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NYPL RESEARCH LIBRARIES
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THE BEGINNING
OP
SOUTH AFBICAN HISTOEY.
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THE BEGINNING
I
OF I
SOUTH AFRICAN HISTORY
GEORGE M'OALL THEAL, Litt.D., LL.D.
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T. FISHER UNWIN
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THE NEW YORK
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PREFACE.
%«
In January 1896 I completed a small volume which was
published in London and Capetown with the title of The
Partuffuese in South Afrieaf and which is now out of print.
The preface to that volume was as follows: —
" A very few years ago, when I prepared my large History,
the expression 'South Africa' meant Africa south of the
Limpopo. Mainly through the ability of one man — the
Bight Honourable Cecil John Bhodes — that expression to-
day means Africa south of the Zambesi. The event which
I took as an initial point — ^the arrival of Van Biebeek in
Table Valley in April 1652— has thus come to be incorrect
' for that purpose, the true starting-point now being the arrival
Ai of D'Anaya in Sofala in September 1505. I have therefore
,^V written this volume, in order to rectify the . beginning of
^ my work.
^ "As Bantu tribes that were not encountered by the Dutch,
\ and that differed in several respects from those south of the
^ Limpopo, came into contact with the Portuguese, it was
necessary to enlarge and recast the chapters in my other
volumes descriptive of the South African natives. I need
4 not give my authorities for what I have now written concem-
. JN^ ing these people, for I think I can say with truth that no
^ one else has ever made such a study of this subject as
I have.
"The Portuguese in South Africa are not entitled to the
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vi Prefau.
same amount of space in a history as thq Dutch, for they
did nothing to colonise the country. I think that in this
little volume I have given them their just proportion. In
another respect also I have treated them differently, for I
expended many years of time in research among Dutch
archives, and I have obtained the greater part of my informa-
tion upon the Portuguese by the comparatively trifling
labour of reading and comparing their printed histories. I
should not have been justified, however, in issuing this volume
if I had not been able to consult the important documents
which the Bight Honourable 0. J. Rhodes caused to be copied
at Lisbon for his own use/'
The government of the Cape Colony took a different view
of the relative interest of the Portuguese occupation, and
considered it advisable that deeper research should be made
into the particulars of their intercourse with the native tribes
south of the Zambesi in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and
eighteenth centuries. I therefore came to Europe in October
1896, and the greater portion of my time since that date has
been devoted to collecting Portuguese manuscripts and early
printed books relating to South-Eastern Africa, translating
them into English, and publishing the original texts and
the translations. Some Dutch and English manuscripts have
also been included. Each volume contains over five hundred
pages, and the ninth is now in course of preparation. The
series, termed Becords of South-Eastern Africa, prepared and
printed at the cost of the Cape government, can be seen in
the principal public libraries of Europe and the British colonies
throughout the world.
The volume in the reader's hands is an abstract of the
documents and printed matter thus collected, with a couple
of additional chapters giving a brief narrative of events
during the nineteenth century and a chapter upon the
earliest inhabitants of the country. It contains about three
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Preface. vii
times as much matter as The Portuguese in South Afriea^
and must therefore be regarded as a new book. As it
stands, it forms Volume I of my HUiary of South Afriea.
The second edition of Volumes II and III was published
in London in September 1897 under the title History of
South Afriea under the AdnUnistraHon of the Dutch East
India Company, 1652 to 1795. Volume IV (second edition
in course of preparation) contains the History of the Cape
Colony from 1795 to 1834; Volume V (second edition pub-
lished in 1893) the History of the Cape Colony from 1834
to 1848, the History of Natal to 1846, and the History of
the Emigrant Farmers to 1854; and Volume VI contains
the History of the Republics and Native Territories from
1854 to 1872 (second edition in 1900).
The sources of information consulted by me when pre-
paring an account of the early English and Dutch yoyages
to India were records in the India Office, London, and in
the Archive Office at the Hague, as well as the following
printed books:
The Principal NavigcUions, Voyages, Traffics, and Biseoveries
of the English Nation, made by Sea or over La/nd, to the
Souih and South-east parts of the World, by Bichard Hakluyt,
preacher, two quarto volumes, London, 1599; and Purehas
his PUgrimes, five large volumes, London, 1625. Hakluyt's
work was the means of his obtaining the curatorship of
the historical and geographical documents of the English
East India Company. After his death these papers were
entrusted to Purehas, by whom many of them were con-
densed and published in his work above named. The
original manuscripts have perished. The dates are according
to the old style.
Een^ Sehipvaert der Holhmders naer Oost Indien, met vier
Sehepen onder 't hdeydt van Oomelis Houtman uyt Texel gJiegaefi,
Anno 1595. Contained in the collection of voyages known
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viii Pre/ace.
as Beffin ends Voortgangh van de Vereenighde Nederlantsche
Geoetroyeerde Oost Indisehe Oompagnie, printed in 1646, and
also published separately in quarto at Amsterdam in 1648,
with numerous subsequent editions. The original journals
kept in the different ships of this fleet are still in existence,
from which it is seen that the printed work is only a com-
pendium. At the Hague I made verbatim copies for the Cape
gOTemment of those portions of the original manuscripts
referring to South Africa, and I found that one or two
curious errors had been made by the compiler of the printed
journal. As an instance, the midshipman Frank van der
Does, in the ship EoUandia, when describing the Hottentots
states: ''Haer haer opt hooft stadt oft affgeschroijt waer
vande zonne, ende sien daer wyt eenich gelyck een dieff
die door het langhe hanghen verdroocht is." This is given
in the printed journal: '^Het hayr op hare hoofden is als
't hayr van een mensche die een tijdt langh ghehanghen
heeft," an alteration which turns a graphic sentence into
nonsense.
Begin ende Voortgangh van de Vereenighde Nederlantsche
Geoetroyeerde Oost Indische Compagnie, vervatende de voomaeniste
Beysen hy de Imooonderen dersdver Provincien derwaerts gedaen.
In two thick volumes. Printed in 1646. This work contains
the journals in a condensed form of the fleets under Comelis
Houtman, Pieter Both, Joris van Spilbergen, and others, as
also the first charter of the East India Company.
Joumael van de Voyagie gedaen met drie Schepen^ genaemt
den Bam, Sehasp, ende het Lam, gevaren uyt Zedandt, van
der Stadt Camp^Vere, naer d* Oost Indien, onder *t heleyt
van den Beer Admirad Joris van SpHbergeny gedaen in de
jaren 1601, 1602, 1603 en 1604. Contained in the collec-
tion of voyages known as Begith ende Voortgangh van de
Vereenighde Nederlantsche Geoetroyeerde Oost Indische Com-
pagnie, printed in 1646, and also published separately in
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Preface. ix
quarto at Amsterdam in I6489 with numerous editions there-
after. An account of the naming of Table Bay is to be
found in this work.
Loffdycke Voyagie op Oost ItuUen mei 8 Scheepen vyi Te9$d
gevaren in H Jaer 1606 onder het hdeyi van den Admirad
Paidus va/n Gaerden, haer week genomen hehbende tusschen Mcuta-
gaseao' ende Abimna deur. A pamphlet of forty-eight pages,
published at Amsterdam in 1646.
BesehriJvingJie pan de tweede Voyagie ghedaen met 12 Sekepen
naer (2' Oost Indien onder den Heer Admirad Steven van der
Hageny waer inne verhadt wert het veroveren der Portugeeer
Forten op Amboyna ende Tydor. A pamphlet of ninety-one
pagesy printed at Amsterdam in 1616.
de Jongei J. E. J. : De Opkomat van het Nederlanseh Oezag in
Ooet Indie. Versameling van onuitgegeven Stukhen nit het oudko-
loniaai Archief. Uitgegeven en bewerht door Jhr. Mr. J. K. J.
de Jonge. The Hague and Amsterdam. The first part of this
valuable history was published in 1862, the second part in
1864, and the third part in 1865. These three volumes
embrace the general history of Dutch intercourse with the
East Indies from 1595 to 1610. They contain accounts of
the several early trading associations, of the voyages and
successes of the fleets sent out, of the events which led to
the establishment by the states-general of the great Chartered
East India Company, and of the progress of the Company
until the appointment of Peter Both as first governor-general.
Bather more than half of the work is composed of copies of
original documents of interest. The fourth part, published
in 1869, is devoted to Java, and with it a particular account
of the Eastern possessions is commenced. The history was
carried on as far as the tenth volume, which was published
in 1878, but the work was unfinished at the time of the
author's death in 1880.
When preparing the last two chapters of this book I con-
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X Preface.
salted a quantity of manuscript records in various places and
the following printed volumes: —
Prior, James : Voyage along the Eastern Goad of Africa to
Moxambique, Johawnay and QuUoa, in the NisM frigate. An
octavo volume of one hundred and fourteen pages, published
at London in 1819.
Narrative of Voyages to explore the Shores of Afrieay Arabia,
and Madagascar, performed in HM. ships Leven and Barraeouta,
wider the directum of Captain W. F. W. Owen, B.N., by com-
mand of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, Two octavo
volumes, London, 1833. The expedition was engaged in sur-
veying the East African coast from Delagoa Bay northward
at intervals between October 1822 and September 1825. In
these volumes there is a good deal of information concerning
the Portuguese settlements.
Botelho, SebastiSlo Xavier : Memoria Estatidiea sobre os
Dominios Portuguezes na Africa Oriental. A crown octavo
volume of four hundred pages, published at Lisbon in 1835.
The author of this book was governor and captain general of
Mozambique from the 20th of January 1825 to the 2l8t of
August 1829, and therefore one might reasonably expect some-
thing authoritative from his pen. But the historical and
geographical inaccuracies are so numerous as to prove that
his power of observation was small and his capacity for
research still less. The book is of very little value. The
only chapter in it from which I derived any information at
all that I could depend upon is the one containing an account
of the prazos of Tete and Sena.
Ensaios sobre a Statistica das Possessoes Portuguezas na Africa
Oceidental e Oriental, na Asia Occidental, na China, e na Oceania,
eseriptos de ordem do Qovemo de sua Magestade Fidelissima a
Senhora Dona Maria II, por Jos6 Joaquim Lopes de Lima e
Francisco Maria Bordalo. Three volumes were written before
Senhor de Lima's death, and were published at Lisbon 1844
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Pre/ace. xi
to 1846, bat he did not reach as far as Eastern Africa. The
work was then entrusted to Senhor Bordalo, who completed
it in three more yolumes. The first of Bordalo's volames was
published at Lisbon in 1859, and is deyoted entirely to Eastern
Africa. It has been most carefully written, and as its materials
were drawn from original documents in the public records and
from other trustworthy sources, it is thoroughly reliable. The
author treated his subject in a judicial manner, though, as a
patriotic Portuguese, he was unable to detect the true causes
of his country's want of success in Eastern Africa. No English
writer could deal more severely than he with the general
corruption of the seventeenth century, or with the decline
and fall of missionary enterprise.
Livingstone, David, M.D. : A Popular Aeeount of Missionary
Travels and Besearehes in South Africa. An octavo volume
of fonr hundred and thirty-six pages, published at London in
1861.
de Lacerda, D. Jos^: Exame das Viagens do Doutor Living-
stone. An octavo volume of six hundred and thirty-five pages,
published at Lisbon in 1867.
Ddagoa Bay. Correspondenee respecting the claims of Her
Majesty's Oovemment. A bluebook of two hundred and fifty-
one pages, printed at London in 1875, and presented to both
Houses of Parliament by command of Her Majesty. This
bluebook contains all the documents and maps put in on both
sides when the question of the ownership of the southern and
eastern shores of Delagoa Bay was referred for decision to the
president of the French Republic. The Portuguese submitted
their case in their own language, with a French translation
in parallel columns, and the latter only appears in the English
bluebook. Those who desire to consult the former can do so
in the Portuguese yellow-books entitled, Questdo entre Portugal
e a Oran-Bretanha sujeita a arbitragem do Presidente da Bepuih
lica France/say published at Lisbon in 1874.
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xii Pre/ace,
La HoUande et la Baie-Delagoa^ par M. L. yan Deyenter»
Ancien Consul G6n6ial des Pays-Bas. An octayo pamphlet
of eighty pages, published at the Hague in 1883. There is a
great deal of accurate information in this pamphlet, which
was prepared after much research in the archiyes at the
Hague and elsewhere.
BktudoB Mbre as Provineiaa UhramcmnaSy por Jo&o de
Andrade Coryo, Socio effectiyo da Academia Beal das
Sciencias de Lisboa. Four octayo yolumes published at
Lisbon, 1883 to 1887. The second yolume of this carefully
written and reliable work treats solely of the Portuguese
possessions on the eastern coast of Africa, and the first and
third also contain useful matter upon the same country.
Maniea: being a Report add/ressed to the Minister of the
Marine cmd the Colonies of Portugal. By J. Paiya de Andrada,
Colonel of Artillery. A crown octayo pamphlet of sixty-three
pages, published at London in 1891.
Selous, Frederick Courteney : Travel and Adventure in
South-East Afriea, being the Narrative of the last eleven years
spent by the Author on the Zambesi and its Tributaries, with
an Account of the Colonisation of Mashunaland and the Pro-
gross of the Gold Industry in thai Cowntry. A royal octayo
yolume of flye hundred and three pages, published at London
in 1893.
Matabeleland : the War, and our Position in South Afriea.
By Archibald R. Colquhoun, First Administrator of Mashona-
land. A crown octayo yolume of one hundred and sixty-seyen
pages, published in London in 1894.
De Castilho, Augusto: 0 Distrieto de Lourenfo Marques
no presente e no future. A crown octayo yolxmie of two
hundred and thirty-two pages, published at Lisbon in 1882.
The first ninety-four pages are occupied with a well written
historical and descriptiye account of the station of Louren^o
Marques, the remainder of the book consists of an appendix
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Preface. xiii
containing copies of treaties, letters and reports concerning
a railway to Pretoria, and Marshal Macmahon*s award.
A Provineia de Mofcmbique e o Bonga. For Delfim Jos^ de
OliTeira. A pamphlet of forty-two pages, printed at Coimbra
in 1879.
A Expedigao da Zambezia em 1869. A pamphlet of forty-
eight pages, printed at Nova Goa in 1870.
Geo. M. Thsal.
LiONDOK, January 1902.
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CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
THE IARLUST IKBABITAKTB of BOUTH AFBIOA.
Evidenoe afforded by andent shell mounds. — Stone weapons of a remote age. —
Ancient workshops. — Progress in the manufacture of stone implements. —
Physical features of the country. — ^Hunger, disease, and war as factors of
progress. — Speculations upon the origm of the Hottentots. — ^Migrations of
the Bantu. — Areas occupied at the close of the fifteenth century by the
Hottentots, the Bantu, and the Bushmen. — Skull measurements of the three
races. — ^Variations in appearance of the three races.
Bushmen : Language. — ^Dwellings. — ^Food. — ^Weapons. — Stone implements. —
Clothing. — Ornaments. —Fire-sticks. — ^Prolificness. — ^Disposition. — Loyo of
liberty. — AbseDce of government. — Superstitions. — Low reasoning faculty.
— ^Power of mimicry. — ^Artistic skill — Sense of locality. — Ordinary mode of
living. — ^Incapability of improvement.
Hottentots: Different appearance from Bushmen. — Language. — Division into
tribes. — Form of government. — Possession of domestic animals. — ^Food. —
Use of intoxicants. — Clothing. — Ornaments. — Dwellings. — Weapons.—
Knowledge of metallurgy. — ^Manufactures. — ^Degraded mode of life of
impoverished clans. — Superstitions. — BeligioD. — Disposition. — Marriage
customs. — ^Imaginative powers.— Pastimes. — Capability of improvement.
Pagel
CHAPTER II.
BXSCTBIPTIOH OP THB BAMTU TBIBX8 OF SOOTH AFBIOA.
Knowledge of the Bantu derivable from Portuguese sources. — Area occupied by
the Bantu at the beginning of the sixteenth century. — Origin of the title
Bantu. — Tribal variations. — ^Features. — ^Mixture of blood. — Comparative
freedom from disease. — ^Destruction of deformed children. — Longevity. —
Language. — ^Form of government. — ^Privileges of members of ruling families.
— ^Law of succession to the chieftainship. — ^Method of formation of new
tribes.— Standard of virtue. — Form of oath. — ^Revenue of the chiefs. —
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xvi Contents.
Charges upon tbe government — Nature of religion. — Instance of the effect
of religion. — Belief in spirits. — ^Method of interment of deceased chiefs. —
Treatment of widows of deceased chiefs. — Ori^ of the belief in Qgmata. —
Belief in the appearance of the spirits of the dead in the form of different
animal8.--0rigin of tribal titles. — Superstitions.— Instances of effect of the
belief in wattr spirits.— Belief in the existence of people living under the
water.— Instance of the effect of this belief.— Btory of the chameleon and
the little lizard. — Legend of the origin of men and animals. — Festivities on
the appearance of a new moon. — ^Duties of tribal priests. — ^Effect of religion
on government— Belief in witchcraft— ^Rainmakers. — ^Herbalists.— Belief
in charms. — ^Revolting cruelty to animals. — ^Use of the daula. — ^Receptacle
for charms Page 29
CHAPTER III.
DE6CBIPTI0N OF THE BAKTU— {oonllflllfcO.
System of traditional law. — Communal responsibility. — Form of legal proceed-
ings.— ^Modes of punishment — ^Trials for witchcraft. — Grefit destruction of
life caused by such trials. — ^Instance of effect of the belief in witchcraft. —
Dreadful pimishment of relatives of persons pronounced guilty of dealing in
witchcraft — ^Trial by ordeal. — Method of reckoning time. — Traditional
history. — Imperfection of such history. — Characteristics of folklore. —
Cause of such tales giving pleasure. — Specimens of proverbs. — ^Poetry. —
War chants. — ^Musical instruments. — Official praisers of chiefs. — ^Dynastic
names. — ^Method of giving namee to individuals. — ^Practice of circumcision.
— Horrible customs connected with this practice. — Corresponding rites for
females. — Ceremonies connected therewith. — ^Practice of polygamy. — ^Posi-
tion of women. — ^Method of contracting marriage. — ^Marriage festivities.
— Restrictions with regard to the relationship of the man and the woman. —
Practice with regard to childless women. — ^Instance of its observance. —
Reasons for marriage giving cause to much litigation. — Slight regard paid
to chastity of females. — ^Polyandrous marriages. — Custom of hlonipa. —
Respect of women for their husbands' male relatives in the asoending line.
Page 66
CHAPTER IV.
DESOBIFriON OF THB BANTU— (conhnuec^).
Agricultural industry. — ^Method of making beer. — Use of wild hemp for
smoking. — ^Method of preserving grain. — ^Products of gardens. — Animal
food. — Method of capturing game. — ^Insect food. — ^Hospitality. — Canni-
balism.— Land tenure. — Law of trespass. — Sites of kraals. — Huts. —
Domestic cattle. — Law of descent of property. — Weapons of war. —
Military training. — Clothing. — Ornaments. — Modes of dressing the hair. —
Head rests. — Iron manufactures.^- Smelting furnaces. — Extent of the
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Contents. xvii
Uackomith's art.~Manuikcture8 of copper.— Manufacturee of wood. —
Canoes. — Qlue vafles.— Preparation of skins for dothing.— Collection of gold.
-^Manufacture of earthenware. — ^Basketwork. — ^Use of stone. — Habits of
the men. — Cattle stealing. — ^Disregard of truth. — ^Deoeptiye powers. —
Comparison of the coast tribes with those of the interior. — ^Freedom from
care. — Ordinary life of women. — ^Amusements of children.— Outdoor games.
— Indoor games. — Toys. — ^The nodiwu. — Method of keeping birds from
gardens. — ^Forms of greeting. — Condition of the Bantu at present. —
Intellectual power of children. — Occasional afatlity of individuals. —
Instances of ability. — ^Want of mechanical genius. — Strong consenratism of
the mass of the people Page 78
CHAPTEE V.
A8IATI0 IMMIGBANTS m 80UTH-SA8TXBN ATBICA.
Appearance of Asiatics in South Africa in remote times. — ^Erection of numerous
massiTe stone buildings. — ^The temple of Great Zimbabwe. — Comparative
civilisation of its builders. — ^Their religion. — Articles found in the ruins. —
Extensive gold-mining operations of the Asiatic intruders. — Use of African
slaves as labourers. — Irrigation works. — Length of the ancient Asiatic
occupation. — Fusion of Asiatic and African blood. — Disappearance of the
Asiatics from tradition. — ^Origin of the Emozaidi. — ^Foundation of Maga-
dosho and Brava by Arabs. — ^Discovery and occupation of Sofala. — Arrival
of a party of Persians. — Foundation of Eilwa. — Description of Eilwa. —
Quarrels between the different Asiatic settlers. — Conquest of Sofala by
Kilwa. — Qreat power of Eilwa. — ^Usurpation of the government of Eilwa.
by the emir Abraham. — Independence of Sofala under the sheik Isuf. —
Commerce of the Asiatic settlements.~Utility of the cocoa palm. — Style of
vessel in use. — Method of navigation to India. — ^Articles obtained from
India, Persia, and Arabia.— Commerce with the Bantu. — ^Tazes on trade. —
Extent of government by the Asiatics. — ^Description of the Asiatic colooibts.
— Description of the mixed breeds. — ^Description of Magadosbo, Brava,
Melinde, Mombasa, Pemba, Zanzibar, Mafia, Eilwa, Mozambique, the
Zambesi river, Sofala, and Inhambane in 1500.— <]ause of Cape Correntes
bdng the limit of navigation by the Asiatics Page 101
CHAPTEB VL
DIBCOVBBT 07 AN OCEAN BOUTE TO INDIA.
Importance of the discovery of an ocean route to India. — ^Poeition of the
Mohamedan states at the time. — ^Previous routss of eastern commerce. —
Geographical knowledge before this event. — ^Devotion of Prince Henrique
of Portugal to maritime discovery. — Eariy exploration by the Portuguese.
— ^Voyages of Diogo Cam. — ^Expedition under Barthoknneu Dias. — ^Visit to
Angra Pequena. — ^First entry of European shipe into the Indian ocean. —
b
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xviii Contents.
Visit to Angra doe Yaqueiros, Agoada de Sfio Bras, and the islet of Santa
Cruz. — ^Return of the expedition fix)m the mouth of the river Infante. —
Discovery of the Cape of Good Hope. — Journey to Aden of Affonso de
Paiva and Joao Pires. — ^Visit of Jo9o Pires to India and Sofala.— Expedi-
tion under Vasco da Gama. — Visit to Saint Helena Bay. — First intercourse
between Europeans and Hottentots. — ^Adventure of FemSo Veloso. — ^Visit
to Agoada da Sfio Bras. — ^Naming of Natal. — ^Intercourse with Bantu at the
mouth of the Limpopo. — Visit to the river Eilimane. — Arrival at Mozam-
bique.— ^Events at this island. — ^Visit to Mombasa. — ^Friendly reception at
Melinde. — ^Arrival of Da Qama at Calicut. — ^Events during the return
pasnage to Portugal Page 123
CHAPTER VII.
SUCCEEDING VOTAOBS AKD CONQUBSTS.
Departure from the Tagus of a fleet under Pedro Alvares Cabral. — Discovery of
South America. — Loss of four ships in a tornado. — ^Death of Bartholomeu
Diss. — Arrival of Cabral at Mozambique. — ^Visit to Kilwa. — ^Events at this
place. — Visit to Melinde. — ^Events dnring the return passage. — Visit of
Sancbo de Tear to Sofala. — New titles assimied by the king of Portugal —
Voyaj:je of Jo5o da Nova. — ^Erection of a place of worship at Agoada de
Sao Bras. — Discovery of the island of Saint Helena. — Second voyage of
Dom Vasco da Gama. — ^Visit to Sofala. — Events at Kilwa. — ^Barbarous
treatment of the crew of a captured vesseL — Departure of a squadron
under Antonio de Saldanha. — First visit to Table Bay. — Naming of Table
Mountain. — Cruise of Buy LoureD9o Bavasoo. — ^Voyage of Lopo Soares
d^Albergaria. — First shipwreck on the South African coast. — ^Extension of
Portuguese authority in the East. — Appointment of Dom Francisco
d^Almeida as viceroy. — Storming and sacking of Eilwa. — ^Erection at
Kilwa of the first Portuguese fort in tbe East — Settlement of the govern*
ment of Kilwa. — Storming and sacking of Mombasa. — ^Friendly intercourse
with Melinde. — ^Voyage of Tristao da Cuoha. — ^Destruction of the town of
Oja. — ^Storming and sacking of Brava. — Predominance of the Portuguese
on the eastern coast of Africa. — ^Destruction of a great Mohamedan fleet
off Diu. — Succession of Affonso d'Alboquerque to Dom Francisco
d' Almeida. — Slaughter of Dom Francisco d' Almeida and sixty-four others
in a skirmish with Hottentots near Table Valley. — Names given by the
Portuguese to places on the South African coast Page 151
CHAPTER Vm.
OCCUPATION OF SOFALA AND MOZAMDIQUB.
Exaggerated rumours concerning the gold of Sofala. — ^Expedition under Pedro
d*Anaya. — Oocurrenoe at Flesh Bay. — Shipwreck on the East African
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const — ^Arrival of the expedition at So&la. — ^Intendew of Pedro d'Annya
with the sheik Isuf. — ^Feuds among the Mohamedans. — ^Erection of a fort at
Sofala. — ^BarharouB conduct of Frandaoo d'Anaya. — ^Deaths from fever at
Sofala. — ^Attack upon the fort. — ^Repulse of the amailanta. — ^Death of the
sheik Isuf. — Subjection of the Mohamedans. — ^Death of Pedro d'Anaya. —
Voyage of Gyde Barbudo and Pedro Quaresma. — ^Account of affairs at
Eilwa. — ^Regulations respecting trade. — ^Voyage of Yaaco Gomes d'Abreu. —
Occupation of Mozambique. — Great mortality at Mozambique. — Loss at
sea of four ships under Vasco Gomes d'Abreu. — ^Events at Kilwa. —
Abandonment of Kilwa by the Portuguese. — ^Decadence of Kilwa. — ^Manner
of conducting trade at Sofala. — ^Information given by Diogo d'Akafova. —
Report of Duarte de Lemos.— Clandestine traffic of the Mohamedans.
— Report of Pedro Yas Scares. — Treatment of the Mohamedans. —
Amount of the gold trade. — DeaUngs with Bantu chiefs. — ^Unsuccessful
attempt to form a station on the Zambesi. — ^Report of Fraadsoo de Brito. —
War between Bantu tribes. — ^Amount of the ivory trade. — Second attempt
to form a station on the ZambeeL — Method of obtaioing pearls at the
Bazaruta islands Page 182
CHAPTER IX.
INTSB00UB8B OF THK FOBTUOUESB WITH THE BANTU.
Position of the Makalanga. — ^Position of the Batonga. — Origin of the title
Monomotapa. — Description of the Makalanga. — Meaning of the word
Zimbabwe. — ^Division of the Kalanga tribe into two sections. — Origin of
the Tshikanga chieftainship. — Dealings oi tiie Portuguese with chiefs of
clans. — ^Establishment of the outpost Seoa on the Zambesi. — ^Foundation of
Tete. — ^Foundation of KiUmane. — Exploration of Delagoa Bay by Louren^o
Marques and Antouio Caldeira. — Opening of trade at Delagoa Bay and at
Inhttnbftne. — ^Amount of the ivory trade. — Condition of the Portuguese in
South-Eastem Africa. — ^Prevalence of rapacity and corruption. — ^War with
the Turks. — Siege of Diu by the pasha Soleiman. — Heroic defence by tlie
Portuguese under Antonio da Silveira. — Construction of Fort fi9o Sebastiao
at Mozambique. — ^Formation of the Company of Jesus. — Account of Dom
Gon9alo da Silveira. — Attempt by the Jesuits to establish a mission in
South Africa. — ^Arrival of the missionaries at Otongwe near Inhambane. —
Baptism of the chief Ghunba and many others. — Journey of Dom Gon9alo
da Silveira to the kraal of the Monomotapa. — Separation of the Kiteve
chieftainship f^m that of the Monomotapa. — ^Baptism of the Monomotapa
and many of his people. — Enmity of the Mohamedans to the missionary.
— ^Murder of Dom Gon9alo da Silveira. — Account of the mission at
Otongwe. — Abandonment of the mission .. Page 211
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XX Contents.
CHAPHGB X.
BI8A8TB0UB XXPBDITIOKB X7NDBB BABRBTO AlTD HOMEX.
Accession of Dom Sebastifio to the throne of .PortngaL — Scheme of a vast
African empire. — Specnktions concerning the gold mines of South Africa.
— ^Decisiim of the table of conscienoe. — Division of India into three govern-
ments.— ^Appointment of Frandsco Barreto as commander of an expedition
to South Africa. — Departure of the expedition. — ^Events on the passage. —
Arriyal at Monmbique. — ^Abandonment of the captaincy of Mozambique
by Pedro Barreto. — Condition of Mozambique. — Visit of Francisco Barreto
to the northern ports. — ^Events at Mozambique after his return.— Arrival
of the expedition at Sena. — Condition of the expeditionary force. — ^Disaster
from sickness at Sena. — ^Barbarous treatment of the Mohamedans there.
—Communication with the Monomotapa. — ^Advance of the expedition up
the ZambesL — ^Attack upon the tribe under Mongasi. — Successive victorious
encounters. — ^Distress from nckness and want of provisions. — ^Necessity
of retieatiog to Sena. — ^Treacherous conduct of Antonio Pereira BrandSo.
— Satisfactory arrangements with the Monomotapa. — Construction of a
fort at Sena. — ^Visit of Francisco Barreto to Mozambique. — ^Return of
Barreto to Sena with reinforcements. — ^Dreadful mortality at Sena. —
Death of Francisco Barreto. —Succession of Yasco Fernandes Homem to
the chief command. — Retirement to Mozambique of the remnant of the
expeditionary force. — Renewed attempt to invade the country by way of
Sofala. — ^Defeat of the Eiteve tribe. — ^March of the expedition to MasikesL
— ^Arrangements with the Tshikanga and the Eiteye. — Loss of two hundred
men on the Zambesi. — ^Abandonment of the scheme of conquest. — ^Reversion
to the old system of government Page 232
CHAPTER XL
BVEirro TO THB OLOBB OF THB BIXTEBKTH CBimUBT.
Death of Eing Sebastifio. — ^Immediate decline of Portugal.^Oau8es of her
decline in power. — ^Union of Portugal and Spam under onb kmg.—
Establishment by the Dominicans of missions in South Afrioa.-^Re8i-
denoe of the friar JoBo dos Santos at Sofala. — ^Description of SofieJa. —
Condition of the Mohamedans.— Productions of Sofflda. — Account of a
Portuguese chief. — ^Manner of conducting the coasting trade. — ^Dealmgs
with the Eiteve.— Wars amoDg the Bantu.— Description of Sena.— Mode
of payment of oflGLdals. — ^Dealings with the Monomotapa. — ^Description of
Tete. — Account of Bantu subjects of Tete.— Description of the trading
etations Masapa, Luanze, and Bukoto. — Account of the Sedanda tribe. —
Ignorance of the Portuguese of the country west of the Monomotapa*s
territory. — ^Manufactures of the Bantu. — ^Route of ships between Portugal
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Contents. xxi
<ind India. — Appearance on the Zambesi of a horde of ferociooB saTBges. —
Separation of the horde into sections. — ^March of one section to the shore
of the Indian sea. — Great damage done by it to Mosambique, Eilwa, and
Mombaaa. — ^Defeat of a section of the horde by the captain of Tete. —
Pnctioe of cannibalism by the Mumboe and the Masimba.^ — ^Deatmotion of
a Mumbo dan by the captain of Tete. — ^War between a olan of the
Maaimba and the Partogoese of Sena. — ^March of the people of Tete to
the assistanoe of Sena. — Complete destnietion of the Portuguese of Tete. —
Murder of the £aar Nioolau do Bosario. — ^Defeat of the people of Sena.
— ^Unsuccessful attempt of the ciq^rtain of Mozambique to subdue the
enemy. — ^Unsatisfactory terms of peace. — Methods of carrying on trade
iuring the sixteenth century .. .. Psge266
CHAPTER XIL
KNOWLEDGE DEBIYED FBOM BHIPWBBCKB.
Loss of the galleon Bdo JoB/o near the mouth of the Umsimvubu riTer. —
Journey of the wrecked people to Delagoa Bay. — Friendly conduct of the
Inyaka. — Fate of Manuel de Sousa Sepulveda, his wife Dona Leonor, and
many others on the northern bank of the Espirito Santo. — ^Arrival of a
few suryivors at Mozambique. — ^Loss of the Sdto Benio at the mouth of
the Umtata river. — Terrible journey through an almost uninhabited
country. — ^Aniyal at Delagoa Bay. — Sufferings from hunger there. —
Besooe of a few survivors. — ^Account of the psssage of Francisco Barreto
from India to Europe. — Survt^ of the South African coast by Manuel de
Mesquita Perestrello. — ^Naming of Saint Sebastian's Bay, Saint Francis
Bay, and Point Delgada.->Wreck of the Santiago in the Moeambique
channel. — ^Account of the commerce of the delta of the ZambesL — ^Wreck
of the BOo 7%om4 off the eastern coast — Pitiful scene on the departure of
a boat — Devotion to duty of the friar Nioolau do Bosaria — ^Arrival at
Delagoa Bay of the people in the boat. — Sufferings of the people at Delagoa
Bay. — ^Plunder oi the trading pangayo by the natives. — Journey of some
of the people to Sofala.— Wreck of the Sa^Uo Alberto near the mouth of
the Umtata.-— Account of the natives at the place of the wreck. — ^Remark-
able joum^ to Delagoa Bay. — ^Dealings with the natives on the way. —
Account of the Bantu tribes south of Delagoa Bay. — Insignificance of the
clans south of Natal Page 277
CHAPTER XIU.
AFFEABANCE OF BIVAL8 IN THE EASTERN SEAS.
Infirmity of Portugal under the Gastilian kings. — ^Early voyages of the French
to the eastern seas. — Residence of the Jesuit father Thomas Stephens in
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xxii Contents.
India. — ^Note upon the book of Sir John MandeviUe. — ^Voyage of Sir
Francis Drake round the world. — Adventures of several Englishmen in
India. — ^Voyage of Thomas Candish. — Visit of English ships to Table Bay.
— ^Attempts of the Dutch to discover a north-east passage to India. —
Account of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten. — ^Residence of Linschoten in
India. — ^Value of his published writings. — Description of Mozambique. —
First voyage of a Dutch fleet to India. — ^Formation of several companies in
the Netherlands to trade with India. — Account by John Davis of the
variation of the magnetic needle at the Gape of GRkkL Hope. — Naming uf
Mossel Bay, Flesh Bay, and Fish Bay by Paulas van Caerden. — Naming
of Table Bay by Joris van Spilbergen. — Naming of Dassen Island by Sir
Edward Michelbume. — Union of the different trading associations in the
Netherlands into one great Company. — Charter of the United Netherlands
East India Company. — Capital of the Company. — Advantages to the State
from the formation of the Company. — Subsequent modifications of the
constitution of the Company. — Departure of its first fleets. — Success of the
Company in obtaining territory at the expense of the Portuguese. —
Enormous dividends paid to the shareholders .. .. .. Page 302
CHAPTER XIV.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE DUTCH AND ENGLISH.
Desire of the Dutch to obtain possession of the eastern coast of Africa. — Siege
of Mozambique by Steven van der Hagen. — ^Invasion of the territory of the
Monomotapa by the Cabires. — Defeat of the Portuguese in the war with
the Cabires.— Failure of Van der Hagen to get possession of Fort SSo
Sebastiao. — Siege of Mozambique by Paulus van Caerden. — Successful
defence of Fort SSo SebastiSo by Dom EstevSo d'Ataide. — ^Destruction of
the town and the plantations on the mainland by the Dutch. — Partial
repair of the damages by the Portuguese. — Siege of Mozambique by Pieter
WiUemszoon Verhoeff.— Ghdlant conduct of Dom EstevSo d'Ataide. — Cap-
ture of the ship Bom Jenu. — ^Abandonment of the siege. — Commercial
progress of the Dutch. — ^Use made of Table Bay by the Dutch. — Visit
to Table Bay of the first fleet fitted out by the English East India
Company. — ^Voyage of Sir Edward Michelbume. — Last voyage of Captain
John Davis. — ^Use made of Table Bay by the English. — Proclamation of
British sovereignty over South Africa by Captains Shillinge and Fitz-
herbert. — Attempted alliance between the English and Dutch East India
Companies. — Occurrences with Hottentots on the shores of Table Bay. —
Account of the Hottentot Cory. — Landing of English convicts on the
shores of Table Bay. — Objects of this measure. — ^Visit of Sir Thomas Boe
to Table Valley. — Neglect of South Africa by the English at this time.
Page 321
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Contents. xxiii
CHAPTER XV.
FBUITLE88 8SABCH FOB SILVEB MINB8.
PumpouB instrnctioDB issued by Eang PbOippe II. — Rich specimens of silver
ore sent to Lisbon from Mozambique. — ^War between the chief Tshunzo
and the Monomotapa. — Character of the Monomotapa Gasilusere. — ^Assist-
ance given by the Portuguese of Tete and Sena to the Monomotapa. —
Success in war of the chief Matuziauye. — ^Aooount of Diogo StmOes
Madeira. —Cession of mines to the king of Portu^ by Gtasilusere. —
Continuation of the war between G^asilusere and Matuzianye. — ^Dependence
of the Monomotapa upon Diogo Madeira. — Arrival of Dom Nuno Alvares
Pereira at Tete as head of an expedition in search of the silver mines. —
Defeat and death of Matuzianye. — ^Arrival of Dom EstevSo d*Ataide as
successor of Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira. — Changed attitude of the Maka-
langa towards the Europeans. — War between the Portuguese and the
Monomotapa. — ^Recall and death of Dom EstevSo d'Ataide. — Proceedings
of Diogo Madeira. — Conquest of the tribe imder the chief Tshombe. —
Conclusion of peace with the Monomotapa. — Occupation of Chicova. —
Journey of Ghispar Bocarro from Chicova to Eilwa. — Arrival of the fiiar
JoSo dos Santos at Chicova. — Deplorable condition of the garrison of
Chicova. — ^Arrival of the commissioner Francisco da Fonseca Pinto. —
Abandonment of Chicova. — ^Arrival of Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira as
commander in chief.— Failure to discover silver mines. — Reversion to the
old form of government. — ^Appointment of an ecclesiastical administrator.
— Occurrences at Sofala .. .. .. .. .. .. Page 341
CHAPTER XVL
EYBNTS OF IMTEBE8T FBOX 1628 TO 1652.
Hostility of the Monomotapa Kapranzine to the Europeans.— Murder of an
envoy. — ^Attack upon Masapa and Luanze. — ^Elevation by the Europeans
of Manuza as Monomotapa. — Defeat of Kapranzine. — Declaration by
Mannza of vassalage to the king of Portugal. — Baptism of Ma^^^^v. —
Successful raid by Kapranzine. — ^Murder of two Dominican friars. —
Arrival of the captain of Mozambique with an army. — Conquest of
M«"ikft. — ^Defeat and flight of Kapranzine. — Establishment of new trading
stations. — Great extension of mission work by the Dominicans. — Search
for mines. — ^Absurd letters from the king.— Construction of a stockade at
Kilimane.— Report upon the country by Pedro Barreto de Rezende. —
Description of Sofala, Sena, and Tete. — ^Account of the Dominican and
Jesuit missions. — Condition of the Mohamedans. — Account of the adminis-
tration of justice. — Wreck of the ship 83^ Qanfdlo at Plettenberg's Bay.
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xiv Contents.
— ^Wreck of the ship No99a Senhora de Bdem on the coast of Pondoland. —
Aooeasion of the duke of Bragan^ to the throne of Portugal. — ^Truce
between Portugal and the Netherlands. — Opemng of the slaye trade with
Brazil — Baptism of the Kiteve. — Dealings with an English ship at Mozam-
bique.— ^Death of the Monomotapa Manuza. — Baptism of his successor. —
Formation of a Dutch settlement in Table Valley . • .. Page 365
OHAPTBB XVn,
WXAKHESS OF FOBTUOUXSE BULE IN SOUTH A7BICA.
Successiye sovereigns of Portugal. — Close connection between Portugal and
England. — ^Disintegration of the Bantu tribes between the Zambesi and
Sabi rivers. — ^Acquisition of great prazos by individual Portuguese.-^
Position of the prazo holders. — ^War between some of the prazo holders
and the Monomotapa. — ^Murder of the Monomotapa. — Appointment of his
successor by the Portuguese. — System of female prazo holders. — ^Description
of Sena, Tete, and Sofala in 1667. — ^Trading stations in the country. —
Administration of justice. — ^Number of places of worship. — Ghneral cor-
raption and oppression. — ^Views of the Jesuit father Manuel Barreto. —
Different systems of carrying on trade. — Revolt of the Mohamedans to the
north. — ^Attack upon Mozambique.— Restoration of comparative order by
Dom Pedro d'Almeida. — ^Establishment of free trade. — Schemes of colonisa-
tion.— ^Ruinous competition of Indian traders. — ^General discontent in the
country. — Abolition of free trade. — ^Establishment of a chartered trading
company. — Dissolution of the company. — ^Resumption of commerce by the
royal treasury. — ^Account of the Jesuit missions in the country. — ^Estab-
lishment by the Jesuits of a seminary at Sena. — Care of the hospital at
Mozambique by the order of Saint John of God. — Causes of the decline
of the Dominican order. — ^Activity of the commissary friar Frandsoo da
Trindade. — ^Destruction of stations. — Extent of territory traversed by
missionaries. — Trouble caused by pirate ships and by illicit traders. —
Abendonmeut by the Portuguese of the trade at Delagoa Bay •• Page 387
CHAPTER XVUL
SVEHT8 DUBINO THE EIGHTEENTH OENTUBT.
Condition of the Portuguese government at home. — ^Ability of the marquis of
Pombal. — ^Perpetual wars among the Bantu. — ^Instances of wars between
the Portuguese and the Bantu. — ^Attempt to support the Monomotapa. —
Events connected with the friar Constantino do Rosario^ son of the Mono-
motapa.— Corruption in commercial affairs. — ^Reasons of the court at Lisbon
for trying to preserve the African trade. — Occupation of Delagoa Bay by
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Contents, xxv
the Dutch from 1721 to 1730. — ^Tnde with foreignerb at Mozambiqne.—
Change in the character of the oommerce. — Attempts of the Dutch to carry
on commerce at Inhamhane. — ConBtruction by the Portuguese of a fort at
Inhambane. — ^Description of Inhamhane in 1771. — Introduction of municipal
govemment.~Treatment of the Mohamedans. — ^Decline of the Dominican
order. — ^Number of misidonaries in the country. — ^Expulsion of the J( suits
from the Portuguese dominions. — Suppression of the Company of Jesus. —
Withdrawal of the Dominicans from South-Eastem Africa. — ^Establishment
of secular priests in the country. — Extinction of Christianity among th&
Bantu. — ^Number of professing Christians in the country at the beginning
of the nineteenth century. — ^Failure of an attempt to introduce colonists
from India. — ^Neglect of Delagoa Bay. — Attempt of an Austrian Company
to occupy Delagoa Bay. — ^Erection of a fort at Lourengo Marques by the
Portuguese. — ^Destruction of the fort by the French. — Use made of Delagoa
Bay by English and American whaling ships. — Condition of the country
at the dose of the eighteenth century. — Exploration of the territory to tho
westward Pago 408
CHAPTER XIX.
THE LOWEBT POINT OF FOBTUaUBSB AUTHOBITT.
Condition of Portugal during the first half of the nineteenth century. — State of
affairs in South-Eastem Africa. — Progress of the slare trade. — Events at
Delagoa Bay. — ^Establishment by the Portuguese of a Whale Fishing
Company. — ^Visit of an English surveying expedition to Delagoa Bay. —
Particulars concerning the cession of territory to Cheat Britain. — Changes
in the old names of rivers. — Captain Owen's description of Portuguese East
Africa. — ^Particulars concerning the slave trade. — Visit of Commodore
Nourse to Delagoa Bay. — ^Account by the reverend Mr. Threl&U of occur-^
rences after Commodore Nourse's departure. — Exterminating wars of the
Abagaza. — Destruction of Louren90 Marques.~Career of the Angoni. —
Destruction of Inhambane and Sofala. — Description of Sena. — Partial
destruction of Sena. — ^Dreadful havoc among the Bantu. — Reoccupation of
the Portuguese stations. — Further attacks upon Inhambane and Louren9o
Marques. — Census of LoureD9o Marques in 1878. — Occupation of Chiloane
and Santa Carolina. — Continuation of the slave trade. — Laws regarding:
other commerce. — Creation of a council for the province of Mozambique.
— ^Improvement of the courts of justice. — ^Reoccupation of Zumbo. —
Crossing of the continent in both directions between Tete and Loanda
by two native traders. — ^Account of the exploring expedition under Major
Monteiro. — Crossing of the continent from Zanzibar to Angola by three
Arab traders. — Account of the chief Sebetuane.— Crossing of the continent
by the reverend Dr. Livingstone Page 42^
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xxvi Contents.
CHAPTER XX.
BEVIVAL OF AGTITITT IN POBTUGUESB SOUTH AFBICA.
Effect upon the importance of Delagoa Bay of the occupation of the interior by
Europeans.— Declaration of British sovereignty over the islands Inyaka and
Elephant. — ^Account of the civil war in the Gaza tribe. — Conduct of the
chief IJmzila towards the Portuguese. — Conclusion of a treaty between the
Portuguese and the South African Bepublic. — Submission to arbitration of
Great Britain's claim to the southern and eastern shores of Delagoa Bay
— ^Adverse decbion of the president of the French Republic. — Construction
of a railway from Louren90 Marques to the interior. — Present condition of
Louren9o Marques. — Foundation of the town of Beira. — Particulars con-
cemmg the dispute between Great Britain and Portugal as to the possession
of the interior.— Occupation of Rhodesia by the British South Africa
Chartered Company. — ^Dealings with the chief Umtasa.— Services performed
by Gouveia. — Occurrences between British and Portuguese officials at
Umtasa's kraal. — ^Defeat of Portuguese volunteers by British police. —
Treaty between Great Britain and Portugal fixing a boundary and pro-
viding conmiercial facilities. — Construction of a railway from Beira inland.
— ^Description of Beira. — ^Account of the Mozambique Company. — ^Insurrec-
tion of Nyaude and his son Bonga. — Description of Tcte.— Successfiil war
wif h Gungunyana. — Condition of the country at present . . Page 448
^DEX Page 469
Maps akd Plates.
Map showing the territory occupied by different races in
South Africa in 1500 To face page l(Xi
Chart of the eastern coast of Africa frequented by Mohamedans
in 1600 „ „ 122^
Photograph of Manuel de Mesquita Perestrello's map of the
South African coast in 1576 „ „ 290 ^
Photograph of a plan of SoPala in 1634 by Pedro Barreto de
Bezende „ „ 374-
Photograph of a picture of the baptism of the Monomotapa in
1652 „ „ 386
Map of Portuguese South Africa in 1902 „ „ 462
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THE BEGINNING
OF
SOUTH AFBICAN HISTOEY.
CHAPTEE I.
THE EAKLIEST INHABITANTS OP SOUTH AFRICA.
In the present condition of geological knowledge it is impossible
to determine whether South Africa has been the home of human
beings for as long a time as Europe^ but it is certain that men
have roamed over its surface from an exceedingly remote period.
The ancient shell mounds along the coast are usually regarded
as furnishing one proof of this fact. The first of these that
was examined was a heap formerly to be seen in a cave at
Mossel Bay, but one much larger has of late years been dis-
covered on the left bank of a tributary of the Buffalo river at
East London. Its discovery was due to the opening of a quarry,
for it had the semblance of a natural mound, being covered with
a deep layer of vegetable soil, in which trees were growing ; and
this appearance it had presented as far back as could be traced.
Upon examination — which was very thorough, as some forty-two
thousand cubic yards of it were removed to fill a lagoon — it was
found to consist of a mass one hundred and fifty feet long and
forty feet deep, composed of oyster, mussel, and other shells,
mixed with bones of animals of various kinds, ashes, and pieces
of coai-se pottery. No stone implements were obtained in it, but
stones showing the action of fire were common.
B
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2 History of South Africa.
The most ancient shell heaps that have yet been discovered,
however, may have had their origin at a time not vastly remote,
though beyond doubt a great many centuries must have passed
away since such a one as that at East London began to be formed.
Much older are various stone implements shaped by human
hands, which have been found in situations where they must
have lain undisturbed for an incalculable length of time. They
have been picked up, for instance, in gravel washed by a stream
into a recess when its bed of hard rock wtis more than forty feet
liigher than it is at present; in a stratum that once was the
muddy bottom of a pond, but is now the crown of a hill, and
where they must have been deposited before the commencement
of the wearing down of the ravine that separates the hill from a
long slope beyond it ; and at great depths in seolian rock, where
bones of animals and shells are also found.*
None of the spearheads, scrapers, knives, or choppers for
cracking bones were ground or polished, as chipping comprised all
the labour that was bestowed upon them. They were the products
of the skill of man in the lowest stage of his existence. Workshops
where they were manufactured have been discovered in various
places, and to some of these the raw material, or unchipped stone,
must have been brought from a considerable distance. The
artisans may have lived there permanently, or, what is more
probable, some superstition may have been connected with the
localities. At these factories a quantity of stone from which
flakes have been struck, some raw material, a very few finished
articles, and a great many broken ones usually lie wholly or
partially hidden by drift sand or mould, and it is generally by
accident that they are discovered.
The most ancient implements were almost as skilfully made
as those in use for similar purposes by one section of the in-
habitants— the Bushmen — when Europeans first visited the
country, but during the long period that must have elapsed the
inventive faculty of man had not been entirely idle. One imple-
* See the paper on ThA Antiquity of Man in South Africa^ by George R.
McKay, Efiqre., in the pamphlet No. 2 of Belangrijke Eistorische Dokumenten
published by me in Capetown in 1896
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Early Inhabitants. 3
ment at least, and that one requiring more skill, time, and
patience to prepare it than were needed in forming any of the
others, had been brought into general use. The spherical per-
forated stone, which is not found in any of the oldest deposits,
shows a considerable advance in art upon the chipped lance head
of the early river gravel washings. Still, progress, though thus
measurable, was exceedingly slow during the countless centuries
that had passed away. In the earliest stages of man's develop-
ment three causes must have operated in forcing him to think :
hunger, disease, and war. These were the elementary factors of
civilisation. In favourable localities in other parts of the world
commerce, as a powerful factor, came at a later period, but in
South Africa that stage was not easily arrived at.
This is not surprising if the physical condition of the country
be considered. The land rises from the ocean level in teiTaces
or steps, until a vast interior plain is reached. Deep gorges have
been worn by the action of water, in some places internal forces
have caused elevations, in other places depressions, and every-
where along the margins of the terraces distortions may be
seen. There are no navigable rivers, and the coast is bold and
imbroken. The steep fronts of the terraces, which from the
lower side appear to be moimtain ranges, and the absence of
running water in dry seasons over large surfaces tended like-
wise to prevent intercourse, not only with the outer world, but
between the different parts of the country. The rude people
were left to themselves, without that stimulus to improvement
which contact with strangers gives. There was no necessity to
exert the mind to provide clothing or habitations, for the climate
is mild, and even on the elevated interior plain, though the
nights in winter are sharp and cold, snow never lies long on the
ground. Like the wild animals, man on occasions of severe
weather could find some temporary shelter.
Hunger must have forced him to think, to plan the destruction
of game, to search for edible plants, and to reject those that were
noxious; but after becoming acquainted with the flora in his
locality and with the use of poison in the chase, that factor would
lose much of its potency. The cultivation of the ground or the
B 2
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4 History of South Africa.
domestication of animals could no more enter the mind of a savage
in the early palaeolithic stage than into that of a child learning to
walk. Disease would compel him to think, but only in an in-
finitesimal degree when compared with a modem European, for
his ailments were few and were in general attributed to witchcraft.
War would be a more powerful factor in obliging him to exercise
his mind, and to it probably was due the gradual though tardy
improvement in his weapons by the selection of harder stone and
by fashioning them more carefully. But slow indeed was the
progress in cidtivation from the hunter who used the roughly
formed spear-head of shale found in the aeolian conglomerate to
the Bushman who shot his bone-tipped arrow at an antelope only
a century ago.
At length, however, another class of human beings appeared
on the western and southern coasts. Where they came from no
one can say, nor how they reached South Africa. Completely
isolated, few in number, in many respects diflPering greatly from
Bushmen while in others closely resembling those people, their
presence here is as yet an unsolved mystery. That their occupa-
tion is only modem is, however, tolerably certain: that is the
time that has elapsed since their arrival is but short compared with
the long period that Bushmen have been living in the country.
The highest authority upon the Hottentot language, the late
Dr. Bleek, was of opinion that these people were of North African
origin, and their speech decidedly favours that view. It is
possible that in some very remote age and in some locality
beyond the equator, a section of the Bushman race was forced
to adopt a different language, to mingle its blood with that of
conquerors, and to live under circumstances favourable to im-
provement ; and that in course of time one of its offshoots made
its way intact to the southern shore. But as the obstacles in the
way of such a migration appear to be almost insurmountable, it
has been suggested by some writers as more likely that a party of
intruding males of light brown or yellow colour, driven down
from the north in such vessels as were in use three or four
thousand years ago, took to themselves women of Bushman
blood, and thus gave origin to the people whom Europeans term
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Early Inliabitants. 5
Hottentots. The difficulties to be met by this supposition seem
to be as great as those presented by the other, for instance under
it the possession of oxen and sheep by the Hottentots cannot be
accounted for; so that the question remains as yet entirely
speculative.
At a period still later than the advent of the Hottentots, a
gradual pressure of the Bautu tribes of Central Africa into the
southern part of the continent began to take place. When they
crossed the Zambesi cannot be determined, but probably it was
earlier than the commencement of the Christian era by many
hundreds of years. They did not extend beyond the Limpopo,
however, until a much later date. The legends of all the tribes
south of that hver, none of which can be more than a few
centuries old, point to a distant northern origin, and in some
instances particulars are given which prove the traditions to be in
that respect correct. For instance, the Barolong antiquaries assert
that their ancestors, in the time of a chief whose name is still
preserved, migrated from a country where there were great lakes
and where at one time of the year shadows were cast towards the
north.
Towards the close of the fifteenth century of our era, when
Europeans first had communication with natives of South Africa,
the belt of land comprising the lowest and the second terrace
along the western coast from about twenty or thirty miles above
Walfish Bay southward to the Cape of Good Hope, and thence
eastward to the Umtamvuna river, was occupied — though thinly —
by Hottentot tribes. The same people were to be found about the
lower courses of the Yaal and Modder rivers and along the banks
of the Orange from the junction of the Vaal to the sea. They
were not known either on the eastern side of the continent or else-
where in the interior.
The Bantu at that time occupied the choicest parts of the
country north of a straight line from a point a little above Walfish
Bay through the head waters of the Vaal river to the second range
of mountains from the Indian ocean, and extended south of that
line along the eastern coast as far as the Umtamvuna river. They
were not to be found in the remaining portion of South Africa.
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6 History of South Africa.
Bushmen roamed over the entire country south of the Zambesi
from sea to sea, and were the only inhabitants of the rugged
mountains and arid plains between the Hottentot and Bantu
borders. As they could hold their own fairly well against the
Hottentots, they were more numerous along the western and
southern coasts than along the eastern, where the Bantu had
better means of exterminating them.
The skull measurements show great differences in the three
races, though the number — especially of Hottentot skulls— care-
fully examined by competent men is as yet too small for an
average to be laid down with absolute precision.
What is termed the horizontal cephalic index, that is the
proportion of the breadth of a skull to its length, is given by
Professor — now Sir William — Flower, conservator of the museum
of the Eoyal College of Surgeons of England, from thirteen Bantu
specimens as 73 to 100. The highest in this series is 76*8, and
the lowest 68" 4. Dr. Gustaf Fritsch, from thirteen specimens,
gives the average as 72 to 100. The highest in this series is 78,
and the lowest 64 '3. M. Paul Broca, the French authority, gives
the average of his measurements as 72. Thus the Bantu are
dolichocephaK, that is people whose skulls average in breadth
less than three-fourths of their length. The average horizontal
cephalic index of white people is 78 • 7.
Of Hottentots, only four that are certainly genuine specimens
are given in Professor Flower's volume. The average horizontal
cephalic index of these is 72*7, the highest being 75, and the
lowest 70*3. Dr. Fritsch had also only four skulls which were
certainly those of Hottentots. The average horizontal cephalic
index of these he found to be 72*6, the highest being 77, and the
lowest 65*9. M. Broca gives this index from his measurements
as 72, The Hottentots are thus certainly true dolichocephali.
Of genuine Bushman skulls, Professor Flower gives the
meaJBurements of five. The average horizontal cephalic index is
76-6, the highest being 78-4, and the lowest 75 •7, The late
Dr. George EoUeston, })rofessor of anatomy in the University of
Oxford, in an appendix to Gates* MoUoibdelandy gives the measure-
ments of six Bushman skulls in the museum of the university.
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Early Inhabitants. 7
The average horizontal cephalic index he found to be 75*7, the
highest being 81, and the lowest 70. Dr. Fritsch measured five
Bushman skulls, and found the average horizontal cephalic index
74*2, the highest being 78*5, and the lowest 69-5. M. Broca
found the average of his measurements as low as 72, but it is
doubtful whether his specimens were not Hottentot skulls. It
would appear that the Bushmen are on the border line separating
the dolichocephalic from the mesaticephalic races, the breadth of
skulls of the latter averaging between three-fourths and four-fifths
of the length.
The cranial capacity, or size of the brain of each, is given by
Professor Flower as : Bantu 1485, Hottentot 1407, and Bushman
1288 cubic centimetres. The average brain of a European is 1497
cubic centimetres in size. Dr. Rolleston found the average
cranial capacity of his six Bushman specimens as low as 1195
cubic centimetres, and all other recorded measurements place these
people among the extreme microcephalic or small-skulled races.
The Hottentots in this classification are mesocephali, a name
applied to races whose average cranial capacity is between 1350
and 1450 cubic centimetres, and the Bantu, like Europeans, are
megacephali or large-skulled.
The alveolar index, index of prognathism, or the slope of a line
from the top of the forehead to the point in the upper jaw between
the insertion of the front teeth, is an important characteristic.
According to the angle which this line makes with the horizontal
plane of the skull, races are classified as orthognathous, mesog-
nathous, or prognathous. In this classification the Bushman
comes nearest the European, his face being much more vertical
than that of either of the others. Between the Hottentots and
the Bantu there is scarcely any difference.
A marked feature of the Bushman skull is the smallness of
the lower jaw and the want of prominence of the chin. In this
respect he is among the least advanced of all races. The lower
jaw of the Hottentot is much better formed, but is not by any
means as massive as that of a member of the Bantu family or a
European. The skulls of these South African races also differ
from each other and from those of Europeans in many particulars
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8 History of South Africa,
which are only intelligible to professional anatomists. This
subject can be studied in special works, and it is not necessary
therefore to enter more deeply into it here.
The greatest differences between the three divisions of people
who lived in South Africa in ancient times are now believed
to be in the constitution of their minds, but early observers did
not detect these. The variations which they noticed were chiefly
the following :
Bushmen : frame dwarfish,* colour yellowish brown, face
fox-like in outline, eyes small and deeply sunk, head dotted over
with little knots of twisted hair not much larger than pepper-
corns, ears without lobes, stomach protuberant, back exceedingly
hollow, limbs slender ; weapons bow and poisoned arrow ; pursuits
those of a hunter; government none but parental; habitations
caverns or mats spread over branches of trees ; domestic animal
the dog; demeanour that of perfect independence; language
abounding in clicks and in deep guttural sounds.
Hottentots : frame slight but sometimes tall, better formed
than Bushmen, but back hollow, head scantily covered with little
tufts of short crisped hair, cheeks hollow, nose flat, eyes far apart
and often to appearance set obliquely, hands and feet small,
colour yellow to olive; weapons assagai, knobkerie, bow and
poisoned arrow, shield ; pursuits pastoral and to a very limited
extent metallurgic; government feeble; habitations slender
frames of wood covered with skins or reed mats; domestic
animals ox, sheep, and dog; demeanour inconstant, marked by
levity ; language abounding in clicks.
Bantu: frame of those on the coast generally robust and as
well formed as that of Europeans, of those in the interior some-
what weaker, head covered closely with crispy hair, cheeks, full,
nose usually flat but occasionally prominent, hands and feet large,
colour brown to deep black ; weapons assagai, knobkerie, shield,
and among the northern tribes battle-axe and bow and arrow;
• Occasionally among the Masarwa, or Bushmen of the Betshuana country,
individuals over five feet and a half in height are found, but these are to a
certainty mixed breeds. They show Bantu blood in their darker colour as well
as in their general form and size.
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Description of the Bushmen. 9
pursuite agricultural, pastoral, and metallurgic ; government
lirmly constituted, with perfect system of laws ; habitations
strong firamework of wood covered with thatch ; domestic animals
ox, goat, sheep, dog, barnyard poultry ; demeanour ceremonious,
grave, respectful to superiors in rank ; language musical, words
abounding in vowels and inflected to produce harmony in
sound.
THE BUSHMEN, TERMED BY THE HOTTENTOTS SANA, BY THE
BANTU ABATWA.
The pigmy hunters, who were the oldest inhabitants of South
Africa, received from the first European colonists the name of
Bushmen, on account of their preference for places abounding
in bushes, where they had a wonderful faculty of concealing
themselves, owing to the colour of their skins being almost the
same as that of the soil. They were members of a race that
in early ages was spread over the whole continent south of the
Sahara, and of which remnants still exist on both sides of the
equator.
Their language has not been examined very carefully, except
by the late Dr. Bleek and by Miss L. Lloyd, whose researches
have only partly been published. It is known, however, to be
low in order as a means of expressing any but the simplest ideas,
and to be divided into a great number of dialects, some of which
vary as widely as English fi*om (Jerman. Many of its apparent
roots are polysyllabic, but there is a doubt whether some of
these ai-e not really composites. It is so irregular in its con-
struction that the plural of nouns is often formed by reduplica-
tion, as if we should say " dog dog " instead of " dogs," and some-
times a plural idea is expressed by a word which has nothing in
common with the one which expresses the singular. Yet there
is an instance of a dual form in the first personal pronoun. In
none of the dialects has any word for a numeral higher than three
been discovered, from that number up to ten being indicated by
showing fingers, and all beyond being termed a great many. Dr.
Bleek and Miss Lloyd found that the language could be repre-
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lo History of South Africa.
sented in writing, though to the ear it sounds like a continuous
clattering combined with hoarse sounds proceeding from the
depths of the throat.
The Bushmen inhabited the deserts, which they possessed
undisturbed by invasions of other races, and the mountains in
those parts that were occupied by Hottentots and Bantu, against
whom they carried on incessant war.
A cave with' its opening protected by a few branches of trees,
or the centre of a small circle of bushes over which mats or skins
of wild animals were stretched, was the best dwelling that they
aspired to possess. Failing either of these, they scooped a hole
in the groimd, placed a few sticks or stones round it, and spread
a mat or a skin above to serve as a roof. A little grass at the
bottom of the hole formed a bed, and though it was not much
larger than the nest of an ostrich, a whole family could manage
to lie down in it.
The ordinary food of these people consisted of roots, berries,
wild plants, locusts, larvje of ants — now commonly called Bush-
man rice by European colonists, — reptiles, birds, and mammalia
of all kinds. No chance of plundering the pastoral tribes of
domestic cattle was allowed to escape them. They were capable
of remaining a long time without food,* and could then gorge
immense quantities of meat without any ill effects. They were
careless of the future, and were happy if the wants of the moment
were supplied. Thus, when a large animal was killed, no trouble
was taken to preserve a portion of its flesh, but the time was
spent in alternate gorging and sleeping until not a particle of
carrion was left. When a drove of domestic cattle was stolen,
several were slaughtered at once and their carcasses shared with
birds of prey, while if their recapture was considered possible,
every animal was hamstrung or killed. Such wanton destruction
caused them to be detested by the other dwellers in the land, by
whom they were regarded simply as wild animals. Even in the
• Dr. Alfred Hillier, who has made a si^cial study of these i^ojJe, is of
opinion that this is at least partly due to the great quantity of adipose matter
stored up in their protuberant hips, ivhich is most observable when they have
abundance of food,
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Description of the Bushmen, \ i
last years of the nineteenth century missionaries have only with
much difficulty been able to persuade the most intelbgent Bantu
that Bushmen had rights as human beings, which it behoved them
to respect.
Their weapons were bows and arrows. The bows were
nothing more than pieces of saplings or branches of trees about
four feet in length, scraped down a little, and strung with a
thong of raw hide or a cord formed by twisting together the
sinews of animals. The arrows were from twenty, to thirty
inches in length, made of reeds pointed generally with bone,
but sometimes with sharp stone flakes, and with triangular iron
heads whenever these were taken from Hottentot enemies. The
arrowhead and the lashing by which it was secured to the reed
were coated with a deadly poison, so that the slightest wound
caused death. The arrows were carried in a quiver usually made
of the bark of a species of euphorbia, which is still called by
Europeans in South Africa the kokerboom or quiver tree. They
were formidable solely on account of the poison, as they could
not be projected with accuracy to any great distance, and had but
little force. In after years the colonists considered their clothing
ample protection at fifty yards' distance. The Bushmen made pits
for entrapping game, and also poisoned pools of water, so that
any animal that drank perished.
They used stone flakes for various purposes, but took no
trouble to polish them or give them a neat appearance. Their
knives, scrapers, and awls for piercing skins were commonly made
of horn or bone. ITiere was a stone implement, however, which
was in general use. It was a little spherical boulder, from three
to six inches in diameter, such as may be picked up in abundance
in many parts of the country, through the centre of which the
Bushman drilled a hole large enough to receive a digging-stick,
to which it gave weight. With the tools at his disposal, this
must have required much time and patience, so that in his eyes
a stone when drilled undoubtedly had a very high value. On it
he depended for food in seasons of drought, when all the game
had fled fix)m his part of the country. Drilled stones from an
inch to three inches in diameter have occasionally been found in
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1 2 History of South Africa.
tracts of country once inhabited by Bushmen, but from which
those savages have long since disappeared. None so small as
these have been noticed in use in recent times. It is conjectured
that they were intended as amulets.
There is no record of a European having ever seen a Bushman
manufacturing stone implements, and no one appears to have
made inquiry into the matter imtil it was too late to derive any
information from the people themselves. When they were first
met, they had such implements in use, and wherever they lived
such implements are still to be found, hence it is assumed that
they made them.
In many other parts of the world perforated stones are plenti-
ful, but most of them differ in some respects from those drilled
by the Bushmen, which were all of one type. In the Antiquarian
Museum at Edinburgh there is a very fine collection of such
stones found in Scotland. There are small ones evidently used
in comparatively recent times as weights for nets and in spinning,
thei'e are enormously large ones also of not very ancient manu-
facture, and there are many four or five inches in diameter, the
usual size of the Bushman implement. Some are elegantly
ornamented, showing the use of tools of metal. Others have
holes the same size throughout, leading to a similar conclusion.
Those that have holes narrowing from both sides towards the
centre, like all the Bushman stones, are usually flat at top and
bottom, not globular in form. The Bushman for some unknown
reason preferred an approximate sphere, thus any observant eye
with a series pf each in view would at once detect that they were
made by different classes of workmen.
A few chipped flakes and other weapons of stone much larger
than those ordinarily used by Bushmen have been picked up in
South Africa in situations where it is supposed they cannot have
been left by individuals of the stronger Hottentot race, and these
have given rise to an opinion that the country may once have
been occupied by more robust savages. Traditional stories have
been gathered from Bushmen themselves, in which they speak of
an older race. But weapons made by Hottentots for their own
use could have been taken from them and removed to a great
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Description of the Biishmen. 13
distance by their pimy enemies, and the traditions probably refer
to the supplanting of one horde by another in a particular locality.
There is no other evidence that the Bushmen were not the earliest
inhabitants of South Africa, and this seems altogether too slight
a foundation to build a theory upon.
People in a low condition of society do not use clothing for
purposes of modesty, but to protect themselves against inclement
weather. And as the Bushmen were hardly affected by any
degree of either heat or cold that is experienced in this country,
whether on the plains in midsummer or on the mountains in
midwinter, the raiment of the males was usually scanty, and in
the chase was thrown entirely aside. At the best it consisted
merely of the skin of an animal wrapped round the person.
Adult females wore a little apron, and fastened a skin over their
shoulders in such a way that an infant could be carried on their
backs. Both sexes used belts, which in times of scarcity they
tightened to assuage the pangs of hunger, and whenever they had
the means they rubbed their bodies with grease and clay or
soot, which made them even more ugly than they were by
nature.
When the men expected to meet an enemy, they fastened
their arrows in an erect position round their heads, in order to
appear as formidable as possible. But they never exposed them-
selves unnecessarily to danger, and tried always to attack from
an ambush or a place that would give them the advantage of
striking the first blow before their adversaries were aware of their
presence. A poisoned arrow, shot from a little scrub in which
a Bushman was lying concealed, often ended the career of an
unwary Hottentot traveller.
The Bushmen wore few ornaments, not because they were
careless about decorating their persons, but because it was difiBicult
to obtain anything for the purpose. They were withouf metal,
and in the vast interior, as they knew nothing of commerce, they
could not obtain sea-shells. Yet some of them contrived to make
necklaces, which were worn by the men and women, not by the
children. They cut little circular disks of tortoise and ostrich
egg shells, drilled holes in them, and strung them on thongs. It
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14 History of South Africa.
requires some reflection to realise the amount of patient labour
expended upon a single ornament of this kind, manufactured
with stone and bone implements. In otlier cases they made
grooves round the teeth of animals, and then strung a number
together.
t A consideration of how much value such a simple implement
as a tinder-box would have had to these people may aid in
enabling a European to comprehend the life that they led. They
knew how to procure fire by twirling a piece of wood round
rapidly in the socket of another piece, but the preparation of the
apparatus took much time, and a considerable amount of labour
was needed to produce a flame. Under these circumstances, it
was a task of the women to preserve a fire when once made, and
as they moved their habitations to a large animal when it was
killed, instead of trying to carry the meat away, this was often
a difficult matter. Sometimes it necessitated carrying a burning
stick fifteen or twenty mUes, or when it was neaily consumed,
kindling a fire for the sole purpose of getting another brand to
go on with. No small amount of labour would therefore have
been saved by the possession of a flint and a piece of steel.
These wild people lived in small societies, often consisting of
only a couple of families. The early Dutch colonists observed
that they were amazingly prolific, a circumstance that is not
surprising if one reflects that they were much less subject to
disease than Europeans, and that every woman without excep-
tion bore children. Still, living as they did in a state of constant
strife not only with the other races but among themselves, their
numbers were kept small, for a very large proportion of them died
by violence.
They were vindictive, passionate, and cruel in the extreme,
though after the colonisation of the country Europeans often
observed that many of those who lived temporarily on farms
were not insensible to acts of kindness, and were even capable
of feeling gratitude. In this respect they were like those wild
animals that in a state of restraint show attachment to their
keepers. Human life, even that of their nearest kindred, was
•acrificed on very slight provocation. They did not underatand
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Description of the Bushmen. 1 5
what quarter in battle meant, and as they never spared an enemy
who was in their power, when themselves sniTOunded so that all
hope of escape was gone, they fought till their last man felL
Their manner of living was such as to develop only qualities
essential to hunters. In keenness of vision and fleetness of foot
they were surpassed by no people on earth, they could travel
immense distances without taking rest, and yet their frames
were so feeble as to be incapable of protracted labour.
They possessed an intense love of liberty and of their wild
wandering way of life. Hereditary chieftainship was not recog-
nised by them. It sometimes happened that the bravest or most
expert of a party became a leader in predatory excursions, but
his authority did not extend to the exercise of judicial con-
trol. Each man was independent of every other. Even parental
authority was commonly disregarded by a youth as soon as he
could provide for his own wants.
They were firm believers in charms and witchcraft, and were
always in dread of violating some custom — as for instance
avoiding casting a shadow upon dying game — which they
believed would cause disaster. A Bushman would not make
a hole in the sandy bed of a river in order to obtain water,
without first offering a little piece of meat, or some larvie of
ants, or an arrow if he had nothing else, to propitiate the spirit
of the stream. . And so with every act of his life, something had
to be done or avoided to avert evil.
Their reasoning power was very low. They understood the
habits of wild animals better than anything else, y^t they be-
lieved the different species of game could converse with each
other, and that there were animals and human beings who could
exchange their forms at will, for instance that there were girls
who could change themselves into lions, and baboons that could
put on the appearance of men. The moon, according to the
ideas of some of them, was a living thing, according to the notions
of others it was a piece of hide which a man threw into the sky.
In the same way the stars were once human beings, or they were
pieces of food hurled into the air. As well might one attempt
to get reasons for their fancies from European children five or six
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1 6 History of South Africa.
years of age as from Bushmen : the reflective faculties of one were
as fully developed as of the other.
Dr. Bleek and Miss Lloyd obtained from several individuals
prayers to the moon and to stars. But everything connected with
their religion — ^that is their dread of something outside of and
more powerful than themselves — was vague and uncertain. They
could give no explanation whatever about it, and indeed they did
not all hold the same opinions on the subject.
It is difficult to conceive of a human being in a more degraded
condition than that of a Bushman. In some respects, however, he
showed considerable ability, and there was certainly an enormous
gulf between him and the highest of the brute creation. He
possessed extraordinary powers of mimicry. Enclosed in a frame-
work covered with the skin of an ostrich, he was in the habit of
stalking game, and, by carefully keeping his prey to windward,
was able to approach within shooting distance, when the poison
of his arrow completed the task. He could imitate the peculi-
arities of individuals of other races with whom he came in contact,
and was fond of creating mirth by exhibiting them in the drollest
manner.
He was also an artist. On the walls of caves and the sheltered
sides of great rocks he drew rude pictures in profile of the animals
with which he was acquainted. The tints were made with
different kinds of ochre having considerable capability of with-
standing the decay of time, and they were mixed with grease, so
that they penetrated the rock more or less deeply according to its
porousness. There are caves on the margins of rivers containing
paintings which have been exposed to the action of water during
occasional floods for at least a hundred years, and the colours are
yet unfaded where the rock has not crumbled away.
In point of artistic merit, however, the paintings were seldom
superior to the drawings on slates of European children eight or
nine years of age, though there were occasional instances of game
being delineated not only in a fairly correct but in a graceful
manner, showing that some of the workmen possessed more skill
than others. In none of them was any knowledge of perspective
or of shading displayed. Two colours were sometimes used, as.
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Description of the Bushmen, 17
for iBstanoe, the head or legs of an animal might be white, and
the remainder of the body brown, but each colour was evenly laid
on as far as it went. In short, the paintings might have been
mistaken for the work of children, but for the impressions of the
hands often accompanjring them, and the scenes being chiefly
those of the chase.
In some places, where the face of the rock was very dark,
the Bushman drew an outline of a figure, and then chipped away
the surface within it. The labour required for such a task, with-
out metallic implements, must have been great, and the workman
was undoubtedly possessed of much patience. He was a sculptor
in the elementary stage of the art.
These wild people possessed too a faculty — it might almost be
termed an additional sense— of which Europeans are destitute.
They could make their way in a straight line to any place where
they had been before. Even a child of nine or ten years of age,
removed from its parents to a distance of over a hundred miles
and without opportunity of observing the features of the country
traversed, could months later return unerringly. They could give
no explanation of the means by which they accomplished a task
seemingly so difficult. Many of the inferior animals, however,
have this faculty, as notably the dove, so that it is not surprising
to find the lowest type of man in possession of it
If the stone, horn, and bone implements and the shell beads
already mentioned be excluded, the Bushmen had little knowledge
of manufactures. They had not advanced beyond the stage of
making the coarsest kind of pottery, and even this was extremely
limited in use. Add to it rush mats and net bags of fibres, in
which their women carried ostrich egg shells filled with water,
and the list is exhausted.
The life led by these savages was in truth a wretched one,
judged from a European standard. They had no contact with
people beyond their own little communities, except in war, for
they were without a conception of commerce. If a pestilence had
swept them all from the face of the earth, nothing more would
have been left to mark where they had once been than the drilled
stones, rudely shaped arrowheads, rough pottery, rock paintings,
and crude sculptures. Their pleasures were hardly superior to
c
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1 8 History of South Africa.
those of dumb animals. They had a musical instrument like a
bow, with a piece of quiU attached to the string, but the sounds
produced from it by strong inhalations and exhalations of the
breath could hardly be termed harmonious. Their dancing was
a mere quivering of the body and stamping of the feet. The
games that they practised were chiefly — ^if not entirely — imitation
hunts, in which some or all of them represented animals. In this
pastime they displayed much cleverness, whether they acted as
men or as lions in pursuit of antelopes. But it was not often
that they engaged ia play, for the effort to sustain existence was
with them severe and almost constant.
At early dawn the Bushman rose from his mat or bed of grass
in a cavern on the side of a hill, and scanned the valley or plain
below in search of game. If any living thing was within range
of his far-seeing eye, he grasped his bow and quiver of arrows,
and with his dog set off in pursuit. His wife — he had but one,
for he was a strict monogamist — and his children followed, carry-
ing fire and collecting bulbs and anything else that was edible on
the way. They could pursue hia track unerringly by indications
that would escape the keenest European eye: a broken twig, a
freshly turned stone, or bent blades of grass being sufficient to
guide them in the right direction. At nightfall, if they were
fortunate, they collected about the body of an antelope, and there
they remained till nothing that could be consumed was left. And
so from day to day and year to year life passed on, without
anything of an intellectual nature to ennoble it
It can now be asserted in positive language that these people
were incapable of adopting European civilisation. During the
first half of the nineteenth centuiy agents of various missionary
societies made strenuous efforts for their improvement, and often
believed they had in some cases succeeded and in others were in
a fair way towards success. Men more devoted to their work
than many of these missionaries have never existed, and it would
be unjust to accuse them of wilfully misstating the result of their
teaching, but the very excess of their zeal and their dwelling
constantly upon the expression that the whole human race is of
one blood, without reflecting that different branches of the race
even in Europe are incapable of thinking alike led them to distort
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Descripiian of the Bushmen. 19
what they saw and heard, so that their reports are commonly
misleading. In these reports Bushmen were represented as
having become ciyiliaed and Christian. But no one else ever
saw those transformed savages, and no trace of them exists at
the present day. The wild people in the missionary writings are
described as offshoots of a higher stock, degraded by oppression
or neglect, and needing only instruction and gentle treatment to
elevate them again. Some of the reasoning in favour of this
theory is highly acute, but it is not borne out by the deeper
investigations of our day.
Apart £rom missionary teaching also many persons tried
during long years to induce families of Bushmen to abandon
their savage habits, and there were even experiments in providing
groups of them with domestic cattle, in order to encourage a
pastoral life, but all were without success. To this day there
has not been a single instance of a Bushman of pure blood having
permanently adopted the habits of a white man, though a few
mixed breeds are to be found among the least skilful class of
labourers in some parts of the country. Even these are generally
too feeble in body to endure anything like severe toil, and unless
they intermingle with blacks — as in the instance of the degraded
Batlapin tribe — quickly decrease in number. Those of unmixed
blood could not exist in presence of a high civilisation, but
dwindled away rapidly, and have now nearly died out altogether.
It would seem that for them progress was possible in no other way
than by exceedingly slow development and blending their blood
in successive stages with races always a little more advanced.
THE HOTTENTOTS, TERMED BY THE BANTU AMALAWU.
The Hottentots termed themselves Khoikhoi, men of men, as
they prided themselves upon their superiority over the other race
with which they were best acquainted, and in fact they were
considerably more advanced towards civilisation than the Bush-
men, though a stranger at iSrst sight might not have seen much
difference in personal appearance between the two. A little
observation, however, would have shown that the Bushmen were
not only smaller and uglier, but that their faces were broader,
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20 History of South Africa.
their eyes not nearly as full and bright, their lobeless ears rounder
in shape, and their chins less prominent. Their wild expression
also was not observed in the Hottentot face.
The investigations of the late Dr. Bleek have shown that the
languages of these two classes of people were not only different
in the words, but that they varied in construction. That spoken
by the Hottentots was free of deep guttural sounds, and though it
was accompanied by much clapping of the tongue, the clicks were
not so numerous as in Bushman speech. It was inflected by
means of afi&xes only, which placed it in contrast with the Bantu
language, as this was inflected chiefly by prefixes. It had three
numbers, singular, dual, and plural. Its system of notation was
decimal, and was perfect at least up to a hundred. Some words
were composites, but most were monosyllables, as were all the
roots. The liquid consonant / was wanting. There were many
dialects, but these did not vary more than the forms of English
spoken in different counties.
No difficulty has been experienced by European missionaries
in reducing this language to writing, and some religious literature
has been printed in it. Words to express ideas unknown before
were formed from well-known roots according to its grammatical
structure, and were at once understood by every one. This is
sufl&cient to show that it was of a high order. It is now, however,
rapidly dying out, as the descendants of the people who once
used it have long since learned to converse in Dutch, and by force
of circumstances nearly all have forgotten their ancestral speech.
The Hottentots were divided into a number of tribes, each of
which was usually composed of several clans loosely joined
together. The tribes were frequently at war with each other.
Every clan had its own hereditary chief, whose authority, how-
ever, was very limited, as his subjects were impatient of control.
The succession was from father to son, and in the absence of a
son to brother or nephew. The several heads of clans recognised
the supremacy in rank of one of their number, who was accounted
the paramount chief of the tribe, but unless he happened to be a
man of more force of character than the others, he exercised no
real power over them. The petty rulers were commonly jealous
of e^ch other, so that they could only unite in cases of extreme
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Description of the Hottentots, 2 1
danger to all. The goTemment was thus particularly frail, and
a very slight shock was sufficient to break any combination of
the people into fragments.
The principal property of the Hottentots consisted of homed
cattle and sh(3ep. They had great skill in training oxen to obey
certain calls, as well as to carry burdens, and bulls were taught
not only to assist in guarding the herds from robbers and beasts of
prey, but to aid in war by charging the enemy on the field of
battle. The milk of their cows was the chief article of their diet.
They did not kill homed cattle for food, except on occasions of
feasting, but they ate all that died a natural death. The ox of the
Hottentot was an inferior animal to that of Europe. He was a
gaunt, bony creature, with immense horns and long legs, but he
was hardy and well adapted to supply the wants of Ms owner.
He served instead of a horse for riding purposes, being guided by
a riem or thong of raw hide attached to a piece of wood passed
through the cartilage of his nose. The sheep were covered with
hair instead of wool, were of various colours, and had long lapping
ears and tails six or seven pounds in weight. The milk as well as
the flesh was used for food. Children were taught to suck the
ewes, and often derived their whole sustenance from this source.
The only other domestic animal was the dog. He was an ugly
creature, his body being shaped like that of a jackal, and the hair
on his spine being turned forward ; but he was a faithful, service-
able animal of his kind.
In addition to milk and the meat of oxen and sheep, of which
they rejected no part except the gall, the food of the Hottentots
consisted of the flesh of game obtained in the chase, locusts, and
various kinds of wild plants and fruits. Agriculture, even in its
simplest forms, was not practised by them. They knew how to
make an intoxicating drink of honey, of which large quantities
were to be had in the season of flowers, and this they used to
excess while it lasted. Another powerful intoxicant with which
they were acquainted was dacha, a species of wild hemp, and
whenever this was procurable they smoked it with a pipe made
of the hom of an antelope. That its effects were pernicious was
admitted by themselves, still they could not refrain from making
use of it.
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22 History of South Africa.
Their women were better clothed than those of the Bushmen,
but the men were usually satisfied with very little covering, and
had no sense of shame in appearing altogether naked. The dress
of both sexes was made of skins, commonly prepared with the
hair on. When removed from the animal, the skin was cleansed
of any fleshy matter adhering to it, was then stretched and dried,
and was afterwards rubbed with grease till it became soft and
pliable. The ordinary costume of a man was merely a piece of
jackal skin suspended in front, and a little slip of prepared hide
behind. In cold weather he wrapped himself in a kaross or
mantle of furs sewed together with sinews. The women wore at
all times a headdress of fur, an apron, and a wrapper or a girdle of
leather strings suspended £rom the waist In cold weather, or
when carrying infants on their backs, they added a scanty kaross.
Children wore no clothing whatever. Bound their legs the
females sewed strips of raw hide like rings, which, when dry,
rattled against each other and made a noise when they moved.
Both sexes ornamented their heads with copper trinkets, and
hung round their necks strings of shells, leopards' teeth, or any
other glittering objects they could obtain. Ivory armlets were
worn by the men. From earliest infancy their bodies were
smeared with grease and rubbed over with clay, soot, or powdered
buchu, and to this partly may be attributed the stench of their
persons. The coat of grease and clay was not intended for
ornament alona It protected them from the weather and from
the vermin that infested their huts and clothing.
Their dwellings were oval or circular frames of light undressed
wood, sometimes covered with skins, but usually with mats made
of rushes. They were not more than five feet in height, and had
but one small opening through which the inmates crawled. In
cold weather a fire was made in a cavity in the centre. The huts
of a kraal were arranged in the form of a circle, the space enclosed
being used as a fold for cattle. They could be taken to pieces,
placed on pack-oxen, removed to a distance, and set up again,
with very little labour and no waste.
The weapons used by the Hottentots in war and the chase
were bows and arrows, sticks with clubbed heads, and assagais.
They usiially covered the head of the arrow with poison, so that
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Description of the Hottentots. 23
a wound from one, however slight, was mortal The assagai oould
be hurled with precision to a distance of thirty yards. The
knobkerie, or dabbed stick, was almost as formidable a weapon.
It was rather stouter than an ordinary walking cane, and had a
round head two or three inches in diameter. Boys were trained
to throw this with so accurate an aim as to hit a bird on the wing
at twenty or thirty yards distance. It was projected in such a
manner as to bring the heavy knob into contact with the object
aimed at, and antelopes as large as goats had their legs broken or
were killed outright with it. The bow was a weapon of little
force, and the arrows would have been harmless to laige game if
they had not been poisoned.
The Hottentots were acquainted with the art of smelting iron,
but were too indolent to turn their knowledge to much account.
Only a few assagai and arrow heads were made of that metal.
Horn and bone were ready at hand, were easily worked, and were
commonly used to point weapons. Stone was also employed by
some of the tribes for this purpose, but not to any great extent,
though weights for digging sticks were formed of it by them
as by the Bushmen. Masses of almost solid copper were obtained
in Namaqualand, and this metal was spread over the neighbouring
country by means of barter and war, but was not used for any
other purpose than that of making ornaments for the person.
In the districts that they occupied a very few polished imple-
ments of shale have been found in situations where they must
have lain a considerable time. They consist of arrow heads whose
points have been ground, and disks like quoits with sharp edges,
which are supposed to have been held in the hand and used in
combat No European has ever seen such implements in the
possession of a Hottentot, or ever heard them spoken of, and any
remarks concerning them can only be founded on conjecture.
But few as is the number of such ground stones as yet discovered
they are evidence that there was a time when individuals — if not
tribes, — not Bantu, in South Africa were in the neolithic stage of
progress, though it is possible that iron may have been in use at
the same period.
The Hottentots manufactured earthenware pots for cooking
purposes, which, though in general clumsily shaped and coarse in
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24 History of South Africa.
appearance, were capable of withBtandiug intense heat Milk was
kept in skin bags or in laige bowls made by hollowing out blocks
of wood. Ostrich egg sheUs and ox horns were nsed for carrying
water and other domestic purposes.
Some small and weak clans of Hottentots who had lost their
cattle in war or by disease Uved along the shore, and depended for
existence upon the produce of the sea. They had neither boats
nor hooks, but they managed to catch fish by throwing spears
from rocks standing out in deep water and by making stone walls
across gullies in order to enclose considerable spaces which were
nearly dry at low tide. Shell-fish also formed a portion of their
food, and occasionally a dead whale would drift ashore and furnish
them with a feast. Shell and ash heaps made by these people
bearing signs of being quite modem, that is dating back only
hundreds, not thousands of years, are found in many places along
the coast from Walfish Bay to Natal.
The heaps contain ordinary Hottentot implements, in rare
instancefs human skeletons, and generally bones of animals
obtained in the chase, always broken in order that the marrow
might be extracted. The perforated stone weights found in them
are usually of the shape of compressed spheres, nearly resembling
in form those of Scotland referred to on a previous page, which
has given rise to the supposition that those made by Hottentots
were always of a distinct type from those made by Bushmen.
This is, however, not certain,* though only spherical weights are
picked up in South Africa in tracts of country that were ex-
clusively occupied by Bushmen, and compressed spheres are
common wherever Hottentots lived, where also there are a few
stones that have first been perforated and then chipped into a
convenient shape for use. The coarse earthenware pots that are
found in these recent shell heaps frequently have a number of
holes neatly drilled in them, sometimes near the bottom, in order
to make them serve as strainers.
Hottentots were found living in the manner here indicated
when Europeans first came to the country, and on the coast of
Namcu]^ualand there were some existing in a similar state after
* In the British Museum there is a round flat perforated stone found in
Central Africa, which cannot have been numufactured by Hottentots.
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Description of the Hottentots. 25
o»
the middle of the nineteenih centnry. As far as food, clothings
and lodging were concerned, they were in no better condition than
Bushmen, but there was always the hope before them of acquiring
cattle by a successful raid, in which case they would at once
reyert to the ordinary mode of living of their race.
The whole of the recent shell heaps on the South AMcan
coast, however, were not made by impoverished Hottentots.
Some were made by Bushmen, as is proved by the paintings
on rocks overhanging the deposits, and these may be taken as
formiiig a connected series with the most ancient mounds. There
must also have been mixed breeds along the coast in former
times, as there are to-Kiay in the territory about the lower Yaal
river, and some of the remains may be due to them. These
mixed breeds arose from the union of Hottentot men with cap-
tured Bushwomen, for though the races were constantly at war,
young females were generally spared by the less savage of
the two.
The Hottentots were a superstitious people, who placed great
faith in the efficacy of charms to ward ofT evil. They believed
that certain occun^nces foreboded good or ill luck, that a mantis
alighting on a hut brought prosperity with it, and many other
absurdities of a like nature. They lived in dread of ghosts and
evil spirits. They invoked blessings from the moon, to whose
praise they sang and danced when it appeared as new. They also
invoked blessings from dead ancestors, to whose shades sacrifices
were ofifered by priests on important occasions, and they implored
protection and favour from a mythical hero named Heitsi-eibib,
who was believed to have died and risen again many times, and
whose warship consisted in throwing a bit of wood or an addi-
tional stone upon a cairn. Cairns of considerable size raised
in this manner are to be found at the present day within territory
occupied by Bantu tribes, showing, like many other indica-
tions, that the Hottentots once occupied a larger area than when
Europeans became acquainted with them. They made offerings
also to a powerful evil spirit, with a view of averting his wrati^.
Their system of religion could not be explained by themselves,
what they understood being little more than that the customs
connected with it had come down to them firom their ancestors.
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26 History of South Africa.
They had not the faintest expectation of their own resurrection,
or conception of a heaven and a hell.
A more improvident, unstable, thoughtless people never
existed. Those among them who had cattle were without care
or grief, and usually spent the greater part of the day in sleeping.
They delighted, however, in dancing to music, which they pro-
duced from reeds. Active in this exercise and in hunting, in all
other respects they were extremely indolent. Their filthiness
of person, clothing, and habitation was disgusting. They enjoyed
eating food that would have turned the stomach of the least
deUcate of Europeans, for the sense of smelling with them — as
with all people of a low type — ^was extremely dulL Still they
were not without good qualities. Their tempers were in general
mild, and their hospitality to peaceable strangeis as well as to
people of their own clan was unbounded.
They were in the habit of abandoning aged and helpless
persons as well as sickly and deformed children, whom they
allowed to perish of hunger. But they regarded this as mercy,
not as cruelty. Better that a helpless wretch or a cripple should
give up life at once than linger on in misery. For the same
reason, when a woman givii^ suck died, the child was buried
with its parent.
The Hottentots were polygamous in the sense that their
customs admitted of a wealthy man having more wives than one,
but the practice was by no means general There were many
kraals in which there was not a single case of polygamy. It was
customary with some, perhaps with all, to take wives not from
their own but from another clan. The marriage customs required
that cattle should be given by the bridegroom to the nearest rela-
tives of the bride, but temporary unions were common, and indeed
a system almost as bad as that of free love prevailed, for chastity
on both sides was very lightly regarded.
The women were mpre nearly the equals of the men, and were
permitted to exercise much greater freedom of speech in domestic
disputes, than among most savages. They were mistresses within
the huts. The stores of milk were under their control, not under
that of their husbands, as was the case with the Bantu tribes.
The men tended the cattle, but their daughters milked the cows.
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Description of the Hottentots. 27
Among some — not all— of the Hottentot clans there was a
custom which, though described by many early observers, has
M'ithin the nineteenth century without suj^cient investigation
been regarded by most writers as so utterly incredible that they
have not noticed it. Yet it is practised at the present day by
people who are certainly not of Hottentot blood, but who must
have derived their language as well as many of their customs from
Hottentot conquerors in times long gone by. It stands to them
in the same relation that circumcision does to many Bantu clans,
that is among them a youth cannot enter the society of men or
take to himself a wife until he has become a monorch {fiovopx"'^)'
A custom so extraordinary shows what force habit and supersti-
tion have among savages.
With all their degrading habits, the Hottentots possessed lai'ge
powers of imagination. They speculated upon objects in nature
in a way that no Bantu ever did, and their ideas on these subjects,
though seemingly absurd, at least bore evidence of a disposition to
think. They were excellent story-tellers. Seated round fires of
an evening, they told tales of the doings of men and of animals —
usually the baboon or the jackal — which produced boundless
mirth. These stories generally contained coarse and obscene
expressions, or what Europeans would regard as such, but their
sense of delicacy in these matters was naturally low.
The evening vsdth them, as probably with all barbarians, was
the time for enjoyment. What could be more cheerful than the
dance in the bright moonlight or listening to a merry tale by a
fire under a starry sky? Then the young men tried their
strength in wrestling matches, or in lifting one another from
the ground, while the young women looked on and applauded
the successful competitors. Then, too, they played games which,
though apparently suited to the capacities of little children only,
aflForded them much amusement. The commonest of these games
was adopted by the Bantu on the eastern border when they
conquered the Hottentots there^ and is performed by adults
among them to-day, though the people with whom it originated
have long since forgotten it.
It was played by two persons or any number exceeding two.
The players sat on the ground, and each had a pebble so small
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28 Histofy of South Africa.
that it could easily be concealed in a folded hand. If there were
many players they formed themselves into sides or parties, but
when they were few in number one played against the rest This
one concealed the pebble in either of his hands, and then threw
both arms out against Ms opponent, at the same time calling that
he met or that he evaded. His opponent threw his arms out in
the same manner, so that his right hand was opposite the first
player's left, and his left opposite the first player's right. The
clenched hands were then opened, and if the pebbles were foimd
to meet, the first player won if he had called out that he met, or
]ost if he had called out that he evaded. When there were many
players, one after another was beaten until only two were left.
These two then played against each other, when the one who
was beaten was laughed at and the winner was applauded. In
playing, the arms were thrown out very quickly, and the words
were rapidly uttered, so that a stranger to the game might have
fancied there was neither order nor rule observed. Young men and
boys often spent whole nights in this childish amusement, which
had the same hold upon them as dice upon some Europeans.
Ptobably, if intellectual enjoyment be excluded, the Hottentots
were among the happiest people in existence. They generally
lived until old age without serious illness. They did not allow
possible future troubles to disturb them, and a sufficiency of food
was all that was needed to make them as merry and light-hearted
as children at play.
They were capable of adopting the habits of Europeans, though
the process required to be so gradual that the training of two
centuries and a half has been very far from sufficient to complete
it. They have learned to cultivate the ground, to use the same
food as white people, to wear European clothing, and to act as
rough handicraftsmen, but there is no instance of one of them
having ever attained a position that required either much intel-
lectual power or much mechanical skill. Since they came in
contact with Europeans and African slaves, however, their blood
has been so mixed that, except in Great Namaqualand and along
the lower banks of the Orange river, very few pure Hottentots are
in existence now, and every successive generation sees the number
become smaller.
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Description of the Bantu. 29
CHAPTER II.
DESCRIPTION OP THE BANTU TRIBES OF SOUTH AFRICA.
Observations made dnring the sixteenth century by Portugnese
missionaries and travellers in South Africa throw much light
upon the origin of several customs which to more recent ob-
servers of Bantu habits have always been obscure. With the
Hottentots or Bushmen the Portuguese rarely came in contact,
and of these people they give no information of any value. But
with sections of the Bantu they lived in as close intimacy as
Dutchmen or Englishmen have ever done, they learned the
language of those people, studied their customs, and several of
the best informed recorded what they observed. They tell of no
golden age of peace and happiness disturbed by the intrusion of
white men, but of almost constant strife and cruelty and misery.
From them we learn that long before the time of Tsbaka despots
as clever and as ruthless as he spread desolation over wide tracts
of land, that cannibalism as practised in the Lesuto and in
Natal during the early years of the nineteenth century was no
new custom with sections of the Bantu race. Much besides can
be learned from their writings, so that any description of the
black tribes south of the Zambesi published in English ten years
ago can now be considerably amplified.
South of Cape Negro, the western coast of Africa, being
without harbours until Walfish Bay is reached, was never
examined with any care by the Portuguese. It is therefore
impossible to state with any pretension to accuracy how far
the Hottentot race extended along that shore at the beginning
of the sixteenth century, or where it was in contact with the
widely dissimilar black people of the north. All that can be
£ 2
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30 History of South Africa.
said with certainty is that the border line was some distance
north of Walfish Bay, and that in the territory now known as
Damaraland at some previous period a desperate struggle had
taken place between the two peoples, in which at least one black
tribe had been conquered and reduced to the lowest state of
servitude by the Hottentots. But what became of the con-
querors is a mystery that cannot be solved by any evidence now
in being. They may have been exterminated, or they may have
been driven south, by some powerful Bantu ruler. In tradition
they are not known, but their existence at a remote period so
far north is certain, as they stamped their language and some of
their strangest customs upon the people whom they subjugated
there.
On the eastern coast the dividing line between the two races
was Aot far south of the present colony of Natal, fifty years later
it was the Umzimvubu river.
In the centre of the country it is most unlikely that the black
tribes had then reached the Vaal river, but here there is no
other evidence than tradition of a migratory movement from the
north at some unknown period, and no native tradition that can
be verified extends so far into the past.
It will thus be as close an approximation to the actual con-
dition of things as it is now possible to arrive at, if it be said
that north of a line drawn from a point about five and twenty
or thirty miles above Walfish Bay on the Atlantic shore to the
upper waters of the Vaal river, and thence curving to the mouth
of the Umtamvuna, the country was occupied in the year 1500
by the swarthy race now termed Bantu. A few Bushmen were
intermixed with them in the wildest parts, but not a Hottentot
lived north of that line.
These black people, together with their kindred who possessed
a vast extent of Africa north of the Zambesi, are now usually
termed the Bantu, in accordance with a proposal of the late
Dr. Bleek. They had no word except tribal names to distin-
guish themselves from other races, ntu* in their language
* In tlie dialect of the Tembu, Pondo, Zulu, and other coast tribes : um-idu
a person, plural aba-niu people; diminutive um-nttoana a child, plural aiba-
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Description of the Bantu. 3 1
meaning a human being or person of any colour or country ; but
ethnologists felt the want of a specific designation for them, and
adopted this as a convenient one. In the division of mankind
thus named are included all those Africans who use a language
which is inflected principally by means of prefixes, and which in
the construction of sentences follows certain rules depending
upon harmony of sound.*
Tribes occupying for many generations the greater portion of
a country of such extent as Africa south of the Zambesi^ and not
having much intercourse with each other^ naturally developed
diflferences, and there were circumstances connected with the
Bantu which increased the tendency towards variation. First
there was the klonipa custom, by which women were obliged
constantly to invent new words, so that each dialect underwent
gradual dissimilar changes. Next, and more important still,
was an influx of Asiatics at some remote time, who mixed their
blood with that of the people on the eastern side of the country,
and brought about great improvements in their mental condition.
In a general description, such as this, it will be sufficient to
classify the tribes in three groups, though it should be remem-
bered that there are many trifling diflferences between the
various branches of each of these. In the first group can be
placed the tribes along the eastern coast south of the Sabi river,
and those which in recent times have made their way from that
ntfvana children ; abstract derivative ubu-ntu the qualities of human beings,
diminutiye uhu-ntwana the qualities of children. In the Herero dialect:
omu^du a person, plural ova-ndu people. In the dialect of the Basiito:
nuhiho a person, plural ha-tho persons. The pronunciation, however, is nearly
the same, the A in hcUho being sounded only as an aspirate, and the 0 as 00,
haat-hoo.
• This definition is of course only a general one, and must be subject to
exceptions, because races cannot be grouped by means of language alone. Thus
the people called Berg Damaras, who have already been referred to and who
live in the tract of country along the western coast north of Walfish Bay, are
Bantu by blood, though they speak a Hottentot dialect, and resemble Bushmen
in their habits. After their subjugation in remote times, they were forced to
adopt the language of their conquerors. This may also have been the case
with tribes in other parts of the continent.
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32 History of South Africa.
part of the country into the highlands of the interior. The best
known of these are the Amaxoea, the Abatembu, the Amam-
pondoy the Amabaca, the Abambo (now broken into numerous
fragments), the Amazulu, the Amaswazi, the Amatonga, the
Magwamba, the Matshangana, and the Matabele. This group
can be termed the coast tribes, though some members of it are
now far from the sea.
The second group can include the tribes that at the beginning
of the nineteenth century occupied the great interior plain and
came down to the ocean between the Zambesi and Sabi riyers.
It will include among many others the Batlapin, the Batlaro,
the Barolong, the Bahurutsi, the Bangwaketsi, the Bakwena, the
Bamangwato, all the sections of the Makalanga, and the whole
of the Basato, north and south. This group can be termed the
interior tribes.
The third will comprise all the Bantu living between the
Kalahari and the Atlantic ocean, such as the Ovaherero, the
Ovampo, and others. These have no mixture of Asiatic blood.
They are blacker in colour, coarser in appearance, and duller in
intellect than the others, if an average is taken. The dialects
spoken by them are also more primitive. This group has only
recently come into contact with Europeans, and has taken no
part in South African history. The feuds between its different
members, if they could be accurately traced, would be of no
interest, and no lessons could be drawn from them. It will be
sufficient therefore to say of these western tribes that their
language, religion, laws, mode of living, and customs generally
were similar to those of their kindred of the interior and the
eastern coast, but were in many respects lower in order.
The individuals who composed the first and second named
groups varied in colour from deep bronze to black. Some had
features of the lowest negro type : thick projecting lips, broad
flat noses, and narrow foreheads; while others had prominent and
in rare instances even aquiline noses, well developed foreheads,
and lips but little thicker than those of Europeans. Among the
eastern tribes these extremes could sometimes be noticed in the
same family, but the great majority of the people were of a type
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Description of the Bantu. 33
higher than a mean between the two. They were of mixed bloody
and the branches of the ancestral stock differed considerably, as
one was African and the other Asiatic.
Those who occupied i the laud along the south-eastern coast
were in general large without being corpulent, strong, muscular,
erect in bearing, and with all their limbs in perfect symmetry.
Many of them were haughty in demeanour, and possessed a large
amount of vanity. The men were usually handsomer than the .
women, owing to the girls being often stunted in growth and
hardened in limb by carrying burdens on their heads and toiling
in gardens at an early age. The people of the interior were in
general somewhat smaller than those of the coast, though they
were far from being diminutive specimens of the human race.
Though at times the Bantu presented the appearance of a
peaceable, good-natured, indolent people, they were subject to
outbursts of great excitement, when the most savage passions
had free play. The man who spent a great part of his life
gossiping in idleness, not knowing what it was to toil for bread,
was hardly recognisable when, plumed and adorned with military
trappings, he had worked himself into frenzy with the war dance.
The period of excitement was, however, short. In the same way
their outbursts of grief were violent, but were soon succeeded by
cheerfulness.
They were subject to few diseases, and were capable of under-
going without harm privations and sufferings which the hardiest
Europeans would have sunk under. Occasionally there were
seasons of famine caused by prolonged drought, when whole
tribes were reduced to exist upon nothing else than wild roots,
bulbs, mimosa gum, and whatever else unaided nature provided.
At such times they became emaciated, but as long as they could
procure even the most wretched food they did not actually die,
as white people would have done under similar circumstances.
Nor did pestilence follow want of sustenance to the same extent
as with us.
One cause of their being a strong healthy people was that no
weak or deformed children were allowed to live long. There was
no law which required an end to be put to the existence of such
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34 History of South Africa.
infants, but it always happened that they died when very young,
and public opinion was opposed to any inquiry into the mode of
their death. Every one, even the parents, believed that it was
better they should not live, and so they perished from neglect.
But owing to the prevalence of this custom in preceding
generations, the number of weaklings born was very small
indeed. For some reason an exception was occasionally made in
the case of albinos, who, though regarded as monstrosities, were
not always destroyed in childhood. These hideous individuals,
with features like others of their race, were of a pale sickly
colour, and had weak pinkish eyes and hair almost white. Very
few, however, were to be seen in any tribe, and in some none
atalL
Under natural conditions the Bantu were a longer-lived people
than Europeans. The friar Dos Santos found several women at
Sofala who perfectly remembered events that had taken place
eighty years before, and modern observers in other parts of the
country have noticed the same circumstance. A man of this
race placed beside a white colonist of the same age invariably
looks the younger of the two, and in any tribe individuals
can be found with personal knowledge extending over the
ordinary span of life in Europe or America. They were probably
the most prolific people on the face of the earth. All the
females were married at an early age, very few women were
childless, and in most of the tribes provision was even made
by custom for widows to add to the families of their dead
husbands. In some parts the brothers of the deceased took
them, in others male companions were selected for them by their
late husband's friends, in each case the children born thereafter
being regarded as those of the dead man.
The language spoken by the Bantu was of a high order, subject
to strict grammatical rules, and adequate for the expression of
any ideas whatever. Its construction, however, was very different
from that of the languages of Europe. It was broken up into
many dialects, so that individuals from the western coast, from
the interior, and from the eastern coast could not understand
each other, though the great majority of the words used by all
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Description of the Bantu. 35
were formed from the same roots. In the south-eastern dialects
the English sound of the letter r was wanting, while in some of
the others the sound of our Z was never heard. In all there were
combinations of consonants which it was very difficult for
strangers of mature years to master.
There were clicks in only a few dialects of the language spoken
by the Bantu family. These were derived in the south from
Hottentot, and elsewhere probably from Bushman sources. They
were introduced by females who were spared when the hordes to
which they belonged were conquered, as is evident not only from
tradition, but from the words in which they occur being chiefly
those pertaining to the occupations of women. There is this
peculiarity in the language, that some of the dialects spoken
on the coasts of lower Guinea and the Indian ocean bear a
closer resemblance to each other than to those between them.
Tribes from one of these coasts seem to have been scattered and
forced across the continent by violent convulsions in some Jong-
forgotten time.
The form of government varied from that of a pure despotism,
established by a successful military ruler, to a patriarchal system
of a simple order. In the former everything centred in the
person of one individual, at whose word the lives of any of his
subjects were instantly sacrificed, who was the owner of all the
property of the tribe, and who appointed officials at his pleasure.
He was served by attendants in the most abject attitudes, could
only be approached by a subject unarmed and crouching, and
arrogated to himself a form of address due to a deity. He was
an absolute ruler in every respect, and by his will alone his
subjects were guided, though to retain such power for any length
of time it was necessary for him not to counteract any strong
desire of the warriors of his tribe. This purely despotic form of
government was rarely found among the people of the interior,
who were in general more peaceably disposed than those of the
coast. It ended as a rule when a man of feeble intellect succeeded
the one who established it.
The more common system, the one indeed that may be termed
normal except when interfered with by a chief possessing great
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36 History of South Africa.
military genius, was of a milder character. Under it a tribe was
composed of a number of sections which may be termed clans,
each under its own chief, but all acknowledging the supreme
authority of one particular individual. Sometimes the heads of
the clans were members of the family of the paramount chief,
more or less distantly connected with him by blood, in which case
the tribe was a compact body, every individual in it having a
common interest with every other; but it often happened that
clans broken in war, though retaining their own chiefs, were
adopted as vassals by a powerful ruler, and in these cases the
cohesion of the different sections, owing to the object of their
worship being different, to jealousy, and to rival views, was much
less firm.
Among the interior tribes, owing to the misconduct or incom-
petency of individual chiefs, this system sometimes broke down,
when a condition of greater freedom resulted. Here the common
people acquired sufficient power to make their wishes respected
to some extent, and nothing of importance was undertaken with-
out a general assembly of the men of the tribe being first held,
when each one was at liberty to express his views. But even in
these cases the opinion of a member of the ruling family was
regarded as of vastly greater weight than that of a commoner.
Merit was of small account against privilege of blood in the
estimation of any branch of the Bantu race.
Among the tribes under the normal system of government
the rule of the paramount chief in times of peace was hardly felt
beyond his own kraal. Each clan possessed all the machinery of
administration, and in general it was only in cases of serious
quarrels between them or of appeals from judicial decisions that
the tribal head used his authority. In war, however, he issued
commands to all, and on important occasions he summoned the
minor chiefs to aid him with advice.
The members of the ruling families, even to the most distant
branches, were of aristocratic rank, and enjoyed many privileges.
Their persons were inviolable, and an indignity offered to one
of them was considered a crime of the gravest nature. Even the
customs of the people were set aside in favour of the chiefs of
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Description of the Bantu, 37
highest rank. A common man of the coast tribes, for instance,
could not marry certain relatives by blood, no matter how distant,
but a great chief could, though connections nearer than fourth
or fiffch cousins were very rare. Such a marriage was strictly
forbidden to a commoner, but was allowed in the chiefs case, in
order to obtain a woman of suitable birth to be the mother of the
heir in the great line.
Portuguese writers relate that the principal chiefs in the terri-
tory between the Sabi and Zambesi rivers took their own sisters
and daughters as their wives of highest rank, but perhaps this
statement arose from their attaching the European meaning to
t^te words sister and daughter, which when used by people of the
Bantu race applied equally to cousins and nieces on the father's
side. No marriages with sisters or daughters in the European
sense is permitted at the present day, but with cousins — sisters
in the Bantu sense — they are common among the interior
tribes.*
With regard to the common people, the theory of the universal
* The followiug words in the Xusa dialect will further illustrate the difference
between European and Bantu ideas as to relationship. Bawo is the word used
in addressing Either, father's brother, or father's half-brother. Little children
say Toto. But there are three different words for father, according as a person
is speaking of his own father or uncle, of the father or uncle of the person he is
speaking to, or of the father or uncle of the person he is speaking of. Speaking
of my fiither, hawo is the word used ; of your father^ uyihlo ; of his father, uyise.
Ma is the word used in addressing mother, any wife of father, or the sister of
any of these. The one we should term mother can only be distinguished from
the others, when speaking of her, by describing her as uma tvam kanye, 1.0. my
real mother; or uma ondizalayo^ i.e. the mother who bore me. Speaking of
my mother, ma is the word used ; of your mother, tmyoko ; of his or her
mother, unina. Mdlume is the brother of any one called mother. A paternal
aunt is addressed as cUtcMwhawOf i.e. sister of my father, showing a distinction
between relatives on the paternal and maternal side. Mnakwetu is the word
used by females in addressing a brother, half-brother, or male cousin. Males
when addressing any of these relations older than themselves, use the word
mkulutoa ; and when addressing one younger than themselves, say mninawe.
A sister and a female cousin are alike termed odade w^u^ owr sister — ^the
pronoun being always used in the plural form; — though sometimes the word
mza, an abbreviation of umzdliuana, i.e. of our family, is applied to a cousin
on the mother's side by females older than the one addressed. Mtakama is
an endearing form of expression, meaning child of my mother.
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38 History of South Africa,
Bantu law was that they were the property of the rulers, conse*
quently an offence against any of their persons was atoned for
by a fine to the chief. Murder and assaults were punished in
this manner. When a man died, his nearest relative was required
to report the circumstance to the head of the clan, and to take
a present of some kind with him as consolation for the loss
sustained.
But while the government of all the tribes was thus in theory
despotic, the power of the chiefs in those which were not under
military rule was usually more or less restrained. In each clan
there was a body of councillors — commonly hereditary — whose
advice could not always be disregarded. A great deal depended
upon the personal character of the chief. If he was a man of
resolute will, jthe councillors were powerless ; if he was weak
they possessed not only influence, but often real authority.
Then there was a custom that a fugitive from one clan was
entitled to protection by the chief of another with which he took
refuge, so that an arbitrary or unpopular ruler was in constant
danger of losing his followers. This custom was an effectual
check upon gross and unrestrained tyranny.
The law of succession to the government favoured the for-
mation of new tribes. The first wives of a paramount chief were
usually the daughters of some of his father's principal retainers ;
but as he grew older and increased in power his alliance was
courted by great families, and thus it generally happened that
his consort of highest rank was taken when he was of advanced
age. Usually she was the daughter of a neighbouring ruler and
was selected for him by the councillors of the tribe, who provided
the cattle required by her relatives. She was termed the great
wife, and her eldest son was the principal heir.
Another of his wives was invested at an earlier period of his
life, by the advice of his councillors and friends, with the title of
wife of the right hand, and to her eldest son some of his father's
retainers were given, with whom he formed a new clan. The
government of this was entiTisted to him as soon as he was full
grown, so that while his brother was still a child he had oppor-
tunities of increasing his power. If he was the abler ruler of the
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Description of the Bantu. 39
two, a quarrel between them arose almost to a certainty as soon
as the great heir reached manhood and was also invested with a
separate command. If peace was maintained, upon the death of
his father the son of the right hand acknowledged his brother as
superior in rank, but neither paid him tribute nor admitted his
right to interfere in the internal government of the new clan.
In some of the tribes three sons of every chief divided their
father's adherents among them. In the latter case the third
heir was termed the representative of the ancients or the son of
the left hand.
In this manner new tribes, entirely independent of the old
ones from which they sprang, were frequently formed. This was
especially the case when the adjacent territory was thinly occu-
pied by a weak people like the Hottentots, affording means for
the ruler of lower rank without difficulty to remove to a distance
from his brother. The disintegrating process was to some extent
checked by frequent tribal wars and feuds, which forced chiefs
of the same family to make common cause with each other, but
whenever there was comparative peace it was in active operation,
and so a steady and rapid expansion of the Bantu race towards
the south was effected.
With the limitations that have been mentioned, in the life of
the people the chief was everything, his wishes were the guide
of their conduct, his orders were implicitly obeyed, the best of
all they had was at his disposal. To every one else they could
tell the grossest falsehoods without disgrace, but to him they
told the simple truth, and that in language which could not bear
two meanings. They could not even partake of the crops in
their own gardens until he gave them leave to do so. In this
case, when the millet was ripe the chief appointed a day for a
general assembly of the people at his residence, that was known
as the great place ; he then went through certain rites, among
which was the offering of a small quantity of the fresh grain to
the spirits of his ancestors, either by laying it on their graves or
by casting it into a stream, after which ceremony he gave the
people permission to gather and eat.
Every people has its own standard of virtue, which if it doeai
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40 History of South Africa.
not live up to, it at least respects. The Bantu had theirs, which
consisted in fidelity to the chief. A man might be a thorough
scoundrel according to European ideas, cruel, lasciyious, in-
temperate, mean : all this mattered nothing if he was devoted
to his chief, in which case in the estimation of his tribe he
was virtuous. There was a reason for this, as will presently
oe seen.
The most solemn oath that a man could take was by either
some great legendary ruler or the one then living, though he
did not regard even that as binding if he believed that by
speaking falsely the interest of the chief would be advanced.
Portuguese writers state that the people near the Zambesi swore
hy MambOf which was rather one of the titles of the head of a
great tribe than his proper name, but the individual or his line
of ancestors was meant. At present the form of oath varies
slightly in different places, the most common expression being
I call to witness or I point to, as Ki supa ha MakcUshaney the
usual oath of a Mosuto, I point to Makatshane.
The amount of taxes paid by the people for the maintenance
of government was not fixed, as it is in European states. The
ordinary revenue of a chief was derived from confiscations of
property, fines, and presents, besides which his gardens, that were
usually large, were cultivated by the labour of his people. The
right of the ruler to the personal service of his subjects was
everywhere recognised, and it extended even to his requiring
them to serve others for his benefit. The Portuguese engaged
carriers from a chief, who took a considerable portion of their
earnings, just as the tribal heads at present send their young
men to a distance to work for them. Men who would not think
of assisting in the cultivation of their own gardens went willingly,
when called upon to do so, to labour in those of their chief. The
breast of every animal killed, which was regarded as the choicest
meat, was sent to him as his right, and certain furs were his
alone. When he felt so disposed, he made a tour through his
tribe, when each kraal visited provided food for him and his
attendants, and if he was in need, made him a present of cattle.
The oxen, often from fifty to a hundred, needed to procure his
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Description of the Bantu. 4 1
principal wife — who was to be the mother of the future ruler —
were contributed by his retainers.
In some of the tribes the chief might be said to be the owner
of everything. Cattle taken in war were his property, and
though the cows were distributed among the people, who had
the use of the milk, he could demand their restoration at any
time. All trade with strangers passed through his hands, and
he kept as much of the gains as he chose. Though this system
was confined to the military tribes, even in those less highly
organised it was usual for the chiefs to exact heavy dues upon
commercial transactions between their subjects and others.
When, for instance, the first fairs were established by the British
authorities on the Xosa border, the chiefs fixed the quantity of
beads or other merchandise to be received for every ox or tusk
of ivory, and commonly took about half for themselves, witiiout
the people raising any objection.
The charges upon the government, except in the case of the
military tribes, were limited to the cost of entertainment of
attendants and visitors, and of presents to favourites or for services
performed. There were no salaries to be paid, and no public
works to be provided for. In all the country from the Zambesi
to the southern coast there was not so much as a road, nothing
better than a footpath, which, though leading towards a fixed
point, wound round every obstacle in the way, great or small,
for no one cared to remove even a puny boulder to obtain a more
direct line. Many of these footpaths were worn deep by constant
use for years, but they were never repaired. The simplest bridge
over a stream was unknown, nor was there any other public
work, if barricades of stones in the approaches to hill tops are
excepted.
The religion of the Bantu was based upon the supposition of
the existence of spirits that could interfere with the affairs of
this world. These spirits were those of their ancestors and their
deceased chiefs, the greatest of whom had control over lightning.
When the spirits became offended or hungry they sent a plague
or disaster until sacrifices were offered and their wrath or hunger
was appeased. The head of a family of commoners on such an
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42 History of South Africa,
occasion killed an animal, and all ate of the meat, as the hungry
ghost was supposed to be satisfied with the smell. In case of
the chief or the community at large being affected, the sacrifice
was performed with much ceremony by the tribal priest, an
individual of great influence, who had as other duties to ward off
from the ruler the maleyolent attacks of wizards and to prepare
charms or administer medicine that would make the warriors who
conducted themselves properly invulnerable in battle.
An instance may be given to illustrate the operation of this
religion. Upon the death of Gwanya, a chief of great celebrity
in the Pondomisi tribe, he was buried in a deep pool of the Tina
river. The body was fastened to a log of wood, which was sunk
in the water and then covered with stones. The sixth in the
direct line of descent from this chief, Umhlonhlo by name, to
save himself from destruction by an enemy became a British
subject at his own request, but in October 1880 treacherously
murdered three English officials, and went into rebellion, which
resulted in his being obliged afterwards to take shelter in Basuto-
land. In 1891 one of Umhlonhlo's sons ventured into the district
where his father had lived, and there committed an assault, for
which he was arrested and sent before a colonial court to be
tried. It was a time of intense heat and severe drought, which
the tribe declared were caused by the spirit of Gwanya, who in
this manner was expressing displeasure at the treatment accorded
to his descendant. A.s a peace-offering therefore, cattle were
killed on the banks of the pool containing his grave, and the
flesh was thrown into the water, together with new Wishes full of
beer. The prisoner was sentenced to pay a fine, which was at
once collected by the people for him. A few days later rain fell
in copious showers, which of course confirmed the belief of the
tribe that what was right had been done, and that the spirit of
Gwanya was appeased.
The Bantu had no idea of reward or punishment in a world to
come for acts committed in this life, and thus there was no other
restraint of religion upon their actions than was connected with
loyalty to their chiefs dead and living. Except when compelled
by circumstances to do so, they thought as little as possible of
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Description of the Bantu. 43
their own after fate^ and seldom allowed reflection of any kind to
disturb them.
A belief in the existence of spirits wonld seem to have as its
consequence a belief in some special place where they resided,
but the Bantu power of reasoning in such matters did not extend
so far. Their minds in this respect were like those of little
children, who are content to credit marvellous things told to
them, without attempting to investigate any of the particulars.
It is only since European ideas have been disseminated among
them that such a question has arisen, and that one has said the
spirits resided in the sky, another that their place of abode was a
cavern under the earth. They acted as if the ghosts of the dead
remained at or near their habitations when in life, and they were
constantly fearful of meeting them at night. In all parts of the
country there were localities, usually wild or secluded glens,
which had the reputation of being haunted, and where no one
would venture to appear alone after dusk. This might be said,
however, of almost every part of Europe as well, so that in it the
Bantu did not differ from the most highly civilised section of
mankind.
No man of this race, upon being told of the existence of a
single supreme God, ever denies the assertion, and among many
of the tribes there is even a name for such a Being, as, for
instance, the word Umkulunkulu, the G-reat Great One, used by
the Hlubis and others. From this it has been assumed by some
investigators that the Bantu are really monotheists, and that the
spirits of their ancestors are regarded merely as mediators or
intercessors. But such a conclusion is incorrect. The Great
Great One was once a man, they all assert, and before our con-
ception of a deity became known to them, he was the most
powerful of the ancient chiefs, to whom tradition assigned
supernatural knowledge and skill.
When a person was killed by lightning no lamentation was
made, as it would have been considered rebellion to mourn for
one whom the great chief had sent for. In cases of death
within a kraal the relatives and friends of the deceased often
exhibited the most passionate symptoms of grief, which, how-
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44 History of South Africa.
every seldom lasted long, though they generally shaved their
heads as a sign of mourning. There was an idea that something
connected with death attached to the personal eflfects of the
deceased, on which account whatever had belonged to him that
could not be placed in the grave, his clothing, mats, head
rest, &o., was destroyed by fire. The hut in which he had lived
was also burned, and no other was allowed to be built on the
spot. If he had been the chief, the whole kraal was removed to
another site. Those who touched the corpse or any of the dead
man's effects were obliged to go through certain ceremonies, and
then to bathe in running water before they could associate again
with their companions. Except in cases of persons of rank,
however, very few deatjis occurred within kraals. As soon as it
was seen that any one's end was near, the invalid was carried to
a distance and left to die alone, in order to avert the danger
of the presence of the dreaded somethiug that could not be
explained.
If it happened that a common person died within a kraal, the
corpse was dragged to a distance, and there left to be devoured
by beasts of prey ; but chiefs and great men were interred with
much ceremony. A grave was dug, in which the body was
placed in a sitting posture, and by it were laid the weapons of
war and ornaments used in life. When the grave was closed,
such expressions as these were used: Bemember us from the
place where you are, you have gone to a high abode, cause us to
prosper. To prevent desecration of any kind, watchers were
then appointed to guard the grave, who for many months never
left its neighbourhood. In some instances it was enclosed with
a fence large enough to form a fold, within which selected oxen
were confined at night. These cattle were thenceforward regarded
as sacred, were well cared for, and allowed to die a natural
death. The watchers of the grave also were privileged men ever
afterwards.
Before the interment of the paramount chief of a powerful
tribe, especially of a great military ruler, a number of his
attendants were killed, and their bodies were placed around his
in the grave in such a way as to keep it from contact with the
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Description of the Bantu. 45
earth. The object was to provide him with servants in the spirit
world. His principal wives either took poison voluntarily or
were killed^ to serve him as companions. If he had a favourite
dog, ox, or other animal, that was also slaughtered, to give him
pleasure. It does not follow that such animals were regarded as
immortal, but there was something unexplainable connected with
them that the dead chief could enjoy, just as there weis with his
assagais and his metal bracelets. Afterwards, especially when
drought occurred or any disaster overtook the people, sacrifices
were offered at the grave, and prayers were made to him for
assistance. When a number of chiefs had thus been interred, a
tacit selection was made of the one who had been the wisest and
most powerful in his day, and the others were neglected and
gradually forgotten except by the antiquaries who preserved
their names.
The custom of slaughtering wives and attendants upon the
death of a great chief was not observed by the less important
tribes, nor upon the death of mere chiefs of clans or of other
individuals of position ; but a practice can*ied out to the present
day shows that it must at one time have been general. When a
man of what may be termed aristocratic rank died his widows
betook themselves to forests or lonely places, where they lived
in seclusion as best they could for a month or longer, according
to the time of mourning customary among their people. During
this period no one even spoke to them, and when, as sometimes —
but not always — ^happened, they were supplied with food, it was
done by leaving a little miUet in a place near their haunts
where they would probably find it. Death from exposure and
starvation was frequently the result of this custom. At the end
of the time of mourning the emaciated creatures returned to
their kraals, when ceremonies of purification were observed, their
clothing and ornaments were burned, and their relatives supplied
them with the new articles that they needed. This method of
mourning must have been developed from the practice of
slaughtering such wives of a man of rank as could not make
their escape when he died, in order that they might accompany
him to the land of spirits.
F 2
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46 History of South Africa.
The tribe adjoining the Hottentot border on the south-east
had a dim belief in the existence of a powerful being, whom they
termed Qamata, and to whom they sometimes prayed, though
they never offered sacrifices to him. In a time of great danger
one of them would exclaim : " 0 Qamate help me," and when the
danger was over he would attribute his deliverance to the same
being. But of Qamata nothing more was known than that he
was high and mighty, and that though at times he helped
individuals, in general he did not interfere with the destinies of
men. Recent investigations have shown that this belief did not
extend far among the Bantu tribes, and it is now supposed to
have been acquired from the Hottentots. Not that the
Hottentots venerated a deity thus designated, but that a know-
ledge of some other object of worship than their own ancestral
shades having been obtained through Hottentot females whom
they took to themselves, this name was given to the unknown
divinity.
The Bantu believed that the spirits of the dead visited their
friends and descendants in the form of animals. Each tribe
regarded some particular animal as the one selected by the
ghosts of ite kindred, and therefore looked upon it as sacred.
The lion was thus held in veneration by one tribe, the crocodile
by another, the python by a third, the bluebuck by a fourth, and
so on. When a division of a tribe took place, each section
retained the same ancestral animal, and thus a simple method is
afforded of ascertaining the wide dispersion of various com-
munities of former times. For instance, at the present day a
species of snake is held by people as far south as the mouth of
the Fish river and by others near the Zambesi to be the form in
which their dead appear.
This belief caused even such destructive animals as the lion
and the crocodile to be protected from harm in certain parts of
the country. It was not indeed believed that every lion or every
crocodile was a disguised spirit, but then any one might be, and
so none were molested unless under peculiar circumstances, when
it was clearly apparent that the animal was an aggressor and
therefore not related to the tribe. Even then, if it could be
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Description of the Bantu. 47
driven away it was not killed. A Xosa of the present time will
leave his hut if an ancestral snake enters it, permitting the
reptile to keep possession, and will shudder at the thought of
any one hurting it. The animal thus respected by one tribe was,
however, disregarded and killed without scruple by all others.
The great majority of the people of the interior have now lost
the ancient belief, but they still hold in veneration the animal
that their ancestors regarded as a possible embodied spirit.
Most of them take their tribal titles from it, thus the Bakwena
are the crocodiles, the Bataung the lions, the Baphuti the little
blue antelopes. Each terms the animal whose name it bears its
siboko, and not only will not kill it or eat its flesh, but will not
touch its skin or come in contact with it in any way if that can
be avoided. When one stranger meets another and desires to
know something about him, he asks '^ to what do you dance ? "
and the name of the animal is given in reply. Dos Santos, a
Portuguese writer who had excellent opportunities of observation,
states that on certain occasions, which must have been frequent,
men imitated the actions of their siboko ; but that custom has
now almost died out, at least among the southern tribes.
The people along the south-eastern coast, though separated
into distinct communities absolutely independent of each other
from a time as far back as their tradition reaches, are of common
tribal origin. They all regard the same species of snake as the
form in which their ancestral shades appear. Further, their
tribal titles, with few exceptions, are derived from the chief who
left the parent stock, thus the yimahlubi are the people of Hlubi,
the Abatembu the people of Tembu, the Amaxosa the people of
Xosa, Hlubi, Tembu, and Xosa being the chiefs under whom
they acquired independence. The exceptions are derived from
some peculiarity of the people, but in these cases the titles were
originally nicknames given by strangers and afterwards adopted
by the tribes themselves.
Nearer than the spirits of deceased chiefs or of their own
ancestors was a whole host of hobgoblins, water sprites, and
malevolent demons, who met the Bantu turn which way they
would. There was no beautiful fairyland for them, for all the
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48 History of South Africa.
beings who haunted the mountains, the plains, and the rivers
were ministers of evil. The most feared of these was a large
bird that made love to women and incited those who returned its
affection to cause the death of those who did not, and a little
mischievous imp who was also amorously inclined. Many
instances could be gathered from the records of magistrates*
courts in recent years of demented women having admitted their
acquaintance with these fabulous creatures, as well as of whole
communities living in terror of them.
The water spirits were believed to be addicted to claiming
human victims, though they were sometimes willing to accept an
ox as a ransom. How this belief works practically may be
illustrated by facts which have come under the writer's
cognizance.
In the summer of 1875 a party of girls went to bathe in a
tributary of the Keiskama river. There was a deep hole in the
stream, into which one of them got, and she was drowned. The
others ran home as fast as they could, and there related that
their companion had been lured from their side by a spirit
calling her. She was with them, they said, in a shallow part,
when suddenly she stood upright and exclaimed '' It is calling."
She then walked straight into the deep place, and would not
allow any of them to touch her. One of them heard her saying
" Go and tell my father and my mother that it took me." Upon
this, the father collected his cattle as quickly as possible, and
went to the stream. The animals were driven into the water,
and the man stood on the bank imploring the spirit to take the
choicest of them and restore his daughter.
On another occasion a man was trying to cross one of the fords
of a river when it was in flood. He was carried away by the
current, but succeeded in getting safely to land some quarter of
a mile farther down. Eight or ten stout fellows saw him carried
off his feet, but not one made the slightest effort to help him.
On the contrary, they all rushed away frantically, shouting to
the herd boys on the hill sides to drive down the cattle. The
escape of the man from the power of the spirit was afterwards
attributed to his being in possession of a powerful charm.
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Description of the Bantu. 49
Besides these spirits, according to the belief of the Bantu,
there are people living under the water, pretty much as those do
who are in the upper air. • They have houses and furniture, and
even cattle, all of their domestic animals being, however, of a
dark colour. They are wiser than other people, and from them
the witchfinders are supposed to obtain the knowledge of their
art. This is not a fancy of children, but the implicit belief of
grown-up men and women at the present day. As an instance,
in July 1881 a woman came to the writer of this chapter, who
was then acting as magistrate of a district in the Cape Colony
inhabited by Bantu, and asked for assistance. A child had died
in her kraal, and the witchfinder had pointed her out as the
person who had caused its death. Her husband was absent, and
the result of her being 9mdi out was that no one would enter her
hut, share food with her, or so much as speak to her. If she was
in a path every one fled out of her way, and even her own
children avoided her. Being under British jurisdiction she
could not be otherwise punished, but such treatment as this
would of itself, in course of time, have made her insane. She
denied most emphatically having been concerned in the death
of the child, though she did not doubt that some one had
caused it by means of witchcraft. The witchfinder was sent for,
and, as the matter was considered an important one, a larger
number of people than usual appeared at the investigation. On
putting the ordinary tests to the witchfinder he failed to meet
them, and when he was compelled, reluctantly, to admit that he
had never held converse with the people under the water, it was
easy to convince the bystanders that he was only an impostor.
Of the origin of life or of the visible universe the Bantu never
thought, nor had any one of them ever formed a theory upon the
subject. There was indeed a story told in all the tribes of the
cause of death, but it is in itself an apt illustration of their want
of reasoning power in such matters. The chameleon, so the
tale was told, was sent to say that men were to live for ever.
After he had gone a long time the little lizard was sent to say
that men were to die. The lizard, being fleet of foot, arrived flrst
at his journey's end, and thus death was introduced. But in
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50 History of South Africa.
whom the power lay of forming these decisions, and of sending
the animals with the messages, they did not trouble themselves
to inquire, nor did it strike them that the narrative was incom-
plete without this information until Europeans questioned them
concerning it.
Some of the eastern Bantu had a legend that men and animals
formerly existed in caverns in the bowels of the earth, but at
length found their way to the surface through an opening in a
marsh overgrown with reeds. They always pointed to the north
as the direction in which this marsh lay. The Ovaherero on the
western coast believe that human beings and every kind of
animal sprang from a particular kind of large tree in their
country, to which on that account they pay such respect that
they will not even lop a twig from it, wherever it may be
growing. For this reason it is now commonly called by the
Europeans in the country the Damara mother tree, Dam up,
corrupted by the Dutch colonists into Damara, being the
Hottentot name of the black people living north of Walfish Bay,
But this belief is probably of Hottentot, not of Bantu origin, for
the clans that hold it have strangely mixed up the worship of
Heitsi-eibib with that of their own ancestral shades. This must
have arisen from the predominance of the Hottentot race in
remote times in the country now occupied by the Ovaherero.
Dos Santos states that the people of his time in the Zambesi
basin observed certain fixed days as holy, and abstained from
labour upon them ; but this custom was certainly not universal,
and very likely the friar was mistaken. At any rate modem
observers in that part of the country as well as in the south
have noticed that no days or seasons are considered more sacred
than others, though there are times marked by particular events
when it is considered unlucky to undertake any enterprise, and
even movements in war are delayed on such occasions.
Still it must be observed that, though no days were considered
holier than others, or were specially dedicated to religious
observances, with the Bantu, as probably with all uncivilised
people, the time of a new moon was one of special rejoicing.
Next to the apparent course of the sun through the sky, the
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Description of the Bantu. 5 1
changes of the moon are those which to every one are most
striking. This is particularly so in a country like South Africa,
where a moonlit eyening, when the winds are lulled and the air
is deliciously fresh and cool, is to Europeans the pleasantest part
of the twenty-four hours, far more so to people who knew of no
other artificial light than that of burning wood. It is no wonder
therefore that the new moon was hailed with shouts of joy, that
its praises were chanted in set words, and that among some of the
tribes dances and other ceremonies took place in its honour.
With all this, however, the moon was not regarded as a deity,
nor was the evening of rejoicing considered more holy than any
other. After the crops were gathered, many of the tribes were
accustomed to offer special sacrifices to the spirits of their dead
chiefs, though there was no fixed day in every year set apart for
the purpose, and indeed they did not even know how to reckon
time as we do. A chief who considered that his people, male or
female, needed rest, might issue an order that no work was to be
done on a particular day, but that did not cause it to be regarded
as holy.
£ach ruling family had an individual connected with it, one
of whose duties can properly be described as that of a priest, for
it was he who in times of calamity sacrificed cattle for the tribe
to the spirits of the dead chiefs. Another of his duties was by
means of charms and incantations to ward off evil influence of
every kind from the reigning ruler. When a community was
broken in war and compelled to become a vassal clan of some
other tribe, it retained its priest until by time or circumstances
a thorough incorporation took place. That was a process,
however, not usually completed until several generations had
passed away.
As a factor in the government of a Bantu tribe religion was
more powerful than in any European state, for the fear of offend-
ing the spirits of the deceased chiefs, and so bringing evil upon
themselves, kept the clans loyal to their head. He was the
representative, the descendant in the great line, of those whose
wrath they appeased by sacrifices. A tribe all of whose clans
were governed by offshoots of the family of the paramount chief
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52 History of South Africa,
was thus immensely stronger in war than one of equal size made
up of clans thrown together by chance. In the one case the
religious head was the same as the political, in the other they
were separated.
The belief in witchcraft was deep-seated and universal. The
theory was that certain evil-disposed persons obtained power from
the demons to bewitch others, and so to cause sickness, death, or
disaster of some kind. They were believed often to use snakes,
baboons, and other animals as their messengers. They could
only be discovered by individuals who went through a very
severe novitiate, and to whom the necessary knowledge was
imparted by people who lived under water. Undoubtedly some
of the witchfinders were impostors; but many of them were
really monomaniacs, and had the firmest conviction in their
ability to do what they professed.
Occasionally a person believed that he had received revela-
tions from the spirit world. If his statements were credited,
his power at once became enormous, and his commands were
implicitly obeyed. Crafty chiefs sometimes made use of such
deranged beings for the purpose of exciting the people to war,
or of inducing them to approve of measures which would otherwise
have been unpopular.
There were individuals who professed to be able to make rain,
and whose services were frequently called into use when any part
of the country suffered from drought. If it happened soon
afterwards that rain fell they received credit for it, and were
amply rewarded, while if the drought continued they asserted
that some unknown powerful wizard was working against them,
a statement that was in most cases believed. Sometimes, how-
ever, the chief and people lost faith in them, when they were
pronounced guilty of imposture, and were tied hand and foot and
thrown over a precipice or into a stream.
There were also persons who were skilful in the use of herbs
as remedies for diseases, and who were well acquainted with
different kinds of poison. This knowledge was transmitted in
certain families from father to son, and was kept profoundly
secret from the mass of the peonle. Some of their medicines were
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Description of the Bantu, 53
beyond doubt of great efticacy, such as those used for the cure of
dysentery, for causing virulent sores to heal, and to counteract
snake bites.* But with these, and classified as of equal value,
they professed to have medicines that would cause love from a
woman, favour from a chief, &c. The writer of this was once so
fortunate as to come into possession of the whole stock in trade
of a famous Xosa herbalist. Each article in it was afterwards
submitted to different practitioners, under exceptionally favour-
able circumstances for eliciting information, when most of them
were at once recognised and their uses pronounced. Some
were cures for various diseases, one was a love philter, and one
was a piece of wood which was to be burned and the smoke
inhaled, when the person using it would find favour in the eyes
of his superior. But there were several whose use no one would
divulge, their properties being regarded as secrets upon the
strictest maintenance of which the fortunes of the herbalist
families depended. In every case, in addition to the medicine,
charms were made use of, and the one was as much relied upon
as the other by the people at large.
It often happened that the three offices of witchfinder, rain-
maker, and herbalist were combined in the same person, but this
was not always the case, and the occupations were distinct.
When practising, these individuals attired themselves fantasti-
cally, being painted with various colours, and having the tails of
wild animals suspended around them.
Charms were largely depended upon to preserve the wearers
against accident or to produce good luck. They were merely
bits of wood or bone, which were hung about the neck, and were
* A valuable pamphlet, in which the botanical, native, and colonial names,
and the uses of a great many of these medicinal plants are given, was not long
ago prepared and published by the late Andrew Smith, Esqre., M.A., for many
years a teacher in the higher department of the Lovedale Missionary Institution,
who expended a great deal of time and thought in the investigation of this
subject. My friend the reverend Dr. \V. A. Soga, a medical missionary with
the Bomvanas in the district of Elliotdale, informed me a few years ago that a
remedy for one form of cancer was certainly known to some herbalists of his
acquaintance, but though he had long been endeavouring to acquire their secret,
he had been unable to do so.
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54 History of South Africa.
regarded just as lucky pennies and fortunate days are by some
silly Europeans. But the belief was firm in charms and medi-
cines which gave to an assagai the property of hitting the mark,
to an individual the property of winning favour, and such like.
The issue of warlike operations was divined by revolting cruelties
practised on animals. At the commencement of hostilities, and
often before an engagement, two bulls were selected to represent
the opposing parties. These were then skinned alive, and
success was foretold to the combatant represented by the one
. that lived longest. By some means, however, each band of
warriors was made to believe that the result denoted victory to
its side. While this was taking place pieces of flesh were cut
from other living bulls, which the warriors devoured raw, in the
supposition that by this means their courage in battle would be
increased. Cruelty of so dreadful a kind shocked no heart
among the spectators, for the Bantu in general were utterly
indifierent to the sufferings of animals, except favourites such as
a man's own race-ox or his pet dog.
The tribes of the interior were more superstitious than those of
the coast, as they were guided in nearly all their actions by the
position in which some pieces of bone or wood of the character of
dice fell when they were cast on the ground. The largest made
of wood were oblong tablets, about six inches in length, two
inches in width, and five-eighths of an inch in thickness, but
usually those of wood, and almost invariably those of bone, were
smaller, the commonest being about two inches and a half long,
an inch wide, and an eighth of an inch in thickness. On each
tablet a different pattern was carved, and each had a significa-
tion different from the others. Sometimes instead of tablets
pieces of bone or of ivory carved in various shapes were used, in
the manufacture of which a great deal of patient labour was
expended. The usual number employed was five, but more were
sometimes found in a set. If an ox strayed the davla was
thrown to ascertain in what direction it had gone, if a hunt was
to take place it wus consulted to indicate in what quarter game
was most readily to be found, in short it was resorted to in every
case of doubt. Each individual carried with him a set of these
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Description of the Bantu. 55
mystic articles strung on a thong, to be used whenever required.
This superstitious practice, just as it was described more than
three hundred years ago by the friar Dos Santos, is still prevalent
and firmly believed in.
With many of the tribes there was a custom upon the
accession of a chief to kill the commoner with the largest head
among the people, in order that his skull might be used by the
priest as a receptacle for the charms against wit^^hcraft employed
in the protection of tlie ruler. Such a receptacle was regarded
as requisite for that particular purpose. Only a generation ago
a man was killed with this object by a section of the Xosa tribe
that was not then under British rule, but that had been to some
extent for many years under European influence. The writer
has heard his grandchildren speak of the event without the
slightest feeling of horror, with as much indifference, in fact, as
if they were relating any ordinary occurrence.
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56 History of South Africa.
CHAPTER III.
Description of the Bantu (continued).
The Bantu had a system of common law and perfectly orga-
nised tribunals of justice, which, however, were sometimes set
aside by the great military tribes. Their laws came down from
a time to which even tradition did not reach, and those which
related to ordinary matters were so well known to every member
of the community that trials were mere investigations into
statements and proofs of occurrences. When complicated cases
arose, precedents were sought for, antiquaries were referred to,
and celebrated jurists even in other tribes were consulted. If
all these means of ascertaining the law failed, and the chief
before whom the case was being tried was not a man of generally
, recognised ability, it often happened that no judgment was
given, for fear of establishing a faulty precedent. From the
decisions of the minor chiefs there was a right of appeal to the
head of the tribe.
The law held every one accused of crime guilty, unless he
could prove himself innocent. It made the head of a family
responsible for the conduct of all its branches, the kraal col-
lectively in the same manner for each resident in it, and the clan
for each of its sub-divisions. Thus if the skin of a stolen ox was
found in a kraal, or if the footmarks of the animal were traced to
it, the whole of the residents were liable to be fined. There was
no such thing as a man's professing ignorance of his neighbour's
doings : the law required him to know all about them, or it made
him suffer for neglecting a duty which it held he owed to the
community. Every individual was not only in theory but in
practice a policeman.
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Description of the Bantu. 57
A lawsuit among these people was commonly attended by all
the men of the kraal where it took place. Nothing was more
congenial than to sit and listen to the efforts of the querists to
elicit the truth, or for the ablest among them to assist in the in-
vestigation. The trial took place in the open air. The person
charged with crime or the defendant in a civil suit underwent a
rigorous examination, and anything like warning him against
criminating himself was held to be perversion of justice.
The accuser or plaintiff or a friend prosecuted, and a friend of
the individual on trial conducted the defence ; the councillors,
who acted as assessors, or any individual of recognised legal
ability who happened to be present, put any questions they
chose; and the mass of spectators observed the utmost silence
and decorum. At the conclusion of the trial, the councillors
expressed their opinions, and the chief then pronounced
judgment.
There were only two modes of punishment, fines and death,
except in cases where an individual was charged with having
dealt in witchcraft, when torture, often of a horrible kind, was
practised. In this class of trials every one was actuated by fear,
and was in a state of strong excitement, so that the formalities
required on other occasions were dispensed with. The whole
clan was assembled and seated in a circle, the witchfinder, who
was fantastically painted and attired, went through certain in-
cantations ; and when all were worked into a state of frenzy he
pointed to some individual as the one who had by bewitchment
caused death or sickness among the people, murrain among cattle,
blight in crops, or some other disaster. The result to the person
so pointed out was confiscation of property and torture, often
causing death. The number of persons who perished on charges
of dealing in witchcraft was very great. I'he victims were
usually old women, men of property, persons of eccentric habits,
or individuals obnoxious to the chief. Any person in advance of
his fellows was specially liable to suspicion, so that progress of
any kind towards what we should term higher civilisation was
made exceedingly difficult by this belief.
No one except the chief was exempt, however, from being
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58 History of South Africa.
charged with dealing in witchcraft. The cruelties practised upon
the unfortunate individuals believed to be guilty were often
horrible, but a single instance, which occurred in July 1892, will
be sufficient to exemplify them. A wife of the Pondo chief
Sigcawu being ill, a witchfinder was directed to point out the
person who caused the malady. He declared that Ma Matiwane,
sister of the Pondomisi chief Umhlonhlo and widow of Sigcawu's
father, was the guilty person, and that she had a lizard and a
mole as her servants in the evil work. By order of Sigcawu, a
number of young men then seized Ma Matiwane, stripped her
naked, fastened her wrists and ankles to pegs driven in the
ground, and covered her with ants irritated by pouring water
over them. She suffered this torture for a long time without
confessing, so they loosed her, saying that her medicines were
too strong for the ants. They then lashed her arms to a pole
placed along her shoulders, and taking her by the feet and the
ends of the pole, they held her over a fire. Under this torture
she confessed that she was guilty, but as she could not produce
the lizard and the mole, she was roasted again three times within
two days. No European could have survived such a burning ;
but she was ultimately rescued by an agent of the Cape govern-
ment, and recovered. This woman had taken care of Sigcawu
after the death of his own mother, yet on the mere word of a
witchfinder she was thus horribly tortured. And instances of
this kind were common events in the olden times.
Frequently, when a great calamity had occurred, or the life of
a chief was believed to be in danger, not only the individual
pointed out by the witchfinder, but his or her whole family was
exterminated, and even entire kraals were sometimes wiped out
of existence on such occasions. So strong was the belief in
witchcraft and in the power of witchfinders to detect those guilty
of practising it that instances were not rare of persons accused
admitting that the charge against them must be correct and that
they ought to suffer death, because some evil emanation over
which they had no control must have gone forth from their
bodies and caused the disaster, though they had done nothing
directly to produce it.
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Description of the Bantu. 59
The Bantu were seen in the most favourable light at ordinary
lawsuits before the chiefs and councillors, and in the most
unfavourable light at trials for the discovery of wizards and
witches. In the one case men were found conducting themselves
with the strictest gravity and propriety, in the other case the
same people were seen as a panic-stricken horde, deaf to all
reason, and ready to perform most atrocious acts of cruelty, even
upon persons who just previously were their companions.
The sentences pronounced in ordinary cases were often such
as would have seemed unjust to Europeans, but that was because
OUT standard of comparative crime is not the same as theirs, and
because with us there is supposed to be no difference of punish-
ment according to the rank of the criminal. With them the
ruling families in all their branches had the privilege of doing
many things with impunity that commoners were severely
punished for. Bribery was not unknown, but in courts as open
as theirs, and where there was the utmost freedom of enquiry, it
could not be practised to any great extent. When a case was
talked out, every one present was usually acquainted with its
minutest details.
Among the northern tribes trial by ordeal was resorted to in
cases where personal or circumstantial evidence was wanting, and
in appeal from decisions of witchfinders. The form of ordeal
varied. In some instances the accused person was required to
lick or to pick up a piece of red hot iron, and if he was burnt he
was condemned as guilty. In other cases he drank the poisonous
juice of a certain herb, and if it had effect upon him he was
doomed to immediate death. In others again he was forced to
drink a huge basin of hot water mixed with a bitter emetic, and
if he could not retain it the charge against him was regarded
as proved. Yet so confident were innocent persons that no
harm would come to them from the iron, the poison, or the
emetic, that they accepted the ordeal with alacrity. Among
the southern tribes this practice was not common, though it was
well known.
The Bantu knew of no other periods in reckoning time than
the day and the lunar month, and could describe events only as
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happciiiug before or after some remarkable occurrence, such as
the death of a chief, a season of famine, or an unusually heavy
flood. The rising of the Pleiades shortly after sunset was regarded
as indicating the planting season. To this constellation, as well
as to several of the prominent stars and planets, they gave
expressive names. They formed no theories concerning the
nature of the heavenly bodies and their motions, and were not
given to thinking of such things. In later times, if questioned
by a European, they might venture to remark that the sky was
smoke which had risen from fires, but in such cases it would be
evident that the effort to find a solution to a query of this kind
was new to them.
They had no knowledge of letters or of any signs by which
ideas could be expressed. There were old men who professed to
be acquainted with the deeds of the past, and who imparted their
knowledge to the young, but their accounts of distant times
seldom corresponded in details. They touched very lightly
upon defeats sustained by their own tribe, but dilated upon all
its victories. In the traditions of each independent community
a particular chief, usually the second or third in descent from
the founder, was invariably represented as having conferred
extraordinary benefits upon his people. He was the inventor of
iron weapons, the one who decorated them with copper orna-
ments, and who taught them to use millet for food. Thus
among the Barolong at the present day all this is attributed to
Noto, son of Morolong ; among the Amaxosa to Tshawe, great-
grandson of Xosa ; among the Abatetwa to Umyambosi, son of
Umtetwa. Now it is absolutely certain that long before the
time of Morolong, Xosa, and Umtetwa, who founded these
modern tribes, iron, copper, and millet were in general use by all
sections of the Bantu. But in praise of chiefs who probably
gained some important victory, or under whose rule there was
unusual prosperity, whatever the succeeding generations could
think of as being great improvementa was ascribed to their
wisdom, and has been handed down as tribal history from one
antiquary to another. Thus these narratives convey incorrect
impressions, and little is beyond question except the genealogies
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Description of the Bantu. 6i
of the great chiefs, which have been carefully preserved for ten
or twelve generations.
Their folklore was neither of a moral character, nor did it
convey any useful lessons. The actors in it were animals which
spoke as human beings, persons who were bewitched and com-
pelled to appear as beasts, individuals with magical powers,
fantastic creatures, imps, cannibals, young chiefs, girls, etc., etc.
There was nothing, that led to elevation of thought in any of
these stories, though one idea, that might easily be mistaken on
a first view for a good one, pervades many of them : the
superiority of brain power to physical force. But on looking
deeper it is found that brain power was always interpreted as low
cunning ; it was wiliness, not greatness of mind, that won in the
strife against the stupid strong. Such an idea was in full
accord with the life of the people, and it may have been on this
account that the tales were so much liked. Where force was
directed as mercilessly as it is among brutes, it was necessary for
the weak to scheme against the strong. The little boy, who lived
in constant terror of larger ones, the woman, who was the drudge,
not the companion, of her husband, the petty clan, that felt the
exactions of a powerful neighbour, all were obliged to scheme,
and no people on earth ever learned the art of deception more
thoroughly than the Bantu. Thus these traditional tales, which
came down from a remote time, — as they were found with little
variation among tribes that could have had no intercourse with
each other for many centuries, — gave a large amount of pleasure
to those among whom they passed current, though to European
minds there was nothing amusing or interesting in them.
Many of the proverbs in common use, on the contrary, con-
veyed excellent practical lessons of prudence and wisdom. The
following are a few of those collected by the writer when
residing with the Xosas, and they might be extended to fill
many pages : —
A brand bums him who stirs it up, equivalent to our English
one Let sleeping dogs lie.
Like the marriage feast of Mapasa, used to denote anything
unusually grand. The marriage festivities of one of the ancients,
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62 History of South Africa.
Mapasa by name, are said to have been carried on for a whole
year.
Misfortune of soup made of shanks and feet, applied to any
person who never does well, but is always getting into trouble.
The kind of soup spoken of is very lightly esteemed.
One fly does not provide for another, a saying of the industrious
to the idle, meaning that each should work for himself as the
flies do.
Bakuba is far away, no person ever reached it. Bakuba is an
ideal country. This proverb is used as a warning against undue
ambition, or as advice to be content with that which is within
reach. It is equivalent to our English saying It is no use
building castles in the air.
They have slaughtered at Kukwane, where much meat is
obtainable. According to tradition, there was once a very rich
chief who lived at Kukwane, and who entertained strangers in a
more liberal manner than any who went before or who came after
him. This proverb is used to such persons as ask too much
from others, as if to say : It was only at Kukwane that such
expectations were realised.
It is not every one who is a son of Gaika. Gaika was at the
beginning of the nineteenth century the most powerful chief
west of the Kei. This proverb signifies that all are not equally
fortunate.
He has drunk the juice of the flower of the wild aloe. Said of
a dull, sleepy person. This juice when drunk has a stupefying
effect, and benumbs the limbs so as to make them powerless for
a time.
The walls have come into collision, said of any dispute between
persons of consequence.
A person who will not take advice gets knowledge when
trouble overtakes him.
You have cast away your own for that which you are not sure
of, equivalent to the English proverb A bird in the hand is
worth two in the bush.
He is a buck of an endless forest, a saying applied to a
shiftless person, one who never continues long in any occupation.
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You are lighting a fire in the wind, said to any one who
favours strangers in preference to relatives, or to their dis-
advantage.
There is no beast that does not roar in \\.% den, meaning that a
man recognises no superior in his own establishment. Equivalent
to Every cock crows on his own dunghill.
A dog of the wind, a saying applied to any one who has no
settled plan of living.
I, the adhesive grass, will stick fast to you. This proverb is
used as a warning to anyone to avoid a bad habit or an unworthy
companion that cannot easily be got rid of.
The sun never sets without fresh news.
They are people of experience who do not sleep at a strange
place, said in praise of one who is smart in going a message, or
who performs any duty at a distance quickly.
The land is dead, a saying which implies that war has
commenced.
One does not become great by claiming greatness, used to
incite any one to the performance of noble deeds. It means that
a man's actions, not his talk and boasting, are what people judge
of his greatness by.
It is the foot of a baboon, a saying denoting a treacherous
person.
lie has gone in pursuit of the (fabulous) birds of the sea, a
saying applied to one whose ambitious aspirations are not likely
to be realised.
You are creeping on your knees to the fireplace. Used as a
warning to any one who is following a course that must lead to
ruin. It is as if one said: You are like an infant crawling
towards the fire circle in the middle of the hut, who is sure to
get burnt.
It has stuck fast by one of the front legs. This saying is used
when any one has committed himself to a matter of importance.
An animal cannot extricate itself easily when fast by one of its
front legs.
It dies and rises like the moon. Said of any question that
springs up again after it is supposed to be settled.
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64 History of South Africa,
There is no plant that comes into flower and does not wither.
Desciiptiye of the life of man.
The crab has stuck fast between the stones at the entrance of
its hole. Said of any one who is involved in difficulties of his
own creation, or of one who raises an argument and is beaten
in it.
To-morrow is also a day. Said to any one who is in undue
haste or who is impatient in the execution of a task. It is the
proverb most acted upon by men of the Bantu race.
Of poetry they had a fairly rich store, but there was nothing
particularly grand in it. It was chanted by individual men on
special occasions, and consisted chiefly of adulation of the chiefs,
deeds of war, and actions of animals. Thus a favourite ox might
have a chant in its praise. The war chants, in certain parts of
which the whole of the men present joined, were certainly
impressive, but those in ordinary use were monotonous and dis-
agreeable to a European ear. All were distinguished by a note
of sadness. These people, though their voices were rich and
melodious, had no conception of such vocal music as we are
accustomed to: they had neither rhymic hymn, nor song, nor
glee. Their musical instruments were of the rudest kind, mostly
calculated to make noise rather than melody, those in ordinary
use being capable of producing only a monotonous thrumming
sound. The best consisted merely of pieces of wood or iron for
keys, with calabashes attached to them, arranged on stretched
strings, and struck with a small round-headed cane, or of thin
iron keys fastened over a gourd or hollow block of wood, and
touched by the hand. Of these there were several kinds, but all
were constructed on the same principle.
Every chief of highest rank in the military tribes was attended
by individuals whose duty was to act as official praisers. These
persons were attired in the most fantastic costumes, thus one
might have his head and every part of his body covered with the
skin of a lion, another with that of a leopard, and so on. On
any appearance of the chief, they shouted in a kind of chant a
poem in which greatness of every kind was attributed to him,
using such terms as great elephant, great despoiler, great
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Description of the Bantu, 65
ravisher, great conqueror, and great soothsayer. Very often at
the same time drums were beaten and horns were sounded,
making a din gratifying to the Bantu ear, but intolerable to that
of a European. The chiefia of tribes in the ordinary condition
had also their official praisers, who were, however, more modest
in their words, and whose chants were seldom accompanied by
such a deafening noise of discordant instruments.
The heads of the independent communities along the eastern
coast from the Zambesi river to Kosi Bay had dynastic names,
which they assumed upon succeeding to the chieftainship, and
by which they were afterwards known, just as all the rulers of
ancient Egypt were termed Pharaoh. Thus the paramount
chiefs of the tribe that occupied the south-eastern shore of
Delagoa Bay took the name Nyaka, those of the adjoining tribe
to the westward E^apela, those of the tribe living along the lower
course of the Limpopo river Manisa, and those of the great
Makalanga tribe, that occupied the eastern part of what is now
Rhodesia and the adjacent territory to the sea, Mnamatapa.
Each of these dynastic names originally had a special significa-
tion, and was derived from some occurrence connected with the
founder of the ruling family or one of the most distinguished of
his descendants. The custom applied only to paramount chiefs.
South of Kosi Bay dynastic names were not used, owing probably
to the manner in which the tribes were formed and their recent
origin.
The names given to children at birth were often changed at
a later age, especially in the case of chiefs who performed any
noteworthy act, or with a view to flattery, a custom that makes
research into their history somewhat difficult. It frequently
happened also that a chief was known to his own people by one
name, and to neighbouring tribes by another very different. In
our own day there are many instances of this custom. Thus a
chief of a Barolong clan, Montsiwa as his own people call him,
is termed Seyangkabo (meaning intruder in a bad sense) by some
of his immediate neighbours, and Motshele oa Maaka (the
fountain of lies) by others. Some of the names given to notable
persons were very expressive, and of these also there are many
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66 History of South Africa,
instances at present. Thus Sigcawu (the great spider), the
paramount Xosa chief, was so named on account of his supposed
clevemess, Dalindyebo (creator of wealth, from roots uku dala to
create and indyebo riches), the paramount Tembu chief, on
account of his having been born during an exceedingly abundant
harvest, Ngonyama (the lion), a Gkkika chief, on account of his
personal bravery, Uzwinye (one word, from roots izwi a word and
nye one), the reverend Mr. Hargreaves, on account of his con-
stantly recommending peace. When a woman is married, hei
husband's parents give her a new name, by which she is known
to his family afterwards. Upon the birth of her first child,
whether son or daughter, she is usually called by every one else
after the name given to the infant, Ma * *, the mother of * *.
When about fifteen or sixteen years of age boys in nearly all
the tribes were circumcised. The rite was purely civil. By it a
youth was enabled to emerge from the society of women and
children, and was admitted to the privileges of manhood. Its
performance was attended with many ceremonies, some of a
harmless, others to European ideas of a criminal nature. At a
certain period in every year, unless it was a time of calamity or
the chief had a son not yet ready, all the youths of a clan who were
old enough were circumcised. Thereafter for a couple of months
or longer they lived by themselves, and were distinguished by
wearing a peculiar head-dress and a girdle of long grass about
the loins, besides having their bodies covered with white clay.
During this period they had license to steal freely from their
relatives, provided they could do so without being caught in the
act. After returning to their homes, they were brought before
the old men of the tribe, who lectured them upon the duties and
responsibilities which they had taken upon themselves. Presents
of cattle and weapons were afterwards made by their friends to
give them a start in life, and they could then indulge in
immorality without let or hindrance from their elders.
In case a scion of the ruling house was growing up, the per-
formance of the rite of circumcision was generally allowed to
stand over for a year or two, so that he might have a large
number of companions. These were all supposed to be bound to
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Description of the Bantu. 67
him by a very strong tie. In after years they were to be his
councillors and attendants, and in case of danger were to form
his bodyguard. In modern times no instance has been known of
any one who was circumcised at the same time as a chief after-
wards proving unfaithful to him, but numerous instances have
come under the notice of Europeans where such persons have
sacrificed their lives for him.
With some — if not all — of the interior tribes at the time of
circumcision the youths were formed into guilds with passwords.
The members of these guilds were bound never to give evidence
against each other. The rites of initiation were kept as secret as
possible, but certain horrible customs connected with them were
known. One of these was the infusion of courage, intelligence,
and other qualities. Whenever an enemy who had acted bravely
was killed, his liver, which was considered the seat of intelligence,
the skin of his forehead, which was considered the seat of perse-
verance, and other members, each of which was supposed to be
the seat of some desirable quality, were cut from his body and
baked to cinders. The ashes were preserved in the horn of a
bull, and during the circumcision ceremonies were mixed with
other ingredients into a kind of paste and administered by the
tribal priest to the youths, the idea being that the qualities which
they represented were communicated to those who swallowed
them. This custom, together with that of using other parts of
the remains of their enemies for bewitching purposes, led them
to mutilate the bodies of all who fell into their hands iu war, a
practice which infuriated those whose friends were thus treated,
and often provoked retaliation of a terrible kind.
Females who arrived at the age of puberty were introduced
into the state of womanhood by peculiar ceremonies, which
tended to extinguish virtuous feelings within them. Originally,
however, among the coast tribes the very worst of the observances
on these occasions was a test of discipline. The object of the
education of the males was to make them capable of self-restraint.
They were required to control themselves so that no trace of
their emotions should appear on their faces, they were not to
wince when undergoing the most severe punishment. In olden
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68 History of South Africa.
times a further test was applied, which has now degenerated into
the most abominable licentiousness. It will be sufficient to say
that the ycJung women who attended the revels on these occasions
were allowed to select temporary companions of the other sex,
and if they declined to do so, the chief distributed them at
his pleasure. As the first edition of this chapter was being
prepared, a chief, who was regarded as being more advanced
towards civilisation than most of his people, came into legal
collision with the European authorities for distributing a large
number of girls in this manner in a district within the Cape
Colony.
But degrading as this rite was among the Bantu of the coast,
among some of those of the interior it was even more vile. All
that the most depraved imagination could devise to rouse the
lowest passions of the young females was practised. A description
is impossible.
The other ceremonies observed on this occasion varied among
the tribes, but an account of those of the Amaxosa at the present
day will give a general idea of all. When a girl of this tribe
arrives at the age of puberty, messengers are sent by her father
to all the neighbouring kraals to invite the young women to
attend the "ntonjane." The girl in the meantime is kept
secluded in the hut of an aunt, or other female relative, and her
father does not see her. Soon parties are seen coming from all
sides, singing as they march. The first that arrive halt in front
of the cattle kraal, where they are joined by those who come
later. When the girls are all assembled, the father selects an ox
to be slaughtered, and the meat is cooked for a feast. The
women then dress the girls for the dance, and when this is done
they are ranged in rows in front of the cattle kraal. They are
almost naked, having on only a girdle round the waist, and an
apron, called caeawey made for the occasion out of the leaves of a
certain plant. In their hands they hold assagais, using them as
walking sticks.
When all is ready, four of the girls stop out of the front row
and dance, the rest singing ; and when these are tired four others
step out, and so on, until all the girls present have danced. The
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Descrtptton of tfu Bantu, 69
spectators then applaud the best dancer, or if they do not at once
fix upon the same person, the girls dance until all present agree.
The girls then give room to the men and women that in the
mean time have arrived, who form themselves in lines in the same
manner, and dance until it is decided which of them surpass the
others. The dancing is continued until sunset, when the men
and women return home, leaving the party of girls, called the
joikay who remain overnight. Next day dancing is resumed in
the same order, the guests usually arriving very early in the
morning.
If the girl's father is a rich man three oxen are slaughtered,
and the ntonjane is kept up for twelve days. On the thirteenth
day the young woman comes out of the hut where she has all
the time been living apart from her family. If the girl is a
chiefs daughter the ntonjane is kept up for twenty-four days.
All the councillors send oxen to be slaughtered^ that there may
be plenty for the guests to eat.
The following ceremony takes place on the occasion of a chiefs
daughter coming out of the house in which she was concealed
during the twenty-four days :— '
A son of her father's chief councillor puts on his head the two
wings of a blue crane (the indwe), which are regarded as an
emblem of bravery only to be worn on this occasion and by
veterans in times of war. He goes into the hut where she is, and
when he comes out she follows him. They march towards the
kraal where the dancing took place, the girl's mother, the jaka
or party of young women, the girl's father, and his councillors,
forming a procession. More cattle are slaughtered for the indive,
and then dancing is renewed, after which the girl drinks milk for
the first time since the day when she was concealed in the hut.
Large skin bags containing milk are sent from different kraals to
the place where the ntonjane is held. Some milk is put into a
small vessel made of rushes, a little of it is poured on the fire-
place, the aunt or other female relative in whose charge the girl
was takes the first mouthful, then she gives the milk to the girl,
who, after having drunk, is taken to her mother's house. The
people then disperse, and the ntonjane is over.
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70 History of South Africa.
This ceremony acts as an advertisement to people far and wide
that the girl can now be applied for in marriage.
The Bantu were polygamists, and women occupied a lower
position than men in their society. Marriage was an arrange-
ment, without any religious ceremony, by which in return for a
girl cattle were transferred to her relatives by the husband or
his friends. It did not make of a woman a slave who could be
sold from hand to hand, nor did it give her husband power to
maim her. In its best aspect this method of marriage was a
protection to a woman against ill usage. If her husband maimed
her, or treated her with undue severity, she could return to her
father or guardian, who was allowed in such cases to retain both
the woman and the cattle. In its worst aspect it permitted a
parent or guardian to give a girl in marriage to the man who
offered most for her, without the slightest reference to her
inclinations. A woman was a drudge, upon whom the cultivation
of the ground and other severe labour fell, she could inherit
nothing, and she was liable to moderate castigation from her
husband, such as a parent is at liberty to inflict upon a child,
without protection from the law. Wealth was estimated by the
number of wives and cattle that a man possessed, and the one
was always made use of to increase the other. The husband was
head or lord of the establishment, and the wives were required to
provide all the food except meat and milk. Each had a hut of
her own, which she and her children occupied, and the husband
used his caprice as to which of them he associated with at any
time.
Though the transfer of cattle alone made a marriage binding,
it was customary to engage in festivities in connection with it.
Those ordinarily observed in the Xosa tribe at the present day
are fairly typical of all. Among these people the whole of the
marriage ceremonies are included in the term uvndMidOy a word
derived from the verb viku duda, which means to dance by
springing up and down, as uku xerUsa means to dance by moving
the upper parts of the body. The dance at a marriage is con-
sidered of more importance than any of the others, and is therefore
frequently practised until skill in its performance is attained.
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Description of the Bantu. 7 1
The marriage of a young woman is arranged by her father or
guardian, and she is not legally supposed to be consulted in the
choice of a husband. In point of fact, however, matches arising
from mutual love are not uncommon. In such cases, if any
difficulties are raised by the guardians on either side, the young
people do not scruple to run away together, after which their
relatives usually come to an arrangement. Yet instances are not
wanting of girls being compelled against their wishes to marry
old men, who have already perhaps five or six wives. In practice
the umdudo is often deferred to a convenient season, but the
woman is considered not less a wife, and her children not less
legal, provided always that the transfer of cattle has taken place
according to agreement.
Marriage proposals may come from the father or guardian of
the young woman, or they may first be made by the man himself
or the relatives of the man who wishes to take a wife. The
father of a young man frequently selects a bride for him, and
intimates his wish by sending a messenger to make proposals to
the girl's father or guardian. In this case the messenger takes
some cattle with him, when, if the advances are favourably
received, an assagai is sent back, after which the relatives of the
young people discuss and finally arrange the terms of the
marriage. If the proposal comes from the girl's father, he sends
an assagai, which is accepted if the suit is agreeable, or returned
if it is not.
When the preliminary arrangements are concluded, unless, as
sometimes happens, it is considered expedient to permit the
marriage at once to take place, but to postpone the festivities to
a more convenient season, a bridal procession is formed at the
young woman's kraal, to escort her to her future home. It
consists of her relatives and all the young people of both sexes
who can get away. It leaves at such a time as to arrive at its
destination after dark, and endeavours to reach the place without
attracting notice. The bridal party takes with it a cow, given by
the bride's father or guardian to confer fortune upon her, and
hence called the inqakwe. This cow is afterwards well taken care
of by the husband. The party has also an ox provided by the
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72 History of South Africa.
same person, as his contribution towards the marriage feast. On
the following morning at daylight the ox is killed, when a portion
of the meat is taken by the bride's party, and the remainder is
left for the people of the kraal. The bridegroom's friends then
send messengers to invite the people of the neighbourhood to the
feast, and as soon as these arrive the dancing commences.
In the dance the men stand in lines three, four, or more rows
in depth, according to their number, and at a little distance
behind the women stand in the same order. The men stand with
their heads erect and their arms locked together. They are
nearly naked, but wear ornaments of brass around their waists.
The trappings of tlie war dance are altogether wanting. The
women are, however, in full dress, for their part consists only in
singing. When all are ready, a man who has been selected for
the purpose commences to sing, the others immediately join in,
and at a certain note the whole of the men rise together from the
ground. The dance consists merely in springing straight up and
coming down with a quivering of the body ; but when the men
warm to it, it gives them great satisfaction. - The song is very
monotonous, the same note occurring at every rise from the
ground. This dancing, with intervals of rest and feasting,
continues as long as the bridegroom's relatives supply oxen for
slaughter. A day suffices for a poor man, but a rich man's
marriage festivities may last a week or upwards.
On the closing day the bridegroom and his friends march from
one hut, while the bride and her party march from another, so as
to meet in front of the entrance to the cattle kraal. The bride
carries an assagai in her hand, which she throws so as to stick in
the ground inside the kraal in an upright position. This is the
last of the ceremonies, and the guests immediately begin to dis-
perse, each man taking home the milk-sack which he had brought
with him. In olden times ox-racing usually took place on the
closing day, but this custom has of late years fallen into neglect.
There were different restrictions with regard to the females
whom a man was at liberty to marry. No man of any coast tribe
would marry a girl whose relationship by blood to himself on his
father's side could be traced, no matter how distantly connected
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Description of the Bantu. 73
they might be. So scrupulous was he in this respect that he
would not even marry a girl who belonged to another tribe, if
she had the same family name as himself, though the relationship
could not be traced. A man, for instance, whose family title
was the Amanywabe, might belong to the Dushane clan of the
Xosa tribe. Among the Tembus, the Pondos, the Zulus, and
many other distinct communities, are people with this same
famUy title. They cannot trace any relationship with each other,
but wherever they are found they have ceremonies peculiar to
themselves. Thus the customs observed at the birth of a child
are exactly the same in every part of the country among people
of the same family title, though they may never have heard of
each other, while neighbours of the same clan, but of different
family titles, have these customs altogether dissimilar. This
indicates that the tribes and clans of the present day are com-
binations of others that were dispersed before their traditional
history commenced. No marriage between the Amanywabe is
permissible.
In some tribes, as at present in the Pondos, Tembus, and
Xosas, the same rule was applied to relatives by blood on the
mother's side also. Children take the family title of the father,
and can thus marry those of the same family title as the mother,
provided their blood relationship cannot be traced. Every man
of a coast tribe regarded himself as the protector of those females
whoAi we would call his cousins, second cousins, third cousins,
and so forth, on the father's side, while some had a similar feeling
towards the same relatives on the mother's side as well, and
classified them all as sisters. Immorality with one of them would
have been considered incestuous, something horrible, something
unutterably disgraceful. Of old it was punished by the death
of the male, and even now a heavy fine is inflicted upon him,
while the guilt of the female must be atoned by a sacrifice per-
formed with due ceremony by the tribal priest, or it is believed
a curse will rest upon her and her issue.
Of late years this feeling has become less operative than
formerly among those Bantu of the coast belt who have long
been in contact with Europeans, still immorality between persons
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74 History of South Africa.
related to each other as above described is extremely rare. It
is still more so among those who have learned little or nothing
from white men. Shortly after the annexation of Pondoland to
the Cape Colony the principal chief of the western division of
that territory instituted an inquiry into one such case, which he
reported to a magistrate, and wished the usual punishment to be
inflicted. The common ancestor was found on investigation to
be seven generations back, still in public opinion the crime was
enormous.
In contrast to this prohibition the native of the interior almost
as a rule married the daughter of his father's brother, in order,
as he said, to keep property from being lost to his family. This
custom more than anything else created a disgust and contempt
for them by the people of the coast, who term such intermarriages
the union of dogs, and attribute to them the insanity and idiocy
which in recent times has become prevalent among the inland
tribes.*
In no section of the Bantu was there any restriction in regard to
marrying a wife's blood relatives. Thus a man might marry two
sisters, though not at the same time, and of course two brothers
might marry two sisters. Sometimes it happened that a man and
his wife could not agree and that he could bring some substantial
charge against her, when, if she had a young unmarried sister,
an arrangement was usually made by which she returned to her
parents and her sister took her place, on the husband's making
a small addition to the cattle that had been transferred on the
' first occasion.
This was also the case when, as sometimes happened, a woman
was childless. Such a person finds little favour in Bantu society,
so that on becoming a mother a wife who has been married some
* Among the tribes within the Cape ColoDy at the present time the differences
are as follows : —
Xosas, Tembus, and Pondos : marry no relative by blood, however distant, on
either father*s or mother's side.
Hlubis aiid others commonly called Fingos: may marry the daughter of
motlier's brotl.er and other relatives on that side, but not on father's side.
Basil to, Batlaro, Batlapin, and Barolong ; very frequently marry cousins on
father's side, and know of no restrictions beyond actual sisters.
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Description of the Bantu. 75
time may say from the bottom of her heart, with Elizabeth of
old, that '^ her reproach is taken away from among men/' A
childless woman is usually exchanged for a -marriageable sister,
but the husband is required first to perform a ceremony which
can be illustrated by a case tried before the writer when act-
ing as a border magistrate in 1881. A sued B to recover the
value oi a heifer supplied to him two years before under these
circumstances. B's wife, who was distantly related to A, had
been married more than a year without bearing a child. B
thereupon applied to him for a heifer, the hair of the tail of
which was needed by the doctor of the clan to make a charm to
put round the woman's neck. He had supplied one for the
purpose, and now wanted payment for it. The defence was that
A, being the woman's nearest relative who had cattle, was bound
to furnish a heifer for the purpose. The hair of the tail was
needed, the doctor had made a charm of it and hung it round
the woman's neck, and she had thereafter given birth to a son.
The heifer could not be returned after being so used. In this
case, if the plaintiff had been so nearly related to defendant's
wife as to have participated in the benefit of the cattle given by
her husband for her, he could not have justified his claim under
Bantu law ; but as he was very distantly connected, he got judg-
ment The feeling entertained by the spectators in court in this
instance was that B had acted very ungratefully towards A, who
had not even been present at the woman's marriage feast, but
who had cheerfully acted in conformity with the custom which
requires that a charm must be made out of the hair of the tail
of a heifer belonging to a relative of a childless wife, in order to
cause her to bear children.
Far the greater number of lawsuits among the Bantu a]X)se
from their marriage customs. The cattle to be transferred to the
family of a woman were seldom or never fully paid until long
after the union, and in the meantime if the husband died disputes
were almost sure to arise as to what family the widow and her
children belonged, whether she had a right to return to her
parents, if so whether she could take any of her offspring with
her, and so on. The nearest relative of the deceased man had
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76 History of South Africa.
it in his power to settle the matter at once by paying the cattle
still due, but he did not always follow that course. If there were
any daughters, an arrangement was possible that of the cattle to
be received for them when they should marry the number due on
account of the mother should be paid. But even in this case
disputes were sure to arise. One party would fix the number
very differently from the other, and then the case would have to
be tried, when every little particular from first to last was
entered into, and the utmost patience was needed before a decision
could be arrived at. Sometimes these cases depended upon the
payment or non-payment of cattle three generations back, for in
Bantu opinion if a grandmother had not been fully incorporated
into the family of her husband, that is if the full number of cattle
had not been transferred for her, the position of her descendants
was doubtful, two distinct families having claims upon them. In
their expressive way of speaking, such cases did not die.
Chastity in married life was exceedingly rare among the coast
tribes. By custom every wife of a polygamist had a lover, and
no woman sank in the esteem of her companions on this becoming
publicly known. The law allowed the husband a fine from the
male offender, and permitted him to chastise the woman, provided
he did not maim her; but in the opinion of the females the
offence was venial and was not attended with disgrace. Favoured
guests had female companions — who were, however, generally
widows — allotted to them. Still, chastity had a value in the
estimation of the men, as was proved by the care with which the
harems of a few of the most powerful chiefs were guarded. It
might be thought that the framework of society would fall to
pieces if domestic life were more immoral than this, but in point
of fact a kraal on the coast was a scene of purity when compared
with one in some parts of the interior.
There it was a common occurrence for a chief to secure the
services and adherence of a young man by the loan of one of his
inferior wives either temporarily or permanently. In either case
the children belonged to the chief, who was regarded by the law
as their father. Another revolting custom among them was that
of polyandrous marriages. A man who had not the requisite
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Description of the Bantu, 77
number of cattle to procure a wife, and whose father was too poor
to help him^ obtained assistance from a wealthy individual on
condition of haying joint marital rights.
In some of the tribes women were obliged to invent for many
purposes different words from those used by every one around
them^ and it sometimes happened that these newly formed words
supplanted the old ones. This arose from a custom which pro-
hibited females from pronouncing the names of any of their
husband's male relatives in the ascending line, or any words
whatever in which the principal syllables of such names occurred.
If a traveller came to a kraal and happened to ask a woman who
was its headman^ if that individual was her husband's father or
uncle or elder brother she could not reply, but was obliged to call
some one else to give the required information. The violation of
this custom was considered as showing a want of respect for
connections by marriage. Women avoided meeting their
husband's male relatives in the ascending line, whenever it was
possible to do so, and never sat down in their presence.
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78 History of South Africa.
CHAPTER IV.
DESCRIPTION OP THE BANTU (oontinued).
The Bantu were agriculturists. Millet of several yarieties, all
now called by Europeans kaffir-com, was the grain exclusively
grown. They raised large quantities of this, which they used
either boiled or bruised into paste from which a very insipid kind
of bread was made. In good seasons much millet was converted
into beer. It was steeped in water until it began to sprout, then
dried in the sun, and afterwards partly crushed in wooden
mortars made by hollowing tho end of a block of wood about
three feet high. Two women, standing by the mortar, stamped
the contents with heavy wooden pestles, keeping time with the
strokes and usually lightening their labour by chanting some
meaningless words. The malt was then boiled, and leaven mixed
with it to cause it to ferment. Sometimes a bitter root was
added to flavour it. It could be made so weak as to form a
harmless and refreshing beverage, or so strong as to be
intoxicating. In the latter case unmalted com was crushed and
mixed with water, which was then boiled, and malt was added
afterwards until it was almost as thick as gruel, and to a
European palate would have been nauseating. Millet beer was
largely consumed at feasts of all kinds. It was used as soon as
it ceased fermenting, for it speedily became sour. Some women
were reputed to be able to make it much better than others, and
on that account their services were largely in demand. In some
parts of the country an intoxicating drink was also made from
honey, which was plentiful in the season of flowers.
More pernicious was the custom of smoking the dried leaves of
wild hemp, which had the effect of producing violent coughing.
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Description of the Bantu. 79
followed by stupefaction. The usual pipe was a horn^ but
sometimes the smoke was inhaled through a clay tube made on
the surface of the ground, and sometimes it was drawn through a
vessel partly filled with water. A number of men would sit
round the smoking apparatus, and each in turn make use of it
until all were helpless. Another means of intoxication was
afforded by the same leaves of the wild hemp, which, when dried
and reduced to powder, were mixed with water and drunk. The
practice, however, either of smoking or drinking bangue was
confined to a small section of each community, and the baneful
plant was only obtainable at certain seasons of the year. In the
form of snuff the stalks as well as the leaves and fibres, dried
and beaten into powder, could be preserved, and were more
generally used.
Among the coast tribes a supply of grain sufficient to last
until the next season was preserved from the attacks of weevil
by burying it in air-tight pits excavated beneath the cattle-folds.
When kept for a long time in these granaries, the grain lost the
power of germinating, and acquired a rank taste and smell, but
it was in that condition none the less agreeable to the Bantu
palate. The interior tribes preserved their grain either in huge
earthenware crocks or in enormous baskets, which were perfectly
watertight, and which could be exposed to the air without
damage to their contents.
Different kinds of gourds, a cane containing saccharine matter
^in large quantities, and a sort of ground nut were the other
products of their gardens. In the country between the lower
Zambesi and Sabi rivers rice and various foreign vegetables had
been introduced by the Arabs long before the beginning of the
sixteenth century, but the cultivation of these had not extended
to the interior or the southern tribes. Everywhere wild bulbs
and plants, the pith of certain shrubs, and different kinds of
indigenous fruit formed no inconsiderable part of the vegetable
diet of the people. Children at a very early age were taught to
look for edible plants, and soon acquired such extensive know-
ledge in this respect that they were able to support themselves
easily where Europeans would have perished.
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8o History of South Africa.
As food they had also milk and occasionally flesh, though
domestic cattle were seldom slaughtered except for sacrifices and
feasts. The flesh of all that otherwise died was, however, eaten
without hesitation. Milk was kept in skin bags, where it
fermented and acquired a sharp acid taste. As it was drawn off
for use by the master of the household, who was the only one
permitted to touch the bag, new milk was added, for it was only
in the fermented state that it was used. Amasi, or fermented
milk, was exceedingly nutritious, and at the present day is
relished by most Europeans. In warm weather, especially, it is
a pleasant and wholesome beverage. The art of making butter
and cheese was unknown.
Fish was consumed only by the tribes living along the large
rivers in the interior and those on the eastern coast from Delagoa
Bay northward. South of Delagoa Bay it was not used, except
by offshoots from the northern tribes that had settled at a few
places along the sea shore, possibly because in ancient times it
may have been regarded as connected with the snake in whose
form the ancestral spirits appeared. This, however, is mere
conjecture, as the people themselves at the present day can
give no other reason for not eating fish than that their fathers
did not do so.
Occasionally large quantities of meat were obtained by means
of the chase. The chief would select a day, and give instructions
for all his people to assist in the hunt. A tract of country many
square miles in extent would then be surrounded, and the game
would be driven towards a large and deep pit, with a strong
hedge extending some distance on each side of it. The pit was
made in such a way that no animal forced into it by pressure
of the herd behind could escape until it was full. By the war-
like tribes the pit was often disdained as a means of capturing
such game as antelopes and zebras, and they preferred gradually
to contract the circle of hunters and drive the animals towards
the centre, killing with their assagais all that could not break
through the ring. After one of these hunts feasting was con-
tinued until not a particle of meat was left, as the palates of the
people did not reject what Europeans would regard as carrion.
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Description of the Bantu. 8 1
Very large animals, such as the elephant, the hippopotamus,
and the rhinoceros were generally captured either by means of
snares that caused a heavily weighted spear to fall upon them as
they passed under a tree, or by means of carefully covered pits
with sharp stakes in them, made in the beaten tracks of the
animals towards water. Sometimes, however, men were found
suflBciently courageous to lie in ambush beside the paths and
hamstring the animals as they went by, when their destruction
was easy. North of the Sabi river the tusks of the elephant and
the hippopotamus were always saleable to the Mohamedan
traders along the coast, and everywhere among the Bantu ivory
arm rings were esteemed as ornaments. The flesh of all these
animals was much prized, especially that of the hippopotamus.
Another occasional article of food was dried locusts. Swarms
of these destructive creatures sometimes appeared, when every
one engaged in capturing and preserving them, the legs, when
dried, being regarded as not only nutritious, but pleasant to the
taste. By the people of the interior a species of caterpillar was
considered a special dainty, and the little field mouse was
eagerly sought for as another. Boys before being circumcised
were permitted to eat any kind of meat, even wild cats and other
carnivora, but after that ceremony was performed the flesh of
animals of prey was usually rejected.
Ordinarily two meals were eaten every day : a slight breakfast
in the morning, and a substantial repast at sunset. Anyone
passing by at that time, friend or stranger, provided only that
he was not inferior in rank, sat down without invitation or
ceremony, and shared in the meal. So great was the hospitality
of the people to equals and superiors that food could almost have
been termed common property.
When reduced to great extremity of want by the ravages of
enemies, sections of the Bantu sometimes resorted to cannibalism,
but the horrible practice was by no means common. Portuguese
writers indeed mention tribes whose habitual food was human
flesh, still everything related concerning them shows that they
were war-stricken hordes driven from their ancestral homes and
wandering about with their hands against every man and every
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82 History of South Africa.
man's hands against them. In just the same manner in the
early years of the nineteenth century parties of absolutely
destitute people in the Lesuto and in Natal, driven into the
forests and mountains by the devastations of Tshaka, preyed
upon their fellows, whom they pursued as game ; but as soon as
a condition of comparative peace was restored, most of them
returned to their normal way of living. A few indeed, who had
acquired a taste for human flesh, though they were held in
execration by all others, continued to exist as cannibals until
they died out or were exterminated. It must have been the
same in olden times with the tribes along the Zambesi of whom
information is given by Dos Santos and other Portuguese
writers : it was the direst necessity, not by any means their own
choice, that led them to adopt a mode of maintaining life so
different from that of their race in general. They may have
continued longer in that condition than those in the south in
the days of Tshaka, but it is certain that no tribe depended
permanently upon human flesh for its subsistence.
The Bantu had an admirable system of land tenure. The
chief apportioned to each head of a family sufficient ground for
a garden according to his needs, and it remained in that indi-
vidual's possession as long as it was cultivated. He could even
remove for years, with the consent of the chief, and resume occu-
pation upon his return. He could not lend, much less alienate
it. But if he ceased to make use of it, or went away for a long
time without the chiefs permission, he lost his right Under
the same conditions he had possession of the ground upon which
his huts stood, and of a yard about them. All other ground was
common pasture, but the chief had power to direct that portions
of it should be used in particular seasons only. No taxes of any
kind were paid for land, air, or water.
The gardens were not enclosed by hedges or fences, and they
were very irregular in outline, as were also the different
cultivated plots within them, for the eyes of the women were
indifferent as to straight rows of plants. If the crops were
damaged by cattle at night, the owner of the cattle was required
by law to make good the loss, because he should have seen that
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Description of the Bantu. 83
his herds were either confined in a fold or guarded on a pasture
so distant that they could do no harm. But if the damage was
done in the daytime there was no redress, because some member
of the family of the owner of the garden was then supposed to be
watching it. So sensible and practical was the common law of
these people.
Eraals were usually built in situations commanding an exten-
sive yiew of the surrounding country, and always on ground with
good natural drainage. The brow of a hill, with a clear flowing
stream at its base and fertile garden ground beyond, was the site
most favoured. Sanitary arrangements, even of the simplest
kind, were unknown and uncared for, as the sense of smell was
much duller with these people than with Europeans, and an
impure atmosphere did not affect their health. Their supersti-
tion too required them to remove their residences whenever a
man of importance died, so that kraals seldom remained many
years on the same site.
Clans exposed to sudden attack by powerful enemies had
naturally little or no choice in selecting sites for kraals. They
were under the necessity of constructing their habitations in the
best possible defensive position, which was usually the crown of
a steep hill difficult of approach. Such hills are found in different
parts of the country, often with sides so precipitous that the top
can be reached by only one or two paths. When these were
barricaded with rough stone walls, the space above became a
fortress, impregnable or nearly so. Such sites for kraals were,
however, only resorted to as a last means of defence, on account
of the occupants being cut off from gardens and pasture for
their cattle as well as from easy access to water. Along the
Zambesi some clans lived in stockaded enclosures, but these were
unknown farther south.
The huts of the tribes along the coast were shaped like domes
or beehives, and were formed of strong frames, thatched with
reeds or grass. They were proof against rain or wind. The
largest were about twenty-five feet in diameter, and seven or
eight feet in height at the centre. They were entered by a low,
narrow aperture, which was the only opening in the structure. A
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84 History of South Africa,
hard and smooth floor was made of antheaps, moistened with
water and then kneaded with a round stone. When this had
set, it was painted with a mixture of cowdung and water, which
was the material used afterwards for keeping it in good order.
In the centre of the floor a fireplace was made, by raising a band
an inch or two in height and three or four feet in diameter, and
slightly hollowing the enclosed space. Many women bestowed
a great deal of attention upon their fire-circles, often enclosing
them with three bands, a large one in the centre and a smaller
one on each side of it, differently coloured, and resembling a coil
of large rope lying between concentric coils of less thickness.
Against the wall of the hut were ranged various utensils in
common use, the space around the fire-circle being reserved for
sleeping on. Here in the evening mats were spread, upon which
the inmates lay down to rest, each one's feet being towards the
centre. Above their heads the roof was glossy with soot, and
vermin swarmed on every side. It was only in cold or stormy
weather that huts were occupied during the day, for the people
spent the greater portion of their waking hours in the open air.
The habitations of the people of the interior were much better
than those of the people of the coast. With them the hut had
perpendicular walls, and consisted of a central circular room,
with three or four small apartments outside, each being a
segment of a circle. It was surrounded with an enclosed court-
yard, but was destitute of chimney or window. On the coast no
effort was made to secure privacy.
Horned cattle constituted the principal wealth of the Bantu,
and formed a convenient medium of exchange throughout the
country. Great care was taken of them, and much skill was
exhibited in their training. They were taught to obey signals,
as, for instance, to run home upon a certain call or whistle being
given. Every man of note had his racing oxen, and prided
himself upon their good qualities as much as an English squire
did upon his blood horses. The horns of the animals were
trained into the most fantastic shapes, and were often divided
into two, three, or more parts, which was effected by slitting
them as soon as they appeared on the young animal. The
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Description of the Bantu. 85
intelligence displayed by some of these oxen was as wonderful as
the patience and skill shown by their trainers. They were
taught to lie down at an order, to run in a circle, or to dance in
rows. Ox racing was connected with all kinds of festivities.
The care of cattle was considered the most honourable employ-
ment, and fell entirely to the men. They milked the cows, took
sole charge of the dairy, and would not permit a woman so much
as to touch a milksack.
The other domestic animals were goats, dogs, and barnyard
poultry everywhere, and in the north sheep of the large-tailed
hair-covered breed.
The descent of property was regulated in the same manner as
the succession to the chieftainship, and disputes could not easily
arise concerning it. Every head of cattle a man acquired was
immediately assigned to a particular branch of his family, that is
either to the house of his great wife, to that of his wife of the
right hand, or to that of his wife of the left hand. If he had
more wives than three, the remainder were in a subordinate
position in one or other of these houses. When he died, the
eldest son of each of the three principal wives inherited every-
thing that belonged to his mother's house. But the distribution
of wealth was more equal than in any European society, for each
married man had a plot of garden ground, and younger brothers
had a recognised claim upon the heirs of their father for assist-
ance in setting them up in life.
The Bantu of the coast were more warlike in disposition and
braver in the field than those of the interior. The universal
weapons of offence were wooden clubs with heavy heads and
assagais or javelins, and shields made of ox-hide were carried,
which varied in size and pattern among the tribes. The assagai
was a slender wooden shaft or rod, with a long, thin, iron head,
having both edges sharp, attached to it. Poising this first in his
uplifted hand, and imparting to it a quivering motion, the
warrior hurled it forth with great force and accuracy of aim.
The club was used at close quarters, and could also be thrown to
a considerable distance. Boys were trained from an early age to
the use of both these weapons. To those above named the
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86 History of South Africa.
northern tribes added the battle axe and bow and arrow^ which,
though known to^ were not used by the men of the south.
In the most warlike of the Bantu communities the men were
formed into regiments^ and were trained to act in concert and to
go through various simple military evolutions, but in the others
the warrior knew nothing but the use of his weapons. With
these a battle was a series of individual engagements, in which
it sometimes happened that a man would challenge a noted
adversary by name, and a duel would take place in presence of
the others on both sides as mere spectators. In such cases the
victor was presented by his chief with a crane's feather to be
worn on his head, and he was thereafter a man of note among
his people. A classification thus arose of the plumed and. the
unplumed in the following of a chief, though the former did
not thereby become leaders or officers, that distinction being
reserved exclusively for members of the ruling house. It was
a custom for a man to be marked, usually with a scar from a
gash or a brand, for every adversary slain, and warriors prided
themselves relatively upon the number of these.
Among the military tribes reviews in presence of the chiefs
and mock combats were of frequent occurrence. The warriors
were in full dress on such occasions, with their kilts of animals*
tails around them, and their ornaments on their persons. Every-
thing was conducted with as much order and ceremony as were
observed by our own ancestors in their tournaments. At the
command of the chief one regiment would be pitted against
another, and each would attack, retreat, skirmish, and go through
all the evolutions of a real battle until the weaker side became
exhausted, when the other was pronounced the conqueror. Or
it might be a general skirmish of the whole army against an
imaginary enemy, or an attack upon a hill supposed to be
fortified, or simply a march of the regiments past the com-
mander in chief. Sometimes oxen were brought to take part in
the manoeuvres and to prove the skill of their trainers. A feast
and a dance invariably followed, bnt often jealousies had been
roused by the events of the day which led afterwards to engage-
ments in real earnest between different regiments.
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Description of the Bantu. 87
The dress of the people between the lower Zambesi and Sabi
rivers at the beginning of the sixteenth century was partly
composed of skins of animals and partly of cloth either obtained
in barter or manufactured by themselves of wild cotton or the
fibres of a certain bark. The home made cloth was coarse but
strong, and was woven in the simplest manner in squares large
enough to be fastened round the loins. The art of weaving,
though not much more difficult than mat making, was not
practised by all the clans, but by certain of them who traded
with their productions. At a much eco'lier date the Arabs and
Persians had introduced Indian calico, and squares of this
material, obtained in exchange for ivory and gold, were in
common use in that part of the country.
Elsewhere the ordinary dress of men when the air was chilly
was composed of skins of wild animals formed into a square
mantle the size of a large blanket, which they wrapped about
their persons. The skin of the leopard was reserved for chiefs
and their principal councillors, but any other could be used by
common people. Married women wore a leather wrapper like a
petticoat at all times, and big girls at least an apron of leather
strings, usually much more. In warm weather men and little
children commonly went quite naked.
They were fond of decorating their persons with ornaments,
such as necklaces of shells and teeth of animals, arm-rings of
copper and ivory, head bands, etc. They rubbed themselves
from head to foot with fat and red ochre, which made them look
like polished bronze. Their clothing was greased and coloured
in the same manner.
Many of them worked lines and simple patterns on different
parts of their bodies — chiefly the breasts, shoulders, cheeks, and
stomachs — by raising the skin in little knobs with a sharp iron
awl and burning it, a process that to European eyes disfigured
. them much more than tattooing would have done, but which
they regarded as ornamental. Each community that adhered to
this custom favoured a form of cicatrice different from that of its
neighbours, but there were numerous tribes that were without
such markings. So with the front teeth : some clans filed them
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88 History of South Africa.
to a point, a few removed the two upper, but most allowed them
to remain in their natural state. The hideous boring and
plugging the lips and cheeks, so common north of the Zambesi,
was not practised south of that river.
More attention was bestowed upon the hair than upon any
other part of the body. Each tribe had its own fashion of
wearing it, so that at first sight the nationality of an individual
was known. Some worked it with wax and strings into imitations
of horns, others into arches, others into circles, and so on. This
necessitated the use of a peculiar head rest when sleeping,' to
prevent the hair from becoming disordered. The rest was made
of a single piece of wood, according to the fancy of its owner.
Some were eighteen inches long, two or three inches wide, and
as many deep, with a slightly concave surface. Others were
only six to eight inches long, four to eight inches high, and two
to three inches wide, with a deep concave surface for the head
to lie in. Some of these were beautifully carved out of a block
of hard wood, and were highly polished by being frequently
rubbed with grease. In no other manufacture of wood was so
much ingenuity displayed in designing patterns. An elaborate
head rest used by a chief, for instance, might be a carved band
supported by two, three, four, or even six columns standing on
an oval or oblong base, each column fluted or otherwise decorated,
and the base covered with little knobs or marked with a herring
bone pattern. Or it might be of almost any conceivable design
between that and a. plain block of wood of the requisite shape.
It was never more than three or four inches wide, because it was
necessary for the head to project beyond it, in order that the
horns or other forms intx> which the woolly hair was trained
might remain undisturbed.
Their manufactures, however, were not of a very high order
when judged by a European standard of the present day.
Foremost among them must be reckoned metallic wares, which
included implements of war and husbandry and ornaments for the
person. In many parts of the country iron ore was abundant, and
this they smelted in a simple manner. Forming a furnace of clay
or a boulder with a hollow surface, out of which a groove was
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Description of the Bantu. 89
made to allow the liquid metal to escape, and into which a hole
was pierced for the purpose of introducing a current of air, they
piled up a heap of charcoal and virgin ore, which they afterwards
covered in such a way as to prevent the escape of heat. The
bellows by which air was introduced were made of skins drawn
from the animal with as little cutting as possible. These were
inflated by opening the ends, which were then closed, when the
air was pressed through horns of large antelopes tightly fixed at
the other extremities. Two skins were worked by one man,
using his hands alternately, and thus a continuous current was
kept up. The molten iron, escaping from the crude yet effec-
tive furnace, ran into clay moulds prepared to receive it, which
were as nearly as possible of the same dimensions as the
implements they wished to make. These were never of great
size, the largest being the picks or heavy hoes required for
gardening.
The smith, using a boulder for an anvil and a hammer of
stone, next proceeded to shape the lump of metal into an assagai
head, an axe, a pick, or whatever was wanted. The occupation
of the worker in iron was hereditary in certain families, and was
carried on with a good deal of mystery, the common belief being
that it was necessary to employ charms unknown to those not
initiated. But the arts of the founder and the blacksmith had
not advanced beyond the elementary stage. Instead of an
opening for inserting a handle in the hoe, it terminated in a
spike which was driven into a hole burnt through the knob of
a heavy shaft of wood. The assagai was everywhere in use, and
in addition the interior tribes made crescent-shaped battle-axes,
which were fastened to handles in the same manner as the hoes.
On these implements of war they bestowed all their skill, and
really produced neatly finished articles. They worked the metal
cold, and were unable to weld two pieces together.
Knives, or more properly daggers, for the ends were pointed
and both edges were sharp, were also made of iron. The handles,
which were of wood, bone, horn, or even occasionally of ivory,
were frequently ornamented, as were also the sheaths of wood
or bone in which they were carried. The amount of labour
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90 History of South Africa.
required to make one of these implements and its sheath was
very considerable, so that its value relatively to other articles
was high, and it was not every man who was so fortunate as to
possess a knife. It was carried about by means of a thong round
the neck, and lay on the chest a little lower than the charms
and strings of teeth and other ornaments, so that it was always
ready for use. It was not regarded as a weapon of war, and
indeed was unfit for much real service in combat.
Copper was found in several parts of the country, and was
distributed over it by means of barter. It was used only for
makings such ornaments for the pei-son as large beads, earrings,
and armlets. Much less skill was employed in working this
metal than in manufacturing iron implements, the articles pro-
duced being of a very rough kind, not to be compared in point
of finish with a battle-axe or an assagai. The armlet was a mere
bar bent until its ends met, and the earring was of no better
workmanship. The beads were nothing more than drilled lumps
of metal globular in shape, and were strung with bits of wood
and teeth of animals on a thong. The neater ornaments of
copper and brass wire now in use, and exhibited in various
museums as specimens of Bantu industry, are of modern date,
made of materials obtained from Europeans.
In the manufacture of wooden articles, such as spoons, bowls,
fighting-sticks, mortars, etc, they were tolerably expert. £ach
article was made of a single block of wood, requiring much time
and patience to complete it, and upon it was frequently carved
some simple pattern or the figure of an animal. Standing on
the handle of a spoon might be seen a lizard, an ox, or an
elephant, though always stiff in attitude, encircling the fighting
stick might be seen two or three snakes with spots burnt upon
them to make them resemble the living reptiles.
The tribes bordering on some of the rivers of the interior and
along the eastern coast north of Delagoa Bay were able to con-
struct canoes out of the trunk of a single tree, and knew how to
propel them with paddles, but this simple art was not practised
elsewhere. No means for crossing a swollen river, other than
carrying a stone under each arm if the water was not too deep,
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Description of the Bantu. 91
had been devised by the Bantu of the coast below Delagoa Bay,
and ocean navigation was of coarse unthought of.
A product of some ingenuity was a little vase used for various
purposes. It was made of the scrapings of skins, which when
soft were spread over clay moulds, and when dry became solid
cases. The clay was then taken out with an iManda, or large
iron pin which every man carried about with him to extract
thorns from his feet, and the vessel was ready for use. Some
were in the shape of animals, others of gourds, or whatever else
the moulders desired. Usually while the gluey matter was still
soft it was creased, or raised in ridges, or pricked all over with a
sharp piece of wood, which greatly improved its appearance.
Some of these articles, especially those in the form of European
vases or decanters, were really extremely neat and pretty.
Skins for clothing, when the fur was preserved, were prepared
by scraping them carefully and then thumping them with the
hand and rubbing them for a length of time with a very smooth
stone, by which means they were made nearly as soft and pliable
as cloth. The interior tribes excelled in the art of dressing
skins, and were able to make beautiful fur robes, which they
stitched with sinews by the help of an awl. When the hair was
removed from skins to make wrappers for women the process of
preparing them was different. They were steeped in water,
scraped on both sides, then dried, and afterwards beaten and
rubbed with grease till they were soft. Finally they were
cut into shape and sewed with sinews to the required size,
when the wrapper was coloured with red ochre and was ready
for use.
In one comparatively small district of South Africa, — the
territory between the lower courses of the Zambesi and Sabi
rivers, — men were sometimes engaged in an occupation altogether
unknown to their kindred elsewhere. This was the collection of
gold. The chiefs were induced by the Mohamedan traders of
the coast to employ bands of their subjects in searching for the
precious metal, principally by alluvial washing in the rainy
season, though sometimes by mining and extracting quarts from
reefs by the aid of fire. The quartz when brought to tbe surface
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92 History of South Africa.
was crashed, and the gold was then obtained by washing. This
gold was inferior to the other in quality, and was known by a
different name. According to Dos Santos the diggers were
termed botonghi, which is evidently an approximation to the
Sekalanga word for gatherers, from the root uku hitay to collect
or gather. This industry must have come down from very
remote times, when it w£» practised to a much greater extent
than at the beginning of the sixteenth centuiy.
The industries above mentioned were confined to males, but in
other departments the women were equally skilful. Earthen-
ware vessels containing from half a pint to fifty gallons were
constructed by them, some of which were almost as perfect
in form as if they had been turned on a wheel. Though they
were frequently not more than an eighth of an inch in thickness,
they were so finely tempered that the most intense heat did not
damage them. These vessels were used for beer pots, grain jars,
and cooking utensils. The potter's art has now become nearly
if not wholly lost by the Bantu of South Africa, owing to the
cheapness of importations from abroad. The womea have found
by experience that with much less labour they caa earn sufficient
money to purchase earthenware crocks, iron pots, and wooden
kegs, and so contact with civilisation has had the effect in this
respect of diminishing their former skill.
Baskets for holding com, rush mats for sleeping on, small
mats used like plates to serve food on, and grass bags were made
by the women. The bags were so carefully and strongly woven
that they were used to hold water or any other liquid. In
general none of these articles were dyed, nor was any attempt
made to ornament them, though by a few of the people of the
interior simple patterns were worked with materials of different
colour.
Of the use of stone for building purposes, the coast tribes
knew nothing, and the interior tribes very little. None of them
ever dressed a block, but the cattle-folds, which along the coast
were constructed of branches of trees, in parts of the interior
were made of round stones roughly laid together to form a wall.
The quern, or handmill for grinding com, which was in common
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Description of the Bcffttu. 93
V
use, consisted of untrimmed stones, one flat or hollow and the
other round or oval.
When not engaged in the industries that have been mentioned,
the men were habitual idlers. A great portion of their time was
passed in visiting and gossip, of which they were exceedingly
fond. They spent days together engaged in small talk, and were
perfect masters of that kind of argument which consists in
parrying a question by putting another. Though not pilferers,
they were inveterate cattle thieves. According to their ideas,
cattle stealing except from people of their own clan was not so
much a crime as a civil offence, and no disgrace was attached to
it, though if it was proved against a man the law compelled him
to make ample restitution. But any one detected in the act of
lifting cattle might be killed with impunity by the owner, and
a chief punished with death any of his subjects whose conduct as
a robber from other clans had a tendency to involve his own
people in war.
The interior tribes were the more advanced in skill in such
handicrafts as were common to them all. Their males sometimes
aided the females in agriculture, though the hardest and most
constant labour was by them also left to the women. But with
these exceptions, all comparisons between the tribes must be
favourable to those of the coast The Bantu of the interior were
smaller in stature and less handsome in appearance than the
splendidly formed men who lived on the terraces facing the
sea. In all that is comprised in the word manliness they were
vfiwtly lower.
Truth is not a virtue of barbarian life. In general if a man
could extricate himself from a difficulty, escape punishment, or
gain any other advantage by telling a falsehood, and did not do
so, he was regarded as a fool. Many of the chiefs of the coast
tribes, however, prided themselves on adhering faithfully to
their promises ; but the word of an interior chief was seldom
worth anything.
The deceptive power of all these people was great. But there
was one member which the coast native could not entirely
control, and while with a countenance otherwise devoid of
I 2
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94 History of South Africa.
expregsion be related the grossest falsehood or the most tragic
event, his lively eye often betrayed the passions he was feeling.
When falsehood was brought home to him unanswerably, he
cast his glances to the ground or around him, but did not meet
the eye of the man be had been attempting to deceive. The
native of the interior, on the contrary, had no conception what*
ever of shame attached to falsehood, and his comparatively
listless eye was seldom allowed to betray him.
The native of the coast was brave in the field: his inland
kinsman was in general an arrant coward. The one was modest
when speaking of his exploits, the other was an intolerable
boaster. The difference between them in this respect was great
and was shown in many ways, but a single illustration from an
occurrence of the present generation will give an idea of it.
Faku, son of Gungushe, chief of the Pondos, by no means the
best specimen of a coast native, once wished to show his regard
for a white man who was residing with him. He collected a
large herd of cattle, which he presented with this expression :
" You have no food to eat, and we desire to show our good
will towards you, take this basket of com from the children of
Gungushe." An inland chief about the same time presented a
half-starved old goat to his guest, with the expression '' Behold
anox!"»
Among tlie coast tribes the institution of slavery did not exist,
but there could be no more heartless slave-owners in the world
(Jian some of the people of the interior. Their bondsmen were
the descendants of those who had been scattered by war, and
* Tliis was unquestioDably the case when Europeans first came into contact
with the different tribes and placed on record the peculiarities of each, but it is
not so in aU instances at the present day. The chief of our time who poesessee
the highest moral qualities of any in South Africa is Khama, ruler of the
Bamangwato. Bathoen, chief of the Bangwaketsi, and Scheie, chief of the
Bakwena, are also superior to most of the other Bantu rulers. All of these are
heads of interior tribes. It is not only from the observations of others, but
from personal experience, that the writer of these pages is al^e to state that the
chiefs here named are capable of acting with such genarodty and good feeling as
would do credit to any European. But they are exceptions to the general rulf ,
and unfortunately few of their followers come up to their standard.
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Description of the Bantu . 95
who had lo8t everything but life. They could not own so much
as the skin of an antelope, and upon aoy caprice of their masters
they were put to death with as little compunction as if they
were yermin.
In a state of society in which women were drudges performing
all the severest labour, in which a man carrying only an assagai
and a knobbed stick walked in front of his wives and daughters
all bearing heavy burdens on their heads, it might be supposed
that the females were unhappy. Such a supposition, however,
would be erroneous. Freedom from care to anything like the
extent that is common to most iudividuals of our own race
tended to make Bantu females as well as males far happier on
the whole than white people.
The women were quite as cheerful as the men, and knew as
well as Europeans how to make their influence felt. In times of
peace, after working in her garden a great part of the day,
towards evening a woman collected a bundle of sticks, and with
it on her head and a child on her back, trudged homeward.
Having made a fire, she then proceeded to grind some soaked
millet upon a quern, humming a monotonous tune as she worked
the stone. When sufficient was ground, it was made into a roll,
and placed in the hot ashes to bake. Meantime curdled milk
was drawn by the head of the household from the skin bags in
which it was kept, and the bags were refilled with milk just
taken from the cows. The men made a hearty meal of the milk
and the bread, with sometimes the flesh of game and different
vegetable products, and after they had finished the women and
children partook of what was left. Then the men gathered
round the fire and chatted together, and the young people sat
and listened to the stories told by some old woman till the time
for sleep arrived. Different games were also played occasionally,
but as the only artificial light was that of burning wood, they
were usually carried on in the daytime.
At a very early age boys commenced trials of skill against
each other in throwing knobbed sticks and imitation assagais.
They enjoyed this exercise in little groups, those of the same
age keeping together, for there was no greater tyrant in the
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world than a big lad over his younger fellows. Commencing
with an ant-heap at a distance often or fifteen yards for a target,
they gradually became so perfect that they could hit an object a
foot square twice or eyen three times as far ofi*. The knobbed
stick and the imitation assagai were thrown in different ways, the
object with the first being to inflict a heavy blow upon the mark
aimed at, while that with the last was to pierce it. This exercise
strengthened the muscles of the arms and gave expansion to the
chest. The result was that when the boys were grown up they
were able to use their weapons without any further training.
When practising, they kept up a continual noise, and if an
unusually successful hit was made the thrower uttered a cry of
exultation.
Boys above the age of nine or ten years were fond of sham
fighting with sticks. They stood in couples, each with a foot*
advanced to meet that of his antagonist, and with a cudgel
elevated in the right hand. Each fixed his eye upon the eye of
his opponent, and sought to ward off blows as well as to inflict
them. In these contests pretty hard strokes were sometimes
given and receive'd with the utmost good humour.
A game of which they were very fond was an imitation hunt.
In this, one of them represented a wild animal of some kind, a
second acted as a hunter, and the others took the part of dogs in
pursuit. A space was marked off, within which the one chased
was allowed to take breath, when he was said to be in the bush.
He tried to imitate as closely as possible the animal he was
representing. Thus if he was an antelope he simply ran, but if
he was a lion he stood and fought.
The calves of the kraal were under the care of the boys, and a
good deal of time was passed in training them to run and to obey
signals made by whistling. The boys mounted them when they
were eighteen months or two years old, and raced about upon
their backs. When the boys were engaged in any sport., one
of the number was selected by lot to tend the calves. As
many blades of grass as there were boys were taken, and a
knot was made on the end of one of them. The biggest boy
held the blades between the fingers and thumb of his closed
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Description of the Bantu. 97
handy and whoever drew the blade with the knot had to act
as herd.
They had also a simple game called hide and look for, exactly
like our own. As a training for the eye and hand nothing could
be better than their method of playing with little round pebbles.
Each boy had a certain number, which he threw into the air one
after another, catching them on his hand by turns as they fell,
and throwing them up again before any touched the ground.
He who could keep the whole longest in the air was the winner.
Or they would try who could keep the greatest number in the
air at once.
If they chanced to be disinclined for active exercise, they
amused themselves by moulding clay into little images of cattle,
or by making puzzles with strings. Some of them were skilful
in forming knots with thongs and pieces of wood, which taxed
the ingenuity of others to undo. The cleverest of them some-
times practised tricks of deception with pebbles. They were so
sharp that although one was sure that he actually saw the pebble
taken into the right hand, that hand when opened would be
found empty, and it would be contained in the left, or perhaps it
would be exhibited somewhere else.
The above comprised the common outdoor sports of boys up to
the age of fourteen or fifteen years. At that time of life they
usually began to practise the different dances which they would be
required to take part in when they became men. These dances
differed from one another almost as much as those practised by
Europeans.
The commonest indoor game of the extreme southern tribes at
the present time is the icexja^ but this is of Hottentot origin, so
need not be described here. A game of Bantu children every-
where was the imfumba. One of the players took a pebble or
any other small substance in his hands, and pretended to place
it in the hands of the others, who were seated in a circle around
him. He might really give it to one of them, or he might keep
it himself. One after another then guessed in whose possession
it was. A variation of this game was played by men in rows of
holes in the ground, but it was much more complicated.
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98 History of South Africa.
Another common indoor game of children was called cumbulele.
Three or four little ones stood with their closed hands on top of
each other, so as to form a column. They sang eurnbulele^ cum-
huleie, pangaJala, and at the last la they drew their hands back
sharply, each one pinching with his thumb nail the hand above.
Toys as play t Lings were few in number, and were almost con-
fined to clay oxen, wooden darts, bows and arrows, and the
nodiwu. This was a piece of wood about six or eight inches long,
an inch and a half or two inches wide, and an eighth or a
quarter of an inch thick in the middle. Towards the edges it
was bevelled off, so that the surface was convex, or consisted of
two inclined planes. At one end it had a thong attached to it
by which it was whirled rapidly round. The other end of the
thong was usually fastened to a small round piece of wood used
as a handle. The noditou, when whirled round, gave forth a
noise that could be heard at a considerable distance. Besides
the use which it was put to by the lads, when a little child was
crying inside a hut, its mother or nurse would sometimes get a
boy to make a noise with it outside, and then induce the child to
be still by pretending that a monster was coming to devour it.
There was a kind of superstition connected with the nodiwu,
that playing with it invited a gale of wind. Men would, on that
account, often prevent boys from using it when they desired
calm weather for any purpose. It was much in evidence when
the millet crops were ripening, and women and children were
engaged from early dawn until darkness set in keeping the birds
away. Little stages were then erected in the geuxlens, and on
the appearance of a flock of finches each watcher shouted,
clapped hands, whirled a nodiwu, or otherwise made as much
noise as possible.
The form of greeting when people met varied greatly among
the tribes. In the north clapping hands was the commonest
form, accompanied by prostration of an inferior before a superior.
" I see you " was the expression used by others on the coast.
Among some of the interior tribes one person on meeting another
asked the question '^ what are you eating ? " and received as a
conventional reply " nothing at all." In the south, on meeting
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Description of the Bantu. 99
a chief the salutation was ah! There was no general custom
observed in this respect by all the branches of the race.
This was the condition of the Bantu at the beginning of the
sixteenth century, when Europeans became acquainted with a
section of the race, and it is the condition of the great majority
of them to-day, except where their customs have been modified
by the authority or influence of white people. The opinion of
those who have most to do with them now — four hundred years
after their first contact with Caucasian civilisation — is that an
occasional individual is capable of rising to a high standard, but
that the great mass shows little aptitude for European culture.
In mission schools children of early age are found to keep pace
with those of white parents. In some respects, indeed, they are
the higher of the two. Deprived of all extraneous aid, a Bantu
child is able to devise means for supporting life at a much
earlier age than a European child. But while the European
youth is still developing his powers, the Bantu youth in most
instances is found unable to make further progress. Uis intellect
has become sluggish, and he exhibits a decided repugnance, if
not an incapacity, to learn anything more. The growth of his
mind, which at first promised so much, has ceased just at that
stage when the mind of the European begins to display the
greatest vigour.
Numerous individuals, however, have emerged from the mass,
and have shown abilities of no mean order. A score of ministers
of religion might now be named as earnest, intelligent, and
devoted to their calling as average Europeans. Masters of
primary schools, clerks, and interpreters, fairly well qualified for
their duties, are by no means rare. One individual of this race
has translated Bunyan's PUgrinCs Progress into the dialect of the
Xosa tribe, and the translation is as faithful and expressive as
any that have been made in the languages of Europe. Plaintive
tunes, such as the converts at mission stations love to sing,
have been composed by another for a considerable number of
hymns and songs in the same dialect. Still another edits a
newspaper, and shows that he has an intelligent grasp of political
questions.
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lOO History of South Africa.
As mechanics they do not succeed so well, though an indi-
yidual here and there shows an aptitude for working with iron.
No one among them has inyented or improved a useful imple-
ment since white men first became acquainted with them. And
the strong desire of much the greater number is to live as closely
like their ancestors as the altered circumstances of the country
will permit, to make use of a few of the whit-e man's simplest
conveniences and of his protection against their enemies, but to
avoid his habits and shut out his ideas. Compared with
Europeans, their adults are commonly children in imagination
and in simplicity of belief, though not unfrequently one may
have the mental faculties of a full-grown man.
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TRRRTTORY OCCUPIED BY DIFFERENT RACES IN SOUTH AFRICA IN. 1500,
AS ACCURATELY AS CAN BE ASCERTAINED.
[Mist be Rroardkh as only Approximate.
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TH" ::■.■// YuP^K
pi;e:.:: k'v ary
AblOh, Li_NOA ...>iD
TIUJEW i'OUNDAiiaNS
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Asiatic Immigrants. loi
CHAPTER V.
ASIATIC IMMIGRANTS IN SOUTH-EASTERN AFRICA.
At some unknown period in the past, probably many
centuries before the commencement of the Christian era, people
more civilised than the Bantu, but still yery far from reaching
the level of modern Europeans, made their appearance on
the central tableland of Africa south of the Zambesi. They
were Asiatics, but of what nationality is uncertain. It is
indeed possible, if not probable, that they came from the
great commercial city of Tyre on the eastern shore of the
Mediterranean sea, and that in holy scripture there is an
account of them. The conditions mentioned of those fleets
that went down the Bed sea to Ophir in the time of Solomon
are perfectly applicable to voyages to the mouths of the
Zambesi or to Sofala, and the articles — gold, silver, precious
stones, almug trees, ivory, apes, and peacocks — with which
they returned are all found in South-Eastern Africa, if by
almug trees ebony or some other very hard wood is meant,
by precious stones pearls, and by peacocks the bustards that
toHlay are called wilde pauwen (wild peacocks) by the Dutch
colonists.*
Mr. J. Theodore Bent, an eminent archaeologist, who spent
a portion of the year 1891 in examining the ruins of massive
buildings in the country, came to the opinion, however, that
* The name of the Urd given in the Bible is said, however, to be of Tamil
origin, and to be used for the peacock (pavo cristatus) at the present day in
Ceylon. Thia appears to be the greatest impediment to the supposition that the
Ophir of scripture is the Rhodesia of to-day, unless there was intercourse
between Eastern Africa and Southern India in those early times, in which
case an African bird might have received from strangers a Bravidian name.
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102 History of South Africa,
the men who constructed them were probably Sabeeans from
Southern Arabia.* Be that as it may, the intruders must have
come down in vessels to some part of the coast, and then
gone inland, for no traces of them have been found north of
the Zambesi.
They erected buildings of dressed stone without cement or
mortar/ some of considerable size, the ruins of which excite the
wonder of all who see them. From their position and form
there can be no doubt that most of the buildings were con-
structed as forts, by means of which the foreigners could
dominate the earlier inhabitants of the country. At least one,
however, is pronounced by Mr. Bent to have been exclusively
a temple, and several others appear to have been combined
fortresses and places of worship. The temple at the place now
termed the Great Zimbabwe, in latitude %f 16' 30" south,
longitude 31° 10' 10" east, fourteen miles from the present
township of Victoria, was elliptical in form, two hundred and
eighty feet in its greatest length, and was built of granite
blocks dressed to about double the size of ordinary bricks.
The greatest height of the wall still standing is thirty-five
feet, and its thickness varies from sixteen feet two inches to
five feet. The only ornamentation consists of two courses of
stone laid in oblique positions in contrary directions along a
fourth part of the wall, but in some other structures courses
of outer stones were laid about two inches apart for the same
purpose. These ornamentations are always on the south-eastern
faces of the buildings, and lines drawn from the centres of
the structures through the entrances point to the sun rising
or setting at the time of the solstices.
The labour required for the erection of such a building as
the temple at Great Zimbabwe, or of the fortress on the hill
beside it, would be enormous at the present day; what then
must it have been at a time when mechanical appliances such
as are now in common use were unknown? But this was
* See his very interestlDg volume Tht Buined Cities of MasJumalandf with a
Chapter on the Orientation wild Mewntratian of the Temples hy B. M. W. Swan^
published in London in 1892, with several subsequent editions.
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Asiatic Immigrants. 103
only one of a very large number of sites similarly, though not
so massively, built upon over the whole extent of country
between the Zambesi and Limpopo rivers.
The civilisation of the builders was not of a high order,
however, for these structures were not perfectly regular in
form, nor were any of the walls absolutely perpendicular or
of equal thickness throughout. The architects were not suffici-
ently refined to appreciate mathematical correctness of shape
or finish. The masonry in some of the buildings, which are
believed to be the oldest, was much superior to that in others,
the courses being far more regular. This shows that decadence
took place, which is easily accounted for by the supposition,
amounting almost to a certainty, that a mixture of blood with
that of the Bantu was in progress from the outset.
A large solid tower in the temple at Great Zimbabwe,
supposed to have been a phallus when perfect, and numerous
stone phalli found in the ruins show the nature of at least one
branch of the religion of the intruders, while from peculiarities
in the buildings sidereal worship is supposed to have formed
another. There is no trace of either of these systems in the
religion of the Bantu now, from which circumstance it might
be concluded that the blood of the Asiatic immigrants does
not fiow in the veins of the present inhabitants of the country,
if it was not certain that ancestor worship has in another instance
to be related elsewhere entirely driven out a foreign creed
adopted for a time by a section of the people.
Figures of birds and other animals, rudely carved in a soap-
stone which when quarried was almost as soft as moistened clay
but which hardened upon exposure to the air, exhibit the
extent of the knowledge possessed by these people of the art
of sculpture. Smelting furnaces, an ingot mould, crucibles,
fragments of soapstone bowls, bits of excellent pottery, and
b^adu, tacks, and thin plates of gold have been found in the
soil at the ruins. The thin plates or leaves of gold in little
squares of uniform size were intended to overlay wood, perhaps
the ceilings and ornaments of grand buildings in the ancient
world, and the wedge shaped tacks were for fastening them on.
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I04 History of South Africa.
The object of the intrusion of the Asiatics was to obtain
gold, and for this purpose they carried on mining operations
over an immense tract of country. They were sufficiently
skilful to be able to sink pits and run underground galleries
along reefs, but they were obliged to cease operations when
water was reached, as they had no means except buckets and
human labour for keeping the excavations dry. The quantity
of a reef that could be removed depended thus entirely upon
its position, and where drainage was good considerable depths •
were reached.
With the appliances at their disposal there was only one way
in which this kind of mining could be carried on profitably,
for a vast amount of labour needed to be expended in bringing
the gold bearing rock to the surface of the ground, there
crushing it to powder, and then washing the dust to obtain
less than an ounce of metal from a ton of quartz, though the
value of that metal relatively to other articles must then have
been very much greater than it is now. With the Bantu popu-
lation reduced to a condition of slavery, the men employed
in extracting and crushing ore and the women in raising food,
it was possible to make gold mining profitable, and it may be
taken for certain that this was the condition of things in those
far-off times in the territory called Eastern Ehodesia to-day.
As little as possible was left by the enterprising immigrants
to chance. Dry seasons were guarded against by a system of
irrigation pronounced by competent authorities from its remains
to have been almost as perfect as could be devised at the
present day, so that abundance of grain could always be relied
upon, for here, as everywhere else in the country, only water
was needed to make the soil as productive as any in the world.
At first sight it might seem that to conserve it nothing more
was necessary than to construct dams across the courses of
streams, but so violent were the floods in the rainy season
that unless the dams were immensely strong they would certainly
be swept away. Under such circumstances artificial reservoirs
were requisite, into which water could be led when the streams
were full, and from which it could be drawn into furrows for
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Asiatic Immigrants. 105
irrigating purposes when dry weather set in. Such reservoirs
required skill and much labour to construct and afterwards to
preserve in order. This part of Africa must therefore have
presented a scene of industry in building, mining, and cultiva-
tion of the soil that is not easy to picture by those who know
it at the beginning of the twentieth century of the Christian
era. It is possible, however, that the whole of the vast territory
from the Zambesi to the Limpopo was not occupied at the
same time, but that sections of it were successively brought
under the dominion of the Asiatic rulers.
Uow long a connection was kept open between the country
from which the strangers came and that into which they had
made their way there are no means of determining, but from
the vast extent of their building and mining operations it
seems likely to have extended over many centuries. From
the first the intruders, being unaccompanied by females of their
own race, would have taken to themselves harems. of native
women, and thus gradually a considerable class of mixed breeds
must have arisen. These, as in all such cases, would have
been lower in intellect, enterprise, and morality than their
fathers, but they would have been unable to form a perfectly^
separate caste, because connection with one or other of the
races from which they sprang was needed to create a balance
of blood on one side, without which they must have died out.
Half-breeds of negroes and Europeans or negroes and Asiatics
are incapable of producing offspring among themselves alone
for many generations. The males most likely would ally
themselves with the Bantu, and the females with the ruling
people, as is usual at present under similar conditions farther
north on the coast. At last something occurred to prevent
the arrival of any more foreigners, communication by sea with
the country they had come from ceased, and then a complete
fusion of blood between those in South Africa and the Bantu
took place. This is of course largely conjectural, but everything
that can be observed in connection with the subject points in
that direction.
Gold mining was not carried on to any large extent after
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io6 History of South Africa.
the c^s^ation of intercourse with the country from which the
promoters of it had come, but the art was never entirely lost,
and quartz crushing continued on a small scale down to the
beginning of the nineteenth century. Far the greater portion
of the Yaluable metal obtained during the traditional and
historical period, howeyer, has been obtained from alluvial
washing. When the massive buildings were abandoned, material
accumulated within their walls, in which at length great trees
sprang up and helped to complete the ruin. The pits by which
the mines were reached became filled, and the irrigation
works were all but completely obliterated. The Bantu,
though improved by the mixture of foreign blood, when left
to themselves without control or guidance reverted to their
normal condition.
At the beginning of the sixteenth century, when South-
Eastem Africa was first visited by the Portuguese, all traditions
concerning the ancient builders and miners had died out, and
other Asiatics who had arrived at a much later period were in
possession of the trade of the country, though not of its soil,
or of dominion over its inhabitants. From the Moors, as they
termed these people, the Portuguese learned of the existence
of extensive ruins inland, which they do not appear at any
time to have visited themselves, for the descriptions given by
their writers are very far from being correct. Thus the temple
at Great Zimbabwe, according to their accounts, was a square
building, not circular as it really is, and they stated that there
was an inscription over one of its doors which no Arabic scholar
could decipher, whereas not only is there no such inscription
now, but no indication of a stone having been removed on
which one could have been displayed at any time.
The Asiatics who were found trading and occupying various
stations along the coast were Arabs and Persians, and as they
possessed a literature and preserved records of their original
settlements and subsequent transactions, the Portuguese writers
into whose hands these records came were able to give a very
clear account, not only of their condition in the early years
of the sixteenth century, but of their previous history and
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Asiatic Immigranis, 107
dealings with the Bantu inhabitants. That history ' was as
follows : —
A certain man named Zaide, great-grandson of Ali, nephew
and son-in-law of Mohamed^ maintained religious opinions that
were not in accordance with the koran as interpreted by the
Arabian teachers, and was therefore banished from his home.
With his adherents, who from him were termed the Emozaidi,
he passed over to the African coast, and formed some temporary
settlements of no great importance along it. These people
were of a roving disposition, and gradually moved southward,
avoiding conflicts with the natives but incorporating many
of them, until in course of time they became hardly distinguish-
able from Africans except by the profession of a form of the
Mohamedan creed and a somewhat higher way of living. The
trading instinct of the Arabs led them, however, to carry on
a petty commerce in gold and probably in other productions oi
the country. How far south the Emozaidi eventually wandered
cannot be ascertained with precision, but some of them
appear to have reached the equator before the next stream of
immigration set in.
This was from Central Arabia, and consisted of a number
of families driven out by the oppression of a neighbouring
sheik. In three vessels they crossed over to the African coast,
and founded first the town of Magadosho, and subsequently
that of Brava, both not far north of the equator. In time
Magadosho became a place of importance, various subordinate
settlements were made to the southward, and its trade grew
to large proportions. The Emozaidi, who were regarded as
heretics by these later immigrants, would not submit to their
authority, and were driven inland and forced into still closer
connection than before with the natives of Africa. They became
the wandering traders of the interior, the people who collected
the products of the country and conveyed them to the coast
for sale.
A vessel belonging to Magadosho, having been driven from
her course by a storm, put into the port of So&la, where l^r
crew learned that gold was to be obtained in trade. Thin led
K
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io8 History of South Africa.
to a small settlement of Arabs at that place, and to a knowledge
of the coast as far as Cape Correntes.
Bather more than seventy years elapsed after the founding
of Magadosho and Brava when, towards the close of the fourth
century of the Mohamedan era, that is about the time of the
Norman conquest of England, another band of strangers settled
on the East African seaboard. A ruler of Shiraz in Persia died,
leaving seven sons, one of whom, named Ali, was despised by
his brothers on account of his mother having been an Abyssinian
slave. He was a man of energy and ability, however, so to
avoid insult and wrong he resolved to remove to some distant
land. With his family and a few followers he embarked in
two vessels at the island of Ormuz, and sailed to Magadosho.
The Persians and the Arabs were alike followers of the creed
of Mohamed, and professed to hold the koran as their guide,
but they formed rival sects, and at that time regarded each
other with great bitterness. Ali could not settle at or near
Magadosho therefore, so he steered down the coast in search
of a place where he could build a town of his own, free of the
control of every one else.
Such a place he found at Kilwa, the Quiloa of the Portuguese.
The island was occupied by blacks, but they were willing to
sell their right to it, which Ali purchased for a quantity of
cloth, when they removed to the mainland. He then formed
a settlement, and constructed fortifications sufficiently strong
for defence against the African natives and the Arabs higher
up the coast who were unfriendly towards him. Whether the
island had a name before is not known: he called it Kilwa.
Admirably situated for commerce, the settlement attracted
immigrants and grew rapidly, so that even in Ali's lifetime
it was able to send out a colony to occupy the island of Mafia
not far to the northward. Successively difierent settlements
were formed or those founded by the Arabs were conquered,
until in course of time Kilwa, notwithstanding various civil
wars, becapi^ not only the most important commercial otetion,
but^ the ruljng town on the East African coast
At first the houses were built of wood and clay, but these
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Asiatic Immigrants. 109
were afterwards replaced by others of stone and mortar, with
flat roofis or terraces which coold be nsed for the same purposes
as stoeps in the Cape Colony in our day. The streets between
the rows of houses were very narrow, mere alleys in faet, but
in the outskirts were large gardens planted with yarious kinds
of vegetables, in which grew also palms and different trees
of the orange species. In front of the town, close to the
harbour, was the residence of the ruler, which was built to serye
also as a fortress, and was ornamented with towers and turrets.
The mosques were adorned with minarets, so that, as looked
upon from the sea, Eilwa presented the appearance of a beautiful
and stately eastern town.
There were now three distinct communities of Asiatic origin
on the East African coast: the Emozaidi, deemed by both
the others to be heretics, the orthodox Arabs, holding one
form of the Mohamedan faith, and the Persians, holding another.
They were all at yariance, and strife between them was constant.
« This is the key to their easy conquest by the Portuguese in
later times. They termed the Bantu inhabitants of the main-
land EafSrs, that is infidels, an epithet adopted by modem
Europeans and still in use. None of them, however, scrupled
to take women of that race into their harems, and thus at
all their settlements the number of mixed breeds was large.
At the commencement of the sixteenth century the majority
of those who called themselves Arabs, including the descendants
of the Persian immigrants, were undistinguishable in colour
and features from the ordinary Bantu. It followed that while
those in whom the Asiatic blood was predominant were strict
Mohamedans, the others were almost indifferent in matters
concerning that religion.
Sofala was wrested from Magadosho by the people of Eilwa
in the time of Soleiman, ninth successor of Ali, and with it
a trade in ivory and gold was secured which greatly enriched
the conque^rs and enabled them to extend their power. In
the zenith of its prosperity Kilwa was mistress of Melinde
and Sofala on the mainland, the islands of Mombasa, Pemba,
Zanzibar, Mafia, Comoro, Mozambique, and many others of less
K 2
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IIP History of South Africa.
notOi yarious stations on the coast of Madagascar, and numerous
small trading posts along the African shore as far south as
Gape Correntes, beyond which no vessel in those times ever
passed. But owing to internal strife and perpetual feuds among
the dififerent communities, all of these places except Mozambique
were lost before the beginning of the sixteenth century, and
each of the others had become a petty but sovereign state.
The forty-third ruler of Eilwa after Ali was named Abraham,*
and it was he who held the government when the Portuguese
arrived on the coast Ue did not rule, however, by right of
descent, but had seized the supreme authority under pretence
of keeping it in trust for an absent heir. On this account he
was conceded no higher title than that of Emir. When he
thus usurped the administration of Eilwa a man named Isuf f
was governor of Sofala, having received that appointment many
years before. This Isuf was held in high esteem for ability
and valour, and as he did not choose to acknowledge Emir
Abraham as a superior, he made himself independent and
opened his pc»rt to the trade of Melinde and other towns on
the coast.
The Asiatic communities on the African seaboard existed
almost entirely by commerce. Except at Pemba, Zanzibar,
and one or two other places they did not carry on agriculture
to any large extent, though they introduced various fruit-trees
and the cultivation of rice and probably a few foreign vegetables
among the Bantu. The small islands were not adapted for
the growth of grain, and the supplies of food needed by the
inhabitants of such towns as Kilwa and Mombasa could be
obtained without difficulty in exchange for such wares as they
had to barter. One product of the ground, however, they paid
particular attention to. That was the cocoa palm, without
which they could not have existed as they did« From its firuit
they obtained not only an agreeable article of diet, but a fibre
of the greatest utility ; from its leaves material for mats and
thatching; and from its trunk timber for the habitations of
* Habrahemo according to Barroe, Abraemo accordiDg to De Goes.
t Y9uf according to Baxros, ^mI^ accordiug to Oastanheda and De Okies.
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Asiatic Immigrants. iii
the poorer classes, masts and spars for their vessels, and wood
for a great yariety of other purposes. There was no part of
this yalnable tree of which some use could not be made.
They built vessels adapted for the navigation of the upper
part of the Indian sea, where the monsoons blow regularly at
different periods of the year from the east and from the west,
though in them they could not venture on such stormy waters
as those south of Cape Correntes. In these vessels no iron
was usedy the planks being fastened to the timbers with wooden
treenails, and all the parts sewed or bound together with cord
of coir. As they did not use saws, the planks were formed by
splitting the trunks of trees down the centre, and then trimming
each block with an axe, a tedious and clumsy process, in which
much timber was lost. The sails were of close and strong
matting, and the standing and ruuning gear alike was made
of coir. The largest of these vessels — now called dows — were
used for crossing over to the coasts of Arabia, Persia, and
Hindostan; those next in size — which were called pangayos
by the first Europeans who saw them — for the most important
part of the home trade; and the smallest — termed zambucos
and luzios — for communicating between the settlements, con-
veying cargoes up and down the mouths of the Zambesi, and
other purposes where heavy tonnage was not needed. The
zambucos and luzios, indeed, were nothing more than large
boats, half decked, and commonly provided with awnings.
In shallow places, as in rivers, they were propelled with poles.
The pilots, called malemos, who conducted the vessels to
foreign ports, were remarkably expert. Steering across to the
coast of Hindostan, for instance, they seldom failed to make
the land within a very few miles of the place they were bound
to. They determined the latitude by means of measuring
the angular altitude of certain stars when on the meridian,
for which purpose they used an instrument which they regarded
as superior to that by which the first Portugaese navigators in
those seas found their way. Of any other method of determin-
ing longitudes than by dead reckonings however, they were
as ignorant as all the rest of the world at that time.
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1 1 2 History of South Aft tea.
The commerce carried on by these people with distant lands
was indeed small when compared with that which passed from
India either up the Persian gulf and thence by caravans to
the shore of the Mediterranean, or up the Bed sea, then over-
land to Cairo, and down the Nile to Alexandria, where the
produce of the East was obtained by the Venetians to be dis-
tributed over Europe; but for Africa it was considerable, and
it was not subject to much fluctuation.
From India they obtained silks, spices, and other articles
of luxury for the use of their own people of pure or nearly
pure Asiatic blood, and cotton cloth and beads for trade with
the Bantu ; from Arabia and Persia rich fabrics, dates, scimitars,
large sheathed daggers, and various other kinds of merchandise.
Every man, no matter how black, who claimed to be a Mohame-
dan, wore at least a turban and a loin cloth, and carried a
weapon of some kind on his person. The men of rank and
wealth, who were of lighter colour, dressed in gorgeous robes
of velvet, silk, or cotton, had sandals on their feet, and at
their sides ornamented scimitars of finely tempered steel. The
women naturally were clothed more or less richly according
to the position of their parents and husbands, and they were
particularly fond of trinkets. Every article of dress or adorn-
ment, all glassware, the best of the fumitare of every description,
the choicest weapons, and various luxuries of diet were imported
from abroad.
With pieces of calico to be used as loin-cloths, beads, and
ornaments of trifling value, the traders went among the Bantu
on the mainland. Ingratiating themselves with the chiefs
by means of presents, they induced those despots to send out
men, here to hunt elephants, there to wash the soil for gold,
and so forth. Time was to them of less importance than to
Europeans, and their mode of living was so nearly like that of
the native Africans that they could reside or travel about
without discomfort where white men could hardly have existed.
Thus the trade that they carried on was much greater in
quantity than that of their Portuguese successors, though its
exact amount cannot be ascertained. Upon their wares they
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Astatic Immigrants. 113
obtained enormous profits. They received in exchange gold,
iyory, pearls from the oyster beds at the Bazarata islands, strips
of hippopotamus hide, gnm, and ambergris washed up on the
coast, with which they carried on their foreign commerce ; and
millet, rice, cattle, poultry, and honey, which they needed for
home coDsumption.
Commerce was open to any one who chose to engage in it,
but practically was confined to the pure Asiatics, who employed
the mixed breeds as their agents in conducting the inland
barter, working the yessels, and performing the rough labour
of every kind. The governments, Arab, Persian, and Bantu
alike, derived a revenue from the trade that to-day seems
extortionate. When an elephant was killed, the tusk next the
ground belonged to the chief, and when the upper one was
sold he took about half the proceeds. On all other articles
disposed of by his subjects, his share was about the same
proportion, besides which the traders on the other side were
obliged to make him large presents before commencing to
barter. When Mombasa after the independence of Isuf was
able to trade with Sofala, an export duty of rather over fifty
per cent was levied on the merchandise for the benefit of the
government of that town. At Eilwa any one desiring to trade
with Sofala was obliged to pay about seventy per cent of the
value of the goods before leaving the port, and on arrival at
his destination one-seventh of what was left. Upon his return
he paid a duty of five per cent of the gold he had acquired.
The duty on ivory brought to Kilwa was very heavy, so that
in fact the government obtained a large proportion of the
profits on commerce.
On the islands the governments of the Asiatics were not
only independent, but all other authority was excluded, and
on some of them fortifications were erected, as well as mosques
and houses of stone. But on the mainland south of Eilwa, it
was different. Here the mixed breeds were permitted by
Bantu chiefs to reside for purposes of trade, but they were
by no means lords of the country. The sheiks ruled their
own people, but no others, like native clans which are often
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114 History of South Africa.
found intenningled, whose idea of goyemment is tribal rather
than territorial. They were obliged to make the Bantu rulers
large presents every year for the privilege of living and trading
in the country, which presents may be regarded rather as rent
for the ground and license fees than as tribute. Under these
circumstances they did not construct any buildings of stone.
The pure Asiatic settlers on the African coast were grave
and dignified, though courteous in demeanour. They were as
hospitable as any people in the world, but they were attached
to their ancestral customs, and keenly resented anything like
an affront. They were enterprising, though so conservative
in their ideas that they were incapable of making what Euro-
peans would term rapid progress in civilisation. As superstitious
as their Bantu neighbours, they especially regarded dreams as
figuratively foreshowing events, and he was regarded as wise
who pretended to be able to interpret them. The tombs of
men celebrated for piety were places of ordinary pilgrimage,
but every one endeavoured when in the prime of life to visit
the city of Mecca in Arabia, thereby to obtain the highly
honoured title of hadji.
The mixed breeds, who formed the great bulk of the nominally
Mohamedan population, had all the superstitions of both the
races from which they were descended. They would not venture
to sea on a coasting voyage if one among them had an adverse
dream, or without making an offering, if only of a shred of
calico or a piece of coir cord, at the tomb of some holy man.
They believed that the winds could be charmed to rise or fall,
that the pangayos were subject to bewitchment, that even the
creatures of the sea could be laid under spells. They lived
in short in the atmosphere of the Arakiwn, Nights^ darkened by
the gloom of Bantu fear of malignant sorcery.
Coming down the eastern coast of Africa in the year 1500,
the principal Mohamedan settlements and trading stations were
in geographical order as follows : —
Magadosho,* in latitude 2° 2' north of the equator. The
* Yarioosly spelt in books and on charts at present as well as in olden times
Magadoxo» Magadaxo, Magadosho, Mogdishu, and Mukdeesha,
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Asiatic Immigrants, 115
town was on the coast of the mainland, partly built upon an
eminence rising to a height of about forty feet above a sandy
plain. It contained seyeral mosques and many stone houses
with flat roofs. In front, at no great distance from the shore
and parallel with it, was a coral reef four or five miles in length,
which protected the channel within from the fury of the sea.
At low spring tides the water in the channel was only two
fathoms in depth, but that was sufficient for the dows used in
the Indian trade. There was no other port.
Braya, in latitude l"" 7' north, was also built on the coast of
the mainland. It stood on an eminence about a hundred feet
above the beach, and was enclosed with a wall. The town was
well-built, and was governed as an aristocratic republic, the
only one of the kind on the coast. The port somewhat resembled
that of Magadosho, being a channel along the shore partly
protected by islets and reefs, but was more exposed to heavy
rollers from the sea.
» Melinde,* in latitude 2P 15' south of the equator, situated on
the coast of the mainland, was also a well-built town. Adjoining
it was an extensive and fertile plain, covered with beautiful
gardens and groves, in which flourished fruit trees of various
kinds, principally orange and lemon. To gain this advantage
the town was built some distance from the nearest anchorage,
which itself was far from safe, being a roadstead protected to
some extent by a reef, but made dangerous by numerous
shoals. It possessed, however, in a narrow rocky peninsula
extending into the sea an excellent natural pier for landing
cargo from boats.
Mombasa, on a coral island about three miles long by two
broad, was situated in the estuary of the Barrett^ river, in lati-
tude 4"" 4' south. The island was like a huge fortress, standing
from forty to sixty feet out of the water and presenting steep
clifls of madrepore on the seaward side. It possessed one of the
best natural harbours in the world, easily accessible at all times.
On each side the passage between the island and the banks of
the estuary was broad and deep, though winding, and when in
* Variously epelt Melinde, Melinda, Maleenda, and Malindi,
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II 6 History of South Africa.
them or in the fine sheet of water to which they led a vessel was
perfectly sheltered. This sheet of water could only be reached
by large vessels through the northern strait, because a sub-
merged reef stretched across the inner end of the other, and
at low tide formed a ford to the mainland. The town was built
along the steep shore of the northern passage, not far from the
sea, and was next to Eilwa the most celebrated on the coast.
The houses were of stone, so well constructed that the first
Europeans who saw them compared them favourably with
residences in Spain. Mombasa, owing to its excellent site and
to the prevalence of sea breezes, was less troubled with fever
than any other settlement on that part of the coast.
Pemba, a coral island, rising in the highest part to three
hundred feet above the level of the sea, was thirty-eight miles
in extreme length by thirteen in width. It was about eighteen
miles from the mainland, with a clear passage for ships inside,
though coral reefs abounded near the shore. The island was
fertile, and produced large quantities of provisions, particularly
rice, for exportation. The principal Arab settlement on it was
in latitude 5"" 25' south.
Zanzibar, not far south of Pemba, was an island similar in
every respect, though larger, being forty-seven miles in extreme
length by twenty miles in breadtL It rose to a height of four
hundred and forty feet above the level of the sea. The principal
Arab town, from which the island took its name, was on the
western side, in latitude 6° 3' south. The anchorage in front
of it was good and capacious, and there were many secure
harbours among the islets and reefs in the channel between it
and the mainland. Here were built the greater number of the
vessels used in the Indian and the coasting trade, and from
the island considerable quantities of provisions were exported.
Mafia,* a coral island rising abruptly from a great depth of
water, lay about nine miles from the mainland. This island
was about twenty-seven miles in length by nine in extreme
breadth, between 7"^ 38' and 8° south latitude. It was of much
less importance than either Zanzibar or Pemba.
* Written also Monfia and Monfeea.
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Astatic Immigrants. 117
Kilwa, a low coral island^ rather over four miles in length
by two in breadth, rising on the northern side to forty-five feet
above the sea level, was set like an arrow in a drawn bow in
the estuary of the Mavudyi river. It lay in latitude 8° 57'
south. With the sea in front, a strait on each side, and a sheet
of water extending ten or twelve miles beyond its inner
extremity, it was a very strong position. As at Mombasa, the
southern strait was crossed at its far end by a reef, along which
access to the mainland could be had at low water. This strait
was interspersed with islets, and made a capacious harbour,
admirably adapted for shipping, but that on the northern side
of the island was difScult to navigate on account of its containing
numerous reefis and sand banks.
Passing south of Gape Delgado, in latitude 10'' 4(y, a chain
of coral islets and reefs parallel to the coast at a distance of
eight to thirteen miles, and extending one hundred and seven-
teen miles along it, waa to be seen. The principal islet was
termed Eerimba, or Querimba, and from it the whole group
was named. Next in importance was Ibo. Most of the others
were uninhabited, being mere rocks rising from the sea. Along
the strait within were numerous harbours for ships.
The northern extremity of the Mozambique channel has now
been reached, and halfway across it lay the Comoro islands, all
of volcanic origin. The principal of these were named Comoro,
Johanna, Mohilla, and Mayotta, but there were many smaller in
size. These islands were also possessed by the Arabs, who made
use of them as convenient stopping places on their way to the
great Island of the Moon, which we term Madagascar.
Keeping down the African coast, an inlet about five miles
and a half across and six in depth was reached, in latitude 15^
south. Into its inner end ran three streamlets, but of inconsider-
able size. Lying across the centre of the mouth of the inlet,
within a line joining its two outer points, was a low coral island,
about a mile and a half in length and four hundred yards in
breadth, named Mozambique. About three miles farther out
in the sea were two others, similar in formation, then unin-
habited, one of which is now called Saint George and the other
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ii8 History of South Africa.
Saint Jago. Behind Mozambique was a spacions harbour, easily
accessible and perfectly sheltered. At long intervals indeed a
furious cyclone would sweep oyer it and cause great destruction,
but the same could be said of any part of that coast and sea.
Such a position as the island of Mozambique could not escape
the observation of the Mohamedans, though it had not the
advantages of Eilwa or Mombasa. The island itself produced
nothing, not even drinking water. On the northern shore of
the inlet, since termed Cabaceira, the ground was fertile, but it
was exposed to irruptions of the Bantu inhabitants, who were
generally hostile. So Mozambique never rose to be more than
a dependency of Eilwa, a mere halfway station for vessels bound
up or down the coast. Its Mohamedan occupants had their
gardens and cocoa nut groves on the mainland, but could not
always depend upon gathering their produce.
The Angosha* islands lay off the mouth of the Angosha river,
between latitude 16° and 16° 40' south. The river was three
miles wide at the bar, and could be ascended by boats nearly one
hundred and fifty miles, which circumstance gave to the six
coral islets off its entrance a value they would not have had in
another position. There was a good roadstead between the bar
of the river and the island Mafamede, which was a mere crown
of sand on a coral reef seven or eight feet above sea level.
The Primeiras islands were nothing more than a row of coral
hummocks extending northward from latitude 17° 18' in a line
parallel with the coast. In the channel between them and the
mainland there were places where a pangayo could find shelter.
At Mozambique the direction of the coast line had changed
from nearly north and south to north-east and south-west, and
the aspect of the land had altered also. Thence to Cape
Correntes as far as the eye could reach nothing was visible but
a low flat tract, bordered along the sea by sand hills from fifty
to six hundred feet high, with here and there a dark-coloured
rock. In latitude 18° south the mouth of the Eilimane, or
Quilimane, river was reached. This was the northernmost of
the several outlets of the great river Zambesi, which therefore
* Spelt also Angoxs, Angcaha, and Angoche.
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Asiatic Immigrants. 119
bounded the delta on that side. The other large outlets were
the Luabo and the Euama, but there were many smaller ones,
a distance of a hundred miles separating the extreme southern
from the extreme northern mouth, while the inland extremity
of the delta, where the river began to fork, was over fifty miles
in a straight line from the sea. In later years this whole tract
of land and water was termed by the Portuguese the Bivers of
Kuama, the largest of the islands in the delta bearing that name.
If an accurate survey of the delta and its streams had been
made in any one year, in the next it would have been imperfect,
and in a decade misleading, for two causes were constantly
operating to alter the features of land and water. In the rainy
season the Zambesi, which stretched nearly across the continent,
poured down a flood bearing sand, soil, and gravel, which spread
over great areas, blocked up old channels, tore away huge frag-
ments of islands, and opened new passages in every direction.
When the flood subsided, former landmarks were gone, and
where vessels had sailed the year before sandflats cdone were
seen. The Eilimane arm in the year 1500 was the best entrance
into the Zambesi during six months of the year, in 1900 its
upper course is many feet higher than the bed of the great river
further inland, of which it is no longer regarded as an outlet.
The other cause of change was the mangrove. This tree, with
its gloomy dark^green foliage, grew only on the confines of land
and water, where it spread out its roots like gigantic snakes,
intertwining and retaining in their folds the ooze and slime that
would otherwise have been borne away. Sand was blown up by
the wind or deposited when the currents were gentle, vegetable
mould accumulated, the inner line of the swamp became soil on
which grass and herbs could grow, and the mangrove spread
farther out to reclaim ever more and more land from the shallow
water. So the floods washed away and reformed, and the
mangrove bound together and extended, in the ever varying
scene.
How far up the SSaiiibesi the Mohamedans were accustomed to
go cannot be ascertained with precision. They had a small
settlement on its southern bank where the Portuguese village of
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1 20 History of South Africa,
SeDa DOW stands, about one hundred and forty miles from the
sea, but it is doubtful whether they had any fixed post farther
inland, though travelling traders probably penetrated the
country to a great distance. About two hundred and thirty-
five miles from the sea the great river passed through the
Lupata gorge, a narrow cleft in the range that separates the
interior plain from the coast belt, where the rapids were so strong
that they may not have cared to go beyond them with their
boats, though the Portuguese afterwards navigated the stream
up to the Eebrabasa rapids, about twenty miles above Tete, or
three hundred and twenty miles from the sea.
At the mouth of the Pungwe river, where Beira now stands,
there was a very small Mohamedan trading settlement, perhaps
not a permanent one, and only at best an outpost of Sofala.
Sofala, the most important station south of Eilwa, was in
latitude 20° 10'. It was at the mouth of an estuary a mile and
three quarters wide from the northern bank to an island named
Inyansata, between which and the southern bank there was only
a narrow and shallow stream when the tide was low. Across
the entrance of the estuary was a shifting bar of sand, which
prevented large vessels from crossings and inside there were so
many shoals that navigation was at all times dangerous. The
land to a great distance was low and swampy, and the banks of
the estuary were fringed with belts of mangrove, so that the
place was a hotbed of fever and dysentery. Farther in the
interior the stream was of no great size, but it was always
bringing down material to add to the deposits of sand and mud
above the bar. The sole redeeming feature was a high rise of
tide, .often nearly twenty feet at full moon, so that when the
wind was fair it was accessible for any vessels then used in the
Indian trade. Along the coast was a great shoal or bank like a
submerged terrace, extending far into the sea, upon which the
waves ran «o high at times and the currents were so strong that
the locality was greatly dreaded by the mariners of olden days.
But all these drawbacks were disregarded in view of the- fact that
gold was to be obtained here in exchange for merchandise of
little value.
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Asiatic Immigrants. 1 2 1
At So£ala there were two villages : one close to the sea, on a
sand flat forming the north-eastern point, contained about four
hundred inhabitants ; the other, a couple of miles higher up the
bank of the estuary, also contained about four hundred residents.
The sheik lived in the last named. His dwelling house was
constructed of poles planted in the ground, between which
wattles were woven and then plastered with clay. It was
thatched, and contained several apartments, one of considerable
size which could be used as a hall of state. The floor, like that
of Bantu huts, was made of antheaps moistened and stamped.
It was covered with mats, and the room occupied by the sheik
was hung with silk, but was poorly furnished according to
modem European ideas. This was the grandest dwelling house
in Africa south of the Zambesi, indeed the only one of its size
and form, in the first year of the sixteenth century.
The island of Chiloane* lay partly in the mouth of the
Ingomiamo river, in latitude 20"" 37' south. The island was
about six miles long by three wide, but a great part of it was a
mangrove swamp. The channel into the Ingomiamo on the
northern side of the island, now called Port Singune, was used as
a harbour by an occasional pangayo or zambuco that put in
to trade.
The Bazaruta islands were of much greater importance, for
there were the pearl-oyster beds which yielded gems as much
coveted by the Arabs and Persians as by the people of Europe
and India. There were five islands in this group, stretching
over thirty miles along the coast northward from the cape now
called Saint Sebastian, which is in latitude 22"" 5' south. The
principal island, from which the group takes its name, is
eighteen miles in length.
The last place to the southward frequented by the Moha-
medans was the river Nyambana, or Inhambane, the mouth of
which is in latitude 23'' 46' south. They had a small settlement
where the Portuguese village now stands, fourteen miles by the
channel, though only eight in a direct line, above the bar. The
river was easy of access, and formed an excellent harbour. It
* Variously spelt Chiluin, Chiiwan, Chulawan, Eiloaae, &c.
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122 History of South Africa.
was navigable for boats about five miles farther up than the
settlement, which formed a good centre for collecting ivory, an
article cdways in demand in India. This place was reputed to be
the healthiest on the whole coast.
Beyond Cape Correntes, in latitude 24° 4' south, the Arabs
and Persians did not venture in their coir-sewn vessels. Here
the Mozambique current, from which the cape has its present
name, ran southward with great velocity, usually from one to
three miles an hour, according to the force and direction of the
wind, but oft^n much faster. The cape had the reputation also
of being a place of storms, where the regular monsoons of the
north could no longer be depended upon, and where violent
gusts from every quarter would almost surely destroy the
mariners who should be so foolhardy as to brave them. The
vivid Arab imagination further pictured danger of another kind,
for this was the chosen home of those mermaids — believed in
also by the Oreeks of old — who lured unfortunate men to their
doom. So Cape Correntes, with its real and fictitious perils, was
the terminus of Mohamedan enterprise to the south, though
there were men in Eilwa who sometimes wondered what was
beyond it and half made up their minds to go over land and see.
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THE NEW YORK
PUBLIC UBrARY
ASiUfv, LLNOX AND
TILDEN yOUNDATlONS
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Discovery of an Ocean Route to India. 123
CHAPTER VI.
DISCOVERY OF AN OOEAN BOUTB TO mDU.
The discovery of an ocean route from Europe to ladia,
followed by the establishment of the Portuguese as the pre-
ponderating power in the East, is one of the greatest events
in the history of the world. It is not too much to say that
every state of Central and Western Europe was afTected by
it. The time was critical, for the Turks were then menacing
Christendom, and if they had secured a monopoly of the
Indian trade their wealth and strength would have been so
augmented that it is doubtful whether they might not have
succeeded in entering Vienna in 1529. As yet the Moslem
power was divided, for Egypt was still under the Mameluke
rulers, and the greater portion of the Indian products that
found their way to Europe was obtained by the Venetians at
Alexandria. To that city they were conveyed in boats down
the Nile from Cairo, after being carried by camels from the
shore of the Bed sea, whither they were brought by ships
firom the coast of Malabar. From this traffic Alexandria had
thriven greatly, and from it too Venice, — whose citizens dis-
tributed over Europe the silk and cotton fabrics, pepper, and
spices of the East, — ^had become wealthy and powerful. That
portion of the Indian merchandise which was brought over-
land by caravans from the Persian gulf to the Mediterranean
coast was under the control of the Turks, and a few years
later, when in 1517 the sultan Selim overthrew the Mamelukes
and made Egypt a province of his dominions, the whole would
have been theirs if the Portugaese had not just in time fore*
stalled them.
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1 24 History of South Africa.
In the early years of the fifteenth century the Christian
nations were little acquainted with distant countries, America
and Australia were entirely unknown. Eastern Asia was very
imperfectly laid down on the maps, and the greater part of
Africa had never been explored. This continent might have
terminated north of the equator, for anything that the most
learned men in Europe knew to the contrary. The Portuguese
were at this time the most adventurous seamen of the world,
and they were the first to attempt to discover an ocean high-
way round Africa to the East. Under direction of a justly
celebrated prince of their royal family, Henrique by name —
known to us as Henry the Navigator — fleets were fitted out
which gradually crept down the western coast until the shores
of Senegambia were reached. In 1434 Cape Bojador was
passed for the first time, in 1441 Cape Blanco was seen by
Europeans, and in 1445 Cape Verde was rounded by Diniz
Bias.
Then, until after the death of Prince Henrique — 13th of
November 1460 — discovery practically ceased. The lucrative
slave trade occupied the minds of the sea captains, and ships
freighted with negroes taken captive in raids, or purchased from
conquering chiefs, frequently entered the harbours of Portugal.
The commerce in human flesh was regarded as highly meritorious,
because it brought heathens to a knowledge of Christianity.
But never has a mistake or a crime led to more disastrous
results, for to the introduction of negroes as labourers in the
southern provinces of Portugal the decline of the kingdom in
power and importance is mainly due.
The exploring expeditions which Prince Henrique never ceased
to encourage, but which the greed of those who were in his
service had turned into slave hunting voyages, were resumed
after his death. In 1461 the coast of the present republic
of Liberia was reached, and in 1471 the equator was crossed.
King JoEo II, who ascended the throne in 1481, was as
resolute as his grand-uncle the Navigator in endeavouring to
discover an ocean road to India. He had not indeed any idea
of the great consequences that would follow, his object being
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Discovery of an Ocean Route to India. 1^5
edmply to divert the eastern trade from Venice to Lisbon,
which would be effected if an unbroken sea route could be
found. In 1484 he sent out a fleet under Diogo Cam, which
reached the mouth of the Congo, and in the following year
the same officer made a greater advance than any previous
explorer could boast of, for he pushed on southward as far
as Cape Cross, where the marble pillar which he set up to
mark the extent of his voyage remained standing more than
four hundred years.
The next expedition sent in the same direction solved the
secret concerning the extent of the African continent. It was
imder the chief command of an officer named Bartholomeu
Dias, of whose previous career unfortunately nothing can now
be ascertained except that he was a gentleman of the king's
household and receiver of customs at Lisbon when the appoint-
ment was conferred upon him, and that he had at some
former time taken part in exploring the coast. At the end
of August 1486 he sailed from the Tagus with two vessels
of about fifty tons each, according to the Portuguese measure-
ment of the time, though they would probably be rated much
higher now. He had also a small storeship with him, for
previous expeditions had often been obliged to turn back from
want of food.
The officers who were to serve under him were carefully
selected, and were skilful in their professions. They were: —
LeitSo (probably a nickname) sailing master and Pedro d'Alan-
quer pilot of the flag ship; Jo&o Infante captain, JoSo Grego
sailing master, and Alvaro Martins pilot of the Sao Pantaleao;
and Pedro Dias, brother of the commodore, captain, JoSo A Ives
sailing master, and JoKo de Santiago pilot of the storeship. On
board the squadron were four negresses-*convicts —from the
coast of Guinea, who were to be set ashore at different places
to make discoveries and report to the next white men they
should see. This was a common practice at the time, the
persons selected being criminals under sentence of death, who
were glad to escape immediate execution by risking anything
that might befal them in an unknown and barbarous country.
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1 26 History of South Africa.
la this inatance women were chosen, as it was considered
likely they would be protected by the natiyes. It was hoped
that through their means a powerful Christian prince called
Prester John, who was believed to reside in the interior, might
come to learn of the greatness of the Portuguese monarchy
and that efforts were being made to reach him, so that he
might send messengers to the coast to communicate with the
explorers. King Jo&o and his courtiers believed that if this
mythical Prester John could but be found, he would point
out the way to India.
Dias, like all preceding explorers, kept dose to the coast
on his way southward. Somewhere near the equator he left
the storeship with nine men to look after her, and then con-
tinued his course until he reached an inlet or small harbour
with a group of islets at its entrance, the one now called
Angra Pequena or Little Bay, but which he named Angra
dos Ilheos, the Bay of the Islets. The latitude was believed
to be 24"^ S., but in reality it was 26J^ so imperfect were
the means then known for determiniDg it. There he cast
anchor, and for the first time Christian men trod the soU of
Africa south of the tropic.
A more desolate place than that on which the weary seamen
landed could hardly be, and no mention is made by the early
Portuguese historians of any sign of human life being observed
as far as the explorers wandered. Unfortunately the original
journal or log-book of the expedition has long siDco disappeared,
so that much that would be intensely interesting now can
never be known. But this is certain, that refreshment there
could have been none, except fish and the eggs and flesh of
sea-fowl that made their nests on the islets. It was no place
in which to tarry long. Before he left, Dias set up a marble
cross some six or seven feet in height, on an eminence that
he named Serra Parda^ the Grey Mountain, as a token that
he had taken possession of the country for his king. For
more than three hundred years that cross stood there above
the dreary waste, just as the brave Portuguese explorer erected
it. The place where it stood so long is called Pedestal Point.
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Discovery of an Ocean Route to India, 127
Here one of the negresses was left, almost certainly to perish^
when the expedition moyed onward.
From Angra Pequena Dias tried to keep the land in eighty
but as it was the season of the southeast winds, which were
contrary, he could not make rapid progress. At length by
repeatedly tacking he reached an inlet to which he gave the
name Angra das Yoltas, the Bay of the Turnings. There is
a curve in the land in the position indicated, 29^ S., but the
latitudes given are not to be depended upon, and the expedi-
tion may have been far from it and farther still irom the
point at the mouth of the Orange river called by 'modem
geographers Cape Yoltas, in remembrance of that event. At
Angra das Voltas, wherever it was, Dias remained five days,
as the weather was unfavourable for sailing, and before he
left another of the negresses was set on shore.
After making sail again heavy weather was encountered and
a boisterous sea, such as ships often experience in that part
of the ocean, and which is caused by the cold Antarctic current
being slightly deflected by some means from its usual course
and striking the hot Mozambique current at a right angle off
the Cape of (xood Hope. Very miserable Dias and his com-
panions must have been in their tiny vessels among the
tremendous billows, with the sails close reefed, and hardly a
hope of escape from being lost. But after thirteen days the
weather moderated, and then they steered eastward, expecting
soon to see the coast again. For several days they sailed in
this direction, but as no land appeared Dias concluded that
he must have passed the extremity of the continent. It was
80, for on turning to the north he reached the shore at an
inlet which he named Angra dos Vaqueiros, the bay of the
Herdsmen, on account of the numerous droves of cattle which
he saw grazing on its shores. Its position cannot be fixed
with certainty, for the common belief that it was the one now
known as Flesh Bay is mere conjecture. The natives gazed
with astonishment upon the strange apparition coming over the
sea, and then fled inland with their cattle, so that it was
not found possible to have any intercourse with the wild people.
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1 28 History of South Africa,
They did the same at another bay which he put into, and
which he named the Watering Place of SSo Bras, but whether
this was on the outward or homeward passage is uncertain,
the event being only incidentally alluded to by one of the
early historians. In any case no information concerning the
inhabitants of the South African coast, except that they had
domestic cattle in their possession, was obtained by this ex-
pedition.
How long Dias remained at Angra dos Yaqueiros is not
known, but his vessels, good sea-boats as they had proved
to be, must have needed some refitting, so he was probably
there several days at least. He and his officers were in
high spirits, as, unless they were in another deep bay like
the gulf of Guinea, they had solved the question of a sea
route to India. As far as their eyes could reach, the shore
stretched east and west, so, sailing again, they continued along
it until they came to an uninhabited islet in latitude SS}"" S.
This islet is in Algoa Bay as now termed — the Bahia da Lagoa
of the Portuguese after the middle of the sixteenth century, —
and still bears in the French form of St. Croix the name Ilheo
da Santa Cruz, the islet of the Holy Cross, which he gave it
on account of the pillar bearing a cross and the arms of
Portugal which he erected upon it.
Dias visited the mainland, where be observed two native
women gathering shellfish, who were left unmolested, as the
king had issued instructions that no cause of offence should be
given to the inhabitants of any countries discovered. Here the
last of the negresses was set ashore, as one had died on the
passage. The coast was examined some distance to the east-
ward, and to a prominent rock upon it the name Penedo das
Pontes, the Rock of the Fountains, was given by some of the
people, because two springs of water were found there.
Here the seamen protested against going farther. They
complained that their supply of food was running short, and
the storeship was far behind, so that 'there was danger of
perishing from hunger. They thought they had surely done
sufficient in one voyage, for they were fourteen hundred miles
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Discovery of an Ocean Route to India. 129
beyond the tenninus of the preceding expedition, and no one
had ever taken such tidings to Portugal as they would cany
back. Further, firom the trending of the coast it was evident
there must be some great headland behind them, and therefore
they were of opinion it would be better to turn about and
look for it. One can hardly blame them ibr their protest,
considering the fatigue and peril they had gone through and
the wretchedly uncomfortable life they must have been leading.
Dias, after hearing these statements, took the officers and
some of the principal seamen on shore, where he administered
an oath to them, after which he asked their opinion as to
what was the best course to pursue for the service of the
king. They replied with one voice, to return home, where-
upon he caused them to sign a document to that effect. He
then begged of them to continue only two or three days'
sail farther, and promised that if they should 'find nothing
within that time to encourage them to proceed on an easterly
course, he would put about. The crews consented, but in the
time agreed upon they advanced only to the mouth of a
river to which the commcmder gave the name Infante, owing
to Moao Infante, captain of the Sao PantcUeao, being the first
to leap ashore. The river was either the Kowie, the Fish, or
the Eeiskama, as known to us. Its mouth was stated to be
twenty-five leagues from the islet of the Cross, and to be in
latitude 32f ° S., which was very incorrect.
But now, notwithstanding thia error, there should have been
no doubt in any mind that they had reached the end of the
southern seaboard, which in a distance of five hundred miles
does not vary ninety miles in latitude. The coast before them
trended away to the north-east in a bold, dear line, free of
the haze that almost always hung over the western shore
And down it, only a short distance from the land, flowed a
swift ocean current many degrees warmer than the water on
either side, and revealing itself even to a careless eye by its
deeper blue. That current could only come from a heated sea
in the north, and so they might have known that the eaetem
side of Africa bad surely been reached.
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1 30 History of South Africa.
Whether the explorers observed these signs the Portuguese
writers who recorded their deeds do not inform us, but from
the river Infante the expedition turned back. At Santa Cruz
Dias landed again, and bade farewell to the cross which he
had set up there with as much sorrow as if he was parting
with a son banished for life. In returning, the great headland
was discovered, to which the commander gave the name Cabo
Tormentoso — the Stormy Cape — ^afterwards changed by the king
to Cabo de Boa Esperan^a — Cape of Good Hope — owing to the
fair prospect which he could now entertain of India being at
last reached by this route. What particular part of the
peninsula Dias landed upon is unknown, but somewhere upon
it he set up another of the marble pillars he had brought from
Portugal, to which he gave the name Sao Philippe. The country
about it he did not explore, as his provisions were so scanty
that he was anxious to get away. Keeping along the coast,
after nine months' absence the storeship was rejoined, when
only three men were found on board of her, and of these,
one, FenJk) Cola^a by name, died of joy upon seeing his
countrjrmen again. The other six had been murdered by
negroes with whom they were trading.
Having replenished his stock of provisions, Dias set fire to
the storeship, as she was in need of refitting and he had not
men to work her; and then sailed to Prince's Island in the
bight of Bia&a, where he found some Portuguese in distress.
A gentleman of the king's household, named Duarte Pacheco,
had been sent to explore the rivers on that part of the coast,
but had lost his vessel, and was then lying ill at the island
with part of the crew who had escaped from the wreck. Dias
took them all on board, and, pursuing his course in a north-
westerly direction, touched at a river where trade was carried
on and also at the fort of Sfto Jorge da Mina, an established
Portuguese factory, of which Jofto Foga^a was then commander.
Here he took charge of the gold that had been collected, after
which he proceeded on his way to Lisbon, where he arrived
in December 1487, sixteen months and seventeen days from
the time of his setting out.
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No other dates than those mentioned are given by the
early Portuguese historians, thus the exact time of the dis-
coYeiy of the Cape of Grood Hope and the coast onward to
the mouth of the In£Euite river is doubtful, and it can only
be stated as. having occurred in the early months of 1487.
The voyage surely was a memorable one, and nothing but
regret can be expressed that more of its details cannot be
recovered. Of the thiee pillars set up by Dias, two — those
of the Holy Cross and Sao Philippe^-disappeared, no one has
ever been able to ascertain when or how; that of Sito Thiago
at Angra Pequena remained where it was placed until
it was broken down by some unknown vandals in the
nineteenth century.
Meantime the king sent two men named Affonso de Paiva,
of Castelbianco, and Jo&o Pires, of CovilhSo, in another direc-
tion to search for Prester John. For this purpose they left
Santarem on the 7th of May 1487, and, being well provided
with money, they proceeded first to Naples, then to the island
of Bhodes, and thence to Alexandria. They were both con-
versant with the Arabic language, and had no difficulty in
passing for Moors. At Alexandria they were detained some
time by illness, but upon recovering they proceeded to Cairo,
and thence in the disguise of merchants to Tor, Suakin, and
Aden. Here they separated, Affonso de Paiva having resolved
to visit Abyssinia to ascertain if the monarch of that country
was not the potentate they were in search of, and Joao Pires
taking passage in a vessel bound to Cananor on the Malabar
coast. They arranged, however, to meet again in Cairo at a
time fixed upon.
Jofto Pires reached Cananor in safety, and went down the
coast as far as Calicut, after which he proceeded upwards to
Goa. Here he embarked in a vessel bound to Sofala, and
having visited that port, he returned to Aden, and at the time
appointed was back in Cairo, where he learned that Affonso
de Paiva had died not long before. At Cairo he found two
Portuguese Jews, Babbi HabriU), of Beja, and Josepe, a shoe-
maker of Lamego. Josepe had been in Bagdad, on the
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13^ History of South Africa.
Eupkratea, some years previously, and had there heard of
Ormuz, at the mouth of the Persian golf, and of its being the
warehouse of the Indian trade and the point of departure for
caravans to Aleppo and Damascus. He had returned to
Portugal and informed the king of what he had learned, who
thereupon sent him and HabriU) with letters of instruction to
AflFonso de Paiva and Jofto Pires, directing them if they had
not already found Prester John, to proceed to Ormuz and
gather information there.
Upon receiving this order Jofto Pires drew up an account
of what he had seen and learned in India and on the
African coast, which he gave to Josepe to convey to the
king, and taking HabriLo with him, he proceeded to Aden
and thence to Ormuz. From Ormuz Habi^ set out with a
caravan for Aleppo on his way back to Portugal with a
duplicate of the narrative sent to the king by Josepe.
None of the early Portuguese historians who had access to
the records of the country ever saw this narrative, so that
probably neither of the Jews lived to deliver his charge.
Not a single date is given in the early accounts of this
journey, except that of the departure from Santarem, which
De Goes fixes as May 1486 and Castanheda and De Barros
as the 7th of May 1487. There is no trace of any know-
ledge in Portugal of the commerce of Sofala before the
return of Vasco da Gama in 1499, but as such a journey
as that described must in the fifteenth century have occupied
several years, it is just possible that Josepe or Habrao
reached Lisbon after (hat date.
Jofto Pires went from Ormuz by way of Aden to Abys-
sinia, where he was well received by the ruler of that
country. Here, after all his wanderings he found a home,
for as he was not permitted to leave again, he married and
had children, living upon property given to him by the
government. In 1615 Dom Bodrigo de lima arrived in
Abyssinia as ambassador of the king of Portugal, and found
him still alive. With the embassy was a priest, Francisco
Alvares by name, who wrote an account of the mission and
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Discovery of an Ocean RouU to India, 133
of the statement made to him by Jo&o Pires, and also gave
such information on his retorn home as enabled the Portu-
guese historians to place on record the above details. As
far as actual result in increase of geographical knowledge is
concerned, this expedition therefore effected nothing.
Upon the return of Dias to Portugal with information
that he had discovered the southern extremity of Afiica and
found an open sea stretching away to the eastward from
the farthest point he had reached, King JoSo II resolved to
send another expedition to follow up the grand pathway of
exploration which now offered so fair a prospect of an ocean
route to India being found at last. But at that time things
were not done as quickly as now, and there was besides
much else to occupy the monarch's attention. The outlay
too would be considerable, as ships would have to be built
specially to withstand the stormy seas off the Cape of Good
Hope, and the kingdom was then by no means wealthy.
Orders, however, were given to the chief huntsman, JoSo de
Braganja, to collect the necessary timber, and by the year
1494 it was ready at Lbbon. Whether anything further
was done towards the construction of the vessels before the
death of the king, which took place at Alvor on the 25th
of October 1495, is not certain; but probably some progress
had been made, as a commander in chief of the intended
expedition was selected in the person of EstevSo da Gktma,
chief alcaide of the town of Sinis.
Eang Jo3o II having no legitimate sod, was succeeded by
his first cousin Dom Manuel, duke of Beja, who possessed
a full measure of that fondness for prosecuting maritime
discoveries which for three-quarters of a century had dis-
tinguished the princes of Portugal. Within a year of his
accession the subject of making another attempt to reach
India by sea was mooted at several general councils held
at New Montemor, but met with strong opposition. There
were those who urged that Portugal was not strong enough
to conquer and keep possession of such a distant country
should it be reached, that too much public treasure had
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134 History of South Africa.
already been thrown away in fitting out exploring ships,
that no adequate return had yet been made, and that even
if a route to India should be opened, it would only bring
powerful rivals into the field at least to share its commerce.
Those of the nobles, however, who were anxious to please
the king favoured the design, and at length it was resolved
to send out another expedition.
Accordingly under direction of Bartholomeu Dias two ships
were built with the timber that was ready, his experience
enabling him to point out where they required special
strengthening. Very clumsy indeed they would be considered
now, with their bluff bows like the breast of a duck, broad
square stems, lofty poops and forecastles, low waists, and
great length of beam; but they were staunch sea boats,
capable of receiving without damage the buffeting of the
furious waves they were intended to encounter. The larger
of the two, named the Sao Odbrid, was rated as of one
hundred and twenty tons, and the smaller, named the Sao
Bafad, as of one hundred; but a Portuguese ton of that
period, as has already been observed, was probably much
larger than an English ton of our times, and from their
build they would be able to carry a great deal more than
their registered capacity would denote. They were fitted with
three masts, the fore and main each carrying two square
sails, and the mizen a lateen projecting far over the stem.
Under the bowsprit, the outer end of which was so greatly
elevated that it was almost like a fourth mast, was a square
spritsail, which completed the spread of canvas. Jibs and
staysails there were none, nor anything but a flag above the
topsail yards. Such was the build and rig of vessels from
which the graceful barques of our times have been evolved.
To accompany these ships a stout caravel was purchased from
a man named Berrio, whose name it bore. A storeship of
two hundred tons burden was also purchased by the king
from one Ayres Correa, of Lisbon, so that a supply of pro-
visions sufficient for three years might be taken by the
expedition.
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Discovery of an Ocean Route to India. 135
Spare spars, sails, and rigging were placed on board the
ships, as also samples of varioos kinds of merchandise and
many articles that conld be used for presentation to such
potentates as might be found. In all respects the fleet was
thus as well fitted out as was possible at that period.
When all was ready the vessels dropped down the Tagus
to Bastello and anchored in front of Belem, with a caravel
under command of Bartholomeu Dias, which was to accom-
pany them to the Cape Verde islands, and after seeing them
on their course in safety, proceed to SSo Jorge da Mina.
EstevSo da Gama was now dead, so King Manuel offered
the chief command of the expedition to his eldest son
Paulo da Gama. He, however, respectfully declined on ac-
count of a complaint from which he was suffering, and
asked to have the second place, in which the responsibility
would be less, and that his younger brother Yasco might
be appointed commander in chief The king consented, and
in Januaiy 1497 summoned Yasco da Gama to Estremoz,
where he was then residing, and conferred the highest post
in the expedition upon him.
Yasco da Gama is the hero of Portugal, because he was
successful in reaching India, and because his exploits were
the theme of the famous poem of Luis de Camoes. And
if intrepidity, energy, perseverance under difficulties, and
intense application to duty are the qualities that constitute
greatness, he was beyond question one of the foremost that
ever lived. But he was far from being a lovable man.
Cold, harsh, stem, severe in punishing, fearful when in a
passion, he was obeyed not from affection, but because of
his commanding spirit. Perhaps if he had been as tender-
hearted and humane as his bix)ther Paulo he would not
have succeeded in the great enterprise entrusted to him,
where what was needed was an iron will. He was a man
of medium height, at this time unmarried, and about thirty-
seven years of age. He had served the late king at sea
with much credit to himself, and was experienced in nautical
matters.
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1 36 History of South Africa.
Shortly before setting sail the king presented to him a
silken banner, having on it a cross of the order of Christ,
when he made the usual homage and swore to execute the
trust confided to him to the best of his ability. All being
ready for sea, and only waiting for a fair wind, he and
the other officers repaired to the hermitage of our Lady of
Bethlehem, where they passed some time in devotion. On
the morning of Saturday the 8th of July 1497, not quite
five years after Columbus sailed from Palos to discover a
new continent in the west, the wind was favourable, so
they prepared to leave. At the hermitage a procession was
formed of friars and priests from Lisbon, a large number
of people from the city, and Yasco da Gama and his
companions carrying tapers; and chanting a litany, they
proceeded to the shore where the boats were in waiting.
All knelt down while the vicar of the hermitage pro-
nounced an absolution, and then with the echo of these
closing rites of religion in their ears Da Gama and his
associates embarked. The sails were unfurled, and the five
vessels stood away. As was afterwards ascertained, it was
not the proper time of the year to set out, but nothing
was then known of the periodical monsoons in the Indian
sea or of the prevailing summer and winter winds off the
African coast.
On board the Sao Gabriel, which was the flagship, was
Vasco da Gama himself, and with him as sailing master
was Gon9alo Alvares, and as chief pilot Pedro d'Alanquer,
who had been with Bartholomeu Dias to the river Infante.
Diogo Dias, a brother of Bartholomeu, accompanied him as
secretary. Of the Sao Rafael Paulo da Gama was captain,
JoSo de Coimbra was pilot, and Jofto de Sa secretary. Of the
Berrio Nicolau Coelho was captain, Pedro Escolar was pilot,
and Alvaro de Braga secretary. Of the storeship Gon9alo
Nunes was captain. The number of men on board the four
vessels is given by Castanheda as one hundred and forty- eight
and by Barros as about one hundred and seventy, between
soldiers and sailors. The discrepancy may be accounted for by
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Discovery of an Ocean Route to India. 137
the officers not being included by the first writer. A friar of
the Holy Trinity, named Pedro de Cobilhoes, accompanied the
expedition as chaplain, and a number of criminals were sent
with it to be put on shore in remote and dangerous places to
gather information. Probably the criminals were not included
in either of the numbers given above.
The Cape Verde islands were appointed as a rendezvous in
case the vessels should be separated by any accident, and this
actually happened in a storm after passing the Canaries, but
eight days later they came together again, and on the 28th of
July cast anchor off Santa Maria in the island of Santiago.
Here they remained seven days taking in water and repairing
the damages sustained in the storm. On Thursday the 3rd
of August they again set sail, and soon afterwards Bartholomeu
Dias bade Da (rama farewell, and steered towards S&o Jorge
da Mina.
All prece^g expeditions in this direction had kept close to
the coast, thereby losing much time; but Da Gama adopted
a bolder plan. The longitude of the Cape of Good Hope being
imknown, he could not steer directly for it, but by keeping
almost due south he could run down his latitude, and then if
necessary steer eastward where the degrees of the smaller
circle were shorter. Holding this course during the months
of August, September, and October, during which time they
were often in peril &om boisterous weather, but always
managed to keep together, the four vessels turned eastward
when it was believed they were in or near the latitude of the
Cape, and on Saturday the 4th of November the South African
coast was first seen. They ran in close, but as it did not
offer a fitting place for anchoring, they stood off again, and
continued sailing along it imtil Tuesday the 7th, when they
discovered a deep curve which would provide sufficient shelter.
The pilot Pedro d'Alanquer did not know the place, not
having seen it in his earlier voyage, but they dropped their
anchors in it, and gave it the name St. Helena Bay, which it
stUl bears. It is about one hundred and twenty English miles
north of the Cape of Good Hope.
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138 History of South Africa.
Here Da Grama went on shore, but found the land sterile
and apparently uninhabited. He was in want of water, and
as none could be discovered, he sent Nicolau Coelho in a boat
along the coaflt to- seek for the mouth of a stream. At a
distance of about seventeen miles from the ships— reckoning
four English miles and a quarter to a Portuguese league —
Coelho came to the outlet of a river, to which the name S&o
Thiago was given. It is now known as the Berg. Hei-e they
procured water, fuel, and the flesh of seals, there being a great
number of these animals on the shore.
To ascertain the position of the place Da Gama took a
wooden instrument for measuring the angle of the sun's
altitude to land, where it could be fixed more steadily on a
tripod than on board ship. It would be interesting to know
just what kind of instrument this was, but that cannot be
ascertained. Barros terms it a wooden astrolabe, — ^which it
can hardly have been, — and says that he has described it in
his Oeogrwphy, a book now unfortunately lost. Probably it
was a kind of cross staff, several varieties of which were in
common use at a little later date, but this is only conjecture.
A method of using the brass astrolabe at sea had been devised
in 1480 by two physicians of King Jo&o II, one of whom
was a Jew, in association with the astronomer Martin Behaim,
of Nuremberg, and tables of the sun's declination had been
drawn up for the purposa But the astrolabe, beautiful an
instrument as it was,* gave very imperfect results, except in
calm weather and when the angle observed was large. A
century and a quarter later the celebrated navigator John
Davis described its utility at sea as small in comparison with
that of the cross staff. Da Gama had several brass astrolabes
with him, but he placed no reliance upon them, and so with
this wooden instrument, whatever it was, he went on shore to
make observations. While he was thus engaged, some of his
people observed two natives who appeared to be gathering herbs
* There is a very fine collection from different countries in the BritiBh
Museum, that institution of which every Englishman has such just reason
to be proud.
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Discovery of an Ocean Route to India. 1 39
and honey at the foot of a hill, as each had a firebrand with
him. Surrounding them quietly and stealthily, one was cap-
tured, who appeared greatly terrified on being made a prisoner
by such strange beings as Europeans must have been to him.
He was taken to Da Gama^ who was desirous of gathering
as much information about the country as possible, and
paiticularly of ascertaining how far distant was the Cape of
Gk)od Hope; but no one in the fleet could understand a word
of what he said. He was kept on board ship that night, and
ate and drank freely of the food that was set before him.
Two boys, one of whom was a negro, were placed with him
as companions, but could only communicate with him by
signs. The next day he was provided with one or two articles
of clothing, and some trinkets were given to him, after which
he was set at liberty. This kind of treatment made such a
favourable impression upon him and Ids countrymen that it
was not long before a party of fifteen or twenty made an
appearance. Yasco da Gama pleased them greatly with
presents of pewter rings, little bells, beads, and other articles
of trifling value, but he could obtain by signs no information
of any kind from them, nor did they show the slightest
knowledge or appreciation of the samples of gold, silver,
pearls, and spices which he exhibited to them.
In the description given of these people there is but one
observation that shows they were Hottentots of the beach-
ranger class, not Bushmen, which is that among their weapons
were assagais or shafts of wood pointed with bone or horn,
which they used as lances or darts. They were small in
stature, ill favoured in countenance, and darkish in colour.
Their dress was a kaross of skin. When speaking they used
so many gestures that they appeared to be rolling or staggering
about. Their food consisted of wild roots, seals, whales that
washed up on the coast, seabirds, and every kind of land
animal or bird that they could capture. They had no domestic
animal but the dog. This description would apply to Bushmen
as well as to beachranger Hottentots, if the weapon had
not been mentioned, and perhaps the kaross, which is said to
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140 History of South Africa.
have been worn like a French cloak, and was probably there-
fore composed of several skins sewed together, whereas the
Bushman was satisfied with one.
A friendly intercourse having been kept up with these
savages for a couple of days, a soldier named Femao Veloso
requested leave to accompany them to their place of residence
when they were preparing to return to it. This was granted,
with the object of his obtaining some knowledge of the style
of their habitations and of the condition of the country about
their kraal, which was believed to be at a distance of about
eight or nine miles. On the way a seal was captured and
eaten, and then Veloso, though the most arrant braggart of
his e&ploits and his bravery in the whole fleet, became
suspicious of some evil design against himself. There is no
proof of treachery of any kind on the part of the Hottentots,
but when people cannot understand each other distrust arises
easily. Veloso began to retrace his steps in great haste, and
was followed by the Hottentots, who could certainly easily
have overtaken him if they had wished to do so. That they
did not is a strong indication that they were acting from
curiosity rather than enmity.
Nicolau Coelho was in a boat near the shore when Veloso
was seen running towards the embarking place, shouting loudly
for help; but he and the others with him rather enjoyed the
spectacle, on account of the man's boastful disposition. Da
Gama was seated at table at his evening meal when through
the window of the cabin he saw a commotion on shore, and
immediately got into a boat and was rowed towards the beach
to ascertain what was the matter. Some of the officers of
the Bao Gabriel and of the other vessels followed. On the
first boat reaching the shore, two 6i the natives went towards
it, but were driven back with their faces covered with blood.
Then followed a skirmish, in which Vasco da Gama himself,
Gon^alo Alvares, and two sailors were slightly wounded with
the stones, assagais, and arrows showered upon them by the
Hottentots. The white men, on their part, made use of their
crossbows, and believed they caused some execution with
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Discovery of an Ocean Route to India. 141
£hem. Though in all the Portuguese accounts the natives
are charged with treachery, the whole affair appears to have
arisen through a mistake, as FemSo Yeloso remained uninjured,
and was taken safely on board.
In this bay of St. Helena crayfish were found in great
abundance, which must^ have proved a very welcome relief to
men so long confined to salted provisions. Some fish were
also secured with the hook, and a whale was captured, which
nearly cost the lives of Paulo da Gama and a boat's crew.
They had fastened the harpoon line to an immovable thwart
of the boat, and the whale in its struggles would have pulled
them gunwale under and swamped them if it had not
fortunately for them grounded in shallow water.
On the morning of Thursday the 16th of November Da
Gama set sail from St. Helena Bay. At this time of the
year the wind is usually dead ahead for vessels on his course,
but on this occasion it was blowing from the south-south-west,
so that he was able to run along the coast with his yards
sharply braced. On Saturday afternoon he saw the Cape of
Good Hope, but thought it prudent to stand away on the
other tack for the night, and therefore did not double it
until Monday the 20th. All on board were in high spirits
and made merry as well as they could, for instead of the
stormy seas they had expected to encounter here, the weather^
was so fine that they could keep close to the land on their
eastward course, and had sight of people and cattle upon it.
On Sunday the 26th of November the fleet reached the
watering place of S5o Bras, now Mossel Bay. Here, after
they had been several days at anchor, a number of natives
appeared, some— men and women— riding on pack oxen. They
were very friendly, for on Da Gama's going on shore they
received with much pleasure the bawbles which he presented
to them, and exchanged some of their ivory armrings for
scarlet caps. Afterwards more arrived, bringing a few sheep,
which were obtained in barter. The Portuguese listened with
pleasure to the tunes which these Hottentots played with
reeds, their usual way of entertaining strangers. Treachery,
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142 History of South Africa,
however, was suspected, and quarrels arose, so after a while
Da Gama moved from his first anchorage to another to get
away from the wild people, but they followed him along the
shore, upon which he fired at them to frighten them, when
they fled inland.
The little island in the bay was found covered with seals
and penguins. While at anchor here Da Gama set up on the
high southern point a pillar having on it a cross and the
arms of Portugal, but the natives broke it down before he left.
Everything was now removed from the storeship to the other
vessels, and she was then burned, as there was no further need
for her. Having taken in water, on Friday the 8th of December,
after a detention of thirteen days, the Sao Odbriel, Sao Ba/ael,
and Serrio sailed from the watering place of SSo Bras, and
proceeded on their course eastward.
Shortly afterwards a storm arose, which caused great terror
to the seamen, but the wind was from the westward, so they
ran before it under short canvas until the 16th of December,
when they found themselves at the low rocks now called the
Bird islands, on the eastern side of Algoa Bay. Here the wind
became light and variable, and after attaining a point consider-
ably beyond the river Infante, the current carried them back
again as far as the isle of the Cross. On the 20th, howevei',
a westerly breeze set in, which enabled them to make good
progress once more. They kept close to the land, and observed
that it constantly improved in appearance, the trees becoming
higher, and the cattle on the pastures more numerous. The
green hills and forest-clad mountains formed indeed a striking
contrast to the sterile waste they had seen at St. Helena Bay.
On the 25th of December the charming country in sight was
named by Da Gama Natal, in memory of the day when
Christian men first saw it. It is uncertain what part of the
coast he was then sailing along, the only indication — and that
a very imperfect one, namely the distance run — given by any
early Portuguese writer placing it a little north of the Umzim-
kulu.
Wherever it was, from tbia point for some reason Da Gama
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Discovery of an Ocean Route to India. 143
stood out to sea, and was not in sight of the coast again until
the 6th of January 1498, when he reached the mouth of a
stream to which he gave the name Rio dos Eeys, or Eiver of
the Kings, the day being the festival of the wise men or kings
of the Roman calendar. By others, however, it was termed
the Copper river, on account of the quantity of that metal
found in use by the natives, and it was subsequently known by
both names. It was the Limpopo of our day.
It was observed from the ships that the people on shore
were black and of large stature, so a man named Martin
Afifonso, who could speak several of the Bantu dialects of the
western coast, was sent with a companion to gather information.
He found them very friendly, and was soon able to imderstand
a little of what they said to him, for he was quick of percep-
tion and many words in use there and on the coast of Guinea
are almost identical. Having ascertained this, Ba Gama sent
the chief a present of some red clothing and a copper bracelet,
and so favourably disposed was every one that Martin Afifonso
and his companion remained on shore that night and were
hospitably entertained. The next day a return present, con-
sisting of a number of hens, was sent on board by the chief,
and a friendly intercourse was thereupon established which
remained unbroken until the Portuguese left. The article most
in demand by these Bantu was linen cloth, for which they
were willing to give a high price in copper. Owing to the
manner in which he was treated, and to the provisions — chiefly
millet — ^which he obtained in barter. Da Gama gave to the
country the name Land of the Good People. Having taken in
water, he set two of the convicts on shore to collect informa-
tion to give him upon his return, and on the 15th of January
sailed again.
He now kept away from the coast, fearing that he might be
drawn by the currents into some deep bay from which it would
be difficult to get out again, and saw nothing more of it until the
24th, when he arrived at the mouth of the Kilimane or Quili-
mane river. This he entered, and sailing up it he observed
that the natives on its southern bank wore loin cloths and
N
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144 History of South Africa.
that they used canoes with mat sails. Some of them came on
board the ships fearlessly, as if they were accustomed to see
such objects, and several could speak a few words of Arabic,
though they were not able to carry on a conversation in that
language. Three days after the ships anchored a couple of
chiefs came on board, one of whom wore a silken turban and
the other a green satin cap. Among the people also were
some lighter in colour than the others, who seemed to be partly
of foreign blood. To the Portuguese these were evidences not
to be mistaken of intercourse with m(Hre civilised men, so they
gave to the stream the name Biver of Good Omens.
Finding the inhabitants Mendly and disposed to barter,
though Martin Affonso could not understand their dialect, Da
Gama resolved to stay here some time and refit his ships.
They were accordingly hove down, cleaned, lecaulked, and
generally put in better condition than before. During this time,
however, scurvy appeared among the people in a very bad form,
and many died, while others suffered from fever. In this
distress the humanity of Paulo da Gama was displayed in his
visiting and comforting the sick, night and day, and liberally
distributing among them the delicacies he had provided for his
own use. The ships being ready, a pillar, bearing the name
Sao Bafael, was set up, and two convicts were left behind
when the fleet sailed, which was on the 24th of February.
The Sao Rafad grounded on the bar when going out, but
fortunately floated off unharmed with the rising tide.
Keeping well away from the land, Da Gama continued on
his course imtil the afternoon of the 1st of March, when some
islands were seen, and on the following morning seven or eight
zambucos or small undecked sailing vessels were observed
coming from one of them towards him. The anchors were
immediately dropped, as the fleet was close to the island of
St. George where the water was not deep, and soon the sound
of kettle-drums was heard and the little vessels were alongside.
The men in them were dark coloured, but were clothed with
striped calico, and had silken turbans on their heads and
scimitars and daggers at their sides. They entered the ships
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Discovery of an Ocean Route to India. 145
fearlessly, taking the Portuguese to be Mohamedans like them-
selves, and began to converse in Arabic, which language was
familiar to one of the sailors named Fernao Martins. After
being entertained at table, they stated that the island from
which they came was named Mozambique, that it was subject
to Kilwa, and was a place of considerable trade with India and
with Sofala lower down the coast, where gold was obtained.
They offered to pilot the ships into the harbour, but Da Gama
thought it better not to go there until he was better informed
of the condition of things.
After his visitors had taken their departure, however, he sent
Nicolau Coelho in the caravel to Mozambique, who reached the
harbour safely, though by keeping too close to the island he
struck lightly on a reef and unshipped his rudder. Meantime
the men who had been aboard the Portuguese ships had reported
to the governor what they had seen and that they believed the
strangers to be Turks, so with a large retinue he went on
board the caravel. His name was Zakoeja. He was a tall
slender man of middle age, dressed in a white cotton robe
covered with an open velvet tunic, his silken turban was richly
embroidered with gold thread, and he had velvet sandals on his
feet. At his side was a jewelled scimitar, and in his belt a
handsome dagger. He was well received and entertained by
Nicolau Coelho, but as there was no interpreter on board he did
not stay long.
After this the other two ships came to the anchorage, when
Zakoeja with a number of attendants paid a visit to Vasco da
Gama, and was received with as much state as possible. A
long conversation was held through the medium of Femao
Martins as interpreter, presents were interchanged, and the
governor promised to supply two pilots to conduct the ships to
India, which was what Da Gama most of all desired. The
governor afterwards brought two pilots on board, who were paid
in advance, and remained in the ship. A trade in provisions
was opened, and the intercourse between the different peoples
was of the most friendly kind. The particulars of the commerce
carried on with the countries along the shores of the Indian
N 2
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146 History of South Africa.
ocean were ascertained, and much that aroused the cupidity of
the Portuguese was learned of Sofala, tbe famous gold port to
the south.
So far all had gone well. But now the Mohamedans came
to discover that their visitors were Christians, and immediately
everything was changed. The wars of many centuries carried
on between the adherents of the two creeds had created a
feeling of the deepest animosity between them, and wherever
they met — except under very peculiar circumstances — they
regarded each other as natural foes. Even here in the Indian
sea, where the only Christians hitherto seen were a few humble
Nestorian traders, this was the case. One of the pilots deserted,
and the attitude of the people on shore was so altered that
Da Grama, fearing his ships might be secretly set on fire,
removed to the island of St. George. Here a pillar bearing
that name was set up, and beside it an altar where the first
religious service of the combined crews was held since their
departure from Lisbon.
Da Gama and Nicolau Coelho then left St. George in
boats to demand the absconding pilot at Mozambique, but on
the way met a number of zambucos, and a skirmish followed
in which the Portuguese were victors, though after beating off
their opponents they thought it best to return to their ships.
The fleet then set sail, but the wind was so light and variable
and the current so strong that no progress could be made, and
after several days the anchors were again dropped at the island
of St. George. Here an Arab came on board with his little
son, and offered his services in case of need as a pilot to
Melinde, as he said he wished to return to his own country,
and this place was on the way. His offer was accepted, and
he remained in the Sao Gahrid.
By this time the water was getting short, so Da Gama
resolved to return to Mozambique to replenish his casks, as
the pilot furnished by Zakoeja promised to show him a
spring at a convenient place on the mainland. The night
after coming to the harbour the boats were sent out, but the
place could not be found until the next day, and then it was
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necessary to use force to get possession of it. In the confusion
the pilot made his escape. Enraged with the opposition shown
and the insults received, Da Gama now determined to inflict
punishment upon his adyersaries, which he felt confident his
superior weapons would enable him to do. Accordingly he
attacked the village on the island with his boats, destroyed a
palisade intended for defence, and killed several people, among
whom was the first pilot that absconded. A few days later
he bombarded the village from his ships, and did as much
damage as was in his power, which brought the Mohamedans
to solicit peace. An agreement, professedly of good will on
both sides, was then entered into, and a pilot declared to be
competent to conduct the fleet to India was provided by
Zakoeja, under whose guidance on the 1st of April the voyage
was resumed.
About two hundred and fifty miles north of Mozambique
the new pilot took the vessels among some islets, where they
were in danger of being wrecked, and as this was believed to
be an act of treachery on his part, Da Gama caused him to
be soundly flogged. On this account the islets received the
name Do Afoutado, that is Of the Scourged. Kilwa was the
port the captain-general wished to visit next, as he had been
told that many of its inhabitants were Christians, but owing
to the strong current he was unable to put into it, and there-
fore steered for Mombasa farther on. On the way the Sao
Bafud grounded on a shoal, and at low water lay high and
dry, where she was visited by some people fix)m the coast;
but when the tide rose she floated off uninjured.
On the 7th of April the fleet arrived off Mombasa. Da
Gama would not enter the inner harbour at first, though he
received pressing invitations to do so, but he sent two convicts
on shore, apparently to convey presents to the sheik, really as
spies to make observations. They were watched so closely,
however, that they could gather very little information. The
messages that passed to and fro were friendly in words, but
both parties were evidently on their guard against treachery,
and only a limited number of visitors at a time — and those
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148 History of South Africa.
unarmed — were allowed on board the ships. After some days
Da Gama, to allay suspicion, promised to go in, but in doing
so his ship drifted towards a shoal, and such a clamour was
made in letting the anchor go that some visitors to the
different vessels became alarmed and jumped overboard. The
pilot supplied by Zakoeja did this also, and was picked up
and conveyed to land by a boat that was close by at the time.
This was regarded by the Portuguese as clear proof of intended
treachery, and a very strict watch was kept and no visitors
were allowed on board again as long as the fleet remained
there.
As soon as he could get away Da Glama set sail for
Melinde, under guidance of the Arab who had come with him
from St. George. On the passage he captured a zambuco, and
learned from the men in her that the ruler of Melinde would
most likely give him a welcome reception, and that there were
three or four Indian trading vessels then in his port. The
antagonism between the people of that place and those of
Mombasa was indeed so inveterate that the enemy of one
would to a certainty be regarded as a friend by the other.
Upon his arrival at the port, which was at some distance from
the town, communication was opened with the ruler, and so
satisfactory were the assurances given on both sides that a
meeting was arranged to take place on the water.
This was conducted with as much state as possible, the boats
being decorated with flags and awnings, and trumpets and
other instruments being sounded. A long conversation between
Da Gama and the ruler of Melinde was followed by a pledge
of peace and friendship between them, which was never after-
wards broken. In token of this agreement a pillar, named
Espirito Santo, with the ruler's consent was set up in the
town. By this time nearly half the Portuguese who left
Lisbon were dead, and many of the others were ill and weak ;
but the refreshments obtained at Melinde and the strong con-
fidence now felt that their voyage would terminate favourably
did much towards the restoration of health and vigour. The
Indian vessels in the port were manned partly by Hindoos
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and partly by Mohamedans. Among these strangers was one
named Cana, a native of Guzerat, who was a skilful pilot, and
whose services Da Gama secured to conduct him to India.
Leaving MeUnde on the 24th of April, twenty-two days later
the fleet made the land a few miles below Calicut, and the
object for which the Portuguese had striven so long and so
bravely was attained. Of the occurrences which followed in
Hindostan it is unnecessary to treat in this narrative, which
has to deal with Africa al($n&. On his return passage Da
Gama touched again at MeUnde, where he was received in the
same friendly manner as before, and where he remained five
days to obtain refreshments, during which time several of his
men died. An ambassador from the ruler of the town to the
king of Portugal accompanied him when he left. Proceeding
on his way homeward, the Sao Rafad struck on the same
shoal where she had grounded on the outweurd passage, and
could not be got off again. Da Gama did not regret this much,
as after dividing her crew between the Sao Gabriel and the
Berrio, there were barely sufl&cient men to work these two
vessels, so many having died.
He touched at the island of St. George, where divine worship
was held, and also at the watering place of S&o Sras; and
doubled the Cape of Good Hope on the 20th of March 1499.
Near the Cape Verde islands the two vessels parted in a storm,
and the Berrio was the first to reach the Tagus^ on the 10th
of July 1499^ two years and two days after she had sailed
away from it. The Sao Gabriel touched at the island of
Santiago, where, as she was in urgent need of repairs, JoSo de
Sa was instructed to have them made and take her home, and
Yasco da Gama hired a caravel in which to proceed at once.
His brother Paulo da Gama was very ill with consumption,
and he wished to get him to Portugal as speedily aa possible.
But the invalid grew worse on the way, so the caravel put in
at Terceira, where he died. Having interred his remains in
tlie monastery of St. Francis, Vasco da Gama proceeded to
Lisbon, which he reached on the 29th of August, and after
making his devotions at the hermitage of our Lady of Bethlehem,
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was received in the city with every possible demonstration of
joy, though of all the company that sailed with him only fifty-
five men saw their homes again.
The .ocean highway to the rich lands of the East had now
at last been traversed from end to end, and great was the
satisfaction of King Manuel, his courtiers, and his people. It
was indeed something to rejoice over, though at this distance
of time the exploit of Da Grama does not seem. much more
meritorious than that of Dias. The earlier navigator had
uncertainty always before him, yet he traced fully fourteen
hundred miles of previously unknown coast, and he doubled
the southern cape. From the river Infante to the Quilimane
Da Gama sailed over twelve hundred miles of unexplored sea,
but he had more, larger, and better equipped ships. At the
Quilimane he saw proofs that by keeping steadfastly on his
course he must succeed in reaching his goal, so that from this
point onward he could have been disturbed by no feajr of
finding some insurmountable physical barrier in his way. ' But
it is only the final winner of a race who receives the prize, ^and
so honours were heaped upon him, and his name was made to
occupy a large and pi-oud place in the history of Portugal,
while Dias was left almost unnoticed and ve^ inadequately
rewarded. As a foretaste of favours to come, Da Gama had
at once the title of Dom conferred upon him, with a small
pension and the privilege of trading annually in Indian wares
to a certain amount.
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CHAPTEE VII.
SUOOBEDING VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS.
The condition of affairs on the shores of the Indian sea, as
reported by Vascjo da Gama, was such that it was evident a
display of force would be necessary to carry on trade, as the
Mohamedans were nearly everywhere hostile. The whole king-
dom of Portugal, however, was as resolute as the monarch
himself in the determination to secure the eastern commerce,
so that no difficulty was experienced in getting together what
was ' believied in those days to be a very strong armament.
And indeed, though a modem gunboat could in less than
half an hour send to the bottom the whole of the fleet that
King Manuel despatched on this occasion, the Mohamedans
on the Indian ocean — even if they could have combined —
had nothing fit to oppose it. The approximate time at which
the different monsoons set in was now known, and to take
advantage of them it was necessary that ships should leave
Lisbon in February or March. Preparations were therefore
made with all possible haste, and in the first week of March
1500 thirteen ships of different sizes, fitted out in the best
manner, lay at anchor at Bastello ready for sea. Twelve
himdred picked men, between soldiers and sailors, were on
board, and an able officer, Pedro Alvares Gabral by name,
was in chief command, with another named Sancho de Toar
as next in authority.
The instructions of the king were that where they came
peace and jTriendship were to be offered to the inhabitants
on condition of their accepting the Christian faith and
engaging, in commerce^ but if these terms were refused, relent-
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152 History of South Africa.
less war was to be made upon them. Eight friars of tho
order of St. Francis were sent in the fleet to make the
tenets of the Christian religion known, in addition to whom
there were eight chaplains in the ships, and a vicar for a
fortress which was intended to be built and garrisoned at
Calicut. The reports that Da Guma had received of the gold
trade of Sofala had caused a belief of its great value, and
therefore a factory was to be established at that place, of
which Bartholomeu Dias was sent out in command of one
of the ships to take charge.
On Sunday the 8th of March the officers and principal
people of the fleet attended divine worship in the hermitage
of our Lady of Bethlehem, when the king delivered a banner
to Cabral, and upon the conclusion of the service a proces-
sion was formed to conduct them to the river side, where they
embarked. On the following morning sail was set, and the
Tagus was left behind. Of those who had been with Da
Gr^a, Nicolau Coelho, who commanded a ship, and JoSo de
Sa are the only ones known to have sailed with Cabral.
On the passage to the Cape Verde islands a storm was
encountered, in which one of the ships got separated from
the others, and therefore returned to Lisbon. Keeping far
to the westward to avoid the calms usually met with on
the coast of Guinea, on the 24th of April to his great sur-
prise Cabral discovered a country unknown before, the main-
land of South America. There, at a harbour on the coast
of Brazil, he took in water and set ashore two convicts.
Having despatched one of his vessels to Portugal with tidings
of the discovery, on the 3rd of May he sailed again. On
the 24th of this month a violent tornado was encountered,
which was preceded by a calm, and the wind suddenly struck
the ships with terrific force. It at once became dark as
night, the raging of the tempest drowned all other sounds,
and the sea rose in such tremendous billows that the sailors
regarded themselves as lost. When the tornado ceased four
vessels had disappeared, never to be seen again. One was
that of which Bartholomeu Dias was captain and thus the
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.discoverer of the Cape of Good Hope found a grave in the
Atlantic.
The remaining seven vessels were scattered in the storm.
One, which was commanded by Pedro Dias, a brother of
Bartholomeu, got as far as Magadoeho, but had by that time
lost so many of her crew that she put about, and returned
to Lisbon, which port she reached with only six men on
board. By the 16th of July the other six were together
again beyond the shoals of Sofala, but had received so
much damage in the tornado and in almost constsmt stormy
weather that followed it as to be more like wrecks than
sea-going ships.
Here two zambucos were seen, and one was captured, the
other escaping to the shore. The prisoners stated that they
had been trading at Sofala for gold, and were on their
return passage to Melinde, their captain being the sheik
Foteima, uncle of the ruler of that tpwn. Upon hearing
this, Cabral immediately liberated them, and restored jche
zambuco to the old sheik, whom he treated with the greatest
courtesy on account of the alliance with the place to which
he belonged. Then continuing his course, on the 20th of
July he cast anchor in the harbour of Mozambique. The
people of that island, remembering what had been done by
a fleet only half as strong as the one now in their waters,
professed l^e most sincere friendship, and did what they
could to assist the Portuguese. Here Cabral refitted his ships,
and then, having obtained a good pilot, sailed for Kilwa.
Upon his arrival at this port he sent a message to Emir
Abraham by Affonso Furtado that he had letters for him
from the long of Portugal, and as he was forbidden by his
instructions to go on shore he desired that a place and
time of meeting should be arranged. A tone of superiority
was thus assumed from the first, which must have been
exceedingly irritating to a man who had been accustomed
to be treated as an independent sovereign. Probably had he
known the position of the messenger he would have felt
doubly indignant, for Affonso Furtado had been sent out as
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154 History of South Africa.
secretary of the factory which Bartholomeu Dias was to have
established at Sofala, the most valuable of the ancient
dependencies of EJlwa. There could not be a really friendly
feeling towards the strangers, but the emir dissembled, ex-
pressed his pleasure at their arrival, and arranged to meet
Cabral on the water. Some sheep and other provisions were
sent as a present to the flagship, and a counter present was
sent on shore.
With all the pomp and state that both parties could
display the boats came alongside each other at the time
fixed upon, the letter from the king of Portugal was delivered,
and an apparently friendly conversation was held. But when
Cabral requested the emir to adopt tlie Christian faith and
to surrender part of his claim to the gold trade of Sofala,
he evaded giving an immediate reply, and proposed that
Affonso Furtado should be sent ashore again to conclude an
agreement of peace and amity. With this understanding
Cabral parted from him, but when Fm'tado landed on the
following day he found preparations for defence being made
on every side, and the tone of the emir was entirely changed.
It was evident that rather than submit to the demands of
the Portuguese he had resolved to resist them with arms,
and as Cabral's force was so reduced that he did not wish
to commence hostilities here, the fleet set sail again. From
this time onward Abraham was regarded as an enemy, and
was made to appear as a treacherous tyrant.
Cabral proceeded from Kilwa to Melinde, where he was
received with real demonstrations of satisfaction, as the ruler
of that place relied upon Portuguese support in his feud
with Mombasa. In consequence every thing in his power was
done to assist the fleet, and he profo^ssed himself the servant
of King Manuel in such terms that even the most exacting
of the European officers was satisfied. The envoy that he
had sent with Da Grama to Lisbon returned with Cabral,
and a present of considerable value was delivered from the
king. Two convicts, named JoSo Machado and Luis de
Moura, were set ashore well equipped for a journey into
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the interior, and were directed to endeavour to reach Prester
John. On the 7th of August Cabral set sail for the Malabar
coast, having with him two pilots of Guzerat engaged in
Melinde.
On his return passage, the ship commanded by Sancho
de Tear was wrecked on the coast near Melinde, and when
her crew was rescued she was set on fire, as nothing could
be saved from her. The sheik of Mombasa, however, after-
wards recovered her guns, which he mounted on fortifications
in his town. Cabral arrived thus at Mozambique with only
five of the thirteen ships with which he sailed from Lisbon.
Here he caused them to be cleaned and refitted, and" then
gave the smallest of them to Sancho de Tear with instruc-
tions to proceed to Sofala and make himself acquainted with
the condition of that place. With the remaining four vessels
he sailed from Mozambique, but one, under command of
Pedro d'Ataide, was separated from him in a storm, and
was obliged to put into the watering place of SSk> Bras to
refit. With three ships therefore Cabral doubled the Cape
of Good Hope on the 22nd of May 1501, and reached Lisbon
on the 31st of July.
Of the visit of Sancho de Toar to Sofala very little infor-
mation is given by Portuguese writers who had access to
the journal of the voyage, and the other early accounts are
most conflicting. One of these is by a pilot in Cabral's
fleet, whose name is unknown, and who could only have
acquired his knowledge from hearsay. It is to the following
eflfect : —
De Toar found several Arab vessels at Sofala, from one
of which he took an officer, whom he kept as a hostage
for an Asiatic Christian sent ashore to make enquiries.
After waiting two or three days without his messenger re-
turning, he set sail for Portugal, and reached Lisbon the
day after the captain general. From information given by
his captive, added to his own observations, De Toar learned
that the Mohamedan settlement was not large, and that the
gold was obtained from natives of the interior in exchange
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156 History of South Africa.
for merchandise, but of the condition of the country and
the details of the trade he remained in ignorance.
In the Lexjends of India (Jaspar Correa gives what appears
to be a much more complete account. But with respect to
events previous to the government of AflFonso d'Alboquerque
this writer was a novelist rather than a historian, and though
the first part of his work possesses great value as a reflection
of his times, neither his statements nor his dates are to be
relied upon. He did to some extent, in short, for the early
histoiy of the Portuguese in India what Sir Walter Scott did
for the history of Scotland, though his Legends fall far shorty
of the Heart of Midlothian or the Fair Maid of Perth as a
vivid picture of national life. Correa's account, condensed, is
as follows:
Sancho de Toar took with him from Mozambique an ex-
perienced pilot and a competent Arabic interpreter. He had
also as passengers several Mohamedan traders, whom he
received on board in order to learn their manner of con-
ducting the gold barter. He crossed the bar of the river,
safely, and anchored before the lower village, when the
traders proceeded to visit the sheik Isuf, each one taking
a present with him. They informed the sheik who the
stranger was and that he desired a conference, upon which
Isuf at once consented, and sent a ring from his finger to
Sancho de Toar as a pledge of safety. The Portuguese captain
then landed with ten attendants carrying a present of con-
siderable value, and was received with much cordiality. His
object, he stated, was to ascertain whether the sheik was
willing to carry on trade with people of his nationality in
the same manner as with others, and if vessels laden with
merchandise might be sent for that purpose to his port.
Isuf replied that he was very willing it should be so, pro-
vided the Portuguese kept good faith and acted as Mends.
He then made a counter present of gold for the captain
general and one for De Toar himself, and sent a quantity
of provisions on board the vessel. All trade, it was observed,
passed through the sheik. The merchants displayed their
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goods before him, and when approved of he delivered to
them gold in payment to the amount of twelve or fifteen
times the cost price. Having obtained complete information
concerning the place and its commerce, Sancho de Toar set
sail from Sofala, and reached Lisbon within a few hours
after the arrival of the other ships of the fleet.
^ There was naturally a feeling of sorrow for the loss of
life sustained in Cabral's voyage, but otherwise the monarch
and his people were very well satisfied with what had been
accomplished. The king considered himself justified now in
adding to his other titles that of Lord of the Navigation,
Conquest, and Trade of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and Lidia,
which title was confirmed to him in 1502 by Pope Alex-
ander VI.
Before the return of Cabral, on the 5th of May 1501
the third Indian fleet, consisting of four ships, sailed under
command of Jo&o da Nova, principal magistrate of the city
of Lisbon. At this time the eastern trade was not entirely
monopolised by the government, and two of these ships were
owned and fitted out by private individuals who had obtained
licenses for that purpose from the king. On the passage out
the island of Ascension — at first called Conception — was dis-
covered, and on the 7th of July the fleet came to anchor
at the watering place of Sfto Bras.
Here in an old shoe fastened to a tree was found a
letter written by Pedro d'Ataide, giving an account of Cabral's
voyage to the time when he separated from that commander.
From it Da Nova learned that the intended factoiy at
Sofala had not been established on account of the loss at
sea of' Bartholomeu Dias and his ship, and that a fort had
not been built at Calicut, where hostility had been encoun-
tered and the factor Aires Correa and a number of other
Portuguese had been murdered, but that mercantile houses
with Portuguese officials had been opened at Cochin and
Cananor, which were peaceful and safe ports to enter. The
latter part of this intelligence gave much satisfaction. On
a knoll beyond the beach the chief captain- caused a chapel,
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158 History of South Africa.
or hermitage as it was termed, to be built of stone, as a
place for divine worship. It was dedicated to Saint Bras.
This was the first Christian place of worship erected in South
AMca, and though it was small and must have been very
roughly constructed, the walls were so strong that more than
half a century later they were standing to the height of
three or four feet. While this work was going on some
cattle were obtained in barter from the Hottentots and the
ships were supplied with water, and when it was completed
the fleet sailed again. Da Nova touched at Mozambique,
Eilwa, and Melinde, but nothing occurred at either of these
places that needs mention. On his return passage he dis-
covered and named the island of St. Helena, where he took
in water, and on the 11th of September 1502 he cast anchor
again in the Tagus.
A great advance was now made by King Manuel towards
the establishment of his authority in the eastern seas by
stationing a fleet of war there permanently. It consisted of
five ships, and was placed under command of Vicente Sodre,
who was a brother of Vasco da Gama's mother. His instruc-
tions were to protect the two factories at Cochin and Cananor,
and in the summer months to guard the strait of Bab el
Mandeb and prevent the entrance or egress of Arab and
Egyptian vessels. So small a force at first sight appears
altogether inadequate for the duty imposed upon it, but its
insignificance vanishes on remembering th4t its opponents were
not armed for battle. A Portuguese ship could discharge
cannon at them, very clumsy indeed, but still capable of
sinking them, and was herself perfectly safe if she could
keep their boats from boarding her. Her crew were accus-
tomed to war, and were full of religious zeal, believing that
the Almighty was on their side in the contest with infidels.
Deeds that to us look like piracy and murder were to them
heroic and glorious acts, for they were living in an age of
cruelty, when the meaning of the word mercy was almost
unknown, and clemency to enemies of another creed was rarely
practised. The Moslem trading vessels, running before the
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Succeeding Voyages and Conquests. 159
monsoon from the coast of India with rich cargoes, were
regarded by them as prizes given into their hands by the
Most High.
The enormous profit upon the eastern merchandise, notwith-
standing the length of the voyages and the loss of so many
ships and men, induced the king to send out in 1502 a larger
number of trading ships than had ever gone before. The chief
command was offered to Pedro Alvares Cabral, but he made so
many objections to the nearly independent authority given to
Vicente Sodre that the offer was withdrawn, and Dom Yasco
da Gama, who had now the title of Admiral of the Eastern
Seas conferred upon him, was selected for the post. On the
10th of February 1502 the fleet set sail from the Tagus. It
consisted of the five ships commanded by Vicente Sodre, who
was second in authority and next in succession in case of the
death of the admiral, and ten others that were intended to
return with cargoes. Still other five were being equipped, but
were not then ready for sea, and did not sail until the 1st of
April. They were commanded by EstevSo da Gama, first
cousin of the admiral, under whose orders he was to place
himself upon his arrival in India.
Da Gama took in water at a port near Cape Verde, where
he remained six days, and sailed again on the 7th of March.
After encountering several storms in which some of his ships
received much damage, he reached Gape Correntes with all
except one commanded by Antonio do Campo, that was some-
where behind. Here he sent Vicente Sodre on to Mozambique
with the ten largest vessels, and with the four smallest he
steered for Sofala, in accordance with instructions from the
king. He crossed the bar and anchored in front of the lower
village, where he exchanged courtesies and presents with the
sheik Isuf and confirmed the agreement of friendship with
him, but did not obtain much gold in barter. Here he re-
mained twenty-five days, making himself acquainted with the
locality and the particulars of the interior trade. When
leaving, one of his vessels struck on the bar and was lost, but
her crew and cargo were saved.
o
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Upon his arrival at Mozambique fifteen days after Vicente
Sodre, he found a caravel that had been taken out in pieces
on board the other ships nearly ready for sea. She was named
the Pamposa, and had been designed by the king to guard the
coast between the island and Sofala and carry on a trade in
gold^ but after what he had seen the admiral resolved to take
her to India. A gentleman named Jo3x) SerriU) was appointed
to command her. Zakoeja was then dead, and a much more
friendly or perhaps more timid governor filled his place, so
everything went on smoothly at Mozambique, where Da Gama
remained four days, and then set sail for Kilwa.
This port he reached on the 12th of July, and entered it
amidst a roar of artillery, as he had resolved to reduce the
emir Abraham to submission owing to what had happened to
Pedro Alvares Cabral. Upon his threatening to put the town
to fire and sword if that potentate would not meet him, the
emir with some attendants went off in zambucos, when Da
Gama caused him to be seized, and informed him that he
must become a vassal of Portugal and pay a yearly tribute of
two thousand maticals of gold, about £893 15s. English sterling
money, or he would be detained as a prisoner and taken to
India. With this alternative before him, Abraham professed to
be submissive, and an agreement was entered into in compli-
ance with Da Grama's terms. A hostage was given to the
admiral in the person of one Mohamed Ankoni, a man of rank
n the town, and the emir was then permitted to return to
land. But the tribute for the first year was not sent off as
promised, so Mohamed Ankoni, knowing that Abraham would
be rather pleased than otherwise with his detention or death,
owing to jealousy and ill will entertained towards him, paid
it himself to recover his freedom. The transaction does not
seem very conclusive now, but Da Gkima was satisfied with it,
and Kilwa was thereafter considered a vassal state of Portugal.
Shortly after this the squadron under Estevfto da Gama
joined the admiral. It had been becalmed off Sofala, and lay
at anchor outside the bar there from the 15th to the 17th of
July, but did not attempt to enter the river, though smoke
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signals to do so were made from the shore. From Kilwa the
admiral proceeded towards Melinde, but could not reach that
port owing to the currents, so anchored at a distance of about
thirty-four miles from it and by means of a messenger ex-
changed greetings with its friendly ruler. Thence he set sail
for India, which he reached safely with the entire fleet except
the ship commanded by Antonio do Campo, that did not cross
over until' the next favourable monsoon.
On the passage a large vessel, named the Jfm, was fallen
in with. She belonged to the Mameluke ruler of Egypt, and
had a rich cargo of spices and other merchandise taken in at
Calicut, with which and a number of pilgrims — ^including over
fifty women and children — she was proceeding to the Eed sea.
There were two hundred and sixty men on board. She was
captured without resistance, but when her cargo was being
removed the Mohamedans tried to recover her. The result was
that Da Gama caused her to be set on fire, and of all on
board only twenty children were taken oflF, who were after-
wards baptized and placed in a convent in Lisbon. All the
others died by the sword or by fire.
On his return passage Da Gkma touched only at Mozam-
bique, where he took in water and refreshments. He reached
Lisbon on the 1st of September 1503, and the tribute from
Kilwa, the first from any state bordering on the Indian ocean,
was received by the king with much gratification. It was
presented to the monastery of Belem, to be devoted to the
service of religion.
In 1503 three squadrons, each of three ships, were sent out,
respectively under Francisco d'Alboquerque, Affonso d'Albo-
querque, and Antonio de Saldanha. The transactions of the
first two at any part of the African coast were too unimportant
to need mention here. The last named was instructed to
cruise for some time off the entrance to the Bed sea, and
destroy all the Arab commerce that he could before proceeding
to India. The captains who sailed under his flag were Diogo
Femandes Pereira and Buy Louren^o Bavasco, but before
reaching the Cape of Good Hope the three ships separated
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l62 History of South Africa.
from each other, and as the commodore did not know where
he was, he entered a deep bay and ca^t anchor. Before him
rose a great mass of rock, nearly three thousand six hundred
feet in height, with its top making a level line more than a
mile and a half in length on the sky. This grand mountain
was flanked at either end with less lofty peaks, supported by
buttresses projecting towards the shore. The recess was a
capacious valley, down the centre of which flowed a streamlet
of clear sweet water that fell into the bay just abreast of the
ship at anchor.
The valley seemed to be without people, but after a while
some Hottentots made their appearance, from whom a cow
and two sheep were purchased. The natives were suspicious
of the strangers, however, for on another occasion some two
hundred of them suddenly attacked a party of Portuguese
who had gone on shore, and Saldanha himself received a
slight wound. Before this aflray the commodore, who was
in the full vigour of early life and filled with that love of
adventure which distinguished his countrymen in those days
of their glory, had climbed to the top of the great flat
rock, to which he gave the name Table Mountain, the ravine
in its face pointing out the place of ascent then, as it does
to-day. From its summit he could see the sheet of water
now known as False Bay, and on the isthmus connecting
the Cape peninsula with the mainland some lakelets were
visible. These he mistook for the mouth of a large river
emptying into the head of False Bay, and thereafter for over
a hundred and eighty years such a stream appeared on the
maps of South Africa as coursing down from a great distance
in the interior, though after a time it was made to enter
the sea far to the eastward. From the top of Table Mountain
Saldanha could also see the Cape of Good Hope, and so,
having found out where he was, he pursued his voyage with
the first fair wind. The bay in which he had anchored was
thenceforth called after him Agoada de Saldanha, the watering
place of Saldanha, until a century later it received its present
name of Table Bay.
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The ship commanded by Diogo Fernandes Pereira was
separated horn the other two in a storm oflF Cape Verde,
and did not again fall in with either of them on the outward
passage. She made prizes of a few Arab vessels on the East
African coast, and then proceeded to the island of Socotra,
where she was obliged to remain until the favourable monsoon
of 1504 set in, when she went on to India.
Euy Lourenfo Ravasco parted from Saldanha in a storm
after leaving the island of St. Thomas, for, instead of keeping
out of the gulf of Guinea, they were hugging the African
coast. He was ahead of the commodore, and continued on
his course round the Cape of Good Hope until he reached
Mozambique, where he took in refreshments, and then pro-
ceeded to Eolwa. At this place he waited twenty days for
the flag ship, and then, as she did not appear, he went on
to Zanzibar. In a cruise of two months off that island he
captured and either destroyed or held to ransom a great
number of Arab vessels. Eavasco, who was utterly fearless,
even ventured to drop anchor before the town of Zanzibar,
where he attacked a large force collected for its defence, and
won a battle in which among others the heir to the govern-
ment of the islsmd was killed. The ruler then begged for
peace, and agreed to pay a yearly tribute of one hundred
maticals of gold — £44 13s. 9d. — and thirty sheep to the king
of Portugal.
Bavasco next went to the assistance of the friendly town
of Melinde, which was threatened by a Mombasan army.
While thus engaged he captured some vessels in which he
found the principal members of the government of Brava,
whom he compelled to ransom their persons and to agree
that their town should pay a yearly tribute of £223 8«. 9rf.
Here he was joined by Saldanha, who had also taken several
prizes, and whose arrival brought the sheik of Mombasa to
terms. He consented to make peace with Melinde, but his
own independence was not subverted. The two Portuguese
ships then set sail for the Arabian coast, where they did
considerable damage, after which they proceeded to India.
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In 1504 a fleet of thirteen ships was sent from Portugal
to India under command of Lopo Soares d'Albergaiia. It
touched at Mozambique and Melinde on the outward passage,
at both of which places it received good entertainment.
When returning to Portugal with cargoes of great value,
partly taken from captured prizes, Lopo Soares touched at
Kilwa, and demanded from the emir Abraham the tribute
then due. The emir refused to pay it, and no attempt was
made to force him to do so. At Mozambique the fleet
remained twelve days taking in provisions and water, as this
island had now become the favourite refreshing place of the
Portuguese whether outward or homeward bound. From
Mozambique the two fastest sailing ships, under command of
Pedro de Mendonpa and Lopo d'Abreu, were sent in advance
to Lisbon with a report of the condition of affairs in India»
but the one under Pedro de Mendonpa ran ashore at night
some distance west of the watering place of SSk) Bras, and
was lost with all her crew. Lopo Soares reached the Tagus
again on the 22nd of July 1505, after the most successful
voyage yet made.
And now a great step forward in the extension of Portuguese
authority in the East was resolved upon by King Manuel.
This was the construction and garrisoning of forts at Quilon,
Cochin, Cananor, Anjediva, Eilwa, and Sofala, and the main-
tenance of two armed fleets, one to keep the seas from Cape
Guardafui to the gulf of Cambay, the other from the gulf
of Cambay to Cape Comorin, which would give him absolute
control of the whole commerce of Western India and Eastern
Africa. Such a design seems almost audacious for a little
country like Portugal to attempt to carry out, but the people
were full of energy, and the enormous profit on eastern
produce gave promise of boundless wealth. Lisbon was rapidly
becoming the storehouse from which all Western Europe was
supplied with spices and Indian wares of every kind. These
were not distributed in the places of consumption by the
Portuguese, who were unequal to that additional task, and so
the beautiful Tagus was visited by ships of many nations,
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whose merchaats drew their supplies from the great warehouses
on its banks. The glory of Venice had not yet quite departed,
but every year her traffic was becoming less and less.
To encourage men to enlist as soldiers for service in India,
they were offered a share in the pepper trade. Their regular
pay was fifteen shillings and four pence a month, with food or
seven shillings and eight pence a month maintenance money;
but each one received in India every year in addition three
hundred and thirty pounds avoirdupois of pepper, which he was
permitted to send home in the king's ships to be sold on his
account. Officers of all ranks and the sailors in the fleets were
paid in the same way, each one receiving a certain quantity of
pepper according to the importance of his duties. At that
time gold and silver had a very much higher purchasing power
than they have at present, thus, according to Barros, pepper
brought wholesale in Lisbon only about three pence halfpenny
a pound when sold for coin, but if bartered for European
goods or provisions it produced many times as much as it
would to-day.
To carry out the king's design a great fleet was made ready,
in which fifteen hundred soldiers were embarked. A large
number of noblemen and gentlemen, appointed to various
situations which they were to hold for three years, were also
on board, and everything that would be needed for the object
in view had been carefully provided. A capable officer, named
TristSo da Gunha, was selected as head of the expedition, but
when all was in readiness for leaving he was seized with an
illness which for a time deprived him of sight, so he was
obliged to retire from the command. The vacant post was
then offered to Dom Francisco d'Almeida, and accepted by
him.
This nobleman was a son of the first count of Abrantes and
brother of the bishop of Coimbra. He was a man of valour,
who had distinguished himself in various positions, and who
was generally esteemed for his probity and generosity. The
instructions issued to him provided that he should be styled
chief captain and governor until the several fortresses were
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1 66 History of South Africa.
built, after which he was to take the title of viceroy; he was
directed what ships he was to send back with cargoes, and
what others he was to keep to guard the coasts; he was to
treat with justice and kindness all who should act towards him
in a friendly manner, but was to wage relentless war against
the Mohamedans who should oppose him ; and he was especially
to favour all converts to Christianity.
As commander of the fortress which was to be built at
Sofala, a gentleman named Pedro d'Anaya was appointed, who
was to go out as captain of one of the ships. Another
gentleman, named Pedro Ferreira Foga^a, was in the same way
sent out to be captain of the fortress to be built at Kilwa.
But the ship in which Pedro d'Anaya was to sail sank one
night in the river, which caused an alteration in the plan
regarding Sofala. Instead of going there firsts the chief captain
was to commence the erection of fortresses at Kilwa, and as
soon as other ships could be made ready Pedro d'Anaya was
to be sent with them to the coveted gold port, still, however,
in a subordinate position.
On the 25th of March 1505 Dom Francisco d' Almeida set
sail from Belem. Never before had so many people assembled
to take part in the religious observances usual on such
occasions and to bid farewell to those who were leaving, for
never had so many men of rank and position gone with such
an expedition before. The fleet consisted of twenty-one ships,
of which eleven were to return with cargoes, and the others to
remain in the Indian sea. The materials for constructing
several caravels were also on board. Well fitted out as the
ships were, the crews were largely composed of landsmen, and
in one in particular there was not a sailor who on leaving
knew how to manage the helm.
On the 6th of April the fleet arrived at Cape Yerde, and
after taking in water at some harbours on that coast, left on
the 15th. As some of the ships were very slow sailers, seven
of them were here formed into a separate squadron, the
command of which was given to Manuel Pa^anha, and with
the remaining fourteen Dom Francisco tried to push on more
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quickly. On the 5th of May in a heavy sea the ship com-
manded by Pedro Ferreira Foga^a was observed to be sinking,
and her crew were hardly rescued when she went down wiUi
nearly everything on board. The Cape of Good Hope was
doubled on the 26th of Jime, but the fleet had gone so far
south to avoid danger that the cold was very severe and
the decks of the ships were covered with snow. Turning
now to the north-eastward, without touching anywhere on the
way himself, but sendiog two ships under Gk)n(alo de Paiva
and Fem&o Bermudes to Mozambique for information, Dom
Francisco d' Almeida reached Eilwa on the 22nd of July.
His squadron was intact, except the vessels detached and one,
of which JoSLo Serr&o was captain, that had parted from him
in a gale.
J(Mk) da Nova, who was going out to command the fleet
of war that was to guard the sea from the gulf of Cambay to
Cape Comonn, was at once sent ashore to arrange with the
emir Abraham for a meeting. Some fruit was taken on board
the flagship as a present when she dropped anchor, but no
other show of welcome was made, nor was the Portuguese
flag that the admiral Dom Yasco da Gama had left there
exhibited as a sign of dependency. The emir promised Jo&o
da Nova to meet Dom Francisco on the water the following
morning, but when the time came and the gaily decorated
Portuguese boats were there in readiness, he sent word that
a black cat had crossed his path on rising, which was an
omen that no agreement made that day would be lasting,
and therefore he wished to postpone the interview. Shortly
after this, however, he fled to the mainland with a few
attendants, but left about fifteen hundred men capable of
bearing arms in the town, though there was nothing like a
spirit of union among them.
Thereupon Dom Francisco resolved to take forcible possession
of the place. To do this, at early dawn in the morning of the
24th he landed at the head of three hundred men at one point,
and his son Dom Louren^o d'Almeida with two hundred at
another, when each marched towards the resideuce of the emir.
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Hardly any resistance was ofiTered, except in one of the narrow
streets, for instead of attempting to defend the town most of
the inhabitants followed their ruler to the mainland with as
much of their movable property as they could carry away.
The residence of the emir, which was in a commanding
position, was thus easily secured, after which the Franciscan
friars in the fleet landed and set up a cross, before which the
canticle Tt Deum Laudamus was chanted, and when this was
concluded the place was given up to plunder. A great
quantity of calico, spices, and other Indian produce, as well
as ivory, ambergris, and African provisions, was collected and
stored in a well guarded building close to the beach.
No time was lost in selecting a site for a fort, as the emir's
residence was in a good position and could be altered and
strengthened to serve the purpose. The adjoining buildings
were cleared away to leave a large open space on three sides,
and their materials were used for the necessary additions to
the walls and for the construction of towers. On the fourth
side the fort was so close to the shore of the harbour that at
high water the waves beat against it. In twenty days the
work was completed and cannon were mounted on the walls,
as every one in the fleet, the commander himself included,
joined with alacrity in the task of carrying stones and earth,
and lightened the labour with jests and merry songs. The
structure was named S&o Thiago, after the patron saint of
the Iberian peninsula, on whose festival the work was
commenced.
Meantime the form of the future government of Kilwa was
taken into consideration. Dom Francisco d' Almeida resolved
to leave everything as it was, except by changing the person
at the head of the administration, and to permit the inhabi-
tants of the town to return and resume possession of their
houses in peace smd security, provided they would accept the
new ruler appointed by him. The emir Abraham, being a
usurper, had no strong hold upon the affections of the people,
and they consented readily to his being displaced. Between
him and Mohamed Ankoni, who has been mentioned before,
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there was a deep feeling of enmity, which had caused
Mohamed to be regarded by the Portuguese as their firm
friend, as he professed to be. This was the man selected by
Dom Francisco, with the consent of a council of his officers, to
take the place of the deposed emir. He was not connected in
any way with the family that had ruled Kilwa for centuries,
but that was not regarded as of any importance, since he was
to owe his position solely to the favour of the Portuguese.
Accordingly Mohamed Ankoni was offered the title of king,
which he accepted, and he was crowned and proclaimed with
much ceremony. He was about sixty years of age, and had
sons who might succeed him, but for some reason or other
— ^possibly to gain favour with the people — ^he stipulated that
on his death the heii* of the last legitimate ruler, the youth
who had been kept out of his inheritance by the emir
Abraham, should take his place. To this Dom Francisco
agreed, attributing the proposal to the new Jdng's goodness
of disposition. Mohamed Ankoni made oath to pay the
tribute imposed by Dom Vasco da Gama fully and regu-
larly, and in all respects to act as a loyal and faithful vassal
of Portugal. In this manner the difficulty of government,
which the conquerors were too few in number to take upon
themselves, was satisfactoiily overcome.
Pedro Ferreira Foga^a was installed as captain of the fortress,
with Francisco Coutinho as magistrate, and Femao Gotrim as
factor to conduct trade. Various other officials were appointed,
and with the soldiers one hundred and fifty men in all were
stationed in the fort SSo Thiago as a garrison. Instructions
were given that a small vessel which was being constructed of
timber brought from Lisbon and the caravel under command of
6on9alo Yaz de Goes, then in the squadron under Manuel
Pa9anha, should be kept to guard the coast as far down as
Sofala, making Kilwa their home station and base of opera-
tions. Thus was commenced the Portuguese dominion on the
coast of Eastern Africa, and in the Indian sea as well, for
Fort Sao Thiago was the first stronghold built and garrisoned
anywhere beyond Angola.
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1 70 History of South Africa.
While these events were taking place the strayed ship under
Joik) SerrSo arrived, and also the two under Gon9alo de Paiva
and FemSLo Bermudes that had been sent to Mozambique to
obtain information. These brought letters from Lopo Soares
that had been left at that island, containing an account of the
condition of affairs in India and of his successful voyage,
which gave much satisfaction to Dom Francisco and those
with him. Nothing more now remaining to be done at Eilwa,
on the 8th of August the fleet set saU, and in the evening
of the 13th cast anchor outside the bar of Mombasa.
Gron9alo de Paiva's vessel was a small one, and he was
therefore sent on the following morning to take soundings
before the other ships shoxdd attempt to enter the harbour.
When doing this he was fired upon from a battery on the
shore, on which were mounted the guns recovered from
Sancho de Toar's ship that had been lost when returning
from India with Pedro Alvares Cabral, and a ball from one
of them went through his vessel from stem to stern, without,
however, harming any one on board. He returned the fire
with his artillery so effectually that the magazine of the
battery exploded, when the guns were silenced, and the men
who worked them fled into the town. The soundings were
then completed, and it was ascertained that the fleet could
enter without danger.
Thereupon Dom Francisco d' Almeida stood into the harbour
and anchored his ships in two divisions before different parts
of the town. When this was done a message was sent to the
ruler by a pilot brought from Balwa, offering peace and
friendship on condition of his becoming a vassal of Portugal
and paying tribute, otherwise war would be waged c^ainst
him. The messenger was not even allowed to land, but some
men firom the shore — among whom was a Portuguese ren^ade
—called out to him to inform the captain general that the
warriors of Mombasa were not like the hens of Kilwa to
be frightened at the sound of artillery, as he would find if
he attempted to enter the town. From an inhabitant of
the place who was taken prisoner by some boats that were
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sent up the strait, it was learned also that as soon as the
attack on Eilwa became known preparations for defence were
hurried on, and that in addition to the Mohamedan residents
over fifteen hundred Kaffir archers were in the town and more
were hourly expected.
An attempt to bombard the place was then made, but
without any efifect, as the artillery of those days was not
sufficiently powerful to cause damage at such a distance. An
endeavour to set fire to some vessels from India that were
anchored in the strait was also a failure, and in making it the
captain JoSLo Senfto was severely wounded and two others
were killed with poisoned arrows. Dom Francisco next pre-
tended to be preparing to attack the town in a particular
place opposite his main squadron, and even sent his son Dom
Lourenpo with a strong party on shore there as if to try to
set it on fire, but with orders to retreat to his boats without
hard fighting. Dom Louren90 carried out these instructions,
but lost two men killed and many wounded in doing so. By
this means the captain general drew the whole strength of the
enemy to guard and protect that side, and was enabled to
carry out the plan of operations he had formed.
Before dawn of the morning following this ruse nearly
the whole Portuguese force, after having received absolution
from the priests, left the ships in boats to attack Mombasa.
One division, under Dom Louren^o, went straight ashore to
the front of the town, where the skirmish had taken place,
and for a time was believed by the defenders to constitute
the whole body of assailants. Another, but much smaller
division, rowed up the strait to the vessels from India, to
sound trumpets and make as much noise as possible, in order
to draw the attention of the enemy to that point. This, how-
ever, was only a feint, for the principal attacking force, under
the captain .general in person, leaving the smaller squadron
which was anchored off the inner end of the town, landed
round a point, and fell iipon the place from behind.
The plan succeeded, though the defenders made a desperate
resistance, especially in the narrow streets, which were so steep
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that huge boulders could be rolled down them, aud where
arrows were discharged from the windows and stones hurled
from the flat roofs until the Poituguese made their way up
and got possession of those terraces. The residence of the
niler was the point aimed at, and there Dom Francisco and
his son, after a severe combat in the open space in front, met
and found the building abandoned. The townspeople and their
Kaffir auxiliaries now strove to flee to a palm grove at some
distance, but were shot down with the firelocks and crossbows
of the victors and pierced with their lances until it was
believed that over fifteen hundred had perished. Fully a
thousand, mostly women and children, were made prisoners.
Mombasa was then given over to be plundered, and when the
spoil was secured was set on fire and as much of it as was
possible was destroyed. Only five or six Portuguese had lost
their lives, but more than seventy had been wounded, some
very severely.
Still, notwithstanding his heavy punishment of a people
whose chief offence was refusing to surrender their inde-
pendence, Dom Francisco d'Almeida was for his day a humane
man. None of those revolting mutilations and barbarities
practised by the great Affonso d'Alboquerque on similar occa-
sions, and which must ever stain the memory of his name,
were inflicted upon the captives who, trembling with fear,
were brought before the victorious captain general. He selected
two hundred to be retained in bondage, and set the others at
liberty. This was regarded as magnanimity in the early years
of the sixteenth century, and particularly so when dealing
with Mohamedans.
The caravel commanded by Gonpalo Vaz de (Joes was laden
with calico, part of the spoil, and sent to Mozambique to be
ready for the trade of Sofala when a fortress should be erected
there, after which the remainder of the fleet was towed over
the bar and waited outside until a fair wind enabled it to
proceed fartlier up the coast. No garrison was left to occupy
Mombasa, so the inhabitants resumed possession of the ruins
OS soon as the Christians retired.
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It was the intention of Dom Francisco d' Almeida to put
into Melinde next, to greet the friendly ruler of that town,
but the currents carried him beyond it, so he anchored in a
bay about twenty-five miles farther on, where he found two
of the ships of the squadron under Manuel Pa^anha. From
this place messengers were sent to Melinde with a present
from King Manuel to the ruler, to which the captain general
added a considerable quantity of the spoils of Mombasa. The
destruction of this place occasioned great satisfaction at
Melinde, and complimentary messages to Dom Frandsco with
a supply of refreshments for his ships were sent in return.
On the 27th of August the fleet again set sail, and with a
fair wind crossed over to Anjediva, where a fort was built
and garrisoned, after which the captain general took the title
of viceroy. The whole of the squadron under Manuel Pa^anha
had previously joined him, except one ship, commanded by
Lopo Sanches, which it was afterwards ascertained had been
wrecked near Cape Correntes, and another, under Lucas
d'Afibnseca, that remained at Mozambique until the next
favourable monsoon.
On the 6th of March 1606 two fleets left Lisbon together
for India. One, consisting of nine ships, was commanded by
TristSo da Cunha, and the other, of five ships, was under
AfTonso d'Alboquerque. On the passage the islands of TrisUU)
da Cunha were discovered and part of the coast of Madagascar
was explored, Mozambique was touched at, and Melinde was
visited. There was a feud at this time between the sheik of
Melinde and the town of Oja, which was about seventy miles
distant. Oja was on the coast of the mainland, and contained
many well built stone houses, with a wall to protect it on the
inner side ; but it was without a harbour. To please the Mend
of Portugal, Tristao da Cunha undertook to reduce it. He
sailed to the place, and having anchored in the roadstead, sent
a message ashore demanding an interview with the ruler and
submission to the crown of Portugal. To this he received
a reply that the sheik of Oja would acknowledge no superior
except the sultan of Egypt, who was the caliph in succession
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1 74 History of South Africa.
to the prophet Mohamed, and without whose permission he
could have no dealings with strangers who were acting as
enemies. The next day the Portuguese landed in two divi-
sions, under Trist&o da Cunha and Affonso d'Alboquerque, smd
without much difficulty defeated the inhabitants smd killed the
sheik. The town was then plundered and set on fire, when
the flames spread so quickly that several soldiers who were
still seeking spoil lost their lives.
The fleet then proceeded to Lamu, a town of no great im-
portance about sixty miles farther on. The sheik of this place
was so terrified by the fate of his neighbour that he at once
offered to submit and pay a yearly tribute of £268 25. 6d. To
this the Portuguese officers agreed, when the amount for that
year was at once delivered, together with a quantity of pro-
visions, so no damage was done to the town or its people.
Brava, one of the strongest cities on the coast, was next
aimed at Some of the principal men of this place had been
captured in trading vessels by Buy Louren90 BaviEisco in 1503
and had been obliged to consent that it should become
tributary to Portugal^ but upon their return home this agree-
ment was repudiated by the government, and every effort had
since been made to prepare against attack. Upon the arrival
of the fleet under Tristfto da Cunha and Affonso d'Alboquerque,
Diogo Fernandes Pereira, captain of the ship Gems, wajs sent
ashore to make the customary demand. The reply that he
received was significemt, though it was not in words: he was
conducted to a spot where over six thousand armed men
marched past before him. But most of these warriors were
negroes, whose weapons were assagais and bows and arrows, so
the display by no means intimidated the Portuguese.
At dawn the next morning Tristfto da Cunha and Affonso
d'Alboquerque landed at the head of their soldiers and sailors,
and after a desperate resistance, in which forty-two Portuguese
were killed and over sixty wounded, Brava was taken. The
spoil was immense. Shocking barbarities were committed by
some of the soldiers, who even cut off the hands of the Arab
women to get the silver annrings which they wore. But such
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Succeeding Voyages and Conquests. 175
cruelties were not approved by every one, and some among
those who regarded the butchery of defenceless Mohamedans as
meritorious did not doubt that the loss of a boatload of goods
and the drowning of a number of soldiers was a manifestation
of God's wrath upon the evil doers for their excesses in muti-
lating the unfortunate females. After Brava was plundered it
was given to the flames, and was left a smouldering mass
of ruins.
This was by no means an end of the Portuguese conquests
on the eastern coast of AMca, but formidable military opposi-
tion to their predominance, after the fall of Eolwa, Mombasa,
and Brava, was with good reason regarded as no longer to be
feared, and it was believed that a few armed caravels would
be suflBcient to control or destroy the commerce of the whole
of the Mohamedan settlements south of Magadosho.
The danger to the European adventurers thus lay elsewhere.
They had as opponents the ruler of Calicut, the whole of the
Moslem population on the coast of India, and those of the
coasts of Persia and Arabia. To the aid of these came the
sultan of Egypt, who was stirred to action by religious zeal
and by the loss of the lucrative commerce that had once
passed through his dominions. He fitted out a great war
fleet on the shores of the Bed sea, which he placed under
command of a native of Kurdistan, named Hocem and entitled
emir, an able naval officer, and sent it to India to operate
against the Portuguese. On board this fleet were fifteen
hundred soldiers, belonging to all the nationalities of the
Levant.
Dom Lourenfo d' Almeida, who was in command of a
squadron of considerable strength, was at anchor in the
harbour of Chaul when the emir Hocem sailed in and attacked
him. He defended himself successfolly until a fleet from
Diu arrived also, when the opposing force became so dispro-
portionate to his own that no hope was left except that
of escape. Most of his ships managed to get away, but his
own grounded, and after a desperate combat was &tken when
nearly every man on board was either dead or wounded. The
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1 76 History of South Africa.
yonng commander — he was not twenty-one years of age — was
among the dead. During the action one of his legs was badly
hurt by a cannon ball, but he had it hastily bandaged, and
then took a seat by the mainmast of his ship and continued to
issue orders until he was struck in the breast by another ball,
when he fell back dead.
For a short time the Egyptian flag was supreme, but the
viceroy collected all his ships of war, and with a much
stronger force than his gallant son had commanded, he sailed
from Cananor against his foe. On the 2nd of February 1509
a great naval battle was fought ofT Diu, which ended in the
complete destruction of the Mohamedan fleet. Thereafter the
supremacy of the Portuguese in the Indian ocean was assured,
for until the appearance of other Europeans there they never
again had an enemy so powerful at sea to contend with,
though in 1538 the sultan of Turkey sent a strong fleet
against them. And now for nearly a century the commerce of
the East was as much a monopoly of the monarchs of Portugal
as it had previously been of the Mohamedans.
On the 5th of November 1509 Affonso d'Alboquerque succeeded
the viceroy Dom Francisco d'Almeida, but had the title only
of governor and captain general The transfer of power was
delayed as long as possible, and was at last made most un-
willingly; perhaps it would not have been made even then,
for many officers of note supported the viceroy in resisting
D'Alboquerque's claims, but the arrival of a powerful fleet
under the marshal Dom Fernando Coutinho with positive
orders &om the king left no choice in the matter. Between
the political opinions of these two high officials there was a
great difierence. Dom Francisco d' Almeida favoured the main-
tenance of a powerful fleet to command the sea, and was
opposed to the establishment of many fortresses on land, as
too heavy a burden for the little kingdom of Portugal to
bear. Affonso d'Alboquerque was imbued with imperialistic
ideas: he desired a great territorial dominion, which he be-
lieved could be easily maintained, owing to the rivalries and
feuds among the various nationalities in the East, In 1510
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he reduced Goa to submission and made it the capital of
Portuguese India, of which the coast of AMca formed part
Dom Francisco d'Almeida sailed from Cochin on the 19th
of November 1509 in the ship Gar^a, of which Diogo d'Unhos
was master, with the Bdemy commanded by Jorge de Mello
Pereira, and the Santa Crva, commanded by Louren^o de
Brito, in his company. On board these vessels were also the
high officials who had served under him in India, whose
appointments, having been for three years only, were now
filled by others. Having touched at Cananor to take in some
spices, he made Mozambique next, where he was detained
twenty-four days, while a leak in the Belem was being
repaired. Continuing his passage with favourable weather, he
doubled the Cape of Good Hope safely, which gave him much
satisfaction. It was an age of superstition, and certain in-
dividuals in Cochin had predicted that he would never get so
far on his way home, which had caused him some uneasiness,
but his mind was now relieved and he thanked Ood that
their utterances had proved false.
As the ships were in want of water they put into Table
Bay, where a party of men went on shore with empty casks
to fill them. Some Hottentots were found on the beach, from
whom a few head of cattle were obtained in barter for pieces
of calico and iron, and the trade was conduQted in such a
Mendly manner that twelve or thirteen Portuguese subsequently
requested and obtained leave to accompany the natives to their
kraal, which was at a distance of three or four miles, probably
on or near the site of the present village of Mowbray. At
the kraal they were well treated, and some cattle were bartered,
but on the way back a quarrel arose, from what cause it is
impossible to say, as the accounts given by the early Portuguese
historians are conflicting in this respect, though there is little
doubt that it had its origin in a misunderstanding. At any
rate a servant of D'Almeida and one of Jorge de Mello
Pereira, with some others, were severely handled in the fray,
and on their return presented themselves before their masters
with their faces covered with blood.
? 2
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178 History of South Africa.
At once a clamour for vengeance was raised by most of the
officers, though Lourenfo de Brito, Jorge de Mello Pereira, and
Martim Coelho were of opinion that no notice should be
taken of the matter, as very likely their own people were at
fault ; but the others maintained that it was necessary to imbue
the natives with respect for Europeans, and prevailed upon the
late viceroy to consent to an attack upon the Hottentot kraal.
Accordingly before dawn of the morning of the 1st of March
1610 about a hundred and fifty men embarked in the boats
and were rowed to the head of the bay, where they landed on
the sandy beach not far from the site of the present Fort
Craig. A few were armed with crossbows, but most of them
with only swords and lances, and they were led by D'Almeida
in person, though he went somewhat unwillingly. As he left
hia ship he exclaimed : " Where are you taking sixty years ? "
that being his age at the time. Diogo d'Unhos, master of the
Oar(ia, was left in charge of the boats, with instructions to
wait where he was until the return of the party.
The Portuguese reached the kraal without difficulty, and
seized the cattle and some children, when the Hottentots,
about a hundred and seventy in number, attacked them with
stones and assagais of fire hardened wood, against which their
weapons proved useless, so they were obliged to retreat in
disorder towards the boats. The Hottentots followed them, and
increased their confusion by whistling the oxen in between to
act as a protection and hurling assagais from behind with
deadly effect. Many were killed on the way to the beach,
and those who arrived there were dismayed to find that owing
to a breeze that had set in Diogo d'Unhos had returned to the
ships with the boats. On the sandy shore of the bay, too
fatigued to attempt to escape by running towards the watering
place where they could more easily be taken off, — as many of
the soldiers were doing, — ^Dom Francisco d'Almeida and several
others of high rank stood at the mercy of the incensed
Hottentota. The royal standard was committed to the care of
Jorge de Mello Pereira, who, however, was unable to save it,
and just after handing it to him the late viceroy, already
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Succeeding Voyages and Conquests. 179
wounded with sticks and stones, fell pierced in the throat with
an assagai.
By this time there had perished the captcdns Pedro Barreto de
Magalhaes, Lourenjo de Brito, Manuel Telles, Martim Coelho,
Antonio do Campo, Francisco Coutinho, Pedro Teixeira, Femao
Pereira, and Gaspar d'Almeida. Diogo Pires, who had been
Dom Lourenjo d'Almeida's tutor, was at a little distance when
he heard that Dom Francisco had been slain. Desiring to die
by his side, he made his way to the corpse, and fell as he had
wished. The slaughter still went on, but the boats were
hastening towards the shore, and presently those who survived
were rescued, many of them having waded out till up to their
necks in water. On the shore and along the path to the
Hottentot kraal lay sixty-five corpses, among them twelve of
men of high rank or position, and hardly any who escaped
were unwounded.
In the evening of the same day, as the Hottentots had
returned to their kraal, Jorge de Mello Pereira landed with
Diogo d'Unhos and a party of men to bury the dead. The
corpses had been stripped of clothing, and that of Dom
Francisco d' Almeida had been cut open. Those lying on the
shore were hastily interred, but the others were not sought,
as time was wanting and to move inland was considered
dangerous. Early on the following morning the three ships set
sail for Portugal.
In 1512 Ohristov&o de Brito, when returning homeward, put
into the watering place of Saldanha to visit the grave of his
brother, who had fallen with D' Almeida. Diogo d'Unhos was
then master of his ship, and he pointed out the place where the
bodies were buried. De Brito raised a mound of earth and
stones over it, and placed a wooden cross at the top, the only
monument that it was in his power to erect in the time at
his disposal. It would be interesting to know the exact site,
but the description of the locality given by the Portuguese
writers is so defective that it cannot be fixed more accurately
than as being close to the sandy beach near the mouth of
Salt River.
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i8o History of South Africa.
By this time many of the prominent capes and some of the
bays on the coast had been named by Portuguese captains, but
these cannot all be identified now. There were then no means
known for determining longitudes, and the instrument commonly
used for measuring vertical angles required to be firmly fixed
on shore, so that the latitudes given by seamen who did not
land to take observations were usually very incorrect. On this
account it cannot be stated with certainty, for instance, whether
the river Infante was the present Kowie, Fish, or Keiskama,
for its inland course as laid down on the maps was purely
imaginary. And so with many other names. Still a consider-
able number can be determined with exactitude, and remain in
use to the present day, though generally in an English form.
Such are the following : St. Helena Bay, Table Mountain, Cape of
Good Hope, False Bay, Cape Agulhas, Natal, St. Lucia Bay, Cape
Correntes, and Cape St. Sebastian. Besides these, a good many
corrupted Portuguese words are found on most modem maps
of South Africa^ but they do not always represent names given
by the Portuguese to the places indicated.
^o<c— There Ib great difficulty in correctly converting Portuguese money
of the sixteenth century into its English equivalent of the present day,
Wause the real (plural reis), in which accounts were usually kept, has been
constantly changing in value. At the time of the discovery of the sea route
to India it was worth a little more than an English farthing, at the present
moment it is valued at lesR than one-twentieth of a penny. Thus to express
a certain number of reis at any given time in modem sovereigns and
shillings, it is necessary to know what was indicated by a real at that
particular time. The rate of exchange, if that could be ascertained, would
not suffice, because English coin in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
was never worth its face value abroad, on account of its being so generally
clipped. Another difficulty when dealing with South-Eastern Africa arises
from the fact that hardly any coined money was in circulation, the matical,
mitical, or mithkal as variously written, which was a certain quantity in
weight of fine rough gold, being the standard of exchange. This matical
differed from that of India, where it represented about seventy-three grains,
while at Mozambique and Sofala, according to Antonio Nunes, who prepared
tables of money, weights, and measures in 1554, it was taken to represent
four himdred and sixty-seven reis. Barros also gives five hundred matioals
as equal to five hundred and eighty-four cruzados of four hundred reis each.
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Succeeding Voyages and Conquests, i8i
The curator of the ooin department of the British Museum did me the
great favour of accurately weighing a number of Portuguese gold coins of
the reigns of Manuel, JoSo III, and SebastiSk), and giving me ^eir value in
reis at the time of issue, the purity of the metal being about the same as
that of the present English sovereign. The coins of Manuel and Joik) III
were slightly worn, and showed one real to weigh * 108 of a grain Troy. One of
Sebastido was m perfect condition, and weighed ' 118 of a grain Troy to the real.
Another of the same monarch, dightly worn, gave *1155 of a grain Troy to
the real The present English sovereign weighs 123*27447 grains Troy, and
is therefore equal in intrinsic value to nearly 1044*7 reis at the time that
Castanheda, Barroe, and De Goes wrote. On this basis I have converted the
real during the part of the sixteenth century preceding the death of King
Sebastido into English money at the rate of *2297 of a penny, and have
valued the matical at eight shillings and eleven pence farthii^. I know
of no better way of dealing with this question, still it may be as well for
the reader to consider the sums mentioned as only approximately correct
Of course this matter has no bearing whatever upon the relative value of
gold to other oonunoditiee in the early years of the sixteenth century and the
present time.
The late Sir Henry Tule by a different method from that here followed
found the value of the real at dijSerent times to be:
At the beginning of the 16th centiuy . *268<:{.
At the beginning of the 17th century . * 160(2.
At the beginning of the 19th century *060(2. to *066<2.
In 1886 *060d.
He also gives the value of the ooin called Sao Thom^ of one thousand
reis, struck by Ghircia de S6 in the mint at Qoa when he was governor
general of India in 1548-9, as £1 2s. 4c{., or one real equal to *268cf.
See Ei^fmrJikum : being a Glossary of AngUhlndian CoUoqukU Words
and Fhrases, and of Kindred Terms ; Etymological, Historical, Geographical,
and Discursive. By Col. Henry Tule, R.E., CJ3., LL.D., and the late
Arthur Coke Bumell, Ph.D., CLE. An octavo volume of 870 + xlviii
pages, London, 1886. Article Pardao^ page 837.
For information upon the real see also the Vocalmlario Portugueg e
Latino, by Padre D. Raphael Bluteau. Lisboa, 1720. Article Beat.
Another, and still greater, difficulty in giving values arises from the fact
that the Portuguese historians are not in all cases in agreement as to
amounts. Thus Castanheda and De Goes state that the tribute to be paid
yearly by the ruler of Eilwa was two thousand maticals of gold, while
Barros states that it was five hundred. In such cases there is no other
course to adopt than to decide by the balance of evidence, the weight due
to the testimony of each narrator, and the probability as to which is correct.
In this instance I give the preference to De Goes on account of his position
as Keeper of the Archives.
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1 82 History of South Africa.
CHAPTER VIII.
OCCUPATION OF SOFALA AND MOZAMBIQUE.
From the date of Vasco da Gama's return from his first voyage
to India nimours concerning the gold of Sofala had fascinated
the minds of all classes of men in Portugal. Those rumours
greatly exaggerated the quantity of the precious metal actually
obtainable, and all the diflBciQties of acquiring it were lost
sight of. It was believed that nothing needed to be done except
to replace the Mohamedans with Christian traders, when
enormous wealth would flow into the national treasury. Dif-
ferent efforts, as has been related, were made from time to
time not only to acquire accurate information, but also to get
possession of the gold trade; and Sancho de Toar and Da
Gama himself on their visits to Sofala had obtain.ed much
knowledge, though before 1505 all attempts to secure the
commerce of that place had failed.
Dom Francisco d' Almeida was to have erected a fortress
there, but Pedro d'Anaya, who had been selected as its captain
by the king, lost the ship in which he was to have sailed by
her sinking in the Tagus, and was thus unable to accompany
the fleet. After its departure the original design was enlarged,
and it was determined to make ready a squadron of six ships
with which he should proceed to Sofala. When the fortress
was completed three of these were to be sent on to India,
and the other three, under Francisco d*Anaya as commodore,
were to be kept to guard the African coast. On board these
ships everything was laden that could be needed for the
equipment of the fortress, as well as a stock of merchandise
for the purpose of barter, and on the 18th of May 1505 they
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Occupation of Sofala and Mozambique. 183
sailed from the Tagus. Pedro d'Anaya was in command of the
SainXo JEynHto, the largest in the squadron. The other captains
were his son Francisco d'Anaya, Pedro Barreto de MagalhSes,
Joao Leite, Jo%o de Queiroz, and Manuel Femandes, the last
of whom was appointed factor at Sofala.
On the passage, when off Sierra Leone, Jo&o Leite, while en-
deavouring to harpoon a fish, fell overboard and was drowned.
The crew then elected Jorge Mendes to be their captain. In
heavy weather some of the ships got separated from the
commodore, who ran so far south to make sure of passing
the Cape of Good Hope with a westerly wind that the men
could not work the sails on account of the cold, but he was
soon in warm latitudes again, and early in September arrived
off the bar of Sofala with the ships commanded by his son
and Manuel Femandes. There he anchored, and awaited the
appearance of the remainder of his squadron before entering
the river.
The next to arrive were the Santo Antonio, under command
of Jorge Mendes, and the Sao Paulo, of which Jofto de Queiroz
was captain when she left Portugal. They brought word that
De Queiroz, after parting from the others in a storm, put
into a curve on the South African coast then named Bahia
das Vacas, now Flesh Bay,* and being in want of meat, pro-
ceeded two or three miles inland with twenty of his people in
search of cattle. Antonio do Campo, when returning from
India, had touched at the same place, and though treated in a
friendly manner by the natives, had seized several of them and
* JoSo de BarroB states that this took place at the present Delagoa Bay, which
he terms Rio da Lagoa, and fixes its position as about two hundred and fifty
miles south of Cape Correntes. DamiSo de Goes and Feru^o Lopes de Gastanheda
state that it took place at the Bahia das Vacas. Manuel de Mesquita Perestrello,
in the report of his survey of the South African coast, also gives this as the
scene t>f the occurrence. It is possible that Barros may have fallen into an error
through there being then a bay named Alagoa on the southern seaboard, as may
be seen in the Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis of Duarte Pacheco, written before the
death of King Manuel, in which its position is given as fifteen leagues east
of the watering-place of SSo Bras, that is the locality of the present Plettenberg*s
Bay. The description of the Bahia Alagoa of Pacheco also answers to Pletten-
berg's Bay.
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184 History of South Africa.
carried them away, so that De Queiroz found them hostile.
They attacked him, and in a skirmish he and fifteen of his
party, including the sailing master and the pilot of his ship,
were killed. Only the secretary, Antfto de Ga, who was badly
wounded, and four others escaped. There was no one left who
could navigate the ship, but fortunately she fell in with the
SarUo Antonio, and Jorge Mendes sent on board his sailing
master and as captain a gentleman named JoSo Vaz d'Almada,
who conducted her to Sofala.
The last to arrive was the ship commanded by Pedro Barreto
de Magalh&es. She anchored near Gape Saint Sebastian, and
as her pilot was unacquainted with the shoal of Sofala and
would not venture upon it, Antonio de Magalhftes, brother of
the captain, was sent in a boat to seek assistance from any
vessel that might have reached her destination. On the way
he put into a river, where he found five half famished Portu-
guese, who had a doleful story to tell.
They had belonged to the ship of Lopo Sanches, which
had sailed from the Tagus with Dom Francisco d' Almeida.
South of Gape Correntes stormy weather was encountered, and
the ship became so leaky that she could not be kept afloat, so
she was run ashore to save the Uves of her people. An abun-
dance of provisions was saved, and also ample material to build
a caravel, but discord arose and the authority of Lopo Sanches
was completely disregarded. After a time sixty men set out
to travel overland to Sofala, where they hoped to find a
Portuguese fort in course of erection, and the others remained
at the wreck constructing a caravel. Of these last nothing was
ever heard again. Those marching overland suffered so terribly
from hunger that they became scattered, and most of them
perished. The five found by Antonio de Magalh&es had been
living for twenty days upon raw crabs alona They were taken
into the boat, and conveyed to the flag ship anchored outside
the bar of Sofala.
Pedro d'Anaya at once sent the vessel under JoSU) Vaz
d'Almada with the pilot of the Sao Jodo, Francisco d'Anaya's
ship, to the assistance of Pedro Barreto de MagalhSes, with
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Occupation of Sofala and Mozambique. 185
whose arrival some days later the squadron was complete. He
then made arrangements for entering the river. The two largest
ships were left outside, and with the four smallest he crossed
the bar and cast anchor in front of the lower Mohamedan
village. The real condition of things there at the time seems
to have been unknown to him. In point of fact, the true
owner of the land was a Bantu chief, and the Mohamedans
were living at the port on sufferance and payment of tribute
in the form of yearly presents, but he regarded Isuf as the
sovereign proprietor whose consent alone was necessary to enable
him to build a fort without the use of arms.
As soon as he had dropped anchor some of the principal
inhabitants went on board, and desired to know the object of his
visit, to which he replied that he wished to have a conference
with the sheik. To this they at first raised many objections,
such as the distance to his residence, the great age and infirmity
of the sheik, and the impossibiUty of the ships going farther
up the narrow river; but at last they consented, and went in
advance to prepare for the captain's reception. D'Anaya
followed them with a large number of armed attendants, in
boats decorated with flags and with trumpeters sounding their
instruments.
Having arrived at the upper village, he landed and proceeded
to the sheik's residence, where he was courteously received. In
the large hall were gathered the leading men of the place,
clothed from the waist downward with calico wrappers, with
silken turbans on their heads, and scimitars with ornamented
ivory handles at their sides. In a recess hung with cloth of
silk at the upper end of the hall, Isuf, a man of large stature,
but infirm, bUnd, and about seventy years of age, reclined on
a cushioned couch, or as it would be termed in South Africa
a katel, made by stretching thongs of hide across a frame of
wood. He was more richly dressed than the others, and frail
as he was, had still a stately and commanding appearance.
D'Anaya^ leaving his soldiers in the courtyard, which was en-
closed with a thick thorny hedge, with the officers entered the
hall. The men there, who were seated on low three-legged
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1 86 History of South Africa.
stools, rose and bowed to salute him, and he passed through to
the couch of the sheik.
The people of Sofala had heard of the occurrences at Eilwa
and Mombasa, and were divided in opinion as to how they
should act. Mengo Musaf, a son-in-law of Isuf, was at the
head of a party that wanted to resist the Christians by force,
but another party was filled with fear, and the old sheik
thought it wiser to rely upon the effects of the climate rather
than upon arms. He therefore greeted D'Anaya apparently in
a most fhendly manner, and when the captain spoke to him
of the advantages to be gained by the establishment of a
Portuguese fort and trading station, and by his coming under
the protection of the king of Portugal, taking care to draw
his attention to the fact that his villages had often been
pillaged by Bantu clans in the neighbourhood, he professed to
agree with what was said, and gave his consent to the erection
of the proposed buildings. He stated that he was a friend of
Europeans, and as a proof twenty Portuguese whom he had
rescued from starvation were brought forward by his order and
restored to the society of their countrymen. They were the
only remaining survivors of the sixty who had left the wrecked
ship of Lopo Sanches, and who had gone through almost in-
credible suflFering in their overland journey.
There were feuds between nearly all the Mohamedan settle-
ments on the coast, and not only that, but in each of them
there were jealousies among the principal inhabitants, which
made them an easy prey to the Portuguese. It was so at
Sofala. At this place there was living a man named Acote,
an Abyssinian by birth, who had been made a captive when
he was only ten years of age, and who had embraced the
Mohamedan faith from necessity rather than choice. He had
come to occupy a position of influence, and was at the head
of a party at variance with Mengo Musaf, Isuf s son-in-law.
As the one advocated armed resistance to the Portuguese, the
other acted as their friend, and now Acote oflFered his services
to the Christians. Through him D'Anaya engaged a number
of Bantu who were at Sofala, and on the 21st of September
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Occupation of Sofala and Mozambique. 187
1505 set about building a fort on a sand-flat on the northern
bank of the river near its mouth. It was in the form of a
square, large enough to contain barracks for the garrison, store-
houses, a warehouse for goods, and quarters for the ofScers.
No stone was procurable near at hand, so a moat, a hundred
and twenty paces long on each side, was dug, and the earth
taken out was formed into a wall, which was supported by
stakes and beams of mangrove wood. The structure was thus
of the roughest description, but it was regarded as sufficiently
strong for defence until time and favourable circumstances
would permit of something better taking its place.
Aft,er three months' labour the fort and the buildings within
it were completed. The heaviest work, such as carrying wood
from the mangrove swamps, was performed by the blacks,
though on one occasion they were induced by Mengo Musaf
to desert for several days. Acote continued to assist, and the
Portuguese, who were spared as much as possible from severe
toil, were not as yet stricken with much sickness. In the
mean time the vessel commanded by Gonpalo Vaz de Groes,
which Dom Francisco d' Almeida had sent from Mombasa with
a cargo of calico, part of the spoil of that town, arrived in the
river. Her lading together with the stores and merchandise
brought from Portugal was then taken on shore, and the three
largest ships were made ready to proceed to India. Gon^alo
Alvares, previously chief pilot, was appointed captain of the
Santo Espirito, and sailed with JoSlo Vaz d'Almada and Pedro
Barreto de MagalhSes, the latter acting as commodore. They
were to report themselves to the viceroy, under whose direc-
tions they were to take in cargoes of pepper and return to
Lisbon. On crossing the bar of Sofala the commodore's boat
was lost with most of the men in her and the chest of money
intended for the purchase of the pepper, and in leaving Eilwa,
where he put in, he had the further misfortune of losing his
ship.
A few days after the departure of this squadron Francisco
d'Anaya was sent with the Sao Joao and the Sao Paulo to
cruize along the coast, and with him Uie vessel under
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1 88 History of South Africa.
6on9alo Vaz de Goes and the remaining one that had oome
from Portugal went to Mozambique. On his passage north-
ward he captured a ship from India laden with calico, and
having sixty Mohamedans on board. This ship was subse-
quently wrecked, when he caused all the prisoners to be put
to death, through fear of their rising against him. A zambuco
laden with ivory also fell into his hands, and her crew shared
the fate of the others. But his ruthless barbarity was soon
checked. Both the Sao Joao and the Sao Paulo were lost, one
at Mozambique and the other a little farther north, and the
commodore, on arriving at Eilwa in the captured zambuco,
was put under arrest by Pedro Ferreira F()ga(a on a charge
of carelessness in the king's service. He was permitted, how-
ever, soon afterwards to proceed to India to be tried there.
At Sofala fever, which had not been very prevalent . at
first, now began to spread to an alarming extent, and at the
close of the year the greater number of the men composing
the garrison were laid up with it. A more wretched condition
than that in which they were, on the border of a mangrove
swamp, in a hot and pestilential atmosphere, drinking the
impure water of wells, and cut off from all companionship,
can hardly be imagined. Their mental and bodily suffering
must have been so great that death, which was stalking
among them, would be regarded as a relief. Trade was
carried on, for the factor Manuel Femandes seemed to be
fever proof, but the quantity of gold obtained in barter was
small compared with their earlier expectations or those of the
king. They had not even the satisfaction therefore of knowing
that their suffering was productive of pecuniary profit to the
treasury of their country.
While they were in this state, early in January 1506 Acote
informed Pedro d'Anaya that the faction of Mengo Musaf
with Isuf 8 concurrence had come to a determination to wait
no longer for fever to do its work, but to drive away the
Christians at once; and as they were afraid to make war
themselves, they had persuaded a Bantu clan to assist them in
attacking the fort. That they had good cause to oppose the
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Occupation of Sofala and Mozambique. 189
Portuguese, who were striving to wrest the commerce of the
country from them, is evident. But perhaps there was another
and stronger reason for their openly assuming a hostile
attitude. In the Legends of India Gaspar Gonea states that
the treatment of the people of the coimtry by the Christians
was the cause of it, and on such a question his evidence is
certainly of great weight. He says they were treated worse
than slaves, and though the captain Pedro d'Anaya punished
some of the offenders when complaints were made to him, the
disorderly conduct of the soldiers went on increasing until at
length it caused hostilities. By none of the historians, it is
true, is there any reference made to immoral or overbearing
behaviour by the white men, but they were not given to finding
fault in such matters when only Mohamedans or heathens
were affected.
There was a Bantu clan in the neighbourhood of Sofala,
under a chief named Mokonde, who was induced by the
prospect of plunder to ally himself with the Mohamedans.
The two parties joined, and advanced against the fort, armed
with scimitars, assagais, and bows and arrows. There were at
the time only thirty-five Portuguese capable of bearing arms
inside, and even most of these were weak with fever; but
Acote had come to their assistance with about a hundred men,
and they were enclosed within walls on which artillery was
mounted. The assailants filled the moat with wood, and then
endeavoured to scale the wall, at the same time pouring in a
shower of arrows and assagais. Some of these weapons were
burning, the object being to set fire to the roofs of the
buildings, but Pedro d'Anaya had provided against this by
removing the thatch from the houses that were most exposed
and laying in a good supply of water. Very Uttle harm was
done therefore beyond wounding a few of Acote's people. On
the other side the defenders with their artillery and crossbows
caused such execution that the enemy, finding their efforts
useless to break down or get over the wall, after a time
began to withdraw discomfited. Pedro d'Anaya with fifteen of
the healthiest Portuguese and some of Acote's followers then
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I90 History of South Africa,
sallied out and attacked them with swords and lances, putting
them completely to flight.
During three days, however, they frequently renewed the
attack, though always with the same result. Their camping
ground was a palm grove at no great distance, within easy
range of the artillery, where some damage was caused to them
not only by the balls but by splinters of wood from shattered
trees. D'Anaya had two powerful dogs, which were of such
use in keeping watch by day and night and attacking the
enemy in sallies that he attributed his preservation largely to
them. In the end the Bantu, upon whom the principal part
of the fighting fell, were suddenly seized with a conviction
that the Mohamedans had brought them there purposely to
ensure their destruction, and under this impression they fled
homeward, plundering Isuf s village on their way.
That evening Pedro d'Anaya mustered as many men as he
could, and in a large boat that he had went up the river.
His spies had informed him that Isuf s residence was poorly
guarded, as no attack was expected from the fort on account
of the sickness there. He proceeded straight to it, and met
little resistance as he forced his way in; but the old sheik,
though blind, seized an assagai from a bundle that he always
kept beside him, and hurled it in the direction of the
advancing footsteps. The captain was slightly wounded by it
in the neck, but in another instant Isuf s head was rolling on
the ground, severed from his body by the sword of Manuel
Fernandes. With it as a trophy the Portuguese returned to
the fort, where it was set up on the point of a lance upon
the wall to strike awe into those who had been his subjects.
On the morning following this daring raid the slain sheik's
sons raised as large a force as they could and attacked the
fort again. But their efiforts were fruitless, as they could not
get over the wall, and the defenders kept up a deadly fire
upon them, by which many were killed and wounded. Even
the sick assisted with their crossbows, danger acting upon
them more powerfully than medicine. Having failed in this
attempt, the Mohamedans began to quarrel among themselves
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Occupation of Sofala and Mozambiqtu. 191
as to who should be their ruler, and they actually applied to
the Portuguese to settle the question. Both Damifto de Goes
and FemSo Lopes de Castanheda state that Pedro d'Anaya
made Acote sheik, in return for the services performed by
him, and the fnax JoSo dos Santos confirms this account and
relates that in 1386 he found people still living at Sofala
who remembered the building of the fort and the events that
followed it. But JoSo de Barros says that through Acote's
influence a son of Isuf named Soleiman was made sheik, and
that he lived at peace with the Portuguese and in obedience
to them until 1507, when he was deposed by Vasco Gomes
d'Abreu, captain of Sofala, who selected one of his brothers
to succeed him. This brother and some of the principal
Mohamedans of the place, it is added, were subsequently
banished, as their presence was considered prejudicial to
Portuguese interests, and they all died in exile.
Such conflicting statements make it difficult to arrive at the
truth, and there are no original documents relating to the
transaction to refer to. Very likely, however, Acote was made
sheik of the Emozaidi, as he ib stated to have been of that
sect, and Soleiman sheik of the other Mohamedans; and as
the nominal authority of the sons of Isuf was lost so soon
afterwards, their names were speedily forgotten. However this
may be, Portuguese supremacy was so firmly established that
the Mohamedans never again ventured to dispute it.
A few days after these occurrences Pedro d'Anaya was
stricken with fever, of which he died. It was a custom at a
later date for every officer in command of a remote and
secluded station to carry with him a sealed letter from the
king, in which temporary successors were named in rotation,
so that in case of his death or disability some one would be
legally in chaige until a new appointment could be made.
There being no one at Sofala with such authority, the factor
Manuel Femandes, who was the highest in rank of the
officials at the fort, assumed the. vacant position. He was a
man of great energy, and with only the few sick and en-
feebled soldiers under his command he managed to build a
Q
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192 History of South Africa.
strong stone tower at one of the comers of the fort. Carved
and dressed blocks for doors and windows had been brought
from Portugal, so only the plain work had to be done, ,but
the execution of this was regarded as so meritorious under the
circumstances that the king granted him as a reward a coat of
arms with a tower emblazoned on it surmounted by a sheik's
head, in remembrance of his having killed Isuf.
A few months after Pedro d'Anaya left Lisbon a ship and a
caravel were fitted out to take supplies to Sofala and also to
search along the South African coast for the crew of Pedio de
Mendon^a's wrecked vessel and for one in which Francisco
d'Alboquerque had sailed from India and that had not since
been heard of. Cyde Barbudo was in command of the ship,
with authority as commodore, and Pedro Quaresma was in
command of the caravel. The principal pilot had acted in the.
same capacity under Lopo d'Abreu, and had seen Pedro de
Mendon^a's ship in the position where she was Supposed to
have been lost, consequently he knew what part of the coast
should be examined.
These vessels left the Tagus on the 19th of November 1505,
and ran down to thirty-seven degrees and a half south
latitude, when they turned to the north-east expecting to make
the land beyond tlie Cape of Good Hope, but so far out were
they in their calculations that they reached the western coast
more than eight hundred miles north of Table Bay. Even at
the beginning of the sixteenth century there were few such
instances of error in navigation. Steering again to the south,
on the 18th of April 1506 they cast anchor at the watering
place of Saldanha, where they remained eight days. Cyde
Barbudo now removed to the caravel, taking his pilot with
him, in order to examine the coast, and Pedro Quaresma
assumed command of the ship. After sailing from Table Bay
they counted the pillars, as the expression then was, that is
they kept so dose to the land during daylight that they could
see everything along it, and on the 2nd of May they reached
the watering place of SSo Bras, which they recognised by the
hermitage built there by JoSo da Nova.
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Occupation of Sofala and Mozambique. 193
As they had passed the coast some distance to the westward
by night, Cyde Barbado now tried to run back along it in
the caravel, but was unable to do so owing to a strong head
wind. He therefore again dropped anchor in Mossel Bay, and
sent a conyict and a ship's boy to search along the shore.
After travelling three days along the beach they returned, and
stated that they had found a man's skeleton and part of a
mast, beyond which no information was ever obtcdned con-
cerning the lost ship of Pedro de Mendonpa. Her crew must
have perished, like many others in later years, in a land
inhabited only by barbarians. It was never known either
what was the fate of Francisco d'Alboquerque and those with
him, whether they went down at sea, or were wrecked on
some desolate coast and died there.
On the 16th of May the two vessels left the watering place
of S%o Bras, and keeping close to the shore whenever possible,
on the 10th of June Cyde Barbudo airived at Sofala and
Pedro Quaresma on the following day. They found the
fortress in the last stage of distress. The captain Pedro
d'Anaya, as has been already related, had died of fever, as had
also the magistrate and seventy-six of the soldiers, and the
provisions were nearly exhausted. Cyde Barbudo reinforced
the garrison and replenished the stores, and then sailed for
India, leaving Pedro Quaresma in the caravel to assist Manuel
Femandes. This vessel was afterwards employed for a time in
plying between Sofala, Mozambique, and Kilwa, taking pro-
visions and goods from one place to another as they were
needed.
On his passage to India Cyde Bturbudo touched at Kilwa,
where he found matters in a state of confusion. King Manuel
had issued instructions prohibiting barter by private persons
with Kafi&rs for gold, in order to secure the whole trade for
the royal treasury, and Pedro Feireira Foga9a had fitted out a
couple of small vessels to assist in suppressing the traffic that
had thus become illegal Among other prizes made by them
was one on board of which was a son of the sheik of a small
settlement near Elilwa, and as he was a relation of the former
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194 History of South Africa.
emir Abraham, the Portuguese captain kept him and his family
prisoners. Mohamed Ankoni, who wished to gain the goodwill
of his neighbours, hereupon ransomed the young sheik at his
own expense, made him presents of rich clothing, and sent
him and his family to their home. The young man's father
was profuse in expressions of gratitude, and invited Mohamed
to visit him, suggesting marriages between their children. The
Idng of EHwa accepted the invitation, and was murdered while
he was lying asleep in the zambuco in which he went. The
treacherous sheik, by whose order the deed was committed,
excused himself by saying that the duty of avenging the emir
Abraham, whose blood relative he was, was more binding upon
him than gratitude for a favour conferred by such a man as
Mohamed Ankoni.
At once there was a dispute as to the succession. A few of
the inhabitants of Eilwa and most of the Portuguese officers
were in favour of Hadji Hocem, son of Mohamed Ankoni; but
Pedro Feireira Foga^a and the great majority of the Mohamedan
people desired that Micante, the legitimate heir of the ancient
rulers, should be appointed. The dispute aroused strong feeUng
on both sides. The cessation of commerce caused by King
Manuel's order and the capture of their vessels under any pre-
tence by the Portuguese threatened ruin to the mercantile
class, so that from one cause or the other large numbers of
people were leaving the town with the intention of settling
somewhere else, and it appeared as if Elilwa would soon be
uninhabited. This was the condition of things when Gyde
Barbudo put into the harbour, and which he reported to the
viceroy as soon as he arrived in India.
Dom Frandsco d' Almeida immediately appointed a new staff
of officials for Sofala. He selected Nunc Yaz Pereira, a man
of generally recognised ability, to be captain, and gave him in
addition laiige powers as commissioner to settle affairs at
Kilwa. Buy de Brito Patalim accompanied him as chief
alcaide of the fortress, and Antonio Baposo and Sancho Sanches
as notaries. A number of gentlemen without office, who were
attached by friendship to the new captain, also went with him.
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Occupation of So/ala and Mozambique, 195
Among these were Luis Mendes de Yasconcellos, Antonio de
Sousa, and FemSo MagalhSes who afterwards entered the ser-
vice of Castile and discovered the strait which still bears his
name. Francisco d'Anaya at the same time retomed to Sofala
to look after the property left by his father. In order that
Pereira might appear in a manner befitting his dignity, the
viceroy sent two ships under his flag, the one in which he
sailed himself and another commanded by his nephew.
At the end of November 1606 he reached Melinde, where
the Portuguese were always well received. The dependent
position of the ruler of that town is shown, however, by his
receiving as a favour on this occasion permission to send under
forty pounds weight of Indian beads to Sofala to be exchanged
for gold. At MeUnde Nuno Yaz Pereira learned all particulars
of the condition of things at Kilwa. He saw at once that
King Manuel's order regarding trade was causing the depopula-
tion of the two places on the coast — Sofala and Eilwa — where
it could be enforced, owing to the presence of Portuguese
garrisons ; and that elsewhere it was having little effect beyond
exasperating the Mohamedans. In their light zambucos the
people of all the other settlements could run close along the
shore, and enter the rivers, particularly the Zambesi, where
they could carry on commerce without fear of capture. It
appeared to him that if the ocean was so guarded that supplies
of goods could not be obtained by sea from India, the trafSc
would be diverted into a route mainly overland: it could not
be destroyed by any force which Portugal could furnish. On
the other hand, by permitting private trade the people of
EJlwa would remain there, and the king's treasury would be
benefited, for they would purchase goods wholesale at the
Portuguese factory and pay for them in gold, ivory, and other
produce of the country. Nuno Yaz Pereira therefore took upon
himself the responsibility of suspending the king's order as far
as Kilwa was concerned, and announced that its people might
carry on trade again in exactly the same manner as in the
time of the emir Abraham until further instructions should be
received from Lisbon.
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196 History of South Africa.
This course of action had the desired efifect. In the middle
of December the commissioner arrived at Eilwa, and with him
were more than twenty zambncos filled with emigrants returning
to their homes. He caused Micante and Hadji Hocem to
appear before him and state their cases, and with them he
summoned all the principal men of the town to express their
opinions and wishes. The general voice was in favour of
Micante, but to make it plain that the Portuguese had the
right of appointing any one they chose, as Hadji Hocem pro-
duced the patent granted by Dom Francisco d' Almeida to his
father, decision was given in his favour, and he was proclaimed
hvng of EJlwa. The inhabitants, who were elated with the
privilege of being able to carry on trade again, submitted
without open remonstrance, though they were by no means
satisfied.
Nunc Yaz Pereira, after thus arrangmg matters at Eilwa,
appointed lus friend Luis Mendes de Yasconcellos to a vacant
ofiBice in the fortress, and then sailed for Sofala, where he took
over the captaincy from Manuel Femandes. This o£Bcer, feeling
aggrieved that after his display of so much zeal and energy he
had not received the fixed appointment to the first position in
the place, declined to resume the duty of factor, and proceeded
to India when the ships that brought Pereira returned.
In the mean time intelligence of the death of Pedro d'Anaya
had reached Lisbon, and the king, not knowing that the viceroy
had sent a successor, appointed Yasco Gomes d'Abreu captain
of Sofala. Ever since the first voyage of Yasco da Garoa the
island of Mozambique had been used as a place of refreshment
by the Indian fleets both in going and returning, but as yet
no establishment of any kind had been formed there. Sofala
was not adapted for a port of call, being dangerous to approach
with large vessels, and not having sufficient depth of water on
the bar to enable them to enter the inner harbour. It was
considered advisable therefore to form such an establishment at
Mozambique that the fleets should always be able to obtain
whatever they needed, that if they were obliged to wait on
the coast for a change of monsoon they might have a good and
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Occupation of Sofala and Mozambique. 197
easily accessible port to lay at anchor in, and that a properly
furnished hospital might be ready for the reception of scurvy
stricken soldiers and sailors arriving from Europe. For these
purposes Yasco Gomes d'Abreu was instructed by the king to
erect the necessary buildings, and a competent staff was pro-
vided to perform the duties. It was not intended that Mozam-
bique should be a separate government, but a dependency of
Sofala, one captain having command of both places. He was
to reside at the island, whenever possible, during the months
in which the Indian fleets usually airived there, and during
the remainder of the year at Sofala, leaving a subordinate
officer at each place to carry out his orders during his absence.
Duarte de Mello was appointed factor of the new establish-
ment, and Buy Yarella notary.
Yasco Gomes d'Abreu sailed from the Tagus on the 20th of
April 1607 as commodore of seven ships. The one in which
he sailed and four others, commanded respectively by Lopo
Cabreira, Pedro Louren9o, Buy Gon9alves de Yaladaies, and
J(^ Chanoca, were to remain as a fleet of war to guard the
African coast south of Melinde and suppress the ocean traffic
of the Mohamedans, and the other two, under Martim Coelho
and Dic^ de Mello, were to join the naval force commanded
by Affonso d'Alboquerque on the coast of Arabia. At Cape
Yerde Joio Chanoca's ship ran on shore at night and was lost,
but the people on board got safely to land, and after being
plundered by the negroes, were rescued by the commodore.
The new captain arrived at Sofala on the 8th of September
1507, and the government was immediately transferred to him
by Nunc Yaz Pereira, who embarked in the ship under Buy
Gk)n9alves de Yaladares, that was to be sent on to Mozam-
bique. On the 19th she and the vessels under Martim Coelho
and Di(^ de MeUo sailed, and soon afterwards fell in with a
ship under command of Jorge de Mello Pereira that had left
Portugal for India before them. The greater number of her
crew were helpless with scurvy, so they kept her in company
and gave her as much assistance as they could. On the 24th
of October they all reached Mozambique, where they found
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198 History of South Africa.
they could go no farther until the change of the monsoon^ and
there they were joined in a few days by three other ships on
the way to India, commanded by FemSo Scares, Filippe de
Castroy and fienrique Nunes de liSo. Duarte de Mello and
the other officers appointed by the king to the Mozambique
establishment had been sent on with Buy Gh)n$alYes de Yala-
dares to prepare stone for the buildings to be erected, and
Yasco Gomes d'Abreu sent with them the plans that had been
prepared in Portugal and letters to the commanders of any
ships that might be there, requesting them to assist in the
work, as it was for the service of the king, and he would be
unable for some time to leave Sofala to direct it in person.
One and all, the captains of the various ships at anchor in
the harbour entered with enthusiasm into the matter. The
stone was soon quarried, lime was prepared, and then, as
Yasco Gomes d'Abreu did not make his appearance, they set
about building. They had plans of all that was to be done,
and the parts of the structures that required skilled workman-
ship or foreign materials had been brought from Portugal, so
that rapid progress could be made. They first erected a large
and comfortable hospital with its necessary appurtenances,
which would have been of the greatest advantage if the climate
of the island had not been so unhealthy that serious illness
was almost invaiiably followed by speedy death. Men afflicted
with scurvy, however, arriving there during the least insalubri-
ous months, might hope to escape the deadly fever and dysen-
tery, and to recover from that complaint. And scurvy, it must
be remembered, was in those days of long voyages and no
other diet than salted provisions the disease most dreaded by
Europeans frequenting the eastern seas.
A church, dedicated to Saint Gabriel, was the building next
taken in hand. It is said by the early historians to have been
large and well finished and ornamented, but it is probable that
most of the ornamentation was done at a later date, and that
little more than the walls and roof was completed at this time.
A large space around it was enclosed for a cemetery, and here
the grares were soon more numerous than in any other church-
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Occupation of Sofala and Mozambique. 199
yard of the Portuguese out of Europe, so great was the
mortality among the sick landed from the outward bound
Indian fleets, notwithstanding the care and attention bestowed
upon them in the hospital
Lastly a fort, with magazines and quarters for the officials
and the garrison, was commenced. The fort was on the site
of the present residence of the governor, and was nothing more
than a square two-storied building, though it answered the
purpose for which it was intended for more than half a century.
The warehouses were large, as the king had resolved to make
Mozambique a depot from which goods should be distributed
to all parts of the African coast, and to which the gold, ivory,
ambergris, wax, gam, and other products of the continent
should be sent to be forwarded to India or Europe. Here also
were to be stored everything needed for the repair of damaged
ships and supplies of provisions for such as should be in want
of them. These buildings were commenced in 1507 by the
men of the ships detained in the harbour by the unfavourable
monsoon, and were completed after their departure by those
stationed on the island, with such assistance as could be
obtained from fleets that called.
Thus the island of Mozambique, which to-day is the principal
seat of government of the Portuguese on the eastern coast of
Africa^ was taken in possession without any opposition on the
part of its Mohamedan occupants. Vasco Qomes d'Abreu, to
whom the task of forming the establishment there was en-
trusted, never saw the work that had been done. After
strengthening the garrison of Sofala and landing supplies of
provisions, he erected a new hall and improved the buildings in
the fort, and while this was being done a caravel of forty tons
burden was put together, the timber for which had been'
brought from Portugal ready prepared. Then having generally
arranged matters at that place, he left the chief alcaide Buy
de Brito Patalim in command during his absence, and set sail
with the three ships of Ids squadron and the caraveL Whether
he intended to proceed to Mozambique or to cruise along the
coast was not known, and some persons even suspected that he
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200 History of South Africa.
designed to explore the island of Madagascar, where it was
rumoured that valuable spices were to be found. Some time
after he set out the fringe of one of those terrible cyclones
that occasionally cause widespread destruction in the islands of
the Indian sea passed over Sofala, and it was supposed that he
perished in it. Nothing but a broken mainmast, which drifted
on shore at Kilwa, was ever seen of any of the three ships or
the caravel again.
Buy de Brito Patalim remained in command untU September
1509, when Antonio de Saldanha, whom the king appointed
captain of Sofala and Mozambique when the death of Yasco
Qomes d'Abreu was no longer doubtful, arrived at the gold
port and took over the government. At the same time Duarte
Teixeira assumed duty there as factor. It had been ascertained
by experience that goods of European manufacture were not in
demand by the Bantu, so that henceforward only Indian wares
— chiefly calico and beads — were sent to Sofala to be bartered
for gold and ivory. The calico was of a coarse but strong
kind, and was sold in pieces usually termed squares, though
they were about four yards in length and one in width, to be
used as loin cloths. The beads were of various sorts, as the
fashion in colour and size was constantly changing. These
articles and some others in smaller quantities were brought
from India to Mozambique in Portuguese ships, and were there
stored in the king's warehouses until requisitions were sent fix>m
Sofala, Kilwa, and other trading stations, to which they were
forwarded in the caravels employed on the coast.
Eilwa did not long remain a garrison town. Hadji Hocem,
who had been made its Idng by Nuno Vaz Pereira, turned
his whole thought to avenging the death of his father, and by
means of large gifts obtained the assistance of a powerful
Bantu tribe under a chief with the high-sounding name of
Munhamonge, that is Lord of all. This chief with a strong
army marched by land, while Hadji Hoeem with as many
Mohamedans as he could muster by devotion, pay, or force
proceeded by sea, and together they attacked the settlement of
the treacherous sheik and completely destroyed it. Munhamonge
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Occupation of Sofala and Mozambique, 201
and his followers were rewarded with most of the captives and
the spoil, and Hadji Hocem was satisfied with revenge, thoagh
the sheik himself escaped.
Everywhere on the coast the Mohamedans were indignant
that a man who had gained the distinction of being a hadji by
making a pilgrimage to Mecca shpnld have called in the aid
of Kaffirs against people of his own faith, and should have left
disciples of the koran as slaves in the hands of infidels. This
indignation was increased by the haughty attitude assumed by
Hocem, who, relying upon Portuguese protection, wrote to the
different sheiks in the country in a tone of superiority, and by
the heavy taxation which he imposed upon his subjects to
make good the personal losses he had sustained by his gifts
to Munhamonge. To all Mohamedans, subjects and strangers
alike, he became an object of detestation. The friendly ruler
of Melinde and the vassal ruler of Zanzibar, who was believed
to be thoroughly loyal to King Manuel, wrote to the viceroy
that if he wished for peace in the land he should deprive
Hocem of power, and Dom Francisco d'Almeida, to put an
end to the disturbance, instructed Pedro Ferreira Foga$a to
depose the Idiig of Kilwa and substitute another. This was
accordingly carried into effect. Hadji Hocem, who feared
assassination if he remained in his native town, merely begged
to be sent to Mombasa, and there shortly afterwards he ended
his days in extreme poverty and distress.
The vacant situation was first offered to the fugitive emir
Abraham, whose acceptance of it would have satisfied every
one ; but he distrusted the Portuguese so much that he declined
the overture. It was then given to Micante, the former rival
of Hadji Hocem. This man's habits were those of a licentious
drunkard, and he soon became as much despised by the
Portuguese as hated by his subjects on account of his cruelty
and his lawless amours. The consequence was that numbers of
the people of Kilwa abandoned the place and joined Abraham,
who was living at some distance on the mainland.
The three years term of office of Pedro Ferreira Foga^a
having expired, he was succeeded by Francisco Pereira Pestaoa
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202 History of South Africa.
as captain of Eilwa. This officer found affairs in great
disorder, and depression ruling among the people owing to
the trading reguUtions that were again being enforced by order
of King Manuel. Foreign commerce by sea was entirely cut
off, and intercourse with the Bantu was restricted as much as
possible, because the king and his advisers feared that Mohame-
dan influence might prevent the reception of Christianity by
these people. Nuno Yaz Pereira's opinion that the treasury
would not suffer by allowing the inhabitants of EJlwa to barter
gold as in olden times might be correct, but the pious king
had the propagation of the Christian faith also at heart, and
could not permit it to be endangered. And so the largest,
best built, and most famous town on the East Afirican coast,
the town that once had dominion from Melinde to Cape
Correntes, was dwindling away to an insignificant villi^.
Things were in this condition when Micante declared war
against Abraham, of whom he was extremely jealous. The emir
had a strong body of followers, and he obtained powerful Bantu
allies, with whom he not only drove back the army sent
against him, but made a descent upon Kilwa in his turn.
There were at the time only forty Portuguese soldiers in the
fort capable of bearing arms, all the others being ill with
fever. The healthy men went to Micante's assistance, but were
defeated in an engagement, and several of them were killed,
though the fort was not taken. After this there were many
incursions on both sides, in one of which Abraham's party
suffered heavy losses as they were crossing the strait between
the island and the mainland, and one of his nephews was made
prisoner. StiU nothing decisive occurred, and hostilities went
on with no other result than destruction of property and loss
of life. Micante indeed gained some respect from the Por-
tuguese by his personal valour, and he was as submissive to
them as could be desired, but otherwise there was little or no
improvement in his conduct.
When information of this reached King Manuel he deter-
mined to withdraw the garrison from Eilwa, which was no
longer a place of any importance either for strategic or
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Occupation of Sofala and Mozambique. 203
commercial purposes. Affonso d'Alboquerque was then governor
general of India, and cared nothing about the retention of a
stronghold estabUshed by Dom Francisco d' Almeida, so took no
steps to change the king's decision. Orders were issued to
Francisco Pereira Pestana to dismantle the fort, remove the
king's property of every kind to ships provided for the purpose,
and retire to Socotra with the men under his command. As
Micante was entirely dependent upon the Portuguese, this
order deprived him of all power and influence. He fled to
Querimba, where he died in poverty and obscurity. Negotia-
tions were opened with the emir Abraham, who at first
suspected treachery, but when the Portuguese had embarked
and were ready to set sail he consented to an interview on the
water with Francisco Pereira Pestana, and was recognised by
him as ruler of Eilwa in vassalage to King Manuel. Abraham
accepted the position, and kept his agreement faithfully as long
as he lived. The fugitives from the town returned, and order
was restored under the emir's prudent management, but the
importance and glory of the place were gone for ever. Under
the stringent commercial regulations that were in force it sank
almost out of sight within a very few years. Thus the first
fort built and occupied by the Portuguese on the border of the
Indian sea was the first abandoned by them, and that while
they were still in the full career of conquest and under the
direction in the east of the great Affonso d'Alboquerque.
Sofala was now the station where it was hoped the greatest
profit from trade would be gained, as it was the port from
which the Mohamedans had sent away all the gold and much
of the ivory obtained in South-Eastem Africa. But the
Portuguese were as yet without experience of the only way of
obtaining these articles, and imagined that if they could
prevent the former itinerant dealers from going inland and
could keep up a good supply of merchandise in their factory,
everything that the country produced would be brought to
them for sale at their own prices. The Mohamedan mixed
breeds, living like Kafiirs and caring little whether they were
one month or twelve on an expedition, travelled about the
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204 History of South Africa,
country with a few slaves carrying their wares, and if gold
and ivory were not at hand, were content to wait till they
were collected, all the time tempting the natives by a display
of articles that they coveted most The Portuguese, on the
contrary, sat still and waited for what never came.
Among the officers who accompanied Pedro d'Anaya when
he went to build the fortress and establish the factory was one
named Diogo d'Alca^ova, who remained there long enough to
learn the condition of affiurs in the country, but as he suffered
much firom fever, was sent to India by an early opportunity.
He professed to have made a special study of the gold barter,
and sent to the king a long report upon it, which is still
in existence. In it he stated that in former times from four
hundred and forty-six thousand eight hundred and seventy-five
to five hundred and eighty thousand nine hundred and thirty-
seven pounds sterling worth of gold was exported from Sofieda
every year. This was probably far beyond the real quantity,
for considering the relative value of gold to other merchandise
then and now, such an amount would have represented a
trade much greater than the appearance of Sofala when first
visited by Europeans would warrant one in believing it
possible to have been carried on there. That little or none
was brought to the Portuguese factory while he was resident
in it he attributed to wars between different sections of
Bantu, which made the country unsafe to travel in. Peace
was not concluded between tlie different factions, he thought,
because the Mohamedan rulers of Eilwa and Sofala, who
could bring it about, were unwilling to do so, as they did
not wish the Christians to obtain the profits of the trade.
In September 1508 Duarte de Lemos, an officer of ability
who was then in charge of a ship, wrote to the king from
Mozambique that only £894 to £1341 worth of gold had
been obtcdned at Sofala firom the departure of Yasco Gromes
d'Abreu to that time. He believed that it was plentiful in
the country, and there was an abundance of merchandise in
the factory, still it was not brought for barter. In his opinion
the reason was that the Mohamedans along the coast south of
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Occupation of Sofala and Mozambique. 205
Mozambique were all engaged in a smuggling trade, which
could not be prevented, as they conveyed the gold and their
goods in little boats and fishing canoes that it was not possible
for the caravels guarding the sea to capture. Merchants from
Arabia and Persia resorted to secluded places, and maintained
this clandestine trade, providing the retail dealers with goods
and receiving the gold from them in return. Even in Mozam-
bique he believed there were some merchants fiiom the north
engaged in this traffic, so detrimental to the king's treasury.
Certain it was that they purchased from the crews of ships
arriving there calico which the men had for sale on their own
account, and which they obtained for a mere trifle. There was
but one remedy for the evil in his opinion, and that was to
expel every Mohamedan from the whole country south of
Mozambique. Sofala, he was assured, was not an unhealthy
place, for during the preceding year not a single individual
had fallen ill there. The only article of European manufac-
ture that could be used in commerce in the coimtry was
Flemish linen, which would need to be broad enough to be
used for loin cloths.
That a considerable trade was carried on by the Mohame-
dans with the Bantu in defiance of the Portuguese is highly
probable, but that it amounted to a very large sum in gold
yearly is not at all likely. The difficulty of getting goods
into the country must have prevented that. The Mohamedans
had always lived by commerce, and no doubt were shrewd
and wary dealers, they knew the country and its people and
could easily escape observation by the Christians, but without
a source of supply, now that their ships were destroyed and
their connection with India entirely cut off, they could not
traffic to the extent the Portuguese believed they were doing.
Possibly they may have dealt in a very small way in native
made cloth, but even that would have necessitated their
possession of beads and bangles, which they could only obtain
at great risk by means of zambucos coming down from the
north. According to Duarte Barbosa they were reduced to
such straits that they began to cultivate cotton and manu-
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factnre loin-cloths themselTes, but this, if correct at all, can
only hare been on a very limited scale.
In October 1512 Antonio de Saldanha, who had then served
the fall term of three years as captain of Sofala, was
succeeded in that office by Simfto de Miranda de Azevedo,
with whom came as factor a very intelligent man named
Pedro Yaz Scares. When the captain was absent on his
periodical visits to Mozambique, the factor acted as com-
mandant of the fort, and in that capacity on the 30th of
June 1513 he wrote to the king a long and interesting
report upon the condition of things there, which, unlike most
of the documents of that period, has fortunately escaped
destruction. Before this report was written a slight change
had taken place in respect to commercial transactions with
Mohamedans. From those at Sofala gold was now bartered
in exchange for merchandise, though they could only obtain
it by going inland and dealing with the Bantu, thus to that
extent at least the earlier regulations had been relaxed.
Mohamedans were also employed by the Christians in various
capacities, though only to a limited extent, and under cir-
cumstances where no other persons could perform the same
service.
Scares reported that during the eight months of his residence
at Sofala he had only obtained in barter gold to the value of
from £2905 to £3128, the greater part of which was procured
from the Mohamedan residents. Kaffirs or native traders
from the interior he had seen so sddom that from them
he had not bartered £223 worth. The country was in a
state of perfect peace, and eveiy one was free to come
and go in security, for the captain had made agreements to
that effect with mimerous Bantu chiefs and was paying
them fixed subsidies eveiy six moons to keep the trading
routes open. There was gold in various parts of the country,
but no one possessed a sufficient quantity to make it worth
his while to bring it to Sofala for sale, therefore the Mohame-
dans went inland with merchandise and established fairs at
suitable places. These Mohamedans secretly prejudiced the
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Occupation of Sofala and Mozambique. 207
Christians in the eyes of the Bantu, whom they discouraged
from proceeding to the factory by telling them that goods
were dearer there than in the interior as offered for sale by
them. The gold that was procured was mostly in very
small pieces Uke Uttle beads* only a trifling proportion being
melted into nuggets.
The receipts of the factory were not more than suf&cient to
cover the cost of its maintenance and that of the caravels
employed on the coast below Mozambique, and on one occasion
the captain was even obliged to make use of the property of
deceased persons to meet current expenses. Scares was of
opinion that under these circumstances retrenchment was advis-
able, as a smaller and less expensive establishment would
serve the purpose now that the land was at peace and the
Portuguese perfectly secure. The Mohamedans at the islands
of Angosha and on the lower banks of the Zambesi, he
asserted, drew away the greater portion of the trade, on
which account they ought to be expelled, when matters would
improve.
The captain Sim&o de Miranda de Azevedo had endeavoured
to establkh a trading station on the Zambesi and explore the
river upward, and for that purpose had sent an embassy to a
Bantu chief residing on a large island between two mouths of
the stream to propose friendship and alliance with him. A
favourable reply was received, upon which a caravel was
despatched to the river with a quantity of merchandise and
a factor and secretary. Some respectable Mohamedans of
Sofala were engaged to go in her to be the means of com-
munication with the chief, to whom presents of some value
were forwarded. Upon her arrival the resident Mohamedans
induced the chief to ask that her captain with the factor and
secretary should visit him to ratify his agreement with the
Portuguese, and when they with a bombardier who acted as
interpreter went on shore for the purpose without suspicion
of danger, all were immediately murdered. The Sofala
Mohamedans, who were on land at the time, swam o£f to
the caravel, which was soon afterwards attfu^k^ by a number
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of zambucos containing men armed with bows and anows.
Her Grew defended themselves with their crossbows and bombs,
and were fortunate enough to be able to cut their cables and
escape.
Scares reported that a considerable quantity of ivory was
procurable, and that a very large profit was to be made on it.
Since his arrival he had bartered for articles of trifling value
about three tons, which had been sent to India to meet the
cost of merchandise that had been applied for.
Of the affairs of Sofala during tJie time that ChristovSo de
Tavora was captain, that is from 1515, when he succeeded
Francisco Marecos who acted for a few months after the death
of SimSo de Miranda de Azevedo, to 1518, when Sancho de Toar
assumed the command, nothing is known. The original reports
are no longer in existence, and the early historians are siLent
about the place, from- which, however, it may be assumed that
nothing of consequence occurred. Sancho de Toar, the same
officer who was sent by Pedro Alvares Cabral to gather infor-
mation about the locality and the gold trade, became captain
of Sofala in September 1518, and at the same time Francisco
de Brito took over the duties of factor. In circumstances
similar to those under which Pedro Vaz Scares reported to
King Manuel six years earlier, De Brito on the 8th of August
1519 addressed to the same monarch a long letter, which is
still preserved in the archives at Lisbon.
At that time trade and even communication with the in-
terior was cut ofiT, owing to internecine wars among Bantu
clans or tribes. A powerful chief named Inyamunda, who
resided at no great distance from Sofala, was engaged in
hostilities with the Monomotapa, the people of Manica^ and
others farther inland; and the trading routes were closed, as
travellers were liable to be robbed and murdered. At the
factory therefore the outlay was as usual, while there was
hardly any income, a condition of things which was very
dispiriting to the officials. A vessel from India bringing
merchandise for Sofala had arrived at Chiloane, an island about
thirty-five miles distant, and had discharged her cargo, con-
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OccupaHon of SofcUa and Mozambique. 209
aisting of calico of different qualities, beads, pieces of tin, and
small coins. The cost price of these articles is stated by the
factor, and also the price at which they were bartered in
Sofala when any trade was being done, from whidi it is seen
that the smallest profit on any thing was four hundred per
cent, and that on some things it rose to two thousand eight
hundred per cent. The pieces of tin and the coins that were
not required to pay salaries were evidently disposed of as
ornaments, for money was not in use by the Bantu, all
transactions with them being by barter. During the eleven
months that De Brito had been factor he had obtained gold
to the value of a little over £358 and eight tons and a
quarter of ivory, of which the cost is not given.
Sancho de Toar had resolved to establish a trading outpost
on the southern bank of the Zambesi about thirty-five miles
above its mouth, and for that purpose had caused a square
timber tower to be constructed, which could be taken to pieces
and conveyed in caravels to its destination, there to be put
together again. The completion of the plan had been delayed,
however, as one of the caravels had recently been wrecked at
Chiloane, and another, which had been built at Mozambique to
assist in guarding the coast, had been lost on the bar when
bringing a cargo of millet for the use of the fort. She had
not long previously taken a prize, but had lefb part of the
spoil at Mozambique, and the remainder was on board when
she was wrecked. This had happened only a few days before
the letter was written. Sancho de Toar had immediately
resolved to have another caravel built, as well as a smaller
vessel to be stationed at the Cuama mouth of the Zambesi to
prevent the entrance of zambucos with merchandise for the
Mohamedan traders. Francisco de Brito's chief desire was to
get away from a place where neither honour nor profit was to
be had, and he earnestly begged the king to transfer him to
some other post in India.
In neither of the reports from the factors of Sofala which
are still in existence is any mention made of ambergris or
pearls, though Duarte Barbosa, who wrote about the same time.
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2IO History of South Africa.
states that both were articles of trade among the Mohamedans.
Probably the Portuguese had not yet an opportunity to obtain
them in barter, as they could so easily be concealed and
removed from place to place. The pearls, obtained at the
Bazaruta islands, were said to be greatly damaged and dis-
coloured by the method used in extracting them, which was by
placing the oysters in embers until the flesh was dried away.
The pearl fishers were nearly all Mohamedans or slaves, as the
Bantu did not engage in the occupation unless compelled to
do so by extreme want.
With the report of Francisco de Brito, the substance of
which has been given, direct and indirect information alike
ceases concerning Sofala until some time after the death
of King Manuel the Fortunate, which took place on the 13th
of December 1521, and the accession of his son, JoSo III, to
the throne of Portugal. That matters there remained without
much change as successive captains and factors came and went
and the graves of the victims of malarial fever and dysentery
grew ever more numerous is, however, certain, for the next
clear view given by either historian, chronicler, or manu-
script records reveals a state of things differing little from
that described.
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Intercourse with the Bantu. 21 i
CHAPTER IX.
INTEBCK)URSB OP THE P0BTUGUE8E WITH THE BANTU.
Week the European fort and trading station at Sofala was
formed in 1505 the predominant people in the country between
the rivers Sabi and Zambesi were the Mokaranga as termed by
the Portuguese, or Makalanga as pronounced by themselves, a
word which means the people of the sun. This tribe occupied
territory extending from the shore of the Indian ocean to the
interior of the continent far to the west, but just how far it is
impossible to say. Along the southern bank of the Zambesi and
scattered here and there on the sea coast were clans who were
not Makalanga by blood, and who were independent of each
other. South of the Sabi river lived a tribe named the Batonga,
whose outposts extended beyond Cape Correntes.
There are people of this name in various parts of South Africa
still, but it does not follow that they are descended from the
Batonga of the sixteenth century. The country has often been
swept by war since that time, and of the ancient communities
many have been absolutely destroyed, while others have been
dispersed and reorganised quite differently. There is not a
single tribe in South Africa to-day that bears the same title, has
the same relative power, and occupies the same ground, as its
ancestors three hundred years ago. The people we call
Mashona are indeed descended from the Makalanga of early
Portuguese days, and they preserve their old name and part of
their old country, but the contrast between their condition and
that of the tribe in the period of its greatness is striking.
Discord, subjection, and merciless treatment from conquerors
have destroyed most of what was good in their forefathers.
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212 History of South Africa,
This tribe — the Makalanga — was the one with which the
Portuguese had most to do. Its paramount chief was called by
them the monomotapa, which word, their writers state, meant
emperor, but in reality it was only one of the hereditary titles
originally given by the ofScial praisers to the great chief, and
meant either master of the mountain or master of the mines.
The Portuguese were not very careful in the orthography of
Bantu names, and in those early days they had not discovered
the rules which govern the construction of the language, so that
probably monomotapa does not represent the exact sound as
spoken by the natives, though most likely it approximates
closely to it. About the first part of the word there is no
uncertainty. In one of the existing dialects mcmg means master
or chief, in another omvhona has the same meaning. The plural
of mong is heng^ and one of the Portuguese writers gives the
word as hefaomoixvpa^ evidently from having heard it used by
natives in a plural form. Another Portuguese writer, in relating
the exploits of the chief Munhamonge, says that word meant
master of the world, and his statement is perfectly correct.
Thus monomotapa (more likely mnamatapa) meant chief of
something, but what that something was is not so certain.
It seems on analysing it to be chief of the mountain, and
there are other reasons for believing that to be its correct
signification. The great place, or residence of the monomotapa,
was close to the mountain Fura, which he would never permit
a Portuguese to ascend, probably from some superstition con-
nected with it, though they believed it was because he did not
wish them to have a view over as much of his country as could
be seen from its top. The natives, when going to the great
place, most likely used the expression going to the mountain,
for the Portuguese soon began to employ the words a serra in
that sense, without specially defining what mountain was meant.
In our own time one of the titles given by the official praisers
to the Basuto chief Moshesh was chief of the mountain, owing
to his possession of Thaba Bosigo, and the Kalanga chief
probably had his title of monomotapa from his possession
of Fura.
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Intercourse with the Bantu. 213
But there is another possible ezplanation of the word, which
would give it a much more romantic origin. It may have
meant chief of the mines, for the termination, slightly altered
in form, in one of the Bantu dialects signifies a large hole in
the ground. In this case the title may have come down from
a very remote period, and may have originated with the ancient
gold-workers who mixed their blood with the ancestors of the
Ealanga people. This is just possible, but it is so unlikely that
it is almost safe to translate the word monomotapa^ manamotapa^
manomotapay — as different Portuguese writers spelt it, — chief of
the mountain. In any case it signified the paramount or great
chief of the Kalanga tribe, and was applied to all who in
succession held that ofiSce.
Some interest is attached to this word Monomotapa, inas-
much as it was placed on maps of the day as if it was the
name of a territory, not the title of a ruler, and soon it was
applied to the entire region from the Zambesi to the mouth of
the Fish river. Geographers, who knew nothing of the country,
wrote the word upon their charts, and one copied another until
the belief became general that a people far advanced in civilisa-
tion, and governed by a mighty emperor, occupied the whole of
South-Eastern Africa.
Then towns were marked on the chart, and rivers were traced
upon it, and men of the highest standing in science lent their
names to the fraud, believing it to be true, until a standard map
of the middle of the seventeenth century was as misleading as
it was possible to make it. Beaders of Portuguese histories
must have known this, but no one rectified the error, because
no one could substitute what was really correct. And even in
recent years educated men have asked what has become of the
mysterious empire of Monomotapa, a question that can be so
easily answered by reading the books of De Barros, De Couto,
and Dos Santos, and analysing the Sekalanga words which they
repeat. Such an empire never existed. The foundation upon
which imagination constructed it was nothing more than a
Bantu tribe. The error arose mainly from the use of the words
emperor, king, and prince to represent African chiefs, a mistake,
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214 History of South Africa,
however, which was not confined to the Portuguese, for it per-
vades a good deal of English literature of the nineteenth
century, where it has done infinitely more to mislead readers
than those expressions ever did in times gone by.
The Ealanga tribe was larger and occupied a much greater
extent of territory than any now existing in South Africa. It
was held together by the same means as the others, that is princi-
pally by the religious awe with which the paramount chief was
regarded, as representing in his person the mighty spirits that
were feared and worshipped. There was always the danger of
a disputed succession, however, when it might not be certain
which of two or more individuals was nearest to the line of
descent and therefore the one to whom fealty was due. How
long the tribe had existed before the Portuguese became
acquainted with it, and whether it had attained its greatness
by growth or by conquest, cannot be ascertained, but very
shortly afterwards it was broken into several independent
communities.
The tribe belonged to that section of the Bantu family which
in general occupies the interior of the country. It was divided
into a great number of clans, each under its own chief, and
though all of these acknowledged the monomotapa as their
superior in rank, the distant clans, even with the religious
bond of union in full force, were very loosely connected with the
central government. Thus those near the coast were found by
the Portuguese making war on their own account, and acting
otherwise in a manner that among Europeans would be regarded
as indicating perfect independence. There was one peculiar
custom, however, that prevented them from forgetting their
dependence upon the paramount chief, a custom that most likely
had a foreign origin. Every year at a certain stage of the crops
a command was sent throughout the country that when the next
new moon appeared all the fires were to be put out, and they
could only be lit again from the spreading of one kindled by
the monomotapa himself.
The Makalanga had developed their religious system and
their industries more highly than any of the other tribes of
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Intercourse with the Bantu. 215
Sonthem or Eastern Africa. Of all the Bantu they had the
largest proportion of Asiatic blood in their veins, which 'Will
account for their mental and mechanical superiority. Almost
at first sight the Europeans observed that they were in every
respect more intelligent than the blacker tribes along the
Mozambique coast. But they were neither so robust nor so
courageous as many of their neighbours. Like their near
kindred the Basnto and Bapedi of to-day, they were capable of
making a vigorous defence in mountain strongholds, but were
disinclined to carry on aggressive warfare, and could not stand
against an equal number of men of a coast tribe in the open
field. Their language was regarded by the Christians as being
pleasanter than Arabic to the ear. The residence of each
important chief was called his Zimbabwe, which the Portuguese
writers say meant the place where the court was held, though
the buildings were merely thatched huts with wattled walls
covered with clay. The word was equivalent to "the great
place " as now used, though the roots from which it was derived
are not absolutely certain.
When the Portuguese in 1505 first came in close contact with
the Makalanga, the tribe had been engaged in civil war for
twelve or thirteen years, and was in a very unsettled condition
A monomotapa, Mokomba by name, had made a favourite of the
chief Tshikanga, one of his distant relatives, who was hereditary
head of the powerful clan which occupied the district of Manika.
Some other chiefs became jealous of the privileges conferred
upon this man, and took advantage of his absence on one
occasion to instil in the monomotapa's mind that he was a
sorcerer and was compassing the death of his benefactor. There-
upon the monomotapa sent him some poison to drink, but
instead of obeying, he made an offer of a large number of cattle
for his life. The offer was declined, and then in despair he
collected his followers, made a quick march to the great place,
surprised Mokomba, and killed him.
Tshikanga then assumed the government of the tribe. He
endeavoured to exterminate the family of his predecessor, and
actually put twenty-one of Mokomba*s children to death.
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Only one young map escaped. After four years' exile, this
one, whose name is variously given as Eesarinuto or Kesarimyo,
returned and collected a force which defeated the usurping
monomotapa's army. Tshikanga then took the field himself,
adherents gathered on both sides, and a battle was fought
which continued for three days and a half. On the fourth
day Tshikanga was killed, when his army dispersed, and
Eesarimyo became monomotapa. But Tolwa, Tshikanga's son,
would not submit, and with his ancestral clan kept possession
of the Manika district, and carried on the war. To this
circumstance the Portuguese attributed the smaU quantity
of gold that was brought to Sofala for sale. In course of time
the war was reduced to a permanent feud, Tolwa's clan became
an independent tribe, and Manika was lost to the monomotapa
for ever.
For many years after their occupation of Sofala the Portu-
guese lived on fairly good terms with the Makalanga, and after
the failure to drive them from the fort in Isufs time no attempt
was made to expel them from the country. They paid subsidies
in the form of presents to the nearest chiefs of note, and so
secured their good will and freedom for trade. These presents
usually consisted of beads, bangles, pieces of coarse calico, and
other inexpensive articles, so that the value of the whole was
trifling. In return the chiefs sent a tusk or two of ivory, which
was often worth as much as what they received.
But even after the employment of the Mohamedans as agents
to collect gold and ivory, the amount of commerce carried on
was very far short of the earlier anticipations of the Europeans.
Their next effort to increase it was by stationing individuals at
outposts on the Zambesi, which at first were quite unprotected,
and existed entirely by the favour of the people in whose lands
they were situated. After various ineffectual attempts by other
officials, in 1531 Yicent'e Pegado, the ablest and most enterpris-
ing of all the early captains of Mozambique and Sofala, who had
then resided a year in the country, succeeded in establishing
a fiftir at the place afterwards known as Sena, where there was a
small Mohamedan village. The particulars of this event are
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Intercourse with the Bantu. 217
not now on record in manuscript that can be fonndy and the
historians of the time weie so deeply engrossed with the
stirring deeds of their countrymen in India that they altogether
neglected ! transactions of comparatiyely little importance in
South Africa, but no imagination is needed to understand how
it must have taken place. The Bantu would certainly not
object to the presence of unarmed traders, and the Mohamedans,
who at an earlier date would have acted either as open or secret
enemies, were then in a condition of dependence upon the
Portuguese. The contraband trade, as the Europeans termed it,
had been almost completely suppressed. There was but one
place where foreign merchandise could be obtained, and that was
the king's warehouse at Sofala. The factor there, acting under
instructions from his government, fixed the price of everything
and required an enormous profit on whatever he bought or sold,
but a portion of the retail bartering with the Bantu was again
in the hands of those who had once enjoyed a monopoly of it.
So the Mohamedans at Sena would not object to getting their
supplies at home, instead of going to Sofala for them, and
besides it was to their interest not to offend their employers.
Thus the fair or trading-post of Sena came into existence, and
the quantity of ivory and gold obtained was so much increased
that the captain Vicente Pegado was rewarded for his exertions
by being retained in office for the unusual term of eight years.
The exact date of the formation of a similar outstatiousat Tete
cannot be ascertained, but it was not long after the establish-
ment of the fair farther down the river. At both these places
for many years white men lived in the same precarious manner
as the first English traders in the Xosa country three centuries
later. Favoured by the chief one day, abused and robbed by
him the next, nothing but the prospect of considerable gain
could induce any others than missionaries to exist in such a
condition. Those at Sena and Tete were of the class that
accommodates itself readily to barbarian habits, and in morals
at least were little above the Bantu with whom they associated.
In 1544 the factory of Quilimane was founded on the northern
bank of the river of Qood Tokens, about fifteen miles from the
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sea. The object was partly to carry oq commerce with the
Bantu in the neighbourhood, but principally to command the
route to the interior by that stream, which was then more used
during several months of the year than the other outlets of the
Zambesi. The station is still in existence, but as it is beyond
the territorial limits dealt with in this narrative, it will not be
referred to again.
In the same year the captain of Sofala and Mozambique sent
two men named Louren^o Marques and Antonio Caldeira in a
pangayo on an exploring voyage to the southward. They
inspected the lower course of the Limpopo river, and ascertained
that copper in considerable quantities was to be obtained there
from the natives. They then examined the great bay which
before that time had been obscurely known as Da Lagoa. Three
large rivers flowing from diflTerent directions, — known now to
British geographers as the Maputa, the English, and the Manisa,
— discharge their waters into this bay, and it was believed that
the central one of these, or rather the central one of the streams
now called the Tembe, the TJmbelosi, and the Matola, which
have as their estuary the English river, had its source in a great
lake far in the interior, hence the Umbelosi and the English
were named Bio da Lagoa, and the bay Bahia da Lagoa.
On the banks of the Umbelosi the explorers saw a great
number of elephants, and purchased tusks of ivory from the
natives at the rate of a few beads for each. In the neighbour-
hood of the Maputa river, which they next visited, elephants
were also seen, and ivory was plentiful. The chief of the tribe
that occupied the country between this river and the sea, whose
hereditary title was Inyaka, was very friendly to his European
visitors. Though quite black, he was a fine looking old man,
with a white beard, and as Marques and Caldeira fancied his
features bore some resemblance to those of Garcia de S&, then
captain of Malacca, who was subsequently — 1548-9 — captain
general and governor of India, and one of whose daughters. Dona
Leonor, wife of Manuel de Sousa de Sepulveda, in 1552 perished
in a most pitiable manner on the shore of this very bay, they
gave him that ofScial's name. We shall meet him again.
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Intercourse with the Bantu. 219
particularly in the account of the wreck of the galleon Sao Joao,
and shall find that his friendship for white people was not a mere
passing whim.
The inspection of the country around the bay was followed by
a change of names. The Umbelosi — with its estuary the English
river — was thereafter termed by the Portuguese Rio de Louren^o
Marques, though geographers of other nations continued to call
it the river De Lagoa, until the restoration in recent years of its
Bantu name. The bay — previously Bahia da Lagoa — now took
the name among the Portuguese of Bahia de Louren90 Marques^
though to all other Europeans it remained known as Delagoa
Bay, and it is still so called.
In 1546 King Jo&o III issued instructions that Louren9o
Marques should be provided with a suitable vessel to complete
the exploration of the coast and to open up a trade with the
residents on the shores of the great inlet. This was done, and
thereafter a pangayo was usually sent every year or every second
year from Mozambique to obtain ivory. While they were
engs^eA, in bartering by means of boats manned by mixed breeds
or Mohamedans that went up the different rivers, the traders
resided on one of the islands Inyaka — so called by the
Portuguese from the title of the chief Garcia de Sa, — ^Elephant,
or Shefina, where some rough huts were built for tbeir accommo-
dation, and as soon as all the tusks that had been collected by
the natives were purchased, they returned to Mozambique. No
permanent factory or fort was built at this place until a much
later date. Louren90 Marques probably remained some years in
charge of the trade at the bay which bore his name, as in 1557,
in reward for his services there, he was appointed intendant
at Cochin.
At Inhambane, or Nyambana as termed by the natives, which
is about two hundred and thirty miles farther up the coast, a
similar trade was carried on from this time forward by means of
a pangayo sent every year or two from Mozambique. Temporary
huts were erected on the site of the present village, off which
the pangayo lay at anchor until the traders were ready to return.
Neither here nor at Delagoa Bay, any more than at Sena or Tete,
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220 History of South Africa.
did the Portuguese authorities attempt to exercise the slightest
control over the Bantu inhabitants. Their object at all these
places was simply and solely to carry on commerce^ and not by
any means to inyolve themselyes in difficulties. At times
'indeed the traders were subject to gross ill treatment from
barbarous chiefs, which they were obliged to endure patiently,
without any effort being made to retaliate or redress their
wrongs.
After trade at these places was opened, from thirty to thirty-
six tons of ivory were usually collected at Mozambique and sent
from that island to India eyery year until 1551, when only a
little more than fiye tons was obtained. The quantity subse-
quently rose again, but fluctuated greatly according to the
condition of the country as regarded peace or war.
The Portuguese, whether soldiers or traders, were in South
Africa so circumstanced that they degenerated rapidly. A Euro-
pean female was very rarely seen, and nearly every white man
consorted with native women. Fever, when it did not kill them
outright, deprived them of energy, and there was nothing to
stimulate them to exertion. Cut off from all society but that of
barbarians, often until towards the close of the sixteenth century
without the ministrations of the church, sunk in sloth, and
suffering from excessive heat and deadly malaria, no lives led
by Europeans anywhere could be more miserable than theirs.
The natives termed them Bazunga,—- singular Mozunga, — and
were generally well disposed towards them. Individual white
men often gained the confidence of chiefs, and exercised great
influence over them. Instances were not wanting of such
persons abandoning their former associates, and going to reside
permanently either on tracts of land presented to them, where
they became petty rulers, or at native kraals, where they held
authority of some kind under the chiefs. Thereafter they were
regarded as renegades, though their mode of living was little
worse than that of many of their countrymen at the fort and
trading stations.
This was the condition of affairs in South-Eastem Africa
during the reign of King Joik) III, a period far less glorious iu
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Intercourse with the Bantu. 221
the history of Portugal than that in which his father Manuel the
Fortunate sat upon the throne. To outward appearance the
country exhibited every mark of prosperity, and its commerce
and wealth were the wonder of Europe, but the zenith of its
greatness was passed before the sixteenth century had run half
its course. The king had many sons, but all died in childhood
except the youngest, Dom JoSU), who married the infanta Joana,
daughter of the emperor Charles V. He died in early manhood,
on the 2nd of January 1554, eighteen days before his widow
gave birth to a boy, who received the name Sebasti&o. On the
16th of June 1557 this child of little more than three years of
age became by his grandfather's death sovereign of Portugal,
and as his mother had retired to Spain^ his grandmother, Dona
Catharina, daughter of Philippe I of Castile and widow of the
deceased monarch, became regent of the kingdom.
Corruption had by this time become so general among the
Portuguese in India that even a virtuous viceroy such as Dom
Jo&o de Castro was powerless to check it. They retained indeed
the daring spirit of their fathers, so that military prowess was
conspicuous still, but beyond that avarice had become their
ruling passion. To collect wealth, whether honestly or dis-
honestly hardly mattered, had become the great object of their
lives, and as power was theirs, under such circumstances good
government was impossible. Even at this early period the
rapacity of the officials was preparing Portuguese India for the
fate that overtook it as soon as a rival European power dealt it a
puny blow. Eastern Africa was included in India, and if a
course of spoliation was not practised there, the reason was that
no weak peoples other. than the Mohamedans existed sufficiently
wealthy to be despoiled.
Before 1545 Mozambique had been without other protection
than the slight defensive works constructed when the island was
first occupied. In that year Dom JoSo de Castro put in there
on his way to Goa to assume the government of India, and was
struck with the weakness of a place of such importance. In his
opinion the position of the so-called fort was not only bad in a
military point of view, but was insanitary as well. He selected
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222 History of South Africa.
another site, gathered some materials, and during his short stay
constructed a small outwork for temporary use. Upon his
report of the condition of the island reaching Lisbon, the king
gave order for larger and better defensive works to be built, but
the death of the eminent viceroy followed soon afterwards, and
the matter was then allowed to fall out of sight.
The power that Portugal had to contend with now in the
eastern seas was the Grand Turk, in the zenith of his pride, and
aided always openly or secretly by one or other Mohamedan
state. To put a fleet upon the waters of the Indian ocean, every
part of the material, wood, iron, cordage, and canvas, had to be
conveyed up the Nile to Cairo, and thence on the backs of
camels to the shipyards of Suez, a seemingly impossible task.
Yet that it could be done had been proved by the sultan
Soleiman II in 1527, and still more conspicuously in 1538. On
the 22nd of June of this year the faithless and ferocious pasha
Soleiman, who had governed Egypt for the sultan at Constanti-
nople, sailed from Suez with a great fleet built of materials so
transported from European Turkey, having with him a powerful
force of janizaries. His siege of the fort of Diu — 4th September
to 5th November 1538— and its heroic defence by Antonio da
Silveira with only six hundred men, most of whom lost their
lives before Soleiman withdrew discomfited to commit suicide
rather than be put to death by his master for having failed in
the enterprise, must be regarded as among the most memorable
events in the history of India. This Antonio da Silveira who,
with only forty men left capable of bearing arms, with his
ammunition exhausted and his provisions consumed, saw from
his battered and half destroyed fort the remnant of the Turkish
fleet sail away, had been captain of Sofala and Mozambique from
1524 to 1527, but had there no opportunity of distinguishing
himself in any way.
From the time of the pasha Soleiman*s defeat onward Turkish
subjects in smaller force were encountered, sometimes in one
place, sometimes in another, allied with Indian princes ; and it
was apprehended that an attempt to secure the eastern com-
merce might again be made by them with a very powerful
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Intercourse with the Bantu. 523
armament. To be prepared for such an occurrence, in 1558
among other measures the regent Dona Catharina resolved to
construct a fortress of the first class at Mozambique, and to make
the island the residence of the highest official in authority on
the African coast. Previously there had been no permanent
garrison, and the captain had resided during the greater part of
the year at Sofala, which was regarded as the more important
place of the two. Henceforth each was to have a captain, but
the one at Sofala was to be subordinate to the one at Mozam-
bique.
To plan the new fortress, an engineer architect was sent out
who was a nephew of the archbishop of Braga, and had learned
his profession in Flanders. He selected as the best site the
eastern extremity of the island, off which ships passed to and
from the anchorage, and there on the margin of the sea he
laid the foundations of the massive walls that afterwards arose.
The fortress was quadrilateral in form, with a bastion at each
angle, and was so large that from eighty to a hundred guns
could be mounted on its ramparts. The whole structure was
termed Fort S&o SebastiSo, but the outwork at each angle had
its own name, the one first passed when coming in from sea
being called Nossa Senhora, the one nearest the anchorage Sao
Jo&o, the landward one on the inner side of the island S&o
Gabriel, and the landward one on the outer side Santo Antonio.
The walls were of great height, which subsequent experience
proved to be disadvantageous. A work of such magnitude,
though the heaviest labour was performed by slaves, required
many skilled artisans, and could only be slowly carried on.
The political condition of Portugal also retarded progress, so
that the sixteenth century was nearly ended before the walls
and the numerous buildings they enclosed were fully finished.
The want of fresh water was at first regarded as its principal
defect, but this was remedied in course of time by the construc-
tion of enormous cisterns, which contained an ample supply to
last from one rainy season to another.
After laying out the fortress at Mozambique and preparing
plans for carrying on the work, the architect proceeded to
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224 History of South Africa.
Daman to perform a similar duty there. After that was done he
returned to Europe and entered a religious order, when he was
favoured by Philippe II of Spain, and from his designs parts of
the Escurial were constructed. Thus in Fort Sfto Sebastito
there exists a specimen of the highest skill of the sixteenth
century.
The conversion of the heathen to Christianity was from the
very beginning of the Portuguese explorations and settlements
in Africa and India kept constantly in view by the king and by
the authorities of the Boman catholic church, but the far East
offered the most promising field to the Franciscans, Dominicans,
and other long established religious orders, and there were no
men to spare for the enlightenment of the barbarous tribes
between the Zambesi and the bay of Louren^o Marques. The
whole territory east of the Cape of Good Hope to Japan had
formed a single see since March 1539, when Dom JoSo d'Albo^
querque assumed duty at 6oa as first bishop of India. But even
the Portuguese themselves were neglected in Africa, for the
garrison of Sofala was seldom provided with a chaplain, and
Sena and Tete were left altogether without one.
On the 27th of September 1540, however, a bull was issued by
Pope Paul III, approving of the order founded by Ignatius
Ijoyola, and the Company of Jesus, the greatest and most
zealous of all the missionary associations of the Boman catholic
church, came into existence. Within seven months, on the
7th of April 1541, the celebrated Francisco Xavier sailed from
Lisbon for India, and he was soon followed by others into
various parts of the heathen world. The first college of the
order was founded at Coimbra by Joao III of PortugiJ in 1542,
and speedily attracted within its walls many of the most religious
and most energetic of the youth of the kingdom. Into this
college in 1543 a young man of noble parentage, named Gon^o
da Silveira, a native of Almeirim on the Tagus, sought admis-
sion for the purpose of completing his education. Shortly after-
wards he entered the order, and in 1556 was sent to Goa.
There he became conspicuous for his zeal and general ability,
and it was mainly owing to his exertions that the magnificent
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Intercourse with the Bantu. 225
cburch of SSo Thom^ was built in the capital of Portuguese
India.
On one of the yoyages of the little vessel that went occa-
sionally from Mozambique to Inhambane to purchase iyory, a
son of a chief of some importance was induced to return in her.
It was the custom to treat such persons with much attention, in
order to secure their friendship, and the young chief was greatly
pleased with the favours that he received. In course of time he
professed his belief in Christianity, land was baptized with all
the pomp that was possible in the church of S9o Gabriel, the
captain of Sofala and Mozambique being one of his godfathers.
When the vessel made her next voyage he returned to Inham-
bane, and induced his father to send a request to the Portuguese
captain that he might be supplied with missionaries. This
request was forwarded to 60a, where it was referred to the
provincial of the Jesuits, with the result that the fathers Gon9alo
da Silveira and Andr6 Fernandes, with the lay brother Andre
da Costa, were directed to proceed to South-Eastern Africa, and
attempt to convert the natives there to Christianity. Dom
Gon9^o was the head of the party, and was entrusted by the
viceroy Dom Constantino de Bragan^a with friendly messages
and presents for the chief who had made the application and for
the paramount ruler of the Makaianga tribe.
On the 2nd of January 1560 the missionaries sailed from
Chaul, and after a pleasant passage reached Mozambique on the
4th of February, where they found a trading vessel nearly ready
to sail for Inhambane. She was only a zambuco, with so little
accommodation that, as one of them wrote, they could neither lie
down comfortably, stand erect, or exercise their legs in her, but
on the 12th of February they embarked, together with two
Portuguese — one of whom was to be their guide — ^and a native
who was well acquainted with the coast. The zambuco wafs to
touch at Sofala on the way. At this place they arrived after a
passage of twenty-seven days, and here they secured the service
of a halfbreed bom at the fort, named JoSo Baposo, who spoke
Portuguese and Sekalanga with equal fljaency, and who was a
handy man in other respects, as he had travelled much in the
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226 History of South Africa.
country. After five days' stay at So&Ia, the zambuco sailed
again, and eight days later reached Inhambane, where fiye
Portuguese were found trading for ivory.
Bom 6on9alo and the lay brother were suffering seyerely from
feyer, and landed in such a debilitated condition that for a time
their lives were despaired of. Their countrymen, however, took
such care of them that shortly they began to mend, and as soon
as they were out of danger the father Andr6 Fernandes was sent
in advance to the kraal of the chief who had applied for mis-
sionaries, to announce their arrival and to request that carriers
might be provided to convey the others in hammocks. The
distance of the kraal from Inhambane is stated to have been
thirty leagues, but as the father Andr6 Fernandes and those with
him traversed it on foot in three days and a half, it can hardly
have been so far. The name of the place is given by the mis-
sionaries as Otongwe, and of the chief as Gamba. He was the
head of a clan of Makalanga that had been driven from its own
country in a war with its neighbours, and had taken refuge in
territory occupied by the Batonga, where it had acquired a right
of possession by force of arms. This condition of things at once
accounts for its desire to secure the friendship of the Portuguese.
Father Andr6 Fernandes and JoiU) Baposo, who was with him,
were provided with a hut to live in, and carriers were despatched
who brought up the others seventeen days later. Dom Gonpalo
and Andr6 da Costa arrived so weak that they could hardly
stand, but the father soon became stronger, and the lay brother
was sent back to the coast for a time to recuperate.
Shortly after their arrival the mission party — the first in
South Africa— witnessed a striking instance of the nature of the
heathenism they had come to destroy. A son of the chief had
just died, and the witchfinder had pointed out an individual as
guilty of having caused his death by treading in his footprints,
whereupon the man accused was tortured and killed. They
found, too, people in the last stages of sickness abandoned by
every one, even their nearest relatives, who feared that death —
the invisible destroyer — might seize them as well as the decrepit,
if they were close at hand when he came.
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Intercourse with the Bantu. 227
Having deliyered the complimentary message of the viceroy
and his present, the missionaries were very well treated. Huts
were given to them to live in, and they were supplied with
abundance of food. They commenced therefore without delay to
exhort the people to become Christians. There is a custom of
the Bantu, with which they were of course unacquainted, not to
dispute with honoured guests, but to profess agreement with
whatever is stated. This is regarded by those people as polite-
ness, and it is carried to such an absurd extent that it is often
difficult to obtain correct information from them. Thus if one
asks a man, is it far to such a place ? politeness requires him to
reply it is far, though it may be close by. The questioner, by
using the word far, is supposed to be under the impression that it
is at a distance, and it would be rudeness to correct him. They
express their thanks for whatever is told to them, whether the
intelligence is pleasing or not, and whether they believe it or not.
Then, too, no one of them ever denies the existence of a Supreme
Being, but admits it without hesitation as soon as he is told of it,
though he may not once have thought of the subject before.
The missionaries must have been deceived by these habits of
the people, for they were convinced that their words had taken
deep root, and within a very short time they baptized about four
hundred individuals at the kraal, including the chief and his
family. The chief received the name Constantino, his principsd
wife Isabel, and his sons and councillors the names of leading
Portuguese nobles. It is not easy to ansdyse the thoughts of
those uncultivated barbarians, but certainly what they under-
stood by this ceremony must have been something very different
from what the missionaries understood by it
After a sojourn of only seven weeks at Otongwe, Dom Gonjalo
da Silveira returned to Inhambane, leaving behind him the other
members of the mission and what he believed to be an infant
Christian community. The little vessel had taken in the cargo
obtained in barter, and the Portuguese traders, who were ready
to go on board, were waiting for him. The missionary embarked
with them, the sails were set, and he proceeded to Mozambique
to prepare for a visit to the Monomotapa.
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228 History of South Africa.
Having made his arrangements with the assistance of the
captain Pautaleao de Sa, on the 18th of September 1560 he left
the island again with the Ealanga country as his destination.
He was accompanied by six Portuguese, one of whom, Antonio
Dias by name, was a competent interpreter. The zambuco in
which he was a passenger tonclied at the mouth of the Eilimane^
and then proceeded to the Cuama, up which she made her way
to Sena. From ten to fifteen Portuguese and a few Indian
Christians were found at this place, living in the most dissolute
manner. There was no resident clergyman, so during the two
months that he remained here waiting for a reply to a message
that he sent to the Monomotapa, he pursued his calling and
induced some of his countrymen to amend their habits, besides
which he baptized about five hundred natives, mostly servants
and slaves of the Europeans. At Sena he was joined by a
Portuguese resident of Tete, named Gomes Coelho, who was
living on terms of friendship with the paramount Ealanga chief,
and who was conversant with his language.
At length a reply was received from the Monomotapa, inviting
the missionary to visit him, so he and his attendants set out over
land for Tete, sending their luggage and other goods up the
river in boats. At Tete a stay was made only sufBciently long
to engage more native carriers, and the party then proceeded
onward, forming quite a little caravan. Gomes Coelho
remained at the river to attend to any forwarding business
that was to be done, as he had ascertained that his presence
with Dom Gon^alo would not be needed. The road was long,
and food became so scarce that they were glad to get any kind
of edible wild plants, but on the 26th of December they reached
their destination in safety.
At the kraal of the great chief there was living at this time a
Portuguese adventurer named Antonio Caiado, one of a class of
men met with then as now, who, while retaining affection for the
country of their birth, can make themselves perfectly at home
among barbarians. Caiado had ingratiated himself with the
IVlonomotapa, and was a councillor of rank and principal military
authority in the tribe. He was deputed by the chief to wait
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Intercourse with the Bantu. 229
upon the strangers, to bid them welcome as messengers from
the viceroy of India, and to offer their leader a present of gold
dust, cattle, and female slaves, as a token of friendship. The
missionary declined the present, but in such a way as not to give
offence, and shortly afterwards the great chief admitted him to
an interview. He was received with all possible honour as an
ambassador from the viceroy, who, from accounts of previous
Portuguese visitors to the great place, was believed to be a
potentate of enormous wealth and power. The message of
friendship and the present which he brought gave great satisfac-
tion. Food and huts for himself and his retinue were offered
and accepted with thanks, but the African chief was surprised
when the missionary, so unlike all other white men he had met,
courteously declined to accept the gold and female companions
pressed upon him.
The same mistake was made here as at Gamba's kraal, the
missionary addressed the chief and his assembled people through
an interpreter, they professed to believe what he said, and
allowed themselves to be baptized. This took place within a
month from the date of his arrival. The Monomotapa was a
mere youth, and one of his half brothers, Tshepute by name,
was in revolt against him. The insurgent had taken the title of
Kiteve, and was in possession of a broad tract of territory along
the coast from Sofala to the Tendankulu river, in which he was
quite independent. Under these circumstances it was evidently
the interest of the Monomotapa and his adherents to do nothing
to offend any one who offered him friendship, especially one who
represented a powerful, though distant ruler. Looking at the
matter in this light, there is nothing strange in what occurred.
The Monomotapa received at his baptism the name SebastiSo,
and his mother at hers Maria. Some three hundred of his
councillors, attendants, and followers were baptized with him.
The chief evidently thought his visitors would not make a
long stay, and he was very willing to entertain them for a few
weeks and please them to the best of his ability, but shortly
after his baptism he began to get weary of their presence. He
had no intention whatever of abandoning any of the customs of
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230 History of South Africa.
his race, and was irritated when the missionary urged him to do
so. Some Mohamedan refugees from Mozambique, who were
staying with him, took advantage of his growing coldness to
persuade him that Silveira was a mighty sorcerer. They
reminded him of the loss of the presents which the officials of
Sofala had made to his predecessors, and that Dom Gk)n9aIo had
been in Tshepute's country, from which they inferred that he
had left people behind him there and had come in advance as a
spy to ascertain the condition of the land and bewitch the people
in it. In the end they so worked upon his credulity and his
fear that he resolved if the missionary would not leave to put
him to death, with which resolution Dom Gonpalo was made
acquainted. He, however, declined to remove, and took no other
precautions than to give some articles that he regarded as sacred
to Caiado, with an injunction to preserve them from injury. In
the belief that he was making converts he was willing to face
death, and presently he baptized fifty individuals who expressed
a desire to become Christians, probably for the sake of the beads
and pieces of calico that he distributed among them. This was
regarded by the Monomotapa as a defiance of his authority, and
in his wrath he issued orders to a party of men, who strangled
the missionary during the night of the 16th of March 1561 and
cast his dead body into the river Monsengense. The newly
baptized narrowly escaped the same fate.
A drought of some duration occurred not long afterwards, and
was followed by a great plague of locusts. Caiado and other
Portuguese now persuaded the chief that these evils were con-
sequences of the murder of Silveira, so he caused the principal
Mohamedans who had poisoned his mind towards the missionary
to be put to death.
Father Andre Fernandes and the lay brother Andr6 da Costa
had been left by Dom Gon^alo at Gamba's kraal Otongwe.
Whether the lay brother died or left the country is unknown :
in numerous letters written by Father Fernandes at a little later
date neither he nor Joao Baposo is mentioned, and the father
refers to himself as being quite alone. It was truly a wretched
condition for a European to be in, especially as it soon became
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Intercourse with the Bantu. 231
eyident that the supposed converts were altogether indisposed
to lay aside their old customs or to submit to ecclesiastical
discipline. They would not abandon polygamy, or the belief in
charms, or the practice of diyination, or punishment of persons
charged with dealing in witchcraft, and were greatly ofifended
with the preaching of the missionary against their habits. They
had a custom also — which still exists — that when a man died his
brothers should take his widows and raise up a family for him,
and this the missionary denounced to their great annoyance.
At length matters reached a climax. There was a drought in
the country, and the chief Gamba, who was also the rainmaker
of his clan, went through the ordinary ceremonies to obtain a
downpour. For doing this Father Femandes openly and fear-
lessly rebuked him before his people, with the result that
whatever influence he had before was now at an end. He had
nothing left to buy food with, and at times was nearly starved.
Neglected, often fever-stricken, regarded as a wizard to be
avoided, after a residence of over two years at Otongwe he
received instructions from his provincial to return to 60a, and
so he left a country in which under the circumstances then
existing he must have perished had he remained longer, without
a chance of doing any good. Making his way as best he could
to Inhambane, he proceeded to Mozambique in the trading
vessel, and there embarked in a ship which conveyed him in
an extremely debilitated condition to the convent of his order
in Goa.
Thus ended the first mission to the Bantu of South Africa. It
is possible that some traces of the doctrine of the teachers may
have remained, for instance a belief in the existence of the
devil ; but as far as the introduction of Christian morals is con-
cerned the mission had no result whatever. Without something
beyond natural agency it could not have been otherwise among
people such as the Makalanga at that time, whose race instinct
was exceedingly stnmg, and whose political and social system
was based upon ideas utterly antagonistic to those of Europeans.
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232 History of South Africa,
CHAPTER X.
DISASTROUS EXPEDITIONS UNDER BARRETO AND HOMEM.
Dona Catharina acted as regent of Portugal until 1562,
when she retired and the cardinal Doni Henrique, younger
brother of King JoSo III, took her place. While he was
head of the government nothing worthy of mention occurred
in South-Eastern Africa. It was his intention to station at
Mozambique an ecclesiastical administrator, with authority
almost equal to that of a bishop, and a bull was obtained
from the pope for the purpose. The archbishop of Goa gave
his consent to the separation from his diocese of the territory
from the Cape of Good Hope to Melinde. The licentiate
Manuel Coutinho, one of the royal chaplains, received the
appointment with a salary of about 80Z. a year from the
Ist of April 1563. But something occurred to prevent the
plan being carried into execution, and it was not revived
until half a century later.
In 1568 Dom SebastiSo, though only in his fifteenth year,
was declared to be of age, and was crowned king of Portugal,
then an absolute monarchy. His was a strange character :
gloomy, but adventurous to the last degree, deeply religious
according to the standard of his time, but wilful and vain,
brave as any warrior who ever held lance in hand, but rash
as the most imprudent of those crusaders whom in many
respects he greatly resembled. He had hardly assumed the
reins of government when he resolved to create a vast
dominion in Africa south of the Zambesi, a dominion which
in wealth and importance would rival that of Castile in the
countries subjected to that crown by the daring of Cortes and
Pizarro.
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Disastrous Military Expeditious. 233
Ever since the establishment of the trading station at
Sofala a quantity of gold had been obtained yearly in com-
merce, bat that quantity was so small as to be disappointing.
Compared with the wealth which flowed into Spain from
Mexico and Peru it was almost as nothing. Yet the belief
was general in Portugal that the mines of South Africa were
as rich as those of America, and that if possession of them
was taken, boundless wealth would be obtained.
Were not these the mines from which the queen of Sheba
got the gold which she presented to King Solomon? said
the Portuguese enthusiasts. Was not Masapa the ancient
Ophir? Why even then the Kalanga Kaffirs called the
mountain close to the residence of their great chief Fura,
and the Arabs called it Aufur, what was that but a corrup-
tion of Ophir? There, at Abasia, close to Masapa and to
the mountain Fura, was a mine so rich that there were
seldom years in which nuggets worth four thousand cruzados
(1904Z. 13«. 45.) * were not taken from it. Then there were
the mines of Manika and far distant Butua, worked only by
Bantu, who neither knew how to dig nor had the necessary
tools. Only by washing river sand and soil in pools after
heavy rains, these barbarians obtained all the gold that was
purchased at Sofala and the smaller stations : what would
not be got if civilised Europeans owned the territory? For
it was to be borne in mind that the Bantu were extremely
indolent, that when any one of them obtained sufficient gold
to supply his immediate wants, he troubled himself about
washing the soil no longer.
All this and more of the same nature was exciting the
minds of the people of Portugal, and was reflected in the
glowing pages of their writers. It was therefore a highly
popular enterprise that the boy king was about to embark
upon, one in which he could employ the best men and much
* The weight of the cruzado of King Sebastiao is given to nie liy the curator
of the coin department of the British Museum as 58*7 ^jrains Troy, and its
purity as practically the same as that of English gold. I have therefore
estimated it at 114' 28<;.
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234 History of South Africa.
of the wealth of the country without a murmur from any one.
Before the necessary preparations were made, however, the
pious sovereign submitted to a board termed the table of
conscience the question whether aggressive warfare against
the native ruler of the coveted territory would be lawful and
just. The reply must have been foreseen, but it would relieve
the monarch of personal moral responsibility in the eyes of
Christendom, probably even in his own, if his learned advisers
favoured his views.
The board of conscience consisted of seven individuals, who
took the circumstances of the case into consideration, and on
the 23rd of January 1569 pronounced their opinion. They
declared that as the Monomotapa and his predecessors had
been guilty of killing and robbing their own innocent subjects
as well as several Portuguese traders, that one of them had
ordered the father Dom Gon^alo da Silveira, a peaceful
missionary, to be murdered, that by them two Portuguese
ambassadors from the captain of Sofala had been robbed and
detained as prisoners, that they sheltered in their dominions
many Moors, the enemies of the Christian faith and instigators
of evil, and that apostolic bulls were in existence conceding
to the king all the commerce of the country from Cape Nun
to India upon condition of his causing the gospel to be
preached there, it would be right and proper to demand in
moderate terms that the African ruler should receive and
protect Christian missionaries, expel the Moors, cease tyran-
nical conduct towards his subjects, carry on commerce in a
friendly manner, and make sufficient compensation for all
damage done and expenses incurred; and upon his failing
to do so war might justly be made upon him. It would
certainly be difficult to find better reasons for hostilities than
those here given, if the true object had not been something
very different.
The next step was the division of India into three govern-
ments. Complaints were unceasing that in places distant from
Goa it was almost impossible to carry on business properly,
owing to the length of time required to obtain orders and
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Disastrous Military Expeditions. 235
instructions, and it was evident that war on an extensive
scale could not be conducted successfully in Eastern Africa
if the general in command should be in any way hampered.
The whole sphere of Portuguese influence in the East was
therefore separated into three sections: the first extending
from Cape Correntcs to Cape Guardafui, the second from
Cape Guardafui to Pegu, and the third from Pegu to China.
As head of the first and commander in chief of the expedition
about to be sent out the king's choice fell upon Francisco
Barreto, an oflBcer of experience in war, who had been governor
general of India from 1555 to 1558, and who was then in
chief command of the royal galleys. The appointment was a
popular one, for Barreto had the reputation of being not only
brave and skilful, but the most generous cavalier of his day.
He was instructed to enrol a thousand soldiers, and was
supplied with a hundred thousand cruzados (47,6162. 13s. 4(2.)
in ready money, with a promise of an equal sum in gold and
a reinforcement of five hundred men every year until the
conquest should be completed. All Lisbon was in a state of
excitement when this became known, and so great was the
enthusiasm with which the project was regarded that from
every side cadets of the best families pressed forward and
offered their services. The recruiting oflSces were so crowded
that only the very best men were selected, and those who
were rejected would have sufficed for another expedition.
Three ships were engaged to take the troops to Mozambique.
One of these— the Bainha — was a famous Indiaman, and the
largest in the king's service. In addition to the crew, six
hundred soldiers, of whom more than half were of gentle
blood and two hundred were court attendants, embarked with
Barreto in this ship. In each of the others two hundred
soldiers embarked. One was commanded by Vasco Fernandes
Homem, the other by Louren9o Carvalho. The viceroy at
Goa was instructed to forward supplies of provisions and
military stores to Mozambique, and to procure horses, asses,
and camels at Ormuz for the use of the expedition. A
hundred negroes were sent out to take care of the animals
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236 History of South Africa.
when they arrived. To accompany the expedition four
fathers of the Society of Jesus were selected, one of whom —
Francisco Monclaros by name — wrote an account of it which
is still in existence.
On the 16th of April 1569 the expedition, that was supposed
to have a brilliant career before it, sailed from Belem amidst
the roar of artillery and a great sound of trumpets. Almost
immediately the first trouble was encountered, in the form of
a gale which caused so much damage to the ship commanded
by Louren^o Carvalho that she was obliged to return to
Lisbon, where she was condemned. The other two took
seventy-seven days to reach the equator, and then separated,
Vasco Fernandes Homem proceeding to Mozambique, where he
arrived in August, and the captain general steering for the bay
of All Saints on the coast of Brazil to procure water and
refreshments. The Bmnhx dropped anchor in this bay on the
4th of August, and remained until the end of January 1570,
waiting for the favourable monsoon. During this time sixty
of the soldiers died, but as many others were obtained in their
stead.
At the bay of All Saints Francisco Barreto received
information of a destructive plague that had broken out in
liisbon, and that his wife, Dona Beatriz d'Ataide, had died
of it only two days after his departure. Having sailed again,
the Cape of Good Hope was passed in safety, but on the
banks of Agulhas a storm was encountered which drove the
ship so far back that she was thirty-six days in recovering
her position. In consequence of this, Mozambique was not
reached until the 16th of May 1570, where Vasco Fernandes
Homem was found with his men all ill and having lost many
by death, among them his own son Antonio Mascarenhas.
None of the requisite supplies or animals had yet arrived
from India. Pedro Barreto, a nephew of the commander in
chief, had been captain of Sofala and Mozambique, but upon
hearing of the new arrangement in a fit of jealousy had
thrown up his appointment and embarked in a ship returning
to Europe. This is the man whose shabby treatment of Luis
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Disastrous Military Expeditions. 237
de Camoes has blackened his name for ever in Portuguese
history. He died on the passage to Lisbon. His affairs in
Africa were wound up by his agent, from whom Yasco
Femandes Homem, who assumed the government, demanded
the proceeds of his property, amounting to about thirty-three
thousand pounds sterling. This money was transferred to
Francisco Barreto upon his arrival, who made use of it in
defraying some of the expenses of the expedition.
The town of Mozambique at this time contained about a
hundred Portuguese residents and two hundred Indians and
Kaffirs. The Mohamedan village on the island was in a
ruinous condition. The construction of Fort Sfto Sebastifto
was progressing, and some heavy artillery brought out in the
BaAnha was landed to be mounted on its walls.
Francisco Barreto appointed Louren90 Godinho captain of
Mozambique provisionally, and in October sent Yasco Femandes
Homem with three hundred soldiers to the ports along the
coast to the northward to obtain provisions and then take
possession of the Comoro islands. A few weeks later he
followed himself in pangayos with the remainder of his force
who were in health, and overtook Homem at Eilwa, which
was then a place of very little importance. From Eilwa he
proceeded to Mafia, and after a stay there of two or three
days, to Zanzibar. At this island some Kaffirs who were in
insurrection were reduced to order. After this Barreto visited
Mombasa, Melinde, Cambo, and Pate. At the place last
named the inhabitants were more hostile to the Portuguese
than at any other settlement on the coast, and on that
account it was intended to destroy the town; but it was
found almost deserted, and the few people left in it begged
for mercy and were spared on paying five thousand seven
hundred and fourteen pounds sterling, partly in gold and
partly in cloth and provisions. They avenged themselves
after the expedition sailed, however, by robbing and murdering
several Portuguese traders. As many of the soldiers had died
along the coast and others were very ill, Barreto here
abandoned his design against the Comoro islands, and from
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238 History of South Africa.
Pate returned to Mozambique with the tribute money and
provisions he had obtained.
Upon his arrival at the island he found a small vessel
under command of Manuel de Mesquita Perestrello, that had
been sent from Portugal to his assistance. The Baimha was
lying a wreck on the coast of the mainland, having been
driven from her anchors in a hurricane, but her cargo had
previously been taken on shore. Two ships which the viceroy
Dom Luis d'Ataide had sent from India with munitions of
war, stores of different kinds, horses, and other animals for
the use of the expedition, had just made their appearance.
With these, however, Barreto received information that a
powerful hostile force was besieging Ghaul, so he called a
council of his officers and put the question to them whether
it would not be more advantageous to the king's service to
defer the African conquest for a time, and proceed to the
relief of that place. The council was of opinion that they
should first force the enemy to raise the siege of Chaul, and
then return and take possession of the gold mines, so pre-
parations for that purpose were at once commenced.
Before Barreto could sail for Chaul, Dom Antonio de
Noronha, the newly appointed viceroy of India from Cape
Guardafui to Pegu, arrived at Mozambique with a fleet of
five ships having on board two hundred soldiers to reinforce
the African expedition. His appearance put a different aspect
upon affairs. He was very ill when he reached the island,
but after a few days he recovered sufficiently to be present at
a general council, which was attended by a large number of
officers of high rank and more than twenty fathers of the
Society of Jesus and the order of Saint Dominic, when it was
unanimously resolved that the African expedition should at
once be proceeded with. With one exception, the members
of the council were of opinion that Sofala should be made
the base of operations, the father Francisco Monclaros alone
holding that the route should be up the Zambesi to a certain
point, and then straight to the mountain where the paramount
chief of the Ealanga tribe resided, in order to punish that
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Disastrous Military Expeditions. 239
despot for the murder of the missionary Dom Gon^alo da
Silveira.
Barreto accepted the decision of the majority of the
council, and commenced to send his stores to Sofala in small
vessels, but after a time his mind misgave him. He had
been specially commanded by the king on all occasions of
importance to follow the advice of Father Monclaros, who
was in high favour at court. After another consultation with
him, the captain general suddenly recalled the pangayos from
Sofala, and in November 1571 left Mozambique for Sena with
twenty-two vessels of different sizes conveying bis army and
stores. Two years and seven months had passed away since
he sailed from Lisbon, many of the men who had embarked
there in high hope of glory and wealth were no more, and
most of those who remained alive were enfeebled by the long
sojourn on that unhealthy coast. It is creditable to them
that at last, when the time of action appeared to have arrived,
they were still found eager to press forward.
On the way down the coast the flotilla put into several
ports before reaching the Quilimane, where Barreto procured
a number of luzios or large boats; but finding that mouth
of the Zambesi not then navigable into the main stream, he
proceeded to the Luabo. At Quilimane only two or three
Portuguese were residing. The Bantu chief, whose name was
Mongalo, had a distinct remembrance of Yasco da Gama's
visit seventy-five years before.
Sixteen days were required to ascend the river from the
bar of the Luabo to Sena. Sometimes the sails were set, at
other times the vessels were towed by boats, and where the
current was very strong warping was resorted to. Barreto
resolved to make Sena his base of proceedings. Ten Portu-
guese traders were living there in wattled huts, but there
was no fort or substantial building of any kind. The troops
were landed, and were found to number over seven hundred
arquebusiers, exclusive of officers, slaves, and camp attendants
of every description. Their supply of provisions was ample.
They had horses to draw the artillery and mount a respectable
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240 History of South Africa.
company, a number of asses to carry skin water-bags, and
some camels for heavy transport. As far as war material was
concerned, the expedition was as well equipped as it could
be. But this first campaign of Europeans against Bantu in
Southern Africa was opened under exceptional difficulties, for
the locality was the sickly Zambesi valley, and the time was
the hottest of the year.
Agents were at once sent out to purchase oxen, and the
work of building a fort was commenced without delay. Stone
for the purpose was drawn to the site selected by cattle
trained to the yoke, the first ever so employed in South
Africa, which caused great astonishment to the Bantu specta-
tors. The beginning of trouble was occasioned by thirst. The
river, owing to heavy falls of rain along its upper course, was
so muddy and dirty that its water could not be used without
letting it settle, and the only vessels available for this purpose
were a few calabashes. Then sickness broke out, and men,
horses, and oxen began to die, owing, as the captain general
supposed, to the impurities which they drank. Father Mon-
claros, however, was of a diffSerent opinion. He believed that
the Mohamedans who resided at Sena were poisoning the
grass to cause the animals to perish, and were even practising
the same malevolence towards the men, when opportunities
occurred, by putting some deadly substance secretly in the
food. He urged Barreto to expel them, who declined to do
so, and to ascertain whether purer water could not be obtained,
caused a well to be dug. The excavation was made, and
stone was being brought to build a wall round it, when one
Manhoesa, a man of mixed Arab and Bantu blood, went to
Barreto privately and told him that there was a plot to put
poison in it.
The Mohamedan residents of the place were traders who
purchased goods from the Portuguese and paid for them in
gold and ivory. Some of them owned many slaves, whom
they employed as carriers in their bartering expeditions and
agents in pushing their traffic far into the interior. They
were governed by their own sheik, and were quite inde-
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Disastrous Military Expeditions. 241
pendent of other control. Most of them could speak the
Portaguese language sufficiently well to be understood, and
after the expedition arrived professed to entertain friendship
for the members of it, though at heart it was impossible for
the two races at that time to be really well disposed towards
each other. Apart from the wide gulf which religion caused,
the Christians had come to destroy the commerce with the
Bantu by which these mongrel Arabs lived, how could there
then be friendship between them?
fiarreto believed Manhoesa's statement, and caused the
well to be filled up. The horses were now dying off at an
alarming rate, — just as would happen to-day, for in that
locality they cannot long exist, — ^and upon the bodies being
opened, the appearance of the lungs convinced the Portuguese
that they had been poisoned. The grooms were arrested, and
as they protested that they were innocent, the captain general
commanded them to be put to the torture. Under this
ordeal some of them declared that they had been bribed by
a Moorish priest to kill the horses, and that he had supplied
them with poison for the purpose.
Upon this evidence Barreto ordered his soldiers to attack
the Mohamedans suddenly and put them to the sword. The
country around was thereupon scoured to a considerable
distance, and all the adult males were killed except seventeen,
who were brought to the camp as prisoners. Their property
of every kind was seized, most of which was divided among
the soldiers as booty, though gold to the value of over 6700?.
was reserved for the service of the king. The prisoners were
tried, and were sentenced to death. They were exhorted to
embrace Christianity, in order to save their souls, but all
rejected the proposal except one, who was baptized with the
name Louren90, and was accompanied to the scaffold by a
priest carrying a crucifix. This one was hanged, some were
impaled, some were blown from the mouths of mortars, and
the others were put to death in various ways with exquisite
torture. Of the whole adult male Mohamedan population
of Sena and its neighbourhood only Manboesa was left alive.
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242 History of South Africa.
Such dreadful barbarity inflicted upon people innocent of
the crime with which they were charged was regarded by
Father Monclaros as a simple act of justice, and he recorded
the horrible event without the slightest recognition of the
infamy attached to it.
Shortly after he reached 'Sena Barreto sent Miguel Bemardes,
an old resident in the country, to tlie Monomotapa; but he
was drowned on the way by the overturning of his canoe in
the river. Another was then despatched on the same errand.
A messenger went in advance to ascertain whether he would
be received in a manner becoming the representative of the
king of Portugal, because in that capacity he would not be at
liberty to lay aside his arms, to prostrate himself upon the
ground, and to kneel when addressing the chief, as was the
ordinary custom when natives or strangers presented them-
selves. Some Mohamedans were at the great place when the
messenger arrived, and they tried to induce the Monomotapa
not to see the envoy except in the usual manner. They
informed him that the Portuguese were powerful sorcerers,
who, if permitted to have their own way, might bewitch and
even kill him by their glances and their words. The chief
was alarmed by their statements and therefore hesitated for
some days, but in the end he promised that the envoy might
present himself in the Portuguese manner, and would be
received with friendship.
Barreto's i^ent then proceeded to the Monomotapa's kraal.
He had several attendants with him, and before him went ser-
vants carrying a chair and a carpet. The carpet was spread
on the ground in front of the place where the Monomotapa
was reclining with his councillors and great men half
surrounding him, the chair was placed upon it, and the
Portuguese official, richly dressed and armed, took his seat
in it, his attendants, also armed, standing on each side and
at his back. The European subordinate and the greatest of
all the South African chiefs were there in conference, and
the European, by virtue of his blood, assumed and was
conceded the higher position of the two.
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Disastrous Military Expeditions. 243
After some complimentary remarks from each, the envoy,
through his interpreter, introduced the subject of his mission,
which he said was to obtain the grant of a right of way to
the gold mines of Manika and Butua, and to form an
alliance against the chief Mongasi — (variously written by the
Portuguese Omigos, Mongas, and Monge), — the hereditary
enemy of the Makalanga. The real object of Barreto's expe-
dition, the seizure of the gold mines in the Ealanga country
itself, was kept concealed. The Monomotapa, as a matter of
course, was charmed with the proposal of assistance against
his enemy. The tribe of which Mongasi was the head
occupied the right bank of the Zambesi at and above the
Lupata gorge, and during several preceding years had com-
mitted great ravages upon its neighbours. Its territory was
small compared with that over which the Kalanga clans were
spread, but its men were brave and fond of war, and to the
Portuguese it was not certain which of the two was really
the more powerful, Mongasi or the Monomotapa himself. The
condition of things indeed was somewhat similar to that in
the same country three centuries later, except that Mongasi
and his fighting men were in power far below Lobengula and
the Matabele bands. The chief had given the Portuguese
cause for enmity by robbing and killing several traders, and
on one occasion sending a party to Tete who, finding no
white men there at the time, murdered about seventy of their
female slaves and children.
The Monomotapa was so pleased that he readily agreed to
everything that the envoy proposed. He oflFered to send a
great army to assist against Mongasi, and he said that a
way through his territory to the mines beyond would be open
to the Portuguese at all times. This was very satisfactory
from .Barreto's point of view, though he did not avail himself
of the offer of assistance, as he wished to avoid any com-
plications that might arise from it.
After a detention of seven months at Sena, the return
of the envoy enabled the captain general to proceed towards
his destination. The fort which he had nearly completed,
u
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244 History of South Africa.
lutmed S%o Marpal, gave the Portuguese at least one strong
position on the great river, though the country about it was
not subdued, and the Bantu were left in absolute inde-
pendence there. He had lost by fever at that unhealthy
place a great many of those who had accompanied him from
Portugal with such high hope, among them his own son
Ruy Nunes Barreto, and of the men who were left some were
barely able to walk. At the end of July 1572 he set out.
A flotilla of boats containing provisions and stores of all
kinds ascended the river, and along the bank marched the
army accompanied by twenty-five waggons drawn by oxen,
and the camels, asses, and a few horses that had recently
arrived from India. The troops, about six hundred and fifty
in number, including eighty Indians and mixed breeds,
were divided into five companies, commanded respectively by
Barreto himself, Antonio de Mello, Thome de Sousa, Jeronymo
d'Aguiar, and Jeronymo d'Andrada. Vasco Fernandes Homem,
who had the rank of colonel, filled an office corresponding to
that of quarter master general. Over two thousand slaves
and camp attendants were with the army.
A whole month was occupied in marching from Sena to the
confluence of the Mazoe and the Zambesi above the Lupata
gorge. Frequently a soldier became too ill to walk, and he
was then placed on a waggon until nightfall, when the
camp was pitched on the margin of the river and he was
transferred to one of the boats. The expedition was now to
ascend the Mazoe to Mongasi's great place, so near its mouth
Barreto formed a camp on a small island, and left there his
sick with the boats and all the superfluous baggage and
stores, for there was no possibility of proceeding with a
heavily encumbered column. An officer named Ruy de Mello,
who had been wounded by a buffalo, was placed in charge of
this camp. On the northern, or Bororo side of the Zambesi,
there was a tribe of considerable strength living under a
chief named Tshombe, who was an enemy of Mongasi and
therefore as soon as he ascertained the object of the expedi-
tion professed to be a friend of the Portuguese. He supplied
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Disastrous Military Expeditions. 245
two hundred men to assist in carrying the baggage and to
act as gnides.
With his force now reduced to five hundred and sixty
arquebusiers^ twenty-three horsemen^ and a few gunners with
five or six pieces of artillery, Barreto turned away almost
due south from the Zambesi. In this direction the column
marched ten days, the men and animals suffering greatly at
times from want of water. How the slaves and camp
attendants fared is not mentioned by either De Gouto or
Father MonclaroSy but the soldiers lived chiefly on scanty
rations of beef, which they grilled on embers or by holding
it on rods before a fire, though often they were so exhausted
with the heat and fatigue that they were unable to eat
anything at all. Their spirits revived, however, when on the
eleventh day they came in sight of Mongasi's army, which
was so large that the hillsides and valleys looked black with
men.
Barreto immediately arranged his soldiers in a strong
position resting on a hill, and awaited an attack, but none
was made that day. All night the troops were under arms,
getting what sleep they could without moving from their
places, but that was little, for the natives at no great distance
were shouting continuously and making a great noise with
their war-drums. At dawn the sergeant-major, Pedro de
Castro, was sent out with eighty picked men to try and
draw the enemy on. This manoeuvre succeeded. The natives
rushed forward in a dense mass, led by an old female witch-
finder with a calabash full of charms, which she threw into
the air in the belief that they would cause the Portuguese to
become blind and palsied. So implicitly did the warriors
of Mongasi rely upon these charms, that they carried riems
to bind the Europeans who should not be killed. Barreto
ordered one of his best shots to try to pick the old sorceress
off, and she fell dead under his fire. The natives, who
believed that she was immortal, were checked for an instant,
but presently brandishing their weapons with great shouts,
they came charging on.
u 2
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Then, with a cry of SSo Thiago from the Portuguese, a
storm of balls from cannons and arquebuses and unwieldy
firelocks was poured into the dense mass, which was shattered
and broken. Barreto now in his turn charged, when the
enemy took to flight, but in the pursuit several Portuguese
were wounded with arrows. Fearing that his men might get
scattered, the general caused the recall to be sounded almost
at once, so that within a few minutes from its commence-
ment the action was over.
The horsemen were then sent out to inspect the country in
front. They returned presently with intelligence that there
was a large kraal close by, belonging to Kapote, one of
Mongasi's sub-chiefs, so the general resolved to set it on fire
as soon as the men were a little rested and had broken their
fast. About ten o'clock the expedition reached the kraal,
which was nearly surrounded by patches of forest, and it was
burned, but immediately afterwards the natives were seen
approaching. There was just time to form a kind of breast-
work at the sides of the field guns with stakes and bushes
when Mongasi's army, arranged in the form of a crescent
with its horns extended to surround the position, was upon
the invading band. It was received as before with a heavy
fire, which was kept back until the leading rank iwas within
a few feet, and which struck down the files far towards the
rear. The smoke which rolled over the Europeans and hid
them from sight was regarded by the Bantu with superstitious
fear, it seemed to them as if their opponents were under
supernatural protection, and so they fled once more. They
were followed some distance, and a great many were killed,
among whom was the chief Kapote, but the Portuguese also
sufi*ered severely in the pursuit, for when Barreto's force
came together again it was found that more than sixty men
were wounded, some indeed only slightly but not a few
mortally, and two were dead. Of the enemy it was believed
that over six thousand had perished since dawn that morning,
though very probably this estimate was much in excess
of the actual number.
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Disastrous Military Expeditions. 247
The progress of the expedition was now delayed by the
necessity of establishing a hospital. Fortunately the site of
the captured kraal was a good one, and water was plentiful
close by. But at daylight on the sixth day after their
arrival the natives attacked them again. On this occasion
the Europeans were protected with palisades, which the Bantu
were unable to pass, though they continued their efforts to
force an entrance until an hour after noon. Their losses
under these circumstances must have been very heavy, and
they were so disheartened that they accepted their defeat as
decisive and sent a messenger to beg for peace.
Barreto's position at this time was one of great difficulty.
He was encumbered with sick and wounded men, the objective
point of his expedition was far away, his supply of ammu-
nition was small, and his slaughter cattle were reduced to a
very limited number. Yet he spoke to Mongasi's messenger
in a haughty tone, and replied that he would think over the
matter: the chief might send again after a couple of days,
and he woald then decide. A present of fifty head of cattle
and as many sheep, a little gold, and a couple of tusks of
ivory, was sent to him, and he gave in return some iron
hoes, but no terms of peace were arranged. The animals
were of the greatest service, so small was his stock of food.
In less than a week from this time a council of war was
held, when there was but one opinion, that the only hope of
safety was in retreating without delay. The expedition there-
fore turned back towards the Zambesi, and so great were the
sufferings of the men for want of food on the way that they
searched for roots and wild plants to keep them alive. At
length, at the end of September, the bank of the river was
reached, and a canoe was obtained, with which a letter was
sent to Buy de Mello, who was in command of the camp on
the island. That officer immediately despatched six boat
loads of millet and other provisions, and thus the exhausted
soldiers and camp attendants were saved. They had not
penetrated the country farther than forty-five miles in a
straight line from the river.
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248 History of South Africa.
There were more than two hundred men either wounded
or too ill to be of any service, and the losses by death had
been large, so Barreto resolved to return to Sena, where a
reinforcement of eighty soldiers who had recently arrived was
awaiting him. The sick were sent down the river in boats
after the remainder of the expedition had crossed to the
Bororo side with the animals and baggage, and the waggons,
now useless, had been burned. On the march provisions were
obtained from the natives, who were subjects of Tshombe, and
two kraals hostile to that chief were destroyed.
A few days after crossing the river Barreto received
information that his presence was urgently needed at
Mozambique. When he sailed from that island he left there
as captain a man eighty years of age, named Antonio Pereira
Brandao, aud assigned to Louren^o Godinho the ofSce of
factor. BrandSo was under the deepest obligation to him.
In the Maluccas he had committed crimes for which he was
tried and condemned to confiscation of all his property and
banishment to Africa for life. He threw himself upon the
compassion of Barreto, who obtained permission from the king
to take him with the expedition, and made him captain of
Mozambique purposely that he might acquire some property
to bestow upon his daughter. In return he acted with such
treachery towards his benefactor that he planned the detention
of supplies forwarded from Goa, in order to ruin him.
Upon learning this Barreto left Vasco Fernandes Homem
in command of the retreating force, and proceeded down the
river in a luzio. At Sena he found an embassy from the
Monomotapa, who brought a message expressing good will
and desiring friendship with the king of Portugal and com-
merce with the white people. The captain general mentioned
three conditions as requisite to a compact between them:
first that the Mohamedans should be expelled from the
country, secondly that Christian missionaries should be
received, and thirdly that a number of gold mines should
be ceded. He added that if these conditions were agreed to,
upon his return from Mozambique he would deal with other
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Disastrous Military Expeditions. 249
obstacles in the way of friendly commerce as he had dealt
with Mongasi. The principal man in the embassy replied
that the conditions were acceptable, and it was then arranged
that some Portuguese should return with the party to learn
from the Monomotapa himself whether he would agree to
them.
For this purpose Barreto appointed three gentlemen named
Francisco de Magalhaes, Francisco Rafaxo, and Gaspar Borges,
whom he sent in company with the Ealanga embassy on its
return home with a valuable present of cloth and other articles
to the Monomotapa. It was afterwards learned that Francisco
de MagalhSes died on the journey, and that the two others
were very well received. The Monomotapa, as was natural
under the circumstances, was profuse in friendly sentiments.
He promised to expel the Mohamedans from his country, to
receive Christian missionaries with friendship, and to give
some gold mines to the Portuguese to work ; but probably he
had no intention of literally carrying out the first and the
last of these concessions. He sent back a present of gold,
though it was of trifling value compared with what he had
received.
As soon as the remnant of the army reached Sena the
captain general instructed Yasco Femandes Homem to com-
plete the construction of Fort SSo Marfal and the necessary
buildings connected with it, and then with Father Monclaros
and a few attendants he proceeded to the mouth of the Luabo
and embarked in a pangayo for Mozambique. Shortly after
his arrival at that island a ship arrived from India with
stores for the expedition, and in her came Joao da Silva, a
natural son of Barreto, who delivered to his father a number
of defamatory letters which Antonio Pereira BrandSo had
written concerning him to the king, and which Dom Jorge
de Menezes, his relative by marriage, had intercepted. With
this new proof of Brandao's treachery in his possession the
captain general dismissed him from olBSce, but was too
generous to punish him further. Louren90 Godinho was
appointed captain of Mozambique in his stead.
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250 History of South Africa,
With his son, all the recruits he could obtain, a good
supply of ammunition and other material of war, and a large
quantity of calico with which to purchase provisions and
meet other expenses, on the 3rd of March 1578 Francisco
Barreto sailed again from Mozambique with a fleet of pan-
gayos, intending to invade Manika from Sena. But misfortune
still pursued him. Contrary winds were encountered, which
compelled him to put into several ports, and two of the
pangayos, laden with ammunition and provisions, were lost.
At Quilimane intelligence was received of fearful mortality
among the troops at Sena. The captains Jeronymo d'Aguiar
and Antonio de Mello with all the inferior officers of the
several companies and most of the soldiers had died, and
Yasco Femandes Homem and the Jesuit fathers were very ill.
All hope of being able to invade Manika was thus lost, but
Barreto felt that it would be disgraceful to abandon his
people in such a time of distress, and so he pressed forward.
On the 1st of May he left the mouth of the river, and on
the 15th arrived at Sena.
At the landing place about fifty soldiers, all that were
able to stand, were waiting to receive him with banners dis-
played, but there was not an officer with them until Yasco
Fernandes Homem was brought down in a state of great
debility. The captain general and the priest passed on to the
hospital, where the sick tried to welcome them, but only one
man was able to discharge an arquebus. The sole remaining
physician was dying. It was a pitiful sight, this terrible end
of an expedition entered upon with such enthusiasm and such
unbounded hope of success.
Some of the sick improved in health owing to the medical
comforts Barreto had brought with him, but the whole of the
recruits just arrived were struck down almost at once. The
captain general, eight days after he reached Sena, had an
angry altercation with Father Monclaros, in which the priest
reproached him for not having abandoned the enterprise long
before and told him that God would bring him to account for
all the lives lost. Immediately after this the unfortunate
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Disastrous Military Expeditions, 251
commander took to his bed^ and after a brief period of
exhaustion died in great distress of mind, though apparently
free of fever. In India and in his native country he had
been regarded as a man of high ability, but South Africa
destroyed his reputation, like that of many others since. He
was buried in the newly erected church within the fort Sao
Mar9al, but his remains and those of his son Buy Nunes
Barreto were subsequently removed to Portugal, where by
order of the king a pompous state funeral was accorded to
them. His natural son, Joao da Silva, was taken by his
servants from Sena to Mozambique, prostrate with illness,
and died there. He had been wealthy, but his father had
borrowed all he possessed for the use of the army, as he had
done from many others, so that Francisco Barreto's executors
found that he not only left no property, but that he was
responsible for a hundred and twenty thousand cruzados
(57,140Z.) thus raised.
Upon opening the first of the sealed orders of succession
which had been given by the king to the late captain
general, the name of Pedro Barreto was found; but he had
long been dead. The second order of succession was then
opened, which contained the name of Yasco Fernandes
Homem, who thereupon assumed the title of governor and
captain general of the African coast from Cape Guardafui to
Cape Correntes. Acting upon the advice of Father Monclaros,
the new governor retired to Mozambique as speedily as pos-
sible, taking with him all the material of war and men except
sufficient for a small garrison that he left in Fort Sao Mar9al
at Sena.
Shortly after he reached the island, an officer named
Francisco Pinto Pimentel, who was his cousin, arrived there
from India on his way home. This officer expressed the
utmost astonishment at his having abandoned an enterprise
which the king had resolved should be carried out, and for
which reinforcements were even then being sent from Portugal.
In his opinion it was gross dereliction of duty, and he re-
minded his relative that a high official had not long before
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252 History of South Africa.
lost his head for an act which might be regarded as similar.
The adyice of Father Monclaros, he said, would not serve as
an excuse, because a priest could not be supposed to be a
guide in military matters. The father had already embarked
in a ship returning to Lisbon, so Pimentel's reasoning was
not counteracted by his influence.
The captain general therefore resolved to resume the
effort to get possession of the gold mines, and to make his
base of operaitions the port that had been recommended by
the council of officers and clergy in 1571. As many recruits
as could be obtained from ships that called were added to
the remnant of Barreto's force and the fresh soldiers just
arrived from Europe, a flotilla of coasting vessels was collected,
provisions were procured, and an army of some strength, well
provided with munitions of war, was conveyed to Sofala. The
date of its arrival cannot be given, as no Portuguese
chronicler or historian mentions it, and the original manuscript
of Father Monclaros terminates with the death of B^rancisco
Barreto. The Kiteve and Tshikanga tribes were found to be
at variance with each other, a circumstance that was favourable
to the captain general's views. As soon as his soldiers were
on shore, who mustered five hundred in number, exclusive of
attendants and camp followers, he seut presents to the Kiteve
chief, and requested a free passage to the Tshikanga territory,
but met with a refusal. The Bantu rulers always objected
to intercourse between white people and the tribes beyond
their own, because they feared to lose their toll on the
commerce which passed through their territories, and they
were also apprehensive of strangers forming an alliance with
their enemies.
Homem made no scruple in marching forward without the
chiefs permission, and when the Kiteves attempted to oppose
him with arms, a discharge of his artillery and arquebuses
immediately scattered them. They had not the mettle of the
gallant warriors of Mongasi. After several defeats the whole
tribe fled into a rugged tract of country, taking their cattle
with them, and leaving no grain that the invaders could find.
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Disastrous Military Expeditions. 253
Homem marched on to their zinibabwe, which consisted of
thatched huts, to which he set fire. Two days later he
reached Tshikanga's territory. There he met men bringing
a present from the chief, who was delighted at the overthrow
of his enemy, and who gave him a warm welcome.
The Portuguese force went on to the great place, where a
camp was formed, the utmost good feeling being shown on
both sides. After a short rest Homem and some of his
principal men visited the mines, but were greatly disap-
pointed. They had expected to find the precious metal in
such abundance that they could take away loads of it, instead
of which a number of naked blacks carrying baskets of earth
from a deep cavity were seen, with some others washing the
earth in wooden troughs and after long and patient toil
extracting a few grains of gold. They at once concluded that
it could be of no advantage for them to hold the country.
An agreement was therefore made with the Tshikanga chief
that he should do everything in his power to facilitate com-
merce with his people, and for that purpose should allow
Portuguese traders or their agents to enter his country at any
time, in return for which the captain of the fort of Sofala
was to make him a yearly present of two hundred rolls of
cotton cloth.
The expedition went no farther in the Manika country, the
point reached being the place now known as Masikesi, or
somewhere near it. As soon as his people were refreshed,
Homem set out again for the coast, without attempting to
penetrate to the territory of the IVIonomotapa. On the way
messengers from the Kiteve chief met him, and begged for
peace, so an agreement was made with them similar in terms
to the one concluded with the owner of Manika.
It was at this time believed that silver was plentiful
somewhere on the southern bank of the Zambesi above Tete,
— the exact locality was uncertain,--and as the native tribes
in that direction were too weak to offer much resistance, the
captain general resolved to go in search of it and endeavour
to retrieve the pecuniary losses he and his predecessor had
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254 History of South Africa.
sustained. Accordingly he proceeded by sea from Sofala to
the Zambesi, and having ascended that river to Sena he
disembarked and marched upward along it. At first the
natives were friendly and he had no diflficulty in adding to
his supply of provisions, but after a time he found that as he
advanced they abandoned their kraals and fled, so he built a
fort of wood and earth, in which he stationed a garrison of two
hundred men under Antonio Cardoso d' Almeida, and with
the remainder of the force he returned to Mozambique.
The natives now went back to their kraals, but kept away
from the fort. After a time provisions began to fail, so
D'Almeida sent out a raiding party that secured a quantity of
millet and a few cattle. Some of the natives after this asked
for peace, and terms were agreed upon, but when a band of
soldiers left the fort to explore the country, it was attacked,
and only a few men got back again. The place was then
surrounded, and the siege was maintained until the provisions
were exhausted, when the Portuguese tried to cut their way
out, but were all killed.
Thus ended the expeditions under Francisco Barreto and
Vasco Fernandes Homem, undertaken to get possession of the
mineral wealth of South-Eastern Africa. Nothing more disas-
trous had happened to the Portuguese since their first
appearance in Indian waters. The original army and all the
reinforcements sent from Lisbon had perished, excepting a
few score of worn out and fever stricken men who reached
Mozambique in the last stage of despondency. To compensate
for the large expenditure that had been incurred, there was
nothing more than the fort Sao Mar9al at Sena and the few
buildings within it. The extent of the disaster was realised
by the king, and after a short and uneventful term of ofiice
by Dom Fernando de Monroy, who succeeded Vasco Fernandes
Homem, an end was put to the captain generalship of Eastern
Africa, which thereupon reverted to its former position as a
dependency of the viceroyalty of India.
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Events to the Close of the Sixteenth Century. 255
CHAPTER XI.
EVENTS TO THE CLOSE OP THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
On the 4th of August 1578 the great tragedy took place of
the death of King SebastiSo in battle with the Moors of
Northern Africa, and the total destruction of the army which
he commanded in person, the entire force of Portugal. At
once the little kingdom lost the proud position she had
occupied among the nations of Europe, and thereafter was
regarded as of trifling importance. The country had been
drained of men, and was completely exhausted. It must be
remembered that she never was in as favourable a condition
for conducting enterprises requiring large numbers of sailors
and soldiers as the Netherlands wore at a later date. She
had no great reservoir of thews and muscles to draw from as
Holland had in the German states. Spain was behind her, as
the German states were behind the Netherlands, but Spain
found employment for all her sons in Mexico and Peru.
Portugal had to depend upon her own people. She was
colonising Brazil and Madeira too, and occupying forts and
factories on the western coast of Africa as well as on the
shores of the eastern seas. Of the hosts of men— the very
best of her blood — ^that went to India and Africa, few ever
returned. They perished of fevere or other diseases, or they
lost their lives in wars and shipwrecks, or they made homes
for themselves far from their native land.
To procure labourers to till the soil of her southern
provinces slaves were introduced from Africa. In 1441 Antao
Gon^lves and Nuno Tristao brought the first home with
them, and then the doom of the kingdom was sealed. No
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256 History of South Africa.
other Europeans have ever treated negroes so mildly as the
Portuguese, or been so ready to mix with them on equal
terms. But even in Estremadura, Alemtejo, and the Algarres
it was impossible for the European without losing self respect
to labour side by side with the African, and so all of the
most enterprising of the peasant class moved away. The
slaves, on embracing Christianity, had various privileges con-
ferred upon them, and their blood became mixed with that
of the least energetic of the peasantry, until a new and
degenerate stock, frivolous, inconstant, incapable of improve-
ment, was formed. In the northern provinces Entre Douro
e Minho and Tros os Montes a pure European race remained,
fit not only to conquer, but to hold dominion in distant
lands, though too small in proportion to the entire popula-
tion of the country to control its destinies. There to the
present day are to be met men capable of doing anything
that other Europeans can do, but to find the true descendants
of the Portuguese heroes of the sixteenth century, one must
not look among the lower classes of the southern and larger
part of the country now.
Further, corruption of the grossest kind was prevalent in
the administration everywhere. The great offices, including
the captaincies of the factories and forts in the distant
dependencies, were purchased from the favourites of the king,
though they were said to be granted on account of meri-
torious services. Beversions were secured in advance, often
several in succession, and there were even instances of
individuals acquiring the reversion of captaincies for unnamed
persons. Such offices were held for three years, and the
men who obtained them did their utmost to make fortunes
within that period. They were like the Monomotapa of the
Kalanga tribe, no one could approach them to ask a favour
or to conduct business without a bribe in his hand, every
commercial transaction paid them a toll. They had not
yet sunk in the deep sloth that characterised them at a later
date, but they lived in a style of luxury undreamed of in
earlier days.
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Events to the Close of the Sixteenth Century. 257
The ezaot manner in which Dom SebastiSo met his death
was never known. Many of the common people refused to
believe that he had been slain: he was hidden away, they
asserted, and in God's good time would return and restore the
kingdom to its former glory. Many generations passed away
before this strange conviction ceased to be held, and all the
time, in expectation of some great supernatural occurrence in
their favour, the nation allowed matters to take their course
without making a supreme e£fort to rectify them. The
cardinal Dom Henrique, an imbecile old man, ascended the
throne, but he died on the 31st of January 1580, and with
him the famous dynasty of Avis, that had ruled Portugal so
long and so gloriously, became extinct in the direct male
line.
The duchess of Bragan^a as the nearest heir in blood
might have succeeded, her title being unquestionably clear, but
the spirit of the nation was gone, and the duke, her husband,
did not choose to maintain her right against Philippe II of
Spain, who based his pretensions to the Portuguese throne
on his being descended on his mother's side from a younger
branch of the late royal family. Dom Antonio, prior of
Crato, an illegitimate son of the duke of Beja, second son of
Manuel the Fortunate, however, seized the vacant crown, but
in April 1581, as the whole people did not rally round him,
was easily expelled by a Spanish army commanded by the
duke of Alva. Philippe II then added Portugal to his
dominions, nominally as an independent kingdom with all its
governmental machinery intact as before, really as a subor-
dinate country, whose remaining resources, such as they were,
he drew upon for his wars in the Netherlands. To outward
appearance the little state might seem to occupy a more
impregnable position after such a close union with her power-
ful neighbour, but it was not so in reality. The enemies of
Spain now became her enemies also, her factories and fleets
were exposed to attack, and she received no assistance in
defending them. The period of her greatness had for ever
passed away.
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258 History of South Africa,
The establishment of missions among the Bantu bjr the
Dominicans was the most important occurrence in South-
Eastem Africa at this period. In 1577 Dom Luis d'Ataide,
when on his way to Goa to assume duty as viceroy, found
at Mozambique two friars of this order, named Jeronymo de
Couto and Pedro TJsus Maris, who had come from India and
were preparing to proceed to Madagascar to labour among
the natives of that island. The viceroy induced them to
remain where they were, and provided them with means to
build a convent, in which six or seven of the brethren after-
wards usually resided. This was the centre from which their
missions were gradually extended in Eastern Africa. South
of the Zambesi, Sofala, Sena, and Tete were occupied within
the next few years.
The missionaries found the Europeans and mixed breeds at
these places without the ministrations of chaplains, and sadly
ignorant in matters spiritual. In the church within the
fortress at Sena, for instance, the friars were shocked to see
a picture of the Boman matron Lucretia, which had been
suspended over a shrine in the belief that it was a portrait
of Saint Catherine, and they observed with much surprise
that no one made any distinction between fast and feast
days.
They turned their attention therefore first to the nominal
Christians, and succeeded in effecting some improvement in
the condition of that class of the inhabitants, most of whom,
however, continued to live in a way that ministers of religion
could not approve of. They next applied themselves to the
conversion of the Bantu, but did not meet with the success
which they hoped for, though they baptized a good many
individuals. It was hardly possible for them to make converts
except among those who lived about the forts as dependents
of the white people, and who were certainly not the best
specimens of their race. The condition of the tribes was then
such that anything like improvement was well nigh impossible.
Wars and raids were constant, for an individual to abandon
the faith and customs of his forefathers was regarded as
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Events to the Close of the Sixteenth Century, 259
treason to his chief, and sensaality had attractions too strong
to be set aside. Away from the forts the missionaries were
compelled to endure hardships and privations of every kind,
hunger, thirst, exposure to heat, fatigue, and fever; but the
initial part of their duty, as they understood it, was to su£fer
without complaint.
In 1585 Dom Jo&o Oayo Bibeiro, bishop of Malacca, wrote
to the cardinal archduke Albert of Austria, who then governed
Portugal for the king, requesting him to obtain a reinforce-
ment of missionaries for the islands of Solor and Timur,
where Christianity was believed to be making rapid progress.
He addressed a similar letter to the provincial of the
Dominicans, and this, when made public, created such enthu-
siasm that a considerable number of friars at once volunteered
for service in India. Among them was one named JoEo dos
Santos, to whom we are indebted for a minute and excellent
account of South-Eastern Africa and its people. Dos Santos
sailed from Lisbon with thirteen others of the same order on
the 13th of April 1586, and on the 13th of August of that
year reached Mozambique, where he received instructions
from his superior to proceed to Sofala to assist the friar JoSo
Madeira, who was stationed there. Accordingly he set out in
the first pangayo that sailed, and after touching at the islands
of Angosha and the rivers Quilimane, Old Cuama, and Luabo
on the way, reached his destination on the 5th of December.
Two others of the party, the friars Jeronymo Lopes and JoSo
Frausto, went to Sena and Tete, where they remained three
years and a half. When Dos Santos took up his abode at
Sofala Garcia de Mello was captain of the station, subject to
the control of the captain of Mozambique.
The fort built by Pedro d'Anaya had before this time been
reconstructed of stone, and nothing of the original walls
remained, but the tower erected by Manuel Fernandes was
still standing. The form of the first structure — that of a
square — was preserved, and a circular bastion had been added
at each of the comers. The buildings within the walls were
a church| warehouses to contain ^oods and stores, offices, and
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26o History of South Africa.
residences for all the o£Bcials and people engaged in trade.
There was also a large cistern in which rain was collected, as
the water obtained in wells was not considered good. With
the exception of a bombardier, a master gunner, and six
assistants, the fort was without other garrison than the
European residents of the place and their servants.
Close by was a village containing six hundred inhabitants
professing Christianity. These were mixed breeds and negro
slaves or others employed by the Portuguese, who in case of
necessity would have been called upon to assist in defending
the station. In this village there was a chapel, and while
Dos Santos resided there a second place of devotion was built
in it, as well as another some distance outside. The friar
himself went with a party of men to an island in the Pungwe
river to cut the timber needed in their construction and to
repair and strengthen the church within the fort. The dwell-
ing houses in the village were tiny structures of wattles and
mud covered with thatch, not much larger or better than the
huts of Bantu.
Farther away was a hamlet occupied by about a hundred
Mohamedans, very poor and humble, the descendants of those
who had acknowledged Isuf as their lord. There was still one
among them termed a sheik, but he was without any real
authority. So entirely dependent were these Mohamedans
upon the Portuguese, and so subject to control, that they
were obliged to pay tithes of their garden produce to the
Dominican fathers, just as the residents in the neighbouring
Christian village. A few individuals of their creed were
scattered about the country, but all were in the same abject
condition as those at Sofala.
The gardens cultivated by the inhabitants produced a
variety of vegetables, such as yams, sweet potatoes, cabbages,
melons, cucumbers, beans, and onions, in addition to millet,
rice, sugar canes, and sesame, the last of which was grown to
express the oil. Sugar was not made, but the juicy pith of
the cane was esteemed as an article of diet. Fruit too was
plentiful. The most common kinds were pomegranates.
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oranges, limes, pineapples, bananas— nsnally called Indian
figs, — and cocoa nnts. There were even groves of lime trees
that had been allowed to become wild, the frait of which any
one who chose could gather. The principal flesh consumed
by the Europeans was that of barnyard poultry, as in some
parts of South-Eastem Africa at the present day, although
homed cattle, goats, and pigs were plentiful. Venison of
various kinds was abundant, and fish of good quality was
always obtainable. Everything here enumerated could be
had at trifling cost in barter for beads and squares of calico,
which were used instead of coin, so that the cost of living in
a simple manner was very small ; but wines and imported pro-
visions were exceedingly dear. The matical of gold was the
common standard of value in commercial transactions between
Europeans.
Pour leagues above the fort there was in the river an island
named Maroup^, about eight leagues in length by a league
and a half in breadth. The greater part of this island had
been given by the Eiteve to a Portuguese named Bodrigo
Lobo, whom he regarded as his particular friend. But it was
in no way a dependency of the European establishment at
the mouth of the stream, for Lobo, though he still maintained
intercourse with his countrymen, ruled there as a vassal of
the Bantu overlord, just as a Kalanga sub-chief would have
done. He lived in a more luxurious style than any white
man at Sofala, had a harem of native women, and was attended
upon by numerous slaves. His descendants are to be found
in the country at the present day, and still call themselves
Portuguese, though they are not distinguishable from Bantu
in features or colour.
Sofala was never visited now by a ship direct from Portugal
or India, its imports coming from Mozambique and its exports
going to that island. The coasting trade was carried on with
pangayos and luzios manned by black men who claimed to be
Mohamedans, but really knew and cared very little about
religion, though they were excessively superstitious and paid
much attention to forms. The masteri a mate, and a super*
X 2
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262 History of South Africa.
cargo were commonly the only Europeans on board, and it
sometimes happened that even these were mixed breeds.
Every year the Eiteve sent to the fort at Sofala for the
cloth that was due to him under the agreement made by
Vasco Femandes Homem. It consisted of two hundred rolls,
not mere squares, for each piece was worth more than a
cruzado. It was necessary also, in order to maintain friend-
ship with the powerful chief, to make presents of beads and
calico of some value to his messengers, as they were selected
by him with that expectation. This made commerce within
his territory free, but any one passing through it to that of
his neighbour the Tshikanga, in order to trade there, was
obliged to pay him one piece of cloth out of every twenty.
There was almost constant war between the four independent
Kalanga chiefs, the Monomotapa, Tshikanga, Eiteve, and
Sedanda, which of course had a disturbing efifect upon
commerce.
Sena was at this time really a place of greater importance
than Sofala, though it did not rank so high as a govern-
mental station. The salaries paid to its officials amounted to
little more than £500 a year, while those paid at Sofala
exceeded £1100. This, however, gives nothing upon which to
form an opinion of the value of an office at either place, as
incomes were regarded as derivable from perquisites, not from
pay. A few years later it was ascertained that one individual,
whose salary during his term of office amounted to £850, had
realised a fortune of not less than £57,000, — an enormous
sum for that period. This was of course a very exceptional
case, but probably there were few who did not in some way
receive their nominal salaries many times over.
Sena was the emporium of the trade of the Zambesi basin.
Goods were brought here from Mozambique and stored in the
warehouse within the fort until they were sent up the river
to Tete in luzios, or up the Shire to the head waters of
navigation, thence to be conveyed by carriers in dififerent
directions, or to the territory of the Tshikanga to be bartered
for gold. The fort was not yet fully completed, but several
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pieces of artillery were mounted on its walls. It contained a
church, the factory with its storehouses, the residences of the
captain and other o£Bcials, and the public o£Sce6. No soldiers
were maintained here, the resident Portuguese and their
dependents being regarded as sufficiently strong to defend the
place if it should be attacked. The officials were appointed
by the captain of Mozambique. In the village just outside
the fort there were about fifty Portuguese residents and over
seyen hundred and fifty Indians, mixed breeds, and blacks.
At this time slaves were not exported from the Zambesi, but
captives were purchased from tribes that were at war, and were
kept for service at all the stations. The blacks residing at
Sena were of this class.
Every three years an embassy from the Monomotapa visited
Sena to receive calico and beads of the value of three
thousand cruzados, which each captain of Mozambique on
assuming office was obliged to pay for the privilege of
trading in the great chiefs territory during the term of his
government. The embassy was conducted with much state,
having at its head men of rank who acted in the capacities
so well known to those who have dealings with Bantu, as
eyes, ears, and mouth of the chie£ A Portuguese returned
with it, to deliver the calico and beads formally, so that
everything might be carried out in a manner satisfactory to
both parties. The Monomotapa had a very simple way of
enforcing this payment. If it was not made when due he
ordered an enipcUa, that is a seizure and confiscation of every-
thing belonging to Portuguese in his country, and stopped all
commerce. The goods so seized were never restored, though
trade was resumed when merchandise to the full value of
three thousand cruzados was forwarded to him. This system
prevented payment by promises or running up accounts,
which might otherwise have come into practice.
Up at the terminus of the river navigation by the
Portuguese, one hundred and eighty miles from Sena, on
the Botonga or southern bank of the stream, on ground five
hundred feet above the level of the sea, stood Tete, the base
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264 History of South Africa.
of the trade with the interior. It contained a fort bnilt of
stone, with seven or eight pieces of artillery on its walls,
which enclosed a chapel, dedicated to SSLo Thiago, warehouses,
offices, and other buildings. In the village adjoining it
resided about forty Portuguese and some five hundred and
fifty Indians, half breeds, and blacks professing Christianity,
of the same class as those at Sofala and Sena. There was
no garrison of soldiers, the fort being intended for the
resident Europeans and their dependents to retire into in case
of being attacked. The captain or head of the establishment
was appointed by the captain of Mozambique and was subject
to his authority.
Within a circuit of three or four leagues from Tete there
were eleven kraals of Bantu, that could muster among them
more than two thousand men capable of bearing arms. They
had been conquered by the Monomotapa some time before,
and by him presented to the captain of Tete, who acted as
their supreme ruler. So perfectly subject were they to him
that they brought all cases of importance to him to be tried,
and he appointed their headmen and could call out their
warriors for service whenever he chose. They were the only
Bantu south of the Zambesi, except the slaves and servants
of the Europeans at the different stations, who were under
Portuguese authority.
From Tete goods were conveyed on the backs of native
carriers who travelled in caravans to three stations in the
Ealanga territory, named Masapa, Luanze, and Bukoto, at
each of which a Portuguese who had charge of the local
barter resided with some assistants. The most important of
these stations, or places of fairs as they were called, was
Masapa, on the river Manzovo — now Mazoe, — about one
hundred and fifty miles by footpath from Tete, and near
the mountain Fura. The principal Portuguese resident at
Masapa, though selected for the post by the European
inhabitants of the country conjointly with the Kalanga ruler,
held the office of chief under the Monomotapa, by whom he
was vested with power, even of death, over the Bantu
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residents at the station. No white man or native trader
acting for one conld pass Masapa without permission from the
Portuguese chief or the Monomotapa himself, and the chief
acted as agent for the Monomotapa in receiving and forward-
ing to him one-twentieth of all the goods brought into that
part of the country to be bartered for gold and ivory. This
appointment he held for life. So far he was simply a Kaffir
chief, and his domestic establishment was that of one. But
he was also a Portuguese official. He held a commission
from the viceroy of India giving him considerable authority
over the Portuguese who went to Masapa for purposes of
trade, and he was the medium through whom all communica-
tions with the Monomotapa passed. He had the title of
CapitSo das Portas— Captain of the Gates, — on account of his
peculiar position.
Luanze was about one hundred and five miles almost due
south of Tete, between two rivulets which united below it and
then flowed into the Mazoe. The principal Portuguese resident
here was also a sub-chief of the Monomotapa, who placed the
Bantu living at the station under his authority. He held a
commission from the viceroy, making him head of the
Portuguese frequenting the place; but he was not such an
important personage as the Captain of the Gates.
Bukoto was about thirty miles from Masapa, thirty-nine
from Luanze, and one hundred and twenty from Tete. It
was situated just above the junction of two streamlets, and
was the least important of the three places of fairs, with
nothing particular to note about it. At none of them had the
Portuguese any authority whatever over the natives except
such as was derived from the Monomotapa, who permitted the
trading stations to be established in his country on account of
the benefit which he derived from them. By doing so he did
not consider that he had diminished his right of sovereignty,
and the exercise of authority by the captains over men of
their own race, by virtue of power derived from the viceroy of
India, was in full accordance with Bantu ideas of government
being tribal rather than territorial.
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266 History oj South Africa,
The Monomotapa of the time when Dos Santos resided at
Sofala, who bore also the title Mambo, was well disposed
towards the Portuguese. He gave the Dominicans leave to
establish missions in his country, and they had already put
up little structures for places of prayer at Masapa, Luanze,
and Bukoto. They had not as yet, howeyer, men to occupy
these places permanently, but the friar who resided at Tete
occasionally visited them. The white people never made a
request from Mambo without accompanying it with a present
— usually a piece of coloured calico — for himself and some-
thing of equal value for his principal wife, their special
pleader, whose name was Ma Zarira. This was the custom
of the country, for no native could obtain an audience unless
he presented an ox, a goat, or something else according to
his means.
In describing the country Dos Santos mentions several king-
doms bordering on the territory of the Monomotapa, but in
reality these were nothing more than tracts of land inhabited
by native tribes under independent chiefs. The kingdom of
Sedanda was one of those which he named. This was the
territory lying between Sofala and the Sabi river, occupied by
a tribe of the same blood as the Makalanga, under a chief who
bore the hereditary title of Sedanda. One of the Sedandas in
Dos Santos' time committed suicide, on account of his being
aflBicted with leprosy. Of the region west of the Monomotapa's
territory the Portuguese knew nothing except from vague
native reports, for no one of them or of the wandering
Mohamedans had ever visited it. It would be useless there-
fore to repeat the names of the so-called kingdoms given by
the Dominican friar. Of the longitudes of places he had of
course no knowledge. He believed Angola could not be very
far distant, and he states that a blanket brought overland
from that country by native traders was purchased by a
Portuguese at Manika and shown to him at Sofala as a
curiosity. It is just possible that the blanket was carried
across the continent, but it is much more likely that the
friar was deceived as to the place from which it came. At
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that time the head waters of the Zambesi were quite unknown,
though the Portuguese were fairly well acquainted with the
principal features of the great lake region, through accounts
obtained from Mohamedan traders as well as from natives.
Owing to this circumstance their maps of East Central Africa
were tolerably correct, while those of South Africa were utterly
misleading.
Dos Santos states that copper and iron were plentiful in the
country. The iron was regarded as of superior quality, so
much so that a quantity was once sent to India to make
guns of. Though the smelting furnaces were of the crudest
description, implements of this metal manufactured by them-
selves were used by the Makalanga in great abundance, just
as a few years ago among the Bapedi farther south, where
waggon loads could be collected at a single kraal. He
mentions also the manufacture by some of the natives of
machiras, or loin cloths, from cotton which grew wild along
the banks of the Zambesi.
As yet no attempt had been made to colonise any part of
Africa south of the Zambesi on one coast and Benguela on
the other. Commerce and the conversion of the heathen were
the sole objects of the Portuguese who visited the country,
and indeed they had no surplus population with which to
form settlements in it. They did not touch at any part of
the coast between Benguela and Delagoa Bay when they
could avoid doing so, because there was no trade of any
kind to be carried on there and because after the slaughter
of Dom Francisco d' Almeida and his people on the shore
of Table Bay the Hottentots were regarded as the most
ferocious of savages, with whom it was well to have as little
intercourse as possible. They would have been pleased had
they found a port somewhere on the southern shore that their
ships could have taken shelter in when returning from India
to Lisbon during the time of the westerly gales, but they
always tried to pass by in the summer season and to make
the run from Mozambique to the island of Saint Helena
without a break.
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268 History of South Africa.
Some years before the arrival of Dos Santos at Sofala a
dreadful wave of war and destruction rolled over the country
north of the lower Zambesi. A horde of sayages made their
appearance from a distant part of the continent, probably —
judging from the few words of their language thai; haye been
preserved — from some locality on or near the western coast,
and laid the whole territory along their course utterly waste.
Theirs was just such another march as that of the horde
under Ma Ntati, which passed over the country from the
upper Caledon to the border of the Kalahari desert in the
early years of the nineteenth century, leaving nothing behind
it, where a thickly populated land had been, but ashes and
skeletons of men and animals. And just as the horde under
Ma Ntati broke into fragments and perished, so did this
which appeared on the Zambesi opposite Tete in 1570.
Finding that stream a barrier which it could not cross
intact, one large section turned to the north-east, and finally
reached the shore of the Indian sea, along which it committed
the most frightful ravages. The island of Mozambique could
not be attacked, but its inhabitants suffered severely from the
famine caused by the devastation of the mainland. A body
of about forty Portuguese, under the captain Nuno Velho
Pereira, with as many slaves as could be collected, endeavoured
to protect the plantations at Cabaceira, but nearly the whole
of tJiem perished in the attempt, and their bodies were eaten
by the savages on the shore. Only Nuno Velho Pereira and
two or three other Europeans managed to escape. Thus the
greater number of the inhabitants of the island were cut off,
and those who remained were in the direst straits for want
of food until supplies reached them by sea. This happened
in the year 1585. What remained of ancient Eilwa was
wiped out of existence, Mombasa was nearly destroyed, and
the progress of the cannibal horde was only stopped at
Melinde, where Mattheus Mendes de Vasconcellos, head of
the factory, with thirty Portuguese, and three thousand Bantu
warriors aided the Mohamedan ruler in inflicting a defeat
upon them in which they were nearly exterminated.
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Shortly after the first appearance of the great horde on
the Bororo or northern bank of the Zambesi, a small party
managed to cross the riyer, and appeared in the neighbour-
hood of Tete, bat Jeronymo d'Andrade, captain of that
station, had no di£Sculty in driving them back, as the savages
were so amazed at the effects of the fire from a few arque-
buses, which they attributed to witchcraft, that they fled
without resistance.
Not long after this event another and much larger band,
consisting of ten or twelve thousand men under a chief
named Sonza, by some means got across the river, and
attacked a clan that was friendly to the Portuguese, killing
every living thing and destroying whatever they came across.
Jeronymo d'Andrade got together a force of about a hundred
Portuguese, and with some four thousand Batonga allies took
the field against Sonza. On his approach some of the
invaders constructed a rough lager or enclosure of bushes
and earth, within which they attempted to defend themselves,
but as they were still exposed to the fire of arquebuses they
were speedily driven out and dispersed. They and the others
of their party were then hunted until it was believed about
five thousand had been killed. The remainder of the band
escaped, and joined the horde that was laying waste the country
towards the coast of Mozambique.
In 1592 two sections of these savages remained on the
northern bank of the lower Zambesi. One was called by the
Portuguese the Mumbos, the other was the far-dreaded
Mazimba. Dos Santos says that both were cannibals, and
there is no reason to doubt his assertion, for traditions con-
cerning the Mazimba are still current all over Southern
Africa, in which they are represented as ogres or inhuman
monsters, and their name is used generally to imply eaters of
human flesh. But in all probability they had adopted that
custom from want of other food, and would have abandoned
it gradually if they had obtained domestic cattle and could
have cultivated gardens. The men were much stronger and
more robust than Makalanga. They carried immense shields
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270 History of South Africa,
made of ox hide, and were yariously armed with assagais,
battle-axes, and bows and arrows.
One of the chiefs of the Mumbos, named Kwizora, with
about six hundred warriors, attacked a clan friendly to the
Portuguese at Tshikarongo, north of the Zambesi, ten leagues
from Tete. The clan fled after sustaining severe losses, and
applied to Pedro Femandes de Chayes, captain of Tete, for
assistance. The captain thereupon summoned his eleven sub-
chiefs, who at once joined him with their men, and with these
and the resident Portuguese he crossed the river and marched
against Ewizura, who was found in a chum bo or lager of
stakes and earth which he had constructed. Together with
the followers of the dispossessed chief the attacking force
was so strong that it was able to surround the chumbo and
storm it, when Ewizura and every one of his warriors fell.
The courtyard of the hut in which the Mumbo chief had
lived was found paved with the skulls of those he had killed
and eaten. After resting a few days, the people of Tete
returned to their homes, taking with them as slaves Kwizura's
women and children. Such was the style of warfare on the
Zambesi at the close of the sixteenth century.
Dos Santos was at Tete just before this event. After a
residence of three years and a half at So&la, during which
time they baptized seventeen hundred individuals, most of
whom must have been Bantu, he and liis associate the friar
JoSo Madeira had been summoned to Mozambique by their
provincial to labour in another field, and had left Sofala in
July 1590 and travelled overland to the Zambesi in order
to obtain a passage in a pangayo. But on their arrival they
found no vessel would be leaving that year, so they arranged
that JoSrO Madeira should remain at Sena and Dos Santos
should proceed up the river to Tete to do duty for the priest
there, who was prostrate with illness. He arrived at Tete in
September 1590, and remained at that place until May 1591,
when he went down to the mouth of the Zambesi, and with
the father JoSo Madeira proceeded to Mozambique. He was
then sent to the island of Querimba, but in April 1594 was
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instracted to proceed to Sofala again on a special mission.
In consequence of this he went to Mozambique, and when
the favourable monsoon set in took passage in a pangayo
bound to Delagoa Bay, which was to touch at Sofala on the
passage. Five days after leaving Mozambique he reached his
destination. The pangayo proceeded to Delagoa Bay, where
her officers employed tliemselves in bartering ivory for nearly
a year. She was about to return to Mozambique when some
Bantu fell upon her captain Manuel Malheiro and another
officer, murdered them, and plundered the hut in which they
had lived and the vessel. One white man remained alive,
who succeeded in getting away with the empty pangayo and
her Mohamedan crew. To such perils were the Portuguese
exposed at the distant trading places on the coast.
On the 16th of April 1595 Dos Santos once more left
Sofala for Mozambique, from which place he went to India,
and then to Portugal, where his volume Ethiopia Oriental was
printed in the Dominican convent at Evora in 1609. But
his career in Africa was not yet ended, and we shall meet
him again on the 7ambesi in another chapter. His successor
at Tete was the friar Nicolau do Bosario, of the same order,
a man of great devotion, who had suffered much in the
wreck of the ship 8ao ThomS in 1589.
Before the destruction of Ewizura's band, while Dos Santos
was still on the river, a powerful chief of the Mazimba, named
Tondo, attacked some people who were on very friendly terms
with the Portuguese and who lived on the northern bank of
the Zambesi opposite Sena, dispossessed them of their land
and killed and ate many of them. In 1592 these fugitives
applied to Andre de Santiago, captain of Sena, for aid, and
he, desiring to emulate the action of Pedro Fernandes de
Chaves, collected as large a force as he could, Portuguese,
mixed breeds, slaves, and friendly Bantu, and with two cannon
taken from the walls of his fort crossed the river to attack
the Mazimba, who were entrenched in a chumbo of unusual
height and strength. Finding his force unequal to the
enterprise be bad undertaken, the captain of Sena formed a
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272 History of South Africa,
camp on the bank of a rivalet flowing into the Zambesi, and
sent to Tete for assistance.
Pedro Fernandes de Chayes responded by calling out his
Bantu retainers and nearly all the Portuguese and half-breeds
of Tete, with whom he crossed the Zambesi and marched down
its northern bank towards the locality of the war. The
Dominican friar Nicolau do Bosario accompanied the force
as chaplain. When within a few miles of their destination
the Portuguese and principal half-breeds, totally unsuspicious
of danger, entered a thicket through which the path passed.
They were half a league in advance of their Bantu auxiliaries,
and, as was their usual way of trayelling, were in palanquins
and hammocks borne by their slaves, with other attendants
carrying their arquebuses, when they were suddenly attacked
by a band of Mazimba. Every man of them was killed on
the spot except the friar, who was badly wounded and seized
as a prisoner. He was taken to the chumbo and bound to a
tree, where he was made a target for the arrows of his
captors till death came to his relief. The Bantu auxiliaries,
upon ascertaining what had happened, returned with all haste
to Tete.
On the following morning the Mazimba appeared in triumph
before Andr6 de Santiago's camp, with a man beating upon the
drum taken from the Portuguese. Their chief was dressed in
the murdered friar's robes, and the head of Pedro Fernandes
de Chaves was carried aloft on the point of an assagai. The
spoil taken in the thicket was exhibited in bravado, and
with it the limbs of those who had fallen, which were
destined to supply a feast for the cannibal band. The
captain of Sena and his men looked at the cruel Mazimba
with horror and dismay. That night they attempted to
retreat, but on the bank of the Zambesi the enemy fell
upon them, and after a stout resistance killed Andr6 de
Santiago and many of his followers. The two captains, the
priest of Tete, and a hundred and thirty white men and
mixed breeds had now perished. The Portuguese power and
influence on the Zambesi was almost annihilated.
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Events to the Close of the Sixteenth Century. 273
While these events were taking place Dom Pedro de Sousa
succeeded Louren^o de Brito as captain of Mozambique. At
a later date he became very unpopular as a goyemor, being
tyrannical in his conduct and permitting his son Dom
Francisco to conduct himself as a brawler without reproof.
For this he was punished by order of the king, but at the
time to which this narrative has reached he was new to his
office and therefore untried. He resolved to recover the
position that had been lost on the Zambesi^ and for this
purpose he enlisted as many Europeans as were obtainable,
and with them, seventy-five or eighty soldiers drawn from
the garrison of the fort, and a good supply of artillery and
other munitions of war, in 1593 he sailed for Sena. Here he
formed a camp, and enlisted white men, mixed breeds, and
Bantu, until he had a force under his command of about two
hundred arquebusiers and fifteen himdred blacks armed in
the native manner.
With these he crossed the river and attacked Tondo's
stronghold, into which he tried to open an entrance with his
cannon, but failed. Then he endeavoured to take the chumbo
by storm, but when his men were crowded together close to
it, the Mazimba shot their arrows, hurled their barbed
assagais, and threw boiling water and burning fat upon them,,
until they fell back discomfited. Next he began to form
huge wickerwork frames to be filled with earth, from the
tops of which arquebusiers could keep the wall of the chumbo
clear with their fire while men below were breaking it down,
but before they could be completed the people he had
engaged at Sena, who had now been two months in the
field, clamoured to be allowed to return home, fearing, as
they said, that their wives and children were in danger.
Dom Pedro was obliged to accede to their demand, and
commenced to retreat. While he was leaving his camp the
Mazimba attacked him, and after killing many of his men,
took his artillery and the greater part of his baggage. He
and the remnant of his army escaped to Sena with difficulty,
and from that place he returned to Mozambique, leaving
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274 History of South Africa.
matters along the great riyer in a worse condition than
ever before.
Tondo, however, made an offer of peace to the people of
Sena, on condition that they should not interfere again in
matters that only concerned Bantu tribes. The Mazimba,
they were informed, had no desire to quarrel with white
people, and had acted in self-defence throughout the war.
The few traders at Sena were only too pleased to accept the
proposal and resume their ordinary manner of living, tiiough
they had thereafter to submit to many insults and exactions
from the victorious tribe. In 1597 some cannon and a
quantity of ammunition and other supplies needed in war were
sent from India by the viceroy, and the forts at Sena and
Tete were equipped so that the inhabitants could find safety
within them in case of attcM^k. Gradually also men came to
these stations to replace those who had been killed, so that
in the time of Nuno da Cunha, who followed Jeronymo de
Azevedo, Dom Pedro de Sousa's successor as captain of Mozam-
bique, the villages recovered their earlier appearance.
The methods of carrying on trade in the country varied at
different periods during the sixteenth century. At first it was
conducted by factors appointed by the king, who sent out
agents to sell goods supplied by the royal treasury, into
which the proceeds were paid. After a time, however, the
principal ofScials, whose salaries were very small, were allowed
a share of the commerce, which was strictly defined. Thus,
in 1559 the viceroy gave permission to PantaleSo de Sa,
captain of Sofala and Mozambique, to purchase and send to
India twenty-four tons* of ivory every year for sale on his
own account. In 1562 FemSo Martins Freire d'Andrade,
captain of Sofala and Mozambique, was granted by royal
authority a monopoly of the commerce of the coast in pitch
^ One hundred bars. The bar was a varying weight on the East African
coast. At Mozambique it was equal to 229*6 kilogrammes of our time ; on tlie
Zambesi to 293*8 kilogrammes; at Sofala, if of ivory 289*8 kilogrammes, if of
other merchandise 247*9 kilogrammes. Under these circumstances it is impos-
sible in many instances to reduce these weights to English tons with abeolutQ
accuracy.
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Events to the Close of the Sixteenth Century. 275
and coir, one-twentieth of the proceeds of the ivory barter
upon his contributing one-twentieth of the capital employed
in it, and was further to have a two-hundredth part of the
profits on all other trade within the territory south of the
Zambesi; and the factors and notaries were to have another
two-hundredth part divided amongst them. The trade was
still to be conducted for the royal treasury, and the captain
was to send requisitions to Goa for the merchandise needed
to carry it on.
In 1585 Dom Jorge de Menezes, chief ensign of Portugal,
succeeded Nuno Velho Pereira as captain of Mozambique. On
his appointment the viceroy Dom Duarte de Menezes granted
him a monopoly of the trade of Inhambane and of the whole
coast south of Delagoa Bay, and subsequently farmed out
to him the entire commerce of the country south of the
Zambesi for fifty thousand cruzados a year. But in addition
to this he was to maintain the forts in good order and to pay
all the oiBScials and expenses of government of every kind,
according to a list which was drawn up. On the expiration
of his term of office he was to undergo a trial, and was to
prove that these conditions had been faithfully observed and
that all public buildings were in the same state as when he
took them over.
This system had the advantage of adding something to the
royal treasury, and of extending commerce more than ever
before. When the experiment was made Sofala was yielding
nothing except the profit on a small quantity of ivory,
insufficient to . meet the trifling cost of the maintenance of
the station : four years later elephants' tusks weighing twenty-
three tons were collected there yearly. Greater profit was
gained from ivory than from any other article of commerce
in Eastern Africa at this time. Taking one year with another,
a quantity weighing nearly one hundred thousand avoirdupois
pounds was sent annually to India by the captains while
they had a monopoly of the trade. Gold came next, but the
quantity obtained cannot be even approximately stated.
Ambergris followed, and then in order pearls, gum, and wax.
Y
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276 History of Sotith Africa.
The system made the whole of the Portuguese inhabitants
of the country dependents of the captain of Mozambique, but
their position was quite as bad before. The most that can
be said in fayour of it is that the law protected them in
person and property, and that after 1548 no sentence of
death could be carried into execution until it was confirmed
by the supreme court of India.
In 1591 the government at Lisbon ordered the trade to be
carried on again by the king's treasury, but two years later
another experiment was made. This was to allow the captain
of Mozambique a monopoly of the commerce in ivory,
ambergris, and coir, and one-fiftieth of all the gold col-
lected; and to throw open the trade in gold and other
articles to all Portuguese subjects. Customs duties at the
rate of six per cent upon goods imported and of twenty
per cent upon gold exported were to be paid. This plan
was in operation only two years when it was abandoned, and
the system of farming out the whole of the commerce of the
country south of the Zambesi to the captain of Mozambique
was again resorted to. In 1596 Nunc da Cunha was
appointed to that oflBce, when the viceroy entered into a
contract with him to pay forty thousand pardaos, or £9,600,*
a year for his monopoly, to which the king added that he
must also pay customs duties on merchandise imported.
North of the Zambesi the inhabitants of Mozambique were
allowed to trade, as the policy of the government was to
encourage them, in order to strengthen the means of defence
of the fort. The jurisdic^on of the captain at the close
of the sixteenth century extended to all the stations and
trading places from the island of Inyaka to Cape Delgado.
* Beckoning the pardao at three hundred and sixty reis, and the real as at
this time equal to 0*16<2. But it is very doubtful what the word pardao really
signified in the contract. In another document I have found it used as an
equivalent for cruzado, and in still another as equivalent to a xera6n of three
hundred reis. If the gold coin of the name was meant, the amount would
be about £14,000. It is not possible to give the exact equivalent, as unless
where expressly stated as of gpld, the pardao of the accounts, like the real,
was an imaginary coin, representing different values not only at different times
but at different places at the same time.
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Knowledge derived from Shipwrecks. 277
CHAPTER XII.
KNOWLEDGE DEBITED FROM 6HIPWBEGKS.
Of the Bantu tribes along the seaboard north of the Bashee
a good deal of knowledge was obtained during' the sixte^ith
century by the crews of wrecked ships, some of whom under-
went almost incredible suffering before their restoration to the
society of civilised men. By order of King Sebasti9o a flying
survey of the coast between the Gape of Good Hope and
Cape Gorrentes was also made during the years 1575 and 1576,
by which much information was supposed to have been
gained.
Occasionally vessels disappeared after leaving Portugal or
India, and were never heard of again. Some of these were
probably lost on the African shore, though of this there is no
certainty except in one instance, when part of a stranded ship
was found at the mouth of the river now known as the Saint
Lucia, but without a trace of any one that had sailed in her.
Particulars, however, have been preserved of the loss succes-
sively of the 8ao JoaOy the Sao Bento, the Scmtioffo, the 8ao
ThomSy and the 8arUo Alberto, from each of which some of
the crew escaped, and after much intercourse with the natives
succeeded in reaching Mozambique.
The 8do Joao was a great galleon laden with a very valuable
cargo, which left Gochin on the 3rd of February 1552 to
return to Portugal. She had about two hundred and twenty
Portuguese and nearly four hundred slaves on board, and, as
was usual at that time, an officer of high rank who was
going home was captain in command. The master of the
ship directed the working, and the pilot pointed out the
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278 History of South Africa.
course, but the captain gave iustructions in such matters as
what ports they were to put into and when they were to sail;
he also preserved discipline and exercised general control.
The captain of the Sao Joao — Manuel de Sousa Sepulveda by
name — was accompanied by his wife, Dona Leonor, a young
and amiable lady of noble blood, his two little sons, and a
large train of attendants and slaves, male and female.
On the 12th of May, when only seventy-five miles from
the Cape of Good Hope, the galleon encountered a violent
gale from the west-north-west, and soon a very heavy sea was
running, as is usually the case when the wind and the Agulhas
current oppose each other. Some sails had been lost in a
storm on the equator, and there were no others on board than
those in use, which were old and worn. On this account it
was not considered prudent to attempt to lie to, and so the
ship was put before the wind under her fore and main courses.
After some days the gale veered to another quarter, shifting
at last to the west-south-west, when the tremendous seas
caused the ship to labour so heavily that she lost her masts
and rudder. Those on board feared every moment that she
would go down. An attempt was made, however, to set up
jury masts, to fix a new rudder, and with some cloth that was
on board converted into a substitute for sails to endeavour to
reach Mozambique. But the new rudder, being too small,
proved useless, and the galleon like a helpless log was driven
towards the coast, from which there were no means of keeping
her. On the 8th of June she was close to the land a little
to the eastward of the mouth of the Umzimvubu, very near if
not exactly oflT the spot where the English ship Orosvenor
was lost two hundred and thirty years later. There, as the
weather had moderated, the bower anchors were dropped,
between which the galleon lay at a distance of two crossbow
shots from the shore, almost waterlogged.
The captain now resolved to land the people and as much
provisions and other necessaries as possible, to construct a
temporary fort^ and with materials taken from the ship to
build a small caravel that could be sent to Sofala for aid.
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Knowledge derived from Shipwrecks. 279
There was no hope of saving the cargo, but he thought of
getting out some calico with which to obtain food in barter
from the natives of the country, if that should be needed.
Only two boats were left, of which one was little larger than
a skiff. In these the captain, his family, and about seventy
others were conveyed to the shore. But on the third day the
wind freshened and caused a heavy swell, both the boats were
dashed to pieces on the rocks, and the seaward cable of the
galleon parting, she was driven on shore and within a few
hours broke into fragments. Over a hundred men and women
were lost in the surf, and many of those who reached the land
alive were badly bruised.
All hope of getting timber to build a caravel was now lost,
and only a small quantity of food was secured. As soon there-
fore as the bruised people were sufficiently recovered to travel,
fthe whole party set out to try to walk along the shore to the
river of Louren^o Marques. To that place a small vessel was
sent nearly every year from Mozambique to barter ivory, and
the only faint chance of preserving their lives that remained
to the shipwrecked people was to reach the river and find the
trading party, They had seen some Kaffirs on the hills close
by, and had heard those barbarians shouting to each other, but
had not been able to obtain any information or provisions from
them.
On the 7th of July they left the scene of the wreck. At the
end of a month they were only ninety miles from it, for they
had been obliged to make many detours in order to cross the
rivers. Their sufferings from thirst were at times greater than
from cold, hunger, and weariness combined. Of all the party
Dona Leonor was the most cheerful, bidding the others take
heart, and talking of the better days that were to come. They
eked out their little supply of food with wild plants, oysters,
and mussels^ and sometimes they found quite an abundance of
fish in pools among the rocks at low tide.
And now every day two or three fell behind exhausted, and
perished. To add to their troubles, bands of Kaffirs hovered
about them, and on several occasions they were attacked, though
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28o History of South Africa,
as they had a few firelocks and some ammunition, they were
easily able to drive their assailants back. At the end of three
months those who were in advance reached the territory of the
old Inyaka, whom Lonrenpo Marques and Antonio Caldeira had
named Garcia de Sa, and whose principal kraal was on the
right bank of the Umfusi river, which flows into Delagoa Bay.
This chief received them in a friendly manner, supplied them
with food and lodging, and sent his men to search for those
who were straggling on behind. In return, he asked for assist-
ance against a chief living about twenty miles to the southward,
with whom he was at war. De Sousa sent an officer and twenty
men to help him, with whose aid he won a victory and got
possession of all his opponent's cattle.
Garcia de Sa wished the white people to remain with him,
and he warned them against a tribe that lived in front, but as
soon as they were well rested and bad recovered their strength,
they resolved to push on. They crossed the Muputa in canoes
furnished by the friendly chief, and five days later reached the
Espirito Santo, where they learned from some natives, through
the interpretation of a female slave from Sofala who had picked
up a little of the dialect, that a vessel from Mozambique,
having men like themselves on board, had been there, but
was then a long time gone. Manuel de Sousa now became
partly demented, and his brave wife. Dona Leonor, who had
borne all the hardships of the journey so cheerfully, was
plunged by this new misfortune into the greatest distress.
With what object is not stated, but for some reason they
still pressed on northward. They were reduced to one hundred
and twenty souls, all told, when they crossed the Espirito Santo
or river of Louren^o Marques in canoes supplied by the natives
at the price of a few nails, and entered the territory of the
chief of whom Garcia de Sa had warned them. His kraal was
about three miles farther on. He professed to receive them
with favour, and for a few days supplied them with provisions,
but at length informed them that they must entrust him with
the care of their arms while they were in his country, as that
was one of his laws. Dona Leonor objected to this, but the
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Knowledge derived from Shipwrecks, 281
males of the party complied with the chiefs demand, in the
belief that by doing so they would secure his friendship. As
soon as they were in a defenceless condition he caused them
to be separated, under pretence of distributing them among
different kraals where they would be provided with food, but
kept the captain with his family and about twenty others at
his own residence.
Those who dispersed were immediately stripped of their cloth-
ing and driven away to perish. Then the captain was robbed
of a quantity of precious stones — worth several thousand pounds
— as well as some gold that he had with him, and he and his
family and attendants were ordered to leave the kraal. They
wandered about for two days, without meeting any of their
late associates in misery, when some natives fell upon them
and stripped them naked. Dona Leonor, who fought like a
tigress while the savages were tearing her garments from her,
sat down on the ground with her two little boys, her half
demented husband, and a few faithful female slaves beside her.
The white men of the party, who could do nothing to relieve
such anguish as hers, went on in search of wild plants with
which to prolong their lives. Shortly afterwards one of the
boys died of hunger, when the father scraped a hole in the
sand and buried the body. The next day he went to seek
some roots or berries for his starving wife, and on his return
found her and the other child dead and the slave women wail-
ing loudly. They buried the mother and child in the sand,
after which the sorely afflicted nobleman disappeared in a
thicket, and was never seen again.
Eight Portuguese, fourteen male slaves, and three of the
female slaves who were with Dona Leonor when she died,
managed to preserve their lives. Some of them wandered to a
distance of fifty miles from the scene of the last disaster. At
length a trading vessel put into the bay in search of ivory,
and her captain, hearing of the unfortunate people, rescued
them by offering for each one a trifling reward in beads.
They reached Mozambique on the 25th of May 1553. Diogo
de Mesquita, who was then captain of that island and the
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282 History of South Africa.
stations south of the Zambesi, sent a little vessel to search
along the coast, but no trace of any of the lost people could
be found.
The Sao Bento was one of a fleet pf five ships sent by King
Joilo the third to India in March 1553. Among those who
sailed in her on her outward passage was Luis de Camoes,
whose name still lives as that of the prince of Portuguese
poets. She was one of the largest vessels of her time, and
was commanded by PernSo Alvares Cabral, who was commo-
dore of the squadron. Having reached her destination in
safety, she took in a return cargo, and sailed from Cochin on
the 1st of February 1554. On the passage stormy weather
with a very heavy sea was encountered, in which the ship
sustained great damage, and when she reached the African
coast it waa feared every moment that she would go to the
bottom. On the 2l8t of April she struck upon a rocky ledge
on the western side of the mouth of the tlmtata,* and in a
few minutes broke into fragments.
Forty- four Portuguese and over a hundred slaves lost their
lives in trying to reach the shore, and two hundred and
twenty-four slaves and ninety-nine Portuguese, many of them
severely bruised, managed to get to land. Among the latter
was Manuel de Castro, one of the few survivors of the crew
of the 8ao Joao, who died, however, a few hours later from
injuries received during the breaking up of the ship. A
small quantity of provisions was washed ashore with the
debris of the cargo, but it was so much damaged with salt
water that it could not long remain fit for use.
* Termed the Infante in the account of the wreck given by one of the
officers who was saved, but there is ample evidence in this document and in
another by the same officer that the Umtata was the scene of the disaster.
On that wild and little frequented coast the mouth of any considerable stream
south of the Umzimvubu would be set down as the Infante by a Portuguese
who saw it. He would know there was a large river of that name somewhere
between the Umzimvubu and the islet of the Cross, and he would not know
there were many others. 1 he crew of the Sdo Bento passed over no stream
of any importance before they reached the Umzimvubu, the SSo ChristovSo
as they termed it.
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Knowledge derived from Shipwrecks, 283
After this was collected and a temporary shelter was made of
carpets and silks, a general consultation took place as to what
was best to be done. Some thought it advisable to try to
march overland to the Watering Place of Saldanha, but this
was overruled by the majority, because of the fierceness of the
natives in that direction, as had been proved by the slaughter
of the viceroy D' Almeida and so many of his companions, and
farther because vessels very seldom called there and conse-
quently, even if they should arrive with life, most probably
all would perish before relief appeared. Others were of opinion
that they should remain where they were and endeavour to
construct some kind of craft that could be sent to Sofala for
aid, but this too was overruled, as the supply of food would
soon be exhausted and they had no proper materials for build-
ing a boat. There was then but one other plan. Before they
left India Lourenjo Marques was preparing for a voyage to
the river which bore his name, in order to trade for ivory, and
their only hope of life was to make their way northward and
reach him before his departure, which would be some time in
June, or, if that should fail, to push on to Sofala.
Accordingly, on the 27th of April they set out, each one
heavily laden with food, pieces of calico, and nails or other
iron for barter. A ship's boy and a female slave, who were too
severely hurt to live long, were of necessity left behind. They
had seen a few naked natives at the place of the wreck, but
there were no huts or any indications of kraals in the neigh-
bourhood, so after crossing the river they directed their course
inland, towards the north-east, in hope of finding people from
whom they could obtain guides and provisions in exchange for
iron. But for four days they were disappointed, and when on
the fifth day of their march they came to a kraal of about
twenty huts, its inhabitants were found to be living on wild
roots and plants, so that no food was to be had from them.
Finding the country almost uninhabited, a little later they
resolved to turn towards the shore, where they could at least
obtain shellfish, and where they believed the rivers could be
more easily crossed than inland, as all had bars of sand at
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284 History of South Africa.
their mouths. Before they reached the Urazimvubu several
of the weakest of the party became utterly exhausted, and were
abandoned on the way. The passage of this river was accom-
plished with the greatest difficulty, and on the following day,
the thirteenth of the journey, the sea was reached at the place
where the Sao Joao was lost. Some of her timbers were still to
be seen, and in a deserted kraal in the neighbourhood pieces
of chinaware and other articles used by Europeans were
found.
After this, keeping along the shore, they found a good
supply of mussels and oysters, and considered the beach much
better for travelling over than the rough mountains and
valleys inland. The country was inhabited, but the natives
were hostile, bands of them constantly hovering about, ready
to attack loiterers. Five days after leaving the Umzimvubu
they reached the Umtamvuna, which they crossed on rafts,
after a skirmish with the natives. Four days later they were
on the right bank of the Umzimkulu. Here the people were
very friendly, singing and clapping their hands as they came
forward to see the strangers, and bringing food to sell for
little pieces of iron. It was the first they had been able to
purchase since they set out on their journey twenty-two days
before. Here was found a young man from Bengal who had
been left behind by Manuel de Sousa's party, but as he could
not speak Portuguese he was of little or no service. He
declined to leave the connections he had formed, and when
Cabral went on two Portuguese and about thirty slaves
remained with him and the friendly natives.
Three days march farther brought them to the Umkomanzi,
which they crossed at a ford pointed out by some Kaffirs,
whose friendship they requited by endeavouring to make prize
of a large basket of millet. This brought on a skirmish,
which ended, however, in their opponents being compelled to
retire. At the Umkomanzi they were joined by a young man
named Gaspar, a Moor by birth, who was left behind by
Manuel de Sousa. He had acquired the native language, but
was glad of an opportunity to get away from the country.
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Knowledge derived from Shipwrecks. 285
and so went on with them and made himself useful as an
interpreter.
At the end of another three days they were at a place
which they called the mouth of the Pescaria, and which, from
the description given, was in all probability the inlet on
which the present city of Durban is situated. They were not
the first white men, howeyer, that saw it, for Manuel de Sousa
had passed round its shores, and of his party a Portuguese
named Bodrigo TristSo, a young man from Malabar, and two
slaves were then living there. The natives were very friendly,
and brought such a quantity of provisions, including goats,
to sell for iron, that they easily supplied themselves with as
much as they could consume and carry away. Bodrigo TristSo
went on with them, but the Indian and the slaves preferred
to remain where they were.
They were six days marching to the Tugela, which they
termed the Saint Lucia, stopping on the journey only to
purchase a cow and to take the needful rest, though they
suffered greatly from thirst. The river was crossed on rafts,
but the captain FemSo Alvares Cabral and another white
man were overturned in the current and lost their lives.
Francisco Pires, the boatswain, was then chosen to lead the
party, and after resting a day they moved on.
South of the Tugela they had suffered much from hunger,
thirst, and fatigue, but they had managed to move forward
about eight miles a day in a direct line, perhaps actually
walking thirteen or fourteen. They were now entering a
district much more difficult to travel in, owing to the swamps
and sheets of shallow water that abounded in it, the want of
shellfish on the sandy coast, and the poverty of the natives,
most of whom were hostile. Their iron for barter was nearly
exhausted, and only on a very few occasions were they able to
purchase a little food. One day's hardships resembled those
of the next : struggling through marshes, fainting with hunger,
skirmishing with natives, their number decreased rapidly. To
such a condition were they reduced that some of them cooked
f^nd itte bumftn flesh. At length, on the 7th of July fifty-six
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286 History of South Africa,
Portuguese and six slaves, reduced almost to skeletons and
covered with rags, reached the kraal of the Inyaka, Garcia de
Sa, on the south-eastern shore of Delagoa Bay.
Here they were at first well received, but from the avidity
with which the Portuguese ivory traders the year before had
purchased the gold and jewels taken from Manuel de Sousa
the chief had learned how valuable these things were, and
presently he required the unfortunate men to give him every-
thing they had in exchange for food. When they had done
this they found that there was at the time such a scanty
supply of provisions in the country that the chief, with the
best intentions, could not furnish sufficient to keep them
alive, and thus they were little better off than before. From
their faulty chart they believed the river of Lourenfo Marques
to be still eighteen leagues distant, but they were so destitute
and exhausted that they could go no farther. Hunger, sickness,
ravenous animals, and vermin had to be contended with, and
to add to their distress the interpreter Gaspar, who had
ingratiated himself with the chief, treated them with the
utmost cruelty and scorn.
Then they scattered about in different kraals, and were
everywhere treated with such indignity and suffered such
misery that the living envied those who died. At last, on
the 3rd of November a sail appeared in the bay, to the
inexpressible joy of the. few who still survived. It was the
trading vessel from Mozambique, commanded by BastiiU) de
Lemos, who received his almost expiring countrymen with
every mark of kindness, and did what he could to restore them
to health and vigour. From him they learned that the cause
of Lourenpo Marques not having visited that part of the coast
during the preceding season was his having suffered shipwreck
on the passage.
Four months and a half the little vessel remained in the
bay, her crew trading for ivory with the different chiefs in
reach of their boats. On the 20th of March 1555 with the
first westerly wind of the season she sailed for Mozambique,
taking with her Rodrigo Tristfto, of the Sao Jaaoy and twenty
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Knowledge derived from Shipwrecks, 287
Portaguese and four slaves, of the Bao Bento. Of the three
hundred and twenty individuals who set out from the mouth
of the Umtata, all the others had either perished or were left
behind at native kraals on the line of march.
A few years later Francisco Barreto, shortly after being
governor-general of India, narrowly escaped shipwreck on the
African coast. Upon the arrival of his successor, the viceroy
Dom Constantino de Bragan9a, on the 20th of January 1559
he left Goa in the ship Aguia to return to Portugal. Very
heavy weather was encountered off the southern shore, and the
ship was so disabled that it was with difficulty she could be
kept afloat. Barreto then resolved to get as far back towards
Mozsunbique as possible, to keep close to the land on the
way, and to run the hulk aground in the last extremity.
Fortunately, however, he was not obliged to resort to this
extreme measure, for the wind was favourable and the island
was reached without further disaster.
The Aguia was unladen and repaired at Mozambique, and
on the 17th of November she set sail once more. She had
not proceeded far when she again sprang a leak, and soon
afterwards a westerly gale was encountered which lasted three
days. The pilot, who was a veteran in the service, declared
that such an occurrence at that time of the year had never
been known before, and as all on board looked upon it as a
warning from God not to persevere in the voyage, the ship's
head was again turned towards Mozambique.
Barreto now abandoned the Aguia and proceeded to India
in a little vessel, in which he nearly perished of thirst on the
passage. After some delay at Goa he embarked in the home-
ward bound ship 8ao OiaOy and without further mishap reached
Lisbon in June 1561, twenty-nine months after he first set
out to return to that city.
Owing to this occurrence and others of a similar nature.
King SebastiSo issued instructions to Manuel de Mesquita
Perestrello, one of the surviving officers of the 8ao Bento, to
survey the African coast from Gape Correntes to the Gape of
Good Hope, and ascertain if there were any harbours in which
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288 History of South Africa.
ships could winter if necessary and at all times find shelter
during those gales from the westward that caused the heavy
sea. For this purpose the experienced seaman left Mozambique
in a small yessel on the 22nd of November 1575. No method
of determining longitudes was then known, and the instrument
used for ascertaining the sun's altitude at noon was so clumsy
that obseryations made with it on shipboard were almost always
incorrect. Some of the latitudes of points on the coast given
by Manuel de Mesquita are more than fifty miles from their
true position, and in his report, which was intended to be a
guide for navigators, he lays down as a rule that the
topogi-aphy of the diiOferent places visited must alone be
depended upon.
His survey therefore was nothing more than an inspection
from the deck of his vessel of the shore from about the Kowie
river westward, but soundings were taken, the compass bear-
ings of the points of the bays from the anchorages within them
were ascertained, and sketches — some of them almost grotesque
— of the scenery at each one were made. Distances were laid
down merely by guess. As far as the coast between the Bird
islands and Delagoa Bay was concerned he depended upon his
overland journey twenty-one years before, and as he mistook
the Umtata for the river now known as the Fish, his observa-
tions upon that part of the seaboard were most inaccurate. Thus
he estimated the mouth of the Umzimvubu — by him called
the S&o ChristovSo — as only about twenty-eight English miles
from that of the Fish, and in his chart also he lays it down
in that position. Here he actually made an error of fully one
hundred and sixty English miles.
The best shelter along the whole coast, according to. him, was
to be found within the curve of the land at the mouth of the
Breede river, to which as a compliment to the king he gave
the name Saint Sebastian's Bay. There, he reported, a vessel
would be protected from all winds except those from east-
north-east to south-east An east wind was blowing when he
was there, to which he attributed the heavy surf on the bar
at the mouth, of the Breede river, but he thought that during
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the westerly monsoon the passage would be smooth, and then
a whole fleet might enter the inner harbour and be perfectly
landlocked. The place abounded with fish, and plenty of fresh
water was to be had.
Next in importance he regarded the Watering Place of Saint
Bras, now called Mossel Bay. He described it as sheltered
from all winds except those from north-east to south-east by
east, and as having good holding ground for anchors. The
islet in it he found covered with seals and penguins. Of the
hermitage built there more than half a century earlier, and
dedicated to Saint Bras, nothing now remained but portions of
the walls three or four feet in height. On the highest point
of the western cape on the 7th of January 1576 he set up
a wooden cross, and attached to it a sealed tube containing a
record of the event.
Fermosa Bay — now Plettenberg's Bay — and the bay which
he named Saint Francis he also regarded as good ports for the
purpose needed, both being sheltered from all winds excepting
those from the north-east to the south, having good ground for
anchoring, and plenty of fresh water within reach. Of the
bay Da Lagoa — now Algoa — he thought less highly, though
he was of opinion that shelter could be found near the islet
of the Gross.
His latitudes and distances are so incorrect that it is impos-
sible to state with precision the limits of his land of Natal,
but he seems to have regarded the coast from about the Eei
to the Umkomanzi as coming under that designation. He de-
scribed it as being without ports or rivers into which large
ships could enter. Of the inlet termed in modem times the
bay of Natal he makes no mention whatever, though his Point
Pescaria is most probably the present Bluff.
The bay into which the rivers Maputa, Santo Espirito, and
Manisaflow he was able to describe more accurately than any
other on the south-eastern coast, owing to his residence on its
shores in former years. The old Inyaka Garcia de Sa, who
had assisted the wrecked people of the Sao Joao and the
8ao BentOy was still alive in 1576.
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290 History of South Africa,
Of the remaining port of the survey it is needless to state
anything more than that it was in all respects so defective
that it could not have been of use to vessels frequenting the
coast, if there had been any such. Manuel de Mesquita's
report marks the highest point of knowledge of the African
shore south of Delagoa Bay acquired by the Portuguese before
they were superseded in the eastern traffic by the Dutch, but
for any other purpose it is valueless. Saint Sebastian's Bay,
Saint Francis Bay, and Point Delgada still retain the names
which he gave to them, and it is interesting to remember that
the first of these serves to connect South Africa with the young
and gallant king who disappeared in battle with the Moors at
El-£asr el-Keblr, but who, in the belief of the lower classes of
the Portuguese for generations, was one day to reappear and
restore his country to its former glory.*
The narrative of the wreck of the ship Santiago throws hardly
any special light upon the condition of the natives, but from
it some particulars concerning the trade of the Portuguese
along the lower Zambesi are to be obtained. The Santiago
sailed from Lisbon for Goa on the 1st of April 1585, with
more than four hundred and fifty souls on board, and in the
night of the 18th of August struck upon a shoal in the
Mozambique channel, where she went to pieces. Five or six
rafts were made, and on these and in two small boats some of
the people tried to get to the African coast. One raft and the
two boats succeeded in reaching the shore between the Luabo
and the Quilimahe mouths, the people on the other rafts were
either drowned or perished from starvation.
The commerce of the delta of the Zambesi and of the terri-
* The uames on Perestrello's chart are the following : Cabo de Boa Esperan^,
Cabo Falso, Cabo das Agulhas, Cabo do Infante, Bahia de S. SebastilLo, Cabo das
Vacas, Cabo de S. Bras, Agoada de S. Bras, Cabo Talhado, Bahia de S. Caterina,
Cabo das Bazas, Fonta Delgada, Bahia Fermosa, Cabo das Serras, Bahia de
S. Francisco, Cabo do Arrecife, Ilha da Cruz, Bahia da Lagoa, Ilheos Chaos,
Ponta do Padrilo, Rio do Infante, Rio de S. Cliristovao, Primeira Ponta do Natal,
Ponta do Meio, Ponta Derradeira, Ponta dc Pescaria, Ponta de S. Lucia, lUo de
S. Lucia, Bio dos Medilos do Ouro, Ponta dos Fumos, Terra dos Fumos, Bahia
de Louren9o Marques, Rio do Santo Espirito, Rio do Mani9a, and Rio do Ouro.
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Knowledge derived from Shipwrecks. 291
tory bordering upon it to the south was at this time to a
small extent in the hands of Arab mixed breeds, who professed
to be vassals of the Portuguese. The principal man among
them was one Muinha Sedaca, who was wealthy and had a
large establishment. He showed much kindness to those of the
wrecked people who landed near his residence, and assisted
them to reach a place of safety.
The chief commerce, however, was in the hands of a Portu-
guese named Francisco Brochado, who had acquired great
influence and power in the country. He was a man of good
family, and had settled on the Zambesi thirty years before. He
had two great establishments, consisting entirely of slaves, one
at Quilimane, the other on the Luabo, and at each he resided
during a portion of the year. His generosity to his wrecked
countrymen was unbounded, and by him they were clothed and
otherwise cared for until they could embark at Quilimane for
Mozambique.
Francisco Brochado held the title of an office from the Portu-
guese government, but his power was not due to that : it was
owing solely to the influence which a resolute, active, and able
man had acquired over a community of barbarians. It was
entirely personal. Portuguese rule existed at Quilimane, and,
above the delta, at Sena, but except at those stations native
chiefs governed their followers, and knew nothing of foreign
supremacy beyond the influence which Brochado had gained
among them. He had leased from the captain of Sofala and
Mozambique a monopoly of the commerce of the delta, and all
the boats on the rivers — excepting a few small ones owned by
the Arab mixed breeds — were in his service. The profits were
commonly enormous, but the trade was fluctuating and subject
to many reverses.
In January 1589 the ship Sao Thome sailed from Cochin for
Portugal. No vessel so richly laden had left the Indian seas
for many years, but so widespread was corruption among the
officials of all classes that she was very insufficiently furnished
for the passage. Her captain was a man of little ability, named
Estev&o da Yeiga. There were many passengers on board,
z
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292 History of South Africa.
among whom were Dom Paul de Lima and his lady Dona
Beatrice, Bemardim de Carvalho, Gregorio Botelho and his
daughter Dona Mariana, who was proceeding to Portugal to
rejoin her husband Guterre de Monroy, Dona Joanna de
Mendonja, widow of Gon^alo Gomes d'Azevedo, who had her
only child, a little girl not two years of age, with her,
and Diogo de Couto, who had been wrecked before in the
Santiago.
The o£Bicers were desirous of reaching the island of St.
Helena before any of the other vessels which left Cochin at
the same time, so they crowded on sail until the ship sprang
a leak off the southern point of Madagascar. The leak was
partly stopped, and the ship continued on her course until the
12th of March, when a south-westerly wind was encountered,
and the water began anew to gain rapidly on the pumps. An
effort was then made to reach Mozambique, pumping and
baling were carried on incessantly, and the ship was lightened
as much as possible, but a few days later it was seen that she
could not float many hours longer.
There was a very large boat on the deck, which was now got
into the water. A scramble took place, each man striving to
fight his way into it, so that by the time it got clear of the
ship it contained no fewer than one hundred and nine indi-
viduals. The three ladies were among the number, but the
agony of the widow De Mendon^a was intense, for her child
was in the sinking ship, and its nurse would not give it up
unless she too were rescued. This was not possible, for already
the boat was so overcrowded that to lighten her twelve men
were thrown out and drowned.
There was a Dominican friar, Nicolau of the Rosary by
name, on board the Sao ThoniS, and those in the boat shouted
to him to jump overboard and swim to them, when they would
pick him up, but he would not leave the ship until he had
attended to the spiritual needs of those who were about to die.
When that was done, he sprang into the sea, swam to the
boat, and was taken in.
At ten in the morning the ship was seen to go down. Early
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Knowledge derived from Shipwrecks. 293
next day, the 22nd of Marcli, the boat reached the coast of
the territory now called Tongaland, which was then occupied
by the Makomata tribe. Some sailors landed, and found a
kraal not far off, where they were treated in a friendly
manner. The officers now resolved to proceed along the coast
to the river of Louren^o Marques, but as the wind freshened
they were unable to carry out that design in the boat, which
would certainly have foundered. They therefore ran her
ashore, and burned her to get nails to trade with, after which
they set out to march overland. They were in all ninety-
eight souls, and they had five guns with ammunition, as many
swords, and a little food.
On their journey they encountered many natives, a few
hostile, but the greater number friendly, and they were able
to exchange their nails for hens, goats, fish, and bruised
millet, so that they did not suffer much from hunger before
their arrival at the kraal of the Inyaka chief, who was son
and successor of Garcia de Sa. This chief treated them as
well as he could, but his resources were insufficient for the
maintenance of so many persons thrown thus suddenly upon
him. He therefore proposed that they should take up their
abode on Elephant Island, then called Setimuro, where he
would send them as much food as he could collect until the
arrival of the trading vessel from Mozambique in the follow-
ing year. The one of this season had sailed only a few days
before.
The wrecked people fell in with this proposal, and were
conducted to Elephant Island, which was uninhabited. It was
on that account used as their principal station by the Portu-
guese ivory trader? when they visited the bay. The huts
which they had put up provided accommodation for the cast-
aways, and they had left there two native boats that could
be turned to account. The want of food, which the Inyaka
could not supply in sufficient quantity, here after a short time
became so pressing that the party resolved to attempt to push
on to Sofala as their only hope of life.
On the 18th of April sixty of them set out in the two
L 2
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294 History of South Africa,
boats for the northern shore of the bay, after arranging that
a few sailors should return for the others, thirty-six in number,
who were left behind. One of the boats safely reached the
mouth of the Manisa, where its crew were informed that at
the kraal of the chief, twelve leagues up the stream, there
were some Portuguese. They therefore went up the river, and
found Jeronymo Leitao, the master of the trading vessel that
had left Elephant Island about a month before, with his com-
panions. He informed them that he had put into the Limpopo,
where he had been robbed of his vessel and cargo, and had
then travelled overland to the kraal of Manisa, who had
treated him kindly. The chief received the people of the
boat in a friendly manner, and provided for their wants.
The other boat got into the surf, and was run ashore near
the mouth of the Limpopo, where she was of necessity aban-
doned. Her crew then set out to march northward. Blost of
the natives on the way gave them assistance, but their suffer-
ings were so great from hunger, thirst, fatigue, and fever, that
nearly half of them perished. The survivors passed through
Gamba's country and Inhambane, and a little farther on found
a Portuguese trader with a boat. He took them across to the
island of Bazaruta, which was then occupied by Arabs of
mixed blood, who treated them very well. There was also a
native of Sofala living on the island, and this man procured
a small vessel, in which they completed their journey to the
Portuguese station, where their troubles ended.
Meantime fever attacked the Europeans at Manisa's kraal
and those left on Elephant Island, so that it was some time
before the latter could be taken across to their friends. Manisa
was able to provide them all with food, so they did not
attempt to go farther. Jeronymo Leitao, who was accustomed
to deal with natives, had sent messengers overland to Sofala,
to inform the captain there of what had occurred. That
oflScer, on receiving the intelligence, at once sent a small
pangayo with necessary articles, and as at that season of the
year she could not sail to the river Manisa, her cargo was
landed at Inhambane and then forwarded overland by native '
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Knowledge derived from Shipwrecks. 295
carriers. Before this assistance arrivedy Dom Paul de Lima,
Bernardim de Garvalho, and many other males of the party
had diedy but the three ladies were still living. They re-
mained at Manisa's kraal until the change of the monsoon
permitted a pangayo to be sent for them, in which they
went to Mozambique, and there embarked in a ship bound
to Goa.
On the 21st of January 1593 the ship Santo Alberto sailed
from Cochin for Lisbon. She was commanded by the captain
JuliSk) de Faria Ceryeira, and had as pilot a man of experience
named Bodrigo Migueb. Among those on board were Dona
Isabella Pereira, daughter of Francisco Pereira, an oflScer at
Goa, and widow of Diogo de Mello Coutinho, who had been
captain of Ceylon, Dona Luiza, daughter of that lady, a girl
sixteen years of age, Nuno Velho Pereira, recently captain of
Mozambique, and two friars. There were many other passengers,
some of them gentlemen of position.
In latitude 10^ S. the ship sprang a leak, and could not
afterwards be freed of water. On the 21st of March the African
coast was in sight, in latitude 31^° according to observations
with the astrolabe, and here the leak increased greatly. The
ship was lightened as much as possible, the pumps were kept
constantly at work, and baling was resorted to, but the water
in the hold continued to rise. In order therefore to save the
lives of those on board, as there was no hope of being able to
keep afloat much longer, the Scmto Alberto was run ashore.
Between nine and ten o'clock in the morning of the 24th of
March she struck about three or four hundred yards from the
beach. One hundred and twenty-five Portuguese, including
the two ladies, and one hundred and sixty slaves got safely
to land, and twenty-eight Portuguese and thirty-four slaves
were drowned.
Fortunately a quantity of stores of different kinds, arms,
ammunition, bales of calico, pieces of metal, beads, an custrolabe,
some writing paper, and other articles were saved from the
wreck. The pilot believed the latitude of the place to be 32^*^
S., but that was certainly an error, because there was only one
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2g6 History of South Africa.
large river between it and the Umzimvabu, and if it had
been correct the Bashee and the Umtata must have been
crossed. The Portuguese maps were still so defective that the
position of all but very prominent places upon them was
uncertain. The wrecked crew of the SainJto Alberto believed
the remarkable rock now known as the Hole in the Wall,
close to which they were, to be the Penedo das Fontes of
Dias, and the first river beyond, which was the Umtata of our
day, to be the Bio do Infante of that explorer. From this
time onward until their arrival at Delagoa Bay, to which place
they resolved to proceed, the pilot kept a journal, in which
he noted the distances travelled, the direction, occasionally the
latitude, particulars concerning barter, observations upon the
natives, and other matters of interest. Many Bantu words
given in this journal are easily made out, and from the obser-
vations recorded the route of the party can be laid down
nearly — if not quite — accurately on a modem map.*
The wrecked people commenced their journey from the
streamlet Mpako, about ten miles west of the mouth of the
Umtata. The great rock, which then, according to the journal,
bore the name Tizombe, is now called Zikali. Nuno Velho
Pereira, being a man of rank and experience, was elected
leader, and Antonio Godinho, who had for a long time traded
at stations in the Zambesi valley, took charge of the barter,
on which the very lives of the travellers depended. Arrange-
ments were made for the journey similar to those of a trading
caravan. Calico, beads, and pieces of metal were done up in
packs to be carried by the slaves, and the arms and provisions
were borne by the Portuguese.
While these preparations were in progress, on the 27th of
March a native chief with sixty followers made his appear-
ance. His name, as recorded, was Luspance. Calling out
Nanhata ! Nanhata ! in a friendly tone, the band came for-
* I am indebted for assistance in tracing this route to Walter Stanfonl,
Esquire, C.M.G., recently chief magistrate of Griqualand East. This gentleman
is thoroughly acquainted with the territory, which I have not had an opportunity
of examining.
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Knowledge derived from Shipwrecks, 297
wardy when the chief presented two large sheep with heavy
tails like those of Ormus. Among the slaves was one who
could make himself understood by Luspance, and who spoke
also the language of the Bantu of Mozambique. Another
slave spoke the last-named language and also Portuguese, so
that through two intermediary interpreters the Europeans
could make their wants known. And throughout one of the
most remarkable journeys ever made in South Africa slaves
of the party could always converse with the natives, a circum-
stance which tended greatly towards the safety of all.
Luspance is described as a man of good stature, light in
colour, of a cheerful countenance, and about forty- five years of
age. He and his people wore karosses of oxhide made soft by
rubbing and greasing, and they had sandals on their feet.
They could run with great speed. In their hands they carried
sticks with jackals' tails attached to them, and the chief had
as an ornament a piece of copper suspended from his left ear.
They were husbandmen and graziers. Their grain was millet
of the size of peppercorns, which was ground between two
stones, and of which they also made beer. Their wealth con-
sisted of cattle, whose milk was one of their ordinary articles
of diet. Their huts were round and low, were covered with
reed mats, and were not proof against rain. They had pots
made of clay, used assagais in war and the chase, and kept
dogs. They were without any form of worship, but were cir-
cumcised, as were nearly all the natives south of the twenty-
ninth parallel of latitude. They were very sensual, each man
having as many wives as he chose. Gold and silver were
esteemed by them as of little value, but for very small pieces
of iron or copper they were willing to sell oxen or sheep.
Their language was a dialect of that in use by all the people
of Kaffraria, and their chief, like the petty rulers in the
country to the north, was termed an Inkosi.
From this description it is evident that Luspance*s clan was
of mixed Bantu and Hottentot blood, the former, however,
prevailing, and that in 1593 the condition of things along the
Umtata was similar to that along the Fish river two centuries
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298 History of South Africa.
later, when the incorpoiation of the Gonaquas in the Xosa
tribe had recently taken place.
On the 3rd of April the travellers commenced their march.
Luspance sold them two cows and two sheep, and went with
them himself as a guide as far as the Umtata. A negro boy,
one of whose legs had been broken in getting to land, was
left behind with the friendly natives. On the afternoon of
the next day they crossed the Umtata, which they believed
to be the Infante, and then Luspance bade them farewell,
after directing a guide whose name is given as Inhanoosa —
(evidently Nyana wenkosi, t.6. son of the chief) — to conduct
them onward.
On the 5th they obtained eight cows in barter, on the 7th
they passed a field of millet, of which they purchased some,
and on the 9th they reached a little kraal that was in posses-
sion of a hundred head of horned cattle and a hundred and
twenty sheep of the large-tailed breed. The chief presented
calabashes of milk, and sold them four cows for pieces of
copper worth as many pence. A little farther on they reached
a kraal imder a chief named Ubabu, who was a brother of their
guide. He was a man of middling stature, not very black in
colour, with an open cheerful countenance. He entertained
the strangers with a dance, in which about sixty men took
part, the women clapping their hands and singing in time.
Though Ubabu had about two hundred head of large cattle
and as many sheep, he would not part with any except at
prices which the Portuguese regarded as extortionate, but he
was very pleased to accept of the presents they made him.
Soon after leaving his kraal some natives were seen with
beads of Indian manufacture hanging from their ears, which
the journalist conjectured must have been brought down from
the trading station at Delagoa Bay, though it is much more
likely that they were obtained from the wreck of the iSSo Joao
or the Sa/o BetUo. Progress was slow, often little more than a
league in a day being covered, but on the 14th the caravan
reached the Umzimvubu at the ford now known as the Etyeni,
where the passage of the stream was safely made.
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After crossing this river^ the largest in Eaffraria^ the tone
of the journal changes. The travellers found themselves now
in a more thickly populated country^ and the inhabitants were
blacker in colour. They had not proceeded far when a chief
named Yibo^ who was much more powerful than any they had
seen before, and who is described as being very black and
about eighty years of age, came to meet them. After that
chiefs in possession of kraals of considerable size were
found at intervals along their whole line of march, except
when they were on the high plateau from which rises the
Drakensberg. They had no difficulty in purchasing as many
horned cattle, sheep, hens, gourds, and millet cakes, and as
much millet and milk as they needed. For the millet cakes,
probably on account of their being so different from European
bread, they used the native name isinkwa, which the journalist
wrote sincoa. The gleeful exclamation Halala! Halala! they
mistook for a form of greeting, but they were correct in believ-
ing that the word manga (properly isimanga) referred to the
sea, though literally it means a wonder.
They passed over the high ground behind the present
mission station Palmerton, along by the Ingele mountain,
which they called Moxangala, and on the 3rd of May saw the
Drakensberg to the northward and north-eastward covered
with snow. This part of the country, being too cold in the
winter season to be pleasant for Bantu, they found uninhabited.
Turning now towards the lowlands, on the 13th of May they
crossed a beautiful river which they called the Alutangalo,
the Umzimkulu of our day.
The present colony of Natal they found thickly peopled.
By this time they were inured to travel, the weather was in
all respects favourable, and they could usually obtain com-
petent guides, so they made much longer stages than at first.
It took them only sixteen days to go over the ground from
the Umzimkulu to the Tugela — the Uchugel they termed it, —
which stream they crossed on the 29th of May.
Continuing at this rapid rate, they reached Delagoa Bay
on the 30th of June, having marched as they computed three
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3CX> History' of South Africa.
hundred leagues in eighty-eight days. From the Mpako to
the Espirito Santo a straight line m'eaaures only one hundred
and fifty leagues, but they thought the various turns in the
footpaths had doubled that distance. They had nineteen head
of cattle when they reached the bay. On the journey they
had been compelled to abandon nine Europeans who were
worn out with sickness and fatigue, and they lost ninety-fiye
slaves, mostly by desertion. This wonderful success was due
to its being the best time of the year for travelling, to their
being so strong and so well armed that no natives dared to
attack them, to their being provided with means to purchase
food, and to their having slaves who could make themselves
understood by the Bantu along the route.
At Delagoa Bay they found the trading vessel Aiosaa Senhora
da Salvofdo nearly ready to return to Mozambique. She
was not large enough to contain them all, but her mixed-breed
Moslem sailors, who had their wives with them, consented for
liberal payment to remain behind, and thus she was lightened
of forty-five individuals. It was the custom of these people,
instead of receiving wages, to be allowed to trade in millet,
honey, and anything else except ivory or ambergris on their
own account, and therefore they would have little difiiculty in
providing for themselves on shore. From them the chief
captain purchased an ample supply of millet for food on the
passage. Twenty-eight Portuguese soldiers and sailors resolved
to travel overland to Sofala, but only two of this party reached
their destination ; the others perished on the way in conflicts
brought on by their own misconduct Eighty-eight Portu-
guese, including the two ladies, and sixty-four slaves embarked
in the trading vessel, which sailed on the 22nd of July, and
reached Mozambique in safety on the 6th of August.
In all the region traversed by the crews of these wrecked
ships not a single tribe is mentioned of the same name as any
now existing. The people were all of the Bantu race as far
south as the Umzimvubu, spoke dialects of the same language,
had the same customs, but were not grouped as at present.
South of the Umzimvubu there was a mixture of Bantu and
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Knowledge derived from Shipwrecks. 301
Hottentot blood, but how far the former extended in this
diluted form cannot be ascertained. Probably not far, as the
country was rery sparsely populated. It is noticeable also
that the whole of the high plateau from which the Drakens*
berg rises was without inhabitants at least as far north as the
present colony of Natal.
It would serve no useful purpose to give the names of the
tribes about Delagoa Bay and farther northward, as placed on
record by the Portuguese writers, for even if those names were
accurate at the time, the communities that bore them have
long since ceased to exist, and never did anything to merit
a place in history. Along the coast south of Delagoa Bay
only four tribes of importance are mentioned. The first was
that of the Inyaka, occupying the island now known by that
name and the territory between the Maputa river and the
sea. Joining them on the south were the Makomata, under a
chief called Viragune by the Portuguese, whose kraals were
scattered over the country from the coast ninety miles inland.
Then came the Makalapapa, who lived about the St. Lucia
lagoon. South of them was a tribe termed the Vambe by the
Portuguese, which was to a certainty the Abambo of Hlubi,
Zizi, and other traditions, from whom Natal is still called Embo
by the Bantu.
All the paramount chiefs of these tribes were termed kings
by the Portuguese, and the territories in which they lived
were described as kingdoms. In the same way the heads of
kraals were designated nobles. Phraseology of this kind, so
liable to lead readers into error, ended, however, with the so-
called Yambe kingdom, as farther south there were no tribes
of any importance, no chiefs with more than three or four
kraals under their control, and to these a high-sounding title
could not be given. The Pondo, Pondomisi, Tembu, and Xosa
tribes of our day were either not yet in existence as separate
communities, or were little insignificant clans too feeble to
attract notice.
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302 History of South Africa.
CHAPTER XIII.
APPEARANCE OF RIVALS IN THE EASTERN SEAS.
The debt which the world owes to the Portuguese for
weakening the Mohamedan power and thus preventing the
subjugation of a larger portion of Eastern Europe than was
actually overrun by the Turks should not be forgotten, but
long before the close of the sixteenth century they had
ceased to be participants in the great progressive movement
of the Caucasian race. Upon a conquering nation rests an
enormous responsibility : no smaller than that of benefiting
the world at large. Was Portugal doing this in her eastern
possessions to such an extent as to make her displacement
there a matter deserving universal regret? Probably her
own people would reply that she was, for every nation
regards its own acts as better than those of others ; but
beyond her borders the answer unquestionably would be
that she was not. Bapacity, cruelty, corruption, have all
been laid to her charge at this period, and not without
sufficient reason. But apart from these vices, her weakness
under the Castilian kings was such that she was incapable
of doing any good. When an individual is too infirm and
decrepit to manage his affairs, a robust man takes his place,
and so it is with States. The weak one may cry out that
might is not right, but such a cry finds a very feeble echo.
India was not held by the Portuguese under the only inde-
feasible tenure : that of making the best use of it ; and thus
it could be seized by a stronger power without Christian
nations feeling that a wrong was being done.
Before recounting in brief the commencement of the Dutch
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Appearance of Rivals in the Eastern Seas. 303
conquests^ a glance may be given to the acts of other
nations, and especially to those of our own countrymen, in
the eastern seas at an earlier date.
The French were the first to follow the Portuguese round
the Cape of Good Hope to India. As early as 1507 a corsair
of that nation, named Mondragon, made his appearance in the
Mozambique channel * with two armed vessels, and plundered
a ship under command of Job Queimado. He also captured
and robbed another Indiaman nearer home. On the 18th of
January 1509 a fleet commanded by Duarte Pacheco fell in
with him off Cape Finisterre, and after a warm engagement
sank one of his ships and captured the other. Mondragon
was taken a prisoner to Lisbon, where he found means of
making his peace with the king, and he was then permitted
to return to France.
Twenty years later three ships, fitted out by a merchant
named Jean Ango, sailed from Dieppe for India. The
accounts of this expedition are so conflicting that it is impos-
sible to relate the occurrences attending it with absolute
accuracy. It is certain, however, that one of the ships never
reached *her destination. Another was wrecked on the coast
of Sumatra, where her crew were all murdered. The third
reached Diu in July 1527. She had a crew of forty French-
men, but was commanded by a Portuguese named EstevSo
Dias, nicknamed Brigas, who had fled from his native country
on account of misdeeds committed there, and had taken
service with the strangers. The ruler of Diu regarded this
ship with great hostility, and as he was unable to seize her
openly, he practised deceit to get her crew within his power.
Professing friendship, he gave Dias permission to trade in his
territory, but took advantage of the first opportunity to arrest
him and his crew. They were handed over as captives to the
paramount Mohamedan ruler, and were obliged to embrace
* The particulars of this event cannot be ascertained, and it would even
be doubtful whether Mondragon really rounded the Cape of Grood Hope if it
were not expressly stated in a summary of the directions issued by the king
for his capture, that it took place " no canal de Mo^ajnbiqu^.**
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304 History of South Africa.
his creed to preserve their lives. They were then taken into
his service and remained in India.
Early in 1529 two ships commanded by Jean and Baoul
Parmentier, fitted out partly by Jean Ango, partly by
merchants of Bouen, sailed from Dieppe. In October of the
same year they reached Sumatra, but on account of great
loss of life from sickness, on the 22nd of January 1530 they
turned homeward. As they avoided the Portuguese settle-
ments, nothing was known at Goa of their proceedings except
what was told by a sailor who was left behind at Madagascar
and was afterwards found there. This expedition was almost
as unsuccessful as the preceding one. On their return passage
the ships were greatly damaged in violent storms, and they
reached Europe with difficulty.
From that time until 1601 there is no trace of a French
vessel having passed the Cape of Good Hope. In May of
this year the Corbin and Croissant, two ships fitted out by
Messrs. Laval and Yitre, Bretagne merchants, sailed from St.
Malo. They reached the Maldives safely, but there the Corbin
was lost in July 1602, and her commander was unable to
return to France until ten years had gone by. The Croissant
was lost on the Spanish coast on her homeward passage.
On the 1st of June 1604 a French East India Company
was established on paper, but it did not get further. In
1615 it was reorganised, and in 1617 the first successful
expedition to India under the French flag sailed from a port
in Normandy. From that date onward ships of this nation
were frequently seen in the eastern seas. But the French
made no attempt to form a settlement in South Africa, and
their only connection with this country was that towards
the middle of the seventeenth century a vessel was sent
occasionally from Rochelle to collect a cargo of sealskins
and oil at the islands in and near the present Saldanha
Bay.
The English were the next to appear in Indian waters. A
few individuals of this nation may have served in Portuguese
ships, and among the missionaries, especially of the Society of
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Jesusy who went out to conyert the heathen, it is not unlikely
that there were several. One at least, Thomas Stephens by
name, was rector of the Jesuit college at Salsette. A letter
written by him from Goa in 1579, and printed in the second
volume of Hakluyt's work, is the earliest account extant of an
English Yoyager to that part of the world.* It contains no
information of importance.
The famous sea captain Francis Drake, of Tavistock in
Devon, sailed from Plymouth on the 13th of December 1577,
with the intention of exploring the Pacific ocean. His fleet
consisted of five vessels, carrying in all one hundred and
sixty-four men. His own ship, named the Pdieariy was of
one hundred and twenty tons burden. The others were the
Elizabeth, eighty tons, the Marigold, thirty tons, a pinnace of
twelve tons, and a storeship of fifty tons burden. The last
named was set on fire as soon as her cargo was transferred
to the others, the pinnace was abandoned, the Marigold was
lost in a storm, the Elizaheth, after reaching the Pacific, turned
back through the straits of Magellan, and the Pelican alone
continued the voyage. She was the first English ship that
sailed round the world. Captain Drake reached England
again on the 3rd of November 1580, and soon afterwards was
made a knight by Queen Elizabeth on board his ship. The
Pelican did not touch at any part of the South African
* I do not mention Sir John Mandeville in the text, because modem
criticism has proved that what he states concerning India in his book ITie
Voiage and trauayle of 9yr John MaundeuiUe, knight, which ireaieth of the
way Upward Hienudlem, and of maruayles of Jnde, with other Hands and
Countryes was compiled from earlier foreign writers, though bis work was
regarded as genuine and trnst worthy by Englishmen until recently. Nothing
is known of him from contemporary records, and It is even regarded as
possible that Mandeville was a pseudonym. In his book he states that he was
bom at St. Albans, and travelled in the east as far as China between the
years 1322 and 1357. It is now believed that he really visited Palestine,
and his account of that country is considered as partly based on personal
observation, but the remainder of the volume is spurious. The original was
written in French. See the Encyclopedia Britannioa, article Mandeville. Of
the numerous copies of the book, in many languages, in the library of the
British Museum, the earliest was printed in 1480,
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coasty but there is the following paragraph in the acoount of
the voyage: —
**We ran hard aboard the Cape, finding the report of the
Portngnese to be most false, who affirm that it is the most
dangerous cape of the world, never without intolerable storms
and present danger to travellers who come near the same.
This cape is a most stately thing, and the fairest cape we saw
in the whole circumference of the earth, and we passed by it
on the 18th of June."
In 1583 four English traders in precious stones, acting
partly on their own account and partly as agents for
merchants in London, made their way by the Tigris and the
Persian gulf to Ormuz, where at that time people of various
nationalities were engaged in commerce. John Newbery, the
leader of the party, had been there before. The others were
named Ralph Fitch, William Leades, and James Story.
Shortly after their arrival at Ormuz they were arrested by
the Portuguese authorities on the double charge of being
heretics and spies of the prior Dom Antonio, who was a
claimant to the throne of Portugal, and under these pretences
they were sent prisoners to Goa. There they managed to
clear themselves of the first of the charges. Story entered a
convent, and the others, on finding bail not to leave the city,
were set at liberty in December 1584, mainly through the
instrumentality of the Jesuit father Stephens and Jan
Huyghen van Linschoten, of whom more will be related in
the following pages. Four months afterwards, being in fear of
ill-treatment, they managed to make their escape from Goa.
After a time they separated, and Fitch went on a tour through
India, visiting many places before his return to England in
1591. An account of his travels is extant in Hakluyt's collec-
tion, but there is not much information in it, and it had no
eflFect upon subsequentlevents.
Thomas Candish sailed from Plymouth on the 21st of July
1586, with three ships — the Desire, of one hundred and twenty
tons, the Content, of sixty tons, and the Hugh OaUarU, of forty
tons — carrying in all one hundred and twenty-three souls.
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Appearance of Rivals in the Eastern Seas. 307
After sailing round the globe, he arriyed again in Plymouth
on the 9th of September 1588, having passed the Cape of
Good Hope on the 16th of May.
The first English ships that put into a harbour on the
South African coast were the Penelope, Merchant Royal, and
Edward Bonaventure, which sailed from Plymouth for India
on the 10th of April 1591 , under command of Admiral George
Baymond. This fleet put into the Watering Place of Saldanha
at the end of July. The crews, who were suffering from
scurvy, were at once sent on shore, where they obtained fresh
food by shooting wild fowl and gathering mussels and other
shell-fish along the rocky beach. Some natives had been seen
when the ships sailed in, but they appeared terrified, and
at once moved inland. Admiral Baymond visited Bobben
Island, where he found seals and penguins in great numbers.
One day some hunters caught a native, whom they treated
kindly, making him many presents and endeavouring to show
him by signs that they were in want of cattle. They then let
him go, and eight days afterwards he returned with thirty or
forty others, bringing forty oxen and as many sheep. Trade
was at once commenced, the price of an ox being two knives,
that of a sheep one knife. So many men had died of scurvy
that it was considered advisable to send the Merehant Boyal
back to England weak handed. The Pendope, with one
hundred and one men, and the Edward Bonaventure, with
ninety-seven men, sailed for India on the 8th of September.
On the 12th a gale was encountered, and that night those in
the Edward Bonaventure, whereof was captain James Lancaster
— who was afterwards famous as an advocate of Arctic explora-
tion, and whose name was given by Bylot and BafiSn to the
sound which terminated their discoveries in 1616 — saw a
great sea break over the admiral's ship, which put out her
lights. After that she was never seen or heard of again.
The appearance of these rivals in the Indian seas caused
much concern in Spain and Portugal. There was as yet no
apprehension of the loss of the sources of the spice trade,
but it was regarded as probable that English ships would lie
2 A
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in wait at Saint Helena for richly laden vessels homeward
bound, so in 1593 the king directed the viceroy to instruct
the captains not to touch at that island.
It WCU9 not by EDglishmen, however, though they visited
India at this early period, but by the Dutch, that the
Portuguese power in the East was overthrown. That power
WCU9 like a great bubble, but it required pricking to make it
burst, and our countrymen did not often come in contact
with it. Sir Francis Drake indeed, who was utterly fearless,
went wherever he chose, and opened fire upon all who
attempted to interfere with him, but his successors, whose
object was profit in trade, were naturally more cautious. The
Indies were large, and so they avoided the Portuguese
fortresses, and did what business they could with native
rulers and people.
The merchants of the Netherlands had been accustomed to
obtain at Lisbon the supplies of Indian products which they
required for home consumption and for the large European
trade which they carried on, but after 1580, when Portugal
came under the dominion of Philippe II of Spain, they were
shut out of that market. They then determined to open up
direct communication with the East, and for that purpose
made several gallant but fruitless efibrts to find a passage
along the northern shores of Europe and Asia. When the
first of these had failed, and while the result of the second
was still unknown, some merchants of Amsterdam fitted out a
fleet of four vessels, which in the year 1595 sailed to India
by way of the Cape of Good Hope. Before this date, how-
ever, a few Netherlanders had visited the eastern seas in the
Portuguese service, and among them was one in particular
whose writings had great influence at that period and for
more than half a century afterwards.
Jan Huyghen van Linschoten was bom at Haarlem, in the
province of Holland. He received a good general education,
but from an early age he gave himself up with ardour to the
special study of geography and history, and eagerly read such
books of travel as were within his reach. In 1579 he
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Appearance of Rivals in the Eastern Seas. 309
obtained permission from his parents, who were then residing
at Enkhuizen, to proceed to Seville, where his two elder
brothers were pushing their fortunes. He was at Seville
when the cardinal king Henrique of Portugal died, leaving
the succession to the throne in dispute. The duke of Alva
with a strong Spanish army won it for his master, and shortly
afterwards Linschoten removed to Lisbon, where he was a
clerk in a merchant's office when Philippe made his triumphal
entry and when Alva died.
Two years later he entered the service of a Dominican friar,
by name Vicente da Fonseca, who had been appointed by
Philippe primate of India, the see of Goa having been raised
to an archbishopric in 1557. In April 1583, with his employer
he sailed from Lisbon, and after touching at Mozambique —
where he remained from the 5th to the 20th of August,
diligently seeking information on that part of the world — ^he
arrived at Goa in September of the same year. He remained
in India until January 1589. When returning to Europe
in the ship Scmta Cruz from Cochin, he passed through a
quantity of wreckage from the ill-fated 8ao Thomi^ which had
sailed from the same port five days before he left, and he
visited several islands in the Atlantic, at one of which —
Terceira — ^he was detained a long time. He reached Lisbon
again in January 1592, and eight months later rejoined his
family at Enkhuizen, after an absence of nearly thirteen
years. From this date his name is inseparably connected
with those of the gallant spirits who braved the perils of the
polar seas in the effort to find a north-eastern passage
to China.
Early in 1595 the first of Linschoten's books was
published, in which an account is given of the sailing direc-
tions followed by the Portuguese in their navigation of the
eastern waters, drawn from the treatises of their most
experienced pilots. This work shows the highest knowledge
of navigation that Europeans had then acquired. They had
still no better instrument for determining latitudes than the
astrolabe and the cross staff, and no means whatever for ascer-
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taining longitudes. The vicinity of the Cape of Good Hope
was known by the appearance of seabirds called Cape pigeons
and the great drifting plants that are yet to be seen any
day on the shores of the Cape peninsula. The different kinds
of ground that adhered to the tallow of the sounding leads
to some extent indicated the position, as did also the varia-
tion of the magnetic needle, but whether a ship was fifty or a
hundred miles from any given point could not be ascertained
by either of these means. When close to the shore, however,
the position was known by the appearance of the land, the
form of the hills and mountains, and the patches of sand and
thicket, all of which had been carefully delineated and laid
down in the sailing directions.
Linschoten's first book was followed in 1596 by a descrip-
tion of the Indies, and by several geographical treatises
drawn from Portuguese sources, all profusely illustrated with
maps and plates. Of Mozambique an ample account was
given from personal observation and inquiry. Dom Pedro
de Castro had just been succeeded as captain by Nuno Yelho
Pereira, who informed the archbishop that in his three years
term of office he would realise a fortune of about nine tons
of gold, or £75,000 sterling, derived chiefly from the trade in
the precious metal carried on at Sofala and in the territory
of the Monomotapa. Fort S&o SebastiSo had then no other
garrison than the servants and attendants of the captain, in
addition to whom there were only forty or at most fifty
Portuguese and half-breed male residents on the island
capable of assisting in its defence. There were three or four
hundred huts occupied by negroes, some of whom were
professed Christians, others Mohamedans, and still others
heathens. The exports to India were gold, ivory, ambergris,
ebony, and slaves. African slaves, being much stronger in
body than the natives of Hindostan, were used to perform
the hardest and coarsest work in the eastern possessions of
Portugal, and — though Linschoten does not state this — they
were employed in considerable numbers in the trading ships
to relieve the European seamen from the heavy labour of
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Appearance of Rivals in the Eastern Seas. 311
pumpingy haiilingy stowing and unstowing cargOi cleansing,
and BO forth. These slaves were chiefly procured from the
lands to the northward, and very few, if any of them, were
natives of the country south of the Zambesi.
It serves to show how carefully and minutely Linschoten
elicited information at Mozambique, that he mentions a
harbour on the coast which is not named by any of the
Portuguese writers of the time except Dos Santos, whose
book was not then published, and who only refers to it
incidentally, though it is now known to be the best port
between Inhambane and the Zambesi. This is Beira, as at
present termed, then known to the sailors of the pangayos
that traded to the southward as Porto Bango. Linschoten
gives its latitude as 19^^ half a degree north of Sofala. He
mentions also Delagoa Bay, that is the present Algoa Bay,
and gives its latitude as 33^^ He describes the monsoons
of the Indian ocean, and states that ships from Portugal
availed themselves of these periodical winds by waiting at
Mozambique until the Ist of August, and never leaving after
the middle of September, thus securing a safe and easy
passage to the coast of Hindostan.
He frequently refers to the gold of Sofala and the country
of the Monomotapa, of which he had heard just such reports
as Yasco da Gama had eagerly listened to eighty-six years
before. Tet he did not magnify the importance of these
rumours as the Portuguese had done, though it was mainly
from his writings that his countrymen became possessed of
that spirit of cupidity which induced them a few years later
to make strenuous efforts to become masters of South-Eastem
Africa.
Linschoten's treatises were collected and published in a
single large volume, and the work was at once received as a
text-book, a position which its merits entitled it to occupy.
The most defective portion of the whole is that referring to
South Africa : and for this reason, that it was then impossible
to get any correct information about the interior of the con-
tinent below the Zambesi west of the part frequented by the
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312 History of South Africa.
Portngaese. Linschoten himself saw no more of it than a
fleeting glimpse of False Cape afforded on his outward passage,
and his description was of necessity based upon the faulty
maps of the geographers of his time, so that it was full of
errors. But his account of India and of the way to reach it«
several ports was so correct that it could serve the purpope of
a guide-book, and his treatise on the mode of navigation by
the Portuguese was thus used by the commander of the first
Dutch fleet that appeared in the eastern seas.
The four vessels which left Texel on the 2nd of April
1595 were under the general direction of an ofScer named
Comelis Houtman. In the afternoon of the 2nd of August
the Cape of Good Hope was seen, and next day, after passing
Agulhas, the fleet kept close to the land, the little Ihtifke
sailing in front and looking for a harbour. On the 4th the
bay called by the Portuguese Agoada de S&o Bras was dis-
covered, and as the Duifke found good holding ground in
nine or ten fathoms of water, the MauntiuSy HoUandiay and
Amsterdam entered and dropped their anchors.
Here the fleet remained until the 11th, when sail was again
set for the East. During the interval a supply of fresh water
was taken in, and some oxen and sheep were purchased from
the natives for knives, old tools, and pieces of iron. The
Europeans were surprised to find the sheep covered with hair
instead of wool, and with enormous tails of pure fat No
women or habitations were seen. The appearance of the
Hottentots, their clothing, their assagais, their method of
making a fire by twirling a piece of wood rapidly round in
the socket of another piece, their filthiness in eating, and
the clicking of their language, are all correctly described;
but it was surmised that they were cannibals, because they
were observed to eat the half-raw intestines of animals, and
a fable commonly believed in Europe was repeated concerning
their mutilation in a peculiar manner of the bodies of con-
quered enemies. The intercourse with the few natives seen
was friendly, though at times each suspected the other of
evil intentions.
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Appearance of Rivals in the Eastern Seas. 313
A chart of the inlet was made,* from which it is seen to
be the one now called Mossel Bay. A little island in it
was covered with seals and penguins, some of each of which
were killed and eaten. The variation of the compass was
observed to be so trifling that the needle might be said to
point to the north.
Prom the Watering Place of Sao Bras Houtman continued
his voyage to India, but it is not necessary to relate
occurrences there. After his return to Europe several com-
panies were formed in different towns of the Netherlands,
with the object of trading to the East and wresting from
the Portuguese that wealth which they were then too feeble
to guard.
In the Leeuw, one of the ships sent out in 1598, and which
put into the Watering Place of Saldanha for refreshment, the
famous English seaman John Davis was chief pilot. He
wrote an account of the voyage, in which he states that the
Hottentots in Table Valley fell by surprise upon the men
who were ashore bartering cattle, and killed thirteen of them.
In his narrative Davis says that at Cape Agulhas the
magnetic needle was without variation, but in his sailing
directions, written after another voyage to India, he says :
"At False Cape there is no variation that I can find by
observing south from it. The variation of Cape Agulhas is
thirty minutes from north to west. And at the Cape of
Good Hope the compass is varied from north to east five
and twenty minutes."
No fresh discoveries on the African coast were made by
any of the fleets sent out at this time, but to some of the
bays new names were given.
In December 1599 four ships fitted out by an association
at Amsterdam calling itself the New Brabant Company sailed
* It id attached to the original journals, now in the archives of the Nether-
huula. I made a copy of it on tracing linen for the Cape government, as it
differs considerably from the chart in tlie printed condensed journal of the
voyage. In other respects also the compilation of the p!-intcd journal has
been very carelessly executed.
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314 History of South Africa.
from Texel for the Indies, under command of Pieter Both.
Two of them returned early in 1601, leaving the Vereenigde
Landen and the Hof van Holland under charge of Paulus
van Caerden to follow as soon as they could obtain cargoes.
On the 8th of July IGOI Van Caerden put into the
Watering Place of SSo Bras on the South African coast,
for the purpose of repairing one of his ships which was
in a leaky condition. The commander, with twenty soldiers,
went a short distance inland to endeavour to find people
from whom he could obtain some cattle, but though
he came across a party of eight natives he did not succeed
in getting any oxen or sheep. A supply of fresh water
was taken in, but no refreshment except mussels could
be procured, on account of which Van Caerden gave
the inlet the name Mossel Bay, which it has ever since
retained.
On the 14th, the Hof van Holland having been repaired,
the two ships sailed, but two days later, as they were
making no progress against a head wind, they put into
another bay. Here natives were found, from whom the
voyagers obtained for pieces of iron as many homed cattle
and sheep as they could consume fresh or had salt to pre-
serve. For this reason the commander gave it the name
Flesh Bay.
On the 2l8t sail was set, but the Hof van HcUand being
found leaky again, on the 23rd another bay was entered,
where her damages were repaired. On account of a westerly
gale the ships were detained here until the 30th, when
they sailed, but finding the wind contrary outside, they
returned to anchor. No natives were seen, but the com-
mander visited a river near by, where he encountered a party
from whom he obtained five sheep in exchange for bits of
iron. In the river were numerous hippopotami. Abundance
of fine fish having been secured here, the commander gave
the inlet the name Fish Bay.
On the 2nd of August the ships sailed, and on the 27th
passed the Cape of Good Hope, to the great joy of all on
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Appearance of Rivals in tJie Eastern Seas. 315
board, who had begun to fear that they would be obliged to
seek a port on the eastern side to winter in.
On the 5th of May 1601 a fleet of three vessels, named
the Ramy the Sehaap, and the Lam, sailed 'for the Indies
from Yere in Zeeland, under command of Joris van Spil-
bergen. On the 15th of November the fleet put into St.
Helena Bay, where no inhabitants were seen, though many
fires were observed inland. The only refreshment procurable
was fish, which were caught in great quantities.
On the 20th Spilbergen sailed from St. Helena Bay, and
beating against a head wind, on the evening of the 28th he
anchored off an island, to which he gave the name Elizabeth.
Four years later Sir Edward Michelburne termed it Cony
Island, which name, under the Dutch form of Dassen, it
still bears. Seals in great numbers, sea-birds of different
kinds, and conies were found. At this place he remained
only twenty-four hours. On the 2nd of December he cast
anchor close to another island, which he named Cornelia.
It was the Eobben island of the present day. Here were
found seals and penguins in great numbers, but no conies.
The next day at noon Spilbergen reached the Watering
Place of Saldanha, the anchorage in front of Table Mountain,
and gave it the name Table Bay, which it still bears.
The sick were conveyed to land, where a hospital was
established. A few natives were met, to whom presents of
beads were made, and who were understood to make signs
that they would bring cattle for sale, but they went away
and did not return. Abundance of fish was obtained with a
seine at the mouth of a stream which Spilbergen named the
Jacqueline, now Salt Biver; but, as meat was wanted, the
smallest of the vessels was sent to Elizabeth Island, where a
great number of penguins and cx)nies were killed and salted
in. The fleet remained in Table Bay until the 23rd of
December. When passing Cornelia Island, a couple of
conies were set on shore, and seven or eight sheep, which
had been left there by some previous voyagers, were shot,
and their carcases taken on board. Off the Cape of Good
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Hope the two French ships of which mention has been
made were seen.
Spilbergen kept along the coast, noticing the formation of
the land and the numerous streams falling into the sea,
but was sorely hindered in his progress by the Agulhas
current, which he found setting so strong to the south-
westward that at times he could make no way against it
even with the breeze in his favour. On the 17th of January
1602, owing to this cause, he stood off from the coast, and
did not see it again.
The fleets sent out by the different small companies which
had been formed in the chief towns of the Free Netherlands
gained surprising successes over the Portuguese in India,
but as they did not work in concert no permanent conquests
could be made. For this reason, as well as to prevent
rivalry and to conduct the Indian trade in a manner the
most beneficial to the people of the whole republic, the
states-'general resolved to unite all the small trading associa-
tions in one great company with many privileges and large
powers. The charter, or terms upon which the Company
came into existence, was dated at the Hague on the 20th of
March 1602, and contained forty-six clauses, the principal
of which were as follow : —
All of the inhabitants of the United Netherlands had the
right given to them to subscribe to the capital in as small
or as large sums as they might choose, with this proviso,
that if more money should be tendered than was needed,
those applying for shares of over two thousand five hundred
pounds sterling should receive less, so that the applicants
for smaller shares might have allotted to them the full
amounts asked for.
The chambers, or offices for the transaction of business, were
to participate in the following proportion : that of Amsterdam
one-half, that of Middelburg in Zeeland one quarter, those of
Delft and Rotterdam, otherwise called of the Maas, together
one-eighth, and those of Hoorn and. Enkhuizen, otherwise
called those of the North Quarter or sometimes those of
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North Holland and West Friesland, together the remaining
eighth.
The general directory was to consist of seventeen persons,
eight of whom were to represent the chamber of Amsterdam,
four that of Middelburg, two those of the Maas, two those
of the North Quarter, and the seventeenth was to be chosen
alternately by all of these except the chamber of Amster-
dam. The place of meeting of the general directory was
fixed at Amsterdam for six successive years, then at Middel-
burg for two years, then at Amsterdam again for six years,
and so on.
The directors of each chamber were named in the charter,
being the individuals who were the directors of the companies
previously established in those towns, and it was provided that
no others should be appointed until these should be reduced by
death or resignation : in the chamber of Amsterdam to twenty
persons, in that of Zeeland to twelve, and in those of Delft,
Eotterdam, Hoorn, and Enkhuizen each to seven. After that,
whenever a vacancy should occur, the remaining directors
were to nominate three qualified individuals, of whom the
states of the province in which the chamber was situated
were to select one.
To qualify an individual to be a director in the chambers of
the North Quarter it was necessary to own shares to the value
of £250 sterling, and double that amount to be a director
in any of the other chambers. The directors were to be
bound by oath to be faithful in the administration of the
duties entrusted to them, and not to favour a majority of
the shareholders at the expense of a minority. Directors
were prohibited from selling anything whatever to the Com-
pany without previously obtaining the sanction of the states
provincial or the authorities of the city in which the chamber
that they represented was situated.
All inhabitants of the United Provinces other than this
Company were prohibited from trading beyond the Straits of
Magellan, or to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, during
the period of twenty-one years, for which the charter was
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granted, under penalty of forfeiture of ship and cargo. Within
these limits the East India Company was empowered to enter
into treaties and make contracts in the name of the states-
general, to build fortresses, to appoint governors, military com-
manders, judges, and other necessary officers, who were all,
however, to take oaths of fidelity to the states-general or high
authorities of the Netherlands, who were not to be prevented
from making complaints to the states-general, and whose
appointments were to be reported to the states-general for
confirmation.
For these privileges the Company was to pay £12,500
sterling, which amount the states-general subscribed towards
the capital, for the profit and at the risk of the general
government of the provinces. The capital was nominally
furnished in the following proportions: Amsterdam one-half,
Zeeland one-fourth, the Maas one-eighth, and the North
Quarter one-eighth; but in reality it was contributed as
under : —
£ 8. (J.
Amsterdam 307,202 10 0
106,30i 10 0
Delft 38,880 3 4
Rotterdam
The North Quarter \^2^>:^^^^
Zeeland
The Maas
Total working capital .
The share of the states-general
14,546 16 8
22,369 3 4
47,380 3 4
536,683 6 8
12,500 0 0
Total nominal capital 549,183 6 8
The capital was divided into shares of £250 sterling each.
The shares, often sub-divided into fractions, were negotiable
like any other property, and rose or fell in value according
to the position of the Company at any time.
The advantage which the State derived from the estab-
lishment of this great association was apparent. The sums
received in payment of import dues would have been con-
tributed to an equal extent by individual traders. The
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amounts paid for the renewal of the charter— in 1647 the
Company paid £133,333 6s. 8d. for its renewal for twenty-five
years, and still larger sums were paid subsequently — might
have been derived from trading licenses. The Company
frequently aided the Republic with loans of large amount
when the State was in temporary need, but loans could then
have been raised in the modern method whenever necessary.
Apart from these services, however, there was- one supreme
advantage gained by the creation of the East India Company
which could not have been obtained from individual traders.
A powerful navy was called into existence, great armed fleets
working in unison and subject to the same control were
always ready to assist the State. What must otherwise have
been an element of weakness, a vast number of merchant
ships scattered over the ocean and ready to fall a prey to
an enemy's cruisers, was turned into a bulwark of strength.
In course of time several modifications took place in the
constitution of the Company, and the different provinces as
well as various cities were granted the privilege of having
representatives in one or other of the chambers. Thus the
provinces Gelderland, Utrecht, and Friesland, and the cities
Dordrecht, Haarlem, Leiden, and Gouda had each a repre-
sentative in the chamber of Amsterdam ; Groningen had a
representative in the chamber of Zeeland ; Overyssel one in
the chamber of Delft, &c. The object of this was to make
the Company represent the whole Bepublic.
Notwithstanding such regulations, however, the city of
Amsterdam soon came to exercise an immoderate influence in
the direction. In 1672 it was estimated that shares equal to
three-fourths of the whole capital were owned there, and of
the twenty-five directors of the local chamber, eighteen were
chosen by the burgomasters of the city. Fortunately, the
charter secured to the other chambers a stated proportion of
patronage and trade.
Such was the constitution of the Company which set
itself the task of destroying the Portuguese power in the
East and securing for itself the lucrative spice trade. It had
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320 History of South Africa.
no difficulty in obtaining as many men as were needed, for
the German states— not then as now united in one great
empire — formed an almost inexhaustible reservoir to draw
soldiers from, and the Dutch fisheries, together with Norway,
Sweden, and Denmark, furnished an adequate supply qf
excellent seamen. It sent out strong and well armed fleets,
capable of meeting any force the enemy had to oppose them,
and of driving him from the open seas. The first of these
fleets consisted of three large ships, commanded by Sebald
de Weerty which sailed on the Slst of March 1602, and it
was followed on the 17th of June of the same year by eleven
large ships and a yacht, under command of Wybrand van
Waerwyk.
The Company soon wrested from the Portuguese their
choicest possessions in the East, besides acquiring other
valuable territory from native owners. Its dividends to the
shareholders were enormous, owing largely to the spoil
captured by its ^%%\%, In one year they rose to seventy-five
per cent of the paid-up capital, and for upwards of a century
they averaged above twenty per cent.
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Proceedings of the Dutch and English. 321
CHAPTER XIV.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE DUTOH A^D ENGLISH.
Though the Dutch were soon in almost undisputed possession
of the valuable Spice islands, they were never able to eject the
Portuguese from the comparatively worthless coast of South-
Eastem Africa. That coast would only have been an encum-
brance to them, if they had secured it, for its commerce was
never worth much more than the cost of its maintenance until
the highlands of the interior were occupied by Europeans,
and the terrible mortality caused by its malaria would have
been a serious misfortune to them. It was out of their ocean
highway too, for they steered across south of Madagascar,
instead of keeping along the African shore. But they were
drawn on by rumours of the gold which was to be had, and
so they resolved to make themselves masters of Mozambique,
and with that island of all the Portuguese possessions sub-
ordinate to it. In Lisbon their intentions were suspected,
and in January 1601 the king issued instructions that Dom
Alvaro d'Abranches, Nuno da Cunha's successor as captain of
Mozambique, was on no account to absent himself from the
island, as it might at any time be attacked by either the
Turks or the Dutch.
On the 18th of December 1603 Steven van der Hagen left
Holland for India with a strong armed fleet, consisting of the
Vereenigde Provincien, Amsterdam, Dordrecht^ J3Wn, and West
Friesland, each of three hundred and fifty tons burden, the
Oelderland and Zeelandia, each of two hundred and fifty tons^
the Hof van HoUand, of one hundred and eighty tons, the
Delft and Enkhmzeriy each of one hundred and fifty tons, the
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322 History of South Africa,
Medenblih, of one hundred and twenty-five tons, and a despatch
boat named the Duifken, of thirty tons burden. In those days
such a fleet was regarded as, and actually was, a very formid-
able force, for though there were no ships in it of the size of
the great galleons of Spain and Portugal, each one was much
less unwieldy, and had its artillery better plcwed. There were
twelve hundred men on board, and the equipment cost no
less than £184,947 68. 8d.
Van der Hagen arrived before Mozambique on the 17th of
June 1604. Fort Silo Sebastiao had not at the time its
ordinary garrison of one hundred soldiers, owing to a disaster
that had recently occurred. A great horde of barbarians,
called the Cabires by the Portuguese, had entered the terri-
tory of the Monomotapa, and were laying it waste, so the
captain Lourenjo de Brito, by the king's order, went to the
assistance of the Ealanga chief, but was defeated and lost ten
or twelve Portuguese and part of his stores. SebastiSo de
Macedo was then in command at Mozambique. He sent a
vessel with fifty soldiers to De Brito's assistance, but on the
passage she was lost with all on board. None had yet
arrived to replace them, but the resident inhabitants of the
island had retired to the fort with everything of value that
they could remove, so Van der Hagen considered it too strong
to be attacked and therefore proceeded to blockade it There
was a carrack at anchor, waiting for some others from Lisbon
to sail in company to Goa. The boats of the Dutch fleet cut
her out, in spite of the heavy fire of the fort upon them.
She had on board a quantity of ivory collected on the East
African coast, but nothing else of much value.
On the 30th of June a small vessel from one of the
factories, laden with rice and ivory, came running up to the
island, and was too near to escape when she discovered her
danger. She was turned into a tender, and named the
Mozamhique. Then, for five weeks, the blockade continued,
without any noteworthy incident. On the 5th of August five
pangayos arrived, laden with rice and millet, and were of
course seized. Three days later Van der Hagen landed on
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the island with one hundred and fifty men, but found no
sign of hunger, and saw that the prospect of the surrender of
the fort was remote. He did no other damage than setting
fire to a single house, and as night drew on he returned on
board.
He was now anxious to proceed to India, so on the 12th
of August he set fire to the captured carrack, and sailed,
leaving the Belji^ Enhhuizen, and Duifken, to wait for the
ships expected from Lisbon. These vessels rejoined him, but
without having made any prizes, before he attacked the
Portuguese at Amboina and Tidor, and got possession of the
Spice islands. In this manner the first siege of Mozambique
was conducted, and failed.
The n^xt attempt was in 1607. On the 29th of March
of that year a Dutch fleet of eight large ships — the Banda^
Bantam, Ceylon, Walcheren, Ter Veere, Zierikzee, China, and
Pata/ae, — carrying one thousand and sixty men, commanded
by Paulus van Caerden, appeared before the island. The
Portuguese historian of this event represents that the fortress
was at the time badly in want of repair, that it was in-
sufficiently provided with cannon, and that there were no
artillerymen nor indeed regular soldiers of any branch of the
service in it, its defence being undertaken by seventy male
inhabitants of the town, who were the only persons on the
island capable of bearing arms. But this statement does not
agree either with the Dutch narrative or with the account
given by Dos Santos, from which it appears that there were
between soldiers and residents of the island one hundred and
forty-five men in the fortress. It was commanded by an
officer — Dom EstevSo d'Ataide by name — who deserves a
place among the bravest of his countrymen. He divided his
force into four companies, to each of which he gave a bastion
in charge. To one, under Martim Gomes de Carvalho, was
committed the defence of the bastion SSo JoSo, another,
under Antonio Monteiro Corte Eeal, had a similar charge in
the bastion Santo Antonio, the bastion Nossa Senhora was
confided to the care of Andr6 de Alpoim de Brito, while the
2 B
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324 History of South Africa.
bastion SSo Gabtiel, which was the one most exposed to
assault on the land side and where the stoutest resistance
would have to be made, was entrusted to the company under
Diogo de Carvalho. The people of the town hastily took
shelter within the fortress, carrying their most valuable effects
with them.
Van Caerden, in the Bcmda^ led the way right under the
guns of SlU) SebastiSo to the anchorage, where the Sofala
packet and two oarracks were lying. A heavy fire was
opened on both sides, but, though the ships were slightly
damaged, as the ramparts were of great height and the
Portuguese guns could not be depressed to command the
Dutch position thoroughly, no one except the master of
the Oeylon was wounded. Two of the vessels at anchor were
partly burned, but all were made prizes, after their crews
had escaped to the shore.
On the Ist of April Van Caerden landed with seven
hundred men and seven heavy guns, several of them twenty-
eight-pounders, in order to lay siege to Fort S&o SebastiiLo.
The Portuguese set fire to the town, in order to prevent their
enemy from getting possession of spoil, though in this object
they were unsuccessful, as a heavy fall of rain extinguished
the flames before much damage was done. The Dutch com-
mander took possession of the abandoned buildings without
opposition, and made the Dominican convent his headquarters,
lodging his people in the best houses. He commenced at
once making trenches in which the fortress could be ap-
proached by men under shelter from its fire, and on the 6th
his first battery was completed. The blacks, excepting the
able-bodied, being considered an encumbrance by both com-
batants, D*Ataide expelled those who were in the fort, and
Van Caerden caused all who were within his reach to be
transported to the mainland.
From the batteries, which were mere earthen mounds with
level surfaces, protected on the exposed sides with boxes,
casks, and bags filled with soil, a heavy fire was opened, by
which the parapet of the bastion Santo Antonio was broken
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Proceedings of the Dutch and English. 325
down, but it was repaired at night by the defenders, the
women and others incapable of bearing arms giving assist-
ance in this labour. The musketeers on the walls, in return,
caused some loss to their opponents by shooting any who
exposed themselves. The Portuguese historian makes special
mention of one Dutch officer in a suit of white armour, who
went about recklessly in full view, encouraging his men, and
apparently regardless of danger, until he was killed by a
musket ball.
The trenches were at length within thirty paces of the
bastion S&o Gabriel, and a battery was constructed there,
which could not be injured by the cannon on the fortress
owing to their great elevation, while from it the walls could
be battered with twenty-eight pound shot as long as the
artillerymen took care not to show themselves to the mus-
keteers on the ramparts. The Dutch commander then pro-
posed a parley, and D'Ataide having consented, he demanded
the surrender of the fortress. He stated that the Portuguese
could expect no assistance from either Europe or India, as
the mother country was exhausted and the viceroy Dom
Martim Affonso de Castro had been defeated in a naval
engagement, besides which nearly all the strongholds of the
East were lost to them. It would therefore be better to
capitulate while it could be done in safety than to expose
the lives of the garrison to the fury of men who would
carry the place by storm. Further, even if the walls proved
too massive for cannon, hunger must soon reduce the fortress,
as there could not be more them three months' provisions in
it. The Portuguese replied with taunts and brayado, and
defied the besiegers to do their worst. They would have no
other intercourse with rebels, they said, than that of arms.
During the night of the 17th some of the garrison made a
sortie for the purpose of destroying a drawbridge, which they
effected, and then retired, after having killed two men
according to their own account, though only having wounded
one according to the Dutch statement. A trench was now
made dose up to the wall of the bastion S3o Gabriel, and
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326 History of South Africa.
was covered with movable shields of timber of such thickness
that they could not be destroyed by anything thrown upon
them from the ramparts. During the night of the 29th,
however, the garrison made a second sortie, in which they
killed five Hollanders and wounded many more, and on the
following day they succeeded in destroying the wooden
shields by fire.
In the meantime fever and dysentery had attacked Van
Caerden's people, and the prospect was becoming gloomy
in the extreme. The fire from the batteries and ships had
not damaged the walls of the fortress below the parapet, and
sickness was increasing so fast that the Dutch commander
could not wait for famine to give him the prize. He there-
fore resolved to raise the siege, and on the 6th of May he
removed his cannon.
War between nations of different creeds in those days was
carried on in a merciless manner. On the 7th of May Van
Caerden wrote to Captain D'Ataide that he intended to
bum and destroy all the churches, convents, houses, and
palm groves on the island and the buildings and plantations
on the mainland, unless they were ransomed; but offered to
make terms if messengers were sent to him with that object.
A truce was entered into for the purpose of correspondence,
and six Hollanders dressed in Spanish costume went with a
letter to the foot of the wall, where it was fastened to a
string and drawn up. D'Ataide declined the proposal, how-
ever, and replied that he had no instructions from his
superiora, nor intention of his own, except to do all that was
possible with his weapons. He believed that if he ransomed
the town on this occasion, he would only expose it to similar
treatment every time a strong Dutch fleet should pass
that way.
Van Caerden then burned all the boats, canoes, and
houses, cut down all the cocoa-nut trees, sent a party of
men to the mainland, who destroyed everything of value
that they could reach there, and finally, just before embark-
ing, he set fire to the Dominican convent and the church of
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SSo Gabriel. What was more to be deplored, adds the
Portuguese historian Barbuda, "the perfidious heretics burned
with abominable fury all the images that were in the
churches, after which they treated them with a thousand
barbarous indignities." The walls of the great church and
of some other buildings were too massive to be destroyed
by the flames, but everything else was utterly ruined.
On the morning of the 16th of May, before daylight, the
Dutch fleet set sail. As the ships were passing Fort Sao
SebastiSo every gun that could be got to bear was brought
into use on both sides, when the Zterikzee had her tiller shot
away, and ran aground. Her crew and the most valuable
effects on board were rescued, however, by the boats of the
rest of the fleet, though many men were wounded by the
fire from the fort. The wreck was given to the flames.
In the second attempt to get possession of Mozambique
the Dutch lost forty men, either killed by the enemy or
carried off by fever, and they took many sick and wounded
away. The Portuguese asserted that they had only thirteen
men killed during the siege, and they magnified their slain
opponents to over three hundred.
After Van Caerden sailed the Portuguese set about repairing
the damage that had been done. In this they were assisted
by the crews of three ships, under command of the newly
appointed viceroy Dom Jeronymo Coutinho, that called on
their way from Lisbon to Goa. The batteries were removed,
the trenches were levelled, the walls of the ruined Dominican
convent were broken down, and the fortress was repaired and
provided with a good supply of food and munitions of war.
Its garrison also was strengthened with one hundred soldiers
landed from the ships. The inhabitants of the town returned
to the ruins of their former habitations, and endeavoured to
make new homes for themselves. These efforts to retrieve
their disasters had hardly been made when the island was
attacked by another and more formidable fleet.
It consisted of the ships Geunieerde Provintien^ HoUandia,
Amsterdam, Boode Leetm met Pylen, Middelburg, Zeelandta,
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328 History of South Africa.
Ddft^ Rotterdam, Hoom, Arendy Paauw, Valky and Griffioen,
carrying in all between eighteen and nineteen hundred men,
and was under the command of Pieter Willemszoon Verhoeff,
an oflBcer who had greatly distinguished hisnself after Admiral
Heemskerk's death in the famous battle in Gibraltar Bay.
Verhoeff left the Netherlands on the 22nd of December 1607,
and after a long stay at the island of St. Helena where he
waited for the westerly winds to take him past the Cape of
Good Hope, on the 28th of July 1608 arrived at Mozam-
bique. He was under the impression that Van Caerden had
certainly obtained possession of the fortress, and his object
was to lie in wait for Portuguese ships in the Channel; but
he was undeceived when his signals were answered with
cannon balls and a flag of defiance was hoisted over the
ramparts.
In the port were lying four coasting vessels and a
carrack with a valuable cargo on board, ready to sail for
Goa. In endeavouring to escape, the carrack ran aground
under the guns of the fort, where the Dutch got possession
of her, and made thirty-four of the crew prisoners. These
were removed, but before much of the cargo could be got
out the Portuguese from the fortress made a gallant dash,
retook the carrack, and burned her to the water's edge.
Two of the coasters were made prizes, the other two were in
a position where they could not be attacked.
Within a few hours of his arrival Verhoeff landed a strong
force, and formed a camp on the site of the destroyed
Dominican convent. Next morning he commenced making
trenches towards the fortress, by digging ditches and filling
bags with earth, of which banks were then made. The Portu-
guese of the town had retired within the fortress in such
haste that they were unable to remove any of their effects,
and the blacks, as during the preceding siege, were now
sent over to the mainland to be out of the way. Some of
the ships were directed to cruise off the port, the others were
anchored out of cannon range. A regular siege of the fortress
was commenced.
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In the mode of attack this siege differed little from
that by Van Gaerden, as trenches and batteries were made
in the same manner and almost in the same places. But
there were some incidents connected with it that deserve to
be mentioned. At its commencement an accident occurred in
the fortress, which nearly had disastrous consequences. A
soldier, through carelessness, let a lighted fuse fall in a
quantity of gunpowder, and by the explosion that resulted
several men were killed and a fire was kindled which for a
short time threatened the destruction of the storehouses, but
which was extinguished before much harm was done.
On the second day after the batteries were in full working
order the wall of the fortress between the bastions Santo
Antonio and SlU) Gabriel was partly broken down, and, ac-
cording to the Portuguese account, a breach was opened
through which a storming party might have entered. "If,"
says the historian Barbuda, "they had been Portuguese, no
doubt they would have stormed ; but as the Dutch are
nothing more than good artillerymen, and beyond this are
of no account except to be burned as desperate heretics, they
had not courage to rush through the ruin of the wall." That
this was said of men who had fought under Heemskerk leads
one to suspect that probably the breach was not of great
size, and the more so as the garrison was able to repair it
during the following night. It is not mentioned in the
Dutch account, in which the bravery of their opponents is
fully recognised.
On the 4th of August Verhoeff sent a trumpeter with
a letter demanding the surrender of the fortress. D'Ataide
would not even write a reply. He said that as he had
compelled Van Oaerden to abandon the siege he hoped to
be able to do the same with his present opponent. The
captain of the bastion SSo Gabriel, however, wrote that the
castle had been confided by the king to the commandant,
who was not the kind of cat to be taken without gloves.
Yerhoeff believed that the garrison was ill supplied with food,
so his trumpeter was well entertained, and on several occa-
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330 History of South Africa.
sions goats and pigs were driven out of the gateway in a
spirit of bravado.
Sorties were frequently made by the besieged, who had the
advantage of being able to observe from the ramparts the
movements of the Dutch. In one of these a soldier named
Moraria distinguished himself by attacking singly with his
lance three pikemen in armour at a distance from their
batteries, killing two of them, and wounding the other.
D'Ataide was made acquainted with his enemy's plans by a
French deserter, who claimed his protection on the ground
of being of the same religion. Four others subsequently
deserted from the Dutch camp, and were received in the
fortress on the same plea. YerhoeiT demanded that they
should be surrendered to him, and threatened that if they
were not given up he would put to death the thirty-four
prisoners he had taken in the carrack. D'Ataide replied
that if the prisoners were thirty-four thousand he would not
betray men who were Catholics and who had claimed his
protection, but if the Portuguese captives were murdered
their blood would certainly be avenged. Verhoeff relates in
his journal that the whole of the prisoners were then brought
out in sight of the garrison and shot, regarding the act in
the spirit of the time as rather creditable than otherwise;
but the version of the Portuguese historian may be correct,
in which it is stated that six men with their hands bound
were shot in sight of their countrymen, and that the others,
though threatened, were spared.
Until the 18th of August the siege was continued. Twelve
hundred and fifty cannon balls had been fired against the
fortress, without effect as far as its reduction was concerned.
Thirty of Verhoeff's men had been killed and eighty were
lying wounded. He therefore abandoned the effort, and em-
barked his force, after destroying what remained of the town.
On the 21st a great galleon approached the island so close
that the ships in the harbour could be counted from
her deck, but put about the moment the Dutch flag was
distinguished. Verhoeff sent the ships Armdy Griffioeny and
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YaXk in pursuit, and she was soon overtaken. According to
the Dutch account she made hardly any resistance, but in a
letter to the king from her captain, Francisco de Sodre
Pereira, which is still preserved, he claims to have made a
gallant stand for the honour of his flag. The galleon was
poorly armed, but he says that he fought till his ammunition
was all expended, and even then would not consent to sur-
render, though the ship was so riddled with cannon balls
that she was in danger of going down. He preferred, he said
to those around him, to sink with his colours flying. The
purser, however, lowered the ensign without orders, and a
moment afterwards the Dutch, who had closed in, took
possession. The prize proved to be the jBom Jem^^ from
Lisbon, which had got separated from a fleet on the way to
Goa, under command of the newly appointed viceroy, the
count De Feira. She had a crew of one hundred and eighty
men. The oflScers were detained as prisoners, the others were
put ashore on the island Saint George with provisions suflS-
cient to last them two days.
On the 23rd of August the fleet sailed from Mozambique
for India. There can be little question that this defeat of
the Dutch was more advantageous to them than victory
would have been, for if their design had succeeded a very
heavy tax upon their resources and their energy would have
been entailed thereafter. They did not realise this fact, how-
ever, and fifty-five years later another unsuccessful attempt
was made to acquire the coveted East African possessions.
Although Fort Sao Sebastiao after the last siege was
provided with a garrison of one hundred and fifty men and
some small armed vessels were kept on the coast to en-
deavour to prevent the Dutch from communicating with the
natives or obtaining provisions and water, their ships kept
the Portuguese stations in constant alarm. In the eastern
seas they were by this time the dominant power, and were
fast building up a commerce greater by far than the Portu-
guese had ever carried on. They distributed their spices and
silks over Europe, whereas their predecessors were satisfied
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332 History of South Africa,
with making Lisbon a market, to which purchasers of other
nations might come for whatever they needed.
On the 2l8t of Noyember 1609 Pieter Both was appointed
first governor-general of Netherlands India. He left Texel
with the next fleet, which sailed in the following January.
In a great storm off the Cape his ship got separated from
the others, so he put into Table Bay to repair some damages
to the mainmast and to refresh his men. In July 1610
Captain Nicholas Downton called at the same port in an
English vessel, and found Governor-General Both*s ship lying
at anchor and also two homeward bound Dutch ships taking
in train oil which had been collected at Bobben Island.
In May 1611 the Dutch skipper Isaac le Maire, after
whom the straits of Le Maire are named, called at Table
Bay. When he sailed, he left behind his son Jacob and a
party of seamen, who resided in Table Valley for several
months. Their object was to kill seals on Bobben Island,
and to harpoon whales, which were then very abundant in
South African waters in the winter season. They also tried
to open up a trade for skins of animals with the Hottentots.
In 1616 the assembly of seventeen resolved that its outward
bound fleets should always put into Table Bay to refresh the
crews, and from that time onward Dutch ships touched there
almost every season. A kind of post office was established
by marking the dates of arrivals and departures on stones,
and burying letters in places indicated. But no attempt was
made to explore the country, and no port south of the
Zfikmbesi except Table Bay was frequented by Netherlanders,
so that in the middle of the century nothing more con-
cerning it was known than the Portuguese had placed on
record.
In England an East India Company was also established,
whose first fleet, consisting of the Dragony of six hundred
tons, the Hector, of three hundred tons, the Aseenrian, of two
hundred and sixty tons, and the Susan, of two hundred and
forty tons burden, sailed from Torbay on the 22nd of April
1601. The admiral was James Lancaster, the same who had
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Proceedings of the Dutch and English. 333
commanded the Edtmrd Bonaventure ten years earlier. The
chief pilot was John Davis, who had only returned from the
Indies nine months before. On the 9th of September the
fleet came to anchor in Table Bay, by which time the crews
of all except the admiral's ship were so terribly afflicted with
scurvy that they were unable to drop their anchors. The
admiral had kept his men in a tolerable state of health by
supplying them with a small quantity of limejuice daily.
After his ship was anchored he was obliged to get out his
boats and go to the assistance of the others. Sails were then
taken on shore to serve as tents, and the sick were landed
as soon as possible. Trade was commenced with the natives,
and in the course of a few days forty-two oxen and a
thousand sheep were obtained for pieces of iron hoop. The
fleet remained in Table Bay nearly seven weeks, during
which time most of the sick men recovered.
On the 5th of December 1604 the Tiger-^tk ship of two
hundred and forty tons — and a pinnace called the Tiger's
Whelp set sail from Cowes for the Indies. The expedition
was under command of Sir Edward Michelbnme, and next to
him in rank was Captain John Davis. It was the last
voyage that this famous seaman was destined to make, for he
was killed in an encounter with Japanese pirates on the 27th
of December 1605. The journal of the voyage contains the
following paragraph : —
"The 3rd of April 1605 we sailed by a little island which
Captain John Davis took to be one that stands some five
or six leagues from Saldanha. Whereupon our general.
Sir Edward Michelbume, desirous to see the island, took
his skiff, accompanied by no more than the master's mate,
the purser, myself, and four men that did row the boat, and
so putting off from the ship we came on land. While we
were on shore they in the ship had a storm, which drove
them out of sight of the island ; and we were two days
and two nights before we could recover our ship. Upon
the said island is abundance of great conies and seals,
whereupon we called it Cony Island."
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334 History of South Africa.
On the 8th of April they anchored in Table Bay, where
they remained until the 3rd of the following month
refreshing themselves.
Erom this date onward the fleets of the English East India
Company made Table Bay a port of call and refreshment,
and usually procured in barter from the natiyes as many
cattle as they needed. In 1614 the board of directors sent a
ship with as many spare men as she could carry, a quantity
of provisions, and some naval stores to Table Bay to wait for
the homeward bound fleet, and, while delayed, to carry on a
whale and seal fishery as a means of partly meeting the
expense. The plan was found to answer fairly well, and it
was continued for several years. The relieving vessels left
England between October and February, in order to be at
the Cape in May, when the homeward bound fleets usually
arrived from India. If men were much needed, the victualler
— which was commonly an old vessel — was then abandoned,
otherwise an ordinary crew was left in her to capture whales,
or she proceeded to some port in the East, according to
circumstances.
The advantage of a place of refreshment in South Africa
was obvious, and as early as 1613 enterprising individuals
in the service of the East India Company drew the attention
of the directors to the advisability of forming a settlement
in Table Valley. Still earlier it was rumoured that the king
of Spain and Portugal had such a design in contemplation,
with the object of cutting off thereby the intercourse of all
other nations with the Indian seas, so that the strategical
value of the Cape was already recognised. The directors
discussed the matter on several occasions, but their views
in those days were very limited, and the scheme seemed too
large for them to attempt alone.
In their fleets were officers of a much more enterprising
spirit, as they were without responsibility in regard to the
cost of any new undertaking. In 1620 some of these pro-
claimed King James I sovereign of the territory extending
from Table Bay to the dominions of the nearest Christian
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Proceedings of the Dutch and English. 335
prince. The records of this event are interesting, as they
not only giye the particulars of the proclamation and the
reasons that led to it, but show that there must often have
been a good deal of bustle in Table Valley in those days.
On the 24th of June 1620 four ships bound to Surat, under
command of Andrew Shillinge, put into Table Bay, and were
joined when entering by two others bound to Bantam, under
command of Humphrey Fitzherbert. The Dutch had at this
time the greater part of the commerce of the East in their
hands, and nine large ships under their flag were found at
anchor. The English vessel Lum was also there. Com-
modore Fitzherbert made the acquaintance of some of the
Dutch officers, and was informed by them that they had
inspected the country around, as their Company intended to
form a settlement in Table Valley the following year.
Thereupon he consulted with Commodore Shillinge, who
agreed with him that it was advisable to try to frustrate the
project of the Hollanders. On the 25th the Dutch flee
sailed for Bantam, and the Lion left at the same time,
but the Schiedam^ from Delft, arrived and cast anchor.
On the 1st of July the principal English officers,
twenty-one in number, — among them the Arctic navigator
William Baffin, — met in council, and resolved to proclaim
the sovereignty of King James I over the whole country.
They placed on record their reasons for this decision, which
were, that they were of opinion a few men only would be
needed to keep possession of Table Valley, that a planta-
tion would be of great service for the refreshment of the
fleets, that the soil was fruitful and the climate pleasant,
that the natives would become willing subjects in time
and they hoped would also become servants of God, that
the whale fishery would be a source of profit, but, above all,
that they regarded it as more fitting for the Dutch when
ashore there to be subjects of the king of England than for
Englishmen to be subject to them or any one else. *^Bule
Britannia" was a very strong sentiment, evidently, with that
party of adventurous seamen.
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336 History of South Africa.
On the 3rd of July a proclamation of sovereignty was
read in presence of as many men of the six ships as could
go ashore for the purpose of taking part in the ceremony.
Skipper Jan Cornelis Eunst, of the SekieAam^ and some of
his officers were also present, and raised no objection. On
the Lion's rump, or King James's mount as Fitzherbert and
Shillinge named it, the flag of St. George was hoisted, and
was saluted, the spot being afterwards marked by a mound
of stones, xi small flag was then given to the natives to
preserve and exhibit to visitors, which it was believed they
would do most carefully.
After going through this ceremony with the object of
frustrating the designs of the Dutch, the English officers
buried a packet of despatches beside a stone slab in the
valley, on which were engraved the letters V> they being
in perfect ignorance of the fact that those symbols denoted
prior possession taken for the Dutch East India Company.
On the 25th of July the Surat fleet sailed, and on the next
day Fitzherbert's two ships followed, leaving at anchor in
the bay only the English ship Bear^ which had arrived on
the 10th.
The proceeding of Fitzherbert and Shillinge, which was
entirely unauthorised, was not confirmed by the directors of
the East India Company or by the government of England,
and nothing whatever came of it. At that time the ocean
commerce of England was small, and as she had just entered
upon the work of colonising North America, she was not
prepared to attempt to form a settlement in South Africa
also. Her king and the directors of her India Company
had no higher ambition than to enter into a close alliance
with the Dutch Company, and to secure by this means a
stated proportion of the trade of the East. In the Nether-
lands also a large and influential party was in favour of
either forming a federated company, or of a binding union
of some kind, so as to put it out of the power of the
Spaniards and Portuguese to harm them. From 1613 onward
this matter was frequently discussed on both sides of the
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Proceedings of the Dutch and English. 337
Channel, and delegates went backward and forward, bnt it
was almost impossible to arrange terms.
The Dutch had many fortresses which they had either
bnilt or taken from the Portuguese in Java and the Spice
islands, and the English had none, so that the conditions
of the two parties were unequal. In 1617, however, the
kings of France and Denmark sent ships to the eastern
seas, and there was a possibility that one or other of them
might unite with Holland or England. Accordingly each
party was more willing than before to make concessions,
and on the 2nd of June 1619 a close alliance was entered
into. The English Company was to bear half the cost of
offensive and defensive operations in the Indian seas, and
was to have one-third of the trade of the Moluccas, Banda,
and Amboina, the remaining eastern commerce to be free
for each party to make the most of.
The rivalry, however, — bordering closely on animosity —
between the servants of the two Companies in distant
lands prevented any agreement made in Europe being
carried out, and though in 1623 another treaty of alliance
was entered into, in the following year it was dissolved.
Thereafter the great success of the Dutch in the East placed
them beyond the desire of partnership with competitors.
While these negotiations were in progress, a proposal was
made from Holland that a refreshment station should be
established in South Africa for the joint use of the fleets of
the two nations, and the English directors received it
favourably. They undertook to cause a settrch for a proper
place to be made by the next ship sent to the Cape with
relief for the returning fleet, and left the Dutch at liberty
to make a similar search in any convenient way. Accordingly
on the 30th of November 1619 the assembly of seventeen
issued instructions to the commodore of the fleet then about
to sail to examine the coast carefully from Saldanha Bay to
a hundred or a hundred and fifty miles east of the Cape of
Good Hope, in order that the best harbour for the purpose
might be selected. This was done, and an opinion was
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338 History of Smith Africa,
pronounced in favour of Table Bay. In 1622 a portion of
the coast was inspected for the same purpose by Captain
Johnson, in the English ship B.o^e^ but his opinion of Table
Bay and the other places which he visited was such that
he would not recommend any of them. The tenor of his
report mattered little, however, for with the failure of the
close alliance between the two companies, the design of
establishing a refreshment station in South Africa was
abandoned by both.
Perhaps the ill opinion of Table Bay formed by Captain
Johnson may have arisen from an occurrence that took
place on its shore during the previous voyage of the JBose.
That ship arrived in the bay on the 28th of January 1620,
and on the following day eight of her crew went ashore
with a seine to catch fish near the mouth of Salt Biver.
They never returned, but the bodies of four were afterwards
found and buried, and it was believed that the Hottentots
had either carried the other four away as prisoners or had
murdered them and concealed the corpses.
This was not the only occurrence of the ' kind, for in
March 1632 twenty-three men belonging to a Dutch ship
that put into Table Bay lost their lives in conflict with the
natives. The cause of these quarrels is not known with
certainty, but at the time it was believed they were
brought on by the Europeans attempting to rob the Hottentots
of cattle.
An experiment was once made with a view of trying to
secure a firm friend among the Hottentots, and impressing
those people with respect for the wonders of civilisation. A
savage named Cory was taken from the Cape to England,
where he was made a great deal of, and received many
rich and valuable presents. Sir Thomas Smythe, the governor
of the East India Company, was particularly kind to him,
and gave him among other things a complete suit of brass
armour. He returned to South Africa with Captain Nicholas
Downton in the ship TSew Year's Oift, and in June 1614
landed in Table Valley with all his treasures. But Captain
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Proceedings of the Dutch and English, 339
Downton, who thought that he was overflowing with grati-
tude, saw him no more. Cory returned to his former habits
of living, and instead of acting as was anticipated, taught
his countrymen to despise bits of copper in exchange for
their cattle, so that for a long time afterwards it was
impossible for ships that called to obtain a supply of fresh
meat.
It has been seen what use the Portuguese made of
convicts when they were exploring unknown countries, or
when there were duties of a particularly hazardous or
unpleasant nature to be performed. The English employed
criminals in the same manner. In January 1615 the
governor of the East India Company obtained permission
from the king to transport some men under sentence of
death to countries occupied by savages, where, it was
supposed, they would be the means of procuring supplies
of provisions, making discoveries, and creating trade. The
records in existence — unless there are documents in some
unknown place — furnish too scanty material for a complete
account of the manner in which this design was carried out.
Only the following can be ascertained with certainty. A few
days after the consent of the king was given, the sheriffs of
London sent seventeen men from Newgate on board ships
bound to the Indies, and these were voluntarily accompanied
by three others, who appear to have been convicted criminals,
but not under sentence of death. The proceeding was
regarded as "a very charitable deed and a means to bring
them to God by giving them time for repentance, to crave
pardon for their sins, and reconcile themselves unto His
favour." In June the fleet arrived in Table Bay, and nine
of the condemned men were set ashore with their own free
will.
In one of the ships of this fleet Sir Thomas Eoe, English
envoy to the Great Mogul, was a passenger. A pillar
bearing an inscription of his embassy was set up in Table
Valley, and thirty or forty pounds weight of stone which he
believed to contain quicksilver and vermilion was taken
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340 History of South Africa.
away to be assayed in England, but of particulars that
would be much more interesting now no information whatever
is to be had from the records of his journey.
Again, in June 1616, three condemned men were set
ashore in Table Valley, and a letter signed by them is
extant, in which they acknowledge the clemency of King
James in granting them their forfeited lives, and promise to
do his Majesty good and acceptable service.
There may have been other instances of the kind, of
which no record is in existence now. How the criminals
lived, what effect their residence had upon the native clans,
and how they died, must be left to conjecture. The fate
of only a very few is known. These made their way back to
England, and were there executed for fresh offences.
No further effort was made by the English at this time
to form a connection with the natives of South Africa,
though their ships continued to call at Table Bay for the
purpose of taking in water and getting such other refresh-
ment as was obtainable. They did not attempt to explore the
country or to correct the charts of its coasts, nor did they
frequent any of its ports except Table Bay, and very rarely
Mossel Bay, until a much later date. A few remarks in
ships' journals, and a few pages of observations and opinions
in a book of travels such as that of Sir Thomas Herbert,
from none of which can any reliable information be obtained
that is not also to be drawn from earlier Portuguese writers,
are all the contributions to a knowledge of South Africa
made by Englishmen during the early years of the seven-
teenth century. Though our countrymen were behind no
others in energy and daring, as Drake, Raleigh, Gilbert,
Davis, Hawkins, and a host of others had proved so well,
not forgetting either the memorable story of the Revenff€y
which Jan Huyghen van Linschoten handed down for a
modern historian to write in more thrilling words, England
had not yet entered fully upon her destined career either
of discovery or of commerce, the time when "the ocean
wave should be her home" was still in the days to come.
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Fruitless Search /or Stiver Mines. 341
CHAPTER XV.
FRUITLESS SBAROH FOR SILVER MINES.
The power of the Portuguese in the East was irrecoverably
broken, and their possessions were falling one after another
into stronger hands, but the individual who wa« most affected
by the change could not, or did not, realise the extent of
his loss. That individual was Philippe, the third of Spain,
the second of Portugal, who among his numerous titles still
retained that of Lord of the Conquest, Navigation, and Com-
merce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India. Perhaps he did
not know of all the disasters that had overtaken his subjects,
for he heard nothing except through the ears of the duke
of Lerma, and that all-powerful favourite was not the man to
point out that his empire was crumbling away, or to suggest
any efficient means of preserving what still remained of it.
Accordingly in the royal orders to the viceroys of India,
which commenced with the phrase "I the king," instructions
were given in as lofty language as if Philippe was still
really lord of the East and in receipt of an ample revenue.
With regard to the coast of South-Eastern Africa, a hundred
and fifty — a little later raised to three hundred — soldiers were
to be stationed at Mozambique, the fortifications of Sofala
were to be thoroughly repaired and provided with a garrison,
forts were to be constructed at the different mouths of the
Zambesi to protect the entrances of that river, Tete and Sena
were to be made secure, and a fleet of armed vessels was to
be kept cruising up and down the coast, so as to make the
whole line impregnable. But where were the men and the
ships and the money to come from? That question could not
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342 History of South Africa.
be answered^ and thus matters remained in the most wretched
condition imaginable.
On the 2l8t of March 1608 the king wrote to Dom Jo5o
Froyas Pereira, count of Feira, then viceroy of India, that
Sebastiao de Macedo and Dom Estevao d'Ataide, successively
captains of Mozambique, had sent specimens of silver ore to
Lisbon so rich as to yield two-thirds of their weight pure
metal. The exact locality where the ore was obtained was
unknown, but it was believed to be at Chicova, on the
southern bank of the Zambesi some distance above Tete.
The king therefore ordered the viceroy to send a force of
five hundred men under Sebastiao de Macedo, Dom EstevSU)
d'Ataide, or some other suitable person, to search for the
mines and take possession of them. In addition to the forti-
fications and garrisons already mentioned, four strongholds,
which Dom EstevSto d'Ataide had represented as necessary to
secure the country, were to be built and occupied, namely
one each at Chicova, Masapa, Bukoto, and Luanze. No
ground except the actual mines was to be taken from the
natives, nor was the government of the Monomotapa over his
people to be interfered with in any way. The general in
command of the expedition was to have supreme control in
South-Eastern Africa, and upon his arrival was to appoint
a new captain of Mozambique, who was to command the
garrison and town in subordination to him.
The time was opportune for such an enterprise, as the prin-
cipal Kalanga tribe had for some years been engaged in civil
war, and the Portuguese had acquired considerable influence
in the country. In 1597, when Nuno da Cunha was captain
of Mozambique, a powerful tribe on the border, under a chief
named Tshunzo, made war upon the Monomotapa, and sent
two strong armies into his territory. One of these, under the
induna Eapampo, marched as far as Masapa, but retreated on
learning that an immense Ealanga force under Ningomosha,
the Monomotapa's general in chief, was rapidly approaching.
In retreating, Kapampo laid the country along his line of
march utterly waste, so that Ningomosha was unable to follow
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Fruitless Search for Silver Mines. 343
him. The Monomotapa of the time, Gasiiusere by name, was
addicted to the use of dacha, and was otherwise a cruel, pas-
sionate, faithless tyrant. Though Ningomosha wan in no way
to blame for what had occurred, and was the next in rank to
himself in the tribe, he caused him to be put to death for
having failed to overtake Eapampo, and by this act raised
against himself a large section of the people.
The other division of Tshunzo's force, under the induna
Tshikanda, marched to within a short distance of the great
place, and there made peace with the Monomotapa on con-
dition of being permitted to retain possession of the district
it was then occupying. Two years later, however, the war
was renewed, when Tshikanda robbed some slaves who were
trading for their Portuguese masters, upon which the inhabit-
ants of Tete and Sena joined the Monomotapa against him.
They were seventy-five in number, and took with them about
two thousand Kaffir warriors, the whole force being under the
command of Belchior d'Araujo, captain of Tete. Tshikanda
was found within a lager, surrounded by about thirty thousand
Makalanga. He had only six hundred warriors with him, but
he had made as light of his opponents as a cat would of so
many mice, attacking them by day and night and slaughter-
ing many of them. The Portuguese approached the lager
under cover of wickerwork screens carried before them, and
shot so many of those within that Tshikanda offered to sur-
render on condition that the lives of his people should be
spared. The Makalanga would not agree to this, so that
night the besieged band attempted to cut its way through
them, and Tshikanda and a few of his followers escaped. At
dawn next morning the Portuguese entered the lager, and
found a considerable amount of spoil. They then returned
to their homes, after having obtained from the Monomotapa,
in recompense of their services, permission to carry arms
wherever they should travel in his country, a privilege they
had not enjoyed before.
The defeat of Tshikanda, instead of restoring peace to the
Ealanga tribe, brought on civil war, for the party that resented
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344 History of South Africa,
the death of Ningomosha, being no longer apprehensive of
danger from a foreign foe, rose in revolt against the drunken
and ferocious Monomotapa. They gained some successes, but
when a few Portuguese under the leadership of Francisco da
Cunha, captain of the Gates, went to the Monomotapa's aid,
they lost heart and fled to the territory of a chief who was
supposed to be friendly to their cause. This chief, however,
instead of receiving them as they had anticipated, seized
their leader, cut off his head, and sent it to the Monomotapa.
By this act another of the rebel commanders, a man of great
energy and ability, named Matuzianye, became the head of
the insurgents, and he carried on the war so skilfully that in
a few years he was master of nearly the whole country.
The Monomotapa was in a sore plight when a Portuguese
trader named Diogo Simoes Madeira, who had been some time
resident at Tete, volunteered to assist him. This man raised
a small company of Europeans armed with arquebuses, with
whose assistance the legitimate Ealanga ruler recovered a
large part of his territory. As a reward to his Portuguese
friend for such valuable service he made him a present of the
district of Inyabanzo adjoining the lands subject to Tete, with
sovereign rights over the people residing in it Further, on
the 1st of August 1607, being encamped on the bank of the
river Mazoe, he attached his mark to a document formally
drawn up by the notary Miguel Nunes, in which he ceded
to the king of Portugal all the mines of gold, copper, iron,
pewter, and lead in his country, on condition that the king
should maintain him in his position. All silver mines he
granted to Diogo Madeira, who in the same document trans-
ferred them to the king. Under his name on the deed of
gift the Monomotapa with his own hand made three crosses,
and the document was signed as principals by Miguel Nunes
and Diogo Simoes Madeira. As witnesses the signatures were
attached of the friar JoSo Lobo, vicar of Luanze, the friar
Manuel de Sao Vicente, chaplain of the force, and twenty-four
other Portuguese, in addition to the marks of several who
could not write.
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As a proof of good faith the Monomotapa delivered to
Diogo Madeira two of his sons, in order that they might be
educated at Tete and brought up as Christians^ and he pro-
mised to give two of his daughters for the same purpose.
Shortly after this event the principal army of the insurgents
was defeated in a pitched battle, and the Monomotapa
regained possession of his great place. The Portuguese then
returned to Tete, taking with them the two young chiefs, —
the daughters were never given to them, — and the country
was apparently again in a condition of peace. The sons of
the great chief were maintained in the house of Diogo
Madeira, and having received instruction from the Dominican
friars were baptized with the names Philippe and Diogo. The
elder of the two, Philippe, then returned to his father, but
Diogo remained at Tete, where he was taught to read and
write as well as to assist the friars in the services of the
church.
A year passed away, and the Monomotapa collected his
army again to attack the rebels who had not submitted. The
tribe under Mongasi had hitherto maintained neutrality, but
he now fell upon that chief and caused him to be killed.
Thereupon the Mongasis effected a junction with Matuzianye,
and at once the tide of success turned. The Monomotapa's
forces were defeated, and in a short time he was reduced to
the greatest straits. Matuzianye then invaded Inyabauzo, but
was driven back by Diogo Madeira, who built a strong lager
and stationed twenty arquebusiers and three hundred Kaffir
warriors in it. It was hardly completed when messengers
arrived from the Monomotapa, urgently begging for assistance.
The great chief had just been defeated by Matuzianye in a
battle in which he had been wounded himself and his eldest
son had been killed. Diogo Madeira sent out a party that
found the distressed fugitive, and escorted him to the lager
at Inyabanzo, where he remained three months under the pro-
tection of the Portuguese. Then he removed to Tshidima,
farther up the southern bank of the Zambesi, where he would
be within easy reach of European aid should his enemies
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346 History of South Africa,
attack him again. Surely romance furnishes nothing more
strange than the hereditary chief of the largest and most
advanced tribe of Southern Africa depending for existence
upon the favour of a European adventurer with barely a
couple of score of arquebuses at his command.
Tliis was the state of aflfairs when the king's orders con-
cerning the search for the silver mines were issued. The
count of Feira, to whom they were addressed, died while they
were on the way out, and the friar Dom Aleixo de Menezes,
archbishop of Goa, was acting as governor-general of Portu-
guese India when they arrived. He could not carry them
out completely, but he did what was possible by appointing
Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira, an oflScer of energy and ability,
captain general of the Conquest, and giving him a hundred
soldiers to accompany him to South-Eastern Africa. In
March 1609 the captain general arrived at Tete, and at once
sent thirty soldiers to act as a bodyguard to the Monomo-
tapa. Having made the necessary arrangements, he directed
Diogo Madeira to proceed to Tshidima in command of the
remaining seventy soldiers and two thousand Kaffirs of Tete,
and instructed him to deliver a valuable present to the
Monomotapa, whom he was to persuade to accompany the
expedition to Chicova and point out the silver mines. The
Monomotapa consented to this arrangement. On the way
the chief of the clan that occupied Chicova met the party
and presented three small pieces of silver ore to the Portu-
guese leader, but he and his attendants disappeared imme-
diately afterwards, and on arriving at the place neither the
Monomotapa nor any one else was able to point out a mine.
Still it was believed that if the fugitive chief and his people
could be captured they would be able to do so, and therefore
it was resolved to suppress the insurrection as a preliminary
measure.
After a stay of eighteen days at Chicova the Portuguese
army with all the warriors the Monomotapa could collect
marched against Matuzianye, and in a series of engagements
inflicted such losses upon him that he was at length corn-
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pelled to take refuge ivith a few followers on a strong
mountain. The Portuguese, however, met with some reverses
as well. At Bukoto they were defeated, and for a short
time that station was occupied by the enemy. When at
length Matuzianye's adherents were completely dispersed
Diogo Madeira left ten soldiers as a bodyguard with the
Monomotapa, who was then at his great place, and with the
remainder of his force he returned to Tete, taking with him
several men of rank who were directed by the chief to trans-
fer the silver mines to the captain general. Shortly after
this Matuzianye was treacherously assassinated by an agent
of the Monomotapa, and organised opposition to the authority
of the legitimate ruler entirely ceased throughout the country,
though some robber bands still held out in the mountains.
In the meantime Kuy Louren^o de Tavora had arrived at
Goa as viceroy, and had appointed Dom Estevao d'Ataide
captain general of the Conquest. Dom Estevao had arrived
at Sena, and Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira had gone down the
river to meet him and transfer the government. Diogo
Madeira therefore proceeded to Sena with the Monomotapa's
envoys, and introduced them to the new captain general, at
the same time reporting all that had occurred. But now a
great change took place in the attitude of the Ealanga
deputies. Their tribe was once more united, and they felt
themselves strong enough to resist the little party of Portu-
guese to whom they had been so submissive while Matuzianye
was alive and in rebellion. They therefore put on a bold
face, and demanded the merchandise which each new captain
of Mozambique had been obliged to send to the Monomotapa
on entering office. Dom Estevao d'Ataide made large pro-
mises, but gave no cloth. He sent the Kalanga deputies
back to Masapa with Diogo Carvalho and fifty soldiers, who
built a stockade or strong lager there, and occupied it as a
garrison. A robber band, consisting of the most determined
of the late rebels, was in possession of a mountain strong-
hold close by, so the Monomotapa sent an army to encamp
in the neighbourhood, in expectation that the Portuguese
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348 History of South Africa.
would assist to destroy it. The robbers attacked Masapa
twice, and caused some loss, but Carvalho was not to be drawn
from his fort
As Dom EstevSto's promises were not fulfilled, the Mono-
motapa grew weary of waiting for the merchandise which his
envoys had asked for, and ordered a general empata, or con-
fiscation of Portuguese property, throughout his country.
Several traders were killed in resisting it, and even Diogo
Madeira, who was on a bartering expedition at the time,
although he had performed such eminent services for the
great chief, was robbed of all his goods and barely escaped
with his life. Diogo Carvalho, on learning what was taking
place, formed an aUiance with the robbers in his neighbour-
hood, and together with them fell upon the Kalanga camp
one night and created great havoc in it. He then abandoned
Masapa and retired to Tete, leaving no Portuguese in the
interior of the Monomotapa's country.
Dom EstevSo d'Ataide now resolved upon war with the
Ealanga tribe. The force under his command, consisting of
only one hundred and twenty-five soldiers, was altogether
too puny for such an undertaking, but he hoped to obtain
the aid of the clans that had been recently in rebellion as
well as of the tribes along the Zambesi that were the heredi-
tary enemies of the Monomotapa. He shifted his head
quarters from Sena to Tete, and sent Diogo Carvalho two
days' journey farther up the river to build and occupy a fort
to be called Santo EstevSo. This was just accomplished
when a complete break in the proceedings occurred. It was
~ reported in Lisbon that a fleet of unusual strength was about
to leave Holland for India, so on the 10th of October 1611
the king issued instructions that the captain general of the
Conquest was at once to reinforce the garrison of Mozam-
bique, which tlien consisted of only twenty-five soldiers. In
consequence of this order, in March 1612 Dom Esteviio was
obliged to leave Tete with all his force, and seven months
elapsed before he could return. Diogo Madeira, who had
received from the viceroy the appointment of captain of Tete
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for life, remained behind with the permanent residents of the
place, but they, though assisted by their Bantu subjects and
by the people of the district of Inyabanzo, could do nothing
more than defend themselves against the army which the
Monomotapa sent to attack them.
In 1612 reinforcements of troops arrived at Mozambique
from Portugal, and Dom Estevao d'Ataide was enabled to
return to the Zambesi. But the king was becoming dissatis-
fied with the want of progress in conquest or discovery, and
he found fault with the terms on which the viceroy Buy
Lourenfo de Tavora had engaged the captain general. To
the new viceroy, Dom Jeronymo d'Azevedo, he wrote that
his predecessor had no authority to promise high honours and
favours to Dom Estevao in the event of his being successful,
and he directed that the agreement with him should be
annulled. Dom EstevS-o was to proceed to India, leaving the
direction of military matters in the hands of Diogo Simoes
Madeira, who was made a member of the order of Christ
and was granted a small annual pension, besides being con-
firmed in possession of the district of Inyabanzo and promised
the rank of a nobleman should he succeed in discovering and
opening the silver mines. He was not, however, to have the
position of captain general of the Conquest, as Buy de Mello
de Sampayo, who had a claim to the captaincy of Mozam-
bique under the former condition of afiairs, was to have the
civil administration and independent command of Fort Sao
SebastiiU) given to him with a monopoly of the commerce
south of the Zambesi on the usual terms.
Buy de Mello de Sampayo was not in India when this
order arrived, so the viceroy appointed his own brother Dom
JoSo d'Azevedo captain of Mozambique for one year, and
recalled Dom Estevao d'Ataide. Nothing of any consequence
had been done since his return to Tete, and in July 1613
Dom EstevSo laid down the command and set out for India,
but died at Mozambique on the way, leaving property in
gold, ivory, &c. worth one hundred and ten thousand cruza-
dos, which the judge Francisco da Fonseca Pinto, who had
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350 History of South Africa,
been sent from India to conduct the usual examination into
his conduct, placed in safe keeping.* It was subsequently
confiscated for the benefit of the royal treasury, and was used
to pay for repairing the fortifications of Mozambique. The
death of Dom EstevSo saved him from the punishment often
inflicted upon the unsuccessful, whether they were guilty of
misconduct or not. On the 8th of March 1613 the king
wrote to the viceroy to have him arrested and tried for
furthering his own interests at Tete instead of proceeding
with the conquest and for having taken to the Zambesi a
hundred and fifty disciplined soldiers from Fort Sao SebastiSo
and left in their stead only forty or fifty recruits, whereas he
was under obligation to maintain at Mozambique two hundred
soldiers and to employ five hundred in the expedition in
search of the mines. If he was found guilty of these offences
he was to be sent to Portugal a prisoner in chains. This was
the fate designed by the king for the man who had so gal-
lantly defended Mozambique against the Dut<jh, but who had
failed to carry out an engagement to raise an army when
men were not to be had.
Diogo Madeira with the slender force under his command
now undertook the enterprise in which two officers of superior
rank and authority had failed. On the 10th of August 1613,
having received transfer of the soldiers and a trifling quantity
of military stores, he left Sena to proceed up the river in
boats, but had hardly set out when he encountered opposi-
tion. There was a clan living close to Sena under a chief
named Tshombe, who during the recent disturbances had come
under the protection of the Portuguese, and had agreed to
pay as tribute a certain quantity of millet yearly. Seeing
the weakness of his protectors now that the civil war in the
country was ended, this man was disposed to assert his inde-
pendence, and when the new commander called upon him to
* The chronicler of these events in one place incidentally states that
eighteen maticals of gold were equal to nearly thirty cruzados, so that this
amount would represent about £29,500. Whenever the cruzado of King
Sebastiao is meant it is terraetl a cruzado d'ouro.
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pay his tribute and to surrender some fugitive slaves whom
he was hcurbouring, he refused to comply. He even attempted
to prevent the flotilla passing up the river until a toll was
paid to him, but was defeated in an engagement, and the
boats proceeded onward.
As it was necessary to keep open the communication by the
Zambesi with the sea, on his arrival at Tete Diogo Madeira
raised as large an army as he could to proceed against
Tshombe. It consisted of one hundred European and mixed
breed arquebusiers and six thousand Bantu warriors from the
lands of Tete and Inyabanzo. With these he marched down
the river bank and attacked his opponent, who was found
entrenched in a very strong lager and well! supplied with
means of defence. The attack failed, and all the men that
could be collected at Sena, consisting of forty arquebusiers
and three thousand Kaffirs under a friendly chief named Kwi-
tambo, were then summoned to assist. Again an attempt to
take the lager by storm was unsuccessful, so it was besieged
for over two months in the hope of starving the defenders.
In an assault on the 16th of !N^ovember some advantage was
gained, and that night Tshombe and a few of his followers
made their way through the blockading force and escaped.
On Sunday the 17th of November the Portuguese obtained
possession of the lager, and secured as spoil some ivory and
loincloths of native memufacture, besides eight thousand adults
and as many children, who were made slaves. Fifty soldiers
were left in the lager to prevent its being reoccupied, and
Tshombe was pursued until nearly all of his warriors were
slain. The territory he had occupied was then given to Kwi-
tambo, who engaged to pay tribute for it, and Diogo Madeira
with his army returned to Tete.
Here he was gladdened by a message from the Monomo-
tapa that if he would pay the quantity of merchandise
usually given by those entering office he might take posses-
sion of Chicova in peace. Goods to the value of four
thousand cruzados were at once forwarded, and in return a
man of rank was sent by the Kalanga ruler to transfer the
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352 History of South Africa.
district supposed to contain the silver mines. Accordingly,
on the 15th of April 1614 Diogo Madeira left Tete with a
hundred soldiers, six hundred Bantu warriors, and a number
of slaves carrying stores, and on the 8th of May reached
Ghicova, where he set about building a fort or stockaded
enclosure which he named Sfto Miguel. The envoy of the
Monomotapa was with him, but could not point out a mine,
and the chief of the locality fled as soon as the object of
the expedition became known. On being applied to, the
Monomotapa sent a piece of silver ore weighing about half
a pound, and with it a man named Tsherema, who had found
it at Chieova; but Tsherema could only point out loose
pieces of ore, not a mine. Diogo Madeira caused him to be
beaten and imprisoned, but to no purpose, for he was never
able to show his tormentors what they so much desired to
see.
The northern bank of the Zambesi opposite Chieova was
occupied by an independent chief named Sapoe, who pro-
fessed to be a friend of the Portuguese. He gave them
permission to trade freely in his country, and offered them a
road through it to Tete. Diogo Madeira availed himself of
this, and a path was explored on the Bororo side of the
river past the rapids of Eebrabasa to navigable water. With
Sapoe's consent a stockade, named Santo Antonio, was built
and occupied opposite SSo Miguel, so that the ferry was
completely under Portuguese control. Fort Santo Bstevfto
farther down on the southern side was destroyed, as there
were no men to occupy it
Being without means either to explore the country or even
to feed those who were with him, as no aid of any kind had
yet reached him from Portugal or India, on the 24th of
June Diogo Madeira was compelled to leave for Tete and
Sena, taking with him nearly the whole of his people.
During his absence Diogo Teixeira Barros, with forty-four
soldiers and some slaves, was entrusted with the defence of
the stockades Sao Miguel and Santo Antonio. On arriving
at Sena, instead of finding the assistance he was hoping for,
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Madeira received instructions from the king that he must
send the soldiers brought by Dom Estevao d'Ataide back to
Mozambique, as that island was in danger of being attacked.
In consequence of this order thirty were despatched in a
pangayoy all that could be mustered, as some had died and
the others were at Chicova. Nothing could illustrate better
than this event the exhausted condition of Portugal at the
time.
The captain still hoped that a supply of merchandbe would
be sent from India to enable him to carry on his work, so
he resolved to keep the Monomotapa in good humour by
means of presents and to engage every resident along the
river that would enter his service. He therefore sent the
great chief a silken banner, a gold head ornament, and a
small quantity of cloth, with a complimentary message; but
as the whole was of trifling value it was regarded with con-
tempt by the Ealanga ruler, who imprisoned the men that
took it to him and made a demand for a number of
articles that he named. To obtain these Diogo Madeira was
obliged to compel such inhabitants of Sena as were in
possession of goods to sell them to him on credit without
any prospect of payment being ever made, and thus he
created enemies when he sorely needed friends. The Mono-
motapa, however, appeared to be appeased, and released his
prisoners, so Madeira set out on his return to the stockade
S9k) Miguel with all the men and stores he had been able
to collect.
Meantime Barros found himself in great difficulties at
Chicova. He was so badly in want of food that he was
compelled to take it by force from the natives, which
naturally aroused their enmity. Then the son of the Mono-
motapa who had been baptized with the name of Philippe
having displeased his father fled to Fort 89.0 Miguel and
claimed protection. This was given to him, upon which the
Monomotapa sent an army to destroy the stockade. On the
18th of March 1615 it was attacked, but was successfully
defended until the 20th, when Diogo Madeira arrived at
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354 History of South Africa.
Santo Antonio with the reinforcements he had collected, and
while he was crossing the river with them the hostile army
withdrew.
There was now a small band of Portuguese with a con-
siderable number of slaves, having provisions for only a few
months, in an advanced stockade in an enemy's country. A
line of retreat was open by crossing the river and marching
down its northern bank past the rapids, and then recrossing
to Tete. There defence for a long time was possible, as a
strong Bantu force could be raised from the subject elans
and in the district of Inyabanzo, and in case of necessity the
river would furnish conveyance to Sena and the sea. Under
these circumstances Diogo Madeira decided to remain where
he was until aid could reach him from Portugal or India.
He sent the young chief Philippe to Tete, and provided for
his maintenance there, as his friendship might be of
importance at some future time. He then made as thorough
a search as was possible in the vicinity of the stockade, and
though nothing that could be called a mine was discovered,
the prisoner Tsherema pointed out a place where several
loose pieces of rich silver ore were picked up, some weighing
many pounds.
To send specimens of these to Lisbon and to Goa, and
thus to create such an interest in the undertaking as would
cause sufBcient assistance to be .'sent to him, was now the
first object of Diogo Madeira. This was not so easy of
accomplishment as might be supposed. It was believed that
the jealousy of Buy de Mello de Sampayo, who in 1615
became captain of Mozambique,* would be aroused by the
♦ The following are the principal clauses of the contract entered into with
him by the government at Lisbon, dated 17th of March 1614. His three
years term of office was to commence on the day that he took formal
possession of the fortress. He was to pay annually 40,000 xerafins of
300 reis each (about £7,600). All the expenses of the forts oonstnicted for
the defcTice of the trade, inclu'iing the pay of the troops nooesaary for that
purix)se, were to be defrayed by him. The ordinary expenses of the fortress
of Mozambique and of the hospital at that place were to be defrayed by
him, but were to be deducted from the 40,000 xerafins, and the balance
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intelligence, and that the specimens would probably never
get beyond that island except as coming from him. To
meet this diflSculty Gaspar Bocarro, a faithful friend of Diogo
Madeira, volunteered to go overland to some port high up
on the eastern coast, and thence by way of the Bed sea and
the Mediterranean to Portugal. He was an old inhabitant of
the country, and as he was wealthy he offered to perform
this service at his own cost and in addition to contribute two
thousand cruzados towards the maintenance of Fort SSo
Miguel during his absence. At the same time the Dominican
friar Francisco d' A velar offered to go to India and Portugal
by way of Mozambique, trusting that his habit would protect
him from interference on the way.
In February 1616 the two envoys set out, each taking
with him a quantity of silver ore and attested certificates
that it had been found at Chicova. The friar reached Goa
in safety, and after delivering a report to the viceroy, pro-
ceeded to Lisbon and thence to Madrid, where the specimens
and documents which he produced caused great satisfaction
to the king and the court.
Gaspar Bocarro, who was an experienced African traveller,
took with him ten or twelve slaves to carry the specimens
of ore, a quantity of beads, some calico, and a thousand
bracelets of copper wire. With this merchandise he procured
food, guides, and porters, and so made his way without
difficulty from Tete to the southern extremity of Lake
Nyassa. He crossed the Shire — called the Nhanha in his
journal — ^in canoes close to its outflow from the lake,* and
was to be sent to Goa. He was not to be present, personally or by repre-
sentative, when the duty of one per cent was being levied on his mer-
chandise. All the usual presents to the chiefs of the interior were to be
sent by him, at the proper times, at his own cost. He was to take over
his predecessor's stock of goods. He was to have the sole right to trade
upon the banks of the rivers Zambesi and Sofala (the whole country south-
ward being included). He was authorised to seize and appropriate any
merchandise taken into the country without his permission.
* This journey of Caspar Bocarro does not detract in the least degree
from the merit of the reverend Pr, Livingstone's discovery of Lake Nyassa.
2 1)
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356 History of South Africa.
proceeding upward between the eastern side of Nyassa and the
coast, was ferried over other rivers named the Buambara and
the Eofuma. Part of the country on his route was found
still a desert waste, as it liad been left by the Mazimba. On
the fifty-third day after his departure from Tete he reached
Eilwa, where he procured a conveyance to Mombasa. Here
he found it would be impossible to go up the Red sea, on
account of wars then being carried on in those parts, so with
much regret he went to Mozambique and thence returned to
the Zambesi.
While the envoys were on their way Diogo Madeira tried
to make the best of matters at his stockades. He dared not
go far from Sao Miguel, but in its vicinity more pieces of
silver ore were found, which were sent down to Tete and
exchanged for calico, so that he was able for a time to
obtain provisions. In January 1G16 he had been joined by
the Dominican friar Joao dos Santos, who had petitioned to
be sent from India to South-Eastem Africa as soon as he
heard that the Monomotapa Gasilusere had consented to two
of his sons being educated as Christians. His experience,
he thought, might even be instrumental in converting the
Monomotapa himself. His provincial consented, and the king
ordered his expenses to be defrayed by the royal treasury
and that he should be employed on some official mission to
the Monomotapa that would add to his dignity and influence.
Dos Santos was an old man when he reached the Zambesi
again, and he must have been bitterly disappointed with the
turn affairs had taken. He was, however, as full of zeal as
in his younger years, and when a message reached him at
Sena that the departure of Francisco d'Avelar would leave
the defenders of the stockade SSo Miguel without a spiritual
The great missionary traveller first saw the outflow of the Shire on the
16th of September 1859, two hundred and forty-three years after Bocarro
was at the same spot. But the account given here was then buried in
the Portuguese archives, and was entirely unknown to any one. Besides
though it is easy now to follow Bocarro's route from his description of it,
it would have been impossible to do so before Dr. Livingstone's minute
description of the country was published.
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Fruitless Search for Silver Mines. 357
comforter, he did not hesitate, but proceeded up the riyer to
the lonely post to minister to them and to share their
discomforts.
Some time before the friar Francisco d'Avelar reached
Goa with the specimens of silver ore, Dom Jeronymo
d'Azevedo had received bitter complaints from the traders
whose merchandise Diogo Madeira had practically seized by
force, and also from the residents of Mozambique concerning
similar conduct by the captain Buy de Mello de Sampayo.
The viceroy, therefore, by the advice of the council of state,
appointed the judge Francisco da Fonseca Pinto a commis-
sioner to investigate matters in South-Eastern Africa, and
gave him very large powers to settle disorder of every kind.
He was also supplied with calico and beads for the expedition
under Diogo Madeira, in case he should think it proper to
assist that enterprise. The judge was accompanied by one
of his friends named Salvador Vaz da Guerra. He arrived
at Mozambique in March 1616, where he summarily dismissed
Buy de Mello de Sampayo from office, and appointed Da
Guerra in his stead. He then went on to the Zambesi, and
arrived at Quilimane in May.
By this time the garrison of Fort SSU) Miguel was reduced
to great distress. The summer had beeu so intensely hot
that for weeks together to touch a stone exposed to the sun's
rays caused the skin to blister, and sickness had prevailed
to an alarming extent. Most of the able-bodied slaves had
run away, those who remained could not venture outside the
stockade, and so great was the scarcity of food that if not
relieved the place must soon be abandoned from hunger.
There were only forty-four soldiers left to guard it. As soon
therefore as Diogo Madeira heard that a commissioner with
extensive powers had arrived at the rivers he wrote urging
that assistance should be forwarded without delay, but
received no reply.
Instead of sending at least some calico that food might be
purchased with it, the judge passed a couple of months at
Sena and Tete, exchanging the merchandise he had brought
2 P 2
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358 History of South Africa.
from India for gold and ivory. He was able to do this to
unusual advantage^ as for two years in succession the trading
vessels from Mozambique had been lost, and calico and beads
were in great demand. He listened to all the complaints
against Diogo Madeira, and without a trial confiscated his
property at Tete and made his nephew a prisoner. On the
Ist of August 1616 he left Tete for Chicova with a hundred
and fifty soldiers and two thousand Eaffirs, but when he was
within a day's march of Fort Sao Miguel Diogo Madeira,
fearing to place himself in the power of a man who had
acted in so hostile a manner, crossed the river to the
stockade Santo Antonio, though he left the soldiers behind.
On learning this, the judge at once returned to Tete.
All hope of retaining the position at Chicova was now
abandoned. The soldiers had parted with their shirts for
food, and were half naked as well as more than half starved.
Mass was said for the last time in the little structure used
as a church, and then Dos Santos with a heavy heart
stripped the altar of its ornaments and removed whatever
could be taken away. Some slave women and children were
first ferried over to Santo Antonio, the soldiers followed, and
last of all Diogo Madeira himself bade farewell to the
stockade he had held so long in hope of relief being sent to
him. It was the 17th of August 1616. On the 18th Santo
Antonio was in like manner abandoned, and the party com-
menced to march down the bank of the river. The soldiers
were so weak that two of them died before they reached the
ferry below the rapids. Diogo Madeira retired to his district
of Inyabanzo, where he remained for a time, and the others
went to Tete.
The judge now pronounced the discovery of silver ore at
Chicova to be a fable, as the pieces found had probably been
carried there from some other place, and he induced the
soldiers to sign a document to that effect. Diogo Madeira
he proclaimed an outlaw. The Monomotapa, who had already
destroyed the abandoned stockade SSo Miguel, sent cm army
against the unfortunate captain, and he was obliged to leave
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Inyabanzo and take refuge with the chief Ewitambo near
Sena until the judge returned to Mozambique, when he went
back to Tete an utterly ruined man. The Ealanga army
overran Inyabanzo and the territory subject to Tete, until
nothing was left to the Portuguese but the fort and the
Tillage adjoining it, and even these might have been lost
if the residents had not appeased the Monomotapa with
presents.
The government at Lisbon disapproved of these pro-
ceedings, and instructions were sent to the viceroy to cause
the judge Francisco da Fonseca Pinto to be tried by the
inquisitor general of India for his conduct, to restore Buy de
Mello de Sampayo to the captaincy of Mozambique for the
time wanting to complete his term of three years, and to
place Diogo Madeira again in his former position, with means
necessary to carry out his enterprise. In accordance with
these instructions, in January 1618 some calico was sent
from India, and when it reached Sena Diogo Madeira en-
deavoured to raise and equip another expedition. A few
soldiers arrived from Mozambique to take part in it, but
before anything of consequence could be done a complete
change was made.
It was first resolved to form a separate government of
South-Eastem Africa, as in the time of King SebastiSo, and
a new viceroy of India was appointed and left for Goa under
this arrangement; but on the 10th of March 1618 the king
wrote to him that the plan had been abandoned. Instead
of it a governor of Monomotapa was appointed, who was to
reside at Ghicova and carry out the conquest of the district
in which the mines were situated. Dom Nuno Alvares
Pereira, then commander in chief at Ceylon, was the ofScer
selected for the situation. He was to take with him the
seasoned troops at Mozambique, whose places were to be
supplied by recruits sent from Lisbon, and the viceroy was
directed to aid him with trustworthy officers, soldiers, sailors,
materials of war, and provisions, at the expense of the
treasury of India. Skilled miners and smelters were to be
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360 History of South Africa.
sent from Portugal and also from India to search the country
and develop its mineral wealth. Commerce was to be carried
on by the royal treasury, and was to be under the control of
Antonio de Maris Lobo, who was appointed oyerseer of the
revenue of Monomotapa. Towards defraying the cost of all
this, twenty-two thousand cruzados would be sent from Lisbon,
with which merchandise was to be purchased and sent to the
Zambesi, there to be used in providing for the conquest.
The viceroy was to furnish presents for the Monomotapa and
other rule^ in the country. Dom Luis de Menezes, or in
his default Dom Alvaro da Costa, was to be appointed com-
mander of the garrison of Mozambique, subordinate to the
governor of Monomotapa, as tbe captain of Sofala was also
to be. Diogo Simoes Madeira was to be retained in favour,
and was to be induced to assist in carrying out the conquest.
These instructions are a fair sample of those commonly
sent by the king to India at this period. They were written
as if almost unlimited resources were at the disposal of the
viceroy, whereas it was frequently a matter of the greatest
difficulty for him to meet the most essential expenses of his
government. Tbe royal orders therefore do not represent
what was really done, or what could possibly be done, but
merely \^hat the viceroy, without any means to carry them
out, was directed to do. In 1618 Portuguese India had not
resources equal to effecting an extensive conquest in South-
Eastem Africa, even if it could have been done with two
hundred soldiers, as an enthusiastic writer, Diogo da Cunha
de Castelbranco, believed it might be, provided sufficient
calico was supplied for presents to the chiefs.
In FebruMy 1619 Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira reached Goa
from Ceylon, and soon afterwards sailed for Mozambique with
as many men and as good an equipment as the viceroy could
furnish him with, though both were inadequate for the task
he had in hand. Pangayos were procured at the island, the
men and stores were transferred to them, the seasoned troops
in Fort Sao SebastiSo were embarked, and the expedition left
for tlie Zambesi. The details of events after its arrival
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Fruitless Search for Silver Mines. 361
cannot be given, as the reports and journals of occurrences
have disappeared, and Bocarro's chronicle does not extend so
far. But it succeeded no better than its predecessors, and no
silver mine was found nor was a square yard of ground
added to the Portuguese dominions by it.
In January 1620 two vessels were sent from Lisbon with
supplies of different kinds for the expedition, and with in-
structions to Dom Nuno to fortify the entrances to the
Zambesi, as the Dutch coveted the mines of Monomotapa and
might at any time endeavour to get possession of them.
This order could not be carried out for want of means. The
Dutch frequently landed at places along the coast and traded
with the natives, chiefly for provisions, and it was out of the
power of the Portuguese to prevent them doing so; but at
this time they made no effort to occupy any part of South-
Eastem Africa.
Two years later it was recognised in Portugal that the
expedition was a failure, and that the expense of maintaining
it was too great a drain upon the treasury to be continued.
The trade too, as conducted by the government^ had resulted
only in loss. With the ships that left Lisbon early in 1622,
therefore^ instructions were sent by the king to the viceroy
to recall Dom Nnno Alvares Pereira* to India and to desist
from any further attempt to effect a conquest in the Mono-
motapa's country. Everything was to revert to the former
condition, when the captains of Mozambique, under the
direction of the viceroy, had control of civil and military
affairs, and held a monopoly of commerce south of the
Zambesi on payment of forty thousand cruzados a year to the
royal treasury and keeping up the different establishments.
Nuno da Cunha was appointed captain under this system.
* This officer evidently thought HomethiDg could be made in Africa, for a few
years later he petitioned the king to grant him on feudal tenure four hundred
leagues of coast from Inhambane towards the Gape of Gk)od Hope, of which he
and his heirs should be hereditary captains. The petition was under considera-
tion for a time, but eventually was rejected. We shall meet him again as
captam of Mozambique.
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He was directed to persevere in the effort to discover the
silver mines^ but by means of peaceful exploration and con-
ciliation of the Monomotapa. For this purpose not only were
the presents made to that ruler according to ancient custom
to be forwarded to him, but two horses with equipments and
some fine cloth were to be added. Further two Portuguese
v^ho were particularly obnoxious to him were to be banished
from the country. The knowledge and diligence of Diogo
Simoes Madeira, who had conducted himself in such a
manner as to deserve favour, were to be made use of, and in
addition to the often repeated promise of " the rank of a
nobleman was now added that of a commandery with a
revenue of two thousand cruzados a year if he should succeed
in finding the silver mines and bringing them into working
order. The new captain was to make enquiries about the
mines from which the copper used by the Makalanga was
obtained, and to ascertain whether they could be acquired
and worked to advantage.
'The order that the captain of Mozambique should use
every effort to make these discoveries was frequently repeated
during the following years. Diogo Madeira persevered in the
endeavour, and though in 1624, owing to certain proposals
that he made, he fell into disfavour with the viceroy, who
intended to have him arrested and sent out of the country,
the king continued to hold out tempting offers to him if he
should succeed. But silver mines, if any really existed along
the Zambesi above Tete, were never discovered by the
Portuguese, nor was it ascertained whether the loose pieces
of ore which beyond all doubt were fonnd at Chicova were
there in situ or had been brought from some other locality.
While everything was thus in turmoil along the Zambesi
the Dominicans were unable to carry on their mission work
among the Makalanga, but they were active at Sena and
Tete, and some of them accompanied the Portuguese forces
wherever they went. In 1605 they had been reinforced from
Europe, and by order of the king those who went out were
not permitted to return again unless under special circum-
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st'Ences. When the first expedition under Dom Nuno Alyares
Pereira was sent from India by the archbishop De Menezes
some members of the Society of Jesus accompanied it, but the
Dominicans, fearing complications, objected to their rivalry.
The king therefore, on the 23rd of January 1610, issued
instructions that they alone were to labour in Africa south
of the Zambesi, still the Jesuits did not entirely withdraw,
and at a little later date they were in considerable sti^ength
at Sena. For the support of the Dominicans Dom Nuno
Alvares Pereira made considerable grants of land, though as
these were still to be conquered their value was purely pro-
spective. Prom the royal treasury the missionaries received
such a trifling allowance that for their maintenance they
were chiefly dependent on alms.
The design of King SebastiSo half a century earlier con-
cerning the ecclesiastical government of South-Eastem Africa
was at this time carried into completion. On the 21st of
January 1612 at the request of the king Pope Paul V
separated the country from Cape Guardafui to the Cape of
Good Hope from the archbishopric of Gqa, and created the
office of ecclesiastical administrator for it, with powers, how-
ever, somewhat less than those of an ordinary bishop. The
friar Dom Domingos Terrado, titular bishop of Sale, was
appointed to the office, with a yearly salary from the royal
treasury of two hundred thousand reis, about £125 sterling.
The island of Mozambique, as the seat of the civil and
military government, was selected as his place of residence.
At Sofala nothing of any consequence had happened for
many years. Being in the territory of the Kiteve and
unaffected by occurrences in the Monomotapa's country, com-
merce could be carried on with the natives just as when the
friar JoSo dos Santos lived there. Owing to fear of an attack
by the Dutch, in 1615 the fort was put into repair, and
thereafter fifteen or twenty soldiers were stationed in it as a
garrison. The pan gay o with goods from Mozambique once a
year formed the principal means of communication with the
outer world, though the little vessel that traded at Inhambane
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364 History of South Africa.
and Deli^oa Bay every second or third year sometimes called
on her passage up or down the coast. In all the world
there could not have been a duller place of existence for
Europeans.
The journey of Gaspar Bocarro from Tete to Eilwa had
drawn the momentary attention of the kiug and his court to
the country north of the Zambesi, but no steps whatever were
taken to form stations in it or to open it to commerce by
any other means than before. An order was indeed issued
by the king that the captain Nuno da Cunha should endeavour
to ascertain whether the lake (Nyassa) would not furnish a
road to Abyssinia, but with that order the matter ended.
The Portuguese were no longer a nation of explorers.
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Events of Interest from 1628 to 1652. 365
CHAPTER XVI.
EVENTS OF INTEBEST FROM 1628 TO 1652.
The great tribe oyer which the Monomotapa ruled was about
to be iuvolved again in civil war, and the Portuguese traders
at Sena and Tete were once more to acquire an influence in
the country altogether out of proportion to their number,
even if each one be regarded as a chief and his slaves as a
clan of followers, which was practically their position. Eapran-
zine, son and successor of Gbsilusere, showed himself most
unfriendly to the Europeans. One of his near relatives,
whose name is given by different writers as Manuza and
Mavura, was possessed of much more intelligence, and had
incurred his extreme jealousy. This man, under the instruc-
tion of the Dominican friar Manuel Sardinha, showed an
inclination towards Christianity, and was therefore made much
of by the Portuguese.
In November 1628 Jeronymo de Barros, an agent of Dom
Nuno Alvares Pereira, who had recently assumed duty as
captain of Mozambique, arrived at the great place, bringing
with him the present which it was necessary to make to the
Monomotapa for the privilege of trading in his territory.
Whether the quantity or quality of the merchandise forming
the presents was such as to cause Eapranzine to be dis<-
satisfied is uncertain, at any rate immediately after receiving
it he sent messengers through the country with orders that
upon a certain day all the Portuguese and their friends were
to be . put to death. Andr6 Ferreira, the captain of the
Gates, who happened to be at the great place when this
order was issued, was informed of it by some faithful servants.
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366 History of South Africa.
and that night with the Bantu who were threatened he
managed to get away to Masapa, where the stockade con-
structed by Diogo Carvalho w«w hastily prepared for defence.
De Barros and his attendants were murdered, as they were
unable to escape. Messengers were immediately sent out by
Ferreira to warn the traders scattered over the country, and
in a very short time all the Christians and their adherents-
including Manuza — were collected either at McLsapa or at
Luanze, where another rude fort was built.
The Monomotapa despatched a great force against these
places, but as the defenders fought desperately for their lives,
the assailants were beaten back. Several Europeans, however,
fell. Meantime the Portuguese at Sena and Tete, having
received intelligence of what was trcmspiring, assembled their
people and raised an additional force of Batonga, at whose
head they marched to Luanze to assist their countrymen.
The defenders of the stockade were relieved, and then by
advice of the friars in the camp a very decisive step was
taken. Manuza was proclaimed Monomotapa, the banner of
the cross was raised, and the army, having elected a man
named Manuel Gomes SerrSo commander in chief, marched
against Kapranzine. The two forces met, and Eapranzine
was defeated.
The baffled Monomotapa retired deeper into the country,
and raised a still larger army, with which he returned and
twice attacked the Christian camp, but on each occasion was
beaten back. Then Manuza took possession of the Zimbabwe,
or great place, and was acknowledged as paramount chief by
most of the surrounding clans.
On the 24th of May 1629 a document was drawn up, in
which the new Kalanga ruler acknowledged himself a vassal
of the king of Portugal. He promised to allow the mission-
aries to build churches and make converts anywhere in his
country, to receive ambassadors without obliging them to go
through humiliatiug ceremonies, to treat the captain of
Masapa with great respect and to admit him to an interview
at any time without a present, to open his country freely to
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Events of Interest from 1628 to 1652. 367
commerce, to protect traders, and not to shelter fugitive
slaves. He undertook not to alienate gold mines to powerful
chiefs, to allow mines of all descriptions to be sought for and
worked by the Portuguese, and especially to enquire where
silver was to be found, to inform the captain of Masapa of
the places, and to allow the Portuguese to dig for it without
any impediment. He engaged also to expel all the Mohame-
dans from his country within a year, and to permit the
Portuguese afterwards to kill them and confiscate their pro-
perty. He surrendered his claim to the lands at one time
subject to the captain of Tete, and bound himself to send
three pieces of gold to every new captain of Mozambique.
The whole army was drawn up, and the document having
been read, Manuza was asked by the captain Serriio if he
agreed to these conditions. Naturally he replied that he did.
The friar Luis do Espirito Santo then wrote under it
"Manuza, Emperor of Monomotapa," to which with his own
hand he affixed a cross. Then followed the signatures of
Manuel Gomes SerrSo, chief captain in the war, Friar Gonfalo
Eibeiro, vicar of Masapa, and sixteen other Portuguese. But
it matters little with what formality the document was
attested. It is evident that it was of very little value, for
its terms — whether committed to writing or merely verbal —
would be observed as long as Portuguese assistance was
needed, and not a day longer.
A little later, eight months after he had been raised to the
chieftainship, Manuza consented to profess Christianity openly,
and was baptized with as much pomp as possible by the friar
Luis do Espirito Santo, vicar of Tete. He received the name
Philippe, which Portuguese writers thereafter used when
mentioning him.
The government at Madrid regarded the document to
which he had affixed his mark as of equal validity with an
agreement between two European powers. In the opinion of
the king the time had at last arrived when the mineral
wealth of the Ealanga country was at his disposal, and
pompous orders were issued to the viceroy of India to take
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368 History of South Africa.
measures for the discovery and opening up of the gold, silver,
and copper mines. He was also to build a stronghold in the
best place to keep the Monomotapa in submission, and the
old instructions were repeated to fortify the mouths of the
Eilimane and the Luabo. As the Monomotapa was now a
vassal, the presents formerly made for the privilege of
carrying on commerce would no longer be required, and the
money thus saved, together with the amount obtained for the
lease of the islands of Angosha, could be used in defraying
the cost of the fortifications. The three pieces of gold
received as tribute were to be sent to the king, who would
make a present to the Monomotapa in return. That potentate
was to be invested with the order of Christ, and permission
was given to him to trade in cloth on his own account to the
value of three or four thousand maticals of gold.
These instructions were issued by the king in April 1631.
But matters were not yet settled in the Ealanga country, and
thus, even if he had possessed the means in men and money
to carry them out, the viceroy was unable at the time to do
anything. Manuza, after occupying the great place and
receiving the homage of a number of clans, neglected to
watch Kapranzine closely, and the result was a sudden
surprise, in which nearly the whole of the Europeans and
halfbreeds in the country and a great number of Bantu were
killed, and the friars Luis do Espirito Santo and JoSo da
Trindade were made prisoners. The last named was badly
wounded, but the barbarians subjected him to torture, and
finally before he was quite dead threw him over a precipice
where he was dashed to pieces. Luis do Espirito Santo, who
was a native of Mozambique, was taken into Kapranzine's
presence, and was ordered to make the usual obeisance. This
he refused to do, as he said that to such homage God alone
was entitled. He was then bound to the trunk of a tree, and
stabbed with assagais till life was extinct. All the Bantu
who were made prisoners were likewise put to death.
Kapranzine appeared now to be master of the situation.
Many of the clans that had submitted to Manuza went over
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to him, and the few Portuguese that remained — only twenty
at Sena, thirteen at Tete, five at one trading station, and six
and a Jesuit father at another — were too disheartened at the
moment to attempt anything. The Tshikanga also, ruler of
Manika, declared in favour of Eapranzine, and sent an army
to support him.
Diogo de Sousa e Menezes was then captain of Mozam-
bique, Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira haying died. He called
out every man that could carry an arquebus, and sailed with
them to the Zambesi, where he raised a large force of Bantu
warriors from those living on the island of Luabo. Having
brought the disturbed districts adjoining Sena into subjection,
he marched to Manika, where he overthrew the unfriendly
Tshikanga, put him to death, and raised one of his brothers,
who made a profession of Christianity and was baptized, to
be chief as a vassal of Portugal. In the mean time the friar
Manuel Sardinha, a man of great force of character, had got
together an army of twenty thousand men, chiefly from the
tribes along the Zambesi who were at feud with the Maka-
langa, and who were willing therefore to espouse the cause
of Manuza. The two forces joined and marched against
Eapranzine. The friar who was the chronicler of these
occurrences relates that when they were setting out Philippe
— as Manuza was called — looked up and saw a resplendent
cross in the sky. Thereupon he sent for the father Manuel
Sardinha, who was not with him at the time, but who also
saw the cross on joining him. It was similar to that which
appeared before the emperor Constantine, except that there
were no words beneath it.
It may have been that some fleecy white clouds drifting
across the deep blue African sky appeared to the heated
imaginations of the friar and the Ealanga chief to assume
the form of a cross, for it is not likely that a deliberate
untruth was placed on record by the Dominican missionary
who reported this event. Be that as it may, the apparition
is said to have ^ven such courage to the whole body of
warriors, all of whom saw it, that they marched on with the
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370 History of South Africa,
greatest confidence. On the feast of Saint John the two
armies met, and a tremendous battle was fought, in which,
according to the account of the Portuguese captain, the saint
himself appeared and assisted the Christian cause. A
brilliant victory was won, the carnage being so great that no
fewer than thirty-five thousand of the enemy were slain. It
will not do to be certain about the number of the killed, but
the defeat of Eapranzine and his flight are assured facts.
Much booty in women, children, and cattle was obtained.
Eapranzine's son of highest rank, a young boy, was among
the prisoners. He was sent to Goa, where he was entrusted
by the viceroy to the Dominican fathers, by whom he was
baptized with the name Miguel, and educated and maintained
by the royal treasury.
The hostile Monomotapa, however, was not utterly over-
thrown. He had still the support of a very able chief named
Makamoasha and many others of less note, and he gave a
great deal of trouble before the war was ended. It must be
remembered that no force supplied by the Portuguese govern-
ment, other than a few men from Mozambique, was in the
field. The contest was between two members of the ruling
family of the Ealanga tribe for the paramount chieftainship,
and the weaker of the two was aided by a little band of
Portuguese missionaries and other residents in the country.
But these few white men and half-castes were able to turn
the scale in favour of the chief whose cause they adopted,
because they could obtain the service of warriors of other and
braver tribes who would follow them out of a desire to wash
their assagais in Ealanga blood, and because they could
procure firelocks and gunpowder. In the final battle, which
ended in complete victory for Manuza, as many as two
hundred men on his side were armed with Portuguese
weapons.
The Dominican friars regarded the contest as a holy war,
for it was certain that if Eapranzine was successful their
work in the Ealanga country would cease. The part taken
by Manuel Sardinha has be^n related. Another friar, Damiao
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Events of Interest from 1628 to 1652. 371
do Espirito Santo, was equally active in raising men, and it
was by a force of six thousand robust warriors brought into
the field by him that Philippe — or Manuza — was at length
firmly secured in the position of Monomotapa. The Portu-
guese laymen and the mixed breeds served their own
interests when aiding him, because by that means alone was
it possible for them to continue there as traders. Their
position at this time was better than at any previous period
since the first occupation of the country, for Kapranzine,
though in very reduced circumstances, was still alive, and
Manuza, being dependent on them, was obliged to bestow
whatever &vours they chose to ask. The former trading
stations were reoccupied, and new ones were established at
Matuka, Dambarare, Chipiriviri, Umba, and Chipangura,
situated in different parts of the country.
The Dominican missionaries also were able to extend their
work greatly. A commencement was made with the erection
of a church at Manuza's place of residence, in recognition of
the help which he had received from the Almighty against
his opponent, and the chief himself laid the foundation stone
in presence of a great assembly of people. The friar Aleixo
dos Martyres took up his residence there, and nine others of
the same order came from Goa and were stationed at various
trading places. The vicar general, Manuel da Cruz, removed
from Tete to Matuka in the district of Manika, in order to
be in a more central position. At Luanze a neat church was
built, but at the other trading stations it was only possible
to construct buildings of wattles covered with clay.
The Dominicans were naturally affected by the prostration
of the wealth and power of Portugal, but they had a reserve
force which supported them for a time. The most intelligent
and energetic individuals in the kingdom, looking with
despair upon the apathy and feebleness that had taken hold
of the great mass of their countrymen, sought refuge in
convents, where a life of activity and usefulness was still
open to them. General poverty alone prevented these
institutions being more generally resorted to. At a little
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372 History of South Africa.
later date considerable numbers of Asiatics and Africans were
admitted into the Dominican order, nnder the mistaken idea
that they wonld be able to exert more influence in their
respective countries than Europeans could, and then a failure
of energy set in ; but during the first half of the seventeenth
century most of the missionaries south of the Zambesi were
white men.
There were complaints against some of them that they were
practically traders, but as a whole they worked zealously for
the conversion of the Bantu, though at times they suffered
even from want of food. Their observations upon the people
among whom they were living are highly interesting. They
state, for instance, that the Makalanga did not object to a
profession of Christianity, but could not be induced to follow
its precepts, especially in the matter of not taking more
wives than one. The slight regard in which chastity of
females was held surprised them, and they were particularly
astonished that the men seemed almost indifferent to the
misconduct of their wives. They noticed too that in war the
men did not scruple to shield themselves behind their
women, just as the Basuto often did in our own times in
their conflicts with the Orange Free State. Seeing these
things, they set their hopes chiefly upon the children, whom
they took great pains to instruct.
A better opportunity than ever before was now offered to
search for mines, and rich specimens of several metals were
forwarded to Lisbon. In none of the records still preserved
and available for use, however, is there any trace of the
ancient underground workings having been discovered* To
assist in the search a few miners were sent out at the cost of
Dom Philippe Mascarenhas, though he protested against the
charge as not being mentioned in his contract, and because
he was then giving as much for the monopoly of commerce
south of the Zambesi every year, namely forty thousand
pardaoB, as his predecessors had given for their whole term
of office, besides maintaining the garrison of Mozambique,
defraying all other expenses connected with the administra-
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Events of Interest from 1628 to 1652. 373
tion, and paying twenty per cent customs duties on the
merchandise he imported from India.
The government at Madrid was of course highly elated
with the prospect of wealth, and the most fantastic schemes
were devised for opening up the country. Colonisation even
was to be undertaken on a large scale. Thus, on the 24th
of February 1635 the king wrote to the viceroy that two
hundred soldiers and two hundred families of colonists would
be sent from Portugal that year to settle along the Zambesi,
and that others would follow with every fleet. They were to
be accompanied by physicians, surgeons, women and girls
from charitable institutions, and mechanics of all kinds» even
to a gun founder. More Dominican and Jesuit missionaries
would also proceed to the country, as well as some Capu-
chins. Two hundred mares would be sent, that horse-
breeding might be carried on. A large quantity of artillery
and other material of war would also be forwarded. On
reading documents like this, so absurd do they appear from
the condition of Portugal at the time, that one is inclined to
doubt whether they were really intended to be serious state
papers, or whether they merely represented the day dreams
of children. At any rate the whole scheme came to nothing.
At the same time the viceroy was directed to have the
search for mines carried on diligently, and to change the
' method of government of South-Eastem Africa. He was to
appoint a governor of Monomotapa, subordinate to himself,
and a castellan of Mozambique, subject to the governor. The
system of carrying on trade was also to be altered. For a
long time the king and his court had been endeavouring to
devise some means of recovering the commerce of India from
the English and Dutch, and in 1629 and following years an
effort had been made to form a powerful Company for the
purpose, in which the national treasury was to be the
principal participant, and the cities of Portugal and India,
as well as individuals, were to be shareholders. There was
to be a chamber in Goa to manage local matters, but the
controlling power was to be vested in a board of directors at
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^74 History of South Africa.
Lisbon. The eflfort to form such a Company, however, had
failed; and now the king instructed the viceroy to throw
open the commerce of South-Eastern Africa to all his subjects
upon payment of customs duties. This order for some
unknown reason was not carried into execution.
The subject of fortifications was also dealt with. In 1632,
owing to a report that the English were fitting out an
expedition to survey the East African coast, the king
announced that a couple of small vessels would be sent from
Lisbon to Sofala with men and munitions of war to protect
that place, and that the outgoing fleet would convey rein-
forcements to Mozambique. It had become a custom to
employ convicts in oversea service, so that by emptying the
prisons a few men could be had at any time, fiut Sofala
remained without a garrison, notwithstanding this announce-
ment. A couple of years later an engineer named Bar-
tholomeu CotSo was sent with a few assistants from Lisbon,
some Indian carpenters were despatched from 6oa, and
at last a small fort of stakes and earth was constructed at
Eilimane. This was the most that could be done, but in
the king's letter of the 24th of February 1635 the viceroy
was instructed to fortify Sofala strongly and station a
garrison of two hundred soldiers there, and also to cause the
mouths of the Zambesi to be weU protected with defensive
works. Such instructions, it must be repeated, were
altogether illusory.
A report upon the condition of the country at this time,
to be found in manuscript in the library of the British
Museum, is particulaxly interesting, from the care which was
taken in its preparation. It was drawn up in 1634 by order
of the count of Linhares, viceroy of India, by his secretary
Pedro Barreto de Rezende, who had visited the places he
describes, and it was submitted for revision to Antonio
Bocarro, keeper of the archives at Goa, before it was sent to
King Philippe III of Portugal.
Sofala is described in it as having a square fort of stone
thirty feet in height, with circular bastions at the corners,
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Events of Interest from 1628 to 1652. 375
and nine small pieces of artillery on the walls. It was
without other garrison than the captain and his servants,
and had no stores either of provisions or materials of war.
In the village adjoining it three married and two single
Portuguese resided, who with their slaves and a few mixed
breeds were its only defenders in case of war. The fort and
village were on an island at high tide, formed by the river
and a broad trench, as shown in the plan accompanying
the description; but at low tide the trench was dry. A
Dominican friar resided in the village, but there were very
few Christian natives. The only commerce carried on was in
ivory and ambergris. The Eiteve, in whose dominions the
fort was situated, had ten or twelve thousand warriors at his
command, but was in general friendly to the Portuguese, and
on payment of the usual quantity of merchandise allowed
them to trade in freedom and safety.
Sena was a much more important place, though the old
fort was out of repair and almost destroyed. There were
thirty married Portuguese and mixed breeds in the village,
who owned a large number of slaves, and there were no
fewer than four churches, with religious of the Dominican
order and the Company of Jesus. The principal building
was the factory, which was under a tiled roof. It was a
great warehouse, in which the goods of the captain of
Mozambique were stored, and where merchandise was sold
wholesale to the traders who traversed the country. There
were two dwelling houses under tiles, all the others being
thatched. Along the river up and down were great tracts of
land, occupied by fully thirty thousand natives, that had
been assigned to individual Portuguese, who, however, did
not derive much benefit from them, as most of the Bantu
were disobedient. This system was in accordance with feudal
ideas, the persons to whom the districts were assigned having
extensive powers wherever the natives were submissive, but
being themselves vassals of the captain of Sena. Among the
owners of districts in this way was the Dominican order,
whose claim was confirmed by the king in 1638,
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At Tete there were twenty married Portuguese residents and
a few halfbreeds, all living within a kind of fort, which
consisted of a wall seven or eight feet high with six bastions,
on which a few small pieces of artillery were mounted. They
had many slaves under their control. Adjoining Tete were
lands occupied by about eight thousand Bantu, parcelled out
among individual Portuguese, like those connected with Sena.
Scattered over Manika and the country of the Monomotapa
were numerous so-called forts, which were really only
palisaded enclosures or earthen walls, occupied by traders
and their servants. At most of these Dominican friars also
resided, who occupied themselves with the conversion of the
Bantu. By the king's orders this field was open to them
alone, though the Jesuits, who occupied Kilimane and the
country to the northward, were permitted to have an estab-
lishment at Sena, and often evaded the command and
stationed missionaries with the Makalanga. By a royal order
the Dominicans were entitled to tithes in the country south
of the Zambesi. The Jesuits had a large estate assigned to
them on the island of Luabo, between two mouths of the
great river, which was regarded as being within their sphere
of action. The only soldiers in the whole country were
thirty men who accompanied the Monomotapa wherever he
went, nominally as a body-guard to protect him and add to
his dignity, really, it may be believed, to keep watch upon
his movements.
There were still a good many Mohamedans scattered about,
and they were regarded by the Portuguese as in general
irreconcilable enemies. Those on the island of Luabo were
said to be behaving well, but those in the Monomotapa's
territories had aided Eapranzine, and after his defeat were
reduced to abject circumstances. It had not been found
possible to expel them.
The only courts of law open to Portuguese subjects in the
country south of the Zambesi at this time were those of the
captains of Sofala, Sena, and Tete. These officials were
appointed by the captain of Mozambique, who selected them
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Events of Interest from 1628 to 1652. 377
from the circle of his friends more to promote his interests
in trade and to ward off hostilities with the natives whenever
they could do so, than with an eye to their qualifications
as magistrates. Under these circumstances it cannot be
supposed that justice was at all times administered. There
was, however, a right of appeal from the sentences of the
captains to the judge at Mozambique, which may have
prevented gross abuses.
This is the picture of Portuguese South Africa given by
the most competent writer of his day, and certainly it differs
greatly from that presented by the royal despatches.
Some wrecks which took place on the South African coast
during these years furnish matter of sufficient interest to be
preserved in history. That of the Bao Joao Baptista in 1622,
and those of the Nossa Senhora da Atalaya and the Sacra-
mento in 1647, have been referred to by me at sufficient
length in a chapter upon the Xosa tribe in another volume;
but two others remain, the narratives of which may here be
given.
On the 4th of March 1630 the 8ao OonfdlOf commanded
by Captain Fern&o Lobo de Menezes, sailed from Goa for
Lisbon. On the passage she became leaky, and in the
middle of June put into Bahia Fermosa — Plettenberg's Bay
as now termed — in a sinking condition, to be repaired. For
this purpose some of her cargo was landed, and more would
have been, if the officers had not shown themselves quarrel-
some and incompetent for their duties. Some of the crew
took up their residence on shore, but the greater number
remained on board. Fifty days after her arrival in the ibay
the ship was lying at anchor off the mouth of the Pisang
river when she was struck by a storm and driven ashore,
one hundred and thirty-three persons perishing in the wreck.
The captain, five friars, and about a hundred men were on
land at the time, and fortunately they were able to collect a
quantity of provisions and a good supply of carpenter's tools
when the storm ceased. In anticipation of being obliged to
remain there until the change of the monsoon in September
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378 History of South Africa.
or October, they had made a garden, from which they
obtained such yegetables as pumpkins, melons, onions, and
cucumbers. From the bay they drew supplies of fish, and
from the Hottentots, who were very friendly, they bartered a
number of homed cattle and sheep for pieces of iron. They
were thus enabled to put by much of the rice that had been
landed before the wreck and such food in casks as drifted
ashore, while they were building two large boats in which to
make their escape.
The captain was old and feeble, so with his consent they
elected Boque Borges to be their commander. There was
plenty of good timber in the forest close by, and as much
iron as they needed was obtained from fragments of the ship.
For tar they used benzoin, recovered from the cargo, and
mixed with the oil of seals, which they killed in great
numbers on an islet off the mouth of the river. Having
plenty of food they lived in comparative comfort, and they
were not forgetful of the worship of God, for they built a
chapel in which religious services were frequently held.
Eight months passed away before the boats were completed
and ready for sea. When all was prepared for sailing the
friars erected a wooden cross on the site of their residence,
and a rude inscription was engraved on a block of sandstone,
recording the loss of the ship and the building of the
pinnaces. Part of this stone was removed some years ago
from the summit of a hill a little to the eastward of the
mouth of the Pisang river, and is now in the South African
Museum in Capetown.
Some of the people wished to proceed to Angola, others
thought it would be better to return to Mozambique, so the
two boats steered in opposite directions. The one reached
Mozambique safely, the other after a few days fell in with
the homeward-bound ship Banto IgiMicio Loyola^ and her
people were received on board. But these were less fortu-
nate than the others, for they perished when near their
homes by the loss of the ship l^at had apparently saved
them.
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Events of Interest from 1628 to 1652. 379
The wreck of the ^ossa Senhora de Belem was is many
respects similar to that of the 8ao Oon^ab. Where every
one, as in Goa at that time^ regarded bribery and corruption
as the natural means of acquiring wealth, even a ship could
not be sent to sea in a condition fit for a long passage. She
would be repaired with rotten timber, her caulking would be
defective, her rigging and stores would be of an inferior
description. Thus the Nossa Senhora de Bdem^ conunanded
by Captain Joseph de Cabreyra, sailed from Goa for Lisbon
on the 24th of February 1635 shorthanded and quite unfit
for navigation in stonny seas. As usual, a large proportion
of those on board were negro slaves.
The ship soon became so leaky that it was with the
greatest difficulty she could be kept afioat, and when she
reached the South African coast the only hope of saving the
lives of those on board was in running her ashore. Some-
where north of the mouth of the Umzimvubu river — the exact
spot cannot be made out — she lay almost water-logged close
to the coast, when a boat was got out, and the captain landed
with a few men to look for a place where she could be
beached with the least danger. Night came on, and some
natives appeared, who attacked the little party, but they were
easily driven away. In the morning those on board, fearing
every moment that the ship would go down with them, waited
no longer for the captain's signal, but ran her ashore, and
fortunately for them she held together, so that no lives were
lost.
Two hundred and seventy-two individuals, among whom
were five friars, were now safe on land. For seventeen days
they were engaged in getting provisions, tools, and other
articles out of the wreck; then by an accident, either from
the party that had been on board during the day having left
a candle burning or a fire in the stove, she caught alight
and the whole upper part was consumed. This, however,
turned out to be an advantage rather than a misfortune, as
an abundance of nails and other iron was now easily obtained
from the charred timber.
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380 History of South Africa,
There was much difference of opinion as to the best course
to be pursued, but at length they agreed to build a couple of
small vessels and try to get to Angola. There was a river
close by that offered a favourable site for a shipyard, and
plenty of timber was to be had in the neighbourhood, so on
the 20th of July they set about the task. Soon afterwards
they were cheered by the appearance of a cabra, that is the
son of a mulatto by a black woman, who called himself a
Portuguese, and in broken language told them. that his name
was Antonio and that he had been wrecked in the BwaUi
Alberto and left there by Nuno Velho Pereira's party that
went to the north more than forty years before, when he was
a boy. He was now wealthy and a man of influence. He
was accompanied by a chief with a band of attendants,
with whom an agreement of friendship was made. Through
Antonio's influence and assistance no fewer than two hundred
and nineteen head of cattle were obtained in barter for pieces
of iron, which not only furnished plenty of fresh meat for the
time being, but abundance of biltong, or strips of dried flesh,
for provisioning the boats. After a time the shipwrecked
men suspected Antonio of hostility, and there was some
trouble with the natives; but their wants had then been
supplied, and they were too strong to be attacked.
Six months were occupied in building and fitting out the
vessels, which were decked and of such beam that they could
carry the whole of the people. They were provisioned with
eighty small bags of rice and a quantity of biltong. On the
28th of January 1686 they sailed from the river, but found
the weather rough on the coast, and during the second night
after leaving one of them disappeared and was not seen
again. The other, in which was Captain De Cabreyra, put
into Algoa Bay on the passage, and forty-eight days after
leaving the river reached Bengo Bay, close to the town of Sfto
Paulo de Loanda, with her provisions exhausted and without a
drop of fresh water left. There, just in time, those on board
were rescued from death by starvation and thirst, and soon
afterwards they dispersed to different parts of the world.
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Events of Interest frchn 1628 to 1652. 381
In 1640 the revolution in Portugal took place which
elevated the eighth duke of Braganpa to the throne as King
JoEo ly. Margarida, duchess of Mantua, was then governing
Portugal for Philippe III— the 4th of Spain, — and her court
was almost entirely composed of Spanish grandees, who
treated the Portuguese nobles with such disdain as to rouse
their passion. The people were discontented, and attributed
the poverty and distress they were suffering to the Castilian
yoke which lay heavy upon them. Though under the same
head for sixty years, they had never fraternised with the
Spaniards, and the loss of their most valuable eastern posses-
sions, which had been the result of the political union of the
two countries, was ever in their minds.
The time was opportune for a revolution. The Catalans
were in insurrection, and France could be depended upon to
favour anything that would weaken the power of Spain. A
number of Portuguese noblemen then conspired to eject the
hated dynasty. On the 1st of December 1640 they seized the
palace and forts in Lisbon and the Spanish armed ships in
the Tagus, and made the duchess of Mantua a prisoner. A
few of the Castilian officials were killed in the first moments
of the rising, but most of them were merely placed in safe
confinement. The duke of Bragan^a, though timid and half
reluctant, had then no option but to ascend the tiirone, for
he was the legitimate heir of the ancient kings, and his life
would not have been worth a week's purchase if Philippe
should recover his autiiority. On the 15th of December he
was crowned in the cathedral of Lisbon, and the cortes, which
met as soon as possible, xmanimously took an oath of alle-
giance to him on the 19th of January 1641. The whole
country declared in his favour, the Spanish garrisons were
expelled, and Portugal again took her place among the
nations of Europe as an independent power. War with Spain
followed as a matter of course, but JoSo IV found powerful
allies among the northern rulers, his people sprang to arms,
and he was able to preserve the throne ou which his
descendants sit to this day.
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382 History of South Africa,
In India tidings of the successful revolution were received
with the greatest joy. The silly orders of the Castilian
monarchs sent through the regency at Lisbon, and the affec-
tation of boundless wealth and numberless men being at the
disposal of the viceroy, must have disgusted the ofiScials
everywhere. From the new monarch they had reason to
expect instructions dictated by common sense, and indeed in
his first letters to the viceroy he spoke plainly of his empty
treasury and of the necessity there would be of observing the
strictest economy in every part of his dominions. Then he
was their own countryman, and blood cements loyalty.
Among the first of foreign powers to recognise him was the
Bepublic of the United Netherlands, and on the 12th of
June 1641 a truce for ten years was concluded between the
two governments, in which, among other clauses, was one
defining the Portuguese possessions in South-Eastem Africa
that were thereafter to be respected by the Dutch. They
were Mozambique, Eilimane, the rivers of Cuama, Sena,
Sofala, Cape Correutes, and the adjacent rivers, by which
were meant Inhambane and the bay of Louren90 Marques.
This truce was broken a few years later through events that
took place in Brazil, but while it was observed it was of
much importance to the new king. It gave him sympathy
and some practical assistance from the Dutch people in his
struggle with Spain, and it freed the eastern possessions that
were left to him from fear of attack, of which they had
before been apprehensive. The king indeed was led even to
hope that some of the ancient conquests, particularly Malacca,
might be restored to Portugal. Still he was not without some
uneasiness when he reflected upon the defenceless condition of
his dominions on the borders of the Indian sea, the activity
of the Dutch in that part of the world, and his inability to
afford any assistance, owing to his empty treasury. He there-
fore instrupted the viceroy to keep a close watch upon the
movements of the Dutch, but to act with the greatest
caution, and to avoid everything that might irritate or offend
any one.
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Events of Interest /ram 1628 to 1652. 383
The measures adopted by the government of King JoSo IV
with regard to South-Eastem Africa were not productive of
goody however, much as the more honest and sensible tone of
his despatches is to be admired. In December 1643 com-
merce between Portugal and India was declared free and open
to all his subjects, with the single exception of the trade in
cinnamon, which was reserved as a royal monopoly. This, to
Englishmen of the present day, will appear a liberal measure.
But there are circumstances when the admission of all per-
sons under the same government to equal commercial rights
may prove utterly ruinous to the class that ought to be
encouraged most, and it would have been so in this instance
in the country south oi the Zambesi if the existing contracts
with the prospective captains of Mozambique had not pre-
vented its coming into operation for several years, and if in
the mean time other measures had not been adopted. This
will be dealt with more fully in another chapter.
In 1644 the slave trade between Mozambique and Brazil
was opened by individual adventurers with the king's per-
mission and encouragement. In these days such traffic is
justly regarded with the greatest horror, but during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries not a voice appears to
have been raised against it. It certainly was not looked upon
as cruel or immoral to remove negroes from an environment
of barbarism to a condition of subjection to Christian masters.
The system brought upon the lands to which the slaves were
taken a terrible and perpetual punishment, which ought to
have been foreseen, but was not, or at least was disregarded
in the prospect of immediate gain. The proprietors of the
prazos, or great estates, along the Zambesi had now a new
source of wealth opened to them. Hitherto they had re-
garded the captives obtained in war and reduced to slavery
as personal followers, and employed them as traders, soldiers,
attendants^ and so forth, he who had the greatest number
being esteemed as the most wealthy and powerful The
negroes readily fell in with this system, which appefured to
them natural and proper ; and in general they were found
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384 History of South Africa,
faithful. It gave them what they needed: some one to think
for them, some one to direct and look after them.
But after 1644 all this was changed. The Batonga and
Makalanga who were made captives were considered as worth
so many maticals of gold a head, and any that the owners
did not care to keep were sent to Mozambique for sale, to
serve in ships like the less intelligent Makua, or to be con-
veyed to Brazil to work on plantations, in either case to be
severed for life from early associations and companions. As
time went on the abominable traffic grew larger and larger,
until it became feur the most important in money value of all
the commerce of the Zambesi basin. There could be no ex-
tension of agriculture, no mining, no progress of any kind
where it was so extensively carried on.
In 1644 there was a war between the Eiteve and a chief
named Sakandemo, in which the Portuguese took part on the
side of the former. The result was the defeat of Sakandemo,
the baptism of the Eiteve with the name SebastiSo, and his
promise to regard himself thereafter as a vassal of Portugal.
But conversions of this kind, however gratifying to the vanity
of the Europeans, and especially of the clergy, were of no
real value, and such promises of vassalage by men possessing
any real power were not carried into practice.
The sparseness of the European population made the pos-
session of the country extremely insecure, for no troops could
be provided to guard it. But how or where could settlers be
obtained ? Not in Portugal, for there were much more attrac*
tive places than South-Eastern Africa before the eyes of the
peasantry there. Not voluntarily in India, as had been
proved by the viceroy's invitations and tempting offers to
migrate having had no effect. And so they were sent invo-
luntarily. After the middle of the seventeenth century what
colonisation was effected on the banks of the Zambesi was
largely the result of criminals being sentenced by the supreme
court at 60a to become residents there. If morality before
this had been low, hereafter it sank to a point seldom reached
elsewhere by Europeans.
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Events of Interest from 1628 to 1652. 385
At this time our countrymen began to frequent the coast,
as the Dutch, notwithstanding repeated orders to preyent them
from trading with the natives, had previously done, and
English adventurers soon became a source of much uneasi-
ness to the government at Lisbon. The first diflSculty con-
nected with them occurred in 1650, when an English trading
vessel arrived at Mozambique. Alvaro de Sousa was then cap-
tain, and finding that he could do a profitable business with
the strangers, he purchased a quantity of goods from them,
hoping that the transaction would never be discovered.
When the head of the local government acted in this manner,
it may well be believed that the subordinate ofiicials and the
residents in the village, who had the right of trading with
the Bantu on the mainland, were equally dishonest. The
matter came to the knowledge of the king, but the death of
Alvaro de Sousa prevented the punishment that would other-
wise have been inflicted upon him. Orders were again issued,
strictly prohibiting commercial intercourse with strangers, who
were to be permitted to take in fresh water and to purchase
necessary refreshments, but nothing more.
On the 25th of May 1652 the Monomotapa Manuza — or
Philippe — died. He had not renounced Christianity and had
always kept on the best terms with the Portuguese, acknow-
ledging himself a vassal of the king, protecting traders, and
making numerous grants of prazos to individuals. He could
not do otherwise while Kapranzine lived, nor while Eap-
ranzine's son of highest rank, the heir to the chieftainship in
the direct line, was practically a prisoner in Goa. This young
man had entered the Dominican order, and applied himself
most assiduously to study, so that, according to the chronicler,
he was by his example the most powerful preacher in the
country. In 1670 the general of the order sent him the
diploma of Master in Theology, equivalent to Doctor of
Divinity, and this man, born a barbarian, heir to the most
important chieftainship in Southern Africa, died as vicar of
the convent of Santa Barbara in Goa. Fiction surely has no
stranger story than his.
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386 History of South Africa.
Manuza's successor adhered to the old Bantu faith, and in
consequence the Dominicans were in much distress, as their
work seemed likely to be thrown back seriously. Great was
the pleasure therefore which they felt when the new chief,
under the teaching of the friar Aleixo do Bosario, announced
his conversion, and requested to be baptized. His example
was followed by a multitude of the sub-chiefs and others.
On the 4th of August 1652 these were all received into the
church, the Monomotapa taking the name Domingos and his
great wife Luiza. The intelligence of this event created a
joyful sensation in Europe. At Borne the master-general of
the order caused special services to be held, and had an
account of the baptism engraved in the Latin language on a
bronze plate. At the Dominican convent in Lisbon there was
a grand thanksgiving service, which was attended by King
J(^ lY and all his court, for the event was regarded as one
of the greatest triumphs of Christianity, as well as a consoli-
dation of Portuguese rule in South Africa.
Such an opinion, however, was altogether erroneous, for in
this same year, 1652, the Dutch East India Company formed
a settlement in Table Valley, which was destined to have a
vastly greater effect upon the southern portion of the conti*
nent than the Portuguese occupation of the eastern coast, that
had now lasted nearly a century and a half.
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BAPTISM OF THE MONOMOTAPA.
Photograph from a picture in the Dominican Houm^ Rome.
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I THE ^EW YORK
I - r^
:^i iC y/R"/.KY
;. ' .'.„ 1-. :.UX AND
'.ii-ULN : (;UNDAT1C^3
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Weakness of Portuguese Rule in South Africa. 387
CHAPTER XVII.
WEAKNESS OP PORTUQDESE RULE IN SOUTH AFRICA.
King Joao IV, the first monarch of the house of Bragan^a,
died on the 6th of November I6569 leaving a son named
Affonso, only thirteen years of age, heir to the throne. The
queen dowager, a woman of unusual ability and force of
character, then became regent, and held that ofiSce until the
21st of June 1662, when Affonso VI became king. His sister,
Catherine of Bragan^a, only a few weeks before had been
married to Charles II of England. A close connection be-
tween the two countries «was thus commenced, which was of
great advantage to Portugal by giving her assistance in her
war with Spain, and which led some years later to important
commercial arrangements. For more than a quarter of a
century Spain strove to suppress what was termed at Madrid
the rebellion of the duke cf Bragan^a, but at length a series
of victories gained by the Portuguese with the assistance of
their foreign friends made the attempt hopeless, and on the
13th of February 1668 peace was concluded by a treaty in
which the independence of Portugal under the sovereigns of
her choice was fully recognised. The character of Affonso VI
was a compound of imbecility and brutality: he was one of
the most worthless individuals that ever sat upon a throne.
On the 23rd of November 1667 he was forced into retirement,
and his brother Dom Pedro, duke of Beja, became regent.
Sixteen years later Affonso died, and the regent then became
King Pedro II. The Portuguese regard him as one of the
best and most prudent of their sovereigns, though there was
nothing particularly brilliaat or even enterprising in his
nature.
2f
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388 History of South Africa.
Daring the seventeenth century a general disintegration of
the Bantu tribes between the Zambesi and Sabi rivers was
taking place, and individual Portuguese who were possessed
of ability, though they were devoid of anything like high
morality, were busily engaged in forming new clans under
their own control. The process commenced when the legiti-
mate Monomotapa Eapranzine was deposed, and it was
furthered when the Tshikanga was defeated and slain. The
Batonga aloug the Zambesi were the first to be influenced by
it They had no affection for the Makalanga rulers, nor had
those rulers any attachment for them, so that Portuguese who
performed any service for the Monomotapa could readily obtain
from him grants of land more extensive than the largest
county in England. The people on these lands as a rule sub-
mitted to the new head as long as he governed them in
accordance with their ideas, and rebelled when he did not,
but in the course of a few years his authority was usually
firmly established. He was then to all intents and purposes a
Ea£Br chief, possessing absolute power over his people.
Father Manuel Barreto, superior of the Jesuit college at
Sena, reported to the viceroy in 1667 that nearly the whole
of the territory in the triangle formed by the river Zambesi,
the sea coast, and a straight line drawn from Chicova to
Sofala, was thus held by individual Portuguese, though many
of its Batonga inhabitants were in rebellion. Some of the
prazos, as the districts were termed, were, he said, the size
of kingdoms, especially those held by Antonio Lobo da Silva,
Manuel d'Abreu, Andr6 CoUapo, and Manuel Paez de Pinho.
The last named had among his subjects the whole of the old
tribe of Mongasi. But KafiSr chiefs as they were, these men
wished to be considered Portuguese subjects, and were ambi-
tious of holding office and obtaining titles of distinction from
the crown. They professed even to hold their prazos from
the king under grants for three lives, on payment of quitrent
and performing military service with their followers when
called upon to do so. The whole of the quitrent, however,
that flowed into the royal treasury from this Qourc^
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Weakness of Portuguese Rule in South Africa. 389
amounted to little moie than six hundred maticals of gold,
or £268 2^. 6^.9 a year. The holders of the prazos were
constantly quarrelling, and at times were eyen carrying on
war with each other, but they were always 8u£Sciently loyal
to obey a call to arms from the king's representative. For
a long time they formed the sole military force of the
goyemment
Many of them amassed great wealth and lived in a style
of barbaric splendour, but they were always exposed to the
chances of war, for they had no protection beyond what they
could supply themselves. On some of the prazos large
buildings were erected, with lofty rooms and thick walls to
keep out the heat, and their proprietors were noted for the
most profuse hospitality to the strangers and travellers who
occasionally visited them. Their tables were spread with
vegetables and fruit of almost all varieties, grown in their
gardens, with the flesh of domestic and wild animals, the
costliest wines of Europe, and imported delicacies of every
description. They were waited upon by numerous slaves,
never moved from their premises except in a palanquin, and
lived altogether in luxurious ease, the condition perhaps most
respected by the natives around them. But such people were
not colonists, nor did they set an example of morality that
was ^worthy of being followed by their dependents.
After the fiatonga territory was thus parcelled out, adven-
turers sought to get possession of prazos elsewhere, and many
were acquired by purchase from the Monomotapa and from
his subordinate chiefs. The adventurers did not scruple to
use threats and commit acts of violence to obtain what they
desired, until the Monomotapa became seriously alarmed. In
1663 he sent a petition to the king to provide him with a
bodyguard like that supplied to his predecessor, in order that
he might be protected from insult and wrong. The king
instructed the viceroy to comply with his request, but after
a long delay, in 1668 he replied that he could not do so for
want of men. The king also directed that the prazos which
hi4 been Qbtained by violence or by purchase from those
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390 History of South Africa,
who had no right to sell them should be restored to the
Monomotapa, who was a Christian prince; and an officer
named Francisco Pires Bibeiro was sent to enforce the
order. Bat the power of the king proved too weak in
Soath-Eastern Africa to carry out a measure like this, which
was in conflict with the opinions of the Portuguese land-
holders. They would not admit that the Monomotapa was a
Christian in anything but name, and instead of surrendering
the prazos, they declared war against him.
The leader of this movement was a lawless individual
named Antonio Bodrigues de Lima, who had previously been
guilty of much misconduct. He and his associates got
together an army of slaves and other dependents, with
which they took the field. The Monomotapa assembled his
forces and marched to meet them, but when the armies were
near each other, his captains rose in rebellion, murdered him,
and submitted to the Portuguese, offering to admit as their
head any one whom the white people might choose to
appoint. Had he been their legitimate ruler in the right
line of descent they would probably have preferred to die for
him, but as he was in their eyes only a usurper he could
command neither devotion nor respect. The Portuguese
thereupon raised a young man of the ruling family to be
Monomotapa, expecting him to be a pliant tool in their
hands, but he proved an able chief, and found means to
make himself respected. To keep him in check, indeed, the
government was obliged to send Antonio Lobo da Silva, the
most powerful of all the prazo holders, to reside with him as
the king's representative.
A condition of things in which mere adventurers, acting
without authority from the nominal government, could
appoint and depose chiefs of tribes at their will, and could
establish themselves as practically independent sovereigns
over great tracts of country, can only be described as one of
anarchy. Father Manuel de Gouvea, of the Jesuit mission,
wrote to the prince regent in 1678 that a military force of
two hundred men was needed to restore order and compel
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Weakness of Portuguese Rule in South Africa. 39 1
the lawbreakers to respect the rights of others, but the reply
was that they could uot be seut, as there were no means of
meeting the expense. In 1675 a plan was deyised in Lisbon
which it was hoped might meet the difficulty. This was to
send out orphan girls from charitable institutions, to give
them prazoB as dowries, and upon their marrying Portuguese
to appoint their husbands to civil, judicial, and military
offices. The eldest daughter was to inherit the estate, upon
condition of marrying a Portuguese bom in Europe, and in
the same manner it was to descend to the next generation.
After the death of the third proprietress it was to revert to
the crown.
But this scheme could only be carried out on a very
limited scale, and in places where the natives had lost all
their former spirit. To acquire a prazo in the first instance
a man needed knowledge of Bantu habits, a strong will,
reckless daring, and power of governing others. He esta-
blished his right, and his heirs, if they were at all capable,
might succeed him. Certainly they never could command
such devotion as the ancient hereditary chiefs, because the
religious element of loyalty was wanting in their case, but
as those chiefs had been displaced, and as the government
of a strong man is willingly obeyed by the Bantu under
such circumstances, they could remain the heads of clans.
It was very different when a stranger, a woman too, was
appointed to rule over the people of a district. They would
not submit to such an innovation, and therefore the scheme
could not be applied in many instances.
The prazos went on increasing until there were no fewer
than eighty-five of them. In other words, there were eighty-
five Bantu clans under Portuguese, Goanese, or half-breed
chiefs, almost constantly at strife with each other. Most of
them had native headmen, or petty chiefs, serving under
them, through whom their orders were carried out* It was
the ancient feudal system of Europe transplanted in Africa,
but that system where the king was weakest and the barons
most turbulent. There was still a Monomotapa, a Tshikanga,
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392 History of South Africa.
and a Kiteve, ruling over remnants of once powerful tribes;
but the individuals who held these titles were little more
than puppets. They were generally regarded with distrust
and suspicion, and the slightest offence was sufficient pretext
for war against them. The power of the Portuguese in South
Africa had never been so great before, but the power of the
Portuguese government had never been so small.
In his report to the viceroy in 1667 Father Manuel
fiarreto described Sena as containing thirty houses occupied
by Portuguese and many others! occupied by half-breeds. It
was the principal place in the country, as the factory to
which all the traders resorted was there, and its captain had
greater power than any of the others, because with him
rested decisions of peace and war. He was appointed by the
captain of Mozambique. Tete contained forty houses of
Portuguese and mixed breeds. Sofala was almost deserted,
and no friar was then residing there. Its trade in gold
was only five hundred pastas* a year, whereas nearly three
thousand pastas a year were obtained at other places and
exported through Eilimane. In the Monomotapa's country
there were trading stations, with Portuguese captains, at
Dambarare, Ongwe, Loanze, and Chipiriviri, and a captain
with a considerable body of followers at the residence of the
chief, to keep that barbarian in check. The three captains
of Sena, Tete, and Sofala were still the only administrators
of justice in the country, but they could be tried by the
supreme court at Goa for pronouncing illegal sentences.
There were sixteen places of worship in the country. Of
these, six belonged to the Company of Jesus, one — at Sena —
was ministered to by a secular priest, and nine belonged to
the Dominicans, though they bad then only six missionaries
in the field. The distribution of these places of worship was,
* The quantity coatained in a paata, or pasteboard case, is uncertain.
The word is also used to signify a thin plate of metal, but evidently that
is not what is meant here. Probably gold was kept in cases of a particular
size, and the expression at the time would convey a defiuite meaning to
those engaged in the trade.
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Weakness of Portuguese Rule in South Africa. 393
nine in the lands occupied and ruled by Portuguese, two in
Manika, and five in the country of the Monomotapa.
Corruption must haye been prevalent everywhere, for
Father Barreto states that even the office of ecclesiastical
administrator at Mozambique was purchased with money. He
laid oppression also to the charge of the highest officer in
rank in East Africa. Trading privileges with the Bantu on
the mainland north of the Zambesi had been granted by the
king to the inhabitants of the island of Mozambique, in
order to encourage people to settle there, but the captain
had deprived them of their rights that he might secure the
profit for himself. They were obliged to purchase mer-
chandise from him at his own price, instead of importing it
from India, and in the same way they could sell to no one
but him.
Father Barreto was an enthusiast, who had day dreams of a
great Portuguese empire in Africa, stretching from the Bed
sea to the Cape of Good Hope. He does not seem to have
been aware that the Dutch had formed a settlement in Table
Valley, or if he was, he ignored it as an obstacle to the
extension of Portuguese authority. He speaks of the
cruelty, rapacity, and lawlessness of the holders of the prazos
then in existence, and fears that the wrath of the Almighty
may be poured out on them for their sins. Yet he advises
that they should be employed in conquering their Bantu
neighbours, and that the system should be maintained until
not only the whole of the mainland south of Abyssinia, but
the island of Madagascar as well, was parcelled out in this
manner. Then, indeed, there would be an empire surpassing
the greatest in Asia. Then the natives could be compelled
to wear cotton clothing and to dig for gold, and commerce
would flourish and boundless wealth flow into the treasury of
the king. As for mission work, it should be carried on with
tenfold vigour. Instead of an ecclesiastical administrator,
there should be an archbishop at Mozambique, with two or
three suffragans and numerous zealous priests. Surely Cortes
and Pizarro were more moderate in their schemes of con-
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394 History of South Africa.
quest with slender resources than this Jesuit missionary at
Sena.
As regular troops could not be provided to defend the
country, the government at Lisbon was doing all that was
in its power to promote colonisation. In 1665 an order was
issued that no settler should be allowed to remove without
special leave, and this was afterwards stringently enforced.
In 1671 the prince regent instructed the viceroy to throw
open the commerce of the Bivers to every one as soon as
the contract then existing with the captain of Mozambique
expired, principally with the object of inducing individuals
to take up their residence in South-Eastern Africa, and in
the following year this order was repeated, March 1673 being
named as the date from which it was to have effect. It was
anticipated that the volume of trade would be greatly in-
creased by private competition, because the captains fixed
very high prices for selling and very low ones for buying,
so that there was little inducement to collect gold and ivory.
It was thought also that a larger sum would be realised from
customs duties, after all expenses were met, than was paid by
the captain for the monopoly, and that the administration
could be conducted in a more satisfactory manner.
The viceroy Luis de Mendon(a Purtado, however, brought
forward many objections to unrestricted trade, and suggested
an alternative, which the prince regent left to his discretion
to carry out. Accordingly, in 1673 the commerce of South-
Eastern Africa was taken over by the state, to be carried on
for the benefit of the royal treasury, and to be conducted
under the direction of a council at Goa by a board of six
members at Sena. It was about as clumsy and expensive a
scheme as could well be devised, and it was made still more
cumbersome by the conferring of extensive judicial power
upon the board at Sena, some of whose members were
ecclesiastics. Under the new system all persons employed
received salaries, and the civil and military authority were
separated. An officer named Jo&o de Sousa Freire, with the
title of commander in chief, was appointed head of the
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iVeakness of Portuguese Rule in South Africa, 395
military branch of the government, with power to call out
the residents in the villages and the holders of prazos with
their retainers to perform service in war. One of his first
acts was to get ready a force to attack the Monomotapa if
the silver mines which were supposed to be known to that
chief were not delivered to the Portuguese.
The aspect of affairs along the whole coast was at this
time exceedingly gloomy. The weakness of the Portuguese
was so apparent that the Mohamedans took courage, and in
various places to the north attempted to recover their inde-
pendence. In 1670 they even attacked Mozambique, and
though they did not succeed in getting possession of Fort
Sao Sebastiao, they inspired great alarm everywhere. In
1673 Father Manuel de Gouvea, a member of the board of
commerce at Sena, wrote to the prince regent that without
five or six small armed vessels it would be impossible to
trade to the north ; but they were not supplied through want
of means. Matters at length reached such a pass that the
viceroy Luis de Mendon9a Furtado, finding his despatches
produced no effect, sent the Jesuit father Andre Furtado to
Lisbon to represent that all East Africa must be lost unless
a military and naval force to maintain Portuguese authority
could be provided. North of the Zambesi the sheik of Pate
and other petty rulers were in open rebellion, and south of
that river the cod fusion and disorder caused by the jealousies
and strife of the prazo holders were so great that — as one of
the viceroy's advisers wrote — obedience to the government
was regarded as a mere matter of courtesy.
The court at Lisbon was then compelled to make a
supreme effort. In April 1677 Dom Pedro d'Almeida was
appointed viceroy of India, and was directed to proceed to
Goa and take over the administration, but very shortly after-
wards to return to the rivers of Cuama to meet a force of
six hundred soldiers that would leave the Tagus in five
vessels in September. With these ships and men he was to
restore order in East Africa, punishing the sheik of Pate
first During his absence from Goa the government there
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396 History of South Africa.
would be carried ou by a board acting with full power, so
that his whole time and thought might be deyoted to the
duty specially assigned to him. He was to remain two
years in Africa, and then place Jo&o de Sousa Freire at the
head of the local government and proceed again to Goa.
The board of administration there was directed to giye him
all the assistance possible during his absence, though he was
to have no control over it. Dom Pedro carried out these
instructions, and though he died before eyerything was
satisfactorily arranged, he managed to bring the petty sheiks
of the north to submission once more and to establish
comparative order south of the Zambesi.
The method of conducting trade on account of the govern-
ment proved a complete failure. The council at Goa com-
menced with debt, not only for goods purchased and yessels
chartered, but for the payment of thirty thousand xerafins, or
nine million reis, to each of the prospective captains of
Mozambique in return for relinquishing their rights. The
goods it purchased in India were often bad in quality and
unsuited to the requirements of the Bantu. The persons
employed as agents were careless and indifferent, the costs
were greats and the returns too small to meet the salaries
and other expenses. Under these circumstances in March
1680 the prince regent issued instructions that the affairs of
the council were to be wound up, and that the commerce of
the country south of the Zambesi was to be thrown open to
all his subjects in Europe, Asia, Brazil, and Africa, upon
payment of twenty per cent of the value of imports and
exports as customs dutie-s. The existing debt« were to be a
charge upon these duties.
When this order reached Goa a council of state was
convened, and every member voted for suspending it until
representations of the consequences could be made and fresh
directions be given. But in February 1681 Francisco de
Tavora was appointed viceroy, and was instructed to throw
open the trade and to see that the Monomotapa was so
treated as to preserve his friendship.
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Weakness of Portugtiese Rule in South Africa. 397
In September 1681 the new viceroy reached Goa. Soon
afterwards he laid his instructions before the conucil, when it
was decided that the prince regent's orders, issued after full
deliberation and adyice, must be carried out, no matter what
the consequences might be. In November, therefore, a pro-
clamation to that effect was issued, and the affairs of the
board of commerce were placed in the hands of liquidators.
Custom houses were speedily thereafter opened at the African
ports, and every one was free to buy and to sell whatever
he chose. In March 1682 Caetano de Mello de Castro was
appointed governor and commander in chief of Mozambique
and the Rivers, the name by which the territory south of the
Zambesi and the Eilimane mouth was usually known. He
was allowed a salary of eight thousand cruzados a year.
With him were sent two or three hundred such soldiers as
could be raised, to enable him to defend Fort SSo SebastiSo
and maintain his authority elsewhere, and he was particularly
charged to see that the revenue was not defrauded by the
system of unrestricted trade.
For a long time the government at Lisbon had been
endeavouring to induce Portuguese men and women to settle
in South Africa. In 1677 the troops that were sent out were
accompanied by a few artisans and labourers, and by eight
reclaimed women from a house of mercy, some of whom took
up their residence at Mozambique and others on the bank of
the Z{imbesi. After their arrival all trace of them is lost,
but they can only havo prospered in such pursuits as the
former residents had followed. Nowhere in the world could
a European labourer have been more out of place than in
Portuguese South Africa, and as for mechanics, half a dozen
masons and carpenters would have been too many for all the
building that was to be done. There were in Goa a number
of Portuguese and Eurasians sunk in the lowest depths of
poverty, mere mendicants in feu^t, and it was under the
consideration of the government to remove them to Africa to
colonise the country. Common sense prevailed, however, and
this most injudicious scheme was not carried out. And now
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398 History of South Africa.
the same government that desired the increase of the
European population adopted a commercial system under
which the few white men in the villages and at the trading
stations must be driven out.
Against all the advantages that are derivable from an
Asiatic possession, one tremendous disadvantage must be set
down: that its inhabitants may become entitled to privileges
ruinous to their conquerors. In what remained of Portu-
guese Asia there were numerous mixed-breeds, and besides
these a large class of Indian traders, commonly termed
Canarins or Banyans. These people are among the keenest
traffickers in the world, whether as merchants or as pedlars,
and no white man can compete with them, as it costs them
the merest trifle to live. They add nothing to the strength
of a country, as they are wholly unfit to bear arms in war,
and they contribute little or nothing to its revenue beyond
what they pay in customs duties. They are the most
dangerous of all immigrants into a territory with a warm
climate, where equal rights when they are concerned can
only mean the speedy removal or ruin of the European.
As soon as the commerce of South-Eastem A&ica was open,
the Canarins began to take part in it, and the inevitable
result quickly followed. Within six years no fewer than
seventeen Banyan houses of business — some of course very
paltry establishments — were opened on the island of Mozam-
bique alone, and the Portuguese trading community had
dwindled to fifteen individuals. Sena and Tete were
threatened with utter extinction as Portuguese villages, and
the outlying stations were rapidly being lost to white men.
The price of gold too had been raised by competition until
there was no longer a fair profit to be gained on it.
The country was involved in other troubles aB well. The
prazo holders were discontented and sullen, foreseeing the
loss of their means of acquiring wealth. Some of them had
been obliged by the government to surrender estates obtained
in an improper manner, and all of them resented recent
legislation so keenly that they no longer troubled themselves
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Weakness of Portuguese Rule in South Africa, 399
to search for gold, in consequence of which the quantity
obtained was much less than formerly. Their turbulent and
violent conduct was irritating the Monomotapa, and war was
constantly expected. The customs dues collected were
insufficient to defray the charges of the administration^ paltry
as these were, and no means could be devised to increase the
revenue. It was indeed in contemplation to collect ivory in
payment of overdue quitrent, and to levy a yearly poll tax
of a matical of gold upon every native, but a little reflection
showed both these schemes to be impracticable. If the prazo
holder would not pay his quitrent in the normal manner he
would not pay it in ivory, and as for the poll tax, the
natives would certainly flee from Portuguese jurisdiction
rather than submit to it.
King Pedro II took all these circumstances into considera-
tion, and on the 20th of March 1690 issued orders that free
trade in South-Eastem Africa was to cease at once. An
attempt was to be made to form a Company to carry it on,
and in the mean time the royal treasury would undertake it.
These orders preserved the country for the Portuguese crown,
but the Banyans had got a hold upon the commerce which
could not be entirely destroyed until 1783, when they were
expelled from the country south of the Zambesi.
Caetano de Mello de Castro was succeeded as governor and
commander in chief by Dom Miguel d' Almeida, whose term
of office expired in 1688. Thom6 de Sousa Correa, a very
diligent and upright man, followed, and to him was entrusted
the task of directing the commerce on behalf of the king.
This he did with such care and ability that it yielded a
considerable profit above all expenses, though the villages did
not fully regain their European inhabitants.
Several years elapsed before a Company could be formed
with sufficient capital to undertake the trade. Some persons
in India first subscribed for a number of shares, and a pro-
visional charter was drawn up there, which was sent to
Lisbon and altered by the king in council. As finally
arranged, its principal clauses were: that any one in Portugal
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400 History of South Africa.
or India could subscribe for shares; that the royal treasury
was to take part in it to the value of the vessels then
engaged in the commerce and of the merchandise on hand;
that every viceroy during his whole term of office should be
a shareholder to the extent of fifteen thousand xerafins, which
sum was to be deducted from the first payment of his salary
and repaid to him when received in like manner from his
successor; that the management of business should be
entrusted to a board of five directors to be selected in the
first instance by the viceroy from the largest shareholders,
and afterwards, as vacancies occurred, by the viceroy from a
double list of names presented to him by the remaining
directors; that the Company was to pay the same customs
duties as individual traders had paid ; tbat it was to pay
yearly to the royal treasury fifty thousand cruzados towards
the cost of the naval defence of India, thirty thousand
cruzados, being the amount formerly paid by the captains of
Mozambique for a monopoly of trade south of the Zambesi,
and three thousand cruzados, being the amount formerly paid
by the same official for a monopoly of the trade of the islands
of Angosha; that the Company was to have an absolute
monopoly of all the trade from Mombasa to Cape Correntes ;
that it should be entirely commercial in its character and
not interfere with the different governments; and that the
charter was to hold good for twelve years, with three years
notice thereafter before it could be cancelled.
The chartered Company thus formed came into existence in
1697, but the amount of capital subscribed was too small to
enable it to carry on the commerce of South-Eastern Africa
successfully, and the obligations imposed were too heavy for
it to bear, so after a feeble attempt during the next three
years to maintain itself, in 1700 it was dissolved, and the
trade was again undertaken by the royal treasury. Just at
this time expectations of great wealth, derived from reports of
the richness of the pearl fisheries and from specimens of ore
sent to Lisbon, were cherished by the king and his court, so
that the failure of the Company and the reversion of the traclQ
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Weakness of Portuguese Rule in South Africa. 401
to the treasury were not regretted. King Pedro indeed be-
lieved for a while that the Bivers were the most valuable
oversea possession in his dominions. In this strain he, the
lord of Brazil, which had then already begun to pour its
wealth into the mother country, wrote of them, regretting
only his want of means to develop their immense resources at
once ; but, as on so many occasions before, high hopes regard-
ing South African treasures were doomed to end in bitter
disappointment.
The disturbed condition of the country was unfavourable to
the progress of mission work, though the decadence of the
ruling Bantu families made the conversion of the people more
easy than before. The Jesuits were strong in Mozambique,
where they had a large convent, and where they were often
called upon to aid the government with advice in political
and commercial matters. At one time even the superinten-
dence of the repairs of the fortress was entrusted to them by
the kingv who believed that they would be more likely to see
the work carried out properly than the civil or military offi-
cials. At Sena they had an establishment, and here also their
services were requisitioned by the government for many pur-
poses unconnected with religion. They were the most refined
and most highly educated men of the day, so that they were
naturally regarded as the most competent to give advice in
all matters. Their reports are the clearest, best written, and
far the most interesting documents now in existence upon the
country. Compared with the ordinary state papers, they are
as polished marble to unhevm stone.
In 1697 the Jesuits established a seminary at Sena for the
education of the children of the Portuguese in the country
and the sons of native chiefs. This institution was aided by
the state, and wealthy traders and prazo holders contributed
largely to its support. At Tete they had also a mission, and
further several stations along the river where they were
favoured by prazo holders, and could thus remain notwith-
standing the claim of the Dominicans to that territory as the
sphere of If^bour assi^ed to tbem by royal order. Though
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402 History of South Africa,
the Jesuits were so active, they reported at a later date that
their work among the Bantu at these places was almost fruit-
less. They had no difficulty in inducing people to call them-
selves Christians, but they could not persuade them to change
their mode of living, to abandon polygamy, or to observe the
ordinances of the church.
The order of Saint John of God had not yet sent any of
its members to the Rivers, though in 1681 the hospital at
Mozambique was entrusted to its care. This order was
founded purposely to attend upon the sick, and its members
were trained as hospital nurses are now. Previous to this
date the sick sailors and soldiers at Mozambique had no
other attendants than slaves, who acted under direction of
the surgeons; but henceforward they were tenderly looked
after. Nearly half a century later a shipwrecked Dutch
traveller, named Jacob de Bucquoi, who was for several weeks
an inmate of this hospital, wrote of it in terms of unbounded
admiration. He said that no one, however rich, could be
cared for and tended better than the sick were there, without
any exception, whether they were Portuguese or strangers.
The Dominican convent at Mozambique was still the prin-
cipal station of that order in South-Eastern Africa, but the
country south of the Zambesi was the field in which most of
its missionaries laboured. Not long after the baptism of the
Monomotapa Domingos their zeal began to flag. In the time
of their prosperity, as is often the case with men in other
pursuits, the friars did not display the great qualities which
characterised them during the period of trial. Some of them
fell into habits of indolence, and others into a spirit of in-
diflference. Clearly the introduction of foreign blood and the
condition of the mother country were producing their natural
effects. The ecclesiastical administrator at Mozambique,
though he had not the same control over members of reli-
gious associations as over secular priests, threatened to intro-
duce some other order, and actually proceeded to 6oa with
that object. There, however, he was induced by the Pro-
vincial of the Dominicans to desist from his purpose^ on
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Weakness of Portugtiese Rule in South Africa. 403
condition that a commissary and yisitor shonid be sent at
once to the country south of the Zambesi, and that some
active missionaries should accompany him.
Friar Francisco da Trindade was appointed commissary, and
brought five associates with him. One of these, the father
Jo^ de Sao Thome, he stationed at Sofala, another, the
father Damaso de Santa Bosa, he stationed with the Mono-
motapa, the third, the father Diogo de Santa Bosa, he
directed to renew the work that had been abemdoned at
Masapa, the fourth, the father Jorge de SSo Thome, he
directed to do the same at Ongwe, and the fifth, the father
Miguel dos Archanjos, he sent to the Kiteve country to
establish a mission. The commissary was a man of great
activity, and during the time that he had the oversight of
the mission everything went on well, fle resided first at
Sena, and made himself master of the Bantu dialect spoken
there, in which he prepared a catechism and another reli-
gious book termed a confessionario. He then proceeded to
Tete, studied the dialect used by the clans in that part of
the country, and translated his catechism into it One of the
sons of the Monomotapa came under his influence, and was
baptized and trained by him. This youth was afterwards
sent to Goa, where he entered the Dominican order, and
became known as the friar Constantino do Bosario. In the
next chapter it will be necessary to make a better acquaintance
with him.
This period of activity, however, did not last long. There
were energetic men of the Dominican order in South Africa
at the close of the seventeenth century, but the spirit of
languor in which Portugal and her foreign possessions were
steeped embraced the great body of the friars also. Further
many of them were Asiatics and Eurasians, and a few were
Africans not half weaned from another creed, all quite unfit
to carry on mission work unless under the close supervision
of white men. Under these circumstances, though baptisms
were numerous real converts were few. In the interminable
feuds of the country stations were often destroyed, as Ongwe
2 G
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404 History of South Africa.
and Dambarare — the latter the principal gold market at the
time — were in 1692. In 1696 Sofala was attacked by a
powerful clan, which was repulsed, but a large portion of the
back country was closed to Europeans during the next thirty-
three years, and the station at the Eiteve's kraal had to be
abandoned. Without protection, without homes — much less
church buildings, — the missionaries could have done very
little except in the villages even if their zeal had not passed
away.
It is impossible to ascertain how far westward missionaries
had penetrated the country by this time, because they had no
means of determining longitudes, and no descriptions of their
travels are extant from which their routes can be traced. As
they could not erect substantial buildings there are no ruins
to mark the limits of their wanderings, and the old names of
the places where they laboured are known no more. On the
actual bank of the Zambesi they had reached a point as far
west as the present station of Zumbo, but it is exceedingly
improbable that they had got farther. About seventy miles
north-east of Buluwayo, in some ruins called by the present
natives Umtungala ka Mambo, which date from a time far
earlier than the appearance of the Portuguese in South
Africa, a few years ago a seal was found bearing the name
Bemabe de Ataide encircling the symbol I H S, but it is
quite as likely to have been carried there as an ornament or
charm by some native as to have been lost there by tlie mis-
sionary who once owned it. Neither the Dominicans nor the
Jesuits until our own times ever explored the country farther
than they did during the seventeenth century.
At this period and later when dealing with the Portuguese
in 8outh Africa one is never certain whether he is i^ecounting
the deeds of Caucasians, of Asiatics, of Africans, or of mixed
breeds, unless he can trace their origin, which is not always
possible. An individual with the name of a European grandee
was as likely as not to be a negro or a half-caste from Goa.
Who, for instance, would recognise a son of the Eiteve under
the name Dom Antonio Lan^arote, who in 1681 applied t
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iVcakness of Portuguese Rule in South Africa. 405
the king for permission to remove from Goa to Africa? If
deeds performed are worthy of mention they should be re-
lated, but it would be more satisfactory if the nationality of
the actors could be stated as well.
Since the accession of the house of Braganfa to the throne
of Portugal the closest friendship with England had existed,
still English ships were causing much trouble and anxiety to
the authorities on the eastern coast of Africa, though the
British government was in no way responsible for what was
being done by them. Some of these ships were avowedly
pirates, similar to those that infested West Indian waters,
that plundered and scuttled vessels under every flag but their
own. Their crews were composed of ruffians of every mari-
time nation, though the vessels were British built, and all
the names of the officers that are known are English.
Delagoa Bay and the ports on the coast of Madagascar
affijrded them convenient places for repairing, provisioning,
and otherwise fitting out for cruises in search of booty.
These pirates were for many years a cause of terror to navi-
gators in the eastern seas, though they only murdered the
crews of their prizes when they were apprehensive of danger
to themselves should their prisoners live. Sometimes a ship
left India, and was not heard of again for years. Such was
the fate of the T^o^m Senhora da AJuda, which was captured
by two pirates off the African coast, when all on board were
put to death except one Malay boy who was kept as a slave.
In 1682 these same pirates put into Mozambique, where one
of them was wrecked, and the Malay gave information of the
destruction of the Indiaman and also of a vessel bound from
that island to Brazil with slaves, which had afterwards been
captured. Fort Sao SebastiSo was at the time provided with
a fairly strong garrison, so the rovers were seized and sent to
Goa for trial.
Another class was composed of ships that visited the coast
for trading purposes in defiance of the English East India
Company. They were either not provided with clearance
papers from any English port, or they had papers giving
2 G 2
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4o6 History of South Africa.
some destination beyond the limits assigned in the East
India Company's charter, so that in each case they were
liable to be seized wherever there was sufficient force to
capture them. Except at Mozambique no such force existed
on the south-eastern coast of Africa or on the shores of
Madagascar, which they therefore frequented. It had been
the custom for nearly a century and a half to send a pangayo
occasionally from Mozambique to Inhambane and Delagoa
Bay to barter ivory from the natives, and in 1685 one left
for that purpose. Upon her return, Domingos Louren^o, her
master, reported that at Delagoa Bay he had found five
English trading vessels provided with merchandise of a better
quality than his, and that they had bought all the ivory and
ambergris in the suriounding country.
On the 6th of August 1686 the governor of Mozambique,
Dom Miguel d'Almeida, and his council met to consider this
matter. The council consisted of the lieutenant-general
Francisco d'Aviles Bamires, the castellan Paschoal d'Abreu
Sarmento e Moraes, the factor Jofto Machado Sacoto, the
rector of the Jesuit college Father Manuel Freire, the vicar
of the parish church Father Domingos Dias Bibeiro, and the
superior of the Dominican convent Friar JoSo da Magda-
lena. The governor and council unanimously resolved not to
send a pangayo to Delagoa Bay that year, because most pro-
bably English ships would continue to frequent that port and
she might be robbed or insulted by them, and further because
there would be little or nothing to obtain in barter, as that
part of the country had been thoroughly cleared of its
marketable produce.
This resolution was communicated to Dom Bodrigo da
Costa, governor-general of India, who overruled it, and gave
directions that a pangayo should be sent to the bay again,
even at a pecuniary loss, in order that the English might
not take possession of it under the pretext that it was neg*
lected by the Portuguese. Our countrymen continued to
trade there, and from an account given by one of them,
liobert Everard by name, it is seen that they set about their
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Weakness of Portuguese Rule in South Africa. 407
business with characteristic energy. Everard was in Delagoa
Bay in 1687, in the ship Bauden. They had materials ready
on board, and put together a small vessel, which was sent
up and down the coast to trade for ivory. At the bay itself
they obtained only two tons until some chiefs went on board,
whom they put in irons and detained until more was brought
for sale. One day a small boat arrived with three English-
men in her, who had formed part of the crew of a trading
vessel like the one they had put together. This vessel had
been wrecked on the coast, and the boat's crew had suffered
greatly from hunger before they reached the bay, for when
they went ashore to try to get food the natives robbed them
of their clothing and would give them nothing to eat. The
Bauden lay there at anchor three months, and then sailed for
Madagascar.
In 1688 Delagoa Bay was visited and roughly surveyed by
the Dutch galiot Noord. An English trading vessel was
lying there at the time, and also a Portuguese pangayo from
Mozambique. The English had put up a tent for trading
purposes on one of the islands, and the Portuguese had con*
structed a temporary lodge fpr the same purpose near the
mouth of the Manisa river. So matters continued until the
end of the century, vessels of both nations frequenting
the bay ; but then the Portuguese abandoned it for many
years. Their pangayo was seized when at anchor by a pirate
ship that sailed in under French colours, and was plundered
and destroyed, though most of her crew managed to escape
to the shore. Then the effort to carry on a profitless and
dangerous trade was given up, and the next century was far
advanced before the Portuguese flag was again seen anywhere
on the mainland south of Inhambane.
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4o8 History of South Africa,
CHAPTER XVIII.
EVENTS DUBING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
During the eighteenth century the history of Portugal
presents hardly any subject of interest except the close com-
mercial connection of the country with Great Britain, the
growth of Brazil, and the extraordinary vigour of the
celebrated minister Sebastiao Jose de Carvalho e Mello,
better known in his later life as marquis of Pombal. King
Pedro II died on the 9th of December 1706, and was
succeeded by his son JoSLo Y, a monarch of no importance,
who reigned forty-four years. On his death in 1750 the
throne was ascended by his son Jose I. He chose as his
prime minister the man whose commanding intellect and
utter fearlessness made the country for a brief space a power-
ful factor in the afiFairs of Europe, and whose enmity to the
Jesuits has given him a world-wide reputation. The marquis
of Pombal, however, regarded Portuguese India and Eastern
Africa as of so little value that he did nothing to raise those
dependencies from their state of depression, and it is there-
fore unnecessary to relate his actions here. Upon the death
of Jos6 I, 24th of February 1777, and the fall of the great
minister from power immediately afterwards, Portugal at once
sank again into her former obscurity. The king, having
left no son, was succeeded by his daughter Maria Francisca,
who was married to her uncle, her father's younger brother,
and he was crowned with her as Pedro III. Both of them
were of weak mind, and after her husband's death Queen
Maria Francisca became so imbecile that it was necessary
for her son Dom JoEo to carry on the government some
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Events during the Eighteenth Century. 409
years before 1799, when he assumed the title of regent. In
November 1807 he with his family and his demented mother
abandoned Portugal and sailed for Brazil in an English man-
of-war, just before the entry of the French army under
Marshal Junot into Lisbon. Such being the condition of the
government at home, progress in a distant dependency with
no special advantages was out of the question.
It may be asserted indeed that from the beginning of the
eighteenth century until our own times the Portuguese power
in South Africa was almost as unsubstantial as a shadow, and
that it continued to exist at all was due to the breaking up
of the large Bantu tribes and the perpetual wars in which
the petty sections were thereafter involved, when the aid of
a few Europeans was usually sufficient to turn the scale of
victory in favour of any chief whose cause they espoused.
Sometimes, however, Portuguese prazo holders were defeated
and driven from their estates, which were afterwards occupied
by independent Bantu chiefs. These men were generally so
jealous of each other that union for common defence, except
under extraordinary circumstances, was next to impossible.
The country thus presented politically as continual a change
as the colours and forms in a kaleidoscope, and if it were
possible to do so, it would be as useful to describe in minute
detail the varying appearances of the one as of the other.
A few instances may be given as specimens of the whole,
and a single short chapter will afford ample space for a
recital of all that is worth knowing of the transactions of
the Portuguese in South Africa during the eighteenth
century.
In 1701 Sena and Tete narrowly escaped destruction in a
general rising of the Bantu caused by the oppressive conduct
of the commander in chief Jos6 da Fonseca Coutinho. He
had attacked the most powerful native chief in his neigh-
bourhood, defeated him and put him to death, and then
elevated his brother to the vacant place. Having been so
far successful, he proceeded to conduct himself in such a
highhanded manner that his own people rose in revolt. Fifty
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410 History of South Africa.
soldiers were sent from Mozambique to the Rivers to support
the king's authority, but the insurrection spread. In 1708
the captain Antonio Simoes LeitlU) was killed in battle. His
successor Bafael Alvares da Silva managed, however, more
by concession than by force, to arrange terms of peace. This
was hardly effected when a difficulty arose between the
captain of Tete and the chief of Inyabanzo, who was nomin-
ally a vassal of the Portuguese government In 1710 the
chief overran the whole of the prazos connected with Tete,
added them to his own domain, and left the white men the
village only.
In 1717 a prazo holder named Pedro Carvalho openly
rebelled, and many others refused to pay their quitrents.
Some were at war with others, just as if they had been
Bantu chiefs. One of the most powerful among them, named
Manuel Gron^alves GuiSo, pursued his opponent into Sena,
where he not only caused a great many negroes to be killed,
but destroyed and burned much property. He even
attempted to prevent the newly appointed captain, who
arrived while he was there, from entering upon his duty.
The government was so powerless that it did not so much
as endeavour to punish this ruffian, but tried instead to con-
ciliate him, and actually held out inducements of rank and
office if he would conduct himself as a dutiful subject.
In 1722, in return for assistance against his enemy, a
chief named Masisa affixed his mark to a document ceding a
tract of land about sixty-five miles in length along the coast
opposite the Bazaruta islands.
In 1735 a trader at Sofala, named JoSo Pires, went into
the interior with a party of slaves carrying goods for barter.
On his way he met a son of the Eateve with a band of
warriors marching towards the territory of a chief with whom
they were at war, and through whose lands Pires wished to
pass. The young chief stopped him, and showed such enmity
that the slaves fled through fear, when Pires was murdered
and his goods were seized. As soon as his widow heard of
this, with the consent of the captain of Sofala she raised an
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Events during the Eighteenth Century, 411
army and made war upon the Kiteve. After conquering
several of his sub-chiefs she directed her march towards his
great place, but he became terrified, and to appease her sent
her the head of her husband's murderer and offered to cede
a valuable district named Chironde to her. She accepted the
offer, peace was made, and the district remained Portuguese
territory for more than a century afterwards
In 1753 the Portuguese of Mozambique were defeated in
an engagement with a native tribe on the mainland, when
about half of the whole military force they could muster
perished. This prevented them for several years from assist-
ing their countrymen south of the Zambesi, and in conse-
qucDce many prazos were lost in the interminable feuds of
that period.
In 1760 a chief named Beve, in return for assistance in a
war with his neighbour, ceded a large tract near Tete, which
had been possessed once before, but had been lost. It was
partitioned out again as prazos.
In 1774 the country of the Kiteve was overrun by a horde
from the interior, and the only Portuguese trading station
in it except Sofala was destroyed.
In the early years of the century by express order of the
king an effort was made to support the Monomotapa, and a
Dominican friar with a captain and twenty-four soldiers as a
bodyguard ttccompanied him wherever he went. He was now
always of necessity a nominal Christian, for the Portuguese
would not acknowledge the right of any one to fill the office
unless he had been baptized, and without their assistance he
was helpless. The name of the man who held the position
at this time was Pedro. But little more than the title
remained to him, for the old tribe was broken into frag-
ments, each absolutely independent of the others. The
succession had of late been nearly always disputed, and the
majority of those who claimed to be the heirs had met
violent deaths. A clan under a chief named Tshangamira
was much more powerful than the one that remained to the
Monomotapa. In a war between them a considerable number
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412 History of South Africa.
of Portuguese were made prisoners by Tshangamixa, and they
were kept under guard for several years, until they were
finally ransomed by the ecclesiastical administrator of
Mozambique.
Under such circumstances it might reasonably be thought
that a cession by the Alonomotapa of territory at a distance
from his own kraal would not have been regarded as of much
value. Yet the court at Lisbon attached considerable import-
ance to a grant of silver mines made by the Monomotapa
Pedro, and desired to have it confirmed by his son the friar
Constantino do Bosario, who was resident in India. Friar
Constantino had not conducted himself to the satisfaction of
the vicar general of his order, and in consequence had been
deprived of his habit and banished to Macao, but in 1709
by the king's instructions had been brought back to Goa
and taken again into his convent, where the viceroy was
directed to see that he was treated with every courtesy. In
1711 Pedro died, leaving no other son than Constantino;
and a brother of the deceased chief, termed by the Portu-
guese Dom Jo&o, took possession of the vacant place.
Thereupon the mother of the friar sent him word of what
had happened, and desired him to return and claim his
inheritance.
The king was of opinion that if Constantino was made
Monomotapa, great advantages would accrue to the Portu-
guese, as he had so long been accustomed to live as a
European that his fidelity could be depended upon, and the
silver mines, wherever they were, would be secured. He
therefore directed the friar Francisco da Trindade, who was
then in Lisbon, to proceed to Goa in the first ship that
sailed for that port, and to conduct his former pupil from
the convent of our Lady of the Eosary to Sena, where the
Portuguese were to receive him as the legitimate chief. He
was to be treated with such kindness and courtesy as to call
forth his lasting gratitude. Constantino, however, had no
desire to place himself in such a difficult and dangerous
position as that he was invited to strive for, and in 1713 he
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Events during the Eighteenth Century. 413
wrote to the king that he was a professed friar of the
Dominican order and had abandoned all hopes of worldly
advancement. So he remained at Goa, and the prospect of
acquiring silver mines through his agency had to be given
up. The king made him an allowance of two hundred
xerafins a year from the royal treasury for his maintenance,
and orders were issued that he was to be treated with all
possible respect.
Six years later Friar Constantino do Bosario appears again
in the records of India. He had misconducted himself once
more in such a way as to incur the displeasure of the vicar
general, and had been threatened with imprisonment. There-
upon, on the 21st of April 1720, the king issued instructions
that he was to be sent to Lisbon, without being permitted
to land at Mozambique on the way.
The system of carrying on trade, though avowedly for the
benefit of the royal treasury, did not prevent private indivi-
duals from engaging in it. Such persons frequently obtained
licenses from the council of commerce at Goa either to traffic at
a particular place or in a particular article, naturally on paying
for the privilege as much as or more than could be gained
by the council's selling and buying through its own agents.
But fraudulent practices were so common that a large portion
of the commerce of South-Eastern Africa did not pass through
the legitimate channel at all. The governor of Mozambique
himself and even some of the members of the council were
engaged in traffic on their own account, and if these men,
the guardians of the king's interests, were corrupt, what could
be expected of their subordinates? The ivory sold in India
far exceeded in quantity that which passed through the
custom houses, yet the viceroy could devise no other remedy
than the sale of a monopoly again. In 1720 he made a con-
tract for the trade with Dom Francisco Alar^ao Sotomayor,
the newly appointed governor of Mozambique, but the king
disapproved of it, and it was cancelled.
By the Portuguese court the retention of the commerce of
Soutb-Casteru Africa was not regarded aloue as a question
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4 '4 History of South Africa,
of profit, though that was a weighty consideration, but as a
question of national honour. It was all that was left to them
of the vast trade of the East that had once been theirs.
The English and the Dutch had deprived them of all share
of the commerce of Asia, to such an extent indeed that at
Qoa itself they had to purchase Indian wares from on^ or
the other of these. Eastern Africa alone remained, and they
clung to it, though their grasp was feeble. In 1700 Mombasa
was wrested from them. In 1725 it was recovered, but four
years later the blacks rose in insurrection against Alvaro
Caetano de Mello e Castro, the last of the Portuguese cap-
tains, and drove him away. A little later the Arabs acquired
the stronghold. Feeling its helplessness, the government at
Lisbon then withdrew its representatives from Zanzibar and
Pate, to prevent their forcible expulsion, and thereafter con-
fined its claims to Pemba and the coast below Cape Delgado.
Prom this seaboard they were threatened to be driven by
other nations who coveted what little trade was to be carried
on there. In 1721 it was brought to the notice of the king
that the English East India Company had resolved to form
an establishment at Delagoa Bay, but upon representations of
the rights of Portugal being made to His Britannic Majesty,
the design was abandoned.
In the preceding year the Dutch East India Company,
incited by a report of the existence of valuable gold mines
in the neighbourhood of the bay, resolved to take possession
of the place, and fitted out an expedition in Holland for
that purpose. In March 1721 this expedition arrived, and
finding no representative of Portugal, nor even any trace of
visits previously made by Portuguese except an aged runaway
slave and some ruins of a temporary trading station on one
of the islands, proceeded to select a site for a fort and a
factory. The place chosen was on the northern bank of the
Espirito Santo, where recently the town of Lourengo Marques
has been built. The Dutch were thus the first Europeans to
attempt to establish themselves permanently on the shores of
Delagoa Bay, and their fort was the first structure of the
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Events during the Eighteenth Century, 415
kind erected there. Though on the 12th of April 1723 the
king wrote to the viceroy that it was rumoured the Dutch
had established themselves in a port on the coast, which
might be that of Lourengo Marques, and that he had resolved
to send a frigate to compel them to withdraw, the position
was retained by them, without the slightest interference or
remonstrance from the Portuguese, until December 1730,
when it was abandoned, owing to its unhealthiness and the
lack of material for profitable trade.*
The country around the bay was thoroughly explored by
them, and the various rivers were examined as far as they
could be ascended by boats. It was ascertained that native
traders travelled overland from Inhambane with goods pur-
chased firom the Portuguese, and that ivory obtained in
exchange was carried back by them. Among other articles
brought to the fort for sale were copper and tin in small
quantities, and it was believed that the natives had learned
to mix these metals and to make bronze arm and neck
rings. In April 1722 three pirate ships plundered the fort,
and early in 1723 some English vessels visited the bay, but
no Portuguese appeared there at any time during the Dutch
occupation.
Corruption was everywhere so prevalent in Eastern Africa
that the orders of the king or the viceroy were disregarded
by the officials when they stood in the way of making money.
The very powder sent for defence was misappropriated by the
men who were entrusted with its care. The inhabitants of
Mozambique did not hesitate to trade with foreigners, and
when the king issued instructions to enforce the law most
strictly, it was found impossible to do anything in the
matter because the whole of the officials were involved in the
guilt. In 1725 a French frigate was allowed to take sound-
ings and survey the harbour of Mozambique, and the
* A full accoimt of the occupation by the Dutch of the fort on the
western shore of Delagoa Bay is given in the first volome of my History
of South Africa under the administration qf the Dutch East India Com*
pany. The station was a dependency of the Cape Colony.
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41 6 History of South Africa,
governor, Antonio Jo5o de Siqueira, gave her oflScers free
access to Fort Sao Sebastiao, entertained them, and received
entertainment from them on board their ship in return. For
this he was ordered to be arrested and tried at Goa, and the
instructions to the viceroy to do everything possible to keep
foreigners away from the coast were repeated by the king.
They had utterly destroyed the commerce of India, he said,
and that of Africa must by some means be retained. But as
merchandise could be purchased at a cheap rate from the
French and the English, who would also pay well for ivory
and slaves, matters went on as before. In 1747 the governor
of Mozambique was ascertained to have sold a number of
slaves to a French ship, and not only so, but to have entered
into a contract with her captain to supply him with many
more in the following year and to have received a consider-
able sum of money in advance. The commerce of the coast
north of Mozambique was at this time entirely in French
hands.
The council that had the management of the African trade
had conducted it in such a manner that by the year 1734 it
was two hundred thousand cruzados in debt, and was then
borrowing money at the rate of thirty per cent yearly interest
to meet its most pressing needs. This could not continue,
and in 1739, when some of its members were found guilty of
pecidation, it was abolished, and the trafiSc was undertaken
directly by the treasury, just as in the early years of the
sixteenth century. This system, however, lasted only until
the 29th of March 1755, when a royal decree was issued,
reserving the traffic in beads as a monopoly of the treasury
and throwing open all other trade to any one who chose to
engage in it. Thereafter the principal officials carried it on
almost exclusively, taking care to manage things in such a
way that private individuals could not compete with them.
From this time forward the character of the commerce of
South-Eastern Africa underwent a gradual change. Constant
wars almost destroyed the collection of gold and ivory, and
instead of these articles slaves were exported in ever increas-
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Events during the Eighteenth Century. 417
ing numbers. The prazos at a distance from the Zambesi
were successively wrested from their European holders, and
reverted to the condition of pure Bantu territory, so that it
was no longer an object for a Portuguese resident in the
country to have a large personal following. A few slaves for
domestic service were all that he needed, and so whole hordes
of the unhappy creatures were sold to strangers or to be con-
veyed to the plantations of Brazil. At the close of the
eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century this
odious traffic was at its height, and our own countrymen were
not the least busy of those who were taking in shiploads of
negroes from the barracoons at Eilimane and Luabo.
On the 19th of July 1727 a little vessel named the Victoria
was sent from the Dutch factory in Delagoa Bay to Inham-
bane to ascertain if any trade could be done there. Upon
her arrival no Portuguese were found, but there was evidence
that they were in the habit of frequenting that port, for
there was a church standing near the river bank, besides a
large house built of reeds and some empty huts. About forty
Mohamedans were living there, who stated that they were
collecting ivory and slaves in expectation of the arrival of a
pangayo from Mozambique. The Dutch were able to pur*
chase twenty-four slaves, ninety-eight pounds of ivory, two
ounces of ambergris, and thirty-eight pounds of wax, and were
about to leave when a pangayo, under command of Captain
Bernardo de Castro Scares, made her appearance. There was
an exchange of civilities between the two vessels, but nothing
more. The Vietoria reached Delagoa Bay again on the 13th
of November with many of her crew down with fever.
In April 1728 she was sent once more to Inhambane to try
to open up a trade. Upon her arrival she found the same
pangayo at anchor that had been there the previous year, and
her captain living in a palisaded enclosure on shore. He at
once sent a protest against the Dutch trading in Portuguese
territory. The Dutch officers thereupon sought an interview
with him, and represented that as the Portuguese had no fort
or other symbol of possession of any kind at the place they
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41 8 History of South Africa.
regarded their right to trade as equal to his. He replied
that his right was based on discovery by his nation^ and on
the Portuguese, and they alone, having traded there in the
past. The Dutch ofScers responded that if he would show
them clear proofs of Portuguese possession they would leave,
as they wished to act in a friendly manner only. He then
said that he had done his duty by protesting, and could not
prevent them from tra£Scking with the natives. Sixteen men
had deserted from the fort at Delagoa Bay some time before.
Upon enquiring concerning them the Dutch officers were
informed that thirteen of them had reached Inhambane, and
that the captain had provided them with some merchandise
to buy food and sent them on to Sofala to get rid of them.
After this the two parties were outwardly on very friendly
terms, and the Dutch had obtained forty-two slaves, six
hundred and seventy-three pounds of ivory, five ounces of
ambergris, and fifty pounds of wax, when one day they found
that no native would come near them. The reason was that
a Portuguese officer with a large band of armed blacks had
arrived from Sofala, and was executing dire vengeance upon
all who had been dealing with them. They returned therefore
at once to Delagoa Bay.
The Dutch, however, were persistent in their efforts to
secure a share at least of the commerce of South-Eastem
Airica» and on the 14th of September 1731 two little vessels
named the Snuffdaar and the Zeepoei left Table Bay on another
venture. The Snuffelaar arrived at Inhambane on the 11th
of October, and found that a palisaded fort in the form of a
square had been built there in the preceding year, and was
then occupied by a few soldiers under the command of
Captain JoSo da Fonseca Moniz. The captain received the
Dutch officers most civilly, and informed them that as they
were of a friendly nation they would be supplied with as
much water, fuel, and refreshments as they were in need of,
but that he could not permit them to carry on any trade.
The place, he said, yielded very little profit, and the estab-
lishment was maintained principally as evidence of the rights
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Events during the Eighteenth Century. 419
of the king. Upon being questioned as to how far those
rights extended, he replied from Delagoa Bay to Cape Guard-
afui. A priest was present during the conversation. There
was no Portuguese vessel in the river at the time, but on
the 14th of October one well armed arrived. The Snuffelaar
sailed on the 23rd, without having done any trade whatever,
but at Delagoa Bay, where the Zeepost was rejoined, twenty-
two slaves, thirteen hundred and seventy-six pounds of ivory,
and two hundred and thirteen pounds of tin were obtained.
From this date onward Inhambane has been permanently
occupied by the Portuguese, and no European power has
molested them there.
A description of the place in 1771 given by some wrecked
Dutch seamen who were hospitably treated at the fort shows
that the garrison consisted of a captain and thirty-six
soldiers, and that eight or ten private individuals were
residing at the place in huts little better than those of the
natives. They were all convicts banished to Inhambane
either for life or for a term of years, and were occupied in
collecting ivory, which was sent to Mozambique in a vessel
that came for it once a year.*
In 1763 municipal government was introduced into the
little settlements. A delegate of the governor went round,
and with as much ceremony as possible inaugurated the new
system. At Mozambique, Kilimane, and Zumbo, north of
the Zambesi, and at Tete, Sena, Sofala, and Inhambane,
south of that river, a magistrate, a prosecutor who was also
treasurer, a secretary, and three aldermen were elected. But
in most of these places municipal institutions were mere
names. There was not a sufficient number of people com-
petent to fill the offices, much less an adequate body of
electors. There was no revenue, nor any means of raising
one. The only purpose served was to make a show on paper,
* For the journey of the wrecked men see pamphlet No. 2 of Bdangrijke
Historische Dokumenten published by me for the Cape government in Cape-
town in 1896. The account of the survey of Delagoa Bay in 1688 is in the
same pamphlett
2u
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420 History of South Africa.
for no object of utility could be gained by such parodies of
European town goyemments.
The Mohamedan population of the Portuguese stations had
always been treated with harshness. These people had in
general sunk into a servile state, and were not formidable
either in spirit or in number. They still carried on some of
the retail trade among the Bantu, they furnished crews for
the pangayos and luzios employed on the coast, and
performed other services that required more skill than that
of pure negroes. In 1727 the viceroy Joao de Saldanha da
Gama decreed that they must sell to Christians all slaves
brought by them from the interior within six months after
reaching the coast, in 1728 he prohibited them from buying
baptized slaves, and in 1730 he issued a final order that they
could only hold slaves whose fathers and grandfathers had
been Mohamedans, or heathen slaves if they caused them to
become Christians and did not attempt to pervert them, but
they were not to sell slaves except to Christians nor to take
them to any country not under Portuguese dominion. Care
was taken to prevent them from making converts to their
creed among the free Bantu. And at length, from fear that
they might assist their co-religionists in case of an attack by
the Mohamedans of the north, it was resolved to expel them
altogether. In 1765 they were driven from Sofala, and
between that year and 1769 many were compelled to remove
from Mozambique and the banks of the Zambesi. But as
they could only take shelter in other parts of the country
where they would be equally dangerous, they were gradually
allowed to return, though they were not permitted to own or
carry arms.
As regards mission work in South-Eastern Africa in the
eighteenth century, there is not much that is satisfactory to
be related. The Dominican order, to whom the task of
christianising the Bantu south of the Zambesi was mainly
entrusted, was very largely affected by the prevailing lassi-
tude and decay of public spirit in the nation, and so many
of its members were either Asiatics, Africans, or mijced
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Events during tlie Eighteenth Century. 421
breeds that little zeal could be expected from it. In 1719
by a royal order all the missionaries in the country who
were not vicars of churches or commissioners of the inqui-
sition were removed, as they were believed to be doing more
harm than good to the Christian cause. Again in 1725
seven of them were recalled for misconduct. The reformed
Franciscans were at this time permitted to collect alms in
the country, and had the privilege of removing two thousand
six hundred pounds weight of ivory from the Bivers every
year free of duty. This shoidd have stimulated the
Dominicans to reform themselves, as it showed that others
might be sent to take their places, but it did not have that
effect. In 1728 so many complaints were made regarding
their manner of living that the king caused a notification to
be made to the superior of the order in 60a that if better
men were not employed in the mission field the whole of
those who were there would be removed, and Jesuits or
secular priests be sent to replace them. Beyond doubt the
superior did all that was in his power to correct abuses, but
the prcTailing habits of most of the men he had to deal
with were not to be overcome. In 1751, according to the
yearly report furnished to the viceroy, the Dominicans had
two friars at Sena, one at Tete, one at Sofala, three at
different outstations south of the Zambesi, and one at Zumbo,
the most distant trading station in the interior, on the
northern bank of the great river. It was intended, however,
to send five others to the country in the course of the year.
The 'Jesuits were still represented at Sena, but had
abandoned all their other stations south of the Zambesi.
On the 1st of September 1759 the famous decree was
signed by King Jose I, at the instance of the marquis of
Pombal, by which the Jesuits were expelled from all the
possessions of Portugal. Their usefulness as evangelists
among the heathen was denied, and their property every-
where was confiscated. At Mozambique their house was con-
verted into a residence for the governor. But the minister
was not satisfied with this, and did not cease his antagonism
2 H 2
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422 History of South Africa.
until Pope Clement XIV issued a brief, on the 23rd of July
1773, which suppressed the famous order. It had then
nearly twenty-three thousand professed members. Banished
from Boman Catholic countries, and disowned by the pope,
the Society of Jesus continued to exist in Bussia, however,
until its restoration by a bull of Pope Pius VII, issued on
the 7th of August 1814.
In 1775 the Dominicans in South-Eastern Africa were
ordered to Goa, and were replaced by secular clergy, eight
of whom were considered suflBcient for the whole coast. Of
these eight only three were white men, the others being
Asiatic mixed breeds, with a great deal of conceit but very
little ability. In 1749 the o£Scials at Mozambique had
petitioned the king that the ecclesiastical administrator
might have power conferred upon him to ordain priests, in
which respect — and in this only — his authority was less than
that of a bishop. They stated that the population of the
island was growing, and they were of opinion that people of
the country, who understood the language of the Bantu
inhabitants, if ordained, would be more useful than strangers.
The petition was referred to the viceroy, the marquis of
Tavora, who replied in 1751 that on his passage out he had
been detained two months at Mozambique, and had observed
that the number of persons there qualified for admittance to
holy orders was extremely small, so he saw no reason for a
change. The matter was then allowed to drop. And so,
between wars and want of competent teachers, Christianity
declined in Portuguese South Africa, and among the Bantu
quite died out. At the beginning of the nineteenth century
there were only twelve hundred and seventy-seven professing
Christians in the whole region south of Cape Delgado, and
they comprised the white people and mixed breeds of both
sexes and all ages. In addition to these there were in the
diflTerent villages five hundred and eighty-nine free indi-
viduals who were not professing Christians, making one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-six persons in all. This
was the condition of things after an intercourse between
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Events during i/ie Eighteenth Century, 423
the Caucasian and black races extending over nearly three
hundred years.
An attempt was made in the middle of the eighteenth
century to induce the Portuguese and mixed breeds of the
lost Asiatic settlements to colonise South Africa. Many of
these people had removed to Goa, where there was nothing
for them to do. They were offered free passages and grants
of land along the Zambesi, but the country had acquired
such an eyil reputation that they declined to attempt to
make homes in it. In January 1753 the viceroy — the same
marquis of Tavora who was so soon thereafter to lose his
head in Lisbon for participation, real or imaginary, in the
conspiracy that is known by his name — reported that not a
single family could be persuaded to remove.
But it would not be correct to attribute such an utter
failure to christianise the natives and to improve the country
as has been described in the last few pages either wholly to
want of zealous teachers, or to an incapacity of the Bantu to
assimilate European thought, or to want of energy on the
part of the Portuguese. Without colonisation on a suffi-
ciently large scale to make the higher indisputably the
ruling race, no part of Africa can be brought permanently
within the domains of civilisation, and for settlement by
Caucasians the portion of the continent along the Indian
Ocean north of Delagoa Bay was then not at all adapted. On
the lower terraces facing the sea and on the banks of the
Zambesi fever is endemic, and white children rarely grow up.
On the highlands of the interior and in some localities on
the third terrace upward from the ocean the climate is
healthy, but under the conditions which existed before the
middle of the nineteenth century it was not possible to plant
colonies there. White people could only make their way
gradually onward from the south, and even now, though there
is a railroad through the fever and tsetse fly belt down to
the nearest coast, the southern route is preferred by nearly
every one. Portugal with her limited means cannot justly be
blamed for not doing what the wealthiest and most populous
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4^4 History of South Africa.
country of Europe must have failed to accomplish if an
attempt had been made.
During the greater part of the eighteenth century Delagoa
Bay was neglected by the Portuguese. In 1755 a trading
party from Mozambique occupied for a few weeks a site on
the southern bank of the Espirito Santo, just as others had
done on one of the islands during the preceding century, but
they resided there temporarily on sufferance of the native
chief, not at all as proprietors.
In June 1757 the Dutch ship Naarstigheid put into the bay
dismasted and so leaky that it was with difficulty she could
be kept afloat. Her crew remained there over two years
before they were relieved, without seeing or hearing of any
Portuguese. The country around was thoroughly explored,
and several men, while endeavouring to make their way to the
Cape of Good Hope, travelled beyond Port Natal. At the
farthest point which they reached they found some half-breeds,
children of two Englishmen who had been saved from a
wrecked ship. They also learned that a Dutch vessel had
recently visited Port Natal. At that time the most powerful
chief in the neighbourhood of the bay was a man named
Mangova, who was the ruler of the tribe along the Tembe
river, and who had the hereditary title of Eapela, just as the
chief of the Makalanga had the hereditary title of Monomo-
tapa. The tribe that occupied the island Inyaka and the
peninsula south of it was then in a state of vassalage
to him.
In 1776 an Austrian expedition, fitted out with the sanction
of the empress Maria Theresa by an association termed the
Asiatic Company of Trieste, arrived in the bay with the object
of establishing trading stations on its shores. The expedition
was commanded by an Englishman, Lieutenant Colonel William
Bolts, who selected sites for posts on the island of Inyaka
and near the mouth of the Maputa river. At the last-named
place a small fort was constructed, and thirteen guns were
mounted on it. No Portuguese were there at the time, but
nearly two years afterwards, when the viceroy at Goa came to
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Events during the Eighteenth Century. 425
learn of the existence of the Austrian establishment^ he sent
a protest against its continuance, on the ground that the
shores of the bay were Portuguese territory.
The government at Lisbon followed up this protest by an
order to the viceroy to endeavour to assert his right by arms,
and in consequence the frigate Santa, Anna was sent from
Goa with as strong a force as could be got together to expel
the Austrians. Meantime the people at the bay were stricken
with fever, and in a quarrel with the natives some of the
principal oflBcers were killed and the station on the island of
Inyaka was destroyed.
On the 30th of March 1781 the Santa Anna reached her
destination. There were two unarmed vessels under the
Austrian flag in the bay when she arrived, both of which were
seized and sent to Goa. The few fever-stricken people at the
fort on the Maputa river were incapable of offering resistance.
The Portuguese commandant, Joachim Vicente Godinho de
Mira, made them prisoners, and destroyed the little building.
This matter caused some correspondence between the Austrian
and Portuguese governments, but the former did not attach
much importance to it, and ultimately, without any close
examination, the sovereignty of the latter over the territory
enclosing the bay was recognised.
To prevent other powers from taking possession of the place
on the ground of its being unoccupied, it was now considered
necessary to erect a small fort there, and in January 1782 the
captain Joaquim d'Araujo was sent with a few men from
Mozambique for that purpose. The captain's death, sickness
among the men, and the hostility of the natives prevented the
completion of the design, and in 1783 the acting captain,
Joao Henriques d'Almeida, abandoned it and returned to
jMozambique. In 1784 another party was sent with the same
object, but was wrecked at the Bazaruta islands. In 1785
still another expedition was made ready, and this one was
successful, for in 1787 a smaU fort was completed on the site
which the Dutch had occupied more than half a century earlier
on the northern bank of the Espirito Santo. A trading estab-
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426 History of South Africa.
lishment was added to it, and now, for the first time, the
Portuguese occupation was more than transient.
In 1794 civil war broke out in the Kapela's tribe, and Jose
Correia Monteiro de Mattos, commandant of the little fort, by
taking part with one of the combatants obtained a nominal
deed of cession of the whole Kapela country to Portugal. The
document was dated 10th of November 1794, but no steps
were taken to assert authority of any kind over the natives or
the territory.
In October 1796 two French frigates entered the bay and
destroyed the fort, which was then occupied by an unusually
strong garrison of eighty men. The Portuguese retired into
the back country, where they lived in the greatest discomfort
until May 1797, when a vessel arrived from Mozambique and
rescued most of them.
For some years British and American whalers had frequented
the bay and made of it a base of operations, just as the
buccaneers and illicit traders had done at the beginning of
the century. They did not trouble themselves about any
question of ownership, but came and went as suited their con-
venience, and trafficked with the natives without any recog-
nition of Portuguese authority or customs laws. In June 1798
the British Indiaman IA(m put in there in distress, and found
three English and three American whaling ships at anchor.
Captain Sever, who commanded her, engaged the three British
vessels to take his cargo home, as the lAon was not seaworthy.
She was anchored in the river, abreast of the site of the fort,
which the French had levelled with the ground. Several
Portuguese soldiers and a few Mohamedans of the coast were
living in the neighbourhood, expecting a vessel from Mozam-
bique with the next favourable monsoon to take them away.*
* Journal of a Voyage ly^rformcd in the Lion extra Indiaman, from
Madras to Columbo, and Da Lagoa Bay, on the eastern coast of Africa
(where the ship tvas condemned) in the year 1798. With some account of
the manners and customs of the inhahUants of Da Laf/oa Bay, and a
Vooahulary of the Language. By William White, Esq., Captain in the 73rd
Highland Regiment of Foot. A quarto pamphlet of seventy pages, pub-
lished at London in 1800.
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JSvenis during the Eighteenth Century. 427
The place remained without a garrison until the 7th of June
1799, when the captain Louis Jos6 arrived with a detachment
of troops from Mozambique. There was war at the time among
the Bantu on the northern side of the Espirito Santo, so he
entrenched himself on the other bank, where he remained
about a year, when with comparative safety he was able to
remove to the site of the destroyed fort and rebuild it.
At the close of the eighteenth century the trading and
mission stations that had once existed in the interior were so
completely lost that no one could even point out their sites,
and all vestiges of the influence once exercised by the Portu-
guese in the Kalanga country had disappeared. The native
tribes of earlier days had been entirely broken up, and the
ancient titles had been forgotten, except that of Kiteve, which
remained until 1803, when the chief Pika, the last who bore
it, died, Tete, Sena, and a few prazos along the lower Zambesi
and in the neighbourhood of Sofala, with the forts at Inham-
bane and Lourenjo Marques comprised the Portuguese
dominions in South Africa, and these were held with very
feeble hands. Commerce was almost confined to the export of
slaves. Depression and decay were visible everywhere, and
no feature of a pleasing kind, except a slightly increased
knowledge of the country towards the west, is to be found at
this period.
From very early days there was a desire on the part of the
government at Lisbon to form a connection between the
eastern coast and Angola by means of a caravan path, but it
was impossible to open such a road. The tribes in the way
were constantly at war, they spoke different dialects, and each
one was ready to strip a traveller who should attempt to pass
through its territory. Trifling articles of merchandise, which
probably changed hands many times in transit, passed over at
long intervals from coast to coast, but no individual, white or
black, is known to have accomplished the journey before the
nineteenth century, nor was any reliable information obtained
conceraing the upper course of the Zambesi or the territory
south of it.
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428 History of South Africa.
In May 1796 a man named Manuel Caetano Pereira, the son
of a Goanese and a negress, left Tete for a journey inland,
and upon his return reported that he had reached the
residence of the chief Cazembe, in about longitude 29^ east
of Greenwich, but the information he gave was confused and
could not be relied upon. He accompanied the expedition
of 1798, and was found to have no knowledge of value.
On the 3rd of July 1798 an expedition properly equipped
by the government, and commanded by Dr. Francisco Jose de
Lacerda e Almeida, a gentleman of scientific attainments,
great general ability, and much previous experience in
Brazilian and African travel, left Tete with the object of
trying to reach the western coast Dr, Lacerda's instructions,
issued in the name of the queen, were that he should ascer-
tain the source of the Cunene river which flows into the
Atlantic, find out if a road for commerce could not be opened
between the two coasts, and report upon the condition of
the tribes on the route and the means necessary for bringing
them into the Christian fold. The expedition consisted of
fifteen to twenty Portuguese and mixed breeds, fifty so-called
soldiers, and a number ever varying from one to four hundred
slaves and native porters. Dissension among the Europeans
and mixed breeds was rife from the beginning of the journey,
and it * was with great difficulty that the resolute leader
preserved anything like order among them. Frequent deser-
tion of slaves and hired porters also caused great annoyance
and delay.
After encountering all the difficulties of African travel
where the tribes are uncontrolled, the expedition arrived at
the kraal of Cazembe, but there the leader, worn out with
fever, fatigue, and annoyance, died on the 18th of October.
The chaplain Francisco JoSo Pinto then took command. He
did not attempt to proceed farther, and after remaining with
Cazembe until July 1799, set out to return to Tete, which
place he reached on the 22nd of November of the same year.
The results of this expedition were meagre, though some
knowledge of the country to the north-west was obtained.
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The Lowest Point of Portuguese Authority, 429
CHAPTER XIX.
THE LOWEST POINT OP POBTUGUESE AUTHORITY.
The condition of Portugal from the time of the departure
of the regent Dom Joao to Brazil until 1855, when Pedro V
ascended the throne as a constitutional monarch, was such
that very little attention could be given to her African
possessions. War succeeded war, revolution followed revolu-
tion, councils of regency appeared and disappeared, democrats
and aristocrats rose in turn and fell, all was chaos and
confusion. This is the least interesting period of the history
of the mother country, and it would be the least interesting
period in the history of South-Eastem Africa also if the wars
among the Bantu had not been more destructive than ever
before. A rapid glance at the principal events that took
place is therefore all that is necessary.
While the war with France continued French cruisers and
privateers preyed upon the coasting trade until it was nearly
annihilated. The stations were garrisoned with blacks, who
were so poorly and so irregularly paid that they were often
in revolt against their officers. Even Fort Sao Sebastiao
seldom contained more than fifty or sixty European and
mixed breed soldiers, who were aided by three or four
hundred negroes. The walls of this fort were badly in need
of repair, and the guns mounted upon them were old and
almost useless. The governor was now, as a measure of
policy, made independent of the viceroy at Goa, that he
might have more freedom of action and greater responsibility.
Along the Zambesi strife and disorder were constant, and
in 1807 the principal officer there lost his life at the hands
of the natives.
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43^ History of South Africa.
During the first half of the century the slave trade was
almost the only source of revenue. Vessels badly fitted out
and crowded with negroes to their utmost capacity sailed
from Kilimane and the other ports for Brazil, often arriving
at their destination with less than a third of the number
taken on board. Some of these vessels put into Table Bay
in distress, with hardly any provisions or water left, for their
owners calculated from the outset upon obtaining supplies
there and thus being able to transport more slaves. For a
time this plan succeeded, as humanity forbade the vessels
being sent away without food ; but when it was ascertained
that this was depended upon as a means of furthering the
traffic, all assistance was refused. The passage had then to
be made without a break, so the vessels left with fewer
slaves and more provisions. The horrors of these voyages,
especially when any accident happened or when sickness
broke out, can hardly be overdrawn.
Events at Delagoa Bay at this period began to assume
greater importance than in earlier years. On the 5th of
April 1805 Jose Antonio Caldas, who was then captain of
the fort at Lourenpo Marques, obtained from a native chief a
deed of cession to Portugal of a considerable tract of land
north of the Espirito Santo, which that chief had wrested
from its proper owner. But the weakness of the garrison and
the circumstances of the time were such that no real cession
was intended, and the relation of the two parties to each
other remained as it had been before.
The English and Americans evidently made whale fishing
pay, so in 1817 the Portuguese formed a company to carry
on the same pursuit, and commenced operations at Delagoa
Bay. But the efibrt was not attended with much success,
for there were too many officials in proportion to the number
of seamen, and they did not display the same activity
as their competitors. Their jealousy of the English and
Americans, though only natural under the circumstances, led
them whenever an opportunity occurred to illtreat subjects of
the Bantu chiefs who had dealings with their rivals, until
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The Lowest Point of Portuguese Authority. 431
Buch animosity was aroused that on the 29th of June 1818
the superintendent of the fishery, Joao Pereira de Sousa
CaldaSy lost his life in a quarrel with the natives.
Towards the olose of 1822 an English exploring and
surveying expedition, under Captain William FitzWilliam
Owen, of the royal navy, entered Delagoa Bay. It was
provided with credentials from the government at Lisbon to
the Portuguese officials on the coast, in which they were
required to render all the assistance in their power, as the
object was purely scientific. But when Captain Owen
requested protection for his boats' people while they were
surveying the rivers, he was informed by the commandant of
the fort that the natives were not subject to the Portu-
guese government, and that he must depend upon his own
resources. That was the true condition of matters at the
time. Accordingly the English officers acted thereafter as if
Portuguese sovereignty did not extend beyond the range of
the guns of the fort, and when Mayeta, the chief of the tribe
along the Tembe river, was understood as ofiering to cede
his country to Great Britain, Captain Owen accepted the
cession. A document to that effect was drawn up and
formally signed and witnessed on the 8th of March 1823.
A close examination of this paper and of the reports con-
cerning it show, however, that the object of the chief was
something very different from what appears on the surface.
Tshaka had then commenced his murderous career in the
country to the south, and some clans of the great tribe after-
wards welded together by Manikusa had made their appear-
ance on the shores of Delagoa Bay, where they were causing
great havoc among the earlier inhabitants. It was pro-
tection from them that Mayeta desired, not subjection of
himself and his followers to foreign authority. Captain Owen
described the conquering clans, whom he termed Yatwahs, as a
martial people of free air and noble carriage, marked by
piercing very large holes in the lobes of their ears. They
were clothed with the skins of animals, lived chiefly on
animal food, used oval shields of oxhide large enough to
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432 History of South Africa.
cover their bodies, and carried from three to six assagais and
a stabbing spear. One night a band of them attacked an
English surveying party that was encamped in tents, so he
had more than a casual acquaintance with them.
The original inhabitants of the country around the bay he
described as a timid race, armed with assagais and spears,
and sometimes carrying a small shield. Many of them wore
hardly any clothing at all, but some were dressed in calico
obtained from the Portuguese and others in woollen garments
bartered from whalers. They possessed homed cattle, goats,
and barnyard poultry, and had in their gardens rice, maize,
millet, sweet potatoes, onions, cabbages, pumpkins, pineapples,
bananas, and other foreign and indigenous fruits. Most of
these vegetables and fruits had been introduced by Euro-
peans, and were cultivated by the natives not only for their
own use, but for disposal to the crews of whalers. Through-
out the country beads were used as coin: four hens could be
had for a penny's worth, and the labour of a man for a day
cost the same. With beads and calico these natives bartered
from others ivory and ambergris, which they disposed of to
Europeans at a large profit. Captain Owen estimated the
population of the shores of the bay south of the Manisa river
at one hundred thousand souls.
Into the territory of these timid agricultural and com-
mercial people, the ferocious Yatwahs, kinsmen of the Zulus,
had come like lions into a herd of antelopes, and no wonder
they sought protectors. The Portuguese in the fort did not,
and could not, help them, they even purchased from the
invaders the spoil gathered in murderous raids. The main
body of the Yatwahs was then encamped at a distance of
only thirty or forty miles, so the need was urgent. This was
the cause of the chief of Tembe affixing his mark to the
document that purported to be a deed of cession of his
country to the king of England. A native who had served
in a whaler and who oould speak a little broken English
advised hiTn to make the application, and he followed the
counsel. But that he did not realise what he was doing is
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The Lowest Paint of Portuguese Authority. 433
however, certain, and this deed of cession was 6f no greater
value, honestly considered, than the one covering the same
ground made to the Portuguese in November 1794. The
document was purely European in word and spirit, and con-
tained clauses that no Bantu chief in South Africa was
capable of understanding.
On the same day that it was signed, 8th of March 1823,
the British flag was hoisted on the bank of the Tembe river,
and was saluted with twenty-one guns. As soon as possible
thereafter notice was given to the captain of the Portuguese
fort that the tribe had become British subjects, but no autho-
rity of any kind was ever exercised over them, nor was the
least protection against their enemies given to them. They
were left as before to themselves, and in the terrible wave of
war that soon afterwards rolled over their land they were
almost exterminated by Manikusa without the British govern-
ment as much as knowing what was taking place.
On the 23rd of August 1823, Makasane, chief of the tribe
occupying the territory between the Maputa river and the
sea, that is the same tract of land that had once belonged
to the friendly ruler Garcia de Sa, affixed his mark to a
document by which he placed himself and his country under
the protection of Great Britain. Captain Owen's object in
obtaining this declaration was to secure for England the two
islands Inyaka and Elephant, which were regarded as more
healthy stations than any on the mainland, and behind
which there was good anchorage for ships. He wrote that
he considered iDelagoa Bay as a place of considerable political
and commercial importance. It was the only good harbour
on the coast south of Mozambique, over which it had many
advantages, as it was easy of access at all seasons of the year,
was free of such currents as would obstruct navigation, and
had a better country behind it. It was the door for commerce
to the vast interior, was the base of a valuable whale fishery,
and commanded intercourse with the entire seaboard of
Madagascar at all seasons of the year. From it British
sovereignty might be extended southward to embrace Natal
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434 History of South Africa.
and the whole of the coast. In the possesaion of a foreign
power it could be made ruinous to the Cape Colony and to
the commerce of India, either in peace or war. In peace it
could be made a depdt for eastern productions, and in war
one of the finest ports in the world whence hostile expedi-
tions ^might issue at pleasure. These were the reasons
assigned by Captain Owen for taking the preliminary steps
to make the south-eastern shore of the bay an English
dependency. But no force was left for Makasane's protection,
and beyond the existence of the formal document there was
nothing to show that Great Britain had obtained a foothold
there.
Some of the names of the rivers were changed by this
expedition into English ones. Thus the Manisa became the
King George's, but the old designation of that stream near
its mouth survives until to-day, and the new one is now
seldom used, while the upper course is always known as the
Eomati. The Da Lagoa or Louren9o Marques became the
Dundas, but recently the Bantu name Umbelosi has driven
all the others out. The estuary called the Espirito Santo
was changed into the English river, and is still frequently
so termed.
In October 1823 Captain Owen sent from Mozambique a
report to the Admiralty oflSce upon the condition of Eastern
Africa at the time. He stated that there were then in that
harbour seven vessels taking in slaves for Bio Janeiro, one
of them, of six hundred tons burden, being intended to carry
twelve hundred. Not fewer than twenty-five thousand slaves
were exported from Mozambique annually. From Eilimane
sixteen vessels had taken during the preceding year ten
thousand slaves. Between Inhambane and Brazil there was
also direct communication, but from that port the number
sent away was not so large. At Delagoa Bay the traffic was
still less. The cost of a slave to the Portuguese at Eili-
mane, Inhambane, and Delagoa Bay was rarely more than
two or three dollars,. and they were sold to the owners of the
ships at from twenty to thirty dollars each. These owners
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considered that they made a good voyage if a third of the
number embarked reached Bio Janeiro, where they bronght
from one hundred and fifty to two hundred doUan each.
Sometimes half were saved, when the gain became a strong
motive for more extensive speculation.
Sofala, he reported, was the most miserable of all the
Portuguese establishments on the coast except Louren9o
Marques: it could not even furnish a boat to assist one of
his ships when aground. Strangers everywhere visiting the
stations for purposes of trade were subject to wanton in-
dignity and exaction. In Mozambique an English vessel,
even in distress, was obliged to pay five per cent of the
value of any goods it might be necessary to land, and
twenty-five per cent on everything that was sold. Inham-
bane was the most thriving of all the settlements, owing to
the exceptional ability of its captain, who encouraged
industry in the free natives by his example, counsel, and
manner of administration.
Except along the lower Zambesi the Portuguese had then
no dominion or authority beyond the limits of their forts and
factories. At Sofala, however, they professed to have recently
conquered with fifty men the whole of the old Kiteve
country as far as Manika, though when he was there he
found them almost shut up in their establishment by tribes
at war with them, and along the Zambesi it was feared that
some hostile chiefs might destroy Sena and Tete.
Mozambique was in such a critical state that the governor
found it necessary to reside within the fort He had not
more than twelve or fourteen European soldiers, and only
eight oflScers on whom he could rely, mostly very young
men. In the market nothing except slaves was exposed for
sale, and it was with much difiBculty that any other pro-
visions than rice and shellfish could be procured. Most of
the traders were Arabs so-called and Banyans. In short,
the whole country from Delagoa Bay northward presented a
lamentable picture of decay and ruin, owing to the indolence
and incapacity of those who claimed to be its possessors.
2 1
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Captain Owen recommended that the treaty which per-
mitted the Portuguese to carry on the slave trade in their
dominions between Gape Delgado and Delagoa Bay should
not be construed to include independent native territory
within those limits.* Nowhere south or north of the Zambesi
had they any dominion whatever beyond the muzzles of
their guns. In most parts, indeed, they were even excluded
by the natives. Great Britain could make treaties with the
independent chiefs which would destroy the slave trade, or
she could establish factories for commerce where she could
undersell the Portuguese and starve them out. Or, as
Delagoa Bay must be considered as of great importance to
* The following are the clauses of the treaties limiting the extent of territory
in which the Portuguese could carry on the slave trade : —
Article X.
His Royal Highness the Prince Begent of Portugal being fully convinced of
the Injustice and Impolicy of the Slave Trade, and of the great disadvantages
which arise from the necessity of introducing and continually renewing a Foreign
and Factitious Population for the purpose of Labour and Industry within His
South American Dominions, has resolved to co-operate with His Britannic Majesty
in the cause of Humanity and Justice by adopting the most efficacious means
for bringing about a gradual abolition of the Slave Trade throughout the whole
of Uis Dominions. And actuated by this Principle His Boyal Highness the
Prince Begent of Portugal engages that His Subjects shall not be permitted to
carry on the Slave Trade on any part of the CJoast of Africa not actually
belonging to His Boyal Highness's Dominions, in which that Trade has been
discontinued and abandoned by the Powers and States of Europe, which
formerly traded there, reserving however to His Own Subjects the Bight of
purchasing and trading in Slaves within the African Dominions of the Crown of
Portugal.— Treaty of 19th February 1810.
Article II.
The Territories in which the Traffic in Slaves continues to be permitted, under
the Treaty of the Twenty second of January one Thousand Eight Hundred and
fifteen, to the Subjects of His most Faithful Majesty, are the following:
1st 1'he Territories possessed by the Crown of Portugal upon the Coast of
Africa to the South of the Equator, that is to say, upon the Eastern Coast of
Africa, the Territory laying between Cape Delgado and the Bay of Louren^o
Marques, and upon the Western Coast, all that which is situated from the
Eighth to the Eighteenth Degree of South Latitude.-— Treaty of 28th July 1817.
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the Gape Colony, an arrangement might be made with the
Portuguese government that it should withdraw its claims to
all territory south of Inhambane and abolish the slave trade
farther north, conditionally upon Great Britain abstaining
from entering into any relations with the chiefs beyond
Cape Correntes.
Probably a neutral party would have drawn a less gloomy
picture of the condition of South-Eastern Africa at this time,
and would have disputed Great Britain's right to do what
Captain Owen recommended, but there can be no question
as to the weakness of the Portuguese government or the
extent of the slave trade.
On the 3rd of November 1823 Commodore Joseph Nourse,
who was then in command of the British naval force on the
Cape station, arrived in Delagoa Bay in the Aniromaohe. An
English trading vessel named the Orange Grove was lying at
anchor there at the time. Commodore Nourse obtained from
the captain of the fort a promise to abstain from interference
with natives trading with the English, but after the depar-
ture of the two ships he took a diflferent course. The
reverend Mr. Threlfall, a Wesleyan missionary who had gone
to the bay with Captain Owen, and who remained there
until 1824, when he returned in ill health to Capetown in
the whaler Nereidy reported that immediately after the
departure of the Andromache and the Orange Orove Che
Portuguese captain showed a disposition to subjugate the
native states, and threatened the chiefs with immediate war
if they would not accede to his terms. In December he
caused the Portuguese flag to be hoisted in Tembe, and
appointed three soldiers to guard it. About the same time
an official of the chief of Maputa ceded the south-eastern
territory to the Portuguese, but the chief refused to confirm
the cession, upon which the captain sent a company of
soldiers and a large number of enlisted natives of another
tribe against him. Makasane obtained assistance from the
chief of Tembe, but was defeated with a loss of many killed,
and his followers then dispersed.
2 I 2
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43 8 History of South Africa,
A good deal of skirmishing among the yarious tribes
followed, until the Portuguese and their allies were destroyed
by an act of treachery rather than of war. One of the chiefe
sent a present to the captain with a message that it was
intended as giving his consent to the arrangement proposed,
and invited him to come to the territory and hoist the
Portuguese flag. The captain, Lupe de Cardenas by name,
fell into the snare laid for him. With all the officers of the
garrison except Lieutenant Teixeira who was sick, forty-five
soldiers, and most of his native allies, he was proceeding to
the place arranged for hoisting the flag with due ceremony,
when he fell into an ambuscade and the whole party,
excepting three soldiers and a few of the native allies,
perished under the assagai. Those who escaped fled to the
fort, which was at once besieged, but the attacking party
was induced to withdraw by presents of beads. Internecine
strife among the various tribes followed, and this alone saved
the Portuguese establishment from entire annihilation.
This account, however, is not quite in accordance with the
official documents on the other side. According to them
the chiefs who had affixed their marks to the English docu-
ments signed a counter declaration, to the effect that they
were subjects of the king of Portugal, as their fathers from
time immemorial had been. The captain Lupe de Cardenas
with a junior officer and thirty-nine black soldiers then pro-
ceeded to hoist the Portuguese flag on the banks of the
Tembe river, whereupon Mayeta, the chief who was asserted
to be a subject of Portugal as his ancestors had always been,
attacked the party, killed Cardenas and twenty-six of his
men, and obliged the ensign and the remaining thirteen
negroes to surrender and submit to his mercy.
Li this precarious manner the fort or trading station con-
tinued to be held until 1833, without authority of any kind
over the neighbouring Bantu clans being exercised. It was
just the other way, for the tenure under which the Portu-
guese occupied the ground on which they lived was one of
sufferance on condition of friendly behaviour towards the
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strongest of their neighbours. They were there at the mercy
of the barbarians.
With the object of trying to keep strangers away, on the
13th of November 1824 a royal charter was issued in which an
exclusive monopoly of the commerce of the bay was granted
to the Fishing Company, as it was supposed its agents would
show a good deal of energy in the matter. This charter
remained in force until January 1835, when the Company
was dissolved.
For some years the country round Delagoa Bay had been
devastated by war of an exceptionally ferocious character.
The principal section of the tribe now known as the Abagaza
had broken away from the terrible destroyer Tshaka, and
was spreading Iiavoc among the less highly disciplined people
of the north. Many of the clans were exterminated, and
others were reduced to the most abject condition, all their
property being seized, and their serviceable children of both
sexes being taken away to swell the ranks of their con-
querors. On the 22nd of October 1833 a strong body of
warriors of the Gaza tribe appeared before the fort on the
Espirito Santo. They were provided with no other weapons
than short-handled stabbing assagais, so they could not effect
an entrance, but during the night of the 27th the captain
Dionysio Antonio Kibeiro, seeing an opportunity to escape,
evacuated the place, and with his men retired to the island
Shefina, which lies close to the coast. On the following day
the Abagaza destroyed the fort, and then pursued the Portu-
guese to the island and captured them all. The prisoners
were brought back to their ruined habitation, and were there
put to death.
The Abagaza were under a chief named Manikusa, often
called Sotshangana. They routed and destroyed the tribes in
front until they reached the Sabi river, where they settled.
Shortly afterwards another horde, now known as the Angoni,
fleeing from Zululand, reached the Sabi by another route.
They and the Abagaza fought for a while, but presently they
resumed their march and pushed their way northward to the
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440 History of South Africa.
western shore of Lake Nyassa, where they became a scourge
to all around them. Manikusa remained behind, devastating
the territory from Delagoa Bay to the Zambesi, and destroying
the clans within it, the descendants of the tribes that three
centuries earlier had been governed by the Sedanda, the
Eiteye, and the Tshikanga, as well as the various divisions
of the Batonga south of the Sabi.
The captain of Inhambane was so rash as to attempt to
assist a friendly clan against Manikusa. Inhambane had
then about twenty-five Portuguese residents, all told, and the
garrison of the little fort SSo JoSo da Boa Vista consisted of
about a hundred negroes. The village contained a church
dedicated to our Lady of the Conception, and a few houses
built in the European style, though none of great size, as the
station was inferior in importance to those on the Zambesi.
The result of the interference with Manikusa by the captain
of Inhambane was the plunder of the village and the slaughter
of the captain himself and all the inhabitants except ten
individuals who managed to escape, 3rd of November 1834.
Sofala had sunk to be a place of very little note. Its fort
had fallen into decay, and its best houses were built of mud.
Still it had a captain and a garrison of negroes. In 1836 it
was attacked by the Abagaza, when the fort managed to hold
out, but all else was plundered and destroyed. The military
commandant, Jos^ Marques da Costa, then collected the
friendly natives in the neighbourhood, and with them and
his negroes ventured to give the enemy battle, with the result
that every individual of his force perished.
Sena contained ten houses built in the European style, one
church, and a small fort. A number of native huts stood
close by. There were not more than twenty white inhabitants,
including three military o£Bcers and a priest, and in 1830
these had been obliged to abandon the place temporarily on
account of a famine. There were fifty or sixty mixed breeds
and sixty blacks called soldiers, but they were very little
in advance of the barbarians around them. The Abagaza
attacked the place, and after killing fifty-four of the Portu-
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gnese and mixed breeds, drove the remaining inhabitants
of the village to the islands in the Zambesi. An arrangement
was then made that the traders should pay to the chief of
the conquering horde a certain quantity of merchandise yearly,
and on this condition they were allowed to return.
The goyemment at Lisbon was unable to supply a com-
petent force to protect the stations while the Abagaza were
in the first flush of their victorious career, and could devise
no other expedient than to make the government of the
Bivers independent of that of Mozambique. In 1884 Jos6
Gregorio Pegado was appointed military governor of Mozam-
bique, and Isidro Manuel de Carrezedo was sent to the
Bivers to do the best he could without any interference. He
could do nothing, as has been seen, for military force was
what was needed, and with his failure the former system of
government was reverted to.
The havoc created among the Bantu between the Zambesi
and the Limpopo by the Abagaza on the south, the
Makololo on the north-west, and the Matabele on the west,
was very great. Many of the ancient clans were quite
exterminated, and of those that remain in existence few
occupy the same ground that their ancestors did. In the
years 1852 and 1853 especially they were scattered and
destroyed with no more compunction than if they had been
vermin. The Portuguese stations were reoccupied within a
few years, but they were held with difficulty. In 1849 the
captain of Inhambane was killed, as was his successor in 1850.
In these years Louren90 Marques and Sofiola were attacked,
and narrowly escaped destruction the second time. Louren^o
Marques, indeed, was held under the most precarious of
tenures until quite recently. In 1868 it was attacked by a
tribe in the neighbourhood that was assisted by a European
renegade, and was only saved by the bravery of the captain
Jose Augusto de Si e Simas. As late as 1878 there were
only four hundred and fifty-eight Europeans, Asiatics, and
mulattos combined living there. Of these, two hundred and
ninety-five were men, thirty-two were women, and one hundred
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442 History of South Africa.
aad thirty-one were children. Ninety-three Portuguese, twenty-
eight Europeans of other nationalities, sixty-six mulattos, and
eighty-three Asiatics professed Christianity, and one hundred
and thirty-three Indians and fifty -fiye others did not
The prazos south of the Zambesi were of course nearly all
oYerrun, and on the 22nd of December 1854 a decree was issued
by the government in Lisbon abolishing the system. The
decree was not enforced, howeyer, by the local authorities,
except that the method of inheritance was no longer observed,
and a few prazos held by individuals who arrogated to them-
selves the rights of feudal lords and who regarded their people
as mere serfs, continued in existence.
There is a little island called Chiloane (Tshilwan^) off the
coast about forty miles south of Sofala. It is nearly divided
into two by a sluggish creek, and is not at all an attractive
place, but it has a fairly good harbour, and it is secure against
ravages by Bantu from the mainland. Some of the half breeds
and others who lived among the natives in the neighbourhood
of the ancient gold port removed to this island, and since 1862
a military force has been stationed there to protect them. A
lighthouse has also been built on Tshingani Point on the
island, though the commerce of the place is very small.
In 1855 some of the refugees from the mainland went to
reside on the island of Santa Carolina, one of the Bazaruta
group, and a small garrison was stationed there as an evidence
that the Portuguese were the owners.
On the 10th of December 1836 a decree was issued by the
government at Lisbon abolishing the traffic in slaves
throughout the Portuguese dominions. But so far from ita
coming into force in Eastern Africa, the marquis of Aracaty,
who was then governor of Mozambique, issued a proclamation
on the 11th of November 1837 suspending its operation, on
the plea of absolute necessity. This led to correspondence
with the British government, which had then emancipated
the slaves everywhere within its own dominions and was
exerting itself to the utmost to induce foreign nations to
follow its example. But the traffic continued, and when after
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The Lowest Point of Portuguese Authority. 443
a time in accordance with treaty arrangements British
cruisers were stationed on the coast to endeayonr to suppress
ity they could generally be evaded by the slave vessels
getting away from one port while they were watching
another. It has only been in our own times that this traffic
has ceased.
The law regarding commerce by strangers was now greatly
modified.* In 1811 it was made legal to import goods of
foreign manufacture, provided they were carried in Portu-
guese vessels manned to the extent of three-fourths of the
crew by Portuguese subjects. But restrictive laws, except
where a government is very strong, invariably foster illicit
traffic, and it was so in this instance. Foreigners could not
be kept away. Seeing this, in 1853 the government at
Lisbon wisely adopted a system under which a revenue from
strangers would be obtained, while smuggling was made too
unprofitable, compared with the risk, to be carried on.
Under this system Portuguese goods imported into Eastern
Africa in Portuguese ships were charged four per cent of
their value as customs duty, foreign goods imported in Portu-
guese ships were charged eight per cent, and foreign goods
imported in foreign ships twelve per cent. Articles exported
in Portuguese ships to Portuguese ports were charged one
per cent of their value, in Portuguese ships to foreign ports
* AccordiDg to treaty British subjects nominally had rights of trade in
Eastern Africa, except in certain reserved articles ; but as these included gold,
ivory, and of course slaves, they were practically prohibited from purchasing
anything else than provisions. The following is the text of the article referring
to East Africa in the treaty of commerce between Great Britain and Portugal :
Article XXIV.
All Trade with the Portuguese Possessions situated on the Eastern Coast of
the Continent of Africa (in Articles not included in the Exclusive Contracts
possessed by the Crown of Portugal) which may have been formerly allowed
to the Subjects of the Great Britain, is confirmed, and secured to them now
and for ever, in the same Manner as the Trade which has hitherto been
permitted to Portuguese Subjects in the Ports and Seas of Asia is confirmed
and secured to them by Virtue of the Sixth Article of the Present Treaty. —
Treaty of 19th February 1810.
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444 History of South Africa.
three per cent, and in foreign ships to foreign ports fiye per
cent. This cannot be regarded as an unreasonable tariff for
that time, and though it has been modified of recent years,
Portuguese goods still have the advantage of differential
duties in their favour, which is only right in the case of a
remote dependency.
In 1856 the farce was enacted of creating a council for the
province of Mozambique, consisting of thirteen members, in
which Tete was allotted two representatives, and Sena, Sofala,
Inhambane, and Louren9o Marques each one. At the same
time the term of office of the heads of the stations was
extended from three to five years, in order to obtain the
advantage of experience. Ten years later, on the 1st of
December 1866, a more practical decree was issued, which
established improved courts of justice, both inferior and
superior, in Eastern Africa.
Beyond Tete the whole country to the westward had long
been lost to the Portuguese, and with it of course the station
that had once b^n regarded as the most important for the
commerce of the interior and the conversion of the Bantu.
This waa Zumbo, on the northern bank of the Zambesi,
nearly two hundred and fifty English miles by the stream
upward from Tete. Projects for the reoccupation of this
post had frequently been discussed, but nothing could be
done before 1862, when Albino Manuel Facheco hoisted the
Portuguese flag there once more. The ruins of the ancient
church and of the house once inhabited by the captain
marked the site of the station. But Zumbo, though re-
occupied, has never attained its former importance, and only
five or six Europeans have since resided there at a time. Its
principal value to the Portuguese has been that it gave
them a right, acknowledged by Great Britain, to the terri-
tory along the river bank that distance westward; and
secured for them a boundary line including it when the
interior of the continent was divided between different
claimants a few years ago.
The most interesting event during this period is the pro-
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gress of geographical knowledge concerning South Africa,
and for this the world is mainly indebted to an intrepid
Scotch missionary. The honour of accomplishing the journey
across Africa for the first time, however, is due to two native
traders named Pedro JoSLo Baptista and Amaro Jos6, who were
in the employment of Lieutenant -Colonel Francisco Honorato
da Costa, director of the fair of Mucary in the district of
Pungo Andongo. These men were entrusted with a letter to
the captain of Tete, and left Muropue in Angola on the
22nd of May 1806. One of them, Pedro Joao Baptista, was
sufficiently well educated to be able to keep a sort of journal,
but they had no instruments of any kind with them, nor were
they competent to make observations. On the 2nd of Febru-
ary 1811, four years and eight months after setting out, they
delivered the letter at Tete, and in May of the same year
left on their retam journey. They reached Loanda again
safely, and thus accomplished the feat of crossing the continent
in both directions. Some knowledge of the interior far north
of the Zambesi was gathered from these intrepid travellers, but
no information whatever concerning the country or the people
to the south.
On the 1st of June 1831 a large expedition left Tete to
follow up Dr. Lacerda's exploration to the west coast.
Major Jose Maria Correia Monteiro was in command. Captain
Antonio Candido Pedroso Gamitto was next in authority and
also journalist, and there were no fewer than four hundred
and twenty blacks in different capacities. But the difficulties
encountered were so great that from the kraal of Cazembe
the expedition turned back, after despatching a letter to the
governor of Angola by some trustworthy black traders of the
party. The letter was dated 10th of March 1832, and was
delivered on the 25th of April 1839. Thus it was not by
Europeans, but by blacks, that this transit of the continent
was effected.
On the next occasion it was performed by three Arab
traders from Zanzibar, who, finding themselves far in the
interior in want of merchandise, pushed on to the nearest
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446 History of South Africa.
coast, and reached Benguela on the 3rd of May 1852. The
governor of Angola oflTered a million reis and the honorary
title of captain to any one who wonld return to Zanzibar
with the traders, and describe the route between the two
coasts. A resident of Angola named Antonio Francisco
Ferreira da Silya Porto accepted the offer, but after travelling
a hundred and seven days he could go no farther, and
therefore turned back. He sent some of his people on,
however, who reached Mozambique safely on the 12th of
November 1854.
It was reserved for the reverend Dr. David Livingstone to
be the first white man to cross Africa from coast to coast,
and to be also the first to give reliable information upon
the interior of the country south of the upper course of the
Zambesi. This famous explorer proceeded northward from
the Cape of Good Hope along the healthy highlands of the
interior to Linyanti, the residence of the paramount ruler of
the Makololo tribe, about midway between the two oceans.
There he resided long enough to acquire the confidence of
the chief Sebetuane,* and, after the death of that renowned
warrior, of his son Sekeletu. In order to open a trade route
to the sea, the value of which these chiefs were capable of
appreciating, Sekeletu provided Dr. Livingstone with an
ample escort, and sent a quantity of ivory with the caravan
for sale on the coast.
Having Linyanti in the centre as a base of supply, more
* Sebetuane was born on the northern bank of the Caledon river, near
the territory now termed British Basutoland. In 1821 the tribes between the
Caledon and the Yaal were attacked by others who were fleeing from the
Zula spear, and in one great body, known as the Mantati horde, they
crossed the Vaal and made their way westward, destroying everything in
their line of march. On the 26th of June 1823 they were defeated near
Lithako by a body of Griqua horsemen, and they then broke into sections
and dispei-sed in different directions. Sebetuane, at the head of one strong
party, cut his way northward, and settled at Linyanti, on the river Ghobe,
a tributary of the Zambesi. Here he was a terrible scourge to the clans far
and near. His son Sekeletu, who succeeded him, died of leprosy, and then
the Makololo, as the tribe formed by Sebetuane was termed, broke up. See
vol iv of my History of South Africo,.
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than half the difficulty of crossing the continent was done
away with. To that point a waggon road was open from the
south, and everything needed for the journey was collected
there with little difficulty. On the 11th of November 1853
the caravan left the Makololo kraa], and on the 31st of May
1854 arrived safely at Loanda in Angola. After resting there
nearly four months, on the 20th of September Dr. Livingstone
set out to return, but the journey back to Linyanti could
not be accomplished in less than a year.
It was evident that the route to the west coast was too
difficult to be of much use, and the explorer therefore
resolved to try to open tip a water way by the Zambesi to
Kilimane. Leaving Linyanti on the 3rd of November 1855,
equipped and attended as before, he followed the great- river
down to the sea, discovering on the way the magnificent
Victoria fall. After touching at Tete, where he left most of
his companions to await his return from England, he arrived
at Kilimane on the 20th of May 1856. Thence he pro-
ceeded to Europe, and four years later returned to Linyanti
by the same route.
Since that time the continent has frequently been crossed,
and soon the various details of its features were known, and
full information was obtained concerning the tribes that
occupy it.
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448 History of South Africa.
CHAPTER XX,
REVIVAL OF ACTIVITY IN PORTUGUESE SOUTH AFRICA.
' After 1838^ when the emigrant fanners from the Cape Colony
began to settle on the highlands of the interior between the
Yaal and Limpopo rivers, the southern part of the territory
claimed by the Portuguese along the eastern coast acquired
a value it never had before. The excellent harboar at the
mouth of the Espirito Santo in Delagoa Bay was the nearest
port to the newly occupied territory, and efforts were repeatedly
made to open a road to it* These did not succeed for many
years, owing to the prevalence of fever near the coast and to
the intermediate belt of land being infested with the tsetse
fly, but the position of the bay made it certain that in time
all the difficulties of establishing communication through it
between the South African Republic and the outer world
would be overcoma
In 1852 the independence of the farmers north of the Yaal
was acknowledged by Great Britain, and the importance of
the bay was realised in England, where the documents
obtained by Captain Owen in 1823 were not forgotten, though
no action beyond a little correspondence between the autho-
rities at London and Lisbon had ever been taken upon them.
Matters were left in abeyance, however, until the 5th of
November 1861, when Captain Bickford, commanding her
Majesty's ship Narcmmy planted the British flag on the
islands Inyaka and Elephant, which he proclaimed British
territory, and together with the adjoining roadstead he
* For a full account of these efforts, see vols, y and ▼! of my EUtary
qf Bouih Africa.
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Revival of Activity, 449
declared to be annexed to the colony of Natal. This action
was protested against by the Portuguese, and a lengthy
correspondence between the two governments ensued.
Captain Bickford had hardly set sail when a man, who was
destined to occupy a prominent position thereafter in South-
Eastern Africa made his appearance at the Portuguese fort on
the Espirito Santo. His name was Umzila. He was a son
of the recently deceased chief Manikusa, and having incurred
the jealousy of his father he had been obliged to flee and
for some time had been living as a refugee in the South
African Republic* Upon the death of Manikusa, his son
Maweva succeeded as chief of the Abagaza, but a strong
party favoured Umzila, who was much the abler man of
the two.
On the 1st of December 1861 Umzila applied to Onofre
Louren^o d'Andrada, captain of the fort on the Espirito Santo,
for assistance against his brother. Manikusa, his father, had
been a terrible scourge to the Portuguese, and Maweva, his
brother, bade fair to be equally hostile. He, on the contrary,
ofiTered to recognise the sovereignty of the king of Portugal,
and to cede all the land up to the Manisa river, in return
for military assistance. The captain Andrada was not in a
position to give much help. His whole force could not have
stood five minutes in the open field against the weakest of
Maweva's regiments, but he recognised that a crisis had come,
and that if Umzila was unsuccessful, the Portuguese possession
of any part of the coast south of the Zambesi river would be
at an end. What Umzila needed also was not so much men
as arms and ammunition, and he could spare a few antiquated
firelocks and a quantity of gunpowder.
An arrangement was therefore entered into, and on the
2nd of December 1861 the cession of the territory — ^though it
was not yet in the giver's possession — was formally made.
All the assistance that was possible was then afforded to
Umzila. The war between the brothers lasted many months,
* For an account of XJmziIa*B residence in the South African Republic
flee vol. vi of my History of South Africa,
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450 History of South Africa.
but at length in two battles fought on the banks of the
Manisa on the. 17th and the 20th of August 1862 Maweva's
adherents were completely crushed. Umzila then became
undisputed chief of the Gaza tribe, and until his death ruled
oyer nearly all the Bantu in that large expanse of territory
marked in the maps as Gazaland, extending from the Zambesi
river on the north to the Manisa on the south, and from the
fringe of the great interior plain down to the shore of the
Indian* sea. Throughout his life he remembered the assistance
that had been given to him by the Portuguese, but did not
always refrain from hostile actions towards them, and certainly
never regarded himself as their subject. To control a tribe as
powerful as his, the means to compel obedience to authority
must be ever present, no matter what flag is supposed to wave
over the territory, and the Portuguese at that time had no
force in South-Eastern Africa that could command respect.
They were, however, beginning to improve their position,
which had already passed its lowest point of depression. A
favourable turn in their affairs was taking place in the lower
Zambesi valley, as will presently be related, and on the
Espirito Santo a much stronger and better fort than the one
previously existing was constructed in 1864, which was
strengthened three years afterwards by the addition of four
small batteries. A few houses were built on the adjoining
ground, and thereafter the site came to be generally called
Louren^ Marques.
On the 29th of July 1869 a commercial treaty was con-
cluded between the governments of Portugal and of the South
African Bepublic, as the state established by the emigrant
farmers from the Cape Colony was called, and in it a
boundary line was fixed from the parallel of 26° 80' south
latitude along the highest ridge of the Lebombo mountains to
the centre of the lower poort of Komati, where the river of
that name passes through the range, thence in a straight line
about north by east to Pokioenskop on the northern bank of
the Olifants river where it passes through the mountains,
thence in a direction about north-west by north to the nearest
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point of the mountains of Chacundo on the Umvubu river,
and thence in a straight line to the junction of the Pafuri
and Limpopo rivers.
Such a treaty could not be regarded with indifiTerence by
the British government, whose interests in South Africa were
likely to be seriously affected by it. Accordingly the claim
to the southern and eastern shore of Delagoa Bay, based on
the documents obtained by Captain Owen, attracted greater
attention, but naturally the Portuguese government refused to
acknowledge it. Arbitration was then decided upon, and on
the 25th of September 1872 a protocol was signed at Lisbon,
by which the contending parties agreed to submit their
respective claims to the decision of the president of the
French Republic.
The case for Portugal was well worked out, though many
mere suppositions were made to appear as incontrovertible
facts, and numerous papers were put in which could easily
have been proved to be of no weight whatever. Their records
and ancient histories were searched, and everything that
favoured their claim was brought forward, while all that
opposed it was carefully held back. Among their documents
was a treaty between Great Britain and Portugal, in which
the territories of the latter on the East African coast were
declared to extend from Cape Delgado to the bay of
Louren^o Marques, which they reasonably interpreted as
including that bay. Real effective occupation of any part of
the country beyond the precincts of their fort they could not
prove, nor could they show the exercise of substantial control
over any of the native clans living in the vicinity. But their
discovery of the bay, their commercial dealings with the
tribes on its shores, the cessions on paper made to them, and
what more has been related in these chapters, they fully
provjed.
The English case was less carefully prepared. It could not
have been brought to appear as good as that of the Portu-
guese, but by a careful search in the archives of the Cape
Colony and in printed and manuscript volumes in the library
2 K
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453 History of South Africa.
of the British Museum, it might have been considerably
strengthened. An attempt was made to show that the bay
of Lourenfo Mturques mentioned in the treaty put in by the
Portuguese really meant the estuary of the Tembe, Umbelosi,
and Matola, that is the Espirito Santo or English River, and
not the large sheet of water of which this is only a very
small part, but such an interpretation was easily proved to
be incorrect. Some of the documents relied upon by the
other side were explained away, but the fact that the terri-
tory in dispute had for centuries been within the sphere of
influence of the Portuguese — though at irregular intervals and
to a very limited extent only — could not be disturbed. If
the Portuguese claim to the southern and eastern shores of
the bay was weak, the English claim was weaker still.
On the 24th of July 1875 Marshal Macmahon, president of
the French Republic, issued his award, which gave to Por-
tugal the territory as far south as the parallel of latitude of
26^ 30' from the ocean to the Lebombo mountains. That
included the territory of Tembe, defined as bounded on
the north by the Espirito Santo or English river and the
Louren^o Marques, Dundas, or Umbelosi river, on the west
by the Lebombo mountains, and on the south and the east
by the river Maputa and the shore of Delagoa Bay. In it
was also comprised the territory of Maputa, between the
Muputa river and the sea, including the Inyaka peninsula
and the islands Inyaka and Elephant.
Various schemes for the construction of a railway between
Louren9o Marques and the capital of the South African
Republic had been projected before the publication of the
award which secured the seaboard to Portugal, but all had
fallen through. On the 11th of December 1875, less than
five months after that event, a treaty was entered into
between the governments of the two countries, which pro-
vided for the free interchange of the products of the soil and
industry of the republic and the Portuguese possessions, for
the importation free of customs duties through the port of
Louren^o Marques of a great many articles destined for the
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republic and for the importation of all other articles thus
destined upon payment of duty at the rate of three to six
per cent of their value, as also for the construction of a rail-
way from the harbour inland. Owing to political events in
South Africa this treaty could not be carried into effect for
some years, but it was revived und ratified again on the 7th
of October 1882.
On the 14th of December 1883 the Portuguese govemuient
granted a concession for the construction of a railway about
fifty-two miles in length, from Louren90 Marques to Komati
Poort, on the western boundary. The subsidy oflTered was
ample, still it was only in March 1887 that a Company was
formed in London to carry out the work. In November 1888
the line was opened to a point which was believed to be on
the Portuguese boundary, though soon afterwards it was ascer-
tained to be some distance short, and then, as it could not
be completed within the stipulated time, the government
took advantage of the opportunity and on the 24th of June
1889 confiscated the railway. This led to interference by
Great Britain and the United States on behalf of the share-
holders, but after much negotiation the Portuguese authori-
ties retained the line, and the amount of compensation to be
awarded to the Company was referred for decision to three
Swiss lawyers. These gentlemen did not issue their award
until March 1900, when they adjudged the Portuguese
government to pay £941,511, less than half of what the
claimants considered themselves entitled to.
Meantime on the republican side a railway was being con-
structed from the Portuguese border at Eomati Poort towards
the heart of the country. In July 1895 this was completed
and joined to the southern line through the Orange Free
State and the Cape Colony, so that there is now complete
communication between Capetown and Louren^o Marques.
A large proportion of the commerce of the territory between
the Yaal and the Limpopo finds its way to Delagoa Bay,
and with the development of the gold fields during recent
years, the trafiSc is as much as the line can carry.
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454 History of South Africa.
Louren^o Marques has thus become a place of considerable
importance. A town of some size has sprung up, and is
rapidly growing, though the death rate is exceedingly high.
It is believed, however, that with the drainage of a great
marsh adjoining it the place will become less unhealthy.
The means of landing and shipping goods with facility are
being provided, and a lighthouse at the entrance to the
harbour has been built The residents of the town are of
various nationalities, a large proportion being English and
Germans. There is no commerce of any consequence with the
surrounding territory, which is, as of old, in possession of
Bantu clans, the existence of Louren^o Marques as a town
being due solely and entirely to the transit of merchandise
and passengers between the shipping and the railway to the
interior. Yet it is to-day much the most important place in
the Portuguese possessions in South-Eastem Africa.
Next to it comes Beira, a town unknown fifteen years ago,
and which sprang into being as the ocean terminus of a road
from a settlement — not Portuguese — in the interior. Beira is
at the mouth of the Pungwe river, not far north of Sofala.
It has an excellent harbour, capacious, with good depth of
water, and easy of access. The Arabs had once a small
settlement there, but the Portuguese never occupied the
place in olden times, and when the Asiatics retired, it fell
into such decay that for more than three centuries it was
almost forgotten.
Owing to negotiations with Germany and France relative
to the partitioning of the continent, in 1887 Portugal
advanced a claim to the whole territory between Angola and
Mozambique down to the South African Bepublic, but Great
Britain immediately announced that her sovereignty would
not be recognised in places not occupied by a sufficient force
to maintain order. There were no Portuguese at all at that
time on the highlands north of the Limpopo, nor had a
single individual of that nation, as far as is known, even
visited the clans there within the preceding century. The
Matabele chief Moselekatse had conquered the greater part of
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Revival of Activity. 455
the country in 1838 and subsequent years, had slaughtered
most of its inhabitants, and ruled over the others with a
ferocity unknown except among African tribes. The border
of the Matabele raids on one side was the border of the
Gaza raids on the other, and Lobengula, son and successor of
Moselekatse, was the recognised lord of the interior plateau
from the Limpopo to the Zambesi, acknowledging or pretend-
ing to acknowledge no superior. G-ungunyana, son of Umzila
and grandson of Manikusa, was the real lord of nearly all the
territory between the edge of the interior plateau and the
sea, and though the Portuguese claimed him as a subject, he
was to all intents and purposes independent of control.
This condition of things was indisputable, yet the intense
jealousy of many Portuguese was aroused when early in 1888
an agreement was made by a British commissioner with
Lobengula, in which that chief bound himself to refrain from
entering into correspondence or concluding a treaty with any
other state or power, and the territory governed by him was
declared to be within the British sphere of influence. That
they had never occupied the country, and never could
occupy it, was not taken into consideration, it was the back-
ground of a line of coast which their navigators had first
discovered and along which they had military and trading
stations, and that was sufficient in their opinion to justify
their claim to it.
Negotiations were opened between the governments of
Great Britain and Portugal, but while they were proceeding
subjects of both countries were busy securing rights from
native rulers. Two Portuguese — Colonel Joaquim Carlos
Paiva d'Andrada and Lieutenant Cordon — with some black
troops visited various petty chiefs, and induced them to
accept flags and in some instances to allow a few of the
so-called soldiers to be stationed at their kraals. At the
same time several energetic Englishmen obtained from the
Matabele chief various concessions, which were united in
the hands of one strong Company, to which on the 29th
of October 1889 a royal charter was granted.
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456 History of South Africa.
In August 1890 an agreement was entered into by the
governments of Great Britain and Portugal, in which the
eastern limits of the British South Africa Chartered Com-
pany's territory were defined, but it was not ratified by the
cortes, though it served as a basis for a temporary under-
standing between all the parties whose interests or whose
passions were involved. At this time a strong body of men,
fitted out by the Chartered Company, was on the way from
the Cape Colony to the northern territory, and on the 11th
of September 1890 reached the site of the present town of
Salisbury, where the British flag was formally hoisted and
the country taken in possession in the name of the Queen.
On the way up the pioneer expedition had constructed
forts at Tuli, Victoria, and Charter. From Charter the
Company's administrator, Mr. Archibald Colquhoun, with
Mr. Frederick Courteney Selous and a small escort, travelled
eastward to the kraal of Umtasa, the principal chief of the
Manika country. With this chief, on the 14th of September,
an arrangement was made, by which he placed himself under
the protection of the British South Africa Company, to whom
he granted a concession of mineral and other rights in his
country. He declared that he was not, and never had been,
under subjection or vassalage to the Portuguese government,
but that a trading station had with his consent been
established by the Mozambique Company in 1888 at a place
called Andrada in the Masikesi district, some twenty miles
to the south-east, and he knew that an agent of this
Company — JoSo de Eezende by name — was residing there.
A policeman and a native interpreter were left with Umtasa
to represent the British South Africa Company, and Mr.
Colquhoun then rejoined the pioneers at Salisbury.
Mr. Selous rode over to Masikesi to visit the Portuguese
station, and on the way met two officers with a party of
black attendants, who were bearers of a protest against the
arrangement just made with Umtasa, and who claimed a vast
extent of territory to the westward as being in the dominions
of their sovereigfn. In that territory not a single Portuguese
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Revival of Activity. 457
was then resident, and there were not ten individuals of that
nation in the whole of Manika.
That they had a special claim upon the allegiance of
Umtasa, resting chiefly upon the position in which he stood
to a man named Gouveiay was afterwards brought forward.
This GrouYeia, or Manuel Antonio de Sousa as he was called
by the Portuguese, was a native of Groa who had settled in
Africa shortly after the middle of the century. He was a
man of considerable force of character, and had performed
services of great importance for the crown. Having obtained
a prazo, he armed and trained his dependents upon it, and
then acted like a powerful feudal lord in mediaeval times in
Europe, being in matters affecting his retainers and in dis-
putes with his neighbours almost, if not quite, independent,
though in everything else acknowledging the supremacy of
the Portuguese government.
He went to the aid of the people of Sena, drove away
their Gaza oppressors, and released them from the ignominy
of paying tribute. He recovered much of the territory that
had formerly been prazos and that had been overrun by the
subjects of Manikusa. Services so eminent were warmly
acknowledged by the governor general at Mozambique and .
by the authorities in Lisbon, and Gouveia was appointed
chief captain of a great district and had the honorary title
of colonel conferred upon him. For twenty years the body
of men that he commanded, consisting entirely of his black
dependents, was almost the only military force employed by
the Portuguese in South-Eastem Africa at a distance from
their stations. Under these circumstances war could not be
conducted as if the combatants were European soldiers, and
Gouveia's reputation among his neighbours was rather that
of a daring and successful freebooter than of an official of a
civilised government.
In 1873 the chief of the largest clan in Manika died, and
there was a quarrel concerning the succession. One of the
claimants was Umtasa, but he was defeated in battle and
driven away. This was just such an opportunity as Gouveia
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45 8 History of South Africa.
was wont to take adyantage of, so he went to the aid of
Umtasa, whom he succeeded in establishing firmly in the
chieftainship as a vassal of his own. At the same time, how-
eyer, Umtasa necessarily became a dependent of Umzila, who
was paramount over all the Bantu in that region. Thus he
had two overlords, which meant that two indiyiduals more
powerful than himself claimed and exercised the right of
levying tribute from him and his people at any time. And
as both of these overlords were regarded as Portuguese
subjects, it followed that he also was in the same position.
In addition to this he had been invested with the ofSoe of
chief by the commandant of Sena, and had received the
appointment of sergeant-major of Manika. Further, in
February 1888 Colonel D'Andrada had hoisted the Portuguese
flag at his kraal, and had left the flag in his keeping. On
all these grounds, the Portuguese authorities claimed Umtasa
as a subject and the district occupied by his people as part
of the dominions of their crown.
The British South Africa Company's oflicers, on the other
hand, declined to take any notice of the Portuguese claim,
because it was evident Umtasa himself did not recognise it,
and because those who made it had no means of maintaining
order or protecting life and property, the essential duties of
sovereignty. They did not admit that Gouveia's followers
constituted a force such as a civilised government had a right
to employ.
In October a report reached Salisbury that Colonel
D'Andrada and Grouveia with a band of followers were on
the way from the east towards Umtasa's kraal. Mr. Colqu-
houn at once sent a few policemen to support the chief, and
soon afterwards increased the number to thirty and directed
Captain Patrick William Forbes to take command. Captain
Forbes arrived at Umtasa's kraal on the 5th of November,
and formed a temporary camp at a short distance from it.
He then sent a messenger to Masikesi, where Colonel
D'Andrada and Gouveia then were, with a protest against
their proceeding farther with an armed force.
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Revival of Activity, 459
Colonel D'Andrada had no wish to precipitate matters. He
was a highly educated and amiable man, who had resided
ten or twelve years in South Africa, where he had held
various offices under the government, besides being the
occupant of a prazo at the mouth of the Zambesi. He knew
perfectly well that any force which he and Gouveia could
bring into the field would be unable to meet the British
South Africa Company's police in battle. Besides he was a
director of the Mozambique Company, and his interests were
all on the side of peace. But he was also a Portuguese
colonel of artillery, and his pride and patriotism revolted
against being turned away from a place that he had more
than once visited before, and that he regarded as Portuguese
territory. His ostensible mission was to open a road to the
interior from the head navigable water of the Pungwe and to
arrange matters in connection with the exploitation of some
mines, in the interests of his Company. He resolved there-
fore to proceed on his journey. On the 8th of November
Gouveia arrived at Umtasa's kraal, and was followed shortly
afterwards by Colonel D'Andrada and Jofto de Bezende, when
their whole following amounted to between two and three
hundred men, including palanquin-bearers, carriers, and personal
attendants.
Captain Forbes now resolved upon decisive action. On the
14th of November with twelve troopers of his police he
entered Umtasa's kraal, and arrested Gouveia and the two
Portuguese gentlemen, who had just retired from an interview
with the chief. The natives looked on with approbation, and
were ready to assist if that had been necessary. Gouveia's
men were encamped under some trees several hundred yards
away, where they were surprised by the remainder of the
British police, and were disarmed before they could make any
arrangement for resistance. De Bezende was permitted to
return to Masikesi, but Colonel D'Andrada and Gouveia were
sent as prisoners to Salisbury, and left that place under
escort for Capetown. At Tuli, on the way, they met Dr.
Jameson going up to assume the administration of the
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460 History of South Africa.
British Chartered Company's territory, and by him were
released from further restraint. From Capetown Gouveia
proceeded to Mozambique by steamer, and Colonel D'An-
drada took passage to Portugal to lay the matter before his
government.
After the arrest of their leader and the seizure of their
arms, Gk)uyeia's men fled homeward, and to prevent the
Mozambique Company's trading station at Andrada in
Masikesi from being plundered, Captain Forbes placed a
temporary guard there. He then proceeded to visit various
native chiefs living between the Busi and Pungwe rivers,
with whom he entered into friendly arrangements, his object
being to secure a road to the coast at Beira, a place which
the Mozambique Company had recently nmde use of as a
harbour.
There was great excitement in Portugal when intelligence
of the events at Umtasa's kraal reached that country. Bands
of students pressed forward as volunteers to defend the
honour of their flag, and were sent with all haste to Beira.
It seemed as if the ancient spirit of the people of the little
kingdom had revived, and that they were ready to proceed
to the last extremity in an attempt to get dominal possession
of a territory that could be of no use whatever to them.
The government, however, was not so far carried away with
the prevailing excitement as to cease negotiations for a
friendly settlement with the British authorities.
Upon the arrival of the first party of volunteers at Beira,
they were sent forward with some negroes from Angola, under
command of Major Cardas Xavier, to occupy Andrada. They
arrived at that station on the 5th of May 1891. Not far
distant was a camp of the British South Africa Company's
police, fifty-three in number, commanded by Captain Heyman.
On the 11th of May a Portuguese force, consisting of
about a hundred Europeans and three or four hundred
Angola blacks, was sent out to make a reconnaissance, and
at two in the afternoon fell in with the English pickets, who
retired upon the camp. The Portuguese followed, and an
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Revival of Activity. 461
action was brought on, which resulted in their total defeat,
with a heavy loss in killed and wounded. There were no
casualties on the British side. Umtasa and his followers
watched the engagement from the top of a hill out of range
of the shot, and expressed great satisfaction with the result,
though probably they would have done the same if the
position of the combatants had been reversed.
The whole Portuguese force now fled precipitately to the
seacoast, abandoning Andrada, which the British Chartered
Company's men occupied on the following day. They found
there some stores, of which they took possession as lawful
spoil of war, but the most valuable part of the booty con-
sisted of eleven machine guns that had been left behind.
Meantime the negotiations between the two governments
in Europe had been brought nearly to a close, and when
intelligence of the collision arrived, they were quickly
completed. On the 11th of June 1891 a treaty was signed
at Lisbon, in which the boundary between the British and
Portuguese possessions south of the Zambesi was declared to
be a line starting from a point opposite the mouth of the
river Aroangwa or Loangwa, running directly southward as far
as the sixteenth parallel of south latitude, following that
parallel to its intersection with the thirty-first degree of
longitude east of Greenwich, thence running eastward direct
to the point where the river Mazoe is intersected by the
thirty-third degree of longitude east of Greenwich, following
that degree southward to its intersection by the parallel of
south latitude of 18° 30', thence following the upper part of
the eastern slope of the Manica plateau southward to the
centre of the main channel of the Sabi, following that
channel to its confluence with the Lunte, and thence striking
direct to the north-eastern point of the frontier of the South
African Republic. It was agreed that in tracing the frontier
along the slope of the plateau, no territory west of longitude
32° 30' east of Greenwich should be comprised in the Portu-
guese sphere, and no territory east of longitude 33"^ east of
Greenwich should be comprised in the British sphere, except
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462 History of South Africa.
that the line should, if necessary, be deflected so as to leave
Umtasa's kraal in the British sphere and Masikesi in the
Portuguese sphere.
The treaty provided further that in the event of either of
the powers proposing to part with any territory south of the
Zambesi assigned to its sphere of influence, the other should
have a preferential right to the territory in question, or any
portion of it, upon similar terms.
It provided for the transit of goods across the Portuguese
territory during the following twenty-five years upon pay-
ment of a duty not exceeding three per cent of their value,
for the free navigation of the Zambesi, for the construction
of lines of telegraph, and for facilitating transit of persons
and goods of every description over the waterways of the
various rivers and over the landways which supply means of
communication where the rivers are not navigable.
A very important clause provided for the immediate survey
and speedy construction of a railroad between the British
sphere of influence and the navigable water of the Pungwe
river, and for encouraging commerce by that route.
And now, for the first time, the Portuguese territory in
South Africa was properly defined on all sides, and was
secured from invasion by tribes beyond its border. It con-
tained as great an area as its owners could by any possibility
make beneficial use of, and as many natives as they had
sufficient power to control. It would not have been to their
advantage if the boundary had been laid down farther west-
ward, 'i'hey could not colonise any of the land beyond it,
and without colonisation on a large scale an addition of
territory would have implied nothing more than additional
expense and additional responsibility. Now, with ample scope
for their commercial enterprise, with an assured revenue, and
with two flourishing seaports — Louren^o Marques and Beira —
in their possession, their prospects were brighter than ever
before. This they owed to the settlement of other European
nations on the highlands away from the coast, and their
pride, which was wounded by seeing the vast interior of the
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Revival of Activity. 463
continent in other hands, might be soothed by the reflection.
In accordance with the terms of the treaty, a railroad has
been constructed between Beira and Salisbury, through
XJmtali, the British town nearest the border. The capital
was furnished by the British South Africa and Mozambique
companies, the former contributing rather more than the
latter. Beira is built on a tongue of sand extending into
the Pungwe river. The site is the healthiest on that part
of the coast, but the flat country stretching away behind
is a hotbed of fever. The town has advanced with rapid
strides, and is now a place of considerable importance.
The whole of Portuguese South Afrix^t between the Zam-
besi and Sabi rivers, except the district of which Tete is the
centre, is now ruled by the Mozambique Company. This
Company was formed in 1888 as a mining corporation, the
acquisition of the gold-fields of Manika being the inducement
to the shareholders to subscribe the capital. On the 11th
of February 1891, however, the Company obtained a royal
charter, which conferred upon it large administrative powers.
The charter was followed on the 30th of July by a royal
decree, and on the 28th of December of the same year by
the publication of statutes, which documents combined form the
present constitution. The Company has a monopoly of all
mineral and commercial rights, which it may lease in detail
to associations or individuals, it is under an obligation to
introduce a limited number of colonists, and it has taxing
and governing powers subject to the supreme authorities at
Lisbon.
The chief official of the Mozambique Company in the terri-
tory between the Zambesi and Sabi rivers has the title of
governor, and resides at Beira. The country is divided into
districts, over each of which a commissioner, subordinate to
the governor, presides. The officers who administer justice
are appointed by the supreme government, and are not
subject to the Chartered Company, but to the governor-
general at Mozambique. There are courts at Beira, Sena,
Andrada, Sofala, Chiloane, Gouveia, and Chnpanga. Sena
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464 History of South Africa.
and Sofala have not recoyered their old importance, small as
that was, and are now insignificant places compared with Beira.
Andrada and Chiloane have been described. Gouveia and
Chupanga, recently the centres of prazos, can hardly yet be
dignified with the name of hamlets. The last-named — Chu-
panga — on the southern bank of the Zambesi, is well known to
English readers as the burial place of Mrs. Livingstone, wife of
the celebrated explorer, and of Mr. Kilpatrick, a member of the
surveying expedition under Captain Owen. It is one of the
most beautiful localities in a land that abounds with charming
scenery, but the deadly fever must for ever prevent it from
becoming a place of note.
The old system of giving out great tracts of country as
prazos has been abolished, unless the whole territory be
regarded as one great prazo in possession of the Chartered
Mozambique Company. By that Company unoccupied
ground is now allotted for agricultural purposes on quit-rent
tenure, but no area larger than five thousand English acres
can be held by any individual or association. Occupation
of ground and mining are open to people of all nationalities,
upon condition of their submission to the laws of the
country.
The tract of land between the Limpopo and Manisa rivers,
from the inland border to the sea, is held by another Com-
pany under a concession from the crown, dated 16th of
November 1893, but nothing of consequence has yet been
done to develop its resources.
Inhambane, the port of the territory between the Limpopo
and the Sabi, has made some progress of late years, though
as it is dependent upon trade with the natives only, it is
far less important than Louren^o Marques or Beira. The
village consists of a church and a few houses and shops.
There remains the territory of which Tete is the seat of
government, between the Zambesi and the Anglo-Portuguese
border west of the Mozambique Company's district. Early
in the nineteenth century the greater number of the prazos
there were almost denuded of people, so many were sent
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Revival of Activity. 465
away as slayes to Brazil. Washing for gold ceased, and the
larger part of the territory reverted to the condition in which
it was when white people first saw it. The village of Tete
sank to be a mere dep6t of the ivory trade.
Thus long before 1844 Portuguese influence had been
declining, and in that year it was completely lost by the
insurrection of a Goanese half-breed named Joaquim Jose da
Cruz, commonly called Nyaude, who was the holder of an
extensive prazo. This man armed and trained some four
hundred black dependents, and then built a strong stockade
at the confluence of the Luenya with the Zambesi, from
which he exacted tribute upon all commerce passing up and
down. Two of the neighbouring chiefs were induced by the
authorities of Tete to attack him, but were repulsed, and
their people were exterminated as a warning to others.
Nyaude then sent a division of his force, under his son
Bonga, or as called by the Portuguese Antonio Vicente da
Cruz, against Tete, when the village was plundered and
most of the buildings burned. The church and a few houses
were spared, and the fort, into which the inhabitants retired,
was not taken. In the following year, 1854, two hundred
men were sent from Lisbon to suppress the revolt, but after
suffering from hunger, fever, and other forms of misery,
they were defeated by Bonga, and those who remained alive
were obliged to retreat.
In 1855 an amnesty was offered to Nyaude, but he
declined to accept it, and continued his career of robbery.
The unfortunate inhabitants of Tete were reduced to great
distress, but nothing could be done to relieve them, and no
shadow of Portuguese authority remained beyond the range
of the guns of tlic fort.
A few years later Nyaude died, and was succeeded by his
son Bonga. Efforts were made to conciliate the new chief,
who was appointed sergeant-major of Masangano, but he
would not desist from plundering far and near, nor submit
to control of any kind. Early in 1867 he massacred a
number of people, and then a force eight hundred strong
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466 History of Sotith A/Hca.
was raised at Mozambique aud sent against him. Qn the
6th of August this force, when close to the stockade, was
attacked by the robber captain^ and was defeated with
great slaughter. Two other expeditions sent against him in
the same year also failed.
In 1869 Portugal made another eflFort to recover her autho-
rity. A hundred artillerymen and four hundred fusileers,
well equipped with war material, were sent from Lisbon, and
were joined by three hundred and fifty soldiers from Goa and
as many Africans as could be enlisted and armed along the
Zambesi. But the campaign was so badly conducted that the
men were suffering from want of food before they reached
the scene of action, and the military movements were carried
on with the utmost vacillation and want of skill. Bonga's
stockade was bombarded with artillery for three days without
a breach being effected, and the army was so distributed that
the best section of it was surprised and annihilated. The
failure of the expedition was complete, and those who escaped
slaughter were few.
From that time until 1888 Bonga's power — the power of an
audacious and merciless ruffian — was supreme. Then Grouveia
took the matter in hand, and not the least of the services
which he performed for his government was the capture of
the stockade and the dispersion of the robber band. Arrange-
ments with various chiefs along the river followed, and the
Portuguese influence was again restored.
Tete has been rebuilt, and now contains the church which
was spared when the village was plundered by Bonga and
from twenty to thirty stone houses of European pattern, roofed
with red tiles. It is protected by a small garrison of black
troops with white officers, who occupy a quadrangular fort
overlooking the river. The European residents, officials in-
cluded, do not number more than twenty-five or thirty, for
the commerce of the place is small. A native town of
ordinary huts stands close behind the European quarter. The
government of Tete, as of all the Portuguese stations in
South Africa except those under the administration of the
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Revival of Activity, 467
Chartered Company, is military in form, and subordinate to
Mozambique. The Jesuits have recently established a mission
here and also at a station a few miles distant. There are
extensive coal fields in the neighbourhood, and it is possible
that, owing to them, the village may some day become a
thriving place.
Throughout the whole territory from the Zambesi to
Louren^ Marques difficulties in controlling the Bantu have
been experienced, but Portugal has opened her eyes to the
fact that it is necessary to employ other and better forces
than convicts and uncivilised negroes, and she has succeeded
in establishing her authority fairly well. In a war with a
chief named Makombi in 1892 Gouveia lost his life, but his
opponents were subsequently vanquished. Then Umdungazwe,
or Gungunyana as called by the Portuguese, son and
successor of XJmzila, gave a great deal of trouble. He
assumed an attitude of independence, and demanded that
tribute should be paid to him by the Portuguese. This led
to war in 1895, when Gungunyana was made a prisoner and
banished from South Africa. Since that event the peace of
the country has not been seriously disturbed.
Lines of English and German steamships now connect the
various harbours with Europe by way of the Bed sea, and
with the British settlements of Natal and the Cape Colony.
The commerce of the territory has made rapid progress.
Unfortunately a large proportion of it is in the hands of
Indian traders, a class of people who do not contribute to
the strength of a country, nor improve it in any way. But
in all other respects the prospects of Portuguese South
Africa seem brighter to-day than at any previous time since
Pedro d'Anaya built the first fort on the river bank of
Sofala.
2 L
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INDEX.
Abftgaza, Bantu tribe: escape from Tshaka and ravage the oonntry round
Delagoa Bay; in 1833 destroy the Portuguese fort at Ijouren9o Marques
and n^irder the garrison; settle on the Sabi river and carry on war with
the Angoni, 439; plunder Inhambane and slaughter the inhabitants;
destroy Sofala; attack Sena, kill most of the inhabitants, and exact
tribute from that post thereafter, 440 and 441. See Gimgunyana,
Manikusa, and Umzila
Abraham, emir of Kilwa: particulars concerning, 110, 153, 154, 160, 167,
168, 194, 201, 202, and 203. See KUwa
d'Abranches, Dom Alvaro: succeeds Nuno da Cunha as captain of Mozam-
bique, 321
d'Abreu, Manuel: is the holder of an enormous prazo, 388
d*Abreu, Yasco Gk>mes: is the fourth ' captain of Sofala, 196; on the 8th of
September 1507 assumes duty, 197; sails with four vessels from that
port, and is never heard of again, 199 and 200
Afionso YI: on 2lBt June 1662 becomes king of Portugal; on account of
his worthless character is forced into retirement on the 28rd November
1667, and dies sixteen years later, 387
Africa: ignorance of the limits of at the beginning of the fifteenth century,
124; the south-western coast of is never carefully examined by the
Portuguese, 29
Agoada de Saldanha : in 1503 is visited by Antonio de Saldanha, and is there-
after called by his name, 162. See Table Bay
Agoada de Sio Bras: is visited and named by Bartholomeu Dias, 128; is
visfted by Paulus van Gaerden in 1601, who changes its name to Mossel
Bay, 314
Agriculture: among the Bantu is mainly left to women, 93; is not much
practised by Asiatic settlers on the eastern coast of Africa, 110
d'Aguiar, Jeronymo: commands a company in Francisco Barreto's expedition,
244; dies at Sena, 250
d'Alanquer, Pedro: sails as pilot with Bartholomeu Dias, 125; and in the
same capacity with Yasco da Gama, 136
d'Albergaria, Lopo Scares : in 1504 sails from Lisbon in command of a fleet,
164; touches at Kilwa on return passage; ooourrences there, 164
2 L 2
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470 History of South Africa,
Albert of AustriAi arohdoke: governs Portugal for the king; in 1585 receives
a letter from the bishop of Malacca asking for missionaries, 259
Albinos : are sometimes allowed to live among the Bantu, 34
d'Alboquerque, Afionso : in 1508 sails from Lisbon with a squadron for India,
161 ; on 6th March 1506 sails for the second time from Lisbon with a
fleet for Lidia, 173; assists Trist&o da Gunha in destroying Oja, making
Lamu tributary to Portugal, and destroying Brava, 174 and 175; on
5th November 1509 succeeds Dom Francisco d' Almeida in the government
of Portuguese Lidia, 176
d'Alboquerque, Francisco : in 1508 sails with a squadron for Lidia, 161 ; leaves
India to return home, and is never again heard of, 192 and 198
d'Alboquerque, Dom Jo&o : in March 1589 assumes duty at Goa as first
bishop of India, 224
d'Alca^ova, Diogo: accompanies Pedro d'Anaya to Sofala, and sends a report
to the king upon the trade there, 204
Algoa Bay : is not commended as a port by Manuel de Mesquita Perestrello,
289; is mentioned by Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, 811
Ali, son of the ruler of Shiraz: is the founder of Kilwa, 106
Alliance between the English and Putoh East India Oompanies: is entered
into in 1619 and again in 1628, but is never carried into effect, 837
d' Almeida, Antonio Cardoso: is left by Yasoo Femandes Homem in charge
of a garrisoned fort on the Zambesi ; sends out a raiding party to obtain
millet and cattle; is besieged by the natives until his provisions fail;
tries to cut his way out, and is killed with all his men, 254
d' Almeida, Dom Francisco: particulars concerning, 165; on the 25ih of
March 1505 sails from the Tagoa with a large fleet for India where
after the erection of certain fortresses he is to assume the title of
viceroy, 166; on the 22nd of July reaches Kilwa, 167; on the 24th seises
and sacks the town, 168; builds and garrisons a fort there, 168; and
establishes a government tributary to Portugal, 169; on the Idth of
August arrives at Mombasa, 170; after severe fighting takes the town
by storm, pillages, and bums it, 171 and 172; makes large presents to
the friendly ruler of Melinde, and then sails for India, 178 ; on 2nd Febru-
ary 1509 defeats a great Egyptian fleet ofi Diu, 176; on 5th November
1509 transfers the government to Afionso d'Alboquerque, 176; on 19th
November 1509 sails from Ckxshin for Portugal, 177; on the passage
puts into Table Bay, and on Ist Maroh 1510 is killed by Hottentots, 178
d' Almeida, Jofto Henriques: in 1783 abandons the fort at Lourenpo Marques,
425
d* Almeida, Dom Louren^o: assists in the seisore of Kilwa, 167; assists in
the reduction of Mombasa, 171; is killed in battle with Emir Hooem in
the harbour of Ghaul, 176
d' Almeida, Dom Miguel: succeeds Caetano de Mello de Castro as governor of
Mozambique, 899, 406
d' Almeida, Dom Pedro: in April 1677 is appointed viceroy of India, 895;
restores order on eastern coast of Africa, 896
Amasi, fermented milk: used as food by Bantu, 80
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Index. 471
Amerioan whalers: frequent Delagoa Bay, 426
Amsterdam, merohants of: in 1595 fit out fleet for India, 808; preponder-
ance of the city in the Dutch East India Company, 319
d'Anaya, Francisco: in 1506 commands a squadron of war on the East
African coast, 187; commits ruthless acts of barbarity; loses two ships
by wreck, 188
d'Anaya, Pedro: on the 18th of May 1505 sails with six ships from the
Tagus to build a fort at Sofala, 182; arriyes at his destination and has
an interview with the sheik Isuf, 185; on 21st September commences
to build a fort, 186; repels an attack of the Mohamedans aided by a
Bantu clan, and flrmly establishes Portuguese authority, 188 to 191;
shortly afterwards dies of fever, 191
Andrada, trading station: Captain Forbes places a guard at; on 5th May
1891 Major Cardas Xavier with Portuguese volunteers arrives at, 460;
is abandoned by the Portuguese and taken possession of by the English,
461
d* Andrada, Colonel : in February 1888 hoists the Portuguese flag at Umtasa's
kraal; marches against that chief on hearing of his concessions to the
British, 458; is arrested by Captain Forbes and sent to Salisbury as a
prisoner, 459; is released by Dr. Jameson, and proceeds to Portugal, 460
d' Andrada, Jeronymo : commands a company in Francisco Barreto's expedition,
244
d' Andrada, Onofre Louren90, captain of fort at Louren^o Marques : aids Umzila
against his brother, and on 2nd December 1861 receives cession of territory,
449
d'Andrade, Femfto Martins Freire, captain of Mozambique : has certain trading
privileges, 274 and 275
d*Andrade, Jeronymo, captain of Tete : is successful In wars against invading
barbarians, 269
Ango, Jean, French merchant: sends from Dieppe three ships to India, 908
Angola, governor of : offers reward to any one crossing Africa to Zanzibar, 446
Angoni, Bantu horde: reach the Sabi river from Zululand and carry on war
with the Abagaza; proceed northward to Lake Nyassa, 489
Angosha: islands and river described, 118
Angra dos Ilheos, now Angra Pequena: discovery of by Bartholomeu Dias,
126
Animals : domestic, of Hottentots, 21 ; certain kinds held in respect by Bantu
tribes, 46 ; cruelty of Bantu towards, 54 ; domestic, of Bantu, 85
Ankoni, Mohamed : particulars concerning, 160, 169, and 194
Antiquity^ of man in South Africa: proofs of, 1 and 2
Antonio, Dom, prior of Crato : seizes the crown of PortugsJ, but in April 1581
is expelled by a Spanish army, 257
Antonio, a cabra wrecked in the jSonto Alberto : account of, 880
Aracaty, marquis of, governor of Mozambique : on 11th November 1887 issues
a proclamation declaring the necessity of continuing the slave trade, 442
d*Araujo, Belchior, captain of Tete: successfully conducts an expedition
against a force of Bantu, 848
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472 History of South Africa.
d'Aranjo, Joaquim: in 1782 is sent to Delagoa Bay to construct a fort, bat
dies there, 425
Arbitration: of the president of the French Republic concerning the British
and the Portuguese claims to Delagoa Bay, 451 ; of three Swiss lawyers
concerning the amount to be paid by the Portuguese goYemment for
confiscated railway, 453
doe ArohanjoB, Father Miguel: establishes a mission in the Kiteye country,
408
Arms: permission to carry in Monomotapa*s territory granted to Portuguese,
843
Arquebuses: terror caused to barbarians by, 269
Asiatic Company of Trieste : attempts to establish trading stations at Delagoa
Bay, 424
Asiatics: settle in South-Eastem Africa at some remote time and introduce
great changes, 81; may have come from Tyre, 101; build temples and
forts, 102; religion of, 108; carry on gold mining extensiyely and have
good system of irrigation, 104; ally themselyes with native women, and
finally become fused with the Bantu, 105; those found along the coast
in 1500 are Arabs and Persians, whose literature and history have been
preserved, 106; character and superstitions of, 114
Astrolabe, the: use of, 188 and 309
d'Ataide, Dona Beatrix, wife of Francisco Barreto: dies of plague at Lisbon
two days after her husband's departure for South Africa, 286
d'Ataide, Dom Estevfto, captain of Mozambique: defends Fort S&o SebastiSo
gallantly against the Dutch under Paulus van Gaerden, 323 to 827; and
under Pieter Yerhoefi, 828 to 881; sends specimens of rich silver ore to
Lisbon, 842 ; is appointed captain general of the Conquest and proceeds to
Sena, 847; account of his proceedings until his recall, 347 to 849; dies at
Mozambique, 849; conduct of the king towards him, 350
d'Ataide, Dom Luis, viceroy of India : sends horses and stores for Francisco
Barreto's expedition, 238; induces the Dominicans to establish a house
of their order at Mozambique, 258
d'Avelar, Father Francisco: carries specimens of silver ore from Chicova to
Lisbon, 355
d'Azevedo, Dom Jeronymo, viceroy of India: dealings of with South-Eastem
Africa, 849 and 357
d'Azevedo, Dom Jofto: is appointed captain of Mozambique for one year, 849
d'Azevedo, Simao de Miranda: in October 1512 assumes duty as seventh
captain of Sofala, 206
Bahia Formosa (Plettenberg's Bay) : account of the wreck of the S&o Qcngalo
in 1680 at, 877
Bangue (dacha or rwild hemp) : use made of by the Hottentots, 21 ; by the
Bantu, 79
Bantu: pressure into South Africa of the, 5; area occupied in 1500 by, 5;
skull measurements of, 6 and 7 ; distinguishing characteristics of, 8 ;
general description of, 29; why so called by Dr. Bleek, SO; variations
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Index. 473
among, 31; personal appearanoe of, 32; cause of women being often
stunted in growth, 33; passions and diseases of, 33; weak or deformed
children allowed to die, 33; are long-lived and prolific, 34; language of,
34; forms of government, 35; affinity of dialects of eastern and western
coasts, 35; marriage laws, 37; formation of new tribes, 39; powers of
chiefs, 39; standard of virtue, 40; dues to chiefs on trade, 41; duties of
priests, 42 ; religion of, 41 ei seq, ; mode of interment of chiefe, 44 ; account
of Qamata, 46 ; respect paid to certain animals, 46 ; superstitions regarding
demons and water spirits, 47 ; belief in sorcery, 49 ; legend regarding the
origin of men and animals, 50; festivities on the appearance of the new
moon, 51 ; influence of religion on government, 51 ; belief in revelations
from the spirit world, 52; belief in rainmakers, 52; use of herbs as
medicine, 52 ; belief in charms and divinations, 53 to 55 ; laws and tribunals
of justice, 56; trials for witchcraft, 57; mode of reckoning time, 59;
legendary history, 60 ; folklore, 61 ; specimens of proverbs, 61 to 64 ; poetry
and musical instruments, 64 ; official praisers of chiefs, 64 ; dynastic titles,
65 ; mode of naming individuals, 65 ; practice of circumcision and corres-
ponding rite for females, 66 to 69; marriage customs, 70 to 75; want of
chastity, 76; language of women, 77; agriculture, 78; use of beer, 78;
use of dacha, 78; mode of preserving grain, 79; milk and flesh food, 80
and 81 ; practice of cannibalism in extreme necessity, 81 ; land tenure, 82 ;
description of gardens, 82; description of kraals and huts, 83; domestic
animals, 84 ; law of inheritance, 85 ; weapons of war, 85 ; military training,
86; clothing and ornaments, 87; headrests, 88; manufactures of iron, 88
and 89; of copper, 90; of wood, 90; of glue vases, 91; of skin robes, 91;
of earthenware, 92 ; of mats and baskets, 92 ; idleness of men, 93 ; disregard
of truth, 93 ; differences between tribes of coast and interior, 93 and 94 ;
cheerfulness of women, 95 ; evening occupations, 95 ; games of children, 95
to 98; toys of children, 98; forms of greeting, 98; capabilities of indi-
viduals, 99; want of mechanical aptitude, 100; reduction to slavery of
some tribes in remote times, 104 ; are termed Kaffirs or infidels by Moha-
medan immigrants, 109 ; first intercourse with Europeans, 143 ; consider it
polite to agree with honoured guests, 227 ; are baptized by Portuguese
missionaries in large numbers, 227, 229, 270 ; failure of the first mission to,
231 ; superstitious fear of smoke from guns, 246 ; important tribes south of
Delagoa Bay in 1600, 301 ; disintegration of tribes through contact with
Portuguese, 388 ; general fruitlesaness of mission work by the Portuguese,
402; perpetual wars among tribes, 409, 427, 429, and 441; during the
eighteenth century lose all knowledge of Christianity, 422
Banyans: particulars concerning, 398 and 399
Baptism: of chief and others at Otongwe, 227; of the Monomotapa and
others by Dom GouQalo da Silveira, 229 ; of seventeen hundred persons at
Sofala, 270; of two sons of the Monomotapa at Tete 845; of the Mono-
motapa Manuza, 367; of the Eiteve, 384; of the Monomotapa Bomingos,
886
Baptista, Pedro Jo&o, native trader : crossing of Africa by, 445
Bar: varying weight of, 274
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474 History of South Africa,
Barbuda, Portuguese historian : refereoces to, S27 and 329
Barbudo, Gyde : voyage of in 1505 and 1506, 192 and 193
Barreto, Father Manuel: report of, 388, 392, and 393:
Barreto, Francisoo: from 1555 to 1558 is governor general of Portuguese
India, 235; events on passage from Goa to Lisbon, 287; particulars oon-
ceming, 285 ; is appointed conmiander of an expedition to conquer South-
Eastem Africa, 235 ; on 16th April 1569 sails from Belem ; on 4th
August arrives at the Bay of All Saints ; in January 1570 sails again ;
on 16th May arrives at Mozambique, 236; visits various places on the
African coast, 237; makes ready to proceed to the relief of Ghaul, but
on the arrival of the viceroy that purpose is changed, 288; in November
1571 leaves Mozambique for Sena, 289; commences building a fort at
Sena, 240 ; inflicts barbarous cruelties upon Mohamedans, 241 ; sends
envoys to the Monomotapa, 242 ; at end of July 1572 leaves Sena with
his army and marches up the Zambesi, 244 ; above the Lupata gorge
turns to the south to attack Mongasi, 245 ; gains several victories,
but from sickness and want of provisions is obliged to retreat, 246
and 247 ; returns to Sena and thence to Mozambique, 248 and 249 ;
on 15th May 1573 reaches Sena again with supplies, and finds nearly
all his soldiers had perished, 250; dies in great distress of mind, and is
buried in Fort Sfto Mar^al, but his remains are afterwards removed
to Portugal, 251
Barreto, Pedro : is captain of Mozambique, but throws up his office and
leaves for Europe in fit of jealousy, 236; shabby treatment of Luis de
OamSes by, 236; dies on the passage to Lisbon, 237 ; is named to suc-
ceed his uncle Francisoo Barreto, but is then long dead, 251
Barreto, Buy Nunes, son of Francisoo Barreto : dies of fever at Sena, 244
BarroB, Diogo Teizeira : is commander of a stockade at Ghicova, where he
experiences many difficulties, 352 and 353
de Barros, Jeronymo : in November 1628 goes as an envoy to the Monomo-
tapa, 365; by whose order he is murdered, 366
Baskets : as made by Bantu women, 92
Batonga: are foimd south of the Sabi river, 211
Bavden, English ship : in 1687 visits Delagoa Bay, 407
Bazaruta Islands : description of, 121 ; pearls obtained at, 121 ; visit of ship-
wrecked people to, 294; occupation by the Portuguese of, 442
Bazunga: native name for Portuguese, 220
Beads : traffic in reserved for the royal treasury, 416
Beatrice, Dona, wife of Dom Paul de Lima : is wrecked in the Sao Thomi^
292
Beer : method of making by the Bantu, 78
Beira, formerly Porto Bango, at mouth of the Pungwe river: small Moha-
medan settlement at, 120; excellent harbour at, 454; present importance
of, 463
Bent, J. Theodore, archesologist : in 1891 examines ruins of buildings in
South-Eastem Africa, 101
Berg Damaras: description of, 31
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Index. 475
Berg River : is discovered by Nicolau Coelho and named Rio de Sfto Thiago,
188
Bemardee, Miguel : is sent by Francisco Barreto as an envoy to the
Monomotapa, bat is drowned on the way, 242
Beve, Bantu chief: in 1760 cedes a large tract of land near Tete to the
Portuguese, 411
Bickford, Captain: on 6th November 1861 hoists the British flag on Inyaka
and Elephant Islands, 448
Board of Conscience: decision of in 1569, 284
Bocarro, Antonio, keeper of the archives at Goa: revises a report on South-
Eastem Africa drawn up for the use of the king, 874
Bocarro, Gaspar: journey from Chicova to Mombasa of, 855 and 856
Bolts, Lieutenant Colonel William : tries to form trading stations at Delagoa
Bay for an Austrian Company, 424
Bom JtiiuAy Portuguese galleon: capture of by the Dutch, 881
Bone Implements: particulars concerning, 11
Bonga or Antonio Vicente da Cruz : insurrection against the Portuguese of,
465 and 466
Borges, Gaspar: is envoy from Francisco Barreto to the Monomotapa, 249
Both, Pieter : references to, 814 and 882
Botonghi : name given to gold diggers, 92
Brandfto, Antonio Pereira, captain of Mozambique : treacherous conduct of,
248 and 249
Brava : is founded by Arabs, 107 ; description of in 1500, 115 ; dealings of
Buy Lourenpo Ravasco with some members of the government of, 168 ;
in 1506 is destroyed by Trist&o da Cunha and Afionso d'Alboquerque,
174; shocking barbarities of some of the soldiers, 174
de Brito, Andr^ de Alpoim : has command of a bastion in siege of Fort Sfio
Sebastifto by the Dutch, 828
de Brito, Francisco : in 1519 sends a report to the king upon the trade of
Sofala, 206
de Brito, Louren^o: in 1510 is killed by Hottentots near Table Valley, 179
de Brito, Louren^o : in 1604 is defeated in war with the Cabires, 822
Broohado, Francisco : establishments on the lower Zambesi of, 291
de Bucquoi, Jacob: account of the hospital at Mozambique by, 402
Bukoto, trading station : accounts of, 264, 265, and 842
Bulls : conceding commerce from Cape Nun to India to the kings of Portugal,
284
Burial of Bantu chiefs : slaughter of attendants, wives, and favourite animals
at, 44 and 45
Bushmen: weapons used by, 2, 4, and 11; area occupied by in 1500, 6; skull
measurements of, 6 and 7 ; distinguishing characteristics of, 8 ; Hottentot
and Bantu names for, origin of the European name, power of concealing
themselves, language, 9 ; places of abode, habitations, food, power of
endurance, careless disposition, 10 ; use of stone implements, use of
poison, 11 ; clothing, hunger belts, mode of warfare, ornaments, 18 ;
mode of procuring fire, prolificacy of, disposition of, 14 ; oharaoteristios
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476 History of South Africa.
of person, love of liberty, superBtitions, reasoning power, 15 ; power of
mimicry, artistic power, 16 ; strong sense of locality, scanty manufactures
of, ordinary mode of living, 17 ; musical instruments, mode of dancing,
games, practice of strict monogamy, incapability of adopting civilised
habits, 18
Gabires, horde of barbarians: invade the territory of the Monomotapa, 322
Gabral, Fem&o Alvares: is wrecked in 1554 near the mouth of the Umtata,
282; is drowned in the Tugela, 285
Gabral, Pedro Alvares: on the 9th March 1500 sails from Lisbon for India
with thirteen ships, 151; on the 24th April discovers the coast of Brazil,
152 ; on the 20th July reaches Mozambique with only six ships, 153 ;
visits Kilwa, 153; at Melinde obtains pilots and sails for the Malabar
coast, 155 ; on the 31st July 1501 reaches Lisbon again, 155
de Gabreyra, Joseph: is wrecked on the coast of Pondoland, 379; builds a
large boat in which he reaches Angola, 380
van Gaerden, Paulus: in 1601 names Mossel, Flesh, and Fish ba 314; in
1607 imsucoessfully besieges Mozambique, 323 to 327
Gaiado, Antonio, Portuguese adventurer : account of, 228
Galdas, Jofto Pereira de Sousa, superintendent of whale fishery : in 1818 is
killed at Delagoa Bay by natives, 431
Galdas, Jos6 Antonio, captain of Lourengo Marques: in 1805 obtains a deed
of cession to Portugal of land north of the Espirito Santo, 430
Galdeira, Antonio: in 1544 assists in the exploration of Delagoa Bay, 218
Galioo, use of: is introduced to the Bantu of the eastern coast by the Arabs
and Persians, 87
Galicut: in May 1498 is reached by the expedition under Vasco da
Gama, 149
Gam, Diogo: voyages of, 125
de Gamdes, Luis: shabby treatment of by Pedro Barreto, 237
do Gampo, Antonio: seizes and carries away several Hottentots from Flesh
Bay, 183 ; is killed by Hottentots near Table YaUey, 179
Ganarins, Indian traders : account of in Eastern Africa, 398 and 399
Gandish, Thomas : commands the second English expedition that sails round
the world, 306 and 307
Gannibalism among the Bantu : references to, 29, 81, 82, 269, 271, and 272
Ganoes: construction of by Bantu north of Delagoa Bay, 90
Gape Blanco: in 1441 is discovered, 124
Gape Bojador: in 1434 is passed, 124
Gape Gorrentes: is the southern limit of navigation by the Mohamedans
before 1500, 110 and 122 ; is acknowledged as Portuguese territory by the
Dutch in 1641, 882
Gape Gross: in 1485 is reached, 125
Gape of Good Hope : in 1497 is discovered by Bartholomeu Dias, 130
Gape Verde: in 1445 is discovered, 124
Gaptaincies: disposal of in Portugal, 256
Gaptain of the Gates: title of the chief Portuguese officer at Masapa, 265
Digitized by
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Index. 477
de Gardenas, Lupe, captain of Loaren9o Marques: conduct of towards
natives, 437 ; is killed by them, 438
de Carrezedo, Isidro Manuel: in 1834 is appointed governor of the Rivers,
independent of Mozambique, 441
de Carvalho, Bemardim : is wrecked in the Sdk) Thom4, 292 ; dies at Manisa's
kraal, 296
de Carvalho, Diogo : assists in the defence of Fort Sio SebastiAo against the
Dutch, 324 ; builds a stockade at Masapa, 347 ; abandons it and retires
to Tete, 348; builds and occupies a stockade called Fort Santo Estev&o
on the bank of the Zambesi above Tete, 848
Carvalho, Louren^o: commands a ship in the expedition under Francisco
Barreto, 235; but after a gale is obliged to return to Lisbon, where his
vessel is condenmed, 236
de Carvalho, Martim Gomes: assists in the defence of Fort S&o Sebastifto
against the Dutch, 823
Carvalho, Pedro, prazo holder: in 1717 rebels against the government, 410
de Castro, Caetano de Mello : in 1682 is appointed governor of Mozambique
and the Bivers, 897
de Castro, Dom Jofto, viceroy of India: references to, 221
de Castro, Manuel, survivor from the wreck of the 8do Jodo: is wrecked
again in the Sdo Bento, and dies next day from injuries, 282
de Castro, Martim Affonso, viceroy of India : reference to, 325
de Castro, Pedro : is sergeant major in Francisco Barreto's expedition, 245
Catharina, Dona, widow of Jo&o III : in 1557 becomes regent of Portugal, 221 ;
orders the construction of Fort Sao Sebastifto, 223; in 1562 retires, 232
Cattle: are chief wealth of the Bantu, are highly prized and trained, 84
Cazembe, Bantu chief : visits to kraal of, 428
Charms: are highly regarded by the Bantu, 53
Charter of the Dutch East India Company : particulars concerning, 316 et seq.
Chastity : is lightly regarded by the Bantu, 76 and 372
de Chaves, Pedro Femandes, captain of Tete: conquers a horde of Bantu
under the chief Kwizura, 270; is killed with many others by the
Mazimba, 272
Chicova: is believed to be the site of silver mines, 342; particulars
concerning its occupation and the search for mines, 342, 346, 351, 352,
and 353
Children, Bantu: games and toys of, 97 and 98; intelligence of at an early
age, 99
Chiloane -Island: description of, 121; is occupied by the Portuguese, 442;
possesses a lighthouse, 442
Chironde, district of : is ceded by the Kiteve to the widow of Jo«o Pires, 411
Christianity: during the eighteenth century dies out among the Bantu of
Eastern Africa, 422
Chupanga: is the burial place of Mrs. Livingstone, 464
Churches: sixteen are enumerated by Father Manuel Barreto in 1667, 392
Cicatrices: are made by Bantu on their bodies as ornaments, 87
Cinnamon: royal monopoly in trade of, 883
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47^ History of South Africa.
Oircumcision : is praotiaed by various Bantu tribes, 66 and 297
Climate : remarks upon, 120, 240, 423, and 464
Cloth: is manufactured by some Bantu, 87
Clothing: of Hottentots, 22; of Bantu, 87; of Mohamedans on the eastern
ooast, 112
Coal: is found near Tete, 467
Cocoa palm: is cultivated by the Asiatics on the African coast and made
much use of, 110
Coelho, Gk>mes, resident at Tete: mention of, 228
Coelho, Nicolau: is captain of a ship in the expedition under Vasco da
Gama, 186 ; reaches the Tagus again on 10th July 1499, before Da Qama,
149; commands a ship in the fleet under Pedro Alvares Cabral, 162
Collate, Andr^: is the holder of a prazo of immense extent, 888
Colonisation : mention of projects of, 267, 878, 384, 394, 897, and 428
Colquhoun, Archibald : action of in 1890 with the chief Umtasa, 456
Commerce: particulars concerning, 41, 109, 110, 112, 118, 167, 216, 217, 219,
284, 268, 261, 262, 264, 274, 275, 276, 291, 296, 807, 810, 317, 319, 321,
381, 338, 361, 871, 378, 383, 398, 394, 396, 397, 898, 399, 400, 418, 416,
417, 443, 450, and 462
Comoro Islands : description of in 1600, 117
Company, English: constructs a railway from Louren90 Marques to Komati
Poort, which is confiscated by the Portuguese government, 463; amount
of compensation awarded to, 468
Compass: variations of at False Cape, Cape Agulhas, and Cape of Gkx>d
Hope, 818
Congo, the: in 1484 is reached, 125
Convicts: use made of by the Portuguese, 126, 187, 884, and 419; and by
the English, 339 and 340
Copper: is used by the Bantu for ornaments, 90; is plentiful in South-
Eastem Africa, 267
Cor&tn, French ship: sails from St. Malo in May 1601, and is lost at the
Maldives in July 1602, 804
Correa, Thom6 de Sousa : in 1688 becomes governor of Mozambique and the
Rivers, 399
Corte Real, Antonio Monteiro: assists in the defence of Fort SCo Sebastifto
against the Dutch, 328
Cory, a Hottentot: is taken to England, where he receives many presents,
388; in 1614 returns to South Africa, resumes his former habits, and
teaches his countrymen to despise bits of copper as payment for cattle,
839
da Costa, Andr6: is a member of the first band of missionaries in South
Africa, 226 and 226
da Costa, Lieutenant Colonel Francisco Honorato: sends two native traders
from Angola to Tete, 446
da Costa, Jos6 Marques, captain of Sofala : in 1886 is killed in battle with
the Abagaza, 440
da Costa, Dom Bodrigo, governor general of India : mention of, 406
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Index. /^7g
Ck>tso, Bartholomeu, an engineer : oonstruots a stockade at Kilimane, 374
Cotton: grows wild on the banks of the Zambesi, from which machiras are
mann factored, 267
Council of Mozambique: in 1856 is created, 444
Courts of Justice: particulars concerning, 276, 876, S77, 444, and 468
Coutinho, Dom Jeronymo, viceroy of India: mention of, 827
Coutinho, Manuel : is appointed ecclesiastical administrator of Mozambique in
1568, 232
de Couto, Jeronymo: is one of the founders of the Dominican establishment
at Mozambique, 258
Crime: communal responsibility for among the Bantu, 56
Criminals: see Convicts
Croisaanl, French ship: sails for India in May 1601, but is lost on the
Spanish coast on her return passage, 804
Cross : is set up on Cape Sfto Bras by Manuel de Mesquita Perestrello in
January 1576, 289; is asserted to have been seen in the sky by the army
under the Monomotapa Manuza, 869; is erected at Plettenberg's Bay by
the wrecked crew of the 8^ Ocngdht 878
Cruelty: practised by Bantu in divination, 54
da Cruz, Manuel, vicar general of the Dominicans in South Africa: mention
of, 871
Cruzado, gold, of King Sebastiio: weight and value of, 288; value of the
silver cruzado, 850
Cuama, delta: description of, 119; acknowledged in 1641 by the Dutch as
Portuguese territory, 882
Cunene Biver : expedition in search of the sources of, 428
da Cunha, Francisco, captain of the Gates: aids the Monomotapa against
rebels, 844
da Cunha, Nuno: in 1596 becomes captain of Mozambique, 276; fills the
office a second time, 861
da Cunha, TristAo: on 6th March 1506 sails from Lisbon with a fleet for
India, and on the passage discovers the islands that bear his name, 178;
plunders and bums the town of Oja, makes Lamu tributary to Portugal,
takes Brava after a desperate resistance, and pillages and bums it, 174
and 175
Customs duties: particulars concerning, 118, 276, and 448
Dacha: use of by Hottentots, 21; by Bantu, 79
Damaraland: struggle between Bantu and Hottentots in, 80
Dambarare, trading and mission station : in 1692 is destroyed, 404
Dassen (Cony) Island : is so named by Sir Edward Michelbume, 333
Davis, John: is chief pilot in the Leeuw, and writes an account of the
voyage, 818; is chief pilot of the first fleet fitted out by the English
East India Company, 338; is second in rank in Sir Edward Micliel-
bume*s expedition; in December 1605 is killed by Japanese pirates,
383
Delagoa Bay : in 1544 is examined by Louren9o Marques and Antonio
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480 History of South Africa.
Oaldeira, 218 ; Ib afterwards termed by the Portogaeae the bay of
Louren^o Marques, 219; a trade, principally in ivory, is opened up by
vessels sent yearly from Mozambique, 219, 271, and 299; is frequented
by pirates, 405 ; and by illicit traders, 406 ; is visited by Bobert Everard
in 1687, is surveyed by the Dutch in 1688, is abandoned by the Portu-
guese about 1700, 407; in 1721 is occupied by the Dutch, 414; and
retained by them until 1790, 415; is occupied by an Austrian Company
in 1776, 424; in 1781 is retaken by the Portuguese, 425; who in 1787
build a fort there, 425; which in 1796 is destroyed by the French, 426;
is frequented by English and American whalers, 426; in 1799 the fort is
rebuilt by the Portuguese, 427 ; occurrences connected with Captain
Owen's visit, 431 to 484 ; in 1833 the Portuguese establishment is
annihilated by the Abagaza, 439; is claimed by Great Britain, 451; but
is awarded to Portugal by the president of the French Republic as
arbitrator, 452 ; is now a place of much importance, 453
Delta of the Zambesi: description of, 119
Dias, Bartholomeu: in August 1486 sails from the Tagus with three small
vessels, 125 ; leaves his storeship near the equator, 126 ; pats into Angra
Pequena, 126 ; puts into Angra das Yoltas, where he remains five days,
127 ; experiences stormy weather after leaving, 127 ; reaches Angra dos
Yaqueiros on the southern coast, 127 ; touches at Agoada de Sfto Bras,
128 ; reaches the islet Santa Cruz, 128 ; lands at the mouth of the
Infante river, 129 ; from this point turns homeward, ISO ; discovers the
Cape of Good Hope, 180 ; rejoins his storeship, 180 ; at Prince's Island
rescues some wrecked Portuguese, 180 ; touches at SAo Jorge da Mina,
180 ; in December 1487 reaches Lisbon again, 180 ; superintends the
building of ships for another expedition, 134 ; sails as captain of a
caravel in company with Vasco da Gama, 135 ; leaves Da G^ma's fleet
and proceeds to Sio Jorge da Mina, 137 ; is appointed captain of a fort
to be built at Sofala, and leaves Lisbon for that purpose in command of
a ship in the fleet under Pedro Alvares Cabral, but is lost at sea, 152
Diogo, a son of the Monomotapa: account of, 345
Disease: a factor in man's progress, 4
Divination: methods of practising among the Bantu, 54
Dominicans : establishment of missions among the Bantu by, 258 ; particulars
concerning their missions, 362, 363, 372, 376, 392, 402, 403, and 421 ; in
1775 are withdrawn from South-Eastem Africa, 422. See dos Santos.
Domingos, Monomotapa: baptism of, 386
Downton, Captain Nicholas : in 1610 visits Table Bay, 332 ; and again in
1614, 338
Dows: trading vessels used by the Mohamedans in the Indian ocean. 111
Drake, Sir Francis: is the first English navigator who sails round the world,
805
Dutch, the : in 1580 are shut out of the Lisbon market, 306 ; endeavour to
find a north-eastern passage to China, 308; in 1595 send first fieet to
India by way of the Cape of Good Hope, 312; take possession of the
Spice islands, 321 ; are more successful traders than the Portuguese, 381 ;
Digitized by
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Index. 481
in 1652 occupy the Gape peninsula, 886. See Delagoa Bay, Inhambane,
and Mozambique
Dutch East India Company : estahUshment of, 816 to 820 ; proposed alliance
with the English East India Gompany, 887
Earthenware : manufacture of by Bantu women, 92
Ecclesiastical Administrator for the country from Oape Guardafui to the Gape
of Good Hope: in 1612 the office is created, 868; references to, 398, 402,
and 422
Egypt : position of at the beginning of the sixteenth century, 128 ; in 1508
the sultan sends a great fleet under Emir Hocem to operate against the
Portuguese in India, 175; which fleet is destroyed ofi Diu by Dom
Francisco d'Almeida, 176 ; in 1517 Egypt becomes part of the Turkish
dominions, 128
Elephant Island : in 1861 the English flag is hoisted on, 448 ; it is awarded
to Portugal by arbitration, 452
Embo: Bantu name for Natal, 801
Emozaide, followers of Zaide : accompany him from Arabia and form settle-
ments on the East African coast, 465
Empata: general seizure of goods by order of the Monomotapa, 268
English : expeditions of to India, 805 et m^. ; make no attempt to explore
South Africa, 840 ; begin to frequent the coast of East Africa as traders,
385; frequent Delagoa Bay, 405 and 426
English East India Gompany : establishment of, 882 ; use made of Table Bay
by, 834 ; project of alliance with the Dutch East India Company, 886 ;
project of establishing a joint refreshment station in South Africa, 387
English Biver: the Espirito Santo, 218
Equator, the: in 1471 is first crossed by the Portuguese, 124
do ^spirito Santo, Damifto, Dominican friar, mention of, 871
do Espirito Santo, Luis, Dominican friar: baptizes the Monomotapa Manuza,
867; is made prisoner by Kapranzine and is put to death, 868
Espirito Santo Biver, English Biver, or LoureuQO Marques Biver : is an
excellent harbour, 448
Ethiopia Orientdly by Jofto dos Santos : is printed in 1609 in the Dominican
convent at Evora, 271
Everard, Bobert: in 1687 visits Delagoa Bay, 407
Factors of progress in its earliest stage, 8 and 4
Famine among Bantu : is less fatal in its effects than among Europeans, 38
de Faria Gerveira, Julifto: in 1598 is wrecked on the South African coast, 295
Feast among Bantu: description of, 68 and 70 to 72
Fermosa Bay (Plettenberg's Bay) : description of by Manuel de Mesquita
Perestrello, 289; account of the wreck of the SOo Qon^alo at, 877
Femandes, Father Andr^ : is one of the first missionaries in South-Eastem
Africa, 225 ; is stationed at a kraal named Otongwe, 226 ; undergoes
great privations and disappointments, and after two years returns to Ck>a,
281
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482 History of South Africa.
Femandes, Mannel ; iu 1506 ftnd 1507 acts &s captain of Sofala, 191
Ferreim, Andre, captain of the Gates : narrowly escapes being mtirdered by
the Monomotapaf B65 and W^
Festivak at appearance of the new moon : among the Hottentots, 25 ; among
the Bantu, 50
Fe(Ver : as endemio along tho coast north of Delagoa Bay and on the banks
of the Zambesi, 423
Fika» the last Kiteve : dies in 1803, .427 . .
Fire: mode of procuring by Bushmen, 14; is sent every year by the Mono-
motapa to all the kraals of his tribe,. 214
Fish Bay : in 1601 is so named by Pauli^ van Caerden, 314
Fishery, whale and seal rmftei;. 1614 is earripd on at Table Bay, 334
Fitch, Balph: travels in India of, 806
Fitzherbert, Humphrey : in 1620 visits Table Bay 'and assists in proclaiming
English sovereignty over the. adjacent country, 335
Flesh Bay : in 1601 is so named by Paulus van Caerden, 314
Foga9a, Pedro Ferreira : in August 1505 is installed captain of Fort S&o
Thiago at Kilwa, 169
Folklore of the Bantu: description ^of, 61
da Fonseca Goutinho, Jos^: general insurrection caused by violent conduct
of, 409 «.
da Fonseca Pinto, Francisco : is sent frOm Ii^dia to inquire into the conduct
of Dom Estevfto d'Ataide, 349 and 350 ; is sent afterwards as com-
missioner to the Bivers, 357 ; conduct of in that capacity, 357 and 358 ;
is tried by the inquisitor general of India for his conduct, 359
da Fonseca, Vicente, archbishop of Goa: mention of, 309
Forbes, Captain Patrick William : proceedings 'of at Umtasa*8 kraal, 458
to 460
Fort Santo Antonio : construction of, 352 ; abandonment of, 358
Fort Santo Estevfto: construction of, 348; destruction of, 352
Fort S&o Margal : is built at Sena by Francisco Barreto, 240, 244, and 249
Fort Sfto Miguel: is built at Chicova by Diogo Madeira^ 352; is held under
extreme difficulties, 353, 356, and 357 ; in August 1616 is abandoned,
^; and is destroyed by the Monomotapa, 358'
Fort S&o Sebastifto : . is built at Mozambique by order of the regent Dona
Catharina, 223 ; in 1604 is besieged by the Dutch under Steven van der
Hagen, 822; in 1607 by Paulus van Caerden, 323 to 327; and again in
1608 by Peter Verhoeff, 328 to 331 '
Fort S&o Tbiago, the first occupied by the Portuguese in India : in July and
August 1505 is buUt at KUwa, 168
Franciscans, the: have the privilege of exporting a certain quantity of ivory
from the Bivers every year free of duty, 421
Fransto, Jofto, Dominican friar: mention of, 259
Freire, Manuel, rector of the Jesuit College at Mozambique: mention of, 406
French, the: early voyages to India of, 303 and 304; make no attempt to
form a settlement in South Africa, 304; in 1796 destroy the Portuguese
fort at Louren^o Marques, 426
Digitized by
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Index. ' 483
French East India Company: fonnation of, 804
Fura, mountain: is jealonaly guarded by the Monomotapa, 912
Fortado, Father Andr6: mention of, 896
, ' • *
da Gama, Joio de Saldanha, Ticeroy of India: orders of, oonoeming slaves of
Mohamedans, 490
da Gkuna, Paulo: is 'offered the oomniand of an exploring expedition, but
declines the responsibility, 185; is captain of a ship in the expedition
under his brother, 186-; adventure of ^th a.w)iale in St. Helena' Bay, 141 ;
humane conduct of, 144;. dliBS at Terceira on the homewtfrd passage, 149
da Ghuna, Yasoo.: is appointed conimander of an ^exploring expedition, 185 ;
particulars conoemingi 185; on the Bth of* July 1497 with four ships sails
from the Tagus, 186; takes in water at the island of Santiago, 187; on
the 4th of November comes in sight of the African coast, 187; on the
7th anchors in St. Helena Bay, 187; where he is slightly wounded in a
skirmish with Hottentots, 140; on the 16th of- November sails again,
141 ; on the 20th doubles the Gape * of Good Hope, 141 ; and on the
26th anchors in the bay of S&o Bras, 141; bums his storeship, and on
the 8th of December sails again, 142; on the 25th of December names
the land in sight. Katal, 142 ; on the 6th of January 1498 reaches the
mouth of the Lim^po, 148 ; on the 15th leaves, 148 ; and on the 24th
enters the Kilimane over, 143 ; where he refits his ships, 144 ; on the
24th of February sails, and on the 2nd of March arrives at Mozambique,
144; particulars of his intercourse with the Mohamedans here, 144 tt aeq. ;
on the 1st of April sets sail from Mozambique, and on the 7th reaches
Mombasa, 147 ; next visits Melinde, where he enters into an agreement
of peace and friendship, 148; obtains an experienced Indian pilot, with
whom on the 24th of April he sets sail and twenty-two days later
reaches Galicat, 14Q; on his retnm passage touches at Melinde, loses one
of his .'ships on a shoal, puts in at the bay of SSo Bras, and on the
29th of August 1499 reaches Lisbon, 149; has the title of Dom conferred
upon him,'- 150 ; has the title of Admiral of the Eastern Seas conferred
upon him, 159; on the 10th of February 1502 sails for the second time
from Lisbon in command of a fleet, 159 ; visits Bofala, 159 ; puts in at
Kilwa, 160; occurrences there, 160; destruction of the ship Meri, 161;
on the Ist of September 1508 reaches Lisbon again, 161
Gamba: is the first Bantu chief to receive Christian- missionaries, 226; is
baptized, 227 ; but continues his previous customs, 281
Games played by Bantu boys, 96 and 97
Gamitto, Captain Antonio Candido Peroso: in 1881 is journalist of an
exploring expedition, 445
Gardens of Bantu : description of, 82
GasUusere, Monomotapa: is assisted by the Portuguese in wars against his
enemies, 342 et seq, ; in August 1607 cedes to the king of Portugal all
the mines in his country, 844
Gaspar, a Moor wrecked on the South African coast: aocoimt of, 284 and 286
Geographical knowledge at the beginning of the fifteenth century, 124
2 M
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484 History of South Africa.
Ghosts of dead : are greatly feared by the Bantu, 48
Girls, orphan: receive praaos as dowries, 891
Goa: in 1510 becomes the capital of Portuguese India, 177
Godinho, Antonio : is wrecked in the Scmto Antonio^ 296
Godinho, LourenQO, captain of Mosambique : account of, 287, 248, and
249
Gold: collection and barter of, 91, 104, 106, 202 to 207, 209, 288, 248, 258,
276, 810, 811, 821, 898, and 899
de GouYea, Father Manuel : mention of, 890 and 895
GouYeia (Manuel Antonio de Sousa) : services performed by, 457 ; dealings
with Umtasa, 458; is arrested by Captain Forbes, 459; is released by
Dr. Jameson, 460; disperses Bonga*s robber band, 466; is killed in 1892
in war with Makombi, 467
Grain: manner of preserving by Bantu, 79
Greeting: various forms of among Bantu, 98
da Guerra, Salvador Yaz, captain of Mozambique : mention of, 857
Guifto, Manuel Gon^alves, prazo holder: violent conduct of, 410
Guilds: are formed among Bantu youths, 67
Gungunyana, son of Umzila : aoooount of, 455 and 467
Gwanya, Bantu chief: mention of, 42
van der Hagen, Steven : in December 1608 leaves Holland with a strong
armed fleet, 821; in June 1604 arrives at Mozambique and commences
a siege of Fort Sfto Sebastifto, 822; in August abandons the siege
and sails for India, 828; wrests the Spice islands from the Portuguese,
828
Hair, the : modes of dressing by the Bantu, 88
Head rests ; manufacture and use of by the Bantu, 88
Henrique, Dom, prince of Portugal: exploration promoted by, 124; on 18th
November 1460 dies, 124
Henrique, Cardinal Dom: in 1562 becomes regent of Portugal, 282; in 1578
becomes king of Portugal, 257 ; in January 1580 dies, 257
Herbalists, Bantu: remedies used by, 58
Heyman, Captain: defeats a Portuguese force at Andrada, 460 and 461
Hlonipa custom : mention of, 81
Hocem, Emir: commands a great war fleet sent by the sultan of Elgypt
in 1508 to operate against the Portuguese in India, 175; defeats a fleet
under Dom Louren^o d* Almeida in the harbour of Chaul, 175; but is
utterly defeated himself on the 2nd of February 1509 by Dom Francisco
d* Almeida off Diu, 176
Homem, Vasco Femandes: is second in command of the expedition under
Francisco Barreto, 285 to 251; succeeds Francisco Barreto as governor
and captain general, 251 ; enters the Kiteve's country with an army by
way of Sofala and vanquishes the Eiteve's forces, 252; is welcomed in
the Tshikanga*s territory and makes a friendly agreement with the chief,
258; makes peace with the Kiteve, 258; proceeds up the Zambesi and
then returns to Mozambique, 254
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Index. 485
Horn implements: partionlara oonoerning, 11
Hospital at Mozambique : in 1661 is entrusted to the order of Saint John of
God, 402
Hottentots : appearance in South Africa of, 4 ; speculations on the origin of,
4; area occupied by in 1500, 5; skull measurements of, 6 and 7; dig.
tinguishing characteristics of, 8; Bantu name of, 19; term themselves
Khoikhoi, 19; meaning of the term, 19; different appearance from
Bushmen, 19; language, 20; division into tribes, 20; weakness of govern-
ment, 20; possession of homed cattle and sheep, 21; description of
domestic animals, 21; food, 21; use of intoxicants, 21; clothing, 22;
ornaments, 22 ; dwellings, 22 ; weapons, 22 ; use of iron and copper, 28 ;
manufactures, 28 ; mode of living of impoverished clans, 24 ; superstitions,
26 ; religion, 25 ; disposition, 26 ; musical instruments, 26 and 141 ; practice
of polygamy, 26; position of women, 26; custom on entering manhood,
27; powers of imagination, 27; amusements, 27; freedom from sick-
ness, 28; capability of adopting civilised habits, 28; are seldom met
with by Portuguese, 29; conquer and enslave Bantu tribes in Damara-
land, 80 ; first intercourse with Europeans, 189 and 141 ; intercourse
with the people of Antonio de Saldanha's ship, 162; conflict in 1510
with the Portuguese under Dom Francisco d' Almeida, 177 ti Mg. ; in
1505 kill sixteen Portuguese at Flesh Bay, 184; are regarded by the
Portuguese as ferocious savages and avoided, 267; in Table Valley fall
upon men bartering cattle and kill thirteen, 818; at the same place
quarrel with and kill English and Dutch seamen, 388
Houtman, Ck>melis, commander of the first Dutch fleet that sailed to India :
mention of, 812
Hunger: a factor in man's progress, 8
Hunting: method of by Bantu, 80
Huts, Bantu : description of, 88 and 84
Iceya, a Hottentot game, 27 and 97
Imfumba, a game of Bantu children, 97
Incest as regarded by the Bantu, 78
Indian commerce with Europe: routes of at the beginning of the sixteenth
century, 128
Indwe, the blue crane: wings of are worn by Xosa warriors as an emblem
of bravery, 69
Infante, river: is the farthest point reached by Bartholomeu Dias, 129
Ingomiamo River: position of, 121
Inhambane: in 1500 the Mohamedans have a small settlement at, 121; is
frequented by the Portuguese after 1544 for purposes of trade, 219; is
visited by the first missionaries in South Africa, 225 and 226; the Dutch
make efforts to open a trade at, 417 to 419; in 1780 is permanently
occupied by the Portuguese, 419; description of in 1771, 419; is found
by Captain Owen to be the most thriving of all the Portuguese settle-
ments, 485; is destroyed in 1884 by the Abagaza, 440; is now a small
trading village, 464
2 M 2
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486 History of South Africa.
Inyabanso, district olose to Tete : is bestowed by the Monomotapa upon
Diogo Simdes Madeira, 344 ; later oocurrenoes at, 845 and 410
Inyaka, the : is chief of the tribe on the south-eastern shore of Delagoa Bay,
218 ; is friendly to the Portuguese, 218, 280, and 298
Inyaka Island: the Asiatic Company of Trieste unsuccessfully endeavour to
establish a trading station on, 424 ; in November 1861 the British flag is
hoisted on, 448 ; is awarded to Portugal by arbitration, 452
Inyansata Island : mention of, 120
Irrigation, system of: is carried out by Asiatic immigrants, 104
Iron : use of by the Hottentots, 28 ; by the Bantu, 88 and 89 ; is plentiful in
South-Eastem Africa, 267
Isuf, sheik of Sofala: particulars concerning, 110, 185, 188, and 190
Ivory: armrings are prized by the Bantu, 81; particulars of the trade in,
204, 206, 209, 218, 219, 220, 271, 275, 322, 406, 407, 418, and 419; the
Franciscans have the privilege of collecting as alms a certain quantity
every year and exporting it free of duty, 421
Jaka, party of girls at Ntonjane ceremony, 69
James I, king of England: in 1620 is proclaimed sovereign of the country
from Table Bay to the dominions of the nearest Ohristian prince, 334
and 335
Jesus, Company of: on September 27th 1540 comes into existence, 224; in
1542 founds a college at Coimbra, 224; account of missions in South
Africa, 225 to 231, 368, 376, 392, 401, 421, and 467 ; on the 23rd July
1773 the order is suppressed, 422 ; on the 7th August 1814 is restored, 422
Jofto n : in 1481 ascends the throne of Portugal, 124 ; on the 25th October
1495 dies, 133
Jofto in: in December 1521 becomes king of Portugal, 210; in June 1557
dies, 221
Jofto IV, duke of Braganpa: in December 1640 becomes king of Portugal,
381 ; in November 1656 dies, 387
Jofto V : in December 1706 becomes king of Portugal, 408 ; in 1750 dies, 408
Jofto, Dom: in 1799 becomes regent of Portugal, 409; in November 1807
leaves Portugal for Bradl, 409
Jofto, Dom : succeeds his brother Pedro as Monomotapa, 412
Johnson, Captain: inspects Table Bay in 1620, and reports unfavourably
upon it, 338
Jos6 I : in 1750 becomes king of Portugal, 406 ; in February 1777 dies, 408
Joa6, Amaro, native trader: crosses Africa in both directions between Angola
and Tete, 445
Jos^, Luis : in 1800 builds fort at Louren^o Marques, 427
Josepe of Lamego: travels of, 131
Journey: of the people wrecked in the B9o Jodo to Delagoa Bay, 279 et 9eq,\
of the people wrecked in the Sdo Bento to Delagoa Bay, 283 et seq. ; of
the people wrecked in the Sdo ThanU, 293 et seq,; of the people wrecked
in the Santo Alberto to Delagoa Bay, 296 et seq.; of Dr. Francisco Jos^
de Laoerda e Almeida from Tete to the kraal of Ca2embe,*428; of Major
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Index. 487
Jofl^ Maria Oorreia Monteiro from Tete to the kraal of Gazembe, 445; of
the reverend Dr. Liyingstone across the continent, 446 and 447
Jastice: administration of by the captains of Sofala, Sena, and Tete, 376
and 877
Kaffirs : name, meaning infidels, given to the Bantu by the Mohamedans, 109
Kapampo, indnna of Tshnnzo: particulars concerning, 342
Kapela: dynastic name of the chiefs of a tribe on the southern shore of
Delagoa Bay, 65 and 424 ; in 1794 nominally cedes his country to Portu-
gal, 426; in 1823 nominally cedes his country to Great Britain, 431
Eapote, sub chief of Mongasi : particulars concerning, 246
Kapranzine, Monomotiq»a: account of, 365 to 370; account of the son of as
Dominican friar, 385
Kesarimyo, or Kesarinuto, Monomotapa: account of, 216
Kilimane River: description of, 118; in January 1498 is entered by Yasco da
Gama, 143 ; in 1544 a Portuguese factory is founded on the buik of, 217 ;
further particulars concerning, 239, 374, 382, 434, and 447
Kilwa: is occupied by Persians under Ali, 108 to 110; duties on conmierce
at, 113; description of, 117; is visited by the fleet under Pedro Alvares
Gabral, 153 ; occurrences during the stay of the fleet, 153 and 154 ; in 1502
is visited by Dom Yasco da Gama, 160; transactions of Dom Yasco there,
160; is visited by Lopo Scares d'Albergaria in 1505 on his return passage
from India, 164 ; the emir refuses to pay tribute to Portugal, 164 ; in July
1505 is seized and plundered by Dom Francisco d* Almeida, 168; a fort
is built and occupied there, 168; and a government is established
tributary to Portugal, 169; events at, 193 to 196, and 200 to .203; is
abandoned by the Portuguese, 203; further particulars concerning, 237
and 268
Kiteve, the, chief of the tribe at Sofala : particulars concerning, 229, 252, 253,
261, 262, 375, 884, 410, and 411
Knives : manufacture of by Bantu, 89
Kraals, Bantu : favourite sites for, 83
Kuama: see Guama
Kwitambo, Bantu chief: mention of, 351
Kwizura, Bantu chief: war with, 270
de Lacerda e Almeida, Dr. Francisco Jos6 : journey of, 428
Lamu: in 1506 is made tributary to Portugal by Tristfto da Gunha and
Affonso d'Alboquerque, 174
Lan^arote, Dom Antonio, son of the Kiteve: mention of, 404
Lancaster, Gaptain James: in 1591 visits. Table Bay, 807; and again in
1601, 333
Land : tenure of among Bantu, 82
Latitude: imperfect means for determining. 111 and 126
Leades, William : travels of, 806
Leitfto, Gaptain Antonio Sim5es : is killed in battle, 410
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488 History of South Africa,
Leitio, Jeronymo: vessel under command of is captured and plundered in
the Limpopo river, 294
de Lemos, Bastifto : rescues crew of wrecked ship Sdo Bento, 286
de Lemos, Duarte: in September 1506 sends a report to the king upon the
trade of Sofala, 204
Leonor, Dona, wife of Manuel de Sousa Sepulveda: pitiful story of, 278
to 281
Leopard, skin of: is reserved for dress of men of rank among the Bantu, 87
Leprosy: death of the Sedanda from, 266; death of the chief Sekeletu
from, 446
Letters: are unknown to the Bantu, 60
de Lima, Antonio Bodrigues, prazo holder : account of, S90
de Lima, Dom Paul : is wrecked in the Sao Thomi^ 292 ; dies at Manisa's
kraal, 295
de Lima, Dom Bodrigo: in 1515 visits Abyssinia as ambassador of the king
of Portugal, 182
Limpopo Biver: in 1498 is visited by Vasco da Gama, 148; in 1544 is
explored by Louren90 Marques, 218; a vessel is captured and plundered
at, 294
van Linschoten, Jan Huyghen: particulars concerning, 806, 806 to 812,
and 840
Linyanti, Makololo kraal : mention of, 446 and 447
Lion^ British Indiaman : in 1798 puts into Delagoa Bay in distress, 426
Livingstone, Beverend Dr. David, missionary explorer: is the first white man
to cross Africa, 446 and 447
Lobengula, son of Moselekatse: makes a treaty with British envoys, 455
Lobo, JoAo, vicar of Luanze: mention of, 844
Lobo, Bodrigo: as a vassal of the Kiteve holds the island of Maroup^, 261
Locusts: are eaten by the Bantu, 81; plague of in the Monomotapa's terri-
tory, 230
Lopes, Jeronymo, Dominican friar : mention of, 259
Louren90, Mohamedan prisoner at Sena: fate of, 241
LoureuQo Marques, town of : census of in 1878, 441 ; present condition of, 454
Louren^o Marques, bay of: see Delagoa Bay
Louren^o Marques, river of : is named the Dundas by Captain Owen, but is
now called the Umbelosi, 484
Luanze, trading and mission station: particulars concerning, 264, 265, 842,
866, and 871
Luiza, Dona, daughter of Dona Isabella Pereira: is wrecked in the 8(mto
Alberto, 295
Lupata, gorge of: mention of, 120
Luspance, Bantu chief: friendly treatment of wrecked Portuguese by, 296 to
298
Luzios, small vessels used in Eastern Africa, 111
de Macedo, SebastiAo, captain of Mozambique: mention of, 822; sends
specimens of rich silver ore to Lisbon, 842
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
Index. 489
Maomahon, Marshal, president of the French Republic: on the 24th July
1875 issues award giving Portugal the territory to 26^ d(y south latitude,
462
Madeira, Diogo Simdes: career of, 844 to 862
Madeira, Jofto, Dominican friar : mention of, 259 and 270
Mafia, island of: is colonised from Kilwa, 108; description of, 116; mention
of, 287
Magadosho, town of: foundation of, 107; description of, 115
de Magalhiee, Francisco : is sent as envoy to the Monomotapa, but dies on
the journey, 249
de Magalhies, Pedro Barreto: in 1505 accompanies Pedro d'Anaya to build a
fort at Sofala, 188; after the fort is built sails for India as commodore
of three ships, 187 ; loses his own ship at Kilwa, 187 ; on the Ist March
1510 is killed by Hottentots near Table Valley, 179
de Magdalena, Jofto, Dominican friar : mention of, 406
le Maire, Isaac : in May 1611 visits Table Bay, and leaves men there to kill
seals and whales, 382
Makalanga, Bantu tribe: description of, 211, 214, 215, and 262
Makalapapa, Bantu tribe : mention of, 801
Makamoasha, Bantu chief: mention of, 870
Makasane, Bantu chief : in 1828 signs a document placing himself under
British protection, 488; dealings of the Portuguese with, 487
Makomata, Bantu tribe : mention of, 298 and 801
Makombi, Bantu chief : war with, 467
Malemos, Mohamedan pilots : are very expert. 111
Malheiro, Manuel: murder of, 271
Ma Matiwane : torture of on charge of witchcraft, 58
Mambo: title of the Monomotapa, 266
Mandeville, Sir John : note on book of, 805
Mangova, Bantu chief: mention of, 424
Mangrove tree: description of, 119
Manhoeea, half-breed Arab at Sena : particulars concerning, 240 and 241
Manika: becomes independent of the Monomotapa, 216; further mention of,
288 and 258
Manikusa, or Sotshangana, Gaza chief : destructive career of, 489 and 440
Manisa, dynastic title of chief of tribe on the northern shore of Delagoa Bay :
mention of, 65 and 294
Manisa River: mention of, 218, 294, and 484
Ma Ktati: march of the destructive horde under, 268
Manuel the Fortunate: in 1495 ascends the throne of Portugal, 188; resolves
to send an expedition to follow up the discoveries of Bartholomeu Dias,
184; in 1501 adds to his titles that of Lord of the Navigation, Ck>nquest,
and Trade of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India, 157 ; in December 1521
dies, 210
Manufactories of stone implements: particulars concerning, 2
Manufactures: of the Bushmen, 17; of the Hottentots, 22 and 28; of the
Bantu, 88 to 92
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490 History of South Africa,
Manuzft: is made Monomotapa by the Portuguese, 366 to 871, and 385
Maputa Biver: mention of, 218, 260, and 424
Marecos, Francisco: acts for a short time as eighth captain of Sofala, 208
Mariana, Dona, wife of Guterre de Monroy : is wrecked in the BOo ThonUt
292
de Maris Lobo, Antonio : control of commerce by, 360
Maris, Pedro Usus, Dominican friar: mention of, 258
Maroup^, island of : is given by the Kiteve to Rodrigo Lobo, 261
Marques, Louren^o : exploration of Delagoa Bay by, 218 ; opens up trade
there, 219
Marriage customs: of Bantu, 70 to 74
dos Martyres, Aleixo, Dominican friar : mention of, 871
Mascarenhas, Antonio, son of Vasco Fernandes Homem: dies at Mozambique,
286
Mascarenhas, Dom Philippe, captain of Mosambique : mention of, 872
Masapa, trading and mission station: mention of, 288, 264, 842, 847, and 866
Masarwa: particulars concerning the, 8
Mashona: are descended from the Makalanga, 211
Masikesi: is visited by Vasco Fernandes Homem, 253
Masisa, Bantu chief : in 1722 cedes a tract of land to the Portuguese, 410
Matical of gold: value of in English money, 181
de Mattos, Jos^ Gorreia Monteiro : obtains cession of land to Portugal, 426
Matuzianye : rebeUion of against the Monomotapa, 844 to 847
Maweva, son of Manikusa: is deposed by his brother Umzila, 449 and 450
Mayeta, Kapela chief : cedes his territory to Great Britain, 431 ; attacks and
kills Lupe de Oardenas and a number of soldiers, 438
Mazimba: wars with the, 269 to 273
Medicines used by Bantu herbalists, 53
Melinde: description of, 115; in 1498 is visited by Vasco da Gama, 148;
becomes a permanent ally of Portugal, 148; is visited by the fleet under
Pedro Alvares Gabral, 154; in 1508 is assisted by the Portuguese in its
war with Mombasa, 163; position of in 1506, 195; further mention of,
237 and 268
de Mello, Antonio: is an officer in Francisco Barreto's expedition, 244; dies
at Sena, 250
de Mello e Castro, Alvaro Gaetano, last Portuguese captain of Mombasa: in
1729 is driven away by rebel blacks, 414
de Mello, Garcia: in 1586 is captain of Sofala, 259
de Mello, Buy: is an officer in Francisco Barreto's expedition, 244 and 247
de Mendon^a, Dona Joanna: is wrecked in the SSo Thomiy 292
de Mendon^a Furtado, Luis, viceroy of India : mention of, 394 and 895
de Mendon^a, Pedro: in 1505 is wrecked on the South African coast, and
perishes with the entire crew of his ship, 164
de Menezes, Dom Aleixo, archbishop of Goa, acting governor general of
India: mention of, 846
de Menezes, Dom Duarte, viceroy of India: mention of, 275
de Menezes, Dom Jorge, captain of Mozambique : mention of, 275
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Index. 491
de Menezes, Fernfto Lobo: is wrecked at Plettenberg's Bay, 877
Aferi, the : destruction of by Dom Yasco da Gama, 161
de Mesquita, Diogo, captain of Mozambique : mention of, 281
de Mesquita Perestrello, Manuel: assists in the expedition under Francisco
Barreto, 288; is wrecked in the SSto Bmto, 287; surveys the South
African coast, 287 to 290
Michelbume, Sir £dward: in 1605 names Dassen Island, 815; voyage of, 888
Miguel, son of the Monomotapa Eaprandne: account of, 870
Miguels, Bodrigo : is wrecked in the Santo Alberto, 295 ; keeps a diary of the
journey to Delagoa Bay, 296
Millet: is the grain used by the Bantu, 78
Mines: in 1607 are ceded by the Monomotapa to the king of Portugal, 844
Missions of the Jesuits and Dominicans: account of, 224 to 281, 248, 258,
259, 266, 862, 868, 871, 401, 420 et aeq.
Mnamatapa: dynastic title of the chief of the Makalanga, 65
Mohamedans on the East African coast: particulars concerning, 106 to 114,
284, 240 to 242, 248, 260, 802, 367, 876, 895, and 420
Mokomba, Monomotapa: account of, 215
Mombasa: description of in 1500, 115 and 116; in 1498 is visited by Yasco
da Gama, 147; in August 1505 is taken by storm by Dom Francisco
d' Almeida, and is piUaged and burned, 172; further mention of, 287, 268,
and 414
Monclaros, Father Francisco: accompanies the expedition under Francisco
Barreto and writes an account of it, 286, 288, 240, 242, and 249 to 252
Mondragon, French corsair : account of, 808
Mongalo, Bantu chief at Kilimane: mention of, 289
Mongasi, enemy of the Monomotapa : war with, 248 to 247 ; destruction of, 845
Moniz, Joao da Fonseca, captain of Inhambane : mention of, 418
Monomotapa, or Mnamatapa, the: mention of, 212 to 214, 228 to 280, 284,
242, 248, 248, 249, 268 to 265, 822, 845 to 848, 851, 858, 859, 866, 868,
876, 886, 888 to 890, 892, and 411
de Monroy, Dom Fernando, governor and captain .general of East Africa:
mention of, 254
Monsoons in Indian Ocean: mention of, 311
Monteiro, Major Jos6 Maria Gorreia: journey of, 445
Moraria, Portuguese soldier at Mozambique: bravery of, 880
Moselekatse, chief of the Matabele: mention of, 454
Mossel Bay : receives its present name in 1601 from Paulus van Oaerden,
814 ; mention of, 812 and 840. See Agoada de Sao Bras
Mourning of widows of Bantu of rank, 45
Mozambique : description of the island, 117 ; condition of in 1498 when
visited by Yasco da Gama, 145; in October 1507 is occupied by the
Portuguese, 198; further particulars concerning, 221, 228, 225, 282, 285
to 289, 249 to 251, 254, 258, 259, 263, 268, 270, 273, 274, 281, 286, 287,
300, 809, 810, 821 to 828, 841, 848, 849, 353, 861, 863, 882, 884, 385, 393,
395, 398, 401, 402, 405, 406, 411, 418, 415, 422, 425, 484, and 435
Mozambique Company: formation and working of, 463 and 464
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492 History of South Africa.
Mpako River: wreck of the SamJU) Alberto at mouth of, 296
Moinha Sedaca, half-breed Arab: kindness of to wrecked Portuguese, 291
Mumbos, cannibal Bantu: account of, 969
Municipal government: in 1768 is introduced into South-Eaetem Africa, 419
Musical instruments: of the Bushmen, 18; of the Hottentots, 36 and 141;
of the Bantu, 64
Mutilation by Bantu of bodies of slain enemies, 67
Ncuxratigheid, the, Dutch ship: in 1767 puts into Delagoa Bay in distress,
and her crew remains there two years, 424
Names, dynastic, of Bantu chiefs, 65; given to women on marriage and
motherhood, 66
Natal: is named by Yasco da Gama, 142
Natal, bay of: is not mentioned by Manuel de Mesquita Perestrello in his
report of his survey of the South African coast, 289
Navigation: imperfect knowledge of in the sixteenth century, 809
Necklaces used by Bushmen: description of, 18
Newbery, John: travels of, 806
Ningomosha, general of Monomotapa's army: account of, 842 and 848
Nodiwu, wooden toy used by Bantu children : description of, 98
Noord, the, Dutch galiot: in 1688 surveys Delagoa Bay, 407
de Noronha, Dom Antonio, viceroy of India: mention of, 288
Noaaa Senhora da Jjuda, the : is captured by pirates and all her crew except
one boy are put to death, 405
Noaaa Senhora de Belem, the: in 1685 is wrecked near the mouth of the
Umzimvubu river, 879
Noto, son of Morolong: is credited by the Barolong tribe as the inventor of
iron weapons, the maker of copper ornaments, and the introducer of
millet as food, 60
Nourse, Commodore Joseph : proceedings in Delagoa Bay of, 487
da Nova, Jofto: on the 5th of May 1501 sails from Lisbon for India in
command of a fleet, 157; at the bay of Sfto Bras finds an account of
Gabral's voyage, 157; is appointed commander of a fleet of war, and in
1505 accompanies Dom Francisco d* Almeida to India, 167
Ntonjane ceremonies: account of, 68 and 69
Nunes, Miguel, notary: draws up the document ceding the mines in the
Monomotapa*s country to Portugal, 844
Nyaka: dynastic title of the chiefs of a tribe on the south-eastern shore of
Delagoa Bay, 65
Nyambana: see Inhambane
Nyassa, Lake: in 1616 is visited by Gaepar Bocarro, 856; Dr. Livingstone's
discovery of, 866
Nyaude, or Joaquim Jos^ da Ora£, prazo holder: insurrection and violent
conduct of, 465
Oath : form of among Bantu, 40
Ocean road to India: importance of the discovery of, 128
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Index. 493
Qja, town of: in 1506 is destroyed by Tristio da Oonha and Affonso
d'Alboquerque, 174
Ophir : productions of found in South-Eastem Africa, 101
Opinion given in 1569 by the board of conscience to King Sebastifto, 284
Ordeal: trial by among Bantu, 59
Ornaments: worn by Bushmen, 18; by Hottentots, 22; by Bantu, 87
Otongwe: the first mission in South Africa is commenced at, 226, 227,
and 281
Owen, Oaptain William FitsWiUiam: proceedings at Delagoa Bay of, 481
to 484
Pacheoo, Albino Manuel : in 1862 hoists the Portuguese flag at Zumbo, 444
Pacheco, Duarte: is wrecked at Prince's Island, and is rescued by
Bartholomeu Dias, 180; in 1509 captures the French corsair
Mondragon, 808
de Paiya, Affonso : travels of, 181
PangayoB, trading vessels: description of, 111
Paidfto: uncertain value of, 276
Parmentier, Jean and Raoul: voyage of, 804
Patalim, Buy de Brito : acts for some time as fifth captain of Sofala, 199
Pate: mention of, 237, 895, and 414
Paul y, Pope: in 1642 separates South-Eastem Africa from the arch-
bishopric of Goa and creates the office of ecclesiastical administrator for
it, 868
Pearls : are found at the Bazaruta islands, 121, 210, and 400
Pedro n, king of Portugal : mention of, 887, 899, 401, and 406
Pedro m, king of Portugal: mention of, 406
Pedro y, king of Portugal : mention of, 429
Pedro, Monomotapa: carries on war with Tshangamira, 411; grants silver
mines to the Portuguese, 412 ; in 1711 dies, 412 ;
Pegado, Jos^ Gregorio, military governor of Mozambique: mention of, 441
Pegado, yioente, captain of Sofala: mention of, 216 and 217
Pemba, island of: description of, 116
Pepper trade : particulars concerning, 165
Pereira, Francisco de Sodre, captain of the Bom Je9us: is captured by the
Dutch, 881
Pereira, Dona Isabella: is wrecked in the Santo Alberto, 295
Pereira, Dom Jofto Froyas, viceroy of India: mention of, 842
Pereira, Dom Nunc Alvares: proceedings of in South Africa, 846 and 847,
859 to 861, and 868
Pereira, Manuel Gaetano: journey of, 428
Pereira, Kuno yelho: is captahi of Mozambique, 268; is wrecked in the
Santo Alberto, 295 and 296; is again oaptain of Mozambique, 810
Pereira, Nunc yaz: is the third oaptain of Sofala, 194
Perforated stones: particulars concerning, 11, 12, and 24
Pestana, Francisco Pereira : succeeds Pedro Feraeira Foga^a as captain of
Kilwa, 201 ; is instructed to abandon that place, and does so, 206
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494 History of South Africa,
Philippe II, king of Spain: in 1681 adds Portugal to his dominions,
267
Philippe II of Portugal, III of Spain : mention of, 341 and 342
Philippe, Monomotapa: see Manuza
Philippe, son of Monomotapa: mention of, 846 and 868
Physical desoription of South Africa, 3
Pillars set up hy Bartholomeu Dias: Sfto Thiago at Angra Pequena, 126;
Santa Oru2 at the island of that name, 128; Sfto Philippe on the Gape
peninsula, ISO
de Pinho, Manuel Paez, prazo holder: mention of, 388
Pinto, Francisco Jo&o: is chaplain of Dr. Lacerda's expedition and takes
command after that gentleman's death, 428
Pirates: frequent Delagoa Bay, 406
Pires, Francisco: is wrecked in the Bdo Bento, 286
Pires, JoAo, of Govilhfto: in May 1487 leaves Santarem and proceeds by way
of Alexandria, Cairo, and Aden to Gananor, Galiont, and Goa, crosses
over to Sofala on the African coast, and then returns to Gairo, 131;
with Kabbi Habrfto proceeds to Ormuz, and thence by way of Aden to
Abyssinia, where he spends the remainder of his life, 132
Piree, Jo£o, trader at Sofala : in 1786 is robbed and murdered by a son of
the Kiteve, 410; his widow makes war upon the Kiteve, and obtains the
district of Ghironde, 411
Plettenberg's Bay : see Bahia Fermosa
Poetry, Bantu: description of, 64
Poison: mention of, 46, 216, and 241
Porto, Antonio Francisco Ferreira da Silva: journey of, 446
Port Singune: mention of, 121
Portugal: causes of the decline of after the death of King Sebaetifto, 266 and
266 ; in 1681 becomes part of the Spanish dominions, 267 ; in 1640
recovers her independence, 381 ; is closely allied with England afterwards,
387
Portuguese, the : in the fifteenth century are the most adventurous seamen
in the world, 124 ; in 1487 discover the southern limit of Africa, 127 to
130; in 1498 reach India, 149; in September 1606 commence at Sofala
the European occupation of South Africa, 187 ; rapidly degenerate in
Africa and India, 220 and 221 ; further particulars concerning, 302, 382,
392, 406, 409, 427, and 431 ; territory in South Africa finally defined,
462; present condition of in South Africa, 467
PrazoB, or great estates held under feudal tenure : particulars concerning, 388,
388, 389, 391, 393, and 442
Presents : Bantu system of, 113, 216, 247, 249, 262, 264, and 368
Prester John : references to, 126, 132, and 166
Priests, Bantu : duties of, 42 and 61
Primeiras Islands : description of, 118
Property: distribution and inheritance of among the Bantu, 86
Proverbs: specimens of Xosa, 61 to 64
Punishment for crimes by Bantu, 67
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Index, 495
Qamata: belief in, 46
Quaresma, Pedro: voyage in 1605 and 1606 of, 192 and 193
Queimado, Job : ship commanded by is plundered by the French corsair
Mondragon, 303
de Queiroz, JoAo: in 1606 is killed by Hottentots at Flesh Bay, 184
Qnerimba Islands: description of, 117
Querns used by Bantu, 92
Quilimane: see Kilimane
Quiloa: see Eilwa
Quitrents for prazos: are very small, 388 and 389
Rabbi Habrfto, of Beja : travels of, 181
Bafaxo, Francisco: goes as envoy to the Monomotapa, 249
Bainmakers among the Bantu, 62
Railway from Louren^o Marques inland : account of, 463 ; from Beira to
Salisbury, 463
Ramires, Francisco d'Aviles, lieutenant general at Mozambique : mention of,
406
Raposo, Jo2o: assists in the first mission of the Jesuits, 226 and 226
Ravasco, Ruy LoureuQo: daring cruise on the East African coast of, 163
Raymond, Admiral George : in 1691 visits Table Bay, 307 ; is lost off the
coast, 307
Real (plural reis) : note upon the value of in English money, 180
Religion : of the Bushmen, 16 ; of Hottentots, 26 ; of Bantu, 41 and 61 ; of
early Asiatic immigrants, 103
Report on the condition of South-Eastern Africa drawn up in 1634 by Pedro
Barreto de Rezende, 874
Revenue : schemes for increasing, 399
Reviews, military : held among Bantu, 86
de Rezende, Jo&o, agent of the Mozambique Company : particulars concerning,
456 and 469
de Rezende, Pedro Barreto : report of, 374
Ribeiro, Dionysio Antonio, captain of the fort at Louren90 Marques : murder
of by the Abagaza, 439
Ribeiro, Father Domingos Dias: mention of, 406
Ribeiro, Francisco Pires : is sent as commissioner to South-Eastem Africa,
390
Ribeiro, Gon^alo, Dominican friar : mention of, 367
Ribeiro, Dom Jo&o Gayo, bishop of Malacca: mention of, 259
Robben Island : in 1691 is visited by Admiral Raymond, 307 ; is named
Cornelia Island by Joris van Spilbergen, 316
Roe, Sir Thomas, English envoy to the Great Mogul: visits Table Valley,
339
do Rosario, Aleizo, Dominican friar: mention of, 386
do Rosario, Constantino, Dominican friar, son of the ^lonomotapa: particulars
concerning, 403, 412, and 413
do Rosario, Nicolau, Dominican friar : displays great devotion to duty in
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496 History, of South Africa.
Ihe wreck of the SGo Thomi, 292 ; suooeeds Father Jofto doB SontoB at
Tete, 271; is murdered hj the Mazimba, 272
Bums in Rhodesia: imperfect architecture of, 103
de S4, Ghuroia, captain of Malacca, father of Dona Leonor who perished at
Delagoa Bay: mention of, 218
de S4, Garcia, Inyaka so named by the Portuguese : mention of, 218, 288,
286» and 289
de S4, Pantale&o, captain of Sofala: mention of, 274
de S4 e Simas, Jos^ Augusto, captain of Louren^o Marques: mention of, 441
Sabflsans: are considered by Mr. Bent to be the probable builders of the forts
and temples in Bhodesia, 102
Sabi Biver : in former times was the boundary between the Makalanga and
Batonga tribes, 211; is reached by the Abagaza and Angoni from Zulu-
land, who fight with each other there, 439
Sacoto, JoSo Machado, factor at Mosambique : mention of, 406
Sacrifices offered by Bantu at graves of chiefs, 45
Saint Francis, bay of : description of by Manuel de Mesquita Perestrello, 289
Saint Oeorge, island of: position of, 117
Saint Helena, island of: in 1502 is discovered by Jofto da Nova, 158
Saint Helena Bay : in November 1497 is discovered and named by Yasoo da
Qama, 137
Saint Jago, island of: description of, 118
Saint John of God, order of: in 1681 takes charge of the hospital at
Mozambique, 402
Saint Sebastian's Bay: description of by Manuel de Mesquita Perestrello, 288
Sakandemo, Bantu chief: war between the Kiteve and, 884
Salaries of officials, 262 and 397
de Saldanha, Antonio : in 1503 sails from Lisbon with a squadron for India,
161; puts into the port now known as Table Bay, 162; transactions
there, 162; in September 1509 assumes duty as sixth captain of
Sofala, 200
Saldanha, Agoada de : see Table Bay
Salisbury, town of : on the 11th September 1890 the British flag is hoisted
at, 456
Salt Biver: is named the Jacqueline by Jons van Spilbergen, 315
de Sampayo, Buy de Mello, captain of Mozambique: particulars concerning,
349, 354, 357, and 859
Sanches, Lopo: in 1505 is wrecked near Gape Gorreutes, when most of the
crew of his ship perish, 173 ; account of the wreck, 184 and 186
Sanitation: is entirely neglected by the Bantu, 83
Santa Barbara, convent of, in Goa: Kapranzine*s son dies as vicar of, 385
Santa Oarolina, island of: in 1855 is occupied by refugees from the
mainland, 442
Santa Gruz, islet of: is visited by Bartholomeu Dias, 128
de Santa Rosa, Damaso, Dominican friar : mention of, 403
de Santa Bosa, Diogo, Dominican friar: mention of, 408
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Index. 497
SaniioQoi wreok of the, 290
de Suiiiago, Andr6, captain of Sena : carries on war with the Mammfaa, 271 ;
is killed with many of his people, 272
SoflnAo Alberto: wreok of the, 295
Santo Ignacio Loyola^ the; rescues a boat with people of the wrecked ship
£fdo Oon^aio, and is lost near home, 878
dos Santos, Jofto, Dominican friar: particulars concerning, 84, 269, 260,' 266,
270, 271, 856, and 868
8do Bento: wreok of the, 282
SSo Bras, Agoada de : is visited by Bartholomeu Dias, 128 ; and by Yasco da
Gama, 141; in 1601 Jofto da Nova builds the first place of worship in
South Africa on its shore, 167; is described by Manuel de Mesquita
Perestrello, 289. See Mossel Bay
Sfto (rabriel, church of, at Mozambique: is set on fire by the Dutch, 827
Sdo Qon^alo: wreck of the, 877
Sdo Jodo: wreck of the, 277
S£o Thiago: church at Tete dedicated to, 264
SOo Thom4: wreok of the, 291
de Bio Thom6, JoAo, Dominican friar : mention of, 403
de Sao Thom^, Jorge, Dominican friar: mention of, 403
de Sfto Vicente, Manuel, Dominican friar: mention of, 344
Sapoe, Bantu chief: aids the Portuguese, 362
Sarmento e Moraes, Pasohoal d'Abreu, castellan of Mosambique: mention
of, 406
Sardinha, Manuel, Dominican friar : mention of, 866 and 869
Sculpture by Asiatic immigrants : remains of, 103
Seals: are found in abundance on the South African coast, 142, 816,
and 878
Sebastifto, Dom: on the 16th of June 1567 succeeds to the throne of
Portugal at three years of age, 221 ; in 1668 is declared of age and is
crowned king of Portugal, 232 ; resolves to create a vast dominion in
South-Eastem Africa, 232; submits to a board of conscience the question
of lawfulness of warfare against the Monomotapa, 234; on the 4th of
August 1678 dies in battle with the Moors of North Africa, 266
Sebetuane, Makololo chief: mention of, 446
Sedanda : dynastic title of chiefs of the tribe living between Sofala and the
Sabi river, 266
Sekeletu, Makololo chief: mention of, 446
Selous, Frederick Courteney : visit to Umtasa's kraal of, 466
Sena, town of: particulars concerning, 120, 216, 228, 239, 244, 248, 260, 251,
262, 263, 273, 274, 362, 863, 376, 382, 892, 394, 401, 440, and 441
Serrfto, Manuel Gomes : is commander in chief in the war against Eapran-
zine, 866
Shell mounds: description of, 1, 24, and 26
Shillinge, Andrew: in 1620 proclaims sovereignty of King James I over
South Africa, 836
Ships of the time of Yasco da Gama : description of, 134
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498 History of South Africa.
Siboko : ftnimal esteemed by a Bantn tribe, 47
Siege of Mozambique by the Dutch: the first, 822; the second, 823; the
third, 828
da Silva, Antonio Lobo, prazo holder : mention of, 888 «nd 890
da Silva, Jofto, son of Francisco Barreto : mention of, 249 and 251
da Silveira, Antonio, captain of Sofala from 1524 to 1527 : gaUant defence of
Din in 1588 by, 222
da Silveira, Bom Gk>n9alo, leader of the first mission party in Soath Africa :
acoomit of , 224 to 230
Silver: specimens of ore and search for mines of: 253, 842, 846, 852, 854,
855, 859, 861, 362, 872, and 412
Sinews of animals: are used as thread by the Bantu, 91
de Siqueira, Antonio Jofto, governor of Mosambique : mention of, 416
Skins: methods of dressing by the Bantu, 91
Skull measurements of Bantu, Hottentots, and Bushmen, 6 and 7
Skulls, human: are used by Bantu to hold charms against witchcraft, 55;
the courtyard of Kwizura's hut is found paved with, 270
Slaves: particulars concerning, 94, 256, 297, 310, 311, 389, and 420
Slave trade, the: effect upon Portugal of, 124; particulars concerning, 255,
888, 416, 417, 430, 434, 436, 442, and 443
SmeU : dull sense of among Bantu, 88
Smith, Andrew, M.A. : book of on medicinal plants used by Bantu, 53
Smoking wild hemp : is practised by Bantu, 79
Smythe, Sir Thomas, governor of the English East India Company : mention
of, 338
SfyuffeHacvr, the: visit to Inhambane of, 418
Soares, Bernardo de Castro: protests against the Dutch trading at Inham-
bane, 417
Soares, Pedro Vaz : in June 1513 sends a report to the king upon the trade
of SofaU, 206
Sodre, Vicente : in 1502 sails from Lisbon for India as commander of a fleet
of war, 158
Sofala: under the Mohamedans, 107 to 110; description of in 1500, 120 and
121 ; is visited by Jofto Pires, of Covilhfto, 131 ; accounts of the wealth
of received by Yasco da Gama, 145 and 146; is visited by Sancho de
Tear, 155 ; is visited by Dom Yasco da Gama, 159 ; condition of in 1505,
185; on 21st September 1505 Pedro d*Anaya commences to build a fort,
186; condition of the Portuguese garrison in 1506, 188; the fort is
attacked by the Mohamedans aided by a Bantu clan, 189; who are
vanquished, when Portuguese authority is firmly established, 190 and
191; further particulars concerning, 198, 200, 208 et seq., 211, 216, 225,
283, 289, 2d&, 259 to 261, 270, 294, 295, 841, 363, 874, 375, 382, 892, 404,
420, 435, and 440
Soleiman, ninth ruler of Kilwa : takes Sofala from Magadosho and secures the
trade in ivory and gold, 109
Soleiman, Turkish governor of Egypt : siege of Diu by, 222
Songs of Bantu : description of, 64
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Index. 499
Sonza, Bantu chief; war with, 269
Sotomayor, Dom Francisco Alar^So, governor of Mozambique: mention ot
413
Sotshangana: see Manikusa
de Sousa, Alvaro, captain of Mozambique: m«ition of, 885
de Sousa e Menezes, Dtogo, captain of Mozambique: mention of, 869
de Sousa Freire, Joio, military commander : mention of, 894 to 896
de Sousa Sepulveda, Manuel: miserable fate of in the wreck of the Sda JoSOi
278 to 281
de Sousa, Dom Pedro, captain of Mozambique: mention of, 278
de Sousa, Thom^ : is an officer in Francisco Barreto*s expedition, 244
South Africa Chartered Company: formation of, 455; boundary with the
Portuguese settled, 461
South African Bepublic: independence of acknowledged by Great Britain in
1852, 448; boundary with the Portuguese settled, 450
Spice Islands : in 1604 are taken from the Portuguese by the Putch, 823
van Spilbergen, Joris: in 1601 gives Table Bay its present name, 315
St. Croix, islet of, in Algoa Bay: see Santa Cruz
Stephens, Thomas, rector of the Jesuit college at Salsette: mention of, 805
and 306
Stone : is little used for building by the Bantu, 92
Stone implements of great age: particulars concerning, 2, 8, 13, and 23
Story, James: travels of, 306
Superstitions of Mohamedans on the eastern coast of Africa, 114
Table 'Bay: is so named by Joris van Spilbergen, 815; is soon afterwards
much frequented by English and Dutch ships, 382 to 385, and 840. See
Agoada de Saldanha
Table Mountain : in 1503 is so named by Antonio de Saldanha, 162
Table Valley: slaughter of Dom Francisco d' Almeida and his people near,
267 ; proposed settlement in, 884 ; English and Dutch killed by Hottentots
in, 338; English criminals left in, 889; settlement formed in by Dutch
East India Company, 886
de Tavora, Christov&o: in 1515 assumes duty as ninth captain of Sofala, 208
de Tavora, Francisco, viceroy of India: mention of, 896
Tavora, marquis of, viceroy of India: mention of, 422 and 423
de Tavora, Buy LourenQO, viceroy of India: mention of, 847
Tembe Biver: position of, 218: the British flag is hoisted on the bank of,
438; the Portuguese flag is hoisted on the bank of, 437
Terrado, Dom Domingos, titular bishop of Sale: is appointed first ecclesias-
tical administrator of South-Eastem Africa, 363
Tete : establishment of trading station at, 217 ; further particulars concerning,
243, 263, 264, 270, 271, 845, 846, 848, 376, 392, 410, 428, 445, 465, 466,
and 467
Threlfall, Bev. Mr., Wesleyan missionary at Delagoa Bay : account of, 487
Time : method of computing by Bantu, 59 and 60
Tizombe, or Zikali, prominent rock on the coast : mention of, 296
2 N
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500 History of South Africa,
de Toar^ Soxioho r Is second in comjuand of the fleet i:iader Pedro AIv&re&
Gabral^ ISl \ visltt Sofalap 155 ; in Septembei- 1513 becomes tenth (>&pt&Ui
of Sofala, 308
!Eolwa, Bantu chief: mention of, 216
Tondoj Baistu chief : war with, 271, 273, and 274
Torture of Ma Matiwane on charge of witchcraft : account of, 5S
Tower in temple of Great Zimbabwe : ia sapposed to have boen a phailiss,
loa
T07B of Bantu children : doecziption ol, 98
Trade : leo Commerce
TroatJea between Great Britain and Portngal: metttiou of, 436, 451, 461, and
4653
Trials, judicial : method of holding among Bantu, 57
da Trindade, Francisco, Dominican friar: mention of, 408 and 412
da Trindade, JoSo, Dominican friar: murder of, 868
Tristio, Nuno: in 1441 brings first slaves from West Africa to Portugal,
255
Tristao, Bodrigo: is wrecked in the Sdo Jodo, remains in Kaffraria, and
leayes with the wrecked crew of the Sdo Bento, 285 and 286
Truth: is lightly esteemed by the Bantu, 93
Tshaka, Zulu chief: mention of, 489
Tshangamira, Bantu chief: makes war with the Monomotapa, 411 and 412
Tshawe, great grandson of Xosa: is credited by the Amaxosa as the inventor
of iron weapons, the maker of copper ornaments, and the introducer of
millet as food, 60 ,
Tshepute, the first Eiteve : accoimt of, 229
Tsherema: dealings of Diogo SimOes Madeira with, 852 and 854
Tshikanda, Bantu sub-chief : dealings with, 348
Tshikanga, dynastic title of the rulers of Manika: origin of, 215 and 216;
particulars concerning, 252, 258, and 869
Tshombe, Bantu chief : particulars concerning, 244, 248, 850, and 851
Tshunzo, Bantu chief: carries on war with the Monomotapa, 342
Turks, the : position of at the beginning of the sixteenth century, 123 ; carry
on war with the Portuguese in the eastern seas, 222
Tyre: Asiatic immigrants into Africa possibly from, 101
Ubabu, Bantu chief: mention of, 296
Umbelosi Biver: discovery of, 218 and 219
Umdungazwe, son and successor of Umsila: demands tribute from the
Portuguese, but is made prisoner and banished from South-Eiastem Africa,
467
Umhlonhlo, Bantu chief: mention of, 42
Umkulunkulu: Bantu name for a great spirit once human, 48
Umtasa, Bantu chief: dealings with, 456 and 458
Umtamvuna Biver: in 1500 is the dividing line between Hottentots and
Bantu, 80
Umyambosi, son of Umtetwa : is credited by the Abatetwa as the inventor of
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iron weapons, the maker of copper ornaments, and the introducer of
millet as food, 60
Umzila, son of Manikusa: account of, 449 and 450
Vambe, Bantu tribe: mention of, 801
de Vasconcellos, Mattheus Mendes, factor at Melinde: mention of, 268
Vases: are made by Bantu from scrapings of skins, 91
Vatvrahs (Abagaza) : mention of, 431 and 432
Veloso, Femfto: adventure of with Hottentots at Saint Helena Bay, 140
Venice: position of at the beginning of the sixteenth century, 128
Verhoeff , Pieter Willemszoon : siege of Mozambique by, 828 to 381
Vessels, Mohamedan trading: description of, 111
Vibo, Bantu chief: mention of, 299
Victoria, Dutch vessel: voyages to Inhambane of, 417
Victoria Falls on the Zambesi: are discovered by the reverend Dr^
Livingstone, 447
Viragune, Bantu chief : mention of, 301
van Waerwyk, Wybrand : mention of, 820
Water spirits: are believed in by Bantu, 48
War: a factor in man's progress, 4
Weapons: of Bushmen, 11; of Hottentots, 22 and 28; of Bantu, 86, 86,.
and 89
de Weert, Sebald : mention of, 320
Whales: in the winter are abundant in South African waters, 882
Whaling: carried on by English, Americans, and Portuguese at Delagoa.
Bay, 426 and 480
Widows of men of rank : treatment by Bantu of, 45
Witchcraft : belief in by Bantu, 52, 57, 58, 226, 242, and 245
Witchfinders : mention of, 49 and 58
Wives of Bantu : particulars concerning, 88
Women: position among the Hottentots of, 26; among the Bantu of, 70,.
74, 77, 92, 98, and 95
Wood: articles made by the Bantu of, 90
Wrecks: of the 8do Jodo, 277, of the SOo Bento, 282; of the Santiago, 290;
of the SOo ThonU, 291 ; of the Santo Alberto, 295 ; of the SOo Oongdh,.
877 ; of the Nosm Senhora de Belem, 879
Xavier, Major Gardas: is in command of Portuguese volunteers in 1891 in
the action with British police, 460
Zaide, a descendant of Mohamed: settles with his followers in Eastern
Africa, 107
Zakoeja, sheik of Mozambique in 1498 : particulars concerning, 145
Zambesi Biver: description of the delta of, 119; commerce of the delta, 291;
the river is followed by Dr. Livingstone from the heart of the continent
to the sea, 447 ; the free navigation of is secured by treaty, 462
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502 History of South Africa.
Zunbucos, trading veaaelB : desoription of, HI
Zanzibar, isliMaLd of: description of, 116; is made tributary to Portugal by
Ray Louuen^o Bavaaoo, 168; insorreotion quelled at, 287; withdrawal of
. Portuguese from, 414
Zimbabwe: plaoe of residence of a Bantu dhief, 315
Zimbabwe, Great: description of, lOfi and 106
Zimbas (Masimba), cannibal horde : account of, 968
Zumbo, trading and mt^on station: particulars concerning, 401 and 444
LONDON; PEINTED BY WILLUM CLOWES AND SONS, UMITMD,
DDKB STltEET, STAMFORD STREXT, 9.B., AXD GREAT WIKDXILL 8TRSST, W.
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