated in 
his Patent (Bot. Pat. 45'' Hen. UI., 
m. 8), on the King's requiring its un- 
willing surrender from Nicholas de 
Ely, on the Tuesday after the Trans- 
lation of St Thomas the Martyr (July 
7), 1260-1 (Pat. Bot. 45<' Hen, III. m. 
8). A salary of 400 marcs a year 
was appointed him. He continued 
GhanceUor tiU displaced by the ba- 
rons, when Nicholas de Ely suc- 
ceeded him, 126S, on the Thursday 
before 8. Margaret the Virgin (Jan. 
28), in. presence of Simon de Mont- 
fort, &c., at Westminster. During 
the king's absence abroad, both un- 
der Merton and Ely, the Seal was 
always to be attested by H. le De- 

spenser. Justiciary. Walter de Mer- 
ton was Bishop of Bochester, 1274-77, 
and founder of Merton College. He 
was again Chancellor on the death 
of Henry III. in K. Edward's ab- 
sence, until Bobert Bamel was ap- 
pointed, Sept. 21, 1274. 

* In the Latin letters both of the 
Commissioners and Pnnce Bichard 
(Bymer) the word "misa" occurs in 
the sense of reference to arbitration, 
which was afterwards afi&zed to the 
agreement of Lewes ; it was, in fact, 
in common use, as also the term 
*< compromissum :" " de quibus Bex et 
Barones sui posuerunt se in misam/* 
'* per formam misaa supradictie," 
*' compromissum inter nos et Comi- 
tem non processit.'* 

* Bymer. •• 

^ He had borrowed 10,000 marcs 
of his brother in 1247. — Cal. Bot. 
Pat., 31** H. III. 





his seditious intrigues'; but as after his recovery, though 
still feeble, he unnecessarily prolonged his journey home- 
ward by a visit to Rheims, contrary to the advice of Mansel, 
he found on his return in December that Simon de Mont- 
fort had secretly preceded him early in October', and under 
circumstances well calculated to give him increased import- 
ance. Bichard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, the jealous 
compeer of de Montfort, was lately dead (July, 1262)', and 
had left open to him the undisputed leadership of his party: 
the common danger had indeed already reconciled* these 
chiefs, and the survivor, "the key of England, who had 
locked out the aliens for three years," as was said* of de 
Montfort, now seeing all his policy put in jeopardy, when 
the barons pressed him to assume the guidance of their 
somewhat weakened party, at once assented, " with a decla- 
ration of his equal readiness either to die among bad Chris- 
tians, fighting for Holy Church, or among pagans as a sworn 

He returned, therefore, at this period to take that de- 
cided part in the constitutional struggle, which has made 
his name famous. His talents well fitted him for the duties 
he undertook : " he was a man," says a friendly chronicler', 
" of wonderful forethought and circumspection, pre-eminent 
in preparing and vigorously carrying on war, himself a com- 
plete soldier, abounding in excellent stratagems, not degene- 
rate from his high ancestry, and gifted with divine wisdom." 
There can be no doubt that his influence over the minds 
of others was powerful : a royalist' of this period well 

^ In an order to P. Basset, from 
St Germain, Oct. 8, 1262.— Bymer. 

« Oct. 8, 1268; according to T. 
Wyke his return was secret, '*clan- 
oolo rediit." 

' Bichard de Clare died at Esche- 
merfield, in Kent, and was buried at 
Tewkesbury, his funeral being at- 
tended by the bishops of Worcester 
and Llandafif, 12 abbots, and numer- 
ous barons and knights. Numerous 
indulgences were granted by the 

bishops and the Archbishop of Can- 
terbury to those who should pray for 
his souL — ^Dugd. Mon. ii. 55. His 
son Gilbert was also buried at Tewk- 
esbuiT, 1295, having died at Mon- 

^ "Prius per yerba indecentia 
discordes."— MSS. Add. 5444. 

« W. de Bish. Chr. 

* Oxenede Chr. 

' Chr. Mailros. 

« T. Wyke. 


describes him, " as moulding the barons with his own deep- 
cut impression, especially the younger ones, who, being 
ductile as soft wax, followed him not from any love of 
justice, but from greediness of gain." 

Associated with him — though, on account of his youth, 
unable to command the same deference which had been 
readily yielded to his father — was Gilbert de Clare ; he was 
indeed married to the king's niece, but the death-bed in- 
junctions of his father, and the wishes of his mother^ the 
widowed Countess of Gloucester, secured his important ad- 
herence to the barons, and he played a conspicuous, though 
not a consistent part, in the coming troubles. 

' Matilda de Laoy, daughter of the ditiis aUectnin, qui prios Begi devo. 
Earl of Lincoln. *'Gilbertam no* tufl extiterat, resilire ooegit** — T. 
yitium instigante matre sod blan- Wyke. 




*' The hearts 
Of all his people shall revolt from him, 
And kiss the lips of imacqiiainted change." 

K. John, iu. 4. 

The first actual hostilities, after both parties stood thus in 
presence, hopeless of amicable compromise, seem to have 
arisen on the distant frontier of Wales, at the end of 1262. 
Prince Llewellyn, probably in concert with the barons, if we 
may judge from their subsequent alliance, attacked the lands 
of his kinsman Roger de Mortimer, who had openly re- 
nounced the authority of the twenty-four councillors, and 
those of the Savoyard Bishop of Hereford. The disorder 
soon spread, and in order to remedy it, the King sent the 
most pressing summons to his son, who kept aloof from court 
at Bristol, " urging him to make no delay under any pretext 
of indolence or puerile wantonness^ ;" a strange reproach to 
so enterprising a Prince of twenty-four yeai's old, but indicat- 
ing probably an expected unwillingness of mind rather than 
of body. Whether by the danger of his Welsh estates or by 
the persuasion* of the Queen, Prince Edward was at any 

1 "Sub pretextn alicnjaB otiosi- • "Blonditiis per matrem suam 

tatis vel lasciviaB puerilis. "— Rymer. tenuit ex parte patris, et extraneos 

The Prince had written to his father, fovebat et consanguineos."' — MSS. 

March 81, 1263, promising to come Add. 5444. 
at Easter. 

CH. v.] 



rate roused into activity, and soon retaliated on the territory 
of Humphrey de Bohun, giving over what he conquered to 
de Mortimer. De Bohun, the eldest son of the Earl of Here- 
ford, was possessed of Brecknock and other lands, in right of 
his wife Eleanor de Braose, daughter of Baron de Cantilupe, 
whose inheritance she had shai-ed in 1259* with her sister 
Matilda, wife of his enemy de Mortimer. True to the honour 
of having his family name enrolled among the appointed 
guardians of Magna Charta, de Bohun had during these 
troubles pursued an independent line, being one of the first 
to side with the barons at Oxford, and continuing now to act 
with them, so as to expose his property to an attack, by 
which the castles of Hay and Huntingdon were wrested 
from him*. 

The ravages of war rapidly spread over the border coun- 
ties, in which plunder and destruction by fire and sword took 
place. Among the partisans of the barons, who took a lead- 
ing part in these hostilities, which spared neither houses, 
parks, or even churches, were Roger de Leyboume and John 
Gifibrd'. A general pei*secution was carried on against all 

» Rot. Pat. A^"" H. m. 

^ By the barons he was subse- 
quently appointed governor of Good- 
rich and Winchester. He died, 1265, 
possessed of the castle and manor of 
Hay, and the castle of Huntingdon, 
and Hinton. — CaL Inquis., post mor- 
tem, 1267. Arms at Carlav: azure, 
a bend argent, cottised, between six 
lioncels rampant or. 

» Chr. Dover. The Giffords de- 
scended from Walter Gifford, son of 
Osbem de Bolebeo, and his wife 
Avehne, sister of Gunnora, Duchess 
of Normandy, great grandmother to 
the Conqueror, who created Walter, 
Earl of Buckiugham, and Earl of 
Longueville in Normandy. Walter 
was one of the Commissioners to com- 
pile Domesday. Elias had joined the 
barons against King John, and was 
deprived by him of his estates at 
Broughton Gifford (Wilts), &o., which 
were restored by Henry UI. John 

Gifford, his son and heir, 17 years 
old ftt his death in 1248, was the 
first Baron Gifford by writ summoned 
tiU his death in 1299. He was em- 
ployed against the Welsh, 1257-62, 
and was excommunicated in 1264 by 
the Archbishop of Canterbury for his 
depredations. After fitting against 
the King at Lewes, and against 
Montfort at Evesham, he received 
the next year the Boyal licence to 
hunt in all the King's forest south of 
Trent ; in 1281 he had a grant of Free 
Warren at Broughton, and his other 
manors in Wilts, Together with 
Edmund Mortimer he commanded 
the English on left bank of the Wye 
against LleweUyn in 1282, and cross- 
ing by a ford, defeated him. Llewel- 
lyn's head was sent by him to Bhud- 
dlan, and then to the Tower of 
London crowned ivy. His wife 
Matilda (whose first husband was K. 
John's great nephew, and so related 





who could not speak English ^ the people joining in it so 
eagerly, that many foreigners, both laymen and clerical, fled 
the coimtry in alarm, and the stewards of the alien clergy 
were forbidden to pay them any rents, or render them any 
account, on pain of their lands being laid waste. 

The treasures of Peter, the alien Bishop of Hereford, 
were seized and himself captured in his own palace, or, as 
Some say, in his own cathedral, his former pride now becom- 
ing the subject of popular ridicule : — 

•* Ly eyeske de Herefort 
Sout bien que ly Qnens fa fort, 

Kant il prist Faffere: 
Devant oe estoit mult f er, 
Lea Engleis quida tooz manger, 

Mes ore ne set que fere'.*' 

The Bishop of Hereford knew full well 
That the Earl, if he pleased, «ould 
make his blows tell, 
When he took the matter in hand : 
Greedy and proud was the alien before, 
He could eat all the English and 
crave for more, 
But now he is at his wits' end. 

He was imprisoned at Erdesley by de Montfort, but being 
released at Michaelmas he was present at Amiens with the 
King in the next year, and perhaps did not return at all. 
In June, 1265, the King (then under the influence of de 
Montfort) wrote to him abroad, observing that, " in passing 
through Hereford, on his way to settle the Marches of Wales, 
he was grieved to find in the cathedral neither bishop, nor 
his deputy, neither dean, vicar, nor canons, to perform the 
due services by day and night'." In spite of this threatening 
summons, he seems to have retired to his native place. Aqua- 


to Llewellyn) interceded in vain with 
Archbishop Peckham to obtain Chris- 
tian burial for him. She was daugh- 
ter of Walter de Clifford, and married 
William Longesp^, who died 1257. 
In 1271, 14 years later, she com- 
plained to the king of John Lord Oif- 
ford taking her by force from her 
manor at Canford (Dorset), and mar- 
rying her at Brimsfield against her 
will. He aUeged her consent, but 

Eaid a fine of SOD marcs for not 
aving obtained the king's licence. 

He promoted the Statute De Tallagio 
non Concedendo to restrict the power 
of Edward I. while in Flanders. He 
died May 28, 1299, at Bayton, and 
was buried at Malmesbury (see Wil- 
kinson's Hist. Broughton Gifford, p. 
26, &c.). 

^ Add. MSS. 5444. He who could 
not speak "in AnglieanA lingu& in 
multo vilipendio et despectu habe- 
retur a populo." 

a Polit. S. from MS. 13th century. 

? Wilkins*s Cone. M, Br. Vol. i. 




bella, in Savoy, where he died in peace, Nov. 27, 1268, and 
where his bronze effigy, a handsome man in pontificals, still 
exists \ 

Another alien, Mathew de Besil*, a resolute soldier, was 
also taken prisoner by the barons. He had forcibly re-in- 
stated himself on the King's behalf as Sheriff and Governor 
of Gloucester, where he made a stout resistance, retreating 
ultimately to a tower, into which Roger de Clifford and John 
Gifford, with much difficulty, forced their way by breaking 
down the door with iron mallets and pickaxes*: — 

To Sir Mathew de Besile, 
Neither in town, plain, nor hill 

Did they leave a single stick : 
The besom swept Besile clean out, 
Daintily stripped and put to the rout 

By a plain-speaking honest pick. 

His courage, however, when he would not surrender to 
threats of death, even after the doors were broken down, 
extorted the praises of his enemies*. He survived the war, 
and held four manors in 12(J6*, probably given him by the 

In another part of the kingdom, Simon de Waltone, 
Bishop of Norwich, who had made himself odious as the 
ready tool of the Pope in publishing the absolution, was 
obliged to take sanctuary in Bury St Edmunds, meeting 
with little sympathy on the occasion from a contemporary: — 

The shepherd of the Norwich fold. 
Who fleeces and preys on his sheep, 

** Ne k Sire Mathi de Besile 
Ne lesserent nne bile 

En champ o en vile, 
Tot le soen fat Benle 
£ cointemeni fa detrnsse 

Par nn treget sanz gile**." 

" £t ly pastors de Norwis 
Qui deyoore ses berbis 

^ The effigy was cast by Henry de 
Cologne. '*Hic jacet yenerabilis 
Pater Dominas Petras Herefordensis 
qaondam Episcopas, fondator, strac- 
tor et dotator hnjus ecclesiaB,*' &o. 
— Arch. Vol. XVIII. p. 189. His ne- 
phew was Dean of Hereford. 

'. At Abingdon, a.d. 1460, the 
bailding of a bridge was assisted by 
one of this name: — 
Bir Peris Besillis, knyght corteys 
and keend. 

For his fadir sonle and his frendes he 

did as he scholde. 
He gaf them stonys i nowhe into 

the werkys ende, 
Also mony as they nedid, feche 

hem if they wolde. 
— MS. of 15th centary; Parker*s 
Domestic Architectare, Vol. iii. p. 42. 
3 W. Rish. 

* Polit. S. from MS. ISth centary. 

* Chr. Roff. 

* Gal. Inqois. post mortem. 





Assez Bout de oe oonte : 
Mout en perdi de ces bieDs, 
Mai eti qae ly lessa riens, 

Ke trop en saveit de honte^." 

Of Leioe8ter*8 power need not to 
be told ; 
His goods from Iobs he ooold not keep, 
No thanks to him who left him atight, 
For shame by shame is fitly brought. 

In the last year of his life (1266) he again felt the strength 
of popular revenge, when Norwich was taken and plundered 
by the disinherited*. 

The armed levies of the barons, who marched forward 
under the royal standard', were daily increasing during their 
advance by the adherence of the people, when they dis- 
patched Roger de Clifford to require the King's observance of 
the Oxford Statutes. The King was at this time urged by 
the warden of his forces in the North, Robert de Neville\ to 
summon to his help the great Scotch lords, Bruce, Baliol, 
Comyn, and others who held fiefs in England, and to garrison 
Pontefract by the northern potentate Percy, but even de 
Neville, while insisting on the necessity of resisting the 
rebels, by main force, confessed at the same time to the King 
that " he had found many lukewarm in their answers to his 
appeals*." So little able, however, was the King to en- 
counter the baronial army on the instant, that this recom- 

1 Polit. S. from MS. 13th century. 

« W. Riflh. 

» Fabyan.— W. Rish. 

* Robert de NeviUe, second Lord 
of Raby of that name, 1258, was the 
grandson of Robert Fitz Maldred, 
lineal male heir of Uchtred, Earl of 
Northumberland, and fifth in descent 
from the Conqueror's Admiral, Gil- 
bert de NoT& Villi. The castles of 
Norham and Wark were in his cus- 
tody. — Hutchinson's Durham, Vol. i. 
211. He died 1282, having married 
Ida, widow of Roger Bertram; his 
two next generations disgraced thera- 
selves by their passions.— Y. Banks' 
Dorm. Bar. Oeoffry de Neville was 
also a royalist, and was taken pri- 
soner at Lewes. From the Admiral's 
brother Robert was descended John 
de Neville, who fought on the barons' 

side at Evesham and Chesterfield, 
and Hugh, also of the same party, 
who was made prisoner at Eenil- 
worth.— V. Rowland's Neville Fa- 

s -^piuresque tepidos in responsis 
suis ad conservationem pads inve- 
nio."— Rymer. After Easter, 1263, 
the justices Gilbert de Preston and 
Richard de Hemington held their 
assize at Lincoln. The abbey of 
Peterborough was at great expense in 
entertaining them. Their **iter re- 
mansit indeterminatum," on account 
of the civil war about Pentecost, 
**unde jiutitiarii timore perterriti 
latenter recesserunt." *' Facta sum- 
monitione servitii per ballivos feo- 
dales, prout moris est, tenentes mili- 
tiam nihil facere voluerunty — Chr. 
W. de Whittlesey. 

v.] WAR AND TRUCE. 105 

mendation of future vigour did not suffice to ward off his 
present extremity of danger, and he was reduced, in June 
1263, on the mediation ^ of his brother Prince Richard, as a 
preliminary to peace, to prohibit Prince Edward from con- 
tinning his hostilities. 

The usual demands' as to the Oxford Statutes and 
native governors of castles were comprised in the treaty, and 
so critical was the King's position that on June 29, he sent 
the four bishops of London, Worcester, Lincoln, and Co- 
ventry, who had endeavoured to reconcile the parties, with 
the draft to his Chancellor, with special injunctions to revise 
it, " with all speed, in order that the King and Prince might 
escape from a great and imminent danger'/' 

An immediate truce took place, and the surrender of 
Dover Castle having been exacted as a pledge for its con- 
tinuance, it was now given up by Prince Edmund on July 
2G, to three of the mediating bishops on the King's requi- 
sition to that effect (dated Westminster, July 18), w)iich 
stated that ''the peace between himself and the barons had 
been reformed and confirmed*." 

Young Prince Henry had joined this movement of the 
barons against the King his uncle, and had made an eager 
pursuit of John Mansel, when that wealthy churchman fled 
in terror* (June 29) to Boulogne, where a French knight, 

^ Rymer. King of the Bomans to not oome or yary his former pro- 
King Henry, June 28, Itelbord (Net- posal. Wherefore, finding that Si- 
tlehed?). [King Bichard had pro- mon de Montfort had that day moyed 
perty at Nettlebed, bat from the to Guildford, and would be at Beigate 
spelling Istelhard in note 3 I think on the morrow, he (K. of Bomans) 
the place he dates from is most likely had ohanged his intention, and in- 
his manor of Isleworth. P.]. stead of proceeding to WaUingford, 
' W. Bish. would on the morrow meet the King 
s «< Ad imminens et formidandmn Henry at London. — Na 418, Tower 
periculum evitandum." — Bymer. By Becords, 5th Beport. [Chippenham 
a letter from the king of the Bomans is no doubt the manor of Cippenham, 
to Henry III., dated Istelhard, June now CShippenham Liberty in the 
80, we learn that he had arrived at parish of Bnmham, Bucks. King 
Chippenham on the 29th, and, on Bichard had a palace there. Lips- 
hearing that Simon de Montfort was combe's Buckinghamshire, Vol. iii. 
at Beading, had invited him to meet p. 210. P.] 
him on the dav he wrote (Saturday) ^ Bymer. 

at Loddon Bridge to treat for peace : ^ '* Timens pelli sua)." — Chr. Do- 

the earl had answered that he could ver. 





Gerard de Bodes, honourably received him. The King, 
aware of ManseFs unpopularity, wrote to Cardinal Ottoboni \ 
cautioning him not to credit any slander he might hear 
against him, having known him from his youth and having 
always found him faithful*. The young Prince, in his in- 
cautious zeal against the fugitive, had even crossed over to 
Boulogne, and had there been seized and imprisoned by 
Ingelram de Fiennes, to the great indignation of the barons', 
who suspected the Queen* to have instigated the act The 
present turn of events, however, soon eflFected his liberation 
on the request*^ of the King of the Bomans, and he was ap- 
pointed* with the Earl de Warenne to arrange the terms 
of reform by which Prince Edward was to abide. This 
was probably in reference to the disorder of his private 
affairs, owing to his debts and improvident mortgages of his 
property, some of which were cancelled as illegal. 

The barons had observed the repeated visits of the King 
to France since the Oxford Statutes, and knowing the large 
sums which had been paid him there in pursuance of the 
treaty, they evinced such a jealousy of his foreign intrigues, 
that King Henry now postponed his intended visit, writing 
to Louis the humiliating confession (August 16, 1263) ^ that 
he did so "because his barons for certain reasons dmaeA 
mmme aocurity for his ipaody gataga.'* Before his departure, 
accordingly (September 18), he published his oath to " re- 
turn before Michaelmas, and to do nothing abroad contrary 
to the advantage or honour of his heirs, or of his kingdom®." 

^' Cardinal Ottoboni de Fieschi, 
Conte di Lavagno, after his mission 
to England became Pope Adrian Y. 
in July, 1276, and died August in the 
same year. Dante puts him into Pur- 
gatory (P. 19, V. 98) for his avarice : 
107. Ma come fatto fui Boman pas- 

Cos! scopersi la yita bugiflrla. 

• •••••• 

112. Fino a quel punto misera e 
Da Dio anima fui, del tatto 
avara : 

Or, come yedi, qui ne son pu- 

* Chr. Dover.— Chr. Roff. 

' "Supra quod ultra modum mo- 
vebantur Barones Angliae. '' — Chr. 

* " Procuratione ut putabatur Bo- 
giniB."— Chr. Boflf. 

6 "Berkhampsted, July 10, 1263." 
— Bymer. 

* Bymer, in French, dated from 
Lamhite [Lambeth], Saturday after 
the Assumption. 

' Bymer. 8 Ibid. 

v.] WAR AND TRUC?E. . 107 

In spite, however, of this precaution, in itself a strong 
proof both of the predominance at the time of the barons' 
party, and of their undisguised distrust of their King, whom 
they were so loth to lose from their sight for even ten days, 
it is not unlikely that the two Kings, during their short 
interview at Boulogne, arranged their measures for extri- 
cating Henry from his difficulties; and the fact of this 
suspicious conference might be remembered afterwards by 
the opposite party, as casting doubts on the impartiality of 
Louis when acting as arbitrator. 

Some of the chronicles^ of the times affirm plainly this 
corrupt concert of the French King, dating his promises of 
support so far back as when Henry began to fortify himself 
in the Tower; substantial aid was actually sent under the 
Count St. Pol, with eighty knights, and as many slingers, 
while Gerard de Rodes, the same French knight who had 
wclhomed Mansel, led another troop, who received forty 
days' pay liMore their arrival in England, the leaders being 
paid forty marcs (£56. IBs. 4d.) weekly from the Exchequer*. 
Another account' considers Knig Louis actually corrupted 
by English money ; while again a different^ ^TwaLon represents 
his compliance with Henry's wishes as proceeding from IiIm 
softer influence of the two sister Queens. 

. The hollow armistice formally agreed to seems to have 
had little effect. It did not prevent the King, under the 
guidance of Prince Edward and Philip Basset", making a 
vigorous attempt to surprise Dover (December 4), which 
Bichard de Grey, the Constable of the Castle, successfully 
resisted, refusing to admit the King unless he entered the 
fortress with a limited suit of nine persons*. Foiled in this, 
he then hoped, by a rapid march back, to have taken 
unawares de Montfort and his forces, who were quartered in 
Southwark. The gates of the city of London having been 

1 W. Risk Chr. Roflf. * Taxter's Chr. 

« " De Fisco."— Chr. Roflf. « T. Wyke. 

* Oxenede^s Chr. • Chr. DoTer. 


THE barons' war. 


shut, and the keys thrown into the Thames, by the con- 
nivance of four citizens of authority, he had nearly succeeded 
in surprising de Montfort in a position of great peril, had 
not the zealous Londoners, whose hearts were all in favour 
of the barons, burst open the barriers of the bridge for him, 
and crowded to secure his safe entry among them. Though 
the four traitors were saved by de Montfort from the sum- 
mary vengeance of the people, a heavy fine* exacted from 
them was devoted to strengthen the chains and defences of 
the city, and violent death still awaited them, as we shall 
see, under the most singular circumstances, at Lewes. 

Prince Edward, in the earlier part of the year, had been 
so closely besieged in Gloucester', that he was only enabled 
to escape by imposing on the good faith of the Bishop of 
Worcester, who, as mediator, prevailed on the barons to 
withdraw their forces, on the Prince giving hostages— a pre- 
caution subsequently remitted from courtesy towards him. 
When thus freed from the danger, he unfortunately consider- 
ed himself freed also from his obligations, and immediately 
levied a fine of 1000' marcs on the citizens, after which, 
under pretence of placing his wife in security there, he oc- 
cupied Windsor, even at that time an admired spot*, making 
every effort to fortify the castle, and to garrison it with the 
fugitive aliens, and also with Spaniards brought over for the 

A general uneasiness naturally prevailed late in the year 
1263*, and the nominal truce appeared giving way to more 

1 W. Bish., De Bello Lewes. Add. 
MSS. 5444. 

' Some chronioles (W. Bish.) name 
Bristol as the scene of his danger. 

» W. Bish., De Bello Lewes. Tax- 

ter Chr. Pol. S. from Harl. MS. 978, 

thus refers to the transaction : — 

** Gum in arcto fuerit qnicqnid vis 


Sed mox at evaserit, promissum 

Testis sit Glovemia ubi qnod ju- 

Liber ab angastiil statim revoca- 
vit»— V. 431. 

* "Sub colore vigilandi nxorem 
intravit in castrum de Wyndleshor, 
et ibi se tenait rex.** — Lib. de Antiq. 
Leg. '*Qno non er^t splendidius 
tempore ullo."— Add. MSS. 6444. 

^ It appears to have been about 
this time that the King addressed a 
letter to the Sheriff of Oxford (dated 
Be[a]ding, 2drd Not. 48°), warning him 
against certain persons, calling them 
" Harlotos," who in divers parts of 




open hostility, when both parties were again prevailed upon, 
by the mediation of Louis IX. and the Pope, to consent to 
a reference or miae of the disputed authority of the Oxford 
Statutes to the decision of the French King. The latter, 
when*urged by Pope Urban to reconcile the English factions, 
took no unneighbourly advantage of their discord for selfish 
purposes, as he might have done ; and siiber two conferences 
had been held in vain at Boulogne^ on the subject, the mise 
was at length agreed to in the middle of December. 

By leaving the Tower early one morning before Christ- 
mas*, the King was able to join his son, at Windsor, and 
from hence, surrounded by a foreign garrison, he addressed 
a proclamation to his subjects, dated December 20, 1263, 
not only protesting anew his "readiness to observe the 
Oxford Statutes and to defend the people in their liberties, 
but declaring also that as to aliens^ he did not intend to in- 
troduce them, nay, that he had not done so, and in fact 
stood in no need of their aid'." 

The Queen^ with more honesty, had never concealed her 
dislike of the Statutes, and was notoriously averse to the 
pacification, if such it could be called, which had been agreed 
upon in the preceding June. To bring about a reaction — 

the kingdom favonred (congregationes 
et conyenticnla) meetings and assem- 
blies, and impudently made illicit 
contracts according to their method, 
contrary to the honesty of the church 
and against good manners, which we 
will not and ought not to endure 
(juxtaritmn suum contra honestatem 
ecclesisB et bonos mores faciunt im- 
pudenter quod sustinere nolomus 
nee debemus). The sheriff is ordered 
to forbid them. — Lansd. MS. 967. 

* Hist, de Ft. Pdre G. Daniel. 

* Fabyan. 

* Bymer. ** Alienigenas non vo- 
cavimus, non vocabimus, nee eorum 
auxilio indigemus.*' An order had, 
indeed, been issued (Westminster^ 
July 20, 1263) for all foreigners who 
were in garrison at Windsor to leave 

it, and a safe conduct was granted 
them, July 26.— Rot. Pat. 47 H. UI. 

^ The Queen Eleanor had been ap- 
pointed Keeper of the Oreat Seal, 
Aug. 6, 1263, during the King's ab- 
sence in Gascony, to act with the 
advice of Biohard, Duke of GomwaU. 
While holding this office, she was 
delivered of a Princess, named Ca- 
therine, on St Catherine's day, Nov. 
25, 1253. She met the Parliament 
in 1254, and in vain asked for a sup- 
ply ; on May 15, 1254, she resigned 
the Seal and sailed from Portsmouth 
to join the king at Bordeaux. — T, &c. 
Pat. ST" Hen. III. m. 8. She sat as 
judge in the Aula Begia on the Mor- 
row of Nativity of the Virgin (Sept. 
9).— Bot. Thes. Hen. III. Ld. Camp- 
beU's ChanceUors, Vol. i. p. 140. 




" Was eyere the Qnene ihogt, bo mache as heo mighte thendhe, 
Mid conseil, other mid sonde, other mid wimman wrenche.**^-Robt. Glono.^ 

An incident marking the coarse manners of the age, and 
her own unpopularity, had occurred to her in July.* Anxious 
to enjoy the greater security of Windsor under the protection 
of her son, she had embarked from the Tower to effect her 
passage by the Thames. The Londoners, however, assailed 
her when the barge approached the bridge with every mark 
of foul indignity and hatred, the rudest curses, the most 
opprobrious accusations' were shouted at her, while mud, 
broken eggs, and stones were thrown down vrith so much 
violence as to compel a retreat to the Tower. She succeeded 
in retiring, with her son Edmund*, to the Continent soon 
after this outrage, and is said to have materially influenced 
the King of France in his arbitration, or, as an uncourteous 
chronicler* has it, **he was deceived and seduced by the 
serpent-like fraud and speech of a woman, and by her the 
King's heart was changed from good to bad, from bad to 
worse, from worse to worst," adducing as parallels the female 
influence exerted on Adam, David, and Solomon, to their 

The personal affront thus put upon his mother by the 
citizens of London, implanted so intense a spirit of revenge 
in Prince Edward, that his resentment fatally influenced the 
battle of Lewes. 

The Queen was an eager and imprudent politician, and 
had often, by her ill-bestowed patronage and her counsels of 
resistance, increased the King's embarrassments; but with 

* ** Was ever the Queen's thoaglit, 
as mach as she could think, \^ith ad- 
vice or messages, or with womanly 
plots.*' Even the royalist, T. Wyke, 
represents her as inclined '^animo 

* As John Mansel escaped by night 
from the Tower immediately after 
this outrage on the Queen, and was 
carried under Prince Edmund's es- 
cort to Dover, which that Prince 

surrendered to the barons, July 26, 
it must have happened pi*evious to 
that date. — Lingard names July 14. 
Nichols's Leic. July 13. 

' *'Non erubescentes Dominam 
suam meretricem et adulteram mul- 
toties repetitis verbis nuncupare." — 
T. Wyke. 

* Chr. Dover. 

» Chr. Tewks., MS. Cotton, Cleop. 
4, VII. 




respect to the odious charge of conjugal infidelity rudely 
cast upon her during this gross unmanly insult, there is 
nothing known of her conduct as a wife to justify it; and, 
on the contrary, she ever fulfilled with zealous courage more 
than all the duties of her station towards her husband during 
his difficulties. She remained true to his memory, even 
after his death, retiring to the seclusion of a convent at 
Amesbury,* which had been founded by a previous Queen 
Dowager, and from hence she wrote to her son, trying to 
convince him that the sanctity of her late husband had 
effected a miraculous cure on blindness. Edward I., though 
with too much good sense to attend to this, always showed 
her a deference inconsistent with any suspicion of her mis- 
conduct, and he even permitted his daughter, Mary, to take 
the veil at her persuasion, contrary to his own wishes". The 
Queen, keeping her dowry, took the veil herself, at Amesbury, 
in 1286," and died there, when Edward, who, on a former 
occasion of sickness, had hastened to her, came expressly 
from Scotland to attend her funeral. 

^ It was a cell to Fonteyraad, 
where so many royal Normans were 

' Princess Mary W9,s bom March 
11, 1278, and took the veil in 1284. 
A letter from her, written probably 
between 1315 and 1317 to her brother 
Edward II. is in M. A. Wood's Letters, 
Vol. I. p. 61. She frequently visited 

conrt, attended confinements of royal 
ladies, and visited other nunneries; 
she died 1333, having survived by 
some years aU her family. 

' llie Queen's profession took 
place July 1286, after a visit to her 
relations on the Continent. She 
afterwards styled herself *'the hum- 
ble nun of Fontevraud.** 




■* Most righteons judge t a sentence, oome prepare.**~M. of Yen. 

The time now approached for the arbitration of the 
French King, a decision anxiously looked for by all parties, 
with the hope of putting an end to civil disturbance, and 
fixing the principles of government on a permanent basis. 

The formal instrument, by which such unusual authority 
was vested in the hands of a foreign King, had been sealed 
in London, Dec. 13, 1263, by the chiefs of the baronial party, 
including the Bishops of London and Worcester, the Earl of 
Leicester, his son Henry, Peter de Montfort, Humphrey de 
Bohun, jun., Hugh le Despenser, and many others,* who took 
part in the subsequent battles. The deed contained their 
oath to abide by the award of King Louis concerning the 
validity of the Oxford Statutes, whether for or against tliem, 
and a similar pledge was given by the King in a letter dated 

1 <'Balph Basset de Sapercote, 
Baldwin Wake, Robert le Bos, Henry 
de Hastings, Bichard Gray, William 
Bardoulf, Bobert Vipont, John Vescy, 
Nicholas Segrave, Geoffry Lucy.'* — 
Bymer, from Thes. Cur. Scacc.— 
Oeoffry de Lucy held the Cap of 
State at the Coronation of Bichard I. 
He married Juliana, widow of Peter 
de Stokes. During the civil wars he 
fought for King John, and at Lincoln 

for Henry IIL He was Governor of 
Jersey, &c., of Porchester, 1238 ; went 
on the crusade 1236, and died 1252 ; 
his $on Geoffnj sided with the barons 
at Oxford, and now with Simon 
de Montfort. He escaped from the 
battle of Evesham to Gloucester, 
which however he surrendered to 
Pr. Edward, <Jn promise of pardon. 
He died 1284, and was succeeded by 
his son Geoffry. 

CH. VI.] 



from Windsor about the same time, a& well ad by Prince 
Edward, Prince Henry, the Earl de Warenne, the Eari of 
Hereford, William de Valence, and many other distinguished^ 

The King repaired to Amiens' with several of his ad- 
herents, and there met others, who had withdrawn from 
England in terror, such as the Archbishop Boniface, the 
Bishop of Hereford, so lately released by the barons, and 
John ManseL The latter, indeed, never returned to England ; 
and his fate is as remarkable an instance of fallen fortune 
as the Wolsey of later times. He, who had often refused 
bishoprics, both on account of the greater value of the 
benefices he held, and also because it would have interfered 
with his' free maimer of living, now after all his splendour 
died abroad in poverty and the greatest wretchedness*. 

Simon de Montfort appears to have set out from Kenil- 
worth with the intention of being present at Amiens, but 
his horse accidentally falling with him on the road near 
Catesby", he was disabled by the fracture of his thigh-bone, 
and obliged to return home* — a misfortune which led to 

1 " Hugh le Bigot, Roger le Bigot, 
Philip Basset, Robert Bras, Roger le 
Mortimer, Hugh de Percy, William 
de Breaus," and many others. — By- 
mer. The mi$e is frequently referred 
to in the original : ** nos compromisi- 
mos in Dominnm Ludovionm — super 
proyisionibuB Oxoniensibus — de alto 
et basso." 

* The King was at Dover, January 
1 ; at Amiens from January 12 to 25 ; 
at Boulogne, Feb. 7; at Whitsand, 
Feb. 14 ; at Dover, Feb 15. — Rymer. 
In the time of Richard II. the licensed 
packet-boats conveyed passengers 
from Dover to WhitRand at the 
price of 6<2. in summer, and Is, in 
winter for a single person; for a 
horse, Is, 6d, in summer, and 2s, in 
winter. By an Act of Edward III. 
in 1336, nobody was allowed to go 
to the continent from any other port 
than Dover; this was repealed 4® 
Edward IV. 

• "Quia lubricus erat." — Chr.Mailr. 

* Ghr. T. Wyke. As he had given 
back some portion of his wealth to 
the Church by founding a monastery, 
he is praised as a prudent, circum- 
spect man. — M. Par. All his pro- 
perty, including his mansion of 
Sedgewiok, oo. of Sussex, which he 
had licence to embattle, 1259 (Rot. 
Pat.), were granted after his death to 
Simon de Montfort, junior. After the 
battle of Evesham, William de Braose 
claimed Bedgewick Oastle, as es- 
cheated to him as lord ; but after a 
lawsuit with him, it was restored in 
1266 to John le Savage, in whose 
family it had long been ; some frag- 
ments remain near Horsham. — See 
Sussex Arch. Coll. viii. p. 35; 
Placit., p. 174 ; Rot. Pat. 47 H. in. 

' Near Daventry, in Northampton- 
shire, about 20 iniles from Eenil- 

« Chr. Dunst. 




unexpected results in the subsequent battle of Lewes, The 
barons thus temporarily deprived of their chief, wrote, Dea 
31, stating "that being occupied with other matters, they 
could not attend personally to carry on the mtse, and therefore 
appointed Humphrey de Bohun,jun., Henry de Montfort, Peter 
de Montfort, and others \ as their proxies for the purpose, 
inviting the King of France to explain his own ambiguous 
or obscure words." King Henry's oath to the raise was, in 
like manner, delivered by the proxy of John de la Lynde*, 
Ejiight. The discordant parties thus assembled at Amiens, 
having pleaded their opposite opinions in presence of King 
Louis IX., during several days", that Sovereign at length 
delivered his important judgment, with great solemnity, on 
the 23rd January, 1264, 

The deed*, which is still extant in the archives of Paris, 
recites with becoming precision the mutual agreement of the 
contending parties to accept his arbitration, and after thus 
authenticating his judicial trust. King Louis pronounces that, 
.''having summoned the King and certain barons, and ha\dng 
heard the arguments on both sides, considering the Oxford 
Statutes and the results that had flowed from them, that much 
had been done against the right and honour of the King, to 
the disturbance of the kingdom, the depression and plunder of 
churches, with grievous damage done to aliens and natives, 
both clerical and laymen, and that probably worse might 
happen hereafter, we, in the name of the Father, the Son, 
and the Holy Ghost, annul and make void the Oxford Sta- 
tutes and all regulations depending on them, more especially 
inasmuch as the Pope has already annulled them." He then 

^ Adam de Nenmarket, William le 
Mareschal, William le Blund, and 
Masters Thomas Gantilupe, Geoffry 
Cnberle, and Heniy de Bramiceston, 
clerks. — Rymer. 

' John de la Lynde was Justice of 
the Common Pleas, June 1266, and 
in 1267 was appointed by the King to 
act as seneschal in command of the 
city of London, with John Waleran, 

then Constable of the Tower. — Fr. 
Chr. He was of Bolebrook, Sussex, 
which he died possessed ot>-Inq. p. 

» Hist, de Fr. Pfire G. Daniel. 

* The original is in Latin, dated 
Amiens, on the morrow of St Vin- 
cent, 1263. — Rymer. There is also 
a copy in Lib. de Antiq. Leg. 



goes on to forbid all enmities on account of the non-observ* 
ance of these Statutes, to order all castles to be ^ven up to 
the King, who was to appoint his own ministers and house* 
hold as freely as before, the statue of banishment against the 
aliens to be annulled, and the King to have full power and 
government in all and over all things as before. "We do 
not wish, however, or intend, by the present ordinance, to 
derogate in any thing from the royal privileges, charters 
liberties, statutes, and laudable customs of the kingdom, 
which existed before the Oxford Statutes;" desiring, in con- 
clusion, that the King should be indulgent to the barons, 
and remit all rancour, as the barons, also, on their part 
should do, neither harassing the other. 

Although the obvious meaning of this award seems plain 
and decisive, yet, as each party put their own construction 
upon it, and accepted that portion only favourable to their 
own views, without regard to the rest, it partook in some 
degree of the ambiguity of an ancient oracle in its effects. 
While one of the consulting parties could only recognize the 
total overthrow of the Oxford Statutes, the other noticed 
only the express reservation in full force of all the great 
charters of liberty, which those Statues had, in their opinion, 
only confirmed and enforced. The sanction pven by the 
French decision to the employment of aliens in places of 
public trust seems the point most open to objection, as 
contrary to the laws and customs of England; but it seems 
strange that the high character for equity and chivalrous 
honour which the kingly arbitrator had established should 
have blinded the barons to the dangers necessarily attending 
an appeal to such a tribunal. Even without impugning his 
honesty, though contemporaries^ spoke freely on that subject, 

^ '* rex Francomm, mnltornm ob favorem Dominsd Beginie et Do- 

oaosa dolomm, miniEdwardidictasprovisionesqnas- 

Jadex non rectus, ideo fis jure eavit onmino.*' *' Barones ipeiuB oor- 

rejectoB.** ruptionem inteUigentes.**— -Chr. Wi- 

->Polit. S. from MS. Gott., Otho D. gom. 

viii. *• Rex Francie," " ut dicebatur 



116 THE barons' war, [CH. 

they could not hkve reasonably expected King Louis to decide 
otherwise than in favour of his brother Sovereign, if they had 
vigilantly watched the whole tenor of his domestic govern- 
ment, and how successfully he had maintained and extended 
the prerogatives of royalty in France. It is still more sur- 
prising that, a few months later, the same arbitrator should 
be again appealed to, after the evident failure of the present 

All now seemed satisfactory to King Henry; he had 
gained his cause, and expected to enjoy the fruits of the 

"Bat when the Eyng of France had known oertejnly 
That the Pnrveianoe disherite Eyng Henry, 
He qnassed it Uk dele thorgh jugement. 
The Eyng was paied wele, and home to England went.*' — B. Brunei. 

Before his embarkation at Whitsand (Feb. 15), he evi- 
denced his sense of all danger being over, by commission- 
ing his Queen and Peter de Savoy to bring back his jewels, 
which had been deposited at Paris'. 

Vain and brief, however, was the hope of tranquillity, for 
in less than a month all England was again in confusion and 
strife. The baions, who, whether wisely or not, had sworn 
to obey the award of the arbitrator, were almost immediately 
in arms, alleging his partiality, and yet inconsistently adopt- 
ing his clause, which exempted the old charters from annul- 
ment, as a pretext to justify their resistance. As the King 
could not well have given fresh occasion for distrust, we must 
consider that the aggi-essors on this occasion were the barons 
and their great chief Simon de Montfort. That which pro- 
bably had the greatest influence upon them, and which, in 
fact, might form their readiest justification, was the strong 
persuasion that the King would not have submitted to an 
adverse decision more patiently than themselves, or more 

1 *'Bat when the King of France Eing was weU pleased, and went 

had ascertained that the provision home to England." 

disinherited Eing Henry, he annulled ' Bymer. Fahyan. 
every part of it by his decision. The 



faithfully than he had to his previous engagements. So true 
is Clarendon's* remark, that "the strength of rebellion con- 
sists in the private gloss which every man makes to himself 
upon the declared argument of it, not upon the reasons 
published and avowed, how spacious and popular soever." 

The King, nevertheless, derived some considerable ad- 
vantages from so solemn a decision in his favour; the castle 
of Dover was surrendered to him during the short interval of 
peace^ all the members of his own family became more active 
in his cause, and several of those who had hitherto opposed 
him, but who now may have fairly considered him as the 
injured party, also joined him. Prince Henry, the eldest son 
of the King of the Romans, whom the warlike talents of his 
uncle the Earl of Leicester, as well as strong ties' of affinity, 
had attached to his banner during the recent commotions, 
and who had been lately released from prison by his influ- 
ence, now came forward with a chivalrous candour to an- 
nounce his resolution no longer to fight against the Kiug, 
and surrounded his arms with a promise never to bear them 
against his former leader. His conversion, indeed, has been 
attributed' to the gift of the lordship of Tickhill, by which 
Prince Edward had won him over; but however that may 
have been, de Montfort gave him a contemptuous licence to 
act as he pleased: "I care not for your weapons, my Lord 
Henry, but for your inconstancy; go your way then, return 
with your arms, for I am in no ways afraid of them." 

Others, also, from interested motives, as is alleged, with- 
drew with him, and powerfully aided the King's party from 
this time*. Among these were John de Vaux, Hamo TEs- 
trange, Roger de Cliffbrt, and Roger de Leyburne. The 
defection of the two latter was the more noted as they had 
made themselves conspicuous as partisans of the barons the 

^ Essay xiy. her own brother. 

• The young Prince was nephew ^ W. de Bish. 

to the CoiintesB of Leicester in * "Moneribiis exctecati.*' — W. de 

two ways, his mother being sister Bish. Their desertion is dated earlier 

to her first husband, and his father by some. 


THE barons' war. 


year before when they were thus praised by a contem- 

« Et de Cliffort lybon Roger 
Se ccmtint earn noble Rer 

Si fa de grant justice: 
Ne snfEri pas petit ne grant 
Ne ardre ne par devant 

Fere nnl mesprise : 

Et sire Roger de Leybome, 
Que B& et la sovent se tome, 
Mont ala oonquerant ; 
Assez mist paine de gainer 
Par ses pertes restorer, 
Qae Sire Edward le fist avant.'* 

Roger de Cliffort the good, 
Like a noble Baron stood, 

And to all dealt jastice fit ; 
Nor great, nor little, he swore, 
Behind his back or before, 

Should any misdeed commit. 

And Sir Rog«r de Leybome, 
Who' here and then woald torn 

To conqaer, kill, andlmm : 
Prince Edward had harassed him;Bore, 
So now he tried hard to restore 

His loss and win something more. 

CliflFort* was the nephew of Walter, who is memorable for 
having made a King's messenger, when he brought him a dis- 
agreeable writ, eat up the document, parchment, wax, and all. 
His comrade, Leybume', of a violent and unsteady disposition, 
had been in the service of Prince Edward when abroad, and 
was his companion at the tournaments there. Ho must, on 
his return, have separated himself from the Prince, and thus 
have given occasion to the hostile attacks which he sought to 
revenge by his ravages under the standard of the barons. 

1 Polit. Songs from MS. of ISth 

' His arms were ''chequy or and 
aznre, a fees gales." He became a 
crosader 1272, and died 1286. 

> Arms of Leybame, *'azare six 
lioncels argent.'* — Rolls of Arms. In 
Rot. Pat. 36 H. III. m. 1, he is stated 
to have killed Amolph de Moantney, 
••ad rotandam tabnlam." **Fae- 
rat cam Domino Edwardo contra 
volantatem Baronom, ipsiusqae Ed- 
wardi denarios abiqae tanqaam se- 
neschallus expederat, et ipsam in 
Francifi ad tomeamenta adduxerat." 
— Chr. Dover. Also Add. MS. 6444. 
[An interesting accoant of Sir Roger 
de Leybame will be foand in an 
article on the Heart Shrine in Ley- 
bome Charch, by the late Mr Larkin, 
in the Archieologia Cantiana, Vol. 

II. pp. 133-192. Sir Roger had 
been steward to Prince Edward, and 
enjoyed his fall confidence tiU it was 
estranged by the Qaeen, who insti- 
gated her son to demand a rendering 
of accoants, which shewed a deficit 
of £1000. This was probably soon 
after November, 1260. Daring the 
next three years Sir Roger was an 
ardent partisan of the barons. In 
1263 he joined de Montfort in a 
general raid apon foreigners throagh- 
oat England, and is accused of medi- 
tating an attack apon Dover castle. 
Mr Larkin, however, believes that 
Rishanger^s insinuation of interested 
motives is unwarranted, and that Sir 
Roger considered his work done when 
aliens were expelled the country, and 
was anxious to accept an honourable 
compromise. P.] 


He now once more changed sides, and rejoined the royalists, 
his character thus curiously contrasting with that of his eldest 
son, so pithily sketched in the poem of Carlaverock: — 

" Gnillemes de Leyboome ansi William deLeybonmeyalorons wight, 

Yaillans horns sans mes et sane 'Wiih no ifs or bats, but plain down- 
si i." right. 

Immediate war being thus the result of the Eong of 
France's attempt to produce peace, a French historian' re- 
marks that ''so celebrated and authentic a judgment had 
no other effect than to make the least passionate of the 
rebels return to their duty, those who were dissatisfied with 
their party being glad of the opportunity to desert it/* 

In the midst of this abandonment, the courage and de- 
termination of Simon de Montfort never faltered. " Though 
all should leave me," he observed, "yet, with my four sons, 
I will stand true to the just cause, which I have sworn to 
uphold for the honour of the Church, and the benefit of the 
kingdom: in many lands and provinces of divers nations, 
both Pagan and Christian, have I been, but in none have 
I found such faithlessness and deception as in England'." 
If the national character for good faith, so opposite to this 
stern rebuke, has since become proverbial over the world, 
the happy change may, perhaps, be partly due to the en- 
nobling effects of the principles and forms of liberty, which 
de Montfort was at this moment struggling to establisL 

No breathing time was given, as events hurried on; the 
barons seem at once^ to have resolved upon resuming their 
arms, rather than abandon the restrictions upon the former 
abuses in the state, and they soon threatened the King with 
their gathered forces. Henry, after a hasty preparation for 

^ In the same spirit Golada, the ' Pdre G. DanieL—Hist. de Fr. 

sword of the great Cid, still preserved ' W. de Bish. de bello Lew. 

in Spain, was inscribed with "yes, ^ *'Barones vero non content! de 

yes/' on one side, and " no, no," on arbitrio prsedicti Regis statim milita- 

the other, as if its sharp edge would Teronf — Lib. de Ant. Leg. 
oat its way through all doiibt& 

120 THE barons' war. [cH. 

war at Windsor, summoned a council of his adherents, to 
meet him at Oxford, having repaired to his palace at Wood- 
stock ^' He betrayed no very high opinion of the good 
manners of his followers, when, on March 12, 1264, he pub- 
lished an order to clear Oxford of all the students, "in order 
that they might be out of the gi*eat danger of meeting the 
chieftains, whom, on account of the sudden disturbances, he 
had summoned, and many of whom were fierce and un- 
tamed'." This may have been said in especial reference to 
his new friends, the Scotch, who joined him here in great 
numbers; but the true motive, probably, was a suspicion of 
treachery, had he left in the town so many devoted parti- 
sans of the barons". It is said that there were 15,000 ma- 
triculated on the books of the University at this time, and 
among the number thus removed, the great Roger Bacon 
may have been included — ^for neither learning nor science 
suffice to exempt men ft*om the miseries of civil war. Should 
any doubt be suggested, whether it was the ill behaviour of 
the soldiers or of the students, which occasioned this dis- 
persal of the latter, the honour of Oxford may be gratified 
by the testimony of Archbishop Boniface, who, at his visita- 
tion in 1252, had declared, after his heart had been warmed 
by abundance of good eating and drinking, that "the Uni- 
versity rivalled Paris in its wit, dignity of demeanour, gravity 
of dress, and severity of manners*." 

Of the quality of learning at Oxford at this period, we 
cannot, indeed, have a very high opinion. Two of the most 
accomplished men of the age, Robert Grethead and Adam 
de Marisco, had given lectures there) and had urged the 
study of the Bible, but Roger Bacon ridicules the sermons 
preached there, as full of " much childish trifling and folly, 
unsuitable to the dignity of the pulpit," and tells us that 
Greek was almost unknown. Of the Latin we may judge 

* Fabyan. possemus."— Rymer. 

> ** Magnates multi indomiti, quo- ' W. de Bisb. de beUo Lew. 

rum Basvitlam de facili reprimere uon ^ M..Par. 


by the formal condemnation, by successive archbishops at 
their visitations, of the same gross grammatical errors^ 

King Henry had not always been unpopular at Oxford. 
He had many years previously founded a noble hospital, and 
had been welcomed there soon after his marriage with fes^ 
tivals and illuminations*. His present visit was marked by 
an incident characteristic of him as '*a most devout wor- 
shipper of rusty nails and rotten bones'." His zealous de- 
votion to the relics of saints, emboldened him, with more 
strength of mind than usual, to break through the trammels 
of an ancient* superstition, which had for five centuries for- 
bidden the approach of a King to the shrine of Saint Frides- 
wide. That noble lady had, in the eighth century, seen the 
insults of a Mercian prince, Algar, punished by a sudden 
blindness, as he was entering Oxford in close pursuit of her — 
an affliction as suddenly removed afterwards by her prayers*. 
Universal opinion expected the coy virgin to resent the 
intrusion of royalty even to her tomb, and Henry accord- 
ingly made all befitting preparations for such an arduous 
enterprise. After a liberal distribution of alms, high mass, 
and a day*s fast, he ventured on foot into the forbidden 
sanctuary, and there paid his devotions : — 

'* The King badde then to gode wille, thorn freren rede, 
And hii masson at oriBons vast yor him bede, 
So that vastinde a day a vote he dude this dede." — ^Bob. J^rone.^ 

Though he was not stricken by blindness on the spot, 
yet those who clung to the pious prejudice of ages probably 
looked upon his early defeat at Lew^es as a sufficient fulfil- 
ment of the omen. 

Both parties were now prepared for the struggle, and 

' ArchbishopB Kilwarby, in 1276, tione."— T. Wyke. 

and Peckham, in 1284, eaeh had to ' Leland's CoUec. 

argne against the Latinity of " ego ^ The King then had a desire to- 

currit, cnrrens est ego," &c. — V. wards God by advice of the monks, 

Wood's Antiq. Oxon. 59-125. and ordered high moss quickly be- 

' T. Wyke. fore him at orisons, so that fasting a 

' Henry's Hist. v. 7. day on foot he did this deed. 

^ ** Spreta UH. veteri snpersti- 




each had so much to dread and so much to hope, holding 
principles long discordant, and so recently proved to be 
irreconcileable, that the chances of an amicable treaty 
were indeed slender. It was however attempted, and very 
nearly succeeded. 

The King appointed (March 13') the Bishop of Lich- 
field', and Nicholas de Plumpton, Archdeacon of Norwich, 
to meet the agents of the barons at Brackley (a few miles 
from Oxford), under the mediation of the French ambas- 
sador, John de Valentia. Their credentials**commissioned 
them to treat concerning the security and tranquillity of the 
kingdom, so as to strengthen the- general peace, promising* 
to assent to what they should arrange. 

An earnest summons was, however, issued on the same 
day by the King, now fully conscious of the extreme peril 
of circumstances, calling on all his lieges to hasten, by Mid- 
Lent at latest (March 30), "with their horses and arms to 
his help, as being necessary to keep his state undamaged by 
the very serious commotion, which might easily put in 
imminent danger (though God forbid) both the kingdom and 
crown of England*." The Earl de Warenne, too, at this 
juncture, repaired, by the King's permission, to Ryegate and 
Rochester, in order the better to defend his estates there*. 

It is difficult to suppose that either party could sincerely 
expect a peaceful solution of their dispute at this crisis, but 
it would seem that the Bishops of London, Winchester, Wor- 
cester, and Chichester, were sent by the barons with the offer 
of submitting to all the other articles of the French award, 
provided the King would remit the one single article as to 
the employment of aliens^ This exclusion of alien influence 

^ Bymer, in Latin. The safe oon> 
dnct of the barons appointed to treat 
was to be in force tUl Saturday be- 
fore Mid-Lent, March 29, and was 
dated Oxford, March 17. — Bjmer. 

' Boger de Meyland, bishop from 
1258 to 1295. 

s Dated March 20.— Bymer. 


* ** Batom habituri et gratnm.' 

• Bymer. 

« W. de Bish. de beUo Lew. 

f MSS. Add. 5444. They humbly 
prayed ''quod saltem unicum et solum 
remittat articulum, videlicet quod 
alienigenis ab Anglia remotis, per 
indigenas gabemetur, et omnibus 




seems to have been indeed, throughout these troubles, the 
vital point of the baronial policy. An agreement^ was even 
drawn up in presence of the King to regulate the return of 
Archbishop Boniface, on five conditions : — 1. That he should 
recall the excommunications which he had fulminated from 
Boulogne', in 1263, against several barons, and two of the 
younger de Montforts, for their plunder of church property, 
2. That the damages done to churches or clergy should be 
assessed by a council of his suffragans. 3. That no other 
aliens than his own immediate household should accompany 
him. 4. That other aliens might return to their benefices 
on condition of spending all their income at home. And, 
5. That the prelate should neither bring with him, nor pro- 
cure by others, any writings in damage of the King, or any 
penraoa in the kingdom. This latter clause must have had 
reference to tbe many briefs of the Pope, who had propor- 
tioned the activity of his spiritual arms to the increasing 
peril of the King, his client. ^ tbe 42iiick succession' of his 
threats, indeed, we learn the zeaJ of the pmtiC on the 
receipt of each additional alarm from England ; and he soon 
afterwards sent a legate with firesh excommunications; but it 
would be idle to blame this busy meddling as unauthorized, 
for it was, most probably, invited by the royal emissaries. 

The tide of war was, however, now setting in too strongly 
to heed such obstacles. The city of London seems never to 
have assented to the mise of Amiens, and, like the barons of 
the Cinque Ports and nearly all the middle classes*, refused 
to obey the award. On the first Monday after Mid-Lent 

statntis, proTisionibns et ordinatio- 
nibos regis Francise adqniescant.'* 

1 Dated March, 1264.— Rymer. 

» MS. Bodl., in notes to Chr. W. 
de Bisb. de bello Lew. 

» By a Brief from Viterbo, 17 Kal. 
Apr. (March 16), 1264, the award 
was confirmed ; by another, 12 EaL 
Apr. (March 21), the Pope forbad the 
barons and clergy to conspire. By a 
third, 10 Kal. Apr. (March 23), he 

again oanceUed the Oxford Statutes, 
and absolved all from their oaths. — 

* *'Etfere onmis commnnitasme- 
diocris popoli regni Angliie, qui vero 
non posuerunt se snper Begem Fran- 
ciee, pnedictom arbitrinm suum con- 
trat.ixerunt.*' — Lib. de Ant. Leg. FMr 
Stapleton reads "penitus'* ins&ad of 



[CH. VI. 

(March 31), the citizens rose in tumultuous violeuce against 
the royal cause, and the anger caused by the tidings of this 
outbreak put an abrupt end to all negotiation. The King 
dismissed the bishops with a caution to depart quickly and 
never return to talk of peace unless they were sent for\ 
announcing at once his resolve to maintain the award in all 
particulars to the best of his power. 

There was indeed much to irritate the King and his 
party in the riots and ravages of the Londoners. The bell of 
St Pauls was rung as the concerted signal for their assem- 
bling in arms, and they were directed by two eminent citizens, 
Thomas de Puvelesdon' and Stephen Buckerell', under 
whom they proceeded to destroy the property of all op- 
posed to them, not exempting even the private dwellings 
of the King and his brother. All was wantonly laid waste 
at the country-house of the latter in Isleworth, near the 
Thames, his fences levelled, his orchards uprooted, and the 
head of a large fishpond, lately made at a vast expense, cut 
through*. These private injuries naturally embittered the 
hostility of the parties, but the King had himself unhappily 
set the example of them long ago, having in 1233 caused the 
property of Gilbert Basset and Richard Siward, followers of 
Richard, the Earl Marshal, in his rebellion, to be so treated, 
ordering their houses to be pulled down, their parks, gardens, 
and woods to be destroyed, their fish-ponds to be filled, and 
their meadows ploughed up". 

1 Add. MSS. 5444. 

* The name is Puvelesdon as wit- 
ness to a grant. — Bot. Pat. 1265. It 
is Pilvesdon in W. Hem., Piluesdon 
in H. Knight, Pyweldon in Fabyan, 
Piulesdona in Househ. Exp. He wiU 
be mentioned again. 

' The body of a person of the same 
name, of Sontli Streatham, perhaps 
his father, was found by the King in 
his way to London, at Merton, Jan. 

10, 1258, drowned in a ditch, owing 
to drunkenness. — Cal. Rot. Pat. 48 
Hen. III. 

* On this land, afterwards in pos- 
session of the Crown, Henry V. found- 
ed the monastery of S. Bridget, a com- 
munity of English nuns, which is 
said to have survived to Uie present 
times, though often driven to resi- 
dence in foreign countries. 

fr T. Wyke. 



** Fright our native peace with self-bom arms.** — Rich. II. 

Both armies appear from this time* to have been put into 
immediate action without further parley. While the royalists 
in one quarter were harassed, so that not even their wives* 
escaped captivity, de Montfort appointed a general meeting 
of the barons at Northampton, on the walls of which town, 
in order to display his alliance with the clergy', the banner 
of St Peter's keys* was displayed in conjunction with those 
of the barons. Before the assembly of the chiefs could be 
accomplished, the military spirit of Prince Edward led the 

1 Plao. de Quo Warr. fo. 766. In 
8* Edw. I. an action was brong^t at 
the suit of the Crown against Regi- 
nald FitzPeter to recover some lands 
** extra civitatem Wintonise '* — the de- 
fendant pleaded a grant fropi Henry 
III. in 48*— to this the Eing*s attor- 
ney replied that the King was then 
under durance, and the grant there- 
fore void. Proof however was given 
of the date being previous to April 4, 
1264, when the war began, and it was 
therefore adjudged to be good. 

' Those of R. de Leybume, R. de 
Cliffort, and others, were thus seized 
at Gloucester. 

' 1263, major pars deri fuit cum 
Baronibus. — Contin. of Chr. Guil. 
Neubr. 1199 to 1299, by a monk of 
Fumeux Abbey. — Heame, ui. p. 814. 

* The arms of the Abbey of Peter- 

borough (gules, 2 keys 8altirewa3rs 
between 4 crosses pat^ potenc^e) 
were displayed on the waUs (vexillum 
cum clavibus Santi Petri cum vexillis 
Baronum) by the tenants and monks 
of the abbey, ''licet quibusdam in- 
vitis," which made the King swear to 
destroy the abbot and monastery. — 
On the capture of the town, *' mediante 
pecuni& cum donis et amicis in curia 
regis procurantibus idem Abbas (Ro- 
bertus de Sutton) fecit plures fines," 
paying 300 marcs for contempt of the 
King's summons. In return a letter of 
protection was given by the King, 
which seems to have been of no use, 
*' nullus enim de parte regis deferre 
voluit Uteris suis, cum sibi fuissent 
porrectflB, sed unusquisque pro se de- 
prsdebatur et cepit redemptionem." 
—Chr. Walt, de Whittlesey. 

126 THE barons' war. [ch. 

King^s army into the field, and such was the energy of his 
movements that on April 5, only a few days after that ap- 
pointed for the muster of the royal lieges, he made a vigorous 
assault on Northampton, accompanied by Prince Richard, 
William de Valence, de Cliffort, de Mortimer, and the great 
Scotch chieftains. Young Simon de Montfort, no lukewarm 
descendant of his family, with the firesh honours of knight- 
hood\ was among the most eager defenders of the town. 
The careful training of such a father could scarcely fail to 
make good soldiers, and such accordingly we find all the sons 
of the Earl of Leicester, even the one who began as priest, 
turning to arms in his later life : " Quar jamfes son travayl 
perdra, que pur prudhome' fra." Young de Montfort on this 
occasion advanced with such reckless impetuosity to repel 
the attack, that his horse becoming unruly under the excite- 
ment of his spurs, carried him into the outer ditch of the 
town, where the enemy took him prisoner without diflSculty, 
and it required the interference of Prince Edward to prevent 
his being put to death. 

Near the north gate, within the inclosure of the walls, 
bordering on a stream leading to the river, stood the Cluniac 
Priory of St Andrew, a cell to S. Marie de la Charity, on the 
Loire. Guy', the royalist prior, had, in 1258, succeeded one 
who had been promoted to the same office in the kindred 
priory of Lewes, where King Henry afterwards lodged at the 
time of the battle. Many of the monks, as well as the prior, 
were Frenchmen, and had sent information to the King 
while at Oxford that they had treacherously undermined the 
wall, and concealed by timber the outward opening of the 
passage they had prepared. "While the attention of the 
garrison was called ofiF by a deceitful parley, they now found 

' Recenter novo militisB cingnlo nast. A convent of Carmelites is 
deooratas." *'Non tepidos SBmola- said by Dngdale to have been found- 
tor."— T. Wyke. ed at Northampton in 1271, by Si- 

• Hist, de Fitzw., p. 17. mon de Montfort, but it is not pro- 

• Guy, prior from 1258 to 1270, bable that the earl's son, then in 
was imprisoned by the barons after exile in Italy, should have been the 
their success at Lewes.— Dugd. Mo- founder. 




an opportunity of thus admitting Philip Basset^ and forty 
knights, by whom the town was unexpectedly overpowered. 
The surrender of the castle two days afterwards added a 
great many important prisoners to the royal triumph, in- 
cluding fifteen bannerets and many other knights of less 
rank. Among the most distinguished was the veteran Peter 
de Montfort, the earVs kinsman, with his two sons, Peter and 
William. Peter was the head of a powerful branch of the 
family with large possessions, which had descended to him 
from an ancestor*, who had earned them by his services at 
the Conquest ; he had always sided with the barons. 

•' Et Sire Pere de Montfort 
Si tint bien a leor acord 
Si out grant seignnrie.**— -PoL Song from RoU 13th o. 

He had served the state in embassies and war, having 
had the guard of the Welsh frontier in 1258 committed to 
him, and had been selected as one of the twenty-four 
councillors of the Oxford Statutes. His subsequent fate 
will hereafter come under our notice. 

Another of the prisoners was Adam de Neumarket, whose 
ancestor had used a soldier's licence under the Conqueror to 
appropriate the territory of Brecknock. Adam was sum- 
moned to Parliament after the battle of Lewes, and fell a 
prisoner to Prince Edward in 1265, but was permitted ulti- 
mai'Cly to compound for his confiscated lands. Baldwin 
Wake, who, with his brother Nicholas, was included among 

1 H. Knight 

* Hngh de Bastenhnrgh, a Nor- 
man, had grants of 28 lordships in 
Kent, 10 in Essex (for which he re- 
fused to account, according to Domes- 
day), 51 in Suffolk, and 19 in Nor- 
folk. His grandson took the name 
of de Montfort. 

Peter's father, Thurstan, held 12} 
knights' fees (including Whitchurch, 
WeUesbome, Beldesert), and huilt 
the castle of Henly in Arden, d. 1216. 

Peter had heen ward to Peter de 

Cantilupe, and married, in 1229, 
Alice, daughter of Heniy de Aldi- 
thely, by whom he had — 

1. Peter, who recovered the estates 
by the Diet. Eenilworth from for- 
feiture, d. 1287. His son John was 
with Edward I. in his wars, but this 
branch was extinct in the next gene- 

2. William, married Agnes Ber- 
tram de Mitfort, killed 1265. 

S. Bobert, married a daughter of 
the Earl of Warwick.^Dugdl Bar. 



THE barons' war. 


the most distinguished prisoners, was an active knight, 
twenty-six years of age, whose name occurs in all the great 
transactions of the war and treaties. His mother Joan de 
Stuteville*, now married to Hugh le Bigot, had purchased 
of the Bling the wardship of her own son for 9000 marcs 
(£6000) ; indicating both the domestic miseries of feudalism 
and the honourable efiforts of an anxious mother to avert 
them. Baldwin Wake is represented by soiiie to have been 
at the battle of Lewes, but it may be doubted whether he 
had this additional opportunity of proving the readiness 
of his sword in the cause. He was again taken prisoner 
in 1265, but escaped to join in the last struggles of young 
Simon de Montfort at the close of the war : he was, how- 
ever, pardoned for a fine of two years' value on his estate, 
and died 1282". 

Others of the fifteen bannerets, William de Ferrers, 
Roger Bertram de Mitford', Simon FitzSimon, Reginald 
de Waterville, Hugh Gebyon, Philip de Drieby, Thomas 
Maunsel*, Roger BoteviUe, Rbbert de Newington, and Grim- 
bald Pauncefot*, took part in the subsequent events of the 
civil war, the latter alone being distinguished by a treach- 
erous surrender to the royalists of his trust, as will be seen 

All the chiefains" who had gathered together for the 

1 She died in 1276. 

' "Wake, or two bars gules, in 
chief three roundles gules." — ^BoUs 
of Arms. His wife, Uawyse, was 
daughter of Robert de Quinci. — 
Dugd. Bar. 

' His father had sided with the 
barons against Eong John, and died 
1242. Koger had been employed in 
1258 to rescue the King of Scotland 
from the thraldrom of his guardians. 
On his being now taken prisoner, 
Mitford Castle, Northumberland, was 
taken possession of on behalf of 
William de Valence. His son Roger 
died 1312, and as his only child 
Agnes died without issue, his four 
Bisters became his heirs. 

* Descended from Philip Mansel, 
a Norman, who accompanied William 
the Conqueror. He held lands in Gla- 
morganshire ; arms, argent, a chevron 
between three maunches sable. His 
descendant Thomas was in 1711 cre- 
ated Baron Mansel of Margam. 

^ W. Bish. Pauncefot has the 
addition of " serviens" to his name 
in MS. BodL 91 Bern. 

^ Among the names of inferior 
rank many are again met with in the 
course of the war. T. Wyke adds 
Wyiiam de Fumival. The Bodl. 
MS., Bern. 91, names William de 
Warre, G. de Lewknor (** azure, 
three chevrons argent." — Bolls of 
Arms), John de Dykelynge, H. de 




intended conference of the barons at Northampton, were 
thus seized at once, and strictly imprisoned'. Among those 
who shared the same misfortune were the scholars who had 
been driven from Oxford, and were here found fighting 
against the King with the utmost zeal. They are said to 
have had their own banner on this occasion, and to have 
done more damage with their bows, slings, and crossbows, 
than all the rest. 

The appearance in arms of a class of such natural loyalty 
marks strongly the wide diffusion of discontent, and their 
conduct incensed Henry to such a degree, that he was at 
first bent upon putting them all to death, and was only 
restrained by the risk of offending irreparably the many 
powerful families to which these youths belonged ; many of 
them in their alarm adopted a hasty tonsure to escape under 
privilege of clergy*. One of the earliest acts of the barons, 
after their success at Lewes, was to order the return of these 
scholars to Oxford*. 

Though there had been much animosity, and many acts 
of plunder and ravage before, yet this may be considered 
as. the first great conflict of the civil war, and a fearful 
example of the barbarities of such a strife was exhibited. 
Northampton was sacked by the royal army with every cir- 
cumstance of rapine and sacrilege, as if it had been in an 
enemy's country, and even a royalist chronicler looks upon 
the calamities, which soon fell upon those guilty of such 

Pembrigge, W. Marshal, W. de Hare- 
ourte, W. de Gylefo^d, John Es- 
tomey. Rich, de Galeworth, Ralph 
Perotti, Ingram de Baillol, G. Russell, 
steward of the Bishop of Lincoln, 
Rich, de Hemjngton, Simon de Pate- 
shyll, W. de Wheltomi, Eustace de 
Watford, Edm. de Ardeme, Phil. 
Fitzrobert, Robert Maloree, Roger 
de Hyde, Andrew de Jarpenville, 
Roger de Hakelington, W. de Preston, 
Simon, brother of Reginald Water- 
ville, Hamo de Wycleston, Roger de 

Montenev, W. Awngevin, Ralph de 
Diva, Philip de Daventre, Richard 
Everard, Ralph de Wodekyme, Roger 
de S. Philibert, L de Rye, W. de Ly- 
mare, Hoizh de Tywe, John de Rose- 
ville, Ralph de Brotton, John de 

^ Those detained at Northampton 
were put under the custody of '* Ni- 
cholas Hawresham." — Walt.Heming- 

* Walt. Hemingford. 

' StPaul's,May 80,1261— RoiPat. 




THE barons' war 


excesses, as a just^ retribution. On first hearing of the 
attack on Northampton, Simon de Montfort had advanced 
with his troops as far as St Alban's, intending to relieve 
those besieged in the castle, and when the news of their 
surrender met* him there, his comrades were loud in their 
desponding lamentations ; firm, however, in his purpose, he 
calmly attributed the reverse to the usual fortune of war, 
and encouraged them by declaring that " the month of May 
should not pass over without all the joy of their enemies 
being turned to fear and confusion." The blow was felt 
indeed to be severe, and the earl, "raging like a lion de- 
prived of his whelpsV resolved to countervail the disaster 
by striking in another quarter. 

The unhappy example of outrage at Northampton was 
disgracefully followed at London under his influence. Besides 
a general plunder of the property of William de Valence 
and other aliens, the excited citizens did not even spare 
the deposits of money at the Temple, which then served as 
a substitute for a bank^ ; " in this," as a chronicler observes, 
" resembling fish, who snatch at all they can'." John Fitz- 
John is said to have been the leader of this rapine, and 
to have shared' its ftnits with Simon de Montfort, though 
the latter would appear, as we shall see, to have been in 
Kent at the time. A suspicion of intended treachery fell 
upon the Jews, who being the principal makers of Greek 
fire, were accused of intending to set fire to the city, and 
of preparing false keys^ in order to betray the city-gates. 
The first provocation may have been given by a Jew having 
wounded a citizen', but a fearful massacre was the result. 

^ ^'Jnsto Dei jadicio sunt conse- 
cnti, non habentes jus querelae.*' — T. 

» W. deRiflh. 

' "Ipse quasi leo in saltn raptis 
catulis ssBviens.** — Mat. Westm. W. 
Bisb. de Bello Lew. 

^ In Madox*8 Exchequer is an order 
from the King from Portsmouth, 

July 6, 1253, to remove his money 
and jewels from the Temple to the 
Tower ; in 1268 and 1271 fines, &c., 
were ordered to be paid into the 
Temple for safe custody. 

6 Chr. Mailros. « T. Wyke. 

7 W. Rish. Chr. Cott Vesp. B. 
XII. MS. Hosp. Lino. 

^ Lib. de Ant. Leg. 



At Easter, a Christian festival too often disgraced by similar 
calumnies and persecutions, a number of Jews, variously 
stated at from forty-seven to two hundred*, were barba- 
rously murdered. Among these is particularly noticed Koe, 
the son of Abraham, one of the richest in the kingdom, who 
had, in 1256, paid the King 2000 marcs (£1333. 6& Sd.) for 
the privilege of inheriting the chattels of his own father*. 
In Canterbury a similar massacre occurred by the orders of 
de Clare*. 

The Earl of Leicester in the meanwhile had undertaken 
the siege of Rochester, and for this purpose had carried 
with him all manner of military engines, of which the Eng- 
lish were then wholly ignorant. The defence was gallantly 
conducted by the Earl de Warenne, assisted by Hugh de 
Percy, Roger de Leyburne, and John Fitzalan ; but de Mont- 
fort forced his way across the river, by drifting against the 
bridge a vessel laden with combustibles^ and, securing the 
gate of the city during the alarm, succeeded in confining 
the garrison within the walls of the castle adjoining. Much 
violence and licence ensued in additional retaliation on this 
seizure of Rochester. Churches were plundered, and fugi- 
tives pursued by horsemen even to the very altars; many 
parts of the cathedral buildings were occupied as stables* ; 
and though soldiers are not apt to be rigid observers of 
church ceremonies, yet in an age of such outward reverence 
for religious forms, it startles us to find all these outrages 

1 MS. Cott. Vesp. A. iL In r» 
Edw. I : *' Fnrent iouz lea Juea 
d'Engeltere pris pur la monoye qe 
fut vilement rotonda et faose." — 
** Sistrent Justic. k le Gildhall pur 
ffiire la deliyeraunce, c'est a savoir, 
bire Estevene de Pevenoestre, Sire 
Wauter de Helyon, et Johan de Cob- 
ham et oeux q'il voleient k eox as- 
socyer, pur le quele fat furent 3 Chres- 
tiens et 293 Jues treinez et petiduz 
pur retundre del moneye.'*— Fr. Chr. 

« Cal. Rot. Pat. 40*> Hen. IIL 

• Chr. Dover. 

* W. llish de bello Lew. William 
de Brows (Bruose) was also one of 
the defenders of Bochester Castle. 
Simon de Montfort made his third 
successful assault by loading a boat 
*'cum pice, carbone, sulphure et 
adipe porcina. 12 Cal. Maii (April 
21) die Parasoewe."— Chr. Gervas. 
Lei. ColL Vol. I. 256. 

^ The oratory, cloisters, chapter- 
house and hospital were thus treated. 
— MS. Cott. Nero D. ii. by a Boches- 
ter monk. 





committed on the solemn fa«t of Good Friday (April 18), 
forming an unexpected precedent for those of Cromwell's 
time. De Clare had attacked Rochester from another quarter 
at the same time, and the siege of the castle^ was now 
pressed forward during several days by the barons with so 
much vigour, that it was on the point of success, when the 
news of the rapid march of the King's army compelled its 
abrupt abandonment'. 

The Mayor of London became alarmed at the approach 
of the enemy and the treachery of some citizens ; at his 
urgent request, accordiugly, Simon de Montfort withdrew 
from the siege, and returned to London on the morrow of 
St Mark, AprU 23'. 

Prince Edward had been continuing his successes; the 
town of Leicester, undefended by its earl, had endured the 
horrors of war; and Nottingham was betrayed to him. 
Wherever the royal army advanced, **its three associates — 
plunder, fire, and slaughter — followed ; there was no peace in 
the kingdom; all was destroyed; clamour, and woe, and 
horror arose on all sides*." Thinking to find London an 
easy prey, the Prince directed his forces there, and when 
baffled by the hasty return of de Montfort to its protection, 
he crossed the Thames unexpectedly at Kingston, and made 
so rapid a progress towards Rochester as to appear there for 
the relief of the garrison in five days after leaving Notting- 

1 The onriouB contrivance by which 
water could be supplied to each floor 
of the keep from a well below, is 
still visible in the rains of this castle. 
*' The well is commonly in the snb- 
stance of the wall, through which its 
pipe, of from 2 ft. to 2 ft. 9 in. diame- 
ter, ascends to the first and second 
stories, opening into each (as at Can- 
terbnry, Dover, Rochester, Eenil- 
worth, Portchester, Carlisle). At 
Newcastle and Dover the pipe termi- 
nates in a small chamber and has no 
other apertnre. In some castles a 
similar pipe seems to have been used 
for the passage of stores and amma- 

nition to the battlements.** — Q. T. 
Clarke in Arch, Journ. i. 97. 

* Earl Warenne and William de 
Braose came to Bochester on Wed- 
nesday after Palm Sunday, and were 
attacked in the castle the next day. 
The siege was raised on the Satur- 
day after Easter, and Warenne left 
Tuesday following. 

s Add. MSS. 5444. 

* **Comitaverunt ei tres socisB, pne- 
datio combustio et occisio; pax in 
regno nulla : cffidibus incendiis ra- 
pinis et deprsedationibus omnia exter- 
minantur, clamor et luctus et horror 
ubique.''— Chr. Bo£f. MSS. Ad. 6444. 





ham. The fatigue of this march indeed caused the death of 
many choice horses on the road. This triumph was unfortu- 
nately sullied by unnecessary cruelty, for the few baronial 
soldiers, left by de Montfort to carry on the blockade, were 
seized and barbarously maimed of their hands and feet\ 

The castle of Tunbridge, belonging to the Earl of Glou- 
cester, next [May 1] fell* into the hands of the royalists, thus 
inflicting a double mortification on that great chief, by the 
loss of his castle and of his Countess Alicia. The King, 
however, who had accompanied the royal army, allowed the 
lady, who was his niece, to endure but a brief detention, and 
then freely released her. 

A strong guard, under twenty knights banneret, was left 
here under the expectation of an early attack from de Clare', 
while the King repaired to the coast, "towards the havenes 
with gret poer enou*," marking his course, as before, by rapine 
at Battel and elsewhere. During a halt of three days at 
Winchelsea*, he applied in vain to the Cinque Ports for 
assistance, wishing them to send a naval force up the Thames 
to attack London. The wardens, however, who had through- 
out acted in the interest of the barons, sternly forbade the 
use of their ships; and the King, after exacting hostages 
for the fidelity of the Cinque Ports, quitted them', in order 
to collect all his forces at Lewes', the stronghold of his de- 

' '* Manibos et pedlbns mntilatos." 
— T. Wyke. 

* Tanbridge was taken by the King 
** in die Philippi et Jacobi villS prius 
combnstA per oasteUam.'' — Chr. Ger- 
vas. in Lei. CoU. Vol. i. 

« W. Hemingf. 

* Rob. Glouc. 

' H. Knighton. W. Heming. 

" Bodleian Lib. (Bawlinson MS. 
B. 150.) This account, apparently 
by a monk of Battel, reports details 
of the King's journey not elsewhere 
noticed. At Combwell his cook. 
Master Thomas, going incautiously 
in advance of .the army, was slain by 
a conntryman, which the King re- 
yenged by killing many of the country 

people assembled under John de la 
Hay at Flimwell At Battel the 
monks met him in procession, but 
were nevertheless plundered. The 
King went to Winchelsea, " revelling 
in the abundance of wine there," 
then to Battel, and on hearing of the 
advance of the barons to Hurst, where 
a nobleman, Boger de Tourney, was 
killed in the park by a chance blow 
of an arrow, then to Lewes. — See 
Lower's Battel Chron. p. 200. 

7 The unsettled state of ortho- 
graphy may be amply illustrated by 
the name of this town, as it appears 
in various authors: Leus in the 
King's summons of the prior to Par- 
liament, 1265, and in Chr. Lanero. 


THE barons' war. 


voted brother-in-law, the Earl de Warenne. He arrived at 
Lewes on Sunday, May 11*; but it was no easy matter in 
those times to feed a large army, and great dearth was ex- 
perienced on this occasion. A contemporary account ob- 
serves of this march through Surrey, Kent, and Sussex, that, 
"from the deficiency of victuals in that barren province many 
persons wasted away from want of food, and the cattle were 
lowing and failing all around from scarcity of pasture'." The 
small quantity of productive land in these counties, since 
become so flourishing, may be estimated by the thinness of 
the population at that time. A few years later, in 1278, a 
poll-tax' of 4id. was levied on all persons, male and female, 
of fourteen years of age. The sum of £588. IBs, 4d. was thus 
collected from 35,326 lay persons in Sussex* and Surrey, 
then united in one county. In Chichester, at that time 
probably the largest in population, £14. 9«. Sd. was raised 
from 86.9 persons. Priests paid separately 12d. each, and 
mendicants and children were exempted. Doubling the 
above numbers* in order to include these classes omitted. 

it is called Liewes, Liawes, and 
Linwes, almost in the same page of 
MS. Lib. de Ant. Leg. ; Lyans in 
Nangis ; Lians, and Leans in Bob. 
Bmne, and MS. Cott. Nero. A. rsr. 

^ On the summons of the King, 
the barons of the Cinque Ports *• ve- 
nenmt apnd Lewes VL Idus Maii" 
(May 10).— Chr. Wigorn. MS. " Ve- 
nit in sequenti Sabbato ad villam do 
Lewes." — W. Heming. "In crastino 
8S. Gordiani et Epimathii inventus 
est rex apud Lewes.'* — Add. MSS. 
6444. The feast of these saints was 
May 10. The Oxenede Chr. however 
dates his arrival on May 6, ** on the 
Tuesday before the Feast of SS. 
Kerens and Achilleus/' which was 
on May 12. 

• ••Dum rex fuit in provinciA illA 
Bterili, deficientibus victualibus mul- 
titndo non modica farais inedi& ta- 
bescebant, rugiebant jnmenta, et pas- 
sim per defectum piibuli defecerunt.'* 
— T. Wyke. 

» Subsidy RoU of 18° Edw. I. in 
Archffiologia, Vol. tii. pp. 337-347. 

* Sussex was required to supply 
brawn and other provisions for the 
King's household ; and in 1253 a de- 
mand was made on the county for 
1000 ells of linen, very fine and deli- 
cate in quality. — V. Madox Exch. 
It is not known where this manufac- 
ture existed. 

6 By the census of 1861 the num- 
ber of persons under fifteen years of 
age is roughly as 19 in 52, or rather 
more than a third. The clergy in 
1278 were about 1*5 per cent, of the 
population. The mendicants cannot 
have been much more numerous. 
Consequently, though the numbers of 
persons in mature life are, no doubt, 
swelled at present by the increased 
average of life, I cannot but think 
Mr Blaau'w's estimate excessive, un- 
less he has allowed largely for proba- 
ble omissions. P. 


would give 70,652 for the united county, and 1738 for the 
cathedral city. Contrasting these numbers with those of the 
census in 1841, we may observe that the population had 
increased 12^ fold, Sussex being then 299,770, and Surrey 
582,613, making a total of 882,383 persons. 

On the retreat of the barons from Rochester, Simon de 
Montfort had been met by the Londoners with an unanimous 
support, which greatly increased his power and the numbers 
of his army. The hostility to the royal cause throughout 
these transactions of the citizens of London, already rich and 
important, whose habits and permanent interests would have 
led them naturally to cherish peace, is very significant, and 
must be accounted for, not only by their common share of 
dislike to an unnational King, but also by a keen sense of 
their own peculiar wrongs. It has been stated by an his- 
torian^ that the barons became unpopular after exercising 
power for three years, but there is abundant evidence of the 
reverse being the truth : their actual sway indeed continued 
with little interruption nearly seven years (1258 to 1265), 
and their popularity much longer. The Mayor of London 
was a principal among the twenty-five barons who received 
Magna Charta from King John*, and the Londoners con- 
sidered themselves as the pledged guardians of public liberty. 
Their aflfections had never been sought, however, by King 
Henry, who had reserved all his grace and bounty for court 
favourites. No Machiavelli' had yet pointed out to princes 
with acute simplicity that "the prince must necessarily live 
always among the same identical people, but may well do with- 
out the same identical nobles, having it in his power any day 
to make and unmake, raise and deject such at his pleasure.'' 
While the main object of the King's policy seemed the ad- 
vancement of his courtiers, the city of London was often 

^ Home. mo popolo, ma pud ben fare senza 

* y. Lord Chatham's speech. May quelU medesimi grandi, potendo fame 
4, 1770. e disfame ogni di, e torre e dare a 

* " E neoessitato anoora il prin- sua posta riputazione loro." — II 
dpe vivere sempre oon quel medeai- Princ. 


THE barons' war. 


subjected to his insolence, encroachment, and injustice. Ar- 
bitrary tallages and capricious fines had been repeatedly 
extorted from them on frivolous occasions: in 1227, twelve 
years after their support of Prince Louis, a penalty of 5000 
marcs (£3333. 6a. Sd.) was imposed for that remote offence; 
a fine of 3000 marcs (£2000) was laid upon the city, because 
a priest charged with murder had escaped to sanctuary, 
though he had been in fact the Bishop of London's prisoner, 
having been claimed as an ecclesiastic. Their petition, too, 
on this subject waa not only rejected, but the petitioners 
were reviled by Henry as "slaves," and some of them even 
imprisoned'. The customary gifts which they had oflFered 
him on joyful occasions had been received ungraciously as 
debts, without even the courtesy of thanks being returned. 
Often* had they been heavily taxed to pay for the fortifica- 
tion of their city and the Tower, though obviously intended 
to be used against their own freedom : their military exer- 
cises had been discouraged and scoffed at as unfit for such 
mechanics, and when, in 1253, some of the young citizens 
resisted and beat off the courtiers, who had rudely inter- 
rupted their g:\me of the Quintain, the city was immediately 
punished by a fine of 1000 marcs (£666. ISs. 4d.y, this 
mimic war* being claimed as exclusively by the nobles and 
gentry at that time as the aristocratical privilege of duels 
has since been. 

The noble edifice of Westminster Abbey had risen under 
King Henry's liberality", and in order to bestow fresh marks 

^ Mat. Par. Queen Eleanor, when 
Lodj Keeper, bod rigorously enforced 
her dues at Queeuhithe, and also 
claimed from London a large suin as 
**aurum Begiuie" owing; that is, 
eyery tenth mark paid to the King 
on renewal of leases, crown lauds, or 
renewal of charters. On non-pay- 
ment, she in a summary manner 
committed to the Marsholsea prison 
the sheriffs, Bichard Pioard and 
John de Northampton (1258). — ^Ld. 
Campbell's Chancellors, i. 142. 

« In 1243, 1246, 1249, 1268.— Fa- 

» Mat. Par. 

4 They could fight in earnest, how- 
eyer, at times. A quarrel haying 
arisen between the Guilds of the 
Goldsmiths and the Tailors, they met 
to fight it out with 500 armed men 
on each side on an appointed night. 
Many were killed and wounded be- 
fore the authorities of the city could in- 
terfere. This was in 1226.— S.M. 754. 

^ The amount of bis expenses on 




of his favour upon it, he did not scruple to infringe upon the 
rights of others, On an occasion of this sort, in 1250, the 
city of London had adroitly interested Simon de Montfort 
and other nobles to procure them redress by exciting a 
kindred alarm for the security of their own chartered rights. 
A fair of fifteen days at the feast of Edward the Confessor 
was held by royal proclamation in Tothill Fields, and to 
ensure its success all the shops in the city of London were 
compelled to be closed*. A rainy October made the bad 
roads of approach worse, while bridges were broken down 
and fords became impassable, so that no buyers arrived to 
console the involuntary booth-keepers, who remained exposed 
to cold and mud amidst a dearth of provisions*. Griev- 
ances such as these, coming home to every bosom, and di- 
rectly interfering with the personal comfort and^ profit of 
every shopkeeper in London, were more calculated to ex- 
asperate them than even the arbitrary maxims of Govern- 
ment which might lessen their political power. Nor were 
their retail dealings only thus interfered with, for their com- 
mercial intercourse with France was often subjected to the 
plunder and violent forestalling" of the King's oflBcers, while 
the rigid exaction by the Queen of every tenth marc on 
goods landed in London was also much complained of. The 
most recent and most daring wrong which the court had 
inflicted was in the preceding year, when Prince Edward 

the bnilding down to Michaelmas 
1261, was £29,345. 19«. Bd. ; among 
other marks of his zeal he adorned 
the forehead of the Virgin Mary's 
image with an emerald and ruby, 
taken ont of rings bequeathed to 
him by Balph de Neyille, Bishop of 

1 Mat. Par. 

' The city subsequently bought ofif 
the fair by a payment of £200 to the 
abbey. — Dart's Westm. 

» In Madox ffist. Exch. p. 690, re- 
ference is made to a suit against the 
citizens John Travers and Andrew 
Bukerell (v. pp. 106-277) l^ Balph 

de Dicton, bailiff of Bichard, Earl of 
GomwaU, because the citizens did 
not bring all their boats of fish to 
Queen Hithe (Bipa Begins), as they 
ought and used (sicut debent et so- 
lent), on which the citizens claimed 
the King's warrant, inasmuch as the 
King had granted leave for their fish- 
boats to land where they pleased 
(quod naves pi seem deferentes appli- 
carent ubi vellent). — Mich. 14® Henry 
III. [Andrew Bukerel was mayor 
from 1232 to 1238. John Travers 
had been sheriff with him in 1224 
and 1225. Lib. de Ant. Leg. pp. 5, 




[CH. VII. 

had come suddenly with an armed force to the Temple, in 
the dusk of the evening, and, under pretence of wishing to 
see his mother's jewels, had broken open the chests of 
treasure in deposit there, and had carried ofif £10,000* to 
Windsor for the purpose of the coming war. 

It is no wonder that these and similar insults had es- 
tranged their loyalty, and they had now for four successive 
years elected as their popular mayor Thomas Fitz-Thomas", 
aflFronting the King on the last occasion by not even pre- 
senting him, as usual, for royal approval. So attached, indeed, 
were they to this chief, thax they persevered in their choice 
of him, even when he was a prisoner under royal displeasure 
in 1266. A convention was now signed by him with the 
Earls of Leicester, Gloucester, and Derby, Hugh le De- 
spenser and twelve barons ^ Many thousands of eager par- 
tisans, specified by some* as 15,000, by Rob. Brune as "sixti 
thousand of London armed men full stoute," now answered 
the appeal of Simon de Montfort, and came forward ready 
to advance with him under the standard of the barons against 
the royal army, 

» T. Wyke. Chr. Dover. 

• Fabyan. Stowe. The arms of 
Fitz-Thomas were 5 eagles displayed 
argent, 2, 2 and 1, a canton ermine. 
—MS. Harl. 1049. 

» " Tunc temporis Barones et Lon- 
donienses confederati snnt scripto 
cyrographato et juramento qnilibet 

dnodecim annomm et amplins, stan- 
di simol contra omnes salvd tamen 
fide domini Regis. " — Lib. de Ant.Leg. 
p. 62. P. 

* W. Rish de beUo Lew. Mat. 
Westm. Chr. RofiE. MSS. Cott. Nero. 
D. II. T. Wyke calls them an innu- 
merable troop of Londoners. 



"We see which way the stream of time doth nm, 
And are enforced from our moat quiet sphere, 
By the rough torrent of occasion." — ELem. IV. it. 

Before leaving London, the Earl of Leicester, "faithfully 
sweating in the cause, and zealous for justice," had called 
together the bishops, clergy, and other discreet men of his 
party, to consult on the crisis of aflFaira, and it was resolved 
by them that peace, and the observance of the Oxford 
Statutes, should be purchased, even by an oflfer of money 
if possible, but in ease of such terras being rejected, that the 
decision should be left to arms\ In pursuance of this policy 
the army, now reinforced, began their march from London 
May 6', in order to arrest the King's progress in the south. 
It is not known by what, route the barons reached Sussex, 
but it is probable that de Clare, who had been in Kent, pro- 
ceeded by a concerted plan to meet them, and when they 
had ascertained that the King was at Lewes they pitched 
their camp about nine miles north from that town at the 
village of Fletching', then surrounded by a dense forest. 

1 W. Bish. de Bello Lew. tentoriasnafigehant.'* — Ghr. Wigom. 

* On the feast of S. John Fort. MS. *'Flexemge or Flexingge, about 

Latin. — W. Bish. six miles from Lewes." — W. Bish. 

^ ** Barones cum suo exercitu ad Chr. and de bello Lew. " Flexinge 

dictam viUam (Lewes ) approperan tes sexto circa miUe a prioratu de Lewes. ' ' 

intra yillam qua vocatur Flechinge -^Chr. Bo£F. Mat. Westm. T. Wyke 





Before the final appeal to arms, the barons despatched 
from hence, on a mission of peace, two eminent prelates, who 
had steadily adhered to them — Richard de Sandwich, Bishop 
of London, and Walter de Cantilupe, Bishop of Worcester, 
both well qualified for their office. 

Richard de Sandwich was a worthy successor to Fulk 
Basset, before noticed, in his zeal for ecclesia««tical liberty. 
From a prebendary of St Paul's he had risen, in 1262, to his 
present rank, which he retained till 1273. Soon after his 
elevation he was successful with his present colleague in 
urging to a conclusion the hasty armistice of June 1263, at 
a desperate crisis of the King's aflfairs, and in the following 
month the uncharacteristic duty of the custody of Dover 
Castle was assigned to him and two other bishops, dis- 
tinguishing them thereby as neutrals and mediators. He 
had been an attesting party to the recent mise in France, 
and retained his fortitude and love of his Church* during the 
disgrace and exile, which overtook him in consequence of the 
part he was now playing. 

The birth, station, and character of Walter de Cantilupe 
added dignity to his experience and courage. He had 
already occupied the see of Worcester twenty-eight years, 
having been elected during the lifetime of his father', a 
nobleman who had borne the high office of steward to Kings 
John and Henry, and had been sheriflF at various times of 
Warwickshire and Leicestershire. Early deaths in rapid 
succession had carried oflF three generations of the family 
chief: his brother had conveyed the protest of England to 

says, ** the earl pitched his camp at 
seven or eight miles from where the 
King's army was." " Barones in ab- 
ditis sylvarum iatentes cam exercitu.'* 
The letter of the barons is dated *4n 
bosco juxta Lewes." — Chr. Dover. 

^ Besides bequeathing 40^. for an 
anniversary obit on Sept. 12 in St 
PauPs, ** for the good of bis soul," he 
gave several church ornaments and 
Yestmenis : some of these were coii- 

onsly embroidered, *' with wheels, 
griffons, and elephants," a brocade 
cope **with knights templars rid- 
ing about below, and birds above." — 
Dugd. St Paul's. The brass monument 
of this prelate remained in honour in 
old St Paul's, until involved in the 
common destruction of so many 
works of art by the fanaticism of Ed- 
ward VI.'s time. 
s He died 1239. 

VIIL] negotiations with the royalists at LEWES, lil 

the Pope ; his eldest nephew William, after a brief military 
career, had been followed to his untimely grave by sorrowing 
crowds of abbots and barons, among whom were Simon de 
Montfort and Humphrey de Bohun ' ; Walter himself, who 
had been employed on foreign embassies, was ever an active 
and zealous friend to the liberties of the Church and State. 
In one of the regulations made by him for his diocese, in 
1240, he assumes a singularly paternal character, enjoining 
"all priests every Sunday to warn both mothera and nurses 
not to keep their tender infants too close to them, lest by 
chance they should be suffocated, but to let them lie firmly 
propped up in their cradles'." He was one of the twenty- 
four councillors elected to watch the execution of the Oxford 
Statutes, and more recently, after reconciling the hostile 
parties of the state to an armistice, he had promoted the 
mise, by which he might have hoped to end these civil 
broils. The manner in which Prince Edward had lately 
delivered himself from the thraldom of a blockade, by prac- 
tising on his too easy faith, has been already adverted to. 

The task of peace was now resumed by these prelates un- 
der discouraging circumstances, when they proceeded to Lewes, 
charged with the offer of 50,000 marcs" (£33,333. 6«. 8d.) 
to the King, in compensation for the damages done by the 
baronial party in their late outrages, but annexing the con- 
dition so constantly urged, of the Oxford Statutes being 
held valid and executed. Other accounts, indeed, represent 
the King of the Romans as making the demand of £30,000, 
but this may have arisen from his avarice being so popular 
a topic of reproach : — 

"The Eyng of Alemaigne, bi me leante, 
Thritti thonsent ponnd askede he 
For to make the pees in the coantre^.** 

^ He. was related to them by hig * Pol. S., from MS. HarL 2263. 

marriage with Eve [de Braose, great The Chr. Donst. says there ^ere three 

granddaaghter] of the great Earl of proposals of peace, the first sent by 

Pembroke. knights, the second and third by the 

* Wilkins' Gone. i. 668. two bishops. 

» T. Wyke. 

142 THE barons' war. [ch. 

The bishops were bearers of the following letter, in which 
the barons endeavoured to reconcile their loyalty to the 
King, with their war against his evil advisers: — 

** To their most excellent Lord, Henry, by the Grace of 
God, the illustrious King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke 
of Aquitaine, the barons and others his lieges, wishing to 
observe their oath and faith to God and him, send health, 
and due service with honour and reverence : 

" Since it is apparent by many proofs that certain per- 
sons among those who surround you, have uttered many 
falsehoods against us to your Lordship, devising all the evil 
in their power, not only towards us, but towards yourself and 
the whole kingdom : 

" May your Excellency know, that as we wish to pre- 
serve the health and safety of your person with all our 
might, and with the fidelity due to you, proposing only to 
resist by all means in our power those persons, who are 
not only our enemies, but yours, and those of the whole 
kingdom ; 

"May it please you not to believe their falsehoods. 

" We shall always be found your liegemen, and we, the 
Earl of Leicester and Gilbert de Clare, at the request of 
others, have affixed our seals for ourselves. Given in the 
Weald, near Lewes, on the first Tuesday after the feast of 
St PancrasV (May 13, 1264.) 

This address has been termed' " submissive in the lan- 
guage, but exorbitant in the demands;*' and undoubtedly 
the courteous obedience professed by it stands in contrast 
to its resolute menaces, the submission being somewhat akin 
to the humility of the Biscayans, whose fixed law it was, 
that, until their lord swore to keep their privileges, "any 
order of his should be obeyed only, and not executed ^" 

^ Clir. Dover, " datum in bosco Pancras was on Monday, May 12. 

jnxta Lewes die Martis primo post ^ Hume. 

diem S. Pancratii." In Chr. Rish. s « y que si su Senorla enbiare 

it is ** Datum apud Flexing.*' Sir J. mandamientos o provisiones en el 

Mackintosh dates this May 10. S. entre, tanto scan obedicidas y no cum- 


The royal court had been established at Lewes two days, 
when the bishops now approached on their mission. Prince 
Edward had made himself the congenial guest* of his gal- 
lant kinsman at the castle, while the King had taken up 
his residence in the great priory of Cluniac monks, situated 
in the low grounds south of the town. The ipj^ov William 
de Neville', who had been lately removed here from the 
convent of the same order, and whose treachery had facili- 
tated the capture of Northampton, was now engaged in re- 
building the great western towers of his church, a work 
he did not live to finish, but for which he bequeathed funds 
at his death, in 1268. 

The priory, in conjunction with four French ones, con- 
stituted " the five chief daughters of Cluny," near Macon, 
in Burgundy, the prior of Lewes being always High Cham- 
berlain of the order. Subject as they were to a foreign 
authority, the monks, as well as their head, may well have 
had a bias towards the alien courtiers of the King, and 
doubtless rejoiced at the honour of receiving such distin- 
guished guests as their inmates. The young Christian martyr, 
Saint Pancras, to whom the priory was dedicated, displayed 
no such marvels on the occasion, as were believed by his 
devotees to have occurred at his tomb in Rome. There 
any false swearer, who came near, either became instantly 
possessed of the devil and went mad, or fell down dead on 
the pavement, and this occurred in some cases where the 
test had been tried in vain at the tomb of the more in- 

plidas." — FuerosdeVizcaya. In Hun- 
gary Bimilar orders were laid aside 
respectfully, " cum honors deponun- 

^ He was again at Lewes as King, 
Aug. 1289. 

* The name is Neville in Willis* 
Hsts, and in Harl. MSS. e Begist. 
Arc. Gifif., but in Begist. pr. S. Andr. 
and in Ann. de Lewes it is Fonyille, 
probably corrupted from Nova Villa 
(Neville). His bequests to the priory 
were many: a gold cup enriched with 

five gems, a gilt sacramental cup and 
four others of his best for the choir, 
a silver pall, £100 to buy tunics in 
alternate years, 200 marcs (£133. 
6«. Sd.) to complete the two towers 
of the front of his church, which were 
ninety feet high and the walls ten 
feet thick, 100 marcs (£66. 13«. 4d.) 
to the treasury, a gilt cup to the re- 
fectory, and a silver goblet to the 
infirmary. — Dngd. Monas. He is not 
noticed in Kowland's "Nevill fa- 




dulgent St Peter*. Neither king nor courtier were affected 
at Lewes by this touchstone of truth. 

Having adopted the discipline and black habit of St 
Benedict, they were often familiarly designated as the Black 
Monks, and let us hope they did not deserve the character 
given them^by a satirist soon after this time, who describes 
the " Moyne Neirs " as members of the order of Easy Liv- 
ing (Ordre de Bel Eyse), getting drunk every day from 
mere jollity : — 

" E sont chesonn jour ivre, Thejmostperforoegetclrank each day, 

Qaar ne sevent autre Yivre, They know of life no other way; 

"Mha ils le font pur compagnie. But they only drink for company, 

E ne mie pur glotonie*." And not a jot for gluttony. 

The tact of finding excellent reasons for doing what they 
liked was not peculiar to this fictitious Order. In a similar 
manner the monks of St Denis offered sound clerical argu- 
ments to Charlemagne in favour of their hunting : the flesh 
of hunted game was so medicinal to their sick, and the skins 
served so well for their gloves and girdles, and for binding 
their psalters. Hunting accordingly continued for many 
ages the orthodox practice of churchmen. Walter de Suf- 
field, the Bishop of Norwich, in 1256, had bequeathed his 
pack of hounds to the King, and there were thirteen parks* 
well stocked with game belonging to that see at the Re- 
formation. An interesting precedent was also furnished by 
the Archbishop of York in 1321, when he conducted his 
visitation with a train of 200 persons and a pack of hounds, 
which his clergy had to maintain, as he moved from place 

1 Legenda Aurea. Panoras having 
refused to worship idols at the com- 
mand and entreaties of Diocletian, 
was beheaded a. d. 287, at Home. His 
head ** which sweated blood for three 
days, when the basilica of S. John 
Lateran was on fire,** is to this day 
annually exhibited there on his feast- 
dav. May 12, Diar. Bom. 

* Pol. S. from MS. Harl. 

' Stnitt's Ano. Sp. Compare the 
case of St Edmund's Bury. **PlureB 
enim parcos fecit, quos bestiis reple- 
Yit, venatorem cum canibus habens, 
et superveniente aliquo hospite mag- 
ni nominis, sedebat cum monachiM 
iuis in aliquo saltu nemoris, et vide- 
hat canes currere ; sed de venatione 
nunquam vidi eam gustare." — Chr. 
Jooelin, p. 21. 


to place. Many a monk, like Chaucer^s, was ''an outrider 
that loved venerie,** and the luxurious living in some of their 
cloistered retreats is amusingly caricatured in an early 
satire : — 

"AU of pasties beth the waU, 

Of flesh, of fish, and a rich meat, 

The like-fullest that man may eat: 
^ Flonren cokes beth the shingles all 

Of chnrch, cloister, bowers, and haU: 

The pinnes beth fat puddings. 

Rich meat to Princes and Kings. 

Tet do I yon mo to wit 
The geese yroasted on the spit. 
Flee to the Abbey, God it wot. 
And gredith *' geese all hot, aU hoi 

The young monkes each day 
After meat goeth to play^." 

The present guests at the priory of Lewes had all cele- 
brated the great feast of the patron saint, on Monday, May 
12, doubtless with all due merriment, and we shall see with 
what excited spirits they received the oflfer of peace on the 
following day. On the morning of the battle also they were 
so little alert as to be nearly surprised in their beds — a 
circumstance which tallies somewhat suspiciously with the 
warning of the satirist, if any friend should come to visit the 
black monks in the evening : — 

" Ce yus di je de veir, Pll tell you true what he wiU do, 

Yl dormira grant mating, He'U snooze away far mto day, 

Desque la male fum^e Nor leave his bed untU his head 

Seit de la teste issue From the fumes be free of the night's 

Pur grant peril de la vewe '." revelry. 

And much I fear he won*t see dear. 

That the Cluniacs were not wholly absorbed in devotion, 
authentic evidence was given by some English brethren of 
the Order, who set forth their grievances to Edward III. in 
1331, complaining: 1. That a few foreign brethi-en, their 
privileged masters (mestres per heritage) sent the revenues 

1 Likefullest, pleasantest; pinnes, in Hickes'Thes. 
pinnacles; gredith, cry.— Cockaigne * PoL S. from MS. HarL 



out of the kingdom : 2. That the Prior of Lewes evaded the 
Act of Parliament, and persisted in sending new monks 
abroad for admiseioo : '3. That heads of houses were chosen 
who knew nothing of clerical mattero except scraping up 
money and sending it abroad : 4. That if a monk Bhould 
speak of discipline or religion he would be despatched a 
hundred leagues off on foot, and with a stinted allowance ; 
and on that account the order of Cluny has fallen into shame, 
and no one dared to speak of religion*." 

Among those assembled round the King at this crisis of 
hifl fate were nearly all those allied to him by blood or 
marriage : his gallant son Edward, the favourite and main- 
spring of the army, and a second titled monarch, Prince 
Richfod, King of the Romans, who had with bim bis chival- 
rous son Henry, a fresh convert, and a zealous one irom the 
opposite party, and hia younger son Edmund, a mere youth. 
The royal half-brothers, Guy and William de Valence, objects 
of so much national Jealousy, were eager to revenge the 
insults of their exile and confiscation. The neighbouring 
fortress of Pevensey was now in the custody of William, who, 
though there does not appear to have been any distinct 
grant of the title, was considered at this time as the Earl of 
Pembroke', in right of the inherited lands of his wife Joan 
de Monchensy. The head, however, of the Monchensy family 
was in th^ enemy's camp, and the kinsmen were soon to 
meet in conflict. 

John, the seventh Earl of Warenne and Surrey, was 
among the most constant and resolute of all the King's 
friends, whose half-sister Alice he had married. The lady, 

' Bejn. Apost. Bened. Dogd. Mon. 
" Le kiLTt, ke bi tm moTiie parle de 
ordie ou de religioD, 11 eenk mandi 
cent lewes hors, e a pe, e a poy dea- 
peDBea, s par ic; le oidre de Clnny e 
alle a bunte e pur ice uul ne oae par- 
ler de religiun." A bnll of Pope Ce- 
leEtinellL, 1197, rebnkes the Prior of 
Leirea for promiaing beneflceB before 
the; were TMant, "et de non soWen- 

dia penaionibiiB clericiB nobiliam," 
Bjmer. — Tonoer'a Not. Prince Ed- 
irard was tbe Gist vho confiscated 
the revenues of Lowes Prioi;, as 
alien, in 12B6, to help his own ware. 
■ The estates bad been granted to 
bint in 1250, and be waa Bamiaoiied 
to the great oooncila as repreeenta- 
tivo of tbe property. 


indeed, is unpolitely handed down to us as proud, ugly, and 
ill-tempered, and she died mad^; but this was by no means 
the only alliance of the family with royal blood. The first 
earl was a kinsman of the Conqueror, and married his 
daughter Gundred", whose well-known tomb, near the priory 
founded by him, has preserved her memory at Lewes. Isa- 
bella, the sole heiress in the fourth generation, carried the 
earldom by her marriage, first to William de Blois, a son of 
King Stephen, and after his death to Hameline Plantagenet, 
a brother of Henry 11. By his father*s marriage with Maud, 
one of the Pembroke heiresses, John was nearly related to 
some of the powerful chiefs now opposed to him', but he 
gave to the King, with unflinching loyalty, all the influence 
derived from his wide possessions in Sussex^ and the strength 
of the castle, at Lewes, at this moment so peculiarly import- 
ant to him. A hostile ballad' of the time thus alludes to his 
wealth and spirit, at a time when the barons had checked 
him by the truce of 1263 : — 

** Mes de Warenne Ij bon Qnens, 
Que tant ad richeases et biena. 
Si ad apris de gaere. 

1 Mai Weetm. 

' Docheane (Hiat. Norm. Script.) 
though naming five other daughters, 
makea no mention of Gundreda; nor 
doea Thierry (Conq. d*Anglet.); nor 
BC. Lafreneye in NonveUe Hist, de 
Normandie, 1816; and Orderic Vit. 
aaya, *'the King gave Sorrey to Wil- 
liiun de Warenne, who had married 
Chmdreda, siater of Gherbod.*' The 
tradition of herparentage might there- 
fore have been doubted had not her 
husband in lus charter founding the 
priory described her aa the dau^ter 
of Queen Matilda : ** Pro salute ani- 
mm men et animiB Oundredo uxoris 
meffi * * * et pro salutaa do- 
mina mea Matildis regins, matris 
uxoris mes." — Dugd. Monast 

*' Cestriam et comitatum ejus Gher- 
bodo Flandrensi jamdudum Bex de- 
derat." After the Conquest William 

Proud of his wealth and many lands. 
The good Earl Warenne raised hia 
SkiUed in war, and quick to fight; 

granted to this Flemish nobleman 
for his serrioes the city and county of 
Chester; but, being in Flanders on 
business, Gherbod was there seized 
by his enemies, and imprisoned for 
l^e. Chester was therefore, on ac- 
count of his absence, granted to Hugh 
Lupus.— V. Order. Vit p. 260. 

* With the Earls of Gloucester and 
Norfolk and with the family of the 
Earl of Derby. P. 

« His father WiUiam held, 30A 
knights' fees in Pevensey Bape, and 
62 in Lewes Bape. 

* Pol. S. from MS. 18th cent. Sir 
J. Mackintosh erroneously names 
Warenne as one of the principal 
leaders of the barons with Glouces- 
ter and Derby. — Hist. Eng. Peven- 
sey Castle was committed to his cus- 
tody, 1263. (Pat. 47- H. III.) 





En Norfolk en eel pensis 
Vint conqnerrant see enemis, 
Meg ore ne ad qne fere.** 

In Norfolk late his thonghts did swell. 
Intending all his foes to quell, 
Bat idle now lies his might. 

Of all those who fought at Lewes, he*, with Prince 
Edward, was the only one who survived to be enrolled among 
the warriors at Carlaverock, in 1301, civil and foreign wars 
having swept away all the others. In the interim he had 
steadily maintained his independence of character : his bold 
answer to the enquiries of the royal commissioners in 1276, 
as to the title by which he held his lands, was more con- 
clusive in that age than rolls of parchment. " By this sword 
did my ancestor win them, and by this sword will I keep 
them." It is interesting to find him as a veteran still fight- 
ing by the side of his King so many years afterwards, and 
bringing forward his grandson Henry, Lord Percy*. 

After holding the earldom for fifty-four years, he was on 
his death in 1304 so esteemed, that King Edward caused 
prayers to be publicly offered for him, and the clergy sanc- 
tioned a promised " remission of 3000 days from purgatory 
to those who should relieve his soul by prayer'." Of the 

^ *' Johans 11 bon Qaens de Warene 
De Tantre eschele ayoit la rene 
A jiisticier e gouYomer 
Com cil ki bien scavoit mener 
Gen seignonrie et bonnonree. 
De or et de azur eschequeree 
Fn sa baniere noblement 
n ot en son assemblement 
Henri de Percy son nevon, 
De ki sembloit ke enst fait yon 
De aler les Escos de Rampant. 
Jaune o un bleu lyon rampant 
Fa sa baniere bien vnable." 

' He was the son of his third daugh- 
ter Eleanor, and succeeded his father 
(a royalist prisoner at Lewes) in 1272. 
He married Eleanor, daughter of 
Bichard, Earl of Arundel. 

* He was buried before the high 
altar of Lewes Priory, *'in pleno pa- 
vimento sub planA tumbA." — MSS. 
ViteU. XIV., 14 ex reg. Lew. The 

Good Earl de Warenne on his steed 
Had of the other troop the lead, 
To govern or to check at will. 
As one who had the noble skill 
Barons and honoured knights to guide, 
When proudly flying they descried 
His chequered banner blue and gold 
In his squadron, young and bold 
His grandson Heniy Percy, came, 
Seeming as if he vowed to tame 
The Scots, and singly to attack. 
While high in sight of all there flew 
His golden banner's lion blue. 

Archbishop, the Bishops of Chiches- 
ter, Rochester, and five others, au- 
thorized this indulgence, inscribed on 
his tomb: — 

** Ey pur sa alme priera 
Troiz mill jours de pardon avera.** 

For his soul whoever prays 
Of pardon has 3000 days. 


other principal royalists at Lewes, the kindred and fate of a 
few may be traced, to show by what various motives of in- 
terest or loyalty, and after what changes of opinion, they 
were there united in the same cause. John Fitzalan, Baron 
of Clun, in Wales, was in possession of Arundel Castle, as the 
representative of his mother, Isabella de Albini, heiress of 
her two brothers, the last earls of that name ; but though in 
favour at court he never enjoyed, nor did his son after him, 
the title of earl, though this is contrary to a popular opinion 
of its tenure*. He had fought in the Welsh wars, and had 
mainly assisted in the recent defence of Rochester. The 
widow of his maternal uncle, Warenne's sister, whose spirited 
interview with the King has been related, was yet alive, and 
this connection naturally associated Fitzalan's banners with 
those of that chieftain. The advantage of all the great 
strongholds of Sussex, Lewes, Pevensey, Hastings, and Arun- 
del, being in friendly hands, had probably determined the 
movement of the royal forces to this part of the kingdom, as 
affording a military position of great strength, increased by 
the facility of receiving fresh supplies of men and money 
from France. 

^ He died 1267. His grandson, 
Edmund, was the first of bis name 
summoned to Parliament as Earl of 
Arundel, and by marriage witb Alice, 
heiress of the last Earl de Warenne 
(who died 1347), introduced additional 
wealth and honours into the family. 
The ** fair Brian de Fitzaleyn, full of 
courtesy and honour," at Oarlave- 
rock, had a seal, which, instead of 

any heraldic device, exhibited two 
birds, a stag, a rabbit, and a pig, with 
the motto, '* Tot capita tot sentencie." 
— Cartwright's Rape Arund. Report 
of H. of Lords. The arms of Brian 
Fitzalan are barry, or and gules, in 
the east window of Bedall church. 
The pedigree of the Fitzalan family 
has been given by the Rev. R.W. Ey- 
ton. Arch. Joum. 1856, p. 333: — 

William de Albini, Hugh de Albini, 
4th Earl. 5th Earl, d. 1243, 

m. Isabella d'. of 

"W™. Earl de Warenne, 

d. 1282. 

Isabella de Albini, 
m. John Fitzalan, Baron of Clun, 
who d. 1177? 

John m. Maud Yerdon, 
d. 1267. 


John m. Isabella de Mortimer, 

d. 1272. 
Edmund m. Alice de Warenne, 

d. 1826. 




Others of the kindred of the Albinis were with Fitzalan : 
Roger de Someri\ who had married his aunt, was a soldier 
of experienced service in Qascony and Wales. He had felt 
the rigour of the feudal bonds in a remarkable manner, soon 
aflber he had become the heir of his nephew, who died young, 
all his land being confiscated on account of his having neg* 
lected the royal summons to receive knighthood. By the same 
feudal supremacy he had been prohibited, in 1262 — probably 
at the instigation of the barons, who may have mistrusted 
him — ^from continuing to build the castle of Dudley, and he 
had but recently obtained licence to do so, perhaps at a 
moment when the King was a more free agent. 

Robert de Tattershall*, a cousin of Fitzalan, was a gallant 
and powerful knight, holding twenty-five fees, who had al- 
ready been engaged in the Welsh wars. 

One of the most conspicuous royalists in rank was Hum- 
phrey de Bohun, known as the good Earl of Hereford. 
Descended from a kinsman of the Conqueror, his father had 
been one of the firmest upholders of Magna Charta^ and he had 
himself, on many occsusions, displayed the same independent 
spirit, when provoked by its infringement, the encroach- 
ments of the Pope, or the overbearing influence of the alien 
courtiers. His marriage with one of the Pembroke heiresses 
had increased his importance, and he had stood as one of the 
nine sponsors at Prince Edward's baptism, in 1239. His 
services when a crusader, and in Wales, had inured him to 
the ordinary aspect of war; but the greatest trial of his 
courage must have been now to see his eldest son', an able 

^ Arms of Somen: ** Or two lions 
passant azure." — Bolls of Arms. He 
died in 1272. 

* He died in 1274. Arms, ** Che- 
qny or and gules, a chief ermine." — 
Carlay. His son claimed, in 1297, 
the office of Hereditary Chief Butler 
in right of his grandmother, Mabella 
Albini. Dugdale says he fought 
against the King, at Evesham (Esc. 

49* H. m.). 

* The father was the second earl, 
but Dugdale appears to confuse him 
with his son, and represents him as 
always taking part with the barons, 
until he became a prisoner at Eve- 
sham. His son, Humphrey, un- 
doubtedly fought against the King, 
and died before him; and the homage 
of the grandson was taken after the 
earl's death, 1274. — Cal. Inquls. p. 
mort. Dugd. Bar. 


and restless soldier, leading on part of de Montfort*s troops, 
and persevering throughout the war allied to the same party, 
as well as John de Haresfield\ his son by a second wife. 

In similar opposition to the head of his noble family stood 
Hugh le Bigot*, a good soldier and a skilful lawyer. His 
early political tendencies having united him with the barons 
at Oxford, they had made him a Justiciary, and entrusted 
him with the command of Dover, from which the King had 
dismissed him as soon as he dared. He was, however, now 
ranged in support of the Crown, and after his flight from 
Lewes re-appeared at Evesham to fight for the same cause, 
recovering finally his confiscated estates. 

The family influence of de Warenne may also have 
brought other knights to the royal side. William Bardolf *, 
whose mother was a Warenne, had been selected by the 
King as one of the twelve councillors at Oxford, but being a 
good soldier, and having, in 1241, seized the notorious out- 
law, William de Marisco, in Lundy Island, the barons had 
placed him in command of Nottingham, in 1258, and again 
in 1263. This trust, however, he had recently betrayed* 
into the King^s hands, after the Northampton victory. The 
barons were, at this moment, encamped on his lands at^ 
Fletching, and he became their prisoner on the following 

The large possessions of Henry de Percy gave him great 
influence, not only in the North', but in Sussex, where he 

^ The remainder of his elder bro- 
ther's estates was secured to hun and 
Milo, another brother, by grant, 1266. 
—Rot. Pat BOr a in., where Hum- 
phrey is misnamed Henry. 

* Arms of le Bigot, *'0r a cross 

* He was a ward of Hubert de 
Burgh, as a minor, had a grant of 
free warren at Fletching, in 1254, 
and died 1274. Arms, '* Azure 3 
quintefoiUes de or." — Bolls of Arms. 
His son is honourably mentioned at 
Garlayerock, as *' a rich and chival- 
rous knight of lordly presence.*' 

* T. Wyke. 

' The manor of Skelton, brought 
into his family by his grandmother, 
was held by a singular but easy te- 
nure, the lord being bound, on every 
Christmas-day, to lead the lady of 
Skelton Castle from her chamber to 
mass and back. Percy died in 1272. 
His son has been already alluded to 
as accompanying de Warenne at Car> 
laverock. He was the direct ances- 
tor of Hotspur, and, by females, of 
the late Earl of Egremont. — I>ugd« 
Bar. Cartwr. Bape Arundel. 


was Lord of Petworth. He had given £900 to the King for 
livery of his lands, and the liberty of marrying whom he 
pleased — a privilege certainly worth paying for, but which he 
did not abuse; for the lady whom he chose, Eleanor, the 
daughter of Eail de Wareune, would have had no difficulty 
in gaining the King's consent After sharing in the Welsh 
campaigns with honour, he had been leagued with the barons 
up to the preceding year, when his estates were confiscated. 
De Warenne may be supposed to have induced his submis- 
sion by their restoration, in consequence of which he had 
gathered the adherents of his noble banner to assist the 
King at the capture of Northampton, and was again pre- 
pared for the combat at Lewes. 

Another knight was present, whose name has become 
more distinguished by modem genius than it was in his own 
times — Philip de Marmion\ He had been ward to William 
de Cantilupe, whose representative, the Bishop of Worcester, 
he now saw coming from the enemy's camp as ambassador. 
Having for many years followed the fortunes of the King in 
Gascony, where he had been taken prisoner, and in Wales, 
and having been one of the sureties for the King's obser- 
vance of the Oxford Statutes, he was earnestly summoned by 
his Sovereign, when the attempted re-action began, to come 
to him, " with horses, and arms, and all his power, and with all 
the assemblage of his friends, not only on his due allegiance, 
but on his friendship." He had accordingly been made sherifi" 
of SuflFolk and Norfolk in 1263, and had aided the seizure of 
Northampton. At Lewes he had the mortification of seeing 
his two uncles, Robert and William de Marmion, fighting 
against him. In reward of his services he was appointed, for 
a time, governor of Kenilworth, on its surrender after the 
battle of Evesham, and received also the grant of Tamworth. 

Philip Basset' deserves especial mention, as having so 

* Arms, " Vair fesa gales.'* — Rolls ' Baron of Wycomb, co. Berks, 

of Arms. Banks' FamUy of Marmion Arms, *' Or, three piles gules, a 

gives another, "three swords in pale, quarter ermine.'*— Bolls of Anns, 

points down, chief vair." " Ermine, on chief indented gules 


much distinguished himself by his valour at Lewes, near 
which, at Berwick, he possessed some lands, granted by King 
John to his grandfather Alan ; and the priory had also re- 
ceived the grant of a church from his family. He had 
himself, in early life, together with his brothers, incurred 
forfeiture by rebellion, but had long been confidentially 
employed by the King both in peace and war. After having 
been on the mission to the Pope and Council at Lyons, and 
at home having several castles entrusted to his command, he 
had been named, in 1261, as Justiciary, and has been men- 
tioned as forcing his way through the undermined wall of 
Northampton, Like Warenne, Fitzalan, Percy, and Bardolf, 
he not only had the local interest of property in Sussex, but 
like them too had the misery at Lewes to know — what must 
unhappily often be the case in civil war — that some of his 
own kindred were ranged as leaders in the opposite ranks *. 

One of the most eager and uncompromising royalists 
was Roger de Mortimer', grandfather of the well-known fa- 
vourite of the name, deservedly executed by Edward III. His 
line of ancestry from the Conquest included the distinguished 
names of Longesp^e, de Ferrers, and a Welsh Princess ; and 
he was himself married to Matilda, daughter of William de 

three mallets or." — Carlav. 1. In 
the Deed confirming the Peace 1259, 
the large seal of Philip de Basset is 
still extant, and exhibits on an es- 
cutcheon S bars indented — cart. 629. 
10, Archiv. du. roy. : and a small 
seal of his, bearing the same arms, 
is appended to the Deed of Reference 
to Louis IX. by the barons, 1263. — 
Arch, du roy., cart. 680. 20. A re- 
markable privilege of having mass 
performed in his presence at any 
church he might come to, even though 
it lay under interdict, was granted to 
Philip Basset, in 1245, by Pope In- 
nocent rv. This favour is avowedly 
shewn because, from his rank and 
power. Basset was likely to be able 
to requite the Papacy on occasion. 

1 He died 1272. Of his daugh* 
ters, Aliva married Hugh le Despen- 

ser, and afterwards Roger le Bigod, 
junior ; Margery married John Fitz- 
John.— Dugd. Bar. [In saying that 
some of Philip Basset's kindred were 
ranged as leaders in the opposite 
ranks, Mr Blaauw probably alludes 
to his son-in-law, Hugh le Despen- 
ser, whom the barons nominated as 
Chief Justiciary in 1258, and who 
fell at Evesham ; to Ralf Basset of 
Sapercote, whom the barons made 
castellan of Northampton; and to 
his cousin, Ralf Basset of Drayton. 
But the connection of the two latter 
with Basset of Wycomb is not ascer- 
tained, and was anyhow very re- 

' "Mortimer, barr4 de or e de 
asure, od le chef pal^, les comers 
geroune, a un escuchon de argent." 
— Rolls of Arms. Dngd. Bar. 


firaose — an owner, like himself, of large estates in Wales. 
His desolating attacks, in 1263, on the bordering properties 
of the baronial partisans by plunder and fire, may be said 
to have begun the war, as they naturally provoked retalia- 
tion. He had been prominent at the storming of Northamp- 
ton, and was doubtless of equal activity at Lewes. 

Fulk Fitz Warren*, a veteran of high connections, who 
had been bom on a Welsh mountain during his father's out- 
lawry, and who was drowned in the Ouse during the battle, 
must have recently adopted the party, which proved fatal 
to him. He had been employed in 1245 by the malcontent 
knights and barons at the Dunstable tournament, on a ser- 
vice very characteristic of the manners of the age, — to warn 
the Pope's secretary, Martin, who had been plundering for 
his master with great diligence, instantly to leave the country. 
A clerical chronicler ', speaking of this Martin, declares that 
out of respect to the Church he deems it safer and more 
honourable to be silent as to his wanton and wrongful rapa- 
city. FitzWarren, though not silent, did not waste many 
words in executing the commission. The interview was 
short and decisive; the soldier went up to the secretary at the 
Temple with a stem look, and bluntly delivered his message 
at once: "Get out of England immediately.*' On Martin 
asking, " Who orders me this ? do you, of your own autho- 
rity ?" he was answered, "The whole community; and if you 
will take good advice, you will not stay here three days 
longer, lest you and yours should be cut up into fragments," 
backing the threat with oaths. Martin made a vain appeal 
to King Henry for protection, who greeted his request of a 
safe conduct with, "May the devil conduct you into and 
through hell !" His fear during his hasty journey to Canter- 
bury was so excessive, in consequence of these threats, that 

^ '* Quartele argent et gales en- '* Quarterly per fess indented argent 

dente." — Bolls of Arms. His sister and gales." For the seal of Ivo Fitz- 

Eve married Prince Llewellyn. — W. Waryn, see Aroh. Joom., Sept. 1866, 

Heming. His arms in the south p. 279. 

misle of Westminster Abbey are * M. Par. 

VIIL] negotiations with the royalists at LEWES. 155 

the sight of some men, who had met to buy timber in a 
wood, induced him to ofier his guide, Robert Norris, prefer- 
ment in the Church for any of his relations if he would but 
save him from their attack. Norris despised the bribe ; but, 
plajdng upon his alarm, made him skulk along byeways to 
Dover at full speed until he embarked. 

A highly curious specimen of a baron's life in the thir- 
teenth century is presented by the memoirs * of Fulk Fitz- 
Warren's father, of the same name; the narrative, though 
more romance than history, being evidently founded on 
facts. Henry II. had brought him up in the palace as a 
companion to his own sons and the Welsh Prince Llewellyn ; 
but a boyish quarrel he had with Prince John, at a game of 
chess, was the means of affecting his way of life for years 
afterwards. With his four brothers he was knighted by 
King Richard, who loved them as fellow-crusaders, and he is 
praised as '* without a rival in strength, courage, and good- 
ness." He acted as Warden of the Welsh marches, but 
when the revengeful John, as King, cheated him out of 
Ludlow, and denied him any justice, he formally renounced 
his homage, and became an outlaw, in which capacity many 
of his wild and strange adventures are recorded. Though 
fifteen knights had promised John to capture him, he proved 
them to be " fools for their promise," and slew them by the 
help of his brothers. He made use of his own long spear to 
measure out for himself the rich stuffs and furs of the King^s 
merchants, whom he plundered whenever he met them; 
and being the object of several proclamations yet extant 
(1203, 15, 16, 17,) he adopted sundry disguises. In the 
cowl of a monk he was married to Maud Vavasour by the 

1 M. Michel, the French editor of 
tiie MS. in the Br. Mns., is in error, 
when he identifies the subject of the 
memoirs with the Justiciary drowned, 
who in that case would have been 
100 years old.~V. Hist, de Foulkes 
FitzWarin, Paris, 1840. 

Fulk FitzWarren the Ist married 

Hawyse de Dinan, in Wales. 

Fulk the 2nd, sumamed le Prud- 
homme, m. 1. Maud, daughter of 
Bobert Vavasour; 2. Clarice de An- 

Fulk the 3rd, drowned at Lewes. — 
V. Inquis. p. mori 1^ Edw. I. [and 
Galend. OeneaL i. p. 208]. 


Archbishop Hubert Walter (1193-1205), an old fellow- 
crusader, who wished thus to rescue his brother's widow from 
the persecutions of John. When hemmed in on one occa- 
sion by his enemies, who cried out, " Now lords, all at Fulk," 
(Ore, Seigneurs, tous a Foulk), he answered them boldly by 
" Yes, and Fulk at all" (certes et Fulk k tous). After gain- 
ing distinctions in tournaments at Paris, he turned pirate, 
and had a singular discussion with Mador, an old sailor, on 
the comparative merits of dying at sea or in bed ; the knight, 
having learnt that the sailor's forefathers for four generations 
had been drowned, remarked, ** Surely you must be very 
foolish to dare go on the sea." Mador, however, on question- 
ing the knight, and learning that his ancestors had all died 
in their beds, was enabled to retort, " Surely, Sir, I wonder 
then that you dare enter any bed." Landing on a Scotch 
island, he played at chess with a chief there, until a quarrel 
arose during the game, at which indeed he seems to have 
been unable to keep his temper ; in the fight which ensued, 
he possessed himself of a hauberk, which he continued ever 
after to prize highly. After a marvellous adventure with a 
dragon near Carthage, and other feats at Tunis, he prowled 
about Windsor forest until he took King John prisoner, and 
finally extorted pardon and restoration of his property. He 
then settled down quietly in the country, founded the priory 
of Alberbury*, in Shropshire, and after some years of blind- 
ness and decay, was buried there with his two wives'. 
Whatever degree of fiction may be mixed up with the story 
of his life, it is probably no inapt representative of the main 
features of many a baron of that period. 

The absence of the twenty bannerets, whom the King 
had left to garrison Tunbridge, must have been deeply re- 

^ It is referred to as an existing and some towers of which remain 

foundation in 1233 (Cart. 17* H. III.), See Arch. Joum. xii. 398. 

and was afterwards given, as being ' How M. Michel could prolong 

an alien convent, to All Souls* Col- his life, and restore his sight, in 

lege, which still retains it. The seat order to drown him at Lewes, if he 

of tlie Fitz Warrens was Whitting- read his own book, is difficult to 

ion Castle, Shropshire, a gateway imagine. 


gretted by him on the eve of a battle, and though the list of 
his friends at Lewes comprises some noble and many honour- 
able names (besides those whom historians may not have 
pointed out to us), yet it is obvious that very few of the 
great barons of the kingdom were on his side. It was, in- 
deed, as it has been popularly called, the Barons* War — for 
nearly all the strength of that class was embodied in de 
Montfort's army. 

It must have been to supply this deficiency that the 
royal numbers were swelled by so many powerful Scotch 
chieftains, specially summoned as lieges of the crown, whom 
the Scotch King, Henry's son-in-law, had willingly despatched 
to assist the court in its distress. Of the competitors for 
the crown of Scotland a few years later, two in person, and 
the immediate ancestor of another, were now doing suit and 
service to the King of England at Lewes. [The son of] one 
of these great claimants, John Comyn^ of Badenagh, was 
destined hereafter to become the prisoner of one of his 
[fathers] present comrades, de Warenne, and the murdered 
victim of the grandson of another, Robert Brus". 

John Baliol", Lord of Galloway, after being governor of 
Carlisle, had exercised so paramount a control for two years 
over the youthful King Alexander III., and his bride Mar- 
garet, daughter of Henry III., that he was obliged to pur- 

^ From Comine, a Norman family. 
" Gules, three garbs within a doable 
tressnre, or." John Comyn, the 
yonnger, was made prisoner at Dun- 
bar, by de Warenne, and murdered 
by Bros, at Dumfries. He married 
Joan, daughter of W. de Valence. 

' Bobert de Bras was a lawyer, 
and sat as a Judge in Westminster 
in 1250. He married Isabella, daugh- 
ter of Earl of Gloucester, and in 
1268 became Chief Justice till the 
death of Henry III. He was buried 
at Guisborough, in Yorkshire, in 

> Bailleul was the original Nor- 
man name. He was Baron of Biwell, 
in Northumberland, and died 1269. 

*' Or, an orle gules.'* — Carlav. From 
Guy Baliol, who had received the 
original grant of Bywell, descended 
Barnard, his son, who built Bar- 
nard's Castle on the B. Tees. 


Barnard took prisoner E. William of 

Hugh, sided with K. John. 

John, succeeded 1278. 
*' Jonne baniere avoit el champ 

Al rouge escu voidie du champ." — 


chase pardon by the payment of a considerable fine. He had 
ah'eady obeyed the summons of the English crown, to which 
he was liable, as holding thirty knights' fees, by serving 
against the Welsh, but on his refusal to acknowledge the 
authority of the Oxford Statutes, he had brought down con- 
fiscation upon his estates, the removal of which he had sent 
his son to negotiate. The personal intimacy, formed during 
the present campaign, may have influenced the subsequent 
alliances of his family ; of his sons, who probably were with 
him at Lewes, the eldest, Hugh, married Anne, daughter of 
William de Valence, and the son of Alexander the younger, 
was the celebrated John Baliol, who was for a short period 
King of Scotland, and who married Isabella, the daughter of 
the Earl de Warenne. 

Ambition not having yet severed the Baliol and the 
Bruce, their rival names were here linked to the same cause ; 
— ^the prospect of a crown had not yet dawned upon them to 
create those feuds and strifes which so long convulsed two 
countries, united by nature within the same sea-girt bound ; 
struggles within so narrow a sphere, that their Italian con- 
temporary looked upon them with great contempt, as those 
of distant barbarians, forgetting for the moment the constant 
turmoil of almost every city in Italy at the time. 

*' L! si vedr^ la snperbia oh'asseta, 
Che fa lo Scotto e ringhilese folle, 
Si ohe non pnd sofibir dentro a saa meta." — 

Dante, Par. xix. 121. 

The services of the Norman ancestor of Robert Bruce had 
been rewarded by the Conqueror with lands, and the present 
Lord of Annandale, whose mother was the heiress, in whose 
right the crown was subsequently claimed, held ten knights* 
fees in England: from this lineage were the Stuarts de- 
scended. Robert's wife was Isabella, aunt to the young Earl 
of Gloucester, in the hostile camp : the treacherous murder 
[of the son] of his present fellow-soldier Corny n, by his grand- 
son, cast a deep stain on his family in after-times. 

VIIL] negotiations with the royalists at LEWES. 159 

Reinforced with these succours from the hardy North, the 
royal army had the advantage of numbers^ over the enemy, 
in addition to the King s authority being with them — always 
an important element of strength in an old monarchy. " Is 
not the King's name 40,000 names'?" Their haughty con- 
fidence in this superiority little inclined the chiefs to give 
much heed to the pacific embassy, which the two bishops 
were now bearing to them. When admitted into their pre- 
sence in the great refectory' of the priory, which still retains 
some evidence of its former extent, they delivered their 

Besides tendering compensation for damages, they re- 
ported de Montfort*s oflFer to "abide by the decision of select 
churchmen, competent by their wisdom and sound theology, 
to determine what statutes should remain in force, and how 
far their previous oaths should be binding, the barons wish- 
ing by this device to keep their faith as Christians, and 
avoid the stain of perjury." 

A violent clamour immediately arose on the statement of 
these terms to the assembled kings and royalists: — 

** Vox in altnm tollitnr turbs tmni- Then rose on high fheir haughty 017, 

donim Shall chorohman's word role soldier's 
En jam miles sabitnr dictis oleri- sword? 

coram Knighthood's debased, 'neath priest 
Yilmt militia dericis snbjectal" low laid. 

The very proflFer to warriors of a peace, which appeared 
to make them subordinate to the clergy, was deemed an 
insult, and Prince Edward impetuously burst out: "They 
shall have no peace whatever, unless they put halters round 
their necks, and surrender themselves for us to hang them 
up or drag them down, as we please*." The bishops could 

1 '* Bex qnidem Anglias oonfidens having a ranning stream beneath its 

in mnltitudine complicnm suoram, floor. It has been used as a malt- 

et panoitatem partis adversas habens house, 

contemptui, aBstimans eos adversus * Polit: S. 

ipsum nihil ausuroB. " — T. Wyke. * * * E dwardusque dioitur ita respon- 

• Rich. II., iii. 2. disse : 

' Its position is remarkable, as PaxiUiBprfBoluditur,msilaqueis86 




readily understand the temper of the party, when they heard 
their oflFers thus treated, and the formal answer given to 
them breathed the same scorn and defiance in the following 
letter ^ : — 

" fi^mtB, by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of 
Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine, to Simon de Montfort, Gilbert 
de Clare, and their accomplices ; 

" Since it manifestly appears by the war and general dis- 
turbance already raised by you in our kingdom, and also by 
conflagrations and other outrageous damages, that you do 
not observe your allegiance to us, nor have any regard to the 
security of our person, inasmuch as you have lawlessly op- 
pressed those barons and others our lieges, who adhere with 
constancy to their truth towards us, and since you purpose, 
as you signify to us by your letters, to harass them as far as 
lies in your power, 

" We, considering their grievance as our own, and their 
enemies as ours, more especially seeing that our aforesaid 
lieges, in observance of their truth, manfully assist us against 
your faithlessness ; 

" We, therefore, value not your faith or love, and defy 
you, as their enemies. Witness myself, at Lewes, on May 
the thirteenth, in the 48th year of our reign'." 

Gollis omnes alligent, et ad 8as> 

Semet nobis obligent, yel ad de- 


« « « • « « 

'* Comitis devotio sero deridetur, 

CujuB eras congressio victrix sen- 

tietur."— Pol. S., v. 249. 

The last line proves the meeting 

and the royal answer to have oc- 

cmred on May 13, the day before the 

battle. *'His Uteris coram Rege 

lectis et intellectis, rex com ingen- 

ti indignatione Baronibas sab hac 

forma rescripsit.'* — Chr. Wigom. 

*' Barones exulati et facultatibus nu- 

dati aut vincere capinnt aut vinci. 

Begales vero, tarn alienigenarum 

quam indigenarom copiositate con- 

fisi, hos vero tanquam sednctores ant 
scismaticos de terra tollere temptant. 
Salomone vero dicente quod belliim 
cum dispositionibus ut non tarn de 
periculo capitis agitur quantum et 
animsB.'* — Chr. Lanercost. 

^ *'£pistolam Baronum suorum 
contemnens Bex ad bellum totis af- 
fectibus exardescit, ao talem eis diffi- 
datiouis responsalem misit." — Chr. 
Roflf. MS. 

' Bymer. Lib. de Ant. Leg. Chr. 
Dover. W. Rish. The original let- 
ters are in Latin. The date of May 
12 appears in W. Rish, and another 
chronicle, but the barons' letter be- 
ing dated with so much detail, ** on 
the first Tuesday after S. Pancras," 
whose feast was Monday, May 12, 


The King of the Romans was at this time full of resent- 
ment at the recent plunder of his private property, the loss 
of which naturally touched his parsimonious feelings ; and, 
being extremely proud of his dignity, the disrespect they 
had presumed to show him excited his indignation. He had 
discouraged the King therefore from listening to any com- 
promise, as he might otherwise have done* ; and, in concert 
with Prince Edward and the other leaders, he now added 
another letter of haughty and uncourteous import to the 
refusal : — 

" Richard, by the grace of God, Xing of the Romans, 
always august, and Edward, the first-born son of the illus- 
trious King of England, and all the other barons and 
knights who firmly adhere to the said King of England, 
with sincere faith and force, to Simon de Montfopt, Gilbert 
de Clare, and to all and each of the other accomplices in 
their treason ; 

" We have understood, by the letters you have sent to 
our Lord the illustrious King of England, that we are defied 
by you, although indeed this verbal, defiance had been proved 
before by hostilities against us, by the burning of our goods, 
and the ravage of our possessions. 

" We therefore let you know that you are all defied as 
public enemies by each and all of us your enemies, and that 
henceforth, whenever occasion oflFers, we will, with all our 
might, labour to damage your persons and property ; and as 
to that which you falsely charge us with, that the advice we 
give the King is neither faithful nor good, you in no wise 
speak the truth ; and if you Lord Simon de Montfort, or you 
Gilbert de Clare, are willing to assert the same in the court 
of our Lord the King, we are ready to procure you a safe- 
conduct to come to the said court, and to declare the truth 
of our innocence, and the lying of each of you as perfidious 
traitors, by some one our equal in nobility and birth. We 

and the King's letter being evidently be May 13. 

an answer to it, the proper date most ^ W. Bish. De BelL Lew. 





are all content with the seals of the said lords^ the King of 
the Romans, and the Lord Edward. Dated at Lewes, 13th 
day of May, in the 48th year of King Henry, son of John." 

This war of words was an apt prelude to the fiercer con- 
flict approaching. The confidence of the royal party in their 
superior strength*, now led the King **by rash advice'," to 
look only to the stem diplomacy of arms, rather than to the 
struggle of subtlety in a chamber. ** The mutual contract of 
support and fidelity, which was the essential principle of 
feudal tenure'," was thus avowedly annulled and renounced 
by both parties. In the history of Fitz- Warren, before re- 
ferred to, a similar renimciation of homage is thus detailed : 
" My Lord King, you are my liege Lord, and to you I have 
been bound by fealty, while I have been in your service, and 
while I held lands of you, and you ought to have maintained 
my right, and yet now you fail me in right and in common 
law, and never was there a good King who denied law in his 
court to his frank tenants; wherefore I renounce my homage 
to youV 

The bonds of social union being thus abruptly broken, 
the great questions of civil government now in dispute, all 
important as they were, were abandoned to the chance deci- 
sion of force — ^a wayward arbiter between right and wrong ; 
often indeed resorted to at once in such cases, without even 
the attempt, as in this instance, to find other means better 
adapted to the dignity of human reason. 

1 With the King were ** 60,000 pug- 
natonim et ad bella diBoretomm. 
Barones omn ciyibus Londinensibns 
40,000 pugnatonim, non tarn ad pug- 
nam ditcretorum."— -Chr. Wigom. 

' '*Bex minus sano fretns consilio.** 
— T. Wyke. 

* Hallam, Mid. Ages. 

* Hist, de Fonlqaes FitzWarin. 
*'Piir qaoi je vus renk yos horn- 
mages." In a similar manner the 
Abbot of Arbroath brought to K. Ed- 
ward in 1297 at Berwick the formal 
rennnciation of homage of the 
Scots who had sworn fealty, including 



*' An if we live, we live to tread on kingR, 
If die, brave death, when prinees die with ns ! 
Now for our cons6ien«e8, the arms are fair, 
When the intent of bearing them is just.'* 

Ut Part ^BN. IV. Act 5, Scene 2. 

The prelates returned to the camp of the barons at 
Fletching with the answer to their pacific mission, and on 
the same evening (Tuesday, May 13,) proclaimed at once 
to the expecting warriors that there remained no hope of 
peace to the church, or liberty to the state, unless won by 
the sword 

** The Barons ne eonthe other red, tho hii hnrde this, 
Bote bidde Gk)de8 graee, and bataile abide iwis^.^' — Bob. GLOua 

While nothing could be more impressive than the con- 
duct of these bishops, a noble solemnity of purpose, combined 
with a vigour of action fitted to the emergency, was displayed 
by Simon de Montfort and his soldiers. A royalist chro- 
nicler'y while calling the war monstrous and detestable, bears 
testimony to the barons "as having among them all but 
one faith, one will in all things, one love towards God and 
their neighboiir; and so unanimous in brotherly affection, 

^ ** The barons certainly oonld re- Uteris Barones graviter animo yoI- 

solve on nothing else, when they nerabantnr." — Chr. Wjgom. 

heard this, bat pray for the graee of ' Mat. Westm. 
God, and abide the battle." ''His 


164 THE barons' war. [CH. 

that they feared neither to offend the King, nor even to 
die for the sake of justice, rather than violate their oaths." 

For the battle now acknowledged to be inevitable, the 
Earl of Leicester passed the whole night in anxious pre- 
parations, but did not omit amidst all his cares that prayer 
and attendance on religious services, which was remarked 
as liis constant custom. He exhorted all his followers to 
repent and confess their sins, and the Bishop of Worcester^ 
did not shrink from bestowing his episcopal absolution on 
the kneeling soldiers, or from promising admission into 
heaven to all who might now die fighting manfully for 
justice. One account*, indeed, goes so far as to describe 
the bishop as now ''putting off the peaceful priest, and 
putting on the warlike soldier, carrying a sword by his 
side instead of the crosier, and a helmet on his head instead 
of a mitre;" but these are probably figurative expressions 
to denote his zeal and courage in the cause. Cantilupe 
was not neglectful of the duties of a churchman, as then 
understood ; he completed and endowed, in 1265, a chapel 
for four priests in his cathedral, and though his tomb lies 
there neglected near the screen of the choir, it is interest- 
ing to think that his mantle was caught and transmitted 
by some of the boldest defenders of civil and religious 
liberty; Latimer, Hooper, and Hough were worthy to fol- 
low him in the see. 

After this solemn scene, they all put a white cross upon 
their dress', in token of the religious sanction stamped upon 
their efforts, and in order to recognize each other in the 
combat. A white cross had been always adopted in a like 
spirit by the English crusaders, in distinction from the red 
cross of the French; but there was, unhappily, a stronger 
necessity for such outward marks of party in the battle of 

^ Mat.Westm. erroneonslv ascribes ' Chr. Mailr. 

this to the Bishop of Chichester. > According to the chronicle of 

*' Notable episcopal divinity to en- Lanercost, both the fronts and' 

courage rebels to fight against their backs of uie barons were marked by 

king.*'— Frynne, Vol. zi. 1022. crosses. 




Lewes, where on each side the same banners and ensigns 
were to be raised by hostile members of the same families — 
a sad but ever-recurring calamity in cinl war'. 

Although de Montfort has been reproached by a modem 
historian' as a religious hypocrite, there is no proof what- 
ever of such a charge, nor was it ever made in his life-time ; 
and there must have been much sincerity and conscious- 
ness of right to have admitted such a consecration of the 
war. Even had the great leader been justly liable to the 
accusation, his single example could not have so infected 
at once the bishop and the many thousand soldiers with 
the same vice, as to induce them thus to kneel in blaa- 


phemous mockery at so awful a moment of peril and 

Although the distance from Lewes did not admit of 
"each battle seeing the other's umbered face," yet, to this 
night-scene of solemn energy while "armourers were ac« 
complishing the knights," and the soldiera were " inly rumi- 
nating the morning's danger," a striking contrast might be 
drawn in the unguardedness of the royalist camp, where 
more provision had been made for dissolute riot than for 
watching the enemy. We learn, on the authority of an 
eye-witness', that the song, the dance, and the wine-cup 

^ Heniy III. had adopted the same 
white cross at the great battle of Lin- 
coln, in 1217, the legate Goalo wish- 
ing to stamp the war with a religious 
feeling. — Chr. Mailr. 

3 Hume. Lingard says, "It was 
the peculiar talent of this leader to 
persuade his followers that the cause 
in which they fought was the cause 
of Heaven." 

. ' *'Protestante mihi uno nobili qui 
ibi fuerat." ** Pars vero adversa neg- 
ligentius a^ens noctem illam coreis 
et cantilenis occupans, potationibus 
et scortacionibus insistebat, adeo ut 
caBnobio solemni S. Pancratii Marty- 
ris non parcerent, quin coram altari- 
bus sacris obsccsna cum meretricibus 
cubilia fecerunt." Again in Uie flight 
a|t^ the, battle, *'tam vixi quidem 

fugientes quam miserrinue meretrices 
locatores sequentes." — Chr. Lanero. 
" Quod tot fomicarias foetidi lenones 

Ad se conyocaverant, usque sep^ 
tingentas."— V. 162. 
" Qui camis luxuria foeda sorduerunt,. 

Factis lupanaribus robur minuenmt 

Unde militaribus indigni fuerunt.*' 
— y. 164 PoUi S. from MS. HarL 978. 

Boger le Bigot, the marshal, was 
with Uie barons, and his absence may 
have contributed to the disordered 
licence in the Boyal camp. Some of 
his duties are described in Bubro Li- 
bro de Scaccario Begis, f . 30. 

** Doit apaisier les noises, et visiter 
tons ceuhe qui couchent font en la 
salle et per la verge douze leu^es 
dehors d'environ, des choses qui ap* 
pendent k la jerge et la oooronne. 


THE barons' WAtt. 


made the priory of St Pancras, on that night, the scene 
of boisterous reyelry. Neither the predincts of the church, 
nor even the very altars, were free from the profanaticm of 
their vices \ Among the armed inmates of the convent, 
buoyant with the excitement of the morning's discussions 
and surrounded by their wanton followers, no thought was 
allowed to intrude of the morrow's dangers, or of that eter- 
nity about to open upon so many of them in a few hours. 
The baronial and royalist parties, on the eve of battle, rise 
up before us as distinct in manners as the Cavaliers and 
Roundheads of later times. 

After his cause had been so impressively sanctified, Simon 
de Montfort had to fillfil all the duties of a general, im« 
posed upon him by the esteem of his friends and the con- 
fidence of his troops — a great and serious trust, but one 
congenial to his nature. The eloquent terms which have 
been applied to another founder of a free constitution might 
well describe him at this hour of decision : " What he loved 
in war, far above the heat of battle, was the great effort 
of intellect and will, armed with power to achieve some 
grand design, the mighty mixture of agency and fortune, 
which seizes and transports the highest as well as the hum- 
blest minds*.'* To de Montfort the approaching contest 

Et si nnl fait homage an Boy a 
camps armes k cheval, le Marescal 
avera le cheval et les armes. 

n gardera tous les hois (** doors," 
whence'^huissier") oule Boy conseille, 
fors hnys de la chambre le Boy. 

Et doit faire crier le baan de Boy 
as yilles, on le Boy doit gesir et & 12 
leughes d'environ. 

Et si soloit estre que le Marescal 
deyoit avoir donze demoisellez k la 
Ck)art le Boy, qui devioient faire sei- 
rement k son Bacheler qu'elles ne 
sauTeroient aultres pntains k la Court 
qu'elles memes, ne Bibaudes sans 
avowerie de assre ; ne laron ne mesel 
qu'elles ne le monstreront an Mares- 
cal ; et il doit ponrveoir la Court de 
tout. — Spelman, in ▼. Mareseallus. 

^ Compare Chron. Jocelin. p. 40. 

* Washington, by Guizot. It is 
yeiy probable that the ancestor of 
General Washington was present with 
the barons at the battle of Lewes. 
In the list of knights from Durham 
in the Boldon Buke (v. MS. note, p. 
170) the 59th name is *' Walter de 
Weshyngton k Weshyngton." In Bi- 
shop Pudsey's portion of the Boldon 
Buke (1183) William de Hertbum 
held the whole vill of Washyngton 
(in the deanery of Chester, south of 
Jarrow) except the church and church- 
lands, by free rent of £4 and by the 
service of attending the bishop's 

great hunt with two greyhounds, 
aving exchanged his lands at Hert« 
bom with the bishop. He or his 




must have seemed, not a mere field to display his talents 
as a soldier, but a fearful throw on which the freedom and 
happiness of a whole nation were staked, and well fitted was 
he to "stand the hazard of the die." The rough verses* 
of the age thus fondly dwell upon his name and qualities : — 

Trae to his name is he called de 

Lofty and strong as a Mount and a 

A knight of mightj chivalry. 
I vonch it troe and dear as light. 
He hates the wrong and loves the righ^ 

So shaU he gain the mastery. 
Truly the Monnt of refuge he, 
To which the willing people flee, 

Extolled by all the land. 
Of such a goodly name and fame 
The Earl of Leicester well may claim, 

Joyous and proud to stand. 

A less friendly hand' represents him at this time as 
" raising his horns of pride, devising great things, and pon- 
dering on sublimities." Proud indeed, he might justly feel, 
if in his loftiest visions he caught a shadowy glimpse of 
the future destinies of the people, in whose cause he was 
about to fight, if he could have foreseen that from his per- 
sonal eflforts there would ultimately arise a vital energy, by 
which the expanding form of English freedom would cast 
oflF the slough of ignorance, bigotry, and servility, until with 
unbounded power and dominion, physical and intellectual, 
the nation should present to the world a firesh model of 
happy government as yet unknown. 

'* n est apel6 de Montfort, 
II est el Mond, et si est fort, 

Si ad grand chevalerie, 
Ge voir et je m'acort, 
n eime dreit, et het le tort, 

Si avera la mestrie. 
£1 Mond est ver^ment, 
Lil ou la comun a ly concent, 

De la terre lo6e ; 
G*e8t ly Quens de Leyoestre 
Que bout et joins se puet estre 

De oele renom^." 

descendants assumed the local name 
of Washington in consequence. W*. 
de Washington appears as a witness 
to a charter of Bishop Stichill (1260- 
1274). In Bishop Hatfield's survey 
(1345-1381), "W». de Wessyngton 
miles tenet maner: et Tillam de 
Wessyngton per seryic: forin: redd: 
11 11 U :'* The direct male line ended 
about 1400, but from younger branches 
of the family were probably descended 

the Washingtons of Aldwicke Street, 
CO. York, whose pedigree is given by 
Dugdale (1666) ; and the Washing- 
tons of Leicestershire, the ancestors 
of the American General. — ^V. Hutch- 
inson's Durham, Vol. ii. p. 489. — 
Surtees' Durham, Vol. ii. p. 40. — 
Arms, arg. 2 bars and 3 mullets in 
chief gules. 

A Polit. .S. from MS. 13th century. 

« T. Wyke. 


THE barons' war. 


Nearly fifty years had elapsed since English armies had 
met in open field on their own soil. Although the royal 
prerogative had been frequently resisted by denials of sup- 
ply, by threats of war, and by actual restraint, yet the 
King's person had never, during that interval, been exposed 
to hostile attack. On the last occasion, at Lincoln, many 
chiefs, in disgust at King John's misgovemment, had adopted 
the dangerous expedient of supporting the pretensions of a 
foreign prince, but there was now no thought of such trea- 
son : the confidence of the barons was in their own strength, 
and though the conduct of the court had excited their indig- 
nation, yet respect to the King's person was not forgotten. 
No change of dynasty was aimed at: they renounced their 
all^iance to a misguided sovereign, but were ready to 
resume it when he diould be again in a fit state to re- 
ceive iU 

In deference to the punctilious feelings of chivalry, which 
required a leader tb be at least an equal, if not a superior 
in rank — a point of honour which no knight, however lavish 
of his life, would have surrendered^ — Simon de Montfbrt was 
careful to confer* knighthood on many of the young nobles 
of his army : — 

** Hii hovede nndsr boskes and new Knights made, 
And armed and attired hom, and hor bedea geme bade'." 

Bob. Glouc. 

The belt and sword of knighthood could, at this time, 
be bestowed by any prince', bishop, or knight; and among 

^ W. Homing, makes this take place 
on the descent from the hill to Lewes, 
but the eve of the battle is more pro- 
bably stated by others : — 
** Comitis militia plurima noTella 

In armis novitia, parum novit bella. 

l^unc accinctus gladio tener ado- 

Mane stat in pr«elio armis assnes- 
cens."— Polit.S.fromMS.HarL 978. 

s '* They hovered under woods, 

and made new knights, and armed 
them, and equipped them, and ear- 
nestly said their prayers.*' 

« E ven abbots, until 1102, exercised 
the privilege. Hereward had been 
knighted by the Abbot of Peterbo- 
rough, previous to an intended at- 
tack, in order to command others. 
The new knight was required to be a 
freeman, but there was no limit as 
to age, and, like the Hungarian nobles 




those thus enabled to command others, was Gilbert, the 
young Earl of Gloucester \ sumamed Rufus, next to de 
Montfort the most important chief of the party. Two 
others also are mentioned, as now for the first time in- 
vested with the knightly belt — Robert de Vere, a young 
noble of twenty-three years, who had lately succeeded, as 
Earl of Oxford, to the hereditary possessions gained by his 
Norman ancestors, and to the principles which had led his 
father to oppose the arbitrary pretensions of the Pope and 
the King on all occasions. On his being taken prisoner 
at a later period of the war, his estates were confiscated, 
and he was glad to take advantage of the Kenilworth de- 
cree to recover them*. John de Burgh also now first made 
his public appearance, probably eager to resent the insults 
put upon his family*. 

Though the vigil of knighthood was usually passed in 
churches, on this occasion the busy camp was the necessary 
substitute ; for a plan seems to have been contemplated of 
a night attack upon Lewes, which was, however, abandoned 
in favour of a more open one by daylight*. 

Before sunrise, accordingly, on the morning of Wednes- 
day, May 14*, the whole army of the barons was in motion 

? to this day, he was freed from all 
^ taxes by Henry I. Degradation was 
effected by taking away the belt. — 
V. Henry's Hist. 

^ **Bufus erat et pnlcher aspeoto.*' 
— Chr. Tewks. MS. Cotton. Cleop, 
C. III. f . 220, in Dugd. Monast. ii. 61. 
Arms, de Clare, or, 3 chevrons gales. 

s He died 1296 ; his daughter mar- 
ried William de Warenne.— Walt. 
Hem. Dngd. Bar. ** Veer, quarterly 
or and gules, a mallet argent, bor- 
dnre endente sable." — ^BoUs of Arms. 
[Bobert de Vere, when Earl of Oxford, 
would hardly have borne his arms 
within a bordure. W. S. W.] 

' Bobert de Grenequer and Henry 
de Hastings were also among the 
knights made on this occasion. — Chr. 
Gervasii Monachi, Cantoar. Leland 
ColL I. 

* "Non de nocte subito sorripit 

Immo die redito pugnat eviden- 
ter."— PoLS.from MS.Harl.978. 

' The exact day is so variously in- 
dicated by authors as to cause some 
confusion. Stow names May 12; 
Lib. de Ant. Leg., Mat. Westm., and 
Bastell*s Chr., Ma^ 23 ; but the greater 
number of authorities fix it on Wed- 
nesday May 14, as the feast of S. 
Victor, or S. Boniface, or the Wed- 
nesday after S. Pancras, or the Wed- 
nesday before S. Dunstan (May 19), 
or the day before the Ides of May; fdl 
different modes of marking May 14. 
—V. T. Wyke, MS. Harl. 978, Chr. 
Petrob. Chr.Wigom.[Chr.Dunstaple], 
and others. " The fourtend day of 
May the btttailof Leaos was."— -Bob. 


THE barons' war. 


towards the town, about nine miles distant. A dense forest* 
occupied most of the country through which this march 
was to be conducted, but such exact orders had been 
issued by de Montfort to each banneret, how to direct his 
own forces and to meet at the appointed spot, that all parts 
of this military movement were combined with a regularity 
quite novel in England. After an encampment for several 
days on the lordship of William Bardolf, now at Lewes 
with the King, intelligence of this march could readily have 
been conveyed to their lord from Fletching, if there had 
been any hearty good will' in his tenants towards the cause 
he had lately adopted ; and the same remark will also apply 
to the possessions of de Warenne at Newick and Hamsey, 
through which they necessarily passed to reach the foot of 
the Southdowns. No alarm, however, was given, and when 
about two miles from Lewes, the barons, continuing unob- 
served, ascended the great ridge of hills, probably up the 
hollow valley called the Combe, where the projecting 
shoulder of the Downs would cover their march from the 

Though the King did not consider the barons to be so 
near, or bold enough to attack his superior force, he had, on 
the Tuesday, stationed a watch of several armed men upon 
the summit of the hill, in advance of his camp, to look out 
fDr the baronial troops. So lax, however, was the discipline, 
or so small the expectation of present danger, that the 
appointed sentinels, growing tired of their duty towards 

^ ''Edioitur pnblioe qnatinus ante 
Bolis ortom ereptis armiB ezeant de 
boBcis ubi magna pars exercitns per- 
nootabat, et conveniant extra viUam 
de Flexinge, quie dietat de Lewes per 
sex miUiaria." — W. Rish. de BeUo 
Lew. The real distance is abont nine 

> A letter of Neville, the fifth Earl 
of Westmoreland, 1557, well ex- 
presses the natural bond of tenants 
and landlord, when he desires that 
it may be bo arranged in the distri- 

bntion of troops, ** that every man of 
worshipe may have the oondnction 
and guyding of his owne friends and 
tenants, as I think the herts of the 
people is sache, that they wiU sooner 
be perswaded by their own natural 
lords and masters, and more willing- 
lie serve under them for love, than 
with strangers for money.*' — Coll. 
Herald. Sentiments worthy of the 
family, whose standard boasted ** a 
tenir promesse vient de noblesse.'* 


morning, returned into Lewes, and abandoned their post to 
the vigilance of a single man, and he, naturally enough, when 
left to himself, had fallen asleep. In this condition he was 
found by the advancing soldiers of de Montfort, and com- 
pelled by fear to give all the infoimation in his power 
as to the royal force*. Having thus gained the crest of the 
hill, their orderly march was continued with such caution, 
that the foremost troops nearly reached the town before any 
alarm was given. 

It happened that the preceding evening the King had 
commanded some foragers to be sent in search of fresh sup- 
plies of hay and com, a great scarcity of which wiks felt at 
Lewes*. These meii, on leaving the town early in the morn- 
ing, were now intercepted by the van of the barons. Though 
several were killed in the skirmish, yet the hurried flight 
and the return of the others was sufficient at once to arouse 
the royal party to a sense of their imminent danger. 

The main army of the barons in the meanwhile continued 
to advance along the ridge of the Downs, until they came 
within sight of the bell-tower' of the Priory, when Simon de 
Montfort, dismounting from his horse, as did the other chiefs, 
once more addressed them and his soldiers : " O my beloved 
comrades and followers, we are about to enter upon a war to 
day for the sake of the government of the kingdom, to the 
honour of God, of the blessed Mary, .of all the Saints, and of 
our mother Church, and at the same time for the observance 
of our faith. Let us pray to the King of all, that if what 
we now undertake pleases Him, He would grant us vigour 
and help, so that we may exhibit a grateful service by our 
knightly belt, overpowering the malice of all enemies. If we 
are His, to Him we commend our body and soul.** This 
appeal was answered in a similar spirit, all falling prostrate 

^ Oxenede*8 Chr. Boendit de dextrario.'* — Oxenede's 

* W. Heming. H. Knighi Chr. [For a minnte determination 

^ * ' Gum accessissent ad montis of the site of the battle, see Appen- 

descensum, qoi est joxta Lewes, in- dix A.] 

tnentes oienobii campanariam, de« 


THE barons' war. 


on the turf, and imitating the form of a cross with their out- 
stretched arms: "Grant us, O Lord (they exclaimed), our 
desire, with mighty victory, to the honour of Your name*." 

On rising from this act of devotion, de Montfort pro- 
ceeded to take up his position, and distribute his forces with 
his usual skill. While his flanks were defended by abrupt, 
almost precipitous ground on either side, a gradual slope of 
more than a mile in his front enabled him to overlook all 
the approaches of Lewes, and to observe in security the 
movements of his enemy. The town was greatly protected 
on the north, the east, and partly on the south by the wind- 
ings of the river Ouse, up the course of which the waters of 
the sea were then allowed to flow freely, and to spread widely 
over the adjoining country at every tide*. This was, how- 
ever, no impediment to the attack of de Montfort from his 
favourable position on the west of the town. A pious writer 
of the time, anxiously ascribes the advantage' of the groimd 
to the King's party, in order to make more evident the 
assistance of Heaven in winning the victory ; but this assump- 
tion is not consistent with the locality, unless it may refer to 
the strength of Lewes and other castles in Sussex being in 
the hands of the royalists. 

A singular expedient was employed to deceive the enemy, 
which, though apparently trivial, proved, in the sequel, of con- 
siderable advantage. The accident has been already men- 
tioned, which befell Simon de Montfort a few months before, 
when on his route to Amiens, by the stumbling of his horse*, 

1 Oxenede's Chr. W. Rish. says : 
"Oratione pariter et admonitione 
per8iia8ori& a dace eomm facUl.'* 

s Doomsday represents the bur- 
gesses of Lewes supplying 16,000 
herrings, and the salt-pans extended 
as far inland as Ripe. According to 
the same authority, rent was paia at 
other places in eels, herrings and 
salmon, and a manor in Essex paid 
the lord what is termed " Herring- 
silver." — Placit. Henry HI. The 
small hills, now surromided by mea- 

dows, near the Priory, were described 
as islands in the charters of the first 
and sixth Earls of Warenne, and at 
the surrender to Henry VIU. the 
Priory owned 2000 acres under wa- 
ter. — Horsefield's Lewes. Dugd. 
* " Sic et locus hostibus fuit op- 
Ut hino constet omnibus esse 
Dei munus."— V. 876, Polit. 
S. from MS. HarL 978. 
« Chr. Dunst. 




tod though he had quickly recovered from his lameness after 
his forced return to Kenilworth, he had used occasionally, 
while yet weak, a carriage which he had caused to be built 
for him in London. This vehicle, after having been for some 
days purposely employed for his own conveyance, so as to 
give the enemy reason to suppose him still disabled, was 
brought on the field of battle : — 

'* The Erie did mak a ohare at London thragh gilery, 
Himself iherin sold fare, and sek^ be wend to ly^— Bqb. Bbuns. 

It is not easy to determine the nature of the vehicle used 
by de Montfort on this occasion, as there is much obscurity 
on the earlier form of carriages in England. There was a 
" cheer " used for the conveyance of distinguished pei-sons in 
Anglo-Saxon times, which appears to have been a four- 
wheeled car, with a hammock slung on hooks between two 
poles, and occasionally carried four persons*. A royal officer 
is recognized in Doomsday as providing can-iages for the 
King. At a later period there was an ornamental covered 
carriage, without springs", on two wheels, the form of which 
would admit of the addition of grating to the apertures, so as 
to resemble de Montfort's car. As nothing on wheels, how- 
ever, could well have accompanied the march across the 
rough tract of forest to the Southdowns, or could be supposed 
to give ease to an invalid, it was more probably a species of 

1 <* The earl had a oar made at 
London through deceit, for himself 
to b^ carried in, and be considered 
to lie therein sick.*'— W. Bish. de 
Bello Lew. 

* V. Stratt*B Dresses. J. H. Mark- 
land in Ardueol. v. 20, from MS. 
Gott. Claud. B. iy. of the eleventh 
century. At p. 37 of MS. are four 
such cars, with four persons within 

> The body of William Bufus was 
carried in a "rheda caballaria" — 
W. Malms., or * ' leotica equestris" — 
—Mat. Westm. (Abbas Hugo aeger) 
*'reportatu8 est ad nos in feretro 
equitario.*' ''Abbas dioebat, quod 

si oporteret eum feretro equitatorio 
portari, non remaneret.'' — Chr. Jooe- 
lin, pp. 6, 70. K. John is described 
by Mat. Par. as carrying about his 
prisoners, including Huga de Bmn, 
in carts in a novel manner, "vehi- 
culis bigarum novo genere equitandi 
et inusitato." BmSi vehicles were 
only used by persons of dignity, and 
Philip le Bel, in 1294, passed a 
sumptuaiy law, restricting their use 
to such, '* premierement nulle bour- 
geau n&ura char." — Y. ArohsBoL YoL 
zx. pL 17, from MS. of Boman da 
Boy Meliadus, of the fourteenth cen- 
tury, formerly in Boxburghe Colleo« 




litter*, borne between two horses, a conveyance whicb re^ 
mained in use long afterwards on state occasions, for women, 
or for sick persona The iron grating, which constituted its 
framework, served the purpose of a cage, with a door of 
entrance; and in this were shut up some unhappy Londoners, 
who had opposed Simon de Montfort and their fellow-citi* 
zens, on the day of his forcible entry across London Bridge, 
in the preceding autumn. These prisoners, Augustine de 
Hadestock, Richard Pycard, and Stephen de Chelmareford', 
were old men of considerable importance in the city. 

This car, with his baggage, was purposely stationed by de 
Montfort on a conspicuous point of the hill, and was left 
surrounded by his own standard and pennons, with a com- 
petent guard under the charge of William de Blund", a 
gallant young wanior, who had been a party to the arbi- 
tration of the French King, and was attached to the service 
of de Montfort. The tents and baggage of the other barons 
were also arranged on the hill^. 

As the general use of armorial ensigns had not been 
established before the Crusaders, their first appearance dur- 

^ In Johnes' Monstrelet, pi. 7, the 
Queen of Francis I. makes her entry 
into Tooloase in a litter lashed on 
the back of two horses. Evelyn 
travelled in a litter from Bath to 
Wotton, in 1610, with his sick father. 
—V. Diary, i. 9. In 1680, when the 
wounded General Skippon was thus 
conveyed, *'the horse-litter, borne 
between two horses, tossed tiie ma- 
jor-general like a dog in a blanket.*' 
— Harl. Misc. 

' Authors differ as to the number 
of these prisoners. T. Wyke names 
the three as above, and calls the car 
a quadriga ; W. de Heming puts two 
Lcmdoners in the ** currus, quern 
fieri fecit oomes ad equitandum.** 
H. Knighton also has two men, and 
desorib^ the **cumim quasi falca- 
tnm in quo equitaret ao* si esset 
ngrotuB, cum esset bellator robustus 
et fortis." Chr. Mailroe speaks of 
M dnoe inelytos Londinenaee aenes," 
describing, also, the car as ** currum 

subdolum quem foris fecit ferro per 
totum oontegi — currus habebat quon- 
dam angustum egressum : — vas do- 
lositatis — vas perfidum — vas inex- 
pugpiabile." W. Bish. and Mat. 
Westm. have four prisoners. Some 
houses in Queenhithe, forfeited by 
Simon de Hadestock, late citizen of 
London, were granted to Ottoninus 
de Oraunam by Letters Patent, 
Westm., Oct. 16, 1266.— 462 Chanc. 
Bee. 6th Bep. Simon was, in 1266, 
elected by the citizens as sheriff, but 
the Barons of tiie Exchequer refused 
to swear him into office. — Ant. Leg. 

' He was related to the de Veres 
by his mother, and on his death in 
the battle his sisters became his 
heirs. W. le Blnnde held a manor 
in Essex, and five lands in Norfolk. 
^€al. Inq. p. mort. 

* **Barones tentoria sua et sarci- 
nas locaverunt super montem."-« 
Mat Westm. 




ing a great battle in England was probably on this occasion; 
and to a good soldier they must have been an efficient help 
in the marshalling and directing the movements of an army. 
The scene must have been an animating one at this moment, 
when the barons, each under his own banner^ were prepar- 
ing themselves and their horses, on the broad expanse of the 
Downs, for the approaching combat : — 

'* Ul ont meinte riche gamement 
Brod^ sur cendeaos et samis', 
Meint bean penon en lance mis, 
Meint banidre desploi^ : 
E loing estoit la noise oie 
Des heniflBement des chevanz ; 
Par tote estoient moons et vauls 
Pleins de summers e de oharroi 
Que la vitaile e la ooorroi 
Pe tentes et de pavilions. ''—Cabiay. 

Bioh caparisons were there, 
Silks and satins broidered fair, 
On lances fixed gay pennons see, 
Many a banner flowing free ; 
To distant ears his eager cry 
The neighingwar-horse sends onhigh; 
On every hiU and vale arotmd 
The snmpter beasts and carts abound; 
Arms, forage, victuals, scattered lay, 
With huts and tents in close array. 

It was probably from the nature of the ground, which 
here branches off into three projectiDg points separated from 
each other by deep hollows, and all more or less advancing 
towards Lewes, that de MoDtfort now separated his forces 
into four divisions, over three of which he appointed eminent 
leaders^ keeping the other -under Ins own command in re- 

On his left, towards the north, along a declivity, which 
ends close under the castle walls, were placed the Londoners — 
zealous, but undisciplined partisans, who eagerly claimed the 
honour of the foremost station; and Nicholas de Segrave* 
was, at his own request, made their leader. The chequered 
fortunes of his grandfather, exposed to the capricious favour 
and persecution of the Eling, did not deter his father, Gilbert^ 

^ "Barones in plena pUnicie de« 
scendebant et equos cingentes arma 
pneparabant.'* — ^W. Homing. The 
plain may be understood as the open 
slope of the Downs, not the level at 
their feet. '* Barones erectis vexillis 
in deelivitatem eujusdam montie qua 
oppidum Lewense finitimA a oivitate 

disterminai** — T. Wyke. 

* Cendeaus, cendal, a taflety or 
satin — samis, samit, silk Sarrasi- 
nesche, sarsnet or Persian, These 
were probably Asiatic soods imported 
from the great mart of Bruges. 

* "Segrave, sable, lion rampant 
argent crowned or.*'— BoUs of Anas. 




from faithfully serving his sovereign abroad, where indeed he 
sacrificed his life by a detention in an unwholesome prison 
by the French. Nicholas had himself served in the Gascon 
wars, but at home, both at Oxford and subsequently, had 
adhered to the barons with such zeal, as to earn a special 
excommunication from Archbishop Boniface. Being fortu- 
nate enough to escape, almost singly, from the general rout 
and capture at Northampton, he had sought refuge in Lon- 
don, and had gone from thence to share in the siege of 
Rochester. His recent intercouse had made him known and 
acceptable to the citizens now placed under his guidance. 
His mother, Amabil, w6s the wife of one of the royalist 
chiefs, Roger de Somerii and this alliance may have assisted 
him, after he had been wounded and taken prisoner at 
Evesham, in recovering his lands which had been granted 
away to Prince Edmund. Before his death, in 1295\ he had 
accompanied Prince Edward on his crusade. 

With him were associated, as bannerets, Harvey de Bore- 
ham' and Heniy de Hastings'. 

No one was throughout more active against the King 
than the latter, an enmity which may have arisen from his 
having been ward to Guy de Lusignan — ^the great abuses to 
which such a connection was liable, often giving rise to future 
hatred. Although yet young, he had numbered two Welsh 
campaigns, and having since joined in the plunder of aliens, 
he stood an excommunicated man. His marriage with Joan 
de Cantilupe^ only confirmed his natural inclinations for the 
cause he adopted, and his zeal continued unquenched by 

^ He left fiye sons, of whom John 
tfnd Nicholas were at Carlayerook : — 

'* Nicolas de Se^ve o li 
Ke Nature ayoit embeli 
De corps et enrichi de cner 
Yaillant pare et qui jeta puer.** 

Nicholas de Segrave was there, 
"Whom nature had embellished fair 
With grace of form and richest heart, 
Bold knight, in whom fear had no part. 

■ W. Rish. de BeUo Lew. Harvey 
de Boreham was a Justice of the 
Common Pleas, fin. lev. Sept. 3, 

* Hastings, or a manche gules. 

^ She was sister to the sainted 
Bishop Thomas, and heir of another 
brother William, Lord of Bergavenny, 
which title was subsequently merged 
in that of Hastings. — ^Banks* Dormr 




disasters to the last. De Montfort when in power, having 
assigned some castles to his trust, he withstood all threats 
and promises after the defeat of Evesham, and held out 
Kenilworth in defiance long afterwards, even maiming the 
hand of a royal herald who came to summon its surrender. 
This act procured him a special exemption from pardon, and 
a sentence of seven years* imprisonment, though by Prince 
Edward's mediation he only suffered two. His forfeited 
estates were divided between his enemies, Roger de Clifford 
and Roger de Leybourne, who preferred their claim from 
their alliances with his two dau^ters\ 

The centre of the barons* army, which must have occu- 
pied that branch of the hill descending with an uninter- 
rupted slope into the town, was led on by de Clare, so fi-eshly 
girded with the soldier's belt, together with John Fitz-John* 
and William de Monchensy — able and experienced soldiers, 
whose wealth and rank increased their importance. 

The baron Fitz- John was now about twenty-six years of 
age, and even before coming to his majority had married 
Margery, the daughter of his present opponent Philip de 
Basset Although Fitzpiers, Earl of Essex, his immediate 
ancestor, had been high in the confidence of the King, Fitz- 
John justified the trust reposed in him by the barons during 
these wars by great ability and a desperate fidelity to their 
cause, even when it had become hopeless. He had been a 
principal party in the London riots, and was among those 
summoned to Parliament after the battle of Lewes. After 
holding Ludlow and some castles of the royalist de Mortimer 

> Heniy de Hastings died 1269. 
His arms in the North airie of West- 
minster Abbey are ''or, a .mAunoh 
gules/' His son John appeared in 
good repute at Carlaverock : 

" Au fait de armes fiers et estons 
En ostel douz et debonnaires." 

Bestless and proud on war's alarm, 
At home all courteous, meek, andoalm. 

Having married Isabel, the sister and 
co-heir of Aymer de Valence, the 

earldom of Pembroke came into the 
family in 1339. The abeyance of 
thiA anoient barony of Hastings was 
determined in 1841, in fayoor of Sir 
Jacob Astley. 

* "Johannes Filius Johannis in 
bello strenue pngnavit, et multas 
galeas conquassavit, et multos de ad- 
yersariis cepit et inoaroeravii" — 
Chr. Wigom. Dugd. Bar. Arms of 
Fitz- John, ** Quarterly or and gules, 
a bordore vaify." 


178 THE barons' war. [CH. 

in his custody, he was nearly the only man of note taken 
prisoner at Evesham after a stout defence, but he wilfully 
forbore to make his peace or compound for his estates, and 
when he died, 127fi, his brother succeeded him. 

His comrade, William de Monchensy', about thirty years 
of age, was another determined partisan. On succeeding, in 
1255, to his father, one of the most noble, wealthy, and 
prudeDt warriors of his age, and who had married one of the 
great Pembroke heiresses, he had been for a brief period the 
ward of William de Valence, who had married his sister. 
This did not attract his aflfections to the court, and he 
attached himself without reserve to the baronial party. On 
his subsequent capture at Kenilworth, his lands were given 
to his brother-in-law, but on the last day allowed by the 
terms of grace, his mother produced him in court when in a 
state of great sickness, and so procured their restoration. 
Some years afterwards he was fighting in Wales under 
Edward I., and at the siege of Drossellan castle was, with 
many others, crushed by the fall of its towers. De Valence 
then claimed to possess himself for the thiid time of his 
estates; and tried, though in vain, to bastardize his only child 
Dionysia. She afterwards married her guardian Hugh de 

The right wing was commanded by Henry the eldest, and 
Guy the third son of de Montfort. Henry, with his father's 
spirit and principles, shared also his public labours, and was 
a partner in his triumph, defeat, and death. Humphrey de 
Bohun the younger", already referred to as confronted with 
his own father in this civil strife, and John de Burgh were 
also in this part of the field. The latter, who was the grand- 
son' of the ill-used guardian of the King, might well distrust 

^ Mont Cenifl, pronounced Mont ' He died in 1265, after being made 

Cheney by the Normans. His an- prisoner at Evesham, 

cestor, Guerin de Mont Cheney, had > John de Burgh was also with the 

seized and kept possession of Keymes, barons at Evesham: his lands were 

in Cardigan Bay. *' Or, three es- thereupon seized. — See Dugd. Bar. 

cutcheons barry vert and gules." — p. 700. He married Hawyse, daugh- 

Bolls of Arms, Dugd. Bar. ter and heir of W. de Lanvaley, and 





the policy and intrigues of a court by which his family had 
been raised to official power and then persecuted with 
savage insult. 

One of the most powerful and steady adherents of the 
barons, in spite of his kindred with de Warenne, was Roger 
le Bigot, Earl of Norfolk, who held the oflBce of Earl Marshal 
by cession from his mother in 1247^ His name appears in 
all the deeds of peace and war among the firmest of the 
baronial party, and he was excommunicated in consequence. 

The main spring of these moving powers, Simon de 
Montfort, placed himself at the head of a reserved force, in 
such a position as might best enable him to direct and aid 
the other divisions, while he watched the varying fortunes of 
the day. Thomas de Puvelesdon, an eminent merchant of 
London, already noted as conspicuous in the riots, was there 
with him. 

Though particular stations in the battle have not been 
assigned to more than those now named, yet there were 
many other nobles of importance and historical name who 
were also fighting in the ranks of the barons' army. 

The merits of Hugh le Despenser*, who had formerly 
been in the service of the King of the Romans, and had 
accompanied him abroad in 1257, recommended him to the 
office of Justiciary of England after the Oxford Statutes, but 
from this the King had dismissed him. Though his wife, 
Aliva^ was the daughter of an enemy, he testified his attach- 

died 1280. Dogdale makes him the 
son of the Justiciary. 

^ Maud, the eldest daughter of the 
Earl of Pembroke, married : 1. Bo- 
ger. Earl of Norfolk; 2. William, 
Earl de Waremie. She died 1248. 
The earl, who is confused by Sir J. 
Mackintosh and others with his ne- 
phew, the royalist, Boger le Bigot, 
was made governor of Orford Castle 
by the barons, and died 1270. His 
arms in the north aisle of West- 
minster Abbey are, ** Qr, a eross 

' "Quarterle de argent et gales, 
bende, sable, les quartiers de gules 
frett^ de or.*'— Bolls of Arms. De^ 
spenser was made Justiciary of Eng- 
land by the barons 1260. Afterwaidi 
in the same year Philip Basset was 
appointed Justiciary by the King 
without the assent of the barons. 
Despenser was restored before the 
mUe. His attestation was required 
to fUl the writs sealed with the 
Great Seal, as a check upon th« 

> AliTa» daughter of Philip Basset. 


180 THE barons' war. [c^ 

toent to de Montfort by dying with him at Evesham. His 
son and grandson became the mischievous favourites of Ed- 
ward II., and have branded the name with historical infamy^ 
but we find the former in his earlier and better days, attend- 
ing Edward I. at Carlaverock, and thus praised : — 

** Ei vassaoment sor le cnrsier A mounted knight ^rho well did know 

Bavoit desrompre nne mellee/* To charge and rout a marshalled foe. 

Robert de Ferrers ^ Earl of Derby, destined to be the last 
of his race enjoying that title, seems to have imbibed his hatred 
of the court from having been long subject to its care and 
control The death of his father in 1254, by the accidental 
overthrow of his vehicle on the bridge of St Neots, when* 
helpless from gout, threw him as child into the wardship of 
the Queen and Peter de Savoy, and at the age of nine they 
caused him' to espouse Mary, a half-sister of Heniy III. On 
scarcely attaining manhood, he had distinguished himself in 
1263, by taking more than his share in plundering convents 
and the property of the royalists, even against the wishes of 
de Montfort; and his subsequent conduct was of the same 
tenor — violent and capricious — so as to incur the distrust oif 
all parties. There may, indeed, be some doubt of his presence 
at Lewes, though named as among those who authorized the 
barons' letter to the King; for one chronicler* states, that, 
being only verbally attached to the cause, he never met the 
enemy in open combat, and refused to obey the summons to 
Lewes, choosing to shelter himself by an imputation on de 
Montfort, of a treasonable collusion with the Welsh marchers. 

The father of Richard de Qrai, a man of unusual learn- 
ing and moderation, had withdrawn into the retirement 
of his own estates, happy in his old age, to escape from '' the 
labyrinthine intrigues of a court'." The two sons, Richard 

^ Henry de Ferrieres, was one of married William de Yesci and Gil- 

the commissioners for the Doomsday bert Basset. 

Bnrvey. Arms in Carlay., "Gules, ^ W. Bish. de bello Lew. Hol- 

Boven mascles or voided.'* ingshed Chr. 

« M. Par. 6 M. Par. 

' His BisterB, Agnee and Isabel, 





and John, had pleased the Bang by their ready vows as 
crusaders^ to such a degree, that "he kissed them like 
brothers;" but Richard had subsequently taken the command 
of Dover* for the barons, and had been vigilant in prevent- 
ing the export of treasure to the banished aliens : he was, 
however, dismissed by Hugh le Bigot for remissness in 
allowing the Pope's envoy, Walascho", to land there. With 
his son John, in the following year, he became a prisoner at 
the surprise of Kenilworth, and his forfeited estate was only 
recovered by the conditions of the final act of grace*. His 
brother John, meanwhile, had continued stedfast to the 
King, and had with difficulty escaped across Fleet ditch 
during the London riots, while his house outside Ludgate, 
and his thirty-two horses, were plundered by the mob' :— 

Master John de Gray oame proudly 

But I wonder why from London town 

He fled at such a quick rate ; 
Hifl house and his goods were rudely 

His horse gear and horses all were 
Such was his piteous fate. 

Robert de Yipont', a warrior of an eminent family in 

" Mds mi Sire Jon de Gray 
Vint a Londres, si ne sai qaoy 

Que must une destanoe 
Par entre Lundres et ly, 
Que tot son hemois en perdi: 

Ce fu sa mesohance ^'* 

^ This was on the preaching of the 
Cross hy Bishop Cantilupe, of Wor- 
cester, and Bi^op de la Wyoh (S. 
Richard), of Chichester, 1252. 

« By Patent, July 20, 42* Hen. 

* Walascho, a gray friar, had 
brought over the Pope's letters for 
the institution of Aymar to the see of 

^ ** Barry of six, argent and gules.*' 
He died 1271, when his son, bom 
1254, succeeded, who was at Car- 
laverock : — 

'' Henri de Grai vi je la 
Ki bien e noblement ala.*' 

There was seen Sir Henry de Grai 
Who wen and nobly kept his way. 

John de Gray held varioua offices 

during his life, being Justice of 
Chester, 1249; Governor of North- 
ampton Castle, 1258; and Steward 
of Gascony, 1254. Retiring from this 
office, he was Governor of Shrews- 
bury in 1257, and Constable of Dover 
Castle, 1258. He died 1266. Joane, 
widow of Pauline Peyvre, hearing 
that the King had given her in mar- 
riage to Stephen de Salines, an alien, 
by the advice of her friends, being 
then at London, matched herself to 
this John de Gray. The King was 
much offended, but ultimately ac- 
cepted a fine of 500 marcs. — ^Dugdale, 
Bar. I. 712. 

* Ann. Dunst. 

• Polit. S. from MS., 18th century. 
7 " Yipont, argent 6 aneus or.*' — 

BoUb of Arms. The bishop died 1254. 

182 THE barons' war. [cH. 

Westmoreland, had been educated as a ward under his uncle, 
Thomas, Bishop of Carlisle, and was, perhaps, induced to take 
the side he did by the influence of Fitz-John, whose relation, 
Isabella^ he had married. 

A similar motive may also have brought Robert de Bos, 
whose mother was another relative of Fitz-Joha The name 
of his grandfather, who married a Scotch princess^ stands as 
one of the chosen sureties of Magna Charta, and he received 
a grant of lands from Henry III. His feither, after faithfully 
serving in the Oascon wars, had returned home without the 
King's sanction in 1242, on the singular plea of being dis- 
abled by poverty from staying longer, and all his estates 
were in consequence confiscated. This was, however, thought 
so mxjust by the Eang*s brother and many other nobles, that 
they immediately imitated his example. 

Bobert de Bos had himself, in 1244, purchased of the 
TSAngy by a large fine, the marriage of a royal ward, Isabella 
de Albini, daughter of the Lord of Belvoir. He had been 
inured to war in Wales, and it was to his special custody that 
Prince Edward was subsequently consigned at Hereford. 
After the ruin of his party he redeemed his lands from for- 
feiture, and was succeeded on his death, 1285, by his son 
William, who was one of the competitors for the Scotch 
crown in 1291. 

John de Vescie delighted as little as others in the recol- 
lection of the intercourse between his family and the court ; 
for a resentful memory may well have been cherished of the 
licentious insult oflfered to his female ancestor by King 
John. Her husband, Eustace, of a proud Norman family, 
had stamped his principles on Magna Charta^ and neither 
the alliance with the quasi-royal blood of a Longespee", his 
own wardship under Peter de Savoy, nor his marriage with 

^ Bobert de Ros, whose monu- sister of Ferrers, Earl of Derby, a 

mental effigy still remains at the connection which may have influenced 

Temple church, married the daugh- him. Eustace held 24 military fees 

ter of William the Lion. Ros ; " Gules and Alnwick Castle. Arms, Vesci ; 

three bougets arg."— Carlav. •* Or a oroBg sable." 

* His father's seoond wife was a 


Mary, daughter of Guy de Lusignao, could win him to the 
royal cause, though he had commanded troops with honour 
in the public service during the campaigns of Qascony\ 

Another ward of the Queen, who felt no gratitude for 
such costly patronage — the profits of his estates having been 
assigned to her for the maintenance of Prince Edward — was 
John GiflFord*. After several campaigns against the Welsh 
he earned the archbishop's excommunication by his ad- 
herence to the barons, and was generally esteemed as one 
of the bravest soldiers of the party : — 

** Sire Jon Glfford deit bien nom6 One name renowned most needs bo 

E si fa tons jors a deyant John Giflord first and foremost eyer, 

Pms e sages e pemant Agile and daring, quick and bold. 

£ de grant renom6e^ ** 

The castle of Kenilworth had been provided by de Mont- 
fort with warlike engines of defence not then known in 
England, for his engineering skill was repeatedly acknow- 
ledged by liis contemporaries ; and John GiflFord, having 
been appointed its governor, had lately sallied forth from 
it to make a successful attack on Warwick castle, where 
he captured its earl, William Mauduit^ and his countess : 
their ransom amounted to 1900 marcs (£1266. ISs. 4d). 
The subsequent conduct of John GiflFord will be again re- 
ferred to. 

Some of the same names which have been already 
noticed among the royalists occur again on the opposite 
side. The two brothers, Robert and William Marmyon", 

^ After being a prisoner at Eye< sence. — M. Par. 

sham, he compounded for his estates, ' Polit. S. from MS. thirteenth 

and went with P. Edward to the era- century. 

sade, from which he returned, 1274, * The countess was Alice, dau;^- 

and married, secondly, a Beaumont, ter of Gilbert Segrave. William had 

kinswoman of Queen Eleanor: he become earl, 1263, through his mo« 

died 1289. ther. He died 1268. Dying with- 

* Of Brimsfield, ca Gloucester. out issue, his heiress was his sister 
Walter Gifford was one of the Dooms- Isabel, married to William de Beau- 
day commissioners. Hugh Gifford champ. Baron of Elmley in Wor* 
had been tutor to the sons of Henry cestershire. — ^Dugd. Bar. W. Bish. 
III., and died suddenly of apoplexy, de beUo Lew. 
at Canterboiy, in the King's pre- * Bobert. had been goTemor ol 




stood, in this manner, opposed to their nephew ; and Hugh 
and John Neville^ to the royalists of the same name : Ralph 
Basset* of Drayton, likewise, disregarded the hostility of 
his kinsman' Philip, and riyalled his valour and persever- 
ance in a different cause. He took some castles in Shrop- 
shire into his custody for the barons, and nobly refused 
to quit Simon de Montfort in a moment of extreme peril 
at Evesham, declaring that he did not wish to live if that 
chieftain were to- perish. His wife, Margaret, being the 
daughter of a royalist, Roger de Someri, her influence was 
powerful enough to recover the estates from forfeiture after 
his death, previous to her taking the veil. 

A few other baronial chiefs may be briefly noticed. The 
ancestors of Gilbert de Gaunt*, descended from the illus- 
trious family of the earls of Flanders, had married a de 
Montfort. Gilbert, who had been governor of Scarborough 
in 1257, before the civil troubles, became a prisoner to 
iPrince Edward in 1265, but was again taken into royal 
favour afterwards: 

Tamworth Castle; William held lands 
in Linoolnahire, Derbyshire, and at 
Berwick, near* Lewes :* he was sum- 
moned to Parliament by the barons. 
— Banks* Marmyon. Inquis. p. mort. 
* Hugh de Neville, Chief Forester, 
of an Essex family, married Joan, 
daughter and heiress of Henry de 
Gomhill, a sheriff of London in 
1289. Prince Edward took him pri- 
soner, 1266. — ^Dugd; Bar. He for- 
feited, lands* in Essex, part; only of 
which were restored to him on his 
Riving up the remainder to Boberi 
Waleran,.50^H. hi. Pat. John was 
his brother, and married Margaret 
de la Warde, who afterwards mar- 
ried Sir John Gi£Ford. — See Arohaeol. 
Joum. II. p. 870. In M. A. Wood's 
Letters of Boyi^ and Illustrious La- 
dies, Vol. I. p. 42, i»- an interesting 
letter (written about 1258) from Lady 
Havisla de Neville to her son Hugh, 
then a crusader in Syria. She urges 
him to return in order to procure the 
restoration of his lands, procuring a 

letter from the Pope to the same 
effect if possible. William Fitz-Si- 
mon had brought her word that he 
was very destitute and in need of 
money, which she promises to raise 
if she can, and advises him to borrow 
in the meanwhile as much as he can. 
" For I hope, by the help of God, if 
you could well aocomplish what you 
have to do about the acquisition of 
our lands, that' you will see such a 
change in England^ that never in our 
time could you have better accom- 
plished your wish or more to your 

nonor Sir Walter de la Hide, 

Joanna your sister, and all our house- 
hold salute you.'* 

* His son, Balph, was summoned 
to Parliament, 1295. — Banks' Dorm. 
Bar. Basset Arms, " Or, three piles 
gules, a canton ermine." 

» See p. 158, note 1. P. 

^ "Sir Gilbert de Gaunt, barre- 
of six, or and azure, a bend gules.'^ 
—Bolls of Arms. He died 12Zi.. 




Robert, Baron de Tregoz*, from his marriage with Juli- 
ana de Cantilupe, a niece of the Bishop of Worcester, na> 
turally sided with the barons ; in arms also on the same 
side was Henry Hussey*, a knight who held property in 
Sussex, and whom we might have expected to find biassed 
to the royalists by his marriage with the niece of the 
wealthy pluralist, John Mansel, whose ward he had been. 
Jordan de Sackville' was taken prisoner while fighting at 
Evesham for the barons ; Hugh Poinz* was a gallant warrior, 
who had served against the Welsh in the lifetime of his 
father; John Gynvile* and Robert de Tony* are mentioned 
as among the barons; the latter was, perhaps, connected 
with the lords of Trim in Ireland. John de Caston of 
Kent was one of the followers of de Clare, who pleaded 
in after years the Eong's pai'don to all such who had been 
in the battle of Lewes'. 

^ Tregoz, **AzTire, two bars ge- 
mell6e, m chief a leopard passant, 
gaardant, or." — BoUs of Arms. 
QeofFry Tregoz had three manors in 
Norfolk, 1256. — Inqnis. p. mort. He 
was slain at Evesham. John de 
Tregoz, who held the castle of Ewyas 
Harold (eo. Hereford) by barony, 
died A.D. 1800. His elder dau^ter, 
Clarissa, married Roger de la Warr, 
and had a son, coheir to his grand- 
father. The other daughter, Sibil, 
married William de Ghrandison, and 
was buried at Abbey Dore. 

• Henry Hoese (Hussey), of Wilts, 
and of Harting, oo. Sussex,, married 
Joan, daughter of Alard ie Fleming, 
who held the manor of Pulboronga 
and other property: he died 1292. 
His son was summoned to Parlia- 
ment, 1294. Arms, *' Ermine, three 
bars gules.*' 

' He was pardoned Oct 6th,. 1265* 
—Hot. Pat. 

♦ "Poinz, barre, or, et gules." — 
Bolls of Arms. His male heirs failed 
in the third generation. 

^ Arms of Genevill, Simon de G^ 
"noir a trois breys (barnacles for 
horse's nose) d'or, au chief d'argent 

nng demi lion de goules." Geofby 
de G., " azure, 8 breys d'or, au chief 
ermine demi lion de goules.** — Bolls 
of Arms. [GeofEry de Gynville was 
some time Justiciary of Ireland. 
Gilbert's Historic and Municipal Do- 
cuments, p. zxv.]' 

^ Tony, "Argent, a mannoh, 
gules." — Garlav. His ancestor had 
been standard-bearer to the dukes of 
Normandy, and held thirty-seven 
lordships at the time of Doomsday. 
Boger de Tony, the head of the fa- 
mily, was a firm Boyalist; and, in 
oonsequence, the barons, in July, 
1264, gave Henry de Hastings a grant 
of his castle of Kirtling, co. Cam- 
bridge. Boger's son, Balph de Ton^, 
a baron by tenure, was succeeded m 
1294 bv Bobert de Tony, then of fuU 
age, wno formed part of the body- 
guard of Prince Edward at Garlave- 
rock in 1300. In a deed, 1801, he is 
styled '* Bobertus de Touny Dominus 
de Castro Matil." [Castle Maud in 
the Welsh Marches.] He died 1810. 

7 Placit. p. 168. GeofEry de Park, 
of Blakiston (from Old Park on the 
Wear), was also at the battle. — Ar- 
chfBol. Joom., June 1866, p. 160. 



[CH. IX. 

The loDg list may be broken off with the confession 
made by a contemporary* : — 

Moat farent bona lea Barons, 
Hds touz ne sai nomer lor noma, 
Tant est grant la some. 

Blany and good were the barons bold, 
But the names of all cannot be told, 
So vast their long array. 

At the risk of weariness, the fortunes and alliances of 
the principal actors in the battle of Lewes have been thus 
purposely detailed : such facts may teach us a livelier sym- 
pathy with the historical characters of former days, whom 
we are too apt to consider only as so many bright names*, 
instead of men having the same domestic ties, and pas- 
sions, and motives as ourselves; they are interesting also 
as the remote ancestors of many families still existing among 
us, and as enabling us to note, from the frequency of their 
intermarriages, how few in number the great nobles then 
were, and how sternly they held themselves, as a class, apart 
from all such connection with the people at large; but a 
higher and more solemn duty would also seem to require 
the particulars of these opposing kinsmen, in order to bring 
home the evils of civil war more pointedly to the feelings 
of all who know how to value those links of kindred 
which were designed to "knit society into a willing har- 
mony." According to the proverb of the clans, "Blood is 
warmer than water ;" but even the genial warmth of family 
love is too readily overpowered by the feverish passions of 
civil discord, and it is but seldom that the glory of success 
can compensate on such occasions for the stifling of the 
earliest and best emotions of our nature. 

1 PoUt. S. from Roll, thirteenth 
century. For a very curious list of 
the barons and knights of Durham 
who fought at Lewes, see Hutchin- 
■on'a History of Durham, Vol. ii. p. 
219, ed. 1787, and MS. Bodl. Laud. 
I. 52, by Bishop Tunstall, temp. 
Hen. IV. 

' Ihifl refleotion is ably urged by 

Professor Creasy in his '• Spirit of 
Historical Study;'* and on this prin- 
ciple he recommends the detailed 
examination of a detached portion 
of history, rather than the hurried 
view of a wider sphere — a practical 
suggestion, of which the author of 
these pages has experienced the bene- 



Hso Angli de pnelio legite Lewexui, Bead, Britons, of the Lewes fight, 

GajuB patrooinio yivitis defensi, By which ye live in freedom's might ; 

Quia si viotoria jam viotis oessisset, For if th^ conquered side had won, 

Anglomm memoria victa viluisset. — England's name and fame were done. 
Polit. S. from MS. Harl. 978. 

Afteb these dispositions of the barons' forces were made, 
their march was continued towards Lewes^ along the smooth 
declivity of the Downs ; and, according to one account, some 
parties were sent forward, with the hope of driving the King 
out of the town by setting it on fire at several points. The 
royaUsts, however, although in haughty security their pre- 
parations had been loosely made, were not inactive as soon . 
as their scouts had aroused^ them from their beds to a 
knowledge of the impending crisis. 

It was but two days before (May 12), that the King 
had sealed at Lewes letters patent' to confiscate the lands 
of John Cobham and William Say of Kent, for having op- 
posed him at Rochester, and to grant them to Prince 
Edward, in the easy confidence of victory. Another remark- 
able document was now drawn up, on this morning of 

1 **Per oastra expergefaoti qoan- seen, however, that William de Say 

tooios in arma ooUigont." — Chr. BofL made his peace with the King, as he 

MS(S. Nero D. II. headed a body of Boyalists in their 

• Bot. Pat 48* H. m. It will be xatreat from the battle of Lewes. 

188 THE barons' war [cH. 

approaching battle, bearing evident signs of haste and con- 
fusion ; and, indeed, the parties who witnessed it never met 
again on that day or for a long time afterwards. It is 
endorsed, as having been drawn up irregularly, and was 
probably intended to be sent abroad by some one who was 
prevented by the issue of the battle. After reciting the 
6th Article of the treaty with the French King, before re- 
ferred to, by which the sura for the maintenance of 500 
horsemen for two years was to be settled by commis- 
sioners. King Henry thus proceeds :— 

"Whereas we, not oaring to wait for the arbitration of others on this 
matter, came to this amicable conclusion, by the advice of worthy men, 
and by common consent, that the said Lord King should be held bound to us 
lor 184,000 livres Toumois, to provide for the expence of 500 soldiers as 
before said; We have since received all the sum, and acknowledge that full 
satisfaction has been made to us by the said King concerning it, giving 
quittance for ever to the said Lord King of France, on behalf of ourselves and 
our heirs ; but since we have already expended a great part of the said total 
sum of 184,000 L.T. for the advantage of the kingdom of England, we 
promise that we will expend the remainder of the same money in the service 
of God, or of the Church, or for the advantage of the kingdom of England, 
as we are bound to do, and as is more fully contained in the form of the 

'* In testimony of which matter, given at Lewes, on the 14th day of May, 
in the year of our Lord 1264, and in the 48th year of our reign, by the King 
himself, by the King of Alemain, by Roger de Leibume, and by others of the 
King's coxmcU. 

"And be it known that Master Amulph, Chancellor of the King of 
Alemain, dictated and wrote the above letter with his own hands, without 
the advice and assent of any Clerk of the Chancery, and it was coxmtersigned 
before the coxmcil of our Lord the King, at Lewes, on the day above stated ^" 

The clause in the original treaty, which put the expen- 
diture of this money under the control of the twenty-four 
elected councillors, had been long disregarded by the King ; 
and it would seem from this document that he still had in 
hand some portion of this dangerous supply^ from his brother 
King, although the two years of the treaty had been long 
passed ; unless indeed, under cover of the stipulation, Louis 

^ Bymer. 




had from political motives exceeded the promised sum thus 
formally acknowledged*. 

Prince Edward, issuing from the castle, was promptly* 
afield, and chose his position at once, on the nearest point 
to the right, or north, opposite the advancing Londoners, 
whom he marked out as his personal foes ; while around him 
thronged de Warenne, de Valence, and all the more youthful 
and ardent spirits* of the camp, proud of such a leader. 

Towards the south the King of the Romans with his 
gallant son^ commanded the left wing, and prepared to 
meet the young de Montforts. 

King Henry himself, though he had never shewn any 
talent for war, yet felt all the importance of the struggle, 
and took up his place as a central reserve ; though no longer 
young, he had yet all the courage and strength fit for a 
king and soldier on this emergency, and never did he better 
prove them, or had greater need of them. The great* no- 
bles of his court formed a body-guard near his person, and 
he flung a haughty defiance to the enemy, as his dragon 
standard was displayed before him : — 

** Ther the bataile suld be, to Leans thai gan them aile» 
The Kyng and his meyne were in the pryorie : 
Symon cam to the feld, and put np his banere, 
The Eyng schewd forth his soheld, his dragon fnU austere; 
The Kyng said on hie, Simon je yons defie.'* — ^Bobt. Bbunx. 

^ By a letter, dated Westminster, 
May 18th, 1260, King Henry had 
sent to borrow 5000 maros, to be 
reckoned for according to the treaty: 
by another, Westminster, Dec. 12, 
1261, he acknowledged the receipt of 
10,416 L.T.; and also 10,000 marcs 
in 1262.— Bymer, Bot. Pat. 

^ "BegaUs exercitos occorsnras 
eis declivium montis ascendit." — M. 
West. ** Circa diei horam primam 
de villa Lewes exivit regius exercitns 
cum magno apparatu.''-»-Chr. Wi- 

' ** Edwardos cni flos exercitos in- 
tendebat, cnm tota sibi favente mi- 
litia."— T. Wyke. The contempo- 
rary poem, also, speaks of them as : — 

" De sna yirtate 
Satis gloriantibns, nt pntarent tat& 
£t sine periculo velut absorbtt« 
Qaotqaot adminicolo Comitis fnere.*' 

—V. 109, PoUt. a 
As some of those who afterwards fled 
are expressly mentioned as accom- 
panying P. Edward ^. Homing.), it 
IS important to their characters to 
remark that they conld not have fled 
till the battle was over. 

* T. Wyke, however, places P. 
Henry with P. Edward. 

» »• Posterior cohors 400 loricati.'* 
— M. West. The Worcester Chr. 
states the royal army to have been 
60,000 men, and the barons' 40,000. 




This royal banner of the dragon has been noticed by 
all the chroniclers S as an especial signal of Henry's reso- 
lution to give no quarter. Some' suppose that he adopted 
it as the device of the West Saxons (a golden dragon on 
a red shield), but it was more probably a mere personal 
cognizance rather than an heraldic bearing. The order for 
the creation of this " austere " beast is still extant. Edward 
FitzOdo, the King's goldsmith, was commanded in 1244 
to make it " in the manner of a standard or ensign, of red 
samit, to be embroidered with gold, and his tongue to 
appear as though continually moving, and his eyes of sap- 
phii'e, or other stones agreeable to him':** — 

" Then was ther a dragon grete and grimme, 
Fall of fyre and also yenymme, 
With a wide ihrote and tuskes grete*.'* 

It had been hoisted at Chester' in 1257, previous to 
an invasion of Wales, and again lately at Oxford : — 

'* With his ost he wende hoth, and arerde is Dragon'.** — ^Rob. Olouo. 

The dragon may fairly be presumed of heraldic kin to 
the griffon, of which it is said, that " having attained his 
full groweth, it will never be taken alive, wherein he doth 
adumbrate, or rather lively set forth the propertie of a 
valourous soldier, whose magnanimitie is ^uch as hee had 
rather expose himselfe to all dangers, and even to death 
itselfe, than to become captive;*' his being rampant being 
an "evident testimonie of his readiness for action V* In 
1264, however, the dragon could be no peculiar attribute 
of kingly wrath, for it was in common use by other war- 

* Oxenede*s Ohr.: "The dragon, 
which, when seen in the army, is the 
sign of death and mighty revenge.** 
W. Rish. : * * With outspread banners 
preceded by the royal standard, which 
they call the dragon, foretokening 
the jndgment of death.** [It had al- 
ready been displayed on the royal 
march to Northampton. — Ann. de 
PonstipliA, p. 229.] 

* liingard's Hist. 

* Walpole*s Aneod. It was to he 
kept in Westminster Abbey tiU the 
King came there. 

^ Poem of Sir Degore, in Warton*8 
Hist. Poetry, p. 180. 

» M. Par. 

' ** With his army he turned about 
and reared his dragon.*' 

' This lively adumbration is from 
Gaillim*B Heraldry. 




riors ; it is seen as a pennon to a lance, and on a shield 
in the Bayeux tapestry depicting the Conquest; it embel- 
lishes the seals of knights ^ and had been exhibited by de 
Montfort himself soon after the adverse award in January :— 

"When Sir Simoxm wist the dome ageyn them gone, 
His felonie forth thrist, eamned his men ilkon, 
Displaied his banere, lift up his Dragoon." — Bob. Bbunx*. 

The armies being now face to face, and the trumpets* 
having given the signal, the first shock of battle was soon 
fiercely given by Prince Edward, whose impetuosity spurred 
him forward to revenge upon the citizens of London their 
late insults to the Queen, his mother : — 

"And Yor to awreke is moder, to horn vaste he drou.** — Bob. Olouo. 

Although the practice had been introduced at this period 
of commuting by escuage the personal service of forty days 
required by feudal tenures*, yet, on an occasion where all 
felt so deep an interest, the armies were principally com- 
posed of those who had come in answer to their summons, 
as vassals either to the crown or to the covenanted barons, 
leading with them long trains of inferior dependents. Lon- 
don alone had poured forth a willing host without com- 
pulsion, and her citizens may be considered as the only 
volunteers in either army. The rare occurrence of so many 
of them being thus found assembled in arms, estranged 
from their homes and usual occupations, proves how popular 
the cause was, and must have been peculiarly distasteful 
to the proud nobles of the court party, who had scoffed 

^ A dragon is frequently seen nn- 
der the horse of the knight, on seals 
of this period. 

a "When Sir Simon knew the 
judgment given against them, his 
wickedness burst forth, he gathered 
all his men, displayed his banner, 
and lift up his dragon." 

' '* Tubis terribiliter olangentibus.'* 
— T. Wyke. In the Histoire de Fitz- 
Warin, several musical instruments 
are named as heralding in a tooxDa^ 

ment. ** Lorn resonerent le tabours. 
trompes, buysnes, corns, sarazynes 
que les valeys rebonderentde le soun.** 
—p. 11. 

^ The quantity of land oonstitut- 
ing a knight's fee (feudum militis), 
varied considerably in different parts 
of the country. In Ein^ John's time, 
there are instances of six hides form- 
ing a fee in Berkshire, and twenty- 
seven hides constituting only one in. 
Kent.— Y. Abb. Placit. Joh. 


THE barons' war. 


at, and interrupted their practice of arms with contempt, 
*'a8 not fit for bran-dealers, soap-boilers, and clowns^" Be- 
sides their want of habitual skill, other disadvantages should 
be remembered ; the barons and knights of this period came 
into the field, not only taught to look upon the skilful use 
of arms as almost the only education worthy of their birth, 
but with their bodies protected by shields, and by coats 
tod caps of ring-armour*. Always mounted on horseback, 
they could readily wield their far-reachiug lances, or their 
heavy maces (martel de fer), their battle-axes (solid or 
bristling with six blades each), and their well-tempered 
swords for nearer combat When thus furnished, it required 
no excess of courage to attack large bodies of inexperienced 
and ill-armed foot soldiers, whom the policy or careless 
inhumanity of these times and long afterwards sent to bat- 
tle with weapons powerless to resist the close attack of a 
mounted enemy, however formidable bows and slings* may 
have been to a distant foe. ''The bravest men have little 
appetite for receiving wounds and death without the hope 
of inflicting any in return*;'* and gunpowder, the great 
leveller of such distinctions in war, remained as yet a mys- 
terious and pregnant secret in the cell of Roger Bacon*, 

> M. Par. 

s Even every knight ooold not af- 
ford so expensive a suit as a hauberk 
of mail, the *' consertam hamis anro- 
que trilicem loricam," of Virgil. Out 
of 130 knights under Henry II. in 
Ireland, only 63 were thus provided. 
Edward I. made it obligatory on those 
who possessed land of £16 value, and 
goods of 40 marcs (£26. 6t. Sd,) to 
have an habergeon (coat of mail), an 
iron helm (chapel de fer), a sword, a 
knife, and a horse; those who had 
lands of 40t, were to have a sword, 
knife, bow and arrows. 

' The sling in use consisted of a 
stick three or four feet long, with a 
loop of leather at one end to receive 
the stone. The stick was held in 
both hands, behind the head, in order 
to give greater force in throwing. — 
V. Stratt*0 Ant. 

^ Hallam's Mid. Ages, Vol. i. 

6 His purposely obscure receipt for 
gunpowder is well known.— De Sec. 
Oper. Nat. c. xi. But justice has 
even yet been scarcely done to his 
foreknowledge of other miracles of 
modem art, steam-boats, locomotives, 
telescopes, .&c. The following pas- 
sages, literally translated from his 
works, may surprise and interest 
some persons: "For vessels may be 
made for navigation without any 
men to navigate them so that ships, 
especially for the river, or for the sea, 
may be borne on under the guidance 
of a single man, with greater speed 
than if tiiey had been full of sailors. 
Carriages also may be made so as to 
be moved without any animal force, 
with an incalculable impetus." — De 
Sec. Oper. c. iv. After describing 
glasses, by which all that an enemy 





that mighty forerunner of English science, who was now 
living in suspicion and restraint as a penalty on his superior 
chemistry and philosophy. 

The gallant troop of Prince Edward must have been 
brilliant like that described* afterwards at Carlaverock :— 

** La maisnie aa filz le Boy 
Ki mult i yint de noble aray, 
Car mainte targe freschement 
Peinte e gamie richement, 
Meinte heamne et mainte oha- 

Meinte riohe gamboison garni 
De soie et de oadas et coton, 
En leor venne veist on 
De diverses tailes et forges.** 

did might be discovered at any dis- 
tance, he adds: "so also we might 
make the sun, moon and stars come 
down lower here (descendere infe- 
rius hie)."— Persp. p. 8, 2, 8. " Con- 
trivanoes also may be made to walk 
at the bottom of the sea or rivers 
without danger • to the body. Bridges 
also may be made across rivers, with- 
out piers or other support. Machines 
also for flying may be made, so that 
a man seated in the middle may turn 
round a certain mechanism by which 
artificial wings may beat me air, 
flying like a bird."— Episi o. iv. Ba- 
con, however, expresses some doubt 
as to the latter marvel. Thou^ 
these prodigies were enough to star- 
tle any mind, Bacon was persecuted 
by the church, not by the state. 

^ At the period of the battle, the 
shield (targe) was heater-shaped; the 
head was guarded by a hood of ring- 
armour, or by a flat-topped helmet 
(heaume); the sword was broad and 
pointed; the hauberk, or coat of chain 
armour, had the rings placed edge* 
wise, but many had a cheaper cbress, 
Date. Aimour of 

With gallant train came the son of 

the King, 
A noble array did his meyne bring : 
Many a knight with painted shield 
Bichly decked on fresh blazoned field, 
Many a burnished helm and cap, 
Many a linked hauberk wrap 
Their limbs, or quilted for the fray 
Many a silken wamboys gay ; 
In varying guise and colours bright 
The throng pressed onward into sight. 

a quilted tunic of leather, wadded 
with tow (cadas^ or cotton, called 
gamboison, wambais, or haquetons; 
the emblazoned surcoat, a long loose 
sleeveless dress of linen, was worn 
over all : the spurs were of one strong 
single spike, called a " spur speare,** 
justifying the phrase, **il brocha le 
chevcd de eperons:" he spitted his 
horse with his spurs. — Hist.deFitzw. 

[The shield was then longer than 
the heater-shaped, more kite-shaped, 
but straight at the top. Meyrick'a 
notion of rings set edgewise has been 
abandoned: such representations are 
believed to have been one of the 
several modes of representing chain- 
mail. Emblazoned surcoats were, I 
believe, then unknown, and for about 
fifty years later. A host was not in 
1264 so gay in colours as at Carlave- 
rock. W. S. W.] 

Several suits of plate-armour in 
the Tower have been weighed, its 
gradual disuse being marked by the 
diminished weights. The weight of 
a coat of mail at the Tower is seven- 
teen pounds. 

Weight of Armour. Total, Iba. 

ICan, iM. Horae^ lbs. 


Hemy VTTT. 





Earl of Huntingdon 





Sir H.Lee 





Dnke of Buokingham 


— . 









Though the LondoDers had bo zealously sought the fore- 
most position, yet their want of discipline and practice little 
qualified them to withstand the chai^ of such a chivalry 
as now assailed them, and they were forced to give way to 
ihe onset, in spite of the efforts of their leaders, Hastings 
and Segrave. The Prince, who is said' to have "thirated 
after their blood, as the hart pants for cooling streams," 
did not relax after his first success, hut having broken their 
foremost rudcs, continued to advance upon their rear, which 
soon became disordered by the retreat of ohhers thrown 
back upon them. It is probable that, aa an additional in- 
centive to the Prince's eager wrath, the car and banners 
of de Montfort were visible' from this part of the battle- 
field. In spite of some personal defects, such as a slight 
hesitation of speech, and a drooping eyelid, inherited from 
his father, yet the Prince's fur handsome countenance, ani- 
mated by such passionate excitement, and his tall stature 
giving him so firm a seat on horseback, " erect aa a palm','' 
must have rendered him a conspicuous object of military 
admii-ation to bis followers. Though his deadfy grasp, and 
the flashing fury of his eye when angry, were compared 
to the leopards of his arms, he was, like them, all gen- 
tleness {douce debonairet^) when with inenda. 

Without regarding the distance he had already advanced 
from the King's army, and blinded by his rage, he led 

1 W. lUsh. de Bella Iiew, mens et Bnpra OMtununi popnio pne. 

* " VideDt«B eni in pLuiicie oiu'- mjnebat Hit hairflhuigedatdifier' 

rum quern fieri (ecerat Comes." — ent epochs, ab oigenleo in flavimi— 

W. Heminij., H. Enigbt. The ptun, in nigredinem, genectate in oygneam 

" planioies," ma; have been any lev^ — Frona lata, cictera fooiee p&iilitei 

piu^ on the Dovnit. From the men- disposita, eo excepto qaod sioiBtr 

tion of 60 Londoners being drovned oci^ piJpebra demissior pateini aa 

in the Oose in their fiight, the left peotna aimilitniiiiieni exprimebat 

wing maj have been placed in the Lingua bleeaa — tibiarum longa divi' 

level near Hamaej; and vbile MoD^ eio." — Chr.ETeBbam, 1260. Lei. Coll. 

tort overlooked the nhole from the Vol. i. When his tomb was opened 

Doms, the cor ma; have been also 1T71. Longehanke w&a found to tnea 

in the same direction as the Lon- sure 6 ft. '2 in., full; jngtifjiag hii 

doners in the plain. See Appendii B. familial' name. — Neale's Westui. Ab. 

* "UtpalmaerectnaiiiaHcendendo V. Carlav. Hia arms were "threi 
eqniun." — Chi.Boff. "Elegontiserat leopards or witb label asun,"— Bol 
fonote, prooens ataturs, qu& ab hn- of Arms. 




them onward, and forced back his enemy with such vigour 
that the citizens at length broke into a flight^ — ^neither 
strange nor disgraceful under the circumstances, but fatal 
to all chance of their success. One account' even repre- 
sents their leader, Hastings, as the fii*st to fly for his own 
safety, but this seems very improbable considering his cha- 
racter; another statement", that this flight was a precon- 
cert€d stratagem of de Montfort, is as little credible, though 
indeed he may have expected such a result from the de- 
fective* nature of such troops. At any rate, the rout was 
complete; along the most northern slope of the Downs 
numerous bones and arms have been found, tracing the 
direction of their flight towards the West, where the abrupt 
steepness of the ground aflbrded fugitives on foot the best 
chance of escape from horsemen. For four* miles was the 
hot pursuit continued — whole crowds of citizens falling 
slaughtered under the Prince's unsparing sword, while 
others, to the number of sixty, were drowned in attempt- 
ing to cross the Ouse. 

By these movements, which seemed to promise victory 
to the royalists, one entire wing of each army was early 
cleared oflF the ground ; and this vacancy rendered all the 
more conspicuous de Monfort's car and banners, which 
seemed to indicate his presence. In emulation of the 
Prince's triumph, and ignorant of the imprudent length of 
his pursuit, the King of the Romans was tempted by the 
prospect of securing the great rebel leader, and dii*ected his 
forces to that distant point. While the most obstinate re- 

^ "Li primo conflictu major pars 
et Londiuensium et equitum et qoi- 
dam milites et Barones posuenmt se 
in fagam versuB London." Such is 
the honest avowal of the London 
chronicler. — Lib. de Ant. Leg. 

« T. Wyke. 

* Oxenede's Chr. 

* "Londinenses ad bella verbis 
exp^diti, non tamen in arte bellioA 
periti.** — Chr. Wigom. 

> M. Par., M. Westm., Chr. Bofl., 
say four miles ; W. Heming., ** for a 
considerable space ;" H. Knight, "two 
or three miles ;" Miss Strickland, in 
her agreeable "Queens of England,** 
with a licence denied to geography, 
makes the Prince pursue to Croydon 
and back on the same day, some 
eighty miles: no wonder his party 
was tired on its retain. 



sistance, however, prevented him from penetrating so far, 
confusion arose in his own ranks from the storm of stones 
and arrows hurled at them from the upper ground. 

The headlong impulse of Prince Edward, in the mean- 
while, had not only driven oflf the field all opposed to him, 
but had brought him so far into the enemy's rear as also 
to encourage his soldiers to make an attack upon the car, 
with the hope of surprising the helpless invalid supposed 
to lie* within it, and of plundering the baggage. They 
fell upon it, therefore, with such fury, that during the 
obstinate stiTiggle the standard-bearer, William le Blund, 
was overpowered and slain. No de Montfort, however, ap- 
peared in answer to the clamours of reproach and hate 
addressed to him: "Come forth, come forth, Simon, thou 
devil ; come out of the car, thou worst of traitors 1" The 
contemporary monk', on recording this taunt, breaks out 
into some bold words, which evidently came from the heart : 
" It should, however, be declared that no one in his senses 
would call Simon a traitor ; for he was no traitor, but the 
most devout and faithful worshipper of God's Church in 
England, the shield and defender of the kingdom, the enemy 
and expeller of aliens, although by birth he was one of 

While every hand was eager to secure the prize during 
this fierce contest, the unhappy Londoners, imprisoned within 
their iron cage, fell victims to the confusion, being slain by 
their own friends without being recognized. One account 
makes them, indeed, perish by fire — ^the barons having placed 
combustibles around the car ; and a deceitful message is 
also said to have been sent, informing the King that the 
Londoners were so distrustful of Simon de Montfort, that 

1 W. de Bish. de Bello Lew. W. ' Chr. Mailr. Haying taken up 

Heming. places the car in the plain, the narrative from 1262 in the same 

without any guide or driver near it, spirit, he is called a fool (satis inep- 

as if deserted; but it is impossible tiis) by the modem editor, W. Ful- 

to suppose it ungoarded, when the man, 1684. 
standard-bearer was killed there. 


they were ready to burn him alive should he play them 
false, as they expected, in the battled There does not, 
however, seem to have been time to lay so deep and im- 
probable a plot. 

This incident is fixed, by some authors, as occurring 
during the Prince's first advance ; but by others', with more 
probability, on his return. The fact of his long and dis- 
tant pursuit being certain, he would not then have halted 
for a merely passing assault on the car, though some of 
his friends may have then begun an attack, in which he 
joined on his return ; and this seems necessary to account 
for his long absence from the main field of battle until the 
victory was lost 

De Montfort must have watched with exultation the 
success of his stratagem^ in thus diverting the attention 
of the enemy — a success increased beyond his hopes by the 
rashness of the young Prince. With the decision of a mas- 
terly eye, he rapidly dii'ected all his efforts against the 
weakened body of troops among whom King Henry had 
stationed himself. To the strength of his right wing, in 
which were his sons, he now added the fresh impulse of 
his own reserve, and while his princely foe was indulging 
a passion, and following a delusion, his single aim was to 
gain possession of the King's person, well knowing that " by 
the seizure of the shepherd, the sheep would be dispersed'," 
and the fortunes of the day decided, notwithstanding the 
defeat of his left wing and the pressure on his centre by the 
King of the Romans. 

Though his numbers were less, they were firm in prin- 
ciple, and they fought with enthusiasm. In the glowing 
phrase of the chronicler*, "now flashed forth the lightning 

^ Chr. Mailr. pondns prslii versnm est in reges 

* T. Wyke, Chr. Mailr., RoR AngliaB et AlemanniaB."— T. Wyke. 

Brtine on one side; W. Heming. ^ **Ibi apparoit yirtus Baronum 

and H. Knighton on the other. folminea, inhiantios dimioantes pro 

> W. Biah. de Bello Lew. *' In- patria." — W. Bish., copied verbatim 

dostria ComitiB hoo docente, ioiom iy the royalist Mat. Westm. 




valour of the barons, fighting for their country with more 
breathless zeal." After a long and violent attack, they suc- 
ceeded, by the aid of their numerous slingers, in disorder- 
ing the division under the King of the Romans, so as to 
compel him to seek refuge in flight; and several nobles, 
including de Bohun, Fitz-Alan, Bardolf, Tattishall, Somery, 
Percy, and the three great Scotch leader^s — some of them 
confessedly panic-struck* — surrendered themselves as pri- 

The King now unexpectedly found himself exposed to 
direct assault, when deprived of the greater part of the forces 
on which he had depended for support. His son had be- 
come entangled in the enemy's snare beyond the reach of 
immediate recall, and his brother was flying for his life. At 
no period had Henry shown any capacity for war, but, as 
far as personal courage can entitle him to our respect, the 
Plantagenet monarch evinced much manly resolution when 
his danger at Lewes excited him into activity. Mounted 
on his choicest warhorse', he gave by his own example the 
best encouragement to his friends ; and though his horse 
was killed under him, he mounted another, which met with 
the same fate. Severely wounded in his own person by 
the swords and maces* of his foes — a proof of the close com- 
bat he must have engaged in — he saw also several of his 
most faithful friends falling around him, mortally wounded, 
after their utmost exertions. Among all the combatants 

^ Hoc ipsi ore proprio oonfiteban- 
tnr, qaomm nnus erat Dominns 
HenricuB de Perci nnus de meliori- 
bns in regno."— Chr. Dover. W. 
BIbIl, W. Heming., Robert Pierpoint 
was among the prisoners. — Hot. Pat. 

' In reference to the heavy armour 
of the riders, peculiar qualities were 
looked for in a war-horse, which 
made them unfit for ordinary use, 
and they were not mounted till actual 
battle. The crusaders had brought 
back horses from Syria, and Biohard 
L had two Arabians ; King John had 
impoited some from Flanders, and 

Henry in. had some horses sent him 
from Germany. The importation of 
Spanish horses afterwards improved 
the breed. 

' ** Dextrario suo sub se confosso." 
— W. Bish. '* Deztrarius ejus occi- 
8U8.'* — ^W. Homing. ** Equo electis- 
simo sub se confosso.'* — M. Westm. 
The Lewes chr. however says, **Bex 
bene verberatus gladiis et maciis, et 
duo equi sub eo mortui, ita quod vix 
evasit.'* ** Equus Begis sub Bege a 
Oilberto Comite de Glovemite suhner- 
vatur, et rex cum reverentia custodiaa 
mancipatur.*'— Chr. Wigom. 




the last to retire or yield was Philip Basset\ though gashed 
with twenty wounds : — 

** Sir Philip Basset the gode knight worst was to overoome, 
He adde mo then tnenti woonde as he were inome." — ^Bob. Glouc. 

"Oh, wretched sight! (exclaims the chronicler with 
more feeling than usual) when the son strives to overpower 
the father, and the father the son: kinsman against kins-^ 
man, fellow-citizen against fellow-citizen, with their swords 
brandished on either side, drunk with the gore of the slain, 
felling, maiming, and trampling their foes under the horses' 
feet, or binding their prisoners alive in straitest bonds'." 

So many of the royalists were now among the captives 
or the slain, that the remainder of their broken ranks' 
were at length obliged to consult the safety of their sove- 
reign and themselves by a retreat into the Priory, from 
whence they had marched in the morning so fiill of hope 
and pride ; and it gave a peculiar relish to the triumph 
of the conquerors, to observe that the same party which 
had so recently committed sacrilegious outrages on churches, 
at Northampton, Battle, and elsewhere, should now betake 
themselves to a church, as the best refuge in their dis- 

Their only hope of retrieving the fortunes of the day 
now rested on Prince Edward, whose victorious advance they 
had witnessed in the morning ; and while awaiting the issue 
of this last chance, strong guards were posted round all the 
approaches of the Priory ^ so as to increase its defence by all 

I "Hago le Despenser Philippnm 
de Basset tttiduit iolvare, et earn ab 
adyersariis voluit liberare, sed ille 
qnam din stare potoit, militi se red- 
dere noluit.'* — Chr. Wigom. 

s W. Bish. de BeUo Lew. 

> Perforataque est acies ipsias Be- 
gis.** — W. Heming. 

* • • «♦ Dei sapientia 
Fortes fecit fogere, virosque yirtntis 
In olanstro se olaodere * 

« « 

in 60- 

Unioom refngiTun restabat, relictis 

Equis, hoc conBiliom oocnrrebat vie- 

£t qnam non timnerant prins pro- 

Qnam more debnerant matris homo- 

Ad ipsam r^fnginnt, licet minns digni.'* 

— Polit. S. from MS. Harl. 978, Vol. 

' T. Wyke emmeonsly makes the 

surrender of both Kings to oconr in 




the means in their power. Had they been near enough to 
reach the castle when forced to retreat, they would probably 
have fled there rather than relied on the imperfect security 
of the peace-adapted building of the monks ; though even 
there the boimdary wall, enclosing a space of thirty-two 
acres, could keep an enemy at bay for a time. 

Lewes being a town of considerable antiquity, there 
appears to have been an imperfect inclosure of wall round 
it ; for the repair of which, the earliest murage grant extant, 
dated two years after the battle, authorized the levy of tolls 
for three years. The activity of the now extinct iron trade 
of the neighbourhood is traced in the articles thus taxed on 
entering the town : " For every cart laden with iron for sale 
Id ; for every horse-load of iron for sale, through the week, 
a half-penny;'' and the extent of the adjoining forest is thus 
indicated : " For every tumbrel of squirrels for sale a half- 

1 » 


The Priory was at no period included within the walls ; 
but the strong and extensive circuit of the castle, with its 
double keep', enclosed a royalist garrison in unimpaired 
confidence. It held also some important prisoner, who had 
been captured in the earliest successes of the day. 

Among these, John GiflFord, already referred to as one of 
the best soldiers in the barons' army, was the most con- 
spicuous, and to effect his release* was a strong motive in 
their attack on the castle. No doubt of his good faith was 

the Priory, before the Prince's re- 
turn. *' Ilecqaes fu la bataille dure 
et aspre, mais an drenier ne pot en- 
dorer li roys le fors dou Conte Sy- 
mon, ainsois sen foi 11 et sez filz 
Edonars en Tabbaye devant dite, 
ponrce qne il ooida eschapper.*' — 

1 Rot. Pat., 60»H. in.; in Hors- 
field's Hist, of Lewes, 1. 162. A pay- 
ment was made, in 1290, for the iron- 
work of the monument of Hen. III. 
in Westmins^ Abbey, to Master 
Henzy of Lewes. — Honseh. Exp. from 

Bot. Mis. 56. 17. 

• The mound to the N.E. may 
perhaps not have had any large tower 
upon it, but have been the mound 
often found in Norman Castles, as at 
Carisbrook, Clare, Cardiff, Pevensey, 
Tonbridge, &c., a mere tumulus of 
earth, intended to facilitate the in- 
spection of the country and the inte- 
rior of the castle. In later times of 
Edward I. a similar mound with 
tower was called a bailly. — See Ar- 
chaeol. Journal, i. p. 100. 

• Walt. Heming. 





at this time entertained, yet there wa^ something suspicious 
in his conduct and early capture, which later events^ seem to 
confirm. With his comrade, William de Maltravers ', he had 
^t the first onset taken two Royalist knights prisoners, Regi- 
nald FitzPiers and Alan de la Zouch. Both of these cap- 
tives, however, either by negligence or treason, were so loosely 
guarded, that they were found at large afterwards, until 
taken for the second time, when FitzPiers was detected still 
retaining all his arms and fighting, and Zouch ', disguised as 
a monk*, in the Priory. This circumstance gave rise to a 
dispute as to ransom, which afforded Gifford subsequently a 
pretext for abandoning the barons. 

In another part of the battle-field an important prize had 
gratified the baronial troops. They had so closely followed 
the flight of the King of the Romans, as to track him to a 
windmill, where he had secured the door, and delayed his 

^ See p. 101, note 8. 

' Like Gifford he became a royal- 
ist, and at Eyesham he was distin- 
guished by his barbarity towards the 
earl he was now serving under; John 
de Maltravers held Childrey, co. 
Berks, by the service of one knight 
in the time of Henry III. ; Lytchet- 
Maltravers, co. Dorset, was held by 
the service of five knights. Eleanor, 
the heiress, in a subsequent genera- 
tion, carried the estates to the Fitz- 
Alan family. Arms, ** Sable, a fret 
or, with a file of 3 points ermine. "— 
V. Ly sons' Berks., Hutchins* Dorset, 
Vol. III. 

' Alan de la Zouch, of Ashby, of 
an illustrious descent from the Earls 
of Brittany, was much in the confi- 
dence of the King, and enjoyed large 
grants made to his father and himself 
(V. Calend. Rot. 46% 48», Hen. III). 
He held two fees in Sussex under 
Henry de Percy (Cal. Inq. p.m.). 
After serving in the wars of Gascony 
he was made a Justice Itinerant in 
three counties [1261 — 1266, and Jus- 
tice of all the King's Forests south of 
Trent 1261]; he is called Seneschal 
of the King (Bot. Pat. 47" Hen. III.), 
WRB surety for the King at Amiens, 

and afterwards [c. 1267] was Con- 
stable of the Tower. He married 
Elena, daughter of Boger de Quincy, 
Earl of Winchester, and had interest, 
in 1267, to obtain the redemption 
of his niece^s forfeited property. 
'*2iOuche, gules bezant^e d'or." — 
Bolls of Arms. 

[Having a lawsuit with Earl Wa- 
renne (c.l26d — 1270) he was attacked 
by that earl's retainers in Westmins- 
ter Hall, and wounded so grievously, 
that he died of the injuries inflicted. 
The earl was pursued to his castle at 
Beigate by Prmce Edward, and forced 
to surrender. He was mulcted in 
10,000 marcs, ultimately reduced to 
7400, of which 2000 went to Alan's 
son and heir, Boger, who had also 
suffered in -the scuffle. Excerpt, e 
Bot. Fin. 11. 625. Chron. Bishang. 
p. 58; Wyke, p. 234; Dugdale's Ba- 
ronage, I. 78 ; Foss, Judges, n. 628.] 
The earl was also forced to walk 
from the Temple to Westminster 
Abbey, and there make oath that 
the assault did not arise from pre- 
vious malice. 

« Bob. Glouc, and Add. MSS. 
5444, relate this anecdote, and the 
subsequent dispute as to his ransom. 




surrender as long as possible. Even so frail a defence as a 
mill sufficed, for a time, against the imperfect weapons of 
attack then in use. 

No precise spot on the Downs now retains the tradition 
of this mill, though it was pointed out long after by the name 
of '* King Harry's mill*:" as it is distinctly described by 
two contemporaries* as a windmill with "sayles," it must 
have occupied the usual situation for such structures on the 
ridge of the hill'; and we may therefore consider Prince 
Richard to have advanced some distance from the town at 
the time of his rout, when, his retreat to the Priory being 
cut off, an escape towards the nearest point of the coast 
would have been his principal object 

While the King of the Romans remained thus blockaded 
in the mill, he was for some time exposed to the rude jests 
and reproaches of those with whom he had so often and so 
recently been leagued: "Come out, you bad miller," they 
shouted; "you forsooth to turn a wretched mill-master — ^you 

^ "Motus est exercitus Baronnm 
▼ersas quoddam molendinum circa 
Lewes," io which a more modem 
hand has added a marginal note, 
" oaUed King Haiys mill to this day. '* 
—Add. MSS. 5444. WindmiUs are 
said to have heen introduced into 
France and England, o. 1040. (Fos- 
broke, Encycl. of Antiquities.) 

* *'Molendinmn quod vi ventorum 
dioebator molere.*' — Chr. Mail. See 
also the ballad in the next page. 
"He wende that the sayles were 
mangonel." Dooilisday notices two 
mills of 23'. at Lewes. The Lewes 
monk (MS. Tib. A. x) says, "Habo 
omnia facta fuerant apud Lewes ad 
molendinum sueUigi " These latter 
words have been interpreted 'Uhe 
Mm of the Hide,*' on the authority 
of Spelman (Glossar.), who gives the 
meaning of "hide" to Swulinga, or 
rather Sulinga, from a Saxon word, 
signifying a plough, and considers 
two sulingsB to constitute one mili- 
tary fee. A deed of Isabella, Coun. 
teas of Warren, widow of Hamelin, 
grants a lease of a miU near Lewes, 

at the rent of 22s. to Biohard de 
Gumbes, where it is named *'Side- 
lune mill," (quoddam molendinum 
quod Yocatnr Sidelune melne). — See 
Hist, of Warren. This may possibly 
be the same. According to Mr W. 
Figg, of Lewes, there are about 32 
acres of land called **the Hyde," 
formerly belonged to the Priory of St 
Pancras, situated at the west end of 
the town, on the south and west sides 
of the ancient church of St Mary, 
now St Peter and St Mary West- 
out, otherwise St Ann. In the 
northern part of this land, about 
where the Black Horse Inn now is, a 
windmiU is shewn in an old map of 
the Wallands by John Deward, about 
1618. There may have been an older 
Willi on this "Hyde," molendinum 
BueUigi, as the spot necesanly lay in 
the Ime of those retreating to the 
GasUe. (March 1844.) 

' A modem account, Horsfield's 
Sussex, describes the mill as in the 
low ground on the Winterboume 
stream, but in that ease it must t^ve 
been a watermiU. 





who defied us all so proudly, and would have no meaner title 
than King of the Romans, and always August* ! " The latter 
addition, though as invariably affixed to his German dignity, 
as " Defender of the Faith " to our own sovereign in after 
times, seemed strange and ludicrous to the ears of the En- 
glish. His altered plight was ridiculed also in a popular 
ballad' of the day: — 

*'The Eyng of Alemaigne wende do full wel, 
He saisede the mnlne for a oastel, 
With hare sharpe swerdee he gronnd the stel, 
He wende that the sayles were mangonel 
To helpe Wlndesore. 
Bichard, thah thou he ever trichard, 
Triohen sholt thou never more. 

The Kyng of Alemaigne gederede ys hoet, 
Makede him a castel of a molne post, 
Wende with is pmde and is mnchele host, 
Brohte from Alemayne mony sori gost 
To store Windesore. 

Bichard, thah thou he ever triohard, 

Triohen shalt thou never more'." 

As evening* came on and no chance of escape appeared. 
King Richard was obliged to give himself up to his enemies, 
and was led away in custody, even loaded with chains, ac- 
cording to one account*, and accompanied by his second son, 
Edmund, yet a youth. Though he yielded himself up to 
Gilbert de Clare, as the chief in command, it would appear 
that John Befs*— of a rank too inferior to receive the im- 

^ Ghr. Mailr. 

* It has been frequently printed, 
and lately in Polit. S. from HarL MS. 
Percy in his "Ancient Beliqnes" not 
understanding the allusion, remarks 
that *'the verses very humorously al- 
lude to some little fact which history 
has not condescended to record," and 
supposes it to refer to his large 
watermills at Isleworth where he 
might have lodged a party of soldiers. 

'Glossary — wende, thought: fiuin- 
gonel, engine to throw stones : thaht 
though: sori gost, wicked spirits: 
tru^rd, trickster : triehetiy trick. 

* The Lewes chr. says the greater 

part of the royal army was entirely 
overthrown before midday. " Ita 
fuit quod maxima pars regis exer- 
citus inter primam et meridiem fun- 
ditus stemata.'* This, if correct, 
must mean the King's own division. 

^ Chr. Mailr. Auother authority 
seems to intimate that the mill was 
only used to secure the prisoner in. 
— Ad helium de Leans. — ubi Domi- 
nus Simon — capto Comite in molesb- 
dino ad custodiendum posuit. — Chr. 
Laudun. in MSS. Cott. Nero. A. iv. 
** Cum filio suo Edmundo adhuc im- 
puberi captivatus." — T. Wyke. 

* Perhaps the name was Bevis, 




portant surrender of a King — was the principal agent in his 

capture, and was honoured with knighthood su))sequently in 

reward for his services : — 
"The King of Alemaine was in a windmuUe inome, 
Vor a yong knight ymad tho right. 
Sir John de Befs yoleped, that was snith god knight, 
That much prowesse dade a dai, and the King him yield in donte, 
To the Erl of Glonoestre as to the hezte of the doate^.** 

Bob. Glouo. p. 582. 

At length, after the victory had been thus decided, about 
eight o'clock" in the evening Prince Edward returned from 
his reckless triumph over the Londoners and his bootless 
attack upon the car. 

Many a great battle has been lost in the same manner, 
by the rash indulgence of private feelings of exultation or 
revenge. In modem times the advantages of self-control in 
the eager soldier, of strict obedience exacted by and yielded 
to one calm sagacious mind, have been generally recognized 
and adopted ; but at this remote period, with a loose cluster 
of independent chieftains, each the jealous peer of the others 
hastily collected and soon to be dispersed, such discipline or 
prudence could not be looked for. The chief praise was then 
always given to individual courage and strength, rather than 
to the fulfilment of an appointed duty. 

** To while Sir Edward was about the chare to take, 
The Kynge*8 side, alias, Simon did donn sohake, 
Unto the Kynge*8 partie Edward tmned tite, (speedily) 
Then had the Erie the maistrie, the Kynge was discomfite ; 
The soth to say and chese, the chare's gilery 
Did Sir Edward lese that day the maistrie." — Bob. Bbune. 

Beanfo or Boves. Nicholas de Beau- 
fo, a knight of Noriolk, is mentioned. 
— CaL Placit Henry III. Adam de 
Beyfin held five manors in Shrop- 
shire, 1261, 1268.--Cal. Inqois. p. 
mort Ho^ de Boves was sent to 
Bristol in 1213, and a ship for ten or 
twelve horses was ordered to be pre- 
IMured for him. Bot. Clans. 159. He 
was drowned, with many others, near 
Yarmouth, Oct. 26, 1216.— Wendover, 
III. p. 838. 
1 "The King of Alemaine was 

taken in a windmill, for a young 
knight took him, then justly made 
knight, called by Sir John de Befs, 
who wa3 truly a good knight, and did 
many exploits that day, and the King 
yielded himself in alarm to the Earl 
of Gloucester, as to the highest chief 
of the force." 

* ''Expensa est magna pars illiue 
diei usque ad octavam horam. " — Chr. 
Mailr. '*Pugnaverunt usque ad noc- 
tem.'*— Lib. de Ant. Leg. % 


The Prince arrived with his horses jaded and his com- 
rades weary, all "journey-bated" like himselT after their 
long service, which had now continued from early dawn to 
the evening of a long summer's day. He expected to find a 
triimiphant welcome from his party as victorious as himself: 

'* With grot joye he tomde agen, ao lute' joye he foonde.*'— Bob. Gijouo. 

On the late busy field of battle none were to be seen but 
the dead and the dying, no remains of either army fighting, 
and nothing but the banner of de Warenne, still flying on 
the castle-keep, to assure him of the contest at all continu- 
ing. Mortified by so unexpected a scene, and uneasy for the 
safety of his father, though still eager to renew the fight, he 
made a circuit' of part of the town, in order to reach the 
castle, towards which point the tide of war had pressed on- 
wards, when receding from the field. 

A stem and desperate resistance had there repulsed all 
the efibrts of the barons, and the Prince's presence inspirited 
the besieged ; but, ignorant of the King's fate, and gloomy 
with apprehensions, he soon after forced his way to the 
Priory, in order there to learn the whole of the fatal truth. 

At this crisis a great many nobles and knights, who had 
accompanied the Prince during the day, feeling their strength 
and hopes gone, resolved to take advantage of the shades of 
evening to efiect their escape\ The number of these fugi- 
tives is variously stated as 300* or 4fOO well-armed chiefs, 
and among them were many whom Eling Henry might cer- 
tainly have expected to share his fate. His own brothers, 
William de Valence, and Guy de Lusignan*, and the Earl de 

^ "LassitadinesioqiiasBatiiB, qaod ^ "Ecoe omnes qnasi qui enm eo 

olterins dimicare non poterat. Tarn steterant fogs indnlsenxnt.*'— Mat. 

ipse qnam hi qui earn seqnebantiur Wesim. 

etiam cum Bids equia immoderato » "SOOloricati.'*— W.Rish. "400 

labore fuenint sio fatigati, quod tix loricati dye oulpft give non onlpA.*^ — 

respirare potuerunt."— T. Wyke. Mat.We8tm. "The chiefs, and more 

* Ao lute — and little. than 70 choice armed soldien, who 

> ** Villam cirouene pervenit ad belonged to their house and family." 

oa8tmm.''—W. Rish. "Circumduct — Walt. Heming. 

villam usque ad castellum.** — W. * Oeoffiry de Lusignan and Hugh 

HSming. are not mentioned as present at 


THE barons' war. 


Warenne, though in sight of his own castle, all bound by 
kindred and favours to their Sovereign, now abandoned him ; 
Hugh le Bigot, and many of the highest chieftains, being 
their comrades in this flight : — 

'*Hany on stilleliohe hor armes a wei oaete, 
And channgede horn vor herigaos, som del hii were agaste, 
And man! flowe in to the water, and some towards the sea. 
And manie passede oyer and ne oome nerere aze^.** — Hob. GLoua 

This desertion was considered as reflecting disgrace on the 
parties at the time; "they fled (observes the chronicler) 
without a blow, though not without blame." If, however, the 
well-known reason* for running away can ever be made pa- 
latable to military critics, it might be so here ; for these very 
runaways soon formed the nucleus of a force which was 
ultimately destined to retrieve the fortunes of the King, 
whom they were now leaving in such imminent peril. 

They made their way through the town towards the 
bridge, where the mixed crowd of fugitives and pursuers 
became so great that many in their anxiety to escape leaped 
into the river, while others fled confusedly into the adjoining 
marshes, then a resort for sea-fowl. Numbers were there 
drowned and others suffocated in the pits of mud, while, from 
the swampy nature of the ground, many knights who pe- 
rished there were discovered, after the battle, still sitting on 
their horses in complete armour, and with drawn swords in 
their lifeless hands. Quantities of arms were found in this 
quarter for many years afterwards*. 

Lewes, hut W. Bish. refers to William 
and his other brothers flying with 
him from the battle. **Fagitqae 
Gomes de Warenna cum duobus Re- 
gis filiis (sic) WiUielmo de Valence 
et Gwydone fratre ejus." — Walt. Ho- 
ming. " Earl de Warenne" again fled 
ingloriouslj from his army when de- 
feated by WaUace in 1297 at Stir- 

1 ** Many silently cast away their 
anns, and changed them for spurs, 
some of them were terrified, and many 

fled into the water, and some towards 
the sea, and many passed over, and 
never came back again." 

s **Bellat prudenter qui fugit sa- 
pienter." — ^W. Bish. of the London- 

' Chr. Lanerc. gives these details 
on the authority of a noble eyewit- 
ness; the crowd at the bridge is, 
however, wrongly timed, as happening 
at the commencement of the battle. 
** Belli victoria eisdem calitttt donata. 
Quidam autem de ezercitu Begis per 


Those fugitives who succeeded in crossing the bridge, at 
once hurried on to Pevensey Castle that very night; and, not 
content even with the shelter of that friendly fortress, got 
ready there some vessels in which they embarked the next 
day for France — the heralds to the Queen of the total dis- 
comfiture of their party. Their version of the battle repre- 
sented King Henry as having been seized in bed by the 
barons mthout any previous warning; and, by these false- 
hoods to justify their own flight, they moved the French 
court to great anger*. Their escape, whether honourable or 
not, was undoubtedly a subject of vexation and anxiety to 
the triumphant de Montfort, as the ballad of the day clearly 

shows : — 

** By God that is aboyen us, he dude mnohe synne, 
That lette passen over see the Erl of Warynne; 
He hath robbed Engelond, the mores ont the fenne, 
The goldt ant the selver, ant y-boren henna, 
For love of Wyndesore. 

Sir Simond de Motintf ord hath swore hi ys chin, 
Havede he non here the Erl of Waiyn, 
Shnlde he never more come to his yn, 
Ne with shield, ne with spere, ne with other gyn, 
To help of Wyndesore." 

Sire Simond de Montfort hath swore by his cop, 
Havede he non here Sire Hue le Bigot, 
Al he shnlde quite here a twelf-moneth scot, 
Shnlde he never more with his fot pot, 
To help Wyndesore*." 

The town being now in the utmost confusion, the flying 
royalists and the exulting barons were almost undistinguished 
in the entangled mass thronging the streets: crowds of 
wounded men lay there, while the loose horses of those who 
had been slain, or who had abandoned them in their retreat 

pontem ex parte orientali viUsB fnge- ' Polit. S. frqm MS. Harl. 2268. 

rant, et mmio timore perterriti fu- Glossary: — ant y-horen henne, and 

giendo se constriuxeront et sic se in carried them away : havede, had : hU 

aquam sabmerseront, et diem vitoB yn, his house fLewes) : gyn^ engine: 

susB clausernnt.*' — €hr. Wigom. cop (kopf ), heaa: al, although: quite^ 

^ ** Ad iram non modicam menda- pay : pot, trudge with his foot* 
ciis nefandis.**— Add. MSS. 5444. 


THE barons' was. 


to the Priory, were now wandering about in the dark with- 
out riders \ Pillage was uppermost in the thoughts of one 
party, and flight in the other; but at the castle and the Priory 
an obstinate resistance was still maintained. The garrison 
of the former increased the tumult and horror of the scene 
by calling fire to their aid. The Greek fire was in common 
use at this time, and it is probable that something of this 
nature was employed. " Spryngelles of fyre'/' that is, pellets 
of tow dipped in Greek fire, were thrown from a sort of 
mortar'; with these, or some similar contrivance, they suc« 
ceeded in setting fire to several houses of the town, which 
were probably then built of wood from the neighbouring 
Weald. The Priory was soon, in retaliation, treated in a 
similar manner, and for a time the church was fearfully 
illuminated*, though the flames were subdued before the 
destruction of the buildings. 

Prince Edward was once more mustering his broken 
troops to rush out and renew the hazard of the battle, when 
de Montfort interfered to suggest an immediate truce*, pre- 
paratory to negotiations on the morrow. On this timely 
proposal being accepted, the carnage and destruction of the 
conflict, which had been the terrible occupation of so many 
thousands during a long summer's day, at length ceased. 

"Contrary to all expectation (observes a contemporary 

1 <<Neo facile disoemi poterat per 
longom spatiam, prsB multitadine 
Yulneratorum, qui dicerentur Regales 
qui Baronales. Interim tumultaabat 
oivitas per partes ntrasque, vacabant 
enim spoliis et rapinis et eqois oo- 
cisonim stabiliendis neo a<Uiac se 
matuo recognoscere potuerunt.'* — 
Walt. Heming. 

* V. Romance of Richard Coenr de 
Lion, in Warton's H. Poet. i. 168. 
According to Anna Comnena, Greek 
fire was composed of bitamex), snl- 
phur, and naphtha. ** Emissis telis 
igneis magnam partem Yillaa incen- 
dfinmt." — Walter Heming. A nmn< 
bisr of fire arrows were found in an 
old house near the high bridge of 

Lincoln and exhibited at the meet- 
ing of the ArchflBological Institute, 
July, 1848. 

' "Can mortar be right? Was 
not throwing of fire then effected by 
means of tow attached to arrows 
steeped in turpentine and ignited? 
Whether 'spryngelles' were tufts of 
blazing tow, or pieces of wood like the 
shafts of an arrow, I am doubtful.'* — 
W. S. W. 

< " Uluminata est ecclesia telis eo- 
rum." — ^Walt. Heming., H.Kni^ton. 
Joinville reports the camp of the 
crusaders to have been illuminated 
by such implements. 

' " Nocte sequenti pax qusdam 
reformata est.'*— Chr. Roff. M.S. 


chronicler'), the barons had thus gained a wonderful victory, 
which they attributed with gratitude to Him alone by whose 
support they had passed through the mortal dangers of the 
struggle." The same spiiit of devotional joy, and affectionate 
gratitude to the achievers of such a victory, pervades other 
accounts written at the time. Among the most remarkable 
is the long Latin rhymed poem before referred to, composed 
immediately after the battle, by one who, amidst much 
calm argument on regal power and civil liberty, evinces his 
feelings by such bursts as the following : — 

" May the Lord bless Simon de Montfort, his sons and 
his comrades, who have so nobly and boldly fought, in com- 
passion on the sad fate of the English, when they were so 
unspeakably trampled under foot, and nearly deprived of all 
their liberties, and even of life, languishing under their hard 

" Blessed be the Lord God of Vengeance, who sits on His 
high throne in heaven, and by His own might treads upon 
the necks of the proud, making the great subject to the 
weak. He has subdued two kings and their two heirs into, 
captivity, as transgressors of the laws, and has given over to 
ignominy all the pride of their warfare, with their number- 
less followers'." 

That de Montfort was not only held in esteem as an 
able soldier, but was considered as " backed by the general 
favour of the people," is expressly asserted by a French 
chronicler' of the time. Although he only incidentally 
mentions the battle of "Lyaus," he praises de Montfort^ 
as ** noble, chivalrous, and the ablest man of the age,'* and 
anxiously claims him as a Frenchman. That he had thei 
support of public opinion in England cannot indeed bQ 

1 W. Bish. de Bello Lew. ducens originem." *• Noble, preue en 

' Polit. S. from MS. Harl. 978. armes, et moult sages hons au siecle.** 

V. 65. — V. 383. "Communi fretns favore populi.** 

' Nangis; his history is both in ''Par Tasentement da peuple com- 

French and Latin. *' Erat in Anglic man." 

non toknen de Aiigli& sed de Francid 


THE barons' war. 


doubted^ and among other proofs, it may be noticed that 
it had driven the King to rfely upon the arms of foreigners 
in this battle. Edward had introduced Spaniards, and the 
northern barons had brought with them their Scotch vassals, 
who were as much aliens in blood, language, and nationality 
as those from the Peninsula. 

Of these a great number perished, and their chiefs were 
taken prisoners. Few names have been recorded of thase 
slain on either side. On the side of the conquerors, be- 
sides William le Blund already referred to, Ralph Herin- 
got* is the only baron mentioned Of the other party, 
twenty-three barons, who bore banners, were either taken 
or slain, and two justiciaries' perished — William de Wilton 
by the sword, and Fulk de Fitz- Warren drowned in the 

The blood of many others was of course shed ; for, as 
is quaintly observed in the poem last quoted, " it certainly 
was not by smooth words, but by hard fighting, that de 
Montfort subdued the proud, and squeezed out the red 

The nimiber of the slain in this decisive battle, thus 
obstinately contested with all the gathered strength of each 
party, the first fought on English ground after the repose 
of half a century, was necessarily great, but has been left 
wholly, uncertain by the conflicting records of the chroni- 
clers, happily unused to such calculations. " It was there 

^ Stephen Heringod held a manor 
and lands in Kent in 1257. Inquis. 
p. mori. rCf. Rot. Hand. i. p. 227.] 
Ralph de Haiyngot, was, in 1258, 
one of ihe four knights chosen hy 
the county of Surrey. — Pat. 42® Hen. 
m. Mat. Westm. calls him *' Herin- 
gander." W. Rish. •* Heringaud." 
Nicolas Harengod (Haringot) was 
lord of the manor of Battle, co. 
Sussex, in right of his wife Syhilla, 
daughter of Kalph de Yclesham. — 
Battle Ahhey Charters, p. 41. The 
seal of Harengot in green wax is to a 

charter of 1273, p. 48. An account 
of the family in Waldron, Sussex, is 
given in Sus. Arch. Coll. VoL xiii.p.90. 

• W. Rish. pp. 33, 34— Lib. do 
Ant. Leg. p. 62. ["Fulco Fitz- 
Warine, who was a Shropshire baron, 
is never mentioned even as a Justice 
Itinerant." — Foss, Judges of Eng- 
land, I. p. 336.] 

* ** Quos quo modo reprimit? c^rte 

non ludendo 
Sed rubrum jus exprimit dure 
confligendo." — 
PoUt. S. from MS. HarL 978. 





seen (says one^) that the life of man wad as the grass of 
the earth ; a great multitude, unknown to me, was slain/* 
As the numbers stated by various authors* vary from 2700 
to more than 20,000, we may turn aside from so distasteful an 
enquiry, glad to believe in the smallest amount of destmction, 
and may adopt at once the conclusions of Robert Brpne : — 

" Many faire ladle lese hir lord that day, 
And many gode bodie slayn at Leans lay. 
The nombre none wrote, for telle tham mot no man, 
But He that aUe wote, and alle thing see and can." 

The traces of the battle are deeply stamped on the 
history and constitution of the country, legible as those of 
Magna Charta, but the only local record of the vanquished 
monarch is the simple name of " Mount Harry," ever since 
popularly affixed to the lofty point of the Downs near the 
field of battle. This is so distant from Lewes (nearly two 
miles) that it was probably in the rear of de Montfort's 
army; but it may, indeed, have been where his car and 
standard were placed, or where the King had posted his 
negligent watch' overnight. The low mounds caused by the 

' Oxenede's Chr. 

* MS. Gleop. D. n. says that 600 
of the slain were boned by the 
monks, according to their account, 
■but many others were killed and 
drowned; the Lewes Chr. 2700 slam, 
more or less; Waverlev Chr., MS. 
vCleop. B. xiY. MS. Bool., and Chr. 
Laneroost, more than 3000; Bob. 
Glouc. 4600; Chr. Winton MS. D. 
IX. makes 4514 in aU, that is 2070 
besides the Londoners; and with 
this number agree Worcest. Chr. 
and MS. Nero, Chr. P. de Ickham; 
Walt. Heming., W. Rish., Mat 
Westm., 5000 slain: T. Wyke states 
nearly 5000 slain, "many of them 
fallen by the just judgment of God 
in retribution for the sack of North- 
ampton" (non habentes jus querelss). 
**£x utraqne parte numerati per 
manus sepeUeniom 2780," besides 

the drowned, the wounded, the citi- 
zens of London, and the fugitives. — 
Chr. Wigom. »* 10,000 ex parte regis 
interfectis. — xv. barones interfecti." 
Cotton MS. Nero, A. iv. Fabyan 
and Bastall: **Oyer 20,000 slain, as 
sayth myn auctours.'* 

' A beacon was established near 
this spot in the late war when a 
French invasion was expected. Two 
miles more to the westward, on the 
escarpment of the hill, there is a 
large cross cut out on the turf, which 
is now only visible under peculiar cir- 
cumstances of light. This may, pos- 
sibly, have been a pious device of 
the times to excite the prayers of 
distant travellers for the repose of 
the souls of those slain at Lewes, but 
it cannot be accepted as evidence of 
the barons having made their ascent 
at so distant a spot, contrary to the 


212 ^HE BARONS* WAR [CH. X. 

heaps of bodies interrupting the smoothness of the turf, a 
decayed bone, or a broken weapon occasionally found, alone 
recall the memory of the angry thousands once assembled 

ezproBB words of Will. Bishaiiger: a Lewes daobos miUiariboE snxnmo 
"Cimctis i^tur montem qui distat mane ascensis." 




A proper title of a peace^ and purchased 

At a BaperfluooB rate." — Hen. Yin. Act i. Scene 1. 

There was much of wise policy as well as forbearance 
in de Montfort^s suspension of hostilities, proposed at the 
very moment when his sovereign lay a defenceless prey be- 
fore him. As a mere soldier he might have pushed the 
issue to a violent extremity, but as a statesman his arm 
was arrested. Had the Priory — which the opinions of the 
age and the authority of a jealous Church invested with the 
privileges of sanctuary — been taken by storm that night, 
the horrors that might have ensued, the violence to the 
King's person, perhaps even his death, would have deeply 
perilled the cause of constitutional liberty. The inherent 
attachment to monarchy which has ever distinguished the 
English character — ^that loyalty, which has been truly de- 
scribed as '* scarcely less refining and elevating in a moral 
point of view than patriotism, and exciting as disinterested 
energies^" — would have been outraged by so undisguised a 
collision. To obviate such feelings, the constitutional fiction, 
since so ofben and well employed, of casting blame and 
responsibility on others rather than the King, had even 

' Hallam, Mid. Ages. 





in these early times, been found expedient, and had through- 
out been put foiVard to justify the barons. While their 
war was directed against his bad advisers, they appeared to 
respect "the divinity that doth hedge a king," and were 
still able to vaunt themselves as his true liegemen. To 
carry on this convenient fiction was obviously the most 
politic course, and accordingly all the subsequent arrange- 
ments were founded on this basis, the appearance of fi*ee 
agency being studiously preserved to the King. 

De Montfort, during the night, so strengthened the block- 
ade of the Priory and castle as to render escape hopeless ; 
and on the following day, Thursday, May 15, the commis- 
sioners of each side met to fix the terms on which the future 
governnient of the kingdom was to depend. 

The King is said* to have appointed two monks of the 
order of preachers (Dominicans) to the oflSce*, but it is more 
probable that they were Cluniac monks of the Priory, the 
confusion easily arising from the similarity of dress and the 
common appellation of Black Monks. The barons were also 
represented by ecclesiastics, stated on the same authority to 
have been two Grey Friai-s (Franciscans); but it is much 
more probable that the two bishops of London and Worcester, 
already employed on such missions, should have resumed 
that duty. There was, indeed, an establishment of Grey 
Friars near the bridge at Lewes, but they are not at all 
likely to have been trusted by the barons with so important 
a charge. Prince Edward has even been represented as 
flying to them and being there taken, but this must have 
arisen from mistaking the Priory for a convent of that 
order : — 

1 Walt. Heming. 

* It is possible that John Peek- 
ham, said to be a native of Lewee 
and educated by the monks of S. 
Pancras, was in the town and em- 
ployed. He was a Franciscan, and 
rose by his own talents to the arch- 
bishopric of Canterbury, 1279 to 

1294. Adam de Marisco, in one of his 
letters [speaks of John de Pescham 
as *' a scholar honourably distinguish- 
ed for correct habits and proficiency 
in learning, who kindled by a divine 
yearning has just entered the religious 
order of Minor Friars." A. de Mar. 
Epist. p. 256. Ed. Brewer.] 


'*And to iihe Frere Menora in to toun Sir Edward flew yaste, 
And ther as he nede moste, yeld him at laste." — Bob. Glovo, 


Simon de Montfort is said' to have influenced the treaty 
by threatening to advance upon the Royalists with the heads 
of the King of the Romans, Basset, and his other prisoners 
fixed upon his pennons; but so needless an insult is not 
to be believed. When the natural terror of the one party 
and the confidence of the other are considered, there was 
plainly an unquestioned power of dictating terms, and under 
such circumstances the conditions of an agreement are soon 
discussed and settled. On the same Thursday, accordingly, 
the articles were drawn up and assented to of the treaty of 
peace, which has ever since been known as the mise of 

The deed itself, though frequently referred to in authentic 
documents, not being extant, its substance must be collected 
firom the statements of the chroniclers, which, however, do 
not vary materially. The fullest account professes to sketch 
out the written form of the articles agreed upon, and appears 
consistent with known facts, though from a royalist bias it 
calls the barons "accomplices of the Earl of Leicester'," a 
term which certainly would not be used in a deed dictated 
by them. 

The raise stipulated that '' the King and his adherents on 
the one side, and the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester, with 
their adherents (accomplices) on the other side, should pro- 
cure two Frenchmen to be chosen in the presence of the 
illustrious King of France, by means of three prelates and 
three nobles of France, to be named and summoned by the 
said King; and that the two, when chosen, shoiild come 
to England, and associate with themselves a third per- 

^ Mat. Westm. dam qnod Misam Lewensem inusi- 

■ "TuncnuUo renitente qnidquid tato nomine uunoupabat." — T. Wyke. 

voluit potoit ordinare, extorto a Bege It wae, however, not an anoBual term 

et Domino Edward quodam saora- at the time. 

mento, quod et ipse Ck>me8 etiam ' Mat. Westm. following T. Wyke. 

emn sois pr»stitit, statatnm quod- 

216 THE barons' war. [en, 

son\ belonging to England, whom they should select; and 
^whatever the said three should determine, both as to what the 
King should confirm or annul, and also as to all controversies 
which had arisen between the parties concerning the govern- 
ment of England, should remain thereby fixed, and ratified 
by the corporal oath of the parties, according to a deed 
drawn up on the subject, certified by the seals of the King, 
and of the aforesaid parties ; and that Prince Edward and 
Prince Henry, the finstbom sons of the King and of the 
King of the Romans, should be given up as hostages for the 
fulfilment of the above on the part of the King. 

These hostages, it is explained by another authority*, 
were to be considered as substitutes for the lords Marchers 
and others, not then prisoners — ^referring to de Mortimer and 
those who had escaped from the battle. 

An additional article is also given', which was certainly 
acted upon to some extent, namely, that the prisoners on 
both sides should be released without ransom. 

Other writers refer the arbitration to two spiritual and 
two temporal nobles, French, according to one*, or English, 
according to a second*, with the Count d'Anjou and. the 
Duke of Burgundy as umpires in case of disagreement. 

Another chronicler * — who, although contemporary, does 
not use the word mise — states the articles of the agreement 
to have been seven : — 1. Referring the disputed points to 
the Archbishop of Rouen, the Bishop of London, Peter le 
Chamberleyn, Hugh le Despenser, the Justiciary, and the 
Papal Legate, who were to settle everything, except the 
release of the hostages : the 2nd required the concurrence 
of three of the above : 3, That they should swear to choose 
only Englishmen for counsellors: 4. That the King was to 
be guided by them, and that Magna Charta and the Charter 

> "Tertiom de AngHA."— Mat. Wyke. 
"Westm. * H. Knighton. 

* **Pro Marchiensibos et aliis qui ^ Fabyan. 

in ipso bello captivati non fnerant ^ Lib. de Ant. Leg. 

touquam obsides tenertntur."— T. • W. liish. de Bello Lew. 


of the Forests should be observed ; that the King should be 
moderate in his expenses and grants until his old debts were 
paid off, and he was enabled to live on his own means*, 
without oppression to merchants or the poor: 5. That the 
award should be duly secured, and that then the royal 
hostages should be released, on giving pledges not only not 
again to excite discord in the kingdom, but to repress it 
in others : 6. That the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester 
should have ample security, as well as their adherents, not 
to suffer any damage on account of past deeds : 7. That the 
terms of the agreement should be debated in England, and 
settled finally by the next Easter at latest. 

These slightly varying descriptions of the mise are sub- 
stantially the same, all implying a reference to France, and 
the surrender of the two young Princes. 

There can be little doubt that the latter important con- 
dition was mainly introduced by the voluntary generosity* 
and high spirit of Prince Edward, in order to avert the per- 
sonal captivity of the King. 

" Edward that was King, with his owen rede 
For his fader the Eyng himself to prison bede'.^ — Bob. Bbuns. 

A royal proclamation, referring to this event, in the fol- 
lowing year describes the Prince as having at that time 
" totally lost, by his inconsiderate levity, the grace of public 
favour, which he had before acquired by becoming hostage of 
his own accord*." 

In spite of the publicity of this event, one ancient 
authority chooses not only to make King Henry himself 
the prisoner, but actually depicts his arrest in a rude draw- 
ing on his manuscript*, and, to complete the story, repre- 

1 ** De sao." ' Chr. Laadmiense a Christo ad 

* **Spoiite sed inyitns ab e&dem 1338, in MSS. Cotton, A. iy. 110. 
(ecclesi&l exien8."-MSS. Add. 5444. The feet of the figures have been 

> *' Eaward, who was King, of his clipped off at the botton of the page 

own accord offered himself as a pri- in the original. — V. copy of MS. 

Boner for his father, the King.'* drawing, pi. 4, p. 254. 

* Rymer, July 7, 1266. 


aents also the King with his own hand killing de Mont- 
fort at Evesham. 

These conditions of peace, duly certified by oaths and 
seals, while they relaxed, as was natural, nothing of the pre- 
vious demands of the victorious barons, and even despised 
more stringent security for their fulfilment, yet introduced 
no new pretensions even at this moment of power, and the 
constitutional maxim c of respecting the person of the King 
was carefully upheld, at least in words, even when so much 
disgrace and ruin were attributed to his advisers. Whether 
there be just ground for supposing bad faith in either or 
both of the parties to this mise, and how far its provisions 
were faithfully executed, will be seen by following the course 
of events a little longer. 

The reference of the national dispute (for it was nothing 
less) to the arbitration of France, the repetition of an ex- 
pedient so recently tried without success, may certainly 
excite surprise and even suspicion ; but it was, nevertheless, 
this condition which was considered so much the essence 
of the whole treaty, as to have obtained for it, then and 
since, the distinctive name of the mise of Lewes. 

On the following day, Friday, May 16, the surrender of 
the royal Princes, as substitutes for their respective fathers, 
took place. Even after giving this bail, however, the King 
of the Romans does not appear to have been a free agent 
for some time, but was required to purchase his liberty 
by the payment of a large sum of money five months after- 
wards. As much as £17,000, and £5000 in gold, have been 
stated* as his ransom, and his estates were certainly put 
under sequestration to ensure payment. 

Prince Edward, the more dangerous foe, and the more 
valuable pledge of submission, was almost immediately sent 
in custody to Dover, under the charge of his former friend, 
Henry, de Montfort's eldest son. This compulsory ride to 
Dover, under circumstances so altered from his former visits 

1 Chr. Mailr. 




there, and his late attempt to surprise it, was a popular 
topic of ridicule in those days : — 

**Be the Inef be the loht, Sire Edward, 
Thou shalt ride sporeless o thy lyard^ 
Al the ryhte way to Dovere ward; 
Shalt thou never more breke fore- ward. 

And that reweth sore: 
Edward thon dndest ase a shreward. 

Forsook thy erne's lore'.*' 

A royalist chronicler asserts that the Prince was treated 
"less honourably than was becoming';" and another even 
goes so far as to say, 

''In prison nere a yere was Edward in a cage.'* 

But we must allow some licence even to such poetry as 
Robert Brune's, and we have, in disproof of such a charge, 
not only express testimony* that "he was treated with 
courtesy, not as a captive;" but the Prince's own feeling 
conduct towards his jailor, Henry de Montfort, whose burial 
he attended in person with every mark of regret and respect 
after the battle of Evesham. 

All appearance of his former court was dismissed by 
the Eling on Saturday, May 17th, when the nobles and 
knights, who had devotedly fought for him, his familiar 
friends, and even his personal attendants, were all dis- 
charged. Many of the chiefs, who had come from the 
Marches, or the distant North, left Lewes at once for their 

^ In Warton*8 Hist. Poet., speak- 
ing of Richard Cceur de Lion's horse, 
an old poem says: "Favell of Sy- 
pres (Cyprus) ne Lyard of Prys 
(Paris), Ben not at ned as he ys." 

a Polit. S. from MS. Harl. •* Whe- 
ther willing or unwilling, Sir Edward, 
you shall ride sporless on yonr horse, 
aU the direct way towards Dover, you 
shaU never more break your promise, 
and that is a sore trouble to you; 
Edward, you acted perversely when 
you forsook your oncle^s instrac- 

s "Hiinus honeste quam deoebat 
feoerat custodiri.'* — T. Wyke, Chr. 

* "Begem AnglisB licet cepemnt, 
tamen non quasi captivum sed curial- 
itertanquam dominumcustodierunt/' 
— Taxt. Chr. **Quos dominus Sy- 
mon in deditionem postea suscipiens 
et tanquam dominis suis quandam 
reverentiam exhibens, eos honorabi- 
liter captivavit.'*— Nangis. Gest. S. 
Lud. "Begem honore quo debuit in 
tali casu fideliter observavit."— Nang. 



[CH. XI. 

homes^, not daring to trust themselves in de Montfort's 
power. Many, indeed, both lay and clergy, were plun- 
dered in their retreat", while one party, under William de 
Say', joined the garrison of Tunbridge Castle; and although 
the royal warrant for its surrender was soon received there*, 
they nevertheless kept together as an armed body. While 
forcing their passage across the country, they gratified their 
angry revenge by slaughtering at Croydon" a party of the 
Londoners returning from the battle, and finally made good 
their way to Bristol, which they gallantly maintained in 
Prince Edward's interests until his escape. 

After the royal household and party were thus broken 
up, de Montfort prepared to leave the scene of the battle, 
and to remove King Henry with him after his week s 
eventful sojourn at Lewes. 

^ It may be remarked, in reference 
to this dispersion and to the scarcity 
of provisions, that the King's army 
had been summoned to meet on 
Biarch 80, so that the customary 
forty days of service had akeady ex- 
pired; and this consideration may 
also account for the rapid movements 
and great enterprises of this army 
during the stipulated period. 
* » Mat. Westm. 

* William de Say, of an ancient 
family, held forty-two knights* fees. 
He was governor of Dover, Canter- 
bury and Bochester castles 44* H. 
III., and died 1272. Cal. Inq. p^ m. 

Arms, "Quarterly or and gules, on 
the first a lion passant azure, armed 

* From an entry in the Hundred 
BoUs it seems probable that Ton- 
bridge did not surrender at once, 
and that preparations were made to 
besiege it. ** Item dicunt quod cum 
Hundredus de Stuting adisset per 
preceptum domini Regis ad obsiden- 
dum castrum de Tunebrigg, &c." Bot. 
Hund. I. p. 227. P. 

^ H. Knighton. This incident 
gave rise to the error of Prince Ed- 
ward's continuing his pursuit of the 
Londoners to Croydon at the battle. 



** It iB to your ancestors, my Lords, it is to the English Barons, that we are 
indebted for the laws and constitution we possess; their Tirtues were 
rode and nncnltiyated, but they were great and sincere; their understand- 
ings were as little polished as their manners, but they had hearts to 
<liatiTignia>i right from wrong, they had heads to distinguish truth from 
falsehood; they understood the rights of humanity, and they had spirit 

to maintain them.*' — 

Lord Chatham's Speech, Jan. 9, 1770. 

** to the Earl, inspirited and puffed up by success, 
glorying beyond measure in the prowess of himself and his 
sons whom he so tenderly loved, that in his anxiety to pro- 
mote them he blushed not to attempt the most daring 
enterprises !" Thus ironicaUy exclaiins a royalist chronicler', 
whose indignation is particularly excited at the King being 
made to travel about with Simon de Montfort, crying out 
upon it as "unheard-of wantonness of guilt, exceeding in 
arrogance even the very pride of Lucifer." 

That de Montfort exercised the power which his victory 
gave him, is certain ; but as the proceedings subsequent to 
the raise have been much misrepresented, it will be worth 
while to note down with some detail the facts authenticated 
by public documents, and to watch how far he may be liable 
to the charge of self-aggrandisement. This appeal, indeed, to 

1 T. Wyke. 




facts, is but a repetition of one made for him bj a contem- 

Provisions had been akeady failing in the Eing*s army, it 
may be remembered, before the battle; and, as the providence 
of an extensive commissariat did not then accompany armies, 
de Montfort was probably as little prepared to support his 
own troops long at Lewes. A speedy removal, therefore, 
became a necessity to both ; and the route chosen towards 
the east enabled him to secure the fortresses of the Cinque 
Ports, especially Dover, which a few days subsequently 
(May 28) the King ordered to be entrusted " to his beloved 
nephew, Henry de Montfort',** the jailor of his son. 

On the day of leaving Lewes the King reached Battle, 
and dated from thence, May 17, the appointment of Drogo 
de Barantin, as Governor of Windsor Castle', and other 
orders for the immediate release of the Northampton pri- 
soners, particularly the relations of the Earl of Leicester, his 
son Simon de Montfort, and Peter, a veteran ever active and 
stanch to the cause of his great kinsman, with his two sons 
Peter and Robert. Their discharge appears studiously dis- 
guised under the courteous pretext inserted in the royal 
order, which requires their advice, because " according to the 
form of peace, made between us and the barons, it is neces- 
sary that we should take counsel*." 

Only a fortnight had elapsed since the King's troops had 
been at Battle, flushed with their recent successes, and com- 
mitting ravages and extortions' at the Abbey there, and at 

^ '* Seductorem nominant Simo- 
nem atque faUacem, 
Facta sed examinant probant- 
qne veracem.** — 
Polii. S. irom MS. HarL 978. 
* Rymer. 

» Rot. Pat. 48* Hen. HL 
4 *«CTim per fonnam pacis inter 
noB et baronefl initam et firmatam — 
deliberare debeamus.'* — ^Rymer. 
A <*Namqae monasterinm qnod 
Bellum vocatur, 

Tnrba saeyientimn, qxus nune con- 

Immisehoorditer bonis spoliavit. 

• * « 

Monaohi OiBteroii ^9 Ponte Bo- 

A forore gladii non fnisBent certi, 
Si quingentas Principi marcas non 

QnaB £dwaj^n8 aooipi jussit vel 

perissent." — 
Polit. S. from MS. Harl. 978. 




the neighbouring one of Robertsbridge. The monks must 
have relished the spectacle of speedy retribution, which now 
brought the wrong-doer humiliated and harmless again to 
their door. 

Similar orders were now issued with the King's authority, 
transferring to the barons the custody of all the royal castles ; 
and it must have forcibly evinced to distant counties the 
entire prostration of the royalists, when they received the 
i:oyal proclamation, " forbidding all hostilities, and command- 
ing the arrest of all disturbers of the peace, which had been 
made by the disposition of Divine grace*;" and this was 
dated (May 25) from Rochester, the very point whose re- 
sistance had so lately baffled de Montfort. Like terms of 
contentment and pious gratitude appear in several other 
proclamations at this period : the King referring to the peace 
as "made by the inspiration of Divine grace;" "by the co- 
operation of Divine favour'." Strong words, not fit to be 
lightly used, but fearfully contrasting with his furious denim- 
ciations of the same transaction subsequently. 

On the 28th of May we find the King in London^ The 
palace of Westminster had been accidentally burnt* two 
years before, in consequence of which he now became a guest 
under the roof of the bishop, whose proffer of peace he had 
rejected at Lewes. 

The loss of his usual residence was an additional mortifi- 
cation to Henry, whose taste had induced him to adorn all 

^ Rymer. Latin proolam. to oo. 

* Rymer. St Patd's, Jane 2, 1264 ; 
St Paul's, Jane 4. 

' He arriyed on tke day before the 
Ascension.— Fabyan. The fire at the 
palaoe was on Feb. 7, 1262. — Add. 
MSS. 5444. ' ' Gombusta sunt proprio 
igne sao parva aula Dom. Regis apud 
Westmonasterinm camera et capella 
et receptorium et aliie plures domns 
officinales."— MS. Harl. 690. 

* There is a charge for soindolA 
(shingles) for the Kmg*s Palaoe in 
Westminster in 1163 ; so that probably 

it was roofed with that oiMnbostible 
material. Brayley'sWestm.p.19. The 
King immediately after the fire ap« 
plied to the Bishop of London, then 
reeently elected, for timber to repair 
his loss. The bishop in his reply, 
Feb. 19, 1262, regrets the calamity, 
but states that his woods had been 
so destroyed daring the Twancy of 
the see, that little or nothing was 
left to repair his own hooses. His 
steward should report thereon, be- 
fore he made any promise to tho King. 
No. 511 Ghanc. Bee. 5th Rep.; Ry- 
mer, new edit. i. 424. 




his palaces by every embellishment in his power. The best 
artists, including some Italians, were thus employed by his 
directions, and there seems some powerful evidence of oil 
colours being used by them in their paintings, though long 
before the acknowledged period of such an invention*. Green, 
sometimes with golden stars, seems to have been a favourite 
colour for the walls of his rooms ; but besides the repre- 
sentations of "pretty' cherubim with cheerful and merry 
countenance," and of several saints, especially his royal pre- 
decessor, Edward the Confessor, there were also some series 
of scriptural and historical subjects, which must have called 
forth skill in art. A Florentine' painter, in 1256, was de- 

^ In 1289, Edward, the son of Odo, 
was paid £117. 10«. for oil, varnish, 
and colours bought, and for pictures 
in the Queen's chamber, made during 
fifteen days' work. Sir F. Palgrave, 
in his ** Truths and Fictions," quotes 
from Liber Home an order of the 
painters of the guild of St Luke, 
that "no craftsman shall employ 
other colours than such as shall be 
good and fine, good synople, good 
azure, good yerdigrease, and good 
Vermillion, or other good body colours 
mixed and tempered with oil (autres 
bonnes couleurs destempr^sd'huile).*' 
Odo, son of John, the Fusour in the 
Exchequer, granted to Edward, son 
of Odo the goldsmith, his office of 
Fusour for twelve marcs silver on 
going to the Holy Land, 24* Hen. III. 
1240. In 1267 the King allowed Odo 
to depute Hamon de WroxhuU for 
two years to his office. It was finally 
surrendered to Edward I. in his 13*. 
Madox, Hist. Excheq. p. 201. 

' "Duos cherubinos cum hilari 
Yultu et jocoso, " ordered to be painted 
in the tower of London, 1236. 

• William, a monk of Westmin- 
ster. He was also employed at Wind- 
sor, in 1260. [The following notices are 
probably taken from the Close Bolls. 
Sir T. Duffus Hardy has mentioned 
several of them in his Introduction, 
pp. xlv. xlvi :] — 

1228. 20«. for painting the great 
Exchequer Chamber. 

1282. June 3, Kidderminster. King's 
chamber wainscot in Winchester to 
be painted with the same pictures as 

Woodstock chapel to be painted 
with the Saviour, four Evangelists, 
S. Edmund and S. Edward. 

1236. Great chamber at Westmin- 
ster to be painted of a fine green to 
resemble a curtain. Sides of St 
Stephen's chapel to be green with 
crucifix, Mary and John. Three 
glass windows in chapel of S. John, 
to represent the Virgin Mary, the 
Trinity, St John, and two images of 
S. Edward delivering ring to S. John. 
April 7. St Peter's church in Tower 
to be painted with the Virgin, SS. 
Peter, Nicholas, Catherine, St Peter 
as an archbishop; image also S.Chris- 
topher ; histories of SS. Nicolas and 
Catherine to be painted at their altars 
with two cherubin. 

1237. August, £4. lU. to Odo for 
painting pictures in King's chamber 
at Westminster. 

1238. Chamber at Winchester to 
be painted green with stars of gold 
and compartments containing His- 
tories from the Old and New Testa- 

1239. To Odo for oil, &c. 

1241. Two windows in the hall to 
be filled with pictures. 

1248. In Queen's chapd, Winches- 
ter, S. Christopher to be painted, 
and S. Edward. 




sired to paint " in the wardrobe where the King washes his 
head," a man rescued from his enemies by his own dogs. A 
political enigma may lie hidden in this device^ though oc- 
curring before the civil troubles began, and at any rate the 
subject harmonised with the King's situation on many occa- 
sions. Other subjects of a nature less congenial to his spirit, 
however, seem also to have been favourite ones, as the 
history of Alexander (taken probably from the romance 
written 1200), in the Queen's chamber at Nottingham, and 
the history of Antioch, with the single combat of his uncle 
Coeur de Lion, in Palestine*. The King's adopted motto, 
which was inscribed profusely in Latin and French on the 
walls, and even on his chess-board, seems characteristic 
enough of his prodigal bounty to favourites : — 

"He ne tiuiw ke ne tint iw prrt ke teire." 

"^m nott Hat qtuD fjabet non acciptt ille qtioD optat," 

"He who gives not what he has, 
His chief desire lets slip pass." 

To have loved the fine arts, in the midst of ignorance and 
barbarism, is no mean honour to the English King, and by 
such encouragement he fulfilled a duty, which has been 

1249. John de S. Omer to paint 
Wardrobe at Westminster. 

1250. In S. Stephen's Chapel, be 
painted the Apostles round the wall, 
Day of Judgment on West, and Vir- 
gin on a panel. 

1251. Exploits of Biohard I. to be 
painted in Tower (as at Clarendon 
1237), by Th'. Espemir. 

1252. Queen's Chamber in Notting- 
ham Castle to be painted with his- 
tory of Alexander; window in North- 
ampton Castle to be painted with 
Dives and Lazarus; five statues of 
Kings, carred in freestone, gift to St. 
Martin's ch., London. 

1262. Windsor Castle paintings to 
be restored; paintings in Great HaU 
at Guildford to be repaired, and 
paintings to altar made. 

1270. Twenty marcs to Master 
Walter for painting our chamber in 


1 Rot. Claus. 40° Hen. III. 

> "The Chamber of Antioch we 
wish it called," adds the King in his 
order for Westminster. The same 
subject was also painted at Claren- 
don, 1237, and in the Tower, 1251. 
John de S. Omer and Walter de Col- 
chester, sacristan of S. Albans, were 
eminent painters at this time. — See 
Walpole's Anec. and Mad. Exch. In 
1292 appears the name of Walter, 
painter, and Thomas his son; and 
about the same time, pastinif there 
occur among the pajnuenta of the 
King's household artists, John of Son- 
ingdon, John of Carlisle, Roger of 
Winchester, Thomas of Worcester, 
Roger of Ireland, John of Nottingham, 
William of Ross, William of Oxford, 
Godfrey of Norfolk, &o.— Brayley's 
Westm. 91. 




neglected or ignobly perverted by many of his successors. A 
great impulse, contemporaneous with the rise of Strasburg 
(1277), Cologne (1240), Rheims (1215), Amiens (1220), and 
la Sainte Chapelle (1245), was given during his reign to 
church-building in England ; besides 157 religious houses, 
the cathedrals of York, Salisbury, Lichfield, Worcester, Glou- 
cester, Ely, St Paul's, Durham, Wells, and Winchester, were 
in progress for the future ornament of the country*. 

Contributions were sent to the royal menagerie from all 
quarters, proving how widely his zoological taste was known. 
An elephant, the first seen in England, was given him by 
France, 1255 ; a bear, by Norway ; 'three leopards, in allu- 
sion to his arms, a camel and some buffaloes by the Em- 

The Queen's chaplain, John de Hoveden, has left a very 
pleasing specimen of poetry', which may have been current 
at court, in his verses on the nightingale; and had Henry 
withheld his lavish grants from less worthy objects than 
such poetry and his other peaceful pursuits*, these would 

^ A fact, interesting to the history 
of art in England, has been lately 
ascertained by Bot. Pat. Edw. I., in 
Househ. Exp. The shrine of Ed- 
ward the Confessor, and the beauti- 
ful effigies of Hen. UL and Queen 
Eleanor of CastUe, have been long 
attributed to Pietro Cavallini, who 
was not bom till 1279. The shrine, 
however, was begun in 1241, and 
completed before King Henry's death, 
and the statues were in progress in 
1290, payment of £113. 6«. Sd, being 
made to W. Torrelli for his work on 
» M. Par. 

* *'Avisperdulcissimaadmequffiso 
Yeni, veni, mittam te quo non 

possum ire. 
Tit amicum valeas cantu delinire 
Ejus tollens tiedia voce dulois 

Quern heul modo nequeo verbiB 
couvenire,'* &c. 

(Ver. 4).— MSS. Cott. Cleop., A. xii., 
p. 67. Philomela per J. de Hoveden, 
capellanum Alionone Kegina), maths 
Edwardi primi. 

* Among these may be remember- 
ed his care to supply London with 
pure water, "for the poore to drink 
and the rich, to dress their meate.'' 
In 1235 was begim the first cistern 
of lead, the great conduit in West- 
Cheap, castellated with stone; the 
pipes were enclosed within a large 
brick arch, so as to admit of work- 
men descending for the purpose of 
repairs. Henry Wales was the mason. 
The water-course from Paddington 
to Jameshead was 610 rods, on to 
Mewshead 102 rods, on to the Crosse 
in Cheape, 484 rods. Tybome water 
was also conveyed in leaden pipes of 
six inch, diameter (in 1236) from 
the springs towards the city bound- 
ary by private subscriptions, and a 
grant from Gilbert de Sandford. — 
a.M. 758. 





have caused no exhaustion of his finances and no jealousy 
among his own barons, to goad them into civil war, and 
reduce him to the dependent condition in which he now 
was. It has been, however, remarked in reference to the 
ultimate result, that " his vice of prodigality was the only 
part of his character useful to his country*." 

Among the earliest measures to heal the wounds of the 
late struggle, the Jews were now allowed to share in the 
restored tranquillity. They had been farmed out in 1255 
to the tender mercies of Prince Richard, for the sum of 5000 
marcs (£3333. 6«. 8d.), and in 1256 and 1261 the King 
had granted him the dangerous permission to examine their 
strong chests" ; they had been suspected also and plundered 
by the barons ; but they were now permitted to return to 
their homes, and in London a royal proclamation com- 
mended them to the especial protection of the mayor'. 

The Northampton prisoners were required to be brought 
up to London for release, exchanging them, " man for man*,** 
for those taken at Lewes ; and as several of the prisoners 
are found at large soon afterwards, the writs to that eflfect 
seem to have been obeyed even by the firm royalists, includ- 
ing Roger de Mortimer, Roger de CliflFord, and James de 
Alditheley*, to whom they were addressed. The latter, 
James de Alditheley, of the ancient house of Verdon, waa 
a great friend of the King of the Romans, whose coronation 
he had witnessed. He had been constable of Newcastle, 

^ Sir J. Mackintosh. 

' Bymer. Cal. Bot. Westminster, 
Feb. 24, 1255. "De somtandoomnes 
aichas Jadieormn, ac de capiendo 
omnia sua bona in manns regis per 
totom regnum." — Tower, JiSy 18, 
1261, Bot. Pai In 1265, Oct. 1, the 
King recaUed his pardon of the debts 
of Jews, as having been made under 
constraint.— Bot. Pai 49°. In 1270 
a grant of 6000 marcs (£4000) was 
made towards Prince Edward's cru- 
sade (de Jadaismo) from the profits 
on the Jews. They were worse 
treated afterwards, and in 1290 ex- 

pelled by Edward L from England. 
[The ** archse Jndteomm/' as Mr Wal- 
ford points out in a letter to Mr Blaauw^ 
were probably the public chests, in 
which were kept copies of the securi- 
ties made to the Jews by their debtors.] 

' Bymer, June 11, 1264. 

* "Prisonem pro prison^.** — By- 
mer. Thus OeonCry de Nevill, in the 
service of Prince Edward, a Lewec 
prisoner, was exchanged for Boberi 
Newington, taken at Northampton. — 
Bot. Pat. 

^ The Alditheley or Awdley Arms, 
were gules, a fret or. 

Q 2 


THE barons' war. 


and being, like his father before him, sheriflf of Shropshire and 
Staffordshire, was in that capacity repeatedly called upon to 
repel the attacks of the Welsh borderers. Though the prisoners^ 
now in his power were released, yet he did not desist from 
raising forces to oppose the barons until their final overthrow*. 
The barons, in their anxiety to obtain possession of the 
royal castles at this time, caused the King to order his fair 
daughter-in-law, the Castilian princess, immediately to quit 
Windsor Castle, where she had awaited the chances of the 
war. The name of Eleanor, until rivalled in our own days, 
has long served as the noblest type of conjugal love on 
the English throne*. Her courage, as well as the refine- 
ment of her taste and manners, are well known ; and when 
she closed a life of purity and affection at the age of forty- 
seven, all can sympathize with the chivahous profuseness 
of her husband s regret. Stately crosses marked the thir- 

• ^ Robert de Sutton, Robert Fitz- 
^alter, Philip de Covel, John de 
Wiavil, &c.— Rymer. ** Robert de 
Sutton'* was perhaps the Abbot of 
Peterborough who had sent his men 
under the banner of his convent to 
Northampton to resist the King ; he 
was in office from 1262 to 1274. — 
Chr. W. de Whyttlesey. 

* He afterwards went on pilgrim- 
ages, in 1268 to S. Jago di Compos- 
tella, and in 1270 to the Holy Land ; 
and died by breaking his neck, 1272. 
— Banks' Dorm. Baron. Arms, gules, 
a fret or. 

" The popular belief of the cross 
having given rise to the name of 
Charing (Chbre Reine) is an error, as 
noted in Hasted*s Kent (folio, 1790), 
Vol. II. p. 211. Domesday makes 
mention of ''Cheringes*' in Kent, 
called in other ancient records Cer- 
ringes and Cherring. In Dugdale's 
Monast. vi. 677* is a deed relating 
to the Hospital of Ronsivall (Plac. 
coram Rege apud Westm. de term. 
Mich. 7% Ric. II., Rot. 21. Midd.), 
thus describing its situation and re- 
ferring to its foundation by William, 
Earl of Pembroke; the elder Earl 
WilUam died 1219, the boh in 1231. 

''Hospitale de Ronsivall juxta Cha- 
ryng Crosse in Dicec. London., capella 
de Rounsyvall — cum ex parte Prioris 
Hospitalis beateB MarisB de Rounsy- 
vall nobis sit supplicatum, ut, cum 
Willielmus Maresohallus, nuper Co- 
mes PembrochiaB, per cartam suam, 
quam Dominus, Henricus quondam 
Rex Angliae, progenitor noster per 
cartam suam confirmavit, imum 
messuagium et certa tenementa in 
Cherryng, ubi praedicta capella jam 
situata existit." Richard II. -having 
granted the ground to Nicolas Sleke, 
recalls the grant, in order to restore 
it to the prior, "Westm. 24 Apr. anno 
regni nostri sexto.'* The jury affirm 
this, ** Juratores dicunt super sacra- 
mentum suum quod Willielmus Ma- 
rischallus, &c., &c., deditet concessit 
Priori et conventui Hosp. B. M. de R. 
et successoribus suis in perpetuum 
onum mess, et certas terras et tene- 
menta in Charryng." The hospital 
belonged to the foreign Priory de Ro- 
sida Valle of Pampeluna in Navarre, 
and was suppressed by Henry V. as 
alien. Northumberland House was 
built 1614 on the site. *< Anno 1292," 
" Cruz apud Cheringes incepta fuit.** 
— Leland*B Collect, ii. 856. 




teea* spots hallowed by her corpse on its passage to the 
tomb', on which the continuous light of waxen tapers' pre- 
served the memory of her soft brilliance, even down to the 
days of the Reformation. The royal mandate for her re- 
moval sounds harsh and peremptory : — 

"The King to Eleanor, consort of our first-born son 
Edward, health. Since we wish by all means that you should 
leave our castle of Windsor, where you now protract your 
stay*, we command you to come forth from the same with 
your daughter, with John de Weston your steward, with 
William Charles your knight, with two damsels and the 
rest of your household, your furniture and goods, and to 
come to Westminster, there to dwell until we shall have or- 
dained otherwise : and this, as you love our honour and yours, 
you will by no means omit, because we undertake to excuse 
you toward the said Edward your lord, and will preserve you 
harmless : We, therefore, by these present letters patent, re- 
ceive you, your said daughter, John Weston, your damsels 
and household and chattels into safe and secure conduct. In 
witness whereof the King, June 18, St Paul's, London*." 

This is said to have been the only occasion on which 
she was separated from her husband during her wedded 
life, and leaving England soon afterwards with her suite, 
she did not return until the close of the civil war. 

^ The five crosses of Northampton, 
Stratford, Wobum, Dunstable, and 
S. Albans, have been lately proved 
to have been built by John of Battle, 
and her statues were carved by Alex- 
ander of Abingdon and WilUam of 
Ireland. In 1292 — 3 — 4 numerous 
payments, amounting to £394. Zs. 8<2., 
were made to John of Battle (cemen- 
tario), on account of his work, '*Pro 
facturft Crucis." "Pro Cruce fad- 
endA."— Rot. Pat. Ed. L, in Househ. 

« She died Nov. 28, 1290, at Hardby 
in Lincolnshire [probably Harby ntear 
Lincoln, but in Nottinghamshire. 
Opus Chron. p. 49. Walsingham, i. 
p. 32. See, however, TaxtePs Ohio* 

nicle, p. 244. There is another Harby 
in the county of Leicester and the 
diocese of Lincoln, not far from Gran* 
tham, which the Osney Annals (p. 
826) seem to indicate as the place]. 
Her heart was buried in the church of 
the Friars' Preachers of London. The 
entombment of her body in West- 
minster Abbey took place Dec. 17. 
An original letter of hers exists in the 
Tower MSS. No.llll, dated Guild- 
ford, Oct. 14, to Kobert Bumell, Lord 
Chancellor (1274-9), and has been 
translated in M. A. Wood's Letters 
of Boy. and Illus. Ladies, Vol. i. p. 46. 

' Neale's Westm. Abb. 

* ** Ubi nunc moram trahitis." 

' Bymer. 




Joan, the wife of William de Valence, who was at 
Windsor at the time awaiting her confinement, was like- 
wise ordered to retire to some convent or otiier fitting 

Other orders of greater importance speedily followeiL 
One strictly prohibited the bearing of arms without obtain- 
ing a license, on pain of death or loss of limbs ; another, 
which is expressly stated to be, " by the advice of the barons 
according to the treaty',^ assigned the care of each county 
to special wardens with paramount authority. The friends 
of de Montfort were of course among those appointed : his 
son Henry was appointed to Kent, Simon to Surrey and 
Sussex, Adam de Neumarket to Lincoln, John de Burg to 
Norfolk, Ralph- Basset to Leicester; and this measure, 
while it strengthened much the influence of his party, 
tended also to repress the disorders incident to civil war. 
King Henry had established, in 1252, a good system of 
police over the country. A watch was to be kept up all 
night in every city by six men at each gate, in boroughs 
by twelve men, and in villages by from four to six stout and 
good men, armed with bows and arrows and other light 
weapons^ These precautions, had, however, failed to secure 
persons and property amidst the agitations of the war ; it 
had become perilous to travel, and " the poor were plun- 
dered even of their straw beds,** in order to furnish supplies 
for the chieftain's castle*. 

1 Rot. Pat. 48° Hen. HI. 

■ ** De concilio baronum ut provi- 
Biiin sit," dated from S. Paul's, July 
4, 1204.— Rymer. 

» Henry's Hist. 

* "Domus insuper pauperculorum 
ruricolarum usque ad stramentum 
lectorum rimabuntur et expilaban- 
tur."— W. Rish. The great abbey 
of Peterborough, which had been 
punished by the Royalists (p. 126 
note 4), suffered equally in turn 
from the barons after the battle of 
Lewes. ** Baron cs per univcrsam 
AngUam, magnulia facientes, do Ab- 

bate de Burgo graven fines ceperunt, 
ex eo quod Abbas tcnuit cum rege 
et suis. Sed unum multum valnit 
abbati et abbatiffi, toto enim tempore 
guerra durante, idem Abbas pancm 
et cervisiam cum aliis cibariis, in 
quantum potuit, semper parari fecit, 
ita quod omnes qui venerant sive ex 
parte regis, sive ex parte baronum, 
portis abbatiffi semper apcrtis, fer- 
tiliter erant refecti. Ob illam causam 
maneria abbatife Burgi in pluribus 
locis salvata fuerunt ah inccndiis et 
aliis vialis ; tanto tamen populo 8U> 
perveniente, multoties contigit, quod 





The mixed state of social order* and violence at this 
particular period may be exemplified by the adverse pleas 
of a curious lawsuit" which arose from it in more tranquil 
times. The Prior of Breamore' had obtained a grant of the 
manor of Lymington from Isabella Countess of Albemarle 
and Devon*, but the lady afterwards repudiated it as hav- 
ing been made at an unfit time* between the battles of 
Lewes and Evesham : the prior, on the contrary, denied 
the time to have been unfit, inasmuch as the King's Court 
of Exchequer was then open to the sheriff, the justiciary, 
and all other oflBcers of the King throughout the kingdom, 
and that pleas and all things concerning the King's peace 
were then carried on as usual To this the countess re- 
joined that the King was in the custody of Simon de 
Montfort, the Prince a captive in prison, and that plun- 
derers and disturbers of the peace were riding about armed • ; 
and, because she refused to adhere to the barons, she was 

qnando conyentas post servitinm cc« 
lebratum hor& nonil more solito in 
refectorio pro se viotom sperabat ob- 
tiuuisse, non erat companagiam in 
tota Abbatia neo in partibas propin- 
qnis, quousqne de Stanforde abdace- 
retur et aliquando in itinerando fuit 
dcpraedatom." The Abbot "fecit 
finem" to Simon de Montfort by £20 
of silver, to Gilbert Earl of Gloa- 
cester £20, to Henry de Montfort 
£6. ISs. 4J., to Simon de Montfort 
junior £6. 13«. 4d., to John Fitzjohn 
£6. 13j». 4d.f to Henry de Hastinge 
£G. ISs. 4<2. All the various fines 
thus paid [on different occasions to 
both parties] amounted to £4324. 
18«. 5d, an enormous sum in those 
times. There is no other so detailed 
an account extant of the losses inci- 
dental to the civil war, but even in this 
instance the abbey was considered 
to have endured less evil than others, 
owing to the attempted neutrality of 
the abbot, and bis keeping open 
house for both parties. 

^ Graystanes (c. 7) praises the 
prior, !Iugh de Stichill of Durham, 

for having stopped the plunder of 
both parties by gifts. ** Prior Hugo 
multa effudit pro salvatione patrisa; 
nam venientibus ex parte regis, vel 
ex adversa parte ad depricdandnm 
Episcopatum, semper occurrebat ipse 
muneribus placans eos." — Angl. Sacr. 

* Cal. Placit. 172. 

? The priory of Breamore in 
Hampshire, for Augustine canons. 
Lymington does not appear among 
the endowments of the house at its 
surrender to Henry VIII. It may, 
therefore, be presumed the lady*8 
plea was held good. 

* Isabella was the second wife of 
William Earl of Albemarle, who 
died at Amiens, 1260. In 12G8 she 
had livery of the Isle of Wight, as 
heir to her brother, the Earl of 
Devon (v. her seal, pi. 6). Her only 
surviving child, Avelino, married 
(1269) Prince Edmund Crouchbaok, 
and lies in eiBgy in Westminster 

^ ** Tempore inopportune." 
^ ''Gum equis ot armis depredan- 
do equitabant." 




traitorously sold by her enemies for 500 marcs to young 
Simon de Montfort, to whom the prior had throughout 
been a fast friend; and that Simon, wishing to take her, 
had followed her about from place to place with horses 
and arms, till in her alarm she fled into Wales and there 
remained till peace was re-established. 

A great council was summoned under the influence of 
the barons, to meet in London on the Octaves of the Trinity 
(June 23) ; and to this, besides the prelates and barons, 
each county was to send four discreet and loyal knights 
chosen by them\ As a similar summons had been on 
previous occasions* sent to the counties, there was no revo- 
lutionary novelty in now doing so ; and though it is not 
the object of these pages to trace here the gradual pro- 
gress of the representative system so ably investigated by 
others, yet it may be remarked that no mention was as 
yet made of consulting the towns at this crisis. 

This assembly' accordingly met in June, and drew up 
a confirmation of the barons* •proceedings. "This is the 
form of peace," says the solemn preamble, "approved in 
commdn and in concord by the Lord the King, the Lord 
Edward his son, by all the prelates and lords, and by the 
whole community of the realm of England, to continue 
firm, stable and unshaken both during the reign of the King 
and of Prince Edward after his death, until the treaty pre- 
viously settled between the said King and the barons at 
Lewes by the form of a certain mise, should be fulfilled*." 
For the reform of the government three discreet and faith- 

^ "Quatnor de legalioribns ct dis- 
cretioribns militibns ComitatCls." — 

• By William I., to collect the 
actual laws; by John, in 1213; by 
Henry III., in 1258. 

' There seems much variation in 
the parties simimoned to the Great 
Gooncil. In 1217 they were the 
archbishops, bishops, earls, barons, 
knights and freeholders ; in 1235, the 


earls, barons, and all others who 
held of the King in capite; in 1237 
the same as 1217, with the addition 
of abbots, priors and clergy. The 
first regular writ actually extant is 
dated 1292, 22<» Ed. I. 

* " Apud Lewes per formam cujus- 
damMiss.'* Again, subsequently, ''do- 
nee Misa apud Lewes facta et postea a 
partibus sigiUata fuerit concorditer 
confirmata.'*— June 25, 1264. Bymer. 




fill Dative-bom subjects were to be named and authorized 
to choose nine others, by whose advice the King was to 
regulate the command of his castles, entrusting them to 
none but natives. These nine were liable to be dismissed 
on the advice of the three, who were themselves to be re- 
movable by Parliament only. Provision was made more 
forcibly to ensure the perpetual observance of the Great 
Charter, the Charter of the Forests, and the laudable long- 
approved customs of the realm. Aliens, both laymen and 
clergy, merchants and others, were allowed freely and peace- 
ably to come, stay, or go, on condition of their not bearing 
arms or being in suspicious numbers. 

To this act of pacification are affixed the seals of Richard 
Bishop of Lincoln \ Hugh Bishop of Ely, Roger Earl of 
Norfolk the Marshal, Robert de Vere Earl of Oxford, Hum- 
phry de Bohun, William de Monchensy, and the Mayor of 

The King, in pursuance of this deed, authorized the 
Bishop of Chichester*, his "beloved and faithful" Simon 
Earl of Leicester and Gilbert Earl of Gloucester, to select 
the nine councillors who were to carry on the govern- 
ment according to the laws and customs, "until the mise 
lately made between us and our barons at Lewes, or some 
other form, if any better can be devised, should be ful- 

The arrangement of church matters was at the same time 
committed to three bishops ; and Archbishop Boniface was 
peremptorily required, on pain of confiscation, to retium from 

' Richard de Gravesend, bishop 
from 1258 to 1280. He had acted 
as a mediator in the truce of June, 

> Stephen de Berkstead, Bishop 
of Chichester, to whom some his* 
torians attribute the actions of the 
Bishop of Worcester at Lewes, lived 
till 1288. The result of his present 
appointment was suspension and ex- 
communication in 1265, on which 

he went abroad, and being suspected 
by Edward L of connivance in the 
Yiterbo murder hereafter referred to, 
never put himself in his power by a 
return to England. 

' ** Donee Misa per nos et barones 
nostros apud Lewes nuper facta, vel 
alia forma, si qua melior provider! 
possit, compleatur.** — Bymer. Lin* 
gard substitutes the Bishop of Exeter 
for Chichester. 





abroad and confirm some bishops who had been elected in 
his absence ^ 

There seems nothing to object to in these securities which 
the Parliament thought proper to exact on this occasion for 
the complete execution of the mise of Lewes. There is a 
progress in them towards a final adjustment ; and although 
the power of the King was put in abeyance by them, yet 
events rapidly arose which proved how necessary such re- 
striction had become. 

Affection and party zeal were again mustering their 
strength, and the Church of Bome once more raised its far- 
stretching arm to strike in aid of the royal cause. Even 
before the battle of Lewes an armed force of hired foreigners 
had been gathered from Brittany, Oascony, and Spain, by 
the Queen and her son Edmund, now no longer wearing the 
mockery of the Sicilian crown, and this had been swollen 
by the fugitive royalists to a formidable host. In July the 
archbishop, the Bishop of Hereford, Peter de Savoy, Hugh 
le Bigot, de Warenne, John Mansel, and many others, as- 
sembled round this most powerful amazon*, at Damme, in 

The most energetic measures were required in England 
to repulse this threatened invasion, and the people were im- 
mediately summoned to assemble in the counties opposite 
the enemy's coast'. 

The royal writ, which de Montfort caused to be issued 
for the purpose of this general levy, is of the most urgent 
nature, allowing of no excuses for neglect, either on account 
of the short notice, the time of harvest, or any private incon- 

1 8. Paul's, June 26.— Rymer. 

« W. Risli. de BeUo Lew. T. Wyke. 
Add. MSS. 5444. According to the 
Chronicle of Worcester she sum- 
moned the *' Magnates Hybemiao et 
Aquitania," and assembled her army 
** in portu de Swenesmuthe.'' Damme 
is a few miles inland towards Bruges, 
on a canaL 

• The letter of King Henry to 
Charles, Count of Anjou (867 Chanc, 
Bee. 5th Bep.), seems to belong to 
this period. He therein begs kirn, 
now that peace had been made with 
his barons, to induce the King of the 
French to prevent the hostile ingress 
of foreigners into England. 




venience ; military tenants were to come not only with all 
their numbers due, but with all the horse and foot in their 
power, and every township was to provide from four to eight 
men armed with lances, bows and arrows, swords, darts, cross- 
bows and bills*. The levy in Essex, Norfolk, and Suffolk', 
was by express command kept together even longer than the 
forty days of service, and the goodwill of the people was such 
that a large force was quickly gathered in Kent. This was 
encamped on Barham Downs, near Canterbury, and thither 
also the court repaired. Before leaving S. Paul's the King 
had granted' to his "dear and faithful" Simon de Montfort 
a special license to travel with arms and horsemen, notwith- 
standing the general prohibition, on account of the hostages 
and prisoners he had to convey with him. The motive 
alleged seems sufficient to exempt him from the charge of 
ambitious pride, however jealous some of his colleagues may 
have been. The danger was pressing, and unless all classes 
had zealously contributed their arms and money, it was 
thought at the time that the alien enemy would have con- 
quered England*. The collision, however, after all these 
preparations, was unexpectedly averted by the prevalence of 
contrary winds for so many months that the spirit and re- 
sources of the invaders were ruined by the long compulsory 
inaction ; and after selling their horses and clothes from very 
want, their threatening force was finally dispersed. 

Another advance was made at this time in fulfilment of 
the mise of Lewes, which suffices to refute the assertion, that 

1 "Balistis et hachiis."— Ang. 8. 
Pat. 48° Hen. IQ. in Brady's App. 
[TLe priory of Dunstable contributed 
four horsemen and six foot-soldiers, 
and spent thirty marcs in all besides 
what was paid for horses and arms. — 
Annales de Dunstaplia, p. 233.] 

' A year after the battle of Eves- 
ham this zeal of the Suffolk people 
was remembered to thdir cost by the 
King, who, when he was at St. Ed- 
mund's Bury, fined the abbot of that 

monastery 80 marcs "ex eo quod 
homines dioti Abbatis et oonyentns 
S^^ Edmundi erant ad custodiam 
maris ne regina cum suo exercita 
intraret in Anglia post bellum de 
Lewes."— Chr. Walt, de "Whittlesey, 
Abb. de Petribnrg. 

» July 15, 1264.— Rymer. 

« Chr. Taxt. On Sept. 1 a demand 
was made upon the clergy for the 
payment of the tenth which had 
been voted. — Eymer. 

236 TEE BAB0K3' WAB. [C 

" no farther mention was made of the reference to France' 
The King's proclamation from Canterbury, September 4 
commissioned " Prince Henry, though a hostage at Dover, 
repair in person to the King of France, in order more ful 
to treat of and confirm the peace, previously swearing to 1 
faithful to that single object, and to return hy the Nativi 
of the Virgin," September 8. The chivalrous honour of tl 
young Prince, which has been already noticed, merited th 
rare confidence of de Moatfort in his prisoner, but the ve: 
selection of such a character stamps the treaty with sincerit 
and appears as honourable to the barons as to the Frinc 
Every precaution was indeed taken : nine bishops gave hi 
for his return in 20,000 marcs (£13,333. 68. 8d.), and thn 
French envoys", who had perhaps suggested the missio 
undertook that he should not he detained abroad. So stroi 
was the animosity among the French against the Englis 
excited probably by the refugee royalists, that when Frin 
Henry landed with this embassy, the townspeople of Boul<^ 
made a violent attack upon his suite, in which nine Englia 
men were killed*. 

By a document*, dated on the Thursday after the a 
pointed day of his return, we leam that the form of peac 
unanimously assented to by the Parliament, had been actual 
presented to King Louis, and " though (King Henry observe 
we think the terms well suited to God, to ourselves, and 
our kingdom, yet, having learnt that some not well informi 
of the truth assert the said form to he insufficient and u 
satisfactory, we, willing to labour for peace with all ourmigl 
as we are bound to do, in order that the Justice and truth 
the facts may be made manifest, commission the Bishop 
London, and Hugh le Despenser the Justiciary, with Charl 
d'Anjou, the French King's brother, and the Abbot ofB 
to examine the said form, enlarging or diminishing it, and 

• Hnme. • Bymer. 

■ P. da Cbamberletit, de Nigell, and Heor? de Tordell. 

* Cbr. Roff. » Byinei. 




arrange all unsettled matters, except as to aliens ; the Arch- 
bishop of Rouen to act as umpire in case of disagreement.** 
The seals of the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester authenti- 
cate this mise, Charles d'Anjou* was considered favourable 
to the barons, and undoubtedly befriended the sons of de 
Montfort in their exile ; the umpire also was probably well- 
known to de Montfort, there being extant a letter' recom- 
mending him to the archbishop's intimacy while in France ; 
but the transaction seems to indicate an honest wish for an 
equitable peace. Nor was this all : another commission' of 
the same date appointed the Bishops of Worcester and Win- 
chester* and Peter de Montfort to treat with the French 
King in person concerning the reform of the future govern- 
ment of the kingdom, the King promising to obey the award 
on pain of excommunication. The arrangement of the dis- 
putes with de Montfort on private matters, meaning, pro- 
bably, an indemnity for the Norman property of his royal 
countess, was made a preliminary point expressly left to the 
decision of Louis". 

The article as to aliens may be noticed as the only point 
withheld from this official reference ; and while the exception 
marks incontestably the sense of past evils endured, and the 
unbending resolution not again to submit to them, there is 
nothing in such terms contrary to or beyond the mise of 
Lewes. A conciliatory disposition to relax its rigour is in- 
deed throughout transparent. 

The Pope was unwilling to abandon so useful a client as 
King Henry had proved ; but, having already extracted all he 

1 W. Rish de BeUo Lew. 

' Ep. A. de Marisoo, p. 86, ed.Brewer. 

> Rymer. By a separate deed, the 
Bishop of London and Richard de 
Mepham, Archdeacon of Oxford, were 
added to this commission. 

* John de Exon had been one of 
the- negotiators at Brackley, in June 
1263. He incurred disgrace by his 
present employment, and died abroad 

^ Nangis states that de Montfort 
himself went over to treat at Bou- 
logne, and that Louis, finding him 
inflexible, allowed him to return. 
'* Quant il ot parl^ k lui, et il vit que 
il n'en vout riens fere, il Ten laissa 
aler empais, pource que li avoit donn^ 
sauf aler et sauf venir.** The mis- 
sion of Peter de Montfort probably 
caused him to be confounded with 




could hope for on account of Sicily, he had obtained a formal 
renunciation* of that crown, in order to proffer it to a new 
purchaser. With an interference, now become habitual, he 
despatched in return the Cardinal Quido di Fulcodio to de- 
nounce the barons and to withdraw the clergy from their 
party. This able agent, who became Pope Clement IV.* a 
few months later, was by birth a Proven9al, and had been 
the most eminent lawyer in France', until his wife's death 
induced him to take ordera It may be mentioned, as indi- 
cating his literary taste, that amidst the political intrigues 
he was sent to conduct at Boulogne, he wrote from thence 
to Roger Bacon, asking for his scientific works. The great 
Franciscan refused at the time, on the plea of being for- 
bidden by the rules of his order, but his Opus Majus was 
soon after written expressly for this Pope, and sent to him 
in 1267. 

While the barons refused to admit the legate, he vainly 
warned them (Aug. 12) to release the King and the Princes, 
^ detained as hostages under an empty colour of words by 
reason of a certain mise* that had been made." With as 
little advantage did he summon the Bishops of London, 
Worcester, Winchester, and Chichester* to Boulogne. They 
went (Sept. 1) without powers to negotiate ; and, emboldened 
by the consciousness of popular support, appealed to a ge- 
neral council of the clergy to be held at Reading. The barons 
sent indeed Peter de Montfort, " as a zealous lover of truth, 
peace, and tranquillity V* with credentials to treat with the 

^ By Bartolommeo Pignatelli, Aich- 
bifihop of Coseiua. **I1 offrit tout 
rappni dn ponvoir de TEglise contre 
ees sujetfl, et il recompensa la cod- 
desoension de Henri III. et de Ed- 
mond, en se lignant ayec enx oon- 
ire lea libert^s Britanniques." — Sis* 
mondi, Hist. Hep. Ital 

' W. Bish erroneously says Cle- 
ment YL Clement lY. had been 
Ardhbishop of Narbonne, Cardinal- 
Bishop of Sabina. He was elected 

Pope Feb. 5, 126i>, and died Nov. 29, 

* "Senza alcnn dnbbio il primo 
giurista di tutta Francia." — Platina, 
Vite dei Pontbf. 

* "Compromissi." — Rymer. 

* Rymer. T. Wyke and W. Rish. 
state that the bishops went to Bon- 
lof^e, Mat., Westm. that they did 
not go. 

* Rymer, Sept. 24, 12C4. 


legate, but the principles of national independence and 
papal supremacy were too opposite to admit of agreement, 
and the legate finally, on Oct. 20 *, pronounced the barons 
contumacious, and in the name of the Pope " solemnly ex- 
communicated them and their adherents as rebels, especially 
Simon de Montfort, Gilbert de Clare, Roger Earl of Norfolk, 
the City of London, and the Cinque Ports, exempting only 
the King and his chaplains, whom (says the legate plainly) 
we do not believe sincerely to adhere to their cause." To 
these spiritual penalties he added a temporal one, strictly 
forbidding the export of wine, wheat, or any other merchan- 
dize to England '. 

Whether the respect paid to these menaces would have 
been great or small was not destined to be put to proof The 
four bishops who are said to have been the bearers of these 
curses may have given a hint of the nature of their burthen 
to the Cinque Ports, one of the parties denounced; and they, 
having veasels at this period ever ready for daring or even 
lawless action, intercepted them on the high seas, and seizing 
the document, left it to find its own weight and value by 
throwing it overboard. Another account supposes the parch- 
ment to have been detected at the usual custom-house 
search', when the messengers landed with it at Dover, when 
it was immediately torn to pieces and thrown into the sea. 
The barons certainly did not discontinue their religious 
services in consequence of this interdict. 

The legate's prohibition of commerce was as idle a blow; 
for, in fact, the Cinque Ports were so rigorous in cutting off 
all intercourse with the continent, that the prices of various 
articles rose considerably: wine from £2 to £6. Ss, 5d.; wax 
from £2 to £5. 1«. 9d. ; a pound of pepper from 6d, to 3*. 
The export of wool and the import of foreign cloth were 

^ Before a large assembly of clergy ' W. Rish. de Bello Lew. 

and laymen, at Hesdin, near St Pol. > '* Scrntinio ex more in portu 

— Rymer, x. p. 447. P. facto."— Chr. Roff. 


THE barons' war. 


equally prohibited, and the white English woollen cloths*, 
which were usually sent to Flanders to be dyed, were now, 
with an ostentatious spirit of nationality, worn undyed'. 
With a wiser political economy than was then current, the 
chronicler Wyke remarks on this, that •* the Earl of Leicester, 
in order to tickle plebeian ears, had given out that the 
English might be well supplied without the intercourse of 
foreigners, which, however, was impossible, for the inter- 
change of goods from diverse realms furnishes all sorts of 
advantages '." 

Although both armies which had watched each other on 
the opposite shores were now dissolved without striking a 
blow, there were some intrigues yet stirring among the mal- 
contents around Queen Eleanor which excited the anxiety of 
the Eling, and in the apprehension of some undefined evil he 
sent her the following extraordinary letter *, by the Dean of 
Wells, under a safe conduct : — 

" Windsor, Nov. 18, 1264. The King to the Queen of 
England, health and sincerely affectionate love : know that 
we and our firstborn Edward are well and safe, which we 
heartily long to hear of you; signifying to you that the 
business which concerns ourself, you, and our said son, so 
proceeds to the honour of God, of ourselves, and of yourself, 
blessed be God, that we have a well-grounded hope of having 
a firm and good peace in our kingdom, on which account be 
cheerful and merry. Moreover we have heard that certain 
persons at this time propose to make a sale or alienation of 
our laws, and of the prerogative of ourself and our son in 

^ The early mannfacture of these 
is noticed in the regulations of 
Richard I. 

' '* Statuemnt insnper, quod lanaB 
terrse operarentur in Anglia, nee 
alienigenis yenderentnr, et quod 
omnes uterentur pannis laneis infra 
limites terraa operatis, nee nimis 
pretiosas vestes qiuererent." — Chr. 
Walt. Heming, 1258. The baiUffs of 

Yarmouth inform the King that by 
his command they had given up to 
certain merc]^ants of Amiens 43 sacks 
of wool seized at Yarmouth, on se* 
curity that the wool should not be 
carried to Flanders nor sold to Flem- 
ings. Chanc. Bee. 5 th Bep. 

* **Diversimoda commoda.*' — T, 
Wyke. H. Knighton. 

* Bymer. The original is in Latin. 


those parts, to the disinheritance of us and our heirs^ against 
our will, which you ought by no means either to wish or 
permit, wherefore we send to command you that you suffer 
nothing to be done or attempted in such matters. On these 
and other concerns, give credence to what Master Edward de 
la CnoP, Dean of Wells, bearer of this present, shall say to 
you on our behalf. Witness the King at Windsor." 

Another letter which the dean at the same time bare to 
Louis IX-, in which Henry also urged him to refuse his con- 
sent, is more explanatory than the above vague allusions : — 

" It has lately become known to us that certain persons, 
contrary to conscience and to our will, propose to make or 
to procure a sale or alienation of our rights and possessions, 
established under your dominion, for which we have done 
homage to you, to the perpetual disinheritance of ourselves 
and our heirs*.*' 

There is no other evidence on the subject, but the tenoi: 
of the alarm expressed seems to point to an intention of the 
Queen to pledge or sell to France part of the English pro- 
vinces in France, in order to raise supplies of men and money. 
Whether written with the privity of de Montfort or not, 
there seems no ground to justify any charge against him. 

Another occurrence soon displayed again the activity of 
the defeated party. The hostage princes had been moved 
from Dover to Berkhampstead, and thence to the palace of 
Wallingford, which the King of the Romans had strengthened 
and embellished for his own residence. While there so slack 
a ward was kept upon them as to encourage the idea of their 
rescue, and about this time some of his devoted partisans at 
Bristol made a desperate attempt to effect it Some of these 
knights were fugitives from Lewes, Hugh Turberville* and 
Hamo TEstrange, 'led by Robert Waleran and Warren de 

^ He was dean from 1256 to 1284. ken prisoner by the French in E. 

' Windsor, Nov. 17, 1264. — By- Edward's reign, was released on 

mer. the promise to betray one of the 

' Thomas de Torberville, a knight Cinque Ports, but was detected and 

of GlamorgaoBhixe, having been ta« hanged. 



THE barons' war. 


Bas8ingburne\ Waleran was a knight of importance, holding 
twenty-five military fees, and much employed both as governor 
of castles and on foreign embassies*. The barons confiscated 
his lands, but the King, for whom he fought at Evesham, 
rewarded him with grants of Hugh de Nevill's forfeited 
estate, and made him one of the four governors over London. 
Bassingbume was equally resolute and active : he had served 
in the Gbscon wars, and had been one of the King's sureties 
in the miae. He too had grants of estates forfeited by the 
battle of Evesham, and was additionally rewarded by the 
pardon (1268) of his son Humphrey, who had sided with the 
barons. After a rapid march to Wallingford, these zealous 
knights surprised the garrison by a sudden attack at the 
dawn of day. They were obstinately resisted, however, and 
to their demand of releasing Prince Edward, the threat was 
returned that he should be fastened to a warlike engine, 
and so hurled off from the walls to the besiegers : — 

" That hii wolde Sir Edward vawe out to horn sende, 
niihered with a mangonel home with horn to lede'." — ^Rob. Glouc. 

^ Of CO. Cambridge. — Inq. post m. 

* Robert Waleran was Sheriff of 
Gloucester, ambassador in 1253, 
1260, and Sheriff of Kent, 1263. 
[Castellan of Dover in 1261. Abbrev. 
Bot. Orig. L p. 17.] He restored 
some of de Nevill's lands, 1266, but 
only on condition of retaining Stoke 
Curcy and other feoda militum. — 
Pat. 50 Hen. UI. He was tried (47" 
H. m.) for opposing the Oxford Sta- 
tutes and acquitted. He was at the 
battle of Evesham. He was the hus- 
band of the eldest co-heiress of Hugh 
de Eilpeck (descended from Wm. 
FitzNorman, the lord of Kilpeck co. 
of Hereford in Domesday). Two 
years before his death, which was in 
1272, having no heirs and being then 
old, Waleran gave the reversion of 
Eilpeck to his nephew Alan de Plo- 
kenet, whose son Alan made grants 
toDore Abbeyin 1319, and was buried 
there, on whose tomb is inscribed : 
**Ultimus Alanus de Plokenet hie 

Nobilis urbanuB vermibus esca datur.'* 
As he died unmarried, the estates 
passed to his sister Joan de Bohun. 
— Hist, of Eilpeck, by G. E. Lewis. 
4to. 1842. 

[Compare Foss's Judges of Eng- 
land, II. pp. 503 — 505, and] Dugdale*a 

' ** That they would fain send Sir 
Edward out to them, fastened with a 
mangonel to lead home with them." 
The mangonel (manga, manganum) 
was the most powerful engine in the 
wars of the middle ages, by which 
not only great stones, but even horses 
and men were thrown. ** Obsidea 
eorum machinis alligatos ad eorum 
tormenta, qu® mangas vulgo vocant, 
decrevit ojbiciendas." — Badivious ; 
Spelman's Gloss. 

** Gyines he had of wonder wise 
Mangenelles of great quyentise.** 

— Bom. of Bichard Coeur de Lion ; 
Warton's H. Poet. 

"Warin de Basingebume, fami- 
liaris Domini Edwardi, tenuit oas* 




The prince therefore came forward on the ramparts to entreat 
his friends to retire. 

This gallant enterprise, though a failure, gave occasion to 
the removal of the hostages to the stronger castle of Kenil- 
worth. The Countess of Leicester received her nephews there 
with all the courtesy of a hostess, and 

** Wat she mighte dude horn of solas." — Rob. Qlouo. 

It throws some light on the easy restraint in which the 
princes lived under her roof, and on the sincerity of de Mont* 
fort's wish for a pacific settlement, that three of the most 
formidable Royalists who remained in arms, Mortimer, Clif- 
ford, and Leyboume, were allowed to meet the King at Per- 
shore*, on December 12th, and are noticed as on their way, 
under a safe conduct, to Kenilworth, December 15, to hold 
a parley with Prince Edward, for the promotion of peace*. 
We have no account of these dangerous interviews, but the 
subsequent events, the renewal of the war, and the escape of 
the Prince, may have been there concerted. 

tellnin de Benefeld, quia Dominos 
Winfridos prisonos erat." Chi. W. 
de Whittlesey, 1264, after taking of 

* Rot. Pat. 

* **Qai certam formam pacis no- 

bisonm inierint; gressns snos versiu 
Kenilworth duxerint ad loquendnm 
com Edwardo primogenito nostro et 
ad paoem plenins firmandam.*' The 
King's letter to the Marchers, from 
Worcester, Dec. 15, 1264. — ^Bymer, 




**What Prince soever can hit of this Gbeat Secrbt (of governing all by 
all), needs know no more for his safety and happiness, and that of the 
people he governs ; for no state or government can ever be much troubled 
or endangered by any private factions, which is grounded upon the 
general consent and satisfaction of the subjects." 

Sir W. Temple, Heroic Virtue. 

England was now at rest within itself; "domestic treason, 
foreign levy," having ceased to agitate it, it breathed once 
more in freedom^ and the season seemed ripe for conciliating 
all classes of the community into one great brotherhood. 
By summons, dated from Worcester', Dec. 14, a Parliament 
was accordingly ordered to meet in London on the octave 
of St Hilary, Jan. 20, 1265. To this were invited twenty-five 
bishops, priors and deans, and on Dec. 24 were added eighty- 
three' more heads of monasteries, besides the barons, and two 

1 **Jam respirat Anglia, sperans 
Cui Dei gratia det prosperitatem. 
Comparati canibus Angli vilu- 

Sed nunc victis hostibus caput 
Polit. S. from MS. Harl, 978. 
' See ArchsBol. Journal, 1862, p. 
809, for the Articles made at Wor- 
cester by common consent of the 
King and magnates in 1264, referred 
to in Parliament held in London, 
March 1, 1265, and transmitted under 
the King's seal to all counties^ to be 

observed inviolably for ever. They 
are the same as the provisions in 
the Statute of Marlborough (62® 
Henry in.). 

' In aftertimes, out of 122 abbots, 
and 41 priors, who were occasionally 
summoned, only 25 abbots and 2 
priors were constantly so. There 
was nothing unusual in the number 
of ecclesiastics summoned on this 
occasion. — Y. Lingard. The Prior of 
Lewes, though now summoned, does 
not appear to have been so during 
the whole of Edward I/s reign, nor 
until the beginning of Edward IL 




representatives from each county*. The preamble in de- 
scribing the occasion of meeting referred to the late serious 
disturbances, as then happily appeased, and required the 
advice of the prelates and barons, " in order to provide by 
wholesome deliberation for the security and completion of 
the peace, and for certain other business which the King was 
unwilling to settle without them*." Of similar summons to 
all these parties there had been previous instances, but now 
for the first time the cities and towns were also required 
"each to choose and send two discreet, loyal, and honest 
men " and this remarkable innovation seems, by the date 
from Woodstock, Dec. 24, later by ten days than the first 
summons, to have been an afterthought, the result of more 
mature deliberation. 

"After a long controversy, almost all judicious enquirers, 
seem to have acquiesced in admitting this origin of popular 
representation." Such is the remark of the highest authority' 
on the subject, and it is more fitting to assent to this con* 
elusion than to renew the discussion. 

England had indeed been preceded by other nations in 
applying the representative system to towns. Aragon had 

^ In 1254 the Queen and Regents 
summoned the tenants in chief to 
sail to the King's assistance, and 
** besides these two lawful and dis- 
creet knights should be chosen by 
the men of every county, in the 
place of all and each of them, to 
assemble at Westminster, and to de- 

. termine, with the knights of the other 

I counties, what aid they would grant 
to their Sovereign in his present 
necessity, so that the same knights 
might be able to answer in the mat' 

I ter of the said aid for their respec- 
tive counties " p. 34. — [Beport on 

' the Dignity of a Peer, Appendix i. 

i p. 13-1 

* Rymer. 

* Hallam,Mid.Ages,Vol. III. As all 
the proceedings of de Montfort's Par- 
liament were cancelled a few months 
afterwards by the Great Ck>uncil at 

Winchester, other dates have been 
adopted by writers for the commence- 
ment of Parliaments. In 1267 (52« 
Henry III.) the Statute of Marl- 
borough, considered as the first re- 
gular Statute, was enacted by the 
** magnates, and discreet men as 
well of the higher as of the lower 
estate. " — The Statute of Westminster 
in 1275 was sanctioned by the pre- 
lates, lords, ** and aU the common- 
alty of the realm." Hume points to 
the Parliament of Nov. 1295 as *'the 
real and true epoch of the House of 
Commons." The summonses were di- 
rected to the nobles and prelates and 
knights as usual, and to the bailiffs 
of about 120 towns. The preamble 
is a noble acknowledgment of po- 
pular rights : '* As the rule of justice 
teaches us that what concerns all 
should be by aU approved.** 

246 THE barons' war. [ch. 

thus supplied deputies to the Cortes in 1133, 1142, and 1162 ; 
and Castile* had done the same, perhaps in 1109, certainly 
in 1188, but the privil^e was dealt out with a stinted mea- 
sure, and fell on stony ground, flourishing for awhile, and 
making a goodly show, but gradually dwindling to a mere form. 

The arms of the Hungarian nobles had in 1222 obtained 
from Andreas II. the Bulla Aurea*, their great charter, which 
secured liberty of person, free descent of property, restriction 
on the admission of foreigners to place or power, and, above 
all, a right of resistance in case of non-observance, but it 
included no germ of representation. 

After the great struggle with King John the English 
borons had appointed twenty-five guardians to watch over 
the execution of Magna Charta, in which were some few but 
important clauses for the benefit of the people, mixed up 
with several limitations of feudal burthens; a similar ex- 
pedient had been adopted after the Oxford Statutes. After 
fifty years' experience of the perils to which their privileges 
were exposed by the encroachments of the Crown, a stronger 
and more enduring security was now devised, by committing 
the care of constitutional .fteedom thenceforth to the people 
themselves, whose interests they thus identified with their 
own. We cannot at this remote distance of time estimate 
all the motives that led to this measure. To these early 
statesmen such "matters may have seemed (in Chaucer's 
energetic phrase) great and glorious for all the people ;" 
although few at the time, perhaps not even de Montfort, felt 
the full importance of this advancing step of British liberty. 
None could have foreseen, when they dropped the precious 
seed into the ready soil, the long succession of abundant 
harvests which were to spring from it, and bless the land 
with all the elements of power and plenty. 

The King, who, by his prerogative, could claim tallages 
from the towns, had in some degree prepared the way, by 

^ Hallam, Mid. Ages. *' Embiados 102 deputies sent from 90 towns, 
de cada ciadad." In 1305 there were ' PageVs Hungary. 




acceptiDg, as a substitute for this tax on personal property, 
a sum of money assessed by the payers themselves \ He 
had felt no need therefore of their representatives in the great 
council of the nation, but to de Montfort, at such a crisis of 
unusual restrictions on the Crown, the wish naturally pre- 
sented itself of exhibiting in a combined strength' all the 
outward tokens of public opinion, which he felt to be favour- 
able to his own party. 

That England should be indebted to a Frenchman for 
this great experiment — ^by its results the most important in 
our national annals — and that the English populace, in their 
fondness for this French statesman, should even have attri- 
buted the honours of sainthood to him, may now sound 
strangely to our ears. It was not, however, the last occasion 
when the intervention of a foreigner was gladly invited on 
behalf of English liberty; and the people as readily adopted 
such guidance in 1688 as they did in 1264. 

It has been remarked by an eloquent historian* that "the 
motives of opposition among the barons were personal and 
vulgar, but on that wild stock was engrafted the jealousy of 
foreigners, the impatience of irresponsible advisers, and the 
repugnance to high preferment flowing from the mere good 
will of the King, which afterwards bore excellent fruit" The 
best claim on our thankfulness, which might be preferred by 
the barons, who first admitted the extended interests of citi- 
zens to raise a voice in Parliament, arises from the reliance 
on the sympathy of the community on this occasion. On 
any other supposition this appeal to public opinion would 
have been ruinous to their own interests, and it should be an 

^ The lords of manors had ahont 
this time commuted many of the 
predial services of their tenants for 
money payments, as malt-silver, 
wood-silver, schap-silver (for water- 
carriage), larder-silver, ward-penny, 
Id, or ^d. in lieu of a day's lahoor, 
never thinking of any future change in 
the value of money. — Archd. Hale, 

Domesday of St Paul, pp. Ivi. Ivii. 

. ' The number of burgesses varied : 
in 1295 they were 200; under Ed- 
ward III. they were 190. The Com- 
mons, however, were not mentioned 
as an assenting party in the preambles 
of statutes before 1306. 
3 Sir J. Mackintosh. 





honourable praise to them, and an honest pride to us in 
afbertimes, that English liberty thus owes its birth to the 
noblest parentage— confidence in the People*. 

It was while taking these measures to assemble a Parlia- 
ment, that de Montfort repaired to his own castle of Kenil- 
worth, and it is said that he there kept his Christmas with 
such exorbitant parade as to retain 160 knights' in his pay 
around him. These festivities* have been blamed, as an 
invidious contrast to the more restricted splendour of the 
King at Woodstock at the same period, but they may have 
been only so many additional courtesies to the royal hostages 
under his roof. 

The mutual release of the Northampton and Lewes 
prisoners having taken effect, the great northern chieftains^ 
Balioli and others of the Royalist party, received a safe con- 
duct* to attend Parliament'. 

The King being naturally anxious that his son should 
recover his liberty^ addressed an earnest appeal to de Mont- 

^ A modem author has expressed 
a very different judgment : ** It is 
not an illustrious nor auspicious 
origin for the House of Commons, 
that it should have heen called into 
existence at the invitation, and to 
serve the purposes of a rebel." — Legal 
Review of Origin of Representation, 
by H. W. Tancred, Esq. 

« W. Rish. 

' ChriBtmas seems to have been a 
permitted time for riots, like the 
Carnival of modem days. In 1230, 
when the inactive policy of the King 
prevented the Enjzlish barons, quar- 
tered at Nantes, from fighting, *'they 
betook themselves to gluttonous ban- 
quets and drinking, according to 
English custom, as if it had been 
Christmas." — M. Par. 

* This was dated Westminster, 
Jan. 17, 1266, for ** John de Baliol, 
Peter de Bms, liobert de Nevill, 
Eustache de Baliol, Stephen de Mei- 
nill, Gilbert Hamsard, Balph litz- 
ralph, Adam de Gescm, liobert de 
Btotevili, Ipights." — liymer. Eus- 

tache de Bailors seal (in Plate vii. 
of Surtees' Durham, folio, 1816) re- 
presents him as a knight on horse- 
back with a knotted wheel on his 
shield. There is also the seal of 
Hugh de Baliol, a knight in mail 
with flat-topped helmet. The foimda- 
tions of the castle of the Baliols at 
Querundou (Quarrington) are still to 
be traced. The seal of Peter de Brus 
(in the same plate) represents him 
on horseback, with a tunic over his 
mail and a lion rampant on his 

* The Parliament met January 20, 
1265, at Westminster, in the Great 
Hall, " coram omni populo in Magna 
Aula Westmonasteriensi." ^Brayley's 
Westm. p. 70.) It was attended by 
5 earls and 17 barons. In 1283 Par- 
liament consisted of 11 earls, 99 
barons, the knights of counties, and 
2 representatives each from London 
and 20 other towns. 

« The Chronicle of Mailros (p. 240) 
describes the strict manner in which 
Simon de Montfort at this period 




fort and de Clare fur that purpose, Feb. 16. What would 
have been very hazardous previously, had now become easy 
by the representation of so many powerful parties in Parlia- 
ment. On the 10th of March, therefore, Prince Edward, 
with his cousin Henry*, were formally delivered to the King, 
after subscribing their adhesion to the peace of June, 1264. 
Parliament embodied in an Act', March 31, the conditions of 
this confirmed pacification. 

After referring to the hostages, as depending on the 
final confirmation of peace, and to the observance of Magna 
Charta, as secured by their sanction to the peace of June, it 
proceeds thus : " And since our Lord the King, before the 
battle of Lewes, had renounced and put out of his fealty 
several of his good people of this land*, fresh homage is now 
accepted, save and except that, if the King is willed to go 
against the things aforesaid, the barons should not be bound 
by this homage to him, until the things be amended and 
redressed." Prince Edward was to have his body-guard 
[mesri^) of unsuspected natives*, to remain in England three 
years (intending thereby to prevent his raising an army of 
aliens), and to give up for five years to the Council the 
castles' which had been given as sureties at Lewea A still 
more important surrender was also exacted of him, in order 
to diminish his means of offence; the whole country and 
castle of Chester, as well as the fortresses of Pec and New- 

watched his prisoner the Prince. 
When Oliver, abbot of Dryburgh, 
came to him from his sister the 
Queen of Scotland, Montfort con- 
ducted him up to the Prince seated 
in state, and remained close to him 
during the intervieWf and escorted 
him out so as to prevent any secret 

^ They are thus described in the 
deed, March 10th, 1265 : " Par notre 
volont^ et la leur se fusent mis 
ostages a demorer en la garde de 
MuDsir Henri de Montfort." — Bymer. 

* Bymer, March 31, 1265. The 
preamble and enacting part are in 

French, but it quotes the entire 
Ordinance of Jane, 1264, in Latin. 

* " £ pur ceo que notre Seignor le 
Boi devant la bataille de Lewes avoit 
defi6 plosiers de ses bone gent de 
terre, e mis hors de sa foie.*' 

4 »» Derechef Munsir Edward avera 
sa mesn6e e ses conseiUers de genz de 
la tere qui ne soient mie suspecenos.*' 

After noticing the release of the 
hostages, the King adds, "we now 
desire him to surrender, for five years, 
the castles of Dover, Scarborough, 
Bamburg, Nottingham, and CoHe, 
which had been given as sureties at 
Lewes." March 17, 1265 — ^Bymer. 





csfitle-on-Line, were to be given up to Simon de Montfort in 
exchange for other lands of equal .value \ 

The conclusion of this arrangement was announced by 
proclamation, and nine bishops threatened excommunication 
on all who should act contrary to it*. The mediation of the 
French ambassadors had probably assisted in preparing these 
terms, as the King's passport for their arrival, March 15, 
expressly states them as coming " to us and te our barons.** 
During the progress of the pacification King Henry remained 
in London', held in all outward honour, but submitting with- 
out resistance to the party in power. With whatever reluc- 
tance he suppressed all tokens of the rancorous hate which 
he afterwards manifested, and permitted the victorious 
barons to 

*' Feed like oxen at a stall. 
The better cherished, stiU the nearer deaths" 

Some of his former adherents may have pitied him as ** the 
mere shadow of a KingV' but the external attributes of 
royalty were carefully preserved around him. * 

The rapacity and ambition of the barons, and especially 
of Simon de Montfort, after the battle of Lewes, have been 
loudly denounced by many writers, both chroniclei-s and 
historians, and, as little has been mentioned here to justify 
such a charge, it deserves examination. To have conferred a 
political benefit on the nation will not acquit them of acts 

^ **Ce Mnnsir Edward vaudra al 
Conte de Leycestr en fie le chastel 
de Ceetre, e la vile e le contee ove 
totes les apartenaonces, et le Nef- 
chastel sur Leine ove les aparteu- 
aiinces, et le chastel du Pek ove les 
apartenaunces, si come il les tint e 
tenir deost, sanz nul reteuement, 
pnr otres terres que le Conte lui 
vandra en fie a la value des terres, 
qoil tient d*aatre part, e des autres 
teres que le Conte tient en Angle- 
terrc en divers luis, lui fra la v^ue 
an plus pres du conte de Cestrc qil 
poet." This Act was signed ** by the 
King, Prince Edward, Henry, son of 

the King of the Romans; and at 
their request, for greater testimony, 
by the Bishops of London, Wor- 
cester, Winchester, Durham, Ely, 
Sarum, Coventry, Chichester, Bath, 
LlandofF, the Prior of the Hospitallers, 
the Master of the Temple, the Mayor 
and Commons of London. Done at 
the Parliament of London, last day 
of March." — Rymer. 

« Add. MSS. 6444. 

' 1 Hen. IV. Act v. Scene 2. 

^ He continued in London till 
April 2. 

* W. Riflh. de BeUo Lew. 




dictated by sordid self-interest. The imperfect records of 
the times may have transmitted to us facts, maimed of the 
circumstances, which would not only have explained, but 
made them imperative for the completion of the schemes of 
reform and liberty then in progress ; in the absence, however, 
of stronger lights, let us not flinch from looking at the shades 
of the picture, as well as the prominence of the more sunny 

It has been loosely asserted by an eminent historian*, 
that the great leader of the barons, the Earl of Leicester, 
aspired to the throne itself. There is, however, no trace of 
such a scheme having been imputed to him, even by his 
enemies, during his life, and his conduct in pressing for the 
fulfilment of the mise of Lewes down to his death, would 
sufficiently prove that he was content to share with others 
the ascendancy acquired by his own talents. The more 
plausible accusation of greedy avarice deserves closer enquiry. 
A Royalist chronicler' of the times states, that at the general 
distribution of the estates of emigittnt Royalists among the 
conquerors, de Montfort appropriated to himself eighteen 
baronies'; and yet so contradictory are the witnesses of his- 
tory, that an undoubted contemporary*, writing in the inter- 
val between his triumph and his fall, expressly picks out, as 
a peculiar characteristic, his disinterestedness and neglect of 
his private advantage ; and it is even asserted by a chronicler, 
that "his habitual prayer to God was, that divine grace 
would preserve him unstained by avarice and the covetous- 
ness of worldly goods, which had ensnared so many in his 

^ Hume. 

a T. Wyke. 

' [The ground of this accusation 
probably is, that he took King 
Bichard's eighteen baronies (see p. 
68, note 4) into his own hands for a 
time. It is less easy to explain his 
seizure of a tenement in Sprowton, 
which had been in the occupation of 

Norwich.— -Calend. Geneal. i. p. 121.] 
As regards the King's grant to him 
of the manor of Lagwardine, Simon 
de Montfort held it for 54 years as 
security for a debt.— Bp. JSwinfield's 
Household BoU, p. clxv. 

« Polit. Songs, from MS. HarL 978, 
y. 825, &o. 

» WUl. Bish. 





We learn incidentally ^ that all the vast landed estates of 
the King of the Romans had been committed to the care of 
Simon de Montfort, after the captivity of that prince. His 
tenure was confessedly temporary, and as the revenues may 
have been used for raising the amount of his ransom, or for 
the public service, it would not be safe to rely on this fact 
alone to convict him of rapacity. 

His clear hereditary claim to the office of high steward is 
an ample justification of the royal grant, dated from West- 
minster, March 20, which restored it to him. 

We have already seen, however, that the sanction of 
Parliament (March 31) was set upon the transfer to Simon 
de Montfort of the large possessions which the heir of the 
Crown had been compelled to strip himself o£ The King, by 
a grant shortly previous*, had conferred these on Simon de 
Montfort and his heirs for ever; and by thus accepting so 
lucrative a prize, he would certainly appear to have abused 
the privileges of his peculiar position. It is but fair, never- 
theless, to remark, that there were reasons of state requiring 
that Cheshire should not remain in hands likely to con- 
federate again with the Welsh Marchers, and this motive, as 
well as personal influence, must be supposed to have guided 
the parliamentary barons in their measure of exchange. The 
surrender of Cheshire to the more trusty guard of de Mont- 
fort was stipulated on the principle of exchange ; and a large 
indemnity, professedly an equivalent, having been given up 
by him from his own estates in Leicestershire' and elsewhere, 
these lands were, on May 8, 1265, in due form given up, as 

^ By a proclamation of the King to 
the county of Devon, dated Wor- 
cester, Dec. 13, 1264. The estates 
were restored after the battle of 
Evesham to the King of the Bo- 
mans, **pro constanti fidelitate." — 
Rot. Pat. 49*» Hen. III. 

' ^'Castella de Chester, Pek et 
Novmncastrum habenda et tenenda 
sibi et hffiredibuB suis de nobis et 
hoeredibas nostris in perpetunm. 
Bex omniboB, Westm. Mar. 20." — 


' The manors of Melbom Gnn- 
thorp, Soke of Ludham, Esingward, 
Eingishee, Everlee, (Jolingbome, 
Cumpton, Sepwyk, Bere, Hnnger- 
ford, and Chawton, were thus trans- 
ferred.— Bot. Pat. 49« Hen. III., in 
Nicholses Leicestershire. Melbum 
and other lands to the value of 600 
marcs had been granted to the earl 
and his countess jointly in 1259. — 
Bot. Pat. 480 H. UL 


a compensation to Prince Edward. It may also be observed 
that after the death of Simon de Montfort, when the King 
eagerly granted away all his confiscated estates, there is no 
trace of his having died in possession of more than his own 
hereditary property, with the addition of this exchange in 

The pride and presumption of de Montfort's sons at this 
crisis are generally noticed by chroniclers, and it is possible 
that their influence over him — for he was a fond and un- 
reproving father — may have prevailed on his better nature to 
yield to the temptation of undue aggrandisement; though a 
more full knowledge of the transactions of the period might 
perhaps efface what appears to tarnish his chararacter. One 
authority states that his eldest son, Henry, seized for his own 
use all the wool which English or foreign merchants had 
brought to port, " thus from a bold knight becoming a wool- 
draper'." Whatever degree of truth there may be in this, 
there is extant but one grant' of estates to any of his sons, 
and that was prior to the battle of Lewes. Peter de Mont- 
fort, whose relationship was very remote, received also a 
grant of two manors, and the unimportant favour of per- 
mission " to live in the house of the late Edward of West- 

The ransom of prisoners taken at Lewes had opened an 
extensive source of gain to the conquerors, and for the secu- 
rity of such payments their estates were probably taken 
possession of. So fruitful of jealousy had this subject proved 
among the victorious chiefs that it had by this time cooled 
the zeal and friendship of de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, 
towards his older and more conspicuous colleague. De Mont- 
fort, suspecting treachery in some of the barons, had taken 

> T. Wyke. ticed as employed in the paintrngs 

* The property of John ManseU, ordered by the King. In 124B he 

deceased, given to Simon de Mont- was commanded to fill Westminster 

fort, junior, in 1263. — Bot. Pat. HaU with poor people, and there 

47° Hen. III. feed them from Christmas to Cir- 

' Westm. March 14, 1266. Brmer. comcision. — ^Bot. Clans. S2<^, 
This Edward has been alreaoqr no- 





on himself the nomination* of trustworthy wardens to the 
castles, to which de Clare had reluctantly assented. There 
were not wanting ready whisperers to interpret this as done 
in derogation of his just influence, and to make the youthful 
earl feel himself overshadowed by the too luxuriant power 
of his partner in victory. He had claimed to himself the 
ransom of the King of the Romans, as having surrendered 
at Lewes, in that part of the field where he was commanding, 
the money paid to redeem those taken in war; if less than 
10,000 crowns, being usually considered the prize of the 
captors. But in this case the excess of the sum and the 
state importance of the prisoner, made such an exception 
to the rule in de Montfort's opinion, that he peremptorily 
denied the demand*, with a taunt, "that he ought to think 
it quite enough to have saved all his own property by the 

This rebuke, indeed, considerably understated the ad- 
vantages which de Clare had in fact derived from the event : 
for besides saving all his own estates, those of Philip de 
Savoy, and William de Valence, and also all the lands of the 
Earl de Warenne (except Lewes and Ryegate) during the 
King's pleasure, had been made over to his custody'. 

Even when assembled in arms at Canterbury in the 
autumn after the battle, almost in presence of the enemy, 
such topics arose to weaken the union of the barons. The 

^ W. Rish de Bello Lew. Accord- 
ing to Chr. Rofl. Cott. MS. Nero D. 
II. the caxiBefi of jealousy in de Clare 
were because the Earl of Leicester 
held the King in his custody, and led 
him about at his pleasure, entrusting 
all his castles to his own dependents 
(suffi dicioni), and claiming for him- 
self and his sons the revenue of 
the state (emolumentum reipubUcfe), 
which ought to have been in com- 
mon, and also the ransoms of the 
captives entirely more than was just 
(plus squo totaUter). 

' AccK)Tding to MS. Cott. Cleop. 
A. XII., Chr. H. de Silgrave, the dis- 

pute was between the Earl of Glou- 
cester and Henry de Montfort. The 
impetuous refusal of Hotspur on a 
similar occasion readily occurs as a 
parallel to this dispute : — 

"Til keep them all; 
By heaven he shall not have a Scot 

of them ; 
No, if a Scot would save his soul, 

he shall not. 
m keep them by this hand." 

1 Hen. lY. Act i. Scene 8. 

» June 18, 1264. Pat. Rot. 48« 
Hen. III. H. Knyghton. Add. MSS. 


bold warrior, John de Gifford, who had belonged to the 
household of de Montfort, thought himself entitled to the 
ransom of Alan de la Zouch. This also being refused by 
de Montfort, owing to the suspicious circumstances under 
which his twofold capture at Lewes occurred, as before re- 
lated, Gifford angrily transferred his services to de Clare, 
and under his powerful protection not only retained the 
ransom and released his Royalist prisoner, but soon after 
justified de Montfort's distrust of him by repairing to the 
Forest of Dean*, and there raising troops in great numbers to 
oppose his former friends. 

1 Bob. Glono. T. Wyke calls him '* Bingulare militiaB decus." — Add. MSS. 



'*To work in close design, by fraud or goile, 

Wluti foroe effected not.*' 

Pabadibe Lost. 

Other causes of ill-will had been rankling in the breast 
of the Earl of Gloucester, and it was not long before he 
contemplated revenge by carrying his banner into the op- 
posite camp. The sons of de Montfort had, without autho- 
rity, proclaimed a tournament to be held at Dunstable, in 
February, and had addressed their challenge especially to 
the de Clarea The enmity between the two families was 
so bitter that the holiday-show might easily have become 
a real battle; and it is stated' that de Clare, even at this 
early period, had formed a plot to entrap de Montfort and 
his sons into his power ^t this meeting. The Earl of 
Leicester, however, either from suspicion, or more probably 
from the danger of an armed concourse to the peace of 
the country at such a time — for it was while the Parliament 
was assembled — strictly forbade the tournament by a royal 
proclamation, in which the King urged that the absence of 
the knights on such a pretence might retard the release of 
his son, then about to be arranged. 

This prohibition, so reasonable in itself, bore all the out- 
ward marks of authority, with the signatures of the King, 

^ Westminster Feb. 16, 1265. — manner, on account of the danger of 
Bymer. Another tournament had Prince Edward in Gascouy at the 
been forbidden in 1265, in the same time.—Bymer. 




the Justiciary, le Despenser, the Bishop of London, and Tho- 
mas de Cantilupe\ 

The latter churchman, in himself remarkable, must not 
be confounded with his uncle the patriotic Bishop of Wor- 
cester, under whose patronage probably he was employed, 
as we have seen, to represent the barons at the award of 
Amiens. A few days after joining in the above deed he was 
raised by the barons to the dignity of Chancellor', Feb. 25, 
though displaced by the King immediately after the battle 
of Evesham, Aug. 10. His intrinsic merit, however, not 
only procured him a pardon' inl26G, but the . bishopric of 
Hereford in 1275, and a few years after his death in 1282 
the honours of a saint were conferred on him by Rome. 

^ Thomas de Cantilnpe, son of 
William, Baron de Cantilupe, studied 
at Oxford and Paris, was Chancellor 
of Oxford in 1262, and Archdeacon 
of Stafford when made Lord Chan- 
cellor. •' On Wednesday next after 
the Feast of St Peter in cathedrd 
(Feb. 22) Master John de Chishull, 
Archdeacon of London, restored to 
the King his seal, and he on the 
same day committed the custody of 
it to Master Thomas de Cantilupe, 
who immediately sealed with it." — 
Glaus. 49° Hen. IIL m. 9. He had 
a grant of 5U0 marcs a-year, payable 
at four terms, for the support of him- 
self and the clerks of the King's 
Chancery. There is a letter of 
Thomas Cantilupe, as Chancellor, 
to the King, concerning an order 
with which the Dean and Chapter of 
St Paul's declined complying. — 603 
Chanc. Bee. 5th Bep. He died at 
Civita Vecchia . in Italy, Aug. 25, 
1282, having travelled to Bome on 
business of his see. His body was 
buried at Florence, his heart at Ash- 
ridge, and his bones only at Hereford, 
and their translation to his tomb 
(still extant, with its fine effigies of 
warriors in their niches on the sides, 
and lower Gothic arcade above) was 
honoured by the presence of Edward 
II., April 6, 1287. According to 
Matt. Westm. the miracles per- 
formed there were 163, and Engl. 

Martyrology states 425, including 
restoration to life. — V.Life and Gests 
of Sir Thomas Cantelupe, Butler's 
Lives of the Fathers, in Britton's 
Hereford Cathedral. 

' His piitent was endorsed as 
having been folded by the King with 
his own hands, and sealed in his 
presence. *'Bex omnibus, &c. salu- 
tem. Cum dilectus nobis in Christo 
magister Thomas de Cautilupo per 
no8 et magnates nostros qui aunt de 
Concilio nostro electus sit in Canccl- 
larium Begni nostri, et nos ipsmn 
ad officium Ulud gratanter admiseri- 
mus, nos sustentationi sua?, et cleri- 
corum Cancellariffl nostraB providere 
volentes, concessimus ei 500 marcas, 
singulis annis percipiendas ad Scac- 
carium nostrum, &c., ad sustenta- 
tionem suam et clericorum Crmcel- 
larisB nostraB prasdictsB qnamdiu 
steterit in officio. Teste Bege apud 
Westmonast. 26 die Marcii. Et 
sciendum quod Dominus Bex manu 
suae proprise plicavit istud breve, et 
in prosentia sua fecit consignari, prai- 
sentibus similiter H. le Despenser, 
Justiciario Angliie,'* &c. — Pat. 49** 
Hen. III. m. 18. The Countess of Lei- 
cester sent him a present of four 
gallons of wine at Sarum on the oc- 
casion, March 1, and a messenger 
from him reached the Countess at 
Dover, July 8.— Househ. Exp. 

» Bot. Pat. SQo Henry UI. 



The letter of Edward I. to Clement V. testifies to his loDg 
intimacy with the humility, justice, and mercy of the de- 
ceased prelate, stating that since his death he had '* shone 
by sundry miracles, such as restoring sight to the blind, 
healing to the deaf, and motion to the lame ; besides many 
other benefits conferred by the hand of heaven on those 
who implored his patronage." On the faith of these mar- 
vels, to which the credulity of others added the restoration 
of forty persons to life, the King implores the Pope "not 
to suffer such a lanthom to be hid under a bushel, but 
to place it on a candlestick, by deigning to number him 
in the catalogue of the saints \" His shrine still remains in 
Hereford cathedral, and was once in great local repute for 
cures and miracles, though decorated only with the mail- 
clad effigies of his noble ancestry, rather than the groups 
of saints we might have expected to associate with him*. 
It is said that with him ended the line of English saints 
canonized* by Rome; for though popular feeling afterwards 
disposed freely and frequently of the title in favour of its own 
heroes and martyrs, whose merits worked miracles in spite 
of royal prohibition, yet six centuries have since passed over 
our reprobate generations without one acknowledged saint. 

De Clare and the other combatants, who had made every 
preparation for this Dunstable tournament, were much dis- 
posed to set at nought this prohibition; but de Montfort 
was resolute, and threatening to "cast those who should 
disobey into a place where they should eujoy neither sun nor 
moon," went himself with the justiciary and a strong force, 
so as eflfectually to preserve the public peace so endangered*. 

Indignation at this interference now hurried de Clare 

* Letter dated Westminster, Nov. many fleur de lys, or) for those of 

2, 1306, in Wilkins* Concil. i. 283. the see. 

« Britton's Hereford Cath. The » He was canonized in 1307. The 

bishop died in Italy, 1282, and his saint was a pluralist, and held many 

bones only were brought to his cathe- other preferments in York, Lichfield, 

dral, and transferred to the north and London ; he was also Chancellor 

transept in 1287. The bishopric of Oxford, 

adopted his family arms (gules, three * W. Bish. de Bello Lew. 
leopards* heads reversed, jessant, as 



forward into a treacherous correspondence with Roger de 
Mortimer in Wales. The stanch Royalist was at first not 
unreasonably suspicious of his good faith^ and even required 
hostages* for his own security, before he consented to meet 
the earl's brother, Thomas de Clare', who, as governor of 
St Briavel's, was at the time conveniently situated to carry 
on the treaty. The terms of the betrayal, however, were 
speedily arranged (in April) between these parties, when 
they met; and it was, perhaps, some suspicion of this that 
induced de Montfort to require fresh pledges' of fidelity 
from de Clare. The false earl, though not prepared then 
to throw off his mask, withdrew secretly from these de- 
mands, and leaving London under pretence of providing for 
the security of his own estates, began to collect his followers 
at Gloucester, with a resolution to weaken the authority 
of de Montfort by aD the means in his power : — 

** Tho wende the Erl from Londone priyeliche and stille. 
As to socori is land, age Sir Simonde^s will." — Bob. Olouc. 

Although he still acted in apparent concert with the 
barons for some time longer, he was evidently awaiting his 
opportunity for completing his desertion. 

Other symptoms of uneasiness at the gathering forces 
of the malcontents had already appeared among the barons. 
Formal summonses* required the presence in Parliament, 
on June 1, of some of the great Royalists, who were known 
to be abroad. These were proclaimed at Pevensey, Lewes, 
and Boseham, as the respective residences of Peter de Savoy, 
Earl de Warenne, and Roger le Bigod. Troubles had bro- 
ken out in the North also, which induced de Montfort to 
move in that direction to suppress them, after the breaking 
up of the Parliament in Lent, and there was an apprehen- 

1 H. Knighton. > Add. MSS. 5444. 

* He was made governor of Col- ^ Dated Westminster, March 19, 

Chester in 1266 ; went on a crusade, 1265. The summons to them re- 

from which he returned in 1271, and quired them to appear " justiciam 

London was put under his command, facturi et recepturi," to do and suffer 

1273. justice.— Bymer. 



sion of the Royalists landing there from France. He was 
with the King at Northampton*, April 11, and when he 
heard that John FitzAlan, one of the released Lewes pri- 
soners, had joined the armed malcontents, he authorized 
his son Simon, then probably besieging Pevensey, to secure 
the person of FitzAlan's youthful son, or failing that, to pos- 
sess himself of Arundel castle*. 

The marchers in the interest of Prince Edward, in con- 
cert with the attempted rescue at Wallingford in December, 
had advanced as far as Pershore, and had been followed in 
their retreat by de Montfort. Driven by him successively 
from Hay, Hereford, and Ludlow, they had submitted at 
Montgomery to terms of peace, intended to obtain at least a 
year's tranquillity for that frontier. They agreed to go into 
exile for that time — a condition, however, which they evaded 
by taking shelter on the territory of de Clare'. Their hostile 
intentions becoming more manifest, de Montfort returned 
rapidly from the North, in order to watch them at Gloucester, 
where he was April 30*, and afterwards. May 13, at Hereford. 
The threatened insurrection soon assumed a serious import- 
ance, requiring all the energies of de Montfort to meet. On 
May 10, William de Valence, accompanied by Earl de Wa- 
renne, and numerous other Royalists, landed in his own lord- 
ship of Pembroke, and was welcomed by the malcontent 
marchers already in arms'. 

It was at this time and under these harassing circum- 
stances that de Montfort again evinced his anxiety for the 

* Rymer. livered the King's seal to Ralph de 
.' Dated Winchcumbe, April 16. — Sandwich, Keeper of the Wardrobe, 

Rymer. in the presence of the King and of 

* W. Rish. de Bello Lew.— Chr, Hugh le Despenser, Justiciary of 
Roff. England, and Peter de Montfort, to 

* Househ. Exp. be kept by him until Thomas should 

* The seal was transferred tempo- return, to be used in this manner : 
rarily about this time to Ralph de Ralph to keep it in the Wardiobe 
Sandwich, Keeper of the Wardrobe, under the seal of Peter de Montfort, 
only to be used imder authority of Roger de St John, and Giles de 
de Montfort's adherents. *' On the Argcntenn, or one of them ; when 
Thursday next after St John Port taken out, Ralph to seal the writs 
Latin (May 6) Master Thomas de of course in the presence of the per- 
Cantilape, the King's Chancellor, de- son under whose seal it had been 




final settlement, which the mise of Lewes had made depen- 
dent on the decision of the French arbitration. The letter 
despatched to Louis IX. ^ bears fair testimony to the modera- 
tion and sincerity of the barons : — 

" To the King of France, health and sincerely affectionate 
love: concerning our business, for which we lately sent to 
your presence our nephew Henry, son of the illustrious King 
of the Romans, we ask and require, with all possible urgency, 
by our prayers and by our love, that your serenity will be 
pleased to deliver to speedy effect those matters which con- 
cern us; for we, who cordially desire the expedition of the 
said business, will always be prompt and ready for all things, 
relating to these matters, on our own behalf and on that of 
our dependents, as our nephew, who is more fully acquainted 
with our willingness on this point, may also report to you by 
word of mouth. Witness the King at Hereford, May 18. 
By the King, Simon de Montfort Earl of Leicester, Peter de 
Montfort, Roger de St John, Giles de Argentein*." 

It is a further proof of fair dealing that this letter should 
have been conveyed by Prince Henry®, the former negotiator, 
who had already laid the terms of peace before the French 

We miss indeed the name of the Earl of Gloucester from 
this document, and already rumours of disunion had spread 
a cloud over the aspect of public affairs, although some 
mutual friends, such as the Bishop of Worcester, le Despenser, 

then enclosed, or in his absence, if 
he was not minded to be there, but 
mandatory writs only in the pre- 
sence of such person and with his 
assent ; and when the writs of course 
or mandatory were sealed, then the 
King's seal was to be sealed up un- 
der the seal of one of the three per- 
sons above-named, and to be carried 
by Halph into the Wardrobe, to be 
there kept in form aforesaid, until 
Thomas de Cantilupe should return." 
—Rot. Pat. 49<» Hen. III. m. 16, in 
Lord Campbell's Lives of Chancel- 
lors, YoL I. p. 155. Tlie Chronicle of 

Worcester mentions Halph de Sand- 
wich as one of several who left the 
Eing*s party in 1264. 

^ Messengers had also been sent to 
him by King Henry, April 14, 1266. 
— Rot. Pat. May 17, two armed gal- 
leys were sent to Whitsand for the 
French ambassadors. June 14, a 
safe conduct was granted for them 
to proceed to Hereford, and on June 
21 the Countess of Leicester, at 
Dover, sent them a present of two 
sextaries of wine. — Househ. Exp. 

* Rymer, in Latin. 

« Bot. Pat. 49«. 

262 THE barons' war [ch. 

Monchensy, and Fitz-John\ had interfered with temporary 
success to reconcile chiefs whose union was so important to 
their cause. 

While the King and de Montfort were at Gloucester, de 
Clare and Gifford had kept aloof with their^ forces in the 
neighbouring Forest of Dean, but when the two great chiefs 
had sworn' to abide by the arbitration of the above-mentioned 
four mediators in all things relating to the Oxford Statutes, 
a royal proclamation' hastened to re-assure the public. "It 
denounced all reports of discord between the two eark, which 
had alarmed the minds of men as vain, false, and invented 
by fraud, the more especially as in fact they were unani- 
mous and of one accord in all things." Amidst all these 
smooth words, however, the announcement was necessarily 
made of the actual invasion of the enemy at Pembroke. 

Some attempts at peace appear to have been made at 
this time. A safe conduct was granted. May 22, to enable 
Leyboume and Clifford to meet Prince Edward ; and on de 
Warenne and de Valence forwarding, through the Prior of 
Monmouth, a demand for the restitution of their estates, 
they too were summoned to appear immediately before the 
King*. There scarcely remained, however, a hope of avoid- 
ing more bloodshed. The threads of intrigue were so peril- 
ously entangled around the barons, that the sword alone 
could cut a solution of them ; and events now hurried on. 

Prince Edward, who had been treated as a prisoner on 
parole since March, had accompanied the court to Hereford, 
and companions already known to him were appointed to 
attend him with the utmost respect. These were Thomas 
de Clare, his familiar friend and bedfellow', in whom de 

^ W. Risb. Bob. Olouc. Lib. de supplici et acolivi, cni necessarium 

Ant. Leg. erat de necessitate faciens virtutem." 

« Lib. de Ant. Leg. — Chr. Rofif. 

8 Hereford, May 20, 1265. —Rymer. ' "Tanqnam familiaris et cnbiou- 

* Rot. Pat. Hereford, May 24. Tbe larius Domini Edwardi."— T. Wyke. 

King at this period is described as Thomas de Clare was included in the 

wholly submissive to the Earl of express pardon granted by the King 

Leioester : *' Comes una com rege sibi to the Earl of Gloucester and John 




Montfort, ignorant of his treachery, reposed great confidence ; 
Robert de Ros, a gallant knight of his own age ; and Henry 
de Montfort, his cousin and associate of many years : — 

** Sir Simon de Montfort out of warde nom 
Sir Edward him to solace, that to Inte thank him com: 
He bitoke him Sir Henri is sone to be is companion, 
With him to wende aboate, to sywe him up and domi^*' 

Bob. Glouc. 

A leader, with a spirit so able and a hand so ready as 
the Prince, was of the greatest importance to de Mortimer 
and the other malcontents, and every preparation was ac- 
cordingly made in secret to favour his escape. This was 
eflfected, as is well known, by stratagem : — 

" Sir Edward bed Sir Simon, that he him geve 
To a prikie stedes withouten tomi leye*." — Bob. Glouc. 

His friends having sent him an excellent horse', so spi- 
rited that few dared to mount him, he affected a wish of 
trying its paces and speed against the choicest horses of 
his escort ; to judge of its fitness for a tournament, if such 
an occasion should arise* ; and for this purpose repaired with 
them to a convenient spot to the north of the town, called 
Widmarsh. Here he mounted in succession all the others, 
and galloped them until their strength was exhausted : — 

**He asayed tham bi and bi and retreied them ilkone. 
And stoned tham aU wery, standand stille as stone.** 

Bob. Bbuks*. 

As soon as he had thus disabled them from pursuit, he rode 
off rapidly on his own fresh horse, with a parting taunt to 
de Ros, who had especial charge of him : — 

** Lordlings, now good day and greet my father and say, 
I shall soon see him and ont of ward, if ioh mai." 

Bob. Glouo. 

Gifford for having fought against 
him at Lewes, in consideration of 
their services at Evesham, Oct. 6, 
1266.— Bymer. 

^ Nontf took; lute^ little; wende, 
turn ; iywe, foUow. 

' Sir Edward asked Sir Simon to 
give him leave for a horse-raoe out of 

the town. 

» H. Knyj^hton. MS. Nero D. X. 
201. Nangis say^ that de Clare had 
sent this horse under a feigned name. 

* W. Heming. 

^ He tried and retried each of them 
one after the other, and stunned them 
all weary, standing still as stone. 




Two knights (one of them probably Thomas de Clare) 
and four squires^ attached to him, accompanied his adven- 
turous flight, and a party of friendly horsemen, appointed 
to lie in wait, soon fell in with him, and conducted him 
in safety to de Mortimer s castle of Wigmore, about twenty- 
four miles distant. 

This escape, occurring on the evening of Thursday, May 
28', was announced by a proclamation of the King two 
days afterwards, and troops were summoned to meet at 
Worcester, in order to crush de Warenne and de Valence, 
whom it was supposed the Prince intended to join. 

A few more days, however, brought fresh desertion and 
anxiety, for the Earl of Gloucester' now openly joined the 
Royalists, after first exacting an oath from Prince Edward 
that he would obey the laws. 

Simon de Mont^ort could not fail to understand fully 
the increased danger of his position, from the union of such 
powerful leaders, and the shock given to the cause of the 
barons : — 

*'Schent is ilk Baroun, now Gilbert turnes grim, 
The Montfort Sir Simoon most affied on him. 
Alas, Sir Gilbert, thou turned thin oth, 
At Stryvelyn men it herd how God therfor was wroth*." 

Rob. Bbune. 

The public were again frankly made acquainted with this 
fresh defection. The proclamation® denounced the Earl of 
Gloucester as "having now fled to assist the rebellion of 
de Warenne, in contempt of his oath to abide by the written 
agreement, which had lately appeased the discord between 

^ Rymer. ** Transito flumine quod 
dicitur Woy cum duobus militibus. " 
— -Chr. Rish. 

« ♦• Pentecost," " Vigil of Trinity." 
—Rymer, W. Rish., W. Homing. 

' Stephen de Herewell, de Mont- 
fort's private secretary, was violently 
taken from a church by his orders, 
and beheaded.— Add. MSS. 5444. 
Lingard supposes the earl to have 
raised his standard on April 19, but 
the open rupture was not till the 

beginning of June. 

♦ Schent^ troubled; afiedt relied. 
At the battle of Bannockburn, near 
Stirling (Stryvelyn), his son, Gilbert 
de Clare, by the Princess Joan of 
Acre, (his second wife (1290), after he 
had divorced Alicia de March in 1285,) 
was killed in 1316. It is curious to 
find so distant a calamity consider- 
ed as a retribution on his present 

* Rymer, June 7, 1266. 




him and the Earl of Leicester, while Prince Edward by his 
inconsiderate levity had wholly lost the grace of public 
favour, which he had acquired by voluntarily becoming 
hostage." On the next day the King signed an order ^ to 
the Bishop of London, desiring him to excommunicate the 
Prince, " whom the rebels had unhappily found light to be- 
lieve and easy to circumvent." The castle of Bristol' was 
also required to be immediately surrendered into de Mont- 
fort's hands, but to this order the knights who garrisoned 
it for the Prince, Warren de Bassingboume, Robert Tipetot', 
John Mussegros (Musgrave), Patrick and Pain Chaworth, 
steadily refused obedience*. 

The bridges near Worcester having been broken down 
by the enemy in order to impede the arrival of the fresh 
levies, on their march to recruit de Montfdrt, he changed 
the appointed rendezvous to Gloucester, and then moved 
upon Monmouth® and Newport, in order to reach his enemy 
in South Wales. The diflBculty of supplying an army with 
food at this period was strikingly illustrated by the King 
in May prohibiting any fairs to be held in Herefordshire, 
Shropshire, or Staffordshire, "that all provisions might be 
brought to the King alone * ;" and when the baronial troops 
were in Wales on this expedition, the English soldiers com- 
plained of their food among that rude people, who lived 
habitually on milk and meat. They regretted their accus- 
tomed bread, and longed to return to London'. 

1 Hereford, June 8, 1265, signed 
by the King, Peter de Montfort, 
Giles de Argentenn and Boger St 
John. — Rymer. 

« Hereford, June 9, 1265.— Rymer. 

» " Tipetot." His arms in Rich- 
mond church, Yorkshire, are, argent, 
a saltire engrailed gules, with a cres- 
cent for difference. 

* Bob. Glouc. [This, to say the least, 
is doubtful. A royal writ, dated June 
9, at Hereford, speaks of the castle and 
town as having been committed with 
the consent of Prince Edward to the 
charge of Simon de Montfort, and 
directs that none of Edward's par- 

tisans be admitted into it. New Ry- 
mer, Vol. I. p. 457. Compare a paper 
by Mr Lucas in the Proceedings of 
the Archseol. Institute, 1853.] 

' There was another proclamation 
against Prince Edward, dated Mon- 
mouth, June 28. — Rymer. 

• Rot. Claus. 490 Hen. m. 

7 « * Verum AngUci , panibns assneti, 
cum essent in terr& WaUensium, 
solo camium edulio vel lactis, quibus 
ilia gens effera vivere oonsuevit, sine 
panibuB vivere nesciebant, quamo- 
brem illas provincias saltuosas et 
sylvanmi devia non sine pericolo 
transmeantes." — T. Wyke. 


THE barons' WAH. 


"But since the King remained in puissant Lei'ster's power, 
The remnant of his friends, whom death did not devoure 
At Lewes Battell late, and durst his parte partake. 
The Prince excites again an army up to make; 
Whom Boger Bigod, Earle of Norfolke doth assist, 
England's High Marshal then, and that great martialist 
Old Henry Bohun, Earle of Her*ford, in this warre, 
Gray, Basset, Saint John, Lisle, Percie, Latimer (?), 
All Barons, which to him their utmost strength doe lay. 
With many a knight, for power their equals every way." 

Dbatton's Polyolbion, u. p. 38. 

De Montfort, indeed, was recalled from his enterprise, 
by the apprehension of his communications in the rear be- 
ing intercepted, the enemy having made more iBfid pro- 
gress in another quarter than he had eqpected. 

Prince Edward, beii^ joiiied by de Clare at Ludlow, had 
loii no time in raising troops within his own county of 
Chester, which, as well as Shropshire, was quickly overrun. 
The energetic Prince then directed his march by Worcester 
upqn Gloucester*, where de Ros had been left in garrison, 
but with a force insuflBcient to prevent its capture after 
fifteen days' siege. This result was made yet easier by the 
treachery of Grimbald Pancefot, who gained knighthood 
in reward from his new party. Though he fought against 
his former friends at Evesham, he was despised even by 
those who profited by his baseness' : — 

'^Ao ther was never eft of him so god word as er." — Bob. Glouc. 

De Ros surrendered on June 29*, at a time when the 
Earl of Leicester was on his distant expedition with the 

^ A letter from G. de Morle to H. 
de Mauley (725 Chanc. Beo. 5th Be- 
port) represents the Earl of Glou- 
cester, Prince Edward, and William 
de Valence as besieging the castle of 
Gloucester; the King and the Earl of 
Montfort at Hereford, and expected 
at Gloucester, where Simon junior 
was also to come with his forces. 
H. de Mauley is advised to send a 
man to take care of his property. 

' Grimbald Pancefot held lands in 
Herefordshire [as also in Gloucester- 
shirCyWoroestershire, and Kent. Bot. 
Hund.i. pp. 284,416; u.pp.181,186]. 

He married, 1253, Constantia, daugh- 
ter of John de Lingayn, whose dower 
from her father was to be six score 
and ten marcs, twelve oxen, and one 
hundred sheep. Being made a pri- 
soner at Tunis in after-life, it is said 
he was redeemed by his wife maiming 
herself of her left hand, when she 
heard that his release could only be 
procured by the limb of another per- 
son. Their effigies, representing this, 
were formerly in the church of Co- 
warne Magna. — Duncumb^s Here- 
fordsh. Vol. ii. pp. 97, 98. 
> W. Bish. 


King. From Monmouth all the wardens of the counties 
were commanded to attack the adherents of the rebels in 
all directions, and Simon de Montfort, junior, who had been 
besieging Pevensey castle, was at the same time^ summoned 
to the immediate help of his father, now confessedly in 
danger. The order was readily obeyed by the son, and he 
led all his troops in reinforcement. Meeting with some re- 
sistance at Winchester on his march, he not only took, but 
plundered the city (July 14), and proceeded onward to the 
family castle of Kenil worth*. 

AU de Montfort's sons are spoken of by several chron- 
iclers as full of pride and addicted to riotous living. Some 
knight remonstrated with their father on his blindness in 
suffering their conduct : — 

"For thou has ille Bonnes foles and vnwise, 
Ther dedes thou not mones, ne noaht wille tham chastise: 
I rede thou gyue gode tent, and chastise tham sone, 
For tham ye may be schent, for yengeance is granted bone'." 

Rob. Bhune. 

Young Simon certainly acted with little heed of the 
quick and bold enemy he had to deal with, after his arrival 
at Kenilworth*. Despising the security of the castle enclo- 
sure, he lodged with many of his soldier-nobles in the neigh- 
bouring village, either for the convenience of bathing early 
in the morning, or from motives of pride or " riotrie," for 
all these reasons'^ are variously assigned : — 

^ '* Rex cnstodi Simoni de Monte- Jnly 16, 1265. 

forti joniori, Custodi pacis Comita- * Fabian. W. Rish. Simon de Mont- 

tnom de Sorreyfe et SnssexisB, Mone- fort summoned also the northern 

mne, June 28, 1265." — Rymer. A chiefs (Magnates Boreales) on this 

messenger was paid 9d. for going occasion to bring their forces to 

from Odiham to young Simon at Eveshun. — Walt. Hem. 

Pevensey, May 1. — Househ. Exp.— ' For thou hastwickedsonSyfoolish 

T. Wyke. It appears from two let- and unwise; you do not reprove their 

ters (Add. MSS. 6166, Nov. 27, 28, deeds, nor will you at all chastise 

pp. 888, 389) that the Bishop of them. I warn you to give good heed, 

Winchester was ordered, Nov. 24, and correct them soon; you may be 

1264, to pay over 700 marcs, the sur- blamed for them, for vengeance is a 

plus of a fine due to the Crown, to granted boon, 

young Simon de Montfort, towards * "Kellingiswurthe." — Chr. Mailr. 

the expenses of the siege of Pevensey. ^ "Forte minus sobrius dormie- 

De Montfort gave a quittance for 300 bat." — T. Wyke. *' Dormientes in 

marcs of this sum at Winchester, villa et abbatil» et erant multi mu- 


"And ther it fel, alas, his heie hert him sende^ 
Vor so muohe he told of him snlf, and of his grete mighte, 
That him ne deinde nogt to ligge in the castel by nigte. 
And ther the sojonmed eft, then rioterie tham schant, 
Suilk ribaudie thei led, thei gaf no tale of wham^." 

Bob. GLona 

The Earl of Leicester had advanced from Hereford to 
meet his son, and his tactics were skilfully arranged, with 
the view of thus surrounding Prince Edward at Worcester, 
but his plan was entirely marred by the careless conduct 
of his son. After six days* negligence, a woman of the 
name of Margoth^ employed as a spy in male disguise, 
transmitted to the Prince information of the unguarded 
state of the barons, by which he resolved immediately to 
profit. Making a rapid march by night', accompanied by 
William de Valence and the Earl de Warenne*, the Prince 
entered Kenil worth in the early morning of August 2', before 
any alarm of his approach arose. The first notice of danger 
to the barons were the outcries in the streets ; " Come out, 
traitors! by the death of God, you shall all be killed." 
Though many were seized in their beds, others were roused 
and betook themselves to a dishonoured flight from the 
backs of their houses. "Some were seen to fly with only 
their hose on, some with only a shirt or drawers, while others 
ran off with their clothes under their arms ; few or none had 
time to put on all their garments, and young Simon de 
Montfort himself escaped with difficulty, almost naked, by a 
boat across the lake to the castle'." 

" Of soft awaktmge hii toke late gome, 
Yor to wel clothi hom, hii ne geve hom no tome, 

nitisongninevineffi.**— Walt.Heming. prope locnm castri:" here, while 

'* Ut mane dilucolo de lectis sois arming, the Royalists heard the tramp 

bene balneati — ut leviores efficeren- of the enemy's foragers (longie quad- 

tur ad bellandum die poster^. " — Chr. rigae), and immediately seized them, 

Mailr. " Extra castnun decubantes and distributed the horses to the 

videlicet in prioratu." — Chr. RoflE. weary. — Walt. Heming. 

^ Heiey pride ; deinde ^ condescend- * Lib. de Ant. Leg. 

ed; gaf no tale, took no account. * Prince Edward left Worcester in 

' Walt. Heming. ; Ann. Waverl. the evening of the Feast of St Peter 

• Margoth placed Prince Edward ad Vincula. — MS. Chr. Roff. 

in ambush in a ** vaUis profunda et > Chr. Mailr. 




Ao Sir Symond him soil among alle is fon. 

In to the castel of scapede an naked man Tnnethe^.** 

Rob. Glouo. 

Among the prisoDers were twenty bannerets, including 
Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford, William de Monchensy, 
Richard de Gray, Baldwin Wake, and Hugh Neville', who 
had all fought at Lewes. Adam de Neumarket, after a 
similar calamity at Northampton, was now a second time a 
captive. So much rich baggage and so many horses were 
taken by this surprise, that the very foot-boys of the Royalists 
rode back in triumph on the choice horses they found de- 
serted by the routed knights. The prisoners were sent in 
custody to Gloucester, while the young conqueror prepared 
at once without any relaxation to follow up his advantage by 
a still more decisive blow*. 

^ They took little care to awaken 
them softly, for they gave them no 
time to clothe themselves weU, and 
Sir Simon himself scarcely escaped 
throngh all his enemies, a naked 
man, into the castle. * 

^ Hugh Neville received his par- 
don in 1266 for his adherence to 
Simon de Montfort, and to Simon, 
jmiior. — Rot. Pat. Walter ColviUe 
was either killed or taken here. — 
W. Knighton, W. Rish., Rob. Glouc, 
Rob. Brune. "Johannes de Gray, 
fihus Ricardi de Gray," is added to 
the Hst by Harl. MS. 642, p. 49. This 
was more probably the son of Ri- 
chard II. (see pp. 180, 181) than the 
brother, who was a Royalist. William 
Montgomery (Monchensy?) was also 
a prisoner, according to Lansd. MS. 
255, p.507. 

' A charge of cowardice was after- 
wards brought against Edward which 
seems to refer to this surprise. " These 
are the words that Sir Wm. de Vescy 
said to Sir John Fitz-Thomas con- 
cerning our Lord the King of Eng- 
land." *'And he told of a good chance 
that happened to him, and how it 
was despite himself, thistt he came to 

Kenilworth where he took many of 
the hostages and great people, and 
slew of the host of Sir Simon de 
Montfort the young and discomfited 
all beside. But before he came to 
Kenilworth he sent out people to 
know what company was with Sir Si- 
mon de Montfort. And when he had 
heard how many were there he said 
he would turn back, for all the host 
of England would have enough to do 
to encounter them. And then said 
Sir Roger de Clifford that if he turn- 
ed back it would be great shame and 
blame to him and all the rest of his 
army, and might ruin England. And 
then the King that now is said that 
all the blame should be upon himself 
and he would turn back. 'Indeed,' 
said Sir Roger de Chfrord, 'you will 
reap more shame and blame from 
this matter and this business than 
the rest of England.' And then 
said Sir Roger, 'however it be we 
will go on;' and he said, * Banners 
forward ! ' And he rode ahead, and 
the King could not but go on for 
shame, and they carried it out well, 
as has before been said." — Rolls of 
Parliament, Vol. i. p. 127. P. 



** Des blutes heldenrGthe On the reddened flood of martyrs* 

• Jnbelt Ton der Freyheit morgen- blood 

roth." K6BNBB. Glows the ruddy dawn of freedom^s 


This disaster, in itself important, was still more so in its con- 
sequences; for de Montfort was now hemmed in by the forces 
of de Clare and de Mortimer in different directions on the 
Welsh frontier, while he was anxiously awaiting the re-in- 
forcement of his son. Llewelljm*, Prince of Wales, had, in- 
deed, sent some troops to his aid, having held a conference 
at Hawarden Castle with de Montfort, when a treaty of 
alliance had been established, by which that castle was 
ceded to the Welsh Prince; a condition reluctantly assented 
to by the King'. Before the news of the rout at Kenilworth 
could be known to the Earl of Leicester, the very expecta- 
tion of young Simon de Montfort*s arrival was skilfully taken 
advantage of to deceive and ruin him. The earl, in order to 
hasten the junction of his son, had advanced from Hereford, 
and crossed the Severn at Kempsey^ (four miles south of 

^ How differently this Prince was *' Erronim princeps et prsedo 

▼alned by friends and foes appears viromm, 

hj his two epitaphs. The Welsh one Proditor Anglomm — trox, dux 

extols him as — homicida pionun, 

^ Gemma cofeToram, flos regmn prsB- Stirps mendax cansa malomm. " 

teritonim, V. Yorke's Royal Tribes. 

Forma futuromm, dux, laus, lex, ' Dated Hereford, Jane 22, 1265. — 

lux populorum." Bot. Pat. T. Wyke. 

WhUe to English eyes he seemed ' W. Bish. 

.CH. XV.] 



Worcester), from whence, on Monday, August 3, he marched 
towards Evesham, proposing on the following morning to 
continue his approach towards his expected friends. 

Prince Edward had watched his enemy's movements by 
the help of Ralph de Ardem^ a traitorous spy in the earl's 
camp ; and conscious also of having some spies among his 
own companions', he resolved to mislead them by commenc- 
ing his march from Worcester at sunset towards Shrewsbury*, 
until after a few miles he suddenly turned roimd and made 
a rapid march during the night in the opposite direction 
after the enemy. 

At daybreak on Tuesday, August 4*, after mass had 

^ One of the oldest families in 
Warwickshiref whose name still de- 
signates a district there. Thomas de 
Aridem, the head of the family, was 
on the barons' side, and, being taken 
prisoner at Evesham, was compelled 
to surrender all his lands to a Boyalist 
kinsman, the father of Ralph. Arms, 
cheqny, or and azure, a chevron 
gules. — H. Knighton ; Dugd. Warw. 

' ** In sua comitivA." — ^Walter 

' Dies Martii — Osney Annals, p. 
16S. Annals, of Dunstable, p. 239. 
Mardi la veille de Saint Oswald.— 

Earl of Leicester, 

Saturday, St Peter ad Yincula, Aug. 1, 

at Hereford. 
Sunday, St Stephen, Martyr, Aug. 2, 

to Kempsey. 

Monday, Invention of St Stephen, 
Aug. 8, by night to Evesham. 

Tuesday, St Dominic, or Vigil of 
St Oswald, is marcMng upon £e- 

The question is, where was the town 
Clive. Mr Blaauw and Dr Pauli 
have not offered a conjecture. Dr 
Lingard (Vol. uh p. 148) says Clains 

French Chronicle of London, p. 7. The 
day after the third day of August. — 
Wykes, p. 171. The day after the 
Invention of St Stephen. — Trivet, 
p. 266. The day before the Nones of 
August (Chron. de Lanercost, p. 76), 
which was Tuesday. — ^Bishanger, p» 
47. P. 

* There is a slight difficulty in un- 
derstanding Prince Edward's march ; 
and Mr Blaauw had evidently in- 
tended to go minutely into the ques- 
tion, from the number of parallel 
passages he had transcribed. An 
itinerary will shew what I mean: 

Prince Edward, 

At Eenilworth, to or towards Wor- 

In the latter part of the day at or 
near Worcester. — Matt. West., p. 

Goes on the North road as if towards 
Shrewsbury, Bridgenorth, or Staf- 
ford. (Wykes, p. 172.) Crosses the 
river near the town caUed Clive, 
taking up a position between 
Kenilworth and Evesham. (Chron« 
Bishang., p. 25. Trivet, p. 266.) 

Marches upon Evesham. 

(quasi Clino pro Clivo), a village 
about three miles north of Worces- 
ter. The difficulty is, that we must 
not only change the spelling but 


THE barons' war. 


been celebrated ^ absolution was again freely dispensed 
among the baronial soldiers, as on the eve of the battle of 
Lewes^ by the same bold prelate : — 

•* The Bissop Walter of Wnrcestre asoiled him alle there, 
And preohede horn, that hii adde of deth the lasse fere'." 

Bob. Glouo. 

The bai'ons were preparing to mount their horses and 
leave Evesham, in pursuance of their plan, when there came 
into view, issuing from the folds of the hill in the very 
quarter where they looked for young de Montfort, a large 
army advancing towards them in battle array, divided into 
orderly squadrons, and bearing in their van the emblazoned 
banners of their expected friends. The sight gladdened their 
eyes and hearts for a time, but it was to Prince Edward they 
gave this fatal welcome. The heraldic ensigns were his 
trophies snatched from the Kenil worth captives', and his 
approach had been purposely so contrived as to cut off all 
communication between the father and the son, and thus to 
appear in the direction most likely to give effect to the 

It is remarkable that in the first two battles fought in 
England after the general usage* of heraldic distinctions, 
they should have been converted into successful engines of 
stratagem, and they have probably never done so much mis- 
chief since. 

In modem times a telescope would have revealed the 

create a river to satisfy this identi- 
fication ; as Prince Edward, march- 
ing S.E. from Clains, would not 
strike even an important stream for 
nearly eight miles. I incline to 
think, therefore, that the place 
meant is Prior*8 Cleeve on Avon, 
and that Prince Edward expected 
his enemy to strike the road from 
Chipping Camden to Stratford-on- 
Avon and Eenilworth, and was re- 
solved to bar him from the castle 
at all risks. Meanwhile the roads 
from Evesham on Worcester and 
Alcester were occupied respectively 

by Mortimer and de Clare, the 
former of whom is described by 
Hemingbnrgh (p. 323) as coming up 
from behind. P. 

^ ** Audi to officio et accepto via- 
tico." — Chr. Lanerc. 

2 *'The Bishop Walter of Worces- 
ter absolved them all there and 
preached to them, so that they had 
the less fear of death." — V. Chr. 

^ W. Heming. 

* The custom was not universal 
when the battle of Lincoln was fought 
in 1216. 




fraud afar off, but in the absence of such instruments, the 
detection, when too late, was left to be made by de Mont- 
fort's barber Nicolas*, who happened to be expert in the 
cognizance of arms, and who, without even a surname for 
himself, was the earliest amateur hei*ald on record*. Observ- 
ing the banners while yet distant, Nicolas remarked to de 
Montfort that they appeared to be those of his friends, and 
the earl confidently answered, " It is my son, fear not ; but 
nevertheless go and look out, lest by chance we should be 
deceived." Ascending the clock-tower of the Abbey*, Nicolas 
recognized at length, among the banners of the host advanc- 
ing on Evesham, the triple lions of Prince Edward, and the 
ensigns of Roger de Mortimer, and other notorious enemies. 
He spread the alarm, but the error had continued long 
enough to be fatal, and little time then remained for the 
barons to prepare their defence. 

The example of the skilful tactics of Simon de Montfort 
on former occasions had been watched with profit by Prince 
Edward ; and his army, though superior in numbers*, was no 
longer conducted in its rapid march with headlong rashness, 
as at Lewes, but with all the precautionary discipline which 
had been then employed against him. He had interposed 
between the two bodies of his enemies' forces, so as to be 
able to defeat them separately, and now, though fresh with 

1 ** Simonis Bpeoolator Nicolas 
barbitonsor ejus, qui homo expertus 
erat in ooguitione armonim.*' — 
Walt. Heming. "Venit ille in al- 
tom in eloooario Abbatiss.** Conld 
this have been the same NicolaB 
mentioned by Boger Bacon as the 
tntor of Almeric de Montfort 7 (See 
p. 79, note 2, ante.) If so, he was 
so skilled a mathematician, accord- 
ing to Bacon, that he may have used 
some optical instrmnent to detect 
the enemy before others. Cap. zi. 
Opus Tertiam, p. 86. [There was, 
however, a brother Nicholas, a 
Franciscan, who learned letters in 
England and became confessor to 
Pope Innocent IV. (1251-1261), and 

Bishop of Assisi.— Brewer's Mon. 
Frandsc. pp. 61, 651.] 

' A few years later a Franciscan 
monk, Walter of Exeter, wrote of the 
siege of Garlayerock in 1800, from 
which nnmerous heraldic notioea 
have been extracted in these pages. 

' '* Snmmitas docherii eodesias 
Evesham conflagravit fulgnre, 1261.'* 
— Chr. Wigom., p. 446. •*?• Edw.I. 
(1279) reparatnm est campanile de 
EveshanL**-- Chr. Evesh. Leland, 
Collect. Vol. I. 

* " Habnit autem Edwardos sex 
homines vel septem nbi Simon viz 
habnit duos.'* — Chron. de Mailros, 
Gale, Vol. i. p. 231. 

274 THE barons' war. [ch. 

the pride of his victory, did not neglect to increase the power 
of his army, by arranging it methodicaUy in divisions, that 
there might be no confusion in its advance. 

When de Montfort, in order to reconnoitre the Royalists, 
ascended a hill, or as some^ say the tower of Evesham Abbey, 
where he had been hospitably entertained, he was so struck 
with admiration of their improved discipline, that the natural 
pride of a soldier led him to exclaim with his usual oath 
(alluding to a relic of the chivalrous champion of Spain 
recently brought to England), "By the arm of S. James', 
they come on skilfully, but it is from me they have learnt 
that method, not from themselves.'' 

At first only one division of his enemy, that led on by 
the Prince, had been seen by de Montfort, a small hill in- 
tervening to conceal the Earl of Gloucester's advance by a 
different line*. When the whole danger was revealed to 
him, it seemed at once so overwhelming, that he gave free 
permission for his friends to take flight, venting his pro- 
phetic apprehensions: "May the Lord have mercy on our 
souls, for our bodies are in the enemy's power." While 
escape was still possible, a generous rivaby led each leader 
to persuade others to adopt that means of safety which he 
rejected for himself. Hugh le Despenser and Ralph Bassett*, 
when urged to fly, refused to survive de Montfort, and the 
great leader himself, when his son Henry* affectionately 
offered to bear the brunt of the battle alone, while his father 
should preserve his life by flight, steadily answered: "Far 
from me be the thought of such a course, my dear son ! I 
have grown old in wars, and my life hastens to an end ; the 
noble parentage of my blood has been always notoriously 
eminent in this one point — never to fly or wish to fly* from 

, 1 Dugd. Warw.; W. Rish. ; W. • T.Wykes. 
Homing. * W. Rish. de BeUo Lew. et Evesh. 
* He had nsed the same oath at ^ *' Li dit doucement, ' Sire, alez 
the Oxford Parliament. — Chr. Lanero. toub ent. ' '* — Nangis. 
8. Jago held the rank and even the * '* Soi de si noble parente de- 
pay of general in the Spanish ser- soendns, qui onqnes en bataille ne 
Tice down to modem times. foi ne you fair." 





battle. Nay, my son, do you rather retire from this fearful 
contest lest you perish in the flower of youth ; you, who are 
now about to succeed (so may God grant!) to me and our 
illustrious race in the glories of war*.** 

Love and honour are ever deaf to such arguments, and 
all remained to perisL Though facing danger boldly in 
what he believed to be the cause of God and justice, de 
Montfort did not expect victory :— 

** Or ever he lift his soheld, he wist it se^ amys; 
He was on his stede, displaied his banere, 
He sauh that treasoon sede, ' doan went his poavere.* '* 

Bob. Bbunx. 

The enemy came rushing on, and though the surprise of 
the attack made the defence disordered and desperate, the 
barons gathered their forces into a dense body, and the con- 
test during the two hours it lasted was obstinately fought. 
The emergency soon separated the zealous from the indif- 
ferent, and the Welsh auxiliaries' were the first to shrink 
from the barons' ranks, and to seek concealment among the 
corn-fields and gardens, where many were afterwards dis- 
covered and slain. The veteran de Montfort, though the 
circumstances gave him no opportunity to display his talents 
as a general, yet fought wit^h all the vigour and courage of a 
young soldier. Undaunted by the raperior numbers of his 
foes, he met and trampled under his horse's hoofs all those 
opposed to him, so as to carry dismay and wonder among the 
Royalists. One of the knights of that party, Warren de 
Bassingboume, was obliged to rouse his faltering troops by 
reproaching them with their defeat at Lewes : — 

1 Nangis. 

» W. Bish. de BeUo Lew. Wal- 
lenses qui ad quinque miUia festima- 
bantor. — Chr. Boff. Fageront Wal- 
lenses et in transeondo flomine 
See r?Deo, see Eng. Hist. Soc. ed. 
and Knighton, o. 2453] multi sub- 
mersi sunt — ^Walt. Homing. Humfri-. 
dus de Bonn com omnibus peditibus 

qui ductor eorum in aoie posteriori 
cum sex millibus ac Wallensibus oum 
plurimis armatis in prime confliotn 
jnxta locum qui dioitur Syndelston 
propter timorem conversi sunt in 
fugam. EfFugerunt plures de parte 
Simonis et in aquii qua dicitur 
4Lvona submerseront — HarL MS. 
542, p. 49. 




" Agen, traiton, kgen, tai babben ower thogt 
Bow Tilliclie kt Lewes je werde to groimde ibrogt : 
Torueth seen and Uieac«tb that Uut power kll ower 'a. 
And we BoUe, »s toi nogt, oreroome nr tor iwiB>." 

Bob. Glovc. 

Simon de Montfort (says one account) "fouglit stot 
like a giant for the liberties of England';" and even when 
the weight of the enemy's force was made to press upon 1 
personally, he resisted their assaults "like an impregna 
tower*," with his dearest friends crowding around as if 
defend him with the ramparts of their bodies*. One by 
they dropped in death. Basset and le Despenaer, the n 
futhful of all his friends, at length sank to the earth n 

" Sir Hue le fer, Ij DespetiBer, Deipeuser trne, the good Elir Hngh, 

Irei noble joBtice, Our joatice and onr friend. 

Ore eat k tort Ijvri a mort, Borne down with wrong amidst the tbi 

A trap mal gniae*." Has met his wretched end. 

"Never will I surrender to d<^ and peijurers, but 
God alone," cried de Montfort, when summoned to do 
His horse had been killed under him, but though weake 
by hiu wounds he yet fought on with so much spirit, wieic 
his sword with both hands against twelve knights, his asi 
ants, and dealing his blows with so vigorous an old age, t 
if there had been but eight followers like him, he wo 
according to an eye-witness', have put the enemy to sha 
It is said that Prince Edward, before the battle, had h 
desirous of taking the earl and his sons prisoners, but 
barons of his suite were resolved on their death', and an ai 


' " Agnin, traitors, again, and re- 
memlwr how Tilel; ye were brou^t 
to the ground at jJewee. Tom again, 
and thmk that the power is now all 
core, and we shall, as it the; were 
nought, overcome them to a eer- 

* Clir. de Shepis. 

■ " n se deffondoit de ses anemies 
aaasl oonune nne tour qui ne pent 
estre domagife."— Nangis. 

' T. W^ke. " Panoorom mil 

Tallo circnmdalna."^-Mangis. 

' PoL Song from MS. Cott, , ta 
lated b; Q. Ellis in BiUon's 

* Chr. Oxenede. 

T '• Tanta vi canitiei ictni v 
bat."— -Cfai. Lanerc. " Annosm 
animoEDB." — Cbr. Evesham, ] 
US. Land, 539, t 64. 

' Cbr. LaneiD. " Com Btatel | 




multitude now pressed on de Montfort so fiercely, that, 
though fighting on to the last, sword in hand with a cheerful 
countenance, he at length fell when wounded by a blow from 
behind, overwhelmed by numbers rather than conquered \ 

" Thus ended by an honourable death the inbred chivalry 
and pi'owess which had been ennobled by so many deeds in 
so many lands"." " Thus lamentably fell the flower of all 
knighthood, leaving an example of steadfastness to others ; 
but who can prevent familiar treachery? they who had eaten 
his bread, had now raised their heels against him ; they who 
loved him by word of mouth lied in their throats, not having 
their heai-ts right with him, but betraying him in his neces- 
sity^" Such are the earnest comments of a French and an 
English chronicler on the event. 

Had the victory been before doubtful, the death of de 
Montfort would have decided it, though his son Henry con- 
tinued the hopeless resistance. Goaded to madness by 
the loss of his father*, in whose sight he had been himself 
wounded, he sought only for a similar fate : — 

•* Tarry, good father! 

My soul shall thine keep compaDy to heaven. 

Tarry, sweet soul, for mine, then fly abreast, 

As in this glorions and well-fooghten field, 

We kept together in our chivalry.'* 

Hen. V. Act m. 

Nor was their re-union long delayed. Henry was soon 
overpowered and taken, and though a warm partisan' praises 
him as innocent and beautiful like Jonathan, and resembling 
David in faith and devotion, yet the ferocious Royalists mas- 

pngoans gladio et ocoiso dextrario." 
— H. Kn^ton; W. Bish.; Chr. de 
Shepis. ** Moltis perfossom Yulneri- 
bua." — Nangis. 

I '* Where the battle and mnrther 
was is now a well, and grete elmes 
Btande about the well; there is over 
the well an hovel of stone, and a cm- 
cifix and Mary and John.*'— Chron. of 
Bichard Fox inDuke ql Bedford'sMS. 

* Nangis. 

» W. Bish. de Bello Lew. 

^ "D'autre part ses fils qui se 
oombattoit aussi comme hors du sena 
pour la mort de son pere.'*7-Nangis. 
According to Chr. Lanero. his death 
preceded his father's. '* Cecidit 
autem ibi ante patrem snum impnbes 
miles et innocens virgo Henricus.** — 
Chr. Lanerc. Chr. Mailr. also makes 
Henry the first to die. 

* Chr. Lanero. 




sacred their helpless prisoner*, resolved to gint their revenge 
with his blood. His younger lnt>ther Gny fell nearly lifeless 
among the heaps of the dead and dying, where he lay nntil 
picked np by the enemy and imprisoned. He recovered, 
however, from his wounds', and lived to play an active part 
afterwards in another country. The veteran Peter de Mont- 
fort shared the £Eite of his beloved leader, and of so many 
other comrades. 

*' Hare nuudfe sre nas In 80 lute stimde'. 
Tor iher wm weni Simon de Montfoii asUwe, alasl > 
And Sir Heniy his eone, thai to gentil kni^ was. 
And Sir Pen de Ifontfort^ that stronge were and wise.** 

Bob. Gix>ua 

Many chiefs of distinguished name are recorded among 
the slain : — 

" Sir Ban! the gode Basiet did iher hia ending. 
Sir Guy Baliel died there^ a yong knight and hard^. 
He was pleyned more than other twenfy." 

Bob. Bbuhk. 

The last named knight, a spirited Scotchman, had borne the 
standard' of Simon de Montfort at this battle, and refusing 
to fly or save himself, was found afterwards so mangled with 
wounds that his body could not be stripped even for burial. 
His companion, Roger de Rivle*, was also among the bravest 
who fell. Thomas de Astley', who, at an earlier period of 
the civil war had eagerly seized upon the King's revenues in 

> Nangifl. 

* '* Oay li ploB joes des freres ehei 
entre lee morts et les naTr^s ansi 
comme demi*mor8,liquel fn recnellis 
et garlB en bries temps/'— Nangis. 

• " Never was in so short a time." 
"TF^TiC first; **a«/air^," slain. 

^ Hume inaccnrately makes Peter 
the son of the Earl of Leicester, and 
seems to represent him attacking 
Worcester, 1264, as the younger bro- 
ther of Kichard, who was then a boy 
too young to bear arms. 

' Gwydo autem, cujus ante me- 
mini, miles acorrimus, natiouo Bco- 

tns, cum tunc potuisset salvari morte 
temporali, noluit; oconbuit igitur 
cum multis ex Magnatibus Anglife, 
qui yenerant ad bellum, ut decer- 
tarent pro justitia Anglis. — Chr. 
Maihr. W. Bish. 

• Chr. Maih-. 

' Hostelee, Estley. His ancestor 
held three knights' fees under the 
Earl of Warwick, on the tenure of 
holding his stirrup. Thomas was 
knighted In 1242, and had served in 
Gascony. Warwickshire had been 
put into his custody by the barons in 




his neighbourhood, and who had been in attendance on the 
Countess of Leicester at Odihara, a few months before, now 
fell a victim to his zeal for the earl, and his estates were 
soon granted away to one of the triumphant party*. The 
loss which made the most impression on others, as the un- 
timely fate of youth could not fail to do, was that of two 
nobles, cut ofif in their early bloom, William de Mandeville* 
and John de Beauchamp", the latter on the first day of war- 
like service. A Royalist chronicler* here relents, and ob- 
serves that " even stony hearts must grieve for the deaths of 
these two ingenuous youths, who excelled all their contempo- 
raries in elegance of person, and whose tender age might 
have excused their treason." It would appear that they 
were butchered in cold blood after being taken prisoners*. 

^ Warren de Bassingbonme had a 
grant of £151. 16«. lid. from the 
estates of Astley, reserring a pen- 
sion of £84. 18«. Id for life to his 
widow Edith, daughter of Peter 
Constable, of Melton, co. Norfolk. 
Andrew, the eldest son, however, 
recovered the lands, by the Diet. 
Kenilworth, for 820 marcs. 

' John, the brother of William de 
MandeviUe, had been also killed in 
his sight. 

* There had been doable marriages 
between the sons and daughters of 
Peter de Montfort and William de 
Beauchamp, to whom, as also to his 
wife Ida, there are letters extant of 
Adam de Marisco. — Gal. Bot. Pat. 
Mon. Franc, ed. Brewer, pp. 286, 801. 
[Mr Blaauw appears to identify this 
William and John de Beauchamp 
with the sons of William Beauchamp, 
of Elmley, to whom Dugdale refers 
the double marriage-contract with 
Peter de Montfort. Dugdale, how- 
ever, says, on the authority of an old 
chronicle quoted in Leland (Itin. 
YoL VI. f. 71), that Beauchamp of 
Elmley sent his sons in the Boyalist 
ranks of Evesham ; and the younger, 
John Beauchamp (of Holt), was alive 
late in the reign of Edward I. The 
John killed at Evesham was almost 
certainly (as Dugdale makes him) a 

Beauchamp of Bedford, and had in- 
herited from a brother William only 
a short time before the battle. — Ex- 
cerpt, e Bot. Fin. il p. 427. Dug- 
dale's Baronage, Vol i. pp. 224, 227, 
228, 250.] 

* T. Wykes. 

" Among the barons slain were 
also Bobert de Tregoz, Walter de 
Greppinge, William Devereux, Boger 
Boulee, Hugh de Hopville, Bobert 
de Sepinges, William de Burmug- 
ham (the three latter mentioned in 
Simon Mirao.), Bobert de Hadreshill 
^i. Pat 50O Hen. m.) Leland*8 
Gollect. adds a bishop, Boger de 
Soules, to the number. The Habyng- 
don MS. (in Libris Aatiq. Soc.) adds 
Sir Gilbert Einefyeld, Sir Jonn de 
Ind (7 de la Lind), and Sir William 
Trossell. Harl. MS. 542, p. 40. adds 
Bichard Trussell and William Deve- 
reux. Letters patent dated West- 
minster, Oct. 12, 1265, grant the 
lands of William de Ebroicis, killed 
at Evesham, to his widow Matilda 
for her life, ^e being sister of Walter 
de Gilford, Bishop of Bath, 1264^ 
1267, then Ghancellor.— No. 460 
Ghanc. Bee., 5th Beport. [Walter 
de Greppinghad been executor of the 
will of Hugh de Yere, Earl of Oxford, 
in 1263, and was probably son or 
grandson of a Walter de Grepping, a 




Among the few illustrious captives rescued from the general 
slaughter, were some who had been the associates of Simon 
de Montfort during the whole of the political struggle, and 
were found true to the cause up to the complete triumph of 
the Boyalists — these were Baldwin Wake, John Fitz-John, 
Humphrey de Bohun, jun/, Henry Hastings, John de Vesci, 
Nicholas Segrave, and Peter de Montfort's two sons. King 
Henry during the battle had unwillingly run some risk of 
being included among the sufferers, and had, when assailed 
by his own zealous friends, vainly exerted his voice with 
loud protestations, "By the head of God that he was the 
King ; by the mercy of God that he was too old to fight :" 
until after a slight wound on his shoulder' the fall of his 
helmet caused him to be recognized, and placed in safety by 
his son \ 

Many of the baronial leaders were allowed to be buried 
by the monks of Evesham, and Prince Edward himself at- 
tended as a sincere mourner on the funeral of Henry de 
Montfort. The King had been his godfather, and the Prince 
esteeming him as his boyish plajmaate and foster-brother, as 
well as the comrade and friend of his manhood, with the 
chivalrous emotions so often noted in him, would not suffer 
him, even as an enemy, to pass to a dishonoured grave. The 

jadge in John's reign. The name 
was probably derived from Crepping, 
a manor of the earls of Oxford in 
Essex. — Foss, Judges, ii. pp. 54, 55. 
William deHardreshill, orHardredes- 
holl, had lands in Lincolnshire and 
Northamptonshire, was about five- 
and-twentj at the time of his death, 
and was stepson by his mother's se- 
cond marriage of William de Arden, 
a member apparently of the War- 
wickshire family. See p. 271. Ex- 
oerpta e Bot. Fin. Vol. n. pp. 868, 
371, 376, 392. Cal. Inq. p. mortem, 
p. 69.] 

^ The title of Earl of Hereford is 
given him by Simon Mirac., and 
MS. Cott. Cleop. A. xii., but as his 
father lived till 1275 the title never 
came to him. According to the lat- 

ter authority indeed he was killed at 
Evesham. Drayton mentions him : 

** Toung Humphrey Bohun still doth 
with great Le'ster goe, 

Who for his country^s cause be- 
comes his father's foe : 

FitzJohn, Gray, Spencer, Strange, 
BoBse, Segrave, Vessey, GifTord, 

Wake, Lucy, Viscount, Vaux, Clare, 
Marmion, Hastings, Clifford.*' 
Drayton's Polyolb. VoL ii. p. 83, 

' Chr. Mail., " Bex peroussus in 
scapula damavit fortiter; erat enim 
vir summopero pacificus non bcllico- 
sus." — ^Walt. Heming. '* Bex reme- 
dialiter vulneratus." — Mat. Westm. 

* *' Bex vero salvatus est per quem- 
dam Baronem de Marchia Bogerum 
de Leybome nomine." — Chr. Lanero. 




treatment of the aged Simon de Montfort's body was far 
different, and will be mentioned presently. 

The atmosphere had been disturbed during the battle by 
a violent storm of thunder and hail, accompanied by an 
earthquake ; and the darkness was so dense in many parts of 
the country, that the priests could not see to read prayers in 
their churches. These were so many signs to the ready su- 
perstition of the people that heaven sympathised with their 
grief at the destruction of their champions, " while (in the 
phrase of the times) the people of the Lord were in tor- 

With a similar feeling an ominous interpretation was now 
given to the appearance of a great comet, which spread its 
light across half the heavens during several months this year. 
No phenomenon of this nature was remembered, and all 
manner of calamities were attributed to it by various parties. 
One chronicler supposes it to have presaged the battle of 
Evesham', another observes with much simplicity that, 
" though it may have tokened many things in other parts of 
the world, this one at any rate is certain, that during its 
three months' duration Pope Urban began to be ill exactly 
at its appearance, and died the very night the comet dis- 
appeared'." Even the strong intellect of Roger Bacon was 
led astray by this natural wonder, and he reasoned of it 
in a strain not superior to the tone of his contemporaries : 
"Whence in the year 1264, in the month of July, when 
there was the apparition of a terrible comet, it is proved to 
have been generated by the virtue of Mars ; for as Mars was 
then in Taurus, and the comet arose in Cancer, it ceased not 

1 **Et motnm teirae dedit bora fe- 
rissima gnerre, 
Dum sic bellatnr, Domini gens 
dam craoiator." 
— W. Bish. de BeUo Lew. et Eyesh. 
MS. Cott. Otho D. VM. *• Pro jus- 
titiit et juramento sno servando legi- 
time, agonizantes migravenmi ad do- 
minum." — CottMS. Faostiiia B. ziv. 

* "Qnea fortassis iam inopinati 
eyentns pnesagimn portendebat" — 
T. Wyke. Ck>mpare Bobert of Glon- 
oesier's reference to it: 
** Yor tbretti mile thanne tbia i Bai 
Tbat yerst tbis boo made, and was 

vrel sore alerd." 
» W. Bish. 




to run towards its cause, that is to say, Mars, as steel runs 
to a magnet; therefore since it moved towards Mars, and 
there lay hid, it must have been caused by Mars. Since, 
therefore, the nature of Mars is to excite men to anger, dis- 
cord and wars, so it happened that the comet also signified 
the angers, discords and wars of men, as wise astronomers 
teach, but more truly the experience of the whole Church, 
proved by the wars of England, Spain, Italy, and other re- 
gions, which occurred then and afterwards. Oh, how much 
advantage might have been procured to the Church of God, 
if the quality of the heavens at that time had been foreseen 
by wise men, and made known to prelates and priuces, so as 
to calm them by the desire for peace ; for there would not 
then have been so great a slaughter of Christians, nor so 
many souls placed in hell^'' 

This remarkable comet is described as '' a sterre with a 
launce — red and clear inou," appearing from St Margaret's 
day till near Michaelmas, and is supposed by astronomers to 
have re-appeared in 1556*. Should this identity be true, it 
may be again expected to recur in 1848', after completing its 
destined course of 292 years; and let those who may be 
curious in such omens then observe what illness of princes, 
what bloodshed in war, or what downfall of political chiefs 
may then result. 

The victory of the King's party at Evesham was so com- 
plete, that the disproportionate loss* on the other side beto- 

1 Opus M. p. 4, pag. 243, ed. 
1733. In Bome verses of later date 
Mnce Edmund of Lancaster is caUed 
" Cometa Comitom/' probably in al- 
lusion to the recent comet of 1305 
(BUOley's].— v. Polit. Songs, p. 268. 

* For aesoriptions of it see Trivet, 
p. 262. Ghr. Lanercost, VoL i. p. 73, 
and Taxter's Chron. A. 1264. 

* It did not appear in 1848. P. 

4 (( NumeruB militum occisorum 
nonies viginti — numerus servientum 
bene armatomm undecies yiginti — 
numerus peditum de Wallia v. miUia 

— de peditibus prsedicti Simonis duo 
millia — in universo occubuerunt x. 
millia bominum." — Cbr. Lanercost. 
**Ex parte D*. Edwardi Principis ce- 
cidit Hugo Stragmiles et Adam de 
Kidmallis et pauci alteri. In villa, in 
cenobii curia, in monasterio et ca- 
pellis eorum et atriis, populi more 
peondum obtruncati jacuerunt.'* — 
HarL MS. 542, p. 49. [Ex parte do- 
mini Eadwardi uno tantum milite 
modicfi probitate notando et duobus 
armigeris interfectis. Matt. West. 
p. 895.] 


kening more a surprise than a battle, caused it to be thus 

characterised : — 

'' Snch was the morthre of Eivesham, vor bataUe non it was." 

Bob. GLOua 

The Royalists had distinguished themselves by red crosses 
on their arms, and the few who fell in the action owed their 
death to neglect of this precaution, being killed by their 
own comrades in mistake \ 

The physical power of the barons, whether for good or 
evil, was shattered to pieces by this shock, but though the 
chance of war had decided so far, yet the moral effects of 
their brief government were destined to be more permanent 
While preparing to mourn over the violent suppression of 
this attempted reform in Church and State, at the cost of 
blood and misery, the historical observer may perceive the 
principles of liberty which the barons had asserted, surviving 
their manly 3truggle, and springing up afresh with the quick 
germ of life. The representative system, whose expansion 
they had encouraged, had taken too stout a hold to be ex- 
tirpated, and, from this root remaining unharmed, the 
branches of national freedom throve henceforth with vigorous 
enlargement, strong in its own vital influence, upheld by the 
will and nourished by the love of the people. Within thirty 
years (in 1297) even a successful warrior, Edwaixl I., was 
obliged formally to renounce the claim of tallage without the 
consent of Parliament. The help of the principal churchmen 
and nobles mainly influenced this progress, although there 
were indeed many of all classes at the time anxious for civil 
liberty — the liberty of person and property — ^which was the 
only species then sought for or secured. No one had yet 
raised their thoughts to the entertainment of religious 
liberty — the free communion of the mind with its spiritual 
source — and no such claim had therefore been preferred. 

Many of the privileges subsequently acquired by Parlia- 
ment were purchased from the Crown in return for money, 

* Ohr. Boff. MS. 


THE barons' war. 


when its ambition or prodigality required such aid ; the very 
vices of royalty being thus converted into national benefits : 
but, be it remembered, that the first and most important was 
a free-will ofiFering from the barons, unbought and im- 

The barons and their leader have been upbraided with 
having neglected in their days of power the provisions of the 
mise of Lewes. The time, place, and manner of reference 
to the King of France have therefore been pointed out, as 
well as the urgent importunity with which his decision was 
called for. The reproach is not only unjust, but may be 
fitly retorted by the fact that the King, when his power 
became again free from control, never made the smallest 
allusion or advance to the settlement of the government pro- 
mised by the mise \ 

When William the Conqueror was told that one of his 
followers had cut King Harold's thigh after he lay dead, he 
degraded him from knighthood". In sad contrast with this 
nobler feeling was the treatment of Simon de Montfort's 
corpse at Evesham, forming with chroniclers of all parties a 
topic of indignant outcry, even in that rough state of society. 
The earl's prostrate body was not only pierced with idle 
wounds, but mangled piecemeal', and the limbs separated 
and dispersed. The hands were cut ofiF, and with the head 
fix^d on a spear s point, were sent as a worthy present to the 
wife of Roger de Mortimer at her castle of Wigmore. " May 
that precursor of the Lord, whose head was served up at a 
banquet by a dancer, help the sender s soul!" bitterly remarks 
a chronicler*. 

^ "Princepe EdwardoB neo fidem 
nee spem datftm ploribus obseryavit." 
— Nangia Chr. 

* " Torpitadinenotataa militU pnl- 
BU8 fuit.'*— M. Par.; H. Hunt; W. 
Malms. The incident seems depict- 
ed at the end of the Bayeuz tapestry. 

' '^Vilissimo ssviendi genere fa- 
riens — minntatim in frusta." — T. 
Wyke. ** In oumulum sui dedeooris 

amputatis eidem virilibus et mem- 
bratim laceratum acephalum reddi- 
derunt"— Nangis. The folio MS. in 
Cott. Nero D. ii., by a Bochester 
monk, contains a rude drawing, at 
the bottom of p. 176, of the mutila- 
tion of the Earl of Leicester's body, 
and represents the Justiciaiy le De- 
spenser lying near him. 




**And among sUe othere meat renthe it was ido, 
That Sir Simon the olde man demembered was so, 
Vor Sir Maitravers (thonk habbe non) 
Carf him of feet and honde, and his limes many on, 
And his heved hii smitten of and to Wigemore it ssende 
To Dam Maud de Mortimer that wel foole it ssende^." 

Bob. Glouo. 

By one chronicler', while recording with disgust the foul 
mutilation of his body, the incident is improved (in the 
preacher's sense of the word) as an appropriate judgment of 
God upon Simon de Montford after his marriage with a pro- 
fessed nun. Besides the more common indignities of brutal 
triumph, other atrocities were perpetrated on "the olde 
man " not fit for description, and it was the memory of this 
outrage which exasperated his surviving sons long aftei*wards 
to a bloody retaliation. 

Some attribute this insult to Boger de Mortimer ; others, 
as has been seen, to William Maltravers, who had probably 
deserted the cause of the barons, like Gifford, from personal 
motivea One of the chroniclers', however, studiously avoids 
polluting his page with any name, referring to him as ''a 
Certain person accursed of the devil," **a certain son of 
Belial;" and he records with evident satisfaction that, on 
being drowned near Perth two years after, his corpse like- 
wise was found mangled by two enormous crabs which had 
fastened upon it. 

Though the offering of the head to Matilda de Mortimer 
seems only worthy of a Scythian Tomyris, yet the lady had 
some of the noblest blood in her veins. Being one of the co- 
heiresses* of William de Braose, who had wide estates in 

^ Reuthe, pity; fftonft, thanks; earf, 
carved ; hevedt head ; Att, they. 

' Chr. Lanerc. '* Testiooli absois- 
si faerunt et appensi ex ntraqae 
parte nasi, et ita missam fait caput 
snum nzori Domini Bogeri de Mor- 
tuo Mari apud castrom de Wigge- 
more."— Ant. Leg. 

* Chr. Maibr. ^'Quidam alias ana- 
thema diaboli" — ^*'qaidam ex filiis 
Belial.** He was aooidentally pushed 

into the Tay by a lady in sport at 
Eindayen castle, in presence of the 
Qaeen Margaret. 

^ Bfatilda, Eleanor wife of H. de 
Bohon, janior, and Eva, widow of 
William de Cantilupe, divided the in- 
heritance, 1259. —See p. 101. Through 
Eva William de Cantilupe became 
lord of Abergavenny. She was pro- 
bably buried at Abbey Dore. — Se^ 
ArobsoL Jonm. for 18i62f p. 27. 




Sussex and Brecknock, the re-marriage of her grandfather to 
Gladuse, a Wel§h Princess, afterwards married to Balph de 
Mortimer*, had probably caused her to spend most of her 
life among the savage borderers of Wales, and qualified her in 
the opinion of others for the reception of so unfeminine an 

Some portions of the mutilated body of de Montfort ap- 
pear to have been sent for exhibition at difierent towns, " not 
for reverence, but for disgrace'," and some fragments, with 
the trunk, were collected by the monks of Evesham, with as 
much respect as they dared to exhibit, carrying them on a 
hurdle wrapped in an old cloth to their abbey ; they were 
buried with his comrade le Despenser in front of the high 
altar*. The pious care of his burial by these monks', whose 

^ Beginald de Braoee, in. 1. Gri0elda[Gr8BoiA ;— Dtigdale], 

I eldest Bister and coheir 

r- * of William de Bruwere, 

Eva, d. of E. of Pembroke, m. William de Braose. gon ef W. de B., buried 

at Dunkeswell. 
2. Gladys or Gladuse, daugh- 
ter of Llewellyn, P. of 
Wales, re-married Balph 
de Mortimer. 

Matilda, m. Boger de Mortimer. Eleanor. Eva. 

Mem. Braose arms, cross, crosslets not fitch^e. 


' On her husband's death in 1283, 
her lands were seized by the King, 
and not restored until she swore not 
to marry again without license. She 
died 1801. 

* " Membra principalia a tanto viro 
amputata missa stint loco ezennii ad 
majores emulos tarn viros quam mu- 
liereSf non osculanda sed opprobio 
ostendenda; sed cito signis terribili- 
bus per ea ostensis venerationi sunt 
habita, perseverant enim hue usque 
came integra odore aromatico." — 
Chr. Lanero. 

« ** TruncuB autem corporis sui tan- 
tnmmodo datum est sepultune in ec- 
desiA de Evesham." — Lib. de Ant. 
Leg. ** Sed dicunt quidam uniyersa 
membra ejus taliter sparsa mirabiliter 
in brevi coadunata esse ad invicem, 
et condita esse in loco ubi nunc 
habetur honorifice sepultus, scilicet 

apud Abbatiam de Evesham. *' — Chr. 
Anon. MS. Cott. Cleop. A. 190. Ac- 
cording to Ann. WaverL de Montfort 
and le Despenser were buried, ** ante 
magnum altare ante gradum inferio- 
rem.'* The Chr. Evesham states the 
burial to have been conducted with- 
out outward marks of honour, from 
fear of the King. 

^ There was no abbot at the time, 
the vacancy after the death of Henry 
of Worcester (Nov. 1263) not hav- 
ing been filled up. — Dugd. Monast. 
''Beliquum corporis quod sub divo 
derelictum fuerat super scalam de- 
bilem et veterem collocaverunt, et 
vili et debili coUobio et dilacerato co- 
operuerunt et ad ecclesiam conven- 
tualem de Evesham deportaverunt, 
et in lintheamine mimdo involven- 
tes in monumento novo reposue- 
runt."— Chr. Abingd. MS. Bodl. 712, 




guest he had been the night before his deaths was soon 
rewarded by the lustre and profit of the many miracles 
worked by the relics of the sainted martyr; for such he was 
regarded by the people. " As the news of his death spread 
over the land there was a suspension of mirth, and an univer- 
sal lamentation arose, until the sighs were turned into hymns 
of praise and gladness by the numerous miracles announced 
to have been effected by his unconquerable firmness and 
patience and purity of faith, and these gave hopes of here- 
after recovering from the oppression of the wicked ^" Such 
were the excited feelings of the time; and it is not impro- 
bable that his enemies afterwards removed and concealed 
his remains in order to check the veneration they were 
held in *. 

The first alleged miracle occurring immediately after his 
death is highly characteristic of the current manners and 
opinions. The bearer of the fearful trophy to Wigmore* had 
not found the lady Matilda in the castle. She was at mass 
in the neighbouring abbey, founded by the de Mortimers, 

* Ghron. Petrobnrg. (pnbl. by 
Camden Society) relates the severe 
ponishmexit which the monks of 
Evesham brought upon themselves 
by favoming S. de Montfort. All 
their manors were seized, some by 
the King, others by Pr. Edward, the 
Earl de Warenne, the Earl of Glou- 
cester and others (pro eo quod Abbas 
ex edicto Comitis misit apud Kenel- 
wirthe servioium suum et alibi contra 
dominom regem). Fines exceeding 
8000 marcs were exacted (sine dilaci- 
one) so that the abbey was long after 
loaded with debt. 1265<'. p. 18. 

* W. Bish. de BeUo Lew. et Evesh. 
' Chr. Abingd. states this ex- 

pressly. Extensive excavations were 
lately made on the site of the abbey 
chui^ch, bat nothing was foond to 
identify the place of burial of the 
Earl of Leicester. [Mr Luard has re- 
ferred me to an interesting passage 
in the Osney Annals (pp. 176, 177), 
which says that after a short time 
"quidam nostrates" murmured at 

the earVs body having Christian 
burial, inasmuch as he was excom- 
municated and a traitor. They ob- 
tained leave to have the body dug 
up, and thrown into a farther place, 
wmch at the time of the writer was 
only known to a few. This was no 
doubt Dugdale's authority for saying 
in a passage Mr Blaauw nad marked 
for reprehension that "the common 
people out of high indignation to- 
wfurds him who had been the chief 
instrument of mischief to the whole 
reahn digged it up," &c. — Short View 
of the late Troubles.] 

^Wigmore had been conquered 
from Edric Earl of Shrewsbury by 
the de Mortimer who accompanied 
William L Two wooden bottles fill- 
ed with wine were long kept there, 
which had been sent to Boger by the 
Queen of Navarre, 1279, in compli- 
ment of his valour at a tournament, 
and he added a oarbunde to his 
arms in her honour. — See Banks' 
Dorm. Baron. 


and thither the messenger followed her, still bearing the 
head, and thrusting into his bosom the maimed hands sewn 
up in a cloth. As he mshed into the church in the eager- 
ness of his zeal, and whispered the tidings of victory into the 
eara of the devout lady, at the moment of the elevation 
of the Host, the hands of Simon de Montfort, as if from the 
force of long habit during life, they were now irresistibly 
attracted to their accustomed duties at so solemn a service, 
were seen by the whole congregation to be raised up over 
the messenger's head, clasped together in prayer, although 
they were afterwards found within the bag, with its stitches 
undisturbed as before. The Lady Matilda, herself a witness 
of this scene, is said to have refused the hands admittance to 
the castle, and sent them back to Evesham^. 

As this marvel was enacted among his enemies only, it 
naturally became the forerunner of many among his friends ; 
and, in spite of the discouragement of the court', the odour 
of his supposed sanctity diffused its efficacy over the land. 
The particulars of 212 miracles* have been noted down as 
they occurred, comprising all manner of cures effected, not 
only on men, but on horses, oxen, and hawks; fevers, fits 
blindness, dumbness, even death itself, all gave way when the 
patients were true believers, while distant revilers were struck 
dumb. Of the prayers directly addressed to the political 
saint, one hymn has been preserved to us : — 

"Salve Symon Montis Fortis, Hail, Simon de Montfort, hail, 
Totios flos militiie. Knighthood's fairest flower 1 

Doras poenas passos mortis England does thy death bewail. 

Protector gentis Anglia. Whom thoa didst shield with power. 

« « « « « « 

Sis pro nobis intercessor Never did saint snch tortures rend, 

Apud Denm, qui defensor As thee of martyr race : 

In terr& extiteras^** Thou who on earth didst God defend. 

Now gain for us God's grace. 

^ <<Sic se habet vera relatio.'*— * Lately printed by the Gamd. Soo. 

Chr. Mailr. with W. Rishanger's Chr. from MSS. 

^ The celebrated "Defense k Dien Ck>tt. Yesp. A. vi. 

de faire miracle ici," in the Jansenist * Mirac. Sim. de Montfort. 
controvert, was here anticipated 


But besides prayer, other curious modes of obtaining 
relief by his intercession were in common use, such as bend- 
ing money in his honour\ and the process of "mensuration," 
which consisted of the application to the sufiFerer of some 
fillet or string which had been previously put round the 
saint's body. Several priests certify to such miracles as the 
following specimen : " A certain man at Hawkesbury, dumb 
and convulsed for seven years, being measured by the earl, 
immediately recovered from all his infirmities. The Abbot of 
Pershore and many others bear witness to this." The priors 
of Gloucester, Oxford, and Waltham testify to others. The 
Countess of Gloucester, the Countess of Albemarle, and many 
noble ladies also appear as witnesses. Persons drowned and 
burnt to death recovered. "Avicia, daughter of Alan of 
Derby, after being unquestionably dead', roused herself and 
got well on being measured by Earl Simon." " Gregory de 
Grandun, rector of the church of Sapecot, reports of his ox, 
which would not eat for fifteen days, on a piece of money 
being bent in honour of the Earl, immediately ate greedily 
and recovered." Whole parishes and towns testify to some 
instances, among which some are dated as late as 1278, 
proving how long the memory of Simon de Montfort con- 
tinued to exercise influence : pilgrims came to his tomb from 
afar, and though persons of all ranks readily attested the 
miracles performed there, yet none dared to talk openly of 
them, from fear of the King and Prince Edward. 

These wonders have been justly scoffed at by a Boman 
Catholic historian* in modem times, as "a number of ridicu- 
lous miracles," but they were not so considered at the time; 
and the faith of poUtical partisans even attributed similar 
miraculous power to Henry de Montfort and others of the 
nobles, whom they considered to have earned the crown of 
martyrdom at Evesham*. However little such claims of 

* ** Denario plicato ad Comitem." Chr. H. de Silgrave, MSS. Cott. Cleop. 
' ''Gertissime mortaa." A. zii. " Cujns postmodnm justicisB 
' Lingard, Hist. Engl. infallibile signum fuit crebra mira- 

* "Martirii corona laureati.** — culorom exhibitio divinitas exhibita 



Bupematural agency may be adapted to the credulity of the 
present age, an age supplying humble followers to Mor- 
monism, and educated crowds to Mesmerism, they mark, 
at any rate, the prevalent temper of a distant period, and 
strongly denote the affectionate regard in which the memory 
of Simon de Montfort was held. 

"And so finished his labours, that glorious man Earl 
Simon (observes his contemporary'), who devoted not only 
his property, but his own self in behalf of the oppressed poor, 
in the assertion of justice and of the rights of the kingdom ; 
he was commendable also for his literary knowledge, rejoiced 
always to be present at divine services, was frugal, and accus- 
tomed to watch at nights more than to sleep. He was sted- 
£EU3t to his word, grave in countenance, especially trustworthy, 
and respectfid towards churchmen ; endeavouring to follow 
the blessed Bobert Grethead, Bishop of Lincoln, he commit- 
ted to him the education of his children. By his advice he 
dealt with difficulties, and attempted and accomplished what 
he undeilook, particularly those matters which he considered 
most useful It is said, indeed, that the great enterprise, for 
which he strove unto death, was imposed on him for the 
remission of his sins, by the injunction of the bishop, who 
declared that the peace of the English Church could not 
be secured without the sword, and that all who died for it 
should be crowned with martyrdom. The bishop is also said 
to have foreseen the deaths of the father and son on the same 
day, and to have assured young Henry, with his hand on his 
head, that they should die in the cause of truth and justice." 

The people had already made a saint of the bishop, whose 
principles he had imbibed and put into action, looking now 
on de Montfort as " the perfect pupil of a perfect master." 

In the skill of arms and the art of war he was acknow- 

eirca Hngonem Dispensatorem, Bom- qui fidem Domino serrantes usque 

mum Justiciarium Anglioe, vinmi ad mortem creduntur regnare cum 

justissimum et aBquissimum in omni Peo in gloria." — Chr. Maikos. 
judicio circa divites ct pauperes et ^ W. Rislianger. 

circa Symonem et nonnullos alios 




ledged to excel all of his time, while his stedfastness of pur- 
pose and composure amidst the greatest difficulties were 
equally remarkable. Many of his private habits befitted his 
character as a soldier. It is stated, on the authority of inti- 
mate eye-witnesses, that he was abstemious in eating and 
drinking, slept little, and was of a jocund and cheerful dis- 
course ^ Though his dress in public was of blue or crimson, 
as suitable to his rank, yet in private his plain russet tunic 
constantly covered a penitential haircloth*. 

The intimacy he maintained with two of the greatest 
scholars of the age, Bishop Grethead and Adam de Marisco, 
allows us to infer the character of his intellect and the in- 
clination of his tastes in private life'. Both these are selected 
for especial praise by their friend Roger Bacon, as "most 
famous men, who by the power of mathematics knew how to 
explain the causes of all things, and to expound satisfactorily 
both human and divine matters*.*' 

The Franciscan friar, Adam de Marisco', was frequently 
an inmate in de Montfort's family, and his curious and in- 

1 W. Bish. de Bello Lew. et Evesb. 

« Chr. Mailr. 

> '* Litteraturse scientia commen- 
dabiliter praeditus." — W. Bish. 

* Boger Bacon, Opus Magnum, p. 
G4. ed. 1733. It is cnrioos to find 
two such great names linked together, 
as the Bishop's and B. Bacon's, in 
Hndibras, speaking of the conjarer, 
P. II. c. 3. 223 : 

'*Yet none a deeper knowledge 

Since old Hodge Bacon, and Bob 

s <* Wherever there was a marsh," 
says Professor Brewer, *' there also 
would be found a De Marisco." Ne- 
vertheless he has himself done so 
much toward disentangling the pe- 
digree of Adam de Marisco, that I do 
not hesitate to substitute his results 
with some of my own for a note of 
Mr BlaauVs. Adam de Marisco is 
said by Leland (de Script. Brit. p. 
268) to have been a native of Somer- 
setshire, probably to connect him 

with the family of the Justiciary of 
Ireland. It is at least equally pro- 
bable that he was connected with 
Adam de Marisco of Andover, who 
is mentioned in official records of 
King John's reign (Chancellor's Boll, 
pp. 249, 254, Bot. de Fin. p. 447). 
Belatives of the famous Adam were 
Bobert, probably a brother, who was 
made Archdeacon of Oxford about 
1248; Thomas consanguineut ; and 
William, ^ermanuf, bailiff of Bugden, 
and seemingly in Bishop Grossetdte*8 
service (Mon. Fran. pp. lxxvi — 
Lxxvm). Of the Somersetshire fa- 
mily the first known is probably W. 
de Marisco, who held the island of 
Lundy about 1200^ besides land in 
Somersetshire (Bot. de Oblatis, pp. 
101, 228, 291, &c.). A Geoffrey de 
Marisco was Justiciary of Ireland 
1215—1228, and held lands in Mun- 
ster (Leland, i. p. 195), and he or 
another Oeoffirey joined in the Earl 
Marshal's rebellion against Henry m. 
In October 1234, William de Marisco, 



THE barons' WAH. 


teresting correspondence, still extant in manuscript*, proves 
his cordial sympathy with him on all occasions, public and 
private. The King had appointed him, in 1257, in conjunc- 
tion with the Bishop of Worcester and Hugh le Bigod, to 
negociate a treaty with France, under the direction of Simon 
de Montfort and Peter de Savoy, whose assent to their ar- 
rangements was made necessary*. During the campaigns in 
Gascony de Marisco was an anxious observer of the court 
intrigues, which afifected his absent friend the Earl of Leices- 
ter, reporting frequent interviews with the King and Queen 
on his behalf, warning him of the enmity or the occasional 
courtesy of the Queen towards him; and though listening 
to the King's avowed confidence in the earl's integrity, yet 
leading him to expect the evasion of the sworn stipulations 
in his favour, and at times not daring even to approach the 
King when exasperated. Frequently did de Marisco send 
his messengers, Gregory de Losell and John de la Haye, with 
tidings of public affairs, as well as of the good progress and 
health of the young de Montforts, then pupils " of excellent 
disposition and of great hope," "advancing day by day in 
age, piety, and grace," under the Bishop of Lincoln's tuition. 
Amidst all his devotion to the Earl's interests, however, the 
good friar did not refrain from bold reproaches when the 

son and heir of Jordan de Marisco, 
fined to recover the King's grace for 
complicity in that rebellion^ and in 
Aug. 1235, another William de Ma- 
risco was formally excepted from the 
king's grace granted to his father 
Geoffrey (Excerpta e Rot. Fin. i. pp. 
267, 286). It was probably this 
William who lived afterwards as a 

E irate on Londy Island, and was 
anged in 1242. Besides these, it 
is not improbable that Richard de 
Marisco, Chancellor 1214—1226, and 
Bishop of Durham 1216, **one of the 
household and manners of king John," 
(Wendover, iv. p. 46,) may have been 
of the Somersetshire family. Other 
noticeable de Mariscos of this period 
are (1) Adam de Marisco, convicted 
of robbery, and banished the king- 

dom (Mon. Fran. p. 613), (2) Richard 
de Marisco, hanged for' killing Matil- 
da Halfkarl his mother (Calend. 
Oeneal. i. p. 27), and (3) Robert de 
Marisco of Wilts, outlawed for kill- 
ing Jordan de Doniton (Exo. e Rot. 
Fin. I. p. 277) P. 

1 MSS. Cott. Vitel C. vin. On 
one occasion Adam de Marisco went 
at the Queen's request to Reading 
and Odiham to treat about business 
concerning the king and his heirs; 
and soon afterwards to Brumhale 
(near Suuninghill in Berks and 
about four miles from Windsor), to 
meet the Earl and Countess of Lei- 
cester. £p. A. de Marisco, p. 152, ed. 

» WeRtm.,June22,12i;7.— Rymcr. 


interests of religion were in question ; and one of bis letters 
thus rebuked the Earl for having widowed the church of 
Odiham by taking abroad with him the Chancellor of Sarum 
from the duty of serving it : — " My mind has not been a little 
troubled by these thoughts, and I cannot think why you 
thus acted so evidently wrong; my grief is increased by what 
I hear, that you entertain certain follies* in this particular, 
which must be reproved, not defended. May heavenly light 
enable your eyes to see divine truth! lest seduced by the 
fallacies of the age, which God forbid, you fall into the pit 
with your blind leaders. By the honour of God, by your own 
salvation, by the dignity of the Church, I implore your pious 
discretion to study the correction of this transgression, and 
send back their shepherd to bis own sheep'." Simon do 
Montfort*s temper little welcomed reproof, even from so sin- 
cere a iriend, and his anger on this occasion is referred to in 
a subsequent letter by de Marisco as excessive, but the friar 
replied with the honest consciousness of right : " As my own 
heart has not yet reproached me, I neither fear your judg- 
ment nor your accusation in this matter." In other letters 
de Marisco saluted the Earl by wishing him "the spirit of 
wholesome counsel, joined with the spirit of holy fortitude," 
exhorting him to " fear not, for the Lord is with you ;" and 
hailed him as destined "to purge and enlighten the Church 
of God, as well as to establish a fitting government in the 
state, by his unwearied anxieties." Admitted to all the 
secrets of the EarFs designs, the cautious friar is found re- 
peatedly urging restraint of tongue on his great leader, " for 
the heart of fools is in their mouth, but the mouth of the 
wise is in their heart." On one occasion he appears to refer 
to some daring enterprise of the Earl with similar prudence. 
" On the business, indeed, which you know of*, it seems to 
me that nothing should at present be written, especially as it 

^ ** Qoasdam habetis ineptias." "immodica littera" to which he 

' Epist. A. de Mari8C0,pp. 262, 266, objected was one of eztrayagant com- 

270—276, ed. Brewer. [Mr Blaanw, mendation.] 

has, I think, mistaken the purport ' ** Snper negodo quod nostis.*' 

of Sunon do Montfort*8 answer. The 




concerns the most important matters, and on one side the 
greatest salvation is hoped for, while on the other the great- 
est dangers are not shunned. The voice alone, and not the 
mute writing, can fully answer the many questions. I there- 
fore entreat your Serenity not to be displeased if I do not 
write back as you wished concerning that deed of such doubt 
and alarm S for I perceive how inexpedient it would be to 
introduce the peril of irreparable damage by any careless- 
ness." By profession and character a man of peace, de Ma- 
risco excused himself even from the service of the Earl, when 
his duty called him to read lectures at Oxford, and he ap- 
pears to have contemplated with horror the unbridled license 
of the civil war, and the sad spectacle of wickedness resulting 
from the gathering of armies and their contests. 

The attachment of so eminent a man as de Marisco seems 
to reflect honour upon the Earl of Leicester, and there can 
be no doubt that the fall of this great political chief was 
widely lamented, not only by the barons of his party, but by 
the great body of the people, and by those who most sym- 
pathised with their feelings, the clergy. Most of the chroni- 
cles and poems of the times are by clerical hands, and they 
are nearly unanimous in regretting his overthrow, as that of 
a champion of the Church and people. There is something 
very solemn and plaintive in the poem called the Lament of 
Simon de Montfort, every stanza of which concludes with 
this burthen : 

"Ore est ocys la flur de pris, 
Qe taunt savoit de gaere, 

Ly Qaens Montfort, sa dare mort 
Molt emplorra la terre*." 

^ *'De iUo facto tarn ambiguaa 
formidinis." The letters not being 
dated, it is not possible to ascertain 
what is thus alluded to by de Marisco. 
Some of the events referred to, how- 
ever, sufficiently denote the dates of 
several: one speaking of Anian, as 
bishop-elect of St Asaph, was pro- 
bably written in 1249 ; another, ad- 

Ah 1 low now lies our flower of piice, 
Who led the war so well: 

Earl Montfort's death shall England's 
Bewail with woe and knell. 

dressed to Henry de Lexington, Dean 
of Lincoln, between 12i5 and 1254 ; 
others refer to the disastrous crusade 
of Louis IX. Epist. A. de Marisco, 
ed. Brewer, pp. 264, 326, 405. 

• MSS. Harl. 2263, printed in Bit- 
son's Ancient Songs, Political Songs, 
and elsewhere. 




With a prophetic spirit, however, the author considered 
de Montfort, even by his death, to have gained the victory 
for his cause, in the same manner as Thomas k Becket had 
done : — 

*' Mtfs par sa mort le Cnens Mount- 

ConqaiBt la victorie 
Come ly martyr do Camiterbyr 

Finist sa Tie; 
Ne Toleit pas li bon Thomas 

Qe perist Seinte Eglise, 
Ly Cuens ausi se combati, 

E momst satmtz fcyntise. 
Ore est ocys, &o. 

Qe Yoleint moryr e mentenir 

La pees e la dreyture, 
Le seint martir lor fra joyr, 

Sa conscience pore, 
Qe yelt moryr e snstenir 

Les honmes de la terre 
Son bon desir acomplir 

Qnar bien le qnidom fere. 
Ore est ocys," &e. 

Yet by the blow that laid thee low, 
Brave Earl, one palm was given, 
Nor less at thine, than Becket's 
ShaU rise our vows to heaven. 
Our church and laws, your common 
'Twas his the church to save; 
Our rights restored, thou, generous 
Shall triumph in the grave, 

Each righteous Lord who braved the 

And for our safety died, 
With conscience pure shall aye en- 

Our martyred saint beside. 
That martyred saint was never faint 

To ease the poor man*s care. 
With gracious will he shall fulfil 

Our just and earnest prayer ^ 

A modern historian has remarked with great eloquence, 
that "he died unconscious of the imperishable name which 
he acquired, and which he probably considered aa of very 
small importance. He thus unknowingly determined that 
England was to be a free country, and he was the blind 
instrument of disclosing to the world that great institution 
of representation, which was to introduce into popular 
governments a regularity of order far more perfect than had 
heretofore been purchased by submission to absolute power, 
and to draw forth liberty from confinement in single cities, 
to a fitness for being spread over territories, which experience 

^ The author has gladly availed two stanzas by G. Ellis, in Bitson's 
himself of the translation of these Ano. Songs, ed. 1829. 


296 THE barons' war. [ch. XV. 

does not forbid to hope may be as vast as have ever been 
gmsped by the iron gripe of a despotic conqueror\" 

Such eulogies, and the affection of his contemporaries, 
must be fairly weighed against the charges of other authors. 
If Simon de Montfort were, indeed, as Hume terms him, a 
bold and artful conspirator with hypocritical pretensions to 
sanctity, of unbounded ambition, barefaced avarice, violence, 
ingratitude, tyranny, rapacity, and treachery, then, without 
dispute, his death was " the most fortunate event that could 
have occurred ;" but in that case, the unexplained love of the 
nobles, clergy, and people, for his memory, after his life and 
power had ceased, will constitute a greater marvel than any 
of the two hundred and twelve miracles imputed to him. 

^ Sir J. Mackintosh, Hist. Engl. 



** These disturbers were not so much like men usurping power, as asserting 

their natural place in society." — Bunss. 

After being alternately confirmed and annulled during 
seven years, the Oxford Statutes were now finally declared 
void, and the mise ceased to be thought of; but as those who 
had taken part in the battles of Lewes and Evesham had all 
their future lives influenced by their results, the personal 
fate of some of the survivors of the overthrow may be fol- 
lowed with interest a little longer. 

By neither party was the scaffold resorted to for addi- 
tional bloodshed after their respective triumphs; a moderation 
which contrasts remarkably with the ferocity of manners 
then general, and the practice of later times which may be 
considered more civilized. A stem and ample measure of 
vindictive retribution, however, was exacted in other respects 
by the King's party. Commissioners were quickly des- 
patched into the different counties to seize on the lands and 
goods of all who had been concerned in those proceedings, 
which were now termed rebellious, though they had so 
recently borne the outward aspect, and exercised the in- 
fluence of the united power, of King, Barons and Commons. 
No order or dignity was spared during the extortion of plun- 
der on this occasion ; some religious communities were even 


punished, not for their actual help or intercourse with 
Simon de Montfort, but for their presumed inclination to- 
wards his caused 

These severities were sanctioned by a Parliament held at 
Winchester, September 8, 1265, to which it does not appear 
that any representatives of the Commons were summoned. 
By legalising the confiscation of all the estates of de Montfort 
and the other defeated chiefs, the royalists provided a fund 
for their own reward, which was profusely distributed among 
themselves. The property, not only of the prisoners and 
survivors, but even of those slain, while fighting on the same 
side as the King, and under his royal banner, was included 
in this wide confiscation, for the Parliament considered them 
as traitors to have so acted, while the King was in subjection 
to the Earl of Leicester, who dealt with the King's seal as 
he pleased*. By this retrospective vengeance the sons and 
families of the defeated party became a large and distinct 
class of destitute sufferers, who were often refenred to for 
several years under the name of the Disinherited". 

A return of all the lands of rebels was required to be 
made to the King by October 13*. In the single county of 
Leicester a long list of landholders' was returned as rebels. 

^ W. Rish. One instance of restoration occurs 
' '* Sub yirga et potestate Comitis of property seized unjustly or by 
Leicestrise qui fecit quicquid yoluit mistake. The king's wnt, dated Win- 
de Sigillo Regis." — Lib. de Ant Leg. Chester, Sept. 14, 1265, to the Sheriff 
The King alleges the same reason of Hertfordshire, orders him to re- 
in a Proclamation from Windsor, store the goods and chattels of John 
Oct. 1, for rcToking his former let- de Holemore, parson of the church of 
ters, which excused from payment of Hampton in '^Wathamstede," if it 
debts to Jews '* certain debtors, be tixie that he never interfered in 
espeoiaUy those who were openly the disturbances of the kingdom, 
opposing him and his first-bom son, No. 441 Chanc. Rec. 5th Report, 
wluch he had signed while in the ^ Rot. Pat. 49° Henry III., Sept. 

S»wer and custody of Simon de 21. 

ontfort, his enemy, who used his ^ Thomas de Cronesley, Robert 

seal at his pleasure." — Rymer. Motun de Peyclinton, Ralph Basset, 

* Their number may be learnt by Peter de Montfort, all killed in battle; 

a solution of the foUowing enigmati- Nicolas Segrave, Henry de Hastings, 

oal lines in MSS. Cott. Otho. D. John le Despenser, Richard de Grey, 

Vui. — ^V. W. Rish., p. 145: Robert de Wyvile, Saer de Harcourt, 

«*£xh8Bredati si fiant connumerati Geoffrey de Skeffington, as prisoners; 

Millia cum binis deca bis sunt William de Preston, John de Rey- 

aota ruinis/* gate, Brian de Gorra, William Mar* 

XVI ] 



The value of Simon de Montfort'e own estates in the county 
is thus given : the Burgh of Leicester, £154. Os, 4sd. ; Hinckley, 
£29; Ly Walton, £20; Bogworth and Torington, £20. Ss, 9d; 
Dersford, £19. 10«.; and in the royal grants disposing of 
them they are spoken of as having devolved on the King as 
escheats by his forfeiture*. 

The King s second son, Edmund, afterwards sumamed 
Crouchback from his habit of stooping*, profited most of all 
by the grants arising from these events. His father gave 
him' all the estates, and the office of High Steward lately 
belonging to "our enemy and felon, Simon de Montfort, 
by whom war was excited in our kingdom," and to these 
were added also the Earldom of Derby, and the estates of 
Nicolas Segrave. The Queen, in 1291, enriched him further 
with the palace of Savoy ; and these ample grants ultimately 
so raised the family importance of this prince ^ afterwards 
Earl of Lancaster, that. in the fourth generation the inheritor 
of his wealth and title was enabled to depose Richard II. 
and to usurp the throne'. 

By another grant of the same date* Prince Henry re- 
ceived the estates of de Fumivall ^ and all the other chief- 
tains were freely admitted to the division of the spoil. Roger 

teU ; also Robert Bnrdett, as haying 
fought at Evesham, and iRiohard de 
Vernon, as haying held Peo Castle 
for Henry de Montfort. 

1 "Ad nos tanqnam escaeta nostra 
per praedictam f orisfacturaxn snam de- 
yenemnt." — ^Bot. Pat. See Nichols's 
Leicest. Vol. i. 

' On his tomb, however, in West- 
minster Abbey, he sits erect on his 
horse folly armed. His first wife, 
Ayeline de Fortibos, has her effigy 
near him. 

* By a grant dated Canterbury, 
Oct. 29, 1265, and witnessed by Hu^ 
le Bigot, Philip Basset, &c, 

* It is remarkable that the exist- 
ence of this Prince at the death of 
Henry III. ehonld have been over- 
looked in Hallam's Mid. Ag. in. 274, 
and that an argument should have 

been founded on <* Edward, Earl of 
Cornwall, though nearest Prince of 
the blood," not enjoying any superior 
title to the regency on that account. 
Edmund (not Edward), Earl of 
Cornwall, was the only surviving son 
of the King of the Bomans, but Ed- 
mund Crouchback was the nearest 
Prince of the blood. 

* Henry IV. inherited the property 
from his mother, Blanche of Lan- 

• Bymer. 

7 Prince Henry had a grant of the 
manor of Grin^ey (Oct. 29, 1266, 
Canterbury) which had belonged to 
William de Fumivall, of the county 
of Nottingham, who had adhered to 
Simon de Montfort down to the 
battle of Evesham.— Bymer. 




de Mortimer had the estates of Robert de Vere, Earl of 
Oxford, given him (Oct. 27, 1265), and Gilbert de Clare 
received the lands of Henry de Hastings*. From the Rolls' 
containing the grants made to the conquerors, some names 
may be extracted as illustrating, the history of the indivi- 
duals, and also the confusion and arbitrary transfer of pro- 
perty incidental to civil war : — 

Boger de Clifford had the grant of thirteen lands in Leicestershire and War- 
wickshire, and was made Josticiaiy of the Forests within Trent. 

Hoger de Leyboome had the thirteen manors of Henry Fitz-Ancher, and the 
house of Peter de Montf ort in Westminster. He was also Warden of the 
Cinque Ports'. 

Thomas de Clare had a manor of Peter de Montf ord, *'our enexny^." 

The Princess Eleanor of Castile, received the lands of Bichard de Vernon 
and BicharddeGraj, ''rebels." 

Hamo TEstrange^nad grants of several houses of the attainted Lon- 

Warren de Bassingboume had three manors in Warwickshire. 

Nicolas de Lewknor, the lands of Guy de Balliol, * 'rebel." 

Alan Plugneth' a manor of William Marescall, *' rebel." 

* W. Bish. Bot. Pat. 49° Hen. lU. 

» Calend. Bot. Pat. 49^ Hen. UI. 

' Letters Patent, dated Canterbury, 
Oct. 28, 49<^, grant a pardon for trea- 
sons to B. de Leybum. No. 461 
Chano. Bee. 5th Bep. He took the 
Cross to accompany Prince Edward 
on his Crusade, but died without 

^ The manor of Greatham, co. 
Durham, the forfeited estate of 
Peter de Montfort, *' inimici nostri," 
was granted to Thomas de Clare by 
the king, at Stratford, May 23, 1267. 
It was recovered apparently under 
the Eenilworth Dictum, but finally 
ceded by Peter de Montfort (before 
1274) to Bobert Stichill, Bishop of 
Durham. A different owner to Grea- 
tham is assigned by the list of knights 
in BandaU's MSS., *'Sir Bobert 
Bertram de Gretham." 

' Of this family, descended from 
the Dukes of Brittany, some mem- 
bers took different sides in the civU 
war. Hamo had been ordered by 
his party to take the command of 

Bruges [Bridgenorth] Castle from his 
brother John, the sheriff of Shrop- 
shire and Staffordshire, to whom it 
was restored after the battle of Lew- 
es. Hamo^s bold attempt to rescue 
Prince Edward at Wallingf ord, before 
referred to, had earned his present 
reward. His brother John also, hav- 
ing supported the king at Eveshiun, 
received the lands of Bichard de 
Mucegros in grant. Dugd. Warw. 
Arms, Gules, two lions passant argent 
armed gules. 

* See p. 242 ante. The manor of 
Hasselbergh was thus given 1265, 
and confirmed 1267. Arms, *'Sire 
Aleyn Plokenot, de ermyn a uno 
bende engrele de goules." Bolls of 
Arms. Kal. and Invent. Each. Eus- 
tachia, the widow of Nicolas de Can- 
tilupe, having married William de 
Bos, flJthough the king had promised 
her to Alan Plunkenet, W. de Bos 
was decreed to pay reasonable amends 
(rationabiles emenda8),and 200 marcs 
was accordingly paid as the value of 
the lady. Placit. p. 171. 



Walter de Merion, lands of Bobert Fitz-Nigel, ** our enemy." 

Bichard de Tany^, those of Bobert de Sutton, **oiir enemy." 

Balph de Botiller, the manor of Nicolas de Segravo. 

Bobert de Stuteyill, a manor restored, which the rebel Giles d'Argentin had 

William de la Valence, a manor of the late Henry de la Mare'. 

When policy afterwards sanctioned the restoration of 
some of these tokens of triumph, it will be seen with what 
reluctance and heartburnings such an unwelcome process 
was submitted to. If the barons after the battle of Lewes 
fed their pride and covetousness with the property of the 
vanquished, it is also clear that the royalists were not slow 
to reap the natural harvest of victory in their season. 

The bishops, who had supported the fallen party, now 
became objects of persecution. The pope, or rather popes 
(for there was a quick succession of them), had throughout 
these troubles the instinctive sagacity to feel that the ad- 
vance of civil liberty would be dangerous to their own pre- 
tensions, and they uniformly opposed the barons by all the 
means at their disposal The legate who had been irritated 
by the resistance he had met with at Boulogne in 1264, had 
now become Pope Clement TV., and in that higher station 
had renewed his solemn excommunications in the church of 
Perugia, declaring void the oaths of the King and Prince, 
annulling all the grants made by the barons, and prefacing 
the act with an osentatious meekness peculiar to papal 
phraseology : " Since the Lord has appointed our Humility 
over nations and kingdoms, and has committed to us, although 
unworthy, the care of all kingdoms and kings, we declare 
these oaths voidV 

As soon as the Pope learnt the Prince's escape, he wrote 
to authorise him to govern in the Eing^s name: "Fulfil 
manfully, my son, the duties of your royal blood, and exert 

1 Arms, ''Argent a matmch gales.** few years later was of the same 

* Arms, de la Mare, **GoJes, a haughty tenor: <*The sword is in 

maonch argent.** — Carlav. the hands of kings and soldiers, bnt 

> Dated Perugia, Sept. 13. — ^Bymer. at the nod and under the su£Feranoe 

The language of Boniface YIII. a of the Priest.** 

802 THE barons' war. [ch. 

the vigour of your noble mind to these purposes with becom- 
ing constancy and prudence*." When the triumph of the 
King was at length made known — and it seems that the news 
took two months to reach Perugia — the Pope's joy was hear- 
tily expressed : " Blessed be the Father of all mercies and 
the God of all consolation, who, comforting you in such 
straits, has snatched your life from the hunter's snare, burst- 
ing your bonds, and restoring you mercifully to your own 
people. To him, whose finger has worked all this, ascribe 
the glory. Exult therefore, oh illustrious Prince ! exult and 
rejoice in the Lord." Mercy upon the fallen is then urged 
by the Pope from political motives, excellent and remarkable 
for their rare wisdom : " The, humanity of forgiveness (he 
observes) will attract more people to love you and your son, 
than the severity of punishment will chastise ; the fury of 
vengeance may suppress the hate of a few, but it will excite 
that of many*." The shrewd policy of these maxims, how- 
ever, bore no fruit: the Legate Cardinal Ottoboni, in a 
Council held at Northampton", suspended from their func- 
tions and solemnly excommunicated the four bishops of 
London, Chichester, Winchester and Worcester. The two 
first unwillingly obeyed his orders to repair to Rome within 
three months : John de Exon, Bishop of Winchester, who 
had paid 12,000 marcs (£8,000) to the Pope for his inves- 
titure four years previously, followed them with a melancholy 
mind*, and died at Rome in 1268 ; the Bishop of Worcester 
also, in a few weeks, ended his consistent career in poverty 
and disgrace*. "He was snatched away lest he should see 
evil days (observes a royalist chronicler) ; for so much did he 
excel other bishops in holiness, that he would not unde- 
servedly have been enrolled among the catalogue of saints, 
if he had not acted against his duty to the King and the 

^ Rymer. Ann. Evesliam, on the Quinzaine of 

« Rymer.—Perugia, Oct. 4, 1265. Easter 1266. 

■ Council at Northampton, accord- * T. Wyke. — See p. 237, note 4. 

ing to Chr. Dunstable, on the Feast & ^'Yiliter/'—W. liish. 
of S. Nicholas, 1265; according to 


Apostolical Seat, by adhering strongly and firmly to Simon 
de MontfortV 

At a later period (from Viterbo, September 15, 1266) the 
Pope, " anxious for the pacific state of England," renewed his 
former excommunication of all the adherents of Simon de 
Montfort, forbidding even his legate to absolve them from it 
on any account, "except perhaps at the point of death*," 
and even in that case, should they recover, the curse was to 
be again binding on them. 

Besides the spiritual penalties of excommunication, we 
must remember that persons under the ban of the Church 
were shunned as lepers, to whom no one could give food or 
burial. Well might Chaucer declare of his Sumpnour, " For 
curse will slay right as assoiling saveth'." 

On thus meeting with these repeated curses, then of such 
fearful import in a worldly view, solemnly pronounced by 
mortal men against their fellow-Christians, it is pleasant to 
read the manly appeal from them to a higher judgment-seat, 
made by their great Italian contemporary, who, confident in 
the words of the Psalmist that " the goodness of God en- 
dureth yet daily," gives the sentiment to King Manfredi, a 
victim of this same Pope, Clement IV. : — 

<* Per lor maledizion si non si perde, 

Chd non possa tomar Tetemo amore, 

Mentreche la speranza a fior del 

verde." — ^Dante, Pargat. 3. 

Yet by their corse we are not so de- 

But that the eternal love may tiir% 
while hope 

Retains her verdant blossom. 

Gary's transl. 

The fate of young Simon de Montfort, so suddenly be- 

^ T. Wyke: according to whom he 
died about All Saints', 1265 ; accord- 
ing to others, Feb. 5, 1266. The 
Annals of Worcester say (p. 453) 
that he died Feb. 12 at his manor of 
Blockley, and was buried in his ca- 
thedral **juxta magnum altare." 
One of Adam de Marisco's letters to 
the Earl speaks of the bishops of 
Lincoln and Worcester as '*of all 
others the most favourable in special 

friendship to me.*' **In articnlo 
mortis positus, se dicebat errasse 
fovendo partem Symonis de Monte- 
forti, et super hoc literas ad legatum 
direxit, petens beneficium absolutio- 
nis, quod obtinuit et decessit." An- 
glia Sacra, p. 496. 

' *' Nisi forsan in articulo mortis.*' 
— Bymer. 

' Cant. Tales. 




come the head, though no longer the heir of his family, by 
the deaths of his father and brother, was full of eventful 
changes. It does not appear that he had advanced a step 
from Kenil worthy after he had allowed himself to be there 
surprised, though his immediate junction with his father 
might have averted the fatal disaster at Evesham. Both 
shame and the want of the necessaries he had then lost' 
checked his movements, until the tidings of ruin over- 
whelmed him. For many days did he refuse all food and 
drink in the anguish of his heart", but his grief did not 
mislead him into acts of cruelty, when urged upon him by 
his partisans. Within the castle of Kenilworth, which had 
been fortified with the utmost skill by the Earl of Leicester, 
the King of the Romans and his youngest son, Edmund ^ 
were still detained in custody. Some angry zealots were 
eager to take a summary vengeance on them for the bar- 
barous treatment of the great Earl, but young Simon, with 
equal policy and generosity, not only resisted this, but in 
September gave them their liberty". 

The powerful friend thus secured to him did not fail 
openly to avow his obligation and to intercede for him at 
court, in spite of the hostility of de Clare, who, with the 
bigotry of a convert, protested against any mercy towards 
the son of his former colleague. Young de Montfort was 
allowed however to approach the King at Northampton, and 
was offered a pension of 500 marcs (£333. 65. 8d.), during 
the continuance of tranquillity, after surrendering Kenil- 

* According to T. Wyke, however, 
Symon saw the roat of his party at 
Evesham from a distant height, and 
then returned. Simon junior **vo- 
Icns ad patrcm suum accedcre quos- 
dam obviam habuit qui venerant de 
campo et nuntiabant ei quid accide- 
rat; ipse vero dolore efifectus vehe- 
menti in castrum de quo exierat 
reversus est." Ann, de Wigom. 

* **Tam pudore quam rerum ab- 
latarum inopi& ad patrem redire 
differens." — Nangis. 

8 f^ Wyke. 

* " Cum fiiiopostumo.^—T. Wyke. 

^ The widow of Hugh le Despenser 
also released the royalist nobles in 
her custody at this time, and retired 
to her father Philip Basset. **Luc- 
tuoRa BO transferens mortem maritl 
Bui inconsolabiliter deplorabat.*' — T. 
Wyke. Almeric de Montfort wrote 
to her from Dover, July 13, 1265. 
She afterwards married Iloger le 




worth and retiring abroad. The garrison at Kenilworth, 
however, would take no orders but from the widowed coun- 
tess, who held a grant of it for her life, and Simon, with a 
spirit too proud to submit to his humbled condition, and 
indignant at the severity shewn to his mother, suspected 
treachery on being compelled to accompany the King to 
London, and suddenly withdrew from the court, in Feb. 1266. 
Repairing to Winchelsea, he soon made himself formidable 
by his bold piracies at sea, and by gathering troops on the 
opposite coast \ His threatened invasion was denounced in 
a royal proclamation from Northampton, May 18, 1266*. 

It is unnecessary to detail all the scattered hostilities 
that ensued*. The resistance t6 the King's authority was 
obstinate and prolonged, though limited to a few points 
where the partisans of the barons still held a lofty language 
in claim of public rights and state reform. The " mountain 
xiymph, sweet liberty," has often betaken herself to swamps 
without any detriment to her healthy complexion, as Venice 
and Holland and Athelney may witness. It was from the 
fens of Lincolnshire and Cambridgeshire, the isles of Axholme 
and Ely (so often the stronghold of refuge to the malcontent 
Saxons after the conquest, and fortified by their brave chief 
Hereward), that the disinherited under young de Montfort 
now spread terror far and wide for two years. 

It is said that many of the barons then repented that 
they had not submitted to the Award of Amiens*, but at any 

* Ann. Waverl. 

■ Rymer. 

' One of the greatest defeats of 
the barons was at Chesterfield, 1266, 
when they were suddenly attacked 
by the Royalists, ** quasi dormientes.** 
The Earl of Ferrers and ** Johannes 
Sayville {al. DayvilU) homo quidem 
callidus et bellator fortis" were 
among the chiefs of the barons. 
** Suyville confestim armatos, dam 
exiret ut fugeret, percussit Dominum 
GUberium Ilaimtard (see p. 248) et 
enm cnm ictii lancesB dejecit in 

terram et aofugit cum panels qui 
eum sequi poterant." Ferrers fled 
to the church, but was taken in his 
concealment, '*prodente eum qua- 
dam muliere." Sayville afterwards 
collected forces in Axholme (Haxai- 
lylum), captured Lincoln 1267, plun- 
dering and killing the Jewa^ and 
burning **omne8 cartcu et obligaciO' 
ties quascumque invenire potuerunt.** 
— Chr. Walt. Hemingford, p. 687, ed. 
« G. Daniel, Hist, de Fr. Vol. iii. 




rate their reply to the excommunications and reproaches of 
their enemy was fearless and dignified. "They professed, 
imreservedly, the same unshaken faith in religious matters 
which St Edmund and St Robert (Grethead) the church- 
reformers had held, and they complained of the irreverent 
banishment of the four popular bishops ; when charged with 
plunder, they justified their living upon the goods of their 
enemies, who had unjustly disinherited them from the 
estates which their ancestors had won by the sword ; and 
when reproached with treason, they asserted that they were 
but fighting, as they had sworn to do, for the good of the 
Kingdom and of the Church, anxious only to obey the 
Oxford Statutes, and averse'from any crusade being preached 
which might lure away the natives of England, in order 
to make more room for favoured aliens\" This last objec- 
tion, while it marks the waning popularity of the Ciusades, had 
never been thought of under any other King than Henry III. 
It was not until the cities of Norwich, Ely, and Cam- 
bridge had been taken by these desperate men, that the 
energy of Prince Edward overpowered them, July 27, 1267*. 
For this service the King had required the Abbey of St 
Alban*s, among others, to send their quota of soldiers, who 
were accordingly conducted to the place of meeting by their 
archdeacon. Either this clerical troop' did not look military 
enough, or the King chose to punish their supposed incli- 
nation to the other side, for we are told that after they 
had been kept for twenty days at the place appointed, he 
exacted sixty marcs (£40), in lieu of the service of each 
knight, and so dismissed them\ 

1 W. Rish. de Bello Lew. et Ev. 

« Chr. Mailr. 

' A discbarge was giyen by tbe 
King to tbe Bishop of Durham (Ro- 
bert de Sticbill), Peter de Brus, 
Ralpb FitzRannlpb (summoned to 
Pari 1264), WiUiam Baron de Grai- 
Btock and Nicholas de Bolteby, for 
their military service "of 40 days" 
per prajceptnm Edwardi primogeniti 

nostri fecemnt servitinm qnod nobis 
debent cum dilectis et fideUbus nos- 
tris Henrico de A lemania^ Jobanne de 
Balliolo, et ceteris, from Friday after 
St George to Monday tbe morrow of 
tbe Trinity, dated Northampton, May 
23, 60° (1266).— Hutchinson's Dur- 
ham, Vol. I. 216. —(See Bymer, Vol. 
I. 835). 

< Wm. Bisb. 


A similar outbreak in the North under the disinherited 
Earl of Derby was also suppressed by Prince Henry. Kenil- 
worth, however, though blockaded by a large army, required 
a siege of sixteen months to reduce it. 

Some of the incidents of the siege, the alternation of 
savage vengeance with chivalrous courtesy, are characteristic 
of the then usages of war. The besi^jged, on one occasion, 
cut off the hand of the royal herald who had come to sum- 
mon them to surrender, and sent it to the King as a present 
from the disinherited; while at another time a wounded 
Royalist having died a prisoner in the castle, his enemies 
carried him forth in honourable procession with lighted 
tapers, and placed the corpse outside, so that his friends might 
bury him in peace. The garrison of 1200 men, besides whom 
there were fifty-three of their wives with their handmaidens, 
were so confident in their strength, that during many months 
the castle gates were left open all day in defiance, and a 
sallying party even took Tickhill Castle, belonging to Prince 
Edward. Trenches were cut to hem them in, and huge 
wooden towers holding slingers and bowmen, one especially 
called a Bear from its size, were advanced forward ; barges 
were transported overland fi'om Chester to assist in the 
assault across the castle lake; but the besieged resisted 
these efforts with success by mangonels and other engines, 
until hunger, which reduced them to eat horseflesh, and its 
follower, disease, obliged them to accept the terms of sur- 
render offered them\ 

A species of compromise, relaxing the severity of their fate, 
was on this occasion arranged in favour of the disinherited ; 
and the terms, though drawn up by a committee of Royalists 
at Coventry, caused much dissatisfaction among those of 
their partisans who disliked to give up their share of con- 
fiscated property. De Clare and De Mortimer retired from 

^ 12C7. ** 51<> mesme Pan, aprds la sniant qe le chastel fa rendu. Mesme 

Trinity [June 12], comensa le siege Tan, entour la Seint Mychel, con- 

de Eilingworth, et se tint jesk le jour quirent les dcsheritez Tllle de Ely." 

Seinto Lncye prochein [Deo. 13] — Fr. Chr. London. 



court in disgust at such a process, though the formei 
been associated with the archbishop and others to 
aider the conditions on which the civil war might be bn 
to an end. 

The Renilworth decree', as it was commonly ni 
permitted the disinherited to obtain pardon for their 
son, and restoration of their estates by payment t 
Royalist grantees of fines varying from one to five 
value. Those whose guilt consisted in having accepted 
under Simon de Montfort were required to pay one o 
years' value, and those who had drawn their swords aj 
the King, five years. Even from this composition, hoi 
the de Montforts were in express terms altogether excli 
and special penalties, in fines of seven years' value, 
imposed on Henry de Hastings for his personal assai 
the King's herald, and on Robert Ferrers, Earl of 1 
whose violent outrages previous to the battle of . 
were remembered now in bar of his pardon, even t 
he had not been present at Evesham. This noblems 
indeed lost the favour of both parties, for he had 
been imprisoned by the Earl of Leicester the year 
on account of his unsteady conduct ; and after now n 
bis peace with the Royalists, he again took up arm 
when defeated by Prince Henry was kept in custo 
three years. Ultimately the ransom of his lands was 
HO high, f 50,000, that they were never redeemed from 
Edmund who held them, and the attainted earl was 
able to recover his title'. 

Many of the disinherited took advantage of this 
of Kenilwortb to compound for their lost estates', t 

' Dated Oct. 31, 1267. TheBoyal- 
iats who devised it ware tlio Arcb- 
biehop, NicliolaB de Ely Bishop ol 
Worcester. Gilbert da Clare, Hum- 
phry de Bohun Earl of HcreforJ, 
Pbilip liaaeet. Jolin Baliol, Koger 
Somen, with tLe Papal Legate Car- 
dinal Oltobuui, and i'riticc Hcuiy to 

att aa umpire. — W. Bish. 
' V, Abbrev. PlacJL p. 187 
' TbuB W. dc Berwick ctoi 
landa from AnoeUinus Bassel 
de Guniz bom liubert de 
Henry de PcDLbiigg froDi I 
Mortimer; TV. de Tracy fron 
de Caple. ^^'idona and he 




the reluctance with which the new grantees submitted to 
their restoration gave rise to many disputes and lawsuits. 
Evidence of the King*s lingering partiality for foreigners, 
the bane of his long government, had been visible by his 
grant of the earldom of Norfolk to his son-in-law, the Duke 
de St PoP, son of the Duke of Brittany. It is recorded 
indeed that the young Prince never ventured upon a seizin 
of the lands thus given him, knowing well that Roger le 
Bigot was too dangerous a competitor to meet with on such 
an errand with impunity. 

The pleas by which the claims for restoration were met 
in the records of the King's courts were various, and some 
explain the manner in which this final pacification was 
carried into effect. Some claims were resisted on the plea 
that the original holder continued in rebellion after the 
battle of Evesham, or did not submit within the appointed 
time ; others that the claimant was a London citizen, and 
as such not entitled to any indulgence. Some, as Geoffry 
de Herietesham, thought a boast of their own unshaken 
loyalty to the King during the whole war' a sufficient 

Bimilar manner advanced claims to 
the lands of those slain, as W. de la 
Pnxle, Thomas Corbet, Lawrencer 
Trelloske, Ralph de Normanville, W. 
de Eyet, W. de Byrmingham. — See 
Placit. Hen. III. and Ed. I. passim, 
[" Robert de Briwes appears to have 
held lands in Norfolk and Lincoln, 
and the manor of Staples in Somer- 
setshire. There was a Justice Iti- 
nerant of this name between 1266 
and 1271.'* Exc. e Rot. Fin. ii. 
pp. 446—646.] " Hugh de Mortimer " 
was son of Robert de Mortimer of 
Rioards Castle, who held 23 knights 
fees, 129 Hen. IL, and was related to 
the Mortimers of Wigmore. Hugh was 
ordered in 1260 to repair to Ricards 
Castle in order to oppose Llewellyn, 
and again in 1263. After the battle 
of Lewes, Hugh was obliged to sur- 
render the castle to Simon de Mont- 
fort, after seeing the lands of de 
Mortimer ravaged: he recovered it 

after Evesham; his seal bore "harry 
of six, charged with fleur de luces.'' 
He died 1275.— Dugd. Mon. 

^ John (son of John L, Duke of 
Brittany), afterwards John II., bom 
1238, married, in 1259, Beatrix, the 
daughter of Henry III., and died 1306. 
Peter de Drenx, Earl of Brittany, Earl 
of Richmond, died*1250. His son John 
bore the same arms as his father, che- 
qny or and azure, a canton ermine, 
with the addition of a bordure gules 
bearing 10 lions of England. — Gell's 
Regist. Hon. de Richmond. 
John d. 1286, 

John d. 1333, 

John IV. d. 1399, 

John V. d. 1442. 
' "Ante guerram et in principio 
medio et fine nunc et semper parti 
Domini RegiS adhesit.'* 




reason for keeping what they had got ; and John de Bole- 
mar, when accused of stealing three horses valued at SO*., 
four oxen at 48*., fourteen cows at £5, three bullocks at 
21*., eleven sheep at 21 marcs and 5*. (£14. 5*), boldly 
pleaded that he took them purposely, because he knew 
their owner, John de Gumey, had fought against the King 
at Lewes*. / 

With the surrender at Kenilworth, December 126Y, the 
civil war ended. The sagacity and entei-prise of Prince 
Edward, more than supplying the defects of the incompe- 
tent monarch, enabled the royal cause to enjoy henceforth 
an almost undisturbed triumph. The great influence and 
popularity of the young Prince caused his persevering 
revenge again to weigh heavily on the unfortunate Lon- 
doners, whom, from the moment of their insult to his mo- 
ther, he seems to have regarded as personal enemies. He 
could now gratify to the full the same vindictive spirit 
which had nerved his arm and blinded his judgment, when, 
" like an eagle in a dove-cot, he fluttered *' them from the 
field of Lewes. By a royal grant (from Northampton, May 
12, 1266*) the goods of all the citizens of London who 
had taken part with the barons were given over to his 
disposal. In spite of the safe conduct which had encouraged 
him to approach the King, Thomas Fitzthomas, who had 

^ Placit., Hen. III. Rex pro lau- 
dabili servicio quod Robertas filius 
Pagani et WiU de Gouiz impendc- 
ront, et pro dampnis quae sustinu- 
erunt in servicio Regis apud Lewes 
in conflictu ibidem habito, perdona- 
vit eis pro hae vice de gracia speciali 
relevium suum quod Regi debent de 
terris et tenementis ipsos jure he- 
reditario contingentibus de terris et 
tenementis quo fuerunt Albredi de 
Lincoln nuper defuncti avunculi sui, 
et mandatum est Henrico de Monte 
Forti clerico escaetorum citra Trent, 
quod ipsos inde quietos esse per- 
mittat. T. Rege apud S. Paulum, 
Lond. XXI die Julii. Excerpta e Rot. 
Finium Ilenriei III. 1216—72. Vol. 

II. p. 412. 

* Rymer. **Doininns igitnr Hex 
domos et possessiones eorum (civium 
Londinensium) et uxores dedii alieni- 
genis, et non solum, sed et aliorum 
exhffireditatorum, pront libuit digni- 
tati suoB." Chr. Wigom. Something 
of the same personal feeling may be 
seen in the fine of 560 marcs paid 
by the citizens of Hereford for their 
share of rebeUion.— Rot. Pat. 49« 
Hen. III. On the other hand Prince 
Edward writes to the Chancellor, 
from Dover, Oct. 26, 1265, stating 
that he had received into his grace 
and favour certain '* familiares ** of 
the Countess of Leicester. — MS. 
Letter in Tower, No. 399. 




for several successive years been the popular mayor of the 
city, was now seized at Windsor by the Prince's orders. His 
fellow-citizens would have manfully re-elected him even in 
1266, had not the rival candidate, William FitzRichard, 
secured his own preference by means, which it is hoped are 
unknown in quieter times — the compulsory removal of the 
opposing electors'. Some of the other leaders of the city, 
Michael Tony, Stephen Buckerell, and John de la Flete', 
were imprisoned with him for a long time in the Tower, 
and among the^ sufferers we also recognize Thomas Pu- 
velesdon, who had accompanied Simon de Montfort during 
the battle of Lewes. He appears to have been a wealthy 
mercer*, and had been employed while the barons were in 
power, April 1265, to receive the oath of a suspected 
Royalist*. His forfeited estate was divided between the 
King of the Romans and Prince Edward, but he was again 
in 1286 entangled in treasonable acts*. 

A fine of 20,000 marcs (£13,333. 68. Sd,) was exacted 
from the city by the Prince, in order to repay the loans 
raised abroad to equip the Royalist armaments, and when 
the citizens of London attempted to redeem their lands by 
virtue of the Kenil worth decree, they were met in the King's 
courts of law by the plea that the act of grace did not 

^ Fabyan. FitzBichard was elect- 
ed only by the aldermen, not the 
people; but Boger de Leybome was 
employed by the King to imprison 
the opponents. Fr. Chr. The liber- 
ties of the city were thns suspended 
for 5 years. 

• " Michael Tony, orfeverer. Johan 
le chapeler de Flete. '* — Fr. Chr. Lond. 

' In the Boll of the Countess of 
Leicester's expenses, July 1265, is 
an entry of 34 ells of rosett purchased 
from him: "Pro 34 ulnis rosetti 
emptis LondineaB per Dominum Tho- 
mas de Piulesdon, 113*. 4rf." — See 
Househ. Expenses. Thomas de Pi- 
welcsdona had been elected their 
Constabularius by the cidzens of 

London, and Stephen Bukerel their 
Marshal; their standards led them 
to the plunder of the King of Bo- 
mans' palace at Isleworth. Lib. de 
Ant. Leg. p. 61. He is said to have 
devised a riotous meeting of the 
citizens two days after the battle of 
Evesham (Thursday), intending to 
murder forty of the principal Boyal- 
ists, but the rumour of the battle pre- 
vented him (p. 114). He heads the 
list of culprits, p. 120, Aid Boger de 
P. is also on the same list, and Bi- 
ohard his brother. 

^ See a letter of the King, from 
Northampton, April 11, 1265.— By- 

* Fabyan. 


THE barons' war. 

[CH. XVI. 

include tbem, and that all tlieir movables and immovables 
had been placed at the will and pleasure of the King alone \ 
In their present helplessness they might have been taunted 
by the Prince's comrades with the same bitter derision as 
the Scots at a later period : — 

•*Tprot, Soot, for thy strifl 
Hang up thyn hachet ant tbi knyf, 
WhU him lasteth the Ijf 
With the longe shonkes'. 

* •* Non oomprehendontnT, sed om- 
nino remanBerunt ad gratiam et 
volontatem Domini Regis." — Placit. 
p. 175. Thns WiUiam de St Omer 
refused to surrender the lands of 
Thomas Bax.— Placit. p. 171. Ste- 

Shen Buckerel met with a similar 
eniaL "William de St Omer*' by 
a writ of the King to the Sheriff of 
Norfolk (dated Westminster, Oct. 10, 
1265) had a grant of the goods and 
chattels of Richard de Qosesend, and 

John Hardel, forfeited for rebellion. 
— No. 407 Chanc. Reo., 5th Report. 
In 1269, Nov. 30, he had £40 yearl^^, 
so long as he should attend the busi- 
ness of the King's Bench. Chron. 
Jurid. [Compare Fosses Judges, Vol. 
in. p. 147.] 

* Polit. Songs, p. 223, from MS. 
Harl. 2253, dated 1306. ''Pshaw, 
Soot; for thy strife! hang up thy 
hatchet and thy knife while the life 
lasts of him with the Long Shanks." 



And tho heo hadde al clene ir joye al verlore. 
Me flemde ir out of Engleond without age coming. 
Alas ! ir tueie brethren, that either of horn was King, 
And nadde bote ir one soster, and hir wolde so fleme, 
Alas ! were was love tho, sucche domes to deme ? ^ — 

BoBEBT Glouc. 

The quaint versifier quoted above almost warms into 
poetry with indignation at the treatment of the widowed 
Countess of Leicester by her own royal kindred. On so 
feeble a suflFerer, now advanced in years', and one whose 
feminine virtues had earned from her chronicler the emphatic 
eulogy of being " gode woman thoru' al," the vengeance of 
the victorious party fell with a severity we should not have 
expected. Bereaved at once of her husband and her eldest 
son, her broken spirit had needed no additional pressure. 
Laying aside her purple dress she would wear nothing hence- 
forth but woollen nearest her skin, and again assumed those 
garments of widowhood •, which she had been so blamed for 
abandoning, when she married Simon de Montfort For a 
long time did she indulge her domestic sorrow in abstinence 
from fish or flesh, but the King her brother relaxed nothing 
of his stem resolve in mercy to her private feelings, and 
sentenced her to perpetual banishment from England, as if 

1 "And tho' she had utterly lost her! Alas! where was then their 

aU her joy, they banished her from love to pronounce such a sentence 

England never to return. Alas 1 on her.*' 

her two brothers, each of whom was ' She was probably about fifty-three 

a King, and had but her an only years of age at this time, 

sister, and yet would so banish ' T. Wyke. 

314 THE barons' war. [CH. 

he considered her a fit partner in the guilt and punishment 
of her husband's treason. 

From many of the interesting letters of Adam de Marisco 
being addressed to her, we learn that the Royal Countess had 
accompanied Simon de Montfort to Gascony, during the time 
of his government there amid the turmoils of civil war. The 
worthy friar seems to have valued her correspondence, and to 
have anxiously watched the course of events around her, 
often when absent expressing his i^gret, and when present 
reporting to the earl even her throes of coming childbirth 
with scrupulous anxiety. He cautioned her while abroad 
against the prevailing fashion of costly dress, "for too wanton 
ornament (he observes) leads matronly modesty into sus- 
picion; who does not execrate this madness, which daily 
increases the wild desire of superfluous ornament, causing so 
much expense, and the employment of so many administer- 
ing hands, offending the divine majesty and honesty of 
countenance?" He implored her even with tears to exhibit 
before God and man the example of praiseworthy matrons in 
all things. In one of his letters to the Queen of England \ 
Adam de Marisco refers to the Queen's wish of conversing 
attentively with the Countess of Leicester at Easter "con- 
cerning the salvation of souls, and hopes that the grace of 
God may lead her to the way of eternal salvation ;" seeming 
thereby to imply that the religious principles of the Princess 
were of a superior character, and looked up to with respect 
by the Queen and himself 

A very curious detail of the private habits of Princess 
Eleanor has been lately brought to light*, which enables us 
to trace her movements, her guests, and her every meal daily 
during six months of this eventful year, 1265 ; and the parti- 

* The preface of the letter is in the wreck of the Mont argis nunneiy 

Latin, the rest in French. — Ad. de duriDg the French revolution, con- 

Marisco, Epist. p. 290, ed. Brewer. BistB of many narrow slips of parch- 

' Manners and Household Ex- ment, severai yards in length : every 

penses, &c. The Roll of the De- item of her housekeeping from Feb. 

penses pour la Gomtesse de Leices- 19 to August 29, 1265, is entered in 

tor (Add. MSS. 8877) recovered from it day by day in a clear small writing, 




culars throw so much light on the state of society as to 
deserve our attention. 

According to the entries of her household expenses by 
her steward, we learn that the luxury of the rich then con- 
sisted in supplying the table, amid some scanty dainties, with 
articles of food such as would now be rejected from the 
meanest hovel. What Roger Bacon then prophetically said 
of science holds good in meaner matters : "Wise men are 
now ignorant of many things which hereafter shall be known 
to the very mob of scholars \" The art of multiplying food 
has happily so advanced with the demands of an increasing 
population, that nobody is now reduced to feed on grampus 
or whale, which were then served up to princes. The tail 
and tongue of whale' were then prized as choice delicacies, 
to be dressed with peas, or roasted; and the porpoise' was 
served up with furmenty, almond-milk, sugar and safifron; but 
there would be little temptation in either dish at modem 

apparently her steward Christopher^ 
though some entries are scrawled 
in by another hand, Eado, from 
April 15 to 28; the beginning and 
end of the Boll are missing. It is 
the earliest document extant of a 
private individual's expenses. 

^ ** Multa enim modo ignorant sapi- 
entes, qus vulgus studientium sciet 
in temporibus futuris." — Bog. Bac. 
Pe Seer. Oper. Art. et Nat. C. vii. 

* Two hundred pieces of whale 
cost S4ls. The whale fishery was 
carried on in the third centuiy, as 
mentioned by Oppian, Liv. v., and 
the Flemish fishers used harpoons 
in the eleventh century (Life of S. 
Amoud, Bishop of Soissons). The 
whales seem to have frequented the 
coasts of Europe in these early times, 
and the flesh was sold in slices in 
the market-places on the coast. In- 
deed the supply of food seems to 
have been the only motive for this 
adventurous fishery, the method of 
extracting oil being unknown till 
long afterwards.— See Vie priv^ dcs 

Francois, par le Grand d'Aussy, p. 84. 
' Even in 1425 this formed an 
article in the city feasts of London, 
the prices were then as follows: 
** Porpeys, lOd. ; oysters and muscles 
6d. ; salmon and herring with fresh 
ling, 15d, ; a salmon, 21d. ; codling's 
head, Sd.; 6 pykes, 6«. 8d.; lampreys, 
6«. 8^.; turlK)t, 3<. 4d.; eels, 28 Ad.; 
800 herrings, 10«. 6d."— S. M. 754. In 
the I'Estrange accounts in 1519 are 
the following entries : '*Item paid to 
Mr Wm. Dadymond for a conger thai 
my Master gaffe parte to my Lord of 
Norwiche, and parte spent in th& 
house : " 1520, **18th weke. Item paid 
to William Inglond for a porpes, that 
my Master gaffe Sir Thomas Bedyn^- 
feld the Piyor of Walsingham, Sir 
John Shelton and Sir Boger Towns- 
end." — Archseologia, xxv. p. 425. 
At a later period Judge Walmysly at 
Dorchester had dolphm; atLaunces* 
ton, porpoise; at Winchester, poor 
John (hake), muscles, whelks, razor- 
fish ; gull, puffin, kite, sparrows. — Ex- 
penses of Judges of Assize, 1596-1601» 




Sea-wolves {lupi aqtcatict), which were perhaps the dog- 
fish still eaten in France, were also used as food. Four 
to six hundred salt herrings were daily consumed in the 
Princess' household, and the abundant use of other fish may 
appear from the bill of fare displayed in some of her fish- 
dinners now put on record : — 

Sunday, March 1, 700 herrings. Monday, 2nd, 400. Tuesday, Srd, 500. 

Wednesday, 4th, 400. Thursday, 6th, 600. Friday, 6th, 400. 

Wednesday, June 17, plaice, breams, soles, and other fish, 35«. Id.; with 
eggs for two dories to be put in bread, 4d. ; pepper. Id, ; strawberries 
(frassB), 4(2. 

Saturday, July 4, cherries, id.; conger eel, 3s.; herrings, 28. Bd.; soles, 12d,; 
whelks, 9d. ; crabs, 2d.; bass, 13d.; beans, 4d.; eggs, 18d.; milk, Sd. 

On February 26, two carts arrived from Bristol at Wallingford, laden with 
108 cods and lings, thirty-two congers, and five hakes. '* Stokfis ^ " eight- 
teen for three days ; lobsters and shrimps 6d. 

There was indeed a supply of fine flour {pcmis defroiUe, 
boletella) and wastel cakes {gaatelli) for the countess and 
her few guests, but the common bread* for the many was a 
coarse mixture of wheat and rye {mystelon), which is still in 
use under the name of maslin in the North of England •. 
Large quantities of wine* from Guienne and Gascony were 
required, and were often made more palatable by being 
boiled with cloves or mixed with honey. When the countess 
was at Dover, the regular daily consumption for the knights 
of her high table seems to have been a quarter of a tun of 
Gascon wine, and half-a-tun of "bastard wine*" for the in- 

1 "Stocficz" is also mentioned by 
Babelais, 1. 4, eh. 59. The name 
appears to indicate that the cod fish- 
ery was principally carried on from 
the coasts of Flanders. 

' When at Wallingford two and- 
half quarters of bread were brought 
there from Abingdon. 

' For twenty-two gallons 9«. 2d. 
was paid; two tuns of red wine cost 
66«. 8d. There are thirty-eight no- 
tices of English vineyards in Domes- 
day, but the Countess of Leicester's 
Boll does not allude to any wine of 

English growth. 

* See the household accounts of 
Sir Thomas L'EHtrange of Hunstan- 
ton, Norfolk, in 1519—1520. In Ar- 
chflBologia, Vol. xxv. p. 425, in which 
**myxtelyn of store" is mentioned. 
The rye and wheat were ground to- 
gether, and made an inferior brown 

^ "A petell of bastard viiid. ; mus- 
catel sweet wine.'' — L'E strange Accts. 
** Your brown bastard is your only 
drink." — Shakespeare, Henry IV. Part 
I. Act II. Scene I. 



feriors {pro familid). The beer in use* was made indif- 
ferently from any grain, barley, wheat, or oats, and was 
seasoned with pepper in ignorance of hops'. As the wife of 
Simon de Montfort was necessarily attended by many armed 
followers, and as she appears also to have had as guests' 
several hostages of distinction, the consumption of beer, as 
well as of wine, seems to have been rapid. 

On April 18, five quarters of barley and four of oats were brewed into beer 

by women*. 
April 25, 188 gallons of beer were bought. 
April 29, seven quarters of barley and two of oats were brewed. 

Wheat was 5^. to bs. Sd. a quarter; oats, 2$. to 28, 4d.j 
peas and beans, both fresh and dried, onions, parsley, fennel, 
radishes, and a few other herbs, with apples and pears', were 
the home produce of our gardens; and it is pleasant also to 

^ We have a remarkable proof of 
beer not being the usual drink of 
persons of high degree, in the anec- 
dote of Robert de Insula, the Bishop 
of Durham (1274—1283), who had 
risen from a humble origin. When 
he was at Norham, some country ale 
was sent him as a present by the 
Lord of Scremerston, the castle of 
the Swinnows. He drank it **et mm 
instinens, statim a mensa gurgent evo- 
muit;" on which he remarked, ''see 
the force of custom; you all know 
my origin ; neither from my parents 
nor my countiy do I derive the taste 
for wine, and yet now from being 
disused to my country liquor it is 

* Hops were grown in Flanders at 
an early period, and were imported 
into England from thence in the 
fifteenth century. An English phy- 
sician of that time, Gilbert Eymer, 
speaks of beer when well hopped 
{bene lupulata), being a wholesome 
drink.— MS. Sloane 4, 166. In the 
sixteenth century, Harrison (Descr. 
Brit.) observes of- hops that "the 
Flemings used corruption and for- 
gerie in this kind of ware, and gave 
UR occasion to plant at home, so that 

now we may spare and send mania 
over unto them." 

* At Odihamshe entertained Balph, 
the Abbot of Waverley, Everard de 
Marisco, Reginald Foliot; to the 
Cistercian nuns of Winteney (in the 
parish of Hartley, Hants) she sent 
wine, and the Prioress visited her for 
several days. The wife of Thomas' 
Alix, a gentleman of Hants, Mar- 
gery de Crek, Katherine Lovell, 
Joan de Maule (daughter of Peter 
Brus, of Skelton, widow of Peter de 
Maule, who died 1242), were among 
her guests at Odiham. One of the 
Foliots, however, was a Boyalist. A 
letter of Prince Edward, Oct. 7, 1265, 
to the Bishop of Bath, requests a writ 
addressed to the sheriff of Oxford 
in order to enforce payment of the 
ransom of William Foliot, taken 
prisoner by Fulk de Rycote. — Chan- 
cery MSS. in Tower, 5th Report Pub. 
Rec. No. 404. 

^ There is but one entry for yeast 
(pro gesta) 6<f. ; beer when bought 
seems to have cost from \d, to f d. a 

^ When at Dover the countess sent 
to Canterbury for 800 pears, and 
paid 10(f. for them, July 22. 




recognize the ancient popularity of cheesecakes and ginger- 

Whether foreign fruits, besides dates and almonds, were 
then imported does not appear ; but a few years later (1290) 
the Castilian Queen of Edward I. purchased from a Spanish 
vessel at Portsmouth, raisins, dates, 230 pomegranates, fifteen 
citrons, and seven oranges {poma de orenge)^^ being the 
earliest notice of the latter fruit in Europe. Some Asiatic 
condiments, probably from Alexandria, were certainly added ; 
spices, rice at l^d. a lb. ; almonds at 2\d. to ^\d, a lb., and 
of these 9 lbs. were consumed in a week ; sugar at 1«. to 
more than 2«. a lb.' The latter article, which had been 
already praised by an historian as " most precious to the uses 
and most necessary to the health of mortals*," was at this 
time grown in Syria extensively, and from thence distributed 
to Europe. 

How highly these foreign delicacies were esteemed ap- 
pears by the present of them graciously sent by the Princess 
Eleanor (March 29), from Odiham in Hampshire, to her 
brother the King of the Romans, then a prisoner at Kenil- 
worth. The royal gift' is thus noted in the detail of her 
accounts : — " 20 lbs. almonds' 6^.; 5 lbs. rice, 9c?.; 21bs. pepper. 

1 ** In caseo ad tarta8,5(f.," a fre- 
quent entry. **Pro una buxa gingi- 
brade, 2«. M, ; ** and for 4 lbs. of gin- 
gerbread, \2$, " Pro cremio et bntiro 
8d;" 100 eggs, 3Jd. to 4Jd. - 

* Househ. Exp. from MS. in Tower 
18° Edw. I. In 1278 the same Queen 
Bent to Paris for 100 cheeses of Brie, 
often the subject of praise in those 
times, and still in vogue, for which 
she paid S5«. to Thomas le Gaunter. 
— Rot. Mix. Turr. Lond. 

• Four pounds of white powder, 
that is, pounded sugar, are charged 
at 88. ; at Easter 13 lbs. of sugar cost 
28<. ; the sugar sent to the King of the 
Bomans seems to be valued at Is.a lb. 

^ **£t canamellas, unde preciocis- 
alma usibus et saluti mortalium ne- 
cessaria maximd conficitur zachara, 
onde per institores ad ultimas orbis 

partes deportatur.'* — W. of Tyre, who 
wrote 1182 — 4. Sugar was cultivated 
on the coast near Tripoli, and south 
of Tyre, and on the plains of Jordan. 
— See Dr. Robinson's BibL Researches. 

* The present was conveyed by 
William de Wortham, who held lands 
in Suffolk, and was slain at Eve- 
sham. — Placit. 54*>. Twenty pieces 
of whale were also sent to the King 
of the Romans, and on another day 
(May 24) twelve yards of scarlet 
cloth for his robe at Pentecost, at the 
rate of Is. a yard, besides hoods of 
miniver and other garments for his 
son Edmund. 

^ In Chr. Lanerc. there is an anec- 
dote of the Bishop of Durham amus- 
ing himself by letting his pet apes 
eat up a whole dish of blanched 




20d.^ ; 2 lbs. cinnamon, 20d. ; ^ lb. cloves, 9d, ; 1 lb. ginger, ISd. ; 
2 lbs. sugar (zucari), 2s." 

The price of meat may be judged of by the purchase 
of two oxen, four sheep, and three calves, for £1. 2*. lOd; of 
two calves for 1*. 6d. ; of a calf and sheep for Ss. 3d., and 
sheep from Romney Marsh were supplied to the garrison at 
Dover for 22fl?. each'; ten geese cost 2^. Sd Salt, which 
must have been much needed to prepare their store of 
winter food, seems very dear, ten quarts costing 44«. Qd. ; 
but though the prices of these times may generally be mul- 
tiplied by fifteen to represent the modern value of money, it 
is probable that the confusion of the civil war had raised the 
prices of the year 1265 beyond the usual average. 

The Countess of Leicester had moved from Wallingford 
Feb. 22, 1265, to her husband's castle of Odiham, then under 
the governorship of Henry le Fomun', and she continued 
there, with a short visit to Reading, for more than three 
months, before the alarms of the civil war had begun to 
shake Simon de Montfort's power. The royal hostages, the 
Princes Edward and Henry, passed a fortnight here with 
their aunt, accompanied by their huntsman and hounds, and 
128 horses. They arrived March 17, under the care of 
Henry de Montfort, her eldest son, and were then probably 
on their return from London, where on March 10 their cus- 
tody had been formally relaxed. Their preparations for sport 
at Odiham betray no symptom of rigorous confinement. 

The earl, her husband, also spent a fortnight at Odiham 
with her at this time, bringing with him 162 more horses ; so 
that with the forty-four of the countess the stables had to 

1 The Pepperers were amerced in 
the reign of Henry II. as an adulte- 
rine Guild, set up without the Eing*B 
licenoe. Half a century later they 
filled the first civic offices. They 
were incorporated by Edward n. and 
changed their name to Grocers. — 
Introd. French Chron., London, p. 
xviii. Compare Introd. Munim. Gild- 
hallse, and Arch. Journal, 1857, p. 845. 

* "Pro 13 multonibus emptis in 
marisco, 23$. lOd." In the Household 
Expenses of Bobert de Swinfield, 
Bishop of Hereford (Camden Society, 
4to. 1854), pp. 40, 42, &c., are enter- 
ed the prices of numerous articles of 

s He surrendered it to the King 
after the battle of Evesham. — Placit. 
p. 175. 




provide for 334 horses \ Simon de Montfort quitted her 
April 1, and they then parted never to meet again. 

The bounty of her table was not confined to the rich. 
During Lent eighteen quarters of wheat were given to the 
poor, and many other gifts at other times on ordinary occa- 
sions; the total expense was moderate. On a Wednesday 
in Lent, Feb. 25 for example, when the chief of the neigh- 
bouring abbey of Waverley* was her only guest, it was 16*. 
5c?., including some fresh fish to the value of 10s, 6d., and 
vegetables, As, lOd. Besides this, however, 400 herrings, the 
wine, beer, and bread, as well as the hay and two quarters of 
oats for thirty-two horses, were brought out from the castle 
stores, and are not included in the daily expense. A freer 
distribution of wine and beer is made at the feast of Easter, 
when Isabella, the widow of the Earl of Albemarle, was with 
her; the articles then purchased appear in the Roll as follows, 
the price not being added to those things which were brought 
out from the castle stores : — 


April 5, Easter-day — bread brought, Is., also 2J qn. froille (flour ground 
fine); wine, 11^ sextaries, one sext. sent to the attendants of the countess; 
beer before reckoned. Kitchen — meat bought in carcase, 29«. lid. ; fat 
(sagimen), 20dL ; pullets, 6s. Sd. ; kids, 5s, M, ; eggs, 4t, Id, ; mustard, 
28,6d, Stables, hay for fift^-seyen horses, oats five bush. ; two bush. froiUe ; 
sum, 57s, Id." 

The large purchase of eggs was probably for the usual Easter 
gifts of them, and a present of 12d, was also given to the 
nurse of Eleanor de Montfort. 

1 The number at other times varied 
from sixteen to sixty-nine according 
to her guests; her son Amauri, the 
treasurer of York, came with thir- 
teen horses. The expenses of house- 
keeping during the earl's visit were 
set down in his Boll, not charged to 
the countess. 

• This was the first Cistercian 
monastery founded in England, 1128. 
In 1245 the Princess Eleanor, Simon 
de Montfort, and their two eldest 

sons, had paid a visit there, and made 
a present of 50 marcs to the monks, 
and eighteen marcs to the fabric. 
Eleanor enabled them to buy 150 acres 
of land at Netham. — Ann. Waver. 
Ralph, the abbot, from 1251 tiU be 
resigned from ill-health in 1266, was 
summoned to Parliament in 1265. — 
Dugd. Mon. Eleanor was bom about 
Michaelmas, 1252, while her father 
was absent in Gascony. 



Among other striking illustrations of the manners of the 
times we must conclude that linen was little in use, for the 
only charge for washing during five months appears to be 
Is. Sd,^ There is presumptive proof that the countess en- 
couraged reading in her family ; for, after twenty dozen of 
vellum were bought for IO5., a payment of 14f8, is made for 
writing a Breviary on them at Oxford for her daughter 
Eleanor's use'; and the damsel, though youngi enjoyed also 
the rarer accomplishment of writing, for her letters to Prince 
Edward were sent at Easter by a messenger for 6d, The 
purchase of twenty-five gilt stars for the young lady's hat, 
costing 2*. Id., is duly registered, as well as ** fourteen long 
pins for her head-dress, 2d." A supply of needles was pro* 
vided for the use of the drawing-room, and for the tailor* ; 
their knives were kept in sheaths, worth 2d. or Sd.] the repair 
of four spoons was effected by devoting eight silver pennies 
to that purpose ; and there were also some forks*, though 
long before their use became general. While the young 
Eleanor was at Odiham the barber at Beading was twice 
sent for to bleed her*. 

Judging from what was paid to the servants and hunts- 
men of her sons and of her other guests, as well as to Jacke 
the keeper of her own harriers, the rate of wages seems to 
have been about li^d.^ and 2d. a day; the himtsmen received 

: 1 **Item pro layanderia a Festo 
Nativitatis Domini, xr.d." This is 
an entry on Sunday, May 81. There 
was, however, a payment of Sd. for 
baths in May (pro Imhieis apad Odi- 
ham), which may be added to the 
cost of oleanlineBS. 

' " Pro 20 doz. parehameni abor- 
tivi — ad portiforium Domiselhe Alio- 
none." ** Pro scriptnra Breviarii Do- 
roisellffi AlionoriB de Montfort per 
visum fratris G. Bajrun, 14«.*' Ele- 
anor was born about Michaelmas 
1252, while her father was absent in 

' *' Pro acubus ad cameram et ad 
iailleriam, 4dJ' T^ere art other 

charges for fresh shearing the cloth 
xlresses of the comitess, which were 
sent to London for that purpose* 
Some Paris rayed cloth was bought 
for young Simon at 4«. 8d a yard; 
and some scarlet cloth for the coun- 
tess and her son, bought of an Ita- 
^an, cost £8. 6«. 8d^ Two pair of 
boots for Eleanor cost 2«. id. 

* "Pro uno foroario reparando ad 
cameram, Id." SmaU trunks of 
stamped leather (de corio punctate) 
were made to hola the silver vessels, 
^ '*ProdomisellafleobotomizandA." 
^ Three servants (garcioneM) for ten 
days are paidS*. 9d,; another servant 
for nine days, 13<<. Henry ^I. granted 

322 THE BABONS' WAR. [qH. 

the higher wages of 2d. by the especial desire of the royal 
countess. All the menials in her employ bear Saxon names, 
such as Ralph and Hande, bakers ; Hicque, the tailor ; 
Dobbe, the shepherd; the carriers, Diquon, Gobithesty and 
Treubodi ; while we can picture to ourselves the very gait of 
Slingawaiy the courier. 

There being no other means of communication, a special 
messenger wits necessarily sent with any letters, and fox this 
there are frequent payments in the Boll, though even for 
long distan(Ses the rate of postage was wonderfully small \ 
Thus a servant bringing letters to the countess at Bramber 
from Forchester is paid 4d.; Slingawai earned but 28. for 
going to the earl, then at Monmouth, from Dover; Qobithesty 
88. fix>m Lewes to Hereford; 12(2. from Dover to Windsor, 
and 6d» to Pevensey; Ficard for carrying letters from the 
countess to Eenilworth in July, 16d,; Treubodi, 28. and a 
pair of shoes for journey from Dover to Kenilworth, Sep- 
tember 2; and to the messenger of Frince Edward in August, 
with letters — ^probably the announcement of the events at 
Evesham, 2^. 

The countess had been living at Odiham some time, 
whed the escape of Prince Edward from Hereford became 
the token of increasing troubles in the land, and accordingly 
on the evening of June 1 she moved for greater security to 
Forchester Castle, where her son was the governor*. It was 

Id. a day in 1221 to his carpenter at tracts from Becords of the Queen's 

WestminBter, John of Canterbury. Bemembrancer, " Botulus fioberti de 

— Brayley's Westm. p. 81. Chaury contra Walterum de Brading 

' Apparently a payment was made de expensis nundomm post oompo- 

both by the sender and reoeiver of turn factum,'' 1252 — 8. Among many 

letters. others : 

' '*Sero reoedentibuB usque Por- Jordano. eokino (ooquin?) eunt 

63Btriam." — Honseh. JSxp. Simon^ London aa D* J. ManBcllum, dd. 

junior, had the grant of the castle, Bimoni, nuncio fratris de Marisoo 

December 24, 1264. A payment was 6dL de dono. 

made of Sd. for letters to the earl Simoni nuncio eunti apud Bolo*> 

ient by night just previous to the niam preoepto Begina cum mensura 

joumcgr to Porofaesteri probably an- filii Dominn Matilda de Lacy, Id. 

nounoing that movement In the Petro barbatori ConUtit LeyeeitrUBf 

Appendix to the Beport of the deferent! rumores de partu ejusdem 

secret Committee on ihe Post Office, Gomitissas, 40*. 

1844 (682)^ at p. 28, ar^ some «l» Bogero de Capella defer^nti rumo* 


probably by the advice of bim or the earl that she soon after- 
wards made a rapid journey to Dover. There were with her 
at Porchester forty-five horses belonging to herself, nine to 
Simon, junior, eight to Almeric de Montfort, and four to the 
parson of Kempsing^ ; but a great many more, as well as 
carts, were hiired* for the journey to Dover, and duly sent 
back. The purchase of a horse was from 30«. to 40«., both 
Simon and Almeric paying that sum (pro uno rondno). Her 
removal required eighty-four horses, besides a vessel for her 
goods sent round by sea. She was four days on the road ; 
and on the first day, June 12, she dined at Chichester, and 
reached Bramber Castle, her expenses being £2. 11«. An 
extract indeed from her accounts during her journey may be 
interesting : — 

June 12, Friday, Brembre.-^For the ooantess, the Lords Ingeram de QaUiol', 
Bichard Corbet, Almerio and the men at arms of the Lord Simon and 
others, bread, 6«. id. ; wine from the stores of the manor; beer, 2«. lid ; 
fish, 10«. 6d, For dinner (pro dinerio) at Chichester, If. 2d. Stables, 
grass from the manor; oats for eighty-fonr horses, seven quarters being 
bought at lis. Porterage, Sd. Also plaiee and conger by William do 
Lake, 9«. ; mackerel, Zs. ; breams, 2t, id. ; eggs, 1«. 2d. ; pawria (?) id, 

Saturday, Wilmington, at the cost of the Lord Simon de Montfort. 

Sunday, Winchelsey, for the countess, the Lord Simon de Montfort, with all 

res de partu Domino Mabillie de In- Simon when leaving to re-inforoe the 

8ula, 20«. de dono. earl ; one of them, a liard, was valued 

Simoni, cokino eunti ad D™ Bob. at 2i<. The expense of farrieiy for 

Waleran, Bd. eighty-four horses on the journey 

Waltero de Cofton, vaUeto Beginie was Bs. id., 1000 nails costing IM, 

ScociaB, 13$. id. de dono. At Dover a meadow of four acres was 

From a Boll of 27* Ed. III. letter* rented for the horses at 40f . Id. In 

carriers are p^id from Windsor to one of Henry III.^s confirmations of 

London. M.; from Stratford to Magna Charta, the rate of hire for the 

Chertsey, 12d : frcun Mortlake to King's use had been fixed, for a.oaii 

Thi8tleworth[?l8le#orth1,12<2.; from with two horses, lOd, a day; with 

London to Sarum. 6f. 6a. three horses, lid. The Countess of 

1 Kemsing was part of the dowry Gloucester travelled from Chippen- 

of the Countess of Leicester, and had ham to Odiham in April, and the 

been given to Henry her son, March Countess of Arundel from Porchester 

14, 1265.— Bot. Pat. 90". John de to Dover in some vehicle, payments 

Kemsing accompanied her to Dover; being made to a driver ^currutario). 
he is mentioned in letters to the * He is mentioned as an adherent 

countess by A. de Bfuisoo, describe of Simon de Montfort in the summons 

ing a conference he had with the for the surrender of a castle, and had 

Archbishop of Canterbury. been taken prisoner at Northampton. 

* At Dover the countess had thirty. -i-Boi Pai 49». [See the Dunstapla 

one horses, and lent nine to her aon Amuds, p. 229.] 



• their Ruite, the burghers of Winchelsey and many others, bread, 20f . 4d. ; 
vrine, thirteen eextaries (of four gallons each), and one gallon, ISi. lOd. ; 
beer, 10«. lOd,; boats, lOd,; porterage, 6d. Kitchen, for two oxen and 
thirteen sheep, 36*. 6d, ; for thirty-five geese, 19<. lOd. ; poultry, 6s. 2d. ; 
eggs, 2t. 4<2.; salad, 9d.; faggots (busca), 22d.; charcoal, 8(2.; dishes (disci), 
13d. ; salt and spits {brochia or jugs from 6roc.), 5d.; water, id. For dinner 
for the same at Battle and for their horses, 17«. 2d. Stables, grass for 
nineteen scoi-e and fifteen horses (these 395 horses must have been partly 
for her escort), I2s. lOd. ; oats, 12 qrs. 1 bush., 26«. M. ; litter, Sir. 9d. ; 
farriery {forgia), Id. ; water, 12d. ; a horse hired for the small cart, 6d. ; 
porterage, 6d; dinners of twenty-one grooms {garcionum)^ lOd. ;— sum 
total, £9. 4«. 8d. 

Monday, Dover, Feast of S. Botolph, for the countess, and all the aforesaid, 
except when the countess eats in the castle with her women, one ox, seyen 
sheep, and seven calves. For dinner at Ronmey, 21s. hd. Hay bou^t for 
two nights, lid, ; grass for 107 horses, 5«. 9<2.; oats, 6 qrs. 1 bush., lis, 3<i. 

This route, which makes no mention of Lewes, though 
lying in the direct line, and which appears to avoid Pevensey 
and Hastings, all which towns were in the hands of her 
enemies, was naturally chosen as the safest, from interrup- 
tion, even though it may have been less perfectly provided 
with bridges, as the mention of boats and porterage would 
seefn to imply. Her son, Simon de Montfort, left the siege 
of Pevensey to meet the countess with an escort at Wilming- 
ton*, where the Benedictine Priory probably received them 
for the night. The countess having been a benefactor to 
Battle Abbey by the grant of a manor, had some claim on 
its hospitality; and the aged Prior, Reginald', who had the 
year before endured the plunder of the Royalists, and had 
witnessed the subsequent arrival of the King when no longer 
a free agent, and of Simon de Montfort fresh with triumph, 
now probably welcomed his royal wife in her flight to a 
place of safety. When at Winchelsea she feasted the burgh- 
ers, who had always been devoted friends to the barons' 

1 This alien Priory, of which there turf of the chalk hill rising behind 

are now few remains, was subject to it. 

the Abbey of Grestein, in Normandy. ' Beginald was Prior of Brecknock 

— Dugd. Mon. Its situation was in 1248, and hod become Abbot of 

pointed out to distant wayfarers by a Battle in 1260, dying at an adTsnoed 

gigantic figure of a man holding a age in 1260. — Dugd. Mon. Glean- 

ftaff in each hand, cut out on the ings Battle Abb. 




party, and they were again twice (July 12, 30) feasted by 
her at Dover. The burgesses of Sandwich were treated in 
the same manner, on one occasion being so numerous that 
the guests were divided at dinner into two rooms, and addi^ 
tional wine and beer were bought for them. On Monday, 
June 15, she arrived at Dover, still accompanied by her son 
Simon, and in that castle, then under the command of her 
eldest son Henry, she awaited the result of the civil commot- 
tions in security. 

Her two sons, Henry and Simon, left her* during the 
progress of the war to join their father, and her own horses 
were lent them for the occasion, but the garrison retained 
many distinguished knights for her defence. Among these 
were John de la Warre*, with his twenty-nirje archers, who, 
after sixty-three days' service at Dover, seem to have ror 
quired clothing, cloth to the value of £6. 6*. being ordered 
for them, August 11 ; he afterwards assisted in the defence 
of Kenil worth', and by some is said to have been there slain 
by an arrow, but a free conduct to go abroad appears to 
have been granted to him, December 13, 1266. Bichard 
Corbet*, another of the knights who had formed the 
escort to Dover, had profited by the confusion of the civil 
war to seize upon the property of the head of his own 
family, a Royalist, who had repeatedly borne the office of 
sheriff in Shropshire. There were some others of note : 
John de la Haye^ who had been made constable of Win- 
chelsea and Rye, August, 1264, and had been active pre- 
viously at the siege of Rochester, was a confidential friend 

^ Simon went from Porchester to 
Tunbridge, June 24 ; but FuUc Ck)n. 
stable and others were sent by the 
countess, July 8, to join him in Lon- 

' Boger, the first baron of the name, 
was at Carlaverock, and died 1320: — 

** Ky lea armes ot vermeillecteB 
O blanc lyon et crpsselettes.'* 
The Wests, who now bear his title, 
are descended from his female heir 

in the fourth generation. William 
de la Warre, who was among the Nor- 
thampton prisoners in 1264, held ten 
lands in Herefordshire. — See Inq. p. 
Mort. 1269. [The name is there 
spelled »* de la Were."] 

• Bob. Glouo. 

^ His lands at Chawton, worth 
100«., were seized by Henry Hussee, 
as belonging to '*an enemy of the 




of ihe Earl of Leicester, and was frequently employed in 
carrying messages to him when in Gascony from Adam de 
Maiisco\ His intimacy with the family appears also by 
«ome entries in the countess' Roll. Eleanor de Montfort 
bought a gold clasp for 15«. to give his son, August 3, and 
Almeric also gave hingi one worth £2. 4^. Sd,, perhaps birth- 
day presents. John de Mucegas, the constable of Salisbury* 
under the barons, had several soldiers with him here; Gilbert 
de Gaunt [descended from the old Earls of Lincoln], who 
pcdd 3000 marcs to redeem his estates; Matthew de Hastings, 
who appears to have been instrumental in surrendering Dover 
afterwards to Prince Edward, and was pardoned 1266' ; Soman 
de Stokes*, Waleran de Monceaux, both of whom were simi- 
larly pardoned\ Many of these had their wives with them 
at Dover, and besides Alice*, wife of the Earl of Oxford, 
who had been taken prisoner at Kenilworth, there was one 
constant female companion of the countess in her journeys, 
Isabella, Countess of Albemarle; whether her presence was 
voluntary or constrained must be considered with reference 
to her subsequent lawsuit already described; but certainly 

^ Epist. Ad. de Marisco [ed. Brew- 
er, pp. 268, 298. Professor Brewer 
notes that John de la Haye was son 
of a Balph holding lands in Linooln- 
shire. — ^Exo. e Bot. Fin. Vol. ii. p. 

' He was appointed Decemher, 
1264, and superseded hy Walter de 
Donstanvil, May 31, 1265; he died 
1266. J^alterdeDonstanyille's father 
of the same name (d. a.i>. 12401 had 
joined the barons against K. Jonn at 
Bunnymede. His son held 2 knight's 
fees and 2 hides at Broughion (WUts), 
(see Wilkinson's Hist. Br. Gifford, p. 
18), and died 1269. 

s His pardon (Bot. Pat. 60*) states 
that he quitted Dover castle with his 
family in obedience to the royal com- 
mand, and that he continued after* 
wards faithful. 

* By a letter of Prince Edward to 
William the Bishop of Bath, dated 
Winchester, Sept. 28, 1265, his pro- 

tection is given to Semannus de Stoke, 
Bichard and John de Havering and 
W. de Tureviile, who had given up 
the castles of Wallingford and Berk- 
hampstead. — Becords of Chancery in 
Tower, No. 408 in 5th Beport Pub- 
lie Becords. 

• There were also at Dover, Balph 
D*Arcy (who held lands of the value 
of 22». in CO. Lincoln. — ^Inquis. Be- 
beU.), I. de Snaves, Peter de Bourton, 
I. de Dover, Balph Haquet, Hugh de 
(3oleworth, knight. — 49® Bot. Pat 
Th. de Sandwich, clerk, perhaps 
some r^ation of the Bishop of Lon- 
don, was pardoned at the instance of 
Prince Edward, Canterbury, Oct. 80, 

* Alice was daughter of Gilbert de 
Sandford; Hugh de Yere, her hus- 
band's father, had paid 1000 marcs 
for her wardship and marriage. — 38® 
Hen. III. Her family and 21 horses 
formed her suite. 



her husband, while living, had always supported the barons \ 
Robert de Brus, or Bruys, also accompanied the Princess 
Eleanor throughout; whether freely as a guest and partisan, 
or compulsorily as a prisoner, is uncertain*. 

The fatal tidings of Evesham appear to have reached 
Dover on the 15th of August, and left the widowed Princess 
no hope of political eminence, or enjoyment of private lux- 
uries. Some authorities represent her as endeavouring to 
appease the King by a surrender of Pevensey Castle, but this 
seems inconsistent with the long and fruitless siege of that 
fortress' by young de Montfort. It never was in the power 
of the barons, and certainly Kenilworth* and Dover, which 
were more immediately under the authority of the countess, 
were the only two castles in England which continued to 
resist the King after the battle of Evesham. 

The stern sentence of banishment on his sister may have 
been the result of the King's anger on this very account ; for 
harshness to his own kindred was not among his usual vices. 
The remembrance of the active zeal of his own Queen in 
dangerous times ought to have excited some, more generous 
sympathy with the political firmness of the widowed princess. 
When it suited his own schemes, Henry III. had leamt how 
to value the devotion of an affectionate woman. As soon as 
his defeat at Lewes compelled him to dissemble, his main 

1 See p. 281. ** Ad appellom Co- 
mitissffi de losula (Walter de Soote- 
nay) comprehenditar, judicatnr et 
trahitur."— Walt. Heming, 1258o. 
Anns, gales, a cross potence Tair. 
Her se^ as Countess of Albemarle 
and DeTon, and Isle of Wight, re- 
presents her arms dimidiated with 
those of her husband, and ciroom- 
scribed : ** Non caret effectn quod vo- 
luere duo." — Sandford's Qen. Hist, 
p. 101. 

' In March S$, id, was paid for 1| 
fur of squirrel for the use of W. de 
Breose; and in July Id. for two pairs 
of shoes. On July 12, 6d. was paid 
for guarding W. de Breose and his 
young son Simon. Among other at- 

tendants were Master Balph de Con- 
dray, who bought provisions for tha 
countess, Neimuyt (NigrsB Noctis), a 
servant, Thomas Salekin and hif 
wife, who were pardoned Oct. 30, 
1266. John Neimuyt appears as a 
witness to the charter of Edmund, 
Earl of ComwaU, founding the Au- 
gustine College of Bons Hommes at 
Ashridge, Herts, 1286.— Bee Dugd. 
Monast. 6. 516. 

* Simon was at Pevensey, April 30, 
on which day the countess sent letters 
to him there from Odiham. 

^ Treubodi was paid 2«., Sept. 2, for 
going as messenger from Dover to 
Kenilworth ; and two grooms received 
28. 64. for tiie same journey, Oct 1. 




reliance' for help had been on his Queen's energy, and he had 
secretly enabled her to assume his own lost prerogative, and 
^o receive from the French King the remainder of the sum 
due to him by treaty. Early in June, 1264, a few days only 
after she had heard of his overthrow, she gave a quittance^ 
for 58,000 livres Touraine in the King's name; and the deed 
expressly mentions she was authorised by him so to act'. 
This large sum of money, the balance of the 134,000 livres 
Touraine previously mentioned, King Henry had often and 
solemnly pledged himself to employ in the service of God 
and the Church, and for the good of his kingdom; but in 
fact it purchased an army of foreigners to threaten England 
with invasion. This act of double dealing, so much in unison 
with his character, if discovered at the time by the angry 
barons might have cost him dear, had not his secret been 
safe in the bosom of his Queen, faithful to him in difficulties 
as Eleanor de Montfort to her lord. 

The supplies of provision to the garrison of Dover were 
probably soon impeded by the Royalists, for there are several 
entries in the countess' Roll of oxen and sheep consumed 
there, avowedly obtained by plunder*. Her younger sons 
Almeric, a priest, and Richard, had been with her during the 

^ The Queen raised money also 
from the mayor and inhabitants of 
Oleron (see p. 40, note 1) at this 
time avowedly for the purpose of 
helping the King, and gave them a 
quittance for the gift, as having been 
voluntary, in order to secure them 
from future demands by the King 
founded on this precedent. She 
writes from S. Macaire, 13 Feb. 1265, 
49°, acknowledging the receipt in 
warderob& nostr& from the mayor 
and others of Oleron of six score and 
four Pounds of Poictou, by the hand 
of a burgher for the relief of the 
King and Prince Edward (pro sue- 
cursu faciendo Domino Begi et £d- 
wardo) ; and on Feb. 14 it is put on 
record that Oleron had given 390 
Pounds of Poictou money from their 
gpontaneoas will, not at all being 

bound to do so as a due (voluntate 
spontanea concesserunt, cum hoc ex 
debito minime tenerentur), so that no 
heavier aids could be demanded by 
the King in consequence hereafter. 
— ^Bymer. 

' This document, in Latin, in the 
Archives du Boyaume, at Paris, J. 
630, has never been published ; and, 
with some others relating to English 
history, has been inserted in an Ap- 
pendix. It bears the seals of the 
Queen, Peter of Savoy, and Thomas 
Mansei, and is dated on the Sunday 
after the Ascension (May 29), in the 

month of June, 1264 See pp. 85, 


• Aug. 23, by booty, half an ox. 
Aug. 24, by booty, half an ox and 
three sheep. Aug. 25, by booty, half 
an ox. Aug. 26, by booty, half an ox. 


summer and at Dover. Richard had arrived, August 12, in 
a ship with about 100 sailors from Winchelsea, intended pro- 
bably for the defence of Dover, and 100«. were paid to them. 
To twenty-nine archers of Pevensey also were paid is. each. 
The concluding part of her steward's Roll contains some 
entries significant of the great calamity which had fallen 
upon the countess. The purchase is recorded of ten ells of 
black serge (nigrce saice) for the hose and robe of her son 
Richard, VJs. ; and twenty-four-and-a-half ells of grey serge 
{pera) for Wilequin, his attendant; for GuUot, clerk of the 
chapel, and for others of the household ; while masses for the 
repose of the earls soul are paid for, 12«. 9dl. on August 19, 
and Ts. on September 3\ 

Almeric and Richard crossed over to Gravelines, September 
18, in charge of 11,000 marcs (£7666. 13«, 4d.), despatched 
probably by their mother for safety. This so irritated the 
King that he urged King Louis to arrest the treasure in 
its passage and to take it in compensation for the damage 
done to foreign merchants in England during the late trou- 

That the commerce of the country would be seriously 
interrupted by the late disturbances is certain, independent 
of the prohibitions imposed by the barons; but it does not 
appear that foreign merchants had received any other inten- 
tional loss, unless in common with others at the time of 
general pillage. At some previous time, perhaps during the 
interval between 1258 and 1264, one of the King's friends 
had presented him with some advice on commerce', which 
might lead us to suppose the King was not unwilling to 
encourage it, as a means of procuring money for himself. 

1 In April a payment ia entered of more copiously, aa the printed book. 

Is. 4(i. for oblations of the countess excellently edited by Mr Tnmer for 

by Folk Constable : he was after- the Boxborghe Club, is unfortunately 

wards taken prisoner at Eenilworth, not published, 

on which Bichard Tweng took pos- ' By letter dated Oct. 10, 1265. 

session of his lands, worth five marcs — Bot. Pat. Hen. IIL 

a year. Extracts from this Boll of ' See Appendix G. 
the countess haye been here given 



The writer, who expresses himself in a provincial patois of 
French, recommends himself to the King as having, in his 
continual desire to serve him, already suggested to his coun- 
cil the means of recovering his authority, and of supplying 
his need of gold and silver. '' God and right are with you " 
(he writes to the King), "and may it please Qod.that you 
follow them, for the greater part of good Christian people 
wish to help you, if you can but aid them with money." He 
is anxious for some sumptuary restrictions in a very contrary 
spirit, wishing to limit the prices of cloth for the clergy, 
allowing them but one garment a year " and nothing more " 
{et nient plus) ; he advises the English ladies to keep to what 
gowns they had got {se tiegnent d leur renbes he eles ont), 
allowing them but one of 39. the yard, " and nothing more */' 
he restricts even the archbishop's dinner to two dishes of 
meat, one boiled and the other roast, and his supper to one 
roast, ''and nothing more,^ confining him to beer without 
wine at the latt^ meal, and forbidding him, as well as all 
otherS) to offer any manner of hospitality to those not of the 
same household. The most urgent recommendation, however, 
is to permit the export of wool (laine de Veuvre) to Holland 
and Brabant at a duty of five marcs the sack, which he says 
foreign merchants would not only willingly pay, but that no 
time should be lost in so pleasing them, and that they would 
in return respite the payment of debts due to them from the 
English knights as long as their services were required in 
warfare. It serves to show the great extent of this trade, 
when we find the writer of this curious paper calculating the 
proposed duty as certain of yielding 110,000 marcs (£66,333. 
13*. 4dl.) in six months, implying an export of 22,000 sacks 
in that time, which would enable the King to pay his levies 
of men, and become again independent*. 

The unhappy Princess, Eleanor de Montfort, on witness- 

1 This paper, 'withont date or name, in the Appendix from the Archives 
not having been piiblished, is copied dn Boy., J. 1034. 



ing the ruin of her husband's high fortunes, prepared to 
yield to her fate, and while she yet retained a remnant of 
power at Dover and Kenilworth, procured the mediation and 
good offices of her better brother, the King of the Romans, 
in behalf of herself and family, at the time of his politic 
release from the custody of her son Simon, before referred to. 
This Prince, early in September, signed a deed at Kenil- 
worth, engaging himself to stand a true friend and help to 
his sister and her sons, and to assist them in claiming their 
rights and property, so far as his loyalty to the King would 
permit ; and he seems honourably, though without success, 
to have fulfilled this pledge. The zealous Royalist, Warren 
de Bassingburae, appears to have been the agent in arrang- 
ing this release, and was, in conjunction with Walter, Bishop 
of Worcester, and Roger de Meyland, Bishop of Chester, one 
of the sureties for the performance of the terms \ Eleanor, 
after thus doing all in her power, at length retired to France 
in October, though she left her son Simon at the time in 
imminent peril, and Guy a wounded prisoner. It may have 
been at this period* that Prince Edward regained possession 
of Dover, by the help of fourteen Royalist prisoners confined 
there, who had boldly seized a tower of the castle, after 
securing the treacherous connivance of two of their guards. 
The Prince, on hearing of this attempt, is reported to have 
instantly repaired there with his usual energy, travelling 
without even taking any rest, and soon to have forced the 
garrison to surrender*. 

^ The document, being new to 
English histoiy, is added to the Ap- 
pendix (D), £rom the Archives da 
Hoj., J. 1024. It is dated from the 
Priory of Kenilworth on the Sunday 
before the Nativity of the Virgin 
(Sept. S), 1264. 

* It was probably before the 29th 
of October when the Queen landed 
at Dover, and signalized her return 
by hanging some burgesses of the 
Cinque Ports who were practising 
piracy under cover of civil war. 

An expedition from the Cinqne Ports 
revenged this (Nov. 22) by setting fire 
to Portsmouth and routing its gar- 
rison with some loss. — Wykes, p. 
179 ; Ann. de Wi^r. p. 456 ; Liber de 
Ant. Legibus, p. 82. P. 

* T. Wyke. " Egressa est de castro 
Gomiiissa, infaustis saudata succee- 
sibus.'* Winchelsea was afterwards 
taken with much bloodshed by the 
Prince. — Chr. Boff. MS. Andientes 
quoque quidam nobiles, qui in castro 
Dovorre in carcere ienebantur, qua 




The remainder of her days wae passed by ttie 
EleaDor in religious retirement at the Dominican I 
of Montargis, founded by her husband's Bister. An' in< 
attempt at reconciliation was made in her behalf 
King of France the following year ; but King Hem 
reply, though he nominally accepted his proffered mei 
pressed btm urgently to "consider the enormity 
wrongs done to him by the late Simon de Montfort, 
and their mother (it is thus only he designates his 
both before the Award of Amiens and afterwards' 
alteration ensued, and it was reserved for the more g 
spirit of Edward I. in 1273 to restore her dower as C 
of Pembroke, and to allude to her after her xleath 
occurred in 1274, in more gracious terms'. 

At Montargis she educated her daughter Eleanoi 
the earl had already betrothed to his friend a 
Llewellyn, Prince of Wales, and when of sufiBcient 


domino buo Bcgi proepera coDtinge- 
bant, apiritu liausto fortitudiniit. tui- 
rim DBstri viri1it«r occupabont duia 
coBtodibcs reBiBtenteB. Quod oiUQ 
Begis primogenito sao Edviirdo in- 
notnit, ad oaetrum DoToire illad in 
mana valida obBidentea. Coatadea 
qnidem caatri adveraarioB ciroom- 
Bpecti miaemnt legationem Begi, ea 
qoie sunt paois rogantea, salvia quidem 
■inguliB Tita. immo equis, armie, et 
ceteris nocix-iB castrum Regia primo- 
genito leddiderunt.— MS. Cbr. Hoff. 

' " Ordination] Teatne et dicto de 
alto et baaso totaliter duximoa oom- 
mittendiun,"^ — Hoaseh. Exp. 

• Hot. Pal. 50 Hen. III., dated 
Eenilworth, Sept. 26, 1266. 

' "Alionora quondam Comitissa 
Iieioestriffi, amita noatra, quam dn- 
dnm admiaimns in gniUam et pacem 
nostram."— Weat. Jul. 1; Lib. 13 
EdT. I. m. 3. Her beart iras buried 
in the AbliBje de S. Antoine dea 
CbampB at Paris, (oiinded for Ber- 
naidine nuna of the Ciatercian order, 
in conaeqnenee of tbe Tehemetit 
preoobing ol Foulqaea de Neoillf 
against matrintony. In tbe cbnieh. 

begun in 1198 and fini«h 
LouialX., wbowas at the i 
vith hiB mother, Q. Blanct 
tille, a moral monument K 
to Eleanor de Montfort. i 
which ia at p. 168 of Le P4 
trier'a Veritable Art dn BUe 
Paris, 1R73. She is dree 
nnn. holding her heart in 
without any inscription, bn 
arms of Montfort and her 
liances. In an old inventi 
furniture of tbe church ia mi 
"Upon the heart of the Co 
Leicester, a cloth for everj 
upon FeaslH, one for Lei 
arms obave are by Meneetri 
be, I. Sicil;, i.t. France 
label; 2. France; S. Empe 
West; 4. Emperor of the 

eroaa with 4 bezants cbargi 
eroBstet; S.England; 6. Ca 
Leon. Of the four coata of 
tbe two upper are for ber ( 
Henry aod Almeric the pr 
without difference; the thii 
f!) ba<t a label of four point 
fcrence and the fourth is 
cioBEleti, Guy (?) 



sent her to Wales in fulfilment of the contract. The ship^ 
however, in which the fair bride and her brother Almeric 
were sailing, being unfortunately captured near the Scilly 
Isles (1276) S they were brought to King Edward as prisoners. 
The lady was honourably treated at court as the King^s cousin^ 
and after some years' delay was married* to her espoused 
husband at Worcester (Oct. 13, 1278), in presence of King 
Edward and his Queen. 

Almeric was treated with gi-eater rigour, and had been 
previously one of the earliest to feel the active vengeance of 
the court against his family. Three days only after the 
battle of Evesham, Henry III. had written to countermand 
his foimer appointment of Almeric, as Treasurer of York*, 
declaring to the Chapter of York that "since the war at 
Lewes he had been in custody, and that his seal had been 
used arbitrarily by Simon de Montfort against his will, but 
that now by God's grace he had resumed his powers*." 
Almeric, with his brother Richard, had left Dover in 1265, 
when they both repaired either to their cousin Eskivat, Count 
de Bigorre, or to Laura de Montfort, daughter of their uncle 
Almeric, with whom they had previously corresponded". 

^ By ships from the Cinque Ports. 
Walt. Heming. By ships from Bris- 
tol. — Chron. Bishang. 

' Eleanor de Montfort left at her 
death, Jane 21, 12S2, in childbirth, an 
only daughter, who died a nun at 

> In the Liberate Boll (6^ Edw. L 
mem. 1) is an order for payment for 
the oonveyance of the luggage of 
**Eleonora wife of our beloved and 
faithful LleweUyn, Prince of Wales," 
from Worcester to Whitchurch. 
A letter from her to Edward, from 
Llanmaes, July S (1279), professes 
anxiety to know and do ms pleasure. 
She styles herself ' ' Princess of Wales, 
Lady of Snowdon.'* In 1280, Oct. 
18, she writes from St Anneir to the 
King very earnestly imploring his 
pity upon her captive brother Amal- 
ric. " For if your ExceUency, as we 
hove often baown, mercifully con- 

descends to strangers, with much 
more reason, as we think, ought you 
to hold out the hand of pity to one 
so near to you by the ties of nature." 
— See M. A. Wood*s Letters of Boyal 
and HI. LadieSfVoL l p. 51, and in By- 
mer'sFcedera. He had been appointed 
Treasurer Feb. 2, 1266, succeeding 
John Mansell. — Bot. Pat. 

* Aug. 7, Worcester. — ^Bymer. 

' Esldvat was grandson of Guy de 
Montfort, their father's elder brother, 
who had married Petronilla, Ck)unte88 
of Bigorre in her own right. Laura 
was Uie second daughter of the head 
of the family, and died 1270. ** April 
6, Nuntio Domins Lorettie de Monte- 
forti venienti de Franci&, 2«.** The 
voyage of the two brothers to Grave- 
lines cost £26. 8s., and they had also 
£18. 6f. Sd, given them for their 
journey. — ^Househ. Exp. 




The friendly protection of the Count de Bigorre to his 
banished relations had been probably secured by their mother^ 
the widowed Countess of Leicester, who, with her eldest son, 
in October, 1265, made an unreserved surrender of their 
rights to Bigorre, which had accrued to them from its grant 
to the late Earl, in 1256, when his nephew, the young count, 
had been unable to defend it from the hostile attacks of 
Gaston de Beam\ This, at the time when civil war was 
ravaging the country, was a marked proof of the respect in 
which the military skill of de Montfort was universally held ; 
but, under altered circumstances, his widow and his son now 
relinquished Bigorre to the protection of Thiebault, King of 

The privity of Almeric to the Viterbo murder, presently 
related, being suspected by Edward 1., he did not venture 
to return to England, though he acted as executor to his 
mother, and had come to Paris in company with the Bishop 
of Chichester, intending to return. King Edward was an 
implacable foe, and paid a galley £1. 6^. Sd. for watching 
him and the bishop, besides employing a paid spy at Paris'. 
When at length he was captured in his voyage to Wales 
(1276), Almeric was detained in custody at Corfe and else- 
where for many years. Pope after pope applied for his release 
in vain ; the brief of Martin IV.* (Viterbo, Sept. 20, 1280), ap- 
pealed to the King " by the memory of the blood by which he 
was connected with our dear son, Almeric de Montfort, our 

^ Extraits des Begistres de Cham- 
pagne, Vols. nr. and v., pp. 474, 476, 
art. 8. Tresor des Ghartres, p. 294. 
Eschivat de Chabannes, Coont de 
Bigorre and Jourdain, bis brother, 
by deed dated Tarbes, 1256, gave aU 
the county of Bigorre to ** their dear- 
est ancle,'* Simon de Montfort, Earl 
of Leicester, "bono animo et spon- 
tanea Yolontate quia magis volomus 
quod Tos habeatis et vestri quam 
eitranei." — This grant was confirmed 
At Palis, 1258, with a clause to pre* 

elude any future claim of restoration. 
The deed of surrender by the younger 
Simon de Montfort, not haying been 
previously published, wiU be found 
m Appendix E. 

* Thiebault (Theobald), King of Na- 
varre from 1253 to 1270, had married 
Isabella, daughter of Louis IX. 

* *'20s, ad insidiandum."— Bot. 
Pip. 2« Edw. L 

* Martin lY. , by name Simon de 
Brie, was elected Feb. 22, 1281, crown- 
ed March 28, died March 28, 1285. 




chaplain V and engaged that he should swear to leave England 
for ever. Edward finally delivered Almeric into the custody 
of the bishops in Convocation, and referred the question of 
his release to Parliament, Feb. 14, 1281. Archbishop Peck- 
ham interested himself in his behalf, and wrote to the King* 
that " we hear from your cousin, Sir Amorri, that he never 
intended to live in Wales, or blemish your honour in any 
manner ; and as to the words you told us he had spoken in 
prison against us and others, we cannot find by the wardens 
that he ever said anything against your lordship; — if he 
were plotting, he would not be so desirous of your favour as 
he is." Some of the barons even to the last refused their 
assent ; but the King, " mild and devoted to God," as the 
archbishop informs the Pope', granted it ; and Almeric being 
solemnly pronounced free in the presence of many witnesses, 
was delivered to the Pope's agent at London to be conducted 
to France. At Rome he subsequently abandoned the priest- 
hood and became a knight, dying soon afterwards. 

Of his brother Richard nothing is known after his journey 
to Lourde, and it ia probable that he died young abroad 
without leaving issue. The tradition that he w^as allowed to 
return to England subsequently under the assumed name of 
Wellysborne, seems unfounded*. The bearers of that name 
more probably were connected with the entirely distinct 
family of Peter de Montfort, if not altogether strangers. 

1 WilkiiiB' Cone. 

* In a French letter, dated Sly- 
done (SUndon), Eve of Trinity. 

» London, Feb. 21, 1282.— WU- 
kins* Cone. 

* ** Richard se refngia en France 
avec sa mdre." — Moreri, Diet. 

* See Stothard*8 Mon. Efl., Dngd. 
Warw. There are charten extant 
purporting to be his, in which he 
names himself as ** Wellysborne, son 
of the Connt Simon Earl of Leicester, 
and one of the sons of the Lady Ele- 

anor, the Eing*B sister:'* his seal is 
inscribed " Bellator* filii Simonis de 
Montfort," and exhibits a knight in 
full armour, with the rampant lion 
on his shield, and a cross on his 
banner; but these are jastly consider- 
ed by Camden as spurious. Bichiurd 
Wellysborne (of Wellysborne Mont- 
fort, in Warwickshire, which had 
long been possessed by Peter de 
Montfort's family), married Maria de 
la Bokholles of that parish. 



** It will have blood ; tbey say, blood will have blood." — ^Macb. 

One more incident of a public nature, which connects the 
(le Montforts for the last time with British history, and 
avowedly resulted from the events of the Barons' War, may 
fitly conclude these pages, and may be examined more cii*- 
cumstantially, as having attracted little notice, owing to its 
occurrence in a distant country. 

The active spirit of Prince Edward after all resistance 
had been crushed at home, sought indulgence in the inter- 
prise of the distant Crusade ; and, with his brother Edmund 
and cousin Henry, he took the cross from the hands of 
Cardinal Ottoboni (1270). When to the congenial allure- 
ments of distant adventure, and the unbridled license of war, 
the piety of the times added release from debts and remission 
from sins, we must not wonder at the Prince being able to 
gather a party of enterprising companions^ for this Crusade, 
though the now cooler judgment of others on this point has 
been already noticed. A century before, the popular chants of 

1 "Earl of Gloucester." For a list 
of the crasading knights, who ac- 
companied P. Edward, see Mr Had- 
Bon Turner's paper in Arch. Joom. 
YoL VIII. p. 46. It includes Boger de 
Leybum, and 9 knights, Brian de 
Brampton, and 1 knight; Boger de 
Clifford, and 9 knights; Bol^rt de 
Mounteny, and 2]mights-; William 
FitzWarin, and 2 knights; Adam de 
Gesemuth, and 5 knights; Thomas 

de Clare, and 9 knights; Alan de 
MonteAlto and 1 kmght; William 
de Huntercombe, and 2 knights; 
Walter de Percy, and 3 knights ; Wil- 
liam de Valence, and 19 knights; Bi. 
chard de la Bokele, and 2 knights ; 
Payne de Chaworth, and 5 knights; 
BobertTipetot, and 5 knights; Hfunon 
TEstrange; Pr. Edmund, and Gil- 
bert de Clare, E. of Gloucester, were 
to foUow. 




the Crusades breathed more of religious than even military 
enthusiasm : — 

"Ad portanduiu onus Tyri 
Nunc deberent fortes viri 

Soas vires experiri, 
Qui certant qaotidie 
Landibus xnilitisB 

Gratis insigniri; 

**Sed ad pugnam congressoris 
Est athletis opns duris 

Non mollitis Epioaris: 
Non enim qui plaribus 
Catem curant somptibtis 

Emont Deum precibns. 

**Lignnm cmcis signum docis 
Seqnitur ezeroitus, 
Quod non oessit, sed pneoessit 
In vi Sancti Spiritns. 

Now let the strong in zealous throng, 
While yet they may, their strength 

And Sion*s burthen bear; 
Advance with nnbonght chivalry, 
And spur on aU in rivaby. 

Fit warrior's fame to share. 

No dastard cold of softened mould. 

Bat hardy knight in vigorous might, 

This holy work mnst dare: 

They who at home in sensual ease 

Lavish their wealth theflesh to please. 

Buy not Heaven by prayer. 

The sainted wood. 

The Cross has stood. 
To our host a shining light; 

It shrinks not back. 
It guides our track 
In the holy Spirit's might. 

** Quibus minus est argenti 
Si fldeles sint inventi, 

Pur& fide sint contenti: 
Satis est Dominicum 
Ck>rpus ad viaticum 

Grucem defendenti 

Who money lack, need not turn 

Nor scrip prepare, if faith be there, 

The faithful feel no loss: 
The Lord's own body leads the way, 
Enough of food and cheer and stay 

To those who guard the Cross. 

The sainted wood. 

The Cross has stood, &o. 

Among those who now found this vent for their private 
restlessness, was one too powerful and vacillating to be safely 
left at home, the Earl of Gloucester. He had mainly con- 
tributed both to the rise and ruin of de Montfort, but, dis- 
satisfied either with his share of reward, or with the utter 

Lignum crucis, Ste,^ 

^ Song of Master Berther, of Or- 
leans, in 1187. — See Boger Hove- 
den, p. 689. In the same year, at 
Dunstable, ** on the Vi^ of St Law- 
rence the heavens opened, and in 
sight of many clergy and laymen a 

very long cross of a wonderful size 
appeared, on which our Saviour was 
seen to be nailed, crowned with thorns, 
and with outstretched hands the 
five wounds bleeding, but the blood, 
though it flowed, fell not upon earth." 



disregard of all previous promises of constitutional reform, lie 
had again resorted to arms against the King. He had even 
taken London^ although too unstable to persist in any fixed 
line of conduct; he had afterwards submitted to the indignity 
of having the terms of his reconciliation referred to the Pope. 
His eldest son was accordingly requii^ed to be delivered up 
for three years to the Queen, or his castle of Tunbridge to 
Prince Henry, but by the wiser mediation of Prince Edward 
both these conditions had been remitted*. 

Before the return of Prince Edward from this expedition 
he was preceded by his cousin Prince Heniy, who, in his 
journey through Italy, found himself at Yiterbo at the same 
time with his two cousins, the disinherited exiles, Simon and 
Guy de Montfort 

The narrow escape of Guy from sharing the fate of his 
father and brother at Evesham has been noticed, and the 
circumstance, as vaguely transmitted by the tradition of 
three centuries, seems to have given rise to the fine old 
ballad of "the Beggar of Bethnal Green," the noble father 
of "pretty Bessee." The rescue of "young Montfort, of 
courage so free," from the heaps of slain after a battle is 
there effected by a fair lady : — 

*' Who Being jomig Montfort there gasping to lie, 
She saved his life through charitie.'* 

He was not long, however, in recovering from his wounds ; 
and after an imprisonment, first at Windsor and then at 
Dover, had succeeded in escaping to the Continent by bribing 
his keeper and deceiving his guards". On his arrival in 
Italy as a soldier of fortune, he was seized by the Pope's 
orders as an excommunicated fugitive*. Guy, however, pos- 
sessed his father's military talent; and much as the Pope 

* On this occasion the moh attack- • Woodstock, July 16, 1268. — Ry. 

ed the King's palace, which must mer. He married afterwards the 

have been rebmlt since the fire of Princess Joan, bom at Acre during 

1263, and is described thus, '* quod this Crusade, 

in diversis regnis comparationem ^ T. Wyke. 

reoipere dedignatur."— Wyke. < Landino, Comment. Dante. 




hated the de Montforts, this advantage, urged by a powerful 
Prince, more than compensated for his ecclesiastical demerits. 
The French Prince, Charles d'Anjou, who had accepted the 
Sicilian crown* from the Pope's gift after Prince Edmund's 
resignation, procured the release of Guy de Montfort, in order 
to put under his command 800 French knights. With these 
Quy took possession of Florence on Easter-day, 1267', and 
was appointed his deputy-governor, when the Prince became 
Imperial Vicar in Tuscany. After this important service 
Guy greatly distinguished himself by his zeal' for his master, 
contributing to his great victory over the rival king Corra- 
dino at Tagliacozzo, August 24, 1268, and was sent to reduce 
Sicily to his power*. In this the French were successful, 
but they had introduced " worse evils than greater luxury " 
among the Italians'^; their military strength might have 
long enabled them to retain the island in their grasp, had 
not the cruelties of the army, unchecked by King or Pope, 
at length roused the people by their excess to the vengeance 
of the memorable Vespers : — 

"Se mala Bignoria, che Bempre ao- 

li popoli Boggetti, non ayesBe 
MoBBO Palermo a gridar, Mora, 

Mora.— Par. 8. 73. 

^ His wife Beatrice in said to have 
nrged hiB acceptance of it, ambitious 
of thus placing herself on a par with 
the three Queens her sisters. She 
entered Naples in great pomp as 
Queen "with magnificent gilded car- 
riages and plenty of richly dressed 
damsels, to which spectacle the peo- 
ple there were quite unaccustomed." 
—Ann. Muratori, 1266^ She died 
in 1267. 

» G. ViUani. 

> Dante (Inf. 82. 116) aUudes to 
his bribing Buoso da Duera, the 
General of the Ghibellines, in order 
to facilitate the passage of the French 

* Philip Ck>ant de llontfort, de- 
scribed as "a bold knic^ and ex- 

Had not in lording, which doth 

spirit np 
The people ever, in Palermo rais64 
The shout of <* death," re-eoho'd 

loud and long. — Cary^s Transl. 

perienoed in arms, ** had been entmsi- 
ed with the goYemment of Bigorre, 
in 1258, as deputy for the Earl of 
Leicester, who invited his people 
there to obey him '*tam fidehter 
quam amicabiliter tanquam nobis.** 
See Tr6sor des Chartes, p. 292. He 
was also actively employed under 
King Charles, and was in Sicily. He 
was the son of Philip, Lord of Ferte^ 
Aleps and Castries in France, and 
Lord of Tyre in Syria, who was a 
first cousin of Simon, the great Earl 
of Leicester, and was among those 
who had invited him to supreme 
power at Jerusalem. — See p. 46, ante. 
Nangis, Muratori. 

" '* II lusso e qualche oosa di peg- 
gio." — Muratori. 





He was rewarded, as others of his comrades were, ¥ath 
liberal grants of lands and baronies \ and thus becoming 
Comit of Nola, was high in trust and favour with King 

His brother Simon, as the elder son, had been looked up 
to by the. partisans of his father as his successor in the 
guidance of the popular impulses; and, as has been seen, 
made some attempts to retrieve the fortunes of the party. 
A contemporary poet thus earnestly expresses his anxiety for 
him immediately after the battle of Evesham :-^ 

" Priez ions, mes amis doox, 
le fitz Seinte Marie, 
Que renfant, her puissant 

meigne en bonne vie: 
Ore est ooes, &c.^** 

Now all draw near, companions dear. 

To Jesus let ns praj, 
That Montfort*s heir his grace may 

And learn to heaven the way'. 

After the final overthrow of his house and party, Simon 
had joined his brother Guy in Italy, and they were both 
together at Viterbo in March, 1271*. 

For two years after the death of Clement IV. (Nov. 29, 
1269), a conclave of fifteen cardinals had been sitting in that 
city; and, as their tedious incubation had not yet produced 
a Pope, the interest attached to this election* happened to 
attract there at the same time Philip, who had lately suc- 
ceeded to the crown of France, Charles, King of Sicily, and 
the English Prince Henry, passing through Italy on their 
separate journeys. 

It adds to our interest in the untimely fate of Prince 
Henry to know that he had been recently married (March 6, 

^ ''Hebbe da liii molti stati nel 
regno." — L'historia di Casa Orsini da 
Pr. Sansovino, Ven. 1665, p. 62. 
Filiberto Campanile specifies Cicala, 
Atripalda, Furino, as given to Oay. — 
See Dell' Armi dei Nobili, 2 edit. 
Napoli, 1618. 

^ Lament de S. de Montfort, from 
Ma Cott. in W. Bish. Polit. Songs. 
The translation from Ellis' Anc. S. 

'Duchesne, Hist. Script. Norman 
Chr. Norm, dates this event 1257, 

and the battle of Lewes 1251. 

* Teobaldo de' Yisconti of Piacen- 
za, then Archdeacon of Lidge, was 
ultimately chosen; he was, at the 
time, absent at Acre, with Prince 
Edward, who on his return visited 
his former comrade as Gregory X., 
at Rome, with a great suite (magnA 
oomitiv&).--Lansd. MSS. 897, 8. 
Gregory was elected Sept. 1, 1271, 
crowned Jan. 27, 1272, and died 
Jan. 10, 1276.— Nicholas' ChronoL 




•1269), with the zealous approval of the King and Prince 
Edward, to Constance, the daughter and expected heiress of 
Gaston de Moncade, the wealthy and powerful Count of 
Beam*. This alliance shortly preceded the journey towards 
Syria, from which, or rather from Tunis, Henry was now 


He was performing his devotions in a chapel opposite his 
lodgings on Friday, March 13, when the vindictive passions 
of the past barons' war selected him as a fresh and last 
victim. The two de Montforts, from the time of their cousin's 
anival, had watched him night and day, resolved " with all 
intent of mind," to revenge the ruin of their family on one 
whose royal blood seemed to identify him with the authors 
of their father's death and their own expulsion. 

The solemn description of the event which Pope Gregory 
afterwards put on record", represents Prince Henry's visit to 
Viterbo as commanded by Prince Edward, and encouraged 
by the King of Sicily, with the express object of restoring 
the de Montforts to the favour of the English Prince. This 
intention, however, if really entertained, could not have been 
made known to his angiy cousins, and circumstances soon 
put an end to any such idea. The exclusion of the de Mont- 
forts from England was never revoked, yet the royal enmity 
of Edward did not extend, as in meaner instances of later 
date, to carved stone ; and there still remains the armorial 

^ This marriage, which ia not no- 
ticed in the usual pedigrees of the 
royal family, is dated hy T. Wyke in 
May. Constance is mentioned as 
possessing TickhiU for her dower, 
when a widow in 1272. — ^Bot. Pat. 
53^ 56° Hen. m. She was the eldest 
daughter of Gaston VII. , Viscount of 
Beam, and was married first to Al- 
fonso, son of James I. of Aragon. 
There being no brothers, she was 
considered her father's heiress. It is 
to be hoped the lady did not inherit 
ber grandmother's personal peculiari- 
ties, '*a woman remarkably mon- 
strous, and a prodigy of fatness.*' — 

M. Par. Edward I. wished her, on 
her return to her own country as a 
widow, to marry Aymon Count of 
Geneva (c. 1279), and Gaston pro- 
mised to do this at the King's request. 
(Tower MS. No. 1456.) Constance 
urges the payment of the arrears of 
her dower from the King, and wishes 
to come to England to speak face to 
face with him, there being some 
coldness between them. She caUs 
herself " Constance, relict of the late 
noble man Henry of Germany." 

* Processus, in Thesaur. Cur. Be- 
cept. Scacc. — Bymer. 




shield of the great Simon de Montfort on the walls of West- 
minster Abbey, the only public record of his high alliance 
and of his place in British history\ 

It was the time of Lent, so that Simon and Guy easily 
tracked the unfortunate Henry to the church at high ma8S% 
when, knowing that the two Kings of France and Sicily were 
also engaged at their devotions in the Franciscan church', at 
a distance, the opportunity of accomplishing their revenge 
presented itself. At first thjsy intended to pluck him out 
from amidst his attendants, but the crowd being too great 
for this, the brothers rushed in upon him with drawn swords 
while the unsuspecting Prince was kneeling before the altar. 
From the very threshold of the church Guy fiercely re- 

^ Under the same window of t]^ 
north aisle of the nave is also the 
shield of his enemj, John de Wa- 
renne; these are copied in the title- 
page, as are also those of Henry III., 
and the Sing of the Bomans, from 
the Abbey. In the <<Bolls of Arms/' 
180a-14, those of the Earl of Lei- 
cester, "gales, a lion or, tail fonr- 
oh^," are among the extinct arms, 
"armes abattnes." The descend- 
ants of Peter de Montfort at that time 
bore, *'in Sussex and Surrey, Sir 
William de Montfort, bende or and 
azure," **John Montfort, bende of 
10, or and azure." Under the let 
window East, are the shields of the 
Emperor Frederic II. and Louis IX. ; 
under 2nd those of Glare and Bigot ; 
under 3rd those of Montfort, the 
straps of the shield supported on 
the right by a projecting head of an 
aged bearded man wearing a coronet, 
on the left by a smiling head with 
curly hair. The supporter on the 
right of De Warenne is the head of a 
noble female with linen bands across 
her forehead and imder her chin, 
that on the left has been cut away to 
make room for a modem monument; 
under the 4th is the shield of Albe- 
marle. On the South side imder the 
1st window East are the arms of 
Henry IH. ; under the 2nd those of 
Alexander IIL and Raymond Count 
of Provence (or, 4 paUetcf, gules); 

under 4th the shield of Bichardus 
Gomes Gomubie, supported on the 
right by a man*s head, bare at top 
with curls at sides. Many of the 
shields exhibit the heraldic colours 
and the names inscribed on the 
smaU cornice over them. 

* G. Yillani. T. Wyke says it was 
early in the morning; Chr. Laner- 
cost, that it was at vespers. 

' There is the most singular dis- 
crepancy among different authorities 
as to the church in which the murder 
took place. According to Nangis, 
Trivet and W. Bish. , it was S. Loren- 
zo, which is in fact the cathedral in 
the south of the town, and with this 
Platina (Yite de Pontefici) agrees. T. 
Wyke and Walsingham name the 
chapel of the confraternity of S. Blaise 
(8. Biagio). Ann. Wav., Chr. Oxenede 
and two Italians, Landmo and Y eUut- 
elIo,callit S. Sylve8tro,aparish-church 
in the middle of the town near the 
market-place ; and this must have been 
really the scene of the murder, being 
the only one named' fulfilling the 
Pope's description of its occurrence, 
<*in a certain parish -church." The 
convent of S. Francisco, where King 
Philip represents himself as being at 
the time, is much farther to the North, 
near the Porta S. Lucia, according to 
the plan of Tarquinio Lignsti, Yi- 
terbese, 1596. Compare Gebauer's 
Leben des Kaiser Bichards, 0. 274. 




proached him, " Thou traitor Henry of Almaigne, thou shalt 
not escape ;" and without respect for the sanctity of the place 
or of the ceremony, they stabbed him repeatedly with their 
daggers, even while he clung so closely to the altar that four 
fingers of his left hand were nearly severed in the struggle 
to tear him from it\ Supposing him to be dead when he 
fell under their blows, the de Montforts retreated to the door 
and joined the troop of horse- and foot-soldiers whom they 
had placed there to secure their flight. One of his party 
asking what had been done, Quy answered, " I have had my 
revenge';" but when taunted with the worse usage his father 
had met with — " How was your father dragged about ?" — he 
hurried back to fulfil every detail of the bloody retribution 
in his power, and dragged his expiring victim by the hair 
out of the church, venting his fiiry again and again upon 
him in spite of his clasped hands and cries for mercy. Every 
part of his body was mutilated with wounds ; his side, loins, 
and fiEU^e were savagely cut, as if the brothers exulted in 
acting over again the bloody tragedy of Evesham. "You 
had no mercy on my father or my brothers*," were the last 
insults heard by the Prince in his agony of death. 

The audacity of the attack, and the armed force at the 
door, seem to have paralysed the Prince's attendants ; while 
of the two priests then celebrating mass, and who inter- 
posed, one was killed and the other severely woimded\ 
The murderers mounted their horses at the church-doors 
and fled in safety to the Maremma, where Count Udribal- 
dino Rosso dell' Anguillara*^ (whose daughter Margaret was 

^ T. Wyke. Processua, Rymer. 

• G. Villani, 7, 40, introduces the 
French words into his Italian text, 
''Je a fet ma yengeanoe." ** Com- 
ment vostre pdre fat trane?" — ^thns 
giving an air of much authenticity to 
his account, for Guy would natundhr 
use that language to his French 
comrades, independent of its being 
then in habitual use at the English 

s **Pai8 le traina hors du.mous- 

trier. Henri le cria meroi jointes 
mains, pour Dien qu*il ne I'occeist, 
et Guy li rispondi, *Tu n'ens pas 
piti^ de mon pdre et de mes fr^res.' ** 
— Nangis; Processus in Bymer; G. 

* T. Wyke; Processus in Bymer. 

' Anguillara was a noble castle 
near the lake formerly called Angu- 
lare, now Lago di Bracciano. Hume 
represents them as taking refuge in 
tie church of S. Francis, which th^ 




the wife of Guy) had power to shelter them firom pur- 
suit : — 

"Yor in a Friday, the xnorwe up Sein Gregorie*-8 day, 
Afi he stod at is masse, as that folo isay, 
Before the weved in his bedes at the seore rigt. 
Com Sir Gui de Monntford that was stalwarde knigt, 
And is atinte sone, alas I iarmed wel indu. 
And oommnnes with him and to him eren drou. 
And B(mote) im thorn oat is suerd and Tilliohe him sloo.'* 

Bob. Glouc.1 

Such is the account by the rough poet of " this hideous and 
abonpnable thing/' as the Italian historian' justly calls it ; 
and that it should have been done so publicly and within 
reach of the protection of the French Princes^, naturally 
cast some reproach even upon them. 

The letters of the two Kings, written upon the spot im- 
mediately after the event, are. full of phrases of horror, and 
professions of pursuing the culprits, but so slack was the 
pursuit, that they were never forgiven by Prince Edward* ta 
whom the letter of Charles was addressed : — 

"In sorrow and grief of mind we acquaint you, that 
lately, when we and King Phillip were at the Roman court, 
Simon and Guy de Montfort, children of perdition, with no 
respect to the Roman Church, to the King, or to ourselves, 

certainly did not do. Some consider 
Count BoBSO as more expressly im- 
plicated in the murder, '*cum con- 
silio et auxilio Comitis Bufi." — 
Lansd. MS. 229. T. Wyke also in- 
volves Almeric de Montfort : ** Simon 
cum Guidone necnon Comite Bufo, 
cujus filiam duxerat, non sine as- 
sensu, ut credi poterat Emmerici 
fratris eorundem," &o. 

^ Wevedy altar; hedet, prayers; 
rigty rite. The feast of S. Gregory 
was on March 12. 

« G. Villani 

' ''Bege FranciiB et rege Siciliie 
ignorantibus, vel forte conniventi- 
bus."— T. Wyke. "Simone et Gui- 
done de Monti Forte, Comite Bubeo, 
immo aliis nonnullis spectantibus, 
in crastino S. Gregorii." — Chr. Oxen. 

*' Onde la corte turbd forte, dando di 
cid reprensione alio Be Carlo, che 
cid non dovea sofiFerire, se Thavesse 
saputo, e se nol sapeva, non lo dovea 
lasciar passare impunito." — G. Vil- 

« In the Pleas of 1275, Walter de 
Baskervill is spoken of as outlawed 
for the death of Henry (murdrati per 
Simonem de Monte Forti), and was 
therefore probably one of Guy's com- 
rades at Viterbo. Baskervill plead- 
ed in defence that he could not be 
tried for anything done in a foreign 
country, and subsequently he was 
allowed, 1278, to recover his lands, 
by the Kenilworth decree, from Bo- 
ger de Clifford, the latter, however, 
retaining his life interest. — Placit. 
S*" Edw. I. pp. 195, 264. 


wickedly killed — alas I what a calamity 1 — ^your and our kinsr 
man Henry. We, firmly resolving to pursue these wretches 
to their ruin and extermination \ as if the atrocity had been 
committed on ourselves or on our children, have ordered 
Henry Count Valdemonte and Agnani, our Vicar-General in 
Tuscany, to pursue and seize these most abominable crimi- 
nals, so that it may be made manifest by deeds how deeply 
their guilt has touched our jinmost soul. Wherefore we 
earnestly beseech your Greatness not to be confoimded or 
dejected, but to persist in your accustomed constancy. Vi« 
terbo, March 13V' 

King Philip's letter to the King of the Bomans, written 
"not without vehement bitterness and grief of heart," de- 
scribed in greater detail that the two Kings were hearing the 
solemnities of the mass in the church of the Minor Friars, 
while Guy and Simon, ** at the same day and hour, attacked 
Henry with armed hand, when he was in^ a certain other 
chapel of Viterbo, opposite his lodging, hearing mass or pray- 
ing, and there at the instigation of the devil killed him:** 

The church at Rome, then represented by the conclave, 
issued its denunciation on the murderers; and Pope Gregory, 
six months after his election, renewed it, calling them " sons 
of Belial, led on by a diabolical spirit" The presence of 
Edward I. at the Papal Court on his return from Sjrria^ 
seems, however, to have been the active cause of quickening 
the steps of justice, for up to that time no aiTCst had taken 
place and no judicial process begun. Gregory X., lamenting 
the delay, in a public and solemn notice of thQ crime' (March 
1, 1273), summoned Guy de Montfort to appear within 
fifteen days before him to answer the charges of murder, 
fratricide, sacrilege, and the insult done to God, to the 
Qhurch, and to the Princes, of which common report de- 
nounced him and his late brother Simon* to have been guilty* 

^ **In exterminiam et rainam ini- ' Rymer. — Lansd. MS., 397. 

qaonin^ ipsorom." ^ "Simone fatali Borte rebus ha- 

* Bymer. manis exempto.-"— Rymer. 


An escort was offered him from the boundaries of the 
territory of his father-in-law in order to prevent any excuse 
of his fearing to approach Edward I., who had even offered 
to remove his residence if Quy would swear to come. Count 
Bosso soon afterwards received a similar summonsS as he 
not only arrived at Viterbo at the same time with Quy, but 
had also accompanied him when approaching the spot where 
the murder was perpetrated, had been present with his suite 
near the place while so foul a deed was committed, and had 
subsequently harboured Guy. 

The criminals, instead of obeying, sent Almeric de Mont- 
fort on their behalf to excuse their non-appearance, and 
plead for delay until Edward's departure from Italy, fearing 
his avowed desire of revenge ; Quy even ventured to allege 
that he had the justest reasons at the time for the murder 
of Henry, and that having been stripped by Edward of all 
his substance he was now compelled by his destitution to 
league with men of violence. The Pope of course rejected 
all such excuses as trifling; and as to his plea of poverty, 
reminded him that in fact he had lost nothing, for that the 
property in England had never belonged to him at all, his 
elder brothers having had prior claims to the succession of 
their late parents ; while as to his Sicilian lands, the King 
had justly recalled the grant of them on his sudden flight 
after the murder. 

Almeric vainly tendered Guy's confession of the crime 
and bargained for mercy: the Pope, though Guy did not 
appear, deprived him of all faculty of inheritance, and doomed 
him to perpetual infamy, to confiscation and forfeiture of his 
jurisdiction in the lands of his wife, decreeing that no de- 
scendant, even to the fourth generation, should ever hold 
oflSce or dignity, while every one was authorized to seize Guy 
and bring him to prison". 

^ In a letter to Baynerio, the sn- [? Sovana] consueto ejus domicilio.** 

preme authority in Florence, March — Rymer. 

6, 1273. The summons was to be « Processus, April 1, 1278, — By- 
delivered in oruear *'ciTitate Luan mer. 




The zeal of the Pope, however, seemed to relax, when 
not excited by the presence of his powerful friend, King 
Edward \ In a few months afterwards (from Lyons, Novem* 
ber 29) he wrote to that monarch, that "on his passage 
through Florence, Guy, by his wife and others, had implored 
compassion with every sign of a humbled and contrite heart; 
with his accomplices he had even prostrated himself on the 
road before the Pope two miles out of Florence, barefooted 
and with no other garments than shirt and hose, having 
ropes round their necks, and begging in that lowly posture 
with tears and prayers for any punishment, so that a door of 
mercy might be opened for him'.** 

Simon de Montfort had already escaped from human 
punishment, by his death in a castle near Sienna, in the year 
of the murder, ** after a brief wandering on the earth with 
the curse of Cain upon him*.** Guy, however, was now con- 
signed by the relentiug Pope to the penance of a cell for 
more than ten years, ''until the apostle^ (in the words of the 
chronicler) granted him favour and mercy." The motives of 
Martin lY. in his release, 1283, seem, however, to have been 
more worldly than apostolic; for the Pope needed his military 
services in Bomagnuola against Montefeltro, and the imme- 
diate success of Guy, who recovered much tenitory for the 
Papal see, quickly repaid the obligation. His father-in-lkw, 
Count Rosso, being dead, he left the siege of Urbino by the 

^ Edward I. paid 350 marcs to 
William de Valence, as a debt from 
Henry of Almaigne, Windsor, Sept 
1274.— Rymer. 

' Logdnn. III. KaL Dec. Gerard 
de Bosdllon was despatched by the 
Pope with this letter. — ^Bymer. 

* Chr. Boff. According to Ann. 
Donst. he died in France, as well as 
his brother Bichard. " Simon passa 
en France et y moomt sans poste- 
rity.'* — Moreri, Diet. ** Simon, Earl 
of Bigorre, was ancestor of a family 
of Montfort in that part of France.*' 
_Sandford'B Gen. Hisl. p. 87. It 

is probable that he was the father of 
Bichard Signor di Gambatesa, who, 
by marrying Thomasa, the heiress of 
the Gampobasso family, became the 
ancestor of the lords of Gambatesa 
and Gampobasso, who oontinned to 
flomish in the kingdom of Naples 
tUl the 15th centniy. His death, 
however, before March, 1278, is cer- 
tain and notorious. 

^ '*Pnis en sooffroit Gny grant 
penitence, car il en fa en chartre en 
nn fort chastel, et y demonra tant 
que Tapostoile li fist grace et miseri- 
oorde."— Gesta Philippi IIL Nangia. 




Pope's sanction, in order to secure the inheritance of his "wife 
ajid children from the encroachment of Count Santa Flora. 
A few years later, in 1288, again in the service of Charles 
d'Anjou, he was taken prisoner in a naval fight off Sicily, 
while endeavouring to relieve Catania, which had been 
^eized by Reginald on the King^s behalf. The Sicilian ad- 
miral, Roger de Laurea, sent him and his other French 
captives to various prisons ; but though all the others were 
reli&ased by ransoms, Quy alone could never regain hi^ 
liberty, either by entreaties or large offers of money. 

At one period an agreement seems to have been come to 
for his release, on payment of 10,000 ounces of gold (4000 to 
be paid at once, and 6000 in ten months). There is extant 
an earnest letter from one of his friends at Naples, calling ou 
all his relations in France to contribute towards this sum, 
and stating that the Guelf party in Tuscany had already 
promised to raise 6600 florins, besides 1000 from a vassaL 
As his life would, be in danger in default of payment, his 
friends are urged to- do the best they can as quickly as 
possible \ 

The influence of the English King is said to have occa- 
sioned" this severe treatment of Guy, and " the hand of God 
(observes the annalist) reached him in its own due time, for 
he finished his days miserably in a Sicilian prison V 

Though accident thus brought home misery to one of the 
murderers, yet the mui-der was never effectually punish^ by 
the arm of human law. The savage deed cannot be palliated 

^ This appeal is made to Baool 
de Cleremonter conetable of France, 
Amalto de Montfort, and to Jehana 
de Montfort, Conte de Esqoillache 
and de Moterescaiens. — ^Rymer. Flo- 
rence had promised 1000, Sienna 
2000, and Orvieto 3000 florins. 

* Nangis, Oesta Philippi III., 
"Dolo tentufi ut dicitor Kegis Ed- 

• Mnratori, Ann. Guy, by his 
marriage with Margaret, only dau^- 
tor of Coont Bosso, had two daugh- 

ters — Thomasa, who married Pietro 
di Yico, Prefect of Bome ; and Ana- 
stasia, who married, 1293, Bomano 
Orsini, Grand Justiciary of Naples, 
invested as Count di Nola by Charles 
II. Almeric de Montfort, after Guy*s 
death, acted as guardian to his 
nieces, and died 1292.— See Cam- 
panile, ** Dell* Armi," &c. p. 44. The 
HarL MS. 6461, 19, p. 70, adds, in- 
correctly, to the children of Simon de 
Montfort, " de quibus nulla proles.^* 
Guy died 1288.-.Moreri. 


the; murder at viterbo. 


by any reference to the provocation so many years before, 
but it would appear still more strange if the unfortunate 
Prince, as many accounts assert \ was in no way a party to 
the death of the great Simon de Montfort. There is no ex- 
press proof as to his being present at Evesham or not ; we 
have seen that he had been sent on an embassy to IVance, 
May 17, and may possibly not have returned before that 
battle. His cold-blooded inurder seems to denote that the 
de Montforts at least thought his active enmity had earned 
their life-long vengeance. Some such strong impulse seems 
required to account for the crime, especially in the case of 
Simon, whom we have seen, in all the fresh excitement of 
anger and grief, shielding the father of his present victim 
from the fury of his soldiers at Kenilworth, and who had 
himself been indebted for his life to Prince Edward when a 
captive at Northampton. 

Among some zealous Royalists there had yet lingered an 
apprehension that the de Montforts, if recalled from exile, 
might have troubled the state, and the murder at Viterbo 
appeared in their eyes as a providential means of rendering 
their pardon hopeless'. 

The retribution of this atrocity, which worldly policy 
delayed and mitigated, has been signally awarded by poetry. 
Dante has for ever fixed the shadowy image of Guy de 

^ Aooording to Gfar. Norm. Da- 
ohesne, Henry was not in the battle 
of Eyeshani, and had endeavoured 
to procnre the recal of the exiles. It 
adds that Simon had guaranteed his 
safety at Viterbo in the presence of 
the two Kings. It is veiy improbable 
that Henry was mistaken for Prince 
Edward, as Ghr. Lanero. asserts. 

' " Irmit in templnm maledicti 
stirps Onenenonis, 
Perf odit gladiis hone Symonis atqae 

(hiidonis : 
J)i8po6nit Dens at per eos vir tantas 

Ne revocatis hiis gens Anglica tota 


Given as an epitaph on Prince Henry 
in Lansd. MSS., 229, and Chr. BoflL 
From the allasion in it to the trai- 
tor, Qano de Pontieri (the Ganellone 
of Dante, Inf. 82. 122), who betray- 
ed Charlemagne at Bonoesvalles, it 
appears of foreign origin, and may 
have been inscribed at Viterbo in 
the charch. *' Gai — ayant ta^ dans 
I'^glise de S. Laarent de Viterbe (le 
Prmce Henri) qa*il accasoit d*avoir 
fait mettre en pi^es le corps da 
Gomte de Leicester son pdre." — Mo- 
reri, Diet. [Perhaps Henry was spe- 
cially odioas as a renegade from de 
Montfort's party.] 




Montfort, plunged up to his throat in a bubbling pool of hot 
blood, and shunned even by other murderers in hell : — 

" Un ombra d'nn canto sola, A spirit by itself apart retired, 

Oolni fesse in grembo a IHo He in Qod*0 bosom smole tha 

Lo cor, ohe'n su Tamigi anoor si heart 

oo]a^^Int 12. 119. That still beside the Thames for 

vengeance bleeds. 

The heart of the unfortunate Prince was sent to West- 
minster Abbey in a golden vase, and was there allowed to be 
enclosed in the same tomb with the body of Edward the 
Cronfessor*. It is said that a gilt statue on his monument 
held the embahned heart, with the label, " I bequeath to my 
fatiier my heart pierced with the dagger." These may hare 
been the last words of the dying Prince*. His bones, when 
brought to England, were buried honourably at Hailes in 
Gloucestershire, May 21*. 

Such ibneral honours, however, could not comfort the 
bereaved father : he who had formerly been spared by the 
mercy of the de Montforts, now felt their tardy and distant 
vengeance a^ a mortal blow. His only surviving son Ed- 
mund was at the time on his way to Sjrria, in company with 
his cousin of the same name, the King's son, as Crusaders'; 

^ The characteristio allnsion of 
Dante <ancor si cola) to the ancient 
superstition of the blood trickling 
afresh from a murdered corpse, either 
io denounce the murderer, or to ez- 
eite others to revenge, has not been 
rendered by Cary and others. A 
friend, the Rev. Henry Wellesley, 
having pointed this out, has also 
supplied the novel translation of the 
last line. 

' Ghr. Boff. ELis old shrine was 
translated with much ceremony to 
a new one adorned with gold and 
precious stones, being borne on the 
shoulders of King Henry III., Bi- 
chard King of the Romans, Prince 
Edward, Edmund Earl of Lancaster, 
Earl de Warenne, Philip Basset, and 
as many as could touch it. The de- 
posit of the heart is also mentioned 
by Dart (Hist. Westm. Abbey), and 

Omll (Westm. Abb., p. 176). G. 
Yillani says the heart was placed on 
a column at London bridge, "^fdiich 
is very improbable, and Landino 
speaks of his burial in London, 
** where the other Kings are buried," 
The mention of the Thames by 
Dante probably caused the con- 

' Landino. There is no trace or 
record, however, of any such monu- 
ment in the Abbey. 

* Ghr. Oxenede and Ann. Waver- 
ley speak of his burial at Hailes 
on May 21; a funeral mass in his 
honour was celebrated at Norwich, 
July 22. The Lansd. MS. 229, says 
the body was buried at Yiterbo be- 
tween two Popes, and all his bones 
carried to Hailes. 

» T. Wyke. MS. Lansd. 229. The 
seal of Edmund de Alemania, Earl 




he anxiously recalled him to England on learning the fatal 
loss; but although gratified by his return, he soon after, 
April 2, 1272, went down sorrowing to the grave. 

As the wealthiest man of his times, the King of the 
Romans \ in pursuance of a vow made in a moment of peril 
at sea^ had amply endowed a monastery at Hailes*, where 
was also deposited what was then esteemed a possession very 
lucrative from its attractions, a drop of blood reputed to be 
that of our Saviour. The importation of this relic', duly 

of Cornwall (at p. 95, Sandford) re- 
presents him as a knight galloping, 
with his arms on shield — on the re- 
verse, the same arms on a large 
shield are npheld hy a strap from the 
month of an eagle. 

^ Arms of E. of Romans in east 
window of Bedall church, and of 
Richmond, Yorkshire. 

' The Franciscan Alexander Hales, 
a native of this place, owed his edu- 
cation to the Eing of the Romans, 
and was so acute a reasoner as to be 
called the Irrefragable Doctor; he 
had the distinction of being master 
to two eminent saints of the Romish 
calendar, Buonaventura and Thomas 

* The Earl brought this blood to 
Hailes *' upon Holyrode day in Her- 
viste, where God daylie shewithe 
miracles throwe the virtues of that 
precious blood ;*' and ttierefore Pope 
John XXrV. aUowed the Abbot to 
gtBut absolution for all but reserved 
sins after two confessions, and one 
confession **to asoyle them in the 
poynt of dethe of all gynnes, noone 
excepted,^ Pope Eugene IV. gave 
absolution for four confessions at 
Corpus Christ!, and seven years and 
three lents to idl who give " eny 
thinge to the worship of God and 
that precious bled.** Pope Callixtus 
m. ''granted full remission at Cor- 
pus X^, and at Holyrood in May 
and harvest;** also xv Cardinals, 
each by himself, gave 100 days par- 
don to those who honor it, and 
*'put to ther helpynge hondes to 
the wellfare of that forsayde mo- 
nasterii of Hayles.*' Lelimd, CoUect. 

Vol VI. p. 288. Edmund, Earl of 
Cornwall, obtained this blood in Ger- 
many, according to HoUinshed, **1^ 
fair entreaty «and money, of a noble- 
man. Lord of Seyland (Dugd.), and 
gave one-third of it to Hales, and 
two-thirds to the College of Bona 
Hommes which he founded at Ash- 
ridge, Herts, 1288 (Deo et beata 
Mariffi ac rectori Bonorum virorum 
fratrum ecclesiie, in honore nretiosi 
sanguinis Jhesn Christi apud Esse- 
rugge), and where he was himself 
buried, together with the heart of 
the sainted Bishop of Hereford, Tho- 
ngs de Cantilupe (v. p. 257 ante), in a 
tomb ** miro tabulatu fabricate*' in the 
north part of the choir. The saint's 
heart, however, was subsequently 
(mandatis apostolicis) removed, and 
with the holy blood translated, " in 
tabemaculo quodam deaurato sibi 
competenti.** Dugd. Mon. 6. 514, 
The seal of the monasteiy, acci- 
dentally found in 1821, appears to 
represent the golden cross, which en- 
shrined the relic, above a vase or 
bottle. In 1295 Edmund, Earl of 
Cornwall, gave ** crucem auream cum 
pede de aumail, quid nobilissiman 
portionem sanguinis preciosissima 
Crucis Christi in se insertam con- 
tinuit.'*— Chr. Hayles; Dugd. Mon. 
Perhaps this relic gave rise to the 
proverbial saying, ** As sure as God 
is in Gloucestershire/* This is called 
in ** Ray's Proverbs** a foolish and 
profane proverb, unfit to be used; 
and explained as having more rich 
abbeys, &c. than other shires; but 
the Hailes relic may have caused 
this expression of pious faith. 




authenticated under the hand of Pope Urban IV., produced 
3 great sensation at the time, 1270, and brought the monas-^ 
tery into high repute for many ages, until at length the 
rough chemistry of Henry VIIL's commissioners detected it 
to be the blood of a duck*. In this spot his widow Beatrice*, 

1 This seems to rest on the testi- 
mony of William Thomas, olerk of 
the Council to Kdward VI., who may 
have been present at the examina- 
tion of the relio before the King. 
He savs (MS. BodL N. £. B. 2. 7), 
-** See here the oraft of thes develisse 
Boule-qaeUers: it behoved eche per- 
son that cam thither to se it, first to 
confess hymself , and then, paying a 
certeyn to the comon of that Monas- 
tery, to enter into a chappell, uppon 
the aulter whereof this blod sbxHa be 
showed him. — (The monk confessor 
presented) — ^a pixe of cristall great 
and thicke as a bowle on the one 
side, and thyne as a glasse on the 
other syde — (two monks specially ap- 
pointed) every Saturday killed a duck, 
and renewed therewith this consecrate 
bind, as they themselves confessed, 
not onlie in secret, but also openly 
before an approved audyence." — On 
Nov. 24, 1539, John Hilsey, Bishop 
of Bochester, preached at Paul's 
Gross, and shewed the relic to be 
*' no blood, but hony clarified and 
coloured with saffron, as it had been 
evidently proved before the King and 
Council.** — *• The blood was invisible 
to man under mortal sin, no better 
than the blood of a duck renewed 
every week in a crystal very thick on 
one side but very thin and trans- 
parent on the other." — See Herbert's 
Henry Vin..p. 431; Fuller's Church 
History, 6. 333; Fox, Acts and 
Monum. 2. 431; Collier's Eccles. 
Hist. 2. 149. — The original report of 
the King's Commissioners, however, 
make no mention of duck's blood, 
nor of the different thickness of the 
sides of the glass. The certificate of 
Hugh Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, 
of Henry Holbech, Prior of Worces- 
ter, of Stephen Whaley, Abbot of 
Hayles, and of Richard Tracy e, Esq., 
High Sheriff of Gloucestershire ^ dated 

Oct. 28, in 30th year of Heniy VIIL , 
reports that **Uiey have viewed a 
oerteyne supposed relyoke caulyd the 
blod of Hfoles, which was inclosed 
vnthin a rovmde herall gamyshed 
and hownd on ev*y syde with tylv', 
which we cawsed to be openyd in 
the presence of a greate multytade 
of people— (they took it out) — being 
within a lytle glasse, and also tryed 
the same according to owr powers, 
wittes, and discretyons by all meanys, 
and by force of Uie view and other 
tiyals thereof we thinke, deame, and 
judge the substaunce and mattier of 
the sayde supposyd Belycke to be an 
imctuowse gumme colouryd, which 
being in the glasse appeiryd to be a> 
glisterynge redd resemblynge partly 
&e color of blod — and after we 
did take owt part of the sayd sub- 
staunce and mattier ewt of the 
glasse, then it was apparunte glis- 
terynge yeolow color lyke Ambre, or 
basse golde, and dothe oleve to as 
gumme or byrdlyme." It was en- 
closed within a cofEre and sealed, and 
so delivered te Bichard Tracye ; and 
it casts suspicion on the Commis- 
sioners te find that the Manor of 
Hailes is now in the family of the 
Traoys. — End of Heame's Benedic- 
tus Abb. Petroburg.— Oxon. 1735. 

' Cencia, his second wife, mother 
of Edmund, dying in 1261, when she 
was buried at Hayles, the Prince 
remarried June 16, 1269, Beatrice, 
daughter of a German baron, Theo- 
doric de Falkenberg, and niece of 
Engelbert, Archbishop of Cologne 
(1262—1276), who retired to Bonn 
in 1268, disgusted at a rebellion of 
the Colognese. His tomb and efiGigy 
are in the cathedral of Bonn. *' Non 
ambitu dotalitii, sed incomparabilis 
formae ipsius captus illecebrd.*' — T. 
Wyke. Lansd. MSS. 229. 





whose personal beauty had but recently led the uxorious 
Prince in his old age to a third marriage, erected a sump- 
tuous pyramid over his tomb. The relic, the monument, 
and the whole convent have been long swept away, and 
there survived to modem times only one incidental effect of 
the JEtccumulation of vast property in this Princess hands. As 
Earl of Cornwall^ he had given charters to the numerous 
small towns' on his estates in that county, and this entitling 
them subsequently as burghs to send representatives to Par- 
liament, long enabled them to sway the destinies of the 
empire by the chorus of their accordant voices, and thus 
during many centuries to influence the constitutional liber- 
ties of England. 


^ The grant of Cornwall to him 
was in 1224, and it was from this 
domain that he raised the army he 
had with him at the battle of Lewes. 
"Comubia, abi Richardns Comes 
excitavit exercitmn, quem seonm 
diudt ad bellom de Leans." — Cott. 
MSS. Nero A. lY. The arms of the 
King, argent, a lion rampant gules 
wit^ a bordore bezant^e, were 

found in a Franciscan convent at 
Bordeaux, on its being pnUed down, 
1746. He had probably been a bene- 
factor to it. For the same reason 
his arms also appear in the south 
aisle of Westminster Abbey. 

' Launceston was made free 1231; 
Liskeard, 1240; Bodmin, Truro, and 
Helston afterwards. — See LyBons' 



A. — Referred to at page 171, Kote 3, and at page 194, 
Note 2. Eeprinted from a letter addressed by Mr Blaauw 
to the Sussex Eocpress a/nd County Advertiser^ 1863 : 

No historian has yet fixed the site of the Battle of Lewes. 
That of the first collision between Prince Edward and the Lon- 
doners, under the command of Lord Nicholas de Segrave, is accu- 
rately ascertained to be that portion of the Downs immediately 
above the Offham Chalkpits, where large quantities of skeletons 
have been at various periods exhumed by the men engaged in 
flint-digging, — ^the greater portion of which is to the north-east 
of Steere's Mill. Here the killed were evidently buried after the 
battle in small pits sufficient for six or nine bodies. The greatest 
number dug up in any one pit was nine. 

Where the more extensive portion of the battle was fought 
between the other two divisions of Simon de Montfort's army 
and his reserve with the two divisions of the Koyal Forces, has 
not as yet been fixed upon; for it is a singular fact that the traces 
of a battle-field have not been recognized upon any part of the 
Downs. The remains of no single warrior have ever been found 
from Plumpton Plain to Steere's Mill, or to Kenward's or Spital 
Mill. Nor are there any traces on the side hill from the Bace 
Course to Houndean Bottom, so that the wide expanse of Downs 
from the northern boundary to Ashcombe, with the exception of 
the one mentioned above, the Ofi'ham Chalkpits, affords not the 
slightest trace of a battle ; and yet it is supposed by some writers 
that there were nearly 100,000 men engaged in it, viz. 40,000 


Baronial troops and 60,000 Royalists. Of the accuracy of this 
number great doubt is expressed. Half the number is more pro- 
bably nearer the truth, as the estimated loss of the battle ranges 
between 3000 and 20,000. The Monk of Lewes sets it at 2700, 
which might perhaps represent those who fell in the streets of 
Lewes, and those who fought in the rencounter between the King 
and Simon de Montfort. Taking a medium calculation, and set- 
ting the number to be 5000, it is quite evident that there must 
be the site of the burial of not less than 3500 yet unknown and 
undiscovered, and were these buried on any part of the Downs 
traces of them would long before this have been exposed, for 
nearly every portion of the Downs ^has, within the past century, 
been sufficiently turned up to mark such a spot if any existed. 

In 1264 the Downs extended to the very walls of Lewes, and 
to the gates of the Priory in Southover, and, with the exception 
of a very few buildings, an uninterrupted sward surrounded the 
western side of the town, so that any party leaving Lewes Castle 
would, immediatelyithey passed the Wallands, be upon the Downs; 
and a similar party, leaving the walled boundary of the Priory 
of St Pancras, find themselves upon smooth turf open to sight on 
all sides; so that the troops under Prince Edward would, after 
leaving Lewes Castie, be upon the Downs as soon as they reached 
the Paddodc, and hence on the Wallands to Offham Hill would 
have an easy and uninterrupted ride on their way to meet the 
Londoners. A similar open field would be presented to King 
Henry and his brother, the King of the Homans, with their troops 
when they emerged from the Priory grounds. These commanders 
and their troops could readily and uninterruptedly march from 
Southover over the Hides to the gentle slopes of the Downs at the 
Spital and towards Ashcomba 

From facts which have recently come to the knowledge of the 
writer of this article, he is confirmed in the belief that the greater 
portion of the Battle of Lewes was fought in the vicinity of Lewes 
County Gkol to the very walls of the town. 

At the onset of the battle the Barons' army was drawn up in 
battle array, the right wing commanded by Henry, the eldest, and 
Guy, the third son of de Montfort, on the ground near the site of 
the last Sheep Fair, extending near to '' Hope in the Valley," at 


356 THE barons' war. 

the foot of the Haredean. The left wing of the Royal forces, 
under the King of the Romans, was opposed to these Confederate 
forces, and oltimatelj succumbed to them. These entered the 
battle-field no doubt from the top of Southover. 

The centre of the Barons* army descended the hill to near the 
Lewes Qaol, where they encountered Henry and his centre, who 
had emerged from the Priory, and took his route, no doubt, up the 
sides of the Hides and Southover House Paddock. The reserve 
of the Confederate forces was held back at Eenward's Mill, where 
de Montfort could command, as it is stated he did, a full view of 
the battle-field. 

It is evident that the King's forces were taken by surprise ; 
consequently some time elapsed before they were prepared to leave 
their quarters, and during this time the Barons* army was de- 
scending from the heights of the race-hill towards Lewes. Prince 
Edward was the first in the field, and his impetuosity of attack 
succeeded in overcoming the Londoners, who formed the left wing 
of the Confederate army, and the time estimated from the first 
alarm that the Barons* army was ahead, would be sufficient to 
enable the Royal Prince to reach the ascent to the Offham Hill, 
about three-quarters of a mile from the Castla His sanguinary- 
attack occupied but little time before he drove the Londoners 
over the precipitous side hill of the Offham Chalkpits that formed 
a temporary respite in the retreat down to the brooks ; but this 
was only temporary, for the Prince's forces could again come upon 
them by descending the valley opposite Offham turnpike-gate.. 
From here the pursuit of the discomfited Ijondoners extended into 
the Weald, and a portion of them were pursued along the high 
ground to Hamsey Church, where they passed the swamps to 
Mailing Mill, near which upwards of 80 were killed, and after- 
wards buried in a pit that was discovered at the time of lowering 
Mailing Hill. Another party, the more numerous of the affrighted 
warriors, passed through the Weald on their escape to London, 
and were met with by some Royalist troops at Croydon, where a 
severe hand-to-hand fight took place, and the dead were buried 
in George Street of that town. These were discovered a few 
years since in lowering the road leading to the Brighton Railway 


The King and his forces, who were lying within the walls of 
the Priory, being taken by surprise, lost some time in getting in 
order; so that before Henry could possibly leave his quarters the 
Barons were gradually approaching Lewes, and it doubtless was 
only by great exertions he got from Lewes as far as the Spital 
Barn. He could not possibly have reached the heights of the 
Downs, as there was not time for -such a movement after the 
period of the alarm being given, which did not take place till 
after the Barons came in sight of the Priory Church Tower, and 
this could not be seen until the Barons had passed the Sheep 
Pond, southward of the Lewes Race Course; consequently it is 
clear that the Barons' light wing and centre had commenced de- 
scending the Spital Hill. From these and other facts we have 
concluded that the battle-field on which Simon de Montfort de- 
feated Henry and his forces was in the close vicinity of the Lewes 
County Gaol, and extended from thence to the walls of the town 
at Westgate, and to the walls of the Priory Gateway. We are 
further strengthened in our opinion by the fact that in 1810 Mr 
Barrett, the late respected road-surveyor, lowered the Brighton 
turnpike-road ; and during his excavations near the eastern car- 
riage entrance to the County Gaol he discovered three large pita^ ^ ^ c< ' » 
filled with skeletons, containing by estimate quite 500 bodies in ^^ « ^ U ^ - s 
each. These he subsequently reburied in the grounds of St Ann's .;' ' ■' *<* * 
almshouses. His carts were engaged sevenJ days in carrying them ' 

to their present resting-place. The discovery of these pits readily y, ^ j,,^ 
proves that a battle had been fought in their vicinity ; and if, as .\( ,-, , . * c 
we suppose, these are the bodies of those who were engaged in the 
final struggle for victory, it may, without any stretch of imagina- 
tion, be considered that the site selected by us was that of the 

Near about the time that Henry was overwhelmed by his 
opponents, his brother, the King of the Bomans, was equally dis- 
comfited by the rapidity of the attacks of his foes on the right 
wing of the Barons. His defeat was so rapid that he nearly fell 
into the hands of the Barons, and would have done so had he not -: 
made his escape to a water-mill at hand. This water-mill was on 
the Winterboume stream, the remains of which were traceable 
about 80 years ago. 

• ■■ [ ■ I. ' ' ' ' 

" ■ ■' ■ ■ - ■ • V .l\C *^ . . - ^ 


The spot we have selected for the site of MoDtfort*s carriage, 
in which were confined Augustine de Harestock [Hadestock], 
Richard Dycard [Pycard], and Stephen de Chelmereford, three 
aldermen of London, who were, by mistake, killed by Prince 
Edward's party on their return to the battle-field, was on the high 
ground near Steere's Mill — a spot eminently calculated to mislead 
the King's party as the head-quarters of the Barons' Commander- 
in-Chief, especially as he had fixed his banner on the carriage. 

We believe that by taking it for granted that the battle-field 
was between Lewes and the Spital Mill, and becoming acquainted 
with the localities, the reader of the records of the battle will find 
no difficulty in reconciling it with all the details that have been 
furnished by the writers of the day when it was fought. It may 
be said that, in giving our views, we have dogmatically asserted 
as facts what are mere suppositions ; but we sincerely believe in 
our statements, and trust they will furnish some reliable addition 
to the researches of the antiquary as well as be interesting to the 

B. — Eeferred to at p. 328 : firom Archives du Koyaume, J. 630. 
Liven taire de Dupuy, Angleterre III. 

Alienora Dei gracia regina Anglie, domina Hybemie, et du- 
cissa Aquitanie, Petrus comes Sabaudie et Johannes Mansellus 
Thesaurarius Eboracensis omnibus ad quos presentee littere per- 
yenerint salutem. Kotunl &cimus quod cum per composicionem 
et pacem inter excellentissimum dominum Ludovicum illustrem 
regem Francie ac karissimum dominum nostrum Henricum regem 
Anglic illustrem initam, teneretur idem dominus rex Francie dare 
ipsi domino regi Anglie id quod quingenti milites constare debe- 
rent rationabiliter ad tenendum per duos annos, secundum quod 
in forma pacis ejusdem plenius continetur, prefato quod domino 
rege Anglie aliorum arbitiium non cuiunte super hoc expectare, 
' ad hunc amicabilem finem devenissent quod predictus dominus i ex 
Francie pro eo quod constare deberent quingenti milites tenendi, 
ut predictum est, ipsi domino regi Anglie in centum triginta 
quatuor milibus librarum Turonensium teneretur, de qua quidem 
sum ma pecunie idem dominus rex Anglie septuaginta sex milia 
librarum Turonensium jam ab eodem domino rege Francie rece- 


perat in peconia numerata, Nos, ab ipso domino r^e Anglie per 
patentes ipsius litteras super hoc plenam potestatem habentes, totmn 
residuum illius pecunie, videlicet quinquaginta octo milia libra- 
rum Turonensium, deductis, duobus milibus libns Turonensibua 
quas idem dominus rex Anglie dedit et concessit subsidio terre 
sancte per dilectum nostrum Jobannem de Yalencenis militem in 
bujusmodi subsidium expendendis, nomine ipsius regis Anglie ab 
ipso rege Francie recepimus in pecunia numerata, et ita cum satis- 
factum sit integre predicto domino regi Anglie de totali debito 
supradicto, Kos nomine procuratorio domes et res milicisB Templi 
et hospitalii lerosolimitani tam citra mare quam ultra, quas pri* 
ores et magistri earumdem domorum sponte predicto domino nos- 
tro i*egi Anglie per suas patentes litteras super biis, ut dicitur, 
obligaverant pro domino rege Francie memorato, et omnes ob- 
ligaciones alias, si que super biis alie facte fuerint, quitamus ex 
nunc et remittimus penitus et expresse, volentes quod si littere 
predictorum priorum et magistrorum ipsarum domorum Templi et 
Hospitalii, vel alie super predictis obligacionibus facte, forte inve- 
nirentur ab aliquo, nullius essent valoris a modo neo obtinerent 
alicujus roboris firmitatem, Promittentes etiam bona fide quod, 
quam citius commode poterimus, litteras patentes ejusdem domini 
regis Anglie super hujusmodi obligacionum remissione et quita- 
cione expressa eidem regi Francie &ciemus haberi. In cujus rei 
testimonium presentes litteras sigillis nostris fecimus sigillari. Da- 
tum Parisiis die Dominica post ascensionem Domini M^CG^.lx^ 
quarto, mense Junio. 

Three seals appended. 1. Queen Eleanor's, without 
inscription, the lower half of her figure remaining, the 
rest broken. 2. Peter de Savoy's perfect, with his 
arms, inscribed S. Petri de Sabaudia. 3. John Man- 
sers broken, the middle part of an old Roman Imperial 

C— Referred to at p. 330: from Arch : du roy : J.'1034. 
Suppl : au Tr€sor des Chartes. 

Conseiles donn^ au Roi d'Angleterre pour Tadministration de 
son Royaume. 

A nostre Seigneur le Roy monstre chil ki a grant volenti de 

360 THE barons' war. 

li servir toute se vie, si comme il a moDtr6 et dit 'a plnnenra dn 
consel ki li deaasent monstrer et dire le pourfit et Tonnear et le 
bien de yous et de Yotre roiaume, encores le yous mechion en 
escrit^ si ke yous en puissies mix user pour defirende et recouYrer 
votre roiaume et votre terre, et dont vous porres avoir plus grand 
defiante, ch^t il savoir, d'or et d'argent. Dieu et droiture est 
avoekes yous et li plaist ke yous le Yollies siever, car tout le plus 
de la boene gent de crestient^ yous Yoelent sievir a che ffure, mais 
ke YOUS aiiez poir d'aus aidier d'argent. Argent ares yous as6s, 
mais ke yous voeillez ordener levie de le bone gent de Yostre 
roiaume d'Engleterre, lequelle cose il font Yolentiers mais ke yous 
chele Yie voellies ordener et monstrer avoeques, si comme autre 
roj ont fisdt en tans de guerre. 

Au couraenchement cascuns Arckeveskes et eveHkes aient XII 
chevaus, IIII clers et II II escuiers, desquel cascuns ara de sen 
Seigneur une reube par an, et leur seigneur III, et nient plus. 
Li dras ke li evu.ske usera soit de le valeur de Ills Taune, des 
clers lis et VId Taune, et des escuiers lis Taune et nient plus. 

Item, ke toutes les dames du roiaume d*Engleterre se tiegnent 
a leur reubes ke eles ont, et ke ca8cun an eles aient une reube de 
Ills Taune ausi comme li eve^ke et li cheYalier ont, et nient plus. 

Item, tant comme an mengier des archeveskes et eveskes il 
aient II mes de char an diner. Tun quit en yaue et I'autre en rost 
Au souper 1 me^ de char rostie et nient plus, et au premier mes, 
il aient chervoise ^ boire, et au second vin, an souper chereYoise 
sans Ym. 

Item, ke nus archeYeskes, eveskes, contes, barons ne riches 
hom ne faichent nul genuer aus feste ui doignent a mengier li 
nului, si ne soit a gent ki soient leur ostes ke il herberguent aYoec 
aus, et soient pris en le maniere devant dite. 

Item, ke notres sire^ li rois, contes, barons et toute maniere de 
gent tienent et tenir fachent de mengier et de boire et de restaure 
tant comme le were dure. 

• Item, ke chascuns escuiers et chevaliers ki aient XXX livres 
de rente aient cheval ct soient vami d*armes. 

Item, ke chascuns bourgois et franc hom ki ait de biens 
k le valeur de Yc marcs d'estellins aient kevel et soient vaml 


Item, cascun markeant Lombart et li autre estraine paieront 
volontiers pour cascun »ac it laine de Teuvre et pour casciui lest de 
quir, V marcs. 

Item, de toutes markeandises entrans en le terc ou isans hors 
de le tere d'Engleterre, ke on pait de cascun XXs, Xlld du ven- 
dour a maintenir le were. 

Item, de toutes markeandises vendues dedens le roiaume soit 
pai^ pour cascuns XXs du vendeur, lid a maintenir le were. 

Item, pour cascun quartier de fourment veudu soit pai6 du 
vendeur Illd, de Torge lid, du soille lid, de Payaine Id, des 
{eves Id, des pois Id, du mestellou Id, a maintenir le were. 

Item, de cascun buef et de cascune rake paie du vendeur 
mid, pour pore lid, pour mouton lid, pour veel lid. 

Item, ke tout markeant estraine puisent venir et markeander 
sain et sauf par tout le roiaume d'Eugleterre, paiant leur droiture 
devant dit hormis cliiaux du roiaume de Franche ou ke il soient 
en were centre le roiaume d'Englletterre ou en tains de were cen- 
tre nostre sener le roL 

Et puis ke li estraine march eant voelent aide h. le were main- 
tenir, bien le doivent voloir et soutenir les gens du roiaume d'En- 
gleterre, et ke nostres sires li rois voelle aidier et grase faire ^ tons 
ses chevaliers et esquiers, ki sei*ont en sen serviche en le were du 
roiaume, soient respitie de leuer detes, tante comme il seront en 
le were hor du roiaaume, et sachies, Sire se vous voles hastierment 
faire I'ordonnanche de le laine, pourche ke li tans aproche, ke I'or- 
donnanche plaira bien as markeans estraines de paier Y. marcs 
pour le sac : vous en vares avantage dedens YI. mois OX. mille 
marcs, mais ke vos gent de levier vous voellent aidier passer ii 
tons de markeans. 

D.-— Referred to at p. 331 ; from Arch : du roy : J. 1024 
Suppl : au Tr6s : des Chartes. 

A tot ceus qi cest escrit vrunt u arunt Richard par la grace de 
Deu Roy des Romeins tot jors cressaunt salut en Deu. Saohe vostre 
universites nos estre tennt ^ Madame Aleanor nostre soer contesse 
de Leycestre, k tot ses enfaunt et a tote lor gent k estre lor leal 
ami et enterin et lor serom eydannt e conseylant k tot nostre poer 
k lor dreyture porchacer en Engleterre et a totes lor besoynes fere 


envers totes gent sauve la foj nostre Seyneur le rej de Engleterre 
e la mon sear Edward soen fiol, et de oe volons ii nostre Senor 
e leaument promectons a fere luj nostre lectre overte dedent les 
octaves de la Seint Michel prechein suannt, e de ce fere luy bay- 
lorn en pleage not honorables peres en Deu Walter par la grace de 
Deu evesque de Wirecestre e Roger evesque de Cester, e mon seur 
Warin de Bassingebame, qi par not prieres en cost escrit unt mis 
lor seaus. Donn^ en la priore de Kenilwerthe le Dimeinche pre- 
chein avant la feste de la Kativit^ Nostre dame en Tan du rengne 
le Rey quarante nevime. 

Traces of three seals appended. 

R — Referred to at p. 334. From the Registres de Cham- 
pagne, Vols. iv. and v. p. 474, Art 8. 

Eschivardns de Chabenes, Comes de Bigorre et loedanns fina- 
ter ejus Simoni de Monteforti oomiti Leycestrise — quod dominua 
Gkston Beamensis devastavit nobis totam terram, et nos non poe- 
sumus defendere— <lamus totum Comitatum Bigorre cum perti- 
nenciis suis bono animo et spontanea voluntate quia magis vo- 
lumus quod vos habeatis et vestri quam extranei — Datum Tarbe 
in Transfiguratione Domini in camera episcopi, anno domini Millo. 
CCo. LVIo. 

Esquinardus de Chabanes, Comes Bigorre dedimus et conces- 
simus et hac presenti carta confirmamus bono animo et nostra 
spontanea voluntate domino Simoni de Monte Forti Comiti Ley- 
cestrise karissimo avunculo nostro et hseredibus suis et assignatis 
totum Comitatum nostrum Bigorre et S. Chanzon et Montem de 
Marchan et Yicecomitatum de Marchan cum omnibus pertinenciia 
suis, quia magis volumus quod dominus Simon et hseredes et 
assignati sui habeant et teneant prsedictum Comitatum una cum 
terris prsadictis et omnibus suis pertinenciis quam inimici nostri a 
quibus expediri comitatum nostrum et terras pnenominatas de- 
fendere non possumus, promittens pro nobis et hsBredibus nostris 
pnefato Simoni et hasredibus et assignatis hanc donationem et 
concesfdonem ac prsBsentis cartse confirmationem juramento cor- 
poraliter preestito nullis temporibus nee ullo modo vanire pre- 
sumamus, et ad majorem securitatem sigillo venerabilis patris 
domini Episcopi Lincolniensis una cum sigillo nostro prsesentem 


cartam procuravimus calcearL Datum in ParisiiB in festo beatas 
CecilisB Virginia, 1258. 

A tous ceux qui cet ecrit verront et arront, Symons de Mont- 
fort, fils et heritier monseigneur Simon de Montfort Oomte de 
Leycestre salut Sachiez que je donne et ottroie pour moi et mes 
heritiers ^ noble et cher Seigneur Thiebault par la grace de Dieu 
Koy de Kavarr^ et Comte de Champagne et li ses heritiers le 
chastle de Lourde et ses appartenances et tout le droit que nous 
avons ou avoir pouvons en le Comt^ de Bigorre, le quel Cont6' le 
devant dit Comte mon pere dou don et dou grant mon Seigneur 
Eschivat de Chabannes, avant le comte de Bigorre, et p6ur ce que 
je veuil que cest mon don et grant soit ferme et establie en tous 
jours, en temoins de ce je ai mis mon seel ii cet eecrit qui fut fest 
au mois d'Ottobre, Tan Notre Seigneur mil deux cenz sexante et 

There is a similar deed sealed by Eleanor Countess of Leycea- 
ter, of the same date. William, Bishop of Le Puy, claimed Bigorre 
as held of his see, and took it into custody on behalf of Thiebault 
in 1267> in order to protect it from the suits of the King of 
England^ and of Esquivat de Chabannes. 

F. p. 220, Note 4^ — It has occurred to me that the siege of 
Tonbridge,. to which the passage cited from the Hundred EoUs 
refers, might be considered the early one of May 1 (see p. 209). 
I therefore quote the following additional entry : ** Et quod do- 
minus Gilbertus comes de Clare cepit de hundredo de Faversham 
XY. libras pro insultatione castri de Tunnee'gge (sic) quam fece- 
runt per di&trictionem domini Johannis de la Hay et dum comes 
fuit cum domino Bege." John de la Hay was an eminent 
baronial partisan ; and the only time which unites the two con- 
ditions of his holding a command in Kent, and the Earl of 
Hertford being in the King*s company with the view to reduce 
Tonbridge, is the occasion of the return from Lewes to London. 
The fines which the EarFs bailiff levied seem to have been for 
insufficient musters or late appearance in the field, and are re- 
peatedly complained oil — Botuli Hundredorum, i. pp. 206, 208, 
209, 210, 211. P. 

364 THE barons' war. 

G. — Mr Blaauw had begun collecting materials for a catalogue 
of the partisans of the Barons. He had transcribed from the 
Inquisitiones de Rebellibus, preserved in the Kecords of the 
Tower, all that relate to Sussex. But he ended by striking them 
out ; feeling, I have no doubt, that the evidence they give is 
insufficient, as they only show that certain lands were occupied 
upon different persons, who are not, however, described as ** re- 
belles" or "inimici regis,*' and may have suffered for a lord's fault 
or by an act of usurpation. He, however, left uncancelled letters 
84, 398, 399, and 406, from the Tower records; and these, which 
contain fix)m 50 to 100 names of Royalists or rebels, I have 
used with advantage in the subjoined lists, though I have not 
always been able to identify the persons alluded to. 

Our chief sources for the personal history of the war, are 
the Chronicles, such as Kishanger and Wykes, supplemented by 
lists of names like those priuted in the Appendix to Bishanger ; 
certain lists of " Rebelles" in the Calendarium Genealogicnm, e. g. 
pp. 175, 246 ; lawsuits for the restitution of property in the 
Abbreviatio Placitorum, and the facts of all kinds collected by 
Dugdale in the Baronage. All this evidence is more or less 
doubtful and difficult. Our chroniclers and clerks were not very 
studious of orthography. The two Royalists of note who fell at 
Evesham are called in a MS. copied by Stow (Harl. 542), Hugo 
Stragmiles and Adam de Ridmallis, and in the Miracula Simonis 
de Montfort, appear as Hugo de Troia and Adam de Ridmark. 
I cannot doubt that the same names are intended, but cannot 
identify either person, unless the first be a Hugo le Strang or 
U Estrange, miles, and the second an Adam de Ridware who 
held part of two fees on William de Percy's property. The rebels 
in the Calendar were men of landed property which the Crown 
had declared forfeit : but even with this assistance I cannot recover 
several of their names. In the Abb^e^4atio Placitorum cases of 
forcible entry, robbery, and usurpation of lands during the civil 
war are very numerous ; but except where we get clear evidence 
that the aggressor was in arms against the King, or the sufferer a 
Royalist, I have not inserted their names. There can be little 
doubt that every county had men like the Earl of Derby, who 
saw nothing in the great conflict of ' King and people" but an | 
opportunity for private plunder and revenge. ^ r^ :^. ^^j^ , '^^ ^^ * ^^^^ 



Nevertheless, for the great nobility of the kingdom, the Earls 
and Barons, the evidence is on the whole sufficient, and an analysis 
of it will, I think, throw some light on the war. In the year 
1264 there were twelve great English Earls. Deducting, how- 
ever, from these the King's' brother, half-brother and son, there 
were only nine who could" be said to represent the independent 
baronage : and even of these the Koyalist de Warenne was the 
King's second cousin, and the Royalist Earl of Hereford descended 
through his grandmother from a bastard of Henry I. The 
Royalist Earl of Warwick had been bought over by his earldom 
in 1263. The six Earls who espoused the popular side might, 
therefore, fairly claim to speak for the whole English nobility. 

The English barons had by this time dwindled down from 
206, their number altogether in John's reign, to 161. Of these 
we can identify 50 as certainly, and nine as probably. Royalist : 59 
as certainly, and five as probably, insurgent : and eight as precluded 
by age or infirmity from taking part Of 30 we know little or 
nothing. At first sight these numbers appear to show that tlie 
kingdom was pretty evenly divided, but that the barons had a 
slight majority. As, however, every insurgent had to compound 
after Evesham for his estates, the chances are that few, if any, have 
escaped notice ; and I suspect accordingly that the King had in 
fact a small majority. There are considerations, however, more 
important than the mere adding up of names. Nothing will serve 
better as a rough test of the military and political strength of 
either side than the number of castles its partisans owned. Now 
the Royalist Earls had 30, the insurgent Earls only 19 ; the 
Royalist barons 38, and the insurgents only 22 or 24. It mu^t 
be remembered that the King still had many castles in his own 
hands ; Rochester and Dover, for instance, though given up to 
parliamentaiy seneschals in 1258, were held for him in 1264. 
Others, like Windsor and Bristol, had never been parted with ; and 
some, like those attached to the earldoms of Devon and Albemarle, 
were in his care during a minority. The result was that he 
could choose counties like Kent and Sussex — where almost every 
man was against him, but where he held almost every strong 
place — for the base of his operations. 

The local distribution of the two causes is, on the whole, veiy 


dearly marked. If we take a line skirting the western boundaries 
of Hampshire, Berkshire, Oxfordshire, Warwickshire and Derby- 
shire, the country to the east is baronial, to the west and 
north Royalist. I believe the main reason of this to have been 
that the eastern portion includes London and the chief com- 
mercial parts of the kingdom, which suffered more from Henry's 
misrule, and Oxford, where the scholars were almost unanimous 
against him; whilst the west and north were inhabited by a 
martial nobility who were too distant and too formidable to be 
oppressed, and to whom a war on the commercial districts was 
eminently acceptable. But there is no doubt the personal in- 
fluence of the great nobles had something to do with the dif- 
ference. The Earls of Leicester, Norfolk, Hertford, Lincoln, 
Oxford and Derby carried with them the minor nobility and 
gentry of the counties in which their castles and estates were, 
and the sprinkling of west country names on the Barons' side 
is, I suspect, chiefly attributable to the fact that the Earl of 
Hertford was also Earl of Gloucester, and that young Humphry 
de Bohun and John EitzJohn took part heartily for J)e Montfort 
Altogether, however, the district I have indicated contributed 
41 out of 59 barons to the constitutional cause, and only 18 out 
of 50 to the Koyalist. Even of these 18 two were notoriously 
bought over by the Sling. 


Edward, Earl of 'Chester*, having the castles of Chester, 
Lancaster, 'Diganwy, Caer Vaelan, Khuddlan, Beeston, Newcastle- 
under-Line, Shrewsbury, Bridgenorth, Bichmond, and TickhiU. 

Bichard, Earl of Cornwall, having the castles of Bestormel, 
Tintagol, Mere (in Wilts), Okehampton, Berkhampstead, Wal- 
lingford and Knaresborough. 

William de Yalence, Earl of Pembroke, having the castles of 
Goodrich, Kilgaran and Hertford. 

John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey, having the castles of Lewes, 
Beigate, Conisborough, Sandal, Stamford, Dinas Bran, and Leonea. 
From a case recorded in the Abbrev. Placit. p. 168, this Earl 

^ For proof of £dward*B Earldom ronage, l p. 46. Bishanger Ghron. 
see Ormerod's Cheshire, i. p. 428. p. 20. Brut y Tywysogion, A. 1263. 
New Bymer, i. p. 423. Dugdale's Ba- 


seems at one time to have been Baronial, and procured a pardon 

Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, having 
Caldecot castle. He was Royalist at Lewes, but in the Barons* 
army at Evesham. 

William Mauduit, Earl of Warwick, of Warwick castle. 

The &milies of Eedvers of Devon and Fortibus of Albemarle 
were represented at this time by a minor, Aveline. The 
Dowager Countesses made a little private war on one another 
during the troubles, and Isabella de Foiiibus seems to have 
leaned to the Baronial side. Abbrev. Placit pp. 160, 173. But 
the castles of the two fsunilies were probably in the King's hands. 
They were, for Devon, Plympton and Oarisbrook ; for Albemarle, 
Cockermouth, Skipton, and Skipsea. 

Insurgent Eabls. 

Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, having the castles of 
Kenil worth and Odiham. 

Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, having the 
castles of Tonbridge, Hanley, Moimiouth, TJsk, Caerleon and Trogy. 

Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, having the castles of Fram- 
lingham and Strigul. 

Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, having the castles of 
Pontefiract, Clithero, Halton and Denbigh. 

Robert de Yere, Earl of Oxford, having the castles of Castle 
Camps and Hedingham. 

Robert de Ferrars, Earl of Derby, having the castles of Peak, 
Tutbury and Chartley. 


Peter de Dreux, Earl of Richmond, being also Duke of 
Brittany, took no part in English politics. 

Royalist Baron& 

William Aguillon of Portingeres castle. Suae, and Sttrr. 
James Alditheley or Audley of Audley castle, Staffl 
Eustace de Balliol of Dwrhan^ Cumb. and West, 
John de Balliol of Barnard and Fotheringay castles. 
William Bardolf of Line,, Norf. and Sues, 
Philip Basset of Wycombe, Bucks. 



Warine de Baaarngbounie of Benefeld castle in NorihamU. 

John Beauchamp of Hacche in Somerset, 

William Beauchamp of Elmley castle. 

Nicholas de Bolteby of Northumb, 

Half de Boteler of Overslej castle, Wa/rw. 

William de Braose (called of Qower), of Bramber and Knapp 

Peter Brus of Skelton and Kendall castles. 

Kobert Brus of Lochmaban castle in Scotland. 

John de Burg*, senior, of Norfolk^ of Asshe in H<mUj and of 
Som,^ Northa/rUa^ Eaa. and Herts, 

Pain Chaworth of Glotus, 

Roger de Clifford of Clifford and Corfham castles. 

John Comyn of Badenoch, of Crigelton and Galloway castles 
in Scotland. 

Thomas Corbet of Salop, 

WiUiam le Deneys of Somera, 

Oliver de Dynan of Dev, 

John FitzAlan of Arundel, Whitchurch, Clun and Shrawarden 

Reginald FitzHerbert or FitzPeter of Glouc., Salop^ Here., 
Wales, &c. 

Fulk Fitz Warren of Whittington castle. 

Peter de Genevil of Ludlow castle. 

John de Grey of Ber, and Notts, 

Walter de Grey of Kotherfield, York and Lirte, 

William de Greystoke of Cumb. 

Hamo L'Estrange of SaZop, 

Roger Leyboum of Leyboum castle, Kent, 

Philip Marmion of Leic. and Warw, 

Roger de Merley of Morpeth castle. 

Hugh de Mortimer of Ricard's castle. 

Roger de Mortimer of Wigmore and Radnor castles. 

Geoffrey de Neville of Hornby castle and of York,, Lane,, Line. 

^ John de Burg, senior, was made ham for injuries sustained during 

Sheriff of Norfolk by the Barons the war, I think he must have been 

after the battle of Lewes. As, how- ostensibly Royalist. New Bymer, i. 

ever, he obtained redress after Eves- p. 442. A. P. p. 157. 


Robert de Neville* of Brancepeth and Raby castles. 

Henry de Percy of Northanta^ Sur, and Silss. 

Ralph de Ribald' of Middleham. 

Robert de St. John' of Basing. 

Peter de Savoy of Pevensey castle. 

William de Say of Kent and Nor/, 

Roger de Someri of Dudley and Welagh ( Warces.) castles. 

Robert de Stuteville of Warw. 

Robert de Tattershall' of Tattershall castle (Line.), and 
Buckenham castle, If^orf, 

Roger de Tony of Kirtling castle (Camb,), and Castle Maud in 
the Welsh Marches. 

Gilbert de Umfraville^ of Prudhoe and Harbottle castles. 

John of Vaux, or de Vallibus, of N'or/., NoriharUa and Suff, 

John de Verdon* of Brandon castle, Wano. 

Robert Waleran of Kilpec castle. 

Alan de la Zouch of Leicest, 

To this list we may probably add, Robert Bertram of Bothale 
(Northumb.)y who got seisin of his lands soon after Evesham : Roger 
de Chandos of Snodhill castle, Here., whose son had livery in 
1265-6 : John de Courtenay of Devon, Dorset, &c,, who was made 
governor of Totness in 1261-2: Robert FitzJohn or Clavering of 
Northumb,, son of a Balliol and ward of Will de Valence : John 
FitzHerbert of Sussex, a royal surety : William Paganel of Carlton, 
York, whose lands were restored him in 1260 : Geofirey de Scales 
of Essex, whose younger son Thomas was Royalist, Abbrev. Plac. 
177: Ralph de Sudley of Herefordshire; a royal governor in 
1269, and connected with the Beauchamps of Elndey: Gilbert 
Talbot of Ghuc, and Here,, a Royalist governor in 1269, and grand- 
son of Basset of Wycombe. 

^ Balf de Bibald, with his two sons- veraor of Porohester in 1266. 

in-law Bobert de Neville and Bobert ' See note 1, preceding page, 

de Tattershall, was BoyaUst at first, ^ Gilbert de UmfraTille and John 

but made his peace with the barona de Verdon seem to have been for a 

after Lewes. time on the Barons* side. Dugdale's 

* I insert Bobert de St John as Baronage, z. p. 505, Abbrev. Plac. 

Boyalist because he was allowed to p. 167. 
fortify in 1260, and was made go- 


370 THE barons' war. 

Insurgent Baiion& 

Giles of Argentine of Camb,y Ess,^ HerU and Hunta, 

Thomas de Astlej of Warw,^ Leic, and NortharUs, 

John de Balun of Here, and Glouc, 

William Bardolf of Linc,^ Norf. and NortharUs, 

Ralph Basset of Drayton. 

Balph Basset of Sapercote. 

John Beauchamp of Bedford. 

Maurice Berkeley of Berkeley castle. 

Roger Bertram of Mitford castle, Norihumb, 

William de Blund of Norf,^ Suff,, Ess. and Beds, 

Humphrey de Bohun of Hay, Huntington, Brecknock and 
(?) Hereford castles. 

Ralph de Camoys of Gamh.y Hunts^ Northants, &c, 

Walter de Colevil of York, Leicest., Rut,j &c. 

Robert de Crevequer of KerU, 

William de Criketot of Suffolk, 

Nicholas de Cryoll of EenL 

Norman D*Arcy of Line, 

Hugh le Despenser of EtU,, Ess., NortharUs,, Beds, ko, 

William Devereux or De Ebroicis (?) of Lenhall castle, Here, 

Walter de Dunstanvill of Salop and Wilts. 

Henry Engaine of ffunts. and NortharUs, 

John de Eyvill of Hod castle, York, 

John FitzJohn or FitzGeoffrey of Evyas Lacy castle, and of 

Robert FitzPayne of Somer., Dors., Wilts, &c. 

Robert Fitz Walter of Baynard's castle. 

Gerard de Fumivall of Warden, NortharUs, 

Gilbert de Gaunt of Line, &c. 

John Giffard of Brinsfield and St Briavel's ) castles. 

Richard de Grey of Leices. 

Henry de Hastings of Bolsover castle. 

Henry Hoese or Hussey of Suss. 

Roger de Huntingfield of Sitf, 

John L'Estrange of Ruton castle. 

Robert L'Isle of Rougemont, Beds, 


Geoffrey de Lucy of ffarUSy KerU^ Swr. and Su8$, 

Boger Luvetot of Derby and Notts. 

Robert Marmion, Line, 

Geoflfrey de Mandevill of Mersbwood, Wilts. 

Kobert de Mandevill of Mersbwood, Wilts, 

William W. Marescal of Norf,^ Line, and Samer, 

William Marmion of Suff, 

William de Moncbensy of NoTf,^ Norihmita.j and Esa. 

Koger de Montalt of Kising and Mold castle& 

Peter de Motitfort of Beaudesert and Henley-in-Arden castles. 

Tbomas de Molten of Egremont and Line. 

Hugb de Nevill of Stoke Courcy castle. 

Jobn de Nevill of Notts. 

Adam de Newmarcb, Line, and York. 

Henry de Poraeroy of Devon. 

Kobert de Bos of Belvoir castle. 

Boger de St Jobn of Oxon. 

Nicbolas de Segrave of Warw. and Leices. 

Jobn de Stutevill of Derby. 

Biobard de Tany of Ebb, and Herts, 

Bobert de Tregoz of Evyas Hai*old castle. 

Jobn de Yesci of Alnwick castle. 

Bobert de Yipont of Appleby and Burgb castles. 

Baldwin Wake of York and Cv/mJb, 

Walter de Wayvill or Wabull, Beds. 

In coDJunction witb tbis list we may perbaps notice, William 
de Beaucbamp of Cbalveston or Eton in Beds^ wbo was made she- 
riff after Lewes (see however, p. 379) ; Thomas de Cilinton of 
Warwickshire, whose second son, John, was an insurgent; Gilbert 
Peche of Brunne, two of whose brothers were on the Barons' side, 
and Bobert Yaloins of Suffolk, whose uncle, William le Blund, fell 
fighting against the King at Lewes. Dugdale thinks that Heniy 
Level of Castle Gary was connected with the eminent rebel, John 
Level; and two other Levels, Bobert and Thomas, were among 
the garrison of Kenilworth. 


372 THE barons' war. 

Minors, Aged, Infirm, or out of England. 

Stephen de Bayeux of Line., Somen, and Dan. If alive, 
seventy-five years of age. 

George Cantilupe of Abergavenny and Kilgaran castles. Only 
thirteen years old in 1265. (Compare Annals of Dunstaple, p. 257, 
and Calend. Geneal. p. 197.) 

Henry Delaval of Seaton in Northumb. was over 60 in 1258. 

Hugh FitzRalph of Notts and Derby was probably an old 
man, as he had been a governor of royal castles in 1235. 

Thomas de Fumivall of Derby and Notts. Probably on pil- 
grimage or dead. 

Robert de Ghisnes had sold his lands in Northants, and pro- 
bably was no longer counted in the English baronage. 

Robert de Gresley of Manchester was a minor. 

Geofirey de Luterell was mad. 

Unaccounted for. 

Richard Basset of Weldon in Northants. 

Walter Bek of Eresby. 

Philip de Columbers of Staway in Somerset. 

Hugh and Stephen de Cressie of Nor/, and Suff. 

Maurice de Croune of Surrey. 

Philip D'Albini of Berks. 

Edmund D'Eyncourt of Notts. 

Richaixl de Dover of Chilham castle in Kent. (This pedigree 
is in hopeless confusion. The family descended from a bastard of 
King John, but John de Chilham was on the Barons' side.) 

Henry FitzRandolf of Northumh. 

Ralph de Gaugi of Northumb. 

Robert de Gumey of GUmcest., &c. 

Henry or John de Heriz of Notts. 

William Heron of Northumb. 

William de Keynes of Dorset 

Phib'p de Kyme of Kesteven. 

Henry de Longchamp of Hants. (He had married a Heringod, 
and two of that name were in the rebellion.) 

Henry de L'Orti of Devon and Cornwall. 
. Matthew de Lcraine. 


Nicholas Martin of Devon and Som. 

William or Simon de Montacute. 

Peter de Mauley of Tarkahire. His father had been godfather 
to Prince Edward 

Nicholas Moels of Cadbury. 

John de Mohun of Somerset and Devon. 

Roger de Mowbray^ of Bedford oasUe and York. 

Ralph Musard of Musardere castle, Derb. and Gloucett, 

Peter de Scoteni of Line* 

William le Scrope of Bolton. 

Robert de Stafford of Staffi married a daughter of the Royalist^ 
Thomas Corbet. 

Reginald de Yalletort of Trematon castle. 

John de Wolverton of Bucks. 

A list of the gentry who fought on either side must obviously 
be very imperfect. Only a few were important enough to be 
named by the chroniclers, and the remainder are chiefly known 
to us by the list of confiscations. England probably contained at 
this time some twelve thousand men who had taken out their 
knighthood, or might be compelled to do so ; and it is reasonable 
to assume that half of these took part in the war. Nevertheless 
I cannot account for more than from 390 to 400 names, and out 
of these less than 1 00 are of royalists. Still I think we may assume 
that these names flEurly represent the distribution of the different 
sides, and their evidence is unmistakeable. On the king's side 
more than half (about 50 out of about 100) come from the North, 
West, or South-West, though no names from the Counties Palatine 
of Cheshire and Cornwall are included ; and though the other half 
of England must have contained two-thirds of the population. On 
the Baronial side (omitting more than 30 names which I cannot 
identify) more than 220 belong to the Eastern, South-Eastem, 
or Midland Coimties; less than 40 to the Northern, Western, 
or South-Westem. Northamptonshire, Kent, and Sussex contri- 
bute in more than their due proportion to the constitutional cause; 
no doubt because those counties were especially the theatre of war. 

^ As Boger de Mowbray died in fortified it. In this case he was pro- 

1266, in the Isle of Axholme, it bablyBoyalist, as his widow and heira 

may be that he was killed in a skir- were not impaired in estate. But 

mish of the times when the barons his father William had died there. 


ixindon was dealt with separately, and only supplies one or two 
namesy as of Stephen Bukerel, to my list. 


* A little nncertain. f ProfesBedly royalist bnt of doabtfol fidelity. 
f Coanty not quite certain. A. P. Abbreriatio Plaoitomm. 


Robert de Amundeville*. Dur, Ralf de Ardem and hia 
father. War, Walter de Audrey *. Dur. 

Hugh of Balliol. Bur. William Bagot SU^. and Sal. 
Anselm de Basset t. Som. Thomas Berkeley. Glau. Hugh 
le Bigot. Yar. Three or four sons of William Beauchamp. War. 
John Bechhampton. WU. William de Berwick t. Sam. Wil- 
liam de Borham. Uss. John de Bolemer. I^orf. Henry de 
Bracton. Dev. Richard de Braham. Bed. Robert de Briwee. 
J^^orf. and Lin. Walter Bryndebere? Bed. Henry de Bure- 
whull. iVoi/. and WeUh Marches. Robert le Bygod. Sus. 

William de Chaeny. Camb. or Welsh Marches. Robert le 
Chamberlain. Hants. Walter de Caple. GUmc. and Wor. Patric 
Cha worth. GUm. Robert de Cheny. Welsh Manrches% OeaStej 
de Chesewyk. KstU. Roger de Clifford, Junior. Her. William 
la Cousche. Camh. 

William de Ecchynge*. A. P. 177. ? same as William de 
Etliug. New Rymer, i. p. 455. Welsh Marches. Hugh of Elen- 
oourt. Glou. and Wor. 

Charles Fitz-Charles ? Sus. Marmaduke Fitz-Geoffrey *. Dur. 
Robert Fita-Pain. Dev. Dor. WU. &c. Ralf Fitz-Ralf. Northern. 
Ralf Fitz-Ranulf Norf. and Northern. 

Adam de Gesemue. Northern. William de (><?^"z. Dor. 

Matthew de Gamages. Welsh MarcJyes. Osbert Gifford, Oxon. 

Gilbert Hansard. Dur. Simon de Halle. Norf. and Welsh 
MarcJies. Henry de Henfeld. Leic. Robert de Hilton*. Dur. 
Yor. John of Hirlawe. Nthumb. Robert de Hovel. Suf. 
William de Hugeford. Sal. 

Adam de Kidmallis, or Ridmark. 1 de Ridware. York. 

William de Lafford, senior. Bed. Geoffrey de Langley. War. 
Nicholas de Leukenor. Mid. and £ss. Robert and Roger Lo 
Strange. Sal. Hugo Le Strange 1, or Hugo de Troj&, of a London 
family of that name. 


John de Mautravers. Dw, William de Mautraven. Dor. 
and Berks. Stephen de Meinill. Norihefm, Robert de Mere.* 
Som , A. P. p. 173. Walter de Merton. Sur, and Norf. Ro- 
ger de Moles. Bev, John Mussegros. GUm. and Som, 

William de Napford, or Nafford. TTor. Peter de Neville. 
Nthants. and Zetc. John Norman. Ebs, 

John Pajnel. Berks, Robert Pierpoint lAnc, and NoUs. 1 
Alan Plukenet. Here, Hugh de Percy. Sur, and Sus, 

Geoffrey le Salar. Suss, % Ralf le Sauser. Mid, John le 
Sauvage. Sus, Thomas de Scalars. Herts, Alice de Scales. 
Camh, William de St Omer. Her, and War, A. P. 160. Wil- 
liam de Stenesby. Sus, f William de Suwell. Sus, f A. P. 177. 

Roger de Tomy. Yor, John, Hugh and Robert de Turberville. 
Welsh Marches, Marmaduke and Richard de Tweng. Yor, Ro- 
bert Tybetot. Yor, and Dev, 

Roger and William de Whelton. Beds. A. P. 169. William 
de Wilton. Kent, 

Henry la Zouche. Herts, and Bed, William and Yyo la 
Zouche. Eastern or Midland f 

Baronial Oentbt. 

William de Albaniaco. Olou, Henry de Albemare. Richard 
de AmundevilL Salop, Stis, Wilts. William Angevin. James 
de Appelby*. Linc,% Dev, Edmund of Ardem. War,^ Tho- 
mas de Ardem. War, Nicholas le Archer. Nthamts, Ral^ 
Roger, and Thomas de Arcy. Line, Reginald de Argentein. Ess* 
Camh, &c William de Arundel. Ralf de Arundel ? Cornwall, 

Guncelin de Badleamere. Kent, Ingelram de BailloL Leic. 
Roger de Balun. Nthants, Walter de Barkeswille, prob. same 
as Walter de Baskerville. Her, and Sal, John of Bath. Berks. 
Herts, Oxon. kc, Guy Baysselle? same as Guydo Brussell. 
John de Becclesangar. Kent, John de Belham : Monachns. 
Henry and Richard de Berham. Ess, ) John de Beufo. Line 
or Norf, 1 Henry de Beyville. Dor. Roger le Bigot. Yor. or 
Line, ? Philip de Blakemore. Deo, Andrew le Blund. Ess, I 
Simon de Bodiham. Here, John of Bodiham. Line. John de 
Bohun. GUra. John, brother of Francy de Bohun. Sus. Richard 


de Borard. LincA Harvey de Boreham. Eb$. Nicholas de 
Bosco. John de Boeeville. Suff. Reginald de Bottreaux. W<xr. 
Peter de Bonrton. J. Boxcrisse. William de Boytone. Suff, 
John de Bracebridge. War* ? Thomas de Bray. Bucks, H. de 
Brocton. Scd, Bernard de Bros. Hwnls, or RuJt, Ouydo Brus- 
sell Norf, Stephen Bukerel. Mid. Robert Bnrdet. Leic. 
John de Burgh, junior. NtkomU^ kc, W. de Burmugham. 
Bttcks, Robert Butevilayn. Notts, Bed, and Line, ) 

William Camerarius (prob. Chamberlain of Hants. )). Nicho- 
las de Cantilupe. Nthants. Nicholas Carrok. Kent, Richard 
de Casterton. Rut, % John of Gaston. Camb, Gregory and Hugh 
de Caudewelle. ) Here, William de la Cene. ? de Chen. Line, 
Robert Chadde. John de Chilham. Kent, John de Chokesfeld 
or Clakesfeld. Kent, Thomas de Clare, Glau., latterly i-oyal- 
ist Walter le Clerk. Nthants. John de Clinton. War. Richard 
de Cnolle. Galfridus Cocus. Wilts. Philip de Colevile. Camb. 
or Nthants. Hugo de Coleworth. Nthants. Fulk Constable. 
York, ? Richard Corbet. Hunts, and Nthants. Robert Corbet. 
Sal. Richard de Corpestey. Sils, Philip de CoveL Linc.'i Heni-y 
de Cramanvile. Ke/it, Ess. and Suff, John and Walter de Crau- 
ford. NtJuints. Walter de Cropping. Ess. Richard de Crevequer. 
Kent, Robert de Crevequer. Kent. Bertram del CrieL Kent. 
Laurence del Crok. Thomas de Cronesley. Leic. Alan de 
Crowethome. Geoffrey de Crulefeld. Hants, Richard de Cul- 
worth. Ess, John de Cumbe, of John de la Hayeks household. 
Robert de Cumden. 

Philip de Da ventre. Hunt, and Beds. ? Philip de Dayvill or 
Sayvill. Tor. See Eyvill. John le Despenser. Leic, and Live. 
Geoffrey de Donham. Line. John de Dovor. Hunt, and Ess. 
Philip de Doyly. Line. Hugh de Dunster. Suff. John de 
Dykelinge. Ess. John de Dyne. Oxon. Ralf de Dy v&. Oxon. 

Gilbert Einefeld. MidA Gilbert de Ellesfeld. Oxon and 
Berks. John of Estregate. Mid. John Esturmy. Suf, Richard 
Everard. Suf. Henry and William de Eyvill. Tor. 

W. de Ferrariis. Rut. Henry Fitz-Aucher. WUts, Robert 
Ktz-Nicholas. Sv^. Robert Fitz-Nigel\ Berks and Bucks. 

^ Robert Fitz-Nigel (killed at Eve- Basset of Wycombe. CaUnd. Geneah 
sbam) was heir of Agnes Basset, and i. p. 43. See p. 153, note 1. 
perhaps therefore connected with 


Simon Fit£-Simoii\ Bed, Eustace de Foleville. Leic and Line. 
Henry le Fonun, Constable of Odiham. A. P. 175. William 
de Fumivall. Nthanta, and NoUa. 

John Genevile. Here, William de Oerstone. Kent. Osbert Oif- 
fard. Som, Dev, and Oxon. ; changed sides. Hugo Gobyun. Leic, 
and Bed. Turgis de Grodwineston. Kent. ? Walter de Gloves. 
Bed. or Leic, % W. de Goldington. Norf. Brian de Gorvd. Leic. 
Robert de Gotely. Svs. Hugo de Graham. John de Grey. 
Leic. Kichard de Grey. Kent. Adam Gurdon. Hants. Jqjin 
de Gumey. Nthante. Brian de Guwiz. Dor. Som. W. de 
Gyleford. Sur. ? 

John de Habfi. Half Haquet. Biuska. and Wore. William 
de Harecurte. Oxon. Saer de Harcourt. Leic. Robert de 
Hardres. Kent. Wil. de Hardreshill. Lin. and Nthante. Henry 
de Hasting^4. Leic, Matthew de Hesting or Hasting. Kent. Sue, 
Nicholas de Hautlo. Camh.l RichaixL and John de Havering. 
Hants, Richard de Havering. Bor. John de la Haye. Lin. 
NtJiants. Kent. Sue. and Glou. Thomas de Heyham. Kent, 
Richard de Hemyngton. Norf. Simon Herin. Norf.'i Ralf de 
Heryngot. Sur. William Heringod. Kent. Thomas de Hestelee. 
1 Astley : see p. 369. Philip de Heymile. 1 Hay, miles. Hugh 
de Hop vi lie. Roger de la Hyde. Nthante. 

Robert de Irland Stie. 

Andrew de Jarpenvill. Bucke. 

Ralf Kaket : sec^ Haket. William de Kekewell. Svs. Richard 
de Kemsing. Kent 1 the same as Richard, Rector of Kemsing. 
Kent. John Kyriel. Kent. 

William de Lacu. Stcf. William de Lafford, junior. Bed. 
Leic. and Wanr. Walter de Lecton. Camb. William of 
Leicester : Clericiis. Michael of Lenham. Kent ? Sue.'i John 
de la Lind. Line. Sue. Robert de L'Isle. Lin. Norf. and Suf. 
Walter de London : Clericus. Henry de Longchamp. Hante, 
Robert Lovel. Lhir. John LoveL Nthante. Camb. Hunte. 
and WUte. See Luvel. Robert de Lusches. Oxon. John 
LuveL Oxon, Robert LuveL J. Luvel. Norf. William 
de Lymar. Leic. John de Lymonges. Kent or Nthante. 

1 ** Qui primo vexillum erexit contra regem Henricum." MS. quoted 
in Rishanger, p. 125. 


Robert Maloree. Line, or TorA Heniy de Manneston. 
H. de la Mare. Oxon. William Martell. Leic John and 
William de Maundeville. Som. Dur. and Wilts, Thomas 
MauDsel. Bucks, or Kent ) William Melker de Stoke. Thomas 
de Moiand (Molendinis). MidA Sampson de Moles. ? de Mule : 
see. Surr. Roger de Montenj. Camb. Korf. and Suf. Simon, 
Henry, Guy, Amalric and Richard de Montfort. Leic. Robert 
de Montfort. War. William de Montefort Jordan de Moid- 
ton. Jajic. John de Mucegros, Constable of Salisbury. Gloue. 
Som. NthanisA Waleran Munceaux. Suf. Ess. and Oxon. H, 
Murdak. Oxon. Robert Mufcun or Motun. Leic. 

Hugh and John Neville. Ess. Peter de Neville. Leie. Rut. 
Stephen de Neville, Leic. Robert de Newyogton. GlouA 
Matthew Noel and his brother. Herts, and Bed. Roger de 
Noers. Bed. 

Richard de Offenthone. Line. David de Off^ntone. Ralf de 
Oteringdene. Kent. 

John Page. Norf. or Kent% Robert Paignell. Oxon. 
Grimbald Pancefot. Her. and Wor,: see p. 266. note 1. Walter 
de Panes. Glou.l Symon de Pateshyll. Bed, Hunt Line, Hugh 
Peche. Camb. Robert Peche. Suf. John of Peckham. Kent. 
Henry de Pembrigge. Leie. Walter Pentheceustre. Sur. Ralf 
Perot. Bed. Henry Perot. Bed. 1 Henry de Pevenesse. Kent, 
or Sus. ? Hugo Peverel. Devon. Stephen de Pirie. Kent. Ralf 
de Poraeroy. Dev. and Som. William de la Poyle or Puxle. MicL 
Hugo Poynz. Som. William de Preston. Leic, Simon le Prude. 

Felicia de Queye. Bed. Roger Quintin. NoTf.% 

John de Reygate. Leic. Adam de Riddenn. Anselm 
and William de Ripple. Roger Roulee. Hunt.% Amaric de 
Ruscelles. Norf. Geoflfrey Russell. Stis. John de Rye. Leic. 

Jordan de Sackville. Suf. Thomas de Sandwich : Clericus. 
Kent. Richard St John. Oxon.'i Roger de St Philibert. 
Oxon. Berks, or Suf] W. de St Philibert. Nthants. Henry 
de Schorn. John of Scordebec. Peter de Segrave. ^ War. and 
Leic. R. de Sepioges. Philip le Serjeant Nthants.'i A. P. 
159. Laurence de Shauekuntewella Geoffrey de Skeffington. 
Leic. J. de Snaves (see Suanes). John Fitz-Adam de SomerL 

APP£in>ix. 379 

Herts. Sampson de Soles. KerU, Eustace de SoleviU. Stephen 
Soudan. ? Sodanke. Kmt, John Spinard. Kent. John de 
Stotevill. Northuvnb. Semann de Stoke. Notts. John de 
Suanes. KevU, Thomas de Suthesse. KenL John de Suthun: 
Clericus. R. and Beginald de Sutton. Nthants. Notts. The 
first is probably the same as Bobert le Sutton. NtharUs. A. P. 
159. Walter and Henry de Swynesford. Norf, and Su/A 

John Talebot. Stis. Lucas de Tanny. £ss, and Herts. 
Roger de TilmannesU>n. Kent. William de Tracy. Glou. and 
WUt AlanTravers. Nor/A Robert de Trek. Sits. Roger de 
Trihampton. Kent'i Edmund Trumbert. Tor. Richard and 
William Tmssell. Wa/r. Martin de Tunstall. KerU. William de 
Turwill. Hants A or WiltsA Hugo de Tjrw^e. Som. and Ireland. 

Richaitl de Vernon. Leic. William de Vesci Northumb. 
Reginaldus Yicecomes (? of the Yiscount family or a Sheriff). 
Robert de Vipont. West. John Vissy. GlouA 

Hugo Wake. Bucks, and Nthants.l Nicholas Wake. Yor. 
John la Warre. GlouA William de la Warre. Her A or same 
as Wil. de Ware. Norf. Bartholomew de Wateringbury. 
Kent. Reginald and Simon de Waterville. NtharUs. A. P. 166. 
Berenger de Watevile. Hunt. Eustace de Watteford. Nthants. 
Robert de Weresle. 1 Wor. Osbert de Werford. Leic. Nigel 
de Weston. Line. A.P. p. 164. William de Whel ton. Nthants. 
Thomas de Winton: Clericus. Ralf de Wodekyme. W. de 
Wortham. Suf. Geoffrey de Wrokeshall. GlouA John de 
Wyaxvill. Nthants.l Geoffrey de Wycheling : Clericus. Kent. 
Hamo de Wycleston. Robert de Wyleby. Leic. and Cumb. Isaac 
de Wylmington. Kent. Simon Wyolf. StifA 

In connection with this list we may consider the names of 
John de Aur*. Dorset. William de Bovill. Sujghlk. Geoffrey 
de Escudemor. Wilts. John de Mareville. West. John de 
Plessets. Northumb. John de St Walery. Hants, and Robert de 
Stradley. Notts. These were appointed " Custodes Pacis" in their 
respective counties after the battle of Lewes. As however the 
Royalists, Joha de Burg. Senior, Norfolk, and Oliver de Dynant, 
Devon, (see p. 368), figure on the same list, we must assume that 
in some cases the Barons were compelled to take officials from the 
opposite ranks. Indeed John de Aur' was superseded before the 


battle of Evesham by Brian de Gowiz and Oliver de Djnant 
by Hugo Peverel. New Rymer, Vol. i. pp. 442, 457. 

These names in some cases have been identified from lists of 
forfeitures in a particular county, like that at p. 298, note 5, or 
from lists indicating the various counties to which the persons 
named belonged Where this guidance was wanting I have used 
the Calendarium Genealogicum, the Hotuli Hundredorum, the 
Testa de Nevill, the Excerpta e Hotulis Finium, the Abbreviatio 
Placitorum, and Dugdale's Baronage. If a name appears always 
in connection with the same county I think we may assume 
the owner's identity. Ollen where there is only one mention 
of a name it would be unreasonable to doubt Thomas de Suthesse 
appeai-8 only in the Testa de Nevill (p. 215), but holds part of 
a fee under Simon de Montfort. I have marked Stephen Soudan 
or Sodan as possibly of Kent, because his name occurs in a list 
made up largely of Kentish names, and a Hugh Sodanke had land 
in tbat county under John, while Stephen was succeeded by a son 
Hugh. But in several cases persons bearing the same surname 
were so numerous and so scattered that I have offered no con- 
jecture. Lastly, it must be borne in mind that a man of pro- 
perty in the 13th century often owned patches of land in sevei-al 
different counties. My list does not profess to be exhaustive for 
these : and it may happen that a knight^s name has come down 
to us in legal record associated with his least important holding. 
Still this cannot often have been the case : and as the inferences, I 
have tried to draw, rest on the great division of S. E. and N. W. 
they will not, I hope, be much affected by any corrections that 
local antiquarians might make. — P. 

NoTB. — I am indebted to the historian of the Weald of Kent, Mr 
R. Furley, for pointing out to me that Simon de Montfort held the manor 
of Sutton Valence in Kent in right of his wife. {Eot. Uund. p. 323.) If 
Sutton castle was then built, as Mr Furley thinks, it was an important 
position ; and must be added to the list of baronial fortresses. 


AbBolution, translation of, 91; read 
at St Paul's cross, 92; by Pope 
Urban IV., 96, n. 3 

Addington given by King William I., 
to Tezelin'hiB cook, 27, ft. 8 

Adrian V., Pope, 106, n. 1 

Albemarle, Earl of, 85 

Albemarle, Isabella Connteas of, 231, 

Alditheley, James de, 227, n. 5 

Alditbel, James of, 76 

Aliens exiled onder pain of death, 70 ; 
persecution of, 102, n. 1; at battle 
of Lewes, 210, 238. 

Amesbory, Qneen Eleanor retires to 
convent of, 111, n. 1 

Amiens, the awanl of, 112; annulled 
by King Louis, 114; results to 
^ng*8 side, 117; King at, 113 

Anecdotes of alleged miracles per- 
formed by de Montfort's corpse, 289 

Anglia Sacra, quoted, 18, n. 1 

Angonldme, Count o^ 23, n, 1, 25 

AnguiUara, Ck)unt, 843, 346; castle 
of, 343, n. 5 

Anjon, Count d\ 216; Charlesd\286; 
accepts Sicilian crown, 339; Bea- 
trice wife of Charles, 339, n. 1 

Aquabella, 16, n. 3 

Aquablanca, Peter de, 20, 36 

Aquinas, Thomas, quoted, 5, n. 1 

Ardem, Balph de, betrays de Mont- 
fort's movements to P. Edward, 
271, n. 1 

Argentein, Giles de, 301 

Arms used in battle, 192, n. 2, 3; 
bearing of, without licence, for- 
bidden, 230 

Armour, 193, n. 1 

Arundel, Isabella deWarrenne, Count- 
ess of, reproves the King, 58 
Astley, Thomas de, slain, 278 


Bacon, Boger, 79, n. 2; 120, 192, 
n. 5 ; 315, n. 1 

Bacon, Lord, quoted, 80 

Baliol, Guy de, 278, 300 

Baliol, Eustache de, 248, n. 4 

Baliol, John, Lord of Galloway, 157, 
248, 308, n. 1 

Barantin, Drago de, Governor of 
Windsor castle, 222 

Bardolf, William, Councillor at Ox- 
ford, 151, 112, n. 1, 153, 179; pri- 
soner, 198 

Barons, letter to King Henry from, 
142; threatens King, 119 

Baskerville, concerned in the death 
of Prince Heniy, 344, n. 4 

Basset, Fulk de. Bishop of London, 

Basset, PhiUp de, 97, n. 1; 107, 113, 
n. 1 ; 127, 153, 177, 184, 199, 808, 
n. 1 

Basset, Balph, 184; warden of Lei- 
cester, 230 ; refuses to survive de 
Montfort, 274 : slain, 276, 298, n. 5. 

Bassingbume, Warren de, 242, n. 1; 
266, 275, 279, n. 1; 300, 331 

Battle, 199; King at, 133, n. 6, 222, 

Battle, preparations for, 164, 165 

Beam, Gaston Count de, 55, 334, 

n. 1 
Beatrice, Countess of Provence, 19 
Beatrice, widow of King of the Bo- 
mans, 352, n. 2 
Beauchamp, John de, 279, n. 8 



Beftomont, LoqIb de, Bishop of Dor- 
ham, 26, n. 1 
Beo, Abbot of, 236 
Befs, John, 203, yi. 6; 204, n. 1 
Berkhampstead, 241 
Berkstead, Stephen de, Bishop of Chi- 
chester, 233, n. 2 
Bertha, song of Master, 337 
Besil, Mathew de, taken prisoner by 

barons at Gloncester, 103 
Bigod, Boger, Earl of Norfolk and 

Marshal of England, 79; at A- 

miens, 113, n. 1; sides with barons, 

Bigorre, Escivat Count de, 333, n. 5 ; 

de Montfort surrenders land to, 334 
Bigot, Hugh le, 85; Justiciary of 

England, 70; displaced as Oovemor 

of Dover, 42, n. 3; 113, n. 1 ; flight, 

206, 134-292 
Blonde of Oxford, quoted, 19, n. 4 
Blund, WiUiam de, 44 n. 1, 174; 

slain, 196, 210 
Bohun, Humphrey de, attacked by 

P. Edward, 101; loses castles of 

Hay and Huntingdon, 101, n. 2; 

prisoner, 198 
Bohun, Humphrey de, Jun., 112, 114, 

178, 233, 280, n. 1. 
Bolimar, John de, 310, n. 1 
Boniface VIII., protest of barons, 29 
Boniface, Archbishop, at Amiens, 113; 

opinion of Oxford, 120; conditions 

of return, 123, 233 
Boreham, Harvey de, 176, n. 2 
Boseham, summons proclaimed "at, 

Boteville, Roger, prisoner, 128 
Botiller, Balph de, 30 
Boulogne, P. Henry attacked at, 236 ; 

bishops summoned to, 238 
Bracton, Judge, quoted, 80, n. 1 
Brackley, ooxiference at, 122 
Braose, Eleanor de, wife of de Bohun, 

Braose, William de, claims Sedgewick 

castle, 113, fi.4; 132 n. 2; pedi- 

gree, 286, n. 1 
Braunceston, Henry de, at Amiens, 

114, n. 1 
Breamore, Prior of, 231, n. 3 
Breaus, William de, 113 
Bredenstone Tower, 29, n. 1 
Bristol, 220, 265, n. 4 
Brom castle, Simon de Montfort at, 

Bruce, Bobert, 158 

Brone, Bobert, 219 

Brus, Bobert, 113, 248, «. 4, 827 

Buckerel, Stephen, 124, 811 

Bulla Aurea, Hungarian eharier, S46 

Burdett, Robert, 298, n. 6 

Burgh, Hubert de, 13 

Burgundy, Duke of, 216 

Bury, Rich, de. Bishop of Durham, 

quoted, 78, n. 2 
Burgh, John de, 169, 178, f». 8; 

warden of Norfolk, 230 
Bury, Abbot of, 83 
Bussy, William de, 72 

Campbell, Lord, quoted, 81, n. 8 
Canterbury, Boniface, Archbishop of, 
76 ; massacre of Jews at, 181 ; pro- 
clamation at, 236; dissension be- 
tween Barons at, 256 
Cantelupe, Walter de. Bishop of Wor- 
cester, 68, 76, 140, 164 
Cantelupe, Thomas, at Amiens, 114, 
fi. 1 ; Lord Chancellor, 257, n. 1, 2 ; 
258, fi. 2, 3 ; 260, n. 5 
Cantelupe, Joan de, 176, n. 4 
Car of Simon de Montfort attadked, 

Carlaverock, 148 
Caston, John de, 185 
Cathedrals in progress of building, 

226, n. 1 
Census, 134, n. 5 
Chacepore, Peter, 27 
Champagne, William, Count of, 15 
Chartres, King Henry met by Louis 

IX. at, 62 
Chaucer quoted, 246, 808 
Chaworth, Patrick and Pain, 265 
Chelmareford, Stephen de, 174, n. 2 
Chester given to Simon de Montfort, 

249, 252 
Chester, Ranulf, Earl of, 46 
Chichester, Bishop of, 122, 238, 288, 

n. 5; excommunicated, 802, 823 
Cinque Ports, excommunicated, 289 
Cistern, first leaden, 226, n. 4 
Clare, Richard de. Earl of Gloucester, 
opposed to the Court, 41 ; bou^t 
over by the King, 42, 76 ; dissen- 
sion with de Montfort, 87 ; death, 
Clare, Gilbert de, with de Montfort, 
99, 139, 177, 208; excommuni- 
cated, 239; jealous of de Mont- 
fort, 253, 254 ; tries to entrap de 
Montfort, 256, 258 ; at Gloucester, 



259 ; at Forest of Dean, 262 ; with 
Prince Edward at Ludlow, 266; 
receives estates, 800 ; retires from 
Conrt, 308, n. 1 

Clare, Thomas de, 259, 262, 800 

Clarendon, Lord, quoted, 117 

Clement IV., Pope, 238, n. 2 ; 801, n. 
8 ; 303 ; death, 340 

Clement Y., Letter from, 258 

Clifford, Boger de, sides with the 
Barons, 103, 104 ; deserts the 
Barons, 117, n. 4 ; his wife a cap- 
tive, 125, n. 2, 126, 177, 227 ; meets 
the King, 243 ; safe conduct, 262 ; 
urges P. Edward forward, 269, n, 

Clive, town of, 271, n. 4 

Cloth, early manufacture of, 240, n. 1 

Cluniac Monastery, grievances of, 
146, 146, n. 1 

Cnol, Edward de la. Dean of Wells, 

Cosham, John, 187 

Combe, Barons ascend the Downs at, 

Comet, 281 

Compromise at Coventry, 807 

Comyn, John, 157 

Confiscation of property, 298 

Convention signed, 188 

Corbet, Bichard, 325 

Cortes, Aragon and Castile supplied 
deputies to, 246 

Council of London, 232, n. 8 

Creppinge, Walter de, 279, n. 5 

Crokesley, Bichard de. Abbot of 
Westminster, 71 

Cronesley, Thomas de, 298, n, 5 

Crown jewels pledged, 98 

Croydon, 220, n, 6 

Crusades, 3, 306, 336 

Cuberle, Geo&y, at Amiens, 114, 

n. 1 


Damm^, village of, 234, n. 2 

Dante, his opinion of Henry III., 19, 
4, n. 1, 35, 87, n. 4, 303, 350 

Dean, forest of, 255, 262 

Deception of Prince Edward, displays 
Barons' banners, 272, n. 4 

Deed of surrender to Count de Bi- 
gorre, 362, App. E 

Derby, Earl of, signs convention, 138 

Despenser, Hugh le, 112 ; signs con- 
vention, 188, 179, n, 2; 236, 261, 

274 ; death, 276, 298 ; widow of re- 
leases Boyalists, 304, n. 5 
Devereuz, William, slain, 279, n. 6 
Discontent, causes of, 66, 136, 137 
Disinherited Barons, 298, fi. 3 ; com- 
pound for lost estates, 208, fi. 8 
Domesday Book, disposition of pro- 
perty in, 6; Brady's introduction 
quoted, 7, n. 1 
Dover Castle surrendered, 105; at- 
tacked by King, 107 ; surrendered 
to, 117; Simon de Montfort at, 
222, 241, 825 
Dragon as Boyal Banner, 190; dis- 
played by de Montfort, 191 
Drayton quoted, 2, 266 
Drieby, Philip de, prisoner, 128 
Dunstable, tournament to be held at, 


Edmund, Prince, surrenders Dover 
Castle, 105 ; with Queen, 120, 234; 
receives Simon de Montfort's es- 
tates, 209, n. 2, 8, 4; crusader, 
336, 850 

Edmund, Prince, second son of King 
of the Romans, 84, 146, 203 ; cru- 
sader, 850 

Edward, King, 111, 845 

Edward, Prince, 38, 40, n. 1, 94, 100, 
107, 138, 146, n. 1, 248, n. 2, 266, 
802, n. 1, 319 ; Northampton, 126 ; 
successes of, 132 ; at Lewes, 143, 
189, 191, 194, n. 8, 196, 204, 205, 
n. 1, 2, 208 ; flies to the Francis- 
cans, 214; surrenders, 217; sent 
to Dover, 218 ; liberated on parole, 
249, 262 ; escapes, 263 ; exconmiu- 
nicated, 265 ; ti^es Eenilworth, 
268 ; charged with cowardice, 269, 
n. 3; misleads spies, 271, n. 8 ; sur- 
prises the Barons at Evesham, 
272, 278 ; overpowers the Barons, 
806 ; retakes Dover, 881, n. 3 ; cru- 
sader, 886 

Eleanor, Queen, 22, 84, n. 8, 186, n. 
1, 254, 828; keeper of great seal, 

109, n. 4 ; attacked by Londoners, 

110, n. 8 ; as widow retires to con- 
vent, 111, n. 1, 8 

Eleanor, Princess, Countess of Lei- 
cester, 87, 248, 800; banished, 
818 ; household expenses of, 814 to 
819 ; retires to France, 881, 882 ; 
surrenders rights to Bigorre, 884 



Eleanor of Castile, 238, n. 8, 229, n. 

Eleanor, danghter of Simon de Mont- 
fort, 332, 333, n. 1, 2 

Ely, Hogh Northwold, Bishop of, 
55, 233 

En}:^ement of King of the Bomans 
to befriend the Countess of Mont- 
fort, 361, App. D 

Enfslish troops wish to leave Wales, 
205, fi. 7 

Estrange, HamoT, 241, 300, n, 5 

Eresham, battle of, 242, 275; de 
Moutfort marches to, 271 ; baronial 
troops seen leaving, 272; list of 
slain, 279, n. 5 : Simon de Mont- 
fort buried at, 286, n. 5 


Fairs prohibited by the King, 265 

Ferrers, Robert de. Earl of Derby, 

Ferrers, William de, 12a 

FitzAUan, John, 131, 149, 260; pri- 
soner, 198 ; death, 149, n. 1 

FitzAucher, Henry, 300 

FitzJohn, John, 130, 177, 178, 262, 

FitzNigel, Robert, 301 

FitzPiers, Reginald, 201 

FitzRalph, Ralph, 248, n. 4 

FitzRichard, 311, n. 1 

FitzSimon, Simon, 128 

FitzThomas, Mayor of London, 138, 

FitzWarren, Fulk de, 154, 165; 
drowned at Lewes, 210, n. 2 

Flanders, Joan, Countess of, 47, n. 4 

Fletchiug, \'illage of, Barons at, 139, 
n. 3 ; prelates at, 163, 170 

Flete, John de la, 311 

Foliot, Reginald, 317, n. 3 

Food, scarcity of, 134 

Fortibus, William of. Earl of Albe- 
marle, 76 

France, Barons' treaty with, 84 

Franciscans, Order of, 214 

Frederick, Emperor, excommuni- 
cated, 243 

Frideswide, Saint, 121 

Fulcodio, Cardinal Guido di, 288 


Gaunt, Gilbert de, 184, 826 
Gebyon, Hugh, 128 
Geoflreyson, John, 76 
Gesem, Adam de, 248, n. 4 

Gibbon thinks of writing abooi the 
Barons* War, 8, n. 1 

Gifford, John, 101, 102, 103, 183, fi» 
2, 200; claims the ranaom of de 
la Zouch,255; at Forest of Beui, 

Gloucester, Prince Edward besieged 
in, 108; de Clare at, 259; de 
Montfort at, 265 ; Prince Edward 
at, 266, fi. 1; prisoners sent to, 

Gloucester, Gilbert, Earl of, 71, 188, 
169, 233, 256, 257 ; separates from 
b irons, 261, 264; takes London, 
838, fi. 1 

Gloucester, Isabella, Countess of, 41, 
n. 2,48 

Gorva, Brian de, 298, fi. 5 

Gravelines, 329 

Gravesend, Richard de, 298, n. 5, 800 

Great comet, 281, 282 

Greek fire, composition of, 208, n. 

Gregory IX. denounced by the Em- 
peror Frederick, 4 

Gregory X., Pope, election of, 840, 

Grethead, Bishop, 78, 120, 290, 291 

Grey, Richard, 76, 107, 112, n. 1, 181, 
n. 1, 298, n. 5, 300 ; prisoner, 269 

Grose, quoted, 14, n. 1 

Guizot, quoted, 8, n. 1, 79 

Gundred, Princess, 147 

Gumey, John de, 810 

GynviUe, John, 185, n. 5 

Hadstock, Augustine de, 174 

Hailes, P. Henry*s bones buried at, 
350, n. 4, 351, n. 2, 853 

Hallam, compares Simon de Mont- 
fort to Cromwell, 44, n. 8; quoted 
245, n. 3 

Hamsard, Gilbert, 248, n. 4. 

Hamsey, 170 

Harcourt, Saer de, 298, n. 5 

Hastings, Henry de, 112, n. 1, 176; 
death, 177, n. 1, 194, 280, n. 5, 

Hastings, Matthew de, 826, n. 8 

Hatfield, William de Valence at Bi- 
shop of Ely's Park at, 25 

Hawaiden Castle, Conferences be- 
tween P. of Wales and de Montfort, 

Hay, Royalists driven from, 260 

Haye, John de la, 325 



Hemington, Richard de, justice at 

Lincoln, 104, n. 5 
tlenrj II., death, 7 
Henry m., 6, 82, 92, 94, 96, 97, 
106, 121, 302, n. 2 ; claim to the 
crown, 9; betrothal to Joanna; 
marriage, 14 ; war with France, 23; 
at Paris, 61—88, n. 2, 97 ; bequeaths 
his heart, 62; does homage for 
Aquitaine, 89, n. 1; absolution 
granted, 90; annuls the laws made 
at Oxford, 92 ; delays at Bheims, 
98; prohibits Prince Edw. from 
continuing hostilities, 105 ; meets 
the French king at Boulogne, 107 ; 
at Amiens, 118, n. 2; summons 
council at Oxford, 120; at Lewes,' 
124, 143 ; preparations for battle, 
198—220 ; in London, 223, n. 2, 3, 
4; love of the arts, 223, 226 ; letter 
to the Queen, 240 ; to Louis IX., 
241 ; at Persh'ore, 243 ; London, 
250 ; Northampton, 260 ; at Glou- 
cester, 262 ; at Evesham, 280 

Henry IV., 299, n. 5. 

Henry, Prince, 105 ; taken prisoner, 
and liberated, 106 ; joins the Roy- 
alists, 117, n. 2, 146 ; sent to King 
of France, 236, 261; receives de 
Fumival^s estates, 299 ; overcomes 
Earl of Derby, 307, 308, n. 1; at 
Viterbo, 338 ; marriage, 841 ; mur- 
dered, 343, n. 3; insulted, 848, 
349, n. 1, 2; buried, 350 

Hereford, de Montfort leaves, 270; 
Royalists driven from, 260 

Hereford, Earl of, 85, 101, 808, 

Hereford, Peter de Aigue Blanche, 
Bishop of, at Amiens, 102, 113, 2S4 

Herietesham, Geoffry de, 309 

Heringot, Ralph, slam, 210, n. 1 

Hermite, William de St., 27 

Horace, quoted, 37, n. 6. 

Hostilities commenced, 100; stopped 
by K. Henry, 106 

Hoveden, John de, poem by, 226, 
n. 3. 

Hoveden, Roger de, quoted, 837, 
n. 1 

Hubert de Burgh, 13 

Hugh le Bigot, 151 ; made Justiciary 
Conmiander of Dover, 151 

Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Here- 
ford, marriage, 150 

Hnrtald, Poiotevin, 27 

Hussey, Henry, 185, n. 2 

Innocent IV., Pope, allows monks to 
perform service hooded, 27, n. 2, 35 

Invasion, preparations to meet, 234, 

Isabella, queen of King John, 22 ; 
death, 23 

Itinerary of Prince Edward, 271, n. 4 

Jews, massacre of, 130, 131 ; com- 
mended to the care of Mayor of 
London, 227, n. 2, 3; benefits with- 
drawn from, 298 

Joan, Princess, 838, n. 2 

John, King, made prisoner by Fitz- 
Warren, 156 

Joinville, 63 


Kaleto, John de. Abbot of Peter- 
borough, 27, n. 2 

Kempsey, de Montfort at, 270 

Eenilworth, 181, 183 ; P. Edward re- 
moved to, 243; Simon de Montfort, 
jun., marches to, 267 n. 2; decree 
of, 308, ft, 1; surrender of, 310. 

Eilwarby, Archbishop, 121, n, 1. 

King Biaxry's mill, 202, n. 1, 2, 3, 
203, fi. 6 

Kingston, conference at, 93 

Lancaster, Blanche of, 299, n. 5 

Langton, Archbishop, 78 

Leicester, taken by P. Edward^ 132 

Leicester, Earl of, 112, 164 

Leicester, Countess of, 319 

Leopardi, 27 

L*Estrange,Hamo,de8ert8 the Barons* 
cause, 117, n. 4 

Letters to Queen Eleanor, 240 ; of ad- 
vice to King, 380, 859, App. C. ; 
from barons to Louis IX., 261, n. 1 

Lewes, 16, 108 188, n. 7, 173, 187 ; 
King at, 148, 169, n. 5 ; battle of, 
191; earliest mxurage grant, 200; 
resistance at, 208; treaty of, 215; 
Prior of, 244, n. 8; summons pro- 
claimed at, 259; site of battles 
considered, 854 

Lewisham, Frior Philip de, 72 

Lewknor, Nicholas de, 800 

Leyboume, Roger de, 800; sides with 
barons, 101, 118, n. 8; against 117, 




n. 4, 131,177 ; meets the King, d43 ; 

safe conduct to meet P. Edw., 262 
Lichfield, Boger de, Bishop of. 128, 

n. 2 
Linoohi, Greathead, Bishop o^ 59, 

61, n. 2 
List of contending earls, 364, App.O. 
Llewellyn, Prince, attacks Boger de 

Mortimer, 100 
London, fortified, 108; diizens rise 

against King, 124 ; coancU at, 232 ; 

citizens put to the rout at Lewes, 

194; fined, 311; excommunicated, 

London, Bishop of, 122,236, 237, n. 3, 

Losell, Gregory de, 292 
Louis IX., 5, 63; arbitrates between 

King and Barons, 93, 96, 109, 116; 

interriew with the King, 107; de- 
livers judgment at Amiens, 114 
Lucy, Geoffiry de, 112, n, 1 
Ludlow, Boyalists driyen from, 260 ; 

P. Edw. at, 266 
Lusignan, Geo£Ery de, 205, n. 6 
Lusignan, Guy de, 176, 205 
Lusignan, Hugh, 205, n. 6 
Lymington, 231 
Lynde, John de la, 114, n. 2 


Machiayelli, quoted, 90, n. 2, 135, n. 3 
Mackintosh, Sir J., quoted 295 
Madox, History of the Exchequer, 

quoted, 37, n. 1 
Mad Parliament, the name given to 

the council of Oxford, 65 
Magna Charta, renewal in 9th year 
HenryIIl.,9, 32,36, 64; confirmed, 
67 ; proclaimed, 74 — 136. 
Maltravers, William de, prisoner at 

Lewes, 201, n. 2, 285, n. 3 
Mandeviile, William and John, slain, 

279, n. 2 
Manfred!, King, 303 
Mansel, John, 31, 83, surrenders 
Scarborough, 92 ; flies to Boulogne, 
105 ; escapes from the Tower, 110 
—112 ; dies abroad, 113—234 
March of P. Edward from Worcester 
to Shrewsbury, difficulties in un- 
derstanding, 271, n. 4 
Marche, Count de la, 23 
Mare, Henry de la, 301, n. 2 
Mareschal, William, 114, n. 1, 800 
Margoth, female spy disguised as a 
man thwarts de Montfort, 268, n. 8 

Marie, authoress, 78, n. 3 
Marisoo, Adam de, 56, n. 2, 57, n. 3, 
120, 214, fi. 2; pedigree, 291, n. 5; 
letters of, 292^294 
Marisco, Everard de, 317, n. 8 
Marlborough, statute of, 244, n. 2, 

245, fi. 3 
Marmion, Philip de, 152, n. 1 
Marmyon, Bobert and T^^lUam, 183, 

fi. 5 
Martel, William, 298, n. 5 
Maudvit, William, 183, n. 4 
Maurienne, Thos., Ck>unt of, 20 
Maunsel, Thos., prisimer, 128, it. 4 
Meinill, Stephen de, 248, fi.4 
Memorial to Pope, answer, 76^ 77 
Mepham, Bichard de, Aiehdeaecm of 

Oxford, 237, n. 8 
Merton, Walter de, chancellor, 97, n. 1, 

Meyland, Boger de. Bishop of Lieh- 

field, 122, n. 2 ; of Chester, 331 
Mise of Lewes, 215—218, 284,297 
Mitford, Boger Bertram de, prisoner, 

128, n. 3 
Monceaux, Waleran de, 326 ^^ 
Monchensi, Joan de, wife of William 

de Valence, 146 
Monchensi, Warin de, 24, 262 
Monchensi, William de, 177, 178,233, 

prisoner, 269 
Monks, luxurious living of, 144, 145 
Monmouth, Prior of, 262 ; de Mont- 
fort at, 265, n. 5 
Montalembert, Count de, quoted, 43, 

n. 3 
Monte, Pessulano, King's butler, 27 
Montfort, Count de, Simon the Bald, 
estates forfeited, 43 ; pedigree, 45, 
n. 1 
Montfort, Almeric de, 46 ; priaoner, 

53, n. 1 ; dies at Otranto, 54 
Montfort, Simon de, 35 ; opposed io 
court, 41 ; acknowledged leader of 
the Barons, 42 ; acknowledged by 
King, 46, n. 6; married, 49; pleads 
his cause witii the Pope, 4S ; in- 
vested as Earl Leicester, 52 ; cru- 
sader, 52 ; in Gaseony, 55, 59, 61; 
scene with King, 56 ; stripped of bis 
command, 60 ; dedinee regency of 
France, 60; King agrees to pi^ 
compensation, 61; surrenders Keaiil. 
worth andOdiham, 69; eooncilkr, 
76 ; witness to King Henry^s ratifi- 
cation of act of renunciation, 85, 
n. 4 ; dissension with de Clare, 87 ; 



gifts to Bhiine of St Alban's, 90, 
n.l; precedes the King to England, 
98 ; accepts leadership of Barons, 
98 ; attacked by King at London, 
108 ; at St Alban's, 110 ; accident 
at Gatesby and return home, 118, 
n. 5, 6 ; in arms again, 116 ;- gives 
Prince Henry leave to bear arms 
against him, 117 ; still upholds the 
cause, 119; summons barons to 
Northampton, 125; signs oonyen> 
tion, 138; leaves London, 139; 
preparations for battle, 164 — 168, 
171, 179 ; attacks the King, 197 ; 
suggests truce, 208; majority of 
the nation on his side, 209, 210; 
strengthens the blockade of the 
priory, 214; leaves Lewes with 
King, 220 ; at Dover, 222 ; author- 
ized by King to select councillors, 
233; at Boulogne, 237: excom- 
municated, 239; spends Christmas 
at Kenilworth, 248, n. 8: appro- 
priates eighteen baronies, 251, n. 8 ; 
pride of, discussed, 250-~254 ; op- 
poses Tournament, 256, n. 1, 258; 
moves north, 259 ; at Northampton, 
260; at Gloucester with King, 262; in 
Wales, 265 ; recalled from his enter- 
prise, 266 ; plans marred by his son*s 
carelessness, 268—270; marches 
towards Evesham, 271 ; seeing the 
dangers at Eveshiun urges the 
Barons to fly, but declines himself, 
274 ; slain-, 277, n. 1 ; treatment of 
corpse, 284, n. 3, 4, 286, n. 8, 4 ; 
removal of corpse, 287, n. 3 ; al- 
leged miracles, 288; account of, 
290 ; negociates with France, 292 ; 
value of estates, 299, n. 1; all 
followers of excommunicated, 303, 
n. 2; his family excluded from 
any benefit from Kenilworth de- 
cree, 308 
Montfort, Henry de, eldest son of 
Simon de Montfort, embarks for 
Oascony, 59; at Boulogne, 78 ; at 
Paris, 94 ; a chief of the baronial 
party, '112 ; at Amiens, 114 ; at 
Lewes, 178; Prince Edw. at Dover 
under care of, 218 ; warden of Kent 
230 ; released, 249, n. 1 ; pride of 
253; with Prince Edward, 263 
offers to bear the battle alone, 274 
slain, 277, n. 4; miracles attri 
buted to, 289, n. 4 ; Prince Edwfurd 
and Henry under care of, at Odi- 

ham, 319: joins his father, 825; 
surrenders rights to C!ount Bigorre, 
Montfort, Simon de, second son of 
Simon de Montfort, at Paris, 94 ; 
prisoner, 126; released 222; war- 
den of Surrey and Sussex, 230; 
summoned from Pevensey , 267 , n. 1 ; 
escapes from Kenilworth, 268, n. 6 ; 
releases the Princes, 364; threatens 
invasions, 305; at Wilmington, 
324, 325 ; wounded, 331; atViter- 
bo, 338, 340; murders Prince 
Henry, 342 ; excommunicated, 845 ; 
death, 347 

Montfoit, Almerio de, third son of 
Simon de Montfort, at Gravelines, 
329 ; prisoner, 333, 884 ; released, 
and death at Rome, 335 ; sent to 
the Pope, 346 

Montfort, Guy de, fourth son, at 
Lewes, 178 ; wounded, 278, n. 2 ; 
at Yiterbo, 338, 840; murders 
Prince Henry, 842; excommuni- 
cated, 345, 847, n. 4 ; dies, 348 

Montfort, Bichard, fifth son, at 
Gravelines, 329 ; dies, 835 

Montfort, Eleanor, daughter, pri- 
soner, 333, n. 2 

Montfort, Laura, daughter of Almerio 
de, 333, n. 5 

Montfort, Peter de, 76, 112 ; at A- 
miens, 114 ; prisoner, 127, n. 2 ; 
released, 222 ; sent to the French 
King, 237, 238 ; slain, 278 

Montfert, Peter, son of Peter, 127 

Montfort, Countess of, at Yaux, 44, 
n. 5 

Montfort, Philip, 389, n. 4 

Montpelier, Henry of, 27 

Mortimer, Matilda de, de Montfort's 
head sent to, 285, n. 4, 286, n. 1 

Mortimer, Soger de, 76 ; attacked by 
Prince Llewellyn, 100 ; marriage, 
153 ; favours P. Edward's escape, 
263 ; retires from court, 307 ; 
meets the King, 243 

Mount, Harry, 211, n. 3 

Mucegas, John de, 326 

Murage grant, 200 

Musgrave John, 265 


Navarre, Theobald, King of, treaty 

with King Henry, 55 
Neumarket, Adam de, 127 ; Warden 

of Lincoln, 230 ; prisoner, 269 



Neville, Hugh, 184, n. 1 ; priBoner, 
269, n. 2 

Neville, John, 184, n. 1 

Neville, Robert de, Warden of the 
King's forces in the North, 104, 
n. 4, 248, n. 4 

Neville, William de. Prior of Clrmiao 
monks at Lewes, 143, n. 2 

Newcastle-on-Line given in exchange 
to Simon de Montfort, 249 

Newick, 170 

Newington, Robert de, 128 

Newport, de Montfort at, 2G5 

Nicholas, de Montfort's barber, re- 
cognises the banners, 273, n. 1, 2 

Norfolk, Roger, Earl of, 233, 239, 
n. 2 

Norman, Simon, 20 

Normandy formally resigned by Ba- 
rons, 85 

Norreys, Richard de, given Ocholt 
Manor, 28, n. 2 

Northampton, meeting of Barons at, 
125 ; Prince Edward attacks, 126 ; 
prisoners at, 128, n. 6; sacked, 
129 ; legate at, 302, n. 3 

Norwich, Nicholas de Plompton, Arch- 
deacon of, 122 

Nottingham betrayed to Prince Ed- 
ward, 132 

Odiham, 322 

Osney Abbey, 28 

Ottoboni, Cardinal, afterwards Pope 
Adrian v., 106, n. 1, 302, n. 3, 308, 

Oxford, great council summoned at, 
36, 64; King's Proclamation to 
Sheriff of, 108, n. 5; students 
turned out of, 120; ordered to re- 
turn to, 129, n. 8 

Oxford, Earl of, 269 

Oxford, Alice, Countess of, 826 

Falgrave, Sir F., quoted, 65, 224, 

n. 1 
Pandulf, raised to the bishopric of 

Norwich, 12, n. 1 ; death of, 12 
Park, Geoffrey de, 187, n. 7 
Parliament to meet in London, 244, 

n. 2 ; 248, n. 5 ; act of confirming 

the peace, 249, n. 2 
Pasilure, Robert de, 12, 13 
Pauncefot, prisoner, 128, n. 5 ; 266, 

n. 2 

Peace, proposals of, at Lewes, 141 ; 
proffers of, declined, 159 

Pec, fortress of given to Simon de 
Montfort, 249 

Peckham, Archbishop, 121, n. 1 

Pembroke, William, second Earl of, 

Percy, Hugh de, 113, n. 1, 131 

Percy, Lord, 148, n. 2 ; prisoner, 198 

Persecution of all not speaking En- 
glish, 102, n. 1 

Pershore, meeting of King and Royal- 
ist prisoners, 243, 260 

Peter's pence, 29, n. j 

Peter de Rivaulx, 12 

Peter de Roche succeeded Pembroke 
as Regent, 10, n. 3 

Peter of Savoy received the domain 
of Richmond, 15, 16; crusader, 
16 ; Bishop of Hereford seized by 
the Barons, 102 ; death, 103 

Peterborough abbey plundered, 230, 
n. 4 

Pevensey, in custody of William de 
Valence, 146 ; Royalists fly to, 207 ; 
summons proclaimed at, 259, 327 

Peyclinton, Robert de, 298, n. 5 

Plesseiz, John of. Earl of Warwick, 

Plugneth, Alan, 300, n. 6 

Plumpton, Nicholas de. Archdeacon 
of Norwich, 122 

Poem after Barons* victoxy, 209 

Pointz, Hugh, 185 

Police established, 230 > 

Pope, remonstrance to by Barons, 
54 ; unwilling to abandon the King, 

Preston, Gilbert de. Justice at Lin- 
coln, 104, n. 5 

Preston, William de, 298, n. 5 

Priory at Lewes, Barons in sight of, 
171 ; RoyaUsts retreat to, 199 ; and 
resist at, 208 

Prisoners, exchange of, 227, n. 4 

Proclamation of Henry, 75, 108, n. 3, 
188, 236, 264 

Provisions, prices of, 40, 60, 239, 

Puvilesdon, Thomas de, 124, n. 2, 
179, 311, n. 3 

Pycard, Richard, 174 

Pyramus, Denis, 79 

Quittance, deed of, 358, App. B 




Baban, Elias de, 27 

Beasons in behalf of Barons, 81 

Belio at Hailes, 351, n. 3, 852, n. 1, 

Beygate, John de, 298, n. 5 
Bichard I., absence abroad, 7 
Biohard IL deposed, 299 
Biohard Prince, 18, 20, 36, 37, i». 8, 
195, 198, 208, 218, 252, n. 1, 381, 
853, n. 1 ; redeems oaptiye crusa- 
ders, 53; deprived of the goTem- 
ment of Oasoony, 57 ; arbitrates, 
97, 105, n. 1; at Northampton, 126; 
letter, 161; at Lewes, 189, 202, 
prisoner, 804 ; dies, 851, App. B 
Bivallis, Peter de, 27 
Bivaolx, Peter d^, 12; death, 18, n. 2 
Bival, Boger de, 278 
Bobertsbridge, abbey of, 228 
Boches, Peter de la, 12 
Boohester, defended by Earl de Wa- 
renne, 122 ; siege of, 181 ; well at, 
182, n. 1 
Bochefort, Guy de, 72 
Bodes, Gerard de, 106, 107 
Bos, Bobert de, 112, n. 1, 268, 266 
Bouen, Archbishop of, 237 
Bont of Londoners, 194, 195 
Boyalists retreat to Priory, 199; to 
France, 207 ; summoned, 259, n. 4 
Boy^ menagerie, gifts to, 226 
Byegate defended by Earl de Wa- 
renne, 122 


Sackville, Jordan de, 185 
Sainte Chapelle, 68, n. 4 
St Edmund, 78 
St Hermite, William de, 72 
St John, Boger de, 261, 265, n. 1 
St Pol, Count, 78 

Salisbury, oonstableship of, 326, n. 2 
Sandwich, Balph de, 265, n. 5 
Sandwich, Bichard de. Bishop of Lon- 
don, 112, 140 
Sayoy, Boniface, Archbishop of Can- 
terbury, 17; death, 18, n. 2, 76, 
Savoy, Philip, 17, 254 
Say, William, 187, n. 2, 220, n. 3 
Scotney, Walter de, 72 
Sedgewick, castle of, 113, n. 4 
Segrave, Gilbert de, 175, 194 
Segrave, Nicholas, 112, n. 1, 175, 
280, 298, 301 

Segrave, Steven de, 14 

Shakespeare, quoted, 13 

Shrewsbury, f^ce Edward marches 
towafds, 271 

Sicily, crown of, accepted by Prince 
Edward, 35 ; renounced by Barons, 
77, 238, 239 

Skefllngton, Geo£Erey de, 298, n. 5 

Somery, 198, 308, n. 1 

Stamford, Henry de. Bishop of Dur- 
ham, 26, n. 1 

Statutes sworn at Oxford, 67; pro- 
claimed, 74; revoked, 115; an- 
nulled, 297 

Stokes, Seman de, 326 

Stoteville, Bobert de, 248, n. 4, 801 

Suffield, Walter de, 144 

Summons for the Parliament, 244; 
from Woodstock, 245 

Surrey, population of, 185 

Sussex, population of, 185 

Sutton, Bobert de, 801 

Talisman against fire, 81, n. 1 

Tallages, 247, 288 

Tancred, quoted, 247 

Tany, Biohard de, 301 

Tarento, William de, 22 

Tattishall, 198 

Tiokhill, lordship of, 117; castle of 

Tipetot, Bobert, 265, n. 8 
Tony, Michael, 311 
Tony, Bobert de, 185, n. 6 
Tothill Fields, 137, n. 2 
Tournaments forbidden, 256, n. 1, 

Treaty with France (5th Article) 

quoted, 85, n. 1, at Lewes (Mise), 

215, fi. 2 
Tregoz, Bobert, Baron de, 185, n. 1 ; 

slain, 279, n. 5 
Tuberville, Hugh, 241, n. 8 
Tunbridge, 138, n. 2, 220, 868 

Urban lY., Pope, 96, 852 

Valence, Aymer de, 25, 77 ; bishop, 
55 ; goes into exile, 71 

Valence, Guy de, 146 

Valence, Joan de, 78, 230 

Valence, William de, 28, 24 ; death, 
25: rupture with de Clare, 64, 
126, 254, 130, 146; escapes, 206; 



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