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" 'Tis wonderful 
What may be wrought out of their discontent." — 




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BOUND. JUL / laio 

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The distant view of the Castle and Battle field of 
Lewes having led the Anthor to examine, with additional in- 
terest^ the causes and circumstances of the great event which 
has given them a place in history, he felt that the mere details 
of a sanguinary contest would be unsatisfactory, unless, in some 
degree, illustrated by the manners and temper of the times, as 
well as by the characters and motives of the chief actors. He has 
not therefore scrupled to digress widely with that object, and 
the intended narrative of a day has insensibly swelled into a 
sketch of many years ; but on considering the importance of 
that period of British history, it did not appear that justice 
would otherwise be done to the subject. 

Surprise may well be felt by those who are not conver- 
sant with the rude materials from which History has to be con- 
structed, at the confusion and contradictions of the various 
chronicles relating to these times : many of these have been con- 
sulted by the author in manuscript, and of several important papers 

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which have been lately published, free use has been also made. 
Much of their discrepancy, however, becomes corrected by the 
authentic test of public documents, and much by a due considera- 
tion of the circumstances of the writers. While party bias, for 
they had party even in those days, often induced some to distort 
facts, others, from the seclusion of their habits, had no means 
of accurately ascertaining even contemporary events ; not a few 
wrote a century too late for collecting original evidence, and 
many in their indiscriminate records did not refuse even " pro- 
fane and old-wives' fables/' Later writers in succession, glad of 
an easy path, have often contentedly followed such authorities, 
as on a sheep-track, without farther enquiry. The weight of 
each witness thus requiring adjustment in the balance, a list of 
the principal references has been subjoined, somewhat explana- 
tory of their relative value. 

Several specimens of the quaint but characteristic poetry 
of the age have been purposely introduced in evidence of the 
opinions then current, and the aspect of their antique phraseo- 
logy has been occasionally rendered less forbidding by trans- 

To the kindness of friends the author is much indebted 
for some of the illustrations, and for some notices on the family 
of Simon de Montfort in its foreign branches. 

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The following pages were not intended as a disquisition 
on the origin and nature of Parliaments, so ably treated by 
others, and being but '^ an ancient tale new told/' may not pre- 
sent many new facts to the historical student, yet it is hoped 
that the details, freshly gathered from their original sources, and 
here newly combined, may impart to some readers a clearer 
view or a warmer interest in so remarkable a crisis of British 


Beechland, Newick, January, 1844. 

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* denotes those who were of the Royalists' ptrty, and f the Baronial. 

Ann.Burt.t Annals written in the monastery of Burton contain many interesting 

docaroents, and end abruptly with the King's intention to annul the 
Oxford Statutes. 

Anon. Langued Chronicle by an impartial Langnedocian of the Albigensian war. from 1202 

to 1219. Recueil des Histoires de la France, torn. XX., 1840. 

Arcbiv. du Roy There are many interesting MSS. relating to English history in the vast 

collections of the Archives du Royaume, at Paris. An imperfect cata- 
logue of them has been printed in Tresor des Chartes. 

Carlav Siege of Carlaveroclc (from MSS. Cott. Caligula A. XVIII.), a poem in 

French, by Walter, a Franciscan monic of Exeter, describing the siege of 
that castle (6 m. south of Dumfries) by Edward I., in July, 1300, edited 
by N. H. Nicolas, 1828. 

Chr. Doverf Chronica pancorum, continued to 1286 by a monk of S. Martin in Dover. 

The MS. (Cott. Julius D. V.) is much burnt and shrivelled by fire in the 
pages relating to 1264-5. 

Chr. Lanerc.f Chronicle of Lanercost Abbey, in Cumberland, MSS. Harl. 2425. The 

battle of Lewes is described on the authority of a nobleman there pre- 
sent (protestante mihi uno nobili qui ibi fuerat), and also that of Eves- 
ham (ore tenusattestante mihi uno illorum qui adversus eum dimicavit.) 

Chr. Laud.* Chron. Laudunenses a Bruto usque ad 1338.— MSS. Cott. Nero, A. IV., 

8vo. At p. 1 10 is a rude drawing of the capture of Henry III., and the 
death of Simon de Montfort. 

Chr. Lewes* Chronicle by a monlc of Lewes to 1312 contains a concise but authentic 

account of the battle.— MSS. Cott. Tib. A. X. 

Chr. Mailr.t Chronicle by the monks of Mailros, in Galloway, begun 1235, and con- 
tinued to 1270 by various hands, from 1262 by one partial to the Barons. 

Chr. Oxen Chronicle of John de Oxenede, Benedictine monk of S. Hulmo, continued 

to 1293.— MSS. Cott. Nero D. II. 

Chr. Peterb. Chronicle of John de Raleto, Abbot of Peterborough, and Robert Boston, 

monk of Spalding, continued to 1368. 

Chr. Ramsey Chronicle by a monk of Ramsey, written before 1267. — MSS. Cott. Otho 

D. VIII., partiy burnt. 

Chr. Roff.f Chronica de primis incolis Hybemite et de rebus Britannicts, &c., ad coro- 

nationem Edwardi I., folio MS. Cott. Nero, D. II., by a monk of Roches- 
ter, with some rude drawings at the bottom of the pages, one at p. 176, 
representing the mutilation of Simon de Montfort's body. 

Chr. Shepis Chronicle of William de Shepisheved, MSS. Cott. Faust. B. VI. 

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Chr. Taxter. Chronicle of Tazter, a monk of Bury, fh>in 1245 to 1265, MSS. Cott. 

Julius, A. I., quoted in notes to Rishanger's Chr. de bellis L. et Ev. 

Chr. Wore Chronicle of Worcester, MSS. Cott. Callg. A. 10. 

Epist. Ad. de Marisco. .Epistols Adamn de Marisco, a Franciscan monk of much learning. The 
MS. (Cott. Vitell. C. VIII.) is much shrivelled by fire in the upper part 
of each page, but is mostly legible, and coi\tains many curious letters to 
Q. Eleanor, Simon de Montfort, his Countess, &c. 

Fabyanf • . Chronicle of Robert Fabyan, Alderman of London, Sheriff 1493, a good 

authority for details relating to London. 

Gugl. Pod. Laur Guglielmi de Podio Laurentii Historia Albigensium, a monk of Puy Lau- 
rent, near Albi, born about 1210, died after 1272. Recueil des Hist, de 
la France, v. XX., 1840. 

Hist. F. Fitzw Histoire de Foulques Fitz Warin, Paris, 1840, edited from MS. in Br. Mus. 

by M. Michel, who refers this curious biography erroneously to the Fitz 
Warin drowned at Lewes, instead of to his father. Some parts printed 
as prose appear to be verse. 

Househ. Exp Manners and Household Expenses in England in the 13th century, com« 

prising the Roll of the Countess of Leicester's Expenses in 1265, from 
the parchment MS. in Br. Mus. Add. MSS. 8877. Privately printed for 
the Roxburghe Club by Beriah Botfield, Esq., M.P., 1841, and contains 
much interesting matter, ably illustrated by the editor, Mr. Turner. 

Joinv Histoire de S. Louis by his friend and fellow-crusader the Sire Jean de 

Joinville, bom 1224, died 1317. 

Lib. de ant. leg.f .... Liber de antiquis legibus, a copy, in MSS. Harl. 690, of the London 
chronicle possessed by the corporation, a register of contemporaneous 

MSS. Add. 5444t . .-. . In Br. Mus., copied from one that was destroyed by fire Otho B. III. This 
" son of a burnt father " is a chronicle written by Londoners from time 
to time as the events occurred from 1195 to 1307. 

Mat Par.f Chronicle of Matthew Paris, monk of S. Albans, is of the best authority 

for events during his life; he died 1259. He frequently describes per- 
sonal interviews with Henry III., but his chronicle, according to the 
usual custom was not made public till after the King's death. 

Mat. Westm.* Chronicle of Matthew of Westminster, who flourished 1375, a decided 

Royalist in his compilation. 

Mirac. S. de Mont.f . . Miracula Simonis de Monteforti, printed with Rishanger's Chr. by Camden 
Society, from MS. Cott. Vespas. A. VI., probably written from time to 
time by the monks of Evesham, between 1265 and 1278. 

Nangist Histoire de S. Louis, by William de Nangis, a monk of S. Denis. Annals 

to 1300 in French and Latin — good contemporaneous authority. Rec. 
des Hist. Fr. t. XX., 1840. 

Nichols' Leicest History of Leicestershire by J. Nichols, F.S A. Edin., contains an excellent 

account of Simon de Montfort by Rev. Sambrook N. Russell, in Part 1, 
Vol. 1. 

Petr. Vail. Sam Petri Vallium Samaii Historia Albigensium, a monk of V|ux Semai Abbey, 

near Paris, born about 1 170-80, living 1218, a furious bigot engaged in 
the Albigensian war. 

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Polit Songs. Political Songs of England from K. John to Edward 11., edited by Mr. 

Wright for the Camden Society, a very curious and interesting collection 
of contemporary evidences of popular feeling. 

Rob. Brune The chronicle of English History, written in French verse by Peter Lang- 
toft, Canon of Bridlington, was translated by Robert Manning, called 
R. de Brune (from Bourne, near Deping, co. Lincoln), begun 1303. 

Rob. Gloucf Chronicle in English verse, by Robert of Gloucester, who resided at Ox- 
ford. Camden and Usher consider him to have lived in the time of 
Henry lU. ; G. EUis in the time of Edward L 

Rolls of Anns The earliest Heraldic Roll extant, made about 1308-14, published from 

MS. in Br. Mus. by N. H. Nicolas, 1828. 

Rymer The invaluable series of documents relating to English history, Rymer's 

Feeders, Vol. 1 and 2. 

T. Wykef Chronicle of Thomas Wyke, an Augustine Canon of Osney, to 1290 ; an 

historian of good authority. 

Walt. Hemlng.f Chronicle of Walter Hemingford, a monk of Gisbum, where he died 1347. 

He had good opportunities of obtaining information from eye-witnesses 
for his history, which extends to 1308. 

W. Knight.f Chronicle of William Knighton, who flourished in the time of Richard IL 

His account of the batUe of Lewes is copied verbatim from W. Heming- 

W. Thorn Chronicle of W. Thorn, a monk of S. Augustine in Canterbury, who 

flourished 1380. 

W. Risb.f Chronicle of William Rishanger, monk of S. Albans, continuing that of 

Matthew Paris from 1259 to 1312, and published with it. A competent 
contemporary authority. 

W. Riah. de bello Lew.f Another chronicle by the same author, " de bellis Lewes et Evesham," 
lately printed by the Camden Society from MS. Cott. Claud. D. VI. 

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7.— WAR RENEWED 107 






13.- PARLIAMENT 218 







l.—Lewei in 1264 from the Field of Battle 151 

2.— Carriages from ancient MSS. 152 

3.— Seals of Simon de Montfort, &c 206 

4.— Capture of Henry III. Death and mutilation of Simon de Montfort from 

drawings in ancient MSS 254 

5.— Siege of a Castle by Sea and Land from ancient MS 274 

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" stand upon thtt devAtbd 6f retioh, whtdi plicet cental 
linder our eye, and brings things to the true point of pompa-. 
rison, which obscures little names and eflbices the colours of 
little parties, and tb which nothing can ascend, but the spirit 
and moral qualit j of human actions." 


Tab attention of the present ^e id not baiily atbabted to the reboirds of 
l^t timeo : eager to enjoy thie lokurieft which commerce ieind sciehce ate yearly 
tnultiplying for their use, few are disposed to tarn back to a distant ^riod 
d! British Hidtory, when a veijr different 6tate of thingd previailed ; is^ben 
the seedA of th(3se blessings, now do habitual, were cdst upon kri unfriendly 
Soil, requiring the Watbhfol ghard bf h bold mind, and an jirmfed hand foi^ 
their growth and maturity. The flerbe struggles for freeddm or power, and 
the miseries of civil war, ohce necessary to secure the rights of the com- 
Ibunity, are now read With a traditibnal assent, indeed; tb the verdict of 
history, bdt with little scrutiny into the jdstice whibh had thus stamped 
some tran^ctions with hoboar; and branded others With disgrace; has 
dbnsidered Some torispibilobs bharlU^teKt as pati*iotS, others as rebeld; 

This has been remarkably true as to the great events of the Thirteenth 
t;entury, which established the main principles bf liberty in this land; 

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Magna Cbarta now passes carrent everywhere as a honsehold word, the 
hallowed type of a soccessfiil assertion of political rights ; while the Barons' 
war and the battle of Lewes^ though alffo great moral lessons of permanent 
influence occasionally forced upon monarchs, have dropped away as if 
unimportant from general remembrance. 

There are, indeed, too many battlefields strewed over the face of 
England, where no really national interest was at stake, where blood 
flowed only to gratify or thwart the ambition of an individual, or where 
some point of a disputed pedigree trembled in the balance. From such 
selfish contests, if they could have been decided by personal combat without 
involving the welfare of a whole nation, the mind would shrink with less 
regret; but the Barons' war, of which the Battle of Lewes was a main 
incident, does not deserve to be forgotten or confused with such. It 
occurred in stijrring times, when every man readily took his side, the 
proud noble and the half-enfranchised commoner uniting their strength with 
zealous earnestness ; the contest was of a nature which we now consider 
the most awful and irreconcilable, a war of principles. The conflicting 
claims of royal prerogative, and of popularcontroul, there met at length in 
active hostility, after tlie fruitless trial, for nmny years, of more pacific 

There would have been no need to revive this remote subject, which, 
as Drayton^ said of his own story of some later wars, ** h surely fit matter 
for trump or tragedy," had it fortunately attracted the electric spark of 
Shakspeare's genius. Such alchemy would long since have transpiuted it 
into, current gold, and would have fixed in the popular mind the sterling 
worth of the personages and facts, undisturbed by the doubts of philo- 
sophers or historians. The silence of the dramatist, however, having 
prevented them becoming so familiar to us as the events he has handled, 
we can only feel sure that he would have depicted the chief actors in the 

» Preface to hit poem " Barons* War/' 

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reign of Henry III., if at all, with their asaal mixtnre of good and evil 
qaalities, as be has done all bis characters, whether historical or self- 

It is not from men of the thirteenth century that we coald expect the 
performance of great actions from pare and onmixed motives ; it is not so 
in the nineteenth. Great and gross vices then prevailed in every class, and 
pnblrc oiNnion did not require even that decorous homage to virtue, which 
modern vice is content to render. United with the genuine patriotism of 
one party, no doubt ambition, self-interest, and revenge played their part, 
while the conscientious maintenance of long used prerogative on the other 
side, was embittered by love of despotic power and by personal resent- 
ment ; and though the warm incentives of religion were called in aid by 
both parties, each at times displayed an almost ostentatious perjury. A 
modem hand cannot presume to trace out all the various influences then at 
work in the breast of individuals : all was not pure, for the agents were 
human ; but nothing can evince more strikingly the soundness of the views 
adopted by the party victorious at Lewes, than the fact that during their 
short year of triumph, English freedom rose to so vigorous a manhood, and 
acquired so confirmed a developement, as to enable the spirit of their princi- 
ples long to survive the downfall of their promoters, and to this day we are 
enjoying the full maturity of their effects. 

There were some powerful engines of agitation to ruffle the surface of 
society in the thirteenth century. The Crusades, those furious efforts of 
wild credulity, the glory of their own age, though now its reproach and 
scorn^ furnished allurements yet sufficient to assemble hosts too vast for 
use or restraint ; and the Popes of Romre, besides exciting these outbursts 
of foreign adventure, put forward also at tUs period their most extravagant 
pretensions. A war preaehed in the name of God is indeed an awfinl 
matter, but not content with sending crowds of zealots to destruction in 
Pagan Syria, they wielded the same weapon against all nearer opposition, 
and repeatedly exhibited the strange anomaly of organizing Crusades 


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against the disciples of the Cross. The simpler faith of the Albigenses was 
thas crashed by fire and sword ; dethronement and a holy war were decreed 
against oar own King John and other monarchs ; the political dispates with 
the Empire were decided in a similar way, although the Popes met occa- 
sionally with a stoat resistance. Gregory IX. was thas in 1227 publicly 
denounced by the excommunicated Emperor Fredericic as **the Great 
Dragon and the Antichrist,*' although, indeed, he retorted on him as " the 
beast of blasphemy, and the king of plagues." When this Emperor found 
himself, in 1243, excommunicated for the third time, and his crown 
declared to be forfeited, he desired his attendants to see if his crown were 
really lost from his jewel chest, and on its being produced, put it firmly on 
his head, and stood erect, saying, ** I have neither lost it, nor will I do so 
with impunity for any Pope or Council. As to the Pope presuming to 
depose me, his superior, so much the better; I was before bound to obey 
him in some measure, or at least to respect him, but now I am absolved 
from any sort of love, veneration, or peace towards him."^ This practical 
refutation of the Pope's power forms a strong contrast to the abject spirit of 
King John. 

The head of the Church insisted not only on the independence but the 
supremacy of its members, for as the soul is superior to the body (they 
sophistically* argued) so should spiritual authority govern and punish 
secular power. No civil court being allowed to interfere for the punishment 
of their most heinous offences, it is said that Henry II. found that one 
hundred murders had been committed by the clergy unpunished. These 
and other monstrous abuses might well justify King Richard's satirical 
bequest of his favourite vices to the different orders of clergy, and the long 
enduring submission to such arrogance is the strongest proof of prostrate 
intellect during the dark, or, what modem courtesy terms, the middle 

' M. Puris. ^ Thomas Aquinas (who died 1274) quoted in Hallam's Hist. Lit. 

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From sncb prevailing infloence, even tbe French King, Loais I]!C., 
tEoagh eminently distinguished for strength of mind, and resolutely main- 
taining the rights of his national Church, was unable wholly to free Idmself. 
Coming to the throne in early youth, he retained such a lofty purity of 
conscience and such a mixed spirit of piety and enterprize, that he attracted 
the universal respect of his contemporaries, who frequently referred their 
disputes to his arbitration, as we shall have occasion to notice in con- 
nexion with the Battle of Lewes. 

The love of distant adventure, and the spirit of priestly ambition, were 
felt in England, as well as elsewhere, during the reign of Henry III., 
while the social condition of the country not only exhibited a civilization 
inferior to many parts of the continent, (for an insular position, until com- 
merce becomes general, necessarily retards its progress), but was still 
powerfully influenced by the great Norman conquest. Tbe heaviness of a 
foreign yoke had not yet ceased to gall the conquered, whose debasement 
had been complete. The Conqueror had seized the estates not only of all 
who had opposed him at Hastings, but even of those who had intended to 
be there; and, indeed, many of the Normans had done homage to him 
before the expedition, for lands about to be conquered.^ To his fellow 
soldiers, accordingly, many of them poor and lowly at home, were vast 
tracts of English land granted. 

It is due to King William's discretion, to observe that in Domesday 
there occurs only once, perhaps by an oversight, a phrase indicating 
conquest,* the more usual term referring to so great a change being the 
courteous one ** after the King came to England f and it is also remark- 
able, that there was no grant of a single acre to any of his own sons. 

When Domesday reports but two or three ploughs in a large parish, it 
is obvious that land of so little value was indeed the cheapest reward in the 

■ Cbr. de Norm. Thierry, Conq. d'An^. * " Pbstqoam WUhebnus Reib conqqiiifit ApgUam.'^ 

' " Pottqutm Rex Tenit in Anglitm/' 

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King's power, and of this he made an unsparing use, giving, for example, 
to his son-in-law, William, Earl of Warren, 298 manors. The wholesale 
nature of the confiscation may be made more palpable, perhaps, by stating 
that all the three adjoining Counties of Kent, Surrey, and Sussex, were thus 
in the hands of 56 proprietors, very few indeed of whom were Saxons. 

Kent ^ua the property of 12 owners, all Normans, except the Clergy. 
Surrey ————— 41 including 6 Saxons, who held only 8 manors. 

« , . f of the 3489 hides, 2649 belonged to the King and Normans, 833 to 

augtex 10 ^ ^g Church, and 10 only to Saxons. 


The King, however, being reckoned in eadi county, and 10 of the 15 
Sussex proprietors holding lands also in Surrey, a deduction of 12 would 
reduce the number to 56. In all Domesday, which does not include three 
Northern counties, there are only 600 named proprietors. 

The few Normans thus enriched, and scattered over the face of the 
country, became by the very condition of their scanty numbers, and their 
masses of property, too proud and powerful for easy controul, and gradually 
imbibed from the soil of their new country the inherent maxims of Saxon 
freedom. They who had conquered the land with the Conqueror, were 
little ready to give up the privileges which they had so earned, and as, 
fortunately, no difference of religious creed separated them from the bumbled 
Saxons, though of another race and language, common interests and inter- 
course gradually led to mutual respect. The Norman landholders were, 
indeed, but little of patriots, and set slight value on the good of the people, 
but being jealous of the royal authority, they readily combined with them 
in the coercion of their King. They had grievances too of their own, heavy 
burthens repugnant to their feelings, arising from their feudal tenures, 
which, on every fresh occasion, revived heart-burnings aad rebellions 
among them. Some of these hardships, the unfixed alienation fines, the 
inability to devise fiefs by will, and the controul of the crown over the 
marriage of wards, had been unknown to them in Normandy.^ 

' llallam M. Ag. 

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The more^ refined arts and manners of tbeir foreign dominions naturally 
attracted the early Norman kings to frequent residence abroad, affording 
thereby greater opportunity to the Barons to establish themselves on an 
independent footing. After the lapse of four or five generations, they 
began to oxisider themselves as Englishmen, and resented as such the 
tyrannous caprice and corruption of the Court. It must be remembered, 
that at this period there was no permanent tax, and no standing army ; the 
physical strength of the crown was but occasional, and the revenue casual. 
When the Sovereign therefore in his need grasped at forbidden profits, bis 
rapacity was resisted at once by the feudal Barons as an unlawful inter- 
ference, not so much with tbeir rights^ as subjects, as with their individual 
privileges and property. These were much more intelligible to them and 
more dearly cherished, for *^ what we now call public rights were then pri- 
vate ones," as has been remarked by a sagacious historian,^ and it was 
under these impulses that their combined efforts of resistance won the Great 

* Giiizot, CiTiBtation en Eor. 

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r r " Car coders with too g^eat a court 

And liberal largeneu are grown somewhat light." 

Rich. II. 

Ma9N4 Chaiita, to which it is remarkable that Shakspeare makea d<k 
f^llosioD whatever in his King John, required about thirty confirmations 
from subsequent kings to enforce itf proyi^ons, although its renewal in 
the ninth year of Henry III. is now referred to as an existing Statute, 
mid wa9 of so little avail to check discord, that it was while a foreign 
Prince wi^ o^pying the country and claiming the Crown (in behalf of 
bis wife, John's niece) that Henry HI^ t| boy of nice yeani okl, first inhe-. 
^ited: the thi;)pipe. 

Nothing bat the wisdom^ and coo^nge of the Regent William, Earl of 
Pembroke,^ which won oyer the chiefs of the opposite party, preserved 
England from then becoming a tributary province to France, and until his 
death (in March, 1219) the cwncils of the young Prince were Qwayed by 
bis prudei^, nor did the defects of the King's character become apparently 
until deprived of this statesman. 

This Earl, by his marriage with the heiress of Strongbow, the conr. 
qneroT of Irels^nd^ had acquired immense estates in that coiintry, which, 

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extended over 124 miles in length and 74 in breath. Leaving ten children^ 
bis Earldom was snocessively held by each of his five sons, after whom hia 
Ive daughters became, in 1245, the co-heirs of the property.^ This failure 
pf male heirs was looked upon as fiilfilling the carse of a priest, from whom 
he had seized some lands. The zealous churchman, when urged by the 
King to remove the excommunication after his death, stuck steadily to hia 
text, while professing compliance, and though he ceremoniously absolved 
the soul of the Earl, it was on the express condition of previous restitution 
by his heirs of the lan^s in question.* 

An ambitious native of Poictou, Peter de Roches, Bishop of Win- 
chester, succeeded i^s Regent Having been an active l^night in earlier 
life, he was eqiployed, in 1234, by the Pope, long after his Episcopacy, to, 
command hijs troops,^ and this soldier-prelate made the weak King for 
many years the passive instrument of his own power, inspiring him with 
those arbitrary principles of government, whi^h so often endangered his 

> Winitm, the Manhal, Etri of Pembroke, married liabella. only cbHd of Richard de Clare, 
Earl of Pembroke, sumamed Strongbow. He died March, 1219, and lies buried in the Temple 
Church. His arms were " Partj per pale, or and vert, a lion rampant, gules." 

1. William, 2nd Earl, his eldest son, a gallant soldier, one of the 25 guardians of Magm^ 
Charta, died April, 1231, and is buried in the Temple. He married Princess Eleanor, daughter 
of King John, in 1224, bntthey had no children, and she remarried, January, 1238, Simon de 
Montfort, Earl of Leicester. 

2. Richard, 3rd Earl, rebeUed, and was killed in Irdand, 1234. 

3. John, defeated Piinpe Louis at sea, 1217, and died unmarried. 

4. Gilbcart, 4th Earl, a Crusader in 1236, suddenly dismissed by Henry HI., 1239, died at a 
Toomamentv May, 124^ and is bpried, in the Templp i^ hp married Margaret, a Princess of 

5. Watter. 5th Earl, died December 4^ 1245. 

6. Anselm, 6th Earl, Dean of Salisbury, died December 22, 1245. 

7. Matilda, the eldest daughter, carried the hereditary title of Earl Marshal into her husband's 
fsmfly, with whose descendants it still remains. She died 1248, haring married, first, Hugh le 
Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, and, secondly, John de Warren, Earl of Surrey. 

8. Joan, married William de Monchensi. Thehr daughter carried the Earldom of Pembroke to 
her husband, William de Valence, half brother of Henry III. 

9. Isabella married, first, Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, who died October^ 1230 ; and,, 
secondly. Prince Richard, Earl of Cornwall, April, 1231. 

10. Sybilla, married John de Ferrers, Earl of Derby. 

11. Eye, manied William de Cantilupe, who died 1254. 

»M. Par. »M.Par. 

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tbrooe, and even monardiy itself. He is thus described in a contemporary 
satire :^ 

Wintoniensis anniger 
Presidet ad Scaccarium, 

Ad compatandum impiger 
Piger ad Evangelium, 

Regis reroWens rotulum ; 

Sic Lucam lucrum superat, 

Marco marcam prseponderat 
£t librae libnim subjidt. 

The V^nehetter Btthop— Ktiight 

At th' Exchequer sits paramount. 
Slow to read Goepd aright 

Tho' nimble the money to count : 
The King's Rolls handling all day. 

He looks more to lucre than Luke, 
Marcs their namesake Saint outweigh. 

He ponders on pounds, not his book. 

The inherent caprice of the King's " waxen heart"* in favour or hatred, 
evinced a natural incapacity for governing. The only fixed point in bis 
character seems to have been his devotion, if it can be so called ; in his 
movements either in England or on the continent, he never failed to visit 
all the churches and shrines of mouldering relics within reach, and not 
content with three public masses a day, be attended others in ^private, 
practising religious ceremonies as diligently and with as little self-discipline 
of conduct as any man of his times* 

The anomaly of a governor without either the talent of governing or of 
selecting others fit to do so, is a heavy idSiction upon a nation ; the obe- 
dience of a willing people requires to be met by the affectionate care and 
wisdom of a Sovereign, especially when no system of popular controul has 
been devised. Imbecile virtae upon a throne, as dfording scope to the 
evil passions of others, often weighs as grievoudy upon a people, as the 
daring crimes of ambitious tjnranny. Dante, nearly the contemporary of 
Henry III., puts him into hfis Purgatory as a simpleton, and ranges him 
among children and others who have been useless in their lives, to be 
punished chiefly by dwdling in darkness and solitude, 

** Non per far, ma per non fare.** 
" Vedete il Re della semplice vita 
" Seder lH solo, Arrigo d'Inghilterra."— Pdrg. 7. 

But, perhaps, the judgment of later times would pass a sterner sentence on 
the cause of so much misery and confusion. 

' Polit. Songs, p. 10. ■ " Cor cereum regis,"— M. Par. 

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De Roches encouraged the King in soch a distrnst of bis own nobles, 
tbat all tbe Englisb were dismissed in 1233, and their offices and the 
command of tbe royal castles committed to foreigners, 200 of whom came 
over on bis invitation. Tbe King was in vain warned that, to avoid tbe 
shipwreck of bis kingdom, be mnst sbon stones and rocks, in allusion to 
tbe names of Pierre de Roches ; his preference for foreigners unhappily con- 
tinued to prevail long after the disgrace and death of tbe first suggester. 

Among the aliens thus promoted was the well-known legate Pandulf, 
who, on his return to Rome, after his memorable scenes with King John, 
had taken priest's orders and was raised to tbe Bishopric of Norwid).^ 
This advancement of a man, who had for three days ostentatiously withheld 
the crown from the King of England, must have been peculiarly distastefol 
to loyal feeling. After being employed confidentially in the King's service, 
and procuring from Rome the unusual grant of the first fruits of his Diocese 
for himself and his successors in the see, he died, greatly ^iricbed, in 
Dec., 1226. 

Among other foreigners who shaijed the rises and falls of De Roches, 
were Peter de Rivaulx, the Treasurer, and Robert de Passilewe, bis un- 
derling. The latter is, indeed, sometimes designated <* as a degenerate 
Englishman,^ and at any rate was a crafty courtier, who recommended 
himself by his contrivances to extort money for his master. As a meiOMi 
of receiving increased wealth, he became a priest, and though his election to 
the see of Chichester (in 1244) was successfully resisted, large benefices in 
Durham and Ely, as well as the Archdeaconry of Lewes,, were conferred 
upon him.^ 

The great rival of De Roches was Hubert de Burgh, one of the few 
nobles of unshaken loyalty to King John, for whom he firmly defended 

* He \mte8 as Bishop Elect from Chichester, in May, 1220, reporting an unsuccessful mission 
in Wales to H. de Burgh, (Ryroer) but was not consecrated until 1222. 

'" Degener Anglicus." — M. Par. 

' M. Par. He died in 1252. The arms of Passeleu were ** Bendy or. and azure, on a quarter 
argent, a leopard passant, guardant, gules." — Rolls of Arms. 

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Dover against all the assaolts of Prince Louis. Sbakspeare has made his 
name familiar and odious to us, representing him as taunted by the Earl 
of Norfolk with *^ Out, dunghill ! dar'st thou brave a nobleman ?" (K. John, 
4. 2.) His father had, however, been high in oflBce and favour with Henry 
II. Hubert was so much esteemed, that, besides obtaining the Earldom 
of Kent, he was made Justiciary of England for life in 1228, and though of 
a violent disposition and surrounded by many enemies at Court, especially 
de Roches, there seems no reason to doubt bis good faith and loyalty. 
The King, however, reproached him witli personal insult as a traitor, and 
be was made to feel all the bitterness of serving a fickle prince, who alter- 
nately caressed and persecuted him in his old age, until, after surrendering 
part of his estates, he died in 1243, in comparative neglect It speaks well 
for him, that in the depth of his adversity, when the furious King was 
urging others to take his life, he met with two pleasing instances of sym- 
pathy : when dragged out of Brentwood Chapel by soldiers, in 1232, a 
blacksmith refused to put fetters upon ^' him who bad fought so well against 
the French, and who had preserved England from aliens ;" and when the 
King was compelled by the indignant clergy to replace him in the Sanc- 
tuary,^ and was there starving him by a blockade, his former chaplain, 
Luke, the Archbishop of Dublin, offered himself as a substitute with the 
most earnest entreaties and tears.^ 

Stephen de Segrave,^ an alien patronised by De Roches, who had 
obtained the grant of many castles and lands, while his knighthood was 
yet recent, for he had been a priest, succeeded De Burgh as Justiciary. ~ 

^ Those who took reftige in a Sanctuary, were obliged by law to swear before the Coroner that 
they would go out of the kingdom, and not return without leave. They were to go to some port 
assigned for their embarkation, carrying a cross to prove that they were under the protection of 
the Church, and to embark within two tides, unless the winds were contrary, in which case they 
were obliged to walk into the sea up to their knees daily, as a token of their readiness. The pro- 
tection ceased in forty days, unless they returned to the Sanctuary. In later times they w.ere 
Qiarked by the Coroner with A (alijured) on the ball of the right thumb.— Grose. 

' M. Par.-^Luke died 1255, after a blindness of many years. 

. 3 "Vir flexibilis, dc clerico factus miles."— M. Par. 

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'* Jadgeittent (siiys the indignant chronicler^) was then etttroMed to the 
onjust, the laws to outlaws, peace to the turbulent, and justice to wrong- 
doers." He became not only obnoxious to the Barons, but went through 
the same vicissitudes of royal favour and disgrace as his predecessor, dying, 
in 1251, concealed in the Abbey of Leicester, where he had taken refuge. 

It would appear that the King had proposed to himself perpetual conti- 
nence,* and was mudi disturbed by the remonstrances of his Council 
calling on him to marry for reasons of state. Five unsuccessful treaties for 
his marriage with different Princesses had been proposed^ and in one in- 
stance so far advanced that the Pope^s dispensation was required to annid 
his previous betrothal to Joanna^ afterwards Queen of Castile, when he 
was at length, at the age of 29, in January, 1236, married to the beautiful 
Eleanor, one of the four queenly daughters of Raymond, Count of Provence. 
Used to the superior refinement of arts and manners of her own country^ 
herself highly accomplished and a poet ;^ it was by sending specimens of 
her talent in this respect, that she introduced herself to the notice of the 
English Court. 

The young Princess was brought over by het unclei William, Count of 
Champagne^ an artful man, who soon acquired great influence over the 
King, and from this time all patronage was in the hands of the Queen's 
relations and adherents. The Pope had given him the Bishopric of Valence^ 
in order to secure his mUitary talents in the war against the Emperor^ and 
King Henry was so bent on making him Bishop of Winchester, that 
he would probably have succeeded, had not the news of his death, by 
poison, at Viterbo, in 1239, prevented the scheme. The King*s grief 
at his loss was so outrageous, that he tore bis clothes, cast them into the 
fire, and with loud groans shut himself up in total seclusion.^ 

The Queen's influence prevailed in welcoming others of her own family 

■ WendoTer, a cootemporary quoted bj Sir R. Cotton. ' Chr. Lanerc. 

* Some MS. poems of hen are still extant at Turin.— t^. Strlekland'S Queens. * M. Put 

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with |i;rant8 of wealth and offices of dignity, to the disgust of the neglected 

"Thoro the Qoene was so macfae Frenss folc ibrougt 
That of Englisse men, me tolde as right nought ; 
And the King horn let hor wille, that each was as King, 
And nome poTere menne god, and ne paiede nothing." ' 

RoBT. Olouc. 

Peter of Savoy, another ancle, was raised to the chief place at the 
Council, and received grants of the vast domain of Richmond, in Yorkshire, 
soon after his arrival in 1241. The castles of Pevensey and Hastings were 
quickly added, besides the wardship of the young Earl of Warren and 
Surrey,* by which Lewes Castle also came under his extended influence in 
Sussex, a circumstance which may have decided the King, at a later period, 
in the selection of that county for his field of battle. The honour of knight- 
hood was conferred on him with great pomp in Westminster Abbey. On 
one occasion, he returned from the continent (1247) bringing with him a 
bevy of fair damsels, as destined mates to the young nobles held in ward 
by his courtiers, an unnecessary importation, sure to provoke the jealousy 
of all the afironted sex. The wealthy Earls of Lincoln, of Devon, of Kent, 
of Gloucester and of Warren,^ were thus provided with foreign Countesses 
in their early youth, before they had the power of exercising any choice. 
Peter became a Crusader in 1255, and was employed repeatedly in embas- 
sies to France. The Savoy in London still keeps up the remembrance of 

1 Ttarouf b tb« Qaeen wm 00 manj Freneb folk broof ht. tbtt Engllthinmi w«r« r«ck(med m rigbt novgbC, tnd 
tho King lot them b»TO tboir will, m Uut Mch wm u a King, aod they took poor moa'f gooda, and paid notbtag. 

'Sept. 23, 1241. 

*EdmuDd de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, (who died 1258) married, 1247, Alice, daughter of 
Marchese Saluces. 

Baldwin de Ripariis, Earl of Deron, married, 1257, a SaToyard, kinswoman of the Queen. 

Richard de Burg, Earl of Kent, married another kinswoman in 1247. 

Bichard de Clare, son and heir of the Earl of Gloucester, married, 1853. Alice, daughter of 
Guy, Count of Angouleme. 

John de Warren, Earl of Warren and Surrey, married Alicia, the King's half sister, who died 
1256, while yet young. 

Peter de Genevre, a ProYencal fatonrite of the King, of low origin, was married to the 
wealthy daughter of Walker de Lasci.— M. Par. 

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another grant to him, wbicfa^ with his other property, he beqaeatbed at his 
death, in 1268, to the Queen and his brothers. His marble effigy, in 
complete ring-armour, covering even his hands, is still extant on an altar* 
tomb at Aquabella, in Savoy.^ 

His hrothei*, Boniface, eiercised a similar influence over the King, and, 
in 1241, to the great scandal of the Charch, this stranger was, by dint of 
royal compulsion, chosen Archbishop of Canterbury, although so reluctant 
was the Chapter to elect him, that many of its members abandoned their 
stalls in disgust, and became Carthusian monks. His person was tall and 
elegant, but his youth, ignorance, and overbearing manners,^ made him 
incompetent for such a dignity, and the offence was the more stril&ing from 
his contrast with the sainted Edmund,^ whom he succeeded, and who had 
retired to a foreign monastery, where he died hopeless of reforming the 

Boniface was enthroned, with great pomp, in 1249, in presence of the 
Royal family, and afterwards freely mingled in the intrigues and wars of 
the continent, together with his brother Philip, Archbishop of Lyon, 
neglecting his see, and draining off its revenues for 13 years> The well- 
known anecdote of his visitation at the convent of St. Bartholomew may 
illustrate his views of episcopal duty, though somewhat startling to modern 
clergy, accustomed to the serene tranquillity of such an occasion. Though 
be was met with every mark of respect, and led in procession, with ringing 
of bells> to the choir, yet his authority being there questioned, the Arch- 

* Archaeoi. v. 15. The eagle of Savoj is on his shield. Hit arms were, *'An eagle displayed, an 
inescotcheon, or. bearing two bars, over all a bend." 

' M. Par. — " Plus genere quam sdentid coroscus." " Morum et scientise mendicum." Add. 
MSS., 5444, "inutilis minister/' Chr. Lanerc. "homo honestus, curialis et corapositus sed 
admodum Uteris indoctus." 

sHe was canonixed 1346, and Not. 16, appointed as his Feast. 

* When he died in 1270, "tote Isetetur An^ specialiusque Cantoarium,"— Add. MSS, 5444. 

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bishop 80 far forgot bimself as to assault the aged sab-prior with his fist; 
beating bis breast and grey head, and crying out with horrid oaths, ^< This, 
this is the way to attack English traitors," while the example was natarally 
followed by the attendants, who attadied the canons in the same manner. 
It is even said that in this disgrbceful aflfair, the prelate's robes becoming 
discomposed betrayed armoar beneath. The beaten party presented them-^ 
selves in their braided and bleeding static to the Bishop of London, who 
at once forwarded them to the King, bat at the palace door they waited in 
vain fdt an aadience, ahd were obliged withoat any redress to betal^e them- 
selves, vrith prayers for Vengeance, to their ^tron Saint, who having, 
according to the legend, been flayed alive, mast be considered a good jadge 
in matters of tortare. The gttod dtizens of London losing all patience at 
sach a scene, rang the tocsin, and fairly hunted the Archbishop back to 
Lambeth.^ Such condact justifies our applying to this t^irelate the bold 
address of a satirical song, composed about this time: — 

*' Tu qui tenia hunc tenorem', 
Frustn dicis te pastorem. 
Nee te regis ut rectorem 
Rerum menufl in ardorem I 
Hsec est alia 
Sanguisugse filia 
Qiiam yenalis cariA 

Thou, with that greedy haughty iiice. 
No shepherd thou, but hireling base ! 
In all the world's intrigues plunged deep. 
In yain your forfeit rank you keep. 
3pawn of the horseleech, whom well fed 
The grasping Court may fitly wed. 

It was for Bishops of this character, that the King's brother, Richard^ 
candidly expressed bis wish at a later period. His letter to Prince Edward 
from Aix la Chapelle, 1257> after boasting of bis friend, the Archbishop of 
Mainz, having in person defeated and nearly captured the Archbishop o^ 
Treves, remarks, " See what spirited and warlilte Prelates we have in 
Germany ! I think it would not be wholly without its use to you, if similalf 

* M. Par. * Polit. Songs, firom MS. Ck)tton, JuL D. Tii; 

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ones were created in EDgland, whose services yoa might then safely 
employ against the troublesome attacks of yoar rebels."^ For such hints 
to be current even in a confidential letter^ sufficiently stamps the character 
of the Court. 

In 1243, the Queen's mother, Beatrice, Countess of Provence, visited 
England, a lady of remarkable beauty, manners, and prudence. Already 
mother of two queens, she lived to see her two other daughters bear the 
same title, an uncommon fortune, recorded by Dante, 

*' Quattro figlic ebbe e datcuna reina 
Ramondo Berlingbierl." — ^Par. 6. 

Before her death, indeed, in 1268, by the marriages of grand-daughters, 
Beatrice saw six* Queens descended from her. Well might she be proud 
of her progeny, like a second Niobe, to whom a chronicler* compares her. 

She was received by the King with all the honour due to her accom- 
plishments and rank. Nobles met her at Dover, and conducted her in 
procession through London, where the streets were adorned with gay 
trappings, and, by a very necessary compliment, rendered passable for 
the occasion by clearing away the mud and other impediments of the high- 
way. The festivities at the marriage of her daughter, Senchia,^ with 
Prince Richard were of unparalleled prodigality, and when she left England, 
she was attended by the King and court, on foot, to the sea-side. 

Her distinguished reception, blameable only on the score of extravagance, 
naturally induced her to repeat the visit five years afterwards, as a widow, 
and she was then accompanied by her brother, Thomas, Count of Savoy, 
** both thirsting for fresh draughts from the well-known fountain of royal 

> Latin letter in Ann. Burton, dated May 18, 1257. 

'Her daughters were Margaret, Queen of France, whose daughter became Queen of Natarre ; 
Beatrice, Queen of Sicily; Senchia, Queen of the Romans; and Eleanor, Queen of England, 
mother of the Queen of Scotland. 


^Her name in the Latin treaty of marriage (Rymer) is Senchia; in Cal. Pat. 38* H. III., 
Shencia. By different authors she is Tariously named as Sanctia, Sdentia, Cynthia, and Cinda. 

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bounty."^ Thomas imd been prevfooftty welcomed with sach ansnitable 
pomp, as to excite the ridicule of tiie English, bat he, too, mnst have been 
merry, when he went back after only a few days visit with the King's gift 
of 500 marcs, (333/. 68. &/.) and a grant of the same sum as an annual 
charge for twenty years upon the Exchequer. Another deed was prepared 
which would have given him a groat on every sack of wool exported, but to 
this the keeper of the King's seal, Simon Norman, positively refused to 
affix its authority, and for this act of sturdy patriotism was disgraced and 
turned out of office.* 

Ciount Thomas, who had married the Pope's niece, was besieged in 
1255, in Turin, until his brothers, the two valiant Archbishops of Lyons 
and Canterbury, went to his rescue, and the English court again contributed 
money. Although so weak as to be carried in a litter, it was to King 
Henry he once more repaired, in 1258, when in need of fresh supplies for 
his ransom, and readily procured from him a thousand marcs, (666/. ISsAtL). 
He died abroad, in 1259, by poison. 

Another turbulent and ambitious Savoyard was raised by court favor, in 
1240, to be Bishop of Hereford. This was John de Aigue Blanche, (Aqua- 
blanca) who had been chaplain and ste?rard to William, the Queen *s uncle, 
and it was by his advice that all the preferments in the Church were given 
to foreigners* He accompanied the Crusade of 1250, and was the principal 
agent in Italy when the Sicilian crown was given to the English King's son. 
Being at Rome in 1256, with Robert Waleran, a knight, engaged in raising 
money for the payment of the King's debt to the Pope, he there devised 
the remarkable expedient of sending over bills of exchange, drawn upon 
the English clergy, to which the Legate was instructed to require their 
signatures, each acknowledging the debt inscribed. This method of trans- 
acting business had arisen but shortly before this period in Italy, then the 
great mart of commerce^ and Aigue*blanche derived much credit for his 

* M. Par. " Ad notum fontem sitientes." "M. P*ir. 

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iogeimlty in thus penreiting it to the puipoaes of extortion. Folk de 
Btteset, ibe Bishc^ of London, (who is boldly praised by a contem- 
porary,^ as ^* the anchor of the whole Icingdom and the shield of its safety") 
stremioiisly resisted this base expedient, and on being threatened with the 
loss of his mitre, made his memorable reply that ** he woald then pat on 
bis helmet." Aigne-blanche continued nnder the patronage of the King, 
notwithstanding his bad character,* and ignorance of the language and 
interests of England, altboagh even that patronage failed when attempting 
to procure him the sees of Lincoln or Lichfield. On a subsequent occa- 
sion also, we shall find that he was made to suffer the ^ects of his 
p^sonal nnpopnlarity. 

Among all the op]»ee6ions that vexed the subjects in this leign, none 
galled their pride or irritated their feelings more than this ostentations pre- 
ference of foreigners at court To enrich them, the choicest gifts of the 
royal prerogative were willingly lavished ; the most lucrative wardships of 
the young nobles, implying the enjoyment of their estates, the direction of 
their education, and the disposal of tbdr marriages, fell into the ready 
hands of these insolent favourites. <^ We have nothing to do with your 
English laws or customs,"* was their bold reply to all complaints, after 
acts of violence or plunder, and their impunity induced even some of the 
English to imitate them: << there are so many tyrants already in England 
(they argued) that we too may as well set up for such." 

The jealousy of foreigners thus became, by force of circumstances, the 
bond of union between the Normans and Saxons, once so hostile to eadi 
other ; but the one party was now anxious to retain what they had, and the 
other dreaded ttie fresh swarms of oppressors. High and low were there- 
fore eager to exclude these aliens, and it is not surprising that Queen 
Eleanor herself, by whom they had been introduced, should partake largdy 
of their unpopularity. It was, indeed, to her own foreign steward, William da 

' M. Piur« *M. Fto. ''infiunU.'' 'M. Par. 


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Tarento, *' who fastened on plunder as a leech doee on blood/'^ that she 
transferred the important wardship of William de Cantilape and the Earl of 
Salisbory, which bad been granted to her. This man, a Cistercian monk, 
had earned her gratitade by raising money for her on the pledge of monastic 

For many years her friends had enjoyed a monopoly of court bonnties* 
and it was resented by them as an interference, when another flight of 
needy foreigners, from a different quarter, arrived in 1247f to bask in the 
same sunshine. 

Isabella, the King's mother, had, four years after King John's death, 
married' her first affianced husband, Hugh le Brun, Count de la Marde. 
This gallant troubadour, whose songs are still extant, not only avenged 
himself for the loss of her broken alliance by a rebellion in Poictou, but 
with a poetic chivalry remained unmarried until accepted by the lady in her 
34th year. She retained, indeed, the undiminished charms of her English 
dower, and the title of Queen, which she never relinquished. By this con- 
nexion, King Henry was subsequently entangled in an inglorious war with 
France, which rendered the Count unpopular with the English, and on the 
Queen Dowager*s death, in 1246, all their children' were sent to thrive 
under the protection of their royal half-brother. Although they arrived 
poor, their condition was soon altered ; the most confidential offices, and 
the highest stations in the Church were considered due to them, and^ in 

' M. Par. — " Qui quasi saDguini sanguisuga emolumentis iDhiabat." He died in 1258. 

'King Henry does not seem to haye had preTiooTnotice of bis mother's marriage, ^ret he 
wrote to congratulate the Court on hearing of it. May 20, 1220, " gayisi sumus et plurimum 
laetati." Rymer. 

* William de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, died 1296, buried in Westminster Abbey, married 
Joan de Monchensi. 

Guy, Count of Angouleme, whose daughter, Alice, married Richard de Clare, Earl of 

Geoffry de Lusignan. 

Hugh, married J Gland, daughter of Peter de Dreux, Duke of Brittany. 

Aymer, Bishop elect of Winchester. 

AUcia, married, 1247, John Earl of Warren. 

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1256, the King even commanded that his Chancer)' Seal should never be 
affixed to any deed to their detriment. 

William de Valence, the eldest, was, in 1247, niade Governor of 
Goodrich Castle, and married to Joan, a great heiress of the Monchensi 
family, of kin to the great Earl of Pembroke, a title afterwards borne by 
himself, in virtue of the estates at Pembroke, which he held (by grant, 
1960) on the tenure of doing suit for them to his wife. On the death of 
her father, Warren de Monchensi, in 1255, who is said to have bequeathed 
more than 200,000 marcs (133,333/. 68. &/.), the wardship of his son, 
WUliam, was granted to this foreigner. 

It was on a solemn occasion, that the King conferred knighthood on his 
half-brother. The pious monarch had passed on foot through the muddy 
and uneven streets to Westminster Abbey, himself clad in the humblest 
dress, though following a procession of full-robed clergy. In his uplifted 
hands he held a crystal vase, containing what had been sent from the Holy 
Land by the Templars, as the blood of our Siaiviour;^ he had prepared 
himself by previous fasts and watches for this ceremony, the fatigue of 
which nearly overpowered him, but which he thought so important at the 
time, that he charged his historian, Mathew Paris, whom he invited to 
dinner, especially to record all the circumstances of the day. The pride of 
his knightly belt, thus publicly invested, led William de Valence to try his 
prowess too soon afterwards against some English nobles at a tournament, 
' at Newbury, where, being yet young and not grown to his full strength, 
he got " egregiously cudgelled"* by the tough veterans. 

His command of Hertford Castle gave him the opportunity, in a hunting 
party, of first poaching in the Bishop of Ely's park, at Hatfield, and then 
unceremoniously making free with his cellar. The Bishop being absent, 

> By the Pope's Bull, a promise of six yean and 116 days of pardon from the pains of pur- 
gatory was made to all who came to reverence this relic. On another occasion, when King 
Henry obtained a Papal Bull, permitting him to eat meat on a Saturday, a very sensible condition 
was annexed to the frivolous privilege, that he should also feed 1000 poor persons on that day. 

**' Eregie baculatus.''— M. Par. 

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be broke down tbe doors, corsed the beer as sour, and pulled the sfrigots 
out of all the casks, leaving the choicest wines to run waste, after senring 
it out to all the grooms and huntsmen, until the whole party were drunk.* 
The good Bishop, when told of this outrage, remarked, with a most cour- 
teous reproof, *^ Why plunder and spoil what I would readily have given 
away on a civil request.* 

His qualities as a soldier made him of importance however unpopular, 
and he steadily adhered to, and fought for, the King, — surviving, indeed, to 
share in the Welch wars of Edward I., and though killed at Bayonne in 
1296, in battle, his body was brought over for burial in Westminster 
Abbey, where his conspicuous tomb still remains, and where his epitaph' 
(now destroyed) praised him, with the accustomed truth of such memorials, 
as placid, courteous, and humble. 

The next brother, Guy, though the object of profuse gifts in 1251 and 
1253, was not personally obnoxious to the English, who remembered in 
his favour that he had, during the war in Poietou, given the King timely 
warning of some intended treachery on the part of his own father. He 
became a Crusader, and returned so poverty-stricken that he could not 
make his way up to London without borrowing some horses on his road 
from the Abbot of Feversham, a loan, indeed, which he forgot to restore.* 

Aymer, the youngest brother, was a priest, and, in spite of the King^s 

* "Utqne ad nftuaeam.''— H. Pmr. 

* A timUar tpedmea of the abrupt manner in which the dergy were liable to be phmd«re4 ia 
giyen in the Chronicles of Bamewell Monastery, in 1266. "A tall knight, Philip Champion, 
roused the Prior out of his bed at dawn, saying, ' I want aU your wheat, all your beer, and all 
your larder. Gite me the keys.' ''—Cart. Bam. MSS. HarL, 3601, in notes to Rish. Chr. 

*** Qui valuit validuSk Tincens Tirtute valorem, 
Et placuit pladdus sensus mommque Tigor^ 
Dapsilis et habilis immotus prselia sectans, 
Utills ac hnmilis devotus prtunia spectans." 

Stoth. Mon. Eft 
His arms were, far Valence, " Barry argent and asure, an orle of martlets, gules." Acyoining 
his own tomb is that of bis son and successor, Aymer, whose widow founded Pembroke CoUece, 
in Cambridge. 


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recommendatioo, was rejected by the Chapter of Darbain, in 1249, as 
insnflScient in age and learning for the Bishopric. In the following year, 
however, the King repaired in person to the Chapter Hoase, at Winchester, 
the more effectually to influence the election there, and by dint of his per- 
suasion, Aymer became Bishop elect of that see, and long enjoyed its 
emolum^ts, though he was never consecrated. When, subsequently, on a 
dispute with his clergy, he shut them up in the Church for more than three 
days without food, they looked upon it as a jnst retribution for their guilt in 
having elected, under constraint, *^ such a youth, ignorant even of grammar, 
unable to speak English, and incompetent to perform any clerical oflSces."^ 
The subordinate offices about Court, as well as the higher dignities, 
swarmed likewise with aliens. The Queen's Treasurer, Peter Cbaceporc, 
became a Privy Councillor, and was so high in favour, that, after his death, 
in 1254, the King went expressly to visit his tomb at Boulogne. As he is 
extolled for bequeathing money to a monastery, he probably died enriched.' 
When one Poictevin Hurtald, who was the King's councillor, died, another 
succeeded him, Peter de Rivallis ; to Elias de Raban, an estate of 500 
marcs (333/. 6«. 8d.) was readily granted, in 1252, even when the King was 
himself extremely pressed for money. The Queen's physicians were Henry 
of Montpelier and the Italian Leopardi ; another, who is highly praised in his 
friend De Marisco's letters, Peter, rector of Wymbledon, may, indeed, have 
been an Englishman'. 

Even in those remote times, a royal kitchen was naturally attractive 
of foreign artists; accordingly, we find the King appointing Robert de 
Monte Pessulano, to mix choice, delicate beverages for him at his feast, in 
1250; bestowing 200/., in 1258, on William de S. Hermite, a Poictevin, 
for holding his napkin and carving his meat; and, following the example of 
the Conqueror, who rewarded a successful dainty of his cook, Tezelin, 
with a manor. In such days of gross feeding, the refined skill of a French 

> M. Par. ' M. Pm. * Ep. Ad. Maris. MS. Cotton, ViteU., c. vUi. 

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cook mast have bad a double valae, and trustworthiness, as a pro- 
tection against poison, being of the highest importance, the office was 
often filled by persons of consideration. When the Papal Legate was on a 
visit at Osney Abbey, in 1238, bis own brother was his cook, and, like 
other great artists, so jealous of interruption when exercising his high 
functions, that he angrily threw some of the scalding broth he was cooking 
at a poor Irish student, who stood at the kitchen door, provoking thereby a 
dangerous riot and even his own death.^ The Queen's favourite cook, 
Richard de Norreys, was rewarded by the grant of Ocholt manor, in Berk- 
shire : he died, in 1255,' possessed of more than 5000 marcs (3,333/. 69. 8d.\ 
and the mansion, built by his descendants, at Ockwell, in Henry the 
Sixth's time, still exists, to testify with its quaint gables and the founder's 
wholesome mottoes, (*" JfUjtt^tallV i^tVtl^tf'' ^i^UtttUe rt lOUtirO 
that the fomidations of a family may be as firmly laid in services of peace 
as in deeds of war and violence.^ 

The rivalry between these Poitevins, Proven9ials, artd Savoyards, natu- 
rally produced violent quarrels, and the Court was divided into separate 
parties, as '* King's men and Queen's men."^ Their successive plunder 
recalled to the minds of the sufferers the scriptural image : '* That which 
the palmer-worm hath left, hath the locust eaten ; and that which the locust 
hath left, the canker-worm hath eaten ; and that which the canker-v^orm 
hath left, hath the caterpillar eaten." 

Besides the grievance of these Court favourites, Rome, during all this 
reign turned to profit King John's illegal homage. He has been often 
blamed for his baseness in surrendering the crown to the Pope, but the 
illegality of such a transfer is still more apparent. No sovereign, even at 


'M. Pftr.— He was the ancestor of Lord Norris, of Rycote, now represented by the Bertie 

ftmilj. John Norreys, who built OckweU, and died 1467, married the coheiress of William 

Mountfort, of Lapworth, by Rose Braundeston. In the painted glass of the hall, the arms are, 

*' Argent, a chevron between three eagles' heads erased, sable."— Lyson's Berks. 

* 'Le Cordon Bleu' of Lady Morgan. 

* M. Par.—" Regales contra Reginales, PicUf enses contra Provindales." 

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that time, could acquire a personal rigbt to subject bis owd nation to a foreign 
power, and it is remarkable tbat tbe French nobles, in 1216, as if alarmed 
at tbe precedent, unanimously protested in Council against sucb a doctrine. 
John's homage was void from want of consent of the party interested, 
although there were, indeed, some Bishops and Nobles^ (among whom 
we regret to find the Earls of Pembroke, Warren, and Arundel) who sanc- 
tioned this degradation with their formal assent. At a later period, in 1301, 
the Barons of England boldly protested to Pope Boniface VIII., that they 
would not relinquish the independence of their country, even if the King 
were willing to do so. 

It may be satisfactory to know that the record of national disgrace. 
** that detestable charter of England's tribute,"* did not long survive its 
abject author,* the document having been destroyed in an accidental fire in 
the Pope's palace, at Lyons, in 1245. 

The Pope, however, naturally would not forego the advantages which 
the acknowledgment of his supremacy seemed to give him, and long lists 
of Italian priests were sent with peremptory claims upon the first vacant 
benefices in England, setting aside all previous rights of patronage. A 
calculation of the value of the benefices held by aliens, in 1252, which 
amounted to more than 70,000 marcs (46,666/. ISs. 4d.) a year, was for- 
warded to Rome by Grethead, the excellent Bishop of Lincoln. The Pope, 
who did not relish such arithmetic, asked, <*Who is this ridiculous old 
madman ?" and took no notice of the letter, although informed, by a Spanish 
Cardinal near him, of Grethead's superior scholarship and piety .^ The 
parishes thus in the hands of non-residents, enjoyed neither the oflSces nor 
comforts of religion. 

■ Rjmer. 
' M. Par. — He calls it also " Ula non formosa sed fainosa sabjecUo." 
'When King John's tomb was examined in 1797, he was found to have been buried in the 
fitting shroud of a monk's cowl, while his hands, with a curious inconsistency, were in white 
jewelled gloves. 


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It is curious to obsenre, tbat, even in tbest early tknes, there prevailed 
on the continent, an idea of the great wealth of England, the Pope pro- 
fessing to look upon it as ^^ an inexhaastible well of money."^ When the 
Nobles resisted his demands, he extorted contribntions with a greedier 
hand from the King and clergy, from whom he often required a tallage of a 
twentieth, a tenth, or even more. An unholy barter of patronage and 
plunder was thus established : the King, in awe of the Barons, relied on 
the protection of the Pope, and therefore encouraged his exactions ; while 
the Pontiff, on the other hand, sold his spiritual thunders to guard the 
throne, for the privilege of draining the country of its riches. 

No pains were taken to conceal the King's preference for his alien 
clergy: how bitterly this degradation was felt, may be seen in a contem- 
porary poem,* written, probably, by a native ecclesiastic. 

' Ja fa deregie 

franche e k dessus, 
Aimee e cherie 

nule nen pot ploa ; 
Ore ettensenrte « 

£ trop envil^e 

e abatu jas. 
Far iceus est hunie 

Dunt dut aver aie, 
Je n6u dire plus. 

li rois ne lipostoile ne pensent altrement, 
M^s coment aa ders tolent lur or e lur 


Once was the Clergy 
Looked up to and free. 
Cherished and loved 

None more could be. 
Now all enslaved. 
Trampled, debased, 

They lie full low. 
I dare not name 
Who give them shame 
Though help they owe; 
Neither Pontiff or King 
Think of other thing 
Than how best to grasp and hold 
The dergy's silver and gold. 

The Legate was placed in the King's seat at a royal feast, to the great 
scandal of the English nobles; — even the Legate's nephew was knighted 
and pensioned. In the reckless distribution of Church patronage, a va- 
luable benefice was given, in 1252, to a Poictevin chaplain of Geoffry de 
Lusignan, a mere half-witted jester, kept to arouse the Court. Matbew 
Paris tells us that he saw this man in the orchard of St. Alban's Abbey, 

> M. Par.—" Putens inexhanstus qnem nullus potent ex^ccare.'' 
' PoL Songs from a MS. Cotton, written, probably, in 1256. 

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pelting tbe King and his master, Geoffry, with hard apples, and squeezing 

soar grapes hito their eyes :— 

" The skipping King, he ambled up and down 
With shallow jesters and rash bavin wits. 
Soon kindled and soon bum'd : carded his state, 
Minted his royalty with capering foots." 

Hbnrt IV^ p. 1, 8. 3. 

The Eing^s chaplain and agent, John Mansel, is another instance of 
the prodigality by whidi a favourite becomes enriched. Tbe son of a 
conntry priest, he had, when yoang, exerted himself manfally^ at a siege in 
Gascony, and nearly lost his life by his eager valour, though lie escaped 
with a broken leg ; he appears to have been a good man of business, and 
was constantly employed afterwards by the Court, in diplomacy or other 
matters. Although his highest dignity was that of Provost of Beverley, 
yet he accumulated wealth to a degree and by means which astonished his 
own times, as well as ours, enjoying, it is said, no less than 700 benefices 
at once, calculated at 4000^ marcs a year (2,666/. 138. 4d.) This Wolsey 
of the thirteenth century, as he has be^n termed, gave a sumptuous feast, 
in 1256, to all the Court, on occasion of the King and Queen of Scotland's 
visit, tbe most choice, orderly, and plenteous ever given by a priest. His 
house at Totbill being insufficient to contain the numerous guests, the 
banquet, the first course of which was supplied by 700 dishes, was served 
in several large tents. His sister, Clarice, and her husb^d, Geoffiry, a 
soldier of mean birth, partook of his good fortune, and received from tbe 
King grants of lands, the title to which was disputed by the Abbey of St 
Albans. Mathew Paris remonstrated personally on this ii^ustice, but the 
King justified it by the similar pretensions of the Pope, adding, indeed, 
^^ Bye-and-bye, however, I will reconsider this matter :'' the memory of 
such promises, the chronicler remarks, passed away with their utterance. 

Subject to tbe ignominious slights of tbe Court, tbe great nobles and 

* M. Far.— >'* Inter strennos non ultimns " 
'Chr. Mailr. values them higher, at 18,000 marcs (13,000(.) 

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clergy scarcely needed additional motives for personal resentment and 
resistance, bat the King's conduct in matters affecting the very principles 
of government, and his avowed contempt for the restraint of law, afforded 
still stronger grounds for their distrust. 

His fear or his ficlileness, indeed, caused him again and again to proclaim 
Magna Charta when in difficulties, but he played this game so often, that 
the Barons could not but see, that his compliance was only intended to 
disarm their opposition to his demands for money. He had annulled the 
Charter when he came of age, although he had repeated bis oaths to it on 
many subsequent occasions^ and in like manner his vow of a Crusade v^as 
often used as a convenient form of requiring supplies. So lightly esteemed, 
indeed, was the King's faith, that even when he publicly fixed* the very 
day for commencing his enterprize, ^^the bystanders were not the more 
persuaded of his truth," and, in fact, he never went. 

On every new peijury the solemnity of the royal pledge seemed to 
increase: when the oath to the Charter was administered in Westminster 
Hall (May 3, 1258) before all the Barons and Prelates of the realm, every 
stringent form which honour or religion could devise to bind the conscience 
was employed. The awftil curse was pronounced aloud, " which excomu- 
nicated, anathematized, and cut off from the threshold of Holy Church all 
who should by any art or device, in any manner, secretly or openly, violate, 
diminish, or change, by word or writing, by deed or advice, either the 
liberties of the Church, or the liberties and free customs contained in the 
Great Charter, or the Charter of Forests." The original Charter of King 
John was spread out in sight, and to this solemn confirmation of it, both 
the King and Prelates and Barons impressed their seals, in testimony 
of the truth to posterity."* While others held a lighted taper during the 

1 This wu in 1252, when he named the Feast of St. John the Baptist, 1256, for his departure 
on the Crusade.— Cal. Rot. Pat, 87* H. UL " Nee tamen hoc drcamstantet reddidit certiorea." 

• Rymer. 

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ceremony, it was remarked that the King pat his oat of his hand, excasing 
himself as not being a priest, and it is possible that .even this fnvoloas 
omission may have satisfied his conscience afterwards as to the invalidity of 
the oath, bat he held his hand on his heart all the while, when the torches, 
amid the ringing of bells, were extinguished ; and when the aniversal cry 
arose, <^ So may all transgressors be extingaished and smoke in hell !" he 
added with a soperflaoas hypocrisy, ** So may God help me as I keep this 
oath, as a man, as a Christian, as a knight, and as an anointed King !'^ 
So few laymen could at this period write their names, that the utmost 
importance was naturally attadied to the stamp of their seals as the readiest 
substitute of authentication, and hence the satirical verses,' written in 
mixed French and English, on a similar occasion, in Edward Second's 
time, humorously suggest that the Charter became invalid because the wax 
of the seals was held too near the flames and so melted: — 

' L'en puet fere et defere. 
Ceo fait il trop souyent ; 
It nis nouther wel ne faire, 
Therefore Engeland is shent* 

La Chartre fet de cyre» 
Jeo I'enteink et bien le crej. 
It was holde to neih the fire 
And is molten al away." 

To do and undo hell dare. 
On change too oft the King's bent; 
It is neither well nor fair 
Therefore EngUnd is shent. 

'TIS stamped on wax : none need enquire 
If the Charter's power decay, 
It was held too nigh the fire 
And is molten all away. 

A modem historian' has praised Henry as having ^^ received strong 
religious impressions,'' but certainly he was not ambitious of the Psalmist's 
eulogy of *^ him that sweareth to his own hurt and changeth not ;" and it 
is revolting to state that immediately after these serious pledges, he 
reverted to bis old course, capriciously quarrelling with some, and op- 
pressing others, promoting aliens, and dealing out bis prodigal bounty to 
his foreign kinsmen as before. A curious instance of his duplicity occurred 
in 1253, when be ordered the public exhibition of some enormous darts, as 

* M. Par. * Polit. Songs from Auchinl. MS. 


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a palpable proof of the dangeroas weapons be was espoeed to in Graacoof, 
demanding fresb supplies to cany on tbe war, bat concealing the foct of his 
having already concluded a treaty of peace and alliance with bis enemies. 
Some mistrust naturally arose among tbe nobles of tbe council, wben tbey 
learnt tbat tbe Queen and ber eldest son bad been summoned to tbis scene 
of supposed danger^ and tbe unexpected arrival of Simon de Montfoit, wbo 
knew tbe trutb,^ completed tbe exposure of tbis disbonest trick. 

Tbe empty title of King of Sicily, being craftily proflFered by tbe Pope,« 
was soon afterwards accepted for tbe King's second son, Edmund, a mere 
boy of 10 years old. Tbis ^ likeness of a kingly crown," so &r from con- 
ferring any national advantage, was only tbe occasion of dndning off more 
of tbe wealtb of England to Italy. In tbe words of Dante, speaking of 
anotber titular King of Sicily, 

" Quindi non tern, ma peoctto e onta 
Goadagnerl, per se tanto pit graTe 
Qoanto pih liere bIoiU danno conta." 

Par. 8. 7S. 

Even wben tbe royal treasury was exhausted, tbe King was made a respon- 
sible debtor for vast additional sums, claimed by tbe Pope for tbe expenses 
of asserting tbis title by force of arms. 

Edmund, acting of course as tbe instrument of bis fatber, lost no time 
In displaying bis unsubstantial power,* and granted (Oct. 3, 1254) tbe 
principality of Capua to Tbomas, Count of Savoy, tbe Queen's uncle. 
Aigue-blancbe received tbe investiture <^ Sicily by a ring, as bis proxy, 


*The crown was accepted March 14, 1864, for the English Prince, bat Conrad, the King de 
fticto, did not die till May 21, 1254, and was then young. The Pope's grant required the pay- 
ment of 185,541 marcs {90,9601 18s. A<L) in return. 

'Pope Innocent IV. having authoriied Prince Edmund (May 85, 1854) to make a seal for 
Sicily : we find the Prince signing, accordingly, " aureft bullft nostrfi," at Windsor, March 90, 
1261 — Rymer. " The impression of this Seal in the British Museum, represents him seated on 
his throne with ball and sceptre, inscribed " Edmundus natus Regis Henrid illustris :*' on the 
other side are the arms of En^d only, not Sicily, inscribed " Edmundut Del gcatii Sidte 

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Jane 22, 1257, not long before the good sense of the English Barons 
renounced the title. 

Twice again (in 1255 and 1256) was the great Charter pnblidy con- 
irmed, and afterwards disregarded, when the Barons, whose good faith 
had been so often abused, at length resolved to secore themselves and the 
state from the minoos incompetence of their King. This they pat into effect 
at the great Coondl, sammoned at Oxford, in 1258. Their sovereign 

*' Broke oath on oath, committed wrong on wrong. 
And in conclusion led them to seek out 
This head of safety.*' 

1 Him. IV. 

The great civil straggle began in consequence from this period, and 
before entering into the different events of the contest, it will be well to 
consider the character of some of the leading actors not before referred to* 
Among the King's friends, those of superior historical importance were his 
brother and his son. 

The Prince Richard, Earl of Cornwall, prominent by birth and immense 
wealth, was much superior in capacity to the King his brother, and had on 
several occasions expressed disgust at his arbitrary conduct. Although, 
when he confederated with other Barons (in 1227, 1233, 1237) ^^ enforce 
the Charter, he had been as often won back to the Court party by personal 
or other motives, yet he frilly shared in the universal jealousy of the thriving 
foreigners who surrounded the King. He felt so strongly that his influence 
was not powerful enough to sway the King to better counsels, that, on his 
departure for the Crusade, in 1240, he confessed his anxiety to be ^* absent 
from the sight of those evils which he foresaw would, in consequence, 
gather upon his family and the kingdom."^ Some years afterwards his 
prudence induced him to repel the offer of the Sicilian throne for himself, 
but it unhappily yielded to the t^nptation of another title equally profitless, 


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and he was crowned King of the Romans at Aix la Chapelle, in May, 1257, 
by the suffrages of Mainz, Cologne and Bavaria, tboogh never acknow- 
ledged by the greater part of Germany. His wealth seems to have been 
the principal inducement with the electors who raised him to this rank of 
heir presumptive of the German Empire. 

Prince Eklward displayed, in early manhood, decided symptoms of sound 
principle and energy, in remarkable contrast to the King his father, of 
whom he soon became the ablest defender and friend. 

The Horatian^ maxim of sons resembling their Fathers is curiously 
opposed to the history of British sovereigns. Neither Edward I. or Edward 
III., were bom of " the great and good ;" nor were the dove-like Edward 
II., Richard II., or Henry VL, true to the eagle breed of their fathers. 

Prince Edward's birth, June I7, 1239, after three years marriage,* had 
been welcomed with the utmost joy by his father and the nation. When 
only 15, he was bethrothed' at Burgos, to the beautiful Eleanor of Castile, 
receiving knighthood at the time from his brother-in-law, King Alphonso 
IV., at whose court his gallant demeanor attracted much admiration : his 
ample dowry consisted of Gascony, Ireland, part of Wales, Bristol, and 
other lands, the value of which, if deficient, was engaged to be completed 
to 15,000 marcs (£10,000) a year. Such early marriages, or rather es- 
pousals were then common, but a year elapsed before the bride came, about 
Michaelmas, 1255, to her husband, preceded by her brother Senchius, Arch- 
bishop-elect of Toledo, though only in his 20th year. The surprise of the 
English was much excited by so youthful a prelate, and by the unusual 

* " Fortes cretntnr fortibus et bonis, 

nee imbeUem feroces 

Progenerant aquile columbam." 4. 4. S9. 

**' NatQS est regi Alius ez insperato."— Chr. Lanerc. 

' He recorded his assent to his own marriage by a deed, dated. Morrow of Saint Mary Mag- 
dalen, 1254.— Rymer. Lonis IX., when of the age of 19, had married a Queen of 13 years. 
Alexander III., of Scotland, was only nine 9 years old when he married the daughter of Henry UI. 

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loxury of his domestic habits : they were disposed to scoff when the yoath 
raised his hand with the pastoral ring to bless them, and still more when 
they observed him samptuoosly adorning his lodging at the Temple^ 
with tapestry and curtains and carpets. At a time when our Kings' 
palaces were strewn with rashes, and the windows had no glass, the intro- 
duction of such luxuries by these children of the South was derided as 
efbminacy : they had probably adopted the use of carpets from the Spanish 
Mohammedans, among whom, as among all others of oriental^ origin, the 
universal habit of sitting on the ground had made them from the earliest 
times almost necessaries. King Henry displayed much gallantry in pre- 
paring the rooms destined for the Princess in a manner similar to those of 
the Archbishop, and on her arrival she found silken hangings' on her walls, 
and carpets on her floors, much to the wonder and envy of the English. 
Two jongleurs who came in the Archbishop's train, received twenty shil- 
lings each from the King in return for their entertainment, while another 
attendant, Grarcias Martinez, had an annuity of 100 marcs (66/. 138. 4d.) 
granted to him. 

Prince Edward was soon forced into conspicuous action by the circum- 
stances of the Court. Some Gkiscon merchants, who considered themselves 
entitied to his special protection against some illegal exaction, obtained 
redress by his bold reproaches, although this soon rendered him an object 
of disfavour at Court, and of this he became so conscious that he liept a 
guard of 200 horsemen about his person. These military comrades unfor- 
tunately behaved with so much insolent licence towards the people, helping 
themselves to the horses and vehicles of other persons with violence and 
even cruelty, that some disrepute was reflected back upon the Prince. 

' " Fedt tapedis, palliis et cortinis, etiam pavimentum niinis pompote adoraare."— M. Par. 

* The ChiDete are to this day the only Asiatics who use chairs. Even at Troy» King Priam 
selected a dosen carpets for Achilles, probably small ones, for sitting. — IL 24. 230. 

'"Holosericis palliis et tapedis* ad similitudinem Tempa appensis, etiam paTimentom auleis 
redimitufflf inTenit"— M. Par. 


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Thoagh his income was so large, yet bis expenoes exceeded it, and he was 
obliged, in 1258, to pledge some of bis estates to William de Valence, for 
a supply to his extravagance. 

It is bnt doe, however, to the reputation of a Prince who became one of 
the boasts of British history, to remark that his household as King was 
both well-regulated and economical ; in proof of which may be quoted the 
account of his expences during three successive weeks in Lent, 1290, at 
Langley, co. Bucks. In the first week they were 71. I(k. Aid., in tbe 
second 51. I9f. 1 i^f., and in the third 5/. 12«. 2\d. : or to take a period of 
four months they were but 81/. 5s. lOdl, a rate of domestic expense whidi, 
even allowing for the great difference in the value of money, must appear 
very small. 

From the same account it appears that among the provisions for his 
Lenten fare, were some strange fish for a King's table ; besides the << Aber- 
deens" (herrings cured there), salmon pasties, oysters, eels, lampreys, 
pikerels, gurnards, " troites" (trout), and " morud" (cod), there are also 
mentioned congers, whelks, and a gallon of ^^ menus" (minnows). To 
complete the picture of these olden times, may be added the weekly charges 
for *< litter for the hall and the chamber twenty pence, and for rushes six* 
teen pence. '^ Such was the luxury of the thirteenth century. 

'Arch«ol: 5.15^ from Rotoloa' fiimiUa MS. in tht Towor. 

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** Always acting aa if in the presence of canonised forefathers, 
the spirit of flreedom carries an impoafaig and majestic aspect i it 
has a pedigree and Illustrating ancestors ; it has its bearings and 
its ensigns armorial ; if has its gallery of portraits, its monu- 
nental inscriptioDS* ito records, cYidencet and titles." 


Thb ablest and most active chiefe among the Barons opposed to the 
Coart at the time of the Oxford Parliament were Richard de Clare, the 
Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, and Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, 
each allied by marriage^ to the royal family, bat exasperated into oppo- 
sition by personal affronts, as well as by public motives, and each too 
powerful and ambitious not to be jealous of the other. 

De Clare had, as a minor, espoused the daughter of Hubert de Burgh, 
whose ward he was, but the King anxious himself to dispose of so wealthy 
an heir, had compelled a divorce, and constrained him to marry another 
lady. He had distinguished himself in the Crusade and the Welch wars, 
and was beloved and trusted by all the English nobles on account of his 
eloquence, prudence, and acquaintance with the laws. The persuasions, 
however, of the King, and the proffered dower of 5000 marcs ^3333/. 6^ 8d), 

>De Clarets widowed mother had married FHnce Richard; De Montfort was the hnsband of 
Princess Eleanor. 


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induced bim, in 1253, to yield his eldest son, Gilbert, then about 15, in 
marriage to Alicia, the daughter of Guy, the King's half-brother, an alliance 
very distasteful to his friends. De Clare had ever been an active party in 
upholding the liberties of the subject, and having personally witnessed the 
King's solemn oaths to maintain them, he considered himself in a manner 
pledged to insist upon their fulfilment 

The most remarkable person however of his party, and the one who 
has most identified his name with the history of the times, was his compeer, 
Simon de Montfort, a man of so much energy and talent in war and council, 
that although allied to the King and bom abroad, his acknowledged 
capacity and honour overcame these disadvantages ; and at a time when 
foreigners were universally odious and the court distrusted, the Barons and 
people of England with one accord ranged themselves under this foreign 
conrtier, as their leader for the recovery of their national liberties. There 
must obviously have been no common ascendancy of character to produce 
such a result. 

His grandfather, Simon the Bald, the third Count of Montfort, was 
descended from a King of France, and by his marriage with the heiress of 
Robert Fitzparnel^ Earl of Leicester, transmitted to his son the claim of 
large English estates, and of the dignity of High Steward. On the death 
of Fitzparnel, accordingly, Simon, the fourth Count de Montfort, became 
Earl of Leicester, and the estates were, in 1206, divided between Simon 
and Saiher de Quincy, Earl of Winchester. Simon's rebellion soon after- 
wards caused a forfeiture of his estates, and his own banishment, but he 
must have had bold and powerful adherents, for King John was some time 
afterwards startled by a report, a false one indeed, of the Barons having 

> PetroniUa, his widow, ftumished the Church of Leicester with a carious piece of ftncy work, 
a rope, made of her own hair, to suspend the lamp in the choir.— Chr. Knight. She was the 
heiress of Hugh de Grantemenill, Baron of Hinclcley, and by that tenure Hereditary Grand 
Steward of England. In the Exchequer Roll of Normandy (Ducarel, Ant. Ang. Norm.) the Earl 
of Leicester is named as owing 10 soldiers and 40 senrants for the honour of GrantemeolU, and 
81 soldiers for the honour of Britolio. V. pedigree of De Montford, at page 38. 

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elected Simon as their King.^ Being a good soldier, and remarkable for 
bis stature and strength, he had an opportunity while an exile from England, 
of making his ** name very precious to all the bigots of that age" Tas Hume 
remarks) by his barbarous crusades against the Albigenses. The cruelties 
practised are well known, but the fanaticism of the period was widely 
spread, and the merit of extinguishing heretics so blinded his contemporary 
historian, that, even after relating Simon's order, at the capture of the 
Castle of Brom, to cut off the noses of a hundred of the garrison, and to 
pluck out their eyes, with the exception of one eye reserved to a single 
guide, he immediately praises him as *^ the mildest of men/'* 

There is, indeed, some reason to hope that the service was unpopular 
among his troops, and revolted their common feelings of humanity, for 
Simon, in a letter to Pope Innocent III. (August, 1209), not only urges 
his own merits for having so rapidly marched upon the heretics, but also 
puts forward this special reason why he ought to be confirmed in his 
government over the country, that ^^ he had been obliged to hire soldiers 
to remain with him at a greater price than in other wars, as he could 
scarcely retain them, unless rewarded by double pay."* 

This zealot has been compared^ to Cromwell, as a hero well fitted for 
a holy war, and was superior to the meaner superstitions of his time. 
When his wife came to him greatly alarmed at having dreamed of blood 
flowing from both her arms, he replied, <^ Do you think we follow dreams 
and auguries like the Spaniards ? If you had even dreamed that I was to 
die in this war, I should go forward so much the bolder and freer, in order 
to reprove the folly of such people."* ITie Countess de Montfort was, 
indeed, not unlikely to have such dreams of blood, for, a Montmorency 
herself, she shared all her husband's perils of war, at one time (1210) 

1 Chr. Dunst. 

'" Omniam mititsimus erat."— Pet. Vail. Sara. Besides clemency, he laid claim to the Tirtue 
of truth, and hore " Veritas" as the motto of his seal. — r. Mont&ucon, pi. 88. 

' Gugl. Pod. Uur. * Hallam Mid. Ages. 

*Pet Vail. Sarn., anno 1213. 

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leading to him a reinforoenient of 15^000 scddiersy at others endoring, with 
her childreDy the miseries of a besieged town^. 

From such noble and fierce parentage issued the Simon de Montfort^ of 
English history, the youngest of foar sons, a yonth of aboat eighteen years» 
at the time of his father's death in 1218. 

1 At Vaur, 1211, while nursing her sick son ; and at Narbonne, 1217, blockaded with her sons 
and their wives. — Pet ValL Sam. 

' The pedigree of the De Montfort family includes so many historical 
characters that it is here subjoined for reference. — V. Dugd. Baron. 
Nicholl's Leicest. Househ. Exp. Gugl. Pod. Laur. 

The children of Simon the Bald, third Count de Montfort, were these : — 

1. Almeric Count d'Evreux, which he ceded to the King of France, 1200 ; died about 1284. 

2. Simon, fourth Count de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, 1206 ; banished rebel, 1S08; leader of 
the war against the Albigenses, 1209; killed at Toulouse, 1218 ; married Alice, who d. 1221» 
daughter of Bouchard, Sire de Montmorency and Ecouen, constable of France, who d. 1230. 

3. Guy, a crusader in Palestine and against Albigenses, received a grant of Castries. 

4. Robert, killed at Touk)us^ 1218. 

5. Bertrade, who d. 1231 ; married to Hugh, Earl of Chester; their son Ranulph d. 1231, 
having had a grant 1215 of the fbrfieited estates of the rebel Earl of Leicester. 

The children of the above Simon 4th Count were — 

1. Almeric, 5th Count de Montfort, knighted 1213; constable of France in succession to his 
grandfather de Montmorency, 1231 ; crusader 1238 ; prisoner there till 1241 ; d. at Rome 1241 ; 
he married 1222 Beatrice, daughter of Count de Vienne ; their son John, 6th Count de Montfort 
renounced all English claims 1248. 

2. Ouy, who d. 1220 ; Count de Bigorre, by his marriage with Petronilla, Countess of Bigonre. 
1216 ; she died 1251, surviving five husbands; their daughter Alicia d. at Montargis. 

3. Robert, d. unmarried 1226. 

4. Simon, bom about 1200, became Earl of Leicester on the cession of his brother Almeric 
1232 ; commanded the Baron's army at Lewes 1264 ; killed at Evesham 1265 ; married Jan. 7, 
1238, Princess Eleanor, daughter of King John, who was bom 1212 ; widow ol William le Mare- 
shal. Earl of Pembroke, who d. April, 1231 ; she d. at Montargis, 1274. 

5. A daughter, in treaty of marriage to a son of the King ouf Arragon, 1210. 

6. A daughter, married 1217 to Ademar Poictou. 

The children of Simon, Earl of Leicester, and Princess Eleanor, were — 

1. Henry, named after his sponsor, Henry HI. ; killed at Evesham, 1265. 

2. Simon, prisoner at Northampton, 1264 ; defeated at Kenilworth, 1265 ; murdered his 
cousin Prince Henry, atViterbo, 1271. 

3. Guy, wounded at Evesham, 1265; entered service of Count d'Ai\joa in Italy; murdered P. 
Henry at Viterbo, 1271. 

4. Almeric, a priest. Treasurer of York, 1265 ; taken prisoner by Edward I, 1273 ; released 1283 ; 
became a knight in Italy. 

' 5. Richard, left England for Bigorre, 1265, perhaps the ancestor of the WeHysbourae Montforts. 
6. Eleanor, left England for Montargis with her mother, 1266 ; taken prisoner 1273; married 
1279 to Uewdlyn, Priace of Wales. 

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Large grants had rewarded the terrible services of the sword and torch 

of religions bigotry; and 
to these Almeric, the eldest 
son, succeeded, who is des- 
cribed as ^' an imitator of 
the goodness and energy of 
his father in all things."* 
The forfeited English es- 
tates had been granted in 
1215, to the rebel Eari of 
Leicester's! nephew, Ra- 
nulph. Earl of Chester.^ 
Perhaps the grant was only 
temporary and conditional, 
for at his death in 1232, 
Almeric, who had fre- 
quently, put forward his 
claims to the property, be- 
came still more urgent for 
its restoration, and two of 
his brothers having died, 
he now sent his only re- 
maining brother Simon with a petition to King Henry, dated from Paris, 
February, 1232.» He described himself in this as Count de Montfort and 

* Pet. VaU. Sarn. 

•In 1218 De Roches, BUhop of Winchester, seems to have had temporary possession of the 

» Almeric and Simon being among the benefactors to the Cathedral of Chartres, their effigies 
appear in the painted glass of the choir, occupying the roses of the 6th and 6th wmdows m 
knightly armour, seated on horses at a walking pace, each bearing the arms of De Montfort on 
his shield (gules, a lion rampant, with forked tail argent), and each carrying a banner for Evreur 
(party per pale indented gulesjmd argent) .— WUlemin Mon. Fr. Montfaucon. Wmkle s Cath. A 
contemporary (Anon. Ungued.) describes their father as planting on the highest tower or a 
captured castle " son estendart ]i ont era pint 1q leon." 

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Earl of Leicester (although no sach title had been reoogDiaed by the English 
King for twenty-four years), referring to the lands and rights of his <^ father 
of good memory/' and offering to be satisfied, if the King would accept of 
Simon to do homage for them, in case his own claims should be disallowed. 
Simon, as holding no lands under the King of France, could pay a more 
undivided homage, and on this plea was at length admitted^ to his hereditary 
possessions and honours, after the solemn renunciation of Almeric in his 
favour, with the reversion only in case of failure of heirs male. This 
took place in the presence of the King, at Westminster^ soon after 
Easter, 1232. 

This act was probably the result of a private division of the family 
estates between the two brothers, and when renewed by Almeric's son 
John, in 1248, it is expressly stated in the deed that ** on the other hand, 
Simon, Earl of Leicester, renounced all the rights in France, which either 
his father or brother ever had, so that neither the one in England, nor the 
other in France, could claim anything except by failure of heirs."^ 

Thus replaced, after a long interval, in the possessions and dignities which 
his family had before enjoyed in England, Simon de Montfort was not slow 
in rising to favour at the Court of Henry IlL Being '*a gentleman of 
dioice blood, education, and feature,"' he was perhaps all the more welcome 
there, because his foreign birth and habits might seem to connect him more 
readily with the feelings of the other aliens who surrounded the King. In 
his capacity of High Steward, though the powerful family of Le Bigod 
also claimed this honour, he attended to hold the basin of water at the 
feast of the Queen's coronation. Fully sensible of the maxim of a quaint 
author of his times, that ^^ a woman who has lands of her own is much the 
most desirable,"^ a maxim not out of date, though six-hundred years old, 

' Simon's homage was acknowledged by the King, Shrewsbury, May 27, 1832. 

* " Nisi per rectam eschaetam." — MSS. Lands., 299. The seal of John represents him gallop- 
ing on a horse, and bearing the double-tailed lion on his shield and trappings. Tlie reverse has the 
banner of Evreux. 

' Short View of along Reign, by Sir R. Cotton. 

* " Quar femme que ad terre en f6e serra dissez plus desirr^.^-^Hist. F. Fitiwarren, p. 10. 

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Simon bad been twice led by his aspiring views to seek a marriage wiUi 
widowed ladies of princely blood. The French King, fix)m whose allegiance 
he had withdrawn himselfy interfered on that account, to prohibit the 
alliances he songht with Matilda, Countess of Boulogne, and afterwards 
with the great territorial heiress Joan/ Countess of Flanders. 

BaflBed in these quarters, Simon next won the affections of another 
widow, under circumstances of difficulty which might well have deterred a 
less ardent lover. The King's sister, Princess Eleanor, had in 1224, 
married William, the second Earl of Pembroke, one of the foremost war- 
riors of his time, and who had been one of the chosen guardians of Magna 
Charta. He had distingnisbed himself in repelling aud punishing the 
aggressions of the Welch in 1223, and when left by the King in command 
of Brittany (1290) he took some Norman castles with great spirit ; and, 
although on one occasion, 1227, he had sided with Prince Richard to com- 
pel the King by force of arms to do him justice, yet he was so much 
beloved, that on his death, in April, 1231 ,< the monarch wept over his corpse 
and looked upon his loss as an additional punishment for the blood of 
Thomas A Becket. He had but lately, in perfect health, attended the 
marriage of his sister' to his friend and brother-in-law Prince Richard, 
and his death occurring so suddenly, his successor was refused admission 
to the inheritance of his lands, until it was ascertained whether the widowed 
Princess was with child, as was rumoured. There was however no issue, 
and the lady in the first anguish of her grief, had publicly taken a vow^ of 

> Jotn, daagfater of Baldwin 9, Count of Flanders, widow of a Portuguese Prince. King Louis 
bad made it an express condition in his treaty with her in 1226, " quod nunquam sabtrahent 
se a coronA et homagio." She married, in 1237, Thomas of Savoy, the Queen's unde, swearing 
previously that her marriage with Simon de Montfort had not been completed.— Pere G. Daniel t. 
3,24. NichoU's Leicest. 

* He was buried in the Temple church, where his effigy still remains. Hallam (Blid. A., t. 3, 
p. 242) confuses the persons of the Earls of Pembroke, attributing to the ftither and regent " one 
of the greatest names in our ancient history," the anecdote of the King's defiance and the Earl's 
rebellion, which can apply only to Richard his second son, who was Earl 1231-34, succeeding 
Princess Eleanor's husband. 

* Isabella, Countess of Gloucester, who died in childbirth, 1240. 

* " Solenne votum castitatis emisit, cujus postea pnevaricatriz effecta.''»T. Wyke. 

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perpetoal wklowbood, in the presence of two eminent prelides, both after 
wards canonized, tlie Archbishop Ed mnnd, and Richard, Bishc^ of Oiichester. 

To this solemn resolution fidie had held true for more tiian six years, 
bat, if we may tmst the King's subsequent reproaches, De Montfort was 
now not only an accepted suitor, but had so forwarded his suit, that a 
marriage had become necessary for h^ honour. The ceremony was per- 
formed by the King's Chaplain, without publicity, on January 7, 1238, and 
the King himself gave her hand to De Montfort at the altar of St. StefriieD's 
Chapd, within those walls which have since so often witnessed the eloquence 
and wbdom of the representatives whom De Montfort's subsequent efforts 
succeeded in establishing. 

Besides his real admiration of her as a beautiftil woman, and his pride 
in so lofty an alliance, De Montfort may have been partly influenced by the 
dazzling hope^ of their issue hereafter inheriting the orown, for at the time 
no diildren had been bom to the King after two years' marriage, and Prince 
Richard had but one son living. Their union, however, even if it had its 
origin in policy, continued in afifection until death, unchanged by discourage- 
ment and trials, and the Royal Princess, with a true woman's heart, inva- 
riably adhered to her husband's interests and fortunes, even when her own 
kindred stood opposed to him. 

On the marriage becoming known, an immediate outcry of sacrilege 
arose against the lady's broken vows, which, though she had not taken the 
veil or habit of a nun, were held to be binding on her, and Prince Richard, 
thoagh so near of kin, was prominent in anger and menaces, because neither 
he or the other barons bad been consulted on the subject It was with 
great difficulty that gifts and the mediation of friends succeeded in appeasing 

Alarmed however lest his enemies should procure the marriage to be 
annulled, De Montfort resolved to plead his own cause with the Pope, to 
whom he secretly repaired, after sending the Princess to the castle of 


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Kenilworth^. The King did not, ad yet, withdraw his favour from him, for 
be fomisbed him od bis departure with letters to the Pope and Cardmals, 
dated Tewksbury, March 27, 1238. The letter ran thus :— '' The King to 
all the Cardinals, health. We have thought it right to send our beloved 
brother and liege Simon de Montfort to the Apostolicd Court for certain 
business, touching the honour and advantage of ourselves and our kingdom, 
particularly beseediiog your fatberiy love to be pleased to give him equally 
honour and confidence in those matters which the said Simon shall lay before 
you, and which concern the good of ourselves exiA of our kingdom."^ These 
letters were strengthened by the Emperor's interest, whidi De Montfort 
secured in his way to Rome, and by a well-timed distribution of money at 
the Papal Court. These bribes appear to have been so large, that De 
Montfort, whether authorised or not by his instructions, included the King 
as a security for their payment. That no success was to be expected how- 
ever without such appliances may be learned from the opinion of a humour- 
ous poet' of the times, who even intimates that the word ** papa '^ signifies 
«* pay, pay." 

Cvm ad Pftpain TMtrlt. Ii«b« pro ooattanU, Ridi riven maj hoiM to tpeei with th* Pt>p«^ 

Non est locos paupsri, soli fsTst dsntl : Of this be sure, 'tis no place for the poor : 

" Paex, paez." dlt le mot. si vis Iropetrare. " Pay, pay's" the word, if yott wish hist " yea" to sty | 

Non est locns pauperi, soli favet dantl : Of this be sure, 'tis no place for the | 

" Paex, paez." dlt le mot. si vis Iropetrare. " Pay, pay's" the word, if yott wish ] 

Papa qnarit. chartula qunrit, bulla qu»rit. The Pope and his Brief and his Bull cry " pay.' 

Porto qucrit. eardinalis qunrig cursor qa»rit. Cardinal, porter, and lacquey cry " pay," 

Omnea q»runt. et si quod des uni deerit. All echo " pay, pay,'* and if one's left unfeed, 

Totum ius falsum, tota causa perit. All your right beoomes wrong, your suit goes to seed ; 

Das istu, das allls, addis dona datls. Give these and give those, empty store after store ; 

£t cum satis dederas. q»runt ultra satis ; OIts freely to all. they beff a little more : 

O yos bursa turgtd», Romam Teniatis. Come quick, ye fet unwieldy purses, come, 

Rom» viget physics bnrsis constipatis. Your costive bulk get physicked thin at Rome. 

After obtaining by these means such a letter from the Pope to his Legate 
in England as ensured a decision in favour of his marriage, De Montfort 
hastened back, landing October 14, 1238, and not suffering himself to be 
detained even by the joyous welcome of the King, repaired at once to his 
home at Eenilwortb, where he arrived in time to hail the birth of a son at 

> This royal castle had been committed to hU care. It was granted to the Princess Eleanor, 
1248, for her life, but in 1254 it was again granted for the joint lives of the Earl and Coontets of 
Leicester. — Dugd. Warw. 

' Househ. Exp. from Fkt. Hen. III. ro. 8. > Pol. Song of 13th century firom M8S. Harl. 978. 

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Advent. Remembering the King's subsequent imputation on bis sister's 
bonour, whicb may bave been but a mean subterfuge to excuse himself 
towards those who dislilced the marriage, it is of interest to note the interval 
of nearly eleven months between the dates of the marriage and this birth. 
As fieur as posterity can judge, Eleanor seems to have well-deserved the 
simple eulogy of the old chronicler,^ as a ^^ god woman thoru out all." 

The royal favour continued to betray no symptom of diminution : De 
Montfort was fully invested as the Earl of Leicester, Feb. 2, 1239. He 
bad been one of the appointed sponsors in the following summer at the 
baptism of Prince Edward, and came with his countess, as a matter of course, 
to attend the solemn churching of the Queen, in Westminster Abbey (Aug. 
5, 1239), when they were unexpectedly received by the King with the most 
violent reproaches as to their conduct before marriage, and its sacrilege, to 
which he pretended his assent bad been entrapped, and be angrily prohibited 
them from entering the church, as if they had been excommunicated. What 
seems especially to have irritated him, was having been made a security 
for the payment of the bribe to Rome ; but as they could not pacify, even 
by their tears, this capricious outbreak, they left the palace, and going down 
the Thames that very evening in a small boat, at once sailed abroad. From 
this moment De Montfort ceased to be a mere courtier, and though often 
afterwards caressed at court, when his services were needed, he maintained 
henceforth, in active employment, the more independent character of a soldier 
and a statesman. 

When he returned indeed in the April following (1240), he was wel- 
comed with all honour by the King, whose resentment seems to have been 
as unsteady as his favour, but the only object now of De Montfort, who had 
become a crusader, was to raise money from his estates for that expedition. 

His adoption of the cross was perhaps in penance for his marriage, but 
whether it also required a peculiar hatred of the Jews does not appear 

■ Rob. Glouc 

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His antipafhy to them however te cnrioasly recorded in bts charter to Lei- 
cester, in which, as if conferring a great boon opon the bnrgesses, " he con- 
cedes that for the good of his own soul and that of his ancestors and sac- 
cessor, no Jew or Jewess should ever reside there, either in his own time or 
that of his heirs to the end of the world."^ The same prejudice may have 
indeed led him to sanction some cruelties on the Jews in London, which 
will be noticed at a later period. 

In Syria the military talents of Simon de Montfort must have made 
themselves conspicuous, though we have no details ; he appears to have been 
present at the fierce contest near Damascus, where his brother Almeric and 
other nobles were taken prisoners, and his fellow-crusaders thought so highly 
of him, that the Barons, Knights, and citizens of Jerusalem, (in a deed' still 
extant) sent a petition to the Emperor Frederick II. for his appointment 
as governor there during the minority of the King Conrad. This honour- 
able testimony to his merits however did not detain him long in Palestine, 
for when the English Prince, Richard, had generously redeemed the captive 
crusaders, De Montfort returned to Europe with him ; his brother Almeric, 
after his ransom from captivity, died at Rome' in 1241 on his return. 

During the war against the French in the following year, De Montfort 
exhibited no scruple in fighting against his former countrymen, and exerted 
himself greatly at the battle of Saintes^ ; in England too he was one of the 
twelve commissioned by the King to retrieve the confusion of his finances. 
So fully did the sunshine of royal favour now again light upon him, that his 
influence prevailed even over the competition of the King's brother in 
obtaining a grant of the rich wardship of Gilbert de Umfraville in 1215. 

" Dugd. Warw. 

'Househ. Exp. from MS. Cotton, Vetp. F. 1. This letter of the "Barons Cheyalers et 
Citeens de Jerusalem/' dated from Acre, June 7, 1241, is signed among others by " Philip de 
Montfort, Seigneur de Thoron," whom Joinville also mentions as Lord <^ Tyre, in King Louis' 

> Almeric was buried in St. Peter's diurch.— MS., Lansd. 299. 


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This courtly waraitk however did not relax bis zeal as an earnest reformer 
of abuses, and his name stands second among the signatnres to the remark- 
able remonstrance to the Pope sent by the Barons in 1246. The Englteh 
Church had been so long goaded and beaten, that Itlce Balaam's ass, (soch 
is the nnsavoary simile of the dironicler), it now at length opened its moatii 
in reproadies, and a threat was ottered that unless speedy redress were 
made, ** it would become their duty to raise a bulwark in defence of the 
bouse of the Lord, and of the liberty of the reahn."^ 

The grievances at home, the prodigality of the court, and the employ- 
ment of aliens, as weU as the decay of commerce by the exactions on mer- 
dmndise were sternly urged by Leicester and others in 1248, and with sucb 
effect as to produce in the King a sudden fit of economy as reckless as his 
previous bounty ; his means had been indeed at one time so exhausted, that 
being unable to pay 200 marcs (£183 Gs. 8d.) for the wages of those employed 
in hifi diapel, he bad ordered John Mansel to pawn the image of the Virgin 
Mary *' on condition that it should be deposited in a decent place.''' In his 
passion all his vases and silver plate and jewels w^e now ordered to be at 
once sold by the weight, without any regard to their real value; his house- 
hold expenses, his alms, bis customary Christmas gifts, even the number 
of wax candles in the churches were reduced, and he threw himself an ex- 
pensive and unwelcome guest on the hospitality of many Abbeys, requiring 
rich complimentary presents in requital lor such honour. 

King Henry tried also private persuasion to obtain loans of money, but his 
credit was gone, and the Bishop of Ely, when applied to, plainly told him so. 
** Turn out this boor, (cried the King in his anger), and when out, never 
admit him again."' Hugh Northwold however was no niggard, as his 
beautifol and costly works at Ely remain to testify, and ** this boor" con- 
tinued a pious and liberal prelate for 25 years. His present refusal perhaps 

' M. Paris. " Oportebit not ponere murum pro domo Domini et libertate rflgni." 
* Smith's Westminster, from Rot. Claus. 87» H. III. * M. Paris. 

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was tbe matiye for the rode rifling of bis cellar aboat this time, before 
related. The King did not spare even his own brethren from these coarse 
reproaches, when disappointed of money. On Bishop Aymer coming to 
take leave of him, he treated him with the utmost disconrtesy, and greeted 
him with " Go to the Devil for not badLing me up better in wringing money 
out of the Bishops."^ 

In the meanwhile, Simon de Montfort had been on the point of returning 
to Palestine* with his wife, but was dissuaded from doing so by the King, 
who needed his services to suppress the rebels of Gascony. Although he 
soon restored order in that province and sent the chief rebel, Gaston, Count 
de Beam, prisoner to England, unfortunately King Henry, who never knew 
how to choose well either a friend or an enemy, took Gaston into favour, 
and restored him to his estates, thereby enabling him to repeat his rebdlioa 
a few years afterwards. De Montlbrt was em]doyed also successfully to 
form a treaty^ of peace in 1249 with Theobald, King of Navarre, nephew 
to Berengaria, Queen of Richard L During his occasional visits to 
England, he had been honourably welcomed, though still preserving the 
aame independence of spirit, and on one occasion had remonstrated with 
effect on some breach of the chartered liberties of London,^ a circumstance 
whidi may afterwards have secured him so many friends in that city. His 
earnestness to redress wrongs may be traced in his friend Adam de 
MarMCo's letters, who represents him as personally exerting himself day 
after day at Oxford in reconciling a dispute between some ofllcers of the 
Earl of Cornwall, and of Bishop Grethead,'^ and his zeal for tbe public 
service induced him to raise money by cutting down his own timber, in 
order to renew tbe war in Gascony more effectually. 

Some of the Castles (Egremont and Chatillon) which he took there 
from the rebels, had been hitherto deemed quite impregnable, and the 
discontented Gascons, anxious to get rid of so strong a master, intrigued 

' M. Puis, anno 1253. * M. Firb, anno 1248. ^ Clarendon, Jan. 10, 38 Rot Fat 
^ M. Paris. * Ep. de Blar. MS. in a letter addressed to the Bishop. 

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secretly to prejudice the Eiog against bim. Though the Archbishop of 
Bordeaux and others, who headed this mission of complaint, had been con- 
victed traitors, tiiey were readily listened to at Court, and De Montfort, 
finding himself thus accused behind his back of extortion and tyranny, 
hastened to England, there to meet his accusers face to face. A most ex- 
traordinary scene ensued, which the King's previous loss of character could 
alone have made possible within the precincts of a Court De Montfort 
appeared in the Council to silence his enemies by the refutation of their 
charges, and then appealed to the King's personal knowledge of their 
falsehood and of his own faithful services, reminding him with what pro- 
mises of support he had encouraged him to undertake the command in 
Gascony for six years. "Let your words be made good, my Lord King," 
he exclaimed, " keep your covenant with me, and replace those expences 
which I have borne for you to the notorious beggary of my own earldom." 
On the King replying that " he did not hold himself bound to fulfil pro- 
mises made to a false traitor," the affronted Earl lost all command of his 
impetuous temper, and in direct terms openly gave the lie to the King, in- 
timating, too that the shelter of his royalty alone protected him from 
instantly feeling the consequences of such a charge. " Who can believe 
you to be a christian, or that you ever go to confession ? of what use in- 
deed would such a mere form be without repentance and atonement?" 
The King, though goaded by these insults, did not dare to order his arrest, 
but gave vent in his reply to his long-harboured hate ; " never has my repent- 
ance of anything certainly been more sincere, than of having ever suffered 
you to enter England and to enjoy those estates and honours which now so 
puff you up."^ 

The interposition of their friends, who were present at this Council, 
Prince Richard with the Earls of Gloucester and Hereford, put an end to 
this unseemly wrangle, and the Prince, who had also been forcibly defrauded 

I M. Pkris. 

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oat of the government oi Gascony,^ may well have looked on with com 
plaoency at the hamitiation of his brother now arising from a similar want 
of integrity. 

The friendly hand of Adam de Marisco* has lefl us an aathentic account 
of these Gascon plots, their favourable reception at Ck>art, and the King's 
contumelions reproaches on Simon de Montfort, bat praises *^ the calmness 
and moderation with which he endored them." There is however reason 
to distrast this eulogy as too partial, and perhaps even derived from de 
Montfort's own account, for the popular opinion of his hasty temper and 
unreserved speech appears in many other contemporary accounts. A curious 
poem' of this time reports a supposed debate on French affairs between the 
King, Roger le Bigot, and Simon de Montfort, and thus characterises the 
quick and haughty bearing of the latter : the King had been talking of 
setting the Seine on fire, and making the French run away from Paris. 

Sir Symon k Montfort attend! oe navel, De Montford starts up, looking grim to scoff, 

Doncques sailli a piex ; il ne font mie bel. When the boasting King he hears. 

A dit k rai Inglais, " Pars le cors Saint Anel." " By the Lamb of God leave this meddling off, 

Lessies or cesti chos : Francois nest mi anel/' For France is no lamb for your shears." 

• ••• •••• 

" Que dites vons, Symon f" pona Rogier Bigot, " Why how now Symon f" le Bigot cries out, 
" Bien tenez vous la rai por binart et por sot f " " Do you set the King down for a fool or a lout f " 

In no instance did King Henry's disregard of private rights meet with 
a more remarkable reproof than from the young Countess of Arundel,^ 
widow of Hugh, the last Earl of the Albini family. 

> It had been granted to him 1243. 

' Ep. de Bfaris, MS. • Pol. Songs, from MS. in Bibl. da Roi, 7218. 

* Isabella de Warenne, whose husband died 1243. She was stiU very young at the time of this 
interview (1251). "cum jam Tix metas adolescentiae pertransisset."— M. Paris. She died 
1283. The anecdote is erroneously given by Cartwright (Rape of Arundel) to Isabella de Albini» 
wife of John Fitnlan* whose death in 1177 makes it impossible. 

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On being refased redress concerning some property , 
she personally rebuked the monarch in free, bat noble 
language. " Why do yoo turn away your face, Sire, 
from justice ? Placed as you are between us and God, 
how can you dare to vex the Church, oppress the 
Barons, and deny us our rights ?" 

On the King taunting her with being chartered by 
the Barons to plead for them with such eloquence, " No Sire,** she re- 
plied, " your Barons have given me no such charter, but with respect to that 
great charter, granted by your father, and so often solemnly sworn to by 
yourself, you stand guilty of repeated perjury, on which account not 
only I as a woman, but alt your true-bom subjects appeal to the tribunal of 
the Highest for retribution on you." Her grandfather, Hameline, had been 
half-brother to Henry IL, and her brother, the Earl de Warenne, was 
married to the King's half-sister ; these alliances suggested another answer to 
the embarassed King : ** You ask this &vour perhaps on the strength of 
being my kinswoman ?" " No, Sire," was her abrupt reply on leaving 
him, << how should I expect any favour from you when I cannot get bare 
justice ?"i The contempt of the royal person must have been widely spread 
indeed to have emboldened a young noblewoman thus to address her 

With something of the policy of David towards Uriah, King Henry now 
desired de Montfort, as he was so fond of war, to go back to Grascony, 
where he would find plenty of work. " I will cheerfully go," he answered, 
" nor will 1 return till I have made the rebels your footstool, however un- 
grateful you may be." There is an interesting letter of Adam de MariscOy 
which describes the anxious consultation of Simon and his Countess to pro- 
vide for the education and discipline of their children during his absence at 

' M. Paris. 

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this period: after entitisting them to the care of Grethead, the Bishop of 
Lincoln, be is represented as *^ embarking with his eldest son Henry for 
this expedition, cheerfiillj rejoicing in the protection of the Most EUgh, and 
proceeding without delay towards Gascony, while the CToantess earnestly 
implores the Bishop's prayers in behalf of her husband and family at so 
anxious a period, which had kept them all in suspense, not only day by day, 
bat from hour to hour."^ 

The malcontents of Gasoony had, in the meanwhile, acquired such 
strength) that de Montfort found himself sorely pressed by them, in a manner 
to call forth all his energies as a soldier. It was with the utmost difficulty 
that he was able to preserve the mastery over them in a battle, during 
which he was himself unhorsed, and his life in great danger ; at another 
time he was blockaded by them in an unprovisioned town,* from whidi, 
however, he extricated himself by personal activity. 

These perilous services were rendered to a thankless master. Soon 
after his bad^ was turned, the Queen had prevailed upon King Henry 
formally to strip de Montfort of his military command, and to substitute 
Prince Edward.' The Archbishop of Bordeaux and his partisans, induced 
by the gifts and feasts of the Court, at once performed homage to the young 
Prince as Senesdial of Grascony, and the King even enjoined the Gascons 
not to obey Simon de Montfort, if he should oppose the arrangement thus 

Released by this treachery from all public duties, de Montfort quitted 
the scene of his government, and repaired to Paris, where offers awaited 
him of dignity and power, superior to what he had been deprived of. The 
afihirs of France were in great confusion at the time ; King Louis being an 
absent crusader, and Blanche, the Queen-mother, recently dead, the nobles 
of France feeling the need of a directing head, invited de Montfort to ex- 

> E^Oft A. de Mar., MSS. ^Montaubtn. M.Pur. 

* WindkthoQK (Windior) June 19* Angost 27. * CtX. Rot. Ptt. S6*., H. III. 

B 2 

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ercise the powers of Regent over the country. The temptation was great 
indeed to a man " not without ambition," especially at a moment when he 
had been recently insulted, discarded, and betrayed by the English King ; 
and yet these flattering proofs of the esteem in which he was held among his 
former countrymen, could not win him over from his duty towards England, 
as the country where all his public and private duties now centered. 

The Gascon rebels were in the meanwhile still more irritated by King 
Henry's destruction of their cherished vineyards, than they had been by the 
stern warfare of de Montfort, and the English were still more disgusted, 
when they saw the castles they conquered granted by the reckless monarch 
to Peter de Savoy and other foreigners. Gascony was nearly lost, when 
relief came from an unexpected quarter, for de Montfort at this crisis, again 
tendered his assistance, which being now welcomed by the King, the very 
/I read of his presence soon so awed the Gascons, that they gradually came 
back to their allegiance. To this act of generous patriotism^ it is said, that 
de Montfort was advised by bis ' great master in religious and political 
matters, Bishop Gretbead, who died soon afterwards (1254), in such popu- 
larity, that twenty manifest miracles were attributed to the sanctity of his 
tomb in one year,* and the University of Oxford petitioned Clement IV. for 
his canonization. To complete the reconciliation with so useful a soldier, 
the King now agreed to pay de Montfort a compensation' for the three-and- 
a-half years unexpired term of his command in Gascony, which had 
been originally granted him for six years. 

After Gascony had been thus reduced to order. King Henry indulged 
Iiimself with an expensive visit to Paris, on his return to England. The 
Abbey of Fontevraud was in his road, where two of bis kingly ancestors 

* A royalist chronicler even here supposes guilty designs *' pro pr«meditat& calliditate." 
— T. Wyke, 

« M. Paris. 

> Id 1254, 7000 marcs (4666{. 13«. 4(i.) were paid. Liberate 38^ H. III., m. 8.4. In 1259 
several Barons pledged themselves for 3000 marcs (2000/.) to certain merchants who had ad- 
vanced the money for the King's debt to Simon de Montfort.— Rot. Pat. 43^ H. III. 

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lay buried, and where his mother had taken the veil and died ; over her 
remains he caased a tomb to be placed (the mutilated effigy of which was 
lately discovered* among the rubbish of a prison cellar), and he bequeathed 
his own heart* afterwards with an aflPectionate remembrance to the same 
spot After being met at Chartres by his brother-in-law, King Liouis, he 
was conducted to the Old Temple at Paris, as being the only building 
capacious enough for bis suite, which included one-thousand beautiful horses, 
besides sumpter-beasts and carriages. The procession of his entry was 
graced by the English students at the University of Paris, whD appear to 
have been numerous enough to welcome their King with great splendour. 
l*hese students, indeed, were apt to bring back to England *^ false ideas, 
French nonsense, and corrupt morals," and are satirically complimented as 
being very agreeable companions, with only three vices clinging to them, 
incident to their young blood and jovial tempers.^ The sumptuous- 
ness of the feast given by Henry on the following day astonished the 
Parisians. All the poor were freely invited to an abundant meal, ami 
afterwards a banquet of unparalleled magnificence was open to the French 
and English Courts, without any restraint of guard or doorkeeper, when 
to each guest some gift, a golden clasp, a silver cup, or silken belt 
was presented by the Kin^. Though it was Lent, yet the fertile variety of 
the dishes and of delicious drinks are fondly put on record ; nor does it appear 
that the appetite of the French guests at all failed them, as had been appre- 
hended by some, who thought the sight of Richard Coeur de Lion's shield, 

> Stothard detected it in 1816, but when applied for with a view to remove it to England, it 
was refused; her arms on the tomb were "gules bezantee'' for Angouleme. — Stoth. Mon. £fF. 

* It was actually delivered to the Abbess at Fontevraud, Dec. 13, 1891, nineteen years after 
his death, by the Abbot Wenlock, of Westminster. 

s " Sophismata et ineptias Gallicanas, et inquinatos mores."— Wood, Ant. Oxen., 55. 
" Washeyl et Drynkheyl nee non persona secunda, 
Hoec tria sunt vitia quce comitantur eos. 
His tribus exceptis nihil est quod in his reprehendas 
Hoec tria si tollas coetera cuncta placent."— Nigellus Wireker. 

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which bang od the Temple walls, might have that effect^ 

It was perhaps on this occasion that King Louis observed to Joinville, 
** I believe you would be loth to do what our guest the King of England is 
now doing, washing the feet of lepers and then kissing them on this bolj 
Thursday."* Louis' son died during this visit, and, as another instance of 
menial offices still more unusual in a King, his body was carried to the grave 
part of the way on the shoulders of King Henry, and the noblemen of the two 
Courts.' With a mixed devotion and love of art, both strong impulses with 
Henry, his first visit at Paris was to the Sainte Chapelle, then in all its fresh 
beauty, having been rebuilt by Louis IX. in order to receive the genuine 
Crown of Thorns, which had been pawned by the French Emperor of Constan- 
tinople. In the satirical^ poem of the age, before referred to, Kin^ Henry is made 
to covet in a droll manner, this architectural gem of Pierre de Monterean.^ 

" By the five wounds of God, I tweur. 
That at Paris, that very great city. 
There's a chapel so choice and rare, 
ril hare it rolled off in a car 
To my Abbey in London afiur. 
There set it np just as it stands." 

During his eight days residence at Paris, he was much struck also with 
the superior elegance of their plaistered houses, and their height of many 
stories,^ matters then rare or unknown in England. 

The enormous expenses of this royal visit rendered still more urgent 
the King's want of money on his return to England, and his difficulties 
were aggravated both by a Welch invasion, and by the exigences of the 
Sicilian crown of Prince Edmund. At the council summoned in order to 
procure a supply, William de Valence came to an open rupture with de 
Clare and de Montfort, who resisted the grant, terming the latter ** an old 

< Pere Daniel, H. de Fr. M. Pftria * Mem. JoinTiOe. 

* NangU. * Pot 8. from MS. 7218, BIbL da Roi., Puis. 

* The rebuilding in its present form of this chapel attached to the ancient palace of the courts 
of Puris was be|(un 1245, and the consecration April 27, 1248. 

•M. Paris. 

"Par U cine |dais a Dieu, 

Pferris font tU mult grant, 

U i a i chapel dont je fl coetant ; 

Je le ferra portier a i charrier rollant 

A Saint Amont k Londres toute droit en estant." 

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traitor/' and giving him the lie with the same rudeness that de Montfort 
had exercised towards the King on a former occasion. "No, no, William," 
was de Montfort's answer, " I am neither a traitor myself, nor the son of 
one: oar fathers were not at all the same sort of persons," alluding to the 
imputed treachery of Hugh le Bron towards King Henry. Had not the 
King thrown himself between his fierce relations, the affront might have 
been avenged by blood, and it was remarlved that foreigners would scarcely 
believe it possible that anybody, even of royal blood, should presume so to 
insult a nobleman lilce Simon de Montfort, " so much esteemed above all 
persons native and foreign."^ 

Urged by Simon's passionate claim for speedy redress, and pressed to 
adopt restraints upon such insolence in future, the King once more, on the 
tomb of Edward the Confessor, the saint to whom he was specially devoted, 
pledged his royal word to amend the general grievances. 

This led to the meetings of the great Council, first held at Westminster, 
and afterwards at Oxford, June 13, 1258, in order to consider by what 
means the royal oath should be made effectual. The vigour and novelty of 
the statutes enacted at Oxford were the cause of the civil commotions, which 
acquired the name of the Barons' War, of which the battle of Lewes was 
one of the most important events, and by some historians the meeting at 
Oxford has been called the Mad Parliament, the monopoly of which 
title, however, it has been remarked,* would be a grievous disparagement 
to some of its successors. 

' "Inter omnes tnnsmarinos et cUmarinos praeoommendatum."— M. Puis. 
* By Sir F. MgriTe. ** Thiths and Fictiont." 

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'If then we thtll shake off our ilavish yoke. 
Imp out our drooping country's broken wing. 
Redeem from broking pawn the blemished crown, 

• ••••• 

Away with me"— 

Rich. II., 2.1. 

While profusion had broiight the King to penury, the dearth of provisions 
had, at this period, spread misery among the people, and prepared them more 
readily for some public expression of the general discontent The bad 
weather of 1257 had prevented the ripening of all fruits and com ; wheat bad 
remained uncut even to November, and so great was the urgency to carry 
the harvest, that even Sundays and other Church festivals were so employed, 
if the weather permitted. Wheat, which had in 1255 been at the price of 
2s. a quarter, now rose to 20s. or 24s. ; horseflesh and even the bark of 
trees became articles of food.^ During this famine, the King, by an in- 
vidious exercise of his prerogative, seized and forestalled for his own pur- 
veyance the corn which Prince Richard had imported from abroad in fifty 
vessels ; London however resisted this as a breach of their charters with 
such effect, that by a legal decision the King was required to come into the 

' M. Paris. Tazter Chr. 

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market like others, witli the advantage only of buying his corn there at 2d. 
a quarter below the market price.^ 

There was a wide-spjead desire and expectancy of some remedy for the 
long course of mismanagement, and it was at this crisis, that many of the 
great Barons confederated with the fixed resolution to devise, and enforce a 
reform of the abases of the Royal government. Having met therefore at 
Oxford at the time appointed with their retainers, to the number of 60,000, 
armed as if prepared for the Welch war, their manifest strength snflBced to 
overpower the alien faction which had guided the King, and the statutes then 
enacted, which continued for seven years the source of civil discord, were 
accepted and sworn to by King Henry with a constrained assent. 

Without detailing these well-known provisions, it may be stated here^ 
that they confirmed Magna Charta, regulated the free seizin of property, 
the disparaging marriages of wards to aliens, and the wasteful grants to 
them, requiring also that the offices of state and the fortresses of the king- 
dom should be put into the hands of Englishmen only. The necessity for 
, this latter stipulation was proved by 15* of the principal castles, as well as 
the Cinqne Ports, being at this very time under foreign governors. Fol- 
lowing the example of Magna Charta, 24 persons' were appointed to watch 
over the rigid execution of these laws, 12 being chosen by each party. On 
the Barons' side, among the most conspicuous, may be named (though the 
lists of varioQs^ authors differ) the Elarls of Leicester and Gloucester, 
Humphrey de Bohun Earl of Hereford, Roger le Bigot the Earl Marsha], 
Walter Cantllupe the Bishop of Worcester, the powerful Marcher Roger 

• Fabyan'« Chr. " 

* Uover, NorthampoD, Corfe, Scarborough, NottiDgham, Hereford, Exeter, Saram, Hadleigh, 
'Winchester, Pjrchester, Bruges, Oxford, Sherburne, and London. — ^V. Nicholl's Leicest. 

' " 24 Conseillers de aide le Roi." — Rog. Hoved. The King, in his proclamation (May 2, 
Westminster) had engaged, by oath, to reform the Government according to the advice of twelve 
elected by himself, and twelve to be elected by the Barons at the meeting at Oxford, which was to 
last a month (in unum mensem). Prince Edward and the King's brothers signed this preparatory 

* Roger Hovedon. Ann. Burton. 

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de Mortiiner, and Peter de Montfort, a coasin of Simon's ; whfle, on the 
other side, the 12 nominated by the King comprise but one independent 
nobleman, John de Plesseys,^ Earl of Warwick, his own three half-brothers, 
his nephew. Prince Henry, his brother-in-law, Earl de Warenne, his two 
secretaries, John Mansel, treasurer of York, and Henry Wengham,* Fnlk 
Bassett, Bishop of London, who was as much a friend of the Barons as of 
the King, and a few inferior persons. 

As this *< mad parliament" of Oxford sat in deliberation for the unusually 
long period of a month, and was attended by about 100 Barons, nearly 
the whole number' then entitled to be summoned, the attendance being com* 
monly but 20 or 30, the King's continued resistance to sudi a pressure was 
evidently hopeless, when he could prevail on so few of the great Barons 
to act as his friends at such a crisis. 

The different temper of the parties to these Oxford Statutes was dis- 
played, when the oath of their observance was tendered, for " the King who 
was the first to set them aside, was the first also to swear to them,"^ while 
Prince Edward followed with avowed reluctance ;"^ Prince Henry, who had 
been recently knighted by his father at Aix la Chapelle, excused himself 
on account of his youth, as needing the sanction of his father, whose absence 
abroad probably emboldened the Barons on this occasion, and having no 
land of his own to constitute him a Baron, his plea obtained a delay of 40 
days.^ The King's half-brothers, and his brother-in-law de Warenne, not 

' He had become Earl by marrying the heiress, Hargery, and died without issue 1263. 

' Weng^iam died Bishop of London, 1261, baring had a grant from the King to retain two 
deaneries, ten rich prebends, and other benefices, beside his bishopric (Rot. Pat. 43, H. III}. 

* There were about 250 Banmiea at this time, but many wtie in the King's hand, and sevend 
Barons held a great many each; Prince Rkhard, Bari of ComwaU, held eigbtetn.— V. 
Nichcm's Ldc 


* Four counsellors were appointed to him, probably as sureties for his obaenrance, John de 
Baliol, John de Gray, Stephen Longespee, and Roger de Montalt.— Ann. Burton. 

* Letter in Ann. Burton. 

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only refiiBed compUaooe, bat swore, *< by the death and wounds of Gtod,'' 
never to surrender the casOes which the King had committed to their charge. 
Simon de Montfort, on the contrary, declared that he took the oath as a 
religions tie upon his conscience, *< never under any pretence to break the 
pledge he was solemnly contracting, whatever others might do/'^ He sur- 
rendered accordingly his castles of Eenilworth and Odiham, and then felt 
himself entitled to address the recusants, especially his did enemy William 
de Valence, who had been the most vehement in his protests and defiance ; 
^* To a certainty you shall either give up your castles or lose your head." 

This threat, coming from a man well-known to be able and willing to 
execute it, was not lost upon them, and the recusants stole away unobserved 
from Oxford, at the hour when others were at dinner, to Wolvesham' Castle, 
where they hoped their brother, the Bishop of Winchester, would be able 
to protect them. So hot a pursuit however was set on foot, that the un- 
popular fugitives were soon reduced to submission, and it is even said, that 
the Bishop recommended them to surrender quietly, as being justly punished 
for their former misdeeds.' Though the King, who accompanied the 
besiegers, used every endeavour to obtain better terms for them, the Barons 
were now inexorable in requiring the immediate exile of all aliens on pain 
of death, reserving only to Aymer as a Bishop, and to William de Valence 
as Lord of Pembroke, the option of remainingi under sureties for good 
behaviour. These, though thus excepted, would not separate their fate 
from the others,^ and all accordingly resolved to quit England, ventfaig their 
spleen even against the Queen, as having, from jealousy of their court- 
favour, contrived their ruin and involved them in her own unpopularity. It 


* ** Ubretham."— Ann. Bart. The palace in Winchester is still called Wohresey. 

' W. Risb. de beDo Lew., teconsistently with his usoal opinionsi represents the Bishop oo thi» 
occasion as a man of conspicuous sanctity. 

* R. Hoved. Ann. Burt. W. Rish. 

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ie certainly remarkable that her own uncles, Peter of Savoy and Archbishop 
Boniface, remained unmolested and were pablidy employed. 

This strong measure of banishment was additionally recommended to 
the Barons, by the treatment they had remarked in two recent instances of 
English Princesses married to foreign Sovereigns, when their train of 
English attendants had been scrupulously dismissed both by the Emperor 
and the King of Scotland : a prudent step on all such occasions, the neglect 
of which is sure to excite jealousies. 

The Earl de Warenne, thus left alone in his opposition to the Oxford 
Statutes, now at length yielding to circumstances, pledged himself by oath 
to their maintenance. 

Dover and other castles were now put into native hands, and Hugh le 
Bigot being made Justiciary of England, was *^ sworn to do justice in spite 
of the King, the Queen, their sons, or any living person, uninfluenced by 
hate or love, prayer or price, and never accepting from any one anything, 
except such matters to eat and drink as are accustomed to be carried to the 
table of a rich man ;" a hazardous permission, impljring that no corruption 
could arise from gifts of dainties. Truly was it now observed in a private 
letter,^ ** Great and arduous matters have the Barons to arrange, which 
cannot soon or easily be accomplished ; they advance fiercely in their busi- 
ness ; I wish the issue may be fortunate." 

By a safe-conduct to the place of embarkation, dated from Winchester, 
July 5, 1258,' to last until the Sunday after S. Thomas k Becket, July 7, 
the Bishop Aymer, his brothers Guy and Geoffry de Lusignan, and William de 
Valence were put under thecare and escort of the Earls of Hereford, Warenne, 
and Albemarle, but a new charge of crime arose against these exiles on their 
road. At a great banquet in the Bishop's palace (it is not clear whether at 

' Ann. Burt, litera cujusdam. A very interesting authority, evidently written by one well in- 
formed with the persons and transactions around. " Ferodter procedunt Barones in agendis 
fuis : utinam bonum finem sortiantur." 

• Rymer. 

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Winchester or at Soatbwark)^ eome of the principa] guests, incloding the 
Earl of Gloucester and the Abbot of Westminster, were taken ill with 
symptoms of poison. The Earl's brother^ William, indeed died, but the 
Earl himself, by the^ care of his physician, John St. Giles, a Dominican 
monk, escaped after a tedious illness with the loss of his hair, his nails and 
teeth nearly dropping off, and his skin peeling away. *^ The Lord was un- 
willing (observes a chronicler^ with much feeling) to widow England by his 
loss, at such a moment of extreme danger and need.'' 

Another victim of this illness, Richard de Crokesley, Abbot of West- 
minster, who died under it July 18, 1258, was a person of importance by 
station and talents ; learned in Canon and Civil law, he had been often em- 
ployed by the King at home and abroad, and was one of the 12 nominated 
by him. at the Oxford Parliament. His death gave occasion to his elected 
successor,^ Prior Philip de Lewisham, to decline the honour for the most 
singular reason, namely, that he was too fat ever to travel to Rome for 
confirmation, and preferred living at ease in his old way ; he died indeed a 
few months afterwards, before he could learn the Pope's assent 

The sudden illness and death of so many persons of note naturally gave 
rise to suspicions of foul play, but the evidence of poison as against the de- 
parting aliens, though in the temper of the times readily believed, appears 
very slight ; though some concealed stores of poison were said to be found, 
yet the same illness attacked others after the exiles were gone, and the 
odium was then transferred to their own cooks. The Earl of Gloucester's 
steward, Walter de Scotney,^ being accused of taking bribes from William 
de Valence, for the betrayal of his master in this attempt on his life, fled 
from the charge, and, when taken some months later, was hanged at Win- 
chester in spite of his professions of innocence. 

Together with the nobler exiles, some meaner aliens were now cast out : 

■ The remains of the Episcopal palace have been recently efbced by modern buildings. 

* H. Knighton. ' His descendants continued in possession of Scotney Castle, in Sussex, 

untU the time of Edward III. 

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the King's favourite cairer, William de S. Hermite and Gay de Rodifort, 
who had converted his trast of Colchester Castle into means of oppression. 
• Another hj his bratal tyranny and arrogance had made himself so pecaliarly 
obnoxiooBi that he was imprisoned : this was William de Bossy, the steward 
of W. de Valence, who^sensnal defiance of all complaints had been,, ^< the 
King sanctions whatever my master wishes" ; when on his trial he endea- 
voured to plead his tonsare, he was prevented by force and dragged back to 
a closer celK* 

The Poictevin browsers had been expressly limited to the sum of 6000 
marcs (4000/.) to carry away with them, the rest of their treasures and 
the rents of their estates being withheld,^ and made responsible in the suits 
commenced against them in the oourtd of law. The King who wrote from 
Winchester, July 3, commanded the immediate seizure of 3000 marcs 
(2000/.) belonging to W. de Valence, lying in tiie Abbey of Waltham.* 
Much more than the permitted sum was however smuggled out of the country, 
and the King enjoined de Clare, (Woodstock, August 18) to enquire strictly 
into this evasion.^ Joan, the wife of W. de Valence, having obtained by 
petition her dowry of 500 marcs (333/. 6t. &/.) from her own estates, and 
being refused more, in fear that it would go to her husband, contrived never-* 
theless to join him at Christmas, with a quantity of money concealed in 
woolpacks. Toang Henry de Montfort, wHb a fresh recollectton of their 
insult to the Earl, his fisither, had followed the Poictevins to Boulogne, and 
prevailed on the French King to show them no favour, beyond that of a safe 
passage to Poictou. 

That young de Montfort: was not alone in his eager hatred against these 
exiles, is shown by the contumelious terms employed by others at the time, 
when speaking of them : 

"^Totam tarbat modlca terram turba canam, A paltry set of cars ii troubling all the land, 
** Exeat ant pereat genua tarn prophanum."* DriTe out or let them die, the base ungodly band. 

« M. ParU. • W. Riah. » Cal.Rot. Pat « Rymer. 


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The new order of things established by the Barons soon received the 
ready assent of the city of London, and of the commnnify, though there 
may have been some who dislUsed any innovation upon the accustomed sab* 
mission, of the people to tiieir Idngs.^ Owing to de Clare's dangerous ill- 
ness however, the formal pablication of the Oxford Statutes was deferred 
till October 18, 1258, when they were solemnly proclaimed, together with 
Magna Charta, in every county, with the unusual and striking circumstance 
of being in Latin, Frendb, and English.^ 

The latter language, then just emerging into form, being now for the first 
time, as for as we know, used in any public document, proves the anxiety 
of the Barons to explain their conduct to the people at large, by the use of 
the best medium of information. While the dergy were familiar with 
Latin, and the Normans, living either at court or in their own feudal castles, 
naturally retained their own French, the country people as tenaciously had 
preserved their Saxon ; and though, with the growth of towns, the fusion 
of the races advanced, yet the use of the three languages in England con- 
tinued for some time after the present period. It was strikingly marked, 
during the persecutions of the Templars, under Edward I. ; the priests and 
clerks made their recantation in Latin, the laymen in French principally, 
but ^* some decrepit Templars, unable to stand from old age, resorted to 
English, because they had not the use of any other language/'^ 

As in the King's circular letter* to each county on this occasion, we have 
the earliest State paper in English extant, it may be interesting to have a 
genuine specimen of this King's English, the conclusion of which runs thus :— 

> It it in this spirit that Ttiomis Wyte, a roytliit poet in the beginning of Edward I.'s reign, 
refers to the Oxford Statutes :— 

"Degener Anglorum gens, qncB senrire solebat» 
Ordine mntato regem cum prole regebat, 
Conjnrat populns fruitums lege notella." 
— PoL Songs from MS., Cotton, Vespas. B xiu. 

* Ann. Burton. 

* July 13, 1281.— WiUdn's Cone. M. Br. 1, 391. 

* Rymer, from Put. in Tur. Lond. 43, H. III. 

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<* Widnesse osselven set Lunden' thane egtetenthe day on the montbe of 
Octobr' in the two fowertigthe yeare of are cruninge : and this wes idon 
aetforen are isworene redesmen (here follow the names of the coancillors), 
^tforen otbre moge, and al on the ilche worden is isend in to aurihce othre 
shcire over al thare Eaneriche on Engleneloande ek in tel Irelonde." 

The King appears in this proclamation unreservedly to pledge himself 
and enjoin obedience to the Oxford Statutes. 

" Henry, through God's support, King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke 
of Normandy and Aquitaine, Count of Anjon, sends greeting to all his 
liegemen, clerical and lay, in Huntingdonshire ; That you may all well know 
that we will grant, that whatever our Councillors, all or the majority of them, 
who are chosen by us, and by the people of this land (Landsfolk) in oar 
kingdom, have done or shall do for the honour of God, for our allegiance, 
and for the good of this land, by the agency of these aforesaid Councillors, be 
stedfast and lasting in all things without end. And we enjoin all our lieges, 
by the allegiance which they owe to us, that they stedfastly hold, and swear 
to hold in this respect to the Provisions that are made, or may be made by 
those aforesaid Councillors, or by the majority of them, as has been also 
before said ; and that each other person help to do that which others 
ought to do and to bear towards them, and that none, either of my land 
or elsewhere, through this business be hindered or reversed in any way, 
and if any man or woman should go against this, we will and command that 
all our other lieges hold them as most deadly enemies ; And because we will, 
that this be stedfast and lasting, we send you this writ open, signed with 
our seal to keep among your stores. Witness ourself at London the 18th 
day of the month of October, in the 42nd year of our reign : And this 
was done before our sworn Councillors — 

** Boniface, Archbishop of Canterbury, 

" Walter of Cantelop, Bishop of Worcester, 

" Simon of Montfort, Earl of Leicester, 

" Richard of Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, 

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** Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk^ Marshal of England, 

" Peter of Savoy, 

** William of Fortibas, Earl of Albemarle,! 

'* John of Plesseiz, Earl of Warwick, 

" John Geoflfreyson, 

" Peter of Montfort, 

" Richard of Grey, 

" Roger of Mortimer, 

** James of Aldithel,^ and before many others. 

^' And all and each word is sent into every other Shire over all the king- 
dom of England and into Ireland." 

Nearly the same signatures are also found to a spirited memorial, which 
the Barons at this time sent to the Pope in explanation of their conduct, 
and which their messengers were desired to deliver and then return without 
entering into any controversy. Among the chief complaints thus embodied, 
are *< the ruinous disorders, tlie distress, and the decay of learning to which 
the introduction of so many Italians into English benefices,' and the in- 
fatuation of the King, by denying justice against his favourites, had brought 
the country ; the manifesto announced that twelve on each side had been 
appointed to reform all abuses, while the Barons at once renounced the 
crown of Sicily, which had been accepted for Prince Edmund without 
their consent : the point, however, most strongly urged upon the Pope, as 
that most within his competence, was the dismissal of Aymer, from the 
Bishopric of Winchester, denouncing him as leading the King and Prince 
Edward to peijury, unmindful of his own salvation, and watching only for 
the disturbance and waste of the kingdom ; they supposed his deposition 

' He sided with the Barons throughout, dying 1263, without male heirs. 

' The curious in surnames should remark that these noblemen, when speaking English, did not 
prefix " de " to their surnames, but the translation " of." 

' As a palliation of this evil, the Pope, in 1253, had permitted patrons to present at once to 
benefices, even before vacancies, reserving, however, the life interest of the foreigners.— Lingard. 
A century after this however, (1374), Widiffe, was sent to Rome with the very same complaint. 


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would be the easier, inasmuch as he had never yet been consecrated Bishop, 
but even if the King and Barons wished to re-admit him, they stated plainly 
that the community would not tolerate it, and worse would ensue ; the 
officials of Aymerand the other aliens had been more like robbers, so plun- 
dering the poor and ensnaring the simple, that neither could inferiors live 
under them, nor equals deal with them, nor superiors check them. The 
Barons, however, were resolved to oppose to the subterfuges of their 
enemies an union so much the more earnest, as well knowing that no faithful 
brotherhood could exist, unless where there was an entire agreement of 
will and a cementing together of ihe very minds.**^ 

The Pope's answer did not come till two years after (1260), and even 
then declined to discuss any schemes of church reform with laymen : to the 
complaint of the decay of literature his reply was remarkable, adroitly 
denying the fact by complimenting England on its poetry and learning — *^ On 
the contrary," he remarked, " so far from finding any scarcity of learned 
men in England, by the grace of God we cannot discover now-a-days any 
kingdom or province in the whole world, which has a greater, or even so 
great, an abundance of them. For in this kingdom of England there is 
found in these present times a most agreable fountain of Helicon, from the 
very sweet liquor of which, not only natives, but even foreigners, receive 
and quaff pleasant draughts, by which their dry hearts and thirsty breasts 
are copiously refreshed. There reside the liberal arts of philosophy, by 
which the rude spirits of men are disciplined : from thence proceeds and has 
proceeded, an illustrious multitude of learned men, and a succession of 
Saints, in whose company the army of Heaven rejoices, and from the authors 
of this land also deep springs of writings have burst forth, and are now 
bursting forth, so as to irrigate the neighbouring provinces with their floods."* 

What these draughts were of which the Pope had so keen a relish, it is 
difficult to trace. There were certainly some Englishmen of great learning 

' " Etiam conglutinatio aDimorum." — Rymer. * Rymer. 

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even in this age, when paper was unkDown and parchment scarce, bat they 
were mostly educated at Paris, such as Archbishop Langton, St. Edmund^ 
and Bishop Grethead. The latter, indeed, was partly an Oxford scholar, 
and was not only a good Grecian, but composed, also, a Romangal poem 
*^ on the sin of the first man," of 1700 verses, still extant There were 
some other poets^ of little note : William of Waddington, who translated 
the poem of " Manuel " into French ; Robert Waoe* of Amesbury, who 
Wrote *• Brutus ;'^ Denis Pyramus, the author of some free tales at Henry 
III.'s court; and the << Roman de la Rose," too, Was begun in 1250 by 
William de Loris. Can the Pope have alluded to the wondrous intellect 
of Roger Bacon,* to whom all the knowledge of preceding and succeeding 
times seems to have been familiar ^ Many of his greater works, however, 
had not then been written* 

The Barons, having by their union and courage established the govern- 
ment upon principles consistent with public liberty and their own security^ 
saw England now, at length, restored to a peaceful Content^ which continued 
for three years. If they, however^ are to be charged as rebels when fight- 
ing in the subsequent war^ they were so now, for they had changed all the 
powers of the state, and if not justified by the pal^mount necessity of the 
case in the battle-field of Lewes, neither were they so now, in efi*ecting a 
bloodless, but not less complete revolution. 

It would be neither easy nor safe to define strictly the point of oppress 
sion at which the right of resistance begins-^'* a right " as has been 
eloquently observed,' <* terrible and unsocial, for it appeals to force and to 
war, which is the destruction of society itself, but a right nevertheless which 
must never be efiaced from the inmost heart of man, for its efiacement is 

> Arch«ol, V. 13. 

' R. Bacon aaja he only knew four men of hit time skilled in mathematics^ his own pupil John 
of London, Peter of Picardy, Campan of Navarre, and Nicolas, the tutor of Almeric de Montfort . 
No others could pass the " pons asinorum " of Euclid. — Op. Min. Wood, Antiq. Oxon. 

' Guizot, Civilis. en Eur. 


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the acceptance of slavery." No hasty hand, on slight cause, should grasp 
at even the rightful arms of defence ; such weapons may wel) be suspended 
in the armoury of the Constitution as a token and a warning, without being 
handled for every day use. Though custom has limited the term of rebel- 
lion to the opposition of subjects to their King, yet all disobedience to the 
supremacy of the law^ might, on sound principles, be thus denounced, and 
such disobedience may equally arise from a King, a House of Commons, a 
self-exempting Church, or a misled people. In all cases where law ceases, 
disorder begins, and though it may, according to the agent, at times be 
called tyranny, and at others privilege or rebellion, it is substantially the 
same, and deserving of the same reproach. In the present case it was not 
only the feudal chieftain in his castle, but the men of peace, the Bishop in 
his palace, and the monk in his cell, the busy citizen, and the peasant in his 
cottage, who felt aggrieved, and who all joined heart and hand in the re- 
sistance to Henry HI. In the words of Bacon,* " such men's eyes are upon 
the business, and not upon the persons, or if upon the persons, it is for the 
business' sake as fittest, and not for flags and pedigree." 

Almost all the memorials of the time teem with approbation of the 
change resulting from the Oxford Statutes, and with well-considered argu- 
ments in their support. The reasons justifying the Barons were reviewed 
with ability in a poero^ written a few months after the battle of Lewes, the 
condensed spirit of which is worthy of remark. 

It urged *^ that the Barons intended no prejudice to the royal honour, but 
that they felt as much bound by duty to come forward and reform the state, 
as if the kingdom had been attacked by an enemy ; for if the King's real 
enemies, the wretched false flatterers around him, strove to pervert the pre- 

' The venerable H. de Bracton, a judge of this age, maintains the same doctrine throughout in 
De legibus et consueted. Angliae. " Lex omnium rex." " Hoc sanxit lex huraana, quod leges 
suuro ligent latorem." " Merito debet (rex) retribuere legi, quia lex tribuit ei, ti/dt enim lex 
qu6d Ipse tit rex." — L. 3, c. 9. 

' Essays. 

' Polit. Songs, from Harl. M.S., 978, in Latin rhyme. 

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rogatives of the crown to their own pomps, trampling on the native nobles; 
while contemptible aliens were advanced to high places, did not this amount 
to an attack by enemies, and if the King, seduced by them or by his own 
evil will,i should do wrong, was it not the duty of the Barons to reform ii? 
Nor could the analogy of God being a single and supreme governor at all 
warrant a weak fallible King to claim uncontroulled power. The King 
might, indeed, urge that he should have the power of selecting whom he 
pleased to assist his own weakness ; such freedom would not, however, be 
interfered with by restrictions on his doing wrong, to which children and 
even angels submit. Let him be free then to do all that is good, but let 
him not dare to do ill ; such is God's charter.^ He, himself, was but the 
servant of Heaven, and could claim no allegiance from others, unless he 
owned his to God ; let* him feel that the people belong to God, not to him- 
self ; he who may be set over a people for a time is soon laid low under his 
marble tomb, while God's power remains for ever. If a prince, instead of 
loving his people, should despise and strip them, it would be difficult not to 
despise and resist in return ; for freemen cannot be expected to submit to 
such treatment. As a King, therefore, depending on his own judgment 
may readily err, it is very fit that the Commons of the realm should be 
consulted, to whom the laws and customs are best known, and who can best 
express public opinion. Men should be chosen as counsellors to the King, 
who have both the will, knowledge, and courage* to be useful, who would 
feel themselves hurt when the kingdom suffered, and would rejoice when 

' " Seu rex ez maliti& facerct nociva."— V. 690. 

* " Rrgo regi libeat omne quod est bonum. 

Bed malum non audeat : Hoc est dei donam."— V. 687. 

s " Sciat populum non tuum sed Dei, 
£t qui parvo tempore populo prafertur, 
Cit5 dausut marmore terrc subinfertur."— V. 707. 

* "Qui ▼elint et sciant 
Et prodesse Taleant. • • ♦ 
Qui se loedi tentiunt, si regnum Icdatur, 

• • • • • 

Gaudcnti congaudeant." — ^V. 786. 

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the nation was glad. If the King cannot choose such men, others must, 
for as the safety or ruin of all must depend on the guidance of the vessel of 
state, the choice of a competent pilot concerns all. To permit fools hi their 
Ignorance to govern cannot be called tme liberty^, which shoald ever be 
bounded by the limits of the law, beyond which all is error ; for the law is 
paramount even to the King's dignity,* it is the light without wbldi he who 
guides others must go astray." 

After the lapse of six centuries little could be well added to the force 
and clearness of this argument, which singularly tallies with the soundest 
constitutional doctrine of the present day, and it may serve as an answer 
to the reproach of a modem historian' upon the revolution effected by the 
Oxford Statutes, ^* that its tendency was to a very narrow aristocracy, the 
end of which would be anarchy or tjnranny," By the general concurrence 
of evidence it is manifest that the people of England judged the reasons 
sufficient at the time to justify the innovation on the usual forms of their 
government ; and he only, who is ready, in the present day, to avow his 
passive obedienpe under similar provocation, may presume to reverse their 

King Henry, who, like Proteus, as he was called by a contemporary,^ 
had so often evaded all the ties of faith and honpur, now felt his power ef* 
fectnally restrained by sterner bonds« Though the only means of defence 
left him were a false heart and a bitter tongue, yet with both these did be 
continue the struggle. To relieve his conscience from the pressure, how- 
ever slight, of his oath, he applied at once to the Pope for absolution from 
it, while he betrayed the vexation of bis reduced position by ill-advised 

* " Nee libertas propria debet nomiDari 
Quae permittit stultot dominari ; 
Sed libertas finibus juris limitetar 
Spretisque limitibut error reputetur." — ^V. 833. 

3 " Legem quoque dicimus regit digQitatem 
^legere."— V. 848. 

' Hum?. * M. rar,^ 

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Going down the Thames one day he was overtaken by so violent a 
thnnderstprm, of which he had a great dread, that he was put on shore at 
the Bishop of Durham's^ palace, which was opposite. De Montfort, who 
WBB residing there, came oat to meet him with all due respect, observing, 
" What do you fear now. Sire, the tempest has passed ?" The King, how- 
ever, who continued to evince alarm, openly confessed, *^ I do, indeed, dread 
thunder and lightning much, but, by the head' of God, I tremble before 
yon more than for all the thunder in Heaven." It was in vain that the 
Earl calmly pointed out to him ^* how unjust and incredible it would seem 
that he should fear one who had ever been a true friend to him, his family, 
and the kingdom, when he ought rath^ to fear his enemies and deceivers."^ 
Such hatred of those who now held sway, thus overpowering even bis 
hjrpocrisy, was not likely to conciliate them. 

The Barons were, at this time, embarrassed by the expected return of 
the titular King of the Romans, from Germany, whose influence they feared 
might upset their new arrangements. The Bishop of Worcester, Peter of 
Savoy, John Mansel, and the Abbot of Bury, were sent over to require his 
oath to the Oxford Statutes before he landed, and the King, who had 
hastened to Canterbury to meet him, also exhorted him, by letter,* not to 
introduce the exiled aliens by force, which he was evidently expected to do. 
lliough the Prince, at first, not only declined the oath, but refused any ex- 
planation of his visit, insisting on his right as an Earl and Prince to be con- 
sulted in the reform of abuses, he soon learnt that the Barons now in power 
were not to be trifled with. Troops and ships lined the coast to resist his 
approach on any other terms, and finding all animated with a hearty good- 
will to maintain the new state of things, he yielded, and was, at length, 
permitted to land, with his wife, his second son Edmund, and a very limited 

> In after timet it was given by Heniy VIII. to Anne Boleyn, and it was the residence of Eliza- 
beth, while Princess. The site is now occupied by the Adelphi. 

* King John had adopted for his habitual oath, " by 6od*8 feet." 

* M. Par. * Dated Jan. 18, 1259.— Rymer. 

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saite. Even then be was not allowed to enter the castle of Dover, bat, on 
the following day was called forward as Earl of Cornwall in tbe Chapter 
House at Canterbury by tbe Earl of Gloucester, who took no notice of bis 
foreign title, and be then publicly and solemnly swore to be a faithful and 
active helper in reforming the government on pain of forfeiting all his lands. 

The Londoners when they saw him return thus peaceably without bis 
Poictevin brothers contrary to their fears, honoured his entry with unusual 
welcome (Feb. 2) and he seems to have attended principally to his own 
affairs and the management of his enormous wealth during his residence. 
It was soon after this that he obtained the grant of a (ruildball for his Ger- 
man subjects in London, where they might import grain, ropes, linen, 
steel, &c^ 

After thus maintaining domestic peace, and disentangling England from 
the ties of the Sicilian crown,* tbe Barons exhibited another proof of wiser 
counsels by a treaty with France, in which the formal resignation was made 
of Normandy and other French provinces, long lost indeed, but to which tbe 
title had never been disclaimed until now; some territories (Perigord 
Limousin) long estranged from the English crown, were in return restored, 
by the conscientious French monarch, and also such a sum of money, as tbe 
maintenance of 500 knights for two years ought reasonably to cost, was to 
be paid to the King of England, to be expended only for the service of Grod, 
the churcl), or the kingdom to the satisfaction of the 24 counsellors.* Not- 
withstanding any precaution, this article to supply the means of keeping on 

' store's London. Grant dated Westminster, June 15, 1259. 

* The King bad authorised proxies, one of whom was Simon de Montfort, to renounce th« 
crown of Sicily, " si viderint expedire."— Windsor, June 18. Rymer. There arc many Papal 
briefs pressing for money on account of Sicily, May 30, Dec. 18, 1258. — ^Rymer. 

' Rymer. The text of the treaty is in French, the preamble and conclusion in Latin. The 5th 
article runs thus : — " Derechef li Roi de France donra al Roi d'Aogleterre ce que cine cens 
chevalers devroient coster reisnablement a tenir deux anz a l^sgard de prodes homes qui seront 
nome d'une part et d'autre * * et li Rois d'Angleterre ne doit ces deniers despendre 

forsque el service Dieu on d'Eglise on al profit del roiaume de Angleterre, et ce par la veue des 
prodes homes de la terre, esleuz |)ar le Roi d'Angleterre et par les haus homes de la terre." 

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foot a standing army appears a singular, and as tbe event proved, dangerous 
device. Commissioners^ were appointed to settle the amount due under 
this clause, and as 134,000 livres tournois (at 2s., £13,400) were subse- 
quently agreed upon, payable by six instalments, we may learn from this, 
that each horseman was calculated to cost 335, L. T. (33/. 10«. Oc/.)* a-year, 
or 28 L. T. (2/. I69.) a month, about U. lOid. a day. 

Tbe French treaty was throughout negociated and concluded by the 
principal Barons in person ; the Earls of Hereford and Albemarle witnessed 
King Henry's act of renunciation, Simon de Montfort, Peter de Savoy, and 
Hugh le Bigot acted as his proctors' at its ratification in the presence of the 
French King, and they with others acted as commissioners to arrange the 
amount of payments. There was very properly a reservation of private 
claims on thus surrendering the nominal sovereignty of the French provinces, 
and there were probably many such to be adjusted, several of the great 
families settled in England having held lands in Normandy on feudal tenures. 
In a record^ of the time of Henry II., among those from whom service to 
the Duchy of Normandy was due, are the following names, familiar in 
English history : — 

Soldiers. In hit own lerrioe. 

Homphrey de Boon (Bohnn) 2 .... 2 

William de Veteii Ponte (Vipont) 2 .... 11} 

Walkelin de Femurs 5 .... 42| 

Hugh de Mortimer 5 .... ISj 

William de Tregos li .... 

RalphdeVer 1 

Robert de Montfort, for the honour of CaocainTilL 5 .... 33 

. tforOrbec. 2| .. . 

GeofTrey de Montfort 3i .... 13i 

Hugh de Montfort, for lands held under the church of Batoc .... 8 .... 
Robert Marminn and Donn Bardolf neither came nor sent, nor said anything in answer to thdr 

The service of a fractional soldier so carefully noted in the register was 

> Rymer, Westminster, May 20. 

* Spelman values the Livre Tournois at this period at 2s. lingard at 5s. 

* Rymer. 

* Exchequer book of Duchy of Normandy in Ducarel's Antiq. Anglo. Norm. 

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of course folflUed bj the whole man extending his legal 40 days in a similar 

As there was drawn up at the same date with the treaty (May 20, 1259) 
an act^ to indemnify the Princess Eleanor, Conntess of Leicester, for any 
loss she might sustain by it, an erroneous charge' has arisen against her and 
her husband, as having broken off the treaty under the hope of Normandy 
becombig the inheritance of their children. So far from this being true, the 
Countess did in fact solemnly resign her claims to any '^ lands in Normandy, 
Anjou, Touraine, Maine, Poictou, or in any other part of France," in the 
presence of both Kings and of her husband at Paris on the Thursday after 
St Andrew, Dec., 1259.« 

The 24 counsellors went on thus ruling the country successfully, though 
absorbing for a time the royal authority ; the merits of monarchy however 
are not unusually seen best in contrast with the experiment of other systems. 
One of the inevitable evils of multiplied sources of power soon arose, 
jealousy among co-equals,^ and though the overpowering weight of the public 
interests for a time overbalanced the violence of the shock, yet the elements 
of derangement were in activity, and ultimately produced results fatal to 
the mechanism of the Barons' government 

The dissension which arose between the two great chiefs, de Clare and 
de Montfort, in their hour of undisputed authority, has been indistinctly as- 
signed to various motives. The supposition of the Countess of Leicester's 
retention of her private claims has been already disposed of, and another 
account represents de Clare as reviving against his colleague the refuted 
accusations of oppression in Gascony ; while on the other hand de Montfort 
is said to have provoked a sharp personal altercation by his straight-forward 
rebukes on the hesitation of his colleagues in enforcing the reforms deter- 

' Rymer. A commission to settle her daims was also appointed on the same day. — Ryroer. 
« M. Par. • Rymer, 

* " Nulla fides regni socUs, omnisque potestas 
Impatiens consortis erit." — Lucan 1. 

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mined apon. ** What, my Lords, after having resolved and sworn, do yon 
still deliberate in doabt, and yoir especially, my Lord of Gloucester, who, 
as the most eminent of as all, are so much the more strictly bomid to these 
wholesome Statutes ? I have no pleasure in dealing with such false and 
fickle men." Although de Bohun and others of the Council sided with him, 
he appears to have withdrawn to France, in dissatisfaction. 

That there was a general apprehension of the Barons halting in their 
career at this period may be gathered from the vehement tone of remon- 
strance in some contemporary writings, calling upon de Clare, le Bigot, 
and others not to flindi from their oaths.^ 

The King, though doubtless rejoiced to see any division among the 
Barons, continued yet for some time to dissemble, perhaps waiting for the 
Papal Brief of Absolution. With the ostensible motive of forwarding the 
additional articles of the treaty with France, which were arranged during 
the autumn of 1259,' he repaired in person to meet the Frendi King, and 
probably procured promises at least of assistance from him in his int^ided 
change of policy, besides drawing upon the fund appointed by the treaty 
from time to time* for his own purposes. He wrote^ indeed to enjoin Prince 
Richard ** to guard his Cornish coasts from any landing of aliens, his Poio 
tevin brothers having collected arms and horses for invasion," but the arma^ 
ments were probably with his connivance, and the prohibition only dictated 
by the Barons. While sickness was detaining him abroad, he was much 

' "O, Comes Gloyerniae, comple quod ccepisti. 
Nisi daudas c<mgra^ maltos decq>isti :" 

• • • • • 

" O tu Comes le Bygol, pactum senra sanum 
Cum sis mUes strenuus, nunc exerce manum." 

• • • • • 

" O yos magni prooeres, qui tos obli^sUs, 
Observate firmiter illud quod jurastis." — ^Pol. Songs. W. Rish. 

^ They were signed on the Monday before S. Lucia, October, 1259. 

* Rot. Pat., 44, Hen. III. On the Monday after St. Peter and St. P^ul, 1260, he received 
14.583 L. T. from King Louis, who was also to repay 5,000 marcs to the King of the Romans 
for him. 

* Boulogne, April, 1260. — Rymer. 

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alarmed by a saspicion that de Montfort was conspiring to prevent his re- 
turn and to supersede him by Prince Eldward. This was probably an- 
founded,^ bat there appears to have been some coolness at the time between 
the King and his son, whom he woald not even admit to his presence on 
his retam, being conscious, as he confessed himself, of his own weakness : 
** If I see him, I might not be able to resist kissing him," and it required 
the mediation of Prince Richard to effect a reconciliation. Of de Montfort 
the King was evidently distrustful, though that nobleman's absence abroad 
had weakened the Barons and excited suspicions' of his fidelity among his 
own party. A few days after his return, the King complained of French 
passports having enabled de Montfort to bring over some horses and arms, 
<* by which (he observes in his letter to the French King) you may more 
clearly see the disposition of his mind towards us."^ 

Whether this was written confidentially, or in the hope of fomenting 
the jealousy of the other Barons, may be doubted, but as the King was still 
watching the opportunity to take off the mask, we find the Earl of Leicester 
a little later ofiSciating by his special appointment, as steward at the court 
feast of St. Edward, Oct. 18, 1260. King Henry had secretly invited his 
brother Aymer to return from exile, but be was deprived of what help his 
violent and unpopular advice might have given him, by the Bishop's death 
at Paris at this time : he had in the meanwhile considerably increased the 
fortifications of the Tower of London, within which he had entrenched him- 
self with the Queen, preferring such defences to the nobler and firmer guard 
of his people's love.^ As this and other symptoms gave occasion to 
rumours of some intended treachery, he endeavoured to counteract their effects 

' T. Wykes considers it false. MS. Add. 5444 afBmu it. 
* " Nam se quidam retrahunt, qui possunt juvare, 

Quidam subterfuginm quoerunt ultra mare." — W. Rish. Pol. Songs. 

s April 28, 1260. — Rymer. Simon de Montfort had made a temporary visit to England in 
February, when he offered a precious baldequin at the shrine of St. Alban.— Mat. West. 

* " Per6 la miglior fortezza che sia, h non esser odiato dal popolo ; perch^ ancora che tu abbi le 
fortezze, e il popolo ti abbik in odio, le non ti salvano." A striking remark of Machiavelli (H 
?rincipe) anticipating Burke's " Cheap Defence of Nations." ^^^^^ 

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by a proclamation, dated from the Tower, March 14, 1261,* disavowing any 
intention of imposing nnasaal taxes, and ordering ^* the arrest of any per- 
sons who should excite discord between himself and the Barons by sacb 

At length there came to him, the expected relief to his scrapnlous con- 
science, derivable from a papal absolution, procured by bribes,' and it may 
be as well to re-produce to public scorn a state paper' avowedly sanction* 
ing peijury, with some selfish reservations. 

" Alexander, Bishop and servant of the servants of God, to our dearest 
son in Christ, the illustrious King of England, health and apostolical blessing. 

"It has come to our knowledge, that you, heretofore induced apparently 
by a certain pressure^ of the Nobles and people of your realm, have bound 
yourself by your personal oath to observe certain statutes, ordinances and 
regulations, which they, under the pretext of reforming the state of your 
kingdom, are said to have made in your name, and to have confirmed by 
oaths to the diminution of your power and to the detriment of your royal 

" We, therefore, being willing to provide for your dignity in this matter, 
with our Apostolical authority in the plenitude of our power, from this time 
forwards, entirely absolve you from your oath. If however there should be 
contained in those statutes and ordinances anything concerning the favour 
and advantage of prelates, churches, and ecclesiastical persons, we do not 
intend to make such void, or in any way relax the said oath in that respect 

" Let no sort of person therefore infringe this Charter of our Absolu- 
tion, or oppose it by rash endeavour; if however any one should presume 
to attempt it, let him know that he will incur the wrath of Almighty God 

* Rymer. 

* " Donuiis missis."— Oxenede's Chr. 

*The Latin original is in Rymer. Its author, Alexander FV., died in the next month. 
May 25, 1261. 

* " Quasi quSdam impressione magnatum et homiuum." 

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and of tbe blessed Apostles Peter and Paul. Given at the Lateran, April 
13, 1261." 

A similar Brief was addressed to the Qaeen, the prelates, nobles and 
others who had taken the oath, whidi the Pope now annulled with the 
convenient explanation, ** that the sanctity of an oath, by which faith and 
troth shoald be confirmed, ought not to be made the strengthening bond o^ 
wickedness and perfidy."^ It has been justly remarked* that this doctrine 
of absolution would in civil wars always necessitate the extermination of 
one party by the other, for nothing less would ensure the observance of any 
terms of peace. 

The Absolution having been read publicly at PauPs Cross on the second 
Sunday in Lent, the King by a Protean effort again cast loose the restraints 
of his oath, and proceeded to annul flie laws he had sanctioned, but which 
we have reason to think he bad long meditated to get rid of. His courtieni 
are represented as thus addressing him immediately after the Oxford Par*^ 

" Tbi lordichlp li doM Uid« and tod »t other wUto. 
• • • • • 

It to » dtolioao«re to the rad to thi blodo. 

Call agtn thin oath, drodo thon no menace, 

Nowthor of tofe ne toth thi lordidiip to pnrchnoe ; 

Thou may taH ligfatlT haf ablolntlon 

For It waa a yltory, thou knew not ther treaonn. 

Thon haat frendto enowe in Inglond and in France, 

If thon tome to the rowe, the aalle drede the chance."* 

In his proclamation he now accused the Barons of not having kept the 
conditions agreed upon as to his own treatment, or the amendment of the 
laws : a charge which the exciting circumstances of the period rendered 
probably true to a certain extent, but a plea by which the King could have 
no right to benefit, having, in fact, applied for Absolution so ^' ligbtiy had»^ 
long before any possible infraction of the terms by the other party. 

> Rymer. 3 Kal. MaU. April 30, 1261. • Sir J. Mackintosh. 

' Rob. Brune, chr. " Sir, we see thy grievance, thy power is cast down and guided at the wilt 
of others. It is a dishonour to thee and to thy blood — recall thy oath, dread thou no menace^ 
either by consent or force to recover thy power. Thou mayest have absolution very easily, for it 
was a cheat, thou knewest not their treason : thou hast friends enough in England and France j 
if thou tumest to resistance they shall dread the chance." 

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The Queen had also won^ over some of the least resolute of the Barons, 
so that Henry now felt emboldened to displace some of the new Grovemors 
from his castlesy* and Mansel, though one of the 24 counsellors, surrendered' 
to him Scarborough and Pickering in pursuance of the Pope's Brief. 

AH the fruits of the new policy, which had restored England to peace 
for the last three years, were in evident peril, when tbe Barons, who could 
not be inattentive to the King's course of reaction, gathered again their for* 
midable strength, and offered for the sake of peace to assent to any reason- 
able alterations of the Oxford statutes : a conference between the parties 
thus prepared for contest having taken place at Kingston^ they agreed at 
length (July 9, 1261), upon a mise or reference on the disputed points to 
the decision of the French King Louis, the integrity of whose character, 
connected as he was by brotherhood with King Henry, received thereby 
the most honourable tribute. 

The King however did not allow himself to be checked by this arrange-^ 
ment, and was preparing himself not to acquiesce in any adverse sentence: 
he had collected troops, shut himself up in the Tower, sent orders to the 
Cinque Ports for the seizure of any arms, or horses or ships, should Simon 
de Montfort attempt to land with them,^ and as another indication of the 
political struggle on which he was bent, he had in May committed all his 
Crown jewels to the custody of his sister-in-law, the Queen of France, not 
perhaps so much for their security as to raise money^' upon their deposit, a 
practice not unusual in that age. In the list besides his great crown, three 
golden crowns, and five ** garlands," which were also cinctures for the head, 
were an Alphabet, three gold combs, 52 clasps, 66 girdles, 208 jewelled rings, 
and the two golden peacocks, which poured sweet waters from their beaks« 

* M. Par. ' Hugh le Bigot was displaced from Dover.-«T. Wyke. 

• Rymer. 

* The safe conduct granted to the Barons to meet at Kingston, to arrange terms, was dated 
May 20. 1261.— Pat. Rot. 

* Rymer. • " 5,000 marcs borrowed on pledging them. 

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The King had sent urgent Bammons for the return of his son, who, 
having left England without his leaye, had been received with great distino 
tion by the Duke of Burgundy, at whose tournaments be gained great 
credit ;^ at Paris also, the Prince had engaged in similar trials of martial 
exercise, (Feb. 1262), accompanied by his friends and cousins the two sons 
of Simon de Montfort. When at length, in the beginning of June, the 
Prince attended his father's call, it was only to reproach bim bitterly for his 
false policy, and to declare* that ** as for himself, though he had unwillingly 
sworn, yet he would not be false to bis oath, and was ready to risk death for 
the good of the state, and commonalty of England." He accordingly held 
himself aloof from the court in order the more strongly to denote his 
opinions. One of the exiles, William de Valence, whom he had brought 
over with him, had been compelled to swear to the Oxford Statutes, and to 
answer any charges made against him ; he had been offered indeed the 
liberty of remaining when the other foreigners were sent away, in conside- 
ration of holding the lands of the Earldom of Pembroke. 

Soon after the Mise had been arranged, the King justified his own coarse 
in a proclamation,' wherein he announced that "he should no longer consent 
to the frivolous restraints imposed on bim, but should find a remedy for his 
diminished power, boasting of the long peace enjoyed by England during 
his reign, explaining that he had recalled some of the aliens in order to 
profit by their advice, and had lately committed his castles to his own 
friends, as being persons of greater weight,^ and cautioning his subjects not 
to listen to any deceitful or false suggestions concerning him." 

The arguments on behalf of the King's views in bis present position 
are found not unfairly stated in the poem from which the summary of the 
Baron's reasoning has been already extracted. The King's case was made 
to rest mainly upon precedent and prerogative, "according to which he 

' Chr. Dover, " bene in omnibus se habuerat. 

'Ann. Burt. Chr. Rish. > Rymer. MSS. Add. 5444 

* ** Migoris potenciK." 

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Would cease to be a King, if restrained in bis power ; tbe free choice of 
judges, governors, and coansellors bad always been at tbe pleasure of tbe . 
King without any interference from the Barons, who might indeed rule over 
their own property, as tbe King might over his ; while any diminution of 
his hereditary privileges would reduce him to be their slave."^ These were 
the opinions probably not only of himself, but of most of the King's ad-> 
herents at tbe time, and were not wholly unwarranted by the previous 
history of English monarchy. 

While awaiting the result of the reference to the French King, there was 
no relaxation on tbe part of King Henry in improving his own position. He 
wrote* to desire Louis *' to give no credit to the Earl of Leicester, who had 
gone to France without his knowledge, and for reasons unknown to him:" 
a satisfactory proof of that statesman's fidelity to the great cause in which 
be was so deeply engaged, however unexplained his absence may be. 

After having so absolutely annulled the Oxford Statutes, the King 
thought it expedient to grant a formal pardon to the chiefe concerned in 
framing and executing them, apprehensive probably of their strength, and 
also glad of the opportunity of thus describing their reforms as crimes, 
which needed his pardon. This document, dated from the Tower, Dec. 7» 
1261,' especially named the twenty-^four counsellors, who had been exercis- 
ing the higbest authority in the state during tbe last three years. 

A fresh absolution having become necessary to the tranquility of his 
mind in consequence of the death of the Pope who had granted the first, he 

I *< • • ggse desineret rex, privatus jure 
Regis, nid faceret quid yeUet. 
Non intromittentibus se de fkctis regii 
AngliB baronibus, vim habente legis 
Prindpis imperio. • * , * 
Ouare regem fieri servum machinantur 
Qui suam minuere volunt potestatetn. 
* * * ne tam ubere valeat regnare 
Sicut reget hactenui qui te prcceaaeront. 
Qui suit nuUatenui suljecti fuenmt.'' 
— Pd. Songi, firom MS. Harl., 979, ▼. 491, Sec. 

* " Wlndior, Sep. 2, 1961."— Rymer. * Rymflf, is lVeB<h. 

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found the new PrnitifT, Urban IV., aa pliant ae his prede€e8Sor, so that bia 
emissarieay John de Heroyngford and John Lowell soon brought back 
another ** aolemn revocation of all the statutes, ordinances and restrictions, 
which the Barons of England had devised in diminution of the King's 
authority, even though he should have consented and sworn to them, 
denouncing at the same time the penalties of excommunication on all recii- 
sants."^ Some of the Kings's party, the Archbishop, Simon de Waltooe, 
Bishop of Norwich, John Mansell and others were enjoined to publish this 
in all church€» with ringing of bells and lighted tapers.* 

Louis IX. had in the meanwhile been anxiously assisting Henry's agents 
at Paris, John de Cleysbill and John de Montferrant, in their endeavours to 
detach Simon de Montfort from the party of the Barons, but he was obliged 
to report with deep regret his inability to find any method, by which the Elarl 
of Leicester might return to the peace and favour of his sovereign, having 
been assured by the Earl indeed just before Lent, that ** though he had con- 
fidence in the good intentions of King Henry, yet he had none in his 
advisers, and therefore did not think it comported with his honour to agree 
to any terms, for certain reasons which he should only give by word of 
mouth."* Even after this answer, which fixes the integrity of de Montfort 
on the highest testimony, the French King detained the agents at Paris, 
in the vain hope of ultimate success. 

Another attempt at accommodation had been made in England by com- 
missioners^ jointly appointed by both parties, and when these could not 
agree the disputed questions had been referred to the arbitration of Prince 

* The King's application is dated, " Westminster, Jannarj 1, 1362;" tiie absolution, " '^merbo» 
5, Kal. Mar. (Feb. 5) ;" and its proclamation in Westminster, May 2, 1262, — ^Rymer. 

• Ryroer.— Cbr. W. Thorn. 
' Rymer, in Latin. 

* Philip Basset, WiUian de Merton the Chaocelior, and Robert Walerond, by the King ; John 
de la Haye, Richard Folyot and Richard de Middieton, by the Barons. 

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Ricbfurd. This decision, howerer, which pronounced^ in favour of the 
King's unlimited right of appointing any one be pleased to conunand his 
castles, obtained but little general acceptance, however much it encouraged 
the King to persevere in his unpq[Hilar course. Again Henry went to Paris, 
where be was always treated with the utmost courtesy, and was there so 
stricken with illness that for some time he could not attend to business ; he 
described himself in a letter to kis brother from St. Gtermain,* Sept. 30, 
1362, **so depressed and broken down by his fever, that he could even then 
scarcely get out of bed, and walk a little ; regretting also that he could not 
yet pay him the money he had borrowed' of him through Peter de Savoy, 
but thanking him for his labours and vexations on his account." 

Finding the negociations with de Montfort now broken off, be cautioned 
his English adherents to guard against his seditious intrigues,^ but as after his 
recovery, though still feeble, he unnecessarilyprolonged his journey homeward 
by a visit to Rheims, contrary to the advice of Mansel, he found on his return 
in December that Simon de Montfort had secretly preceded him early in 
October,^ and under circumstances well calculated to give him increased 
importance. Ridiard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, the jealous compeer 
of de Montfort, was lately dead (July, 1262), and had left open to him the 
undisputed leadership of his party : the common danger had indeed already 
reconciled^ these chiefs, and the survivor, ^* the key of England, who bad 
locked out the aliens for three years," as was said^ of de Montfort, now 

' In the Latin kttera both of the Commissioners tnd Prince Richard (Rymer) the word " mita'* 
oocaiB in the sense of reference to arbitration, which was afterwards dSixed to the agreement of 
Lewes ; it was» in fkct, in common use» as also the term compromissum : " de quibus Rex et 
Barones soi poeoemnt se in misam," ** per formam mhm sapradietK»" " compromissum inter nos 
ct Comitem non prooesrit/' 


' He had borrowed 10,000 marcs of his brother in 1847.— Cal. Rot. Pat., 31^ H. IH. 

« In an order to P. Basset, from St, Germain, Oct. 8, 1862.— Rymer. 

* Oct 3, 1863, according to T. Wyke hto return was secret, *«dancnlo rediit.*' 

« " Prius per verba indecentU discordes.— MSS. Add., 5444. 


« 2 

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seeing all bis policy put in jeopardy, when the Barons pressed bim to assame 
the guidance of their somewhat weakened party, at once assented, " with 
a declaration of his equal readiness either to die among bad christians, 
fighting for Holy Church, or among pagans as a sworn crusader."* 

He returned therefore at this period to take that decided part in the con- 
stitutional struggle, which has made his name famous. His talents well 
fitted him for the duties he undertook : *^ be was a man," says a friendly 
chronicler,* ** of wonderful forethought and circumspection, pre-eminent in 
preparing and vigorously canying on war, himself a complete soldier, 
abounding in excellent stratagems, not degenerate from his high ancestry, 
and gifted with divine wisdom." There can be no doubt that his influenceover 
the minds of others was powerful : a royalist' of this period well describes 
him, '^ as moulding the Barons with his own deep-cut impression, especially 
the younger ones, who, being ductile as soft wax, followed him not from 
any love of justice, but from greediness of gain." 

Associated with him, though, on account of his youth, unable to com- 
mand the same deference, which had been readily yielded to his father, was 
Gilbert de Clare ; he was indeed married to the King's niece, but the death- 
bed injunctions of his father, and the wishes of his mother,^ the widowed 
Countess of Gloucester, secured his important adherence to the Barons, 
and he played a conspicuous, though not a consistent part, in the com- 
ing troubles. 

* Oxenede Chr. ^ Chr. Mailros. 


* Matilda de Lacy, daughter of the Earl of UdcoId. " Gilbertum noTitium inatigante matre nk 
blanditiit allectum, qui priui Regi derotui cztiterat, reaUire coegit."— T. Wyke. 

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Of all his people shall revolt from him 
And kiss the lips of unacquainted change." — K. John, 3, 4. 

The first actual bostilitiesy after both parties stood thus in presence, 
hopeless of amicable compromise, seem to have arisen on the distant frontier 
of Wales, at the end of 1 262. Prince Llewellyn, probably in concert with the 
Barons, if we may judge from their subsequent alliance, attacked the lands of 
his kinsman Roger de Mortimer, who had openly renounced the authority 
of the twenty-four counsellors, and those of the Savoyard Bishop of Here- 
ford. The disorder soon spread, and in order to remedy it, the King sent 
the most pressing summons to his son, who kept aloof from Court at 
Bristol, ** urging him to make no delay under any pretext of indolence or 
puerile wantonness ;"^ a strange reproach to so enterprising a Prince of 
twenty-four years old, but indicating probably an expected unwillingness 
of mind rather than of body. Whether by the danger of his Welch estates 

' '' Sub preteztu alicvyus otiositatii Tel lasciTie puerilis."— Rpner. The Prince had written to 
his father, March 31, 1263, promising to come at Easter. 

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or by the persuasion^ of the Queen, Prince Edward was at any rate roused 
into activity, and soon retaliated on the territory of Humphrey de Bohun^ 
giving over what be conquered to de Mortimer. De Bobun, the eldest son 
of the Earl of Hereford, was possessed of Brecknock and other lands, in 
light of his wife Eleanor de Braose, daughter of Baron de Cantilupe, whose 
inheritance she had shared in 1250^ with her sister Matilda, wife of his 
enemy de Mortimer. True to the honour of having bis family name en- 
rolled among the appointed guardians of Magna Cbarta, de Bohun bad 
during these troubles pursued an independent line, being one of the first to 
side with the Barons at Oxford, and eontinuing now to act with them, so as 
to expose his property to an attack, by which the castles of Hay and Hunt-> 
ingdon were wrested from him.* 

The ravages of war rapidly spread over the border counties, in which 
plunder and destruction by fire and sword took place. Among the partisans 
of the Barons^ who took a leading part in these hostilities, which spared 
neither houses, parks,gpr even churches, were Roger de Leybourne and 
John Gifford.^ A general persecution was carried on against all who could 
not speak English,* the people joining in it so eagerly, that maby foreigners, 
both laymen and clerical, fled the country in alarm^ and the stewardls of tiie 
alien clergy were forbidden to pay them any rents, or render them any ac- 
count, on pain of their lands being laid waste. 

The treasures of Peter, the alien Bishop of Hereford, were seized and 
himself captured in bis own palace, or as some say in his own cathedral* 
his former pride now becoming the subject of popular ridicule. 

■ '* Blanditiit ptr matrem tuaa tenuit ex paxte patris, et extnneot fo?eb«t et coaiansuiiMot.'* 
MSS. Add., 5444. 


» By the BtroDt he wtt tubMquently appointed goremor of Goodrich and Winchester. He 
died, 1265, poaaeased of the cattle and manoi oi Hay, and the cattle of Huntingdon, and Hintoa. 
— Cal. Inquia., p.m. 1267. Armt at Carlay : Azure, a bend argent, cottited, between tix lioactla. 
lampant or. * Chr. Dover. 

« Add.M8S. 6444. He who could not apeak " in AngUoani Ungu4 In nolto viliptadlo H 
despectu haberetur a populo." 

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" Ly eveskc de Herefort The Bishop of Hereford knew fiiU well 

Sout bien que ly Qaent fa fort, That the Earl, if he pleaied, could make bit 

Kant ii prist I'affere: blows tell, 

Devant ce estoit mult fer, When he took the matter in hand. 

Les Engleis qoida tous manger Greedy and proud was the alien before. 

Met ore ne set que fere."' He could eat aU the English and crave for more. 

But now he is at his wit's end. 

He was imprisoned by de Montfort, but being released at Michaelmas he 
was present at Amiens with the King in the next year, and perhaps did 
not retam at all. In June, 1265, the King (then under the influence of de 
Montfort), wrote to him abroad, observing that, "in passing through 
Hereford, on his way to settle the Marches of Wales, he was grieved to find 
in the cathedral neither Bishop, nor his deputy, neither Dean, Vicar, nor 
Canons, to perform the due services by day and night."* In spite of this 
threatening summons, he seems to have retired to his native place. Aqua- 
bella, in Savoy, where he died in peace, Nov. 27, 1268, and where his 
bronze eiBgy, a handsome man in pontificals, still exists.' 

Another alien, Mathew de Besil, a resolute soldier, was also taken 
prisoner by the Barons. He had forcibly re-lnstatid himself on the King's 
behalf as SheriflF and Governor of Gloucester, where he made a stout re- 
sistance, retreating ultimately to a tower, into which Roger de Clifford and 
John Gifford, with much difficulty, forced their way by breaking down the 
door with iron mallets and pickaxes.^ 

" Ne It Sire Mathi de Besile To Sir Mathew de Besile, 

Ne letserent nne bile Neither in town, plain, or hiU 

En champ o en vile. Did they leave a single stick : 

Tot le soen ftit besile The besom swept Besile clean oot, 

£ cointement fu detrusse Daintily stripped and put to the rout 

Par un treget sanz gile.'** By a plain-speaking honest pick* 

His courage, however, when he would not surrender to threats of death, 
even after the doors were broken down, extorted the praises of his enemies.^ 

> PoUt. 8. fh>m MS, 13th century, ' WiUdn's Cone, M. Br., ▼. 1. 

' ArchieoL, y. 18. His nephew was Dean of Hereford. 
* W. Riih. ' Polit 8. from MS. 13th Gentory * Chr. Roff. 

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He survived the war, and held four manors in 1266/ probably given him by 
the King. 

In another part of the kingdom, Simon de Waltone, Bishop of Norwich, 
who had made himself odious as the ready tool of the Pope in publishing 
the absolution, was obliged to take sanctuary in Bury St. Edmunds, meet^ 
ing with little sympathy on the occasion from a contemporary. 

" £t ly paitort de Norwit The shepherd of the Norwich fold. 

Qui devoure ses berbis Who fleeces and preys on his sheep, 

Assez sout de ce conte : , Of Leicester's power need not to be told ; 
Mout en perdi de ces biens. His goods from loss he could not keep, 

Mai ert que ly lessa riens. No thanks to him who left him aughC 

Ke trop eo saveit de honte."* For shame by shame is fitly brought. 

In the last year of his life (1266) lie again felt the strength of popular 
revenge, when Norwich was taken and plundered by the Disinherited.^ 

The armed levies of the Barons, who marched forward under the royal 
standard,^ were daily increasing during their advance by the adherence of 
the people, when they dispatched Roger de Clifford to require the King's 
observance of the Oxford Statutes. The King was at this time urged by 
the Warden of his forces in the North, Robert de Neville,^ to summon 
to his help the great Scotch lords, Bruce, Baliol, Comyn, and others who 
held fiefs in England, and to garrison Pontefract by the Northern potentate 
Percy, but even de Neville, while insisting on the necessity of resisting the 
rebels by main force, confessed at the same time to the King that " he bad 
found many lukewarm in their answers to his appeals."^ So little able how- 
ever, was the King to encounter the Baronial army on the instant, that this 
recommendation of future vigour did not suffice to ward off his present ex- 

* Cal. Inq, p,m. * PoUt. S. from MS., 13th century. * W. Rish. 

^ Fabyan. — ^W. Rish. * Robert was the fifth in descent from the Conqueror's Admiral, 

Gilbert de Nova Villfi ; he died 1282, having married Ida. widow of Roger Bertram; his two next 
generations disgraced themselves by their passions. V. Bank's Dorm. Bar. Geoffiry de Neville 
was also a royalist, and was taken prisoner at Lewes. From the Admiral's brother Robert was 
descended John de Neville, who fought on the Baron's side at Evesham and Chesterfield, and 
Hugh, also of the same party, who was made prisoner at Kenilworth. V. Rowland's Neville Family. 

* " Pluresque tepidos in responsis suis ad conservationem pads inveiuo."«-Rymer. 

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tremily of danger, and be was redaoed, in June, 1263, on the mediation^ 
of his brother Prince Richard, as a preliminary to peace, to prohibit Prince 
Edward from continuing his hostilities. 

The usual demands^ a^ to the Oxford Statutes and native governors of 
castles were comprised in the treaty, and so critical was the King's position 
that on June 29, he sent the four Bishops of London, Worcester, Lincoln, 
and Coventry, who had endeavoured to reconcile the parties, with the Deed 
to his Chancellor, with special injunctions to revise it, ** with all speed, in 
order that the King and Prince pigbt escape from a great and imminent 

An immediate truce took place, and the surrender of Dover castle hav- 
ing been exacted as a pledge for its continuance, it was now given up by 
Prince Edmund on July 26, to three of the mediating Bishc^ on the 
King's requisition to that effect, (dated Westminster, July 18) which 
stated that ^* the peace between himself and the Barons had been reformed 
and confirmed."^ 

Young Prince Henry had joined this movement of the Barons against 
the King his uncle, and had made an eager pursuit of John Mansel, when 
that wealthy churchman fled in terror^ (June 29) to Boulogne, where a 
French knight, Gerard de Rodes, honourably received him. The King, 
aware of Mansel's unpopularity, wrote to Cardinal Ottoboni, cautioning him 
not to credit any slander he might hear against him, having known him 
from his youth and having always found him faithful.^ The young Prince 
in his incautious zeal against the fugitive, had even crossed over to 
Boulogne, and had there been seized and imprisoned by Ingelram de 
Fiennes, to the great indignation of the Barons,^ who suspected the Queen^ 

> Rymer. King of the Romans to King Henry, June 28, ItaUmrd (Nettlebed r) 


' " Ad immineni et fbrmidandum periculum eritandum."— -Rymer. * Rymer. 

^"Timenspellisue."— Chr.Dofer. • Chr. Dofer. Chr. Roff. 

^ " Supra quod ultra modum movebantur Barones Anglioe.''— Chr. Dover. 

* " Procuratione \it puUbatur Reginc.''— Chr. Roff. _ 

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to have instigated the act The present tarn of events, however, soon effected 
bis liberation on the request^ of tbe King of the Romans, and be was ap- 
pointed* with tbe Earl de Warenne to arrange tbe terms of reform by 
which Prince Edward was to abide. This was probably in reference to 
tbe disorder of bis private affairs, owing to bis debts and improvident mort* 
gages of bis property, some of which were cancelled as illegal. 

The BanHis bad observed tbe repeated visits of the King to France since 
tbe Oxford Statotes, and knowing the large sums which bad been paid him 
there in porsaance of the treaty, they evinced such a jealousy of his foreign 
intrigues, that King Henry now postponed his intended visit, writing to 
Louis the humiliating confimsion (August 16, 1263)' that be did so '* because 
bis Barons for certain reasons desu*ed some securify for his speedy return." 
Before bis departure, accordingly (September 18), be published bis oath to 
** return before Midiaelmas, and to do nothing abroad contrary to the advan- 
tage, or honour of his heirs, or of his kingdom/'^ 

In spite, however, of this precaution, in itself a strong proof both of tbe 
predominance at the time of the Barons' party, and of their undisguised 
distrust of their King, whom they were so loth to lose from their sight for 
even ten days, it is not unlikely that the two Kings, during their short in- 
terview at Boulogne, arranged their measures for extricating Henry from bis 
difficulties, and tbe fact of this suspicious conference might be remembered 
afterwards by the opposite party, as casting doubts on the impartialify of 
Louis when acting as arbitrator. 

Some of tbe chronicles' of the times aflbrm plainly this corrupt concert 
of tbe French King, dating bis promises of support so far back as when 
Henry began to fortify himself in tbe Tower ; substantial aid was a<^ally 
sent under the Count St. Pol, with 80 knights, and as many slingers, while 
Gerard de Rodes, the same French knight who had welcomed Msnsel, led 
another troop, who received 40 days' pay before their arrival in England, 

» "Berkhampsted, July 10, 1263,"— Rymer. 
' Rymer, in French, dated from Lamhice, Saturday after tbe assumption. 

•Rymcr. « Rymer. *W.Rish. Cbr. Roff. 

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tbe leaders being paid 40 marGS (26/. I Si. id.) weekly from the Exchequer.^ 
Another acooont* considers King Loois actually cormpted by English money, 
while again a diflbreirt^ Tersion represents bis compliance with Henry's 
wishes as proceeding from the softer influence of the two sister Queens. 

The hollow armistice formally agreed to seems to have had little eflfoct. 
It did not prevenl the King, under the guidance of Prince Edward and Philip 
Basset,^ making a vigorous attempt to surprise Dover (December 4)> which 
Richard de Grey, the Constable of tbe Castle, successfully resisted, refusing 
to admit the King unless he entered the fortress with a limited suite of nine 
persons.^ Foiled in this, he then hoped, by a rapid march back, to have 
taken unawares de Montfort and his forces, who were quartered in Southwark. 
The gates of the city of London having been shut, and the keys thrown into 
tbe Thames, by tbe connivance of four dtixens of authority, he had nearly 
succeeded in surprising da Montfort in a position of great peril, had mot the 
zealous Londoners, whose hearts were all in favour of the Barons, burst 
open the barriers of the bridge for him, and crowded to secure his safe entry 
among them. Though the iour traitors were saved by de Montfort from 
the summary vengeance of the people, a heavy iBne^ exacted from them was 
devoted to strengthen the chains and defences of the city, and violent death 
still awaited them, as we diall see, under the roost singular circumstances, 
at Lewes. 

Prince Edward, in the earlier part of the year, bad been so closely be- 
sieged in Gloucester,^ that he was only enabled to escape by imposing on the 
good faith of the Bishop of Worcester, who, as mediator, prevailed on the 
Barons to withdraw their forces, on the Prince giving hostages, a precaution 
subsequently remitted from courtesy towards him. When thus freed from the 
danger, he unfortunately considered himself freed also from his obligations. 

' •• De Pisco."— Chr. Roff. * Oxenede'i Chr. • TtxtePs Chr. * T, Wykt. 

*Cbr. Dover. * W. Ri»b.» de beUo Lewet. Add. MSB. 5444. 

^ Some cbrooiclet (W. Rkh.) ntut MmM ai the tctne of his dangei . 

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and immediately levied a fine of 1,000 marca^ on the dtizena, after whicb, 
under pretence of placing bis wife in secarity there, he occupied Windsor, 
even at that time an admired spot,* making every effort to fortify tbe castle, 
and to garrison it with the fugitive aliens, and also with Spaniards brought 
over for the purpose. 

A general uneasiness naturally prevailed late in the year 1263, and 
the nominal truce appeared giving way to more open hostility, when both 
parties were again prevailed upon, by the mediation of Louis IX. and the 
Pope, to consent to a reference or mise of the disputed authority of the Ox- 
ford Statutes to the decision of the French King. The latter, when urged 
by Pope Urban to reconcile the English factions, took no unneighbourly ad- 
vantage of their discord for selfish purposes, as be might have done, and 
after two conferences had been held in vain at Boulogne' on the subject, 
the mise was at length agreed to in the middle of December. 

By leaving the Tower early one morning before Christmas,^ the King 
was able to join his son, at Windsor, and from hence, surrounded by a 
foreign garrison, be addressed a proclamation to his subjects, dated Decem- 
ber 20, 1263, not only protesting anew his ** readiness to observe the Oxford 
Statutes and to defend the people in their liberties, but declaring also that as 
to aliens, he did not intend to introduce them, nay, that he had not done so, 
and in fact stood in no need of their aid."^ 

The Queen, with more honesty, had never concealed her dislike of the 

1 W. RUh. de bello Lewes. Taxter Chr. Pol. S. firom Hurl., MS., 978, thus lefen to the 
transaction : — 

"Cum in arcto Aierit quicquid yis promittit, 
Sed mox ut evaserit, promissum dimittit. 
Testis sit GloYernia ubi quod juravit 
Liber ab augustii statim reYocaviU" — ^V. 431. 

* " Sub colore vigilandi uxorem intravit in castrum de Wyndleshor, et ibi se tenuit rex."— Lii>. 
de antiq. leg. " Quo non erat splendidius tempore uUo."— Add. BftSS., 5444. 

* Hist, de Fr. Pere G. Daniel. * Ythjwa. 

* Rymer. " Alienigenas non vocaYimus, non Tocabimus, nee eorum auxilio indigemus." An 
order had, indeed, been issued (Westminster, July 20, 1263) for aU foreigners who were in ganriBon 
at Windsor to leave it, and a safe conduct was granted them, July 26.— Rot. Pat., 47, H. HI. 

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Statutes, and was notoriously averse to the pacification, if such it conld be 
called, which had been agreed upcm in the preceding June. To bring 
about a reaction 

" Was evere the Queue thogt, 90 muche ai heo mighte thencbe, 
Mid oouaeU, other mid sonde, othe^ mid wimman wrenche." — ^Robt. Glouc' 

An incident marking the course manners of the age, and her own un« 
popularity, had occurred to her in July.* Anxious to enjoy the greater 
security of Windsor under the protection of her son, she had embarlsed 
from the Tower to eflfect her passage by the Thames. The Londoners, 
however, assailed her when the barge approached the bridge with every mark 
of foul indignity and hatred, the rudest curses, the most opprobrious accusa* 
tions^ were shouted at her, while mud, broken eggs, and stones were thrown 
down with so much violence as to compel a retreat to the Tower. She 
succeeded in retiring, with her son Edmund/ to the continent soon after this 
outrage, and is said to have materially influenced the King of France in his 
arbitration, or as an uncourteous chronicler^ has it, ** he was deceived and 
seduced by the serpent-like fraud and speech of a woman, and by her the 
King's heart was changed from good to bad, from bad to worse, from worse 
to worst,'* adducing as parallels the female influence exerted on Adam, 
David, and Solomon, to their ruin. 

The personal affront thus put upon his mother by the citizens of London, 
implanted so intense a spirit of revenge in Prince Edward, that his resent- 
ment fatally influenced the battle of Lewes. 

The Queen was an eager and imprudent politician and had often, by her 

* Even the royalist T. Wyke represents her so inclined " animo resilire :"— 

" Was erer the Queen's thought, as much as she could ttink, with advice, or messages, or 
with womanly plots." 

' As John Mansel escaped by night from the Tower immediately after this outrage on the Queen, 
and was carried under Prince Edmund's escort to Dover, which that Prince surrendered to the 
Barons, July 26, it must have happened previous to that date. — Lingard names July 14. Nicholls' 
Leic. July 13. 

'"Non erubescentes Dominam suam meretricem et adulteram multoties repetitis verbis 
nuncupare."— T. Wyke. 

* Chr. Dover. * Chr. Tewks., MS. Cotton, Cleop., 4, VII. 

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ill*be8towed patronage, and ber coanaels of reaistance increaaed the King's 
embarrassments, bot with respect to the odioos charge of conjaga) infidelity 
rndely cast upon ber during this gross unmanly insuH, there is nothing 
known of ber conduct as a wife to justify it ; and, on the contrary, she ever 
fulfilled with zealous courage more than all the duties of her station towards 
her husband during his difficulties. She remained true to bis memory, even 
after his death, retiring to the seclusion of a couTent at Amesbury,^ which 
had been founded by a previous Queen Dowager, and from hence she wrote 
to her son, trying to convince him that the sanctity of her late husband bad 
effected a miraculous cure on blindness. Edward I., though with too modi 
good sense to attend to this, always showed her a deference inconsistent 
with any suspicion of her misconduct, and he even permitted bis daughter, 
Mary, to take the veil at ber persuasion contrary to bis own wishes. The 
Queen, keeping ber dowry, took the veil herself, at Amesbury, in 1287, and 
died there, when Edward, who, on a former occasion of sickness* had has- 
tened to her, came expressly from Scotland to attend her funeral. 

' It WM a odl to Fontemud, where lo many royal Normaai were buried^ 

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' Most rigbtoout Judge I a lenteiicii* come preptrt."— M. of Ven. 

The time now approached for the arbitration of the French King, a 
decision anxiously loolied for by all parties with the hope of patting an end 
to dvil distarbance, and fixing the principles of government on a permanent 

The formal instrament, by which such nnosnal anthorify was Tested in 
the hands of a foreign King, had been signed in London Dec. IS, 1263, by 
the chiefs of the Baronial party, including the Bishops of London and Wor- 
cester, the Earl of Leicester, his son Henry, Peter de Montfort, Humphrey 
de Bohun, jun., Hugh le Despenser, and many others,^ who took part in the 
subsequent battles. The deed contained their oath to abide by the award 
of King Louis concerning the validity of the Oxford Statutes, whether for 
or against them, and a similar pledge was given by the King in a letter 

> " Ralph Basset de Sapercote, Baldwin Wake, Robert le Ros, Henry de HastingB»'Ricliaid Qnj, 
William Bardoolf; Rol)ert Vipont, John Vesey, Nicholas Segrave, QwSry Laey."— Rymer* from 
Thei. Cur. Scacc. 

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dated from Windsor about the ekme time, as well as by Prince Edward, 
Prince Henry, the Earl de Warenne, the Earl of Hereford, William de 
Valence, and many other distingnisbed^ Royalists. 

The King repaired to Amiens' with several of bis adherents, and there 
met others, who had withdrawn from England in terror, such as the Arch^ 
bishop Boniface, the Bishop of Hereford, so lately released by the Barons, 
and John Mansel. The latter, indeed, never returned to England, and bis 
fate is as remarkable an instance of fallen fortune as the Wolsey of later 
times. He, who had often refused Bishoprics, both on account of the greater 
value of the benefices he held, and also because it would have interfered 
with his^ free manner of living, now after all his splendour died abroad in 
poverty and the greatest wretchedness.^ 

Simon de Montfort appears to have set out from Kenilworth with the 
intention of being present at Amiens, but his horse accidentally falling with 
him on the road near Catesby,^ he was disabled by the fracture of his thigh 
bone, and obliged to return home -^ a misfortune which led to unexpected 
results in the subsequent battle of Lewes. The Barons thus temporarily 
deprived of their chief, wrote, Dec. 31, stating ** that being occupied with 
other matters, they could not attend personally to carry on tlie mise, and 
therefore appointed Humphrey de Bohun, jun., Henry de Montfort, Peter 

' " Hugh de Bigod, Roger de Bigod, Philip Basset, Robert Brus, Roger le Mortimer, Hugh de 
Percy, William de Breaus/' and many others — ^Rymer. The mise is frequently referred to in the 
origiiud ; " nos compromisimus in Dominum Ludovicum-Hiuper provisionibi^s Ozoniensibus— de 
alto et basso." 

* The King was at Dover, January 1, at Amiens from January 12 to 25, at Boulogne Feb. 7, at 
Whitsand Feb. 14, at Dover Feb. 15.— Rymer. 

' " Quia lubricus erat."— Chr. Maih-. 

^ Chr. T. Wyke. As he had given back some portion of his wealth to the church by founding a 
monastery, he is praised as a prudent circumspect man. — M. Par. All his property, including his 
mansion of Sedgewick, co. of Sussex, which he had license to embattle, 1259, (Rot. Pat.) were 
grants after his death to Simon de Montfort, junior. After the battle of Evesham, Sedgewick 
was claimed by John de Sauvage.— Pladt., p. 174. Rot. Pat., 47, H. III. 

* Near Daventry, in Northamptonshire, about 20 miles from Kenilworth. 

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de Montfort, and others^ as their proxies for the parpose, inviting the King 
of France to explain his own ambiguoas or obscure words." King Henry's 
oath to the Mise was, in like manner, delivered by the proxy of John de la 
Lyode,^ Knight. The discordant parties thus assembled at Amiens, having 
pleaded their opposite opinions in presence of King Louis IX., during several 
days,^ that Sovereign at length delivered his important judgment, with great 
solemnity, on the 23rd January, 1264. 

The deed,* which is still extant in the archives of Paris, recites with 
becoming precision the mutual agreementof the contending parties to accept 
his arbitration, and after thus authenticating his judicial trust, King Louis 
pronounces that, *^ having summoned the King and certain Barons, and 
having heard the arguments on both sides, considering the Oxford Statutes 
and the results that had flowed from them, that much had been done against 
the right and honour of the King, to the disturbance of the kingdom, the 
depression and plunder of churches, with grievous damage done to aliens 
and natives, both clerical and laymen, and that probably worse might happen 
hereafter, we, in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, 
annul and make void the Oxford Statutes and all regulations depending on 
them, more especially, inasmuch as the Pope has already annulled them." 
He then goes on to forbid all enmities on account of the non-observance of 
these Statutes, to order all castles to be given up to the King, who was to 
appoint his own ministers and household as freely as before, the statute of 
banishment against the aliens to be annulled, and the King to have full 
power and government in all and over all things as before. " We do not 
vnsh, however, or intend, by this present Ordinance, to derogate in any thing 

1 Adam de Neumarket, William le Mareschal, William le Blund, and Masters Thomas Cantilupe* 
Geoffi7 Cuberle, and Henry de Braunceston, clerks."— Rymer. 

* Of Bolebrook, Sussex, which he died possessed of.— Inq. p. mort., 1273. 
' Hist, de Fr. Pere G. Daniel. 

* The original is in Latin, dated Amiens, on the morrow of St. Vincent, 1263.— Rymer. There 
is also a copy in Lib. de antiq. leg., MS. 


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from tbe Rojal PriTilegesi Charters, LiberUes, Statutes, and laudtfble Cas- 
toms of tbe Kingdom, which existed before the Oxford Statutes ;" desiring, 
in conclusion that tbe King sbonld be indulgent to tbe Barons, and remit 
all rancour, as the Barons, also, on their part should do, neither harassing 
the other. 

Although the obvious meaning of this Award seems plain and decisive, 
yet, as each party put their own construction upon it, and accepted that por- 
tion only favourable to their own views, without regard to the rest, it par- 
took in some degree of the ambiguity of an ancient oracle in its effects* 
While one of the consulting parties could only recognise the total overthrow 
of the Oxford Statutes, the other noticed only the express reservation in full 
force of all the great charters of liberty, which those Statutes had, in their 
opinion, only confirmed and enforced. The sanction given by the French 
decision to the employment of aliens in places of public trust seems the 
point most open to objection, as contrary to the laws and customs of England ; 
but it seems strange that the high character for equity and chivalrous honour 
which tbe Kingly arbitrator had established should have blinded the Barons 
to the dangers necessarily attending an appeal to such a tribunal. Even 
without impugning his honesty, though contemporaries* spoke freely on that 
subject, they could not have reasonably expected King Louis to decide other- 
wise than in favour of his brother sovereign, if they had vigilantly watched 
the whole tenor of his domestic government, and how successfully he had 
maintained and extended tbe prerogatives of royalty in France. It is still 
more surprising that, a few months later, the same arbitrator should be again 
appealed to, after the evident failure of the present expedient. 

All now seemed satisfactory to King Henry ; he had gained his cause, 
and expected to enjoy tbe fruits of the verdict. 

'" O rex Frtncorum, multonim causa dolorum. 
Judex non rectus, ideo fis jure rcjectus.'* — 

Polit S. (torn MS. Cott, Otho D. vUi. 

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** But when tiie Kyng of Peuioe had knomtk certejmly 
That the PurveUnce disherite Kyng Henry, 
He qouted it ilk dele thorgfa jagement. 
The Kyog was paied wele;, and home to Ea^and went."— R. Brune.' 

Before faisembarkatioQ at Wliit8aiid(Feb. 15), he evidenced bis sense of all 
danger being over, by commissioning bis Queen and Peter de Savoy to 
bring back bis jewels, which had been deposited at Paris.* 

Vain and brief, however, was the hope of tranquillity, for in less than a 
month all England was again in confusion and strife. The Barons, who, 
whether wisely or not, had sworn to obey the Award of the arbitrator, were 
almost immediately in arms, alleging his partiality, and yet inconsistently 
adopting his claose, which exempted the old charters from annulment, as a 
pretext to justify their remstance. As the King could not wdl have given 
fresh occasion for distrust, we must consider that the aggressors on this 
occasion were the Barons and their great chief Simon de Montfort I'faat 
which probably bad the greatest influence upon them, and which, in fact, 
might form their readiest justification, was the strong persuasion that the 
King would not have submitted to an adverse decision more patiently than 
themselves, or more iai&fully then he had to his previous engagements. 
So true is Clarendon's' remark that ** the strength of rebellion consists in 
the private gloss which every man makes to himself upon the declared 
argument of it, not upon the reasons published and avowed, how specious 
and popular soever." 

The King, nevertiielees, derived some considerable advantages from so 
solemn a decision in his bvour ; the castle of Dover was surrendered to 
him during the short interval of peace, all the members of his own family be- 
came more active in bis cause, and several of those who had hitherto opposed 
him, but who now may have fairly considered him as the injured party, also 
joined him. Prince Henry, the eldest son of the King of the Romans, whom 

' " But when the King of France had ascertained that the provision disinherited Ring Henry, he 
annulled every part of it by his decision. The King was well pleased, and went home to Eng^d.'^ 
* Rymer. Fabyan. * Essay XIV. 


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the warlike talents of his uncle the Earl of Leicester, as well as strong 
ties! of affinity, bad attached to bis banner during ibe recent commotions, 
and who bad been lately released from prison by bis influence, now came 
forward with a chivalrous candour to announce bis resolution no longer to 
fight against the King, and surrendered his arms with a promise never to 
bear them against bis former leader. His conversion, indeed, has been at- 
tributed* to the gift of the Lordship of Tickhill, by which Prince Edward 
bad won him over, but however that may have been, de Montfort gave him 
a contemptuous licence to act as he pleased : " I care not for your weapons, 
my Lord Henry, but for your inconstancy ; go your way then, return with 
your arms, for I am in no ways afraid of them." 

Others, also, from interested motives, as is alleged, withdrew with him, 
and powerfully aided the King's party from this time.^ Among these were 
John de Vaux, Hamo TEstrange, Roger de Cliffort, and Roger de Ley- 
bourne. The defection of the two latter was the more noted as they 
had made themselves conspicuous as partisans of the Barons the year before 
when they were thus praised by a contemporary :* 

'* Et de Cliffort ly bon Roger Roger de Cliffort the good, 

Se contint cum noble Ber, Like a noble Baron stood. 

Si fu de grant justice i And to all dealt justice fit ; 

Ne suffri pas petit ne grant Nor great, nor little, be swore, 

Ne ar^re ne par devant Behind his back or before, 
Fere nul mesprise : Should any misdeed commit 

Et sire Roger de Leybume, And Sir Roger de Leybume, . 

Que sit et la sovent se tome. Who here and there would turn 

Mout ala conquerant ; To conquer, kill, and burn : 

Assez mist paine de gainer Prince Edward had harassed him sore. 

Pur ses pertes restorer. So now he tried hard to restore 

Que Sire Edward le fist avant. His loss and win something more. 

Cliffort* was the nephew of Walter, who is memorable for having made a 

* The young Prince was nephew to the Countess of Leicester in two ways, his mother being 
sister to her first husband, and his father her own brother. 

* W. de RUh. 

* " Muneribus ezcsecati." — W. de Rish. Their desertion is dated earlier by some. 

* Polit. Songs from MS. of 13th century. 

^ His arms were " ckequy or and azure, a fess gules." He became a Crusader 1272, and died 1286. 

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King's messenger, when be brought him a disagreeable writ, eat up tlie 
document, parchment, wax, and all. His comrade, Leyburne,^ of a violent 
and unsteady disposition, had been in the service of Prince Edward when 
abroad, and was his companion at the tournaments there. He must, on his 
return, have separated himself from the Prince, and thus have given occasion 
to the hostile attacks which he sought to revenge by his ravages under U e 
standard of the Barons. He now once more changed sides, and rejoined 
the royalists, his character thus curiously contrasting with that of his eldest 
son, so pithily sketched in the poem of Carlaverock. 

" Gaillemes de Leybourae tusi William de Leybourne valorous wiglit, 

Vaillani boms sans mes et sans si."' With no ifs or buts, but plain downright. 

Immediate war being thus the result of the King of France's attempt 
to produce peace, a Frencli historian^ remarks that ''so celebrated and au- 
thentic a judgment had no other e£fect than to make the least passionate of 
the rebels return to their duty, those who were dissatisfied with their party 
being glad of the opportunity to desert it." 

In the midst of this abandonment, the courage and determination of 
Simon de Montfort never faltered. "Though all should leave me," he 
observed, •* yet, with my four sons, I will stand true to the just cause, which 
I have sworn to uphold for the honour of the Church, and the benefit of the 
Kingdom : in many lands and provinces of divers nations, both Pagan and 
Christian, have I been, but in none have I found such faithlessness and de- 
ception as in England."^ If the national character for good faith, so opposite 
to this stern rebuke, has since become proverbial over the world, the happy 
change may, perhaps, be partly due to the ennobling effects of the principles 

' Anns of Leybume, " Or six lioncels sable."— Rolls of Arms in Cal. Rot. Pat. 35, H. III. He 
is stated to have killed Amulph de Mountney, " apud rotundam tabulam." " Fuerat cum Domino 
Kdwardo contra voluntatem Baronum, ipsiusque Edwardi denarios ubique tauquam seneschallus 
eipederat, et ipsum in Francifi ad tomeamenta adduxerat. — Chr. Dover. Also Add. MS., 5444. 

* In the same spirit Colada, the sword of the great Cid, still preserved in Spain, was inscribed 
with " yes, yes," on one side, and " no, no," on the other, as if its sharp edge would cut its way 
through all doubts. 

' Fere G. Dania— HUt. de Fr. * W. de RUh. de beUo Lew. 

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and forms of liberty, which de Montfort was at this moment struggling to 

No breathing time was given, as events hurried on ; the Barons seem at 
once^ to have resolved upon resuming their arms, rather than abandon the 
restrictions upon the former abuses in the State, and they soon threatened 
the King with their gathered forces. Henry, after a hasty preparation for 
war at Windsor, summoned a council of his adherents, to meet him at Ox- 
ford, having repaired to his palace at Woodstock.' He betrayed no very 
high opinion of the good manners of his followers, when, on March 12, 
1264, he published an order to clear Oxford of all the students^ *Mn order 
that they might be out of the great danger of meeting the chieftains, who, 
on account of the sudden disturbances, he had summoned, and many of 
whom were fierce and untamed."^ This may have been said ia especial 
reference to his new friends, the Scotch, who joined him here in great num- 
bers ; but the true motive, probably, was a suspicion of treachery, had he 
left in the town so many devoted partisans of the Barons/ It is scud that 
there were 15,000 matriculated on the books of the University at this time, 
and among the number thus removed, the great Roger Bacon may have 
been included, for neither learning nor science suffice to exempt men from the 
miseries of civil war. Should any doubt be suggested, whether it was the 
ill behaviour of the soldiers or of the students, which occasioned this dis- 
persal of the latter, the honour of Oxford may be gratified by the testimony 
of Archbishop Boniface, who, at his visitation in 1252, had declared, after 
his heart had been warmed by abundance of good eating and drinking, that 
the University rivalled Paris in its wit, dignity of demeanour, gravity of 
dress, and severity of manners.''^ 

Of the quality of learning at Oxford at this period^ we cannot, indeed^ 

* ''Barones vero non content! de arbitrio pnedicti Regis statim mOitaYerunt.''— Lib. de ant. leg. 

' " Magnate! multi indomiti, quorum ssevitiara de facUi reprimere noo poa8emna»''-<-RyBicr. 
* W. de Ritli. de beUo Uw. • IL Pu. 

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have a very high opinion. Two of the most accomplished men of the age, 
Robert Grethead and Adam de Marisco, had given lectures there, and had 
urged the study of the Bible, but Roger Bacon ridicules the sermons 
preached there, as full of *^ much childish trifling and folly, unsuitable to 
the dignity of the pulpit," and tells us that Greek was almost unknown. 
Of the Latin we may judge by the formal condemnation, by successive Arch- 
bishops at their visitations, of the same gross grammatical errors.^ 

King Henry had not always been unpopular at Oxford. He had many 
years previously founded a noble hospital, and had been welcomed there 
soon after his marriage with festivals and illuminations.* His present visit 
was marked by an incident characteristic of him as *' a most devout wor- 
diipper of rusty nails and rotten bones."' His zealous devotion to the 
relics of saints, emboldened him, with more strength of mind than usual, 
to break through the trammels of an ancient^ superstition, which bad for five 
centuries forbidden the approach of a King to the shrine of Saint Frides- 
wide. That noUe lady had, in the dghth century, seen the insults of a 
Mercian Prince, Algar, punished by a sudden blindness, as he was entering 
Oxford in close pursuit of her, an affliction as suddenly removed afterwards 
by her prayers-*^ Universal opinion expected the coy virgin to resent the in- 
trusion of royalty even to her tomb, and Henry accordingly made all befitting 
preparations for such an arduous enterprise. After a liberal distribution of 
alms, high mass, and a day's fast, he ventured on foot into the forbidden 
sanctuary, and there paid his devotions. 

" The King htdde then to gode witle, tboru freren rede. 
And hii massoD at orisons vast vor him bede, 
So that vaatude a day & vote he dude this dede."— Rob. Bnine.* 

' Archbishops Kilwarby, in 1276, and Peckham, in 1284, each had to argue against the Latinity 
of " ego currit, currens est ego," &c. — ^V. Wood's Antiq. Ozon., 59-125. 

* T. Wyhes. » Henry's Hist., v. 7. 

* •' Spretft ina Teteri superstitione."— T. Wylcc. • Leland's Collec. 

* The King then had a desire, towards God by advice of the monks, and ordered High Mass 
quickly before him at orisons, so that fasting a day on foot he did this deed. 

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Though he was not stricken by blindness on the spot, yet those who 
clung to the pious prejudice of ages, probably looked upon his early defeat 
at Lewes as a sufficient fulfilment of the omen. 

Both parties were now prepared for the struggle, and each had so much 
to dread and so much to hope, holding principles long discordant, and so 
recently proved to be irreconoileable, that the chances of an amicable treaty 
were indeed slender. It was, however, attempted, and very nearly suc- 

The King appointed (March 13^) the Bishop of Lichfield*, and Nicholas 
de Pluiupton, Archdeacon of Norwich, to meet the agents of the Barons at 
Brackley (a few miles from Oxford), under the mediation of the French 
Ambassador, John de Valentia. Their credentials' commissioned them to 
treat concerning the security and tranquillity of the kingdom, so as to 
strengthen the general peace, promising thankfully* to assent to what they 
should arrange. 

An earnest summons was, however, issued on the same day by the King, 
now fully conscious of the extreme peril of circumstances, calling on all his 
lieges to hasten, by Mid-Lent at latest (March 30), " with their horses and 
arms to his help, as being necessary to keep his State undamaged by the 
very serious commotion, which might easily put in imminent danger (though 
God forbid) both the kingdom and crown of England."* The Earl de 
Warenne, too, at this juncture, repaired, by the King's permission, to Rye- 
gate and Rochester, in order the better to defend his estates there."® 

It is difficult to suppose that either party could sincerely expect a peace- 
ful solution of their diq)ute at this crisis, but it would seem that the Bishops 
of London, Winchester, Worcester, and Chichester, were sent by the 
Barons with the offer of submitting to all the other articles of the French 

* Rymer, in LAtin. The safe conduct of the Barons appointed to treat was to be in force tiU 
Saturday before Mid-Lent, March 29, and was dated Oxford, March 17. — Rymer. 

' Roger de Meyland, Bishop from 1258 to 1295. ^ Dated, March 20. Rymer. 

< " Ratum habituri et gratumr * Rymer. « W. de Rish. de beilo Lew. 

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Award, provided the King would remit the one single article as to the em- 
ployment of aliens*^ This exclusion of alien influence seems to have been 
indeed, throughout these troubles, the vital point of the Baronial policy. 
An agreement' was even drawn up in presence of the King to regulate the 
return of Archbishop Boni&ce, on five conditions : — 1. That he should re- 
call the excommunications which he had fulminated from Boulogne,^ in 
1263, against several Barons, and two of the younger de Montforts, for 
their plunder of Church property. 2. That the damages done to churches 
or clergy should be assessed by a council of his suffragans. 3. That no 
other aliens than his own immediate household should accompany him. 
4. That other aliens might return to their benefices on condition of spend- 
ing all their income at home. And, 5. That the Prelate should neither 
bring with him, nor procure by others, any writings in damage of the King, 
or any person in the kingdom. This latter clause must have had reference 
to the many Briefs of the Pope, who had proportioned the activity of his 
spiritual arms to the increasing peril of the King, his client. By the quick 
succession^ of his threats, indeed, we learn the zeal of the Pontiff, on the 
receipt of each additional alarm from England ; and he soon afterwards sent 
a Legate with fresh excommunications, but it would be idle to blame this 
busy meddling as unauthorised, for it was, most probably, invited by the 
Royal emissaries. 

The tide of war was, however, now setting in too strongly to heed such 
obstacles. The city of London seems never to have assented to the Mise 
of Amiens, and, like the Barons of the Cinque Ports and nearly all the 

* MSS. Add. 5444. They humbly prayed " quod saltern unicura et solum remittat articulum, 
videlicet quod alienigenis ab Anglia remotis, per indigenas gubemetur, et omnibus statutis, pro- 
Tisionibus et ordiuatioDibus regis Franciae adquiescant.*' 

' Dated March, 1264.— Rymer. 

' MS. Bodl., in notes to Chr. W. de Rish. de bello Lew. 

* By a Brief from A^terbo, 17 Kal. Apr. (March 16), 1264, the Award was confirmed; by another, 12 
Kal, Apr. (March 21), the Pope forbad the Barons and clergy to conspire. By a third, 10 Kal. Apr. 
(March 23), he again cancelled the Oxford Statutes, and absolved all from their oaths.— Rymer. 

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middle classes/ refiised to obey the Award. On the first Monday after Mid- 
Lent (March 31), tiie citizens rose in tumaltnoim violence against the Royal 
cause, and the anger caused by the tidings of this ootbreidc put an abrapt 
end to all negodation. The King dismissed tke Bishops wHh a caution to 
depart quickly «id never return to talk of peace unless they were sent for,* 
annoonctng at once his resolve to maintain the Award m all particulars to 
the best of his power. 

There was indeed much to irritate the King and his party in the riots 
and ravages of the Londoners. The bell of St Paul's was rung as the con- 
certed signal for their assembling in arms, and they were directed by two 
eminoit citizens, Thomas de Puvelesdon' and Stq>hen Buckerell,^ under 
whom they proceeded to destroy the property of all opposed to them, not 
exempting even the private dwellings of the King and his brother. All was 
wantonly laid waste at the C4>uiitry house of the latter in Isleworth, near 
the Thames, his fences levelled, his orchards uprooted, and the head of a 
large fishpond lately made at a vast expense cut through.^ These private 
injuries naturally embittered the hostility of the parties, but the King had 
himself unhappily set the example of them long ago, having in 1233 caused 
the property of Gilbert Basset and Richard Siward, followers of Richard, 
the Earl Marshal's rebellion, to be so treated, ordering tbdr houses to be 
pulled down, their parks, gardens, and woods to be destroyed, their fish- 
ponds to be filled, and their meadows ploughed upfi 

> Lib. de ant. leg., " et fere omnis oonununitas mediocris populi regni Angliae, qui Ter6 non 
poBuenmt se super Regem FVanciae, prsdictum arbitrhim sunin contradizemnt." 

« Add. MSS.. 5444. 

> The name is Puvelesdon as witness to a grant. — Rot. Pat., 1265. It is Pilvesdon in W. Hem. 
Ffhiesdon in H. Knight. Pyweldon in Fabyan. Piulesdona in Rouseh. Exp. He wiH be 
mentioned again. 

^ The body of a person of the same name, of South Streatham, perhaps his father, was found 
by the King in his way to London, at Merton, Jan. 10, 1258, drowned in a ditch, owing to drun- 
kennes8.--Cal. Rot Pat. 48, Hen. lU. 

' On this land, afterwards in possession of the Crown, Henry V. founded the monastery of 
S. Bridget, a community of English nuns, which is said to hare surriTed to the present times, 
though often driven to residence in foreign oountries. * T. Wykes. 

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' Fright our Bative peace with telf-bom tnn«."--Ric. 2. 

Both armies appear from this time to have been put into immediate 
action without further parley. While the royalists in one quarter were 
harassed, so that not even their wives^ escaped captivity, de Montfort ap- 
pointed a general meeting of the Barons at Northampton, on the walls of 
which town, in order to display his alliance with the clergy, the Papal ban- 
ner of St. Peter's keys was displayed in conjunction with those of the 
Barons. Before the assembly of the chiefs could be accomplished, the 
military spirit of Prince Edward led the King's army into the field, and such 
was the energy of his movements that on April 5, only a few days after 
that appointed for the muster of the royal lieges, he made a vigorous assault 
on Northampton, accompanied by Prince Richard, William de Valence, de 
Clifibrt, de Mortimer, and the great Scotck chieftains. Young Simon de 
Montfort, no lukewarm descendant of his Camily, with the fresh honours 

* Those of R. de LeyharDe. R. de Cliflort, ind otben were thus seized at Gloacefter. 

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of knighthood,^ was among the most eager defenders of the town. The 
careful training of such a father could scarcely fail to make good soldiers, 
and such accordingly we find all the sons of the Earl of Leicester, even the 
one who began as priest, turning to arms in his later life ; " Quar jam^ son 
travayl perdra, que pur prudhome* fra." Young de Montfort on this occa- 
sion advanced with such reckless impetuosity to repel the attack, that his 
horse becoming unruly under the excitement of his spurs, carried him into 
the outer ditch of the town, where the enemy took him prisoner without 
difficulty, and it required the interference of Prince Edward to prevent his 
being put to death. 

Near the north gate, within the inclosure of the walls, bordering on a 
stream leading to the river, stood the Cluniac Priory of St. Andrew, a cell 
to S. Marie de la Charity, on the Loire. Guy,^ the Royalist Prior, had, in 
1258, succeeded one who had been promoted to the same office in the 
kindred Priory of Lewes, where King Henry afterwards lodged at the time 
of the battle. Many of the monks, as well as the Prior, were Frenchmen, 
and had sent information to the King while at Oxford that they had 
treacherously undermined the wall, and concealed by timber the outward 
opening of the passage they had prepared. While the attention of the 
garrison was called oflF by a deceitful parley, they now found an opportunity 
of thus admitting Philip Basset* and 40 Knights, by whom the town was 
unexpectedly overpowered. The surrender of the castle two days after- 
wards added a great many important prisoners to the Royal triumph, in- 
cluding 15 bannerets and many other knights of less rank. Among the 
most distinguished was the veteran Peter de Montfort, the Earl's kinsman, 

* Recenter noYO militise cingulo decoratus." " Non tepidus semulator." — ^T. Wykc. 

« Hist, de Fitzw.. p. 17. 

' Guy, Prior from 1258 to 1270, was imprisoned by the Barons after their success at Lewes. — 
Dugd. Monast. A convent of Carmelites is said by Dugdale to have been founded at Northampton 
in 1271, by Simon de Montfort, but it is not probable that the Earl's son, then in exile in Italy, 
should have been the founder. 

< H. Knight. 

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with his two sons, Peter and William. Peter was the head of a powerfal 
branch of the family with large possessions, which bad descended to him 
from an ancestor,^ who had earned them by his services at the Conquest ; 
he had always sided with the Barons. 

" £t Sire Pere de Montfort 
Si tint bien a leur acord 
Si out grant seignurie." — Pol. Song from Roll 13th c. 

He had served the state in embassies and war, having had the guard of 
the Welch frontier in 1258 committed to him, and had been selected as one 
of the 24 Counsellors of the Oxford Statutes. His subsequent fate will 
again come under our notice. 

Another of the prisoners was Adam de Neumarket, whose ancestor had 
used a soldier's licence under the Conqueror to appropriate the territory of 
Brecknock. Adam was summoned to Parliament after the battle of Lewes, 
and fell a prisoner to Prince Edward in 1265, but was permitted ultimately 
to compound for his confiscated lands. Baldwin Wake, who, with his brother 
Nicholas, was included among the most distinguished prisoners, was an 
active knight, 26 years of age, whose name occurs in all the great trans- 
actions of the war and treaties. His mother Joan de Stuteville,* now married 
to Hugh le Bigot had purchased of the King the wardship of her own son 
for 9000 marcs (6000/.), indicating both the domestic miseries of feudalism 
and the honourable efforts of an anxious mother to avert them. Baldwin 
Wake is represented by some to have been at the battle of Lewes, but it 

1 Hugh de Bastenburgh, a Norman, had grants of 28 Lordships in Kent, 10 in Essex (for which 
he revised to account, according to Domesday), 51 in SuffoUc, and 19 in NorfoUc. His grandson 
toolc the name of de Montfort. 

Peter's father. Thurstan, held 12i knights' fees (including Whitchurch, Wellesborne, Beldesert), 
and built the castle of Henly in Arden, d. 1216. 

Peter had been ward to Peter de Cantilupe, and married, in 1229, Alice, daughter of Henry de 
Aldithely, by whom he had— 

1. Peter, who recovered the estates by the Diet. Kenilworth from forfeiture, d. 1287. His son 
John was with Edward I. in his wars, but this branch was extinct in the next generation. 

2. William, married Agnes Bertram de Mitfort, killed 1265. 

3. Robert, married a daughter of the Earl of Warwick.— Dugd. Bar. 

' She died in 1276. 

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may be doubted whedler be bad tbi« additional opportunity of proving tbe 
readiness of bis sword in tbe canse. He was again taken prisoner in 1265^ 
but escaped to join in tbe last straggles of joimg Siaon de M ontfort at the 
close of the war : be was, however, pardoned for a fine of two years value 
on his estate, and died 1282.^ 

Others of tbe fifteeo BanneratB, William de Ferrers, Roger Bertram de 
Mytford, Simon FitzSimon, R^iaald de Waterville, Hagb tiebyon, Philip 
de Drieby, Tbomas Maonsd, Roger BoteviUe, Robert de Newington, and 
Grimbald PaoncefotF took part in the sobseqaent events of <be civil war, 
the latter alone being distinguished by a treacbcrons surrender to the 
royalists of his tenst, as will be seen hereafter* 

All tbe diieftaina' wbo had gathered together for tbe intended conier- 
eaca of the Barons at Nordiatnpton, were thus seiaEed at onoe, and strictly 
imprisoned. Among those wbo shared tiie same misfortune, were the 
scholars wbo bad been driven from Oxford, and were here found figbting 
against tbe King with the utmosA zeal. Th^ are s»d to have had their 
own banner on this occasion, and to have done more damage widi thdr 
bows, slings, aad crossbows, than all the rest 

Tbe appearance in arms of a class of such natural kyalty marks strongly 
tbe wide diflhaion of discontent, and tbefa- conduct inoensed Henry to such 
a degree, that be was at first bent upon pattkig tbem all to death, and was 
only restrained by tbe risk of offending trreparaUy tbe many powerful 

» •• Wake, Or two bars gules, in chief three roundles gules."— Rolls of Arms. His wife, Hawyse» 
wo daughter of Robert de QutncL— Dugd. Bar. 

* W. Rish. PauBcefbt has the additioii of ** sendens** to his uane in MS. Bodl. 91 Bern. 

' Among the names of inferior rank many are agahi met with in tbe course of the war. T. 
Wyke adds William de FurniTal. The Bodl. MS., Bern. 91, names William de Warre, G. de 
Lewknor (" Azure, three chevrons argent." — Rolls of Arms), John de Dykelynge, H. de Pembrigge, 
W. Marshal, W. de Harecurte, W. de Gyleford, John Esturney, Rich, de Caleworth, Ralph Peroth» 
Ingram de BaiUol, G. Russell, steward of the Bishop pf Lincoln, Rich, de Hemyngton, Simon de 
Pateshyll, W. de Wheltoun, Eustace de Watford, Edm. de Arderae, Phil. Fitsrobert, Robert 
Maloree, Roger de Hyde, Andrew d^ Jarpenville, Roger de Hakelington, W. de Preston, Simon, 
brother of Reginald Waterville, Hamo de Wycleston, Roger de Monteney, W. Awngevin, Ralph 
de Diva, Philip de Daventre, Rich. Everard, Ralph de Wodekyme, Roger de S. Philibert, I. de Rye, 
W. de Lymare, Hugh de Tywe, John de BoteviUe, Ralph de Brotton, John de Bracebridge. 

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fomilies to which these youths bdonged; many of fbem in their alarm 
ttdopted a hasty tonsure to escape nnder privilege of dergy.* One of the 
earliest acts of the Barons after their success at Lewes, was to order the 
retnm of these acbolars to Oxford.' 

Though there had been much animosity, and many acta of plunder and 
ravage before, yet this may be considered as the first great conflict of the 
civil war, and a feaifal example of the barbarities of sach a strife was ex- 
hibited. Northampton was saclsed by the royal army with every drcnm- 
stance of rapine and sacrilege, as if it had been in an enemy's country, and 
even a royalist cfaronider loolcs upon the calamities, which soon fell opon 
those goilty of such excesses, as a josf retribution. On first hearing of 
the attack on Northampton, Simon de Montfort had advanced with his 
troops as far as St. Albans, intending to rdieve those besieged in the castle, 
and when the news of their surrender met* him there, his comrades weare 
loud in their desponding lamentations; firm, however, in his purpose, he 
calmly attributed the reverse to the usual fortune of war, and encouraged 
them by declaring that. ** the month of May diould not pass over with- 
out all the joy of their enemies being turned to fear and confiision." The 
blow was felt indeed to be severe, and die Earl, ^^ raging like a lion deprived 
of his whelps,"' resolved to countervail the disaster by striking in another 

The unhappy example of outrage at Northampton was disgracefully 
followed at London under his influence. Besides a general plunder of 
the property of William de Valence and other aliens, the excited citizens 
did not even spare the deposits of money at the Temple, which then served 
as a substitute for a bank,^ ** in this," as a chronicler observes, ^< resembling 

> Walt. HeBunsf. ' SL Paul's, May 30. 1264.— Rot. Pat 

' ** JuBto Dei Judido avnt conaecati. aon habentea jua querelK."— T. Wyke. 

* W. de RUh. 

' " Ipae quasi leo in salta raptis catulis ssriens.'* — Mat. Westm. W. Rish. de beUo Lew. 

' In Madox's Exchequer is an order from the King from Portsmouth, July 6, 1253, to remoTe 

his money and jewels from the Temple to the Tower ; in 1268 and 1271, fines, &c., were ordered 

to be paid into the Temple for safe custody. 

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fish, wbo snatch at all they can."^ John FitzJohn is said to have been the 
leader of this rapine, and to have shared* its fruits with Simon de Montfort^ 
though the latter would appear, as we shall see, to have been in Kent at the 
time. A suspicion of intended treachery fell upon the Jews, who being the 
principal makers of Greek fire, were accused of intending to set fire to the 
city and of preparing false keys,* in order to betray the city gates. The 
first provocation may have been given by a Jew having wounded a citizen,^ 
but a fearful massacre was the result. At Easter, a Christian festival, too 
often disgraced by similar calumnies and persecutions, a number of Jews, 
variously stated at from 47 to 200,* were barbarously murdered. Among 
these is particularly noticed Koe the son of Abraham, one of the richest in the 
kingdom, who had, in 1256, paid the King 2,000 marcs (1,333/. 6s. 8d.) for 
the privilege of inheriting the chattels of his own father.^ In Canterbury 
a similar massacre occurred by the orders of de Clare.^ 

The Earl of Leicester in the meanwhile had undertaken the seige of 
Rochester, and for this purpose had carried with him all manner of military 
engines, of which the English were then wholly ignorant. The defence 
was gallantly conducted by the Earl de Warenne, assisted by Hugh de 
Percy, Roger de Leybourn, and John Fitzalan, but de Montfort forced his 
way across the river, by drifting against the bridge a vessel laden with com- 
bustibles,^ and securing the gate of the city during the alarm, succeeded in 
confining the garrison within the walls of the castle adjoining. Much 
violence and licence ensued in additional retaliation on this seizure of 
Rochester. Churches were plundered, and fugitives pursued by horsemen 
even to the very altars ; many parts of the Cathedral buildings were occu- 
pied as stables,^ and though soldiers are not apt to be rigid observers of 

» Chr. Mailros. 'T.Wyke. •W. Rish. Chr. Cott. Vesp. B. XII. MS. Hosp. Unc. 

< Lib. de ant. leg. » MS. Cott. Vesp. A. 11. « Cal. Rot. Pat. 40* Hen. III. 

^ Chr. Dover. ' W. Rish de bello Lew. 

' The oratory, cloisters, chapter-housei and hospital, were thus treated. MS. Cott. Nero D. II. 
by a Rochester monk. 

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church ceremonies, yet in an age of each outward reverence for religious 
forms, it startles us to find all these outrages committed on the solemn fast 
of Good Friday (April 18), forming an unexpected precedent for those of 
Cromwell's time. De Clare bad attacked Rochester from another quarter 
at the same time, and the siege of the castle^ was now pressed forward 
during several days by the Barons with so much vigour, that it was on the 
point of success, when the news of the rapid mardi of the King's army com- 
pelled its abrupt abandonment 

The Mayor of London became alarmed at the approach of the enemy 
and the treachery of some citizens ; at his urgent request, accordingly, Simon 
de Montfort withdrew from the siege, and returned to London on the 
morrow of S. Mark, April 26.* 

Prince Edward had been continuing his successes ; the town of Leicester, 
undefended by its Earl, had endured the horrors of war ; and Nottingham 
was betrayed to him. Wherever the royal army advanced, ** its three 
associates, plunder, fire, and slaughter, followed ; there was no peace in the 
kingdom ; all was destroyed ; clamour, and woe, and horror, arose on all 
sides.'** Thinking to find London an easy prey, the Prince directed his 
forces there, and when baffled by the hasty return of de Montfort to its pro- 
tection, he crossed the Thames unexpectedly at Kingston, and made so 
rapid a progress towards Rochester as to appear there for the relief of the 
garrison in five days after leaving Nottingham. The fatigue of this march 
indeed caused the death of many choice horses on the road. This triumph 
was unfortunately sullied by unnecessary cruelty, for the few Baronial 
soldiers, left by de Montfort to carry on the blockade, were seized and 
barbarously maimed of their hands and feet.^ 

The castle of Tunbridge, belonging to the Earl of Gloucester, next fell 

* The curious contrivance by which water could be supplied to each floor of the Keep from a 
well below, is still visible in the rains of this castle. 

* Add. MSS. 5444. 

* Comit&yemnt ei tres sodae, prsedatio combustio et ocdsio ; pax in regno nulla : coedibus in- 
cendiis rapinis et deprcedationibos omnia exterminantur, clamor et luctus et horror ubique.*'— 
Cbr. Roff., MSS. Ad*. 5444. « " Manibus et pedibus mutUatos.— T. Wyke. 

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into the hands of the royalistfi, thas inflicting a double mortification on that 
great chief, by the Io83 of his castle and of his Coantess Alicia. The King, 
however, who had accompanied the royal army, allowed the lady, who was 
his niece, to endure but a brief detention, and then freely released her. 

A strong guard, under twenty knights banneret, was left here under the 
expectation of an early attack from de Clare,^ while the King repaired to 
the coast, ^* towards the havenes with gret poer eon,"^ marking his course, 
as before, by rapine at Battle and elsewhere. During a halt of three days 
at Winchelsea,' he applied in vain to the Cinque Ports for assistance, wish- 
ing them to send a naval force up the Thames to attack London. The 
wardens, however, who had throughout acted in the interests of the Barons, 
sternly forbade the use of their ships, and the King, after exacting hostages 
for the fidelity of the Cinque Ports, quitted them, in order to collect all his 

forces at Lewes* the stronghold 
of his devoted brother-in-law, the 
Earl de Warenne. He arrived 
at Lewes on Sunday, May 1 1 ,* but 
it was no easy matter in those 
times to feed a large army, and 
great dearth was experienced on 
this occasion. A contemporary 
account observes of this march 
through Surrey, Kent, and Sussex, 
that, "from the deficiency of vic- 
tuals in that barren province many 

> W. Hemingf. ' Rob. Glouc. ' H. Knighton. W. Heming. 

* The unsettled state of orthography may be amply illustrated by the name of this town, as it 
appears in various authors : Leus in the King's summons of the Prior to Parliament, 1265, and 
in Chr. Lanerc; it is called Liewes, Liawes, and Liuwes, almost in the same page of MS. Lib. de 
ant. leg. ; Lyaus in Nangis ; Liaus, and Leans in Uob. Brune. and MS. Cott Nero. A. IV. 

^ " Venit in sequent! Sabbato ad villam de Lewes.*' — ^W. Heming. " In crastino SS. Gor- 
diani et Epimathii inventus est rex apud Lewes."— Add. MSS. 5444. The feast of these Saints 
was May 10. The Oxenede Chr. however dates his arrival on May 6, " on the Tuesday before the 
Feast of SS. Nereus and Achilleus/' which was on May 12. 

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persons wasted away firom want of food, and the cattle were lowing and 
fiilling all around from scarcity of pestnre."^ The small quantity of pro- 
doctive land in these counties, since become so flourishing, may be 
estimated by the thinness of the population at that time. A few years 
later, in 1278, a poll tax* of 4d. was levied on all persons, male and female, 
of fourteen' years of age. The sum of 5,88/. 15s. 4d» was thus collected 
irom 85,326 lay persons in Sussex^ and Surrey, then united in one county* 
In Chichester, at that time probably the largest iti population, 14/. 9s. 8d. 
was raised from 869 persons. Priests paid separately 12^. each, and men* 
dicants and children were exempted. Doubling the above numbers in order 
to include these classes omitted, would give 70,652 for the united county, 
and 1736 for the cathedral city. Contrasting these numbets with those of 
the census in 1841, we may observe that the population had increased 12| 
fold, Sussex being then 299,770» and Surrey 582,613, making a total of 
682,388 persons. 

On the retreat of the Barons from Rochester, Simon de Montfort had 
been met by the Londoners with an unanimous support, which greatly in- 
creased his power and the numbers of his army. The hostility to the 
royal cause throughout these transactions of the citizens of London, already 
rich and important, whose habits and permanent interests would have led 
them naturally to cherish peace, is very significant, and must be accounted 
for, not only by their common share of dislike to an unnational King, but 
also by a keen sense of their own peculiar wrongs. It has been stated by 
an historian^ that the Barons became unpopular after exercising power for 
three years, but there is abundant evidence of the reverse being the truth: 

I "Dum rex fuit in proyiDcid iUt sterili, defldentibus yiciualibus multitudo non modica fiunis 
inedi& tabescebant, rugiebant jumenta, et passim per defectum pabuli defecerunt."— T. Wyke. 

* Subsidy RoU of 199 Edw. I. in Archsol. 

* Sussex was required to supply brawn and other provisions for the King's household, and in 
1253 a demand was made on the county for 1,000 ells of linen, yery fine and delicate in quality. 
V. Maddox Exch. It is not known where this manufacture existed. 

* Hume. 

I 2 

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their actual sway indeed continued with little interruption nearly seven 
years (1258 to 1265 J, and their popularity much longer. The Mayor of 
London was a principal among the twenty-five barons who received Magna 
Charta from King John,^ and the Londoners considered themselves as the 
pledged guardians of public liberty. Their afifections had never t)een aonght, 
however, by King Henry, who had reserved all his grace and bounty for 
court favourites. No Machlavelli* had yet pointed out to Princes with acute 
simplicity that, ^^ the Prince must necessarily live always among the same 
identical people, but may well do without the same identical nobles, having 
it in his power any day to make and unmake, raise and deject such at his 
pleasure." While the main object of the King's policy seemed the advance- 
ment of his courtiers, the city of London was often subjected to his in- 
solence, incroachment, and injustice. Arbitrary tallages and capricious fines 
bad been repeatedly extorted from them on frivolous occasions : in 1227, 
twelve years alter their support of Prince Louis, a penalty of 5,000 marcs 
(3,333/. 6s. 8(L) was imposed for that remote oCTence ; a fine of 3,000 
marcs (2,000/.) was laid upon the city, because a Priest, charged with 
murder, had escaped to sanctuary, though he had been in fact the Bishop of 
London's prisoner, having been claimed as an ecclesiastic. Their petition, 
too, on this subject was not only rejected, but the petitioners were reviled by 
Henry as ^* slaves," and some of them even imprisoned.^ The customary 
gifts which they had ofiered him on joyful occasions had been received un- 
graciously as debts, without even the courtesy of thanks being returned. 
Often^ had they been heavily taxed to pay for the fortification of their city 
and the Tower, though obviously intended to be used against their own 
freedom. Their military exercises had been discouraged and scoCTed at as 

' V. Lord Chatham's speech, May 4, 1770. 

* " E nccessitato aneora il priDcipe ^vere sempre con quel roedesiroo popolo» ma pub ben fore 
senza quelli roedesimi grandi, potendo fame e disfarne ogni di» e torre e dare a sua posta riputa- 
zione loro."— 11 Princ. 

' Mat Par. * In 1243, 1246, 1249, 1258. Fabyan 

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unfit for sacb mechanics, and when, in 1253, some of the young citizens 
resisted and beat off the courtiers, who had rudely interrupted their game or 
the Quintain, the city was immediately punished by a fine of 1,000 marcs 
(666/. IStf. 4£/.)f^ this mimic war being claimed as exclusively by the nobles 
and gentry at that time as the aristocratical privilege of duels has since been. 
The noble edifice of Westminster Abbey had risen under King Henry's 
liberality,* and in order to bestow fresh marks of his favour upon it, he did 
not scruple to infringe upon the rights of others. On an occasion of this 
sort, in 1250, the city of London had adroitly interested Simon de Montfort 
and other nobles to procure them redress by exciting a kindred alarm for 
the security of their own chartered rights. A fair of fifteen days at the 
feast of Eldward the Confessor, was held by royal proclamation in Tothill 
Fields, and to insure its success all the shops in the city of London were 
compelled to be closed.' A rainy October made tJie bad roads of approach 
worse, while bridges were broken down and fords became impassable, so 
that no buyers arrived to console the involuntary booth-keepers, who re- 
mained exposed to cold and mud amidst a dearth of provisions.^ Griev- 
ances such as these, coming home to every bosom, and directly interfering 
with the personal comfort and profit of every shopkeeper in London, were 
more calculated to exasperate them, then even the arbitrary maxims of 
government which might lessen their political power. Nor were their retail 
dealings only thus interfered with, for their commercial intercouse with 
France was often subjected to the plunder and violent forestalling of the 
King's officers, while the rigid exaction by the Queen of every tenth marc 
on goods landed in London was also much complained of. The most recent 
and most daring wrong, which the Court had inflicted, was in the preceding 

■Mat Pair. 

* The amouDt of his expenceson the building down to Michaelmts, 1261, was £29,345 19s. 8d. ; 
among other marks of his leal he adorned the forehead of the Virgin Mary's image with an emerald 
and mby, taken out of rings bequeathed to him by Ralph de Neville, Bishop of Chichester. 

> Mat Par. 
* The city subsequently bought off the fair by a payment of £2,000 to the Abbey.— Dart's Westm. 

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year, when Prince Edward had come sndd^y with an armed force to the 
Temple, in the dusk of the evening, and under pretence of wishing to see 
his mother's jewels, had broken open the chests of treasare in deposit there, 
and had carried off 10,000/.^ to Windsor for the parposes of the coming war. 
It is no wonder that these and similar insults had estranged their 
loyalty, and they had now for four successive years elected as their po- 
pular mayor Thomas Fitz^Thomas,* affronting the King on the last occasion 
by not even presenting him, as usual, for royal approval. So attached, in- 
deed, were they to this chief, that they persevered in their choice of him, 
even when he was a prisoner under royal displeasure in 1266. Many 
thousands of eager partisans, specified by some^ as 15,000, by Rob. Brune 
as *^ sixti thousand of London armed men full stoute," now answered the 
appeal of Simon de Montfort, and came forward ready to advance with him 
under the standard of the Barons against the royal army. 

•T.Wyke. Chr. DoTer. 'Fabyan. Stowe. 

' W. Rish de beUo Lew. Mat Westm. Chr. Roff, MSS. Cott Neio D« II. T. Wyke calla 
them an innumerable troop of Loodonera. 

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" We see whkh way the stretm of time doth run. 
And are enforced ftt>m our most quiet sphere, 
By the rough torreiit of oocauon."— 2 H. IV. 

Before leaving London, the Earl of Leicester, " faithfully sweating in 
the canse, and zealous for justice," had called together the bishops, clergy, 
and other discreet men of his party, to consult on the crisis of affairs, and 
It was resolved by them Uiat peace, and the observance of the Oxford 
Statutes, should be purchased, even by an offer of money if possible, but in 
case of such terms being rejected, that the decision should be left to arnfs.^ 
In pursuance of this policy the army now re-inforced, began their march 
from London May 6,^ in order to arrest the King's progress in the south. 
It is not known by what route the Barons reached Sussex, but it is pro- 
bable that de Clare, who had been in Kent, proceeded by a concerted plan 
to meet them, and when they had ascertained that the King was at Lewes 

■ W. Rish. de beUo Lew. ' On the fsuX of S. John Port Utin.— W. Rish. 

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they pitched their camp about nine miles north from that town at the village 
of Fletching/ then sorronnded by a dense forest 

Before the final appeal to arms, the Barons dispatched from hence, on a 
mission of peace, two eminent prelates, who bad steadily adhered to them, 
Richard de Sandwidi, Bishop of London, and Walter de Cantilape, Bisliop 
of Worcester, both well qualified for their office. 

Richard de Sandwich was a worthy successor to Fulk Basset, before 
noticed, in his zeal for ecclesiastical lil)erty. From a prebend of Saint 
P^Ldi's he had risen in 1262 to his present rank, which he retained till 1273. 
Soon after his elevation he was successful with his present colleague in 
urging to a conclusion the hasty armistice of June, 1263, at a desperate 
crisis of the King's affairs, and in the following month the uncharacteristic 
duty of the custody of Dover castle was assigned to him and two other 
bishops, distinguishing them thereby as neutrals and mediators. He had been 
a signing party to the recent Mise to France, and retained his fortitude and 
love of his church^ during the disgrace and exile, which overtook him in con- 
sequence of the part he was now playing. 

The birth, station, and character of Walter de Cantilupe, added dignity 
to his experience and courage. He had already occupied the see of 
Worcester twenty-eight years, having been elected during the life time of 
his father,' a nobleman who had borne the high office of Steward to Kings 
John and Henry, and had been Sheriff at various times of Warwickshire 
and Leicestershire. Early deaths in rapid succession had carried off three 

' "Flexemge or Flexingge about six miles from Lewes." — ^W. Rish. Chr. and de beUo Lew. 
'* Flexinge sexto circa mille a prioratu de Lewes."— €lir. Roff. Mat. Westm. T. Wyke says 
" the Earl pitched his camp at seven or eight miles from where the King's army was." " Barones 
in abditis sylvarum latentes cum exerdtu." The letter of the Barons is dated "in bosco juxta 
Lewes." — Chr. Dover. 

* Besides bequeathing 40s. for an anniversary obit on Sept. 12, in St. Paul's, " for the good of 
his soul," he gave several church ornaments and vestments : some of these were curiously em- 
broidered, " with wheels, griffons, and elephants," a brocade cope " with knights templars riding 
about below, and birds above." Dudg. St. P. The brass monument of this prelate remained in 
honour in old St. Paul's, until involved in the common destruction of so many works of art by 
the fanaticism of Edward VL's time. 

3 He died 1239. 

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generations of the fiEuniiy chief: bis brother bad conveyed the protest of 
England to the Pope ; his eldest nephew William, after a brief military 
career, had been followed to his untimely grave by sorrowing crowds of 
Abbots and Barons, among whom were Simon de Montfort and Humphrey 
de Bohon,^ Walter himself, who had been employed on foreign embassies, 
was ever an active and zealous friend to the liberties of the Church and 
State. In one of the regulations made by him for his diocese, in 1240, he 
assumes a singularly paternal character, enjoining *< all priests every Sunday 
to warn both mothers and nurses not to keep their tender infants too close 
to them, lest by chance they should be snflTocated, but to let them lie firmly 
propped up in their cradles."* He was one of the twenty-four councillors 
elected to watch the execution of the Oxford Statutes, and more recently, 
after reconciling the hostile parties of the state to an armistice, he had pro- 
rooted the Mise, by which he might have hoped to end these civil broils. 
The manner in which Prince Edward had lately delivered himself from the 
thraldom of a blockade, by practising on his too easy faith, has been already 
adverted to. 

The task of peace was now resumed by these prelates under discourag- 
ing circumstances, when they proceeded to Lewes, charged with the offer 
of 50,000 marcs' (33,333/. 68. 8c/.) to the King, in compensation for the 
ilamages done by the Baronial party in their late outrages, but annexing the 
;ondition so constantly urged, of the Oxford Statutes being held valid and 
executed. Other accounts, indeed, represent the King of the Romans as 
making the demand of 30,000/., but this may have arisen from his avarice 
being so popular a topic of reproach. 

" The Kyn of Alemaigne, bi me leaute» 
Thiitti thouaent pound askede he 
For to make the peea in the countre."* 

' He was related to them by his marriage with Ere, one of the hdreises of the great Earl of 

Pembroke. ' Wilkin's Cone. 1, 668. • T. Wyke. 

* Pol. S. from MS. Harl., 2263. The Chr. Dunst. says there were three proposals of peace, the 
first sent by Knights, the second and tliird by the two Bishops. 

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The Bishops were bearers of the following letter, in which the Barons 
endeavoured to reconcile their loyalty to the King, with their war agfuost 
his evil advisers : — 

" To their most excellent Lord, Henry, by the Grace of God, the illus- 
trioas King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Aqaitaine, the Barons 
and others his lieges, wishing to observe their oath and faith to God and 
him, send health, and dae service with honour and reverence : 

** Since it is apparent by many proofs that certain persons among those 
who surround yon, have uttered many falsehoods against us to your Lord- 
ship, devising all the evil in their power, not only towards us, but towards 
yourself and the whole kingdom ; 

*<May your Excellency know, that as we wish to preserve the health and 
safety of your person with all our might, and with the fidelity due to you, 
prq)Osing only to resist by all means in our power those persons, who are 
not only our enemies, but yours, and those of the whole kingdom ; 

'< May it please you not to believe their falsehoods. 

" We shall always be found your liegemen, and we, the Earl of Leicester 
and Gilbert de Clare, at the request of others, have affixed our seals for our- 
selves. Given in the Weald, near Lewes, on the first Tuesday after the 
feast of S. Pancras"! (March 13, 1264.) 

This address has been termed^ ** submissive in the language, but ex- 
orbitant in the demands," and undoubtedly the courteous obedience pro- 
fessed by it stands in contrast to its resolute menaces, the submission being 
somewhat akin to the humility of the Biscayans, whose fixed law it was, 
that, until their Lord swore to keep their privileges, " any order of his 
should be obeyed only, and not executed."* 

' Chr. Doyer, " datum in bosco juzta Lewes die Martis primo post diem S. Pancratii." In Chr. is " Datum apud Flexing." Sir J. Mackintosli d&tes this May 10. S. Pancras was on 
Monday, May 12. < Hume. 

' " Y que si su Senorta enbiare mandamientos o provisimies en el entre, tanto sean obedicidas 
y no cumplidas," Fueros de Vizcaya. In Hungary similar orders were laid aside respectfully, 
" cum honore deponuntur." 

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The ro]ral coart bad been established at Lewes two days, when the 
Bishops now q^oached on their mission. Prince Edward had made him* 
self the congenial gnest^ <^ his gallant kinsman at the castle, while the king 
had taken up his residence in the great Priory of Claniac monks, situated 
in the low grounds south of the town. The Prior William de Neville,* 
who had been lately removed here from the convent of the same order, 
whose treachery had facilitated the capture of Northampton, was now en- 
gag^ in re-building the great western towers of his church, a work he did 
not live to finish, though be bequeathed funds for that purpose, at his 
death, in 1268. 

The Priory, in conjunction with four French 
ones, constituted ^^the five chief daughters of 
Cluny,'* near Macon, in Burgundy, the Prior of 
Lewes being always High Chamberlain of the 
order. Subject as they were to a foreign au- 
thority, the Monks, as well as their head, may 
well have had a bias towards the alien courtiers 
of the King, and doubtless rejoiced at the honour 
of receiving such distinguished guests as their 
inmates. The young christian martyr. Saint 
Pancras, to whom the Priory was dedicated, dis- 
played no such marvels on the occasion, as were 
believed by his devotees to have occurred at his 
tomb in Rome. There any false swearer, who 
came near, either became instantly possessed of 

> He was again at Lewes as King, Aug. 1289. 
' The name is Neville in Willis' lists, and in Harl MSS. e R^st Arc. Giff., but in Regist. Pr. 
S. Andr., and in Ann. de Lewes it is Fonville, probably corrupted from Nova Villa (NeviJle). 
His bequests to the Priory were many : a gold cup enriched with ilYe gems, a gilt sacramental 
cup and four others of his best for the choir, a silver pall, £100 to buy tunics in alternate years, 
300 marcs (£133 6s. Sd.) to complete the two towers of the front of his church, which were eighty 
feet high and the walls ten feet thicic, 100 marcs (£66 1 3s. 4d.) to the treasury, a gilt cup to the re- 
fectory, and a silver goblet to the infirmary. — Dugd. Monas. He is not noticed in Rowland's " Nevill 
family." The woodcuts of the Prior and S. Fancracius are from the brass in Cowfold ch., Sussex. 

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tp 9nuraiiM. 

tbe devil and went mad, or fell down dead on the pave* 
ment, and tbi8 occarred in some cases, where the test 
had been tried in vain at the tomb of tbe more in- 
dulgent St. Peter.* NeiUier King nor courtier were 
aflfected at Lewes by this touchstone of truth. 

Having adopted the discipline and black habit of S. 
Benedict, they were often familiarly designated as the 
Black Monks, and let us hope they did not deserve the 
character given them by a satirist soon after this time, 
who describes the " Mojrne Neirs" as members of the 

order of Easy Living, (Ordre de Bel Eyse) getting drunk every day from 
mere jollity. 

' E lODt chescun joar iYre. 
Quar ne sevent autre vivre, 
M^ Us le font pur compagnle, 
E ne mie par glotonie.'" 

They must perforce get drunk each day, 
They know of life no other way ; 
But they only drink for company. 
And not a jot for gluttony. 

The tact of finding excellent reasons for doing what they liked was not 
peculiar to this fictitious Order. In a similar manner the monks of S. 
Denis offered sound clerical arguments to Charlemagne in favour of their 
hunting : the flesh of hunted game was so medicinal to their sick, and the 
skins served so well for their gloves and girdles, and (or binding their 
psalters. Hunting accordingly continued for many ages tbe orthodox practice 
of churdimen. Walter de Suffield, the Bishop of Norwich, in 1256, had be- 
queathed bis pack of hounds to the King, and there were thirteen parks' 
well stocked with game belonging to that see at tbe reformation. An in- 
teresting precedent was also furnished by the Archbishop of York in 1321, 

* Legenda Aurea. Pancras having reftiaed to worship idols at the command and entreaties of 
Diocletian, was beheaded A J). 287, at Rome. His head, " which sweated blood for three days, when 
the Basilica of S. John Lateran, was on fire,*' is to this day annually exhibited there on his feast 
day, May 12. Diar. Rom. * Pol. S. from MS. Harl. 

» Strutt'8 Anc. Sp. 

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when be condacted his visitation with a train of 200 persons and a jiack of 
bounds, which his clergy had to maintain, as he moved from place to place. 
Many a monis, like Chaucer's, was ** an outrider that loved venerie,'' and 
the laxurions living in some of their cloistered retreats is amusingly carica- 
tured in an early satire. 

'^ AU of pasties beth the wall. 
Of flesh, of fish, and a rich meat. 
The like-fVillest that man may eat: 
Flouren cakes beth the shingles all 
Of charcb. cloister, bowers, and hall : 
The pinnes beth lat puddings. 
Rich meat to Princes and Kings* 

Tet do I yoa mo to wit 
The geese yroasted on the spit, 
Flee to the Abbey, God it wot. 
And gredith" geese aU hot, all hot** 

The yoong monkes each day 
After meat goeth to play."* 

The present guests at the Priory of Lewes, had all celebrated the great 
feast of the Patron Saint, on Monday, May 12, doubtless with all due mer- 
riment, and we shall see with what excited spirits they received the offer of 
peace on the following day. On the morning of the battle also they were 
so little alert as to be nearly surprised in their beds, a circumstance which 
tallies somewhat suspiciously with the warning of the satirist, if any friend 
should come to visit the black monks in the evening : 

••Ce Tus di Je de veir. 111 tell you true what he will do, 

Yl dormira grant matinee, He'll snooie away for into day, 

Desque la male Aim4e Nor leave his bed until his head 

Seit de la teste issue F^m the fiimes be free of the night* s revelry. 

Pur grant peril de la vewe.'" And much I fear he won't see dear. 

That the Cluniacs were not wholly absorbed in devotion, authentic evi- 
dence was given by some English brethren of the Order, who set forth 
their grievances to Edward III. in 1331, complaining : 1. That a few foreign 
brethren, their privileged masters (mestres per heritage) sent the revenues 
out of the kingdom ; 2. That the Prior of Lewes evaded the act of Par- 

' Cockaigne in Hicke'sThes. likefbUest, pleasantest— i>innct, pinnadea— gredith, cry. 
* Pons, from MS. Harl. 

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liament, and persisted in sending new monks abroad for admission ; 3. 
That beads of bonses were chosen, wbo knew nothing of clerical matters 
except scraping up money and sending it abroad; 4. ^*Tbat if a monk 
should speak of discipline or religion be would be despatdied a hundred 
leagues off on foot, and with a stinted allowance, and on that account the 
order of Cluny has fallen Into shame, and no one dared to speak of 

Among those assembled round the King at this crisis of his fate, were 
nearly all those allied to him by blood or marriage : his gallant son Edward, 
the favourite and main-spring of the army, and a second titled monarch. 
Prince Richard, King of the Romans, who had with him his chivalrous 
son Henry, a fresh convert, and a zealous one from the opposite party, and 
his younger son Edmund, a mere youth. The royal half-brothers, Guy and 
William de Valence, objects of so much national jealousy, were eager to 
revenge the insults of their exile and confiscation. The neighbouring 
fortress of Pevensey was now in the custody of William, who, though there 
does not appear to have been any distinct grant of the title, was considered 
at this time as the Earl of Pembroke,* in right of the inherited lands of his 
Wife Joan de Monchensy. The head, however, of the Monchensy family 
Was in the enemy's camp, and the kinsmen were soon to meet in conflict 

John, the seventh Earl of Warenne and Surrey, was among the most 
constant and resolute of all the King's friends, whose half-sister Alice he 
had married. The lady, indeed, is unpolitely handed down to us as proud, 
ugly, and ill-tempered, and she died mad ;' but this was by no means the 

* Reyn. Apost. Bened. Dugd. Mon. " Le kart, ke si un moyne parle de otdre ou de religion, il 
Berrtl mand^ cent iewes hora, e a pe, e t poy despenses* e par icy le ordre de Cluny e alle a hunte 
e pur ice nul ne ose parler de religiun." A bull of Pope Celestine III., 1197, rebukes the Prior 
of Lewes for promising benefices before they were vacant, " et de non soWendis pensionibus 
clerids nobilium."—- Rymer. — Tanner's Not. Prince Edward was the first who confiscated the 
revenues of Lewes Priory, as alien, in 1285, to help his own wars. 

' The estates had been granted to him in 1250 to hold doing suit to bis wife, and he was sum* 
moned to the great councils as representative of the property. 

* Mat. Westm. 

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only alliance of the family with royal blood. The first Earl was a kins- 
m an of the Co nqgeror, and married bis daughter Gundredi whose well- 
known tomb, near the Priory, founded by him, has pre- 
served her memory at Lewes. Isabella, the sole 
heiress in the fourth generation, carried the Earldom by 
her marriage, first to William de Blois, a son of King 
Stephen, and after his death to Hameline Plantagenet, 
a brother of Henry II, By his father's marriage with 
Maud, one of the Pembroke heiresses, John was nearly 
related to some of the powerful chiefs now opposed to 
him, but be gave to the King, with unflinching loyalty, 
all the influence derived from his wide possessions in 
Sussex,* and the strength of the castle, at Lewes, at this 
moment so peculiarly important to him. A hostile 
ballad' of the time thus alludes to his wealth and spirit, 
at a time when the Barons had checked him by the truce of 1263. 

' Mes de Warenne ly bon Quens, 
Que tant ad richesses et biens. 

Si ad aprU de goere. 
En Norfolk en eel pensis 
Vint conquerrant sea enemis, 

Met ore ne ftd que fere." 

Proud of his wealth and many lands. 
The good Earl Warrene raised his hands. 

Skilled in war and quick to fight ; 
In Norfolk late his thoughts did sweU, 
Intending all his foes to quell. 

But idle now lies his might. 

' Duchesne (Hist. Norm. Script.) though naming five other daughters, makes no mention of 
Gundreda, nor does Thierry (Conq. d'Anglet.)i nor M. Lafreneye in Nouvelle Hist, de Nor- 
mandie, 1816. and Orderic >^t. say "the King gave Surrey to William de Warenne, who 
had married Gundreda, sister of Ghetbodi." The tradition of her parentage might therefore 
have been doubted had not her husband in his charter faunting the Priory described her as the 
daughter of Queen Matilda. " Pro salute anims mes et animae Gundredae uzoris mese * * 
et pro salute dominse mee Matildis regins, matris uxoris mes." — Dugd. Monast. 

* His father William held 30i knights' fees in Pevensey Rape, and 62 in Lewes Rape. 
' Pol. S. from MS. I3th cent. Sir J. Mackintosh erroneously names Warenne as one of the 
principal leaders of the Barons with Gloucester and Derby.— Hist. Eng. Pevensey castle was 
committed to hU custody 1263. (Put 47* H III.) 

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Of all those who fought at Lewes, he,* 
with Prince Edward, was the only one 
who survived to be enrolled among the 
warriors at Carlaverock, in 1901, civil and 
foreign wars having swept away all the 
otliers. In the interim he had steadily 
maintained his independence of character : 
hh bold answer to the enquiries of the 
royal commissioners in 1276, as to the title 
by which he held his lands, was more con- 
elusive in that age than rolls of parchment. 
<* By this sword did my ancestor win them, 
and by this sword will I keep them." It 
19 interesting to find him as a veteran still 
fighting by the side of his King so many 
^^years afterwards, and bringing forward his 
grandson Henry, Lord Percy.* 

After holding the Earldom for fifty-four 
years, he was on his death in 1304, so esteemed that King Edward caused 
prayers to be publicly offered for him, and the clergy sanctioned a promised 

> " Johans U bon Qoens de Wtrene 
De Tautre eachele ayoit la rene 
A justicier e gouTorner 
Com dl ki bien scavoit mener 
Gen seignourie et honnoaree. 
De or et de azur eschequeree 
Fu sa baniere noblement. 
U ot en son assemblement 
Henri de Percy son nevou, 
De ki sembloit ke east fait yoa 
De aler les Escos de Rampant. 
Jaane o un bleu lyon rampant 
Fu sa baniere bien yuable." 

Good Earl de Warenne on his steed 
Had of the other troop the lead. 
To govern or to check at will. 
As one who had the noble skill 
Barons and honoured knights to guide. 
When proudly flying they descried 
His chequered banner blue and gold 
In his squadron, young and bold. 
His grandson, Henry Percy, came. 
Seeming as if he vowed to tame 
The Scots, and singly to attack, 
WhUe high in sight of all there flew 
His golden banner's lion blue. 

* He was the son of his third daughter Eleanor, and succeeded his father (a royalist prisoner at 
Lewes), in 1272. He married Eleanor, daughter of Richard, Earl of Arundel. 

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remissioii of 3,000 days from purgatory to those who sboold relieve bis soal 
by prayer/** Of the other principal royalists at Lewes, the Icindred and 
fate of a few may be traced, to show by what various motives of interest or 
loyalty, and after what changes of opinion, they were there united in the 
same cause. John Fitzalan, Baron of Clun, in Wales, was in posses- 
sion of Arundel castle, as the representative of his mother, Isabella de 
Albini, heiress of her two brothers, the last Earls of that name, but though 
fttlfinu in favour at court he never enjoyed, nor did his 

son after him, the title of Earl, though this is con- 
trary to a popular opinion of its tenure.' He had 
fought in the Welch wars, and had mainly assist- 
ed in the recent defence of Rochester. The 
widow of his maternal uncle, Warenne's sister, 
whose spirited interview with the King has been 
related, was yet alive, and this connexion natur- 
ally associated Fitzalan's banners with those of 
that chieftain. The advantage of all the great 
strongholds of Sussex, Lewes, Pevensey, Hastings, and Arundel, being in 
friendly hands, had probably determined the movement of the royal forces to 
this part of the kingdom, as affording a military position of great strength, in- 
creased bythefacilityof receiving fresh supplies of men and money from France. 
Other kindreds of the Albinis were with Fitzalan : Roger de Someri,^ 

' He wu boried before the high tlUr of Lewes Priory, "in pleno pa?iinento sub planft tumbl" 
«*MSS. VitdL XIV., U, ex reg. Lew. The Archbishop, the Bishops of Chichester, Rochester, 
and five others, authorised this indulgence, inscribed on his tomb : — 

" Ky pur sa alme priera For his soul whoever prays 

Troix mill jours de pardon aTera." Of pardon has 3,000 days. 

' He died 1267. His grandson, Edmund, was the first of his name summoned to Parliament as 
Earl of Arundel, and by marriage with Alice, heiress of the last Earl deWarenne (who died 1347), 
Introduced additional wealth and honours into the fomily. The " Ikir Brian de Fitzaleyn, foil of 
ooortesy and honour," at Carlaverock, had a seal, which, instead of any heraldic device, exhibited 
two Urds, a stag, a rabbit, and a pig, with the motto, '* Tot capita tot sentende."— Cartwright's 
Rape Arund. Report of H. of Lor&. 

' Arms of Someri, " Or two lions passant aiure."— Rolls of Arms. He died in 1272. 

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who bad married bis «int, was a soldier of experienced serTioe in GFasoonj 
and Wales. He bad felt tbe rigoar of tbe feadal bonds in a renuurkable 
manner, soon after he bad become tbe beir of bis nepbew, wbodied joung, 
all bie land being confiscated on account of bis baring neglected tbe rdydi 
summons to receive knigbtbood. By tbe same feadal supremacy be bad been 
probibitedy in 1262, probably at tbe instigation of tbe Barons, wbo may 
bave mistrusted bim, from continuing to build tbe castie <^ Dudley, and be 
had but recently obtained licence to do so, perhaps at a mom^t when 
tbe King was a more free agent. 

Robert de Tattersball,^ a cousin of Fitzalan, was a gallant and power- 
ful knight, holding twenty-five fees, who bad already been engaged in tbe 
Welch wars. 

One of the most conspicuous royalists in rank was Humphrey de 
Bobun, known as tbe good Earl of Hereford. Descended from a kinsman 
of tbe Conqueror, bis father bad been one of tbe firmest upholders of 
Magna Charta, and be bad, himself, on many occasions, displayed tbe same 
independent spirit, when provoked by its infringement, tbe incroadiments 
of tbe Pope, or tbe overbearing influence of the alien courtiers. His mar- 
riage with one of the Pembroke heiresses bad increased bis importance, 
and he had stood as one of tbe nine sponsors at Prince Ekiward's baptism, 
in 1239. His services, when a crusader, and in Wales, bad inured bira to 
tbe ordinary aspect of war ; but tbe greatest trial of bis courage must have 
been now to see bis eldest son,' an able and restiess soldier, leading on 
part of de Montfort*s troops, and persevering throughout tbe war allied to 
tbe same party, as well as John de Haresfield,^ his son by a second wife. 

* He died 1274. Armi, " Chequjr or tnd goles, achief ermioe."-— CarUiT. His ion claimed, in 
1297, the office of Hereditary Chief Butler in right of his grandmother, Mabella AlbinL Dagdale 
tays he fought against the King, at Efesham (Esc. 49* H. III). 

* Tbe fiitber was the second Earl, but Dugdale appears to confuse him widi his 8on« and repre- 
sents him as always taking part with the Barons, until he became a prisoner at Eyesham. His 
son, Humphrey, undoubtedly fought against the King, and died before him ; and the homage of 
the grandson was taken after the Earl's death, 1274. — Cal. Inquis. p. mort. Dugd. Bar. 

' The remainder of his elder brother's estates was secured to him and Milo, another brother, by 
grant, 1266. — Rot. Pat., 50® H. III., where Humphrey is misnamed Henry. 

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Jo sbnilv opppfiitioq to the head of his noble family stood Hugh le 
Bigot^^ a gpo(} poHi^r wd ^ skilful lawyer. His early political tendencies 
hiifrii)g «nit04 bw ^Ub tb^ Barons at Oxford, they had made him a Jus- 
ticinry, wd entrfistcid biffi with the command of Dover, from which the 
Kii^g b^d iJl^mifwiecii bim 9» soon as he dared. He was, however, now 
r§iig^4 i|9 support of tbe Cro^n, and after his flight from Lewes re-appeared 
9t Sv^agi to figbt for tbe «ame cause, recovering finally his confiscated 

The fiimily ppfloenop of de Warenne may also have broaght other knights 
to tbe roycj ^Me- Williaoi Bardolf,' whose mother was a Warenne, had 
be?n Aelecti^d by the King m pne of the 12 coancillors at Oxford, but being a 
good wldier, fmd bavipg, in 1241, seized the notorioas outlaw, William de 
Atoipeo, in {jundy bland, the Barons bad placed him in command of Not- 
lingbaip, in 1258, and 4gain m 1263. This trust, however, he had recently 
betrayed^ into ib$ King's bw48» after the Northampton victory. The Barons 
were, at this moment, enc^upped on his lands at Fletching, and be became 
their pn9oner on tbe following day. 

The torg^ po69^98iQns pf Henry 4» P^^h^ gi^^ve bm ff^ influence, not 
oidy in tbe NQrtb,> bot in 3MAsez, where b9 wfus (A>rd of Petworth. He 
bad giFan^^^dOQ jto tbe King for livery of b^ hupds, «n4 ^e liberty of mar- 
lywjg wb(mb^ pl0«sed, |a prfvil^e loertainly wortb pay^g for, but which he 
di4 npt abns^, for tb^ My whom be cbose, Eleanor, the daughter of £^1 
d0 WiHren^t w^uld imB h^A 9^ dtfBcQlty in gaining tbe King's consent. 

^Iflpi/of leBig9t,<^Ort4SMtgalM.^ 

*He mm 4i vwrfl of Hiiliert 49 Bvfjgli, «^ a Kdnor, bad a gimat of ftefi wvrreo «t Fletddng, in 
i;t54, an^ ^ied 1274* Acnv* " A^^ii^ 3 qiiinteCiDiUea de or."-— Rolls of Arms. His son is 
iMNMUiably aaaatiaoad ait Cailivferoek, as " a rich aod ehivafarous ^ki^ht of lordly presence." 

* The manor of Skelton, broaght into his ftmily by his grandmother, was held by a singular, 
but easy tenure, the Lord being bound, on erery Christmas-day, to lead the lady of Skelton castle 
lcQimherchamlHtrtOAi|#a^ba^. Pivfy #^ jn 1^79. f^is w»ius been akeady alluded to as 
accompanying de Warenne at Carlaverock. He was the direct ancetfUHT of ^otipur, and by females, 
of the late Earl of Egremont.— Dugd. Bar. Cartwr. Rape Arundel. 


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••«»• After sharing in the Welch 

campaigns with honour, be 
had been leagued vrith the 
Barons up to the preceding 
year, when his estates were 
confiscated. De Warenne 
may be supposed to have 
induced his submission by 
their restoration, in conse- 
quence of which he had ga- 
thered the adherents of his 
noble banner to assist the 
King at the capture of North- 
ampton, and was again pre- 
pared for the combat at 

Another knight was present, whose name has become more distinguished 
by modem genius than it was in his own times, Philip de Marmion.^ He 
had been ward to William de Cantilupe, whose representative, the Bishop 
of Worcester, he now saw coming from the enemy's camp as Ambassador. 
Having for many years followed the fortunes of the King in Gascony, where 
he had been taken prisoner, and in Wales, and having been one of the 
sureties for the King's observance of the Oxford Statutes, he was earnestly 
summoned by his Sovereign, when the attempted re-action began, to come 
to him, ** vrith horses, and arms, and all his power, and with all the assem- 
blage of his friends, not only on his due allegiance, but on his friendship." 
He had accordingly been made Sheriff of Suffolk and Norfolk in 1263, and 
had aided the seizure of Northampton. At Lewes he had the mortification 

' Anns, " Vair feu gules/'— RoUs of Arms. Bank's Family of Marmion giYes another, " three 
swords in pale, points down, chief vair." 

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of seang bis two ancle8» Robert and William de Marmion, figbting against 
bim. In reward of bis services be was appointed^ for a time^ governor of 
Eenilwortb) on its surrender after tbe battle of Evesbam, and received also 
tbe grant of Tamwortb. 

Pbilip Basset^ deserves especial mention^ as baving so macb distingaisbed 
bimself by bis valour at Lewes, near wbicb, at Berwick, be possessed some 
lands, granted by King Jobn to bis grandfatber Alan^ and tbe Priory bad 
also received tbe grant of a cburcb from bis family. He bad bimself, in 
early life, together witb bis brothers, incurred forfeiture by rebellion, but 
bad long been confidentially employed by tbe King botb in peace and war. 
After baving been on tbe mission to tbe Pope and Council at Lyons, and at 
bome baving several castles entrusted to bis command, be bad been named, 
in 1261, as Justiciary, and has been mentioned as forcing bis way tbrougb 
tbe undermined wall of Northampton. Like Warenne, Fitzalan, Percy, 
and Bardolf, be not only bad tbe local interest of property in Sussex, but 
like tbem too bad tbe misery at Lewes to know, wbat must unhappily often 
be tbe case in civil war, that some of bis own kindred were ranged as leaders 
in tbe opposite ranks.* 

One of tbe most eager and uncompromising royalists was Roger de 
Mortimiier,' grandfatber of tbe well known favourite of that name, deservedly 
executed by Edward IIL His line of ancestry from tbe Conquest included 
tbe distinguished names of Longespee, de Ferrers, and a Welch Princess, 
and be was himself married to Matilda, daughter of William de Braose, an 
owner, like himself, of large estates in Wales. His desolating attacks, in 
1263, on tbe bordering properties of tbe Baronial partisans by plunder and 

* Bcnm of Wjoomb, co. Berks. Arms, " Or, three pUes gules, a qqarter ermine."— Rolls of 
Arms. " Ermine, on chief endented gales three mullets or."— CarlsT. 

* He died 1272. Of his daughters, Alira married Hugh le Despenser, and afterwards Roger le 
Bigod, junior; Margery married John FitsJohn.-^Dugd. Bar. 

* " Mortimer, barr^ de or e de asure, od le chef pal^e, les comers geroune, a un escuchon de 
argent."— Rolls of Arms. Dugd. Bar. 

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fire may be said to bate begub the war, as ibey naturally provoked retalia- 
tion. He had been prominent at tbe storming of Northampton, and was 
donbCl^ss of equal actltrity at Lewes. 

Fulk FitzWarren,! a veteran of high connexions, who bad be^n bom on 
a Welch mountain during bis father's odtlawry^ and who was droitned in 
the Oase daring the battle, teust bave recently adopted tbe party, which 
proved fetal to him. He bad been employed iil 1245 by tbe malcontent 
Knights and Barons at the Dnnstttble tburndment, on a service yefy diarae- 
teristic of (be manners of the age^ to warn the Pope's seciretary, Martin^ 
who had been plundering for Ins master with great diligence, instantly to 
leave tbe country. A clerical cbrofiicl^r,* speaking of this Martin^ de- 
clares that out of respect to the chnrch be deems it sirfer and moi^ honour^ 
able to be silent as to his wanton and wrongful rapacity. FitzWarfen^ 
though not silent, did not waste many words in execating the Commission. 
The interview was short and decisive ; tbe soldier went np to the secretary, 
at tbe Temple, with a stern look, and bluntly delivered bis message at once : 
" Get out of England immediately." On Martin asking, " Who orders me 
this ? do you, of your own authority ?" he was answered, " the whole 
community ; and if you will take good advice, you will not stay here three 
days longer, lest yon and yours should be cut up into fragments," backing 
tbe threat with oaths* Martin made a vain appeal to King Henry for pro- 
tection, who greeted bis request of a safe conduct with, '^ May the Devil 
conduct you into and through bell !" His fear during his hasty journey 
to Canterbury was so excessive, in consequence of these threats, that the 
sight of some men, who had met to buy timber in a wood, induced him to 
offer his guide, Robert Norris, preferment in the church for any of bis rela- 
tions, if be would but save him from their attack. Norris despised tbe bribe. 

> *' Quartde argent et gules endente."— Rolls of Arms. Ilis sister £ye married Prince UeweUyD. 
*-W. Heming. 

' M. Par. 

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bat playing upon bis alarm made him skalk along byeways to Dorer, at full 
speedy until he embarked. 

A highly carious specimen of a Baron's life in the thirteenth century is 
presented by the memoirs^ of Fnlk Fitz Warren's father, of the same name ; 
the narrative, though more romance than history, being evidently founded 
on facts. Henry II. had brought him up in the palace as a companion to his 
own sons and the Welch Prince Llewellyn, but a bojrish quarrel he had with 
Prince John, at a game of chess, was the means of affecting his way of life 
for years afterwards. With his four brothers he was kniglited by King 
Richard, who loved them as fellow-crusaders, and he is praised as ** without 
a rival in strength, courage, and goodness.'* He acted as Warden of the 
Welch marches, but when the revengeful John, as King, cheated him out of 
Ludlow, and denied him any justice, he formally renounced his homage, and 
became an outlaw, in which capacity many of his wild and strange adven- 
tures are recorded. Though fifteen knights had promised John to capture 
him, he proved them to be " fools for their promise," and slew them by the 
help of his brothers. He made use of his own long spear to measure out 
for himself the rich stuffs and furs of the King's merchants, whom he plun- 
dered whenever he met them ; and being the object of several proclamations 
yet extant (1203, 15, 16, 17,) he adopted sundry disguises. In the cowl of 
a monk he was married to Maud Vavasour by the Archbishop Hubert 
Walter (1193-1205), an old fellow-crusader, who wished thus to rescue his 
brother's widow from the persecutions of John. When hemmed in on one 
occasion by his enemies, who cried out, " Now lords, all at Fulk,'* (Ore, 
Seigneurs, tous a Foulk), he answered them boldly by '* Tes, and Fnlk at 
all," (Certes et Fulk & tous.) After gaining distinctions in tournaments at 

* M. Michel, the Freach editor of the MS. in the Br. Mut. ia in error, when he identifies the 
tahject of the memoirs with the Justiciary drowned, who in that case would have been 100 years 
old.— V. HUt. de Foulques FiU-Warin, Paris, 1840. 

Fulk FitzWarren the 1st, married Hawyse de Dinan, in Wales. 

Fulk the 2nd, surnamed le Prudhomme, m. 1. Maud, daughter of Robert Vavasour; 3. Clarice 
de Auberville. 

Fulk the 3rd, Justiciiry, drowned at Lewes.«-V. Inquis. p. mort. 1* Edw. 1. 

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Paris, be turned Pirate, and bad a singnlar discussion with Mador, an old 
sailor, on the comparatire merits of dying at sea or in bed ; the knight, 
having learnt that the sailor's forefathers fur four generations bad been 
drowned, remarked, " Surely you must be very foolish to dare go on the sea," 
Mador, however, on questioning the knight, and learning that his ancestors 
bad all died in their beds, was enabled to retort, " Surely, Sir, I wonder 
then that you dare enter any bed." Landing on a Scotch island, he played 
at chess with a chief there, until a quarrel arose during the game, at which 
indeed, he seems to have been unable to keep his temper ; in the fight 
which ensued, he possessed himself of a hauberk, which he continued ever 
after to prize highly. After a marvellous adventure with a dragon near 
Cartilage, and other feats at Tunis, he prowled about Windsor forest until 
he took King John prisoner, and finally extorted pardon and restoration of 
his property. He then settled down quietly in the country, founded the 
Priory of Alberbnry,^ in Shropshire, and after some years of blindness and 
decay, was buried there with his two wives.* Whatever degree of fiction 
may be mixed up with the story of his life, it is probably no inapt repre- 
sentative of the main features of many a Baron of that period. 

The absence of the 20 bannerets, whom the King had left to garrison 
Tunbridge, must have been deeply regretted by him on the eve of a battle, 
and though the list of bis friends at Lewes comprises some noble and many 
honourable names (besides those whom historians may not have pointed 
out to us), yet it is obvious that very few of the great Barons of the king- 
dom were on his side. It was, indeed, as it has been popularly called, the 
Barons' War, for nearly all the strength of that class was embodied in de 
Montfort's army. 

It must have been to supply this deficiency that the royal numbers were 

> It is referred to as an existing foundation in 1233 (Cart 17^ H. III.), and was afterwards 
given, as being an alien convent, to All Souls' College, which still retains it. 

< How M. Michel could prolong his life, and restore his sight, in order to drown him at Lewet» 
if he read his own boolc, is dii&cult to imagine. 

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swelled by so many powerfal Scotch chieftains, specially sainmoned as 
lieges of the crown, whom the Scotch King, Henry's son-in-law, had wil- 
lingly dispatched to assist the court in its distress. Of the competitors for 
the crown of Scotland a few years later, two in person, and the immediate 
ancestor of another, were now doing suit and service to the King of 
England at Lewes. One of these great claimants, John Comyn,^ of 
Badenagh, was destined hereafter to become the prisoner of one of his 
present comrades, de Warenne, and the murdered victim of another, Robert 

John Baliol,* Lord of Galloway, after being Grovernor of Carlisle, had 
exercised so paramount a controul for two years over the youthful King 
Alexander III., and his bride Margaret, daughter of Henry III., that he 
was obliged to purchase pardon by the payment of a considerable fine. He 
had already obeyed the summons of the English crown, to which he was 
liable, as holding thirty Knights' fees, by serving against the Welch, but 
on his refusal to acknowledge the authority of the Oxford Statutes, he had 
brought down confiscation upon his estates, the removal of which he had sent 
his son to negociate. The personal intimacy, formed during the present 
campaign, may have infiuenced the subsequent alliances of his family ; of 
his sons, who probably were with him at Lewes, the eldest, Hugh, married 
Anne, daughter of William de Valence, and the son of Alexander the 
younger, was the celebrated John Baliol, who was for a short period King 
of Scotland, and who married Isabella, the daughter of the Earl de 

Ambition not having yet severed the Baliol and the Brace, their rival 
names were here linked to the same cause ; — the prospect of a crown had 

* From Comine, a Nonnan funily. " Gates, three garto within a doobte treasure, or.** John 
Comyn was taken prisoner at Dunbar, by de Warenne, and murdered by Brus, at DumfHes. He 
married Joan, daughter of W. de Valence. 

* BaiUeul was the original Norman name. He was Baron of Biwell and Northumberland, and 
died 1269. " Gules voided argent."— Carlav. 

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not yet dawned upon tbem to create those (ends and atrifee which ao long 

convulsed two countries, nnited t^ nature within the same sea-girt bound ; 

struggles within so narrow a sphere, that their Italian contemporary looked 

upon them with great contempt, as those of distant barbarians, forgetting 

for the moment the constant turmoil of almost every city in Italy at 

the time. 

" li 81 vedn la superbia eh'asseta, 
Cbe fa lo Scotto e I'Ingbilete folle» 
81 Che non po6 soflHr deatro a na iMta.*'-^Dante, Par. 19, 121. 

The services of the Norman ancestor of Robert Bruce bad been rewarded 
by the Conqueror with lands, and the present Lord of Annandale, whose 
mother was the heiress, in whose right the crown was subsequently claimed, 
held ten Knights' fees in England: from this lineage were the Stuarts 
descended. Robert's wife was Isabella, aunt to the young Earl of Glouces- 
ter, in the hostile camp : the treacherous murder of bis present fellow 
soldier Comyn, cast a deep stain on bis memory in after-times. 

Re-inforced with these succours from the hardy North, the royal army 
had (he advantage of numbers^ over the enemy, in addition to the King's 
authority being with them, always an important element of strength in an 
old monarchy. •< Is not the King's name 40,000 names P" (Rlc. II., 3.2.) 
Their haughty confidence in this superiority, little indined the chiefe to give 
much heed to the pacific embassy, which the two Bishops were now bear- 
ing to them. When admitted into their presence in the great refectory* of 
the Priory, which still retains some evidence of its former extent, they 
delivered their proposals. 

Besides tendering compensation for damages, they reported de Mont- 
fort's offer to *< abide by the decision of select churchmen, competent by 
their wisdom and sound theology, to determine what Statutes should remain 

* " Rex quidem Anglitt confidens in multitudine complicum suonun, ct paucitatem partit ad- 
▼ertee babens contemptui, eettimans eos adyenus ipsum nihil ausuros." — ^T. Wyke. 

' Its position is remarkable, as bating a running stream beneath its floor. It has been used as 
a maltbouse. 

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in force^ and bow far their previoiid oatbs dhoald be binding, the Barodd 

wishing by this device to keep their faith as ChriatianSy and avoid the stain 

of peijoiy.*' 

A violent clamoar imoiediately arose on the statement of these terms 

to the assembled Idngs and royalists. 

"Vox in altam toQitiir tarbtt tamidorum Then rose on high their bMi|^ cry* 
En jam rnOes sabitar dictis dericorum Shall cburcbman't word rule loldier'a tword f 

VUoit tnilitia deridt •ol^jecitiL''^ Ksdghtbood's deband^ 'neath priest low laid. 

The very proffer to warriors of a peace, which iqppeared to make them 
subofdinate to the dergy^ was deemed an insult, and Prince Edward im- 
petaonsly burst oat, << They shall have no peace whatever, anless they pot 
baiters round their necks, and smrender themselves for nt to hang them op 
or drag them down, as we please."* The Bishops coaU readily understand 
ibe temper of the par^, when they beard their offers thus treated, and tbe 
formal answer ^ven to them breathed tbe same scorn and defiance in tbe 
following letter*:— 

** IfitntPf by the grace of God, Eingof England, Lord of Ireland, Ddke 
of Aquitaine, to Simon de Montfort, Gilbert de Clare, and their accomplices ; 

" Since it manifestly appears by tbe war and general disturbance already 
raised by you in our Idngdom, and also by conflagrations and other out^ 
rageous damages, tliat you do not observe your allegiance to us, nor have 
any regard to the security of our person, inasmuch as you have lawlessly 
oppressed those Barons and others our lieges, who adhere with constancy 

» i^ut. S. 

* ^ EdwardoMioe didtur ita tttpoA^SM I 
Pax illis pmdnditur, nisi laqueis se 
Collis omnes alligent, et ad saspendendam 
Semet nobis oldlgent, Td ad detrahendam*'' 

• • • • • 

" CoBUtis derotio seiro dwidetar, 
Gi^os eras congnEssSo victriz seattotur.''^M. S^ t. S49. 
The last line prorei tbe meeting and the royal answer to liii?e ocesrred on May IS, the day be» 
fore the battle. 

' " Epistolam Baronnm suonim contemnens Rex ad bellom totis afliectibus ezardesdt, ac talea 
eis difildationis responsalem misit"— Chr. Roff. MS. 

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to their troth towardfl ns^ and since yoa purpose, as you signiry to us by 
your letters, to liarass them as far as lies in your power, 

" We, considering their grievance as our own, and their enemies as 
ours, more especially seeing that our aforesaid lieges, in observance of 
their troth, manfully assist us against your faithlessness ; 

" We, therefore, value not your faith or love, and defy you, as their 
enemies. Witness myself, at Lewes, on May the thirteenth, in the 48th 
year of our reign."* 

The King of the Romans was at this time full of resentment at the 
recent plunder of his private property, the loss of which naturally touched 
his parsimonious feelings, and being extremely proud of his dignity, the 
disrespect they had presumed to show him excited his indignation. He had 
discouraged the King therefore from listening to any compromise, as he 
might otherwise have done,^ and in concert with Prince Edward, and the 
other leaders, be now added another letter of haughty and uncourteous im- 
port to the refusal. 

*< Richard, by the grace of Ood, King of the Romans, always August, 
and Edward, the flrst-boro son of the illustrious King of England, and all 
the other Barons and Knights, who firmly adhere to the said King of 
England, with sincere &ith and force, to Simon de Montfort, Gilbert de 
Clare, and to all and each of the other accomplices in their treason ; 

<^ We have understood, by the letters you have sent to our Lord the illus- 
trious King of England, that we are defied by you, although indeed this 
verbal defiance had been proved before by hostilities against us, by the 
burning of our goods, and the ravage of our possessions, 

* Rymer. Lib. de ant. leg. Chr. Dover. W. Rish. The original letters are in Latin. The 
date of BCay 12 appears in W. Rish. and another chronide, but the Barons' le^er being dated with 
so much detaU» " on the iirst Tuesday after S. Pancras," whose feast was ll)t>nday. May 12, and 
the King's letter being evidently an answer to it, the proper date must be May 13. 

• W. Rish. de beU. Lew. 

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<< We tiierefore let you know» tiiat yoa are all defied as pablic enemies by 
each and all of as your enemieS) and that henceforth) whenever occasion 
offers, we will, witii all oar might, labour to damage yoar persons and 
property ; and as to that which yon falsely charge as with, that the advice 
we give the King is neither faithfat nor good, yoa in no wise speak the 
troth, and if yon Lord Simon de Montfort, or yoa Gilbert de Clare are 
willing to assert the same in the coart of oar Lord the King, we are ready 
to procure yoa a safe-condact to come to the said coart, and to declare the 
troth of oar innocence, and the lying of each of yoa, as perfidioas traitors, 
by some one oar equal in nobility and birth. We are all content with the 
seals of the said Lords, the King of the Romans, and the Lord Edward ; 
dated at Lewes, 13th day of May in the 48th year of King Henry, son of 

This war of words was an apt prelude to the fiercer conflict approaching. 
The confidence of the royal party in thefar superior strength, now led the 
King << by rash advice,''^ to look only to the st^m diplomacy of arms, rather 
than to &e stroggle of subtlety in a chamber. ^' The mutual contract of 
support and fidelity, which was the essential prindple of feudal tenure,''* 
was thus avowedly annulled and renounced by both parties. In the history 
of Fitz- Warren, b^ore referred to, a similar renunciation of homage is thus 
detailed : ** My Lord King, yon are my liege Lord, and to you I have been 
bound by fealty, while I have be^i in your service, and while I held lands 
of you, and you ought to have maintained my right, and yet now you &il 
me in right and in common law, and never was there a good King who 
denied law in his court to his frank tenants ; wherefore I renounce my 
homage to you."* 

The bonds of social union being thus abraptly broken, the great ques- 

> "Rez minus sano firetus consilio.''— T. Wyke. 
'HiOtoin AQd. A. 
' HUt. de Foolques Fitf Wtrin. " Par quoi je tos renk vot hommaget.'* 

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tions of civO gorernment now in di^mtey all inportAnt as tbey were, were 
abandoned to tbe chance decision of Force, a wayward arbiter between 
right and wrong, often indeed resorted to at once in sodi cases, without 
even the attempt, as in this iostancei to find other means better adapted to 
the dignity of bnman reason. 

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''And if wt live, w« live to tnad on Rings* 
If die, bnve death, when princes die with us! 
Now for our conedenoet, the ermt ave fur. 
When the intent of bearing them is just."— 

1 P. Hen. 5, 6.2. 

The prelates retnmed to the camp of the Barons at Fletching with the 
answer to their pacific mission, and on the same evening (Toeaday, May 
13 J proclaimed at once to the expecting warriors that there remained no 
hope of peace to the chard), or liberty to the state, unless won by the s^ord. 

** The Barons ne conthe other led, tho fali Iwinle this, 

** Bote bidde Godes gcice^ and bataile abide iwia.**— Kob. Glonc.' 

While nothing could be more impressive than the conduct of these 
Bishops, a noble solemnity of purpose, combined with a vigour of action 
fitted to the emergency, was displayed by Simon de Montfort and his 
soldiers. A royalist chronicler,* while calling the war monstrous and de- 
testable, bears testimony to the Barons *^ as having among them a]l, but 
one faith, one will in all things, one love towards God and their neighbour ; 
and so unanimous in brotherly affection, that they feared neither to offend the 

* " The Barons certainly could resolve on nothing else, when they heard this, but pray for the 
grace of Ood, and abide the battle.'' ' MaL Wotm. 

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King, nor even to die for the sake of justice, rather than violate their oaths.** 
For the battle now acknowledged to be inevitable, the Earl of Leicester 
passed the whole night in anxious preparations, bat did not omit amidst all 
his cares, that prayer and attendance on religious services, which was re- 
marked as his constant custom. He exhorted all his followers to repent 
ISfeloy of moroitir; and confess their sins, and the Bishop of Wor- 
cester^ did not shrink from bestowing his epis- 
copal absolution on the kneeling soldiers, or 
from promising admission into Heaven to all 
who might now die fighting manfully for justice. 
One account,^ indeed, goes so far as to describe 
the Bishop as now << putting off the peaceful 
priest, and putting on the warlike soldier, 
carrying a sword by his side instead of the 
crosier, and a helmet on his head instead of 
a mitre," but these are probably figurative ex- 
pressions to denote his zeal and courage in the 
cause. Cantilnpe was not neglectful of the 
duties of a churchman, as then understood; 
he completed and endowed, in 1265, a chapel 
for four priests in his cathedral, and though his 
tomb lies there neglected near the screen of the choir, it is interesting to 
think that his mantle was caught and transmitted by some of the boldest 
defenders of civil and religious liberty; Latimer, Hooper, and Hough 
were worthy to follow him in the See. 

After this solemn scene, they all put a white cross upon their dress, in 
token of the religious sanction stamped upon their efforts, and in order to 
recognise each other in the combat. A white cross had been always adopted 
in a like spirit by the English crusaders, in distinction from the red cross 
of the French, but there was unhappily a stronger necessity for such out- 

* Mat Wtttm. erroneoaily ucribei this to the Bishop of Chichestar. 


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ward markt of party in the battle of hefwes^ where on each side tbe same 
banners and ensigns were to be raised by hostile members of tbe same 
fieunilieSy a sad, but erer^reourring, calamity in dril war.^ 

Although de Montfort has been reproached by a modem historian* as a 
religious hypocrite, there is no proof whatever of such a charge, nor was it 
ever made in his life-iime, and there must have been much sincerity and 
consciousness of right to have admitted such a consecration of the war ; 
even had the great leader been justly liable to the accusation, his single 
example could not have so infected at once the Bishop and tbe many 
thousand soldiers with the same vice, as to induce them thus to kneel in 
blasphemous mockery at so awful a moment of peril and enterprise. 

Although the distance from Lewes did not admit of <<each battle seeing 
the other's umbered face," yet, to this night-scene of solemn energy while 
<< armourers w^e accomplishing the knights," and tbe soldiers were ^* inly 
ruminating the moming*s danger," a striking contrast might be drawn in 
the unguardedness of the royalist camp, where more provision had been 
made for dissolute riot than for watching the enemy. We learn, on the 
authority of an eye-witness,' that the song, the dance, and tbe wine-cup, made 
tbe Priory of St. Pancras, on that night, the scene of boisterous and lioen^ 
tious revelry. Neither the precincts of the church, nor even the very altars. 

■ Henry III. hsd adopted the Mine white cross at the great battle of Uncolii. is 1917, the 
legate Giialo wishing to stamp tbe war with a religious feeling.«»<Cbr. Mailr. 

' Home. Ungard says ** It was the peculiar talent of this leader to persuade his Ipllowert 
that the cause In which they fought was the cause of HeaTen." 

' " Frotestante mihi uno nobill qui ibi ftierat." " Pars Tero ad?ersa negligenthis agena noctem 
iUam coreis et oanttknls oecupans, potationlbus et scortadonibus insistebat, adeo ut csenobio 
solemni S. Paneratii Martyris non pareerent, qoin coram altaribus sacris obscona com mere 
tridbos cubilia fecenmt.'' Again in the flight after the battle, " tarn Ttri qnidem ftigientes quam 
miserrimse merctriees locatores seqnentes."— Chr. Lanerc. 

" Quod tot fomioarias foetidi lenones 
Ad se convocaverant, usque septingentas."— ▼• 152. 

** Qui carnis luxuria foeda sordoerunt, 
Factis lupanaribos robur minuerunt 
Unde niUtaribiis indigni fuerunt"— v. 164 PoUt. 8. flrom MS. HarL 978. 

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were free from the profanation of tbeir vices. Among the lomed inmates 
of the convent, buoyant with the excitement of the morning's diseassion, 
and sarroonded by their wanton followers, no thought was allowed to in- 
trade of the morrow's dangers, or of that eternity abont to open upon so 
many of them in a few hours. The Baronial and Royalist parties, on the 
eve of battle, rise up before us as distinct in manners as the Cavaliers and 
Roundheads of later times. 

After his cause had been so impressively sanctified, Simon de Montfort 
had to fulfil all the duties of a general, imposed upon him by the esteem of 
his friends and the confidence of his troops ; a great and serious trust, but 
one congenial to his nature. The eloquent terms which have been applied 
to another founder of a free constitution might well describe him at this 
hour of decision. *' What he loved in war, far above the heat of battle, was 
the great effort of intellect and will, armed with power to achieve some 
grand design, the mighty mixture of agency and fortune, which seizes and 
transports the highest as well as the humblest minds."^ 1*0 de Montfort 
the approaching contest must have seemed, not a mere field to display his 
talents as a soldier, but a fearful throw on which the freedom and happiness 
of a whole nation were staked, and well fitted was he to ** stand tbe hazard 
of the die." The rough verses* of the age thus fondly dwell upon his 
name and qualities: 

' n est apele de Montfort 
n est d MoDd, et si est fort. 

Si ad grand cbevalerie, 
Ce voir et je m'acort, 
n eime dreit, et bet le tort. 

Si avera la mestrie. 
El Mond est vereement. 
Lit on la comun a ly concent, 

De la terre loee ; 
Cest ly Quens de Leycestre 
Que bout et joins se puet eitre 

De cele renomee." 

True to his name is be called de Montfort, 
Lofty and strong as a Mount and a Fort, 

A knigbt of mighty cbivaby. 
I vouch it true and dear as light, 
He bates the wrong and loves the right. 

So shall be gain the mastery. 
Truly the Mount of refuge he^ 
To which the willing people flee. 

Extolled by all the land. 
Of such a goodly name and £une 
The Earl of Leicester well may daim. 

Joyous and proud to stand. 

' Washington by Guisot. 

' Polit. S. from MS., 13th century. 

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A less friendly hand* represrats bim at this time as << raising bis boms 
of pride, devising great tbings, and pondering on sublimities." Prond in- 
deed, be migbt justly feel, if in bis loftiest visions be caugbt a sbadowy 
glimpse of tbe future destinies of tbe people, in wbose cause be was about 
to flgbt, if be could baye foreseen that from bis personal efforts there would 
ultimately arise a vital energy, by which the expanding form of English 
freedom would cast off tbe slough of ignorance, bigotry, and servility, 
unto with unbounded power and dominion, physical and intellectual, the 
nation should present to tbe world a fresh model of happy government as 
yet unknown. 

Nearly fifty years bad elapsed since English armies bad met in open 
field on their own soil. Although tbe royal prerogative bad been frequently 
resisted by denials of supply, by threats of war, and by actual restraint, 
yet the King's person bad never, during that interval, been exposed to 
hostile attack. On tbe last occasion, at Lincoln, many chiefs, in disgust at 
King John's misgovemment, bad adopted tbe dangerous expedient of sup- 
porting tbe pretensions of a foreign Prince, but there was now no thought 
of such treason : tbe confidence of the Barons was in thdr own strength, 
and though the conduct of the court bad excited their indignation, yet respect 
to the King's person was not forgotten. No change of dynasty was aimed 
at ; they renounced their allegiance to a misguided sovereign, but were 
ready to resume it, when be should be again in a fit state to receive it 

In deference to tbe punctilious feelings of chivalry, which required a 
leader to be at least an equal, if not a superior in rank, a point of honour 
which no Knight, however lavish of his life, would have surrendered, Simon 
de Montfort was careful to confer* knighthood on many of tbe young nobles 
of bis army. 

* W.Heming. makes this tike place on the descentftom the hOl to Lewes, but the eve of the 
battle is more probi^ stated by others. 

" Comitis militia plurima noTella 
In armis novitia, parum norit bella. 
Nunc acdnctas ^adio tener adoksoens. 
Mane stat in pnslio armis assnescens/'—- Polit. 5. from MS, Hart, 978. 

L 2 

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" Hit hovttde under boiket and new Knightt mtde^ 
ADd armed and attired hom, and hor bedes geme bade."— Rob. Glouc' 

The belt and sword of knighthood coald, at this time, be bestowed by 
any Prince,^ Bishop, or Enight, and among those thas enabled to command 
others, was Gilbert, the yoang Earl of Gloacester,' samamed Rafas, next 
to de Montfort, the most important chief of the party. Two others, also, 
are mentioned, as now for the first time, invested with the knightly belt; 
Robert de Vere, a yoang noble of twenty-three years, who had lately suc- 
ceeded as Earl of Oxford, to the hereditary possessions gained by his 
Norman ancestors, and to the principles which had led his father to oppose 
the arbritrary pretensions of the Pope and the King on all occasions. On 
his being taken prisoner at a later period of the war, his estates were con- 
fiscated, and he was glad to take advantage of the Eenilworth decree to 
recover them.^ John de Bargh, also now first made his pablic appearance, 
probably eager to resent the insalts put upon his family. 

Though the vigil of knighthood was usually passed in churches, on 
this occasion the busy camp was the necessary substitute, for a plan seems 
to have been contemplated of a night attack upon Lewes, which was, how- 
ever, abandoned in favour of a more open one by daylight.' 

Before sunrise, accordingly, on the morning of Wednesday, May 14,* 

1 " They hovered under woods, and made new Knights, and armed them, and equipped tiiem, 
and earnestly said their prayers.** 

* £?en Abbots, until 1102, exercised the privilege. Hereward had been knighted by the Abbot 
of Peterborough, previous to an intended atUck, in order to command others. The new Knight 
was required to be a freeman, but there was no limit as to age, and like the Hungarian nobles to 
this day, he was freed from all taxes by Henry I. Degradation was eflfected by taking away the 
belt.— V. Henry's Hist. 

s Arms, de Clare, Or, 3 chevrons gules. 

* He died 1296 ; his daughter married William de Warenne.— Walt. Hem. Dugd. Bar. " Veer, 
quarterly or and gules, a muUet argent, bordure endente sable." — ^RoUs of Arms. 

' " Non de nocte sobito surripit latenter, 

Immo die redito pugnat evidenter." — Pol. S. from MS. Harl. 978. 

* The exact day is so variously hidicated by authors as to cause some confusion. Stow names 
May 12 ; Lib. de ant leg.. Mat. Westm., and Rastell's Chr., May 23 ; but the greater number of 
authorities fix it on Wednesday, May 14, as the feast of S. Victor, or S. Boniface, or the Wednes- 
day after S. Pancras, or the Wednesday before S. Dunstan (May 19), or the day before the Ides 
of May, all different modes of marking. May 14.— v. T. Wyke, MS. Hari. 978, Chr. Petrob. and 
others. ^ The fourtend day of May the batail of Leaus was." — ^Rob. Bnme. 

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the whole army of the Barons was in motion towards the town, about nine 
miles distant. A dense forest^ occupied most of the country through 
which this march was to be conducted, but sudi exact orders bad been 
issued by de Montfort to each banneret, how to direct his own forces and 
to meet at the appointed spot, that all parts of this military movement were 
combined with a regularity quite novel in England. After an encampment 
for several days on the lordship of William Bardolf, now at Lewes with 
the King, intelligence of this miirch could readily have been conveyed to 
their Lord from Fletdung, if there had been any hearty good will* in 
his tenants towards the cUnse he had lately adopted, and the same remark 
will also apply to the possessions of de Warenne at Newick and Hamsey, 
through which they necessarily passed to reach the foot of the Southdowns. 
No alarm, however, was given, and when about two miles from Lewes, the 
Barons, continuing unobserved, ascended the great ridge of hills, probably 
up the hollow valley called the Combe, where the projecting shoulder of 
the Downs would cover their march from the town. 

Though the King did not consider the Barons to be so near, or bold 
enough to attack bis superior force, he had, on the Tuesday, stationed a 
watch of several armed men, upon the summit of the hill, in advance of his 
camp, to look out for the Baronial troops. So lax, however, was the dis* 
cipline, or so small the expectation of present danger, that the appointed 
sentinels, growing tired of their duty towards morning, returned into Lewes, 
and abandoned their poet to the vigilance of a single man, and he, naturally 
enough, when left to himself, had fallen asleep. In this condition he was 

' " Edidtur pablioe quatinas ante soils ortum ereptis annis exeant de boads ubi magna pars ex- 
erdtut pernoctabat, et conreniant eztiti viUam de Flexinge, quae distat de Lewes per sex milUaria." 
— W. Rish de bello Lew. The real distance is about nine miles. 

^ A letter of Neville, the fifth Earl of Westmoreland, 1557, well eipresses the natural bond of 
tenants and landlord, when he desires that it may be so arranged in the distribution of troops, 
"that erery man of worshipe may have the conduction and guyding of his owne ftiends and 
tenants, as I think the heits of Che people Is tacht, that they will sooner be penwaded by their 
own natural lords and masters, and more willinglie serye under them lor love, than with itrangera 
for money/'^CoU. Herald. Sentimeiita motthy of the fkmily, wboae standard boasted " a tenir 
promesse vient de noblesse." 

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found by the advancing soldiers of de Montfort, and compelled, by fear, to 
give ail the information in his power as to the royal force.^ Having thus 
gained the crest of the hill, their orderly march was continued with such 
caution, that the foremost troops nearly reached the town before any alarm 
was giv^i. 

It happened that the preceding evening the King had commanded some 
foragers to be sent in search of fresh supplies of hay and com, a great scarcity 
of which was felt at Lewes.' These men, on leaving the town early in the 
morning, were now intercepted by the van of the Barons. Though several 
were killed in the skirmish, yet the hurried flight, and the return of the 
others was snflScient at once to arouse the royal party to a sense of their 
imminent danger* 

The main army of the Barons in the meanwhile continued to advance 
along the ridge of the Downs, until they came within sight of the bell- 
tower' of the Priory, when Simon de Montfort, dismounting from his horse, 
as did the other chiefs, once more addressed them and his soldiers : *^ O 
my beloved comrades and followers, we are about to enter upon a war 
to day for the sake of the government of the kingdom, to the honour of 
God, of the blessed Mary, of all the Saints, and of our mother Church, 
and at the same time for the observance of our faith. Let us pray to the 
King of all, that if what we now undertake pleases Him, He would grant 
us vigour and help, so that we may exhibit a grateful service by our 
knightly belt, overpowering the malice of all enemies. If we are His, 
to Him we commend our body and soul." This appeal was answered in 
a similar spirit, all falling prostrate on the turf, and imitating the form 
of a cross with their out-stretched arms : •* Grant us, O Lord, (they ex- 
clumed) our desire, with mighty victory, to the honour of Your name."* 

> Oxenede'B Chr. *W. Heming. H. Knight. 

* " Cum tccessiisent ad montis deflcentum* qui eit juzU Lewes, intuentet cenobii campuiariam, 
dcscendit de dextrtrio."— Ozenede's Chr. 

* Ozenede't Chr. W. Rith sajs,— " Oimtione pariter et admonitiooe penutiorifi a duce eomm 

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On rising from this act of devotion, de Montfort proceeded to talce up bis 
position, and distribute his forces with his usual skill. While his flanks 
were defended by abrnpt, almost precipitous ground on either side, a 
gradual slope of more than a mile in his front, enabled him to overlook 
all the approaches of Lewes, and to observe in security the movements 
of his enemy. The town was greatly protected on the north, the east, 
and partly on the south by the windings of the river Ouse, up the course 
of which the waters of the sea were then allowed to flow freely, and to 
.spread widely over the adjoining country at every tide.^ This was, how- 
ever, no impediment to the attack of de Montfort from bis favourable 
position on the west of the town. A pious writer of the time, anxiously 
ascribes the advantage^ of the ground to the King's party, in order to make 
more evident the assistance of Heaven in winning the victory, but tins 
assumption is not consistent with the locality, unless it may refer to the 
strength of Lewes and other castles in Sussex being in the hands of the 

A singular expedient was employed to deceive the enemy, which, 
though apparently trivial, proved, in the sequel, of considerable advantage. 
The accident has been already mentioned, which befell Simon de Montfort 
a few months before, when on his route to Amiens, by the stumbling of 
his horse,' and though he had quickly recovered from his lameness after 
his forced return to Eenilworth, he had used, occasionally, while yet 
weak, a carriage which he had caused to be built for him in London. This 
vehicle, after having been for some days purposely employed for his own 

> Doomsday represents the burgesses of Lewes supplying 16,000 herrings, and the salt-pans 
extended as &r inland as Ripe. According to the same authority, rent was paid at other places 
in eels, herrings and salmon, and a manor in Essex paid the Lord what is termed "Herringsilver." 
— -Placit. Hen. III. The smaU hills, now surrounded by meadows, near the Priory, were described 
as islands in the Charters of the first and sixth Earls of Warenne, and at the surrender to 
Henry VIIL the Priory owned 2,000 acres under water. — Horsefield's Lewes. Dugd. Mon. 

^ " Sic et locus hostibus fiiit opportunus, 

Ut hinc constet omnibus esse Dei munus."—T. 375, Polit. S. from MS. Harl., 978. 

' Chr. Dunst. 

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^conveyance, so as to give thc» enemy reason to snppose bim still disabled, 
was broaght on the field of battle. 

■* The Erte did mak a ehart «t Londoa thnigh gilery. 
Himself therin suld fare, and seke be wend to ly.*— Rob. Brune. 

It is not easy to determine the natnre of the vehicle used by de 
Montfort on this occasion, as there is much obscurity on the earlier form 
of carriages in England. There was a "chaer" used for the conveyance of 
distinguished persons in Anglo-Saxon times, which appears to have been 

a four-wheeled 
car, wUb a ham- 
mock slung on 
hooks between 
two poles, and 
occasionally car- 
ried four per- 
sons.' A royal officer is recognised in Doomsday, as providing car- 
riages for the King. At a later period there was an ornamental 
covered carriage, without springs,* on two wheels, the form of which 
would admit of the addition of grating to the apertures, so as to 
resemble de Montfort's car. As nothing on wheels, however, could well 
have accompanied the march across the rough tract of forest to the South- 
downs, or could be supposed to give ease to an invalid, it was more 
probably a species of litter,* borne between two horses, a conveyance 

1 " The Karl had a car made at London through deceit, for himself to be carried in, and be con- 
sidered to lie therein sick.*^— W. Rish. de hello Lew. 

* V. Strutf 8 Dresses. J. H. Blarkland in Archaeal. ▼. 20, from MS. Cott. Claud, B. IV. of the 
eleventh Century. At p. 37, of MS. are four cars» with four person within each. 

^The body of William Rufiis was carried in a "rheda oabaUaria."— W. Malmt., or^lcctiQa 
equestris."— Mat. Westm. K. John is described by Mat. Par. as carryinff about his prisoners. 
Including Hugh de Brun, in carts in a novel manner, " vehieulis bigaram novo genere cquitaadi 
et inusitato." Such vehidts were only used by persons of dignity, and Philip le Bel, In 1294, 
passed a sumptuary law, restricting their use to such " premierement nuUe bourgeau n&ura char." 
V. Archseol. v. 20. pi. 17. from MS. of Roman du Koy Meliadus, of the fourteenth Century, formeriy 
in Roxburghe collection. 

^v. woodcut from MS. of fourteenth Cent. In Johnes' Monstrelet, pL 7, the Queen of 

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/ Jax.iJ'n. .Car Jr^m ^7.S. C^H. CUjufi BvA cfi.ATc/KJtoi a 5;.^. ^ 


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which remained in use long afterwards on state occasions. Tor women, or 
for siclc persona. The iron grating, which constituted its framework, 
served the purpose of a cage, with a door of ^itrance, and in this were 
shut up some unhappy Londoners, who had opposed Simon de Montfort 
and their fellow-citizens, on the day of his forcible entry across London 
Bridge, in the preceding autumn. . These prisoners, Augustine de 
Harhestocky Richard Dycard, and Stephen de Chelmerford,^ were old men 
of considerable importance in the city. 

This car, with his baggage, was purposely stationed by de Montfort, 
on a conspicuous point of the hill, and was left surrounded by his own 
standard and pennons, with a competent guard under the charge of William 
*f Vlinir. le Blund,* a gallant young warrior, who had been a 

party to the arbitration of the French King, and was 
attached to the service of de Montfort The tents 
and baggage of the other Barons were also arranged 
on the hill.* 

As the general use of armorial ensigns had not 
been established before the Crusades, their first appear- 
ance during a great battle in England, was probably on 

Frands I., makes her entry into Toulouse, in a litter lashed on the hack of two hones. Erelyn 
travelled in a litter from Bath to Wotton, in 1640, with his sick fiUher.— t. Diary 1. 9. In 1680, 
when the wounded General Skippon was thus conveyed, "the horse litter, borne between two 
horses, tossed the Migor.General like a dog in a blanket.'*— Harl. Misc. t. Sat Mag. 1889. 

1 Authors differ as to the number of these prisoners. T. Wyke names the three as above, and 
calls the car a quadriga ; W. de Heming, puts two Londoners in the " currus, quern fieri fecit 
Comes ad equitandum." H. Knighton, also, has two men, and describes the "currum quasi 
felcatum in quo equitaret ac si esset sgrotus, cum esset bellator robustus et fortis." Chr. Mailros 
speaks of " duos indytos Londinenses senes," describings also, the car as " currum sybdolom quern 
foris fecit ferro per totum contegi — cumis habebat quendam angustum egressum : — vas doloslteiia— • 
vas perfidum — vas inezpugnabile." W. Rish, and Mat Westm. have four prisoners. 

' He was related to the de Veres by his mother, and on his death in the battle, his sistcn 
became his heirs. W. le Blunde held a manor in Essex, and five lands in Norfolk. — Gal. Inq. 
p. mort. 

' " Barones tentoria su&et sarcinas locaverunt super montem."— Mat. Westm. 

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this occasion, and to a good soldier tbey most hswe been an efficient help 
in the marshalling and directing the movements of an army. The scene 
mast have been an animating one at this moment, when the Barons, each 
nnder his own banner,^ were preparing themselves and their horses, on 
the broad expanse of the Downs, for the approaching combat. 

L& ont mdDte riche gumemeot Rich caparisons were there, 

Brode sur cendeaus et samis,* Silks and satins broidered fair, 

Meint bean penon en lance mis. On lances fixed gay pennons see, 

Meint bani^ desploift : Many a banner flowing free ; 

£ loing estoit la noise oie To distant ears his eager cry 

Des henissement des chevaaz ; The neighing war-horse sends on high ; 

Par tote estoient moans et yauls On every hiU and vale around 

Pleins de summers e de charroi The sumpter beasts and carts abound ; 

Que la vitaUe e la courroi Arms, forage, victuals, scattered lay, 

De tentes et de pavilions."— CarlaT. With huts and tents in close amy. 

It was probably from the natare of the ground, which here branches off 
into three projecting points separated from each other by deep hollows, and 
all more or less advancing towards Lewes, that de Montfort now separated 
his forces into foar divisions, over three of which be appointed eminent 
leaders, keeping the other ander his own command in reserve. 

On his left, towards the North, along a declivity, which ends close under 
the castle walls, were placed the Londoners, zealous, but undisciplined par- 
tisans, who eagerly claimed the honour of the foremost station, and Nicholas 
de Segrave* was, at bis own request, made their leader. The chequered 
fortunes of his grandfather, exposed to the capricious favour and persecution 
of the King, did not deter bis father Gilbert from faithfully serving his 
sovereign abroad, where indeed he sacrificed his life by a detention in an 
unwholesome prison by the French. Nicholas had himself served in the 
Grascon wars, but at home, both at Oxford and subsequently, had adhered 

' "Barones In plena planide desoendebant et equos cingentet armapneparabant." — W. Heming. 
The plain may be understood as the open slope of the Downs, not the level at their feet. " Ba- 
rones erectis Texiilis In dedivitatem cujusdam montlsquse oppidum LewensefinitimA a dvitate dis- 
terminat."— T. Wyke. 

* " Cendeaus, cenda^ a taffety or satin — samis, samit, silk Sarrasineschc, sarsnet or Persian— 
these were probably Asiatic goods imported from the great mart of Bruges. 

' " Segrave, Sable, lion rampant argent crowned or.'' ->Rolls of Arms. 

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to the Barons with eiidi zeal, as to earn a special excommunication from 
Arcbbi^op Bonifisu^. Being fortunate enough to escape, almost singly, 
from the general rout and capture at Northampton, he had sought refuge 
in London, and bad gone from thence to share in the siege of Rochester. 
His recent intercourse had made him known and acceptable to the citizens 
now placed under his guidance. His mother, Amabil, was the wife of one 
of the Royalist chiefs, Roger de Someri, and this alliance may have assisted 
him, after he had been wounded and taken prisoner at Evesham, in recover- 
ing his lands which had been granted away to Prince Edmund. Before his 
death in 1295,^ he had accompanied Prince E^v?ard on his crusade. 

With him were associated, as bannerets, Hervey de Borham'and Henry 
de Hastings.' 

Jio one was throughout more active against the King than the latter, an 
enmity which may have arisen from his having been ward to Guy de TiUsig- 
nan, the great abuses to which such a connexion was liable, often giving 
rise to future hatred. Although yet young, he had numbered two Welch 
campaigns, and having since joined in the plunder of aliens, he stood an ex- 
communicated man. His marriage with Joan de Cantilupe,^ only confirmed 
his natural inclinations for the cause he adopted, and his zeal continued un- 
quenched by disasters to the last. De Montfort, when in power, having 
assigned some castles to his trust, he withstood all threats and promises 
after the defeat of Evesham, and held out Eenilworth in defiance long after- 
wards, even maiming the hand of a royal herald, who came to summon its 
surrender. This act procured him a special exemption from pardon, and a 
sentence of seven years' imprisonment, though by Prince Edward's 

> He left fiTe sons, of whom John and Nichoki were at CarlaTerock. 

" Nicolas de SegraTe o U Nicholas de Segrave was ther^ 

Ke Nature aToit embeli Whom nature had embellished fiUr 

De corps et ttdrichi de cuer With grace of form and richest heart, 

Vaillant pare et qui jeta puer." Bold Knight, in whom fear had no purt. 

* W. Rish. de beOo Lew. ' Hastings, Or a manche gules. 

« She was sister to the sainted Bishop Thomas, and heir of another brother William, Lord of 
Bergavenn J, which title was subsequentlj merged in that of Hastings.— Bank's Dorm. Bar. 

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mediation be only suffered two. His fotfeited estates were divided between 
bis enemies, Roger de Clifford and Roger de Leyboarne, wbo preferred 
their claim from their alliances with bis two daughters.^ 

The centre of the Baron's army, which must have occupied that branch 
of the hill descending with an uninterrupted slope into the town, was IchI 
on by de Clare, so freshly girded with the soIdier*s belt, together with John 
Fitz-John and William de Monchensy, able and experienced soldiers, 
whose wealth and rank increased their importance. 

The Baron Fitz-John, was now about twenty-six years of age, and even 
before coming to his majority had married Margery, the daughter of his 
present opponent Philip de Basset. Although Fitzpiers, Earl of Essex, bis 
immediate ancestor, had been high in the confidence of the King, Fitz-John 
justified the trust reposed in him by the Barons during these wars, by great 
ability and a desperate fidelity to their cause, even when it bad become 
hopeless. He bad been a principal party in the London riots, and was 
among those summoned to Parliament after the battle of Lewes, After 
holding Ludlow and some castles of the royalist de Mortimer in bis cus- 
tody^ he was nearly the only man of note taken prisoner at Evesham, after 
a stout defence, but be wilfully forbore to make his peace or compound for 
bis estates, and when be died 1276, bis brother succeeded him.' 

His comrade, William de Monchensy,' about thirty years of age, was 
another determined partisan. On succeeding, in 1255, to bis father, one 
of the most noble, wealthy, and prudent warriors of bis age, and wbo had 

■ Henry de Hastiogs died 1269. His son John appeared in good repute at CarlaTerock ; 
"An fidt de armes fiers et estous Restless and proud on war's alarm. 

En ostel douz et debonnaires." At home all courteous, meek, and calm. 

Having married Isabd, the sister and co-heir of Aymer de Valence, the Earldom of Pembroke 
came into the funily in 1339. The abeyance of this ancient Barony of Hastings was determined 
hi 1841, in favour of Shr Jacob Astley. 

* Dugd. Bar. Arms, Fitz-John, Quarterly or and gules, a bordure vairy. 

' Mont Cenis pronounced Mont Cheney by the Normans. His ancestor Guerin de Mont 
Cheney had seized and kept possession of Keymes, in Cardigan Bay. '* Or, three escutcheons 
harry vert and gules." — Rolls of Arms— Dugd. Bar. t. p. 136, ante. 

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married one of the great Pembroke beirefises, be bad been for a brief period 
the ward of William de Valence, wbo bad married bis sister. Tbisdid not 
attract bis affections to tbe Court, and be attached himself, without reserve, 
to tbe Baronial party. On bis sabseqaent capture at Eenilwortb, bis lands 
were given to bis brother-in-law, but on the last day allowed by the terms 
of grace, bis mother produced him in court, when in a state of great sick- 
ness, and so procured their restoration. Some years afterwards he was fight- 
ing in Wales under Edward I., and at the siege of Drossellan castle, was, 
with many others, crushed by the fall of its towers. De Valence then 
claimed to possess himself for tbe third time of bis estates, and tried, 
though in vain, to bastardise bis only child Dionysia. She afterwards 
married her guardian Hugh de Vere. 

Tbe right wing was commanded by Henry the eldest, and Guy the third 
son of de Montfort Henry, with bis father's spirit and principles, shared 
also bis public labours, and was a partner in bis triumph, defeat, and death. 
Humphrey de Bobun the younger,* already referred to as confronted with 
bis own father in this civil strife, and John de Burgh were also in this part 
of the field. The latter, who was tbe grandson* of the ill-used guardian of 
the King, might well distrust the policy and intrigues of a Court, by which 
bis family bad been raised to official power, and then persecuted with savage 

One of the most powerful and steady adherents of tbe Barons, in spite 
of bis kindred with de Warenne, was Roger le Bigot, Earl of Norfolk, who 
held the office of Earl Marshal by cession from his mother, in 1247.' His 
name appears in all tbe deeds of peace and war among the firmest of the 
Baronial party, and be was excommunicated in consequence. 

■ He died in 1265, tfter being made prisoner at Efetham. 

* He died, 1280. Dugdale makes him the son. 

' BCaud, the eldest daughter of the Earl of Pembroke, married : 1. Roger, Earl of Norfolk. 3. 
William, Earl de Warenne. She died 1248. Bigot, " Or a cross gules." The Earl, who is con- 
Aised by Sir J. Mackintosh and others, with his nephew, the royalist, Roger le Bigot, was made 
goremor of Oxford by the Barons, and died 1270. 

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The main spring of these moying powers, Simon de Montfort, placed 
himself at the head of a reserved force, in such a position, as might best 
enable him to direct and aid the other divisions, while he watdied the 
varjring fortunes of the day. Thomas de Pelveston, an eminent merchant 
of London, already noted as conspicuous in the riots, was there with 

Though particular stations in the battle, have not been assigned to 
more than those now named, yet there were many other nobles of impor- 
tance and historical name, who were also fighting in the ranks of the 
Baron's army. 

The merits of Hugh le Despenser,^ who had formerly been in the ser- 
vice of the King of the Romans, and had accompanied him abroad in 1257, 
recommended him to the office of Justiciary of England, after tiie Oxford 
Statutes, but from this the King had dismissed him. Though his wife, 
Aliva,* was the daughter of an enemy, he testified his attachment to de 
Montfort, by dying vrith him at Evesham. His son and grandson became 
the mischievous favourites of Edward II., and have branded the name with 
historical infamy, but we find the former in his earlier and better days, 
attending Edward I., at Carlaverock, and thus praised :— 

" Ki Tasiaument tur le curtier A mounted knight who wdl did know 

Savoit denrompre une meUee." To charge and rout a manhalled foe. 

Robert de Ferrers,' Earl of Derby, destined to be the last of his race 
enjoying that title, seems to have imbibed his hatred of the court, from 
having been long subject to its care and controul. The death of his father, 
in 1254, by the accidental overthrow of his vehicle on the bridge of St. 
Neots, when^ helpless from gout, threw him as child into the wardship of 

' " Qnarterle de argent et gules» bende» sable, les quartien de gnlet frett^ de or."— Rolls of Arms. 

* AliTa. daughter of Phillip Basset 

s Henry de Ferrieres, was one of the commissioners for the Doomsday survey. Arms in Carlay : 
— " Gules, seren masdes or Toided." 


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file Qaeen and Peter de Savoy, and at tbe age of nine, tbey caused bim^ 
to espouse Mary, a half-sister of Henry III. On scarcely attaining manhood, 
he had distinguished himself in 1263, by taking more than his share in 
plundering convents, and the property of the Royalists, even against the 
wishes of de Montfort ; and his subsequent conduct was of the same tenor, 
violent and capricious, so as to incur the distrust of all parties. There 
may, indeed, be some doubt of his presence at Lewes, though named as 
among those who authorised the Barons' letter to the King, for one 
chronicler* states, that, being only verbally attached to the cause, he never 
met the enemy in open combat, and refused to obey the summons to 
Lewes, choosing to shelter himself by an imputation on de Montfort, of a 
treasonable collusion with the Weldi marchers. 

The father of Richard de Grai, a man of unusual learning and modera- 
tion, had withdrawn into the retirement of his own estates, happy in his 
old age, to escape from ** the labyrinthine intrigues of a court''' The two 
sons, Richard and John, had pleased the King by their ready vows as 
crusaders to such a degree, that **he kissed them like brothers," but 
Richard had subsequently taken tbe command of Dover for the Barons, 
and had been vigilant in preventing the export of treasure to the banished 
aliens ; he was, however, dismissed by Hugh le Bigot, for remissness, in 
allowing the Pope's envoy, Walaschus, to land there. With his son in 
the following year, he became a prisoner at the surprise of Kenilworth, 
and his forfeited estate was only recovered by the conditions of the final 
act of grace.^ His brother John, meanwhile, had continued stedfast to the 
Ring, and had with difficulty escaped across Fleet ditch during the London 

■ Hii listen, Agnet and Isabel, mamed Wmiam de Vetd and GUbert Ba^ 

*W.Rish.debeUoLew. HoUngshedCbr. 

»M. Par. 

^"Banr of siz,aiigentandgules."— He died 1271, when his son, born 1264, succeeded, who 
was at CarlaTeroclc. 

" Henri de Grai Ti je la There was seen Shr Henry de Grai 

Ki bien e noblement ala." Who well and nobl j kept his wa j. 

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riots, while his boase outside Ladgite, and his 32 horses, were plundered 
by the mob.* 

" MH mi Sire Jon de Gray Master John de Gray cane proudly down, 

Vint a Landres, si ne lai quoy But I wonder why from London town 

Que must one destanoe He fled at sndi a qoick rate ; 

Par entre Landres et ly. His house and his goods were rudely tost, 

Que tot son hemois en perdi : His horse gear and horses all were lost ; 

Ce fti sa mescha n c e .^ Such was his piteous fate. 

Robert de Vipont,' a warrior of an eminent family in Westmoreland, 
bad been educated as a ward under his uncle, Thomas Bishop of Carlisle, 
and was, perhaps, induced to take the side he did by the influence of Fitz- 
John, whose relation^ Isabella, be had married, 

A similar motive may, also, have brought Robert de Ros, whose mother 
was another relative of Fitz-John. The name of his grandfather, who 
married a Scotch princess,^ stands as one of the chosen sureties of Magna 
Charta, and be received a grant of lands from Henry IIL His father, after 
faithfully serving in the Gascon wars, had returned home without the King's 
sanction, in 1242, on the singular plea of being disabled by poverty from 
staying longer, and all his estates were in consequence confiscated. This 
was, however, thought so unjust by the King's brother and many other 
nobles, that they immediately imitated his example. 

Robert de Ros had himself, in 1244, purchased of the King, by a large 
fine, the marriage of a royal ward, Isabella de Albini, daughter of the Lord 
of Belvoir. He had been inured to war in Wales, and it was to his special 
custody that Prince Edward was subsequently consigned, at Hereford. 
After the ruin of his party he redeemed his lands from forfeiture, and was 
succeeded on his death, 1285, by his son William, who was one of the com- 
petitors for the Scotch crown, in 1291. 

John de Vescie, delighted as little as others in the recollection of the 

' Ann. Dunst. * Polit S. from MS., 13th Century. 

' " Vipont, argent 6 aneus or."— Rolls of Arms. The Bishop died 1254. 
* Robert de Ros, whose monnmental eiligy stiU remains at the Temple church* married the 
daughter of William the Lion. Ros. " Gules three bougeU or."— Carlav. 

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intercoaree between bis fiiimily and tbe court, for a resentful memory may 
well bave been cherisbed of tbe licentknis insult offered to bis female 
ancestor, by King Jobn. Her busband, Eustace, of a proud Norman 
fiimily, bad stamped bis principles on Bfagna Charta, and neitber the 
alliance witb tbe quasi-royal blood of a Longespee,^ bis own wardsbip under 
Peter de Savoy, nor bis marriage witb Mary, daughter of Guy de Lusignan, 
could win bim to the royal cause, though he bad commanded troops with 
honour in tbe public service, during tbe campaigns of Gascony.* 

Another ward of the Queen, who felt no gratitude for audi costly patron- 
age, the profits of bis estates having been assigned to her for the mainte- 
nance of Prince Edward, was John Gifford.' After serving several campaigns 
against the Weldi, be earned tbe Archbishop's excommunication by bis 
adherence to tbe Barons, and was generally esteemed as one of the bravest 
soldiers of tbe party. 

"Sire Jon Giflford ddt Men nomi 
• • • • 

EtifbtootJonadeTtnt One name renowned matt needs be told, 

Vna e sages e pemant John GUford first and foremost ever, 

S de grant renom^e."* Agile and daring* quick and bold. 

The castle of Kenilwortti bad been provided by de Montfort with war- 
lik:e engines of defence, not then known in England, for bis engineering 
skill was repeatedly acknowledged by bis contemporaries, and Jobn Gifibrd, 
having been appointed its governor, be bad lately sallied forth from it, to 
make a successful attack on Warwick castle, where be captured its Earl, 

' His fkther's second wife was a sister of Ferrers, Earl of Derby, a connexion which may hate 
influenced him. Eustace held 24 military foes, and Alnwidc castle. Arms, Vesde, Or a cross 

* After being a prisoner at Eftsham, he compounded for his estates, and went with P. Edward 
to the crusade, from which he returned, 1274, and married, secondly, a Beaumont, kinswoman 
of Queen Eleanor : he died 1289. 

*Of Brimsfleld, co. Gloucester. Walter Gifford, was one of the Doomsday commissioners. 
Hugh Giiford, had been tutor to the sons of Henry III., and died suddenly of apoplexy, at Canter- 
bury, in the King's presence.— M. Par. 

* Polit. S. from MS. thirteenth Century. 

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William Maudoit,^ and faia Coimtesd: flieir ransom amounted to 1,900 
marcs, (1,266/. ISa. 4d.) The snbaeqneat oondnct of John Giffiord wiU 
be again referred to. 

Some of tiie same names which have been already noticed among tiie 
Rojralists occur again on the opposite side. The two brothers, Robert 
and William Marmyon,* stood, in this manner, opposed to their nephew ; 
and Hugh and John Neville* to their cousin, the Royalist ; Ralph Basset,^ 
of Drayton, likewise, disregarded the hostility of his kinsman Philip, and 
riTalled his valour and persererance in a different cause. He took some 
castles, in Shropshire, into his custody, for the Barons, and nobly refused 
to quit Simon de Montfort, in a moment of extreme peril, at Eresham^ 
declaring that he did not wish to litre, if timt chieftain were to perish. His 
wife, Margaret, being the daughter of a Royalist, Roger de Somen, her 
inflaence was powerfiil enough to recover the estates from fcnfeiture, after 
his death, previous to her taking the veil. 

A few other Baronial Chiefs may be briefly noticed. The ancestors 
of Gilbert de Gaunt,^ descended from the illustrious fiunQy of the Earls 
of Flanders, had married a de Montfort Gilbert, who had been gover- 
nor of Scarborough, in 1257, before the civil troubles, became a prisoner 
to Prince Edward, in 1265, but was again taken into royal favour afterwards. 

* The Countess was Alice, daughter of Qilbert Segra^. Vniliam had become Earl, 1263, 
through his mother. He died, 1268.^— Dugd. Bar. W. Rish. de bdlo Lew. 

'Roberthad been governor of Tamworth castle; William held lands in Lincolnshire Derby- 
shire, and at Berwick, near Lewes : he was summoned to Parliament by the Barons.— Bank's 
Marmyon. Inquis. p. mort. 

' Hugh de NefiUe, (whose father died 1244,) married Isabella de Qnincy, daughter of the Sari 
of Winchester. Prince Edward took him prisoner, 1265.-»Dugd. Bar. He forfeited lands in 
Essex, part only of which were restored to him, on his giving up Uie remainder to Robert Walcnn. 
50* H. 3. Pat. John was perhaps his son. 

* His son, Ralph, was summoned to Parliament. 1295.— Bank's Dorm. Bar. Basset Arms : Or. 
three piles gules, a canton ermine. 

^" Sir Gilbert de Gaunt,-»Barre of six, or and azure, abend gules ."•^Rolls of Ar ms.He 
died 1S74. 

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€t$§m. Robert, Baron de Tregoz,* from bis marriage witb 

mJI^^^ Jidiam de Cantitope^ a vkce of the Biabop of Worcester, 
^^I^^^L naturally sided wHb tbe Barons ; in arms, also, on tbe 

same side, was Heniy Hussey,' a knigbt wbo beld 

property in Sussex, and wbom we might have expected 

to have fooad biassed to the Royalists, by his marriage 
with the niece of tbe wealthy pluralist, John Mansel^ 
wbose ward be bad been. Jordan de Sad^vUle,' was 
taken prisoner, while fighting at Evesham, for the Barons ; Hugh Poinz^ 
waaa gaHant warrior, who bad served against the Weldi, in the lifietime 
of Us fiwiber; John Gynvile,^ and Robert de Tony,^ are mentioned as 
among tbe Batons, tbe latter was, perhaps, connected with tbe Lords of 
Trim, in Ireland. John de Caston, of Kent, was one of the followers of 
de Clare, wbo pleaded, in after years, the King's pardon, to all such who 
bad been in the battle of Lewes.^ 

Tbe long list may be brolcen <^*witb tbe confession made by a con* 


Mout fbrent boot let Baront, Ifftny tnd good were tlie Barons bold, 

Mte tons ne aai nomer lor Domi» Bat the namet of all cannot be told, 

Tmt est grant la some. So vast their long array. 

> ''IVegos^^Aiwit^ two bars gMBellie^ In cUeT a leopard passant, gnardan^ or."— RoHs of 
QeoOry TVnses, had thne tntmon ia Norfialk* 1256^— In^nis. p. BMrt. He was slain si 

'Henry Hoes^ (Hossey) of Wilts, and of Harting, co. Sussex, married Joan, dan^ter of Alard 
le Fleming, who held the manor of Polborongfa, and other property: he died* 1892. His son was 
sommoned to Parliament, 1294. Arms,—" Ermin^ three bars gules." 

*He was pardoned Oct 6th, 1265.— Rot Ftt. 

* " Polns,— Barre, or, et gnks."— Rolls of Arms. His male heirs hSM in the tiiird generation. 

* Peter Generil, married Joan, daughter of Hugh le Brun. Arms of GeneviU,— " Sable, thiee 
breys or, on chief argent, a demi^on, gules." 

* Tony,—" Argent, a maunch, gules."— CarlaT. His ancestor had been standard bearer to the 
Dukes of Normandy, and held thirty-seven lordships, at the time of Doomsday. Roger de Tony, 
the head of the funUy, was a firm Royalist, and, in consequence, the Barons, in July, 1264, gaie 
Henry de Hastings, a grant of his castle of Kirtling, co. Cambridge. 

"* Pladt. p. 1 68. ' Polit. S. from RoU, thirteenth century. 

M 2 

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At the risk of weariness, the fortunes and allianoes of ttie principal 
actors in the battle of Lewes have been thos porposelj detailed : snch focts 
may teach ns a livelier sympathy with the historical characters of former 
days, whom we are too apt to consider only as so many bright names,^ 
instead of men, having the same domestic ties, and passions, and motives, 
as ourselves ; they are interesting, also, as the remote ancestors of many 
families, still existing among as, and as enabling us to note, from the 
frequency of their intermarriages, how few in nomber the great nobles ihen 
were, and how sternly they hdd themselves, as a class, apart from all 
sudi connexion with the people at large ; bat a higher and more solemn 
duty would, also, seem to require the particulars of these opposmg kins- 
men, in order to bring home the evils of dvil war more pointedly to the 
feelings of all, who know how to valae those links of kindred, whidi were 
designed to *<knit society into a willing harmony." According to the 
proverb of the clans, ^* Blood is warmer than water," but even the genial 
warmth of family love is too readily overpowered by the feverish passions 
of civil discord, and it is bat seldom that the glory of success can compen- 
sate, on sndi occasions, for the stifling of the eariiest and best emotions of 
our nature. 

■TbitrdlectioQisablriirgedbyProfetsorCreat7,iiiliit ** Spirit of Historical Study,*' and oo 
this principle he recommends the detailed enmination of a detadied portion of historj, rather 
than the hurried view of a wider sphere, a practical sui^gestion, of whidi the author of these pages 
has experienced the benefit. 

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Httc An^ de pneUo leglte Lewenti, Raid, Britont, of the Lewet fight, 

CqJQB patrodnio Thritit defenai* By which ye liie io freedom's might, 

Quia ai victoria jam victia ceaaiaset, For if the conquered aide had won, 

An^orum memoria yicta Tiluiaaet— England'a name and fiune were done. 
Polit 8. from MS. HarL 978. 

After these dispositioDS of the Barons' forces were made, tbeir march 
was continued towards Lewes, along the smooth declivity of ^e Downs, 
and, according to one account, some parties were sent forward, with the 
hope of driving the King oat of the town, by setting it on fire at several 
points. The Royalists, however, although in haughty security their pre- 
parations had been loosely made, were not inactive, as soon as their scouts 
had aroused^ them from thdr beds, to a knowledge of the impending 

It was but two days before, (May 12), that the King had signed, at 

* " Per ctttHt expergefiuti qiuntociaa in irma coUigunfi^Chr. Roif. MSS, Nero D. IL 

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Lewes, a deed^ to confiscate the lands of John Cobham, and William Say, 
of Kent, for having opposed him at Rochester, and to grant them to Prince 
Edward, in the easy confidence of victory. Another remarkable document 
was now drawn up, on this morning of approaching battle, bearing evident 
signs of haste and confusion, and, indeed, the parties who witnessed it, 
never met again on that day, or for a long time afterwards. It is endorsed, 
as having been drawn up irregularly, and was probably intended to be 
sent abroad by some one, who was prevented by the issue of the battle. 
After reciting the 5th article of the treaty with the French King, before 
referred to, by whidi the sum, for the maintenance of 500 horsemen, for 
two years, was to be settled by commissioners. King Henry thus proceeds:-^ 

" Wbereai, we not caring to wtit for the arbitration of othen on this matter, came to this 
amicable condotion, bj the adfice of worthy men, and by common content, that the aaid Lord 
King, should be lield bound to nt for 184,000 Lirres Toamoia, to provide for the ezpence of 500 
aoldien ai before said ; We ha^ since reoetred all the sum, and acknowledce that foil tatlBfiLction 
has been made to ns. by the said King, concerning it, giving ^utttanoe for ever, to Hm said Lord 
King of FVance, on behalf of onrselTes and our heirs; But since we have idreidy expended n 
great part of the said total sum of 134,000 h,T^ for the advantage of the kingdom of England, we 
promise that we will expend the remainder of the same money, in the service of God, or of the 
Church, or for the advantage of the kingdom of En^and, as we are bound to do, and as is more 
folly contained hi the form of the treaty. 

'* In testimony of which matter, given at Lewes, on the 14th day of BAay, in the year of our 
Lord 1264, and in the 48th year of our reign, by the King hhnself, by the Kmg of Alemain, by 
Roger de Leibume» and by others of the King's coundL 

"And be it known, tiiat Matter Amnlph, ChanceUer of the Khig of Alemain, dictated and 
wrote the above letter with his ovm hands, without the advice and assent of any Clerk of the 
Chancery, and it was countersigned before the council of our Lord the King^ at Lewes, on the 
day above stated.*^ 

The clause in the original treaty, whidiput the ezpenctture of Uus siob^ 
under the controul of the twenty-four elected CouncUlors, had t)een long 
disregarded by the King, and it would seem, from this deed, that be stiH 
had in hand some portion of this dangerous supply from his brother King, 
although the two years of the treaty had been long passed ; unless, indeed 

* Rot. Pat, 48* H. 8. It vrill be seen, however, that WiDiam de Say, made his peace with the 
King, as he headed a body of Roydists in their retreat from the battle of Lewes. 


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167 ^ 

under cover of the stipulation, LonU bad, from political motives, exceeded 
tiie promised sum, tiius formally acknowledged.^ 

Prince Edward, issuing fipom tiie castle, was promptly^ afidd, and chose 
bis position at once, on the nearest point to tbe right, or north, opposite 
the advandng Londoners, whom be marked out as his personal foes, while 
around him thronged de Warenne, de Valence, and all the more youthful 
and ardent spirits' of the camp, proud of such a leader. 

Towards the south tbe King of the Romans with his gallant son^ com- 
manded the left wing, and prepared to meet the young de Montforts. 

King Henry himself, though he bad never shewn any talent for war, 
yet felt all tbe importance of the struggle, and took up his place as a central 
reserve ; though no longer young, he had yet all the courage and strength 
fit for a King and a soldier on this emergency, and never did be better 
prove them, or bad greater need of them. The great^ nobles of his court 
formed a body guard near bis person, and be flung a haughty defiance to 
the enemy, as bis Dragon standard was unfurled before him. 

** Ther tbe bfttaite suM be, to Leans thai gan tbem alie. 
The Kyng and bis meyne were in the pryorie : 
Symon cam to the feld, and put up bit banere. 
The Kyng schewd forth his scfaeld, his dragon (qU aasteie ; 
The Kyng said on hie, Symon je tous defie."— Robt. Brune. 

■ By a letter, dated Westminster, May 13tb, 1260, Kfaig Henry had sent to borrow 5.000 marcs, 
to be reckoned for according to the treaty : by another, Westminster, Dec. 12, 1261, he acknow- 
ledged the receipt of 10,416 L.T. ; and, also, 10,000 marcs, in 1262.^Rymer. Rot. Pat. 

* " RegaUs exerdtus occursurus eis dediviom montis ascendit."— M. West. 

'"Edwarduscoi flos exerdtus intendebat— com tota sibi favente mUitia."— T. Wyke. The 
eoQtemporary poem, also^ speaks of them, as,— 

" De sua Tirtute 
Satis gknriantibus, ut putarent tuti 
Et sine periculo Tehit absorbere 
Quotquot adminiculo Comitis foere.**— V. 109. Pdit. 8. 
As some of those who afterwards fled, are expressly mentioned as accompanying P. Edward, 
(W. Heming,) it is important to their characters to remark, that they could not have fled till 
the battle was over. 

^T. Wyke^ howe?er, ptoces P. Henry with P. Edward. 

'" Posterior cohors 400 loricati.''— M. West. The Worcester Chr. states the royal army to 
hate been 60,000 men, and the Barons' 40.000. 

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This royal banner of tiie Dragon, has been noticed by all the CSbroni- 
ders,^ as an especial signal of Henry's resolation to 'give no qaarter. 
Some^ sai^Kwe that he adopted it as the device of the West Saxons, (a 
golden dragon on a red shield), bnt it was, more probably, a mere personal 
cognizance, rather than an heraldic bearing. The order for the creation of 
this <' austere'' beast, is still extant Edward FitzOdo, the King's gold- 
smith, was commanded, in 1244, to make it ** in the manner of a standard 
or ensign, of red samit, to be embroidered with gold, and his tongae to 
appear as thoagh continaally moving, and his eyes of sapphire, or other 
stones, agreeable to him."* 

"Then wm ther a dngon snte and grimm^ 
Full of fyre and also Tenymme, 
With a wide throte and tutkes grete.*^ 

It had been hoisted at Chester,^ in 1257) previous to an invasion of 
Wales, and again lately at Oxford. 

" With hit oat he wende both, and arerde ii Dragon.*— *Rob. Glouc. 

The Dragon may fairly be presumed of heraldic kin to the Griffon, of 
which it is said, that *^ having attained his full groweth, it will never be 
taken alive, wherein he doth adumbrate, or rather lively set forth the pro- 
pertie of a valourous soldier, whose magnanimitie is such as hee had rather 
expose himselfe to all dangers, and even to death itselfe, than to become 
captive ;" his being rampant being an <* evident testimonie of his readiness 
for action."^ In 1264, however, the Dragon could be no peculiar attribute 
of kingly wrath, for it was in common use by other warriors ; it is se^i as 
a pennon to a lance, and on a shield in the Bayeux tapestry, depicting the 

' Ozende't Chr. "The Dragon, which, when seen in the army, is the sign of death and 
mighty revenge." W. Rish. " With outspread banners preceded by the royal standard, which 
they call the Dragon, foretokening the judgment of death." * lingard's Hist. 

* Walpole's Anecd. It was to be kept in Westminster Abbey till the King came there. 

* Poem of Sir Degore, in Warton's Hist. Poetry, p. 180. * M. Par. 

* " With his army he tamed about and reared his Dragon." 

7 This lively adumbration is from GuiUim*s Heraldry. 

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C!onquest ; it embellishes the seals of knights,^ and bad been exhibited 

by de Montfort himself, soon after the adverse award in January. 

*' Whea Sir Simoun wist the dome ageyn them gone, 
Hit felonie fortli thrift, samned hii men ilkon, 
Displaied his banere, lift up his Dragoon."— Rob. Bnine.* 

The armies being now face to face, and tibe trumpets' having given 
the signal, the first shock of batOe was soon fiercely given by Prince 
Edward, whose impetuosity spurred him forward to revenge upon the 
citizens of London, their late insults to the Queen, his mother, 

'* And Tor to awreke is moder, to bom Tiste lie droa."— Rob. Glooc 
Although the practice had been introduced at this period, of commuting 
by escuage, the personal service of forty days, required by feudal tenures,* 
yet, on an occasion where all felt so deep an interest, the armies were 
principally composed of those, who had come in answer to their summons, 
as vassals either to the crown, or to the covenanted Barons, leading with 
them long trains of inferior dependents. London alone had poured forth 
a willing host, without compulsion, and her citizens may be considered 
as the only volunteers in either army. The rare occurrence of so many 
of them being thus found assembled in arms, estranged from their homes 
and usual occupations, proves how popular the cause was, and must have 
been peculiarly distasteful to the proud nobles of the court party, who had 
scofiTed at, and interrupted their practice of arms, with contempt, '^as not 
fit for bran-dealers, soap-boilers, and clowns."^ Besides their want of 
habitual skill, other disadvantages should be remembered ; the Barons 
and Knights of this period, came into the field, not only taught to look 

■ The Dfigon is freqaentlj seen nndsr the hone ot the knight, on seals of this period. 

'"When Sir Simon knew the judgment giien against them, his wickedness burst forth, he 
gathered all his men, displayed his banner, and lift up his Dragon." 

'"Tttbisterribniterdangentibus."— T. Wjke. In the Histoirede FltzWarin, several musical 
instruments are named as heralding in a tournament. " Lors resonerent le tabours, trompes, 
buysnes, corns, sarasynes que les videysrebonderent de le soun." — p. 1 1. 

^The quantity of land constituting a knight's fee, (fieudum militis,) varied considerably in 
diflferent parts of the country. In King John's time, there are instances of six hides forming a 
feud, in Berkshire, and twenty-seven hides constituting only one in Kent.— v. Abb« Placit. Joh. 


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upon the skilfol use of arms, as almost the only education worthy of their 
birth, but with their bodies protected by shields, and by coats and caps 
of ring-armour.^ Always mounted on horseback, they could readily wield 
their far-reaching lances, or their heavy maces, (martel de fer), their battle- 
axes, (solid or bristling with six blades each), and their well tempered 
swords, for nearer combat When thus fumisbed, it required no excess 
of courage to attack large bodies of inexperienced and ill-armed foot 
soldiers, whom the policy, or careless inhumanity of these times and long 
afterwards, sent to battle with weapons powerless to resist the dose attack 
of a mounted enemy, however formidable bows and slings* may have been 
to a distant foe. **The bravest men have little appetite for receiving 
wounds and death vrithout the hope of inflicting any in return,"' and gun- 
powder, the great leveller of such distinctions in war, remained as yet a 
mysterious and pregnant secret in the cell of Roger Bacon,^ that mighty 

* Efen erorj knight ooold not afford so •xpenshre a suit as a coat of mail, ** the oontertam 
hamis auroque trilicem loricam," of Virgil. Out of 130 knights under Henry 11. in Ireland, onlj 
60 were thus proTided. Edward 1. made it obligatory on those who possessed land of £16 Talae, 
and goods of 40 marcs, (£26 6$. Sd.) to have an habergeon, (coat of mail) an iron helm, (chapel 
de fer) a sword, a knife, and a horse ; those who had lands of 40«, were to haie a sword, knife, 
bow and arrowa. 

*The sling in use, consisted of a stick three or four feet long, with a loop of leather at one 
end, to recei^ the stone. The stick was held in both hands, behind the hotd, in order to give 
greater force in throwing.— V. Strutt's Ant. 

s Hallam's Mid. Ages.— ▼. 1. 

^ His purposely obscure receipt fbr gunpowder, is wdl known.— De. sec oper. nat. c. XI. But 
Justice has even yet been scarcely done to bis fore-knowledge of other miracles of modem art, 
steam-boats, locomotives, telescopes, ftc. The following passages, literally translated from his 
works, may surprise and interest some persons :— '* For vessels may be made for navigation, with- 
out any men to navigate them, so that ships, especially for the river, or for the sea, may be borne 
on under the guidance of a skiigle mas, with grealer speed than if they bad been ftill of sailors. 
Carriages, also, maybe made so as to be moved without any animal force, with an incalculable 
impetus.^— De. sec. oper. c. IV. After describing glasses, by which, all that an enemy did might 
be discovered, at any distance, he adds ; ** So, also, we might make the sun, moon, and stars, 
come down lower here, (descenders Inferiito hie) ."— Persp. p. 3, 2, 3. " Contrivances, also, made 
to walk at the bottom of the sea or rivers without danger to the body. Bridges, also, may be made 
across rivers, without piers or other support. Machines, also, for flying may be made, so that a 
man seated in the middle may turn round a certain mechanism by which artificial wings may beat 
the air, flying like a bird."— Epist. c. iv. Bacon, however, expresses some doubt as to the latter 
marvel. Though these prodigies were enough to startle any mind. Bacon was persecuted by the 
church, not by the state. 

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foreranner of English science, who was now living in saspicion and 
lestraint aa a penalty on his saperior chemMry and philosophy. 

The gallant troop of Prince Edward most have been brilliant like that 
described^ afterwards at Carlaverock. 

' La maisnie au filz le Roy 
Ki mult 1 Tint de noble aiay« 
Car mainte targe ftreschement, 
PelBte e garnie richemcnt 
Meinte heaume et mainte chapeau 
Meinte ridie gamboiton garni 
De sole et de cadas et coton 
En lenr Tenue veist on 
De divwiet tailetet foiigei.'' 

VfWb gaUoit train came tlie ton of tlie King, 

A noble array did liis meyne bring : 

Many a knight with painted shield 

lUohly decked on fteth blazoned field. 

Many a burnished helm and cap. 

Many a linked hauberk wrap 

Their limbs, or quilted for the firay 

Many a silken wamboys gay ; 

In Taryfaig guise and colours bright 

The throng pressed onward into sight. 

Thoagh the Londoners had so zealously sought the foremost position, 
yet their want of discipline and practice little qualified them to withstand 
the charge of such a chivalry as now assailed them, and they were forced 
to give way to the onset, in spite of the efforts of their leaders, Hastings 
and Segrave. The Prince, who is said* to have *^ thirsted after their blood, 
as the hart pants for cooling streams,'' did not relax after his first success, 
but having broken their foremost ranks» continued to advance upon their 
rear, which soon became disordered, by the retreat of others thrown back 

' At the period of the battle, the shield, (targe) was heater-shaped; the head was guarded by 
a hood of ring armour, or by a flat toppc^l helmet, (heaume) ; the sword was broad and pointed ; 
the hauberk, or coat of chain armour, had the rings placed edgeways, but many had a chesper dressy 
a quilted tunic of leather, wadded with tow, (cadas; or cotton, called gamboison, wanboys, or 
liaqueton ; the emblasoned surcoat, a long loose slee? eless dress of linen, was worn over aU : the 
spurs, were of one strong single spike, called a " spur speare," justifying the phrase, " il brocha le 
cberal de eperons," he spitted his horse with his spurs.— -Hist, de Fitiw. Sereral suite of plate 
armour, in the Tower, have been weighed, ite gradual disuse being jnariced by the ^"*"ifiithtd 



1520 1 






Armour of 

Weight of Armour. 


Man, lbs. 


Henry VOL 





E. of Huntingdon 




Sir H. Lee 


— > 


D. of Buckingham 




James L 




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upon ibem. It is probable that, as an additional incentive to the Prince's 
eager wrath, the car and banners of de Montfort, were visible^ from tiiis 
part of the battle-field. In spite of some personal defects, sacb as a slight 
hesitation of speech, and a drooping eyelid, inherited from his father, yet 
the Prince's &ir handsome countenance, animated by sach passionate 
excitement, and his tall stature, givfaig him so firm a seat on horseback, 
*^ erect as a palm,"* must have rendered him a conspicuous object of 
military admiration to his followers. Though his deadly grasp, and the 
flashing fury of his eye, when angry, were compared to the leopards of his 
arms, he was, like them, all gentieness (douce debonairet^) when with 

Without regarding the distance he had already advanced from the 
King's army, and blinded by his rage, he led them onward, and forced 
back his enemy with such vigour, that the citizras at length broke into a 
flight,' neither strange nor disgraceful under the circumstances, but fatal 
to all chance of their success. One account,^ even, represents their leader, 
Hastings, as the first to fly for his own safety, but this seems very im- 
probable, considering his character; another statement,^ that this flight was 
a preconcerted stratagem of de Montfbrt, is as littie credible, though, 
indeed, he may have expected such a result, from the defective^ nature of 
such troops. At any rate, the rout was complete; along the most 
Northern slope of the Downs, numerous bones and arms have been found. 

* " Videntes sai in planide carrum quern fieri fecertt Comet."— W. Heming. H. Knight. The 
plain ''pltnides** may have been any lerel part on the Downa. 

^''UtpalmaereGtutinascendendoequum."— Chr. Roir. When his tomb was opened, 1774, 
Longshanks was found to measure 6f. 2in., ftilly Justifying his familiar name.— Neale's Westm. 
Ab. T. CarlaT. 

'"In primo conflictu mijor pars et Londinensium et equitum et quidam milites et Barones 
posuerunt se in fngam versus London.** Such is the honest avowal of the London Chfonicler,<-« 
Lib. de Ant. Leg. 

*T. Wyke. • Ozende's Chr. 

« " Londinenses ad bella verbis ezpediti, non tamen in arte bellicft periti."— Chr. Wigom. MS. 
Calig A. z. 

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tracing the direction of their flight towards the Wect, where the abmpt 
steepness of the ground afforded fbgitives on foot the best chance of 
escape from horsemen. For foar^ miles was the hot pursuit continaed, 
whole crowds of the citizens falling slaughtered under tiie Prince's un- 
sparing sword) while others^ to the number of sixty, were drowned in 
attempting to cross the Ouse. 

By these movements, whidi seemed to promise victory to the Royalists, 
one «itire wing of each army was early cleared off the ground, and this 
vacancy rendered all the more conspicuous de Montfort's car and banners, 
which seemed to indicate his presence. In emulation of the Prince's 
triumph, and ignorant of the imprudent length of his pursuit, the King of 
the Romans was tempted by the prospect of securing the great rebel leader, 
and directed his fic>rces to that distant point While the most obstinate re- 
sistance, however, prevented him from penetrating so for, confuuon arose 
in his own ranks from the storm of stones and arrows hurled at them from 
the upper ground. 

The headlong impulse of Prince Edward, in the meanwhile, had not 
only driven ctf the field all opposed to him, but had brought him so far into 
the ^lemy's rear as, also, to encourage his soldiers to make an attack upon 
the car, with the hope of surprising the helpless invalid supposed to lie< 
. within it, and of plundering tiie baggage. They fell upon it, therefore, with 
sud) fury, that, during the obstinate struggle, the standard bearer, WOliam 
le Blund, was overpowered and slain. No de Montfort, however, appeared 
in answer to the clamours of reproach and hate addressed to him z ** Come 
forth, come forth, Simon, thou devil ; come out of the car, thou worst of 

' M. Pkr. ; M. Westm. ; Chr. Roff. ; sty four mile* ; W. HemiDg. ; " for a cootiderable space" ; 
H. Knight; "two or three miles;" Bilias SticlcUnd, in her agreeable "Qaeens of England," with 
a licence denied to geography, miJ^ee the Prince pursue to Croydon and bade on the same day, 
some eighty miles : no wonder his party was tired on its return. 

' W, de Rish. de hello Lew, W. Heming. places the car in the plain, without any guide or driver 
near it, as if deserted, but it is impossible to suppose it unguarded, when the standard bearer was 
knied there. 

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tnutors.'' The eontemporary mook,^ oq recording this taunt, breaks oat 
into some bold wotds^ wbidi eridently came ftom tbe heart : ** It Aonldt 
however, be declared that no one in his senses would call Simon a traitor^ 
for he was no traitor, bat tbe most devoat and fiiithfiil worsbippw of Grod's 
Church in England, tbe shield and defender of the kingdom, tbe enemy and 
expeller of aliens, although, by birth, he was one of them*" 

While every band was eagw to secure tbe prize during this fierce con- 
test, the uidiai^y Londoners, imprisoned within thdr iron cage» fell victims 
to the confusion, bdng slain l^ tbeir ovm friends» without bmng recognised* 
One account makes them, indeed, perish by fire, tbe Barcms having placed 
combustibles around the car; and a deceitfol message is, abo^ said to have 
he&a. sent, informing the King that the Londmers were so distrustfol of 
Simon de Montfort, that they were ready to bum him alive, should be play 
them fidse, as they expected, in the batOe.* There does not» however, 
seem to have been time to lay so deep and improbable a plot 

This incident is fixed, by some authors, as occurring during the Prince's 
first advance, but by others,' with more probability, on his return* The foct 
of his long and distant pursuit being certain^ he would not then have baited 
for a merely passing assault on tbe car, though scHne of his fiieDds may 
have then b^un an attack, in wbidi he jcrfned on his retsni, and this seems 
necessary to account for his long absence firom the main fidd of battle, mUtt 
the victory was lost 

De Montfort must have watdied, vritb exultation, tbe success of his 
stratagem, in thus diverting the attention of the enemy, a success increased 
b^ond his hopes by the rashness of the young Prince. With the decision 
of a masterly eye, be rapidly directed all his efiTorts against the weakened 

1 Chr. Blailr. Having taken up the numtife firom 1262, in the lame spirit, he is caUed a IdoI 
(satis ineptns) by the modem editor, W. Falmar, 1684. 

*Chr. Mailr. 

*T. Wylce, Chr. Mailr., Robt Emne. on one side; W. Heming., andH. Knighton, on tho 

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body of troop9, among whom King Bmvry bad stationed bimself. To the 
atreogtb of bis right wing, in wbidi were bis sons, be now added the fresh 
impulse of his own resenre, and while bis princely foe was indulging a 
passion, and following a delarion, his single aim was to gain possession of 
the King's person, wdl knowing that, ^^ l^ the seizure of tiie shepherd, the 
sheep would be dispersed,*'^ and the fortunes of the day decided, notwith- 
standing the defeat of his left wing, and the pressure on bis cratre by the 
King of the Romam. 

Though bis numbers were less, they were firm in principle, and they 
fought wifli enthusiasm. In the glowing phrase of the chronicler,^ <^now 
flashed forth the lightning Tulour of the Barons, fighting for their country 
with more breathless zeal/' After a long and violent attach, they succeeded, 
by the aid of thehr numerous dingers, in disordering the division under 
the King of the R<»Dans, so as to compel him to seek refuge in flight, and 
several nobles, indnding de Bohun, Fitz-Alan, Bardolf, Tattishall^ Somery, 
Percy, and the three great Scotch leaders, some of them confessedly panic- 
struck,' surrendered themselves as prisoners. 

The King now unexpectedly found himself exposed to direct assault, 
wbm deprived of the greater part of the forces on which be had depended 
for support. His son bad become entangled in the enemy's snare beyond 
the reach of immediate recall, and bis brother was flying for his life. At no 
period bad Henry shown any capacity for war, but, as far as personal courage 
can entitle him to our respect, the Plantagenet monarch evinced mudi manly 
resoIutioB, when his danger at Lewes excited him into activity. Mounted 

' W. Ri«h. d€ beUo Lew. " Induttria Comitis hoc docente^ totam poBdm pneUi vertom est in 
legis Anglis et Alenumnig."— T. Wyke. 

'" IM apparuit Tirtut Baronum fuliiiiQea» inhiantioa dimicaates pro patria.''— W. RUh., copied 
verbatiiii by the royalist Mat. Westm. 

' Hoc. ipse ore proprio confitebantur, quomm unus eimt Dominus Henricut de Perd unas de 
melioribQs in regno."— Chr. Dorer.— W. Rish., W. Heming., Robert Pieipohit was among the 
prisoners.-*Rot. Pat. 

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Rfnrs ftf C)fo^, from |to •reat ^mI on his choicest warhoroe,* he gave 

by his own example the best en- 
cooragement to his friends, and 
thoagh his horse was killed under 
him, he mounted another, which 
met with the same fate. Severely 
woanded in his own person by 
the swords and maces* of his 
foes, proving thereby the close 
combat he most have engaged in, 
he saw, also, several of his most 
fiaithfiil friends falling aroand him, 
mortally woanded, after their ut- 
most .exertions. Among all the combatants, the last to retire or yield, 
was Philip Basset, thoagh gashed with twenty wounds. 

*' Sir Philip Basset the gode knight wont wu to OYercome, 
He adde mo then taenti woonde as he were inome."— Rob. Glooc 

** Oh ! wretched sight ! (exclaims the dironid^ with more fediing than 
usual) when (he son strives to overpower the father, and the fether the son : 
kinsman against kinsman, fellow-citizen against fellow-citizen, with their 
swords brandished on either side, drunk with the gore of the slain, felling, 
maiming, and trampling their foes under the horses' feet, or binding their 
prisoners alive in straitest bonds.' 

So many of the Royalists were now among the captives or the slain, 

' In reference to the heavy armoor of the riders, peculiar qualities were looked for in a war- 
horse, which made them unfit for ordinary use, and they were not mounted till actual battle. 
The Crusaders had brought back horses from Syria, and Richard I. had two Arabians ; King John 
had imported some from Flanders, and Henry IIL had some horses sent him from Ga>many. The 
importation of Spanish horses afterwards improved the breed. 

'"Dextrario suo sub se confosso."— W. Rish. "Deztrarius ejus ocdsus."— W. Hemihg. 
"Equo electissimo sub se confosso." — ^M. Westm. The Lewes chr. however says, "Rex bene 
verberatus gladiis et maciis, et duo equi sub eo mortui, ita quod viz evasit." 

' W. Rish de bello Lew. 

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that tbe remainder of their broken ranlLS^ were at length obliged to con- 
sult the safety of their Sovereign and themselTes, by a retreat into the 
Priory, from whence they had marched in the morning so full of hope and 
pride, and it gave a peculiar relish to the triumph of the conquerors, to 
observe that the same party, whidi had so recently committed sacrilegious 
outrages on churches, at Northampton, Battle, and elsewhere, should now 
betake themselves to a church, as the best refuge in their distress.* 

Their only hope of retrieving the fortunes of the day, now rested on 
Prince Edward, whose victorious advance they had witnessed in the 
morning, and while awaiting the issue of this last chance, strong guards 
were posted round all the approaches of the Priory,' so as to increase its 
defence, by all the means in their power. Had they been near enough to 
reach the castle, when forced to retreat, they would probably have fled 
there, rather than relied on the imperfect security of the peace-adapted 
building of the Monks, though even there the boundary wall, ^iclosing a 
space of thirty-two acres, could keep an enemy at bay for a time. 

Lewes being a town of considerable antiquity, there appears to have 
been an imperfect inclosure of wall round it, for the Tepsiv of which, the 
earliest murage grant extant, dated two years after tbe battle, authorised 
the levy of tolls for three years. The activity of the now extinct iron trade 
of the neighbourhood, is traced in the articles thus taxed on entering the 
town. ** For every cart laden with iron for sale Id. ; for every horse-load 

> P^rforataque est ides iptiat RegU."«-W, HemiDg. 

• • • "Deistpientia 

Fortes fecit fiigere» virosque Tiitotis 

In daustro se daudere * * in ecdesift 

Unicum reftigium restabat, relictis 

Eqais, hoc consilium occurrebat victis ; 

Et quam non timuerant prias prophanare, 

Qoam more debaerant matris honorare. 

Ad ipsam refogiunt, licet minus digni."— Polit S. from MS. Harl., 973, t. 3S. 

* T. Wyke erroneously makes the surrender of both Kings to occur in the Priory, before the 

Prince's return. " Ilecques fu la bataille dure et aspre, mais au drenier ne pot endurer li roys le 

fors dou Conte Symon, ainsois sen f ui il et sex fils Edouars en Tabbaye derant dite. poorce que U 

cuida eschapper.^-^Nangis. 


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of iron for sale, throng ttie week, a faalf-penny ;" and the eiltmt of tbe 
adjoining forest is thas iodicated,-^' For every tumbiel of squirrels fiur 
srie, a balf-pemiy/'^ 

TbePrioT7waB,atnoperiod,in€lQdedwit{un the walls, bat tbe slmDg 

and extensive cifcoit of the castle, with its doable beep, enclosed a n^al- 
ist garrison, in nnimpared confidence. It held, also, some important 
prisoners, who bad been captured in the earliest successes of the day. 

Among these, John Gififord, already referred to as one of 4he best 
soldiers in the Barons' army, was the most conspicuous, and to effect his 
release,* was a strong motive in their attack on the castle. No doubt 
of his good faith was at this time entertained, yet there was something 
suspicious in his conduct and early capture, which later events' seem to 

> Rot. Pat., 50® H. III. ; in Horsfi^d'i HUt of Uwei, i, 163. A ptrn»t wn made in 1290, 
for the ironwork of the monument of Henry III. in Wwhninit'er Abbef, to Matter Henry of 
Lewes.— fiousfih. Eyp. from Rot. Mis. 66.17. 


^ John Gifibrd fought against the Barons at ETesham. He afterwards paid 300 marcs (£200) 
fine for the abduction of an heiress, and senred in the Welch wars ; he was summoned to Pftr- 
liament and died 1299. 

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confirm. With his comrade, William de 
Maltravers,^ be bad at tbe first onset 
taken two Royalist Knights prisoners, 
Reginald FitzPiers, and Alan de la Zoncb. 
Botb of tbese captives, bowever, eitber by 
negligence or treason, were so loosely 
guarded, tbat tbey were found at large 
afterwards, nntil tek&k for tbe second 
time, wben FitzPiers was detected still 
retaining all bis arms and figbting, and 
Zovcb,' disguised as a monk,' in tbe 
Priory. Tbis circumstence gave rise to 
a dispute as to ransom wbich afforded 
Gifford subsequently, a pretext for aban- 
doning tbe Barons. 

In anotber part of tbe battle-field, an 
important prize bad gratified tbe Baronial troops. Tbey bad so closely 
followed tbe fli^t of the King of the Romans, as to track bim to a wind- 

> Like Gifford he bectme a royillst, and at Evetliain he was distinguished by his barbarity to- 
wards the Earl he was now serving under ; John de Maltravers held Childrey, co. Berks, by the 
service of a knight's fee in the time of Henry III. ; Lytchet-Maltravers, co. Dorset, was held by 
tve knights' fees. Eleanor, the heiress^ in a subsequent generation, carried the estates to the 
VUiAhui fiunily. Arms,-^" l&able, a fret or» with a file of 8 points ermine."— ¥. Lyson's Berks. 
Hutchin's Dorset, t. 3. 

* Alan de la Sonefa, {]i Ashby, af an lUostrious descent from the Earls of Brittany, was much 
in the oonflMettoe of the King, and enjoyed large grants made to his fkther and himself (t. Calend. 
Biit. 4A«, 48*, Hen. III.) He held two flmds in Susses under Henry de Percy, (CaL Inq. pjn.) 
After serving in the wars of Oascony he wss made a Justice Itinerant in three counties; he is 
cyied Benesehal of the King (Rot. Fkt 47*, Hen. III.), and afterwards was Constable of the 
Tofwer. He married Elena, daughter of Roger de Quiney, Earl of Winchester, and had interest 
In 1267, ID obtain the tsdempUon of his niece's forfeited property. Earl de Warenne, in 1268, 
mahle to prevnil on him to g^ve judgment in his Ikvour as to some disputed hmds, made so violent 
tn assault on de k Zouchi and Ms son Roger, in Westminster Hall, that a fine of 10,000 marcs 
was laid on him, reduced afterwards to 8,400. Alan died 1270.— ▼• Bank's Dorm. Bar., " Zouche, 
CkilM besantee de or."— Rolls of Arms. 

' Rob. Glouc, and Add. MSS., 6444, relate this anecdote, and the subsequent dispute as to 
his ransom. 


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niilly where be bad secared (be door, and delayed bis snnender as long as 
possible. Even so frail a defence as a mill safficed, for a time, against 
tbe imperfect weapons of attaclL tben in ose. 

No precise spot on tbe Downs, now retains the tradition of tbis mill, 
thoagb it was pointed out long after bj tbe name of ** King Harr/s Mill ;"^ 
as it is distinctly described by two contemporaried* as a windmill with 
** sayles," it mast have occupied tbe usual situation for such stru<^nres on 
tbe ridge of tbe bill,' and we may therefore consider Prince Richard to have 
advanced some distance from tbe town at tbe time of bis rout, when, his 
retreat to tbe Priory being cut off, an escape towards tiie nearest point of 
tbe coast would bave been bis principal object. 

While tbe King of tbe Romans remained thus blockaded in tbe mill, be 
was for some time exposed to tbe rude jests and reproacbes of those witii 
whom be bad so often and so recently been leagued : ^ Come out, you bad 
miller," tbey shouted, <'you forsooth to turn a wretdied mill-master, you 
who defied us all so proudly, and would bave no meaner title tban King of 
tbe Romans, and always August."^ Tbe latter addition, tbough as invari- 
ably affixed to bis German dignity, as ^* Defender of the faith" to our own 
sovereign in after times, seemed strange and ludicrous to the ears of the 

> " MotQB est exercitas Btronum venas quoddam molendinnm circt Lewes/' to which a more 
modern hand has added a marginal note, ''caUed King Hary't miU to this day."— Add. 
MSS. 5444. 

' " Molendinnm quod Ti ventonim dicebatur molere."— Chr. MaiL See also the ballad in the 
next page. " He wende that the sayles were mangonel." Ddomsday notices two mills of 23* at 
Lewes. The Lewes monk (MS. Tib, A. x.) says. " Hec omnia facta ftierant apud Lewes ad mo* 
lendium suelligi." These latter words haTe been interpreted " the Mill of the Hide," on the 
authority of Spelman (Glossar.) who gives the meaning of "hide" to Swulingaor rather Sulinga. 
fix>m a Saxon word, signifying a plough, and considers two sulinge to constitute one military 
feud. A deed of Isabella. Countess of Warren, widow of Hamelin. grants a lease of a mill near 
Lewes, at the rent of 22s. to Richard de Cumbes. where it is named *' Sidelune mill." (quoddam 
molendinum quod vocatur Sidelune melne).— ▼. Hist, of Warren. Tliis may possibly be the 

' A modern account, Horsfield's Sussex, describes the mill as In the low ground <m the Win- 
terbourne stream, but in that case it must have been a watermill. 

« Chr. Mailr. 

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English. His altered plight was ridiculed also in a popular ballad^ of the 
day : 

" The Kyng of Alemaigne wende do fuU wel, 
He saisede the mulne fbr'ft castel. 
With hare Bharpe swerdes he ground the stel. 
He wende that the sayles were mangonel 
To helpe Windesore. 
Richard, thah thou be erer trichard, 
Trichen shalt thou never more. 

The Kyng of Alemaigne gederede yt host, 
Makede him a castel of a mulne post, 
Wende with is prude and is mudiele host, 
Brohte from Alemayne mony sori gost 
To store Whidesore. 

Richard, thah thou be ever trichard, 

Trichen shalt thou never more.*^ 

As evening* came on and no chance of escape appeared, the Prince was 
obliged to give himself up to his enemies, and was led away in custody, 
even loaded with chains, according to one account,^ and accompanied by bis 
second son Edmund, yet a youth. Though he yielded himself up to 
Gilbert de Clare, as the chief in command, it would appear that John Befs,^ 
of a rank too inferior to receive the important surrender of a Prince, was 
the principal agent in his capture, and was honoured with knighthood sub- 
sequently in reward for his services. 

> It has been frequently printed, and latdy in Polit. S. from Harl. MS. Percy in his " Andent 
Relics, not understanding the allusion remarks that "the verses very humorously allude to some 
little fact which history has not condescended to record/' and supposes it to refer to his large 
watermills at Isleworth, where he might have lodged a party of soldiers. 

* Glossary— wende, thought—mangonel, engine to throw stone*— thah, though— sori gost, 
wicked spirits— trichard, trickster — ^trichen, trick. 

* The Lewes Chr. says the greater part of the royal army was entirely overthrown before mid- 
day. " Ita fuit quod maiima pars regis ezercitus inter primam et meridiem funditus stemata.'' 
This, if correct, must mean the King's own division. 

^ Chr. Mailr. Another authority seems to intimate that the mill was only used to secure the 
prisoner in.^Ad helium de Leans.— ubi Dominus Simon— capto Comite in molendino ad custo- 
diendum posuit.— Chr. Laudun. in MSS. Cott Nero, A. IV. " Cum Alio suo Edmundo adhuc 
impuberi captivatus." — ^T. Wyke. 

' Perhaps the name was Bevis, or Beaufo. Nicholas de Beaufo, a knight of Norfolk, is men- 
tioned.— Cal. Placit Henry HI. Adam de Beyfin held five manors in Shropshire 1261, 1263.—^ 
Cal. Inquis. p. mort. 

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" The King of Aleroaine was in a windmnlle inome, 
Vor a yoDg knight him nam, knight ymad tho right* 
Sir John de B<^ ydeped, that was suith god knight. 
That much provwie dude a dai, and the King him jiM in doute. 
To the Eri of Gloucestre as to the hezte of t£e roiite.'*"-Rob. Gionc p. 532.' 

At length, after the Tictoiy had been thas decided, about eight o'clock^ 
ID the evening. Prince Edward returned from his reckless trinmph over the 
Londoners^ and bis bootless attaclc upon the car. 

Many a great battle has been lost in the same manner, bj the rash in- 
dulgence of private feelings of exultation or revenge. In modem times the 
advantages of self-contronl in the eager soldier, of strict obedience exacted 
by and yielded to one calm sagacioos mind, have been generally recognized 
and adopted, but at this remote period, with a loose cluster of independent 
chieftains, each the jealous peer of the others, hastily collected and soon to 
be dispersed, such discipline or prudence could not be looked for. The 
chief praise was then always given to individual courage and strength, 
rather than to the fulfilment of an appointed duty. 

<* To while Sir Edward was about the chare to take, 
The Kynge's aide» allaa, Simon did doun «chake« 
Unto the Kynge's partie Edward tamed tite, (speedily) 
Then had the Brie the maiittie, the Kynge was dincoafites 
The soth to say and chese, the cliare's gUery 
Did Sir Edward lese that day the maistrie.''— Rob. Brane. 

The Prince arrived with his horses jaded and his comrades weary, all 
'< journey-bated" like himsdf* after their long service, whid) had now con- 
tinued from early dawn to the evening of a long summer's day. He ex- 
pected to find a triumphant welcome from his party as victorious as himself: 
" VTith gret joye he tumde agen, ac* lute joye he fbunde.**— Hob. Qkmc 

' " The King of Alemaine waa taken in a windmill, for a young knight took him. tiien Justly 
made knight, called Sir John de Befs, who was truly a good knight» and did many exploits 
that day, and the King yielded himself in alarm to the Earl Oi Gkxicester, as to the highest chief 
of the force." 

* " Ezpeosa est magna pars iUius diei usque ad octavam horam.''— Chr. Mailr. *' Pngnaremnt 
usque ad noctem."— Lib. de Ant. Leg. 

' " Lassitudine sic quassatus, quod ulterius dimicare non poterat.— Tam ipse quam hi qui eum 
sequebantur etiam cum suis equis immoderato labore fuerunt sic fttigaUy quod vix respirare 
potuerunt."— T. Wyke. 

^Ac lute.— and UtUe. 

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On the late busy field of battle, nooe were to be seen but the dead and 
the dying, no remains of either army fightings and nothing but the banner 
of de Warenne, still flying on the castle Iseep^ to assnre him of the contest 
at all continuing. Mortified by so unexpected a scene, and oneasy for 
the safety of his father, tbongh still eager to r^ew the fight^ he made a 
drcuit^ of part of the town» in order to reach the castle, towards which 
point the tide of war had pressed onwards, when receding from the field. 

A stem and desperate resistance had there repulsed all the efforts of 
the Barons, and the Prince's presence inspirited the besieged^ but ignorant 
of the Sing's fete, and gloomy with iqpprebensions, he soon after forced his 
wqr to the Prioiy, ill order there to learn the whole of the fatal truth. 

At this crisis, a great many nobles and knights, who had accompanied 
the Prince during the day, feelii^ their strength and hopes gone, resolved to 
take advantage of tl^ diades of evening to effect their escape.' The number 
of these fugitives is variously stated as SOO'or 400 well armed chiefis, and among 
them were many whom King Henry might certainly have expected to share 
his fete. His own brothers, William de Valence, and Guy de Lusignan,^ 
and the Eari de Warenne, though in sight of his own castle, all bound by 
kindred and fevours to their sovereign, now abandoned him ; Hugh le Bigot, 
and many of the Ughest chieftains, being their comrades in this flight 

" Many on stiUeUclie hor armes a wei caste, 
And chaungede horn vor herigauB, som dd hii were agaste. 
And mani flowe in to the water, and some towards tbe sea. 
And manie passede over and ne come nevere ase."— Rob. Glonc.^ 

> " VilUun drcuens penrenit ad castnun/'— W. Risb, "Circumdnxit tillam tisqae ad castellam." 
W« Heming* 

*" Ecce omnes quasi qui cum eo steterant fogse iBdulsenint.*-*Mat. Westm. 

» " 300 loricati."— W. Rish. " 400 loricato sine culpo non sine culpa."— Mat. Westm. " The 
chiefs, and more than 70 choice armed soldiers, who bdonged to their house and family."— Walt. 

^ Geoffry de Lusignan and Hugh are not mentioned as present at Lewes, but W. Rish. refers 
to William, and his other brothers flying with him from the battle. 

'"Many silently cast away their arms, and changed them for spurs, some of them were terrified, 
and many fled into the water, and some towards the sea, and many passed over, and ne?er came 
back again." 

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This desertion was considered as reflecting disgrace on the parties at 
the time ; ** they fled (observes the chronicler) without a blow though not 
without blame.'' If, howerer, the well known reason^ for running away 
can ever be made palatable to military critics, it might be so here^ for these 
very runaways soon formed the nucleus of a force, which was ultimately 
destined to retrieve the fortunes of the King, whom they were now leaving 
in such imminent peril. 

They made their way through the town towards the bridge, .where the 
mixed crowd of fugitives and pursuers became so great, that many in theur 
anxiety to escape, leaped into the river, while others fled confusedly into 
the adjoining marshes, then a resort for sea fowl. Numbers were there 
drowned and others sufibcated in the pits of mud, while from the swampy 
nature of the ground, many Knights who perished there, were discovered, 
after the battle, stUl sitting on their horses in complete armour, and with 
drawn swords in their lifeless hands. Quantities of arms were found in 
this quarter for many years afterwards.* 

Those fugitives who succeeded in crossing the bridge, at once hurried 
on to Pevensy castle that very night, and not content even with the shelter 
of that friendly fortress, got ready there some vessels, in which they em- 
barked the next day for France — the heralds to the Queen of the total dis- 
comfiture of their party. Their version of the battle, represented King 
Henry as having been seized in bed by the Barons without any previous 
warning, and by these falsehoods to justify their own flight, they moved the 
French court to great anger.' Their escape, whether honourable or not, 
was, undoubtedly, a subject of vexation and anxiety to the triumphant de 
Montfort, as the ballad of the day clearly shows : — 

■ " Bellat prudenter qui fugit sapienter.''— W. Rish. of the Londoners. 

*"Chr. Lanerc. MS.— gives these details on the authority of a noble eyewitness; the crowd 
at the bridge is, however, wrongly timed, as happening at the commeooenMnt of the battle. 

*" Ad iram non modicam mendadis nefandis/'— Add. MSS. 5444. 

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** By God that it aboren nt, he dude mudie lynne. 
That lette passen over see the Erl of Warynne ; 
He hath robbed Engdond, the mores ont the fencc^ 
The goldt ant .the sdver, ant y-boreo henne^ 
For loye of Wyndesore. 

Sir Simond de Mountfort hath swore bi ys chin, 
Havede he nou here the Erl of Waryn, 
Shulde lie ne^er more come to his yn, 
Ne with sheld, ne with 8pere> ne with other gyn. 
To he^ of Wyndesore. 

Sire Simond de Montfort hath swore by his cop, 
HaTede he nou here Sire Hue le Bigot, 
Al he shulde quite bete a twelf-moneth soot, 
Shulde he never more with his fot pot. 
To help Wyndesore."* 

The town being now in tlie utmost confusion, tbe flying Royalists and 
the exulting Barons were almost undistinguished in the entangled mass 
thronging the streets : crowds of wounded men lay there, while the loose 
Iiorses of those 'who had been slain, or who had abandoned them tn their 
retreat to the Priory, were now wandering about in the dark, without 
riders.' Pillage was uppermost in the thoughts of one party, and flight 
in the other, but at the castle and the priory an obstinate resistance was 
still maintained. The garrison of the former increased the tumult and 
horror of the scene, by calling fire to their aid. The Greek fire was in 
common use at this time, and it is probable that something of this nature 
was employed, " Spryngelles of fyre,*** that is, pellets of tow dipped in 
Ghreek fire, were thrown from a sort of mortar ; with these, or some similar 
contrivance, they succeeded in setting fire to several houses of the town. 

1 Polit. S. flrom MS. Harl. 978. Glossary :-^ant y-boren henne, and carried them away : 
lunrede, had: is yn, his house (Lewes): gyn, engine: cop (Icopf), head : al, although: quite, 
pay : pot, trudge with his fbot. 

'" Nee fS&ciledisceml potent per longum spatium, prs multitudine Tulneratorum, qui dice- 
rentur Regales qui Baronales. Interim tumultuabat dvitas per partes utrasque, Tacabant enim 
spoliis et rapinis et equis ocdsorum stabiliendis nee adhuc se mutuo recognoscere potuerunt."— 
Walt. Hemhig. 

'V.Romance of Richard Coeur de Lion, in Warton's H. Poet. 1. 158. According to Anna 
Commena, Greek fire was composed of bitumen, sulphur, and naptha. " Emmissis tells igneis 
magnam partem Yills incenderunt."— Walt. Heming. 

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which were probablj tiien built of wood from the n^ighboaring W^d. 
The priory was sooiiy ia retaliation, treated in a aimihur manner, and for 
a time the church was fearfully illuminated,^ though the flames were sub- 
dued before the destruction of the buildings* 

Prince Edward was once more mustering bi9 broken troops to rush 
out and renew the hazard of the battle, when d« Montfort interfered to 
suggest an immediate truce,^ preparatory to negociations on the morrow. 
On this timely proposal being accepted, the carnage and destruction of the 
conflict, which had been the terrible occnpatlott of so many thousands 
during a long summer's day, at length ceased. 

'< Contrary to all expectation, (observes a contemporary dironieler,') the 
Barons had thus gained a wonderfol victory, which they attributed with 
gratitude to Him alone, by whose su^MMrt they had passed through tke 
mortal dangers of the struggle/' The same spirit of detotional joy, and 
aSectioiiate gratitude to the achievers of such a victory, pervades other ac- 
counts written at the time. Among the most remarkable is the long LatiD 
ihymed poem, b^re referred to, composed immediately after the battle, 
by one, who, amidst much calm argument on regal power and civil liberty, 
evinces his feelings by such bunte as the foUowteg >^ 

** May the Lord bless Simon de Montfott, his sons and his comrades, 
who have so nobly and boldly fon^, in compa8si<m on the sad fiite of the 
English, when th^ were so unspeakably trampled under foot, and nearly 
deprived of all thdr liberties, and even of life, languishing under their hard 

** Blessed be the Lord God of Vengeance, who sits on His high throne 
in heaven, a^ by His own might treads upon the necks of the proud, 
making the great subject to the weak. He has subdued two kings and 

^ ^muminata est ecdesia telis eorum,"— Walt. Heming. H. Knighton. JoinTille teports the 
camp of the Crusaders to have been illuminated by such implements. 

' "Nocte sequent! pax qusedam reformata est"— Chr. Roff. MS. 


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and tteir two beirs into captivity, as transgressors of tbe laws, and bee 
giren over to ignominy all the pride of their warfare, with their nmnberless 

That de Montfort was not only held in esteem as an able soldier, but 
was considered as ** backed by the general favour of tiie people," is ex- 
pressly asserted by a French chroniclei^ of the time. Although he oriy 
inddentally mentions the battle of *^ Lyans,** be prrises de Montfort^ as 
" noble, diivalrons, and the ablest man of the age," and anxiously clahns 
him as a Frenchman. That he had the support of public opinion in England, 
cannot, indeed, be doubted, and among other proofe, it may be noticed that 
it had driven the King to rely upon the arms of foreigners in this battie. 
Edward had introduced Spaniards, and the Northern Barons had brought 
with them their Scotch vassds, who were as modi aliens in blood, language, 
and nationality, as those from the Peninsula. 

Of these a great number perished, and tiieir diiefii were taken prisoners. 
Few names have been recorded of those slain on either side. On tbe side of 
tbe conquerors, besides William le Blund already referred to, Ralph Herin- 
got' is the only Baron mentioned. Of the otiier party, twenty tiurea Barons, 
who bore banners, were either taken or slain, and two Justiciaries^ perished; 
William de Walton, by the sword, and Fulk de Fitz Warren, was drowned 
in the Ouse. 

The blood of many others was of course shed, for, as is quaintiy observed 
in the poem last quoted, ^* it certainly was not by smooth words, but by 

> PoUt S. from MS. Harl. 976. t. 65.— t. 383. 

*N«i^; UfthirtoryisboUiiiiFraiichaiidLatia. " Brat io Anj^A non tamM de Anj^ft ted 
de FrandS ducent originem. Noble. preu8eaerm6i»et moult atgethooftduaiede.'' "Commnni 
frettts favore populi.'* " Par UtaeDtemeat da people commun.'* 

'Stephen Heringod, held a manor and lands In Kent, in 1257.— Inquis. p. mort. Rdph de 
Haryngot, was, in 1258, one of the four knights chosen by the County of Surrey.^Pat. 42* 
Hen. IIL Mat Westm. calls him " Heringander." W. Rish., " Hedngaud.** 

« W. Rish. Ub. de Ant Leg. 

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hard fighting, that de Montfort subdued the proad, and sqaeezed oot the 

The nnmber ofthe slain in this decisive battle, thus obstinately con- 
tested with all the gathered strength of each party, the first fought on 
English ground after the repose of half a century, was necessarily great, but 
has be^i left wholly uncertain by ibe conflicting records of the chroniclers, 
happily unused to sudi calculations. ** It was there seen, (says one*), that 
the life of man was as the grass of the earth ; a great multitude, unknown 
to me, was slain." As the numbers stated by various authors' vary from 
2,700, to more than 20,000, we may turn aside from so distasteful an en- 
quiry, glad to believe in the smallest amount of destruction, and may adopt 
at once the conclusions of Robert Brune : 

"Many fdre Udie leM hir lord that day. 
And many gode bodie slayn at Leans lay. 
The nombre none wrote, for telle tham mot no man. 
But He thut alle wote, and alle thing aes and can." 

The traces of the battle are deeply stamped on the history and constitu- 
tion of the country, legible as those of Magna Charta, but the only local 
record of the vanquished monarch is the simple name of ** Mount Harry," 
ever since popularly aflSxed to the lofty point ofthe Downs near the field 
of battle. This is so distant from Lewes, (nearly two miles,) that it was 
probably in the rear of de Montfort's army, but it may, indeed, have been 
where his car and standard were placed, or where the King had posted his 

^ "Qnoa quo modo reprimitf certe non ludendo 

Sod mbrum Jus exprimit dure confligendo."— Polit S. from MS. HarL 978. 

'MS. Cleop. D. IX, says that 600 ofthe slain were burled by the monks, according to theur 
account, but many others were killed and drowned : the Lewes Chr. 2,700 slain, more or less : 
Waverley Chr., MS. aeop.B.XIV. MS. Bodl.,'and Chr. Lanercost, more than 3,000,: Rob. 
Glouc, 4,.500 ; Chr. Winton MS. D. IX, makes 4,514 in all, that is, 2,070 besides the Londoners, 
and with this number agree Worcest. Chr. and MS. Nero, Chr. P. de Ickham ; Walt. Heming., 
W. Rish., Mat. Westm., 6,000 slain : T. Wyke, states nearly 5,000 slain. " many of them fallen 
by the just judgement of God, in retribution for the sack of Northampton (non habentes jus querete), 
Fabyan and Rastall, " Oyer 20,000 slain as sayth myn auctours." 

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negligent ¥ratcb^ oyer night The low mounds c&ased by the heaps of 
bodies interrapting the smootbness of the tarf, a decayed bone, or a broken 
weapon, occasionally found, alone recall the memory of the angry thousands 
once assembled there. 

* A betcon wm eitablithed near thii qM>t in the late mr. when a F^endi inTaaion waa expected. 
Two milea more to the weatward, on the escarpment of the hill, there is a large Cross cut out on 
the turf, which ia now only visible under peculiar drcumstancea of light. This may, possibly, 
have been a pious device of the times to ezdte the prayers of distant travellers for the repose of 
the souls of those slain at Lewes, but it cannot be^jaccepted as evidence of the Barons having 
made their ascent at so distant a spot, contnqfynp the ezprcM words of Will. R^shanger^— 
** Cunctia igitur montem qui distat a Lewes duobus miHiaribua aammo mane ascenaia." 

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" A proper title of a peace, and purchased 
At a superfluous rate."— Hen. VIII., 1, 1. 

There was mncb of wise policy, as well as forbearance, in de Montfort's 
suspension of hostilities, proposed at the very moment when his sovereign 
lay a defenceless prey before him. As a mere soldier, he might have 
pushed the issue to a violent extremity, but as a statesman his arm was 
arrested. Had the priory, whidi the opinions of the age and the authority 
of a jealous churd) invested vrith the privileges of sanctuaiy, been taken 
by storm that night, the horrors that might have ensued, the violence to the 
King's person, perhaps even his death, would have deeply perilled the 
cause of constitutional liberty. The inherent attachment to monarchy, 
which has ever distinguished the English character, that lojralty, whidi has 
been truly described as ** scarcely less refining and elevating, in a moral 
point of view, than patriotism, and exciting as disinterested energies,*'^ would 

> HiUam, Mid. A. 

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have been ontntged by so mdrngiiided a odlision. To obviate sacb feel- 
ings, the constitutional fiction, since so often and well employed, of casting 
blame and responsibility on others, rather than the King, had, even in these 
eariy times, been found expedient, and had throughout been put forward 
to justify tiie Barons. While their war was directed against his bad ad- 
visers, they appeared to respect ^ the divinity that doth hedge a King," and 
were still able to vaunt themselves as his true liegemen. To carry on this 
convenient fiction was obviously the most pditic course, and accordingly 
all the subsequent arrangements were founded on this basis, the appearance 
of free agency being studiously preserved to the King. 

De Montfort, during the night, so strengthened the blockade of the 
priory and castie, as to render escape hopeless, and on the foUowing day, 
Thursday, May 15, the commissioners of each side met to fix the terms 
on which the future government of the kingdom was to depend. 

The King is said* to have appointed two monks of the order of 
Preachers (Dominicans) to the office,* but it is more probable that they 
were Cluniac monks of the priory, the confusion easily arising from the 
similarity of dress and the common appellation of Black Monks. The 
Barons were, also, represented by ecclesiastics, stated, on the same 
authority, to have been two Grey Friars, (Franciscans) but it is much more 
probable tiiat the two Bishops of London and Worcester, already employed 
on such missions, should have resumed that duty. There was, indeed, an 
establishment of Grey Friars near the bridge at Lewes, but they are not 
at all likely to have been trusted by the Barons with so important a charge. 
Prince Edward has even been represented as flying to them and being there 
taken, but this must have arisen from mistaking the priory for a convent 
of that order. 

> Walt Heming. 

' It is possiUa that John Feckbam, said to be a native of Lewee, and educated by the monks of 
S. Pancraa, was in the town and enipdoyed. He was a Franciscan, and rose by his own talents to 
the Archbishopric of Canterbury, 1279 to 1294. Adam de Marisco, in one of his letters, recom- 
mends John de Pescham to the immediate care of a fHend at Oxford, *' on account of his youth, 
innocence, docile mind, laudable study, placid manners, and joyfbl hope, as a scholar much inclined 
to study, who had lately entered the order of Minor Frian."— A. de Mar. Ep. MSS. 

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^ And to the Frere Menon in to toon Sir Edwud flew vaite, 
And ther ti he nede moste, yeld him at laste,"— Rob. Giouc. 

Simon de Montfort is said^ to have inflaenoed the treaty by threatening 
to advance upon the Royalists with the beads ci tbe King of tbe Romans^ 
Basset, and his otber prisoners, fixed upon bis pennons ; bat so needless 
an insolt is not to be believed. When the natural terror of the one party 
and the confidence of the other are considered, there was plainly an un- 
questioned power of dictating terms, and under such circumstances the 
conditions of an agreement are soon discussed and settled. On the same 
Thursday, accordingly, the articles were drawn up and assented to of the 
treaty of peace, which has ever since been known as tbe Mise of Iiewes.* 

The deed itself, though frequently referred to in authentic documents, 
not being extant, its substance must be collected from tbe statements of the 
chroniclers, whidi, however, do not vary materially. The fullest account 
professes to sketch out the written . form of the articles agreed upon, and 
appears consistent with known facts, though from a royalist bias it calls 
the Barons ** accomplices of the Earl of Leicester,"^ a term which certainly 
would not be used in a deed dictated by them. 

The Mise stipulated that ** the King and his adherents on the one side, 
and the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester, with their adherents (accom- 
plices) on the otber side, should procure two Frenchmen to be chosen in 
the presence of the illustrious King of France, by means of three prelates 
and three nobles of France, to be named and summoned by the said King ; 
and that the two, when chosen, should come to England, and associate 
with themselves a third person/ belonging to England, whom they should 
select ; and whatever the said three should determine, both as to what the 
King should confirm or annul, and also as to all controversies, which had 

1 Mat. Westm. 

* *' Tunc nullo renitente quidquid Toloit potuit ordinare, eztorto a Rege et Domino Edmrd 
quodam sacramento* quod et ipse Comet etiamcum suis prsstitit, statutumquoddam quod Bftisam 
Lewensem inusitato nomine nuncupal)at."^T. Wylce. It was, howeTer. not an unusual term at 
the time. 

* Bfat Westm. foUowing T. Wylce. « '* Tertium de AngUft.**— Mat. Wettm. 

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uiaen between flie pivties concemfaig the government of England, shoold 
remui thereby fixed, and ratified by the corporal oatfa of tbe parties^ 
according to a deed drawn op on ttie subject, certiied by Vtte seals of the 
Kkg, and of tbe aforesaid parties; and that Prince Edward and Prince 
Henry, tim firstborn sons at tbe King and of the King of the Romans, 
sbonld be gkren np as. hostages for the folfilmeBt of tbe above, on the part 
of ti)eKing. 

These hostages, it is explained by another anthority,^ were to be con- 
sidered as anbstitntes for the Lords Marchers and others, notttien prisoners, 
referring to de Morthner and those who bad escaped from the battle. 

An additional article is also given,* which was certainly acted upon to 
some extent, namely, that the prisoners on both sides should be released 
without ransom* 

Other writers refer the arbitration to two tpiritaal and two temporal 
nobles, French, according to one,' or English, according to a second,^ with 
the Coont d'Anjon and the Duke of Burgundy as ompires, in case of dis- 

Another dronicler,^ who, although contemporary, does not use the word 
Mise, states the articles of the agreement to have been seven : — 1. Refer- 
ring tbe disputed points to tbe Archbishop of Rouen, the Bishop of London, 
Peter le Chamberleyn, Hugh le Despenser, the Justiciary, and the Papal 
Legate, who were to settle everything, except the release of the hostages ; 
the 2nd required the concurrence of three of tbe above ; 3. That they 
should swear to choose only Englishmen for counsellors ; 4. That the King 
was to be guided by them, and that Magna Charta and the Charter of the 
Forests should be observed ; that tbe King should be moderate in bis ex- 
penses and grants, until bis old debts were paid off, and he was enabled to 

* " Pro Marchientibiis et aliis qui in q»o beDo capUviti non ftwnnt tanquam obsides tenerentor.^ 
— T. Wykc 

* H. Knighton. * Fal^in. « lib. de Ant. Leg. 

« W. Riili. de bello Lewk 

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live on bis own means,^ without oppression to merdiantB or the poor ; 5. That 
the award should be duly secured, and that then the royal hostages should 
be released, on giving pledges not only not again to excite discord in the 
kingdom, but to repress it in others ; 6. That the Earls of Leicester and 
Gloucester should have ample security, as well as their adherents, not to 
suffer any damage on account of past deeds ; 7* 'Th^t the terms of the 
agreement should be debated in England, and settled finally by the next 
Easter at latest 

These slightly varying descriptions of the Mise are substantially the 
same, all implpng a reference to France, and the surrender of the two young 

There can be little doubt that the latter important condition was mainly 
introduced by the voluntary generosity* and high spirit of Prince Edward^ 
in order to avert the personal captivity of the King. 

"Edward that was King, with his owen rede 
For his fader the Kyng himself to prison bede."' — Rob. Brune. 

A royal proclamation, referring to this event, in the following year, 
describes the Prince as having, at that time, ** totally lost, by his incon- 
siderate levity, the grace of public favour, which he had before acquired by 
becoming hostage of his own accord."* 

In spite of tlie publicity of this event, one ancient authority chooses not 
only to make King Henry himself the prisoner, but actually depicts his 
arrest in a rude drawing on his manuscript,^ and, to complete the story, 
represents, also, the King, with his own hand, killing de Montfort, at 

* " Sponte sed invitus ab etdem (ecdesift) esuens." — MSB. Add. 5444. 

' " Kdward, who was King, of his own accord offered himself as a prisoner for his father, the 

* Rymer, July 7, 1265. 

^ Chr. Laudunenses a Christo ad 1338, in MSB. Cotton, A. iv., 110. The feet of the figures 
have been clipped off at the bottom of the page in the original.— ▼. copy of MS. drawing, pL 4. 

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These conditions of peace, duly certified by oaths and seals, whfle they 
relaxed, as was natural, nothing of the previous demands of the victorions 
Barons, and even devised more stringent security for their fulfilment, yet in- 
troduced no new pretensions even at this moment of power, and the consti- 
tutional maxim of respecting the person of the King was carefully upheld, at 
least in words, even when so much disgrace and ruin were attributed to his 
advisers. Whether there be just ground for supposing bad faith in either or 
both of the parties to this Mise, and how far its provisions were faithfully 
executed, will be seen by following the course of events a little longer. 

The reference of the national dispute, for it was nothing less, to the ar-* 
bitration of France, the repetition of an expedient so recently tried with- 
out success, may certainly excite surprise and even suspicion, but it was, 
nevertheless, this condition which was considered so much the essence of 
the whole treaty, as to have obtained for it, then and since, the distinctive 
name of the Mise of Lewes. 

On the following day, Friday, May 16, the surrender of the royal 
Princes, as substitutes for their respective fathers, took place. Even after 
giving this bail, however, the King of the Romans does not appear to have 
been a free agent for some time, but was required to purdiase his liberty 
by the payment of a large sum of money five months afterwards. As 
much as £17)000, and £5,000 in gold have been stated^ as his ransom, and 
his estates were certainly put under sequestration to ensure payment. 

Prince Edward, the more dangerous foe, and the more valuable pledge 
of submission, was almost immediately sent in custody to Dover, under the 
charge of his former friend Henry, de Montfort's eldest son. This com- 
pulsory ride to Dover, under circumstances so altered from his former 
visits there, and his late attempt to surprise it, was a popular topic of ridi- 
cule in those days. 

> Chr. Mallr. 

o 2 

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«< Be Ikfe Ittcfi be the lohl» 8ife iawv4. 
Thou Shalt ride sporeleat o thy lyard' 
Al tht ryhte wj to Dovoe wnris 
Shalt thoa never more breke fbre-mrd^ 

And that reweth sore: 
Bdwaid thou dudest ase a shieward^ 
Forsook thy eme^s lore.*^ 

A royalist chronicler asserts ttmt the Prince was treated <' less bonoarably 
^han was becoming \**^ and another even goes so ikr as to say 

** In prison nere a yere was 2dward in a cage.** 
But we most aHow some licence eren to stich poetry as Robert Bnme's, 
and we faave, in disproof of sndi a charge, not only express testimony^ 
that ** he was treated with courtesy, not as a captive f tmt the Prince's 
own feeling condoet towards his jailor, Henry de Montfort, whose barial he 
attended in person witi) every marie of regret and respect, after tiie battle 
of Evesham. 

AH appearance of fate fidrmer court was dismissed by the King on 
Saturday, May 17th, when the nobles and Imigfafts, who had devotedly 
foagfat for him, bis familiar friends, and even his personal attendants, were 
alt disdiarged. Many of the chiefe, who had come from the marches, or 
the distant Nortii, left Lewes at once for their homes^ not daring to tnmt 
themselves m de Moatfort's power. Many, indeed, bolh lay and dergy, 
were plundered in their retreat,^ while one party, mider William de 

> In Warton'a Hist Poet, speakkg of Richard Gorar de Lien's hofse^ «b 6UL psem eayv 

" Favell of Sypres (Cyprus) ne Lyard of Prys (Puis), 
Ben not at ned aa he ys.** 

> Pdit. S. firon MS. Hart *« Whether wttUng or nnwiUfaig, Sbr Bdward, you iliril rkte apuriew 
on your horse, all the direct way towards Dover, you shaU neter more brealc yonr promise, and 
that is a sore trouble to you; Edward, yon acted perrersely when you fbrsook your unclad in- 

* " Minus honeste quam decebat fecerat custodiri.— T. Wyke, Chr. RoflT* 

* "Regem Anglise licet ceperunt, tamen non quasi captivum sed curialiter tanquam dominum 
custodienint."— Tazt. Chr. " Quos dominus Symon in deditionem postea auadpieDB et tanqoam 
dominis suis quandam reverentiam exhibens, eos honorabiliter captivavit."— Nangis. Gest. S* Lad. 
" Regem honore quo debuit in tali casu fideliter observavit."— Nang. Chr. 


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Say,^ joined the garrison of Tnnbridge Castle, and altboa^ the royal warrant 
for its surrender was soon receired there, they nevertheless kept together 
as an armed body. While forcing their passage across the coontry, they 
gratified their angry revenge by slaughtering at Croydon' a party of the 
Londoners retoming from the battle, and finally made good their way to 
Bristol, whidi they gallantly maintained in Prince Edward's interests, mitil 
bis escape. 

After the royal boasdiold and party were thus broken up, de Mont- 
fturt prepared to leave the scene of the battle, and to remove King Henry 
with him, after his week's eventful sojoam at Lewes. 

1 WiUitm de Sty, of tn indent Aunily, held 42 kmghts* feet. He had heen governor of 
Rochester in 1260, and died 1272. Anna» "Quarterly or and gules, on the first a lion passant 
asure^ armed gules. 

* H. Knighton. This incident gaTe rise to the error of Prince Edward's continuing his pursuit 
of the Loodonen to Croydon at the battle. 

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" It is your ancestors, my Lords, it is to the English Barons, that we are indebted 
for the laws and constitution we possess : their virtues were rude and uncultivated* 
but they were great and sincere; their understandings were as little polished as 
their manners, but they had hearts to distinguish right from wrong, they had heads 
to distinguish truth from falsehood ; they understood the rights of humanity, and 
they had spirit to maintain them."— 

U. Chatham's speech^ Jan, 9, 1770. 

*< Hail to the Earl, inspirited and pnffed up by sncoessy gloiying beyond 
measure in the prowess of himself and his sons, whom he so tenderly 
loved, that in his anxiety to promote them, be blushed not to attempt the 
most daring enterprises." Thus ironically exclaims a royalist chroni- 
cler,^ whose indignation is particularly excited at the King being made to 

' T. Wyke. 

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travel about with Simon de Montfort, crying ont npon it as <* unheard of 
wantonness of guilt, exceeding in arrogance even the very pride of Lucifer." 

That de Montfort exercised the power which his victory gave hiro, is 
certain, but as the proceedings subsequent to the Mise have been much 
misrepresented, it will be worth while to note down with some detail the 
facts authenticated by public documents, and to watch how far he may be 
liable to the charge of self-aggrandisement. This appeal, indeed, to facts,. 
is but a repetition of one made for him by a contemporary.^ 

Provisions had been already failing in the King's army, it may be re- 
membered, before the battle, and as the providence of an extensive com- 
missariat did not then accompany armies, de Montfort was probably as little 
prepared to support his own troops long at Lewes. A speedy removal, 
therefore, became a necessity to both, and the route chosen towards the 
east enabled him to secure the fortresses of the Cinque Ports, especially 
Dover, which a few days subsequently (May 28), the King ordered to be 
entrusted ** to his beloved nephew, Henry de Montfort,"^ the jailor of his son. 

On the day of leaving Lewes, the King reached Battle, and dated from 
thence. May 17f the appointment of Drogo de Barantin, as Governor of 
Windsor Castle,' and other orders for the immediate release of the 
Northampton prisoners, particularly the relations of the Earl of Leicester, 
his son Simon de Montfort, and Peter, a veteran ever active and staunch 
to the cause of his great kinsman, with his two. sons Peter and Robert. 
Theur discharge appears studiously disguised under the courteous pretext 
inserted in the royal order, which requires their advice, because ** according 
to the form of peace, made between us and the Barons, it is necessary that 
we should take counsel."^ 

' " Sedttctorum nominant Simonem atque fallacem. 
Facta sed examinant probantque veracem." — 

PoUt S. from MS. HarL 978. 

* Rymen * Rot. Pat. 4S^ Hen. 3. 

' " Cum per formam pads inter nos et barones initam et firmatam — deliberare dcbeamus." — 

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Only a fort- 
night bad«hrp0ed 
since tlie King's 
tKXipB htA lieeD 
with tfattir TGoent 
saooessee, sad 
commflttitig ra- 
vages and extor- 
tloilB^ at the Ab- 
bey there, and at (be neighboaring one of Robertsbridge. The Monks 

iUlttliMisi fllbcs* 

moflt have lelirtied Ihe spec- 
tacle of speedy retribution, 
which now broaght the 
wrong*doer Immiliated and 
harmless again to their door. 
Similar orders were now 
issned wHh the King's au- 
thority, transferring to the 
Barons the custody of all the 
royal castles, and it most 
have fordUy evinced to dis- 
tant oomties the entnre pros- 
tration of the royalists, when fhey received the rojral proclamation, ** for- 
Indding all hostilities, and commanding the arrest of all diatnrbers €f ttie 

' " Namque monasterium quod Bellom voc«tur» 
Turba ssevientium, quae nunc conturbttur. 
lannisericorditer bonis spoliavit. 
• • • • 

Monachi Ciitereii de Ponte Robert! 

A fiirore gladii non fuissent certi. 

Si quingentas Prindpi marcas non dedlasent, 

Quu EdwarduB accipi junit vel perissent.^— 

Polit. & from MS. HarU 978. 

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Peace, wfikb bafl been made by tbe dieposttioii of Divine Grace ;"> and 
this was dated (May 25) fram Rochester, tbe very point whose resistance 
bad so lately baffled de Mootfoit. Like terms of contentment and pions 
gratitude appear in several other proclamations at this period : the King 
referring to tbe Peace as ** made by the Inspiration of Divine Grace ;" by 
tbe co-operation of Divine favonr/** Strong words, not fit to be liglitly 
used, bat fearfolly contrasting mth his fiirious denunciations of the same 
transaction rabseqnently. 

On the 28th of May, we find the King in London.* The palace of 
Westminster had heea accidentally bnmt two years before, in consequence 
of which he now beome a guest under the roof of the Bishop, whose 
prdfer of peace he had rejected at Lewes. 

The loss of his usual residence was an additicmal mortification to Henry, 
whose taste had indnoad him to adorn all bis palaces by eveiy embeUisb- 
ment in his power. Tbe best artists, including some Italians, were thus 
employed by his directions, and there seems powerfid evidence of oil 
colours bemg used by them in their paintings, though long before the ac- 
knowledged period of such an invention.^ Green, sometimes vrith golden 
stars, seems to have been a fovourite colour for the walls of his rooms ; but 
besides the representations of ** pretty^ cherubin with dieerfhl and merry 
countenance," and of several Saints, especially his royal predecessor, 
Edward tbe Confessor, there were also some series of scriptural and his- 

* Rymer. Litin piodam. to co. Derby. 
* Rymer. St. Vax»i% June 2, 1264 ; St TwaTt, June 4. 

* He arrived on the day before tbe Asoenrion.— fUiyan. The fire at tbe palace was in Feb.^ 
1962.— Add. MSS., 5444. 

* In 1229, Edwaid, the ton of Odo, wu paid £1I7 10a. for oil, vaniidi, and cokmra bought, 
and for pictures in the Queen's chamber, made during fifteen days' work. Sir F. PdgraTe, in his 
" TVuths and Fictions,'' quotes from Uber Home an order of the Painters of the Guild of 8. Lulce, 
that " no craftsman shall employ other colours than such as shsU be good and fine, good synople, 
good azure, good verdigrease, and good Termillion, or other good body colours mixed and tempered 
with oil (antres bonnes couleurs destempr^ dliuil^." 

* •«Diiot chenibinoa cum hilari vu)tu et jocotOt" ordered to be painted in the tower of London, 

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torical subjects, which must have called forth skill in art. A Florentine^ 
painter, in 1256, was desired to paint *Mn the wardrobe where the King 
washes his bead," a man rescued from his enemies by his own dogs. A 
political enigma may lie hidden in this device,' though occurring before the 
civil troubles began, and at any rate the subject harmonised with the King's 
situation on many occasions. Other subjects, of a nature less congenial to 
his spirit, however, seem also to have been favourite ones, as the history of 
Alexander (taken probably fix>m the romance written 1200), in the Queen's 
chamber at Nottingham, and the history of Antioch, with the single com- 
bat of his uncle Coeur de Uon, in Palestine.' The King's adopted motto, 
which was inscribed profusely in Latin and French on the walls, and even * 
on his chess board, seems characteristic enough of his prodigal bounty to 

"fteiie^ll»tt«cttettc]ntttt)inirt.'' ''He who gWes not what he hat. 

** <!|ai non Hat qiUoH (ahit turn o^tt Ole qiUoH oytot* His chief desire lets slip pass." 

To have loved the fine arts, in the midst of ignorance and barbarism, 
is no mean honour to the English King, and by such encouragement he 
fulfilled a duty, which has been neglected or ignobly perverted by many of 
his successors. A great impulse, contemporaneous with the rise of Stras- 
burgh, Cologne, Rheims, Amiens, and la Sainte Chapelle, was given dur- 
ing his reign to church-building in England ; besides 157 religious bouses, 
the cathedrals of York, Salisbury, Lichfield, Worcester, Gloucester, Ely, 
and Winchester, were in progress for the future ornament of the country.* 

* Winiam, a monk of Westminster. He was also employed at Windsor, in 1260. 
« Rot. Clans. AXfi Hen. 3. 

3 " The Chamber of Antioch ¥^ wish it called/' adds the King in his order for Westminster. 
The same subject was also painted at Clarendon, 1237, and in the Tower, 1251. John de S. Omer 
and Walter de Colchester, sacrist of S. Albans, were eminent painters at this time. — ?. Walpole's 
Anecd. Madd. Exch. Should public authority determine upon again creating " a Parlement haus 
ypented about," as alluded to by Piers Ploughman, in reference, perhaps, to the Chapter-House of 
Westminster, the subject matter of these pages might find there a fitting situation. 

^ A fact, interesting to the history of art in England, has been lately ascertained by Rot. Pat. 
Edw. I., in Househ. Exp. The shrine of Edward the Confessor, and the beautiful eflSgies of 
Henry III. and Queen Eleanor of Castile, have been long attributed to Pietro Cafallini, who was 

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Contributions were sent to the royal menagerie from all qaarters, prov- 
ing how widely his zoological taste was known , an elephant, the first seen 
in England, was given him by France, 1255 ; a bear, by Norway ; three 
leopards, in allasion to his arms, a camel, and some bofialoes by the 

The Qaeen's chaplain, John de Hoveden, has left a very pleasing 
specim^i of poetry,* which may have been current at court. In his verses on 
the nightingale ; and had Henry withheld his lavish grants from less worthy 
objects than such poetry and his other peaceful pursuits, these would have 
caused no exhaustion of his finances, and no jealousy among his own Barons 
to goad them into civil war, and reduce him to the dependent condition in 
which he now was. It has been, however, remarked, in reference to the 
ultimate result, that ^^ his vice of prodigality was the only part of his charac- 
ter usefol to his country."' 

Among the earliest measures to heal the wounds of the late struggle, 
the Jews were now allowed to share in the restored tranquillity. They had 
been farmed out in 1255, to the tender mercies of Prince Richard, for the 
sum of 5,000 marcs (3,333/. 65. &/), and in 1256, and 1261, the King had 
granted him the dangerous permission to examine their strong chests ;^ they 
had been suspected also and plundered by the Barons ; but they were now 

not born tin 1279. The shrine, howerer, was begun in 1241, and completed before King Henry's 
death, and the statues were in progress in 1290, payment of £U3 6s. 8d« being made to W. 
Torrelli f6r his work on them. 

"M. Par. 
* V. 4^—" ATis perduldssima ad me queso yeni 

Veni veni mittam te quo non possum ire, 
Ut amicum valeas cantu delinire 
£jus toUens taedia yoce dulds lyrse 

Quem heu I modo nequeo Terbis conyenire," &c.— MSS. Cott. Cleop. 
A. xii., p. 67. Philomela per J. de Hoyeden, capeUannm AUonone Regime, matris Edwardi primi. 

' Sir J. Mackintosh. 
* Rymer. CaL Rot. Westminster, Feb. 24, 1255. " De scrutando omnes archas Judaeorum, ac 
de capiendo omnia sua bona in manus regis per totum regnum." — ^Tower, July 18, 1261, Rot. Pat. 
In 1265, Oct. 1, the King recalled his pardon of the debts of Jews, as having been made under 
constraint — Rot. Pat. 49*. In 1270 a grant of 6,000 marcs (£4,000) was made towards Prince 
Edward's crusade (de Judaismo) from the profits on the Jews. They were worse treated after- 
wards, and in 1290 expelled by Edward I. from Bngland. 

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permitted to retoni to their homes, and in London a royal prodamation 
commended tbem to the especial protection of the Mayor."^ 

The Northampton prisoners were required to be brought up to London 
for rdease, exchanging them ** man for man/** for those talcen at Lewes, 
and as several of the prisoners in qaestion are fonnd at large soon after- 
wards, the writs to that effect seem to have be«i obeyed even by the firm 
loyalists, indading Roger de Mortimer, Roger de CUfierd, and James de 
AldUhdey, to whom they were addressed. The latter, James de Aldith- 
eley, oi ibe ancient honse of Verdon, was a great Mend of the King (tf 
the Romans, whose coronation he had witnessed* He had be^i constable 
of Newcastle, and being, like his fiither before him, Sheriff of Shropshire 
and Staffinrdshire, was, in tiiat capacity, repeatedly called npon to Tq)d 
the attaclcB of the Welch borderers. Thongh tiie prisoners' now in his 
power, were released, yet he did not desist from raising forces to oppose 
the Baions, until thdr final overthrow.^ 

The Barons, ki their anxiety to obtain possession of the royal castles 
at this time, caused the King to order his fair daagfater-in-law, the Gas* 
tiUan Princess, immediately to quit Windsor castle, where die had awaited 
the diances of the vrar. The name of Eleanor, QntQ rivalled in oar own 
days, has long served as Ae noblest type of ccxgiigd love on the English 
throne, and is to this day the ^* Chore Rdne^" of London's busiest thoroagb- 
fisira Her courage, as wdl as the refinement of her taste and manners, 
are well known ; and when she dosed a life of purity and affection at the 
age of forty-seven, all can sympafhiae with fbe ddvalrous profuseness of 
her husband's regret. Stately cvoeses mailed ibe thirteen^ spots hallowed 

* " Priaonem pro prisone.**— -Rymer. Thus Qec/Brj dt Nevill, in the service of Prince Edward* 
a Lewes prisoner, was exchanged for Robert Newington, taken at Northampton.— Rot Pat 

' Robert de Sutton, Robert Fitiwalter, Philip de Covd, John de Wiavfl, ate.— Ryjner. 

* He afterwards went on pilgrimagei^ in 1268 to S. Jago di ConpostdU, and in 1270 to the 
Holy Land ; and died by hrei^ing his neck, ia72^~Bank's Dorm. Baron. Armsr-Qvte» a ftct Or. 

' The fife crosses of Northampton, StnitIM, Wobom, Donstaple, and S. AIbans» hate been 

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by her eorpae on its passige to the tomb, on which the oonliniioiift light of 
waxen tapers^ preserved (be memoiy of her soft brHHaaoe, even down to 
the days of the Reformation. The royal mandate for her r^noval sounds 
harsh and peresqitory. 

^* The Ei^ to Bieanor^ consort of oar ftrst-bom son Edward, Iiealtb. 
Since we mkh by all means that yon should leave oar castle of Windsor^ 
where yon now protract yoor stay,* we command yon to come forth from 
the same with yonr daughter, with John de Weston, year steward, widi 
William Charles, yoor kni^ with two draisels, and the rert of yoor 
boQsebcdd, yoor fonntilre and goods, and to come to Westminster, tilere to 
dwell antil we sbril have ordained otherwise: and this, as yea love oar 
bimoar mA years, yoa wHl by no means omit, beomse we undertake toes-- 
ease you toward the said Edward, your Lord, and wiD preserve you ham^ 
less ; We, therefore, by tiiese present letters patMit, receive you, your said 
daughter, John Weston, your damsels and household and diattds into safe 
and secare conduct In witness whereof (he Emg, June 18^ St I^bluI's, 

This is said to biwe been the only occasion on vAAA Ae was separaled 
InHn her husband daring her wedded life, and leaving England soon after- 
wards with her suite, she did not return until the dose of the civil war. 

Joan, the wife of William de Valence, who was Bt Windsor at the time^ 
awaiting her confinement, was likewise ordered to retire to some convent, 
or other Stthig placed 

Other orders, of greater importance, speedily followed : One strictly 
prohibited the bearing of arms without obtaining a license, on pain of death 
or loss of limbs ; another, wbidi is expressly stated to be, ** by the advice 

lately proTed to have been built by John of Battle, and her itatoes were carred by Alexander of 
Abingdon and William of Ireland. In 1292-3-4 numerous payments, amounting to £394 3a. 8d., 
were made to John of Battle (cementario)» on account of his work, " Pro fiuturit Cruds." " Pro 
Cmce fiuuendi."— Rot Fat. Ed. !.» in Houaeb. Ezpen. 

1 Neale's Westm. Abb. * " Ubi nine manm ttahitia." 

' Ryroer. * Rot. Fit. 48® Hen. 3. 

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of the Barons according to the treaty,"^ assigned the care of each county to 
special wardens with paramount authority. Tlie friends of de Montfort 
were, of course, among those appointed : his son Henry was appointed to 
Kent, Simon to Surrey and Sussex, Adam de Neumarket to Lincoln, John 
de Burg to Norfolk, Ralph Basset to Leicester ; and this measure, while it 
strengthened much the influence of his party, tended also to repress the dis- 
orders incident to civil war. King Henry bad established, in 1252, a good 
system of police over the country. A watch was to be kept up all night in 
every city by six men at each gate, in boroughs hf twelve men, and in vil- 
lages by from four to six stout and good meir, armed with bows and arrows 
and other light weapons.* These precautions had, however, failed to secure 
persons and property amidst the agitations of the war ; it had become peril* 
ous to travel, and " the poor were plundered even of their straw beds," in 
order to furnish supplies for the chieftain's castle.' 

The mixed state of social order and violence at this particular period 
may be exemplified by the adverse pleas of a curious lawsuit^ which arose 
from it in more tranquil times. The Prior of Brummore^ had obtained a 
grant of the manor of Lymington from Isabella Countess of Albemarle and 
Devon,^ but the lady afterwards repudiated it, as having been made at an un* 
fit time,7 between the battles of Lewes and Evesham : the Prior, on the con- 
trary, denied the time to have been unfit, inasmuch as the King's Court of 

* " De concilio Baronum ut proYiBum sit/' dated from S. Paul's, July 4, 1264.— Rymer. 

• Henry's Hist. 

^ " Domus insuper pauperculorum ruricolaram usque ad stramentum lectorum rimabantur et 
expUabantur."— W. Rish. 

♦Cal. Hadt. 172. 

^ The Priory of Brummore, in Hampshire, for Augustin Canons. Lymington does not appear 
among the endowments of the house at its surrender to Henry VIII. It may, therefore, be pre- 
sumed the lady's plea was held good. 

^ Isabella was the second wife of William Earl of Albemarle, who died at Amiens, 1260. In 
1266 she had livery of the Isle of Wight, as heir to her brother, the Earl of Deron (v. her seal, 
pi. 5). Her only suryiying child, Aveline, married (1269) Prince Edmund Crouchback, and lies 
in effigy in Westminster Abbey. 

* " Tempore inopportuno." 

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1.1. of Simon It Monljoit, Lof Lcicetier, V3.aJ Pr/iiCt/^ fAtlnor, Cb*/»teJsof 
ltict8ter^{r$m a dtt^ izttl iZS(j Ik Iks /coya.2 Atciives if fens. 
4'JsihelU Coi/nirfs of kUemdrCc ind ic ^7^ U. ^ 

S.pcteric Monifort frmiieU I2SJ. 6 . Gilbert ie CUrc E.cjOU^cestlr. 

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Exchequer was then open to the Sheriff, the Justiciary, and all other officers 
of the King throughout the kingdom, and that pleas and all things concern- 
ing the King's peace were then carried on as usual. To this the Countess 
rejoined that '* the King was in the custody of Simon de Montfort, the 
Prince a captive in prison, and that plunderers and disturbers of the peace 
were riding about armed,^ and, because she refused to adhere to the Barons, 
she was traiteronsly sold by her enemies for 500 marcs to young Simon de 
Montfort, to whom the Prior had, throughout, been a fast friend, and that 
Simon, wishing to take her, had followed her about from place to place with 
horses and arms, till in her alarm she fled into Wales, and there remained till 
peace was re-established." 

A great Council was summoned, under the influence of the Barons, to 
meet in London on the Octaves of the Trinity (June 23), and to this, be-» 
sides the Prelates and Barons, each county was to send four discreet and 
loyal knights chosen by them.^ As a similar summons had been on previous 
occasions^ sent to the counties, there was no revolutionary novelty in now 
doing so, and though it is not the object of these pages to trace here the 
gradual progress of the representative system, so ably investigated by others, 
yet it may be remarked that no mention was as yet made of consulting the 
towns at this crisis. 

This assembly,^ accordmgly, met in June, and drew up a confirmation of 
the Barons' proceedings. ** This is the form of peace," says the solemn 
preamble, ^' approved in common and in concord by the Lord the King, the 
Lord Edward his son, by all the Prelates and Lords, and by the whole com- 
munity of the realm of England, to continue firm, stable and unshaken both 

^ "Cum equis et armis depredando equitabant." 

* " Quatuor de legalioribus et discretioribus militibus ComitatQs."— Rymer. 

^ By William I., to collect the actual laws; by John, in 1213 ; by Henry III., in 1258. 

* There seems much variation in the parties summoned to the Great CouQdl. In 1217 they 

were the Archbishops, Bishops, Earls, Barons, Knights, and Freeholders ; in 1235 the Earls, Barons, 

and all others who held of the King in capite; in 1237 the same as 1217 with the addition of 

Abbots, Priors, and Clergy. The first regular writ actually extant is dated 1292» 22^ £d« 1. ' 

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during the reign of the King and of Prinee Edward after Ub daatli, mUI the 
treaty previously settled between the said King and the Btfonsat Leiwes, bj 
the form of a certain Mise, shonld be fulfilled/'^ For the t^rm of the 
government three discreet and felthfal native-born snbjects were to be named, 
and authorised to choose nine ottiers^ by wfaoseadvioe the King w«B to regdate 
the command of his castles, eirtnisting them to none bat nfivea. These 
Nine were liable to be dismissed on the advice of ttie Three, who were^ 
tliemselves, to be removaUe by Parliament only. Provision was made more 
fordUy to ensnre the perpetnal observance of the Great Charter, tiie Char- 
ter of the Fotests, and the htodable long-approved CnstoaB of the realm. 
Ali^s, both laymen and clergy, merchants, and others, were atllowed fredy 
and peaceably to com^ stay, or go, on conditioa of their not bearfaig arms, 
or beti^ in sospidons nomliers. 

To this act of pacification ate affixed the seals of Ridierd Bishop of 
Lincoln,* Hog^ Ksfaqi of Ely, Roger Earl of Norfolk the Marabal, Robert 
de Vere Eari of Oxford, HomjAry de Bdran, William de Mmcben^, and 
the Mayor of Loodon. 

The King, in pvrsnance of tUs deed, an&m'ised the Bistiop <tf GUdic»- 
ter,> his ^ beloved and futhfid " Simon Earl of Leicester, and Gilbert Eart 
of GloQcester, to select the nine Councillors who were to carry on the 
government acoording to the laws and customs, ** aotii the Mise lately made 
between us and our Barons at Lewes, or some other form, if any better can 
be devised, diould be fulfilled.''^ 

* " Apud Lewes per fbnniin ajuidam Miss." Agidn, subsequentlj, " donee Mita tpnd Lewei 
ht!U et poeteft a partilras rigfllata Iberit concorditer ooiifinnata."-^uiie 15, 1364, Rymer. 

' Ricbird de Gnnresend, Bishop from 1268 to 1980. He had acted as a mediator in the trace of 
June, 1263. 

' Stephen de Berkstead, Bishop of Chichester, to whom some historians attribute the actions of 
the Bishop of Worcester at Lewes, lired till 1288. The result of his present appointment was 
suspension and excommunication in 1865, on which he went abroad, and being su spected bj Ed- 
ward I. of connivance in the Viterbo murder, hereafter referred to, nerer put himself in his power 
by a return to England. 

^ " Donee Misa per nosetBaronesnostros apud Lewes nuper ihcta, yd alia feran, si qua meKor 
provideri poesit; compleiftiur."— Rymcr. Liaaifd sobet&tates the Bishop of Sketer lorCfaid^eiter. 

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Tte arrangement of cbnreb matters was at the same time committed to 
three Bishops, and Archbishop Boniistce was peremptorily required, on pain 
of ooniseation) to retam from abroad and confirm some Bishops who bad 
been steeled in his absence.^ 

There seems nothibg to object to in ibewe secarities whteh the Parliament 
thought proper to exact on this occasion for ttie complete execution of the 
Mise of Lewes« There is a progress in them towards a final adjustment, 
and although the power of the King was put in abeyance by them, yet events 
rapidly arose, which proved how necessary such restriction had become. 

Affection and party zeal w^e again mustering their strength, and the 
drarch of Rome once more raised its fernitretdihig arm to strike in aid of 
the royal cause. Even before the battie of Lewes an armed force of hired 
foreigners had been gathered from Brittany, Gascony, and Spain, by the 
Queen and her son Edmund, now no longer wearing the mockery of the 
Sicilian crown, and this had been swoUen by the fugitive royalists to a for« 
midable host. In July, the Archbishop, the Bishop of Hereford, Peter de 
Savoy, Hugh le Bigot, de Warenne, John Mansd, and many others, as- 
sembled roond this most powerful Amazon,* at Damme, in Flanders. 

The most energetic measures were required in England to repulse this 
threatened invasion, and the people were immediatdy summoned to assemble 
in the counties opposite the enemy's coast. 

The royal writ, which de Montfort caused to be issued for the purpose 
of tins general levy, is of the most urgent nature, allowing of no excuses 
for neglect, either on account of the short notice, the time of harvest, or any 
private inconveBience : military tenants were to come not only with all their 
numbers doe, but with all the horse and foot in their power, and every town- 
ship was to provide from four to eight men armed with lances, bows and 
arrows, swords, darts, crossbows, and bills.' The levy in Essex, Norfolk, 

> S. PiMil's, Junt 25.— Rymer. 

* W. Risb. de beUo Lew. T. Wyke. Add. MSB. 6444. 

> » BaliftU H hMhiU."— Aug. 3. Pfet, 48<^ Hen. 8, In Brady's App. 


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and Suifolk, was by express command kept together even longer than the 
40 days of service, and the goodwill of the people was such that a large 
force was quickly gathered in Kent. This was encamped on Barham Downs, 
near Canterbury, and thither, also, fl)e Court repaired. Before leaving S. 
Pad's the King had granted^ to his ** dear and foithfbl " Simon de Montfort, 
a special license to travel with arms and horsemen, notwithstanding the 
general prohibition, on account of the hostages and prisoners he had to 
convey with him. The motive alleged seems sufficient to exempt him from 
the charge of ambitious pride, however jealous some of his colleagues may 
have been. The danger was pressing, and unless all classes had zealously 
contributed their arms and money, it was thought at the time that the alien 
enemy would have conquered England.* The collision, however, after all 
these preparations, was unexpectedly averted by the prevalence of contrary 
winds for so many months, that the spirit and resources of the invaders were 
ruined by the long compulsory inaction ; and after selling their horses and 
clothes from very want, their threatening force was finally dispersed. 

Another advance was made at this time in fulfilment of the Mise of 
Lewes, which suffices to refute the assertion, that '^ no fitrther mention was 
made of the reference to France."' The King's proclamation from Canter- 
bury, September 4,^ commissioned ** Prince Henry, though a hostage at 
Dover, to repair in person to the King of France, in order more folly to 
treat of and confirm the peace, previously swearing to be faithfiil to that 
single object, and to return by the Nativity of the Virgin," September 8. 
The chivalrous honour of the young Prince, which has been already noticed, 
merited this rare confidence of de Montfort in his prisoner, but the very 
selection of such a character stamps the treaty with sincerity, and appears 
as honourable to the Barons as to the Prince. Every precaution was in- 

1 July 15, 1«64.— Rymer. 

* Chr. Taxt. On Sept 1 a demand was made upon the dergy for the payment of the tenth 
which had been voted.— Rymer. 

• Hume. * Rymer. 

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deed token : nine Bishops gave bail for bis retnin In 20,000 marcs (18,833/. 
6s. 8d.)> and three French enyoys,^ who had perhaps suggested the mission, 
undertook that he should not be detained abroad. So strong was the ani- 
mosity among the French against the English, excited probably by the 
reibgee royalists, that when Prince Henry landed with this embassy, the 
townspeople of Boulogne made a violent attack upon his suite, in which nine 
Englishmen were killed.* 

By a document' dated on the Thursday after the appointed day of his 
return, we learn that the Form of Peace, unanimously assented to by the 
Parliament, had been actually presented to King Louis, and << though (King 
Henry obsenres) we think tiie terms well suited to God, to ourselves, and 
to our kingdom, yet, having learnt that some, not well infi^rmed of the truth, 
assert the said Form to be insufficient, and unsatisfactory, we, willing to 
labour for peace with all our might, as we are bound to do, in order that the 
justice and truth of the fects may be made manifest, commission the Bishop 
of London, and Hugh le Despenser the Justiciary, with Charles d'Anjou, 
the French King's brother, and the Abbot of Bee to examine the said Form, 
enlarging or diminishing it, and to arrange all unsettled matters, except as 
to aliens : the Archbishop of Rouen to act as umpire in case of disagree* 
menf The seals of the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester authenticate 
this Mise. Charles d'Anjou^ was considered favourable to the Barons, and 
undoubtedly befriended the sons of de Montfort in their exile ; the umpire, 
also, was probably well-known to de Montfort, there being extant a letter^ 
recommending him to the Archbishop's intimacy while in France, but the 
transaction seems to indicate an honest wish for an equitable peace. Nor 
was this all : another commission^ of the same date appointed the Bishops 

■ p. dA Chamberlent, de Nigell, and Henry de Verdell. 

* Chr. Roff. ' Rymer. 

* W. Rbh. de bello Lew. • Ep. A. de Uuiaco, MS. 

^ Rjmer. Bj a separate deed the Biihop of London, and Richard de Mepfaam, Archdeacoin of 
Oxford, were added to this commission. 

P 2 

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of Worcester and WincheeteH and Peter de MontioTt to treat with tbe French 
King in person concerning tbe reform of the fotnre Government of the king-* 
dom, the King promising to obey the award on pain of excomnmnication. 
The arrangement of the diepntes with de Montfoit on priFate matters, 
meaning, probably, an indemnity for the Norman property of hie royal 
Ckmntess, was made a preliminary point expressly left to the decision of 

Tbe article m to riiens may be noticed as tbe only point withheld from 
this official reference, and while the exception marks incontesti^ly tiie sense 
of past evils endured, and ibe unbending resolntion not again to submit to 
them, there is nothing In snch terms contrary to, or beyond tbe Mise of 
Lewes. A conciliatory disposition to relax its rigonr is, indeed, throngbont 

The Pope was unwilling to abandon so usefol a dient as King Henry 
had proved, but, having already extracted dl he could hope for on account 
of Sicily, he had obtained a formal renunciation* of that crown, in order to 
proffer it to a new pardiaser. With an interferenoe now become habitual, 
he dispatched in return the Cardinal, Guido di Fuloodio, to denounce tbe 
Barons and to withdraw the dergy from their party. This aUe agent, who 
became Pope Clement IV.* a few months later, was by biith a Proven9d, 
and had been the most eminent lawyer in France,^ until his wife's death in- 
duced him to take orders. It may be mentioned, as indicating his literary 

* John de Exon had been one of the negociatora at Brackley, in June, 1263. He incurred dit- 
by his present ea{ik>rBieiit> and died abroad 1268. 

' Nangis states that de Montfort himself went ever to treat at Boulogne, and that Louis finding 
him inflexible, allowed him to return. '' Quant il ot parle k lui, et il Tit que il nen vout riens fere, 
il Ten laissa aler empais, pouroe que li avoit donn^ sauf aler et sauf Tenir." The mission of Peter 
de Montfort probably caused him to be confounded with Simon. 

* By Bartolommeo PignatelU, Archbishop of Cosensa. " D oifrit tont Fappui du pooroir de 
TEglise contre ses sujets, et il recompensa la condescension de Henri III. et de Edmond, en te 
liguant aTec eux oontre les liberies Britanniques."— Sismondl, Hist. Rep. Ital. 

* W. Rish erroneously says Clement VI. 

* " Senza alcun dubbio il primo giurista di tutta Francia.''— Platina» Vite dfe Ponlefi 

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taste, that amidst tbe {xditical intrigues be was sent to condoet at Boulogne^ 
be wrote from tbence to Roger Bacon, asking for bia scieatifie worlds. Tbe 
great Francisemi refbsed, at the time, on tbe plea of being forbidden by the 
rales of hia older, bat his Opas Migas was soon after written expressly for 
this Pope, and sent to him ki 1267. 

While the Barons reftised to a4mit tbe Legate, be vainly warned them 
(Aug. 12) to release the King and the Princes, ** detained as hostages un- 
der an empty colour of words by reason of a certain Mise^ that had been 
made.** Witb as little advantage did he summon tbe Bishops of London, 
Worcester, Windiest^, and Chidiester,' ta Boulogne. They went (Sept 
1) without powers to negodate, and emboldened by ibe coMdoasness of 
popular support, appealed to a general coundl of the clergy to be held at 
Reading. The Burons sent indeed Peter de Montfort, '* as a zealous lover 
of truth, peace, and tranqaHlity,"' with credentials to treat with tbe Legate, 
but die principles of national independence and Papal supremacy were too 
opporite to admit of agreement, and the Legate inally, on Oct 20, pro- 
nounced tbe Barons contumacious, and in the name of tbe Pope ** solemnly 
excommunicated fiierar and their adherents as rebds, especially Simon de 
MoBftfort, Gilbert de Clare, Roger Earl of Norfdk, the dty of London, and 
the Cinque Ports, exempting only the King and his chaplains, whom (says 
the L^5«te plainly) we do not believe moerely to adhere to their cause." 
To these spiritual penalties be added a temporal one, strictly forlndding tbe 
export of vrine, wheat, or any other merchandise to England.* 

Whether the respect paid to these menaces would have been great or 
small was not destined to be put to proof. The four Bishops who are said 
to have been the bearers of these curses may have given a hint of the nature 
d* their burHien to tiie Cinque Potts, one of tbe parties denounced ; and 

» •• CompromiisL''— Rymer. 

* Rymer. T. Wyke and' W. Rbh. state that the Bbtaops went to Bovlbgne, Mat. Wettm. that 
they did not go. 

' Rymer, Sept. 34, 1264. * W. Rish. de beUo Lew. 

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they, having vessels at this period ever ready for daring or even lawless 
action, intercepted them on the high seas, and seizing the docament, left it 
to find its own weight and value by throwing it overboard. Another account 
supposes the parchment to have been detected at the usual custom house 
search,^ when the messengers landed with it at Dover, when it was imme- 
diately torn to pieces and thrown into tlie sea. The Barons certainly did 
not discontinue their religious services in consequence of this interdict 

The liegate's prohibition of commerce was as idle a blow, for, in &ct, 
the Cinque Ports were so rigorous in cutting off all intercourse with the 
continent, that the prices of various articles rose considerably : wine from 
21. to 61. 8s. 5d« ; wax from 21. to 51. Is. 9d. ; a lb. of pepper from 6d. to 
3s. The export of wool and the import of foreign cloth were equally pro- 
hibited, and the white English woollen doths,* which were usually sent to 
Flanders to be dyed, were now, with an ostentatious spirit of nationality, 
worn undyed. With a wiser political economy than was then currejit the 
dironider Wyke remarks on this, that ** the Earl of Leicester, in order to 
tickle plebeian ears, had given out that the English might be well supplied 
without the intercourse of foreigners, which, however, was impossible, for the 
interchange of goods from diverse realms furnishes all sorts of advantages."' 

Although both armies whidi had watched each other on the opposite 
shores were now dissolved without striking a blow, there were some in- 
trigues yet stirring among the malcontents around Queen Eleanor, which 
excited the anxiety of the King, and in the apprehension of some unde- 
fined evil, he sent her the following extraordinary letter,* by the Dean of 
Wells, under a safe conduct. 

<" Windsor, Nov. 18, 1264. The King to the Queen of England health 
and sincerely affectionate love ! know that we and our firstborn Edward are 

' Scrotinio ez more in porta fibcto."— Chr. Roff. 

' The early manulMrture of these is noticed in the regulations of Richard I. 

' " Diverslnioda commoda."— T. Wyke. H. Knighton. 

* Rymer. The original is in Latin. 

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wdl and safe, which we heartily long to bear of you ; signifying to you that 
the business which concerns ourself, you, and our said son, so proceeds to 
the honour of God, of ourselves, and of yourself, blessed be God, that we 
have a well-grounded hope of having a firm and good peace in our kingdom, 
mi which account be dieerfhl and merry. Moreover we have heard that 
certain persons at this time propose to make a sale or alienation of our laws, 
and of the prerogative of ourself and our son in those parts to the disinherit- 
ance of us and our heirs, against our will, which you ought by no means 
either to wish or permit, wherefore we send to command you that you suifer 
nothing to be done or attempted in sudi matters. On these and other con- 
cerns, give credence to what Master Edward de la Cnol,^ Dean of Wells, 
bearer of this present, shall say to you on our behalf. Witness the King at 

Another letter whidi the Dean at the same time bare to Louis IX , in 
which Henry also urged him to refuse his consent, is more explanatory than 
the above vague allusions :— 

<< It has lately become known to us that certain persons, contrary to con- 
science and to our will, propose to make or to procure a sale or alienation 
of our rights and possessions, established under your dominion, for which 
we have done homage to you, to the perpetual disinheritance of ourselves 
and our heirs."^ 

There is no other evidence on the subject, but the tenor of the alarm 
expressed seems to point to an intention of tiie Queen to pledge or sell to 
France part of the English provinces in France, in order to raise supplies 
of men and money. Whether written with the privity of de Montfort or 
not, there seems no ground to justify any diarge figainst him. 

Another occurrence soon displayed again the activity of the defeated 
party. The hostage Princes had been moved fVem Dover to Berkbamp- 
stead, and thence to the palace of Wallingford, which the King of the 

* He wu DetD from 1956 to 1284. > VTindior, Not. 17, 1264.— Rjmer. 

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Romans had gtrengtbened and embeUished for his own residence. WhOe 
there, so slack a ward was kept apon them as to encoorage the idea of Hmt 
rescae, and about this time some of his devoted partisans at Bristol m^de a 
desperate attempt to effect it. Some of these kni^ts were fogitivea from 
Lewes, Hugh Tarberville and Hamo rSstrange, led by Robert Waleran 
and Warren de Basingbame. Waleran was a knight of importance, hold- 
ing 35 military fees, and mach employed both as governor of castles and 
on foreign embassies.^ The Barons confiscated his lands, but the King, 
for whom he fought at Evesham, rewarded him with grants of Hugh de 
Neviirs forfeited estate, and made him one of the four governors over 
London. Bassingburne^ was equally resolute and active : he had senred 
in the Gascon wars, and had been one of the King's sureties in the Misoi 
He too had grants of estates forfeited by the battle of Evesham, and was 
additionally rewarded by the pardon (1268) of his son Hum|Arey, who 
had sided with the Barons. After a rapid march to Wallingford, these 
zealous knights surprised the garrison by a sodden attack at the dawn of 
day. They were obstinately resisted, however,- and to flieif deaoand of 
releasing Prince Edward, the threat was returned that he shoold be fiE^lened 
to a warlike engine, and so hurled off from the walla to the beafagers^ 

** That hi! wolde Sir Edward mwe out to horn aeBde, 
Uithered with a mangonel home with horn to lede."— Ro^ CUq«c' 

> Robert Waknun was Sheriff ol GloQoorter, Ambipeador io Uia^ I269, Sh«riir of Keak. XS63; 
though he restored some of de Nevill's lands, 1266, it was only on condition of retaining Stoke 
Curcy and other feoda miUtum.— PaU 5« Hen. III. He died without isMie» ia7S, loaidag hie 
nephew, Alan de Plukenet, his heir.— Dugd. Bar* Henry (Hist y. 7, p^ 34 J makes Watom, Bishop 
of Hereford, by some error. 

' Of OK Cambridge.— Inq. post m. 

* "That they would fiOnsettdSfar Edward out to. them»fkstenedwitk a msagooel to. toad home 
with them." 

The Mangonel (manga, manganum) was the most powerful engine in the wars of the middle 
ages, by which, not only great stones but even horses and men were thiown, '* Obsides eorum 
macbinis alligatos ad eonim tormenta, quae mangas yulgd Yocant, decrevitobjhuendas.'^— Radiyicus 
*— Spelman's Gloss. 

" Gyines he had of wonder wise 
Mangenelles of great quyentise.''— Rom. of RicbardCoMr deLion.— WartOQ^ ll»Poet. 

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The Prince, therefore, came forward od the ramparts to entreat his friends 
to retire. 

This gallant enterprise, though a failure, gave occasion to the removal 
of the hostages to the stronger castle of Kenilwortb. The Countess of 
Leicester received her nephews there with all the courtesy of a hostess, and 

" Wat she mighte dude horn of solas.'' — ^Rob. Glouc. 
It throws some light on the easy restraint in which the Princes lived under 
her roof, and on the sincerity of de Montfort's wish for a pacific settlement, 
that three of the most formidable Royalists who remained in arms, Mor- 
timer, Clifford, and Leibourne, were allowed to meet the King at Pershore,^ 
on December 12th, and are noticed as on their way, under a safe conduct, 
to Kenilworth, December 15, to hold a parley with Prince Edward, for the 
promotion of peace.* We have no account of these dangerous interviews, 
but the subsequent events, the renewal of the war, and the escape of the 
Prince, may have been there concerted. 

* Rot. Pat. 

' " Qui certain fonnam pacts nobiscum inierint ; — gressus suos versus Kenilworth duzerint ad 
loquendum cum Edwardo primogenito nostro et ad pacem plenius finnandam." The King's 
letter to the Bfarchers, from Worcester^ Dec 15, 1264.— Rymer. 

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" What Prince soever ctn hit of this GREAT SECRET, (of gOTerning aU bj all,) 
needs know no more for his safety and happiness, and that of the people he gOTerns, 
for no state or goyerament can erer be much troubled or endangered by any 
priyate factions, which is grounded upon the general consent and satisfaction of the 
subJecU."— Sir W. Temple, Her. Virt. 

England was now at rest within itself; ** domestic treason, foreign 
levy,'' having ceased to agitate it, it breathed once more in freedom,^ and 
the season seemed ripe for conciliating all classes of the community into 
one great brotherhood. By summons, dated from Worcester, Dec. 14, a 
Parliament was accordingly ordered to meet in London on the octaves of S. 
Hilary, Jan. 20, 1265. To this were invited 25 Bishops, Priors, and 

* " Jam resphrat AngUa, sperans libertatem, 
Cui Dei gratia det prosperitatem. 
Comparati canibus Angll yiluerunt, 
Sed nunc yictis hostibus caput extulerunt"— Polit. S. from MS. Harl. 978* 

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DeanS) and on Dec 24, were added 83^ more heads of monasteries, besides 
the Baronsi and two representatives from each county. The preamble in 
describing the occasion of meeting referred to the late serious disturbances, 
as then happily appeased, and required the advice of the Prelates and 
Barons, ^ in order to provide by wholesome deliberation for the security 
and completion of the peace, and for certain other business which the King 
was unwilling to settle without them.' Of similar summons to all these 
parties, there had been previous instances, but now for the first time the 
cities and towns were also required ** each to choose and send two discreet, 
loyal, and honest men," and this remarkable innovation seems by the date 
from Woodstods, Dec. 24, later by ten days than the first summons, to have 
been an afterthought, the result of more mature deliberation. 

*^ After a long controversy, almost all judicious enquirers seem to have 
acquiesced in admitting this origin of popular representation." Such is the 
remark of the highest authority' on the subject, and it is more fitting to as- 
sent to this conclusion than to renew the discussion. 

England had indeed been preceded by other nations in applying the 
representative system to towns.' Arragon had thus supplied deputies to the 
Cortes in 1133, 1142, and 1162 ; and Castile^ had done the same, perhaps 
in 1109, certainly in 1188, but the privilege was dealt out with a stinted 
measure, and fell on stony ground, flourishing for awhile, and making a 
goodly show, but graduaUy dwindling to a mere form. 

The arms of the Hungarian nobles had in 1222 obtained from Andreas 
II. the Bulla Aurea,' their great charter, which secured liberty of person, 
free descent of property, restriction on the admission of foreigners to place 

> In aftertimes, out of 122 abbots, and 41 priort, who were occasionally summoned, only 95 
abbots and 2 priors were constantly so. There was nothing unusual in the number of ecclesiastics 
summoned on this occasion. — ▼. Lingard. 

'Rymer. ^HaUam, Ifid. A.T. 3. 

* HaUam Mid. A. "Embiados de cada dudad.^ In 1305 there were 192 deputies sent from 
90 towns. 

* V.Padgett's Hungary 

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or power, and above all a right of resistance, m case of noft-obeervaoce, 
but it incladed no germ of representation. 

After the great straggle with King John, the English Barooe had appointed 
25 guardians to watch over the execution of Magna Charta, in vrhich were 
some few bat important claiues for the benefit of the peq)]fe, mixed ap with 
several limitations of feadal bartbens ; a similar expedient had been adopted 
after the Oxford Statoies. After fifty years experience of the perils to vdudi 
their privileges were exposed by the encroachments of the crown, a stronger 
and more enduring security was now devised^ by eommitting the care of 
constitntional freedom thenceforth to the people themselves, whose interests 
they thus identified with their own. We canoot at this remote distance of 
time estimate all the motives that led to this measore. To these eariy 
statesmen sach ^' matters may have seemed (in Cbanoer's energetic i^rase) 
great and glorions for all the people ;" althoagb few at tbe time, perhaps not 
even de Montfort^ felt the full importance of this advaadng step of British 
liberty. None could have foreseen, when they dropped tlie precious seed 
into the ready soil, the long succession of abundant harvests^ whidi were to 
spring from it, and bless the land with all' the elements of power and pl^ty. 

The King, wIks by his prerogative, eoukt daim talls^s from the towns, 
had in some degree prepared tiie way, by accepting as a substitute for this 
tax on personal property, a som of money assessed by the p^ers tbem^ 
selves. He had felt no need therefore of their representatives in the great 
Conndl of the nation, bat to de Montfort^ at such a crisis of unusual restric- 
ticms on the Crown, the wish naturally presented itself of exhibitiBg in a 
combined strength^ all the outward tokens of public opinion, whidi he felt 
to be fevourable to his own party. 

That England should be indebted to^ a Pren Atnan for this great experi- 
ment, by its results the most important in our national anods, and that the 

*The number of burgesses ▼ailed : in 1295 they were 900, under Edward III. they were 190. 
The Commons, howeyer, were not mentioned as an assenting party in the preamble of statutes 
before 1306. 

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English popnlaoe, in their fondness for this French statesman, should even 
have attributed the bonoars of sainthood to him, may now sonnd strangely 
to onr ears. It was not, however, the last occasion, when the intervention 
of a foreigner was gladly invited on behalf of English liberty, and the peo- 
ple as readily adopted snch gaidanoe in 1666 as tiiey did in 1264. 

It has been remarked by an eloqaent historian^ that ** the motives of 
opposition among the Barons were personal and vnlgar, but on that wild 
stock was engrafted the jealousy of foreigners, the impati^ice of irresponsible 
advisers, and the repagnanoe to high preferment flowing from the mere good 
wHI of ibe King, whidi afterwards bore excellent fruit/' The best claim 
on onr thaakfalness, which mi^ be preferred by die Barons, who first 
admitted the extended interests of citizens to raise a voice in Parliament, 
arises from the reliance on the sympathy of the community on this occ8»ion. 
On any other supposition, this aj^al to public opinion would have been 
ruinous to their own interests, and H should be an honourable praise to 
them, and an honest pride to us in after-times, that English liberty thus 
owes its birth to the noblest parentage. Confidence in the People.^ 

It was wfaHe taking these measures to assemble a Parliament, that de 
Montfort repaired to his own castle of Kenilworth, and it is said that he 
there kept his Christmas witii such exorbitant parade, as to retain 160 
knights' in his pay, around him. These festivities^ have been blamed, as 
an invidious contrast to tiie more restricted splendour of the King, at 

1 Sir J. Mtckintoab. 

' A modern author has expressed a Tery different judgment " It is not an illuttrions nor 
auspicious origin for the House of Commons, that it should have been called into existence at the 
invitation, and to serve the purposes of a rebeL"— Legal Rev. of origin of Representation, by H. 
W. Tancred, Esq. 


^ Christmtt teems to haive been a permitted time for riots, like the Carnival of modem days. 
In 1230, when the inactive policy of the King prevented the English Barons, quartered at Nantes, 
from fighting, " they betook themselves to gluttonous banquets and drinking, according to English 
custom, as if it had been Christmas."«-M. Par. 

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Woodstock, at the same period, bat tbey may ha^e been only so many 
additional coartesies to the royal hostages onder his roof. 

The mutnal release of the Northampton and Lewes prisoners having 
taken effect, the great Northern chieftains, Baliol, and others of tiie 
royalist party, received a safe condact^ to att^id Parliament 

The King being naturally anxioas that his son shoold recover his liberty, 
addressed an earnest appeal to de Montfort and de Clare for (hat purpose, 
Feb. 16. What would have been very hazardous previously, had now 
become easy, by the representation of so many powerfiil parties in Pariia* 
ment. On the 10th of March, therefore. Prince Edward, with his cousin 
Henry,* were formally delivered to tlie King, after subscribing their ad- 
hesion to the Peace of June, 1264. Parliament embodied in an Act,' 
March 31, the conditions of this confirmed pacification. 

After referring to the hostages, as depending on the final confirmation of 
Peace, and to the observance of Magna Charta, as secured by thdr sanc- 
tion to the peace of June, it proceeds thus : — ^''and since our Lord the King, 
before the battie of Lewes, had renounced and put out of his fealty several 
of his good people of this land,^ fresh homage is now accepted, save and 
except that, if the King is willed to go against the things aforesaid, the 
Barons should not be bound by this homage to him, until the things be 
amended and redressed.'' Prince Edward was to have his body-guard 
(mesn6e) of unsuspected natives,^ to remain in England three years, (in- 

* This was dated Westminster, Jan. 17, 1265, for "John de BalioU Peter de Bms, Robert de 
Netill, Eustache de Baliol, Stephen de MeiniU, Gilbert Hamsard, Ralph Fitiralph, Adam de 
Gesem, Robert de StoteTill, knights."->Rjmer. 

'They are thus described in the deed, March 10th, 1265. "Par notre Yolonte et la leur se 
f usent mils ostages a demorer en la garde de Munsir Henri de Montfort."— Rjmer. 

* Rjmer, March 31, 1265. The preamble and enacting part are in French, bat it quotes the 
entire Ordinance of June, 1264, in Latin. 

4 « £ pur oeo que notre Seignor le Roi derant la bataiUe de Lewes SToit defie ploders de ses 
bone gent de terre, e mis hors de sa foie." 

* " Derechef Munsir Edward ayera sa mesn^ e ses conseillers de gens de la tere qui ne soient 
nie supecenus." 

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tending, thereby, to prevent hi^ raising an army of aliens,) and to give np 
for five years to the Cloancil, tlie castles^ whidi liad been given as sureties 
at Lewes. A still more important surrender was also exacted of him, in 
order to diminish his means of offence ; the whole connty and castle of 
Chester, as well as the fortresses of Pec and Newcastle-on-Line, were to be 
be given np to Simon de Montfort, in exchange for other lands of equal value.* 
The condusion of this arrangemeirt was announced by proclamation, 
and nine Bishops threatened excommunication on all who should act con- 
trary to it.' The mediation of tlie French Ambassadors had, probably, 
assisted in preparing these terms, as the King's passport for tiieir arrival, 
Mardi 15, expressly states them as coming *' to us and to our Barons/' 
During the progress of the padfication. King Henry remained in London,^ 
held in all outward honour, but submitting, without resistance, to the party 
in power. With whatever reluctance, he suppressed all tokens of the ran- 
corous hate which he afterwards manifested, and permitted the victorious 
Barons to 

<<Feed like oxen at a ttaD, 
The better cfaerithed, stm the newer death."* 
Some of his former adherents may have pitied him as **ihe mere shadow of 
a Eing,"^ but the external attributes of royalty were carehilly preserved 
around him. 

' After noticing the release of the hostages* the King adds, " we now desire him to surrender, for 
five years, the castles of Dover, Scarborough, Bamburg^ Nottingham^ and Corfe, which had been 
giren as sureties at Lewes." Bfarch 17, 1265d— Rymer. 

* " Ce Munsfar Edward vaudra al Conte de Leycestr en fi^le chastd de Cestre, e la Tile e leoontee 
ore totes les apartenaonces, et le Nefchastel sur Leine ore les apartenaunces, et le chastel de Pek 
o?e les apartenaunces, si come il les tint, e tenir deust, sanz nul retenement, pur otres terres que 
le Conte lui Taudra en fie a la Talue des terres, quil tient d'autre part, e des autres teres que le 
Conte tient en Angleterre en divers luis, lui fra la value au plus pres du conte de Cestre quil 
poeL" This Act was signed "by the King, Prince Edward, Henry* son of the King of the 
Romans; and at their request for greater testimony, by the Bishops of London, Worcester, Win- 
chester, Durham, Ely, Sarum, Coventry, Chichester, Bi^ Landaff, the Prior of the Hospitallers, 
the Master of the Temple, the Uayor and Commons of London, Done at the Parliament of 
London, last day of Bfarch." ^Rymer. 

* Add. MSS. 5444. * He continued in London tiU April 2. 

* 1 Hen. IV. 5. 2. • W. Rish. de beUo Uw. 

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The rapadty and ambition 'of the BafooB, and especially <^ Simon de 
Montfort, after the battle of Lewea, baTe been loudly denoanoed by many 
writeiB, both dironideiB and biatoiianB, and, as little baa been mentioned 
bere to justify sncfa a diarge, it desenres examination. To bave conferred 
a politicsd benefit on tbe nation will not acqnit them of acts dictated by sor« 
did self-interest. Tbe imperfect records of tbe times, may bave transmitted 
to Qs fiicts, maimed of tbe circamstances, wbidi woald not only bare ex- 
plained, bat made them imperative for tbe completion of tbe scbones of 
reform and liberty dien in progress ; in tbe absence, bowever, of stronger 
lights, let ns not flinch from looking at the shades of tbe pieture, as well as 
tbe prominence of tbe more snnny outlines. 

It has been loosely asserted by an eminent historian^^ that the great 
leader of the Barons, the Earl of Leicester, aspired to the throne itsrif. 
There is, however, no trace of sach a scheme having been imputed to him, 
even by bis enemies, during his life, and his conduct in pressing for tbe 
fulfilment of the Mise of Lewes down to his death, would sufficiently prove 
that he was content to share with others the ascendancy acquired by his 
own talents. The more plausible accusation of greedy avarice deserves 
closer enquiry. A royalist chronicler* of the times states, that at the 
general distribution of tbe estates of emigrant Royalists among the con- 
querors, de Montfort appropriated to himself eighteen Baronies ; and yet, 
so contradictory are the witnesses of history, that an undoubted contempo- 
rary,' writing in tbe mterval between his triumph and bis fall, expressly 
picks out, as a peculiar characteristic, bis disinterestedness and neglect of 
his private advantage, and it is even asserted by a chronicler, that ** his 
habitual prayer to God was, that divine grace would preserve him unstained 
by avarice and the covetousness of worldly goods, which had ensnared so 
many in his day "* 

»Hume. •T.Wyke. 

' Polit. Songt, from MS. Hari. 976. t. 325, ftc. « WUL Rish. 

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We learn, incidentally,^ that all the vast landed estates of the King of 
the Romans had been committed to the care of Simon de M ontfort, after 
the captivity of that Prince. His tenure was confessedly temporary, and 
as the revenues may have been nsed for raising the amoont of his ransom, 
or for the poUic service, it would not be safe to rely on this fact alone to 
convict him of nq«city. 

His clear hereditary claim to the office of High Steward is an ample 
jastification of the royal grant, dated from Westminster, March 20, which 
restored it to him. 

We have already seen, however, that the sanction of Parliament (March 
31) was set upon the transfer to Simon de Montfort of the large possessions 
which the heir of the crown had been compelled to strip himself of. The 
King, by a grant shortly previous,* had conferred these on Simon de Mont- 
fort and bis heirs far ever ; and by thus accepting so lucrative a prize, he 
would certainly appear to have abused the privileges of his peculiar posi- 
tion. It is but fair, nevertheless, to remark, that there were reasons of 
state requiring that Cheshire should not remain in hands likely to confederate 
again with the Welch Marchers, and this motive, as well as personal in- 
fluence, must be supposed to have guided the Parliamentary Barons in their 
measure of exchange. The surrender of Cheshire to the more trusty guard 
of de Montfort, was stipulated on the principle of exchange, and a large in- 
demnify, professedly an equivalent, having be^n given up by him from his 
own estates in Leicestershire' and elsewhere, these lands were^ On May 8, 
1265, in ^e form, given iq>, as a compensation to Prince Edward. It 

* By ft prochunatioii of the King to the county of Devon, dated Worcester, Dec. 13, 1264. The 
estates were restored after the battle of Eyesham to the King of the Romans, " pro constant! fl- 
delitate."— Rot. Pat. 49<» Hen. III. 

' " Castdla de Chester, Pek et Novumcastrum habenda et tenenda sibi et hseredibus suis de nobis 
et heredibos nostris in perpetuum. Rex omnibus, Westm. Mar. 20."— Rymer. 

* The manors of Melbum Gunthorp, Soke of Ludham, Esingward, Kingishee, Everlee, Coling- 
bnme, Cumpton, Sepwyk, Bere, Hungerford, and Chawton, were thus transferred. — Rot. Pat. 49* 
Hen. III., in Nicholi's Leicestershire. Melbum and other lands to the value of 500 marcs had 
been granted to the Earl and his Countess jointly in 1259.— Rot Pftt. 43® H. III. 


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may also be obeenred that after the death of Simon de Montfort, when the 
King eagerly granted away all his confiscated estates, there is no trace of 
bis haying died in possession of more than his own hereditary property, with 
the addition of this exdiange in Cheshire. 

The pride and presumption of de M ontfort's sons at this crisis are gene- 
rally noticed by dironiders, and it is possible that their influence oyer him, fi>r 
he was a fond and anreproying father, may have prevailed on his better nature 
to yield to the temptation of undue aggrandisement, though a more full know- 
ledge of the transactions of the period might perhaps efihce what appears to 
tarnish his character. One authority states that his eldest son, Henry, seized 
for his own use all the wool, which English or foreign merchants had 
brought to port, ** thus from a bold knight becoming a wool-draper."^ 
Whatever degree of truth there may be in this, there is extant but one 
grant* of estates to any of his sons, and that was prior to the battle of 
Lewes. Peter de Montfort, whose relationship was very remote, received 
also a grant of two manors, and the unimportant favour of permission << to 
live in the house of the late Edward of Westminster."' 

The ransom of prisoners taken at Lewes had opened ui extensive 
source of gain to the conquerors, and for the security of such payments, 
their estates were probably taken possession of. So fruitful of jealousy 
had this subject proved among the victorious chiefs, that it had by this time 
cooled the zeal and friendship of de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, towards his 
older and more conspicuous colleague. De Montfort, suspecting treach^y 
in some of the Barons, had taken on himself the nomination^ of trustworthy 
wardens to the castles, to which de Clare had reluctantly assented. There 

* T. Wykc. 

' The property of John Mansell, deceMed, given to Simon de Montfort, Junior, in 1268.— Rot. 
Pat.. 47« Henry III. 

' Westm. March 14, 1265. Rymer. This Edward has been already noticed as employed in the 
paintings ordered by the King. In 1248, he was commanded to fill Westminster Hall with poor 
people, and there feed them from Christmas to Circumcision.— Rot. Claus. 32*. 

* W. Rish de bello Uw. 

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were not wanting ready whisperers to interpret this as done in derogation 
of bis just inflnence, and to make the yoothfal Earl feel himself over- 
shadowed by the too laxariant power of his partner in victory. He had 
claimed to himself the ransom of the King of the Romans, as having sar- 
rendered at Liewes in that part of the field where he was commanding, the 
money paid to redeem those taken in war, if less than 10,000 crowns, be- 
ing usoaily considered the prize of the captors. Bat in this case the excess 
of tiie som, and the state importance of the prisoner, made snch an excep- 
tion to the role in de Montfort's opinion, that he peremptorily denied the 
demand,^ with a tannt, *^ that he ought to ibink it quite enough to have 
saved all his own property by the battle." 

This rebuke, indeed, considerably understated the advantages which de 
Clare had in fact derived from that event : for besides saying all his own 
estates, those of Philip de Savoy, and William de Valence, had been made 
over to his custody.* 

Even when assembled in arms at Canterbury, in the autumn after the 
battle, almost in presence of the enemy, sudi topics arose to weaken the 
anion of the Barons. The bold warrior, John de Gifford, who had belonged 
to the household of de Montfort, thought himself entitled to tbe ransom 
of William de la Zoach. This also being refused by de Montfort, owing 
to the suspicious circnmstances under which his two-fold capture at Lewes 
occurred, as before related, Gifibrd angrily transferred his services to de 
Clare, and under his powerful protection not only retained the ransom and 
released his royalist prisoner, but soon after justified de Montfort's distrust 

* According to MS. Cott Cleop. A. XII., Chr. H. de Silgrave, the dispute wu between the Earl 
of Gloucetter and Henry de Montfort. The impetoons refiual of Hotspur on a similar occasion 
readily occurs as a parallel to this dispute. 

"ini keep them all. 
By heaTen he shall not ha?e a Scot of them ; 
No, if a Scot would saTC his soul, he shall not. 
i'U keep them by this hand."— 1 Hen. IV. 

' June 18, 1264. Put. Rot. 48* Hen. III. H. Knyghtoo. Add. MSS., 5444. 


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of Urn, by repairing to the forest of Dean,^ and there raising troops in 
great nnmbers to oppose his former friends. 

>aob.Okmc. T.WykecdU him, ''singalmmmtiedecat.''---Add.BfSS. 5444. 

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"To work in doM design, by fnud or gnile. 
What force effected not."— Pur. Lost 

Other canses of ill will had been rankling in the breast of the Earl of 
Gloacester^ and it was not long before he contemidated revenge by carry- 
ing his banner into the opposite camp. The sons of de Montfort had, 
without aathority, prodaimed a tonmament to be held at Donstable, in 
Febraary, and had addressed their challenge especially to the de Clares. 
The enmity between the two families was so bitter, that the holiday show 
might easily have become a real battle, and it is stated,^ that de Clare* 
even at this early period, had formed a plot to entrap de Montfort and his 
sons into his power at this meeting. The Earl of Leicester, however. 

' Westminster, |Feb. 16, 1265.— Rymer. Another toonuunent had been iSDvbidden in 1265, in 
the same manner, on account of the danger of Prince Edward in Gaicony aft the time.-*Rymer. 

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either from suspicion, or more probably from the danger of an armed con- 
course to the peace of the country at such a time, for it was while the Par- 
liament was assembled, strictly forbade the tournament by a royal procla- 
mation, in whidi the King urged, that the absence of the knights on such 
a pretence might retard the release of his son, then about to be arranged. 
This prohibition, so reasonable in itself, bore all the outward marks of 
authority, with the signatures of the King, the Justiciary le Despenser, the 
Bishop of London, and Thomas de Cantilupe. 

The latter churchman, in himself remarkable, must not be confounded 

with his uncle, the patriotic Bishop of Worcester, under whose patronage 

emtOsff^Mikytrilcrcftr^. probably he was employed, as we have 

seen, to represent the Barons at the 
Award of Amiens. A few days after 
joining in the above Deed, he was raised 
by the Barons to the dignity of Chan- 
cellor,! Feb, 25, though displaced by the 
King immediately after the battle of Eve- 
sham, Aug. 10. His intrinsic merit, how- 
ever, not only procured him a pardon* in 
1266, but the bishopric of Hereford in 
1275, and a few years after his death in 
1282, the honours of a Saint were conferred 
on him by Rome. The letter of Edward 
I. to Clement V., testifies to his long in- 
timacy with the humility, justice, and 
mercy of the deceased prelate, stating 
that since his death, he had <* shone by 
sundry miracles, such as restoring sight 

» HU pAtent WM endoned m having been folded by the King with Us own hands, and sealed in 
bis pre8ence.-^Rot. Pfct., 49». The Countess of Uicester sent him a present of four gallons of 
wine at Sanim on the occasion, Idarch 1» and a messenger from him reached the Countess at 
Dover. July 8.— Houwh. Exp. * ^ot. Pat., 50*, Henry HI. 

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to the blind, hearing to the deaf, and motion to the lame, besides many 
other benefits conferred by the hand of heaven on those who implored his 
patronage." On the Taith of these marvels, to which the credulity of 
others added the restoration of forty persons to life, the King implores 
the Pope *^ not to sofTer such a lanthom to be hid under a bushel, but to place 
it on a candlestick, by deigning to number him in the catalogue of the Saints."^ 
His shrine still remains in Hereford cathedral, and was once in great local 
repute for cures and miracles, though decorated only with the mail-dad eflB- 
gies of his noble ancestry, rather than the groups of Saints we might have ex- 
pected to associate with him.* It is said that with him ended the line of 
English Saints canonized' by Rome, for though popular feeling afterwards 
disposed freely and frequently of the title in favour of its own heroes and 
martyrs, whose merits worked miracles in spite of royal prohibition, yet 
six centuries have since passed over our reprobate generations without one 
acknowledged Saint. 

De Clare and the other combatants, who had made every preparation for 
this Dunstable tournament, were much disposed to set at nought the pro- 
hibition, but de Montfort was resolute, and threatening to ** cast those who 
should disobey into a place, where they should enjoy neither sun, nor 
moon," went himself with the Justiciary and a strong force, so as effectually 
to preserve the public peace so endangered.* 

Indignation at this interference, now hurried de Clare forward into a 
treacherous correspondence with Roger de Mortimer in Wales. The 
staunch royalist was at first not unreasonably suspicious of his good faith, 

> Letter dated Westminster, Nor. 2, 1305, in Wilkin's ConcU. 1, 283. 

* Britton's Hereford Cath. The Bishop died in Italy, 1288, and his bones only were brought to 
his Cathedral, and transferred to the North transept in 1287. The Bishopric adopted his fomily 
arms, (Gules, three leopards' heads reversed, jessant as many fleur de lys, or,) for those of the 

' He was canonized in 1307. The Saint was a pluralist, and held many other preferments in 
York, Lichfield, and London ; he was, also. Chancellor of Oxford. 


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and even required hostages' for his own secarity, before be consented to meet 
the Earl's brother, Thomas de Ciare,< who, as governor of S. Briavel's, was 
at the time, conveniently situated to carry on the treaty. The terms of the 
betrayal, however, were speedily arranged (in April) between these parties, 
when they met, and it was, perhaps, some saspidon of this, that induced 
de Montfort to require fresh pledges' of fidelity from de Clare. TTie false 
Earl, though not prepared then to throw off his mask, withdrew secretly 
from these demands, and leaving London under pretence of providing for the 
security of his own estates, began to collect his followers at Gloucester, 
with a resolution to weaken the authority of de Montfort by all the means 
in his power. 

"Tho wende the Erl from Londone priveliche and stiUe, 
As to socori is land, age Sir Simonde's wlU.**— Rob. Glonc. 

Although he still acted in apparent concert with the Barons for some 
time longer, he was evidently awaiting his opportunity for completing his 

Other symptoms of uneasiness at the gathering forces of the mal-con- 
tents had already appeared among the Barons. Formal summonses^ re- 
quired the presence in Parliament, on June 1, of some of the great royalists, 
who were known to be abroad. These were proclaimed at Pevensey, 
Lewes, and Boseham, as the respective residences of Peter de Savoy, Earl 
de Warenne, and Roger le Bigod. Troubles had broken out in the north 
also, whidi induced de Montfort to move in that direction to suppress them, 
after the breaking up of the Parliament in Lent, and there was an appre- 
hension of the royalists landing there from France. He was with the King 
at Northampton,^ April 1 1» and when he beard that John Fits Alan, one of 

> H. Knighton. 

* He was made Governor of Colchester in 1266 ; went on a Crusade, from which he returned 
1271, and London was put under his command, 1273. 

3 Add. MSS. 5444. * Dated Westminster, March 19, 1265.— Rymer. 

* Rymer. 

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tbe released Lewes Prisoners, had joined the armed mal-contents, be 
authorized his son Simon, then probably besieging Pevensey, to secure the 
person of FitzAlan's youthful son, or failing that, to possess himself of 
Arundel castle.^ 

The Marchers in the interest of Prince Edward, in concert with the at- 
tempted rescue at Wallingford in December, had advanced as far as Per- 
shore, and had been followed in their retreat by de Montfort. Driven by 
him successively from Hay, Hereford, and Ludlow, they had submitted at 
Montgomery to terms of peace, intended to obtain at least a year's tran- 
quillity for that frontier. They agreed to go into exile for that time, a con- 
dition, however, which they evaded, by taking shelter on the territory of de 
Clare,* Their hostile intentions becoming more manifest, de Montfort 

* Dated Winchcumbe, April 16, — Rymer. 
» W. Rish. de beUo Lew.— Chr. RofT. 

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retarned rapidly from the North, in order to watch them at Gloucester, 
where he was April 30,^ and afterwards. May 13, at Hereford. The 
threatened inaarrection soon assumed a serioos importance, requiring all 
the energies of de Montfort to meet On May 10, William de Valence, 
accompanied by Earl de Warenne, and numerous other royalists, landed in 
his own lordship of Pembroke, and were welcomed by the malccmteit 
Marchers already in arms. 

It was at this time and under these harassing circumstances that de 
Montfort again erinced bis anxiety for the final settlement, whidi the Mise 
of Lewes had made dependent on the decision of the French arbitration. 
The letter dispatched to fjouis IX.* bears fair testimony to the moderation 
and sincerity of the Barons. 

" To the King of France, health and sincerely affectionate love : Con- 
cerning our business, for which we lately sent to your presence our nephew 
Henry, son of the illustrious King of the Romans, we ask and require, with 
all possible urgency, by our prayers and by our love, that your Serenity 
will be pleased to deliver to speedy effect those matters which concern us ; 
For we, who cordially desire the expedition of the said business, will always 
be prompt and ready for all things, relating to these matters, on our own 
behalf and on that of our dependents, as our nephew, who is more fully 
acquainted with our willingness on this point, may also report to yon by 
word of mouth. Witness the King at Hereford, May 18. By the King, 
Simon de Montfort Earl of Leicester, Peter, de Montfort, Roger de St 
John, Griles de Argenton.'*' 

It is a further proof of fair dealing that this letter should have been 

' Househ. Exp. 

* MesBengen bad also been sent to him by King Henry, April 14, 1265.— Rot. P^ Bfay 17, 
two armed gaUeys were sent to Whitsand for the French ambassadors. June 14, a nfe-conduct 
was granted for them to proceed to Hereford, and on June 21 the Countess of. Leicester, at 
Dover, sent them a present of two seztaries of wine. — Househ. Exp. 

^ Rymer, in Latin. 

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conveyed by Prince Henry,^ tbe former negociator, who had already laid 
the terms of peace before the French King. 

We miss indeed the name of the Earl of Gloocester from this docu- 
ment, and already mmonrs of dismiion had spread a doad over the aspect 
of public aflhirs, although some mutual friends, sudi as flie Bishop of 
Worcester, le Despenser, Monchensy, and Fltz-John,< had interfered with 
temporary success to reconcile chiefs, whose union was so important to 
their cause. 

While the King and de Montfort were at Oioucester, de Clare and 
Gifford had kept aloof with ttieir forces in the neighbouring forest of Dean> 
but when the two great chiefs had sworn' to abide by the arbitration of the 
above mentioned four mediators in all things relating to the Oxford Statutes, 
a royal proclamation^ hastened to re-assure the public. *< It denounced all 
reports of discord between the two Earls, which had alarmed the minds of 
men, as vain, false, and invented by fraud the more especially as in &ct they 
were unanimous and of one accord in all things.'' Amidst all these smooth 
words, however, the announcement was necessarily made of the actual in- 
vasion of the enemy at Pembroka 

Some attempts at peace appear to have been made at this time. A 
safe conduct was granted. May 22, to enable Leyboume and Clifford to 
meet Prince Edward, and on de Warenne and de Valence forwarding 
through the Prior of Monmouth, a demand for the restitution of their 
estates, they too were summoned to appear immediately before tbe Eing.^ 
There scarcely remained, however, a hope of avokling more bloodshed. 
The threads of intrigue were so perilously entangled around the Barons, 
that tbe sword alone could cut a solution of them, and events now hur- 
ried on. 

> Rot. Pat. 49^. 'W.Rish. Rob. Glouc Ufau de ant, leg. 

* Lib. de ant. leg. * Hiereford, Maj 20, 1265.— Rymer. 

' Rot. Pat. Hereford, May 24. The Kiog at this poriod is described as wholly submissiTe to 
the Earl of Leicester, " Ck>roes una cum rege sibi supplid et acdiyi, cui necessarium erat de neces- 
sitate faciens virtutem."— Chr. Roff. 

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Prince Edward, who bad been treated as a prisoner on parole since 

March, bad accompanied the court to Hereford, and companions already 

known to him were appointed to attend him with the utmost respect These 

were Thomas de Clare, his fttmiiiar friend and bedfisllow,^ in whom de 

Montfort, ignorant of hte treachery, rqposed great confidence; Robert de 

Ros, a gallant knight of his own age ; and Henry de Montfort, his cousin 

and associate of many years. 

" Sir Simon de Montfbrt out of warde nom 
Sir Edward him to solace, that to lute thank him com : 
He bitoke him hir Henri fa sone to be la companion, 
"With him to wende aboute, to aywe him up and doun."— Rob. Glouc.* 

A leader, with a spirit so able, and a band so ready as the Prince, was 

of the greatest importance to de Mortimer and the other malcont^its, and 

every preparation was accordingly made in secret, to favour his escape. 

This was effected, as is well known, by stratagem. 

" Sir Edward bed Sir Simon, that he him geve 
To a priide stedet withouten toun lefe."^— Rob. Glouc. 

His friends having sent him an excellent horse,^ so spirited that few 

dared to mount him, he affected a wish of trying its paces and speed against 

the choicest horses of his escort, to judge of its fitness for a tournament, 

if such an occasion should arise,^ and, for this purpose, repaired with them 

to a convenient spot, to the North of the town, called Widmarsh. Here be 

mounted in succession all the others, and galloped them until their 

strength was exhausted ; 

** He aaayed tham hi and M and retreied them ilkone^ 
And stoned tham alle wery, standand stille aa atone.— Fet. Brune.^ 

* ''Ttoijuam femillazia et cuUcaterius Domini Edwardi."— T. Wjke. Thomas de Clare was in- 
cluded in the express pardon granted by the King to the Earl of Gloucester, and John Gifford for 
haying fought a^dnst nim at Lewes, in consideration of their serriees at Eyediam. Oct. S, 1266. 
— Rymer. 

• Nom, took— lute, littie— wende, turn — sywe, follow. 

* Sir Edward asked Sir Simon to give him leave for a horse-race out of the town. 

* H. Rnyghton. MS., Nero D. X. 201. Nangis says that de Clare had sent this horse under a 
feigned name. ' W. Heming. 

* He tried and retried each of them one after the other, and stunned them all weary» standing 
still as stone. 

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As soon as he had thus disabled them from pursuit, be rode off rapidly on 

his own fresh horse* with a parting taunt to de Ros* who had especial charge 

of hfan>-^ 

*' LordUngSi now good day and greet my ftither and say, 
I shall soon see him and out of ward, if ich mai."— Rob. Glouc. 

Two knights, (one of them, probably Thomas de Clare,) and four squires^ 
attached to him, accompanied his adventurous flight, and a party of horse- 
men appointed to lie in wait, soon fell in with hifn, and conducted him in 
safety to de Mortimer's castle of Wigmore, about 24 miles distant. 

This escape, occurring on the evening of Thursday, May 28,' was an- 
nounced by a proclamation of the King two days afterwards, and troops 
were summoned to meet at Worcester, in order to crush de Warenne and 
de Valence, whom it was supposed the Prince intended to join. 

A few more days, however, brought fresh desertion and anxiety, 
for tiie Earl of Gloucester^ now openly joined the Royalists, after first ex- 
acting an oath from Prince Edward, that he would obey the laws. 

Simon de Montfort could not fail to understand fully the increased 
danger of his position, from tiie union of such powerful leaders, and the 
shock given to the cause of the Barons. 

" Schent is Ok Baronn, now Gilbert tomes grim. 
The Blontfort Sir Simoun most affied on him. 
Alas, Sir Gilbert, thou turned thin oth 
At Strytdyn men it hod, how God therfor was wiotti.''«-4^ Bmne.^ 

lie public were again frankly made acquainted with this fresh defection. 

The proclamation* denounced the Earl of Gloucester as " having now fled 

to assist the rebdlion of de Warenne, in contempt of his oath to abide by 

• Rymer. • " Pentecost," " VigU of Trinity."— Rymer, W. Risb., W. Heming. 

'Stephen de Herewdl, de Montforf s private secretary, was Tiolendy taken from a church, by 
his orders, and beheaded.— Add. MSS. 5444. Lingard supposes the Earl to have unfurled his 
standard on April 19, but the open rupture was not till the beginning of June. 

^ Schent, troubled— affied, relied. At the battle of Bannockbum, near Stirling, (Stryvdyn) his 
son, GUbert de Clare, by the Princess Joan of Acre, his second wife, (1290) after divorcing (1285) 
Alida, was killed in 1316. It is curious to find so distant a calamity considered as a retribution 
on his present treachery. 

^ Rymer, June 1, 1265. 

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the written agreement, whkh bad lately appeased the discord between him 
and the Earl of Leioeeter, while Prince Edward, by bis inconsiderate levity, 
bad wholly lost the grace of public favour, which be had acquired by volun- 
tarily becoming hostage." On the next day, the King signed an order^ to 
the Bishop of London, desiring him to excommunicate the Prince, ** whom 
the rebels had, unhappily, found light to believe, and easy to circumvent." 
The castle of Bristol* was, also, required to be immediately surrenderred 
into de Montfort's hands, but to this order ihe knights who garrisoned it 
for the Prince, Warren de Basingbourne, Robert Tipetot, John Mussegros 
(Musgrave), Patrick and Pain Chawortfa, steadily refused obedience.' 

The bridges near Worcester, having been broken down by the enemy 
in order to impede the arrival of the fresh levies, on their march to recruit 
de Montfort, he dianged the appointed rendezvous to Gloucester, and then 
moved upon Monmouth^ and Newport, in order to reach his enemy in 
Soutti Wales. The diflSculty of supplying an army with food at this period, 
was strikingly illustrated by the King in May prohibiting any fairs to be 
held in Herefordshire, Shropshire, or Staffordshire, *^tbat all provisions 
might be brought to the King alone ;"^ and when the Baronial troops were 
in Wales on this expedition, the English soldiers complained of their food 
among that rude peq)le, who lived habitually on milk and meat They 
regretted their aecuatoMed broad, imd longed to return to London.^ 

De Montfort, indeed, was recalled from his enterprise, by the appre- 
hension of his communications in the rear being intercepted, the enemy 
having made more rapid progress in another quarter than he had expected. 

> Hereford, June 8, 1265, signed bj the King, Peter de Montfort, GUes de Argenton, Roger St. 
John. — Rymer. 

* Hereford, June 9, 1265.— Rymer. * Rob. Glouc. 

* There wm another proclamation against Prince Edward, dated Monmouth, June 28.— Rymer. 

* Rot. Glaus. 49^ Hen. 3. 

* " Verum Anglici, panibus assueti, cum essent in terrft Wallensium, solo camium edulio vel 
lactis, quibus Ilia gens effera vivere consuevit, sine panibus vivere nesdebant, quamobrem iUas 
proTincias saltuosu et sylvarum deria non sine periculo transmeantes."— T. Wylce. 

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Prince Edward, being joined by de Clare at Lndlow, bad lost no time 
in raising troops within bis own county of Chester, which, as well as Shrop- 
shire, was quickly overran. The energetic Prince then directed his mardi 
by Worcester upon Gloucester, where de Ros had been left in garrison, 
but with a force insufficient to prevent its capture after fifteen days siege. 
This result was made yet easier by the treachery of Grimbald Paunoefoot, 
who gained knighthood, in reward, from his new party. Though he fought 
against his former friends at Evestuun, he was despised even by those who 
profited by his baseness.^ 

"Ac ther wis nerer eft of him so god word m er."— Rob. dooc. 

De Ros surrendered on June 29,* at a time when the Earl of Leicester 
was on his distant expedition with the King. From Monmouth, all the 
Wardens of ttie Counties were commanded to attack the adherents of the 
rebels in all directions, and Simon de Montfort, junior, who had been be- 
sieging Pevensey castle, was, at the same time,' summoned to the imme- 
diate help of his fiitlier, now confessedly in danger. The order was 
readily obeyed by the son, and he led all bis forces in re-inforcement 
Meeting with some resistance at Winchester on his march, he not only 
took, but plundered the dty, (July 14,) and proceeded onward to the family 
castle of EenQworth.^ 

All de Montfort^s sons are spoken of by several chroniclers as full of 
pride, and addicted to riotous living. Some kni^ remonstrated with their 
father on his blindness hi sofering tiieir conduct : 

* Grimbald Pftncefot held landi in Herefordshire. He married, 1253, Consttntia, daughter of 
John de Singayn, whoie dower, from her father, was to be six score and ten marcs, twelve oxen, 
and one hundred sheep. Being made a prisoner at Tunis in after-life, it is said be was redeemed 
by his wife maiming herself of her left band, when she heard that his release could only be pro- 
cured by the limb of another person. Their eiBgies, representing this, were formerly in the 
church of Cowame Magna.— t. Duncumb's Herefords. * W. Risb. 

*"Rex Custodi Sirooni de Monteforti juniori, Custodi pacis Comitatuum de Surreys et 
SussexiK, Monemue, June 28, 1265." —Rymer. A messenger was paid 8d. for going from Odibam 
to young Simon at Pevensey, Bfay 1.— Househ. Exp.— T. Wyke. 

♦Fabian. W. Rish. - 

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" For thou has ille soot foles and unwise, 
Ther dedes thou not mones, ne nought will them chastise, 
I rede thou gyve gode tent, and chotise thorn sone. 
For them je may be schen^ for vengeance is granted bone."— Rob. Brune.' 

Yoang Simon certainly acted with little heed of ttie qoick and bold enemy 
be had to deal with, after his arrival at Eenilworth.' Despising the secu- 
rity of the castle enclosure, be lodged with many of his soldier-nobles in 
the neighbouring village, either for the convenience of bathing early in the 
morning, or from motives of pride or ** riotrie'% for all these reasons' are 
variously assigned. 

"And ther it fd« alas, hte hde herthim sende, 
Vor so muche he told of him sulf, and of his grete mighte. 
That him ne deinde nogt to ligge in the castel by nigte. 
And ther the sojourned eft, then rioterie tham schant, 
Suilk ribaudie thei led, thei gaf no tale of wham."«-4lob. Gloac. 

The Earl of Leicester had advanced from Hereford to meet his son, and 
his tactics were skilihlly arranged, with the view of thus surrounding Prince 
Edward at Worcester, but his plan was entirely marred by the careless 
conduct of his son. After six days* negligence, a woman of the name of 
Margoth,' employed as a spy in male disguise, transmitted to the Prince 
information of the unguarded state of the Barons, by which he resolved 
immediately to profit. Making a rapid march by night, accompanied by 
William de Valence, and the Earl de Warenne,* the Prince entered 
Kenilworth in the early morning of August the second,^ before any alarm 
of his approach arose. The first notice of danger to the Barons were the 

' For thou hast wicked sons, foolish and unwise, you do not reprove their deeds, nor will you 
at all chastise them. I warn you to give good heed, and correct them soon ; you may be blamed 
for them, for vengeance is a granted boon. 

• " KeUingiswurthe."— Chr. Mailr. 
•"Forte minus sobrius dormicbat."— T. Wyke. "Ut mane diluculo de lectis suis bene 
balneati — ut leviores efflcerentur ad bellandum die poster£."— Chr. Mfilr. " Extra castrum decu- 
bantes videlicet in prioratu." — Chr. Roff. 

♦ Heie, pride :— deinde, condescended ;— gaf no tale, took no account. 

^ Walt. Heming. ; Ann. Waverl. * Lib. de ant. leg. 

' Prince Edward left Worcester in the evening of the Feast of S. Peter ad vincula.— MS. Chr. Roff. 

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outcries in the streets ; ^^ Come out tmitors ! by the death of God, you shall 
all be killed." Though many were seized in their beds, others were 
roused and betook themselves to a dishonoured flight from the backs of their 
bouses. ** Some were seen to fly with only their hose on, some with only 
a shirt or drawers, while others ran off With their clothes under their arms ; 
few or none had time to put on all their garments, and young Simon de 
Montfort himself escaped with difficulty, almost naked, by a boat across 
the lake to the castle.'** 

** Of soft awaloinge hii toke late gome, 
Vor to wel clothe horn, fail ne ge?e horn no torn, 
Ac Sir Symond him sulf among alle it fon. 
In to the castel scapede an naked man unnethe."^ — ^Rob. Glouc. 

Among the prisoners were twenty bannerets, including Robert de Vere, 

Earl of Oxford, William de Monchensy, Richard de Gray, Baldwin Wake, 

and Hugh Neville,' who had all fought at Lewes. Adam de Neumarket, 

after a similar calamity at Northampton, was now a second time a captive. 

So much rich baggage and so many horses were taken by this surprise, 

that the very foot-boys of the royalists rode back in triumph on the choice 

horses they found deserted by the routed knights. The prisoners were sent 

in custody to Gloucester, while the young conqueror prepared at once, 

without any relaxation, to follow up his advantage by a still more decisive 



* They took little care to awaken them softly* for they gave them no time to clothe themsdres 
weB, and Sir Simon himself scarcely escaped through all his enemies, a naked man, into the 

'Hugh Neville received his pardon in 1266, for his adherence to Simon de Montfort, and to 
Simon, junior.— Rot. Pat. Walter Colville was either killed or taken here.— >W. Knighton^ W. 
Rish., Rob. Glouc., Rob. Brune. 

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" Des blotet heldenrSthe On the reddened flood of nutrtyrt' blood, 

Jubelt von der Freybeit morgenrottu" Glowi the ruddy dawn of freedom'i mom. 


This disaster, in itself important, was still more so in ifs conseqaences, 
for de Montfort was now hemmed in by the forces of de Clare and de 
Mortimer in different directions on the Welch frontier, while he was 
anxiously awaiting the re-inforcement of his son. Llewellyn,^ Prince of 
Wales had, indeed, sent some troops to his aid, having held a conference 
at Hawarden castle with de Montfort, when a treaty of alliance had been 
established, by which that castle was ceded to the Welch Prince, a con- 

* How differently this Prince wis Ttlued by friends and foes, appears by his two epitaphs. 
The Welch one extols him as— 

" Gemma coerorum, flos regam preteritomm. 
Forma futuronim, dux, \tm, lex, lux populorum.** 
While to English eyes he seemed 

" Erronim princeps et prtedo virorum, 
Proditor Anglorum — trux, dux homicida piorum, 
— Stirps mendax, causa malorum/'— v. Yorke's Royal Tribes. 

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dition relactantly assented to by the King.^ Before the news of the rout 
at Kenilworth could be known to the Earl of Leicester, the very expecta- 
tion of young Simon de Montfort's arrival was skilfully taken advantage of 
to deceive and ruin him. The Earl, in order to hasten the junction of bis 
son, had advanced from Hereford, and crossed the Severn at Kempsey,' 
(four miles south of Worcester,) from whence, on Monday, August 3, he 
marched towards Evesham, proposing, on the following morning, to con- 
tinue his approach towards bis expected friends. 

Prince Edward had watched his enemy *8 movements by the help of 
Ralph de Ardeme,' a traitorous spy in the Earl's camp, and conscious also 
of having some spies among his own companions,^ he resolved to mislead 
them by commencing bis march from Worcester at sunset towards 
Shrewsbury, until, after a few miles, he suddenly turned round, and made 
a rapid march during the night in the opposite direction after the enemy. 

At day break, on Tuesday, August 4, after mass had been celebrated,^ 
absolution was again freely dispensed among the Baronial soldiers, as on 
the eve of the battle of Lewes, by the same bold prelate : — 

" The Bissop Walter of Wurcestre asoiled hom alle there. 
And prechede hom, that hii adde of deth the lasse fere."— Rob. Glouc' 

The Barons were preparing to mount their horses and leave Evesham, 
in pursuance of their plan, when there came into view, issuing from the 
folds of the hill in the very quarter where they looked for young de Mont- 
fort, a large army, advancing towards them in battle array, divided into 
orderly squadrons, and bearing in their van the emblazoned banners of 

« Dated Hereford, June 22, 1265.— Rot. Pat. T. Wyke. • W. Rish. 

' One of the oldest ftimilies in Warwickshire, whose name sfdl designates a district there. 
Thomas de Arden, the head of the ftimil]r» was on the Barons' side, and, being taken prisoner at 
Evesham, was compelled to surrender all his lands to a royalist kinsman, the father of Ralph. 
Arms, Chequy, or and azure, a chetrron gules.— H. Knighton. Dugd. Warw. 

• "In sua comitifft."— Walter Hemiog. 

• " Audito officio ct accepto viatico."— Chr. Lanerc. 

• " The Bishop Walter of Worcester absolved them all there and preached to them, so that they 
had the less fear of death."— v. Chr. Lanerc. 


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their expected friends. The sight gladdened their eyes and hearts for a 
time, but it was to Prince £dward they gave this fatal welcome. The 
heraldic ensigns were his trophies snatched from the KeniiworQi captives,^ 
and his approach had been purposely so contrived as to cut off all com- 
manication between the father and the son, and thus to appear in the direc- 
tion most likely to give effect to the delusion. 

It is remarkable that in the first two battles fooght in England after the 
general usage* of heraldic distinctions, they should have been converted 
into successfol engines of stratagem, and they have probably never done so 
much mischief since. 

In modem times a telescope would have revealed the fraud afar off, but 
in the absence of such instruments, the detection, when too late, was left 
to be made by de Montfort's barb^ Nicolas,' who happened to be expert 
in the cognizance of arms, and who, without even a surname for himself, 
was the earliest amateur herald on record. Observing the banners while 
yet distant, Nicolas remarked to de Montfort that they appeared to be 
those of his friends, and the Earl confidently answered, ** It is my son, fear 
not, but nevertheless go and look out, lest by chance we should be de- 
ceived." Ascending the clock tower of the Abbey, Nicolas recognised at 
length, among the banners of the host advancing on Evesham, the triple 
lions of Prince Edward, and the ensigns of Roger de Mortimer, and other 
notorious enemies. He spread the alarm, but the error had continued long 
enough to be fatal, and little time then remained for the Barons to prepare 
their defence. 

I'he example of the skilful tactics of Simon de Montfort on former oc- 
casions had been watched with profit by Prince Edward, and his army, 
though superior in numbers, was no longer conducted in its rapid march 

« W. Hemingf. 

' The custom was not universal when the battle of Lincoln was fought in 1216. 

' " Simonis speculator Nicolas barbitonsor ejus, qui homo expertus enX in cognitione armo- 
rum." — "Walt. Ueming. " Venit ille in altum in doccario Abbatise.** 

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with headlong rashness, as at Lewes> but with all the precaationary discipline 
which had been then employed against him. He had interposed between 
the two bodies <^ his enemies' forces, so as to be able to defeat them sepa- 
rately, and now, though fresh with the pride of his victory, did not neglect to 
increase the power of his army, by arranging it methodically in divisions, 
that there might be no confusion in its advance. 

When de Montfort, in order to reconnoitre the royalists, ascended a hill, 
or as some^ say the Tower of Evesham Abbey, where he had been hos- 
pitably entertained, he was so struck with admiration of their improved dis- 
cipline, that the natural pride of a soldier led him to exclaim with his usual 
oath (alluding to a relic of the chivalrous champion of Spain recently brought 
to England), ** By the arm of S. James,^ they come on skilfully, but it is 
ht)m me they have learnt that method, not from themselves." 

At first only one division of his enemy, that led on by the Prince, had 
been seen by de Montfort, a small hill intervening to conceal the Earl of 
Gloucester's advance by a different line.' When the whole danger was 
revealed to him, it seemed at once so overwhelming, that he gave free per- 
mission for his friends to take to flight, venting his prophetic apprehensions, 
^^ May the Lord have mercy on our souls, for our bodies are in the enemy's 
power." While escape was still possible, a generous rivalry led each 
leader to persuade others to adopt that means of safety, which he rejected 
for himself. Hugh le Despenser and Ralph Bassett,^ when urged to fly, 
refused to survive de Montfort, and the great leader himself, when his son 
Henry^ affectionately offered to bear the brunt of the battle alone, while 
his father should preserve his life by flight, steadily answered, " Far from 
me be the thought of such a course, my dear son ! I have grown old in 
wars, and my life hastens to an end ; the noble parentage of my blood has 

' Dugd. Warw. W. Rish. W. Heming. 

' He had used the same oath at the Oxford Parliament. — Chr. Lanerc. S. Jago held the rank 
and even the pay of General in the Spanish serrioe down to modern times. 

* T. Wykes. ♦ W. Rish. de bello Lew. at Evesh. 

* " Li dit doucement, " Sire, alez vous ent,"— Nangis. 

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been always nolorioasly eminent in this one point, never to fly, or wish to 
fly,^ from battie. Nay, my son, do you rather retire from this fearful contest 
lest you perish in the flower of youth ; you, who are now about to succeed 
(so may God grant !) to me and our illustrious race in the glories of war."* 
Love and honour are ever deaf to such arguments, and all remained to 
perish. Though facing danger boldly in what he believed to be the cause 
of God and justice, de Montfort did not expect victory. 

" Or erer he lift his scheld, he witt it sed amyt ; 
He was on his stede, displaied his baoere. 
He sauh that treasoun sede, * doun went his pouvere.' "—Rob. Bnine. 

The enemy came rushing on, and though the surprise of the attack 
made the defence disordered and desperate, the Barons gathered their 
forces into a dense body, and the contest, during the two hours it lasted, 
was obstinately fought. The emergency soon separated the zealous from 
the indifferent, and the Welch auxiliaries* were the first to shrink from the 
Barons' ranks, and to seek concealment among the corn-fields and gardens, 
where many were afterwards discovered and slain. The veteran de Mont- 
fort, though the circumstances gave him no opportunity to display his 
talents as a general, yet fought with all the vigour and courage of a young 
soldier. Undaunted by the superior numbers of his foes, he met and tram- 
pled under his horse's hoofs all those opposed to him, so as to carry dismay 
and wonder among the royalists. One of the knights of that party, War- 
ren de Basingbourne,was obliged to rouse his faltering troops by reproach- 
ing them with their defeat at Lewes. 

" Agen, traitors, agen, and habben ower thogt 
How villiche at Lewes ye werde to grounde ibrogt, 
Tumeth agen and thenceth that that power all ower is. 
And we solle, as vor nogt, oyercome ur for iwis."— Rob. done.* 

Simon de Montfort (says one account^ "fought stoutly like a giant 

' " Sui de si noble parente descendus, qui onques en bataUle ne M ne vou fuir." 

•Nangis. • W. Rish. de beUo Uw. Chr. Roflf. 

* " Again, traitors, again, and remember how vilely ye were brought to the ground at Lewes. 
Turn again, and think that the power is now ail ours, and we shall, as if they were nought, over* 
come them to a certainty .'^ 

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for the liberties of England/'^ and even when all the weight of the enemy's 
force was made to press upon him personal ly, he resisted their assaults 
^'like an impregnable tower"' with his dearest friends crowding around as 
if to defend him with the ramparts of their bodies.' One by one they 
dropped in death , Basset and le Despenser, the most faithful of all his 
friends, at length sank to the earth near him. 

" Sir Hue le fier, \y Detpenser, Despenser true, the good Sir Hugh, 

Tret noble justice. Oar justice and our friend. 

Ore est i, tort lyrr^ a mort. Borne down with wrong, amidst the throng, 

A trop mal guise."^ Has met his wretched end. 

" Never will I surrender to dogs and perjurers, but to God alone," 
cried de Montfort, when summoned to do so.^ His horse had been killed 
under him, but though weakened by his wounds he yet fought on with so much 
spirit, wielding his sword with both hands against twelve knights, his 
assailants, and dealing his blows with so vigorous an old age, that, if there 
had been but eight followers like him, he would, according to an eye wit- 
ness,^ have put the enemy to shame. It is said that Prince Edward, before 
the battle, had been desirous of taking the Earl and his sons prisoners, but 
the Barons of his suite were resolved on their death,'' and an angry multi- 
tude now pressed on de Montfort so fiercely, that, though fighting on to the 
last, sword in hand, and with a cheerful countenance, he at length fell when 
wounded by a blow from behind, overwhelmed by numbers rather than 

' Chr de Shepis. 

' " 11 se deflfiendoit de ses anemies ansti comme une tour qui ne puet ^tre domagiee." — Nangis. 

* T. Wyke. " Pfencorum milltum yallo drcumdatus." — ^Nangis. 

* Pol. Song from MS. Cott, transited by 6. Ellis in Ritson's Anc. Songs. 

* Chr. Oxenede. 

* " Tanta tI canitei ictus Tibrabat."-— Chr. Lanerc, " Annosus sed animosus."-— Chr. Evesham, 
Bodl. MS. Uud, 529, f, 64. 

^ Chr. Lanerc. "Cumstaret pedes pugnans gladio etocciso deztrario." — H. Knighton. W. 
Rish. W. de Shepis. " Multis perfossum fulneribus," — Nangis. 

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«* Thus ended, by an hcMKHimble death, the inbred chivalry and prowess 
whidi had been ennobled by so many deeds in so many lands."^ ^* Thus 
lamentably fell the flower of all knighthood, leaving an example of stead- 
fastness to others ; but who can prevent fieuniliar treadiery ? they who had 
eaten his bread, had now raised their beels against him ; they who loved 
him by word of month lied in their throats, not having their hearts right 
with him, but betraying him in bis necessity."^ Sach are the earnest com- 
ments of a French and an English chronicler on the event 

Had the victory been before doubtful, the death of de Montfort would 
have decided it, though his son Henry continued the hopeless resistance. 
Groaded to madness by the loss of his father,* in whose sight he had been 
himself wounded, he sought only for a similar fate. 

" Twry ffyod father t 
My soul shaU thine keep company to Heaven. 
Tarry, sweet 80ul» for mine, then fly abreast. 
As in this glorious and weU-foughten field. 
We kept together in our chifalry."* 

Nor was their re-union long delayed. Henry was soon overpowered 
and taken, and though a warm partisan^ praises him as innocent and beauti- 
ful like Jonathan, and resembling David in faith and devotion, yet the 
ferocious royalists massacred their helpless prisoner,^ resolved to glut their 
revenge with his blood. His younger brother, Guy, fell nearly lifeless 
among the heaps of the dead and dying, where he lay until picked up by 
the enemy and imprisoned. He recovered, however, from his wounds,'' and 
lived to play an active part afterwards in another country. The veteran 
Peter de Montfort shared the fate of his beloved leader, and of so many 
other comrades. 

1 Nangis. * W. Rish. de bdlo Lew. 

* " I^autre part ses fils qui se combattoit aussi conune hors do sens pour la mort de son pere."— 
Nangis. According to Chr. Lanerc. his death preceded his father's. " Cecidit autem ibi ante 
patrem suum impubes miles et innocens virgo Uenricos^" — Chr. Lanerc. 

* Hen. 5. * Chr. Lanerc. • Nangb. 

^ " Guy li plus Jones des freres chd entre les morts et les navr^ ausi comme demi-mofs, Uquel 
fu recuellis et garis en bries temps."— Nangis. 

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" More muffdke are nas in so lute ttunde/ 
Vor ther was went Simon de Montfort aslawe, alas 1 
And Sir Henry his sone, that so gentil knight was. 
And Sir Pers de Montfort* that stronge were and wise.— Rob. Glouc. 

Many chiefs of distinguished name are recorded among the slain. 

** Sir Ranf the gode Basset did ther his ending. 
Sir Guy Baliel died there, a yoog knight and hardy. 
He was pleyned more than other twenty." — ^Rob. Brune. 

The last named knight, a spirited Scotchman^ had borne the standard' of 
Simon de Montfort at this battle, and refusing to fly or save himseif, was 
found afterwards so mangled with wounds that his body could not be 
stripped even for burial. His companion, Roger de Rivle,^ was also 
among the bravest who fell. Thomas de Astley,^ who, at an earlier period 
of the civil war had eagerly seized upon the King's revenues in his neigh- 
bourhood, and who had been in attendance on the Countess of Leicester, 
at Odiham, a few months before, now fell a victim to his zeal for the Earl, 
and his estates were soon granted away to one of the triumphant party .^ 
The loss, which made the most impression on others, as the untimely fate 
of youth could not fail to do, was that of two nobles, cut off in their early 
bloom, William de Mandeville and John de Beauchamp,^ the latter on his first 
day of warlike service. A royalist chronicler^ here relents, and observes 

■"Nerer was in so short a time." " werst" first " asUwe^ slain. 

' Hume inaccorately makes Peter the son of the Earl of Leicester, and seems to represent him 
attacking Worcester, 1264, as the younger brother of Richard, who was then a boy too young 
to bear arms. 

' Chr. Maihros. W. Rish. * Chr. Maihr. 

* Hostdee, Estiey. His ancestor hdd three knights' fees under the Earl of Warwick, on the 
tenure of holding his stirrup. Thomas was knighted in 1242, and had serred in Gascony. War- 
wickshire had been put into his custody by the Barons in 1264. 

* Warren de Basingbume had a grant of £151 16s. lid. from the estatesof Astley, resei^ng a 
pension of £34 18s. Id. fbr life to his widow Edith, daughter of Peter Constable, of Melton, 
CO. Norfolk. Andrew, the eldest son, however, r ecofcre d the lands by the Diet Keoilworth fbr 
320 marcs. 

^ There had been double marriages between the sons and daughters of Peter de Montfbrt and 
William de Beanchamp, to whose wife there is a letter extant of Adam de Marisco.— Cal. Rot. 
Pat John, the brother of William de MandeviUe had been also kiUed in his sight. 

• T. Wykes. 

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that ** even stony hearts mast grieve for the deaths of these two ingenaoas 
youths, who excelled all their contemporaries in elegance of person, and 
whose tender age might have excused their treason/' It would appear that 
they were butchered in cold blood, after being taken prisoners.^ Among 
the few illustrious captives rescued from the general slaughter, were some 
who had been the associates of Simon de Montfort during the whole of the 
political struggle, and were found true to the cause up to the complete 
triumph of the royalists — these were Baldwin Wake, John Fitz-Jobn, 
Humphrey de Bohnn, jun.,* Henry Hastings, John de Vesci, Nicholas 
Segrave, and Peter de Montfort's two sons. King Henry, during the 
battle had unwillingly run some risk of being included among the sufferers, 
and had, when assailed by his own zealous friends, vainly exerted his voice 
with loud protestations, " by the head of Grod that he was the King ; by 
the mercy of God that he was too old to fight ;" until after a slight wound 
on bis shoulder,' the fall of his helmet caused him to be recognised, and 
placed in safety by his son. 

Many of the Baronial leaders were allowed to be buried by the Monks 
of Evesham, and Prince Edward himself attended as a sincere mourner 
on the funeral of Henry de Montfort The King had been his Grodfather, 
and the Prince esteeming bim as his boyish playmate and foster-brother, 
as well as the comrade and friend of his manhood, with the chivalrous 
emotions so often noted in him» would not suffer him, even as an enemy, to 
pass to a dishonoured grave. The treatment of the aged Simon de Mont, 
fort's body was far different, and will be mentioned presently. 

' Among the Barons slain were also Robert de Tregoz, Walter de Creppinge, William de York, 
Roger Roulee, Hugh de Hopville, Robert de Sepinges, William de Burmugham (the three latter 
mentioned in Simon Mirac.)* Robert de Hardreshill (Rot. Pat 50^ Hen. III.) Leland's Collect: 
adds a Bishop. Roger de Soules, to the number. 

* The title of Earl of Hereford is gi? en him by Simon Bfirac., and MS. Cott. Cleop. A. XII., 
but as his father lived till 1275, the title never came to him. According to the latter authority, 
indeed he was killed at Evesham. 

' Chr. Mailr., " Rex percussus in scapula clamavit fortiter ; erat enim vir summopere pad- 
ficus non bcUicosus.'*— Walt. Heming. " Rex remedialiter vulneratus." — Mai. Westm. 

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Tbe atmosphere bad been disturbed during the battle by a violent 
storm of thunder and hail, accompanied by an earthquake ; and the dark- 
ness was so dense in many parts of the country, that the priests could not 
see to read prayers in their churches. These were so many signs to the 
ready superstition of the people that Heaven sympathised with their grief 
at the destruction of their champions, ** while (in the phrase of the times) 
the people of the Lord were in torment"^ 

With a similar feeling an ominous interpretation was now given to the 
appearance of a great comet, which spread its light across half the heavens 
during several months this year. No phenomenon of this nature was re- 
membered, and all manner of calamities were attributed to it by various 
parties. One chronicler supposes it to have presaged the battle of Eves- 
ham,^ another observes with much simplicity that, " though it may have 
tokened many things in other parts of the world, this one at any rate is 
certain, that during its three months' duration Pope Urban began to be ill 
exactly at its appearance, and died the very night the comet disappeared."' 
Even the strong intellect of Roger Bacon was led astray by this natural 
wonder, and he reasoned of it in a strain not superior to the tone of his 
contemporaries. " Whence in the year 1264, in the month'of July, when 
there was the apparition of a terrible comet, it is proved to have been gene- 
rated by the virtue of Mars ; for as Mars was then in Taurus, and ttie comet 
arose in Cancer, it ceased not to run towards its cause, that is to say. Mars, 
as steel runs to a magnet; therefore since it moved towards Mars, and there 
lay hid, it must have been caused by Mars. Since, therefore, the nature of 
Mars is to excite men to anger, discord, and wars, so it happened that the 
comet also signified the angers, discords, and wars of men, as wise astron- 

> " Et motum teme dedit hora ferissimm guerre* 
Dam sic bellatur, Domini gens dam crudator." 

— W. Rish. de beUo Uw. et £▼. e MS. Cott. Otho D. VII. 

' " Quse fortaasis tarn inopinati eyentas prsesagiam portcndebat."— T, Wyke. 


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omers teach, bat more truly the experience of the whole Church, proved by 
the wars of England, Spain, Italy, and other regions, which occurred then 
and afterwards. Oh, how much advantage might have been procured to tiie 
Church of God, if the quality of the heavens at that time had been foreseoi 
by wise men, and made known to prelates and princes, so as to calm them 
by the desire for peace, for there would not then have been so great a 
slaughter of Christians, nor so many souls placed in Hell !"^ 

This remarkable comet is described as *^ a sterre with a launce — red and 
dear inou," appearing from S. Margaret's day till near Michaelmas, and is 
supposed by astronomers to have re-appeared in 1556. Should this identity 
be true, it may be again expected to recur in 1848, after completing its des- 
tined course of 292 years, and let those who may be curious in such omens 
then observe what illness of princes, what bloodshed in war, or what down- 
fall of political chiefs may then result. 

The victory of ttie King's party at Evesham was so complete, that the 
disproportionate loss on the other side, betokening more a surprise than a 
battle, caused it to be thus characterised : — 

*' Such was the morthre of Eifesham. Yor bataile dod it wu.**— Rob. Glouc. 

The royalists had distinguished themselves by red crosses on their arms, 
and the few who fell in the action owed their death to neglect of this pre- 
caution, being killed by their own comrades in mistake.* 

The physical power of the Barons, whether for good or evil, was shat- 
tered to pieces by this shock, but though the chance of war had decided so 
far, yet the moral effects of their brief government were destined to be more 
permanent. While preparing to mourn over the violent suppression of this 
attempted reform in Church and State, at the cost of blood and misery, the 
historical observer may perceive the principles of liberty which the Barons 

' Opus M. p. 4, ptg. 243, ed. 1733. In some yerses of later date. Prince Edmund of Lancas- 
ter is called, " Cometa Comitum/' probably in allusion to the recent comet of 1305 (Halley's) . — 
Y. Polit. S0D91. 

* Chr. Roff. MS. 

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had asserted, surviving their manly straggle, and springing ap afresh with 
the quick germ of life. The representative system, whose expansion they 
had encouraged, had taken too stout a bold to be extirpated, and from this 
root remaining unharmed the branches of national freedom throve henceforth 
with vigorous enlargement, strong in its own vital influence, upheld by the 
will and nourished by ttie love of the people. Within thirty years (in 1297) 
even a successful warrior, Eklward I., was obliged formally to renounce the 
claim of tallage without the consent of Parliament. The help of the prin- 
cipal churchmen and nobles mainly influenced this progress, although there 
were indeed many of all classes at the time anxious for civil liberty, the 
liberty of person and property, which was the only species then sought for 
or secured. No one had yet raised their thoughts to the entertainment of 
religious liberty, the free communion of the mind with its spiritual source, 
and no such daim had therefore been preferred. 

Many of the privileges subsequently acquired by Parliament were pur- 
chased from the Crown in return for money, when its ambition or prodigality 
required such aid, the very vices of royalty being thus converted into 
national benefits ; but, be it remembered, that the first and most important 
was a free-will ofiering from the Barons, unbought and unstained. 

The Barons and their leader have been upbraided with having neglected 
in their days of power the provisions of the Mise of Lewes. The time, 
place, and manner of reference to the King of France have therefore been 
pointed out, as well as the urgent importunity with which his decision was 
called for. The reproach is not only unjust, but may be fitly retorted by 
the fact that the King, when his power became again free from controul, 
never made the smallest allusion or advance to the settlement of the govern- 
ment promised by the Mise.* 

When William the Conqueror was told that one of his followers had 
cut King Harold's thigh after be lay dead, he degraded him from knigbt- 

* " PrincepB Edwardas nee fidem nee spem datam pluribuB obsenraYit." — Nangis Chr. 

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hood.^ In sad contrast with this nobler feeling was the treatment of Simon 
de Montfort's corpse at Evesham, forming with chroniclers of all parties a 
topic of indignant outcry, even in that rough state of society. The Earl's 
prostrate body was not only pierced with idle wounds, but mangled piece- 
meal,' and the limbs separated and dispersed. The hands were cut off, and 
with the head fixed on a spear's point, were sent as a worthy present to the 
wife of Roger de Mortimer at her castle of Wigmore. " May that pre- 
cursor of the Lord, whose head was served up at a banquet by a dancer, 
help the sender's soul !" bitterly remarks a chronicler.^ 

" And among tile otbere mett reuthe it was ido, 
That Sir Simon the olde man demembered was lo, 
Vor Sir MaitniTers (thonlc habbe non) 
Carf him of feet and honde, and his limes many on, 
And his heved hii smiten of and to Wigemore it ssende, 
To Dam fifaud de Mortimer that wel foule it ssende. — Rob. Glouc* 

By one chronicler,^ while recording with disgust the foul mutilation of his 
body, the incident is improved (in the preacher's sense of the word) as an 
appropriate judgment of God upon Simon de Montfort after his marriage 
with a professed nun. Besides the more common indignities of brutal 
triumph, other atrocities were perpetrated on " the olde man " not fit for 
description, and it was the memory of this outrage which exasperated his 
surviving sons long afterwards to a bloody retaliation. 

Some attribute this insult to Roger de Mortimer ; others, as has been 
seen, to William Maltravers, who had probably deserted the cause of the 

■ Tarpitudine nototus militifi pulsus fuit.''— M. Par. H. Hunt. W. Malms. The incident 
seems depicted at the end of the Bajeuz tapestry. 

*"Vilissimo soeviendi genere fiiriens — minutatim in firustra."— T. Wyke. *' In cumulam sui 
dedecoris amputatis eidem Tirilibus et membratim laceratum acephalum reddiderunt." — Nangis. 
The folio MS. in Cott. Nero D. II., by a Rochester Monk, contains a rude drawing at the bottom 
of p. 176, of the mutilation of the Earl of Leicester's body, and represents the Justiciary le De- 
spenser lying near him.— Copied in fig. 2 opposite. Fig. 1 if referred to at p. 194. 

* W. Rish. 
* reuthe, pity — ^thonk, thanks— carf, carved — heved, head — ^hii, they. 
• Chr. Lanerc. "Testiculi abscisi fuenint et appensi ex utraque parte nasi, et ita missum fiiit 
caput suum uxori Domini Rogeride Mortuo Mari apud castrumde Wiggemore."— Lib. de ant. leg. 

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Barons, like Giflord, from personal motives. One of the chroniclers/ 
however, studiously avoids polluting bis page with any name, referring to 
him as " a certain person accursed of the Devil," " a certain son of Belial," 
and he records with evident satisfaction that, on being drowned near Perth 
two years after, his corpse likewise was found mangled by two enormous 
crabs which had fastened upon it. 

Though the offering of the head to Matilda de Mortimer seems only 

worthy of a Scythian Tomyris, yet the lady had some of the noblest blood 

Wtmm. in her veins. Being one of the co-heiresses^ 

of William de Braose, who had wide estates 

in Sussex and Brecknock, the re-marriage of 

her mother Gladuse, a Welch Princess, with 

^vj^ ^r ^ ir Ralph de Mortimer, had probably caused her to 

♦If ^^tSv^m^L spend most of her life among the savage bor- 

I ej f ^^ I derers of Wales, and qualified her in the 

opinion of others for the reception of so un- 

feminine an offering.' 

Some portions of the mutilated body of de 
Montfort appear to have been sent for exhibition at different towns, " not 
for reverence, but for disgrace,"* and some fragments, with the trunk, were 
collected by the Monks of Evesham, with as much respect as they dared 
to exhibit, carrying them on a hurdle wrapped in an old doth to their 
Abbey ; they were buried with his comrade le Despenser in front of the 

* Chr. Mailr. " Quidam alius anathema diaboli" — " quidam ex filiis Belial." He was ac- 
cidentally pushed into the Tay by a lady in sport at Kindaven castle, in presence of the Queen 

* Matilda, Eleanor wife of H. de Bohun, junior, and Eve, widow of William de Cantilupe, 
divided the inheritance with her, 1259. — ▼. p. 86 ante. 

' On her husband's death in 1283, her lands were seized by the King, and not restored until 
she swore not to marry again without license. She died 1301. 

* ** Non osculanda sed opprobrio ostendenda."*-Chr. Lanerc. 

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high altar.^ The ploos care of his burial by these monks,* whose guest 
he had been the night before his death, was soon rewarded by the lustre 
and profit of the many miracles worked by the relics of the Sainted Martyr, 
for sach he was regarded by the people. " As the news of his death spread 
over the land, there was a suspension of all mirth, and an universal lamen- 
tation arose, until the sighs were turned into hymns of praise and gladness, 
by the numerous miracles announced to have been effected by his uncon- 
querable fimmess and patience, and purity of faith, and these gave hopes of 
hereafter recovering from the oppression of the wicked."* Such were the 
excited feelings of the time, and it is not improbable that his enemies aftei^ 
wards removed and concealed his remains in order to check the vene- 
ration they were held in.* 

The first alleged miracle, occurring immediately after his death, is 
highly characteristic of the current manners and opinions. The bearer of 
the fesu*ful trophy to Wigmore^^ had not found the lady Matilda in the castle. 
She was at mass in the neighbouring Abbey, founded by the de Mortimers, 
and thither the messenger followed her, still bearing the head, and thrusting 
into his bosom the maimed bands sewn up in a cloth. As he rushed into 

> " ITnincas autem corporis sai tantummodo datum est sepulture in ecdesift de Evesham."—* 
Lib. de Ant. Leg. ** Bed dicunt quidam universa membra ^us taliter sparsa mirabiliter in breri 
coadunata esse ad invioem, et condita esse in loco ubi nunc habetur honorifice sepultus scilicet 
apud Abbatiam de EYesham."— Chr. Anon. MS. Cott. Cleop. A. 190. According to Ann. WaTerl. 
de Montfort and le Despenser were buried, " Ante magnum altare ante gradum inlieriorem." The 
Chr. Evesham states the burial to have been conducted without outward marks of honour, ficom 
fear of the Khig. 

* There was no Abbot at the time, the vacancy after the death of Henry of Worcester (Nov., 
1263,) not having been filled up. — Dugd. Monast. "Reliquum corporis quod sub divo derelictum 
fuerat super scalam debilem et veterem collacaverunt, et vili et debili collobio et dilacerato coope- 
ruerunt et ad ecdesiam conventualem de Evesham deportaverunt, et inlintheaminemundo invol- 
ventes in monumento novo reposuerunt.— Chr. Abingd. MS. Bodl. 712. 

* W. Rish. de hello Lew. et Evesh. 

* Chr, Abingd. states this expressly. Extensive excavations were lately made on the sdte of 
the Abbey church, but nothing was found to identify the place of burial of the Earl of Leicester. 

* Wigniore had been conquered from Edric Earl of Shrewsbury by the de Mortimer who accom- 
panied William 1. Two wooden bottles filled with vrine were long kept there, which had been 
sent to Roger by the Queen of Navarre, in 1279, in compliment of his valour at a tournament, 
and he added a carbuncle to his arms in her honour.— v. Bank's Dorm. Baron. 

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tbe dHiTcfa in tbe eagerness of his 2seal> and wblsp^^d the tidings of victory 
into tbe ears of the devont lady, at the moment of tbe elevation of the 
Host, tbe hands of Simon de Montfort, as if from the force of long habit 
daring life they were now irresistibly attracted to their accnstomed duties 
at so solemn a service, were seen by tbe whole congregation to be raised 
np over tbe messenger's bead, clasped together in prayer, although they 
were afterwards found within the bag, with its stitches undisturbed, as be* 
fore. Tbe Lady Matilda, herself a witness of this scene, is said to have 
refused the bands admittance to tbe castle, and sent them back to Eve- 

As this marvel was enacted among his enemies only, it naturally be- 
came tbe forerunner of many among his friends, and in spite of the dis« 
couragement of tbe court,' the odour of bis supposed sanctity difiused its 
efficacy over the land. The particulars of 212 miracles' have been noted 
down as they occurred, comprising all manner of cures effected, not only 
on men, but on horses, oxen, and hawks ; fevers, fits, blindness, dumbness, 
even death itself, all gave way when tbe patients were true believers, while 
distant revilers were struck dumb. Of the prayers directly addressed to 
the political saint, one hymn has been preserved to us. 

" Salve SymoD Montit Fortii» Hail, Symon de Montfort, hail, 

Totiut flos militie. Knighthood's fairest flower 1 

Duras poenas passus mortis Bngland does thy death hewail. 

Protector gentis AngliB. Whom thou didit shield with power. 

• • • • • « 

Sis pro nobis intercessor Never did Saint such tortaiet rend, 

Apud Deam, qui defensor As thee of Martyr race : 

In terri eztiteras."* Tlioa who on earth didst God defend, 

Now gain for as God's grace. 

But besides prayer, other curious modes of obtaining relief by his 
intercession were in common use, such as bending money in his honour,^ 

> «* Sic se habet ven reUCio."— Chr. Mailr. 

* The celebrated " Defense at DIeu de faire mhrade id," in the Jansenist controrersy, was here 

* Latdy printed by the Camd. Soc. with W. Rishanger's Chr. from MSS. Cott Vesp. A. VI. 

* Mirac. Sim. de Montlbrt * "Denario plicato ad Comitem." 


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and the process of ** mensuration/' which consisted of the application to tiie 
sufferer of some fillet or string, which had been previously pat nmnd the 
Saint's body. Several priests certify to sadi miracles as the following 
specimen. <* A certain man at Hawkesbury, domb and convulsed for seven 
years, being measured by the Earl, immediately recovered from all his uh 
firmities. The Abbot of Persbore and man;^ others bear witness to this." 
The Priors of Gloucester, Oxford, and WaKham, testify to others. The 
Countess of Gloucester, the Countess of Albemarle, and many noble ladies 
also appear as witnesses. Persons drowned and burnt to death re- 
covered. ** Avida, daughter of Alan of Derby, after being unquestionably 
dead,^ roused herself and got well on being measured by Earl Simon." 
** Gregory de Grandun, Rector of the church of Sapecot, reports of his 
ox, which would not eat for fifteen days, on a piece of money being bent in 
honour of the Earl, immediately ate greedily and recovered." Whole parishes 
and towns testify to some instances, among which some are dated as late 
as 1278, proving how long the memory of Simon de Montfort continued 
to exercise influence ; pilgrims came to his tomb from afar, and though 
persons of all ranks readily attested the miracles performed there, yet none 
dared to talk openly of them, from fear of the King and Prince Edward. 

These wonders have been justly scoffed at by a Roman Catholic his- 
torian* in modem times, as '* a number of ridiculous miracles," but they 
were not so considered at the time, and the faith of political partisans even 
attributed similar miraculous power to Henry de Montfort and others of the 
nobles, whom they considered to have earned the crown of martyrdom at 
Evesham.' However littie such claims of supernatural agency may be 
adapted to the credulity of the present age, an age supplying humble follow- 
ers to Mormonism, and educated crowds to Mesmerism, they mark, at any 
rate, the prevalent temper of a distant period, and strongly denote the affec- 
tionate regard in which the memory of Simon de Montfort was held. 

» " Certissim^ mortua." " Lingard. Hitt. Eng^. 

» " Blartirii corona Uureatl."— Chr. H. de SUgraTC, MSS. Cott Cleop. A. XII. 

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** And 80 finished his labours, that glorious man Earl Simon, (observes 
his contemporary,)^ who devoted not only his property, but his own self in 
behalf of the oppressed poor, in the assertion of justice, and of the rights 
of the iLingdom ; he was commendable also, for his literary knowledge, 
rejoiced always to be present at divine services, was frugal, and accustomed 
to watch at nights more than to sleep. He was stedfast to his word, grave 
in countenance, especially trustworthy, and respectful towards churchmen ; 
endeavouring to follow the blessed Robert Grethead, Bishop of Lincoln, 
he committed to him the education of his diildren. By his advice he dealt 
with difficulties, and attempted and accomplished what he undertook, par- 
ticularly those matters which he considered most useful. It is said, indeed, 
that the great enterprise, ior which he strove unto death, was imposed on 
him for the remission of his sins, by the injunction of the Bishop, who de- 
clared that the peace of the English church could not be secured without the 
sword, and that all who died for it, should be crowned with martyrdom. 
The Bishop is, also, said to have foreseen the deaths of the father and son 
on the same day, and to have assured young Henry, with his hand on his 
bead, that they shoald die in the cause of truth and justice.'' 

The people had already made a saint of the Bishop, whose principles 
be had imbibed and put into action, looking now on de Montfort, as ^^the 
perfect pupil of a perfect master.** 

In the skill of arms and the art of war, he was acknowledged to excel all 
of his time, while his sted&stness of purpose, and composure amidst the 
greatest difficulties, were equally remarkable. Many of his private habits 
befitted his character as a soldier. It is stated on the authority of intimate 
eye-witnesses, that he was abstemious in eating and drinking, slept little, 
and was of a jocund and cheerful discourse.* Though his dress in public 
was of blue or crimson, as suitable to his rank, yet in private his plain rus- 
set tunic constantly covered a penitential haircloth.' 

■W.RkhMger. * W. Riih. de bdlo L«w. ct Bmh. *Chr.Mtilr. 

s 2 

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I'he intimacy be maintained with two of the greatest scholars of the 
age, Bishop Grethead and Adam de Marisco, allows as to infer the cha- 
racter of his mtellect, and the inclination of his tastes in private life.^ Both 
these are selected for especial praise by their friend Roger Bacon, as '^most 
famous men, who by the power of mathematics knew how to explain Ihe caases 
of all things, and to expound satisfactorily both human and divine matters."* 

The Franciscan friar, Adam de Marisco,' was frequently an inmate in 
de Montfort's family, and his carious and interesting correspondence, still 
extant in manuscript,^ proves his cordial sympathy with him on all occa- 
sions, public and private. The King had appointed him, in 1257, in con- 
junction with the Bishop of Worcester, and Hugh le Bigod, to negodate a 
treaty with France, under the direction of Simon de Montfort, and Peter de 
Savoy, whose assent to their arrangments was made necessary.^ Daring 
the campaigns in Gascony, de Marisco was an anxious observer of the 
court intrigues, which affected bis absent friend the Earl of Leicester, re- 
porting frequent interviews with the King and Queen on his behalf, warning 
him of the enmity or the occasional courtesy of the Queen towards him, 
and though listening to the King's avowed confidence ip the Earl's integ- 
rity, yet leading him to expect the evasion of the sworn stipulations in his 
favour, and at times not daring to approadi the King when exasperated. 
Frequently did de Marisco send his messengers, Gregory de Losell, and 
John de la Haye, with tidings of public afihirs, as well as of the good pro- 

■ *' littentnne icieDtU commendabfliter pneditnt."— W. Riih. 

' Roger Bacon, Opus magiiam* p. 64. ed. 17SS. 

* There htd been other persons of this name of prefious notoriety in British History, perhapa 
related to this Adam. Richard de Marisco, who is described reproadiAilly aa " one of the house- 
hold and manners of Ring John," (de familift et moribos regis Johannis,) was made Bishop of 
Durham, and behaved so ill, that the Pope Honorius, was obliged to denounce him in his Bull, 
1220, as "guilty of blood, simony, adultery, sacrilege, plunder, peijury, waste, never propounding 
the word of God to the people, and setting a bad example by his life and tongue." He died 
1226. — Mat. Par. The outlaw, William de Marisco, obtained some celebrity by maintaining him- 
self as a pirate in Lundy Island, in the Bristol channd, until he was taken with his sixteen com- 
panions, in 1242, and hung in London.— MSS. Add. 5444, Br. Mus. 

* MSS. Cott. Vitel. C. VIII. • Westm., June 22, 1^57.— Rymer. 

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gresB and health of the yoang de Montforts, then papils **of excellent dis- 
position, and of great hope," ** advancing day by day, in age, piety, and 
grace," ander the Bishop of Lincoln's tuition. Amidst all bis devotion to 
the Earl's interests, however, the good friar did not refrain from bold 
reproaches, when the interests of religion were in question, and one of his 
letters thus rebuked the Earl for having widowed the church of Odiham, by 
taking abroad with him the Chancellor of Sarum from the duty of serving 
it : — ** My mind has not been a little troubled by these thoughts, and I can- 
not think why yon thus acted so evidently wrong ; my grief is increased by 
what I hear, that yon entertain certain follies^ in this particular, which must 
be reproved, not defended. May heavenly light enable your eyes to see 
divine truth ! lest seduced by the fallacies of the age, which God forbid, 
yon fell into the pit with your blind leaders. By the honour of God, by 
your own salvation, by the dignity of the church, I implore your pious dis- 
cretion to study the correction of this transgression, and send back their 
shepherd to his own sheep." Simon de Montfort's temper little welcomed 
reproof, even from so sincere a friend, and his anger on this occasion is re- 
ferred to in a subsequent letter by de Marisco, as excessive, but the friar 
replied with the honest consciousness of right : *' as my own heart has not 
yet reproached me, I neither fear your judgement nor your accusation in this 
matter." In other letters, de Marisco saluted the Earl by wishing him 
<<the spirit of wholesome counsel, joined with the spirit of holy fortitude," 
exhorting him to '^fear not, for the Lord is with you ;" and hailed him as 
destined <*to purge and enlighten the church of God, as well as to establish 
a fitting government in the state, by bis unwearied anxieties." Admitted 
to all the secrets of the Earl's designs, the cautious friar is found repeatedly 
urging restraint of tongue on his great leader, *^for the heart of fools is in 
their mouth, but the mouth of the wise is in their heart" On one occasion 
he appears to refer to some daring enterprise of the Earl with similar pru- 

' " QtiMdAm htbetis ineptiM." 

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dence. " On the basiness, indeed, wbidi joa know of/ it seems to me that 
nothing should at present be written, especially as it concerns the most im- 
portant matters, and on one side the greatest salvation Is hoped for, while on 
the other the greatest dangers are not shanned. The voice alone, and not the 
mnte writing, can fiilly answer the many qaestions. I, therefore, entreat 
yoar Serenity not to be displeased if I do not write back as yon wished, 
concerning that deed of snch doubt and alarm,* for I percieve how inexpe- 
dient it woald be to introduce the peril of irreparable damage by any care- 
lessness/' By profession and character a man of peace, de Marisco 
excused himself even from the service of the Earl, when his duty called 
him to read lectures at Oxford, and he appears to have contemplated with 
horror the unbridled licence of the civil war, and the sad spectacle of 
wickedness resulting from the gathering of armies and their contests ' 
The attachment of so eminent a man as de Marisco seems to reflect 
honour upon the Earl of Leicester, and there can be no doubt that the fall 
of this great political chief was widely lamented, not only by the Barons of 
his party, but by the great body of the people, and by those who most sym- 
pathised with their feelings, the clergy. Most of the chronicles and poems 
of the times are by clerical hands, and they are nearly unanimous in regret- 
ting his overthrow, as that of a champion of the church and people. 
There is something very solemn and plaintive in the poem called the 
Lament of Simon de Montfort, every stanza of which concludes with this 
burthen : 

' " Sopcr aegodo quod aoetU." 

s««De itto htto tamtmbigiiefoniiidiDls.'' The letters not beingdated, it iinotponible toaacer* 
tain what U thus allud^ltto by de Bfarisoo. Some of the erentt referred to, howe?er, toAdently de- 
note the dates of lereral : one speaking of Amian, as Bishop elect of St Asaph, was probably 
written in 1249 ; another, addressed to Henry de Lexington, Dean of Lincoln, between 1S45 
and 1254 ; others refer to the disastrous crusade of Louis DL 

*The projected pubUcation of de Blarisco's letters from tiie MSS. will be a valuable senrioe. 
At p. 60 of his MS. alter a letter to the Bfinister of the Franciscan Order, dated from Lincohi, 
is added a note in red ink:— "This is the last letter which Brother Adam de Marisco, of pious 
memory, dictated." 

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* Ore ctt ocjrt la Itar d6 prii, 
Qe taunt laToit da goere, 
Ly Qaena Montfort, la dare mort 
Molt emplorra la terra."' 

Ab 1 low now liaa our flower of price* 

Who led the war so well: 
Earl MoDtforf s death ihaU EngbBd'a breath 
Bewail with woe and kneU. 

With a prophetic spirit, however, the author considered de Montfort, 
even by his death, to have gained the victory for his cause, in the same 
manner as Thomas d Becket had done. 

* M^ par la moit le Cuent Moontfort, 

Conqoiit la Tictorie 
Come ly martyr de Cannterbyr 

Flniit la irie ; 
Ne Yoleit pas li bon Thomas 

Qe perist Seinte Eglise, 
Ly Cuens ansl se oombati, 
X momst saonts feyntise. 
Ore est ocys» ftc. 

Yet by tiie blow that laid thee low, 

BraTe Eari« one palm was gireo. 
Nor less at thine, than Beckef s shrine^ 

Shall rise our tows to heaTen, 
Our churdi and laws, your comm<m cause, 

Twas his the church to ssTe; 
Oar rights restored, thou, generous Lord, 

Shall triumph in the grave. 

Qe Toleint moryr e mentenfar 

La pees e la dreyture, 
Le aeint marthr lur fira Joyr, 

Sa conscience pure, 
Qe Tdt moryr e sustenir 

Les honmes de la terre 
Son bon desir acomplir 

Quar bien le qnidom fiere. 
Ore est ocys, ftc. 

Each righteous Lord who braved the sword, 

And for our safety died. 
With conscience pure shall aye endure, 

Our martyred saint beside. 
That martyred saint was never fldnt 

To ease the poor man's care. 
With gradoua wiU he shaU foMl 

Our Just and earnest prayer.* 

A modem historian has remarked with great eloquence, that ^^he died 
unconscious of the imperishable name which he acquired, and which he pro- 
bably iconsidered as of very small importance. He thus unknowingly 
determined that England was to be a free country, and he was the blind 
instrument of disclosing to the world that great institution of Representa- 
tion, which was to introduce into popular governments a regularity of order 
far more perfect than had heretofore been purchased by submission to abso- 
lute power, and to draw forth liberty from confinement in single cities, to a 
fitness for being spread over territories, which experience does not forbid 

* BCSS. HarL 3253, printed in Rttson'a Ancient Songs, Political S., and elsewhere. 

* The author has gladly availed himsdf of the translation of these two stansas by 6. Ellis, in 
Ritson's Anc. S. 

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to hope mqr be as rest as baTe erer be«i grasped by die iron gripe of a 
despotic oonqneror.^" 

Such eulogies, and the affection of his contemporaries, mast be fiedrly 
weighed against the charges of other authors. If Simon de Montfort were, 
indeed, as Hume terms him, a bold and artful conspirator with hypocritical 
pretensions to sanctity, of unbounded ambition, barefaced ararice, yioleoce, 
ingratitude, tyranny, rapacity, and treachery, then, without dispute, his 
death was '^the most fortunate event that could have occurred," but in that 
case, the unexplained love of the nobles, clergy^ and people, for his 
memory, after his life and power had ceased, will constitute a greater mai^ 
vel than any of the 212 miracles imputed to him. 

> sir J. lUckintoth, Hiit. Eo^ 

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"These distorben were not so much like men osorpfaig power, ai aaserting their 
natural place in aodety."— Bmrke. 

After being alternately confirmed and annulled doring seven years^ the 
Oxford Statutes were now finally declared void, and the Mise ceased to be 
thoaght of, bat as those, who had taken part in the battles of Lewes and 
Evesham, had all their fatnre lives influenced by their results, the personal 
tsie of some of the survivors of the overthrow may be followed with in- 
terest a little longer. 

By neither party was the scaffold resorted to for additional bloodshed 
after their respective triumphs, a moderation which contrasts remarkably 
with the ferocity of manners then general, and the practice of later times 
which may be considered more civilized. A stem and ample measure of 
vindictive retribution, however, was exacted in other respects by the King's 

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party. Commissioners were quickly despatcbed into the different counties 
to seize on the lands and goods of all who had be^i concerned in the pro- 
ceedings, which were now termed rebellions, though they had so recently 
borne the outward aspect, and exercised the influence of tte united power 
of Ehig, Barons, and Commons. No order or dignity was spared during 
tte extortion of plunder on this occasion; some religions communities 
were even punished, not for their actual help or intercourse with Simon de 
Montfort, but for their presumed inclination towards his cause.^ 

These severities were sanctioned by a Parliament held at Winchester, 
September 8, 1265, to which it does not appear that any representatives of 
the Commons were summoned. By legalising the confiscation of all the 
estates of de Montfort and the other defeated chiefs, the royalists provided 
a fund for their own reward, whidi was profusely distributed among them- 
selves. The property, not only of the prisoners and survivors, but even 
of those slain, while fighting on the same side as the King, and under his 
royal banner, was included in this wide confiscation, for the Parliament con- 
sidered them as traitors to have so acted, while the King was in subjection 
to the Earl of Tjeicester, who dealt with the King's seal as he pleased.* 
By this retrospective vengeance the sons and families of the defeated party 
became a large and distinct class of destitute sufferers, who were often re- 
ferred to for several years under the name of the Disinherited.' 

A return of all the lands of rebels was required to be made to the King 


* ''Sab virga et potestate ComitU LeicettriB qui fedt qaicquid Tolait de SigUlo Regis."— lib. 
de ant. leg. The King alleges the same reason in a Proclamation from Windsor, Oct. 1, for re- 
joicing his former letters, which excused from payment of debts to Jews " certain debtors, 
cspedally those who were openly opposing him and his first-born son, which he had signed while 
In the power and custody of Simon de Montfort, his enemy» who used his seal at his pleasure."—- 

' There number may be learnt by a solution of the following oenigmatical lines in MSS. Cott. 
Otho., D. VIII.— T. W. Rish.. p. 146. 

" Exhseridati si fiant connumerati 
Millia cum binis decs bis sunt acta minis." 

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by October 13.^ In the single ooanty of Leicester a long list of land- 
holders' was retnmed accordingly as rebels. The value of Simcm de 
Montforts's own estates in the county is thus given : the Burgh of Leicester, 
154/. 08. 4d. ; Hinkley, 29/. ; Lywalton, 20/. ; Bogworth and Torington, 
20/. 8t. 9d. ; Dersford, 19/. 10s. ; and in the royal grants disposfaig of 
them they are spoken of as having devolved on the King as escheats by his 

The Eing^s second son, Edmund, afterwards sumamed Crouchback 
from his habit of stooping/ profited most of all by the grants arising firom 
these events. His father gave him^ aU the estates, and the office of High 
Steward lately belonging to ** our enemy and felon, Simon de Montfort, by 
whom war was excited in our kingdom,'* and to these were added also the 
Earldom of Derby, and the estates of Nicolas Segrave. The Queen, in 
1291, enriched l^im further with the palace of Savoy, and these ample 
grants ultimately so raised the family importance of this prince,^ afterwards 
Earl of Lancaster, that in the fourth generation the inheritor of his weslth 
and title was enabled to depose Richard II. and to usurp the throne.^ 

By another grant of the same date,^ Prince Henry received the estates 

■ Rot PkL 49** Henry ID., Sept 31. 

* Thomai de Croneiley, Robert Moton de Peydinton, Ralph Basset, Peter de MoDtfSnrt, aU 
killed in battle ; Nicolas Segrave, Henry de Hastings, John le Despenser, Richard de Orey, Robert 
de Wyvile, Saer de Harcourt, Geflrey de Skeflington, as prisoners; William de Preston, John de 
Reygate, Brian de Gorva, William Martell ; also Robert Burdett, as having fought at Evesham, and 
Richard de Vernon, as having held Pec Castle for Henry de Montfort. 

' "Ad not tanquam escaeta nostra per prssdictam forisfscturam suam devenemnt"— Rot PU. 
T. mdiofs Leicest., voL 1. 

4 On his tomb, however, in Westminster Abbey, he sits erect on his horse fally armed. His 
first wife» Aveline de Fortibus. has her effigy near him. 

* By a grant dated Canterbury, Oct 39, 1365, and witnessed by Hugh le Bigot, Philip Basset, 9x. 

* It is remarkable that the existence of this Prince at the death of Henry III., should have 
been overlooked in Hailam's Mid. Ag. 3, 374, and that an argument should have been founded on 
" Edward, Earl of Cornwall, though nearest Prince of the blood," not et\}oying any superior title 
to the regency on that account. Edmund (not Edward), Earl of Cornwall, was the only surviv- 
ing son of the King of the Romans^ but Edmund Crouchback was the nearest Prince of the blood. 

^ Henry IV. inherited the property from his mother, Btenche of Lancaster. 


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of de Fornivall, and all the other chieftaina were freely admitted to the 
division of the spoO. Roger de Mortimer had the estates of Robert de 
Vere, Earl of Oxford, given him (Oct. 27, 1265), and Gilbert de Clare re- 
ceived the lands of Henry de Hastings.^ From the Rolls* containing the 
grants made to the conquerors, some names may be extracted as illustrating 
the history of the individuals, and also the confusion and arbitrary transfer 
of property incidental to civil war. 

Roger de Clifford had the grant of thirteen lindt in Leicettenhhre and Warwidohirc^ and wit 

made Jnstidarj of the Poretts within Trent. 
Roger de Leyboume had the tliirteen manon of Henry Fltx-Aucher, and the house of Peter 

de Montfort in Weitminiter* He was alio War en of the Cinque Porta. 
Thomas de Clare had a manor of Peter de Montfbrd. ** our enemy." 
The Princess Eleanor of Castile» received the lands of Richard de Vernon and Richard de Gray, 

Hamo FEstrange* had grants of several houses of the attainted Londoners. 
Warren de Bassingboume had three manors in Warwickshire. 
Nicolas de Lewknor, the lands of Guy de Bailloll» " rebel." 
Alan Plugneth^ a manor of William Marescall. " rebeL" 
Walter de Merton, lands of Robert Fiti-Nigel* " our enemy." 
Richard de Tany,' those of Robert de Sutton, '*our enemy." 
Ralph de Botiller, the manor of Nicolas de Segrave. 

Robert de Stutevill, a manor restored, which the rebel Giles d'Argentin had seiied. 
William de la Valence, a manor of the late Henry de la Blare.* 

When policy afterwards sanctioned the restoration of some of these 
tokens of triumph, it will be seen with what reluctance and heart-burnings 
such an unwelcome process was submitted to. If the Barons after the 
battle of Lewes fed their pride and covetousness with the property of the 
vanquished, it is also clear that the royalists were not slow to reap the 
natural harvest of victory in Vbek season. 

iW.Rish. Rot. Ptit 49** Hen. m. * Calend. RotuL Pait 49** Hen. III. 

* Of this tkmily descended from the Dukes of Brittstny, some members took difEerent sides in 
the dvil war. Hamo had been ordered by his party to take the command of Bruges Castle from 
his brother John, the Sheriff of Shropshire and Staffordshire, to whom it was restored after the 
battle of Lewes. Hamo's bold attempt to rescue Prince Edward at Wallingford, before referred 
to, had earned his present reward. His brother John also, having supported the King at Evesham, 
received the lands of Richard de Mucegroe in grant* Dugd. Warw. Arms, Gules, two lions 
passant argent armed gules. 

^ V. p. 216 ante. ' Arms, " Argent a maunch gules." 

* Arms, de la Mare, " Gules, a maunch argent." — Carlav. 

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The Bishops, who had supported the fallen party, now became objects 
of persecution. The Pope, or rather Popes, (for there was a quick sacces- 
sion of them) had throaghoat these troubles the instinctive sagacity to feel 
that the advance of civil liberty would be dangerous to their own preten* 
sions, and they uniformly opposed the Barons by all the means at their 
disposal. The Legate, who had been irritated by the resistance he had Inet 
with at Boulogne in 1264, had now become Pope Clement IV., and in that 
higher station had renewed his solemn excommunications in the church of 
Perugia^ declaring void the oaths of the King and Prince, annulling all the 
grants made by the Barons, and prefacing the act with an ostentatious meek- 
ness peculiar to Papal phraseology. *^ Since the Lord has appointed our 
Humility over nations and kingdoms, and has committed to us, although 
unworthy, the care of all kingdoms and kings, we declare these oaths 

As soon as the Pope learnt the Prince's escape, he wrote to authorise 
him to govern in the King's name : ** Fulfil manfully, my son, the duties of 
your royal blood, and exert the vigour of your noble mind to these purposes 
with becoming constancy and prudence."* When the triumph of the King 
was at length made known, and it seems that the news took two months 
to reach Perugia, the Pope's joy was heartily expressed, ** Blessed be the 
Father of all mercies and the God of all consolation, who, comforting you 
in such straits, has snatched your life from the hunter's snare, bursting ycmr 
bonds, and restoring you mercifully to your own people. To him, whose 
finger has worked all this, ascribe the glory. Exult therefore, oh illustrious 
Prince ! exult and rejoice in the Lord." Mercy upon the fallen is then 
urged by tiie Pope from political motives, excellent and remarkable for 
their rare wisdom. ** The humanity of forgiveness (he observes) will at- 
tract more people to love you and your son, than the severity of punish- 

' Dated Perugia, Sept. 18.^Rynier. Tke language of Boniface VIII. a few yeart later was of 
the same haughty tenor. " The aword is in the hands of Kings and soldiers, but at the nod and 
under the sufteance of the Priest." * Rymer. 

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ment will chastise ; the fury of vengeance may sappresa the hate of a few, 
but it will excite that of many/'^ The shrewd policy of these maxims, 
however, bore no fruit: ttie Legate Cardinal Ottoboni, in a Council held at 
Northampton, saspended from their functions and solemnly excom- 
municated the four Bishops of London, Chichester, Winchest^, and Wor- 
cester. The two first unwillingly obeyed his orders to repair to Rome 
vrithin three months : John de Exon, Bishop of Winchester, who had paid 
12,000 marcs, (8,000/.) to the Pope for his investiture four years previously, 
followed them with a melancholy mind,* and died at Rome in 1268 ; the 
Bishop of Worcester, also, in a few weeks, ended his consistent career in 
poverty and disgrace.' ^^He was snatched away lest he should see evil 
days, (observes a royalist chronicler,) for so much did he excel other 
bishops in holiness, that he would not undeservedly have been enrolled 
among the catalogue of Saints, if he had not acted against his duty to the 
King and the Apostolical Seat, by adhering strongly and firmly to Simon de 

At a later period, (from Viterbo, September 15, 1266,) the Pope 
<* anxious for the pacific state of England,'' renewed his former excommuni- 
cation of all the adherents of Simon de Montfort, forbidding even his 
Legate to absolve them from it on any account, '< except perhaps at the 
point of death,"^ and even in that case, should they recover, the curse was 
to be again binding on them. 

Besides the spiritual penalties of excommunication, we must remember 
that persons under the ban of the Church, were shunned as lepers, to 
whom no one could give food or burial. Well might Chaucer declare 
of his Sumpnoar, '^For curse will slay right as assoiling savelh."^ 

■ Rjmer.— Ptenigia, Oct 4, 1 866. * T. Wyke.— r. p. 313, ante. 

•"Vmter.*— W.Ridi. 

^T. Wyke: tocording to whom he died about All Saints, 1866 ; aoconttng to othen» Feb. 6, 
1866. One of Adam de ICariiCO^a letten to the Earl apeaki of the Biahopa of Lincoln and 
Worcester as "of aU others the most fiiToarable in spedal friendship to me.'' 

• " Nisi forsan in articolo mortto."— Rjaser. * Cant. lUes. 

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On thus meeting with these repeated carses, then of such fearful im- 
port in a worldly view, solemnly pronounced by mortal men against 
their fellow-christians, it is pleasant to read the manly appeal from them 
to a higher judgment-seat, made by their great Italian contemporary, who, 
confident in the words of the Psalmist that ^* the goodness of God endureth 
yet daily," gives the sentiment to King Manfredi, a victim of this same 
Pope, Clement IV. 

"FtaknrmalediiiondDonsiperde, Yet by tbdr cmte we are not so destroyed, 

Che non possa tornar letemo tmore. But that the etenud love may turn, while hope 

Mentreche la speraiuta a flor del Terde. Retains her verdant blossom^— Gary's tiansL 
Dante» Purgat. 3. 

The fate of young Simon de Montfort, so suddenly become the head, 
though no longer the heir, of his family, by the deaths of his father and 
brother, was full of eventful changes. It does not appear that he had ad- 
vanced 9 step from Eenilworth,^ after he bad allowed himself to be there 
surprised, though his immediate junction with his father might have ayerted 
the fatal disaster at Evesham. Both shame and the want of the necessa- 
ries he had then lost^ checked his movements, until the tidings of ruin 
overwhelmed him. For many days did he refuse all food and drink in the 
anguish of his heart,' but his grief did not mislead him into acts of cruelty, 
when urged upon him by his partisans. Within the castle of Eenilworth, 
which had been fortified with the utmost skill by the Earl of Leicester, the 
King of the Romans and his youngest son, Edmund,^ were still detained in 
custody. Some angry zealots were eager to take a summary vengeance 
on them for the barbarous treatment of the great Earl, but young Simon 
with equal policy and generosity, not only resisted this, but in September 
gave them their liberty.' 

■ According to T. Wyke, howerer, Symon saw the rout of his party at Eresham from a distant 
height, and then returned. 

* " Tarn pudore quam renun ablatarum inopift ad patrem redire diffierens.''— Nangis. 
• T. Wyke. * •• Cum Alio postremo."— T. Wylce. 

' The widow of Hugh le Despenser also released the royalist nobles in her custody at this tim^ 
and reUred to her hther Philip Basset *' Loctuosa se transferens mortem mariti sui inconssF* 
billtcr deptorabat"— T. Wyke. Almeric de Montfort wrote to her from Dorer, July IS, 1265. 
She afterwards married Roger le Bigot. 

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The poweribi Mend thns tecared to bim, did not fidi openly to avow to 
ligation, and to intercede for him at court, in spite of the hostility of de Clare, 
who, with the bigotiy of a convert, protested against any mercy towards 
the son of his former oolleagne. Yoang . de Montfort was allowed, bow- 
ever, to approach the King at Northampton, and was offered a pension of 
500 marcs, (333/. 6$. 8d.) daring the continaance of tranqaillity, after snr- 
rendering Eenilworth and retiring abroad. The garriscm at Kenilworth, 
however, woald take no orders but from the widowed Coantess, who hdd 
a grant of it for her life, and Simon, with a spirit too proud to submit to his 
humbled condition, and indignant at the severity shewn to his mother, 
suspected treadiery on being compelled to accompany the King to London, 
and suddenly withdrew from the court, in Feb. 1266. Repairing to Win- 
Chelsea, he soon made himsdf formidable by his bold piracies at sea, and 
by gathering troops on the opposite coast^ His threatened invasion was 
denounced in a royal Proclamation from Northampton, May 18, 1266.* 

It is unnecessary to detail all the scattered hostilities that ensued. The 
resistance to the King's authority was obstinate and prolonged, though 
limited to a few points where the partisans of the Barons still held a lofty 
language in claim of public rights and state reform. The ** mountain 
nymph, sweet liberty,*' has often betaken herself to swamps without any 
detriment to her healthy complexion, as Venice and Holland, and Attielney 
may witness. It was from the fens of Lincolnshire and Cambridgeshire, 
the isles of Axholme and Ely, (so ofi» the stronghold of refuge to the mal- 
content Saxons after the conquest, and fortified by their brave chief 
Hereward,) that the Disinherited, under young de Montfort, now spread 
terror far and wide for two years. 

It is said that many of the Barons then repented that they had not sub- 
mitted to the Award of Amiens,' but at any rate their reply to the excom- 
munications and rq»t>aches of their enemy was fearless and dignified. 

*AnB.WaYarl. 'Rjmcr. ' G. Daniel, Hiit. de Fk*. vol. 3. 

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^^They professed, unreservedly, the same unshaken faith in religious 
matters, which S. Edmund and S. Robert, (Grethead) the church-reibrmers, 
had held, and they complained of the irreverent banishment of the four 
popular Bishops; when charged with plunder, they justified their living 
upon the goods of their enemies, who had unjustly disinherited them from 
the estates which their ancestors had won by the sword ; and when re- 
proached with treason, they asserted that they were but fighting, as they 
had sworn to do, for the good of the Kingdom and of the Church, anxious 
only to obey the Oxford Statutes, and averse from any Crusade being 
preached, which might lure away the natives of England, in order to make 
more room for favoured aliens."^ This last objection, while it marks the 
waning popularity of the Crusades, had never been thought of under any 
other King than Henry III. 

It was not until the cities of Norwich, Ely, and Cambridge, had been 
taken by these . desperate men, that the energy of Prince Edward over- 
powered them, July 27, 1267.* For this service, the King had required the 
Abbey of St Albans, among others, to send their quota of soldiers, who 
were accordingly conducted to the place of meeting by their Archdeacon. 
Either this clerical troop did not look military enough, or the King cbose to 
punish their supposed inclination to the other side, for we are told that 
after they had been kept for twenty days at the place appointed, he exacted 
sixty marcs, ("40/.) in lieu of the service of each knight, and so dismissed 

A similar outbreak in the North under the disinherited Earl of Derby 
was, also, suppressed by Prince Henry. Kenilworth, however, though 
blockaded by a large army, required a siege of sixteen months to reduce it. 

Some of the incidents of the siege, the alternation of savage vengeance 
with chivalrous courtesy, are characteristic of the then usages of war. 
The besieged, on one occasion, cut off the hand of the royal herald who 

* W. Rish. de beUo Uw. et £v. * Chr. Mailr. ' WiU. Rish. 


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iotd coMe to dammoti tbem to suirender, and sent It to the King as a 
preseilt from the Disinherited ; while, at another time, a woonded royalist 
iMtring died a pirisoner in the castle, his enemies carried him forth in h(M]0iir- 
able procession, with lighted tapers, and placed the corpse ontside, so that 
his friends might bury him in peace. The garrison of 1200 men, besides 
whom there were 53 of their wives with their handmaidens, were so con- 
fident in their strength, that, during many months, the castle gates were left 
open all day in defiance, and a sdlying party even took TicklHll castle, belong- 
ing to Prince Edward. Trenches were cnt to hem them in, and hage 
V^ooden towers holding slingers and bowmen, one especially called a Bear 
fh)m its size, were advanced forward ; bargee were transported overland 
from Chester to assist in the assault across the castle lake ;^ bat the besieged 
resisted these efforts with success by mangonels and other engines, until 
hanger, which reduced them to eat horseflesh, and its follower, disease, 
obliged them to accept the terms of surrender offered them. 

A species of compromise rela^ting the severity of their fate was, on 
this occasion, arranged in favour of the Disinherited, and the terms, though 
drawn up by a committee of royalists at Coventry, caused mach dissatisfac- 
tion among those of their partisans who disliked to give up their share of 
eonAscated property. De Clare and de Mortimer retired from court in 
disgust at such a process, though the former had been associated with the 
Archbishop and others to consider the conditions on which the civil war 
might be brought to an end. 

The Kenilworth decree,^ as it was commonly named, permitted the 
Disherited to obtain pardon for their treason, and restoration of their 

^ The siege of a castle by sea and land, (as at Kenilworth,) is represented with much spirit in 
an ancient drawing of the Cambridge MS. of Mat. Paris, copied in the accompanying lithograplr 
f^om Strutt's Antiquities. 

* Dated Oct. 31, 1267. The royalists who devised it were the Archbishop, Nicholas de Ely 
Bishop of Worcester, Gilbert de Clare, Humphry de Bohun Earl of Hereford, Philip Basset, John 
Baliol, Roger Someri, with the Papal Legate Cardinal Ottoboni, and Prince Henry to act as um- 
pire.— W. Rish. 

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RoTP Ci.m'hriigt M.S. of riiV Pari* . m ShuHt Anlj^„i,gd by GoOgle 

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estates by paymetit to the royalist grantees, of fines varying from one to 
five years' valne. Those whose guilt consisted in having accepted office 
finder Shaon de Montfort were rsquired to pay one or two years* value, 
and those who bad drawn their swords against ttie King, five years. Evcd 
from this oompositioB, ttowever, the de Montforts were, in express terms^ 
attogetber exdnded, and special penalties, in fines of ser en years' valne, 
were imposed on Henry de Hastings for bis personal assanlt on the King's 
herald, and on Robert Ferrers, Eari of Derby, whose violent oatrages pre* 
vioos to the battle of Lewes were remembered now in bar of bis pardon, 
even tboagh he had not been present at Evesham. This nobleman had^ 
indeed, lost the fttvonr of both parties, for he bad even been imprisoned by 
the Earl of Leicester, the year before, on account of bis unsteady oondact } 
and after now making bis peace with the royalists, he again took up arms» 
and wlien defeated by Prince Henry, was kept in custody for three years. 
Ultimately the ransom of bis lands was fixed so high, 00,000/., that they 
were never redeemed from Prince Edmnnd, who held tiiem, and the at- 
tainted Earl was never able to recover his title.^ 

Many of the Disinherited took advantage of this Decree of Kenilworth 
to compound for their lost estates,* though the reluctance with which the new 
grantees submitted to their restoration, gave rise to many disputes and law- 
suits. Evidence of the King's lingering partiality for foreigners, the bane 
of his long government, had been vi«ble by bis grant of the Earldom of 
Norfolk to his son-ni-law, the Duke de St Pol,' son of the Duke of Brittany. 
It is recorded, indeed, tiiat the young Prinoe never ventured upon a seisin 

«V.AW)rcy.Pl*clt.,p. 187. 

' Thus W. de Berwick daimed his lands from AnceDinus Basset ; Brian de Gnwiz from Robert 
de Briwes; Henry de Penebrigg from Hugh de Mortimer ; W. de Tracy from Walter de Caple; 
widows and heirs in a similar manner advanced claims to the lands of those slain, as W. de la 
Pnzle, Thomas Corbet, Lawrence Trelloske, Ralph de NormanyiUe, W. de Eyet, W. de Byrming- 
ham.— ▼. Pladt. Hen. III., and Ed. I. passhn. 

* John (son of John I., Duke of Brittany), afterwards John II., born 1238» married in 1289» 
Beatrix, the daughter of Heory lU^ and died 1306. 

T 2 

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of the lands thus given him, knowing well that Roger le Bigot was too 
dangerous a competitor to meet with on sach an errand with impcinity. 

The pleas by wbicb the claims for restoration were met, in the recorda 
of the Eing*6 Coarts, were various, and some explain the manner in whiob 
this final pacification was carried into effect. Some claims were resisted oa 
the plea Uiat the original holder continued in rebellion after ttie battle of 
Evesham, or did not submit within the appointed time ; others that the 
claimant was a London citizen, and as such, not entitled to any indolgenoeu 
Some, as Geoffry de Herietesham, thought a boast of their own unahakea 
loyalty to the King during the whole war,^ a sufficient reason for keeping 
what they had got ; and John de Bolemar, when accused of stealing three 
horses, valued at 909., four oxen at 489., fourteen cows at 5/., three bullocks 
at 2U., eleven sheep at 21 marcs and 5«., (14/. 5s.) boldly pleaded that he 
took them purposely, because he knew their owner, John de Grurney, bad 
foufcht against the King at Lewes.' 

With the surrender at Kenil worth, December 1267, ^^ ^^' ^^ ended. 
The sagacity and enterprise of Prince Edward, more than supplying the 
defects of the incompetent monarch, enabled the royal cause to enjoy 
henceforth an almost undisturbed triumph. The great influence and popu- 
larity of the young Prince caused his persevering revenge again to wei^ 
heavily on the unfortunate Londoners, whom, from the moment of their 
insult to his mother, he seems to have regarded as personal enemies. He 
could now gratify to the full the same vindictive spirit which had nerved his arm 
and blinded his judgment, when, ^' like an eagle in a dove-cot, he fluttered " 
them from the field of Lewes. By a royal grant (from Northampton, May 12, 
1266,*) the goods of all the citizens of London, who bad taken part with the 
Barons, were given over to his disposal. In spite of the safe conduct which 

' "Ante guerram et in principio medio et fine nunc et semper parti Domini Regis adhesit." 

* Placit.. Hen. III. 
' Rymer. Something of tlie same personal feeling may be seen in the fine of 560 marcs paid 
by the citizens of Hereford for their share of rebellion.— Rot. Pat. 49® Hen. HI. 

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had encoaraged him to approach the King, Thomas Fitzthomas, who had 
for several successive years been the popular Mayor of the city, was now 
seized at Windsor, by the Prince's orders. His fellow-citizens woald have 
manfully re-elected him even in 1266, liad not the rival candidate, Alan 
Zooch, secared his own preference by means, which, it is hoped, are un- 
known in quieter times, the compulsory removal of the opposing electors.^ 
Some of the other leaders of the city, Michael Tony, Stephen Backerell, 
and John de la Flete, were imprisoned with him for a long time in the 
Tower, and among these sufferers we also recognise Thomas Puvelesdon, 
who had accompanied Simon de Montfort during the battle of Lewes. He 
appears to have been a wealthy mercer,* and had been employed while the 
Barons were in power, April 1665, to receive the oath of a suspected 
royalist' His forfeited estate was divided between the King of the 
Romans, and Prince Edward, but he was again in 1286 entangled in trea- 
sonable acts> 

A fine of 20,000 marcs (13,333/. 6s. 8d.) was exacted from the city by 
the Prince, in order to repay the loans raised abroad to equip the royalist 
armaments, aud when the citizens of London attempted to redeem their 
lands by virtue of the Kenilworth decree, they were met in the King's courts 
of law by the plea that the act of grace did not include them, and that all 
their movables and immovables had been placed at the will and pleasure of 
the King alone.^ In their present helplessness they might have been taunted 
by the Prince's comrades with the same bitter derision as the Scots at a 
later period : — 

* Ftbyan. 

' In the Roll of the Coantess of Leicester's expenses, July 1265, is an entry of 34 ells of rosett 
parchased from him : " Pro 34 ulnis rosetti emptis Londinese per Dominum Thomas de Ffalesdon 
113s. 4d.— ▼. Househ. Ezp." 

' V. letter of the King, from Northampton, April 11, 1265.— Rymer. 

* Fabyan. 

' " Non comprehenduntur, sed omnino remansenint ad gratiam et voluntatem Domini Regis." 
— Placit., p. 175. Thus William de S. Omer refused to surrender the lands of Thomas Bax.— 
Pladt., p. 171. Stephen Bnckerel met with a similar denial. 

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''TkNTOt, Seot, for thy strif ! 

Hang up thyn hachet ant thl knyf, 
Wha him latteth the lyf 

With the loDge ahonkes."* 

^ Polit. S. from MS. Harl. 2253, dated 1306. " Pshaw, Scot, for thy etrife ! bang up thy hat- 
•M and thy knife while the life lasU of him with the Long Shioiks." 

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AM tho heo had4e al dene ir joye al vertore, 

Me flemde ir out of Engelond without age coming. 

Alas 1 ir tueie brethren, that eitiier of hom was King, 

And nadde bote ir one soater, and hir wolde so fleme, 

Alasl were was love tho, sucche domes to deme?^ — Robert Gloucester. 

The quaint versifier quoted above almost warms into poetry with indig- 
nation at the treatment of the widowed Countess of Leicester by her own 
royal kindred. On so feeble a sufiTerer, now advanced in years,' and one 
whose feminine virtues had earned from her chronicler the emphatic eulogy 
of being " gode woman thoru' al," the vengeance of the victorious party 

^ "And tho* she had utterly lost all her joy, they banished her from England never to return. 
Alas ! her two brothers, each of whom was a King, and had but her an only sister, and yet would 
so banish her ! Alas ! where was then their love to pronounce such a sentence on her." 

' She was probably about fifty-Uiree years of age at this time. 

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fell with a severity we shoold not have expected. Bereaved at once of ber 
husband and her eldest son^ her broken spirit had needed no additional 
pressure. Laying aside her parple dress she would wear nothing hence- 
forth but woollen nearest her skin^ and again assumed those garments of 
widowhood,^ which she had been so blamed for abandoning, when she married 
Simon de Montfort. For a long time did she indulge her domestic sorrow 
in abstinence from fish or flesh, but the King her brother relaxed noUiing 
of his stem resolve in mercy to her private feelings, and sentenced ber to 
perpetual banishment from England, as if he considered her a fit partner 
in the guilt and punishment of her husband's treason. 

From many of the interesting letters of Adam de Marisco being ad- 
dressed to her, we learn that the Royal Countess had accompanied Simon 
de Montfort to Grascony, during the time of his government there amid the 
turmoils of civil war. The worthy friar seems to have valued her corres- 
pondence, and to have anxiously watched the course of events around ber, 
often when absent expressing his regret, and when present reporting to 
the Earl even her throes of coming childbirth with scrupulous anxiety. He 
cautioned her while abroad against the prevailing fashion of costly dress, 
** for too wanton ornament (he observes) leads matronly modesty into sus- 
picion ; who does not execrate this madness, which daily increases the 
wild desire of superfluous ornament, causing so much expense, and the 
employment of so many administering hands, offending the divine majesty 
and honesty of countenance." He implored her even with tears to exhibit 
before God and man the example of praiseworthy matrons in all things. 
In one of his letters to the Queen of England, for whose preservation 
he earnestly prays, as tending to the edification of the Church,* Adam 
de Marisco refers to the Queen's wish of conversing attentively with 
the Countess of Leicester at Easter ** concerning the salvation of souls, 

' T. Wyke. 
* The prefiMie of the letter is in Latin, the rest in French.—AcL de Marisco Epist. MSS. 

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and hopes that the grace of God may lead her to the way of etema) sal- 
▼aiioD/' seeming thereby to imply that the religious principles of the Princess 
were of a saperior character, and looked np to with respect by the Queen 
and himself. 

A very curious detail of the private habits of Princess Eleanor has 
been lately brought to light,^ which enables us to trace her movements, 
her guests, and her every meal daily during six months of this eventful year, 
1265, and the particulars throw so much light on the state of society as to 
deserve our attention* 

According to the entries of her household expenses by her steward, we 
learn that the luxury of the rich then consisted in supplying the table, amid 
some scanty dainties, with articles of food such as would now be rejected 
from the meanest hovel. What Roger Bacon then prophetically said of 
science holds good in meaner matters : *^ Wise men are now ignorant of 
many things, which hereafter shall be known to the very mob of scholars."* 
The art of multiplying food has happily so advanced with the demands of 
an increasing population, that nobody is now reduced to feed on grampus 
or whale, which were then served up to Princes. The tail and tongue of 
whale' were then prized as choice delicacies, to be dressed with peas, or 
roasted ; and the porpoise was served up with furmenty, almond milk, 

' Manners and Household Expenses, &c. The RoU of the Depenses pour la Comtesse de 
Leicester (Add. MSS. 8877) recovered from the wreck of the Montargis Nunnery during the 
French revolution, consists of many narrow slips of parchment, several yards in length : every 
item of her housekeeping from Feb. 19 to August 29, 1S65, is entered in it day by day in a clear 
small writing, apparently her Steward Christopher's, though some entries are scrawled in by 
another hand, Eudo, flpom April 15 to 28 ; the beginning and end of the RoU are missing. It is 
the earliest document extant of a private individual's expences. 

' "Multa enim modd ignorant sapientes, que vulgus studentiumsdet in temporibus fbturis.*'— - 
Rog. Bac. De Secr. oper. art. et nat. C. VII. 

' Two hundred pieces of whale cost 34s. The whale fishery was carried on in the third cen- 
tury, as mentioned by Oppian, Liv. V., and the Flemish fishers used harpoons in the eleventh 
oentury (Life of 8. Amoud, Bishop of Soissons). The whales seem to have frequented the coasts 
of Europe in these early times, and the flesh was sold in slices in the market places on the coast. 
Indeed the supply of food seems to have been the only motive for this adventurous fishery, the 
method of extracting oil being unknown till long afterwards. — y. Vie privee des Francois, par le 
Grand d*Aassy, p. 84. 

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BUgar^ md saffroo, but there wonld be little ten^titioB in eitter dieh at 
modern taUee. 

Sea wolirds (lopi ^qaaiUei), which were perhaps the dogf ah atill eaten in 
France, were also used as food. Four to six hundred salt berringB weie 
dafly consQuied io ike Princess' boaariiold, and the aboodaat ose of other 
QA mxy appear from the bill of fare displajed in some of b&t fish dinners 
now pMt on reeord* 

Sander. Mtftili 1. 190 konrinst. Btoiday, 3n4, 400. T^etdajr, Sid, 500. WodoeMUy, 4th, 400. 

Thursday, 5th, 600. Friday, 6th, 400. 
Wednesday, June 17, plaice, breams, soles, and other fish, 358. Id.; with eggs for two dories to be 

iput in bjrea4, 4d. ; pepper, 14. ; strawberries (Crastt), 4C 
Saturday, July 4, cherries, 4d.; conger eel, 3s.; herrings, 2s. 6d.; soles, 12d.; whelks, 9d.; 

crabs^ad.; bsas, Ud.; beans, 44.; eggs, 164.; aiiik, 8d. 
On February 26, two carts arrived from Bristol at Wallingford, laden with 108 cods and lings, 

thirty-two congers, and five hakes. ** Stokfis"^ eighteen for three days ; lobsters and shrimps 6d. 

There was indeed a supply of fine flour (panis de froilie, boletella) and 
wastel cakes (gastelli) for the Countess and her few guests, but the common 
bread^ for the many was a coarse mixture of wheat and rye (myste)on), 
which is still in use under the name of maslin in the North of England. 
Large quantities of wine^ from Gnienne and (iascony were required, and 
were often made more palatable by b^ng boiled vrith cloves or mixed with 
honey. When the Countess was at Dover, the regular daily consumption 
for the Knights of her high table seems to have been a quarter of a tun of 
Gascon wine, and half-a-tun of ^' bastard wine" for the inferiors (pro fami- 
lift). The beer in use was made indifferently from any grain, barl^, 
wheat, or oats^ ai|d was seasoned with pepper in ignorance of hops.^ As 

1 ^' Stocftez'^ is also mentioned by Rabelais 1. 4. ch. 59. The nMse «ppears to indieate that the 
cod fishery was principally carried qb from the coasts «f Ftedfir^. 

* When «t WaUmaionI tw#raiid-lMif qwtersof brefii were brought themfipom Abkigion. 

' For twenty-two gallons 9s. 2d. was paid ; two tuns of red wine cost ^€s. 8d. There are 
thirty-eight notices of English vineyards in Domesday, but the Countess of Leicester's Roll does 
Bot allude to any wine of Eng^h growth. 

* Hops were grown in Flanders at an early period, and were imported into England from thenoe 
in the fifteenth century. An English physician of that time, Gilbert Kymer, spades of beer when 
well hopped (bene lupulata), being an wholesome drink. — MS. Sloane 4, 166. In the sixteenth 
century, Harrison (Descr. Brit.) observes of hops that " the Flemings used corruption and for- 
gerie in this icind of ware, and gave us occasion to phint at home, so that now we may spare and 
send manie over unto them." 

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tbe wife of Simon de Montibrt was neoNtaryy tttaoded by many ■rmed 
foUowerSf wd ag she appears also to hawe bad as gaests^ several bostagas 
of distincUoD, tbe consamptioD of beer, as well as of wine, seems to bave 
been rapid. 

On April 18, Sve qimten of boley tad four of o«tt were brewed Into beer by women.* 

April 25» 188 gallons of beer were bought. 

April 29, seven quarters of barley and two of oats were brewed. 

Wbeat was Ss. toSs. 8d. a quarter ; oats» 28. to 28. 4d. ; peas and beans, 
bofb fresband dried, onions^ parsley, fennel, radisbes, and a few otberberbs, 
wiib apples and pears,^ were tbe borne prodnce of oar gardens ; and it is 
pleasant also to recognize tbe ancient popnlarity of cbeesecakes and gin- 

Wbetber foreign frnits, besides dates and almond8, were tben imported 
does not appear, bat a few years later, (1290) tbe Castilian Qaeen of 
Edward I., parcbased from a Spanisb vessel at Portsmoatb, raisins, dates, 
230 pomegranates, fifteen citrons, and seven oranges (poma de orenge)/ 
bdng tbe earliest notice of tbe latter frait in Europe. Some Asiatic con- 
diments, probably from Alexandria, were certainly added ; spices, rice at 
1}d. a lb. ; almonds at 2|d. toSjd. a lb., and of tbese 9lbs. were consumed 
in a week ; sugar at Is. to more tban 2s. a lb»^ Tbe latter article, wbidi 

> At Odlbam she entertained Ralj^, the Abbot of Waverley, KTerard de Marisco^ Hj^giniM 
Miot ; to the Cistercian nnns of winteney (in the parish of Hartley, Hants,) she sent wine 
and the Prioress visited her for sereral days. The wife of Thomas Aliz, a gentleman of Hants, 
Margery de Crek, Katherine Lovely Joan de Manle (daughter of Peter Bros, of SkelteD, widow 
of Peter de Mauk^ who died 1242), were amo^g her guests at Odiham. 

' nMreis bnt one entry for yeast (pro gesta) €d.) beer, when bonght, seems to hare co9t ftom 

* WlMn at I>o«« the Coonless sent to Caatcrbmy te MO pears, and paid lOd. finrtft^ 

* * In caseo ad tartas 5d." a frequent entry. " Pro una buxa gingibrade 2s. 4d.;'' and for 41be» 
of gingerbread, 12s. ^ Pro cremio et butiro Sd.,** 100 ^gs, S^d to 4id. 

^ Househ. Exp. from MS. in Tower 18^ Edw. L In 1278 the same Queen sent to Pisris for WO 
dieeses of Brie, often the sutject of praise in those time^ and stiU in ?ogu^ for which she paid 
35s. to Thomas le Gaunter.— Rot. Mix. Turr. Loud. 

* Four pounds of white powder, that is, pounded sugar are charged at 8s. ; at Easter 131be. of 
sugar cost 28s. ; the sugar sent to the King of the Romans seems to be Talued at Is. a lb. 

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bad been already praised by an hiatorian, as <' most precious to the uses and 
most necessary to the health of mortals,^" was at this time grown in Syria 
extensively, and from thence distributed to Europe. 

How highly these foreign delicacies were esteemed appears by the pre- 
sent of them graciously sent by the Princess Eleanor (March 29), from 
Odiham, in Hampshire, to her brother the King of the Romans, then a 
prisoner at Kenilworth. The royal gifl^ is thus noted in the detail of her 
accounts : — ^^ 201bs. almonds' 6s., Slbs. rice 9d., 21bs. pepper 20d., 2Ibs. 
cinnamon 20d., Jib. cloves 9d., lib. ginger 18d., 21b8. sugar (Zucari) 2s." 

The price of meat may be judged of by the purchase of two oxen, four 
sheep, and three calves, for 1/. 2s. lOd. ; of two calves for Is. 6d. ; of a 
calf and sheep for Ss. 3d., and sheep from Romney Marsh were supplied 
to the garrison at Dover for 22d. each ;^ ten geese cost 2s. 3d. Salt, whidi 
must have been much needed to prepare their store of winter food, seems 
very dear, ten quarts costing 44s. 6d. ; but though the prices of these times 
may generally be multiplied by fifteen to represent the modern value of 
money, it is probable that the confusion of the civil war had raised the 
prices of the year 1265 beyond the usual average. 

The Countess of Leicester bad moved from Wallingford Feb. 22, 1265, 
to her husband's castle of Odiham, then under the governorship of Henry 
le Fornun,^ and she continued there, with a short visit to Reading, for more 
than three months, before the alarms of the civil war had begun to shake 

' "Et canamellas, unde preciociMima usibus et saluti mortallum necessaria mazimi coDfidtor 
ladiara, unde per iDstitoret ad uldmas orbis partes deportatur." — W. of Tyre, who wrote 1182-4. 
Sogar was cultivated on the coast near Tripoli, and south of Tyre, and on the plains of Jordan. — 
▼. Dr. Robinson's Bibl. Researches. 

' The present was conveyed by William de Wortham, who held lands in Suffolk, and was slain 
at Evesham.— Placit. 54^ Twenty pieces of whale were also sent to the King of the Romans, 
and on another day (May 24) twelve yards of scarlet cloth for bis robe at Pentecost, at the rate 
of 7s. a yard, besides hoods of miniver and other garments for his son Edmund. 

* In Chr. Lanerc. there is an anecdote of the Bishop of Durham amusing himself by letting his 
pet apes eat up a whole dish of blanched almonds. 

* " Pro 13 multonibus emptis in marisco 23s. lOd." 

^ He surrendered it to the King after the battle of Evesham.— Placit p. 175. 

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Simon de Montfort's power. The royal hoetagee, the Princes Edward and 
Henrf passed a fortnight here with their aant, accompanied by their hunts- 
man and hounds, and 128 horses. They arrived March 17 under the care 
of Henry de Montfort, her eldest son, and were then probably on their 
retarn from London, where on March 10 their custody had been formally 
relaxed. Their preparations for sport at Odiham betray no symptom of 
rigorous confinement 

The Earl, her husband, also spent a fortnight at Odiham with her at 
this time, bringing with him 162 more horses, so that with the forty-four 
of the Countess the stables had to provide for 334 horses.^ Simon de 
McHitfort quitted her April 1 , and they then parted never to meet again. 

The bounty of her table was not confined to the rich. During Lent 
eighteen quarters of wheat were given to the poor and many other gifts at 
other times on ordinary occasions ; the total expence was moderate. On a 
Wednesday in Lent, Feb. 25, for example, when the chief of the neighbour- 
ing Abbey of Waverley,* was her only guest, it was 16s. 5d., including some 
fresh fish to the value of 10s. 6d., and vegetables 4s. lOd. Besides this, 
however, 400 herrings, the wine, beer, and bread, as well as the hay and 
two quarters of oats for thirty-two horses, were brought out from the castle 
stores, and are not included in the daily expence. A fireer distribution of 
wine and beer is made at the feast of Easter, when Isabella, the widow of 
the Earl of Albemarle was with her ; the articles then purchased appear in 
the Roll as follows, the price not being added to those things which ^ere 
brought out from the castle stores : — 

> The number at other times varied from sixteen to sizty-nme according to her guests ; her son 
Amauri, the treasurer of York, came with thirteen horses. The expenses of houselceeping dur- 
ing the Earl's visit were set down in his roll, not charged to the Countess. 

'This was the first Cistercian monastery founded in England 1128. In 1245 the Princess 
Eleanor, Simon de Montfort, and their two eldest sons had paid a visit there, and made a present 
of 50 marcs to the monks, and eighteen marcs to the fobric. Eleanor enabled them to buy 150 
acres of land at Nethan ; Ann. Waver. Ralph, the Abbot from 1251 till he resigned from ill- 
health in 1266, was summoned to Parliament in 1265. — Dugd. Mon. 

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** April 5^ Bwttr-diy « btu A ft^qgirt, 7i^ al80 2t(|a. fhtOle (ftoor gnnui* id*) ; irtncw Ukm^ 

taries, one sext. sent to the attendants of the CounteM ; beer beforereckoned. Kitchen — meat 
booght in carcase 29s. lid., fat (sagiikieii}, 20d.; pttllets, 6s. 8d.; kids, 5s. 3d.; eggs* 
4s. Id. ] mustard* as. 6d. Stables, bay for fiitj-seren horsey oats five bush. ; two bush. froUle i 
sum 57s. Id." 

The large purchase of eggs was probably for the usual Easter gifts of them, 
and a present of 12d. was also given to the nurse of Eleanor de Montfort. 
Among other striking illustrations of the manners of the times we must 
conclude that linen was little in use, for the only charge for washing during 
five months appears to be Is. 3d.^ There is presumptive proof that the 
Countess encouraged reading in her family, for after twenty dozen of vel- 
lum were bought for lOs., a payment of I4s. is made for writing a Breviary 
on them at Oxford, for her daughter Eleanor's use,* and the damsel, though 
young, enjoyed also the rarer accomplishment of writing, for her letters to 
Prince Edward were sent at Easter by a messenger for 6d. The purchase 
of twenty-five gilt stars for the young lady's hat, costing 2s. Id., is duly 
registered, as well as " fourteen long pins for her bead-dress, 2d." A sup- 
ply of needles was provided for the use of the drawing-room, and for the 
tailor ;' their knives were kept in sheaths worth 2d. or 3d., the repair of 
four spoons was effected by devoting eight silver pennies to that purpose ; 
and there were also some forks,* though long before their use became 
general. While the young Eleanor was at Odiham, the barber at Reading 
was twice sent for to bleed her.* 

^ " Item pro lavanderia a Festo Nativitatis Domini zr. d.." This is an entry on Sunday, 
May 3 1 . There was, howerer, a payment of 3d. for baths in May (pro bahieis apud Odfham) which 
may be added to the cost of cleanliness. 

* " Pro 20 doz. parchameni abortivi — ad portiforium Domiselbe Alionorse.** " Pro scriptoim 
Brefiarii D(Mnisdltt Alionoras de Montfort per nsum firatris O. Bayun, 14s.'' 

' " Pro acubus ad cemeram et ad tailleriam, 4d.'' There are other charges for f^h shearing 
the cloth dresses of the Countess, which were sent to London for that purpose. Some Pkuis 
rayed cloth was bought for young Simon at 48. 8d. a yard, and some scarlet doth for the Countess 
and her son, bought of an Italian, cost £8 €s. 8d. Two pair of boots for Eleanor cost Ss. 4d. 

* " Pro uno forcario reparando ad cameram, 7d." Small trunks of ftamped leather (de oorio 
puactato) were aiade to hold the sUtct vessels. 

* ** Pro domisella fleobotomisandt." 

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Jodgilig from what was paid to tbe senrants and hantsmen of her som, 
and of her other gaests, as well as to Jacke tbe keeper of her own har-^ 
tiers, the rate of wages seems to have been aboat IJd^. and 2d. a day ; tbe 
huntsmen received tbe higher wages of 2d. by tbe especial desire of tbe 
royal Countess. All tbe menials in her employ bear Saxon names, such as 
Ralph and Hande, bakers ; Hicque, tbe tailor; Dobbe, tbe shepherd ; tbe 
carriers, Diquon, Globitbesty, and Treabodi ; while we can picture to our- 
selves tbe very gait Of Slingawai, tbe courier. 

There being no other means of communication, a special messengei* 
was necessarily sent witb any letters, and for this there are frequent pay- 
ments in tbe Roll, tbougib even for long distances the rate of postage was 
wonderfully small.^ Thus a servant bringing letters to tbe Countess at 
Bramber from Porcbester is paid 4d ; Slingawai earned but 2s. for going to 
the Earl then at Monmouth^ from Dover ; Gobithesty 3s. from Lewes to 
Hereford; 12d. from Dover to Windsor; and 6d. to Pevensey ; Picard for 
carrying letters from tbe Countess to Kenilworih in July, 16d. ; Treabodi, 
2b4 and a pair of shoes for journey from Dover to Kenilworth, September 
2 ; and to the messenger of Prince Edward in August, with letters, proba- 
bly tbe announcement of the etrents at Evesham, 2s. 

Tbe Countess bad been living at Odibam some time, when the escape 
of Prince Edward from Hereford became tbe token of increasing troubles 
in tbe land, and accordingly on the evening of June 1 she moved for 
greater security to Porcbester castle, where her son was the governor.' It 
was probably by tbe advice of him or tbe Earl tbat she soon afterwards 
made a rapid journey to Dover. Tbere were witb her at Pordiester forty- 
five horses belonging to herself, nine to Simon, junior, eight to Almeric de 

^ Three servants (garciones) for ten days are paid 38. 9d. another servant for nine days 13d. 
'Apparently a payment was made both by the sender and receiver of letters. 

* " Sero recedentibus usque Porcestriam." — Househ. Exp. Simon, junior, had the grant of the 
CMtle, December 34» 1264. A payment was made of 8d. for letters to the Earl sent by night just 
previous to the journey to Porchester, probably announcing that movement. 

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Montfort, and four to the Panon of Kempsing,^ bat a great many more, as 
well as carts, were hired* for the journey to Dover, and duly sent back. 
The purchase of a horse was from 30s. to 40s., both Simon and Almeric 
paying that sum (pro uno roncino). Her removal required eighty-four 
horses, besides a vessel for her goods sent round by sea. She was four 
days on the road, and on the first day, June 12, she dined at Chichester, 
and reached Bramber castle, her expenses being £2 Us. An extract in- 
deed from her accounts during. her journey may be interesting. 

June 18, Friday, Brembre.— For the Ck>UDte8s, the Lords Ingenm de BaUlol,' Richard Corbet^ 
Almeric and the men at arms of the Lord Simon and others, bread, 6s. 4d. ; wine from the 
stores of the manor; beer, 2s. lid.; fish, 10s. 6d. For dinner (pro dinerio) at Chichester, 
Is. 2d. stables, grass from the manor ; oats for eighty-four horses, seven quarters being bought 
at 14s. Porterage, 3d. Also plaice and conger by William de Lake, 9s. ; mackerel, 3s. ; breams^ 
2s. 4d.; eggs. Is. 2d.; pawria? 4d. 

Saturday, Wilmington, under the custody of the Lord Simon de Montfort 

Sunday, Winchelsey, for the Countess, the Lord Simon de Montfort, with all their suite the 
burghers of Winchelsey and many others, bread, 20s. 4d. ; wine, thirteen sextaries (of four 
gallons each), and one gallon, 18s. lOd.; beer, 10s. lOd.; boats, lOd. ; porterage, 6d. Kitchen, 
for two oxen and thirteen sheep, 36s. 6d. ; for thirty-five geese, I9s. lOd. ; poultry, 6s. 2d. ; 
eggs, 2s. 4d. ; salad, 8d. ; faggots(busca), 22d. ; charcoal, 8d. ; dishes (disci), 13d.; salt and spits, 
(brochise), 5d. ; water, 4d. For dinner for the same at Battle and for their horses, 17s. 2d. 
Stables, grass for nineteen score and fifteen horses (these 395 horses must have been partly 
for her escort), 12s. lOd. ; oats, 12 qrs. 1 bush., 86s. 3d. ; litter, 3s. 9d. ; frurriery (forgia), 7d. ; 
water, 12d. ; a horse hired for the small cart, 6d. ; porterage, 6d. ; dinners of twenty-one 
grooms (gardonum), lOd. ; — sum total, £9 4s. 8d. 

Monday, Dover, Feast of S. Botolph, for the Countess, and all the aforesaid, except when the 
Countess eats in the castle with her women, one ox, seven sheep, and seven calves. For din- 
ner at Romney, 27s. 5d. Hay bought for two nights, 14d*; grass for 107 horses, 5s. 9d ; oat% 
6 qrs. 1 bush., 14s. 3d. 

This route, which makes no mention of Lewes, though lying in the 

* Kemsing was part of the dowry of the Countess of Leicestor, and had been given to Henry 
her son, March 14, 1265.— Rot. Pat. 49®. John de Kemsing accompanied her to Dover; he is 
mentioned in letters to the Countess by A. de Marisco, describing a conference he had with the 
Archbishop of Canterbury. 

' At Dover the Countess had thirty-one horses* and lent nine to her son Simon when leaving to 
re-inforce the Earl ; one of them, a liard, was valued at 24s* The expence of ikrriery for eighty- 
four horses on the journey was 8s. 4d., 1000 nails costing 13d. At Dover a meadow of four 
acres was rented for the horses at 40s. Id. In one of Henry the Third's confirmations of Magna 
Cbarta, the rate of hire for the King's use had been fixed for a cart with two horses, lOd. a day, 
with three horses, 14d. The Countess of Gloucester travelled from Chippenham to Odiham in 
April, and the Countess of Arundel from Porchester to Dover in some vehide, payments bdng 
made to a driver (currutario). 

' He is mentioned as an adherent of Simon de Montfort in the summons for the surrender of 

acutle, and had been taken prisoner at Northampton.— Rot. Put. 49^ 

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direct line, and which appetra to avoid Pevenaey and Hastingi, all which 
towns were in the handa of her enemies, was naturally cboeen as the safest 
from interruption, even thon^ it may have been less perfectly provided 
with bridges, as the mention of l>oats and porterage wonld seem to 
imply. Her son, Simon de Montfort, left the siege of Pevensey to 
naeet the Countess with an escort at Wilmington,^ where the Bene- 

nUIvtaatim Vttors- 

dictine Priory probably received them for the night The Countess 
having been a benefactor to Battle Abbey by the grant of a manor, had 
some claim on its hospitality, and the aged Prior Reginald,' who had the 
year before endured the plunder of the royalists, and had witnessed the 
subsequent arrival of the King when no longer a free agent, and of Simon 
de Montfort fresh with triumph, now probably welcomed bis royal wife in 
her flight to a place of safety. When at Winchelsea she feasted the 
burghers, who had always been devoted friends to the Barons' party, and 

^ Thli ftUen Priory* of whidi there ere now few resDeiiie, wee eubject to the Abbey of Greetefn. 
in Norroendy. — Dugd. Men. Its situation wis pointed out to distant wayfarers by a gigantie 
figure of a man holding a staff in each hand, cat out on the turf of the challc hill rising behind it 

* Reginald was Prior of Brecknock in 1248, and had become Abbot of Battle io 1260, dying mX 
an adranced age in 1280.— >Dugd. Mon. Gleanings Battle Abb. 


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they were again twice (July 12, 30,) feasted by her at Dover. The bur- 
gesses of Sandwich were treated in the same manner, on one occasion be- 
ing so numerous that the guests were divided at dinner into two rooms, and 
additional wine and beer were bought for them. On Monday, June 15, she 
arrived at Dover, still accompanied by her son Simon^ and in that castle, 
then under the command of her eldest son Henry, she awaited the result of 
the civil commotions in security. 

Her two sons, Henry and Simon, left her^ during the progress of the 
war to join their father, and her own horses were lent them for the occasion, 
but the garrison retained many distinguished knights for her defence. 
Among these were John de la Warre,^ with his 29 archers, who, after 63 days' 
service at Dover, seem to have required clothing, cloth to the value of 61. 6s. 
being ordered for them, Aug. 11 ; he afterwards assisted in the defence of 
Kenilwortb,^ and by some is said to have been there slain by an arrow, bat 
a free conduct to go abroad appears to have been granted to him December 
13, 1266. Richard Corbet,* another of the knights who had formed the 
escort to Dover, had profited by the confusion of the civil war to seize npon 
the property of the head of his own family, a royalist who had repeatedly 
borne the office of SheriflF in Shropshire. There were some others of note: 
John de la Hay, who had been made constable of Winchelsea and Rye, 
August, 1264, and had been active previously at the siege of Rochester, 
was a confidential friend of the Earl of Leicester, and was frequently em- 
ployed in carrying messages to him when in Gascony from Adam de Ma- 

> Simon went from Porchester to Tunbridge, June 24, but Fulk Constable and others were sent 
by the Countess, July 8, to join him in London. 

' Roger, the first Baron of the name, was at CariaTerock, and died 1320 :— 
" Ky les armes ot vermeillectes 
O blanc lyon et crosselettes/' 
The Wests, who now bear his title, are descended from his female heir in the fourth generation. 
William de la Warre, who was among the Northampton prisoners in 1264, held 10 lands in Here- 
fordshire. — ▼. Inq. p. Mort., 1269. 

' Rob. Glouc. 

* His lands at Chawton, worth lOOs., were seized by Henry Hussee, as belonging to "an enemy 
of the King." 

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risco.^ His intimacy with the family appears also by some entries in the 
Coantess' Roll. Eleanor de MontTort bought a gold clasp for 15s. to give 
bis SOD, August 3, and Almeric also gave him one worth 44s. Sd., perhaps 
birthday presents. John de Mucegros, the constable of Salisbury* under 
the BaronSy had several soldiers with him here ; Gilbert de Gaunt, Earl of 
Lincoln, who paid 3000 marcs to redeem his estates ; Matthew de Hastings, 
who appears to have been instrumental in surrendering Dover afterwards 
to Prince Edward, and was pardoned 1266 ;^ Seman de Stokes, Waleran 
de Monceaux, both of whom were similarly pardoned.^ Many of these 
had their wives with them at Dover, and besides Alice,* wife of tlie Earl 
of Oxford who had been taken prisoner at Kenilworth, there was one con- 
stant female companion of the Countess in her jonrnies, Isabella, Countess 
of Albemarle ; whether her presence was voluntary or constrained must be 
considered with reference to her subsequent lawsuit already described, 
but certainly her husband, while living, had always supported the Barons.^ 
Robert de Brus or Bruys also accompanied the Princess Eleanor through* 
out, whether freely as a guest and partisan, or compulsorily as a prisoner, 
is uncertain.7 

> Epist. Ad. de Marisco, MS. 

* He was appointed December, 1264, and superseded by Walter de Dunstanvil, May 31, 1265 ; 
he died 1266. 

• His pardon (Rot. Pat. 5(fi) states that he quitted Dover castie with his family in obedience 
to the royal command, and that he continued afterwards faithftil. 

♦ There were, also, at Dover, Ralph lyArcy, (who held lands of the value of 22s. in co. Lin- 
coln.— Inquis. RebeU.) I. de Snaves, Peter de Bourton, I. de Dover, Ralph Haquet, Hugh de Cole- 
worth, knight.-— 49® Rot. Pat., Th. de Sandwich, cleric, perhaps some relation of the Bishop of 
London, was pardoned at the histance of Prince Edward, Canterbury, Oct 30, 1266. 

' Alice was daughter of Gilbert de Landford ; HughdeVere, her husband's father, had paid 
1000 marcs for her wardship and marriage.— 33* Hen. 111. Her family and 21 horses formed her 

' V. p. 206 ante. Arms, Gules, a cross potence vair. 

^ In March Ss. 4d. was paid for U fur of squirrel for the use of "W. de Breose; and in July 
7d. for two pairs of shoes. On July 12, 6d. was paid for guarding W de Breose and his young 
son Simon. Among other attendanU were Master Ralph de Coudray. who bought provisions ft»r 
the Countess, Neirnuyt, (Nigrae Noctis) a servant, Thomas Salekin and his wife who were par- 
doned Oct. 30, 1266. 


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The fkU} tidings of ETesbam appear to have reached Dover on the Hit 
of AngQSty and left the widowed Princess no hope of pditical eminence, or 
enjoyment of private laxariea. Some aathorities represent her as endea* 
voaring to appease the King by a surrender of Pevensey castlep bat this 
seems inconsistent with the long and fniitiegs seige of that fortress^ by 
yoang de Montfort. It never was in the power of the Barons, and cer- 
tainly Kenilworth* and Dover, which were more immediately nnder the 
authority of the Ck)antess, were the only two casUes in England whidi con* 
tinned to resist the King after the battle of Evesham. 

The stem sentence of banishment on his sister may have been ttie re- 
sult of the King's anger on this very account, for harshness to his own 
kindred was not among his usual vices. The remembrance of the active 
zeal of his own Queen in dangeross times ought to have excited some more 
generous sympathy with the political firmness of the widowed Princess. 
When it suited his own schemes, Henry IIL had learnt bow to value the 
devotion of an affectionate woman. As soon as his defeat at Lewes conn 
pelled him to dissemble, his main reliance for help had been on his Queen's 
energy, and he had secretly enabled her to assume bis own lost prerogative, 
and to receive from the French King the remainder of the sum due to him 
by treaty. Early in June, 1264, a few days only after she had heard of 
bid overthrow, she gave a quittance for 68,000 L.T. in the King's name, 
and the deed expressly mentions slie was authorised by him so to act.' 
This large sum of money, the balance of the 134,000 L.T., previously 
mentioned. King Henry bad often and solemnly pledged himself to employ 
in the service of God and the Church, and for the good of his kingdom, but 

' Simon tnt at Peveniey April 30» on which daj the Countett lent letten to him thm fhMH 
Odiham. ' 

* Treubodi was paid 28. Sept. 2 for going as messenger from Doter to KenUworth, and two 
gtoomt received 2a. 6d. for the same journey, Oct. 1. 

' This document, in Latin, ift the Archives du Royaume, at Paris, J. 630, has never been pub- 
lished, and. with some others relating to English history, has been inserted in an Appendix. It 
bears the seals of the Queen, Peter of Savoy, and Thomas Mansd, and is dated on the Stmdiqr 
after the Ascension (May 29), in the month of Jane, 1964.— v. pp. 72, 166. 

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in fact it porcbased an army of foreignere to threaten England with iorasiott. 
This act of doable dealings so mach in onison with his character, if dis- 
covered at the time by the angry Barons might have cost him dear, had not 
his secret been safe in flie bosom of his Qne^i, fiutbful to him in difficoltiee 
M Eleanor de Montfort to her Lord. 

The supplies of provision to the garrison of Dover were probably soon 
impeded by the rojralists^ for there are several entries in the Countess' Roll 
of oxen and sheep consumed there, avowedly obtained by plunder.^ Her 
yonnger sons Almeric, a priest, and Richard, bad been with her during 
the summer and at Dover. Richard had arrived, Aug. 12, in a ship with 
about 100 sailors from Wincbetsea, intended probably for the defence of 
Dover, and 100s. were paid to them. To twenty-nine archers of Pevensey 
also were paid Is. each. Tlie conclndmg part of her Steward's Roll con- 
tain some entries significant of the great calamity which had fallen upon the 
Countess. The purchase is recorded of ten ells of black serge (nigr» 
sain) for the hose and robe of her son Ricbard^ 178., and 24i ells of grey 
serge (Pers> for Wileqnin his attendant, for GuUot, clerk of the chapel, 
and for others of ibe household ; while masses for the repose of the Earl's 
soul are paid for, 12s. 9d. on August 19, and 7s. on Sept. 3.* 

Almeric and Richard crossed over to Gravdines Sept. 18, in charge of 
II^OOO marcs (£7,666 ISs. 4d.) dispatched probably by their mother for 
safety. This so irritated the King that he urged King Louis to arrest the 
treasure in its passage and to take it in compensation for the damage done 
to foreign merchants In England during the late troubles.^ 

That the commerce of the country would be seriously interrufted by the 

' JUif. 23, by booty, b«lf an ox. Aug. 24, by booty* h«lf an ox and tbres tbecp. Aug. 26, 
by booty, half an ox. Aug. 26, by booty, half an ox. 

' In April a iiayment it entered of Ts. 4d. for oblations of the Countess by Fulk Constable : 
lia was aftervards taken prisoner at Kenilworth, on which Richard Tweng took possesdoas of bi» 
lands worth five marcs a year. Extracts from this Roll of the Countess have been here given 
more copiously, as the printed book, exccUentiy edited by Mr. Turner for tbe Roxbvisbt Ciub* la 
nnfortonttely not published. 

* By letter dated Oct. 10, 1265.--Rot. Pat. Hen. III. 

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late distarbances is certain, independent of the prohibitions imposed by the 
Barons, bat it does not appear that foreign merchants had received any other 
intentional loss, unless in common with others at the time of general pillage. 
At some previous time, perhaps daring the interval between 1258 and 1264, 
one of the King's friends had presented him with some advice on commerce, 
which might lead as to suppose the King was not unwilling to encourage it, as 
a means of procuring money for himself. The writer, who expresses himself 
in a provincvd patois of French, recommends himself to the King as having, 
in his continual desire to serve him, already suggested to his Council the 
means of recovering his authority, and of supplying his need of gold and 
silver. ^^ God and right are with yon, (he writes to the King), and may it 
please God that you follow them, for the greater part of good Christian peo- 
ple wish to help you, if you can but aid them with money." He is anxioos 
for some sumptuary restrictions in a veiy contrary spirit, wishing to limit 
the prices of cloth for the clergy, allowing them but one garment a year 
^' and nothing more" (et nient plus) ; he advises the English ladies to keep 
to what gowns they had got, (se tiegnent k leur reubes l^e eles ont), allow- 
ing them but one of 3s. the yard, ** and nothing more ;" he restricts even 
the Archbishop's dinner to two dishes of meat, one boiled, and the other 
roast, and his supper to one roast, *^ and nothing more," confining him to 
beer without wine at the latter meal, and forbidding him, as well as all 
others, to offer any manner of hospitality to those not of the same house- 
hold. The most urgent recommendation, however, is to permit the export 
of wool (laine de I'euvre) to Holland and Brabant at a duty of five marcs 
the sack, which he says foreign merchants would not only willingly pay, but 
that no time should be lost in so pleasing them, and that they would in re- 
turn respite the payment of debts due to them from the English knights as 
long as their services were required in warfare. It serves to show the great 
extent of this trade, when we find the writer of this curious paper calculating 
the proposed duty as certain of yielding 110,000 marcs (66,333/. 13s. 4d.) 
in six months, implying an export of 22,000 sacks in that time, which would 

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enable the King to pay his levies of men, and become again independent.^ 
The unhappy Princess, Eleanor de Montfort, on witnessing the ruin of 
her husband's high fortunes, prepared to yield to her fate, and while she yet 
retained a remnant of power at Dover and Kenilworth, procured the me- 
diation and good offices of her better brother, the King of the Romans, 
in behalf of herself and family, at the time of his politic release from 
the custody of her son Simon, before referred to. This Prince, early in 
September, signed a deed at Kenilworth, engaging himself to stand a true 
friend and help to his sister and her sons, and to assist them in claiming 
their rights and property, so far as his loyalty to the King would permit ; 
and he seems honourably, though without success, to have fulfilled this pledge. 
The zealous royalist, Warren de Bassingburne, appears to have been the 
agent in arranging this release, and was in conjunction with Walter, Bishop 
of Worcester, and Roger de Meyland, Bishop of Chester, one of the sure- 
ties for the performance of the terms.^ Eleanor, after thus doing all in her 
power, at length retired to France in October, though she left her son Simon 
at the time in imminent perils and Guy a wounded prisoner. It may 
have been at this period that Prince Edward regained possession of 
Dover, by the help of twelve royalist prisoners confined there, who had 
boldly seized two towers of the castle, after securing the treacherous con- 
nivance of two of their gu^irds. The Prince on hearing of this attempt is 
reported to have instantly repaired there with his usual energy, travelling 
without even taking any rest, and soon to have forced the garrison to 

The remainder of her days was passed by the Princess Eleanor in 

' This paper, without date or name, not haying been published, is copied in the Appendix from 
Archives du R07., J. 1034. 

' The document, being new to English history, is added to the Appendix, from the Archives 
du Roy., J. 1024. It is dated from the Priory of Kenilworth on the Sunday before the Nativity 
of the Virgin (Sept. 8), 1264. 

*T. Wyke. "Egressa est de castro Comitissa, infaustis sauciata successibus." Winchelsea 
was afterwards talcen with much bloodshed by the Prince.— Chr. Roflf. MS. 

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religious retirement at the Dominican Nannery of Montargi«, fovmded by 
her husband's sister. An ineflectnal attempt at reoonciliation was made 
in her behalf by the King of France the following year, hot King Henry in 
his reply, though he nominally accepted his proffisred mecttation,^ proseed 
him argently to << consider the enormity of the wrongs done to him by the 
late Simon de Montfort, his sons and their mother (it is thus only fie desig* 
nates his sister) both before the Award of Amiens and afterwards/'^ No 
alteration ensued, and it was reserved for the more generous spirit of 
Edward I. in 1273 to restore her dower as Countess of Pembroke, and to 
allude to her alter her death, which occurred in 1274, in more gracioas 

At Montargis she educated her daughter Eleanor, whom the Earl bad al- 
ready betrothed to his friend and ally Llewellyn, Prince of Wales, and when of 
sufficient age she sent her to Wales in fulfilment of the oontraot Tlie ship, 
however, in which the fair bride and her brother Almeric were sailittg, be- 
ing unfortunately captured near the Scilly Isles, they were brought to King 
Edward as prisoners. The lady was honourably treated at coart as the 
King's cousin, and after some years' delay was married* to her espoused 
husband at Worcester in 1279, in presence of King Edward and his Queen. 

Almeric was treated with greater rigor, and had been previously one of 
the earliest to feel the active vengeance of the <7ourt against his fiimily. 
Three days only after the battle of Evesham, Henry III. had written to 
countermand his former aj^intment of Almeric, as Treasurer of Toric,^ 
declaring to the Chapter of York that <* since the war at Lewes be 
had been in custody, and that his seal had been used arbitrarily by 
Simon de Montfort against his will, but that now by God's grace he had re- 

■ * Ordination! vestne et dlcto de tlto et buio totaliter dtiximos commattendani.""»tioulu Bs. 

* Rot. Pttt. 50 Hen. III., dated KenUwovfh, Sept tft» 1266. 

* " Alionora quondam Comitissa Leicestriae, amita nostra, qnam dudom admisimiti in snctlaa 
et pacem nostram."~We8t. Jul. 1. Lib. 13 Edw. I. m. 3. 

* Eleanor de Montfort left at her death an only daughter, who died a nun at Sempringhara. 

^ He had been appointed Treasurer Feb. 2, 1265, succeeding John Mansell.— Rot. VtX, 

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darned his powen.^ Almeric, with his brother Richard, had left Dover in 
1265, when they both repaired either to their coaain Esldvat Count de 
Bigorre at Loarde, or to Laara de Montfort, danghter of their uncle A^ 
meric, with whom they had previonaly corresponded.' 
* The friendly protection of the Coant de Bigorre to his banished relations 
had been probably secured by their mother, the widowed Countess of 
Leicester, who, witti her eldest son, in October, 1265, made an unreserved 
surrender of their rights to Bigorre, which had accrued to them from its 
grant to the late Earl, in 1256, when his nephew, the young count, had 
been unable to defend it from the hostile attacks of Gaston de Beam.' 
This, at the time when civil war was ravaging the country, was a marked 
proof of the respect in which the military skill of de Montfort was univer- 
sally held, but under altered circumstances his widow and bis son now re- 
linquished Bigorre to the protection of Thiebault King of Navarre.^ 

The privity of Almeric to the Viterbo murder, presently related, being 
suspected by Edward I., he did not venture to return to England, though be 
acted as executor to his mother, and had come to Paris in company with 
the Bishop of Chichester, intending to return. King Edward was an im- 
placable foe, and paid a galley 26s. 8d. for watching him and the Bishop, be- 
sides employing a paid spy at Paris f when at length he was captured in his 

' Aug. 7, Worcester.— Rymcr. 

' Eskivat was grandson of Guy de Montfort, their Other's elder brother, who had married 

PetroniUa* countess of Bigorre in her own right. Laura was the second daughter of the head of 

the ftmily, and died 1270. "April 6, Nuntio Domins Lorettse de Monteforti venienti de Frandfi, 

3s." The voyage of the two brothers to Gravelines cost 26/. 8s., and they had, also, ISJ. 6s. 8d. 

. given them for their journey.— Househ. Exp. 

' Extraits des Registres de Champagne, Vols. IV. and V., p. 474, 476, art. 8. Treaor des Chartes, 
p. 994. Eschivat de Chabannes Count de Bigorre and Jourdain, his brother, by deed dated Tarbes, 
1256, gave all the county of Bigorre to "their dearest uncle," Simon de Montfort Earl of Leices- 
ter, " bono animo et spontanea voluntate quia magis volumus quod vos habeatis et vestri quam 
extranei."— This grant wu conlirmed at Paris, 1258, witii a dause to preclude any ftiture claim 
of restoration. The deed of surrender by the younger Simon de Montfort^ not having beeo 
previously published, will be found in the Appendix. 

« Thiebault (Theobald) King of Navarre from 1252 to 1270, had manried Isabella, daughter of 

^ " 20s. ad insidiandum."— Rot Pip. 3* Edw. I. 

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voyage to Wales (I276) Almeric was detained in custody at Corfe and else- 
where for many years. Pope after Pope applied for his release in vain ; the 
brief of Martin IV. (Viterbo, SepL20, 1280,) appealed to the King, " by the 
memory of the blood by which he was connected with our dear son, Almeric 
de Montfort, our chaplain,"* and engaged that he should swear to leave Eng-* 
land for ever. Edward finally delivered Almeric into the custody of the Bishops 
in Convocation, and referred tiie question of his release to Parliament, Feb. 
14, 1281 . Archbishop Peckbam interested himself in his behalf, and wrote 
to the King* that " we hear from your cousin Sir Amorri that he never in- 
tended to live in Wales, or blemish your honour in any manner, and as to 
the words you told us he had spoken in prison against us and others, we 
cannot find by the wardens that he ever said anything against your lord- 
ship ; — ^if he were plotting, he would not be so desirous of your favour as 
he is." Some of the Barons eveq to the last refused their assent, but the 
King " mild and devoted to God," as the Archbishop informs the Pope,* 
granted it, and Almeric being solemnly pronounced free in the presence of 
many witnesses, was delivered to the Pope's agent at London to be con- 
ducted to France. At Rome he subsequently abandoned the priesthood, 
and became a knight, dying soon afterwards. 

Of his brother Richard nothing is known after his journey to Lourde, 
and it is probable that he died young abroad, without leaving issue. The 
tradition that he was allowed to return to England subsequently under the 
assumed name of Wellysborne, seems unfounded.* The bearers of that 
name more probably were connected with the entirely distinct family of 
Peter de Montfort, if not altogether strangers. 

> Wilkin's Cone. • In a French letter, dated Slydone (Slindon), Eve of Trinity. 

» London, Feb. 21, 1282.— -Wilkin's Cone. 
* ▼. Stothard's Mon. Eff : Dugd. Warw. There are charters extant purporting to be his, in which 
he names himself as " Wellysborne, son of the Count Simon Earl of Leicester, and one of the 
sons of the Lady Eleanor, the King's sister :" his seal is Inscribed " Bellator' filii Simonis de Mont- 
fort," and exhibits a knight in full armour, with the rampant lion on his shield, and a cross on bis 
banner ; but these are justly considered by Camden as spurious. Richard Wellysborne (of Wellys- 
borne Montfort, in Warwickshire, which had long been possessed by Peter de Montfort's family,) 
married Maria de la RokhuUes of that parish. 

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" It will have blood ; they 8ay« blood will have blood."— Macb. 

One more incident of a pnblic natare^ which connects the de Montforts 
for the last time with British history, and avowedly resulted from the events 
of the Barons' War, may fitly conclude these pages, and may be examined 
more circnmstantialiy, as having attracted little notice, owing to its occur- 
rence in a distant country. 

The active spirit of Prince Edward after all resistance had been crushed 
at home, sought indulgence in the enterprise of the distant Crusade, and 
with his brother Edmund and cousin Henry, he took the cross from the 
hands of Cardinal Ottoboni. When to the congenial allurements of distant 
adventure, and the unbridled licence of war, the piety of the times added 

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release from debts and remission from sins, we mast not wonder at tiie 
Prince being able to gather a party of enterprising companions for this 
Crusade, though the now cooler judgment of others on this point has been 
already noticed. A century before, the popular chaunts of the Crusades 
breathed more of religious than e^en military entijusiasm. 

" Ad portaDdum onus Tyri 
Nunc deberent fortes vii) 

Saas vires ex)ieriri. 
Qui certant quotidie 
Laudibus militiae 

Gratis insigniri ; 

" Sed ad pugnam congrtMUiis 
Est athletis opus duris 

Non moUitis Epicuris : 
Non enim qui pluribus 
Cutem curant samptibus 

EmuDt Deum precibus. 

" Lignum crucis signum duds 
Sequitur exercitus, 
Quod non cessit, sed pr^cessit 
In vi Saocti Spiriuis. 

Now let the strong in sealous throng* 
While yet they may, their strength essay. 

And Sion's burthen bear ; 
Advance with unbought chivalry. 
And spur on all in rivalry. 

Fit warrior's fame to share. 

No dastard eoM of softened mould. 
But hardy knight in vigorous might. 

This holy work must dare : 
They who at home in sensual ease 
Lavish their wealth the flesh to pieast. 

Buy not Heaven by prayer. 

The sainted wood. 
The Cross has stood. 

To our host a shining light ; 
It shrinks not back. 
It guides our track 

In the holy Spirit's might. 

" Quibus minus est argenti 
Si fideles sint inventi, 

Purfi fide sint content! : 
Satis est Dominicum 
Corpus ad viaticum 

Crucem defendenti. 

•• Lignum crucis. kc"^ 

Who money lack, need not turn back. 
Nor scrip prepare, if faith be there. 

The faithfol feel no loss : 
The Lord's own body leads the way. 
Enough of food and cheer and stay 

To those who guard the Cross. 

The sainted wood. 

The Croas his stood, ftc 

Among those who now found this vent for flieir pri^te restlessness, 
was one too powerful and TacillaUng to be safely left at home, the Earl of 
Gloucester. He bad mainly contributed both to the rise and ruin of de 
Montfort, but dissatisfied either with his share of reward, or with the utter 

> Song of Master Berther, of Orleans, in 1 187.-^v. Eogor Hoveden, p. 689. In tbe same year. 
at Dunstable, " on the Vigil of St. Lawrence the heavens opened, and in sight of many clergy and 
laymen a very long croai. of f, wondirftil aise. appeared, oa which oar Saviour was seen to be 
nailed, crowned with thorns, and with outstretched hiuida^ tlie five wvuodi Wcedingi but tbe blood, 
theogli ft flowed, Ml not upon eaith." 

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disregard of all pre?ioat promiies of oonstitatioDal reform, be bad again re- 
torted to arms against tbe King. He had even taken London, althongh too 
unstable to persist in any fixed line of condact, he bad ailerwards submitted 
to the indignity of having the terms of his reconciliation referred to the 
Pope. His eldest son was accordingly required to be delivered up for three 
years to the Queen, or his casUe of Tunbridge to Prince Henry, but by the 
wiser mediation of Prince Edward both these conditions had been reibitted.^ 

Before the return of Prince Edward from this expedition he was pre- 
ceded by his cousin Prince Henry, who in his journey through Italy, found 
himself at Viterbo, at tbe same time with his two cousins, tbe disinherited 
exiles, Simon and Guy de Montfort 

The narrow escape of Gay from sharing the fate of his father and brother 
at Evesham has been noticed, and the circumstance, as vaguely transmitted 
by the tradition of three centuries, seems to have given rise to the fine old 
ballad of *«the Beggar of Bethnal Green," the noble father of «< pretty 
Bessee/* The rescue of *« young Montfort of courage so free,'* from the 
heaps of slain after a battle is there effected by a fair lady : 

*' Who seiDg yoang Montfort there gasping to lie. 
She MTed his life through charitie." 

He was not long, however, in recovering from his wounds, and after an inn 
prisonment, first at Windsor, and then at Dover, had succeeded in escaping 
to the continent by bribing his keeper and deceiving his guards.* On his 
arrival in Italy as a soldier of fortune, he was seized by tbe Pope's orders 
as an excommunicated fugitive.' Guy, however, possessed his father's 
military talent, and much as the Pope hated the de Montforts, this advan- 
tage, urged by a powerful Prince, more than compensated for his ecdepias* 
tical demerits. The French Prince, Charles d'Anjou, who had accepted 

> Woodstock, July 16, 1268.— Rymer. He nmrried afterwanis the Princess Joan, bom at 
Acre daring this Crusade. 

* T. Wjke. ' Landino, Comment. Dante. 

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the Sicilian crown^ from the Pope's gift after Prince Edmnnd's reaig- 
nation, procured the release of Guy de Montfort in order to put under his 
command a body of 800 French knights. With these Guy took possession 
of Florence on Easter-day, 1267,* and was appointed his deputy-governor, 
when the Prince became Imperial Vicar in Tuscany. After this important 
service Guy greatly distinguished himself by his zeal* for his master, con- 
tributing to his great victory over the rival king Corradino at Tagliacozzo, 
August 24, 1268, and was sent to reduce Sicily to his power.^ In this the 
French were successful, but they had introduced *^ worse evils than greater 
luxury" among the Italians ;^ their military strength might have long enabled 
them to retain the island in their grasp, had not the cruelties of the army, 
unchecked by King or Pope, at length roused the people by their excess to 
the vengeance of the memorable Vespers. 

" Se mala lignoria, che sempre accuora Had not ill lording, which doth spirit up 

Li popoli soggetti, non avesse The people ever, in Palermo raised 

Mosso Palermo a gridar, More, Mora. The shout of " death," re-echo'd loud and long. 
—Par. 8, 73. — Cary'i TransL 

He was rewarded, as others of his comrades were, with liberal grants 
of lands and baronies,^ and thus becoming Count of Nola, was high in trust 
and favour with King Charles. 

His brother Simon, as the elder son, had been looked up to by the par- 

' His wife Beatrice is said to have urged his acceptance of it, ambitious of thus placing herself on 
a par with the three Queens her sisters. She entered Naples in great pomp as Queen " with magni- 
ficent gilded carriages and plenty of richly dressed damsels, to which spectacle the people there 
were quite unaccustomed." — ^Ann. Muratori, 1266.^ She died in 1267. 

* G. Villani. 

' Dante (Inf. 32, 116) alludes to his bribing Buoso daDuera, the General of the Ghibellines, in 
order to facilitate the passage of the French troops. 

* Philip Count de Montfort, described as " a bold knight and experienced in arms/' had been 
entrid1|bd with the government of Bigorre, in 1 858, as deputy for the Earl of Leicester, who in- 
vited his people there to obey him " tam fideliter quam amicabiliter tanquam nobis." — ^V. Tresor 
des Chartes, p. 292. He was also actively employed under King Charles, and was in Sicily. He 
was the son of Philip, Lord of Ferte Aleps and Castries in France, and Lord of Tyre in Syria, 
who was a first cousin of 8imon, the great Earl of Leicester, and was among those who had in- 
vited him to supreme power at Jerusalem. — v. p. 45, ante. Nangis, Muratori. 
* * II lusso e qualche cosa di peggio.**— Muratori. 

^ "Hebbe da lui molti stati nel regno." — L'historia di Casa Orsini da Fr. Sansovino, Yen 1565, 
p. 62. Filiberto Campanile specifies Cicala, Atripalda, Farino as given to Guy.— v. Dell' Armi del 
Nobili, 2 edit. Napoli, 1618. 

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tisans of bis father as bis successor in tbe guidance of the popular im- 
pulses, and, as bas been seen, made some attempts to retrieve tbe fortunes 
of tbe party. A contemporary poet tbus earnestly expresses his anxiety 
for him immediately after the battle of Evesham : 

" Priez tous, mes amis douz. Now all draw near, companiona dear, 

le fitz Seinte Marie, To Jesus let us pray. 

Que Tenfant, her puissant That Montforf s heir his grace may share, 

melgne en bonne Tie : And learn to heaven the way.* 
Ore est oces, &c."* 

After the final overthrow of his bouse and party, Simon had joined his 
brother Guy in Italy, and they were both together at Viterbo in March 1271 .* 

For two years after the death of Clement IV. (Nov. 29, 1268,) a con- 
clave of 15 Cardinals bad been sitting in that city, and, as their tedious in- 
cubation had not yet produced a Pope, the interest attached to this election* 
happened to attract there at the same time Philip who had lately succeeded 
to the crown of France, Charles, King of Sicily, and the English Prince 
Henry, passing through Italy on their separate journies. 

It adds to our interest in the untimely fate of Prince Henry to know 
that be had been recently married (March 6, 1269), with the zealous 
approval of the King and Prince Edward, to Constance, the daughter and 
expected heiress of Gaston de Mongade, the wealthy and powerful Count 
of Beam.* This alliance shortly preceded the journey towards Syria, from 
which, or rather from Tunis, Henry was now returning. 

He was performing his devotions in a chapel opposite bis lodgings on 
Friday, March 13, when the vindictive passions of the past Barons' war 
selected him as a fresh and last victim. Tbe two de Montforts, from the 

1 Lament de S. de Montfort, from MS. Cott. in W. Rish. Polit. Songs. The translation from 
Ellis' Anc. S. 

^ Duchesne, Hist. Script. Norman. Chr. Norm, dates this event 1257, and the battle of Lewes 1251. 

' Teobaldo de* Visconti of Piacenza, then Archbishop of Liege, was ultimately chosen ; he was, 
at the time, absent at Acre, with Prince Edward, who on his return visited his former comrade as 
Gregory X, at Rome, with a great suite (magnd comitivS) — Lansd. MSS. 397, 3. 

* This marriage, which is not noticed in the usual pedigrees of the royal family, is dated by T. 
Wyke in May. Constance is mentioned as possessing Tickhill for her dower, when a widow in 
1272.— Rot. Pat. 53^ 56° Hen. 111. It is to be hoped the lady did not inherit her grandmother's 
personal peculiarities, " a woman remarkably monstrous, and a prodigy of fatness."— M. Par. 

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time of tbeir contin'to tnital, bad waitcbed Umiil^ and day, resolved 
^ with all intent of mind/* to revenge the niin of their family on one whose 
royal blood seemed to identify him with the authors of their father's death 
and their own expalsion. 

The solemn description of the event which Pope Gregory afterwards 
put on record,^ represents Prince Henry's visit to Viterbo as commanded 
by Prince Edward, and encouraged by the King of Sicily, with the express 
object of restoring the de Montforts to the favoiir of the English Prince. 
This intention, however, if really entertained, could not have been made 
known to his angry cousins, and circumstanoes soon put an end to any 
such idea. The exclusion of the de Montforts from England was never re- 
voked, yet the rojral enmity of Edward did not extend, as in meaner in- 
stances of later date, to carved stone, and there still remains the armorial 
shield of the great Simon de Montfort on the walls of Westminster Abbey, 
the only public record of his high alliance, and of his place in British history.' 

It was the time (tf Lent, so that Simon and Guy easily tracked the unfor- 
tunate Henry to the diurch at High Mass,^ when, knowing that the two Kings 
of France and Sicily were also engaged at their devoti(»is in the Franciscan 
diurch,* at a distance, the opportunity of accomplishing their revaige pre- 

* Proceflsut, in Thestur. Cur. Recept Scacc— Rymer. 

* Under the stme window of the north aisle of the Nave is also the shield of his enemy, John 
tfe Warenne ; these are copied in the title page, as are also those of Henry Ill^t uid the King of 
the Romans, from the Abbey. In the " Rolls of Arms'* 1808-14, those of the Earl of Leycesttr, 
*' gules, a lion or, tail fourchee," are among the extinct arms, "arroes abattues." The descendants 
of Peter de Montfort at that time bqre, *' in Sussex and Surrey, Sir William de Montfort, bende 
or and azure " " John Montfort, bende of 10, or and axure." 

' G. Villani. T. Wyke says it was early in the morning; Chr. Lanercost that it was at vespers. 

* There is the most singular discrepancy among different authorities as to the church in which 
the murder toolc place. According to Nangis and W. Rish. it was S. Lorenzo, which is in fMit the 
Cathedral in the south of the town, and with this Platina (Vite de Pontefid) agrees. T. Wyke and 
Walsingh, name the chapel of the confraternity of S. Blaise (S. Biagio.) Ann. Wav^ Chr. Ozeoede 
wid two Italians, Landino and VelloteUo call it S. Sylvestro, a parish church in the middle of tht 
town near the market place, and this roust have been really the scene of th« murder, being the 
only one named fulfilling the Pope's description of its occurrence, " in a certain parish church.** 
The convent of S. Francisco, where King Phillip represents himself as being at the time, is much 
ftuther to the North, near the Porta S. Lucia, according to the plan of Tirqainio Uguati, Viter- 
bete, 1596. 

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sented itself. At first tbey iDtended to plack bim oot from amidst his at- 
tendants, bat the crowd being too great for this, the brothers rushed io opon 
him with drawn swords while the ansaspecting Prince was kneeling before 
the altar. From the ▼ery threshold of the church Guy fiercely reproached 
him, " Thou traitor Henry of Almaigne, thou shalt not escape," and with- 
ont respect for the sanctity of the place or of the ceremony, they stabbed 
him repeatedly with their daggers, even while he clung so closely to the altar, 
that four fingers of his left hand were nearly severed in the struggle to tear 
bim from it.^ Supposing him to be dead, when he fell under their blows, the 
de Montforts retreated to the door and joined the troop of horse and foot 
soldiers whomf they had placed there to secure their flight One of his 
party asking what bad been done, Guy answered, " I have had my revenge,"* 
but when tannted with the worse usage his father had met with, ** How 
was your Mber dragged about ?" he hurried back to fulfil every detail of 
the bloody retribution in his power, and dragged his expiring victim by the 
bair out of the church, venting his fury again and again upon him in spite 
of his clasped hands and cries for mercy. Every part of his body was 
mutilated with wounds ; his side, loins, and face, were savagely cut, as if 
the brothers exulted in acting over again the bloody tragedy of Evesham. 
*• You had no mercy on my father or my brothers,"' were the last insults 
beard by the Prince in his agony of death. 

The audacity of the attack, and the armed force at the door, seem to 
have paralysed the Prince's attendants, while of the two Priests, then 
celebrating mass, and who interposed, one was killed and the other severely 
wounded.^ The murderers mounted their horses at the church doors and 

■ T. Wyke. Proceuus, Rymer. 

* G. Vfflairf, 7, 40, introduces the French words into his Italian text, " Je a fet ma vengeance." 
*• Comment Yostre pere fut tranef'-^hus giving an air of rowch authenticity to his account, for 
Guy would naturally use that language to his French comrades, independent of its being then in 
habitual use at the English court. 

' " Puis le traina hors du rooustrier. Henri le cria n^erci jointes mains, pour Dieu quil ne 
Foccdst, et Guy li rispondi, * Tu nfeus pas pitie de mon pere et de mes freres.' "— Nangis. Pro- 
cessus, Rymer, G. Villani. * T. Wylce, Processus, Rymer. 


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fled in safety to the Maremmay where Coant Ildribaldino Rosso delP An^ 
guillara^ (whose daughter Margaret was the wife of Gay) had power to 
shelter them from pursuit. 

** Vor in a Friday, the morwe up Sein Gregorie's day, 
Ai he stod at is masse, as that fok isay. 
Before the weved in his bedes at the secre rigt. 
Com Sir Gui de Mountford that was stalwarde knigt. 
And is aunte sone, alas 1 iarmed wel inou, 
And communes with him and to him even drou. 
And s(mote) im thorn out is suerd and villicbe him slou." 

— ^Rob. Glouc* 

Such is the account by the rough poet of ^< this hideous and abominable 
thing," as the Italian historian' justly calls it, and that it should have been 
done so publicly and within reach of the protection of the French 
Princes,^ naturally cast some reproach even upon them. 

The letters of the two kings, written on the spot immediately after the 
event, are full of phrases of horror, and professions of pursuing the 
culprits, but so slack was the pursuit, that they were never forgiven by 
Prince Edward* to whom the letter of Charles was addressed :— 

" In sorrow and grief of mind we acquaint you, that lately, when we 
and King Phillip were at the Roman court, Simon and Guy de Montfort, 

' Anguillara was a noble castle near the lake formerly called Angulare, now Lago di Bracdano. 
Hume represents them as taking refuge in the church of S. Francis, which they certainly did 
not do. Some consider Count Rosso as more expressly implicated in the murder, " cum consilio 
et auxilio Comitis Rufi."— Lansd. MS., 229. T. Wyke also involves Almeric de Montfort : " Simon 
cum Guidone necnon Comite Rufo, cujus filiam duxerat, non sine assensu, ut credi poterat, Em- 
merici fratris eorundem," &c. 

* Weved, altar ; bedes, prayers ; rigt, rite. The feast of S. Gregory was on March 12. 

' G. Villani. 

* " Rege Francis et rege Sicilise ignorantibus, vel forte conniventibus.*'— T. Wyke. " Simone 
et Guidone de Monti Forte, Comite Rubeo, immo aliis nonnuIUs spectantibus, in crastino S. 
Gregorii."-^Chr. Oxen. " Onde la corte turb5 forte, dando di ci6 reprensione alio Re Carlo, che 
cib non dovea soflferire, se Thavesse saputo, ese nol sapeva, non lo dovea lasciarpassare impunito." 
— G. Villani. 

^ In the Pleas of 1275, Walter de Baskervill is spoken of as outlawed for the death of Henry 
(murdrati per Simonem de Monte Forti) and was therefore probably one of Guy's comrades at Vl- 
terbo. Baskervill pleaded in defence that be could not be tried for anything done in a foreign country, 
and subsequently he was allowed, 1278, to recover his lands, by the KenUworth decree, ^m Roger 
de Clifford, the latter, however, retaining his life interest. — Placit. 3^ Edw. 1., pp. 195 264. 

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children of perdition, with no respect to the Roman church, to the King, 
or to ourselves, wickedly killed, alas! what a calamity! your and our 
kinsman Henry. We, firmly resolving to pursue these wretches to their 
ruin and extermination,^ as if the atrocity had been committed on ourselves 
or on our diildren, have ordered Henry Count Valdemonte and Agrani, 
our Vicar-General in Tuscany, to pursue and seize these most abominable 
criminals, so that it may be made manifest by deeds how deeply their guilt 
has touched our inmost souL Wherefore we earnestly beseech your 
Greatness not to be confounded or dejected, but to persist in your accus- 
tomed constancy. Viterbo, March 13."< 

King Philip's letter to the King of the Romans, written ** not without 
vehement bitterness and grief of heart," described in greater detail that the 
two kings were hearing the solemnities of the mass in the church of the 
Minor Friars, while Guy and Simon, ^' at the same day and hour, attacked 
Henry with armed hand, when he was in a certain other chapel of Viterbo, 
opposite his lodging, hearing mass or praying, and there at the instigation 
of the devil killed him," 

The church at Rome, then represented by the Conclave, issued its 
denunciation on the murderers, and Pope Gregory, six months after his 
election, renewed it, calling them ^* sons of Belial, led on by a diabolical 
spirit" The presence of Edward I, at the Papal Court on his return from 
Syria, seems, however, to have been the active cause of quickening the 
steps of justice, for up to that time no arrest had taken place, and no judi- 
cial process begun. Gregory X., lamenting the delay in a public and 
solemn notice of the crime' (March 1, 1273), summoned Guy de Montfort 
to appear within fifteen days before him to answer the charges of murder, 
fratricide, sacrilege, and the insult done to God, to the church, and to the 
Princes, of which common report denounced him and his late brother 

' " In extenniniam et niinam ioiquoram ipsonun." * Rymer. 

• Rymer.— Lansd, MS , 397. 

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SifDon^ to bare been guilty. An escort was ofEored him from tbe boondft* 
ries of the territory of his father^n^aw in order to prevent any excuse of 
bis fearing to approach Edward I., who bad even offered to remove bis resi- 
dence if Gay would swear to come. Count Rosso soon afterwards received 
a similar summons,* as he had not only arrived at Viterbo at the same 
time with Guy, but had also accompanied him when approaching tbe ^lot 
where tbe murder was perpetrated, had been present with his suite near the 
place, while so foul a deed was committed, and bad subsequently har- 
boured Guy, 

The criminals, instead of obeying, sent Almeric de Montfort on tiieir 
behalf to excuse their non-appearance, and plead kir delay until Edward's 
departure from Italy, fearing his avowed desire of revenge; Guy even 
ventured to allege that he had the justest reasons at the time for the murder 
of Henry, and that having been stripped by Edward of all his sobstaoce he 
was now compelled by his destitution to league with men of viol^ice. The 
Pope of coarse rejected all such excuses as trifling, and as to his plea of 
poverty, reminded him that in fact he had lost nothing, for that the property 
In England had never belonged to him at all, his elder brothers having had 
prior claims to the succession of their late parents, wluie as to his Sicilian 
lands, the King bad justly recalled tbe grant of them on his sodden fli^ 
after tiie marder. 

Almeric vainly tendered Guy's confession of the crime, and bargained 
for mercy : the Pope, though Guy did not appear, deprived him of all faculty 
of inheritance, and doomed him to perpetual infamy, to confiscation and for- 
feiture of his jurisdiction in tbe lands of his wife, decreeing that no descend- 
ant, even to the fourdi generation, should ever hold ofBce or dignity, while 
every one was Mtborised to seite Guy and bring him to prison*' 

llie zeal of tbe Pope, however, seemed to relax, when not excited by 

* " Simone fatali sorte rebus humanit exempto."— Ryroer. 

' la a letter to Raynerio, tbe supreme mitbority in Florence, March 6, 1273. — Rymer. 

' Processus, April 1, 1273.— Rymer. 

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the presence of bis powerfal friend. King Edward.^ In a few months after* 
wards (from Lyons, November 29,) he wrote to that monarch, that ** on 
his passage through Florence, Guy, by his wife and others, had implored 
compassion with every sign of a humbled and contrite heart; with his 
accomplices he had even prostrated himself on the road before the Pope 
two miles oat of Florence, barefooted and with no other garments than 
shirt and hose, having ropes round their necks, and begging in that lowly 
posture with tears and prayers for any punishment, so that a door of mercy 
might be opened for him."* 

Simon de Montfort had already escaped from human punishment, by 
his death in a castle near Sienna, in the year of the murder, '^ after a brief 
wandering on the earth with the curse of Cain upon him.'" Guy, however, 
was now consigned by the relenting Pope to the penance of a cell for more 
than ten years, '* until the apostle^ (in the words of the chronicler) granted 
him favour and mercy." The motives of Martin IV. in his release, 1283, 
seem, however, to have been more worldly than apostolic, for the Pope 
needed his military services in Romagnuola against Montefeltro, and the im- 
mediate success of Guy, who recovered much territory for the Papal see, 
quickly repaid the obligation. His father-in-law. Count Rosso, being dead, 
he left the siege of Urbino by the Pope's sanction, in order to secure the 
inheritance of his wife and children from the encroachment of Count Santa 
Flora. A few years later, in 1288, again in the service of Charies 
D'Anjou, he was taken prisoner in a naval fight off Sicily, while en- 

' Edward I. paid 350 marcs to William de Valence, as a debt from Henry of Almaigne, Wind- 
sor, Sept., 1274. — Rymer. 

* Lttgdan, III. Kal. Dec. Gerard de Rosdllon was despatched by the Pope with this letter. 

' €hr. Roff. According to Ann. Dunst. he died in France, as well as his brother Richard. It 
is probable that he was the father of Richard Signor di Gambatesa, who, by marrying Thomasa, 
the heiress of the Campobasso family, became the ancestor of the Lords of Gambatesa and Cam- 
pobasso, who continued to flourish in the kingdom of Naples till the 15th century. 

* " Pais en souffroit Guy grant penitence, car il en fu en chartre en un fort chastel, et y de- 
mount tant que TapostoUe li fist grace et mlsericorde.'' — Gesta Phllippi III., Nangis. 

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deavouring to relieve Catania, which had been seized by|ReginaId on the 
King's behalf. The Sicilian admiral, Roger de Laurea, sent him and bis 
other French captives to various prisons, but though all .the others were 
released by ransoms, Guy alone could never regain his liberty, either by 
entreaties or large offers of money. 

At one period an agreement seems to have been come to for his release, 
on payment of 10,000 ounces of gold (4,000 to be paid^atfonce, and 6,000 
in ten months). There is extant an earnest letter from one of his friends 
at Naples, calling on all his relations in France to contribute towards this 
sum, and stating that the Guelf party in Tuscany had already promised to 
raise 6,600 florins, besides 1,000 from a vassal. As his life would be 
in danger in default of payment, his friends are urged to do the best they 
can as quickly as possible.* 

The influence of the English King is said to have occasioned* this 
severe treatment of Guy, and " the hand of God (observes the annalist) 
reached him in its own due time, for he finished his days miserably in a 
Sicilian prison."* 

Though accident thus brought home misery to one of the murderers, 
yet the murder was never effectually punished by the arm of human law* 
The savage deed cannot be palliated by any reference to the provocation so 
many years before, but it would appear still more strange, if the unfortunate 
Prince, as many accounts assert,* was in no way a party to the death of the 

* This appeal it made to the King of France, to Raoul de Cleremonte, constable* of France, 
Amalrit de Montfort, Jebana de Montfort, Conte de Esquillache and de Moterescaiens. — Rymer. 
Florence had promised 1,000, Sienna 2,000, and Orvieto 3,000 florins. 

* Nangis, Gesta Philippi III., " Dolo tentus ut dicitur Regis Edwardi. 

' Muratori, Ann. Guy, by his marriage with Margaret, only daughter of Count Rosso, had 
two daughters — ^Thomasa, who m. Pietro di Vico, Prefect of Rome ; and Anastasia, who m., 1293, 
Romano Orsini, Grand Justiciary of Naples, invested as Count di Nola by Charles II. Almeric de 
Montfort, after Guy's death, acted as guardian to his nieces, and d. 1292. — ^V. Campanile, " Dell 
Armi," &c., p. 44. The Harl. MS. 6461, 19, p. 70, adds incorrectly to the children of Simon de 
Montfort, " de quibus nulla proles." 

* Aecording to Chr. Norm. Duchesne, Henry was not in the battle of Evesham, and had en- 
deavoured to procure the recall of the exiles. It adds that Simon had guaranteed his safety at 
Viterbo in the presence of the two kings. It is very improbable that Henry was mistaken for 
Prince Edward, as Chr. Lanerc. asserts. 

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great Simon de Montfort There is no express proof as to his being pre- 
sent at Evesham or not ; we have seen that he had been sent on an em- 
bassy to France, May 17, and may possibly not have returned before that 
battle. His cold-blooded murder seems to denote that the de Montforts 
at least thought his active enmity had earned their live-long vengeance. 
Some such strong impulse seems required to account for the crime, especially 
in the case of Simon, whom we have seen, in all the fresh excitement of 
anger and grief, shielding the father of his present victim from the fury of 
his soldiers at Kenilworth, and who had himself been indebted for his life 
to Prince Edward, when a captive at Northampton. 

Among some zealous royalists there had yet lingered an apprehension 
that the de Montforts, if recalled from exile, might have troubled the state, 
and the murder at Viterbo appeared in their eyes as a providential means 
of rendering their pardon hopeless.^ 

The retribution of this atrocity, which worldly policy delayed and 
mitigated, has been signally awarded by poetry. Dante has for ever fixed 
the shadowy image of Guy de Montfort, plunged np to his throat in a bub- 
bling pool of hot blood, and shunned even by other murderers in Hell. 

^ Un ombra d'on canto sola* A spirit by itself apart retired, 
— — — Colui fesse in grembo a Dio — - He in God's bosom smote the heart 

Lo cor, die'n sa Tamigi anoor si cok.* That still beside the Thames for vengeance Ueeds. 
—Inf. 12, 119. 

The heart of the mifortnnate Prince was sent to Westminster Abbey 

' " Irmit in temphim maledicti stirps Ouenenonis, 

Perfodit gladiis hunc Symonis atque Ouidonis : 

Disposait Deus ut per eos vir tantas abiret, 

Ne revocatis hiis gens Anglica tota periret." 
Given as an epitaph on Prince Henry in Lansd. MSS^ 229, and Chr. Roff. From the aUnsion in 
it to the traitor, Gano de Pontieri (the Ganellone of Dante, Inf. 32, 122.) who betrayed Charle- 
magne at RoQceivalles, it appears of foreign origin, and may have been inscribed at Viterbo in 
the church. 

' The characteristic allasion of Dante (anoor si cola) to the ancient superstition of the blood 
trickling afresh from a murdered corpse, either to denounce the murderer, or to excite others to 
revenge, has^iot been rendered by Gary and others. A friend, the Rev. Henry Wellesley, having 
pointed this out, has also supplied the novel translation of the last line. 

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in a golden Ttae, and was there allowed to be enclosed In tbe same toaib 
with the body of Edward the Ckmfpssor.^ It is said that a gilt atatae on 
his monoment held the embalmed heart, with the label, ** I bequeath to my 
father my heart pierced with the dagger.'' These may have beea the last 
words of the dying Prince.* His bones, when brought to Eogland, were 
boned honoaraUy at Hayles in Qloncestershire, May 21.' 

Sach faneral honours, however, could not comfort the bereaved fstber : 
he who had formerly been spared by the mercy of the de Montforts, now 
felt their tardy and distant vengeance as a mortal blow* His only surviv- 
ing son Edmund was at the time on his way to Syria, in company with his 
cousin of the same name, the King's son, as Crusaders ;^ he anxiously 
recalled him to England on learning the fatal loss, but although gratified by 
his return, he soon after, April 2, 1272, went down sorrowing to the grave* 

As the wealthiest man of his times, the King of the Romans^ in pof'- 
snance of a vow made in a moment of peril at sea, bad amply Endowed a 
monastery at Hayles,^ where was also deposited what was then esteemed 
a possession very lucrative from Its attractions, a drop of blood reputed to 
be that of our Saviour. The importation of this relic,^ duly authenticated 

> Chr. Roff. The deposit of tht iMttt to fttoo mentioMd by Dvt. (Hist Wetftsi* Abb.), and 
CruU (Weitin. Abb., p. 175). G. Villani mjs the heart wta placed oa a column at London bridge, 
which if very improbable, and Landino speaks of his burial in London, " where the other Kings 
are buried.** The mention of the Thames by Dante probably caused tbe Confusion* 

* Landino. There is no trace or record, however, of any such monument in the Abbey. 

' Chr. Oxenede and Ann. Waverley speak of his burial at Hailes on May 21 ; a ftineral mass in 
his honour was celebrated at Norwich, July 22. The Lansd. MS. ,229, says the body was buried 
at Viterbo between two Popes, and all hit bones carried to Hailes. 

^T.Wykt. MS. Lansd. 229. 

* The Franciscan Alexander Hales, a native tit this place, owed his education to tiM King of 
the Romans, and was so acute a reasoner as to be called the Irrefhigable Doctor ; he bad tht 
distinction of being master to two eminent Saints of the Romish ealend&r» Boottmottiim ind 
Thomas Aquinas. 

* The seal of the monastery, accidentally found in 1891, appears to r cp rsM Wrt tbe goldgD <Wois, 
which enshrined the relic, above a vase or bottle. In 1295 Edmund, Barl of CorMM, gave 
'* crucem auream cum pede de aumail; quK nobilissiman portionem sanguinis ptedosiiaiMe Crveli 
Christi in se insertam continuit."-- Chr. Hayles. Dugd. Mon. 

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ander the band of Pope Urban IV., produced a great sensation at the time, 

1270, and brought the monastery into high re- 
pute for many ages, until at length the rough 
diemistry of Henry viii.'s commissioners de- 
tected it to be the blood of a ducl^. In this 
spot his widow Beatrice,^ whose personal beauty 
had but recently led the uxorious Prince, in 
his old age, to a third marriage, erected a 
sumptuous pyramid o^er his tomb. The relic, 
the monument, and the whole convent, have 
been long swept away, and there survived to 
modem times only one incidental effect of the 
accumulation of vast property in this Prince's 
hands. As Earl of Cornwall* he had given 
charters to the numerous small towns' on his 
estates in that county, and this entitling them subsequently as Burghs to send 
representatives to Parliament, Icmg enabled them to sway the destinies of 
the empire by the chorus of their accordant voices, and thus during many 
centuries to influence the constitutional liberties of England. 

' Cencia» bis second vrile, mother of Edmand, dying in 1261, the Prince remarried June 16, 
1269, Beatrice, daughter of a German baron, Theodoric de Falkenberg, and niece of Engelbert 
Archbishop of Cologne. " Non ambitu dotalitii, sed incomparabilis forme f psius captus iilece* 
brft."— T. Wylces. Lansd. MSS., 229. 

* The grant of Cornwall to him was in 1224, and it was from this domain that he raised the 
army he had with him at the battle of Lewes. " Comnbia, ubi Richardus Comes excitavit exer- 
dtum, quem secum duzit ad bellom de Leaus."->Cott. MSS. Nero A. IV. The arms of the King, 
Argent, a lion rampant gules within a bordure bezant^, were found in a Franciscan convent, at 
Bordeaux, on its being pulled down 1746. He had probably been a benefsctor to it. For the 
same reason bis arms also appear in the south aisle of Westminster Abbey. 

' Launceston was made firee 1231, Liskeard 1240, Bodmin, Truro, and Helston afterwards.— ▼. 
Lyson's Cornwall. * 

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1.— Beferred to at p. 203 : firom Archives da royaume, J. 630. InTontaire de Dapuy, Aogleterre III. 
Alienora Dei grada reginajLnglie, domina Hybernie, etducitsa Aaaitaaie, Petnu eomee Babaodie et 

Johannes Mansellns Thesanrarius Eboracensis omnibus ad qnos presentee littere perrenerint salutem. Notam 
iaciinus qnod com per composicionem et pacem inter excellentissimiim dominom Ludovioum illastrem regem 
Francie ac karissimum dominum nostnun Henricum regem Anglie illustrem initam, teneretur idem dominos rex 
Franoie dare ipsi domino re^ Anglie id quod quingenU milites constare deberent rationabiliter ad tenendum per 
duos annos, secundum quod in forma pads ejusdem plenius oontinetur, prefato quod domino re^ Anfflie sliorum 
arbitrium non curante super hoc ezpectare, ad hnnc amicabilem finem devenissent quod predictus dominus rex 
Fraacie pro eo quod constare deberent quingenti milites tenendi, ut predictum est, ipsi domino regi Anglie in 
centum triginta quatuor millibus librarum Turonensium teneretur, de qua quidem summa pecunic idem dominus 
rex Anglie septuaginta sex millia librarum Turonensium Jam ab eodem domino rege Francie receperat in pecunia 
nomerata, Nos, ab ipso domino rege Anglie per patentee ipsius litteras super hoc plenam potestatem habentes, 
totum residuum illius pecunie, Tidelicet quinquaginta octo milia librarum Turonensium, deductis duobis mllibus 
libris Turonensibus qnas idem dominus rex Anglie dedit et concessit subsidio terre sanote per dilectum nostrum 
Johannem de Yalencenis militem in hi^usmodi subsidium expendendis, nomine ipsius regis Anglie ab ipso rege 
Frande recepimus in pecunia numerata, et ita cum satlsfactnm sit inte{i;re predicto domino regi Anglie de totali 
debito supradioto, Nos nomine procuralorio domos et res milicioe Temph et hospitalii lerosolimitani tam citra mare 
quam ultra, quae priores et magistri earurodem domorum sponte predicto domino nostro regi Anglie per suas 
patentee litteras super hiis, ut didtur, obligaTerant pro domino rege Frando memorato, et omnes obligadones 
alias, d que super hiis alie facte fuerint, quitamus ex nunc et remittimus penitus et ezpresse, Tolentes quod d 
littere predictorum priorum et magistrorum ipsarum domorum Templi et Hospitalii, vd alie super predictis 
obligacionibus facte, forte invenirentur ab aliquo, nuUius assent valoris a modo nee obtinerent alicujus roboris 
flrmitatem, Promittentes etiam bona fide quod, quam citius commode poterimus, litteras patentee ejusdem domini 
regis Anglie super hu}usmodi obligadonnm remudone et quitadone expressa eidem mrt Francie fisciemus haberi. 
In ci\jus rd testimomum presentee litteras sigiUis nostris fedmus sigfllari. Datum Parisiis die Dominica post 
ascensionem Domini M^.CC^.lx^. ouarto, mense Junio. 

Three seds appended. 1. Queen Eleanor's, without inscription, the lower hdf of her figure 
remdning, the rest broken. 8. Peter de Sstot's perfeet, with his arms, inscribed 8. Petn de 
Sabaudia. 8. John Mansd's broken, the middle part an odd Soman Impeml coin. 

8.— Beferred to at p. 884: from Arch : do roy: J. 1084. Suppl: aa Tretor des Chartes. 

Consdls donnas an Boi d'Angleterre pour Tadministration de son Boyaume. 

A nostra Seigneur le Boy monstre chu ki a grant volenti de 11 servir toute se vie, d comme il a montr£ et 
dit a pludeurs du consd ki li deussent monstrer et dire le pourfit et I'onneur et le blen de vous et de votre roiaume, 
encores le vous mechion en escrit, d ke vous en puisdes inix user pour deffendre et recouvrer votre roiaume et 
votre terre, et dont vous porres avoir plus grand defitute, chtet k savoir, d'or et d*argent. Dieu et droiture est 
avoekes vous et li plaist ke vous le volUes sievir, car tout le plus de la boene rent de crestient£ vous voelent sievir a 
che faire, mds ke vous aiies poir d'aus ddier d'argent. Argent ares vous ases, mais ke vous voellies ordener levie 
de le bone gent de vostre roiaume d*£ngleterre, lequdle cose il font volentiers mais ke vous chde vie voellies 
ordener et monstrer SToeques, si comme autre roy ont &it en tans de guerre. 

An ooumenchement cascuns Archeveskes et eveskes dent XII chevaus, IIII clers et IIII escuiers, desqud 
cascuns ara de sen Seigneur une reube par ua. et leor seigneur III. et nient plus. Li dras ke li eveske usera sdt 
de le vdeur de Ills I'aune, des ders lis et VId I'aune, et dM escuiers lis I'aune et nient plus. 

Item, ke toutes les dames du roiaume d'Engleterre se tieffnent a leur reubes ke des ont, et ke cascan an de» 
aient une reube de Ills Taune aud comme li eveske et li chevalier ont, et nient plus. 

Item, tant comme an mengier des archeveskes et eveskes il dent II mes de char an diner, l*an quit en yane 
et Pautre en rost. Au souper 1 mes de char rostie et nient plus, et an premier mes, il aient ehervoise k boire, et 
au second vin, au souper cherevoise sans vin. 

Item, ke nus archeveskes, eveskes, oontes, barons ne riches horn ne ftiehent nnl genuer ans liette ni 
doignent a mengier H nuloi, d ne ioit a gent ki soient leur ottes ke il herbergoent avoeo ans, et loient prii en le 
maniere devant dite. 

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Itai,lb»iiotniilrMllrol0,«otet,bwoM6kto«toiiiiBl«tdef«it UmmbI t^tmhhOmA da Beogfar «t da 
boin 6t d6 nstMDC taut cooibm la waro dura. 

Item, ka ehaaanot aacoien at ahataUan U aiant XXX liTrai da ranta aiant aharal at aaiant vanii d*«niias. 

Itam, ka ehMeana bovrgols at frana bom U ait da biena i la falanr da Ya maroa d'catalUna aieot karal at 
aoiant Tarni d'annaa. 

Itafl[^aaaaanlllariMalltLo■Bbart at tt antra aatniBapalaiQottolonttaniKmraaaeanaaailaiiia da I'anna at 
poor eaaeim laat da quir, Y maraa. 

Itam, da tontaa maitaandJaaa antrana an la tara on laau bora da la taia d'Snglatarra, ka on palt da 
aaaaon XXa, Xlld du randaor i malntanir la wara. 

Itam, da tontaa martaandlaaa randnaa dadau la roiaoma loit paid ponr aaaeona XXa dn Tendanr, lid a 
tanir la wara. 

Itam, ponr oaaenn qnartiar da Ibormant randn aoitpai4 dn randanr Hid, da Torga Ud, dn aoilla lid, da 
TaTaina Id, aea fNaa Id, daa pda Id, dn maataUon Id, a mtintanir la wara. 

Itam da eaaann bnaf at da eaaonna vaka paia dn randanr imd, ponr pore lid, ponr monton Ild, ponr 

Item, ka tont markaant aatraina poiaent Tanir at markaandar aain at tanf par tont la roianme d*Engleterra, 
paiant leor droitnra darant dit bormia ohianz dn roianma da Francba on ka il aoiant an ware oontra le roianme 
d'Englletterre on en taina da were oontra noatre tener le loi. 

Et pnia ke li eatraine marebaant roelent aide ft le were malntanir, Uan le doirent toloir et aontanir lea fena 
dn roianme d'Engletarre, et ke noatrea airea li roia roelle aidiar et graae fldre & tone aea ebefallera et eaqniera, U 
aaront an aen serricba an la wara dn raianoM, aoAant reapitil da lanr detea, tant ooouna il aeront en le were bor dn 
rolaanma, at aaobiaa. Sire — vona volaa baatienDent ftire Itedonnanaba de le laina, pourcbc ke li tana anrochejw 
Idrdonnancbe plaira bien aa markeana eatrainea de paler Y. nmraa ponr la aaa : rona en Tarea avantaga dadana VL 
moia ex. mUla nana, mala ka voa gaot da laiier tone ToaUen* aldiar paaaar k tana de markeana. 

8/-iraiMTadtoatp,a»; from Arab :dnroj: J. lOM Soppl : aa Tree : daa Chartea. 

A tot eena qi oeat aaolt Tmnt n amnt Biebard par la graoa de Den Bej dea EomaiBa tot Jon e r eae ann t aalnt 
en Den. Saebe Toatra nniveraitea noa eatre tannt ft Madame Aleanor noatre aoer eonteaae de Lejceetre, ft tot tea 
enikunt et k tote lor fent k eatre lor leal ami et enterin et lor aerom aydannt a conaeylant i tot noatre poer i lor 
drerture porebacer en Engleterre et k totea lor beaoynea fare enTera totea fent aanve la foj noetre Seynenr le ray 
de £nf letarre e la mon seur Bdward ioen llnl, et de ce Tolona k noatre Senor e leanment promeetons a tee Inj 
noatre lectre orerte dedent lea octavea de la Seint Michel preebein snannt, a de ee tea Iny baylom en pleage not 
bonorablea perea en Den Walter par la grace de Den ereaqne de Wireoeitre e Roger eretoue de ceater, e mon senr 
Wazin de Bassingebnme, qi par not pneree en ceat escrit unt mia lor aeana. DonnI en la priorie de Kenilweitbe 
le Dimeinche preebein aTant la feate da la NatiTito' Noatre dame en Um dn rengne le Bey qnarante nerime. 
Traeea of three ieala appended. 

4.— Beferred to at p. 997. From the Begiatrea de Champagne Tola. lY. and Y. p. 474— art 8. 

EaobiTardna da Chabanea, Oomea de Blgorre et loedanna frater ^na Slmoni de Monteforti comiti Leyeeatrica 
— qood dominaa Oaaton Baamenaia deraatavit nobia totam terram, et noa non poaaumua defendere— — damna 
totum Oomitatnm Blgorre cum pertioenc&a auia bono animo et spontanea Toluntata quia magia Tolnmns quod too 
hab ea t i e ei vettri qoam extranet— Datum Tarba in TFanaflguntione domini in camera episoopi, anno domini 
Millo. CCo. LVlo. 

Eaqninardut de Chabanea, Comet Blgorre dedimus et eoneeasimua et hae prcaaenti carta confirmamna bono 
animo et noatra epontanea Tolontate domino Simmii de M<mte Forti Comiti Leyoettrim karisaimo avnnculo noatro 
et hoeredibua auia at etatgnatie totnm Comitatum noetrum Bigorre et 8. Chanson et Montem de liarehan eC 
Yioecomitatrm de Mareban onm omnibna pertinencfia suia, quia magia Tolnmua quod dominm Simon ethoredea et 
aaaignati ani habeant et tenean t proDdictnm Comitatum una cum terris proBMlictii et omnibui suie pertinencOt qnam 
inimici nottri a quibna azpadiri comitatum noatmm et terraa pnaoominataa dafendere non poaanmua, promittena 
pro nobia et boredibna nostrii proifirto Simoni et boBredibua et aaaignatia bane donationem et conceaaionem ae 
pneaentia carta eonflrmationem furamento oorporaliter proestito nuUia temporlbot nee nllo modo Tanire 
prmeumamus, et admi^rem aecuritatem aigUlo Tenerabilia patris domini Epiacopi Lincolnienais una enm sisillo 
nostro prcaaentem eartam noatram proenraTimna aaloeari. Datnm in Paria&a in teto baatoo Oedlim Yirguda, 

A tone eenz qui oet aerit Terront et arront, Srmona da Montibrt, flla et beritler monaeignettr 8imon de 
Montfort Comte de Leyoeatre taint. 8acbiei que Je oonne et ottrole pour moi et met beritiert k noble et cber 
Seigneur Thiebault par la grace de Dien Boy de NaTarre et Comte de Champagne et i tea beritiera le cbaatle de 
Lourde et aea appartenancea et tont le droit que none aTona on avoir pouTona en le Comte* de Bigotre, le qnel 
Conte* le devant dit Comte mon pera don don et don grant mon 8eignenr Eachivat de Chabannet, avant la comte da 
Btgorre, et ponr ce que Je Teuil que ceat mon don et grant toit ferme et ettablie en tout Jonrt, en temoina de ea 
Je ai mit mon teel k oet eacrit qni fnt feat an moia d'O^tobre, ran Notre Seigneur mil deux eena aexante et eine. 

There it a aimilar deed tealed by Eleanor Connteta of Leycetter of the tame date. William, Biabop of Pot, 
claimed Bigorre aa held of bit See. and took it into enatody on behalf of Tbiebaolt in 1967, In order to protect U 
from the aoiu of the King of Eng^d, and of EaqniTat de Cbabannaa. 

Digitized by 



* denotes the Royalists, and f the Baronial. 

ARi6Mrie,t Earl of, 60, 65, 73. 
Albemarle, Isabella, Connteaa of, lavsait, 

806 : miracles, 258, 285 ; at Dorer, 291. 
AlditM,* James de, 65, 204. 
Alix,t Thomas, 283. 
Angooleme, Quy, Count de^ 82, <0. 
Arqr,t Ralph de, 291. 
Ardeme,* Ralph de, the spy, 243. 
Ardemet* Edmund de, 110. 
Ansentont, Giles de, 234, 288, 268. 
Arundel, Countess of, 49, 288. 
Astleyt, Thomas de^ 249. 
Azholme, 272. 

Baoon, Roger, 67, 102 ; his inventions, 170 ; 
Opus Magnum, 213; opinion on comet, 

BidlioF, John de, 88 ; at Lewes, 134 ; pri- 
soner, 175, 222, 274. 

BdKolt, Ouy de, 849, 268. 

Balliolt, Ingenun de, IIQ, 288. 

Barantint, I>rogode, 199. 

Bardouttt*, William de, t95, •ISU 149, 175. 

Basiogburoe*, Warren cle, at Wallinglbrd, 
216, 238 ; at Evesham, 246, 248 ; grants 
to him, 268 ; sorety for K. of Romans, 295. 

BaskervUlf, Walter de, 306. 

Basset*, Philip, 82, 91, 96, 108 ; at Lewes, 
133, 176, 271, 274. 

Basset*, Ancellinus, 275. 

Bassetf, Ralph, 95 ; at Lewes, 162, 206; at 
Evesham, 245, 247 ; kiUed, 267. 

Battle Abbey, 114, 199, 200, 288. 

Battle Abbey, Reginald Prior of, 289. 

Bazt* Thomas, 277. 

Beatrice, Countess of Provence, 17. 

Beatrice de Falkenberg, 313. 

Beauchamptf John de, at Evesham, 249. 

Beftt, John, at Lewes, 181. 

Berwidct, W. de, 275. 

Besil*, Matthew de, at Qlouoester, 87. 

Bigorre, Count de, 297. 

Bigott, Roger le, Earl of Norfolk, 57, 65, 

75,96; at Lewes, 157, 208; excommu- 

nicirted, 213 ; confiscation, 276. 
Bigott*, Hugh le. Justiciary, t60, 73, •96, 

109 ; at Lewes, 131 ; flight, 183, 185 ; at 

Damme, 209, 260. 
Blundf, William le, 97 ; at Lewes, 153 ; 

killed. 173, 187. 
Bohunf*, Humphrey de. Earl of Hereford, 

48, 57, 73, 75, 96; •at Lewes, 180; pri- 

soner, 175, 274. 
Bohunf, Humphey, de, junior, 86, 95 ; at 

Lewes, 157, 208 ; at Evesham, 250, 255. 
Bolemar*, John de, 276. 
Borhamf, Harvey de, 155. 
BoteviUef, Roger, 110. 
Botiller*, Ralph de, 268. 
Bramber, 288. 

Brauncestonf, Henry de, 97. 
Bveaus,* William de, 96, 133, 255. 
Briwes*, Robert de, 275. 
Bruce*, Robert de, 88, 96 ; at Lewes, 137; 

prisoner, 175; at Dover, 291. 
Bruce*, Peter de, 222. 
Brummore Priory, 206. 
Buckerell*, Stephen, 106 ; imprisoned. 277. 
Burdettf, Robert de, 267. 
Burgh, Hubert de. Earl of Kent, 12. 
Burghf, John de. Earl of Kent, at Fletch- 

ing, 148 : at Lewes, 157, 206. 
Burgundy, Duke of, 193. 
Burmughamt, William de^ 250, 275. 
Buryt, Abbot of, 71. 
Bussy*, William de, 62. 

Digitized by 




Canterbary*. BonUkce, Archbishop of, 15, 
64 ; abroad, 96, 10.% 909, 274. 

Cantilupef. Walter de. Bishop of Worces- 
ter, 57, 64, 71, 89, 95, 104 ; at Fletch- 
ing, 190; at Lewes, 138; absolution, 
144, 218, 213, 235; at Evesham, 243, 
260; excommuntcation and death, 270; 
surety for K. of Romans, 295. 

Cantilupe,t Thomas de. Bishop of Here* 
ford, 97, 230. 

Cantilupe, Joan de, 155. 

Cantilupe, Eve de, 255. 

Caple», Walter de, 275. 

Car of Simon de Montfort, 152, 173. 

r4tftont, John de, 163. 

Chamberleyn, Peter le, 193, 210. 

Charles, Count d'Anjoo, 193, 211 ; King of 
SicOy, 301 ; at Virterbo, 803. 306. 

Chaworth* Patrick and Pain, 238. 

Chelmerford* Stephen de, at Lewes, 153. 

Chichester, 288. 

Chichesterf* Stephen de Berkstead, Bishop 
of, 104, 208, 213 ; excommunicated 270, 

Claret, Richard de. Earl of Gloucester, 35, 
37 ; poisoned, 61, 64, 72, 74, 75 ; death, 

Claret*, Gilbert de. Earl of Gloucester, 
t84; atFletching, 148; at Lewes, 156, 
181, 208; excommunicated, 213; jea- 
lousy, 226, 232, 235; *joins royalists, 
237, 242 ; at Evesham, 245 ; grants, 268, 
274 ; crusader, 300. 

Claret*, Thos. de, 232,236, 237 ; grants, 268. 

Clifford^t. Roger de, 87, 88 ; *joins RoyaUsts, 
100, 107, 156, 204, 217, 285 ; grants, 268. 

Colwortht, Hugh de, 291. 

ColvUlet. Walter, 241. 

Comet of 1265, 251. 

Comyn*, John de, 88 ; at Lewes, 187 ; pri- 
soner, 175. 

Constablet, Fulk, 290, 293. 

Corbett. Richard, 288, 290. 

Corbett. Thomas, 272. 

Covelt. Philip de, 204. 

Creppinget, Walter de, 250. 

Cronesleyt, Thomas de, 267. 

Crusades, 8, 273, 297, 299. 

Despensert, Hugh le. Justiciary, 95; at 
Lewes, 158, 193, 211, 230, 285; at Eves- 
ham, 245 ; kUIed,247, 255 ; his widow, 271. 

Despensert, John le, 267. 

Disinherited Barons, 265, 272, 275. 

Dover. 89, 91, 99, 214, 288, 290, 292, 293, 

Dnebyt, PhiUpde, 110. 
Dunstable, 229. 
DunsUnvilt, Walter de, 291. 
Dycard*, Richard, 153. 

Edmund*, Prince, son of Henry 111., King 

of Sicily, 30, 89, 98; grants, 267, 275 ; 

crusader, 297. 
Edmund*, Prince, second son of King of 

the Romans, 71, 267, 271, 312. 
Edward*, Prince, son of Henry III., 32, 

84, 58, 76 ; reproaches his father, 80, 85 ; 

deceives Bishop of Worcester, 91 ; at 

Northampton, 107; at Rochester. 113 ; 

at Lewes, 169, 172. 173, 182; hostage, 

195, 216. 222 ; escapes. 286, 238. 239 ; 

surprises Kenilworth, 240 ; at Evesham, 

243. 247. 250 ; defeats Duinherited, 273 ; 

punishes Londoners, 276 ; Long Shanks^ 

278; at Odiham, 285; retakes Dover, 

295; releases Eleanor and Almeric de 

Montfort, 296, 298 ; crusader, 299, 304 ; 

at Rome. 307. 
Eleanor. Queen of Henry III.. 13 ; insulted, 

at London. 98. 94 ; at Damme. 209, 280 ; 

receives money from the French King, 

Eleanor of Castille, wife of P. Edward, 33 ; 

at Windsor, 204, 205; grants, 268; 

fruit, 283. 
Eleanor, Princes, sister of Henry III., Coun- 
tess of Leicester, tow of widowhood, 41 ; 

marriage. 43 ; reproached by King. 44 ; 

renounces claims, 74; at Kenilworth. 

217; banished, 279; roll of expenses. 

281; at Odiham. 284; household. 287; 

journey to Dover. 288. 289. 290. 292; 

retires to Montarg^ 295 ; dies, 296. 
Elyt, Hugh Northwold. Bishop of, cellar 

plundered. 21 ; interview with King. 46. 

Evesham, 243, 245, 252, 255 ; miracles, 258. 
Eyett, W. de, 275. 

Ferrerst, Robert de. Earl of Derby. 158, 

273, 275. 
Ferrerst, WUliam de, 110. 
Fiennes*, Ingeram de, 89. 
Fitz-AUn* John, at Rochester, 112;. at 

Lewes, 129 ; prisoner, 175 ; summoned, 

Fitx-Auchertf Henry. 268. 

Digitized by 




Henrrf*, Prince, eldest son of Ring of 
Romans, t58; prisoner, 89; released, 
90, 96; •joins royalisU, 99; at Lewes, 
126; hostage, 195; envoy to France, 
210, 222, 235 ; grants, 267, 273, 274 ; at 
Odiham, 285; crusader, 299; in Italy, 
301 ; marriage, 303 ; murdered at Viter- 
bo, 301, 304, 305 ; his tomb, 312. 

Hereford*, John de Aigue Blanche, Bishop 
of, 97, 230. 

Herewellf, Stephen de, 237. 

Herietesham*, GeoflRryde, 276. 

Heringotf, Ralph, 187. 

Hopvillet, Hugh de, 250. 

Hoveden, John de, chaplain to the Queen, 

Husseyt, Henry, 162. 

Isabella, Queen of King John, 20. 
Jews, 45 ; murdered, 1 12, 203. 
John, King of England, 24. 

Kempsey, 243. 

Kempsingt, John de, 288. 

Kenilworth, 161, 221,240,271, 272; seige, 

Koe, the rich jew, 112. 

L'Estrangef*, Hamo de, * 100 ; at WaUing- 

ford, 216; grants, 268. 
L'Eatranget^, John de, 268. 
Lewes, Henry ill. at, 114; treaty, 121, 

138 ; ancient state, 151, 177 ; mill, 180 ; 

castle, 185, 191; priory, 123, 145, 150; 

mise. 192, 252. 
Lewknor*, Nicholas de, 268. 
Leyboumet*, Roger de, t86; 'lOO, 101, 

107 ; at Rochester, 112, 156 ; at Lewes, 

166,217, 235; grants, 268. 
Lichfield*, Boger de Meyland, Bishop of, 

104, 294. 
Lincolnf, Robert Ghrethead, Bishop of, 25, 

51, 52, 67; tutor to Simon de Mont- 

forf s sons, 259, 260. 
Lincolnf, Richard de Gravesend, Bishop of, 

Uewellynt, Prince of Wales, 85 ; assists 

Simon de Montfort. 242 ; marries his 

daughter, 296. 
Londonf, zeal, 91; riots, 106; supports 

barons, 115; at Lewes, 154, 169, 172; 

excommunicated, 213 ; punished, 276. 
Londonf, Fulk Basset, Bishop of, 19, 58. 

Fltz-Johnf, John, London riots, 112; at 
Lewes, 156, 235, 250. 

Fitz-Nigelt, Robert, 268. 

Fitz-Piers*, Reginald, prisoner at Lewes, 

fltz-Simonf, Simon, 110. 

Fitz-Thomasf, Thomas, Mayor of London, 
118; imprisoned, 276. 

Flti-Waltert, Robert, 204. 

Fltz-Warren* Fulk, at Lewes, 134 ; drown- 
ed, 187. 

Fletching, 120, 143. 

Fletet, John de la, 277. 

Folyott> Richard de, 82, 283. 

Fomunf, Henry le, 284. 

Gaunt, Gilbert de. Earl of Lincoln, at Lewes, 

162; at Dover, 291. 
Gebyonf, Hugh, 110. 
Geofl^yson,t John, 65. 
Gi£fordt*, John de, 86; at Lewes, 161; 

prisoner, 178 ; ^oins de Clare, 227, 235. 
Gobithesty, 287. 
Gorvaf, Brian de, 267. 
Greyt, John de, 159. 
Grey*, Richard de, 65, 91, 95 ; at Lewes, 

159; prisoner at Kenilworth, 241, 267, 

Gurneyt, John de, 276. 
Guwizf, Brian de, 275. 
Gynvilef, John, 163. 

Harcourtf, Saer de, 267. 

Hardershillf, Robert de, 250. 

Harhestock*, Augustine de, 153. 

Hastingsf, Henry de, 95; at^Lewes, 153; 
at Evesham, 250, 267, 268, 275. 

Hastingsf, Matthew de, at Dover, 291. 

Hayef, John de la, 82, 260 ; at Dover, 290. 

Hayles' Monastery, 3 IS, 313. 

Hemyngfordt, John de, 82. 

Henry III., King of England, 8, 10, 21, 
28, 44 ; his economy, 46 ; quarrel with 
Simon de Montfort, 48 ; at Oiford, 64, 
81; absolution, 77, 79; again, 81; in 
France, 83, 90; at Windsor, 92; S. 
Frideswide, 103; at Northampton, 110; 
at Lewes, 1 14 ; answer to Barons, 
139; in battle, 166, 167, 175; leaves 
Lewes, 199; love of the arto, 201; 
police, 206; letter to Queen, 214; dis- 
sembles, 223 ; letter to Louis IX., 234 • 
wounded at Evesham, 250; confisca' 
266; banishes his sister, 280, 293. 

Digitized by 




LoDdont, Ridiard de StndiB4d)> Biihop <tf» 

89, 95, 104; at Lewef, 130, 193, 211, 

213, 230 ; excominuiiktte<t 270. 
LoteU> (ke§^ de, 260. 
Louis IX., King of France, 4, 58, 92 ; hit 

award at AmieoB, 97 ; raediatloa. 296. 
LoTell*, John, 82. 
LoveU, Katherine, 283. 
Lucyt. Geofla7, 95. 
lAuigoMn*, QeoSry de, half brotiier «r 

Henry III., 20, 26; banished, 60; flight 

at Lewes, 183. 
Lnsignan*, Quy de, half brother of Henry 

III., 20, 22; banished, 6Q, 126; flight at 

Lewes, 183. 
Lynde*, John de la, 97. 

Maltraversf*, WilUam de^ fat Levas, 179 ; 

*at Evesham, 254. 
Manderillet, William de, slain at firasham, 

ManseU*, John, Provost of Beverky, wealth, 

27, 58. 71, 79, 83 ; flight, 89 ; death, 96, 

209, 299. 
Bfansellt, Thomas, 110. 
Maref, Henry de h, 268. 
Mareahal, William 1^ Earl of Pembroke, 

Regent, 8, 9. 
Bfaresbal, William le^ second earl, husband 

of P. Eleanor, 41. 
Maresbalf, William le, 97, 110, 268. 
Margoth*, female spy, 240. 
Mariscof, Adam de, Franciscan friar, friend 

of S. de Montfort, 260; reproves him, 

261; lectures at Oxford, 262; letters to 

Countess of Leicester, 280. 
Bfarisco, Everard de, 283. 
Marmion*, Philip de, 132. 
Marmiont, Robert and William de, 183, 162. 
Martellf. William, 267. 
Mauduit*, William, Eail of Warwick, 162. 
Mauk, Joan de, 283. 
Merton*, W. de, 82. 
Middletont, Richard de, 82. 
Mise, 83, 97. 

Mitfortf, Bertram, de, 110. 
Monceauzt, Waleran de, 291. 
Monchenseyt, William de, 126 ; at Lewes, 

156, 208; prisoner at Kenilworth, 235, 

Montargis, 38, 281, 296. 
Montfort, Simon de, his war against Albi- 

gences, 87. 
Montfort, Almeric de, his eldest son, 39,45. 

Montlbrtt, Simon de, Barl of Uicester, 36 2 
.pedigree^ 38 ; marriage, 41, 43 ; crusa- 
der, 45; ia Gasoony, 47, 48, 51, 5S, 54 ; 
Oxford Statutes, 59, 64^ 71, 73, 75 ; in 
France 76, 81, 82 ; in Ei^gland, 83, 91. 
95 ; breaks leg, 96; civil war, 100, 101, 
HI ; at Rochester, 112; at Flet^iing, 
120, 143; nuu^:h to Lewes, 148; car, 
152 ; battle, 158, 174, 186 ; leaves Lewes, 
199 ; power, 208, 210 ; excommunicated, 
213, 214 ; exdiaiige of lands, 223, 224 f 
disputes with de Clare, 227, 231, 232 f 
recondled, 235, 237 ; in Wales, 238 ; at 
Evesham, 243, 245; slain, 247; nuHi- 
lated, 254 ; buried, 255 ; alleged miradeai, 
257, 258 ; character, 259 ; his friend A. 
de Marisco, 261 ; Lament, 263 ; estates 
confiscated, 267; at Odiham, 285; his 
arms in Westminster Abbey, 804; Bi* 
gorre given to him, 997. 

Montfbrtt, Henry de, eldest son of the 
Earl, 62; with P. Edward, 80, 95, 96; 
excommunicated, 105; at Lewes, 157, 
195, 199; warden of Kent, 206, 226; 
watches P. Edwan^ 236; at Evesham, 
245; killed, 248; funeral, 250; leaves 
Dover, 290. 

Montfortf, Simon de, second son of the 
Earl, with P. Edward, 80; exconunu- 
nicated, 105; prisoner at Northampton, 
108; released, 199; warden of Surrey 
and Sussex, 206, 207, 289 ; at Keml- 
worth suiprised, 241; releases K. of 
Romans, 271, 272 ; at Porchester, 287 ; 
at Wilmington, 288 ; leaves Dover, 290 ; 
in Italy, 800; murders P. Henry at Vip 
terbo, 303, 804 ; death, 308, 309. 

Montfbrtt, Almeric de, in holy orders, third 
son of the Earl, 27)r, 288, 291; at 
Dover, 293 ; leaves England, 293 ; taken 
prisoner, 296 ; released, 298 ; agent for 
Guy, 308, 310. 

Montfortf, Guy de, fourth son of the Earl, 
at Lewes, 157; at Evesham, 248; es- 
capes, 301 ; in Italy, 302 ; murders P. 
Henry at Viterbo, 304, 305 ; summoned 
by Pope, 307 ; condemned, 308 ; prisoner, 
809; death, 310; inbeU, 311. 

Montfortf, Richard de, fifth son of the Earl, 
at Dover, 293 ; leaves England, 294, 298. 

Montfort, Eleanor de, daughter of the 
Earl, In-eviary and dress, 286, 291; 
taken prisoner, married, 296. 

Digitized by 



Plukenet*, Alan de, S16, S6e. 

Phimpton* Nicholu dt, 104. 

Poinxf, Hugh. 163. 

Pope Gregory IX., 4. 

Pope Alexander IV., abaolotloii, 77. 

Pope Urban IV., absolution, 62. 

Pope Clement IV., at Boulogne, SIS ; let- 
ter to P. Edward, S69 ; excommoDlcates 
Barons. 270. 271 ; death, 303. 

Pope Gregory X.. 303. 307, 309. 

Pope Martin IV., 298, 309. 

Porchester, 287. 

Preston, John de, 2€7. 

Prices of provisions, ftc., in 1258, 56 ; in 
1964,214; in 1265, 282 to 293; in 1290, 

Puvelesdonf, Thomas d«, mercer of Lon- 
don, 106; at Lewes, 158; confiscation, 

Puxlet, W. de la, 275. 

Reygatet, John de, 267. 

Richard*, King of the Romans, brother of 
Henry III., 16 ; crusader, 31 ; returns, 
71, 72; meditates, 83, 89; at Northamp- 
ton, 107; at Lewes. 121, 126; letter, 
140, 175; prisoner, 180, 195; released^ 
271, 277, 295 ; grants, 284 ; letter to him 
on murder of his son, 307; death, 819; 
monument at Hayles, 313. 

RIvaulx, Peter de, 11. 

Rivlef, Roger de, 249. 

Robertsbridge. 200. 

Rochester, 113.201. 

Rochfort*, Guy de, 62. 

Rodes, Garard de, 89, 90. 

Romney, 288. 

Rosf, Robert le, 95; at Lewes, 160; 
watches Pr. Edward, 236, 239. 

Rosso, Count Ildibrandino, 306, 308, 809. 

Rouen, Archbishop of, 193, 211. 

Rottlecrf, Roger, 250. 

SackTillet, Jordan de, 16S. 

St Hermite, 23, 62. 

St. Johnf, Roger de, 234, 238. 

St. Omer^, William de. 277. 

St. Pol*, Count de, 90, 275. 

Sandwichf, Thomas de, 291. 

Savoy*, Peter de. 14, 60, 65, 71, 73. 99 ; 

at Damme, 209 ; tummoned, 232, 260, 

Savoy, Thomas, Count de, 17, 30. 
«tyt*, WUUam de. 166. 197. 

A> iH^t^<^ fp^-r^-CL 

Montfbrtt, Peter de^ 58. U. te, fY ; pH. 
soner at Northampton, ptdigrea^ lots 
released, 199, 212, 213. 226; state at 
Evesham, 249 ; his sons, 109, 199» 250, 
267 ; family, 296 ; arms, 802. 

Montfort, PhUlipde, Lord of Tyre. 46. 80t« 

Mortimert*, Roger de, t57, 65, •85, 9<, 
107; at Lewes, famUy, 183. 204, SIT; 
corresponds with de Clare, 931; at 
Evesham, 244 ; grants, 268. 

Mortimer, Matilda de, head of S. dt Mont- 
fort carried to her, 254, 26A» 8i7. 

Mortimer*, Hugh de, 275. 

Mount Harry, 188. 

Mucegrosf, John de. 291. 

Mussegros*, John. 238. 

Mussegrosf. Richard de, 268. 

Neumarketf. Adam de, prtiOQcr at Novtlw 

ampton, 109. 206 ; and at Kanihrorth, 

Neville*, Geoffry de, 204. 
NeviUet, Hugh and John, 162. 241. 
Neville*, Robert de. 88. 
Neville*, William de, Prior of Lew«s, IS 
Newingtonf, Robert, 1 10, 204. 
Nicolast, the barber beimld, 844. 
Norman, Simon, 18. 
Normanvillet, Ralph de, 275. 
Norreys, Richard de, cook to the Qmcb, 84. 
Northampton, 107. 
Northampton* Guy. Prior of SaSat Aa* 

drew at. 108. 
Norwich*. Simon de Walton, Bishop of, 

82. 89. 
Norwich, Pandulf, Bishop oi; 11. 
NottinghaoB, 107. 

Ottoboni, Cardinal Legate, 89, 870,274, 290. 
Oxford Statutes, 55. 57, 63; stndtnts, lOt. 

Paris, 53, 54. 

Paaailewe, RobMt dt. 11. 

Pauncefott*. Grimbald. 110; *betrays 

Gloucester, 239. 
Peckham, John, Archbbhop, 191^ 298. 
Penebriggt, Henry de. 275. 
Percy*. Henry de, 131, 175. 
Percy*. Hugh de, 96, 112. 
Pevensey, 184, 239, 292. 
Peyclintonf, Robert Motnn d^ 267. 
Pierpoint*. Robert. 175. 
Flesseys^ John» Earl of Warwick, 68, 65. 

Digitized by 




Scotney, Wilter de, 61. 
Segrave, Stephen de, 12. 
8egravet> Nicholas de, 95 ; at l^wes, 164; 

at Evesham, 250, 267. 
Senchia, Princeu. 17, 310. 
Sepingesf, Robert de, 250 
Sicily, 30, 65, 309. 
Skeffingtonf, Geffrey de, 267. 
Slingawai, the courier, 287. 
Sonieri*, Roger de, at Lewes, 129, 162; 

prisoner, 175, 274. 
Stokest, Seman de, 291. 
Stryvelyn (Stirling), 237. 
Statevili*, Robert de, 268. 
Sussex, population, 115. 
Suttont, Robert de, 204, 268. 

Tany», Richard de, 268. 

Tattershall*, Robert de, 130, 175. 

Temple, 111, 118. 

TIpetot*, Robert, 238. 

Toledo, Senchius, Archbishop of, 32. 

Tonyt, Michael. 277. 

Tonyt, Robert de. 163. 

Tracyt, W. de, 275. 

Tregozt, Robert de, 163 ; at Kvetham, 250. 

Trelloskef, Lawrence, 275. 

Treubodi. courier, 287. 

Tunbridge, 113. 197,299. 

TurbervUle*, Hugh, 216. 

Valence*, William de. Earl of Pembroke, 

half-brother of Henry III., 21, 54 ; exiled. 

60 ; returns. 80, 9S, 107 ; at Lewes, 126. 

157 ; fiies, 183 ; in Wales, 234. 235 ; at 

Kenilworth, 240 ; granU. 268. 
Valence, Joan de, his wife, 62, 126, 205. 
Valence, William, Bishop of, 13. 
Vauxt*. John de, 100. 
Veret* Robert de. Earl of Oxford, at Lewes, 

148, 208; prisoner at Kenilworth 241, 

268; hU wife Alice, 291. 
Vemont, Richard de, 267, 268. 
Vaadt. John de, 96 ; at Uwea^ 160, 260. 

Wettoo, John, 205. 

Whale Fishery, 281. 

Wiavilf, John de, 204. 

Wigmore, 237, 254, 256. 

WUmington, 288, 289. 

Winchelsea, 114, 272, 388. 

"Winchester, Peter de Roches, Bishop of. 9* 

Winchester*, Aymer, Bishop elect, half- 
brother of Henry III., 23 ; exiled, 59, 69, 

WMnchesterf, John de, Exon, Bishop ot, 
104, 212, 213 ; excommunicated, 270. 

Winchester, William de, 202. 

Windsor, 92, 199. 205, 277. 

Worcester, Nicholas de, Ely, Biabopof, 274. 

Wrothamt, William de, 284. 

WyrUet. Robert de, 267. 

Yorkf, William de, 250. 

Zouch*, Alan de la, prisoner at Lewes, 179, 

227, 277. 
Vipontt, Robert de. 95; at Lewes, 160. 
Viterbo, 301 ; condave, 303 ; murder, 305. 

Waket, Baldwin, 95 ; prisoner at Northamp- 
ton, 109 ; and at Kenilworth, 241, 260. 

Waieran*, Robert, 18, 82, 162, 216. 

Wallingford. 215, 284. 

Walton*, William de. Justiciary, slain at 
Lewes, 187. 

Warenne*, John, Earl de, 68, 90, 96, 104 ; 
at Rochester, 112; at Lewes, 126; fliea» 
183 ; at Damme, 209 ; summoned, 332 ; 
in Wales. 234, 235 ; at Kenilworth, 840. 

Warret, John de la, 290. 

Warret, William de la, 110, 290. 

WaterviUet, Reginald, de, 110. 

Waverley, 283, 285. 

Wells, Edward, de la Crol. Dean oC 215. 

Wengham, Henry, 68. 

Westminster Abbey, 1 17. 

, Crokeley, Abbot of, 61. 

, Lewisbam, Abbot of, 61. 

Digitized by 



Pige 8, line 4, for largeness read largest, 

22, note 2. line 10, for " adjoining" read " not far from/* 

- 24, line 16, for Frovenfials read Provencals. 

38, note 2, line 15, and 45, 18, for Rome read Otranto. 

- 39, note 3, " Alnieric and Simon in the painted glass of Chartres Cathedral were 

probably the sixth and seventh Lords of Monlfort (the latter being 
father to Simon the Bald), each of whom were Counts of Ecouen : 
their brother William was a Canon of Chartres." 

- 54, line 13, for Monter eau read Montereau. 

76, note 2, line 2, for subter/uginen read subterJStgium, 

86, line 6, for 1250 read 1259. 

- 96, note I, line 2, for k'esey read Vesqf, 

102, line II, for who read whom. 

- Ill, note 5, for solta read saitu. 
— ^ 114, Irae 7, for eou read enou. 

120, note 2, line 4, for Dudg read Dugd. 

123, note 2. line 8, for Fancracius read PancraHus. 

127, note I, line 5, ioxfounting rctid founding. 

162, note 2, line 2, for "four persons" read "four such persons.'* 

- 162, note 6. for Ar ms read Arms. 

- 168, note 1, line I, and page 172, note 5, for Oxnede read Oxenede. 

170, note I, line 1. for " the read the ** 

170, note 4, line 10, for " also made" read " also may be made." 

- 194, note 5, line 2, for pi. 4 read p. 264. 

227. line 20, for WiUiam read AUm, 

234, line 6, for were read was» 

Digitized by 





Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Digitized by 


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