35
119167
fry Mattlmc H. ftnttly
B
enjamm
ON
HOOSIER WARRIOR
Through the Civil War Years
1833-1865
HARRY J. SIEVERS, S.J.
Introduction by HILTON U. BROWN
UNIVERSITY PUBLISHERS INCORPORATED
New York
Copyright (7) 1952, 1960, by the Arthur Jordan Foundation.
All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced,
in whole or in part (except by reviewers 1'or the public-
press), without written permission from the publishers.
For information, write University Publishers Inc.,
59 East 54th Street, New York 22, N. Y.
SKCONl) KDITION (RKVISKD)
Library of C Congress Catalog Card Number: Go-i 1*7 1 i .
Manufactured in the United States of America.
Printed by Alroy Priming Co., Inc., New York.
To my mother
and, the abiding memory of
my father
Acknowledgments
WRITING BIOGRAPHY can be the greatest intellectual fun in the
world. Add to it the spirit of a pioneer, intent upon blazing a new
trail, and you have the attractive side of authorship. There is,
however, the drudgery side. "Of making many books," observed
the writer of Ecclesiastes, "there is no end." Indeed, without the
helping hands of hundreds, writing and research could be a toil-
some bore. With alacrity, then, I turn to the pleasant task of
acknowledgments.
The traditionally efficient and courteous co-operation ex-
tended to me at the Library of Congress has been an unmixed
blessing. To Dr. Luther Evans, Librarian of Congress, and to his
staff I owe a debt twice as great as I can mention. Particular
thanks are due to Mr. David C. Mearns, chief of the Division of
Manuscripts, and to the following members of his able staff: Miss
Katherine Brand, Dr. Charles C. Powell, Dr. Elizabeth McPher-
son, Mr. John de Porry, Mrs. Dorothy Eaton, Mr. Arthur Young,
and Mrs. Elizabeth Fitzpatrick Gerrity.
In the National Archives, Mr. Wayne Grover and a whole host
of courteous archival assistants rendered me invaluable service.
In the Indiana State Library, for me a research home second
only to the Library of Congress, I wish to express my appreciation
of tide helpful courtesies shown me by Mrs. Hazel Hopper, Lila
Brady, and their competent aides in the Indiana Division. Miss
Caroline Dunn, director of the William Henry Smith Memorial
Library, has never been too busy to lend an effective and willing
hand. The same must be said of Margaret Pearson, archivist, and
Harold Burton, curator of newspapers.
At Georgetown University, the head librarian, Mr. Phillips
Temple, and the loan librarian, Miss Emily Weems, have made
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
every eflrort to secure countless books, reports, and unpublished
monographs covering the Harrison era.
Among other institutions whose kindly co-operation has
speeded this volume to completion I must mention the Wiscon-
sin State Historical Society, the Chicago Historical Society, the
Lincoln National Life Foundation of Fort Wayne, Indiana, the
Hayes Memorial Library of Fremont, Ohio, and the Historical,
Memorial and Art Department of Iowa (Dcs Moines). In this
latter depository, Claude R. Cook, curator, extended to me
privileges that warm the heart of a research scholar. Likewise, the
New York State Historical Society, as well as the public libraries
in New York and Indianapolis, rendered me able assistance.
In the Miami University Library, Oxford, Ohio, I owe a debt
of gratitude to E. W. King, genial and efficient librarian, for
materials and illustrations without compare. Also, I wish to
acknowledge the warm hospitality and scholarly help of Profes-
sor William J. McNiff, head of Miami's History Department.
As this biography evolved from the research to the writing
stage I became increasingly more conscious of a rapidly growing
debt to a multitude of friends and advisers. Dr. Charles CaJlan
Tansill, distinguished author and scholar, has been mentor and
friend every inch of the way. For personal help, encouragement,
and an unstinting surrender of his time, I thank him most cor-
dially. At Georgetown University also there have been innumer-
able Jesuit colleagues ever ready with valuable assistance. By a
patient reading and criticism of my manuscript they more than
once emboldened my spirit. With a deep sense of gratitude I
acknowledge my indebtedness to Rev. Joseph T. Durkin, SJ.,
and to Rev. Edmund A. Walsh, SJ. To Rev. J. Hunter Guthrie,
S J., President, of Georgetown, and to Rev. Gerard K. Yates, SJ.,
dean of the Graduate School of Georgetown, I express my thanks
for encouragement along the way.
Although Washington, D. C, was the literary birthplace of
Hoosier Warrior, many of the growing pains were experienced
on the soil of Indiana- Absolutely essential to the completion of
this volume have been the generous assistance and constant
encouragement of the Arthur Jordan Foundation of Indianapo
lis. From this group of public-spirited citizens came my commis-
sion to give Harrison his place under the sun. The devotion of
each member of the Jordan board to this project has been vital
viii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
to its completion and inspiring to this writer. In no way, however,
has the board restricted the author's obligation to write as he
believed the documentary evidence warranted. Imbued with a
spirit of public service, the Jordan Foundation has provided
secretarial assistance and a broad opportunity for important
archival research in places near and far. Here they stopped.
Neither salary nor censorship had a part in this biography. I feel
certain that Mr. Hilton IL Brown, chairman of the board, and
his associates, Mr. Bernard R. Batty, Mr. Thomas H. Kaylor,
Mr. H. Foster Clippinger, Mr. Fermor S. Cannon, Mr. Evan
Walker, and Mr. Emsley W. Johnson, Jr., all know how pro-
foundly I appreciate their loyal assistance and constant backing.
There is but one regret. On April 12, 1950, death claimed Mr.
Emsley W. Johnson, Sr., who was then serving as vice-chairman
of the Jordan board. As a competent historian, a keen lawyer, and
a personal friend, he manifested an extraordinary interest in
every line of the biography then in progress. It is a distinct honor
to be able to pay my respects to his memory.
At the President Benjamin Harrison Memorial Home in
Indianapolis, I have found nothing but kindness and co-opera-
tion. Mrs. Ruth Woodworth, charming hostess, has spent many
an hour showing and telling me about the General's house. Here
I uncovered treasures in stacks of personal and family letters,
not to mention a goodly number of the photographs and paint-
ings which grace this volume. Also, to Mr. Gerald V. Carrier, of
the Jordan College of Music, the institution adjacent to the
home, I express my thanks.
Southern Indiana is the home of West Baden College. Here
many a debt of gratitude is owed to innumerable Jesuit col-
leagues. Rev. Charles H. Metzger, S.J., professor of history and
experienced critic, has read the entire manuscript. His encour-
agement during laborious days has been most welcome. Rev. Leo
D. Sullivan, S.J., President of West Baden College, has consis-
tently shown a spirit of interest, accommodation, and encourage-
ment. Acknowledgments to other confreres of the cloth would
read like items in the long Homeric catalogue of ships. In globe,
I express deep appreciation and warm thanks for a charity that
reflects that of the Master.
It is a pleasure for the author to record an enormous debt to
Dr. Louis M. Sears of Purdue University, Freeman Cleaves of the
ix
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Financial World, and Thomas R. Byrne, Jr., who have read much
or all of this volume in manuscript and have given invaluable
suggestions. Likewise, to Professor Howard K. Beale of the
University of Wisconsin and to Professor Roy F. Nichols of
the University of Pennsylvania, I express cordial appreciation
for allowing galleys to pass under their eyes. The editorial sug-
gestions of Dr. James Tobin of Queens College have served me
well. With gratitude I acknowledge his assistance.
Scores of personal friends throughout the country have been
at my elbow witli services too numerous to mention and with
encouragement unrestrained. I should like to mention at least
the following: Mr. and Mrs. Bernard F. Gallagher, Mrs. Thomas
A. Murphy, Dr. Lcland Sage, Dr. Edward A. White, Rev. Herbert
J. Clancy, S.J., Mr. and Mrs. Joseph A. McGowan, Rt. Rev. Msgr.
Lester V. Lyons, Rev. Cornelius Gall, Rev. Paul F. Hans, Miss
Ellen T. Becker, Rev. Bartholomew Fair, Rev. John Tracy Ellis,
Mrs. Margaret Connolly, Miss Margaret Mary cluFicf, Miss
Roberta Burke, Mr. Joseph Simmons, Mr. Nicholas Devcreaux,
Mrs. Anna Marie Kane, Dr. James Masterson, Misses Margaret
and Katharine Fenncll, Mr. and Mrs. A. William Douglas, Mr.
and Mrs. A. Donald Brice, Mr. and Mrs. Kdward J. Lanagan,
Mr. and and Mrs. Matthew K. McCarthy, Mr. and Mrs. William
Angilly, Mother Philip Neri, B.S., and Rev. J. B. Tcnnelly. To
countless others I can only mention, not express, my gratitude.
Finally, at the close of this litany, I wish to express my sincere
appreciation to Very Rev. John J. McMahon, S.J., Provincial of
the New York Province of the Society of Jesus. Without his en-
dorsement, hearty co-operation, and consistent encouragement,
I could not have completed this volume.
Only a secretary like Betty Pershing of Washington, I). C., can
describe what an author owes to a good right hand. She typed
the manuscript without protest at my penmanship or at the
tired tones emanating from my Dictaphone-Time Master.
In acknowledgment of an eternally unpayable debt, I dedicate
this volume to my mother and to the abiding memory of my
father.
HARRY J. SIKVKRS, s.j,
West Baden College
West Baden Springs, Indiana
May 24, 1952
Introduction
BENJAMIN HARRISON was the twenty-third president of the
United States. Although he has been Indiana's sole contribution
to the presidential office, the Hoosier atmosphere goes back to his
grandfather who was the first governor of Indiana Territory.
"Ben" was the favored Christian name in the Harrison house-
hold, including the "Ben" who was a signer of the Declaration
of Independence and other "Bens" in colonial and English his-
tory. After his military service in the Civil War, "Ben" was fre-
quently referred to as "General" by his old comrades-in-arms,
and this appellation gradually came into wide use.
Harrison's life was a record of steady advancement. As a young
lawyer he became one of the leaders of the Indiana bar through
untiring industry, unusual intellectual ability, and constant ad-
herence to the best legal traditions of his state. In the Union
Army, with no previous military experience, he displayed an
aptitude for leadership that won for him a commission of brig-
adier general. It was in the army that he first showed a personal
magnetism that made men follow him without question and that
transformed the 7oth Indiana Volunteer Regiment into one of
the best disciplined units in the armies of the West.
Harrison had a notable academic record. At Miami Uni-
versity he revealed intellectual gifts far above the average, and
his assiduous study of the law while residing in Cincinnati pro-
vided him with the background for a legal career. He married
early and was particularly fortunate in having a wife who ful-
filled all the requirements of an ideal helpmate. With all these
factors in his favor it was inevitable that he would command
success when barely twenty-onehe settled in Indianapolis, the
new, raw, straggling capital of Indiana.
There is little doubt that his family background helped to
mold Harrison. Descendant of an important family that had
always played a significant role in the making of America, he was
XI
INTRODUCTION
ever conscious of the fact that he should live up to the great
traditions that had been established, but he always said that
ancestry itself did not make the man and that he wanted no
credit on that score. "Grandfather's hat," which the cartoonists
were fond of drawing, was not too big for a head that had grown
large with the knowledge of America's past and the bright prom-
ise of its future, but "Ben" had his own hatter. John Philip
Sousa once shrewdly remarked: "Few intellectual giants have
graced the presidency, but General Harrison was one of them
The most brilliant speech I have ever heard was one he delivered
at the Gridiron Club dinner."
Harrison had far more than mere intellectual brilliance he
had character. There was certain firmness in his make-up that
defied political pressure even when it was applied by men of
considerable importance in the Republican Party. There was
also a balance that placed him above mere partisanship.
When he knew he was right no one could dislodge him. When
he was once convinced of the law and the facts he settled solidly
into a conviction and could not be moved. In politics he was a
leader, not a follower* Tins was clearly demonstrated with refer-
ence to the appointment of Mr. Brewer to the Supreme Court,
as related by William Allen White. Harrison had already de-
cided upon the nomination of Brewer when Senator Preston B.
Plumb made a call at the White House and, without ascertain-
ing Harrison's feelings in the matter, abruptly demanded the
nomination of Brewer. lie was enraged when Harrison gave
him no assurances regarding the nomination, and he went away
muttering imprecations against the impassive president. After
Plumb left the White House, Harrison put the finishing touches
upon the nomination and sent it to the Senate. He afterwards
remarked: "I think one of the great moral victories of my life
came when I put that commission back on my desk after Plumb
left and conquered a despicable temptation to tear it up and
throw it in the wastcbasket."
It has long been evident that such an important personality
deserved an adequate biography. Several attempts were made,
but the official four-years' records of the administration had been
lost, and the biographers were blocked. But at last Mr. Frank
Tibbott, Harrison's private secretary, found the notes and tubes
that he had made during the administration and was able to re-
xii
INTRODUCTION
produce some twenty-five thousand letters and documents that
had vanished. These were placed by the second Mrs. Harrison
in the Library of Congress and became available. Of course,
there were many incidents and records besides these that would
be needed for a comprehensive biography. The situation im-
pressed the Arthur Jordan Foundation, which had purchased the
Harrison home. Some of the directors of the Foundation had
known General Harrison personally, and they ardently believed
that his contributions to the American theory of government
should be made familiar to Americans. So they sought an his-
torian.
After a long search, the Foundation selected Dr. Harry J. Siev-
ers, at Georgetown University, Washington, D. C., who is a stu-
dent of this period of American history, and commissioned him to
write the life of Harrison. For three years he has worked untir-
ingly in the Harrison manuscripts and in other pertinent col-
lections. In this first volume of the biography, he recounts the
story of Harrison's youth, his rise as a leader of the Indiana bar,
his distinguished service in the Union Army, and his return to
civil life in Indianapolis. It is a volume that lights up some of the
dark years. It is also a volume that stresses a familiar theme the
rise of a young man from relative obscurity to the highest position
in the nation. It is a typical American story, filled with items of
human interest that make it good reading. Finally, it is a com-
mentary on Americanism. Above all, Harrison was an intense
American who never deviated from the faith of the founding
fathers. His ancestors had helped to make America, and he con-
tinued its principles and traditions. None of our presidents en-
tered the White House with a clearer vision of the great America
of the future, and none strove any harder to make that vision a
reality. Thisi book puts Benjamin Harrison on his proper pedestal
as Indiana's first citizen.
HILTON U. BROWN
Chairman of the Board
Arthur Jordan Foundation
Indianapolis
June, 19521
viii
Preface
to the Second Edition
BENJAMIN HARRISON'S STATUE in University Park, Indianapolis,
bears this inscription on its base:
"GREAT LIVES Do NOT Go OUT. THEY Go ON."
These words, Indiana's memorial to her adopted son and first
citizen, were uttered by Harrison himself a year and a half before
he left the White House. On his fifty-eighth birthday, August
20, 1891, he visited Mount McGregor, New York, where death
claimed General Grant in 1885. After dinner, President Harri-
son spoke briefly to those in his party, memorializing the great
Union general who had twice been President of the United
States:
"We are gathered here/' he said, "in a spot which is historic.
This mountain has been fixed in the affectionate and reverent
memory of all our people and has been glorified by the death on
its summit of Gcu. Ulysses S. Grant. It is fit that that great spirit
that had already lifted its fame to a height unknown in American
history should take its (light from this mountain-top. It has been
said that a great life went out here; but great lives, like that of
General Grant, do not go out. They go on/'
After Harrison's own death in 1901, his life was epitomized in
the simple words carved in stone on his monument:
B E N J A M.I N HARRISON
A C I T I /. K N FAIT 11 V V I, T O
K V K R Y (> K 1. I <; A T I <> N
A I, A W Y K K OK DISTINCTION
A V O I, U N T K K R S O M> 1 K R IN
T tl K WAR V O R T II K UNION
A S K N A T O R IN C O N G R K S S
T II K T W K N T Y - T II I R I>
I'RKSIDKNT OK TIIK
UNIT K I) S T A T K ,S
XV
PREFACE
Monuments do not ensure, however, that a man's life will "go
on." Such immortality is the gift of History. Why, then, has she
neglected Benjamin Harrison, who, as proclaimed on his memo-
rial, "represented what is best in public and private life," leaving
history and textbook writers to draw their conclusions from the
comment of his political opponents and to write him down as an
able but cold, unsympathetic individual with a strange gift for
unpopularity? Of serious biographies there have been none since
1888, when his lifelong friend, General Lew Wallace, of Ben-
Hur fame, dashed off his spirited Life of Ben Harrison for use
during the presidential campaign.
It has been assumed that Harrison's life was dull, notwith-
standing his three years' service in the Union Army and his
nation-wide fame as a fiery courtroom lawyer and spellbinding
stump speaker in state and national campaigns. Modest to an
extreme, rarely goaded into self-explanation, content to let "the
office seek the man," Benjamin Harrison has remained a shadow,
while others less gifted have captured the public imagination.
Yet here was a man who remained a model of incorruptibility in
an age of political chicanery, one who, according to Benjamin
Franklin Tracy, was a "genial companion, a tender, great-
hearted man."
The fact is that from the very year of his death many men
skilled in political and biographical writings were eager to
undertake the task of committing Harrison's life to paper. Pri-
vate papers, letters, and political memoranda abounded, and inti
mate friends and contemporaries offered to co-operate with any
chosen biographer.
Not until ijMfl, however, forty-four years after Harrison's
death, was the vast collection of Harrison papers made available
to any but a selected few. The almost unbelievable chain of
circumstances that created this unfortunate situation forms a
story that for various reasons could not be told in its entirely
until u)f><>, when this second edition of the first volume of the
long-delayed Harrison biography is being readied lor press.
It seems to this writer only fair to Harrison's memory that the
reasons for his obvious neglect should be set lorth at this first
opportunity. Accordingly, the following pajjes of this new pref-
ace contain the story behind this belated appearance of a biog-
raphy of Benjamin Harrison.
xvi
PREFACE
Two months after Harrison's death in 1901, Everard F.
("Frank") Tibbott, his faithful private secretary, was first to at-
tempt a biography of the former President. His experience as
White House Secretary from 1889 to 1893, coupled with his
earlier experience as an Associated Press reporter, marked Frank
Tibbott as competent for the job. In addition, he enjoyed the
confidence of many of Harrison's personal and political friends.
Foremost among these was De Alva Stanwood Alexander, still
serving what was to be a 1 4-year period as U.S. Congressman
from New York's Buffalo district.
Alexander knew the real Harrison better than most. They had
first met in Indiana in the early 1870*5, shortly after Alexander,
the younger of the two, left Maine to become owner-editor of
the Fort Wayne Daily Gazette. Three years later, the 28-year-old
newspaperman moved to Indianapolis, where he and Harrison
met frequently in the courts and soon became fast friends. In
1876, as Secretary to the Indiana State Republican Committee
(1874-78), a post Harrison had held at a similar age, Alexander
worked feverishly throughout the General's unsuccessful cam-
paign for the Hoosier governorship. In 1881, when Harrison
went to Washington as Senator, he secured Alexander's appoint-
ment as Fifth Auditor of the Treasury, and their friendship
continued.
In reply to a letter from Frank Tibbott, Congressman Alex-
ander expressed his complete willingness to help with the Harri-
son biography. "1 knew him most intimately, as you know," he
reminded Tibbott. "There were several years when he talked to
me in the most confidential manner . . . during the first four
years he was in the Senate, when I was about the only person in
Washington with whom he held those relations of confidence."
Thus, in May 1901, an early, definitive biography of Harrison
sec* ued assured.
The pressure of business and failing health prevented Tibbott
from writing, however, and early in 1904 he turned his notes
over to another well-qualified volunteer. This was John L.
Griffiths, an Indiana lawyer who had stumped the state both for
and with Harrison, and who had followed in his steps as Indiana
Supreme Court Reporter.
Again Harrison's friends rallied in support of the project.
According to the late Hilton U. Brown, distinguished American
xvii
PREFACE
newspaperman, "all of the public and personal documents . . .
necessary to the accuracy and completeness of the job" were now
entrusted to Griffiths. Mr. Brown himself stood by to help with
personal recollections dating back to 1888, when as cub reporter
lor the Indianapolis News he had covered Harrison's presiden-
tial campaign.
D. S. Alexander, interrupting his own writing labors, set about
preparing further and more detailed memoranda for Griffiths'
use. The latter, meanwhile, approached his task with the greatest
optimism. On April 22, 1904, in a White House meeting with
President Theodore Roosevelt, he remarked confidently that
"the work will require about a year and a half, I think/ 1
For a full decade then/after, Griffiths occupied an acknowl-
edged position as Harrison's official biographer, possessed of all
relevant papers and the continued assistance ol the late Presi-
dent's friends. From 1905 onward, however, his time and talents
seem to have been claimed by the diplomatic service. Through
out Theodore Roosevelt's administration, he served as American
consul at Liverpool; later, under President Tall, he became
consu I -general at London. Busy with his consular duties, ho
made little or no headway with the biography, despite the fact
that in Hjitt fie received the invaluable data compiled by (Ion
gross man Alexander. This had boon twi* checked I'oi accuracy,
first by William II. II. Mil lor, Harrison's former law partner
and Attorney General (iSScj <)$}, then by Louis T. Mi< honor,
Harrison's political mentor, (ho man behind his rise to the
presidency.
Then, on May 17, I<H.J, John L. Griffiths died in London,
thus ending the second attempt to produc o a file of f {art ison.
Perhaps the most disappointed of those who had given help to
Griffiths was Mary Lord Harrison, the General's widow by ;i sot
ond marriage. She had boon piomisod a < otnpleted m:nms< ript
by the ond of the summer of I;HI, alter which she* planned to
deposit the presidential papers in the Library of Congress. These
were now with Griffiths' elfec ts in London.
The first concern of Mrs. Harrison and family adviseis was to
find another biographer. Do Alva S. Alexander, an obvious
choice, was already committed to the writing of his four volume
work, The Poll I i ml llktory <>/ ////> State of AV<< Ytn/t, No one
was more disturbed than he at the situation created by Griffiths'
xviii
PREFACE
death. On July 6, 1914, he confided his fears to W. H. H. Miller
I am disturbed about the Harrison biography not the writing o
it, but the accumulation of material. Men who know incidents an
dying, and in a lew years at most no one will be left who possesse
personal knowledge. Jt will then be hearsay, and "hearsay" makes
poor history. It is the "inside" that one wants, and such informatior
doesn't usually get into contemporary papers or letters.
As far as he could learn, he told Miller,
Mr. Griffiths did not possess first knowledge of President Harrison'*
relations with prominent men or how he handled matters that came
from Congress or from State and other departments.
Out of his own experience as political historian, he went on to
stress the point that
an author cannot know in advance just what he will want. The need
of additional unpublished, inside information arises every day. . . .
Such information is not likely to be discovered in Harrison's private
letters, for unlike George William Curtis, he had no fid us Achates
to whom he unbosomed himself. Nor did he fill a diary like John
Quincy Adams or fames K. Polk with his likes and dislikes, his
troubles and his venom. From men living, therefore, must "the spice"
be drawn, and sufficient time has now elapsed Lo let it come without
fear or favor. I know his relations with Senator Morton, his feeling
toward Plait, and Plait's feeling toward him, and they inure to the
glory of Harrison.
The Congressmen), closed his letter with the hope that
Mrs. Harrison, or whoever is his literary exmitor, will take immedi-
ate steps and ihc necessary care to put the work into the hands of
someone qualified to collect ihc material if not to paint the picture.
Mrs. Harrison, meanwhile, had failed to persuade General
John W. Foster, who had been Harrison's Secretary of Stale
(iHj)s>-<)3), to replace Griflilhs, whose death, the widow admitted,
"has put me in a quandary about General Harrison's biography."
At this point, late in 1914, Mrs. Harrison turned for counsel
to Gaillard Hunt, himself a writer, then Chief of the Division of
Manuscripts at the Library of Congress. Hunt, had come 1 to New
York to confer with her on the problem of retrieving the Harri-
son papers from London for deposit in the Library. When the
question of Grittiths' successor was discussed, be agreed with her,
General Foster, and Miller that an excellent, choice would be
Senator Theodore K. Burton of Ohio, author of the Life of John
PREFACE
Sherman and due to retire from public office the following
March 4.
Hunt approached the senator on Mrs. Harrison's behalf and
found him entirely willing to become the late President's biog-
rapher. There was one fly in the ointment, however. Burton
planned a trip to South America and Australia and proposed that
he start the work on shipboard. Since this obviously implied that
the Harrison papers would travel with him, Mrs. Harrison with-
drew her offer, stating confidentially that "under no circum-
stances would I be willing to have any of the material go out of
the country again! I have had my experience and my anxiety
about that." Furthermore, a rumor was abroad that the Ohio
senator might become a presidential candidate in 1916. The
upshot of the matter was that Burton sailed without the papers
and Mrs. Harrison and Hunt renewed their search for a biog-
rapher. Meanwhile, the mass of Harrison manuscripts was de-
posited in the Library of Congress under the stipulation that
without Mrs. Harrison's express permission "no one is allowed
access to any of the papers."
During the following decade (1915-25), not only the first
World War but the failure of Mrs. Harrison and Hunt to agree
upon a suitable biographer prevented the work from being
started. The former insisted that she "must have a sympathetic
writer" preferably "one of General Harrison's contemporaries,
a public man and a writer." The names suggested by Hunt, who
had felt that "it would be comparatively easy to secure a prac-
ticed historical writer and scholar," were either t<x> little or too
well known to elicit enthusiasm from the widow and her advisers.
Months of correspondence, indecision, and delays went by, while
the Harrison papers remained inaccessible to the public.
Willing to undertake the task were the following seasoned
writers: Charles Williams, biographer of Rutherford B. Hayes;
William Roscoe Thayer, who wrote the lives of John Hay and
Theodore Roosevelt; James Albert Woodburn, professor of his-
tory at Indiana University and author of a creditable life of
Thaddeus Stevens; Paul Lelancl Hay worth, of West Newton,
Indiana, novelist and historian, strongly rec'ommended to Mrs.
Harrison by Professor William A. Dunning, of Columbia
University.
Not until December 18, 1926, when De Alva S. Alexander had
XX
PREFACE
been two years dead, was an official biographer finally settled
upon. On that day the Indianapolis News carried the following
headline:
A. T. VOLWIJLER To WRITE HARRISON BIOGRAPHY.
WITTENBERG COLLEGE PROFESSOR SELECTED
FOR TASK. MUCH MATERIAL READY.
Seventeen months before this public announcement, Professor
Volwiler had approached die Library of Congress with an in-
quiry as to whether or not anyone was then making use of the
Harrison manuscripts. His correspondent was J. C. Fitzpatrick,
Assistant Chief of the Division of Manuscripts, who, on May 26,
1925, replied in the negative, adding the following explanation:
Mrs. Mary Lord Harrison has been trying for a long time to find
someone satisfactory to herself to write the biography of President
Harrison; and we understand that until she is successful in discover-
ing the proper author, the Benjamin Harrison Papers will be, as
always, withheld from investigation. Permission always has to be
obtained from Mrs. Harrison to see any of these papers, and only in
very rare instances and in a very restricted sense has it been permitted
investigators to see any of them.
Upon receipt of this intriguing information, Professor Vol-
wiler evidently introduced himself to Mrs. Harrison through the
proper channels and won her approval as the new official biog-
rapher. The details behind his appointment would carry this
preface far beyond any conventional length; suffice it to say that
Mrs. Harrison's choice was supported by recommendations of
Volwiler from such notable scholars as Clarence W. Alvord, Her-
bert E. Bolton, William E. Dodd, Worthington C. Ford,
J. Franklin Jameson, and St. George L. Sioussat, The Harrison
papers were placed at Volwiler '$ disposal and, as noted in the late
Hilton U. Brown's autobiography, "a group of friends of Gen-
eral Harrison subscribed a substantial fund" to permit sabbatical
leisure for the professor.
Almost from the beginning, Volwiler seemed to be plagued
by various difficulties. First of all, in spite of the voluminous file
of papers, letters, and documents, including the data supplied
for Griffiths by Congressman Alexander, he began to feel "handi-
capped by the want of official documents." At this critical junc-
ture, Everard F. Tibbott reappeared on the scene. Called from
xxi
PREFACE
his retirement in Chesterville, Maine, by Volwiler, he visited the
Library of Congress to identify his old stenographic notebooks.
With Mrs. Harrison's permission, he had these shipped to his
rural retreat in order to transcribe them for Volwiler's use.
There were some "4,000 pages of shorthand notes, cooled to the
extent of thirty-five years," in the collection, representing letters
and confidential communications dictated by President Harrison
and addressed to diplomats, public officials, and political friends
in America and abroad.
During the summer of 1928, in spite of poor health and sight
in only one eye, Frank Tibbott worked on the transcription of
his notes, "dictating 4,000 pages . . . and supervising the typing
of some 7,000 letters/' The enormous job finished, he spent sev-
eral days with Professor Volwiler, explaining the background
and significance of the transcripts. This done, a major roadblock
had been removed from the uneasy biographer's path.
Other still living friends of Harrison also came to Volwiler's
assistance. Colonel Elijah W. Halford, former editor of the
Indianapolis Journal and Harrison's private secretary during the
presidency (1889-93), read him the diary he had kept while in
the latter position. Louis T. Michener, still practicing law in
Washington, devoted long hours to discussing Harrison with
Volwiler, and prepared for him detailed memoranda covering
important and little known particulars of Harrison's political
career: his presidential candidacy, nomination, election, and ad-
ministration. At this time also, Volwiler obtained for the Library
of Congress, and his own use, the huge manuscript collection of
Benjamin Franklin Tracy, the prominent New York attorney
who had been Harrison's intimate friend and Secretary of the
Navy (1889-93). No longer could a biographer fed unduly
"handicapped," although, understandably, he might fed sub-
merged.
Nevertheless, the decade of the thirties passed, World War II
came and ended, and still no biography of Harrison appeared.
The Hoosier president had notv been dead for over forty years.
On April 24, 1945, for reasons that lie buried with Mrs.
Harrison and Professor Volwiler, the latter's special privilege as
sole researcher in the Harrison papers was withdraxvn. For the
first time since Harrison's death, the collection was declared
"generally open for the use of students."
xxii
PREFACE
Under this generous ruling of "use without restriction/' the
present biographer first saw the Harrison manuscripts in the fall
of 1948, and one year later accepted a commission from the
Arthur Jordan Foundation of Indianapolis to write a definitive
biography of our twenty-third President. Unfortunately, by this
time D. S. Alexander's warning had been fulfilled: death had
claimed nearly all who had known Harrison intimately. More-
over, it was soon learned that a serious gap existed in the Harri-
son collection: most of the first Mrs. Harrison's letters had been
destroyed. Fortunately, the discovery of her diary in 1950 par-
tially filled this void.
In 1952, Benjamin Harrison: Hoosier Warrior was published
as Volume I of a three-volume work, carrying Harrison's life
from his Ohio birth through his service in the Union Army
(1833 to 1 86s). Volume II, published in 1959 as Benjamin Harri-
son: Hoosier Statesman, recounts the events leading to Harri-
son's election to the Presidency. While the final volume,
Benjamin Harrison: Hoosier President, is being completed, this
second edition of Volume I has been published by University
Publishers.
Thus, after many false starts and much vacillation, it has
at last been assured that a full-scale biography of Benjamin
Harrison will be available to those who have wondered why none
has been written. To this writer, he has emerged as a man of
great moral courage and unbending principles. Indeed, as
Alexander wrote W. H. H. Miller in 1914, "he was a statesman-
moving on lines of pure principle, hating evil and practicing
sincerity and absolute honesty," a statement fully supported by
Henry Adams' autobiographical comment: "Mr. Harrison was
an excellent President, a man of ability and force; perhaps the
best President the Republican Party had put forward since
Lincoln's death."
Finally, after a dozen years of research and writing, it is the
humble hope of this biographer that the portrait he has drawn
of Benjamin Harrison may help make sure that the life of this
great and good man will indeed "go on."
HARRY J. SIEVERS, s.j.
Bellarmine College
Plattsburgh, New York
xxiii
Contents
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vii
INTRODUCTION xi
PREFACE xv
I IN RETROSPECT 3
Centennial President ... A Preview (1789-1889) The Solemn
Moment The Inaugural Parade A New Republican Lead-
er Roots of Character A Debt to the Past An Ancestral
Strain of Belligerency Benjamin Harrison, the Signer (1726-
91) "Old Tippecanoe ""Opening up the West "John Scott
Harrison, Son of One President and Father of Another Mrs.
John Scott Harrison -Married Life at "The Point "
II PIONEER BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS 20
The Point Farm -Carefree Days -The Family Circle Log
Cabin Schooling Grandfather Harrison's Library A Quiet
Sabbath and the Golden Book At Farmers' College The
Spirit of Fanners' College: Dr. Robert Hamilton Bishop
Curriculum and Discipline Laying up a Wardrobe of the
Mind Sociological Beginnings Roots of Charity The Art
of Writing -The Art of Reading -Seeds of Patriotism On
the Home Front (1847-50) Letters from Home Farewell to
Farmers' College
III LOVE, LEARNING, AND LAW 46
Matriculation at Miami University "Daughter of the Old
Northwest "Rigorous Routine How to Win Friends and
Influence People A Widening Circle of College Friends
Off-Campus Activity and On-Campus Diversions "The Pious
Moonlight Dude "New Frontiers of Knowledge Temper-
ance: No Life Spent in the Service of King Alcohol Ben's
First Elective Office Religious Conversion Prelude to Grad-
uation: Eight Months of Conflict Ministry vs. Law Legal
Leanings Commencement Day
CONTENTS
IV THE BAR AND THE ALTAR 66
A Prelude to the Study of Law Bellamy Storer and the Ohio
Bar Law Student in Cincinnati The Grind at the Office
The Bewitchings of Cupid The Valley of Indecision Time
for Decision A Temporary Road-Block A Lover's Brief:
Objection Overruled Premarital Bliss Preoccupations and
Distractions The Road Ahead Admission to the Bar and
Indianapolis Bound,
V INDIANAPOLIS 88
Farewell to "The Point "Indiana and Indianapolis in the
1850*5 Hoosiers in Retrospect A Hoosier Welcome Self-
Reliance on a Maiden Voyage The Indiana Bar and a New
Breadwinner A Break at Last: Off to a Fair Start His First
Jury Trial Nothing Succeeds like Success The First Son Is
Born Taking a New Lease on Life Prelude to the Wallace
and Harrison Law Firm (1855-61) Enter Wallace and Harri-
sonRoutine Business: The Ladder Up Opportunity for
Advancement
VI THE POLITICAL ARENA 1 10
"Remember the Sabbath Day to Keep it Holy ""Membership
in the First Presbyterian Church "At the Edge of the Politi-
cal Arena Seeds of Republicanism The Nebraska Bill of
Mr. Douglas A New Party: Campaigning for Fremont Po-
litical Fortunes Rise First Elective Political Office: City At-
torney, 1857 Dutiful Son and Party Worker Secretary to the
State Republican Central Committee Prelude to 1860
VII THE CRITICAL YEARS, 1 860 AND 1861 135
The Abolition Fever Strikes Indiana Reporter Nomination
Falls to Harrison The Campaign Gets under Way Harri-
son's Debut: The Speech that Almost Failed -Harrison Held
Crowd . . . Stood with Lincoln The Campaign Continues , . .
Lincoln Nominated Democratic Dissension and the Con-
cluding Months of the Campaign Harrison Oversteps Him-
self Campaign Highlights: Harrison Tussles with Hendricks
xxvi
CONTENTS
VII (continued)
The Fruits of Victory Indiana and the Union Look to Lin-
coln Lincoln Speaks at Indianapolis . . . "Silence Is King":
A Memory for Benjamin Harrison Harrison Remembers
VIII THE CALL TO ARMS 162
The Urge to Volunteer Harrison Remains at Home Free-
dom for Work Sorrows and Joys Enter Harrison and Fish-
back A Good Investment The Varying Fortunes of War
Lincoln's Call for 300,000 More Soldiers . . . Second Lieuten-
ant Benjamin Harrison Recruiting Company A of Seventieth
Indiana Volunteers A Month of Preparation (July 14 Au-
gust 14, 1862) Departure of the Seventieth Indiana for the
Field
IX THE SOIL OF KENTUCKY 188
Colonel Harrison and the Seventieth Indiana Head for Ken-
tucky Camp Ben Harrison, Near Bowling Green, Kentucky
Camp Experiences A Prelude to Action "Our First Fight,"
Russellville, Kentucky Harrison Outwitted -"The Fire in
the Rear "
X ON SECESSIONIST GROUND: THE WAR IN TENNESSEE 212
New Commanders and New Scenes The "Land of Dixie":
An Old Role but New Players Tennessee Tenure Destined
to Disappointment Student Instructor in the Military Art
A Few Rungs up the Social Ladder Prologue to Atlanta: A
New Year Brings New Hope
XI IN THE FACE OF THE ENEMY 234
Moving to the Georgia Front Wauhatchie in Lookout Val-
ley Fighting Joe Hooker Assumes Command A Fight or a
Footrace On the Eve of the Battle of Resaca
XII THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN 247
Resaca The Aftermath and a Sobriquet In Pursuit of Elu-
sive Joe Johnston An Acting Brigade under Fire Cold Steel
at Peach Tree Creek Harrison Wears the "Lone Star": At-
lanta Falls
xxvii
CONTENTS
XIII TWIN TRIUMPHS: INDIANAPOLIS AND NASHVILLE 266
Riding the Wave of Success -A Pleasant Interlude -Revenge
by Ballot -Re-electing Mr. Lincoln -The Decision to Return
-The Battle of Nashville -Federals in Pursuit
XIV BRIGADIER GENERAL HARRISON AND
DESOLATED ROADS (JANUARY-APRIL 1865) 287
A Second Homecoming -Hors de Combat -Camp Sherman at
Blair's Landing Near Hilton Head -The March Through the
Carolinas
XV THE GRAND RJEVIEW (MAY-JUNE 1865) 300
From Raleigh, North Carolina to Washington, D. C-The
Grand Review -Mustering Out -Homeward Bound
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX 335
List of Illustrations
Frontispiece
Benjamin Harrison
between pages 34 and 35
The Inauguration of Benjamin Harrison, Centennial President,
March 4, 1889
The Inaugural Bible
Benjamin Harrison, Signer of the Declaration of Independence
William Henry Harrison, Ninth President of the United States
on page 64
Commencement Day Program, Miami University (Ohio), 1852
between pages 66 and 67
John Scott Harrison
Elizabeth Irwin Harrison
North Bend. The Residence of William Henry Harrison and the
Birthplace of Benjamin Harrison
Miami University Campus in the 1850*5
between pages 98 and 99
Cincinnati, 1868
Bird's-Eye View of Indianapolis, 1854
Pennsylvania Street, Indianapolis, 1854-1856
Ben Harrison's First Residence in Indianapolis
between pages 130 and 131
Ben Harrison's Second Residence in Indianapolis
The Old Bates House
Indianapolis During Early Days of the Civil War
Carrie and Colonel Ben Harrison, 1863
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
between pages 162, and 163
The Home Harrison Left Behind
Chattanooga Valley from Lookout Mountain
between pages 194 and 195
Map of the Atlanta Campaign
Map of the Territory South of Resaca, Georgia
Battleground of Resaca, Georgia
Lithograph (1889) of the Battle of Resaca
between pages 226 and 227
Pass in the Raccoon Ridge, Whiteside
Hero-Trio at Peach Tree Creek: Harrison, Ward, and Coburn
between pages 258 and 2.59
Confederate Works in Front of Atlanta
Ruins in Columbia, South Carolina, as Seen from the Capitol
Abraham Lincoln
State House, Indianapolis, 1865
between pages 290 and 291
The Grand Review Commences
Reviewing Stand in Front of Executive Mansion
The Grand Review from Fifteenth Street and
Pennsylvania Avenue
Mrs. Benjamin Harrison, 1865
End Papers
Tribute to Benjamin Harrison by Post No. 17, Grand Army
of the Republic, Indianapolis
o o
' en jam in Harrison
CHAPTER I
In Retrospect
ON MARCH 4, 1889, it rained in Washington. At six o'clock
in the morning it was drizzling, just as it Jiad for the last
five days. It rained in a leisurely, complacent way, as
though without effort. The first act of everyone was to go to the
windows and look out. It had poured so long that all took it for
granted that it must be clear today, but there was no mistaking
what was before the eye a leaden sky, with heavy clouds chasing
overhead.
By seven o'clock this March morning the capital of the United
States was literally saturated with music as for four days it had
been drenched with rain. 1 Martial strains stirred the souls of
close to half a million people, and soon their hearts beat a joyous
tempo in anticipation of the day's momentous event the cen-
tennial inauguration of a President of the United States. Music
ascended to the heavens from every corner of the town; it in-
vaded the alleyways; it searched the public buildings; it perme-
ated the hotels; it almost cleared the atmosphere.
At about seven-thirty there came a most welcome lull in the
five-day stretch of bad weather. It actually stopped raining. There
were thin spots in the sky through which the sun appeared to
be struggling. The wind freshened from the northeast, to be
sure, but with only strength enough to lift the dripping, sodden
pennants and flags, so that they took on a semblance of gaiety,
seemingly drying themselves. During the next two hours house-
ridden people swarmed into the streets, more than half-con-
1 There was excellent newspaper coverage of the inaugural ceremonies. See Vol-
ume 9, pp. 20-27, of the Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook Series (58 Vols.), entitled
"February 28, i888-iSeptember 18, 1890; Social and Personal and Political." Papers
of Benjamin Harrison (Library of Congress).
3
4 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
vinced that the rain hoodoo was laid to rest. But it was a false
hope that lured so many to the reviewing stands so early. At
nine-thirty the clouds opened their floodgates. It rained spite-
fully. It pelted down, driven this way and that by a raw, sharp
wind. It was a rain that forced its way into everything it touched
the kind that you feel in your bones. 2
The storekeepers who had been offering seats in their windows
for fifty cents and a dollar raised their prices to six dollars. Two
or three of the larger stands were roofed over; these were packed.
Although more than two hours passed before there was anything
to be seen, sightseers were all in their places by ten o'clock. They
stood three or four lines deep on either side of the Avenue, and
filled the stands and temporary scaffoldings, waiting patiently in
the soaking rain rather than lose a vantage place.
One century had been completed; a new dawn was breaking.
On thousands of faces there was a light generated by a proud
satisfaction with the past and a soaring hope for the future. This
was a milestone for Americans, were they Democrats or Repub-
licans, Northerners or Southerners. The people who lined the
Avenue down to the Capitol nourished their own visions of
grandeur. Born in the twenties, thirties and forties of the nine-
teenth century, these citizens had learned from their mothers
and fathers about men named Washington, Jefferson, and Ham-
ilton. Madison and Adams were still household words. Ten
decades of constitutional government were being memorialized
with the inauguration of General Benjamin Harrison as twenty-
third President of the United States.
Coming to the presidency in his mid-fifties, Benjamin Harri-
son found the nation at peace with all the world and the treasury
overflowing. Nor was the name of Harrison unknown in the an-
nals of American history. Many oldsters who took their places
in the inaugural crowd remembered vividly how General Wil-
liam Henry Harrison, hero of Tippecanoe, had, nearly half a
century ago, marched triumphantly down this Avenue and had
sworn the presidential oath. Among the crowd there was a grow-
2 Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook, Vol. 9, p. 38. Practically all the newspaper men
compared this inauguration day with that of President-elect Harrison's ill-fated
grandfather in 1841.
IN RETROSPECT 5
ing feeling "that the man on the quarter deck had inherited some
of the unadulterated blood that coursed in the veins of his grand-
father." 8 As the noon hour approached, the interest heightened
throughout the ranks of the expectant throng.
The crowds in the street kept up a constant cheering, shouting
the name of Harrison, and re-echoing the cry "Four, four, four
years more." Finally, the procession from the Senate got under
way, with Marshal Wright of the Supreme Court in the lead.
The traditional order of procession was preserved, and directly
behind the members of the Supreme Court and the Sergeant-
at-Arms of the Senate marched Senators Hoar and Cockrell. The
retiring President, Grover Cleveland, and the full-bearded Presi-
dent-elect 4 walked side by side.
It was well after one o'clock when Cleveland and Harrison
took their places in a small railed enclosure erected in front of
the inaugural stand so gaily bedecked with flags, banners and
shields. Everything within eye's reach was handsome with color.
The plaza in front of the Capitol, the adjacent sidewalks, por-
ticos, every place of vantage from which even a glimpse of the
presidential party could be obtained, were black with people.
When the crowd saw Harrison, there was a tremendous uproar.
Bursts of cheering were renewed again and again, and not until
the new President had several times raised his hand for silence
did the rousing reception abate.
Chief Justice Fuller arose and, baring his white locks to the
rain, held a Bible in his right hand to administer the oath of
office. General Harrison removed his hat. The Chief Justice read
the oath of office in a low tone of voice and Benjamin Harrison,
with his right hand clasping the Bible, bowed his head in assent. 5
When the ceremony was concluded, the silence was rent by an-
other tremendous burst of applause. Finally, the President, in
a manner deliberate and free of self-consciousness as if he were
3 Clem Studebaker to Benjamin Harrison, March 25, 1892, Harrison MSS, Vol.
138.
4 Harrison was the fourth President with a full beard. From Washington to Lin-
coln all the Presidents but two wore smooth-shaven faces. See the State (Richmond,
Va.), March 14, 1889, a newspaper clipping in the Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook
No. 9, p. 67, Harrison MSS.
5 The inaugural Bible is kept in the Harrison Home in Indianapolis. In Harri-
son's own hand is written: "Here I placed my hand when I took the oath of office/'
6 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
speaking from the floor of the Senate, addressed his countrymen
in a loud clear voice.
While the crowd shouted its overwhelming approval espe-
cially for the statement on pension policy the President closed
his remarks and turned to kiss his wife and daughter. With a
wonderful patience, the eager and anxious spectators then waited
for the inaugural parade. The downpour had tapered off into a
fine but driving mist. Good humor prevailed. At last, the head
of the great parade turned into Pennsylvania Avenue on the
march to the White House. More than one spectator turned back
the clock half a century. More than 40,000 could remember that
"Forty-eight years ago William Henry Harrison, on his white
horse, headed a procession of four thousand patriots along this
same route." 6 On that day, Admiral Porter, then a mere lieu-
tenant, claimed it was the finest pageant in the world. Today,
the pageantry was more elegant, as 40,000 oldsters were in line
to honor the grandson, many coming from sections of the coun-
try which in 1841 were trackless wastes of uninhabited territory.
The sight was inspiring, especially if one looked eastward from
the Treasury where the Capitol formed a hazy, yet stately back-
ground. The broad expanse of the Avenue glistened beneath the
dull sky. General Beaver rode in advance, and his head was un-
covered in acknowledgment of the greetings of the great multi-
tude. As the head of the procession reached the Treasury, a halt
was called, and the presidential party, in its own carriages, turned
off and drove rapidly to the White House. After a hasty luncheon
the whole party, with the exception of Mr. Cleveland, repaired
to the reviewing stand. As President Harrison and Vice-President
Morton took their places, their cheering admirers were roused
to new heights of enthusiasm. For the first time, Harrison was
able to view and to realize the grandeur of the pageant in which
he had taken so conspicuous a part.
Every branch of the regular service was in the first division of
the review: infantry, a detachment of Marines, artillery, cavalry,
naval apprentices, the National Guard of the District of Colum-
bia. The President recognized the salute of each commanding
officer by raising his hat, and he also uncovered his head as each
flag was dipped in salute. Frequently, he chatted with Vice-Presi-
* Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook No. 9, pp. 50-557, Harrison MSS.
IN RETROSPECT 7
dent Morton, warmly commending the marching of the different
regiments. The entire National Guard of Pennsylvania was pres-
ent under the command of Major General Hartranft. Close on
their heels rode Captain Foraker with his Ohio troops, and after
them, amid astounding applause, marched the famous Seventh
of New York. Another division consisted entirely of G.A.R. Posts
under the command of General Bill Warner. Another included
Buffalo Bill, leading the Cowboy Club of Denver, Colorado. The
band of the Flambeau Club of Dodge City sported two unique
banners rounded by enormous horns. Red-shirted firemen swept
through the streets like fires on the prairie. Legion, too, were the
political clubs with red, white and blue umbrellas; others in
white overcoats, tan-colored gloves and white ties. Last of all
came the colored Harrison and Morton Clubs from Virginia,
winding up one of the grandest civil and military pageants ever
seen in Washington!
The new President, a man of five feet and some six or seven
inches, was a stranger neither to Washington nor to the chieftains
of the Republican Party. Capitol Hill remembered his election
to the United States Senate in January 1881, when he succeeded
Joseph E. McDonald as junior Senator from Indiana. Party lead-
ers recalled his chairmanship of the Hoosier delegation to the
National Convention in 1880, when he and his colleagues cast
thirty-four consecutive ballots for James G. Elaine in that his-
toric contest. Declining the cabinet posts tendered him by Presi-
dent Garfield, Harrison chose to serve his full term as United
States Senator to March 3, 1887. In January of this same year,
after a protracted and exciting contest, he was defeated for re-
election on the sixteenth ballot by a two-vote deficit. Within a
year of his defeat, Harrison delivered in Detroit what is consid-
ered one of his greatest political speeches. 7 The Michigan Club,
the largest and perhaps most influential political organization
in the state, was holding its third annual banquet on Washing-
ton's Birthday. General Harrison responded to the sentiment and
toast: "Washington, the Republican." Proceeding to say that he
felt at some disadvantage because he did not approach Detroit
from the direction of Washington, he then struck the keynote
7 Charles Hedges, Speeches of Benjamin Harrison (New York, 1892), p. 10.
8 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
of his victorious presidential campaign. "I am a dead statesman,"
he said, "but I am a living and rejuvenated Republican/' 8
This new Republican was bringing with him to the presiden-
tial chair a creditable background of experienced service in the
arena of public life. As lawyer, soldier and legislator, he brought
to his new position a wholesome balance of talents and abilities,
though there was nothing of the brilliant individualist in him.
People on Inauguration Day did not rank him with those early
wizards of finance, Hamilton and Gallatin, but they were specu-
lating whether General Harrison's name "would be remembered
as those of Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, and Lincoln, expo-
nents of the greatness of our Constitution," or would he "simply
be named as having been a President from the Fourth of March
of 1880 to the Fourth of March in iSgg." 9 As the Columbia,
y +r*j
South Carolina, Record put it: "Time only can tell; but we do
not think that Benjamin will miss his chance to write his page
in the history of the United States." 10
Yet, the diminutive, rotund Chief Executive was somewhat of
a mystery even to those admirers so loudly proclaiming his name.
He spoke in a soft, melodious voice, but behind the voice, as be-
hind the face, was an element of strength which betokened his
ability to get there when the time came, an ability which had
carried him to this, the highest niche in the American temple of
fame. He had a habit of looking at you and still not looking at
you, and he impressed one as being a hard man to catch off his
guard. 11 His hair and whiskers were very light grey and this set
off quite well the dignity of his carriage. Beneath this sometimes
8 Ibid., pp. 9-10. Harrison spoke on the theme: "The guarantee of the Constitu-
tion that the States shall have a republican form of government is only executed
when the majority in the states are allowed to vote and have their ballots counted."
Clipping of a feature article entitled "1789-1 889," Benjamin Harrison Scrap-
book, Vol. 9, p. 59, Harrison MSS.
10 ibid. The editor of the Record felt that Harrison would be assured an inde-
pendence of action because "he will not be a candidate for re-election . . . and he
feels no doubt that he has but these four years in which to write his page in the
history of the United States, and we think he will not lose the opportunity, as did
Mr. Cleveland in the Lord Sackville matter Suppose Mr. Cleveland at that time,
instead of dismissing Lord Sackville like a valet, had treated his imbecility with
contempt, as it deserved, and had by proclamation closed the ports of the U. S. to
English vessels, then we do not hesitate to say that in that case Grover Cleveland
would have swept this country and would have been inaugurated today as Presi-
dent. He missed his chance; instead of striking the lion, he kicked the donkey;
America was laughed at; Cleveland was defeated. ... We do not think that Benja-
min will miss his chance."
11 Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook, Vol. 9, p. 140, Harrison MSS.
IN RETROSPECT 9
puzzling exterior was a dynamic and highly cultivated soul. Un-
doubtedly, thousands of Americans before Benjamin Harrison
as well as after him have been equally honest in thought, cour-
ageous in action, firm in decision and noted for common sense.
Yet, in the eyes of many of his contemporaries, Harrison so sub-
limated these routine traits of character that they were no longer
routine. 12
There was about the new incumbent in the White House an
air of independence which was always fundamentally present in
both manner and speech, even, at times, shockingly so. This spirit
of independence was so startling that it mothered a profane but
strikingly characteristic tale about the President while he was yet
a Senator living in Washington. In the absence of his family, Sen-
ator Harrison boarded at a place called Chamberlain's in the city.
Here he took his meals, and usually appropriated for his own use
a rather nice table in the left hand corner of the dining room.
The host of the home, in one of his reminiscent moods, recalled
the fact years later and said: "You know, I like President Har-
rison, and I'll tell you why. At dinner frequently a group of
Senators (whom I shall not name) passed Harrison by without
speaking as though they didn't care a d n for him. But what
I liked about Harrison was, that he didn't seem to care a G d
d n for them." 13
Harrison was never in any sense a magnetic personality, though
more than one friend bore witness that "his heart beat true to all
the finer and nobler instincts of our nature/' 14 Neither the charm
of words nor the warmth of an effusive manner could he bring
to the presidential office, yet by the impact of his keen intellec-
tual ability a deep impress was to be left upon his time. In 1889,
this nation, just a hundred years old, needed all the character, all
the intellectual ability and acumen it could get. Then, as today,
vastly complex problems demanded brains plus integrity: for-
12 John L. Griffiths, An Address on the Occasion of the Unveiling at Indianapo-
lis, Ind. f Oct. 2j, 1908, of the Statue of Benjamin Harrison (Indianapolis, 1909), p. 21.
is T. N. Cooper to E. W. Halford (Harrison's private secretary), May 3, 1892,
Harrison MSS, Vol. 139.
14 T. R. Marshall, Recollections of Thomas R. Marshall: A Hoosier Salad (In-
dianapolis, 1925), p. 91. See also George F. Hoar, Autobiography of Seventy Years
(New York, 1903), 1, 413-21; Royal Cortissoz, The Life of Whitelaw Reid (New York,
1921), II, 122-23; 187-88; D. S. Alexander, Four Famous New Yorkers (New York,
1923), p. 183; Henry Adams, The Education of Henry Adams (New York, 1931), p.
320; W. H. Crook, Memories of the White House (Boston, 1911), Chapter 8.
io BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
eign affairs guided by a strong, yet pacific hand; a new navy to
be organized; the code of international law to be given significant
application; at home, a high regard for the judiciary to be en-
gendered; our homesteads cultivated; our forests preserved; and,
above all, the national peace and prosperity to be not only main-
tained but also enhanced. In November 1888, close to a half mil-
lion American voters decreed that Harrison was the man for this
task. 15
Character is not the overnight product of high pressure and
time-saving devices and mechanisms. When character and ability
loom large and in some degree of eminence, they are somewhat
like exquisitely carved statues. They are produced and devel-
oped by generations of disciplined ancestry and in a home en-
vironment that is vigorous and healthy. It has not been unknown
that the artistic touch of genius can sometimes carve a statue
in a comparatively brief span of time, but better known is the
long, stern apprenticeship imperative to the exalted and respect-
ed master. So it was with Benjamin Harrison. 10 The pioneer sur-
roundings of southwestern Ohio furnished the background of
his training and apprenticeship. 17 He was fortunate in having
parents who were responsive to the call of the spirit; a rural birth-
place on the fringe of the unruly Ohio near Cincinnati; a prac-
tical farmer and respected statesman for a father; 18 a group of
brothers and sisters, cousins and neighbors, to teach him the give-
and-take code of youngsters; and at the age of 21, a newly won
bride to instruct him in the stern necessity of getting out and
facing the world. His home surroundings were rather ideal: tu-
tors and the log-cabin school provided for his mental training,
while the farm, the river, and the woods afforded ample oppor-
tunity for bodily development. In the midst of these natural
15 The defeated Grover Cleveland polled a popular plurality of 98,017 votes over
Harrison's 478,141. The electoral vote was Harrison 233 and Cleveland 168. The
World Almanac and Encyclopaedia, iBg^ t p. 376.
J See R. B. Henry, Genealogies of the Families of the Presidents (Rutland, Ver-
mont, 1935), pp. 161-88 for the ancestral beginnings of William Henry and Benja-
min Harrison. See also Charles Keith, The Ancestry of Benjamin Harrison
(Philadelphia, 1893), pp. 41-43.
17 J. Scott Harrison, Pioneer Life at North Bend (Cincinnati, 1867), pp. $-15,
gives the best short account. For a general and scholarly treatment see B. W. Bond,
Jr., The Foundations of Ohio (Columbus, 1941).
18 Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook, 1853-1901, Vol. i, Nos. 34 a and 34 b, Harrison
MSS.
IN RETROSPECT 11
blessings one might be tempted to overlook an essentially im-
portant fact that Harrison was endowed with a strikingly remark-
able ancestry.
Characteristically, Harrison never spoke much of his more re-
mote ancestry, though there is ample evidence that he was in no
sense indifferent, 19 once the question was raised. There was an
incident in the Fremont campaign of 1856 that reveals his mind
in sharply defined terms. The newly born Republicans of Indian-
apolis, where young Ben Harrison had his unprepossessing law
office, were eager to ratify the great Pathfinder's nomination. The
leaders found themselves desperately in need of speakers whose
name might command respect and whose presence would serve
to whip up some enthusiasm. Harrison was quietly at work in his
office when a number of gentlemen came in and insisted that he
make a speech to a political gathering in the street outside. Har-
rison protested, as he did on a number of other occasions, his lack
of preparation. These men, however, were in no mood to be de-
nied. They picked up his five-foot-seven frame and carried him
downstairs, never permitting his feet to touch the ground until
they had placed him on a store box that had been set up in the
street. At once he was introduced as the grandson of ex-President
William Henry Harrison, the man who had succeeded a Demo-
cratic President. Flustered and a bit nervous, the young speaker
momentarily crossed up the political leaders by refusing to draw
on the political capital of his grandfather. With an air of youth-
ful defiance he said: "I want it understood that I am the grandson
of nobody. I believe that every man should stand on his own
merits." 20
Yet, as the years passed, it became increasingly clear that he
did put his Harrison heritage on a pedestal. Perhaps the most
remarkable instance of this is evident when, in the spring of
1892, a perceptibly growing pressure was put on the President
to stand for renomination and re-election. 21 According to Louis
T. Michener, Harrison's chief political manager, it was a pres-
19 In the papers of John Scott Harrison (Library of Congress) as well as in those
of his brother-in-law, John Cleves Short (Short Family Papers, Library of Congress),
evidence is found that young Benjamin was not permitted to grow up in ignorance
of his forebears.
20 jjth Congress, ist Session, House Document No. 154, pp. 127-28.
21 A typewritten, undated paper by L. T. Michener, entitled "Harrison Prior to
the National Convention of 1892," Michener MSS, p. i.
12 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
sure that did not respect geographical boundaries, and in some
cases, even party lines. Influential men, penning letters marked
"personal" and "confidential," urged him to accept a second
term. 22 To all of these well-wishers and self-appointed political
advisers, the President gave the same patient but firm reply, that
he did not want a second term and that in good time he would
decline to be a candidate. It appears that he persevered in this
determination until late May, when, at last, thoroughly irked by
the continual attacks, Harrison felt compelled to become a can-
didate. Some Democratic opponents and a number of personally
hostile Republican leaders had let it be noised about that they
believed Harrison's administration was marked by both personal
and political failure. Harrison was particularly vexed by the state-
ment that his difficulties in office were compounded by his ad-
ministrative mistakes and by his personal inability to unbend
enough. 23
The reason behind this sudden change in plans, as alleged by
the Chief Executive, left a deep impression upon Michener's
memory. This political lieutenant of the '88 campaign recalled
his summons to the White House where he found his chief in-
dignant and hurt. Yet with a show of coolness and deliberate
dignity that served to conceal his offended feelings, the President
remarked: "No Harrison has ever retreated in the presence of a
foe without giving battle, and so I have determined to stand and
fight/' 24
The will to fight, it seems, had played no small part in his
family history, for on his father's side he came of a long line of
stern stuff. 25 The record is fairly complete. From the landing of
Benjamin Harrison, the English emigrant, who came to Virginia
within two and a half decades of the Jamestown settlement, down
through four successive generations of Benjamin Harrisons, the
ancestral line of the President manifested an average sturdiness
, pp. 1-2. See also Vols. 139-41, passim, Harrison MSS.
23 For a summary treatment, carefully but not impartially edited, see James E.
Pollard, The Presidents and the Press (New York, 1947), pp. 538-51.
24 Michener MSS, p. 3.
25 One of his direct ancestors was a member of the English House of Commons in
the Long Parliament in 1649, an d voted for the execution of Charles J. On his
father's side, through the Willings, Benjamin was a descendant of Major General
Harrison of the Parliamentary Army. See "Benjamin Harrison Scrapbooks, 1853-
1901," No. i (1853-61), "Miscellaneous: personal and political," Harrison MSS.
IN RETROSPECT lg
of character and a more than average prosperity in the goods of
this life. All five Benjamins (1632-1 79 1) 26 were distinguished;
their personal and public records are almost identical: gentle-
men of education and wealth, burgesses, councilors, and militia
colonels. It would be utterly false to acquiesce in the impression
created by campaign biographers that President Benjamin Har-
rison came from "poor but pious" stock. 27
Four Virginia generations of his name had preceded the Ben-
jamin Harrison (1726-1791) who had signed the Declaration of
Independence, but it fell to his lot to write one of the most inter-
esting chapters in the early American history. 28 He was the first-
born son of a militia colonel, county sheriff, and member of the
House of Burgesses; his mother was the attractive daughter of
Robert (King) Carter. It is scarcely a reflection on the early Har-
rison prudence to note that the Carters were one of the richest
native-born American families of the day. 29 When the signer
was nineteen, an undergraduate at William and Mary, lightning
struck his father dead. 80 The bulk of a vast estate, with "slaves
and stock thereon," 31 fell to the young lad's possession and man-
agement. Shortly after college, having successfully supervised the
administration of his father's estate, he began his public career.
Entering the House of Burgesses, he gave uninterrupted service
for twenty-seven years, leaving only to take his seat in the First
Continental Congress. George Washington tells us that his fel-
26 Keith, op. X pp. 41-43, and Dorothy Burne Goebel, William Henry Harrison
(Indianapolis, 1926), p. s, give the arrival date of the first Benjamin as 1634. Free-
man Cleaves, Old Tippecanoe (New York, 1939), p. i, gives the date as 163*. The
latter's explanation (p. 345) seems more accurate.
27 One of the best epitomes of the Harrison heritage was given by the Phi Beta
Kappa speaker at William and Mary College in 1855. He said: "Of all the ancient
and honorable families in the colony of Virginia that of Harrison, if not the oldest,
is one of the oldest . . . [and for] a period of more than two centuries, the name has
been distinguished for the patriotism, the intelligence, and the moral worth of those
who have borne it." James A. Green, William Henry Harrison: His Times (Cincin-
nati, 1941), pp. 4-5; also, Harrison Scrapbook No. i.
28 House Document No. 154, pp. 59-43.
29 Cleaves, op. cit., pp. 1-3. The Binghams, of Philadelphia, were perhaps a
wealthier family.
30 "News from the Maryland Gazette," Maryland Historical Magazine, No. 17
(1922), p. 365. The following item is listed for Friday, August 16 (1745): "Williams-
burgh, July 18: Last Friday evening (July 12) a most terrible accident happened in
Charles City County; when a violent thunder gust arose and lightning struck the
house of Col. Benjamin Harrison of Berkeley, which killed him, and his two young-
est daughters. . . ."
31 Cleaves, op. cit. f p. 3.
14 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
low Virginian was summoned to this Congress in 1775 "to ut-
ter plain truths" 82 and to head the Committee of the Whole
which debated the Declaration of Independence and reported
that document as agreed to. The honor that was his in signing
the Declaration served but as a prelude to further public service
as Virginia's Governor (1781-84), and as Speaker of the House
of Burgesses (i78s). 88 Nor was his domestic life less fruitful; hav-
ing married Elizabeth Bassett, the charming niece of George
Washington's sister, he gave to Virginia and to America seven
hardy children, four girls and three boys.
The second youngest son was William Henry Harrison. 84 Born
February 9, 1773, it was not until his inauguration as President
in 1841 that this grandfather of Benjamin Harrison was desig-
nated "Child of the Revolution." 35 At his birthplace, on the
north bank of the James, there was more talk about the Colonial
boycott on tea and the darkening clouds of impending conflict
than there was about the new arrival.
His first eight years were quiet enough. The immense planta-
tion, his father's shipyard and ships nearby, the mill pond and
the mill, the many slaves and the large stables combined to make
Tidewater Virginia a pleasant place in which to grow up. There
is no reason to suspect that even Benedict Arnold's invasion of
Virginia in 1 78 1 which brought the war close to home had greatly
perturbed William Henry. 36 The day he remembered with mis-
givings came in April, 1791, when his father's death dashed what
hopes he had of becoming a physician. 37 The world closed in on
him. The ravages of war had left the Harrison fortunes at a low
ebb, and the subsequent depression was no respecter of persons.
The eighteen-year-old Harrison felt the pinch of an empty
82 Woodrow Wilson, George Washington (New York, 1896), p. 192.
33 This was his second term as Speaker, for he had defeated Thomas Jefferson for
the same office seven years previously. In the spring of 1791, on the threshold of
another term as Governor, he died.
34 Cleaves, op. cit., p. 4, states that William Henry Harrison was the youngest of
seven in a family that included four daughters.
35 The phrase is attributed to the campaign orators of 1840. Sec Green, op. cit.,
p.i.
38 The Harrison family had already been removed to a place of safety, since
Berkeley lay on the land and water routes to Richmond. The story of the plunder of
the Harrison estate by Benedict Arnold is related by Cleaves, op. ciL, p. 4.
37 His father had determined that he should be a physician and had pointed the
young man's education in that direction. See Green, op. cit., pp,
IN RETROSPECT 15
pocket, but by August, 1791, he succeeded in obtaining a com-
mission in the infantry. His service with the First Regiment
carried him westward to the Ohio country, where he became
an aide to General "Mad" Anthony Wayne through successful
campaigns against the Indians which resulted in the Treaty of
Greenville in August, 1795- 88 "Opening up the West" was a fine-
sounding phrase, but the bleak reality behind it signified only
the perilous penetration into an Indian wilderness.
Strange as it may seem, Harrison won his greatest prize, not in
successful skirmishes with the Indians, but in the comparative
quiet and safety at Fort Washington, Cincinnati, where he was
Commandant in 1795. There he met and married a remarkably
fine young lady, Anna Symmes, 89 who not only bore him ten
children, but also outlived him by almost a quarter of a cejntury.
When he died in the White House in 1841, William Henry
H.jirrison had enjoyed a full and important life. Biographers have
done him justice so that the deeds and reputation of "Old Tip-
pecanoe" have become a memorable part of the American tradi-
tion and heritage. There is, however, one memorial carved in
stone that speaks for itself. At North Bend, Ohio, the birthplace
of President Benjamin Harrison as well as the site of the ancestral
home, amid century-old trees surrounding his grave, stands a
majestic monument. It bears a two-fold message: a succinct biog-
raphy and a well-merited tribute. On the side towards the Ohio
River it reads:
"William Henry Harrison. Secretary of the Northwest Ter-
ritory. Delegate of the Northwest Territory to Congress. Terri-
torial Governor of Indiana. Member of Congress from Ohio.
Ohio State Senator. United States Senator from Ohio. Minister
to Colombia. Ninth President of the United States."
88 When William Henry was only eleven, George Washington wrote to his father,
then Governor, and emphasized the great importance and necessity for Virginia to
make a quick and easy road to Ohio. It was not only a question of pacifying Indians
and opening up trade lanes with the West, but of tying the "back country" politi-
cally to the Atlantic states, lest it be lost to the Union. By a turn of fate, Governor
Harrison's son did much to solve these problems. Green, op. cit., p. 9.
39 She was the daughter of John Cleves Symmes, pioneer and Chief Justice of the
Northwest Territory for a quarter of a century. Left motherless shortly after birth,
she stayed in the East with her grandmother when her father made his Miami Pur-
chase in 1788. After being educated in New York, Anna Symmes went to Ohio in
1794. Shortly thereafter she married Capt. Harrison. She died in 1864. See the long
article in The Weekly Inter-Ocean (Chicago), October as, 1889, in Benjamin Harri-
son Scrapbook No. 9, p. 19, Harrison MSS.
16 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Facing landward and the West he served for fifty years, the
inscription reads:
"Ensign of the First United States Infantry. Commandant of
Fort Washington. Hero of Tippecanoe. Major General in the
War of 1812. Victor of the Battle of the Thames. Avenger of the
Massacre of the River Raisin." 40
On March 4, 1889, when the last paraders had passed the re-
viewing stand, and twilight was thickening into night, President
Harrison and his son Russell arose and walked rapidly to the
White House. 41 This was his first peaceful moment all day, and
it is more than likely that he spent it, as was his wont, medita-
tively. 42 Perhaps he mentioned to Russell how much he missed
his own father, now ten years in his grave, or, perhaps, more in
accord with his undemonstrative nature, 43 let his mind wander
back so that forty years dropped into nothingness. He was six-
teen, sitting in a dimly lighted room of a little prep school
perched high on a hill just outside Cincinnati. 44 He was reading
a letter from The Point, the farm he missed so much; the letter
was from his father, and he smiled when he learned he had an-
other little brother, but the rest of the letter was in a more seri-
ous vein.
... I can hardly express to you my satisfaction at hearing how high
you stand in the estimation of your professors. I hope you will con-
tinue to be studious and attentive to your duties, and above all that
you will not be unmindful to those solemn obligations you owe to
God. Youth is the time to serve the Lord. Some people think to be
religious you must be melancholy and morose, but it is not so. Who
has so much cause to be cheerful, as he who has made his peace with
God
Serious-mindedness well describes John Scott Harrison, born
at Vincennes, Indiana, on October 4, 1804. His deep religious
40 For an excellent illustration of this monument sec Green, op. cit. f between
pp. 440-41.
41 Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook No. 9, pp. 20-21, Harrison MSS.
42 William Pinckney Fishback, Harrison's law partner for seven years and his
acquaintance for thirty-eight years, made this observation in a long biographical
account in an interview for the New York Evening Post, December, 1888. See Harri-
son Scrapbook No. 9, Harrison MSS.
43 Benjamin Harrison to his wife, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4, passim, 1862.
44 Farmers' College. See Ch. 2, note 50.
46 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, October 7, 1849, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
IN RETROSPECT IJ
convictions, which helped ease his hard and pinched career, can
be more directly, attributed to his mother's influence than to that
of his military-minded father. 46 Scott Harrison, as he was known
to his family and friends, was plainly the favorite son of both his
parents. They not only confided in him, but it would almost seem
that his father presumed upon this son's sense of filial duty. In
the manifestation of his own magnanimity, General Harrison
deprived Scott of the advantages of a West Point education, to
which both had looked forward, and, while serving in Congress,
gave a commission to the Military Academy to the son of a Bap-
tist preacher, who came to be Governor Wallace of Indiana and
the father of Lew Wallace, himself distinguished by military, dip-
lomatic and literary fame. 47 However, Scott Harrison showed
himself to be no laggard or dolt, but pursued his studies and
graduated at Cincinnati College under the presidency of Phi-
lander Chase, later Bishop of Ohio, and the founder of Kenyon
College in Gambier. He was valedictorian of his class, and soon
after began his studies for the bar. He entered the law firm of
Longworth and Harrison, whose senior member was Nicholas
Longworth, owner of millions in Cincinnati real estate. 48
As his father was drawn more and more into the field of pub-
lic service, eventually being appointed Minister to Colombia by
President John Quincy Adams, it devolved upon the son to man-
age affairs at home. Forced by these circumstances to discontinue
the law, Scott quietly withdrew to the North Bend farm and took
charge of the family's large landed estate. As a suitable reward
for this filial sacrifice and diligence, William Henry Harrison set
aside for his son almost two-fifths of his 2,ooo-acre farm and built
for him a beautiful house four miles from North Bend. 49 This
new homestead and farm was familiarly known as The Point,
for it lay toward the end of a long neck of land bordered on
46 Mrs. Harrison's Presbyterian faith is celebrated. See Green, op. tit., pp. 63-64,
443-45. Even more interesting are the letters of Mrs. William Henry Harrison in
the Short Family Papers, Box 56 (Library of Congress). Her husband grew interested
in the things of the spirit much Ikter in life and, while President, professed faith in
the Episcopalian Church. John Scott, their son, did not join the Cleves Presbyterian
Church until October 8, 1849. This mav account for the fervor of the letter to his
son, cited above.
47 Weekly Inter-Ocean, October 22, 1889, in Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook
No. 9, p. 19, Harrison MSS.
48 ibid.
40 Lew Wallace, Life of Gen. Ben Harrison (Philadelphia, 1888), pp. 48-49; also,
House Document No. 154, p. 84.
i8 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
the north side by the Big Miami and on the south by the Ohio,
tapering to a point at the confluence of the two rivers.
The attractive young bride who was to become the mother of
President Benjamin Harrison hailed from Mercersburg, Pennsyl-
vania. Scott and Elizabeth Irwin, the daughter of Captain Archi-
bald Irwin, were married at The Point on August 12, iSgi. 60
Elizabeth had an equally important heritage to pass on to her
children. Her grandfather, Major James Ramsey, was a Scottish
gentleman who had emigrated from Glasgow to Mercersburg. 51
Near there He built a fine stone mill, established a store, and
manufactured flour largely for exportation to Baltimore and
Philadelphia as well as to Europe. A leaky and slow-sailing ship
ruined a large quantity of flour on the way across the Atlantic,
and compelled him to dispose of his business east of the moun-
tains. Owning some large bodies of land west of the mountains,
he moved to Ligonier, Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania, and
there began anew, early in the iSoo's. His store helped to estab-
lish his popularity in the valley, and his son, Colonel John Ram-
sey, laid out the town of Ligonier. It was his second daughter,
Mary, 02 who married into the Irwin family back in Mercersburg,
and became the mother of Elizabeth Irwin. If Elizabeth's ancestry
differed markedly from Scott Harrison's, it was a difference in
degree, not in kind. Along with her brothers and sisters, she was
brought up to read the Scripture, memorize the catechism, and
observe rigidly the Sabbath and its duties. The Irwins seemed
to vie with the Ramseys in strict conformity to the Presbyterian
code of living.
50 This was his second marriage. In 1824 he had married Lucrctia K. Johnson, of
Boone County, Kentucky, who bore him three children, Betsy Short, William Henry
(who died in infancy), and Sarah Lucretia, before she herself died in 1829 ( ? )- Sec
Wallace, op. cit., p. 46. For the most complete account of William Henry Harrison's
children and their marriages, see Green, op. cit., pp. 485-89.
61 Major Ramsey was accompanied by his sister, who later married Mr. Agnew,
brother of the grandfather of the eminent surgeon, Doctor D. Hayes Agnew of
Philadelphia. The Presbyterian Banner, July 27, 1889, a clipping found in Benja-
min Harrison Scrapbook No. 9, p. 59, Harrison MSS.
82 The Presbyterian Banner, July 27, 1889, Harrison MSS. It is interesting to note
that Mary Ramsey Irwin gave two daughters to the Harrison family in marriage.
Her older daughter, Jane Findlay Irwin, married William H. Harrison, Jr., and
later served President William Henry Harrison with great grace and dignity in the
White House. Elizabeth, on a visit to her sister in Cincinnati, met John Scott.
IN RETROSPECT 1Q
It is not difficult to picture the life which Benjamin's parents
lived in the two years before his birth and during the years of
his infancy. It was a pinched existence. Financially, the ground
all but crumbled beneath their feet, as the fortunes of farming
along the Ohio were distinctly treacherous. Each major rise and
fall of the river was a crisis, for, when the placid river was so low
in late summer and early fall as to make navigation slow, difficult,
and even impossible, that spelled hardship. Yet, come February
and March, the river rolled in an "irresistible flood, furious and
uncontrolled, its mighty tide covering the bottom lands for miles
with its overflow, washing away its banks, and carrying off in a
riot of ruin the great trees of the foresf'and this Spelled disas-
ter. 53 Yet, together, John Scott and his wife had the courage to
brave these dangers of the river country and the uncertainties of
pioneer life, toiling for twenty years. In that time they reared
nine children. He who was destined to occupy the White House
was their second-born; 54 his first wail was heard on August 20,
1833-
53 Green, op. cit., p. 409. John Scott Harrison himself delivered an address
entitled "Pioneer Life at North Bend" before the Whitewater and Miami Valley
Pioneer Association, at Cleves, Ohio, Sept. 8, 1866. It has been published (Cincin-
nati, 1867). It is excellent for the history of the settlement of North Bend and for
personal anecdotes. A copy is now housed at the Indiana State Library, Indianapolis.
54 Their first-born was named Archibald Irwin after Elizabeth's father, though
the family always spoke of him as Irwin, He was Benjamin's "guardian" during
prep-school and college days. Later, he rose to become a Lieutenant Colonel in the
Volunteers and made a splendid record during the Civil War. He died on Decem-
ber 16, 1870.
CHAPTER II
Pioneer Boyhood and
College Days
THE ROLLING acreage of The Point was the first home Ben
jamin Harrison remembered, though his grandfather';
estate at North Bend, Ohio, was his birthplace and th<
Mecca of his boyhood pilgrimages. 1 The Point was pleasantly lo
cated at the mouth of the Big Miami, and John Scott's 600 acre:
ran from the river over a hill, near an old graveyard, and termi
nated on the bluff of a ridge. In the iSgo's this little settlemen
tried in vain to keep pace with the rapid development of south
western Ohio. 2 Cincinnati, the Queen City, which contained onh
960 people in 1805, could boast by the iSso's of over 10,000 in
habitants. Other towns sloughed off their laggard pace, as th<
country of the Miami filled up with amazing rapidity. 3 No longei
was there any danger from the Indians on the Ohio. Instead, th<
river was alive with an endless procession of flatboats, arks, anc
skiffs, loaded with men and women, household goods and domes
tic animals. From his front porch young Ben could see this pio
neer parade pass before his eyes.
A great acreage yielded John Scott and his family a livelihood
rugged and pinched though it was. Corn, wheat and hay were the
1 General William Henry Harrison's original purchase was 400 acres. This wa
expanded until the farm contained a,8oo acres: a,soo in the "home farm" and <
detached 600 acres to the west. This smaller piece was given to John Scott, who ii
1833 was building his own homestead on it. Since the house was still under construe
tion in August, 1833, Mrs. Harrison was made comfortable at North Bend and her<
Benjamin was born. See Freeman Cleaves, Old Tippecanoe, p. 38, and James Green
William Henry Harrison, pp. 415-16.
2 See Francis P. Weisenburger, Passing of the Frontier (Columbus, Ohio, 1941-
44). PP- 2-33-
3 John Scott Harrison, Pioneer Life at North Bend, pp. 1-6.
PIONEER BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS 21
principal crops, while the forests afforded the meat of the bear
and the deer, and the streams still supplied fine fish. 4 Hogs, cattle
and sheep were raised and marketed, sometimes at Cincinnati,
sometimes at New Orleans. 6 Much of the family clothing was
woven on the premises, though tea, coffee and sugar had to be
purchased. Among delicacies there were a few chickens and tur-
keys for summer consumption; in the fall the fattened hog pro-
vided hams, bacon and salt pork; much of the beef was corned.
The staff of life was frequently made appetizing with delicious
peach and apple butter. 6
When most of his family had grown up and he was serving in
Congress, John Scott Harrison wrote to his brother-in-law, who
owned a neighboring farm: "My lot in this life has been to raise
hogs and hominy to feed my children and I have devoted but lit-
tle time to fancy articles." 1 Hominy, made right on the farm, was
a staple article of diet, and only when the supply of wheat and
corn was low did johnny-cakes disappear from the breakfast table.
Despite his abundance of stock and produce and his willing-
ness to find a market, Benjamin's father found himself more
often than not in desperate financial straits. The periodic and
protracted sickness of his large and growing family, 8 the low price
of hay and the scarcity of money, 9 the severe losses caused by
floods, 10 and a number of equally serious contributing factors
more than once forced John Scott to the brink of losing his
farm. 11 Only his mother's devotion and his brother-in-law's ready
cash kept the Harrisons in possession of The Point during the
* Ibid., p. i; also, Harrison MSS, Vol. 157.
5 John Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, July 24, 1844, December 14, 1845,
Jan. 21, 1848, Short Family Papers, Box 55.
6 Green, op. cit., p. 415.
7 John Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, January 21, 1856, Short Family
Papers, Box 55. Harrison writes about the large "wheat fields" (June 29, 1842) and
of sending "two fat steers to Cincinnati" (December 14, 1845).
8 John Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, December 16, 1841, March 19, 1842,
January 23, 1844, September 24, 1847 (?), and August 12, 1851, Short Family Papers,
Box 55. These letters show that Scott's family was besieged constantly by illness:
scarlet fever, frequent colds, pleurisy, and severe attacks of dysentery.
9 John Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, April 17, 1843, ibid. See also Harri-
son's letter of July 24, 1844, an< * May 5, 1845, on the same subject.
10 John Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, Jan. 21, 1848, Short Family Papers,
Box 55: "My losses by the late flood are so heavy that I despair of recovering them
without parting with a portion of my farm."
11 Ibid., John Scott Harrison to Short, January 16, 1850.
22 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
entire period of Benjamin's minority. 12 Perhaps the most serious
crisis occurred shortly after Mrs. Elizabeth Harrison's death in
1850, while the two older boys, Irwin and Benjamin, were away
at school. On November go, 1850, John Scott wrote in despera-
tion to John Cleves Short, his sister's husband:
You will perhaps be surprised that one having so small a claim
upon your confidence in money matters, should venture your aid
again in that way. And nothing but a conviction that you will not
receive my application in a spirit of unkindliness, has determined
me to ask your friendly interference in extracting me again from most
unpleasant embarrassments.
And here, permit me to say, that I would not make this application
did I not know that I can give you such security for three or four
thousand dollars as will place you beyond the possibility of loss, and
at the same time offers satisfactory assurance that the interest shall be
paid promptly. I propose to give as security for a loan of the above
mentioned amount, a second lien on my property here (four hun-
dred acres) placing all other matters in such a way, as our friend
Judge Hart will say, gives you the preference over all other liens
. . . Some months ago I mentioned my troubles to Judge Hart and
he advised me to sell my farm and come to the city and live, sell my
farm, I really would, but what could I do in the city? I could not
feed myself much less my children. Besides I am miserable enough
here and I should be more so there 18
The details of this relentless struggle for survival were hidden
from Benjamin during his early days, and there is no question
that his first decade of life at The Point was most enjoyable. He
grew up, at first a slender, wiry stripling, 14 and bit by bit became
a chubby, square-shouldered boy, so blond as to be almost white-
is Mrs. Anna Harrison to John Cleves Short (her nephew), November 14, 1848,
Short Family Papers, Box 56, writes that General Harrison's estate should be settled
as soon as possible so "that the heirs should get the little that may be left lor
them ... as many of them stand in need, some of them to spend in education, others
to support their families. . . .*'
18 John Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, Esq., November so, 1850, Short
Family Papers, Box 55. To assure prompt payment of interest, John Scott himself
proposed to make such arrangements with nearby Indiana distillers to authorize
Short to draw on them every year after corn gathering, for the amount of interest
^ due. John Scott used the river in nearby Whitewater Canal to deliver and sell corn
to the distillers at Lawrenceburg, Indiana, five miles distant. See letter of John
Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, December 14, 1845, Short Family Papers,
Box 55.
14 J. P. Boyd, Life and Public Services of Benjamin Harrison (Philadelphia,
P- 6.
PIONEER BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS 23
haired. 15 Young Ben loved to fish, hunt and swim, and it was
these early predilections that forced him to solve his first prob-
lem in human relations. Before he would be allowed to set out
on any of these expeditions into the woods for squirrels or out
on the river for fish or ducks, his father insisted that he always
have the company of an elder. Ben showed a spark of genius in
complying with the paternal injunction. For "very frequently he
assisted the negro who served the household in the capacity of
cook; he carried wood and water for him, and helped him wash
the dishes that he might better secure his company in a bout at
fishing or hunting." 18 Ben liked his other schoolboy sports, 17 and
used to half-walk and half-run to school in order to get there "in
time to play bullpen for half an hour before books." 18
It would be a mistake to think that Ben's days on the farm were
all play. According to Congressman Butterworth, himself raised
on a farm in southern Ohio,
Ben Harrison's experiences were just like ours. He was a farmer's
boy, lived in a little farm house, had to hustle out of bed between
4 and 5 o'clock in the morning the year round to feed stock, get ready
to drop corn or potatoes, or rake hay by the time the sun was up. He
knew how to feed the pigs, how to teach a calf how to drink milk out
of a bucket, could harness a horse in the dark, and do all the things
we, as farmers' boys, knew how to do. He used to go to the mill on a
sack of wheat or corn and balance it over the horse's back by getting
on one end of it, holding on to the horse's mane while he was going
up hill, and feeling anxious about the results. 19
This farmer-legislator knowingly added that "Ben had the usual
number of stone bruises and stubbed toes and the average num-
ber of nails in his foot that fell to the portion of the rest of us."
15 House Document No. 154, p. 94.
16 Lew Wallace, Life of Gen. Ben Harrison, p. 52.
17 Weisenburger, op. cit., p. 122: "For the young the school rivaled the home as a
center of social activity. In the period before school, at recesses, and during the
lunch period, games were a natural outlet for youthful energy. Pupils of various
ages played scatter base, prisoner's base, stink base, poison, wood-dog and old witch.
The older boys found fun in three corner cat and town ball. The latter was an early
type of baseball, employing a ball made by taking a core of India rubber, wrapping
it with a strong woolen yarn wound into a tight mass, and having a shoemaker
cover the whole with leather. In winter of course snowballs and breast works of
snow and ice permitted expression of the pugnacious spirit of growing boys."
18 Letter from Congressman Butterworth, cited in House Document No. 154,
P- 93-
24 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
John Scott Harrison's house fronted the Ohio River; the din-
ing room, which was the common sitting room, was large and
commodious, with the usual wide open fireplace. In this room it
was the custom of the family to assemble, particularly on winter
evenings, around a central table. Light was obtained from the
old-fashioned tallow dips, aided by flame from the fireplace, in
front of which the mother would sit knitting socks for the boys
and listening to the conversation, or the reading, of the younger
folks. 20
The number of socks to be darned and the number of little
dresses to be made increased with amazing regularity while Ben
was growing up. Besides his older brother Irwin and himself, Ben
had two older sisters, Bessie and Sallie, 21 who helped feed and
care for the new arrivals at The Point. Succeeding Ben in the
roughly hewn cradle were Mary Jane Irwin, who soon answered
to the affectionate name of Jennie, and then Anna Symmes and
John Irwin though the last two died in infancy. Before Mrs.
John Scott Harrison died in 1850, five more children were born,
but only Carter Bassett, Anna, and John Scott, Jr., survived and
grew to maturity. 22 In addition to their own children, the John
Scott Harrisons were constantly entertaining hordes of nephews
and nieces, 23 and in 1848 they assumed the guardianship of two
more children. 24
20 J. E. Morison and W. B. Lane, Life of Our President Benjamin Harrison (Pub-
lished for Lane and Morison, Cincinnati, 1889), p. 105.
21 Benjamin's two older sisters were by John Scott Harrison's first wife. Betsey
Short Harrison married George S. Eaton, M.D., who had his practice in Cincinnati.
"Sallie" was Sarah Lucretia Harrison, who married Thomas J. Devin of Ottumwa,
Iowa. See Charles Keith, The Ancestry of Benjamin Harrison (Philadelphia, 1893),
for genealogical chart.
22 This Anna, also called Anna Symmes, was named in honor of John Scott's
mother, who was still living. The two other children who did not survive their first
years were named James Findlay Harrison and James Irwin Harrison.
23 Several of John Scott's nieces and nephews lived nearby. They visited their
uncle's farm frequently, and as they grew up they attended the log-cabin school. See
Wallace, op. cit., p. 50.
24 This guardianship is mentioned three times in the Harrison and Short Family
Papers. In the John Scott Harrison Papers, Box i, under date of November 2, 1848,
is the following: "This is to certify that I, Mary R. Harrison, now residing in the
parish of Point Coupee in the state of Louisiana ... do hereby resign the guardian-
ship as natural to my minor children, Benjamin and William Henry Harrison, and
desire that Mr. John Scott Harrison of Hamilton Co., Ohio, be appointed their
guardian." See also John Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, March 20, 186*, Short
Family Papers, Box rg, and E. I. Harrison to Benjamin Harrison, Feb. 9, 1848,
Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
PIONEER BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS 25
The problem of education could have become acute, had not
a small, old-fashioned log schoolhouse been erected between the
Harrison homestead and the river. This cabin was of the plainest
type. It had a puncheon floor and the windows were small and
few; the great fireplace, filled with logs in the morning, would
keep the school warm all day; for seats there were benches with-
out backs, formed of slabs with supports of sticks fitted in auger-
holes. In these primitive surroundings Benjamin began his edu-
cation. 25
Though the supply of teachers was limited, the Harrison home
always employed a tutor or a nurse who guaranteed that the
ABC's would not be neglected. The first of these was Miss Harriet
Root, the young and competent niece of a Cincinnati preacher. 26
When the children were quite small, Miss Root was their gover-
ness; she advanced with them and took her place as mentor in the
log-cabin schoolhouse. 27
Attractive Harriet Root had Irwin, John, Ben, and Jennie to
teach from the beginning; later, Betsy joined her class. Her recol-
lections of Ben are of considerable value, giving, as they do, one
of the earliest pen sketches of the future Hoosier warrior:
Ben was the brightest of the family, and even when five years old
was determined to go ahead in everything. He was very much ahead
of his older brother, Irwin, but I held him back at the mother's re-
quest. Ben was terribly stubborn about many things. He would insist
upon having his own way not only with me, but with his mother. I
remember of having but one serious trouble with him, and even then
I did not conquer him. I did not wish to punish him severely, but I
turned him over to his mother. She corrected him and he came back
quite submissive, and never gave me any more trouble. 28
She was succeeded by Joseph Porter, a college graduate, who be-
came a fast friend of John Scott and remained with the family a
25 Morison and Lane, op. cit. f pp. 105-6; also, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, July i,
1888. "The old school house collapsed" in July, 1848; see Jenny Harrison to Benja-
min, July 24, 1848, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
26 Gilbert L. Harney, The Lives of Benjamin Harrison and Levi P. Morton
(Providence, 1888), pp. 38-39.
27 Fifty-six years later, Mrs. Harriet Root Giesy admitted that she "was dazed
with the idea of going into the family as a teacher, as I was but 16 years old. As I
look back upon it now I wonder that my mother consented." Unidentified press
clipping, Harrison MSS.
28 This was a special dispatch to the New York World dated Aug. 28 (year un-
known, but evidently during Harrison's presidency) from Columbus, Ohio. This
newspaper clipping was found in the Harrison home, Indianapolis.
26 BENJAMIN HARRISON! HOOSIER WARRIOR
long time. 29 His classroom observations on Ben's academic prog-
ress moved him to second John Scott's intention of sending Ben
to one "of the yankee colleges." 80 Familiar with the curricula of
the eastern colleges, Mr. Porter told John Scott that he hoped
whether Ben "graduates from Harvard or Yale, that he will take
the University course at the former, for the law school at Harvard
is certainly unequalled in the country." 31 After Mr. Porter came
Mr. Skinner, a graduate of Marshall College, Pennsylvania. 82 Yet
it was the face of Thomas Lynn that lingered longest in Ben's
memory. 33
Ben's learning was not restricted to the "wearisome and hard
benches" 34 or to the assignments given by his tutors; fortunately,
as a favorite of his grandparents, he could learn much at North
Bend, his second home. For many The Bend was already a patriot-
ic shrine of the Middle West where old soldiers and distinguished
strangers rubbed shoulders while greeting "Old Tippecanoe." 35
As one renowned itinerant minister has recorded, in writing of
William Henry Harrison and North Bend, "of his urbanity and
genial hospitality and kindness, I entertain the most grateful rec-
ollections. " 3<J Many of the long, long line of visitors entertained
by General Harrison before his death Ben was too young to re-
member, yet to the timeless heritage of his grandfather's extensive
library he was a willing heir.
Under the keen eye of a devoted mother "who sought to pro-
vide good books, and loved to hear her children read and talk
about their studies," 37 it is not likely that Ben was long kept in
ignorance of the books at North Bend. There were histories of
Greece and Rome, Caesar's Commentaries, Plutarch's Lives, but
29 On one occasion John Scott Harrison had to borrow $100 to pay Mr. Porter,
"my teacher." See his letter to John Cleves Short, January 23, 1844, Short Family
Papers, Box 55.
so Joseph N. Porter to John Scott Harrison, January 19, 1850, John Scott Harri-
son Papers, a single box in the Benjamin Harrison collection.
32 Harney, op. cit. t p. 39.
33 Indianapolis Journal, June 30, 1888, Scrapbook No. 6, p. 4, Harrison MSS;
also, Wallace, op. cit. f p. 52. Wallace says his name was Flynn. The secret of Ben's
fondness for Thomas Lynn has died with Lew Wallace. No written record has been
discovered among the Harrison papers.
34 These were Ben's own recollections. Indianapolis Journal, June, 1888.
35 Green, op. cit. f p. 415.
36 Timothy Flint, Recollections of the Past Ten Years (Boston, 1826), p. 50.
37 Harney, op. cit. f p. 40.
PIONEER BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS 27
the greater portion of the library was devoted to American his-
tory and biography, including the lives of Washington by Mar-
shall and by Jared Sparks. There was no fiction. As far as the
family tradition goes, General Harrison never read a novel. 88
It is not at all likely that the General failed to share his books
with young Ben, for he gave him much of his rather valuable
time. There is one incident which occurred shortly after William
Henry Harrison's election to the presidency that bears retelling
for the light it sheds on their relationship and Ben's youth. Back
on The Point farm where the orchards were prolific, the apple
crop used to afford Ben great loot and much pleasure. As it was,
some argued that apple-stealing back in the '40*8 was regarded
almost a civic virtue. Apples for boys like Ben seem to have been
as much of an inspiration as hard cider for the men, and the im-
pression was popular that, no matter where they were found, they
were common property and appropriate emblems of patriotic fer-
vor. Such a delusion Ben carried with him on a trip to Cincinnati,
in company with his grandfather, shortly before the latter left
for the White House. The eight-year-old, early becoming tired
from walking the streets and growing more than a mite hungry,
could not resist the temptation presented by i stand highly piled
with red-cheeked apples, and so began to fill his pockets just as
he was wont to do under the favorite trees of his father's orchard
(or anyone else's). Of course, there was no resistance to this till
the apple-woman saw him walk innocently and unconcernedly
away. Her shrieks called the attention of the grandfather to the
comical situation and the account was readily adjusted. Young
Ben went on munching his fruit with as much satisfaction as
if its possession had not at first involved a question of law and
morals. 89
Presbyterianism flourished in southwestern Ohio during the
first half of the nineteenth century, 40 although the nearest church
38 Green, op. cit., p. 429. Lew Wallace, Harrison's "official campaign biographer,"
says (pp. 54-55) that "at the call of the children there was notably an edition of
Scott's novels." He also notes that "the son Benjamin can scarcely remember the
time that he was not enthralled by Waverly, the Scottish tales, and the eastern
romances. He pored over them diligently. Ivanhoe and Talisman were sources of
indefinite fascination to him."
39 James P. Boyd, op. cit. f p. 28.
40 Weisenburger, op. cit., pp. 175 ff.
2 8 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
to The Point was the edifice constructed in 1822 at Cleves, Ohio,
where services were held fortnightly. Grandma Anna Harrison's
$2.00 subscription and William Henry Harrison's 1,500 feet of
walnut helped build the structure in which the preacher was ad-
vised to drop his Latin and Greek quotations and "to shoot low
and aim straight." 41 The next nearest Presbyterian church was
located at Lawrenceburg, five miles from North Bend, and it
was here that Henry Ward Beecher was called to his first pastor-
ate. 42
Poor roads and the long distance frequently made it impos-
sible for any of the Harrisons to attend services, yet each mem-
ber of the family knew that Sundays were days apart. When
Benjamin was small, the Harrison tribe, as well as their neigh-
bors, observed the Sabbath with great scrupulousness, and "were
forcibly reminded of the emptiness of all earthly pleasures and
hopes." 43 The day was spent quietly, ordinary pursuits being
abandoned, even letter-writing, 44 so that the call of the spirit
might the better be heeded. The children's recollections of the
day were far from somber or depressing. On the contrary, the
young ones looked forward to Sunday afternoons, when "all as-
sembled in the parlor and sung hymns from four o'clock until
bed-time." 45
When it was possible for any members of the family to make
the trip to attend the Cleves Presbyterian church, they received
an earthly reward in the form of an invitation to dinner at their
grandparents' home. 46 Perhaps Young Ben and his brothers and
sisters accepted the invitation with mixed emotions. They were
delighted to see the table loaded with chicken and ham, and all
kinds of nice pies and cakes, yet Mrs. Harrison's fixed habit
41 Green, op. cit., p. 444.
42 Ibid., p. 445. The Beechers were famous in Cincinnati. Lyman Beecher was not
only President of Lane, the Presbyterian Seminary, but was also pastor of the largest
Presbyterian church in the city.
43 Sallie Harrison to Benjamin Harrison, February 8, 1851, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
It is also evident from this letter that the children desired to attend church regu-
larly, and were awaiting the completion of a new church and the appointment of a
permanent minister.
44 Jennie Harrison to Benjamin Harrison, November *6, 1849, Harrison MSS,
Vol. i: "It is Sunday and if I were not writing to my brother ... I would not feel
altogether right in doing so."
45 Sallie Harrison to Benjamin Harrison, February 8, 1851, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
46 Ibid., see also Green, op. cit., p. 446.
PIONEER BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS 2Q
of evening Bible reading 47 was not nearly so much fun as the
singing.
Ben did not need to attend church services in order to be im-
pressed with the importance of prayer. From his earliest recol-
lections until his devoted mother's untimely death in 1850, he
heard her daily prayer: "May God bless you and keep you con-
tinually under His protecting care." 48 After fifteen years of dis-
cipline, tempered by prayers and understanding, Ben Harrison
knew what was right, and it was no little consolation for him to
receive, after a few weeks' absence from home, the following letter
from his mother:
. . . you may imagine my anxiety to hear how you get along with
those bad boys . . . after your Pa told me how badly they were be-
having I hardly close my eyes to sleep for I felt that boys that could
behave so badly, could be capable of any act. Don't fail to let us hear
from you very often . . . and continue to act with that same propriety
that you have heretofore . . . you don't know how thankful I feel to
have such good sons and how proud I am that your teachers, and
everyone, speak of your conduct in such high terms. I pray for you
daily that you may be kept from sinning and straying from the paths
of duty. 49
By the fall of 1847 Jhn Scott Harrison had determined that
his two older boys, Irwin, 16, and Benjamin, 14, should have
the advantages of a college education, though his first problem
was securing for them an essentially sound secondary school train-
ing. He finally decided upon Farmers' College, 50 a small insti-
tution located in Walnut Hills, a section of the city of Cin-
cinnati. 51 This decision taxed Scott Harrison heavily, and to his
brother-in-law he confided: "Sending the boys to Gary's last week
consumed all my ready capital. But I have corn and hay . . . both
of which are cash articles in Lawrenceburg. . . ," 52 It was a sacri-
47 Cleaves, op. cit., p. 332.
48 E. I. Harrison to Irwin and Benjamin, February 9, 1848, Harrison MSS.
49 E. I. Harrison to Irwin and Benjamin, July 24, 1848, Harrison MSS.
BO Farmers' College was founded upon an endowment of land and money do-
nated by William Cary, and for a long time bore the name Gary's Academy. New
York Evening Post, dipping marked Dec., 1888, in Benjamin Harrison Scrap Book
No. 9, Harrison MSS.
51 Boyd, op. cit., p. 28.
52 John Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, November 10, 1847, Short Family
Papers, Box 55. John Scott apologized for not being able to pay even the small
portion of the money he owed to Short, but he promised to raise the balance of the
three years' interest immediately and with great pleasure.
go BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
fice he never regretted, and one for which Ben became increas-
ingly grateful. 58
The President of the College, Dr. Freeman G. Gary, son of
the founder, was a man of strong character. As principal of Gary's
Academy, out of which Farmers' College grew, he had earned his
reputation as an educator of boys. 54 His brother, Samuel Fenton
Gary, was equally well known as a temperance advocate. 55 Among
the young students, however, it was Dr. Freeman Gary who came
in for the most discussion. To their possibly biased minds his
reputation as a strict disciplinarian was certainly merited. And
as might be suspected under like conditions today, the horseplay
of the students kept his disciplinary talents in constant exercise.
The root of the difficulty was twofold: the school buildings were
located on the Gary Farm, and the president himself was a cele-
brated horticulturist. This situation did not make for harmony,
for Mr. Gary's fine orchard of plums, cherries, apples and pears,
which adjoined the college grounds, was subject to frequent raids
by the boys. 56
In this mischief, Murat Halstead, Oliver W. Nixon and Joseph
G. McNutt were ringleaders and the newly admitted freshman,
Benjamin Harrison, was allowed to share in the perils and profits
of these forays. As a result there was a state of belligerency exist-
ing between the president and the students, which led to frequent
chapel lectures and repeated threats of expulsion. Sometimes the
president would act on mere suspicion or misinformation fur-
nished by the janitor and, when the boys would be apprehended
and exonerated by a scotch verdict, there would follow profuse
apologies in the chapel from the president and jubilations in
the south wing, where the Halstead-Harrison crowd had their
rooms. 57
The president, being a man of hot and cold fits, was good game
for the young collegians. Weekly prayer meetings were held in his
room. It was not an unusual thing, when a good brother would
58 Indianapolis Journal, June 29, 1888 (?), in Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook
No. 6, entitled "1888: Speeches of Harrison; Biographical/' p. 3.
5* New York Evening Post, loc. cit.
55 Weisenburger, op. cit., p. 163. Samuel Fenton Gary was an officer of The Na-
tional Division of the Sons of Temperance.
56 This account was given by W. P. Fishback in the New York Evening Post,
Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook No. 9, pp. 1-2, Harrison MSS.
.; also, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, July i, 1888.
PIONEER BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS 1
be in the midst of a lengthy prayer, for somebody to start a keg
filled with boulders rolling down the stairway, which was in the
hall adjoining the room where the meeting was in progress. All
was dark on the upper floor while this was going on, and when
the soft-footed president ascended and applied his ear to the key-
hole, the snoring of the occupants gave emphatic testimony to
their innocence. While these incidents served as pleasant diver-
sions in college life, young "Master" 58 Harrison was quickly in-
troduced to the more serious side of academic life.
The really strong man on the college faculty was not President
Freeman G. Gary, but the one next in seniority, a venerable and
lovable professor whom all College Hill Gary, the faculty,
and the students regarded as "our beloved Father." 59 He was
Dr. Robert Hamilton Bishop, an Edinburgh Scot, who came to
America -and the West when he was a young man. It was his spirit
that guided the formulation of institutional policy: "The gov-
ernment will be mild but firm," said Dr. Bishop, "essentially pa-
rental in character ... It will be taken for granted that every
youth and young man is honest . . . that he has entered the In-
stitution to improve, and the last thing questioned will be his
integrity." 60 These were the epitome of Bishop's philosophy of
education and of life.
When Ben first met him, Dr. Bishop was in the twilight of his
career, having already served for twenty years as a professor at
Transylvania University, 61 Lexington, Kentucky, and another
twenty years as president of Miami University, Oxford, Ohio.
Consequently, when he joined the faculty of Farmers' College
in 1846, he brought with him a wide reputation for scholarship
and for those warm qualities of sympathy and considerate atten-
tion that had won for him the respect and love of thousands of
his students. 62 Within two years of his death, James Mathews,
58 Both Mrs. Harrison and Ben's sister addressed their letters to Master B. Harri-
son, once he left home for Pleasant Hill. See letters of 1848 and 1849, Harrison MSS,
Vol. i, passim.
59 James H. Rodabaugh, Robert Hamilton Bishop (Columbus, Ohio, 1935),
p. 161.
60 A. B. Huston, Historical Sketch of Farmers' College (Cincinnati, 1902), p. 56;
Rodabaugh, op. cit., p. 166.
61 Transylvania was founded in 1780. See article in New York Evening Post, by
Fishback, Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook No. 9, Harrison MSS.
62 Rodabaugh, op. cit. f pp. 76-77.
32 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Chancellor of the University of the City of New York, felt safe
in saying of Dr. Bishop that "he had a more important agency in
that of directing the educational interests of the West, than any
other man who lived during the same period." 63
After three years of intimate association and diligent study
under Dr, Bishop's direction, Benjamin Harrison who was one
of fifty who recited with him each day 64 added his voice to an
ever-swelling chorus of praise and gratitude. As he was leaving
Farmers' College, Ben penned the following note to the Doctor:
Having for some years enjoyed the benefit of your instruction, and
being now about to pass from under your care, I would be truly un-
grateful were I not to return my warmest thanks for the lively in-
terest you have ever manifested in my welfare and advancement in
religious as well as scientific knowledge. 65
At Farmers' College, Bishop continued to teach the subjects
which had so attracted him while studying at Edinburgh. Occu-
pying the chair of history and political economy, 66 he poured into
the minds of the impressionable young men a philosophy preg-
nant with a spirit of liberalism and progressivism, and with a
fervent and reasonable love of liberty, truth and virtue. 67 His
broad knowledge, his youthful enthusiasm in old age, and his
personal interest in each student attracted a great following. 68
Upon Bishop's arrival at College Hill, the curriculum was lib-
eralized to a considerable extent and students were allowed a
much wider choice of subjects. Course selection was based, as the
old professor used to say, on a "scale of equivalents." If a student
were averse to tackling Greek or the difficult mathematics, he
could avoid one of them by taking "an equivalent" in Doctor
Bishop's classes. These "equivalent" classes were then unique,
and very attractive to boys who thought that in this way they
might work along the lines of least resistance. Bishop, how-
ever, had a way of fooling them. For example, the textbooks for
the current history class were the public documents which the
63 Cited in Rodabaugh, op. cit., p. 169.
64 Huston, op. cit., p. 56.
65 Benjamin Harrison to Dr. R. H. Bishop, August 28, 1850, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
66 Huston, op. cit., p. 56.
6T Weisenburger, op. cit., p. 175. His sixth chapter on "Religion and Education"
is well done.
68 Rodabaugh, op. cit. f p. 187.
PIONEER BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS 33
old students of Transylvania and Miami Universities, who were
in Congress, would dump upon the old doctor by the carload.
"Here, Harrison," he would say, "take this report of the Com-
missioner on Indian Affairs and give us at the next recitation the
leading facts as to the present condition of the Indians." 69 And
so he would apportion to the boys the reports of the War Depart-
ment, the Treasury, and so on, and at the next recitation short
essays would be read, followed by criticism from the doctor. He
was avid for facts, and frequently explained to his boys that,
"Other things being equal, that man will succeed best in any
given work who has the most facts." 70
In his three years with this eminently progressive preceptor,
Ben was impressed with the doctor's formula for learning. "Edu-
cation," Bishop maintained, "is getting possession of your mind,
so you can use facts as the good mechanic uses his tools." 71 Rules
for expression, moreover, were of primary importance with this
Scottish sage. He was averse to floridity of style. One of Ben's
classmates, Ed Straight, had been assigned the Cuban question.
For his recitation the anxious sophomore wrote a rhapsody about
the "Queen of the Antilles." The old doctor's criticism was: "Not
enough facts, and too much declamation." 72 It may well be that
Harrison's own severe classical style, particularly during the ear-
lier period of his public life, stems from the training he had
under Bishop.
Aside from his value as a professor, Bishop's presence was a
powerful stimulus to the college. Hailed by the students as the
"patriot," the "sage," and the incarnation of "college spirit," 78
he was at last asked by President Freeman Gary to formulate a
new policy of discipline. 74 In response to this request the seventy-
year-old educator introduced a disciplinary system that was novel
in its day. The general policy in most colleges was rather harsh
69 These facts are culled from the New York Evening Post article by Fishback,
Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook No. 9, Harrison MSS.
TO ibid.
73 "Bishop became sort of a loyalty for the school; the love and admiration for
him while he lived, and for his memory after his death took place of college flag
and colors. In 1850 measures were begun to create in his honor the Bishop Profes-
sorship. . . . The alumni built a small cottage home for Bishop and his wife. It
became a landmark in the tradition of the school after his death." Rodabaugh,
op. cit. f p. 165.
. 166.
34 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
and arbitrary. In the western schools of higher learning paddling
and other forms of corporal punishment were still quite com-
mon. Bishop, however, had inherited a more democratic spirit
from his associations in Scotland, and he took pains to recognize
his students as men, as his political and social equals. Conse-
quently, the policy he had declared at Miami University, and the
one he now drew up for Farmers' College, read as follows: "The
general principle of government of this Institution is: that every
young man who wishes to be a scholar, and expects to be useful
as a member of a free community, must at a very early period of
life acquire the power of self-government." 75 With this attitude
Bishop won Benjamin's respect and love, and consequently he
had over the future president a power and influence which few
professors or teachers are able to exert over those whom they
teach.
In 1896, with a wisdom born of age and experience, Benjamin
Harrison reflected significantly on the value of his early school-
ing. 76 He was thoroughly convinced that the "seeds of knowl-
edge" ought first be planted at the tender age of eighteen months,
and that the wise parent should not neglect the child until the
average school-going age of six or seven years. Granted that dur-
ing most of the intervening time the youngster is a scholar with-
out opinions and without doubts, he nevertheless maintained
that the early and individual attention was most desirable. 77
Harrison's point was plain. He knew from experience that boys
and girls needed at some time during their young lives the help-
ing hand of an adult "chum," a teacher who could converse with
them and bring into the open their hidden talents. Admitted, he
said, that the "average youngster is lectured, teased, chaffed and
petted; that he has had some moral and religious precepts im-
parted to him," the one important question to be asked is: "Has
any man or woman had a conversation with the boy?" 78
75 MM., pp. 76-77.
76 Benjamin Harrison, Views of an Ex-President (Indianapolis, 1901), pp. 419-
25. This book, compiled by Mary Lord Harrison, his second wife, is a collection of
Harrison's addresses and writings on subjects of public interest after the close of his
administration.
77 ibid.
1
8
I
A
V
w 2
J c
f^ S
'
^ 4J
.s
H Jp
13
(SS
I
From a Painting in Harmon Memorial Home
BENJAMIN HARRISON
(1726-1791)
SIGNER OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
From a Painting m Harrison Memorial Home
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON
NINTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
PIONEER BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS 35
Perhaps he was thinking o himself and his days under Doctor
Bishop when he gave the following illustration:
Consider the case of a boy. He has been brought into a vast workshop,
where the most subtle forces and the most intricate mechanisms are
humming and whirling; into a vast picture gallery where thousands
of canvases, great and small, are hung; into a great auditorium where
on many stages clowns and tragedians are acting and reciting. He
needs help; for a habit that will influence, yes control, his intellectual
life is now being acquired. Is he to have a wandering or a fixed eye;
a habit of attention or of mental dissipation? 79
Young Ben found his help, his "fixed eye," his influential edu-
cational force at Farmers' College, and, if one may judge from
his splendid collection of essays and compositions written for
Dr. Bishop, 80 it is abundantly clear that he discovered in this
venerable septuagenarian an adult companion with whom he
was to have many a serious conversation. In later life Harrison
was fond of quoting Montaigne's observation by way of contrast
with his own good fortune: " 'Tis the custom of school masters
to be eternally thundering in their pupils' ears, as though they
were pouring into a funnel. ... I would not have him alone to
invent and speak, but that he should also hear his pupils in re-
turn." 81 Ben glibly added his own comment: "The tank may be
full, but if there is no tap how shall we draw from it?" 82
Ben Harrison's first steps along the path to higher learning
were guided by the widely read and practical-minded Bishop, a
man who never permitted his academic charges to forget one im-
portant principle: When you speak publicly or privately, say
something people will care to remember. Harrison was one
charge who made this principle his own. Not only was he
successful in fashioning state papers, lectures and speeches
that were distinctive for ' 'clear, vigorous language and sound
, pp. 420-21.
80 Benjamin Harrison Papers, Vol. i, Nos. 83-143, contain over seventy pages of
Harrison's essays, compositions, and sermons in their original manuscript form, all
written for Dr. Bishop.
81 Benjamin Harrison, op. tit., p. 423.
36 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
thinking," 83 but even his casual conversations were remembered
as remarkably worth while. 84
While concise logic characterized his later public utterances,
the young Harrison had to learn the hard way. Under Bishop's
exacting eye he worked through the dry bones of Colonial and
later American history. These courses, Bishop insisted, were in-
tended to train the lawyer, the soldier and the statesman of the
next generation. Consequently, the elderly professor's courses
were thoroughly detailed and equally demanding. Indeed, the
opening classes were more than trying, but the young Harrison
was a willing subject.
Once young Ben got past his recitation on "The Character of
the Men Who Made the First Discoveries in America," he'found
that the grind had just begun. He was required to spend long
hours digging out salient facts on "The First Settlement of Mary-
land and Massachusetts." 85 In an era when college outlines were
home-made, and short-cuts to knowledge were frowned upon,
Ben spent long hours in an inadequately equipped library. He
terminated his researches on the Colonies with the conclusion
that: "The Puritan may be considered as the source from which
all our republican principles have sprung and as such should be
remembered by us with the deepest gratitude and love." 86
Master Harrison was assigned a long period of study on the
knotty problems of the American Revolution and its military
and naval aftermath, the War of 1812. Minutely detailed lists of
American generals, colonels and captains had to be drawn up
one day; on the next, a similar list of British officers. During daily
class recitation that followed, the causes of the war, battles, with
exact geographical locations and results, were discussed in de-
tail. 87 Ben was learning early the value of marshaling and inter-
preting facts.
83 Henry L. Stoddard, As I Knew Them: Presidents and Politics from Grant to
Coolidge (New York, 1927), p. 167: "Harrison's state papers and his subsequent
lectures are an interpretation of national problems and purpose unsurpassed for
sturdy patriotism. . . ."
84 John L. Griffith's recollection of Harrison in the Western Inter-Ocean, March
86 Composition No. 2 for Dr. Bishop, Benjamin Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
86JbJd.
87 Composition Nos. 3-8 for Dr. Bishop, Benjamin Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
PIONEER BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS %*J
Inasmuch as Bishop was one of the first in the United States
to have and to teach a systematic social philosophy, 88 it is not
surprising that he was no less demanding with his assignments in
the field of social relations. When Ben was assigned a composi-
tion on "Some of the Leading Differences in the Modes of Liv-
ing, Labor and Enjoyment of the Comforts of Life in a Savage
and a Highly Advanced State of Society," he made some shrewd
observations for a sixteen-year-old, the bulk of which character-
ized his later thinking and chivalrous conduct. Perhaps Bishop
smiled when Ben reported:
The manner by which women are treated is good criterion to judge
of the true state of society. If we knew but this one feature in a char-
acter of a nation, we may easily judge of the rest, for as society ad-
vances, the true character of woman is discovered . . . and appre-
ciated. . . . Look at the position woman occupies in this country, in-
stead of being regarded as a slave far beneath the dignity of man, she
is considered a superior being, and in the eyes of many an angel, this
is however, the case only when we behold them through the telescope
of love, which like all other telescopes has the power of magnifying
objects, and perhaps this possesses the power to a greater degree than
any other, but whether we behold them through this glass or any
other, she still appears worthy of the exalted position which she oc-
cupies. 89
Shortly after his nomination as the Republican presidential
candidate in June 1888, the searchlight of inquiry was turned
on Harrison's private life. Was he rich? Had he accumulated
great wealth in property? When the facts were made public, his
good name was none the worse for the inquiry. One paragraph
in the daily press summed up the findings:
General Harrison is generous to a fault. Whether public or private,
a meritorious charity has rarely appealed to him in vain. He has given
away money by hundreds, even thousands of dollars, year after year,
and the result is that, though always having a good income from his
profession, he has accumulated comparatively little property. The
needs of friends, the calls for political expenses, church expenses,
88 Rodabaugh, op. cit., p. 187. The author claims that, if anyone deserves such
acclaim, Bishop might well be designated the "father of American Sociology" be-
cause he carried to America the social philosophy of Ferguson as it was interpreted
and expanded according to the liberal and somewhat revolutionary principles of
Stewart.
89 Composition No. 9 for Dr. Bishop, Benjamin Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
38 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
church charities, and the thousand and one benevolences which never
fail to find a liberal man, have prevented much accumulation.^
This generous disposition was a growth and the seed was plant-
ed early in Harrison. Knowing his father's good nature, and the
ministerial background of Bishop, his preceptor, it is not surpris-
ing to read that Ben in a prep-school exercise wrote that the "Cre-
ator planted certain principles within the human heart," and
that "one of the most powerful of these is that which prompts us
to sympathize with suffering humanity." He added significantly
that the "Creator did not design that they [the principles] should
lie dormant, and if we suffer them to be hidden in our bosom, we
must certainly suffer the penalty." 91
Although Professor Bishop exercised his students in the art
of biographical writing, young Ben had little talent along those
lines. 92 Yet, in his third year at College Hill he came up with an
interesting essay on "The Qualifications Necessary to Form a
Good Historian." If a man did not have "good hard common
sense," Ben claimed, it was impossible "to make a good historian
out of him." To this natural qualification Harrison added sound
judgment, selection of details, suitable perseverance and indus-
try. In his conclusion he gives the key to his own later character-
istic of study and research: "Before a man can do justice to any
subject he must be entirely conversant with that subject, thus it
is with the historian, he must study his subject until he can truly
say he has mastered it." 93
The field of politics, and particularly the presidential election
of 1848, afforded Harrison ample opportunity for composition in
a subject in which he was vitally interested. The three-cornered
fight for the presidency in 1848 moved his pen to spell out strong
sentiments against the Free Soilers, a coalition party which nomi-
nated Martin Van Buren to run on a platform of "Free Soil, free
o Indianapolis Journal, July i, 1888.
l This was Composition No. 13, entitled "A Statement of the Obligation under
which Every Man is 10 Give Assistance to the Poor and Needy According as God
Has Prospered Him." In still another essay (No. 15) Harrison wrote "that only in
the Noble Will of God could we have the welfare and the benefit we do." Harrison
MSS, Vol. i.
92 The two attempted biographical sketches made by Harrison do not read
smoothly. See Compositions No. 14 2- d 18 for Dr. Bishop, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
In keeping with his times, Harrison wrote in full florid style.
93 Composition No. 15 for Dr. Bishop, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
PIONEER BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS 39
speech, free labor and free men." 94 "Old Van" was distinctly a
used-up man in comparison with the Democratic nominee, Cass
of Michigan, or the Whig candidate, old Rough and Ready Tay-
lor, hero of Buena Vista. Ben saw Van Buren's candidacy in an
unfavorable light, and wrote: "Is it not a good example of the
absurdity to which party spirit leads men, for those of the free
soil faction, who were, in their saner moments, true Whigs, so to
be blinded by party as to see in Martin Van Buren, instead of
the traitor which he is, a man fit to fill the presidential chair?" 95
Equally important with literary composition was the compan-
ion subject, reading. In this connection Bishop taught the in-
effable superiority of reading history over that of the novel. 00
When Ben was required to express his views in this fi>ld, either
from expediency or conviction he followed Bishop's line of rea-
soning that novel reading was not only inferior but also produc-
tive of evil. At the end of a long litany of purported ills that stem
directly from contact with the novel, Harrison concluded that
"It unfits the mind for close application to many subjects, and I
have the authority of Doctor Bishop that it weakens the mind and
if carried to excess will ultimately destroy it." 97 Then, plumbing
the depth of his imaginative powers, Ben told this story which
affords insight into a young mind developing rapidly:
To impress more strongly upon your mind the bad effect of novel
reading I will narrate an instance which came under my observa-
tion while taking a tour in the East. There was a certain young man
named Brown who followed the trade of shoe-making in a certain
city through which it was my luck to pass ... he became by degrees
so addicted to the damnable habit of novel reading that although he
not only occupied his leisure moments in this way, but frequently en-
04 Theodore Clark Smith has the best treatment in his Liberty and Free Soil
Parties in the Northwest (New York, 1897). Cass of Michigan succeeded Polk as the
Democratic candidate; the Whigs nominated General Taylor. The third party was
formed by a coalition of three hitherto separate and hostile elements the Aboli-
tionist-Liberty Party, the "conscience" or antislavery Whigs of New England, and
the "Barnburner" faction of the New York Democracy, which came in to be re-
venged on Cass for "stealing" the nomination from Van Buren. Van Buren did not
carry a single state.
95 Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
6 It was one of Bishop's pet pedagogical principles that "history was superior
to romance" in every respect. Harrison's statement: Composition No. 2, Harrison
MSS, Vol. i.
97 Composition for the Society, No. 2, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
40 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
croached on his powers of labor . . . with the result that he sought
everywhere for a Heloise ... he became acquainted with a female
who had unfortunately been christened by that name and an intimacy
soon sprung up between them. . . .
Heloise was weak enough to consent to an interview with her ad-
mirer. They met at the appointed place of rendezvous and after walk-
ing for some time they found themselves in a retired spot . . . Brown
stopped and drawing an awl from his bosom, embraced his sweetheart
and exclaimed "Here, dear Heloise, we must die together." Saying
this he struck the awl into her bosom and it must have proved fatal
had it not stuck into the whale bone of her staves (which proves not-
withstanding all that has been said to the contrary that her staves
were useful to her). He followed this with eight more blows which
inflicted as many wounds. He then attempted to kill himself and soon
fell bathed in his own blood
I will conclude by saying that the wounds were not mortal. Brown
recovered to be a wise man and Heloise to repent her interview with
the novel reader. 98
Twelve years after he had left Farmers' College, Benjamin
Harrison, after Lincoln's call for volunteers in July 1862, began
a tour of duty as Colonel of the 7oth Indiana Regiment. To his
wife he wrote: "I believe it is conceded now that our Regiment
was the first into the field under the last call. We are proud of
the position and hope to be the last to turn our backs to the en-
emy"; 99 two days later he said: "Let the office and all its honors
and emoluments go. I would not give up the consciousness that
I am rendering humble service to my country in this hour of her
sore trial for all the honors and riches of the land"; 100 and after
three months under arms: "I love to feel [I am] in some humble
way serving a country which has brought so many honors to my
kindred and such untold blessings to those I love." 101
Those sentiments spoken on the field of battle echo strongly
the words he spoke and the spirit he imbibed at sixteen. He had
handed in an essay on patriotism, the essential theme of which
was: "True patriotism unmingled with base and selfish motives
is one of the greatest virtues a man can possess. It is one of those
few jewels which equally becomes the highest or the lowest. In
88 Ibid. This is in Harrison's own handwriting; the paragraph division is the
author's.
09 Benjamin Harrison to his wife, August 21, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4, 689-91.
100 Benjamin Harrison to his wife, August 23, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4,
692-93.
101 Benjamin Harrison to his wife, October 9, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4, 719-20.
PIONEER BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS 41
the King or the peasant it shines brightest of all the gems which
deck the royal diadem, and yet it scorns not the brow of the
humblest." 102 Yet the seed that grew into the flower of 1862 was
expressed in his own boyish language:
Who would not exchange all the military glory of Napoleon or
Alexander for the name of patriot? Whose ambition could ask more,
whose aspirations be higher than to have his name handed down to
posterity as a firm, unselfish, exampled patriot, one who holds the
honor of his country above every other consideration and was ready
at a moment's notice to sacrifice on his country's altar, his life, his
property, his all? 108
Before leaving the portals of Farmers' College, Ben gave evi-
dence that Professor Bishop was not inactive in his pristine role
of a Presbyterian minister. His students were required to write
and preach "practice" sermons, and in many cases the young men
set down what was to be the rule and measure of their lives. On
one occasion Harrison set out to preach on a subject which was
to be for him personally a perennial problem, declaring that
"when a man suffers his business to occupy all his attention, then
there is no room for religious contemplation, no time that can
be devoted to the consideration of heavenly things." 104 And he
might have added then, as he did a decade later, in a letter to his
wife: "I feel now in the absorbing hold that my business had
upon me for the last two years, I was wasting the higher part of
my nature and neglecting those offices of love in my family that
develop the heart and make others happy. I was too anxious to
provide against bodily want, and was neglecting the cravings of
the spirit." 105
Home life at The Point had moved in its usual cycle, while
Ben was away at school. Apart from vacation periods, the family
did not see much of either Irwin or Ben, though they did slip
102 The title was: "Of All the Generous and Ennobling Feelings which the Hu-
man Mind is Capable of Generating, Patriotism Seems to Proceed from the Holiest
and Highest Source." Composition No. 6, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
103 Ibid.
104 Sermon No. s for Dr. Bishop, Harrison MSS, Vol. i. He also asked: "What
does it profit a man, if he gains the whole world, and lose his own soul?" The
sermon scores the desire of earthly prosperity which diverts the mind from God.
105 Benjamin Harrison to his wife, Dec. 4, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4, 755-58.
42 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
home to lend a hand to the plow in spring and to work with the
men in the fields at harvest time. 106 Frequent letters from Sallie,
Anna and Jennie indicate how much the "young men" of the
family were missed, especially on those pleasanter days free from
farm labor and household duties when the family plotted a fish-
ing expedition on the Ohio, 107 or when the Miami swarmed with
wild ducks and rod and reel yielded to the rifle. 108
One of the reasons for Ben's infrequent trips home was the
continued financial embarrassment experienced by John Scott
Harrison. 109 In the fall of 1849 "money was so tight" 110 that John
Scott seriously doubted that he could afford to keep Irwin and
Ben at Farmers' College. In addition to feeling the pinch of pov-
erty, the father of the growing household almost sickened to see
his young family laid low from time to time by prevalent epi-
demics of cholera, smallpox, influenza, typhoid, dysentery, scarlet
fever, and by the scourge of the common cold. Almost every letter
Ben received brought news of illness and suffering, and in the
sixth month of his departure from home he received the sad news
that his baby brother, Findlay, had died. 111
Despite the absence of money and the presence of suffering
and sorrow, the family spirit was far from broken, or even low.
For the family feasts at Thanksgiving and Christmas Ben always
found a way to get home. The Christmas of 1849 was particularly
happy and memorable, though it was the last celebration at which
the children would have their mother at the other end of the long
dining-room table. In late November, Ben began to anticipate
some of the joy of Christmas preparations. In a letter from sister
Sallie he read:
I expect you have almost despaired of hearing from me at all and
indeed you have good reasons so thinking. But I have a pretty good
106 Indianapolis Journal, June 30, 1888.
107 Anna Harrison to Benjamin, September 14, 1849, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
108 Sallie Harrison to Benjamin, January 7, 1851, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
109 See letters of Sept. 14, 1849, October 7, 1849, and February, 1850, to Benjamin
Harrison from his sisters Sallie and Jennie, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
no Anna Harrison to Benjamin, December 20, 1849, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
in E. I. Harrison to Irwin and Benjamin, February 9, 1848, Harrison MSS, Vol.
i. Mrs. Harrison had to tell the boys that: "There has been a sad change in our
family since dear Findlay was with us, and in perfect health; he is now in the silent
tombbut his spirit is in heaven, when we think of that we can be reconciled to
our loss, dear little fellow, he was a sweet child, may we all be prepared to follow
him."
PIONEER BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS 43
excuse, for we have been so busy, Jennie and I, that we have scarcely
a spare moment. I have been away from home so much that my sewing
has collected so much, that it keeps me very busy, and we have such
a miserable girl in the kitchen that it takes part of my time to prepare
our meals. Well, drawing and preparing our Christmas presents con-
sumes time also 112
In the messages to her boys at school Mrs. Harrison consistently
exhorted them to show care in choosing companions, to avoid
the evils of idleness, to use leisure time for cultural interests. 118
Nor was John Scott less vigilant, for when Ben decided that
dormitory life would be more conducive to his advancement
than boarding-house quarters, Ben's father wrote a letter which
speaks for itself:
I sometimes feel a bit more uneasiness about you than I did when
your brother Irwin was with you and you were living in a private
house. I feel too you are now more exposed to many temptations in-
cident to a college life. And yet I believe you have firmness enough to
resist evil influences no matter how flattering may be the garb in
which they are presented. Let your actions always be governed by the
same moral influences which were experienced over you when a lit-
tle boy at home, and with God's help you are safe. I hope you never
lose sight of your entire confidence in your Maker both morning and
evening acknowledging your manifold obligations to Him. It is said
of Mr. Adams that he never went to sleep without repeating the
prayer his mother taught when he was a boy. . . , 114
From a number of "complaints" contained in letters from The
Point, Benjamin had more than one account to render for his
conduct. Rank negligence in correspondence, consumption of
"forbidden" cucumbers, and the smoking of "long" cigars called
forth epistolary anathemas from various members of the family.
112 Sallie to Master Benjamin Harrison, November 24, 1849, Harrison MSS, Vol.
i. At Christmas time Ben was expected to play the part of Santa, and was told by
John Scott that "Carter wants you to bring him some shooting crackers . . . Anna
wants some candy for John Myers' children . . . Carter also wants some sky rockets
... he sends a dollar. I think it will be poorly expended myself, but he claims it as
his own property." John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, December 1850, Harrison
MSS. Ben was expected to pick up these items in Cincinnati. See also letter of
December 20, 1849, Anna to Benjamin. She sends him money for his trip home.
Harrison MSS.
H3 . i. Harrison to Irwin and Benjamin, February 9, May 22, and July 24,
1848, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
114 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, December 10, 1849, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
44 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
One day Jennie would write; the next, Sallie. Soon, a whole series
of postscripts carried dire threats and warnings. On July 23, 1848,
Jennie wrote to Irwin: "Tell Benja if he don't write me, we will
scratch him out of our books." This letter carried an interesting
series of postscripts. Sallie began:
I write these few lines by way of postscript, to give Ben a good
lecture for not writing oftener, indeed three lines are all that have
been received from him for a long, long while; it is a downright shame
to neglect us all in this way, Jennie and I are always punctual about
writing and of course we expect punctuality to be reciprocated . . .
P.S. . . . Please don't take offense at my lecture, you know my dear
boys it was all through a spirit of kindness that I made the foregoing
remarks hoping that you would profit by the scolding.
P.P.S Tell Ben Pa is quite hurt to think that he still continues
to eat cucumbers notwithstanding his advice, and often said that he
cannot account for his not writing, so if he wants to please his father
he will change in this respect.
A third postscript to this same letter by Mrs. Harrison un-
doubtedly left its mark. In her maternal but insisting way she
wrote:
I intended writing you last evening, but was laid up with a sick
headache . . . why has not Benjamin written? Let him answer and
give us frequent letters to make up for his past neglect ... we feel
constantly anxious about you. I hope you will be prudent in your
diet and that Benja may abstain from cucumbers ... If Mrs. S. family
don't keep them [sic] ask him to banish them from the table so that
Ben may not be tempted. . . . May God bless my sons and take them
beneath his kind care. 115
When older sister Betsey, on a visit to College Hill, found Ben
and Irwin puffing away on long cigars, the remonstrance that
came from home was couched in language quite restrained. Anna
wrote that "Pa thinks you are very young gentlemen to be acquir-
ing so bad a habit." 118
Under the great strain of his mother's untimely death and the
reasoned decision to complete his studies at Miami University,
115 Jennie Harrison to Irwin and Benjamin, July 23, 1848, Harrison MSS, Vol.
i. The postscripts form part of this letter.
lie Anna Harrison to Benjamin, June 5, 1850, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
PIONEER BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS 45
Oxford, Ohio, Ben, just having turned seventeen, sat down and
wrote a long letter on August 28, 1850, to Doctor Bishop:
Your kind letter expressing your sympathy with us under our mul-
tiplied afflictions was received some weeks since and I should have
returned my sincere thanks for your well-wishes and good advice ere
this, but that your letter came at a time when all my thoughts cen-
tered around, as most of my time was spent, around the death bed of
a dear mother, and the curtain of death having at last closed the
touching scene, and the first violent outbreaks of grief having sub-
sided, a minor affliction in the shape of a poisoned right hand pre-
vented my using my pen. . . .
Ben went on to explain that Irwin and three other members of
the family had been laid low with dysentery, and "the hand of
God has indeed been pressing sorely on our little household."
The triple death of mother, her baby, and a younger brother
profoundly affected Ben's thinking, and in this same letter he
noted that "But a short time since they were well with a hold
upon life which appeared to be strong and now they are gone,
gone to tender up their account at the bar of God." His own per-
sonal feelings he confided to the understanding doctor: "How
such events should impress us with the necessity of making our
peace with GodI In view of these, many are the good resolves I
have made for the future. How faithfully I will adhere to them
only time will reveal "
The grief-stricken young man said he could not trust himself
in a letter to speak of the death-bed scene, his present feelings,
or future resolves. These would have to wait until "I ... be al-
lowed the privilege of conversing with you in person." Ben closed
his letter by expressing to Bishop his warmest thanks for the love
and devotion that had been showered upon him for three years,
and
Though I shall no more take my seat in your classroom, I would
not that this separation should destroy whatever of interest you might
have felt in my welfare. But that whenever you may see anything in
my course which you deem reprehensible or any advice you may sug-
gest . . . under whatever circumstances and whatever subject, it can
never meet with other than a hearty welcome. . . . 11T
117 This is the earliest letter of Benjamin Harrison to be preserved, Harrison
MSS,Vol.i.
CHAPTER III
Love, Learning and Law
ONE MONTH and ten days after his seventeenth birthday,
Benjamin Harrison set out for Miami University at Ox-
ford, Ohio. The day before departure from The Point
lingered in Ben's memory as a sad one. It was no easy task to
take leave of his brothers and sisters who were now deprived of
the love and care of a devoted mother. The family realized that
John Scott was a wonderful father to them, yet their loss was
severe. While Ben was packing his few belongings and his notes
from Farmers' College, in preparation for his trip to Oxford,
John Scott was in his own room writing a letter to Rev. William
C. Anderson, 1 President of Miami University:
My son Benjamin, the bearer hereof, leaves home tomorrow for
Oxford, with a view of attaching himself to one of the classes in your
institution.
Benjamin has been for several years a student of Farmers 1 College
in this county . . . and will hand you a statement of his standing in
that school, which Doctor Bishop was so kind to give without solicita-
tion.
It would have given me great pleasure to have accompanied Ben-
jamin to Oxford. But my own health and that of a daughter, now in
the city, will not permit my leaving home. I therefore send Benjamin
alone, and commend him to your kind care and instruction.
Any aid you may be able to render Benjamin in the selection of a
proper place to board will be gratefully received. 2
Unfortunately, this letter does not reveal the conflict behind
the scenes, nor does it attempt to list the reasons why Ben finally
matriculated at this "Yale of the West." 8 In the fall of 1850 John
Scott Harrison found himself well along the road to financial
1 William C. Anderson served as President of Miami from 1849 to 1854. Though
he never attended Miami as a student, he had received in 1834 an honorary MJ\.
degree from that institution. Anderson previously held a professorship in the Theo-
logical Seminary at New Albany, Indiana, and also taught at Hanover College in
the same state. For the dose relationship maintained by both these institutions with
Miami University, see James H. Rodabaugh, Robert Hamilton Bishop, p. 161.
2 J, S. Harrison to Rev. William C. Anderson, September 30, 1850, Harrison MSS,
Vol. i.
3 John W. Scott, in his A History and Biographical Cyclopedia of Butler County
nhin /Pinrinnafi ,fto\ fi_* rt ^Ka M^ *U* *U/ j^ _r /.,_, ,_. f *'
LOVE, LEARNING AND LAW 47
ruin, 4 and was forced to abandon long-cherished hopes of send-
ing his son to a renowned "Yankee college." This blow of ap-
parent ill fortune was, in reality, a boon to Ben, and dovetailed
nicely with a new and rapidly growing interest which first took
possession of his heart back on College Hill.
Early in 1848, through the good offices of Dr. Bishop, Ben, then
a freshman at Farmers' College, was introduced to Rev. Dr. John
W. Scott, 5 who had come to Farmers' College in 1845, along
with Bishop. The two educators had been intimate friends ever
since Scott came to Miami University in 1828, a graduate of
Washington College, Pennsylvania. Professor Scott, somewhat
of a pioneer in the field of education for women, had succeeded
in organizing a woman's college on College Hill, in the years he
was teaching young Harrison and his contemporaries the rudi-
ments of chemistry and physics.
During the closing months of his freshman year, Ben was a
frequent and welcomed visitor at Dr. Scott's residence, and it was
not an interest in molecules nor a yearning to master the laws of
thermodynamics that attracted him. No mention is made in the
Harrison Papers of Dr. Scott's pedagogical prowess. There is evi-
dence, however, that Mr. and Mrs. Scott were blessed with two
daughters and two sons, Elizabeth, Caroline, John, and Henry.
Carrie Scott was not so handsome as Lizzie, but she was attrac-
tive enough to win Benjamin's heart. In the eyes of this love-
struck freshman Carrie was "charming and loveable, petite and
a little plump, with soft brown eyes and a wealth of beautiful
brown hair." 6 They grew fond of one another, and this budding
romance blossomed until that frosty day in 1849 when Dr. Scott
moved his school from College Hill to Oxford, Ohio, and
founded a larger institution, The Oxford Female Institute. To
diploma was set high . . . the full curriculum was patterned very much after that
of Yale; and in its palmiest days . . . when its number of students rose some years
to near two hundred and fifty it obtained the soubriquet 'Yale of the West.' "
4 This story is told in a series of letters (Jan. 12, 16, and Nov. 20, 25, 1850) from
John Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, Short Family Papers, Box 55. Immedi-
ately after having been granted a loan of $4,000 by John Cleves Short, John Scott
wrote to him "your kindness relieves me for the present, at least, of parting with a
home which (though sadly desolate of late) still is endeared to me by many tender
and hallowed associations/' November 25, 1850, Short Family Papers, Box 55.
5 "Three of the most illustrious educators of the early West were Robert Hamil-
ton Bishop, William Holmes McGuffey, the famed author of the Readers bearing
his name, and John W. Scott." For a further estimate of their work see James H.
Rodabaugh, op. cit. t Chapter 4.
48 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Ben's sorrow, he took his family and former students with him.
But Ben quickly concluded that there were striking "educa-
tional advantages" connected with matriculation at Miami Uni-
versity. That October day when he presented his application to
President Anderson, he in no wise shared his father's regrets that
he could not afford to be educated in the cultured East.
Proud of her title, "Daughter of the Old Northwest," Miami
University dates her origin from a Congressional Land Grant of
1787- 7 Equally proud can she be of her location, for the village
of Oxford is beautifully situated on the crown of a hill overlook-
ing two magnificent valleys. Today's wide smooth streets and
well-kept lawns give no indication of the hardships, setbacks and
financial woes of the university during her pioneer days. Granted
a charter on February 17, i8og, 8 it was not until the fall of 1824
that Miami's portals were opened to students, and only in the
following spring was Dr. Robert Hamilton Bishop inaugurated
as the first president. 9
In the autumn of 1850, when Benjamin Harrison enrolled as
a member of the junior class, he found Miami enjoying her most
prosperous era under the efficient direction of President Ander-
son. From a nadir of 68 students the registration had risen to well
over 250, while intellectual standards were maintained at a high
level and hard work was the order of the day. In the catalogue
he could read.that the course of study "was full and thorough in
all departments, and equal in these respects to that of any college
in the United States." 10 Harrison was to learn first hand that this
claim could be substantiated, and although Miami was the thir-
tieth university to be established in the United States, and the
seventh state university, 11 nevertheless it compared favorably in
the matter of faculty and enrollment with the more renowned
institutions of the country. 12
7 This grant was made to John Cleves Symmes, William Henry Harrison's father-
in-law. It was known as the Symmes' Purchase.
8 James H. Rodabaugh, "Miami University, Calvinism, and the Anti-Slavery
Movement," Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, 48 (January, 1939),
66-73.
A. H. Upham, "The Centennial of Miami University," Ohio State Archaeologi-
cal and Historical Quarterly, 18 (1909), 322-44.
10 Harrison MSS, Vol. a.
11 Donald G. Tewksbury, The Founding of American Colleges and Universities
Before the Civil War (New York, 1932), pp. 70, 167.
LOVE, LEARNING AND LAW 49
During a period of adjustment to this new university life Ben
enjoyed much less freedom at Miami than he had had at Farmers'
College. This was not because the laws against dueling, card-play-
ing and dancing in any sense rested heavily on his young shoul-
ders, nor because he felt impeded by the injunction that "no
student shall wear about his person pistol, dirk, stiletto, or other
dangerous weapon." 18 Rather, it was the strict daily order of study
and class, varied only by class and study, which made heavy de-
mands upon the already seriously inclined young junior.
School law said that all students must be in their rooms from
7:00 in the evening until chapel services the next morning at
7:30. After the reading of Scripture and prayers, the daily aca-
demic program got under way. Recitations and class began at
8:00 and carried through until 11:00 A.M., with the result that
breakfast and last-minute "cramming" were squeezed in between
a self-appointed hour of rising and chapel service. 14
Daily recitations brought the students into direct contact with
the faculty who, during Ben's stay at Miami, were "men of un-
usual attainments and influence. 1 ' 15 At 8:00 A.M., Dr. J. C. Moffat,
the soul of dignity, presided over the Latin class. He was fol-
lowed at 9:00 by "Old Charley" Elliott, a scholarly and absent-
minded professor who wrestled with Greek. 16 The last hour of
class in the morning usually was spent in "a queer little science
hall" in which Professor O. N. Stoddard endeavored to explain
the mysteries of natural science.
Volumes in
University Students Library Instructors
Bowdoin 143 14,000 10
Dartmouth 302 14*500 12
Yale 561 25,500 31
Columbia 146 14,000 11
Princeton 237 11,000 13
Georgetown 130 12,000 17
University of Virginia 247 i535<> 9
College of South Carolina 160 19,000 not given
Harvard 382 49,500 30
Miami 250 6,200 6
13 Royal Cortissoz, The Life of Whitelaw Reid (New York, 1921), I, 13. Reid,
Harrison's vice-presidential running mate in 1892, entered Miami University the
year after Ben's graduation. Reid's letters on his college life are colorful.
i* The catalogue read: "Instruction in Religion and Morality is," according to
the Charter, "among the objects for which the University is established . . . ; and
the students are required to be present daily at the religious worship in the chapel."
Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
15 Upham, op. cit. t pp. 322-44.
16 Ibid. See also Cortissoz, op. cit. t I, 15.
50 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
The boys were assigned a study period in the hour preceding
and following the light meal at noon, but the time was rarely
spent in the way the college authorities had prescribed. At about
11:30 A.M., the mail arrived, and this was a general signal for
many to quit their books and quickly devour the news from the
outside world. Immediately after lunch the rooms of the more
popular men served as caucus chambers where assembled col-
legians swapped stories on the latest happenings at home and
reviewed recently written chapters on campus love-life. Ben en-
joyed similar sessions in his own room, and his roommate, John
Anderson, has fortunately left us a picture:
. . . when we sat together in our room at Oxford . . . "gowned and
slippered" . . . your book in hand . . . picking your nose or gazing at
the chance coal in the little stove . . . thinking of I won't say who
perhaps Doctor Scott . . . with frowning brow descanting on Saylor's
latest meanness ... or "in costume" dreading the intended bath . . .
[or outside] bowling on the green ... or strolling along the river
bank at evening 17
This collegiate camaraderie did not altogether please the authori-
ties in charge of discipline. For a period, visits of inspection were
frequently made, but as discipline improved they ceased.
While Ben was acclimating himself to Oxford and a new group
of friends, he was much perturbed that his family failed to write
to him. Towards the end of his second week he was rewarded
with a long and warm letter from his married sister, who was
delighted to learn that her young student-brother "was so well
pleased with the situation at Oxford" and she significantly added
her sincere hope that "you will so conduct yourself that all the
professors will be pleased with you.*' This letter was not written
in a completely serious vein. Evidently Betsey suspected the worst
when she asked Ben "what in the world made your lips so sore? I
hope no one has been kissing you so hard they raised a blister;
come confess and tell me all the particulars." Having promised
to keep Ben supplied with Cincinnati papers, she concluded, her
letter with very pointed words of counsel, as she exhorted Ben:
Bear in mind that now is the time to establish your character there.
And whatever reputation you gain now, that you will have through
out your whole college life, and will have a strong bearing on your
17 John Alexander Anderson to Benjamin Harrison, March a*, 18154, Harrison
MSS.Vol.a. 3 J *
LOVE, LEARNING AND LAW 51
future career. I have bright hopes for you, Ben, don't, I pray you, with
your own hand snatch from a beloved sister this fond anticipation. 18
Ben was soon seriously distracted from his studies by the lack
of news from home; even in late October only short scribbled
messages gave the worried boy to understand that "a series of mis-
haps and mistakes too tedious to mention" 19 precluded anything
like regular correspondence. They were the perennial difficulties.
Jennie wrote, "Pa has not written because he wants to wait until
he can send you money" (Oct. 19); "Pa was disappointed in get-
ting his business transacted" (Oct. 26). November, however, saw
a change for the better. A favorable wind chased from The Point
the perennial cloud of misfortune, with the result that Ben re-
ceived his first real letter from his father. John Scott Harrison
expressed his satisfaction that Oxford met with his son's approval,
and, like sister Bet, he urged Ben "to try hard to stand high in the
estimation of both professors and fellow students." 20
The father's enthusiastic desire to see Ben get ahead did not
blind him to the ordinary obstacles which fall across the path of
the young man who endeavors to stand in well with the teachers
as well as with the crowd. He explained away the misconception
popular in college circles that "no man can serve two masters":
the faculty and the students. With Ben he insisted vigorously
that one may earn "the esteem of both ... by pursuing a straight
forward, honorable course in all things ... by showing proper
respect and by giving diligent attention to all your studies." In
conclusion he told him to do all this:
. . . and at the same time winning the friendship and good will of
students of a kind, approvable manner, and a display of high-minded
generosity and forgiveness in your intercourse with them, being al-
ways as ready to overlook an unintentional wrong as you would be to
resent an intended or premeditated enmity.
It is very important in acquiring the good will of your associates,
in that we should never seek to make a witty remark at the expense of
the feelings of a less gifted friend or acquaintance. 21
These words flowed from the depth of his personal experience.
His own life was testimony to the value of friendship and with
18 Betsey H. Eaton to Benjamin Harrison, October 9, 1850, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
19 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, October 19, 1850, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
20 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, November 4, 1850, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
21 Ibid.
52 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
the air of an arm-chair philosopher he could say, "we may call
forth the momentary applause of the company by flashes of our
wit, but we pay too dearly for the liberty, if it is acquired by the
loss of a friend, no matter how dull he may be of intellect. If he
has a heart to feel, and an arm to aid, his friendship is worth
preserving." 22
John Scott Harrison's paternal but hard common sense was not
wasted upon unwilling ears. Though not of the rollicking type,
Ben cultivated more than a few friends. He was not selfish, "yet
his love of self made him careful of his time and of his reserve
powers/' 23 He had his likes and his dislikes, was somewhat care-
less of his external appearance, and yet left the over-all impres-
sion with his fellow students as
... an unpretentious but courageous student . . . respectable in lan-
guage and science . . . and excellent in political science and history
. . . who talked easily and fluently and never seemed to regard life as
a joke nor opportunities for advancement as subject for sport . . .
[and was] impressed with the belief that he was ambitious. . . , 24
After he had passed through the early years at Miami, Ben,
in common with his classmates, found the chains of friendship
forged more strongly. As a group, the junior class felt compelled
to band together, to pool their intellectual efforts in an attempt
to satisfy various professional demands. Here young Harrison
was able to play a significant role, for, according to one of the
class, "the three brightest men of the college were Benjamin
Harrison, David Swing and Milton Saylor." 26 If the Greek were
unusually difficult, the boys would call at Swing's room on the
way to class to be coached; in return, Harrison and Saylor would
help Swing over the hard places in mathematics. This group
worked splendidly for themselves and for the class .as a whole,
22 ibid.
23 Lewis W. Ross, Ben's classmate, and later a successful lawyer in Council Bluffs,
Iowa, wrote a long letter to Lew Wallace who included it as a footnote in the Life
of Gen. Ben Harrison, pp. 60-62.
24 Ibid. Ross claims that Harrison's proficiency in political science and history
was due "largely to the foundations laid under the instruction of Dr. Bishop at
Farmers' College."
25 David Swing, of Chicago, took second honors, and Milton Saylor, later of New
York City, took the first honors. Ross claimed that "Harrison in class standing and
merit, ranked above the average," loc. cit. f p. 61. See also St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
July i, 1888, for a like confirmation of class standings.
LOVE, LEARNING AND LAW 53
and it is not difficult to see how life-friendships resulted. 28
During these formative years Ben cultivated another very close
friend. His name was John Alexander Anderson, a sophomore,
and between these two seventeen-year-olds there sprang up a mu-
tual feeling of respect and devotion that lasted for years. Shortly
after the 1852 Commencement, when Ben was absent from the
first alumni reunion dinner held at Oxford, Anderson wrote:
But I was very sorry indeed, then, that you did not come . . . [for] I
have had so much real happiness with you that I think apart from
your innate power of giving enjoyment, association must have some-
thing to do with it. ... And you always bring with you a recollection
of old times that no one else can produce. 27
And after John Anderson himself had graduated and had ac-
cepted a chair of Latin, Greek and mathematics at Mount Pleas-
ant Academy, Kingston, Ohio, Ben received another such testi-
monial of cordiality and devotion. Anderson wrote, "and I fear
I will never be able to return to such disinterested and noble
friendship . . . yet so far as I have power nothing done for you
will be too great. May God bless you." 28
Before finally deciding upon dormitory life, young Ben tried
rooming at the Mansion House, a public boarding house off cam-
pus. Ben seemed to take to these new surroundings, but his father
was not at all satisfied with this arrangement, "not because I was
at all afraid of your contracting a habit of drinking, I have con-
fidence in you in this regard that would not be easily shaken,"
but because "I was unwilling that you should necessarily have
your mind so much taken from your studies, in going to and
from your room for meals." John Scott was thoroughly honest in
declaring that he wanted his son "to live off the fat of Oxford,"
and agreed that "if they feed better at the Mansion House than
elsewhere, why stay there by all means, . . . but do not get in the
habit of staying in the bar room." 29
One so-called vice that Ben did not leave behind him at Farm-
ers' College was his strong propensity for smoking long cigars,
and when John Scott received repeated reports from school au-
26 Ibid. There is also a wealth of material in Fishback's biographical account of
Harrison at Miami, Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook No. 9, Harrison MSS.
27 J. Alexander Anderson to Benjamin Harrison, December 354, 1852, Harrison
MSS, Vol. 2.
28 J. Alexander Anderson to Benjamin Harrison, August 3, 1853, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 2.
20 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, November 4, 1850, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
54 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
thorities on the subject, he decided upon a course of vigorous
action that was almost guaranteed to produce results. He sat
down and penned Ben a letter in which first he expressed his
own disappointment, for he had hoped smoking had been given
up entirely.
I found the other day a letter which your dear mother had writ-
ten you and Irwin on that subject [cigar smoking] . I had never seen
it before, and it does seem to me that you and Irwin must have for-
gotten the request she makes therein, or you would have never put
another cigar in your mouth. Oh! how elegantly she urges you to
give up the habit. She says "how sweet it would be to know that I
had influenced you to give this habit up in the first step in a course
of vice."
It was scarcely necessary for John Scott to say more; he refused to
send a copy of the letter, for he knew his son well enough to say
... it will be sufficient for you to remember, that a sainted mother,
once made of you the request to make the sacrifice for her, to induce
you at once to say, / have smoked my last cigar, and adhere to it with
the same steadfast resolution, that you would in carrying out the
wishes of your dear mother, when she was still living. 30
Unquestionably, Ben's greatest diversion and most engaging
activity centered around two buildings, the Old Temperance
Tavern and the small house of Rebecca Teal. Dr. John W. Scott
had bought the tavern, which was just across the street from the
new college building, and established a boarding department for
his newly founded Oxford Female Institute. Then Scott added
several rooms in a way to connect the old tavern with the Teal
house. 31 The latter was particularly important because it had a
little front porch where Ben Harrison and Carrie Scott re-experi-
enced the stirrings of love which had first sparked on College
Hill. It was not long before blushing Ben was referred to by his
classmates as "the pious moonlight dude." 32
During the opening months of the school year the "men of
Miami" were frustrated in their attempt to mingle with the In-
stitute girls, and Dr. Scott locked the gates early in the evening.
Only after weeks of hard pleading could Carrie persuade her
father to allow the girls to receive young gentlemen at the school,
and from the day that this new social policy was adopted Ben
80 ibid.
31 See Smith, op. cit., pp. 71-75.
32 Ophia D. Smith, Fair Oxford (Oxford, Ohio, 1947), p. 190.
LOVE, LEARNING AND LAW 55
Harrison was a frequent visitor. In summer a horse, buggy and
beau gratified the village girls, who with their newly starched
calico dresses and sun-bonnets found quiet contentment in an
evening's drive. In winter the buggy gave way to the sleigh and
impromptu races along snow-covered streets. 83
Ben entered into this fun with high enthusiasm. He found in
Carrie an irresistible charm born of bright and witty manners
which overflowed with life and spirit. His own tendencies to
seriousness and reserve were completely submerged in her pres-
ence. Ben was lucky in his find, for Carrie was born into a re-
fined, cultured and religious home. 84 She was gay and fun-loving,
and as a general rule in her teen-age days she disliked domestic
tasks, particularly cooking and mending. An accomplished musi-
cian and painter, she was definitely artistic in taste and tempera-
ment. Her clothes, however, were not always in perfect order.
"Her petticoat had a way of slipping its moorings about her slen-
der waist and peeping from beneath her skirt." Above all, she
liked to dance, and in later life when she was acknowledged as
a beautiful dancer she used to say tongue-in-cheek "We did not
dance ... it was considered a great sin 85 at Oxford, but we man-
aged to have just as much fun without it."
Carrie and Ben were serious young people, but they were not
above a bit of mischief, especially when Carrie lured Ben from his
books to some untried expedition. Once when Dr. and Mrs. Scott
were away from home, the couple went buggy riding. Though it
was against the rules, they slipped away to a dancing party, where
Ben sat gravely apart, but Carrie danced as gaily as any girl
there. 86 Carrie would change Ben within a few short years.
Although Ben was greatly interested in Carrie, he never would
permit himself to forget that he came to Miami to study. His
greatest opportunity for intellectual advancement came when he
was invited to become a member of the Union Literary Society,
38 These details were given by Mrs. Harrison (Carrie Scott) in an interview on
September 5, 1888, at Indianapolis, Indiana, Harrison Scrapbook No. 6, p. 89,
Harrison MSS.
34 Scrapbook No. 9, Harrison MSS.
35 As Weisenburger observes in Passing of the Frontier, p. 162: in "both Presby-
terian and Congregational Churches, members were arraigned for such offenses as
scandal, Sunday traveling, theft, sexual immorality, profanity, card-playing, run-
ning a Sunday boat, using intoxicants, attending cotillions and dancing parties, and
neglecting the means of grace, including family prayers."
38 Smith, Old Oxford House, pp. 73-74.
56 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
a traditional and powerful agency for good at Miami. 87 Already
fired with enthusiasm for political and literary subjects by Bish-
op's inspiration, Ben took advantage of this society's splendid
program of group study, public speaking and debating. Here he
found himself not only permitted to debate important religious
and political questions of the day, but also strongly encouraged
to have independent opinions and to speak them freely.
By virtue of his affiliation with the group young Harrison was
afforded excellent facilities for serious study. During the first
twenty years of its existence this association had purchased almost
2,000 books, which, in reality, formed the backbone of the uni-
versity library. 88 As might be suspected, the greater part of the
university library was devoted to theology and the Greek and
Latin classics, but it was the Society library which housed a
number of important volumes in the fields of Harrison's major
interests: history, law and politics. Among the more important
acquisitions were government publications such as Senate Papers
and Documents, House Journals, Journals of Congress on domes-
tic and foreign affairs, State Papers, and other official reports. 39
Ben was remembered by fellow members as spending many
profitable hours in the library. When he spoke, he impressed his
fellow debaters as "level headed and thoughtful and as one who
usually made a thorough preparation." The fact that "he could
see clearly, think well on his feet, and possessed a vocabulary of
apt words constantly at his command" was not lost on them. 40
In the 1840*5 and 1850*5 when temperance societies mush-
roomed into prominence, and the whole temperance movement
was successfully kept before the public, Miami's halls heard the
BTUpham, loc. cit. These societies held charters from the state and chal-
lenged openly the right of the faculty to interfere with or control their
activities or views. By virtue of their charters they could award diplomas. Ben
received his in 1853 and it read in part ". . . Hoc diplomate no turn sit BENJAMIN
HARRISON huius Societatis esse, et juvenem moribus honestis praeditum, et erudi-
tione liberali imbutum. Hisce litteris igitur cum ARTIUM OPTIMARUM CULTORIBUS
ubique gentium late comraendamus. . . ." This diploma is in the possession of Mrs.
James Elaine Walker, Benjamin Harrison's daughter by his second marriage.
88 In 1840 the 6,200 volumes in the university library were recorded as belong-
ing to the following societies: 1,500 volumes to the Erodelphiam Society; 1,000 vol-
umes to Miami Hall; 1,700 volumes to the Union Literary Society. See Rodabaugh,
Bishop, pp. 71-72.
40 There are several newspaper accounts wherein Ben is described by contempo-
raries as a member of the Union Literary Society. The best account is by Fishback
in the New York Evening Post, Harrison Scrapbook No. 9, Harrison MSS.
LOVE, LEARNING AND LAW 57
erits of the topic all too often. 41 One evening Ben was asked
debate with a veritable Demosthenes of the temperance cause.
L the opening sentences of his address Ben strove valiantly to
nder his audience benevolent. He begged forbearance on the
ore that, unlike his distinguished contemporary, he could not
* so entirely original as to be able to think new thoughts on the
dest subjects, yet he said he hoped that the acknowledged merits
the subject "will, ... in some measure atone for the inex-
jrience of the speaker, inexperience not only in making temper-
ice speeches but in drinking whiskey." And with the wit and
imor of his next remark, Ben gained a most favorable audience:
r unlike the reformed drunkard who addressed you so powerfully,
:an recount no life spent in the service of King Alcohol; nor can I
eak of a home made desolate by its ravages. True I have not seen
5 [Alcohol's] bright influence within the holy precincts of home;
ather has not bowed to the tyrant, or a brother, and yet I have seen
ese endeared by ties of consanguinity pass from respectable posi-
>ns among their fellows to a drunkard's grave, and I have seen
tiers . . . equally respected tread the same dark road.
tie keynote of his peroration was "the notorious fact that this
y most of our public men drink, many to excess." Consequent-
he concluded with an urgent plea for the sovereign people "to
st drunken demagogues from the legislative halls and judicial
nches and fill their places with honest temperance men." 42
As an acknowledgment of his skill in public speaking and as a
rsonal tribute of respect from his colleagues, Ben was elected
the presidency of the Union Literary Society. In his speech of
:eptance he turned a few nice phrases, as he set forth the aim
the Society by comparing its members to men engaged in mili-
-y life. "For as the raw recruit," he said, "becomes familiarized
th the noise and smoke of war in the sham battles of the re-
liting station," so here in this hall "we accustom ourselves not
ly to listen without trepidation to the stern vocal dignity of an
tagonist, but also to pierce through the clouds of smoke with
lich he seeks to enshroud his entrenchments." 48
u Weisenburger, op. cit., p. 163. Also see Kenneth W. Povenmire, "Temperance
vement in Ohio, 1840-1850," unpublished MJV. dissertation, Ohio State Univer-
> 1932-
12 The original manuscript is dated October 15, 1851, at Miami University. It
n the Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
L3 This oration is preserved in Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
58 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
The main point of his presidential address was a strong encour-
agement to the new members that they develop and become pro-
ficient in the art of speaking on their feet. One of the greatest
political assets in his public career was his own ability to make a
worth-while address on almost any subject with only a moment's
notice, and at the age of eighteen he was urging his contempo-
raries at Miami "to improve every opportunity of extemporane-
ous speaking." For himself and for his colleagues he set up as the
model to be imitated "the beardless stripling [Patrick Henry]
of the Virginia House of Burgesses" whose initial stutterings and
stammerings were forgotten as his oratory won for him the title
"father of his country." 44
Harrison's crowning glory, however, was not membership in
a forensic society. Far more significant was his acceptance into
the Phi Delta Theta fraternity, founded at Miami University in
i848. 45 Although he was not a charter member, he was the nine-
teenth signer of the Greek-letter bond. After his initiation in the
spring of 1851 he assumed an active role in promoting the welfare
of the new-born society. Up to the time of his death Harrison en-
joyed the distinction of being the only man ever elected Presi-
dent who had been a fraternity member during his college days. 46
During his senior year he served as secretary, and this marked the
beginning of a life-long interest which was culminated when he
became honored as the society's Second Founder. 47 In 1889, when
Harrison entered the White House, the Ohio Alpha Chapter of
Phi Delta Theta memorialized the event and predicted for the
country an administration of grandeur. 48
Although a state institution, Miami University was virtually a
Presbyterian stronghold during the first fifty years of its existence.
45 The founder was Robert Morrison of the Class of 1849. See tne Alumni and
Former Student Catalogue of Miami University, 1809-1892 (Oxford, Ohio, 1899),
p. 52. Miami mothered a triad of fraternities in Harrison's day. Delta Kappa Epsi-
lon and Sigma Chi vied with Phi Delta Theta for new candidates. See Walter B.
Palmer, The History of Phi Delta Theta (Menasha, Wis., 1906), pp. 40-43.
46 Montgomery (Alabama) Advertiser, March 16, 1901. Under the same date the
Indianapolis Sentinel carried a tribute by Hilton U. Brown and others to Harrison
as one "who has been a member of this fraternity almost from its organization.
Everything with which he identified himself helped the uplift of his character and
loyalty. To such influences may be attributed the dignity and integrity of the
organization."
47 Palmer, op. cit. t p. 536.
48 Morrison, some eleven years older than Harrison, became an intimate friend
during their college days. Together with New Year's wishes he sent a pre-inaugural
LOVE, LEARNING AND LAW 59
I of its presidents up to 1873 were Presbyterian ministers, and
* trustees and professors were, in general, members of that de-
mination. 49 In the decade between 1850 and 1860 the leading
ssbyterian divine was Rev. Dr. Joseph Claybaugh, Professor of
:brew Language and Oriental Literature.
Mot only was Dr. Claybaugh the leading spirit in Presbyterian
iks, but he also frequently took on the garb of an active cru-
ler on campus that students might be formally received into
j church he represented. During the twilight days of 1850, in
attempt to "convert the sinners of Oxford/' 60 Claybaugh con-
cted one of his "revivals." Whether it was the eloquence of the
nister or the severe promptings of the spirit, or perhaps a fe-
itous combination of both forces, "the young men of the Uni-
sity found their hearts touched, and they not only embraced
ssbyterianism, but they vowed to one another that they would
study for the ministry." 51
The news of Ben's formal connection with the church was re-
ved at The Point with genuine expressions of delight and
ititude. Sister Sallie spoke for the family, when she wrote:
*a received your letter of a few days ago, and you cannot conceive
at ineffable delight we all felt, to learn that you intended to con-
:t your self with the church. May you never have cause to regret
s step, it is indeed, a great privilege to be members with Christ's
lowers. . . . You speak of several students having given evidence of
inge of heart ... I trust that God in His mercy will smile upon
m and that they may continue steadfast to the end. 62
2 of interest: "Well, General Ben Harrison . . . the nineteenth signing the bond
'hi Delta Theta, accept the congratulations of the man whose name was the first
written to that instrument, with the hope that his administration as president
tie United States may be as successful in every way and on a much grander scale
i was his administration of the Ohio Alpha of the Phi Delta Theta Fraternity
he crisis of 1851." Robert Morrison to Benjamin Harrison, January 7, 1889,
rison MSS, Vol. 56, Nos. 12608-9.
Rodabaugh, "Miami University, Calvinism, and the Anti-Slavery Movement,"
cit. 3 pp. 66-75. It should be noted that Presbyterian philanthropic associations
x as the Presbyterian Education Society and the Board of Education of the
icral Assembly gave financial aid to Miami and to a number of its students.
St. Louis Post-Dispatch, July i, 1888. Also see Fishback in New York Post, a
ping in the Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook No. 6, p. 93, Harrison MSS.
1 Harrison's graduating class (1852) had five Presbyterian ministers, and one
lolic priest, the Jesuit Father Harmar Denny. In the class of 1855 sixteen out of
thirty-six graduates became Presbyterian ministers. There was also one Catholic
st in this group. The 1854 class gave nine out of twenty-eight to the Presby-
an ministry, whereas the class of 1855 gave ten out of twenty-two. These figures
compiled from the Alumni Catalogue, 1808-1802, pp. 54-61.
2 Sallie Harrison to Benjamin, February 8, 1851, Harrison, MSS, Vol. i.
6o BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Ben's faithful exercise of his newly won privilege to attend
and participate in prayer meetings and other devotional exer-
cises gave evidence that he was trying to serve God conscientious-
ly. Much satisfied, John Scott penned only one admonition: "He
that continues faithful, alone will obtain the victory." 58
Before Harrison received his diploma in June 1852, he experi-
enced quite a struggle. The elements of conflict in his soul had
been slowly maturing, and the paramount problem was his love-
sickness over Carrie Scott. Ben himself freely admitted to John
Anderson that "my last eight months probation at college af-
forded me an opportunity to watch a patient through all the
stages of this [love's] mysterious disease." 54 Love was only one
challenge to this graduating senior now worn out by an un-
checked application to hard work. He was baffled primarily by
his choice of a life-time vocation. The scales seemed evenly bal-
anced between theology and law but there was always the ques-
tion of Carrie.
Secretly they had become engaged. Though everyone on cam-
pus could see that Carrie and Ben were in love, they did not
realize its seriousness. Had Ben's classmates been able to read his
letters from home, much would have been revealed. Carrie's pic-
ture held a place of honor at The Point, 55 and she was assured
a most cordial welcome by each of Ben's sisters. 56 Jennie wrote,
"how is Carrie? I am glad I will have the pleasure of seeing her
soon. I feel as if I almost knew her already . . . and I have made
up my mind to love her. I feel sure it would not be a hard task
to love anyone you did." 57
Though Carrie was on his mind, so was the rapidly approach-
ing Commencement. To obtain the college diploma both his
family and his professors expected of him, Ben decided that a
more serious application to study was essential. He went at the
books with an intenseness that alarmed his roommate, but con-
es John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, March 13, 1851, Harrison MSS, Vol. i.
54 Benjamin Harrison to John Alexander Anderson, March 4, 1853, Harrison
MSS, Vol. 2.
55 "I look at my picture every day and it seems to remind me frequently of
yourself and a certain friend. Give her my love and thank her for it" Jennie Har-
rison to Benjamin, October [1851 ?], Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
56 "Give my love to C.S., that is if you have cultivated her agreeable acquaint-
ance." Sallie to Benjamin, March 8, 1852, Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
57 Jennie Harrison to Benjamin, April 28, 1852, Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
LOVE, LEARNING AND LAW 6l
stant chidings for overwork did not seem to deter him. 68 Finally,
a halt was called to this feverish and imprudent pace, when word
came from The Point: "I hear you are not looking very well.
Take care of yourself. Health ought to be the first considera-
tion/' 59 Under orders from home, Ben slowed down his academic
pace, and, though he managed to keep the thoughts of Carrie
on the periphery of consciousness, he was still confronted with
choosing his state in life.
Everything pointed to his career as a gentleman of the cloth:
the exceptionally deep religious character of his parents who
recognized in practice the supremacy of things of the spirit; the
very campus of Miami, where professors were purportedly living
models of sanctity; the effect of frequent religious revivals on his
thinking; and his own recent and whole-hearted acceptance of
Presbyterianism and his solemn promise to enter the ministry.
Yet Ben had a mind of his own and he determined to make his
own decision. If there was one thing that old Doctor Bishop had
taught him, it was a healthy independence of thought. Conse-
quently, this crisis saw him adopt a procedure which in later life
would characterize his legislative and executive thinking. With
the air of an impartial investigator, he weighed the respective
merits of each career, and asked himself what course an intelli-
gent "youth just emerging into manhood" should pursue. 60
In answering this question for himself, Ben wrote: "Let it be
understood I mean by profession: theology, law and physics. 11
Then, taking for granted the long course of laborious study by
which a young man prepares himself to "go forth and grapple
with the stern realities of life," he considered the role of the
doting parent, who, "after great expense and trouble in provid-
ing a liberal education," waits impatiently to see his son "wearing
a white cross," "swinging a shingle" or "dragging out a miserable
existence in some obscure cellar." 61
Harrison obviously had little taste for the pinched existence
of an experimental physicist. With his choice narrowed to the
altar or the bar, consideration was given to "Theology, first in
ss j. Alexander Anderson to Benjamin Harrison, February 9, 1853, Harrison
MSS, Vol. *.
59 Jennie Harrison to Benjamin, April 28, 1852, Harrison MSS, Vol. *.
60 These remarks of Harrison are taken from a manuscript in his own hand,
Harrison MSS, Vol. *.
61 Ibid.
62 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
the order of importance, as it addresses itself to Christian youth
with peculiar earnestness." This earnestness flowed from a real-
ization of the "unspeakable pleasure which a faithful discharge
of the duties . . . [belonging] to the ordained of God to evange-
lize the whole world." The minister is, in reality, God's co-worker
in this glorious country of ours, for his office is "to point the in-
quiring soul to God, to break the bread of life, to encourage the
disheartened ... to comfort the mourner, to smooth the dying
pillow, and like a guardian angel to hover around the dismal
abode of poverty and wretchedness." 62
With a warmth and vigor that possibly give a clue to his ulti-
mate choice, Ben pondered the merits of the legal profession. In
clarifying the problem in his own mind, he came to defend the
profession against unjust accusers. He deemed it a strange thing,
considering the connection between law and equity, that in so
many communities "no invective has been thought too strong
and no anathema too bitter" for lawyers as a group. He was
amazed, also, that, whenever members of the legal profession had
dared to join charity with their practice, they had been so often
denounced as hypocrites "until it has become a generally ac-
knowledged proposition that no honest or pious man can prac-
tice law with success." 68 By urging a reconsideration of the truth
of this charge, Harrison challenged its validity and argued thus:
. . . that all rogues are lawyers may in some sense be true, but that
all lawyers are rogues, no syllogistic reasoning can prove. Where is
the justice in denouncing the whole profession on account of the
unworthy conduct of some of its members? Shall we denounce and
anathematize the practice of medicine because there are quacks (and
that, too, not a few) wrapped in the dignity of an M.D.? 04
Ben willingly admitted that "the legal profession has not yet ar-
rived at that dignity and moral excellence to which it could be
brought. . . ." Yet, in his opinion, the blame must be borne by
the public whose estimate of this profession has been so low "that
many who would have given a higher moral tone to it, have been
prevented from entering upon it by the notion . . . that no Chris-
tian could consistently do so. . . ," 65
cs Harrison MSS, Vol. *.
64 Ibid.
65 Ibid.
LOVE, LEARNING AND LAW 63
Eventually, Ben made his choice and the legal profession
gained another eager aspirant. Though history would confirm
the choice as a happy one, his selection disappointed more than
one of the Miami faculty. They had come to admire Ben and
highly commended him for "the earnestness and warmth with
which he entered into the duties of members of the church." He
was assured that this "is the only way to enjoy religion and fulfill
our communion vows," and though extremely pleased with his
adherence as a communicant, one of his professors wrote:
I had hoped besides that you would have studied Theology instead
of law. I was disappointed as were others in your selection of the pro-
fession. However, a knowledge of law will be no drawback on a min-
ister. And I hope God may yet impress you more forcibly with a de-
sire to administer in holy things. If it is your duty to preach, you will
not be happy until you do it. Some other members of your class seem
to have gone the same way. I had looked for some good preachers
from that class . . . but the attractions of the bar seem to have been
more patent. May God give you light in every duty. 66
On June 24, 1852, Oxford crowded to Miami's twenty-third
annual Commencement exercises. Proud parents, relatives and
friends of the graduates held seats of honor; only the slightly
bored undergraduates felt any chagrin at the inception of the
ceremonies. It must be admitted that these academic fledglings
had good reason for their air of mental suffering and discom-
posure; even for the graduates the unusually long programme of
speech-making and orchestral overtures was made tolerable only
by the sobering thought that "it happens but once in a lifetime."
Ben was the third speaker of the day 67 and, although his address
on "The Poor of England" was favorably received, it did not
shorten the day's festivities. His family listened proudly to every
word of his vigorous denunciation of nineteenth-century Eng-
land, "the England of poor laws and paupers." Exploding one
rhetorical question after another, he asked his sympathetic audi-
ence if they thought it were possible that Britain's "obsequious
pauper and sturdy beggar" hailed from "so proud a parentage"?
Or whether England's "manly race" was dying out and giving
place "to Eastern slaves"? Frequently, Ben deprecated the treach-
66 J. M. Woodawl to Benjamin Harrison, December, 1852, Harrison MSS, Vol.
2. Six became lawyers.
67 Unhappily, he was listed on the printed programme as Benjamin Harris; the
copy shows the last two letters of his name inked in.
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
MIAMI UNIVERSITY.
OH C0tnnMint
JUKE W, 18ft*.
I
PRAYER,
Latia Salutatory,
Poetry of Religion,
Poor of Eajlaud, *
DAVID SWING,
. UARMCR DKNNV, . .
BELSJUIH HAMUBP*.
Jutes A. HUGHES, .
JOHM P. CBUGHCAD,
PaWic Opinion, . .
Tbo Federal Cooftitaliou, LEWI* W. Row, .
Hannony of Controls, . SAJIUBL Lowui, .
He U the Freeman whom) . M H rutttMt
CbeTratb make. Free, J JAMM H CHIU *'
and Art as Aids)
T ChriitiaiiUy, J
I, * A. C. Jowiif , .
IWttKC.
. DAVID Mootow, .
Oration. JOHN KMOX BOUDK
OralloB, ...... JOUM S. BAWOI, . .
Death of 8ocra4ei, Joatru
Valedictory,
. mtwyi.*!.
. North-fond,
. SmniBe.
. ZfcjCwt
Mid&tm,
Jfe&r County.
Jem*
Cambridge.
Oxford. (Exceed.)
(Stetued.)
. . NcvConttrd.
. MILTON SAYLOI
BENEDICTION.
LOVE, LEARNING AND LAW 65
erous degeneration of so large a section of England's population,
and finally he raised the question "how has the individual been
robbed of his energy, the social circle of its virtue and purity?"
Ben proclaimed that this situation was the direct result of the
"Poor Laws." He labored to make clear the harm that was done
"when the charitable offering is snatched from the kind hand of
the benevolent giver" and substituted for it is "the compulsory
provision of a legalized . . . soulless . . . benevolence." 68
In the words of Lewis Ross, an eyewitness, Harrison's treat-
ment of the subject showed that "he had sounded both the depths
and the causes of this poverty." Writing in 1888, Ross claimed
that Ben "was a protectionist at the age of 19 ... he is a protec-
tionist still ... his whole career has been illustrative of his de-
sire to save his countrymen from the poverty which oppressed
the Toor of England/ " 6d
Finally, after the last phrases of Saylor's valedictory address,
the audience freshened as the graduates prepared to receive their
diplomas. For Ben the moment proved to be a fitting conclusion
to his happy sojourn at Oxford. His family, his sweetheart Car-
rie, and several devoted friends rejoiced to handle the parch-
ment 70 freshly wrapped in a long blue ribbon.
Ben issued from the university well equipped and uncom-
monly well poised. A thoughtful self-reliance and a judgment
beyond his years were the elements in his character especially
fostered by his life at Miami, and soon to be made manifest in
the unfolding of his career. He was still very young only nine-
teenbut he started home for The Point with his profession
firmly fixed in mind. The only unfortunate circumstance, as he
saw it, was the necessity of leaving Carrie behind to finish her
final year of schooling at the Institute.
68 Harrison's address is cited in part by Wallace, op. cit., pp. 63-65. The original
rough draft is in the Harrison MSS (Library of Congress).
69 Cited in Wallace, op. cit., pp. 60-61.
70 The diploma is in the possession of Mrs. James Blaine Walker, and the T-afip
reads: ". . . hoc scripto testatum volumus BENJAMIN HARRISON huius Academiae
alumnum, consensu SENATUS ACADEMIC?, admissum fuisse ad GRADUM FRIMUM IN
ARTIBUS LIBERALIBUS. . . ." The following signatures appear on the diploma: J. C.
Moffat, Charles Elliott, J. Claybaugh, W. C. Anderson, O. N. Stoddard, Thos. Mat-
thews, R. H. Bishop, Jr., B. Lymans. Alongside of the signatures is listed the dis-
cipline which each professor taught.
CHAPTER IV
The Bar and the Altar
SHORTLY AFTER his graduation, Ben returned to The Point
for a brief period of rest and relaxation. Home and family,
always warmly attractive to him, were particularly inviting
after his pi >longed absence. Fortunately, the weather along the
Ohio favored his visit at this time of the year, and the study-worn
collegian described the country air as 'Very refreshing." To his
roommate he wrote: *T hunted pretty faithfully for several days
. . . the game was not abundant, ... I found my chief reward in
the exercise of the tramp/' 1 He might well have added that these
distractions of the rod and gun, as well as the varied chores about
the farm, served the distinctly useful purpose of easing his sepa-
ration from Carrie.
The evenings were pleasant. Father and son quietly talked
over Ben's plans for the future. Having shared early with his
father his own ambitions and deep-seated determination to make
law his profession, Ben was particularly anxious for counsel as
to the most acceptable city and law firm in which to take his
initial steps. Indeed, he could hardly have come to a more com-
petent counselor than his own father. For a quarter of a cen-
tury John Scott Harrison was admired and respected throughout
Hamilton County. As a young man he had served as Justice of
the Peace of Miami Township, and during the twenty years he
filled this position it was reported that he enjoyed the distinction
of never having one of his decisions revoked by a higher court. 2
1 Benjamin Harrison to J. Alexander Anderson, March 25, 1853, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 2. [Throughout, the names and abbreviations found on the original documents
have been preserved exactly. No attempt at uniformity has been made in this
regard. Author.]
2 These biographical details are culled from an unidentified Ohio newspaper in
clippings 34, 34A, 343, in the Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook No. i, Harrison MSS.
The year was that of Scott Harrison's death in 1878.
66
-"*"
SCOTT HAI
From a photograph {neierued in Harrison Memorial Home
ELIZABETH IRWIN HARRISON
MOTHER OF BENJAMIN HARRISON
f '. l
THE BAR AND THE ALTAR 67
The neighbors recalled that John Scott Harrison, in his declin-
ing years, was appointed a member of the Hamilton County
Board of Control, 3 a position of importance and trust. Now, in
the summer of 1852, his fellow citizens were only one year re-
moved from sending him as their representative in Congress. 4
Most of the legal education in Ohio was attained through
study in an attorney's office, though John Scott Harrison could
have enrolled his son in the law department of Cincinnati Col-
lege, the only one of its kind in the state. 5 However, since the
usual two years of study in a lawyer's office made a person eligible
for a license to practice, and since this method had produced a
singularly able body of attorneys, 6 John Scott advised Ben to go
to Cincinnati and interview Bellamy Storer, a former Whig Con-
gressman and now a prominent attorney. Bellamy was the senior
member of the firm of Storer and Gwynne, and was happy to
count John Scott among his personal and devoted friends. 7
Sending Ben to Storer was a wise decision, for the latter was as
distinguished for his social position as for his legal ability. 8 Hail-
ing from New England, he was well received upon his arrival in
3 This Board had complete supervision over the acts of the county commission-
ers. No money could be expended or taxes assessed without its consent. J. Scott
Harrison to Benjamin Harrison, April 18, 1872, Harrison MSS, Vol. 7, Nos. 1368-63.
4Cf. note 2 above; Freeman Cleaves, Old Tippecanoe, p. 276, observes Scott
Harrison's success as a "local magistrate and a justice of the peace."
5 Francis P. Weisenburger, Passing of the Frontier, p. 181. This law department
had only 23 students in 1850, and was in reality an outgrowth of a private law
school organized in 1833.
6 Eugene H. Roseboom, The Civil War Era, 1850-1873 (Columbus, Ohio, 1941-
44). P- 205.
7 Carrington T. Marshall, History of the Courts and Lawyers of Ohio (New York,
1934), III, 892. After Storer had been Judge of the Superior Court of Cincinnati
for over 16 years, John Scott wrote: "We have for several years been separated in
politics, and yet I have never lost that respect and admiration for you and your
private and judicial character which prompted me as 'an American' to aid with
my influence your elevation to the high position you now so ably and honorably
fill." John Scott Harrison to Hon. B. Storer, May n, 1870, John Scott Harrison
Papers, i box in the Benjamin Harrison Collection.
8 Marshall, loc. cit., contains a concise biographical account of Bellamy
Storer. Born in Portland, Maine, on March 26, 1796, he was educated at
Bowdoin College and graduated in 1809. Though he received his legal education in
Boston, he was admitted to the bar in Maine in 1817. Later he moved to Cincinnati
and, after serving in Congress for two years, was in private practice until his retire-
ment in 1872. During this same period he also served as professor of law. He died
June i, 1875, at the age of 79. The Bellamy Storer Papers, preserved by the His-
torical and Philosophical Society of Ohio, yield no material after 1840. The col-
lection is now housed at the University of Cincinnati.
68 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
the mid-West, for "to some degree a New England background
served as a passport to good society and to favorable business
contacts." 9
When Ben stepped off the Ohio River steamboat at Cincin-
nati, he walked into a new world. As he scanned the wharves,
smokestacks and church steeples, he knew for the first time what
it meant to become a part of a comparatively large city popula-
tion. Cincinnati was still growing, and the 1850*3 were transition
years in Ohio's industrial progress. 10 The 1839 population figure
of 40,000 had long been surpassed, as hundreds flocked westward
from Pennsylvania, New York, Maryland and Virginia, as well as
immigrants from Germany and Ireland. 11
It was just past mid-century when Ben arrived, and the spirit
of optimism among the people was lively and contagious. Having
expanded with tremendous strides and having greatly diversified
its manufacturing, the Queen City was in a splendid position to
offer new citizens a sure ground for hope and material advance-
ment. 12 Perhaps Horace Greeley's oft-quoted admonition that
the young man should go west was now taking root. Surely there
was good reason underlying his sage counsel for, after his visit
to the city in 1850, he wrote:
... it requires no keenness of observation to see that Cincinnati is
destined to become the focus and mart for the grandest circle of
manufacturing thrift on this earth where food, fuel, cotton, timber,
iron can all be concentrated so cheaply . . . that is, at so moderate a
9 Weisenburger, op. cit., p. 44, and A. G. W. Carter, The Old Court House
(Cincinnati, 1880), pp. 120-21. In Cincinnati, New Englanders were relatively few,
but they were closely attached to each other. Among this New England group were
such well-known figures as John C. Wright, William Green, Salmon P. Chase, and
Bellamy Storer.
lORoseboom, op. cit., p. 11. ". . . despite a significant increase in manu-
facturing in the preceding decades, following the opening of the canal systems, the
state had remained essentially agricultural with but one industrial city of metro-
politan character. Even three of Cincinnati's most characteristic products, pork,
whiskey and flour, were more closely related to the farm than to the factory."
11 Kentuckians originally from Virginia constituted the major portion of the
early settlers in Cincinnati, and the 1839 City Directory listed approximately 10,000
out of a possible 40,000 names. Of these, 1,578 gave Germany as their birthplace;
1,098 gave Pennsylvania; 916, Ohio; 717, Ireland; 717, New Jersey; 673, England;
607, New York; 521, Virginia; 487, Maryland; with the rest from scattered coun-
tries and states. See Cincinnati Gazette, Dec. 4, 1839, cited by Weisenburger, op. cit.,
P-47-
12 Roseboom, op. cit. f pp. 11-12.
THE BAR AND THE ALTAR 6g
cost of human labor in producing and bringing them together ... as
here . . . such fatness of soil, such a wealth of mineral treasure . . .
coal, iron, salt, and the finest clays for all purposes of use . . . and all
cropping from the steep, facile banks of placid, though not sluggish,
navigable rivers. How many Californias could equal, in permanent
worth, this Valley of the Ohio! 18
Fortunately, Ben was not compelled to seek and select a board-
inghouse from among the hundreds that offered to lodge and
feed him for a minimum of five dollars a week. A room in his
married sister's house awaited his coming, and both sister Bet
and Doctor Eaton extended a warm welcome. This move saved
the needy legal neophyte some $300 a year by his own calcula-
tion. 14
After the usual introductions to the men in the office, and
once the strangeness of the first week had passed, Ben found him-
self pretty much taken for granted. He had been accepted as an
unpaid apprentice to make himself useful in learning the law,
and now he bent all his efforts toward making his mark in the
eyes of the shrewd Bellamy Storer. From the outset, while he was
given an almost endless series of papers to be copied in as fair a
hand as possible, neither Storer nor Gwynne neglected to assign
worthwhile books for study, and frequently they coached him in
those legal principles and techniques which they believed worthy
of special attention. 15
Ben's predisposition for hard work carried over from his col-
lege days, and his consistently faithful application to the pre-
scribed readings as well as to the execution of the office tasks
assigned him, greatly pleased Bellamy Storer. To his intimate
college chum and former roommate, however, this almost fever-
ish activity was a source of grave concern. After six months of
silent foreboding, Anderson summoned sufficient courage to
is Charles Cist, Sketches and Statistics of Cincinnati in 1851 (Cincinnati, 1851),
p.257-
14 Benjamin Harrison to John Alexander Anderson, August 25, 1853, Harrison
MSS, Vol. *.
is It worked to Ben's advantage that he could study under the direction and su-
pervision of Bellamy Storer, for "Few lawyers have been more honored in Western
legal circles . . . [and] doubtless from contact with this really noble man young
Harrison absorbed, at least, strength for certain other characteristics that after-
wards helped materially to constitute him the conspicuous figure he was in military
and civil life." Indianapolis Journal, March 14, 1901.
70 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
warn Ben "you will most certainly result dangerously, if you
continue your present mode of life, . . . you should have more
sense than to throw yourself away by pursuing studies so closely
that their attainment will be your death knell." 16
When one considers the daily grind at the office and the long
evenings at home devoted to poring over tomes of case histories,
Anderson's friendly advice was evidently in good order. But
neither advice nor taunts dampened Ben's quest. He refused to
moderate his enthusiasm, and in reply to a query from his sister
Anna as to what he did every day and how he passed his time,
Ben wrote:
I don't think it would interest you very much. I do the same things
every day ... eat three meals . . . sleep six hours and read dusty old
books the rest of the time If you could see me in my office my feet
cocked up and a big book with a brown paper cover on it in my lap
. . . you would think me a picture of content. I suppose you have read
about the Great Desert. Well, my life is as about as barren of anything
funny as the Great Desert is of grass. 17
What did succeed, however, in upsetting Ben was not the mo-
notonous schedule of copying and studying, but the conditions
under which he had to live and work. As the months passed, his
hatred of city life became almost an obsession. Sometimes he
managed to snatch a brief vacation at The Point, but upon his
return he complained bitterly that "my experience of the coun-
try air only served to disgust me with the abominable compound
of coal dust and mother earth which I am now inhaling." 18 To
his family on the farm he wrote: "you think the city a very fine
place but if you had to live here all the time you would soon get
tired of it and long for the green grass and fresh air of Long
View. It is very dusty in the streets today. It almost blinds you." 19
Throughout the winter of 1852-53, and even in the more
pleasant April days, Ben found little relief or distraction from
his wearisome legal studies. At times he experienced serious mis-
is j. Alexander Anderson to Benjamin Harrison, February 9, 1853, Harrison
MSS, Vol. a.
IT Benjamin Harrison to Anna S. Harrison, March 31, 1853, Harrison MSS,
Vol. a.
18 Benjamin Harrison to J. Alexander Anderson, March 35, 1853, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 2.
10 Benjamin Harrison to Anna Harrison, March 31, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. .
THE BAR AND THE ALTAR 71
givings, and on more than one occasion he confided his doubts
to Anderson. Once, after he had been laid low by a hacking cough
for two weeks, he wrote:
I have been reading today the most abstruse and difficult branch,
that most difficult part of the law of real estate . . . remainders. I have
skimmed over fifty pages and confess that I am not a whit wiser than
when I commenced. Such knowledge "is not worthy of the name of
wisdom." 20
When April rolled around, with its usual thunder showers, he
was delighted. "It clouded up so darkly a while ago," he wrote,
"that I had to light the gas . . . and now we are having a most
drenching rain such showers are the temple of salvation to us
poor denizens of this smoky dusty town." 21
Despite a few lapses into homesickness and an occasional yearn-
ing for the pursuits of the farm, Ben kept his nose to the grind-
stone. To all outward appearances he was predominantly and
enthusiastically preoccupied with his duties about the office and
with his home study. Fortunately, however, he was able to avail
himself of the excellent library facilities in the city, and within
a few months of his arrival he was elected an honorary member
of the Young Men's Mercantile Library Association. 22 By virtue
of his membership he could consult the principal newspapers and
periodicals of the country, and the club room often was the scene
of an interesting public discussion on important political and
legal questions. 23 Lest he lack balance in his social life, he tried
to combine business with pleasure by sustaining his collegiate
membership and interest in Phi Delta Theta activities, though a
diligent regard for study prevented him from attending the an-
nual fraternity dinner. 24
Notwithstanding these activities, Ben still caught himself
20 B. Harrison to J. A. Anderson, April 20, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
21/fefd.
22 The Secretary of the Association wrote to Ben on December i, 1852, notified
him of his election, and asked him to call and sign the Constitution. Ben sent the
Association $4, covering one year's dues and the initiation fee. Harrison MSS,
Vol. 2.
28 D. V. Martin, "History of the Library Movement in Ohio," unpublished MA.
thesis, Ohio State University, 1935, pp. 7, 26-29, 6 5* cite< * by Weisenburger, op. cit. t
p. 182.
24 J. A. Anderson to B. Harrison, December 24, 1852, Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
72 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
dreaming of "coy" 25 Carrie Scott. With his warm-hearted nature
confined to the loneliness of a dimly gas-lighted room, he felt his
separation keenly. He was not the kind to find a brother in every
man, and Anderson, his college confidant, was still matriculating
at Miami. Letter writing, then, was his best solace. The arrival
of a letter from Carrie was a major event. At Oxford, Carrie was
abnormally busy with the double burden of teaching music and
sewing to younger girls as well as studying for her own gradua-
tion.
Yet he was a bit impatient 26 with what he considered infre-
quent letters and he complained that "she sometimes neglected
me for a full week." 27 It became a standing joke with the post-
office clerks when for days at a time they turned away empty
handed the love-bewitched law student. He would return to his
books but he could unearth no statute to assuage his pain at what
he regarded as Carrie's cruelty. Only when he was able to set a
definite date for their wedding would he enjoy saying of the
jovial clerks: "I thank my stars that I shall be rid of their tan-
talizing shakes soon." 28
Ben alone was unable to solve the vexing problems of an early
marriage, and during the first six months of 1853 he wrestled
with it day after day without coming to any definite decision.
His rather full correspondence for this period reveals him fre-
quently on the very threshold of matrimony, yet the violent con-
flict within prevented the final step. Failing to arrive at a decision
by his own powers, he presented his problem to John Anderson,
his trusted friend of college days.
Ben stated his case fairly enough. More perplexing to him than
any eight hundred pages of real-estate law was the paramount
concern of safeguarding Carrie's considerably weakened health.
Though ostensibly finishing her own studies at her father's
school, she was frequently compelled to substitute as teacher in
the music classes for the ailing Miss Neal. Moreover, her free
moments were spent nursing at the bedside of her sick friend.
25 ibid., December 7, 1852, Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
26 He had been called an "impatient" suitor even at college. See Milton Saylor
in Scrapbook No. 52, p. 93, Harrison MSS.
27 Benjamin Harrison to J, Anderson, September 24, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
28 ibid.
THE BAR AND THE ALTAR 73
The strain, however, was too much for her slender frame.
Anderson reported to Ben:
. . . Miss NeaTs health has gradually declined until she is now not
expected to live . . . poor Carrie ... I really believe her heart will
break . . . she is at the bedside continually . . . but she left once or
twice today and came down and talked with me, or rather to weep. I
never saw such grief. It seemed as if her frame would literally shake
to pieces. 20
This caused Ben to mull over the problem of how he could rescue
Carrie, and in the meantime he prayed that "the same God who
tempers the wind to the shorn lamb, will give her strength to
bear up under the affliction which threatens her/' 80 Finally, con-
vinced that Carrie should get away for a rest cure, Ben made
the trip to Oxford and spoke to Doctor and Mrs. Scott. They
consented to allow Carrie to go East and visit her relatives 81 in
Honesdale, Pennsylvania. Stimulated by Ben's visit, Carrie was
able to set out alone. Evidently, the trip, the change of scenery,
and the much needed rest restored her to normal health. Her
subsequent letters made Ben smile again. 82
While Carrie was away, Ben also took some time off to hunt
squirrels around The Point. Here he received a letter which in
all probability set the machinery of his mind in rapid motion
once again. His correspondent was Bill Benton, who had been
close to him at school, 88 and who was now a successful young
lawyer. Under the circumstances, Benton's message must have
given Ben cause for serious reflection. Here was a man his own
age who had faced the same combined problem of love and law,
29 J. Alexander Anderson to Benjamin Harrison, Esq., February 2, 1853, Harri-
son MSS, Vol. 2.
so Benjamin Harrison to J. Alexander Anderson, March 4, 1853, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 2.
31 Dr. Scott had married Miss Mary Potts Neal, daughter of John Neal, a promi-
nent banker and business man of Philadelphia. In addition to Carrie there was an
older sister, who had married Mr. Lord and settled in Wayne County. See Scrap-
book No. 9, pp. 3-4, Harrison MSS.
32 B. Harrison to J. A. Anderson, March 25, 1853, "She seems to be better than
she has been since she went East," Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
33 William T. Benton to Benjamin Harrison, March 5, 1853, "You doubtless long
since have concluded that I have forgotten you and gone off to strange gods, but
that is by no means the fact. Though married [on January 25], there is yet room
in my heart for friends, true friends of whom I have found but few, but among
whom Ben Harrison stands second to none," Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
74 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
and had married. Now, almost three months after that step, he
was well pleased with himself and all the world: "I am doing
well ... my own boss . . . making from fifty to one hundred dol-
lars per month. Such my dear fellow is the full history of my
affairs." 8 *
If Benton's letter acted as a stimulant to Ben's sense of gal-
lantry and daring, still more did a brief note from Carrie about
a month later. She sent him a newspaper clipping of a duel fought
in Cincinnati by a grandson of General Harrison, apparently
over some slight of honor on the field of love. Ben confessed to
Anderson that he felt great chagrin because Carrie added to the
clipping that "she almost knew it was not me." "What amazing
confidence she has," the young suitor remarked. 35
Shortly after Carrie's little quip, if not partially because of it,
Ben arrived at the momentous decision. He and Carrie must be
married within the next six months. First, they proposed to visit
the relatives both at Oxford and at Honesdale, and Ben gloated
to Anderson: "Yes, John, we have concluded to take Niagara in
on our way and tarry a day or two to view the awful sublimity of
that great cataract . . . going . . . thence to Buffalo and New York."
In outlining his itinerary Ben performed a striking act of gen-
erosity. He told John that he possibly might "not go at all. Irwin
came up from home this morning; his health is very indifferent
and I have offered to resign the proposed trip in his favor and
take his place on the farm while he is gone. Of course it would
be a great sacrifice for me to give up the only opportunity of see-
ing Carrie I am likely to have, but if this trip is likely to benefit
his health, I would do it cheerfully." 36
Though some of Ben's friends even yet could not believe that
this was a pre-honeymoon jaunt, or that he was in earnest about
his early marriage, John Scott Harrison sent them on their way
with a paternal benediction and prayer that "no accident or sick-
ness may mar your pleasure." 37 After a brief interval at Hones-
dale, Ben successfully passed the scrutinizing in-law test, and so
84 w. T. Benton to Benjamin Harrison, March 5, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
85 Benjamin Harrison to J. Alexander Anderson, April 20, 1853, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 2.
86 B. Harrison to J. Anderson, May 21, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
37 J. Scott Harrison to Benjamin Harrison, June i, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
THE BAR AND THE ALTAR 75
overwhelmingly so, that a rumor sped back to Miami University
to the effect that "Mr. Lord and his wife, Mr. Harrison and his
sister and several friends from the city being present . . . Carrie
Scott and Benjamin Harrison were this morning married." This
was on July 2grd, and Anderson had all he could do to discredit
the false report. 88
Actually, the final decision to hold the nuptial ceremony in
October was not made until the middle of August, at which time
several factors forced Ben's determination. Carrie's health de-
manded that she be relieved of her duties in the Institute, and
Ben felt that "this would be a good time to press for her re-
lease." 39 Moreover, Doctor and Betty Eaton's decision to sell their
house in Cincinnati compelled Ben to add: "I shall be thrown
out of a home in the city." Under the impact of these two emer-
gencies, Ben went to Oxford, as he informed Anderson,
... for the express purpose of arranging preliminaries for my mar-
riage! 1 Yes, John, it is all arranged, the consent of all the parties in-
terested having been obtained. The time is not fixed exactly but will
be sometime this fall . . . probably in October. You know my reasons
for taking this step so soon and I need not dilate upon them now.
Keep this a secret from everyone. ... Do you consent? 40
The hard, common-sense reply of Anderson, Ben's most trust-
ed friend, was an adamant and unqualified refusal to give his
consent. He wrote "why Ben, you are crazy . . . no, you ain't that
either . . . Dr. Eaton's selling his house, and the necessity to keep
Carrie from teaching, I predicate are the reasons. But after you
are married, what then? The Point and your father at Congress.
You and Irwin on the farm . . . then you are crazy." After settling
down at The Point, then what? "Read law all day and talk to
Carrie all night?" The rest of Anderson's letter was ribbed with
38 Anderson, who contradicted the rumor, said: "What a fool I am to lose so
good an opportunity of humbugging a set of gossips that have meddled so much
in our affairs in time passed. . . ." J. Alexander Anderson to Benjamin Harrison,
July 23, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. a.
89 Benjamin Harrison to J. Alexander Anderson, August 15, 1853, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 2.
40 B. Harrison to J. A. Anderson, August 19, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 2. Formal
written permission was sought, however, on October 5, 1853, when Ben wrote to
Doctor Scott and asked him to perform the ceremony. Benjamin Harrison to Doc-
tor Scott, October 5, 1853, Benjamin Harrison MSS, Vol. 2,
76 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
realism; he based his opposition to the marriage on solid reason-
ing, not mere sentiment:
I do not know much about your private financial resources, nor
those of your father's own estate, but am under the impression that
you are far from able to support Carrie as you will. You have no way
to turn your mind and attainments into cask at present that I know
of. Nor will you have for another year; then admitted like all young
lawyers you must take your chances, and maybe two or three and most
certainly one year before your profession will yield you support. . . .
From Dr. Scott you can expect nothing, and your father will support
you two as he has done, but will you let him? From my knowledge I
should think not . . . then you need a law library which is in itself no
small item, . . . Suppose that at the age s8 years, you stand free from
debt, but has not your profession suffered? The axe with which you
have cut your way through, is it not blunted and nicked? 41
Of course, John left the usual loophole by admitting that "it is
you that is to be married not / and every man can judge best for
himself." He further pleaded, however:
only Ben, remember that this world is not your friend, it is your en-
emy and ... it requires hard labor to defend yourself. . . . Love is
powerful as an incentive, but will it pass current for potatoes and
beef? Coffee and muffins for two are not paid for by affection existing
between the "two." Hard cash buys! Where will it come from?* 2
This bombshell shattered Ben's equilibrium. For two days he
was at a loss for an adequate reply. While he protested sincerely
that he took no offense at what was written, "no, not the slight-
est," 48 he felt constrained to inform John that "there was but one
person [his father] whom I would take any pains to satisfy be-
forehand." Ben frankly admitted that
. . . many of my acquaintances, some of them good friends too, will
prognosticate, as you have done, that marrying now, I "will never be
41 J. Alexander Anderson to Benjamin Harrison, August 20, 1853, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 2. This extremely long and frank letter was prompted by the strongest ties of
personal friendship and was written as a direct response to Ben's request for John's
"consent." Even before receiving Ben's next letter, John let it be known that, even
if Ben should not change his mind, he would attend the wedding. See letter of
August 22, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 2.
42 J. Alexander Anderson to Benjamin Harrison, August 20, 1853, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 2.
43 B. Harrison to J. A. Anderson, September 7, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 8.
THE BAR AND THE ALTAR 77
more than half a man, if that"; and I know too how vain it would be,
in general, to attempt to persuade them otherwise, . . . hence I have
determined to let such people wait the issue for their consolation. 44
Yet, Anderson was not placed in the category of a mere ac-
quaintance. Out of fair consideration for their deep personal
friendship, Ben unbent from his resolution of "watchful wait-
ing," and attempted with boldness and eloquence to explain his
motives as:
. . . first and chiefly the delicate state of Carrie's health. The anxiety
of an engagement of already two years standing, and still promising
a very distant confirmation have told with fearful effect upon her
constitution. . . . Now, while I cannot attempt to explain the nature
of the connection between the mind and the body, my observation
has taught me this, that mental suspense and anxiety operate more
destructively upon health than many physical causes; ....
You are partially informed of the delicate state of Carrie's health at
present . . . sufficiently so, however, to judge, whether she is likely to
survive two years more in the position she will necessarily occupy. Is
she? You have already confessed to me that you did not believe she
would live one. The question then, John, is narrowed down to this:
Shall I marry Carrie now and thus relieve her of those harassing
doubts and fears which wear away her life, or shall I agree to stand
aside and let her hasten to an early grave? . . .
An aunt of mine who was married last Spring, had been engaged
to the same gentleman for five years . . . the engagement was formed
while he was in his senior year at college. He finished his college
course, studied medicine three years, and practiced one before they
were married. During the last two years she became melancholy and
her health gradually failed, until her friends became apprehensive
that she would not live to see the time fixed for her marriage. She
confessed to me herself that the anxiety of mind for so long an en-
gagement was the sole cause of her ill health. She is still delicate and
perhaps never will regain perfect health again. 45
The answer was evident, but Ben, now practicing before the
bar of his own conscience, had only opened his case. Deciding to
put all his cards on the table, he asked John if he could meet his
own proposition fairly stated:
Grant your proposition that in two years I could acquire a compe-
tence, nay, if you choose, amass a fortune, secure fame world-wide. I
44 B. Harrison to J. A. Anderson, August 35, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. a.
Ibid.
78 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
come laden with yellow gold and the praises of the crowd to daim
my bride . . . but she is gone, but long I seek for her in vain. I wander
to the quiet graveyard, where we have so often walked together, my
heart leads me to a humble grave over whose brown clods the turf
has already healed ... I drop a tear, and with that first gold that
severed us for life I build a monument "sacred to her memory" . . .
and then, John, . . . what then?
On the other hand I marry Carrie now . . . the relief it would bring
to her anxious mind, and the greater care which she could give to her
bodily health, would I trust in great measure restore her health. I
should then have her long, to cheer me when worn and desponding
and watch my own health with her greater care.
Ben produced a surprise witness to testify on the advisability
of his early marriage. John's own father, Dr. Anderson, was quoted
to the effect that "if Carrie and I were not married now, this fall,
we would never be. The reason he assigned, was that I would
never live another year. In this view of the case how much better
that we should be married now?" Ben added the coy comment:
"Carrie might then watch at my bedside without impropriety. I
would die easier with her hand under my head."
Ben concluded his case "by addressing himself to the lower but
more practical view of the subject the financial":
Now for an exposition of my pecuniary resources. Once married I
propose to take Carrie immediately to the Point and there continue
the study of my profession, still under Mr. Storer's direction. Should
I continue to study in the city after Doctor [Eaton] goes to the coun-
try, I would be obliged to go to some boarding house or hotel where
I would be a weekly expense of five dollars at least for board, washing
and so forth. My expenses then, exclusive of clothes, would be at the
smallest calculation $300 per annum. At the Point my board would
cost nothing and Carrie would probably have a good stock of clothes
to start on, this will be a small item for the first year $300 (the
amount I would necessarily spend in the city) will certainly cover
every expense for the first year. I will then be in a position to convert
"my learning into cash."
The inner conflict was at an end, and but two months re-
mained before the wedding. For Ben, the intervening days were
filled with pleasant expectation and serious preparation. Even
though September's weather was stiflingly oppressive, "he read
the law very closely," occasionally permitting himself a refreshing
dream of Carrie and the happy day ahead. "I am persuaded that
THE BAR AND THE ALTAR 79
I can read as much law in four hours at The Point, where I will
take proper exercise, as I now do in ten and a half. Three hours
of exercise every day will change my physical appearance amaz-
ingly in the course of a year. I shall be stronger as well as wiser." 46
Unquestionably, Ben lived those weeks on borrowed happi-
ness. Despite the fact that the office was ever crowded with wit-
nesses and lawyers, he felt keen satisfaction because "the story
of our marriage is gradually stealing about in whispers." 47 He
kept up his correspondence with Anderson, and the conclusion
of one rather lengthy epistle is clearly indicative of the medita-
tive and poetic side of a man who has erroneously been described
as thoroughly cold and completely unimaginative:
Our office is quiet now, all the tenants save myself have quit until
tomorrow. Darkness is fast setting upon this page and the straggling
rays of light are fleeing as if frightened to join the sun behind the
western hills. A thousand sturdy muscles stretched since early dawn
are now relaxed, or only exercised by the swinging of the empty bit of
bucket as the honest partisan hastens with quick step and eager heart
to join the loved ones at home and enjoy with them a meager meal.
'Tis night, night in a great city. Vice hidden all day long in darkened
chambers now stalks boldly forth, to shock by its squalidness and
misery, or tempt by its gaudy trappings in conventional respecta-
bility. But I must dose. 48
From shortly after Ben's twentieth birthday in late August un-
til the day of their wedding, he and Carrie followed patterns of
conduct wholly unpredictable but thoroughly amusing. She was
intent upon keeping secret the day and the hour so as "to blind
the curious." 49 When Ben visited Oxford, he found her acting
and speaking in the presence of her students and friends "with
as great circumspection as a nun before her abbess." 50 He added:
"Her sewing she does in the privacy of her own chamber. Stu-
diously avoiding an exposure of the suspected garments." Ben,
on the other hand, steadfastly refused to be a victim of the "tyr-
anny of a malicious and gossiping eye," for, as he put it, "con-
46 Benjamin Harrison to J. Alexander Anderson, September 7, 1853, Harrison
MSS, Vol. .
47 Benjamin Harrison to J. Alexander Anderson, September 15, 1853, Harrison
MSS, Vol. 3.
48/Wd.
49 j. Alexander Anderson to B. Harrison, Sept. 17, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
co B. Harrison to J. A. Anderson, Sept. 24, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
8o BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
science approving, I shall act, though the whole world beside
disapprove." There was a certain amount of good common sense
underlying his attitude, for Ben held it as a principle that "the
man who commits himself to the absurd task of pleasing every-
body, is like a cork intrusted to the reversed and whirling cur-
rents of the 'Devil's Hole* [Niagara], and the one is as likely to
reach the ocean as the other is to maintain a dignified individu-
ality in society/' 51
This show of stoicism, however, was somewhat of a false front.
As the days passed, Ben unbent sufficiently with Anderson to con-
fess that "my spirits are much regulated by my moods in these
times, now cheerful and talkative, and again silent, almost sad." 52
When he roused himself from these fits, he seemed to renew his
confidence by his determination to succeed in spite of every ob-
stacle, as he was quick to add:
I never lose my courage, however depressed my spirits may be. A
young man with good health and a well trained mind is guilty of
. . . cowardness, when he gives way to discouragement. "Faint heart"
never did anything worthy of man; how then could it win "the fair
lady" who prides herself upon the heroism and bravery of her lover.
By far the most trying problem for Ben was his selection of the
proper wedding garments. Only the timely arrival of his brother
Irwin served to tranquilize his ruffled disposition. "Together,"
he writes to John Anderson, "we spent almost the entire morn-
ing with tailors, boot makers, and gents furnishers." In retro-
spect, Ben's account of this expedition for clothing is quite sig-
nificant, though at the time it was peculiarly painful:
Never did a more disagreeable, vexatious task fall to my lot: from
the earliest thought of the matter to the possession of the last article,
was one continued series of quandaries and perplexities, from each of
51 This statement is typical of Ben's character and thought. The idea expressed
here was to grow and mature with him, and thus accompany him into the arena of
public life. In this same letter he stated as a companion principle: "Neither ought
a man surrender himself to any unasked advice of friends. Let him never act upon
such counsels, except he can make them entirely his own. I know no greater error
than to take 'advice' upon authority. Mine is the responsibility."
62 B. Harrison to J. A. Anderson, Sept. 30, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
THE BAR AND THE ALTAR 8l
which I was only released in the most desperate effort. I chose an
entire suit of black, vest and all. 68
Ben strongly suspected that his choice of a somber all-black
wedding outfit would be regarded by many as an example of his
lack of taste. But, like most things he did, this departure from
the dictates of fashion was willful and premeditated. Not only
did he select a black satin vest in place of the conventional "white
vest of the drone," but he also indulged his early and growing
fondness for a frock coat. 64 As he admitted:
Instead of the swallow tail and dept dress, I ordered a frock coat.
I am not entirely satisfied that I was right in this latter particular, but
this I know: that I will look and feel better in the old "frock"!! I am
very little concerned about my appearance, however, so long as I
maintain gentility and avoid poverty. 55
Ben found it difficult to pursue his studies with requisite at-
tention, and finally he brushed aside his legal tomes with the
confession: "I am tired of the suspense and dissipation of mind
incident to the anticipation of such an event. I long to have the
anticipation emerge into reality." 56
With deep respect, Ben asked Dr. Scott if he would consent
to perform the ceremony. He added understandingly, however,
"it will perhaps be an embarrassing part for the father to assume
the marriage of his daughter, yet, if it would not be too incon-
sonant with your feelings, we would be glad to have it so." Ben
felt it necessary to say a word also of the prospect he had of afford-
ing Dr. Scott's daughter a comfortable home and support:
For the present I shall offer a place in my father's house, where she
will receive the welcome of a daughter and a sister. My present design
is to "migrate" to Chicago in the Spring, when I will be able to obtain
immediate admission to the Bar, and once admitted, the energetic
SB ibid.
54 Scores of contemporary and later writers have mentioned Harrison and his
frock coat in one and the same breath. Typical is the statement of Col. W. H. Crook,
Memories of the White House (Boston, 1911), p. 210: "Owing to his stoutness he did
not look as tall as he really was, and perhaps for this reason he wore a silk hat and
a frock coat when weather conditions permitted."
65 B. Harrison to J. Anderson, Sept. 30, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
82 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
and patient pursuit of my profession will insure success. ... In a word,
I pledge my best efforts for her happiness ... in the sincere hope that
the time will meet with your approval and that you will consent to
perform the ceremony. 17
Procurement of the marriage license proved somewhat more
embarrassing. Inasmuch as he had not yet attained his legal ma-
jority, 58 Ben had to be accompanied by his father when he went
to Hamilton, the county seat, where they obtained the license
three days before the wedding. 59
On Wednesday evening, October 19, Ben arrived in Oxford
about nine o'clock and went directly to the Mansion House,
where he put up for the night.
October 20, 1853, dawned cool and brisk, and autumn wore
its finest dress. Tradition has it that Dr. Scott performed the cere-
mony in his own home, in the first-floor front room on the west
side of the house. 60 As Carrie had desired, the wedding was a sim-
ple one, with the family, a few guests 61 and no display of presents.
The bride appeared in a simple gray traveling dress and Ben
wore his new black suit. Immediately after the ceremony a wed-
ding breakfast was served, and, as soon as it was polite to do so,
the newly wedded couple left Oxford in a rattling old omnibus
for Hamilton, thence to The Point. 62
Uncertainty about the future lost some of its terror at least tem-
porarily. Carrie's loving presence and encouragement replaced
the anxiety of the courtship days and, thus fortified, Ben settled
iown to the completion of his legal studies. His application was
57 Benjamin Harrison to Rev. Dr. Scott, October 5, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
58 Ben took much good-natured jibing because of his minority status. Milton
iaylor, his classmate from Miami, and later a Civil War colonel recalled at Harri-
on's death in 1901: "Ben married before he was so [sic] and had to take his father
vith him to get the license." Scrapbook No. 52, p. 93, Harrison MSS.
59 B. Harrison to J. Anderson, Oct. 17, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
60 Ophia Smith, Old Oxford House, p. 75.
61 John Anderson had been invited, in a note dated September 24, 1853, Harrison
klSS, Vol. 3: "your father told me that you are expected home the third week in
)ctober. On the soth of that month at six o'clock in the morning (can you get off
o early?) I should be very happy to see you 'at home/ You must not look for any
how. It will be a plain affair with as little ceremony as possible."
62 Smith, op. cit., p. 73. The John W. Scott diary, found in the Harrison Home
n Indianapolis, also records the event with stark simplicity.
THE BAR AND THE ALTAR 83
vigorous, and his earlier boast that he would accomplish so much
more at home now seemed to be coming true. Within a week after
the wedding bells, John Anderson was apprised of the happy eve-
ning routine at The Point where Carrie "is now sitting at the fire
plying her needle, while I was writing at the window. Possibly I
may now and then raise my eyes from this page to watch for an
instant her busy fingers. . . . Her presence and the consciousness
that she is my wife . . . afford an infinitude of quiet happiness." 68
Though Bellamy Storer's assignments for home reading and
private study kept Ben well occupied with Blackstone, Coke, Lit-
tleton and statutory law during the last six months of his training,
Ben went frequently to Cincinnati for consultation, attendance
at court, and further personal direction. These enforced absences
from home served to make Ben a daily correspondent much to
his own amazement. He narrated his dismay to Anderson:
Since I parted with you Monday afternoon, I have been doing little
else than attending court and writing letters to Carrie. I have often
laughed at the idea of a man writing to his wife every day. I flattered
myself that I should never be guilty of a similar weakness but my
manly resolve was no sooner tested than broken. And now I plead
guilty to the "soft impeachment." 64
Departures, however, meant returns to home, study, hunting
and Carrie, and this latter program Ben enjoyed to the full.
Whenever he was frustrated in his desire for a bit of hunting, or
Carrie was too weary to sit up the night talking to him, Ben was
forced to resort to the grey goose quill for his entertainment, and
he aptly designated it "that mighty instrument of little men." 66
And he was soon to be afforded many opportunities to wield his
pen to his own advantage.
On December 6, John Scott Harrison left for the national
House of Representatives to assume his duties as the newly elect-
ed Whig from Hamilton County, Ohio. Ben spoke for the family
and said: "we are all of us not a little depressed at the prospect
63 B. Harrison to J. Anderson, October 27, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
64 B. Harrison to J. Anderson, November 10, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
Harrison to J. Anderson, Nov. 23, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
84 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
of being separated from him for so long a time." 66 John Scott
himself was disturbed at the thought of "years of heartless excite-
ment" in Washington, and in one of his first letters to his brother-
in-law he complained: "I tried to make the best I can of a bad
bargain, and still my thoughts are continually wandering from
the hall of legislation to my children and my home"* 7
Early in 1854, several months before his twenty-first birthday,
Benjamin Harrison passed another important milestone in a ca-
reer that was just beginning. Upon the successful completion of
two years of close study, he was admitted to practice before the
Ohio bar. 68 With this cherished goal happily attained, Ben and
Carrie were in a position to give more careful consideration to
their plans for the future. Basic to their intimate discussion of
the problem was Ben's recently acquired conviction that he
would under no circumstances remain in Cincinnati and attempt
to build up a practice. A spirit of pride and independence nour-
ished this view into a deep-rooted persuasion; as he confessed: "I
long to cut my leading strings and acquire an identity of my own.
Were I to continue on here it would be long ere that people
should cease to regard me as a boy, and almost as long ere I should
cease to regard myself as such." 69
It was this reasoning that had strongly inclined Ben to settle
in Chicago. Here he could be admitted to practice at any time,
and, moreover, he conceived that the opportunities offered by its
rapidly increasing population would be both rich and numer-
ous. 70 Naturally, friends brought pressure to bear on him to stay
66 B. Harrison to J. Anderson, Dec. 5, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3. John Scott
dated his first letter from Washington on December 13, 1853. Anderson wrote to
Ben: "your father's absence will be sorely felt by all the 'Pointers' . . . tell Sallie
and Jennie that in my day Pa constituted all the attraction and life of the place."
J. Anderson to Benjamin Harrison, December 9, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
67 John Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, February 2, 1854, Short Family
Papers, Box 55.
68 The year of Harrison's admission to the Bar in Cincinnati is variously given
as 1853 and 1854. Roseboom, op. cit. f p. 206, places it in 1853. Marshall, op. cit.,
Ill, 793, does not give any date; he only mentions his admission to the Indiana
bar in 1854. The obituary account in the Indianapolis Journal, March 14, 1901, lists
1854 as date of admission in Cincinnati. The Indianapolis News, March 14, 1901,
gives 1853. I* is the author's opinion that 1854 is the correct date and this is based
on the usual length of study required at that period.
69 B. Harrison to J. Anderson, October 3, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
70 B. Harrison to J. Anderson, September 30, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
THE BAR AND THE ALTAR 85
in Cincinnati, "where he would have more friends and could
fight his way through about as easily as in Chicago." 71 While
these friendly pleadings may have caused some hesitation, it was
the reception of T. B. Bryan's frank letter 72 that dissipated Ben's
dream of establishing himself in Chicago, and he wrote to Ander-
son:
. . . the advantages which Chicago offers to young lawyers are not so
flattering as I had anticipated but by no means discouraging. It had
the effect to dissipate a very childish notion, which unbeknown to
myself had (I fear) taken possession of my mind, viz: that Chicago
was a place where fortunes and reputation might be acquired with-
out the toil and crosses of a long tutelage. How noble an ideal! 73
Despite the fact that lawyers were numerous in Chicago and
many new ones were coming in from the East, Ben was not com-
pletely disabused of his original plan to migrate there. He felt
then, as do many legal neophytes today, that there was always
room for "energetic, enterprizing young men." 74 With the sug-
gestion, however, that he tarry in Cincinnati he did not sym-
pathize. He refused to latch on to the hands of generous friends,
and his newly found matrimonial wisdom told him that "charity
given bread may nourish the body, but it does not invigorate the
soul like the hard earned loaf." Ben resolved "to eat the hard
earned loaf or starve," 75 and he had now only to choose the site
of his first endeavors.
During the early spring days of 1854 he decided on Indian-
apolis. It was no hasty selection. Ben and Carrie weighed the
advantages and disadvantages carefully, and rumors that the In-
diana capital was the city of their choice were quite current dur-
ing February. 76 Finally, in March, Ben made a personal visit and
inspected conditions at first hand. He met with a cordial recep-
71 J. Anderson to B. Harrison, October 6, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
72 Bryan described Chicago as a "young city, having the appearance of a village
extended." On the other hand this same Chicago lawyer praised and preferred
Cincinnati for "greater age . . . [with] far greater improvements and commercial
advantages." T. B. Bryan to Harrison, October 3, 1853, Harrison MSS in Harrison
Home, Indianapolis.
78 B. Harrison to J. Anderson, October 10, 1853, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
is Ibid.
78 j. Anderson to B. Harrison, February 27, 1854, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
86 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
tion and returned to The Point favorably impressed. Letters
of introduction written by his father in Washington had not ar-
rived in time, but this mattered little, for as John Scott Harrison
put it, "the fact is your name is introduction enough to any of
the old inhabitants of Hoosierdom the old men of Indiana who
have become patriots of your grandfather and loved him as they
loved no other public man." 77
If Ben had not yet made up his mind to make the move, word
from his cousin, William Sheets, must have helped. Sheets was
already a successful business figure in Indianapolis. 78 At forty-
nine, he enjoyed a reputation as a pioneer in the manufacture of
paper, owned a paper mill, and was soon to branch out into sta-
tionery and blank books. He had been elected Secretary of State
in 1832 and again in 1840, retiring from Indiana politics four
years later. His social circle was also large and influential. He
had married Miss Randolph, of a celebrated Virginia family and
the adopted daughter of General William Henry Harrison, held
a high post in the Masonic order, and was active as a temperance
advocate and an early supporter of education for the deaf and
dumb. 79 His letter to Ben could not have arrived at a more op-
portune time.
I regret that I was not home when you were in our city. I hope you
met with a cordial reception, and went away favorably impressed
with our Hoosier capital. We think our city promises more, in the
future, than almost any other place in the West.
The young professional man who can make up his mind to make
this his permanent home, and be content to grow with this place,
must, in my judgment, succeed.
The mercantile part of the profession has always become in this
state . . . the mo$t lucrative. If you conclude to settle here, I advise
you to make the acquaintance and secure the friendship of as many
of the wholesale dealers in Cincinnati as you can, before you come. By
this means you may very soon get into a good practice. Most of the
members of the Bar, are moral, and some of them are pious men, but
none of them very talented. I think you and your good lady would be
77 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin Harrison, March 25, 1854, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 3: "Your letter of the nd was received today. I had heard by Betsy's letter
that you had returned from Indiana and supposed you could not have received
my letters of introduction. . . ."
78 Indianapolis Directory, City Guide and Business Mirror; or, Indianapolis As
It Is in 1855 (Indianapolis, 1855), p. 157.
79 Indianapolis Daily Journal, March 5, 1872, obituary notice.
THE BAR AND THE ALTAR 87
pleased with the society here. The standard of morality among the
better class of society is very high. Religious privileges are very good
also; in the First Presbyterian Church, old school, we have the Rev.
John A. McClung, who is a rare man. Should you conclude to cast
your lot among us, it will afford me great pleasure to aid in any way
in my power. You must come, at once, to our house, without stopping
at a hotel, and remain with us until you can find a pleasant boarding
house. It will be a pleasure to introduce you to our friends. Give our
kind regards to cousin Carrie. 80
This enthusiasm matched Ben's own impressions. The die was
cast. Carrie and Ben prepared to move to Indianapolis and make
their own way in a new world of change and uncertainty.
so William Sheets to Benjamin Harrison, Esq., March 18, 1854, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 3.
CHAPTER V
Indianapolis
w- -w- -yiTH DETERMINATION in their eyes and optimism in
\ /\ I their hearts Ben and Carrie were Indianapolis-bound.
y \ So meagre were their personal possessions that they
were able to cram them into one huge box, which they shipped
on ahead to the home of William Sheets. 1 Ordinarily, leave-tak-
ing would be an event filled with depression, but twin strokes of
good fortune removed all shreds of regret. Ben fell heir to some
property in Cincinnati on which he was able to raise $800 in
cash, 2 and John Scott Harrison, who drew eight dollars a day as
a member of Congress, promised a farewell present of at least
$5oo. 8 No patrimony could have been more timely.
On the trip to Lawrenceburg, Indiana, where they were to
entrain for the state capital, they both realized how much it
meant to give up an old home and old friends. Nor was Ben's
parting made easier when he slipped from the envelope his sis-
ter had given him a poem in her own hand: "To My Brother
on His Departure from Home." 4 Once the twinges of grief had
subsided, Ben and Carrie settled down to enjoy the scenery along
lOn April 4, 1854, Benjamin Harrison paid 9 id freight charges to the Indian-
apolis and Cincinnati Railroad for the transportation of one box from Lawrence-
burg to Indianapolis, shipped in care of W. Sheets. See Personal Bills and Notes,
1854, i box, Harrison MSS.
2 Harriet Mclntire Foster, Mrs. Benjamin Harrison (Indianapolis, 1908), p. 9;
also J. . Morison and W. B. Lane, Life of Our President Benjamin Harrison,
p. 107: "$8oo . . . money advanced on a piece of property he had inherited from an
Aunt who had married a soldier in the war of 1819." In the Indianapolis Journal,
June 30, 1888, are the details of his desire to use this inheritance to support himself
and his wife while he became established in his profession. Not being of age, how-
ever, he was unable to make a deed of sale, and a friend gave bond that the deed
would be made when he attained his majority.
3 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, March 25, 1854, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
4 Harrison MSS, Vol. 3, No. 462.
88
INDIANAPOLIS 89
the bed of the recently completed Indianapolis and Cincinnati
Road. 5 Ben remembered something of the sights he saw, and
wrote home that "it was a panorama of swamps, frogless swamps
and bare-legged Hoosier children." 6 Four and a half hours after
leaving Lawrenceburg they arrived in their new world, Indian-
apolis.
In the 1850*5 America possessed few more interesting and more
promising states than that of the Hoosiers. Its population was
growing and in 1854 numbered more than 1,200,000, occupying
an area of 22,000,000 acres of richly fertile soil, "nearly all of it
available for agricultural purposes, and the whole capable of sus-
taining an immense population." 7 Coal fields, within a couple of
hours ride from Indianapolis, were of fine quality; moreover, the
beds lay near the surface and could be worked with great facility.
These gifts alone would nourish into prominence cities like Gary,
Hammond, and East Chicago, so that Indiana would emerge a
leader in pig iron and steel output. Everything joined to offer
natural facilities for manufacturing. 8
Within five miles of the geographical center of the state, origi-
nally a mile-square plot of "intrenched wilderness" 9 on the west
fork of the White River, was Indianapolis, the capital. Previous
to 1847 fr was 3 ust an other American inland city whose meagre
population of 4,000 knew comparatively little trade and less
manufacture. By 1854, however, the inhabitants numbered 10
nearly 16,000 and the hum of machinery was heard everywhere;
& Indianapolis Directory, 1868 (Indianapolis, 1868), p. 53: "The Lawrence-
burg and Upper Mississippi Road was originally begun in sections or several
roads in 1850, a through road being bitterly and successfully opposed by the Madi-
son Company, but was finally chartered in 1851, and finished to Lawrenceburg, 90
miles, in October 1853 under George H. Dunn, the first President. The name was
changed December, 1853 to the Indianapolis and Cincinnati Road."
6 Benjamin Harrison to Anna Harrison, May 10, 1854, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
7 Indianapolis Directory, 185$.
8 "The advantages possessed by Indianapolis for profitable investment of capital
and labor, in every department for industry, bear favorable comparison with those
of any other city in the West. ... A population of at least three millions, residing
in Indiana and adjoining states look to us for the supply of many articles of every
day use." Indianapolis Directory, 185*], pp. 50-53.
d "Indianapolis was located and laid out in 1820, and on January 6, 1821 it was
incorporated . . . the original town plot was one mile square." Ibid. t p. v.
10 To give some idea of the rapid growth of the city an examination of the
population figures from 1830 to 1855 is essential: in 1830, 1,085; " l8 34 l <x>'* in
1840, 2,692; in 1847, 8,504; in 1855, 16,000, showing an increase in six years of
almost 100 per cent. Grooms and Smith, op. cit. 9 p. vi.
go BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
eight railroads, comprising 1,500 miles of track, had been com-
pleted; seven others, totaling 900 miles, were rapidly approach-
ing completion. Hoosiers saw that the railroads were revolution-
izing their commerce, and they appreciated the fact that they
themselves as well as their freight were being transported almost
as cheaply by rail as they had been by water. Locomotive and car
building made giant strides, and the city was rightfully heralded
in her new role as one of the principal manufacturing points in
the country. 11
While public-spirited citizens and city tradesmen spoke glow-
ingly of present and future blessings, the city was still one "of
muddy boots and torn clothes," where people made "desperate
attempts at finery; glass jewels and French silk dresses, which
after having found no purchaser in New York, have been sent
west." 12 In 1852, Madame Theresa Pulszky, visiting from Hun-
gary in company with Kossuth's party, stopped off at Indianapo-
lis and saw:
Some of the mothers had their babies in their arms; workmen ap-
peared in their blouses or dusty coats, just as they came from the
workshop; fanners stepped in high boots. Once more we saw that the
house of the Governor is the property of the people. And yet this in-
congruous mass did not behave unbecomingly to a drawing-room.
There was no rude elbowing, no unpleasant noises, or disturbing
laughter. Had they but shaken hands less violently! I yet feel western
cordiality in my stiff arm. 18
Indianapolis occupied the middle of a shallow basin, whose
surrounding area rose gradually for miles through a region "once
densely covered with large hardwood trees, and in many places
on the city site were extensive thickets of prickly ash and spice
11 "From 1847 to 1850 several saw and grist mills, two foundries, steam engine
and machine shops, a peg and last factory, a planing mill, several slaughter houses
. . . were built and put into successful operation. ... By 1857 the number of plants
was greatly increased and a new variety was introduced. Two woolen factories, a
large foundry and machine shop, two barrel factories, four chair and cabinet fac-
tories . . . boiler, carriage and wagon factories, etc." Indianapolis Directory, 1857,
pp. 44-45.
12 Jacob Piatt Dunn, Greater Indianapolis (Chicago, 1910), I, 188. The au-
thor quotes liberally from early diaries and writings of visitors to the city.
13 Cited from Mme Pnlszky's diary by J. P. Dunn, loc. cit.
INDIANAPOLIS Ql
wood." 14 Hunters seldom returned unsuccessful from the chase.
As late as 1842 saddles of venison sold for from twenty-five to fifty
cents, turkeys ten to twelve cents, and a bushel of pigeons for
twenty-five cents. The river was so full of fish that an early settler
declared "a stone thrown in it anywhere, from the graveyard ford
to the mouth of Fall Creek, would strike a shoal of fish." 15 Be-
cause of such abundance, the Delaware and the Miami Indians
yielded the country with great reluctance. Many of them lingered
in the vicinity after the treaties were signed. 16 While they had no
permanent village at Indianapolis proper, their hunting and fish-
ing camps were numerous to the north of the city site, and a
traveler who passed up the river several years before the settle-
ment related that the banks were then dotted with wigwams, and
the river often dotted with canoes.
Spring was full upon Indianapolis when Ben and Carrie ar-
rived. Their first impressions of the city and its society were in
strong contradiction to the rather bizarre and false opinions
formed by foreigners passing through the country. In the young
couple's eyes the people seemed to be living a plain and whole-
some kind of life. There was little disposition to flaunt wealth,
even when it existed. Rather, the people liked to think of them-
selves as belonging to an older and more democratic school of
thought in which wealth and ostentation did not constitute social
position. The woman who "kept a girl" was socially no better
than her neighbor who could not afford the luxury. Extraneous
wants for the average family were few. Food and shelter, cloth-
ing and doctor's fees, along with the usual assessments for church
14 "The first history of Indianapolis was prepared by Ignatius Brown, and pub-
lished as part of the City Directory of 1857. Mr. Brown was a patient delver in his-
torical material, and in the course of the next decade ... he revised and enlarged
his work and republished it in the city directory of 1868. This second publication
was more than four times as large as the first, and has been the basis of all the
history that has since been published . . . errors and all." Dunn, op. dt., Preface, i.
15 Indianapolis Directory, 1868, pp. 1-93, contains Brown's revision of the detailed
history of the city from 1818 to 1868.
16 Dunn, op. cit., I, a, writes that "in October, 1818, both tribes were assembled
at St. Mary's, Ohio, where Jonathan Jennings, Lewis Cass and Benjamin Parke, for
the United States, made treaties with them. On October 3rd the Delawares relin-
quished 'all their claims to the land in the state of Indiana.' " On October 6th the
Miamis also agreed to vacate Indiana.
Q2 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
and city, made only moderate inroads on one's financial re-
sources. 17
The young wedded couple was fortunate in the city of their
choice, and equally fortunate in their initial protector, William
Sheets. His home was located on the corner of Pennsylvania and
Ohio Streets, later the site of the Denison Hotel. Here, Cousin
Carrie and her lawyer husband were warmly received. They en-
joyed the Sheets hospitality for a few days, while searching for
quarters where they might keep house for themselves. They
quickly found a place in a two-story frame house further up on
Pennsylvania Street. The second story was occupied by another
newly married couple, a Dr. and Mrs. John M. Kitchen. 18
John and Mary Kitchen seemed to get along splendidly with
Ben and Carrie Harrison, and even after a half century the doc-
tor painted a pleasant word picture of his early associations with
Ben:
He was kindly, agreeable and studious, reserved even then, but at-
tracting persons to him by his intellectual qualities. He was a man of
notably clear character and made a success of everything he under-
took. I do not remember that he belonged to any secret society, nor
did he, as was in that day thought necessary to every young man who
had social, business or political aspirations, join any of the volunteer
fire companies, of that period. I do not think he ever had an acquaint-
ance with anyone that ripened into the hottest kind of friendship. I
have been hunting with him. He never pushed himself into the com-
pany of other hunters. While he was a very good shot, I do not think
he was much of a fisherman. 19
A fire soon drove the young couple out on the streets in search
of another lodging. Perhaps this was a blessing in disguise, for
$7.00 board and rent per week 20 was certainly far beyond the
17 For social background for the 1850-60 period see J. H. Holliday, Indianapolis
and the Civil War (Indianapolis, 1911), pp. 530-35.
18 Dunn, op. ciL, II, 796-97. This is at variance with the account found in the
Indianapolis Journal, July i, 1888, where a three-room cottage on Vermont St. is
called the first Harrison home. Evidence in other newspaper clippings, especially
in the Indianapolis News, March 15, 1901, seems more reliable and confirms Dr.
Kitchen's account.
19 Indianapolis News, March 15, 1901.
20 in a box marked "Bills and Notes, 1854," Harrison MSS, there is a receipted
rent and board bill to the amount of $49.00. This covered their occupancy from
April 4 to May 23. It was typical of Ben to make a pencil notation on the receipt
that a mistake of one week's board was corrected and that he was credited with
$7.00.
INDIANAPOLIS 93
means of a young, unknown and clientless lawyer. Carrie, more-
over, was now well advanced in her pregnancy and required
medical attention. Her physical strength was no longer equal to
household tasks, and the cost of hiring a girl, as well as mounting
doctor's fees, made Ben give pause to ways of economizing. 21 Un-
der the press of these circumstances, he consented to Carrie's
returning to Oxford and remaining with the Scotts until their
first child should be born. He himself vowed to remain alone in
Indianapolis and to bend every effort to create and build up a
practice.
Ben's early, roseate dreams of quick success at the Indiana bar
had been rudely shattered. It was not all his fault. The nature of
law practice was peculiar at that time, and although he struggled
and searched, fees, even small ones, and clients were *iot easily
found. He found that he could not attach himself to any firm of
specialists, for at that time the important and lucrative fields of
corporation, patent and commercial law were not yet developed.
Actually, the leaders of the bar were to use the phrase of the
day "nisi prius" lawyers: men who were accustomed to travel
the rounds of the circuit with the presiding judge. The early In-
dianapolis lawyer was a professional angler; all sorts of fish came
into his net. He was compelled to pull in everything that came
along, whether it was a five-dollar case tried before a county
squire or a remunerative railroad foreclosure suit handled in
federal court. Indeed, it was not until the decades after the Civil
War that the Indiana bar assumed rank with some of the leading
legal centers of the nation. When this came to pass, some of the
older attorneys recollected that in the early 1850*8 it was not an
uncommon thing for the then leading legal sages to begin the
morning "with a skirmish in Squire Sullivan's court about the
ownership of a flock of vagrant geese" 22 and wind up their day's
work with a lively debate in federal court over a case involving
large interests and important principles of equity and jurispru-
dence.
21 In addition to doctor and medicine bills, Ben was obliged to foot a $51.50
bill for furniture (Tilford and Co.). He met this on April 10, 1854.
22 w. P. Fishback in New York Evening Post, December, 1888, Benjamin Harri-
son Scrapbook No. 9, Harrison MSS, which forms the substance and in some in-
stances the verbatim account given by Charles W. Taylor, The Bench and Bar of
TnfJfnnn /TnHianflnnlic iftne\ nr one ifi
94 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
This type of practice had its drawbacks as well as its advantages.
Most fees were small, though they were fairly numerous to the
lawyer whose enlarged acquaintance among his fellow citizens
netted him many petty suits dealing with the collection and pay-
ment of debts, wills, mortgages, foreclosures, divorces and other
routine matters. Ben's unfamiliarity with Indianapolis and its
environs and his boyish appearance militated against his employ-
ment as counsel in such cases. To the new lawyer trying to break
in, it was difficult to make the right acquaintances and to become
known in business and social circles. Yet, as long as he was kept
out by the bar of unfamiliarity, the more he was denied the
opportunity of meeting many prospective clients and of study-
ing human nature at close range. Yet, once this break-through
was made, Indiana's type of professional practice gave strength,
breadth and adaptability to a young lawyer's intellectual powers.
It was a wonderful safeguard against merely a narrow competency
in one field; more positively, it fostered intellectual activity on a
front both varied and comprehensive. Of all of these possible ad-
vantages Ben was keenly aware.
He was well along the road to discouragement and financial
insolvency before the tide of fortune turned. Board and food
bills fell due with clocklike regularity and, with Carrie away at
Oxford, loneliness engulfed him. Idleness, the ghost he feared
most, stalked his path. He could not afford his own office, and
clients were too few to justify borrowing any money for this pur-
pose. Finally, his break came. Through the kindness of John H.
Rea, 23 then Clerk of the United States District Court, Ben secured
office space in the State Bank Building located on the triangular
square opposite the Bates House. He was now in a position to
meet fellow lawyers, business men and artisans. A second boon
followed. By the kindness and friendship of United States Mar-
shal John L. Robinson and his deputy, George McOuat, he was
appointed court crier, at a salary of $2.50 per day. 24
These two fortuitous events contributed immeasurably to
Ben's renewed resolution to persevere. And, to help matters
along, his father was never too preoccupied with the debates on
23 Indianapolis Journal, March 14, 1901. Indianapolis City Directory, 1855,
spells his name "Ray."
** Ibid. Also see Morison and Lane, op. cit., p. 107.
INDIANAPOLIS 95
the Nebraska Bill to forget to replenish Ben's coffers with an oc-
casional check for $25.00 or $5o.oo. 25 Ben soon added to his own
earnings. Tradition has it that he pocketed his first fee, a five
dollar gold piece, for prosecuting and convicting a man who had
obtained money under false pretenses. 26 It came the hard way.
He had to hire a horse and ride a muddy road ten miles into the
country to Clermont, where he tried his case before a justice of
the peace whose back yard was an open-air court room. 27 A fee
was a fee and no trouble was considered too great. As Ben him-
self remarked in later life:
They were close times, I tell you. A $5 bill was an event. There
was one good friend through it all Robert Browning, the druggist.
I shall always recollect him with gratitude. He believed in me. When
things were particularly tight I could go into his store and borrow $5
from the drawer. A ticket in its place was all that was required. Such
friends make life worth living. 28
Although the skies were not brightening too perceptibly, the
young lawyer was able to see that at least some of the clouds were
lined with silver.
Ben's diligent study of the Indiana statutes and his routine
work around the court did not go unnoticed. Attracted by Har-
rison's show of promise, Major Jonathan W. Gordon, then prose-
cuting attorney for Marion County, invited Ben to assist him in
the prosecution of a case known at the time as the Point Lookout
burglary. Because of Gordon's reputation as one of the leading
members of the bar, as well as the high calibre of the opposing
counsel, Ben hastened to accept the engagement for the experi-
ence in trial work it would afford him. He felt a new pride in sit-
as John Scott Harrison to Benjamin Harrison, May 19, 1854, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 3.
26 Morison and Lane, op. cit., p. 107.
27 New York Press (?), March 14, 1901, Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook No. 52,
p. 77, Harrison MSS. The justice of the peace was John P. Martindale, uncle of the
late prominent Indianapolis attorney, Emsley W. Johnson, Sr., senior member of
the law firm, Johnson, Zechiel and Johnson. Mr. Johnson stated he heard his uncle
tell of this Clermont case upon numerous occasions. Emsley W. Johnson, Sr., to
the author, March 3, 1950.
28 House Document No. 154, p. 100. Also the Robert Browning of whom Ben
speaks was the remaining partner of the once famous Craighead & Browning, deal-
ers in drugs, medicines, and chemicals at No. 22 West Washington St. See Indian-
apolis Directory, 1857, p. no.
o6 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
ting with the prosecutor, and during the trial took copious notes.
As a brilliant defense was made by ex-Governor David Wallace 29
and Sims Colley, two of the community's most distinguished
lawyers, Ben listened intently. 30
The trial was somewhat lengthy and, as it reached its final
stages, the court determined to hold an evening session and thus
allow the prosecution to close its case. This decision conflicted
with Major Gordon's plans for that evening, for the chief prose-
cutor was most desirous of attending a lecture by Horace Mann.
The physical impossibility of bilocation worked to Ben's advan-
tage; during the supper recess Gordon told him he would have
to make the concluding summary to the jury. And with that the
elder man was off to the lecture.
That evening the court met by the dim light of old-fashioned
tin sconces and candles. Ben was full of trepidation lest he might
not acquit himself with credit, for he recognized the importance
of the situation as well as the power of the men opposed to him. 31
Sitting in the dim shadow cast by the light of the one candle the
sheriff had left on his desk, Ben felt somewhat fortified as he
fondled the copious notes he had made during the trial. When
he rose, to open the state's summation to the jury, consternation
flooded his soul as he discovered that the poor lighting would not
allow him to read what he had so carefully compiled. Neverthe-
less, he began his argument, trying again and again to make out
the dim pencilings he had made. It was useless.
Straightway he abandoned all reliance on notes and proceeded
to make his argument from memory. As he progressed, he dis-
covered with growing encouragement that he remembered the
evidence perfectly. Thrown upon his own resources, he made the
most of his natural faculty for easy, impromptu speech. Follow-
ing the judge's charge to the jury, young Harrison received con-
29 David Wallace, who succeeded as Governor in 1847, must have been known
to Harrison long before his arrival in Indianapolis. While David Wallace was still
a child, his father moved to Cincinnati, where he became a close friend of General
William Henry Harrison. It was to his son, David, that the General gave the ap-
pointment as a cadet to West Point, passing over his own son, John Scott Harrison.
Governor Wallace was well known in Indiana; he served in the Indiana Constitu-
tional Convention of 1850 and was later elected Judge of the Common Pleas Court
in 1856. He held this office until his death in 1859. J. P. Dunn, Indiana and Indi-
anans (Chicago and New York, 1919), i, 420-21.
30 Indianapolis Journal, March 14, 1901.
31 Indianapolis Journal, June 30, 1888.
INDIANAPOLIS 97
gratulations from every side, 82 but what pleased him most was
the warm compliment of David Wallace. 38 The story had a happy
ending, as the jury returned a verdict of guilty.
Shortly after this pleasant introduction to trial procedure Ben
was appointed by the City Attorney to assist in the prosecution of
a hotel servant charged with poisoning a guest's coffee. At the
time of his assignment, Ben, like most of the citizens of Indian-
apolis, knew little or nothing about the nature of poison and its
effects on the human body. Such knowledge came within the
range of physicians and chemists, and of this latter group the city
was barren. 84 As the trial was set for the next day, there was only
one night in which Ben could find out all he could about poisons.
He went directly to the Post Office Building to the second floor
where his friend Dr. Kitchen shared an office with a Dr. Parvin.
The latter was alone in the office and Ben got down to work im-
mediately. For ten hours he studied Parvin's books and with the
doctor's aid succeeded in mastering a large number of facts, medi-
cal facts, on the nature and operation of poisons in the human
system. The sequel was well narrated by a local newspaper re-
porter:
From sun to sun the young lawyer cross examined the physician,
and then he entered the court room to confound the other physicians.
The long row of gray-haired and bespectacled experts were so put to
it by this tow-headed boy that the sensation of the case was trans-
ferred from the crime to the prosecution. 85
On the strength of Ben's performance the criminal was convicted,
but the talk of the time was the amazing display of such knowl-
edge on the part of a lawyer.
These moderate successes, though not highly remunerative,
earned him enough prominence to induce Governor Joseph A.
Wright to entrust him with the conduct of a legislative investiga-
tion. 36 His efficient execution of this task earned him further
82 House Document No. 154, p. 100.
83 According to the Journal's account, Wallace put his hand on Harrison's head
and complimented him in the highest manner, predicting for him a brilliant and
successful future.
84 Indianapolis News, March 14, 1901.
85 Ibid.
86 Indianapolis Journal, June 30, 1888.
98 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
fame, and soon clients came his way and their fees were solid
food to a financially famished attorney.
Ben's happy turn in fortune came none too soon. At Oxford,
Ohio, on Saturday, August is, 1854 just eight days before Ben's
twenty-first birthday Carrie gave birth to a boy. They named
him Russell. 87 Congress had recessed, and John Scott Harrison
was at home resting when the news of Russell's birth came. In
his own quiet way he rose to the occasion and honored the proud
parents with a significantly beautiful letter. Part of his epistle
was directed to Ben:
You now stand, my dear son, in a new relation in life a relation
that will be attended with new joys and also new cares and responsi-
bilitiesthat the former may outnumber the latter I hope with all my
heart. And yet my experience tells me that life is very much of a
mixed draught in which the bitter and the sweet are pretty fairly
or at least equally contributed afflictions, sometimes bring joys and
again, joys afflictions, and so we are all never perfectly happy, and
never so miserable, that hope does not spread a small ray on the sur-
rounding darkness.
And to Carrie he sent warmest congratulations and love; he asked
Ben to tell her that
I wish her all of a young mother's joy. I will not say without a
young mother's anxiety, for I believe in that very anxiety is entwined
her pleasure and her joy but I will say that T hope she may escape
those many little pains and annoyances which so often afflict a young
mother. 38
As Indianapolis in late summer and early fall tended to be
damp and unhealthy, Ben thought it wise that Russell should not
be brought to the city until better conditions prevailed. Hence, it
was decided that Carrie and the baby should stay with Dr. and
Mrs. Scott until it was safe to bring Russell to live with his Har-
rison relatives at The Point. Ben, and Carrie too, were very anx-
ious that the child should enjoy early in life the healthful and
37 The child was named after Russell Farnura Lord who had married Carrie's
older sister, Elizabeth. They were married in 1849 an( * made their home in Hones-
dale. Indianapolis News, Dec. 10, 1889.
38 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin Harrison, August 19, 1854, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 3.
oo
CO
CO
H
<
Z
U
Z
M
U
QO
O
P-.
Q
CO
BEN HARRISON'S FIRST RESIDENCE
IN INDIANAPOLIS ON EAST VERMONT STREET
INDIANAPOLIS 99
*
gorating air so traditionally characteristic of a farm. The in-
grew strong and in a few weeks he found himself on display
:g the banks of the Ohio. This latest addition to the Harrison
ily, as might be expected, became quite a pet in the old house,
in the not altogether objective opinion of grandfather John
t Harrison "he is one of the handsomest infants I ever saw/' 39
en cherished every piece of news he could get about his pride
joy; every tidbit kept him going in his daily efforts to build
. practice. Though he made every possible effort, his utmost
savors netted him no great financial return. This fact, along
L Carrie's protracted absence, accentuated his low spirits. For-
itely, there is preserved a letter never intended for the public
but it is a perfect mirroring of the future President's heart-
ded secrets. To Carrie he wrote:
lear wife,
ao* a letter will not go out today I cannot forbear writing you as
1 lonesome and have nothing particular to do. I met Mr. Rea at
Depot on his way to Lafayette, he expects to be gone all week,
I shall be without company both at the House and at the office,
mist bind myself more closely to my books and then I shall feel
vant of company less.
. You do not know how disheartened I feel sometimes, at the
pect of sitting in my office, for long months, without getting any-
r to do. I know I should feel contented if I only had some busi-
to occupy my attention, however trifling the profits might be.
ed I would almost be willing to work for nothing, just for the
of being busy. But however much I may be discouraged at the
sect, I never suffer myself to falter in my purpose I have long
made up my mind that with God's blessing and good health
uld succeed, and I never allow myself to doubt the result,
is a great relief in these seasons of depression to have your society,
[ long very much for it now but it seems better that you should
in where you are, for a season. I hope our place will soon become
liy; indeed, it is becoming so, at least so Mrs. Dr. N[ewcomer] 40
the doctor himself I have not seen. I do not know whether Mr.
fohn Scott Harrison to Benjamin Harrison, September 30, 1854, Harrison
Vol. 3.
Dr. and Mrs. Newcomer were devoted personal friends of Ben and Carrie;
s their family physician until the Civil War, and attended Mrs. Harrison at
rth of their second child.
100 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Sheets' family have returned or not I will leave this unfolded until
tomorrow, and will add something more if I learn anything worth
communicating. Much love to all the family and kisses for the Babe,
Your affectionate husband,
Benja Harrison.
[Wednesday morning]
I ate an oyster supper, at Dr. N's, last night, by special invitation,
and after smoking a segar, went home, read awhile and retired early.
This morning I feel quite brisk and much more like study. The Dr.
says the sickly season is generally over by September agrd and that
the health of our place is now improving. I suppose there is no rea-
son why you should not come out by the first of October. I will have
everything ready to receive you by that time. It is quite cool this
morning, and a fire in the morning and the evening will soon be
necessary to comfort. I am glad cold weather is approaching; you
know I always enjoy the winter season. Love to all. Write often and
let me know how you and the babe get along. I had a bad dream
about him last night,
Yours,
Ben.**
The first week of October had slipped by before Carrie, with
Russell in her arms, finally arrived at Indianapolis. 42 They rented
a more modest residence in the eastern part of the city, a one-
story wooden building witn three rooms, bedroom, dining room
and kitchen. Outside, there was a shed where Carrie could do her
cooking in summer. Since their tight budget precluded the hiring
of a servant, it was Ben's good pleasure to help his wife all he
could. He knuckled down to his job admirably. Before going to
41 This letter was a personal keepsake of General Harrison and he kept it hidden
away in a small drawer of the desk that adorned his office until he died. This hand-
some desk was removed to his home on North Delaware St. where it is preserved
among other Harrison relics in the attic museum. The desk, presumably emptied
out completely by the family, was discovered by Mrs. Ruth Woodworth, curator of
the Harrison Home, to have concealed two intimate letters addressed to "My dear
wife" and "Dear C?rrie" under dates of September 19, 1854, and January 5, 1855.
The Arthur Jordan Foundation of Indianapolis, restorers and present owners of
the Harrison Home, gave the Library of Congress photostatic copies of these letters
on July 12, 1940, now listed as A.C. 6322 among the papers of Benjamin Harrison.
42 Among the Benjamin Harrison Collection (Library of Congress) there is one
box marked "Personal Notes and Bills, 1854." The rent receipts show that Ben had
paid one board bill from July 15 to August 28 for $13.00. (This was for himself at
a rate of $2.00 per week.) There is another rent receipt for $32.72 covering August
29-October 9 ($5.00 per week for one person). The subsequent bills, beginning with
Oct. 9, 1854, show him renting for Carrie, himself, and the baby.
INDIANAPOLIS 1O1
his office in the morning, he sawed all the wood Carrie would
need for the day. When he came home for his noon day meal, he
would fill up a water bucket and attend to the other chores about
the house. 48
At the office his luck seemed to improve. During the fall
months, at least, his law business was prosperous enough to allow
him to have a shingle made for over his office door, and also to
have printed 300 business cards bearing the inscription: 44
B. HARRISON
ATTORNEY AT LAW
INDIANAPOLIS, INDIANA
Will give prompt attention to all
business entrusted to his care.
Special attention given to the
collection of claims.
OFFICE IN STATE BANK BUILDING
In his advertising Ben was also able to list eight references of
character from reputable firms and men in New York, Chicago,
Baltimore, Cincinnati and Indianapolis. 45 It was a wise invest-
ment but brought only a modicum of business. What came his
way was chiefly notarial work, writing deeds, petty cases before
justices of the peace, probate work and collections, together with
an occasional appearance in the circuit court. 46
Despite his most strenuous efforts, Ben simply could not seem
to make ends meet. His first essay as an independent attorney was
48 New York Mail and Express, an undated newspaper clipping in Harrison
Scrapbook No. 52, pp. 83-86, Harrison MSS.
44 in 1889 this inscription was copied from one of the original cards (then yellow
with age and in the possession of William Sheets' family). Ben paid a printing bill of
$2.00 for this work on Nov. 7, 1854, "Personal Bills and Notes, 1854," Harrison MSS.
See also the Chicago Weekly Inter-Ocean, May, 1889, a dipping in the B. Harrison
Scrapbook No. 9, p. 94, Harrison MSS.
45 From Cincinnati, Ben listed Hon. Bellamy Storer, Lewis Whiteman, and Sam-
uel H. Hart & Co. The New York reference was his brother-in-law, Russell F. Lord,
Superintendent of the Delaware and Hudson Canal. The others were: Joseph Rey-
nolds, Baltimore; John B. Anderson, New Albany, Indiana; Thomas B. Bryan,
Chicago; and William Sheets, Indianapolis. See B. Harrison Scrapbook No. 9, p.
94, Harrison MSS.
40 New York Mail and Express, an undated newspaper clipping in B. Harrison
Scrapbook No. 52, pp. 83-88, Harrison MSS. Also "Personal Notes and Bills, 1854,"
Harrison MSS.
102 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
a distinct financial failure, so that he was forced to borrow money.
Fortunately, his family 47 and friends, like Robert Browning, the
druggist, stood by him in these dark hours.
And as if the financial burden were not heavy enough, Ben
was saddled with concern over the failing health of his two de-
pendents. From almost the time of her return to the city Carrie
was ill, and little Russie did not develop in normal fashion.
Shortly after their first Christmas together and not a very merry
one at that Ben scraped enough money together to allow Carrie
and the babe a health vacation. Their destination was twofold,
the Scott home at Oxford and the Harrison farm at The Point.
Not long after their departure, Ben wrote:
... I forgot to tell you to write often, but I suppose you will not
need the caution. I know you and the babe will be cared for, both at
the Point and at Oxford, but as no one loves you as I do, so no one
will take as good care of you as I would. ... I wish I were able to
send you some money as you should have your teeth fixed etc., but I
am now reduced to two dollars myself. I will try to send you some in
a day or two, though I am sure I have no idea where it is to come
from.
Sid Mear's party I am told is to come off Wednesday. Nothing of
interest has transpired since you left. Take good care of our sweet
boy and of yourself also. Say to Irwin that if he will bring you out I
will not go down, as money is too scarce to be squandered un-neces-
sarily. I would like very much to visit Oxford and will do so if funds
are more plenty. If Irwin is coming out however it would be as well
for you to come with him. Love to all. 48
The year 1855 could not have begun less inauspiciously than
it did for Benjamin Harrison. With two dollars in his pocket and
the dread uncertainty as to where or when the next dollar would
come, no one could blame him for feeling discouraged. He was
not alone in this plight, for a large majority of his fellow citizens
47 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, Oct. 29, 1854, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3. The
following excerpt is typical: "Irwin is hauling his wheat to Lawrenceburg and 1
will try to make you a small remittance Anna insists (unsolicited) that she will
give you her lotShe is a noble girl and her heart is as big as her body you might
take it and give her your obligation to refund when she needs it. The amount
would be worth more to you now than double that amount six years hence."
48 The original of this letter is preserved in the Benjamin Harrison Home in
Indianapolis; a photostatic copy is house- in the Library of Congress as A.C. 6388,
Harrison MSS.
INDIANAPOLIS 1OJ
in Indianapolis believed themselves equally ill-starred on New
Year's Day, 1855. The financial panic that had occurred in the
West during the fall of 1854 dealt a heavy blow to the general
business of the city. 49 The free state-stock banks had generally
stopped payment, and their notes, which formed the great bulk
of the circulation, were passing at a heavy discount. Railway and
other enterprises were greatly embarrassed, and nearly all those
in progress suspended operations. Traders and manufacturers
were cramped, and general distrust prevailed among business
men. Even the bankers' convention, held at the capital on Janu-
ary 7, failed in any way to ease the situation or alleviate the suf-
fering of the community; 30 two weeks later the mayors of the
several cities of the state met in convention at Indianapolis, "for
consolation and mutual improvement, but without any visible
result." 51 This condition was further aggravated by the poor phys-
ical health of the citizenry, as the month of January saw the
outbreak of a smallpox epidemic. The disease spread so rapidly
during February that construction of the city's first hospital was
begun.
All Ben could see was black: more money borrowed from court
clerk John Rea; 52 additional bills from doctors treating Carrie
and Russell at Oxford; 58 and a steady decline in the number of
clients who stopped at 32 J4 West Washington Street and walked
up one flight to the desk called Harrison's Law Office. 54 To make
matters worse, John Anderson, Ben's closest friend and one to
whom he looked for encouragement, wrote him a letter that came
close to being the proverbial straw that broke the camel's back.
49 For the most detailed treatment of the effects of the 1854 financial panic on
Indianapolis see Indianapolis Directory, 1868, pp. 69-72.
50 This convention attempted to classify the notes of the suspended banks and fix
discount rates according to the value of their securities. These rates were accord-
ingly fixed, but not adhered to even by those who made them, and the discounts
were raised or lowered at the caprice of the brokers, entailing great losses on the
community, and making large sums for the operators in the business. Ignatius
Brown, in Indianapolis City Directory, 1868.
si Ibid.
52 Indianapolis, January 13, 1855, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3. Under this date was a
promissory note signed by Benjamin Harrison to the effect: "due John Rea for
money borrowed one hundred and six dollars to be paid in good bankable cur-
rency." Ben paid $80.00 on January 30, 1855.
63 "Personal Notes and Bills, 1855," Harrison MSS.
54 Indianapolis Directory, 1855, p. 77.
104 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
On February s>, 1855, the same man who had objected to Ben's
early marriage again wrote somewhat pessimistically:
I wish you had settled in some other place. It doesn't strike me
Indianapolis will ever be much of a business place seats of govern-
ment rarely are Washington, Columbus, Lexington however, it is
polite to follow up present openings and reputation once acquired
you can move to a more suitable locality. 65
Then, paradoxically, in the midst of misery and want, Ben met
the right man. It may have been prophetic that the meeting re-
sulted from the gentleman's ambition for political office. He was
William Wallace, a successful lawyer, the son of former Gover-
nor David Wallace and the brother of Lew, who was both a mili-
tary man and a romantic novelist in later life. William was not
to be left far behind. Political ambition impelled him to fish in
troubled waters, 56 and in March, 1855, he approached young
Harrison and asked him to become his law partner, since a com-
petent helper would leave him free to campaign.
The meeting occurred about three months before the 1855 city
elections, scheduled that year for early May. The account comes
down to us in Wallace's own words. After speaking of his earlier
acquaintance with Harrison and his favorable impressions of him
as a lawyer, he relates:
It happened in the year 1855. I had received the nomination for
Clerk of Marion County on the People's Ticket. The canvass re-
quired a good deal of time, and I concluded to offer my young friend
a partnership. I met him on the street one day, and told him I had
some good clients and a fair practice, and that if he would go into
the office and take care of them while I was canvassing for office, we
55 John A. Anderson to Benjamin Harrison, February a, 1855, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 3. The letter was not entirely one of pessimism. John had heard reports of
Ben's initial success in the Point Lookout burglary prosecution and of his merited
praise at the hands of Wallace. He added "My own congratulations to those already
received upon your successful debut."
58 Financial and social conditions favored the emergence of a new political party
that would promise reform and stability. The People's Party of 1854, of which Wal-
lace was a member, made just such promises of timely aid. It was composed of
Free-Soil Democrats, Anti-Slavery Whigs, Know-Nothings and Temperance men,
and in the October elections it carried the state and elected a majority of both
houses of the legislature. See J. P. Dunn, Indiana and Indianans, I, 492.
INDIANAPOLIS 1O5
would share the profits. I think this was the only partnership agree-
ment we ever had. I was defeated for the office, so we continued the
practice of law together. 57
The newly constituted law firm of Wallace and Harrison pros-
pered, and, while Will Wallace stumped Marion County, Ben
Harrison succeeded not only in satisfying Wallace's former cli-
ents but actually procured many new ones. 58 One may be sure
that the new junior partner never regretted his immediate ac-
ceptance of Wallace's proposition. A letter to his devoted teacher
and guide, Doctor Bishop, clearly reflects his changed fortune and
rejuvenated spirits:
. . . You will I am sure be glad to hear that I am doing very well in my
profession. I have formed a partnership with a son of ex-governor
Wallace's and our prospect of increased business is good. 69
Prospects for increased business were good; better, perhaps,
than even Ben himself imagined. From the "quiet kind of busi-
ness" 60 that Wallace had built up by March, 1855, the firm rose
rapidly to new heights. At the end of one year the Wallace and
Harrison cash ledger listed a sum total of $1369.00 credited to
incoming fees. 61 This success was due primarily to the firm's
collection work undertaken for two large out of state business
houses: Dibble, Work and Moore, of New York City, and
57 Indianapolis Journal, June go, 1888.
58 Wallace was willing to attribute this success to Harrison whom he character-
ized as a young man of "superior intellectual qualities . . . and sterling worth."
Ibid.
59 Ben still felt he owed a tremendous debt of gratitude to Doctor Bishop. He
speaks of the secular knowledge gathered under Bishop as forming but a "small
part of the debt of gratitude I owe you. The kind interviews which you repeatedly
gave me on the subject of my soul's future interest, are gratefully remembered by me
and were I trust not without influence in bringing me to Christ." Benjamin Harri-
son to Robert Hamilton Bishop, March 11, 1855, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
60 By this description Wallace meant "some collections and a good deal of pro-
bate business." Indianapolis Journal, June 30, 1888.
61 One book entitled "Cash Ledger: March 22, i855-October 6, 1865" fa* Wal-
lace and Harrison Law Firm, Harrison MSS. This is only one item in an abundance
of material covering every aspect of the legal and financial dealing of the law firm.
Incoming Correspondence (1853-61), as well as the Wallace Letter-Press Books,
are available in the Harrison Collection at the Library of Congress.
io6 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Thatcher, Shaw and Co., of Boston. 62 As business increased, their
reputation was enhanced and this contributed to the upward
spiral. Reputable business and law firms from nearby Louisville
and Cincinnati as well as from Philadelphia and Baltimore now
employed Wallace and Harrison as their Indianapolis agents. 68
On the domestic front the type of practice was more varied,
and perhaps more interesting, yet it proved as profitable as
the collection work done for out of town clients. Foreclosures, for
example, sometimes netted a fee as high as $ioo.oo, 64 but these
were exceptions to the general rule. Five per cent of the total
sum of bills collected was considered a fair commission, but law-
yers could not always obtain that high a rate. 65 It was the multi-
plicity of the ordinary fees of anywhere from one to five dollars
that was the backbone of the domestic income. The cases them-
selves were ordinary: sales, contracts, tax reports, minor collec-
tions, wills and general counsel.
The comparatively lax divorce laws of the state provided an-
other lucrative source of income. The state had the unenviable
reputation for affording wide facilities for loosing the conjugal
bond, and it was not uncommon for lawyers in distant cities to
contact Wallace and Harrison either by letter or, more directly,
by sending the interested party directly to Indianapolis. Such
cases as these usually brought in good fees, and not too infre-
quently a bit of humor also. From Milford, New Hampshire,
came the following hand-delivered letter:
The bearer is a gentleman from Amherst in this county . . . [who]
has a devil for a wife and wants to get rid of her. Your laws offei
greater facilities for procuring divorce than ours. I understand there
62 Wallace seems to have been responsible for adding these two houses to their
lists of clients and references. Dibble, Work and Moore carried "an extensive assort-
ment of staple goods, hosiery etc., etc.," according to their letter to Wallace and
Harrison, January i, 1858, i box "Legal Correspondence, 1853-1858," Harrison
MSS.
63 In Louisville, Prentice, Henderson and Osborne, as well as the John Smiat &
Co., were the two most important clients. They were credited with paying fees of
$150.92 and $222.52, respectively, in 1857. The Philadelphia firm of Uppincott,
Coffin 8c Co., ranked second only to Dibble, Work and Moore in fees paid. Cash
Ledger, Harrison MSS.
64 Wallace and Harrison Cash Journal, March 22, i855-October, 1861, lists un-
der date of July 28, 1855: "Indianapolis Brownsburg RR. Co,, fee for foreclosure of
mortgage of Jones and wife $100.00." Harrison MSS.
5 Cash Journal, Aug. 9, 1856, Harrison MSS, reveals that a fee of $20.00 was
charged for the collection of $400.00 for Peterson and Quick.
INDIANAPOLIS 1Q*J
has been a change in your law for divorce and that in order to avail
of your old law a residence in your state must be obtained 6e
Also, according to the Indiana statute, abandonment was con-
sidered good cause for divorce within one year, or in a shorter
time if the court was satisfied that there was no probability of
reconciliation. This piece, of legislation served to attract a num-
ber of cases from neighboring Ohio, and as one Buckeye attorney
wrote to Wallace and Harrison:
Your state has the rather unenviable reputation for its facilities for
divorcing people, but in the present case, I am satisfied that it would
be better in every way for both parties to be released from their conju-
gal obligations. . . , 67
In 1859, however, the Hoosier divorce laws were made more
stringent; consequently, cases coming to hand after that date were
rather summarily dismissed so far as the law firm was concerned.
Even pressure and the bait of giant fees could not make the part-
ners accept the case of the pretty public-school principal from
Brooklyn, New York. She was a reputable person and a close
friend of Cyrus B. Smith, former mayor of the city. Her attorney
let it be known that she "had the money to pay a lawyer" to
institute divorce proceedings against her husband, who was al-
legedly "a loathsome sot when in liquor." 68 Wallace and Harri-
son refused to handle the case on the plea that the new state
legislation ruled out the possibility of suit being brought in In-
dianapolis. 69 Neither attorney, in view of the high grade and lu-
crative practice of the past three years, considered divorce cases a
financial imperative any longer. It should be also observed that
the firm was on the point of dissolution because Wallace had
gained his political office.
For Benjamin Harrison personally apart from his successful
partnership with Wallace the years 1855-60 were a period of
66 O. W. Lull to Wallace and Harrison, May 24, 1857, "Legal Correspondence to
Wallace and Harrison, i box 1853-1858," Harrison MSS.
67 C. M. Olds (Columbus, Ohio) to Wallace and Harrison, "Legal Correspond-
ence/' November 26, 1858, Harrison MSS.
68 W. A. Donaldson (Brooklyn, New York) to Wallace and Harrison, "Legal Cor-
respondence, " October 28, 1861, Harrison MSS.
60 Wallace and Harrison to W. A. Donaldson, Letter Book: June 2, i86o-Novem-
ber, 1861 , 440-41 , Harrison MSS.
io8 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
progress. Sworn in, early in 1855, as notary public, 70 Ben con-
tinued to nourish his ambition to be appointed Commissioner
for the Court of Claims. He exploited the political influence of
his father in Washington, 71 at least to the extent that the proper
kind of "weighty" recommendations accompanied his applica-
tion. His efforts were rewarded and he received the appoint-
ment. 72 His various duties kept him fully occupied with legal
work, sometimes too much so. In his quest for financial security
he frequently failed to reciprocate Carrie's tender affection, but
it was not long before he reproached himself for these "wounds"
of neglect.
Though he himself failed frequently to cultivate those social
graces which sometimes pave the road to success, his intellectual
ability and his individuality as a lawyer were never lost sight of.
It was to be expected that men such as Bill Benton, Ben's lawyer
friend and college acquaintance, sent an occasional note of con-
gratulations on Harrison's expert practice in the federal courts, 78
but, when strangers wrote to the firm in the same vein, the praise
was even more acceptable. The letter from Crane and Mason,
Greencastle, Indiana, attorneys, reflects in some degree Ben's
progress and rise to legal eminence, in the eyes of neutral ob-
servers:
We have to write to you on a confidential matter and trust in any
event whether you consider us right or not you will consider this
letter and the subject broached in it and our connection with the
case below stated as matters of professional confidence that are only
to be known to you and to us. Our client had the pleasure of hearing
Mr. Harrison in the case of Tom vs. Tom at our last common pleas
court and had sense enough to join in the universal opinion that that
was a masterly effort, and when from reasons of our own we declined
prosecuting the case below stated, wishes us to receive your aid. We
70 See "Legal Correspondence of Wallace and Harrison," September 22, 1855,
Harrison MSS.
71 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, July 28, 1855, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3. "I en-
close a letter from Hon. G. E. Pugh in regard to your application for the appoint-
ment of Commissioner. I thought my honorable friend was going to treat my re-
quest with silent contempt. But it seemed he preferred to let the 'day of grace' go
by than make a show of friendship."
72 Indianapolis Directory, 1857, p. 66.
78 W. P. Benton to Benjamin Harrison, Esq., March 26, 1859, "Legal Corre-
spondence to Wallace and Harrison, i box 1858-1859," Harrison MSS.
INDIANAPOLIS 1OQ
write to know ... if you will undertake the case with us and to in-
quire what fee you will charge for so doing. 74
If any proof were needed that Harrison warmly welcomed this
new surge of material prosperity, or that contentment with his
lot in Indianapolis was increased a hundredfold, striking evi-
dence is afforded by the young lawyer's steadfast refusal to ac-
cept a tempting offer to leave the city of his choice and settle in
the small but thriving community at Shelbyville, Indiana, C. H.
Boggess, speaking for the citizens of Shelby County, made the
offer in the following terms:
We as the citizens of Shelby County want to know from you im-
mediately whether you can locate in our town for the purpose of
practicing law, and until after the election, canvass the county . . .
as a central committee may direct.
Provided a sufficient number of responsible citizens of our county
will give you three hundred dollars, seventy-five dollars on the first of
September, seventy-five dollars on the first of December, seventy-five
dollars on the first of March and seventy-five dollars on the first of
June, we are willing to bind ourselves so far as to make it secure. I
am fully satisfied . . . you can do well here, if you will come now. We
have a paper ready now to make up the amount when we hear from
you. If you can, let us know by return mail. 75
Ben chose Indianapolis, and for the next half century, except
for his senatorship and presidency, he identified himself with the
"Heart of Hoosierdom." His fortunes and his fame grew with
the city. The bar, however, did not remain the sole campus of his
activity. In the Fitful Fifties Ben Harrison surveyed the changing
political patterns of his day, witnessing the growing strength of
midwest political figures and the birth of a new political party
with which he would choose to cast his lot.
74 January 27, 1860, in "Wallace and Harrison Legal Correspondence, 1860-
1861," Harrison MSS. The case involved sale and collection and was accompanied
by a four-page detailed explanation. See also the letter of Sample to Wallace and
Harrison, May 4, 1859, "Legal Correspondence, 1858-1859," Harrison MSS, for an
expression of a similar opinion: "if it be possible, let Mr. Harrison come here, say
tomorrow or next day. If he is only here to advise, I can do all the work. . . ."
75 C. H. Boggess to Benjamin Harrison, August so, 1855, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
Even a year and a half later the invitation was still open for Ben to remove to
Shelbyville and pressure was brought to bear that he might reconsider his earlier
decision. See S. Alter to Benjamin Harrison, January 20, 1857, "Legal Correspond-
ence, 1853-1857," Harrison MSS.
CHAPTER VI
The Political Arena
BEFORE the Civil War, the two most engrossing and vital
interests in Indianapolis were religion and politics. It was
a day of serious thinking, and, like many another Ameri-
can who came up from the ranks, Benjamin Harrison was charac-
teristically a child of his own times. It was an era when simplicity
keynoted both the lives and the homes of practically all the In-
dianapolis citizenry. Travel was rare; even the luxury of a vaca-
tion was unknown to most people. Amusements were few, and
secret societies, the Masons and Odd Fellows excepted, were un-
popular and regarded with suspicion. No one could deny that
religion was a main factor in life at the Hoosier capital, and
everyone was willing to admit that it governed not only the moral
conduct of the people, but their social relations as well. Church-
going was proper, reputable and even fashionable, whether peo-
ple were formally inducted church members or not. 1
Amid the almost universal simplicity of sparsely furnished
homes one could usually find in the parlor, or sitting room, a
handsome center table. On it were a lamp and the family Bible,
and this was symbolic of the role that religion played in the
lives of the common people, and of the central place it was
accorded in the home. 2 The fact that Indianapolis was a com-
munity of workers whose labors were hard and long 3 in no sense
1 J. H. Holliday, Indianapolis and the Civil War (Indianapolis, 1911)) especially
Chapters i-a, "The Settlement and Its Life," and "Religion and Politics."
2 Logan Esarey, A History of Indiana (Indianapolis, 1918), II, 523: "It was a
great period for searching the Bible. Every preacher and thousands of laymen
studied the Book with utmost attention in order to more narrowly examine the
foundations of their faith and creeds."
3 Stores were opened by six o'clock generally, and as a rule none closed before
nine in the evening. Factories and mechanics began work at seven and quit at six,
with an hour's intermission at noon. Doctors, lawyers and public officials were at
work early, and the banks ran from eight to four. See Holliday, op. cit. t pp. 531-32.
THE POLITICAL ARENA 111
served as an excuse for putting aside daily prayer or in any way
abbreviating Bible reading within the family circle. To Ben and
Carrie this daily ritual was something of a twice-told tale; they
knew it well from their earliest days.
Under these conditions the commandment ordering a strict
observance of Sunday was obeyed with unbending rigidity. 4 On
this day, set aside for holiness and awe, no work was to be done
save the works of mercy and necessity. The people were not to
give themselves over to their own wills, not to follow after any
worldly pleasures. Rather, the entire day was to be spent in reli-
gious devotion and solemn worship, in the sanctuary or in the
home. Public worship occupied the greater part of the day, as
morning and evening church attendance with the usual psalm
singing and sermon were focal points of activity. At home came
the Bible reading, or the catechism, around the fireside, or a les-
son from some religious work with solemn admonitions from
parents to children. 5
It was no great sacrifice for Ben and Carrie to contribute their
share to the religious life of the community. Although they hailed
from a farm, they did not find it difficult to go along with the city
customs. Ben saw to it that all possible work was completed by
Saturday, and the routine in the Harrison household differed
only slightly from that of their neighbors:
The wood and kindling were all laid up for the Sabbath fires; the
shoes were blackened and the Sabbath apparel arranged, and every-
thing was done to make it possible to keep the Sabbath as a day of
complete rest from secular toil. Sabbath cooking was reduced to a
minimum. Two meals on the Sabbath day was the universal custom,
* "The Sunday is kept at Indianapolis with Presbyterian strictness. No trains
start, letters do not go, nor are they received, so that a father, mother, husband or
wife, may be in extremity and have no means of communicating their farewells
or last wishes, if Sunday intervenes." J. P. Dunn, Indiana and Indianans, I, 503.
This practice was somewhat relaxed by the time of Ben and Carrie in the city.
5 These details are drawn largely from "The Diary of William Owen," in In-
diana Historical Society Publications, IV, 493-94. Violations of Sunday observance
carried severe sanctions: "the psalm singing Presbyterians believed that the church
was responsible for the conduct of its members, and that church discipline was the
principal means by which the members were to be kept within the straight and
narrow way hour upon hour was spent in church courts. . . . offenders . . . [re-
ceived] public admonition and rebuke before the whole congregation. The congre-
gation claimed the right to know how the Session dealt with the offender who
violated the laws of God and the church."
112 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
and one of these was usually cold, ... If in the evening the children
were hungry, they could be allowed to "cut a pie" or have a cold piece
of bread and brown sugar, or more likely rye bread and sorghum
molasses. 6
The solemnity of the services and the abstinence at table were
designed to implement and secure the church tradition which
taught that God's wrath was certain to descend upon the man or
the people who forsook or desecrated His holy day. 7
Almost the first question asked about newcomers to Indian-
apolis was: "What church will they go to?" Ordinary strangers
might spend some time in deciding upon a church, 8 and one's
chief friends and associates often were determining factors in
their choice. Ben and Carrie, however, were destined to member-
ship in one of the four Presbyterian churches, for previous to
their nuptial vows they had dedicated themselves as formal com-
municants in the faith of Calvin and of Knox. No doubt, their
almost immediate association with the First Presbyterian Church,
located on the east side of Circle Street, 9 was recommended be-
cause William Sheets, their cousin and benefactor, had been
elected an elder by the Session in 1853.
Fortunately, the church records, which describe Mr. Sheets as
"one of the best known men in Indianapolis in the religious
and also in the commercial life of the middle part of the last cen-
tury," 10 are extant also for the period of Harrison's arrival in the
T "Riding and visiting were tabooed, even walking for the walk's sake was not re-
garded favorably. On Sunday the business establishments were shut, except possibly
some of the saloons that kept a back door unlocked." Holliday, op. cit., p. 539.
8 Indianapolis Directory, 1855, lists four Presbyterian, one Associate Reform
Presbyterian churches; and seven Methodist chapels. Christians, Baptists, English
and German Lutherans had two churches, while Catholics, Episcopalians, and
Evangelicals, one each.
9 Rev. Dr. John A. McClung was pastor. The hours of Sunday worship were
10: 15 A.M. and 7:15 P.M., with Sabbath school at 2:00 P.M. and prayer meeting every
Thursday evening.
10 Indianapolis, First Presbyterian Church, Centennial Memorial, 1823-1923
(Greenfield, Ind., 1925), p, 423. This is a record of the anniversary of the founding
of the church, "together with historical material, session records, sermons, addresses
and correspondence relating to its life and work during the century."
THE POLITICAL ARENA
city in 1854. They clearly indicate that the young lawyer and his
wife entered into church life early and fully. Of Carrie, the rec-
ord reads:
Mrs. Benjamin Harrison belonged to a younger group; she too was
a power. Her tastes were artistic, her creations in needlework lovely
and her vitality charming. She laughed readily and her gaiety and in-
tellectual gifts made her delightful to the younger women coming
into the church. 11
Ben's contribution to his church was of a much more serious
naturequite in keeping with his character; during a member-
ship that was to extend over almost a half-century he shouldered
the burdens of an elected officer. His first church trust came in
1857, when he was made a deacon; four years later, despite his
still youthful age of 28, he was elected the sixteenth elder of the
Session, an office he filled until his death forty years later. The
appraisal of the Session bears testimony to Ben's early zeal:
When he came to this place in 1854 at the age of twenty-one, he
lost no time in uniting with this church and taking up such work as
he found to do. He became a teacher in the Sabbath School, 12 he was
constant in his attendance on church services; his voice was heard in
prayer meetings; he labored for and with young men, especially in
the Y.M.C.A. 18 And in whatever way opened, whether public or pri-
vate, he gave testimony for his faith and the lordship of his Master. 14
While attendance at the Presbyterian church was executed
with clocklike regularity, still there was another, and, in the eyes
of many, a more pleasant side to ecclesiastical membership. As a
central institution of the community the church successfully pro-
vided its members with a pleasing social life, and under this head-
ing the church social stood out. Held under the auspices of the
. 66.
12 "Before he went to war young Harrison was Superintendent of the Sunday
School and Mrs. Harrison had charge of the infants." Indianapolis Journal, July i,
1888, in B. Harrison Scrapbook No. 6, p. 6, Harrison MSS.
13 "The Young Men's Christian Association was organized on the aist of March,
1854 . . . and successfully pressed forward in a useful work ... a library ... a series
of lectures by distinguished persons ... a city missionary appointed, and sabbath
schools organized." Indianapolis Directory, 1868, p. 63 of Brown's History of
Indianapolis.
.14 Centennial Memorial, p. 141.
ii4 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
ladies' sewing society these gatherings took place sometimes at
the church, but more usually in the home. At these afternoon
meetings they did sew for some worthy cause or other, but as one
writer, manifesting a sense of humor, said: "We had no news-
paper, but we had a sewing society." 15 In the evening, when the
men and young people came, a substantial supper was served.
These socials afforded Carrie a wide field for church work, but
Ben frequently attended them as a matter of obligation. He never
excelled as a raconteur, and he was shy; nevertheless, he brought
himself to unbend as the occasion required. As he continued his
attendance at these bi-monthly meetings, his personality slowly
unfolded and one of his Bible class boys claimed he "has seen him
sit for hours with a party of men who are telling good stories and
laugh heartily at every one." 16
There was also the church festival, a function more uncommon
and entirely different from the mere routine entertainments. In
reality, the festival was a small-scale commercial enterprise for
raising funds, at which refreshments were partly contributed and
partly bought. When these entertainments were advertised as
Oyster Suppers a delicacy dear to the heart of Benjamin 17 an
admission fee was charged, and as a rare dessert ice cream was
offered at "ten cents a saucer." In the off-weeks "donation parties"
were popular: a group of friends would swoop down upon the
home of the pastor and present gifts, and eat the supper they had
brought with them. These affairs usually abounded in good fel-
lowship, and contributed largely to the enriched social life of the
community. 18
Bread-winning and church-going were matched by the enthu-
siasm for politics of the mid-nineteenth-century Hoosier. Each
man recognized within himself a political capacity, so great that
he would willingly undertake to hold any office from postmaster
to congressman. This engaging confidence was inspired perhaps
by the fact that it was the individual citizen and his neighbors
18 An undated clipping from the Washington Post [February 28, 1889 ?], B.
Harrison Scrapbook No. 9, p. 7, Harrison MSS.
17 Harrison MSS, Vols. 4-6, passim. See especially the letter of March 4, 1865,
Benjamin to Carrie: "I soon got to be expert in opening them [oysters] and took
two or three dozen with great relish," Vol. 6, 1110-11, Harrison MSS.
18 Holliday, op. dt v p. 535.
THE POLITICAL ARENA 115
who had organized the government on state as well as local levels.
All the political and social institutions around him were his own
handiwork, or at least bore the imprint of his own mind and
hand. At the time of Harrison's arrival in Indianapolis, the
stump speaker commanded as large an audience as the wandering
preacher in the field or the newspaper paragrapher in the press. 19
The almost universal attraction to politics among members of
the legal profession was widely acknowledged. Fired with local
pride and sectional prejudice, the two most common incentives
for political spellbinders, 20 these men prepared early to do polit-
ical battle throughout the decade prior to the actual "Disrup-
tion of American Democracy." 21 Benjamin Harrison himself,
though just of voting age, was contemporary with the political
strife current in Indiana. He heard the heated debates over tariff,
banking, slavery and immigration. He witnessed the almost com-
plete disintegration of the old political parties, and was about
to take a part in the new alignment. He would have been blind
had he not sensed that the leaders of the Democratic party were
apprehensive. 22 And on the other hand one might not blame him
for failing to recognize "the young Republican colt, a cross with
Whig, American, anti-slavery and temperance strains/' now "ca-
vorting dangerously, responsive to neither bit nor spur." 23
Unfettered by any blind devotion to his grandfather's and even
his father's name and political beliefs, he decided to back this
new "political" horse, and in 1856, after two years of watchful
waiting, he threw in his lot with the insurgent Republican Party
and campaigned actively for the presidential nominee, John
Charles Fremont. 24 It was a step that shocked the conservatism
19 Esarey, op. cit. f II, 600-3.
20 Charles Zimmerman, "The Origin and Rise of the Republican Party in In-
diana, 1854-1860," Indiana Magazine of History, 13 (1917), 407-8; Kenneth M.
Stampp, Indiana Politics during the Civil War (Indianapolis, 1949)* p- 3.
21 See Roy F. Nichols, The Disruption of American Democracy (New York, 1948),
pp. 20-40.
22 "With good reason did Democrats fret as their supremacy waned. They saw
their old time majorities of 20,000 dwindle down to a mere technicality Strong
political captains, harmonious and jubilant in victory were now sniped at by dis-
cordant groups of bickering, jealous, half-hearted supporters ... the carefully and
costly built political machine was going headlong into a ditch." See Esarev,
op. cit. t II, 654-55.
23 ibid.
24 Benjamin Harrison to John Anderson, November 5, 1856, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 3.
n6 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
of his family so much that his brother John tauntingly remarked
that "Ben was the only Republican in the family and the more
shame for him/' 25 In leaning toward the cause of Fremont the
young lawyer parted company, politically speaking, with his own
father. John Scott Harrison warned his son that "he was all too
strongly tinctured with Republicanism." 26
As Harrison settled into a self-supporting legal career, one
of the great crises of American history was approaching. The
slavery question was setting the country ablaze. Where might an
earnest, religiously inclined young man, the son of a Whig Con-
gressman and the grandson of a Whig president, be expected to
take his stand? Though most political observers in Indiana would
have said that he must go with the Republicans as did most of
the Whigs, 27 Ben's own father disassociated himself with the Re-
publican party at an early date and joined the ranks of the Amer-
ican Party. 28 The story behind this political break between father
and son is worth relating, and though their personal relations
were sometimes severely strained, they were never broken.
When Benjamin arrived in Indianapolis, John Scott Harrison
was just completing his first term as a Representative in Congress
from the second Ohio district. 29 During his early months of strug-
gle with the law, Ben was also undergoing a political apprentice-
ship, his father serving as the master-politician. In all probability,
John Scott meant this as an academic study through which his
son might keep himself well informed on national affairs. The
fifty-five-year-old Whig certainly never intended that his prolific
25 [Jennie Harrison Morris ?] to. Benjamin Harrison, July 23, 1860, Harrison
MSS, Vol. 4: "Dear Ben: I was really provoked at John Harrison this morning.
Somehow the conversation turned to politics and to your different views to that of
your family. John said that 'Ben was the only Republican in the family and the
more shame for him/ . . ." Letter unsigned, but in the handwriting of Ben's sister,
Mrs. Jennie Harrison Morris. It was written from Indianapolis.
26 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, March 29, 1857, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
27 Stampp, op. cit., p. 22.
28 Eugene H. Roseboom, The Civil War Era, 1850-1873, p. 320; see also George
H. Porter, Ohio Politics during the Civil War (New York, 1911). For the actual
founding of the party see Walter R. Sharp, "Henry S. Lane and the Foundation of
the Republican Party in Indiana," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 7 (1920-
21), 93-112.
29 Weekly Inter-Ocean, October 22, 1889, a clipping in B. Harrison Scrapbook
Vol. 9 (part 2), Harrison MSS. J. S. Harrison was a candidate for Congress in the
second Ohio district for two successive terms and was elected in 1852 and 1854.
THE POLITICAL ARENA
correspondence should serve as a course in practical politics for
young Ben. For his son he envisaged a future above politics
which he candidly characterized as a "drug, which should never
be found in a gentleman's library or parlor . . . and fit only to
scent the beer house." 80 Even after the Wallace and Harrison law
partnership was formed, John Scott laid a strict injunction upon
Ben to stick to his law practice and to avoid politics, for "none
but knaves should ever enter the political arena." 31
Moreover, he instructed his son that the public as well as the
private lives of politicians were "surrounded by temptations, . . .
[and] many inducements to stray from the proper path." 32 De-
spite these admonitions to avoid the perils and pitfalls of political
life that John Scott so freely gave to his son, he himself performed
faithful service in Congress. During one of the most critical peri-
ods in history he could boast: "I have not been absent from my
seat for a single day for nearly five months and ... I have never
paired off with anyone . . . except for a few hours to join a con-
tinual session of thirty six hours in order to take some repose
and some refreshment." 88 This meant, of course, that during his
formative days Ben had a political pipe line direct from Wash-
ington. The messages which came from his father served in no
small way to color his own political thinking. From the parent
who warned him to stay out of politics came the first seeds of
"new republicanism."
The political party to which Ben pledged his earliest allegiance
was a fusion party brought into existence by the strong and het-
erogeneous local reactions to the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. 34 The
germs of this new political alignment were spread broadcast
during May and June, 1854. The distressing reports penned by
Congressman Harrison in Washington to lawyer Harrison in
Indianapolis on the momentous question of slavery extension
30 John Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, February a, 1854, Short Family
Papers, Box 55.
31 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, December 28, 1855, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
32 John Scott Harrison to an unnamed correspondent, July 14, 1854, i box of
John Scott Harrison Papers in Harrison MSS. The congressman claimed he put all
his faith and trust in the "night and morning prayers of a pious mother."
33 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, May 19, 1854, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
34 Andrew W. Crandall, The Early History of the Republican Party,
(Boston, 1930), p. 20.
ii8 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
were infectious with "republicanism," though the author him-
self would not join the embryonic party. 85
The high drama of the Nebraska Bill as it made its way
through Congress was not lost on John Scott Harrison; neither
was it lost on Ben. He knew well the story of how Stephen A.
Douglas introduced the Kansas-Nebraska Bill in the Senate in
January, 1854, and he followed closely the struggle in the Senate.
From the other side of Capitol Hill, John Scott Harrison wrote:
The great question now before Congress and the country, as you
are apprised, is the Nebraska Bill of Mr, Douglas. It proposes virtu-
ally to repeal the Missouri Compromise, which forbids slavery be-
yond the line 36 degrees 30 minutes. ... I would be the last man in
the world to interfere with any of the constitutional rights of the
slave holding states. But when they ask me to aid in breaking down
a solemn compact made when Missouri was admitted to The Union
with slavery, they ask more than I am willing to do. The truth is,
there was no necessity of forming the territory at this time, . . . and
still less, to introduce the slavery clause into the bill. A bill passed [by]
the House last session, sought to leave the slavery question out of the
matter, but was not acted upon by the Senate and therefore failed to
become a law. Mr. Douglas, and his slavery clause, is bait for southern
waters, when he comes to fish for the presidency. 36
On May 8th, the battle over the Nebraska Bill began in the
House. From that day until the 22nd, the floor of the House
was in a blaze of excitement as the majority leaders tried to
force a vote. Everybody then knew that the Douglas forces
could carry it; what is more, everybody knew that speech-mak-
ing availed nothing. The minority, however, contested every
inch of ground. 87 John Scott Harrison, who admitted that he
never had "the gift of gab," now proudly counted himself in
that die-hard group. 88 He was quick to share with Ben the inti-
mate details of the struggle. Nor did he hedge in his sharp de-
nunciation of the "deformed and loathsome Nebraska Bill," 80
whose passage would not only ring down the curtain on the Whig
85 Roseboora, op. cit. t p. 320; Allan Nevins, The Ordeal of the Union (New York,
1947), II. 414-16.
86 John Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, February a, 1854, Short Family
Papers, Box 55.
87 Nevins, op. cit. t II, 154-55-
88 J. S. Harrison to Benjamin, September 30, 1854, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
89 J. S. Harrison to Benjamin, May 19, 1854, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
THE POLITICAL ARENA 11Q
Party in Ohio and Indiana, but would also crystallize the nation's
parties into new forms. This, in the words of the angered Doug-
las, meant "civil war, servile war, and disunion." 40
John Scott Harrison told Ben that the regular debates on the
bill would close shortly; the fight on the amendments, however,
would then begin, and
This may last for several days . . . but as the Pacific Railroad bill is
set for Wednesday by a special order and as it will take a two-thirds
vote to set it aside, I apprehend on Tuesday night the House will feel
best about the small hours. 41
Notwithstanding his bitter animosity to the "iniquitous" Ne-
braska Bill, John Scott Harrison refused to do violence to his
Presbyterian conscience by resorting, he added, to any "revolu-
tionary mode of defeating it." The conservative old Whig con-
fided to Ben that he had been approached by the Bill's desperate
enemies who
. . . suggested that if the Bill cannot be defeated in any other way . . .
that some of its opponents will leave the House and thus prevent a
quorum. I have been asked how I felt in regard to this step. I have
answered that I was opposed to the passage of the Bill but would not
feel justified in resorting to any such revolutionary mode of defeating
it. I have spoken against it ... I shall vote against it in any and all
shapes, but further than this I couldn't go. If the majority pass this
bill . . . upon them must rest the responsibility. 42
The fires of personal animosity burned fiercely on the floor of
the House. Sufficient heat being generated, the forging of new
parties was made easy. At home at Indianapolis, young Ben was
not missing a trick, though his political insight came by proxy
through his father. On an eventful day in May the bitterly parti-
san Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia arose to speak. The shrill-
voiced remarks of this parliamentary manager of the Nebraska
Bill 48 precipitated John Scott Harrison and the minority group
40 Nevins, op. cit., II, 316-18.
41 J. S. Harrison to Benjamin, May 19, 1854, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
48 Nevins, op. cit., II, 155. The author paints a vivid picture of Stephens whose
gaunt body, small, sickly-looking frame, beardless, wrinkled parchment skin, and
shrill voice gave him a certain physical resemblance to John Randolph of Roanoke.
12O BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
into a fit of almost uncontrollable rage. Tempers flared on both
sides. Immediately, a detailed account of the outbreak was on its
way to Indianapolis:
You will have seen by the papers how near we have come to having
a personal collision in the House. Mr. Campbell 44 was endeavoring
to reply to something that was said by Mr. Stephens of Georgia charg-
ing opponents of the bill with being factious, when he was loudly
called to order and not suffered to proceed. He persisted in denounc-
ing the act as arbitrary . . . when a Mr. Edmunson of Virginia reached
over at him calling him very hard names and drew his fist as if to
strike him Campbell maintained his ground with great firmness
. . . members rushed to the scene of action from all quarters of the
House. I found myself rushing to Campbell's aid over the tops of the
desks. My friend Governor Aiken of South Carolina . . . who sits next
to me . . . seized Edmunson and held him. . . , 45
The vigorous action of the Speaker saved the day. He ordered
the Sergeant-at-arms to use the mace of the House, had the irate
Virginian arrested, cut off debate, declared the sitting adjourned,
and thus prevented a general and perhaps bloody fight. 46 With
this last attempt at filibustering by Campbell, the opposition
had worn itself out. On May 22nd the Nebraska Bill became
law. Not only had the Missouri Compromise been repealed, but
also the ambiguous popular sovereignty principle was substi-
tuted. Two important results flowed from this legislation. Parts
of the Northwest were legally open to Negro slavery and a strong
sectional foundation was given to the embryonic Republican
Party. 47 The die was cast for April, 1861.
The years 1854-1856 were critical not only in national politics,
but also in the career of John Scott Harrison and his soa. In the
cooling-off period immediately after the heated struggles over
the Nebraska legislation, they gave serious thought to the mani-
fold political problems confronting the country. Up to this time
they had both shared an understandable admiration for the Whig
44 Lewis D. Campbell of Ohio headed a bitter filibustering group.
45 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, May 19, 1854, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
46Nevins, op. cit., II, 156 ff. John Scott Harrison mentioned these details at
great length in his letter of May igth.
47 Reinhard H. Luthin, The First Lincoln Campaign (Cambridge, Mass., 1944),
o. sw.
THE POLITICAL ARENA 121
Party of William Henry Harrison, 48 but now, with the collapse
of Whiggery, they felt compelled to draw up separate political
creeds. 49
After his strenuous opposition to the Nebraska Bill, John
Scott found his political reputation spread far beyond the con-
fines of his congressional district in Cincinnati, and even beyond
Ohio's borders. It was no secret that the name of Harrison was
still open sesame for political advancement. To many it was still
the sign and emblem of effective political revolution. Even in the
Hoosier capital in 1854 several old-line Whigs, stimulated by res-
urrected memories of the Log Cabin and Hard Cider campaign
in 1840, started to boom John Scott Harrison for the presidency
in the 1856 election. These old-timers had a peculiar faith in the
power of a name so much so that in October, 1854, they created
a special committee to invite the son of Old Tippecanoe to come
to Indianapolis and make arrangements to lead their forces in
the next presidential election. Ben got the whole story from his
father in a letter that was intended to spike these booming presi-
dential guns:
I received two or three days ago the letter of invitation to Indian-
apolis and have made up my mind not to attend. I received a letter . . .
saying ... it was the intention of my friends to nominate me there
and then for the presidency, or at least make arrangements for a sub-
sequent meeting for that purpose. These intimations would keep me
away if nothing else. If any such foolish movement is made I do not
want to be made particeps criminis, as you lawyers say . . ; [they have]
calculated too largely on the potency of a name.
While his father was scoffing at the idea of leading a resurgent
political group in 1856, young Ben endeavored to carry out that
early paternal advice which bade him hold himself aloof from all
political entanglements. Besides, his efforts to build up a substan-
tial legal practice allowed him no other course of action. Even
after his successful partnership with Will Wallace in 1855, ^
young lawyer's chief interest was to provide a decent living for
Carrie and Russell. As long as he could write: "Business engage-
ments have crowded me pretty close," 51 there seemed little danger
48 House Document No. 154, p. 125.
49Crandall, op. cit., pp. 21-23, 269-71.
CO John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, October 29, 1854, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
51 Benjamin Harrison to J. A. Anderson, Nov. 5, 1856, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
122 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
that he would jump on some political bandwagon. Actually, Ben
had learned his lesson of "political non-intervention" so well that
he felt bound to admonish his father against making any political
mistake in Ohio by accepting a third-party candidacy for gover-
nor. 52
This voluntary segregation from politics, however, was short-
lived. A growing intimacy with Will Wallace, whom Ben de-
scribed as a "devoted politician and something of a rover by
nature," 53 persuaded him to help Wallace and the new party
in the canvass. Although their partnership agreement left Ben
"with the en.ire responsibility and labor of the office . . . and
the courts," 54 he volunteered to help Wallace stump Marion
county in his campaign for the county clerkship.
This was Harrison's first bow in the direction of the Republi-
can Party. 55 Shortly thereafter, he made his first stump speech at
a meeting at Acton, Indiana, where he stood on a railroad track
and addressed all of 15 or 20 people. 56 Because of the strong
Southern element in Indiana's population" 7 Ben's remarks on
the slavery issue were conservative, with more emphasis on the
evils of sectionalism than those of slavery. Evidently, he executed
his task successfully, since this maiden effort earned him the in-
vitation to campaign in Shelby County which C. H. Boggess ten-
dered.
Ben seemed to enjoy this first incursion into Hoosier politics.
His clear presentation and easy manner of speaking made him
wholly acceptable to small-town audiences. The deeper he delved
into the issues, the more he felt the need of thinking things out
for himself. Step by step he weighed the pros and cons of the
slavery issue, that "alarm in the night," now alerting the country
to a possibly unprecedented conflagration. Like his father, he
52 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, August s, 1855, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3. His
father replied: "You need not fear of my making a mismove in regard to the candi-
dacy for Governor of Ohio. I have never for one moment entertained the least idea
of running."
53 Benjamin Harrison to J. A. Anderson, Nov. 5, 1856, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
C* ibid.
05 in Indiana, the Republican Party did not officially adopt that name until
the presidential campaign of 1856 was well under way. The fusion ticket of 1854
and 1855, however, represented the mainstream of Republican thought. See Zim-
merman, art. cit.
56 House Document No. 154, p. 127.
57Stampp, op. cit., p. 22. See also George W. Julian, Political Recollections,
1840-1872 (Chicago, 1884), pp. 136-37.
THE POLITICAL ARENA
was opposed to the extension of slavery, and up to the time of
his political debut, they both took the conservative position that
the institution of slavery was entitled to such protection as the
Constitution and laws of the country offered it. 58 On this latter
point, however, Ben began to waver.
By June, 1856, he had shifted his political views on the slavery
question sufficiently to give full approbation to the anti-slavery
gospel enshrined in the national Republican platform drawn up
at Philadelphia. 69
The way was clear for an open break, politically speaking,
between father and son. John Scott Harrison had lined up in
Congress with the American Party to fight to the bitter end the
successful election of Nathaniel P. Banks of Massachusetts, a
recently baptized Republican, as Speaker of the House. 60 He felt
so strongly on this issue that he wrote to his brother-in-law the
following indictment of the "ultra" North:
The bane of the present congress is the fanaticism of fifteen or more
preachers of the gospel who have soiled their robes by entering the
arena of politics and who seem to believe that the furtherance of
Christ's kingdom upon the earth can only be advanced by an in-
discriminate warfare upon the slave-holder. These men all vote for
Banks . . . and reject with haughty pride all mention of a compromise
in a moderate Anti-Nebraska man. "Banks or nothing' is their war
cry. We resist them. These false prophets carry with them all the ul-
tramen of the North and unfortunately for the country they have a
plurality in the house. 61
This furious anti-abolitionist blast was only intensified a
month later by the premeditated neglect with which Speaker
Banks treated Congressman Harrison. The latter wrote to Ben:
"I am not on an important committee . . . Banks gave me a low
seat on account of my opposition to him." 62
During the summer of 1856 the political gap between the two
men widened perceptibly. It was a period of increasing sectional
fanaticism and party sensitivity. The controversy which followed
58 House Document No. 154, p. 127.
59 Crandall, op. cit., pp. 179-85; 195-98; Stampp, op. cit. t p. 23.
60 Nevins, op. cit., II, 415.
i John Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, January 21, 1856, Short Family
Papers, Box 55.
62 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, February 25, 1856, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Preston Brooks' caning of Senator Sumner served only to fire
tempers to white heat. 68 Scott Harrison, about to retire from the
House, wrote with a great sadness: "We have fallen upon evil
times ... I regard the course of the Republicans in the House
as extraordinary and almost revolutionary." 64
As the various factions prepared for the presidential battle of
1856, John Scott Harrison drew consolation in the early May
reverses that the Republicans suffered in Indiana. He chided
Ben on his political waywardness: "I see by the papers that your
Republican ticket was badly beaten. If you want to be successful,
you must run up the true blue American flag." 65 John Scott him-
self did precisely this very thing. He not only declared openly for
the election of Millard Fillmore on the American ticket, but also
co-operated actively in piling up proofs of Fremont's Catholi-
cisma line of attack most effective in defeating the Republican
candidate. 66 He campaigned in Ohio and Kentucky for the "cause
of conservatism throughout the country." 67
This active course on his father's part somewhat embarrassed
Ben. People began to believe that he was tempted to toss over
his newly adopted Republican principles and switch back to the
position adopted by the Fillmore supporters, yet they reckoned
without consulting the twenty-three-year-old Republican. An-
derson, who had been privy to the rumor that his old college
chum had now turned his political coat, wrote from New Albany:
Of course politics is the engrossing topic of your town and I very
much fear that you individually have gone astray from the principles
which I endeavored to instill in your youthful mind and will throw
away your vote upon Millard Fillmore at the approaching election as
your father has announced him as his preference. 68
68 Nevins, op. cit., II, 443. For Harrison's attitude on the unfortunate affair, see
Charles Anderson to Hon. John Scott Harrison, M.C., August 3, 1856, in John Scott
Harrison Papers, i box, Harrison MSS.
64 John Scott Harrison to John Cleves Short, August 24, 1856, Short Family Pa-
pers, Box 55.
5 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, May 9, 1856, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
68 Vespasian Ellis (editor of the American Auburn) to John Scott Harrison, Sep-
tember 3, 1856, in John Scott Harrison Papers, i box, Harrison MSS. See also Nevins,
op. cit., II, 507-8.
67 Committee of the American Party to John Scott Harrison, October 15, 1856
(Lexington, Ky.), in John Scott Harrison Box, Harrison MSS.
68 j. A. Anderson to Benjamin Harrison, October 2, 1856, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
THE POLITICAL ARENA 125
To a man who had dedicated himself to the new Republican
Party and had addressed the people of Indianapolis more than
once in support of Fremont's nomination and candidacy, this let-
ter from Anderson called for a sharp reply. On election eve Ben
penned a short, decisive note to Anderson that left no doubt for
which candidate the future president would cast his first vote in
the morning:
. . . You do me great injustice in your allusion to my supposed politics.
I am Fremont all over and all the time . . . have made a good many
speeches for him in this and adjoining counties, and am now waiting
(rather despondingly) for news of his election. 69
Harrison's election-day forebodings for Fremont were fully re-
alized. After the ballots in the presidential contest were counted,
Democrat Buchanan enjoyed a popular plurality over the West-
ern Pathfinder that ranged close to half a million votes, 70 though
his margin of victory in the Hoosier state was only 2O,ooo. 71 The
balance of power was held most decisively by the Fillmore sup-
porters. 72 In the family battle of politics, the first round went
overwhelmingly to John Scott Harrison. Despite this Republican
defeat on three fronts city, 78 state and country, Ben's confidence
was not seriously diminished nor was his political allegiance the
least bit shaken.
The Republican leaders determined to fight on stubbornly,
and even after the November disaster the halls of Congress re-
sounded with protests on the treatment of Kansas. Eastern sea-
board Republicans were already talking about Fremont's "vic-
torious defeat." 74 In Indianapolis, the first ray of sunshine broke
through on November 22nd and shattered thoroughly the pass-
ing gloom of two weeks before. At a special election held to fill
89 Benjamin Harrison to J. A. Anderson, November 5, 1856, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 3.
70 Buchanan: 1,838,169; Fr&nont: 1,341,264; Fillmore: 874,534. The figures from
the World Almanac and Encyclopedia, 1894 (New York, 1894), p. 117.
71 W. D. Fouike, Life of Oliver P. Morton (Indianapolis, 1899), 1, 58.
72 Nevins, op. cit. t II, 511, for the national scene. In Indiana the Fillmorites held
the political balance of power; see Stampp, op. cit., p. 24.
73 The city election in Indianapolis took place on May 6, 1856. 2,776 votes were
cast and the Democrats elected the whole ticket, with 10 out of the 14 councilmen.
W. R. Holloway, Indianapolis (Indianapolis, 1870), pp. 106-7.
74 Nevins, op. cit., II, 514.
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
vacancies in the office of Mayor and City Clerk, more than 3,000
crowded to the polls. For the first time in several years the Demo-
crats found themselves defeated, and the Republicans indulged
in wild demonstrations of delight. 75
On January 7, 1857, when Oliver Perry Morton, recently de-
feated Republican gubernatorial nominee, began to address a
meeting of Republicans in the capital, he realized that he was
facing an enthusiastic and rejuvenated group. He coined for them
a new battle cry and pledged a vigorous political leadership. Tak-
ing his keynote from the bloody fields of Kansas, Indiana's next
governor thundered: "Our creed is plain. We do not assail slav-
ery where it exists entrenched behind legal enactments, but
wherever it sallies forth, we are pledged to meet it as an enemy
of mankind." 76
The political atmosphere in Indianapolis was charged with
expectant Republicanism, and the party willingly accepted Mor-
ton's leadership. Under these circumstances it was not hard for
Ben to realize the full import of the ominous news that his father
continued to send from Washington. The retiring American
Congressman wrote:
... the Republicans of the House seem never to tire shrieking for
Kansas. . . . The theme is so delightful to their ears that they have for-
gotten the election is over. The shrieks can no longer make votes
for John C. Fremont. Why will they not let the country rest? 77
Ben's reply to his father's political query has not been pre-
served, but it is evident that inactivity was no part of his plans.
With a law practice growing more steady and lucrative, he felt
safe in making for himself an important decision. Shortly after
the incorporation of the new city charter was accepted by the
Councilmen, 78 Harrison let it be known that he accepted the
call of the Republican Party to stand for the office of City At-
torney at the coming May elections. This unmistakably public
profession of faith in the principles of the Republican Party came
75 Indianapolis Directory, 1868, pp. 70-71.
76 Fouike, op. cit., I, 59.
77 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, December *, 1856, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
78 The general charter law, adopted in 1853, was amended by the Legislature in
1857, and accepted by the City Council on March 16, 18^*7. See Hollowav. o*>, cit.,
THE POLITICAL ARENA
as a distinct shock to John Scott Harrison, whose reaction was one
of bitter protest. He actually refused to come to Indianapolis and
stay with Ben.
Without paternal encouragement, and despite family coolness,
Ben entered into the political fray with warm enthusiasm. Both
parties were putting forth all their strength in order to gain
control of the newly organized city government, with the result
that the canvass was animated and bitter. Colorful demonstra-
tions by day were surpassed in brilliance only by the great torch-
light processions at night. Fireworks and balloon ascensions were
common to both parties, but the Republicans stole a march on
the Democrats in their theatrical demonstrations of slavery as a
moral, social and economic evil. 79
Though feeling ran high during the campaign, the election
held on May 5th came off without incident. Harrison was vic-
torious 80 in a contest that saw a new high of 3,300 votes cast. Each
party elected a portion of its ticket, so that neither could claim a
clean-cut triumph, a fact which rendered Ben's personal victory
more satisfying. Almost immediately he entered upon the duties
of his new office, duties not unfamiliar from his occasional role
as assistant prosecuting attorney in Marion County.
Political ambition accounts in large part for Ben's acceptance
in 1857 of an election as City Attorney of Indianapolis, a position
paying only $400 a year. By doing so he cut himself off for a full
year from practice and took a place that most men well launched
in the legal profession, with a growing clientele, would have eyed
disdainfully. As a state Senator or as Congressman he would have
held a position of dignity, but the City Attorney was usually a
political hack. It was his familiarity with the work that made him
willing to consider such an office. He did not plead financial
necessity as the compelling motive. Actually, his principal reason
for seeking the berth seems precisely that which, a year later,
would force him to choose between a candidacy for the legislature
and the secretaryship of the State Republican Central Commit-
tee. There is no question that at this period of his life he aspired
70 Zimmerman, op. cit., pp. 360-61, 366.
80 Official notification came from the City Clerk's Office on May 7, 1857. The
document read: "It has been certified by the Board of Inspectors, that Benjamin
Harrison has beeft elected City Attorney in the city of Indianapolis for the term
of one year, at an election held in said city on the fifth day of May/' Harrison MSS,
Vol. 3.
128 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
to political prominence an ambition not confined to his own
heart for his father finally reversed himself and wrote: "I look
forward to a period in the future when you may occupy a high
position among the political men of Indiana." 81
While he was settling down to his new office routine, Ben de-
termined to redress the grievances felt by his family at what they
regarded as political conduct unbecoming a Harrison. This was
a likely time for a reconciliation, if possible, or, at least, an un-
derstanding about divergent political views. John Scott Harri-
son's departure from Congress in March, 1857, left the door open
for a family reunion, and happily Ben took the first step. He re-
alized that his father, now crowding sixty, was in for a lonesome
time, once he returned to The Point. Carter, John and Anna
were away at school, while Irwin impatiently awaited his father's
return to accept an army commission procured by the retiring
Congressman from President Pierce. 82 Only Sallie and Jennie,
both eligible for marriage, were still at home to care for a father,
whose four years in Washington had aged him considerably.
Ben's peace offering was tendered in the shape of a more faith-
ful correspondence with his father, whose personal affection had
never waned. John Scott's inevitable loneliness was forestalled
by the frequency of Ben's weekend visits 88 as well as by the atten-
tions Carrie showered on her father-in-law whenever he made
the trip to Indianapolis. These mutual visits did a great deal to
build up the warmth and devotion that had been somewhat
strained by politics. Political questions would still crop up for
discussion, but principles were now debated in a quiet, detached
and dispassionate manner. Neither would change his political
views, but a closer understanding was manifested by both father
and son.
As a matter of fact, Ben's devotion to the Republican cause in-
81 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, January 29, 1858, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
82 Irwin Harrison to Benjamin, February 21, 1857, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3: "I re-
ceived a letter from Pa the other day telling me he had seen the President ... he
told him my commission . . . had been fixed ... I hope in the cavalry." Three weeks
later, John Scott wrote Ben that President Pierce had authorized a Captain's com-
mission for Irwin at a salary between $1,200 and $1,500 a year. John Scott Harrison
to Benjamin, March 14, 1857, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
83 This was particularly true after June, 1857, when Carrie's absence in the East
left Ben free to travel. Harrison MSS, Vol. 3. John Scott could also visit his married
daughter, Betty Eaton, at nearby Long View.
THE POLITICAL ARENA
creased to such a degree that an attempt at proselytism within the
family circle was not considered out of place not with his father,
but with elder brother, Irwin. The latter's commission had car-
ried him to the Kansas Territory, and by lengthy correspondence
Ben believed he had converted his brother and made him ready
for the Republican Party. Just before Christmas, however, a let-
ter from Irwin scathingly indicted Republicanism in action and
bitingly denied even a passing flirtation with that political doc-
trine:
... I write you this evening to correct your very wrong impression of
my turning Republican. I don't know but I should feel insulted
that I an American^ a Know-Nothing, should so far forget the prin-
ciples of our party, as to affiliate for a moment with a set of men so
corrupt as the Republicans. Six months residence in Kansas has done
anything but impress me with the honesty or purity of the said party.
I am sorry that you could not have the opportunity that I have had,
of having your eyes opened, for I am sure your political posts would
have beaten time to the True Goose now and forever. As for Gover-
nor Walker I look upon him as one of the most corrupt, intriguing
little rascals I ever had the misfortune to know. Should he appear as
a candidate for the Presidency in 1860, as I think he will, I will resign,
and stump the country against him, exposing his corruption while
Governor of Kansas. But enough of politics. . . , M
New Year's Day, 1858, fell on a Friday. Ben took a quick
glimpse backwards and a long look to the future. His carelessly
kept diary reveals one resolution: "January i, 1858 Stopped use
of tobacco in every form . . . Wallace, Haughey, Browning and
myself." 85 Three days later, in usual Sabbath form, Carrie and
Ben attended services in the First Presbyterian Church. Accord-
ing to the second of four entries in the diary, the Rev. Mr. Cun-
ningham delivered a sermon entitled: "The Fashion of This
World Passeth Away." 86 For the young man wrestling with the
serious problems of his own future, the homily afforded adequate
food for reflection.
Young Harrison was truly in a reflective mood. His one-year
84 Irwin Harrison to Benjamin, December 13, 1857, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
85 The diary of Benjamin Harrison, 1858, Harrison MSS. For a man so detailed
in other pursuits, one is amazed to find only four entries in this diary: January i, 3;
February 8, and April 3.
86 Diary, January 3, 1858, Harrison MSS.
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
term as City Attorney was more than three-quarters completed,
and he appeared uninterested in standing for re-election. Perhaps
Ben was out for bigger game now that the Republican sway in
city politics was complete and growing increasingly stronger. 87
Additional money and prestige can be two of nature's most com-
pelling arguments the kind that rarely slip from the periphery
of consciousness especially when a young man possessing a re-
vered name has a political future that promises high. In view of
the Harrison background, it is not surprising to learn that in the
spring of 1858 the leaders of the new party were considering the
advantages and merits of Benjamin Harrison's candidacy for the
State Legislature. With Ben this was no light matter. He pon-
dered it well. Was it a step in the right direction? Would he be
charged with mere political opportunism? If he should choose
to run and were successful, would his new duties preclude ade-
quate attention to his law practice?
These and kindred problems Ben mulled over for the better
part of three weeks. Finally, he decided to present the question
to his father. At least he could give counsel born of both interest
and experience. His letter elicited an almost immediate reply:
I received your letter of the 2$th yesterday. In regard to your be-
coming a candidate for the legislature, I hardly know what to advise
you. If you were obliged to leave home to attend to the legislature in
case of your election, I would think it a bad policy. But as you would
be at home, at least among your Business, if not attending to it, I do
not believe that it would seriously affect your practice except so far
as it might create an impression abroad that you had turned politi-
cian and would probably neglect business entrusted to your care. I
certainly would not consent to run unless I thought the prospect of
being elected was pretty good.
I do not believe that there is anything in the future of the Republi-
can Party that would justify a man in making very great sacrifices to
sustain its falling fortunes.
If the "Little Giant" does not make some unforeseen blunders he
has completely spiked the guns of the Republicans and taken from
them their only effective battle cry. If the Kansas and Nebraska im-
broglio is to be kept up which God in His mercy avert Mr. Douglas
must lead the present Republican sentiment and consequently the
party and all that portion having democratic antecedents (and their
name is legion) will gladly receive Mr. Douglas as their leader. A few
87 in the May 1858 election in Indianapolis the Republicans elected an entire
ticket and a majority of the Coimtilmen. Indianapolis Directory, pp. 74-75.
A
^
K
tf
J
I
QQ
a:
I
I
P
00
P o
2 a
a g
W g
H 8
< "3
w
B
!
.9
CO
to
00
Z
CO
ffi
Z
w
*c
s:
W
2;
o
j
u
W
M
rt
Pi
<
U
THE POLITICAL ARENA Igl
:> your old Whigs may kick at this but it will do no good the ma-
jority of your leaders are renegade democrats and they will ship you
ill in
Some of the leading Republican newspapers have pretty strongly
linted at a willingness to take Mr. Douglas for their candidate in
1860. . . . You have noticed that the Commercial that sore through
vhich the Republican party of the country ejected their venom and
ilthhas already pretty clearly indicated its willingness to fight with
he Douglas banner,
I look forward to a period in the future when you may occupy a
ligh position among the political men of Indiana. But a false step
low might spoil all. If I were in your place, I would content myself
vith a general endorsement of the doctrines of the Republican Party.
Vnd would not be too ardent in my support of all these (so called
Republican principles) or you may find some of them are fallacious
ind will not stand the test of true patriotism . . . and therefore you
vill not long be popular with the American people 8S
Days of speculation followed. Ben's indecision and hesitancy
aused wonderment throughout the circles of his friends, and
inally all talk of his candidacy for the State Legislature ceased.
V few more intimate friends knew the story from the inside. The
roung City Attorney was offered the important political post of
iecretary to the State Republican Central Committee. When he
leeded this call of his party by a ready acceptance of the position,
nore than one of his contemporaries regarded this move with
uspicipn and regret. Was this not accepting another "political
lack"? Ben thought otherwise; history, it seems, would be willing
o confirm his good judgment. When one considers his mature
r ears as public servant and a leader of Indiana Republicanism,
his early decision to become Secretary of the State Central Com-
nittee seems prudent. First of all, it was a guarantee for state-
vide introduction and familiarity with the leading figures in the
lew party. Secondly, in the effective execution of his office he
vould have no choice but to learn from the bottom up the es-
ential details of organizational procedure. The collection of
ampaign funds, and their expenditure in an age of increasingly
ostly canvasses would also be-an experience of no little value.
At the Bates House, Indianapolis, on July 10, 1858, an im-
>ortant meeting of the State Republican Central Committee was
88 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, January 29, 1858, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
convened. 89 In an effort to build up and put into smooth working
order an efficient state machine the Committee passed several
resolutions. One was an assessment of $25.00 on each thousand
Republican votes in every county, taking as a basis the vote cast
for Oliver Perry Morton, the gubernatorial candidate in 1856.
As a start in his office, Harrison found himself responsible for the
collection and distribution of these funds. 90 Two other resolu-
tions passed at that meeting, however, were more significant,
both to the party in general and to Benjamin in particular:
Resolved: that this committee deem it of vital importance to the
success of the Republican Party in Indiana in the coming contest that
there should be a thorough organization of the party throughout the
state, extending into the counties, townships and road or school dis-
tricts: and that the Republican committees for the several counties
be requested to have complete lists of all the voters in their counties
made, designating them as Republican, American, Buchanan, Doug-
las, and doubtful; that they be requested to send copies of such list
to the secretary of this committee at as early a day as possible, or at
least the aggregate of each class of voters.
Resolved: that the members of this committee be requested to write
the chairman at least once a month giving him information of the
prospects of the political conditions of their localities: and that the
members also be recommended to keep up correspondence with each
other during the canvass. 91
These instructions, of course, put Ben in contact with political
chieftains ranging from Congressmen to County Chairmen. He
usually closed his letters by saying: "I am directed by the Com-
mittee to call your attention particularly to the resolution in
reference to the raising the necessary funds and to request your
prompt and energetic action in this matter." 92
The opportunities for political advancement and political
savoir faire that the faithful exercise of this office could bring
89 Benjamin Harrison to the Hon. D. D. Pratt, July 27, 1858, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 3.
90 This power was in virtue of a resolution offered by Mr. Brown, of Randolph:
"Resolved: that the Secretary of this committee be constituted its treasurer and that
the funds contemplated be placed in his hands as much as practicable and be
held subject to the order of the chairman/' See Benjamin Harrison to Hon. Will
Cumback, July 27, 1858, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
02 Several such letters were sent out under date of July 27, 1858. See Benjamin
Harrison to Hon. D. D. Pratt, to Hon. Will Cumback, etc., Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
THE POLITICAL ARENA igg
were not neglected by the twenty-five-year-old secretary. More-
over, so strong was the imprint of this experience that almost
twenty-five years later, while serving in the United States Senate,
he remembered the importance of this early political post. To his
Indiana political confidant, Louis T. Michener, he expressed the
hope that "our folks will make an effort to get some good secre-
tary on our State Committee and keep the rooms open and the
work going on." 98
Despite the prominence of political affairs during 1858 and
1859, these were by no means the all-absorbing interest. The
neighbors of Ben and Carrie may have expressed wonderment at
the arrival of an old crib crated and shipped from The Point.
Was it for three-and-a-half-year old Russell, who now objected
to being called "baby"? 94 Members of the family were charmingly
delicate in their inquiries. From Kansas, brother Irwin wrote:
"If modesty would not prevent, I should like to inquire after
another nephew or niece that I have dreamed of as being at your
house. I should like to know his or her name ... if a boy, and you
give it my name, I will make my will in his favor, provided that I
never marry." 95
Irwin's letter arrived two weeks late. On Saturday, April 3,
1858, Ben wrote in his diary for the fourth and last time that
year: "Our Little Girl Born About Noon . . . after Carrie had
gone through severe labor for about twelve hours . . . doctor had
to use forceps " 96 Thus it was with the arrival of Mary forever
to be called Mamie that Russell was superseded as the baby of
the family. The newcomer, according to sister Jennie, was "a
perfect little beauty . . . prettier than Russell." Poor Carrie came
8 Benjamin Harrison to Louis T. Michener, December 8, 1882, Harrison MSS,
Vol. is, No. 2574 (a Tibbott transcript). This letter was written in Washington and
directed to Michener in Shelbyville, Indiana.
94 John Scott wrote: "Your grandma who thinks of everything and everybody,
insists that I shall send the old crib to Lawrenceburg tomorrow to be put enroute
for Indianapolis. It is so richetty [sic] ... I am afraid it won't stand the journey."
J. S. Harrison to Benjamin, February 8, 1858, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3. Ben heeded his
father's warning on the dilapidated condition of the crib. See "1858 Personal Bills,
Checks, Notes, etc.," Harrison MSS. Under date of June 5, 1858, "paid $2.50 (bill of
March 17th) to Tilford Furniture Co. for one crib mattress and repairing crib."
95 Written from Camp Bateman, Kansas Territory, to Benjamin, April 17, 1858,
Harrison MSS, Vol. 3. About to marry, Irwin confessed: "I suppose you think his
chances are poor, yes, very poor, to make anything with the above proviso."
96 Diary, April 3, 1858, Harrison MSS.
134 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
in for little or no credit for this bundle of natural pulchritude,
for Jennie added: "I think she must be pretty . . . sure enough . . .
I suppose like her father ... of course." 97
If we can believe the Indianapolis City historian, "the year
1859 was another year of unbroken progress, but of meager in-
terest. All that can be told of it can be condensed into a dozen
words. Buildings going up, the city spreading in every direction,
business increasing/* 98 The same short formula may be properly
applied to Benjamin Harrison. His law practice was blossoming;
his commission as Notary Public was renewed for four years,
signed by Governor Asbel P. Willard; 99 above all, the horizon of
his political future was promisingly bright.
97 Jennie Harrison to Benjamin, June 22, 1858, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3.
98 Holloway, op. cit. f p. no.
99 August 5, 1858, Harrison MSS, Vol. 3. The commission has been preserved.
CHAPTER VII
The Critical Years,
1860 and 1861
THE YEAR before young Harrison came to Indiana, Uncle
Tom's Cabin was playing nightly to a full house in the
state capital. 1 Thousands in the city were reading the
book. People remembered Edward May saying that "the negro
was either a man or brute/' 2 South of the Ohio, during those
days, he was a chattel, a part of the stock, like a horse. North of
the Ohio he was not a social or political entity, but he was a hu-
man being. Then came Uncle Tom's Cabin to impress upon its
readers that the Negro was a man of feeling, who could sufiEer
as deeply as other men. Few believed that the novel recorded
events that ordinarily happened to slaves, but everybody knew
that it described things that might happen to any slave, and
which had occasionally happened to some of them. The book
was widely read in Indiana, not only for its story, but also be-
cause the Beechers were prominent in the state and because the
composite character of Uncle Tom was believed to have been
drawn, in part at least, from an old Indianapolis Negro, for-
merly a slave, who was known as "Uncle Tom" and whose hum-
ble home was always called "Uncle Tom's Cabin." 3
Soon, Helper's Impending Crisis was widely circulated and
avidly read. Harrison himself had a hand in arranging a lec-
ture program in 1856 that cheered Charles Sumner's presenta-
tion of an abolitionist creed. On the same lecture platform one
1 Ignatius Brown, History of hidianapolis from 1818 to the Present, in
Indianapolis Directory, 1868, pp. 66-67.
- Jacob Piatt Dunn, Indiana and Indianans f I, 504 ff.
3 Dunn, upon whom I have drawn heavily for these facts, goes on to say (pp. 504-
6) that Uncle Tom "ivas very religious, was a favorite of Henry Ward Beecher, and
his family coincided with that in the book. It was said that Mrs. Stowe visited his
home, while at her brother's in Indianapolis."
133
isj6 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
year later, Horace Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune,
the most widely circulated Republican journal, was afforded an
equally warm welcome by the city. 4 For a brief span the citizens
supported a new Republican newspaper, the Indianapolis Daily
Citizen.
Events such as these served to divide the community in which
Harrison lived into sharply opposed political camps. Men of the
Republican, Democratic and American parties engaged in con-
tests marked by intense partisan feeling and much bitterness.
Men of one stripe would believe anything of their opponents.
The Democrats opposed prohibition; therefore, their adversaries
denounced them as a party of whisky-drinkers. As the slavery
question became prominent in Indianapolis, 5 the Democrats de-
nounced the opposition as "nigger lovers" and "Black Republi-
cans/' 6 and tempers flared. Devotion to party became almost
a religion; party discipline, an eleventh commandment. Little
wonder that men's eyes were frequently blinded to the truth. 7
As Secretary to the Republican State Central Committee, Har-
rison became experienced in political methodology and began
to regard party declarations as almost infallible.
As the dawn of 1860 broke, political fires burned brightly. A
wild conflagration was certainly possible, and perhaps only the
November presidential election would indicate whether a con-
flict was "repressible" or "irrepressible." 8 Nothing daunted, by
the middle of January, Harrison had reached his decision to
stand for nomination on the Republican ticket for the office of
Supreme Court Reporter of Indiana. 9 His aim was high. The
* Brown, op. cit., pp. 71-73. These lectures were under the auspices of the Young
Men's Christian Association in whose activities Benjamin Harrison played a prom-
inent part.
& The American Eagle (Paoli, Indiana), February *, 1859; March 15, 1860.
6 Old Line Guard (Indianapolis, Indiana), January y-November 3, 1860, passim.
7 J. H. Holliday, Indianapolis and the Civil War, pp. 542-43.
8 For the most up-to-date and usable bibliography and treatment of this subject
see Howard K. Beale's chapter, "What Historians Have Said About The Causes of
the Civil War," in Bulletin 54, Theory and Practice in Historical Study: A Report
of the Committee on Historiography (New York, 1946), pp. 53-102.
9 The first Reporter of the Supreme Court of note was A. G. Porter, later Gov-
ernor of the state. Under the old Constitution the cases had been reported by Judge
Blackfbrd, who used to hang the proofs in the Law Library so that attorneys
might point out any errors. Porter's brilliance resulted in recommendation by the
Supreme Court Judges and to election by a large majority in 1854. He and Harri-
son were always friendly and in 1888, Ben appointed him Minister to Italy. See
Dunn, op. cit. f II, 716-18.
THE CRITICAL YEARS, i860 AND l86l 137
post was not only a dignified one, but most lucrative. Immedi-
ately, he found himself confronted with a hard fight from two
quarters. He faced formidable opposition in his own party; and
he also realized that, even if he should be successful on the con-
vention floor, he was in for a "dog-fight" type of campaign against
the Democratic nominee, Michael C. Kerr. The latter also was
destined for Washington, a man whose talents and popularity
would win for him the Speakership of the House of Representa-
tives. 10
Indianapolis played host to both state conventions in 1860.
Early in January the Democrats assembled and fired the first shot
in what proved to be one of the most decisive political campaigns
in history. 11 Viewed from Washington, the Indiana stakes were
high. The state was a "political prize, ranking third in north-
western states in convention and electoral votes." 12 Democrats
and Republicans alike considered the Hoosier vote indispensa-
ble to national success, and state party leaders determined to
carve out strong tickets from the best possible political timber.
The contest promised to be "unprecedented in interest and bit-
terness," 18 and the political strategists believed that "victories in
pivotal Pennsylvania and indispensable Indiana in October . . .
all but marked the inevitability of Lincoln's victory." 14
On January nth the Douglas Democrats seized control of the
state convention. With the zeal of insurgents they repudiated
the Buchanan administration by nominating Thomas A. Hen-
dricks for Governor. Politically, it was an excellent choice. This
forty-year-old Hoosier lawyer was a most "available" candidate
and had already attained a high degree of personal popularity. 15
10 Ibid., pp. 562-66. Kerr died in office. See Biographical Directory of the Ameri-
can Congress, 1774-1949 (Washington, D. C., 1950), p. 1407 for details on Michael
Crawford Kerr.
11 Reinhard H. Luthin, The First Lincoln Campaign, p. 226: "The campaign of
1860, besides being one of the most momentous in American History, was one of
the most remarkable insofar as the winning candidate, Abraham Lincoln, did not
represent a majority of the voters."
13 Brown, op. ciL, pp. 78-80.
14 Luthin, op. cit. f p. 326.
15 See John W. Holcombe and Hubert M. Skinner, Life and Public Services of
Thomas A. Hendricks (Indianapolis, 1886), pp. 202-4. Hendricks had just resigned
his post as Commissioner of the General Land Office. His removal from the field of
active politics, while serving in this latter office, had made him the man upon whom
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
e remainder of the Democratic slate was filled with popular
I capable men. The two candidates in whom Harrison mani-
ed a personal interest were David Turpie, nominee for Lieu-
ant-Governor, 16 and Michael C. Kerr, the party's selection for
office of Reporter of the Supreme Court. The ensuing cam-
jn was calculated to be, as Turpie himself called it, a battle
political giants. 17
This challenge to forge an equally strong ticket was accepted
the Republicans on Washington's Birthday. Their conven-
i nominated Henry S. Lane, "the steadfast disciple of Henry
y," 18 for Governor. The latter's vigorous activity in found-
Hoosier Republicanism, his proficiency as a stump speaker,
. his overwhelming popularity with the rank and file insured
>ng leadership. 19 The second place on the ticket was filled by
ver P. Morton, whose leadership had already been demon-
ted in his vigorous campaign for Governor in 1856. It was
political secret that the two top candidates on both tickets
e aiming at higher political berths. 20
Though the head of the ticket was nominated "without too
ch show of a struggle," 21 the nomination for Reporter of the
>reme Court was a real battle that was carried to the floor of
convention. Finally, the contest was narrowed down to three
rants: Mark L. De Motte, later Congressman from Indiana's
i District; John F. Miller of St. Joseph County, later United
.es Senator from California; and Benjamin Harrison of Mar-
County. According to De Motte, the fight was "vigorously
[ed," 22 but Harrison, by a rousing speech to the convention,
ided party could most easily unite. Kenneth M. Stampp, Indiana Politics dur-
\he Civil War, pp. 17-19.
An Indianapolis lawyer who was to succeed Harrison in the U. S. Senate in
According to Dunn, op. cit., p. 562, citing Turpie's own book, Sketches of My
Times (Indianapolis, 1903).
Stampp, op. cit., p. 27.
Walter R. Sharp, "Henry S. Lane and the Foundation of the Republican
f in Indiana/' Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 7 (1920-21), 93112.
"If the Republicans carried the state, Mr. Lane was to be elected to the Sen-
VTr. Morton succeeding to the governorship; if our party (quoting Turpie) pre-
d, similar changes were to be the result. The result in October carried out in
this arrangement ... the future in some degree carried it still further ... all
. . . became senators.** Dunn, op. cit., I, 563.
Fort Wayne Sentinel, February 25, 1860.
An undated newspaper clipping in Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook No. 52, p.
[arrison MSS.
THE CRITICAL YEARS, i860 AND l86l
won the nomination. It was the young lawyer's first major politi-
cal move within the party, and in later years he remembered it
and talked about it frequently. 28
John Scott Harrison wrote to his son that he was "gratified at
your success in the convention ... [I] hope that your election
may be as triumphant as your nomination was flattering." 24 But
the politically battle-wise father rebuked Ben for voicing "some
very complimentary things of Mr. C. Clay of Kentucky." He
feared that his son was damaging his political chances before he
even went before the Indiana electorate.
In John Scott's eyes, as well as in the opinion of many Ken-
tucky and Indiana citizens, Cassius Marcellus Clay was noth-
ing less than a political apostate. Hailing from Kentucky, tra-
ditionally a citadel of Whiggery, and claiming direct descent
from Henry Clay, America's renowned Compromiser, middle-
aged "Cash" Clay shocked every conservative Kentuckian, when
he bent every effort to organize the Republican party in the
blue grass country and campaigned vigorously for the election
of Fremont. He had charged to him innumerable anti-slavery
speeches and was considered by conservatives to be as danger-
ous as Charles Sumner of Massachusetts. Clay was thinking along
the same lines as Benjamin Harrison, though the Kentuckian
was prudent enough to moderate his anti-slavery views while he
engineered his own boom for the Republican Presidential nomi-
nation. 25
Before the Republicans in Indiana adjourned their Indian-
apolis convention, they gave evidence in their platform that
John Scott Harrison was entirely correct in issuing his paternal
admonition: "You may rely upon it that the people of Indiana
are not prepared to adopt . , . the very ultra . . . anti-slavery
sentiments of Mr. 'Cash' (as he calls himself)." 26 This was no
understatement. The platform retreated noticeably from the ad-
vanced position on slavery extension reached at Philadelphia four
28 De Motte recalled: "We all met in Washington. I was a member of the House
of Representatives; General Harrison was a Senator from this state, and John F.
Miller was Senator from California. One evening we met and whiled away the
hours until almost midnight recalling the events of the contest/' Benjamin Harri-
son Scrapbook No. 52, p. 91, Harrison MSS.
24 J. S. Harrison to Benjamin, February 34, 1860, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
25 Luthin, op. tit., pp. 114-16.
26 J. S. Harrison to Benjamin, February 24, 1860, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
4 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
ears earlier. 27 Without doubt, the "irrepressibles" in the party
:ere bitterly disappointed, while the "accommodators" were
:ell pleased with their handiwork, particularly since the Indian-
polls platform was far from reaffirming the power and duty of
bngress to exclude slavery from all the territories. Actually, the
latform merely denounced the doctrine that the Constitution
y itself carried slavery into the territories and vaguely promised
:> oppose slavery extension by all constitutional means. 28 So in-
ocuous a statement of policy displeased Ben Harrison, for it did
ot resolve the issue of slavery extension; it only deferred it.
Benjamin had a mind of his own; what is more important, he
f as willing to express it. Even though he had been chided by his
ither for entertaining and echoing radical sentiments, the young
olitician must be credited for paying close attention to John
cott's further remark: "I like to see a candidate honest and out-
x)ken." 20 In favoring the candidacy of Cassius Clay, the ardent
Dung Republican felt that he was backing the man who would
o most to check the spread of slavery. As his own campaign
otes 30 demonstrate, he was certain that he was holding the same
round as Henry Clay and Daniel Webster. With telling effect
e cited Henry Clay's early speeches, usually ending with the
.entuckian's famous remark made during the Compromise de-
ates of 1850, when in his intense anxiety for peace he went as
IT as his conscience would permit in concession to slavery. Clay
ad declared again and again that he would never vote to extend
over territory then free:
As long as God allows the vital current to flow through my veins,
will never, never, by word or thought, by mind or will, aid in ad-
itting to one rood of Free Territory the Everlasting Curse of Hu-
.an Bondage. 81
27 Starapp, op. cit. f p. 29.
28 "The rest of the platform aroused no opposition. It demanded the immediate
Imission of Kansas as a free state, a homestead law, and the construction of a
inscontinental railroad. It also proclaimed Republican devotion to the Union."
id.
20 J. S. Harrison to Benjamin, February $4, 1860, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4,
30 "1860 Campaign Notes," a small notebook, six inches by three-and-a-half
dies, which Ben used in the 1860 campaign. Harrison MSS.
THE CRITICAL YEARS, i860 AND l86l 14!
Ben, it seems, was pretty much alone in these thoughts. Not
only his father, 32 but also a majority of the Indiana delegates to
the Republican National Convention, 33 favored the nomination
of the conservative Mr. Bates for president. This momentous
event, however, was still almost three months removed. In the
meantime it was imperative that the Republican nominee for
Supreme Court Reporter stump the state, meet the people, and
address their political assemblies.
Traditionally, Hoosier politicians were and are an energetic
breed; hence, it caused no wonderment that the nominees for
state office did not wait for the national convention of 1860 to
define party policy before launching their own campaigns. Per-
haps few foresaw the magnitude of the impending crisis; some-
how, even a smaller number possessed a clear concept of the
underlying issues at stake. Even so, there was not the slightest
semblance of apathy among the electorate. 84
On March 10, Lane and Morton opened the Republican can-
vass at Terre Haute. The role of party keynoter fell to Oliver
Perry Morton. 35 The opening shot was directed right at the heart
of slavery. Here, Morton proved himself a notable exception to
the rule that most of the speakers on both sides tended to ignore
the real issues. Political wisdom dictated that the Republicans
adopt Morton's speech as their campaign textbook. Lane, con-
servative by nature, was allowed to fill a position in which he
could adapt his remarks to fit popular sentiment in different
parts of the state. 36
The remainder of the state ticket was not idle. Harrison made
his first speech in the campaign at the thriving town of Lebanon,
seat of Boone County, about twenty-five miles due north of In-
dianapolis. This youngest of the Republican candidates was only
32 j. s. Harrison to Benjamin, February 24, 1860, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
33 Howard K. Beale (ed.), The Diary of Edward Bates 1859-1866 (Washington,
D. C., 1933), p. 102.
84 See Stampp, op. cit., pp. 31-48.
35 Indianapolis Daily Journal, March 13, 16, 1860; also W. D. Foulke, 0. P. Mor-
ton, I, 67-72. For a briefer treatment, see Charles M. Walker, Sketch of the Life,
Character, and Public Service of Oliver P. Morton (Indianapolis, 1878), pp. 31-35.
36 James A. Woodburn, "Henry Smith Lane/' Indiana Magazine of History, 27
(i93 283-84. It was possible for Lane's position on slavery to shift remarkably.
142 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
twenty-seven, exceedingly boyish in appearance, short of stature
and slim of figure. He did not begin to take on flesh till several
years afterward. 37
A large crowd, collected in a grove, was awaiting the appear-
ance of Caleb Blood Smith, 38 the day's principal speaker. An
accomplished orator and a one-time enthusiastic Whig of the old
school, Smith was one of the mighty in the Republican Party.
He was chairman of the Indiana delegation to the National Re-
publican Convention and also filled the post of delegate-at-large.
From his vivid memory he could have spun for young Harrison,
or for anyone who would lend him an ear, many a colorful yarn
about the enthusiastic log-cabin campaign and presidential vic-
tory of William Henry Harrison in i84o. 39 He cherished a hope
that the victory fires of twenty years ago might be rekindled this
year. Caleb Smith was never a profound thinker, but as a story-
teller he had few equals. He was gifted with an eloquence that
charmed his hearers and could always arouse his audience to a
high pitch of enthusiasm. 40
This Lebanon husting was opened by Mr. Smith, and, ac-
cording to all reports, 41 he made one of his better speeches. The
people alternately laughed and shouted as he poked fun at the
candidates on the Democratic ticket and blistered them with his
sarcasm. Nevertheless, with a wisdom characteristic of seasoned
campaigners, he said little on the pertinent election issues. He
had little to say about the Dred Scott decision, little about Kan-
sas, but a good deal about the split in the Democratic Party. To
the burning question of slavery there was scarcely a reference.
When Smith had accepted the thunderous applause and had
bowed out, the crowd began to wander away from the speaker's
87 This description was the eye-witness account of William Henry Smith, then
connected with the Atlas, an Indianapolis afternoon paper published by John D.
Defrees, later a warm devotee of Lincoln and a close friend of Harrison. W. H.
Smith, "Personal Recollections," a newspaper clipping in Harrison Scrapbook, Vol.
52, p. 102, Harrison MSS.
88 Louis J. Bailey, "Caleb Blood Smith," Indiana Magazine of History, 29
(1933), 813-39-
39 John B. Martin, Indiana: An Interpretation (New York, 1947), p. 46.
40 Harrison Scrapbook, Vol. 52, p. 102, Harrison MSS.
Smith's account in the Indianapolis Daily Atlas. He had heard Caleb Smith
many times. He also knew Harrison personally, but he had never heard him speak
in public previous to this meeting.
THE CRITICAL YEARS, i860 AND l86l 143
stand. Although Benjamin Harrison was to be the second speaker,
political anonymity cloaked him. Probably not more than fifty
persons in the audience had ever heard of him. The chairman
of the meeting undertook to introduce him and, had he con-
tinued a minute or two longer, the scheduled speaker would have
found no one in front of him, so rapidly were the people depart-
ing. The embarrassing situation, however, was short-lived. The
Atlas reporter gives the happy sequel in these words:
Mr. Harrison had the same sharp, rasping voice that became famous
in after years, and with almost his first utterance he caused the crowd
to pause. Some stopped a moment to look at the boyish figure as he
stood on the stand, with his fingers in his trouser pockets.
Another sentence shot out, reaching to the very verge of the crowd
and more of them paused to listen. They began to get back toward
the stand, drop into their seats, or lean against some of the trees.
Those who had got some distance away looked back and saw the de-
serted seats being filled up, and they, too, came back. 42
Within ten minutes, stump-speaker Harrison had the crowd
"straining to hear the terse and rugged sentences as they fell from
his lips." 48 There was no attempt at star-spangled oratory, no
flights of eloquence, no amusing anecdotes. Ben got down to facts
immediately, warning his audience of the dangers that menaced
the country. He had courage, if not wisdom, with him, for he
went so far as to prophesy concerning "the insidious inroads of
the slavery power . . . unless the people arose in their might and
put an end to them." 44 The remainder of the speech was a clear
and logical presentation of the issues, as the young candidate un-
derstood them. Harrison discussed the slavery issue in such a way
that the people of Lebanon could not mistake his mind on the
subject. They understood that with him the whole question re-
volved around the one central idea that the extension of the slave
territory must stop; that to yield to the demands of the Southern
leaders could end only in making all the country slave territory.
First and last he stood with Abraham Lincoln in the railsplitter's
42 w. H. Smith, "Personal Recollections," Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook, Vol.
53, p. los, Harrison MSS.
43 ibid.
44 ibid.
144 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
declaration that a house divided against itself could not stand,
and that the country must become wholly free or wholly slave. 45
Harrison's open espousal of Republicanism a force looming
ever larger on the horizon gave him the advantage of having the
offensive in the campaign. Certainly, during the first two months
of the Indiana canvass, his Democratic opponents were clearly on
the defensive. Strangely enough, the historic Democracy which
had the "one best hope of saving the Union was threatened with
hopeless discord/' 46
Indiana Democracy, however, was not long content to leave
the initiative with the Republicans. 47 By April, Hendricks, David
Turpie and other party leaders inaugurated a more active pro-
gram of stump-speaking. 48 Soon, practically all of the opposing
candidates paired off to begin a series of joint debates. Leading
the parade were the gubernatorial candidates, Lane and Hen-
dricks, who attracted by far the larger crowds throughout the
state. Frequently, the character of their respective political ha-
rangues was determined more by the geography of the state than
by their own personal convictions. In the north the Republican
leaders found that abolitionism was a strong and popular speak-
ing point; in the communities of southern Indiana, however,
their battle cry rang out as a plea for non-interference with slav-
ery in the states, and for its non-extension into the territories.
With so shifting and illogical a platform, Harrison could not
agree. His sense of logic protested and he soon made up his own
permanent set of campaign notes. It was June before he could
put them to effective use, following a post-convention lull in the
state campaign.
In mid-May of 1860, Chicago's wigwam welcomed the national
Republican forces. Harrison was not a delegate, though a great
flurry of excitement and interest swept through the family cir-
45 This had been Lincoln's warning at the Republican state convention at
Springfield, Illinois, June 16, 1858. See A. J. Beveridge, Abraham Lincoln (Boston
and New York, 1928), II, 577.
46 James G. Randall, The Civil War and Reconstruction (Boston, 1937), p. 174:
"no other party (than the Democratic) had both the likelihood of success if united,
and the ability to hold the country together if successful."
47 Stampp, op. cit., p. 33.
48 Indianapolis Daily State Sentinel, April 30, 1860.
THE CRITICAL YEARS, i860 AND l86l 145
cle because Ben's married sister, Sallie, misread the newspapers
and believed that he was going to Chicago in that capacity. 49
W. R. Harrison, of Indianapolis, not Benjamin, was the delegate
chosen. 50
Harrison scrutinized the columns of the Indianapolis Daily
Journal for an account of the part played by the Indiana leaders
assembled in the two-story wooden wigwam. 51 Inasmuch as his
stump partner, Caleb B. Smith, was chairman of the Hoosier
delegation, as well as one of the delegates-at-large, Harrison prob-
ably knew beforehand the plan of the Indianans. His own earlier
preference for Cassius Clay faded rapidly as the choice of Hoosier
Republicanism narrowed down to Bates of Missouri or Lincoln
of Illinois. The final decision rested primarily with Smith, 52 a
politician who was willing to be convinced one way or the other.
Seemingly attracted and won over by the offer of a cabinet posi-
tion, Smith threw his influence behind Lincoln, and at the In-
diana caucus on May 15 he successfully stifled the pro-Bates
element. Four days later, on the third ballot, Lincoln was nomi-
nated. Indiana voted solidly for her former illustrious resident.
Despite his callow political youth, no one realized more clearly
than Benjamin Harrison that the party of his choice was becom-
ing a formidable organization partly by virtue of the Democratic
family troubles. 53 Both before and after Lincoln's nomination in
Chicago, the bitter controversy between President Buchanan and
Senator Douglas of Illinoisa feud of long standing 54 was chiefly
responsible for the hopeless split within Democracy. Ben and his
49 Sallie (Harrison) Devin to Benjamin, April 20, 1860, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4: "I
see by the papers you have been appointed a delegate at the Chicago convention
. . . What time shall I meet you there?"
50 Cincinnati Enquirer, February 24, 1860.
51 For a detailed description of the work of the Indiana delegation at Chicago,
see Charles Roll, "Indiana's Part in the Nomination of Abraham Lincoln for Presi-
dent in 1860," Indiana Magazine of History, 25 (1929), 1-13.
52 Luthin, op. cit., pp. 140-42; see also his "Indiana and Lincoln's Rise to the
Presidency," Indiana Magazine of History, 38 (1942), 385-405.
53 George Fort Milton, The Eve of Conflict (Boston, 1934), pp. 370-^80. This
section recounts the dismal story of the Democratic party in its death throes.
54 See Philip G. Auchampaugh, "The Buchanan-Douglas Feud," Journal of the
Illinois State Historical Society, 25 (1932), 5-48; Louis M. Sears, John Slidell (Dur-
ham, N. C., 1925), and the same author's "Slidell and Buchanan," American His-
torical Review, 27 (July, 1922), 712-24.
146 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Republican fellows did not conceal their joy on April 30, when
the cotton-state delegates stalked out of the Democratic national
convention at Charleston, South Carolina. The inevitable break
had occurred. Contrasted with Republican solidarity at Chica-
go, this bewildering disruption of the Charleston conclave was
viewed by Democrats with serious regret. There was no mistak-
ing this omen. The death knell of the Democratic Party was
slowly tolling.
Down the road of disunity went the Democrats. At Baltimore
in June the northern Democracy named Stephen A. Douglas for
President. The Charleston "bolters" subsequently convened in
Baltimore and Richmond before they could emerge with a na-
tional ticket composed of Kentucky's John Breckinridge and
Oregon's Joseph Lane. 55 During the interval between the con-
ventions at Charleston and Baltimore, as we have seen, the Re-
publicans had gleefully nominated Lincoln and Hamlin.
As if this devasting split between the North and the South
did not augur sufficient ill for Democracy, a new party, bearing
the name National Constitutional Union, entered the arena of
national politics. Composed of former American or Know-Noth-
ing Party members, this party met in convention at Baltimore
and put forward as candidates two conservatives: Senator John
Bell of Tennessee for President and Edward Everett of Massachu-
setts for Vice-President. 56 Early in May, Horace Greeley tagged
this Bell-Everett combine as "The Old Gentlemen's Party." 57
Harrison's father gave his active support to the Constitutional
Unionists, for he had found it impossible to cast his lot with
either the Republicans or the Democrats. 58 Ben learned of his
C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, was Vice-President under Buchanan
(1857-1861) and a leader of the Southern Democrats. Joseph Lane was United
States Senator from Oregon. See Emerson D. Fite, The Presidential Campaign of
2860 (New York, 1911); and Randall, op. cit. t pp. 176-81.
5 The vice-presidential nominee, Edward Everett, was a good front man. Hav-
ing served as Secretary of State, Minister to Great Britain, and President of Har-
vard, he was sufficiently well known and did not resort to crusading. "Like Bell,
he adopted a colorless and negative attitude ... to avoid offending the South."
Randall, op. cit. f pp. 104, 181.
BT New York Daily Tribune, May 11, 1860.
58 Actually, John Scott Harrison did not trifle with offers from the Ohio Demo-
crats; in 1861 he refused to accept their nomination for the office of Lieutenant
Governor. Scrapbook No. 52, pp. 83-36, Harrison MSS. That he was a Bell-Everett
supporter is clear from his letters to Ben, June through October, 1860, Harrison
MSS, Vol. 4.
THE CRITICAL YEARS, i860 AND l86l 147
father's new political allegiance quite early in the campaign, but
this paternal devotion to the cause of the Constitutional Union-
ists in no wise served to soften the son's stump assaults on John
Bell. Under the caption, "Ben Harrison vs. John Bell," the Paoli
American Eagle wrote:
The grandson of General Harrison, candidate for Reporter of the
Supreme Court of Indiana, said in his speech in the Court House at
Rockport on last Tuesday that inquiry has been made into John
Bell's record, and it was ascertained to be similar to that of Breck-
inridge and Lane. "Freemen of Spencer County" (said the speaker)
"will you vote for Bell and Everett? Better for you to place your heel,
and grind them into the dust." 59
No man is a prophet in his own country, and when Benjamin's
tour of political duty brought him to Lawrenceburg, Indiana,
for a speech, one so well versed in Scripture as he was ought to
have given some heed to that pregnant Biblical admonition. Yet
in this territory so familiar to him from his boyhood days, Har-
rison's Republican zeal outran his political prudence and his usu-
ally reliable sense of history. Zeal without knowledge has been
called the sister of folly, and once Ben had read the stinging re-
buke penned him by his own father after the Lawrenceburg ad-
dress, he knew he had classed himself among the foolish.
Fortunately, in one sense at least, John Scott Harrison was "too
sick to be out of the house" on that June afternoon on which his
son sharply assailed the "slave oligarchy and the slave aristocracy"
of the South. Even so, when the Cincinnati Gazette printed an
extended report of Harrison's Lawrenceburg speech, this gentle-
man of the old school was so deeply incensed that he severely
lectured his son on the necessity of observing the canons of ve-
racity in public addresses. More especially did he berate Ben's
"use of terms of reproach and scorn towards Southern gentle-
men." To Scott Harrison, whose four years in Washington gave
him many a friend from the South, these charges by an inexperi-
enced, overzealous stump speaker, even if he was his flesh and
blood, were sheer calumny. The young man was perhaps shocked
into sober reality by his father's chiding question: "How can I
trust men whom I know have been educated to hate any man
59 American Eagle, October 4, 1860.
148 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
South of the Mason and Dixon line? As much as I hate Democ-
racy I do believe there is more safety in that than in Republican-
ism as at present defined.' 160
John Scott Harrison did not content himself with a flat contra-
diction of Ben's attack on the Southern gentry as "all wrong . . .
because it is not true." He ventured to teach his son an impor-
tant lesson. "You will allow me to correct you ... I have resided
in Washington and you have not . . . and I assure [you] . . . there
is not in this land a more religious, moral, upright people than
those of Washington City." If this bit of reproof did not entirely
deflate the young Republican warrior, whose emotions had evi-
dently dulled his historical acumen at Lawrenceburg, Ben was
thoroughly humbled by his father's timely reference to the re-
vered memory of William Henry Harrison. It hurt Ben deeply, as
he read:
Your speech going out as it does in the Gazette will reach the eye
of many a friend of your Grandfather who will regret to see such
sentiments emanating from a grandson. . . . They will regard him a
little on the agrarian order. I am confident that a man loses by such
sentiments. He may collect a few of the uneducated and prejudiced
crowd . . . but he will soon lose with intelligent men.
I had hoped that you would never find it necessary to talk about
"slave oligarchy or slave aristocracy." . . . Let me advise you not to
use these terms . . . leave them to Chase and Giddings et id omne
genus.* 1
This was a bitter potion for Ben to swallow, but he downed
it manfully. He learned his lesson well. Blackguardism had no
place in his oratorical attempts during the remainder of the cam-
paign. Within a month, David Swing, the man who had wrested
first academic honors from Ben at Miami in 1852, wrote him a
letter of congratulation. Paradoxically, Swing, now a member of
60 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, June is, 1860, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
61/Wd. Of all John Scott's letters to Ben of a political and personal nature, this
is one of the longest and most important. This was no mere political squabble. At
the outset, John Scott admitted: "I do not of course concur in all that you said on
that occasion [at Lawrenceburg], and do not propose to contest with you the lead-
ing principles of the policy you advocate." His main purpose was to teach his son
a lesson in character formation. Once he had thoroughly reproved him for his ill-
starred section on the South and her people, he concluded his letter by saying:
"The main body of your speech was good and the sentiments were such as would
need little objection from any of your opposition. . . ."
THE CRITICAL YEARS, l86o AND l86l 149
the cloth, wrote from Oxford, Ohio, to compliment his former
college fellow "on the high character of your political addresses."
One paragraph of this letter reveals Harrison's progress:
I am glad to read many notices of the high character of your politi-
cal addresses. While we were together in college my only doubts about
your future were based upon your apparent want of health of body.
You will not consider it flattery, if I say to you that you always had
the mens sana. But your almost rugged appearance of the present
makes me feel that there is nothing in the way of your great success
in life. 62
Perhaps even more pleasing to Ben than Swing's meed of praise
was a friendly letter from his father, the first since the latter's
scolding after the intemperate speech at Lawrenceburg. John
Scott designed to pay high tribute to his son's intellectual hon-
esty:
While I would have been glad on your account, as well as my own,
that you could have felt it your duty to pursue a more conservative
political course, I shall not doubt that in adopting a more ultra one,
you are governed by the honest convictions of your judgment 68
May, June, and July had been highlighted by an almost end-
less series of national conventions. The political excitement and
interest of these gatherings had somewhat detracted from the
luster of the keen struggle within the states themselves. In Au-
gust, however, as the Indiana campaign entered its final phase,
the canvass rivaled the heat in intensity. Stump-speaking under
a broiling sun was no pleasure; only the close proximity of the
state elections scheduled for October 9 gave the inspiration and
strength necessary for final perseverance. During these twilight
days of the political battle, Harrison did most of his campaigning
2 David Swing to Benjamin Harrison, July 10, 1860, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
Swing concluded by saying: "My sympathies are all with you not only from our one-
ness in the Church and State but from the fact that we were classmates in other
days . . . give my kindest regards to Carrie . . ."
63 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, July 23, 1860, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4. The
long delay in writing was caused by John Scott's many political engagements. He
claimed he felt neither irritation nor unkindness toward Ben, though he did prom-
ise: "I will not hereafter interfere with your political course."
150 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
in what is known as the "pocket district" of Indiana. 64 Quite
coincidentally, it was during this part of the state canvass that
some of the more interesting episodes of Ben's early career
occurred.
On one occasion, Harrison was billed to speak in the town of
Rockport, located at the very southern tip of Indiana. As in most
of his other campaign trips, horse-and-buggy transportation was
secured, but the novelty of driving over the country in a wagon
had long since left Ben. 65 Actually, he was a tired, travel-worn and
campaign-weary gentleman when he arrived in town to address
an audience that was none too friendly. This latent hostility was
nothing personal; rather, it was an attitude along the Kentucky
border that was reserved for Black Republicans. On his way to
Rockport, Harrison took out his diminutive book of political
notes and began to prepare his speech. He planned to make his
whole speech an answer, point by point, to some recent state-
ments made by Hendricks, the Democratic candidate for Gover-
nor.
This particular political assembly was well attended, and this
political novice was careful to make an exceptionally benevolent
introduction. He built up Hendricks with a view to knocking
him down by quoting from the latter's own statements in the
press. When it came time to read the clippings, Harrison pulled
out his little note book. He was momentarily startled. Feverishly
he searched its pages, but in vain; the one he wanted could not
be found. Only his quick wit saved him from serious embar-
rassment. "Gentlemen," he said finally, "I carefully pasted that
extract from Mr. Hendricks' speech in my note book, and I am
sure I used good mucilage, but it has disappeared. It simply goes
to show that not a thing Thomas A. Hendricks says will stick." 66
This unexpected bit of merriment drew loud cheers and applause
from the crowd. Indifferent, hostile glances melted into warm
smiles of approval.
The real highlight of the campaign, as far as Benjamin Harri-
64 Lew Wallace, Life of Gen. Ben Harrison, pp. 81-83. Ben's careful preparation
of his speeches during this stretch drive brought their own reward. They were
well received. The "pocket district" is the extreme southwestern sector of Indiana,
centering about Evansville.
65 Indianapolis News, March 14, 1901.
66 An undated newspaper clipping in the Harrison Scrapbook, Vol. 52, p. 92,
Harrison MSS.
THE CRITICAL YEARS, i860 AND l86l
son was concerned, came upon him most unexpectedly. In late
August he arrived at the town of Rockville in Parke County,
where he was scheduled to make an appearance at the courthouse.
He was much alarmed when he discovered that Thomas Hen-
dricks had a meeting for the same hour at the same place. The
people were clamoring for a joint debate. Harrison hesitated a
moment, while he sized up the situation. Mr. Hendricks was
a formidable platform opponent, the leader of the Democratic
Party in the state, a speaker and debater whose reputation was
national. When pressed to debate with this man, Ben made a
very apt reply: "This is, of course, a very unfair proposal. Mr.
Hendricks is at the head of the Democratic ticket, while I am at
the tail of the Republican ticket." 67 Finally, however, Ben agreed
to a joint meeting.
The courthouse was jammed. John Davis and Daniel Voorhees,
two of Indiana's leading Democrats, occupied prominent seats
along with Mr. Hendricks. Benjamin Harrison was not even of-
fered a chair. He sat on the edge of a desk, with his feet dangling
not quite to the floor, and waited his turn. Hendricks rose. The
two hours allotted to him turned into four. He was overwhelmed
with applause. Taking his seat, he generously suggested that the
spectators remain and give ear to his youthful opponent. 68
Ben, arranging his papers, faced a profound silence. The audi-
ence stared at him blankly. One thing he knew for certain. This
crowd, after four hours, was weary of speech-making. He began
by complimenting Hendricks, though his words did not come
from his heart. 69 Then, with workmanlike precision, he stated a
proposition, and declared that earlier the Democrats had con-
ceded its truth. This caused a stir in the crowd, a little short of
sensation. Before any demonstration could be made for the point
67 Wallace, op. tit., p. 83.
68 There is an abundance of source material for this famous meeting between a
future President and a future Vice-President. The most readable account ism House
Document No. 154, pp. 129-30, written by the late Ross F. Lockridge, Jr., on whom
I have drawn heavily. Wallace, op. tit., pp. 82-86, contains several colorful details
omitted in Lockridge's condensed account, and there are any number of newspaper
accounts readily available in the Harrison Scrapbooks, especially Vol. 52, pp. 77-92.
69 During the Atlanta Campaign in the spring of 1864, Harrison was induced to
mention Hendricks' name in a letter to his wife. Praising Gen. O. O. Howard, he
wrote: "He is a good deal like Tom Hendricks in his manner and tone of voice.
He has that same easy, gentle, persuasive mode of speech, but one is not led to look
for deceit and cunning beneath it f as I always was in Hendricks." Benjamin Harri-
son to his wife, March 22, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5, pp. 963-64.
152 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Harrison had scored, Mr. Voorhees, the "Tall Sycamore of the
Wabash," stood up in a stately manner and denied the truth of
Harrison's charge. Like the report of a pistol, the clear voice of
the little lawyer came back at him: "Fellow Citizens, the denial
to which we have listened induces me to amend my assertion. I
now say that every Democrat approved the proposition, except
Mr. Voorhees. He was then a Whig." 70
With a spontaneity that distinguishes an American political
audience, a tremendous yell of approval burst out. From this
demonstration Harrison took it that the house was well stocked
with Republicans. With new-found pleasure and charm, he took
up Mr. Hendricks' points, and answered them briefly one by one,
supporting each statement with facts from his note book. 71 He
demolished his opponent's position with a calm confidence that
would later always characterize him as a speaker. Rockville Re-
publicans were wont afterward to remark: "Such a drubbing as
the little fellow did give them. And he was so clean about it. No
abuse, no blackguarding. I would walk a hundred miles to see it
done over." 72 The chairman of the meeting remarked afterward:
"I have heard a good many political debates in my day, but I
never heard a man skin an opponent as quickly as Ben Harri-
son did Hendricks that day." 78 The story spread through the
state, and the Republican candidate for Reporter of the Supreme
Court soon enjoyed a reputation that considerably strengthened
his chances for election.
As this 1860 war of words was drawing to a close, its comple-
ment was found in the spectacular political demonstrations that
were conducted throughout the state. In many respects, Ben's
first major Hoosier campaign was almost as colorful as the vic-
torious fight of his grandfather in 1840, those unforgettable days
of "Tippecanoe and Tyler Too." Each closing day of the state
canvass in 1860 was marked by "speeches, day and night, torch-
light processions, and all kinds of noise and confusion." 74 At In-
to Wallace, op. cit., p. 85.
71 In the Harrison MSS, Vol. 4, pp. 613-32, there is a ten-page typewritten ac-
count of the argumentation used in this joint debate. It is culled directly from the
Indiana newspaper, the Parke County Republican, August 29, 1860.
72 Wallace, op. cit. } p. 86.
73 House Document No. 154, p. 130.
74 Indianapolis Locomotive, September 29, 1860.
THE CRITICAL YEARS, l86o AND l86l 153
dianapolis, citizens turned out by the thousands to cheer "Abe's
Boys, the Rail Maulers, and the Wide-Awakes." 75 Columns
marched to the flourish of trumpets and to the beat of drums.
Vibrant symbolism, perhaps; yet this display afforded a strange
premonition of the approaching tragedy of war.
During the final days of the state campaign the battle was bit-
terly waged. The Democrats, sensing the imminence of defeat,
turned frantically to alarmist tactics. 76 Their battle cry was a
variation of the theme that a Republican triumph meant the
certain inauguration of the "irrepressible conflict." At best, the
Democrats argued, this signified a peaceful disunion; at worst,
it meant a bloody civil war for mastery in the Union. Neither
alternative was a happy one.
The majority of the Indiana electorate appeared unafraid. On
October 9, the citizenry went to the polls and gave over their
state administration to the Republicans by a substantial ma-
jority. 77 Along with his ticket, Harrison was swept into office,
with a majority of 9,688. A flood of congratulatory messages came
rolling in to Ben and Carrie, and no joy was more unrestrained
than that of the Harrison family. At The Point, however, there
were mixed emotions. John Scott Harrison certainly cherished
his son's success. He even despatched sister Anna to Indianapolis
with a special message of "sincere congratulations on your suc-
cess." 78 However, his own pride and spirit of integrity compelled
him to add in a letter to Ben:
Although I was opposed to the principles of your party, I mention
. . . my having thus early sent forward my congratulations on the elec-
tion of a more national man than Lincoln ... I have great faith that
Providence will yet find for us some way of escape . . . and save our
country from the scourge of a "higher law" President. 79
75 Logan Esarey, A History of Indiana, II, 656-61.
76 Stampp, op. cit., p. 46.
77 Lane and the Republican ticket carried the state by nearly a 10,000 majority.
Of the eleven Congressmen, the Republicans elected seven. The southern part of
Indiana remained true to Democracy and returned four Representatives to Wash-
ington. Indianapolis Daily Journal, October 12, 13, 14, 1860.
78 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, October 15, 1860, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
79 There is some ambiguity in Scott Harrison's use of the term "higher law" here.
It is quite probable, however, he is referring to Mr. Sewjard, whose famous state-
ment that "there is a higher law than the Constitution which regulates our author-
ity over the domain" branded him as a radical and unacceptable to the Chicago
convention of 1860. Like many others, John Scott believed that, if Lincoln wer^
elected, Seward and his doctrine would dominate the administration. Hence +
154 BENJAMIN* HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Although John Scott Harrison entertained the desire to visit
Ben in Indianapolis during his hour of victory, his efforts to de-
feat Lincoln during the remaining month of the presidential
campaign kept him at home. 80 A planned family reunion at Ben's
modest home was not canceled, but merely postponed. John Scott
was a political die-hard, yet his sense of humor did not desert
him. In a letter to Ben he quipped:
When your enthusiastic Republicans subside a little . , . or when
we turn the tables on you and become as enthusiastic over the elec-
tion of John Bell, I will come out . . . and promise to be very forbear-
ing towards you Republican gentlemen who crowed before you were
out of the woods. 81
If Indiana had reason to boast in October, the state was not
alone. 82 November brought unrestrained joy. The Hoosier ma-
jority for Lincoln surpassed by almost 15,000 votes the victory
obtained by Harrison and the state ticket only a month before. 88
The sweep of Indiana Republicanism for its presidential nomi-
nee was thorough and complete. Not since 1840 had the Demo-
crats lost the state in a national election; not until 1876 would
they win it again. 84
The state leaders of the victorious young party were soon in
serious conference at Indianapolis. Victory, as they all under-
stood, had to be used with propriety and discretion. Since a po-
litical revolution had taken place within their commonwealth,
Hoosier leaders believed that every effort must be made during
the months previous to Lincoln's inauguration to give the lie to
pious quod Deus avertat in writing to Ben. John Scott Harrison to Benjamin
October 15, 1860, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
. .
80/fcid. John Scott Harrison faithfully stumped Ohio and Kentucky for the Con-
stitutional Unionists, Bell and Everett. He mentioned one such meeting to Ben:
"I addressed a meeting of Union men at Carrollton, Ky., on Saturday last. I think
there must have been three thousand people present "
82 Important Republican victories in Pennsylvania and in Ohio presaged the
election of Lincoln in November. See Stampp, op. cit. f p. 47; Luthin, op. cit. f pp.
83 In Indiana, the official tabulation showed the following presidential vote-
Lincoln 139,033; Douglas 115,509; Breckinridge 124894; and Bell 5,306. Indianap-
olis Drily Journal, December 4, 1860. It is interesting to note that Hendricks and
Turpie ran about lo ,ooo votes ahead of Douglas, while Lane, Morton and Harrison
ran some 3,000 behind Lincoln. Esarey, op. cit., p. 661.
84 Stampp, op. cit., p. 48.
THE CRITICAL YEARS, l86o AND l86l 155
the South's warning that the latter's election would disrupt the
Union. 85
The action of the Hoosier statesmen was certainly timely and
above all intimated to the defeated Democrats that they need
have no fears of Republican radicalism. The situation through-
out the nation, however, was otherwise. Two days after Lincoln's
election, South Carolina felt herself yielding bit by bit to an ever-
growing spirit of agitation and unrest. Mrs. Mary Chesnut re-
corded in her diary the talk she heard on the streets of Charleston.
It ran like this: "Now that the black radical Republicans have
the power I suppose they will Brown us all." 86 On this sentiment
the southern lady wrote: "No doubt of it." Within a month South
Carolina was ready to leave the Union. On December 20, 1860,
the state issued an ordinance of secession. To the Gulf States this
was as a sign from heaven. Almost immediately they followed
South Carolina's daring lead.
Everyone knew that Abraham Lincoln had been elected on
a platform that judged that all the material and spiritual wel-
fare of the nation was directly attributable "to the union of the
States." What the people did not know was the mind of Lincoln,
but the South feared for the worst. They could not easily over-
look the clause in the Republican platform: "We hold in abhor-
rence all schemes for Disunion, come from whatever source they
may." 87
December, 1860, and January, 1861, were confused and dismal
days. By February i, the South was far along the road to secession.
Up North, in the meantime, there was much talk. Some Union-
ists cheered, others blanched at the mere mention of Seward's
doctrine of an "irrepressible conflict." Men of all parties looked
hopefully to their political leaders for guidance and statesman-
ship equal to the crisis. Too often they found neither. 88 Instead,
85 Dwight L. Dumond, The Secessionist Movement (New York, 1931) and the
same author's edited work, Southern Editorials on Secession (New York, 1931), give
the best general treatment to this problem.
86.4 Diary from Dixie, pp. xxii, i, cited by Randall, op. cit., p. 184. The entry
for Nov. 8, 1860, was filled with phrases such as: "Look Out:-Lincoln is elected";
"The die is cast"; "The Stake is life or death."
8T A summary of the Republican national platform is given in Wallace, op. cit
p. 252-
88 Stampp, op. cit., p. 49.
156 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
they found politicians grouped together with the ideals and the
motives of ordinary business men. A supreme interest in party
advantage and in personal profit during this hour of growing
emergency all too frequently obscured sound thinking. Perhaps
bigoted partisanship and narrow self-interest loomed too large
during these critical weeks, yet there was a feeling that the man
in Springfield, Illinois, could assuage the fears of the South by
a forthright declaration of friendliness. 89 A strange silence pre-
vailed.
Indiana, meanwhile, had sworn in her new state officers. On
January 13, 1861, in the presence of retiring Governor Abram
A. Hammond and of his own law partner, Will Wallace, Ben-
jamin Harrison took the oath "to support the Constitution of the
United States and the Constitution of the State of Indiana and
faithfully discharge his duties as Reporter of the Supreme Court
of the State of Indiana. 1 ' 00 The next day, Henry S. Lane took
office as Governor. In his address to the Legislature he did little
to alleviate Democratic forebodings. Rather, he branded the
South and her sympathizers by solemnly stating: "The doctrine
of secession ... is a dangerous heresy." 91 Events moved rapidly.
Two days later, on January 16, according to plan, Lane was
elected United States Senator, while Oliver Perry Morton be-
came Governor. Then appeared at Indianapolis what to many
seemed an ominous sign.
80 Randall, op. cit., pp. 222-23, presents a highly critical picture of the "Sphinx
from Springfield" and observes that "few Presidents have launched upon their
tasks with prestige as slight as that of Abraham Lincoln In the East especially
he was distrusted and regarded as inadequate to the crisis which confronted him
. . . there were many who snobbishly dismissed him as a 'simple susan'."
90 The original Commission, as signed by Gov. Hammond, and attested to by
Will Wallace, Notary Public, is preserved under date of January 13, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 4. Harrison's commission was for a term of four years.
i Martin, op. cit., p. 60. On this day John Scott Harrison wrote a very
pessimistic letter to Ben: "papers are full of bad news. I think your Republican
friends are assuming great responsibility. They talk of not treating with
armed traitors . . . [but] we want to save Kentucky, Tennessee, North Caro-
lina, Virginia, Maryland etc., etc., ... are these states not worth an effort? If we can
save them, there is hope that the horrors of Civil War may be prevented." As Ran-
dall, op. cit., p. 223, observes: "Many thought Lincoln would be President only in
name, and that Seward would be the directing force in the new administration."
On this point Scott Harrison wrote Ben that "Seward can save us if he will will he
dp it? I confess I believe not. He has until now folded his senatorial robes about
him with phaiisaical sanctity, as if his garments were unspotted and now that the
conflagration is almost past subduing he proposes suggesting a remedy . . . away
with such patriots." J. S. Harrison to Benjamin, January 14, 1861, Harrison MSS.
THE CRITICAL YEARS, i860 AND l86l 157
In view of the threatening attitude assumed by the Southern
states it was deemed proper by the newly elected Hoosier Assem-
bly to unfurl the American flag from the State House dome, and
the ceremony was fixed for January 22, 1861. After an elaborate
parade the flag began to be raised. Suddenly, the staff broke and
with the flag tumbled down the dome to the roof. A feeling of
shock and fear shot through the great crowd. Silently they dis-
persed, deeming the event ominous of trouble. 92
The ensuing month of February was one of mystery and ex-
pectation. Lincoln was slowly making his way to Washington. In
Indiana, Benjamin Harrison and his Hoosier contemporaries
joined the rest of the country in keeping a close watch on the
actions and the statements of the President-elect. Though each
succeeding day made this pre-inaugural period one of intense
indecision, 98 most of the American people hoped that Lincoln
would break his long silence by dropping some clue to his con-
templated policy.
The grave problem of national disunity was catapulted by pub-
lic discussion into the crisis stage. The people still looked to the
new political incumbents for guidance. The Republicans, shortly
to take over the presidency, were definitely on the spot. Either
they would act, and act decisively, or else fall into disrepute. By
mid-February, when Southern secession became a reality, most
of recently elected Republicans began to take one of three posi-
tions. Some took the view that secession might as well be acqui-
esced in; others tried to find a satisfactory basis for compromise;
the third and more numerous group insisted that secession was
rebellion pure and simple, and as such could only be answered
with military force. 94
On this critical issue of secession and Northern reaction to it
Benjamin Harrison stood with his party in Indiana, and there
could be no mistaking that these men were prepared to take up
arms to preserve the Union. As early as November 22, 1860,
Oliver Perry Morton, party chieftain and now Governor, pointed
92 Indianapolis Directory, 1868, pp. 7&-8o.
93 For an excellent and scholarly treatment of this historical period between
Lincoln's election and his inauguration see Wood Gray, The Hidden Civil War
(New York, 1942), pp. 31-50.
158 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
out in forceful language that compromise or acquiescence in dis-
union would be fatal to American nationality. 95 It was known to
every party member that compromise or acquiescence in secession
"would almost certainly lead to the disruption and overthrow of
the Republican Party." 96 Although these sentiments were enter-
tained by local leaders like Morton and Harrison, this was not
the important question in February, 1861. The universal con-
cern was the secret locked in Lincoln's heart. With what group
would he stand? What policy or plan was evolving within the
secret recesses of his mind? In the hope of hearing some kind of
answer from the lips of the one man who could reassure their
anxious hearts, the people of Indianapolis, on February 1 1, 1861,
awaited the personal appearance of the "strange man from Illi-
nois." Even the more enthusiastic and optimistic of his followers
felt that Lincoln would not condescend to break his pre-presi-
dential silence, despite the fact that he owed so much, in a politi-
cal sense, to Hoosier Republicans.
His speeches to date along the route had been all too reserved,
"colorless, if not actually trivial." 97 If Charles Francis Adams and
his contemporaries distrusted Lincoln as "an absolutely unknown
quantity . . . perambulating the country, kissing little girls and
growing whiskers," 98 the crestfallen Democrats of Indianapolis
were no less suspicious on the afternoon of his scheduled arrival
in their city. The Democratic Daily Sentinel fanned the fires of
distrust when it published an editorial entitled: "Mr. Lincoln's
Visit to Indianapolis":
Mr. Lincoln is a theorist, a dreamer, and perhaps, an enthusiast in
his convictions. He is not a practical man, and for that reason will be
deficient in those qualities necessary to wisely administer the govern-
ment. He lacks will, purpose and a resolute determination to success.
For those reasons Mr. Lincoln will be an uncertain man; and today,
with a full knowledge of his views upon the present condition of our
public affairs, it will be impossible to predict what his action will
85 Foulke, op. cit., I, 86-96. Morton's keynote was struck in the following words:
"We must then cling to the ideal that we are a nation, one and indivisible, and that
although subdivided by state lines ... we are one people ... we must therefore do
no act, we must tolerate no act, we must concede no idea or theory that looks to or
involves the dismemberment of the nation" (p. 90).
96 Gray, op. cit. f p. 37.
8T Randall, op. cit., p. 222.
88 Charles Francis Adams, Charles Francis Adams, 1835-1915; An Autobiography
(New York, 1916), p. 82.
THE CRITICAL YEARS, i860 AND l86l 159
be. At a time when it requires a man of nerve, will and purpose to
administer the Government successfully, it is most unfortunate that
the administration of our public affairs should be confided to such
hands."
Benjamin Harrison, however, did not share this pessimistic
view of the man whom political opponents delighted in taunt-
ing as "the Sphinx from Springfield." To Indiana's new Supreme
Court Reporter who had supported Lincoln's candidacy as ear-
nestly as he had his own, the President-elect appeared as a "great
simple hearted patriot." 100 He took an active part in preparing
a warm welcome for the man who in little over a year would be
his Commander-in-Chief in a prolonged war to preserve the
Union.
The detailed arrangements for Lincoln's reception were com-
pleted, and the right and left wings of the procession knew their
precise movements a long time in advance. 101 The care taken by
the committee on arrangements and the efforts of the Young Re-
publicans to provide a fitting welcome for their national leader
would not go unacknowledged. As Harrison later stated of Lin-
coln, "he was not unappreciative of friendship, not without am-
bition to be esteemed . . . whose overmastering and dominant
life's thought was to be useful to his country and to his country-
men." 102
Toward evening, the Indiana capital was in readiness. Hotels
and business houses spread their bunting, and the main streets
were thronged. An excursion train of eight cars came in about
half past four and stopped at the crossing selected for Lincoln's
arrival and an old gentleman with a carpet sack in his hands got
99 Indianapolis Daily Sentinel, February is, 1861. The concluding sentence read:
"In his present tour, the President-Elect will come into contact mostly, if not en-
tirely, with office seekers, and he will have little opportunity to ascertain the true
sentiment of the country upon the issues that threaten the dissolution of govern-
ment." Seventy-five years later, Randall, op. cit., p. 223, would write: Lincoln's
"preoccupation with hordes of office seekers to the neglect of weightier matters, his
social awkwardness, his caution, interpreted as timidity, in approaching critical
problems, his inexperience in the management of great affairs, all contributed to
the unfavorable impression."
100 Benjamin Harrison, Views of An Ex-President, p. 473.
101 The Indianapolis Daily Journal for February 11, 1861, carried the full pro-
gram for the reception.
102 Harrison, op. cit., p. 473. Harrison spoke these words at the Lincoln Day Ban-
quet of the Marquette Club, Chicago, February 12, 1898.
160 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
out. The cry rose that he was Mr. Lincoln, and a rush and scram-
ble was made for him. He enjoyed the joke, seemingly, but hur-
ried on, elbowing his way with sturdy independence, and suc-
ceeded in leading off several hundred noisy urchins as far as the
Bates House. 103
Finally, at five o'clock, the train carrying the President-elect
and his suite arrived. Lincoln received the national salute of
thirty-four guns, and the grand procession got under way. At
Bates House, Governor Morton made a speech of welcome and
introduced Lincoln to the people. The newly elected leader
placed the question of preserving the Union in the hands of the
people themselves:
I appeal to you ... to constantly bear in mind that with you, and
not with politicians, not with Presidents, not with office-seekers, but
with you is the question: Shall the Union and shall the Liberties of
this country be preserved to the latest generations? 104
Benjamin was in the audience, and has left his impressions of
the moment: "it seemed to me hardly to be a glad crowd, and
he not to be a glad man. There was no sense of culpability either
in their hearts or in his; no faltering; no disposition to turn back,
but the hour was shadowed with forebodings." 105
Lincoln made a profound impression on Benjamin Harrison
on that occasion. Thirty-eight years later, after Harrison himself
had piloted the ship of state for four years, he could recall:
Before us stood our chosen leader, the man who was to be our pilot
through seas more stormy and through channels more perilous than
ever the old ship went before. He had piloted the lumbering flat-boat
on our western streams, but he was now to take the helm of the great
ship. His experience in public office had been brief, and not con-
spicuous. He had no general acquaintance with the people of the
whole country. His large angular frame and face, his broad humor,
his homely illustrations and simple ways, seemed to very many of his
fellow-countrymen to portray a man and a mind that, while acute
and powerful, had not that nice balance and touch of statecraft that
the perilous way before us demanded. No college of arts had opened
103 Indianapolis Daily Sentinel, February is, 1861.
104 The Claypool Hotel now stands on the site of the old Bates House. On the
Washington Street side is a bronze memorial plaque bearing these words.
105 Harrison, op. cit., p. 473. For a detailed and interesting account of this epi-
sode see George S. Cottman, "Lincoln in Indianapolis," Indiana Magazine of His-
tory, 24 (1928), 3 ff.
THE CRITICAL YEARS, l86o AND l86l l6l
to his struggling youth; he had been born in a cabin and reared
among the unlettered. He was a rail-splitter, a flatboatman, a country
lawyer. . . . The course before him was lighted only by the lamp of
duty; outside its radiance all was dark. He seemed to me to be con-
scious of all this, to be weighted by it, but so strong was his sense of
duty, so courageous his heart, so sure was he of his own high purposes
and motives and of the favor of God for himself and his people, that
he moved forward calmly to his appointed work; not with show and
brag, neither with shrinking. 106
The next day, Lincoln resumed his slow journey to Washing-
ton and Harrison continued in his duties as Reporter of the In-
diana Supreme Court decisions. He tried, also, to maintain his
law practice. This double burden meant long work hours during
the day and, more frequently than not, hours borrowed from the
night. More and more, Ben found that the law was a jealous mis-
tress. Though he could spend but little time with Carrie and the
two children, he took consolation in the knowledge that his work
was for them and for the new home he hoped soon to give them.
To make this possible he busied himself with texts, indices, syl-
labi and clients.
February and March passed without incident. Lincoln now
held the reins of government. An expectant attitude on both
sides had been maintained. Although conflicting declarations had
been made, at least the evil day when declaration must be trans-
lated into violent action was delayed. By April 12, Harrison
found that he had collected enough material to publish his vol-
ume of reports. The better to secure himself from interruption
while making the index to the volume, he took refuge in a base-
ment room of the old First Presbyterian Church on the Gover-
nor's Circle. Here he was when the news of the firing on Fort
Sumter was brought to him. 107
106 Harrison, op. cit., pp. 473-75.
107 Wallace, op. cit., pp. 86-57.
CHAPTER VIII
The Call to Arms
MONE PRESENT in Indianapolis upon that fateful Friday
raning of April 12, 1861, ever forgot the telegraphic
espatch which announced that the Charleston batteries
had opened fire on Fort Sumter. By morning, all the citizens had
been alerted by the alarming news of what certainly meant civil
war.
Through the long Saturday that followed, business was at a stand.
. . . The streets were black with breathless multitudes awaiting the
tidings of the seventy loyal men in an unfurnished fort, bombarded
by ten thousand raging rebels. At ten o'clock a despatch was an-
nounced, "Sumter has fallen/' 1
By late evening the spirit of war pervaded the hearts of young
and old alike. Excitement gi ew as flags waved and patriotic music
sounded. 2 The young men of Harrison's age took their cue "from
the wet eyes of old and venerated citizens/' 8 Into their young and
eager hands was falling a trust, the sacred trust of fighting to pre-
serve the Union.
This was Harrison's difficult hour. In early manhood, still two
years shy of thirty, the fighting blood of his fighting grandfather
raced through his veins. The immediate urge to take up arms was
1 W. D. Foulke, O. P. Morton, 1, 1 14.
2 J. P. Dunn, Indiana and Indianans. Chapter 21 of the first volume was contrib-
uted by John H. Holiday, a resident of Indianapolis during the Civil War. Soon
after the war, Holliday founded the Indianapolis News, of which for many years he
was the editor. Jacob Piatt Dunn claims that Holliday's "personal familiarity with
the subject, coupled with extensive research given in preparation of this article,
make it a contribution to local history especially worthy of preservation." Actually,
Holliday published this work under his own name in 1911 as Vol. 4, No. o, of the
Indiana Historical Society Publications.
a Foulke, op. cit., 1, 114.
lf>2
o ^
z 1
M c
ffi 2
H ?
W r
8 ;
fc
M
"
H
QJ
.2
^j
SH
3 **
>H I-H
Z w
2 2
2 ^
o
5 S
ffi
THE CALL TO ARMS lg
terribly pressing. Momentarily, he hesitated. Could he, in all
fairness, leave Carrie and the two children? What would be the
better thing? Tomorrow was Sunday, and perhaps in the peace
and quiet of the sanctuary a right decision could be made. Ordi-
narily, this active Presbyterian elder would have found the wor-
ship hour a splendid opportunity to ponder his future in the war
at hand.
It was useless, however, for the day was "as complete an ob-
literation of Sunday" 4 as Indianapolis had ever seen. From every
pulpit the preachers rallied Christians to the support of their
country's cause. 5 Following the religious sen-ices two immense
mass meetings were held, and resolutions were passed, pledging
to the government "the lives, the fortunes and the sacred honor
of the people of Indiana, in whatever capacity and at whatever
time the country might require them." 6 Under these conditions,
certainly, the possibility of his making a dispassionate decision
seemed all the more remote.
In the days that followed, Hoosierdom mobilized for war. 7 In
response to Lincoln's call for 75,000 men for three months, In-
diana volunteers soon began to pour into the capital by train, on
horseback, and on foot. Practically every activity other than prep-
aration for war was brought to a pause.
Responsibility always rested heavily upon Harrison's shoul-
ders, and, after Sumter fell, his ultimate decision to remain at
Indianapolis severely taxed his discretionary powers. Consider-
ing himself a prominent member of the political party that
"talked of not treating with armed traitors," 8 he sensed an addi-
tional obligation to exercise his patriotic virtue on the field of
battle with the same vigor as he had on the political rostrum.
Although he had kept his silent counsel during those torturing
days of waiting, prior to the bombardment in South Carolina,
* Indianapolis Daily State Sentinel and Daily Journal, April 15, 2861.
5 Kenneth Stampp, Indiana Politics during the Civil War, p. 71. Also Foulke,
op. cit., p. 115: "The country's cause was the theme at the churches; it was in the
prayers, in the sermons and in the songs."
6 Foulke, op. cit., p. 115.
7 Stampp, op. cit., p. 73, notes: "for the present at least the episode at Fort Sum-
ter had cleared the air and brought unity to Indiana and to the Republican party
indeed, unity out of disunion."
8 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, January 14, 1861, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
iG< BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
this silence was in no way indicative of a lack of interest or of
a policy of salutary neglect. Two months before Sumter's sur-
render, Harrison's father had remarked:
You say but little of politics, and yet I know you feel a deep interest
in the result of the present crisis. Bearing as you do the name of one
of the founders of the Republic, you must hope and pray for its per-
petuity I confess to you I can scarcely see a single star in this night
of gloom.
Frequent parades, the roar of cannon and the bluster of martial
music 10 did not render his decision to remain at home any more
easy. Only the two-pronged consideration of his material welfare
and of his manifold domestic obligations snapped his dream of
military glory. The sober reality Harrison faced in mid-April,
1861, deterred him from offering to Governor Morton his serv-
ices as a volunteer. His responsibility was by no means confined
to the support of Carrie and the two children Russell nearly
seven and Mamie just turned three. A third child was expected;
when Lincoln issued his first call for volunteers, Carrie was in
the seventh month of her pregnancy. Harrison also had to reckon
with two more dependents in his growing household. His younger
brother, John, lived w r ith the family while attending an Indian-
apolis school, 11 and Harry Eaton, a nephew from Cincinnati, in-
creased the family circle to six. 12 Had charity and kindnesses to
his family ceased here, perhaps no serious inroads would have
been made upon Benjamin's financial resources. This was not
the case, however, for his meticulously kept expense account re-
veals cash loans and outright gifts to his brother Carter and to
his sister Jennie. 13
Under these circumstances Harrison chose the more practical
course. He returned to his law office and resumed his duties as
9 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, February 7, 1861, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
10 Indianapolis Daily State Sentinel, April 17, 23, 27, 1861.
11 John Scott Karrison to Benjamin, January 14, 1861, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
12 Harry Eaton was sister Betty's boy. Perhaps Ben was repaying his own debt of
gratitude for lodging and keep with the Batons during his days of legal study in the
Queen City. See Betty Eaton to Benjamin Harrison, February 6, 1861: "Thanks for
asking Harry to come and live with you. I take great pleasure in knowing he will
share with \our own little ones your kindness." Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
13 Almost excessive charity within the family circle was one of Ben's strong
points all his life. Often, it was practiced at a great sacrifice to himself and his own
family. "Personal Notes and Bills for 1860-1862," Harrison MSS.
THE CALL TO ARMS 165
Supreme Court Reporter. Despite a consistently good income
from his partnership in the Wallace and Harrison law firm, and
the prospect of increased revenues from his lucrative post as Re-
porter, 14 he still found it difficult to make ends meet. Conse-
quently, he continued to borrow money from his life-long friend,
Albert Gallatin Porter, a man destined to be Governor of Indiana
from 1881 to 1885 and minister to Italy during Harrison's ad-
ministration as President. At this time, the young lawyer was
indebted to Porter for almost three thousand dollars and was
paying a semi-annual interest on his note that fell just short of
one hundred dollars. 15
Harrison deemed that his place was in Indianapolis where he
could satisfy his civil and domestic obligations. Yet, love of coun-
try engrossed him and he was hard pressed in abiding by his de-
cision. Fortunately, however, Indiana was soon ready to place
some 12,000 troops in the lines, and this number was more than
double the quota assigned the state by Lincoln's directive. 16 Har-
rison gained no little consolation from the knowledge that In-
diana was first among the states to fill the volunteer quota. Con-
sequently, when Governor Morton offered to oversubscribe, 17 it
was time to forget his initial disappointment at being left behind.
It would be important for him to execute his professional and
civil duties with a clear mind and an undivided heart.
Harrison gave himself to his work a bit too conscientiously.
Long hours, it is true, increased the family treasury, but the
physical strain soon began to tell. This oversteady application to
work, a habit formed in college and developed in Storer's law
office, effected a perceptible change in Benjamin's manner. He
had little time to devote to his wife and children*. Though Car-
rie maintained an understanding silence, one wonders if she did
i* Benjamin Harrison's Ledger for 1854 to 1867 (Ac. *6g8 Add. 8) Harrison MSS,
indicates that he had many suits in the Marion County Common Pleas Court dur-
ing 1861.
15 Among Harrison's "Notes and Bills" for 1859 is the following item: "Indian-
apolis, Indiana, August 30, 1859 ... Received of Benjamin Harrison, Esq., $88.50
in full for the first half year's interest on his notes for $2,950 to me. A. G. Porter."
Harrison MSS.
is David Stevenson and Theodore Scribner, Indiana's Roll of Honor (Indianap-
olis, 1864, 1866), I, 20. For a more colorful account see Irving McKee, "Ben-Hur"
Wallace (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1947), pp. 31-46.
17 Kenneth P. Williams, Lincoln Finds a General (New York, 1949), I, 60-62.
166 BENJAMIN* HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
not share the sadness of Mary Owens, who said of Lincoln that
"he was deficient in those little links which make up the great
chain of woman's happiness." 13 It was not long, however, before
John Scott Harrison was apprised of his son's overindulgence in
work. Almost immediately a letter issued from The Point: "You
must take care that you do not overtax yourself ... for what is
wealth and honor without health?" Had John Scott concluded
his paternal exhortation there, it would have been nothing more
than a routine admonition. In his shrewdness, however, and from
the intimate knowledge he possessed of his son, he added a para-
graph, the wisdom of which the younger and immature man
learned to appreciate only after three years' absence in the army:
I have thought that a professional man when he leaves his office in
the evening should leave the study and care behind him and direct
his energies to the enjoyment of his family and innocent social pleas-
ure. I do not know, however, that this is always practicable, and yet
as far as possible I think it ought to be observed . . . too much care
and study is apt to make a man unsocial and morose . . . and profes-
sional men should remember that their families have claims upon
them as well as their clients or patients. 19
The overworked lawyer seems to have accepted the gentle
warning with a gracious determination to strike a happy balance
between work and play. He attempted to make time in which to
enjoy the comforts of home after working hours, yet he himself
would have been the first to admit that his efforts were none too
successful. The time-consuming labors of his Supreme Court task,
added to the strenuous demands of his regular practice, seemed
to deprive him completely of the normal hours for leisurely liv-
ing. His root fault stemmed from an excess of virtue, for Ben-
jamin Harrison in his reading and study was a very miser of time,
never wasting a moment.
He had discovered that a Supreme Court Reporter was a com-
18 David Donald, Lincoln's Herndon (New York, 1948), p. 188.
19 John Scott Harrison was not too harsh on his son. The father added in the
next sentence: "I am grateful to learn of the confidence reposed in you by the
Church. He who wears worthily the honors of the Church of Christ, cannot fail to
be the worthy recipient of the honors of his country . . . would to God that more of
our office holders were God-fearing men." J. S. Harrison to Benjamin, February 7,
1861, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4. It is well to bear in mind that Ben's duties as a Presby-
terian elder were not slight. See Centennial Memorial of The First Presbyterian
Church (Indianapolis, 1925), p. 129.
THE CALL TO ARMS 167
bination of civil servant and private business man. Although
keeping and editing the detailed records of court trials and judi-
cial decisions necessarily entailed long hours of solitary work, the
undertaking carried its own reward. Harrison the civil servant
recorded and published the decisions, while Harrison the private
business man found a ready market for the sale of his work in
bound volumes. State officials, including the Governor, leading
members of the Indiana bar, and various state institutions were
eager and certain customers. The price averaged around $4.50
per volume, and the ultimate personal gain was no trifling sum.
He was honest enough to reveal the ambition motivating his
labors. "I hope to make out of this office . . . enough to pay for
my house and lot." 20 Yet the question he raised in his own mind
was whether the sacrifice and effort were really worth the guar-
anteed income. This daily preoccupation was a grind from which
both he and Carrie suffered many inconveniences, though his
wife was quite willing to make the sacrifice for a home they could
call their own. Regret did not take hold until Harrison had en-
tered the army and was separated from his wife well over six
months. Then he yearned for reunion with her in order to "ap-
preciate the unselfish and confiding love you have manifested for
me." He proceeded to make a conscience-cleansing confession:
I now see so many faults in my domestic life that I long for an op
portunity to correct. I know I could make your life so much happier
than ever before . . . what need we care for earthly riches, if we can
only be rich in the love of God and each other. 21
Before the Civil War was three months old, a black cloud of
personal sorrow temporarily engulfed the Harrison home. Carrie
lost at birth the child whom she and Ben awaited as their "third
pet." 23 Their sorrow was intense and prolonged despite the many
consoling messages of sympathy that poured in from relatives and
friends. Yet, the rare beauty and warmth of the condolences ex-
pressed by John Scott Harrison, who knew this type of sorrow
only too well and too frequently, certainly revived their spirits:
20 Benjamin Harrison to his wife, August 23, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4, Nos.
692-93-
21 Benjamin Harrison to his wife, November 30, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4,
No. 748.
22 On June 13, 1861, Ben noted his expense for a child's coffin and box for the
grave, amounting to $10.50.
i68 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
I hear with sorrow the loss and disappointment you sustained in
the death of your little babe but few will doubt that your loss has
been her infinite gain. She has exchanged a world of sin for one of
purity and bliss. . . .
You have lost a little one, too young to know and love you . . . but
God in his mercy is sparing to you two bright and intelligent children
who have learned to do this . . . and you should, and do feel grateful
that He has been disposed to withhold what would have been still a
more bitter cup. Such afflictions fall more heavily upon the bereaved
mother . . . and Carrie has our sincere sympathy. . . . M
Early in June, however, came the event that served, at least
partially, to lift the Harrisons from the doldrums. It was the
startling report that the Eleventh Indiana Volunteers, 24 under
the command of Colonel Lew Wallace, 25 had made an effective
raid upon Romney, Virginia, forty-six miles southwest of Cum-
berland, Maryland. This news of a Confederate retreat was more
than timely, for, after two months of uneventful war, the Indian-
apolis public was starved for news of action. Up to this moment,
neither citizens nor soldiers had much to cheer about. The Elev-
enth had merely been at Evansville, Indiana, policing the Ohio
River instead of winning glory on the field of battle. Now came
the report that Hoosier troops had marched over the mountains
and had won no mean skirmish. 26
While they contributed to the spontaneous applause that
greeted this news of the rebel retreat, Ben and Carrie took a
personal joy and delight in the Eleventh's success. Each had a
brother in this regiment, Lieutenant Irwin Harrison and Private
Henry Scott, each of whom had enlisted for three months. Ben
23 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin Harrison, June 25, 1861, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 4.
24 Called the Eleventh Regiment because the units began with the Sixth, follow-
ing the Mexican War's Fifth.
25 Wallace first took over the state's Adjutant General's office and, when Indiana's
quota was more than met, resigned his office to become a colonel. Lew Wallace was
the brother of Harrison's law partner, Will Wallace, and the entire Wallace family
had been intimate with the Harrisons since the territorial days under Governor
William Henry Harrison.
28 The military importance of this small event is vividly described by Williams,
op. cit. t I, 70-73, as "a good example of the unexpected repercussion that a small
e\ent can have"; he remarked that "nothing Stonewall Jackson's famous 'foot-
cavalry' ever did was much better than that." As Irving McKee, Lew Wallace's
biographer points out, the Eleventh was credited with frightening Joe Johnston
from Harper's Ferry and with the reopening of the Baltimore and Ohio to Union
traffic (op. cit., pp. 37-^8).
THE CALL TO ARMS 169
yielded readily to his brother's almost immediate request for "a
pair of Captain's shoulder straps." 27 Of his brother-in-law, Henry
Scott, he inquired about his "chance of promotion of any kind"
and suggested that Lew Wallace might have some position "in
his gift." 25
Judging from his correspondence, it is quite evident that Ben
had taken a keen and fraternal interest in Henry Scott's welfare.
Shortly before the outbreak of the war, Henry had come to make
his home with the Harrisons, and by the head of the family he
had been treated more like a brother by blood than by marriage.
In short order, he had begun to read law with Wallace and Har-
rison, supported by the remunerative duties of a Notary Public. 29
\Vhen Will Wallace was nominated for the Clerkship of Marion
County and was necessarily absent from the office a great deal,
Ben Harrison relied more and more on the ability and services
of Henry Scott. When he had marched away with the Eleventh
Indiana in early May, he was sorely missed at the office. Toward
the end of his term of enlistment, the question of signing up for
three more years had been raised. His sister Carrie was definitely
against it, and, although work-weary and distressed at the thought
of being deprived of his valuable services for so long a period,
Ben penned to Henry one of his characteristically deliberate let-
ters:
Carrie tells me she has urged it upon you very strongly not to enter
for the three years service, upon the ground that I needed you at
home. I need not say that you were more useful to me than anyone I
have ever had in the office and about home, but notwithstanding all
this, I would not have you to do anything you might esteem a re-
proach on any such account. 30
It would not have been typical of Harrison to conclude his
message with so brief and simple a statement of the problem. As
27jrwin Harrison to Benjamin Harrison, June 24, 1861, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4:
"You promised me while a Lieutenant to give me a pair of shoulder straps," Irwin
wrote, "I will now accept them, and you will please send me a pair of Captain's
straps . . . direct your letter to Capt. A. I. Harrison. . . ."
23 Benjamin Harrison to Henry M. Scott, June 3, 1861, Harrison MSS (Harrison
Memorial Home, Indianapolis).
29 Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook Series, Vol. i f p. 13, Harrison MSS.
so Benjamin Harrison to Henry M. Scott, June 3, 1861, Harrison MSS (Indian-
apolis). This letter was discovered hidden in Harrison's old desk.
170 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
he had felt constrained to express his views on the re-enlistment
problem that faced Lincoln and the Northern soldiers, he added:
It might be that many a man entered for 3 mos. service, whose
circumstances were such that he could not enter for 3 years. We are
all governed a good deal by the question "What will people say or
think?'* I do not know what I should do under similar circumstances.
It is a question for you, but in determining it, do not suffer any con-
sideration for my supposed convenience to influence you one way or
the other ... I shall get along very well and should you return (which
God grant you may), whether it be after three months or three years,
you will find a place for you in my family and in my office. 81
The concluding paragraphs of this long letter were charged
with concern for Henry's moral welfare. The young soldier was
warned to "avoid with more care the vices of the camp than you
would the enemy's bullets . . . they are more deadly ---- By your
priceless and immortal soul, let not the ribaldry of companions
keep you from Scripture reading and prayers." 82
Eventually, however, neither patriotism nor human respect
were determining factors in Henry Scott's decision to leave mili-
tary service at the end of three months. Under constant drill and
the other rigors of army life, his health broke badly. Strangely
enough, just about the time John Scott Harrison was writing to
Indianapolis on his fears that "this hot weather will kill more of
our men in camp than the balls of the enemy in the field," 88
young Henry Scott, a sick man, was entraining for Indianapolis.
True to his promise, Ben gave young Henry a warm welcome to
the family circle. Through Carrie's special care the ex-soldier was
soon restored to tolerable health, and before September was far
spent he was back in the office rendering able assistance to the law
firm.
Henry Scott's return was a stroke of good fortune for Harrison,
who was complaining that Will Wallace was unable to pull his
half of the legal load. He used to refer to Wallace, the Republican
candidate for Clerk of Marion County, as the man who had not
82 Ben's concern for Scott's spiritual welfare was deep. "I hope you have not for-
gotten to remember your Creator in the camp ____ I hope to have you returned to
us not only safe in body but with a soul unscarred with sin. You have our daily
prayers that God would make you his own and keep your heart in innocence." Ibid.
88 Tohn Scott Harrison tn Rmisunni- Anonm o iftfit Homc/^ M"CC ir^i >
done a lick of work since his nomination, and bitingly added
"nor for some months before." 34 Henry Scott's presence tempo-
rarily filled the breach, but with Wallace's success at the polls in
November, the law firm of Wallace and Harrison hastened to the
brink of dissolution. Finally, in December, 1861, with mutual
good feeling, the six-year partnership was terminated. Both men
had taken long and successful strides down the highway of law
and politics.
Less than two weeks had passed before Benjamin Harrison had
associated himself in his second important legal venture. William
Pinkney Fishback, a rather polished speaker and quick-witted In-
dianapolis attorney, was glad to accept second place in the new
firm. 35 On December 1 1, 1861, they hung out their newly painted
Harrison and Fishback shingle at 62 E. Washington Street. 30
Henry Scott soon took space with them and, though not yet quali-
fied to affiliate as a third member in the firm, performed valuable
service as a Notary Public. This new combination of legal talent
was extremely friendly. "Pink" Fishback, as he was known, was
the scourge of everything lazy, and he fitted in perfectly with Har-
rison's capacity for work. He had known Ben intimately from
their school days, when Harrison evidently had created a very
fine first impression by his ready eloquence:
I remember his facility in extemporaneous speech amazed me . * . a
faculty which he has improved wonderfully. In all my knowledge of
him I never knew him to trip in a sentence. He seemed to see about
two well-rounded sentences ahead of him all the time. 87
34 Benjamin Harrison to Henry Scott, June 3, 1861, Harrison MSS (Indianapolis).
35 Fishback was late of Conner and Fishback, recognized attorneys in the city,
and had seen Harrison in action on several occasions. Fishback declared that "of all
the men I have known in professional life, Ben Harrison is the most diligent, pains-
taking and thorough/' Wallace, op. tit., p. 174.
36 This new office of Harrison and Fishback was located over Munson and
Johnson's store. The new partnership was widely advertised. Indianapolis Daily
Journal, January i, 1869.
87 Lew Wallace, Life of Gen. Ben Harrison, p. 173, cites a letter he received from
W. P. Fishback, under date of July 13, 1888, wherein Fishback places his first meet-
ing with Harrison at Miami in 1850. A thorough search of the Alumni and Former
Student Catalogue of Miami University, 1800-1802 (Oxford, Ohio, 1892) yields no
evidence of Fishback's presence at the institution. Internal evidence based on
Fishback's letters and other statements in the press indicate a dose association with
Harrison during his days at Oxford.
172 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Harrison had come a long way since his first law partnership
in 1855. Now he was widely known in every county of the state.
His apprehension was quick and sure, but his genius lay in ap-
plication and a determination to master every question which
came before him. Not content merely with painstaking work on
briefs, he enjoyed the contests of the courtroom. Six years of
practice had contributed no little to Harrison's maturity along
legal lines. Just before they disbanded, Wallace was asked: "What
impression did Harrison make among lawyers?" From the reply
it is not difficult to understand Fishback's satisfaction in associat-
ing himself with Harrison, whom Wallace characterized as pos-
sessing:
. . . admirable qualities as a lawyer . . . quick of apprehension, dear,
methodical and logical in his analysis and statement of any case. He
possessed a natural faculty of getting the exact truth of a witness
either by direct or cross-examination. In this respect he has but few
equals Always exacting from Courts and Jurys their closest atten-
tion and interest in the cause . . . when . . . demanded . . . illustrating
the rarest powers of the genius orator. He is a hard worker, giving to
every case the best of his skill and labor, so that he never went unpre-
pared, trusting to good luck, the want of skill, or the negligence of the
other side. 38
Another factor that considerably brightened the prospects was
Harrison's own growing reputation within the Republican Party.
He had climbed several rungs of the ladder of political popular-
ity and influence, said reports that reached his father back on the
Ohio farm. John Scott Harrison, who still occasionally scoffed
at the Republican party and advised his son against too close a
connection with politics and politicians, now wrote in a some-
what different strain:
. . . you have a more influential position in your own party than per-
haps you are aware 1 heard a wealthy merchant of Lawrenceburg
say not long since that he regarded you the strongest and most influ-
ential man of your age in the state . . . that ... is of course known to
the powers at Washington. 89
88 Indianapolis Journal, June 30, 1888.
^ 59 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin Harrison, July 10, 1861, Harrison MSS,
THE CALL TO ARMS 173
By reliability rather than any striking talents or political con-
nections, Harrison lifted his firm to the front rank among In-
dianapolis law offices. Business men liked him because he was
instinctively conservative in his advice, and because he devoted
untiring attention to their cases. An example of the confidence
he enjoyed with men of business was afforded by James L. Hill 8:
Co., insurance dealers of Springfield, Illinois. The company had
a particularly obnoxious debtor, picturesquely described as a
"slippery dog, wide awake and will need very close watching/' 40
The actual business of collecting the company's claim was en-
trusted to Harrison with a show of confidence that speaks for
itself: "If you see any chance, please do with the claim as if it
were your own. I have entire confidence in you . . . shall rely en-
tirely upon your sagacity." 41
The increased volume of business that fell to the new law firm
enabled Harrison to realize a greater income than he had antici-
pated, although he had been relying confidently on the profits
from the publication of Volumes 15 and 16 of the Indiana Re-
ports. 42 Consequently, he felt himself in a position to make a
new investment, and the need that stood highest on the Harri-
son list was a new home. 43 Good fortune, in the person of Albeit
Gallatin Porter, gave more than a gentle knock at the door. Ben
and Carrie were very alert to what they considered a grand op-
portunity. Porter, their friend and creditor, unexpectedly came
into the possession of some property and was anxious to dispose
of it. Since he was aware that the Harrisons had put up with
crowded quarters for a long period, Porter proposed to sell them
40 James L. Hill & Co. to Benjamin Harrison, Esq., November 5, 1861, Harrison
MSS, Vol. 4. Evidence is also given that Harrison was not slow to use his famous
name as a recommendation and a guarantee of integrity.
41 Ibid. From Harrison's handwritten notation on this letter we know that the
claim was collected and the case disposed of much to the satisfaction of the Hill Co.
42 Testimony of John Caven, the man Harrison appointed as his deputy in the
Office of Supreme Court Reporter after he himself entered service. An unidentified
newspaper clipping in B. Harrison Scrapbook, Vol. 52, p. 94, Harrison MSS.
43 Concern over these crowded living conditions was frequently expressed by
John Scott Harrison, especially when it came to boarding young Johnny during his
schooling days. John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, December 26, 1861, Harrison
MSS, Vol. 4, writes: "But I am unwilling to impose too much of a burden upon you.
Your family is large, perhaps too large for your comfort I have therefore to ask
that if John is in any way of your family convenience and comfort in the least
degree you will provide him some cheap but respectable boarding house."
174 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
both house and property, allowing cash payments on time. Fur-
ther than this, he gave Harrison the advantage of extending his
previous notes as long as he desired. 44
The property was located on the southeast corner of Alabama
and North Streets, and the house, though somewhat remodeled,
was a good example of old-style architecture. It was a frame build-
ing two stories high, with small upstairs windows, common in
residences at that time. An old stable, set back on the alley of
the same lot, was a welcome part of the purchase that was made
almost immediately. Moving-in day was a happy occasion.
As might be expected, the pleasure and enjoyment of a new
home also entailed some sacrifices, mostly financial. On this ac-
count, Harrison soon made himself the scapegoat. He felt con-
strained to work twice as hard in order to meet his newly in-
curred financial obligations. Fishback noticed how heavily his
partner carried his new responsibility:
During the time I was his partner he worked like a slave. He was
Reporter of the Supreme Court and prepared the "syllabuses" or
"syllabi," as the case may be, at his home at night He was working
to pay for his house, and came near wrecking his health by over
work. 45
While Benjamin Harrison was wrestling more or less success-
fully with his many problems throughout 1861 and the early
weeks of 1862, the nation was not faring so well. After absorbing
the initial shocks of the civil war, the people grew more and
more accustomed to marching troops and blaring bands. Actually
the Northern war feeling that ran so high after Sumter's surren-
der and was intensified by the Union reverse at Bull Run 46 had
slackened perceptibly during the waning days of 1861. Perhaps
at Indianapolis, Harrison was not fully aware of the Eastern
** Mr. Porter fame into the possession of the property through some kind of
trade and was glad to sell to Harrison. "He said he would sell it on time and give
him as long as he wanted to pay so the property was purchased for something
like one thousand dollars . . . Harrison making two payments on it before he went
to war and the rest afterwards." Indianapolis Journal, July i, 1888.
45 Wallace, op. cit. r p. 174.
46 Wood Gray, The Hidden Cwil War, pp. 52-60: "The reverse at Bull Run
seemed only to intensify the unity and determination of the section and led to
demands for a more vigorous and ruthless prosecution of the war the defeat of
our army has created another Fort Sumter rising of the people in their might,"
reported an observer.
THE CALL TO ARNfS 175
trend toward dissatisfaction, for on December i f 1861, the re-
port of the Secretary of War showed that volunteering in the
Midwest had far outstripped that of the rest of the nation. 47 In-
diana could hold her head high. With a population only slightly
larger than that of Massachusetts, the Hoosier state had raised
twice as many men for the war. As far as Harrison could see, all
seemed well as long as partisanship was subordinated to the war
effort.
But this era of harmony did not last, and this was painfully
true in Indiana. The Democratic party was being successfully re-
generated, particularly by press campaigns, and soon stood as a
group of sturdy opponents to the war. Indianapolis was the scene
of a bitter press duel between the Republican-sponsored Journal
and the Democratic-edited Sentinel. The evils of actual violence
and the threats of violence against lukewarm supporters of the
war were argued editorially. The subject of personal rights, vio-
lated in the practice of arbitrary arrests, also was hotly discussed. 48
This, Harrison could see with his own eyes, but there were nu-
merous other indications sufficient to convince even the most
optimistic souls that the war temperature, by the end of 1861,
had reached an astonishing low.
President Lincoln, in early 1862, was continuing his search for
a general. McClellan's sustained inactivity afforded no grounds
for satisfaction. Actually, it was the source of much distrust in
official circles at Washington. 49 Unless decisive victories should
be won, there was more than a likely chance that foreign inter-
vention and internal lethargy would combine to make the civil
war a hopeless contest for the Union.
This was the gloomy and complex picture as Benjamin Har-
rison saw it on New Year's Day, 1862. Three days later, his father,
ever imbued with a healthy skepticism of Republicans in general
and of Lincoln in particular, wrote with his usual candor:
*7 The states of this section furnished nearly three-fourths as many troops as the
rest of the North combined. War of Rebellion, Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series 3, 1, 698-708; hereinafter abbreviated as Official Records.
Gray, op. cit. r p. 62, also points out: "Ohio alone, with Illinois not far behind, had
provided more troops than all New England."
48 For one of the most satisfying treatments of this constitutional phase of the
civil war controversy see James G. Randall's Constitutional Problems under Lincoln
TNew York, 1926) and his later work, The Ciiil War and Reconstruction, especially
pp. 382-404.
Williams, op. cit., 1, 147-49.
ij-6 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Our affairs of a public nature look to me very dark. I have long
since utterly despaired of the country. We have no man suited to the
emergency. Greatness has departed from both the American farm and
camp. One arm alone can save us. ... I fear that arm will not be out-
stretched until we have emerged from such an ordeal as no nation has
ever been called to pass for its purification. . . . "Good Lord, deliver
us," should be the prayer of all our people. 50
Harrison was willing to concede the seriousness of the situa-
tion, but from his vantage point in Indianapolis the clouds were
not so black and threatening. As a matter of fact, several signs
seemed to augur swift success for the Union armies. Widespread
dejection and impatience were quickly dispelled by the forward
movement in the spring of 1862. Early in February, Grant's dra-
matic capture of Forts Henry and Donelson served to open the
Mississippi as far as Vicksburg and, followed shortly by Farragut's
taking of New Orleans and success in Missouri, revived the hopes
of an early Northern victory. 51 To Indianans the "bloody bat-
tle of Shiloh, and the occupation of Memphis and Corinth ap-
peared indicative of the imminent collapse of the Confederacy." 52
Throughout the North much was expected of General McClel-
lan, who had drilled and organized his troops until they were,
according to his report, "wild with delight & egear [sic] to try
their own hand in the fight/' 53
"Little Mac," the man who had written derisively about the
regiment which he had found "cowering on the banks of the
Potomac" 54 after the battle of Bull Run, was purportedly ready.
All he needed was good weather, for he promised that "when the
roads were better, this army will move on to the South and vic-
tory." 55 These were encouraging words, and Northern minds
were infected with confidence. One cannot blame Harrison and
his friends for brushing aside any doubt concerning the immedi-
ate success of the Northern cause, for so confident was the Wash-
ington government that it had fielded an army sufficiently large
00 John Scott Harrison to Benjamin, January 4, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
51 Gray, op. rit. t pp. 78 ff.
ca Stampp, op. dt. t p. 133. Even southern Indiana, predominantly pro-Southern
in sxmpathy, "grew more optimistic, and business revived with the expectation that
the Mississippi would soon be open again to western commerce.'* Indianapolis
Daily Journal, February 17, 18, April 10, May i, June 14, i86a.
fi3 Gray, op. cit ., p. 78.
04 Williams, op. cit., I, 241.
S3 Gray, op. cit. f p. 78.
THE CALL TO ARMS 177
to crush the rebellion that in April, 1862, the War Department
stopped recruiting. 5 ** 1
With the advent of summer, 1862, this bubble of early con-
fidence burst, and a wave of disappointment and disillusionment
swept the country. Want of a determined policy threatened to
dash every previous hope of victory. McClelland advance up the
Yorktown Peninsula had been stopped in the Seven Days' Battle,
and, after 4t Little Mac's' ' abortive campaign of three months and
a week, it was a confident Lee who watched the Union forces in
their "flight across the swamps/" 7 On the western front, inactivity
also prevailed. Union lethargy rendered the April victory at Pitts-
burg Landing almost Iruitles*. Now, fear crept abroad and htark
disaster threatened, as General Bragg, after assembling a large
Confederate force at Chattanooga, entered Kentucky and threat-
ened Ohio and Indiana. Benjamin Harrison in later years vividly
recalled these perilous days:
Buell was returning from Tennessee, Kirby Smith coming through
the Cumberland Gap, and McClellan had been defeated on the pe-
ninsula. It seemed as if the frown of God was on our cause. 35
As Harrison added, "this was not the heyday of success." This
was gross understatement, for in Indiana, as in the majority of
other Union states, war enthusiasm had yielded to general apathy.
Among the Hoosiers the public depression was particularly great.
As an antidote, Governor Morton joined with seventeen other
state executives in memorializing President Lincoln on June 28
to the effect that "the people of the United States are desirous to
aid promptly in furnishing all reenforcements that you may deem
needful to sustain our Government." 59 Within three days, Lin-
coln had placed his grateful acknowledgment in the hands of the
various governors. He told them that he concurred in their views
so Stampp, op. cit., p. 133. This premature hah to recruiting was loudly pro-
tested and severely criticised. Governor Morton of Indiana led the opposition to
this move. See Foulke, op. cit., I, 179.
W Williams, op. cit., pp. 214-41, a severe indictment of McClellan.
3S Charles Hedges (comp.), Speeches of Benjamin Harrison (Xew York, 1893),
p. 117. This was the high point of General Harrison's famous address to the 14th
reunion of the Seventieth Indiana Regiment, held at Clauon Village, Hendricks
Count\, on September 13, 1888.
39 Indianapolis Daily Journal, July 7, 1862. The text of this communication was
republished on this day along with Lincoln's reply under date of July i.
178 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
and suggestions. Consequently, on July i , he decided "to call into
service an additional force of 300,000," suggesting and recom-
mending that "these troops be chiefly of Infantry." 60
Governor Morton faced the serious problem of implementing
his promise, for he discovered that the enthusiasm he voiced far
outstripped that of the ordinary citizen upon whom fell the task
of meeting the new state quota. To insure a generous response
to the President's request for more troops, Morton resorted to a
special proclamation to the people. First he appealed to their
pride, telling them that "up to this hour Indiana occupies a most
exalted position connected with the war . . . her troops have been
in almost every battle . . . with uniform and distinguished gal-
lantry." Then came his direct and forceful request for man-
power:
I therefore call upon every man, whatever may be his rank and con-
dition in life, to put aside his business, and come to the rescue of his
country. Upon every man individually let me urge the solemn truth,
that whatever may be his condition or business, he has no business or
duty half so important to himself and family as the speedy and ef-
fectual suppression of the Rebellion. 61
The response was distinctly disappointing. 62 Although for two
or three days the newspapers carried reprints of the Governor's
strong appeal, it went practically unheeded. Morton was thor-
oughly dejected, and he was not the kind of man to hide his feel-
ings. It was in this despondent mood that Benjamin Harrison
found him on the morning of July 9, 1862.
Accompanied by his former law partner, Will Wallace, Har-
rison arrived at the Governor's office shortly before noon to dis-
cuss a political matter. Though the Governor was by no means
jovial, he received his two political lieutenants in a cordial man-
ner, At the close of their conference, he asked them to step into
his inner room on the east side of the Old State House, where he
led them to the window. A bit puzzled, Harrison and Wallace
stood there with Morton. In silence they watched a score of work-
so Ibid.
l Indianapolis Daily Journal, July 7, 1862.
12,186*.
THE CALL TO ARMS 179
men engaged in the erection of a new building. Ten minutes
dragged by. Morton did not say a word.
Then the Governor shattered the strange silence. He was thor-
oughly appalled, he said, by the weak response of his people to
the presidential call for volunteers. He was even further plagued
by sights such as all three were now observing. He mumbled
something about the able-bodied men laboring so unconcernedly
in the pursuits of private enterprise. "See here," he exclaimed,
"look at those workmen across the street, toiling to put up a new
building, as if such a thing could be possible when the country
itself is in danger of destruction." 63 The Governor was thor-
oughly alarmed.
He had thought his own presence in the field might serve as
an example to the people of the state and thereby stimulate re-
cruiting. Lincoln had not approved of the plan, and Morton's
request for active service had met with a categorical refusal. 64
Now, he unburdened his troubled soul to Harrison and Wallace:
Gentlemen, there is absolutely no response to Mr. Lincoln's last call
for troops. The people do not seem to realize the necessities of the
situation. Something must be done to break the spirit of apathy and
indifference which now prevails. 65
Harrison felt that the Governor was appealing to him per-
sonally. 66 Hence, without hesitation, he replied: "Governor, if
I can be of any service, I will go." 6T
Morton refused to make a snap decision. His reply was a few
moments in coming, and when it did it was a compromise answer.
"You can raise a regiment in this Congressional district right
away; but it is asking too much of you to go into the field with
it. You have just been elected Reporter of the Supreme Court.
68 House Document A T o. 154, p. no. Wallace, op. cit., pp. 179 ff., describes Mor-
ton pointing to the men cutting stone and then saying: "These men are following
their own private business, so that it has come to be a serious question what I shall
do next to arouse them.'*
64 Foulke, op. dt., p. 181.
65 House Document No. 154, p. 1 10.
66 Morton's biographer alleges that "Harrison had told Morton, sometime be-
fore, that whenever it was necessary for Him to go, the Governor was to inform
him." Foulke, op. cit., p. 184.
67 House Document .Vo. /y^ f p. no.
i8o BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
But go to work and raise it, and we will find somebody to com-
mand it." Cn
This suggestion that he enlist others for a task that he himself
would be avoiding failed to appeal. He refused emphatically to
concur in Morton's compromise solution. He would not recruit
others for battle and then stay at home himself. Faced with this
ultimatum, the Governor not only acquiesced in Harrison's de-
termination to go with the troops, but offered him command of
the regiment. Complete ignorance of military tactics forced him
to reply: "I do not know as I want to command the regiment . . .
so, if you can find some suitable person of experience in such
matters, I am not at all anxious to take the command." 69 Before
the interview ended, Morton agreed to hold in abeyance his of-
fer to commission Harrison colonel of the regiment about to be
formed. However, he commissioned him a Second Lieutenant,
"fully empowering him to enlist volunteers for said regiment and
when enlisted to muster them into the United States service." 70
As they walked down the capitol steps, County Clerk William
Wallace became Lieutenant Harrison's first recruit. 71
When Harrison left Wallace at the State House steps, the
freshly commissioned officer did not, as one might suspect, go
directly home and break the news to an unsuspecting wife. He
stopped first at a store, purchased a military cap, engaged a fife-
player, and then returned to his office. After he had flung a flag
out of the window, he sat back quietly and waited for Company
A's second recruit. That evening he confided the news to Carrie,
who made the sacrifice as bravely as he himself had done. 72 Her
acceptance of the call of duty played no small part in encouraging
s Wallace, op. cit., pp. 179-80.
G Ibid., p. 180.
70 From the Adjutant General's Office of the Indiana Volunteer Militia, Indian-
apolis, Indiana, July 9, i86a, the following commission was issued: "BENJAMIN
HARRISON has been appointed a Second Lieut, in the 7oth Regiment Indiana Volun-
teers, to be organized in the sixth congressional district of the State, in pursuance
of general orders no. 49 issued at this office. He is fully empowered to enlist volun-
teers for said regiment and when enlisted to muster them into the United States
Service. By order of his Excellency, O. P. Morton, Governor. (Signed) L. A. Z. Noble,
Adt. Genl. Indiana." Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
71 Indianapolis Daily Journal, July 12, 1862, and July 16, 1862, wherein mention
is made of "Our County Clerk, William Wallace, Esq., who is a high private in his
[Harrison's] Company."
72 An unidentified newspaper clipping in Scrapbook Vol. 9, Harrison MSS.
THE CALL TO ARMS l8l
her husband. She possessed a deep faith so deep that it wrung
from the pen of James Whitcomb Riley the following tribute:
Yet with the faith she knew
\Ve see her still
Even as here she stood
All that \vas pure and good
And sweet in womanhood-
God's will her will. 73
During the next two days the recruiting was discouragingly
slow. Only when the morning edition of the Indianapolis Daily
Journal was in the streets on Saturday, July 12, did the fires of
patriotism glow at all. A large advertisement notified 4i all friends
of the Union" of a grand rally scheduled for Masonic Hall that
evening at eight o'clock. Old men were invited to contribute aid
by counsel and means; the young were urged "to let the spirit of
'76 kindle in your breast and prove yourselves not unworthy
keepers of the Ark of Liberty." 74 The principal speakers were to
be General Ebenezer Dumont, Governor Morton, County Clerk
William Wallace, and Supreme Court Reporter Benjamin Har-
rison.
It was soon evident that a second meeting place would have
to be assigned to handle an overflow crowd. Long before eight
o'clock, Masonic Hall was so closely packed that a man could
scarcely edge his way in. Enthusiasm grew with the increasing
numbers, and after the State House Grove was designated as the
second meeting place, the crowd assembled there surpassed that
at Masonic Hall. The speakers decided that they would address
both assemblies in turn. 75
At Masonic Hall, Governor Morton made the opening address
and then presided over the meeting. He stressed repeatedly the
utter necessity of sacrificing private interests for the public wel-
fare, and then closed on a note of confidence. "He had faith that
the people would come to the rescue and save the Government." 70
The Governor then introduced General Dumont, famous for his
73 Dunn, Indiana and Indianans, III, 1411. Riley gave this tribute upon the
occasion of Mrs. Harrison's death, October 25, 1892.
74 Indianapolis Daily Journal, July 12, i86a.
73 Indianapolis Daily Journal, July 14, 1862.
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
early rout of the Confederate forces at Philippi. 77 His appearance
was greeted with loud and prolonged cheering. Sensing the rising
patriotic fervor of the crowd, the general keyed his remarks so as
to endorse point by point Morton's appeal to furnish a goodly
number of volunteers. The Governor had put the cards on the
table and they were face up:
Indiana must do her duty or our country is lost. From 5,000 to 6,000
Indianians had been lost to us defending the best government in the
world, and if we now dishonor the cause in which they sacrificed their
lives, we disgrace their memory. 78
At this point, according to the newspaper reporters, William
Wallace and Benjamin Harrison returned from addressing the
larger meeting at the State House Grove. Both were immediately
called upon to speak. Wallace rose first and captured the crowd by
his sincerity. He explained how "on the day before Mr. Benjamin
Harrison and [myself] had been appealed to by Governor Mor-
ton to give [our] services to the country." Hence, he said, he was
convinced that "the hour had come when every man should re-
spond to his country's call for volunteers." He concluded by dis-
closing the fact that he had already volunteered and was ready to
go "with a knapsack on his back and a musket in hand."
Benjamin Harrison spoke with equal simplicity and sincerity.
The Journal recorded his remarks as follows:
Benjamin Harrison, Esq., Reporter of the Supreme Court, said that
his determination to volunteer was the result of deliberate judgment.
He had calculated the cost and though the sacrifices to him were great,
both in a personal and a business point of view, he had determined to
take the step and he would keep his word. He could not weigh the
questions of profit or tender ties of home against the duty he owed
his Government. And he had no more interest in the country than any
of those to whom he was speaking, and it came home to all. He trusted
many would give their names now, and that their example would
work a good leaven in the hearts of his hearers that would make it
uncomfortable for those who can go to remain at home. 79
77 "At Philippi the Confederates were completely surprised by Cols. Kelley and
Dumont, and beat so hasty a retreat that the affair received the local name of the
Thilippi Races'." See Rossiter Johnson, Campfire and Battlefield (New York, 1894),
P-45-
78 Indianapolis Daily Journal, July 14, 1862.
7 Ibid. At the conclusion of Harrison's speech, the recruiting books were opened
at both meetings. The Journal reported that "with energetic efforts two companies
are to be raised in as many weeks in this city and county."
THE CALL TO ARMS log
At the conclusion of Harrison's speech, a number signified
their intention of volunteering, while still another group sub-
scribed over $1,500 "to aid in recruiting and for support of the
families of those enlisting." The impetus given to the raising of
the Seventieth Regiment by this meeting was immeasurable.
On July 14, recruiting officers were appointed in all the con-
gressional districts of the state, with power to enlist men for the
term of "three years, or during the war."* 10 In Indianapolis "the
stars and stripes were flung to the breeze from a number of win-
dows/' and so lively was the recruiting that two days later in-
dications were that the city and the county would furnish at least
three companies. 61
During the first week, two factors combined to keep the fires
of patriotism burning brightly. First were the various bounties,
totaling some 70, offered to every man who was accepted by the
mustering officer. 82 This was the initial security needed by men
who were leaving families behind them. And there was consider-
able appeal in an advertisement of Harrison's, indicating that
his recruiting office was his own law office, and adding the ex-
hortation:
Boys, think quick, and decide as patriots should in such an emer-
gency. Fathers, cease to restrain the ardor of your sons, whose patriotic
impulses prompt them to aid our country in its hour of trials. Ladies,
give the stout and hearty young men who caught your smiles, to un-
derstand that "the brave alone deserve the fair." 85
While his days were devoted to business pursuits as well as to
the task of enlisting friends and neighbors, Harrison frequently
spent the evening in speech-making. According to the press, these
oratorical efforts were productive of volunteers, but after July
SO Samuel Merrill, The Seventieth Indiana Volunteer Infantry (Indianapolis,
1900), p. i.
si Indianapolis Daily Journal, July 16, 1862. **Ll. Bcnj. Harrison received many
accessories to his list, and his office presented a lively appearance." The other coun-
ties besides Marion were Hendricks, Johnson, and Shelby. All were active in raising
companies.
82 Indianapolis Daily Journal, July 18, 1862. Reporting on Harrison's Co. A, the
paper said: "Three responsible gentlemen have agreed to obligate themselves to
pay $50 to each of the men with family who enlist in this company. In addition the
county pays $10 to each recruit, and the city will make a similar appropriation."
'
1 84 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOUSIER WARRIOR
20, patriotic speeches were not needed. A new stimulus was
found to foster Indiana's growing war fever: the daily head-
lines^* They sounded the alarm of the rapid Southern advance
toward Indiana, and soon editorials appeared: "Indiana In-
vaded," "Xewburgh Taken," "Evansville Threatened, 1 ' "Rebels
in Possession of Henderson, Kentucky," and "Up Hoosiers and
Defend Your Homes." Such warnings carried more sting than
did the challenge of a patriotic speaker, and they reached a wider
audience.
Under these circumstances, it was less than two weeks before
Second Lieutenant Harrison was ready to file his muster roll with
the Adjutant General. The document listed eighty-five members,
including officers, non-commissioned officers and privates. Upon
its presentation, Governor Morton commissioned Harrison "to
the office of Captain in and for the 7oth Regiment ... on the ssnd
day of July."* 3 This promotion was doubly appreciated in the
Harrison household, for the new Captain could choose his brother-
in-law, the experienced and reliable Henry Scott, as a First Lieu-
tenant in the outfit. sc -That evening, Company A, joined by four
other newly recruited companies, reported to Colonel Burgess on
the commons northwest of the old state fair grounds. Here the
Seventieth Indiana located their camp.
Having secured for his men the services of an experienced
drillmaster from Chicago, 87 Captain Harrison did not immedi-
ately report to camp. Actually, there were many bits of unfinished
business that occupied his attention, and he could care for these
while "assisting in enlisting the other companies completing my
regiment." 88 The most difficult task was obtaining a competent
substitute to handle his Reporter's duties. His family income de-
pended mainly upon the successful conduct of this office. For-
tunately, the man whom Harrison desired most and the one
whom he approached first, John Caven, accepted the trust. Im-
S* "The "War in Kentucky," "Morgan Captures Cynthiana," "The Guerrillas
35.5 Strong," "Bridges Burned," "An Entire Company Killed or Taken Prisoner."
Indianapolis Daily Journal, July 19, 1862.
S3 This signed commission is preserved in Harrison MSS, Vol. 4, 681.
86 Indianapolis Daily Journal, July 23, 24, 1862; also Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
S7 Wallace, op. cit., pp. 181-82. The drillmaster's pay came out of Harrison's
own pocket. He wrote afterwards: "I enlisted a Company myself in 1862, and spent
a good deal of money in doing it." B. Harrison to Capt .' Joseph Beckman, April i,
1888, Harrison MSS, Vol. 24, 4959 (Tibbott transcript).
THE CALL TO ARMS 185
mediately, but without legal contract, 114 Harrison designated him
Deputy Reporter.
There was one other pivotal figure in Harrison's plan to secure
Carrie and the children from %vant while he was at the front.
This was Fish back, his de\ oted law partner. The young officer was
faced with a dilemma which Fishback himself characterized aptly
when he wrote: **I must confess your example has inspired me
with the duty of going myself as much as your advice has inclined
me to remain."'* Although there seemed to be no ready solution
to this problem, unforeseen events determined Fishback to remain
"and practice law as formerly in the style of Harrison and Fish-
back." 91 Harrison wrote to Carrie:
Tell Mr. Fishback ... he and my other friends must manage the
matter of my Reporter's office this fall as seems best. I hope he will
succeed in making sufficient collections to keep you well supplied
with money. 02
By early August, everything was in readiness. The Seventieth
Indiana Regiment was not only full, but had a surplus of 250
men; 93 and, as far as Harrison personally was concerned, ade-
quate provision had been made for his family, his profession and
his elective office. Consequently, on August 8, after being com-
missioned a full Colonel, 04 Benjamin Harrison assumed his com-
mand. Though he was a novice in military drill and discipline,
his appointment received a favorable press. The Journal ob-
served:
Col. Ben Harrison will make a good regimental commander, hav-
ing the requisite amount of energy and ability to apply himself to the
new work before him, and with a little experience will master those
details of drill and discipline so essential to the good management of
a thousand men. 95
89 Harrison Scrapbook, Vol. 52, p. 94, the testimony of Caven in an unidentified
newspaper clipping. The fact that there was no legal or registered agreement
proved a serious oversight, once the matter of Harrison's successor reached the
Indiana Supreme Court.
90 w. p. Fishback to Col. Benjamin Harrison, August 25, 1862, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 4, 696.
i Ibid.
92 Benjamin Harrison to his wife, August 21, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4, 689-91.
93 Indianapolis Daily Journal. August 8, iS6s.
94 This commission is also preserved in Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
93 Indianapolis Daily Journal, August 9, 1862.
i86 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Four days later, Harrison and his regiment were under march-
ing orders to join the Union concentration of troops at Louis-
ville, toward which a Confederate army under Bragg was then
moving. 06 Confusion struck the city, as numerous friends and
relatives of the members of the regiment began to arrive from all
parts of central Indiana. Some came too late even to enjoy one
of the four dress parades which Harrison and his men staged
before breaking camp. 97
The memorable evening was that of August 12 and, although
sorrow vied with patriotism, in some respects it was a gala event:
The band of the igth Infantry was on the ground and officiated at
the dress parade, discoursing most appropriate music. After the pa-
rade William P. Fishback came forward with a beautifully wrought
sword which he presented to Col. Harrison on behalf of some friends
of this city, accompanying the act with an appropriate speech, to
which Harrison responded feelingly and eloquently. 98
Not to be outdone, the ladies of Indianapolis prepared a colorful
regimental banner and delegated Judge David McDonald to pre-
sent it to the men through their Colonel. On behalf of his regi-
ment, Harrison, "in becoming terms," accepted the gift. The
principal civilian address of the evening was by John L. Ketcham,
another close friend of Colonel Harrison. Ketcham justified the
cause in which the men were about to engage, and concluded by
presenting a huge American flag, "another gift of the fair ladies."
For the third time Colonel Harrison replied, calling upon his
men, as a reporter related,
... to answer with three cheers, that they would never turn their backs
upon that flag, but defend it to the last. This appeal was answered by
three cheers and a tiger, most heartily given by all the men.
The color guard was then called up and the flags turned over to it
with that injunction on the part of the Colonel, to protect them in the
hour of danger at every hazard.
9 House Document No. 154, p. in; also Indianapolis Daily Journal, August n,
1862.
97 Actually, their real military assignment had occurred when Harrison's and
Meredith's companies marched into the Union Depot and escorted a trainload of
Confederate prisoners to Camp Morton (August 5, 1862). The Journal of August 7,
186*, remarked: "it was the first military duty done by these two new companies
and it was well done."
98 Indianapolis Daily Journal, August 13, 1862.
THE CALL TO ARMS 187
Col. Harrison's concluding address was most eloquent and patri-
otic, and vociferous cheering followed its conclusion. 1121
When the ceremonies were over and the last visitor had left the
camp, the hour was so late that the departure was rescheduled
for nine o'clock the following morning.
Promptly at seven the next morning, Wednesday, August 13,
the regiment broke camp. At its head rode Colonel Harrison,
astride "a fine sorrel horse." Sidewalks and cross streets were
crowded as the men took up their line of inarch from the camp
to the Jeffersonville, Indiana, train. The regiment, new Enfield
rifles in hand, 100 reached the train between eight and nine o'clock,
but it was long after ten before the men were arranged in the cars
and made ready for starting.
Company E claimed the honor of shedding the first blood,
when, just as the engine was about to start, Private William
Cooper, with an eager fist, taught a citizen not to utter unpatri-
otic sentiments while farewells were being spoken. Again, while
the Louisville-bound train was wending its way southward, a
huge bull planted himself on the track and disputed its passage.
The next moment the regiment had bowled over its second op-
ponent. 101 The men laughed boisterously over the incident, but
they were not lulled into any false sense of security about what
might await them.
At home, reports of the rapid rebel advance were headlined in
the press: "The crisis is alarming Gov. Morton is moving with
all energy to meet it ... all the troops that can move will be sent
at once to Kentucky . . . and they will go amply prepared in all
but discipline. . . ." 102 With her hero husband in the midst of
danger, Carrie spent many a restless night.
100 Merrill, op. ciL, p. 4.
101 ibid.; also Indianapolis Daily Journal, August 14, 1862.
102 Indianapolis Daily Journal, August 16, 1862. Even as the regiment marched
to the train on the igth, bystanders commented favorably on its ability, but every-
one added: "If it can have a week or two of instruction before engaging actively on
the field, it will have acquired a proficiency in drill that will have prepared it for
almost any emergency." Ibid., August 14, 1862.
CHAPTER IX
The Soil of Kentucky
THERE USUALLY COMES a moment in the conscious develop-
ment of every human soul when some serious choice,
or important decision, or difficult renunciation must be
made. Such a moment came to Benjamin Harrison and to his
regiment of Hoosier Volunteers while they rode the Louisville-
bound cars on that hot August day in 1862. They had ample
time for reflection.
As the train rumbled and lurched southward from Indianapo-
lis, crawling laboriously, few realized better than this freshly com-
missioned colonel that the group under his charge was a regiment
in name only. He knew that he was confronted with a difficult
task, and he was particularly conscious that it would require a
thorough organization on the part of himself and his staff to make
soldiers out of men accustomed to the comforts of home. Perhaps
nothing less than a complete mental and physical revolution
would be necessary before these mechanics, farmers and business
men could be fashioned into a well-drilled and disciplined unit.
The scene at the Indianapolis depot was a particularly trying
time for loved ones never before separated. Several claimed that
they would rather go into the hottest battle than go through the
departure ceremonies again. 1 Yet the ruling spirit of the regi-
ment, according to one correspondent from the ranks, was "not
a feeling of fear, but a holy reverence for the sacredness of home,
which will nerve men to strike harder blows, take better aim, and
make longer marches, than the merely instructed soldier/' 2 As
this is the moral fiber out of which good soldiers are made,
1 Indianapolis Daily Journal, August 20, 1862. These sentiments appeared in a
letter written to the editor on August 16, 1862.
2 Ibid.
1 88
THE SOIL OF KENTUCKV l8g
Harrison concluded that, though his task was difficult, it was far
from impossible.
This journey of the regiment to Louisville was, as Ben wrote
to Carrie, 4 'safe and reasonably pleasant . . . we were greeted
at every town and farmhouse with cheers and waving handker-
chiefs."- Indeed, along the entire route and at every station, it
was evident from the ''anxiety manifested, the moistened eyes,
and the sustained applause of almost every community that the
7Oth carried with it dear friends from every county in the Dis-
trict." 4
When the troop train arrived at Jeffersonville, Indiana, an
aide of Brigadier General J. T. Boyle presented Harrison with
orders to proceed directly to Louisville. The regiment proceeded
to the fern*, crossed the Ohio River, and marched through Louis-
ville to a large farm some three miles outside the city. This was a
fairly open area and close to the Nashville railroad depot. It
marked the end of a tiring trip. "Our men were so fatigued,"
Harrison relates, "that they did not put up their tents but turned
in on the ground. Some of them did not take their blankets out
of their knap sacks but just used it for a pillow." 5
Complete physical exhaustion guaranteed sleep. Colonel Har-
rison, however, was a bit perplexed, and before yielding to sleep
he made a rapid mental survey of the situation in which he found
himself. Here at his side were sleeping more than a thousand
men, "the first into the field" under Lincoln's call of July i.
They were encamped now in "country overrun by enemies of
the Government," and Ben pondered the fact that during the
entire three-mile march through Louisville "most of the citizens
looked on in sullen silence/' 7 though from one residence "ladies
3 Benjamin Harrison to his wife, August 16, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
4 Indianapolis Daily Journal, August 20, 1862. The Indianapolis Daily Sentinel,
the Democratic organ of the city and state, carried very little comment on the Sev-
entieth until much later in the war.
5 Benjamin Harrison to his wife, August 14, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4. A more
detailed description appeared in the Indianapolis Daily Journal, August 20, 1862.
6 Samuel Merrill, The Seventieth Indiana Volunteer Infantry, p. 4. The troops
were in Louisville less than a month from the time the first man was enlisted. Also
in Indianapolis Daily Journal, March 14, 1901, it was reaffirmed :hat this was "the
first regiment from any Northern state to enter the region where disloyalty pre-
vailed."
7 Merrill, op. cit., p. 5: "Little enthusiasm was manifested in Louisville. It seemed
to be regarded as a small matter for Indianians to come armed for the protection of
Kcntuckians from robbers and murderers, though what Union feeling is manifested,
appears to be genuine. But there is not enough of it 1 ."
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
came out bearing waiters full of caKes and pies, which they of-
fered to the boys." Only the "Negroes could not restrain their
joyous laughter and cheers." 8 This sobering first contact with the
"secesh" mentality failed to dampen Harrison's enthusiasm or
lessen the pride he felt. Late in the night he wrote Carrie his
secret thoughts:
We are proud of her [Indiana] and hope to make her proud of us
before we return from the war. I hope you all remember us at home
and that many prayers go up to God daily for my Regiment and for
me. Ask Him for me in prayer, my dear wife, first that He will enable
me to bear myself as a good soldier of Jesus Christ; second, that He will
give me valor and skill to conduct myself so as to honor my country
and my friends; and lastly, if consistent with His holy will, I may be
brought "home again" to the dear loved ones, if not, that the rich
consolation of His grace may be made sufficient for me and for those
who survive We will improve the time of our stay . . . and be better
prepared to render effective service when called upon. 9
In his concluding sentence Harrison was merely voicing the
almost universal belief that the regiment would be kept some
time at Louisville. Yet, twenty-four hours after arrival, a courier
from headquarters handed the Colonel marching orders that
were effective immediately. The regiment's destination was Bowl-
ing Green, Kentucky, a strategic military center located some
thirty miles above the Tennessee border. A soldier has left his
vivid impressions of the action-filled moments after the order to
strike tents was issued:
In five minutes Col. Harrison had out his troops to prepare for
marching, and in an hour our tents were struck, 40 rounds of ammuni-
tion drawn, and the entire Regiment in line, a drenching rain falling
at the time. It was an encouraging sight to see the boys with their
heads erect, weathering the storms like veterans. We marched to the
depot and took passage in a train, miserable, filthy box cars, 10 some
of them without seats, and what seats they had, appeared to have been
stolen from country school houses. 11
8 Indianapolis Daily Journal, August 20, 1862.
B. Harrison to his wife, August 21, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
10 Merrill, op. cit., p. 5, related: "these cars had been used to convey cattle, and
the author of Knickerbocker's History of New York would have described them as
fragrantly cushioned for military occupants."
11 Indianapolis Daily Journal, August 20, 1862.
Harrison recorded the fact that his regiment finally "got off at
6 P.M all on one train with one engine." In no sense, however,
could he call their departure "an encouraging sight.' 1 To his wife
he also confided his feelings of personal chagrfn:
I was too much mortified and amused to see the ignorance and
awkwardness of some of our men and officers when I gave the order
for the battalion to load before getting on the cars at Louisville. Some
of them got the wrong end of the ball down and some rammed the
paper down into the ball and got it lodged. I got mad and went along
the lines scolding, but finally concluded to take it good naturedly and
make a joke out of it. 12
This move to Bowling Green was fraught with more than or-
dinary peril. Danger was imminent because of the activity of
Confederate Colonel John H. Morgan, head of a marauding cav-
alry band of i,soo. 13 Only two days before Harrison was ordered
from Louisville, Colonel Morgan and his hard-riding rebel band
had captured Gallatin, Tennessee, and by destroying railroad
bridges and several sections of track had effectively severed com-
munications between Nashville and Louisville. 14 Union intelli-
gence reported that Morgan and his command were headed north
from Gallatin, and it was conjectured that Bowling Green was
his next military objective.
Harrison was fully apprised of Morgan's northern movement,
but this knowledge in no way lessened the danger of attack and
interference. While the tyros of the Seventieth Indiana were will-
ing and eager for actual combat, the sobering fact still remained
that their familiarity with firearms was restricted to hunting
equipment. Weapons of war still mystified them. As Harrison
and his men jolted along that night of August 14 through "an
enemy's country with raw recruits lying on loaded guns," 15 it
12 B. Harrison to his wife, August 16, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
13 R. U. Johnson and C. C. Buel (eds.), Battles and Leaders of the Civil War
(New York, 1888), ni, Part i, pp. 26-28. Perhaps the best account of Morgan's
Cavalry during the Bragg invasion of Kentucky is given by Brig. Gen. Basil W.
Duke, C.S.A. He relates that Morgan's duty "was the destruction of the railroad
track and bridges between Nashville and Bowling Green, for the purpose of retard-
ing Buell's movements when the latter should begin his retreat to Louisville."
15 Merrill, op. cit., p. 5.
192 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
might be difficult to decide whether the danger was greater from
within or from without. Harrison himself confessed that "we
rode in constant expectation of being pitched into some creek,
or riddled by musketry. We all slept quietly, however, trusting,
in my case at least, to a good providence to protect us." 16
On the home front, however, and especially at Indianapolis,
the friends of the regiment were filled with alarm. No sooner had
the news of the assignment to Bowling Green reached the city
than the rumor was strong that "Harrison's men were badly used
up by Morgan and taken prisoners/' 17 This report worried Car-
rie greatly, and her fears mounted frantically until allayed by her
first note from her husband in the field: "We arrived here safely
this morning about nine A.M. and am now, after a hard day's
work, getting our camp arranged in order. I have only time to
write this brief note to tell you of our safety." 18
After the flood of false rumors had subsided, Indianapolis rest-
ed easily in the truth that the initial assignment in enemy terri-
tory had been executed without incident. Harrison's report from
Bowling Green was to the effect that they were "pleasantly en-
camped on a beautiful slope near the town," 19 and the men were
soon writing home that they were "well supplied with all that a
soldier can wish." 20 Translated into the reality of camp life, this
latter report signified the men could acquire everything desirable
in the eating line: "peach cobblers, chicken pies, milk and so
forth ... for the boys are all flush and can't stand the pressure of
sheet iron biscuit and fat bacon." 21
During the first week of encampment the regiment was kept
under arms for several hours each day. The frequency of alarms
both day and night, the excitement and tenseness of the camp
rising from Morgan's supposed proximity, gave a zest for drilling
that nothing else could supply. After only a week, according to
one observer, the Seventieth Indiana in the promptness of its
l Benj. Harrison to his wife, August 16, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
IT Benj. Harrison to his wife, August 21, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4, 689-91.
18 Benj. Harrison to his wife, August 15, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
i Ben also told Carrie that Morgan's forces, or at least his main force, was prob-
ably still at Gallatin, Tennessee, some forty miles to the south. He thought, how-
ever, a "few of his assassins were prowling about." Benj. Harrison to his wife, Au-
gust 16, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
20 Indianapolis Daily Journal, August 21, 1862. P. T. J. M. to the Editor.
21 Indianapolis Daily Sentinel, September 4, 1862. Letter to the Editor.
THE SOIL OF KENTUCKY 193
movement and in soldierly appearance "would rival many older
regiments/' 22
Upon arrival at Bowling Green, Harrison's regiment had been
assigned to a provisional brigade under the command of Colonel
S. D. Bruce, a pleasant gentleman from Kentucky. 23 Bruce in-
structed Harrison that, as his prime task was to fashion an effec-
tive fighting unit, neither discipline nor tactical instruction was
to be minimized. His confidence in their numerical superiority
was shared by Harrison, who lost no time in informing his wife
that "we have abundant forces here I think to whip him [Mor-
gan] handsomely ... at least we would like to try our chance with
him." 24
Perhaps the most substantial reason why this young and in-
experienced colonel could indulge his feeling of security was that
this provisional stop-gap brigade was now occupying the almost
impregnable fortifications constructed earlier by Confederate
General Simon B. Buckner and 10,000 men. 25 Buckner's forti-
fications, moreover, were still in first-rate condition, and, if an
attack had been made by Morgan's guerrillas or by his entire
force, the place would have been a bulwark of defense. It is little
wonder, then, that these troops, although still unchristened by
battle, "were on the lookout for lively times." 26
The succeeding weeks of camp life at Bowling Green served
as an effective proving ground for character training as well as
for military drill. Only on Sunday was the strict daily order for
drilling somewhat relaxed. Otherwise, reveille was sounded at
five, and each company had an hour's drill before the six-o'clock
breakfast. A second drill period of two hours* duration was pre-
ceded by mounting guard, officers' drill and police duty. Nor was
the afternoon routine any less strenuous: dinner at twelve noon;
non-commissioned officers' drill from one to two; battalion drill
from two to four; supper at five; dress parade from six to seven;
roll call at eight and lights out at nine. 27
22 Indianapolis Daily Journal, August 21, 1862.
23 ibid., November 7, 1862.
24 Benj. Harrison to his wife, August 16, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
25 Rossiter Johnson, Camp fire and Battlefield, p. 76. As a result of the Battle of
Mill Springs and the fall of Fort Henry, Buckner was compelled to abandon
Bowling Green, and the area fell into Union hands.
26 Indianapolis Daily Journal. Bode to the Editor, August so, 1862.
27 Merrill, op. cit., pp. 6 ff.
194 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
The road to military perfection was steep and difficult, and
what the young soldiers hated above all was the rigid discipline.
Even the regimental historian, Samuel Merrill, felt compelled
to characterize his colonel's attitude on discipline as distinctly
severe:
Discipline was severe, for the commander, Colonel Benjamin Har-
rison, knew that without discipline a thousand men are no better
than a mob. He proposed to form a battalion that in the day of battle
would move as if animated by one soul. He had the intellect and will,
and he accomplished the work. 28
During these months of intense preparation Harrison and his
command were fortunate in having the services of Major S. C.
Vance, a superior drillmaster. 29 Under his able supervision the
troops moved with clock-like precision, and before long Colonel
Harrison manifested his pleasure at their progress. With a cer-
tain amount of pride and a sense of personal achievement, he in-
formed Carrie that his "field and staff officers are getting along
very pleasantly . . . the utmost harmony and good feeling prevails.
I have no apprehension of any trouble or disagreement. We are
enforcing a very strict discipline in the camp and the Regiment
is progressing very finely in the drill." 80
Several compliments were paid to the regiment for "good order
and soldierly bearing," he told her, but the young colonel quickly
discovered that, although the good name of the regiment was be-
ing secured, it was at the price of his own popularity. A real crisis
developed over the use of whiskey by the soldiers. Colonel Bruce
had "drawn the strings tight on saloons" 81 in Bowling Green.
Such establishments were "forbidden to sell or to give soldiers,
(commissioned officers are not considered soldiers . . . they get
their 'nips' at all times), nor can a commissioned officer treat or
give to a private." The soldiers found extreme difficulty getting
their "morning's warming." 82 Naturally, all kinds of dodges were
2 Major Vance, of Indianapolis, received his commission on August 9, 1862. He
resigned on April 10, 1863, and re-entered the service as colonel of the i$2nd
Regiment.
30 Benj. Harrison to his wife, August 21. 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
31 Indianapolis Daily Journal, November 7, 1862.
32 These details are from a letter dated Bowling Green, Ky., October 255, 1862,
published in the Indianapolis Daily Sentinel, November 7, 1862.
Vl 4^1-ia. ' ; ' * * T f ,'* T' * ' * / r * .'-
r.^^b^sta *?#,/ . ? . //- -faS
r ^^X?^-.' j J^fiK?!*L., I.^._> "- -
^-^.'^VT' -V^ , V""; *o
s^gsa^a^ i\r>-- ' " ."-" ' ': , -.
From TAe Mmaadn Campaigns in Georgia; or, Tar Scenes on the F. and A.
Published by the Testers and Atlantic R.R. Company
MAP OF THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN
u
<
CO
W
w
J
h
h
THE SOIL OF KENTUCKY 195
practiced, and, when successful, proved detrimental to the good
order of the regiment. The problem grew more serious, and when
the following incident took place, Colonel Hairison took a very
firm stand. The Indianapolis people read the story this way:
A young commissioned officer \vho had fellow feeling for a fellow
soldier, was standing with a non-commissioned officer . . . [on] a cold,
damp, ugly day, debating that interesting question how they could
get a smile. They decided on the following trick as worth a trial: . . .
Straps walked in ... pouring out about three fingers, drank half , . .
stopped to flatter the bar creature on keeping such excellent Burb. In
walked Mr. Non-Corn, with a note for Mr. Com. who left this standing
on the counter while he read it. Non-Commissioned hurried down
what was left and walked out . . . they smiled several times and at
several places that evening. 33
Similar instances of misconduct angered Colonel Bruce to such
an extent that Harrison confided to Carrie "I think he has taken
a strong dislike to the Regiment and will have further trouble
with it." 34 In reality, Bruce was not too displeased, but he did
seize the opportunity of impressing Harrison with the necessity
of strict observance. The younger man was susceptible to the ad-
vice of Bruce, and by mid-September Harrison had shown him-
self a stern disciplinarian and had overcome much of the feeling
that his subordinates had harbored against him. He wrote to his
law partner, William Fishback:
I believe that you will find that every officer has come to respect me
and that traces of difficulty have been obliterated. I have had no
trouble in discipline of any company but Capt. Meredith's. He has a
good many hard city boys and is a very poor disciplinarian himself.
... I have broken two of his corporals, put one of his lieutenants
under arrest, and have a large squad always in the guardhouse. They
are beginning to know me now. 35
Harrison's rough handling of the men in Captain Meredith's
company had a sobering effect not only on the men disciplined
but also on the captain himself, whose change of heart left a last-
ing impression on the regiment. Meredith had been thoroughly
33 Indianapolis Daily Sentinel, November 7, 1862.
34 Benj. Harrison to his wife, September 5, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
35 Benjamin Harrison to W. P. Fishback, September 7, 1862, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 4.
196 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
humiliated by Harrison's reprimand and punishment. Accord-
ingly, it required courage as well as character before the chastised
captain could address himself to his colonel again. Having found
himself, he wrote to Harrison:
It is not for myself alone I plead, but for my wife and children and
my parents. I am as sincerely anxious to reform, Col., as you are to
have me reform ... for the sake of those who love me, let me "try
again." I will take any obligation you may dictate to abstain entirely
from the use of liquor in all shapes during my connection with the
army, and will take it in the face of the whole regiment. I do not pre-
tend to excuse myself, I only ask a chance to redeem myself, to make
myself worthy of your esteem. 36
From that day there was a perceptible improvement in the
discipline of the Seventieth Indiana. Camp Ben Harrison at
Bowling Green, Kentucky, quickly earned a reputation for so-
briety and respectability, so that, upon the arrival of such dis-
tinguished lady visitors as Mrs. Harrison, Mrs. Vance and Mrs.
Will Wallace, an edifying good order prevailed. 37
September saw Ben knuckle down to the two principal objec-
tives: that his men should be finished soldiers and that their
leader should be a competent tactician. With unfailing regularity
he marched and drilled his troops by day; by night, long after
taps had sounded, he studied and perfected himself in theoretical
tactics and in the art of war. Without military knowledge in July,
this young lawyer had, by the end of September, grown percepti-
bly in his new profession.
Early in the month the commander and his men felt "quite
gloomy about the news from the Potomac." 38 For them this defi-
nitely was their first dark hour in the war. Nor did Harrison's
correspondents from Indianapolis send any encouraging news.
Fishback was not only deeply despondent but also highly critical
of the Administration in Washington:
36 Meredith's plight was a sad one. On August 24, 1862, he wrote: "I have been
in disgrace now nearly six days, hardly feeling justified in speaking to a fellow of-
ficer . . . treated very cooly by many of them, and have suffered the most bitter mor-
tification." W. Meredith to B. Harrison, Harrison. MSS f Vol. 4.
37 Indianapolis Daily Sentinel, August 51, i86a. This was Carrie's first visit with
Ben in the field. The ladies called for all the mending the boys had to do, fixed all
the things up, and took thanks for pay, which the boys heartily gave.
38 Benj. Harrison to his wife, September 5, i86s, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
THE SOIL OF KENTUCKY 197
We have divers rumors here from different seats of war. It is said
the President is fearful, which means that the Cabinet have been un-
amused at one of his dim, flat . . . \arns. \Ve are informed that the
Rebels are "bagged" . . . "in a trap," etc. . . . but the report has shown
in several similar cases that the game has been strong enough to carry
away trap, bag and all. After our generals have done skirmishing with
and outguessing each other, we may expect to hear of some strategy
that will confound the foe. 39
Another week of watchful waiting passed at Bowling Green
before a faint ray of hope appeared. Finally, on the igth, a rumor
that "McCIellan has whipped Jackson" lifted Harrison's spirits.
His new-found hope he communicated to Carrie: "I do not fully
credit it ... [but] if it be true, and we can whip them speedily
and terribly in Kentucky, the darkness will be turned into day
and my hopes of speedy success be more cheering than ever be-
fore." 40 A week later, the rumor was confirmed; the news had
been despatched to Washington that "Lee had been shockingly
whipped . . . with his loss at i5,ooo." 41 He read in the Louisville
and Indianapolis papers at least part of McClellan's jubilant wire
to General Winfield Scott which stated: "R. E. Lee in command.
The rebels routed, and retreating in disorder this morning. We
are pursuing closely and taking many prisoners." 42 Scott's en-
thusiastic acknowledgment was surpassed only by Lincoln's tele-
graphic accolade to McClellan: "Your dispatch of today received.
God bless you and all with you. Destroy the rebel army if pos-
sible." 43
As usual, Carrie was the first to share in her husband's joy and
revived anticipation of a quick Union victory:
The loyal people of this vicinity and the soldiers were highly elated
with the good news we received yesterday from the Potomac, and in-
deed from all divisions of our army. If the armies of Kirby Smith . . .
[and] Bragg care to be thoroughly defeated in Kentucky and "little
Mac" will only follow up the rebels to Richmond, this Civil War can
be speedily ended. I hope the people of our country will recognize
God's hand in this deliverance and not boast themselves of the valor
3d William p. Fishback to Benj. Harrison, September 12, 1862, Harrison MSS,
Vol. 4.
40 Benj. Harrison to his wife, September 19, 1862, Harrison MSS, VoL 4.
41 Kenneth P. Williams, Lincoln Finds a General, I, 385.
42 Official Records, Series I, Vol. XIX, Pan u (Serial No. 28), 894-95-
45 Official Records, op. cit., pp. 57, 53.
198 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
of our soldiers and the skill of our leaders and refuse to see the good
providence of the God of battles which has now made that valor and
skill efficient. 44
Subsequent events diminished this confidence. There was even
cause for despair when his "little Mac," who could "have thrown
against Lee a force which would have utterly overwhelmed him,"
procrastinated and eventually lost a golden opportunity for a
quick and possibly decisive Northern victory. 45
Under the circumstances, however, Harrison could ill afford
to carp at McClellan's undistinguished record at this period. The
Seventieth Indiana, through no fault of its own, had also com-
piled a war record that was in no sense enviable. Even local In-
dianapolis newspapers began to picture the regiment as "skylark-
ing all day" and at night "sleeping as sound as if they were in their
old camp" 46 at the Hoosier capital. The troops themselves were
bitterly disappointed with their uneventful existence, especially
when other Indiana volunteers found themselves in the heat of
battle despite General Buell's cautious and severely criticized op-
position to the rebel advance under General Bragg. 47 One of the
regiment's imaginatively inclined members wrote:
Columbus was not more rejoiced when the Islands of his long
dream rose before him than we were to see the advance of Gen. Buell's
army rolling into Bowling Green yesterday morning.
We have for the last week been feeling rather over conscious about
the lungs, being the only regiment here. The other troops stationed
here were sent to Louisville, leaving us to perform all the picket and
provost duty, which is very interesting, such as guarding cornfields
and peach orchards. 48
Toward the close of September the Bowling Green Camp grew
alive at the prospect of combat. This sudden change was due
44 Bcnj. Harrison to his wife, September 26, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
45 Williams, op. tit., II, 497, 816-817. For a more friendly interpretation of
McClellan see H. J. Eckenrode and Bryan Conrad, George B. McClellan: The Man
Who Saved the Union (Chapel Hill, N. C., 1941).
46 Indianapolis Daily Sentinel, September 4, 1862.
47 The Indianapolis Daily Journal, October i, 1862, carried a sharp indictment
against Buell, when it was prematurely reported that he had been removed: "The
salvation of the West depends upon the removal of so inefficient a General. The
army despises him, and well they may. From the beginning he has been a laggard
... he never meant to fight Bragg. He had plenty of opportunities to cut him all
to pieces."
THE SOIL OF KENTUCKY
largely to the pressure of the ubiquitous Colonel John Morgan. 41 *
His forces resumed their program of tearing up railroad tracks
and burning bridges, with consequent great inconvenience to
Federal forces stationed in Kentucky. Deprived of communica-
tion with Indianapolis for nearly a month, the Seventieth In-
diana found itself the victim of a new disease, easily diagnosed
as homesickness. No one was spared, though some attacks were
milder than others. Colonel Harrison was among the more seri-
ous victims:
How precious home seems to us all now that we are strangers to
all of its comforts! The tender affection you have e\ er felt for me, and
which I so often crossed with wounds, is now the source of my strong-
est longing . . . and the dear children whose caresses sometimes seemed
obtrusive when I enjoyed them everyday, now in their dumb images
excite the strongest longing to feel the pressure of their little arms
and lips Dear Gifts of God, a wife and two dear babes. 50
Only marching orders could shake off nostalgic musings. They
came on September 30, 1862.
Harrison was in one of his characteristically reflective moods
when he wrote his wife that "a soldier can never guess what the
orders of tomorrow may be." 31 He had spoken advisedly, inas-
much as his own intelligence department consistently reported:
"Bands of guerrillas within 20 or 30 miles of Bowling Green."
Colonel Bruce, Harrison's superior officer, had been informed
that Captain Dortch, a Confederate leader of some local renown,
was in the vicinity of Russellville, Kentucky. Evidently, the rebel
commander was given to understand that there were no Federals
nearer than Bowling Green, 30 miles away, and that these forces
48 To use the well-chosen language of Catherine Merrill: "Morgan was at home
everywhere. He entered at night the house of a friend within Federal lines, slept
in the best bed, and departed with only a sly recognition. He walked on the streets
of a town which was full of Federal soldiers, chaffered with the tradespeople, gave
them a wink, and received from them the result of their observations as to the num-
bers or movements of the enemy. He went into a Federal telegraphic office, sent
a dispatch to a friend, or an enemy in the North, and walked off unsuspected, or
with threats imposed silence until his safety was secured. He waylaid a train,
destroyed the cars and took the passengers prisoners. But his most common per*
formance was a sudden swoop on Federal pickets." Quoted in Merrill, op. cit. f p. 18.
fiO B. Harrison to his wife, September s6, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
51 He repeats this same idea in the following letters to his wife: September 9, 19,
so, and s6, 1862, Harrison MSS, VoL 4.
200 BENJAMIN HARRISON*: HOOSIER WARRIOR
were assigned almost exclusively to guard duty. Consequently,
Dortch resolved to venture into Russellville "for a frolic and a
few days rest." The only precaution he deemed necessary to pre-
vent surprise was the burning of a little railroad bridge at Au-
burn, 12 miles from Bowling Green. 52
Early on the morning of the 3Oth, Bruce ordered Harrison to
Russellville. 53 At nine o'clock, 500 men of the Seventieth Indiana
and about one hundred from the Eighth Kentucky Cavalry and
from Company K of the Sixtieth Indiana, all under the command
of Colonel Harrison, tumbled into stock cars bound for Russell-
ville. Extremely pressed for time Harrison, nevertheless, man-
aged a short letter to Carrie:
God bless you all and strengthen me for the duties of the day
should I never see you and the dear children again, you must comfort
yourself by the rich grace of God, which is all sufficient, and that the
dear little ones be taught to meet me in heaven. Keep my memory
green in their young hearts. Again God bless you. Yours as ever in the
tenderest love. 54
As the train approached the watering station at Auburn, Har-
rison's command encountered the partially destroyed bridge that
spanned Black Lick ravine. The enemy had been at work, but
not too effectively. In three hours the forty-foot structure was
fully restored. 55 While the bridge was being repaired, Colonel
Harrison detailed several searching parties to comb the vicinity
for information and to cut off all possible communication with
Russellville. These squads executed their task effectively. Not
only had two companies surrounded the village and prevented
52 Wilbur F. Barclay, a lengthy, signed newspaper article in the Russellville
Herald and Enterprise, April 9, 1890.
53 Merrill, op. cit., p. 24. Colonel Bruce's information was that a new Confed-
erate regiment was also raised at Russellville.
W B. Harrison to his wife, October 2, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
55 in his official report to Colonel Bruce, Harrison highly commends "Captain
Fisher of Co I. being an old railroad builder, was designated by me to superintend
the work, and nght well did he justify the choice. In less than three houVs he had
felled the trees, put them in their place, and laid the rail upon the superstructure
so that ^e tram passed safely over. I cannot commend too highly the skill and in-
dustry of Captain Fisher in so rapidly accomplishing this work without which the
SCS? ^ J C T f faiIUre ' Captain ^ of Co - G also rende ^ va-
able assistance in the work." A copy of this official report is in Merrill, op. cit. f pp.
THE SOIL OF KENTUCKY 2O1
information being sent to Russellville of the Federals* nearness,
but they had also secured a strategically valuable diagram of the
approaches to Russellville. Before departing from Auburn, Colo-
nel Harrison drew up a plan of attack with Captains Givens and
Morrow.
In his official report to Colonel Bruce, Harrison painstakingly
described each incident connected with this prudent reconnais-
sance at Auburn, He had nothing but high commendation for the
officer whom he had ordered to take a company and search thor-
oughly the house of Captain Wood of the Confederate Army. He
gave explicit instructions to "collect axes, tools, etc/' and to "cap-
ture any enemies lurking thereabouts." 56 What Harrison omitted
in his report was the fact that Wood's dwelling was large and
full of enemies all females, the Captain being blessed with ten
unmarried daughters. The regiment's historian was not so deli-
cately inclined. He wrote that "the searchers were not to be en-
vied, followed as they were from parlor to bedroom, from cellar
to garret by beautiful anathematizing damsels." 57
After detailing some fifty men to protect the bridge, the ex-
pedition headed for Russellville. Within two miles of the town,
a "negro riding furiously along the side of the track" informed
the Colonel that "rebels were then encamped in a grove on the
righthand side of the track . . . about four hundred strong." 58
More important, they had had no notice of the oncoming expedi-
tion.
This was Harrison's first opportunity to exercise his book
knowledge of military tactics. He threw off four companies under
Major Vance on the left of the road. They were to come in on the
rear of the town and block any attempted retreat. The youthful
Colonel ordered the train to advance with the remainder of his
command to within approximately one mile of the town. Here,
as he related to his wife,
I threw off the residue of my troops, and turning off to the right
of the railroad, through a cornfield, I deployed Co. A, Capt. Scott, as
skirmishers, and advanced cautiously toward the rebel camp. 59
se Harrison to Bruce, October i, 1862, cited in Merrill, op. eft., p. 25.
57 Ibid.
58 B. Harrison to his wife, October 3, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
59 Ibid.
202 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
At what he deemed the proper moment, Harrison gave the
order to advance and open fire. The attacking Hoosier battle line
swept forward and fired briskly. The astonished foe could direct
only a feeble return volley before they beat a hasty and confused
retreat. Many attempted to flee through the town of Russellville
and thus effect an escape by the back roads. Here they met Ma-
jor Vance's command, which "opened upon them hotly in the
streets." 60
At the close of their first actual engagement, they were not
ashamed of their record. They had "killed thirty five and wound-
ed many more." The Seventieth suffered one casualty, but "took
the rebel camp, forty-five good horses, about fifty guns, mostly
short guns, a large number of saddles and other accoutrements
too numerous to mention, besides a dozen prisoners," 61
After Major Vance had successfully completed his assignment
he joined Harrison, who now had possession of the public square
and the main buildings of Russellville. Pickets were posted and
squads detailed to search certain houses where escaped rebels
were reported by Negroes to be in hiding. Harrison, accompanied
by Captain Morrow, took personal charge of one of the search-
ing parties, and thereby hangs an interesting tale nowhere to be
found in the Colonel's official account to Bruce.
In his report to Colonel Bruce, Harrison devotes only one line
to the results achieved by his searching party: "I succeeded in
capturing ten prisoners, which number would have been largely
increased, but night coming on, further search became imprac-
ticable." 62 Fast-approaching darkness, however, was only a partial
explanation of why the search had to be abandoned. The remain-
ing part of the story, and perhaps the most interesting section of
it, was not revealed until almost a quarter of a century later.
Colonel Harrison had been informed that a Southern sympa-
80/feicf. According to the official report, "Vance's troops caught sight of the flee-
ing rebels and were brought forward by the Major on the double quick, each com-
pany taking a different street, all debouching into that upon which the rebels were
retreating. As the broken squads of rebel horsemen passed the posts of the respec-
tive companies they delivered their fire with great steadiness and precision, killing
and wounding a large number." Merrill, op. cit., p. 29.
l B. Harrison to his wife, October 3, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
62 Harrison to Colonel Bruce, October i, 1862, in Merrill, op. cit., p. 30.
THE SOIL OF KENTUCKY
thizer named Dr. Barnes was responsible for burning the bridge
at Auburn. Moreover, Addison Cash, a free Negro, gave Harrison
to understand that Dr. Barnes had directly aided Captain Dortch
and that this gentleman was now being harbored at Russellville
by a rich and sympathetic Southern matron. Inasmuch as the doc-
tor was a civilian, this charge was a serious one. If he were caught,
"it subjected him to trial by court martial, and probable immedi-
ate execution under military law/' 63 Thus was precipitated a
struggle of wits. The young colonel wanted no mistakes made in
this inquiry. He chose Captain Morrow, well known in Russell-
ville and extremely familiar with the lay of the land, as his com-
panion in the search. Harrison also took personal charge of the
party which rapidly approached Aunt Lucy Blakely's house, the
suspected refuge of Dr. Barnes.
Dr. Barnes, a man of high intelligence, clearly understood the
seriousness of the charge against him. While in hiding on the
outskirts of the town, he was alerted to the fact that Harrison was
pursuing him. Doubting the security of his first sanctuary, Barnes
hastily mounted a swift horse and made a dash for freedom. Al-
most immediately, he found himself trapped by Union troops
coming from the opposite direction. He dismounted and finally
reached the door of a mansion where he begged for asylum. Aunt
Lucy, the owner of the house, was absent, but her Cousin Lou,
acting mistress of the estate and a loyal supporter of Jefferson
Davis, quickly extended welcome. She told Dr. Barnes to hide
under the raspberry bushes. "When night comes, I will send for
your horse and you can escape."
Within the hour, Colonel Harrison's band of searchers, in-
formed by Negro servants of Barnes's hideout, rode up and the
Colonel addressed one of the household maids: "Girl, have you
seen Dr. Barnes come in here?"
"Sir," snapped the lady of the house before the servant girl
could find her tongue, "I have not lived in the North where I sup-
pose you were reared, and I do not know what is considered good
63 Russellville Herald and Enterprise, April 9, 1890. The remainder of this
story as told in the following pages is based exclusively on the newspaper account.
Even if it were apocryphal (there is no evidence that it is), the tale is sufficiently
characteristic to merit inclusion in this work. The traits of Harrison manifest in
this incident occur again and again, and can be well substantiated by evidence in
the Harrison MSS.
204 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
breeding there, but we of the South would consider it grossly
improper to interrogate a servant in the presence of her mistress
without at least asking leave."
"I beg your pardon, Madame," stammered Harrison, bowing
and coloring deeply, "I intended no disrespect. I did not see you
standing at the door when I called the girl, and in my haste to
obtain the information I desire I cannot stand much upon cere-
mony."
Harrison's reference to ceremony was, in one sense, his undo-
ing. Cousin Lou admitted later: "I saw from the manner and
tone of the speaker that I had a gentleman to deal with, and I
took courage. My plan of action was now quickly formed. I would
engage him in conversation, and keep him there as long as pos-
sible, and if I could not baffle him entirely, I would trust to
Providence to bring deliverance out of delay."
"Indeed, Sir," Cousin Lou began, "can a gentleman ever afford
to waive that ceremony which affects the rights of ladies upon any
plea of urgency?" Without waiting for an answer, Cousin Lou
added, pretending not to have heard Harrison's original question
to her maid: "I suppose you are seeking something to eat like the
rest of your men. If you will come in, I will have something pre-
pared for you. If any one is excusable for a breach of etiquette, it
is a hungry man, and if mending your appetite will mend your
manners, I shall be happy to perform that service for you. That
is, I will feed you, if there is anything left. We cooked two days
for Captain Dortch, and your men got that; and now two of them
are in the kitchen helping themselves to what is left. But I think
I can find something for you, if you will come in."
The colonel bit his lip in vexation. "Madame, we are not a
foraging party. We are seeking Dr. Barnes and we desire to learn
whether he is in your house. As I am not permitted to inquire of
the girl, may I ask you, Madame, if he is here?"
Cousin Lou proceeded to accommodate Colonel Harrison, but
in her own tantalizing way. "Oh, ask your questions where you
think you will be more likely to get a truthful answer. I waive
ceremony. Ask the girl by all means." Whereupon, Louise, the
frightened maid, was directed to "answer the gentleman's ques-
tions." The girl was already in a state of panic and, when pressed
by Harrison, her invariable response to each question was: " To'
de Lawd. Miss Trm. T rW IrnrvcAr rmf-hin 1 'K/vi7* ; " Ac tTi-r^es^
THE SOIL OF KENTUCKY
hesitated in his questioning, Cousin Lou broke in: "Louise, did
Dr. Barnes come in here?" With stereotyped accuracy the maid's
answer was " To* de Lawd, Miss Lou, I do' knownuthin' 'bout it."
And that was all that could be got out of her.
After she had won this round in her strategic battle with the
military inquirers, Cousin Lou decided to rub a little salt into
their wounds. "Well, gentlemen, is there anything more I can do
for you? It is not my custom to entertain visitors at the front gate.
Walk in, gentlemen, rest and refresh yourselves. I think there is
wine cake on the sideboard."
"Thank you, Madame," the slightly exasperated Northern
leader gravely responded. "Our business is too pressing to per-
mit such an indulgence. I beg pardon, Madame, but you must
allow me to renew the question I asked you awhile ago. Dr.
Barnes has committed a flagrant breach of military law, and we
must secure his person. I have good reason to believe he is se-
creted in your house. I demand to know if that is true."
With an air of cunning, the lady not only insisted that Harri-
son had been misinformed, but also that she did not intend to
have her house searched. According to her story, the house was
to enjoy immunity from search. She told Harrison: "Aunt Lucy
Blakely has promised me, in return for favors rendered to her
when the Confederates occupied Russellville, that Federals
should never search my house; and she has given orders to that
effect to Capt. Morrow. If he were here, he would tell you so."
Cousin Lou feigned not to recognize Morrow who was standing
at Harrison's side. She claimed she saw from Morrow's expres-
sion that he assented, and would be a witness, if necessary. Evi-
dently, the good Captain Morrow was under some obligation to
Aunt Lucy, who was the wife of the leading Union figure in
southern Kentucky. Her influence was all-powerful.
She asked the unbelieving colonel: "Do you suppose that I
would take the risk of having a fugitive caught in my house under
such circumstances? Do I not know what the consequences would
be to me and to my husband? Call me a rebel, sir, but do not call
me an idiot."
"But, Madame," said the colonel, with a significant judicial
emphasis, "you may not know the facts. Dr. Barnes was seen to
enter your gate, and we must have him."
"Sir," replied Cousin Lou, primly, "I am a Christian woman.
206 BENJAMIN HARRISON! HOOSIER WARRIOR
From my childhood I have been taught to speak the truth, and
to dread the fate of liars. I tell you once more, Dr. Barnes is not
in my house and you must believe me."
With this chance mention of religion and Christianity, Harri-
son started down the road of the vanquished. "I, also," he said
in a more cordial tone, "profess to be a Christian, I have long
been a member of the church, but military duty"
"What church?"
'1 am a Presbyterian, Madame."
"Presbyterian!" sputtered Cousin Lou. "The Presbyterians are
sound on perseverance, but they have no right to ignore the plain
commands of the Bible."
"Indeed, Madame, and what is the great sin of omission of
which we are guilty?" His look of annoyance gave way to one of
amused surprise at the turn the conversation had taken.
"Why, Sir, your church does not practice baptism."
"Your mistake," replied the colonel, who had behind him six
years of Sunday School experience, "no unbaptized person is ad-
mitted into the Presbyterian Church, and most of our members
are baptized in infancy." There was a merry twinkle in the eyes
of this elated elder when he mentioned infants. Such a show of
interest and enjoyment convinced Cousin Lou that for once at
least a baptismal controversy would serve a good purpose.
"Infant baptisml Why, Sir, I will go and get my Bible, and if
you will show me a single passage where infant baptism is taught,
I will take my bonnet and join you in this search for Dr. Barnes."
Before the Colonel could make his protest against further delay,
Cousin Lou hurried off to the house. Later she said she believed
that Harrison would not violate the truce by entering the yard
in her absence. Having remained in the house as long as she
dared, the self-appointed Scripture expert returned, Bible in
hand.
After a long and learned exchange of Biblical quotations, dur-
ing which Cousin Lou stretched time by reading aloud entire
chapters, Harrison became restless. "Your arguments are doubt-
less all right, Madame, but I did not come here to argue about
baptism. My business is to find Dr. Barnes. He was seen to enter
your yard. I must have him."
There was no budging Cousin Lou. "Well, gentlemen, if you
will not come in, I must ask you to excuse me, as I have some
THE SOIL OF KENTUCKY
household duties to perform." With a low and graceful bow
the victor closed the gate, deliberately secured the latch. As she
walked towards the house, she heard Colonel Harrison's squad
go away.
Her job was all but completed. The doctor was still hiding in
the garden when she took him some wine, and told him what
time the horse would be ready for him. As the appointed hour
approached, Cousin Lou drew her last herring across the Union
trail. She instructed her personal maid Dinah to pick up a rooster
and make him squawk as loud as she could. This would help
drown any noise of clatter at the gate or the horse's hoofs on the
pike. This last ruse was as successful as the others and the doctor
made his escape.
After their first taste of victory at Russellville, a general sense
of confidence and satisfaction pervaded the ranks. Harrison let it
be known about Bowling Green that his men were justified in
being "pleased with our success." The military and tactical mis-
takes which he had noted were caused by excessive generosity
and enthusiasm. Hence, he confided to his wife:
The Regiment did splendidly, except that there was not as much
order as I would have liked in marching to the line of battle . . . there
being a little too much eagerness to get into the fight. 64
To curb and channel the regiment's spirit of bravery was a much
more pleasant task than attempting to create fortitude and gen-
erosity in hearts that might have been cowardly and selfish. Har-
rison also revealed a note of personal satisfaction because "he had
made some credit with the regiment in the fight." While the re-
sults achieved at Russellville were good, two subsequent expedi-
tions to that area were fruitless. "The rebels in the place fled
before we got there," he regretfully told Carrie.
This surge of consolation had run its course within three short
weeks of the Russellville triumph. The intervening period saw
repeated and rather intense efforts to capture Morgan, or at least
some part of his marauding cavalry. Each try failed. Always, the
more swiftly moving enemy eluded carefully planned traps. It
was at the end o these futile attempts that Harrison, "having
64 B. Harrison to his wife, October 3, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
208 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
spent two whole nights riding on an engine," put his finger on
the heart of the difficulty-an inadequate cavalry force. "It is
shameful that we have not a cavalry force dashing enough to pur-
sue and capture the scoundrel/' 65
Toward the latter part of October, however, the perennial
problem of the elusive Morgan and of the sporadic raids by his
command assumed a minor significance when compared with the
trouble and discontent brewing on the home front. Throughout
the nation, but especially in Indiana, a political battle was taking
place in which "a vindicated, indignant, and almost revengeful
Democracy was pitted against a humiliated and bitterly disap-
pointed Republican-dominated Union Party." 66 This political
death struggle had ramifications and repercussions in all walks of
life. Benjamin Harrison, who was far removed at Bowling Green,
and whose physical appearance with "long hair, whiskers and a
moustache of very savage proportions" 67 would have made him
almost unrecognizable in Indianapolis, suddenly found himself
the subject of a violent political and legal dispute. He was seri-
ously threatened with the loss of his office as Supreme Court
Reporter.
This move to oust Harrison and deprive him of its income,
despite the fact that he had appointed John Caven as his deputy,
was not unforeseen. As early as August 22, when he had been at
Bowling Green but one week, Colonel Harrison was informed
that the Indiana Democrats were instituting court action to have
his elective office declared vacant because he now held a lucrative
office, 68 a colonel's commission in the U. S. Army. In anticipation
of a court ruling to this effect, the Democrats decided to nominate
Michael Kerr, the opponent whom Harrison had soundly de-
feated in 1860, as Court Reporter.
This news was shocking enough to Ben, who relied heavily
upon this source of income for his family's support. The mere
possibility of losing out worried him, though he felt confident
65 B. Harrison to his wife, October 21, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
66 Kenneth M. Stampp, Indiana Politics during the Civil War, p. 158.
67 B. Harrison to his wife, October 21, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
68 in Kerr v. Jones (19 Indiana Reports 351) Judge Perkins actually decided the
case upon the fact that Benjamin Harrison was not a Colonel in the militia, but a
colonel in the army of the U. S. Therefore, he held two lucrative offices simultane-
ously and this contravened the State Constitution of Indiana. Either his colonelcy
or his reportership had to be abandoned.
THE SOIL OF KENTUCKY 2OQ
that the Republicans of Indianapolis would stand by him and
see him through this legal difficulty. 69 It is not difficult to imagine
his chagrin when the Union Central Committee of the Republi-
can Party not only failed to support his claims, 70 but even by-
passed Caven, the deputy whom he had selected and employed. 71
The Committee agreed to a coalition candidate, a certain "Pop-
Gun" Smith, to contest the office with the Democrat Kerr. Ben
got his first intimations of this move from the pages of the Indi-
anapolis Daily Journal on August 22, 1862. He wrote to Carrie:
I see by the Journal of yesterday that the Union Central Com-
mittee has nominated "Pop Gun" Smith for Reporter. I think this
is shameful treatment . . . they are only too glad to sacrifice me to
help the prospects of their own election by putting on the ticket an-
other Democrat. . . . The cowardly rascals make some present advan-
tage by this, but I am willing to trust God and the honest people,
while I am found in the discharge of my duty. 72
As for the office itself and its honors and emoluments, Harrison
was willing to let these go, he added, provided only he could keep
the consciousness that he was "rendering a humble service to my
country in this hour of her sore trial." Ben looked at the problem
philosophically,
If God spares my life to return home again to civil life, I shall not
fear that He will enable me to gain as much competence. I hope,
however, to make out of the office yet enough to pay for my house
and lot, and can readily do so, if my friends at home will only aid
me a little in getting two volumes out.
Three weeks had slipped by in which Colonel Harrison's time
was "constantly occupied with matters of discipline, drill and
69 B. Harrison to his wife, August 23, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4, and more ex-
plicitly in Harrison to W. P. Fishback, September 7, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol 4.
70 W. P. Fishback to Harrison, August 25, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4, "You have
probably heard already that the Central Committee placed the name of Smith of
Fort Wayne on the state ticket for Reporter. The members here, three in number,
voted for Caven, in accordance with your suggestion, but the eight other members
controlled the selection. I suspect that other members on the ticket suggested the
matter . . . the argument smells somewhat of the trickery of [Jonathan] Harvey."
71 "Say to John Caven that I do not ask and will not have his labor without a
fair compensation, and he must get from the proceeds of the work what will fairly
remunerate him." B. Harrison to W. P. Fishback, September 7, 1862, Harrison
MSS, Vol. 4.
72 B. Harrison to his wife, August 23, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
210 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOS1ER WARRIOR
study of tactics." 73 Though his light was usually the last to be
extinguished, he was unable to answer any letters. Consequently,
the Reporter matter went from bad to worse. In a letter to his
law partner, he admitted that he still "felt a great deal of disap-
pointment at the realization of the loss of an office which had
been so pleasant and profitable . . . just when I was beginning to
realize its benefits ____ I would not feel so much anxiety about it,
but ... it is vital to me and my dear little family." 74
Despite Governor Morton's promise of assistance, 75 Harrison
became exceedingly worried as the October state elections drew
near.
.
This unhappy combination of financial worry and military re-
sponsibility rested heavily with Harrison. Yet, after three months
of growth in his new profession of soldier, he was a wiser and most
certainly a much more mature person because of the experience
he had undergone during the discharge of duty in the field. His
losses, he reflected, were
Only apparent and not real. And this reflection never fails to com-
fort me when I feel sad ... and to remove all gloomy apprehensions
of the course I have taken . . . and regrets are the source of most of
our sorrows. 76
Although "the fire in the rear" 77 was beginning to burn bright-
ly as the winter of 1862 approached, and Indianapolis looked for
a counter-revolution to be inaugurated at home by the newly
73 B. Harrison to W. P. Fishback, September 7, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4. Ben
had received two important letters from Fishback on the subject, but could not find
time to answer either of them.
75 Harrison wrote to Fishback: "The Governor told me that he would do just as
I wanted . . . and I have no doubt that he will." Ibid. Will Wallace, however, had
no faith in Morton. Will Wallace to Harrison, Nov. 6, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
As matters turned out, Wallace's judgment was more accurate than Harrison's.
77 This was a popular expression among Unionists during the fall and winter of
1863, the term "fire" referring, of course, principally to the Democracy of the North-
west, and secondarily to all opponents of the war. William Wallace to Benj. Harri-
son, October 30, i86s, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4: "I am clearly of the opinion that it
would have been better for the country had a draft been resorted to. By this means
there would not have been left a fire in our rear almost as much to be dreaded as
the fire on the front." See also Wood Gray, The Hidden Civil War, p. 18, where he
describes Senator Sumner's interview with Lincoln in the black winter of i86:
"The President tells me he now fears 'the fire in the rear'."
THE SOIL OF KENTUCKY 211
entrenched Democrats, 78 there was one fact Harrison could not
forget either now or during the rest of his life. For, as Fishback
had put it, "only the loyal and the patriotic are in the army . . .
an element that can scourge from the face of the earth the traitors
at home should it become necessary." 79
78 Fishback wrote to Harrison on October 16, 1862: "our danger now is at home
. . . [disloyal] men feel their power in numbers, and you must not be surprised if the
counter revolution is inaugurated at home." Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
79 Ibid.
CHAPTER X
On Secessionist Ground:
The War in Tennessee
A THOUGH Colonel Harrison's regiment had marched into
the heart of the Confederacy in response to frantic de-
mands for fresh troops to defend Kentucky against Bragg,
its only claim to fame, so far, was from several moderately suc-
cessful forays at Franklin, Morgantown, Munfordsville and Rus-
sellville. 1 During the last months of 1 862, the men faced a danger-
ous enemy, not on the battlefields of Kentucky, but on the home-
front in Indianapolis. Harrison soon discovered that several
Southern sympathizers in and about Indianapolis were conduct-
ing an effective epistolary campaign among some of the members
of his regiment. Every artifice was employed to encourage both
disobedience and desertion from the Union ranks. This home-
front attempt to sabotage the ranks was a serious matter, which
grew proportionately as the South became more stubborn in the
defense of its rights, and as the casualty lists on both sides length-
ened. 2
Especially at the time of the state elections in October many
doubts beset the people of Indiana. Old political loyalties were
resurrected, and men publicly denounced the "unjust" war. A
draft was announced, postponed, and announced again, while
the Democrats electioneered with a newly discovered vigor, 3
1 General Harrison to General E. A. Carman, February 8, 1876, Harrison MSS
\ ol. 7. In response to General Carman's request of January 10, 1876, Harrison wrote
a summary of the Seventieth's war service. It is detailed and concise, and was pre-
a * ** "* ** Carman ' S ^^ of the 2oth Army Corps, under
2 John B. Martin, Indiana; an Interpretation, p. 61
iLT^ 1 115 f ** Indiana P lis D *y Sentinel were filled with reports and
w T^ nZ? , n / unco f titutional ity of drafting men to fight in an unjust
S ?nvT ^ madC mUCh f the dvil liberties ar S^nt. They complained
that Governor Morton was trampling on civil liberties at every chance. Also see
martin, ov* ctt^ D. 62.
Martin, op. cit., p. 6s.
212
ON SECESSIONIST GROUND: WAR IN TENNESSEE
They claimed to stand for constitutional liberty, freedom of
opinion, of speech and of press, which, they clamored, had been
trodden under foot. In reality, they were opposed to the war, and
on election day they carried the state by a majority of almost
10,000, electing seven out of eleven Congressmen as well as both
houses of the Legislature. Undoubtedly, this repudiation of Re-
publicanism can be set down as a positive reaction against the
war. Democrats had repeatedly asserted that this was an "aboli-
tion war;" 4 and on September 22, when Lincoln finally yielded
to radical pressure and issued his preliminary proclamation of
emancipation, the reaction of Indiana was overwhelmingly hos-
tile. 5 Even Governor Morton's pronouncement that the Presi-
dent's act was nothing more than a "stratagem of war" 8 failed to
pour oil on the troubled political waters. A majority of the In-
dianans had not put aside old prejudices and dislike of the Negro
and the Black Republicans who were now self-confessed aboli-
tionists.
The election had a disastrous personal result for Harrison.
Kerr, the Democrat, was victorious for the office of Reporter.
Fishback wrote: "Caven thinks the Supreme Court will oust you
... if we contest the point, Kerr will claim Volume 18 now in
progress. If Pop Gun had been elected, I think the Court would
have left you in without doubt." 7 Actually, within a month, Kerr
claimed the proceeds from Volume 17 as well as Volume 18 of
the Reports. Ben wrote to Carrie: "I would like to give M. Kerr
a caning better than anything I know of." 8
It was against this background of political change that Harri-
son first detected the spirit of unrest among his own troops. The
propaganda campaign on the home-front had its effect in the
camp at Bowling Green. Almost daily, some of the boys received
letters calculated to make them desert the colors either on the
score that the war was unjust or that they had never been properly
4 J. P. Dunn, Greater Indianapolis, I, 230-31.
5 Kenneth M. Stampp, Indiana Politics during the Civil War, pp. 147-48: "The
immediate hostile reaction in Indiana promised to validate Secretary Smith's warn-
ing that the measure would certainly cause the Republicans to lose his state."
Actually, "most of the Hoosiers were not inclined at that time to accept the measure
upon any grounds."
6 Indianapolis Daily Journal, October 10, 1862.
7 W. P. Fishback to B. Harrison, October 17, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
8 B. Harrison to his wife, November 21, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
214 BENJAMIN HARRISON! HOOSIER WARRIOR
mustered into the service of the United States Army. 9 So effective
was the campaign that a loyalty crisis was being precipitated.
Several enlisted men bitterly resented this sniping by Copper-
heads who were staying safely at home. Harrison was quick to
capitalize on the indignation. His first move was to call a mass
meeting of his entire regiment and to ask General Paine to pre-
side. This was a wise choice. Men applauded generously, as
speakers rivaled each other in proclaiming loyalty to the Union
cause. As the junior officer on the platform, Colonel Harrison
made the concluding address. That he was at the tail end of a
long program of speech-making made little difference to him.
Here was a real opportunity to show that he was a leader of men,
not merely one in the ranks. With a pent-up fervor Harrison
lashed out at the dishonesty of the letter-writers, and immedi-
ately "riveted the attention of that mass of men, held it undi-
vided for about an hour, and was cheered vociferously when he
closed." 10
The regiment's sagging morale was bolstered and the colonel
climbed immeasurably in the esteem of his own men. No sooner
had he finished his remarks than General Paine walked over to
Captain Samuel Merrill; and, slapping the younger man on the
back, he exclaimed: "By George, Captain, that Colonel of yours
will be President of the United States some day." 11
A false report had also circulated in the Indianapolis press that
sickness had removed more than half the regiment from active
service. While Harrison felt that he could cope with the bad feel-
ing created by communications from home, he worried because
"dysentery, measles and some typhoid fever are disabling many of
my men." 12 It was under these circumstances of doubt, discontent
and physical suffering that the fires of disloyalty burned most
brightly within certain companies. Officers were charged with
having little sympathy for the men; and some of the men them-
9 In a letter dated Bowling Green, Ky., November 10, 1862, that appeared four
days later in the Daily Sentinel, one paragraph read: "There has been a great deal of
excitement at camp during the past few days. It seems that the Regiment has never
been mustered into the United States service ... the boys say they are going home
to be mustered in 1 will not say what the reasons are for being dissatisfied, for
that would bring some of the leading officers bad repute." Also see B. R. Sulgrove,
History of Indianapolis and Marion County (Philadelphia, 1884), p. 317.
10 Samuel Merrill, The Seventieth Indiana Volunteer Infantry, p. 49.
11 Freeman Cleaves, Old Tippecanoe, p. 123.
12 B. Harrison to his wife, October 17, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
ON SECESSIONIST GROUND! WAR IN TENNESSEE 215
selves were easily convinced that they were free to leave the army,
since, it was alleged, they had not been properly mustered into
service. Others of a more skeptical nature wrote to "eminent
lawyers in Indiana concerning the matter." 18
At first, Harrison was patient in his efforts to bolster the spirits
of a regiment partially torn with sickness, and understandably,
as he thought, discontented with their inglorious role of inac-
tivity. He labored diligently to have his unit assigned to an active
brigade. His heart was set on moving south and on to the field of
battle. Though the winter of 1862-63 was hard, he confided his
secret ambition to his wife:
I am myself willing to put away the thought of winter quarters
and be kept in active operations in the field, if we can be used effec-
tively against the enemy I am for the most active and continuous
fighting. Let us fight them today, tomorrow and the next day and
every day until they are killed and captured, and the sham confidence
for which they are fighting, is only remembered as a horrible dream
in history. 14
These efforts were actually misconstrued by some of the men
in his outfit. One wrote to the Sentinel that "Harrison thinks,
doubtless, that if he gets us in a division that he can make us
soldiers whether we are mustered, paid or clothed; but he will
find out before we go far, that we are unwilling to serve under
him until we are mustered in." 15 Views such as these, and the
ever-present knowledge that they were originated by people at
home, caused him to unloose a volley of vituperation:
We feel real malicious towards the traitorous and cowardly scoun-
drels who not only refused to share with us the perils and glories of
our dear country's service, but extend sympathy and encouragement
to the red-handed traitors of the South who are seeking ours and our
country's life. Most earnestly do I pray God to turn away the sword
and faggot from our dear state and dear homes, but at the same time
we are ready to meet the enemies of our country even in Indiana,
"with bloody hands and hospitable graves." ... I have some hope,
though it is faint, that those who have now attained power, may,
when they feel the public responsibility upon them, laboriously main-
tain the war. Should they fail to do so, they will soon perish before
13 Indianapolis Daily Sentinel, November 14, 1862.
14 B. Harrison to his wife, October 17, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
is Picket (Co. A) to the Editor of the Sentinel, November 14, 1862.
2l6 BENJAMIN HARRISON": HOOS1ER WARRIOR
the avenging breath of a million veteran soldiers of liberty, who have
sworn to defend the government against all her enemies and opposers.
... I turn away from thoughts so agonizing. 16
Fortunately for the colonel's reputation, one of his own officers,
his brother-in-law Captain Scott, was in Indianapolis on leave
just when the spirit of rebellion in the Seventieth was being aired
in the press. Not only did Scott readily prove that all the charges
against Harrison and the officers of the regiment were "in toto
untrue," but he also made a special point of defending his su-
perior officer:
Among the unkindest charges was the one against Col. Harrison,
that he was trying to get our regiment to move with the army, think-
ing that he could make us soldiers in this way whether mustered,
paid or clothed. I venture the assertion that there has never been an
officer more zealous than Col. Harrison in having his regiment prop-
erly clothed and equipped, sending two daily messengers to the city
for oil-cloth blankets, one to Louisville for over-coats, and laboring
in season and out of season to have his command comfortable and
happy. He labored, it is true, to get his command to move, but it was
to leave a town now rendered a pest house with the sick of our great
army . , . 5,000 strong ... in 20 hospitals. 17
While the war on the home-front was being hotly waged, the
military were in a confused state. No clear-cut plan of campaign
was executed by either side. 18 Though the Confederate Braxton
Bragg seemed on the point of taking Louisville as late as mid-
September, he allowed himself to be diverted, and swung his
columns toward Lexington. On the other hand, General Buell, 19
who had promptly occupied Louisville, performed no signal serv-
ice until the campaign was climaxed by the battle of Perryville 20
on October 8, 1862. Yet, even this battle could not be counted
i B. Harrison to his wife, October 21, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
* I7 ? pt ; H " M * SC U to the Editor of the ^dianapolis Daily Journal, November
fete cha' ** ffiCer f thC regiment ' Scott nid he felt caDfid u P n to ^fute the
is James G. Randall, The Civil War and Reconstruction, p. 526.
r Jnt^ SU ^ nS Sherman in November, 1861, as commander of the Army of
?v SS,? J T ngCd and devdoped t into a u-**plined fighting machine.
Even Williams, whose standards for commanders are highways, op cit II 478-^
was an accomplished soldier in many ways." 7 P 47
20 Randall, op. eft, p. 527.
ON SECESSIONIST GROUND: WAR IN TENNESSEE 217
as a clear victory for either side. Perhaps the only gratification
was the report that the Confederates had decided to abandon
Kentucky.
When the Confederates actually began their withdrawal to
Tennessee, Harrison's hopes skyrocketed. Now, an early move-
ment southward was probable, with chances for real fighting
imminent. When Washington determined to guillotine all
unsuccessful generals, 21 Harrison's wishes were near fulfill-
ment. Buell's failure 22 to anticipate Bragg's invasion of Kentucky
as well as his neglect in pursuing the confederate general after
Perryville, brought his removal from the command of the De-
partment of the Ohio. 23 He was succeeded by General William S.
Rosecrans.
With this new appointment Harrison and his men were ex-
tremely pleased. The order which placed Rosecrans in command
also created the Department of the Cumberland, embracing that
portion of the state of Tennessee lying east of the Tennessee
River, and such parts of Georgia and Alabama as should be oc-
cupied by Federal troops. 24 The Seventieth Indiana, as well as
every other regiment in the field, needed no briefing on the
strategy underlying this general reorganization of the western
forces. Even the rawest recruit realized that a big push into the
deep South was in the offing, and Harrison's Hoosiers hoped to
play a significant part. This time they were not to be disap-
pointed.
On October goth, General Rosecrans came to Louisville and
assumed his new command, and three days later, while Colonel
and Mrs. Harrison were enjoying their second visit together at
Bowling Green, 25 he rode into camp. The new commander an-
nounced a three-fold division of his army, under the command,
respectively, of Major Generals McCook, Thomas, and Critten-
21 Kenneth P. Williams, Lincoln Finds a General, II, 477.
22 R. V. Johnson and C. C. Buel (eds.), Battles and Leaders, III, Part i, p. 19;
Henry M. Cist, The Army of the Cumberland (New York, 1882), pp. 76-77.
2S Rossi ter Johnson, Campfire and Battlefield, p. 230. Stampp, op. tit., p. 160,
declares that, "besides falling victim to civilian meddling and western discontent,
Buell was something of a scapegoat for disappointed Union party politicians." This
viewpoint is verified by Harrison's letter to his wife, October si, 1862, Harrison
MSS, Vol. 4.
24 Cist, op. tit., p. 77.
25 Will Wallace to Benj. Harrison, October 30, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
2i8 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
den. Three divisions were assigned to each wing, while the center
was composed of five. Three days later, the Seventieth Indiana
Volunteers found themselves a substantial part of the center.
Harrison wrote: "On the loth of November, 1862 the yoth was as-
signed to Ward's Brigade, Dumont's Division, i4th Army Corps,
and moved with its command to Scottsville, Kentucky, and thence
on the 24th of November to Gallatin, Tennessee." 28
The three-day march from Bowling Green to Scottsville, Ken-
tucky, was made through a
country destitute of any respectable improvement and seemingly in-
capable of any. . . * We saw very few houses and they were the make-
shifts of the frontier. Every now and then we would pass a cow path
coming out from the thick woods and thicker underbushes about
which would be collected fifteen or twenty children who must have
been startled from a bed of leaves by the rattle of our drums. They
gazed with rustic wonder on the troops as they passed, and thought
they had never seen such multitudes on multitudes of soldiers. 27
Captain Merrill later related that
in the inarch he [Harrison] was always merciful, protesting against
unnecessary haste. Frequently he would take the guns and accoutre-
ments of some poor worn out soldier and carry it before him on the
saddle. Often I have seen him dismount and walk while a sick soldier
occupied his place on the horse. 28
Many of the men were still on the sick list; some, scarcely able to
walk. Harrison "walked fully one half the distance" 29 to Scotts-
26 Harrison to General E. A. Carman, February 8, 1876, Harrison MSS, Vol. 7.
General Dumont, Harrison's new division commander, was a personal friend. He
had served with distinction as Lieut. Colonel of the Fourth Indiana Volunteers in
the Mexican War, was elected to Congress in October, 1862, and re-elected in 1864.
Sulgrove, op. eft., pp. 308-12.
27 B. Harrison to his wife, November 11, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
28 Indianapolis Journal, June 29, 1888.
29 This was not an uncommon experience. In later years, several members of his
regiment recalled such kindness. Dan Ransdell, ex-county clerk and a member of
the Seventieth, not only recalled seeing Harrison dismount and march, but claimed:
"I remember once he did me that kindness. I have always loved him and admired
him, and I might say that I have always insisted that he would be one day President
of these United States." An unidentified newspaper clipping in Harrison Scrap-
book Series, Vol. 6, Harrison MSS. This story was also reprinted in a campaign
pamphlet, Public and Private Life of Gen'l. Benj. Harrison, p. 15.
ON SECESSIONIST GROUND: WAR IN TENNESSEE 21Q
ville. This example was not lost upon most of the staff members,
who perforce, followed suit, 30 thus boosting the morale of the
regiment and winning the respect and admiration of their sub-
ordinates. Ben confided to Carrie:
I think, though no such motive prompted the act, that this cause
has enlarged my popularity with the men. They begin to see that I
will sacrifice at any time my own comfort for their good. 31
Arrival at Scottsville, however, brought little consolation. The
thought in most minds was that of moving further south as soon
as possible. The area around the town struck Benjamin Harrison
as "one of the most desolate and barren portions of the world"
with the "produce of the country . . . completely exhausted." 32
Due to the very limited opportunities that this sector offered
for drill, both officers and men soon grew tired of lying about
camp. 83 This enforced inactivity allowed more than ample time
for speculation as to future movements; and just before Rose-
crans instructed General Thomas to advance Dumont's division
to Gallatin, Tennessee, 84 Harrison had written home that "there
is some talk about reorganizing our brigadiers and putting us in
another brigade and giving the command of it to me." 35 Realiz-
ing that he was still untested by real fighting in the field, and still
lacked that quality of self-confidence so essential to a successful
commander, Harrison showed little interest in the suggested pro-
motion. He mulled over the matter and entrusted his conclusion
to his wife:
so One did not. This drew Harrison's critical fire: "the Major rode his horse
all the way, and had besides two wheeled vehicles with his traps and his negroe
driving it, ... he is a very selfish man and the officers are finding him out and
laugh a good deal at his disposition to grasp everything he can get his hands on."
Harrison to his wife, November 14, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
82 Harrison to his wife, November 18, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
35 The complaint was that there was no field of level ground within miles that
was large enough to move even a regiment. Ibid.
34 Cist, op. cit., p. 77. General S. S. Fry was also to join Dumont with his divi-
sion in order to "push rapidly forward the repairs of the railroad to Nashville."
35 Harrison to his wife, November* 18, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4. The basis for
this talk seems to be that his unit "takes the shine of all the brigade in mounting,
in dress parade and ... in battalion drill."
22O BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
I am not ambitious for a high command and am perhaps a little
lacking in confidence in my real powers ---- Gen. Ward, our brigade
commander, is a very clever man, but has very little idea of military
matters. 30
Rosecrans' order of November 24th, directing Ward's brigade
to Gallatin, ended all immediate speculation, but found the colo-
nel of the Seventieth an uncomfortably sick man. The weather
at Scottsville had been excessively cold and damp during the
regiment's stay; further Harrison had eaten some fresh pork that
induced ptomaine poisoning. On top of this misfortune came
renewed shafts of criticism from Indianapolis. 37
What particularly piqued Harrison was an attack in the press
by Alexander Thuer, a member of his own company and a former
newspaper editor. 88 Thuer said that he especially despised Har-
rison for the religious influence that he attempted to exert in the
regiment. It is true that Harrison had exercised such influence.
He had often acted as chaplain. One comrade said: "He was a
true man of old Presbyterian stock ... he was the only general
officer I knew of at whose headquarters family prayers were regu-
larly held/' 89
Thoroughly disheartened and still somewhat dyspeptic, Har-
rison lost his usual calm and self-control. After he had belatedly
blasted his critic as a "blatant infidel," in a bitter letter to Car-
rie, 40 he felt better. He explained other "letters to the editor" in
the columns of the Sentinel and the Journal as coming from sol-
diers whom he had been compelled to discipline. He was sensible
enough to look upon these attacks "as a mode of venting their
rage," yet his oversensitive nature rebelled at what he deemed
rank injustice. He drew some satisfaction in tagging his press op-
ponents as "miserable egotistic fools," and finally adopted a prac-
tical and simple philosophy: "The day of these dogs will soon be
id. By mid- 1863, Harrison had changed his opinion of General Ward most
radically.
37 The violent attacks in the Indianapolis press annoyed Harrison greatly. B.
Harrison to his wife, November 21, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
38 Thuer had been appointed by Col. Burgess as postmaster. Subsequently, he
was removed by Harrison for drunkenness, and in his place was appointed a Mr.
Elgin, a preacher. This appointment was the cause of Timer's vitriolic attack on
Harrison.
39 Indianapolis Journal account republished on p. 14 of the campaign pamphlet.
40 B. Harrison to his wife, November si, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
ON SECESSIONIST GROUND: WAR IN TENNESSEE 221
over. I know that I have the confidence and respect of every officer
and man whose esteem is worth having."
On the evening of November 24, 1862, in obedience to Rose-
crans* order the regiment broke camp at Scottsville, Kentucky.
Shortly before four A.M. on the 25th the troops were alerted, and
while the Fortieth Brigade, 41 also part of Dumont's division, was
getting under way, the rest of the battalion was formed in a close
column. At this point General Dumont rode up to the Seventieth
and made a speech which, according to one hearer, was "just such
a one as you would expect from a Hoosier General to a Hoosier
Regiment." 42 Upon the men this veteran of two wars urjged dis-
cipline and subordination; with the officers he insisted upon
promptness and firmness. Every man knew the general to be sin-
cere when he expressed his desire to have the Seventieth remain
with him until "peace should again smile upon the land." He
pledged his word that, if the opportunity offered, he would lead
them "to glory and to victory." At the conclusion of the speech,
Harrison proposed three rousing cheers as a mutual pledge that
they would not disappoint the expectations of their general. En-
thusiasm ran high as the regiment began the thirty-three mile
march to Gallatin, Tennessee. 43
When approximately nine miles from Scottsville, the Seven-
tieth reached the Kentucky-Tennessee line. The regiment paused
momentarily; then, with colors flying and the band playing
"Dixie," each company commander came forward and set foot
on this new territory. To the accompaniment of waving hats
and tremendous cheering, the entire regiment crossed, whistling
"Dixie" as they marched. 44 Nine more miles were covered be-
fore the division halted for the night.
The intervening fifteen miles were covered leisurely on the
26th, and at 4:00 P.M. the last of Dumont's command reached
Gallatin, the county seat of Sumner County, located three miles
from the Cumberland River and directly on the line of the Louis-
ville and Nashville Railroad. Much to their good fortune and to
41 The Fortieth Brigade was under the command of Col. O. A. Miller and was
comprised of his regiment, the g8th Illinois as well as the 72nd and 75th Indiana
Regiments. Cist, op. cit., p. 264.
42 Indianapolis Daily Journal, December 6, 1862.
43 B. Harrison to his wife, November 28, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
44 Indianapolis Daily Journal, December 6, 1862; also Merrill, op. cit., p. 46.
2582 BENJAMIN HARRISON! HOOSIER WARRIOR
the jealousy of the other troops, the Seventieth was chosen by
General Dumont as his bodyguard and consequently was as-
signed the best camping site near Headquarters.
On the following day, which was Thanksgiving, Harrison, hav-
ing duly reflected on "a rich harvest of joy ... a united family
around our own hearthstone," rose manfully to the festive occa-
sion and ate heartily. Shortly afterwards, with the plaintive air
of an overstuffed schoolboy, Ben wrote to Carrie:
Yesterday being Thanksgiving Day, the Major set out a turkey
etc, and invited us all to dine with him which we did. Though sick
myself, the sight of these home delicacies was too much for me and
I went into them pretty strong. Just as we had finished, there came
an invitation from General Ward for us all to go to his headquarters
at 4 P.M. 45
This letter contained several allusions to the poor state of his
health.
I have alluded to the condition of my health and ought perhaps to
be more explicit, to avoid unnecessary uneasiness. I have a slight at-
tack of yellow jaundice and feel at times very badly in body and quite
despondent in spirit. I have dropped more than one tear since writing
this letter and feel ashamed of their flow, but cannot dry them up. I
am taking a blue pill every day and hope before we leave here to be
quite well again.
No sooner had Dumont's division taken up quarters at Gal-
latin than the intelligence department reported a rebel con-
centration near Murfreesboro, only a two-day march southeast of
Nashville. This bit of news encouraged Harrison: "I am for a
fight and go home policy." 46 But a few days later, while still wait-
ing for fighting orders, he had to content himself with a dreamer's
letter to Carrie, wherein he contemplated "a neat cottage home
in which to enjoy my pension when I come home with one leg/'
He kept his hopes high, convinced as he was that the order to
march would come before long, and he added: "I don't care how
soon/' His confidence was based on his belief that "we have an
B. Harrison to his wife, November 28, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
46 Harrison to his wife, November 30, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4,
ON SECESSIONIST GROUND: WAR IN TENNESSEE
army in the field which if skillfully led would crush the rebellion
in 90 days, but the leader seems to be wanting." 47
Harrison, in his prognostication that a serious engagement was
close at hand, was entirely correct. He was wrong, however, in
his belief that Dumont's division and his own regiment would
share in the fighting. Just two weeks before General Rosecrans
moved out of Nashville with 41,000 effectives to strike Bragg's
forces near Murfreesboro, the Union general detailed Harrison's
troops from Gallatin to Drake's Creek, from which point they
were to guard twenty-six miles of railroad from Gallatin to Nash-
ville. 48
This assignment was deemed of extreme importance by Rose-
crans, who from the first day of his command of the Army of the
Cumberland had bent every effort to keep the Louisville and
Nashville track in good condition. No one understood better
than Rosecrans that Buell's most serious problem was that of
safeguarding his communications to his base of supplies. 49 Har-
rison, disappointed by the orders to keep this life-line open, and
considering it a "big contract," nevertheless criticized the move as
the "sheerest madness." 50 But there they stayed. "We are still
encamped upon the grassy banks of this classic stream . . . doing
little but picket and guard duty." His chief complaint was being
"kept on a stretch of mind and body day and night." The cold
was so penetrating that he uttered the fervent wish that his troops
would not be "condemned to spend the winter in such service . . .
most trying and dangerous, and at the same time the least hon-
orable of any." 51
Harrison even contemplated a ride to Nashville for a personal
request to Rosecrans that he be given an opportunity to fight
against Bragg's army. Upon reflection, however, he decided to
wait at least until after Christmas Day. On its eve, his first away
from home, he succeeded in putting aside all thoughts of battle,
and wrote to Carrie one of his characteristically beautiful letters:
. . . And this is Christinas eve; and the dear little ones are about this
time nestling their little heads upon the pillow, filled with the high
47 Harrison to his wife, December 4, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
48 Harrison to his wife, December 12, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
49 Cist, o. eft., p. 81.
so Harrison to his wife, December 12, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
61 Harrison to his wife, December 15, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
224 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
expectations of what Santa Glaus will bring them, and Papa is not
there. How sad and trying it is for me to be away at such a time as
this, and yet I cannot allow my complaining spirit to possess me.
There are tens of thousands of fathers separated like me from the
dear ones at home, battling with us for the preservation of our noble
government which, under God, has given us all that peace and pros-
perity which makes our homes abodes of comfort and security. I am
enduring very heavy trials in the army, but I believe that I was led
to enter it by a high sense of Christian patriotism and God has thus
far strengthened me to bear all cheerfully. I can never be too thankful
for the heroic spirit with which you bear our separation and its in-
cident trials and hardships. I know you must be very lonesome and
oppressed with many anxieties, but God will give you strength to
bear them all and will, nay I believe already has, drawn you closer to
Himself as the source of all comfort and consolation. It is a blessed
promise that "all things shall work together for gdbd to those who
love God/' Let us have faith to receive the promise in all its royal
fulness. 62
Six days later, the engagement at Stone River (the Battle of
Murfreesboro) began, and at Drake's Creek, forty miles away,
concern for the outcome threw a pall over Harrison's New Year's
Day thoughts:
I have felt very little of that festive spirit which usually belongs to
this day. We have heard all day, the heavy bombing of artillery in the
direction of Nashville and the great results of which hang upon the
battle being fought and the dreadful carnage which the day witnessed,
only a few miles away, have sobered and even saddened my mind.
And then we have each a brother in the fight and God knows, not we,
what may have been the issue to them. 58
This note to Carrie was almost a premonition; a week later he
learned that her brother, John Scott, had been severely wounded,
one of the exceptionally high number of casualties. 54 Ben wrote
that he was sending "whiskey, tea and a jar of peaches" to him,
"being all the delicacies my chest could furnish." After words of
consolation, he admitted to Carrie:
I almost envy John his honorable wound, and hope we may soon
exchange the ease and quiet of our present camp for the hardship
2 Harrison to his wife, December 24, 1862, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
fi Harrison to his wife, January i, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
>*Of Rosecrans' forces, 1,677 were killed and 7,543 wounded; Bragg lost 1,294
killed and 7,945 wounded. Thomas L. Livennore, Numbers and Losses in the Ciml
War in America, 1861-186$ (Boston, 1901), p. 47.
ON SECESSIONIST GROUND: WAR IN TENNESSEE 225
and dangers of the field . . . not that I am ambitious of military fame,
but because I want to feel that I am accomplishing something for the
cause, which I sacrificed to espouse. 55
Since Bragg was compelled to evacuate Murfreesboro and ulti-
mately to retire from middle Tennessee, this engagement is usu-
ally regarded as a Union triumph. As one Civil War authority
points out, however, "the Union army which achieved the 'vic-
tory* did not strike again for six months." 56 To Harrison the
prospects for 1863 appeared encouraging, for he told Carrie:
God seems to be smiling upon the efforts of our army in the West,
and it does seem that the rebellion in that quarter is in a fair way of
being speedily and thoroughly crushed out. If we could only hear
more of some of the great success in the East, our cause would seem
to be brilliant ... we must not be too much elated over our successes,
nor think, as we have many times before, that the fighting is over and
cause successful. There will I have no doubt be thousands of lives lost
yet on the battlefield before all life is crushed out of this monstrous
hydra of treason. I have no doubt that we will all see fighting enough
before we are permitted to lay down the weapons of our warfare, and
resume the pursuits of peace. 57
During the first six months of 1863, the military operations of
the Army of the Cumberland were necessarily of a minor char-
acter, inasmuch as the exhaustion consequent upon the severe
fighting at Stone River prevented any immediate serious offen-
sive. The divisions were kept in camp until their respective losses
in arms, material and men could be recouped. 68 Harrison and his
command continued their assignment of guarding the railroad
between Gallatin and Nashville. In mid-February they were or-
dered to Gallatin, after which came four months in camp. What
one correspondent from the Seventieth had said earlier still ap-
plied:
Our Regiment has again quit traveling; again we have stopped and
tied up at a post. Our services seem to be appreciated as guards , . .
probably we have a talent that way, if we stay in the service long, we
certainly will be entitled to rank as the "Old Guard/' 59
55 Harrison to his wife, January 8, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
56 Randall, op. cit. f p. 528.
57 Harrison to his wife, January 8, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
58 Cist, op. tit., p. 136.
5 Bode to the Editor, Indianapolis Daily Journal, December s6, 1862.
226 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Lew Wallace has described these four months, for Harrison, as
"a period . . . evenly divided between hunting guerrillas and
drilling his men." 60
In spite of the monotony, Ben could assure Carrie that he got
"along with less grumbling than you would imagine." 61 An ex-
amination of Harrison's heavy correspondence for this period
reveals two principal reasons why he did not especially notice
the ennui of the camp. He seems to have discovered pleasure in
novel reading, even though he devoted a great deal of time to
books on tactics, strategy, and the art of war in general.
Harrison was compelled to admit that some of the observations
by Dr. Bishop of Miami days about fiction were not entirely true.
Not only did the colonel now deny that novel reading was "in-
ferior and productive of evil," but he unblushingly reversed his
collegiate conclusion that "it unfits the mind for close application
to many subjects." Fun-loving Carrie must have chuckled as she
read Ben's latest confidence that "in Gallatin I borrowed a large
bound volume of Bulwer's novels and have found them very en-
tertaining when tired of tactics and regulations." 62 Later, he
wrote from Nashville:
1 am fairly driven to write to you tonight by sheer loneliness. I
bought today "Little Dorritt" [sic], and have been pouring [sic] over
Dickens 1 description of the squalor and wretchedness of the Debtor's
Prison, and of rainy, dripping, soggy days ... in London, which con-
sorting with my own loneliness, the pelting rain, and sodden ground
of my own camp has made me quite miserable. 68
These excursions into the imaginative realm of the novel were
rare in comparison with the almost daily drudgery of long hours
devoted to the study of the military art. This was of his own
choosing, and he refused General Ward's offer of a provost mar-
shalship in order to pursue his tactical studies more closely. 64 On
a brief trip to Louisville, he related, "I bought several military
books 05 . . . and am engaged now in studying them. They enable
60 Lew Wallace, Life of Gen. Ben Harrison, p. 184.
61 Harrison to his wife, January 18, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4. He was able to
write an average of three letters a week through this year.
02 Harrison to his wife, January 18, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
63 Harrison to his wife, October 15, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
64 Harrison to his wife, February 14, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
66 six of these are now in the library of the Harrison Memorial Home in In-
dianapolis. They bear the inscription by Harrison: "Gallatin, Tenn., Feb. 3, 1863."
W
Q
M
CO
W
h
w
Q
ffi
h
w
CO
Photograph by Matthew B. Brady Courtesy Harrison Memorial Home
HERO-TRIO AT PEACH TREE CREEK
Brig. Gen. Benjamin Harrison, Maj. Gen. William Ward, and
Brig. Gen. John Coburn
ON SECESSIONIST GROUND: WAR IN TENNESSEE 227
me to spend my leisure both pleasantly and profitably." 6 * This
resolve to master the theory and art of war, while demanding
many hours of serious study, was not surprising to the men who
knew Harrison best. General Wallace wrote:
It must be remembered that he was as fresh in arms as the greenest
man in the ranks. He was systematic and painstaking, however, and
buckled to the mysteries of the tactical "schools," as he had in college
days to geometry. 67
As far as Benjamin Harrison was concerned, the master
tactician in 1863 was Hardee, 68 and there can be no doubt that
the latter's authoritative work, Rifle and Light Infantry Tactics,
became a second Bible in camp. Harrison's adjutant, Jim Mitch-
ell, as well as the regiment's Lieutenant Colonel, Jim Burgess,
each possessed copies. With unfailing regularity, these men, ac-
companied by other staff officers, were summoned to Harrison's
tent in the evening where he questioned them on each chapter.
When it came to field tactics, Harrison "required them to illus-
trate the manoeuvers upon a board, chalk in hand. 'Hardee,' was
of course, the umpire for the settlement of questions." 69 Natu-
rally, Harrison supplemented Hardee with the works of later
military authorities, such as Casey's three volumes on Infantry
Tactics. 70
Study and instruction were not restricted to the manuals usu-
ally prescribed. Harrison read omnivorously the accounts of the
celebrated campaigns and battles in European as well as in Amer-
ican history. At regimental headquarters, Modern War: Its The-
ory and Practice by Imre Szabad (U.S A.) 71 stood side by side with
the English translation of General de Jomini's The Political and
66 Harrison to his wife, February 14, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4.
67 Wallace, op. cit., p. 184.
68 This work, prepared under the direction of the War Department by Brevet
Lieut. W. J. Hardee, was published in Philadelphia in 1855.
69 Wallace, op. cit., p. 184. Copies belonging and inscribed to Mitchell and Bur-
gess are now in the library of Harrison's Indianapolis Home.
70 Published in 1862 by D. Van Nostrand, New York, "for the instruction, exer-
cise and manoeuvers of the soldier, the company, a line of skirmishers, battalion,
brigade or corps d'annee."
71 Published in 1863 by Harpers, New York. A copy with the inscription, "Benj.
Harrison, Col. 7oth Ind. Vols., Gallatin, Tenn., Feb. 3, 1863," is in Harrison's
library.
228 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Military History of the Campaign of Waterloo. 72 While Schalk's
Summary of the Art of War was widely consulted at camp, it
ranked no higher with Harrison than de Jomini's other military
classic, The Art of War.
Several studies on field fortifications were also scrutinized. Per-
haps D. H. Mahan's treatise, 74 with detailed instructions on "the
method of laying out, constructing, defending and attacking en-
trenchments," proved most valuable, in the light of Harrison's
successes during the Atlanta Campaign of 1864.
Because the sometimes "lazy, spiritless life of a garrison sol-
dier" 75 did not agree with Harrison's habits of mind and body,
highly geared as he was to intellectual activity as a civilian, he
studied all the harder. By late August, his own and his com-
mand's progress in military learning had not gone unnoticed.
While the Seventieth was at Nashville, Major Brigney made a
routine inspection of the entire division and let fall several re-
marks showing that he deemed Harrison "a first rate officer 1 ' who
"would be a Brig this fall." 76 A month later Harrison was in
brigade school. 77 Although he confided to Carrie that "I study
and read until I tire of both and am left a prey to loneliness and
discontent," 78 he drew some consolation from the fact that he
was able to stump his instructors:
I have had the pleasure of attending several of his [Ward's] schools
and am puzzling the old fellow to death with questions. Instead of
learning us anything, he is confusing and unsettling all that we have
learned. . . . Harryman is always on hand and comes to the General's
rescue whenever he can, but I have several times stumped him too. 79
Anyone who knew Harrison's propensity for study and his
self-confessed lack of skill in the social amenities might justly
suspect that this assiduous application to military theory would
T2 Capt. S. V. Benet, Ordnance Dept., U. S. Army, was the translator. Baron de
Jomini was aide-de-camp to the Emperor of Russia.
73 Translated from ihe French by Capt. C. H. Mendell (U. S, A.). This copy is
also in the library of the Harrison Home.
i*An Elementary Course of Civil Engineering (New York, 1835). Mahan was
Professor of Military and Civil Engineering at the United States Military Academy.
75 Harrison to his wife, October 15, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
76 Harrison to his wife, August 26, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
77 Harrison to his wife, October 4, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
78 Harrison to his wife, October 15, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
79 Harrison to his wife, October 13, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
ON SECESSIONIST GROUND: WAR IN TENNESSEE 22Q
have warped the man. This could well have been the case. Even
back in April he had reported to Carrie the results of a party
given by General Paine. 80 He admitted:
It was quite a gay assemblage. Dancing and card playing went
round merrily and we had some very fine music. The music and a
very nice supper were the only pleasures in which I participated.
Though frequently urged to dance, and especially by a very buxom
and pretty wife of one of our Indiana surgeons (Mrs. McGinnis from
Evansville) I persistently declined. I really felt out of place in such a
social gathering and must have seemed very dull to others as I was in
fact. I believe I have lost all of my manners and all faculty of making
myself agreeable in general society. 81
He candidly admitted loneliness on several occasions. While sta-
tioned in Nashville he wrote: "If I were a frequenter of the
theatres, or of the more questionable places of amusement with
which this city abounds, I might enjoy our location as well as
some of the officers I know/' 82
Fortunately for himself, Harrison did not long remain on a
road to social ostracism and personal unhappiness. His resolu-
tion to improve himself in this regard was gently prompted by the
ever-vigilant Carrie at Indianapolis. 83 She probably took great
pride in his subsequent letters, for Ben was soon given ample
opportunity to prove the sincerity and strength of his determina-
tion to lead a more balanced existence. General Paine continued
to give parties at his cottage home, and as a rule the staff of the
Seventieth were invited. Frequently, the entertainment provided
was "rare and racy"; at other times, a round of singing was mere-
ly followed by a round of drinking. Harrison claimed that he
learned how to enjoy himself as a witness, if not as an actual
participant. 84
80 When General Dumont was removed from command due to illness on Decem-
ber 10, 1862, General Paine was placed in charge of the division.
81 Harrison to his wife, April 5, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 4. "My close applica-
tion to hard work before coming into the army and my separation from all society
since have made a very dull, matter of fact sort of personage out of me."
82 Harrison to his wife, October 15, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
83 Carrie used to tell Ben of his faults along these lines. He insisted that she need
never apologize for such kindness. Harrison to his wife, December 10, 1862, Harri-
son MSS, Vol. 4.
84 Colonel Dustin insisted that Harrison be present, and sometimes had to hood-
wink him into attending social functions. Harrison to his wife, April 10, 1863, Har-
rison MSS, Vol. 4.
2JO BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
His ability to make an impromptu speech had been discovered
at a party when Colonel Dustin of an Illinois regiment presented
General Paine "with a splendid Henry Clay Banner of the cam-
paign of 1 844 ... captured from some rebel house." 85 After Paine's
gracious acceptance, a call was made upon Harrison. After some
persuasion, he made a speech alluding "to Grandpa Harrison and
to me a descendant. . . . Then I was fairly in for it." Carrie was
encouraged by the sequel, as she read:
I made a short response and you will be pleased to know that I was
very highly complimented and very rapturously applauded. . . . My
reputation as a speaker is on the rise, however it may be in a military
point of view. Some of the officers got quite mellow and I laughed
more than I did for a year before at the antics of some of them, par-
ticularly Col. Dustin.
Referring to the bourbon that flowed freely, Harrison was at
pains to assure Carrie that "I touched it very lightly myself/' as
did Surgeon Amos Reagan and Adjutant Jim Mitchell. "We came
to camp duly sober, Col. Jim was a little funny, but not notice-
ably so." 86 When Carrie visited the camp during May and Sep-
tember, 1863, she found Ben leading a more normal existence.
While he always found a "drunken revel disgusting," by Novem-
ber he could honestly confess that he enjoyed a "pleasant, cheer-
ful dinner of the kind where only wine enough is taken to give
vivacity to the mind." 87 Harrison had successfully climbed sev-
eral rungs in the social ladder. With a twinkle in his eye he ad-
mitted that his "speech making and toast drinking . . . surprise"
those who do not know me and who "from my quiet reserve at
table have probably voted me a bore." 88
The Seventieth Indiana, once more reunited with Ward's bri-
gade, was assigned to Nashville, Tennessee, on August 19, iSSg. 89
Here, as part of General Granger's reserve corps, it was engaged
almost exclusively in guarding trains bound for Chattanooga,
86 Ibid.
87 Harrison to his wife, November 27, 1863, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5. His idea of a
"good" dinner was the Thanksgiving Day repast served in a Nashville restaurant:
' Venison, Turkey, Quail, Oysters in several styles, sparkling Catawba etc."
88 Ibid.
S Harrison to Gen. E. A. Carman, February 8, 1876, Harrison MSS, Vol. 7.
ON SECESSIONIST GROUND: WAR IN TENNESSEE
while Rosecrans' command again went to the front. 90 The re-
maining four months of 1863 were spent there, with only fatigue
and picket duty to lend variety to an otherwise completely ener-
vating assignment. 91 Although Col. Harrison was thoroughly dis-
gusted by this "scavenger" duty, as he termed it, he could say
"that every day in camp should be used in preparation for that
other day, always to be kept in mind the day of battle." 92
At last, after various delays and minor assignments, General
Ward's command was called to the front. On January 2, 1864, it
lost its unspectacular status as a member of the reserve corps by
temporarily becoming the ist Brigade of the ist Division of the
nth Army Corps. In this reorganization Harrison commanded
the brigade, while Ward led the division. Before the nth Army
Corps reached the front, it was fused with the mh and this new
consolidation was named the aoth Army Corps. In this organiza-
tion Ward resumed command of the ist Brigade, now part of
the grd Division. With this outfit the Seventieth Indiana In-
fantry, under Harrison, was destined to serve until the close of
the war. 98 After a year and a half of monotonous, although in-
valuable, experience, they were ready for combat.
Fortunately for the camp-weary Hoosiers, Ward's brigade and
Harrison's regiment fitted admirably into the ambitious and
ultimately successful plans of the new military dispensation in
Washington, headed by General Ulysses S. Grant. Grant's ap-
pointment on March 9, 1864, to the supreme command of all
the Union armies also elevated William Tecumseh Sherman to
the head of the Division of the Mississippi. 94 Although there had
been bitter campaigns and important battles before the spring
of 1864, with Grant and Sherman directing the main armies in
the east and west, chances now brightened for an early ending of
the war.
90 Wallace, op. tit., p. 185.
91 Harrison to his wife, August 21, 23, 25, 26, 29, October i, 4, 1863, Harrison
MSS, Vol. 5.
92 Wallace, op. cit., p. 185.
93 Harrison to Gen. E. A. Carman, February 6, 1876, Harrison MSS, Vol. 7.
94 William T. Sherman, Memoirs (New York, 1875), II, 5: "On the i8th day of
March ... I relieved Lieutenant-General Grant in command of the Military Divi-
sion of the Ohio." Randall, op. cit., p. 551: "The comradeship of Sherman and
Grant bespoke a high morale in Union ranks. They were 'as brothers/ sajs Sher-
man, both trained as professional soldiers but 'made* on the anvil of war, both
associated with western victories, each giving credit to the other and ready to co-
operate in the closing strokes of a well-planned, comprehensive campaign.**
232 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
The prevailing concept of the war was changed as General
Grant devised campaigns in combination, a strategy calculated
to occupy the Confederates on their right, left and center and to
keep them so busy that there could be no passing of help from
one section to another. Consequently, with the conviction that
Northern numerical superiority should prevail, simultaneous
blows at the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia and the
Army of the Tennessee were projected. Grant came east to com-
mand the Army of the Potomac and Sherman traveled to Nash-
ville to take charge of his forces. 95
Sherman had come to his new command fully determined that
the Army of the Cumberland should be reorganized. He ordered
the consolidation of the i ith and i2th Army Corps and placed
"Fighting Joe" Hooker 96 in command of what was now christened
the 20th Army Corps. 97 Hooker, who was bent upon a change of
personnel within the corps, was adamant in his demand that Ma-
jor General Daniel Butterfield should lead one of the three divi-
sions that comprised the new corps. 98 Fortunately for Harrison,
Joe Hooker got what he wanted. As the time of the reorganiza-
tion approached, Hooker despatched Butterfield, his Chief of
Staff, to find out why Ward's brigade was still posted at Nashville.
Butterfield arrived in the city on February 11, 1864, and Harri-
son wrote to his wife:
There was a revival of the marching story this week, but I cannot
tell you what it may result in. Gen. Butterfield (Hooker's Chief of
95 Jacob D. Cox, Atlanta (New York, 1882), gives the essential military and ad-
ministrative background, but it should be supplemented by Henry Cist, The Army
of the Cumberland. Walter Hebert, Fighting Joe Hooker (Indianapolis, 1944), espe-
cially Ch. 20, and Lloyd Lewis, Sherman: The Fighting Prophet (New York, 1932),
are colorful and accurate accounts. For the background of Sherman's Georgia cam-
paign see Otto Eisenschiml and Ralph Newman, The American Iliad (Indianapolis,
1947)-
e Hooker's sobriquet was well earned; he maintained that the highest form of
human enjoyment was "campaigning in an enemy's country." See Hebert, op.
cit., p. 272, wherein he cites D. E. Sickles, An Address Delivered in Boston
before the Hooker Association of Massachusetts (Norwood, 1910), p. 25.
97 According to Hebert, op. cit., p. 272, and Official Records, Series 2, XXXII,
pp. 363-66, the 2oth Army Corps was organized as follows:
ist Division: Alpheus S. Williams; Brigade Commanders: Joseph F. Knipe,
Thomas H. Ruger, Hector Tyndal;
2nd Division: John W. Geary; Brigade Commanders: Charles Candy Adolphus
Bushbeck, David Ireland;
3rd Division: Daniel Butterfield; Brigade Commanders: William T. Ward, Sam-
uel Ross, James Wood, Jr.
98 Hebert, op. cit., p. 271.
ON SECESSIONIST GROUND: WAR IN TENNESSEE
Staff) was up here a day or two since and making inquiries into the
matter and has now gone back to report. He says Gen. Grant ex-
pressed surprise that we had not been sent forward. We shall prob-
ably know within a few days what to expect."
And on February isth, Butterfield wrote to Hooker:
My opinion in the premises is that the interests of the service would
be best promoted by moving General Ward's Brigade, if not his divi-
sion to the front. Their present condition near Nashville, with its
temptation to soldiers, will not be improved. The command is repre-
sented to be in a very high state of discipline and perfection in drill. 100
Within a fortnight, Hooker ordered Ward's brigade to set out
from Nashville and join its corps. In Ward's absence, Harrison
took command, and within a few days he was on his way to Look-
out Valley to join Hooker's command.
99 Harrison to his wife, February 12, 1864, Harrison MSS, VoL 5.
100 Official Records, Series 2, XXXII, pp. 376-77.
CHAPTER XI
In the Face of the Enemy
WITH THE SPRING of 1864 the three-year old Civil War
entered a new phase. A new-born spirit of aggressive-
ness in the North seemed to support Grant as he as-
sumed command. The foray of might which he planned would
rain sledge-hammer blows on Southern troops throughout Vir-
ginia and would place Lee on the defensive at Richmond. Sher-
man^ task was to force open the gate leading to the lower South.
He had no particular city to capture, not Atlanta, nor Augusta,
nor Savannah. His objective was the army of Confederate Gen-
eral Joseph E. Johnston, "go where it might." 1
Sherman, in whose campaign Harrison was to play so conspicu-
ous a role, spent the early weeks of spring in assembling under
his direct command three good-sized armies. 2 Major General
John M. Schofield's Army of the Ohio was the smallest unit,
comprising 14,000 men and 28 guns. Next in numerical rank
was Major General James B. McPherson's Army of the Tennes-
see, with 24,000 men and 96 guns. The most formidable element
was the Army of the Cumberland, numbering 61,000 men and
130 guns, under the command of Major General George H.
Thomas, already the "renowned Rock of Chickamauga." 3
Opposed to these forces was General Johnston, the peer of Lee
in defensive generalship 4 and the "storm center" of the Confed-
1 William T. Sherman, Memoirs, II, 26.
2 7 bid., pp. 23-24; Jacob D. Cox, Atlanta, p. 25.
s Two recent biographies of General Thomas have appeared: Richard O'Connor,
Thomas: Rock of Chickamauga (New York, 1948), and Freeman Cleaves, Rock of
Chickamauga: The Life of General George H. Thomas (Norman, Okla., 1948). More
manuscript research went into Cleaves* work, which seems both better organized
and more critical.
4 James G. Randall, The Civil War and Reconstruction, p. 51 1, modified this and
claimed Johnston was "almost" a peer, while Cox, op. cit. f p. 26, says Johnston was
second to Lee, if "second."
IN THE FACE OF THE ENEMY 235
erate Army. 5 Although outnumbered, for Sherman's forces num-
bered close to 100,000, Johnston determined early to employ his
70,000 troops 6 in constructing entrenchments, one behind the
other, to be resorted to in the event of compulsory retreat. His
strategy was to maintain his usual "lynx-eyed watchfulness" over
his foe, so as to tempt the latter constantly to assault the entrench-
ments that were so well fortified that one man in the line was
equal to three or four on the attack. 7 Each commander knew the
skill and reputation of his opponent, and in April both hoped
that this spring would be a season of hope and success.
While Johnston and his Confederate subordinates, Hood,
Polk, Hardee, and Cleburne, were digging in and disposing their
forces in the vicinity of Dalton, Georgia, the Army of the Cum-
berland shook itself out of winter quarters. 8 Harrison started
Ward's brigade from Nashville on February 24, i864. 9 The
march to Georgia promised to be wearying, for the terrain was
mountainous. Harrison, however, had his own ideas regard-
ing the conduct of the march. After only one week on the road
at an average marching pace of ten to thirteen miles per day, it
was evident that good time had been made by troops who were
still sufficiently rested "to be delighted with the daily routine." 10
Even Harrison, now weighing 140 pounds and looking the
picture of health, maintained that the march would "greatly im-
prove my health, though it didn't seem to need any." 11 The only
real casualties on the route after the first hundred miles were the
underfed and none too hardy mules. After being exposed to a
chilling rain and a hard pull through mud ankle-deep, many
simply lay down on the grass and died. 12
5 Alfred P. James, "General Joseph Eggleston Johnston, Storm Center o the
Confederate Army," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 14 (1927-38), S42-59- See
also Cox, op. cit., pp. 25 ff.
6 This eternal controversy about the number of Confederate troops in Johnston's
army is admirably handled in a lengthy footnote by Randall, op. cit., p. 551.
7 Cox, op. cit., p. 27.
8 O'Connor, op. cit., pp. 259 ff.
At Murfreesboro, Harrison relinquished command of the brigade to Gen.
Ward, who, accompanied by the iO2nd Illinois, had caught up with his troops after
a few days' absence. Harrison to his wife, February 27, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
10 Harrison to his wife, February 27, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
11 Ibid.
12 By contrast, Harrison stated: "We have slept in wet blankets which were
frozen in the morning and I am still perfectly well, and not even a cold." B. Har-
rison to his wife, March 2, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
236 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
When the Seventieth passed through Shelbyville, Tennessee,
large numbers turned out to see these "veterans" yet unscarred
by battle. In the audience were a number of Hooker's eastern
soldiers, who viewed the Indiana troops with critical eye. Evi-
dently, the outfit passed muster quite successfully, for the east-
erners were not slow to say within Harrison's hearing that "The
Indiana Regiments made the best march through they ever saw
and were the best looking Brigade." 18 Of course, the men were
pleased and went into camp that night in fine spirits. Yet this
was only a lull before the storm of hardship and disappointment.
Heavy rains came to make the wagon trails nothing better than
a sea of mud.
I thought I had seen things a little rough, but . . . yesterday's march
and yesterday in camp at Tullahoma surpassed anything I had ever
dreamed of. It rained . . . and the holes in the road were up to the
axles of the wagons. Some of the wagons did not get in until noon the
next day and the rear guard were forced to stand all night in a swamp
and without fire to do any good. I went out four miles the next day
to help them and took a ration of whiskey to them. Last night when
we and all our bed clothes were wet it turned cold and froze quite
hard and this morning we got up stiff all over. 14
During the remainder of the march through southern Ten-
nessee, Ward took over his brigade once again, and Harrison's
responsibility was at an end. Yet the Brigadier General from Ken-
tucky might well have wished things were otherwise, for he had
committed at least three serious errors on the march that drew
the fire of Harrison's criticism. Even before the brigade reached
mountainous country, Harrison complained that "Gen. Ward
has been a perfect nuisance as usual." 16 What particularly an-
noyed him, he wrote, was Ward's custom of starting ahead with
a mounted company in the morning, and each time failing com-
pletely to communicate any orders to his regimental command-
ers. Even when the brigade's destination would be made known,
Ward was not sure "by what road" to proceed.
The troops' strong feeling against Ward reached its peak on
March 4. His brigade, rapidly reaching out for Alabama and
13 ibid.
is Ibid. Harrison frequently aired his misgivings about Ward to the confidential
ear of his wife.
IN THE FACE OF THE ENEMY 237
Georgia, was directed to pass through some desolate mountain
country with the understanding that they should then pitch camp
in the valley of Big Crow Creek, 18 miles north of the Alabama
line, and on the railroad leading to Stevenson. Ward preceded the
marching columns on horseback in order to determine the road.
Before long, he had lost his way in the mountain passes. The
wagon train, well advanced along a desolate trail, had to be
turned around and brought back several miles. "The roads are
terribly bad and it seems a wonder that a single wagon came
over safely," Ben wrote. His added remarks to Carrie are inter-
esting:
I worked like a Turk correcting his errors and finally got the troops
and the train on the right road. The Gen. got a good deal of cussing^
I hear, for the blunder, and right well did he deserve it. As to myself
I am told that I was greatly praised for the energy I displayed in
bringing things right. I marched the troops right across the mountain
from one road to another where I venture no horseman ever rode
before . . . but as we saved several miles march, it was thought to be
a good thing. Gen. W. was greatly surprised when I sent a staff officer
to report that the Brigade was on the new road and ready to march
forward. 16
Yet, when it came time to explain Ward's blunder, Harrison's
humor did not fail him. Admitting that the desolate country-
side yielded no army rations, he naively explained the Brigadier's
mistake by adding:
Gen. Ward rides on ahead and buys up all of the chickens. I think
he and his staff must have been tracking a chicken when they lost the
road yesterday. If we had not stumbled on a house in the hills, we
would have been going yet on the Battle Creek Road. 17
On the next day, however, when Ward succeeded in losing
the road again, Harrison put aside any semblance of charity, at-
tributing this second error in two days to Ward's heavy drinking. 18
Under the circumstances this charge may or may not have been
true. The brigade had been instructed to march along Crow
Creek, "the crooked stream whose windings we were compelled
16 Harrison to his wife, March 5, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
IT/feid.
is Harrison to his wife, March 7, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
238 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
to follow from the summit of the mountain to Stevenson." After
Ward's mistake had been detected and his orders countermanded,
the march was completed without further mishap. In the reflec-
tive mood sometimes induced by a glowing campfire, Ben wrote
to Carrie:
We marched to within one mile of Stevenson, following all the way
the valley of ... Big Crow Creek . . . often having to go a mile around
to get a quarter on our way. The banks of the stream are in many
places swampy and the road follows along the base of the hills, and
makes the circuit of every little cove in the mountains. Gen. Ward
said he hadn't been drinking anything (?) but that the road was so
crooked that it made him drunk. Perhaps in consequence of this he
lost his road again and ordered me to cross the creek at Anderson ----
After working for an hour and getting 20 men wet all over in trying
to construct a bridge, we found out there was a good road (the one
that we had been following) that didn't cross the creek at all and I
turned the troops back and took that road. 19
Captain Merrill called the road from Bridgeport, Alabama,
to Wauhatchie, Tennessee, the "region of dead mules/' 20 Har-
rison's recollection of the day is vivid:
We had a terrible day's march from Bridgeport here. The road was
lined with dead mules and horses and the stench was sickening. Dr.
Reagan got to vomiting and I had hard work to keep my stomach
quiet. We got our water for coffee out of a creek in the morning; and
when we started to march up it, found dead mules in and along the
creek at the rate of a hundred to a mile. We joked it off, however, as
only soldiers can, and suffered no detriment from our cups of mule
tea. 21
Having covered twelve miles in this tiresome trudge, Har-
rison's command reached the Wauhatchie encampment on a
picturesque hillside beneath the frowning heights of Lookout
Mountain. Here in a narrow valley, "with Lookout Range on
one side and Raccoon on the other," the Seventieth received its
warmest welcome. On hand to greet the untried Hoosiers were
Major General Oliver O. Howard, Commander of the i ith Army
Corps, and his entire staff. There was even a brass band. Although
20 Merrill, The Seventieth Indiana, p. 75.
21 Harrison to his wife, March 11, 1864. Harrison MSS. Vol. K.
IN THE FACE OF THE ENEMY 239
the troops were exhausted by the march under a scorching sun
and through a polluted atmosphere, Ward's entire brigade passed
in review. Harrison confided to his wife that Howard "seemed
very much pleased with the Brigade and treated us with greatest
cordiality/' 22 This was the beginning of a friendship that ma-
tured with the passing years. 23 Howard was a man of parts whom
Sherman praised as "one who mingles so gracefully and perfectly
the polished Christian gentleman and the prompt, zealous and
gallant soldier." 24 A delighted Harrison wrote:
We (self, staff and field officers) took dinner with him yesterday
and witnessed a review of one of his Brigades. He rode all about his
camp with us ... in a word made us feel perfectly at home. He asked
a blessing at table and bore himself like a Christian gentleman. 25
Camped on the ground of "Hooker's fight where he scaled
Lookout" during the celebrated battle above the clouds, Har-
rison was soon feeding the fires of ambition and glory within his
own heart. One afternoon, he accepted the invitation of General
Howard to ride over and examine the battlefield. The lesson of
heroic sacrifice was not lost upon Ben; for that same evening from
the quiet of his tent he despatched a significant message to his
wife: "I feel as if I had a character to make . . . and shall work
night and day to do it and hope to have my labors appreciated." 26
Within a week, he was appointed Commandant of the post at
Wauhatchie. 27 During the next month and a half, while holding
this office as well as directing the activities of Ward's Brigade,
the colonel worked "like a beaver" both in adjusting the camp
and in adapting himself to the methods of Howard's i ith Army
22 Harrison to his wife, March 11, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5. Their new loca-
tion was about six miles from Chattanooga.
23 Immediately after his election to the presidency, Harrison received a letter
from Howard who said in part: "I remember you, when in your young manhood,
you were maneuvering your regiment near Bridgeport, Ala. It was the first time 1
looked into your cheerful face. I felt stronger that you with a noble regiment were
there." November 7, 1888, Harrison MSS, Vol. 45.
24 Lloyd Lewis, Sherman: The Fighting Prophet, p. 349.
25 Harrison to his wife, March 1 1, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5. See Hebert, Walter,
Fighting Joe Hooker, pp. 263-66. Otto Eisenschiml and Ralph Newman, The
American Iliad, has a splendid account of the battle of Chickamauga and Mission-
ary Ridge where the fighting in the West took place. For Howard's part, see pp.
532-37-
26 Harrison to his wife, March 11, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
27 Harrison to his wife, March 15, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
240 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Corps. He earned a slight reputation as "Administrative Ben,"
but no one took the liberty of saying so to his face.
Sunday in camp afforded Harrison his only respite from the
drudgery of administration. Usually, a preaching service was held
at headquarters at five; and, after the chaplain had given his mes-
sage, General Howard, "a very decided Christian and a total ab-
stinence man," 28 would make a short address. Hooker, never too
guarded in his remarks, said, "Howard would command a prayer
meeting with a good deal more ability than he would an army." 29
Harrison found this procedure to his personal liking; the general
was apt to "urge some strong consideration against profanity and
other vices," 80 and second, his manner and mode of speech were
"easy, gentle and persuasive." 31 There is considerable evidence
that acting Brigadier Harrison drew abundant consolation from
these and kindred services. Each succeeding letter to Indianapo-
lis contained some reflection on the progress of his spiritual life.
On the final Sunday as a member of the i ith Army Corps under
Howard, he wrote to his wife:
This is a beautiful Sabbath and my heart yearns to sit with you in
the house of God at home, and to go with my dear little ones to the
Sabbath School I love so much, but, if it cannot be ... I must endeavor
to find such grace as God will afford me in my private meditations in
my lonely cabin, or at a brief service in the open air. Oh, how I do
pine for home . . . God only grant that there be no "vacant chair." 82
While at Wauhatchie, Harrison's star was in the ascendant.
The high command under Howard liked his ability to get things
done, while subordinates in camp were pleased with an adminis-
tration that provided good food and comfortable quarters. 38 This
honeymoon of contentment, however, was threatened with an
abrupt termination by the consolidation of the nth and isth
Army Corps into the 2Oth Army Corps. General Oliver Howard,
Harrison's intimate friend and potential Warwick, was trans-
ferred, to make room for Major General Joseph Hooker. 84 This
28 Harrison to his wife, March 22, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
29 Hebert, op. cit., p. 294.
80 Harrison to his wife, March 29, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
81 Harrison to his wife, March 22, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
82 Harrison to his wife, April 3, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
88 Harrison to his wife, March 24, 29, April 3, 7, 10, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol 5.
Also Merrill, op. tit., pp. 76-79.
34 Hebert, op. cit., p. 271.
IN THE FACE OF THE ENEMY 241
change came as a distinct blow to Harrison; and he was none too
happy in the loss of Howard's leadership:
It was a source of real regret and sadness to me to lose Gen. Howard.
... I really learned to love him, and he is the only military leader I
felt so towards. He was so much a gentleman, refined, kind and rigidly
conscientious in the discharge of his duty. All of his actions seem to
spring from principle. As a military leader ... his great characteristic
was a cool disregard of danger in the path of duty. 35
When he referred to Hooker, Howard's successor and the new
Commander of the soth Army Corps, Harrison had few good
words. Undoubtedly, his first opinion of "Fighting Joe" was some-
what colored, when he learned that Hooker liked General Ward.
With the removal of Howard's restraining influence, Harrison
feared that "whiskey . . . would be the ascendant now, if the
stories about Hooker are well founded." 36 During the first few
weeks under this new military regime he stayed far from Hook-
er's headquarters. "Indeed, I have only been [there] . . . once
and that once shortly after we came here. I do not like to call
there now, as he might think I was toadying to keep my place." 37
Harrison's fear that Hooker would reward General Ward was
fully realized once the total reorganization was effected. In mid-
April, Ward resumed command of the ist Brigade of Butter-
field's grd Division, while Harrison returned to the command of
his own regiment. 88 The colonel was not nearly as displeased by
his own demotion as he was "heartily disgusted" that "the incu-
bus we have carried so long" 89 should be his superior officer once
more. He had a solution for his problem; and having swallowed
his disappointment, he told Carrie:
. . . there is no use of grumbling. ... I have a duty to do, and I shall do
it, however unpleasant it may be. ... I have received a very flattering
expression from the officers of the different Regiments in regard to
85 Harrison concluded his encomium of Howard by saying that "he seemed to
have put his life in God's keeping with perfect trust." Harrison to his wife, April
10, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
se Harrison to his wife, April 7, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5. It is evident that
Harrison entertained a growing dislike for Ward as a "lazy sot" and one who was
always "beastly drunk."
87 Harrison to his wife, April 10, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
88 ibid. The orders were officially issued to Harrison on April 15, 1864. "Direct to
me hereafter 70 Ind. Vols., ist Brig, grd Div., 20 A. C. Army of the Cumberland."
89 Harrison to his wife, April 7, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
242 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
my command of the Brigade, which must atone in large measure for
the loss of my command. 40
In time, Harrison came to like Hooker, and became a frequent
guest at "Fighting Joe's" dinner table. He felt somewhat vindi-
cated when Hooker called him aside for a long conversation, in
the course of which the general advanced the confidential infor-
mation that the regimental commanders had bestowed liberal
praise upon the acting Brigadier from Indiana, and told Carrie:
He said they [the regimental officers] gave me the whole credit of
making the Brigade what it is, and that it was not divided with any-
one. I was glad to hear that the truth was partly known, though I told
him that I thought the Regimental Commanders were entitled to
more credit than anyone else. 41
Although he still maintained that Ward was a poor brigade
commander, he was moved to confess that:
Perhaps my ambition was soaring too high, for a soldier who had
never seen any service, and this clipping of my wings may do me good.
With God's blessing I hope, when I head the 7oth into battle to
strike some good blows for my country, and it will then be time to
claim a larger command. 42
During the spring, both the Union forces under Sherman and
the Confederate forces under Johnston made elaborate prepara-
tions for the battle that all knew was close at hand. April teemed
with rumors in Harrison's camp, all telling of a rebel offensive
under Gen. Joe Johnston, to be launched near Ringold, Georgia,
on the Chickamauga River. Definite news, however, was most
difficult to obtain; and while a pitched battle at Ringold never
materialized, the anxiety suffered by both sides was intense. 48
In late April, a rebel chaplain deserted Johnston's forces and,
upon entering the Union camp, reported the Confederate Army
at no less than 0,000 effective troops. This piece of information
caused Harrison to warn his wife that General Johnston "will
*> Ibid.
. Harrison to his wife, April 7, 1864, Harrison MSS, VoL 5.
42 Ibid.
43 Merrill, ob.cit.. n. 81.
IN THE FACE OF THE ENEMY 243
give us warm work; but we will be more than a match for him, if
we can only keep our long line of communications." 44
Actually, Johnston had concentrated his troops at Dalton,
Georgia. Sherman's intelligence reported that this strategic cen-
ter was strongly fortified, whereupon the Union leader put aside
any intention of "attacking the position seriously in front." 45
This strategy, as Harrison explained it, was founded "on the
plain proposition that if we can flank the fortified position of the
enemy at Dalton, we will do so rather than to assault it in the
front." 46
Even before the signal to march, almost every man at Wau-
hatchie sensed the nearness of the Confederate forces now concen-
trated for the first general engagement of the Atlanta campaign.
In the heavy mail pouch ticketed for Indianapolis was a long let-
ter to Carrie, one paragraph of which told the whole story:
We have been having very warm weather for several days and the
trees are bursting into the full foliage as if by magic, after being kept
back for so long by the cold rains and winds. These steep and craggy
sides of Lookout will soon be hidden by a leafy curtain. Is it not a
strange contrast that while nature is budding into a sweet and joyous
life, man should be preparing a carnival of death? ... I fancy these
stalwart soldiers of the hillsides are unfurling their leafy banners to
welcome us, and that the songsters in their branches are singing to
cheer us, as we march on, the conquering soldiers of freedom In
nature there is no life except the seed be cast into the earth and die,
and so in our national life, this sad time of death shall yet yield its
fruit in a purer, higher and surer national life. . . . May God help us
who stand for our country in the coming conflict to quit ourselves
like men. 47
Carrie's anxiety had been increased by stories which had ap-
peared in the Indiana press. Her husband reassured her by add-
ing:
You must not feel uneasy or be alarmed at any rumors you may
hear of fighting. I will telegraph you after any fight we may be en-
gaged in, and let you know how I fared, and will inform you of the
truth as soon as any body could possibly hear it at home I shall
44 Harrison to his wife, April 24, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
46 Sherman, op. cit. f II, 32.
46 Harrison to his wife, April 26, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
47 Harrison to his wife, April 26, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
244 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
take all proper care of myself both on the march and in battle and
have a strong faith that God will keep me safely. 48
Grant and Sherman saw to it that everything was in complete
readiness for their simultaneous thrusts at Lee and Johnston.
Grant's original "D-Day" was April goth. Consequently, on the
28th Sherman moved his headquarters to Chattanooga and pre-
pared to take the field in person. 49 Grant canceled his original
plans and set May 5th as the day to move on both fronts. This
extra delay enabled Sherman to maneuver his three armies to
more advantageous positions. While Thomas directed his Army
of the Cumberland toward Ringold in anticipation of rebel re-
sistance, Harrison and the Seventieth left Wauhatchie, crossed
over the Chickamauga battleground, and reached Lee and Gor-
don's Mills on May i, 1864.
On May 4th, he moved to within five miles of the rebel posi-
tion at Buzzard's Roost. From this outpost Harrison could hear
the firing at Tunnell Hill. After a single day in camp, the Seven-
tieth was ordered to the front, but progress was slow because
the enemy had blockaded the way with timber. The next day
Harrison's advance guard encountered hostile scouts, and "rout-
ing them and capturing some prisoners, arms and horses," they
marched to within six miles of Dalton, where the bulk of the
Confederacy's finest soldiers awaited them. 50
His self-description, meant only for Carrie's eyes, is eminently
clear.
To give you an idea of how we look on the move, let me describe
myself. Behind my saddle I have a comfort rolled up in my rubber
coat . . . strapped as small as possible. In front of my saddle I have
my blue coat rolled up and strapped on. The small cavalry saddle
bags are filled to their utmost capacity . . . my little tin bucket for
making tea, swings clattering by my side. About my person I have
my sword and belt, cantine and haversack. The bundle behind my
saddle is so large that it is a straining effort to get my leg over it in
getting on or off and when in the saddle I feel like one who has been
wrapped up for embalming ... it is very disagreeable. 51
48 Ibid.
49 Sherman, op. cit., II, 30-31.
50 Harrison to his wife, May 5, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5. Merrill, op. cit., Ch. 7,
details the entire action day by day. See also Cleaves, op. cit. f pp. 205-14.
i Harrison to his wife, May 5, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. *.
IN THE FACE OF THE ENEMY 245
May 8th was a Sunday. One private with his feet on the ground
and his head in heaven wrote that "there was a large turnout to
preaching this morning in God's first temple, for the poor fellows
of our Regiment feel pretty solemn at the prospect of a coming
battle." 52 On the gth and loth, Hooker's Corps went into action
as the battle raged at Tunnell Hill and Rocky Face Ridge; but
the Seventieth was held in reserve. Heavy firing ceased on the
loth, and news reached Harrison that the enemy was falling back
to Resaca to make a real stand. The next day, the entire ist Bri-
gade slipped through Snake Creek Gap to confront the foe at
Resaca.
Generals Sherman, Schofield, Hooker, Thomas, McPherson
and Kilpatrick had outlined their strategy in council. Shortly
after dawn on May 13, 1864, Harrison's command moved closer
to Resaca; their orders to move into the second line of battle. 58
As he advanced his companies, Harrison was later to report:
Gen. Kilpatrick passed us with his cavalry command, and in less
than an hour came back wounded, in an ambulance. We moved out
and formed on Gen. McPherson's left . . . and very soon engaged the
enemy. We did not participate in the fight and were not under fire
that day except from enemy's batteries which dropped a few shells
among us. 54
Tomorrow would be his turn. Now it was Friday the i3th; and
late that night Benjamin Harrison, in a mood of rare emotion,
penned a beautiful letter to his wife:
I must write you tonight as we look for battle tomorrow, and God
only knows who shall come safely through it. ... May God in His
great mercy give us a great victory and may the nation give Him the
praise. . . .
You will perhaps like to know how I feel on the eve of my first
great battle. Well, I do not feel in the least excited, nor in any sense
of shrinking. I am in my usual good spirits, though not at all in-
sensible to grave responsibilities and risks which I must bear tomor-
row. I am thinking much of you and the dear children and my whole
heart comes out towards you in tenderness and love and many earnest
prayers will I send up to God this night, should you lose a husband
52 Merrill, op. cit., p. 83.
53 From the diary of William Wilhite, cited by Merrill, op. cit., pp. 84-85.
54 Harrison to his wife, May 20, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
246 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
and they a father in the fight, that in His grace you may find abundant
consolation and in His providence abundant temporal comfort and
support. I know you will not forget me, "should I be numbered
among the slain/' but let your grief be tempered by the consolation
that I died for my country and in Christ. If God gives me strength I
mean to bear myself bravely come what will, so that you may have
no cause to blush for me, though you should be forced to mourn.
But I have said these things only against the possibility of death,
and not in any spirit of despondency, nor to awaken needless anxiety
in your heart. Probably this letter will not be sent forward until the
issue of the battle is known and I will precede it by a telegram if I
can get one through, though this is doubtful You must not burthen
your heart with too much anxiety, as doubtless you will be in suspense
for some days before you hear from me. Let us calmly put our trust
in God and wait the issue. If it be prosperous for our country and for
me, let us lift a glad song of praise, and if adverse to either, let us
humbly bow to the decrees of Him who doeth all things well.
... I must make this letter short, as we need a good rest tonight and
shall probably be awakened early in the morning. I might say much
more, but this is enough. I love you, my dear wife, with all the devo-
tion of a full heart, and my children as the apple of my eyes. But the
obligations of a soldier are upon me, and these dear domestic ties are
only the stronger incentive to quit myself well in the fight.
May the large storehouses of God's grace and providence always be
open to you and them. My blessing rests upon you. Remember me af-
fectionately to Irwin, Jennie and their families, also to Mr. Nixon,
Mr. Sharpe, Mr. Ray and all of my family in the old P [resbyterian] .
Chfurch], who may inquire for me, and particularly to the members
of my old Bible class and the dear Sabbath School. Should I come
alive through the fight to get home ... I hope to see you all in good
time. Farewell and God bless you. 55
55 Harrison to his wife, May 13 (?), 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
CHAPTER XII
The Atlanta Campaign
IN THE CONFEDERATE VIEW, Resaca was the "first battle of mag-
nitude in the celebrated Georgia campaign." 1 Around this
little Georgia town General Joe Johnston had formed a horse-
shoe-shaped defense line, somewhat like the formation called for
by the Union strategists at Gettysburg. All around were hills,
swamps, ravines, and "dense thickness" 2 so that the Confederate
general calculated wisely that any direct frontal attack by Union
forces was tantamount to suicide. Consequently, since he held so
tremendous a tactical advantage, he determined to cling closely
to his heavily fortified position and possibly tempt Sherman to
launch a costly assault.
On May 14, 1864, Sherman was tempted and he did not resist.
He at once began to press his foe around Resaca with a view to
outflanking him. This Union decision to take the offensive made
the rebels rejoice; and one man in gray wrote:
To their music we slept, by their thunderings we were awakened
and to the accompanying call of the bugle we responded on the morn-
ing of May 14 to engage in the death grapple with Sherman's well-
clothed, well-fed and thoroughly rested veterans who moved against
us in perfect step, with banners flying and bands playing, as though
expecting to charm us. 3
Sherman's strategy, 4 calling for a frontal attack in order to draw
1 Otto Eisenschiml and Ralph Newman, The American Iliad, p. 609, record this
as the opinion of Confederate Lieutenant L. D. Young.
2 The New York Press, March 14, 1901, gives an excellent historical setting and
background for the fight at Resaca.
3 Eisenschiml and Newman, op. cit., p. 609.
4 Sherman was entertaining the main part of enemy forces in front, while he
planned their undoing by sending Dodge's Corps down the river to the rear to cut
Confederate communications and to intercept their retreat. William Sherman,
Memoirs, II, 37.
247
248 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Joe Johnston's fire, resulted in several collisions costly to the
Union cause. Securely entrenched along a line of hill crests, the
Confederate infantry and artillery calmly waited until the advanc-
ing Union columns were within seventy-five yards before opening
a murderous fire. Despite the terrible carnage and the horribly
shattered lines, the Union forces rallied again and again. 5
To Hooker's army, and in particular Ward's brigade, fell the
thankless task of attempting to silence one especially obnoxious
rebel battery commanding the approach to Resaca. Orders were
issued to Colonel Harrison that the Seventieth Indiana, at a sig-
nal from General Ward, was to storm the hill and knock it out.
The hill was not particularly steep; the difficulty was in crossing
a ravine "all choked with stunted pine trees and undergrowth,
without break or path." 6 Harrison discovered that, before his
regiment could even reach the enemy position, "they had to run
down hill, and make their way through a dense pine thicket, tra-
verse a few hundred yards of open field and thence on up the
hill to the Confederate redoubt." 7 While reconnoitering and
awaiting the moment of command, Harrison found the aim of
enemy sharpshooters "most provokingly accurate [as] bullets
kept whistling over our heads all day long . . . often striking a
tree and felling at our feet." 8
He now faced his first major military assignment under fire;
and although there are numerous accounts of his conduct, 9 none
is more accurate than his own description sent to an anxious wife
five days after the battle. 10 The order to advance came from Gen-
eral Ward, while "we were lying behind the crest of the hilL"
Down the exposed slope the Seventieth moved, not without heavy
casualties, "halting at the bottom under the cover of a fence to
BEisenschiml and Newman, op. cit., p. 611: "Three times during the morning
and early afternoon were these attacks made upon our [Confederate] lines. It was a
veritable picnic . . . protected as we were by earthworks with clear and open ground
in front."
Lew Wallace, Life of Gen, Ben Harrison, p. 190.
7 House Document No. 154, p. 112.
8 Harrison to his wife, May 20, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
9 In addition to a number of newspaper accounts, now a part of the Harrison
Scrapbook Series, the best accounts are by Wallace, op. cit., pp. 189-99; House
Document No. 154; Samuel Merrill, The Seventieth Indiana, pp. 99-1 14.
10 Harrison to his wife, May 20, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5. Except for identified
source references, all quotations in the next few pages, until his letter of June 14,
are from this missive.
THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN 24Q
reform my line." Here the stark reality of the situation struck
the colonel:
I saw that the Regiment on my left had not come down. ... [I]
passed word up to General Ward to know what was the matter. He
sent me word that he did not intend to pass over the hill, 11 but only
to advance to the crest.
Harrison found his position extremely precarious. Bitterly
cursing Ward and his command as "stupid and maudlin," he
took stock of the danger. As for being reunited with Ward's bri-
gade, Harrison explained that he was
. . . where I could not get back without being exposed to a terrible
fire . . . even where we were, there was no safety except in lying per-
fectly flat on the ground. As I lay here, the bullets would strike into
the bank just above me and roll the sand down upon my head.
The perplexed colonel was far from pleased when he heard
one of the brigade staff calling to him from the summit of the
hill that General Ward desired the return of the regiment. The
risk involved in getting up the hill was again described by Har-
rison as "terrible":
It was very steep and I could only get up the hill by pulling by roots
and bushes. . . . You had better believe I scrambled up pretty fast . . .
the sharpshooters did not fail to pay their compliments to me all the
way up.
By retiring the men singly or in small squads under the cover of
night he was able without further casualties to resume his former
line behind the crest of the hill. 12 The rest of the night was spent
in the construction of rifle pits along the front line.
At dawn on the i5th, Harrison's men were relieved. Ward's
II "Instructions had been received from your headquarters ... to assault the
works in our front at some time during the day . . . supposing that the order to
advance involved such an assault," Harrison advanced over the crest of the hill,
down the slope. Harrison to Ward, May 20, 1864, Merrill, op. cit. f pp. 106-12.
12 In his official report to General Ward, Harrison totaled his losses for the day:
"On the skirmish line, killed, enlisted men, i; wounded, enlisted men, 3; in advanc-
ing over crest of hill to our supposed assault, killed, enlisted men, 2; wounded, en-
listed men, 10; wounded, Lt. Martin, Company I, slightly in the leg." The complete
report is given in Merrill, op. cit. f pp. 106-12.
250 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
brigade was deployed in support of Howard's left. Almost im-
mediately, the weary men were ordered to storm a battery of
enemy rifle pits. For Harrison there was no mistaking of orders
this time. The brigade was formed under the cover of a woods,
and Carrie Harrison read the sequel:
. . . one regiment behind another ... my Regiment in advance and
Coburn's and Wood's Brigades of our Division supporting our left
... we started to descend the hill and the enemies' batteries soon
opened upon us ... getting into the valley which was a cleared field
we caught a heavy fire of musketry, but the men pressed on bravely
and without flinching.
The enemy's breastworks were almost completely hidden on
the side of a thickly wooded hill. Reconnoitering, however, was
hardly necessary, inasmuch as fire from the rebel battery clearly
revealed their position. Harrison, taking off his cap and waving
it high above his head, "cheered his men on." 18 Moving forward
on the double and subjected to a murderous enfilading fire, the
men maintained perfect order. With no sign of faltering, they
charged the hill into the very face of the enemy battery. The un-
daunted Hoosiers, who had waited almost two years for this op-
portunity, now drove forward until the Confederate gunners
were struck down at their guns. The ensuing struggle was in-
delibly printed in Harrison's memory:
Having gained the outer face of the embrasures, in which the en-
emy had four is-pound Napoleon guns, my line halted for a moment
to take breath. Seeing that the infantry supports had deserted the
artillery, I cheered the men forward, and, with a wild yell, they en-
tered the embrasures, striking down and bayoneting the gunners,
many of whom defiantly stuck by their guns until struck down. 14
There was still another strong line of breastworks, hidden from
view by a thick pine undergrowth, save for one point which had
is Dan M. Ransdell remarked that Col. Harrison always cried "come on boys"
and never "go on boys," Indianapolis Journal, June 29, 1888.
i 4 With the passing years Harrison's respect for the courage and bravery of the
Confederate soldiers at Resaca increased. In 1876 he wrote to General Carman that
"the rebel gunners who manned this battery stood their guns nobly . . . several of
them refusing to surrender and striking at our men with their rammers, were bay-
oneted at their guns." Harrison MSS, Vol. 7.
THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN 251
been used as a gateway. To storm this line would be their acid
test. Opposing the Seventieth Indiana was a division of veteran
Confederate troops under the command of General J. B. Hood,
a man whose bravery was not tempered by caution. 15
Dan Ransdell remembered seeing "Harrison standing up there
right in front of the rebels, waving his sword in one hand and
brandishing a revolver in the other." 16 The colonel ordered and
led the assault. Later, he reported:
When we first entered the embrasures of the outer works, the enemy
fled in considerable confusion from the inner one, and had there been
a supporting line brought up in good order at this junction, the sec-
ond line might easily have been carried and held. My line having
borne the brunt of the assault, it was not to be expected that it could
be reformed for the second assault in time. The enemy in a moment
rallied in rear of their second line, and poured in a most destructive
fire upon us, which compelled us to return outside the first line to
obtain the cover of the works. 17
At this point, confusion creeps into an otherwise clear narra-
tive. A command, probably from a Confederate officer to his own
men, was heard and repeated: "Retreat, they are flanking us."
Several battalions of Ward's brigade were coming up to support
Harrison's regiment, but, on hearing the cry, many scrambled
down hill. Apologetically, Harrison reported:
I strove in vain to rally my men under the enemy's fire on the hillside,
and finally followed them to a partially sheltered place behind a ridge
on our left . . . preparing to lead them again to the support of those
who still held the guns we had captured.
At the foot of the hill, Harrison was informed that General
Ward had been wounded, 18 leaving him to command the ist
Brigade. He reformed the brigade "and then urgently asked Gen-
eral Butterfield for permission to take it again to the works we
15 James G. Randall, The Civil War and Reconstruction, p. 553.
16 Indianapolis Journal, June 29, 1888.
17 Harrison to Ward, May 20, 1864, an official report cited by Merrill, op. cit*
pp. 109-10.
18 On December 15, 1884, Harrison wrote to John Ward, the General's son: "I
saw your father, General Ward, on the battlefield at Resaca a few moments after
he was wounded in the arm. He did not go to the hospital at all ... whatever sur-
gical treatment the wound had was at his own quarters" (Tibbott transcripts).
252 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
had carried and still held, and bring off the guns we had cap-
tured." Butterfield, however, had other plans.
He refused permission, but ordered me to support Coburn's Brigade
which was on a hill nearby. Just as we were forming, the enemy made
a charge I ordered the men not to fire if the enemy reached the
hill but to push him back with the bayonet.
Though the issue was joined on this second front, at nightfall
no decision had been reached. In the meanwhile, 300 or so from
the Seventieth remained just outside the rebel lunette and held
fast to the guns captured earlier in the day. At a late hour on
the i5th, this rugged band under Captain Henry Scott, Carrie's
brother, was withdrawn, but not before handing off the enemy
guns to a fresh party of reinforcements. 19 That night, General
Joe Johnston effected a strategic retreat across the Oostenaula
River. Resaca fell to the Federals and the first important phase
of the Atlanta campaign came to a successful close.
Monday morning, May i6th, was to carry sad and bitter mem-
ories for the regiment. The battle-scarred group, itself afflicted
vvith heavy losses, was ordered to the battlefield "to bury our own
and such Rebel dead as we could find." Perfect respect and atten-
tion attended the brigade's first mass burial, but to Harrison the
scene was "most appalling" because a "fire had broken out in the
woods at night and many of our dead were horribly burned which
gave additional gastliness [sic] to their stiffened corpses." After
the interment of the last body, Harrison wrote: "we dragged our
captured cannon to Resaca and turned them over . . . with about
1200 small arms, to the Ordnance Department."
In analyzing the part his regiment played in the fight for Res-
aca, Colonel Harrison rejoiced that "we have no cravens in our
band"; but he harbored a deep dread that the brigade would be
censured for retiring amid the confusion on the afternoon of
May 15. These fears, however, were groundless. General Hooker
rode up and told Harrison that he regarded the charge as "very
brilliant and successful," 20 while General Sherman referred to
i Harrison to General Carman, February 8, 1876, Harrison MSS, Vol. 7.
20 Also Hooker to Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, October 31, 1864, Harri-
son MSS, A.C. 4950 Add.
THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN 253
capturing a 4-gun intrenched battery as "handsome fighting on
the left." 21 Even more valued by Harrison than this praise from
superiors was the warm personal tribute from the men in the
ranks. At Resaca, where he "was exposed to death as much as any
man could be," his own soldiers christened him "Little Ben," a
sobriquet which in their understanding connoted courage and
daring, and which clung to him all through the Atlanta cam-
paign.
Congratulations from the home front were not long in catch-
ing up with Benjamin Harrison and his men. The Cincinnati as
well as the Indianapolis newspapers carried highly laudatory ac-
counts of Harrison's Resaca baptism under enemy fire. With the
possible exception of his wife's warm and appreciative note of
praise and thanksgiving, no letter pleased Benjamin more than
his father's. Tremendously encouraged by this paternal approba-
tion and benediction, Benjamin undertook to reveal his thoughts
to Carrie. Speaking of the "one from Pa," Harrison wrote:
He seems to be very proud that I have won some distinction in my
new profession. I am glad that I have been able to show them all that
I could hold a creditable place in the army as well as in civil life, and
that if not the most petted one in the family, its famous name is as
safe in my keeping as in that of any who now bear the name. We must
not however think too much of the praises of the newspapers, nor
forget that to God who sustains me belongs all the honor. 22
General Sherman, however, expressed bitter disappointment
over the issue at Resaca. His pride was hurt by the realization
that Johnston had outmaneuvered him. So complete and so well-
organized was the Confederate withdrawal from Resaca that
Sherman found several of his officers, as well as a goodly number
of his men, on the brink of discouragement. 28 Action, therefore,
was imperative and Sherman called a meeting of his staff. He
warned them that Johnston would not be easily overcome and
that immediate pursuit of the Confederate force was essential. 24
This decision to hound Johnston until he was trapped was an
21 R. U. Johnson and C. C. Bud (cds.), Battles and Leaders, IV, Part i, p. 266.
22 Harrison to his wife, June 14, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
28 Henry Stone, "The Atlanta Campaign," Papers of the Military Historical
Society of Massachusetts, 8 (1910), 389.
24 Walter Hebert. Fiehtine Joe Hooker. D. 276.
254 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
invitation to three months of hard fighting wherein each engage-
ment was "seemingly hotter than the one preceding." 25
In less than a month Benjamin Harrison was destined to en-
gage in more battles than either William Henry Harrison, his
grandfather, or Andrew Jackson, had fought in a lifetime. 26
In the final analysis, it was Sherman's dissatisfaction with a
rather empty victory at Resaca that allowed Harrison to become
a fighting soldier rather than a mere textbook colonel. Johnston's
initial escape at Resaca rankled. Even a decade later, Sherman
admitted:
Of course, I was disappointed not to have crippled his army at that
particular stage of the game; but as it resulted . . . rapid successes
gave us the initiative and the usual impulse of a conquering army. 27
New Hope Church, Georgia, was the scene of Harrison's first
serious engagement after Resaca. Here, on May 26-28, the
Union forces, especially Hooker's Corps, made several fierce at-
tacks upon the enemy, only to find that the deadly canister-shot of
sixteen Confederate field pieces and the musketry fire of 5,000 in-
fantry at short range, made the location a veritable "hell hole." 28
The Federals sustained heavy losses, as each day Hooker sent part
of Butterfield's division into action. The Seventieth shouldered
its share of the burden. On one occasion, as the regiment formed
its line for an attack, it was compelled to advance across undulat-
ing fields into rather thin woods. Under a heavy fire from a safely
secured and almost hidden enemy, the men crawled to a spot
where the bushes had been cut down so that the top of the en-
emy's works was visible. Harrison gave the command to fix bayo-
nets, saying: "Men, the enemy's works are just ahead of us, but
we will go right over them. Forward! Double-quick! March!"
Every man sprang forward, several to sudden death. By day the
battle raged, and by night, when the firing ceased, torches and
candles threw a dim light over the incoming stretchers, while
surgeon's tables and instruments formed ghastly silhouettes. 29
25 Wallace, op. cit. f p. 202.
2* Ibid.
27 Sherman, op. cit. 9 II, 36.
28 Joseph E. Johnston, "Opposing Sherman's Advance to Atlanta," in Johnson
and Buel, op. cit., Part i, p. 369. Battles and Leaders, Vol. 4, Part i, 269.
29 These details are from Merrill, op. cit., pp. 124-25.
THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN 255
On June 15, 1864, at Golgotha Church in the vicinity of Kene-
saw Mountain, Harrison's regiment executed a charge more dar-
ing even than those at New Hope Church. Carrie undoubtedly
shuddered as she read her husband's account written three days
after the battle:
My Regiment was advanced without any support to within three
hundred yards of a strong rebel breastwork where they had eight
pieces in position and nicely covered and we being entirely exposed.
We stood there fighting an unseen foe for an hour and a half without
flinching, while the enemy's shells and grapes fell like hail in our
ranks, tearing down large trees and filling the air with splinters. Two
or three of my men had their heads torn off dose down to the shoul-
ders and others had fearful wounds. 30
Under orders to hold their position until nightfall, the Seventieth
did not fail. At the appointed hour, Harrison's men fell back in
perfect order, taking their dead and wounded with them. The
skill with which they executed this maneuver would have done
justice to a veteran regiment, yet the move was almost disastrous,
for the brigade's surgeons had become separated from the main
body of troops. The wounded, sheltered in a little frame house
to the rear of the front lines, waited patiently for relief. When
the absence of the surgeons was reported to Harrison, Lew Wal-
lace says the Colonel "turned surgeon himself." 81 This squares
with the detailed account that Harrison rendered to his wife:
Our Surgeons got separated from us, and putting our wounded in
a deserted house, I stripped my arms to dress their wounds myself.
Poor Fellowsl I was but an awkward suigeon, of course, but I hope I
gave them some relief. There were some ghastly wounds I pulled
out of one poor fellow's arm a splinter five or six inches long and as
thick as my three fingers. 32
Wallace has painted a vivid description of Harrison in his sur-
geon's role:
Taking off his coat and rolling his sleeves to his elbow, he set to
staunching the wounds. He says, speaking of the circumstances: "I
30 Harrison to his wife, June 18, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5. Harrison charac-
terized this as a "hard fight" and numbered the losses in killed and wounded at 50
men.
31 Wallace, op. cit., p. 204.
32 Harrison to his wife, June 18, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
256 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
don't know whether I did any service; I tried to." He caused some
tents to be torn up for bandages, and worked industriously several
hours before the surgeons appeared. When they came into the impro-
vised hospital, they found him covered with the blood which he had
striven to stop. 83
Once more the Southern troops were withdrawn in accordance
with Johnston's plan of strategic retreat. Yet, each Federal victory
brought Atlanta within closer striking distance. Still more im-
portant, however, was the excellent fighting spirit created within
the ranks. Their colonel expressed it well: "I wouldn't like to
leave my Regiment to the command of another in a fight. I have
got to love them for their bravery and for dangers we have shared
together. I have heard many similar expressions from the men
towards me." 84 Harrison's anxiety, his solicitude, and his sym-
pathy for every man under his command had not gone unnoticed.
Consequently, on May 29, 1864, when he became chief of the ist
Brigade, his promotion was greeted with genuine joy and appre-
ciation. 85
Harrison assumed his new responsibility as brigadier just at a
time when his command was to see its heaviest fighting in a cam-
paign that was proving "very exhausting to the troops." 86 His
own health was good, and he added that he could stand the pace
at least for another month "if a rebel bullet don't come my way."
It was during the Atlanta Campaign, near Marietta, Georgia,
that Harrison had become poisoned, "making it necessary for me
to wear a glove all the time." It is interesting to note that this
susceptibility to poison in the hand remained with him until his
death, and it undoubtedly accounts for his wearing kid gloves as
a source of protection against infection and cold. This practice
worked to his disadvantage in 1876, while campaigning for the
governorship of Indiana. He was dubbed the aristocratic "kid-
gloves" Harrison, and this sobriquet lost him many votes among
the laboring classes.
By July yth he had moved with his men to within ten miles
of Atlanta, Sherman's objective. From the heights "we can see
88 Wallace, op. cit., p. 204.
84 Harrison to his wife, June 18, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
85 House Document No. 154, p. 114.
se Harrison to his wife, July 5, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN 257
the steeples of the churches in Atlanta;" 37 but he hazarded the
opinion that at least twenty days of hard campaigning remained
for his weary brigade. The progress was slow and extremely dan-
gerous. He wrote to Carrie:
We had a sharp artillery fight on the Marietta road on Sunday last.
My Brigade was in the advance and lost several men killed. I had
several very narrow escapes. One shell struck so near me that it threw
the ground all over me. 88
In his despatches from the field, Harrison frequently noted
the wonderful skill that Joe Johnston had demonstrated in erect-
ing defensive works that were almost impregnable. Johnston, he
wrote, "has successive lines prepared in advance, or rather in the
rear, and when we flank him out of one line, he has only to fall
back to another a few miles to the rear . . . then we are forced to
make such movements as will force him to retreat again, and so
the campaign has dragged along." 39 And he could only marvel at
the way in which Johnston made a safe retreat, thus saving his
army from demoralization, "though there had not been a sin-
gle brilliant or successful 'offensive return* since the campaign
opened."
He was equally quick in defending Sherman against critics who
blamed the Union leader "for what they call inactivity" Harri-
son challenged Sherman's critics "to serve under him for a few
days and make a survey of, or an assault on, one of Johnston's
lines of defensive works and they would take another view of it."
Undoubtedly, they would have changed their opinion if they had
been able to read but one paragraph that Harrison penned to his
wife concerning the peril faced by any column assigned to assault
a fortified Confederate line:
... As you have never seen one of these field works, I must try to
give you an idea of what an assaulting column has to overcome. In
the first place in advancing you will come at 1000 yards from the
enemy's works into a "tangle," that is, all the small trees and some
37 Harrison to his wife, July 7, 1864. Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
38 Ibid. The best military history for this section of the Atlanta campaign is per-
haps Jacob B. Cox, Atlanta, pp. 89-115.
89 Harrison to his wife, July 10, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5. Other contemporary
accounts can be found in Merrill, op. cit. t pp. 113-38; Lloyd Lewis, Sherman: the
Fighting Prophet, pp. 355-66.
300 yards, you come to an abatis which consists of tree-tops . . . bu
ends towards you, all the leaves trimmed off and every branch 2
twig sharpened so that it will catch in the clothes. If you succeed
getting through this, you will find about 20 yards from the rifle |
two lines of stakes about 1 2 feet long, set about four feet in the grou
and inclining towards you, the upper end being sharpened and
stakes set so close that a man can't pass between them. If you <
stand the deadly stream of musketry fire until you can dig up or
down these stakes, you will have no other obstacle save the climb
of the breastworks and a line of bayonets jetting up inside . . . tl
[also] have what the boys call "horse rakes" . . . made by boring la
auger holes through logs 20 feet long or so, at right angles, and p
ting through them long oaken stakes or pines sharpened at both en
so that however many times you may turn the thing over, there is
ways an ugly line of sharpened stakes sticking out towards you. 40
Harrison concluded this summary with a barb at the civiliz
who were criticizing Sherman's slow push to Atlanta. "I shoi
like to see a few thousand of the 'On To Atlanta' civilians of t
North charging such a line of works. Most of the tender-skin
[sic] individuals of this class would require help to get into t
works if they were empty."
Sherman's relentless push through Georgia during the intei
heat of June and July, 1864, brought Harrison to a small rid
just beyond Peach Tree Creek, two miles north of Atlanta,
this rugged terrain, picturesque in name and in beauty, "C
Gump" Sherman dug in and made plans to strike another bl<
at his foe. 41 As in the past weeks, Harrison and Sherman walk
the skirmish line together. During the past seven weeks of offe
sive warfare, the colonel had found his superior officer "v*
companionable and pleasant;" 42 and so, at this last stronghc
outside of Atlanta, they observed and plotted one more flanki
movement by which they hoped to entrap the wily Johnston
40 Ibid.
41 By the end of May, Sherman counted his losses at 9,000; while Johnston 1
lost 8,500. Lewis, op. at., p. 364.
42 Harrison to his wife, May 28, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5. Their friends!
carried over into civil life, and was renewed on many occasions when Senator Jc
Sherman and Harrison served in the Senate together.
43 Sherman's skill in flanking awed the Southerners. See Lewis, op. cit., p. 3
<
to
2
I
z
i
02
O
a
i
e
i
I
CO
5
o
CO
a
S
3
5
THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN 259
Although their patience was at an end, this time they determined
not to assault until they were morally certain of "bagging the
fox/* They had drawn little consolation from the campaign up
to this time. An average daily gain of slightly over a mile is not
the progress that engenders pride in military men. 44 Still more
annoying was the political significance underlying Johnston's de-
laying tactics. If he could keep Sherman from winning a victory
before early November, the Northern peace party would be im-
measurably strengthened in their effort to carry the presidential
election. This alone, Johnston believed, "would have brought
the war to an immediate close." 45
Military and civilian observers in the South were far from
agreeing, however, on the wisdom of Johnston's defensive policy.
Several thought that he had tipped his hand too fully and too
early. Moreover, the more skeptical civil leaders gave scant cre-
dence to Johnston's conviction that by slow and skilful retreat-
ing "he might some day catch Sherman in an awkward position
and ruin him." 46 Now, as the Southern army fell back upon
Atlanta, the city Jefferson Davis had pronounced vital to the life
of the Confederacy, 47 demands were made that Johnston should
fight or resign. In mid-July, under the pressure of severe criticism
and at the urging of President Davis, Johnston resigned in favor
of General John B. Hood, who immediately proclaimed a "fight
Sherman now-or-never policy." 48 The first opportunity for Hood
to implement his plan for an offensive thrust was at Peach Tree
Creek on July aoth. He thought he spied a weak spot in the newly
formed Union line, and he ordered a surprise attack. The only
obstacle to a serious break through Union lines was Ward's ist
Division, and holding the front lines was the brigade commanded
by Colonel Benjamin Harrison.
Early on the soth, the Union army had successfully bridged
Peach Tree Creek, so that by noon the entire army had crossed
the "unfordable" stream and had extended its line of battle along
44 Harrison to his wife, May 31, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5. His brigade was then
near Allatoona, and "only about fifty miles from Atlanta." This was the danger
zone, and Ben admonished Carrie "to look to my insurance ... an additional
premium may be required."
45 Lewis, op. cit., p. 366.
46 Ibid.
47 Eisenschiml and Newman, op. dt. f p. 619.
48 Lewis, op. cit., pp. 381-83: "Johnston surrendered his offices to Hood, explain-
ing with cold courtesy that he had planned to fight Sherman at Peach Tree Creek."
2<5o BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
a ridge about 400 yards from the creek on the south. 49 At first,
Ward's division was ordered to remain in the creek bottom, fixing
its line approximately 300 yards to the rear of the remainder of
the army. This left a gap of a quarter of a mile between Geary's
division on the right and Newton's on the left. 50 In the eyes of
Hood's scouts, this slight gap in an otherwise straight and tightly
drawn line of battle might well have appeared to be a weakness.
The area directly in front of the ridge was an open field extend-
ing clear to the rebel lines. In accord with their orders, Ward's
division had formed behind the ridge at the creek bottom. At
ease, some men were cooking, some sleeping, and others just re-
laxing. It was at this moment that the rash and reckless Hood 51
made his bold bid to knife through Sherman's lines and cut the
Federal army in two.
When the first report of the sudden enemy sortie reached Gen-
eral Ward, who was not only in the rear but also on the far side
of Peach Tree Creek, he refused to believe that the South was
taking the offensive. An eye-witness, L. T. Miller, relates the in-
teresting sequel:
About this time Generals Coburn and Harrison, each commanding
a brigade, reported to General Ward their belief that the enemy was
advancing and would occupy the ridge. General Ward, notwithstand-
ing this information, and although requested by Harrison and Co-
burn, declined to give them orders to move their brigades forward.
At this juncture I heard this conversation between Generals Har-
rison and Coburn. I was commanding the ggrd Indiana Coburn's
old Regiment and was on the right of the Regiment. They rode up
to where I was. General Harrison said to Coburn: "John, I am going
to place my men on that ridge, if you will support me?" "I'll see you
through," replied General Coburn, and turning about, ordered me
to move the ggrd immediately forward, which I did. Just then Harri-
49 Cox, op. cit., pp. 144-47, gives an excellent description of the geography north-
east of Atlanta and explains the military importance of the various streams and
ridges in the vicinity.
50 The full report is printed in Merrill, op. cit. f pp. 153-59. Harrison gives an
even more detailed account in his letter to General Carman, February 8, 1876 Har-
rison MSS, Vol. 7.
51 Lewis, op. cit., p. 383: "Sherman had at his elbow three men who had known
Hood intimately at West Point. McPherson, Schofield and Howard agreed that
Hood, for all his lack of limbs, would attack; in school he had been rash, erratic,
headstrong, precipitate and not intellectual."
THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN 26l
son put spurs to his horse and dashed forward up the hill, in front of
his brigade, and both brigades cheering ran rapidly ... up the hill. 52
It was at this moment that hours of intense study and discipline
brought their reward. Leading his brigade on the double-quick,
he issued only one command. He told his veteran troops to en-
gage the enemy in hand-to-hand fighting, and to re-establish, if
at all possible, the integrity of the Union line. 53 He waved his
men forward, shouting:
Come on boys, we've never been licked yet, and we won't begin
now. We haven't much ammunition, but if necessary we can give
them the cold steel, and before we get licked we will club them down;
so, come on. 54
Up the slope he led them. Prompt support by Coburn's and
Wood's brigades enabled Harrison's command to gain the brow
of the ridge, where the Federals closed with the hard-charging
enemy, many falling to the ground in hand-to-hand combat. Bay-
onets, muskets and pistols served as clubs. "Many fell now a flag
would go down, only to be raised by another the Rebel officers
were urging their men forward, but the long charge, and our hot
fire had broken the order of the line." 55 Harrison continued to
inspire his men and, finally, by his own personal courage and
leadership, precipitated the final lunge that caused the rebel lines
to waver. No sooner had they begun to yield ground than they
were hurled down the far side of the hill. The Union lines held
firm. Captain H. A. Ford attests: "But for him I think our army
on that field would have been cut in two, and at least one wing
of it rolled up and badly shattered." 56
The day was saved, and, though he probably did not realize it,
Benjamin Harrison was a hero. On the day after Peach Tree
52 Indianapolis Daily Journal, July i, 1888, an interview given by L. T. Miller,
then residing at Wichita, Kansas. In recalling the facts of this bloody struggle,
he bestowed upon Harrison the title, "Hero of the Battle of Peach Tree Creek."
53 Capt. H. A. Ford maintained that a breakthrough by the foe, charging down
a slope on unprepared Union lines, would have created hopeless disorder in the
Union camp, and the battle would, in all probability, have been lost. Indianapolis
Journal, July i, 1888.
Si House Document No. 154, p. 115.
65 Harrison to General Carman, February 8, 1876, Harrison MSS, Vol. 7.
58 Indianapolis Journal, July i, 1888.
262 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Creek, General Hooker rode the lines manned by the grd Brigade
of his ist Division. Meeting Colonel Harrison and shaking hands
with him, "Fighting Joe" blurted out a promise he was quick to
fulfill: "Harrison, by God, I'll make you a Brigadier for this
fight." 57 His subsequent warm letter of commendation, directed
to Secretary of War Stanton on October 31, 1864, was responsible
for Harrison's promotion to the rank of Brigadier General, Vol-
unteers:
I desire to call the attention of the Department to the claims of
Col. Benjamin Harrison, of the 7oth Indiana Vols., for promotion to
the rank of Brigadier General, Volunteers.
Col. Harrison first joined me in command of a brigade of Ward's
division in Lookout Valley preparative to entering what is called the
Campaign of Atlanta. My attention was first attracted to this young
officer by the superior excellence of his brigade in discipline and in-
struction, the result of his labor, skill and devotion. With more fore-
sight than I have witnessed in any officer of his experience, he seemed
to act upon the principle that success depends upon the thorough
preparation in discipline and esprit of his command for conflict, more
than on any influence that could be exerted on the field itself, and
when collision came his command vindicated his wisdom as much as
his valor. In all of the achievements of the aoth Corps in that campaign
Col. Harrison bore a conspicuous part. At Resaca and Peach Tree
Creek the conduct of himself and command were especially distin-
guished. Col. Harrison is an officer of superior abilities, and of great
professional and personal worth. It gives me great pleasure to com-
mend him favorably to the Honorable Secretary, with the assurance
that his preferment will be a just recognition of his services and mar-
tial accomplishments. 58
Promotion, however, was not the most important thing in
Harrison's mind after the Confederate reverses. His frequent let-
ters to Carrie manifested an intense longing "to get moored again
in the sweet and quiet harbor of home." 59 Furloughs, of course,
were out of the question until Atlanta should capitulate; and
early in August the prospects for a speedy Union occupation were
far from bright. Even with Union batteries opening fire on the
city, the Confederates continued to hold on tenaciously.
57 Harrison to General Carman, February 8, 1876, Harrison MSS, Vol. 7.
8 A copy is in the Harrison Collection (Library of Congress), A.C. 4950, the gift
of A. T. Volwiler. This letter is also cited in full by Wallace, op. cit., p. *sz, and in
House Document No. 154, p. 1 16.
59 Harrison to his wife, August 8, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN 263
By mid-August, Harrison's morale had sunk to a new low. The
siege of Atlanta, especially while Sherman moved south around
the city, was both boring and annoying to a man who still wanted
"to fight and go home." He complained to Carrie:
My life drags along very wearily now, and my heart needs the fre-
quent refreshing of a good letter from home, and you ought not to
withhold it from me. The ceaseless care and watching, together with
the privations and hardships of this campaign of over 100 days has
exhausted a good deal of my mental and nervous energy; and when
not worked up by some unusual danger or responsibility, I feel a lit-
tle depressed and homesick. I want rest, both in heart, mind and body,
and this I can only get in the temple of my heart at home and in
some slight degree from your letters. 60
Carrie's serious illness at,this time caused Harrison great anx-
iety and left him in particularly low spirits. Though Sherman
was allowing no able-bodied officers to leave his post, Harrison
thought that "by hard begging" he might be able to get "a short
leave of absence," 61 if his wife's condition became more critical.
Such action, fortunately, proved unnecessary; for on August 20,
Harrison's thirty-first birthday, word came from Indianapolis
that Carrie was well along the road to recovery. Harrison's spirits
went up "in a bound." 62 The news of Carrie's improvement and
the receipt of two letters from her, coupled with the fact that "it
is my birthday" suggested many memories and drew from Ben-
jamin a letter which in his more conservative and less joyous
moments he would have hesitated to write. It reveals the inner
thoughts of a man who prided himself on never wearing his heart
upon his sleeve:
I feel as if I ought to write today not only to acknowledge the re-
ceipt of these letters . . . but because it is my birthday and suggests
many memories of the past, among the happiest of which your sweet
form is closely interwoven. Perhaps you will not remember the day, as
it is not the anniversary of any event so important to you as to me, but
still perhaps you will think of me a little oftener and more tenderly
than usual. I am thirty-one years old today, and nearly eleven years
of this, we have been man and wife. For how many more years God
has decreed my life to be lengthened out, He only knows, and whether
80 Harrison to his wife, August 12, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
61 Harrison to his wife, August 14, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
82 Harrison to his wife, August 20, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
264 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
they shall be as full of blessings as those that are gone. But whether
they may be many or few, I hope they will bear witness of a faithful
discharge of duty both to those I love on earth and my Father in
heaven. Who is there that could not mend his life, if he could live
his years over again, and how many think more of the errors of the
past than of the promise, and of the opportunities of the future. I
hope to be a better husband and father, a better citizen and a better
Christian in the future than I have been in the past.
You may think it strange that I promise nothing to my present
profession as a soldier. The reason is that I hope my mission as a
soldier will end before another birthday. Certainly my present term
of enlistment will expire before next August soth, and unless Gen.
Hooker should accomplish his threat of making me a Brigadier Gen-
eral, I will be a citizen again. For after three years of the best service
I could render, if they don't promote me, I shall think the public does
not need my help in that department and shall try to help myself in
some other pursuit.
The very complimentary notice which Gen. Hooker made of me in
conversation with Halstead was, of course, very gratifying to me; but
in all candor I do think "Uncle Joe" was somewhat extravagant and
hope he will not push me too rapidly, as that has been the ruin of
more than one good officer in the war. On your account and my chil-
dren, I should like to wear the "lone star," when I can feel that I have
won it, but my own ambition does not soar very high; and as such
favors have been generally obtained through political influence and
hard begging, I fear we need not look with much confidence to my
obtaining it. The high compliment which Gen. Hooker has bestowed
upon me, and the confidence which I have won among the brave
officers and men of my command is worth more to me than a Brig-
adier's star, though the public will of course look to the latter as the
evidence of the former. ... I have talked enough about myself and
my humble military career. Lest your affection might lend you to ex-
aggerate my merits as a soldier, let me assure you that I am not a
Julius Ceasar [sic], nor a Napoleon, but a plain Hoosier Col., with
no more relish for a fight than for a good breakfast and hardly so
much
Write to me often and tell me everything. I am in excellent health;
and since I have heard of your recovery, in fine and hopeful spirits.
May God abundantly bless you and the dear children and bring me
to your arms again when my duty is done. Love to all friends. 68
Within a fortnight, Atlanta fell. 64 On September 2, 1864, Har-
rison scribbled the glad tidings to his wife: "Atlanta is ours . . .
03 Harrison to his wife, August 20, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
64 For contemporary accounts of the Union occupation after their hard cap*
paign of three months, see Eisenschiml and Newman, op. cit. f pp. 626-33.
THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN 265
and I send you a piece of cedar plucked from a door yard in
Atlanta yesterday.*' 65 Two days later, he wrote: "We have just re-
ceived a congratulatory order from Gen. Sherman over the oc-
cupancy of Atlanta and an instruction that the campaign is
ended/ >6G In the conviction that his troops had earned a rest,
Sherman gave it to them. Colonel Harrison's long awaited fur-
lough came in orders to report to Governor Morton for special
duty. 67
On the next morning Harrison left Atlanta and reported to
Morton on September 2Oth. As a military hero he was returning
to his own people, but to his wife and two growing youngsters
this meant little or nothing. They could only think that now,
after two years of continuous service in the field, he was to be
with them again. In the Harrison home, where joy and thanks-
giving reigned, only one disturbing thought danced behind three
pairs of moist eyes: would he go back again?
65 Harrison to his wife, September 2, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
66 Harrison to his wife, September 4, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
67 Special Field Orders, No. 71; copy in the Harrison MSS, Vol. No. 1065; also,
Wallace, op. cit., pp. 223-24.
CHAPTER XIII
Twin Triumphs: Indianapolis
and Nashville
HARRISON'S RETURN to Indianapolis could not have been
timed more auspiciously. Widespread dissatisfaction with
an apparently indecisive and useless war was completely
swept away by the September flood of Union victories. Scarcely
had the fall of Atlanta on September 2nd been appreciated, when
the news of General Phil Sheridan's brilliant victory in the valley
of the Shenandoah reached the Indiana capital. Newspapers re-
corded the joy in the "hearts of all true patriots" 1 because, in
decisively defeating General Jubal Early, Sheridan had dissi-
pated the serious threat of another Confederate raid on Wash-
ington. "These triumphs, together with Farragut's capture of
Mobile, convinced the volatile public that the stalemate was
broken." 2 No longer were the majority of Hoosiers asking "how
long the futile bloodshed would continue," and no longer was an
ear given to the "Democratic cry that the Lincoln Administra-
tion was a failure." 3 The Republicans were jubilant, and in the
light of the twin successes they proclaimed that "for us there is
no step backward." 4
In the Democratic camp spirits were low. While Harrison was
journeying homeward, the Republican Indianapolis Journal
made political capital of this sudden sweep of Union victories. In
triumph and defiance, the state Republicans claimed that "the
1 Indianapolis Daily Journal, September 23, 1864.
2 Wood Gray, The Hidden Civil War, pp. 189-90; also D. S. Freeman, Lee's
Lieutenants (New York, 1942-44), III, 580-83.
3 Kenneth Stampp, Indiana Politics during the Civil War, p. 229.
4 Indianapolis Daily Journal, September 23, 1864.
266
TWIN TRIUMPHS 267
echo of every gun fell on Copperhead ears like the death knell
of their hopes." 5 Such blows at Copperheadism within his own
state undoubtedly warmed Harrison's heart. He had never fully
recovered from the shock of his removal as Supreme Court Re-
porter by a Democratic court in November, 1 862. Though he had
succeeded in pushing this disappointment into the background
during his two years of active service, Harrison had not forgiven
the Copperheads, for he was convinced that their intrigue ac-
counted for his ouster. Evidently, a good many Republicans
shared the colonel's belief because, without consulting him, the
Union State Convention on February 23, 1864, had renominated
him for this same office.
Official notice of this did not reach him until nearly six weeks
after the convention had adjourned. Stationed in Tennessee's
Lookout Valley, Harrison mulled over the acceptance for three
weeks. 6 Finally, on April 27, 1864, he reached an affirmative deci-
sion and made it known in a letter to Jacob T. Wright, Chairman
of the Union State Central Committee. Harrison's acceptance,
however, was only conditional. After perfunctory thanks to the
party leaders for the honor conferred upon him, he felt con-
strained to express his real feelings on the subject of his candi-
dacy. Consequently, he wrote the following "open letter" and
gave his consent to its publication:
. . . You ask me to signify my acceptance of the nomination. It was
known to you, and was doubtless known to all the members of the
Convention, that I vacated the office for which I am now placed in
nomination, in the summer of 1862, to accept the position I now hold
in the military service of the country. I did not abandon the office
then without many regrets; it was in the exact line of my profession,
agreeable to my tastes and habits, and was reasonably lucrative, much
more so than my present position. 7
In several more closely reasoned paragraphs Harrison gave ample
evidence that the rigors of military life had in no sense dulled his
legal acumen or his sense of practical patriotism. While he con-
fessed that "it would meet my highest ambition, if I might be
permitted to resume the office when this war for our nation's life
5 Ibid., September 8, 21, 22, 1864.
6 Harrison to his wife, April 26, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
7 Harrison to Jacob T. Wright, April 27, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
268 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
has been closed in the complete triumph of our arms," he at-
tached one important reservation to an otherwise wholehearted
acceptance. It was to the Colonel's credit that he added:
UTiile allurements of home and peaceful pursuits are not to be turned
aside without an effort, yet I could not reconcile it with my own sense
of duty to quit the army for any civil office or pursuit, unless incapaci-
tated by disease or wounds from efficient service in the field. Should
the war be ended, or virtually so, during the campaign now opening,
as many hopeful ones believe, or should my usefulness in the army
be, from any cause brought to an end, then I should be much gratified
to resume the duties of Reporter. 8
The Republican leaders acquiesced in Harrison's conditional
acceptance, disregarding his own suggestion that it might be more
advisable "that another name be substituted for mine on the
ticket ... at once." 9
Once Atlanta was in Union hands, Harrison could start his
homeward journey. His future political welfare, as well as that
of Republicans in the state and in the nation, hung in the bal-
ance. The scales, however, were tipped heavily in his favor.
Harrison's trip home was not without incident. Accompanied
by many of the less serious casualties of the Atlanta campaign, 10
he left Georgia on September 12, 1864. The pace was as rapid
as war conditions permitted, but the fear of surprise raids by
roving bands of detached Confederate cavalry considerably de-
layed the push to the north. Part of the journey was made by
steamer along the Ohio River. Special warnings had been issued
that all river transports should be fully armed and should protect
passengers and property by every means possible. One river cap-
8 Ibid. Previous to this paragraph Harrison had charged Wright with the respon-
sibility of seeing that all important party members be informed on the exact state
of his mind in accepting the nomination.
9 Ibid. Harrison added that "if you should conclude to retain my name on the
ticket I shall, if elected, be glad to serve the people in the office of Reporter, pro-
vided it should then appear that I cannot serve them better in the army."
10 Governor Morton had pledged to obtain furloughs for Indiana voters on
active service. Lincoln and the War Department refused his blanket request. Con-
sequently, Morton, "as a last resource, suggested that all the troops who were unfit
for service, should be sent home and not be kept in hospitals out of the state. To
this Lincoln assented/' Consequently, many with only superficial wounds made the
journey to Indianapolis with Harrison. W. D. Foulke, O. P. Morton, I, 366.
TWIN TRIUMPHS 269
tain reported that even in this late hour of the war "it was very
common ... for guerrillas to lie in wait in convenient ambuscades
along the river for the purpose of killing what people they could
on the boats, and at various times ... to capture and destroy . . .
vessels." 11
As the journey up the Ohio progressed, Harrison experienced
some of the peace and quiet that he had yearned for so ardently
during the summer months. He had the companionship of sev-
eral other officers, though many of these were convalescents. One
afternoon, while they were all seated at dinner, the usual tran-
quility of the passage was rudely shattered. As the vessel rounded
one of the many bends in the Ohio, it ran into an ambuscade.
4 'Shots from the shore came whistling through the thin sides of
the dining room, and in a moment all was confusion/' 12 Passen-
gers scurried for safety. Apparently, the only one who did not
realize the danger was an attractive young lady. She had been
seated at the captain's table and, when she heard shots, she left
the cabin to satisfy her curiosity. Colonel Ritchie, sensing the
peril of the fair lady, followed her. To his surprise, he found that
Colonel Harrison was already on the hurricane deck with "a re-
volver in each hand . . . blazing away with great enthusiasm and
vigor at the people on the shore." Ritchie claimed that Harrison
"stood there in a storm of bullets and banged away until the boat
was out of range."
This reckless abandon impressed Ritchie the more because, as
he later reported, the Indiana colonel appeared perfectly uncon-
scious that he had done anything extraordinary. Whether one
views Harrison's action as plain foolhardiness or as high gallan-
try, it matters little; aboard ship, he had become a hero. When the
story was noised about Indianapolis, the home folks magnified
the deed out of all proportion. It certainly did not harm Harri-
son's political chances.
On September 2Oth, Harrison arrived in Indianapolis. "After
witnessing," as he said, "the scenes of desolation and decay in the
11 This is the testimony of Colonel W. T. Ritchie, who was engaged in the
transportation of army supplies in the West. From an unidentified newspaper dip-
ping in the Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook, Vol. 9, p. 99, Harrison MSS.
12 Ibid. The following details are from Ritchie's account.
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
track of a great army, the sight of the busy streets and peaceful
residences of Indianapolis was like a gleam of paradise." 18 Yet,
once he had greeted his wife and two children, he was compelled
to admit that "he found himself almost a stranger in his native
town, lost in a labyrinth of new and eloquent buildings, and the
busy world of commerce. The growth of the city seemed to be
the effect of some magician's wand." His fellow citizens gave him
a warm welcome, and the Indianapolis Journal editorialized the
return of "Col. Ben Harrison, of the gallant yoth . . . who enjoyed
an enviable reputation in civil life, which has received a fresh
luster by his conduct as a soldier." 14 The story of his loss of the
Reporter's position made fine political capital and was stressed
with telling effect.
Within a week of his arrival, the Journal listed a speaking
schedule that commenced in Lawrenceburg on September sgth
and carried candidate Harrison to Rockport, Vincennes, and
Terre Haute. 15 While the Hoosier hero was stumping the south-
ern and western portions of the state, another military man, one
also destined for the White House, General James A, Garfield,
canvassed the northern sector. 16 Although Indiana was far from
realizing the fact in 1864, presidential timber abounded in that
state campaign, as Andrew Johnson was also one of the more
prominent orators for the Republican cause. 17
After his first speech in the familiar environment of Lawrence-
burg, Harrison knew that he was in for a stiff fight. He found that
the Democrats, bitterly incensed by the "sensational and effective
expos6 of the Sons of Liberty or the Knights of the Golden Cir-
cle," 18 were now aroused to vindictive fervor in prosecuting the
is Indianapolis Daily Journal, October 20, 1864. This was the occasion of Harri-
son's famous speech at the Tabernacle for the re-election of Abraham Lincoln.
14 The editorial note was published in the Indianapolis Daily Journal, Thurs-
day, September 29, 1864, under the caption: "Our Soldier Candidate." It added:
"Col. Harrison abandoned the lucrative and pleasant office of Reporter of the
Supreme Court for the toils and dangers of the battlefield. The late Union State
Convention nominated him for re-election, and during his brief furlough, he will
visit as many points as practicable and address the people. The Colonel is an excel-
lent speaker and will do good service on the stump, as he has on the battlefield."
IB Harrison's speaking appointments appeared on the front page of the Indian-
apolis Daily Journal, from September 27th until October 4th.
18 Indianapolis Daily Journal, September 27, 1864. Garfield was listed as speak-
ing at Peru, Rochester, Ply-mouth, Westville, and South Bend.
IT Stampp, op, cit., p. 237.
18 J. P. Dunn, Greater Indianapolis, I, 236. Stampp, op. tit., pp. 149-50, points
out that the Knights of the Golden Circle supposedly sprang from the parent stem
TWIN TRIUMPHS 271
state campaign. While some Republican orators delighted in tag-
ging each and every Democrat as charter members in these or-
ganizations suspected of treason, the Democrats themselves raised
the cry of Republican dictatorship and military despotism. The
fight in the press was just as fierce as it was in the hustings. The
Daily State Sentinel, in championing the Democrats, featured
several vitriolic editorials. The Sentinel warned its patrons that
"every vote cast for Morton and the Republican candidates is an
endorsement of the corruptions, the frauds, the reckless extrava-
gance, and the suicidal policy of Lincoln and his adherents." 19
Though the issue was stated as a choice between free government
under the Democrats or military despotism under the Republi-
cans, the campaign was hotly waged over the personalities in-
volved. Three days before election, Democrats were strongly
urged to vote out "their worthless public servants, Morton and
Lincoln. They have both been tried and found wanting." 20
Public opinion, however, leaned heavily to the Republicans.
The successful overthrow of a group suspected of treason and
almost wholly identified with the Democratic party practically
guaranteed Republican success at the polls, both in the impor-
tant October state elections and in the November national con-
test. 21 Before the victory at Atlanta, Union speakers elaborated
the theme that the "ballot of loyal men would have to sustain the
armies in the field; a vote for the Administration was a vote
squarely against secession and secession sympathy, and against
the rebellion." 22 After the military successes in September, Har-
rison and many local army officers stumped the state and "gave
additional testimony to the unity of the soldiers behind Governor
in the Confederacy itself, and was the most publicized of the local "treasonable"
societies.
19 Indianapolis Daily State Sentinel, October 11, 1864. The editorial columns
savagely attacked Morton as "the most desperate and unscrupulous politician that
ever disgraced the political station in Indiana. From the date of his first apostasy
from the Democratic party, and his advocacy of the Know-Nothing faction and its
prescriptive dogmas, he has been head and front of the wiliest conspiracies against
liberty. He has stopped at nothing to accomplish his purposes."
*0jftjd v October 8, 1864.
21 See Kenneth M. Stampp, "The Milligan Case and the Election of 1864 in
Indiana," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 31 (1944-45), 41-58. Also Felix G.
Stidger, Treason History of the Order of the Sons of Liberty (Chicago, 1903).
22 Stampp, Indiana Politics during the Civil War, p. 237.
272 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Morton and the Union Party." 23 The political situation was most
closely approximated by the Daily Journal:
As the election approaches, the people are preparing to vindicate
the policy of an Administration that has struggled through the most
appalling difficulties, and has with defiant front encountered rebels
in arms and traitors at home, overcoming the one and confounding
the machinations of the other. An Administration dear to all true
and loyal men, successful, glorious, just in the act of binding the
Republic in an eternal union, will never be deserted. 24
For Harrison, political haranguing was a mixed pleasure. Even
before his return from the field and before his actual presence on
a political rostrum, he had confided to his wife:
I think the Union papers and speakers are making too much noise
and parade about the treasonable designs of the Copperheads. It
would be better to say less and do more ---- In my opinion the place
for our loud talking Union men to fight the Copperheads is here
before Atlanta and before Richmond. If they would fill the call and
give Sherman one hundred thousand and Grant three hundred thou-
sand, we could take in Hood and his whole army . . . , and Grant
would soon have Richmond and then the Copperheads would be
dead and no one would know who killed them. 25
Here was a man after Governor Morton's own heart. Harrison
was not only interested in winning the election, but he desired
to fill the Union ranks without resorting to a draft. Consequently,
when the colonel of the Seventieth Indiana reported to Morton
for special orders on September 20, 1864, he was given a twofold
assignment to commence immediately after his brief furlough.
First of all, he was ordered to support his candidacy and his party
by electioneering; secondly, he was to canvass the state for re-
cruits. Harrison found this twofold task entirely to his liking,
especially his commission to recruit. 26 It is interesting to note
that in one of his last letters before his furlough Col. Harrison
had written to Indianapolis: "I would like to make a speech to
one of your large enthusiastic Union meetings in the Circle. The
24 Indianapolis Daily Journal, September 23, 1864.
25 Harrison to his wife, August 24, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
26 House Document No. 154, p. 116.
TWIN TRIUMPHS
first thing that I would say would be 'Gentlemen, everyone of
you over 18 and under 45 years ought to be in the army, instead
of sitting here among these patriotic ladies." 27 He was correct in
surmising that such language would not win him much popu-
larity, especially among the able-bodied Republicans who had
not seen active service. Nevertheless, he was convinced that such
a blunt statement would mirror perfectly the "feelings of those
who are separated from their families, not singing 'rally round
the flag,' but rallying around it, and dying in its defense." 28 He
added: "I really begin to feel contempt for those who talk so
eloquently for the Union and won't come and fight for it. I begin
to believe that the only genuine patriotism in the country is
found among the old men, the ladies and the soldiers." However
strong Harrison's feelings may have been on this subject, no evi-
dence appears either in the press or in his own letters that he
ever voiced his challenge.
As the campaign drew to a close, Morton, Harrison and the
Republican-Union ticket worked feverishly. For Morton, victory
would vindicate his wartime measures, and for Harrison it would
be a clear sign of popular repudiation of his ouster by the Su-
preme Court. On election day, Tuesday, October 11, 1864, the
Democrats played their last trump against candidate Harrison.
On its second page, the Sentinel carried an editorial headed:
"Hon. J. Scott Harrison of Ohio."
This distinguished citizen and patriot, the father of a gentleman
who is running in this state on the Abolition ticket for Supreme Court
Reporter, assures the Democratic Executive Committee, of Hamilton
County, Ohio, that he is with "the Democracy in this contest, and
will support tie October and November Democratic tickets." The
honorable gentleman, if he lived in Indiana, would not therefore,
vote for his own son. 29
The parting shot by the Republicans was an election day re-
minder that Napoleon B. Taylor, Harrison's opponent, was a
"third degree member of the treasonable order of the Sons of
27 Harrison to his wife, August 24, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
28/frfd.
29 Indianapolis Daily State Sentinel, October 11, 1864.
274 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Liberty." 30 There is no way of calculating the effect of these last-
minute attacks. We do know, however, that the Hoosier elector-
ate supported Morton and Harrison by giving them a 20,000
margin of victory. 31
Indiana was now almost solidly Republican, and to show his
appreciation Morton staged a tremendous victory rally at Indian-
apolis on October 14th. The re-elected governor made the prin-
cipal address, keynoting his remarks with the claim that the State
Republican triumph "had dealt the rebels a staggering blow." 82
No one left the rally that evening without sharing Morton's con-
viction that Lincoln would defeat McClellan in the coming presi-
dential election, and that the President's re-election would virtu-
ally end the war. 33 Lest over-confidence pervade the Republican
ranks, the party organ warned every voter in the state:
Let no one suppose that because one battle has been gained there
is no more work to be done. The fight has just begun in good earnest,
and from this time until after Abe and Andy have been elected by
an overwhelming majority, the walls of the Tabernacle will echo
three nights in a week with the voices of Union speakers and the
cheers of a Union audience. 84
Ben Harrison's was the first voice heard in the hall known as
the Tabernacle. With neither his knowledge nor his consent, on
October 19, 1864, an announcement appeared: "Meeting at the
Tabernacle. . , . Ben Harrison Speaks Tonight." 35 Surprised and
chagrined by so brief a warning, Harrison had no choice but to
accept. When he arrived, the strains of Lozier's new victory song,
"Have You Heard from the People," were still echoing.
Harrison opened his remarks by launching a savage attack
against the Copperheads, "the men who are making such an out-
cry about the burdens of war," yet "bear none of them." He was
cheered when he said that "those who bear the burdens the
30 Indianapolis Daily Journal, October 11, 1864.
31 Stampp, Indiana Politics, p. 253. The Republicans won control of the Gen-
eral Assembly and elected 8 of the 11 Congressmen.
32 Foulke, op. cit., 370.
83 Indianapolis Daily Journal, October 15, 1864.
34 Jbid. f October 19, 1864,
35 Ibid., October 19, 1864.
TWIN TRIUMPHS 275
brave soldiers in the field make no complaint." "Copperheads,"
he continued,
have a great deal to say about the cruelties of war. It is a cruel war-
preeminently cruel cruel in its inception, as being against a govern-
ment which only touched subjects to bless them; cruel in its savage
ferocity with which it is waged on the part of the rebels; cruel in that
it has brought desolation and grief to the hearthstone of almost every
household in the land. But all these horrors should not affright us,
or make us hesitate one moment in our duty. 86
In reviewing the origin and the cause of the war, Harrison
maintained that the North had not wanted war, and had held
back so long "before it took up the gauntlet so defiantly flung
in its face, that it looked like timidity." Now that the issue was
squarely joined, he said, there could be no turning back. Harri-
son was not speaking for himself. He protested that he repre-
sented the "voice of the men who have borne the burden" and
who have just voted to "crush the rebellion." With respect to the
doctrine of state sovereignty as one of the principal articles in the
creed of the Democratic Party, Harrison characterized it as a most
"dangerous heresy, and a deadly poison to national life." He
called upon the people of Indiana to repudiate this doctrine in
the national elections. To his statement that state supremacy
could be practically blocked by suppressing the rebellion and
theoretically blocked by defeating the Democratic Party, his au-
dience gave whole-hearted approval.
By far the most popular part of Harrison's speech was his strong
defense of President Lincoln. Charging that objections to the
presidential policy were being made in the interest of treason,
the colonel high-lighted his remarks by declaring that "the prog-
ress of Mr. Lincoln has been but the progress of the people."
He even went so far as to say that the President's Emancipation
Proclamation "did but reflect the will of the people which clearly
demanded a change of policy." Throughout the remainder of
his address Harrison gave testimony to the benefits that followed
upon that proclamation. Witness, he said, Sherman's long line
of communication, "where black men, in a hundred ways, did the
work which would have otherwise fallen upon our brave sol-
36 ibid., October 20, 1864.
76 BENJAMIN' HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
liers." This section of his speech was a well-phrased eulogy on
he Negro's part in the war. "Not a negro has escaped and made
tis way into our camps but has brought more aid to our cause
ban the entire brood of whining, carping Copperheads who ob-
sct, in the interest of treason, to the employment of the black
len."
The Journal report called Harrison's effort "eloquent and pro-
Dund." His audience, however, most probably remembered this
peech as one of Harrison's most partisan harangues. The bloody
tiirt was in evidence, as the little colonel swung into a fiery per-
ration. He declared that, if McClellan were elected, "the Cop-
erheads would strip the uniforms from the backs of these dusky
Dldiers and send them back to slavery." Although he was against
ivoluntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, in his
yes the sin of Southern traitors was so deep and damning "that
enturies of servitude could not atone for it." He went further,
:ating that, if, after the war, anyone must be enslaved, "he was
i favor of making the traitor white a slave to the loyal black."
'artisan statements like these Harrison was to regret, especially
uringhis presidency. His invective in 1864, however, drew loud
tieers from the audience. As they heard the hardened soldier
ealing death-blows to the persons of his political opponents, the
rowd no longer remembered him as the calm and conservative
arrister of two years back.
As the presidential canvass wore into its final phase, Harrison
oubled his effort in behalf of Lincoln. Whether he spoke in
nail towns or in large cities mattered not at all. 87 His long ex-
erience on the stump made him a valuable asset to Lincoln's
mse. Finally, on November 7th, Indiana joined her sister states
i the North in giving Lincoln a popular majority of 400,000
Dtes over McClellan; 88 the Hoosier majority was 20,000. Morton
nd Harrison were delighted with the results, for Republicanism
as now firmly entrenched in both state and nation. 89 To the
87 The Indianapolis Daily Journal, October 26, 1864, listed Harrison as speaking
Columbia City, Whitney County, November i; Warsaw, Kostiusko Co., Novem-
ar 2; Lafayette, November 3; and Newport, Vermillion Co., November 4.
38 James G. Randall, The Civil War and Reconstruction, pp. 621-253. Though the
ection was hailed as a landslide, there were large minorities for McClellan in New
ork, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.
39 Stampp, Indiana Politics, p. 253.
TWIN TRIUMPHS 277
war hawks of 1864, Lincoln's re-election brought complete assur-
ance of a fight to the finish. 40
The question of Harrison's return to active service now con-
fronted the colonel's superiors, his friends, and above all, his
family. Morton was uncertain in what office Harrison could ren-
der the best service; Indianapolis friends who had cast their bal-
lots for him wanted Harrison to remain in order to take up his
duties as supreme court reporter; his family did not interfere,
but the colonel knew their secret thoughts. Deeply gratified by
his re-election, he weighed the possibility of resigning his com-
mission. His first love was the courtroom, though he had grown
very fond of the men in the Seventieth Indiana. The promise of
profound peace at home strongly urged him to an immediate ac-
ceptance of the Reporter's position.
Harrison's die was cast, though he did not know it, on the day
of his loudest acclaim in Indianapolis. While Republicans were
congratulating themselves on Harrison's firebrand address in the
Tabernacle, two events in the South conspired to effect his speedy
return to the fighting front. One was a Confederate council of
war held at Gadsden, Alabama, on October 20, 1864; the other, a
special letter from General Ward, Harrison's former command-
ing officer, to Governor Morton. 41
Ward was now in Nashville, Tennessee, serving with the army
of General George H. Thomas. 42 With undisguised concern, the
Kentuckian told Morton that veteran substitutes were needed
from the Indianapolis area. Moreover, with a frankness bred from
familiarity with Harrison, Ward asked Morton to assign the
colonel to the task of filling up the "ggrd, the 7oth and the 8sth
Indiana Regiments." Morton agreed, and Harrison, already en-
gaged in recruiting, now doubled his efforts to sign up veterans
40 Randall, op. cit., p. 624, points out: "On the main issues of the day Lincoln
and McCIellan were not opposites. They agreed essentially as to reconstruction.
There was no peace-at-any-price ballot in the election."
41 S. K. Harryman to Col. Benj. Harrison, October 20, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol.
5. On the council at Gadsden, see John P. Dyer, The Gallant Hood (Indianapolis,
1950), pp. 281-82.
42 On September 29, 1864, Sherman had sent Thomas to Chattanooga and Nash-
ville to reorganize the middle Tennessee defenses against the forays of Nathan B.
Forrest. Hooker's old 2oth Army Corps and, therefore, Harrison's old command,
were left at Atlanta. Dyer, op. cit. f p. 280.
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
for at least a short term of service, if not for the duration. As for
Harrison's return to active duty, Ward instructed his adjutant to
write the colonel a personal letter, 43 in which he argued that, even
if Harrison had committed himself to the people of Indiana by
agreeing to accept the office of supreme court reporter, the pro-
posed promotion to brigadier general would relieve him from
such obligations. Ward craftily added that "with the recommen-
dations already forwarded, a word from the Governor to the
President would probably be sufficient to obtain the promotion."
With Hooker, Ward, and Morton active in his behalf, Harrison
knew his promotion was certain, despite the fact that the waters
passing through official channels frequently move slowly. While
this praise from superior officers was most satisfying, the compli-
ment offered by the men in the ranks was undoubtedly a source
of even greater consolation. They wanted his return to command
either in his "present or in superior rank." 44
Ward's message all but compelled Harrison to return immedi-
ately. The event, however, that protracted Harrison's destiny as
a soldier was the all-night strategy conference between Gen-
erals Beauregard and Hood. There, a new Southern strategy was
born. Hood was going into Tennessee with "a hope to establish
our line eventually in Kentucky." 45 This bit of daredeviltry on
the part of the Texan, John Bell Hood, was to be executed by
the same courageous Confederate army that had been compelled
to evacuate Atlanta. The last hope of the Confederate cause in
the West rested squarely on the shoulders of the towering blond-
haired veteran of Gettysburg and Chickamauga, whose left arm
dangled almost useless at his side, and whose right leg was little
more than a stump. The task of stopping Hood fell to General
George H. Thomas. Sherman had grown tired of chasing the
Texan who could "turn and twist like a fox, and wear out my
army in pursuit"; 46 instead, he faced his army about and began
his destructive march to the sea.
43 S. K. Harryman (Ward's adjutant and secretary) to Harrison, October 20, 1864.
Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
44 Ibid. Morton may have fulfilled his part in Harrison's promotion by a verbal
recommendation to President Lincoln. No written document has been uncovered.
45 Dyer, op. cit., p. 281.
4 Henry Stone, "Repelling Hood's Invasion of Tennessee," R. U. Johnson and
CL C. Buel (eds.), Battles and Leaders, IV, 441.
TWIN TRIUMPHS 279
Once he had determined to return to the battlefield, Harrison
lost no time in leaving Indianapolis. On the day after Lincoln's
re-election, November 8, 1864, he entrained for the South, ac-
cording to orders, 47 to join his regiment at Atlanta and march
with Sherman to the sea. Harrison, however, never made contact
with the goth Army Corps at Atlanta, and consequently, never
shared with his comrades of the Seventieth Indiana the feeling
that "they had a part in driving the dagger into the heart of the
Rebellion." 48
Wallace records that "the failure of a hack to make connection
with a southgoing train at Indianapolis" prevented Harrison
from joining his command. Taking the next train, he got as far
as Dalton, Georgia, only to find the railroad torn up and further
progress impossible. While at Dalton, Harrison was ordered to
report to General Charles Cruft at Chattanooga where he was
immediately given command of the ist Brigade. 49 Upon his ar-
rival there, he found several other contingents cut off from their
regular commands, and assembled there by special order. 50 In
command of what was soon to be called a provisional detachment
was Major General James B. Steedman, a veteran of Chickamauga
fame. 51 Though this odd assortment of troops had been hastily
thrown together to answer Thomas' call for more strength, it was
welded rapidly into a sharp fighting unit, ready to march at a
moment's notice.
The moment was not long in coming. All during Sherman's
march through Georgia the impetuous Hood was unfolding his
plans for a counter-offensive in Tennessee. During the last week
of November, Hood tried desperately to prevent Schofield from
effecting a union with Thomas at Nashville. The Texan was con-
vinced that, if he could block this important junction of two
large Union armies, "complete victory would be in Confederate
47 "Executive Dept., Indianapolis, Indiana, November 9, 1864: Col. Ben Harri-
son, yoth Ind. Vols., having discharged the special duty under the within orders is
hereby relieved from duty and will report to his regiment O. P. Morton, Gov. of
Indiana," Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
48 Samuel Merrill, The Seventieth Indiana, p. 213.
49 Lew Wallace, Life of Gen. Ben Harrison, pp. 234-25.
50/frd v p. 225.
51 Among the troops listed in this provisional detachment were the ist and 2nd
Colored Brigades under the respective commands of Col. Thomas J. Morgan and
Col. Charles R. Thompson. Johnson and Buel, op. cit., Battles and Leaders, IV, 473.
28O BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
hands and Hood's dazzling dream of marching to the Ohio and
then joining with Lee would come true. Such a victory would
completely neutralize Sherman in Georgia and compel him to
abandon the state. Get in between Schofield and Thomas; whip
the former; then turn on the latter and take Nashville. That
was Hood's plan." 52 This bit of Southern strategy, brilliantly con-
ceived, met with dismal failure in execution. During the night
of November 29, 1864, Schofield's large and well-equipped army
successfully slipped from under the very nose of General Hood
and bivouacked along the Columbia Pike near Spring Hill. 58
When dawn broke on the goth, a chagrined and mortified Hood
swore that he would avenge his humiliation. Then and there he
determined to catch his elusive foe immediately and deal him a
crippling blow. 54
From early morning to late afternoon on the goth, Hood and
Cheatham drove their men in pursuit of Schofield. Just eighteen
miles south of Nashville, Schofield was compelled to rest his weary
troops. He called a halt at Franklin, selecting an excellent defen-
sive position and fortifying it well. 55 At about 3:00 P.M., Hood
made contact with Schofield's skirmish line. Never one to delay,
Hood, against the advice of his staff officers, immediately issued
the tragic command: "Drive the enemy from his position into
the river at all hazards." 56 There followed a series of desperate
attacks that served only to immortalize Southern valor. The at-
tack was a costly failure: Hood lost well over 6,000 men; Scho-
field, only 2,ooo. BT
On the night that Schofield eluded Hood, Harrison's bri-
gade was ordered from Chattanooga to Nashville to re-enforce
Thomas against Hood. Save for a few necessary garrison guards,
Chattanooga was evacuated of able-bodied troops in response to
Thomas' call for more men. No one had to inform Harrison
52 Dyer, The Gallant Hood, p. 285. Thomas' army was scattered all over Tennes-
see, the largest unit being his own force of some 18,000, in and around Nashville,
and the forces of Schofield and Stanley, at Pulaski, numbering some 155,000.
54 A. J. Lewis, "Into Tennessee," New Orleans Times-Democrat, March 5, 1893,
as quoted in Dyer, op. dt., p. 289.
55 Henry Stone, "Repelling Hood's Invasion of Tennessee," Johnson and Buel,
op. cit., IV, 450.
56 John Bell Hood, Advance and Retreat: Personal Experiences in the United
States and Confederate Armies (New Orleans, 1880), p. 293.
57 Randall, op. at., p. 675.
TWIN TRIUMPHS 28l
just how serious was Hood's threat on Nashville. Moving troops
and empty towns were evidence enough. The march was hard;
food and fuel were scarce, "for hardly any part of the western
country had been foraged upon as much as middle Tennessee." 68
Harrison and his brigade arrived at Nashville at a propitious
moment. General Thomas' headquarters reflected the joy that
reigned in the city from the moment of Hood's serious reverse
at Franklin. Though the gallant Confederate leader was laying
siege to the city, there was an air of expectancy and triumph about
the Union camp. Both Thomas and the recently arrived Schofield
extended a warm welcome to General Steedman and his provi-
sional detachment of over 5,000 men. Harrison said that Thomas
knew Steedman as a fighting man and was determined that he
should play an important r61e in the battle for Nashville, now
looming larger and larger. 59 Both Thomas and Hood were poised
to strike at the end of the first week in December, but the weather
turned fiercely cold and sleet turned into snow and ice. 60 Harri-
son wrote to his wife: "If Hood falls back, we will, of course,
follow him, and if this weather continues, it will be a terrible
campaign." 61
The freezing weather continued, and there was little activity
in either camp. Acute suffering 'afflicted both armies, some sol-
diers dying on the picket line, and a good many others were so
badly frost-bitten that they never recovered. 62 Harrison felt a
personal responsibility for the men under his command, search-
ing by day "to supply my command with wood to keep them
from freezing." 63 At night, he walked the picket lines, dispensing
from a large can the hot coffee that he himself had prepared. This
special act of kindness was never forgotten in the circle of Har-
rison's friends in the post-war years. 64 Despite the hatreds of war,
Harrison also felt keenly for the ill-clad foe under Hood. To
Carrie he mused: "If the rebels are not well clothed, they must
58 Freeman Cleaves, Rock of Chickamauga, p. 253.
C9 Harrison to his wife, December 9, 1864, Harrison MSS, VoL 5.
so Dyer, op. dt. f p. 298.
61 Harrison was quite disconsolate over the fact that most of Carrie's letters
to him were not coining through, but "were hidden away in the accumulating
Chattanooga mail." Harrison to his wife, December 9, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
62 Wallace, op. cit. f p. 227.
63 Harrison to his wife, December 12, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
64 Wallace, op. tit., p. 227, cites the typical gratitude of one of these pickets,
Richard Smock.
282 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
be suffering immensely from cold and exposure . . . both sides
seem to be ice-bound/' 65
While both sides waited patiently for the weather to break,
Harrison found time as well as topics for speculation. As usual,
his wife was the confidante of those battles that are fought within
the heart and never find their way into official reports or records.
"I am getting along pretty well with my new command, but I am
still very anxious to get to my proper one." He also wondered
about his promotion to brigadier general, reluctant at the same
time to go to General Thomas' headquarters and to make in-
quiries about himself. He concluded, finally, to "wait till I hear
of what is done at Washington and keep my expectations in check
in the meanwhile/' 66
All during this enforced delay, the impatient and exacting
Grant kept wiring from Virginia that he wished Thomas to
launch an immediate attack upon Hood. 67
On December igth, when a moderation of weather brought
increased activity in Hood's camp, an attack was imminent. Gen-
eral Steedman, in charge of the left-wing defenses of the city, or-
dered Harrison's brigade to erect and fortify a breastwork cover-
ing the entire front of his line. All of the igth and part of the
i4th, they slaved to accomplish their assignment. Harrison later
reported that the patriotism and warm co-operation of the citi-
zenry made their task successful, and made them fight "like
tigers for that . . . land." 68 He also tells how it was necessary to
cut across and even appropriate civilian property in this work.
He seems to have won a lifelong friend in the person of Judge
Trimble, who gave Harrison an American flag to use for his gar-
rison colors, adding, "Colonel, if it is necessary for the defense
of Nashville, take the bottom brick in my house."
The battle of Nashville began at dawn on December 15, 1864.
Late the night before, Thomas carefully outlined his plans for
battle. Harrison, as a part of Steedman's force, was to move at
daylight against Cheatham, commanding the Confederate right.
A. J. Smith's corps was scheduled to make a simultaneous attack
65 Harrison to his wife, December 12, 1864, Harrison MSS, Vol. 5.
67 Cleaves, op. dt. f p. 259. Also Randall, op. cit. f p. 675. "Grant sent urgent but
unheeded orders to Thomas demanding a battle, and finally sent Logan to super-
sede him." Thomas attacked, however, before Logan arrived on the scene.
68 Wallace, op. tit., p. 226.
TWIN TRIUMPHS 283
on the Confederate left under Stewart. Thomas assigned General
T. J. Wood to center as the pivot for the flanking movement.
General Schofield was to be held in reserve for use wherever
needed. 69 In the face of an early morning fog, 70 Steedman moved
out cautiously against Cheatham, with Harrison's brigade in the
lead. Behind the Hoosier colonel moved the two Negro brigades.
Skirmishers from Harrison's brigade thrust aside enemy pick-
ets and attempted to charge a Confederate battery planted in a
rocky ravine, but Cheatham's men did not yield on the i5th. De-
spite this, the Union army achieved a decided advantage at the
end of the first day's fighting. No little credit was given to Steed-
man's provisional detachment; it "had more than accomplished
its first day's task." 11
That night a badly battered Hood dug in for the last time.
Falling back two miles to hills strongly fortified, the courageous
Southern leader completely realigned his forces in both wings,
and contracted his battle line from six miles to three. Cheatham
was now sent to bolster the badly shattered left wing. At dawn
the battle was renewed, but by noon the die was cast. As soon as
the North attacked Hood's left from front and rear, the Confed-
erate cause was lost. The fatal breakthrough was quick in
coming. Then the disastrous rout began. "Nobody knows who
followed whom to the rear. All were mingled in inextricable con-
fusionthe Army of the Tennessee had degenerated into a mob
clawing its way down the Franklin Pike toward safety." 72
General Thomas despatched all available infantry and cavalry
in pursuit of Hood. Harrison's brigade, which had been trans-
ferred to reserve, was affected by these general orders and was
directed to march to Murfreesboro, "there take the trains and
push forward with the utmost speed." 73 His mission was clear-
cut. He was to try to reach the Tennessee River before Hood,
and by destroying pontoons was to intercept the rebel retreat.
69 Official Records, Series I, Vol. XLV, Part i, p. 38. Thomas's complete strategy
is contained in his report of January 20, 1865.
70 Cleaves, op. cit., p. 262.
71 Ibid., p. 264.
72 Dyer, op. cit., p. 301. Cleaves, op. cit., p. 267, indicates that the two-day battle
cost the Confederate army 13,189 men, including 4462 prisoners, as well as 53 guns;
the Union loss was set at 3,057.
7 Wallace, op. cit., p. 228.
284 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Although Harrison's command undertook the chase southward
with great enthusiasm, they found it extremely difficult. Partially
covered by Forrest's cavalry, the fleeing foe had hastily organized
a rear guard which gave some semblance of order to their retreat.
With remarkable skill, Hood's retiring columns threw every pos-
sible obstacle in the path of the Federal pursuers. Harrison's
chase was effectively stalled by rail, as alert Confederates burned
wood piles and destroyed water tanks. Only at the cost of precious
hours could he detail ax-men to chop up rails to feed the engine.
Further delay ensued while "creek buckets were used to fill the
tanks with water." 74 Only late on the morning of December i7th
could the Union pursuers make effective contact with the enemy,
and, even then, brave bands of Louisianians stubbornly stood
their ground, successfully breaking the impact of the Federal as-
sault. In later years Harrison appreciated the Southern courage
that staved off certain disaster to a barefoot infantry sliding as
fugitives along icy roads.
The pattern of pursuit did not vary, because rear guard Con-
federate forces fought and fell back again and again for the next
seven days, with Federal pursuers only a few hours behind Hood
all the way. Try as they would, Harrison's slower infantry could
not catch up with the enemy. The roads were either glazed with
ice or "bottomless with mud," while many of the streams could
only be "crossed by wading." 75 Prospects of intercepting the en-
emy grew dimmer by the day, and there seemed little chance of
bagging Hood's remnants.
The capricious weather continued, and in the rain, ice, and
mud the gap between the pursuers and the pursued widened.
Finally, on Christmas Eve, the cavalcade of Confederates safely
crossed the Tennessee River. Notwithstanding this failure to
achieve their principal mission, Steedman's division and Harri-
son's brigade pushed forward in the ardent hope of striking a
final blow at the once-magnificent fighting machine of General
Hood. Arriving at the banks of the Tennessee, the Federals had
to bridge the river in the face of a hostile battery. This they suc-
cessfully accomplished, continuing their almost hopeless pursuit
to Decatur, and as far as Courtland, Alabama. 76 Here the Union
w ibid.
p. 229.
TWIN TRIUMPHS 285
cavalry did their best work of the whole pursuit. After they had
destroyed an important pontoon bridge, they were able to flank
a large remnant of Hood's army. The Southerners who stood to
fight it out received a sound drubbing. Despite this modicum of
success, Harrison and the slower infantry never again caught
sight of Hood.
On New Year's Eve the campaign ended officially, and Har-
rison's contingent was recalled. 77 While Thomas ordered most
of his army into winter quarters, Harrison was directed first to
report to General Cruft at Chattanooga, where, on January 16,
1865, he received from Major General Thomas the command
that warmed his heart: "Col. Ben Harrison, 70* Indiana In-
fantry, will proceed without delay to Savannah, Ga. and rejoin
his proper command for duty." 78 For more than two weeks he
had waited impatiently for these orders to rejoin General Sher-
man at Savannah, the city that had been given to President Lin-
coln as a Christmas present. 79 If Sherman was already dreaming
of the hour when he could march North and unite his army
"with that of General Grant before Richmond," Harrison was
looking beyond Richmond and the surrender of the South. His
eye and his heart were set upon Indianapolis.
When he was packed and ready to begin his trip to Georgia,
Harrison received belatedly but willingly a handsome Christmas
gift from Major General Thomas. His orders were reissued to
allow him a brief furlough at Indianapolis, whence he was to
entrain for New York, and then proceed by steamer to Savannah.
This unexpected leave to visit Carrie and the children was a real
boon. As he left for home, Harrison's superior officer, Brigadier
General Charles Cruft, bade him a warm farewell. Then the gen-
eral went to headquarters and wrote the following to the War
Department:
... in parting with Col. Benjamin Harrison, yoth Indiana Vols., it
affords me pleasure to say that he has served the country, during the
77 Cleaves, op. cit. f p. 276.
78 Special Orders No. 16, Department of the Cumberland; copy in Harrison MSS,
Vol. 6, 1091.
70 Otto Eisenschiml and Ralph Newman, The American Iliad, p. 655: "Sherman
presented Savannah to President Lincoln as a Christmas gift and then prepared for
further exploits. He could either join Grant by water or else march by land through
the Carolinas. He himself preferred the latter."
286 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
recent short but arduous and brilliant campaign (as commander of
a Brigade in the Division under my command) most faithfully and
creditably. He has proven himself on all occasions to be an excellent
officer. His long and meritorious service entitles him to remembrance
at the hands of the Government and to speedy promotion. I recom-
mend that he be made a Brigadier General and guarantee that he
possesses all the qualities requisite to successful administration of the
office. I have known Col. Harrison for several years and speak from
personal knowledge. 80
so Copy in the Harrison MSS, Vol. 6, No. 1092.
CHAPTER XIV
Brigadier General Harrison
and Desolated Roads
HARRISON'S RETURN to Indianapolis immediately after the
successful Nashville campaign bore a striking resem-
blance to his homecoming after the fall of Atlanta. Some
Hoosiers maintained that his courage and skill in handling a bri-
gade on the Nashville front had assured him of a brigadier's "star,"
whether official Washington chose to recognize it or not. 1 Still
others listed Benjamin Harrison with Colonel John Coburn as
Indiana's "most deserving and best colonels." 2 Such sentiments
of appreciation and praise moved Harrison to dismiss all feelings
of regret that he had been prevented from joining Sherman and
his original command at Atlanta. No longer did he consider his
absence from the Seventieth Indiana, as it marched from Atlanta
to Savannah, a stroke of misfortune. Although he sorely missed
his own regiment and his old brigade, whose military fame was
now assured, Harrison found ample compensation in the warm
reception he was given in the Indiana capital. He found it stimu-
lating when a body of his fellow citizens heralded him as "hav-
ing gone through a harder and not less glorious campaign with
Thomas" 3 than he would have experienced with Sherman on the
march to the sea.
1 George W. Grubbs to Col. Harrison, February 21, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6:
". . . believing the 'star' won on more fields than one, permit me to congratulate
you."
2 John Defrees to Harrison, February 18, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6, claims that
this was the opinion in the U. S. Senate as well as in Indiana. Defrees was Superin-
tendent of Public Printing in Washington and wrote Harrison that "we have bat-
tled over your cause and that of John Coburn several times."
3 George W. Grubbs to Col, Harrison, February 21, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
287
288 BENJAMIN HARRISON! HOOSIER WARRIOR
While no official action had been taken on the several recom-
mendations that Harrison be promoted to the rank of brigadier
general, he himself was not overconcerned, since public opinion
and influential men were on his side, and the notification of his
deserved promotion was just a matter of time. As Major Grubbs
had written, with the South Carolina campaign about to start,
and with a new opportunity for Harrison to head his old and tried
brigade once again, "the full honor" could not be far distant. As
Harrison rode into Indianapolis, he fully realized that Sherman
was now entering upon the last stage of the great march which
was to unite the Army of the West with that of the East before
Richmond. He shared Grant's and Sherman's belief that, if this
march were successful, the Confederacy was doomed. Sherman
did not hope or expect to accomplish it without a struggle, and
Harrison wanted to be there for the first attack.
Harrison did not delay long at Indianapolis. Anxious to re-
join his command, yet reluctant to leave his family, he finally
decided to have Carrie and the two children accompany him as
far as New York. Aside from the presence of two healthy children,
this second honeymoon, made at the expense of the Government,
differed vastly from the one of some twelve years previous. The
intervening years had seen Ben and Carrie make rapid strides.
The unknown lawyer of '54 was not only known, but actually
cheered, as he waved farewell once again to Indianapolis and a
host of friends. He seemed to sense that his own honor and future
were secure.
Before they reached Honesdale, Pennsylvania, where Carrie's
sister, Elizabeth Lord, and her family awaited their arrival, Ben-
jamin confided to Carrie that nothing would please him more
than to march northward from Savannah with the general who
had taken Atlanta. He had learned that Sherman was to make for
Hilton Head, a coastal city, really an island, southwest of Charles-
ton. Harrison was set upon rejoining his command at that point. 4
Carrie, fearful but understanding, encouraged him. Certainly,
her hero-husband could join Sherman's army of 60,000 by early
February. While she scarcely could have envisioned his inarching
420 miles farther, across swamps, over narrow mud roads and
through unbroken forests, Carrie was content to feed the fire of
4 S. M. Bowman and R. B. Irwin, Sherman and His Campaigns: A Military Biog-
raphy (New York, 1865), p. 335.
GENERAL HARRISON AND DESOLATED ROADS 2&Q
her husband's military ambition. Nor was it hard for her to pic-
ture her own pride and joy as supporting Grant against Lee in
Virginia, especially if he were instrumental in cutting off Georgia
and the Carolinas, the chief sources of Confederate supplies and
re-enforcements. The reverie ended abruptly at Honesdale.
During the last week of January, 1865, for the first time since
mid-July, 1862, Harrison found himself unfit for active service.
Within a few hours of his arrival, scarlet fever struck the colonel
and his family. The attack was serious and immediate quarantine
dispelled all hope of a quick reunion with Sherman. The doctor
certified that he would be unable to rejoin his command in less
than thirty days. 5 Harrison's illness was bad, but his disappoint-
ment was worse.
Under the excellent care and attention of Mr. and Mrs. Lord's
family, 6 the Harrisons recuperated more rapidly than the physi-
cian predicted. After two weeks of confinement, he began to show
signs that his ordinarily robust constitution was on the mend.
Perhaps good care and constant medical attention were not solely
responsible for the swift recovery, for Harrison's will to recover
was significantly stimulated by his official appointment as briga-
dier general by brevet. John Defrees helped Harrison more than
he realized by a timely letter informing the general that his nomi-
nation had been unanimously confirmed by the Senate, and by a
consoling postscript: "I have not heard a single word to your
prejudice, but on the contrary', you stand well." 7
Fully recovered by the beginning of the last week in February,
Harrison now found his confinement increasingly irksome. More-
over, a score of congratulatory messages constantly sharpened his
desire to ride once more at the head of his brigade. Friends in
Indianapolis, so wrote his law partner "Pink" Fishback, were
"much pleased with your deserved promotion, and you have the
prayers of many that you may be spared to return again to more
5 Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
6 Harrison mentions this in several later letters to his wife, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6,
February 25, March i, and March 4, 1865.
7 John Defrees to Brig. Gen. B. Harrison, February 18, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol.
6. As founder of the newspaper, the Indianapolis Atlas, Defrees was in complete
touch with local as well as national affairs. Harrison and other Indiana men used
him as a contact man with President Lincoln whose nomination he helped to
achieve at Chicago in 1860. See Kenneth Stampp, Indiana Politics, p. 6.
290 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
peaceful pursuits." 8 Ben's promotion also elicited from John
Scott Harrison a letter fairly bursting with paternal pride. Yet,
fatherly prudence dictated a strong admonition: "Be extremely
careful of yourself and [do] not suffer anxiety to rejoin your
command." He was further urged to await a full convalescence
and not to attempt to travel before complete recovery. It was
typical of his father to add: "you can do your country no good
laying [sic] in a hospital."
Despite his father's advice and without his physician's permis-
sion, Brigadier General Harrison left Honesdale for New York
early in the last week of February. Greatly fatigued by the long
train ride to Lackawaxen, Harrison was too proud to admit the
fact. Rather, his first letter to Carrie and the children quickly
passed over his own condition and dwelt at length on the kind-
ness of a conductor who happened to hail from Indianapolis. 10
Harrison put up at the Merchants Hotel in New York City, re-
laxing there until orders should be issued from Washington. On
February 25th the New York Herald bore the glad tidings that
all officers belonging to Sherman's Army were to report immedi-
ately at Hilton Head.
The next morning Harrison sailed from New York on the
steamer Fulton. On boarding the vessel he was surprised to find
that army orders put him in command. The trip was uneventful,
and the ship docked at Hilton Head on March 2, 1865. At this
important land and naval base, now in Union hands, General
Harrison had only a two-hour stay before taking passage on a
small steamer that slowly nosed its way inland up the Broad
River. The vessel's destination was Camp Sherman, situated near
Blair's Landing, thirty miles from the coast. Dusk and a thick
fog compelled the captain to drop anchor in mid-stream, though
only half of the distance had been navigated.
Fog still shrouded the steamer the next morning, and, to chase
away disappointment, the general proposed an oyster fishing ex-
8 W. P. Fishback to Gen. Benj. Harrison, February 18, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol.
6. Also Grubbs to Harrison, February 21, 1865, ibid.
a J. S. Harrison to Benj., February 22, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6. Harrison's
father was quite surprised that his son was a victim of scarlet fever. "I had always
thought that you had passed through the ordeal of Scarlet Fever and indeed all
other diseases which are peculiar to infancy and early youth. Jennie and Carter had
scarlet fever, when about ten or twelve years old, and quite severely too. You must
have been away from home at the time."
10 Benj. Harrison to his wife, February 25, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
li
I
1
y
Z
y5
Q
I
Photographer unknown (April 1865) Courtesy Harrison Memorial Home
MRS. BENJAMIN HARRISON, 1865
GENERAL HARRISON AND DESOLATED ROADS 2Q1
pedition. Harrison, who had never seen an oyster bed before,
wrote to Carrie:
... we were soon pulling through the fog with the undersigned at the
helm. We found plenty of oysters and loaded our boats down with
them. The tide was out and we could reach the beds along the margin
of the water without dipping for them. I had never seen an oyster
bed before and they were quite a curiosity to me. The shells grow
together in great bunches, the larger oysters being inside, and great
clusters of smaller ones grown fast around them. The shells are very
sharp; hands and boots suffered a good deal in the expedition. 11
For Harrison the fun had just begun. With their heavy loot
slowing them down, the oyster crew made for the steamer. Here
they procured several empty buckets and "picked out some dozen
bucketfuls of the best and got the engineer to steam them for us,
so as to partially cook them and assist in opening the shells."
I soon got to be expert in opening them and took two or three dozen
with great relish; which was perhaps not to be wondered at, as we
had no supper or breakfast. The oysters are not large, but have a very
good flavor. They are called along the coast Coon oysters from the
fact that the Coons eat them at night along the shore. Some times the
oyster catches the Coon, by dosing his shell on his paw, which is per-
haps a fair retaliatory measure on his part. 12
Before long, the morning fog had lifted, enabling the small
steamer to dock at Blair's Landing. Harrison marched his con-
tingent two miles to Camp Sherman, where General Prince was
commandant over several thousand men prepared to reinforce
Sherman. Upon reporting to Prince, Harrison boldly requested
that he be permitted to join his old command without further
delay. When Prince replied that he was ignorant of Sherman's
exact position, Harrison was undaunted. He pleaded for leave to
make his way alone, if necessary. Prince promptly vetoed this
plan by explaining that no one was to leave the Blair's Land-
ing base until the Confederates "now lurking in the woods and
swamps" 13 could be starved or driven into the open. This attitude
seemed to Harrison nothing more than overcaution. He cen-
11 Harrison to his wife, March 4, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
12/fcld.
13 Lloyd Lewis, Sherman: The Fighting Prophet, p. 499.
292 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
sured his senior officer for what he termed a lack of interest. 14
Prince had his way, and Harrison was kept at Camp Sherman.
In a couple of days he found himself in command of all arriving
contingents, doing the same routine training job that he had done
at Chattanooga the month before the Nashville campaign. If any-
thing, his set-up at Blair's Landing was worse than that at Chat-
tanooga. It was not so much the character of the troops as the
location of the camp. As far as he could see, South Carolina was
an endless succession of swamps and salt marshes. Moreover, the
mosquitoes were so bad and sharp-biting gnats so numerous that,
at the end of two weeks, he could truly write "I fit and blid for
my country every day." 15
Problems other than climate and terrain pressed Harrison. A
number of "bounty jumpers/' having obtained their loot, at-
tempted to desert, but hemmed in, as they were, by swamps and
rivers, it was almost impossible for them to get away. One night,
eight of them deserted and made a raft on which to cross the
river. Only four could ride the raft and the other four sent their
clothes over on it and attempted to swim. One was drowned in
crossing and the nearly naked three waded back to camp through
swamps. One had only a shirt and another an overcoat. The cul-
prits were brought to General Harrison for judgment. He seized
this opportunity to warn his command against further attempts
at desertion, and his solution, as he revealed it to Carrie, was
quite simple: "I paraded them under guard before their com-
mand just as they were for two hours to show their comrades
what desertion came to." 16
Three days became three weeks, and still no news from Sher-
man. The camp near Blair's Landing increased in numbers daily.
By the middle of March more than 5,000 well-drilled reinforce-
ments anxiously awaited the signal to break camp and, further
inland, 3,000 additional troops were ready to move with them.
Battalion drill and dress parade were dull routine for veterans
of Atlanta and Nashville. As the days dragged on, Sherman's fail-
14 Harrison to his wife, March 4, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6: "Gen. Prince was
assigned to General Sherman after the army readied Savannah and has no com-
mand with the moving column, and I don't think he feels the same interest in get-
ting there as some of us do."
is Harrison to his wife, March 17, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
GENERAL HARRISON AND DESOLATED ROADS 2Q3
ure to communicate with either Prince or Harrison irked the
Hoosier.
The chief source of Harrison's melancholy was the dearth of
letters from home. Carrie was still the faithful correspondent,
but the news and sentiment contained in her roving letters never
reached Blair's Landing; they were held at the soth Army Corps
Headquarters some 200 miles away. Toward the end of March,
Carrie learned his plight:
If I were receiving letters from you by every steamer, the labor
would be much more easy and pleasant As it is, my life is one of un-
varying monotony, and the companions by whom I am surrounded
are strangers to you, and their doings and sayings of no interest to
you. With you it is not so; the friends who surround you and make
part of your daily life are my children or my very dear friends, and
everything that concerns these is of interest to me. Your daily domes-
tic life I feel to be a part of my life, and I love to know every little
event of it to feed my love of home upon, and direct my imagination
when I go in fancy to my absent home. My life here is an indolent
one, offering very little scope for ambition or eneigy. The office busi-
ness is very light, and my out-of-door duties consist of an occasional
visit to my picket line and the camp. 17
Much as Harrison yearned for Carrie, the children and his In-
dianapolis friends, he feared, so he admitted, "to anticipate the
joy of returning home to remain, or 'for good* as the children
say, lest some casualty of disease or battle" should shatter "these
fond anticipations/' 18 Despite every indication to the contrary,
this period of enforced confinement and inactivity was, in reality,
a blessing in disguise. Granted that Harrison was sad, despondent
and deeply introspective, this was a mental climate which he
needed in order to mature and plot his future course. Not even
the brigadier general's commission could shake his determina-
tion to retire "at the expiration of my present term I am grow-
ing older and perhaps injuring my constitution more than I am
now aware of, while I am not growing wiser in anything likely to
be of use to me in future life." 19
Yet, he was on the threshold of change, and the change was
17 Harrison to his wife, March 28, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
18 Harrison to his wife, March 17, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
i* Ibid.
2Q4 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
one Carrie had yearned to see. The years 1857-61 had been finan-
cially bearable, but no wife enjoys seeing her husband an utter
slave to his work. There was silent suffering and resignation on
Carrie's part. Her husband would not always be forced to devote
two-thirds of his day to actual practice, office routine, and home
study. When the change would come she did not know. The
letter from South Carolina, however, fanned the flame of hope.
Harrison himself wrote of a strong resolution to amend his ways
in the postwar world:
Sometimes I fear that I might find the monotonous and the plod-
ding life of a lawyer too much lacking in excitement to satisfy me
after three years in the army, as many before me have done, but I
mean to be a more domestic and sociable man than I have ever been
before, and I am sure that I shall find in the delights of home and
family all that my heart longs for. On one point my mind is fully
made up, and that is that I will never again make myself a slave to
my business as I did for several years before going into the army. I
am sure we shall be a happier family with a smaller income and more
time spent in domestic and social intercourse. 20
He had calculated that the publishing of the Supreme Court
Reports would be full employment; consequently, he determined
not to engage in an active law practice immediately upon his re-
turn. If he found it better to do so after a while, he promised to
"limit my practice so as not to be overburdened." Harrison did
not dwell too long on a future whose character was still uncertain.
He advised Carrie that "there are yet dark battle scenes between
me and the fruition of these hopes which I so much cherish. We
will trust God and do our present duty,"
While Harrison was drilling reinforcements at Blair's Land-
ing, Sherman was on the march from Columbia to Fayetteville,
then east, away from Raleigh, toward Goldsboro, North Caro-
lina. Near this city, on March 19, the hero of Atlanta fought a
sharp engagement with Johnston in the vicinity of Bentonville,
driving the enemy back and taking the railroad connecting Wil-
mington and Beaufort. Sherman's famous march was ended. His
courageous army was strategically placed and heavy reinforce-
20 ibid.
GENERAL HARRISON AND DESOLATED ROADS 295
ments were near at hand. Further action, however, waited on an
important conference with Grant and developments in the stra-
tegic Petersburg-Richmond sector. 21
Under the circumstances Harrison was compelled to abandon
his oft-repeated dream of marching to Sherman in the latter's
hour of need. Sherman had no need. His army was well and still
could march, even if great swaths had not been cut in the Caro-
linas. Harrison had all but given up hope, when a steamer put
in at Hilton Head with orders to transport all available troops
to join Sherman in North Carolina.
Highly elated, he confided to General Prince that he did not
remember witnessing the dawn of a happier day. The Old West
Pointer eyed the young general, and remarked that their present
camp was a perfect paradise compared with any place on the coast
of North Carolina. Concerning North Carolina Harrison had
no information, but even the intimation that South Carolina was
in any sense a paradise greatly disturbed him. Carrie shared her
husband's indignation when he wrote that if this is Prince's idea
"of paradise, the generally received idea of it ought to be cor-
rected, and should no longer stand for a synonym of either
beauty, innocence, or happiness, unless they are found in swamps,
miasma, the company and control of bad men, laziness and a
bilious habit." 22
Harrison's eager departure was delayed only by his obligation
to remain until the last transport was despatched. The time, how-
ever, was filled up with comment on the significance of peace
negotiations already sanctioned by President Lincoln. 28 He put
little trust in the rumors. Even when the New York Tribune
urged Lincoln to offer peace terms again and again until they
should be accepted, Harrison was convinced that the presidential
efforts would ultimately fail. He had his own solution. "Let Sher-
21 John G. Randall, The Civil War and Reconstruction, p. 676. Wilmington had
been evacuated on February 22 and Fort Fisher had already been reduced. At this
time Grant was threatening Lee at Petersburg.
22 Harrison to his wife, March 28, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6. The "bad men"
reference was to the activities of the sutler whom General Prince had employed,
and to whom he had given the monopoly of selling to 7,000 troops. This purveyor
charged exorbitant prices which Harrison had in vain attempted to have regulated
by a Counsel of Administration. The outrageous swindling continued, and Harri-
son let it be known in camp that he had no control over the matter.
28 See Randall, op. cit., pp. 676-78.
2g6 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
man, Grant and Sheridan," he wrote, "push on their conquering
columns and peace will come spontaneously. . . . My belief is
that the war will never be ended by negotiation with the rebel
leaders." 24
Underlying Harrison's opposition to formal peace negotiations
at this time was a deep fear that such proceedings would precipi-
tate a complicated and belligerent fight over the fundamental
question of reconstruction policies. Better, he thought, that the
fear of the Lord should compel total surrender by Southern
leaders:
When their "fear cometh," and they flee, leaving the people and
the army to their own guidance, they will lay down their arms and
seek their homes, if permitted, and we shall have a peace more perma-
nent, that it has not been bought by concessions which may hamper
the future management of the difficult question that will come before
Congress. 25
Before the last troop transport sailed from Hilton Head, Har-
rison mounted his charger for a farewell canter through the coun-
tryside. He had a favorite rendezvous a large and once beautiful
plantation about three miles from Blair's Landing. Dismounting,
he sauntered leisurely through the "desolate ruins of a once
splendid mansion." Flowers of all variety were in bloom, but
"some splendid avenues of oaks" were the "sole remaining tokens
of the rich and haughty slave holder's once courtly house and
grounds." The weed-choked garden, however, yielded Harrison
a parting souvenir. He plucked two rosebuds. That same evening
he sent them to Carrie, charging her "to retain one of the buds
yourself and imagine my whispering in your ear with the simple
gift all that could be delicate and affectionate in a lover, in his
first declarations." 26
On April 5 the last group of regulars had set sail for Wilming-
ton. While Harrison was packing his few belongings, the steamer
Champion put in. The one letter out of its mail addressed to
him was a rare treat on two scores: it was from Indianapolis,
which, as far as Harrison had been concerned, had been wrapped
in silence for over three months; and its author was Irwin Har-
24 Harrison to his wife, March *8, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
26 Ibid.
GENERAL HARRISON AND DESOLATED ROADS 2Q7
rison, the retired soldier in the family. The general's brother
wrote that all was well on the domestic front:
The little world in and around Indianapolis wags on the same old
way, and I see your old profession brotherhood passing to and from
their homes. I often look for you, and then remember and see you
in your soldier's cloth, doing and daring to do, for your country's
honor. 27
With Irwin's letter in his pocket and nursing the phantasm of
Indianapolis, Harrison boarded the Champion at Hilton Head.
On the loth they set sail, and after a pleasant two-day run, the
steamer docked at Wilmington.
There, pandemonium had broken loose. Not merely had the
news of Richmond's fall been confirmed, but the report of Lee's
surrender to Grant at Appomattox as well. Wilmington was late
in receiving the tidings, but her celebration was equal to that of
any city sheltering Northern sympathizers. 28 General Joseph R.
Hawley, commander of the Wilmington district, was on hand to
greet the new arrivals. The ship's landing was an excuse for an-
other wild celebration. Harrison and his staff were guests "and
rode in grand style about the city." The parade lasted several
hours, and the private celebrations somewhat longer. Officers
vied with their men in expressions of jubilation. Throughout
the night the atmosphere remained charged with victory, and
even Carrie must have raised an eyebrow when her usually so-
ber-minded and conservative husband described his part in the
mounted and foot races of the officers. The finish line, Harrison
was quick to point out, was General Hawley's house "where we
went in to enjoy a collation." Carrie was also informed:
There was plenty of wine and so forth and we soon had a merry
party. I was called out to respond to a toast to Sherman's army and
after a short speech toasted the Ladies, two of whom, Mrs. General
Hawley and Abbott were present. Before the party broke up I had
to make another speech. 29
Evidently, Harrison won the esteem of his fellow officers in
Wilmington. General Dodge, whose famous career as a great rail-
27Irwin Harrison to Benjamin Harrison, March 30, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
28 Harrison to his wife, April 15, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
29 Ibid.
2g8 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
road builder and financier still lay in the future, was happy to
number the Hoosier among his friends. So was General Hawley,
destined to be Harrison's colleague in the United States Senate. 80
As much as Harrison liked Wilmington and his genial com-
panions, he begged and obtained special orders on April 14 which
gave him permission to "go to Goldsboro, N. C., and if oppor-
tunity offers, there to join his command with General Sherman's
army." 81
Finally, on April 19, after six months of vain effort, he reached
the command he had left at the end of the Atlanta campaign. As
he strode towards brigade headquarters, he was preoccupied with
thoughts of the warm homecoming that his own old command
would give him. He scarcely noticed that the Raleigh streets
were singularly clear of civilian and soldier alike. Uneasy over
this strange quiet, he sought the reason. He was stunned when
he discovered it. General Sherman had just issued a purposely
delayed bulletin: President Abraham Lincoln had been assassi-
nated. 82
Slowly, he entered his own headquarters. No one seemed to
take any notice of his arrival. Harrison saw what Sherman and
every other officer witnessed. "For hours . . . men wept, or were
stunned, or stood gritting their teeth and demanding that the
armistice be ended so there might be one last savage battle." 83
Sherman's bulletin, however, exonerated the Confederate army
from complicity in the assassination plot, and the first impact
of the shocking news gradually lost its force. Dismay yielded to
sympathy and curses became prayers. Memorial services for the
President were conducted at headquarters. It was at the camp of
so Hawley represented Connecticut in the United States Senate from 1881 to
1905, entering that body with Benjamin Harrison, serving through the latter's ad-
ministration as President, and then serving thirteen more years in the Senate after
Harrison left Washington. Hawley was able but inconspicuous, served his country
well as a consistent protectionist and advocate of sound money. In 1892, Hawley
telegraphed the Minneapolis Convention that renominated Harrison: "Personally
I was and am for Harrison first and last." J. R. Hawley to S. Fessenden, June 8,
1892. J. R. Hawley MSS, Vol. 21, No. 4962, Library of Congress.
81 Special Orders Number 63, dated Headquarters, Wilmington, N. C., April 14,
1865; copy in Harrison MSS, Vol. 6, No. 1122.
32 William Sherman, Memoirs, H, 350-51.
33 Lewis, op. tit., p. 537. Sherman who watched the effect closely, and wrote that
he "was gratified that there was no single act of retaliation; though I saw and felt
that one single word by me would have laid the city in ashes and turned its whole
population houseless upon the country, if not worse.* 1
GENERAL HARRISON AND DESOLATED ROADS 2QQ
the ist Brigade that Harrison delivered a eulogy on Lincoln. 84
Summoned by the members of the Seventieth Indiana, he made
a very brief speech. Unfortunately, not a single word has been
preserved, and eye-witnesses relate only that it was "brief, . .
remarkably well put, and often to the point of eloquence/' 35 Al-
most forty years later, after his own presidential term, Harrison
delivered a similar address in a Chicago banquet hall. 36 Eulogiz-
ing the deeds of the martyred chief executive, Harrison knew no
restraint:
The Civil War called for a president who had faith in time, for
his country as well as for himself; who could endure the impatience
of others and bide his time. A man who could by strong but restrained
diplomatic correspondence hold foreign intermeddlers and at the
same time lay the sure basis for the Geneva award, a man who could
in all his public utterances, while maintaining the authority of the
law and the just rights of national government, breathe an undertone
of yearning for the misguided and the rebellious; a man who could
hold the war and the policy of the government to its original pur-
posethe restoration of the states without the destruction of slavery
until public sentiment was ready to support a proclamation of eman-
cipation; a man who could win and hold the love of the soldier and
the masses of the people; a man who could be just without pleasure
in the severities of justice, who loved to forgive and pardon. . . .
Qualities of heart and mind combined to make him a man who has
won the love of mankind. He is beloved. He stands like a great light-
house to show the way of duty to all his countrymen and to send afar
a beam of courage to those who beat against the winds. We do him
reverence. We bless tonight the memory of Lincoln. 87
34 No copy of this address can be found. Contemporaries remembered it and al-
luded to it frequently, and Harrison himself only narrates the circumstances under
which he was called to make the address in a letter to his wife, April 20, 1865, Har-
rison MSS, Vol. 6.
35 The testimony of Captain H. A. Ford, which appeared in the Indianapolis
Journal, June 29, 1888, a reprint from the Detroit Tribune. The clipping is in the
B. Harrison Scrapbook Series, Vol. 6, Harrison MSS.
36 Lincoln Day Banquet of the Marquette Club, Chicago, February 12, 1898.
37 Benjamin Harrison, Views of An Ex-President, pp. 472-78.
CHAPTER XV
The Grand Review
-i^ -yTEXT TO THE love f east Harrison had with the stack of Car-
I^W] rie's letters waiting for him at headquarters, the event
JL il that pleased him most was the cordial reception given
him by General Ward. "I find he has been a very true friend to
me in my absence. I shall never permit myself to say a word
against him again." 1 Quite a courageous resolution this when
one recalls Harrison's bitter complaints of '63 and '64.
In excellent health and boasting his heaviest army weight, 145
pounds, Harrison did not retire without first acquainting Car-
rie with the details of his army homecoming:
... I found a most cordial welcome here both from my superiors and
inferiors and was compelled to make them a little speech last night.
They all expressed the most cordial feeling and the most enthusiastic
gladness at my return. It was very gratifying to know that they missed
me, and also to be assured that they all gave me credit for a desire to
get back. Sherman has completed the terms with Johnston which, if
ratified at Washington, will, he says, bring peace from the Potomac
to the Rio Grande. And in the meantime we have a suspension of
hostilities. We are fixing upon a camp for a stay of ten days or two
weeks, and then we expect to march toward home. Yes!, thank God,
towards home, our work done, our country saved. There is some talk
that a portion of the army will march to the Potomac . . . and part
back through Georgia. Which way we may go I cannot tell, but I
hope towards the East, as I have no fancy for a Georgia trip. My im-
pression is that the Regiments that came out when we did, will be
mustered out by the first of June, and that the Colored Troops, the
Regulars and the Veterans will be kept as Garrisons for such places
as they may think necessary to garrison. It is a most joyous anticipa-
tion and I pray nothing may happen to dash our cup of joy. 2
For a week after he had resumed command, Harrison's brigade
remained in camp at Raleigh. On April 25, when peace negotia-
1 Harrison to his wife, April 20, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
2 Ibid.
THE GRAND REVIEW 3O1
tions fell through, Sherman's army was set in motion again, 3 since
caution dictated the speedy erection of roadblocks at strategic
points in the vicinity of Raleigh. Consequently, Harrison's bri-
gade was ordered to Jones' Cross Roads, fifteen miles southwest
of the city, to guard against a Southern withdrawal in the event
that new negotiations should also fail. This movement, however,
was wasted energy. Johnston and Sherman, on the 26th, agreed
to a set of terms "as generous, simple, and almost as brief as those
Grant had given Lee." 4 Grant quickly acquiesced in the agree-
ment, and Sherman, intending to treat the South with increasing
liberality, wrote to Johnston:
Now that the war is over, I am as willing to risk my person and
reputation as heretofore to heal the wounds made by the past war,
and I think my feeling is shared by the whole army. 5
Johnston accepted what he termed an "enlightened and humane
policy."
Two days later, April 30, the Union army in and near Raleigh
began the march to Richmond and Washington. Orders were is-
sued that the march was to be "conducted with a view to the
comfort of the troops and suggested fifteen miles per day as the
limit, unless circumstances should require a longer march." 6
Upon starting out, Harrison had written Carrie not to expect
any letters "from me again before we reach Richmond which we
expect to make in two weeks." 7 Nine days later, and five days
ahead of schedule, Harrison was writing from Richmond that
"the march was not made as easy or as comfortable to the troops
as the orders suggested." 8
In his official report Harrison registered only a mild complaint
against the needlessly long marches, noting merely that "the
troops were very much wearied and exhausted." 9 Carrie, how-
3 Samuel Merrill, The Seventieth Indiana, pp. 278-81.
4 Lloyd Lewis, Sherman: The Fighting Prophet, p. 556. Northern terms gave ten
days' rations to all surrendered soldiers and loaned them enough farm animals to
insure a crop. Sherman issued special field orders to "encourage the inhabitants to
renew their peaceful pursuits and to restore the relations of friendship among our
fellow-citizens and countrymen."
*Ibid.
Harrison's official report, Merrill, op. cit. f p. 278.
7 Harrison to his wife, April 28, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
8 Merrill, oto. cit., o. 278.
302 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
ever, bore the burden of her husband's real complaint. He had
written from Clover Hill, Virginia, twenty-two miles south of
Richmond:
One week ago today we left Raleigh and have ever since been
"marching on" towards Richmond. . . . We have been making long
marches, though the march was ordered to be made with deference
to the comfort of the troops. Our average distance per day has been
about 20 miles. Reveille at a# A.M., and on the road at 4J4. 1 don't
like such early rising, and see no necessity for such hard marching.
The i4th Corps has been trying to get up a race, and I suppose our
Corps Commander has urged us forward to keep up with them. 10
Despite his understandable growling, Harrison found the
march on the whole "very pleasant . . . road good and the
weather fine and cool save one day." Moreover, he had high praise
for the discipline of his troops. At Raleigh, orders had been issued
against all foraging from the country and no soldier was to enter
private houses on any pretext. Reporting upon his own brigade,
Harrison testified that "the orders were faithfully observed."
While one or two cases of thieving came to his knowledge, he
could honestly say that "it was really surprising to see an army
so long accustomed to living off the country and to irregularities
necessarily resulting, at once resume their habits of order and
good discipline, and it is highly creditable to the Army." 11
One of the unforgettable scenes of the rapid rush toward Rich-
mond was the meeting and commingling of Southern and North-
ern troops. As a member of Harrison's regiment described it:
The men from General Lee's army, whom we met in large numbers,
were ragged and had nothing to eat and no blankets, but the weather
was warm, and little bedding was needed by old soldiers. When we
met them, as we were going into camp, we invited them to sleep with
us, and at such times talked over the events of war till far into the
night We always found these ex-rebels friendly and glad that the war
was over, and the parting in the morning would be like leave-taking
of old friends. 12
10 Harrison to his wife, May 7, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
11 Merrill, op. cit., p. 379.
12 U. H. Farr's diary, quoted by Merrill, op. cit., p. 271.
THE GRAND REVIEW
Once the swift-moving corps had crossed the Roanoke River,
only sixty miles separated them from Richmond. On May 8,
Ward's division went into camp just eight miles south of the
conquered capital. That evening the weary troops received word
that General Halleck would review all the Washington-bound
troops. No complaint was voiced more pointedly than Harrison's
indignant protest:
We have had no chance to re-fit our men and shall make a rather
shabby appearance when compared to the spruce soldiers of the Poto-
mac Army who are to be turned out to receive us. However, our
shabbiness will be respectable, when the origin of it is known to be
our wonderful marches and bold departures from our base. 18
This prediction was completely verified, and after the Rich-
mond review no one dared any longer to look upon Sherman's
army as "a rough rabble of disorganized cut-throats." 14 Rather,
the opposite opinion prevailed and a dignified reception was
given die army whose tightly knit columns moved with perfect
order through the city streets. Richmond never forgot Sherman's
troops and Harrison never forgot Richmond. Here he officially
received his commission as Brevet Brigadier General. 15
Pushing ahead from Richmond was a trying ordeal. The bat-
tle-scarred route to Washington served only to revive the hor-
rible memories of slaughter and carnage now stored in the minds
of men who had once fought under McDowell, McClellan and
Grant against Lee's command. Especially revolting were the
skeleton-strewn battlefields around Spotsylvania and Chancel-
lorsville. Splintered trees and riddled stumps could not hide
from Harrison and his brigade several patches of ground "thickly
strewn with dead Union soldiers." 16 Deeply shocked by these
"horrible sights," Harrison refused to describe them in detail.
13 Harrison to his wife, May 9, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
14 Merrill, op. cit., p. 272.
ifi '1 received my commission as Bvt. Brig. Genl. at Richmond and was greatly
relieved to have it at hand." Harrison to his wife. May 20, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol.
6. The delay was caused by Lincoln's assassination. On April 29, 1865, John Defrees
had written to Harrison: "I called at the War Dept. today to see about your com-
mission. It had not been returned to the War Dept from the Executive Mansion
until a few days ago. A great many comm. were on Mr. Lincoln's table unsigned at
the tune of his death." Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
16 Merrill, op. cit., p. 273.
304 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
It is to Sherman's credit that his army gave these honored dead
a belated but decent burial.
Through the Wilderness, across the Rappahannock, and north-
ward into Alexandria, marched Sherman's stalwarts, begrimed
and thirsty. Harrison wrote: "We were all so much fatigued and
worn out that we had not fixed up any desks or tables and I can
only write you a brief pencil note on my knee. The last three days
of our march were very exhausting owing to intense heat and
scarcity of water." 17 No sooner had camps begun to mushroom
along the Virginia side of the Potomac than a three-day down-
pour drenched the squalid, sweaty corps. After the storms, the
ordinary Washington weather prevailed. Yet, even the hot, sultry
days that exasperated the natives failed to dampen the enthusi-
asm in camp. One topic alone was discussedthe Grand Review
of Sherman's army scheduled for Wednesday, May 24.
Even General Harrison, who did not hide his distaste "for such
crowds and parades," predicted that the Grand Review "will
probably be the grandest military parade this country will ever
see." Personally, he wrote Carrie, "I would not prolong my sepa-
ration from you and the children one hour to see it." For the men
who had fought and won the war, "all these shows and red-tape
delays in getting us home," were not pleasing. 18
No forecast of the grandeur of the review even approached the
actual brilliance of the military spectacle that thrilled the na-
tion's capital for two days. On Tuesday the sgrd, the East had
its day, as the Army of the Potomac marched by the immense
throngs on Pennsylvania Avenue. President Johnson and his
cabinet occupied the center of the wooden stands before the
White House. Close by were governors, senators, and celebrities
from every part of the Union. Blaring bands heralded the ap-
pearance of General Meade, the hero of Gettysburg. Then came
General George Custer at the head of his honored brigade of
regular cavalry. The crowds cheered wildly as each unit of East-
ern troops hove in sight. In the wooden stands sat General Sher-
man, carefully planning for the morrow. That would be his day
and the day of the West,
17 Harrison to his wife, May 20, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
is Harrison to his wife, May si, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
THE GRAND REVIEW 305
Before more than one half of the Army of the Potomac had
passed, Sherman made one important mental note. Too many of
the Eastern troops turned their "eyes around like country gawks
to look at the big people of the stand." They did not march well,
because of the faulty music from two civilian orchestras "pam-
pered and well-fed bands that are taught to play the very latest
operas." Come what might, his army must outmarch the East-
erners. Tomorrow, "his officers and men would keep eyes fifteen
feet to the front and march by in the old customary way." At
this moment, General Meade came to the reviewing stand, and
Sherman humbly remarked: "I'm afraid my poor tatterdemalion
corps will make a poor appearance tomorrow when contrasted
with yours." Meade agreed that this might be the case, but he
sought to ease Sherman's sorrow by assuring him that the people
would make allowances. 19
Indeed, the people were prepared to go far beyond Meade.
Wednesday May 24th was bright and mild, and the capital was still
bedecked with flags. Larger and more interested crowds waited
impatiently for the review of Sherman's army. For many of the
spectators both Sherman and his army were enshrouded in mys-
tery. Thousands had been intrigued by the exploits attributed to
the Army of the Tennessee, now for the first time setting foot in
Washington. The reporter for the Washington Chronicle ex-
plained the mystery and the interest that gripped the crowd when
the Army of the Tennessee was mentioned. For months they had
heard about this valiant host,
down amid the miasmatic marshes of the Mississippi; in the slime of
the Yazoo and the Tennessee; fighting battles above rolling clouds;
disappearing beyond the ken of the telegraph; now supposed to be
victorious, and again a cause of apprehension and doubt; marching
unrecorded hundreds and hundreds of miles ... so that the distance
lends enchantment to the view . . . seldom authentically heard from
save in connection with the news that some rebel stronghold had sur-
rendered to its General's strategy and to its own indomitable energy.
. . . The marches it has made; the victories it has won, the difficulties
it has surmounted, have perhaps never been equalled by any army
since the days of Xenophon's Anabasis. 20
10 These details are from Lewis, op. cit. f pp. 573-73.
20 As reprinted in the Indianapolis Daily Journal, May 39, 1865.
306 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
People wanted to see this section of Sherman's army in the
flesh, and General Harrison told his command the reason: "The
highest honors are due to the men who bore the cartridge and
the gun. What were your officers without you? Much pride as
we may take in Sherman, it was Sherman's Army, and not Sher-
man, that accomplished the great work." 21 Fired to enthusiasm,
Harrison's brigade broke camp early on the 24th.
At exactly 9:00 A.M. a cannon boomed. "Sherman shook a spur;
his horse stepped forward, drumsticks made the air flutter like
flying canister or wild-geese wings. Bands blared into 'The Star-
Spangled Banner/ Around the corner of the Capitol the West-
erners came." 22 Deafening cheers met each succeeding wave of
marchers. It was a day for heroes. Proud Sherman admitted that
the show his army staged thrilled him to his fingertips. Even he
had at last disobeyed his own orders by stealing a backward glance
at his own troops to see those "legions coming in line, every man
locked in steady formation formal for perhaps the first and last
time in their lives." 28 If he boasted that this was the happiest and
most satisfactory moment in his life, then he mirrored perfectly
Harrison's thoughts: "We took the shine off the Army of the Poto-
mac and in marching altogether excelled them ... the Review
was a grand thing for Sherman's Army." 24
From the conclusion of the review until the end of his life,
thirty-six years later, General Harrison never once tired of telling
of the glories of Sherman's army and of the joys of May 24, 1 865.
With his own courageous Seventieth Indiana Regiment in mind,
Harrison would discourse for hours on the achievements of the
army under Sherman. They were rooted, he maintained, in that
undeniable versatility of Yankee character which adapts itself to
the circumstances in which it finds itself: the tremendous marches
and protracted fighting of the Georgia Campaign, or, as he saw
on May 24, the transition from relaxed discipline and "bum-
ming" to order and discipline. 25 Even Harrison's final brigade
report breathed an undeniable pride:
21 Indianapolis Daily Journal, June 17, 1865.
22 Lewis, op. cit., p. 573.
28 Ibid., pp. 574-75.
2* Harrison to his wife, May 25, 186,,, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
25 Indianapolis Daily Journal, June 17, 1865. A reporter took down a portion of
Harrison's impromptu homecoming address.
THE GRAND REVIEW 307
The review was creditable to the troops and gave to those who had
never seen Sherman's army a new and unexpected view. They had
looked for an army of "Bummers/* wild, undisciplined and unskilled
in the precision of military movements. They saw, instead, an army
that could be "Bummers" par excellence when necessity required,
and when that necessity was removed, could at once exhibit a sub-
ordination and precision in drill and movement excelled by no other
army. 26
Many things in the military array excited the crowd's warm
admiration. One newspaperman wrote:
All were delighted, all were pleased at the spectacle which this army
afforded. We all knew it to be warlike, but all were surprised to find
it so military . . . ocular proof that armies of men, warlike in spirit,
may be taken from the plow and the desk to the march and the field
of battle, and be returned to their country perfect soldiers, even in
the military details of a soldier's duty. Sherman may say of his army
what, in 1815, Wellington said of his: "With that army I could go
anywhere and do anything." 27
The very way in which Sherman managed his dark bay mount
with his left hand, while waving appreciatively with his right, set
the tone. Behind Sherman's staff and escort rode General Logan,
Commander of the Army of the Tennessee, whose celebrated
i5th and i7th Corps drew the most sustained applause. Next
came the Army of Georgia, headed by General Slocum. Hooker's
old 20th Army Corps, now led by General Mower, and General
Jeff Davis' i4th Corps brought up the rear.
Perhaps the greatest interest, however, was manifested in the
so-called "Bummer Brigade," foragers actual "bummers" an
essential part of the 2Oth Corps during the Georgia and Carolina
campaigns. It marched slowly behind General Geary's infantry,
led "by a sable warrior on a diminutive donkey." In their ranks
were mules on whose backs were perched goats, occasional roost-
ers, and even a poodle. One observer reported "this brigade ob-
served no military rules as we perceived, but it kept a wonderfully
sharp lookout. In culinary matters it seemed supreme. Pots, pans,
kettles, saucepans, spoons in abundance." 28
26 Merrill, op. cit., pp. 279-80.
27 Indianapolis Daily Journal, May stg, 1865.
308 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
General Harrison, who rode directly behind General Ward
and his staff, and kept one eye on the "Bummers" and the other
on the crowd, later remarked:
The Eastern people who assembled at Washington to witness the
review of Sherman's Army, expected to see a disorganized rabble
marching through the streets, without being able to distinguish one
company from another. . . . But they beheld a vast column marching
along with a precision step and uniform soldierly bearing of which
the Army of the Potomac could never boast. 29
The note of personal triumph and satisfaction was not missing
in Harrison's letters home. He wrote to Carrie:
There were a great many western people in Washington, and they
cheered the Western army most enthusiastically. I was called by name
and church about twenty times on the march by friends of whom I
could only recognize a few. Some young officer, whom I did not know,
ran out to speak to me and said he had seen my family only a few
days ago. Who was it? It was a grand review, but I am glad that it is
over and that we can now give our attention to the work of mustering
out. 80
The most trying period in Harrison's army career occurred
during the last week of May and the first two weeks of June, 1 865.
The thrill and satisfaction of the Grand Review quickly wore
off, and within four days Carrie knew she had reasons for anxiety.
He wrote: "I feel so nervous and expectant when I have a pros-
pect of getting home after a long absence, that I cannot sit down
to any ordinary work of routine with patience or interest. There
is only one thing that interests me now, and that is the progress
being made in our muster out papers." 81 Try as he might, Harri-
son was unable to hasten the process. Captains and clerks worked
day and night to finish their rolls, but the form and routine
seemed endless. The red tape distressed Harrison and left him
in ill humor. His real difficulty stemmed from a fundamental lack
of adaptability to any set of circumstances that spelled inactivity.
Carrie had no difficulty in imagining her husband's restlessness:
29 Indianapolis Daily Journal, June 17, 1865, a section from the first speech Gen-
eral Harrison delivered before his neighbors and friends in Indianapolis,
so Harrison to his wife, May 85, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6,
81 Harrison to his wife, May 29, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
THE GRAND REVIEW 3OQ
I have been reading a little by snatches, and becoming discontented
with that method of keeping down my consciousness of discomfort
and heat, have taken to pencil and paper under the shade of our
withered arbor in the hope that a little conversation with you and
indulgence in home thoughts, may put me in a pleasanter humor with
myself and my surroundings. 32
His quiet sense of humor, however, did not entirely abandon
him. With Presbyterian insight he managed to quip that "though
the 'neither hot nor cold' state may not be commendable in mat-
ters of faith, yet in the natural world it seems to be highly desir-
able."
Many of Harrison's fellow officers found abundant diversion
in the social life at Washington City, but not the general. Enough
dinner invitations came his way, but with the exception of two
evenings with his old friend, John Defrees, Harrison declined
all the others. "Washington," he confided to Carrie, who knew
the tune by heart, "is like every other city I have ever visited, a
very dull and uninteresting place to me, except so long as I have
business to engage my time. You know I am a very poor pleasure
and curiosity seeker. I was near Charleston for a month, and
though I could have gone any day, I never visited it." Mrs. Har-
rison was not surprised, for she alone could understand how her
husband, with plenty of time on his hands, could "ride past the
Capitol a dozen times" and never enter the structure. Also she
probably excused him when he added: "I shall probably go home
without seeing more than its exterior." 38
While Harrison was camped outside of Washington, the trial
of the Lincoln conspirators was being held within the city. Even
this event, with all its legal and patriotic implications, could not
shake the general from his lack of interest in all things that did
not directly bear upon his speedy return to Indianapolis. General
Lew Wallace actually extended him a special invitation to attend
the trial, but to no avail. Concerning his unsociability, Harrison
made only one observation to Carrie:
If you were here I should try to overcome this habit, as I feel I have
not been generous to you in allowing my selfish habits to keep you so
much away from places of amusement and curiosity, but as I am
32 Harrison to his wife, June 4, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol, 6.
gio BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
alone I may allow my habits sway for a little time, before I begin
the great reform which I am to inaugurate when I get home. You
will see by my frequent allusions to this matter that I have been giv-
ing a good deal of thought to the construction of a spiritual model
of a proper husband and family man. 84
Not too consistently, however, Harrison yielded to the pres-
sure of social amenities on three occasions. Of the two dinner
parties held by John Defrees in his honor, one was a quasi-state
dinner, to which all Indiana men in Washington were invited.
Only the circumstance that he was the honored guest rendered
Harrison's presence a certainty, and even then he did not "much
fancy" the idea. Defrees learned his lesson, and the second time
he succeeded in wooing the general from camp, he restricted the
dinner to the family circle. Harrison's laconic remark to Carrie
was, "a very pleasant dinner, but not particularly noticeable." 85
Chaplain Allen of the Seventieth Indiana was only moderately
successful in his efforts with Brigadier General Harrison. He
failed to prevail upon the general to address a memorial meeting
of chaplains. Even the thought of speaking on the same platform
with General Howard was net a powerful enough incentive. "I
don't feel like speechmaking; indeed, I never do, and though the
meeting will be one in which I should be glad to appear, I shall
not go." 86 On another occasion, Allen employed his good offices
with singular success. He had met a Mr. Wright of Bladensburg,
a Washington suburb, and when the elderly man revealed that
he was "an old and warm friend" of President William Henry
Harrison, Allen urged Ben to pay Wright a courtesy call. After
he had raised the usual number of objections, Harrison yielded
to the importunings of the gentleman of the cloth and agreed to
visit his grandfather's friend. It turned out to be Harrison's most
successful social venture, and certainly Carrie must have clapped
as she scanned her husband's account of the meeting:
Well, I went out to take a little ride last evening, and in returning
through the town I stopped to see him [Mr. Wright]. He was very
*& ibid.
86 When one considers Harrison's personal friendship for both Chaplain Allen
and General Howard, it argues to an increasing dislike for public speaking. Harri-
son to his wife, May 29, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
THE GRAND REVIEW
cordial and took me to his house where he introduced me to his
daughters and insisted on me taking supper, though he had already
had one. He lives in a frame house built in 1732, that was formerly
used for a tavern. It was very plain and old fashioned but quite tidy
and neat and his daughters appeared to be very intelligent and agree-
able girls. The most enthusiastic Union people I have ever met. The
old gentleman gave me a log cabin cane of very quaint and original
construction, and though not of any great intrinsic value, quite an
interesting and valuable relic. I shall not try to describe it for you,
but will let you see when I get home. I have promised to call again
and will take my band down to serenade them. He had four sons in
the Union Army and seems to take the highest pleasure in sharing
everything with a soldier. 87
Discharge day finally dawned for Harrison and the Seventieth
Indiana on June 8. W. A. Benotti, Washington military agent
for Indiana, had succeeded at last in clearing all papers and af-
fidavits. General Harrison was anxious to possess but one impor-
tant document: "To all whom it may concern: Know ye, that
Benjamin Harrison, a Colonel and Brev. Brig. GenL, 7oth Regi-
ment of Indiana Infantry Volunteers, who was enrolled on the
yth day of August, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, to
serve three years or during the war, is hereby discharged from
the service of the United States this eighth day of June, 1865, at
Washington, D. C." 38 When he pocketed this paper, his military
career was ended. Benjamin Harrison, " [thirty-two] years of age,
five feet seven and one half inches high, fair complexion, blue
eyes and light hair," 39 was, in virtue of this piece of paper, once
again a civilian. As he walked back to headquarters to pick up
his haversack and a few personal belongings, including presents
for the children, he recalled the words of Sherman's farewell
address: "As in war you have been good soldiers, so in peace you
will make good citizens." 40 And just two days earlier, the ex-
pectant citizens of Indianapolis read the message: "Prepare to
grasp the hard hands of the Hoosiers who heard the call for the
'600,000 more/ in i862." 41
88 A copy of this document is in the Harrison MSS, Vol. 6, No. 1140.
'
40 A reprint of Sherman's address appeared in the Indianapolis Daily Journal,
June i, 1865.
*., June 6, 1865.
312 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOS1ER WARRIOR
Early on the morning of June 9, Baltimore and Ohio freight
cars welcomed General Harrison and his homeward-bound regi-
ment. The train lurched and rattled through the hills of Mary-
land and West Virginia, but, for the first time since 1862, the
cars seemed only to purr. At dusk on the evening of June 10 they
gladly boarded a steamboat headed for Lawrenceburg, Indiana,
a spot Harrison remembered well from his younger days.
A throng of citizens from Lawrenceburg and nearby towns
were waiting to greet their native sons. Evidently, John Scott
Harrison was too ill to join the welcoming committee. His dis-
appointment at not seeing Benjamin immediately was deep, but
he readily admitted that Carrie and the two children enjoyed
special priorities on his affection. John Scott Harrison under-
stood perfectly why his son boarded the first train for Indian-
apolis, but he was grieved that his own well-made plans for a
celebration did not materialize. He had hoped to honor his son,
but instead had to communicate his surprise by letter:
Your Grandma 42 when she gave me the medal voted your grand-
father by Congress for his military services, said that after my death,
it was to go to you bearing the old family name of Benjamin. I do
not feel disposed to clutch this relic until death releases my grasp,
and had intended to call together a limited number of your Ohio
and Indiana friends . . . and present the family relic to your charge,
for I really thought that you had by your efficient service in the late
war fairly won the immediate possession of the medal. 48
When the members of the Seventieth Indiana rolled into the
Indianapolis depot, they soon knew that their friends and rela-
tives had not been inactive. Every detail for a huge demonstra-
tion had been arranged far in advance of their arrival. Every
citizen in the Indiana capital was determined that "the men who
fought the great battle of the Republic to a successful and glori-
ous issue," 44 would be honored in a fitting way. As the members
of Company A alighted, a lusty cheer shook the station.
42 Mrs. William Henry Harrison had died while Benjamin was with the army in
Tennessee.
43 John Scott Harrison to his son, July 5, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
AS early as June 9, Quartermaster-general Stone had alerted the people of In-
dianapolis and made known detailed plans to welcome the returning heroes.
Indianapolis Daily Journal, June 9, 1865.
THE GRAND REVIEW gig
Harrison found the reward for which he so ardently yearned
the embrace of his family. This first exchange of affections had
to be curtailed, for an honorary escort was forming to conduct
the veterans to the arsenal, "where we turned over our guns to
the United States officials, and then went to the Soldiers' Home
for dinner." 45
In the week of receptions that followed, General and Mrs.
Harrison had their hour of triumph. Not only was the general
mentioned by name at the various victory rallies, but the Daily
Journal editorialized his return, giving a rsum6 of his military
accomplishments and noting that "he was so well appreciated by
his superior officers that he was appointed Brevet Brigadier Gen-
eral. His success as a military man was confidently expected by
those who knew his talents and industry in civil life, and their
expectations were completely realized." 46
Climaxing the festivities was a joint demonstration held in
honor of four returning Indiana regiments, the 22nd, 7oth, 74th,
and 82nd, on Friday, June 16. Governor Morton, the principal
speaker, was in rare form. The flowery exaggerations of his speech
made his audience smile and somewhat embarrassed the return-
ing heroes. He declared that the "crossing of the Alps by Na-
poleon . . . dwindles into insignificance when compared with
Sherman's march to the sea, or Grant's Vicksburg campaign."
Even Harrison, student of history as he was, must have put his
tongue in his cheek when the Governor rounded out one oratori-
cal period with the claim that "the passage of the bridge of Lodi
is another of the wonders of history. It was a mere skirmish com-
pared with the storming of Fort Fisher, or the fortifications
around Petersburg. This war will furnish the grandest chapter
in the history of military achievements which the world has ever
seen. The destiny of millions unborn has been shaped by it." 47
45 Merrill, op. cit., p. 277.
4 Indianapolis Daily Journal, June 14, 1865. Harrison shared the editorial spot-
light with General Fred Knefler, who was also a leading Indianapolis attorney.
After he had narrated their joint military accomplishments in some detail, the
editor concluded by saying that "Indianapolis has a right to be proud of the officers
and men she has sent to the field, and none are more worthy of the honor than
Generals Knefler and Harrison."
47 Indianapolis Daily Journal, June 17, 1865. The reporter who covered the
meeting aptly remarked that "Gov. Morton manifests a remarkable fertility of
resources in matter of speechmaking, not having as yet, occasion to repeat any of
his speeches, nor any parts of them, in fact."
3*4 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Sun-browned veterans who "had put a girdle round about the
earth" loudly cheered the Governor. Not since the celebrated
charge at Resaca had so much lung power been expended. When
Morton sat down, Harrison, whom he had singled out for special
praise, was called on to speak. Carrie was in the audience and she
thrilled to see her husband arise and command such attention.
General Harrison aptly remarked that "the soldiers had been too
long engaged in speaking with the muzzles of their rifles to listen
to speeches. Yet he couldn't refuse to say a word or two to them/'
He began by playing down Morton's allusion to enlisting when
he did. After all, he said, "thousands here deserved more praise"
than he did. He explained that he "did not turn out at the first
outbreak of the rebellion, when, in over-confidence, we thought
75,000 men adequate to the suppression of the rebellion." His
decision came, he explained, when "the gigantic proportions and
the malignant purpose [of the Confederacy] became fully de-
veloped. It was not ambition, nor gain, but patriotism," that led
him and his comrades forth.
He preferred, he went on, to dwell on the scene familiar to
all his hearers that of three years before, when, in less than
thirty days, 1,020 men from Marion County were in Kentucky
in quick response to Lincoln's call:
I well remember three years ago, under the shade of these trees,
when I made my first appeal to the men of Marion County. Now we
are here again, sheltered by these same trees, but oh! how much
brighter the skies God has been bountiful to us in prolonging our
lives to see this day. Many who went out with us are not here. We
buried them in Southern soil, but thank God the secession flag does
not wave over them. They sleep in the soil of the great Republic.
Profound silence greeted General Harrison's next remarks:
Do you remember the enclosure, my Comrades, at the foot of the
hill at Resaca, up which we made that fearful charge? How we gath-
ered their torn blankets around them, and tenderly composed their
limbs for the last sleep, casting branches of evergreen in their graves!
They lie there still, and along by the wayside lie others. They were
not permitted to return with us, but they left behind them honorable
records. I almost feel that I would rather lie within that little mound
THE GRAND REVIEW 315
at the foot of the hill, than to have had no participation in this strug-
gle. These brave men lived to accomplish more for the good of their
country than most men who go down silvered to the grave.
After his stirring tribute to the dead, the general spoke boldly
of the apprehensions (entertained in the city) of violence on the
part of returned soldiers. First he turned to his own men and
said: "People here have been quaking with terror, in apprehen-
sion of your return, in anticipation of riot and bloodshed." Then
he faced his audience and with a challenge in his voice, pro-
claimed:
But I tell you these men are just as good as you are, my timid
friends. They own property here, and have just as much interest in
preserving the peace as you. They will go into business here, and if
you outstrip the men who followed Sherman to the sea, you will have
to brighten your wits and quicken your pace, and they mean to be
felt in politics as well as business. Not that they mean to monopolize
the offices. But if anyone who is a candidate for office shall be shown
to have been lukewarm in the good cause, the boys will brand him
with the word written on the shoulders of played-out horses "con-
demned."* 8
Resounding cheers answered his words. When cannons began to
thunder their salute, the crowd quieted down and rapidly dis-
persed.
Before General Harrison could join Carrie and the children
for a leisurely stroll to their home, Mayor Caven rushed up to
congratulate him and to inform him that the Citizens' Commit-
tee in charge of the Fourth of July celebration, had selected him
as the special orator for the occasion.
At last, the general and his family were alone. They were Ben
and Carrie again, and one did not have to be a mind reader to
sense the deep enjoyment and peace they experienced in one
another's presence. They had waited three years for this hour;
yet, unlike many others, they did not plan for the future. This
had already been settled almost a month ago, and the general
himself had set the pattern. Carrie had the blueprint in her
pocketbook. It was a letter Ben had written from Washington,
and for days now she had it memorized:
316 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
. . . you do not seem willing of late to give me credit for the affection
I do really feel for you and our home, 49 but if you could read my
heart you would be satisfied that I do not speak half that I feel, and
that no object of ambition or gain could ever lead me away from
the side of my dear wife and children. I have no doubt from intima-
tions I have received that I could go to Congress for our District at
the next election, but positively I would not accept the office, for the
reason that it would take me away from home so much. If my ambi-
tion is to soar any more after I come home, you will have to give it
wings, for I certainly long only for a life of quiet usefulness at home.
You do not know how much I have thought since I left you last as
to how I might make my home brighter and happier for you and the
children. It has been in my mind on the march, on my cot, and even
in my dreams. I know I have the best intentions and the strongest
resolutions to devote myself more to your happiness than I have ever
done since our marriage, and if I should fail, if you will meet my
failure with a kind reminder of what I have promised, I have a good
hope that every asperity may be banished from our family intercourse
and that we may always express in our lives the devoted affection
which I know we have for each other and must have till death parts
us. I know you love me Carrie, with more devotion than most women
are capable of, and I, so far as my heart or person are worth your
acceptance, have given them all to you. Why then should we allow
a word or thought or act to express any other feeling. I wish you
could give me some little article of apparel or ornament that might
always be before my eyes to remind me of the resolutions and vows I
have made but I think I have a better idea still, I will bring you a
little keepsake when I come home from the war which you shall al-
ways wear, never putting it off til death shall separate us. And when
I deliver it to you we will weave a spell about it that I shall make it
to me a constant reminder of the resolutions and vows I have made
in the army. Will you wear it and promise me always to hold it up
before me when you see a cloud on my brow or hear hasty words from
my lips? I have a good hope that by mutual help and by God's help,
we may live the residue of our lives without having our hearts 1 sun-
shine clouded by a single shade of mistrust or anger. I know it is pos-
sible and I would rather succeed in such an effort than to have the
highest honors of earth 50
There was no need for an exchange of promises, as they walked
home hand in hand. The light in Carrie's eyes was a proof of her
* To this lengthy letter Harrison appended an important P.S. "Dear Carrie: I
have just received and read your letter of the 14th inst., and though this letter was
sealed and stamped, I tore it open to thank you for the affectionate tone of your
letter. I cannot tell you how real good it did my heart. God bless you for it. With
a heart brimful of love, Yours, Ben."
> Harrison to his wife, May si, 1865, Harrison MSS, Vol. 6.
THE GRAND REVIEW 317
renewed love and willingness to help her husband. She was de-
termined that not only should he succeed in his efforts at home,
but also, with her help, that he should have the highest honors
of earth. Twenty-three years later, President and Mrs. Harrison
were sure they had not failed.
Bibliography
Manuscript Sources
The primary sources for the early life and Civil War career of
President Benjamin Harrison include:
i. The extensive Benjamin Harrison collection housed in the Divi-
sion of Manuscripts, Library of Congress. Closed to the public and
research historians alike until 1948, this is the richest font of informa-
tion. Described by the Division of Manuscripts card as: "Papers of
Benjamin Harrison (1833-1901), lawyer, soldier, U. S. Senator, 23rd.
President of the U. S. Family letters and other papers covering the civil
war period, a laxge body of papers representing the period of his serv-
ice as a U. S. Senator, legal and official papers covering his post-presi-
dential career in law, letter-books, scrap-books, etc, dated 1858-1931."
A serviceable breakdown of these materials is as follows:
183 volumes (bound) of approximately 40,000 pieces which, in the
judgment of the curator of the Manuscripts Division deal pri-
marily with Harrison's public life and activities.
55 manuscript boxes (red) judged by library authorities as not
pertaining to the public and/or political aspects of Harrison's
life. They contain, however, much material essential to the
biographer.
58 volumes (bound) of newspaper clippings, now known as the
Benjamin Harrison Scrapbook Series. Invaluable material on
every phase of Harrison's private as well as his public life.
18 manuscript boxes of Tibbott transcripts. Everard F. Tibbott,
an Associated Press reporter, joined Harrison's staff in 1888.
After Harrison left the White House, Tibbott became his effi-
cient and faithful private secretary.
8 manuscript boxes: "The Tibbott short hand books." Long
after Harrison's death, Tibbott transcribed these thousands
of letters from his own stenographic notebooks. These are the
contents of the above-mentioned eighteen manuscript boxes
of Tibbott transcripts.
7 manuscript boxes of "Legal material from 1851-1900."
3 manuscript boxes of Harrison and Wallace Law Firm corre-
spondence.
80 manuscript boxes of miscellaneous materials: personal bills,
checks, notes, lectures, photographs, galley proofs, invita-
tions, guest lists, pamphlets, telegrams, memorials, etc.
321
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
2. The next largest collection of Benjamin Harrison Papers is housed
in the Indiana Division of the Indiana State Library (Indianapolis).
Sundry items are scattered in the approximately fifty collections
catalogued and indexed, covering the years 1855 to 1901.
3. A small number of private and family papers, rich in biographical
details, are on file at the President Benjamin Harrison Memorial
Home, 1230 North Delaware Street, Indianapolis, Indiana.
4. The papers of William Henry Harrison Miller, Attorney General
during Harrison's administration (1889-93) and Harrison's law part-
ner for a quarter of a century, are now in the possession of the author.
Invaluable for recollections.
5. Other manuscript sources in the Library of Congress especially
pertinent to ancestral background, early life, and military career are:
a. John Scott Harrison Papers.
b. William Henry Harrison Papers.
c Joseph R. Hawley Papers.
d. Louis T. Michener Papers.
e. John Sherman Papers.
1 The Short Family Papers.
Civil War manuscript material is abundant in the Indiana Division,
Indiana State Library. Particularly useful are:
a. John Coburn MSS.
b. Schuyler Colfax MSS.
c. Calvin Fletcher Papers and Diary, 1861-1862 Indiana His-
torical Society Library.
dVallette Miller MSS.
e. Oliver P. Morton MSS.
f. Daniel D.Pratt MSS.
g. Benjamin Spooner MSS. (photostats)
h. Richard W. Thompson MSS.
By far the most serviceable letters for this study were the papers of
Samuel K. Harryman, 1862-65; and war letters, camp life, campaigns,
and experiences of the Seventieth Regiment, Indiana Volunteers,
account of Sherman's March to the Sea.
6. Certain manuscript collections, though not cited in the footnotes to
this volume, contain material pertinent to Harrison's character and
place in history. They have been examined by the author with a view
to forming an over-all mature value judgment of Benjamin Harrison.
In the Division of Manuscripts, Library of Congress, the most helpful
were the papers of:
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Wharton Barker, Thomas F. Bayard, Jeremiah S. Black, James G.
Blaine, the Blair Family, the Breckinridge Family, Benjamin H.
Bristow, W. P. Bynum, Simon Cameron, Andrew Carnegie, William
E. Chandler, James S. Clarkson, Grover Cleveland, Chauncey M.
Depew, Don M. Dickinson, William Evarts, John W. Foster, William
D. Foulke, James A. Garfield, Walter Q. Gresham, Eugene Hale,
Eugene Gano Hay, John Hay, Horatio King, Daniel S. Lamont,
William McKinley, Daniel Manning, Manton Marble, John T.
Morgan, Justin S. Monill, Richard Olney, Mathew S. Quay, Theo-
dore Roosevelt, Carl Schurz, William T. Sherman, John C. Spooner,
Benjamin F. Tracy, Henry Watterson, William C. Whitney, John
Russell Young.
7. Other archival collections which yielded material were:
The papers of William Boyd Allison, Grenville M. Dodge, James S.
Clarkson, and John A. Kasson all in the Historical Memorial and
Art Department of Iowa, Des Moines, Iowa.
The papers and the diary of John Bigelow and the papers of Levi P.
Morton in the Manuscripts Division of the New York Public Library.
The papers of Nils P. Haugen, Henry Demarest Lloyd, Jeremiah
Rusk, Ellis Usher, William F. Vilas in the State Historical Society of
Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin.
The papers of Terence B. Powderly in the Mullen Library of the
Catholic University of America.
The papers of Whitelaw Reid (privately owned).
The papers of James Cardinal Gibbons (in the archives of the Arch-
diocese of Baltimore, Baltimore, Maryland).
Pertinent newspaper material is found in the following: American
Eagle (Paoli, Indiana), Boston Daily Advertiser, Chicago Weekly
Inter-Ocean, Cincinnati Commercial, Cincinnati Enquirer, Cincin-
nati Gazette, Columbia (S. C.) Record, Detroit Tribune, Fort Wayne
Sentinel, Indianapolis Atlas, Indianapolis Daily Journal, Indianapo-
lis Locomotive, Indianapolis News, Indianapolis Old Line Guard,
Indianapolis Sentinel, New Orleans Times-Democrat, New York
Daily Tribune, New York Evening Post, New York Mail and Express^
New York Times, Omaha Bee, Richmond (Va.) State, St. Louis Post-
Dispatch, Washington Chronicle, Washington Post, the Herald and
Enterprise (Russellville, Ky.), Parke County (Indiana) Republican.
In addition to a plenitude of identified newspaper clippings which
form the bulk of the fifty-eight-volume Scrapbook Series in the Harri-
son Papers (Library of Congress), attention is called to a valuable
three-volume Scrapbook Series in the Indiana State Library, the gift
of Russell B. Harrison, the President's son. Its chief merit lies in the
324 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
universal newspaper coverage given to the death and funeral of Benja-
min Harrison in 1901. Russell Harrison had subscribed to several
clipping services and carefully preserved the unfavorable as well as
the favorable news and editorial comment.
Published Sources
Adams, Charles Francis. Charles Francis Adams, 1835-1915: An Auto-
biography. Boston and New York, Houghton, 1916.
Adams, Henry. The Education of Henry Adams. New York, Modern
Library, 1931.
Alexander, De Alva S. Four Famous New Yorkers. New York, Holt,
19*3-
Alumni and Former Student Catalogue of Miami University, 1809-
1892, Oxford, Ohio, 1892.
Auchampaugh, Philip G. "The Buchanan-Douglas Feud," Journal of
the Illinois State Historical Society, 25 (193*), 5-48.
Bailey, Louis J. "Caleb Blood Smith," Indiana Magazine of History,
29 (1933), 213-39-
Beale, Howard K. (ed.). The Diary of Edward Bates 1859-1866.
(American Historical Association Annual Report, 1930, Vol. IV.)
Washington, D. C., Government Printing Office, 1933.
. "What Historians Have Said about the Causes of the Civil
War," in Bulletin 54, Theory and Practice in Historical Study: A
Report of the Committee on Historiography. New York, Soc. Sci.
Res. Council, 1946, 53-102.
Benjamin Harrison Memorial Commission, Report of. (77th Con-
gress, ist Session, House Document No. 154.) Washington, D. C.,
Government Printing Office, 1941.
Beveridge, A. J. Abraham Lincoln. Boston and New York, Houghton,
1928. 2 vols.
Bond, Beverley W., Jr. The Foundations of Ohio. The History of the
State of Ohio in Six Volumes. Edited by Carl Wittke. Vol. I, Colum-
bus, Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Society, 1941.
Bowman, S. M., and R. B. Irwin. Sherman and His Campaigns: A
Military Biography. New York, C. B. Richardson, 1865.
Boyd, James P. Life and Public Services of Benjamin Harrison,
Twenty-third President of the United States. Philadelphia, Publish-
ers Union, 1901.
Brown, Ignatius. History of Indianapolis from 1818 to the Present.
(Published as part of Indianapolis Directory, 1868.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY 325
Carter, Alfred G. W. The Old Court House. Cincinnati, P. G. Thomp-
son, 1880.
Casey, Silas. Infantry Tactics. New York, D. Van Nostrand, 1862.
Chase, Salmon P. Diary and Correspondence of Salmon P. Chase.
(American Historical Association Annual Report, 1902, Vol. II.)
Washington, D. C., Government Printing Office, 1903.
Cist, Charles. Sketches and Statistics of Cincinnati in 1851. Cincinnati,
W. H. Moore, 1851.
Cist, Henry Martyn. The Army of the Cumberland. New York, Scrib-
ner, 1882.
Cleaves, Freeman. Old Tippecanoe. New York, Scribner, 1939.
- . Rock of Chickamauga: The Life of General George H.
Thomas. Norman, Okla., Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1948.
Cortissoz, Royal. The Life of Whitelaw Reid. New York, Scribner,
1921. 2 vols.
Cottman, George S. "Lincoln in Indianapolis," Indiana Magazine of
History, 24 (1928), 1-14.
Cox, Jacob D. Atlanta. New York, Scribner, 1882.
Crandall, Andrew W. The Early History of the Republican Party,
1854-1856. Boston, R. G. Badger, 1930.
Crook, W. H. Memories of the White House. Boston, Little, 1911.
Davis, Virgil E. "The Literary Societies in 'Old Miami* from 1825 to
1873." Unpublished Master's thesis, Miami Univ., Oxford, Ohio,
1950-
Donald, David. Lincoln's Herndon. New York, Knopf, 1948.
Dumond, Dwight L. The Secessionist Movement. New York, Macmil-
lan, 1931.
- (ed.). Southern Editorials on Secession. New York, Century,
Dunn, Jacob Piatt. Greater Indianapolis. Chicago, Lewis, 1910. 2 vols.
- . Indiana and Indianans. Chicago and New York, American
Historical Society, 1919. 5 vols.
Dyer, John P. The Gallant Hood. Indianapolis, Bobbs, 1950.
Eckenrode, H. J., and Bryan Conrad. George B. McClellan: The Man
Who Saved the Union. Chapel Hill, N. C., Univ. of N.C. Press, 1941.
Eisenschiml, Otto, and Ralph Newman. The American Iliad. Indian-
apolis, Bobbs, 1947.
Esarey, Logan. A History of Indiana. Indianapolis, B. F. Bowen, 1918.
2 vols.
Fite, Emerson D. The Presidential Campaign of 1860. New York,
Macmillan, 1911.
Flint, Timothy. Recollections of the Past Ten Years. Boston, Cum-
mings, Hilliard & Co., 1826.
326 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Foster, Harriet Mclntire. Mrs. Benjamin Harrison. Indianapolis
(published privately), 1908.
Foulke, William D. Life of Oliver P. Morton. Indianapolis, Bowen-
Merrill, 1899. 2 vols.
Freeman, Douglas Southall. Lee's Lieutenants. New York, Scribner,
1942-44. 3 vols.
Goebel, Dorothy Burne. William Henry Harrison. Indianapolis, His-
torical Bureau of Indiana Library and Historical Department, 1926.
(Historical Collections, Vol. XIV, Biographical Series, Vol. II.)
Gray, Wood. The Hidden Civil War. New York, Viking, 1942.
Green, James A. William Henry Harrison: His Times. Cincinnati,
Garrett, 1941*
Griffiths, John L. An Address by. (October 27, 1908, Indianapolis, Ind.,
on the occasion of the unveiling of the statue of Benjamin Harri-
son), pp. 2 1-3 1 in The Addresses by Charles W. Fairbanks, John W.
Noble, John L. Griffiths; and in The Poems by James Whitcomb
Riley. Indianapolis, Hollenbeck Press, 1909.
Hardee, W. J. Rifle and Light Infantry Tactics. Philadelphia, Lippin-
cott, Gambo, 1855. 2 vols.
Harney, Gilbert L. The Lives of Benjamin Harrison and Levi P. Mor-
ton. Providence, R. I., J. A. and R. A. Reid, 1888.
Harrison, Benjamin. Views of an Ex-President. Compiled by Mary
Lord Harrison. Indianapolis, Bowen-Merrill, 1901.
Harrison, John Scott. Pioneer Life at North Bend. Cincinnati, Robert
Clarke, 1867.
Harrison, Short Review of Public and Private Life of Gen'l. Benj. (A
campaign pamphlet.) Indianapolis (copyrighted by C. A. Nicoli),
1888.
Hebert, Walter H. Fighting Joe Hooker. Indianapolis, Bobbs, 1944.
Hedges, Charles (comp.). Speeches of Benjamin Harrison. New York,
Lovell, Coryell &Co., 1892.
Henry, R. B. Genealogies of the Families of the Presidents. Rutland,
Vt., Tuttle, 1935.
Hiatt, Joef W. (ed.). "Diary of William Owen." Indianapolis, 1906.
(Indiana Historical Society Publications, Vol. IV, No. i, 7-134.)
Hoar, George F. Autobiography of Seventy Years. New York, Scribner,
1903. 2 vols.
Holcombe, John W., and Hubert M. Skinner. Life and Public Services
of Thomas A. Hendricks. Indianapolis, Carlon & Hollenbeck, 1886.
Holliday, J. H. Indianapolis and the Civil War. Indianapolis, Edward
J. Hecker (printer and publisher), 1911. (Indiana Historical Society
Publications, Vol. IV, No. 9, 525-95.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY 327
Holloway, W. R. Indianapolis. Indianapolis, Journal Print, 1870.
Hood, John Bell. Advance and Retreat: Personal Experiences in the
United States and Confederate Annies. New Orleans (privately
printed by Hood Orphan Memorial Fund), 1880.
Huston, A. B. Historical' Sketch of Farmers' College. Cincinnati, Cin-
cinnati Students Association of Farmers' College, 1902.
Indianapolis Directory, 1855. (Groom's and Smith's Indianapolis
Directory, City Guide and Business Mirror; or, Indianapolis As It Is
in 1855.) Indianapolis, A. C. Grooms & W. T. Smith, 1855.
Indianapolis Directory, 1857. Indianapolis, A. C. Howard, 1857.
Indianapolis Directory, 1868. Indianapolis, Logan & Co., 1868.
Indianapolis, First Presbyterian Church, Centennial Memorial, 1823-
1923. Greenfield, Ind., Wm. Mitchell Printing Co., 1925.
James, Alfred P. "General Joseph Eggleston Johnston, Storm Center
of the Confederate Army," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 14
(1927-28), 342-59.
Johnson, R. U., and C. C. Buel (eds.). Battles and Leaders of the Civil
War. New York, Century Press, 1888. 4 vols.
Johnson, Rossiter. Campfire and Battle field. New York, Bryan, Taylor
& Co., 1894.
Jomini, Baron de. The Political and Military History of the Cam-
paign of Waterloo. Translated by S. V. Benet, New York, Redfield,
1860.
- . The Art of War. Translated by C. H. Mendell. Philadelphia,
Lippincott, 1862.
Julian, George W. Political Recollections, 1840-1812. Chicago, Jan-
sen, McClurg, 1884.
Keith, Charles P. The Ancestry of Benjamin Harrison. Philadelphia,
Lippincott, 1893.
Kenworthy, L. A. The Tall Sycamore of the Wabash: Daniel Wolsey
Voorhees. Boston, Humphries, 1956.
Lewis, Lloyd. Sherman: The Fighting Prophet. New York, Harcourt,
Livermore, Thomas L. Numbers and Losses in the Civil War in
America, 1861-1865. Boston, Houghton, 1901.
Lockridge, Ross F., Jr. "The Harrisons," published as Exhibit *, pp.
19-210 in Benjamin Harrison Memorial Commission, Report of
(supra).
Luthin, Reinhard, H. "Indiana and Lincoln's Rise to the Presidency."
Indiana Magazine of History, 38 (1942), 385-405.
- . The First Lincoln Campaign. Cambridge, Harvard Univ.
Press, 1944.
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
McKee, Irving. "Ben-Hur" Wallace. Berkeley and Los Angeles, Univ.
of Calif . Press, 1947.
Mahan, D. H. An Elementary Course of Civil Engineering. New York,
John Wiley, 1853.
Marshall, Carrington T. History of the Courts and Lawyers of Ohio
New York, American Historical Society, Inc., 1934. 4 vols.
Marshall, Thomas R. Recollections of Thomas R. Marshall: A
Hoosier Salad. Indianapolis, Bobbs, 1925.
Martin, D. V. "History of the Library Movement in Ohio." Unpub-
lished Master's thesis, Ohio State Univ., 1935.
Martin, John Bartlow. Indiana: An Interpretation. New York, Knopf,
1947-
Merrill, Samuel. The Seventieth Indiana Volunteer Infantry. Indian-
apolis, Bowen-Merrill, 1900.
Milton, George Fort. The Eve of Conflict. Boston, Houghton, 1934.
Morison, J. E., and W. B. Lane. Life of Our President Benjamin
Harrison. Cincinnati, published for Morison and Lane, 1889.
Nevins, Allan. The Ordeal of the Union. New York, Scribner, 1947.
2 vols.
"News from the Maryland Gazette," Maryland Historical Magazine,
17 O^*)^ 6 *-^
Nichols, Roy F. The Disruption of American Democracy. New York,
Maonillan, 1948.
Noble, John W. An Address by, pp. 7-18 in The Addresses by Charles
W. Fairbanks, John W. Noble, John L. Griffiths (supra, see Grif-
fiths). Indianapolis, Hollenbeck Press, 1909.
Nolan, Jeannette C. Hoosier City: The Story of Indianapolis. New
York, Messner, 1943.
Northrop, H. D. The Life and Public Services of Gen. Benf. Harrison.
Philadelphia, Globe Bible Publishing Co., 1888.
O'Connor, Richard. Thomas: Rock of Chickamauga. New York,
Prentice-Hall, 1948.
Palmer, Walter B. The History of Phi Delta Theta. Menasha, Wise.,
George Banta Publishing Co., 1906.
Pollard, James E. The Presidents and the Press. New York, Macmil-
lan, 1947.
Porter, George H. Ohio Politics during the Civil War. New York,
Columbia Univ., Longmans, Agents, 1911.
Povenmire, Kenneth W. "Temperance Movement in Ohio, 1840-
1850." Unpublished Master's thesis, Ohio State Univ.,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Randall, James G. Constitutional Problems under Lincoln. New York,
D. Appleton, 1926.
- . The Civil War and Reconstruction. Boston, Heath, 1937.
- . Lincoln the President. New York, Dodd, Mead, 1946. 2 vols.
Rodabaugh, James H. Robert Hamilton Bishop. Columbus, Ohio
State Archaeological and Historical Society, 1935.
- . "Miami University, Calvinism, and the Anti-Slavery Move-
ment," Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, 48
(January 1939), 66-73.
Roll, Charles. "Indiana's Part in the Nomination of Abraham Lincoln
for President in 1860 /'Indiana Magazine of History,^ (1929), 1-13.
Roseboom, Eugene H. The Civil War Era, 1850-187). The History of
the State of Ohio in Six Volumes. Edited by Carl F. Wittke. Vol. IV,
Columbus, Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Society,
1941-44.
Sager, B. F. The Harrison Mansion. Vincennes, Ind. (issued by Francis
Vigo Chapter, D.A.R., of Vincennes), 1928.
Schalk, Emil. Summary of the Art of War. Philadelphia, Lippincott,
1863.
Scott, John W. A History and Biographical Cyclopedia of Butler
County, Ohio. Cincinnati, Western Biographical Publishing Co.,
1882.
Sears, Louis M. "Slidell and Buchanan," A merican Historical Review,
. John Slidell. Durham, N. C., Duke Univ. Press, 1925.
Sharp, Walter R. "Henry S. Lane and the Foundation of the Republi-
can Party in Indiana," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 7
(1920-21), 93-1 12.
Sherman, William T. Memoirs of General William T. Sherman. New
York, D. Appleton, 1875. 2 vols.
Smith, Ophia D. Old Oxford House. Oxford, Ohio, Oxford Historical
Press, 1941.
- . Fair Oxford. Oxford, Ohio, Oxford Historical Press, 1947.
Smith, Theodore Clark. Liberty and Free Soil Parties in the North-
west. New York, Longmans, 1897.
Stampp, Kenneth M. "The Milligan Case and the Election of 1864 in
Indiana," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 31 (1944-45), 41-58.
- . Indiana Politics during the Civil War, Indianapolis, Indiana
Historical Bureau, 1949. (Indiana Historical Collections, Vol.
XXXI.)
330 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Stevenson, David, and Theodore Soibner. Indiana's Roll of Honor.
Indianapolis, 1864, 1866. 2 vols. (Vol. I published by Stevenson;
Vol. II published for Scribner by A. D. Streight.)
Stidger, Felix F. Treason History of the Order of the Sons of Liberty.
Chicago (published by author), 1903.
Stoddard, Henry L. As I Knew Them: Presidents and Politics from
Grant to Coolidge. New York, Harper, 1927.
Stone, Henry. "The Atlanta Campaign," Papers of the Military His-
torical Society of Massachusetts, 8 (1910), 341-492.
Sulgrove, B. R. History of Indianapolis and Marion County. Phila-
delphia, L. H. Everts & Co., 1884.
Szabad, Imre. Modern War: Its Theory and Practice. New York,
Harper, 1863.
Taylor, Charles W. The Bench and Bar of Indiana. Indianapolis,
Bench and Bar Publishing Co., 1895.
Tewksbury, Donald G. The Founding of American Colleges and Uni-
versities before the Civil War. New York, Columbia Univ. Press,
1932-
Turpie, David. Sketches of My Own Times. Indianapolis, Bobbs,
1903-
Upham, Alfred H. "The Centennial of Miami University," Ohio State
Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, 18 (1909), 322-44.
- . Old Miami: The Yale of the Early West. Hamilton, Ohio, The
Republican Co., 1909.
Van Home, Thomas B. Life of Major General George H. Thomas.
New York, Scribner, 1882.
Walker, Charles M. Sketch of the Life, Character, and Public Services
of Oliver P. Morton. Indianapolis, Indianapolis Journal Press, 1878.
Wallace, Lew. Life of Gen. Ben Harrison. Philadelphia, Hubbard,
1888.
War of Rebellion, Official Records of the Union and Confederate
Armies. Washington, D. C., Government Printing Office, 1880-
1901. Four Series, 70 vols., 128 books.
Weisenburger, Francis P. Passing of the Frontier. The History of the
State of Ohio in Six Volumes. Edited by Carl F. Wittke. Vol. Ill, Co-
lumbus, Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Society, 1941-44.
White, William Allen. Masks in a Pageant. New York, Macmillan,
Williams, Charles R. The Life of Rutherford Birchard Hayes. Colum-
bus, Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Society, 1928. 2 vols.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 331
Williams, Kenneth P. Lincoln Finds a General New York, Maonil-
lan, 1949. 2 vols,
Wilson, Woodrow. George Washington. New York, Harper, 1896.
Woodburn, James A. "Henry Smith Lane," Indiana Magazine of His-
tory, 27 (1931), 5579-87.
World A Imanac and Encyclopedia, 1894. New York, New York World,
1894-
World Almanac of 1949. New York, New York World-Telegram, 1949.
Zimmerman, Charles. "The Origin and Rise of the Republican Party
in Indiana from 1854-1860," Indiana Magazine of History, 13
(1917), 21 1-69; 349-412.
ind
.ex
Index
"A Statement of the Obligation under
which Every Man is to Give Assist-
ance to the Poor and Needy Accord-
ing as God has prospered him,"
title of Harrison's collegiate com-
position (No. 13), 38
Abolition ticket, name applied by In-
diana's Democratic press to 1864
Republican slate, 273
Abolitionist-Liberty party, r61e of, in
1848 election, 39, n.Q4
Acton (Ind.), site of Harrison's first
stump speech, 122
Adams, Charles Francis, expresses dis-
trust of Lincoln as "absolutely un-
known quantity," 158
Adams, Henry, comment on Harrison,
xxiii
Adams, John, President, 4
Adams, John Quincy, President, in
1828 appoints W. H. Harrison Min-
ister to Colombia, 17
"Administrative Ben," nickname
gained by Harrison while directing
Ward's Brigade in Tennessee, 239
Advertiser (Montgomery, Ala.), notes
Harrison as only Phi Delta Thetan
to become President of the U.S., 58,
n-46
Agnew, D. Hayes, eminent Philadel-
phia surgeon, 18, 0.51
Aiken, William, U.S. congressman, pre-
vents riot during debate on Nebraska
Bill, 120
Alexander, De Alva Stanwood, cam-
paigns for Harrison in Indiana
gubernatorial race, xvii; offers help
to Tibbott on Harrison biography,
xvii; prepares Harrison memorabilia
for J. L. Griffiths, xviii; The Political
History of the State of New York
by, xviii; writes letter to W. H. H.
Miller on Harrison biography prob-
lem, xix; death of, xx; comments on
Harrison, xxiii
Alexander the Great, mentioned by
Harrison, 41
Alexandria (Va.), camping site for
Harrison's command while awaiting
participation in the Grand Review,
3<>4
Allatoona (Ga.), fifty miles from At-
lanta, a danger zone for Harrison,
259, n.44
Allen, Chaplain, 7oth Ind., requests
Harrison to address memorial meet-
ing of chaplains, 310
Alps, crossing of, by Napoleon com-
pared to military feats of Grant and
Sherman, 313
Alvord, Clarence W., xxi
American Eagle (Paoli, Ind.), reflects
growing crisis over slavery question,
136; prints Harrison's assault on
John Bell's presidential candidacy,
H7
American party, 116, 123; in 1856 sup-
ports Fillmore for presidency, 124;
employs J. S. Harrison to stump
Ohio and Kentucky for Fillmore
and against Fremont, 124; claims
A. I. Harrison, Ben's brother, as a
member, 129, 132; engages in bitterly
partisan politics, 136; see also Know-
Nothing party
Amherst (N.H.), origin of humorous
divorce case, 106-7
Ancestry (Harrison family), as an im-
portant factor in Benjamin's devel-
opment, 10-11
Anderson, John Alexander, Harrison's
roommate at Miami U. (q-v.), re-
calls campus days, 50; begins firm
and lasting friendship, 53; accepts
335
teaching post at Mt. Pleasant
Academy (Kingston, O.), 53; warns
Ben against overwork at Miami, 60-
61; hears complaints against pro-
fessional studies, 71; weighs prob-
lem of Ben's early marriage, 72-73,
75-76; shares friend's chagrin as
suitor, 74; learns itinerary of pre-
honeymoon jaunt, 74; reads that his
own father, William Anderson (q.v.),
favors early marriage, 78; fully ap-
prised of wedding preparations, 79-
81; attends early morning nuptials,
82, n.6i; tries to persuade Ben to
settle in city more suitable than In-
dianapolis, 103-4; fears "like father,
like son" pattern in J. Scott Har-
rison's vote for Fillmore, 124
Anderson, John B., listed as New Al-
bany (Ind.) reference for attorney
Harrison, 101, 11.45
Anderson, William C., president of
Miami U. (1849-1854), 46, 48; signs
Harrison's college diploma, 65, 11.70;
favors Ben's early marriage to Carrie
Scott (q.v.), 78
Anti-abolitionism, favored by J. S.
Harrison in letter to Ben, 123
Appomattox (Va.), Lee's surrender to
Grant at, 297
Army of Georgia, headed by Gen.
Henry W. Slocum at the Grand Re-
view, 307
Army of the Cumberland, creation of,
and command under Gen. Rosecrans
(q-v.) t 217; severe losses at Stone
Ridge render it ineffective for first
six months of 1863, 22 5> Sherman's
reorganization plans for, 232; adds
61,000 men and 130 guns, under
Gen. Thomas (q.v.) to Sherman's
command, 234; in February, 1864,
leaves winter quarters, 235; moves
towards Ringold (Ga.), anticipating
Confederate offensive, 244
Army of the Ohio, Gen. Buell's record
as commander of, 216, 11.19; aug-
ments Sherman's command by 14,000
men and 28 guns under Gen. Scho-
field (q.v.) f 234
Army of the Potomac, under Grant's
command, 232; in review at Rich-
mond her spruce soldiers are con-
trasted with shabby appearance of
Sherman's command, 303; on May
23, 1865, enjoys day of triumph at
the Grand Review, 304-5; criticized
by Sherman for acting like "countr
gawks," 305; judged by Harrison a
second-best in marching excellence
306, 308
Army of the Tennessee (Confederate)
by joint strategy Grant and Sher
man plan downfall of, 232; routec
by Gen. Thomas at Nashville, 283-
84
Army of the Tennessee (Union), in
creases Sherman's command by 24,
ooo men and 96 guns under leader
ship of Gen. McPherson (q.v.), 234-
history of its heroic exploits in
trigues spectators at the Grand Re-
view, 305; marches through the
miasmatic marshes of Mississippi
the Yazoo, and Tennessee are com-
pared to Xenophon's Anabasis, 305
Arnold, Benedict, 1781 invasion of
Virginia by, 14
Arthur Jordan Foundation (Indian-
apolis), commissions Harrison biog-
raphy, xxiii; restores Benjamin Har-
rison home as a national memorial,
100, n.4i
Atlanta (Ga.), campaign of, 228; city
not originally a Union objective in
the spring of 1864, *34; first general
engagement of, preceded by tension
and heavy troop concentration, 243;
Federal capture of Resaca (Ga.)
closes important phase of, 252; city
exposed by Gen. Johnston's strategic
retreats, 256; city as Sherman's ob-
jective in, 256-57; city pronounced
by Jefferson Davis as "vital to the
life of the Confederacy," 259; area
stoutly defended despite Union
pressure, 262; long siege continues,
263; city falls into Union hands on
September 2, 1864, 264-65; men-
tioned, 266, 268, 272, 278, 287, 292;
vividly recalled during the Grand
Review, 306
Auburn (Ky.) t railroad bridge at, par-
tially destroyed by Confederate
forces, restored by Harrison's regi-
ment, 200
Augusta (Ga.), 234
B
Baker, John S., excused from 1852
commencement oration at Miami U ,
6 4
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, carries
INDEX
homecoming 7oth Ind. from Wash-
ington (D.C.), 312
Banks, Nathaniel P., U.S. congressman,
elected as Republican Speaker of the
House, 123; manifests vindictiveness
towards J. S. Harrison, 123
"Barnburner" faction, group of N.Y.
Democrats in 1848 election, 39, 11.94
Barnes, Doctor, a Southern sympa-
thizer, pursued in vicinity of Rus-
sellville (Ky.), 203-7
Bassett, Elizabeth, wife of Benjamin
Harrison, "the Signer," 14
Bates, Edward, a Missouri Whig and
former U.S. congressman, enjoys
political popularity in Indiana, 141;
co-favorite with Lincoln among
Hoosiers at 1860 national conven-
tion, 145
Bates House (Indianapolis), 94, 131;
scene of Lincoln's pre-inaugural ad-
dress, 160
Beale, Howard K., historian, cited on
causes of the Civil War, 136, n.8
Beaufort (N.C.), its railroad link with
Wilmington (N.C.) captured by Gen.
Sherman, 294
Beauregard, P. G. T., Confederate gen-
eral, holds strategy conference with
Gen. Hood (q.v.), 278
Beaver, Gen. James A., rides in ad-
vance of 1889 inaugural parade, 6
Beecher, Henry Ward, controversial
churchman, son of Lyman Beecher
(q.v.) t 28, 135, n.3
Beecher, Lyman, Presbyterian pastor
in Cincinnati and president of Lane
Seminary, father of Henry Ward
Beecher (q.v.) and Harriet Beecher
Stowe (q-v.), 28, n.42
Bell, John, U.S. senator, nominated
for presidency by National Consti-
tutional Unionists (q.v.), 146; 1860
candidacy of, supported by political
die-hard J. S. Harrison, 154
"Ben Harrison vs. John Bell," editorial
caption in American Eagle (q-v.),
H7
Benet, S. V., Union captain, translator
of dejomini's work on military af-
fairs, 227-28, n.72
Benotti, W. A., military agent for In-
diana, sets Harrison's and yoth Ind.'s
discharge for June 8, 1865, 311
Benton, William, Chicago attorney and
close school friend to Ben, encour-
337
ambitions, 73-74; congratulates Har-
rison on expert practice in federal
courts, 1 08
Bentonville (N.C.), Sherman's defeat
of Johnston at, 294
Bible, used at Centennial Inaugura-
tion and now preserved at Harrison
Memorial Home (Indianapolis), 5,
n. 5
Bible reading, fixed habit of Mrs. W.
H. Harrison, 28-29; symbol of r61e
religion played in Indianapolis fam-
ily life, 110-11
Big Crow Creek (Tenn.), 237-38
Big Miami River (Ohio), site of Har-
rison's boyhood memories, 20-21
Bishop, Dr. Robert Hamilton, Scottish
educator and senior faculty member
at Farmers' College, 31; praised by
chancellor of the University of the
City of New York, 31-32; "Scottish
Sage," 33; method of teaching styled
eminently progressive, 33-36; al-
leged as first in U.S. to teach a sys-
tematic social philosophy, 37; desig-
nated as "the Father of American
Sociology," 37; ministerial back-
ground of, 38; influences young Har-
rison, 41; expresses sympathy on
death of Ben's mother, 45; warmly
thanked for love and devotion, 45;
introduces Harrison to Dr. J. W.
Scott (q.v.), 47; linked with William
Holmes McGuffey and John W.
Scott as illustrious educator of the
early West, 47, n^; inaugurated in
1825 ** Miami U.'s first president,
48; teaches Ben a "healthy inde-
pendence of thought," 61; receives
1855 letter indicating Harrison's
progress as a lawyer, 105; views on
fiction of, 226
Bishop, R. H., Jr., son of Robert Ham-
ilton Bishop (q.v.), signs Harrison's
college diploma, 65, n-7o
Black Lick Ravine (Ky.), site of Har-
rison's reconnaissance prior to Rus-
sellville victory, 200
Blackguardism, father's warning to
Ben to avoid, on the stump, 148
Blackstone, Sir William, English jurist,
Harrison's study of, 83
Blaine, James G., supported by Har-
rison-led Hoosier delegation for
1880 Republican presidential nomi-
nation, 7
ages latter's matrimonial and legal Blair's Landing (S.C.), 290-91; train-
338
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
ing base for Sherman's reinforce-
ments, 292, 294, 296
Blakely, Lucy, Southern matron, and
the Russellville (Ky.) skirmish, 203
"Bloody shirt," waved by Harrison in
1864 partisan harangue, 276
Boggess, C. H., spokesman for Shelby
County (Ind.) f invites Harrison to
practice law and politics at Shelby-
ville, 109; renews request during
1856 campaign, 122
Bolton, Herbert E., xxi
Boude, John Knox, excused from ora-
tion at 1852 Miami U. commence-
ment, 64
"Bounty jumpers," Harrison's solution
to problem of desertion of, in South
Carolina, 292
Bowdoin College (Brunswick, Me.),
48-49, n.i2, 66
Bowling Green (Ky.), strategic military
center 30 miles above Tennessee
border, 190-93; rumored objective
of Confederate Col. John Morgan,
191; scene of several weeks' drill
and strict discipline for 7Oth Ind.,
193-96; Union camp alert for com-
bat at, 198-99; spirit of unrest
among Harrison's troops at, 213
Boyle, J. T., Union general, orders
Harrison's regiment to pitch camp
three miles outside of Louisville,
189
Bragg, Braxton, Confederate general,
enters Kentucky with large force and
threatens Ohio and Indiana, 177;
advances Confederate cause, 198;
makes serious threat on Kentucky,
212; diverted from Louisville, heads
for Lexington, 216; concentrates
forces near Murfreesboro (Tenn.),
223; Stone River casualties under,
include 1,294 killed and 7,945
wounded, 224, 11.54
Breckinridge, John C., Vice-President,
1860 presidential nominee of South-
ern branch of Democratic party,
146; record compared with Bell's by
Harrison, 147
Bridgeport (Ala.), 238
Brigney, Union major, praises Har-
rison's qualities as an officer, 228
Brooks, Preston, U.S. congressman,
canes Sen. Simmer (q.v.) and sparks
bitter controversy, 123-24
Brown, Hilton U., aids Harrison biog-
raphy project, xviii; describes fund to
assist official biographer, xxi; cited
on Harrison's fraternity activities,
58, n.46
Brown, Ignatius, cited as author of
history of Indianapolis (1818-1868),
91, nn.14, 15
Browning, Robert, druggist, lends
Harrison money, 95, 102; joins Har-
rison in 1858 New Year's Day reso-
lution to abstain from tobacco, 129
Bruce, S. D. f Union colonel, commands
provisional brigade, 193; draws
"strings tight on saloons" in Bowl-
ing Green area, 194; orders Harrison
to command reconnaissance expedi-
tion to Russellville (Ky.), 199-202
Bryan, T. B., Chicago attorney, ad-
vises Harrison to practice law in
Cincinnati rather than in Chicago,
85; serves as Harrison's legal refer-
ence in Chicago, 101, 11.45
Buchanan, James, President, defeats
J. C. Fre'mont by 500,000 votes in
nation and by 20,000 in Indiana,
125; mentioned, 132; administration
repudiated in Indiana by Douglas
Democrats, 137; long-standing feud
with Douglas splits Democratic
party, 145
Buckner, Simon B., Confederate gen-
eral, erects almost impregnable
fortifications in area of Bowling
Green (Ky.) 193
Buell, Don Carlos, Union general, re-
turn of, from Tennessee recalled by
Harrison, 177; severely criticized for
overcaution, 198; removed as com-
mander of the Department of the
Ohio, 217; called "scapegoat for dis-
appointed Union party politicians/'
217, n.23; hampered by broken sup-
ply line, 223
Buena Vista (Mexico), Battle of, 39
Buffalo (N.Y.), 74
"Buffalo Bill," see Cody, William
Bull Run, scene of Union reverse and
intensification of Northern war feel-
ing, 174, 176
Bulwer-Lytton, novels of, read by
Harrison in camp at Gallatin
(Tenn.), 226
"Bummers," see "Bummers Brigade"
"Bummers Brigade," 2oth Army Corps'
allegedly wild and undisciplined
foragers exhibit subordination and
precision during the Grand Review,
307
INDEX
Burgess, James, Union colonel, com-
mands 7oth Ind. Vol. Inf. during
preliminary training at Indianapo-
lis, 184; appoints Thuer postmaster
for 7oth Ind., 220, n.38; studies
Hardee's volume on infantry tactics,
227
Burton, Theodore E., Ohio senator,
suggested as Harrison's biographer,
xix
Bushbeck, Adolphus, Union general,
commands brigade under Gen. J. W.
Geary (q.v.), 232, n.Q7
Butterfield, Daniel, Union general,
chief of staff to "Fighting Joe"
Hooker, 232; commands 3d Div. of
2oth Army Corps, 232, n.Q7; sug-
gests activation of Ward's Brigade,
233; participates in the Battle of
Resaca (Ga.), 251-52; sustains heavy
losses at Battle of New Hope Church
(Ga.), 254
Butterworth, Benjamin, U.S. congress-
man, describes Harrison's life on the
farm, 23
Buzzard's Roost (Ga.), Confederate
stronghold prior to Atlanta cam-
paign, 244
Caesar, Julius, his Commentaries in
W. H. Harrison's library, 26; Col.
Ben's assurance to wife that his own
merits do not equal those of the
Roman general, 264
Calvin, John, creed forms backbone of
Presbyterian Church, ua
Camp Bateman (Territory of Kansas),
133' n -95
Camp Morton (Indianapolis), Confed-
erate prison, scene of first military
duty for newly recruited 7Oth Ind.,
186, n.97
Camp Sherman, near Blair's Landing,
thirty miles from the South Carolina
coast, 290-91; newly arrived con-
tingents at, placed under Harrison's
command, 292
Campbell, Lewis D., U.S. congressman,
heads bitter filibuster against Ne-
braska Bill (q.v.), 120
Candy, Charles, Union general, com-
mands brigade under Gen. J. W.
Geary (q.v), 232, n.97
Carman, E. A., Union general, histo-
339
corresponds with Harrison, 212, n.i,
218, n.26, 230, n.8g, 231, n.gy, re-
ceives Harrison's testimony on cour-
age of Confederate soldiers at Resaca
(Ga.), 250, n.i4
Carter, Robert (King), representative
of one of wealthiest native-born
American families and Benjamin
Harrison's great-great-great grand-
father, 13
Cary, Dr. Freeman G., principal of
Farmers' College, stern disciplinarian
and horticulturist, 30; requests Rob-
ert H. Bishop (q.v.) to formulate a
new policy of discipline, 33
Cary, Samuel Fenton, brother of
Freeman G., holds office in "Sons of
Temperance" (q.v.), 30
Gary's Academy, the original Farmers'
College (q.v.), 29
Casey, Silas, author of Infantry Tac-
tics, 227
Cash, Addison, a free Negro, aids Har-
rison with vital information during
war, 203
Cass, Gen. Lewis, 1848 Democratic
presidential nominee, 39; negotiates
1818 treaty with Delaware and Mi-
ami Indians, 91, n.i6
Catholicism, 1856 presidential cam-
paign issue used against Fremont,
124
Caven, John, designated Harrison's
deputy as Indiana Supreme Court
Reporter, 184-85; removed by court
action, 208-9, 213; as Indianapolis
mayor (1863-1867), informs Harrison
of his selection as Fourth-of-July
orator in 1865, 315
Chamberlain's, a Washington (D.C.)
boarding house, 9
Champion, coastal steamer during the
Civil War, 296-97
Chancellorsville (Va.), skeleton-strewn
battlefield at, shocks Union troops
en route to Washington, 303
Charleston (S.C.), site of 1860 Demo-
cratic National Convention, 146;
street talk in, reveals mounting fears
two days after Lincoln's election,
155; batteries of, open fire on Fort
Sumter, 162; 288; 309
Chase, Philander, president of Cin-
cinnati College, founder of Kenyon
College (Gambier, O.), and later
Bishop (Episcopal) of Ohio, 17
rian of Hooker's 2oth Army Corps, Chase, Salmon P., U.S. senator, origi-
340
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
nally a New Englander, associated in
Cincinnati with Bellamy Storer (q.v.),
68, n.g; criticized by J. S. Harrison
for intemperate views of the South,
148
Chattanooga (Tenn.), 292; concentra-
tion of Confederate troops at, under
Gen. Bragg (q.v.), 177, 231; becomes
Gen. Sherman's headquarters in
spring of 1864, 244; witnesses Gen.
Thomas' (q.v.) efforts to reorganize
middle Tennessee defenses against
Gen. Nathan Forrest (q.v.), 277,
n4*; 1864 provisional detachment of
Union troops at, under command of
Maj. Gen. J. B. Steedman (q.v.) t
279; evacuated by Union forces des-
tined to support Gen. Thomas
against Gen. Hood at Nashville, 280
Cheatham, B. F. f Confederate general,
joins Hood in pursuit of Schofield,
280; meets defeat while commanding
Confederates' right flank at Nash-
ville, 282-83
Chesnut, Mrs. Mary, her diary records
Southern fear of "black radical Re-
publicans," 155
Chicago (111.), highly regarded by
Harrison, 81; described in 1854 as a
"young city, having the appearance
of a village extended," 85, n-72;
wigwam welcomes 1860 Republican
national convention to, 154; Har-
rison's 1898 Lincoln Day address at,
299
Chickamauga River, linked with ru-
mored rebel offensive near Ringold
(Ga.), 242; battleground trespassed
by 7oth Ind., 244; Gen. J. B. Hood's
role at, 278
Childs, James H., graduates with Har-
rison from Miami U., and speaks on
"He is the Freeman whom the
Truth makes Free," 64
Chronicle (Washington, B.C.), reporter
for, explains why crowd at the
Grand Review held Army of the
Tennessee in high esteem, 305
Cincinnati (Ohio), 15-16, 83-84; amaz-
ing growth of, between 1805 and
1830, as "Queen City," 20; site of
Ben Harrison's apple stealing, 27;
newspapers of, supplied Ben at Mi-
ami U., 50; college of, in 1853 has
only department of law in Ohio, 67;
further and rapid growth of, be-
tween 1839 and 1850, 68, 83-84;
press lauds Harrison's baptism under
enemy fire, 253
Cincinnati College, alma mater of
John Scott Harrison, 17; has only
department of law in Ohio, 67
City Attorney (Indianapolis), office of,
1857 Republican candidacy for, of-
fered to and accepted by Harrison,
126; Harrison's election to, 127; Har-
rison's disinterest in second term as,
i3
Clay, Cassius Marcellus, attempts or-
ganization of Republican party in
Kentucky, 139; loses support of Har-
rison and other Hoosier Republi-
cans, 145
Clay, Henry, 138; America's renowned
Compromiser, 139; cited by Harri-
son during 1860 campaign, 140; 1844
campaign banner of, presented to
Gen. Paine (q.v.), 230
Claybaugh, Rev. Dr. Joseph, Presby-
terian divine and Miami U. profes-
sor, tries to "convert the sinners of
Oxford" by "revivals," 59; signs
Harrison's academic diploma, 65,
n.7o
Clayton Village (Hendricks Co., Ind.),
Harrison's celebrated 1888 address to
veterans of 7oth Ind. at, 177, njjS
Cleburne, P. R., Confederate general,
deploys forces to join Gen. Johnston
near Dalton (Ga.), 235
Clermont (Ind.), at open-air court,
Harrison earns first legal fee, 95
Cleveland, Grover, President, accom-
panies Harrison to inaugural stand,
5; fails to attend luncheon honor-
ing his presidential successor, 6: al-
legedly loses his chance to make his-
tory: "instead of striking the lion,
he kicked the donkey" in Sackville-
West affair, 8, n.io; polls larger
popular vote than Harrison in 1888
election, 10, n.i5
Clover Hill (Va.), Harrison's com-
plaint-filled missive to Carrie from,
302
Coburn, John, Union general, com-
mands brigade at Resaca (Ga.), 250;
notes active support by Harrison,
252; directs brigade at Peach Tree
Creek and supports Harrison's cele-
brated charge, 260-61; ranked with
Harrison as Indiana's "most deserv-
ing and best colonels," 287
Cockrell, Francis M., veteran senator,
INDEX
marches in Harrison's inaugural
parade, 5
Cody, William ("Buffalo Bill"), leads
Colorado cowboys at Harrison's in-
auguration, 7
Coke, Sir Edward, English jurist, Har-
rison's study of, 83
College Hill, site of Gary's Academy
(Farmers' College [q.v.]) t 31-32, 38,
44
College of South Carolina (Columbia),
48-49, n.i2
Colley, Sims, distinguished Indianapo-
lis attorney, 96
Columbia (S.C.), 294
Columbia City (Ind.), Harrison's 1864
effort to re-elect Lincoln at, 376,
n-37
Columbia University (N.Y.), 48-49,
n.i2
Columbus, Christopher, discovery of
America by, compared to Buell's
arrival at Bowling Green (Ky.), 198
Commercial (Cincinnati), called an
organ for Republican venom and
filth, 131
Commissioner for the Court of Claims
(Indianapolis), office of, Harrison's
successful quest for, 108
Compromise of 1850, cited by Harri-
son during 1860 campaign, 140
Confederate Army of Northern Vir-
ginia, object of Grant's strategy, 232
Confederate strategy, as outlined by
Gen. Hood after the fall of Atlanta,
280
Conner and Fishback, respected law
firm in Indianapolis, 171, 11.35
Cooper, William, Union private, Co.
F., 7oth Ind., punches unpatriotic
heckler and draws first blood for
regiment, 187
Copperheads, lashed by Harrison, 214;
hopes of, dashed by guns of victori-
ous Union forces, 267; described be-
fore fall of Atlanta, 272; attacked by
Harrison during 1864 campaign,
274-75; opposition to use of Negro
troops by, 276
Corinth (Miss.), Battle of, false Hoos-
ier hopes after, 176
Courtland (Ala.), Union pursuit of
Gen. Hood after Battle of Nashville
to, 284; scene of Confederate defect,
285
Cowboy Club (Denver, Colo.), rides
under Buffalo Bill (q.v.) at Cen-
tennial Inauguration, 7
341
Craighead, John P., declaims on "Pub-
lic Opinion" as his commencement
address, 64
Craighead and Browning, famed In-
dianapolis drug and chemical deal-
ers, 95, n.28
Crane and Mason, Greencastle (Ind.)
law firm, cited on Harrison's grow-
ing eminence at the Indiana bar,
108-9
Crittenden, Thomas L., Union general,
commands division of Army of the
Cumberland under Gen. Rosecrans
(q.v.), 217-18
Crook, Col. W. H., cited on Harrison's
wearing a silk hat and frock coat,
81, n-54
Cruft, Charles, Union general, assigns
Harrison to command brigade at
Chattanooga, 279; after Nashville,
recommends that Harrison be pro-
moted immediately to rank of
brigadier general, 285-86
Cumback, Will, 132, nn.go, 92
Cumberland (Md.), 168
Cumberland Gap (Tenn.), advance of
Gen. Kirby-Smith (q.v.) through,
177
Cumberland River (Tenn.), 221
Cunningham, Rev. Mr., sermon cited
in Harrison's diary, 129
Custer, George, Union general, cheered
at the Grand Review, 304
Daily Atlas (Indianapolis), pictures
Harrison as stump speaker during
1860 campaign, 143; founded by
John Defrees (q.v.), 289, n-7
Daily Citizen (Indianapolis), a short-
lived Republican paper, 136
Daily Gazette (Fort Wayne, Ind.), xvii
Daily Sentinel (Indianapolis), carries
Hilton U. Brown's (q.v.) tribute to
Harrison, 58, 11.46; attacks Lincoln
as "a theorist, a dreamer," 158-59;
battles Journal over Civil War is-
sues, 175; declares Union draft un-
constitutional, 212; spreads false re-
port that 7oth Ind. had not been
officially mustered into U.S. service,
214, n.g, 215; arouses Harrison's
wrath by editorial attacks, 220;
warns readers against the corrup-
tions of Morton and the suicidal
policy of Lincoln, 271; alleges that
342
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
John Scott Harrison would not vote
for his own son in 1864, 273
Dalton (Ga.) f area of Confederate en-
trenchment and troop consolidation
in 1864, 235; flanked by Federal
troops at, 243; 70th Ind/s advance
toward, within six miles of Confed-
eracy's finest troops, 244; Harrison
detained here because of destroyed
railroad, 279
Dancing, arraigned as sinful by Pres-
byterians and Congregationalists, 55;
Harrison's refusal to indulge in,
during camp socials, 229
Dartmouth College (Hanover, N.H.),
48-49, n.i2
Davis, Jefferson, President of the Con-
federacy, 203; calls Atlanta "vital to
the life of the Confederacy," urging
Gen. Johnston's resignation in favor
of Gen. Hood, 259
Davis, Jeff, Union general, with i4th
Army Corps participates in the
Grand Review, 307
Davis, John G., U.S. congressman, pres-
ent at Harrison-Hendricks debate,
15 1
Decatur (Term.), Federal pursuit of
Gen. Hood to, after Nashville, 284
Declaration of Independence, r61e of
Benjamin Harrison, "the Signer/' in
framing of, 14
Defrees, John, Superintendent of Pub-
lic Printing in Washington, alerts
Harrison to impending promotion to
"lone star," 287, n.2; informs
Harrison that Senate has confirmed
his brigadiership, 289; explains de-
layed delivery of commission due to
Lincoln's death, 303, n.i5; holds two
dinner parties in Harrison's honor
after the Grand Review, 309-10
Delaware Indians, original settlers in
Indianapolis area, 91
Delta Kappa Epsilon, rival of Har-
rison's fraternity at Miami U., 58,
n-45
Democratic National Convention of
1860, in Charleston (S.C.), disrupted
by walkout of Southern delegates,
146; at Baltimore and Richmond,
Southern bolters nominate a Breck-
inridge-Lane ticket, 146; see also
National Constitutional Union party
Democrats, party leaders in Indiana
become apprehensive over tariff,
banking, slavery, and immigration
issues, 115; opposition to prohibi-
tion earns them title of whiskey-
drinkers, 136; ranks hopelessly split
as result of the Buchanan-Douglas
feud, 145; bolt by Southern dele-
gates in 1860 rings death knell of
the party, 146; sense defeat at end
of 1860 Indiana state campaign, 153;
score 1862 victory in Indiana, 211;
win 7 out of 11 congressman, 213;
"Northern peace party" (q*v.)
branch of, benefits from Gen. John-
ston's delaying tactics, 259; in 1864
charge Republicans with dictator-
ship and military despotism, 271;
assail Harrison's 1864 bid for Re-
portership re-election by claiming
his own father would not vote for
him, 273
De Motte, Mark L., unsuccessfully con-
tests nomination for office of Su-
preme Court Reporter with Har-
rison, 138-39, n.23
Denison Hotel (Indianapolis), 92
Denny, Harmar, Harrison's College
classmate, becomes Jesuit priest, 59,
njji; speaks on "Poetry of Religion"
at 1852 commencement, 64
Detroit (Mich.), host city for 1888
Michigan Club banquet, hears Har-
rison speak on "Washington, the
Republican," 7
Devin, Sarah ("Sallie") Harrison, be-
lieves brother Ben is delegate to
1860 Republican National Conven-
tion, 145; see also Harrison, Sarah
Lucretia ("Sallie")
Dibble, Work and Moore, New York
business house, retains firm of Wal-
lace and Harrison, 105
Dickens, Charles, novels of, lighten
Harrison's drudgery at camp, 226
Disruption of American Democracy, by
Roy P. Nichols, cited, 115
District of Columbia, described during
1889 Centennial Inauguration, 3-5,
National Guard of, prominent dur-
ing inaugural festivities, 6
"Dixie," played by 7oth Ind/s band as
regiment reaches the Kentucky-Ten-
nessee line, 221
Dodd, William E., xxi
Dodge, Grenville M. f Union general,
r61e of his corps in Atlanta cam-
paign, 247, n.4; joins Harrison in
victory celebration at Wilmington
(N.C.), 297-98
INDEX
Dortch, Captain, Confederate leader,
and the Russellville (Ky.) episode,
199-203
Douglas, Stephen A., introduces Kan-
sas-Nebraska Bill in the Senate in
January, 1854, 118; slavery clause of,
called "bait for Southern waters" by
Congressman J. S. Harrison, 118;
claims dissolution of Whig party
would mean "civil war, servile war,
and disunion," 119; alleged by J. S.
Harrison to have "spiked the guns
of the Republicans," 130, 132; con-
troversy of, with President Buchanan
splits party, 145; nominated for
presidency by Northern Democrats,
146
Drake's Creek (Tenn.), headquarters
for 7oth Ind. while guarding rail-
road tracks between Gallatin and
Nashville, 223
Dred Scott decision, neglected issue
during 1860 state canvass in Indiana,
142
Duke, Basil W., Confederate general,
leaves account of Morgan's cavalry
raids, 191, 11.13
Dumont, Ebenezer, Union general, 223;
recruits volunteers for 70 th Ind.,
181; in November, 1862, becomes a
divisional commander, 218; delivers
a Hoosier speech to a Hoosier regi-
ment, 221
Dunning, William A., recommends
P. L. Hayworth as Harrison biog-
rapher, xx
Dustin, Daniel, Union colonel, 229,
n.84, 230
Early, Jubal, Confederate general, de-
sively defeated by Gen. Philip Sheri-
dan (q.v.), 266
East Chicago (Ind.), 89
Eaton, Betsey ("Betsy," "Bessie,"
"Betty") Harrison, Benjamin's mar-
ried half sister, corresponds with
lovesick collegian, 50-51; boards
brother Ben during his law studies,
69; sale of Cincinnati house by,
hastens Ben's marriage plans, 75; see
also Harrison, Betsey Short
Eaton, Dr. George S., marries Ben's
half sister, Betsey Short Harrison
(q.v.), 24, n.2i; welcomes Ben to
family circle, 69; sells Cincinnati
343
home in 1853, 751 moves family to
the country, 78
Eaton, Harry, son of Betsey Harrison
and George Eaton, nephew of Ben,
increases Harrison family circle to
six, 164
Edmundson, Henry A., U.S. congress-
man, verbally belabors Campbell of
Ohio (q.v.), in Nebraska Bill debate,
120
Eighth Kentucky Cavalry, under Har-
rison's command, proves successful
in Russellville (Ky.) encounter, 200-
203
Eighty-Fifth Indiana Regiment, Har-
rison's 1864 r61e as recruiting agent
for, 277
Eleventh Army Corps, under Gen.
O. O. Howard's command prior to
consolidation with 2oth Army Corps,
239-41
Eleventh Indiana Volunteer Regiment,
commanded by Col. Lew Wallace,
successfully raids Romney (Va.),
168; credited with military achieve-
ment, 168, n.26
Elliott, Charles, Greek scholar and
teacher at Miami U., 49; signs Har-
rison's college diploma, 65, n-7o
Ellis, Vespasian, editor of American
Auburn, attacks Catholicism of Fr-
mont (q.v.), 124, n.66
Emancipation Proclamation, defended
by Harrison, 275
England, denounced by collegian Har-
rison as land "of poor laws and
paupers," 63-65; see also "The Poor
of England"
Evansville (Ind.), policed by nth Indi-
ana Volunteers at outset of Civil War,
168
Everett, Edward, U.S. senator, 1860 vice-
presidential nominee with Bell on
Constitution Union ticket, 146
Farmers' College, 40-42, 47, 49, 53;
formerly Gary's Academy (q*v.), small
institution outside of Cincinnati, 29-
32; enjoys new disciplinary code
under Dr. Bishop, 34; Harrison's
academic record at, 46
Farragut, David G., Union admiral, di-
rects bombardment of New Orleans,
176; wins Battle of Mobile Bay, 266
Fayetteville (N.C.), 294
344 BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Fillmore, Millard, President, 1856
candidacy of, on American party
ticket endorsed by J. S. Harrison, 124;
supporters of, hold balance of power,
Fishback, William P. ("Pink"), writes
biographical account of Harrison at
Miami U., 53, n.26; describes Har-
rison's collegiate oratorical and de-
bating prowess, 56; as polished
speaker and quick-witted attorney,
forms law partnership with Harrison,
171; cited on Harrison's facility in ex-
temporaneous speech, 171; notes that
Ben carried responsibility heavily,
174; cares for Harrison's family and
law practice during war, 185; presents
Col. Harrison with sword as 7oth Ind.
breaks camp, 186; criticizes Lincoln
administration, 196-97; cited on
double ouster in Reportership case,
209, n.7o; castigates stay-at-homes as
traitors, 211; warns that State Su-
preme Court would remove Harrison
as Reporter, 213; voices pleasure of
Indianapolis over Harrison's promo-
tion, 289-90
Fitzpatrick, J. C., Assistant Chief, Divi-
sion of Manuscripts, Library of
Congress, xxi
Flambeau Club (Dodge City, Kans.),
sends band to Harrison's inaugura-
tion, 7
Foraker, Joseph B., Union captain,
commands Ohio troops at Centen-
nial Inauguration, 7
Ford, H. A., Union captain, credits Har-
rison with preventing a Confederate
breakthrough at Peach Tree Creek,
261; cites Ben's masterful eulogy of
Lincoln, 299, n.35
Ford, Worthington C., xxi
Forrest, Nathan B., Confederate gen-
eral, harasses Union forces in middle
Tennessee, 277, n^2; partially covers
Gen. Hood's retreat from Nashville
to the Tennessee River, 284
Fort Donelson (Tenn.), capture of, by
Grant serves to open the Mississippi,
176
Fort Fisher (N.C.), 1865 reduction of,
295, n.2i; storming of, called more
wondrous than the passage of the
Bridge of Lodi, 313
Fort Henry (Tenn.), capture of, by
Grant serves to open the Mississippi,
176; fall of, forces Buckner to aban-
don fortified area around Bowling
Green, 193
Fort Sumter (S.C.), firing on, 161; fall
of, 162, 164
Fort Washington (Cincinnati), 15
Fortieth Brigade, part of Dumont's div-
ision, under command of Col. O. A.
Miller (q*v.) t 221
Foster, John W., refuses to undertake
Harrison biography, xix
Fourteenth Army Corps, races 2oth
Army Corps to Richmond and Wash-
ington, 302; marches in the Grand
Review under command of Gen. Jeff
Davis (q.v.), 307
Franklin (Ky.), successful foray by 7oth
Ind. at, 212
Franklin (Tenn.), Battle of, eighteen
miles south of Nashville, 280-81
"Free soil, free speech, free labor and
free men," Van Buren's platform in
1848 election, 38-39
Free Soilers, coalition party which nom-
inated Van Buren for president in
1848, 38
Fremont, John Charles, 1856 presiden-
tial campaign of, affords Harrison
unexpected speaking opportunity in
Indianapolis, n; actively supported
by Harrison, 115-16; Catholicism of,
attacked by J. S. Harrison, 124; loses
to Buchanan by nearly a half-million
votes, 125; credited with a "victorious
defeat," 125-26; supported by Ken-
tucky's Cassius Clay, 139
Fry, S. S., Union general, divisional
commander, slated to join Dumont in
repairing the railroad to Nashville,
219, n.34
Fuller, Melville W., Chief Justice of
Supreme Court, administers presi-
dential oath to Harrison, 5
Fulton, steamer carrying Gen. Harrison
from New York to Hilton Head (S.C.),
290
Gadsen (Ala.), October, 1864, meeting
of Confederate council of war at, 277
Gallatin, Albert, Secretary of Treasury
under Jefferson, compared with Har-
rison, 8
Gallatin (Tenn.), captured by Confed-
erate Col. John Morgan, 191; objec-
tive of 7oth Ind. after joining Ward's
Brigade, 218, 221
G.A.R., well-represented at Harrison's
inauguration, 7
INDEX
345
Garfield, James A., President, offers
Senator-elect Harrison a cabinet post,
7; as Union general canvasses North-
ern Indiana during 1864 campaign,
270
Gary (Ind.), 89
Gazette (Cincinnati), prints extended
report of Harrison's attack on "slave
aristocracy," 147-48
Geary, John W., Union general, heads
2nd Division of 2Oth Army Corps,
232, 11.97; r61e of his command at
Battle of Peach Tree Creek, 260; in-
fantry troops led by, precede "Bum-
mer Brigade" during the Grand Re-
view, 307
Georgetown University (Washington,
D.C.), 48-49. n.i2
George Washington, First President of
the United States, volume by John
Marshall in W. H. Harrison's li-
brary, 27
Gettysburg, (Pa.), 304; battle strategy
of Unionists at, influences Gen. John-
ston's defensive plan at Resaca (Ga.),
247; record of Gen. J. B. Hood at, 278
Giddings, Joshua, R., U.S. congressman,
censured by J. S. Harrison for in-
temperateness toward the South, 148
Giesy, Mrs. Harriet Root, 25, n.27; see
also Root, Harriet
Givens, Captain, counsels Harrison on
Russellville plan of attack, 201
Glasgow (Scotland), ancestral home of
Major James Ramsey, great-great-
grandfather of Benjamin Harrison, 18
Goldsboro (N.C.), entered by Gen.
Sherman after defeating Gen. John-
ston near Bentonville (S.C.), 294, 298
Golgotha Church (Ga.), in the vicinity
of Kenesaw Mt, and the daring
charge of the 7oth Ind., 255-56
Gordon, Maj. Jonathan W., hires Har-
rison as legal aide, 95
Grand Review (Washington, D.C.), held
May 23-24, 1865; Army of the Po-
tomac marches on first day, Sherman's
men on the second, 304-8
Granger, Gordon, Union general, com-
mands reserve corps guarding rail-
road between Nashville and Chat-
tanooga, 230-31
Grant, Ulysses S., Union general, eulo-
gized by Harrison, xv; directs capture
of Forts Henry and Donelson, 176;
appointed supreme commander of
Union armies in March, 1864, 231;
fathers strategy of "campaigns in
combination," 232; supported by new
spirit of aggressiveness in the North,
234; sets April 30, 1864, as "D-Day"
for thrust against Lee, 244; delays
until May 5, 244; tactical delays of,
censured by Harrison, 272; grows im-
patient with Gen. Thomas' failure to
do battle with Gen. Hood at Nash-
ville, 282; sends Gen. John Logan
(q.v) to replace Gen. Thomas, 282,
11.67; shares Sherman's dream of unit-
ing two Union armies before Rich-
mond, 285; believes Confederacy is
doomed once Union armies are
joined, 288; envisions support against
Lee in Virginia, 289; threatens Lee at
Petersburg, 295-96; accepts Confed-
eracy's surrender at Appomattox, 297;
concludes "generous, simple" and
"brief" peace terms with Lee, and ap-
proves peace terms negotiated by
Sherman and Johnston, 301; carnage
of his forces while fighting Lee, 303;
Vicksburg (Miss.), campaign com-
pared to Napoleon's feat in crossing
the Alps, 313
"Great Lives Do Not Go Out. They Go
On," Harrison's words, later used as
his memorial inscription (University
Park, Indianapolis), xv
Greeley, Horace, newspaper editor, 68;
cited on value of Cincinnati in 1850,
68-69; welcomed in 1857 as lecturer
in Indianapolis, 136; tags 1860 Bell-
Everett ticket "The Old Gentlemen's
Party," 146
Green, William, Ohioan transplanted
from New England, associated with
Bellamy Storer (q.v.), 68, n.g
Griffiths, John L., assumes responsibility
for Harrison biography, xvii; diplo-
matic duties forestall writing, xviii;
death of, xviii; limitations of, de-
scribed by Alexander, xix; reviews
Harrison's character traits, 9, n.i2;
lauds Harrison as conversationalist,
36, 11.84
Grubbs, George W., Union major with
70th Ind., congratulates Harrison on
promotion to brigadier generalship,
287, nn.i, 3; believes "full honor" for
Harrison not far distant, 288
Gwynne, Abram, law partner of Bel-
lamy Storer, coaches Harrison in law
studies, 69
Halford, Elijah W., Union colonel,
346
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
editor, and private secretary to
President Harrison, diary of, aids
Harrison biographers, xxii
Halleck, Henry W., Union general, on
May 8, 1865, reviews Harrison's
command and other Washington-
bound troops at Richmond, 303
Halstead, Murat, ringleader in Har-
rison-Halstead crowd at Farmers'
College (q.v.), 30; converses with
Gen. Hooker on Harrison's ability
and promotion to brigadier general-
ship, 264
Hamilton, Alexander, 6; compared with
Harrison, 8
Hamilton (Ohio), Oxford County seat,
Harrison procures marriage license
at, 82
Hamilton County (Ohio), elects J. S.
Harrison (q.v.) congressman on Whig
ticket, 83
Hamlin, Hannibal, U.S. congressman
and senator, vice-presidential nom-
inee with Lincoln in 1860 election, 146
Hammond, Abram A., retiring governor
of Indiana (1861), present as Harrison
takes oath as Supreme Court Re-
porter, 156
Hammond (Ind.), 89
Hanover College (Ind.), 46, n.i
Hardee, W. J., Rifle and Light Infantry
Tactics written by, becomes "second
Bible" to Harrison, 227; as Confeder-
ate general, joins Gen. Johnston near
Dalton (Ga.), 235
Harrison, Anna Symnes (Mrs. William
Henry Harrison), grandmother of
Benjamin Harrison, assists in build-
ing Cleves Presbyterian Church, 28;
dies while grandson Benjamin is with
army in Tennessee, 312, n-42; be-
queaths husband's Congressional
Medal to John Scott Harrison, re-
questing it be given to Benjamin after
the Civil War, 312; see also Symnes,
Anna
Harrison, Anna Symnes, younger sister
of Benjamin, 24; affirms financial dis-
tress of her father, 42; chides Ben and
Irwin for cigar smoking, 44; learns
Ben's routine as law student, 70;
nobility and generosity of, 102, n.47;
attends school away from home, 128;
comes to Indianapolis in 1860 to con-
gratulate Ben on his political victory,
'53
Harrison, Archibald Irwin, first-born of
the John Scott Harrisons, older
brother of Benjamin, 19, n.54, 25; at-
tends Farmers' College (q.v.), 22, 29;
missed by family, 41-42; attacked by
dysentery, 45; remains in very in-
different health, 74; rests at "The
Point" farm, 75, 102; hauls wheat to
Lawrenceburg, 102, n-47; accepts army
commission from President Pierce
(q.v.), 128; receives captain's commis-
sion, 128, 11.82; indicts Republicanism
while serving in Kansas Territory
129; inquires about new arrivals at
Harrison home in Indianapolis, 133;
serves with Lew Wallace (q.v.) and
nth Ind. Vol. Reg. as lieutenant, 168;
promoted to captain, 169, 246; write:
to Ben in South Carolina, detailing
news of Indianapolis, 296-97
Harrison, Benjamin, as English emi
grant in 1632, settles in Virginia, 12-
13, nn.25, 26
Harrison, Benjamin, "the Signer/
writes important chapter in earl]
American history, 13-14; death of, ir
1791 leaves family fortunes at lov
ebb, 14
Harrison, Benjamin, President, statu*
of, in Indianapolis, xv; his epitaph
xv; inaugurated, March 4, 1889, a
23d and Centennial President of th<
United States, 3-7; family name cele
brated in American history, 4-5; re
views inaugural parade with Vice
President Morton, 6-7; physical char
acteristics of, 7, 22; background a
lawyer, soldier, and legislator, 8
independence as U.S. senator recalled
9; in 1889 faces complex problems a
home and abroad, 9-10; roots of char
acter cultivated amid pioneer sur
roundings, 10-11; attitude on distin
guished ancestry (". . . every mai
should stand on his own merits"), 1 1
will to fight seen in the 1892 renomi
nation, 12; family ties with colonia
Virginia, 13-14; knew well the r61
of his great-grandfather, "the Signer,
who served as Virginia's governo
(1781-1784) and Speaker of the Hous
of Burgesses (1785), 14; inherits leg
acy of his grandfather, William Henr
Harrison (q.v.), "Child of the Revc
lution," who embraced a militar
and political career and died a pres
dent, 14-16; serious-mindedness c
his father, John Scott Harrison (q.v.
sets tone at "The Point" (q.v.), th
family farm at North Bend, Ohio, 16
INDEX
18; inherits strong religious convic-
tions from his mother, Elizabeth Ir-
win Harrison (q-v.), 18; is second-
born in family of nine, first wail
heard on August 20, 1833, 1 9'* wit-
nesses pioneer parade along the Ohio,
20-21; grows chubby, blond, and
square-shouldered, engaging in
schoolboy sports, 22-23; his daily
routine described by Butterworth, 23;
begins education under a tutor in
primitive surroundings, 25; regarded
as "brightest of the family," 25; his
learning facilitated by grandparents
and their library, 26-27; steals apples
during 1840 campaign, 27; influenced
by Sabbath customs at North Bend,
28; learns importance of prayer from
his mother, 29; attends Farmers' Col-
lege, 29-30; consorts with fellow
freshmen Halstead, Nixon, and Mc-
Nutt, 30-31; develops severe classical
style of writing and speaking, 33;
recalls value of early schooling, 34-
35; becomes close student of social
philosophy, 36-38; writes essay on
"The Qualifications Necessary to
Form A Good Historian," 38; assails
Van Buren's candidacy in 1848, 39;
prefers history to novel reading, 39-
40; at 16, writes essay on patriotism,
40-41; delivers practice sermon on
need to contemplate "heavenly
things," 41; anticipates joy of Christ-
mas at home, 42-43; guilty of college
misdemeanors, 43-44; deeply affected
by mother's death in 1850, 45; family
finances in 1850 determine his matric-
ulation at Miami University, "Yale
of the West," 46-47; at Miami U.
(Oxford, O.), renews acquaintance
with Dr. J. W. Scott and "charming"
daughter Carrie, 47-48; enrolls as
Miami U. junior in 1850, 48; finds
discipline strict and studies demand-
ing, 49; forms fast friendship with
John Anderson (#.#.), 50, 53; ex-
changes letters with family at "The
Point," 50-51; influenced by paternal
advice that "no man can serve two
masters," 51-52; with David Swing
and Milton Saylor, is regarded as one
of "three brightest men of the col-
lege," 52; tries boarding house, then
college dormitory, 53; chided by
family for cigar smoking, 53-54; with
Carrie Scott, re-experiences the stir-
rings of love, 54-55; as "the pious
347
moonlight dude" courts Carrie, 55;
joins Union Literary Society to aid his
study, public speaking, and debating,
55-5 6 ; favors a temperance move-
ment, 57; elected president of Union
Literary Society and makes plea for
better "extemporaneous speaking,"
57-58; affiliates with Phi Delta Theta,
and serves as its secretary in senior
year, 58; joins Presbyterian Church,
59-60; promises to enter the ministry,
61; grows lovesick over Carrie Scott,
but maintains academic standing, 60-
61; weighs respective advantages ot
law, ministry, or physics careers, 61-
62; settles on legal profession, offer-
ing a defense for lawyers, 62-63; ob-
tains A.B. degree, is third commence-
ment day speaker with topic "The
Poor of England," 63-64; leaves
college well-equipped and praised,
65; discusses future with his father,
66; reads law in Cincinnati offices of
Storer and Gwynne, 67-68; boards in
home of half sister, Betsey Eaton
(q.v.), 69; consistent application to
study pleases Bellamy Storer, 69; cau-
tioned against overwork by family and
friends, 70-71; joins Library Associ-
ation and continues Phi Delta Theta
activities, 71; separated from Carrie
Scott, becomes impatient suitor, 72;
contemplates early marriage as bene-
fit to Carrie and solace to himself,
73; while hunting, mulls over twin
problems of love and law, 73-74; de-
cides on marriage within six months,
wins father's blessing before visiting
Carrie's relatives in the east, 74; pro-
posed nuptials meet strong objections
from old roommate with argument:
"Hard cash buys! Where will it come
from?" 75-76; internal conflict in-
creases, 77-79; on 2oth birthday
makes decision to marry Carrie irre-
vocable, 79-80; shows himself stoic
in pre-nuptial shopping spree by
selecting all-black outfit, 81; envisions
law practice in Chicago after mar-
riage, 81-82; weds Carrie on August
20, 1853, with bride's father, Dr. J.
W. Scott (q.v.), officiating, 82; after
legal studies, gains admission to the
Ohio bar, 83-84; weighs advantages
of migrating to Chicago or staying in
Cincinnati, 84-85; receives warm wel-
come on visit to Indianapolis, 85;
decides to make his way in the Hoos-
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
ier capital, 86-87; with wife Carrie,
leaves "The Point" for Indianapolis,
88-89; impressed by "plain and
wholesome kind of life" in Indian-
apolis, 91; begins firm and long
friendship with Dr. and Mrs. Kit-
chen, 92; discouraged by slow and
unremunerative law practice, 93-94;
loneliness and idleness stalk his path,
94-95; pockets first fee, a $5 gold
piece, 95; wins invitation to assist
prosecuting attorney of Marion Co.,
96-97; gains verdict in "Point Look-
out" case, 96-97; success as assistant
City Attorney is acknowledged by
Gov. Wright, 97; names first child
after his brother-in-law, Russell F.
Lord, 98; pens first "My dear wife"
letter, 99-100; efficiency with domestic
chores, 100-101; hangs out shingle in
State Bank Bldg., 101; with only two
dollars in pocket, writes second "My
dear wife" letter, 102; experiences
effects of 1854 depression, 103-4;
forms partnership with William Wal-
lace, 104-5; enjoys quick success with
varied practice, including divorce
cases, 106-7; in l8 55 becomes notary
public and Commissioner for the
Court of Claims, 108; resists pressure
to move practice from Indianapolis,
109; shares in local enthusiasm for
politics and religion, 110-11; be-
comes associated with First Presby-
terian Church, being elected deacon,
then elder, 112-13; with wife assumes
responsibility of teaching Sunday
School, 113; enjoys church socials,
especially oyster suppers, 114; joins
new Republican party and campaigns
for Fremont, 115; reproached by
family for political beliefs, 116;
undergoes political apprenticeship
with father in Congress, 116-17;
warned that "none but knaves should
ever enter the political arena," 117;
gets firsthand report on Douglas'
Kansas-Nebraska Bill 118-20; con-
centrates on law for livelihood, 121;
enters politics and delivers first stump
speech at Acton, 122; straddles slav-
ery question but finally adopts Re-
publican anti-slavery view, 122-23;
breaks politically with his father,
123-24; despite embarrassment, de-
dares himself "Fremont all over and
all the time," 125; unshaken by the
"Pathfinder's" defeat, heeds party's
call and runs for City Attorney of-
fice, 126; achieves easy victory and
nourishes political ambitions, 128;
effects partial reconciliation with
family, 128-29; makes 1858 New
Year's resolution to stop use of tobac-
co "in every form," 129; is considered
as candidate for state legislature, 130-
31; refuses race to accept post as Sec-
retary of Republican State Central
Committee, 131-32; at 25, makes
valuable political contacts and learns
organizational procedure, 133; an-
nounces birth of second-born, Mary
("Mamie"), 133; renews commission
as notary public for four years, 134;
sees Indianapolis dividing into op-
posing camps over slavery issue, 135-
36; quits as party secretary and seeks
office of Supreme Court Reporter,
136-37; wins nomination after vig-
orous fight, 138-39; receives father's
congratulations, 139; chided for com-
plimenting Cassius Clay, an "ultra
anti-slavery" man, 139; displeased by
vagueness of state party platform on
problem of slavery extension, 140;
calls himself a disciple of Henry Clay
and Daniel Webster, 140-41; at
Lebanon makes first speech of 1860
state canvass, 141-44; openly espouses
Republicanism, 144; follows Repub-
lican National Convention (Chicago)
in Indianapolis press, 144-45; calls
Buchanan-Douglas controversy the
death knell of Democratic party, 145-
46; vigorously attacks John Bell, 147;
at Lawrenceburg assails "slave
oligarchy and slave aristocracy," 147;
is severely rebuked by father, John
Scott Harrison, 147-48; reforms stump
tactics, avoiding "blackguardism,"
148-49; canvasses "pocket district,"
chalking up stump victories over
Turpie and Hendricks, 150-52; first
major Hoosier campaign evokes
memories of grandfather, 152-53; in
October wins Reportership with 10,-
ooo majority, 153; helps Lincoln carry
Indiana by 25,000 votes, 154; sworn
in as Supreme Court Reporter (Jan.,
1861), 156; stands with party on seces-
sion issue, 157; remains optimistic
over Lincoln despite "Sphinx from
Springfield" tag, 158-59; views of, on
Lincoln, 159; joins in Indianapolis
welcome to President-elect at Bates
House, 160; records his impressions of
Lincoln, 160-61; while editing Su-
preme Court Reports, hears news of
firing on Fort Sumter, 161; Sumter's
fall marks his difficult hour, 162; de-
cision to remain at Indianapolis taxes
his discretionary powers, 163; in
April, 1861, conflict of patriotic and
domestic duties resolved in favor of
home and family, 164-65; borrows
money from Albert G. Porter, 165;
stay-at-home decision confirmed by
Indiana's over-subscription to Lin-
coln's first call for volunteers, 165;
overwork brings rebuke from father,
understanding silence from wife, 166;
finds Reporter's r61e is dual: as civil
servant and private businessman, 166-
67; confesses shortcomings in family
life, 167; grieved by loss of third child
at birth, 167-68; cheered by reports
of success of nth Indiana Reg. at
Romney (Va.), 168; derives personal
satisfaction from military record of
relatives, 168-69; counsels brother-in-
law Henry Scott, 169-70; welcomes
brother-in-law, broken in health, to
family circle and to law office, 170-
71; dissolves six-year law partnership
with William Wallace (q.v.), 171;
forms new firm, Harrison and Fish-
back, 171; legal acumen of, praised by
Fishback and Wallace, 172; gains
status within Republican party, 172;
ascendancy of law firm, 173; publishes
and sells Vols. 15, 16 of Indiana Re-
ports, 173; buys house and property
from Albert G. Porter, 173-74; notes
war going poorly for the Union, 174-
75; learns early Union successes dissi-
pated by Gen. McGlellan's inactivity,
176-77; with Wallace pays political
visit to Gov. Morton, 178; offer to
raise regiment in Indianapolis ac-
cepted, 179-80; is commissioned sec-
ond lieutenant, 180; signs Wallace as
first recruit, 180; breaks news to Car-
rie, 180-81; promoted to captaincy
after two weeks of active recruitment,
181-84; secures deputy Reporter and
accepts full colonelcy of new yoth
Ind., 185; is presented with a sword
and flags, 185-87; leads troops to
Kentucky front, 187-88; receives
orders to proceed to Louisville, then
to Bowling Green (Ky.), 189; amazed
by "secesh" mentality, 190; becomes
aware of Confederate design on
northern cities, 191-92; spikes false
INDEX 349
report of harm to his command, 192;
concentrates on tactics and drill, 193-
94; acquires reputation as strict dis-
ciplinarian, 194-95; punishes misuse
of whiskey by rough handling and
guardhouse, 195-96; welcomes wife's
first visit to camp, 196; grows gloomy
over "news from the Potomac/* 195-
97; envisions a quick Union victory
under McClellan and Providence,
197-98; despairs of "little Mac," 198;
described as homesick colonel of a
homesick regiment, 199; directs ma-
neuver against Confederates at Rus-
sellville (q.v.) after reconnaissance,
gains first triumph, 200-202; out-
witted by smooth-talking Southern
lady, 202-7; fails to capture the
marauding Morgan, 207-8; ousted
from Supreme Court Reporter post,
208-9; writes philosophical letter to
wife, 209; learns maturity and pa-
tience through disappointment, 210;
charges Hoosier Democrats with
"fanning the fire in the rear," 210-
11; runs afoul of Southern sympa-
thizers in Indianapolis, 212; ouster
from Reportership turns chagrin into
anger, 213; stifles Copperhead snip-
ing within his regiment, 214; his
presidency predicted by Gen. E, A.
Paine, 214; tries to remedy regiment's
inactivity, 215; states readiness to
meet enemies at home and in the
South "with bloody hands and hos-
pitable graves," 215; soldierly zeal
defended by Capt. Henry Scott (q.v.),
216; pleased by appointment of Gen.
Rosecrans to command Army of the
Cumberland, 217; visited second time
by Carrie, 217; marches regiment to
Scottsville (Ky.), then to Gallatin
(Tenn.), 218; self-sacrifice of, on the
march boosts morale of yoth Ind.,
219; disclaims any ambition for high
command, 220; victim of ptomaine
poisoning, 220; styles Indianapolis
opponents "miserable egotistic fools,"
220; leads regiment across Kentucky-
Tennessee line, 222; describes first
Thanksgiving Day in camp, 222; ad-
vocates "fight and go home" policy,
222-23; accuses Gen. Rosecrans of
"sheerest madness" for detailing 70th
Ind. to guard duty, 223; on Christ-
mas writes to Came and his chil-
dren, 224; misses engagement at
Stone River (Tenn.), 224; encour-
35<>
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
aged by Bragg's evacuation of Mur-
freesboro (Tenn.), 225; reads novels
in camp, 226; begins systematic study
of tactics and refuses a provost mar-
shalship, 226-28; temporarily shuns
social life of camp, 229; welcomes
two visits from Carrie in 1863, 230;
directs "scavenger" duty under Gen.
Granger's reserve corps, 231; as-
sumes temporary command of bri-
gade, 231; joins "Fighting Joe"
Hooker in new 20th Army Corps,
232; leads his brigade to Lookout
Valley, 233; maneuvers troops
through mountainous terrain of
Georgia, 235; impresses Eastern sol-
diers, 236; attacks Gen. Ward for
tactical blunders and heavy drinking,
236-38; confides complaints to Car-
rie, 237-39; recalls "region of dead
mules" (q.v.) en route to Wauhatchie
(Tenn.), 238; praised by Gen. O. O.
Howard near Lookout Mountain,
238-39; works "like a beaver," feel-
ing as if "I had a character to make,"
239; lauds Gen. Howard as "a very
decided Christian and a total ab-
stinence man," 240; depressed by
Hooker's succeeding Howard, 241;
unfavorably impressed by "Fighting
Joe" Hooker, 241; comes to like
Hooker, 242; pleads guilty to over-
ambition, 242; explains Union strat-
egy to his wife, 243; while moving
troops across Chickamauga battle-
ground towards Buzzard's Roost
(Ga.), captures "prisoners, arms,
horses," 244; leads regiment through
Snake Creek Gap to face enemy at
Resaca (Ga.), 244-45; writes battle-
eve letter to Carrie, 244-45; leads
assault on rebel battery guarding
Resaca approach, 248; reports enemy
sharpshooters "most provokingly ac-
curate," 248; curses Ward's leader-
ship as "stupid and maudlin/' 249;
rallies troops and successfully storms
enemy fort, 249-50; replaces wounded
Gen. Ward as brigade commander,
251-52; praises heroic troops and
grieves for the slain, 252; lauded by
Gens. Hooker and Sherman, 252-53;
christened "Little Ben" by his men,
253; receives testimonials from home
front, 253; in one month surpasses
battle records of two Presidents
(William Henry Harrison, Andrew
Jackson), 254; seizes chance to be-
come a fighting soldier rather than
a textbook colonel, 254; notches
twin triumphs at New Hope Church
and Golgotha Church, 254-55; as-
sumes role of surgeon for wounded,
255-56; moves brigade from Mari-
etta to within ten miles of Atlanta,
256-57; notes ski11 of J oe Johnston,
257-58; defends Sherman against
critics, 258; brandishes cold steel in
victory at Peach Tree Creek, 258-62;
hears Hooker's promise: "Harrison,
by God, I'll make you a Brigadier
for this fight," 262; on 3151 birthday,
writes letter revealing homesickness,
263-64; disassociates himself from
Caesar and Napoleon, 264; on Sep-
tember 2, 1864, writes Carrie that
"Atlanta is ours," 264-65; takes fur-
lough for first visit to Indianapolis,
265; conditionally accepts nomina-
tion for State Supreme Court Re-
porter, 267-68; en route to Indian-
apolis, emerges a "shooting hero"
aboard ship on the Ohio River, 268-
69; finds himself a stranger amid
"new and eloquent buildings" in In-
dianapolis, 269-70; stumps state for
Reportership and re-election of Lin-
coln, 270-73; mixes recruiting with
politics, 272; on the stump fights
fire with fire, 273; regains Report-
ership by 20,000 votes, 274; assails
Copperhead espousal of state sover-
eignty as a "dangerous heresy," 274-
75; defends Lincoln's progress as
"the progress of the people," 275;
outlines benefits of Emancipation
Proclamation, 275-76; supports Lin-
coln's re-election by attacking Mc-
Clellan, 276; is eager to resume Re-
portership duties, 277; returns to
active duty, 277-78; sees brigadier's
star on the horizon, 278; tries to re-
join his command at Atlanta, 279;
sidetracked at Dalton (Ga.) and
ordered to Chattanooga (Tenn.) to
command brigade under Gen.
Charles Cruft, 279; marches to Nash-
ville to re-enforce Gen. Thomas,
280; speculates on promotion, 281;
erects and fortifies a breastwork
along Gen. Thomas' front line, 282;
penetrates Confederate battery at
Nashville, 283; futilely pursues re-
treating foe, 284-85; after brief fur-
INDEX
35 1
lough, ordered to rejoin Gen. Sher-
man at Savannah, 285; commended
as "excellent officer" by Gen. Cruft,
285-86; earns hometown plaudits
and assurance of brigadier's star,
287; ends furlough with family va-
cation in the east, 288; is victim of
scarlet fever at Honesdale (Pa.), 289;
promoted to brigadier general while
convalescing, 289; accepts congratu-
lations from father and Hoosier
friends, 290; sails for Hilton Head
(S.C.) to rejoin Sherman's command,
290; superintends oyster expedition
near Blair's Landing (S.C.), 290-91;
joins Gen. Prince's staff at Camp
Sherman, 291; detained in routine
administration and troop training,
292-93; failure to receive wife's let-
ters increases despondency, 293; re-
solves to mend ways in postwar fam-
ily life, 294; loathes confinement in
South Carolina swamps, 295; prefers
"conquering columns" and "fear of
the Lord" to peace negotiations,
295-96; boards Champion for Wil-
mington (N.C.), 296-97; upon dock-
ing learns of Richmond's fall and
Lee's surrender, 297; joins Gens.
Hawley and Dodge in victory cele-
bration, 297-98; rejoins old com-
mand, 298; stunned by Lincoln's as-
sassination, and delivers eulogy at
camp memorial services, 298-99; cor-
dially welcomed at Raleigh (N.C.),
300; enjoys wife's letters, 300; during
peace negotiations guards against a
Southern troop withdrawal, 301;
makes hard nine-day march from
Raleigh to Richmond, 301-2; read-
ies weary troops for review by Gen.
Halleck (g.v.), 303; first sees his
brigadier general's commission at
Richmond, 303; shocked by sight of
death-strewn battlefields near Spot-
sylvania and Chancellors ville, 303-4;
arrives at Alexandria (Va.) and pre-
pares for "the grandest military
parade this country will ever see,"
304; at the Grand Review notes:
"We took the shine off the Army of
the Potomac and in marching alto-
gether excelled them," 306; in final
brigade report attributes Union vic-
tory to the versatility of Yankee
character, 306-7; during review,
keeps one eye on the "Bummers"
(q.v.), the other on the crowd, 308;
hailed by name and church about
twenty times during the review, 308;
manifests impatience at routine de-
lay in mustering-out procedure, 308-
9; shuns both Washington social life
and the trial of Lincoln's conspira-
tors, 309-10; plans on reaching home
to make himself "a spiritual model
of a proper husband and family
man," 310; accepts three dinner in-
vitations, 310-11; pockets official dis-
charge papers on June 8, 1865, 311;
rolls into Indianapolis after extended
train and boat travel, 312; welcomed
by family, press, and Gov. Morton,
313; pays tribute to Hoosiers buried
in Southern soil, 314; his references
to Resaca received with solemn si-
lence, 315; predicts that men of the
7oth Ind. and other veterans will
make themselves felt in politics and
business, 315; chosen Fourth-of-July
orator, 315; alone with Carrie and
the future, 315-17
Harrison, Betsey ("Betsy," Bessie,"
"Betty") Short, half sister of Benja-
min, 18, n.5O, 24; marries Dr. George
S. Eaton, 24, n.2i, 25; discovers
brothers smoking long cigars, 44;
see also Eaton, Betsey Harrison
Harrison, Caroline ("Carrie") Scott,
wife of Benjamin, diary discovered,
xxiii; prepares for move to Indian-
apolis, 87; notes initial hospitality
of Hoosier neighbors, 92; returns to
Oxford during first pregnancy, 93-
94; son born to, ten days before
Ben's 2ist birthday, 98; absence from
home evokes touching letter from
husband, 99-100; regrets Ben's pre-
occupation with work, 108; displays
charm and leadership in church af-
fairs, 113; prefers social gatherings
to newspaper reading, 114; hus-
band's provision for, 121; contrib-
utes to reconciliation between John
Scott Harrison and Ben, 128; on
April 3, 1858, gives birth to second
child, Mary ("Mamie"), 133; in ad-
vanced pregnancy as Civil War be-
gins, 164; understands husband's
tendency to overwork, 165; com-
pared to Mary Owens, Lincoln's pa-
tient wife, 166; third child dies at
birth, 167; opposes enlistment of
brother, Henry Scott, 169; bravely
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
cepts Ben's decision to volunteer,
10-81; spends restless nights as hus-
ind nears front, 187; receives Ben's
tters from camps at Louisville and
jwling Green (Ky.), 189-95; visits
;n at Bowling Green, 196; antici-
ites quick Union victory, 197-98;
ads Ben's battle-eve missive, 200;
addened by victory at Russellville
.y.), 202, 207; angered by Ben's
ss of Reportership, 213; pays sec-
id visit to Ben at Bowling Green
k y.) camp, 217; enjoys letters from
e Tennessee front, 222-25; learns
impending Atlanta campaign,
2-43; cherishes Ben's battle-eve
tter from Resaca (May 14, 1864),
5-46; is seriously ill, 263; spirits
'ted by Ben's letter written on his
st birthday, 263-64; considers the
nion recruiting problem, 272-73;
January, 1865, takes "second
meymoon" with Ben and children,
18; her letters fail to reach Ben in
>uth Carolina, 293; learns his plan
r happier home life, 294; pre-
rves rosebud sent by Ben from
>uth Carolina, 296; letters from,
ach Ben at Raleigh, 300; priority
Ben's affection for, noted, 312;
kes children to depot to welcome
ieir father, 313; thrilled by Ben's
Dmecoming address, 314; carries
ueprint of future happiness in
>th heart and purse, 315-17; see
so Scott, Caroline ("Carrie")
rison, Carter Bassett, younger
other of Benjamin, 24; desires fire-
arks for Christmas present, 43,
112; leaves home for school, 128;
inefitted by Ben's gifts and loans,
14; attack of scarlet fever recalled,
n>, n.9
rison, Elizabeth Irwin (Mrs. John
ott Harrison), Benjamin's mother,
;; writes to Ben on his first absence
om home, 29; grieved by death of
mnger son, Findlay, 42, n.m; ex-
erts Ben and Carter to lead re-
'onsible lives, 43; untimely death
, in 1850, 22, 44; maternal ex-
station of, against cigar smoking
called, 54; see also Irwin, Elizabeth
rison, James Findlay, brother of
snjamin, dies in infancy, 24, n.22,
:, n.ui
rison. lame** Trwin. vnnnow hrnth-
er of Benjamin, dies in infancy, 24,
n.22
Harrison, John Scott, father of Benja-
min and son of William Henry
Harrison, birth, character, and ca-
reer of, 16-18; draws livelihood from
loo-acre farm, "The Point" (q.v.),
20-2 1; suffers financial embarrass-
ments, 21-22; assumes guardianship
of two minors, 24; employs tutors
for his children, 25-26; plans to
send Ben to one "of the yankee
colleges," 26, 47; enrolls two sons in
Farmers* College (q.v.), 29-30; bat-
tles continual financial pressure, 42;
outlines spiritual program for son
at college, 43; allows Ben's matricu-
lation at Miami U. (q.v.), 46; hard-
hit by 1850 depression, 51; advises
Ben on collegiate life, 51-52; de-
sires Ben "to live off the fat of Ox-
ford" foodwise, 53; censures Ben for
cigar smoking, 53-54; admonishes
son that spiritual fidelity alone "ob-
tains the victory," 60; revered as
Justice of the Peace of Miami Town-
ship, 66; appointed member of
Hamilton County Board of Control,
67; elected as Whig to 33d Congress,
67, 116; approves Ben's trip with
Carrie to visit Eastern relatives, 74-
75; accompanies under-age son to
procure marriage license, 82, n.s8;
notes lonesomeness in Congress, 84;
assures son that family name is "in-
troduction enough" to Hoosierdom,
86; promises Ben and Carrie $500 gift
on leaving home, 88; aids newlyweds
financially, 94-95, 96, n.2g; styles
grandson Russell "one of the hand-
somest infants I ever saw," 98-99;
secures Ben's appointment as Com-
missioner for the Court of Claims,
108; feels son "all too strongly tinc-
tured with Republicanism," 116;
censures Republicans by joining
American party, 116; instructs son
in art of practical politics, 116-19;
compiles nearly-perfect attendance
record in Congress, 117; loses fight
to block Nebraska Bill (q.v.), but
gains wide political recognition, 120-
21; mentioned as presidential candi-
date in 1856, 121; spikes own presi-
dential boom, 121; offered third
party gubernatorial candidacy in
loo- Hitf*rlv rm
"NT P
Banks' (q.v.) election as Speaker of
the House, 123; breaks politically
with Ben, 123-24; regards Republi-
can Congressional course as "extra-
ordinary and almost revolutionary,"
124; attacks Fremont's Catholicism
during 18156 campaign, 124; repeat-
edly castigates Republican party,
126; shocked by son's decision to
run for office of City Attorney on
Republican ticket, 127; leaves Con-
gress and seeks political reconcilia-
tion with Ben, 128; gratified by
Ben's nomination for Supreme Court
Reportership, 139; in 1860 supports
Constitutional Union party (q.v.),
146-47; criticizes Ben's intemperate-
ness during 1860 canvass, 147; de-
fends Southern friends, 148; lauds
Ben for intellectual honesty, 149;
congratulates Ben on 1860 victory,
153; expresses belief in Seward's
ability to avert civil strife, 156, n.gi;
warns son that overwork makes a
man "unsocial and morose," 166;
sympathizes with Ben and Carrie
on their baby's death, 167-68; ranks
son politically as "strongest and
most influential," 172; is skeptical of
all Republicans, including Lincoln,
175-76; voices pride in Ben's rec-
ord at Resaca (Ga.), 253; cited by
press as hostile to son's candidacy,
273; overjoyed by son's promotion to
brigadier general, 290; welcomes
Ben's return to civilian pursuits, 312
Harrison, John Scott, Jr., younger
brother of Benjamin, 24-25; calls
Ben "only Republican in the fam-
ily," 116; attends school away from
home, 128; lives with Ben and Car-
rie during studies in Indianapolis,
i6 4
Harrison, Mary Jane Irwin ("Jennie"),
younger sister of Benjamin, 24-25;
judges letter-writing improper on
the Sabbath, 28, n.44; describes pov-
erty at home. 42; welcomes Carrie
Scott to family circle, 60; chides
Ben for failing "to care for his
health," 61; reconciles her father
and brother, 128; regards Mamie as
"a perfect little beauty," 133; bene-
fits by brother's financial aid, 164,
246; attack of scarlet fever as a
child recalled, 290, 11.9; see also
Morris, Jennie Harrison
INDEX 353
Harrison, Mary L., daughter of Benja-
min and Carrie, born April 3, 1858,
affectionately called "Mamie," 133;
164
Harrison, Mary Lord, second wife of
Benjamin; her disappointment at
J. L. Griffiths' death, xviii; searches
for new Harrison biographer, xviii;
deposits Harrison's papers in Li-
brary of Congress, xx; appoints
A. T. Volwiler official biographer
of Harrison, xxi; cited as compiler
of Harrison's addresses and writings,
34. n-76
Harrison, Russell B., son of Benjamin
and Carrie, 100, 121, 164; attends
Centennial Inauguration, 16; born
August 12, 1854, at Oxford, Ohio,
98; early illnesses, 102
Harrison, Sarah Lucretia ("Sallie"),
half sister of Benjamin, 18, 11.50, 24,
128, 145, n-49; marries Thomas J.
Devin, 24, n.2i; enforces strict Sun-
day observance, 28, n4j; describes
Christmas at "The Point," 42-43;
reports family's delight at Ben's join-
ing the Presbyterian Church, 59; wel-
comes Carrie Scott into the family,
60, n-s6
Harrison, William Henry ("Old Tip-
pecanoe"), grandfather of Benjamin,
general, and hero of Tippecanoe,
inaugurated as gth President, 4, n.2;
1841 inaugural of, recalled, 6; suc-
ceeds Democratic president, 11;
called "Child of the Revolution,"
14; monument at North Bend
(Ohio), 15-16; in 1817, awards West
Point appointment to David Wal-
lace (q.v.), 17; puts library at Ben's
disposal, -26; during 1840 campaign
protects grandson, 27; aids in the
erection of Cleves Presbyterian
Church, 28; mentioned, 74; blesses
adopted daughter's marriage to
William Sheets (q.v.) r 86; befriends
the William Wallace (q.v.) family,
96, n.2g; hailed as Whig party lead-
er, 120-21; log-cabin campaign of
1840, 142; memory invoked to deter
Ben from expressing radical view,
148; mentioned during Civil War
speech, 230; military record of, over-
shadowed by grandson, 254; see
also "Old Tippecanoe"
Harrison, William Henry, half brother
of Benjamin, dies in infancy, 18,
n-50
354
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Harrison and Fishback, 1861 law firm,
replaces earlier Wallace and Har-
rison (q.v.) partnership, 171; gains
high rating in Indianapolis, 173;
business entrusted to Fishback alone
during the war, 185
Harrison and Morton Clubs, Negro
political groups from Virginia honor
Harrison at inaugural parade, 7
Harryman, Samuel K., aids Gen. W. T.
Ward in teaching tactics, 228
Hart, Judge, John Scott Harrison's
financial adviser, 22
Hart, Samuel H., serves as attorney
Harrison's Cincinnati reference, 101,
"45
Hartranft, John F., Union general,
commands Pennsylvania National
Guard at 1889 inauguration, 7
Harvard University, 48-49, n.i2; Ben's
proposed enrollment at, 26
Harvey, Jonathan, political trickery of,
scored by W. P. Fishback (q.v.), 209,
n.7o
Hawley, Joseph R., Union general,
commander of the Wilmington
(N.C.) district, greets Harrison, 297;
destined for U.S. Senate, 298
Hawley, Mrs. Joseph R., 297
Hayworth, Paul Leland, suggested as
Harrison biographer, xx
"Heart of Hoosierdom," Harrison's
name for Indianapolis, 109
Helper, Hinton Rowan, author of
The Impending Crisis of the South:
How to Meet It, known and read in
Indiana, 135
Hendricks, Thomas A., U.S. congress-
man and senator, accepts Indiana
1860 Democratic gubernatorial nomi-
nation, 137; conducts vigorous cam-
paign, 144; encounters Harrison on
the stump, 150-52; prowess and
cunning of, recalled by Harrison,
151, n.6g
Henry, Patrick, regarded by Harrison
as a model orator, 58
Herald (New York), 290
Herald and Enterprise (Russellville,
Ky.), contains account of Union sur-
prise attack at Russellville, 200-207
"Hero of the Battle of Peach Tree
Creek," title bestowed upon Har-
rison by Capt. H. A. Ford (q.v.) t
261, n.53
"Higher law" doctrine, associated with
Lincoln and Seward, 153
Hilton Head (S.C.), Sherman's post-
Atlanta headquarters, 288, 290, 295-
96
Hoar, George Frisbee, veteran U.S.
senator, officiates at Harrison's in-
auguration, 5
Holliday, John H., recalls Indianapo-
lis reaction to firing on Fort Sumter,
162, n.2
Honesdale (Pa.), visited in 1853 by
Carrie Scott, 73; scene of pre-nup-
tial entertaining, 74; origin of false
rumor of Ben's marriage to Carrie,
74-75; home of Lord family, hosts
to the Harrisons in 1865, 288; here
Harrison succumbs to scarlet fever,
289-90
Hood, John B., Confederate general,
collaborates with Gen. Johnston
(q.v.) and consolidates Southern
forces near Dalton (Ga.), 235; suc-
ceeds Gen. Johnston as Confederate
commander, announcing a "fight
Sherman now-or-never policy," 259;
unfolds plan to knife Sherman's
lines at Peach Tree Creek, 260;
characterization of, by West Point
classmates, 260, n.5i; regarded by
Harrison as easy prey, 272; confers
with Gen. Beauregard (q-v.) in
effort to re-establish Confederate
lines, 278; daredeviltry of, detailed,
278; plans 1864 counter-offensive in
Tennessee, 279-80; swears to avenge
tactical humiliation, 280; sustains
heavy losses during Battle of Frank-
lin (Tenn.), 280; his last-ditch stand
at Nashville, 283
Hooker, Joseph T., Union general,
212, n.i; commands new 2oth Army
Corps, 232; earns sobriquet "Fight-
ing Joe," 232, n.gG; battles foe
"above the clouds," 239; doubts
Gen. Howard's military abilities,
240; appreciates Harrison's compe-
ency, 242; in command at Tunnell
Hill and Rocky Face Ridge (Ga.),
245; assumes offensive in Atlanta
campaign, 248; reports Harrison's
Resaca charge as "very brilliant and
successful," 252; finds New Hope
Church (Ga.) a veritable "hell hole,"
254; commends Harrison for Peach
Tree Creek heroism and promises
him brigadier's star, 262; called
"Uncle Joe" by Harrison, 264; offi-
daily supports Harrison's promo-
tion, 278
House of Burgesses (Va.), service in,
of early Harrisons, 13-14
Howard, Oliver O., Union general,
esteemed by Harrison, 151, n.6g-
welcomes 7oth Ind. to nth Army
Corps, 238-39; praised by Gen. Sher-
man and Col. Harrison, 239; takes
command at Wauhatchie (Tenn.),
239-40; merges 1 1 th Army with new
20th Army Corps under Gen. Hook-
er, 240; r61e of, at Resaca (Ga.), 250;
considers Hood rash and headstrong,
260, 11.51; assists at meeting of chap-
lains in Washington (D.C.), 310
Hunt, Gaillard, advises Mary L. Har-
rison on choice of biographer, xix
"I am a dead statesman but ... a
living and rejuvenated Republican,"
Harrison's statement in Detroit
speech (1888) keynotes his presiden-
tial ambitions, 7-8
"I am for a fight and go home policy,"
Harrison's retort after six months
in the field, 222
Impending Crisis, Hinton Rowan
Helper's work, widely read and cir-
culated in Indiana, 135
Indiana, State of, natural resources
and expanding population of, in the
1850*8, 89; commerce revolutionized
by railroads in, 90; nature of pre-
war legal practice in, 93-94; lax
divorce laws of, 106-7; exhibits en-
thusiasm for mid- 19th-century poli-
tics, 114-15; displays mixed reac-
tions to Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 117;
regards Harrison name as emblem of
political revolution, 121; sees en-
thusiastic Republican surge in 1857,
126; electoral vote of, deemed in-
dispensable by both parties, 137;
Republican delegation backs Lin-
coln solidly in, 145; torrid 1860 can-
vass hits peak in, 149-50; goes Re-
publican by substantial majority,
153; gives Lincoln 25,000 more votes
than Douglas, 154; mobilizes for war,
163; offers 12,000 volunteers, double
its assigned quota, 165, 175; threat-
ened by Confederate forces under
Gen. Bragg, 177; and Gov. Morton's
appeal for additional volunteers "or
INDEX 355
our country is lost," 182; witnesses
severe skirmishes between revengeful
Democrats and humiliated Repub-
licans in 1862, 208-9; reacts hostilely
to Lincoln's preliminary proclama-
tion of emancipation, 213; press in,
creates tension prior to Atlanta
campaign, 243; votes strongly Re-
publican in 1864 and contributes
20,000 votes to Lincoln's popular
majority of 400,000, 274-76; all
Washington (D.C.) citizens invited
by John Defrees to attend dinner
party honoring Gen. Harrison, 310
Indiana Reports, Vols. 15 and 16 of,
compiled and published by Supreme
Court Reporter Harrison, 173; pro-
ceeds from Vols. 17 and 18 of,
claimed by newly-elected Reporter
Kerr, 213
Indianapolis, first visited by Harrison
in March, 1854, 85-86; mid- 1 8th-
century rating for members of the
bar in, 86; First Presbyterian Church
of, 87; enjoys amazing growth be-
tween 1847 and 1854, 89-90; de-
scribed as city "of muddy boots and
torn clothes," 90; praised for cor-
diality by Madame Theresa Pulszky,
90; first impressions of, recorded by
Ben and Carrie Harrison, 91-92;
early lawyers of, regarded as pro-
fessional anglers, 93; identified as
the "Heart of Hoosierdom," 109;
rdle of religion and politics in, be-
fore the Civil War, 110-11; stump
speakers of, rival preachers in audi-
ence appeal, 115; notes overwhelm-
ing Democratic victory in May, 1856,
city election, 125, n.73; elects Re-
publican mayor and city clerk in
late November, 1856, 125-26; in
March, 1857, is incorporated by
charter, 126; 1857 election a tri-
umph for neither Republicans nor
Democrats, 127; 1859 regarded as
year of "unbroken progress" in, 134;
plays host to both parties' 1860
conventions, 137; citizens cheer
"Abe's Boys, the Rail Maulers, and
the Wide Awakes" during canvass,
153; efforts of Republicans in, to
guarantee bloodlessness of 1860 po-
litical victory, 154-55; deems flag
falling from the State House dome
an ominous sign, 157; welcomes
President-elect Lincoln en route to
356
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Washington, 159-61; receives report
that Charleston batteries had fired
on Sumter, 162; preachers of, call
on Christians to save Union, 163;
witnesses bitter press duel between
Republican Journal and Democratic
Daily Sentinel, 175; notes initial re-
sponse to appeal for volunteers as
slow and puzzling, 178-80; scene at
depot in, as 7oth Ind. leaves for
front, 188; alarmed by false rumor
that 7oth Ind. has been badly used,
192; press of, lauds Harrison and
his men for initial victory in Atlanta
campaign, 253; manifests joy at
Sherman's capture of Atlanta and
Sheridan's victory in the Shenan-
doah Valley, 266; "labyrinth of new
and eloquent buildings" in, im-
presses Harrison during his 1864
furlough, 269-70; Harrison's second
departure for front from, 279; af-
fords Harrison warm welcome after
Nashville victory, 285-87; Harrison's
nostalgia for, 309; welcomes veter-
ans after the Grand Review, 311;
cheers and entertains homecoming
7oth Ind., 312-13; stages joint dem-
onstration for the 22nd, 7oth, 74th,
and 82nd Ind. Regs., 313
Indianapolis and Cincinnati Railroad,
originally known as the Lawrence-
burg and Upper Mississippi, 89
Indianapolis Brownsburg Railroad, re-
tains Wallace and Harrison, 106,
n.64
Ireland, David, Union general, com-
mands brigade under Gen. J. W.
Geary (q.v.) 232, n.g7
"Irrepressible conflict," 1860 Demo-
cratic war cry and threat, 153; doc-
trine attributed to Seward (q.v.)>
puzzles statesmen, 155-56
Irwin, Archibald, father of Elizabeth
Irwin Harrison (q.v.), 18
Irwin, Elizabeth, marries John Scott
Harrison, August 12, 1831, 18; see
also Harrison, Elizabeth Irwin
Irwin, Jane Findlay, daughter of Mary
Ramsey Irwin (q.v.), acts as hostess
for President William Henry Har-
rison, 18, n.52
Irwin, Mary Ramsey, maternal grand-
mother of Benjamin Harrison, 18
Ivanhoe, Scott's novel, fascinates Ben
Harrison, 27, n.gS
Jackson, Andrew, exponent of the
"greatness of our Constitution," 8;
fought fewer battles in a lifetime
than Harrison in one month, 254
Jameson, J. Franklin, xxi
Jefferson, Thomas, 4; r61e of, as ex-
ponent of "the greatness of our
Constitution," 8
Jeffersonville (Ind.), first stop on 7Oth
Ind.'s trip South, where troops were
ferried across the Ohio to Louisville,
189
Jennings, Jonathan, negotiates Federal
treaty with Delaware and Miami
Indians, 91, n.i6
John Smiat and Co., important Louis-
ville (Ky.) client of Wallace and
Harrison, 106, n.63
Johnson, Emsley W., Sr., Indianapolis
attorney, recalls Harrison's first legal
fee, 95, n.27
Johnson, Lucretia K., first wife of
John Scott Harrison, married in
1824, died in 1829, 18, 11.50
Johnson, Andrew, Vice- President and
President, prominent speaker for
Republican party in 1864, 2 7; pre-
sides with Cabinet at the Grand Re-
view, 304
Johnson, Zechiel and Johnson, Indi-
anapolis law firm, 95, n.27
Johnston, Joseph E., Confederate gen-
eral, regarded as Lee's peer in de-
fensive generalship, 234-35; employs
70,000 troops in the construction of
strong entrenchments, 235; reported
ready with 60,000 effective troops
prior to the Atlanta campaign (q.v.),
242; forms horseshoe-shaped defense
at Resaca (Ga.), imitating Union
strategy at Gettysburg, 247; effects
strategic retreat from Resaca, 252;
escape of, chagrins Gen. Sherman,
254; continued withdrawals of,
gradually expose Atlanta, 256; Har-
rison explains aim of defensive gen-
eralship of, 257; political* significance
underlying delaying tactics of, 259;
resigns command under fire of criti-
cism, 259; unsuccessfully encounters
Sherman near Bentonville (N.C.),
294; concludes negotiations on April
26, 1865, styling Sherman's peace
policy "enlightened and humane,"
300-301
INDEX
Jomini, Baron de, author of The Po-
litical and Military History of the
Campaign of Waterloo and The Art
of War, 227-28
Jones' Cross Roads (N.C.), deploy-
ment of Harrison's brigade at, to
guard against a Southern with-
drawal, 301
Jordan Foundation; see Arthur Jordan
Foundation
Journal (Indianapolis), cites Har-
rison's generosity, 37-38, n.go; de-
bates Civil War issues with Indian-
apolis Daily Sentinel, 175; notes Har-
rison's recruiting efforts, 182; pre-
dicts Col. Harrison's effectiveness as
regimental commander, 185; under-
scores danger as Hoosiers move
South to check Gen. Bragg, 187; car-
ries protest against Harrison's strict
discipline, 220; makes political capi-
tal in 1864 after sudden sweep of
Union victories, 266-67; editorial-
izes Harrison's first furlough and
homecoming after fall of Atlanta,
270; justifies Lincoln's administra-
tion, 272; endorses "Abe and Andy,"
274: lauds Harrison's major 1864
campaign effort as "eloquent and
profound," 276; pays tribute to Har-
rison's military achievements, 313
Junkin, A. C., at Miami U.'s 1852 com-
mencement declaims on topic, "The
Useful," 64
357
Ketcham, John L., attorney, delivers
principal civilian address as 7oth
Ind. breaks camp, 186
Kilpatrick, Hugh J., Union general,
member of strategy council in
Georgia, 245
Kirby-Smith, Edmund, Confederate
general, Harrison recalls advance of,
through Cumberland Gap, 177;
Harrison's view that he and Gen.
Bragg could be thoroughly defeated,
Kitchen, Dr. John, describes associa-
tion with Harrison, 92, 97
Kitchen, Mary (Mrs. John), befriends
Carrie Harrison on Indianapolis ar-
rival, 92
Knefler, Fred, Union general, with
Gen. Harrison is lavishly extolled
by Gov. Morton, 313, n..j6
Knights of the Golden Circle, exposed
as "treasonable" society in Indiana,
270; see also "Sons of Liberty"
Knipe, Joseph F., Union general, com-
mands brigade under Gen. A. S.
Williams (q.v.), 232, n-97
Know-Nothing party, 129; censured for
its prescriptive dogmas, 271, n-ig;
see also American party
Knox, John, Scottish leader of the
Presbyterian faith, 112
Kossuth, Lajos, Hungarian patriot,
1852 visit of, to Indianapolis, 90
Kansas-Nebraska Bill, evokes heteroge-
neous reactions in Indiana, 117; see
also Nebraska Bill
Kansas-Nebraska imbroglio, discussed
by Congressman John Scott Har-
rison, 130-31
Kansas, Territory of, reports of politi-
cal corruption among Republicans
in, 129; as an issue in the 1860 In-
diana campaign, 142
Kenyon College (Gambier, Ohio), 17
Kerr, Michael C., in 1860 loses race for
office of State Supreme Court Re-
porter, 137-38; becomes 1862 Demo-
cratic nominee for Reportership,
208; wins Reportership by defeating
"Pop-Gun" Smith, 213
Kerr i>s. Jones, and Judge Perkins* de-
cision that Harrison must abandon
either colonelcy or Reportership,
208, n.68
Lackawaxen (Pa.), 290
Lafayette (Ind.), 99; Harrison's cam-
paign at, to re-elect Lincoln, 276,
n-37
Lane, Henry S., accepts 1860 Republi-
can gubernatorial nomination in In-
diana, 138; regarded by Hoosiers as
a founder of Republican party, 138,
n.ig; opens 1860 campaign at Terre
Haute, 141; debates with Tom Hen-
dricks (q.v.) attract large crowds,
144; elected governor, 153; inaugura-
tion of, on January 14, 1861, 156;
resigns gubernatorial post for U.S.
senatorship, 156
Lane, Isaac S. f speaks on "Free
Thought and Free Action" at 1852
Miami U. commencement, 64
Lane, Joseph, U.S. senator, 1860 vice-
presidential nominee on Southern
358
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Democratic ticket headed by Breck-
inridge (q.v.), 146
Lawrenceburg (Ind.), 29, 88-89, 133,
n.94; distillers of, buy com from
John Scott Harrison, 22, n.i3; site
of Presbyterian Church where Henry
Ward Beecher (q.v.) had first pas-
torate, 28; hears Harrison's 1860
stump speech against "slave olig-
archy and slave aristocracy," 147;
Harrison's 1864 campaign address
at, 270; welcomes steamer carry-
ing Harrison and homeward-bound
Hoosier veterans, 312
Lebanon (Ind.), site of Harrison's ad-
dress opening 1860 campaign, 141-
43
Lee, Robert E., Confederate general,
grows confident after Union forces
flee "across the swamps," 177; re-
ported as "shockingly whipped" in
September, 1862, 197; responsible
for defense of Richmond, 234; awaits
thrust by Gen. Grant, 244; figures in
Hood's dream of marching first to
Ohio, then joining forces in Vir-
ginia, 280; awaits Grant's attack in
Virginia, 289; report of surrender
of, to Grant reaches Harrison at
Wilmington (N.C.), 297; concludes
peace terms with Grant, 301; 7oth
Ind. befriends hungry and ragged
troops of, 302
Lee and Gordon's Mill (Ga.), advance
of the 7oth Ind. to, 244
Legal profession, defended by Harrison
in collegiate debate, 62
Lexington (Ky.), awaits Gen. Bragg's
arrival, 216
Library of Congress, accepts Harrison
papers, xx
Ligonier (Pa.), town of, laid out by
Col. John Ramsey (q.v.), 18
Life of Washington, The, by Jared
Sparks, as 1839 best-seller finds place
in W. H. Harrison's library, 27
Lincoln, Abraham, as exponent of the
"greatness of our Constitution," 8;
calls for volunteers in July, 1862,
40; "house divided" stand of,
adopted by Harrison, 143-44; en-
joys Hoosier support at 1860 Chi-
cago convention, 145; receives 1860
presidential nomination on third
ballot, 145; rdle of, as a "higher
law" president feared by J. S. Har-
rison, 153; in 1860 defeats Douglas
in Indiana by nearly 25,000 votes,
154; hides opinion of slavery issue,
155; puzzles post-election America
by cautious attitude, 157; pre-in-
augural speeches called "colorless . . .
trivial," 158; described by Harrison
as a "great simple hearted patriot,"
159; speaks at Indianapolis en route
to Washington, 160-61; issues call
for 75,000 three-month volunteers,
163; searches continuously for a gen-
eral, 175; on July i, 1862, asks for
300,000 more volunteers, "chiefly of
Infantry," 177-78, 189; blamed by
Fishback for Union reverses, 197;
fear of "the fire in the rear" re-
called, 210, n.77; issues preliminary
proclamation of emancipation, 213;
pays no heed to criticism after 1864
victories by Sherman, Sheridan, and
Farragut, 266; chided as "worthless
public servant" by Indianapolis
Daily Sentinel, 271; defended by
Harrison: "the progress of Mr. Lin-
coln has been but the progress of the
people," 275; wins re-election with
400,000 majority over McClellan,
276; news of Savannah's capture
comes as Christmas gift to, from
Gen. W. T. Sherman, 285; befriends
John Defrees (q.v.), 289, n-7; sanc-
tions peace parleys, 295; news of
assassination of, stuns Harrison at
Raleigh (N.C.), 298; qualities of
mind and heart eulogized by Har-
rison, 299; death of, delays delivery
of Harrison's commission as briga-
dier, 303, 11.15; trial of conspirators
held in Washington, 309
Lippincott, Coffin and Co., Philadel-
phia firm, retains Wallace and Har-
rison, 106, 11.63
"Little Ben," sobriquet given Harrison
by his command at Resaca (Ga),
253
Littleton, Sir Thomas, English jurist,
Harrison's study of, 83
Lockridge, Ross F., Jr., details 1860
meeting between future President
Harrison and future Vice-President
Hendricks, 151, n.68
Log Cabin and Hard Cider campaign
of 1840, recalled in 1856, 121
Logan, John A., Union general, ap-
pointed by Grant to succeed Thomas,
282, n.6y; receives most sustained ap-
plause during the Grand Review,
3<>7
Longworth and Harrison, Cincinnati
law firm, 17
Longworth, Nicholas, senior member
of Longworth and Harrison law
firm (q.v.) and wealthy landowner,
*7
Lookout Valley (Tenn.), area selected
for Harrison to join Hooker's com-
mand, 233; frowning heights of,
238; Harrison describes steep and
craggy sides of, 243; Harrison's con-
duct in, cited, 262; spot where Har-
rison received notice of renomina-
tion for Supreme Court Reporter-
ship, 267
Lord, Russell F., husband of Elizabeth
Scott (q-v.), 73, n. 31; welcomes
Carrie and Ben Harrison to Hones-
dale (Pa.), 75; Harrison's first-born
named for, 98, 11.37; as Superinten-
dent of Delaware and Hudson Canal,
is listed as Harrison's New York ref-
erence, 101, n.45
Lord, Mrs. Russell F., 75; awaits ar-
rival of Carrie and Col. Ben Har-
rison for family reunion, 288; cares
for Harrison during attack of scar-
let fever, 289
Louisianians, stubborn courage of, in
checking Federal pursuit after Bat-
tle of Nashville, 284
Louisville (Ky.), citizens of, greet ar-
rival of Harrison's regiment with
"sullen silence," 188-90; requires
many Unionists for picket duty, 198;
remains unscathed by Gen. Bragg's
troops, 216
Louisville and Nashville Railroad, 189,
191, 221; Gen. Rosecrans' strategy
includes safeguarding of, 223
Lowrie, Samuel, Harrison's fellow-
graduate from Miami U., expounds
topic, "Harmony of Contrasts," 64
Lozier, Chaplain, Republican song
writer in 1864, 274
Lynn, Thomas, tutor for Harrison
family, 26
Lymans, D., signature of, on Har-
rison's college diploma, 65, n.yo
M
Madison, James, President, 4
Mahan, D. H., author of An Elemen-
tary Course of Civil Engineering,
228
INDEX 359
Mann, Horace, Indianapolis lecture of,
linked with Harrison's first major
courtroom victory, 96
Mansion House, provides off-campus
lodging for Miami U. students, 53;
scene of Harrison's last bachelor
night, 82
Marietta (Ga.), here Harrison con-
tracts poisoning of the hand, 256;
grave site for several of Harrison's
brigade, 257
Marion County (Ind.), Harrison's role
as assistant prosecuting attorney in,
127; boasts a busy common pleas
court, 165, n.i4; puts 1,020 men
under arms in response to Lincoln's
1862 appeal, 189, 314
Marshall College (Lancaster, Pa.), 26
Marshall, Thomas R., Vice-President,
claims Harrison's "heart beat true
to all the finer and nobler instincts
of our nature," 9
Martindale, John P., justice of the
peace, 95, n.27
Maryland, State of, traversed by home-
ward-bound 7oth Ind., 312
Mason and Dixon line, 148
Masons and Odd Fellows, well re-
garded in Indianapolis, 110
Matthews, James, chancellor of the
University of the City of New York,
Matthews, Thomas, professor at Miami
U., signs Harrison's college diploma,
65, n.7o
May, Edward, his comment that "the
Negro was either a man or a brute"
remembered by Indianapolis citi-
zenry, 135
McClellan, George B., ("Little Mac"),
Union general, displeases official
Washington by inactivity, 175;
highly regarded as drill master, 176;
fights an abortive campaign in Vir-
ginia, 177; his Peninsula defeat re-
called by Harrison, 177; rumor of
his "whipping Jackson," 197; praised
by Lincoln, 197; procrastination of,
known to Harrison, 197-98; as 1864
presidential nominee, 274; Harrison
predicts McClellan's election pre-
sages Copperhead rule, 276; loses to
Lincoln by 400,000 votes, 276; polls
large minority vote in New York,
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, and
Indiana, 276, n.38; campaign against
Lee recalled, 303
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
McClung, John A., Presbyterian min-
ister in Indianapolis, rated "rare
man/' 87; pastor of First Presby-
terian Church, 112, n.g
McCook, Alexander, Union general,
commands division of Army of the
Cumberland under Gen. Rosccrans,
217
McDonald, Judge David, presents regi-
mental flag to Col. Harrison, 186
McDonald, Joseph E., precedes Har-
rison as Indiana senator, 7
McDowell, Irvin, Union general, his
fight against Lee recalled, 303
McGinnis, Mrs., wife of Evansville
surgeon, 229
McGuffey, William Holmes, famed
educator of the early West, 47, n-5
McNutt, Joseph G., ringleader in Har-
rison-Halstead crowd at Farmers'
College, 30
McOuat. George, deputy U.S. marshal,
supports Harrison's appointment as
court crier, 94
McPherson, James B., Union general,
merges Army of the Tennessee with
Sherman's command, 234; attends
Union strategy council in Georgia,
245; recalls Gen. Hood from West
Point days, 260, n.5i
Meade, George C., Union general,
hero of Gettysburg (^.v.), heralded
during the Grand Review, 304; Sher-
man's conversation with, at review-
ing stand, 305
Mears, Sidney, 102
Memphis (Tenn.), occupation of, by
Unionists augurs Confederate col-
lapse, 176
Mercersburg (Pa.), home of Elizabeth
Irwin (q.v.) 18
Merchants Hotel (New York City), 290
Meredith, W., Union captain, com-
mands company of 7oth Ind., 186,
n.97; poor disciplinarian, 195; repri-
manded by Harrison, 196
Merrill, Catherine, cited on the activi-
ties of Confederate Col. John J.
Morgan (q.v.), 199, n.49
Merrill, Samuel, historian of 7oth Ind.,
notes Harrison's severity as a disci-
plinarian, 194; hears Gen. Paine's
(q.v.) prophecy that Col. Harrison
would be president of the United
States, 214; stresses Harrison's pa-
ternalism as colonel. 218: reflects on
the "region of dead mules" (q.v.),
238
Miami Indians, settlers in Indianapo-
lis area, 91
Miami University (Oxford, Ohio), 31,
34; called "Yale of the West," 46;
offers "educational advantages" for
Harrison, 48; chartered in 1809 as a
land grant college, 48; daily order
and discipline of, 49; Harrison's
early years at, 52; in 1840 claims
large library holdings, 56; remains
Presbyterian stronghold during first
fifty years, 58-59; sends many gradu-
ates into Presbyterian ministry, 59,
n.5i; professors at, deemed "living
models of sanctity," 61; 23d annual
commencement of, lists Harrison as
third speaker, 63; scene of first Fish-
back-Harrison meeting, 171, n.37
Michener, Louis T., Harrison's chief
political manager, checks and adds
to Harrison memorabilia, xviii, xxii;
recalls President Harrison's ambi-
valent attitude towards second term
in 1892, 11-12; learns Harrison's
views on importance of a good sec-
retary for State Committee, 133
Milford (N.H.), 106
Mill Springs (Ky.), Battle of, results
in Confederate abandonment of
Bowling Green (Ky.), 193
Miller, John F., Indiana senator and
later U.S. senator, unsuccessfully vies
with Harrison for nomination as
Supreme Court Reporter, 138-39,
n.23
Miller, L. T., Union general, leaves
eyewitness account of action at
Peach Tree Creek, 260-61
Miller, O. A., Union general, com-
mands 4<>th Brigade, comprising
98th 111., 72nd, and 75th Ind. regi-
ments, 221, 11.41
Miller, William H. H., checks accuracy
of Harrison memorabilia, xviii; letter
from De Alva S. Alexander, xix, xxiii
Mississippi, Division of the, com-
manded by W. T. Sherman, 231
Mississippi, State of, miasmatic marshes
of, conquered by Union Army of
the Tennessee, 305
Missouri Compromise, repealed by
passage of Nebraska Bill (q.v.), 120
Mitchell, James, Harrison's adjutant
and colleague in study of tactics, 227;
effect of bourbon on. 2*0
INDEX
Mobile Bay (Ala.), success of Adm.
Fanragut (q.v.) at, 266
Moffat, Dr. J. C., Harrison's Latin
professor at Miami U., 49; signs
Harrison's college diploma, 65 n.7o
Montaigne, Michel, French essayist,
quoted by Harrison, 35
Morgan, John H., Confederate colonel
of cavalry, captures Gallatin (Tenn.),
191; reported as threat to Bowling
Green (Ky.), 192; ubiquitousness of,
keeps Union forces under pressure,
199; activities described, 199, 1149;
eludes capture, 207
Morgan, Thomas J., Union colonel,
commands Negro brigade under
Gen. Steedman (q.v.), 279, n.5i
Morgantown (Ky.) scene of moderate
success for Harrison's regiment, 212
Morris, Jennie Harrison, sister of Ben-
jamin, notes his Republicanism as
cause of family discord, 116, n.2s;
see also Harrison, Mary Jane Irwin
("Jennie")
Morrison, Robert, 1849 Miami U.
graduate and founder of Phi Delta
Theta, 58, n-45; sends pre-inaugural
note to Harrison, 58-59, n-48
Morrow, Captain, plans attack on Rus-
sellville (Ky.), 201
Morrow, David, Harrison's classmate
at Miami U., 64
Morton, Levi P., Vice-President, re-
views 1889 inaugural parade with
President Harrison, 6-7
Morton, Oliver P., Indiana governor
and U.S. senator, relations with
Harrison mentioned by Alexander,
xix; in 1856 defeated Republican gub-
ernatorial candidate, 126, 132; re-
ceives 1860 lieutenant-governorship,
138; attacks slavery on the stump,
141; in 1861 succeeds H. S. Lane (q.v.)
as governor of Indiana, 156; calls for
national unity, 157-58; welcomes
President-elect Lincoln to Indian-
apolis, 160; mobilizes Hoosier vol-
unteers, 163-64; offers to oversub-
scribe state's quota of volunteers,
165; joins with 17 other governors
to bolster Lincoln's faith in the
Union, 177; dismayed by slow re-
sponse to Lincoln's call for 300,000
additional troops, 178; commissions
Harrison to raise a regiment, 179;
stimulates the volunteer spirit in
Indianapolis, 181; promotes Harrison
to captaincy of 7oth Ind. Vol. Reg.,
361
184; pledges to help keep Reporter-
ship open for Harrison, 210; charged
by Democrats with trampling on
civil liberties, 212, n.3; calls Lin-
coln's preliminary proclamation of
emancipation a mere "stratagem of
war," 213; welcomes Harrison after
Atlanta campaign, 265; classed as
"worthless public servant" in 1864
by Indianapolis Daily Sentinel, 271;
attacked editorially as "unscrupu-
lous politician" and advocate of
Know-Nothingism, 271, n.ig; "no-
draft" policy of, supported by Har-
rison, 272; justifies wartime meas-
ures in Indiana, 273; re-elected gov-
ernor in 1864 by 20,000 votes, 274;
assigns Harrison to post-election re-
cruiting, 277; plays uncertain r61e in
Harrison's promotion to brigadier
general, 278, n.44; credits Hoosier
veterans with Napoleonic feats, 313;
his powers of speech described by
Indianapolis Daily Journal, 313, n.47
Mount McGregor (N.Y.), Harrison
eulogizes Grant at, in 1891, xv
Mount Pleasant Academy (Kingston,
Ohio), 53
Mower, Joseph A., Union general, re-
places Gen. Hooker and leads old
2Oth Army Corps at the Grand Re-
view, 307
Munfordsville (Ky.), scene of early
success of 7oth Ind., 212
Murfreesboro (Tenn.), rebel concen-
tration reported at, on November
30, 1862, 222; Battle of, 224; evacu-
ated by Confederate forces, 225;
Harrison's march to, after Battle of
Nashville (q.v.), 283-84; see also
Stone River, Battle of
N
Napoleon, mentioned by Harrison, 41;
Harrison's disclaimer of similarity
to, 264; crossing of Alps by, likened
to Sherman's march and Grant's
Vicksburg campaign, 313
Nashville (Tenn.), 230, 292; Sher-
man's new command at, 232, 235;
Gen. Ward's arrival at, 277; site
chosen for concentration of Union
forces under Gens. Thomas and
Schofield, 279; Hood's objective af-
ter capitulation of Atlanta, 280;
seriousness of rebel threat at, noted
by Harrison, 281; siege by Confed-
362
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
crates precedes Battle of, 281; en-
gagement between Gens. Hood and
Thomas at, 282; two-day fight here
costs Confederacy over 13,000 men,
the Union 3,000, 283, n-72; cam-
paign of, declared officially ended
on December 31, 1864, 285
Nashville Railroad, depot at Louis-
ville (Ky.), 189
National Constitutional Union party,
nominates Bell (q.v.) and Everett
(q.v.) on 1860 third-party ticket, 146
Neal, John, Philadelphia banker,
father of Mary Potts Neal (q.v.)
who married J. W. Scott (q.v.), 73,
11.31
Neal, Mary Potts, daughter of John
Neal (q.v.), 73, n.si; see also Scott,
Mary Neal
Neal, Miss, ailing relative of John
Neal (q.v.), cared for by Carrie
Scott, 72-73
Nebraska Bill, r61e of J. S. Harrison
in Congressional debates on, 94-95;
provides high drama on the House
floor, 118; called "iniquitous" by
J. S. Harrison, 119; supported by
A. H. Stephens (q.v.), 119; passage
of, on May 22, 1854, casts die of
civil conflict, 120; see also Kansas-
Nebraska Bilt
Negroes, pre-Civil War feeling in
North and South on enslavement of,
1 35-3 6 ; as soldiers, eulogized by
Harrison, 275-76; Harrison indicts
Copperheads for objecting to use of,
as troops, 276; Negro brigade com-
manded by Col. Thomas J. Morgan
under Gen. Steedman, 279, 11.51;
Harrison suggests "Colored Troops"
for postwar garrison duty, 300
New Albany (Ind.), 124; home of
Presbyterian Theological Seminary,
46, n.i
New England, anti-slavery stand by
Whigs during 1848 campaign in, 39,
n.94
New Hope Church (Ga.), scene of
Harrison's second major engagement
during Atlanta campaign, 254-56
New Orleans (La.), affords market for
John Scott Harrison's farm produce,
21
New York, State of, famed 7th Regi-
ment of, draws loud applause dur-
ing 1889 inaugural review, 7
New York (N.Y.), 74
Newcomer, Dr. and Mrs. F. S., befriend
Ben and Carrie Harrison in the
iSso's, 99-100
Newton, John, Union general, re-en-
forces Harrison at Battle of Peach
Tree Creek (Ga.), 260
Newport (Ind.), hears Harrison's plea
to re-elect Lincoln, 276, n-37
Niagara Falls (N.Y.), included in Ben
and Carrie's pre-marital itinerary,
74; Harrison describes whirling cur-
rents of, 80
Nixon, Oliver W., ringleader in Har-
rison-Halstead crowd at Farmers'
College, 30; closely associated with
Harrison as Presbyterian church-
goer, 246
North Bend (Ohio), site of ancestral
home ("The Point"), the grave of
W. H. Harrison, and birthplace of
Pres. Benjamin Harrison, 15; large
tract of farm land bequeathed to
John Scott Harrison at, 17, 20; pat-
triotic shrine of Midwest, 26
North Carolina, State of, Harrison
comments on terrain of, 295
Northern peace party (Democrats), en-
joys 1864 political prosperity prior
to Sherman's success in Georgia, 259
O
Ohio River, life in the 1 830*3 along,
20; danger from floods of, 21; troop
transportation threatened by war-
fare along banks of, 268-69
Old Temperance Tavern (Oxford,
Ohio), favorite haunt of Miami U.
students, 54; becomes boarding house
for Oxford Female Institute, 54
"Old Tippecanoe," sobriquet for Wil-
liam Henry Harrison, becomes part
of American tradition and heritage,
15; urbanity and hospitality of,
makes a mecca of North Bend, 26;
John Scott Harrison, son of, con-
sidered for presidency in 1856, 121;
1840 victory of, likened, to grand-
son's 1860 political triumph, 152;
see also Harrison, William Henry
Olds, C. M., Columbus (Ohio) attor-
ney, cited on Indiana's "unenviable
reputation ... for divorcing people,"
107
Oostenaula River (Ga.), route of Gen.
Johnston's retreat from Resaca (Ga.),
25*
Owens, William, diary of, cited on
strictness of Hoosier Sabbath, 111,
n-5
Oxford (Ohio), site of Miami Univer-
sity (q.v.), 31, 44-46; Harrison at-
tends college at, 50-51, 53; regards
dancing as sinful, 55; religious re-
vivals at, between 1850 and 1860, 59;
1852 crowds at Miami U.'s 23d
commencement at, 63; Ben's 1853
trip to, to rescue his fiancee, Carrie
Scott, 73; where Harrison endures
testing by potential in-laws, 74; pre-
liminaries of Harrison-Scott marriage
plans kept secret, 75; return of Car-
rie Scott Harrison to, 94; birthplace
of Russell Harrison, 98; vacation
spot for Carrie Scott Harrison and
son Russell, 102
Oxford Female Institute, girls' col-
lege founded in 1849 by J. W. Scott
(q.v.) t 47, 54; Carrie Scott's r61e as
instructor of music at, 72, 75
P-Q
Paine, Eleazer A., Union general, ad-
dresses 7oth Ind. men on loyalty to
Union cause, 214; predicts Harrison
"will be President of the United
States someday," 214; as divisional
commander, throws "rare and racy
parties," 229; presented with Henry
Clay banner from 1844 campaign,
230
Panic of 1854, effects of, on Indianapo-
lis business, 103
Parke, Benjamin, negotiates 1813 Fed ~
era! treaty with Delaware and Miami
Indians, 91, n.i6
Parke County Republican (Ind.), gives
complete coverage to Harrison-
Hendricks joint debate, 152, n-7i
Parvin, Dr. Theophilus, puts medical
library at Harrison's disposal, 97
Peace negotiations, to end war between
the states, opposed by Harrison, 296;
Sherman's effort to establish "peace
from the Potomac to the Rio
Grande," 300; failure of, remobil-
izes Sherman's army, 300-301; con-
cluded by Sherman and Johnston
and approved by Grant on April 26,
1865, 301; summary of terms of,
301, n-4
Peach Tree Creek (Ga.), scene of
Union efforts to trap Gen. Johnston,
INDEX 363
258-59; Hood attacks Sherman at,
259; "unfordable stream" crossed by
Union troops on July 20, 1864, 259-
60; Federal victory under Harrison
at, 261-62
Pennsylvania, State of, represented by
National Guard at Harrison's in-
auguration, 7; regarded as pivotal
and essential to Lincoln's 1860 vic-
tory, 137
Perkins, Judge, renders 1862 decision
removing Harrison as Supreme Court
Reporter, 208, n.68
Peru (Ind.), Garfield's 1864 campaign
speech at, 270, n.iC
Perryville (Ky.), Battle of, results in
Confederate abandonment of Ken-
tucky, 216-17
Petersburg-Richmond Sector (Va.),
strategic to both Grant and Lee,
295; Union fortifications at, highly
praised, 313
Phi Delta Theta, fraternity founded at
Miami U. in 1848, in 1851 accepts
Harrison as igth member and later
honors him as a second founder, 58;
memorializes Harrison's presidential
inauguration, 58-59, n^8; Harrison's
participation in, after graduation,
7i
Philippi (W.Va.), rout of Confederate
forces by Gen. Dumont at, 182, n-77
Pierce, Franklin, President, grants
army commission to A. I. Harrison,
128
"Pioneer Life at North Bend," address
by John Scott Harrison at Cleves
(Ohio), September 8, 1866, 19, n.53
Pittsburg Landing (Tenn.), Battle of,
177; see also Shiloh (Tenn.), Battle
of
Platt, Thomas C., relations with Har-
rison mentioned by Alexander, xix
Plutarch's Lives, prominent in W. H.
Harrison's library, 26
Plymouth (Ind.), Garfield's 1864
stump speech at, 270, n.i6
"Pocket District," southwestern sector
of Indiana, serves as 1860 proving
ground for Harrison, 150
"Point Lookout" case, Harrison plays
first major r61e as prosecutor in, 95-
97
Polk, Leonidas, Confederate general,
joins Johnston's troop concentration
near Dalton (Ga.), 235
Popular sovereignty, principle of, be-
3 6 4
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
comes law with passage of the Ne-
braska Bill (q.v.), 120
Porter, Albert Gallatin, noted lawyer
and governor of Indiana, becomes
Minister to Italy under Harrison,
136, n.g; lends Harrison $3,000, 165;
sells house and property to Harri-
son. 1 73-74
Porter, David, recalls 1841 inaugura-
tion as "finest pageant in the world,"
6
Porter, Joseph, tutor, employed by the
Harrisons at North Bend, 25-26
Potomac River, McClellan's readiness
for battle on banks of, 176; gloomy
news from, discourages Hoosiers, 196;
plan to march the 7oth Ind. to
banks of, 300
Pratt, Daniel D., U.S. senator, 132,
nn.8g, 92
Prentice, Henderson and Osborne, im-
portant Louisville (Ky.) clients of
Wallace and Harrison, 106, n.63
Presbyterian Church, First (Indianapo-
lis), on Circle Street, 112, 129, 246;
offers Ben and Carrie active mem-
bership, elects Harrison a deacon in
1857 and elder in 1861, 113; Har-
rison finds literary retreat in base-
ment of, 161
Presbyterian Education Society, aids
both institutions and students, 59,
n.49
Presbyterianism, growth of, in south-
western Ohio, 27; opposes "cotillions
and dancing parties," 55, n.35; en-
joys enduring strength on Miami U.
campus (1809-1873), 58-59; char-
acteristic strictness of, noted in In-
dianapolis, 111, nn.4, 5; underlies
Harrison's humor while awaiting an
army discharge, 309
Presidential election of 1848, affords
Harrison subject for collegiate com-
position, 38
Prestley, William H., Harrison's class-
mate, gives graduation address, "Sci-
ence and Art as Aids of Christian-
ity," 64
Prince, Henry, Union general, com-
mandant at Camp Sherman (q.v.) t
refuses Harrison's request to rejoin
Sherman at once, 291; assigned to
Sherman's army after it reaches
Savannah, 292, 11.14; notions of, on
South Carolina ridiculed by Har-
rison, 295
Princeton University (N.J.), 48-49, n.i2
Providence, r61e of, in human events
noted by Harrison, 190, 192, 196, 198
Public opinion, favors Republicans in
1864 presidential canvass, 271
Pugh, George E., U.S. senator, en-
dorses Harrison's application for ap-
pointment as Commissioner for the
Court of Claims, 108, n.7i
Puritans, young Harrison's evaluation
of, 36
Pulszky, Theresa, leaves diary entry of
Indianapolis visit in 1852, 90
R
Raccoon Range (Tenn.), 238
Raleigh (N.C.), avoided by Sherman's
marching troops, 294; here Harrison
resumes old command after six
months' separation, 298; vacated by
Union Army on April 30, 1865,
301-2
Ramsey, James, Scottish grandfather
of Elizabeth Irwin, as immigrant,
miller, and store owner, 18
Ramsey, John, son of James Ramsey
and father of Mary Ramsey Irwin,
18
Randolph, John, of Roanoke (Va.),
compared feature -wise with Alex-
ander H. Stephens (q.v.), 119, n-43
Randolph, Miss, adopted daughter of
Gen. W. H. Harrison (q.v.), and
wife of William Sheets (q.v.), 86
Ransdell, Daniel, member of 7oth Ind.,
cited on Harrison's kindness as colo-
nel, predicts his rise to the presi-
dency, 218, 11.29; recalls Harrison's
heroic leadership in Georgia cam-
paign, 250, n.13, 251
Rappahannock River (Va.), crossed by
Sherman's stalwarts in march through
the Wilderness, 304
Rea, John H., clerk of U.S. District
Court (Indianapolis), affords Har-
rison first office space, 94, 99; lends
Harrison money after 1855 financial
panic, 103
Reagan, Amos, Union surgeon with
7oth Ind., 230; illness of, reported,
238
Record (Columbia, S.C.), predicts
Harrison will "write his page in the
history of the United States," 8
"Region of dead mules," the road be-
tween Bridgeport (Ala.) and Wau-
hatchie (Tenn.), 238
Reid, Whitelaw, Harrison's 1892 vice-
presidential running mate, also a
Miami U. student, 49, 11.13
Republican National Convention of
1860, held in Chicago, 144-45
Republican party, described in Indi-
ana as a "young . . . colt, a cross
with Whig, American, anti-slavery
and temperance strains," 115; ori-
gins in Indiana of, linked to reac-
tions against the Kansas-Nebraska
Bill (q-v.), 117; sectional founda-
tions of, fixed as Nebraska Bill (q.v.)
becomes law, 120; 1854 and 1855
fusion tickets of, represent main
stream of Republican thought, 122;
1856 Indiana ticket of, suffers re-
verse, 124; rise of political fortunes
in Indianapolis of, beginning in
1857, 126; principles of, attacked by
J. S. Harrison, 130-31; denounced
by Democrats as "nigger lovers" and
"Black Republicans," 136; 1860 In-
diana state platform of, adopts con-
servative plank on slavery question,
140; openly espoused by Harrison,
144; efforts of its Hoosier leaders in
1860 to allay fear of radicalism un-
der Lincoln, 155-56; Harrison's
growing reputation in, 172; Indiana
members of, styled in 1862 "self-
confessed abolitionists," 213; re-
nominates Harrison for Hoosier
Supreme Court Reportership, 267;
charges Democrats with treasonable
activity, 271; 1864 Indiana victory
of, deals "rebels a staggering blow,"
274
Resaca (Ga.), Confederate withdrawal
from Tunnell Hill (Ga.) in order to
take stand here, 245; Battle of, re-
garded as "first battle of magnitude
in the celebrated Georgia campaign,"
247; scene of heavy fighting on
May 14-15, 1864, 248-53; Harrison's
bravery at, noted by Gen. Hooker,
262; charge at, recalled by Harrison,
3M-15
Reynolds, Joseph, listed as Baltimore
reference for attorney Harrison, 101,
n.45
Richmond (Va.), 197, 234, 272, 288;
news of its fall reaches Harrison at
Wilmington (S.C.), 297; destination
of Sherman's army after peace treaty,
INDEX 365
301; commingling of Southern and
Northern troops at, described by
Harrison, 302; troops reviewed here
by Gen. Halleck (q.v.), 303; here
Harrison receives official commission
as brevet brigadier general, 303
Riley. James Whitcomb, pays poetic
tribute to Carrie Harrison, 181
Ringold (Ga.), rumor of rebel offen-
sive at, under Gen. Johnston (q.v.),
242
Ritchie, W. T., Union colonel, wit-
nesses Harrison's gallantry on Ohio
River steamer, 269
Roanoke River (Va.), crossed by Har-
rison's command en route to Rich-
mond, 303
Robinson, John F., U.S. marshal, se-
cures Harrison's appointment as
court crier, 94
Rochester (Ind.), welcomes Garfield
for 1864 stump speech, 270, n.i6
Root, Harriet, tutor and nurse for
Harrison family, 25; see also Giesy,
Harriet Root
Rockport (Ind.), Harrison's speech at,
during 1860 campaign, 147; site of
humorous handling of Tom Hend-
ricks by Harrison, 150; Col. Harri-
son's 1864 campaign speech at, 270
Rocky Face Ridge (Ga.), Hooker's
thrust against the South at, 245
Rockville (Ind.), scene of joint de-
bate between Hendricks and Har-
rison, 151-52
Roosevelt, Theodore, President, meet-
ing with J. L. Griffiths, xviii
Rosecrans, William S., Union general,
succeeds Gen. Buell and commands
new Department of the Cumber-
land, 217; instructs Gen. Thomas,
219; directs Ward's brigade to Gal-
latin (Tenn.), 220; moves with
41,000 men to strike Gen. Bragg at
Murfreesboro, but details 7oth Ind.
to picket duty near Drake's Creek
(Tenn.), 223; casualties at Stone
River (q.v.) include 1,677 killed
and 7,543 wounded, 224, n-54; com-
mand of, moves to front in August,
1863, 231
Ross, Lewis W., Harrison's fellow Mi-
ami U. graduate, discourses on "The
Federal Constitution," 64; recalls
Harrison's graduation address and
styles him "a protectionist at the
age of 19," 65
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
366
Ross, Samuel, Union general, com-
mands brigade under Gen. Butter-
field (q.v.), 232, n.97
Ruger, Thomas H. f Union general,
commands brigade under Gen. A. S.
Williams (q.v.), 232, n.g7
Russellville (Ky.), successful Union
skirmish with Confederate forces at,
199-207, 212
Sabbath, observance of, practiced rig-
idly at North Bend (Ohio), 28; pre-
Civil War customs of, in Indianapo-
lis, 111; Harrison's early r61e as
Sunday School superintendent and
teacher, 113; in the camp of the
7oth Ind., 240
Sackville-West, Sir Lionel, British
Minister, partially responsible for
Cleveland's defeat in 1888, 8, n.io
Saint Mary's (Ohio), site of 1818
treaties between Delaware and Mi-
ami Indians and the U.S., 91, n.i6
Savannah (Ga.), 234; presented to
Lincoln as Christmas present in
1864, 285
Saylor, Milton, Harrison's college
crony at Miami U., 50; grouped
with Harrison and Swing (q.v.) as
one of "three brightest men" at
Miami, 52; delivers valedictory ad-
dress, 64; styles Harrison "impa-
tient" suitor at college, 72, n.26; re-
calls Harrison's youth and impend-
ing wedding, 82, 11.58
Schalk, Emil, author of Summary of
the Art of War, 228
Schofield, John M., Union general,
adds Army of the Ohio to Gen.
Sherman's command, 234; as mem-
ber of Union strategy council in
Georgia, 245; deems Gen. Hood
headstrong, 260, 11.51; plans to join
Gen. Thomas at Nashville prior to
attack on Gen. Hood, 279; eludes
Hood, 280; inflicts heavy losses on
foe at Battle of Franklin (Tenn.),
280; stands by for emergency de-
ployment at Nashville, 283
Scott, Caroline ("Carrie"), daughter
of Dr. J. W. Scott and sister of Eliza-
beth Scott, physical characteristics
of, 47; renews friendship with Ben
Harrison at Oxford, 54; recalls "so-
cializing" in college days, 55; artistic
taste and temperament of, described,
55; her picture prominently dis-
played at "The Point," 60-61; pres-
ent at Ben's graduation, 65; com-
pletes schooling at Oxford Female
Institute, 65-66; writes "coy" letters
to her absent suitor, 72; quips on
Ben's sense of gallantry, 74; brings
Ben to meet her Pennsylvania rela-
tives, 75; keeps secret the wedding
day set for October 20, 1853, 79;
described as bride, 82; see also Har-
rison, Caroline ("Carrie") Scott
Scott, Elizabeth, daughter of Dr. J. W.
Scott and sister of Carrie Scott,
known as "Lizzie," 47
Scott, Henry, son of Dr. J. W. Scott
and brother of Carrie Scott Harri-
son, enlists as private in nth Ind.
Vols., 168; receives brotherly advice
from Ben Harrison, 169-70; warned
to "avoid with more care the vices
of the camp than you would the
enemy's bullets . . ." 170; receives
medical discharge and resumes du-
ties as notary public, 171; re-enlists
and is chosen by CapL Harrison as
his first lieutenant, 184; commands
Co. A, 7oth Ind., during skirmish
at Russellville (Ky.), 201; defends
Col. Harrison against unjust criti-
cism, 216; cited for courage at
Resaca (Ga.), 252
Scott, John, son of Dr. J. W. Scott and
brother of Elizabeth and Caroline
Scott (q.v.), 47; wounded at Battle
of Murfreesboro (Tenn.), 224
Scott, John W., father of Carrie Scott
Harrison, minister, and pioneer in
field of education for women, 47;
teaches Ben Harrison chemistry and
physics at Farmers' College, 47;
founds Oxford Female Institute
(q-v.), 47-48; bracketed with Robert
Hamilton Bishop (q.v.) and Wil-
liam Holmes McGuffey (q.v.) as
leading educator of the early West,
47 n-5, 50; buys Old Temperance
Tavern (q.v.) as dormitory for Ox-
ford Female Institute, 54; locks gates
of Institute to gentlemen visitors, 54;
marries Mary Potts Neal (q.v.),
daughter of Philadelphia banker,
73, n.3i; invited to officiate at
daughter's marriage, 75, n.40, 81;
assured by son-in-law that Carrie
will be comfortably supported, 81;
performs nuptials for Ben and Car-
rie, 82; records same in diary, 82,
n.6a; cares for Carrie and baby Rus-
sell at Oxford (Ohio), 98
Scott, Mary Neal, wife of Dr. J. W.
Scott (q.v.), and mother of Carrie
Scof Harrison, 73, n.3i; cares for
daughter Carrie and grandson Rus-
sell, 98
Scott, Sir Walter, novels of, enthrall
young Ben Harrison, 27, 11.38
Scott, Winfield, Union general, receives
McClellan's wire confirming Lee's
retreat, 197
Scottsville (Ky.), destination of yoth
Ind. after 3-day march from Bowl-
ing Green (Ky.), 218
Secession, doctrine of, branded as dan-
gerous heresy by Gov. Lane (q.v.)
of Indiana, 156; debated as critical
issue before Lincoln's inauguration,
157-58; phenomenon of "secesh"
mentality disturbs Hoosier troops,
190; a vote for Lincoln in 1864
styled a vote "squarely against seces-
sion and secession sympathy," 271
Seventieth Indiana Volunteer Regi-
ment, 40; public aid for families of,
183; quota for, filled within two
weeks, 184; placed under Col. Har-
rison's command, 185; ordered to
Louisville (Ky.), 186; en route to
depot, Co. of, claims honor of
shedding first blood, 187; men of,
display mixed feelings on leaving
home, 188-89; boasts being "the first
in the field" under Lincoln's call of
July i, 1862, 189; undergoes inten-
sive training at Bowling Green (Ky.),
190-96; drilled by disciplinarian
Harrison, 193; charged with "sky-
larking" by Indianapolis press, 198;
suffers homesickness, 199; captains
of Cos. I and G commended by Har-
rison, 200; n.55; wins first victory at
Russell ville (Ky.), 202; sparks of dis-
loyalty in, 214-15; experiences lift in
morale, 217; chosen as escort for Gen.
Dumont (q.v.), 222; guards railroad
between Gallatin and Nashville
(Tenn.) after Battle of Stone River
(q.v.), 225; becomes part of Gen.
Granger's reserve corps, 230; joins
newly organized zoth Army Corps,
231; impresses Eastern troops as "best
looking Brigade," 236; leaves Wau-
hatchie (Tenn.) for rebel position
INDEX 367
near Buzzard's Roost (Ga.) for first
major engagement, 245; bravery of,
at Resaca (Ga.), 248-53; Harrison's
affection for, 277; marches from At-
lanta to Savannah, 287; welcomes
Harrison's return to command at
Raleigh, 298-300; prepares to march
northward, 301-2; military achieve-
ments of, stem from versatility of
Yankee character, 306; and the
efforts of Chaplain Allen, 310; mus-
tered out of service on June 8, 1865,
3"
Seward, William H., U.S. senator,
"higher law" doctrine (q.v.) makes
him unacceptable as presidential
candidate before 1860 Republican
convention, 153, n.79
Sharpe, Thomas H., 246
Sheets, William, as business, political
and social leader, welcomes Har-
rison to Indianapolis, 86-88; ex-
tends courtesy of his home to kins-
men Ben and Carrie in 1854, 92;
family of, 100-101, n.44; listed as
attorney Harrison's character refer-
ence in Indianapolis, 101, 1145;
elected Presbyterian elder in 1853,
112
Shelbyville (Ind.), twice invites Har-
rison to transfer law practice from
Indianapolis, 109, 132
Shelbyville (Tenn.), witnesses fine
performance by the 7oth Ind., 236
Shenandoah, Valley of, site of Gen.
Sheridan's (q.v.) victory over Gen.
Early (q.v.), 266
Sheridan, Philip, Union general,
achieves brilliant victory over Con-
federate Gen. Early in Shenandoah
Valley, 266; mentioned by Harrison,
296
Sherman, William T., Union general,
272, 287, 315; succeeded by Gen.
Buell as commander of the Army
of the Ohio (q.v.), 216, n.ig; com-
mands Division of the Mississippi,
231; enjoys close comradeship with
Grant, 231, n.g4; plans to penetrate
the lower South, 234; fashions a
fighting force of nearly 100,000,
234-35; synchronizes battle plans
with Grant, 2.14-45; strategy of, calls
for frontal assault on enemy 247-48;
lauds Harrison's "handsome fight-
ing" at Resaca (Ga.), 253; strategy
of a slow push to Atlanta vigorously
368
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
defended by Harrison, 257-58; con-
gratulates troops on capture of At-
lanta, 265; long line of communica-
tion kept intact by Negro soldiers,
275; orders Gen. Thomas to stop
Gen. Hood, 278, 287; purpose of
march to the sea: union of Western
and Eastern Armies before Rich-
mond, 288; starts through South
Carolina with 60,000 troops, 288;
heads northeast, reaching Fayette-
ville and Goldsboro (N.C.), 294;
consolidates all available troops in
North Carolina, 295-96; at Raleigh
(N.C.) headquarters, reports Lin-
coln's assassination, 298; peace par-
leys of, with Gen. Johnston, 300;
orders strategic roadblocks in vicin-
ity of Raleigh (N.C.) after negotia-
tions fail, 301; credited by Gen.
Johnston for an "enlightened and
humane" liberality, 301; gives de-
cent burial to Union soldiers near
Spotsylvania and Chancellorsville
(Va.) f 304; reviews Army of the Po-
tomac, 304-5; fears his "poor tatter-
demalion corps" will show poorly at
the Grand Review, 305; Harrison's
opinion that the troops of, made the
general, not the general the troops,
306; farewell address of, recalled by
Harrison, 311; his march to the sea
compared to Napoleon's crossing of
the Alps, 313
Shiloh (Term.), Battle of, its impact
on Hoosiers, 176; see also Pittsburg
Landing (Tenn.), Battle of
Short, John Cleves, brother-in-law of
John Scott Harrison (q.v.), 11, n.ig;
helps Harrison family maintain
"The Point" farm (q.v.), 21-22;
hears furious anti-abolitionist blast
by J. S. Harrison, 123
Sigma Chi, flourishing fraternity at
Miami U., 58, n.45
Sioussat, St. George L., xxi
Sixtieth Indiana Regiment, Co. K. of,
under Harrison's command wins the
day at Russellville fKy.), 200-202
Skinner, Mr., succeels Joseph Porter
(q.v.) as Harjson limily tutor, 26
Slavery question, sets country ablaze
and reaches crisis stage, 116; affected
by clause in Nebraska Bill, 118; anti-
extension views of new Republicans
on, 119-20; position of Harrison on,
122; anti-slavery gospel enshrined in
first Republican national platform,
123; its containment announced as
Hoosier Republican creed, 126; con-
sidered by Republicans as moral,
social, and economic issue, 127; anti-
slavery views held by Charles Sum-
ner, Cassius Clay, and Benjamin
Harrison, 139; greatly agitated dur-
ing 1860 Indiana and national cam-
paign, 141; splits Democratic party,
142; complexity of, noted by Har-
rison, 143; prompts Harrison to at-
tack South as "the slave oligarchy
and the slave aristocracy," 147-48;
reactivated as 1864 campaign issue,
276
Slocum, Henry W., Union general,
heads Army of Georgia at the Grand
Review, 307
Smith, A. J., Union general, attacks
Confederate left at Nashville (q.v.) t
283
Smith, Caleb Blood, Secretary of the
Interior, stumps Indiana with young
Harrison, 142; role of, as Hoosier
chairman at 1860 Republican na-
tional convention, 145; supports
Lincoln's nomination, 145; warns
preliminary proclamation of eman-
cipation would spell Republican de-
feat in Indiana, 213, n.5
Smith, Cyrus B., 107
Smith, "Pop-Gun," 1862 Republican
coalition candidate for Hoosier Su-
preme Court Reportership, 209; de-
feated by Democrat Kerr, 213
Smock, Richard, testifies Harrison dis-
pensed coffee to freezing troops on
picket duty at Nashville, 281
Snake Creek Gap (Ga.), 245
"Some of the Leading Differences in
the Modes of Living, Labor and En-
joyment of the Comforts of Life in
a Savage and a Highly Advanced
State of Society," title of essay by 16-
year-old Harrison, 37
Sons of Liberty, exposed as treason-
able society, 270, 272-73; see also
Knights of the Golden Circle
Sons of Temperance, 30, n.55
South Bend (Ind.), Garfield's address
at, during 1864 campaign, 270, n.i6
South Carolina, State of, grows un-
easy after Lincoln's election, 155;
furnishes leadership to Gulf states
in secession movement, 155; firing
on Fort Sumter in, 162-64;
Union military campaign in, re-
garded as new opportunity for Har-
rison, 88; viewed by Harrison as
endless succession of swamps and
salt marshes, 292
Southern people, charged by Harrison
with the damning sin of treason,
276
Spencer County (Ind.), Harrison's 1860
partisan plea in, to crush Bell and
Everett as well as Breckinridge and
Lane at polls, 147
"Sphinx from Springfield," Democratic
pre-inaugural sobriquet for Lincoln,
159
Spotsylvania (Va.), its skeleton-strewn
battlefield shocks Union troops en
route to Washington, 303
Spring Hill (Tenn.), Gen. Schofield's
outmaneuvering of Gen. Hood at,
280
Springfield (111.), 156; Lincoln de-
picted as "Sphinx from Springfield,"
156, 11.89; insurance dealers of,
James L. Hill 8c Co., retain Harrison
and Fishback, 173
Stanton, Edwin, Secretary of War un-
der Lincoln, receives Gen. Hooker's
letter urging Harrison's promotion
to brigadier general, 262
State Bank Building (Indianapolis),
location of Harrison's first "office
space," 94
State Republican Central Committee
(Ind.), Harrison's r61e as secretary
of, 131; teaches young Harrison po-
litical methodology, 136
State sovereignty, as Democratic creed,
characterized by Harrison in 1864,
as "dangerous heresy, and a deadly
poison to national life," 275
State Supreme Court Reporter (Ind.),
office of, Harrison's decision to stand
for nomination for, on Republican
ticket, 136-37; increases revenue
for Harrison's growing family, 165;
affords Harrison experience as civil
servant and private businessman,
166-67; demands slave-like work
nearly wrecking Harrison's health,
174; declared vacant when Harrison
becomes colonel of the 70th Ind.
(q.v.), 213; ouster action from,
charged to Copperhead intrigue,
267; in 1864 Hoosiers return Har-
rison to, 274, 277; regarded by Har-
rison as full-time employment, 294
INDEX 369
Steedman, James B., Union general,
commands provisional detachment
at Chattanooga, 279; known to Gen.
Thomas as "a fighting man," 281;
fortifies front lines at Nashville, 282;
pursues Gen. Hood to the Tennes-
see River, 284-85
Stephens, Alexander H., U.S. congress-
man, manages Nebraska Bill (q.v.),
119; pen portrait of, 119, n-43;
charges opponents of Nebraska Bill
with factious spirit, 120
Stevenson (Ala.), 237-38
Stewart, Alexander P., Confederate
general, commands Gen. Hood's left
wing at Nashville, 283
Stoddard, O. N., professor of natural
science at Miami U., 49; signs Har-
rison's college diploma, 65, n.7o
Stone River (Tenn.), Battle of, re-
garded as costly Union victory, 224-
25; see also Murfreesboro (Tenn.)
Storer, Bellamy, former Whig con-
gressman (1835-1837) and prominent
attorney, 67; coaches Harrison in his
law studies, 69, 78; assigns Han ..on
extensive reading in Blackstone,
Coke, Littleton, 83; listed as at-
torney Harrison's Cincinnati refer-
ence, 101, n-45; develops in Har-
rison the habit of hard work, 165
Storer and Gwynne, Cincinnati attor-
neys, give Harrison a chance to read
law, 67
Stowe, Harriet Beecher, author of
Uncle Tom's Cabin (q.v!), daughter
of Lyman Beecher (q.v.), and sister
of Henry Ward Beecher (q.v.) t 135,
n.3
Straight, Edward, 33
Studebaker, Clem, compares Benja-
min with his grandfather, Pres. Wil-
liam Henry Harrison, 5, n.3
Sumner, Charles, U.S. senator, caned
by Preston Brooks, 124; gives 1856
Hoosier lectures on abolitionist
creed, 135; considered radical anti-
slavery spokesman and classed with
Cassius Clay (q-v.), 139; records
Lincoln's fear of "the fire in the
rear," 210, n.77
Swing, David, rated with Harrison and
Saylor as one of "three brightest
men" at Miami U., 52; delivers
Latin salutatory at Miami's 1852
commencement, 64; becomes mem-
ber of the cloth and congratulates
37
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
Ben "on high character" of his po-
litical addresses, 149
Symnes, Anna (Mrs. William Henry
Harrison), marries William Henry
Harrison in 1795, 15; as celebrated
Presbyterian, 17, n.46; see also Har-
rison, Anna Symnes
Symnes, John Cleves, pioneer, Chief
Justice of the Northwest Territory,
father-in-law of William Henry
Harrison, 15, n.sg; receives land
grant, 48, n-7; see also Symnes 1 Pur-
chase
Symnes' Purchase, land granted by
Congress to John Cleves Symnes
(q.v.), site of Miami U., 48, n-7
Szabad, Imre, author of Modem War:
Its Theory and Practice, 227
Tabernacle, hall in Indianapolis, Har-
rison speaks in, for re-election of
Lincoln, 270, n.ig; scene of Har-
rison's verbal attack on Copperheads,
274-75
Talisman, The, Scott's novel, fasci-
nates Ben Harrison, 27, n.j8
Taylor, Gen. Zachary, hero of Buena
Vista, accepts 1848 presidential
nomination by Whigs, 39
Taylor, Napoleon B., opposes Har-
rison in 1864 race for Supreme
Court Reportership, is charged with
membership in Sons of Liberty
(q.v.), 273-74
Teal, Rebecca, Oxford (Ohio) resi-
dence of, purchased by new Female
Institute, 54
Temperance movement, commands
public notice at Miami U., 56; de-
fended in debate by Harrison, 57
Tennessee River, and Union attempts
to block Confederates fleeing from
Nashville, 283-85
Tennessee, State of, Confederate with-
drawal from, skyrockets Harrison's
hopes, 217; Confederate plan for
counter-offensive in, after fall of
Atlanta, 279
Terre Haute (Ind.), site for opening
of 1860 Indiana campaign, 141; Col.
Harrison's appearance at, during
1864 campaign, 270
Thatcher, Shaw and Co., Boston busi-
ness house, retains firm of Wallace
and Harrison. 106
Thayer, William Roscoe, suggested as
Harrison biographer, xx
"The Character of the Men Who
Made the First Discoveries in
America," title of Harrison's col-
legiate composition, 36
"The Fashion of This World Passeth
Away," title of sermon that affords
Harrison food for reflection, 129
"The fire in the rear," popular Union
expression in 1862, 210
"The First Settlement of Maryland
and Massachusetts," title of collegi-
ate composition by Harrison, 36
"The Old Gentlemen's Party," Hor-
ace Greeley's name for the Con-
stitutional Union party, 146
"The pious moonlight dude," class-
mates' tag for "blushing Ben" when
courting Carrie Scott, 54
"The Point," John Scott Harrison's
homestead near North Bend, Ohio,
(q.v.), 17, 46, 51, 59-61, 75, 133; Ben-
jamin's birthplace and boyhood
haunt, 20; prolific apple orchards
at, during 1840 campaign, 27; usual
cycle of home life at, 41; Harrison's
return to, after college, 65-66; Ben's
brief vacations at, while a law stu-
dent, 70; Ben's squirrel hunting at,
73; envisioned by Ben as first home
after marriage, 78; site of Ben's pri-
vate law study, 79; blissful routine
for newly-wed Harrisons at, 83;
serves as rest spa for Carrie and
Russell, 99, 102; mixed emotions
here following Ben's election to Re-
portership in 1860, 153-54
"The Poor of England," title of Har-
rison's commencement address ex-
posing causes of poverty, 63-65
"The Qualifications Necessary to Form
a Good Historian," title of Harrison's
collegiate essay, 38
"The Star-Spangled Banner," playing
of, inaugurates the Grand Review
for Sherman and Army of the Ten-
nessee, 306
Thirty- third Indiana Regiment, com-
manded by Gen. L. T. Miller (q.v.),
supports Harrison's charge at Peach
Tree Creek, 260-61; benefitted by
Harrison's recruiting efforts, 277
Thomas, George H., Union general,
commands a division of Army of
the Cumberland under Gen. Rose-
cram (a.v.\. 21*7; orrW<vl to Oa 11 a tin
(Term.), 219; as "renowned Rock of
Chickamauga," unites Army of the
Cumberland with Sherman's com-
mand, 234; directs push toward
Ringold (Ga.), 244; member of
Union strategy council in Georgia,
245; assumes command at Nashville
under orders from Sherman, 277;
after Atlanta victory, turns to check-
ing Gen. Hood, 278; seeks re-en-
forcements before confronting Hood,
279; aided by Gens. Schofield and
Steedman before Battle of Nash-
ville, 280-81; tries Grant's patience
by delaying tactics, 282, 11.67; out-
lines battle strategy at Nashville,
282-83; pursues Gen. Hood's retreat-
ing forces, 283-84; goes into winter
quarters after Nashville, but orders
Harrison to rejoin Sherman at Sa-
vannah (Ga.), 285, 287
Thompson, Charles R., Union colonel,
commands Negro brigade under
Gen. Steedman (q.v.), 279, n.5i
Thuer, Alexander, former newspaper
editor, criticizes Harrison for exert-
ing religious influence over troops,
220; removed as regimental (yoth
Ind.) postmaster for drunkenness,
220, 11.38
Tibbott, Everard F. ("Frank"), at-
tempts biography of Harrison, xvii ;
transcribes notes for use by Prof.
Volwilcr, xxii
Tippecanoe, Battle of, 4
"Tippecanoe and Tyler Too," slogan
of 1840 campaign, recalled in Indi-
ana in 1860, 152
Tom vs. Tom, common pleas court
case, wherein Harrison's argument
wins praise, 108
Tracy, Benjamin Franklin, comment
about Harrison, xvi; manuscript col-
lection used in Harrison biography,
xxii
Transylvania University (Lexington,
Ky.), 31
Treaty of Greenville (1795), restores
peace between Northwest Indians
and the U.S., 15
Tribune (New York), Horace Greeley,
editor of, lectures in Indianapolis,
136; urges Lincoln to offer peace
terms, 295
Trimble, Judge John, Nashville resi-
dent, presents Harrison with Ameri-
INDEX 371
can flag on eve of encounter with
Gen. Hood, 282
Tullahoma (Tenn.), Harrison's letter
to Carrie from camp at, 236
Tunnell Hill (Ga.), Battle of, 244-45
Turpie, David, wins 1860 Democratic
nomination for lieutenant-governor
of Indiana, 138; conducts active cam-
paign, 144
Twentieth Army Corps, 212, n.i, 240,
262, 277, 11.42, 293; organized in
1864 by fusing nth and i2th Army
Corps, 231; prepares to follow
Sherman to the sea after capture of
Atlanta, 277; led by Gen. Joseph
Mower at the Grand Review, 307
Tyndal, Hector, Union general, com-
mands brigade under Gen. A. S.
Williams (q.v.), 232, n.g7
U
Uncle Tom, of Uncle Tom's Cabin,
believed to be an old Indianapolis
Negro, 135
Uncle Tom's Cabin, influence of both
book and play felt in Indianapolis,
135
Union forces, seemingly sufficient size
of, provides basis for Northern op-
timism in April, 1862, 176-77; their
"flight across the swamps" after
Seven Days' Battle encourages Gen.
Lee, 177
Union Literary Society at Miami U.,
Harrison's active membership in,
55-56; Harrison elected president of,
57
Union party, term synonymous in 1864
with Republican party, 270-73
University of Virginia (Charlottes-
ville), 48-49, n.i2
University Park (Indianapolis), Har-
rison statue in, xv
Van Buren, Martin, President, 1848
presidential nomination of, by Free
Soilers (q.v.), 38; outdistanced at
polls by Lewis Cass (q.v.) and Zach-
ary Taylor (q.v.), 39; viewed by
young Harrison as a traitor, 39
Vance, S. C., Union major, drill master
for the 7oth Ind. at Bowling Green
(Ky.), 194; visited by wife at Ken-
tucky camp, 196; plays significant
372
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
role in Union victory at Russell-
vine (Ky.), 201-2
Vicksburg (Miss.), 176; Grant's cam-
paign here compared with Napole-
on's crossing of the Alps, 313
Vinccnncs (Ind.), birthplace of John
Scott Harrison (q.v.), 16; 1864 stump
speech by Col. Harrison at, 270
Virginia, State of, represented at Cen-
tennial Inauguration by colored
Harrison and Morton Clubs, 7;
Giant's long-distance attempts from,
to direct Union strategy at Nash-
ville, 282, 289
Volwiler, A. T., chosen as Harrison's
official biographer, xxi; difficulties in
writing biography, xxi; his split with
Mary L. Harrison, xxii
Voorhecs, Daniel W., U.S. district at-
torney for Indiana and Democratic
candidate for Congress in 1860, wit-
nesses Harrison-Hendricks debate,
ir,i; as the "Tall Sycamore of the
Wabash," is felled by Harrison at
Rockville (Ind.) debate, 152
Walker, Joseph, is graduated with
Harrison from Miami U. and de-
livers "Death of Socrates" oration,
6.]
Walker, Mrs. James Blaine, possessor
of Ben Harrison's college diploma,
65, n.7o
Walker, Robert J., governor of Kansas
Territory (a Buchanan appointee),
styled as "most corrupt, intriguing,"
129
Wallace, David, governor of Indiana
(1837-1840) and father of Gen.
Lew and William Wallace (q.v.), be-
friended by William Henry Harri-
son, 17; acts as defense counsel in
" Point Lookout" case (q.v.), 96; rela-
tionship with Harrison family re-
called, 96, n.2g; compliments Har-
rison on ability as a prosecutor, 97
Wallace, Lew, Union general, son of
Gov. David Wallace (q.v.), brother
of William Wallace (q.v.), author
of Bcn-Hur and Harrison's cam-
paign biography, xvi; areas of fame,
17; notes Harrison's boyhood love
of novels, 27, n.38; commands nth
Ind. Vol. Reg., 168; recalls Har-
rison's record for "hunting guerril-
las and drilling his men," 226; de-
tails Harrison's systematic study of
manuals on tactics, 227; describes
Col. Harrison "turned surgeon" at
Battle of Golgotha Church (Ga.),
255-56; invites Harrison to attend
trial of Lincoln's conspirators, 309
Wallace, William, Indianapolis attor-
ney, son of Gov. David Wallace
(q.v.), brother of Gen. Lew Wallace
(^.v.), invites Harrison to form law
partnership, 104, 121; describes ori-
gin of legal association with Har-
rison, 104-5; seeks and gains elective
office, 107; styled by Harrison as
"devoted politician," 122; joins Har-
rison in 1858 New Year's resolution
to abstain from tobacco, 129; wit-
nesses Harrison's oath of office as
Supreme Court Reporter, 156; po-
litical activities of, throw law work
on Harrison's shoulders, 169; com-
ments on Harrison's legal qualities
after six-year partnership, 172; be-
comes Harrison's first volunteer for
the 7oth Ind. (Co. A), 178-80; aids
Harrison's recruiting efforts, 181; de-
livers "knapsack on back and mus-
ket in hand" speech, 182
Wallace, Mrs. William, accompanies
Carrie Harrison on visit to 7oth
Ind., 196
Wallace and Harrison, law firm estab-
lished in 1855, 104-5, 1J 7 enjoys
high-grade and lucrative practice
(1855-1861), 107; maintains contin-
ued financial success, 165; six-year
partnership terminates after Wal-
lace's 1861 success at polls, 171
War Hawks of 1864, certainty of, that
Lincoln's re-election meant a fight to
the finish, 277
Ward, William T., Union general,
commands brigade in Dumont's
division (i4th Army Corps), 218;
styled by Harrison as "very clever"
but with "very little idea of mili-
tary matters," 220; invites Harrison
to headquarters for first Thanksgiv-
ing dinner in the field, 222; offers
Harrison a provost marshalship, 226;
conducts classes in tactics, 228; at-
taches brigade first to nth Army
Corps, then to 2oth Army Corps,
231; commands brigade under Gen.
Butterfield (q.v.), 232, 11.97; en '
trusts command to Harrison on
march to join Gen. Hooker
233; resumes command, 235; drink-
ing and tactical mistakes of, criti-
cized by Col. Harrison, 236-38;
enjoys confidence of "Fighting Joe"
Hooker, 241; resumes brigade com-
mand under Butterfield's $d Divi-
sion of 20th Army Corps, 241; pre-
pares for offensive at Resaca (Ga.),
248; again criticized by Harrison as
"stupid and maudlin," 249; wounded
at Resaca, 251; made divisional
commander, with Harrison taking
charge of his brigade, 259; at Peach
Tree Creek (Ga.) discredits report
that Hood had assumed the offen-
sive, 260; petitions Indiana Gov.
Morton to assign Harrison to re-
cruiting, 277; advises Gov. Morton
to request presidential promotion of
Harrison to brigadier general, 278;
affords Harrison a cordial reception
at Raleigh, giving evidence of true
friendship, 300; moves his division
to Richmond (Va.), 303; rides with
staff in the Grand Review, 308
Warner, Gen. William, commands
G.A.R. units at 1889 inaugural re-
view, 7
Warsaw (Ind.), Harrison's speech for
Lincoln's re-election at, 276, n-37
Washington (D.C.), 287, 300-301, 303;
where fears of invasion are dissipated
by Gen. Sheridan's victory over Gen.
Early, 266; social life of, holds little
attraction for Harrison, who calls
city "very dull and uninteresting,"
309
Washington, George, 4; sets precedent
of smooth-shaven face at his inaugu-
ration, 5, n.4; as exponent "of the
greatness of our Constitution," 8;
recalls service of Benjamin Harrison,
"the Signer," in First Continental
Congress, 13-14; writes to Virginia
governor Benjamin Harrison, "the
Signer," 15, n-38
Washington College (Pa.), awards de-
gree to J. W. Scott (q.v.) in 1828,
47
"Washington, the Republican," in
reply to this toast Harrison makes
one of his greatest political speeches,
7
Watihatchie (Tenn.), 238; Union sol-
diers sense nearness of the enemy
at, 243
INDEX 373
Wayne, Gen. "Mad" Anthony, Indian
war campaigns of, 15
Wayne Co. (Pa.), residence of Carrie
Scott's relatives, 73, n.3i
Webster, Daniel, cited by Harrison
during 1860 campaign, 140
Wellington, First Duke of, British
statesman and general, quoted by
Indianapolis Daily Journal in praise
of Sherman's army, 307
West Virginia, State of, traversed by
homeward-bound 7oth Ind., 312
Westerners, Harrison notes presence
of, at the Grand Review, 308
Westville (111.), hears Garfield's 1864
stump appeal for Lincoln's re-elec-
tion, 270, n.i6
Whig party, in 1848 nominates Zach-
ary Taylor (q.v.) for presidency, 39;
some members of, join the Repub-
lican party, 115-16; threatened with
extinction in Ohio and Indiana by
passage of Nebraska Bill (q.v.), 118;
collapse and absorption of, by new
national parties, 121; Kentucky re-
garded as traditional citadel of, 139
Whiskey, use and abuse of, causes dis-
ciplinary problem in Harrison's regi-
ment, 194-95; despite free flow of
bourbon, Harrison keeps own so-
briety in camp, 230; on the ascend-
ancy with Gen. Hooker in com-
mand of 2oth Army Corps, 241
White House, prominence of, obscured
by wooden stands during the Grand
Review, 304
White River, location of Indianapolis
on west fork of, 89
Whiteman, Lewis, attorney, listed as
Harrison's Cincinnati legal refer-
ence, 101, n-45
Whitewater Canal (Ohio), 22, n.is
Wilderness, Battle of the, recalled by
Harrison and marching troops en
route to Washington, 304
Willard, Asbel P., governor of Indi-
ana, signs Harrison's four-year com-
mission as notary public, 134
William and Mary College (Va.), alma
mater of Benjamin Harrison, "the
Signer," 13
William Henry Harrison monument
(North Bend, Ohio), inscription on,
contains succinct biography and
tribute, 15-16
Williams, Alpheus S., Union general,
374
BENJAMIN HARRISON: HOOSIER WARRIOR
commands ist Division of 20th
Army Corps, 232, n.gy
Williams, Charles, suggested as Har-
Harrison biographer, xx
Wilmington (N.C.), rail connections
between here and Beaufort (N.C.)
controlled by Sherman, 294; evacu-
ated by Confederacy, 295, n.2i, 296
"With bloody hands and hospitable
graves," Harrison's vituperative vol-
ley directed against enemies at home,
215
"With that army I could go anywhere
and do anything," Wellington's
1815 remark applicable to Sherman
at war's end, 307
Wood, Captain, Confederate officer,
residence of, proves obstacle to com-
plete Union success, 202-7
Wood, James, Jr., Union general, com-
mands brigade under Gen. Butter-
field (q.v.), 232, n.97; supports 7oth
Ind. in assault at Resaca (Ga.), 250;
enables Harrison's command to gain
brow of ridge by prompt support
at Peach Tree Creek (Ga.), 261
Wood, T. J. f Union general, commands
center of Thomas' army at Nash-
ville, 283
Woodawl, J. M., Miami U. professor,
disappointed by Ben's choice of law
over ministry, 63
Woodburn, James Albert, suggested as
rison biographer, xx
Woodworth, Mrs. Ruth, hostess at
Harrison Memorial Home (Indian-
apolis), 100, n4i
Wright, Mr., old family friend, enter-
tains Gen. Harrison at his Bladens-
burg (Md.) home, 310-11
Wright, Jacob T., chairman of Union
State Central Committee (Ind. Rep.),
accepts Harrison's 1864 conditional
derision to run again for Reporter-
ship, 267
Wright, John C., U.S. congressman
and former New Englander, associ-
ated with Bellamy Storer (q.v.), 68,
n-9
Wright, John Montgomery, marshal of
the Supreme Court (1888-1915)
leads 1889 inaugural parade, 5
Wright, Joseph A., Indiana governor,
appoints Harrison to conduct legis-
lative investigation, 97
X-Y-Z
Xenophon, his Anabasis compared
with Army of the Tennessee ex-
ploits, 305
Yale University (Conn.), suggested by
Ben's teacher as best undergradu-
ate college, 26, 48-49, n.i2
Yazoo River (Miss.), its slime over-
come by Sherman's army, 305
Yorktown Peninsula (Va.), and Mc-
Clellan's advance checked in Seven
Days' Battle, 177
Young Men's Christian Association
(Y.M.C.A.), organized in 1854 in In-
dianapolis, 113, n.i8; and Harri-
son's labors for young men, 113
Young Men's Mercantile Library As-
sociation (Cincinnati), affords Har-
rison excellent facilities, 71