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DAVIS 


THE    BEOTHUCKS    OR    RED    INDIANS 

THE    ABORIGINAL    INHABITANTS    OF 
NEWFOUNDLAND 


CAMBRIDGE   UNIVERSITY   PRESS 

C.  F.  CLAY,  MANAGER 

loirton:   FETTER  LANE,  E.G. 

Eitnirorgi) :    100  PRINCES  STREET 


imOion:   WILLIAM  WESLEY  &  SON,  28  ESSEX  STREET,  STRAND 

£rin  fork:  G.   P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

Bowtag  ana  Calcutta:  MACMILLAN  AND  CO.,  LTD. 

torsnto:    J.  M.   DENT  AND  SONS,  LTD. 

THE  MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA 


All  rights  reserved 


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THE   BEOTHUCKS   OR    RED    INDIANS 

THE    ABORIGINAL    INHABITANTS    OF 
NEWFOUNDLAND 


BY 


JAMES    P.    HOWLEY,    F.G.S, 


Cambridge  : 

at  the  University   Press 
1915 


Cambridge: 

PRINTED   BY  JOHN   CLAY,    M.A. 
AT  THE  UNIVERSITY   PRESS 


PREFACE 

FOR  the  past  forty  years  I  have  endeavoured  to  gather,  from  every 
available  source,  all  possible  information  bearing  upon  this  subject. 
After  a  minute  study  of  every  detail  obtainable,  I  have  come  to  the  con- 
clusion that  at  this  distance  of  time,  with  such  meagre  material  as  we 
possess,  it  would  be  utterly  out  of  the  question  to  attempt  to  write  an 
accurate  history  of  the  aborigines  of  this  island. 

All  that  can  be  aimed  at  now  is  to  gather  together  the  various  dis- 
jointed and  disconnected  references  to  those  people  that  have  appeared  from 
time  to  time  in  print,  arrange  these  in  some  sort  of  consecutive  order,  and 
relate  the  numerous  traditions,  anecdotes,  etc.,  current  amongst  the  fisher- 
folk,  that  I  have  gathered,  and  which  have  been  preserved  and  handed 
down  from  generation  to  generation. 

From  this  chaotic  mass  of  material,  I  shall  endeavour  to  sift  as  much 
of  the  truth  as  possible,  and  finally  make  such  corrections  as  are  deemed 
necessary,  or  offer  such  solutions  of  points  in  the  narrations  as  seem  to 
require  explanation.  Modern  research  in  ethnological  studies  affords  much 
new  light  upon  such  subjects,  which  was  entirely  beyond  the  reach  of  the 
earlier  writers. 

I  am  fully  aware  that  all  my  efforts  must  still  fall  very  short  in  many 
respects,  and  that  there  are  probably,  numerous  unrelated  traditions  which 
have  not  come  under  my  notice.  I  can  only  claim  that  I  have  used  my 
best  endeavours  to  preserve  from  oblivion,  the  principal  facts  relating  to 
this  interesting  but  unfortunate  section  of  the  human  family. 

I  had  long  since  intended  publishing  the  result  of  these  enquiries  but 
various  circumstances  interposed  to  prevent  my  doing  so,  not  the  least  of 
which  was  the  hope  that  at  any  moment  some  additional  or  important  fact 
might  come  within  my  reach ;  furthermore,  I  had  cherished  the  hope  of 
being  able  to  trace  certain  documents  known  to  have  been  in  existence, 
but  in  this  I  have  been  but  partially  successful. 

Every  individual  who  was  supposed  to  possess  any  information  what- 
ever, bearing  on  the  subject,  has  been  either  interviewed  or  written  to,  with 
the  view  of  making  the  work  as  complete  as  possible.  Needless  to  say, 
much  that  has  been  so  acquired  is  of  a  very  dubious  character.  Fully 


vi  Preface 

half  of  it  referred  to  the  same  events  as  occurring  to  different  individuals, 
at  different  times  and  places.  It  was  no  easy  task  to  sift  all  these 
divergent  stories,  eliminate  what  was  useless  or  unreliable,  and  get  at  the 
actual  facts  in  each  case. 

It  was  my  good  fortune  in  the  beginning  of  these  researches  to  meet 
with  a  few  intelligent  persons,  who  had  come  into  actual  contact  with  some 
of  the  aborigines  during  their  lifetime,  and  from  whom  the  most  valuable 
information  was  obtained.  It  would  be  unimportant  to  enumerate  all  the 
persons,  but  I  cannot  refrain  from  mentioning  the  more  reliable  authorities, 
whose  authenticity  is  beyond  question. 

My  old  friend,  the  late  John  Peyton,  Magistrate  of  Twillingate,  his 
wife,  and  his  son  Thomas,  were,  without  exception,  the  best  informed 
persons  of  modern  times,  in  fact,  they  were  a  fund  in  themselves  from 
whence  was  obtained  the  most  direct  and  trustworthy  references  in  my 
possession.  It  was  John  Peyton  who  captured  the  Red  Indian  woman, 
called  Mary  March,  in  1819,  and  in  whose  house  another  female,  called 
Nancy,  lived  for  several  years  after  her  capture  in  1823.  The  widow  Jure, 
of  Exploits  Island,  who  also  resided  in  Peyton's  house  at  the  same  time 
as  Nancy,  was  a  valuable  informant.  She  not  only  gave  me  most  minute 
particulars  of  the  appearance  and  characteristics  of  the  Beothuck  woman, 
but  having  acquired  some  knowledge  of  their  language,  was  able  to  pro- 
nounce, faultlessly,  several  words  for  me,  which  gave  a  clue  to  its  phonetics 
which  could  not  be  otherwise  obtained. 

The  late  Rev.  Phillip  Tocque,  author  of  a  book  on  Newfoundland, 
entitled  Wandering  Thoughts,  in  which  appeared  an  engraving  of  Mary 
March,  kindly  furnished  me  with  full  particulars  of  the  source  from  whence 
the  picture  originated,  and  which  was  in  every  way  authentic. 

Another  Anglican  clergyman,  the  Rev.  Silas  T.  Rand,  of  Hansport, 
Nova  Scotia,  well  versed  in  the  Micmac  language,  and  author  of  a  Micmac 
dictionary,  related  some  interesting  traditions  of  that  people  about  the 
Newfoundland  Indians. 

Prof.  Latham,  an  eminent  English  Ethnologist,  who  made  a  careful 
study  of  the  Beothuck  vocabulary,  furnished  me  with  a  copy  of  his  notes 
and  comments  thereon. 

Tlje  late  Sir  William  Dawson,  Principal  of  McGill  University,  Montreal, 
was  another  gentleman  to  whom  I  am  indebted  in  this  connection. 

But  perhaps,  above  all  others,  my  thanks  are  due  to  Prof.  Albert  S. 
Gatschet,  of  the  Ethnological  Bureau  of  Washington,  for  the  most  minute 
study  and  analysis  of  all  the  Beothuck  vocabularies  that  have  come  to  light. 
A  correspondence,  extending  over  several  years,  was  kept  up  with  this  last 
named  gentleman,  who  became  very  much  absorbed  in  this,  to  him,  entirely 


Preface  vii 

new  dialect,  and  in  the  manners  and  customs  of  this  strange  people,  so 
unlike  in  many  respects,  those  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  mainland  of  the 
N.  American  continent.  It  was  a  revelation  to  him  to  find  so  much  new 
material  to  work  upon,  of  which  he  was  previously  unaware.  From  the 
moment  I  sent  him  the  first  instalment  of  the  vocabulary,  his  interest  in 
the  subject  was  unceasing,  and  he  kept  constantly  urging  me  to  hunt  up 
further  information,  while  he,  himself,  set  to  work  in  his  own  sphere,  and 
succeeded  in  unearthing  much  that  was  inaccessible  to  me.  I  had  the 
good  fortune  to  meet  this  gentleman  in  Washington  in  1885,  and  had  a 
long  and  most  interesting  conversation  with  him.  He  subsequently  pub- 
lished several  pamphlets  bearing  upon  the  ethnological  and  linguistic 
relations  of  this  most  interesting  tribe. 

Altogether,  several  vocabularies  were  obtained  from  various  sources, 
some  of  them  being  mere  copies  of  each  other,  made  at  different  times, 
and  by  different  individuals,  yet  each  one  contained  a  few  additional  words, 
or  gave  a  different  rendering  of  many  terms.  As  might  be  expected  this 
was  the  cause  of  much  perplexity,  nevertheless,  by  a  most  careful  com- 
parison of  all  the  vocabularies,  Mr  Gatschet  was  enabled,  in  most  cases, 
to  cull  out  the  errors  and  rectify  the  mistakes. 

Unfortunately  none  of  these  vocabularies  were  extensive  or  of  sufficient 
range  to  prove  entirely  satisfactory.  Owing  to  the  numerous  copyists'  and 
typographical  errors  in  all  of  them,  the  task  of  unravelling  them  must  have 
been  a  very  difficult  one.  As  however,  we  can  never  hope  to  add  to  our 
knowledge  on  this  head  now,  the  elucidation  at  the  hands  of  such  an 
eminent  authority  as  Mr  Gatschet  can  scarcely  ever  be  looked  for  again. 
In  its  proper  place  I  shall  give,  in  full,  the  results  of  his  investigations 
and  the  conclusions  he  arrived  at. 

More  or  less  information  was  obtained  from  the  Curators  of  the  Bristol, 
Edinburgh,  and  British  Museums,  and  from  a  host  of  private  individuals 
too  numerous  to  mention.  In  fact  no  possible  or  probable  source  that  held 
out  the  remotest  chance  of  affording  any  light  on  the  subject  was  neglected. 

There  is  one  circumstance  in  connection  with  these  researches  I  shall 
ever  regret.  I  was  not  aware  until  the  notice  of  his  death  appeared  some 
thirty-eight  years  ago,  that  the  philanthropic  gentleman,  Mr  W.  E.  Cormack, 
was,  for  many  years  previous,  residing  at  New  Westminster,  British  Columbia. 
Perhaps  this  noble-hearted  individual  possessed  a  more  intimate  knowledge 
of  the  Beothucks  than  any  other  person  living  in  recent  times.  He  threw 
himself  heart  and  soul  into  the  attempt  to  ameliorate  their  hapless  con- 
dition in  the  early  part  of  the  last  century.  He  made  two  daring  excursions 
into  the  then  unknown  interior,  in  the  hope  of  finding  or  communicating 
with  them,  but  alas !  it  was  too  late !  they  had  ceased  to  exist,  and  so  far 


viii  Preface 

as  we  know  with  certainty,  the  last  survivor,  Shanawdithit  (Nancy),  was 
then  residing  with  the  Peyton  family  at  Exploits  Island.  Cormack  had 
her  brought  to  St  John's,  after  his  return  from  his  last  expedition,  and 
during  the  short  remainder  of  her  life,  obtained  from  her  many  valuable 
and  interesting  facts  relative  to  the  history,  etc.,  of  her  tribe.  We  have 
evidence  of  this  from  the  few  stray  notes  and  references,  in  his  hand- 
writing, that  have  been  preserved. 

It  would  be  inconceivable  that  an  educated  man  like  Cormack,  who 
had  evinced  such  a  marked,  aye,  even  enthusiastic  interest  in  this  unfortu- 
nate race,  should  have  neglected  the  opportunity  afforded  him,  during 
several  months'  close  contact  with  Shanawdithit,  to  question  her  closely  on 
all  matters  relating  to  the  history  and  traditions  of  her  people.  He  had 
then  an  opportunity  such  as  never  occurred  before,  as  by  this  time  the 
woman  had  acquired  a  very  fair  knowledge  of  the  English  language,  in 
which  she  could  make  herself  clearly  understood.  She  was  a  full-grown 
woman  when  captured,  and  must  have  been  well  informed  on  all  that 
pertained  to  her  people.  That  Cormack  published  somewhere,  the  fullest 
particulars  of  all  he  learned  from  Shanawdithit,  is  several  times  hinted  at 
in  his  manuscripts,  but  all  my  efforts  to  trace  these  have  utterly  failed. 

Since  then  all  chance  of  ascertaining  anything  further  upon  this,  to 
me,  most  absorbing  topic  seems  hopeless,  it  remains  only  to  give  the  result 
of  my  researches  to  the  public  in  as  connected  a  form  as  possible,  adding 
such  comments  or  explanations  as  my  own  observations  in  the  interior, 
during  so  many  years,  may  enable  me  to  offer. 

JAMES  P.  HOWLEY. 

August  1914. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

PREFACE     .        .        .        .        .  -.  .  t  .        .       .        .  .        .        ,        .         v 

INTRODUCTION   ......  xiii 


FIFTEENTH    CENTURY 

Cabot's  Voyages       "  .-'      .  ......  i 

First  Voyage  of  Caspar  de  Cortereal,  in   1500 .         .         .  4 


SIXTEENTH    CENTURY 

Verazzano's  Voyage,   1523 8 

Voyages  of  Jacques  Cartier,   1534 — 1535 9 


SEVENTEENTH    CENTURY 

John  Guy's  Narrative,  1612 15 

From  Bonnycastle       ................  19 

Extracts  from  Captain  Richard  Whitbourne's  Book,  entitled  A  Discotirse  and  Discovery  of 

the  Neive-founde-lannde       ..............  19 

Notes  from  Various  Sources  between  the  date  of  Whitbourne's  Book,  1622,  and  John  Cartwright's 

Expedition  up  the  Exploits  River,  in  1768 22 


EIGHTEENTH    CENTURY 

From  the  Journal  of  Sir  Joseph  Banks,   1766  .         . 27 

Remarks  on  the  situation  of  the  Red  Indians,  natives  of  Newfoundland  ;  with  some  account  of 
their  manner  of  living  ;  together  with  such  descriptions  as  are  necessary  to  the  explanation 
of  the  sketch  of  the  country  they  inhabit :  taken  on  the  spot  in  the  year  1768,  by  Lieutenant 
John  Cartwright  of  H.M.S.  Weymouth  .  .  .  *  -  .  .  .  ,  ,  ,  .  29 

Proclamation  issued  by  His  Excellency  Capt.  the  Hon.  John  Byron  in  1769       ....         45 
Notes  on  the   Red    Indians  from  A  Journal  of  transactions  and  events  during  a  residence  of 
nearly    sixteen    years    on     the    coast    of  Labrador,    &*>c.,    by    Capt.    George     Cartwright. 

(Newark,   1792.) ,./"     .-      -»        ,.        .        .. .       f         45 

Parliamentary  Papers .        .        .         .         49 

Letter  of  Mr  John  Bland  addressed  to  Governor's  Secretary         ...       .         .         .        »        .        t         56 

Second  Letter  of  Mr  Bland       .        .        .        .  .        .        .        .        .        .        ....      58 

Mr  Bland's  third  letter     .....  60 

H.  b 


Contents 


NINETEENTH    CENTURY 

PAGE 

Letter  from  William  Cull  to  the  Governor 64 

Proclamation  by  His  Excellency  John  Holloway,  Esq.,  Vice-Admiral  of  the  Red,  Governor  and 

Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Island  of  Newfoundland,  etc.  . 64 

Mr  Eland's  fourth  letter 65 

From  Governor  Holloway  to  John  Bland,  Esq 66 

Governor  Holloway's  letter  to  Viscount  Castlereagh 66 

Governor  Holloway's  reference  to  this  expedition 67 

Substance  of  the  Narrative  of  Wm  Cull  of  Fogo 69 

Narrative  of  Lieut.  Buchan's  Journey  up  the  Exploits  River  in  search  of  the  Red  Indians, 

in  the  winter  of  1810-1811 „  .  .  72 

Concluding  Remarks  by  Lieut.  Buchan 85 

Capture  of  Mary  March  (Demasduit)  on  Red  Indian  Lake,  in  the  month  of  March  1819  .  91 

Tribe  of  Red  Indians.  Letter  to  the  Editor  of  the  Liverpool  Mercury 96 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  St  John's,  dated  Aug.  i,  1811. 104 

John  Peyton's  Narrative 105 

Resolutions  of  a  Town  Meeting  respecting  the  Indians 108 

Letter  to  Rev.  Mr  Leigh 108 

Capt.  Glascock  H.M.S.  Drake.  Orders  to  proceed  to  the  Northward  to  endeavour  to  return  an 

Indian  woman  to  her  Tribe no 

Order  to  Capt.  Glascock  to  search  for  Indians  .  . 1 1 1 

List  of  Articles  delivered  to  Capt.  Glascock  for  the  Indians 112 

List  of  Presents  intended  for  the  Native  Indians .112 

Letter  to  the  Chief  Justice  in  reply  respecting  the  intended  communication  with  the  Native 

Indians 113 

Report  of  Capt.  Glascock  .  .  . 113 

Instructions  to  Commander  Buchan,  R.N 116 

Instructions  to  Capt.  David  Buchan  in  his  2nd  Expedition  during  the  winter  of  1819-20  .  117 

Colonial  Correspondence 119,  120,  127 

Captain  Buchan's  Report  of  2nd  Expedition .  .  .121 

Further  characteristics  of  Mary  March  (Waunathoake) .  .  127 


NARRATIVE   OF   A   JOURNEY   ACROSS   THE    ISLAND   OF 
NEWFOUNDLAND    IN    1822 

Training  and  preparation  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .130 

Passage  from  St  John's  to  Trinity  Bay 131 

Depart  from  the  sea  coast         ..............  135 

First   view   of  the  interior — Our   advance  into  it — Its  description — Reach  the   central   part   of 

the  island      .         .         .         .         .         .         .        .         .         .        » 139 

Continue  the  journey  into  the  western  interior        . 147 

Of  the  Red  Indians  and  the  other  tribes         .        .' .         .151 

General  features  of  the  Western  Interior,  etc.          .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  155 

The  West  Coast 158 

American  portion  of  Newfoundland.         .        .  •      .         ...         .         .         .         .         .                  .  165 

South  coast  of  Newfoundland — Termination  of  journey  . 167 

Capture  of  three  Beothuck  women   .......          ......  169 


Contents  xi 

PAGE 

Extract  of  a  disputation  from  R.  A.  Tucker,  Esq.,  Administering  to  the  Government  of  New- 
foundland, to  R.  W.  Horton,  Esq.     .         .         .         •*'-'     '. '  ''•."*  '     .  "      .         .         .         .         .  174 
Captain  David  Buchan,  R.N.    .         .         .         .     "•  .         ..."        .        ;        .         .        .         .  176 

Substance  of  Mr  Curtis's  Story         .                                  179 

Formation  of  the  Beothuck  Institution .  .182 

Extracts  from  the  Edinburgh  New  Philosophical  Journal,  Dec.   1827  .        •.         .         .         .         .187 

Edinburgh  Philosophical  Journal,  Jan.   1828 .         .188 

Report  of  Mr  W.  E.  Cormack's  Journey  in  search  of  the  Red  Indians  of  Newfoundland.     Read 

before  the  Beothuck  Institution  at  St  John's,  Newfoundland.    Communicated  by  Mr  Cormack  189 
Letters  of  W.  E.   Cormack,  Esq.,  addressed  to  John  Stark,  Esq.,  Secretary  of  the  Beothuck 

Institution,  relative  to  affairs  of  the  Institution,  &c.     Mr  Peyton's  Exploits ....  197 

Second  Letter  (in  reply  to  Mr  Stark  2ist  December) .        .198 

Third  Letter  written  after  his  return  from  England  1828 199 

Fourth  Letter  to  Mr  Stark.       ...         . 199 

Fifth  Letter  to  Mr  Stark 199 

Sixth  Letter  to  Mr  Stark 200 

Letters  of  John  Stark,  Esq.,  Secretary  of  the  Beothuck  Institution 200 

First  Letter  (in  reply  to  W.  E.  C.'s  of  26th  October) 200 

Second  Letter  (in  reply  to  W.  E.  C.'s  26th  May)  .        .        . 201 

Third  Letter.     (Reply  to  W.  E.  C.  June  2ist) •.        .        .        .201 

Fourth  Letter 201 

Fifth  Letter         .                 202 

Sixth  Letter 203 

Letter  from  Prof.  Jameson 203 

Letters  from  Dr  Barrow  to  Prof.  Jameson       ...........  204 

Letter  from  Lord  Bathurst  to  Dr  Barrow 204 

Letter  to  Mr  Cormack  relative  to  his  journey  across  country  and  his  reply  thereto  .        .        .  205 

Letter  from  Judge  Des  Barres 205 

Letters  from  the  Bishop  of  Nova  Scotia,  Dr  Englis,  to  W.  E.  Cormack  and  replies         .       205-210 
Manuscript  of  W.  E.  Cormack's,  apparently  written  after  his  last  expedition  in  search  of  the 

Red  Indians 210 

Mamateek  or  Wigwam 211 

Beothuck  Dress  .        .        .        . .        .        .  212 

Beothuck  Arms 212 

Canoes 213 

Language     . 213 

Method  of  Interment 213 

Proclamation  to  the  Micmacs    .        .        .        .       • 214 

Beothuck  Institution  .        .        .        .        .  •      .        .        .        .        . 215 

Letter  to  French  Commandant          ... .        .        .  218 

Suggestions,  Hints  &c.  re  Red  Indians 220 

History  of  the  Red  Indians  of  Newfoundland         .        . 222 

Of  the  Aborigines  of  Newfoundland.     (Cormack.)   .        .        .      •  .        .        .         .                 .        .  222 

Notes  relative  to  the  Red  Indians  from  the  Records  of  the  Beothuck  Institution.     (Loose  papers 

in  W.  E.  Cormack's  handwriting) 229 

Stray  Notes  in  Cormack's  handwriting.     Dated  June  24th  1851 230 

Death  of  Shanawdithit .        ...        .231 

William  Epps  Cormack     .        .  • ."                 .        .        .  232 

Death  of  W.  E.  Cormack. ...        .        .        .         .        .  234 

Shanawdithit's  Drawings    ...        .        .  .     '.        .        .         .        .         .        •         •         «         •"'    '•  238 

Theories  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Beothucks "     .        .        .        .        .       '.  251 

Physical  Features  of  the  Beothucks                  ; 257 

Status  of  the  Red  Indian  Women    .        .        .        .        .        .       *.        «        •        ."•''•        •  261 

The  Custom  of  using  Red  Ochre     .        .        .        .        .        .        .        ...        .        .        .  262 


xii  Contents 

PAGE 

Report  of  Bureau  of  Ethnology  U.S.  1882-3  .  .  •.-.'.,.,.  .'.-..  263 

Traditions  current  among  the  fisher-folk  and  other  residents  about  the  Aborigines,  or  Red  Indians  265 
Notes  on  the  Red  Indians  from  Newfoundland  and  its  Missionaries,  by  Rev.  W.  Wilson. 

Page  308  ,\  267 

Inspector  Grimes'  stories :,/'•..  .  .  .  273 

Joseph  Young's  story  . 277 

Rev.  Silas  T.  Rand's  story ;  .  .  '  .  .284 

The  Story  .  ...  .  .  • 285 

Description  of  a  Beothuck  Sepulchre  on  an  island  in  the  Bay  of  Exploits 288 

Reconstructed  Red  Indian  Grave,  Hangman's  Island,  Placentia  Bay  . 292 

Rough  sketch  of  Hangman's  Island          .         ...        .    -    .        v                 .         .         .         .  292 

Indian  Hole,  Tilt  Island,  Ragged  Islands,  Placentia  Bay.     Sketch  plan      .        .        .         .         .  293 

Linguistic  Affinity  of  the  Beothucks          .         .    ,  _  •.  ,     ,        ...         ...     .    .         .  297 

First  Paper  by  Albert  S.  Gatschet,  read  before  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  June  igth, 

1885 ,.....,. 302 

Vocabulary 303 

Beothuck  song  preserved  by  Cormack 307 

Second  Paper  by  Albert  S.  Gatschet,  read  before  American  Philosophical  Society,  May  7th,  1886  307 
Third  Paper  by  Albert  S.  Gatschet.  (Read  before  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  Jan.  3, 

1890) 317 

The  three  Vocabularies  combined 319 

Remarks  on  Single  Terms  , 321 

Lloyd's  papers 322 

Lloyd's  description  of  the  implements  he  found 323 

Beothuck  Implements  found  on  Long  Island,  Placentia  Bay 326 

Finding  of  Beothuck  Skeletons 330 

Implements  and  Ornaments  of  the  Beothucks 336 

Concluding  remarks  on  the  Red  Indians 34 1 

Bibliography  (from  Gatschet's  ist  Paper) 344 


LIST    OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 

PLATE  PAGE 

Naval  Officers  and  men  conciliating  Indians.     Imaginary  picture ....  Frontispiece 

I.  Portrait  of  Major  John  Cartwright To  fate    28 

II.  Cartwright's  sketch  of  Exploits  River,  etc.        .........  29 

Imaginary  Picture  of  Red  Indian  Camp „           29 

III.  Section  of  Beothuck  canoe,  Cartwright „           32 

IV.  Deer  fence  after  Champlain „          69 

V.  Bloody  Point,  Red  Indian  Lake,  where  Buchan's  Marines  were  killed  „          80 
Beothuck  snow  shoe  as  described  by  Buchan 87 

VI.  Portrait  of  Mary  March „           91 

VII.  „          John  Peyton „         105 

VIII.              ,,          Capt.  Buchan ,,176 

IX.                „          Shanawdithit              ...                 „        231 


SHANAWDITHIT'S   DRAWINGS 

Sketch      I.        Red  Indian  Lake,  Beothuck  village between  pp.  238-9 

II.       Capture  of  Mary  March  on  R.  I.  Lake,  1819 to  face  240 

III.  Captain  Buchan  conveying  Mary  March's  corpse  up  Exploits       .        „  241 

IV.  Last  resting  place  of  Beothucks  on  Badger  River                                    „  243 

V.  Murder  of  Indian  woman  on  Exploits „  245 

VI,  VII.    Summer  and  Winter  mamateeks.     Represents   different  kinds  of 

food,  etc.     .        .        .        .                 .        .         .                 .        .   *    „  246 

VIII.  A  variety  of  subjects,  cups,  spears,  etc.    .        .'       .        .    '    .        .        „  248 

IX,  X.    House  in  St  John's  in  which  Nancy  lived.     Mythological  emblems        „  249 

X.  Beothuck  sepulchre,  Swan  Island,  Exploits  Bay „  288 

Mode  of  burial  shown  by  Mr  Dahl,  M.E 292 

„            „        on  Hangman's  Island,  Placentia  Bay 292 

„            „        on  Tilt  Island 294 

XI.  Map  of  Newfoundland  and  Exploits  River  in  1912  showing  where  Indian  villages 

were  located  and  implements  found   .         .         .  "              .        .        ...        „  323 

XII.      Mummified  body  of  boy  and  Beothuck  skulls  .........  330 

XIII.  Skeleton  of  Beothuck „  332 

XIV.  Beothuck  skulls    <        .        .        . •     .        .        .        „  334 


List  of  Illustrations 
PLATES   OF    IMPLEMENTS   AND   ORNAMENTS 


PLATE 


XV,  XVI.  Rude  stone  implements at  end  of  book 

XVII— XIX.  Celts,  gouges,  lance  heads,  etc »        »» 

XX— XXII.  Turtle  backs,  arrow  heads,  scrapers »         » 

XXIII,  XXIV.  Rubbing  stones,  bone  implements,  etc n         n 

XXV— XXIX.  Carved  bone  ornaments       ....  »        »i 

XXX,  XXXI.  Implements  of  iron.     Birch  bark  canoes,  cups,  etc.  .         .         .         „         „ 

'  XXXII.  Soapstone  pots,  lamps,  etc.,  and  cliff  from  whence  obtained  .         .         .         „         „ 

XXXIII.  Fragments  of  bows  and  arrow  shafts,  etc »     .    « 

XXXIV.  „               birch  bark,  canoes,  cups,  etc.     .                 ••••»» 
XXXV.  Wampum  necklace  and  other  ornaments »         » 

XXXVI.  Recent  find  of  bone  ornaments »       u 

XXXVII.  „         ,,         stone  implements »        n 


INTRODUCTION 


"The  proper  study  of  mankind  is  man." — POPE. 

WITH  the  many  theories  that  have  been  advanced  from  time  to  time 
to  account  for  the  peopling  of  this  vast  Western  Continent,  by  learned 
persons  of  historical  and  ethnological  celebrity,  I  shall  not  attempt  to 
grapple.  I  shall  confine  myself  merely  to  a  general  rdsumt  of  such  as 
bear  the  appearance  of  plausibility,  and  leave  to  others  to  draw  their  own 
conclusions  therefrom. 

The  most  generally  accepted  theory,  and  that  which  was  held  for  a 
long  time,  is  the  supposition  that  the  nomadic  tribes  of  human  beings 
found  here  by  the  first  European  explorers,  must  have  originally  crossed 
over  from  the  Asiatic  Continent,  by  way  of  Behring  Strait,  or  the  Aleutian 
Islands.  Many  circumstances  seemed  to  lend  colour  to  this  theory.  A  great 
resemblance  existed,  both  in  customs  and  manners,  between  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Asiatic  Steppes  and  the  American  Indians  ;  but  subsequent  investi- 
gations, and  the  light  that  modern  ethnological  science  has  brought  to  bear 
on  this  great  question,  seems  to  have  considerably  shaken  this  belief. 

Others  again  hold,  that  as  in  comparatively  recent  geologic  times, 
there  is  much  evidence  pointing  to  the  existence  of  a  continuous,  or  almost 
continuous,  land  barrier,  extending  across  the  northern  region  of  the  globe, 
connecting  the  eastern  and  western  hemispheres,  that  possibly  the  immi- 
gration was  in  reality  from  Europe,  and  not  from  Asia. 

That  ingenuous  writer,  Ignatius  Donnelly,  in  his  story  of  the  lost 
"  Atlantis,"  has  propounded  the  theory,  that  a  great  continent  heretofore 
occupied  the  centre  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  peopled  by  a  numerous  and 
advanced  race  of  the  human  family,  that  during  some  great  cataclysmic 
disturbance,  this  land  entirely  disappeared,  becoming  submerged  in  the 
bosom  of  Mother  Ocean,  leaving  behind  merely  a  few  outlying  fragments 
to  show  that  it  once  existed1.  He  holds  that  prior  to  its  destruction  emi- 
gration took  place,  both  in  an  eastern  and  western  direction,  and  that  the 
inhabitants  of  at  least  central  America  and  southern  Europe  had  their 
origin  from  this  source.  Far-fetched  as  this  theory  may  appear  at  first 
sight,  there  are  circumstances  surrounding  it  which  would  seem  to  give 
some  colour  to  its  probability.  We  know  that  a  tradition  long  held  place 
amongst  certain  European  and  African  nations,  notably  amongst  the  Greeks, 
Egyptians  and  Phoenicians,  of  the  existence  of  this  mysterious  continent. 

1  On  one  of  the  islands  of  the  Azores,  supposed  to  be  a  remnant  of  this  "Atlantis,"  a  life  sized 
equestrian  statue,  in  bronze,  was  found  on  the  top  of  a  mountain. — James  Stanier  Clarke. 


xvi  Introdiiction 

In  two  of  Plato's  dialogues,  namely,  The  Timae^t,s,  and  The  Critias,  he 
relates  how  Solon,  a  learned  Athenian,  travelling  in  Egypt,  fell  in  with 
an  Egyptian  priest,  a  man  of  profound  knowledge,  who  related  to  him  that 
in  times  past,  "  All  the  western  regions  of  Europe  onward  to  Tyrrhenia, 
and  of  northern  Africa  including  Lybia  and  Egypt,  had  been  over-run  and 
taken  possession  of  by  a  people  of  redoubtable  power,  starting  from  the 
bosom  of  the  Atlantic  Sea.  They  came  from  a  land  facing  the  Herculaen 
Strait  (Gibraltar),  being  a  territory  larger  than  Asia  and  Lybia  in  one  ? 
Between  this  country  and  that  strait,"  said  the  narrator,  "  there  were  several 
other  but  smaller  islands.  This  Atlantean  region  was  governed  by  a  con- 
federation of  sovereigns.  We,  all  of  us,"  he  said,  "  were  enslaved  by  these 
Atlanteans,  until  the  fleets  of  Athens  defeated  them  and  set  us  free.  Yet," 
he  continued,  "a  far  greater  evil  befell  them  not  long  afterwards,  for  their 
land  sank  in  the  ocean,  and  thus  a  vast  country,  larger  than  all  Europe 
and  Asia  together  ?  disappeared  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye1." 

Again  it  is  related  of  Himilcon,  a  Carthaginian  rover,  about  the  year 
356  of  Rome,  that  having  ventured  outside  the  "Pillars  of  Hercules" 
(Straits  of  Gibraltar)  he  was  driven  far  to  sea,  and  fell  upon  the  new 
continent  of  "Atlantis,"  where  he  found  a  people  well  advanced  in  the 
arts  and  of  a  high  degree  of  civilization,  etc.  Hamilcar  and  his  people 
described  the  land  they  visited  as  "spacious  and  fertile,  having  great 
resources  and  magnificent  forests."  "The  attractions  of  the  country  tempted 
part  of  his  crew  to  settle  there,  and  the  rest  returning  to  Carthage,  and 
its  Senate  being  apprised  confidentially,  of  the  discovery,  and  dreading  its 
effect  upon  the  people  of  Carthage,  whom  they  feared  might  emigrate 
thereto,  decided  to  bury  the  event  in  oblivion,  by  causing  all  who  knew 
of  it  to  be  secretly  put  to  death." 

These  traditions  so  universally  cherished,  in  Europe  and  Africa,  seem 
to  have  been  the  foundation  for  many  subsequent  expeditions  in  search 
of  the  mythical  "  Islands  of  the  Blest,"  the  "  Seven  Cities,"  the  island  of 
"  St  Brendan,"  etc.,  and  the  knowledge  thereof  may  even  have  been  the 
incentive  which  animated  the  breast  of  Columbus  himself,  in  his  search 
for  new  continents. 

The  latest  theory,  however,  with  regard  to  the  peopling  of  America, 
and  one  that  is  gaining  much  ground  amongst  advanced  thinkers,  is  that 
its  inhabitants  really  originated  on  this  continent,  in  fact,  some  would 
incline  to  the  belief  that  it  was  the  cradle  of  the  human  race  itself. 

What  elements  of  truth  may  be  contained  in  each  or  all  of  those 
theories,  it  is  not  my  intention  now  to  enquire  into. 

It  is  a  pretty  well  established  fact  that  the  earliest  European  inhabitants, 
the  so-called  "  Cave  Men,"  bore  a  striking  resemblance  in  anatomical  struc- 
ture, in  the  form  of  their  rude  implements  of  bone  and  stone,  and  in  their 
skill  in  carving,  to  the  Eskimos  of  the  extreme  northern  regions  of  the 
globe.  So  much  so,  that  Prof.  Boyd  Dawkins,  in  his  valuable  treatise  on 
Early  Man  in  Britain,  believes  them  to  be  identical,  or  nearly  so.  This 
ancient  race,  known  as  the  Mongolian  type  of  man,  includes  some  of  the 

1  This  latter  statement  refutes  itself  in  as  much,  that  the  Atlantic  Ocean  could  not  hold  so  great  a 
land  area,  unless,  indeed,  "Atlantis"  were  joined  to  the  American  Continent. 


Introduction  xvii 

oldest  civilized  nations  of  the  earth,  especially  the  Chinese  and  Japanese. 
We  have  seen  within  recent  times  to  what  a  height  of  advancement  the 
latter  people  were  capable  of  developing.  Their  struggle  with  the  powerful 
Russian  Empire  has  placed  them  in  the  van  of  modern  nations  in  the  arts 
of  peace  and  war. 

As  already  stated,  the  geologic  conditions  of  our  globe  during  the 
latter  stages  of  the  Post- Pliocene  period,  when  it  was  supposed  man  first 
made  his  appearance,  were  such,  that  the  land  comprising  the  two  great 
continents  of  Europe  and  America  must  have  approached,  in  their  northern 
latitudes,  much  nearer  than  they  do  to-day,  if  indeed  they  did  not  actually 
unite.  It  is  not  unreasonable  therefore  to  imagine  that  these  nomadic 
wanderers,  whose  remains  prove  them  to  have  roamed  over  vast  areas, 
spread  themselves  eastward  and  westward,  from  whatever  centre  they  origi- 
nated, over  the  whole  northern  part  of  our  hemisphere.  They  were 
apparently  accompanied  in  their  migrations  by  many  inferior  animals,  some 
long  extinct,  others  like  the  Mastodon,  and  the  Elephant  known  to  have 
existed  on  this  continent  only  by  their  fossil  remains  being  occasionally 
exhumed  from  the  soil.  That  a  people  contemporary  with  these  animals 
inhabited  America  is  attested  from  the  fact  that  the  "  Mound  Builders," 
whoever  they  may  have  been  ?  represented  the  elephant  most  perfectly  in 
the  form  of  a  gigantic  mound  of  earth  found  in  Wisconsin,  also  on  carved 
stone  pipes  from  some  of  their  tumuli.  It  was  their  congeners  in  Europe 
who  so  faithfully  represented  another  huge  extinct  mammal,  the  Mammoth, 
in  carvings  on  the  tusk  of  the  animal  itself.  To  this  day  the  Eskimos  of 
Labrador  are  very  expert  carvers  and  fabricators  of  bone  ornaments,  being 
a  most  ingenious  people  in  many  other  respects. 

May  we  not  suppose  then  that  this  same  race  of  people  who  showed 
by  their  earliest  efforts  the  possession  of  much  innate  genius  would  under 
favourable  climatic  and  other  conditions  develop  a  degree  of  culture  and 
civilization  in  America,  akin  to  that  attained  by  the  Chinese  and  Japanese 
in  Asia.  Might  not  the  "Mound  Builders"  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,  the 
temple  builders  of  central  and  southern  America,  represent  higher  and 
higher  forms  of  development  of  this  same  race?  It  is  an  established  fact 
that  the  few  skeletons  and  fragmentary  remains,  discovered  in  the  altar 
and  temple  mounds  of  these  earlier  inhabitants  of  America,  bear  a  strong 
resemblance  to  the  Eskimo  in  structure. 

The  eminent  American  poet,  and  author,  William  Cullen  Bryant,  in 
his  Popular  History  of  the  United  States,  says,  "Man  is  older  on  other 
continents  than  was  till  quite  recently  supposed.  If  older  elsewhere,  he 
may,  by  parity  of  reasoning,  be  older  here.  We  are  permitted  to  go 
behind  the  Indians  in  looking  for  the  earliest  inhabitants  of  North  America, 
where-ever  they  may  have  come  from,  or  whenever  they  may  have 
lived." 

Again,  he  says,  "But  behind  these  Indians  who  were  in  possession  of 
the  country  when  it  was  discovered  by  Europeans,  is  dimly  seen  the 
shadowy  form  of  another  people  who  have  left  many  remarkable  evidences 
of  their  habits  and  customs,  and  of  a  singular  degree  of  civilization,  but 
who  many  centuries  ago  disappeared,  either  exterminated  by  pestilence,  or 
H.  c 


xviii  Introduction 

by  some  powerful  and  pitiless  enemy,  or  driven  from  the  country  to  seek 
new  homes  south  and  west  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico." 

Squier  says,  speaking  of  the  "Mound  Builders,"  "Their  pottery  far 
exceeded  anything  of  which  the  existing  Indian  tribes  are  known  to  have 
been  capable." 

At  some  remote  period,  undefinable  as  to  date,  swarms  of  more  savage 
and  more  warlike  hordes  seem  to  have  come  upon  and  overwhelmed  the 
"  Mound  Builders."  From  whence  these  latter  originated  there  is  nothing 
known  with  certainty.  If,  as  conjectured,  they  were  an  influx  from  the 
Asiatic  continent,  or  otherwise,  it  is  very  clear  they  soon  overran  the 
northern  portion  of  America.  No  doubt  their  numbers  were  augmented 
from  time  to  time  by  fresh  arrivals  following  in  the  footsteps  of  the  first 
intruders.  They  quickly  dispersed  their  less  savage  and  more  peace-loving 
predecessors,  and  pushing  them  back  step  by  step,  possessed  themselves 
of  the  territory.  The  original  inhabitants  were  driven  to  seek  safety  first 
towards  the  eastern  sea-board,  and  when  dislodged  from  there,  finally 
retreated  to  the  cold,  inhospitable,  northern  regions,  where  they  found  rest 
and  retirement  for  a  time  from  their  relentless  foes.  It  is  easy  to  suppose 
that  during  this  long  and  harassing  retreat,  they  were  likely  to  relapse  into 
much  of  their  original  barbarism,  and  lose  all  tradition  of  the  height  of 
civilization  to  which  they  once  attained. 

It  must  have  taken  a  great  series  of  years  for  the  new-comers  to  have 
spread  themselves  over  the  entire  continent,  and  occupy  even  the  outlying 
islands  in  such  numbers  as  we  find  them  on  the  arrival  of  the  first  European 
explorers,  but  it  is  doubtful  if  their  occupancy  of  our  island  dated  much 
further  back  than  Cabot's  discovery.  If  we  are  to  accept  the  Icelandic 
traditions  of  a  pre-Columbian  discovery  of  America,  and  there  seems  no 
adequate  reason  to  doubt  their  genuineness,  we  find  it  recorded  that  those 
daring  sea-rovers  at  first  met  with  no  sign  of  inhabitants  on  the  coast,  and 
when  at  length  they  did  come  in  contact  with  human  beings,  they  describe 
them  as  of  diminutive  stature  (Skrealings  or  dwarfs),  dark  and  swarthy  in 
complexion,  clad  in  (fishes)  seal  (?)-skin  robes,  paddling  skin  canoes,  etc. 
Could  these  be  other  than  Eskimos  ?  The  question  of  the  actual  site  of 
the  Norse  discovery  and  attempt  at  settlement  being  still  an  open  one,  we 
can  only  conjecture  either/  that  they  were  speaking  of  the  people  of  Labra- 
dor, or  at  that  time  the  Eskimos,  if  not  a  fixed  inhabitant  of  more  southern 
latitudes,  must  have  ranged  along  the  coast  much  further  south  than  in 
latter  times. 

The  traditional  enmity  which  existed  between  the  Beothucks  and  the 
Eskimo,  or  for  that  matter,  between  all  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  surrounding 
territories  and  the  latter,  proves  pretty  conclusively  there  could  be  no 
kinship  between  them.  Every  man's  hand  appears  to  have  been  raised 
against  the  unfortunate  Eskimo ;  they  were,  and  still  are,  the  prey  of  all 
the  neighbouring  tribes.  It  is  known  that  the  Beothucks  entertained  a 
special  dislike  for  them,  and  in  derision,  designated  them  "the  four-paws," 
presumably  owing  to  their  animal-like  appearance  and  propensities. 

It  is  not  at  all  likely  that  two  peoples  bearing  such  antipathy  for  each 
other  could  have  co-existed  on  the  sea-board  for  any  length  of  time.  We 


Introduction  xix 

may,  therefore,  assume  that  at  the  time  of  the  Icelandic  discovery,  the 
so-called  Red  Indians  of  Newfoundland  had  not  yet  reached  the  eastern 
shores  of  the  continent,  or  at  least,  had  not  come  into  possession  of  this 
island,  their  future  home.  We  may  conceive  then  that  subsequent  to  the 
Norse  discoveries,  and  preceding  the  arrival  of  Columbus  and  the  Cabots, 
the  nomadic  savages  from  the  north-western  territories  came  upon  the  scene, 
and  dislodged  the  Eskimos,  only  in  turn  to  be  driven  out  themselves  by 
subsequent  arrivals  of  still  more  powerful  tribes  who  pressed  upon  them 
from  the  rear. 

On  the  authority  of  the  late  Sir  Wm  Dawson,  Principal  of  McGill 
University,  Montreal,  a  tradition  existed  amongst  the  Micmac  tribe  of 
Nova  Scotia,  that  a  previous  people  occupied  that  territory  whom  the 
Micmacs  drove  out,  and  who  were,  probably,  allied  to  the  Tinne"  or  Chip- 
pewan  stock1.  These,  he  thinks,  may  have  passed  over  to  Newfoundland, 
and  become  the  progenitors  of  the  Beothucks.  This  supposition  appears  to 
me  to  carry  with  it  a  considerable  amount  of  probability.  Here,  isolated 
and  undisturbed,  for  several  centuries,  untainted  by  intermixture  with  other 
tribes  they  could  retain  all  their  original  traits  of  character,  language,  etc., 
which  remained  with  them  as  distinctive  features  down  to  the  last  moments 
of  their  existence. 

All  this  is,  however,  merely  conjectural,  and  as  there  is  now  not  the 
slightest  probability  of  ever  arriving  at  the  real  facts,  it  only  remains  for 
me  to  give,  in  consecutive  order,  the  actual  recorded  history  of  this  strange, 
mysterious  race. 

Following  out  Sir  Wm  Dawson's  hint  as  to  their  probable  derivation 
from  the  Tinne  tribe,  a  branch  of  the  great  Chippewan  family,  we  will 
next  enquire  what  other  authorities  have  to  say  on  this  head. 

Professor  Latham,  the  distinguished  English  Ethnologist,  who  made  a 
close  study  of  the  Beothuck  vocabulary  many  years  ago,  affirms  that  the 
"  Beothucks  were  Algonkin,  as  opposed  to  Eskimo,  and  as  Algonkins,  they 
were  not  a  mere  branch  of  the  Micmacs,  Scoffies,  and  the  like,  of  the 
main  continent.  They  were  members  of  a  division  of  their  own, — not  a 
very  distant  one, — but  still  a  separate  one."  Prof.  Gatschet,  however,  does 
not  agree  with  this  view.  He  says,  "  The  language  proves  that  they  were 
entirely  '  sui  generis."1  "  It  is  a  mistaken  idea,"  he  adds,  "that  the  Beothucks 
are  a  branch  of  the  Algonkin  family  yet  they  certainly  were  not  the  auto- 
chthons of  the  island."  There  are  some  writers  who  advanced  the  theory 
that  these  people  may  have  derived  their  origin  from  a  remnant  of  the 
Norsemen  who  attempted  colonization  in  the  tenth  century,  but  this  latter 
supposition  has  been  long  since  disposed  of.  They  were  Indians  of  the 
typical  continental  type,  though  undoubtedly  distinct  in  many  respects  from 
any  of  their  near  neighbours.  Under  all  the  circumstances  surrounding  this 
mysterious  tribe,  we  must  only  fall  back  upon  the  suggestion  of  Sir  Wm 
Dawson,  as  the  most  plausible  theory  to  account  for  their  presence  here. 

The  real  historic  records  of  the  Beothucks  begin  with  the  re-discovery 
of  America  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century.  When  Columbus 
made  his  successful  voyage  across  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  thereby  dispelling 

1  Mr  Albert  S.  Gatschet  does  not  agree  with  this  conclusion. 


xx  Introduction 

all  those  gloomy  terrors  which  this  "Sea  of  Darkness"  held  for  the  ancient 
mariners,  other  venturesome  spirits,  seeking  fame  for  themselves,  and  fired 
by  a  laudable  desire  to  acquire  some  share  in  the  rich  spoils  of  this 
wonderful  "  El  Dorado,"  for  their  own  nations,  were  not  long  in  following 
in  his  wake.  Foremost  among  these  were  the  Cabots,  father  and  son, 
who,  starting  from  England,  and  keeping  a  more  northerly  course,  fell  upon 
the  coasts  of  Labrador  and  Newfoundland.  It  is  not  my  intention  to  touch 
upon  the  much  disputed  question  as  to  which  of  those  lands  Cabot  first 
sighted.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  state,  that  he  undoubtedly  saw  this  Island, 
and  also  touched  upon  the  main  continent  at  least  a  year  before  Columbus 
sighted  it. 

The  accounts  of  the  Cabot  discoveries  are  of  such  a  meagre  descrip- 
tion, and  are,  moreover,  so  conflicting  and  unreliable  in  most  respects, 
that  we  can  cull  very  little  from  them  that  is  really  trustworthy,  conse- 
quently, their  references  to  the  people  met  with  on  these  shores,  might 
apply  to  any  of  the  inhabitants  from  Cape  Chidley  to  Florida,  all  of  which 
great  extent  of  coastline  the  Cabots  were  known  to  have  explored.  We 
can  only  infer,  then,  from  certain  remarks  attributed  to  them,  by  contempo- 
rary writers,  and  from  other  subsequently  ascertained  facts,  how  much  may 
really  refer  to  the  Beothucks  of  Newfoundland. 

It  would  appear  that  on  the  first  voyage,  curious  as  it  may  seem,  they 
did  not  meet  with  any  inhabitants  at  all,  but  had  ample  proof  of  their 
existence  by  finding,  in  several  places,  felled  trees,  snares  for  entrapping 
game,  also  some  spear  and  arrow  heads.  It  is  highly  probable  that  the 
Indians  seeing  Cabot's  ships  manned  by  pale-faced  beings,  and  other  indi- 
cations of  a  supposed  supernatural  character,  fled  at  their  approach,  and 
hid  themselves  in  the  woods  and  fastnesses. 

But  we  will  now  leave  it  to  the  historians  and  biographers  to  relate 
the  subsequent  history  of  the  poor  benighted  aborigines  of  this  island.  It 
is  an  unique  story,  and  has  no  exact  parallel  in  other  parts  of  the 
American  continent.  The  Beothucks  were  found  here  by  the  Cabots  on 
the  discovery  of  the  island,  and  for  nearly  three  and  a  half  centuries 
continued  to  occupy  this  oldest  British  colony,  living  in  their  primitive 
ignorance  and  barbarism,  under  our  vaunted  civilization,  not  altogether 
unknown,  but  unheeded  and  uncared  for,  until  this  same  civilization  blotted 
them  out  of  existence.  It  is  a  dark  page  in  the  history  of  British  coloni- 
zation in  America,  and  contrasts  very  unfavourably  with  that  of  the  French 
nation  in  Canada  and  the  Acadian  provinces,  where  the  equally  barbarous 
savages  were  treated  with  so  much  consideration,  that  they  are  still  to  be 
met  with  in  no  inconsiderable  numbers,  and  in  a  very  appreciable  con- 
dition of  civilization  and  advancement. 


FIFTEENTH    CENTURY 

CABOT'S   VOYAGES 

VOLUMES  have  been  written  on  the  subject  of  the  actual  land-fall  of  the 
Cabots;  in  their  first  voyage  in  1497,  and  as  to  whether  the  kudos  of  this 
great  event  was  due  to  John,  the  father,  or  Sebastian,  his  son.  Many  lengthy 
discussions,  frequently  not  devoid  of  considerable  heat,  have  taken  place 
from  time  to  time,  on  these  points,  but  so  far  as  the  object  of  this  enquiry 
is  concerned,  very  little  can  be  gleaned  of  a  tangible  nature.  About  all 
that  may  be  relied  upon  with  any  degree  of  certainty,  is  the  fact,  that 
the  voyage  took  place  in  the  year  1497,  and  that  John  Cabot  com- 
manded the  expedition. 

It  is  to  the  very  meagre  details  of  this  discovery  given  by  con- 
temporary writers,  we  must  look  for  such  information  as  is  at  all  worthy 
of  consideration,  and  even  this  is  hopelessly  mixed  up. 

The  only  real  authentic  contemporary  references  to  the  first  Cabotian 
voyage  of  1497,  are  contained  in  three  letters  still  preserved,  in  the 
archives  of  the  respective  countries.  They  were  all  written  from  London, 
shortly  after  Cabot's  return,  and  there  can  be  no  question  of  their 
authenticity.  The  first  of  these  letters  was  from  Lorenzo  Pasqualigo, 
a  Venetian  gentleman,  residing  in  London  at  the  time,  to  his  brother 
in  Venice,  and  is  dated  August  23rd,  1497,  only  seventeen  days  after 
Cabot's  return  to  Bristol.  It  reads  as  follows  :— 

-"The  Venetian,  our  countryman,  who  went  with  a  ship  from  Bristol,  in  quest 
of  new  islands,  is  returned,  and  says  that  700  leagues  hence,  he  discovered  land, 
the  territory  of  the  Grand  Cham.  He  coasted  for  300  leagues  and  landed  :  saw  no 
human  beings,  but  he  has  brought  hither  to  the  King  certain  snares  which  had  been 
set  to  catch  game,  and  a  needle  for  making  nets :  he  also  found  some  felled  trees, 
whereof  he  supposed  there  were  inhabitants,  and  returned  to  his  ship  in  alarm." 

The  second  letter  is  from  Raimondo  Soncino  to  the  Duke  of  Milan, 
dated  Dec.  i8th,  1497.  The  third  is  from  Pedro  de  Ayala,  Spanish 
ambassador  to  the  English  Court,  and  addressed  to  his  sovereign  in 
Spain,  dated  July  25th,  1498.  Only  the  first  named  has  any  reference 
to  the  inhabitants  of  the  countries  discovered,  and  this  informs  us  that 
Cabot  did  not  see  any  of  them. 

We  have  a  little  more  detail  of  the  second  voyage  of  the  Cabots 
in  1498,  but  still  of  a  very  unreliable  character.  It  is  quite  evident  that 

H.  I 


2  Various  references  to 

the  two  voyages  have  been  hopelessly  mixed  up  and  confused  by  almost 
all  the  historians  and  writers  on  the  subject.  All  we  can  gather  with 
certainty  is  that  Sebastian  Cabot  drew  a  mappa  mundi  which  was  engraved 
by  Clement  Adams,  in  1549,  which  map  was  hung  up  in  the  private 
gallery  at  Whitehall,  and  was  also  to  be  seen  in  many  merchants'  offices 
in  London.  This  map,  though  apparently  quite  common  at  the  time, 
has,  for  some  unaccountable  reason,  disappeared,  and  were  it  not  for  the 
labours  of  the  indefatigable  chronicler,  Hakluyt,  we  would  to-day  be  ignorant 
of  its  ever  having  had  an  existence.  Fortunately  this  same  historian  has 
preserved,  and  translated  into  English,  a  Latin  inscription  engraved  on 
the  map  as  follows  :— 

"In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1497,  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian,  and  his  son,  Sebastian, 
discovered  that  country,  which  no  one  before  his  time  had  ventured  to  approach,  on 
the  24th  of  June,  about  five  o'clock  in  the  morning.  He  called  the  land  Terra 
Primum  Visa,  because,  as  I  conjecture,  this  was  the  place  that  first  met  his  eyes  in 
looking  from  the  sea.  On  the  contrary,  the  island  which  lies  opposite  the  land  he 
called  the  Island  of  St  John, — as  I  suppose,  because  it  was  discovered  on  the 
festival  of  St  John  the  Baptist  The  inhabitants  wear  beasts'  skins,  and  the  in- 
testines of  animals  for  clothing,  esteeming  them  as  highly  as  we  do  our  most 
precious  garments.  In  war  their  weapons  are  the  bow  and  arrow,  spears,  darts, 
slings,  and  wooden  clubs.  The  country  is  sterile  and  uncultivated,  producing  no  fruit 
from  which  circumstance  it  happens  that  it  is  crowded  with  white  bears,  and  stags 
of  an  unusual  height  and  size.  It  yields  plenty  of  fish,  and  these  very  large;  such 
as  seals  and  salmon  :  there  are  soles  also  above  an  ell  in  length1 ;  but  especially 
great  abundance  of  that  kind  of  fish  called  in  the  vulgar  tongue,  Baccalaos2.  In  the 
same  island  also,  breed  hawks,  so  black  in  their  color  that  they  wonderfully  resemble 
ravens ;  besides,  there  are  partridges,  and  eagles  of  dark  plumage." 

Another  industrious  chronicler,  Richard  Edens,  in  his  work  entitled 
Gatherings  from  writers  on  the  New  World,  printed  in  London,  in  1555, 
gives  a  somewhat  similar  version  of  Cabot's  discovery,  but  after  relating 
the  main  fact,  nearly  as  above,  he  adds  :— 

"  Th'inhabitauntes  are  men  of  good  corporature,  although  tawny,  like  the  Indies, 
and  laborious.  They  paynte  theyr  bodyes,  and  weare  braseletts  and  hoops  of  sylver 
and  copper.  Theyr  apparel  is  made  of  the  skynnes  of  martennes,  and  dyvers  other 
beastes,  which  they  weare  with  the  heare  inwards  in  wynter  and  outwarde  in  soom- 
mer.  This  apparel  they  gyrde  to  theyre  bodyes  with  gyrdels  made  of  cotton  or  the 
synewes  of  fysshes  and  beastes.  They  eate  fysshe  more  than  any  other  thynge,  -and 
especially  salmons,  although  they  have  fowles  and  fruit.  They  make  theyre  houses 
of  timber,  whereof  they  have  great  plentie ;  and  in  the  steade  of  tyles,  cover  them 
with  skynnes  of  fysshes  and  beastes." 

Again  he  says  of  these  lands, 

"Jacobus  Bastaldus  wryteth  thus: — The  Newe  land  of  Baccalaos  is  a  coulde 
region,  whose  inhabytauntes  are  idolatours,  and  praye  to  the  Soone  and  moone  and 
dyvers  idols.  They  are  whyte  people,  and  very  rustical,  for  they  eate  flesshe  and 
fysshe  and  all  other  things  rawe,  Sumtymes  also,  they  eate  man's  flesshe  privily,  so 
that  theyr  cacique  have  no  knowledge  thereof.  The  apparel  of  both  men  and  women 
is  made  of  beares  skynnes,  although  they  have  sables  and  martennes  not  greatly 
esteemed,  because  they  are  little.  Some  of  them  go  naked  in  the  soomer,  and  weare 

1  Most  probably  Halibut  which  is  quite  abundant  on  these  shores. 

2  Spanish  name  for  Cod. 


Beothitcks  3 

apparel  only  in  wynter....  North  ward  from  the  region  of  Baccalaos  is  the  land  of 
Labrador,  all  full  of  mountaynes  and  great  woods,  in  which  are  manye  beares  and 
wilde  boares?  Th'  inhabitauntes  are  idolatours  and  warlike  people,  apparelled  as  are 
they  of  Baccalaos.  In  all  this  newe  lande  is  neyther  citie  or  castell  but  they  lyve 
in  companies  lyke  heardes  of  beastes." 

Fabian,  another  chronicler  of  contemporary  date,  mentions  that  Cabot 
brought  away  with  him  three  of  the  natives,  "which  he  presented  to  the 
King  (Henry  VII),  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  reign,"  i.e.  1499. 

The  following  account  of  this  circumstance  is  taken  from  Kerrs 
Travels,  Vol.  vi.  pp.  3-12  : 

"  This  year  also  were  brought  unto  the  King,  three  men  taken  in  the  Newfound- 
island,  that  before  I  spoke  of  in  William  Purchas'  time.  These  were  clothed  with 
beasts'  skins,  and  ate  raw  flesh  and  spoke  a  language  that  no  man  could  understand 
them,  in  their  demeanor  like  to  brute  beasts,  whom  the  king  kept  a  time  after,  of 
the  which  upon  two  years  past  after,  I  saw  two  apparelled  after  the  manner  of 
Englishmen  in  Westminster  Palace,  which  at  that  time  I  could  not  discern  from 
Englishmen,  till  I  learned  what  they  were.  But  as  for  speech,  I  heard  none  of  them 
utter  one  word." 

Peter  Martyr,  in  his  work,  The  Decades  of  the  Ocean,  which  was 
partly  written  during  the  lifetime  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  with  whom  he  says 
he  was  on  intimate  terms,  gives  pretty  much  the  same  account  as  the 
foregoing.  Speaking  of  Cabot,  he  says,  "  He  declared  also,  that  in  many 
places  of  these  territories  he  saw  plenty  of  latten1  amongst  the  inhabitants." 

The  above  extracts  contain  about  all  the  really  contemporary  narratives 
of  the  Cabot  voyages,  in  so  far  as  they  refer  to  the  inhabitants  of  these 
regions.  Numerous  writers  of  a  later  date  quote  garbled  versions  of  the 
same  references,  intermixed  with  those  of  subsequent  explorers,  all  of 
which  are  attributed  to  the  Cabots.  As  an  example,  we  find  it  given 
in  Anspach's  History  of  Newfoundland,  1818,  thus: — 

"  When  Cabot  first  landed  in  the  Bay  of  Bonavista  (?),  he  saw  some  people 
painted  with  ochre  and  clothed  with  deer  skins,  formed  into  a  sort  of  gown  without 
sleeves,  that  reach  about  half-way  down  the  legs  and  arms,  and  beaver  skins  about 
their  necks.  Their  legs  and  feet  were  bare,  and  their  heads  uncovered.  They  wore 
their  hair  pretty  long  with  a  great  lock  plaited  before ;  their  hair  was  of  different 
colors2  and  their  clothes  as  well  as  their  bodies  were  painted  red.  Broughton  adds 
they  had  some  knowledge  of  a  supreme  being ;  that  they  believed  that  men  and 
women  were  originally  created  from  a  certain  number  of  arrows  stuck  fast  in  the 
ground,  and  that  the  dead  went  into  a  far  country  to  make  merry  with  their  friends." 

So  soon  as  the  Cabot  discoveries  became  generally  known,  Spain 
immediately  set  up  a  claim  to  the  new  lands  found,  on  the  ground  of 
their  forming  part  of  the  Indies  which  that  nation  considered  its  exclusive 
territory.  Ayala,  the  Spanish  Ambassador  in  England,  writing  to  his 
sovereigns,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  says, 

"  I  have  seen  the  course  and  distance  he  (Cabot)  takes ;  think  that  the  land 
they  have  found  or  seek  is  that  which  your  Highnesses  possess,  for  it  is  the  end 

1  Webster  defines  this  term  "latten"  to  mean  thin  sheets  of  burnished  brass,  or  tin-plate,  but 
it  is  so  improbable  the   natives   should   possess   such   things.     I    conclude  it  may  have  been  sheets 
of  mica(?). 

2  This  is  not  correct.     The  hair  was  always  black ;  presumably  it  was  smeared  with  red  ochre, 
which  explains  the  mistake  (?). 


of  that  which  belongs  to  your  Highnesses,  by  the  convention  with  Portugal.... 
I  believe  the  distance  is  not  400  leagues  and  I  told  him  that  I  thought  they 
were  the  islands  discovered  by  your  Highnesses,  and  I  even  gave  him  a  reason, 
but  he  would  not  hear  it."... Speaking  of  the  map  drawn  by  Cabot,  he  says — "I 
have  it  here ;  and  to  me  it  seems  very  false,  to  give  out  that  they  are  not  the 
same  islands1." 

The  cartographical  delineations  of  all  these  newly  discovered  regions 
soon  began  to  assume  a  more  definite  form,  but  for  a  long  time  sub- 
sequently, the  latitudes  and  longitudes,  more  especially  the  latter,  were 
extremely  erroneously  laid  down.  The  new  lands,  found  towards  the 
north,  were  placed  fully  twenty  degrees  too  far  east.  In  consequence  of 
this  error,  Portugal  now  set  up  a  claim,  based  upon  the  celebrated  linea 
divisionis,  agreed  upon  between  it  and  the  Spanish  nation.  It  was  found 
that  by  extending  this  line  towards  the  north  pole,  it,  apparently,  in- 
cluded the  whole  of  the  Terra  de  Baccalaos  of  Cabot2. 

On  the  strength  of  this  claim  the  Portuguese  king  equipped  and 
dispatched  two  caravels  under  the  command  of  Caspar  de  Cortereal,  a 
distinguished  and  enterprising  gentleman,  "who  was  filled  with  an  ardent 
desire  for  exploration,  and  thirsted  after  glory3." 

The  expedition  set  out  in  the  early  part  of  the  summer  of  1500, 
from  Lisbon,  and  returned  in  October. 


First   Voyage  of  Gaspar  de  Cortereal,  in  1500. 

For  the  fullest  and  clearest  account  of  this  voyage  we  are  indebted 
to  Pietro  Pasqualigo,  Venetian  ambassador  at  the  court  of  Portugal,  who 
wrote  to  his  brother  in  Italy  only  eleven  days  after  Cortereal's  return. 
Fortunately  this  letter  was  preserved,  and  published  at  Vicenza,  in  1501, 
in  a  work  entitled  :  Paesi  novamente  retrovati  et  novo  mondo  da  Alberico 
Vesputis  Florentini  Intitutado. 

The  letter  runs  as  follows  :— 

"On  the  eighth  (8th)  of  the  present  month  (October),  one  of  the  two  caravels 
which  His  Most  Serene  Majesty  despatched  last  year  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  to 
the  north,  under  the  command  of  Gaspar  Cortereal,  arrived  here  (Lisbon),  and 
reports  the  finding  of  a  country  distant  hence  west  and  north,  2000  miles,  heretofore 
quite  unknown.  They  proceeded  along  the  coast  between  600  and  700  miles  with- 
out reaching  its  termination,  from  which  circumstance  they  conclude  it  to  be  the 
mainland  connected  with  another  region,  which  last  year  was  discovered  in  the 
north  but  which  the  caravel  could  not  reach  on  account  of  the  ice  and  the  vast 
quantity  of  snow,  and  they  are  confirmed  in  their  belief  by  the  multitude  of  great 
rivers  which  they  found,  which  certainly  did  not  proceed  from  an  island.  They  say 
that  this  country  is  very  populous,  and  that  the  dwellings  of  the  inhabitants  are 
constructed  with  timber  of  great  length  and  covered  with  the  skins  of  fishes. 

"They  have  brought  hither  of  the  inhabitants,  seven  in  all,  men,  women,  and 
children,  and  in  the  other  caravel,  which  is  looked  for  every  hour,  there  are  fifty 
more.  They  are  of  like  colours,  figure,  stature,  and  respect,  and  bear  the  greatest 

1  Prowse's  History  of  Newfoundland. 

2  It  was  the  same  line  extended  southward,  which  gave  Brazil  to  Portugal. 

3  Damiano  Goes,  Chronica  do  felicissimo  Key  Dom  Emanuel. 


Caspar  de  Cortereal  5 

resemblance  to  the  Gypsies ;  are  clothed  with  the  skins  of  different  animals,  but 
principally  the  otter.  In  summer,  the  hairy  side  is  worn  outside,  in  winter  the 
reverse,  and  these  skins  are  not  in  any-way  sewed  together  or  fastened  to  the  body, 
but  just  as  they  come  from  the  animal  are  wrapped  about  the  shoulders  and  arms  ; 
over  the  parts  which  modesty  directs  to  be  concealed,  is  a  covering  made  of  the 
sinews  or  entrails  of  fishes1.  From  this  description  they  may  appear  mere  savages, 
yet  they  are  gentle,  and  have  a  strong  sense  of  shame,  and  are  better  made  in  the 
legs,  arms,  and  shoulders,  than  it  is  possible  to  describe.  They  puncture  the  face 
like  the  Indians,  exhibiting  six,  eight  and  even  more  marks. 

"  The  language  they  speak  is  not  understood  by  anyone,  though  every  possible 
tongue  has  been  tried  with  them.  In  this  country,  there  is  no  iron,  but  they  make 
swords  of  a  kind  of  stone,  and  point  their  arrows  with  the  same  material.  There 
has  been  brought  hence  a  piece  of  a  broken  sword,  inlaid  with  gold,  which*  we  can 
pronounce  undoubtedly  to  have  been  made  in  Italy ;  and  one  of  the  children  had 
in  his  ears  two  pieces  (todini)  of  silver,  which  as  certainly  appear  to  have  been 
made  in  Venice, — a  circumstance  which  induces  me  to  believe  that  their  country 
belongs  to  the  continent,  since  it  is  evident,  that,  if  it  had  been  an  island  where  any 
vessel  had  touched  before  this  time,  we  should  have  heard  of  it.  They  have  great 
plenty  of  salmon,  herring,  stock-fish,  and  similar  kinds  of  fish.  They  have  also, 
abundance  of  timber,  and  principally  of  pine,  fitted  for  the  masts  and  yards  of  ships ; 
on  which  account  His  Serene  Majesty  anticipates  the  greatest  advantage  from  this 
country,  both  in  furnishing  timber  for  his  shipping,  of  which  he  at  present  stands  in 
great  need,  and  also  from  the  men  who  inhabit  it,  who  appear  admirably  fitted  to 
endure  labour,  and  will  probably  turn  out  the  best  slaves  that  have  been  discovered 
up  to  this  time.  The  arrival  appeared  to  me  an  event  of  which  it  was  right  to 
inform  you  ;  and  if  on  the  arrival  of  the  other  caravel,  I  receive  any  additional 
information,  it  shall  be  transmitted  to  you  in  like  manner." 

From  all  the  foregoing  extracts,  it  will  be  seen  that  there  is  very 
little  of  a  really  reliable  character,  with  regard  to  the  aborigines  of  this 
island,  and  it  appears  very  doubtful  to  me  whether  they  refer  at  all  to 
our  Red  Indians  or  Beothucks.  Most  certainly,  the  people  who  ate  raw 
flesh  were  Eskimos,  as  their  name  implies2 ;  all  other  inhabitants  of  North 
America  that  I  have  ever  read  of  cooked  their  food.  No  others  but 
the  Eskimos  use  the  intestines  of  animals  for  clothing.  It  is  the  dress 
worn  while  hunting  seals  in  their  kayacks,  and  answers  the  same  purpose 
as  our  fishermen's  oil-clothing. 

Those  who  are  opposed  to  the  theory  that  Cabot's  landfall,  on  the 
first  voyage,  was  on  some  part  of  the  Labrador,  will  find  their  contention 
considerably  strengthened  by  these  contemporary  extracts.  It  is  quite 
conceivable  why  Cabot  did  not  see  any  inhabitants  on  this  cruise,  if,  as 
is  supposed,  he  coasted  along  the  Newfoundland  shore.  It  is  more  than 
probable  that  he  merely  sighted  or  touched  at  the  outlying  points  and 
headlands,  and  made  no  attempt  to  penetrate  into,  or  explore  the  great 
bays  and  deep  indentations  of  the  coast.  In  that  case,  it  would  be  very 
unlikely  that  he  should  meet  with  the  Red  Indians,  who  usually  spent 
the  summer  season  at  the  mouths  of  the  rivers,  fishing  for  salmon  and 
sea-trout,  or  otherwise  paddling  about  amongst  the  numerous  archipelagoes 
in  the  northern  bays  in  search  of  sea-birds  and  eggs. 

No  one  doubts  that  the   Labrador  was  visited  on   the  second  voyage, 

1  Intestines  of  seals  (?). 

2  "Esquimaio"  is  the  Algonquin  term  for  raw  flesh  eaters. 


6  Caspar  de  Cortereal 

and,  as  we 'have  seen,  it  was  then  Cabot  took  home  the  three  natives. 
All  the  discussions  that  have  arisen  on  these  points  might  have  been 
avoided,  had  not  Sebastian  Cabot,  or  some  one  for  him,  so  mixed  up 
the  events  of  the  two  voyages  as  to  leave  a  perpetual  doubt  on  the 
minds  of  subsequent  writers. 

Possibly  the  people  brought  back  by  Cortereal  may  have  been 
Beothucks ;  his  description  of  the  country,  the  abundance  of  timber, 
including  pine,  appearance  of  the  natives,  and  mode  of  dressing  them- 
selves, with  other  particulars  as  to  their  dwellings,  stone  implements,  etc., 
all  seem  to  indicate  the  natives  of  this  island.  Had  Pasqualigo  only 
mentioned  the  custom  of  smearing  themselves  with  red  ochre,  I  would 
have  considered  it  proof  positive.  All  we  can  now  look  upon  with  any 
degree  of  certainty  is  the  fact  that  this  explorer  undoubtedly  visited  the 
island,  to  which  he  gave  his  own  name, — "Tiera  de  Cortereal,"  as  it 
appears  upon  Ribero's  and  many  other  of  the  earlier  maps. 


7 


SIXTEENTH    CENTURY 

CORTEREAL  set  out  on  a  second  voyage  of  discovery  on  the  15th  of 
May,  1501  ;  from  which  he  never  returned.  It  has  been  variously  con- 
jectured that  either  his  ships  were  lost  at  sea  with  all  their  crews,  or 
cast  away  on  the  far  off  rugged  coasts  ;  while  some  historians,  with  con- 
siderable show  of  reason,  believe  that  the  friends  of  those  poor  natives 
whom  he  so  ruthlessly  kidnapped,  set  upon,  and  murdered  the  Portuguese. 
His  brother,  Miguel,  now  besought  the  king  to  allow  him  to  go  in  search 
of  his  lost  relative,  which  request  being  granted,  he  sailed  with  two  ships 
the  following  year.  He  also  disappeared,  and  was  never  heard  of  again. 
In  the  following  year,  1503,  the  king  at  his  own  expense,  sent  two  armed 
ships  in  search  of  the  brothers  Cortereal,  but  did  not  succeed  in  learning 
anything  of  their  fate. 

A  contemporary  Portuguese  writer,  Damiano  Goes,  in  his  Chronica  do 
felicissimo  Rey  Dom  Emanuel,  in  relating  the  account  of  these  voyages,  gives 
some  additional  particulars  about  the  inhabitants  of  the  region,  he  says  :— 

"  The  people  of  the  country,  are  very  barbarous  and  uncivilized,  almost  equally 
so  with  the  natives  of  Santa  Cruz,  except  that  they  are  white,  and  so  tanned  by  the 
cold  that  the  white  color  is  lost  as  they  grow  older,  and  they  become  blackish.  They 
are  of  the  middle  size1,  very  lightly  made,  and  great  archers.  Instead  of  javelins 
they  employ  sticks,  burnt  in  the  ends,  which  they  use  as  missiles,  to  as  good  pur- 
pose as  if  they  were  pointed  with  fine  steel !  They  clothe  themselves  in.  the  skins  of 
beasts,  of  which  there  are  great  plenty  in  the  country.  They  live  in  caverns  of  rocks, 
and  in  houses  shaped  like  nests  (choupanas).  They  have  no  laws,  believe  much  in 
auguries,  live  in  matrimony,  and  are  very  jealous  of  their  wives, — in  which  thing 
they  much  resemble  the  Laplanders,  who  also  inhabit  a  northern  latitude  under  70° 
to  8ou  subject  to  the  King  of  Norway  and  Sweden2." 

Bancroft,  quoting  from  Stows  Annals,  says,  "It  is  granted  natives 
of  North  America  in  their  wild  attire,  were  exhibited  to  the  public  wonder 
of  England,  in  1502."  Probably  those  brought  by  Cabot  (?). 

Extract  from  the  Chronicle  of  Eusebius,  published  in  Paris  in  the 
year  1512,  by  Henri  Estienne ;  translated  from  Harrisse : — Ddcouverte  et 
Evolution  cartographique  de  Terre  Neuve  et  des  pays  circonvoisins. 

"Some  savages  have  been  brought  from  that  island  which  is  called  Newfound- 
land, to  Rouen,  (in  1509,  by  the  French  ship,  Bonaventtire, — six  in  all)  with  their 

1  Cantino,  who  examined  closely  the  natives  brought  from  this  place  in    1501,  adds  that  "they 
were  of  a  stature  higher  than  ours  with  limbs  in  proportion,  and  well  formed." 

2  This  would  seem  to  imply  that  he  was  writing  of  the  Eskimos. 


8  Verazzands  voyage  under  French  auspices 

canoes,  their  clothes  and  their  arms.  They  are  of  the  colour  of  soot  (fulginei)1, 
have  thick  lips,  are  tatooed  on  the  face  with  a  small  blue  vein  from  the  ear  to 
the  middle  of  the  chin,  across  the  jaws2.  The  hair  is  thick  and  coarse,  like  a 
horse's  mane.  They  have  no  beards  nor  hair  on  any  part  of  the  body,  except 
the  hair  of  the  head  and  eyelids.  They  wear  a  belt  on  which  is  a  kind  of  little 
bag  to  hide  their  private  parts.  They  speak  with  their  lips,  have  no  religion,  and 
their  canoes  are  made  of  the  bark  of  a  tree.  With  one  hand  a  man  can  place 
it  on  his  shoulders.  Their  arms  are  large  bows  with  strings  of  gut  or  sinews  of 
animals,  their  arrows  are  of  reeds  pointed  with  a  stone,  or  fish-bone.  Their  food 
is  of  cooked  meat,  and  their  drink,  water.  They  have  no  kind  of  money,  bread, 
or  wine.  They  go  naked  or  else  in  the  skins  of  animals,  bears,  deer,  sea-calves,  or 
the  like." 

According  to  Charlevoix,  savages  from  the  north-east  coast  were 
brought  to  France  in  1508.  He  says,  ''There  is  no  profit  at  all  to  be 
obtained  from  the  natives,  who  are  the  most  intractable  of  men,  and  one 
despairs  of  taming  them." 

From  the  Miller  map  1520,  "  Corte  Real  brought  from  this  region 
savage  men  of  the  same  colour  as  ourselves,  living  in  the  fashion  of 
ancient  forms  and  satyrs." 

According  to  Anspach,  quoting  from  Dr  Foster,  "  One  Thomas  Hubert, 
or  Aubert,  sailed  from  Dieppe  in  this  year,  to  Newfoundland  and  brought 
home  some  natives." 

The  spirit  of  enterprise  and  thirst  for  maritime  discovery  does  not 
appear  to  have  taken  hold  of  the  French,  as  a  nation,  till  the  reign  of 
Francis  I.  This  monarch,  being  imbued  with  the  love  of  glory,  caught 
the  enthusiasm,  and  became  eager  to  cope  with  his  rivals  of  Spain, 
Portugal,  and  England.  In  the  year  1523  he  fitted  out  four  ships  under 
the  command  of  a  Florentine,  one  Giovanni  Verazzano,  to  explore  the 
new  region.  After  a  short  while  at  sea  three  of  the  ships  were  disabled 
in  a  storm  and  put  back.  The  commander  then  prosecuted  the  voyage 
alone  in  his  ship  the  Dauphin. 


Verazzano  s   Voyage,    1523. 

The  accounts  of  this  voyage  are  rather  obscure.  It  would  appear, 
however,  that  on  reaching  the  shores  of  this  continent,  Verazzano  coasted 
along  northward  some  six  or  seven  hundred  leagues,  till  he  reached  some- 
where about  the  latitude  of  50°  N.,  when  he  returned  to  France.  He 
speaks  well  of  the  savages,  with  whom  he  traded  all  along.  At  one  place 
in  particular,  supposed  to  be  about  the  position  of  Newport,  he  remained 
fifteen  days.  Here  he  says, 

"  The  natives  were  the  goodliest  people  that  he  had  found  on  the  whole 
voyage.  They  were  liberal  and  friendly  ;  yet  so  ignorant,  that  though  instruments 
of  steel  and  iron  were  often  exhibited,  they  did  not  form  a  conception  of  their 
use,  nor  learn  to  covet  their  possession."  (Hakluyt.) 

1  Hence  our  word,  fuliginous,  sooty,  smoky,  dusky. 

2  This   is   the  only  reference   I   know  of  as   to  the    Beothucks  tatooing   themselves.     I   think    it 
doubtful.     Yet  otherwise  the  reference  seems  to  point  clearly  to  the  inhabitants  of  Newfoundland. 


French  expeditions,  Jacques  Cartier  9 

But  when  he  approached  his  northern  limits  he  found  the  savages 
much  more  hostile  and  jealous,  for,  says  he,  "  They  had  learned  the  use 
of  iron ;  but  in  their  exchanges,  they  demanded  knives  and  weapons  of 
steel." 

James  Stanier  Clarke,  F.R.S.,  in  his  book  entitled  The  Progress  of 
Maritime  Discovery,  1803,  says,  "He  (Verazzano)  entered  between  a  great 
island  and  the  mainland,  and  sailed  to  50  degrees  N.  latitude,  trading 
with  the  natives  all  along." 

Other  accounts  assert  that  he  did  not  proceed  beyond  Cape  Breton 
Island,  where,  finding  the  Basque  fishermen  already  in  advance  of  him, 
he  gave  up  the  voyage,,  and  returned  home.  It  is  very  uncertain  whether 
he  fell  in  with  the  natives  of  this  island  or  not,  but  if  he  really  passed 
into  the  Gulf  of  St  Lawrence,  or  sailed  as  far  as  50°  north  latitude,  it 
is  most  probable  that  he  did  so.  It  may  be  inferred  that  the  people 
who  were  so  "  hostile  and  jealous,  and  so  eager  to  procure  knives  and 
weapons  of  steel,"  were  those  who  had  already  been  visited  by  the  Cabots 
and  Cortereal,  i.e.  either  the  Beothucks  or  Eskimo. 

Some  historians  think  that  Verazzano  made  a  second  voyage  to  these 
parts,  but  if  so,  there  is  no  authentic  record  of  it  extant. 

Extract  from  Antonio  Galvano,  taken  from  Purchas  Pilgrims'.  "  In 
the  year  1525,  Stephen  Gomez  sailed  from  the  Garonne  to  Cuba,  then 
coasted  North  by  Florida.  It  is  reported  that  he  came  to  Cape  Razo 
in  46  degrees  to  the  North,  from  whence  he  came  back  again  laden  with 
slaves.  The  news  hereof  ranne  by  and  by  through  Spain,  that  he  was 
come  home  laden  with  cloves  (clavos)  as  mistaking  the  word,  but  when 
the  truth  was  known,  it  turned  out  to  be  a  pleasant  jest." 


Voyages  of  Jacques  Cartier,   1 5  34 — 1535. 

On  April  2Oth,  1534,  Cartier  set  out  from  St  Malo,  and  arrived  on  the 
Newfoundland  coast,  May  loth.  He  put  into  the  harbour  of  St  Catherine 
(now  Catalina).  Here  he  spent  ten  days,  refitting,  when  he  proceeded 
northward,  touching  at  the  Isle  des  Ouaiseaux  (the  Funks  ?),  presumably 
to  procure  a  supply  of  fresh  food,  eggs,  and  sea-birds.  The  island  was 
one  of  the  principal  habitats  of  the  Great  Auk,  or  Penguin,  commonly  so- 
called,  and  it  was  resorted  to  by  the  fishermen  on  the  coast,  from  an  early 
date,  for  this  purpose.  Even  to  this  day,  though  the  Auk  has  long  been 
extinct,  our  fishermen  proceeding  to  Labrador,  still  continue  the  practise, 
other  sea-birds,  such  as  the  Guillemot  or  Murre,  the  Puffin,  Sea- Pigeon, 
etc.,  having  usurped  the  place  of  the  Great  Auk,  breed  there  in  great 
numbers. 

Cartier  then  proceeded  to  the  northern  extremity  of  the  Newfoundland, 
and  put  into  the  Harbour  of  Rapont  (Quirpon).  Here  he  appeared  to  have 
first  met  with  the  aborigines,  with  whom  he  traded,  as  well  as  along  all 
the  shore  on  the  back  of  the  island,  which  he  explored  as  he  sailed  up 


H. 


10 

the  Gulf  of  St  Lawrence.  His  description  of  the  natives,  taken  from 
Hakluyt,  is  beyond  question  the  first  really  reliable  account  of  the  Beothucks 
in  existence. 

"These  are  men,"  he  says,  "of  indifferente  good  stature  and  bigness, 
but  wild  and  unruly.  They  wear  their  hair  tied  on  the  top  like  a  wreath 
of  bay,  and  put  a  wooden  pin  in  it,  or  other  such  thing  instead  of  a  nail, 
and  with  them  they  bind  certain  bird's  feathers.  They  are  clothed  with 
wild  beasts'  skins,  as  well  the  men  as  the  women,  but  the  women  go 
somewhat  straighter  and  closer  in  their  garments  than  the  men  do,  with 
their  waists  girded.  They  paint  themselves  with  certain  roan  colours. 
Their  boats  are  made  of  the  bark  of  birch  trees,  with  the  which  they  fish, 
and  take  great  store  of  seals,  and  as  far  as  we  could  understand,  since 
coming  hither,  that  is  not  their  habitation,  but  they  come  from  the  main- 
land out  of  hotter  countries,  to  catch  the  said  seals  and  all  necessaries  for 
their  living." 

On  his  second  outward  voyage,  in  1535,  Cartier  does  not  appear  to 
have  landed  anywhere  on  the  Newfoundland  coast,  though  he  touched  again 
at  the  Funk  Island.  He  then  proceeded  to  Blanc  Sablon,  on  the  Labrador 
side  of  the  Strait  of  Belle  Isle,  from  whence  he  cruised  up  the  mainland 
side  of  the  Gulf.  Later  on  he  is  supposed  to  have  run  across  from  the 
Magdalen  Islands,  and  sighted  Cape  Ray,  which  he  called  Cap.  Lorraine  (?), 
and  may  have  harboured  on  some  part  of  our  southern  coast.  After  this 
he  sailed  across  the  gulf,  and  up  the  river  St  Lawrence,  where  he  wintered. 
On  his  return  journey,  in  1536.  he  touched  at  St  Pierre  Island,  and  also 
at  Renews  Harbour,  on  the  east  coast  of  this  island  (Newfoundland),  but 
there  is  no  further  reference  to  our  native  Indians.  Cartier  made  two  other 
voyages  to  Canada,  or  New  France,  in  1541  and  1543,  but  there  is  nothing 
to  be  learnt  from  them  with  reference  to  the  Beothucks. 

In  the  month  of  April,  1536,  a  Mr  Hore,  with  a  party  of  gentlemen, 
sailed  from  Gravesend  with  two  ships,  the  Trinity  and  Minion,  towards 
the  New-founde-launde  ;  they  arrived  at  Cape  Breton  (?)  Island,  after  being 
two  months  at  sea. 

"They  then  sailed  towards  Newfoundland,  where  they  landed  at  Penguin  Island1, 
and  found  a  prodigious  quantity  of  white  and  grey  birds,  as  large  as  geese2,  which  they 
cooked  and  ate... .Black  and  white  bears  were  likewise  numerous;  some  of  them 
were  killed,  and  proved  to  be  eatable  food.  From  this  small  island,  they  proceeded 
to  the  coast  of  Newfoundland,  where  they  remained  several  days  at  anchor,  with- 
out seeing  any  natives.  At  last  some  of  them  were  observed  rowing  towards  the 
ships :  a  boat  was  manned  and  sent  after  them,  but  they  immediately  retreated, 
and  gaining  the  shore,  fled  to  an  island  in  the  bay.  This  also,  they  left  on  the 
approach  of  the  men  who  found  there  a  fire  at  which  the  side  of  a  bear  was  roast- 
ing on  a  wooden  spit." 

A  more  circumstantial  account  of  the  meeting  with  the  aborigines  by 
Mr  Here's  party,  was  related  to  Richard  Hakluyt  by  Oliver  Dawbeney, 
a  merchant  of  London,  who  accompanied  the  expedition,  and  is  extracted 
from  Barrow's  Northern  Voyages,  as  follows  :— 

1  There  are  two  groups  of  Penguin    Islands  on  our  coast,  one  off  the  southern  side,  near  Cape 
La  Hune,  the  other  at  the  entrance  to  Sir  Chas.  Hamilton's  Sound. 

2  The  Great  Auk  (?)  (Alca  Impennis). 


References  from  Hakluyt  and  other  writers  1 1 

"After  their  arrival  in  Newfoundland,  and  having  bene  there  certaine  days  at 
ancre,  and  not  having  yet  scene  any  of  the  Natural  people  of  the  country,  the 
same  Dawbeney,  walking  one  day  on  the  hatches,  spied  a  boat  with  sauages  of 
those  parts,  rowing  down  the  Bay  towards  them,  to  gaze  upon  the  ship  and  our 
people,  and  takinge  viewe  of  their  coming  aloofe,  he  called  to  such  as  were  under 
hatches,  and  willed  them  to  come  up  if  they  would  see  the  Naturall  people  of 
the  countrey,  that  they  had  so  long  and  so  much  desired  to  see :  whereupon  they 
came  up  and  took  viewe  of  the  sauages  rowing  towards  them  and  their  ship,  and 
upon  the  viewe  they  manned  out  a  ship-boat  to  meet  them  and  to  take  them. 
But  they,  spying  our  ship-boat  making  towarde  them,  returned  with  main  force 
and  fled  into  an  island  that  lay  up  in  the  bay  or  river  there,  and  our  men  pursued 
them  into  the  island,  and  the  sauages  fledde  and  escaped  ;  but  our  men  found  a 
fire  and  the  side  of  a  beare,  on  a  wooden  spit  left  at  the  same,  by  the  sauages 
that  were  fled. 

"  There,  in  the  same  place,  they  found  a  boot  of  leather  garnished  on  the 
outside  of  the  calf  with  certaine  brave  trails,  as  it  were  of  raw  silke1,  and  founde 
a  certaine  great  warme  mitten,  and  these  they  carried  with  them ;  they  returned 
to  their  ship,  not  finding  the  sauages,  nor  seeing  anything  else  besides  the  soyle, 
and  the  things  growing  in  the  same,  which  chiefly  were  stores  of  firre  and  pine 
trees." 

This  ill-starred  expedition  afterwards  came  to  grief,  some  of  the  people 
starved  to  death,  others,  it  is  said,  even  resorted  to  cannibalism  to  sustain 
life.  Hakluyt,  who  had  the  relation  thereof  from  one  of  the  survivors, 
Mr  Butts,  says,  "  He  rode  200  miles  to  see  this  gentleman." 

The  following  description  is  from  the  map  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  and 
was  written  by  Dr  Grajalis,  of  Port  Saint  Martin,  in  1542  : 

"  The  inhabitants  of  this  land  are  clothed  with  the  skins  of  animals.  In  their 
wars  they  used  Tx>ws  and  arrows,  lances  and  darts,  a  kind  of  club,  and  slings." 

From  Johan  Alphonse.     According  to   Hakluyt : 

"  They  are  a  people  of  goodly  stature,  and  well  made ;  they  are  very  white, 
but  they  are  all  naked,  and  if  they  were  apparelled,  as  the  French  are,  they  would 
be  as  white  and  as  fair.  Instead  of  apparell  they  wear  skins  upon  them  like 
mantles,  and  they  have  a  small  pair  of  breeches  with  which  they  cover  their 
privates,  men  as  well  as  women.  They  have  hose  and  shoes  of  leather  excellently 
made,  and  they  have  no  shirts,  neither  cover  their  heads,  but  their  hair  is  trussed 
above  the  crown  of  their  heads,  and  plaited  or  braided.  Touching  their  victuals, 
they  eate  good  meat,  but  all  unsalted  ;  but  they  dry  it  and  afterward  they  broil 
it  as  well  fish  as  flesh.  They  have  no  certain  dwelling  place,  but  they  go  from 
place  to  place  as  they  think  they  can  best  find  food,  and  they  live  very  well  for 
they  take  care  for  nothing  else.  They  drink  seal  oil,  but  this  is  at  their  great 
feasts.  The  women  nurse  their  children  with  the  breast,  and  they  sit  continually, 
and  are  wrapped  about  the  bellies  with  skins  of  fur." 

Account  taken  from  the  map  of  Terra  Nova,  in  Ptolemy,  published 
at  Venice,  in  1547-8,  by  Pietro  Andrea  Mattioli  :— 

"  Terra  Nova  of  the  Codfish,  is  a  cold  place.  The  inhabitants  are  idolaters, 
some  worship  the  sun,  others  the  moon  and  many  other  kinds  of  idols. — It  is  a 
fair  (blanche)  race,  but  savage  (rustique).  They  eat  all  their  food  raw,  meat  as  well 

1  No  doubt  an  ornamented  moccasin. 


12  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert's  expedition 

as  fish1.  There  are  some  who  eat  human  flesh,  but  hide  the  fact  from  their  chief 
(cacique).  In  this  province  of  Baccalaos  the  men  and  the  women  are  clothed  in 
bear  skins  During  the  summer  they  are  naked,  but  in  winter  they  clothe  them- 
selves with  skins  on  account  of  the  great  cold,  in  the  fashion  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Flanders  (?),  for  they  have  the  same  climate.  The  coasts  of  this  country  have 
been  discovered  by  the  Bretons,  that  is  to  say  the  French  of  Brittany,  who  go 
there  to  fish  and  catch  certain  fish  which  they  call  Baccalaos." 

In  the  year  1576,  Sir  Martin  Frobisher  "having  been  driven  by  ice  to  the 
coast  of  Newfoundland,  found  some  of  the  natives  to  whom  he  made  presents. 
He  encouraged  them  to  come  on  board  his  ship.  The  next  day,  five  of  his  sailors, 
contrary  to  orders,  went  ashore  with  the  natives  in  the  ship's  boat,  but  neither 
the  boat  or  men  were  seen  afterwards.  Upon  this,  Frobisher  seized,  forcibly,  one 
of  the  natives  whom  he  carried  home  with  him,  but  who  died  soon  after  his 
arrival  in  England2." 

Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  arrived  in  the  Harbour  of  St  John's,  in  1583, 
and  took  possession  of  the  island  for  the  Crown  of  England.  He  sent 
expeditions  along  the  coast,  north  and  south,  to  explore  the  country. 
The  result  of  their  observations  (according  to  Hakluyt)  was,  "that  the 
southern  parts  seemed  destitute  of  any  inhabitants,  a  circumstance  which 
was  probably  owing  to  the  frequent  appearance  of  Europeans,  whose  pre- 
sence might  have  intimidated  the  natives,  and  induced  them  to  retire  into 
the  interior.  Towards  the  north  they  met  with  some  of  them  who  approached 
without  dread  and  appeared  to  be  of  gentle  disposition." 

Captain  Haies,  second  in  command  to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  and 
the  only  surviving  commander  of  that  ill-fated  expedition,  writing  about 
Newfoundland,  says  of  the  natives,  "In  the  South  parts,  we  found  no 
inhabitants,  which  by  all  likely-hood,  have  abandoned  these  coasts,  the 
same  being  so  much  frequented  by  Christians ;  but  in  the  North  are 
savages  altogether  harmless." 

Sir  Humphrey's  fleet  "consisted  of  five  vessels,  and  250  men3.  They 
were  of  all  trades,  etc.;  Hobby-horses,  Morris-dancers,  and  many  like 
conceits  were  provided,  to  win  the  savage  people  by  all  fair  means  possible." 
(From  Prowse's  History  of  Newfoundland^] 

Voyage  of  Rice  Jones,  1594,  to  the  Gulf  of  St  Lawrence,  etc.:  "Went 
into  St  George's  Bay,  saw  wreck  of  two  Biskaine  ships.  Here  we  found 
the  houses  of  the  savages  made  of  firre  trees  bound  together  at  the  top 
and  set  round  like  a  Dobe-house,  and  covered  with  the  barkes  of  firre 
trees.  We  found  also  some  part  of  their  victuals,  which  were  deeres  flesh 
roasted  upon  wooden  spits  at  the  fire,  and  a  dish  made  of  the  ryne  of  a 
tree  sowed  together  with  the  sinews  of  the  Deere,  wherein  was  oil  of  the 
Deere.  There  were  also  foules  called  Cormorants,  which  they  had  pluckt 
and  made  ready  to  have  dressed,  and  then  we  found  a  wooden  spoon  of 

1  This  again  refers  to  the  Eskimos,  "  Raw  flesh-eaters." 

2  Some  authors  contend  that  Frobisher  did  not  visit  Newfoundland  at  all  and  that  the  people 
he  refers  to  were  inhabitants  of  the  Labrador. 

3  From  Barrow's    Voyages,    1818,    Haies    says,  "For  the  solace  of  our  people,  and   allurement  of 
the  savages,  we  were  provided  of  music  in  good  varietie  ;   not  omitting  the  least   toyes,  as   Morris- 
dancers,  hobby-horses,  and  many  like  conceits,  to  delight  the  savage  people  whom  we  intended  to 
winne   by  all   faire   means   possible.     And  to   that   end  we  were   indifferently  furnished   of  all    petty 
haberdasherie  wares  to  barter  with  the  people." 


Rice  Jones  and  Leigh  1 3 

their  making, — and  we  discovered   the   tracks  of  some   fortie  or  fiftie  men, 
women,  and  children" — 

"  Went  into  Placentia  Bay,  10  leagues  up,  found  60  odd  sail  of  fishermen 
of  St  John  de  Luz,  Siburno,  and  Biskay, — 8  Spaniards  only.  Went  to 
other  side  of  Bay,  place  called  Pesmarck(?),  made  stages,  and  fished  until 
savages  came  and  cut  both  their  boats  loose, — left  and  went  to  Farillon1, 
where  were  22  sail  of  Englishmen." 


1597- 

"  Leigh's  voyage  to  Ramea, — attacked  by  French  and  Spanish  vessels 
and  about  300  savages." 

1  Now  Ferryland,  site  of  Lord  Baltimore's  Colony. 


SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY 

IN  this  century  we  at  length  come  upon  an  era  replete  with  in- 
formation about  the  Beothucks  in  every  respect  trustworthy.  It  is  not 
second  hand  as  has  been  most  of  the  preceding,  but  comes  direct  from 
the  authors  themselves,  and  might  almost  be  looked  upon  as  the  beginning 
of  the  true  relation  of  their  sad  history. 

In  the  early  part  of  this  century,  England  began  to  awaken  in  reality 
to  the  value  of  this  goodly  heritage  of  Newfoundland,  especially  to  the 
abundant  resources  of  the  fisheries.  A  company  of  nobles  and  gentlemen 
formed  a  great  colonization  scheme,  and  under  the  title  of  the  "  Council 
and  Company  of  the  New-found-land  Plantation,"  obtained  a  charter  from 
King  James  I,  which  conferred  upon  them  very  ample  territory  and  no 
less  ample  powers.  One  clause  of  this  charter  reads  as  follows:  "We 
being  well  assured  that  the  same  country  adjoining  to  the  aforesaid  coastes, 
where  our  subjects  use  to  fishe,  remaineth  so  destitute  and  so  desolate 
of  inhabitants,  that  scarce  any  one  salvage  person  hath  in  many  years 
beene  scene  in  the  most  parts  thereof." 

Again,  in  reference  to  commodities,  the  Company  are  allowed  to  carry 
thither  free,  the  charter  goes  on  to  state  : 

"  And  all  other  things  necessary  and  for  the  use  and  desoine  and  trade  with 
the  people  there,  if  any  be  inhabiting  in  that  country  or  shall  come  out  of  other 
parts,  there,  to  trade  with  the  '  Plantation,'  and  passing,  and  returning  to  and  froe, 
all  such  commodities  or  merchandize  as  shall  from  thence  be  brought  without  pay- 
ing customs,  &c." 

"And  lastly,  because  the  principall  effects  which  one  can  desire  of  this  action, 
is  the  conversion  of  the  people  in  those  partes,  if  any  there  be,  inhabiting,  unto 
the  true  worship  of  God,  and  Christian  religion,  &c." 

In  1609,  Mr  John  Guy,  one  of  the  company,  published  a  pamphlet 
urging  the  settling  of  a  colony  in  the  island.  The  following  year  he  was 
sent  out  by  the  company,  and  fitted  out  with  everything  requisite  to 
establish  the  same.  Guy  selected  "  Cuper's  Cove "  (now  Cupid's),  in  Con- 
ception Bay,  for  his  plantation,  and  was  appointed  by  the  company, 
Governor  of  the  new  Colony.  He  spent  the  winter  of  1610-11  at  that 
place,  erecting  houses,  stores  ;  building  boats,  etc.,  and  otherwise  preparing 
for  the  permanent  establishment  of  the  settlement  of  the  colony1. 

1  In  the  instructions  to  John  Guy,  from  the  Association,  amongst  other  items  appears  the  follow- 
ing :  "  And  we  would  have  you  to  assay  by  all  good  means  to  capture  one  of  the  savages,  of  the 
country  and  to  intreate  him  well,  and  to  keep  him  and  teach  him  our  language,  that  you  may 
after  obtayne  a  safe  and  free  commerce  with  them,  which  are  strong  there."  (Prowse's  History, 
P-  96.) 


John  Guys  colony,  first  permanent  settlement  15 

On  the  1 6th  of  May,  1611,  Guy  wrote  a  long  letter  to  the  Treasurer 
of  the  Company,  Master  John  Slaney,  giving  a  full  account  of  his  pro 
ceedings.  He  (Guy)  returned  to  England  that  same  year,  leaving  one, 
Master  William  Colston,  in  charge  during  his  absence.  He  arrived  back 
in  Cuper's  Cove,  June  7th,  1612,  and  shortly  after  proceeded  on  a  voyage 
of  exploration  to  the  northward.  During  this  trip,  they  fell  in  with  the 
natives,  and  succeeded  in  establishing,  apparently,  friendly  relations  with 
them.  His  account  of  this  meeting  is  contained  in  a  second  letter,  in 
which  he  graphically  describes  all  that  took  place.  Fortunately,  both  these 
letters  are  preserved  in  Purchas'  Pilgrims,  and  a  copy  of  them  was  obtained 
from  the  Curator  of  the  Bristol  Museum  some  years  ago. 


John  Guys  Narrative,   1612. 

"In  October,  John  Guy,  with  thirteen  others,  in  the  '  Indeavour,' 
and  five  in  the  'Shallop,'  went  upon  discovery.  At  Mount  Eagle  Bay1, 
they  found  store  of  scurvey-grasse,  on  an  island.  In  the  south  bottom 
of  Trinitie  Bay, — which  they  called  '  Savage  Harbor,'  they  found  sauages' 
houses,  no  people  in  them  ;  in  one  they  found  a  copper  kettle,  very  bright 
(you  shall  have  it,  adds  Purchas,  as  one  of  them  writ  it  in  his  own 
tearms),  a  furre  goune  of  Elke-skin2,  some  seale  skins,  an  old  saile,  and 
a  fishing  reele.  Order  was  taken  that  nothing  should  be  diminished,  and, 
because  the  Sauages  should  know  that  some  had  been  there,  euery  thing 
was  remoued  out  of  his  place,  and  brought  into  one  of  the  cabins,  and 
laid  orderly  one  upon  the  other,  and  the  kettle  hanged  ouer  them,  wherein 
there  was  put  some  bisket,  and  three  or  four  amber  beads.  This  was 
done  to  begin  to  win  them  by  faire  meanes.  This  time  of  the  yeare 
they  live  by  hunting ;  for  wee  founde  twelve  Elk's  hoofes,  that  were  lately 
killed.  A  little  peece  of  flesh  was  brought  away,  which  was  found  to  be 
Beaver  Cod,  which  is  forth-comming  to  be  scene.  There  houses  were  nothing 
but  poles  set  in  round  forme,  meeting  altogether  aloft,  which  they  couer 
with  Deere  skins  ;  they  are  about  ten  foot  broad,  and  in  the  middle  they 
make  their  fire  :  one  of  them  was  couered  with  a  saile,  which  they  had 
gotten  from  some  Christian. 

"All  things  in  this  manner  left,  eueryone  returned  by  the  moone-light, 
going  by  the  brinke  of  the  lake,  into  the  entrance  of  the  made-way : 
and  a  little  before  they  came  thither,  they  passed  by  a  new  sauage  house, 
almost  finished,  which  was  made  in  a  square  form  with  a  small  roofe, 
and  so  came  to  the  bark.  They  haue  two  kinds  of  oars, — one  is  about 
fower  foot  long,  of  one  piece  of  firre,  —  the  other  is  about  ten  foot  long, 
made  of  two  pieces,  one  being  as  long,  big,  and  round  as  a  halfe  pike, 
made  of  beeche  wood,  the  which  by  likelihood,  they  make  of  a  Biskaine 
oare ;  the  other  is  the  blade  of  the  oare,  which  is  let  into  the  end  of 
the  long  one,  slit,  and  whipped  very  strongly.  The  short  one,  they  use 
as  a  paddle,  and  the  other  as  an  oare.  The  thirtieth,  without  any  further 

1  Spread  Eagle  (?). 

*  Caribou  ;   no  Elk  in  Newfoundland. 


1 6  City  meets  Native  Indians 

businesse,  with  the  sauages,  we  departed  hence  to  the  northern  side  of 
Trinity  Bay,  and  anchored  all  the  night  under  an  island.  The  one  and 
thirtieth,  we  rowed  into  an  harbour,  which  now  is  called,  '  Allhallowes ' ; 
which  hath  adjoining  unto  it,  very  high  land. 

"  November  the  sixth,  two  canoes  appeared,  and  one  man  alone,  coming 
towards  us  with  a  flag  in  his  hand,  of  a  wolfe  skin,  shaking  it,  and 
making  a  loud  noise,  which  we  took  to  be  for  a  parley ;  where-upon  a 
white  flag  was  put  out,  and  the  barke  and  shallop  rowed  towards  them, 
which  the  sauages  did  not  like  of,  and  so  took  them  to  their  canoes 
againe,  and  were  going  away :  where  upon  the  barke  wheazed  unto  them, 
and  then  they  staied  :  presently  after  the  shallop  landed  Master  Whittington 
with  the  flag  of  truce  who  went  towards  them.  Then  they  rowed  into 
the  shoare  with  one  canoe,  the  other  standing  aloofe  off,  and  landed  two 
men,  one  of  them  hauing  the  white  skin  in  his  hand,  and  coming  towards 
Master  Whittington,  the  sauage  made  a  loud  speech,  and  shaked  the  skin 
which  was  answered  by  Master  Whittington  in  like  manner,  and  as  the 
sauage  drew  neare,  he  threw  downe  the  white  skin  on  the  ground  the 
like  was  done  by  Master  Whittington  ;  whereupon  both  the  sauages  passed 
ouer  a  little  water  streame  towards  Master  Whittington,  dancing,  leaping, 
and  singing,  and  coming  together,  the  foremost  of  them  presented  unto 
him  a  chaine  of  leather  full  of  small  periwinkles  shels,  a  splitting  knife, 
and  a  feather  that  stake  in  his  eare  ;  the  other  gaue  him  an  arrow  with- 
out a  head  ;  and  the  former  was  requited  with  a  linnen  cap,  and  a  hand 
towell,  who  put  presently  the  linnen  cap  upon  his  head  :  and  to  the  other 
he  gave  a  knife :  and  after  hand  in  hand,  they  all  three  did  sing  and 
dance  :  upon  this,  one  of  our  company,  called  Francis  Tipton,  went  ashore, 
unto  whom  one  of  the  sauages  came  running  and  gaue  him  a  chaine, 
such  as  is  before  spoken  of,  who  was  gratified  by  Francis  Tipton  with 
a  knife  and  a  small  peece  of  brasse.  Then  all  four  together,  danced 
laughing  and  making  signs  of  joy  and  gladnesse,  sometimes  striking  the 
breasts  of  our  company,  and  sometimes  their  owne.  When  signs  were 
made  that  they  should  be  willing  to  suffer  two  of  our  company  more  to 
come  on  shore  for  two  of  theirs  more  to  be  landed,  and  that  bread  and 
drink  should  be  brought  ashore,  they  made  likewise  signs  that  they  had 
in  their  canoes  meate  also  to  eate :  upon  this  the  shallop  rowed  aboard 
and  brought  John  Guy  and  Master  Teage  ashoare,  who  presented  them 
with  a  shirt,  two  table  napkins,  and  a  hand  towell,  giuing  them  bread, 
butter,  and  reasons  of  the  sunne  to  eate,  and  beere,  and  aqua-vitae  to 
drinke :  and  one  of  them,  blowing  in  the  aqua-vitae  bottle,  that  made  a 
sound,  which  they  fell  all  into  laughing  at.  After,  Master  Croote  and  John 
Crouther  came  ashore,  whom  they  went  to  salute  giuing  them  shell  chains, 
who  bestowed  gloves  upon  them.  One  of  the  sauages  who  came  last 
ashore,  came  walking  with  his  oare  in  his  hand,  and  seemed  to  have  some 
command  ouer  the  rest,  and  behaued  himself  ciully :  For  when  meate 
was  offered  him,  he  drew  off  his  mitten  from  his  hand  before  he  would 
receiue  it,  and  gaue  an  arrow  for  a  present  without  a  head :  who  was 
requited  with  a  dozen  of  points.  After  they  had  all  eaten  and  drunke  one 
of  them  went  to.  their  canoe,  and  brought  us  deeres  flesh,  dried  in  the 


John  Guy's  narrative  17 

smoke  or  winde,  and  drawing  his  knife  from  out  of  his  necke,  he  cut  euery 
man  a  peece,  and  that  sauoured  very  well.  At  the  first  meeting,  when 
signs  were  made  of  meate  to  eate,  one  of  the  sauages  presently  ran  to  the 
bank  side,  and  pulled  up  a  roote,  and  gaue  it  to  Master  Whittington, 
which  the  other  sauage  perceiuing  to  be  durtie,  took  it  out  of  his  hand, 
and  went  to  the  water  to  wash  it,  and  after  diuiding  it  among  the  foure, 
it  tasted  very  well :  hee  that  came  ashore  with  the  oare  in  his  hand,  went 
and  tooke  the  white  skin  that  they  hailed  us  with,  and  gaue  it  to  Master 
Whittington  ;  and  presently  after  they  did  take  our  white  flagge  with  them 
in  the  canoe,  and  made  signs  unto  us  that  we  should  repaire  to  our  barke, 
and  so  they  put  off,  for  it  was  almost  night. 

"In  the  two  canoes  there  were  eight  men,  if  none  were  women,  (for 
commonly  in  euery  canoe  there  is  one  woman)  they  are  of  a  reasonable 
stature,  of  an  ordinary  middle  size,  they  goe  bare-headed,  wearing  their 
hair  somewhat  long  but  round  :  they  have  no  beards  ;  behind  they  haue  a 
great  locke  of  haire  platted  with  feathers,  like  a  hawke's  lure,  with  a  feather 
in  it  standing  upright  by  the  crowne  of  the  head  and  a  small  lock  platted 
before,  a  short  gown  made  of  stags'  skins,  the  furre  innermost,  that  raune 
down  to  the  middle  of  their  legges,  with  sleeues  to  the  middle  of  their 
arme,  and  a  beuer  skin  about  their  necke,  was  all  their  apparell,  saue  that 
one  of  them  had  shooes  and  mittens,  so  that  all  went  bare-legged  and 
most  bare-foote.  They  are  full-eyed,  of  a  blacke  colour ;  the  colour  of 
their  hair  was  divers,  some  blacke,  some  browne,  and  some  yellow,  and 
their  faces  something  flat  and  broad,  red  with  oker,  as  all  their  apparell 
is,  and  the  rest  of  their  body:  they  are  broad  brested,  and  bould,  and 
stand  very  upright.  Their  canoes  are  about  twenty-foote  long,  and  foure 
foot  and  a  half  broad  in  the  middle  aloft,  and  for  their  keele  and  timbers, 
they  haue  thin  light  peeces  of  dry  firre,  rended  as  it  were  lathes:  and 
instead  of  boards,  they  use  the  outer  burch  barke,  which  is  thin  and 
hath  many  folds,  sowed  together  with  a  thred  made  of  a  small  root 
quartered.  They  will  carry  foure  persons  well,  and  weight  not  one  hundred 
weight :  They  are  made  in  form  of  a  new  moone,  stem  and  sterne  alike, 
and  equally  distant  from  the  greatest  breadth  :  from  the  stem  and  sterne 
here  riseth  a  yard  high,  a  light  thin  staffe  whipped  about  with  small 
rootes,  which  they  take  hold  by  to  bring  the  canoa  ashore,  that  serueth 
instead  of  ropes,  and  a  harbour,  for  euery  place  is  to  them  a  harborough: 
where  they  can  goe  ashore  themselues,  they  take  aland  with  them  their 
canoa :  and  will  neuer  put  to  sea  but  in  a  calm,  or  very  faire  weather : 
in  the  middle  of  the  canoa  is  higher  a  great  deale  than  in  the  bowe 
and  quarter,  they  be  all  bearing  from  the  keele  to  the  portlesse  not  with 
any  circular  line  but  with  a  right  line.  They  had  made  a  tilt  with  a 
saile  that  they  got  from  some  Christian,  and  pitched  a  dozen  poles  in 
the  ground  neere,  on  which  were  hanged  diuers  furs,  and  chains  made 
of  shels,  which  at  that  instant  we  fell  not  into  the  reckoning  to  what 
intent  it  was  done,  but  after  it  came  to  our  minde,  as  hereafter  you  shall 
perceiue.  The  seventh  day  we  spent  in  washing,  and  in  beginning  a 
house  to  shelter  us  when  we  should  come  hither  hereafter,  upon  a  small 
iland  of  about  fiue  acres  of  ground,  which  is  joined  to  the  maine  with 


H. 


1 8  John  Guy's  narrative  and  comments  thereon 

a  small  beech  :  for  any  bartering  with  the  sauages  there  cannot  be  a  litter 
place. 

"  The  eighth  day  it  began  to  freeze,  and  there  was  thin  ice  ouer  the 
sound  ;  and  because  we  heard  nothing  more  of  the  sauages  we  began  to 
return  out  of  the  sound,  and  coming  to  the  place  which  the  sauages  had 
made  two  days  before  fire  in,  wee  found  all  things  remaining  there,  as 
it  was  when  we  parted,  viz.  an  old.  boat  saile,  three  or  foure  shell  chains, 
about  twelve  furres  of  beauers  most,  a  fox  skin,  a  sable  skin,  a  bird 
skin,  and  an  old  mitten,  set  euery  one  upon  a  seuerale  pole :  whereby 
we  remained  satisfied  fully,  that  they  were  brought  thither  of  purpose  to 
barter  with  us,  and  that  they  would  stand  to  our  courtesie  to  leaue  for 
it  what  wee  should  thinke  good,  because  we  were  not  furnished  with  fit 
things  for  to  trucke,  we  tooke  onely  a  beauer  skin,  a  sable  skin,  and 
a  bird  skin,  leauing  for  them  a  hatchet,  a  knife,  and  foure  needles  threaded. 
Master  Whittington  had  a  pair  of  cizzars  which  he  left  there  for  a  small 
beauer  skin,  all  the  rest  we  left  there  untouched,  and  came  that  night 
to  the  harbour  that  we  were  in  at  our  entering,  which  we  call  Flag-Staffe 
Harbour,  because  we  found  there  the  flag  staffe  throwne  by  the  sauages 
away.  These  sauages  by  all  likelihood,  were  animated  to  come  unto  us, 
by  reason  that  wee  tooke  nothing  from  them  at  Sauage  Bay,  and  some 
of  them  may  be  of  those  which  dwell  there.  For  in  no  other  place  where 
we  were,  could  we  perceiue  any  tokens  of  any  abode  of  them,  etc." 

Unfortunately  this  most  favourable  opening  of  friendly  relations  with 
the  aborigines  was  doomed  to  be  frustrated,  for  in  the  following  year 
when  it  was  agreed  upon  by  signs  between  the  Whites  and  Indians  that 
they  should  again  meet  at  the  same  place  for  traffic,  there  came  instead 
another  fishing  ship.  The  master  of  this  ship  knowing  nothing  of  Guy's 
arrangement  with  the  natives,  and  seeing  so  many  of  them  assembled  on 
the  shore,  concluded  that  they  were  about  to  attack  his  company.  There- 
upon he  fired  a  charge  amongst  them  from  a  cannon  on  board  his  ship, 
which  caused  them  to  retire  immediately  into  the  woods.  It  is  presumed 
that  they  mistook  this  new  comer  for  the  same  parties  they  had  pre- 
viously met,  and  owing  to  the  supposed  treachery  they  would  never  after 
hold  any  intercourse  with  the  settlers. 

There  are  some  points  in  the  above  extract  worthy  of  special  comment. 
The  bold,  fearless  confidence  which  the  Indians  displayed,  proved  that 
they  had  not  been  tampered  with  before  and  that  their  natural  disposition, 
when  fairly  treated,  was  one  of  trust  and  friendliness,  by  no  means  the 
blood-thirsty  vindictive  characteristics  attributed  to  them  by  later  writers. 
That  they  were  a  child-like  innocent  race  is  well  exemplified  by  the 
reference  to  the  bottle  incident.  Their  exuberant  mirth  at  the  strange 
sound  produced  by  blowing  into  the  mouth  of  the  bottle  is  very  character- 
istic of  Indians.  I  have  seen  some  of  our  Micmacs  equally  affected  by 
some  trivial  occurrence  of  that  kind. 


Captain  Richard  IVhitboiirne,  extracts  from  book  19 

(From  Bonny  castle?) 

Guy,  who  went  out  with  his  colony  in  1610,  made  friends  with  the 
Red  Indians.  He  wrote  a  letter  to  a  friend  of  his  in  England,  a  Mr  Slaney. 
He  returned  to  his  colony  in  1612,  and  re-arranged  matters  there.  He 
undertook  a  survey  of  the  coast,  and  met  with  two  canoes  of  the  Red 
Indians. 

"Captain  John  Mason,  Governor  of  Guy's  plantation  here,  in  1618, 
wrote  a  tract  entitled,  A  Brief  Discourse  of  the  Newfoundland.  In  1617 
he  wrote  to  the  Right  Worshipful  Mr  John  Scott,  of  Scottisterbatt  (?),  in 
Scotland,  Director  of  His  Majesty's  Court  of  Chancery,  then  at  his  house 
on  the  cawsy  of  Edinburgh."  Amongst  other  things  he  says, 

"  I  am  now  setting  my  foote  into  that  path  where  I  ended  last,  to  discover  to 
the  Westward  of  this  land,  and  for  two  months  absence,  I  have  fitted  myself  with 
fourteen  oares  (having  lost  one  former).  We  shall  visit  the  Naturalls  (Indians)  of 
the  country,  with  whom  I  propose  to  trade  and  hereafter  shall  give  you  a  taste  of 
the  event,  hoping  that  with  all  Terra  Nova  will  produce  Dona  Nova,  to  manifest 
our  gratificacion  until  which  tyme,  I  rest  and  shall  remayne, 

Tuus  dum  suus, 

John  Mason." 

In  another  place  Mason  says,  "  There  are  few  savages  in  the  North, 
none  in  the  South  by  whom  the  planter  as  yet  never  suffered  damage." 

"  I  might  here  further  discourse  of  our  discoveries,  conference  with 
the  savages  by  Master  John  Guye,  their  manner  of  life,  etc." 

He  then  goes  on  to  describe  the  situation  of  the  "plantations,  strange 
forms  of  fishes,  projects  for  various  industries,  Hope  of  trade  with  savages." 
(Prowse's  History.} 

Orbis  Novus. 

Joann  de  Laet  (1633)  writes  of  them  as  follows:  "  Statura  corporis  sunt 
mediocri,  capillis  nigris,  lata  facie,  simis  naribus,  grandibus  oculis ;  mares 
omnes  sunt  imberbes  ;  uterque  sexus  non  modo  cutem  sed  et  vestimenta 
rubrica  quadam  tingit....Mapalia  (lodges)  quae  dam  atqua  humiles  casas 
incolunt  e  lignis  in  orbem  dispositis  et  in  fastigio  conjunctis....Vagi  sae  pius 
habitationes  mutant." 

Extracts  from  Captain  Richard  Whitbournes  Book,  entitled 
A  Discourse  and  Discovery  of  the  Newe-founde-lannde. 

(Relative  to  the  Red   Indians.) 
(Imprinted  at  London,   by  Felix  Kingston,    1622.) 

Preface: — My  first  voyage  thither,  was  about  40  years  since  (1582)... 
We  were  bound  to  the  Grand  Bay  (which  lieth  on  the  north  side  of  that 
land)1 — purposing  there  to  trade  then  with  the  savage  people  (for  whom 
we  carried  sundry  commodities)  and  to  kill  whales,  etc. 

1  The  Gulf  of  St  Lawrence,  inside  Belle  Isle  Straits. 

3—2 


20  Continuation  of  Whitbourntfs  description 

Relation  of  the  Newfoundland,  page  2:  "The  natural  inhabitants  of 
the  country,  as  they  are  but  few  in  number,  so  are  they  something  rude 
and  savage  people ;  having  neither  knowledge  of  God,  nor  living  under 
any  kind  of  civil  government.  In  their  habits,  customs  and  manners,  they 
resemble  the  Indians  of  the  continent,  from  whence  (I  suppose)  they 
come  ;  they  live  together  in  the  north  and  west  part  of  the  country,  which 
is  seldom  frequented  by  the  English  ;  but  the  French  and  Biscaines  (who 
resort  thither  yearly  for  the  whale-fishing  and  also  for  the  codfish)  report 
them  to  be  an  ingenious  and  tractable  people  (being  well  used) ;  they  are 
ready  to  assist  them  with  great  labour  and  patience,  in  killing,  cutting, 
and  boiling  of  whales  ;  and  making  the  traine  oyle,  without  expectation  of 
other  reward  than  a  little  bread  or  some  such  small  hire." 

Speaking  of  the  Bay  of  Flowers  (Bonavista  Bay  ?),  page  4,  he  says, 
"  No  shippers  repaire  to  fish  to  this  place ;  partly  in  regard  of  sundry 
rocks,  and  ledges  lying  even  with  the  water,  and  full  of  danger ;  but  chiefly 
(as  I  conjecture)  because  the  savage  people  of  that  country  doe  there 
inhabite  ;  many  of  them  come  secretly  every  yeare,  into  Trinity  Bay  and 
Harbour,  in  the  night  time,  purposely  to  steale  sailes,  lines,  hatchets,  knives 
and  such  like,  and  this  bay  is  not  three  English  miles  overland  from 
Trinity  Bay  in  some  places ;  which  people,  if  they  might  be  reduced  to 
the  knowledge  of  the  true  Trinity  indeed,  no  doubt  but  it  would  be  a  most 
sweet  and  acceptable  sacrifice  to  God,  an  everlasting  honor  to  your  Majesty, 
and  the  heavenliest  blessing  to  these  poore  creatures,  who  are  buried  in 
their  own  superstitious  ignorance.  The  taske  thereof  would  prove  easie,  if 
it  were  but  well  begun  and  constantly  seconded  by  industrious  spirits  ;  and 
no  doubt  but  God  Himself  would  set  his  hands  to  reare  up  and  advance 
so  noble,  so  pious,  and  so  Christian  a  building." 

He  then  urges  on  the  establishment  of  a  settlement  at  Trinity,  and 
trade  with  the  natives,  etc.,  "  and  that  a  speedy  and  more  certaine  know- 
ledge might  be  had  of  the  country,  by  reason  those  savage  people  are  so 
near  ;  who  being  politically  and  gently  handled,  much  good  might  be  wrought 
upon  them ;  for  I  have  had  apparent  proofes,  of  their  ingenious  and  subtile 
dispositions,  and  that  they  are  a  people  full  of  quicke  and  lively  appre- 
hensions." 

Page  14. — "  For  it  is  most  certaine,  that  by  a  plantation  there,  and 
by  that  means  only,  the  poor  misbelieving  inhabitants  of  that  country  may 
be  reduced  from  barbarism  to  the  knowledge  of  God,  and  the  light  of 
His  truth,  and  to  a  civil  and  regular  kind  of  life  and  government." 

Page  46. — In  advocating  settlement,  and  speaking  of  the  employment 
of  the  settlers  during  winter  time  in  trapping  and  furring,  he  adds,  "They 
may  also  settle  a  traffic  with  the  savages  for  their  furs  of  beaver,  martins, 
scale,  otter,  and  what  else  is  of  worth  amongst  them." 

Page  49. — "  Neither  are  there  in  that  part  of  the  country  any  savages 
to  oppose  and  resist  our  men's  planting,  as  it  falls  out  in  many  other 
places.  Those  that  are  there,  live  in  the  North  and  West  parts  of  the 
country  (as  hath  been  said),  where  our  nation  trade  not ;  but  on  the  East 
and  South  side  of  the  land,  where  the  English  do  fish,  and  which  is  the 
fittest  place  for  a  plantation,  there  is  not  the  least  sign  or  appearance  that 


21 

ever  there  was  any  habitation  of  the  savages  or  that  they  ever  came  into 
these  parts  southward  of  Trinity  Bay ;  of  which  I  could  also  give  some 
reasons,  if  it  were  not  a  thing  to  trouble  this  discourse  withall1." 

Page  56. — In  speaking  of  the  cold  which  he  endeavours  to  make 
light  of,  he  says,  "The  savage  people  of  the  country  live  there  naked 
both  winter  and  summer." 

In  his  conclusion,  speaking  of  various  trades  which  might  be  estab- 
lished there,  he  says,  "  and  also  with  the  natives  there  not  only  with  those 
who  live  in  the  north  and  westward  parts  of  Newfoundland,  but  also  with 
those  which  border  on  the  main  continent  of  America,  near  thereunto. 
For  it  is  well  known  that  they  are  a  very  ongenious  and  subtile  kind  of 
people  (as  it  hath  often  appeared  in  divers  things),  so  likewise  are  they 
tractable,  as  hath  been  well  approved,  when  they  have  been  gently  and 
politically  dealt  withall ;  also  they  are  a  people  who  will  seek  to  revenge 
any  wrongs  done  unto  them,  or  their  wolves*,  as  hath  often  appeared.  For 
they  mark  their  ^voLves  in  the  ears,  with  several  marks,  as  is  used  here  in 
England  on  sheep,  and  other  beasts,  which  hath  been  likewise  well  approved  ; 
for  the  wolves  in  these  parts  are  not  so  violent  and  devouring  as  those  in 
other  countries,  for  no  man  that  I  ever  heard  of,  could  say  that  any  wolf 
...did  set  upon  any  man  or  boy... for  it  is  well  known  that  the  natives  of 
those  parts  have  a  great  store  of  red  ochre,  wherewith  they  used  to  cover 
their  bodies,  bows,  arrows  and  canoes  in  a  painting  manner  ;  which  canoes 
are  their  boats  that  they  use  to  go  to  sea  in,  which  are  built  like  the 
'  wherries '  on  the  river  Thames,  with  small  timbers,  no  thicker  nor  broader 
than  hoops ;  and  instead  of  boards  they  use  the  barkes  of  birch  trees, 
which  they  sew  very  artificially  and  close  together,  and  then  overlay  the 
seams  with  terpentine,  as  pitch  is  used  on  the  seams  of  ships  and  boats ; 
and  in  like  manner  they  used  to  sew  the  barkes  of  spruce  and  fir  trees, 
round  and  deep  in  proportion,  like  a  brass  kettle,  to  boil  their  meat  in, 
as  it  hath  been  well  approved  by  divers  men  ;  but  most  especially  to  my 
certaine  knowledge,  by  three  mariners  of  a  ship  of  Tapson,  in  the  county 
of  Devon ;  which  ship  riding  at  anchor  by  me,  at  the  Harbor  called 
Heart's  Ease,  on  the  north  side  of  Trinity  Bay,  and  being  robbed  in  the 
night  by  the  savages,  of  their  apparel  and  divers  other  provisions,  did  the 
next  day,  seek  after  them,  and  happened  to  come  suddenly  where  they 
had  set  up  three  tents  and  were  feasting,  having  three  such  canoes  by 
them,  and  three  pots  made  of  such  kinds  of  trees,  standing  each  of  them 
on  three  stones  boiling,  with  twelve  fowls  in  each  of  them,  every  fowl  as 
big  as  a  widgeon,  and  some  so  big  as  a  duck  ;  they  had  also  many  such 
pots  so  sewn  and  fashioned  like  leather  buckets,  that  are  used  for  quenching 
of  fire,  and  those  are  full  of  the  yolks  of  eggs,  that  they  had  taken  and 
boiled  hard,  and  so  dried  small  as  it  had  been  powdered  sugar  which  the 
savages  used  in  their  broth,  as  sugar  is  used  in  some  meats.  They  had 
great  store  of  skins  of  deer,  beavers,  bears,  seals,  otters,  and  divers  other 

1  In  this,  Whitbourne  is  entirely  astray.     They  certainly  did  frequent  the  southern  parts  of  the 
island.     Their  stone  implements  have  been  found  in  many  places  in  Conception  and  Placentia  Bays, 
and  over  the  Peninsula  of  Avalon,  even  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  St  John's  city. 

2  Esquimaux  dogs  (?). 


22  Extracts  from  H arris se 

fine  skins  which  were  excellent  well  dressed  ;  as  also  great  store  of  several 
sorts  of  fish  dried,  and  by  shooting  off  a  musket  towards  them  they  all  ran 
away  naked,  without  any  apparel,  but  only  some  of  them  had  their  hats  on 
their  heads,  which  were  made  of  seal-skins,  in  fashion  like  our  hats,  sewed 
handsomely  with  narrow  bands  about  them,  set  round  with  fine  white  shells, 
such  as  are  carried  from  Portugall  to  Brasseile  ;  where  they  passe  to  the 
Indians  as  ready  money.  All  their  three  canoes,  their  flesh,  skins,  yolkes  of 
eggs,  targets,  bows  and  arrows,  and  much  fine  ochre  and  divers  other  things 
they  took  and  brought  away,  and  shared  it  amongst  those  that  took  it ;  and 
they  brought  to  me  the  best  canoe,  bows  and  arrows,  and  divers  of  their  skins, 
and  many  other  artificial  things  worth  the  noting,  which  may  seem  much 
to  invite  us  to  endeavour  to  find  out  some  other  good  trades  with  them." 

Whitbourne's  first  voyage  thither  was  in  1582,  in  order  to  trade  with 
the  natives,  etc.  He  says,  "  The  natives  in  it  are  ingenious,  and  apt,  by 
discreet  and  moderate  government,  to  be  brought  to  obedience...." 

"  There  is  another  motive  also  which  amongst  our  ancestors,  was  wont 
to  find  good  respect,  namely,  the  honor  of  the  action,  by  the  enlarging 
of  dominions,  and  that  which  will  crown  the  work,  will  be  the  advance- 
ment of  the  honor  of  God,  in  bringing  poor  infidels  (the  natives  of  that 
country)  to  his  worship  and  their  own  salvation." 

Speaking  of  the  friendship  of  their  wolves  and  his  Mastiff  dog,  he 
adds,  "Surely  much  rather  the  people  by  our  discreet  and  gentle  usage, 
may  be  brought  to  society,  being  already  naturally  inclined  thereunto." 
Talking  of  the  fishermen  destroying  the  trees,  by  rinding, — "  For  no  other 
nation  doth  the  like,  neither  do  the  savage  people  after  such  time  as  our 
countrymen  come  from  thence,  either  hurt  or  harm  anything  of  theirs  which 
they  leave  behind." 

"  For  I  am  ready  with  my  life,  and  means  whereby,  to  find  out  some 
other  new  trade  with  the  natives  of  the  country,  for  they  have  great  store 
of  red  ochre  which  they  use  to  colour  their  bodies,  bows,  arrows  and  canoes 
with,  etc." 

Notes  from    Various  Sources  between  the  date  of  Whitbournes  Book,   1622, 
and  John  Cartwrighfs  Expedition  up  the  Exploits  River,  in   1768. 

Extract  from  Harrisse. 

On  October  loth,  1610. — The  Procureur  of  St  Malo  made  complaint 
that  in  the  preceding  year  many  masters  and  sailors  of  vessels  fishing  in 
Newfoundland,  had  been  killed  by  the  savages,  and  presented  a  request 
to  Court  that  the  inhabitants  of  St  Malo  be  allowed  to  arm  two  vessels 
to  make  war  upon  the  savages1,  so  that  they  might  be  able  to  fish  in 
safety.  Permission  was  obtained,  and  St  Malo  fishermen  fitted  out  every 
year,  one  or  more  vessels  for  this  purpose.  These  vessels  were  stationed 
at  the  Northern  Peninsula,  or  Petit  Nord,  which  the  St  Malo  fishermen 
frequented.  The  custom  was  continued  at  least  until  1635. 

1  I  have  a  suspicion  that  the  savages  here  referred  to  were  not  Beothucks,  but  mountaineers 
from  Labrador,  who  frequently  came  across  the  strait  to  hunt  in  Newfoundland. 

In  1630  Charles  I  issued  a  proclamation  prohibiting  disorderly  trading  with  the  natives  (pre- 
sumably against  supplying  them  with  liquor). 


Sir  David  Kirke  s  book 


From  Kirkes  Conquest  of  Canada1. 

Speaking  of  Guy's  attempt  at  colonization,  he  says,  "He  also  established 
a  means  of  trading  with  the  Indians  to  their  mutual  advantage."  In  an 
account  of  Newfoundland,  which  Sir  David  Kirke  sent  to  the  English 
merchants  about  twenty  years  later  (1640),  he  gives  some  curious  information 
relative  to  Guy's  transactions  with  the  Indians.  He  says,  in  answer  to  an 
objection,  that  there  was  no  trade  with  the  natives,  "  First,  say  you,  if 
there  be  a  trade  there  must  be  somebody  supposed  with  whom  to  trade, 
and  there  be  noe  natives,  upon  the  island.  How  noe  natives  upon  the 
island  of  Newfoundland  ?  Have  you  left  your  eyesight  in  the  fogges  againe, 
and  so  blinded  do  you  know  at  whom  you  strike  ?  How  comes  it  to  pass, 
I  pray  you,  that  His  Majesty,  in  the  beginning  of  his  patent  makes  it 
one  of  the  principal  reasons,  for  which  he  granted  it,  the  hope  of  the 
conversion  of  these  heathens  to  the  Christian  faith.  And  that  you  may  be 
assured  there  are  such  creatures  upon  Newfoundland  if  your  wisdoms  consult 
but  with  our  poore  fisherman,  that  use  to  fish  in  Trinity  Bay  and  more 
northerly,  they  wille  assure  you  by  their  own  continuall  and  sad  experience, 
that  they  have  found  too  many  bad  neighbors  of  the  natives  almost  every 
fishing  season.  And  wee  ourselves  can  assure  you  that  there  traded  so 
many  of  them  with  the  French,  even  this  present  yeare,  that  if  you  had 
been  amongst  them  you  had  been  confuted  to  the  purpose  with  the  hardest 
bargain  that  ever  you  concluded  since  you  were  men  of  business.  The 
accident  was  thus: — In  the  harbor  of  Les  Oyes(?),  (St  Julien)  about  eighty 
Indians  assaulted  a  companie  of  French  whilst  they  were  pylinge  up  their 
fishinge,  and  slew  seven  of  them ;  proceedinge  a  little  further,  killed  nine 
more  in  the  same  manner,  and  clothinge  sixteen  of  their  company  in  the 
apparell  of  the  slayne  French,  they  went  on  the  next  day  to  the  harbor 
of  Petty  Masters  (Croc  Harbor),  and  not  being  suspected  by  the  French 
that  were  there,  by  reason  of  their  habit,  they  surprised  them  at  their 
work  and  killed  twenty-one  more2.  Soe,  in  two  dayes  having  barbarously 
maymed  thirty-seven,  they  returned  home,  as  is  their  manner,  in  great 
triumph,  with  the  heads  of  the  slayne  Frenchmen.  Thus,  it  is  too  apparent 
there  are  Indians  upon  Newfoundland,  by  the  mischief  that  they  have  done. 
But  that  you  might  be  further  informed  of  what  good  hath  and  might  have 
been  done  amongst  them,  take  notice  of  those  which  follows  : — It  is  very 
well  known  that  in  times  past  many  French  and  Biscaners  have  traded 
with  the  natives  of  the  country  for  furs  and  deere  skins.  For  some  yeares 
they  continued  their  traffique  every  fishing  season,  and  it  was  sometimes 
intermitted  as  quarrells  arose  betwixt  them.  About  twenty  years  since, 
Alderman  Guy,  of  Bristoll,  that  had  continued  with  his  family  two  years 
in  Newfoundland,  and  amongst  his  other  designs  aymed  at  a  trade  with 
the  Indians,  employed  for  that  purpose,  one  Capt.  Whittington,  into  the 
bottom  of  Trinity  Baye,  a  place  always  frequented  with  the  natives,  and 
which  the  captaine  havinge  discovered  a  company  ashore,  commanded  his 

1  By  Henry  Kirke,  M.A.,  B.C.L.,  Oxon. 

2  I  think  it  most  probable  Kirke  is  here  referring  to  the  same  event  as  mentioned  by  Harrisse, 
but  must  have  mistaken  the  date. 


24  Sir  David  Kirkes  references 

men  to  land  him  alone,  upon  a  place  where  there  was  a  fordable  "river 
betwixt  him  and  them.  After  some  signs  made  betwixt  them  on  either 
side,  one  of  the  Indians  waded  through  the  water,  and  when  he  came  near 
the  captaine  he  threwe  up  his  bow  and  arrows  in  token  of  peace,  and  upon 
that  they  mett  and  embraced,  but  the  Indian  feelinge  a  short  fancion,  which 
the  captaine  wore  under  a  close  coat,  he  retired,  expressing  signs  of  dislike 
and  feare.  And  the  captaine  understanding  his  meaninge,  threwe  aside  his 
sword  alsoe,  as  the  other  had  done  before  his  bow  and  arrowes.  Upon 
that  more  Indians  upon  the  other  side  of  the  river  were  called  over,  and 
the  captaine  caused  his  servante  aboarde  the  boat  to  bring  ashore  provisions 
of  meate  and  drinke  to  entertayne  them.  They  did  eate  and  drinke  together 
for  the  space  of  three  or  foure  houres,  and  exchange  furs  and  deere  skins 
for  hatchets  and  knives,  and  appointed  a  meeting  the  next  year  by  a  signe 
(as  is  their  manner  in  other  parts  of  America)  when  the  grass  should  be 
of  such  a  height,  to  bring  downe  all  their  furs  and  skinnes  for  traffique 
with  the  English.  Upon  these  terms  they  parted.  And  it  soe  fell  out  the 
next  yeare,  that  at  the  time  appointed  for  their  meetinge  in  the  same  place, 
instead  of  Captaine  Whittington  or  other  agents  for  the  Alderman,  there 
came  a  fisherman  to  the  place  to  make  a  voyage,  and  seeing  a  companie 
of  Indians  together,  not  knowing  the  cause  of  their  coming,  let  fly  his 
shott  from  aboard  amongst  them.  And  they,  imagininge  these  to  be  the 
men  in  all  likelyhood  which  agreed  upon  the  meetinge  the  yeare  before 
retyred  presently  into  the  woode,  and  from  that  daye  to  this  have  sought 
all  occasion  every  fishinge  season,  to  do  all  the  mischief  they  can,  amongst 
the  fishermen.  Yet  are  we  not  of  hope,  but  if  it  be  our  fortune  to  light 
upon  them,  they  may  be  brought  by  faire  intreatie,  to  trade  again,  which 
we  assure  ourselves  may  be  very  profitable  to  the  lorde,  and  other  adventurers, 
when  it  shall  be  our  good  happ  to  make  the  natives  acquainted  with  our 
good  intentions  towards  them." 

Sir  David  Kirke  came  to  Newfoundland  in  1638,  and  settled  at  Ferry- 
land,  taking  possession  of  Lord  Baltimore's  deserted  house.  Here  he  re- 
mained till  his  death  in  i656(?),  after  which  Lord  Baltimore's  son,  Cecil, 
renewed  his  claim  to  the  place. 

In  1640,  John  Downing  was  sent  out  by  the  company  to  replace 
Kirke  (?)  at  Ferryland.  In  the  instructions  to  Downing  is  the  following: 
"  We  would  have  you  inform  yourself  in  the  best  manner  you  can  con- 
ferring with  Sir  David  Kirke  and  other  wise,  what  course  is  best  to  be 
taken  for  planting  of  people  in  ye  country,  and  for  the  reducing  the  Indians 
that  live  in  Newfoundland  into  civility,  that  soe  they  may  be  brot,  in  time 
to  know  God." 

Captain  Wheeler,  Commander  of  an  English  Convoy,  in  1684,  says, 
"The  French  begin  to  fish  eighteen  leagues  north  of  Bonavista  for  forty 
(40)  leagues  along  the  N.E.  coast,  and  are  at  utter  variance  with  the  Indians, 
who  are  numerous,  and  so  the  French  never  reside  in  winter,  and  always 
have  their  arms  by  them." 


EIGHTEENTH    CENTURY 

As  settlement  began  to  take  place  to  the  northward,  more  especially 
in  the  great  Bay  of  Notre  Dame,  early  in  this  century,  it  was  only  to  be 
expected  that  the  natives  who  frequented  this  section  of  the  island  more 
particularly,  would  occasionally  be  met  with.  There  are  numerous  vague 
traditions  of  encounters  between  those  first  settlers  and  the  Indians,  in 
nearly  all  of  which  the  whites  would  appear  to  be  the  aggressors.  The 
tendency  to  appropriate  small  articles,  such  as  hooks,  lines,  knives,  axes, 
or  in  fact  anything  that  might  be  useful  to  them,  on  the  part  of  the  poor 
untutored  savages,  was  made  an  excuse  for  the  most  barbarous  cruelties, 
and  wholesale  slaughter  by  the  fishermen.  Late  in  the  century  only  did 
the  authorities  awake  to  the  enormity  of  this  inhuman  barbarity,  and  then 
alas !  the  feeling  of  embittered  enmity  which  had  been  created  could  not 
be  allayed.  The  poor  Beothuck,  armed  only  with  his  bow  and  arrow  and 
spear,  was  no  match  for  the  fisherman  with  his  deadly  fire-arms.  He  was 
ruthlessly  shot  down,  wherever  he  made  his  appearance,  just  as  any  other 
wild  denizen  of  the  forest,  but  an  even  worse  fate  overtook  him  when 
the  semi-civilized  Micmacs  from  Cape  Breton  and  Nova  Scotia  found  their 
way  across  the  Gulf  and  invaded  his  territory.  The  latter  also  were  armed 
with  the  deadly  fire-lock  procured  from  the  French  settlers  in  Acadia. 
They  spread  themselves  over  the  interior,  in  their  hunting  excursions,  and 
waged  war  upon  the  aborigines,  who  became  hemmed  in  on  all  sides,  and 
were  unable  to  contend  successfully  against  such  overwhelming  odds.  The 
latter  retreated  further  and  further  into  the  interior,  coming  out  to  the 
coast  only  when  driven  by  scarcity  of  food,  and  then  in  as  stealthy  a  manner 
as  possible.  It  was  but  natural  under  such  circumstances  that  when  an 
opportunity  did  present  itself  they  would  retaliate.  Yet  the  instances  of 
their  having  done  so  are  very  few  and  of  a  very  doubtful  nature. 

A  tradition  existed  amongst  the  Micmacs  as  related  by  Mr  W.  E.  Cormack, 
who  had  it  from  some  of  themselves,  that  on  their  first  coming  over  to 
this  island,  amicable  relations  existed  between  them  and  the  Beothucks, 
until  a  certain  act  of  diabolical  treachery  upon  the  part  of  the  former,  put 
an  end  for  ever  to  all  friendly  intercourse.  Mr  J.  B.  Jukes,  Geologist, 
had  the  relation  of  this  event  from  Mr  Peyton,  to  whom  it  was  told  by 
an  old  Micmac  Indian.  It  was  also  confirmed  by  another  Micmac  whom 
Jukes  met  in  the  Bay  of  St  George.  He  gives  it  in  full  in  his  work 
entitled  Excursions  in  Newfoundland1, 

1  By  J.  B.  Jukes,  F.G.S.,  F.C.P.S. ;    London,   1842.     Vol.  n,  page  129. 
H.  4 


26  Micniac  tradition 

According  to  this  tradition,  it  appears  that : — "  When  the  Micmacs  first  visited 
the  country,  they  and  the  Red  Indians  were  friendly.  About  a  hundred  years  ago, 
however,  the  French  offered  a  reward  for  the  head,  of  every  Red  Indian.  To  gain 
this  reward,  the  Micmacs  privately  shot  some  of  them  ;  and  one  day,  in  descending 
a  river,  near  St  George's  Bay,  they  fell  in  with  another  party  of  them,  while  they 
had  the  heads  of  some  of  their  nation  concealed  in  their  canoe.  The  Red  Indians 
invited  the  Micmacs  ashore  to  a  feast,  during  which,  some  children  playing  about 
discovered  the  heads.  No  notice  was  taken  till  each  Micmac  was  seated  between 
two  Red  Indians,  when,  at  a  given  signal,  the  latter  fell  upon  them  and  slew  them. 
After  this  they  fought  at  the  north  end  of  the  Grand  Pond,  and  at  Shannoc  Brook, 
on  the  Exploits  River,  and,  indeed,  wherever  they  met.  In  these  encounters,  from 
the  fact  of  their  possessing  fire-arms,  the  Micmacs  were  usually  victorious.  Mr  Peyton 
said  the  Red  Indians  had  a  great  dread  of  the  Micmacs,  whom  they  called  Shannoc, 
and  used  to  point  to  Shannoc  Brook1,  a  tributary  of  the  Exploits  River,  as  the  way 
by  which  they  arrived  in  their  country.  The  woman,  who  lived  with  him  some  time, 
was  greatly  alarmed  at  the  sight  of  two  Micmacs  who  came  once  to  visit  him,  and 
hid  herself  during  their  stay.  They  were  acquainted  with  another  tribe  of  Indians, 
whom  they  called  the  '  Shaunamunc,'  and  with  whom  they  were  very  friendly.  These 
came  from  Labrador,  but  were  not  Esquimaux,  whom  the  Red  Indians  also  knew, 
and  despised  for  their  filthiness  The  '  Shaunamuncs'  were  dressed  in  deer  skins, 
not  seal-skins,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Eskimos,  but  their  deer  skins  were  not  reddened. 
They  answer,  I  believe,  to  the  Indians  called  Mountaineers,  on  the  Labrador  shore. 
The  Red  Indians  traded  with  these  'Shaunamuncs'  receiving  stone  hatchets  and  other 
implements  from  them,  and  they  mutually  visited  each  other's  countries.  This  fact,  in 
some  measure  corroborates  the  supposition,  that  the  total  disappearance  of  the  Red 
Indians,  for  the  last  ten  or  fifteen  years,  is  not  due  to  their  utter  destruction,  but 
to  their  having  passed  over  to  the  Labrador  coast ;  and  the  same  occurrence  is 
mentioned  in  Sir  R.  Bonnycastle's  entertaining  book  on  the  Canadas." 

The  above  tradition  of  the  Micmac's  appears  to  me  to  be  open  to  very 
considerable  doubt  in  many  respects.  The  statement  that  the  French  had 
offered  a  reward  for  the  heads  of  any  Red  Indians  brought  to  them,  is 
at  variance  with  the  general  treatment  accorded  the  native  tribes  of  America 
by  that  nation,  and  is  hard  to  believe.  The  French,  it  is  well  known, 
always  held  that  the  Indians  were  human  beings,  with  souls  to  be  saved, 
not  mere  animals  to  be  destroyed.  Possibly,  the  French  fishermen  on  our 
coast  were  a  different,  and  more  blood-thirsty  class  than  the  peaceable 
Acadian  and  Canadian  settlers.  What  seems  however,  to  lend  some  colour 
to  this  part  of  the  story,  is  the  fact  related  by  Kirke,  of  the  murderous 
onslaught  made  by  the  Indians,  on  the  French  settlements  at  St  Julien 
and  Croque.  Such  an  occurrence  as  that  might  very  naturally  incite  the 
French  to  acts  of  retaliation. 

Possibly,  the  savages  who  perpetrated  these  massacres,  were  not 
Beothucks  at  all,  but  some  of. the  Nascoppi,  or  Mountaineers,  who  came 
over  hunting  from  Labrador.  I  am  led  to  infer  this  from  a  statement 
made  by  Captain  George  Cartwright,  of  Labrador  fame.  He  relates  that 
on  his  way  home  from  Labrador,  to  St  John's,  and  while  stopping  at 
Hawke's  Harbour,  that,  "Two  French  fishermen,  having  gone  into  the 
country  shooting,  were  met  by  eight  Mountaineers,  men  and  women,  be- 
longing to  Labrador  tribes,  who  not  only  robbed  them  of  their  arms,  but 

1  Noel  Paul's  Brook. 


Scoffs  unfortunate  encounter  with  the  Redinen  27 

even  stripped  them  almost  naked."     Again,   in  another  place,  he  speaks  of 
"the  Mountaineers  being  at  Quirpon   Island." 

In  the  ninth  edition  of  the  Geographical  Grammar,  published  by 
Patrick  Gordon,  in  1722,  it  is  said,  "That  the  natives  of  this  island  are 
generally  of  a  middle  stature,  broad-faced,  colouring  their  faces  with  ochre, 
and  for  clothing  using  skins  of  wild  beasts  ;  that  they  live  by  ten  or  twelve 
families  together  ;  their  cabins  being  made  of  poles  in  form  of  our  arbours, 
and  covered  with  skins." 

"About  the  year  1760,  one,  Scott,  with  another  shipmaster  and  a  strong  crew, 
went  from  St  John's  to  the  Bay  of  Exploits,  which  was  known  to  be  much  frequented 
by  the  Indians,  during  the  summer  season.  Scott  and  his  party  having  landed  at 
the  mouth  of  the  bay,  built  there  a  place  of  residence,  in  the  manner  of  a  fort. 
Some  days  afterwards,  a  large  party  of  Indians  appeared  in  sight,  and  made  a  full 
stop,  none  of  them  showing  the  least  inclination  to  approach  nearer.  Scott  then 
proposed  to  the  other  shipmaster  to  go  among  them ;  the  latter  advised  to  go  armed. 
Scott  opposed  it  on  the  ground  that  it  might  create  alarm.  They  proceeded  towards 
the  Indians  with  part  of  their  crew  without  arms.  Scott  went  up  to  them  with 
every  sign  of  amity,  that  he  could  imagine,  and  mixed  with  them,  taking  several 
of  them,  one  after  another  by  the  hands.  An  old  man,  in  pretended  friendship, 
put  his  arms  around  his  neck ;  at  the  same  instant,  another  stabbed  Scott  in  the 
back.  The  war-whoop  resounded,  a  shower  of  arrows  fell  upon  the  English  which 
killed  the  other  shipmaster  and  four  of  his  companions.  The  rest  of  the  party 
then  hastened  to  their  vessels  and  returned  to  St  John's,  carrying  one  of  those 
who  had  been  killed  with  the  arrows  sticking  in  his  body."  (Anspach.) 

According  to  Mr  Thos.  Peyton,  who  had  the  story  from  one,  Henry 
Rowsell,  of  Hall's  Bay,— 

"The  first  five  men  who  attempted  to  make  a  settlement  in  that  bay,  were  all 
killed  by  the  Indians.  A  crew  went  up  from  Twillingate  shortly  afterwards,  and 
found  the  bodies  of  those  unfortunates,  with  their  heads  cut  off  and  stuck  on  poles." 

The  above  instances,  if  true,  would  seem  to  prove  that  the  Indians 
were  really  of  a  very  sanguinary  disposition,  but  this  is  not  borne  out  by 
other  accounts,  notably  by  Whitbourne's.  There  are  some  instances  of 
individuals  being  killed  by  them,  but  it  always  appears  to  have  been  in 
retaliation  for  brutal  murders  committed  upon  them  by  the  whites.  On  the 
other  hand,  there  are  numerous  cases  in  which  they  could  have  wreaked 
vengeance  upon  their  oppressors  which  they  did  not  avail  themselves  of. 
Once  an  old  Micmac  remarked  to  me,  "  Red  Injun  not  bad  man,  if  he 
mind  to  he  could  kill  every  fisherman  without  letting  himself  be  seen  at 
all."  There  are  no  instances  of  their  ever  having  attacked  a  white  settle- 
ment, or  of  revenging  themselves  upon  those  who  did  not  molest  them. 

From  the  Journal  of  Sir  Joseph  Banks,   1766. 

Sir  Joseph  Banks  was  a  naturalist  who  visited  this  country,  and 
Labrador,  in  the  summer  of  1766,  to  study  their  fauna  and  flora.  He  has 
left  a  manuscript  journal  of  his  studies  and  observations,  which  is  of  a  very 
interesting  character.  There  is  but  a  short  reference  to  the  aborigines  of 
Newfoundland,  but  as  it  contains  some  entirely  new  information,  I  quote 
it  in  full. 

4—2 


28  Sir  Joseph  Banks'  Journal 

"  Of  the  Indians  that  inhabit  the  interior  parts  of  Newfoundland,  I  have  as  yet 
been  able  to  learn  very  little  about  them.  They  are  supposed  to  be  the  original 
inhabitants,  of  that  country.  They  are,  in  general,  thought  to  be  very  few  as  1  am 
told,  not  exceeding  five-hundred  (500)  in  number,  but  why  that  should  be  imagined, 
I  cannot  tell,  as  we  know  nothing  at  all  of  the  interior  parts  of  the  Island,  nor 
ever  had  the  least  connection  with  them,  tho'  the  French  we  are  told  had. 

"The  only  part  of  the  island  that  I  have  heard  of  their  inhabiting,  is  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Fogo,  where  they  are  said  to  be  as  near  the  coast  as  four  (4)  miles. 

"  Our  people,  who  fish  in  these  parts,  live  in  a  continual  state  of  warfare  with 
them,  firing  at  them  whenever  they  meet  with  them,  and  if  they  chance  to  find 
their  houses  or  wigwams  as  they  call  them,  plundering  them  immediately,  tho'  a 
bow  and  arrows,  and  what  they  call  their  pudding  (?)  is  generally  the  whole  of 
their  furniture. 

"  They  in  return,  look  upon  us  in  exactly  the  same  light  as  we  do  them,  kill- 
ing our  people  whenever  they  get  the  advantage  of  them,  and  stealing  or  destroy- 
ing their  nets,  wherever  they  find  them. 

"  The  pudding,  which  I  mention  in  the  last  paragraph  is,  our  people  say, 
always  found  in  their  huts,  made  of  eggs  and  deers'  hair  to  make  it  hang  to- 
gether, as  we  put  hair  into  our  mortar  and  bake  in  the  sun.  Our  people  believe 
it  to  be  a  part  of  their  food,  but  do  not  seem  certain  whether  it  is  intended  for 
that  or  any  other  use.  They  are  said  to  fetch  eggs  for  this  composition,  as  far  as 
Funk  or  Penguin  Island,  ten  leagues  from  the  nearest  land. 

"  They  are  extremely  dexterous  in  the  use  of  their  bows  and  arrows,  and  will, 
when  pressed  by  an  enemy,  take  four  arrows,  three  between  the  fingers  of  their  left 
hand,  with  which  they  hold  the  bow,  and  the  fourth  notched  in  the  string,  discharge 
them  as  quick  as  they  can  draw  the  bow,  and  with  great  certainty. 

"  Their  canoes,  by  the  gentleman's  account  from  whom  I  have  all  this,  are 
made  like  the  Canadians',  of  Birch-bark,  sewed  together  with  deer's  sinews,  or  some 
other  material,  but  differ  from  the  Canadians'  essentially,  in  that  they  are  made  to 
shut  up  by  the  sides  closing  together  for  the  convenient  carrying  of  them  through 
the  woods,  which  they  are  obliged  to  do  on  account  of  the  many  lakes  that  abound 
all  over  the  Island. 

"  Their  method  of  scalping  too,  is  very  different  from  the  Canadian's,  they  not 
being  content  with  the  hair,  but  skinning  the  whole  face,  at  least,  as  far  as  the 
upper  lip. 

"  I  have  a  scalp  of  this  kind  which  was  taken  from  one,  Sam  Frye,  a  fisher- 
man, who  they  shot  in  the  water,  as  he  attempted  to  swim  off  to  his  ship  from 
them.  They  kept  this  scalp  a  year,  but  the  features  were  so  well  preserved,  that 
when  upon  a  party  of  them  being  pursued  the  next  summer,  they  dropt  it,  it  was 
immediately  known  to  be  the  scalp  of  the  identical  Sam  Frye,  who  was  killed  the 
year  before. 

"  So  much  for  the  Indians  :  if  half  of  what  I  have  written  about  them  is  true, 
it  is  more  than  I  expect,  tho'  I  have  not  the  least  reason  to  think  but  that  the 
man  who  told  it  to  me  believed  it,  and  had  heard  it  from  his  own  people,  and 
more  of  the  neighboring  planters  and  fishermen." 

The  Authorities,  having  at  length  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was 
about  time  to  put  a  stop  to  the  inhuman  barbarities  practised  upon  the 
poor  defenceless  Beothucks,  took  the  matter  seriously  in  hand.  In  1768, 
the  then  Governor,  Sir  Hugh  Palliser,  sent  an  expedition  up  the  Exploits 
River,  under  the  command  of  Lieut.  John  Cartwright,  of  H.M.S.  Guernsey 
to  try  and  open  up  communication  with  them,  and  establish  a  friendly 
intercourse.  The  expedition,  unfortunately,  failed  to  meet  with  any  of  them, 
but  the  account  in  Cartwright's  own  language,  which  is  given  in  full  below, 
is  of  a  very  interesting  character. 


Plate  I 


f 


Major  John    Cartwright 

Who,  in  1768,  made  a  journey  up  the  Exploits  River  in  search  of 
the  Red  Indians,  and  who  wrote  an  account  of  his  travels,  addressed 
to  Governor,  Sir  Hugh  Palliser.  At  the  time  of  this  expedition, 
Cartwright  was  in  the  Navy,  Lieutenant  of  H.M.S.  "Guernsey." 
After  retiring  from  the  Navy,  he  became  a  great  political  agitator, 
was  in  favour  of  the  various  reforms  put  forward  by  the  British 
Government.  He  was  a  vigorous  writer,  and  on  more  than  one 
occasion,  got  himself  into  trouble.  He  joined  a  corps  of  Militia,  and 
became  Major.  His  biography,  written  by  his  niece,  F.  D.  Cartwright, 
was  published  in  London,  in  1826. 


Plate  II 


Cartwright's  sketch  of  Exploits  River. 


Imaginary  picture  of  Red  Indian  camp  (Mamateek),  canoe,  etc.     Cartwright's  narrative. 


Narrative  of  Lieutenant  John  Cartwright  29 

Remarks  on  the  situation  of  the  Red  Indians,  natives  of  Newfoundland ; 
with  some  account  of  their  manner  of  living ;  together  with  such  de- 
scriptions as  are  necessary  to  the  explanation  of  the  sketch  of  the  country 
they  inhabit:  taken  on  the  spot  in  the  year  1768,  by  Lieutenant  John 
Cartwright  of  H, M.S.  "  Weymoutfr" 

"  Lo !    the  poor  Indian,  whose  untutored  mind 
Sees  God  in  clouds,  or  hears  Him  in  the  wind." 

The  journey  in  which  the  River  Exploits  was  traced,  and  Lieutenant's 
Lakes  discovered,  was  undertaken  with  a  design  to  explore  the  unknown 
interior  parts  of  Newfoundland ;  to  examine  into  the  practicability  of 
travelling  from  shore  to  shore,  across  the  body  of  that  island ;  and  to 
acquire  a  more  certain  knowledge  of  the  settlements  of  the  natives  or  Red 
Indians,  as  well  as  to  surprise,  if  possible,  one  or  more  of  these  savages, 
for  the  purpose  of  effecting  in  time,  a  friendly  intercourse  with  them,  in 
order  to  promote  their  civilization,  and  render  them  in  the  end,  useful 
subjects  to  His  Majesty. 

The  epithet  "Red  Indian"  is  given  to  these  Indians,  from  their 
universal  practise  of  colouring  their  garments,  their  canoes,  bows,  arrows, 
and  every  other  utensil  belonging  to  them  with  red  ochre. 

The  situation  of  this  tribe  as  part  of  the  human  species,  with  certain 
particulars  relating  to  them  is  truly  singular.  Although  they  are  the  original 
native  inhabitants  of  a  country  we  have  been  so  long  possessed  of,  they 
have  not  now  the  least  intercourse  with  us  whatever ;  except  indeed,  some- 
times the  unfriendly  one  of  reciprocal  injuries,  and  murders.  There  are 
traditions  amongst  the  English  inhabitants  of  Newfoundland,  which  prove 
that  an  amicable  intercourse  once  subsisted  between  them,  and  the  natives ; 
and  at  the  same  time  afford  sufficient  evidence,  that  the  conduct  of  the 
savages  was  not  the  cause  that  those  social  bonds  were  broken.  In  the 
course  of  those  remarks,  will  be  shown  more  at  large,  the  reason  for  the 
continuance  of  this  disunion  ;  whence  it  will,  perhaps,  appear  that  there  is 
no  other  method  to  restore  the  commerce  between  us,  than  that  which  was 
adopted  by  Governor  Palliser,  and  attempted  on  the  expedition  which  gave 
rise  to  those  observations. 

But  before  I  mention  anything  that  bears  a  reference  to  the  sketch, 
or  speak  of  the  Indian  manner  of  living,  it  may  be  necessary  in  order  to 
prevent  any  confused  ideas  arising  in  the  mind  of  the  reader,  to  give 
previous  descriptions  of  the  whigwham  or  hut,  distinguished  on  the  sketch 
with  red  ink  by  the  mark  '  Q ' ;  of  the  square  dwellings  marked  '  Q  ' ;  of 

the   deer   fences    and    sewels    marked    ^=<=^^±^<  and     A     >    °f   tne    canoe J 


and   lastly   of  the    bow    and    arrow,    in    which    are    at   once   comprised    the 
whole  of  their  arms,  either  offensive  or  defensive. 

The   whigwham   is  a   hut   in    the   form  of  a  cone.     The   base  of  it    is 
proportioned    to  the    number  of  the  family,    and   their    beds    form    a    circle 

1  Life  of  Major  Cartwright^  by  his  niece,  F.  D.  Cartwright,  in  two  volumes,  published  by  Henry 
Cobbin,  New  Burlington  Street,  London,  1826.  The  Weymouth  must  have  been  his  last  ship. 
That  on  which  he  served  at  the  date  of  the  expedition  was  certainly  the  Guernsey  as  appears 
from  his  original  MS. 


30  Cartwrighfs  journey  to  Red  Indian  Lake 

around  a  fire  that  burns  in  the  centre.  The  beds  are  only  so  many  oblong 
hollows  in  the  earth,  lined  with  the  tender  branches  of  fir  and  pine. 
Several  straight  sticks  like  hoop-poles,  compose  the  frame  of  the  whigwham, 
and  the  covering  is  supplied  by  the  rind  of  the  Birch-tree.  This  is  over- 
laid sheet  upon  sheet,  in  the  manner  of  tiles,  and  perfectly  shelters  the 
whole  apartment  except  the  fire-place,  over  which  there  is  left  an  opening 
to  carry  off  the  smoke.  The  birch  rind  is  secured  in  its  place  by  outside 
poles  whose  weight  from  their  inclined  position  is  sufficient  for  that  purpose. 
The  central  fire  spreading  its  heat  on  all  sides  makes  them  quite  warm  ; 
and  notwithstanding  one  of  these  habitations  where  materials  are  plentiful, 
may  be  completed  in  less  than  an  hour,  yet  they  are  extremely  durable  ; 
for  being  always  in  the  woods  they  are  defended  from  the  force  of  the 
wind,  that  would  otherwise  very  soon  overturn  such  slender  fabrics. 

Of  the  square  habitations,  only  two  were  observed  on  the  whole 
journey  ;  one  upon  Sabbath  Point,  in  Lieutenant's  Lake,  and  the  other  in 
a  small  distance  above  Little  Rattle1.  They  were  much  alike  and  examining 
the  latter  we  found  it  to  be  rectangle,  framed  nearly  in  the  fashion  of 
the  English  fishing  houses,  only  that  the  studs  were  something  apart,  from 
which  it  was  evident  that  they  alone  could  not,  in  that  state,  form  the 
shell,  as  in  the  English  buildings,  where  they  are  closely  joined  together. 

But  about  eighteen  inches  within  this  and  parallel  to  it,  there  was 
another  frame  of  slighter  workmanship  rising  to  the  roof.  From  the  hair 
which  adhered  to  the  studs,  the  interval  appeared  to  have  been  filled  with 
deer-skins  ;  than  which  there  could  have  been  nothing  better  calculated  for 
keeping  out  the  cold.  This  was  the  construction  of  only  three  sides,  the 
fourth  being  raised  by  trees  well  squared  and  placed  horizontally  one  upon 
another,  having  their  seams  caulked  with  moss.  The  difference  was  probably 
owing  to  the  deficiency  of  skins ;  and  rather  so  as  this  inferior  side  of 
the  dwelling  bore  a  SE.  aspect,  which  required  less  shelter  than  any  other. 
The  lodgements  of  the  rafters  on  the  beams  and  the  necessary  joints  were 
as  neatly  executed  as  in  the  houses  commonly  inhabited  by  our  fishers. 
The  roof  was  a  low  pyramid,  being  encompassed  at  the  distance  of  three 
feet  from  its  vertex  by  a  hoop  tied  to  the  rafters  with  thongs.  Here  the 
covering  had  terminated,  and  the  space  above  the  hoop  had  been  left  open 
as  in  the  whigwharn,  for  a  passage  for  the  smoke,  the  fire-place,  according 
to  custom,  having  been  in  the  centre. 

The  deer  fences  we  found  erected  on  the  banks  of  the  Exploits  are 
situated  in  places  the  most  proper  for  intercepting  herds  of  these  animals, 
as  they  cross  the  river  in  their  route  to  the  southward,  on  the  approach 
of  winter,  and  against  the  return  of  mild  weather,  when  they  wander  back 
to  the  northward.  They  have  the  best  effect  when  there  is  a  beach  about 
twenty  feet  wide  and  from  thence  a  steep  ascending  bank.  Along  the 
ridge  of  this  bank  the  Indians  fell  the  trees  without  chopping  the  trunks 
quite  asunder ;  taking  care  that  they  fall  parallel  with  the  river  and  guiding 
every  fresh  cut  tree  so  as  to  coincide  with  and  fall  on  the  last.  The  weak 
parts  of  the  fence  are  filled  up  with  branches  and  limbs  of  other  trees, 

1  Furrier's  term  for  rapid. 


Continuation  of  Cartwrighfs  narrative  31 

secured  occasionally  by  large  stakes  and  bindings ;  in  short,  these  fences 
and  our  plashed  hedges  are  formed  on  the  same  principles,  differing  only 
in  their  magnitude.  They  are  raised  to  the  height  of  six,  eight,  or  ten 
feet,  as  the  place  may  require,  so  that,  the  steepness  of  the  bank  con- 
sidered, they  are  not  found  to  be  forced  or  overleaped  by  the  largest  deer. 

Those  fences  near  Slaughter  and  Fatal  Isles,  and  the  other  most 
frequented  places,  are  from  half  a  mile  to  half  a  league  in  length  ;  only 
discontinued  here  and  there  for  short  distances  where  the  ill-growth  of  the 
woods  does  not  favour  such  works.  The  Indians  are  here  at  no  loss,  for 
their  knowledge  of  the  use  of  sewels1  supplies  this  deficiency,  and  completes 
their  toils.  At  certain  convenient  stations  they  have  small  half-moon  breast- 
works, half  the  height  of  a  man  (by  the  furriers  called  gazes),  over  which 
it  may  be  presumed,  they  shoot  the  deer  passing  between  the  water-side 
and  the  bank,  deterred  by  the  sewels,  and  disabled  by  means  of  the  fence 
from  entering  the  wood,  until  an  opening  clear  of  these  obstructions  may 
present  itself. 

Their  sewels2  are  made  by  tying  a  tassel  of  birch  rind  formed  like  the 
wing  of  a  paper  kite,  to  the  small  end  of  a  slight  stick  about  six  feet  in 
length.  These  sticks  are  pricked  into  the  ground  about  ten  or  a  dozen 
yards  apart,  and  so  much  sloping,  that  the  pendant  rind  may  hang  clear 
of  its  support,  in  order  to  play  with  every  breath  of  wind.  Thus  it  is  sure 
to  catch  the  eye  of  the  deer,  and  to  make  them  shun  the  place  where  it 
stands. 

The  canoe  peculiar  to  these  Indians  comes  next  to  be  considered,  and 
so  well  deserves  particular  notice,  that  no  pains  will  be  spared  to  gratify 
the  curiosity  of  the  inquisitive  reader  ;  and  it  is  hoped,  that  by  the  assistance 
of  the  perspective  view  exhibited  in  the  sketch,  the  more  so,  as  it  may  be 
observed  that  such  descriptions  in  the  best  writers  are  too  often  loose  and 
inaccurate,  wanting  that  precision  necessary  to  give  a  full  and  distinct  idea 
of  the  general  figure,  the  parts  and  proportions  of  the  thing  described.  But 
perhaps,  great  indulgence  is  due  to  such  writers,  when  we  reflect  on  the 
very  limited  powers,  for  paintings  of  this  nature,  that  are  vested  in  the  pen. 
Conscious  of  her  weakness  on  this  occasion,  she  has  taken  to  her  aid  her 
elder  sister,  and  faithful  ally,  the  pencil ;  that  by  the  assistance  of  the 
perspective  view,  exhibited  on  the  same  sheet  with  the  sketch  of  the 
country,  it  is  hoped  the  reader  will  be  fully  satisfied  on  this  head.  There 
also  he  will  see  representations  of  the  whigwham  as  well  as  of  the  bow 
and  arrow  of  this  people.  The  principle  on  which  the  Red  Indian's  canoe 
is  constructed,  is,  perhaps,  nowhere  else  to  be  met  with  throughout  the 
very  great  variety  of  these  embarkations,  known  in  the  different  quarters 
of  the  globe.  It  has,  in  a  manner,  no  bottom  at  all,  the  sides  beginning 
at  the  very  keel,  and  from  thence  running  up  in  straight  lines  to  the  edge 
or  gunwale.  A  transverse  section  of  it  at  any  part  whatever,  marks  an 

1  "  Hos  non  immissos  canibus,  non  cassibus  ullis  ; 

Puniciae  agitant  pavidos  formidine  pennae." 

Virgil  has  neglected  the  peculiar  beauty  of  this  passage   by  using  only  the  general  word  toils, 
which  gives  no  idea  of  a  sewel  formed  with  coloured  feathers. 

2  This  word  is  probably  compounded  from  see  and  well ;  another  example  is  Semore  (Mt  See-more) 
near  Birchy  Lake,  Upper  Humber  River. 


32  Continuation  of  Cartwrighfs 

acute  angle  ;  only  that  it  is  not  sharpened  to  a  perfect  angular  point,  but  is 
somewhat  rounded  to  take  in  the  slight  rod  that  serves  by  way  of  a  keel. 
This  rod  is  thickest  in  the  middle  (being  in  that  part  about  the  size  of  the 
handle  of  a  common  hatchet),  tapering  each  way,  and  terminating  with  the 
slender  curved  extremities  of  the  canoe.  The  form  of  this  keel  will  then, 
be  the  same  with  the  outline  of  the  long  section,  it  is  evident,  which,  when 
represented  on  paper,  is  nearly,  if  not  exactly,  the  half  of  an  ellipse, 
longitudinally  divided.  Having  thus  drawn  the  keel,  whose  two  ends  become 
also  similar  stems  to  the  canoe,  the  side  may  be  easily  completed  after  this 
manner.  Perpendicular  to  the  middle  of  the  keel,  and  at  two-thirds  the 
height  of  its  extremities,  make  a  point.  Between  this  central  and  the 
extreme  points,  describe  each  way,  a  catenarian  arch  with  a  free  curve,  and 
you  will  have  the  form  of  the  side,  as  well  as  a  section  of  the  canoe  ;  for 
their  difference  is  so  very  trifling  as  not  be  discernible  to  the  eye,  which 
will  be  clearly  comprehended  on  recollecting  that  the  side,  as  I  said  before, 
begins  at  the  keel.  The  coat  or  shell  of  the  canoe  is  made  of  the  largest 
and  finest  sheets  of  birch  rind  that  can  be  secured.  Its  form  being  nothing 
more  than  two  sides  joined  together  where  the  keel  is  to  be  introduced, 
it  is  very  easily  sewn  together  entire.  The  sewing  is  perfectly  neat,  and 
performed  with  spruce  roots,  split  to  the  proper  size.  That  along  the 
gunwale  is  like  our  neatest  basket  work.  The  seams  are  paved  over  with 
a  sort  of  gum,  appearing  to  be  a  preparation  of  turpentine,  oil,  and  ochre  ; 
and  which  effectually  resists  all  the  efforts  of  the  water.  The  sides  are  kept 
apart,  and  their  proper  distance  preserved  by  means  of  a  thwart  of  about 
two  fingers  substance,  whose  ends  are  lodged  on  the  rising  points  above 
mentioned,  in  the  middle  of  the  gunwale.  The  extension  used  when  this 
thwart  is  introduced,  lessens  in  some  degree,  the  length  of  the  canoe,  by 
drawing  in  still  more  its  curling  ends  :  it  also  fixes  the  extreme  breadth  in 
the  middle,  which  is  requisite  in  a  vessel  having  similar  stems  and  intended 
for  advancing  with  either  of  them  foremost,  as  occasion  may  require  and 
by  bulging  out  its  sides,  gives  them  a  perceptible  convexity,  much  more 
beautiful  than  their  first  form.  The  gunwales  are  made  with  tapering  sticks, 
two  on  each  side  ;  the  thick  ends  of  which  meet  on  the  rising  points,  with 
the  ends  of  the  main  thwart,  and  being  moulded  to  the  shape  of  the  canoe, 
their  small  ends  terminate  with  those  of  the  keel-rod,  in  the  extremities  of 
each  stem.  On  the  outside  of  the  proper  gunwale,  with  which  they  exactly 
correspond,  and  connected  with  them  by  a  few  thongs,  are  also  false 
gunwales,  fixed  there  for  the  same  purpose  as  we  use  fenders.  The  inside 
is  lined  entirely  with  sticks,  two  or  three  inches  broad,  cut  flat  and  thin, 
and  placed  lengthwise,  over  which  again  others  are  crossed,  that  being 
bent  in  the  middle,  extend  up  each  side  to  the  gunwale,  where  they  are 
secured,  serving  as  timbers.  A  short  thwart  near  each  end  to  preserve 
the  canoe  from  twisting,  or  being  bulged  more  open  than  proper,  makes  it 
complete.  It  may  readily  be  conceived,  from  its  form  and  light  fabric,  that 
being  put  into  the  water,  it  would  lie  flat  on  one  side,  with  the  keel  and 
gunwale  both  at  the  surface.  But  being  ballasted  with  stones,  it  settles  to 
a  proper  depth  in  the  water,  and  then  swims  upright ;  when  a  covering  of 
sods  and  moss  being  laid  on  the  stones,  the  Indians  kneel  on  them  and 


Plate  III 


Dimensions  of  Canoe,  from  model  in  Museum. 


narrative  of  his  journey  np  the  Exploits  River  33 

manage  the  canoe  with  paddles.  In  fine  weather  they  sometimes  set  a  sail 
on  a  very  slight  mast,  fastened  to  the  middle  thwart ;  but  this  is  a  practice 
for  which  those  delicate  and  unsteady  barks  are  by  no  means  calculated. 
A  canoe  of  fourteen  feet  long,  is  about  four  feet  wide  in  the  middle. 

The  bows  are  all  sycamore1,  which  being  very  scarce  in  this  country, 
and  the  only  wood  it  produces  which  is  fit  for  this  use,  thence  becomes 
valuable.  The  sticks  are  not  selected  with  any  great  nicety,  some  of  them 
being  knotty,  and  of  very  rude  appearance ;  but  under  this  simple  rustic 
guise  they  carry  very  great  perfection ;  and  to  those  who  examine  them 
with  due  attention  admirable  skill  is  shown  in  their  construction.  Except 
in  the  grasp  the  inside  of  them  is  cut  flat,  but  so  obliquely,  and  with  so 
much  art,  that  the  string  will  vibrate  in  a  direction  coinciding  exactly  with 
the  thicker  edge  of  the  bow.  This  seems  to  be  essential  to  the  true  delivery 
of  the  arrow,  but  is  a  principle  that  appears  not  to  be  generally  understood 
among  archers.  The  bow  is  full  five  and  a  half  feet  long.  The  arrow 
is  made  of  well  seasoned  pine,  slender,  light,  and  perfectly  straight.  Its 
head  is  a  two-edged  lance,  about  six  inches  long,  and  the  stock  is  about 
three  feet  more.  Like  the  famous  arrow  that  pierced  the  heart  of  Douglas, 
it  was  feathered  with  the  "  Grey  goose  wing." 

The  country  which  the  Red  Indians  now  inhabit,  is  chiefly  about  the 
River  Exploits,  extending  northerly  as  far  as  Cape  John,  and  to  Cape 
Frehel  in  the  southeast.  They  were  formerly  known  to  spread  themselves 
much  further,  but  it  is  thought  they  were  then  considerably  more  numerous 
than  they  are  at  present.  In  the  winter  it  seems  they  reside  chiefly  on 
the  banks  of  the  Exploits,  where  they  are  enabled  to  procure  a  plentiful 
subsistence,  as  appeared  by  the  abundance  of  horns  and  bones  that  lay 
scattered  about  their  wigwams  at  the  deer  fences,  Rangers  River,  Prospect 
Lake.  The  forbidden  ponds,  and  other  places  may  admit,  no  doubt,  of 
a  like  residence,  and  afford  them  the  same  kind  of  food,  though  not  in 
such  plenty  ;  for  the  channel  of  the  Exploits,  stretching  itself  directly  across 
the  regular  and  constant  track  of  the  deer,  must  necessarily  insure  to  them 
abundance  of  venison,  while  all  the  other  places  may  yield  them  no  more 
than  occasional  supplies.  In  summer  they  live  altogether,  as  is  supposed, 
on  the  sea-coast.  Between  the  boundaries  I  have  mentioned,  of  Cape  John 
and  Cape  Frehel,  is  spread  a  vast  multitude  of  islands  abounding  with  sea- 
fowl,  ptarmigan,  hares  and  other  game,  besides  seals  in  great  numbers. 
On  the  largest  of  these  islands  are  deer,  foxes,  bears  and  otters.  Besides 
hunting  all  these,  they  used  formerly  to  kill  considerable  quantities  of  salmon 
in  the  rivers  and  small  streams ;  but  the  English  have  now  only  left  them 
in  possession  of  Charles's  and  another  brook.  During  the  egg  season  they 
are  supposed  to  feed  luxuriously ;  and  by  no  means  to  want  after  the  young 
have  taken  to  wing ;  for  in  archery  they  have  an  unerring  hand  that 
amply  supplies  their  wants.  A  kind  of  cake  made  of  eggs,  and  baked  in 
the  sun,  and  a  sort  of  pudding  stuffed  in  a  gut,  and  composed  of  seals' 
fat,  livers,  eggs,  and  other  ingredients,  have  been  found  about  their  wigwams. 

1  Maple  (Fraxiniis  Americana),  called  sycamore  by  the  Newfoundland  fishermen.  Cartwright 
is  not  correct  in  stating  that  this  was  the  only  wood  used  for  that  purpose,  they  also  used  Mountain 
Ash  and  a  hard  tough  species  of  fir. 


II. 


34  Continuation  of  Cartwrighfs 

These  puddings,  it  is  thought,  are  preserved  by  them,  as  a  provision  against 
times  of  scarcity,  and  when  the  chase  may  happen  to  fail. 

The  Red  Indians,  as  I  have  observed  before,  have  no  intercourse 
with  Europeans,  except  a  hostile  one  ;  which  there  is  great  reason  to  think, 
is  founded,  on  their  part,  upon  a  just,  and,  to  any  uncivilized  people,  a 
noble  resentment  of  wrongs.  On  the  part  of  the  English  fishers,  it  is  an 
inhumanity  which  sinks  them  far  below  the  level  of  savages.  The  wantonness 
of  their  cruelties  towards  the  poor  wretches,  has  frequently  been  almost 
incredible.  One  well-known  fact  shall  serve  as  a  specimen.  A  small  family 
of  Indians  being  surprised  in  their  wigwam,  by  a  party  of  fishermen,  they 
all  fled,  to  avoid  if  possible,  the  instant  death  that  threatened  them  from 
the  fire-arms  of  their  enemies  ;  when  one  woman  being  unable  to  make 
her  escape,  yielded  herself  into  their  power.  Seeing  before  her  none  but 
men,  she  might  naturally  have  expected  that  her  sex  alone  would  have 
disarmed  their  cruelty  but  to  awaken  in  them  still  stronger  motives  to 
compassion,  she  pointed  with  an  air  of  most  moving  entreaty  to  her  prominent 
belly.  Could  all  nature  have  produced  another  pleader  of  such  eloquence 
as  the  infant  there  concealed  ?  But  this  appeal,  Oh,  shame  to  humanity ! 
was  alas !  in  vain  ;  for  an  instant  stab,  that  ripped  open  her  womb,  laid  her 
at  the  feet  of  those  cowardly  ruffians,  where  she  expired  in  great  agonies. 
Their  brutal  fury  died  not  with  its  unhappy  victim  ;  for  with  impious  hands 
they  mutilated  the  dead  body,  so  as  to  become  a  spectacle  of  the  greatest 
horror.  And  that  no  aggravation  of  their  crime  might  be  wanting,  they 
made,  at  their  return  home,  their  boasts  of  this  exploit.  Charity  might 
even  have  prevailed  in  their  favour,  against  their  own  report,  and  have 
construed  their  relation  into  an  idle  pretence  only  of  wickedness,  which, 
however,  they  were  incapable  of  having  in  reality  committed,  had  they  not 
produced  the  hands  of  the  murdered  woman,  which  they  displayed  on  the 
occasion  as  a  trophy.  Although  I  meant  to  confine  myself  to  a  single  proof 
of  my  charge  against  the  fishermen,  yet,  as  that  is  general,  and  of  so 
criminal  a  nature,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  bring  more  evidence  against  them, 
in  order  to  satisfy  the  reader  that  their  guilt  has  not  been  exaggerated. 
The  following  story  will  but  too  much  confirm  what  has  been  already 
advanced.  Some  fishermen,  as  they  doubled  in  their  boat,  a  point  of  land, 
discovering  a  single  defenceless  woman  with  an  infant  on  her  shoulders, 
one  of  them  instantly  discharged  at  her  a  heavy  load  of  swan  shot,  and 
lodged  it  in  her  loins.  Unable  now  to  sustain  her  burthen,  she  unwillingly 
put  it  down,  and  with  difficulty  crawled  into  the  woods,  holding  her  hand 
upon  the  mortal  wound  she  had  received,  and  without  once  taking  off  her 
eyes  from  the  helpless  object  she  had  left  behind  her.  In  this  dreadful 
situation  she  beheld  her  child  ravished  from  her  by  her  murderers,  who 
carried  it  to  their  boat.  How  the  infant's  cries,  as  they  bore  it  off,  must 
have  pierced  her  fainting  heart !  How  the  terrors  of  its  approaching  fate 
must  have  wrung  a  mother's  breast !  A  cruel  death  or  an  ignominious 
bondage  among  enemies  the  only  prospects  for  a  beloved  son  she  was  to 
see  no  more !  Sure  the  arrow  of  death  was  now  dipped  in  the  keenest  of 
all  poisons!  Assassinations  but  not  the  deeds  of  manly  courage  are  the 
genuine  effects  of  cruelty.  The  child  was  snatched  away  in  all  the  hurry 


narrative  of  his  journey  up  the  Exploits  River  35 

and  affright  imaginable,  and  the  most  precipitate  retreat  made  in  the  boat, 
till  out  of  bowshot  from  the  shore  because  this  courageous  crew  just  before 
they  discovered  the  woman,  had  seen  on  an  eminence  at  a  considerable 
distance,  two  Indian  men.  Sentiments  of  horror  and  indignation  will  move 
no  doubt  the  generous  reader,  when  he  casts  his  eye  upon  these  shocking 
scenes  ;  but  what  feeling,  what  mode  of  disgust  has  nature  implanted  in  the 
human  heart,  to  express  its  abhorrence  of  the  wretch  who  can  be  so  hardened 
to  vice  as  to  conceive  that  he  is  entitled  to  a  reward  for  the  commission 
of  such  bloody  deeds  !  One  of  the  very  villains  concerned  in  this  capture 
of  the  child,  supposing  it  a  circumstance  that  would  be  acceptable  to  the 
Governor,  actually  came  to  the  writer  of  these  remarks  at  Toulinguet,  to 
ask  a  gratuity  for  the  share  he  had  borne  in  the  transaction.  Had  he  been 
describing  the  death  of  a  beast  of  chase,  and  the  taking  of  its  young,  he 
could  not  have  shown  greater  insensibility  than  he  did  at  the  relation  above 
mentioned  :  but  it  was  not  to  be  heard  without  far  other  feelings,  and  in 
point  of  facts  is  here  literally  repeated.  The  woman  was  shot  in  August 
1 768,  and  to  complete  the  mockery  of  human  misery,  her  child  was  the 
winter  following,  exposed  as  a  curiosity  to  the  rabble  at  Pool  for  two  pence 
apiece1. 

These  Indians  are  not  only  secluded  thus  from  any  communication 
with  Europeans,  but  they  are  so  effectually  cut  off  from  the  society  of 
every  other  Indian  people.  The  Canadians2  have  generally  a  strong  hunt 
that  range  the  western  coast  of  Newfoundland,  between  whom  and  these 
natives  reigns  so  mortal  an  enmity  (as  in  the  subsequent  letter  is  more  fully 
mentioned)  that  they  never  meet  but  a  bloody  combat  ensues.  This  is  the 
case  with  all  savage  nations ;  occasioned  by  mutual  fears,  and  not  being 
able  to  understand  each  other's  language. 

This  is  the  only  tribe  from  the  continent  that  can  now  approach  them  ; 
for  the  English  settlements  on  the  east  coast  keep  back  the  Esquimaux, 
who  are  said  formerly  to  have  ranged  far  enough  to  the  southward,  to  have 
fallen  in  with  Red  Indian  canoes,  and  it  is  understood  that,  they  then  treated 
all  they  met  as  enemies.  The  Esquimaux  in  harrassing  them  kept  to  their 
own  element  the  water  ;  where  their  superior  canoes  and  missile  weapons, 
provided  for  killing  whales,  made  them  terrible  enemies  to  encounter :  but 
in  getting  rid  of  these  they  have  still  changed  for  the  worse,  meeting  with 
foes  more  powerful,  and  to  their  experience,  no  less  savage  ;  who  distress 
them  everywhere  alike  ;  so  that  neither  sea  nor  land  can  now  afford  them 
safety.  To  complete  their  wretched  condition,  Providence  has  even  denied 
them  the  pleasing  services  and  companionship  of  the  faithful  dog.  This 
affectionate  and  social  creature  is  partner  in  the  joyous  chase,  fellow-traveller, 
protector,  and  domestic  attendant,  to  every  race  of  mankind  that  history 
has  brought  to  my  knowledge,  except  to  those  most  forlorn  of  all  human 
beings.  May  we  not  look  upon  this  as  one  of  the  heaviest  evils  they  endure  ? 
For  the  Indian  that  in  his  dealings  with  his  fellow  creatures  will  but  too 
frequently  experience  fraud  and  treachery,  finds  in  his  honest  dog  a  friend 

1  This  was  the  Indian  (John  August)  mentioned  by  Capt.   George  Cartwright  in  his  Journal  of 
Transactions  and  Events,  seen  at  Catalina,  June  I5th,  1785. 

2  Micmacs  and  other  tribes  from  the  Continent. 

5—2 


36  Continuation  of  Cartwrighfs 

that  never  will  forsake  or  betray  him,  and  one  that  is  not  incapable  of 
sympathising  in  his  misfortunes  and  in  his  welfare.  Their  coming  down  in 
the  spring  to  the  sea-coast  and  the  islands  I  have  spoken  of,  may  very 
properly  be  termed  taking  the  field  or  opening  the  campaign,  for  there  they 
are  obliged  to  observe  all  the  vigilance  of  war.  So  inconsiderable  are  they 
in  point  of  numbers,  and  subject  to  such  an  extreme  dread  of  fire-arms,  that 
they  are  ever  on  the  defensive.  Besides,  the  necessity  of  their  separating 
into  single  families  and  small  parties  in  order  to  obtain  that  subsistence  which 
no  one  place  would  furnish  to  numerous  bodies,  renders  them  in  general 
an  easy  conquest  to  a  single  boat's  crew. 

There  is  no  cod-fishery,  and  consequently  there  are  no  inhabitants, 
within  the  very  extreme  verge  of  these  islands  ;  but  they  are  often  visited 
by  boats  that  carry  the  salmon  fishers,  shipbuilders,  sawyers,  woodmen,  and 
furriers,  into  the  respective  bays  and  rivers  situated  within  them  ;  as  well 
as  by  such  as  run  from  isle  to  isle  in  quest  of  game.  The  Indians  from 
their  secret  haunts  in  the  woods,  let  not  a  motion  of  all  these  people  escape 
them  ;  and  in  order  to  be  on  their  guard,  are  careful  to  post  themselves 
where  they  can  command  a  view  of  all  approaches,  and  secure  an  easy 
retreat.  Their  wigwams  are  frequently  erected  on  a  narrow  isthmus  ;  so 
that  their  canoes  may  be  launched  into  the  water  on  the  safe  side,  whenever 
an  enemy's  boat  appears.  Both  day  and  night  they  keep  an  unremitting 
and  wary  lookout ;  so  that  to  surprise  them  requires  in  general  uncommon 
address  and  subtlety.  Even  to  gain  a  sight  of  them  is  no  small  difficulty  ; 
for  they  enjoy  in  so  much  perfection  the  senses  of  sight  and  hearing,  that 
they  seldom  fail  to  discover  the  advance  of  the  fishermen  early  enough  to 
make  their  retreat,  without  so  much  as  being  perceived.  This  is  known 
to  every  one  who  has  traversed  these  islands,  as  the  traces  of  Indians  are 
found  by  such  persons  wherever  they  land,  and  sometimes  such  fresh  signs 
of  them,  as  a  proof  they  have  not  quitted  the  spot  many  moments,  and 
these  appearances  are  observable  every  day  yet  whole  seasons  sometimes 
pass  without  an  Indian  being  seen  by  them.  They  cannot  be  too  watchful 
for  surprises  in  their  wigwams  have  generally  proved  fatal  to  them,  and 
upon  sudden  accidental  meetings  it  has  been  the  usual  practice  of  the 
fishermen  to  destroy  them  unprovoked,  while  the  terrified  Indians  have 
attempted  nothing  but  to  make  their  escape,  of  which  the  two  cases  I  have 
mentioned  are  shocking  instances.  The  fishermen  generally  even  take 
a  brutal  pleasure  in  boasting  of  these  barbarities.  He  that  has  shot  one 
Indian  values  himself  more  upon  the  fact  than  had  he  overcome  a  bear  or 
wolf  and  fails  not  to  speak  of  it  with  a  brutal  triumph,  especially  in  the  mad 
hours  of  drunkenness. 

A  Red  Indian  in  the  summer  season,  may  with  too  much  propriety 
be  compared  to  a  beast  of  chase,  such  as  the  wolf  or  fox  that  preys  on  the 
smaller  game,  and  in  his  turn  is  liable  to  fall  himself  a  prey  to  hunters 
more  destructive.  He  is  like  them  endowed  with  a  peculiar  sagacity,  in 
finding,  watching  and  tracing  his  game,  as  well  as  with  strength  and  activity, 
for  the  pursuit :  and  he  subsists  by  the  sole  exercise  of  these  powers.  Like 
them  he  is  a  wanderer,  roaming  from  place  to  place,  as  the  revolving 
seasons  vary  his  food,  and  point  out  each  successive  haunt  of  woods  or 


narrative  of  his  journey  up  the  Rxploits  River  37 

rocky  shores,  mountains  or  valleys,  ponds  or  plains,  in  which  it  must  be 
sought ;  and  lastly  he  has  to  expect  from  the  fishermen,  exactly  the  same 
treatment  as  the  brute  creatures  he  is  compared  with  ;  and  it  behoves  him 
no  less  to  seek  his  safety  in  the  friendly  covert  of  the  forest,  and  in  a 
vigilance  equal  to  theirs. 

From  this  view  of  the  unsettled  restless  life  of  the  Red  Indians  during 
the  campaign,  which  breaks  not  up  until  the  expiration  of  the  summer 
season,  it  appears  that  their  perpetual  apprehensions  of  danger  must  entirely 
deprive  them  of  that  repose  and  security  which  is  essential  to  the  enjoyment 
of  life. 

But  let  us  accompany  them  into  their  winter  quarters  where  it  is  probable 
that,  like  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  neighbouring  continent,  a  general  festival 
reigns  amongst  them.  They  are  now  free  from  alarm,  and  if  any  particular 
rites  in  their  religious  worship  require  time  in  the  performance,  this,  and 
not  the  summer,  is  evidently  the  season  for  celebrating  them. 

From  the  undoubted  original  connection  between  the  islanders  and  the 
tribes  just  mentioned,  it  is  to  be  supposed  that  like  them,  they  hold  assemblies 
for  deliberating  on  peace  or  war,  and  for  promoting  an  early  union  of  the 
sexes  in  nuptial  bonds,  as  the  grand  support  of  the  community.  On  these 
occasions  the  continental  Indians  pass  the  time  in  singing,  dancing,  and 
feasting,  and  in  recounting  perils  in  war  and  in  the  chase.  But  we  may 
conclude  that  the  first  happy  meeting  of  our  Indians  in  the  interior  country 
cannot  be  of  long  duration  for  want  of  provisions  to  supply  the  feast.  It 
must  be  soon  necessary  for  them  to  form  themselves  into  distinct  and 
proper  parties,  for  occupying  the  posts  at  which  they  kill  the  travelling  deer, 
for  their  chief  subsistence  during  a  long  winter. 

Between  Flat  Rattle1  and  Rangers  River2,  the  banks  of  the  Exploits 
bears  marks  of  being  well  inhabited.  Beyond  Rangers  River,  as  my  letter 
to  Governor  Palliser  mentions,  the  wigwams  are  thinly  scattered.  I  have 
already  ventured  some  conjectures  of  that  river  itself,  and  the  country 
from  which  it  flows,  affording  stations  proper  for  affording  the  same  sub- 
sistence, as  is  procured  on  the  Exploits,  though  with  less  certainty,  and 
that  parties  of  the  Indians  accordingly  betake  themselves  thither:  for  I 
cannot  think  that  more  than  half  or  at  most,  two-third  parts  of  the  Red 
Indian  tribe  dwell  in  the  winter  on  the  banks  of  this  river.  At  the  same 
time  it  must  be  allowed  that  we  saw  in  our  journey  to  the  source  of  the 
Exploits,  more  wigwams  than  would  be  necessary  for  the  use  of  the  entire 
tribe,  as  its  numbers  are  estimated  by  most  people  who  have  bestowed 
any  thoughts  upon  them  ;  but  I  think  their  estimates  are  all  too  low.  Some 
are  of  opinion  that  they  amount  to  300,  others  suppose  them  not  to  exceed 
200  souls ;  and  no  doubt  their  reasons  for  keeping  within  such  narrow 
bounds,  have  considerable  weight ;  they  draw  their  conclusions  chiefly  from 
their  so  seldom  seeing  an  Indian  in  the  summer,  and  that  always  within 
the  limits  already  noticed  :  to  which  if  we  add  the  certainty  of  their  totally 
abandoning  the  interior  parts  to  occupy  the  sea-coast  at  that  season,  it 
may  be  confessed  that  this  estimate  is  plausible  and  perhaps  just.  But 

1  Local  term  for  rapid.  2  Badger  Brook  (?). 


38  Continuation  of  Cartwrighfs 

when  we  consider  on  the  other  hand  that  the  two  capes  which  form  the 
bounds  of  their  settlements  are  thirty  leagues  apart,  that  between  them 
there  is  at  least  an  island  for  every  man  in  the  largest  of  these  computations, 
and  that  near  twenty  capacious  bays  and  inlets  deeply  indent  the  inter- 
mediate part  of  the  coast ;  we  shall  easily  find  shelter  in  the  woods  that 
overhang  all  these  shores,  for  a  much  greater  number  of  these  savages, 
who  have  no  temptation  to  expose  themselves  carelessly  to  sight.  But  the 
numerous  habitations  that  appeared  as  we  journeyed  towards  Lieutenant's 
Lake1,  are  what  incline  me  to  add  to  the  greatest  of  these  numbers,  one 
or  two  hundred  souls  more,  and  in  that  note  upon  the  sketch  which  treats 
of  the  Forbidden  Ponds2  it  may  be  seen  that  I  have  not  allowed  a  winter 
settlement  to  the  Indians  in  that  part  of  the  country,  merely  on  conjecture; 
but  from  a  fact  which  from  its  own  nature  and  as  it  existed  at  the  only 
time  there  was  an  opportunity  of  knowing  it,  may  well  be  admitted  in  my 
opinion  as  general.  But  again,  it  is  very  certain  that  several  of  the  wigwams 
we  saw  had  been  totally  deserted,  and  possibly  many  more  of  them  than 
I  apprehended ;  that  had  all  such  been  demolished  we  might  from  the 
standing  ones  have  made  an  accurate  calculation  of  the  inhabitants  ;  which 
would  have  probably  have  corresponded  more  nearly  with  that  of  other 
persons.  But  as  in  that  respect  we  can  have  no  certainty,  and  as  I  have 
such  good  authority  for  not  confining  their  settlements  to  the  Exploits  alone, 
I  must  still  retain  my  opinion ;  though  with  little  confidence  as  it  rests  on 
so  slight  a  foundation. 

When  the  Indians  assemble  at  their  respective  stations  their  habitations 
are  soon  put  in  order,  their  deer  fences  repaired,  the  necessary  sewelling 
completed,  and  every  preparation  made  for  the  ensuing  slaughter.  In  the 
beginning  of  winter  the  deer  of  this  country  all  resort  to  the  southward, 
where  the  climate  is  more  mild  and  the  snow  not  so  deep  as  in  the  northern 
parts,  so  that  those  which  have  spent  the  summer  to  the  northward  of  the 
Exploits,  have  necessarily  this  river  (running  from  west  to  east)  to  cross 
in  their  route.  The  country  hereabout  being  one  universal  forest,  it  would 
be  impracticable  to  find  or  kill  many  of  them  in  such  an  unbounded  covert. 
The  wide  opening  made  by  this  river,  being  as  it  were,  a  lane  through 
these  extensive  woods,  renders  it  the  most  commodious  situation  for  that 
purpose. 

The  first  fall  of  snow  is  sure  to  put  the  deer  in  motion,  and  when 
the  earth  is  covered  to  a  certain  depth,  the  Indians  know  that  their  harvest 
is  at  hand.  The  deer,  to  defend  themselves  from  the  packs  of  wolves  which 
for  ever  infest  them  on  their  road,  seek  as  it  were,  protection  from  each 
other,  and  gather  together  in  vast  hordes,  as  birds  of  passage  collect  in 
flocks  to  make  their  journey.  If  the  snow  continues  with  the  usual  frost, 
they  travel  at  an  easy  rate  both  night  and  day,  without  quitting  the  paths 
trodden  by  their  leaders,  and  without  any  other  food  than  what  they  crop 
or  browse  from  the  overhanging  branches,  as  they  pass  along.  In  this 
case  their  journey  is  not  of  long  continuance,  and  the  killing  season  of  the 
Indians  must  soon  be  over.  But  when  the  frost  fails,  and  a  thaw  dissolves 

1  Red  Indian  Lake.  2  Twin  Ponds  (?). 


narrative  of  his  journey  up  the  Exploits  River  39 

the  snow,  the  deer  no  longer  pursue  their  march  with  the  same  regularity, 
but  spread  themselves  on  the  spot  to  feed,  until  fresh  snow  and  new  frost 
give  the  signal  for  re-assembling.  These  interruptions  frequently  happen, 
and  must  then  always  retard  the  operations  of  the  Indians  more  or  less. 
With  plenty  and  happiness  smiling  upon  them  on  one  hand,  and  on  the 
other  hunger  and  misery  staring  them  in  the  face,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
but  that  they  employ  all  their  ingenuity  in  framing  their  toils,  and  that 
their  utmost  watchfulness,  skill  and  alacrity  are  exerted  in  attending  to 
them.  We  must  remember  that  this  extraordinary  fatigue  always  happens 
in  the  worst  weather ;  for  it  is  the  falling  of  the  snow  that  urges  the  deer 
to  move,  and  at  this  change  of  the  seasons  the  weather  is  particularly 
tempestuous.  So  long  as  their  wants  continue,  they  must  be  strangers  to 
sleep  and  repose  ;  and  even  night  can  yield  them  no  repose  from  watching 
and  labour.  To  dispose  of  the  weighty  carcasses,  as  the  deer  are  slain, 
must  be  a  fatiguing  part  of  their  work  ;  and  care  is  to  be  taken  to  have 
them  kept  free  from  taint  until  the  frost  seizes  them.  They  are  then  in 
perfect  security  the  whole  winter,  except  an  unexpected  thaw  should  happen  ; 
for  so  long  as  the  frost  holds  there  is  no  want  of  salt. 

It  may  be  presumed  that  their  first  meeting  in  winter  quarters  affords 
every  delight  and  social  enjoyment,  that  so  hardfaring,  rude,  and  uncultivated 
a  people  are  capable  of.  Refinements  in  sentiment  are  not  to  be  found 
amongst  them,  and  they  can  be  little  acquainted  with  the  rational  pleasure 
of  reflection  ;  but  whensoever  mankind  possesses  plenty  and  are  content  with 
it,  they  must  be  happy ;  and  that  the  full  measure  of  this  must  sometimes 
fall  to  their  lot,  cannot  well  be  doubted.  If  they  know  not  the  arts  which 
embellish  life,  and  those  sciences  which  dignify  humanity,  they  are  ignorant 
also  of  the  long  train  of  vices  that  corrupt  the  manners  of  civilized  nations 
and  of  the  enormous  crimes  that  debase  mankind. 

I  cannot  obtain  the  least  insight  into  the  religion  of  the  Red  Indians, 
and  have  thought  it  very  remarkable,  that  in  a  journey  of  about  seventy 
miles  through  the  heart  of  their  winter  country,  not  a  single  object  should 
present  itself  that  might  be  looked  upon  as  intended  for  religious  purposes 
or  devoted  to  any  superstitious  practices  of  those  people ;  except  indeed 
some  small  figured  bones  neatly  carved,  and  having  four  prongs  the  two 
middle  ones  being  paralleled,  and  almost  close  together,  while  the  outer 
ones  spread  like  a  swallow's  tail.  Some  of  these  have  fallen  in  my  way, 
and  from  the  thong  fixed  to  their  handle,  I  have  imagined  them  to  be 
worn  as  amulets ;  and  I  am  inclined  to  judge  that  the  religion  of  this 
people  rises  but  little  above  such  harmless  trifling  observances. 

The  summer  in  this  part  of  the  world  is  tolerably  long  and  pleasant, 
the  autumn  short  and  rough  ;  when  a  hasty  winter  armed  with  stormy 
north-east  winds,  snow,  sleet,  and  frost  makes  his  furious  onset,  giving  no 
quarter  until  he  has  bound  the  whole  country  in  his  icy  chains,  and  over- 
whelmed it  with  a  load  of  snow.  But  having  once  subdued  all  nature  to 
his  obedience,  he  then  deigns  to  smile.  A  serene  sky,  a  bright  sun,  and 
gentle  breeze,  show  the  mildness  of  his  established  reign. 

On  a  supposition  that  our  Indians  might  fall  short  in  venison,  it  may 
not  be  improper  to  show  what  other  resources  they  have  to  help  them 


4o  Cartwrighf  s  narrative 

out.  Along  all  the  shores,  either  of  salt  or  fresh  water,  that  we  are 
acquainted  with,  which  are  well  sheltered  with  wood,  there  is  in  winter 
the  greatest  abundance  of  ptarmigan,  which  is  a  species  of  grouse,  though 
they  are  erroneously  called  partridges.  These  birds  do  not  seek  the  warm 
woody  vales  until  the  snow  and  wintry  blasts  drive  them  off  the  open 
barrens  where  they  are  bred.  They  become  in  cold  weather  so  tame  as 
to  appear  deficient  in  the  principle  of  self-preservation  ;  so  that  they  are 
killed  at  pleasure,  and  may  be  almost  reckoned  as  a  kind  of  domestic 
poultry  to  the  Indians. 

The  martin  or  sable,  next  to  be  considered,  is  a  creature  with  which 
the  whole  country  abounds,  and  is  of  all  others  the  most  easily  entrapped 
by  the  furrier.  This  animal  follows  every  track  made  by  men  in  the 
woods,  and  allured  by  the  smell  of  provisions,  haunts  dwellings.  This 
pilfering  inclination  is  easily  turned  to  the  destruction  of  the  animal,  and 
is  fortunate  for  the  furrier. 

The  beaver  is  not  wanting  in  these  parts,  and  makes  no  mean 
addition  to  their  store  of  provisions.  The  most  luxurious  epicure  may 
envy  them  this  dainty.  The  flesh  has  an  exquisite  flavour  peculiar  to 
itself,  which  together  with  a  certain  crispness  in  the  fat  is  so  grateful  to 
the  taste  that  it  is  preferred  to  the  finest  venison.  No  broth  excels  that 
which  is  made  from  the  forequarters,  which  are  quite  lean.  The  hind- 
quarters, unseparated,  are  commonly  roasted,  being  richly  clothed  with  fat, 
of  which  the  tail  entirely  consists.  A  dish  of  tails  to  eat  as  marrow  is 
esteemed  a  great  delicacy.  The  meat  is  remarkably  easy  of  digestion,  and 
its  admirers  say  it  may  vie  with  turtle  itself  as  a  delicious,  nutritive  and 
wholesome  diet.  It  is  only  in  winter  that  beaver  is  in  season,  when  a 
large  one,  as  some  report,  will  weigh  sixty  or  seventy  pounds.  The  much 
admired  political,  mechanical,  provident  and  social  operations  of  this  animal 
have  exercised  many  ingenious  pens,  which  may  be  deservedly  styled 
ingenious,  as  it  is  the  property  of  ingenuity  to  invent.  How  could  a 
traveller  resist  the  temptation  of  applying  the  flat  scaly  tail,  so  admirably 
contrived  for  the  purpose,  as  a  trowel  for  spreading  mortar  in  the  erection 
of  their  dams  and  houses  ?  Nor  must  it  be  disputed  but  that  it  must  be 
equally  serviceable  as  a  sledge  whereon  to  draw  the  materials.  But  I  am 
well  informed  that  the  sagacious  beaver  himself  is  still  ignorant  that  this 
singular  tail  was  given  him  for  either  of  these  ends.  Their  sage  maxims 
of  government,  their  punishment  of  offenders  and  expulsion  of  slothful 
members  from  the  community,  have  been  all  gravely  related  by  authors 
who  have  gained  no  small  credit  from  these  curious  discoveries,  the  result 
of  their  deep  researches  into  nature ;  and  these  writers  in  transgressing 
the  dictates  of  truth,  have  not  however  entirely  lost  sight  of  them  ;  for 
the  beaver  will  be  readily  admitted  to  be  an  equal  favourite  of  Providence, 
and  to  be  governed  by  as  intelligent  an  instinct  as  the  bee  or  ant,  whose 
economy  is  so  wonderful. 

We  may  add  to  the  animals  above  mentioned  the  bear,  the  wolf,  the 
fox,  hare  and  otter,  besides  two  or  three  birds  of  prey,  all  of  which  are 
to  be  found  in  this  wild  forest,  and  may  afford  the  Indians  a  casual 
meal  now  and  then. 


Cartwrighfs  letter  to  Sir  Hugh  Palliser,  Governor         41 

The  white  or  water  bear  is  not  to  be  reckoned  amongst  the  creatures 
that  contribute  to  the  subsistence  of  the  Red  Indians.  Although  this 
animal  is  found  in  Newfoundland  in  the  winter  and  early  in  the  spring, 
he  is  only  a  stranger  from  the  northern  continent.  Stimulated  at  this 
season  by  hunger  he  will  quit  the  shores  and  venture  many  leagues  amongst 
the  floating  ice  in  quest  of  seals,  and  he  preys  indifferently  by  sea  or 
land.  He  is  of  enormous  size  and  strength,  and  no  less  fierce  and  voracious. 
The  homes  of  the  fishermen  are  sometimes  broken  open  by  him,  and  some- 
times he  will  pursue  a  boat  at  sea,  his  attacks  being  always  without  craft 
or  hesitation,  for  he  knows  no  fear ;  but  as  he  seldom  or  never  goes  any 
distance  from  the  sea  coast  inland,  I  do  not  imagine  that  the  Indians  ever 
see  him  about  their  settlements. 

Letter  addressed  to  His  Excellency,  Sir  Hugh  Palliser,  Governor  of  Newfound- 
land, by  Lieut.  John  Cartwright.  Dated  Toulinguet,  I9th  September,  1768. 

Presuming  Sir,  that  you  might  have  a  desire  to  know  what  occurred  on  our 
journey  worthy  of  observation,  I  have  hurried  over  the  inclosed  unfinished  sketch,  to 
lay  before  your  Excellency,  and  shall  take  the  liberty  to  run  over  such  particulars 
as  may  serve  to  convey  an  idea  to  you  of  the  scenes  that  presented  themselves  to  us. 

On  the  twenty  fourth  of  last  month  we  rowed  in  the  evening  from  John  Cousen's 
house,  near  Indian  Point,  to  Start  Rattle,  where  we  left  the  boat  in  the  woods,  and 
at  sunrise  next  morning  (Mr  Stow1,  my  brother  and  five  seamen,  being  on  the  south 
side,  Cousens  myself  and  five  more  on  the  north  side,  of  the  river)  we  began  our 
march,  each  person  carrying  his  own  provisions,  consisting  of  fourteen  pounds  of 
bread,  and  seven  pounds  of  meat.  Our  other  burthens  were  also  distributed  as 
equally  as  possible. 

Our  heavy  rifled  guns  we  always  carried  ourselves,  with  plenty  of  apparatus  for 
both  those  and  our  fowling  pieces  occasionally.  The  spare  ammunition,  hatchets  and 
other  implements,  were  proportionably  divided  among  the  seamen,  our  shot  guns 
ready  loaded,  we  put  into  the  hands  of  the  most  trustworthy,  and  the  rest  had  each 
of  them  a  pistol  for  their  defence.  Early  that  day  and  throughout  the  same  we 
discovered  so  many  wigwams  (most  of  which  appeared  to  be  the  work  of  last  winter) 
and  other  apparatus,  that  we  were  in  high  spirits  ;  fully  expecting  to  find  parties  of 
the  Indians  in  a  short  time.  Adjoining  these  large  wigwams,  we  saw  in  one  place, 
a  slight  frame  made  of  sticks  pricked  into  the  ground  and  crossed  with  others,  to 
which  were  hanging  various  shreds  of  split  roots,  small  thongs  and  fine  sinews  all 
which  gave  it  the  appearance  of  a  machine  for  drying  salmon  upon.  For  a  whole 
mile  or  more,  leading  us  to  Sewel  Point,  we  had  a  line  of  sewels  as  described  in 
the  reference  to  the  sketch,  and  in  the  same  place  we  saw  a  gaze2.  Not  then  having 
discovered  the  path  whereby  to  avoid  the  rocks  by  the  great  falls  we  were  obliged 
to  scramble  over  them,  which  in  some  places  was  difficult,  requiring  a  secure  hold 
and  sure  foot  to  keep  us  out  of  the  water,  that  was  very  deep.  The  river  here  is 
pent  in  between  two  rocks  very  near  each  other,  which  together  with  a  descent  of 
fourteen  or  fifteen  feet,  makes  the  water  gush  down  with  such  fury  as  to  form  a 
beautiful  cascade  in  a  situation  highly  romantic.  Towards  night,  having  accommodated 
ourselves  in  a  wigwam  we  spent  what  short  time  we  had  to  spare  in  searching 
for  such  things  as  might  enable  us  to  form  the  least  judgement  of  what  might  be 
before  us.  The  many  remnants  of  split  spruce  roots,  and  other  materials  led  us  to 
conjecture  that  this  was  a  spot  where  the  Indians  stopped  in  their  passage  to  the 
sea  coast  to  repair  and  fit  their  canoes  for  their  summer  hunting  among  the  islands. 

1  Rev.  Neville  Stow,  Chaplain  of  the  Guernsey. 

'2  A  construction  of  bushes  or  loose  stones  behind  which  a  hunter  conceals  himself  when  watching 
for  game. 

H.  6 


42  Cartwrighfs  letter  to  the  Governor 

The  particular  situation  of  the  place,  and  the  discovery  of  the  path  for  conveying 
the  canoes  below  the  falls,  confirmed  us  in  our  opinion  ;  especially  when  we  considered 
that  they  were  here  secure  from  any  disturbance  in  this  occupation,  by  boats  coming 
up  the  river.  The  second  day  in  the  morning  early  we  found  a  large  raft  lodged 
on  the  bank  ;  it  was  of  Indian  construction,  and  composed  with  strength  and  ingenuity. 
We  continued  to  see  many  wigwams  without  having  the  pleasure  to  find  any  appear- 
ance of  a  later  residence  in  them  than  in  those  we  had  seen  before ;  but  the  beautiful 
appearance  of  the  river  in  Nimrod's  pool1,  and  afterwards  a  long  line  of  sewelling 
with  a  deer  fence,  raised  in  us  at  times  fresh  hopes.  The  shores  on  each  side 
continued  an  entire  wood  as  they  had  been  from  the  first,  still  running  chiefly  upon 
birches  and  poplar,  which  I  am  informed  is  a  certain  indication  of  their  having  been 
once  burnt.  It  is  remarkable  that  when  a  wood  of  almost  entire  fir  is  destroyed  by 
fire,  those  other  trees  should,  as  it  were,  spring  from  their  ashes  ;  while  scarce  one 
fir  in  a  thousand  is  restored,  that  before  exceeded  the  poplar  and  birch  in  the  inverse 
proportion  of  a  thousand  to  one.  I  could  not  at  first  very  readily  assent  to  this 
proposition  ;  but  observation  has  since  reconciled  it  to  my  belief. 

The  searching  of  some  brooks  for  beaver  and  other  hindrances  made  our  journey 
by  the  river  but  short  for  this  day,  as  will  appear  by  the  figure  2,  showing  our 
evening's  quarters  ;  and  3,  4,  5,  and  6  point  out  the  distance  travelled  each  corre- 
sponding day. 

The  third  day  throughout  and  first  part  of  the  fourth,  we  still  perceived  much 
the  same  traces  of  Indians  as  before,  but  nothing  more.  Ranger's  River2  being 
crossed  the  deer  fence  was  seldom  visible  and  all  other  vestiges  discontinued  very 
much  in  comparison  of  what  we  had  hitherto  seen.  We  now  began  to  imagine  that 
the  savages  wholly  abandoned  these  parts,  to  resort  to  the  sea  coast,  for  the  summer ; 
only  residing  here  in  the  winter,  so  long  as  they  could  subsist  on  the  venison  killed 
at  the  toils,  and  the  furs  taken  in  the  course  of  the  season  ;  except  indeed  they 
might  inhabit  the  shore  of  the  large  lake,  which  Cousens'  Indian  had  formerly 
reported,  to  lie  at  the  head  of  this  river,  and  to  be  the  seat  of  their  capital  settlement. 
This  prospect  again  revived  our  hopes,  and  the  rivers  course  making  every  step  we 
trod  an  advance  towards  the  western  coast,  to  which  I  was  very  anxious  for  finding 
a  road,  we  determined  to  proceed  as  far  as  it  were  practicable.  I  believe  it  was  not 
until  the  fourth  day  that  we  observed  the  woods  to  change  from  birch  and  poplar 
to  firs,  pines  and  larch.  They  now  evidently  wore  the  face  of  antiquity,  and  pointed 
out  the  bounds  of  the  fire,  that  about  seventy  years  ago  consumed  all  the  wood 
from  the  north  and  south  heads  of  the  bay,  up  the  river  on  both  sides,  far  beyond 
the  knowledge  of  any  person  till  now:  the  islands  only  and  some  other  small  spots 
escaping  which  all  at  this  time  bear  the  marks  of  such  an  exemption  by  producing 
in  a  manner  nothing  but  their  original  spruce,  fir,  etc.,  while  the  rest,  formerly  the 
same,  is  now  converted  into  one  continuous  scene  of  birch  and  poplar.  This  river 
has  been  such  an  Indian  bug-bear  that  it  was  never  before  traced  so  high  as  Sewell 
Point,  except  by  two  furriers  last  winter  ;  who  seeing  at  that  place  a  canoe  half  built, 
and  other  signs  of  Indians,  retired  with  their  best  speed.  Cousens  once  came  down 
Thunder  Brook3,  and  no  sooner  arrived  at  the  river  than  he  retreated  as  precipitately, 
not  daring  to  explore  the  course  of  it  either  up  or  down.  The  fifth  morning  my 
brother  and  four  of  his  party,  having  worn  out  their  shoes  were  obliged  to  return. 
But  Mr  Stow  and  one  other  attendant  proceeded,  soon  after  crossing  the  river  to 
join  us.  It  was  early  the  same  day  we  found  the  square  house  described  in  the 
reference.  It  seemed  to  have  been  a  very  comfortable  winter  quarter ;  and  more  than 
ever  confirmed  our  suppositions,  with  regard  to  the  Indians'  change  of  residence, 
with  the  seasons.  After  this  we  saw  very  few  other  habitations  for  the  day.  Some 
very  large  pines  and  birches  appeared  now  among  the  firs  which  latter  we  did  not 
think  so  well  grown  as  the  former,  in  proportion.  On  setting  forward  the  sixth  day 

1  Junction  of  Rushy  Pond  Brook  (?).  '2  Badger  Brook. 

3  Small  brook  near  the  Badger  (?).     Either  Aspen  or  Leach  Brook. 


Cartwrighf s  letter  to  the  Governor  43 

we  were  obliged  to  leave  behind  us  one  man,  to  repair  his  shoes  and  await  our 
return ;  and  ere  we  had  travelled  three  hours,  found  ourselves  deserted  by  two 
fellows  more,  who  were  so  sick  of  the  river  that  they  never  stopped  to  be  overtaken 
until  they  got  back  to  Cousens's  house.  Our  whole  party  Mr  Stow  and  myself 
excepted  were  nearly  bare  foot,  the  scarcity  of  game  we  had  met  with  had  reduced 
our  provisions  to  a  bare  sufficiency  for  regaining  our  boat;  our  wished  for  lake 
might  be  still  far  distant,  without  any  other  prospect  of  seeing  the  Indians  except 
there,  besides  very  bad  weather  seemed  now  to  be  set  in  as  it  had  rained  the 
greater  part  of  this  and  the  preceding  day,  being  now  no  less  likely  to  continue. 
All  these  obstacles  and  discouragements  conspiring,  we  had  thought  of  giving  up 
our  pursuit  of  the  lake,  except  we  should  reach  it  that  day.  That  we  might  make 
the  most  of  our  time,  we  deferred  stopping  for  refreshment  until  constant  rain  and 
a  setting  sun  obliged  us  to  seek  for  shelter.  At  the  same  place  where  we  stopped 
the  river  had  some  remarkable  mud  beds ;  and  there  were  decayed  leaves  that 
seemed  but  lately  to  have  driven  down  and  lodged  in  the  coves,  which  appeared  to 
me  the  most  promising  sign  of  a  neighboring  lake,  that  had  anywhere  presented 
itself,  rendered  my  desire  of  proceeding  so  long  as  a  ray  of  light  remained,  too 
powerful  to  be  withstood.  Leaving  the  rest  of  the  party  to  erect  a  lodging  and 
advancing  about  half  a  league,  I  had  the  satisfaction  to  discover  an  opening,  which 
in  a  few  minutes,  gave  me  an  extensive  view  of  the  object  that  had  so  strongly 
excited  my  curiosity  to  behold.  A  quickened  pace  soon  gratified  my  solicitude  for 
arriving  at  this  goal  ;  and  having  at  the  end  of  six  days  labour  reached  Sabbath 
Point1.  I  there  sat  down  to  rest;  enjoying  the  thoughts  of  having  at  last  explored 
thus  much,  and  being  able  to  return  without  so  blank  an  account  of  our  journey,  as 
must  necessarily  have  been  given,  to  have  remained  in  ignorance  of  the  rivers  source. 
Upon  Tacamahacca2  Point  grew  abundance  of  the  aromatic  shrub  of  that  name; 
which  in  England  is  an  exotic  imported  from  America.  It  resembles  the  leaves  and 
branches  of  a  pear  tree,  and  grows  amongst  the  stones  along  the  upper  edge  of  the 
beach.  This  is  the  only  spot  in  this  Island  where  I  have  either  seen  it  or  heard  of 
its  being  produced,  so  that  I  am  inclined  to  consider  the  Canadians  as  the  trans- 
planters of  it  from  the  continent3.  It  is  probably  used  by  them  in  medicine ;  for  I 
have  been  informed  that  the  leaf  of  it,  applied  to  a  green  wound,  is  a  good  remedy. 
Upon  this  point  also  I  passed  a  vacancy  in  the  woods,  where  the  remains  of  wigwams 
appeared. 

The  morning  following,  having  left  another  man  behind  to  mend  his  shoes,  the 
rest  of  us,  being  only  five  of  the  original  fourteen  went  to  view  the  lake ;  and  walked 
about  halfway  to  the  bottom  of  June's  Cove4  which  was  found  to  answer  the  description 
of  such  a  place  given  by  the  Indian  boy  June,  where  he  said  his  father  dwelt.  By 
his  account  it  was  the  residence  also  of  great  part  of  his  tribe  which  might  have 
been  very  true  for,  reaching  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  within  the  beach,  that  was 
cleared  of  timber,  and  covered  with  old  marks  of  an  Indian  settlement,  now  gone 
entirely  to  decay,  and  almost  hid  with  young  woods  and  high  weeds,  which  flourish 
here  in  great  luxuriance,  the  soil  being  fruitful.  From  the  circumstance  of  its  large 
extent ;  being  well  filled  with  habitations ;  being  cleared  of  wood  and  thrown  open 
to  the  north  west  winds,  as  if  for  air  and  coolness ;  I  should  be  inclined  to  think 
that  it  might  have  been  a  settlement  for  all  seasons  ;  the  studded  houses  making  it 
sufficiently  warm  in  winter,  without  the  shelter  of  the  woods ;  could  a  method  be 
assigned  whereby  the  Indians  might  be  able  to  procure  their  summers  subsistence  in 
such  a  place.  But  that  appears  improbable  except  that  lake  abounds  in  fish  and 
fowl  ;  the  latter  of  which  from  appearances  must  I  believe  be  very  scarce.  After 

1  Bloody  Pt.  Red  Indian  Lake. 

2  American  name  for  the  Balsam  Poplar  (Populus  balsamifera)  site  of  R.  I.  village. 

3  The   balsam    or   balm   of  Gilead,  is   quite   common  on  the  west  coast  along  the  rivers  in  Bay 
St  George. 

4  N.E.  Arm  of  lake,  where  Millertown  now  stands. 

6—2 


44  Cartwrighfs  letter  to  the  Governor 

allotting  the  shores  at  this  end  for  a  residence  to  his  own  tribe  June  made  the 
Canadians1  possess  those  at  the  western  end  of  the  lake  and  related  that  the  two 
nations  did  not  see  the  least  signs  one  of  the  other  during  whole  winters.  This  in 
the  main  might  also  be  true  for,  being  mortal  enemies,  and  never  giving  quarter  on 
either  side,  their  reciprocal  fears  might,  naturally  enough,  keep  them  apart.  We 
know  that  the  Canadians  range  all  the  western  coast  opposite  to  those  parts  ;  and 
probably  the  same  reasons  prevail  over  them,  that  drive  these  savages  into  the 
interior  parts  of  the  country  during  winter.  Between  June's  Cove  and  Tacamahacca 
Point  are  a  few  wigwams  and  one  square  house,  that  were  occupied  during  last 
winter.  Over  the  western  part  of  the  lake  there  hung  such  a  fog  and  dark  clouds, 
that  we  could  not  extend  our  view  more  than  two  leagues  down.  It  is  probably  of 
much  greater  length,  seeming  to  bend  towards  the  southwest ;  but,  from  the  form  of 
the  land  I  do  not  imagine  it  is  anywhere  very  broad.  This  river  and  lake  running 
for  so  long  a  distance  in  so  convenient  a  direction ;  I  had  a  strong  curiosity  of  taking 
a  view  from  the  summit  of  Mount  Janus2  which  I  persuaded  myself  would  have 
extended  to  the  west  coast,  taking  in  at  the  same  time  a  large  tract  of  the  journey 
we  had  made  from  the  eastward.  This  was  the  highest  land  we  had  seen  from  our 
losing  sight  of  Labour  in  vain  Mountain3.  From  the  shores  of  the  lake  on  the 
north  side  there  is  an  easy  ascent,  until  the  land  becomes  pretty  high  ;  but  all  the 
way  up  the  river  the  land  is  in  general  low,  so  far  as  we  could  discern  ;  with  here 
and  there  a  small  hill  near  the  water  side :  The  whole  country  that  lay  open  to  our 
view  around  the  lake,  as  well  as  the  shores  of  the  river  from  end  to  end  is  one 
unvarying  scene  of  thick  woods.  Leaving  the  lake  about  noon  we  travelled  back 
with  as  much  speed  as  broken  shoes  and  very  rainy  weather,  would  admit  of, 
reaching  our  boat  the  fifth  afternoon. 

The  practicability  of  getting  a  whaleboat  into  the  lake,  to  carry  a  stock  of 
provisions  for  enabling  a  party  to  visit  Mount  Janus  and  the  country  beyond  it, 
made  me  wish  to  have  been  so  provided,  and  unconfined  to  time,  that  I  might  have 
returned  immediately,  and  made  an  attempt  to  have  found  a  way  quite  across  the 
island.  At  all  opportunities  I  cast  an  eye  on  the  naked  beds  of  the  brooks  and 
over  the  uncovered  rocks,  but  without  perceiving  any  indications  of  lead  or  copper 
that  I  was  acquainted  with :  But  in  many  places  the  water  is  strongly  tinctured  with 
iron. 

I  fear  Sir,  I  have  trespassed  on  your  time  too  far. 

I  have  the  honour  to  subscribe  myself 
Your  Excellency's 

most  obedient  humble  servant, 
(Signed)  JOHN  CARTWRIGHT. 

Postscript,  dated  November  %th,   1769. 

Having  endeavored  to  convey  to  the  reader  in  the  above  remarks  written  in 
February  1768,  the  earliest  idea  in  my  power  of  the  Red  Indians  in  Newfoundland, 
and  not  doubting,  but  he  compassionates  their  unhappy  life,  while  upon  the  seacoast, 
it  is  with  much  satisfaction  that  I  can  now  communicate  to  him  the  pleasure  I  felt 
on  finding  that  the  present  Governor4,  immediately  on  his  arrival  in  the  country  last 
July,  issued  a  proclamation,  signifying  that  it  was  His  Majesty's  will  and  pleasure, 
he  should  express  his  abhorrence  of  such  barbarities,  as,  it  had  been  represented  to 
him,  his  subjects  frequently  exercised  to  the  native  savages  and  that  they  were 
required  to  live  in  amity  and  brotherly  kindness  with  them  ;  commanding  the 

1  Micmac  and  other  continental  tribes. 

2  Halfway  Mountain.  3  Hodges  Hill. 

4  This    was    His   Excellency,    Capt.    the    Hon.   John    Byron,    who    succeeded    Capt.    H.    Palliser 
in   1769. 


Governor  Byron  s  proclamation  45 

magistrates  at  the  same  time,  to  use  their  utmost  diligence  in  apprehending  all 
persons,  who  might  be  guilty  of  murdering  any  of  the  said  native  Indians,  that  they 
might  be  tried  for  such  capital  crime  by  the  laws  of  England.  His  Excellency  has 
likewise  adopted  the  plan  of  his  predecessor,  for  the  future  civilization  of  these 
people,  which  though  his  first  attempt  has  failed,  yet  as  it  happened  by  mere  ill 
fortune,  against  a  most  flattering  prospect  at  one  particular  juncture,  it  is  to  be 
hoped,  may  finally  be  crowned  with  success.  Bonnycastle  says  of  him,  "  He  was  the 
first  Governor  who  appears  to  have  taken  a  lively  interest  in  the' aborigines,  or  Red 
Indians,  who  were  ruthlessly  massacred  on  every  possible  occasion  by  the  barbarous 
furriers  ;  he  issued  a  proclamation  for  their  protection  which  the  lawless  vagabonds 
on  the  north  eastern  coast  cared  very  little  about." 

Proclamation  issued  by  His  Excellency  Capt.  the  Hon.  John  Byron  in   1 769. 

WHEREAS  it  has  been  represented  to  the  King,  that  the  subjects  residing  in 
the  said  Island  of  Newfoundland,  instead  of  cultivating  such  a  friendly  intercourse 
with  the  savages  inhabiting  that  island  as  might  be  for  their  mutual  benefit  and 
advantage,  do  treat  the  said  savages  with  the  greatest,  inhumanity,  and  frequently 
destroy  them  without  the  least  provocation  or  remorse.  In  order,  therefore,  to  put 
a  stop  to  such  inhuman  barbarity,  and  that  the  perpetrators  of  such  atrocious  crimes 
may  be  brought  to  due  punishment,  it  is  His  Majesty's  royal  will  and  pleasure,  that 
I  do  express  his  abhorrence  of  such  inhuman  barbarity,  and  I  do  strictly  enjoin  and 
require  all  His  Majesty's  subjects  to  live  in  amity  and  brotherly  kindness  with  the 
native  savages  of  the  said  island  of  Newfoundland.  I  do  also  require  and  command 
all  officers  and  magistrates  to  use  their  utmost  diligence  to  discover  and  apprehend 
all  persons  who  may  be  guilty  of  murdering  any  of  the  said  native  Indians,  in  order 
that  such  offenders  may  be  sent  over  to  England,  to  be  tried  for  such  capital  crimes 
as  by  the  statute  of  10  and  11  William  III  for  encouraging  the  trade  to  Newfoundland 
is  directed. 

Given  under  my  hand, 

J.  BYRON. 

This  proclamation  was  re-issued  by  Commodore  Robert  Duff,  Governor,  in  1775, 
and  again  by  Rear  Admiral  Montague,  in  1776. 

Notes  on  the  Red  Indians  front  "  A  Journal  of  transactions  and  events 
during  a  residence  of  nearly  sixteen  years  on  the  coast  of  Labrador" 
&c.,  by  Capt.  George  Cartwright.  (Newark,  1792.) 

This  work  is  in  three  volumes,  commencing  with  the  year  1770,  and 
ending  with  the  year  1786.  The  references  to  the  Red  Indians  are  all 
contained  in  the  first  and  second  volumes. 

After  a  short  autobiographical  sketch,  the  author  goes  on  to  relate 
that,  his  brother  John  being  appointed  first  lieutenant  of  the  man  of  war 
sloop  Guernsey  of  fifty  guns,  bound  for  Newfoundland,  on  board  of  which 
the  present  Sir  Hugh  Palliser,  who  was  then  Governor  of  that  island, 
had  his  broad  pennant.  "  Having,"  says  Cartwright,  "  no  particular  engage- 
ment, and  hearing  that  bears  and  deer  were  plentiful  there,  I  felt  so  strong 
an  inclination  to  be  among  them,  that  I  accompanied  my  brother  on  that 
voyage. 

"  On  our  arrival  in  St  John's  the  command  of  a  small  schooner  was 
conferred  upon  my  brother,  and  he  was  sent  on  some  service  to  one  of 


46  Captain  George  Cartwrighfs 

the    northern    harbours,   when    I    accompanied    him ;    and    it  ^was    then    that 
I  obtained  my  first  knowledge  of  the  wild  or  Red   Indians." 

"  During  the  Guernsey  s  stay  in  St  John's,  I  went  upon  an  expedition 
against  the  wild  Indians." 

Having  left  the  army  he  says  he  started  for  the  Labrador  on  the 
25th  of  May,  1770,  and  arrived  in  Fogo  in  July.  While  waiting  here  for 
his  vessel  to  be  refitted,  he  borrowed  a  small  sloop  from  a  merchant 
named  Coughlan,  and  sailed  on  a  cruise  up  the  Bay  of  Exploits  in  hopes 
of  meeting  with  the  Red  Indians,  as  numbers  of  them  frequent  this  bay 
at  this  time  of  the  year.  (He  passed  through  Dildo  Run.) 

"July  nth.  As  we  towed  towards  Comfort  Island,  I  discovered  by 
the  aid  of  a  pocket  Dolland  a  party  of  the  Red  Indians  on  a  very  small 
island  which  lies  contiguous  to  the  east  end  of  little  Coald  Hall  (Coal- 
All  Id).  They  had  two  wigwams  about  100  yards  from  the  shore,  with 
a  fire  in  each,  and  two  canoes  lying  upon  the  beach,  one  of  which  they 
seemed  to  be  mending.  I  counted  six  people,  and  one  of  them  appeared 
to  be  remarkably  tall,  but  I  could  not  distinguish  of  which  sex  they  were. 
They  did  not  seem  to  be  alarmed  at  us,  because  their  ignorance  of  the 
powers  of  the  telescope  made  them  not  suspect  we  had  discovered  them 
at  that  distance.  After  going  into  a  cove  and  anchoring  for  the  night," 
he  adds,  "  I  had  formed  a  plan  for  surprising  the  Indians  &c.  At  mid- 
night I  proposed  going  off  in  the  wherry  with  all  the  men,  but  I  then 
found  that  my  English  Captain  and  Irish  cooper  did  not  choose  to  venture 
their  lives  upon  an  expedition  which  threatened  some  danger  and  no 
prospect  of  profit,  so  I  had  to  give  up  the  scheme." 

These  Indians  are  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  Island  of  Newfound- 
land, and  though  beyond  a  doubt  descendants  from  some  of  the  tribes 
upon  the  continent  of  America,  and  most  probably  from  the  mountaineers 
of  Labrador1,  yet  it  will  be  very  difficult  to  trace  their  origin.  They 
have  been  so  long  separated  from  their  ancient  stock,  as  well  as  from  all 
mankind,  that  they  differ  widely  in  many  particulars  from  all  other  nations. 
In  my  opinion  they  are  the  most  forlorn  of  any  of  the  human  species 
which  have  yet  come  to  my  knowledge,  the  Indians  of  Terra  del  Fuego 
excepted,  for  these  are  not  only  excluded  from  intercourse  with  the  rest 
of  mankind,  but  are  surrounded  by  inveterate  enemies,  and  not  even 
possessed  of  the  useful  services  of  the  dog. 

As  far  as  I  can  learn  there  were  many  Indians  on  the  island  when 
first  discovered  by  Europeans,  and  there  are  still  fishermen  living  who 
remember  them  to  have  been  in  much  greater  numbers  than  at  present, 
and  even  to  have  frequented  most  parts  of  the  island.  They  are  now 
much  diminished,  confining  themselves  chiefly  to  the  parts  between  Cape 
Freels  and  Cape  St  John.  The  reason  I  presume  of  their  preferring  that 
district  to  any  other  is  because  within  it  are  several  deep  winding  bays, 
with  many  islands  in  them,  where  they  can  more  easily  procure  sub- 
sistence, and  with  greater  security  hide  themselves  from  our  fishermen. 
I  am  sorry  to  add  that  the  latter  are  much  greater  savages  than  the 

1  Cartwright   says,   "  I    saw   no   difference   between   the   wigwam    of   the    Mountaineer   and    Red 
Indians  of  Newfoundland." 


Journal  of  events  on  the  coast  of  Labrador  47 

Indians  themselves,  for  they  seldom  fail  to  shoot  the  poor  creatures  when- 
ever they  can,  and  afterwards  boast  of  it  as  a  very  meritorious  action. 
With  horror  I  have  heard  several  declare  they  would  rather  kill  an  Indian 
than  a  deer. 

These  Indians  are  called  Red  from  their  custom  of  painting  them- 
selves and  everything  belonging  to  them  with  red  ochre,  which  they  find 
in  great  plenty  in  various  parts  of  the  island  ;  and  wild  because  they  secrete 
themselves  in  the  woods,  keep  an  unremitting  watch  and  are  seldom  seen  ; 
a  conduct  which  their  defenceless  condition,  and  the  inhuman  treatment 
which  they  have  always  experienced  from  strangers,  whether  Europeans  or 
other  tribes  of  Indians  from  the  continent,  have  compelled  them  to  adopt. 

They  are  extremely  expert  at  managing  their  canoes,  which  are  made 
with  very  thin  light  woodwork,  covered  with  birch  bark,  and  worked  by 
single  headed  paddles  ;  they  are  in  size  according  to  the  number  of  persons 
which  they  are  intended  to  carry.  They  are  excellent  archers,  as  many 
of  our  fishermen  have  too  fatally  experienced,  and  they  are  likewise  good 
furriers.  Indeed  if  they  had  not  these  resources,  the  whole  race  must  long 
since  have  been  extirpated  by  cold  and  famine. 

Formerly  a  very  beneficial  barter  was  carried  on  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Bonavista,  by  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  harbour.  They 
used  to  lay  a  variety  of  goods  at  a  certain  place  to  which  the  Indians 
resorted,  who  took  what  they  were  in  want  of,  and  left  furs  in  return. 
One  day  a  villain  hid  himself  near  the  deposit,  and  shot  a  woman  dead, 
as  she  furnished  herself  with  what  pleased  her  best.  Since  that  time 
they  have  been  always  hostile  to  Europeans.  I  fear  that  the  race  will  be 
totally  extinct  in  a  few  years,  for  the  fishing  trade  is  continually  increasing, 
almost  every  river  and  brook  which  receives  salmon  is  already  occupied 
by  our  people,  and  the  bird  islands  are  so  continually  robbed  that  the 
poor  Indians  must  now  find  it  much  more  difficult  than  before  to  procure 
provisions  for  the  summer,  and  this  difficulty  will  annually  become  greater. 
Nor  do  they  succeed  better  in  the  winter,  for  our  furriers  are  considerably 
increased  in  number,  and  much  improved  in  skill,  and  venture  further  into 
the  country  than  formerly,  by  which  the  breed  of  beavers  is  greatly 
diminished. 

About  two  years  ago  I  went  on  an  expedition  up  the  Exploits  River, 
which  is  the  largest  in  Newfoundland,  many  miles  higher  than  any  European 
was  before,  and  I  then  saw  a  great  number  of  the  Indian  houses  uninhabited. 
I  concluded  from  thence  that  the  Indians  retire  into  the  country  at  the 
approach  of  winter  to  feed  on  venison  and  beaver,  and  if  I  may  judge 
by  the  number  of  deer's  heads  which  I  saw  by  the  river's  sides,  they  must 
be  very  dexterous  hunters.  The  very  long  and  strong  fences  which  they 
had  made  were  convincing  proofs  that  they  knew  their  business.  I  observed 
that  these  fences  were  of  two  kinds.  (Here  follows  a  similar  description  to 
that  given  by  his  brother  John.) 

He  then  goes  on  to  say,  "At  certain  intervals  the  Indians  make 
stands,  from  whence  they  shoot  the  deer  with  their  arrows  as  they  pass 
along  under  the  fence,  some  of  these  were,  I  observed,  in  large  spreading 
trees,  and  others  were  raised  behind  the  fence. 


48  Captain  George  Cartwrighfs 

The  wigwams  were  constructed  of  poles  in  the  form  of  a  cone  about 
six  or  seven  feet  in  diameter  at  the  base,  eight  or  nine  in  height,  and 
covered  with  birch  rind  or  skins,  and  often  with  sails,  which  they  contrived 
to  steal  from  the  fishing  rooms.  We  also  observed  several  houses  specially 
built  of  timber.  (Here  again  he  describes  these  houses  in  a  similar  manner 
to  his  brother.) 

As  they  cannot  always  get  a  regular  supply  of  provisions,  in  times 
of  plenty  they  take  care  to  provide  for  those  of  scarcity ;  this  they  do 
by  jerking  venison,  seal's  flesh,  birds  and  fish ;  and  by  making  sausages, 
several  of  which  I  have  often  found  when  I  was  formerly  in  Newfound- 
land. They  consisted  of  flesh  and  fat  of  seals,  eggs,  and  a  variety  of 
other  rich  matter,  stuffed  into  the  guts  of  seals,  for  want  of  salt  and 
spices.  The  composition  had  the ' Haut  gout  to  perfection. 

It  is  a  singular,  almost  incredible  fact,  that  these  people  should  visit 
Funk  Island,  which  lies  forty  miles  from  Cape  Freels  and  sixty  from  the 
island  of  Fogo.  The  island  being  small  and  low,  they  cannot  see  it  from 
either  of  these  places,  nor  is  it  possible  to  conceive  how  they  get  informa- 
tion from  any  other  nation.  The  Indians  repair  thither  once  or  twice  every 
year,  and  return  with  their  canoes  laden  with  birds'  eggs ;  for  the  number 
of  sea-fowl  which  resort  to  this  island  to  breed  are  far  beyond  credibility. 

That  our  people  might  easily  have  established  a  friendly  intercourse, 
and  beneficial  traffic  with  these  Indians,  the  circumstances  which  I  have 
already  related  renders  highly  probable  ;  but  vile  murder  at  first  produced 
a  spirit  of  revenge,  and  that  has  been  made  a  pretence  for  unheard  of 
cruelties  on  the  part  of  our  fishermen. 

The  expedition  in  which  I  was  engaged  two  years  ago  was  undertaken 
at  my  instance,  under  the  auspices  of  Commodore  Palliser,  the  Governor 
of  Newfoundland  in  1768,  with  a  design  to  explore  the  interior  parts  of 
the  country  and  to  endeavour  to  surprise  some  of  the  Indians.  Our  object 
was  through  these  means,  to  establish  an  amicable  intercourse  with  the 
natives  for  the  purpose  of  trade.  The  party  consisted  of  my  brother  John, 
first  Lieutenant  of  the  Guernsey  man  of  war,  the  Flag  Ship  ;  the  Rev.  Neville 
Stow,  Chaplain  of  the  Guernsey  ;  John  Cousens,  Esq.,  a  planter,  who  lived 
in  the  Bay  of  Exploits ;  nine  seamen  belonging  to  the  Guernsey ;  my 
servant  and  myself.  (Here  follows  the  same  description  of  the  journey  up 
the  river  as  related  by  his  brother.)1 

He  then  continues,  "  What  number  of  these  Indians  may  still  be  left, 
no  person  can  even  hazard  a  conjecture,  but  it  must  decrease  annually  :  for 
our  people  murder  all  they  can,  and  also  destroy  their  stock  of  provisions, 
canoes,  and  implements  of  all  sorts,  whenever  a  surprise  forces  them  by  a 
precipitate  retreat  to  leave  those  things  behind  them.  This  loss  has  fre- 
quently occasioned  whole  families  to  die  of  famine.  The  Micmac  Indians 
who  came  from  Cape  Breton,  and  are  furnished  with  fire  arms,  are  also 
their  implacable  enemies,  and  greatly  an  overmatch  for  these  poor  wretches 

1  It  looks  as  though  Capt.  Geo.  Cartwright  not  only  assumed  to  himself  the  planning  of  the 
expedition  up  the  Exploits  river,  but  the  carrying  out  of  the  same,  thereby  robbing  his  brother  John 
of  all  the  kudos,  whereas  it  will  be  remembered  by  the  latter's  narrative,  he  merely  formed  one  of 
the  party  and  abandoned  the  enterprise  when  about  halfway  up  the  river. — J,  P.  H. 


Journal  of  events  on  the  coast  of  Labrador  49 

who  have  no  better  defensive  weapons  than  bows  and  arrows." — Speaking 
of  the  difficulty  of  seeing  them,  he  says,  "  When  I  was  formerly  in  New- 
foundland, both  in  the  years  1766  and  1768,  I  met  with  wigwams  upon 
several  of  these  islands  (which  are  very  numerous),  in  which  the  fires  were 
burning,  yet  I  never  saw  an  Indian  ;  nor  should  I  have  been  gratified  with 
the  sight  of  one  now,  had  they  not  supposed  that  we  were  at  too  great 
a  distance  to  discover  them." 

Next  day  having  proceeded  across  the  Bay  of  Exploits  to  Charles's 
Brook  to  visit  a  salmon  post  there,  he  says,  "  The  crew  here  consisted  of 
three  men  only,  and  this  was  the  first  year  they  tried  this  brook.  These 
people  informed  me,  that  this  was  the  first  season  of  an  English  crew  being 
here,  but  that  it  had  hitherto  been  constantly  occupied  by  Indians,  to  whom 
it  answers  very  well  ;  that  soon  after  they  came  here,  several  large  canoes 
full  of  indians  came  into  the  mouth  of  the  brook,  but  immediately  retired 
again  ;  and  that  they  still  remained  hid  in  the  neighbouring  woods,  but 
had  not  yet  done  them  any  mischief:  they  however,  added  that  the  natives 
often  made  their  appearance  on  the  opposite  side,  and  used  threatening 
tones  and  gestures." 

July  1 3th.  "When  the  Salmoniers  visited  their  nets  this  morning, 
they  found  that  the  Indians  had  stolen  one  fleet."  On  returning  through 
Dildo  Run,  he  says,  "  Upon  the  island  where  we  had  seen  the  Indians  as 
we  went  up  the  bay,  there  still  remained  one  wigwam  with  a  fire  in  it, 
but  the  inhabitants  were  most  probably  on  a  cruise  for  provision,  for  I 
could  not  discern  their  canoe.  I  soon  after  discovered  another  wigwam 
upon  an  island  near  Solid  Island  which  was  not  there  on  the  nth  inst. 

At  page  49,  Vol.  111,  speaking  of  Catalina  Harbour,  he  says,  "This 
Harbour  was  formerly  full  of  fishing  rooms,  but  the  very  frequent  depre- 
dations of  the  American  privateers,  in  the  last  war  caused  every  merchant 
and  planter  to  abandon  it  except  Mr  Child,  who  has  now  only  two  people 
here  ;  one  of  whom  is  the  Red  Indian  who  was  caught  about  seventeen 
years  ago,  by  a  man  who  shot  his  mother  as  she  was  endeavouring  to 
make  her  escape  with  him  in  her  arms  ;  he  was  then  about  four  years  old1." 

Parliamentary  Papers2. 

Extracts  from  the  Report  of  Committee  appointed  to  inquire  into  the 
state  of  the  Trade  to  Newfoundland,  in  March,  April  and  June. 

1793- 

Examination  of  Mr  Jeffrey,  merchant  of  Newfoundland. 
On  being  asked  if  he   knew  anything   respecting    the    conduct  of   the 
inhabitants  towards  the  Indians,  he  said,  "He  has  heard  in  many  instances 

1  This   was   the   child   mentioned   by  his  brother  John  Cartwright,  who  was  captured  in  August 
1768,  and  called  John  August.     He   died   in    1788,  and  was   interred   in   the  Churchyard  at  Trinity. 
The  following  notice  of  his  interment  is  taken  from  the  Parish  Register  of  the  Church  of  England 
at  that  place. 

October  2<)th,   1788. 
"Interred  John  August,  a  native  Indian  of  this  island,  a  servant  of  Jeffrey  G.  Street." 

2  I  am  indebted  to  iMr  W.  G.  Gosling  for  this  and  much  other  valuable    information  which    he 
had  copied  for  me  from  the  records. 


H. 


5o  Extracts  from  Parliamentary  papers 

of  very  inhuman  treatment  of  individuals  towards  them   in  the   North  part 
of  the  island  ;    he  thinks  it  requires  investigation." 

George  Cartwright  Esq.,    being    examined,  informed   your    Committee, 
that  he  was  an  Officer  of  Foot  in  His  Majesty's  service.     And  being  asked 
whether    he   has    been    in   Newfoundland  ?    he    said,  "  Yes ;    several    times." 
And  being  asked  in  what  capacity  ?  he  said,  "  Twice  on  pleasure,  five  times 
on   business,    on    his   way   backwards    and   forwards   to    Labrador ;    the   last 
time  he  was  there  was  in   1786;    he  has  been   much  in  that  part  of   New- 
foundland  inhabited  by  the  native   Indians;    he   has  reason  to   believe  that 
their  numbers  are  considerable,  but  he  cannot  state  what  the  numbers  are, 
as    they  have    been    so    much   chased   and   driven  away  by  the    Fishermen 
and  Furriers1."     And  being  asked,  How  near  to  any  of  our  settlements  do 
the  Indians  come?  he   said,   "They  frequently  come   in  the   night  into  the 
harbours  to    pilfer    what    they  can    get,   to    supply   their    necessities." — And 
being    asked,  What    were    the  articles    which   they    mostly   steal  ?    he    said, 
"  Sails,  hatchets,  boats,  kettles  and  such  other  things  as  they  think  will  be 
of  use  ;    they  use  the  sails  as  covering  for  their  wigwams  or  tents."     And 
being  asked,  Could  he  state  any  particulars  respecting  the  condition  of  the 
Indians   in   Newfoundland  ?    he    said,   "  He    thinks    their    condition    is    very 
wretched   and   forlorn   indeed  ;    our  fishermen   and  furriers  shooting   at   the 
Indians    for  their  amusement."     He   said,  "  He    has    heard    many  say   they 
had   rather   have  a  shot   at  an   Indian  than   at  a   deer:     A   few    years  ago 
there    two    men,    one    of    whom   he    knew    personally,   went    up   the    Great 
River   Exploits    in    the    winter,    on    purpose    to    murder    and    plunder   such 
Indians  as  they  could  meet  with  ;    when  they  got  to  the  head  of  the  river 
where   it   comes  out  of  a  great  lake,    they  met  with  an    Indian  town,  con- 
taining above   one  hundred  inhabitants  ;   they  immediately  fired  upon  them 
with  long  guns  loaded  with  buckshot ;  they  killed  and  wounded  several,  the 
rest    made    their    escape    into    the    woods,    some    naked,    others   only    half 
clothed  ;  none  of  them  provided  with  implements  to  procure  either  food  or 
fuel ;  they  then  plundered  their  houses   or  wigwams   of  what   they  thought 
worth   bringing  away,  and   burnt   the   rest,  by  which  they  must    necessarily 
have  destroyed  the  remainder,  as  they  could  not  exist  in  the  snow."     And 
being  asked,    If  he  meant  to  state  that  the  conduct  of  the   Fishermen  and 
Furriers  towards  the    Indians  was   in  general   of  that  cruel  nature,  or  that 
these  were  only  particular  instances  ?    he  said,    "He  has   reason  to  believe 
from  the  conversations  he  has  had  with  the  fishermen  of  these  parts,   that 
there    are    very    few    who   would    not    have    done    the    same    thing."- -The 
witness  having  stated,  that  the  Indians  sometimes  come  down  into  the  ports 
where    our    Cod-fishery   is    carried    on,    and    steal    various    articles,    he    was 
asked,  Whether  he  believes  that  was  in  consequence  of  any  provocation  or 
molestation  that  they  might  have  received  from  the  Fishermen  and  Furriers  ? 
he  said,  "  Most  certainly,  and  also  from  the  impossibility  of  their  ever  getting 
anything  they  want  by  any  other  means ;    he   has   been   well  assured,    that 
formerly  a  very  beneficial  barter  was   carried   on   between   our   people    and 

1  This  term  in  Newfoundland  parlance  lias  not  exactly  the  same  significance  as  elsewhere.  It 
is  applied  to  the  trapper  or  hunter  who  procures  the  skins  of  fur  bearing  animals,  rather  than  to 
the  person  who  cures  and  dresses  the  furs. 


Captain  George  Cartwrighfs  evidence  51 

the  Indians,  somewhere  near  the  port  of  Bonavista,  by  our  people  leaving 
goods  at  a  certain  place,  and  the  Indians  taking  what  they  wanted  and 
leaving  furs  in  return  :  but  that  barter  was  at  length  put  a  stop  to  by  one 
of  our  fishermen  hiding  himself  near  the  place  of  deposit,  and  shooting  a 
woman  dead  upon  the  spot  as  she  was  suiting  herself  to  what  she  wanted." 
— And  being  asked,  Whether  he  believes,  from  what  he  has  seen  of  the 
Indians,  that  any  intercourse  could  be  again  established  between  them  and 
the  British  Fishermen  and  Furriers  in  Newfoundland  ?  he  said,  "  He  thinks 
it  very  possible  and  practicable  that  he  gave  in  a  plan  several  years  ago 
to  the  administration  for  that  purpose,  and  then  stated  generally  these 
circumstances,  and  he  offered  to  undertake  the  execution  of  it  himself."- 
And  being  asked,  from  what  he  has  seen  of  the  Indians,  did  they  seem  to 
be  of  a  more  sanguinary  and  savage  disposition  than  people  in  that  state 
of  society  generally  are  ?  he  said,  "By  no  means,  for  he  has  heard  many 
instances  of  their  saving  the  lives  of  our  people,  when  they  might  very 
easily  have  put  them  to  death  ;  he  heard  one  man  tell  his  master,  that  a 
few  days  before  he  left  the  Bay  of  Exploits,  as  he  was  going  to  land  out 
of  his  boat  to  look  at  a  trap  that  he  had  set  for  an  otter,  he  was  surprised 
by  the  voice  of  an  Indian  ;  and  on  turning  his  head,  saw  an  Indian  standing 
on  the  shore  with  an  arrow  in  his  bow  ready  to  shoot  him  ;  the  Indian 
made  a  motion  with  his  hand  for  him  to  retire  ;  he  was  then  not  above 
four  or  five  yards  from  the  Indian  ;  he  immediately  pulled  his  boat  round 
and  made  off  as  fast  as  he  could;  the  Indian  remained  in  the  same 
posture  until  he  had  got  some  distance  from  the  shore,  and  then  retired 
into  the  woods ;  the  Fisherman  then  added,  that  he  regretted  not  having 
his  gun  with  him,  as  he  would  have  shot  him  dead  upon  the  spot." — And 
being  asked,  Whether  the  Indians  are  large  and  stout  men  ?  he  said, 
"  From  what  few  he  had  seen  of  them,  he  believes  they  are." — And  being 
asked,  Did  the  cruelties  which  he  mentioned  to  be  exercised  by  the  Fisher- 
men and  Furriers  to  the  Indians  happen  in  summer  as  well  as  in  winter? 
he  said,  "Yes,  in  both,  but  more  opportunities  happen  in  summer  than  in 
winter." — And  being  asked,  Did  the  merchants  and  persons  who  go  out 
from  this  country  to  Newfoundland  use  their  influence  and  endeavours  to 
prevent  such  practices  ?  he  said,  "  He  did  not  recollect  an  instance  of  it." 
And  being  asked,  Had  the  Magistrates  used  any  exertions  to  prevent  those 
outrages  ?  he  said,  "  There  are  no  Magistrates  within  that  district,  that  he 
knew  of,  he  means  the  district  between  Cape  St  John  and  Cape  Freels."- 
And  being  asked,  Whether  the  Magistrates  resident  within  any  of  the  other 
districts  were  capable  of  preventing  these  horrors  if  they  exerted  them- 
selves for  that  purpose  ?  he  said,  "He  does  not  believe  they  could,  because 
they  reside  at  too  great  a  distance." — And  being  asked,  Did  he  conceive 
that  those  horrors  could  be  prevented  without  the  establishment  of  a  regular 
Court  of  Judicature  in  Newfoundland?  he  said,  "  He  thinks  that  if  his  plan, 
or  something  similar  to  it,  was  adopted,  it  would  effectually  prevent  every- 
thing of  the  kind  and  the  offender  might  be  carried  to  St  John's  to  be 
tried  by  any  Court  of  Judicature  established  there  for  the  trial  of  criminal 
offences." — And  being  asked,  Whether  there  is  not  a  trade  at  present  carried 
on  with  the  Indians?  he  said,  "No:  he  knew  not  when  the  intercourse  was 

7—2 


52  Cartwrighf  s  evidence 

interrupted  ;  it  was  twenty-seven  years  ago  that  he  first  heard  of  it." — And 
being   asked,    Whether   there    is    any  English   merchant    that   carries    on    a 
Fishery  North  of  Cape  John  ?   he  said,  "  Not  now  he  believes."— And  being 
asked,   Whether  the  people   that   he  states  to  have   committed   those  enor- 
mities were  annual  Fishermen  from  England  or  residents  in  Newfoundland  ? 
he   said,   "Generally   the   resident    Fishermen." — And   being   asked,    If  that 
residence  was  prohibited,  would  not  these  enormities  be  in  a  great  measure 
prevented?  he  said,  "If  residency  within  the  district  he  alludes  to  was  not 
permitted,    it  would    in   a  great  measure   have  that   effect ; "   he   means    the 
district  between  Cape  Freels  and   Cape  John. — And  being  asked,  Whether 
he   thinks  that  the  disposition  of  the   Indians   is  such  as   to   lead   them   to 
live  upon  good  terms  with  our  people,  provided  there  were  only  a  sufficient 
number  left  to  take  care  of  the  fishing  materials  ?   he  said,  "He  thinks  our 
people  would  be  in  danger,  unless  some  intercourse  was  first  established." — 
And  being  asked,    In  what   year  did   the  enormities  he   represents  happen, 
and  who  were  the  Officers  of  the  Navy  commanding  in  those  parts  at  the 
time?   he  said,  "  He  could  not  recollect." — And  being  asked,  if  he  was  con- 
versant with  the   Coast  of  Labrador?  he   said,   "Yes." — And   being  asked, 
Whether  there  is  not  an  annual  Fishery  carried  on  there  from  Great  Britain, 
without  any  residence  ?  he  said,  "No,  there  are  very  few  who  go  out  for  the 
summer  there." — And  being  asked,  How  is  justice  administered  in  Labrador  ? 
he   said,   "  There   has    been   neither  law,  justice,  nor  equity  there  for  many 
years." — And  being  asked,  Whether  there  is  not  a  more  flourishing  Fishery 
carried  on   there  than  in   Newfoundland  ?   he  said,  "  He  could  not   tell  how 
flourishing  it  is,  but  he  knew  that  numbers  of  people  have  suffered  there  for  want 
of  justice." — And  being  desired  to  state  any  instances  he  might  have  heard 
while    he    resided    in     Newfoundland,   which    might    make   a   new    Court   of 
Judicature  necessary,   he  said,  "  He  could  not  pretend  to  say  ;   he  knew  of 
none." — And   being  desired   to  state   the  outlines  of  his  plan,   he  said,   "  It 
was  to  appropriate  that  part  of  the  Coast  from  North  Head  to  Dog  Creek1, 
including  Chapel   Island,  and  all  other  islands  within  that  line,  to  the  use  of 
the   Indians,  and  to  have  some  person  stationed  there  with  a  schooner  and 
a   sufficient    number   of   people    to   protect    them ;     by    which    means    some 
acquaintance  and  connection  might   be  formed  betwixt  the  Indians  and  the 
English,  and  beyond  all  doubt  a  traffic  would  be  established."     There  is  no 
intercourse   or  barter   between  those  native   Indians   he  speaks   of   and  our 
people.     There   are   parts   of  the    island   where   some   intercourse    is   main- 
tained with  the  -Mickmack   Indians,  and  in  other  parts  with  the   Nescopite 
Indians. — And  being  asked,    If  he   meant  that  all  the   residents  should    be 
removed  from  that  part  he  has  described,  and   that  no  person  should  land 
or  go  there  without  permission?    he  said,   "He  does." — And    being   asked, 
Whether  he  ever  knew   more  than  one  man  residing  upon  the  River  Ex- 
ploits ?   he  said,   "  He  knew  but  of   one." — And   being  asked,   Whether  the 
same  cruelties  were  exercised  against  the  Indians  of  the  Coast  of  Labrador, 
as  against  the  Red  Indians?  he  said,  "Not  since  the   year   1770,  since  he 
went  amongst   them,   and    learned   their  language,   and   got    upon    terms    of 

1  North  Head  is  at  the  Western  side  of  Exploits  Bay.     Dog  Creek  now  Doij  Bay. 


Mr  Ougiers  evidence  53 

friendship  with  them  ;  previous  to  that  period  the  cruelties  were  just  as 
numerous  as  those  exercised  in  Newfoundland.  It  appears  to  him  that  the 
Indians  wish  to  be  on  terms  of  friendship  with  the  English." — And  being 
asked,  Whether  the  inveteracy  of  the  Indians  towards  the  Europeans  is 
not  so  great  that  they  murder  every  European  they  are  able  ?  he  said, 
"  Yes." — And  being  asked,  Whether  he  conceives  that,  if  the  traders,  going 
in  the  summer  to  Newfoundland,  use  their  influence  to  prevent  the  horrors 
that  have  been  described,  that  they  might  not  in  some  degree  be  prevented  ? 
he  said,  "  He  believes  it  would  have  a  good  effect,  but  in  general  they  do 
not  trouble  their  heads  about  the  matter,  for  fear  it  should  affect  their  own 
interests." — And  being  asked,  Whether  those  Indians  are  not  universally 
afraid  of  an  Englishman?  he  said,  "They  are." — And  being  asked,  Would 
they  venture  to  come  within  sight  of  an  European  ?  he  said,  "  They  conceal 
themselves  in  the  woods  as  much  as  possible,  and  very  seldom  show  them- 
selves,"— And  being  asked,  Did  not  the  merchants  going  to  Newfoundland 
receive  the  furs  that  are  taken  from  the  Indians  without  making  any  en- 
quiry? he  said,  "Yes." — And  being  asked,  Whether  our  trade  and  intercourse 
with  Labrador  was  not  very  insignificant  before  the  year  1770?  he  said, 
"  Yes." — And  being  asked,  Whether  there  is  not  a  more  flourishing  trade 
carried  on  at  Labrador  than  at  Newfoundland  ?  he  said,  "  He  could  only 
say,  with  respect  to  himself,  that  his  trade  has  been  very  flourishing,  having 
cleared  above  one  hundred  per  cent,  for  the  last  three  years." — And  being 
asked,  If  any  fees  were  paid  on  that  coast  ?  he  said,  "  Not  that  he  knew 
of." — And  being  asked,  If  there  were  any  restrictions  under  which  that  trade 
laboured?  he  said,  "He  does  not  know  that  there  are." 

The  boundaries  the  witness  proposed  to  be  set  apart  for  the  Indian 
district  are  as  follows  :— 

From  the  north  end  of  Dog  Creek,  all  along  the  shore  of  Newfound- 
land, to  the  north  head  of  the  Exploits  ;  from  thence  to  the  nearest  point 
of  New  World  Island,  keeping  on  the  out  or  north  side  of  Burnt,  and  all 
other  Islands  which  lie  between  ;  from  the  aforesaid  point  along  the  west 
and  south  sides  of  New  World  Island,  to  the  point  nearest  to  Change  Island 
Tickle ;  from  thence  to  the  south  side  of  the  said  Tickle,  along  the  west 
side  of  Change  Islands,  to  the  south  point  of  the  same,  and  from  thence  to 
the  north  head  of  Dog  Creek.  No  person  except  those  employed  by  his 
Majesty,  to  go  within  that  circle  (save  only  those  who  want  to  fell  timber, 
or  who  are  obliged  to  do  so  through  stress  of  weather),  without  leave  in 
writing  from  the  person  employed  in  the  protection  of  the  Indians.  This 
was  part  of  the  plan  the  witness  gave  into  Government. 

Mr  Ougier,  merchant,  examined,  said,  "A  grand  Jury  would  at  this 
time  have  readily  found  a  bill  against  the  murderer  of  an  Indian,  and  the 
Petty  Jury  on  proof  would  have  convicted  him."  On  being  asked  whether 
he  knew  anything  of  the  Island  of  Newfoundland,  or  the  coast  of  Labrador? 
he  said,  "He  knows  there  is  at  present  a  beneficial  traffic  with  the  Indians, 
both  Esquimaux  and  Micmacs,  which  has  been  acquired  from  the  humane 
treatment  of  His  Majesty's  subjects  towards  them  ;  there  are  instances  of 
two  or  three  hundred  coming  together  to  traffic  with  the  English  merchants, 
and  that  there  is  no  apprehension  of  fear  between  one  party  and  the  other. 


54  Evidence  of  Vice- Admiral  Edwards 

It  has  been  doubted  whether  there  are  any  Newfoundland  Indians  or  not ; 
they  are  supposed  to  be  of  the  other  two  descriptions,  only  who,  at  certain 
seasons  of  the  year,  inhabit  Newfoundland.  Some  Esquimaux  have  been 
in  the  service  of  English  merchants  as  boat-masters  in  the  Cod  Fishery1,  in 
which  they  have  been  very  excellent :  he  has  known  an  Indian  who  lived 
in  Dartmouth  some  years ;  he  returned  to  Labrador,  and  joined  with  his 
countrymen ;  he  is  now  the  cause  of  a  considerable  traffic  between  them. 

Vice-Admiral  Edwards,  examined,  said,  "He  was  Governor  of  Newfound- 
land in  1757,  1758,  1759,  and  in  1789  and  1790."  And  being  asked,  Whether 
he  knew  anything  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Indians  are  treated?  he  said, 
"He  knew  one  instance,  in  1758,  of  a  murder  committed  by  some  Irish 
hunters  on  the  north  part  of  the  island  ;  they  fired  into  a  wigwam,  killed  a 
woman  with  a  child,  and  brought  away  a  girl  of  nine  years  old.  Complaint 
was  made  to  him  by  the  Justices,  and  pains  taken  to  catch  the  culprits, 
but  without  effect.  The  girl  was  brought  home  to  England2.  If  they  had 
been  found  he  would  have  tried  them  at  the  Court  of  Oyer  and  Terminer. 
Mr  Cartwright  never  made  any  complaints  to  him  of  the  cruel  treatment  of 
the  Indians  by  the  inhabitants,  and  he  knows  of  no  other  instance  of  it." 
John  Reeves,  Esq.,  Chief  Justice  of  Newfoundland,  being  examined, 
said,  "Another  subject  is  the  state  of  the  Wild  Indians  in  the  interior 
parts  of  the  island. 

"At  a  time  when  the  Legislature  is  manifesting  so  much  anxiety  for 
the  protection  and  welfare  of  a  people  who  do  not  belong  to  us  (I  mean 
the  Africans  while  in  their  own  country)  I  make  no  doubt  of  being  heard 
while  I  say  a  few  words  in  behalf  of  these  poor  people,  who  are  a  part  of 
the  King's  subjects.  These  Indians  inhabit  a  country  the  sovereignty  of 
which  is  claimed  and  exercised  by  His  Majesty.  Unlike  the  wandering 
tribes  upon  the  continent,  who  roam  from  place  to  place,  these  people  are 
more  peculiarly  our  own  people  than  any  other  of  the  savage  tribes  ;  they 
and  everything  belonging  to  them  is  in  our  power ;  they  can  be  benefitted 
by  none  others ;  they  can  be  injured  by  none  others  :  in  this  situation  they 
are  entitled  the  protection  of  the  King's  government,  and  to  the  benefit  of 
good  neighborhood  from  his  subjects ;  but  they  enjoy  neither ;  they  are 
deprived  of  the  free  use  of  the  shores  and  the  rivers,  which  should  entitle 
them  to  some  compensation  from  us ;  but  they  receive  none ;  instead  of 
being  traded  with,  they  are  plundered,  instead  of  being  taught,  they  are  pur- 
sued with  outrage  and  murder. 

"  It  seems   very  extraordinary,   but  it   is  a  fact  known  to  hundreds  in 

'the  northern  part   of  the  island,  that  there  is  no  intercourse  or  connection 

whatsoever  between   our  people  and  the    Indians  but  plunder,  outrage  and 

murder.      If  a  wigwam  is  found  it  is  plundered  of  the  furs  it  contains,  and 

1  I  think  Mr  Ougier  is  mistaken  in  this,  and   that   he   really  refers    to  the  Beothuck  men  Tom 
June  and  John  August,  who  acted  in  that  capacity.     Mr  Ougier  being   evidently  unacquainted  with 
the  northern  parts  of  the  island,  easily  makes  this  mistake. 

2  This   is   evidently  the   girl   referred   to   by  Mr  J.  Bland   in   his   first  letter  to  the  Governor  as 
having  been  taken  when  the  father  and   mother  were   killed,  and   afterwards   sent   to   Trinity  where 
she    was   reared   up.     She   was   subsequently  taken   to   England   by  a   Mr  and   Mrs   Stone  and  died 
there   about    1795.      She  was   probably  the   person   named  Ou-bee  from  whom  Rev.  Clinch  obtained 
his  vocabulary  ? 


Chief  Justice  Reeves   evidence  55 

is  burnt;  if  an  Indian  is  discovered  he  is  shot  at  exactly  as  a  fox  or  bear. 
This  has  gone  on  for  years  in  Newfoundland,  while  Indians  in  all  other 
parts  of  the  King's  dominions  have  received  benefit  from  their  connection 
with  us,  either  in  the  supply  of  their  worldly  necessities  by  traffic,  or  in 
being  initiated  in  the  principles  of  morality  and  religion  ;  but  such  has  been 
the  policy  respecting  this  island,  that  the  residents  for  many  years  had 
little  benefit  of  a  regular  government  for  themselves,  and  when  they  were 
so  neglected,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  that  the  condition  of  the  poor  Indians 
was  never  mended. 

"When  the  Indians  show  themselves,  it  is  in  the  Bay  of  Exploits  and 
in  Gander  Bay,  to  the  northward.  They  come  down  to  get  what  the 
seashore  affords  for  food.  This  is  a  lawless  part  of  the  island,  where  there 
are  no  Magistrates  resident  for  many  miles,  nor  any  control,  as  in  other 
parts,  from  the  short  visit  of  a  man-of-war  during  a  few  days  in  the 
summer ;  so  that  people  do  as  they  like,  and  there  is  hardly  any  time  of 
account  for  their  actions.  The  persons  who  are  best  acquainted  with  the 
resort  of  the  Indians,  and  who  are  deepest  in  the  outrages  that  have  been 
committed  upon  them,  are  the  furriers  of  the  bays  I  have  just  mentioned, 
and  of  the  places  thereabouts.  Some  of  these  men  have  been  conversed 
with  last  summer,  and  I  understand,  if  they  were  relieved  from  the  danger  of 
enquiry  into  what  is  past,  they  would  open  upon  the  subject,  and  make 
themselves  useful  in  commencing  any  new  system  of  treatment  and  conduct. 

"What  then  do  I  propose  to  be  done  for  these  Indians,  and  what  is 
the  manner  in  which  I  propose  it  should  be  accomplished  ?  In  the  first 
place,  it  seems  they  ought  to  be  protected  from  violence,  and  that  ought 
to  be  done  by  executing  the  present  laws  against  offenders.  I  hope 
something  is  already  begun  towards  attaining  this,  by  what  I  said  to  the 
Grand  Jury,  last  year,  and  the  apprehension  expressed,  as  I  understand, 
by  some  furriers,  who  feared  they  should  be  brought  to  justice ;  but  in  so 
distant  a  part  of  the  island  the  fear  of  the  law  is  little  security,  and  if  it 
is  really  to  be  executed,  I  hardly  know  the  means  of  doing  it  in  the 
present  circumstances  of  the  island  and  its  government. 

"But  supposing  this  attained,  does  our  bare  duty  towards  these  people 
end  here  ?  Separated  as  they  are  from  all  the  world  but  us,  is  it  not 
incumbent  upon  us  to  use  the  means  in  our  power  to  impart  to  them  the 
rights  of  religion  and  civil  society  ?  or  at  least,  does  not  our  interest 
suggest  an  advantage  that  might  be  derived  by  a  free  and  unrestrained 
trade  with  them,  in  which  furs  and  other  produce  might  be  exchanged 
for  British  manufactures  ?  Should  any  or  all  of  these  considerations  be 
thought  sufficient  for  endeavouring  to  conciliate  the  confidence  of  these 
people,  and  to  open  a  friendly  intercourse  with  them,  there  seems  no 
difficulty  or  hazard  in  the  undertaking.  It  is  similar  to  what  has  already 
been  done  on  the  Labrador  coast  with  a  race  of  savages  said  to  be  more 
untractable,  and  under  circumstances  much  less  favourable.  It  is  only  to 
choose  between  holding  out  encouragement  to  the  Moravians  to  send  a 
Missionary,  as  they  now  do  to  Labrador,  or  employing  the  present 
furrier  under  the  direction  of  some  person  who  has  a  talent  for  such 
enterprises.  In  both  cases,  there  should  be  some  small  force  ;  and  if  one 


56  John  Eland's  letters  to  the  Governor's  Secretary 

of  the  sloops  of  war  upon  that  station  were  to  winter  in  the  Bay  of 
Exploits,  or  Gander  Bay,  for  protecting  such  a  project  in  the  season  that 
is  most  favourable  to  it,  it  would  be  as  much  force  as  would  be  needed  ; 
but  the  mode  and  manner  of  carrying  into  execution  such  a  scheme  is  for 
the  consideration  of  the  Committee." 

Letter  of  Mr  John  Bland  addressed  to  Governor  s  Secretary. 

BONAVISTA, 

ist  September )  1790. 

Sir, 

I  have  taken  the  earliest  opportunity  to  reply  to  your  letter  of  the 
1 8th  past  on  the  subject  of  the  native  Indians,  and  feel  great  satisfaction  in 
knowing  that  His  Excellency  coincides  in  opinion  with  me. 

I  am  very  sorry  that  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  send  the  Governor  a  copy  of 
my  letter  to  Admiral  Milbank.  It  was  written  without  any  premeditation  at 
St  John's,  and  the  original  left  with  Mr  Graham.  I  had  not  the  honour  to  see  His 
Excellency,  nor  did  I  receive  any  answer,  either  verbally  or  in  writing1. 

There  was  at  that  time  in  St  John's  a  Mr  Salter,  who  had  been  agent  to  a 
house  in  Fogo,  and  it  was  from  him  that  I  obtained  the  information  which  made 
the  subject  of  my  letter.  I  introduced  this  man  to  Mr  Graham,  that  he  might 
hear  his  story  from  his  own  mouth. 

I  have  not  at  this  distance  of  time  any  recollection  of  the  names  of  the  persons 
who  were  accused,  but  the  Indians  murdered,  if  I  remember  right,  were  a  man  and 
his  wife.  They  had  with  them  a  girl,  then  a  child,  and  in  their  solicitude  to  save 
her,  they  lost  their  own  lives.  The  girl  was  not  long  afterwards  carried  to  Trinity, 
and  treated  with  great  care  and  humanity  by  Mr  and  Mrs  Stone,  who  took  her  with 
them  to  England,  where  she  died  about  two  years  ago.  I  am  not  certain  that  the 
men  charged  with  this  murder  were  not  in  the  employ  of  one  Peyton,  who  for  many 
years  has  possessed  a  Salmon  Fishery  in  the  Bay  of  Exploits,  and  at  this  time 
resides  at  some  place  near  Poole  in  England.  Peyton  has  rendered  himself  infamous 
for  his  persecution  of  the  Indians.  The  stories  told  of  this  man  would  shock 
humanity  to  relate,  and  for  the  sake  of  humanity,  it  is  to  be  wished  are  not  true. 

It  almost  always  happens  that  the  proposer  of  any  public  scheme  is  regarded 
as  an  intended  projector — he  is  heard  with  suspicion  and  trusted  with  caution. 
Although  I  have  never  thoroughly  digested  any  plan  for  promoting  an  end,  which 
His  Excellency  appears  to  have  much  at  heart,  I  will,  in  compliance  with  his  request, 
suggest  such  hints  as  I  conceive  may  be  improved  and  acted  upon. 

The  first  object,  in  my  opinion,  is  to  obtain  possession  of  some  of  the  Indians. 
The  use  to  be  made  of  this  advantage  is  obvious  to  every  man  who  considers  the 
nature  of  his  own  constitution.  Kind  treatment,  trifling  presents  and  a  friendly 
dismission,  it  can  be  hardly  doubted,  would  open  a  way  to  further  communication. 
But,  then  that  barbarous  spirit  of  hostility,  manifested  by  our  people  upon  occasions 
where  the  plea  of  personal  safety  cannot,  in  reason  be  admitted,  will  of  course 
increase  the  difficulty  of  gaining  this  object.  The  question  therefore,  is  what  appears 
to  be  the  most  eligible  scheme  for  obtaining  it. 

The  persons  I  should  prefer  to  employ  upon  this  service  would  be  soldiers 
selected  from  the  garrison  at  St  John's,  and  I  should  give  this  preference  for  obvious 
reasons.  It  would  lessen  the  expense  annexed  to  the  measure,  they  would  operate 
as  a  check  upon  the  furriers  and  salmon  catchers,  who  are  the  chief  delinquents  and 
the  nature  of  the  undertaking  is  suited  to  their  profession.  Where  and  how  to 
station  them  would  be  a  matter  for  after  consideration.  A  small  number  of  the 

1  I 'could  not  succeed  in  tracing  the  letter  referred  to,  which  I  much  regret  as  I  have  no  doubt  ;t 
must  have  been  very  interesting. 


John  Eland's  letters  to  the  Governor  s  Secretary  57 

Esquimaux  might  probably  facilitate  the  execution  of  the  plan.  It  is  likely  that 
there  may  be  an  affinity  between  their  language  and  that  spoken  by  the  Newfoundland 
Indian.  Some  opportunities  have  offered  for  ascertaining  this  point ;  but  it  has  not, 
I  believe,  been  yet  determined. 

An  Indian  pursued  and  hopeless  of  escape,  and  at  the  same  time  rendered 
desperate  with  the  belief  that  his  pursuers  only  seek  his  destruction  would  doubtless 
sell  himself  as  dearly  as  he  could :  it  might  therefore  be  advisable  that  the  men 
employed  upon  this  duty  be  furnished  with  a  covering  for  the  body  sufficient  to 
resist  the  force  of  an  arrow.  This  precaution  might  in  most  cases  supersede  the 
necessity  of  using  fire  arms.  Guides  should  be  chosen  from  amongst  the  furriers  and 
winter  residents  who  are  all  acquainted  with  the  interior  parts  of  the  country,  and 
these  people  liberally  rewarded.  His  Excellency  will  perceive  that  the  expense  can 
never  be  an  object  of  national  consideration,  but  would  be  such  as  will  ever  be  a 
bar  to  the  undertaking  by  any  individual  in  this  Island. 

In  the  summer  season  the  Indians  frequent  the  sea  coasts,  to  provide  a  stock 
for  the  winter.  They  have  been  known  to  adventure  as  far  as  Funk  Islands,  a 
distance  of  thirteen  leagues.  The  evident  danger  of  so  long  a  navigation  in  their 
brittle  vessels  (for  the  plank  of  their  canoe  is  only  a  birch  rind)  is  a  presumptive 
proof  that  the  winter  stock  is  obtained  with  difficulty  where  there  could  be  less  risk. 
And  indeed  it  is  conjectured  that  they  sometimes  perish  by  hunger  in  the  winter. 

However  inclined  they  may  be  to  shun  a  people  whom  they  regard  as  implacable 
enemies,  there  would  be  little  doubt  of  falling  in  with  them,  while  they  were  busied 
in  the  necessary  pursuit  of  procuring  subsistence.  Those  whom  you  select  to  interrupt 
them  should  be  provided  with  fast  rowing  wherries. 

But  though  it  should  be  impracticable  to  obtain  the  desired  profession,  in  the 
course  of  the  summer,  without  mischief,  which  if  possible,  should  be  avoided,  I  can 
see  no  difficulty  in  tracing  them  to  their  winter  quarters,  from  whence  every 
description  of  them  could  hardly  escape.  You  could,  in  the  dreary  season,  have  it 
completely  within  your  power  to  show  them  that  you  are  sincere  in  your  offer  of 
peace.  To  every  prudent  and  wise  man  entrusted  with  the  execution  of  the  proposed 
plan,  circumstances  as  they  arose,  would  suggest  considerations  which  cannot  be 
detailed  in  the  best  digested  scheme.  Had  Mr  Peyton  in  some  of  his  winter 
excursions,  instead  of  marking  his  visit  with  desolation  and  plunder,  and  thereby 
exposing  the  wretched  savages  to  perish  by  famine  and  the  rigours  of  the  season — 
had  he  deposited  in  their  huts  tokens  that  indicated  a  wish  for  peace,  it  is  reasonable 
to  suppose  (for  human  nature  is  the  same  thing  everywhere)  that  the  repetition  of 
such  evidences  of  friendship  and  good  will  would  ultimately  have  led  to  a  better 
understanding.  Perhaps  to  expel  Mr  Peyton  from  the  Bay  of  Exploits  and  to 
bestow  a  right  of  such  advantages  as  a  better  disposed  professor  might  be  able  to 
reap  from  that  tract  of  country,  would  be  an  essential  point  gained  in  the  desired  end. 

I  will,  now,  Sir,  mention  two  objections  which  I  have  heard  urged  by  persons 
in  this  country  against  the  success  of  any  conciliatory  scheme.  The  one  is  ;  That 
the  Indians  of  this  Island  are  naturally  of  so  untameable  and  malignant  cast,  that 
they  will  be  always  hostile  to  a  strange  people.  The  other  (widely  different) :  That 
the  strong  and  deep  sense  of  their  injuries  has  so  embittered  their  minds  that  they 
would  reject  every  peaceful  overture.  The  first  scarcely  merits  a  reply,  for  it  cannot 
be  supported  by  any  experience  of  human  nature  hitherto  had.  And  the  second,  if 
it  will  be  well  founded,  is  one  of  the  best  arguments  that  can  be  brought  in  favour 
of  making  the  experiment.  A  strong  and  deep  sense  of  injuries  received  certainly 
never  yet  resided  in  a  human  breast  which  had  no  place  for  gratitude  for  kindness 
conferred. 

If  I  remember  well,  the  natives  of  this  island,  upon  its  first  discovery,  have  been 
represented  as  tractable  and  ingenious ;  and  their  ingenuity  is  indeed  discoverable  in 
all  they  do.  If  upon  any  occasion  they  now  seek  your  destruction,  it  is  but  a  natural 
consequence  of  their  ill-usage  and  by  no  means  a  proof  of  a  malignant  disposition. 

H.  8 


58  John  Eland's  letters 

It  ought  to  be  remembered  that  these  savages  have  a  natural  right  to  this 
island  and  every  invasion  of  a  natural  right  is  a  violation  of  the  principle  of  justice. 
They  have  been  progressively  driven  from  South  to  North,  and  though  their  removal 
has  been  produced  by  a  slow  and  silent  operation,  it  has  nevertheless  had  all  the 
effect  of  violent  compulsion.  In  proportion  as  their  means  of  procuring  subsistence 
became  narrowed,  their  population  must  necessarily  have  decreased,  and  before  the 
lapse  of  another  century,  the  English  nation,  like  the  Spanish,  may  have  affixed  to 
its  character  the  indelible  reproach  of  having  extirpated  a  whole  race  of  people. 
The  Spaniard,  indeed,  was  stimulated  by  a  passion  which  only  great  virtue  can 
resist ;  and  the  inhumanities  inflicted  by  some  of  our  countrymen,  on  many  occasions, 
upon  the  poor  savages  of  Newfoundland,  can  hardly  be  conceived  to  originate  in 
any  other  principle  than  a  cruelty  of  disposition. 

It  would,  I  am  persuaded,  be  highly  gratifying  to  His  Excellency,  that  it  was 
under  his  administration  the  humane  plan  of  rescuing  this  people  from  oppression, 
was  first  put  into  a  train  for  execution  ;  and  I  will  assure  you,  Sir,  that  it  would 
yield  me  a  very  sensible  pleasure,  should  any  hints  that  I  may  have  suggested,  or 
may  hereafter  suggest,  be  ultimately  employed  to  soften  the  rigours  of  their  condition. 

I  am  not  much  acquainted  with  that  part  of  the  island  to  which  the  Indians 
are  confined,  but  I  have  a  knowledge  of  residents  there  from  whom  essential 
information  might  be  obtained.  The  part  I  should  desire  to  have  in  so  laudable  an 
undertaking  would  depend  chiefly  on  the  encouragements  and  aids  given  by  Govern- 
ment to  carry  it  into  execution.  I  must,  nevertheless,  beg  of  His  Excellency  to  accept 
my  sincere  acknowledgements  for  his  favourable  opinion  and  good  intentions. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Sir, 
Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

J.  P.  Ranee,  Esq.  (Signed)      JOHN  BLAND. 

Second  Letter  of  Mr  Bland. 

BONAVISTA, 

zoth  October,  1797. 

Sir, 

I  have  the  honour  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  Excellency's  letter 
of  the  2Oth  past,  to  which  I  should  not,  at  this  time,  have  troubled  Your  Excellency 
with  my  reply,  but  that  I  wish  to  take  some  notice  of  the  objection  urged  against 
the  hint  which  I  had  suggested  relative  to  the  Esquimaux.  I  have  before  heard 
that  there  is  no  affinity  between  the  languages  spoken  by  those  Indians  and  the 
Indians  of  this  island,  and  that  they  are  in  perpetual  hostility  ;  but  I  am  ignorant 
upon  what  ground  this  opinion  has  been  entertained.  Situated  as  both  are  at 
present,  neither  can  with  advantage,  or  convenience,  visit  the  country  of  the  other. 

Before  this  quarter  was  possessed  by  the  Europeans,  there  was  nothing  to 
separate  these  Indians  but  the  natural  boundary  of  the  Straits  of  Bellisle ;  and  then, 
like  other  barbarous  nations  who  can  find  no  interest  in  a  friendly  intercourse,  they 
might  have  been  at  continual  war.  But  a  great  many  years  have  elapsed  since  the 
Esquimaux  have  had  any  footing  to  the  Southward  of  Cape  Charles,  and  it  is  not 
improbable  that  the  present  generation  of  the  Newfoundland  Indian  may  scarcely 
know  that  there  is  such  a  people  as  the  Esquimaux. 

In  respect  to  an  affinity  between  their  languages,  if  there  be  no  positive  evidence 
against  it,  I  should  strongly  incline  to  that  opinion  except  in  the  instance  of  the 
girl  mentioned  in  my  former  letter,  there  has  not  occurred  any  favourable  opportunity 
of  deciding  this  question  for  more  than  thirty  years.  It  is  not  so  long  ago,  as  I  am 
informed,  since  an  Indian  named  June  died1. 

1  It  has  been  said  that  June  lost  his  life  by  the  upsetting  of  his  skiff  while  entering  the  narrow 
dangerous  gut  leading  into  Fogo  Harbour. 


John  Eland's  letters  59 

This  savage,  the  first  remembered  to  have  been  in  our  possession  was  taken 
when  a  boy,  and  became  uncommonly  expert  in  all  the  branches  of  the  Newfoundland 
business.  An  old  man  in  this  bay  who  knew  June  has  told  me  that  he  frequently 
made  visits  to  his  parents  in  the  heart  of  the  country.  If  this  story  be  true  it  is  a 
proof  that  our  people  were  not  very  solicitous  to  cultivate  their  friendship.  Certain, 
it  is  however,  that  the  Indian  June,  was  never  confronted  with  an  Esquimau, 
though  it  is  likely  that  he  retained  his  native  tongue  for  a  considerable  time  after 
his  capture.  The  language,  religion  and  customs  of  the  different  nations  of  the 
world,  have  ever  been  objects  of  research  with  the  enlightened  of  all  countries  :  but 
looking  at  the  state  of  this  Island;  it  will  'not  be  matter  of  surprise  if  no  person  in 
it  has  hitherto  felt  his  curiosity  excited  on  such  a  subject.  It  is  a  common  opinion 
here,  that  the  Indians  of  this  island  have  a  singular  veneration  for  the  Cross,  and 
the  furriers,  it  is  said,  by  erecting  a  cruciform  figure  upon  their  winter  houses,  have 
saved  them  from  being  destroyed  during  their  absence  in  the  summer.  Thence  it 
has  been  concluded  that  these  savages  have  some  obscure  notion  of  the  Christian 
religion.  This  wild  conjecture  and  the  opinion  entertained  of  their  language  may 
probably  rest  upon  the  same  foundation. 

With  the  bulk  of  mankind,  conjecture  too  often  supplies  the  place  of  truth,  and 
even  the  better-informed  sometimes  had  us  wrong  by  relating  too  confidently  on  the 
faith  of  others.  The  Esquimau  is  very  little  indebted  to  some  of  his  historians, 
and  yet  I  have  heard  Mr  Cartwright  declare  (who  must  be  allowed  to  have  some 
judgement  in  this  case)  that  he  had  always  found  them  more  deserving  of  confidence 
than  his  own  countrymen. 

Since  the  death  of  June,  August  who  died  a  few  years  ago,  has  been  the  only 
Indian  within  our  possession.  This  man  was  taken  when  an  infant,  and  therefore 
could  be  no  evidence  on  the  point  in  question.  August  fell  from  his  Mother's  back, 
who  was  running  off  with  her  child  when  she  was  shot,  and  I  have  been  told  by 
those  who  were  intimate  with  August  that  he  has  frequently  expressed  a  wish  to 
meet  the  murderer  of  his  mother,  that  he  might  revenge  her  death.  I  only  mention 
this  circumstance  to  show  that  a  Newfoundland  Indian  is  not  destitute  of  filial 
affection. 

But,  Sir,  how  and  when  it  has  been  decided,  that  there  is  no  affinity  between 
the  two  languages  in  question,  is  not  undeserving  of  our  enquiry.  There  is  good 
reason  to  suppose  that  both  these  tribes  of  Indians  are  the  aborigines  of  the  countries 
they  inhabited.  Before  these  countries  were  possessed  by  the  people  of  Europe, 
that  they  must  have  been  very  near  neighbours,  is  hardly  to  be  doubted,  and  their 
languages  can  have  undergone  no  change  from  cultivation.  Is  it  not  therefore 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  there  may  be  any  affinity  between  them  ?  There  is,  to 
be  sure,  no  reasoning  against  experience ;  but,  it  is  only  to  experience,  in  all  such 
cases,  that  we  can  reasonably  yield.  For  my  part  I  cannot  help  holding  an  opinion 
that  we  know  almost  as  little  of  the  Newfoundland  Indian  as  we  do  of  the  inhabitant 
of  the  interior  of  Africa. 

Since  I  had  the  honour  to  submit  to  Your  Excellency  my  former  hints  upon 
this  subject,  I  have  learnt  that  frequent  opportunities  occur  of  falling  in  with  the 
Indians  in  Gander  Bay.  Mr  Street,  of  Poole,  has  a  fixed  salmon  crew  in  this  Bay, 
who  are  also  furriers  in  the  winter  season.  His  humanity  I  have  reason  to  believe, 
while  it  would  lead  him  to  discountenance  any  improper  conduct  in  his  servants, 
would  also  induce  him  to  second  any  effort  of  Government  in  a  plan  of  reconciliation. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
With  great  respect, 

Sir, 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient,  humble,  servant, 

(signed)  JOHN  BLAND. 

His  Excellency,  The  Hon.  William  Waldegrave. 


5—2 


60  John  Eland's  letters 

In  the  year  1800  Governor  Pole  sent  one,  Capt.  Le  Breton,  to  examine 
the  nature  of  the  North  coast  of  the  island,  and  to  inquire  about  the 
Aborigines.  Capt.  Le  Breton  returned  without  meeting  the  Indians,  but 
in  several  places  found  very  recent  traces  of  them.  (Cormack.)1 


Mr  Eland's  third  letter. 

BONAVISTA, 

•2$th  August,  1800. 
Sir, 

I  have  been  honoured  with  Your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  i6th  instant 
by  Lieutenant  Scambler,  who  is  yet  detained  at  this  place  by  contrary  winds.  I 
will  assure  you,  sir,  that  it  would  give  me  much  pleasure  could  I  by  any  means 
contribute  to  forward  your  wishes  in  favour  of  the  Native  Indians  of  this  island. 
Admiral  Waldegrave  did  me  the  honour  of  his  correspondence  upon  the  same 
subject.  My  official  letters  to  him  contain  all  the  information  I  could  procure  both 
in  respect  to  the  general  conduct  of  our  settlers  towards  those  poor  savages,  and 
the  means  of  conciliating  their  good  will.  But  Your  Excellency  may  rest  assured 
that  this  desirable  object  will  hardly  be  obtained  without  the  earnest  interference  of 
Government. 

My  last  suggestion  to  the  late  Governor,  and  which  I  repeat  here,  is  a  very 
simple  one,  and  cannot  in  the  prosecution  be  attended  with  any  expense  worth 
regarding.  It  is  to  station  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Exploits  a  select  military  party 
commanded  by  an  officer  of  discretion.  A  resident  of  that  district,  whose  name  is 
Rousel,  sent  me  word  that  he  would  conduct  such  a  party  to  the  residence  of  the 
Indians.  It  is  not  likely,  in  a  case  of  surprise,  that  every  description  of  them  could 
escape.  The  possession  of  one,  or  more,  is  assuredly  the  first  step  towards  the  end 
so  much  to  be  desired.  Every  man  who  has  considered  the  nature  of  his  own 
constitution  will  be  at  no  loss  how  to  improve  such  an  advantage.  It  will  be 
confessed  unless  we  would  deny  one  of  the  widest  principles  of  human  nature  that 
benevolent  and  kind  usage  must  excite  sentiments  of  affection  and  gratitude  in  the 
most  uninstructed  part  of  the  human  race.  Could  an  opportunity  be  once  afforded 
of  showing  those  savages  that  we  are  really  well  disposed  towards  them,  the  chief 
difficulty,  in  my  opinion,  would  be  removed. 

I  do  not  think,  sir,  that  a  proclamation  would  have  any  good  effect,  unless  it 
were  followed  up  by  some  strong  measure.  Should  Your  Excellency  resolve  that  a 
party  shall  be  stationed  near  the  resorts  or  residences  of  the  Indians,  in  that  case  it 
would  certainly  be  proper  to  issue  a  proclamation  in  the  vicinity  of  Fogo,  informing 
the  inhabitants  of  the  intention  of  placing  such  a  party  there,  and  holding  out  the 
most  exemplary  punishment  to  all  who  disobey  it.  I  do  not  conceive  any  other 
mode  of  suppressing  the  spirit  of  hostility  uniformly  manifested  by  the  furriers  and 
other  residents  of  that  quarter. 

I  apprehend  that  the  Indians  are  about  this  time  withdrawing  from  the  seaside 
with  such  winter  stock  as  they  have  been  able  to  collect.  In  this  case  Mr  Le  Breton 
may  not  so  readily  fall  in  with  any  of  them  unless  he  could  make  an  inland 
excursion.  But  I  do  not  think  his  party  sufficiently  numerous  nor  does  he  appear 
to  be  provided  for  such  an  enterprise. 

Should  nothing  effectual  result  from  the  present  attempt,  I  see  no  reason  to  be 
discouraged  from  repeating  it.  Indeed  it  is  the  general  opinion  of  persons  who 
must  be  allowed  to  have  the  best  judgement  in  this  case,  that  the  thing  is  very 

1  Presumably  Capt.  Le  Breton  made  a  report  to  the  Governor,  but  I  have  failed  to  find  it  amongst 
the  records  of  Government  House,  or  elsewhere. 


John  Eland's  letters  61 

practicable.  And  it  is  beyond  all  question  that  the  most  salutary  and  happy 
consequences  would  result  from  its  success  as  well  as  to  our  settlers  as  Indians 
themselves. 

The  mind  of  man  naturally  leads  to  where  his  interest  points.  It  is  a  principle 
too  self-evident  to  be  denied.  But,  to  abstract,  sir,  from  all  motives  of  interest,  of 
which  you  can  have  no  share,  and  inlarge  our  view,  how  gratifying  to  Your  Excellency 
the  reflection,  that  you  have  been  chiefly  instrumental  to  a  reconciliation  which  put 
an  end  to  practices  disgraceful  to  a  civilized  people,  ameliorated  the  condition  of  an 
unfortunate  race  of  human  beings,  and  finally  removed  the  cause  of  mischief  and 
distrust  both  on  their  part  and  on  ours. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
With  very  great  respect, 
Your  Excellency's  faithful,  humble  servant, 

(signed)  JOHN  BLAND. 

His  Excellency, 

Charles  Morice  Pole,  Esquire. 


62 


NINETEENTH    CENTURY 

THE  first  quarter  of  this  century  witnessed  the  concluding  chapter  in 
the  sad  history  of  this  poor  child  of  Nature,  the  Beothuck.  So  far  as  can 
be  learned  or  is  ever  likely  to  be  known,  this  ill-treated  race  passed  out 
of  existence  as  mysteriously  as  they  entered  thereupon,  at  least  within  the 
first  half  of  the  century.  Gone,  no  one  knows  whither.  Gone, 

"  Like  the  cloud-rack  of  a  tempest : 
Like  the  withered  leaves  of  Autumn." 

To-day  a  few  mouldering  remains,  hidden  away  under  the  sea-cliffs, 
in  remote  localities,  some  indistinct,  almost  obliterated  circular  hollows 
which  mark  the  sites  of  their  former  habitations,  and  an  occasional  stone 
spear  or  arrow  head  are  all  that  is  left  to  attest  that  such  a  people  ever 
had  an  existence. 

Found  here  by  the  first  European  visitors  in  their  primitive  ignorance 
and  barbarity,  they  remained  in  that  condition  to  within  the  memory  of 
some  persons  still  living,  then  they  disappeared  for  ever.  Perhaps  in  the 
happy  "  Hunting  Grounds "  of  the  hereafter  they  are  now  enjoying  that 
peace  and  rest  denied  them  on  earth.  Who  can  say  ? 

To  quote  from  an  admirable  article  in  the  Maritime  Monthly  Magazine 
of  June,  1875,  by  the  late  Rev.  Moses  Harvey,  entitled  "  Memoirs  of  an 
Extinct  Race," 

"  The  friendly  relations  which  at  first  existed  between  the  White  and  Red  men 
in  Newfoundland,  did  not  long  continue.  The  savage  people  speedily  began  to 
exhibit  a  tendency  to  annex  the  white  man's  goods,  when  an  opportunity  offered  ; 
such  objects  as  knives,  hatchets,  nails,  lines  or  sails  presenting  a  temptation  which 
to  them  was  almost  irresistible.  Their  petty  thefts  were  regarded  by  their  invaders 
as  crimes  of  the  darkest  dye,  quite  sufficient  to  justify  the  unsparing  use  of  the 
strong  arm  for  their  extermination.  The  rude  fishermen,  hunters  and  trappers  of 
those  days  were  a  rough  lawless  order  of  men,  little  disposed  to  try  conciliation  or 
kindness  on  a  tribe  of  savages  whose  presence  in  the  country  was  felt  to  be  an 
annoyance.  That  they  treated  the  poor  Beothucks  with  brutal  cruelty  admits  of  no 
doubt.  In  fact,  for  two  hundred  years  they  seem  to  have  regarded  the  red  men  as 
vermin  to  be  hunted  down  and  destroyed.  We  can  hardly  doubt  that  such  treatment 
provoked  the  red  men  to  deeds  of  fierce  retaliation,  and  that  at  length  '  war  to  the 
knife '  became  the  rule  between  the  two  races.  The  savages,  at  first  mild  and  tractable 
and  disposed  to  maintain  friendly  relations,  became  at  length  the  fierce  and  implacable 
foe  of  the  white  man ;  and  sternly  refused  all  overtures  for  peaceable  intercourse, 
when  at  length  such  offers  were  made  by  a  humane  government.  Deeds  of  wrong 
and  cruelty  were  perpetrated  by  the  invader,  and  followed  by  retaliation  on  the  part 


William  Cull's  narrative,  etc.     Capture  of  Red  Indian  woman    63 

of  the  savages.  In  such  a  conflict  the  weak  must  go  to  the  wall.  Bows,  arrows 
and  clubs  could  avail  little  against  the  fire-arms  of  the  white  man  ;  and  gradually 
their  numbers  were  thinned  ;  they  were  driven  from  the  best  hunting  ground — grounds 
where  for  centuries  their  forefathers  had  trapped  the  beaver  and  pursued  the  reindeer ; 
war,  disease  and  hunger  thinned  their  ranks  ;  and  now  not  a  single  representative  of 
the  red  race  of  Newfoundland  is  known  to  be  in  existence." 

About  this  time  a  reward  having  been  offered  for  the  capture  of  a 
Red  Indian  alive,  at  length  a  fisherman  contrived  to  seize  a  young  female, 
who  was  paddling  in  her  canoe  to  procure  birds'  eggs  from  an  islet  a 
short  distance  from  the  mainland.  This  woman  was  immediately  conveyed 
to  the  capital,  the  fisherman  received  his  reward,  and  the  captive  was 
treated  with  great  humanity,  kindness,  and  attention. 

"The  principal  merchants  and  ladies  of  St  John's  vied  with  each  other  in 
cultivating  her  good  graces ;  and  presents  poured  in  upon  her  from  all  quarters.  She 
seemed  to  be  tolerably  contented  with  her  situation,  when  surrounded  by  a  company 
of  female  visitors ;  but  became  outrageous  if  any  man  approached,  excepting  the 
person  who  deprived  her  of  her  liberty :  to  him  she  was  ever  gentle  and  affectionate. 
Her  body  and  hair  were  stained  of  a  red  colour;  as  it  is  supposed,  by  juice  extracted 
from  the  alder  tree  :  and  from  the  custom  of  dyeing  the  skin  and  hair,  the  nation 
has  acquired  the  appellation  of  Red  Indians1." 

The  records  of  Government  House  contain  the  following  reference  to 
this  woman,  dated  September  I7th,  1803: 

"  William  Cull  having  brought  an  Indian  woman  from  Gander's  Bay  to  this 
Harbour,  I  have  for  his  trouble  and  loss  of  time,  paid  him  the  sum  of  fifty  pounds. 
The  said  William  Cull  also  promised  to  convey  the  woman  back  to  the  spot  from 
whence  she  was  brought  and  to  use  his  endeavours  to  return  her  to  her  friends 
among  the  Indians,  together  with  the  few  articles  of  clothing  which  have  been  given 
her." 

She  remained  with  Cull  the  following  winter,  and  was  not  brought 
back  till  the  next  season.  Chappell  is  authority  for  the  following  state- 
ment, that 

"  The  villain  who  deprived  this  poor  savage  of  her  relations,  her  friends,  and 
her  liberty,  conceived,  and  actually  carried  into  execution  the  diabolical  scheme  of 
murdering  her  on  her  voyage  back,  in  order  to  possess  himself  of  the  baubles  which 
had  been  presented  to  her  by  the  inhabitants  of  St  John's." 

I  do  not  think  this  statement  has  any  real  foundation  on  fact,  as  will 
afterwards  be  made  apparent  from  Cull's  narrative. 

Anspach2  gives  the  fullest  and  clearest  account  of  this  woman  as  she 
appeared  before  a  large  party  of  ladies  and  gentlemen  at  an  entertainment 
given  at  Government  House,  as  follows  : 

"  Another  remarkable  occurrence  assisted  likewise  in  giving  employment  to  the 
public  curiosity,  and  attention.  It  was  the  arrival  of  a  female  native  Indian  of 
Newfoundland,  brought  in  by  the  master  of  a  vessel,  who  had  seized  her  by  surprise 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Bay  of  Exploits.  She  was  of  a  copper  colour,  with 
black  eyes,  and  hair  much  like  the  hair  of  an  European.  She  showed  a  passionate 
fondness  for  children.  Being  introduced  into  a  large  assembly  by  Governor  Gambier, 

1  Voyage  of  H.M.S.  Rosamond  by  Lieut.  Edward  Chappell,  R.N.,  London,  1818. 

2  History  of  Newfoundland,  by  Lewis  Amadaus,  Anspach  1818. 


64  Description  of  Indian  Woman,  etc. 

never  were  astonishment  or  pleasure  more  strongly  depicted  in  a  human  countenance 
than  hers  exhibited.  After  having  walked  through  the  room  between  the  Governor 
and  the  General,  whose  gold  ornaments  and  feathers  seemed  to  attract  her  attention 
in  a  particular  manner,  she  squatted  on  the  floor  holding  fast  a  bundle,  in  which 
were  her  fur  clothes,  which  she  would  not  suffer  to  be  taken  away  from  her.  She 
looked  at  the  musicians  as  if  she  wished  to  be  near  them.  A  gentleman  took  her 
by  the  hand,  pointing  to  them  at  the  same  time ;  she  perfectly  understood  his 
meaning,  went  through  the  crowd,  sat  with  them  for  a  short  time,  and  then  expressed 
in  her  way  a  wish  for  retiring.  She  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  dance,  although 
she  seemed  inclined  to  do  so.  She  was  every  where  treated  with  the  greatest 
kindness,  and  appeared  to  be  sensible  of  it.  Being  allowed  to  take  in  the  shops 
whatever  struck  her  fancy.  She  showed  a  decided  preference  for  bright  colours, 
accepted  what  was  given  her,  but  would  not  for  a  moment  leave  hold  of  her  bundle, 
keenly  resenting  any  attempt  to  take  it  from  her.  She  was  afterwards  sent  back  to 
the  spot  from  whence*  she  had  been  taken,  with  several  presents ;  and  a  handsome 
remuneration  was  given  to  the  master  of  the  vessel  who  had  brought  her  with  strict 
charge  to  take  every  possible  care  for  her  safety1." 

Bonnycastle  says  of  this  female :  "  She  was  stained  both  body  and 
hair,  of  a  red  colour,  as  it  is  supposed  from  the  juice  of  the  Alder,  and 
was  not  very  uneasy  in  her  new  situation  when  in  the  presence  of  her 
own  sex  only,  but  would  not  permit  any  men  to  approach  her,  except  her 
enslaver,  to  whom  (which  speaks  volumes  for  him)  she  was  ever  gentle 
and  affectionate." 


Letter  from    William  Cull  to  the  Governor. 

(Dated)  FOGO,  Sept.  27,  1804. 
Addressed  to  Mr  Trounsell, 

Admiral's  Secretary. 

Sir, 

This  is  to  inform  you  that  I  could  get  no  men  until  the  28th  day  of 
August,  when  we  proceeded  with  the  Indian  to  the  Bay  of  Exploits  and  went  with 
her  up  the  river  as  far  as  we  possibly  could,  for  want  of  more  strength  ;  and  there 
let  her  remain  ten  days,  and  when  I  returned  the  rest  of  the  Indians  had  carried 
her  off  in  the  country.  I  would  not  wish  to  have  any  more  hand  with  the  Indians 
unless  you  will  send  round  and  insure  payment  for  a  number  of  men  to  go  in  the 
country  in  the  winter.  The  people  do  not  hold  with  civilizing  the  Indians,  as  they 
think  they  will  kill  more  than  they  did  before. 

(signed)  WM.  CULL. 

Proclamation  by  His  Excellency  John  Holloway,  Esq.,  Vice- Admiral  of  the 
"Red"  Governor  and  Commander -in- Chief  of  the  Island  of  Newfound- 
land, etc. 

It  having  been  represented  to  me  that  various  acts  of  violence  and  inhuman 
cruelties,  have  been,  at  different  times,  committed  by  some  of  the  people  employed 
as  Furriers,  or  otherwise,  upon  the  Indians,  the  original  Inhabitants  of  this  Island, 
residing  in  the  interior  parts  thereof,  contrary  to  every  principle  of  religion  and 

1  She  was  first  placed  under  the  care  of  Mr  Andrew  Pearce,  a  gentleman  at  Fogo,  who  hired 
men  to  take  her  back  to  her  tribe. 


Governor  Holloway  s  proclamation  65 

humanity,  and  in  direct  violation  of  His  Majesty's  mild  and  beneficial  Instructions 
to  me  respecting  this  poor  defenceless  tribe.  I  hereby  issue  this  my  Proclamation, 
warning  all  persons  whatsoever,  from  being  guilty  of  acts  of  cruelty,  violence,  outrage 
and  robbery  against  them,  and  if  any  Person  or  Persons  shall  be  found  after  this 
Proclamation,  to  act  in  violation  of  it,  they  will  be  punished  to  the  utmost  rigor  of 
the  law,  the  same  as  if  it  had  been  committed  against  myself,  or  any  other  of  His 
Majesty's  Subjects.  And  all  those  who  may  have  any  intercourse  or  trade  with  the 
said  Indians,  are  hereby  earnestly  entreated  to  conduct  themselves  with  peaceableness 
and  mildness  towards  them,  and  use  their  utmost  endeavours  to  live  in  kindness  and 
friendship  with  them  that  they  may  be  conciliated  and  induced  to  come  among  us 
as  Brethren,  when  the  public,  as  well  as  themselves,  will  be  benefited  by  their  being 
brought  to  a  state  of  civilization,  social  order,  and  to  a  blessed  knowledge  of  the 
Christian  Religion.  And  I  hereby  offer  a  Reward  of  Fifty  Pounds  to  such  person 
or  persons  as  shall,  be  able  to  induce  or  persuade  any  of  the  male  Tribe  of  Native 
Indians  to  attend  them  to  the  Town  of  St  John's,  as  also  all  expenses  attending 
their  journey  or  passage.  The  same  Reward  shall  be  paid  to  any  person  who  shall 
give  information  of  any  murder  committed  upon  the  bodies  of  the  aforesaid  Indians 
and  being  proved  upon  the  oath  of  one  or  more  credible  witnesses. 

I  therefore  call  upon  all  Magistrates  and  other  Officers  of  Justice,  to  promote 
to  the  utmost  of  their  power,  the  intention  of  this  Proclamation,  by  apprehending 
and  bringing  to  justice  all  persons  offending  against  the  same. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  Fort  Townshend, 

St  John's,  Newfoundland,  the  3Oth  July,   1807, 

J.  HOLLO  WAY. 

By  Command  of  His  Excellency, 
G.  MacBean. 

Mr  Eland's  fourth  letter. 

BONAVISTA, 

22nd  September,   1807. 

Sir, 

Since  my  return  hither  I  have  learnt  that  an  Indian  Canoe  had  been 
taken  on  the  North  part  of  this  Island  and  carried  to  St  John's  and  that  enquiries 
had  been  made  respecting  the  manner  by  which  our  Fishermen  had  become  possessed 
of  this  Boat.  From  all  I  can  learn  of  this  transaction,  as  the  Fishermen  concerned 
in  it  belong  to  Bonavista,  no  other  mischief  happened  than  that  of  depriving  the 
poor  Indians  of  their  Canoe. 

Government  has  frequently  expressed  a  wish  that  some  means  could  be  suggested 
of  effecting  a  friendly  intercourse  between  our  People,  and  the  Native  Indians  of 
this  Island,  but  nothing  serious  has  hitherto  been  attempted  towards  so  desirable  an 
end. 

Without  reference  to  correspondence  with  former  Governors  on  this  subject  I 
will  take  the  liberty  to  propose  to  Your  Excellency  that  a  small  and  select  military 
party  be  stationed  in  the  Bay  of  Exploits  with  a  guide  during  the  winter  season 
and  should  it  afterwards  be  found  necessary  one  of  the  King's  schooners  during  the 
summer  months  when  the  Indians  resort  to  the  sea  coast  in  order  to  provide  food 
for  the  winter.  It  is  during  this  period  that  they  are  often  met  by  the  Northern 
Fishermen  and  unhappily  interrupted  in  their  endeavours  to  make  this  provision. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  under  present  management  that  one  at  least  of  the  two 
modes  proposed  would  be  successful  in  securing  some  of  these  savages,  and  common 
sense  would  then  suggest  what  was  further  necessary  to  conciliate  their  good  will 
and  improve  the  intercourse. 

The  good  to  result  from  a  successful  attempt  at  conciliation  must  be  an  end  to 
a  long  course  of  hostilities  between  our  Savages  and  the  native  Savages  of  this 

H.  9 


66 

Island,  in  which  many  lives  on  both  sides  have  been  lost,  and  I  am  sorry  to  add, 
there  is  too  much  reason  to  believe  that  the  mischief  with  respect  to  the  latter  has 
been  more  extensive  than  is  generally  known. 

That  the  condition  of  these  unfortunate  Savages  would  be  considerably  ameliorated 
by  an  intercourse  with  us  can  admit  of  no  doubt,  for  they  are  an  ingenious  people, 
as  all  they  do  plainly  evinces. 

It  would  be  useless,  Sir,  to  enter  upon  long  descriptions  of  this  question.  Your 
Excellency  I  am  sure,  independently  of  the  pleasure  of  doing  good,  must  discover 
the  general  advantage  of  effecting  the  measure  proposed. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

Sir, 
Your  Excellency's  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

JOHN  BLAND. 
His  Excellency, 

John  Holloway,  Esq.,  etc. 

From  Governor  Holloway  to  John  Bland,  Esq. 

October  $th,  1807. 

I  am  favoured  with  your  letter  respecting  canoe  which  some  Fishermen  had 
inhumanely  taken  from  the  Native  Indians  of  this  Island,  and  as  the  offenders  are 
discovered,  Lieut.  McKillop  has  direction  to  bring  them  to  this  place  where  they 
will  be  tried  for  the  same,  and  dealt  with  according  to  law.  I  feel  much  with  you 
a  desire  to  make  some  attempt  to  conciliate  the  minds  of  those  poor  wretches,  and 
I  have  made  a  proposition  to  H.  M.  Ministers  on  that  subject,  which  I  hope  will  be 
attended  to  next  summer,  when  I  shall  be  happy  to  receive  from  you  any  further 
advice  as  to  the  best  means  of  attaining  an  intercourse  with  these  people. 

Governor  Holloway  s  letter  to   Viscount  Castlereagk1. 

WARNE'S  HOTEL, 

7.oth  May,  1808. 
My  Lord, 

I  have  the  honour  to  lay  before  Your  Lordship,  a  copy  of  a  Procla- 
mation issued  by  me  last  year  at  Newfoundland  respecting  the  Native  Indians  upon 
that  Island.  His  Majesty's  Instructions  to  the  Governors  have  at  all  times  directed 
that  particular  attention  should  be  paid  to  these  ignorant  people,  by  endeavouring  to 
bring  them  to  a  state  of  Civilization  and  friendly  intercourse ;  and  although  every 
attempt  to  obtain  this  desirable  end  has  hitherto  failed  on  account  of  the  cruelties 
that  have  heretofore  been  committed  upon  them  I  feel  it  imperiously  my  Duty  to 
persevere  in  this  humane  attempt  and  therefore  submit  the  following  ideas  which 
have  occurred  to  me,  for  your  Lordship's  consideration,  viz. : — 

To  have  Paintings  representing  the  Indians  and  Europeans  in  a  Group,  each  in 
the  usual  Dress  of  their  Country,  the  Indians  bringing  Furs,  etc.  to  traffic  with  the 
Europeans,  who  should  be  offering  Blankets,  Hatchets,  etc.  in  exchange.  These 
pictures  to  be  taken  (by  an  Officer  Commanding  one  of  the  Schooners)  to  the  place 
usually  resorted  to  by  the  Indians,  and  left  with  a  small  quantity  of  European  goods 
and  Trinkets,  and  when  taken  away  by  the  Indians  to  be  replaced  by  another 
supply. 

A  Guide  (who  is  well  acquainted  with  the  Country)  also  to  be  employed,  the 
expense  of  whom  would  probably  amount  to  Thirty  Pounds,  and  the  Blankets, 

1  Records,  vide  Vol.   19,  p.   171. 


Governor  Holloway  s  letter  to  Viscount  Castlereagh          67 

Hatchets,  etc.  to  fifty  Pounds  more.  Should  this  conciliatory  overture  fail  the  first 
year  I  think  it  might  be  advisable  to  repeat  it  a  second  ;  because  these  poor  wretches 
have  been  so  long  ill  treated  that  it  may  perhaps  take  some  time  to  wean  their 
minds  from  the  strong  impression  of  mistrust  which  they  have  imbibed  from  suffering 
repeated  cruelties. 

I  suspect  that  the  parties  hitherto  employed  on  this  Service  have  purloined  the 
Articles  intended  to  have  been  given  to  the  Indians  and  have  claimed  remuneration 
for  pretended  endeavours  of  effecting  a  social  intercourse  and  friendship,  which  they 
have  never  attempted  ;  or  certainly  so  great  an  Inveteracy  and  Warfare  could  not 
have  continued  for  so  many  years,  as  we  have  had  possession  of  that  Island,  without 
effecting  the  least  step  towards  a  good  understanding  between  us  and  them  ? 
Waiting  Your  Lordship's  opinions  and  Determination  on  this  subject. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

My  Lord, 
Your  Lordship's  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

J.  HOLLOWAY. 
The  Right  Honourable, 

Viscount  Castlereagh,  etc. 

2Oth  May,  1808.  A  similar  letter  to  the  preceding,  which  is  addressed 
to  Lord  Castlereagh,  was  sent  the  same  day  to  Sir  T.  Cottrell,  to  be  laid 
before  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  of  Council  for 
Trade  and  Foreign  Plantations,  with  a  copy  of  the  Proclamation  respecting 
the  Indians  of  Newfoundland. 

The  Governor's  suggestion  as  to  the  picture  was  carried  out,  and  it 
appears  from  the  Colonial  Records  that  he  received  it  at  Portsmouth  before 
leaving  for  Newfoundland. 

June  1 3th,  1808.  Governor  Holloway  writes  to  Mr  Faukener  (Sec. 
of  the  Board  of  Trade)  from  Portsmouth.  "  Picture  from  Mr.  Reeves  not 
yet  arrived."  And  on  June  i4th  /o8  "  Picture  arrived."  (Col.  Records.) 

Governor  Holloway  s  reference  to  this  expedition. 

June  8th,  1808.  Sundries  purchased  for  the  use  of  the  Native  Indians 
of  Newfoundland: 

40  prs.  Blankets  @  io/  20     o     o 

20     „           „          @  1 1/  ii     o    o 

24  yds.  crimson  coating                                               7/6  900 

36     „                    baize                                                 1/9  33° 

30  Red  baize  shirts                                                      7/  io  io     o 

6  doz.  glass  bead  necklaces                                        3/  18     o 

4     „         „         „             „                                              4/  l6    ° 

1 8  Tin  pots                                                                  1/6  170 

24  Helved  Hatchets                                                    1/9  220 

12         „              „                                                           2/9  i    13     o 

12  Pottery                                                                       2/  140 

i   cwt.  7  in.  nails  2   10     o 

64     3     o 

Unexpended  35   17     o 

£100    o    o 

9—2 


68  Lieutenant  Spratfs  expedition 

Nov.  1 9th,  1808.  The  Governor  writes:  "I  am  concerned  at  being 
disappointed  in  my  endeavours  to  open  an  amicable  intercourse  with  the 
Native  Indians  of  Newfoundland,  and  to  show  their  Lordships  what  steps 
1  have  taken  for  this  desirable  purpose,  I  beg  leave  to  annex  a  copy  of 
my  orders  to  Lieut.  Spratt,  together  with  a  list  of  the  articles  thought 
necessary  for  this  service,  but  the  Native  Indians  have  not  been  seen  on 
the  sea  coast  this  year.  The  same  Officer  is  now  under  my  orders  to 
proceed  again  to  Bay  of  Exploits  as  early  as  the  ice  permits  with  the 
painting  and  the  articles  he  carried  this  year,  all  of  which  were  brought 
back  and  are  now  deposited  in  the  Court  House  at  St.  John's.  The 
Micmac  Indians  who  frequent  the  Island  of  Newfoundland  from  Cape 
Breton  or  Nova  Scotia  are  at  enmity  with  this  unfortunate  race  of  Natives, 
but  I  have  taken  steps  to  forbid  their  coming  at  all,  being  only  plunderers 
and  destroyers  of  the  Beaver  and  other  animals  to  the  extinction  of  the 
species  by  taking  them  at  improper  times." 

To  Admiral  Holloway  from  M.  Faukener,  Dec.  2nd,  1808.  I  lament  that  the 
united  efforts  of  our  friend  Reeves  and  Miss  Cuoran  could  not  tame  and  catch  a 
single  Indian. 

"In  1809  Lieut.  Spratt  was  again  ordered  by  Governor  Holloway 
to  proceed  in  an  armed  schooner  to  the  Bay  of  Exploits  and  neighbouring 
parts,  in  order  to  attempt  a  communication  with  the  native  savages  of  the 
Island.  He  carried  with  him  several  articles  which  were  intended  as 
presents  for  them,  and  a  large  painting1,  which  represented  an  officer  of 
the  Royal  Navy  in  full  dress  shaking  hands  with  an  Indian  chief,  and 
pointing  to  a  party  of  seamen  behind  him  who  were  laying  some  bales 
of  goods  at  the  feet  of  the  chief.  Behind  the  latter  were  some  male  and 
female  Indians  presenting  furs  to  the  officers.  Further  to  the  left  were 
seen  an  European  and  an  Indian  mother  looking  with  delight  at  their 
respective  children  of  the  same  size,  who  were  embracing  one  another. 
In  the  opposite  corner  a  British  tar  was  courting,  in  his  way,  an  Indian 
beauty. 

"  The  importance  of  this  attempt,  and  promise  of  promotion  were 
sufficient  inducements  to  Mr.  Spratt  to  use  every  possible  exertion  in  order 
to  bring  the  enterprise  to  a  successful  issue.  He  was  however  disappointed. 
Notwithstanding  his  zeal  and  activity,  he  could  not  meet  with  any  of  the 
tribe ;  and  after  having  remained  the  appointed  time  on  that  station,  he 
returned  to  St.  John's."  (Anspach.) 

The  picture  referred  to  above  was  Governor  Holloway's  idea  which 
he  communicated  to  Lord  Castlereagh,  when  he  was  appointed  Governor. 
It  was  painted  in  England,  and  sent  down  in  a  coach  to  Portsmouth  to 
the  Governor,  who  brought  it  out  with  him.  Lieut.  Spratt  carried  it  back 
to  St  John's,  where  it  was  lodged  in  the  Court  House2. 

Before  leaving  the  country  in  1809,  Governor  Holloway  employed 
William  Cull  and  several  other  men  to  make  a  winter  journey  into  the 

1  Referred  to  on  preceding  pages. 

2  I  have  used  every  effort  to  trace  this  picture,  but  without  success.     The  accompanying  sketch 
is  a  reproduction  from  a  description  by  a  local  artist,  Mr  John  Haywood. 


Plate  IV 


pq 


u 


C^il^s  narrative  69 

interior  of  the  country  in  quest  of  the  Red  Indians.  These  men,  though 
they  did  not  fall  in  with  any  of  them,  yet  came  across  some  interesting 
evidences  of  their  existing  in  some  numbers  in  this  island,  also  of  their 
means  of  support  and  their  modes  of  life.  (Pedley1.) 

In  1810  Sir  Thomas  Duckworth,  Governor,  reissued  the  Proclamation 
of  Commodore  Duff.  (Anspach.)  Bonnycastle  says  "he  published  a  new 
Proclamation  for  the  protection  of  the  Red  Indians,  and  in  the  year 
following  also  another,  offering  a  reward  of  one  hundred  pounds  to  any 
person  who  should  bring  about  a  friendly  understanding  with  them." 

Substance  of  the  Narrative  of  Wm  Cull  of  Fogo. 

On  January  ist,  1810,  Wm  Cull,  John  Cull,  Joseph  Meww,  John 
Waddy,  Wm  Waddy,  Thomas  Lewis,  James  Foster,  and  two  of  the 
Micmac  Indians,  set  out  upon  the  River  Exploits,  then  frozen  over,  in 
quest  of  the  residence  of  the  native  Indians,  in  the  interior  of  the  country. 
On  the  fourth  day,  having  travelled  about  sixty  miles,  they  discovered  a 
building  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  about  forty  or  fifty  feet  long  and  nearly 
as  wide.  It  was  constructed  of  wood,  and  covered  with  rinds  of  trees 
and  skins  of  deer.  In  this  building  they  found  in  quantity  about  100  deer, 
some  part  of  which  from  its  extreme  fatness  must  have  been  obtained  early 
in  the  fall.  The  fat  venison  was  in  junks  entirely  divested  of  bone,  and 
stowed  in  boxes  made  of  birch  and  spruce  rinds,  each  box  containing 
about  2  cwt.  The  tongues  and  hearts  of  the  deer  were  stowed  in 
the  middle  of  each  package.  The  lean  venison,  or  that  more  recently 
killed,  was  in  quarters  and  stowed  in  bulk,  some  part  of  it,  with  the  skin 
on.  In  this  store  they  saw  three  lids  of  tin  tea  kettles,  which  Cull  believes 
to  be  the  same  given  by  Governor  Gambier  to  the  old  Indian  woman, 
taken  in  the  second  year  of  his  Government.  They  also  found  several 
martin,  beaver  and  deer  skins,  some  of  which  were  dressed  after  the  manner 
of  our  furriers.  On  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river  stood  a  second  store 
house  considerably  larger  than  the  former,  but  they  did  not  examine  it, 
the  ice  being  broken  and  the  passage  across  being  attended  with  some 
risk.  They  believe  the  width  of  the  Exploits  in  this  place  to  be  nearly 
two  hundred  yards.  In  exchange  for  three  small  beaver-skins  and  nine 
martins,  they  left  one  pair  of  swan-skin  trousers,  one  pair  of  yarn  stockings, 
three  cotton  handkerchiefs,  three  clasped  knives,  two  hatchets,  .some  small 
bits  of  printed  cotton,  needles,  pins,  thread  and  twine.  They  saw  two  of 
the  natives  on  their  way  to  this  store-house,  but  unfortunately  they  dis- 
covered the  party  and  retired.  The  two  store-houses  above  mentioned 
are  opposite  each  other,  and  from  the  margin  of  the  river  on  each  side 
there  extended  for  some  miles  into  the  country  a  high  fence  for  the 
purpose  of  leading  the  deer  to  the  river,  as  these  animals  travelled  south 
or  north.  Along  the  margin  of  the  river  in  the  neighbourhood  of  these 
store-houses  were  erected  extensive  fences  on  each  side,  in  order  to  prevent 
the  deer,  when  they  had  taken  the  water,  from  landing.  It  appears  that 
as  soon  as  a  company  of  deer,  few  or  many,  enter  the  river  in  order  to 

1  History  of  Newfoundland  by  Rev.  Chas  Pedley,  1863. 


/o     Governor  Duckworth's  proclamation  and  offer  of  reward 

pass  south  or  north,  the  Indians,  who  are  upon  the  watch  launch  their 
canoes,  and  the  parallel  fences  preventing  the  relanding  of  the  deer,  they 
fall  an  easy  prey  to  their  pursuers,  and  the  buildings  above  mentioned  are 
depots  for  their  reception.  From  these  store-houses  the  Indians  occasionally 
draw  their  supplies  in  the  winter. 

Cull  and  his  companions  conjecture  that  the  residence  of  the  Indians 
could  not  be  very  remote  from  these  magazines,  but  want  of  bread  and 
some  difference  of  opinion  among  the  party  prevented  them  from  exploring 
further. 

Governor  Sir  John  Thomas  Duckworth,  K.C.B.,  visited  the  Labrador 
in  the  summer  of  this  year  1810,  and  issued  a  Proclamation  to  the  native 
inhabitants  thereof,  warning  them  to  live  on  terms  of  friendship  with  the 
Indians  of  Newfoundland. 

Proclamation. 

WHEREAS,  it  is  the  gracious  pleasure  of  His  Majesty  the  king,  my  master 
that  all  kindness  should  be  shown  to  you  in  his  island  of  Newfoundland,  and  that 
all  persons  of  all  nations  at  friendship  with  him  should  be  considered  in  this  respect 
as  his  own  subjects,  and  equally  claiming  his  protection  while  they  are  within  his 
dominions,  as  your  brothers,  always  ready  to  do  you  service,  to  redress  your 
grievances,  and  to  relieve  you  in  your  distress.  In  the  same  light  also  are  you  to 
consider  the  native  Indians  of  this  island :  they  too  are  equally  with  ourselves  under 
the  protection  of  our  King  and  therefore  equally  entitled  to  our  friendship.  You  are 
entreated  to  behave  to  them  on  all  occasions  as  you  would  do  to  ourselves.  You 
know  that  we  are  your  friends,  and  as  they  too  are  our  friends,  we  beg  you  to  be 
at  peace  with  each  other ;  and  withall,  you  are  hereby  warned  that  the  safety  of 
these  Indians  is  so  precious  to  His  Majesty,  who  is  always  the  support  of  the 
feeble;  that  if  one  of  ourselves,  were  to  do  them  wrong  he  would  be  punished  as 
certainly  and  as  severely  as  if  the  injury  had  been  done  to  the  greatest  among  his 
own  people ;  and  he  who  dares  to  murder  any  one  of  them  would  be  surely  punished 
with  death.  Your  own  safety  is  in  the  same  manner  provided  for.  See  therefore 
that  you  do  no  injury  to  them.  If  an  Englishman  were  known  to  murder  the 
poorest  and  the  meanest  of  your  Indians,  his  death  would  be  the  punishment  of  his 
crime.  Do  you  not,  therefore,  deprive  any  one  of  our  friends  the  native  Indians  of 
his  life,  or  it  will  be  answered  with  the  life  of  him  who  has  been  guilty  of  the 
murder1. 

(signed)  JOHN  DUCKWORTH. 

At  the  same  time  Governor  Duckworth  offered  a  reward  of  ^"100  to 
any  one  who  should  zealously  and  meritoriously  exert  himself  to  bring 
about  and  establish  on  a  firm  and  settled  footing  an  intercourse  with  the 
natives.  He  further  promised  to  such  person  that  he  should  be  honour- 
ably mentioned  to  his  Majesty,  and  should  find  from  the  Governor  such 
countenance  and  further  encouragement  as  might  be  in  His  Excellency's 
power  to  give.  (Pedley.) 

This  same  year  1810  an  armed  schooner,  the  Adonis,  was  sent  in 
command  of  Lieut.  Buchan  to  renew  the  attempt  to  open  up  communi- 
cation with  the  Indians.  The  schooner  proceeded  with  •  a  considerable 

1  This   proclamation  was   evidently  addressed  to  the  Mountaineer  or  Nascoppi  of  Labrador  or 
Northern  extremity  of  Newfoundland. 


Lietit.  Buchan"  s  expedition.     Duckworth's  proclamation       71 

quantity  of  such  articles  as  were  supposed  to  be  acceptable  to  them. 
Buchan  remained  in  the  Bay  of  Exploits  during  the  months  of  August 
and  September,  without  seeing  anything  of  the  Indians.  (Anspach.) 

Buchan  decided  to  winter  here,  and  proceed  up  the  river  on  the  ice 
in  search  of  them.  His  vessel  was  anchored  in  Ship  Cove  (now  Botwood) 
and  made  secure  for  the  winter  by  heavy  chains  passed  around  the  trunks 
of  stout  trees  on  shore.  Some  of  these  stumps  were  to  be  seen  when 
first  I  visited  the  Exploits  River  now  some  thirty-four  years  ago.  They 
were  studded  all  around  with  brass  nails  to  prevent  the  chains  from  chafing 
through. 

NOTE.  Anspach  believes  the  Bay  and  River  Exploits  was  probably  so  called, 
"from  successful  rencounters  with  the  native  Indians  who  frequented  this  locality  so 
much."  He  also  says  that  Fogo  Island  was  much  frequented  by  them,  in  search  of 
birds  and  eggs,  especially  the  Penguin  Rocks  near  it,  where  the  great  Auk  formerly 
bred  in  such  numbers. 


In  the  name  of  His  Majesty,  King  George  the   Third. 

Proclamation 1. 

WHEREAS  the  Native  Indians  of  this  Island  have  by  the  ill  treatment  they 
have  received  from  mischievous  and  wicked  Persons  been  driven  from  all  communi- 
cation with  His  Majesty's  subjects  and  forced  to  take  refuge  in  the  woods  and  have 
continually  resisted  all  efforts  that  have  since  been  made  to  invite  them  to  a  friendly 
intercourse,  and  Whereas  it  is  His  Majesty's  gracious  pleasure  that  every  exertion 
should  still  be  used  to  accomplish  an  end  so  desirable,  for  the  sake  of  humanity. 
All  persons  are  hereby  enjoined  and  required  on  meeting  with  any  of  these  Indians 
or  of  those  who  may  resort  to  Newfoundland  to  treat  them  with  kindness  so  as  to 
conciliate  their  affections,  and  induce  them  to  come  among  us  and  live  in  friendship 
with  us,  And  as  a  reward  to  any  Person  who  shall  zealously  and  meritoriously  exert 
himself  as  to  bring  about  and  establish  on  a  firm  and  settled  footing  an  intercourse 
so  much  to  be  desired  he  shall  for  the  great  service  which  he  will  thereby  have 
rendered  to  His  Majesty  and  to  the  cause  of  humanity  receive  the  sum  of  One 
Hundred  Pounds  and  shall  moreover  be  honourably  mentioned  to  His  Majesty  and 
shall  find  such  countenance  from  the  Governor  and  such  further  encouragement  as 
it  may  be  in  his  power  to  give.  Or  if  the  exertions  of  any  person  shall  so  far  only 
succeed  as  to  afford  the  probable  means  of  effecting  this  object  and  as  inducing  a 
single  Indian  to  communicate  with  us,  through  whom  something  more  might  be 
accomplished,  or  if  any  one  shall  discover  their  place  of  resort  so  as  that  an  attempt 
may  be  made  to  treat  with  them,  such  person  shall  receive  such  lesser  reward  as 
the  Governor  shall  deem  adequate,  and  his  services  shall  be  acknowledged  as  they 
may  deserve.  And  all  Officers  and  Magistrates  are  commanded  and  enjoined  to 
maintain  and  support  good  order  and  behaviour  towards  the  said  Indians,  and  in 
case  any  Person  or  Persons  shall  murder  or  commit  any  outrage  upon  them  to  use 
their  utmost  endeavours  to  apprehend  such  offenders  and  bring  them  to  justice. 

Given  at  Fort  Townshend,  St  John's,  Newfoundland,  this  first  day  of  August, 
1 8 10. 

J.  T.  DUCKWORTH. 

By  Command  of  His  Excellency, 
R.  C.  Sconce. 

1  Governor's  Proclamation  respecting  the  Native  Indians. 


72  L^e^it.  Bucharis  narrative  of  his  journey 


Narrative  of  Lieut.  Bucharis  Journey  up  the  Exploits  River  In  search 
of  the  Red  Indians,  in  the  winter  of  1810-1811. 

Saturday,  January  I2th,  1811. — On  the  eve  of  this  date  my  arrange- 
ments were  closed,  and  every  necessary  preparation  made  to  advance  into 
the  interior,  for  the  purpose  of  endeavouring  to  accomplish  the  grand 
object  of  your  orders,  relative  to  the  Native  Indians  of  this  Island.  For 
this  service  I  employed  William  Cull  and  Mathew  Hughster  as  guides, 
attended  by  twenty  three  men  and  a  boy  of  the  crew  of  his  Majesty's 
schooner,  and  Thomas  Taylor,  a  man  in  Mr.  Miller's  employ,  and  well 
acquainted  with  this  part  of  the  country. 

The  provisions,  arms  and  other  requisite  articles,  together  with  presents 
for  the  Indians,  were  packed  on  twelve  sledges,  and  consisted  of  as 
follows: — bread  850  Ibs.,  sugar  100  Ibs.,  cocoa  34  Ibs.,  pork  660  Ibs.,  salt 
fish  30  Ibs.,  spirits  60  gals.,  equal  to  480  Ibs.,  rice  30  Ibs.,  tea  6  Ibs.,  tare 
of  casks  and  packages  500  Ibs.,  ships  muskets,  seven  ;  fowling  pieces,  three  ; 
pistols,  six ;  cut  lasses,  six  ;  with  cartouch  boxes  and  ammunition  equal  to 
270  Ibs.  ;  ten  axes,  and  culinary  utensils,  forty  pounds.  Presents  for  the 
Indians ;  blankets,  30,  woollen  wrappers  nine ;  flannel  shirts  eighteen ; 
hatchets  twenty  six ;  tin  pots,  ten ;  with  beads,  thread,  knives,  needles, 
and  other  trifles,  equal  to  180  Ibs.  The  sledges  with  their  lashings  and 
drag  ropes  are  estimated  at  240  Ibs.  One  lower  studding  sail  and  painted 
canvas  covers  for  the  sledges,  120  Ibs.,  spare  snow  shoes,  Buskins,  vamps, 
cuffs  and  28  knapsacks,  eighty  pounds ;  making  independent  of  a  small 
quantity  of  baggage  allowed  to  each  individual,  3,620  pounds. 

Jan.  1 3th. — Wind  NW.,  blowing  strong;  at  7A.M.  commenced  our 
march ;  in  crossing  the  arm  from  the  schooner  to  Little  Peter's  Point 
which  is  two  miles,  we  found  it  extremely  cold,  and  the  snow  drifting, 
and  the  sledges  heavy  to  haul  from  the  sloppiness  of  the  ice,  but  having 
rounded  the  Point  we  became  sheltered  from  the  wind  until  reaching 
Wigwam  Point,  which  is  two  miles  further  up  on  the  north  side ;  here 
the  river  turns  to  the  northward  ;  a  mile  farther  on  is  Mr.  Miller's  upper 
salmon  station ;  the  winter  crew  have  their  house  on  the  south  shore. 
3  P.M.,  having  reached  the  remains  of  a  house  occupied  by  Wm.  Cull 
last  winter  we  put  up  for  the  night,  our  distance  made  good  being  but 
eight  miles  in  as  many  hours  travelling.  The  night  proved  so  intensely 
cold,  with  light  snow  at  times,  that  none  of  our  party  could  refresh" 
themselves  with  sleep. 

Jan.  1 4th. — Wind  NW.,  with  sharp  piercing  weather.  Renewed  our 
journey  with  dawn,  not  sorry  to  leave  a  place  in  which  we  had  passed 
so  intolerable  a  night.  Having  proceeded  on  two  miles,  we  came  to  the 
Nutt  Islands,  four  in  number,  situated  in  the  middle  of  that  river,  a 
mile  above  these  is  the  first  rattle  or  small  waterfall,  as  far  as  the  eye 
could  discern  up  the  river,  nothing  but  ridgy  ice  appeared,  its  aspect 
almost  precluded  the  possibility  of  conveying  the  sledges  along ;  but 
determined  to  surmount  all  practicable  difficulties,  I  proceeded  on  with 
the  guides  to  choose  among  the  hollows  those  most  favorable.  3  P.M.  put 


up  the  Exploits  River  73 

up  on  the  north  side,  and  fenced  round  the  fireplace  for  shelter.  This 
day's  laborious  journey  I  computed  to  be  seven  miles ;  the  crew,  from 
excessive  fatigue,  and  the  night  somewhat  milder  than  last,  enjoyed  some 
sleep.  Left  a  cask  with  bread,  pork,  cocoa  and  sugar  for  two  days,  to 
be  used  on  our  return. 

Jan.  1 5th. — Blowing  fresh  from  WNW.  to  NNW.  with  snow  at 
times ;  the  river  winding  from  W.  to  NW.  At  3  P.M.  stopped  on  the 
north  bank  for  the  night,  one  mile  above  the  Rattling  Brook,  which 
empties  itself  into  this  river.  On  the  south  side,  on  the  western  bank 
of  its  entrance,  we  discovered  a  canoe  which  I  observed  to  be  one  that 
belonged  to  the  Canadians  who  had  resided  at  Wigwam  Point.  This 
day's  journey  exhibited  the  same  difficulties  as  yesterday,  having  frequently 
to  advance  a  party  to  cut  and  level,  in  some  degree,  the  ridges  of  ice 
to  admit  the  sledges  to  pass  from  one  gulf  to  another,  and  to  fill  up 
the  hollows  to  prevent  them  from  being  precipitated  so  violently  as  to 
be  dashed  to  pieces ;  but  notwithstanding  the  utmost  care,  the  lashings, 
from  the  constant  friction,  frequently  gave  way  ;  and  in  the  evening,  most 
of  the  sledges  had  to  undergo  some  repair  and  fresh  packing.  Fenced 
the  fire-place  in ;  at  supper  the  people  appeared  in  good  spirits ;  the 
weather  milder ;  fatigue  produced  a  tolerable  night's  rest.  The  day's  dis- 
tance is  estimated  to  be  seven  miles. 

Jan.  1 6th. — Strong  breezes  from  NNW.  with  sharp  frost.  Began  our 
journey  with  the  day.  Several  of  the  sledges  gave  way,  which  delayed  us 
a  considerable  time.  At  1 1  A.M.  discovered  two  old  wigwams  on  the  north 
bank  of  the  river ;  although  they  did  not  appear  to  have  been  lately  in- 
habited, yet  there  were  some  indications  of  the  natives  having  been  here 
this  fall.  2  P.M.  Having  reached  the  lower  extremity  of  the  great  water- 
fall, we  put  up  on  the  north  side.  While  the  party  were  preparing  a  fire 
and  fence,  I  proceeded  on,  with  Cull  and  Taylor,  in  search  of  an  Indian 
path,  through  which  they  convey  their  canoes  into  the  river  above  the 
overfall.  Taylor,  not  having  been  here  for  many  years,  had  lost  all  recoU 
lection  where  to  find  it ;  after  a  tedious  search  we  fortunately  fell  in  with 
it ;  there  were  evident  signs  of  their  having  passed  this  way  lately,  but 
not  apparently  in  any  great  number.  Evening  advancing,  we  retraced  our 
steps,  and  reached  our  fire-place  with  the  close  of  day.  The  night  proved 
more  mild  than  any  hitherto,  and  our  rest  proportionably  better.  Here  I 
left  bread,  pork,  cocoa  and  sugar  for  two  days,  and  four  gallons  of  rum. 

Jan.  i yth. — South-westerly  winds,  with  sleet,  and  raw  cold  weather. 
Began  this  day's  route  by  conducting  the  sledges  in  a  winding  -direction 
amongst  high  rocks,  forming  the  lower  extremity  of  the  waterfall  ;  having 
proceeded  half  a  mile,  we  had  to  unload  and  parbuckle  the  casks  over  a 
perpendicular  neck  of  land,  which  projecting  into  the  rapid  prevented  the 
ice  attaching  to  its  edge,  having  reloaded  on  the  opposite  side,  and  turned 
the  margin  of  coves  for  a  third  of  a  mile,  we  arrived  at  the  foot  of  a  steep 
bank,  where  commenced  the  Indian  path  ;  here  it  was  also  necessary  to 
unload.  Leaving  the  party  to  convey  the  things  up  the  bank,  I  went  on 
with  Cull  and  Taylor,  to  discover  the  further  end  of  the  path ;  having 
come  to  a  marsh,  it  was  with  difficulty  we  again  traced  it ;  at  length  we 

H.  10 


74  Continuation  of  Bucharis  narrative 

reached  the  river  above  the  overfall,  its  whole  extent  being  one  mile  and 
a  quarter ;  having  gone  on  two  miles  beyond  this,  we  returned.  At  noon, 
the  wind  having  veered  to  the  SE.  it  came  on  to  rain  heavily ;  sent  a 
division  on  to  the  further  end  of  the  path  to  prepare  a  fire  &c.  3  P.M. 
All  the  light  baggage  and  arms  being  conveyed  to  the  fire-place,  the  sledges 
were  left  for  the  night  halfway  in  the  path,  so  that  after  eight  hours  fatigue, 
we  had  got  little  farther  than  one  mile  and  a  half.  It  continued  to  rain 
hard  until  9  P.M.  when  the  wind  shifted  round  to  the  westward,  and  cleared 
up,  the  crew  dried  their  clothes,  and  retired  to  rest. 

Jan.  1 8th. — Wind  WNW.  and  cold  weather.  Leaving  the  party  to  bring 
on  the  sledges  to  the  Indian  Dock,  and  to  repack  them,  I  and  the  guides 
having  advanced  a  mile,  it  was  found  requisite  to  cut  a  path  of  a  hundred 
yards  to  pass  over  a  point  which  the  sledges  could  not  round  for  want  of 
sufficient  ice  being  attached  to  it. 

10  A.M.  We  now  rounded  a  bay  leaving  several  islands  on  our  left ;  the 
travelling  pretty  good,  except  in  some  places  where  the  ice  was  very  narrow, 
and  water  oozing  over  the  surface ;  most  of  us  got  wet  feet.  2.30  P.M. 
Put  up  in  a  cave  on  the  north  shore  as  we  should  have  been  unable  to 
reach  before  dark  another  place  where  good  fire-wood  was  to  be  found  ; 
here  the  river  forms  a  bay  on  either  side,  leaving  between  them  a  space 
of  nearly  one  mile  and  a  half,  in  which  stood  several  islands,  from  the 
overfall  up  to  these,  the  river  in  its  centre  was  open.  Having  given 
directions  for  a  fire-place  to  be  fenced  in,  and  the  sledges  requiring  to  be 
repaired,  Cull  and  myself  went  on  two  miles  to  Rushy  Pond  Marsh,  where 
he  had  been  last  winter ;  two  wigwams  were  removed  which  he  stated  to 
have  been  there.  The  trees  leading  from  the  river  to  the  marsh  were 
marked,  and  in  some  places  a  fence-work  thrown  up ;  the  bushes  in 
a  particular  line  of  direction  through  a  long  extent  of  marsh  had  wisps 
of  birch  bark  suspended  to  them  by  salmon  twine1,  so  placed  as  to  direct 
the  deer  down  to  the  river ;  we  killed  two  partridges  and  returned  to  the 
party  by  an  inland  route;  we  reckon  the  distance  from  Indian  Dock  to 
this  resting-place  to  be  six  miles. 

Jan.  i Qth. — Westerly  wind  and  moderate,  but  very  cold.  Most  of 
this  day's  travelling  smooth,  with  dead  snow,  the  sledges  consequently 
hauled  heavy  ;  having  winded  for  two  miles  amongst  rough  ice  to  gain  a 
green  wood  on  the  south  shore,  that  on  the  north  being  entirely  burnt 
down,  we  put  up  at  4  P.M.  A  little  way  on  the  bank  of  a  brook,  where 
we  deposited  a  cask  with  bread,  pork,  cocoa  and  sugar  for  two  days  con- 
sumption. In  all  this  day's  route  the  river  was  entirely  frozen  over;  we 
passed  several  islands  ;  saw  a  fox  and  killed  a  partridge,  estimated  distance 
ten  miles  ;  rested  tolerably  during  night. 

Sunday  Jan.  2Oth. — Wind  WNW.  and  cold.  Renewed  our  journey  with 
the  first  appearance  of  day  ;  at  first  setting  out  the  sledges,  in  passing 
over  a  mile  of  sharp  pointed  ice,  broke  two  of  them  repairing  and  pack- 
ing delayed  some  time.  At  noon  the  sun  shone  forth,  the  \veather  warm, 
and  a  fine  clear  sky. 

1  The  Seewells,  described  by  Cartwright. 


Continuation  of  Buchans  narrative  75 

4  P.M. — Halted  on  an  island  situated  two  miles  above  Badger  Bay 
Brook,  which  falls  into  this ;  on  the  north  side  ;  it  appears  wide,  with  an 
island  in  its  entrance,  and  the  remains  of  a  wigwam  on  it.  From  this 
brook  upwards,  as  also  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  are  fences  of 
several  miles,  and  one  likewise  extended  in  a  westerly  direction,  through 
the  island  on  which  we  halted,  and  is  calculated  to  be  twelve  miles  from 
the  last  sleeping  place,  and  twenty  miles  from  the  Indian  Dock  :  Hodge's 
Hills  bearing  from  this  ESE. 

Jan.  2 1 st. — Wind  westerly,  with  bleak  weather.  At  dawn  proceeded 
on.  At  noon  several  difficulties  presented  themselves  in  crossing  a  tract  of 
shelvy  ice,  intersected  with  deep  and  wide  rents,  occasioned  by  a  waterfall : 
the  sledges  were,  however,  got  over  them,  as  also  some  steps  on  the  north 
bank.  Having  ascended  the  waterfall,  found  the  river  open  and  faced  with 
ice  sufficient  on  the  edge  of  its  banks  to  admit  the  sledges.  At  4.30  P.M. 
put  up  for  the  night,  and  fenced  in  the  fire-place.  This  day's  distance  is 
estimated  at  eleven  miles,  allowing  seven  from  the  island  on  which  we 
slept  last  night  up  to  the  overfall,  and  from  thence  four  miles  to  this. 

From  the  waterfall  upwards,  on  either  side  of  the  river  where  the 
natural  bank  would  have  been  insufficient,  fences  were  thrown  up  to  prevent 
the  deer  from  landing,  after  taking  to  the  water,  by  gaps  left  open  for  that 
purpose.  Repacked  the  sledges,  two  of  them  being  unfit  to  go  on  farther, 
deposited  a  cask  with  bread,  pork,  cocoa  and  sugar,  for  two  days.  The 
party  slept  well. 

Jan.  22nd. — SW.  winds  with  mild  hazy  weather.  Having  advanced 
two  miles,  on  the  south  side,  stood  a  store-house :  Wm.  Cull  stated  that 
no  such  building  was  there  last  winter ;  it  appeared  newly  erected  and  its 
form  circular,  and  covered  round  with  deer  skins,  and  some  carcases  left 
a  little  way  from  it ;  two  poles  were  stuck  in  the  ice  close  to  the  water,  as 
if  canoes  had  lately  been  there.  Four  miles  from  this,  passed  an  Island, 
and  rounded  a  bay,  two  miles  beyond  its  western  extremity,  on  a  project- 
ing rock,  were  placed  several  stag's  horns.  Wm.  Cull  now  informed  me 
that  it  was  at  this  place  he  had  examined  the  store-houses  (mentioned  in 
his  narrative),  but  now  no  vestige  of  them  appeared  :  there  was,  however, 
ample  room  cleared  of  wood  for  such  a  building  as  described  to  have  stood, 
and  at  a  few  hundred  yards  off  was  the  frame  of  a  wigwam  still  standing ; 
close  to  this  was  a  deerskin  hanging  to  a  tree,  and  further  on  a  trope 
with  the  name  of  "  Rousell "  ;  the  Rousells  live  in  Sops  Arm  and  in  New 
Bay.  On  the  south  bank,  a  little  lower  down,  also  stood  the  remains  of 
a  wigwam,  close  to  which  Cull  pointed  out  the  other  store  to  have  been  ; 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  below  on  the  same  side,  a  river,  considerable  in 
appearance,  emptied  itself  into  this ;  directly  against  its  entrance  stands  an 
Island  well  wooded.  We  continued  on  four  miles,  and  then  the  party 
stopped  for  the  night.  Cull  accompanied  me  two  miles  farther  and  we 
returned  at  Sunset.  During  this  day's  journey,  at  intervals,  we  could 
discern  a  track  which  bore  the  appearance  of  a  man's  foot  going  upwards. 
One  of  the  sledges  fell  into  the  water,  but  it  fortunately  happened  to  be 
a  shoal  part,  nothing  was  lost.  Our  distance  made  good  today  we  allow 
to  be  twelve  miles,  and  the  river  open  from  the  last  overfall  with  scarcely 

IO 2 


j6  Discovers  Indians 

enough  of  ice  attached  to  the  bank  to  admit  the  sledges  to  pass  on,  and 
there  are  banks  and  fences  in  such  places  as  the  natives  find  necessary 
to  obstruct  the  landing  of  the  deer,  some  of  these  extending  two  or  three 
miles,  others  striking  inland.  Divided  the  party  into  three  watches,  those 
on  guard,  under  arms  during  the  night. 

Jan.  23rd. — Wind  westerly,  wild  cold  weather.  At  daylight  renewed 
our  journey :  the  river  now  shoaled  and  ran  rapidly ;  I  wished  to  have 
forded  it,  conceiving  that  the  Indians  inhabited  the  other  side  ;  but  found 
it  impracticable.  At  10  A.M.,  having  advanced  six  miles,  and  seeing  the 
impossibility  of  proceeding  farther  with  the  sledges,  I  divided  the  party, 
leaving  one  half  to  take  care  of  the  stores,  whilst  the  other  accompanied 
me,  and  taking  with  us  four  days'  provisions,  we  renewed  our  route,  the 
river  now  winded  more  northerly.  Having  proceeded  on  about  four  miles, 
we  observed  on  the  south  side  a  path  in  the  snow  where  a  canoe  had 
evidently  been  hauled  across  to  get  above  a  rattle,  this  being  the  only  sure 
indication  that  we  had  discovered  of  their  having  passed  upwards  from  the 
store  on  the  south  side.  The  river  narrowed,  ran  irregular,  and  diminished 
in  depth  very  considerably.  Having  passed  several  small  rivers  on  this 
side,  we  came  abreast  of  an  island,  opposite  to  which,  on  the  south  side, 
was  a  path  in  the  snow,  from  the  water,  ascending  a  bank  where  the  trees 
were  very  recently  cut,  clearly  evincing  the  residence  of  the  natives  to  be 
at  no  great  distance ;  but  it  being  impossible  to  ford  the  river  at  this 
place,  we  continued  on,  but  had  not  gone  more  than  a  mile,  when  turning 
a  point,  an  expansive  view  opened  out,  and  we  saw  before  us  an  immense 
lake  extending  nearly  in  a  NE.  and  SW.  direction,  its  surface  a  smooth 
sheet  of  ice.  We  saw  tracks  but  could  not  be  certain  whether  of  deer  or 
men.  We  had  lost  for  some  miles  the  trace  seen  yesterday.  On  approach- 
ing the  pond  or  lake  we  discovered  on  its  NW.  side  two  bodies  in  motion, 
but  were  uncertain  if  men  or  quadrupeds,  it  being  nearly  three  o'clock. 
I  drew  the  party  suddenly  into  the  wood  to  prevent  discovery,  and  directed 
them  to  prepare  a  place  for  the  night,  I  went  on  to  reconnoitre.  Having 
skirted  along  the  woods  for  nearly  two  miles,  we  posted  ourselves  in  a 
position  to  observe  their  motions ;  one  gained  ground  considerably  on  the 
other :  we  continued  in  doubt  of  their  being  men  until  just  before  loosing 
sight  of  them  in  the  twilight,  it  was  discernible  that  the  hindermost 
dragged  a  sledge.  Nothing  more  could  be  done  until  morning ;  as  it 
would  have  been  impossible  to  have  found  their  track  in  the  dark  ;  observ- 
ing, on  our  return,  a  shovel  in  a  bank  of  snow,  we  found  that  venison 
had  been  dug  out,  we  however,  found  a  fine  heart  and  liver ;  this  made 
a  good  supper  for  the  party,  whom  we  did  not  rejoin  till  dark.  One 
third  of  the  party  were  successively  under  arms  during  the  night  which 
proved  excessively  cold  and  restless  to  all. 

Jan.  24th. — Wind  NE.  and  intensely  cold.  Having  refreshed  ourselves 
with  breakfast  and  a  dram  to  each  at  4  A.M.  commenced  our  march  along 
the  east  shore  with  the  utmost  silence  ;  beyond  the  point  from  whence  I 
had  the  last  view  of  the  two  natives,  we  fell  in  with  a  quantity  of  venison, 
in  carcases  and  quarters,  close  to  which  was  a  path  into  the  wood.  Con- 
jecturing that  the  Indians'  habitations  were  here,  we  advanced  in,  but  found 


Bucharis  Interview  with  the  natives  77 

it  to  be  an  old  one ;  the  party  complained  much  of  the  cold,  and  occasion- 
ally sheltered  themselves  under  the  lee  of  the  points.  It  at  length  became 
necessary  to  cross  the  pond  in  order  to  gain  the  track  of  their  sledge  ;  this 
exposed  us  entirely  to  the  bitterness  of  the  morning ;  all  complained  of 
excessive  cold.  With  the  first  glimpse  of  morn,  we  reached  the  wished-for 
track,  this  led  us  along  the  western  shore  to  the  NE.,  up  to  a  point,  on 
which  stood  an  old  wigwam  ;  then  struck  athwart  for  the  shore  we  had 
left.  As  the  day  opened  it  was  requisite  to  push  forth  with  celerity  to 
prevent  being  seen,  and  to  surprise  the  natives  whilst  asleep.  Canoes  were 
soon  descried,  and  shortly  wigwams  two  close  to  each  other,  and  the  third 
a  hundred  yards  from  the  former.  Having  examined  the  arms,  and  charged 
my  men  to  be  prompt  in  executing  such  orders  as  might  be  given  at  the 
same  time  strictly  charging  them  to  avoid  every  impropriety,  and  to  be 
especially  guarded  in  their  behaviour  towards  women.  The  bank  was  now 
ascended  with  great  alacrity  and  silence,  the  party  being  formed  into  three 
divisions,  the  wigwams  were  at  once  secured.  On  calling  to  the  people 
within,  and  receiving  no  answer,  the  skins  which  covered  the  entrance 
were  then  removed,  and  we  beheld  groups  of  men,  women  and  children 
lying  in  the  utmost  consternation ;  they  remained  absolutely  for  some 
minutes  without  motion  or  utterance.  My  first  object  was  now  to  remove 
their  fears,  and  inspire  confidence  in  us,  which  was  soon  accomplished  by 
our  shaking  hands,  and  showing  every  friendly  disposition.  The  woman 
embraced  me  for  my  attentions  to  their  children ;  from  the  utmost  state 
of  alarm  they  soon  became  curious,  and  examined  our  dress  with  great 
attention  and  surprise.  They  kindled  a  fire  and  presented  us  with  venison 
steaks,  and  fat  run  into  a  solid  cake,  which  they  used  with  lean  meat. 
Everything  promised  the  utmost  cordiality ;  knives,  handkerchiefs,  and  other 
little  articles  were  presented  to  them,  and  in  return  they  offered  us  skins, 
I  had  to  regret  our  utter  ignorance  of  their  language  and  the  presents  at 
a  distance  of  at  least  twelve  miles,  occasioned  me  much  embarrassment ; 
I  used  every  endeavour  to  make  them  understand  my  great  desire  that 
some  of  them  should  accompany  us,  to  the  place  where  our  baggage  was, 
and  assist  bringing  up  such  things  as  we  wore,  which  at  last  they  seemed 
perfectly  to  comprehend.  Three  hours  and  a  half  having  been  employed 
in  conciliatory  endeavours,  and  every  appearance  of  the  greatest  amity 
subsisting  between  us ;  and  considering  a  longer  tarry  useless,  without 
the  means  of  convincing  them  farther  of  our  friendship,  giving  them  to 
understand  that  we  were  going,  and  indicating  our  intention  to  return, 
four  of  them  signified  that  they  would  accompany  us.  James  Butler, 
corporal,  and  Thomas  Southland,  private  of  marines,  observing  this, 
requested  to  be  left  behind  in  order  to  repair  their  snow  shoes ;  and 
such  was  the  confidence  placed  by  my  people  in  the  natives  that  most 
of  the  party  wished  to  be  the  individuals  to  remain  among  them,  I  was 
induced  to  comply  with  the  first  request  from  a  motive  of  showing  the 
natives  a  mutual  confidence,  and  cautioning  them  to  observe  the  utmost 
regularity  of  conduct,  at  10  A.M.,  having  myself  again  shook  hands  with  all 
the  natives,  and  expressed,  in  the  best  way  I  could,  my  intentions  to  be 
with  them  in  the  morning,  we  set  out.  They  expressed  satisfaction  by 


78  Buchan  returns  for  presents 

signs  on  seeing  that  two  of  us  were  going  to  remain  with  them,  and  we 
left  them  accompanied  by  four  of  them.  On  reaching  the  river  head,  two 
of  the  Indians  struck  into  our  last  night's  fire  place.  One  of  these  I  con- 
sidered to  be  their  chief;  finding  nothing  there  for  him,  he  directed  two 
of  them  to  continue  on  with  us,  these  went  with  cheerfulness,  though  at 
times  they  seemed  to  mistrust  us.  Parts  of  the  river  having  no  ice  it  was 
difficult  to  get  along  the  banks  occasioning  at  times  a  considerable  distance 
between  me  and  the  hindermost  Indian.  Being  under  the  necessity  of 
going  single,  in  turning  a  point  one  of  the  Indians  having  loitered  behind, 
took  the  opportunity,  and  set  off  with  great  speed  calling  out  to  his  comrade 
to  follow.  Previous  precautions  prevented  his  being  fired  at.  This  incident 
was  truly  unfortunate  as  we  were  nearly  in  sight  of  our  fire  place.  It  is 
not  improbable  but  he  might  have  seen  the  smoke,  and  this  caused  his 
flight,  or  actuated  by  his  own  fears  as  no  action  of  my  people  could  have 
given  rise  to  his  conduct.  He  had  however,  evidently  some  suspicions,  as 
he  had  frequently  come  and  looked  eagerly  in  my  face,  as  if  to  read  my 
intentions.  I  had  been  most  scrupulous  in  avoiding  every  action  and  gesture 
that  might  cause  the  least  distrust.  In  order  to  try  the  disposition  of 
the  remaining  Indian  he  was  made  to  understand  that  he  was  at  liberty 
to  go  if  he  chose,  but  he  showed  no  wish  of  this  kind.  At  3  P.M.  we 
joined  the  rest  of  our  party,  when  the  Indian  started  at  seeing  so  many 
more  men ;  but  this  was  of  momentary  duration,  for  he  soon  became 
pleased  with  all  he  saw ;  I  made  him  a  few  presents  and  showed  the 
articles  which  were  to  be  taken  up  for  his  countrymen  consisting  of 
blankets,  woollen  wrappers,  and  shirts,  beads,  hatchets,  knives  and  tin  pots, 
thread,  needles  and  fish  hooks,  with  which  he  appeared  much  satisfied, 
and  regaled  himself  with  tea  and  broiled  venison,  for  we  brought  down  two 
haunches  with  us  in  the  evening.  A  pair  of  trousers  and  vamps,  being 
made  out  of  a  blanket,  and  a  flannel  shirt  being  presented  to  him  he  put 
them  on  with  sensible  pleasure,  carefully  avoiding  any  indecency ;  being 
under  no  restraint,  he  occasionally  went  out,  and  he  expressed  a  strong 
desire  for  canvass,  pointing  to  a  studding  sail  which  covered  us  in  on  one 
side.  He  laid  by  me  during  the  night,  still  my  mind  was  somewhat  dis- 
turbed for  it  occurred  to  me  that  the  natives  on  the  return  of  their  comrade 
who  deserted  us,  might  be  induced  from  his  misrepresentation  dictated  by 
fear  to  quit  the  wigwams,  and  observe  our  motions,  but  I  was  willing  to 
suppress  any  fear  for  the  safety  of  our  men,  judging  that  they  would  not 
commit  any  violence,  until  they  should  see  if  we  returned  and  brought 
their  companion  ;  I  was  moreover  satisfied  that  the  conduct  of  our  men 
would  be  such  as  not  to  give  occasion  to  any  animosity,  and  in  the  event 
of  their  being  removed  they  would  see  the  impossibility  of  safety  in  any 
attempt  to  escape. 

Friday  the  25th  of  Jan. — Wind  NNE'.  and  boisterous  with  sleet. 
At  7  A.M.  set  out  leaving  only  eight  of  the  party  behind.  On  coming  up 
to  the  river  head,  we  observed  the  tracks  of  three  men  crossing  the  pond 
in  a  direction  for  the  other  side  of  the  river.  The  violence  of  the  wind 
with  the  sleet  and  drift  snow  rendered  it  laborious  to  get  on,  and  so  thick 
was  it  at  times  that  all  the  party  could  not  be  discerned,  although  at  no  great 


Bucharis  party  camp  in  Indian  Mamateeks  79 

distance  from  each  other.  When  within  half  a  mile  of  the  wigwams,  the 
Indian,  who  walked  sometimes  on  before,  at  others  by  my  side,  pointed  out 
an  arrow  sticking  in  the  ice  ;  we  also  perceived  a  recent  track  of  a  sledge. 
At  2  P.M.  we  arrived  at  the  wigwams,  when  my  apprehensions  were  unfortu- 
nately verified  ;  they  were  left  in  confusion,  nothing  of  consequence  remaining 
in  them  but  some  deer  skins.  We  found  a  quantity  of  venison  packs 
conveyed  a  little  way  off,  and  deposited  in  the  snow ;  a  path  extended  into 
the  wood,  but  to  no  distance.  Perceiving  no  mark  of  violence  to  have 
been  committed,  I  hoped  that  my  former  conjectures  would  be  realized, 
and  that  all  would  yet  be  well.  The  actions  of  the  Indian  however,  were 
indicative  of  extreme  perplexity  and  are  not  describable.  Having  directed 
the  fire  to  be  removed  from  the  wigwam  we  were  now  in  to  one  more 
commodious  ;  one  of  the  people  taking  up  a  brand  for  that  purpose,  he 
appeared  terrified  to  the  last  degree,  and  used  his  utmost  endeavour  to 
prevent  its  being  carried  out  He  either  apprehended  that  we  were  going 
to  destroy  the  wigwams  and  canoes,  (of  which  latter  there  were  six)  or 
that  a  fire  was  going  to  be  kindled  for  his  destruction.  For  sometime  he 
anxiously  peeped  through  the  crevices  to  see  what  was  doing,  for  he  was 
not  at  liberty.  Perplexed  how  to  act,  and  evening  drawing  on,  anxiety 
for  the  two  marines,  determined  me  to  let  the  Indian  go,  trusting  that  his 
appearance  and  recital  of  our  behaviour  would  not  only  be  the  means  of 
our  mens'  liberation,  but  also  that  the  natives  would  return,  with  a 
favourable  impression.  After  giving  him"  several  things,  I  showed  a  wish 
that  his  party  should  return,  and  by  signs  intimated  not  to  hurt  our  people. 
He  smiled  significantly,  but  he  would  not  leave  us.  He  put  the  wigwam 
in  order,  and  several  times  looked  to  the  west  side  of  the  pond  and  pointed. 
Each  wigwam  had  a  quantity  of  deers'  leg  bones  ranged  on  poles  (in  all 
three  hundred).  Having  used  the  marrow  of  some  of  these  opposite  that 
we  occupied,  the  Indian  replaced  them  with  an  equal  number  of  others 
signifying  that  these  were  his  ;  he  pointed  out  a  staff  and  showed  that  it 
belonged  to  the  person  that  wore  the  high  cap,  the  same  that  I  had  taken 
to  be  the  chief;  the  length  of  this  badge  was  nearly  six  feet,  and  two 
inches  at  the  head,  tapering  to  the  end,  terminating  in  not  more  than  three 
quarters  of  an  inch ;  it  presented  four  plain  equal  sides,  except  at  the 
upper  end,  where  it  resembled  three  rims  one  over  the  other,  and  the  whole 
stained  red1.  The  day  having  closed  in,  it  blew  very  hard,  with  hail,  sleet 
and  rain.  It  became  necessary  to  prepare  against  any  attack  that  might 
be  made  upon  us.  The  following  disposition  was  made  for  the  night,  the 
wigwam  being  of  a  circular  form,  and  the  party  formed  into  two  divisions, 
they  were  placed  intermediately,  and  a  space  left  on  each  side  of  the 
entrance  so  that  those  on  guard  could  have  a  full  command  of  it ;  the 
doorway  was  closed  up  with  a  skin,  and  orders  given  for  no  one  to  go 
out.  The  rustling  of  the  trees,  and  the  snow  falling  from  them  would 
have  made  it  easy  for  an  enemy  to  advance  close  to  us  without  being 
heard.  I  had  made  an  exchange  with  the  Indian  for  his  bow  and  arrows, 

1  This  description  seems   to  correspond  with  the  sixth  figure  of  Shawnawdithit's  Sketch  No.  IX, 
"  Mythological  emblems."     Ash-u-meet. 


8o  Buchan  discovers  the  bodies  of  his  two  marines 

and  at  1 1  o'clock  laid  down  to  rest ;  but  had  not  been  asleep  more  than 
ten  minutes,  when  I  was  aroused  by  a  dreadful  scream,  and  exclamation 
of  "O  Lord"  uttered  by  Mathew  Hughster.  Starting  at  the  instant  in 
his  sleep,  the  Indian  gave  a  horrid  yell,  and  a  musket  was  instantly  dis- 
charged. I  could  not  at  this  moment  but  admire  the  promptness  of  the 
watch,  with  their  arms  presented,  and  swords  drawn.  This  incident,  which 
had  like  to  prove  fatal,  was  occasioned  by  John  Guieme,  a  foreigner 
going  out.  He  had  mentioned  it  to  the  watch.  In  coming  in  again,  the 
skin  covering  of  the  doorway  made  a  rustling  noise.  Thomas  Taylor, 
roused  by  the  shriek,  fired  direct  for  the  entrance,  and  had  not  Hughster 
providentially  fallen  against  him  at  the  moment,  which  moved  the  piece 
from  the  intended  direction  Guieme  must  inevitably  have  lost  his  life. 
The  rest  of  the  night  was  spent  in  making  covers  of  deer  skin  for  the 
locks  of  the  arms. 

Saturday  26th  Jan. — Wind  ENE.,  blowing  strong,  with  sleet  and 
freezing  weather.  As  soon  as  it  was  light  the  crew  were  put  in  motion, 
and  placing  an  equal  number  of  blankets,  shirts  and  tin  pots  in  each  of 
the  wigwams,  I  gave  the  Indian  to  understand  that  those  articles  were  for 
the  individuals  who  resided  in  them.  Some  more  presents  were  given  to 
him,  also  some  articles  attached  to  the  red  staff,  all  of  which  he  seemed  to 
comprehend.  At  7  A.M.  we  left  the  place  intending  to  return  the  Monday 
following.  Seeing  that  the  Indian  came  on,  I  signified  my  wish  for  him 
to  go  back  ;  he  however  continued  with  us,  sometimes  running  on  a  little 
before  in  a  zigzag  direction,  keeping  his  eyes  to  the  ice  as  having  a  trace 
to  guide  him,  and  once  pointed  to  the  westward,  and  laughed.  Being  now 
about  two-thirds  of  a  mile  from  the  wigwams,  he  edged  in  suddenly,  and 
for  an  instant  halted  ;  then  took  to  speed.  We  at  this  moment  observed 
that  he  had  stopped  to  look  at  a  body  lying  on  the  ice,  he  was  still  with- 
in half  a  musket-shot,  but  as  his  destruction  could  answer  no  end,  so  it 
would  have  been  equally  vain  to  attempt  pursuit ;  we  soon  lost  sight  of 
him  in  the  haze.  On  coming  up  we  recognised  with  horror  the  bodies  of 
our  two  unfortunate  companions  lying  about  a  hundred  yards  apart ;  that 
of  the  corporal  being  first,  was  pierced  by  one  arrow  in  the  back ;  three 
arrows  had  entered  that  of  Bouthland.  They  were  laid  out  straight  with 
their  feet  towards  the  river,  and  backs  upwards ;  their  heads  were  off, 
and  carried  away,  and  no  vestige  of  garments  left.  Several  broken  arrows 
lying  about  and  a  quantity  of  bread,  which  must  have  been  emptied  out 
of  their  knapsacks  ;  very  little  blood  was  visible.  This  melancholy  event 
naturally  much  affected  all  the  party ;  but  these  feelings  soon  gave  way  to 
sensations  of  revenge.  Although  1  had  no  doubt  as  to  the  possibility  of 
finding  out  the  route  they  had  taken,  yet  prudence  called  on  me  to  adopt 
another  line  of  conduct.  As  I  could  have  no  doubt  that  our  movements 
had  been  watched,  which  the  cross  track,  observed  in  coming  up,  evinced, 
my  mind  consequently  became  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  those  left  with 
the  sledges,  and  hence  made  it  of  the  utmost  moment  to  join  them  without 
loss  of  time.  Prior  to  entering  the  river  the  people  were  refreshed  with 
some  rum  and  bread,  and  formed  into  a  line  of  march,  those  having  fire 
arms  being  in  the  front  and  rear,  those  with  cutlasses  remaining  in  the 


Plate    V 


Bloody  Point,  Red  Indian  Lake,  where  Buchan's  two  marines  were  killed  in   1811. 


Lieut.  Bucharis  narrative  81 

centre,  and  all  charged  to  keep  as  close  together  as  the  intricacies  would 
permit.  On  opening  the  first  point  of  the  river  head,  one  of  the  men  said 
he  observed  an  Indian  look  round  the  second  point,  and  fall  back;  on 
coming  up,  we  perceived  that  two  men  had  certainly  been  there,  and 
retreated  ;  we  afterwards  saw  them  at  times  at  a  good  distance  before  us  ; 
the  tracks  showed  that  they  had  shoes  on ;  this  caused  considerable  per- 
plexity ;  the  guides  (and  indeed  all  the  party)  were  of  opinion  that  the 
Indians  had  seen  the  sledges,  and  that  those  two  were  returning  down  the 
river  to  draw  us  into  a  trammel ;  for  they  supposed  a  body  of  them  to 
be  conveniently  posted  to  take  advantage  of  us  in  some  difficult  pass. 
These  conjectures  were  probable.  They  strongly  urged  my  taking  to  the 
woods  as  being  more  safe  ;  although  this  was  certainly  true,  it  would  have 
been  attended  with  great  loss  of  time,  for  from  the  depth  and  softness  of 
the  snow,  we  could  not  possibly  perform  it  under  two  days  ;  and  as  the 
immediate  joining  my  people  was  paramount  to  every  other  consideration 
—for  our  conjectures  might  be  erroneous — and  I  was  in  this  instance  fain 
to  suspect  that  curiosity  had  predominated  over  the  obligations  of  duty, 
and  that  want  of  consideration  had  led  our  men  up  to  view  the  pond,  I 
therefore  continued  on  by  the  river  side.  On  seeing  excrement  recently 
evacuated  it  was  found  on  examination  to  contain  particles  of  bread,  this 
relieved  the  mind  for  the  Indians  do  not  use  this  diet.  At  noon  we 
arrived  at  the  fireplace,  and  found  all  well  after  having  spent  four  hours 
in  unutterable  anxiety  for  their  fate.  The  two  men  that  had  acted  so 
imprudently  were  easily  discovered  by  the  sweat  that  rolled  down  their 
faces ;  being  made  acquainted  with  the  uneasiness  they  had  occasioned, 
contrition  for  their  misconduct  was  manifest.  Whilst  the  party  dined  on 
pork,  bread  and  rum,  I  pondered  on  the  late  events,  and  what  in  the 
present  juncture  was  best  to  be  done ;  my  thoughts  often  wandered  to 
the  pond,  but  after  half  an  hour's  reflection,  the  following  considerations 
fixed  me  in  the  resolution  of  proceeding  down  the  river: — ist,  it  appeared 
to  me  next  to  a  certainty  that  a  numerous  body  of  natives  resided  in 
the  environs  and  outlets  of  the  pond  ;  taking  this  for  granted,  the  hazard 
would  have  been  greater  than  prudence  would  justify,  for,  after  their 
perpetration,  was  it  not  to  be  supposed  they  would  anticipate  our  conduct 
according  to  their  diabolical'  system  ?  I  could  not  therefore  entertain  any 
hope  of  securing  their  persons  without  bloodshed,  which  would  frustrate 
all  future  expectation  of  their  reconciliation  and  civilization,  the  grand 
object  in  view.  It  will  not  be  considered  improper  to  remark  that  the 
very  nature  of  the  service  intrusted  to  my  care  required  the  test  of  faith, 
and  the  danger  increased  by  the  sincere  wish  of  rendering  acts  of  friend- 
ship on  our  part  whilst  a  malignant  inveteracy  subsists  in  the  hearts  and 
actuates  the  natives  to  deeds  most  horrid.  2nd,  the  state  of  the  weather 
promising  a  rapid  thaw,  which  would  render  our  retreat  down  the  river 
impracticable ;  this,  with  the  local  situation  of  this  part  of  the  Exploits, 
were  cogent  reasons  to  follow  the  plan  of  descending  the  river.  The 
thawing  of  the  ice  and  snow,  and  waters  from  the  interior  causing  the 
ice  already  to  founder  from  the  banks,  so  as  to  render  it  impossible  to 
conduct  the  sledges,  the  knapsacks  were  filled  with  as  much  provisions  as 

H.  II 


82 

they  could  contain,  and,  taking  with  us  rum  for  three  days,  we  commenced 
our  return,  obliged  to  leave  everything  else  behind.  On  reaching  the 
point  on  which  the  old  store  has  been  stated  to  have  stood,  we  observed 
on  the  island  situated  on  this  part  of  the  river  (as  described  on  Jan.  22nd) 
nearly  at  its  western  end,  the  frame  of  an  extensive  store,  apparently 
erected  last  summer,  and  not  yet  covered  in  ;  this  island  being  well  wooded, 
had  obstructed  our  seeing  it  in  passing  upwards,  and  so  surrounded  with 
trees  as  to  prevent  our  having  a  full  view  of  it ;  this  is  a  strong  cor- 
roboration  of  Cull's  statement.  We  continued  our  journey  until  dark,  when 
we  reached  the  fireplace  occupied  on  the  2ist;  thus  having  performed 
four  days'  route,  making  in  distance  thirty-two  miles,  between  this  and 
where  we  left  the  sledges ;  the  ice  had  become  so  much  weakened  as  to 
give  way  several  times,  leaving  some  of  the  party  for  a  short  period  on 
detached  pieces  from  that  bound  to  the  banks. 

Jan.  27th. — Wind  ESE.  with  small  rain.  At  daylight  renewed  our 
journey,  taking  with  us  the  provisions  that  had  been  left  here.  Having 
descended  the  upper  waterfall,  we  found  the  river  open  in  many  places, 
that  we  had  passed  over  in  coming  up,  and  the  water  flooded  considerably 
over  the  ice,  indeed  we  were  under  apprehension  of  the  river  breaking  up, 
as  the  drift  ice  under  us  made  a  great  noise.  We  reached  our  fireplace 
of  the  i  Qth  and  halted  for  the  night,  having  performed  two  days'  journey, 
a  distance  of  twenty-three  miles.  Here  we  had  deposited  two  days'  pro- 
visions in  a  cask  well  headed,  and  placed  fifty  yards  in  from  the  west  bank 
of  the  brook  (the  fire-place  being  on  the  east)  and  covered  over  with 
bushes  and  snow,  insomuch  as  to  consider  it  perfectly  secure  from  any 
beast.  I  was  therefore  much  surprised  to  find  the  bushes  removed,  the 
head  taken  out,  seven  pieces  of  pork  missing,  and  some  of  the  bread 
lying  by  the  cask.  The  rapid  thaw  obliterated  any  track  that  might  have 
formed  our  judgment  as  to  its  having  been  done  by  men  or  beast.  1  am 
inclined  to  attribute  it  to  the  former.  One  of  the  pieces  of  pork  was 
found  about  two  hundred  yards  from  the  spot.  Some  of  the  party  com- 
plained of  swollen  legs. 

Jan.  28th. — Light  winds  from  the  SE.,  with  rain  during  the  night. 
The  legs  of  several  more  of  the  party  began  to  swell.  The  thaw  still  con- 
tinued very  rapid,  with  prospect  of  an  immediate  change.  This  circumstance, 
and  the  great  probability  of  the  river's  bursting,  from  the  likelihood  of  the 
drift  ice  becoming  pent  amongst  the  shoals,  determined  me,  notwithstanding 
our  fatigue  and  pain,  to  push  forward,  and  if  possible,  to  reach  our  fireplace 
of  the  1 6th  immediately  below  the  great  overfall,  as  the  depth  of  the  river 
below  this  would  make  it  less  subject  to  break  up,  and  should  it  become 
necessary  to  undertake  the  laborious  and  slow  travelling  in  the  woods,  our 
distance  would  become  considerably  diminished.  By  dark  my  wish  was 
accomplished,  after  a  most  harassing  and  uncomfortable  march  of  eighteen 
miles,  the  greater  part  of  this  distance  being  nearly  knee  deep  in  water,  in 
all  the  day's  route  we  found  the  river  opened  in  the  middle. 

All  those  with  swollen  legs  had  the  parts  effected  rubbed  with  rum  and 
pork  fat. 

Jan.    29th, — Fresh  winds   from    the  SE.   with   rain.     At  dawn  renewed 


the  Exploits  River  83 

our  journey,  the  river  still  continuing  to  flood  and  open.  On  coming  to  the 
Rattling  Brook,  in  addition  to  the  canoe  mentioned  on  the  i5th  we  now 
found  another.  I  knew  them  both  to  have  belonged  to  the  Canadians 
before  spoken  of,  and  as  these  were  all  they  had,  I  supposed  them  to  have 
travelled  by  land  to  St  George's  Bay.  Halted  at  our  fireplace  of  the  I4th 
and  refreshed  ourselves;  and  took  with  us  the  provisions  that  had  been  left, 
and  at  4  p.m.  reached  Cull's  old  house,  where  we  had  spent  so  intolerable 
a  night  on  the  i3th.  Although  my  people  were  much  fatigued  and  several 
of  them  with  their  legs  much  swollen  and  inflamed,  yet  they  all  solicited 
to  proceed  to  the  schooner,  thinking  they  might  get  to  her  in  a  few  hours. 
They  were  too  sanguine,  for  I  was  sensible  that  many  of  them  were  in 
a  state  unable  to  perform  what  they  so  eagerly  asked.  I  had  also  strong 
objections  to  approach  the  schooner  by  night,  so  we  put  up,  having 
travelled  this  day  twenty-two  miles.  It  froze  a  little  during  the  night. 

Jan.  3Oth. — Wind  E.  with  fresh  gales  and  rain ;  at  7  a.m.  proceeded  for 
the  schooner,  all  hearts  elated.  We  found  it  extremely  tiresome ;  the  waters 
that  had  flooded  over  the  ice  being  partially  frozen,  but  insufficient  to  bear 
our  weight,  made  it  painful  to  all,  but  particularly  to  those  with  inflamed 
ankles ;  indeed,  from  the  wet  state  our  feet  had  been  in  for  the  last  four 
days,  no  one  escaped  being  galled.  Abreast  of  Wigwam  Point  the  river 
was  considerably  opened.  At  noon  we  arrived  on  board  and  found 
all  well. 

March  4th. — The  people  having  recovered  from  the  effects  of  the 
former  excursion,  and  sledges  and  casks  being  made  for  the  reception  of 
stores  necessary  for  a  second  journey,  the  day  was  employed  in  packing 
and  making  the  requisite  preparations  for  our  departure. 

March  5th. — Wind  W.  At  7  a.m.  I  left  the  schooner  with  a  party  of 
thirty  men,  having  with  us  provisions  and  every  necessary  for  twenty-two 
days.  The  day  proved  pleasant  and  mild,  and  hauling  good,  the  ice  being- 
much  levelled  by  the  late  thaws  ;  halted  for  the  night  on  the  north  side 
of  the  river,  one  mile  above  the  second  fireplace  of  the  former  journey. 

March  6th. — Wind  W.  with  falls  of  snow.  At  4  p.m.  having  reached 
our  former  fireplace  at  the  end  of  the  Indian  path  by  the  great  waterfall 
we  put  up  for  the  night  and  repacked  our  sledges.  I  went  with  a  small 
party  to  view  the  waterfall,  which  circumstances  prevented  me  from  doing 
before.  The  sight  repaid  the  trouble  of  getting  to  it.  The  scene  was  truly 
interesting  ;  the  upper  part  was  formed  by  a  number  of  cascades,  and  at  last 
joining  their  united  streams,  rolled  down  one  stupendous  height  of  at  least 
eighty  feet  perpendicular1.  The  sound  of  this  waterfall  was  at  times  plainly 
heard  on  board  the  schooner  when  lying  in  Peter's  Arm,  from  which  ascended 
a  vapour  that  darkened  the  atmosphere  for  a  considerable  extent.  The  cavity 
below  exhibited  a  number  of  small  islands  originally  formed  by  the  torrent. 

March  7th. — Wind  S.  with  constant  snow.  At  10  am.,  having  come 
up  to  the  islands  opposite  Rushy  Pond  Marsh,  we  found  a  wigwam  on  one 
of  them  where  the  natives  had  lived  last  summer.  At  i  p.m.  put  up  on 
the  north  side,  about  three  miles  above  our  fireplace  of  January  i8th  and 

1  This  is  the  Grand  Falls  of  the  Exploits   River  where  is  now  situated  the  gigantic   Pulp  and 
Paper  Mills  of  the  Anglo-Newfoundland  Company.     (Harmsworth's.) 


i  i 


84  Buchan's  second  expedition 

distant  from  the  Indian  Dock  nine  miles.     Very  heavy  fall  of  snow.      Killed 
five  partridges. 

March  8th. — Strong  NE.  gales,  with  constant  snow  and  drift;  no  possi- 
bility of  hauling.  One  of  the  party  received  so  violent  a  contusion  on  the 
shoulder  as  to  render  his  arm  useless,  by  a  tree  falling  on  him.  The  snow 
this  day  fell  ten  inches. 

March  Qth. — Wind  W.,  blowing  hard,  with  severe  weather,  rendering 
it  unsafe  to  proceed. 

March  loth. — Strong  gales,  with  constant  snow,  and  very  sharp  weather, 
which  continued  throughout  the  day,  with  considerable  drift. 

March  nth. — Wind  W.  with  clear  sharp  weather.  At  7  a.m.  recom- 
menced our  journey.  This  morning  four  of  our  party  were  frost-burned. 
The  hauling  proved  heavy,  from  the  late  snow  and  drift.  At  2  p.m.  put  up 
on  the  north  side,  two  miles  below  the  Badger  Bay  Brook,  and  fourteen 
miles  from  our  last  night's  sleeping  place. 

March  I2th. — Cloudy  weather ;  wind  W.  At  8  o'clock  passed  Badger 
Bay  Brook.  At  noon  Hodges  Hill  bore  ENE.  two  leagues.  At  2.30  p.m. 
put  up  on  the  north  side,  about  half  a  mile  below  the  waterfall  (which  we 
had  passed  on  January  21st)1,  and  sixteen  miles  from  our  last  resting  place. 

March  I3th. — Strong  gales  from  ENE.,  and  constant  snow  and  sleet. 
At  7  a.m.  crossed  over  and  ascended  the  waterfall  on  the  south  side  ;  hauled 
the  sledges  through  some  Indian  paths  ;  found  several  places  in  the  skirts 
of  the  woods  that  had  been  recently  dug  up,  where  something  must  have 
been  concealed,  for  the  vacuums  were  lined  with  birch  rind.  At  10  a.m. 
we  came  up  to  the  storehouse  mentioned  on  Jan.  22nd;  the  poles  that  were 
then  seen  in  the  ice  still  remained,  but  their  position  altered.  This  store 
was  circular,  and  covered  in  with  deer  skins  ;  it  was  not  so  large  as  their 
wigwams.  It  was  evident  that  the  natives  had  been  there  since  our  passing 
down  in  the  former  journey;  they  had  taken  all  the  prime  venison  away, 
and  had  left  nothing  but  a  few  inferior  haunches,  and  a  number  of  paunches, 
which  were  frozen  firmly  together ;  but  many  of  these  had,  notwithstanding, 
been  removed  for  the  purpose  of  digging  up  the  ground,  where  it  formed 
a  place  somewhat  longer  than  necessary  for  containing  arrows  ;  it  is  probable 
that  it  held  arrows,  darts,  and  other  implements  used  by  them  in  killing  deer. 
I  was  surprised  to  find  that  the  skins  covering  in  that  part  of  the  store 
fronting  the  river  and  the  inland  side,  were  perforated  with  many  arrows  ; 
this  circumstance  led  me  to  conclude  that  they  had  come  down  in  their 
canoes,  and  that  some  of  them  had  taken  a  station  on  the  bank,  and  had 
shot  their  arrows  at  the  store,  to  ascertain  whether  we  might  not  be  con- 
cealed in  it.  Seeing  that  they  had  acted  with  such  cautious  suspicion,  and 
considering  it  as  betraying  an  inclination  for  resistance,  made  me  abandon 
any  further  pursuit.  Leaving  red  shirts  in  the  storehouse,  as  an  exchange 
for  such  venison  as  we  could  take,  I  returned  to  our  last  night's  fireplace, 
not  feeling  myself  warranted  to  run  any  further  risk.  It  continued  to  snow, 
hail,  and  sleet  the  whole  of  this  day. 

March  i4th. — Wind  W.  At  9.30  a.m.  set  out  on  our  return  down 
the  river,  the  hauling  very  heavy  from  the  sleet  and  snow  that  had  fallen 

1  Red  Indian  Fall. 


Buchans  concluding  remarks  85 

yesterday.  At  2.30  p.m.  halted  for  the  night,  having  travelled  nine  miles. 
Found  John  Weatherall  deranged  in  mind. 

March  I5th. — Wind  SW.  At  daylight  renewed  our  march:  halted  two 
miles  below  Badger  Brook,  at  our  fireplace  of  the  nth  instant.  Found  it 
necessary  to  have  a  guard  over  John  Weatherall. 

March  i6th. — Wind  N.  with  pleasant  weather  and  good  hauling.  At 
2  o'clock  halted  at  the  sleeping  place  of  the  Qth  instant,  three  miles  from 
Rushy  Pond  Marsh. 

March  i/th. — Moderate  with  snow.  At  11  o'clock  reached  the  upper 
part  of  the  great  waterfall ;  hauled  the  sledges  to  the  further  end  of  the  path, 
and  put  up  at  the  sleeping-place  of  the  6th  instant,  called  Indian  Dock. 

March  i8th. — Wind  from  the  westward,  with  clear  frosty  weather.  At 
noon  heavy  hauling  ;  at  dark  reached  Upper  Sandy  Point,  and  put  up  for 
the  night  at  Millar's  upper  salmon  station  ;  the  distance  from  the  waterfall 
to  this  is  reckoned  twenty  miles. 

March  igth. — Fresh  breezes  and  clear  frosty  weather.  At  9  o'clock  set 
out,  and  at  1 1  arrived  on  board  the  schooner  and  found  all  well. 

Concluding  Remarks   by   Lieut.    Buchan. 

It  will  not  be  expected  that  I  can  give  much  information  respecting 
the  Indians  of  Newfoundland.  Of  a  people  so  little  known  or  rather  not 
known  at  all,  any  account,  however  imperfect,  must  be  interesting.  It 
appears  then  that  they  are  permanent  inhabitants,  and  not  occasional  visitors. 

The  wigwams  of  the  Newfoundland  Indians  are  of  a  circular  and  octa- 
gonal structure.  The  first  of  these  is  simply  a  few  poles  supported  by  a  fork 
and  common  to  the  various  tribes  in  North  America,  but  this  kind  is  used  by 
the  natives  of  this  island  as  a  summer  residence  whilst  employed  on  the 
ponds  and  rivers  in  procuring  food  for  winter.  Considerable  pains  were 
employed  on  these  I  found  them  in,  and  which  were  of  the  octagonal  structure, 
the  diameter  of  the  base  being  nearly  22  feet,  and  enclosed  with  studs  of  four 
feet  above  the  surface.  On  these  was  afHxed  a  wall  plate  from  which  were 
projected  poles  forming  a  conic  roof  and  terminating  in  the  top  in  a  small 
circle  sufficient  for  emitting  the  smoke  and  admitting  light,  this  and  the 
entrance  being  the  only  apertures.  A  right  line  being  drawn  to  equal 
distances  from  each  of  the  angular  points,  was  fitted  neatly  with  a  kind  of 
lattice  work  forming  the  points  of  so  many  recesses  which  were  filled  with 
neatly  dressed  deer  skins.  The  fire  was  placed  in  the  centre  of  the  area 
around  which  was  formed  their  place  of  repose,  everyone  lying  with  their 
feet  towards  the  centre  and  their  heads  up  to  the  lattice  work  somewhat 
elevated.  The  whole  was  covered  in  with  birch  bark,  and  banked  on  the 
outside  with  earth,  as  high  as  the  studding,  making  these  abodes  with  little 
fuel  warm  even  in  the  inclemency  of  winter.  The  whole  was  finished  in  a 
manner  far  superior  to  what  might  have  been  expected. 

According  to  the  report  of  William  Cull,  the  storehouses  seen  by  him 
were  built  with  a  ridge  pole,  and  had  gable  ends.  The  frame  of  the  store 
seen  on  the  island  I  conceive  to  have  been  of  that  description  as  it  certainly 
had  a  ridge  pole. 

Their  canoes  were  finished  with  neatness,  the  hoops  and  gunnel  formed 


86  Buchan's  description  of  Indians, 

of  birch,  and  covered  over  with  that  bark  cut  into  sheets,  and  neatly  sewn 
together  and  lackered  over  with  the  gum  of  the  spruce  tree.  Their  house- 
hold vessels  were  all  made  of  birch  or  spruce  bark.  It  did  not  appear  that 
these  were  applied  to  any  purpose  of  cookery.  I  apprehend  that  they  do 
not  boil  any  part  of  their  diet',  but  broil  or  roast  the  whole  ;  there  were 
two  iron  boilers  which  must  have  been  plundered  from  our  settlers.  To 
what  purpose  they  may  apply  these  is  uncertain,  but  they  set  a  value  on 
these,  as  on  leaving  their  wigwams  they  had  conveyed  them  out  of  our 
sight.  They  were  well  supplied  with  axes,  upon  which  a  high  value  is  set ; 
these  they  keep  bright  and  sharp,  as  also  the  blades  of  their  arrows,  of  which 
we  found  upwards  of  a  hundred  new  ones  in  a  case. 

Report  has  famed  these  Indians  as  being  of  gigantic  stature,  this  however 
is  not  the  case  as  far  as  regards  the  tribe  we  saw,  and  must  have  originated 
from  the  bulkiness  of  their  dress  and  partly  from  misrepresentation.  They 
are  well  formed,  and  appear  extremely  healthy  and  athletic,  and  of  the 
medium  structure,  probably  from  five  feet  eight  to  five  feet  nine  inches  and 
with  one  exception  black  hair.  Their  features  are  more  prominent  than  any 
of  the  Indian  tribes  that  I  have  seen,  and  from  what  could  be  discovered 
through  a  lacker  of  oil  and  red  ochre  (or  red  earth)  with  which  they  besmear 
themselves,  I  was  led  to  conclude  them  fairer  than  the  generality  of  Indian 
complexions.  Conceive  my  astonishment  at  beholding  a  female  bearing  all 
the  appearance  of  an  European,  with  light  sandy  hair,  and  features  strongly 
similar  to  the  French,  apparently  about  22  years  of  age,  with  an  infant  which 
she  carried  in  her  cossack,  her  demeanour  differing  materially  from  the  others. 
Instead  of  that  sudden  change  from  surprise  and  dismay  to  acts  of  familiarity, 
she  never  uttered  a  word,  nor  did  she  recover  from  the  terror  our  sudden  and 
unexpected  visit  had  thrown  them  into.  Their  dress  consisted  of  a  loose 
cossack,  without  sleeves,  but  puckered  at  the  collar  to  prevent  it  falling  off 
the  shoulders,  and  made  so  long  that  when  fastened  up  around  the  haunches 
it  became  triple,  forming  a  good  security  against  accident  happening  to  the 
abdomen.  This  is  fringed  round  with  cutting  of  the  same  substance.  They 
also  had  leggings,  moccasins,  and  cuffs,  the  whole  made  of  the  deer  skin,  and 
worn  with  the  hair  side  next  the  body,  the  outside  lackered  with  oil  and  red 
ochre,  admirably  adapted  to  repel  the  severity  of  the  weather.  The  only 
discernible  difference  between  the  dress  of  the  sexes,  was  the  addition  of  a 
hood  attached  to  the  back  of  the  cossack  of  the  female  for  the  reception  of 
their  children.  Their  males,  in  having  occasion  to  raise  their  bows,  have  to 
disengage  their  right  shoulder  and  kneel  down  on  their  right  knee.  The 
bow  is  kept  perpendicular,  and  the  lower  extremity  supported  against  the 
left  foot.  Their  arrows  display  some  ingenuity,  for  the  blade,  which  is  of 
iron,  is  so  proportioned  to  the  shaft  that,  when  missing  their  object,  if  in 
water  it  does  not  sink  ;  but  the  blade  preponderates  and  the  feathers  which 
direct  its  flight  now  becomes  a  buoy,  and  they  take  them  up  at  pleasure. 
The  blade  of  the  arrow  is  shouldered,  but  not  barbed. 

The  snow  shoes,  or  rackets  as  they  are  called  by  some,  differed  from  all 
others  that  I  have  seen.     The  circular  part  of  the  bow,  which  was  cross-barred 

1  This  is  a  mistake,  they  certainly  did  boil  some  of  their  food,  as   attested  by  Whitburne  and 
other  authorities. 


their  implements  and  utensils,  snow  shoes,  etc.  87 

with  skin  thong,  was  in  breadth  about  15  inches,  and  lengthwise  near  three 
feet  and  a  half,  with  a  tail  of  a  foot  long.  This  was  to  counterbalance  the 
weight  of  the  front  before  the  forecross  beam.  So  far  their  make  is  like 
ours,  with  the  difference  of  length,  which  must  be  troublesome  in  the  woods, 
but  if  my  conjectures  are  right,  they  travel  but  little  in  the  woods  when  the 
snow  is  on  the  ground.  Now  this  being  placed  on  the  ground  and  the  foot 
on  it,  forms  a  curve  from  the  surface,  both  ends  being  elevated.  Their  reason 
for  this  is  obvious  for  the  twofold  purpose  of  preventing  any  quantity  of  snow 
from  resting  before  the  foot,  and  the  other  which  shows  a  thought  of  effects 
tends  to  accelerate  their  motions,  for  it  will  appear  that  there  will  be  a  gaining 
on  each  pace  equal  to  the  distance  between  a  straight  line  drawn  from  the 
centre  of  the  foot  to  the  front  extremity,  and  the  section  of  the  curve 
contained  between  these  two  points.  This  together  with  the  ease  this  form 
makes  in  walking  must  be  considerable. 

Fearful    of    raising    suspicion    prevented    my    ascertaining    their   exact 
number,  but  I  shall  be  within  bounds  by  observing  that  there  could   not  be 


Beothuck  snowshoe  according  to  Lieut.  Buchan's  description. 

less  than  thirty-five  grown  persons.  Of  this  number  probably  two-thirds 
were  women,  or  it  is  likely  that  some  of  the  men  were  absent.  There 
could  not  be  less  than  thirty  children,  and  most  of  them  not  exceeding  six 
years  of  age,  and  never  were  finer  infants  seen. 

It  has  been  conceived  that  want  of  sufficient  quantity  of  nutritious  food 
has  prevented  them  from  increasing,  and  the  only  thing  connected  with  this 
idea  is  that  they  are  not  seen  on  the  coast  in  such  numbers  as  formerly. 
All  else  must  be  mere  speculative  reasoning,  but  it  will  be  granted  that  my 
excursion  has  opened  up  a  field  from  which  to  draw  a  fair  conclusion.  It 
will  be  readily  admitted  that  a  country  intersected  throughout  with  rivers 
and  ponds  and  abounding  with  wood  and  marshy  ground  is  well  adapted 
for  uncivilized  life,  and  calculated  for  the  vast  herds  of  deer  that  annually 
visit  it.  This  is  proved  by  the  incredible  quantity  of  venison  they  had 
packed  up,  and  there  yet  remained  on  the  margin  of  the  pond  a  vast  number 
of  carcases  which  must  have  been  killed  as  the  frost  set  in,  many  being  frozen 
in  the  ice.  The  packs  were  nearly  three  feet  in  length,  and  in  breadth  and 
depth  fifteen  inches,  closely  packed  with  fat  venison  cleared  of  the  bone,  and 
in  weight  from  150  to  200  Ibs.,  the  cases  were  neatly  made  of  bark. 

The  ponds  abound  with  trout,  and  flocks  of  wild  geese  visit  them  in  the 
months  of  May  and  October,  and  their  vigorous  appearance  points  out,  that 


88  Biicharfs  estimate  of  their  number 

their  exercise  to  procure  food  is  only  conducive  to  health.  They  are  free 
from  the  pestilential  attendants  that  await  civil  society  also  by  war  and  disease 
brought  on  by  intemperance.  They  can  be  subject  to  but  few  casualties 
and  these  only  from  the  hazard  of  their  canoes  overturning  passing  down  the 
rapids,  which  experience  must  in  a  great  degree  obviate. 

To  those  entertaining  an  opinion  of  their  numbers  being  few  because 
of  their  not  being  seen  so  much  as  formerly,  it  may  be  proper  to  observe 
that  formerly  the  disgraceful  idea  was  conceived  by  many  of  our  country- 
men resorting  to,  and  settling  on  the  island,  that  their  destruction  attached 
merit  to  their  persecutors  and  thus  were  they  banished  from  their  native 
haunts  and  looked  upon  as  little  better  than  beasts  of  the  forest.  Probably 
in  those  days  they  knew  but  little  of  the  interior,  and  their  chief  depend- 
ence for  food  was  on  fish  and  sea  fowl,  for  I  cannot  think  that  they  were 
provided  with  the  necessary  implements  for  killing  deer  in  sufficient  numbers 
for  their  subsistence. 

As  our  establishments  and  population  advanced  to  the  northward  of 
Cape  Freels,  so  were  they  obliged  to  retreat  from  the  coast,  but  thus 
necessitated,  the  cause  was  rooted  in  their  minds  and  the  injuries  they 
wantonly  received  were  handed  down  from  one  generation  to  another. 
Providence  bountifully  supplied  all  creation  according  to  their  necessities, 
the  evil  that  forced  the  natives  to  retreat  brought  with  it  the  means 
whereby  they  led  a  more  independent  life,  for  as  the  fisheries  increased 
and  settlers  became  more  numerous  so  were  they  enabled  to  procure  iron 
and  other  articles  by  plunder,  and  from  wrecks.  We  now  find  them  with 
the  requisites  for  their  present  situation,  and  the  country  shows  that  they 
have  progressively  fallen  back  and  are  now  occupying  the  most  central 
position  from  whence  they  can  emerge  without  difficulty,  in  canoes,  by 
rivers  and  a  succession  of  ponds  to  either  side  of  the  island.  Although 
it  is  still  imagined  that  they  from  necessity,  all  come  to  the  sea  coast 
in  the  summer,  as  their  canoes  were  seen  last  summer  in  various  places 
between  Cape  John  and  Cape  Freels,  and  at  the  same  period.  This  only 
tends  to  satisfy  me  more  strongly  in  the  opinion  that  their  population  is 
considerably  more  than  is  generally  admitted,  for  circumstances  determine 
that  the  greater  number  remains  in  the  ponds  and  rivers  for  the  purpose 
of  procuring  venison  for  the  winter,  and  that  those  who  come  out  are  but 
a  small  division  compared  to  the  whole,  or  that  they  are  small  parties  sent 
from  the  distant  bodies  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  what  may  be  of  use 
to  them,  and  particularly  for  building  canoes,  as  they  have  not,  for  the 
want  of  birch  in  the  interior,  the  means1. 

I  have  already  stated  the  party  that  I  came  up  with  to  be  about 
75  in  number  but  surely  it  would  be  absurd  to  suppose  that  the  whole 
of  their  tribe  resided  there.  I  will  venture  my  ideas  on  the  subject  satis- 
fied of  their  knowledge  and  respect  for  individual  property  and  the  great 
number  of  deer  skins  which  were  neatly  dressed  being  so  much  more  than 
equal  to  their  own  consumption.  This  would  naturally  lead  us  to  conjecture 
that  the  overplus  of  skins  was  intended  for  barter  for  instance  to  exchange 

1  This  is  not  correct,  there  is  plenty  of  birch  in  the  interior. 


Lieiit.  Buchan  s  concluding  remarks  89 

for  canoes,  iron  and  other  articles  brought  in  by  those  who  came  out  to 
the  seacoast.  This  is  by  no  means  unlikely,  and  coincides  with  the  supposi- 
tion that  they  live  in  independent  companies,  but  having  one  principal  chief. 
My  leading  reason  for  this  conjecture  is  that  those  who  come  out  do  not 
return  in  time  to  lay  in  winter  provisions ;  various  inferences  might  be 
drawn  on  the  subject.  To  venture  even  a  guess  of  their  total  numbers 
would  be  hazarding  too  much.  I  am  however  inwardly  convinced  that 
their  numbers  are  considerable  and  from  what  has  been  said  may  in  some 
degree  be  drawn  data  from  which  those  conversant  in  the  rise  and  progress 
of  population  may  form  a  reasonable  conclusion. 

Opinions  are  various  as  to  their  origin,  some  conceiving  them  to  be 
from  the  continent  of  America,  others,  that  they  are  of  Norwegian  extrac- 
tion, nor  can  the  veil  of  obscurity  be  removed  until  a  free  communication 
is  opened  with  them.  I  had  persons  with  me  that  could  speak  Norwegian 
and  most  of  the  dialects  known  in  the  North  of  Europe,  but  they  could 
in  no  wise  understand  them.  To  me  their  tongue  was  a  complete  jargon 
uttered  with  much  rapidity,  and  vehemence,  and  differing  from  all  other 
Indian  tribes  that  I  had  heard,  whose  language,  generally  flows  in  soft 
melodious  sounds. 

How  far  a  continuation  of  leaving  things  for  them  might  in  time  bring 
them  to  a  friendly  intercourse  with  us  is  not  at  present  my  object  to 
enquire.  I  cannot  however  but  express  my  strong  desire  that  the  business 
may  be  followed  up  until  an  opportunity  occurs  by  which  we  may  convince 
them  of  our  good  intentions  towards  them,  and  though  I  sensibly  know 
and  feel  the  effects  of  a  winter  journey  to  their  abodes,  and  that  it  is 
attended  with  extreme  labour,  difficulty  and  risk,  yet  if  other  means  fail, 
this  with  all  its  dangers  I  would  again  cheerfully  undertake,  but  as  far  as 
respects  the  mere  obtaining  some  of  them,  and  which  appears  to  me  the 
first  consideration,  from  the  months  of  April  to  September  is  a  likely  time 
to  fall  in  with  them  when  out  among  the  islands,  extending  from  the  river 
Exploits  to  the  Wadhams,  and  from  the  river  Exploits  to  Cape  John,  but 
to  pursue  this  with  success  it  is  necessary  to  employ  several  boats.  (Here 
follows  a  description  of  the  country  timber,  &c.) 

Had  it  not  been  for  the  disastrous  fate  of  the  two  marines  I  should 
have  esteemed  my  journey  fortunate  beyond  all  expectations.  But  however 
much  I  lament  this  circumstance,  it  by  no  means  diminishes  my  hopes 
that  every  effort  will  be  made  to  bring  the  natives  into  civil  society,  for 
it  should  be  considered  as  a  national  object  and  ultimate  success  would 
wipe  away  a  certain  degree  of  stigma  brought  on  us  by  the  former  barbarity 
of  our  countrymen.  My  opinion  of  the  natives  is  not  the  worse  for  the 
fatal  circumstance  that  has  occurred,  for  I  do  not  think  the  deed  to  have 
been  premeditated.  It  is  nevertheless  impossible  for  me  to  assign  a  reason 
so  to  be  freed  from  all  doubt  of  the  real  cause  of  this  unfortunate  accident, 
but  I  may  be  permitted  to  suggest  my  ideas  arising  from  reflection  on  the 
subject.  Let  it  be  observed  that  I  had  left  the  two  unfortunate  men  with- 
out small  arms,  that  the  natives  might  have  no  cause  for  distrust,  and 
without  liquor  lest  it  might  lead  them  into  improprieties.  They  were 
steady  and  well  behaved,  and  my  cautious  injunctions  for  the  guidance  of 

H.  12 


QO  Noad  on  the  second  expedition 

their  conduct,  I  flatter  myself  were  not  disregarded.  Thus  far  I  am  satisfied 
that  no  offence  was  given  to  the  natives.  I  therefore  attribute  to  the 
flight  of  the  Indian  that  was  accompanying  us  to  our  sledges,  the  source 
from  which  sprung  the  misfortune.  What  could  induce  him  but  his  own 
apprehensions  it  is  impossible  to  say,  but  not  so  with  his  conduct  after- 
wards, for  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  on  joining  his  companions  he 
told  a  tale  of  wonder  but  such  as  not  to  call  his  courage  in  question,  for 
we  know  the  actions  of  fear  are  narrated  as  those  of  boldness.  I  shall 
now  turn  the  imagination  to  the  wigwams  ;  behold  the  natives  thrown  all 
into  commotion  and  expressing  themselves  in  vehement  gesticulations  and 
hasty  preparations  making  for  their  departure.  Our  men  view  these  motions 
with  astonishment  and  are  perplexed  as  to  the  reason ;  various  ideas  rush 
on  the  mind,  they  fancy  me  to  have  been  attacked  by  another  body  of 
them,  and  in  the  skirmish  suppose  the  Indian  to  have  escaped.  Their 
span  of  life  is  drawing  to  a  crisis,  the  natives  are  now  setting  out,  and  of 
course  taking  them  along  with  them.  Courage  heightened  into  madness  by 
their  critical  situation,  they  determine  to  attempt  an  escape.  Alas !  fatal 
error,  had  cool  reason  been  their  guide  she  would  have  pointed  out  the 
impossibility,  for  the  appearance  of  fear  is  certain  death  from  an  Indian, 
thus  in  looking  for  security  we  often  rush  into  inevitable  destruction,  and 
thus  we  reason  when  secure  from  danger.  This  may  be  said  to  be  the 
fancy  of  imagination  but  this  is  surely  a  foundation  for  her  to  work  upon. 
Many  other  circumstances  might  have  produced  the  same  result,  for  instance, 
another  tribe  might  have  arrived  at  the  wigwams  and  not  having  themselves 
seen,  would  not  trust  the  recital  of  our  friendly  interview  ;  be  this  as  it 
may,  on  the  first  conjecture  I  rest  as  next  to  a  certainty.  I  trust  that 
in  this  dilemma  my  subsequent  movements  will  be  approved  of,  for  any 
further  attempt  at  that  time,  to  a  subsequent  interview  would  in  all  proba- 
bility have  produced  direful  consequences,  for  their  unenlightened  minds 
would  look  to  us  for  nothing  but  retaliation,  the  line  adopted  by  me  may 
tend  to  remove  such  an  impression  from  their  minds.  To  have  urged 
them  by  pursuit  to  acts  of  defence  would  not  only  be  highly  unjustifiable 
in  my  own  sight,  but  would  have  been  acting  diametrically  opposite  to  the 
orders  and  object  I  was  entrusted  to  execute." 

Surveyor  General  Noad  is  authority  for  the  statement,  that  Buchan 
made  another  expedition  this  same  season  (1811)  and  was  to  have  under- 
taken still  another  the  next  spring,  Noad  says, 

"  Capt.  Buchan,  on  his  return  to  St  John's,  after  his  ill  fated  expe- 
dition, sought  and  obtained  permission  from  the  Governor  to  return  again 
in  the  summer,  in  the  hope  of  meeting  with  the  natives  who  came,  at  that 
season,  to  the  seacoast  to  fish,  but  he  was  disappointed  in  not  meeting 
with  them.  He  merely  succeeded  in  finding  some  recent  traces  of  them. 
He  still  solicited  and  obtained  leave  to  winter  in  St  John's  and  go  in 
quest  of  them  early  the  ensuing  spring.  This  request  was  also  acceded  to." 
We  have  no  other  record  of  either  of  these  latter  expeditions,  and  with 
the  exception  of  Governor  Keats'  proclamation  of  1813,  there  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  any  effort  made  for  at  least  five  years  to  renew  the 
attempt  at  opening  communication  with  the  natives,  yet  many  complaints 


Demasduit  or  Waunatoake 

(Mary  March) 

Beothuck  woman  captured  on  Red  Indian  Lake,  March  5th,  1819. 
From  engraving  in  Rev.  Philip   Tocque's  "  Wandering  Thoughts.'1'' 


Governor  Keats'  proclamation  91 

of  their  continued  depredations  were  made  from  time  to  time,  by  the  settlers 
on  the  northern  parts  of  the  island. 

My  own  impression  is  that  Buchan  made  a  great  mistake  in  taking 
along  with  him  so  many  of  the  furriers,  those  inveterate  enemies  of  the 
poor  Red  man,  whose  very  presence  was  alone  sufficient  to  cause  their 
distrust.  I  believe  were  he  to  have  taken  instead  some  of  those  Canadians, 
whom  he  mentions,  Micmac's,  Abanakie's,  or  Mountaineers  but  especially 
the  latter,  they  would  have  probably  succeeded  in  making  themselves  under- 
stood by  the  natives,  and  thus  his  interview,  which  at  first  promised  so  well, 
might  have  resulted  very  differently,  if  indeed  it  were  not  crowned  with 
complete  success. 

Proclamation  issued  by  Governor  Keats   1813. 

In  the  name  of  His  Royal  Highness  the  Prince  Regent,  acting  in  the 
name  and  on  behalf  of  His  Majesty  King  George  III. 

PROCLAMATION. 

WHEREAS,  It  is  His  Royal  Highness  the  Prince  Regent's  gracious  will  and 
pleasure  that  every  kindness  should  be  shown  and  encouragement  given  to  the 
native  Indians  of  this  island,  to  enter  into  habits  of  intercourse  and  trade  with 
His  Majesty's  subjects,  resident  or  frequenting  this  Government. — ALL  PERSONS 
are  therefore  hereby  enjoined  and  required,  to  aid  by  all  such  means  as  may  be 
in  their  power,  the  futherance  of  this  His  Royal  Highness's  Pleasure.  Such  as 
may  hereafter  meet  with  any  of  the  said  Indians  inhabitants  are  especially  called 
upon  by  a  kind  and  amicable  demeanour  to  invite  and  encourage  communication, 
and  otherwise  Jo  cultivate  and  improve  a  friendly  and  familiar  intercourse  with  this 
interesting  people.  —  If  any  person  shall  succeed  in  establishing  on  a  firm  and  settled 
footing  an  intercourse  so  much  to  be  desired,  he  shall  receive  One  hundred  pounds 
as  a  reward  for  his  meritorious  services.  But  if  any  of  His  Majesty's  subjects, 
contrary  to  the  expression  of  these,  His  Royal  Highness's  commands,  shall  so  far 
forget  themselves,  and  be  so  lost  to  the  sacred  duties  of  Religion  and  Hospitality, 
as  to  exercise  any  cruelty,  or  be  guilty  of  any  illtreatment  towards  this  inoffensive 
people,  they  may  expect  to  be  punished  with  the  utmost  rigour  of  the  Law. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  Fort  Townshend 
Saint  John's  Newfoundland,  this  loth, 
day  of  August  1813,  In  the  fifty  third 
year  of  His  Majesty's  Reign. 

(signed)     R.  G.  Keats  Governor. 
By  Command  of  His  Excellency 

"  countersigned  "  P.  C.  Le  Geyt. 

Capture  of  Mary  March   (Demasduif)  on  Red  Indian  Lake,  in  the  month 

of  March   1819. 

Various  versions  of  this  event  have  appeared  from  time  to  time  in  our 
histories  and  other  publications,  but  as  numerous  discrepancies  characterize 
these  accounts,  I  prefer  to  give  the  story  as  I  had  it  from  the  lips  of  the 
late  John  Peyton,  J.P.  of  Twillingate,  himself  the  actual  captor  of  the 
Beothuck  woman1. 

1  Note  from  Peyton's  diary  of  date  March  ist,   1819.     "On  the  night  of  the  i8th  of  September, 
1818,  between  the  hours  of  12  and  1/2  past  i,  the  wild   Indians  cut  adrift  from  the  wharf  at  Lower 


12 2 


92 

The  circumstance  which  lead  to  the  capture  of  Mary  March  is  related 
thus  by  Mr  Peyton.  While  prosecuting  the  salmon  fishery  and  fur  trade 
in  the  bay  and  river  of  Exploits,  he  was  much  tormented  by  the  depreda- 
tions of  the  Indians,  who  came,  usually  in  the  night  time,  and  pilfered 
everything  they  could  lay  hands  upon.  The  articles  stolen  were  not  often 
of  great  value,  and  consisted  generally  of  such  things  as  knives,  axes,  traps, 
hooks,  lines  rope  canvass  &c.  Annoying  as  this  undoubtedly  was  Mr  Peyton 
bore  with  it  for  a  long  time,  and  without  using  any  retaliative  measures. 
At  length  the  Indians  became  so  emboldened  as  to  commit  a  theft  and  act 
of  destruction  of  more  than  ordinary  character,  which  he  could  not  over- 
look. Mr  P.  was  living  at  the  time  at  Lower  Sandy  Point,  in  the  Bay  of 
Exploits,  his  house  and  stores  stood  upon  the  sloping  bank  of  the  river 
and  a  long  wharf,  built  on  piers,  extended  from  the  shore  out  to  the  deep 
water.  On  this  occasion,  his  large  open  boat,  loaded  with  the  seasons 
produce,  lay  at  the  head  of  the  wharf,  ready  to  proceed  down  the  bay  to 
market.  It  was  one  of  those  old  style  of  boats,  open  amidship,  with  a 
cuddy  at  the  forward  and  after  ends,  somewhat  on  the  lines  of  the  ancient 
caraval.  Besides  the  cargo  of  salmon  and  furs,  Mr  P.  had  stowed  away 
in  the  cuddies  his  clothes,  bedding,  and  several  articles  of  value,  including 
two  silver  watches,  and  some  coins  which  were  in  his  vest  pockets,  and 
there  were  also  two  guns  and  ammunition,  culinary  and  other  utensils  aboard 
for  use  on  the  voyage. 

Everything  being  in  readiness,  he  and  his  crew  were  awaiting  daylight 
and  the  turn  of  the  tide  to  proceed  on  their  journey.  The  night  was  very 
dark,  and  knowing  that  the  Indians  were  about,  a  strict  watch  was  kept, 
but  seeing  no  prospect  of  a  favourable  time  up  till  past  midnight,  he  directed 
his  men  to  lie  down  and  take  a  rest  while  he  himself  would  remain  on 
guard.  He  took  frequent  turns  up  and  down  the  wharf,  and  'at  one  time 
said  he  thought  he  descried  a  dark  object  lying  on  the  beach  not  far 
off  which  he  was  about  to  investigate,  when  one  of  his  men  assured  him 
it  was  a  splitting  table  that  had  been  left  there  during  the  day,  so  he  did 
not  pay  further  heed  to  it.  As  the  night  drew  on  and  everything  appeared 
quiet,  he  concluded  nothing  would  be  disturbed  during  the  few  remaining 
hours  before  dawn,  so  feeling  somewhat  tired  himself,  he  took  one  more 
thorough  survey  and  then  retired  to  the  house  to  rest  awhile.  He  threw 
himself  down  on  a  couch  without  removing  his  clothing,  but  he  was  so 
restless  and  uneasy  that  he  could  not  sleep.  An  hour  or  so  may  have 
elapsed,  when  he  jumped  up  and  again  visited  the  wharf.  To  his  great 
mortification  he  found  the  boat  with  all  its  effects  gone,  and  in  the  inky 
darkness  could  find  no  clue  to  the  direction  taken  by  the  marauders. 

He  now  called  all  his  crew,  and  as  soon  as  daylight  made  its  appear- 
ance, started  in  pursuit.  After  many  hours  search  they  at  length  found  the 
boat  hauled  up  in  a  small  creek  at  the  mouth  of  Charles'  Brook,  away 
down  on  the  other  side  of  the  bay.  She  was  completely  rifled,  everything 

Sandy  Point,  Exploits,  a  boat  loaded  with  salmon.  The  boat  was  found  the  next  day,  stranded  on 
an  island  near  Grego,  or  gray  gull  Island, — sails  gone  and  considerable  other  property  stolen  or 
destroyed.  Guns,  pistols,  watch,  money  and  many  articles  of  personal  apparel  too  numerous  to 
mention.  Cargo  but  little  damaged." 


Peyton  s  narrative  93 

of  a  portable  nature,  including  the  cordage  and  sails  being  carried  off.  The 
guns  alone,  battered  and  broken,  and  otherwise  rendered  perfectly  useless, 
were  found  in  the  bed  of  the  brook  not  far  away.  To  follow  up  the  trail 
just  then  would  be  very  difficult  and  most  probably  futile.  Mr  Peyton 
accordingly  proceeded  to  St  John's  and  laid  the  whole  matter  before  the 
authorities  whom,  he  said,  were  very  reluctant  to  believe  his  story.  The 
Governor,  Sir  Charles  Hamilton,  however,  gave  full  credence  to  it,  and 
empowered  Mr  Peyton  to  search  for  his  stolen  property,  and  if  possible 
try  and  capture  one  of  the  Indians  alive. 

Armed  with  this  authority  he  choser  the  following  winter,  1819,  to 
make  the  attempt.  At  that  season  of  the  year  the  travelling  on  the 
frozen  surface  of  the  river  would  be  easiest,  and  the  Indians  who  would 
then  have  retired  to  their  winter  quarters  in  the  interior  would  be  least 
suspicious  of  being  disturbed.  He  chose  the  month  of  March  to  make 
the  journey,  this  month  being  always  considered  the  best  for  winter  travel- 
ling, owing  to  the  settled  character  of  the  snow  and  hardness  of  the  surface. 
With  half  a  dozen  of  his  hardy  furriers  he  set  out  to  traverse  the  Exploits 
River,  but  instead  of  following  its  entire  course  to  Red  Indian  Lake,  as 
Buchan  had  done,  he  turned  off  to  the  right  some  distance  below,  rightly 
conjecturing  that  by  so  doing  -he  would  strike  the  lake  near  the  head  of 
the  NE.  Arm,  where  he  expected  the  Indians  would  be  encamped.  His 
party  reached  the  shore  of  the  lake  one  afternoon  late,  but  in  time  to 
observe  the  smoke  of  three  wigwams  on  the  north  side,  nearly  opposite 
to  where  Buchan  had  found  them  encamped.  Although  the  night  proved 
intensely  cold  Peyton  would  not  allow  his  men  to  kindle  a  fire  lest  the 
Indians  should  detect  their  presence.  They  sheltered  themselves  as  best 
they  could  in  a  deep  gully  near  the  mouth  of  a  small  brook,  and  at  the  first 
appearance  of  daylight  were  on  the  move  towards  the  wigwams,  where 
they  arrived  before  the  occupants  had  yet  awakened.  They  then  surrounded 
them,  but  the  Indians  being  aroused,  darted  forth  and  fled  in  all  directions, 
some  through  the  woods,  others  out  on  the  frozen  surface  of  the  lake, 
before  any  of  them  could  be  secured.  Being,  as  he  said,  a  young  active 
man  at  that  time,  Peyton  determined  to  try  and  outrun  some  of  them. 
Divesting  himself  of  superfluous  clothing,  he  gave  chase  to  the  nearest 
one  on  the  lake,  who  seemed  to  lag  somewhat  behind  the  rest,  and  soon 
found  that  he  gained  considerably  on  this  individual.  After  a  while  the 
Indian  began  to  show  evident  signs  of  exhaustion,  and  finally  stopped  and 
made  supplication  for  mercy.  She,  for  it  proved  to  be  a  woman,  tore  open 
her  deer-skin  cossack  exposing  her  bosoms  in  an  appeal  to  his  manhood. 
In  order  to  reassure  her  and  allay  her  fears,  he  cast  his  gun  aside  into  a 
bank  of  soft  snow  and  then  leisurely  approached  her  with  signs  of  amity, 
he  laid  hold  of  her  and  endeavoured  to  lead  her  back.  He  was  now  con- 
siderably in  advance  of  his  party  who  were  following  on  behind,  and  as 
he  tried  to  drag  the  woman  with  him  some  of  the  Indians  turned  and 
approached  him.  One  powerful  looking  fellow  came  up  furiously  brandish- 
ing a  bright  new  axe  with  which  he  would  certainly  have  killed  Mr  Peyton 
had  not  his  men  just  then  arrived  on  the  scene  and  prevented  it.  The 
Indians  then  moved  off  and  the  party,  taking  the  woman  along  with  them 


94  Capt.  Buchan  sent  to  the  Bay  of  Exploits 

returned  to  the  wigwams  which  with  their  contents  they  thoroughly  over- 
hauled. One  of  the  three  wigwams  was  covered  with  the  stolen  boat  sails, 
the  other  two  as  usual  with  birch  bark.  Inside  were  found  many  of  the 
pilfered  articles  belonging  to  Mr  Peyton,  besides  several  others  similarly 
appropriated  from  other  parties.  They  consisted  of  kettles,  knives,  axes, 
fish  hooks  and  fishing  lines  &c.  Some  of  the  axes  were  quite  new,  and 
Mr  P.  afterwards  learned  that  they  had  been  stolen  from  a  store  in  White 
Bay  the  previous  fall. 

The  watches  had  been  broken  into  small  pieces,  which  together  with 
the  coins  were  strung  on  deer-sl^in  thongs,  passed  through  holes  drilled  in 
them,  and  presumably  intended  for  necklaces,  amulets  or  some  such  adorn- 
ment. 

Mr  Peyton  did  not  think  there  were  more  than  fourteen  or  fifteen 
individuals  in  these  three  wigwams,  but  it  was  impossible  to  count  them 
as  they  darted  through  the  woods. 

His  party  now  retreated  as  they  had  come  taking  the  woman  with 
them,  keeping  a  close  watch  all  the  time  lest  she  should  escape  which 
she  made  attempts  to  do.  Once  while  all  were  asleep  she  nearly  succeeded. 
Taking  off  her  outer  deer-skin  robe  and  placing  it  on  the  snow  she  noise- 
lessly crawled  along,  dragging  the  skin  after  her  to  deaden  the  sound  of 
her  footsteps,  or  obliterate  her  track  in  the  snow.  She  had  gained  a 
considerable  distance  when  her  absence  was  noticed,  but  she  was  soon 
recaptured  and  brought  back.  After  this  she  made  no  further  attempt 
but  kept  close  to  Mr  P.  all  the  time,  as  though  for  protection,  no  doubt 
recognising  in  him  the  leader  of  the  party  and  a  man  superior  in  every- 
way to  his  fellows. 

The  woman  was  successfully  conveyed  to  the  shore,  and  according 
to  Pedley,  "was  placed  under  the  care  of  the  Episcopal  missionary  of 
Twillingate."  She  appeared  to  be  about  twenty-three  years  of  age,  was 
of  a  gentle  disposition,  and  intelligent  enough  to  acquire  and  retain  many 
English  words  which  she  was  taught.  It  was  ascertained  that  she  had  a 
child  of  three  or  four  years  old  :  it  therefore  became  an  object,  dictated  by 
the  first  feelings  of  humanity  to  restore  her  to  her  tribe.  She  was  first 
brought  to  St  John's,  where  she  remained  several  months,  exciting  a  strong 
and  kindly  interest  towards  herself  by  her  modest  intelligent  demeanour, 
she  was  everywhere  treated  with  the  greatest  consideration  and  loaded  down 
with  presents  by  all  parties.  It  is  stated  that  she  was  allowed  to  go  into 
the  shops,  select  whatever  she  fancied,  and  take  it  away  without  question. 
Lieut,  now  Capt.  Buchan  was  again  selected  by  the  Governor,  and  entrusted 
with  the  charge  of  returning  her  to  her  people,  and  great  hopes  were  enter- 
tained that  the  recital  of  all  she  saw  and  of  the  kindly  treatment  meted 
out  to  her,  would  at  last  convince  her  tribe  that  nothing  but  amity  and 
good  feeling  was  desired  by  the  whites  henceforth. 

Buchan  proceeded  to  the  Bay  of  Exploits  with  the  woman  ?  in  the 
autumn  of  1820,  in  his  ship  the  Grasshopper,  which  was  again  secured 
for  the  winter  at  the  same  place  as  the  Adonis  in  Ship  Cove, 
now  Botwood.  Here  he  awaited  the  freezing  up  of  the  bay  and  river, 
before  making  the  attempt  to  ascend  to  Red  Indian  Lake.  Unfortunately, 


Death  of  Mary  March  95 

all  his  hopes  were  frustrated  by  the  sad  death  of  poor  Mary  March,  on 
board  his  ship,  Jan.  the  8th  1820.  Alas!  this  sad  event  was  destined  to 
frustrate  the  object  of  the  expedition,  and  dash  all  the  high  hopes 
which  it  was  expected  to  achieve.  There  was  nothing  left  for  him  to  do, 
but  to  convey  the  poor  remains  of  the  woman  back  to  the  place  from 
whence  she  was  taken.  Her  body  was  enshrouded  in  a  neat  deal  coffin 
together  with  such  trinkets  as  she  had  shown  a  preference  for,  including 
two  wooden  dolls  much  affected  by  her,  a  copper  plate  was  also  placed 
upon  the  coffin  with  her  name,  probable  age,  and  date  of  her  capture  and 
death  engraved  thereon.  While  these  preparations  were  in  progress,  the 
ship's  armourer  was  employed  in  making  a  number  of  iron  spear  and  arrow 
heads,  all  stamped  with  the  broad  arrow,  to  be  presented  to  the  Indians, 
should  they  be  met  with  ;  or  otherwise  distributed  along  the  banks  of  the 
river  ;  where  they  could  easily  find  them1. 

When  the  ice  was  sufficiently  strong  the  party,  consisting  of  60  marines 
and  blue  jackets,  with  Mr  Peyton  and  a  few  of  his  men  as  guides,  set  out 
on  the  journey  up  country.  They  dragged  after  them  several  sledges, 
constructed  for  the  purpose,  loaded  with  32  cwt.  of  provisions,  goods,  and 
presents  for  the  Indians.  After  passing  the  Grand  Falls,  twenty  men  were 
sent  back,  and  afterwards  batches  of  three  or  four,  according  as  the  loads 
grew  lighter,  and  the  men  became  fatigued.  At  a  point  on  the  river  about 
40  miles  up,  Mr  Peyton,  who  was  in  advance,  struck  his  snow-shoe  against 
something  buried  in  the  snow,  which  on  examination  proved  to  be  the 
fresh  frozen  liver  of  a  deer.  Judging  from  this  circumstance  that  the 
Indians  could  not  be  far  off,  he  wished  to  make  a  search  in  the  neighbour- 
hood with  a  few  of  his  men,  but  Capt.  Buchan  would  not  consent  to 
dividing  the  party.  They  therefore  proceeded  onward  to  the  lake,  but 
found  it  entirely  deserted.  The  three  wigwams  of  last  year  were  still 
standing,  but  had  not  apparently,  been  tenanted  for  some  time.  Through 
the  roof  of  one  of  the  wigwams  they  stuck  two  stout  poles,  and  hoisting 
up  the  coffin  containing  Mary  March's  remains,  lashed  it  firmly  to  the 
projecting  ends  of  the  poles,  so  as  to  place  it  beyond  the  reach  of  wolves 
or  other  wild  animals. 

After  an  ineffectual  search  about  the  lake  Capt.  Buchan  concluded  to 
make  a  detour  on  his  return  journey,  persuaded  thereto  by  Mr  Peyton. 
Instead  of  following  the  course  of  the  river  back  to  the  bay  the  party 
struck  into  the  country  from  the  head  of  the  NE.  Arm  of  the  lake,  and 
made  a  circuit  of  Hodges'  Hill,  coming  out  on  the  shore  of  Badger  Bay 
Lake.  No  further  indications  of  the  Indians  were  met  with  in  this  journey, 
and  the  men  becoming  wearied  with  the  long  toilsome  tramp,  began  to 
murmur  loudly  particularly  the  blue  jackets  who  accused  Peyton  of  having 
led  them  astray,  and  lost  them.  In  order  to  reassure  them  that  he  knew 
where  he  was  he  brought  them  to  a  place  where  he  showed  them  some  of 
his  traps  with  his  name  stamped  on  them.  They  now  abandoned  the  search 
and  returning  to  the  sea  coast  rejoined  their  ship. 

There   is  another   version   of   the   capture   of    Mary    March   which   was 

1  I   have  one  of  those  iron    spear   heads  now  in   my  possession.     Although    modelled   after   the 
Indians'  own  spears,  Peyton  averred  they  were  not  nearly  so  well  made. 


96  Story  of  the  Capture 

published  in  the  Liverpool  Mercury  of  date  -  -  written  by  an  anonymous 
correspondent,  who  alleges  that  he  accompanied  Peyton's  party  and  was 
witness  to  the  whole  transaction.  This  person  appears  to  have  been  an 
agent  for  one  of  the  mercantile  firms  at  Fogo,  and  was  on  a  visitation  to 
some  lumber  camps  belonging  to  his  firm  in  the  Bay  of  Exploits  when  the 
expedition  was  about  setting  out.  He  asked  to  be  allowed  to  accompany 
it,  which  request  was  granted.  His  account  coincides,  in  most  particulars 
with  that  already  given,  except  in  some  minor  details,  but  it  also  contains 
some  interesting  particulars  not  there  stated.  It  bears  every  evidence  of 
being  reliable,  so  without  repeating  what  is  unnecessary,  I  will  give,  in  his 
own  words,  such  further  facts  as  are  of  interest  in  this  connection. 

Note. 

Mr  Peyton  afterwards  learned  from  the  woman"  Shanawdithit,  the  full  particulars 
of  the  manner  in  which  his  boat  was  stolen.  She  was  present  all  the  time  and 
knew  every  incident  connected  with  this  event.  As  Mr  P.  rightly  conjectured,  it 
appears  the  Indians  were  watching  all  his  movements  very  closely.  There  was  a 
high  wooded  ridge  behind  his  house,  which  from  its  peculiar  outline  had  been  named 
Canoe  Hill.  It  bore  some  resemblance  to  a  canoe  turned  bottom  up.  One  tall  birch 
tree  -on  the  summit  of  this  ridge,  (still  standing  at  the  time  of  my  first  visit  1871), 
was  pointed  out  by  Shanawdithit  as  the  lookout  from  whence  the  Indians  observed 
Peyton's  movements,  during  several  days  preceding  the  depredation.  She  also  in- 
formed him,  that  when  he  paid  his  last  visit  of  inspection  to  the  long  wharf,  before 
the  taking  of  the  boat,  that  the  Indians  were  actually  hidden  in  their  canoe  beneath 
the  wharf,  but  kept  so  perfectly  motionless,  that  in  the  dense  darkness  he  did  not 
observe  their  presence. 

TRIBE  OF  RED   INDIANS. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  "  Liverpool  Mercury" 

Sir, 

Observing  among  the  deaths  in  the  Mercury  of  September  i8th  that  of 
"Shanawdithit"  supposed  to  be  the  last  of  the  "Red  Indians"  or  aborigines  of 
Newfoundland,  I  am  tempted  to  offer  a  few  remarks  on  the  subject,  convinced  as 
I  am  that  she  cannot  be  the  last  of  the  tribe  by  many  hundreds.  Having  resided 
a  considerable  time  in  that  part  of  the  north  of  Newfoundland  which  they  most 
frequented,  and  being  one  of  the  party  who  captured  Mary  March  in  1819,  I  have 
embodied  into  a  narrative  the  events  connected  with  her  capture,  which  I  am  con- 
fident will  gratify  many  of  your  readers. 

Proceeding  northward,  the  country  gradually  assumes  a  more  fertile  appearance ; 
the  trees,  which  in  the  south  are,  except  in  a  few  places,  stunted  in  their  growth, 
now  begin  to  assume  a  greater  height  and  strength  till  you  reach  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Exploits  River  and  Bay;  here  the  timber  is  of  a  good  size  and  quality, 
and  in  sufficient  quantity  to  serve  the  purposes  of  the  inhabitants  : — both  here  and 
at  Trinity  Bay  some  very  fine  vessels  have  been  built. — To  Exploits  Bay  it  was 
that  the  Red  Indians  came  every  summer  for  the  purpose  of  fishing,  the  place 
abounding  with  salmon.  No  part  of  the  Bay  was  inhabited ;  the  islands  at  the 
mouth  consisting  of  Twillingate,  Exploits  island,  and  Burnt  islands,  had  a  few  in- 
habitants. There  were  also  several  small  harbours  in  a  large  island,  the  name  of 
which  I  now  forget1,  including  Herring  Neck  and  Morton.  In  1820  the  population 
of  Twillingate  amounted  to  720,  and  that  of  all  the  other  places  might  perhaps 

1  This  is  New-World  Island. 


Story  of  the  Capture  97 

amount  to  as  many  more ; — they  were  chiefly  the  descendants  of  West  England 
settlers ;  and  having  many  of  them  been  for  several  generations  without  religious 
or  moral  instruction  of  any  kind,  were  immersed  in  the  lowest  state  of  ignorance 
and  vice.  Latterly,  however,  churches  have  been  built  and  schools  established,  and 
I  have  been  credibly  informed  that  the  moral  and  intellectual  state  of  the  people 
is  much  improved.  While  I  was  there  the  church  was  opened,  and  I  must  say  that 
the  people  came  in  crowds  to  attend  a  place  of  worship,  many  of  them  coming  15 
and  20  miles  purposely  to  attend.  On  the  first  settlement  of  the  country,  the  Indians 
naturally  viewed  the  intruders  with  a  jealous  eye,  and  some  of  the  settlers  having 
repeatedly  robbed  their  nets  &c.,  they  retaliated  and  stole  several  boats  sails,  implements 
of  iron  &c.  The  settlers  in  return  mercilessly  shot  all  the  Indians  they  could  meet 
with  : — in  fact  so  fearful  were  the  latter  of  fire  arms,  that  in  an  open  space  one  person 
with  a  gun  would  frighten  a  hundred  ;  when  concealed  among  the  bushes,  however, 
they  often  made  a  most  desperate  resistance.  I  have  heard  an  old  man  named 
Rogers,  living  on  Twillingate  Great  Island  boast  that  he  had  shot  at  different  periods 
above  sixty  of  them.  So  late  as  1817,  this  wretch,  accompanied  by  three  others,  one 
day  discovered  nine  unfortunate  Indians  lying  asleep  on  a  small  island  far  up  the 
bay.  Loading  their  guns  very  heavily,  they  rowed  up  to  them  and  each  taking 
aim  fired.  One  only  rose,  and  rushing  into  the  water,  endeavored  to  swim  to 
another  island,  close  by,  covered  with  wood :  but  the  merciless  wretch  followed  in 
the  boat,  and  butchered  the  poor  creature  in  the  water  with  an  axe,  then  took  the 
body  to  the  shore  and  piled  it  on  those  of  the  other  eight,  whom  his  companions 
had  in  the  meantime  put  out  of  their  misery.  He  minutely  described  to  me  the 
spot,  and  I  afterwards  visited  the  place,  and  found  their  bones  in  a  heap,  bleached 
and  whitened  with  the  winters  blast. 

I  have  now  I  think  said  enough  to  account  for  the  shyness  of  the  Indians 
towards  the  settlers,  but  could  relate  many  other  equally  revolting  scenes,  some  of 
which  I  shall  hereafter  touch  upon.  In  1815  or  I8I61,  Lieutenant,  now  Captain 
Buchan,  set  out  on  an  expedition  to  endeavour  to  meet  with  the  Indians,  for  the 
purpose  of  opening  a  friendly  communication  with  them.  He  succeeded  in  meeting 
with  them,  and  the  intercourse  seemed  firmly  established,  so  much  so,  that  two  of 
them  consented  to  go  and  pass  the  night  with  Capt.  Buchan's  party  he  leaving  two 
of  his  men  who  volunteered  to  stop.  On  returning  to  the  Indians'  encampment  in 
the  morning,  accompanied  by  the  two  who  had  remained  all  night2,  on  approaching 
the  spot,  the  two  Indians  manifested  considerable  disquietude,  and  after  exchanging 
a  few  glances  with  each  other,  broke  from  their  conductors  and  rushed  into  the 
woods.  On  arriving  at  the  encampment,  Capt.  Buchan's  poor  fellows  lay  on  the 
ground  a  frightful  spectacle,  their  heads  being  severed  from  their  bodies,  and  almost 
cut  to  pieces. 

In  the  summer  of  1818  a  person  who  had  established  a  salmon  fishery  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Exploits  River,  had  a  number  of  articles  stolen  by  the  Indians ;  they 
consisted  of  a  gold  watch,  left  accidently  in  the  boat,  the  boats,  sails  some  hatchets 
cordage  and  iron  implements.  He  therefore  resolved  on  sending  an  expedition  into 
the  country,  in  order  to  recover  his  property. 

The  day  before  the  party  set  off  I  arrived  accidently,  at  the  house,  taking  a 
survey  of  numerous  bodies  of  wood  cutters  belonging  to  the  establishment  with  which 
I  was  connected.  The  only  time  anyone  can  penetrate  into  the  interior  is  in  the 
winter  season,  the  lakes  and  rivers  being  frozen  over,  even  the  Bay  of  Exploits, 
though  salt  water,  was  then  (the  end  of  January)  frozen  for  sixty  miles.  Having 
proposed  to  accompany  the  party  they  immediately  consented.  Our  equipment 
consisted  of  a  musket,  bayonet,  and  hatchet ;  to  each  of  the  servants,  a  pistol ; 
Mr  and  myself  had,  in  addition,  another  pistol  and  a  dagger,  and  a  doubled 

1  This  is  a  mistake  in  the  date,  it  should  have  been  1810,   1811. 

2  As  may  be  seen  from  Capt.  Buchan's  own  narrative,  the  author  is  not  quite  correct  here,  only 
one  of  the  Indians  remained  with  Buchan's  party. 

H.  13 


98  Story  of  the  Captiire 

barrel  gun  instead  of  a  musket ;  each  carried  a  pair  of  snow  shoes,  a  supply  of 
eight  pounds  of  biscuits  and  a  piece  of  pork,  ammunition,  and  one  quart  of  rum  ; 
besides,  we  had  a  light  sled  and  four  dogs,  who  took  it  in  turns  in  dragging  the 
sled,  which  contained  a  blanket  for  each  man,  rum  and  other  necessaries.  We 
depended  on  our  guns  for  a  supply  of  provisions,  and  at  all  times  could  meet  with 
plenty  of  partridge  and  hares,  though  there  were  few  days  we  did  not  kill  a  deer. 
The  description  of  one  day's  journey  will  suffice  for  all,  there  being  but  little  varia- 
tion. The  snow  was  all  the  time  about  eight  feet  deep. 

On  the  morning  of  our  departure  we  set  off  in  good  spirits  up  the  river,  and 
after  following  its  course  for  about  twelve  miles,  arrived  at  the  rapids,  a  deer  at 
full  speed  passed  us  ;  I  fired,  and  it  fell  the  next  instant,  a  wolf,  in  full  pursuit  made 
his  appearance  ;  on  seeing  the  party  he  haulted  for  an  instant,  and  then  rushed  for- 
ward as  if  to  attack  us.  Mr  —  -  however,  anticipated  him  ;  for  taking  a  steady 
aim  and  at  the  same  time  sitting  coolly  on  an  old  tree,  he  passed  a  bullet  through 
the  fellows  head,  who  was  soon  stretched  a  corpse  on  the  snow,  a  few  minutes  after 
another  appeared,  when  several  firing  together  he  also  fell,  roaring  and  howling  for 
a  long  time,  when  one  of  the  men  went  and  knocked  him  on  the  head  with  a 
hatchet. 

And  now  ye  effeminate  feather-bed  loungers,  where  do  you  suppose  we  were  to 
sleep  ?  There  was  no  comfortable  hotel  to  receive  us ;  not  even  a  house  where  a 
board  informs  the  benighted  traveller  that  there  is  "entertainment  for  man  and 
horse,"  not  even  the  skeleton  of  a  wigwam  ;  the  snow  eight  feet  deep, — the  thermo- 
meter nineteen  degrees  below  the  freezing  point.  Everyone  having  disencumbered 
himself  of  his  load,  proceeded  with  his  hatchet  to  cut  down  the  small  fir  and  birch 
trees.  The  thick  part  of  the  trees  was  cut  in  lengths,  and  heaped  up  in  two  piles 
between  which  a  sort  of  wigwam  was  formed  of  the  branches  ;  a  number  of  small 
twigs  of  trees,  to  the  depth  of  about  three  feet  were  laid  on  the  snow  for  a  bed ; 
and  having  lighted  the  pile  of  wood  on  each  side,  some  prepared  venison  steaks  for 
supper  while  others  skinned  the  two  wolves,  in  order,  with  the  deerskin  to  form  a 
covering  to  the  wigwam  ;  this  some  opposed  as  being  a  luxury  we  should  not  every 
day  obtain.  Supper  being  ready,  we  ate  heartily  and  having  melted  some  snow  for 
water,  we  made  some  hot  toddy,  that  is,  rum,  butter,  hot  water  and  sugar ;  a  song 
was  proposed,  and  acceded  to  :  and  thus  in  the  midst  of  a  dreary  desert  far  from 
the  voice  of  our  fellow  men,  we  sat  cheerful  and  contented,  looking  forward  to  the 
morrow  without  dread,  anxious  to  renew  our  labors.  After  about  an  hour  thus  spent 
the  watch  was  appointed,  and  each  wrapped  in  his  blanket ;  we  vied  in  convincing 
each  other,  with  the  nasal  organ,  which  was  in  the  soundest  sleep ;  mine  was  the 
last  watch  about  an  hour  before  daybreak.  The  Aurora  Borealis  rolled  in  awful 
splendour  across  the  deep  blue  sky,  but  I  will  not  tire  my  readers  with  a  description. 
When  the  first  glimpse  of  morn  showed  itself  in  the  light  clouds,  floating  in  the 
Eastern  horizon,  I  awoke  my  companions,  and  by  the  time  it  was  sufficiently  light, 
we  had  breakfasted  and  were  ready  to  proceed.  Cutting  off  enough  of  the  deer  shot 
the  night  before,  we  proceeded  on  our  journey,  leaving  the  rest  to  the  wolves.  Each 
day  and  night  was  a  repetition  of  the  same ;  the  country  being  in  some  places 
tolerably  level,  in  general  covered  with  wood,  but  occasionally  barren  tracts,  where 

sometimes  for  miles  not  a  tree  was  to  be  seen.  Mr instructed  the  men  in 

which  way  he  wished  them  to  act,  informing  them  that  his  object  was  to  open  a 
friendly  communication  with  the  Indians,  rather  than  act  on  the  principle  of  intimi- 
dating them  by  revenge ;  that  if  they  avoided  him,  he  should  endeavour  to  take  one 
or  two  prisoners  and  bring  them  with  him,  in  order  that  by  the  civilization  of  one 
or  two  an  intercourse  might  be  established  that  would  end  in  their  permanent 
civilization.  He  strictly  exhorted  them  not  to  use  undue  violence ;  everyone  was 
strictly  enjoined  not  to  fire  on  any  account.  About  three  O'clock  in  the  afternoon 
two  men,  who  then  led  the  party  were  about  two  hundred  yards  before  the  rest ; 
three  deer  closely  followed  by  a  pack  of  wolves,  issued  from  the  woods  on  the  left,  and 
bounded  across  the  lake,  passing  very  near  the  men,  whom  they  totally  disregarded. 


Story  of  the  Capture  99 

The  men  incautiously  fired  at  them.  We  were  then  about  half  a  mile  from  the  point 
of  land  that  almost  intersected  the  lake,  and  in  a  few  minutes  we  saw  it  covered 
with  Indians,  who  instantly  retired.  The  alarm  was  given ;  we  soon  reached  the 
point ;  about  five  hundred  yards  on  the  other  side  we  saw  the  Indians  houses, 
and  the  Indians,  men,  women  and  children  rushing  from  them,  across  the  lake1,  here 
about  a  mile  broad.  Hurrying  on  we  quickly  came  to  the  houses ;  when  within  a 
short  distance  from  the  last  house,  three  men  and  a  woman  carrying  a  child  issued 
forth.  One  of  the  men  took  the  infant  from  her,  and  their  speed  soon  convinced  us 

of  the  futility  of  pursuit ;    the  woman  however,  did  not  run  so  fast.     Mr loosened 

his  provision  bag  from  his  back  and  let  it  fall,  threw  away  his  gun  and  hatchet  and 
set  off  at  a  speed  that  soon  overtook  the  woman.  One  man  and  myself  did  the 
same,  except  our  guns.  The  rest,  picking  up  our  things  followed.  On  overtaking 
the  woman,  she  instantly  fell  on  her  knees,  and  tearing  open  the  cossack,  (a  dress 
composed  of  deer-skin  bound  with  fur),  showing  her  breasts  to  prove  she  was  a 

woman,   and    begged    for   mercy.     In   a   few   moments   we   were   by    Mr  • 's    side. 

Several  of  the  Indians,  with  the  three  who  had  quitted  the  house  with  the  woman, 
now  advanced,  while  we  retreated  towards  the  shore.  At  length  we  stopped  and 
they  did  the  same.  After  a  pause  three  of  them  laid  down  their  bows,  with  which 
they  were  armed,  and  came  within  two  hundred  yards.  We  then  presented  our  guns, 
intimating  that  not  more  than  one  would  be  allowed  to  approach.  They  retired  and 
fetched  their  arms,  when  one,  the  ill  fated  husband  of  Mary  March,  our  captive, 
advanced  with  a  branch  of  a  fir  tree  (spruce)  in  his  hand.  When  about  ten  yards 
off  he  stopped  and  made  a  long  oration.  He  spoke  at  least  ten  minutes ;  towards 
the  last  his  gesture  became  very  animated  and  his  eye  "shot  fire."  He  concluded 
very  mildly,  and  advancing,  shook  hands  with  many  of  the  party — then  he  attempted 
to  take  his  wife  from  us  ;  being  opposed  in  this  he  drew  from  beneath  his  cossack, 
an  axe,  the  whole  of  which  was  finely  polished,  and  brandished  it  over  our  heads. 
On  two  or  three  pieces2  being  presented,  he  gave  it  up  to  Mr  -  -  who  then  inti- 
mated that  the  woman  must  go  with  us,  but  that  he  might  go  also  if  he  pleased, 
and  that  in  the  morning  both  should  have  their  liberty.  At  the  same  time  two  of 
the  men  began  to  conduct  her  towards  the  houses.  On  this  being  done  he  became 
infuriated,  and  rushing  towards  her  strove  to  drag  her  from  them  ;  one  of  the  men 
rushed  forward  and  stabbed  him  in  the  back  with  a  bayonet ;  turning  round,  at  a 
blow  he  laid  the  fellow  at  his  feet ;  the  next  instant  he  knocked  down  another  and 
rushing  on — like  a  child  laid  him  on  his  back,  and  seizing  his  dirk  from  his  belt 
brandished  it  over  his  head  ;  the  next  instant  it  would  have  been  buried  in  him  had 
I  not  with  both  hands  siezed  his  arm ;  he  shook  me  off  in  an  instant,  while  I 

measured  my  length  on  the  ice ;     Mr  then  drew  a  pistol   from   his  girdle   and 

fired.  The  poor  wretch  first  staggered  then  fell  on  his  face :  while  writhing  in 
agonies,  he  seemed  for  a  moment  to  stop ;  his  muscles  stiffened  :  slowly  and  gradu- 
ally he  raised  himself  from  the  ice,  turned  round,  and  with  a  wild  gaze  surveyed  us 
all  in  a  circle  around  him.  Never  shall  I  forget  the  figure  he  exhibited  ;  his  hair 
hanging  on  each  side  of  his  sallow  face ;  his  bushy  beard3  clotted  with  the  blood 
that  flowed  from  his  mouth  and  nose ;  his  eyes  flashing  fire,  yet  with  the  glass 
of  death  upon  them, — they  fixed  on  the  individual  who  first  stabbed  him.  Slowly 

he  raised    the   hand   that   still   grasped   young   's    dagger,   till   he    raised  it  con- 

siderably  above  his  head,  when  uttering  a  yell  that  made  the  woods  echo,  he 
rushed  at  him.  The  man  fired  as  he  advanced,  and  the  noble  Indian  again  fell  on 
his  face  ;  a  few  moments  struggle,  and  he  lay  a  stiffened  corpse  on  the  icy  surface 
of  the  limpid  waters.  The  woman  for  a  moment  seemed  scarcely  to  notice  the 
corpse,  in  a  few  minutes  however,  she  showed  a  little  motion  ;  but  it  was  not  until 

1  What  I  saw  I  should  estimate  at  from  three  to  four  hundred,  including  women  and  children  : 
of  this  however  hereafter.     This  does  not  at  all  tally  with  Mr  Peyton's  estimate. 

2  Muskets. 

•''  The  possession  of  a  beard  is  very  unusual  amongst  full  blooded  Indians. 

13  —  2 


ioo  Story  of  the  Capture 

obliged  to  leave  the  remains  of  her  husband  that  she  gave  way  to  grief,  and 
vented  her  sorrow  in  the  most  heartbreaking  lamentations.  While  the  scene  which 
I  have  described  was  acting,  and  which  occurred  in  almost  less  space  than  the 
description  can  be  read,  a  number  of  Indians  had  advanced  within  a  short  distance, 
but  seeing  the  untimely  fate  of  their  chief  haulted.  Mr  —  -  fired  over  their  heads, 
and  they  immediately  fled.  The  banks  of  the  lake,  on  the  other  side,  were  at  this 
time  covered  with  men  women  and  children,  at  least  several  hundreds  ;  but  immedi- 
ately being  joined  by  their  companions  all  disappeared  in  the  woods.  We  then  had 
time  to  think.  For  my  part  I  could  scarcely  credit  my  senses,  as  I  beheld  the 
remains  of  the  noble  fellow  stretched  on  the  ice,  crimsoned  with  his  already  frozen 
blood.  One  of  the  men  then  went  to  the  shore  for  some  fir  tree  boughs  to  cover 
the  body,  which  measured  as  it  lay,  6  feet  7^  inches.  The  fellow  who  first  stabbed 
him  wanted  to  strip  off  his  cossack,  (a  garment  made  of  deer  skin,  lined  with  beaver 

and  other  skins,  reaching  to  the  knees),  but  met  with  so  stern  a  rebuke  from  , 

that  he  instantly  desisted,  and  slunk  abashed  away. 

After  covering  the  body  with  boughs,  we  proceeded  towards  the  Indian  houses — 
the  woman  often  required  force  to  take  her  along.  On  examining  them,  we  found 
no  living  creature,  save  a  bitch  and  her  whelps,  about  two  months  old.  The  houses 
of  these  Indians  are  very  different  to  those  of  the  other  tribes  of  North  America  ; 
they  are  built  of  straight  pieces  of  fir  about  twelve  feet  high,  flattened  at  the  sides, 
and  driven  in  the  earth  close  to  each  other  ;  the  corners  being  much  stronger  than 
the  other  parts.  The  crevices  are  filled  up  with  moss,  and  the  inside  entirely  lined 
with  the  same  material ;  the  roof  is  raised  so  as  to  slant  from  all  parts  and  meet 
in  a  point  at  the  centre,  where  a  hole  is  left  for  the  smoke  to  escape ;  the  remainder 
of  the  roof  is  covered  with  a  treble  coat  of  birch  bark,  and  between  the  first  and 
second  layers  of  bark  is  about  six  inches  of  moss ;  about  the  chimney  clay  is  sub- 
stituted for  it. 

On  entering  one  of  the  houses  I  was  astonished  at  the  neatness  which  reigned 
within.  The  sides  of  the  tenement  were  covered  with  arms, — bows,  arrows,  clubs, 
axes  of  iron  (stolen  from  the  settlers)  stone  hatchets,  arrow  heads,  in  fact,  imple- 
ments of  war  and  for  the  chase,  but  all  arranged  in  the  neatest  order,  and  apparently 
every  mans'  property  carefully  put  together.  At  one  end  was  a  small  image,  or 
rather  a  head,  carved  rudely  out  of  a  block  of  wood  ;  round  the  neck  was  hung 
the  case  of  a  watch,  and  on  a  board  close  by,  the  works  of  the  watch  which  had 
been  carefully  taken  to  pieces,  and  hung  on  small  pegs  on  the  board  ;  the  whole 
were  surrounded  with  the  main  spring.  In  the  other  houses  the  remainder  of  the 
articles  stolen  were  found.  Beams  were  placed  across  where  the  roof  began  ;  over 
which  smaller  ones  were  laid  :  on  these  were  piled  a  considerable  quantity  of  dried 
venison  and  salmon,  together  with  a  little  codfish.  On  -  -  taking  down  the  watch 
and  works,  and  bringing  the  image  over  to  the  fire  the  woman  surveyed  him  with 
anger,  and  in  a  few  minutes  made  free  with  her  tongue,  her  manner  showing  us  that 
she  was  not  unused  to  scolding.  When  Mr  -  -  saw  it  displeased  her,  he  rather 
irreverently  threw  the  log  on  one  side :  on  this  she  rose  in  a  rage,  and  would,  had 
not  her  hands  been  fastened,  have  inflicted  summary  vengeance  for  the  insult  offered 
to  the  hideous  idol.  Wishing  to  pacify  her  he  rose,  and  taking  his  reverence  carefully 
up,  placed  him  where  he  had  taken  him  from.  This  pacified  her.  I  must  here  do 
the  poor  creature  the  justice  to  say,  that  I  never  afterwards  saw  her  out  of  temper. 

A  watch  was  set  outside ;  and  having  partaken  of  the  Indian's  fare,  we  began 
to  talk  over  the  events  of  the  day.  Both  -  -  and  myself  bitterly  reproached  the 
man  who  first  stabbed  the  unfortunate  native ;  for  though  he  acted  violently,  still 
there  was  no  necessity  for  the  brutal  act, — besides,  the  untaught  Indian  was  only 
doing  that  which  every  man  ought  to  do, — he  came  to  rescue  his  wife  from  the 
hands  of  her  captors,  and  nobly  lost  his  life  in  his  attempt  to  save  her.  —  -  here 
declared  that  he  would  rather  have  defeated  the  object  of  his  journey  a  hundred 
times  than  have  sacrificed  the  life  of  one  Indian.  The  fellow  merely  replied,  "  it 
was  only  an  Indian,  and  he  wished  he  had  shot  a  hundred  instead  of  one."  The 


Noad's  lecture  101 

poor  woman  was  now  tied  securely,  we  having,  on  consideration,  deemed  it  for  the 
best  to  take  her  with  us,  so  that  by  kind  treatment  and  civilization  she  might,  in 
the  course  of  time,  be  returned  to  her  tribe,  and  be  the  means  of  effecting  a  last- 
ing reconciliation  between  them  and  the  settlers. 

After  the  men  had  laid  themselves  down  around  the  fire,  and  the  watch  was 
set  outside  the  door,  Mr  -  -  and  myself  remained  up  and,  in  a  low  voice  talked 
over  the  events  of  the  day.  We  then  .decided  on  remaining  to  rest  for  three  or  four 
days  ;  and  in  the  meantime,  to  endeavour  to  find  the  Indians.  I  would  I  could  now 
describe  how  insensibly  we  glided  from  one  subject  to  another;  religion — politics — 
country — "home  sweet  home," — alternately  occupied  our  attention;  and,  thus  in  the 
midst  of  a  dreary  waste  far  away  from  the  haunts  of  civilized  man,  we  sat  con- 
tentedly smoking  our  pipes;  and  Englishman-like,  settled  the  affairs  of  nations  over 
a  glass  of  rum  and  water — ever  and  anon  drinking  a  health  to  each  friend  and  fair, 
who  rose  uppermost  in  our  thoughts.  From  this  the  subject  turned  to  "  specific 
gravity."  Here  an  argument  commenced.  When  illustrating  a  position  I  had  advanced, 
by  the  ascension  of  the  smoke  from  my  pipe,  we  both  turned  up  our  eyes  to  witness 
its  progress  upwards :  on  looking  towards  the  aperture  in  the  roof  what  was  our 
astonishment  at  beholding  the  faces  of  two  Indians,  calmly  surveying  us  in  the  quiet 
occupation  of  their  abode.  In  an  instant  we  shouted  "The  Indians!"  and  in  a 
moment  every  one  was  on  the  alert,  and  each  taking  his  arms  rushed  to  the  door — 
not  a  creature  was  to  be  seen  ;  in  vain  we  looked  around  ; — no  trace  save  the  marks 
of  footsteps  on  the  snow,  was  to  be  discovered,  but  these  seemed  almost  innumera- 
ble. We  fired  about  a  dozen  shots  into  the  woods,  and'  then  retired  to  our  dwelling 
— and  I  then  resolved  to  take  alternate  watch,  and  every  half  hour  at  least  to  walk 
around  the  house.  During  the  night,  however,  we  were  not  again  disturbed,  save 
by  the  howling  of  wolves  and  barking  of  foxes. 

(signed)     E.  S.1. 

Still  another  account  of  the  capture  and  death  of  Mary  March  with 
added  details  of  much  interest,  appears  in  a  lecture  delivered  by  the 
Hon.  Joseph  Noad,  Surveyor  General  of  the  Colony,  in  1859,  before  the 
Mechanics'  Institute  at  St  John's.  There  is  internal  evidence  that  Mr  Noad 
derived  most  of  his  information  direct  from  Mr  John  Peyton,  also  from 
Mr  W.  E.  Cormack,  with  both  of  whom  he  must  have  been  personally 
acquainted.  Cormack  again  derived  his  information  partly  from  the  Beo- 
thuck  woman  Shanawdithit,  which  renders  it  all  the  more  interesting. 

After  relating  the  circumstances  which  led  to  Mr  Peyton's  expedition 
up  the  Exploits  in  1819,  pretty  much  as  already  given,  he  goes  on  to  state, 
that  on  the  ist  of  March,  1819,  the  expedition  set  out  with  a  most  anxious 
desire,  as  they  asserted,  of  being  able  to  take  some  of  the  Indians  and 
thus  through  them,  to  open  a  friendly  communication  with  the  rest.  The 
leader  of  the  party  giving  strict  orders  not  on  any  account  to  commence 
hostilities  without  positive  directions.  On  the  2nd  oif  March  a  few  wigwams 
were  seen  and  examined,  they  appeared  to  have  been  frequented  by  the 
Indians  during  spring  and  autumn  for  the  purpose  of  killing  deer.  On  the 
3rd  a  fireplace  on  the  side  of  a  brook  was  seen,  where  some  Indians  had 
recently  slept.  On  the  4th  the  party  reached  a  storehouse  belonging  to 
the  Indians  and  on  entering  it  they  found  five  traps,  and  recognised  them 
as  the  property  of  persons  in  Twillingate,  as  also  part  of  a  boat's  jib, 

1  This  was  probably  some  member  of  the  Slade  family,  whose  firm  carried  on  an  extensive 
mercantile  trade  all  over  Notre  Dame  Bay,  their  principal  establishment  being  located  at  Twillingate, 
with  branch  houses  in  all  the  settled  harbours. 


IO2  Noad's  lecture 

footprints  were  seen  about  the  storehouse  and  these  tracks  were  followed 
with  speed  and  caution.  On  the  5th  the  party  reached  a  very  large  pond1, 
and  footmarks  of  two  or  more  Indians  were  distinctly  discovered  and  soon 
after  an  Indian  was  seen  walking  in  the  direction  of  the  spot  where  the 
party  were  concealed  while  three  other  Indians  were  observed  further  off 
going  in  a  contrary  direction.  The  curiosity  of  the  whole  party  being 
strongly  excited  the  leader  of  them  showed  himself  openly  on  the  point. 
When  the  Indian  discovered  him  she  was  for  a  moment  motionless,  then 
screamed  violently  and  ran  off — at  this  time  the  persons  in  pursuit  were 
in  ignorance  as  to  whether  the  Indian  was  male  or  female.  One  of  the 
party  immediately  started  in  pursuit,  but  did  not  gain  on  her  until  he  had 
taken  off  his  jacket  and  rackets,  when  he  came  up  with  her  fast ;  as  she 
kept  looking  back  at  her  pursuer  over  her  shoulder.  He  dropped  his  gun 
on  the  snow  and  held  up  his  hands  to  show  her  he  was  unarmed,  and  on 
pointing  to  his  gun  which  was  some  distance  behind,  she  stopped, — he  did 
the  same,  then  he  advanced  and  gave  her  his  hand,  she  gave  hers  to  him 
and  to  all  the  party  as  they  came  up.  Seven  or  eight  Indians  were  then 
seen  repeatedly  running  off  and  on  the  pond,  and  shortly  three  of  them 
came  towards  the  party — the  woman  spoke  to  them  and  two  of  the  Indians 
joined  the  English,  while  the  third  remained  some  100  yards  off.  Some- 
thing being  observed  under  the  cassock  of  one  of  them,  he  was  searched, 
and  a  hatchet  taken  from  him.  The  two  Indians  then  took  hold  of  the 
man  who  had  seized  the  woman,  and  endeavoured  to  force  her  away  from 
him,  but  not  succeeding  in  this,  one  of  them  tried  to  get  possession  of 
three  different  guns,  and  at  last  succeeded  in  getting  hold  of  one,  which 
he  tried  to  wrest  from  the  man  who  held  it ;  not  being  able  to  accomplish 
this  the  Indian  seized  the  Englishman  by  the  throat,  and  the  danger  being 
imminent,  three  shots  were  fired,  all  so  simultaneously  that  it  appeared  as 
if  only  one  gun  had  been  discharged.  The  Indian  dropped,  and  his  com- 
panions immediately  fled.  In  extenuation  of  this  most  deplorable  event, 
to  say  the  least  of  it,  it  is  said,  "  Could  we  have  intimidated  him,  or 
persuaded  him  to  leave  us,  or  even  have  seen  the  others  go  off,  we  should 
have  been  most  happy  to  have  spared  using  violence — but  when  it  is 
remembered  that  our  small  party  were  in  the  heart  of  the  Indian  country 
a  hundred  miles  from  any  European  settlement,  and  that  there  were  in  our 
sight  at  times,  as  many  Indians  as  our  party  amounted  to,  and  we  could 
not  ascertain  how  many  were  in  the  woods  that  we  did  not  see,  it  could 
not  be  avoided  with  safety  to  ourselves.  Had  destruction  been  our  object, 
we  might  have  carried  it  much  further." 

The  death  of  this  Indian  was  subsequently  brought  before  the  Grand 
Jury,  and  that  body  having  enquired  into  the  circumstances  connected  with 
it,  made  the  following  statement  in  its  presentment  to  the  Court.  "  It 
appears  that  the  deceased  came  to  his  death  in  consequence  of  an  attack 
upon  the  party  in  search  of  them,  and  his  subsequent  obstinacy  in  not 
desisting  when  repeatedly  menaced  by  some  of  the  party  for  that  purpose, 
and  the  peculiar  situation  of  the  searching  party  and  their  men,  was  such 
as  to  warrant  their  acting  on  the  defensive." 

1  Red  Indian  Lake. 


The  charge  against  Captain  Buchan  103 

Thus  perished  the  illfated  husband  of  poor  Mary  March,  and  she 
herself  from  the  moment  her  hand  was  touched  by  the  whiteman,  became 
the  child  of  sorrow,  a  character  which  never  left  her,  until  she  became 
shrouded  in  an  early  tomb.  Among  her  tribe  she  was  known  as  "  De-mas- 
do-weet,"  her  husband's  name  was  "  No-nos-baw-sut." 

In  the  official  report  Mary  March  is  described  as  a  young  woman  of 
about  twenty-three  years  of  age, — of  a  gentle  and  interesting  disposition, 
acquiring  and  retaining  without  any  difficulty  any  words  she  was  taught. 
She  had  one  child,  who,  as  was  subsequently  ascertained,  died  a  couple  of 
days  after  its  mother's  capture1.  She  was  taken  to  Twillingate  where  she 
was  placed  under  the  care  of  Revd.  Mr  Leigh,  Episcopal  Missionary;  who 
on  the  opening  of  spring  came  with  her  to  St  John's.  During  the  summer  a 
small  sloop  was  sent  back  with  her  to  the  northward.  The  commander  was  to 
proceed  to  the  summer  haunts  of  the  Indians  and  restore  her  to  her  people, 
but  he  was  unsuccessful  in  finding  them,  and  he  returned  to  St  John's. 

Capt.  Buchan  in  the  Grasshopper  was  subsequently  sent.  He  left 
St  John's  in  September  1819  for  Exploits  Bay  to  winter  there.  Poor  Mary 
March  died  on  board  the  vessel  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  her  remains 
were  conveyed  up  to  Red  Indian  Lake  by  Buchan  as  already  related. 

Mary  March  or  "  Demasduit,"  according  to  herself  had  another  name, 
"  Waunathoake." 

It  was  subsequently  learnt  from  Shanawdithit,  that  the  Indians  saw 
Buchan's  party  passing  up  the  river  with  the  body  of  Mary  March.  They 
were,  as  Peyton  conjectured,  camped  at  the  time  in  the  woods,  not  far  from 
where  he  saw  the  fresh  liver  of  a  deer,  but  on  seeing  the  white  men  they 
lay  very  close  till  the  latter  had  passed  on  out  of  sight.  They  then  imme- 
diately broke  camp  and  proceeded  cautiously  down  to  the  sea  shore  by 
devious  routes,  there  they  concealed  themselves  and  remained  till  they  saw 
Buchan's  party  return  and  go  aboard  the  ship.  They  then  went  back  again 
and  visited  the  Great  Lake  where  they  found  the  body  suspended  from 
the  poles  struck  through  the  roof  of  the  wigwam.  They  took  it  down  and 
opened  the  coffin  with  their  axes,  on  seeing  its  contents,  they  prepared  a 
grave  in  which  they  placed  the  body  together  with  that  of  her  husband  and 
child.  Mr  W.  E.  Cormack  afterwards  saw  this  grave  in  1827,  and  recog- 
nised the  remains  of  Mary  March  from  the  plate  that  had  been  placed  on 
the  coffin  by  Buchan. 

According  to  Bonnycastle,  "  Mary  March,  it  is  said,  had  hair  much 
like  that  of  an  European,  but  was  of  a  copper  colour  with  black  eyes. 
Her  natural  disposition  was  docile  ;  and  although  fifty  years  old  (?)2,  she 
was  very  active,  and  her  whole  demeanour  agreeable  ;  in  this  respect,  as 
well  as  in  her  appearance,  she  was  very  different  from  the  Micmacs,  or  any 
other  Indians  we  are  acquainted  with." 

1  This  information  was  derived  from  Shanawdithit. 

a  Apparently  Bonnycastle  was  misinformed,  all  other  accounts  represent  her  as  a  young  woman 
some  23  or  24  years  of  age. 


io4  Extracts  from  "The  Times" 

Further  references  to  Buchan  s  Two  Expeditions,  taken  from  the  London 
"Times"  in  the  British  Museum,  copied  by  Engineer  Lieut.  R.  A. 
Howley,  1906. 

LONDON  "TIMES,"  Nov.  iith,  1811. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  St  Johns,  dated  Aug.    i,    1811. 

"  Lieut.  Buchan  returned  from  his  expedition  up  the  Bay  of  Exploits,  about  a 
month  ago.  It  appears,  that  in  the  month  of  January  he,  with  a  party  of  sixteen 
or  seventeen  of  the  crew  of  the  'Adonis'  in  exploring  the  interior  of  the  country, 
came  up  with  three  wigwams,  occupied  by  about  seventy  of  the  native  Indians,  by 
whom  he  and  his  party  were  received  in  a  friendly  manner ;  that  after  staying  with 
them  some  time,  he  endeavoured  to  make  known  to  them  his  intention  of  returning, 
for  the  purpose  of  presenting  them  with  such  articles  as  he  had  been  supplied  with, 
and  which  he  apparently  made  them  understand,  would  contribute  to  their  comfort 
and  convenience.  Four  of  the  natives  voluntarily  went  with  him  ;  and  two  of  his 
marines,  with  equal  confidence,  agreed  to  remain  with  the  Indians  until  his  return. 
Three  out  of  the  four  Indians,  however,  parted  from  him  in  the  course  of  the  first 
day ;  the  other  remained  with  him  all  night,  and  returned  with  him  and  his  party, 
back  to  the  wigwams  the  next  morning,  which,  they  found,  had  been  totally  aban- 
doned, and  at  no  great  distance  from  which,  they  found  the  dead  bodies  of  the  two 
marines  they  had  left  behind,  both  of  whom  had  been  murdered  and  their  heads 
severed  from  their  bodies ;  upon  discovering  which  the  remaining  Indian  ran  off 
with  the  utmost  speed,  and  neither  him,  nor  any  of  the  others,  were  they  able  to 
come  up  with  afterwards. 

Thus,  unfortunately,  has  ended  our  attempt  to  open  a  friendly  intercourse  with 
the  natives  of  this  Island.  Lieut.  Buchan  says,  that  he  clearly  understood,  by  signs 
which  they  repeatedly  made  to  him  to  cross  over  an  adjoining  lake,  that  their  principal 
encampment  was  in  that  neighbourhood  and  that  they  were  much  more  numerous 
than  we  had  formed  any  idea  of.  He  seems  anxious  to  engage  in  a  second  expe- 
dition, but  thinks  it  advisable  to  send  a  considerable  augmentation  of  force  to  ensure 
success  to  the  undertaking.  Whether  any  further  attempt  will  be  made  at  present, 
or  not.  is  uncertain." 

LONDON  "  TIMES,"  July  \ot/t,  1820. 

"  We  learn  by  letters  just  received  here  from  Newfoundland,  dated  June  5th 
that  the  expedition  which  left  St  John's  in  the  autumn  of  last  year,  under  the 
direction  of  Capt.  Buchan  of  H.M.S.  '  Grasshopper '  having  for  its  object,  to  open  a 
communication  with  the  aborigines  of  the  island,  by  way  of  the  Bay  of  Exploits, 
had  failed,  and  that  skilful  and  intelligent  officer  with  his  persevering  companions, 
had  returned. 

It  appears,  that  the  'Grasshopper,'  having  reached  the  river,  from  St  John's,  in 
December  last,  was  housed  over,  and  made  secure,  to  enable  the  persons  left  on 
board  to  encounter  the  inclemency  of  a  Newfoundland  winter.  Mary  March  the 
female  native  Indian  prisoner,  who  was  to  have  been  the  medium  of  communication 
with  her  native  friends  died  on  board  the  'Grasshopper,'  before  the  expedition  could 
set  out  from  the  Bay  of  Exploits. 

About  the  middle  of  January,  Captain  Buchan,  Mr  C.  Waller  midshipman,  the 
Boatswain,  and  about  sixty  men,  proceeded  with  sleighs  on  the  ice,  containing  their 
provisions  &c.,  as  also  the  body  of  the  female  Indian ;  and  the  spot,  having  been 
pointed  out  by  Mr  Peyton,  a  merchant  who  accompanied  the  expedition,  where  the 
rencontre  took  place  between  his  party  and  the  Indians,  when  the  husband  of  Mary 
March  was  killed,  her  body,  ornamented  with  trinkets  &c.  was  deposited  alongside 
that  of  her  husband. 


John  Peyton,  J.P.  Twillingate 

The  man  who  captured  Mary  March  in  1819.     He  was  then 
carrying  on  a  fish  and  fur  trade  in  Bay  of  Exploits.    N.D.B. 


Finding  of  the  Grand  Jury  105 

Captain  Buchan  continued  a  research  of  40  days,  but  was  not  able  to  discover 
the  slightest  trace  of  the  native  Indians.  Whether  they  had  fled  to  some  other  part 
of  the  island,  or  had  been  exterminated  by  the  Esquimaux1  Indians,  who,  to  obtain 
the  furs  with  which  they  are  covered  are  known  to  invariably  murder  them  at  every 
opportunity,  could  not  be  ascertained  ;  but  it  appeared  useless  to  proceed  any  further 
in  the  search." 

GRAND  JURY  ROOM. 
May,  1819. 


The  Grand  Jury  beg  leave  to  state  to  the  Court  that  they  have,  as  far  as  it  was 
possible,  investigated  the  unfortunate  circumstances  which  occasioned  the  loss  of  life 
to  one  of  the  Red  Indian  Tribe  near  the  River  of  Exploits,  in  a  late  rencontre 
which  took  place  between  the  deceased  and  John  Peyton,  Sr.,  In  the  presence  of 
Peyton,  Jr.,  his  son,  and  a  party  of  their  own  men,  to  the  number  of  ten  in  all, 
and  in  sight  of  several  Indians  of  the  same  tribe.  The  Grand  Jury  are  of  opinion 
that  no  malice  preceded  the  transaction,  and  that  there  was  no  intention  on  the  part 
of  Peyton's  party  to  get  possession  of  any  of  them  by  such  violence  as  would  occa- 
sion bloodshed.  But  it  appears  that  the  deceased  came  by  his  death  in  consequence 
of  the  attack  on  Peyton,  Sr.,  and  his  subsequent  obstinacy,  and  not  desisting  when 
repeatedly  menaced  by  some  of  the  party  for  that  purpose,  and  the  peculiar  situation 
of  the  Peytons  and  their  men,  was  such  as  to  warrant  their  acting  on  the  defensive. 
At  the  same  time  that  the  Grand  Jury  declare  these  opinions  arising  from  the  only 
evidence  brought  before  them,  they  cannot  but  regret  the  want  of  other  evidence 
to  corroborate  the  foregoing,  viewing  it  as  they  do  a  matter  of  the  first  importance, 
and  which  calls  for  the  most  complete  establishment  of  innocence  on  the  part  of  the 
Peyton's  and  their  men,  they  therefore  recommend  that  four  of  the  party  should  be 
brought  round  at  the  end  of  the  fishing  season  for  that  purpose. 

(signed)    NEWMAN  W.  HOYLES, 
Foreman. 

John  Peyton  s  Narrative. 
Sir, 

I  beg  leave  to  lay  before  Your  Excellency  the  following  statements  by 
which  it  will  appear  to  what  extent  I  have  been  a  sufferer  by  depredation  com- 
mitted on  my  property  by  the  Native  Indians,  and  which  at  last  drove  me  to  the 
necessity  of  following  them  to  endeavour  to  recover  some  part  of  it  again. 

In  April  1814,  John  Morris,  a  furrier  of  mine,  came  out  from  one  of  my  furrier's 
tilts  in  the  country  on  business  to  me,  leaving  in  the  tilt  his  provisions,  some  fur, 
and  his  clothes.  On  his  return  to  the  tilt  again  he  found  that  some  persons  had 
been  there  in  his  absence,  and  carried  away  and  destroyed  the  provisions,  and  all 
the  fur  with  many  other  little  things  but  yet  valuable  to  a  furrier  ;  the  distance 
being  20  miles  from  the  tilt  to  my  residence  he  was  obliged  to  sleep  there  that 
night,  but  the  next  day  Morris  came  out  and  told  me  what  had  happened,  and  that 
he  had  every  reason  to  suspect  that  it  had  been  done  by  the  Red  Indians.  On  the 
following  morning  I,  with  Thomas  Taylor,  another  of  my  furriers,  and  -John  Morris, 
went  to  Morris's  tilt  and  found  what  he  had  told  me  to  be  correct,  and  near  the 
tilt  I  found  part  of  an  Indian's  snow  racket  and  a  hatchet,  which  convinced  me  that 
the  depredation  had  been  committed  by  them.  We,  after  this  followed  their  tracks 
to  Morris's  different  beaver  houses  and  found  that  they  had  carried  away  seven  of 
my  traps.  The  damage  done  and  loss  I  sustained  on  this  occasion  cannot  be  esti- 
mated at  less  than  .£15  independent  of  losing  the  season  for  catching  fur. 

In  June    1814  Mathew  Huster  and  John  Morris  were  sent  by  me  to  put  out  a 

1  More  probably  Micmacs  ?. 
H.  14 


io6  Peyton's  Narrative 

hew  fleet  of  salmon  nets  consisting  of  two  nets  60  fathoms  long.  On  going  the 
following  morning  to  haul  them,  they  were  cut  from  the  moorings  and  nothing  but 
a  small  part  of  the  Head  Rope  left.  From  the  manner  the  moorings  were  cut  and 
hackled,  and  the  marks  of  Red  Ochre  on  the  Buoys,  we  were  satisfied  that  it  was 
done  by  the  Indians,  no  other  persons  being  near  us  at  that  season.  In  the  following 
August  some  of  my  people  had  an  occasion  to  land  on  a  point  often  frequented  by 
the  Indians,  they  saw  there  had  been  two  wigwams  built  there  that  summer,  but  the 
Indians  had  left  it  some  time,  there  they  found  the  cork  and  part  of  the  head  rope 
of  the  nets,  which  convinced  us  who  it  was  had  cut  away  the  nets  in  June.  The 
damage  done  me  by  the  loss  of  the  nets  was  £20  independent  of  the  fish  that  might 
have  been  caught  by  them  that  summer. 

In  August  1815  the  Red  Indians  came  into  the  harbour  of  Exploits  Burnt  Island 
in  the  night,  and  cut  adrift  from  my  stage  a  fishing  boat,  carried  away  her  sails  and 
fishing  tackle ;  they  also  the  same  night  cut  a  boat  adrift  belonging  to  Geo.  Luff, 
of  the  same  harbour.  The  loss  I  sustained  here  was  full  £10.  In  October  1817  I 
sent  Edward  Rogers,  an  apprentice,  to  set  a  number  of  traps  for  catching  marten 
cats,  they  being  apparently  very  plenty  at  that  time.  On  going  to  visit  his  traps  he 
found  that  fourteen  of  his  best  traps  were  carried  away,  and  an  Indian's  arrow  driven 
through  the  roof  of  the  cat-house,  at  the  end  of  the  path  were  two  Indian  paddles, 
the  loss  here,  independent  of  the  fur,  was  £4.  i8s. 

In  September  1818  the  Indians  came  to  my  wharf  at  Sandy  Point,  and  cut 
adrift  a  large  boat  of  mine  which  I  had  in  the  day  loaded  with  salmon,  &c.,  for 
St  John's  market,  and  was  only  waiting  for  a  fair  wind  to  sail.  On  my  missing 
her  at  half  past  one  in  the  morning,  I  took  a  small  boat,  and  with  a  servant  went  in 
search  of  her.  About  seven  O'Clock  in  the  evening  I  discovered  her  ashore  in  a  most 
dangerous  situation.  With  great  difficulty  I  boarded  her,  and  found  that  the  Indians 
had  cut  away  her  sails  and  part  of  her  rigging,  and  had  plundered  her  of  almost 
every  thing  moveable.  Her  hull  being  much  damaged,  it  was  impossible  to  get  her 
off  without  assistance.  I  proceeded  to  Exploits  Burnt  Island  for  a  crew,  and  brought 
her  into  the  harbour,  the  damage  done  to  the  boat  and  some  part  of  her  cargo,  and 
the  property  stolen  cannot  be  replaced  under  £140  or  .£150.  Having  so  frequently 
suffered  such  heavy  losses,  on  my  arrival  I  waited  on  Your  Excellency  requesting 
permission  to  follow  the  property  and  regain  it  if  possible,  I  made  deposition  of  the 
truth  of  what  I  had  asserted,  and  obtained  Your  Excellency's  permission  to  go  into 
the  country  during  the  winter. 

On  the  first  of  March,  1819,  I  left  my  house  accompanied  by  my  father  and  eight 
of  my  own  men  with  a  most  anxious  desire  of  being  able  to  take  some  of  the  Indians 
and  thus  through  them  open  a  friendly  communication  with  the  rest,  everyone  was 
ordered  by  me  not  upon  any  account  to  commence  hostilities  without  my  positive 
orders.  On  the  2nd  March  we  came  up  with  a  few  wigwams  frequented  by  the  Indians 
during  the  spring  and  autumn  for  the  purpose  of  killing  deer.  On  the  3rd  we  saw  a 
fireplace  by  the  side  of  the  brook  where  some  Indians  had  slept  a  few  days  before. 
On  the  4th,  at  10  O'Clock  we  came  to  a  storehouse  belonging  to  the  Indians.  On 
entering  it  I  found  five  of  my  cat  traps,  set,  as  I  supposed,  to  protect  their  venison 
from  the  cats,  and  part  of  my  boat's  jib,  from  the  fireplace  and  tracks  on  the  snow, 
we  were  convinced  the  Indians  had  left  it  the  day  before  in  the  direction  SW.  We 
therefore  followed  their  footing  with  all  possible  speed  and  caution — at  11  O'Clock 
we  left  the  greatest  part  of  our  provisions  in  order  to  make  the  more  speed,  as  we 
were  expecting  to  come  up  with  them  very  soon — at  I  O'Clock  we  came  to  a  path 
where  they  entered  the  woods  leading  away  about  NNE.  At  2  O'Clock  we  saw  where 
they  had  slept  the  night  before ;  we  continued  to  travel  till  dark.  On  the  5th  we 
commenced  walking  as  soon  as  it  was  day.  At  eight  we  came  to  a  large  brook  which 
ran  about  SW.  We  followed  the  course  of  the  water  which  brought  us  into  a  very 
large  pond.  The  wind  blowing  strong  occasioned  a  heavy  drift  which  destroyed  all 
signs  of  the  tracks ;  after  travelling  about  one  and  a  half  miles  I  discovered  the 
footing  of  two  or  more  Indians  quite  fresh,  we  imagined  they  were  gone  into  the 


Peytons  Narrative  107 

woods  for  the  purposes  of  partridge  shooting.  I  ordered  the  men  to  keep  close 
together  and  keep  a  good  lookout  towards  the  woods.  On  proceeding  a  little 
further  I  saw  a  high  point  projecting  on  the  pond,  and  on  looking  over  it  very  care- 
fully I  discovered  one  Indian  coming  towards  us,  and  three  more  going  the  contrary 
way  at  some  considerable  distance.  I  fell  back  and  told  our  party  what  I  had  seen, 
their  curiosity  being  excited  I  could  not  restrain  them  from  endeavouring  to  get  sight 
of  the  Indians.  I  was  not  then  certain  there  were  no  more  in  the  same  course  I  saw 
the  one  in.  I  could  not  tell  at  this  time  whether  the  Indian  I  saw  was  a  male  or 
female.  I  showed  myself  on  the  point  openly,  when  the  Indian  discovered  me  she 
for  a  moment  was  motionless.  She  screamed  out  as  soon  as  she  appeared  to  make 
me  out  and  ran  off.  I  immediately  pursued  her,  but  did  not  gain  on  her  until  I 
had  taken  off  my  rackets  and  Jacket,  when  I  came  up  with  her  fast,  she  kept  looking 
back  at  me  over  her  shoulder,  I  then  dropped  my  gun  on  the  snow  and  held  up  my 
hands  to  show  her  I  had  no  gun,  and  on  my  pointing  to  my  gun  which  was  then 
some  distance  behind  me,  she  stopped.  I  did  the  same  and  endeavoured  to  convince 
her  I  would  not  hurt  her.  I  then  advanced  and  gave  her  my  hand,  she  gave  hers  to 
me  and  to  all  my  party  as  they  came  up.  We  then  saw  seven  or  eight  Indians 
repeatedly  running  off  and  on  the  pond,  and  as  I  imagined  from  their  wigwams. 
Shortly  after  three  Indians  came  running  towards  us — when  they  came  within  about 
200  or  300  yds.  from  us  they  made  a  halt.  I  advanced  towards  them  with  the  woman, 
and  on  her  calling  to  the  Indians  two  of  their  party  came  down  to  us,  the  third  halted 
again  about  100  yards  distant.  I  ordered  one  of  the  men  to  examine  one  of  the 
Indians  that  did  come  to  us,  having  observed  something  under  his  cassock,  which 
proved  to  be  a  hatchet,  which  the  man  took  from  him, — the  two  Indians  came  and 
took  hold  of  me  by  the  arms  endeavouring  to  force  me  away.  I  cleared  myself  as 
well  as  I  could  still  having  the  woman  in  my  hand.  The  Indian  from  whom  the 
hatchet  was  taken  attempted  to  lay  hold  of  three  different  guns,  but  without  effect, 
he  at  last  succeeded  in  getting  hold  of  my  father's  gun,  and  tried  to  force  it  from 
him,  and  in  the  attempt  to  get  his  gun  he  and  my  father  got  off  nearly  fifty  yards 
from  me  and  in  the  direction  of  the  woods,  at  the  same  time  the  other  Indian  was 
continually  endeavouring  to  get  behind  our  party.  The  Indian  who  attacked  my 
father  grasped  him  by  the  throat.  My  father  drew  a  bayonet  with  the  hope  of  in- 
timidating the  Indian.  It  had  not  the  desired  effect,  for  he  only  made  a  savage 
grin  at  it.  I  then  called  for  one  of  the  men  to  strike  him,  which  he  did  across  the 
hands  with  his  gun  ;  he  still  held  on  my  father  till  he  was  struck  on  the  head,  when 
he  let  my  father  go,  and  either  struck  at  or  made  a  grasp  at  the  man  who  struck 
him,  which  he  evaded  by  falling  under  the  hand,  at  the  same  time  this  encounter 
was  taking  place,  the  third  Indian  who  had  halted  about  100  yards,  kept  at  no  great 
distance  from  us,  and  there  were  seven  or  eight  more  repeatedly  running  out  from 
the  woods  on  the  look  out,  and  no  greater  distance  from  us  than  300  yards.  The 
Indian  turned  again  on  my  father  and  made  a  grasp  at  his  throat — my  father  ex- 
tricated himself  and  on  his  retreat  the  Indian  still  forcing  on  him,  fired.  I  ordered 
one  of  the  men  to  defend  my  father,  when  two  guns  were  fired,  but  the  guns  were  all 
fired  so  close  together  that  I  did  not  know  till  some  time  after  that  more  than  one 
had  been  fired.  The  rest  of  the  Indians  fled  immediately  on  the  fall  of  the  unfor- 
tunate one.  Could  we  have  intimidated  or  persuaded  him  to  leave  us,  or  even  have 
seen  the  others  go  off,  we  should  have  been  most  happy  to  have  spared  using  violence, 
but  when  it  was  remembered  that  our  small  party  were  in  the  heart  of  the  Indians 
country,  one  hundred  miles  from  any  European  settlement,  and  that  there  were  in  our 
sight  at  times  as  many  Indians  as  our  party  amounted  to,  and  we  could  not  ascertain 
how  many  were  in  the  woods  that  we  did  not  see,  it  could  not  be  avoided  with  safety 
to  ourselves.  Had  destruction  been  our  object  we  might  have  carried  it  much  further. 
Nor  should  I  have  brought  this  woman  to  the  capital  to  Your  Excellency,  nor  should 
I  offer  my  services  for  the  ensuing  summer,  had  I  wantonly  put  an  end  to  the  un- 
fortunate man's  existence,  as  in  the  case  of  success  in  taking  any  more  during  the 
summer  and  opening  a  friendly  intercourse  with  them,  I  must  be  discovered. 

14 — 2 


io8  Resolutions  of  citizens 

My  object  was  and  still  is  to  endeavour  to  be  on  good  terms  with  the  Indians 
for  the  protection  of  my  property,  and  the  rescuing  of  that  tribe  of  our  fellow-creatures 
from  the  misery  and  persecution  they  are  exposed  to  in  the  interior  from  Micmacs, 
and  on  the  exterior  by  the  Whites.  With  this  impression  on  my  mind  I  offer  my 
services  to  the  Government  for  the  ensuing  summer  and  I  implore  Your  Excellency 
to  lend  me  any  assistance  you  may  think  proper.  I  cannot  afford  to  do  much  at  my 
own  expense,  having  nothing  but  what  I  work  for,  the  expenses  of  doing  anything 
during  the  summer  would  be  less  than  the  winter,  as  it  will  not  be  safe  ever  to 
attempt  going  into  their  country  with  so  small  a  crew  as  I  had  with  me  last  winter. 
Still  these  expenses  are  much  greater  than  I  can  afford,  as  nothing  effectual  can  be 
expected  to  be  done  under  ^"400.  Unless  Your  Excellency  should  prefer  sending  an 
expedition  on  the  service  out  of  the  fleet,  in  which  case  I  would  leave  the  woman  at 
Your  Excellency's  disposal,  but  should  I  be  appointed  to  cruise  the  summer  for  them, 
and  which  I  could  not  do  and  find  men  and  necessaries  under  £400,  I  have  not  the 
least  doubt  but  that  I  shall,  through  the  medium  of  the  woman  I  now  have,  be 
enabled  to  open  an  intercourse  with  them,  nor  is  it  all  improbable  but  that  she  will 
return  with  us  again  if  she  can  to  procure  an  infant  child  she  left  behind  her.  I  beg 
to  assure  Your  Excellency  from  my  acquaintance  with  the  bays  and  the  place  of 
resort  for  the  Indians  during  the  summer,  that  I  am  most  confident  of  succeeding 
in  the  plan  here  laid  down1. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Your  Excellency's  very  humble 
and  obedient  servant, 

(signed)     John  Peyton,  Jr. 
ST  JOHN'S,  NEWFOUNDLAND, 

May  27,   1819. 

Resolutions  of  a   Town  Meeting  respecting  the  Indians. 

At  the  Court  House  (Charity  School)  Sunday,  3<Dth  May,   1819. 
Mr  Forbes  in  the  Chair. 

Resolved  as  follows  : — 

ist.  That  the  gentlemen  present  do  presently  open  a  subscription  for  the  purpose 
of  defraying  the  expense  attending  the  prosecution  of  the  object  before  stated. 

2nd.  That  a  Committee  of  Five  gentlemen  be  appointed  by  ballot  to  adopt  the 
necessary  measures  in  order  to  open  a  friendly  communication  with  the  Native  Indians 
in  the  course  of  the  ensuing  winter,  in  the  event  of  that  object  not  being  effected 
during  the  ensuing  summer,  and  that  the  Committee  be  empowered  to  add  to  their 
number  as  they  may  deem  fit,  and  that  any  three'  of  their  number  be  competent  to  act. 

3rd.  That  the  Rev.  Mr  Leigh  be  considered  one  of  the  Committee  independent 
of  the  five  to  be  elected  by  ballot,  &c. 

Letter  to  Rev.  Mr  Leigh. 

FORT  TOWNSEND, 
ST  JOHN'S, 

$ist  May,  1819. 
Sir, 

I  have  to  desire  you  will  cause  it  to  be  made  known  in  the  manner  you 
may  deem  most  expedient,  to  the  Tribes  of  Micmac  Esquimaux  and  other  Indians 
frequenting  the  Northern  parts  of  this  Island, — That  they  are  not  under  any  pretence 

1  It  is  a  pity  Peyton's  offer  was  not  accepted,  as  he  knew  more  about  them  and  their  ways  than 
any  other  living  person.  With  the  aid  of  the  woman  it  is  probable  he  might  have  succeeded  in 
opening  communication  with  her  tribe,  of  which  he  expresses  himself  so  confident. 


Judge  Forbes'  letter  109 

to  harass  or  do  any  injury  whatever  to  the  Native  Indians ;  for  if  they  should  be 
detected  in  any  practices  of  that  nature  they  will  surely  be  punished  and  prevented 
from  resorting  to  the  Island  again.  But  as  they  are  all  equally  under  the  protection 
of  His  Majesty's  Government,  it  is  on  the  contrary  recommended  to  them  to  live 
peaceably  with  the  Native  Indians,  and  endeavour  to  effect  an  intercourse  and  traffic 
with  each  other. 

I  am,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

(signed)     C.  HAMILTON. 
Rev.  John  Leigh, 
Twillingate. 

ST  JOHN'S, 

31.5^  May,  1819. 

Sir, 

I  am  requested  to  communicate  to  Your  Excellency  the  resolutions  of  a 
meeting  of  certain  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  this  town  which  took  place  yesterday 
for  the  purpose  of  promoting  a  friendly  intercourse  with  the  Native  Indians  of  the 
Island ;  and  to  lay  before  you  an  outline  of  the  plan  formed  by  the  Committee  of 
Gentlemen  appointed  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  their  wishes  into  effect ;  and  at  the 
same  time  to  express  the  united  hope  of  all,  that  Your  Excellency  will  regard  their 
proceedings  as  a  sincere  proof  of  the  pleasure  with  which  they  view  the  benevolent 
work  which  has  been  commenced  under  your  auspices,  of  extending  to  the  Indians 
of  this  island  the  blessings  of  peace  and  the  protection  of  law. 

Having  been  informed  by  the  Rev.  Mr  Leigh  that  the  Indian  woman  was  to 
return  with  him  to  Twillingate,  and  that  Your  Excellency  would  shortly  after  despatch 
a  sloop  of  war  to  the  same  place  for  the  purpose  of  communication  with  her  country 
men,  if  possible,  in  the  course  of  the  summer,  we  cannot  but  sincerely  sympathise  in 
all  those  feelings  which  such  an  undertaking  is  naturally  calculated  to  awaken,  and 
we  indulge  in  the  heartfelt  hope  that  it  will  be  attended  with  all  the  success  it  so 
justly  deserves,  and  as  far  as  success  may  depend  upon  zeal  and  perseverance,  we 
have  the  surest  pledge  in  the  character  of  the  service  to  which  the  enterprise  is 
committed.  At  the  same  time  the  great  interest  which  we  will  take  in  the  measure 
naturally  suggests  the  apprehension  of  possible  failure  and  it  is  principally  with  the 
view  of  providing  for  that  event,  should  it  unfortunately  occur,  that  we  have  been  led 
to  form  a  plan  for  an  expedition  in  the  winter,  upon  a  scale  which  with  the  benefit  of 
past  experience,  and  the  countenance  of  Your  Excellency,  we  are  induced  to  hope, 
cannot  entirely  fail  in  its  object. 

It  is  proposed  in  consequence  of  the  exposure  of  a  winter  expedition,  to  engage 
about  thirty  men  at  Twillingate,  who,  from  being  inured  to  privations,  and  accustomed 
to  fatigue  in  the  woods,  are  supposed  to  be  better  fitted  for  a  winter  campaign,  than 
men  of  more  regular  habits  of  life.  And  with  this  view  Mr  Leigh  has  promised  to 
inform  us  of  the  best  men  for  the  occasion.  At  the  fall  of  the  year  a  certain  number 
of  persons  in  whom  every  confidence  may  be  placed,  will  proceed  from  this  place  to 
Twillingate,  with  every  suitable  provision  for  the  expedition,  and  being  joined  with  the 
other  party  will  proceed  in  a  body  up  to  the  lake  in  the  centre  of  the  island  where  it 
is  ascertained  the  Indians  pitch  their  winter  habitations.  Upon  meeting  with  the 
Natives  they  will  deliver  up  the  woman  to  her  friends,  as  the  offering  of  peace,  and 
the  best  pledge  of  sincerity,  together  with  such  presents  as  may  be  deemed  suitable, 
should  they  be  able  to  induce  two  or  three  of  the  Chiefs  to  accompany  them  to 
Twillingate,  they  will  return  immediately,  but  should  the  Indians  want  confidence  the 
party  will  secure  themselves  from  attack,  and  remain  some  days  in  the  country  with 
the  view  of  dissipating  their  doubts  by  daily  acts  of  confidence  and  kindness. 

As  the  success  of  every  enterprise  must  in  a  principal  degree  depend  upon  the 
safe  keeping  of  the  Indian  woman,  we  have  to  request  that  Your  Excellency  would 


no  Captain  Glascocfcs  orders 

be  pleased  to  direct  her  to  be  delivered  over  to  Mrs  Cockburn  of  Twillingate  (the 
sister  of  Mr  Hart  of  London)  or  Mr  Burge,  a  respectable  inhabitant  of  that  place, 
where  means  will  be  provided  for  her  instruction  in  as  much  of  our  language  as 
time  will  allow,  until  the  expedition  may  be  ready  to  move  in  February  or  March. 

Of  course,  Sir,  all  these  arrangements  are  made  in  the  contemplation  of  the 
possible  event  of  not  being  able  to  effectuate  any  intercourse  during  the  summer,  and 
of  its  not  being  deemed  proper  to  pursue  the  measure  on  the  part  of  the  Government 
in  the  winter.  But  in  the  meantime  we  are  anxious  to  contribute  our  endeavours  to 
promote  the  general  object,  and  shall  be  most  happy  to  be  employed  in  any  way 
that  Your  Excellency  may  think  we  can  be  useful. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Sir, 

Your  most  obedient, 
humble  servant, 

(signed)     FRANCIS  FORBES1. 
His  Excellency 

Sir  Charles  Hamilton. 

Capt.   Glascock,  H.M.S.  Drake.     Orders  to  proceed  to  the  Northward  to 
endeavour  to  retiirn  an  Indian  woman  to  her  Tribe. 

By  Sir  Charles  Hamilton,  Bart,  Vice-Admiral  of  the  Blue  and  Commander-in- 
chief  of  His  Majesty's  Ships  and  vessels  employed  and  to  be  employed  at  and  about 
the  Island  of  Newfoundland,  &c. 

You  are  hereby  required  and  directed  to  proceed  without  loss  of  time  in  His 
Majesty's  Sloop  Drake  under  your  command  to  Greenspond,  in  Bonavista  Bay,  for 
the  purpose  of  communication  with  His  Majesty's  Surveying  vessel  Sydney  or  the 
Scrub  Tender,  and  on  falling  in  with  either  you  will  put  on  board  the  stores  and 
instruments  brought  out  in  the  Drake  for  the  surveyor,  and  discharge  into  her 
Mr  Payne,  Midshipman  appointed  to  the  Sydney. 

You  will  then  proceed  forthwith  to  Morton's  Harbour  in  New  World  Island,  and 
on  passing  the  Harbour  of  Twillingate  in  the  island  of  that  name  you  will  make  the 
signal  (by  firing  two  guns)  previously  concerted  on  to  the  Rev.  Mr  Leigh,  who  will 
meet  you  at  Morton's  Harbour  with  a  female  Indian  who  was  recently  taken  and 
brought  round  to  this  place,  and  who  it  is  an  object  of  much  interest  and  importance 
to  return  to  her  tribe,  or  to  any  of  the  settlements  or  wigwams  of  the  Native  Indians 
that  may  be  seen  on  the  coast  during  the  summer,  and  you  will  concert  with  Mr  Leigh 
and  Mr  Peyton,  Jr.,  the  measure  best  calculated  for  carrying  this  object  into  execution 
and  act  accordingly. 

As  the  coast  on  which  you  are  likely  to  find  these  Indians  has  never  been  sur- 
veyed, and  is  little  known,  but  is  represented  as  being  very  dangerous.  You  will  leave 
His  Majesty's  Sloop  at  Morton's  Harbour  and  proceed  with  your  boats,  entering  such 
bays  and  rivers  as  may  be  most  likely  to  be  frequented  by  the  Indians  during  the 
summer  season.  But  this  is  not  to  prevent  your  proceeding  in  the  Drake  to  some 
other  port  further  to  the  Northward,  if  you  can  without  unnecessary  risk  or  hazard 
effect  it  with  the  assistance  of  any  person  acquainted  with  the  coast.  As  the  principal 
objects  in  view  are  to  return  the  female  Indian  in  question  to  her  tribe  and  to 
establish  a  friendly  communication  with  these  aborigines,  great  care  must  be  taken  to 
select  for  this  enterprise  such  persons  of  the  crew  as  are  most  orderly  and  obedient, 
and  every  proper  means  you  can  suggest  used  to  bring  them  to  an  interview,  in  doing 
which,  as  the  greatest  caution  must  be  observed,  it  will  be  advisable  to  refrain  from 
using  fire-arms  for  any  purpose  before  these  objects  are  accomplished. 

1  Mr  Forbes  was  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Colony  at  that  time. 


Captain  Glascock' s  orders 


i  ii 


Notwithstanding  these  instructions,  the  best  mode  of  returning  this  female  Indian 
to  her  friends,  and  of  effecting  an  amicable  intercourse  with  them,  must  in  a  great 
degree  depend  upon  local  and  unforeseen  circumstances.  It  is  therefore  entirely  left 
to  your  own  discretion  in  conjunction  with  the  Rev.  Mr  Leigh,  under  the  fullest 
reliance  upon  your  care  and  attention  to  her  while  she  is  under  your  protection,  but 
it  would  be  advisable  that  you  should  take  that  gentleman  and  Mr  Peyton,  Jr.,  with 
you  in  the  boats,  and  none  others  except  those  who  may  be  absolutely  serviceable 
on  such  an  expedition. 

So  soon  as  you  shall  have  effected  the  object  of  these  instructions,  you  will  return 
immediately  in  the  sloop  you  command  to  this  port.  Or  in  the  event  of  your  finding 
it  impossible  for  you  to  return  the  female  Indian  without  imminent  risk  to  her  or 
your  own  party  before  your  provisions  are  exhausted  you  will  consult  with  Mr  Leigh 
on  the  best  method  of  providing  for  her  until  I  am  informed  of  the  result  of  your 
efforts  and  return  hither. 

Before  you  leave  Morton's  Harbour,  as  directed  in  the  former  part  of  these 
instructions,  you  will  attend  to  the  directions  contained  on  the  accompanying  letter 
marked  No.  2. 

Given  under  my  Hand  on  board  the  Sir  Francis 
Drake,  in  St  John's  Harbour,  the  3rd  June,  1819. 

(signed)     C.  HAMILTON. 
To  William  Nugent  Glascock,  Esq., 

Commander  of  His  Majesty's  Sloop  Drake. 
By  command  of  the  Commander-in-Chief. 
(signed)     P.  C.  LEGEYT. 


Order  to  Capt.   Glascock  to  search  for  Indians. 


No.   2. 


Sir, 


FORT  TOWNSEND, 

Sx  JOHN'S,  NEWFOUNDLAND. 
yd  June,  1819. 


Adverting  to  the  circumstances  attending  a  journey  undertaken  by  Mr  John 
Peyton,  Jr.,  accompanied  by  his  father  and  a  party  into  the  woods  in  the  spring  of  this 
year  for  the  purpose  of  endeavouring  to  recover  some  property  which  had  been  stolen 
from  him  during  the  last  year,  it  appears  that  in  a  scuffle  with  some  Native  Indians, 
one  of  the  latter  fell, — and  as  the  subject  was  during  the  stay  of  Mr  Peyton  at 
St  John's  brought  before  the  Grand  Jury,  I  send  herewith  a  Copy  of  the  Proceedings 
on  that  occasion,  together  with  the  copy  of  Mr  Peyton's  Narrative,  and  I  desire  that 
before  leaving  Morton's  Harbour  with  the  female  Indian  as  directed  by  my  order  of 
this  date,  you  do  in  conjunction  with  the  Rev.  Mr  Leigh  (Magistrate)  call  before  you 
the  persons  engaged  in  that  expedition,  and  take  down  their  examinations  touching 
this  transaction,  and  if  it  should  appear  that  any  of  the  party  are  culpable  you  are 
to  bring  him  or  them  to  St  John's  to  take  their  trial  in  the  Supreme  Court  for  the 
same,  with  such  witnesses  as  may  be  necessary  to  establish  the  fact. 


Captain  Glascock,  (Magistrate), 
His  Majesty's  Sloop  Drake. 


I  am,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

(signed)     C.  HAMILTON. 


I  12 


Gifts  for  the  Indians 
List  of  Articles  delivered  to  Capt.   Glascock  for  the  Indians. 


No.   i.     List  of  Articles  delivered  to  Captain  Glascock  of   His   Majesty's   Sloop 
Drake  for  distribution  among  the  Native  Indians  pursuant  to  the  foregoing  order— viz. : 

Blankets  Double          .  30  in  No. 
Frocks  Red    .      .                           ...  8      „ 

Cloaks          .  •  •  5       » 

Looking-glasses,  small  24      „ 

Knives         ...  ....  24      „ 

Strings  of  Beads         .  15      » 

Dishes  of  Tin     .  3  sets  of  6  Ea. 

Small  tin  pots    .  12  in  No. 

Sail  needles  of  sizes  .         .  72      „ 

Awls   . 24 


ST  JOHN'S,  NEWFOUNDLAND. 
3  June,  1819. 


(signed)    C.  HAMILTON. 


No.  2.       List  of  Presents  intended  for  the  Native  Indians. 


41  yds.  Blanketing 
17!  yds.  Red  Baize 

6  Single  Hatchets 

6 

i  Doz.  Clasp  Knives 

6  Boat's  Kettles 

I  Doz.  Large  Clasp  Knives 

i  Doz.  Men's  Sanquahan  Hose 

6  Teapots  with  covers 

6  tin  Pints 

6  Hammers 

5  Pairs  Scissors 

1  Pair  large  ditto 

2  Doz.  Iron  tablespoons 

1  gross  Middle  G.  Hooks 

2  Doz.  Long  Lines 

i  Rand  of  Ganging  Twine 

i  Doz.  Rands  of  Sewing  Twine 

3  gin  Traps 

I  Pitsaw  Files 

i  Doz.  Flat  Files 

3  Tartan  Caps 

4  Red  Caps 


14  Ibs.  Soap 
6  Pairs  of  Child's  Hose 

2  Lock  Saws 
6  Tin  Pans 

i   Tinder  Box,  complete 

1  Rand  of  Salmon  Twine 

3  Doz.  Trout  Hooks  fitted 
400  Sewing  Needles 

4  Ibs.  Bohea  Tea 

6     „     Shingle  Nails 
12     „     Mixed        „ 

2  „     Thread  of  colours 
i   Iron  Saucepan  (gal) 

1  „  (quart) 
12  Half  pint  tin  cups 

12  Pair  of  Blankets  of  Sizes 

2  Doz.  Red  Shirts 
30  Ibs.  Loaf  Sugar 

i   Iron  pot 

9^  Ibs.  Cheese 

i   Doz.  Rack  Combs 

I   Oak  Cask 

i   Cask  Butter 


Copy.     P.  C.  Geyt,  Secy. 


Sir, 


FORT  TOWNSEND, 

ST  JOHN'S,  NEWFOUNDLAND. 
3  June,  1819. 


You  are  aware  that  before  you  left  St  John's  a  meeting  of  the  inhabitants 
took  place  respecting  Shendoreth1,  the  Native  woman.  The  gentlemen  who  form 
the  Committee  appointed  on  that  occasion  have,  through  the  Chief  Justice,  laid  the 

1  This  appears  to  be  still  another  name  for  Mary  March. 


Reports  of  Hamilton  and  Glascock  113 

outline  of  their  plan  before  the  Governor  and  as  that  plan  is  chiefly  formed  upon 
the  possibility  of  failure  in  the  summer  expedition  they  have  expressed  their  wishes 
in  such  an  event  that  the  Indian  may  be  delivered  over  to  Mrs  Cockburn,  of  Twillin- 
gate  (the  sister  of  Mr  Hart  of  London)  or  Mr  Burge,  a  respectable  inhabitant  of  that 
place,  to  whom  they  will  send  instructions.  I  am  therefore  desired  by  the  Governor 
to  communicate  the  same  for  your  information  in  consulting  with  Capt.  Glascock 
respecting  her  disposal  in  the  event  of  your  not  succeeding  in  the  desired  object. 

I  am,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 
(signed)     P.  C.  LEGEYT, 

Secretary. 
Rev.  John  Leigh, 

Twillingate. 

To  the  Chief  Justice  in  reply  respecting  the  intended  communication 

with  the  Native  Indians. 

FORT  TOWNSEND, 
ST  JOHN'S, 

$th  June,  1819. 
Sir, 

I  have  been  favoured  with  your  letter  of  the  3 1st  May  enclosing  the 
Resolutions  of  a  meeting  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  St  John's,  and  I  feel  great 
pleasure  in  observing  the  liberality  with  which  they  have  come  forward  in  the  cause 
of  humanity  and  to  the  establishment  of  an  intercourse  with  the  Native  Indians  of 
this  Island,  and  particularly  their  anxious  solicitude  towards  the  female  herself,  who 
was  the  immediate  object  of  their  meeting.  I  trust,  however,  that  the  measures  I 
have  been  induced  to  adopt  will  be  the  means  of  returning  her  in  safety  to  her  tribe, 
and  that  her  reception  amongst  us  may  produce  the  long  desired  object  of  an  inter- 
course which  cannot  fail  to  afford  them  many  of  the  comforts  and  benefits  of  civi- 
lization. 

I  have  communicated  to  Capt.  Glascock  and  the  Rev.  Mr  Leigh  the  wishes  of 
the  meeting,  respecting  the  Indian  woman  being  left  under  the  care  of  Mrs  Cockburn 
in  the  event  of  their  not  being  able  to  return  her  to  her  friends,  as  from  the  total 
want  of  the  means  of  communication  much  has  necessarily  been  left  to  their  prudence 
and  local  knowledge  in  all  cases  that  could  not  be  absolutely  foreseen. 

I  am,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

(signed)     C.  HAMILTON. 
Francis  Forbes,  Esq., 
Chief  Justice. 

Report   of  Capt.    Glascock. 

His  MAJESTY'S  SLOOP  DRAKE, 
ST  JOHN'S  HARBOUR, 

2O//6  July,  1819. 
Sir, 

I  beg  leave  to  report  my  proceedings  relative  to  the  manner  in  which 
I  have  executed  your  Order  of  the  3rd  ult.  since  I  last  communicated  with  you 
from  Morton's  Harbour  dated  the  nth  June.  From  that  period  to  the  I4th  I  cor- 
responded with  the  Rev.  Mr  Leigh  on  the  subject  of  the  Indian  female  joining  at 

H.  15 


°f  Captain  Glascock 

Morton's  Harbour,  when  he,  accompanied  by  her,  arrived  for  the  purpose  of  deliver- 
ing her  up  to  my  charge.  She  being  then  in  a  delicate  state  of  health,  and  as 
Mr  Peyton,  Jr.,  would  be  otherwise  occupied  by  private  business  until  the  i/th  ult. 
I  took  the'  opportunity  of  the  lapse  of  time  to  open  a  Surrogate  Court  to  transact 
the  necessary  business  of  the  District.  From  having  run  through  the  ice  on  the  6th 
I  had  reason  to  suppose  the  cutwater  and  copper  about  the  bows  was  damaged, 
and  from  the  carpenter  reporting  to  me  he  could  repair  the  same  by  heaving  the 
brig  down  three  or  four  streaks,  I,  in  consequence  of  his  report  lightened  her  of  her 
guns,  stores  and  provisions  and  hove  her  partly  down  alongside  a  schooner  on  the 
1 5th  ult. 

The  distance  from  Morton's  Harbour  to  that  line  of  coast  on  which  the  Indians 
frequent  during  the  summer  being  too  great  for  boats  to  communicate  with  His 
Majesty's  Brig,.  I  found  it  necessary  to  survey  the  coast  from  the  above  to  Fortune 
Harbour,  which  port  appeared  to  me  to  be  the  safest  and  most  convenient  for  the 
Drake  to  remain  during  the  absence  of  the  majority  of  her  crew  who  would  be 
employed  in  the  boats.  On  the  I7th  I  sailed  for  Fortune  Harbour  and  arrived  there 
in  the  evening  of  that  day,  having  on  board  Mr  Peyton  and  the  Indian  female,  and 
on  the  1 8th  after  issuing  the  Edict  marked  No.  I,  I  proceeded  with  the  cutter  and 
gig  accompanied  by  Mr  Peyton  and  the  Indian  female  to  New  Bay,  and  returned 
on  the  2Oth  without  having  seen  any  symptoms  of  newly  cut  paths  to  lead  me  to 
suppose  the  Indians  had  yet  visited  the  coast. 

On  the  22nd  ult,  accompanied  by  Mr  Peyton,  I  proceeded  in  the  cutter  up  the 
Bay  and  River  Exploits  taking  the  precaution  on  the  night  of  the  23rd  to  row  with 
muffled  oars  as  far  as  the  lower  waterfall1  would  allow  a  boat  to  reach,  and  at  dawn 
on  the  morning  of  the  24th  I  entered  the  woods  with  Mr  Peyton  in  search  of  the 
wigwams,  but  found  none  except  those  in  which  the  Indians  had  resided  in  the  last 
summer.  After  having  rowed  a  Night  Guard  from  the  23rd  to  the  25th  I  returned 
to  the  brig,  confident  the  Indians  had  not  fixed  their  abode  in  the  lower  part  of  the 
Exploits  for  a  distance  of  forty-five  miles  which  I  thoroughly  examined. 

The  Indian  woman  being  indisposed  I  sent  the  Master  on  a  week's  cruise  in  the 
cutter  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  sketch  in  order  to  enable  us  to  row  a  Night 
Guard  instead  of  wandering  about  it  by  day  for  want  of  local  information  as  to  the 
extent  of  those  Bays  most  frequented  by  the  Indians.  He  returned  on  the  4th 
instant,  for  the  particulars  of  his  cruise  I  refer  Your  Excellency  to  his  log. 

On  the  28th  ult.  I  again  proceeded  up  the  River  Exploits  with  Mr  Peyton  in 
the  gig  a  report  (which  proved  false)  having  reached  me  of  the  Indians  having 
arrived  at  the  lower  waterfall  wigwams  of  last  year,  I  as  before  rowed  up  at  night 
with  muffled  oars,  with  the  hope  of  surprising  the  Indians  before  daylight.  But  again, 
to  my  disappointment,  after  the  boats'  crew  having  suffered  much  from  every  descrip- 
tion of  insect,  so  much  so  as  to  cause  blindness.  I  left  Exploits  for  a  new  line  of 
coast  to  the  Southward  of  the  above  river  called  Indian  Arm,  a  distance  of  forty 
miles,  and  returned  as  per  log  on  the  3Oth  sick  with  three  of  the  boat's  crew. 

The  Indians  having  been  seen  in  Badger  Bay,  a  distance  of  forty  miles  to  the 
Westward  of  Fortune  Harbour,  I  despatched  the  first  lieutenant  in  the  gig,  accom- 
panied by  Mr  Peyton,  on  the  morning  of  the  ist  instant,  giving  him  the  written 
Order  marked  No.  2.  On  the  5th  instant  finding  myself  equal  to  duty,  I  left 
Fortune  Harbour  in  the  cutter,  accompanied  by  the  Indian  woman  for  Seal  Bay, 
SW.  distant  20  miles.  About  7  in  the  evening  of  that  day  during  a  heavy  thunder 
squall  I  perceived  a  canoe  to  windward  of  me  a  mile,  crossing  from  the  Western 
Shore,  but  before  I  could  come  up  with  her,  she  disappeared  round  a  point  throwing 
overboard  a  paddle  and  a  few  live  birds.  From  the  first  moment  of  my  seeing  her 
to  the  time  she  disappeared  occupied  a  lapse  of  time  of  twenty  minutes,  and  from 
the  circumstance  of  not  having  seen  her  on  the  beach  where  the  Indians  landed, 
authorizes  me  to  suppose  they  have  some  mode  of  concealing  their  boats,  either  by 

1  Bishop's  Fall. 


Report  of  Captain  Glascock  1 1 5 

sinking   them    in    the   deep   water,  or    folding   them  up  in  a  portable  shape   for   the 
convenience  of  conveying  them  quickly  through  the  woods. 

I  immediately  landed  my  party,  the  Indian  female  at  the  time  remaining  quiet 
in  the  cutter  exhibiting  an  apathetic  indifference  as  to  the  result  of  the  fate  of  these 
unfortunate  savages.  I  asked  her  on  my  return  (not  having  seen  any  traces  of 
either  canoe  or  Indians)  whether  she  would  follow  them  in  the  woods,  or  remain 
with  me,  the  latter  choice  she  preferred,  and  from  the  conversation  I  had  with  her, 
I  have  every  reason  to  believe  she  never  wishes  to  join  them,  unless  either  brought 
to  the  tribe  she  was  taken  from  originally,  or  delivered  safe  up  to  some  of  the  larger 
settlements  of  these  aborigines. 

At  sunset  on  the  5th  I  left  Seal  Bay  with  an  intention  to  enter  it  again  at 
night  so  as  to  be  exactly  on  the  spot  where  the  Indians  landed  by  dawn  of  the 
morning  of  the  6th.  I  arrived  there  at  that  time  and  having  examined  well  the 
woods  about  it,  I  determined  upon  withdrawing  the  three  boats  employed  in  the 
three  Bays  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  the  Indians  supposing  our  intention  was  to 
harass  them.  On  the  boats  joining  me  I  took  advantage  of  Mr  Peyton's  local  know- 
ledge of  an  Indian  path  which  communicated  from  Charles'  Brook,  River  Exploits, 
to  the  Southern  Arm  of  New  Bay,  to  concert  a  plan  with  Lieut.  Munbee  to  form  a 
junction  with  my  party  at  a  pond  off  that  brook,  where  I  should  be  at  2  precisely 
on  the  morning  of  the  Qth.  In  order  to  effect  this  the  boats  were  unavoidably 
separated  from  each  other  a  distance  of  thirty-three  miles,  merely  to  cross  a  neck  of 
land  about  a  mile  and  a  half  in  breadth.  At  the  appointed  time  each  party  entered 
the  woods,  taking  the  Indian  paths  on  both  sides,  so  that  in  the  event  of  any  settle- 
ment having  been  established  there  (as  is  customary  every  summer)  we  must  inevitably 
by  the  plan  adopted  have  surprised  them  before  daylight.  Our  hopes,  however,  were 
disappointed  by  finding  the  old  wigwams  totally  unoccupied. 

From  the  circumstance  of  the  Indians  having  deserted  this  favourite  abode  in 
which  they  have  resided  for  the  last  seven  successive  summers,  it  appears  almost 
conclusive  that  it  is  not  their  intention  to  visit  the  River  Exploits  so  soon  after  the 
many  depredations  they  committed  in  it  last  year.  This  conclusion  may  be  strength- 
ened by  the  probability  of  their  dreading  a  premeditated  punishment,  a  consequence 
their  own  guilt  might  teach  them  to  expect,  added  to  the  fact  of  Mr  Peyton's  having 
taken  an  Indian  female  from  their  tribe;  I  returned  on  the  evening  of  the  Qth,  as 
also  did  Lieut.  Munbee. 

On  the  loth  I  directed  Lieut.  Munbee,  accompanied  by  Mr  Peyton  and  the 
Indian  woman,  to  proceed  into  Badger  and  Seal  Bays,  and  land  with  her  together 
with  Mr  Peyton,  soliciting  her  to  convey  them  to  the  neighbouring  wigwams,  which 
she  accordingly  did  through  paths  which  they  never  could  have  discovered  without 
her  assistance.  She  gave  them  to  understand  the  Indians  had  been  there  some  few 
days  back,  but  in  consequence  of  her  not  having  had  a  personal  interview  with  them, 
she  could  not  possibly  be  prevailed  on  to  remain  there.  Lieut.  Munbee,  after  having 
left  a  few  presents  in  the  wigwams,  returned  with  her  and  the  two  boats  on  the  I4th. 
Thus,  Sir,  have  I  accounted  to  you  of  the  proceedings  of  the  boats  from  the 
1 8th  June  to  the  I4th  July,  during  which  time  a  continual  Night  Guard  has  been 
rowed  for  upwards  of  ninety  miles  along  the  coast,  and  the  most  zealous  and  active 
energy  manifested  by  the  officers  and  ship's  company  I  ever  witnessed. 

They  have  suffered  much  in  consequence  of  being  exposed  for  upwards  of  a 
week  at  a  time  in  open  boats,  but  custom  would  have  seasoned  them  to  this,  could 
they  have  taken  their  natural  rest  by  sleep,  of  which  they  were  totally  deprived  by 
the  tormenting  tortures  of  every  description  of  insects  which  infest  this  coast. 

I  cannot,  Sir,  conclude  this  detail  without  mentioning  to  you  the  steady,  zealous 
and  ever  active  conduct  of  Mr  Peyton,  Jr.,  whose  exertions  were  unexampled  to 
accomplish  the  desired  purpose  for  which  he  accompanied  me.  His  whole  time  has 
been  devoted  to  this  service,  and  I  don't  hesitate  to  pronounce  it  to  be  my  opinion 
that  Your  Excellency  could  not  have  selected  a  more  proper  person  to  assist  me  in 
the  execution  of  your  orders. 

15—2 


ii6  Instructions  to  Commander  Brtchan 

Not  having  many  days  bread  on  board,  I  thought  it  expedient  to  return  forth- 
with to  St  John's,  delivering  up  on  the  i6th  instant  the  Indian  female  into  the 
charge  of  the  Rev.  Mr  Leigh,  who  came  on  board  off  Twillingate  for  that  purpose 
and  I  this  day  beg  leave  to  report  the  arrival  of  H.M.  Sloop  under  my  command 
now  safely  moored  in  this  harbour. 

I  have  the  honour,  etc., 

(signed)    WM.  NUGT.  GLASCOCK. 

Captain. 
To  Sir  Charles  Hamilton,  Bt, 

Vice  Admiral  of  the  Blue 

and  Commander-in-Chief, 
&c.,  &c.,  &c. 


Instructions   to    Commander   Buchan,    R.N. 

By  Sir  C.  Hamilton,  Bart,  Vice  Admiral  of  the  Blue, 
and  Commander-in-Chief  of  His  Majesty's  Ships 
and  Vessels  employed  and  to  be  employed  at  and 
about  the  Island  of  Newfoundland,  &c. 

You  are  hereby  required  and  directed  to  proceed  in  His  Majesty's  Sloop  Grass- 
hopper under  command  to  Twillingate  where  you  will  deliver  to  the  Rev.  Mr  Leigh 
the  accompanying  letter  respecting  an  Indian  woman  taken  in  the  spring  of  this 
year,  whose  return  to  her  tribe  (the  aborigines  of  this  island)  it  is  an  object  highly 
desirable  to  accomplish,  and  you  will  therefore  after  consultation  with  him  take  such 
measures  for  affecting  this  purpose  as  in  your  judgment  may  appear  to  be  most 
likely  to  lead  to  a  favourable  result ;  but  as  those  measures  must  almost  wholly 
depend  upon  local  circumstances  and  considerations,  it  is  entirely  left  to  your  dis- 
cretion to  adopt  such  course  of  proceeding  as  the  information  you  will  obtain  may 
suggest;  you  will  remain  on  the  service  herein  directed  until  the  decreasing  state  of 
your  provisions  shall  render  it  necessary  to  return  to  St  John's.  If,  on  the  contrary 
you  should  be  of  opinion  that  the  object  of  returning  this  Indian  before  the  winter 
season  is  impracticable,  you  will  return  forthwith  to  this  place,  making  such  arrange- 
ment for  her  disposal  until  that  period  as  under  all  circumstances  you  may  judge 
most  convenient  and  desirable. 

You  will  be  supplied  with  some  articles  of  use  and  interest  to  the  Native  Indians 
(a  list  of  which  you  will  receive  herewith)  which  you  will  dispose  of  as  may  appear 
most  advantageous  in  availing  yourself  of  any  occasion  that  may  be  presented  of  a 
friendly  intercourse  with  those  people,  or  that  may  open  the  door  to  so  desirable  an 
object. 

You  will,  if  it  should  not  interfere  with  other  arrangements,  call  at  Trinity  on 
your  return  to  St  John's,  to  transact  such  Court  business  as  may  be  brought  before 
you,  and  to  enquire  into  such  of  the  petitions  herewith  enclosed  as  opportunity  may 
offer. 

Given  under  my  Hand  on  board  the  Sir  Francis  Drake 
in  St  John's  Harbour,  the  8th  August,  1819. 

(signed)     C.  HAMILTON. 
To  David  Buchan,  Esq., 

Commander  of  His  Majesty's  Sloop, 

Grasshopper. 

By  command  of  the  Commander-in-Chief. 
(signed)     P.  C.  Legeyt. 


Instructions  to  Commander  Buchan  1 1 7 

List  of  Articles  delivered  to  Captain  Buchan  of  His  Majesty's  Sloop  Grasshopper 
for  distribution  among  the  Native  Indians  pursuant  to  the  foregoing  order,  viz.: — 

Looking-glasses  27  in  No. 

Knives  24       „ 

Strings  of  Beads    9       „ 

Dishes  of  Tin 3  sets  of  6  ea. 

Small  Tin  Pots  12  in  No. 

Boiling  Kettles  &  Pots 5 

Smaller         ditto  6       „ 

Sail  needles  of  sizes  72       „ 

Awl  blades  36       „ 

Salmon  Twine     6  Ibs. 

Ganging  Twine  7  Rands. 

Small  Cod  Lines    12  in  No. 

Thread 3  Ibs. 

(signed)     C.  HAMILTON. 

Vice-Admiral  &  Governor. 
St  John's,  Newfoundland, 
8  August,   1819. 

Instructions  to  Capt.  David  Buchan  in  his  2nd  Expedition  during  the 

winter  of  1819-20. 

By  Sir  Charles  Hamilton,  Bart.,  Vice-Admiral  of 
the  White  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  His 
Majesty's  Ships  and  Vessels  employed  and 
to  be  employed  at  and  about  the  Island  of 
Newfoundland,  &c. 

Whereas  the  establishment  of  an  amicable  intercourse  with  the  Native  Indians 
of  this  Island  is  an  object  to  which  my  attention  is  particularly  directed  by  His 
Majesty's  instructions,  and  is  highly  to  be  desired  as  affording  future  means  of 
extending  to  that  miserable  people  the  blessings  of  civilization.  And  whereas  I  have 
great  confidence  that  from  your  known  zeal,  prudence  and  perseverance  joined  to  the 
advantages  arising  from  the  previous  local  knowledge  gained  by  you  on  a  former 
expedition  of  the  same  nature,  the  best  hopes  may  be  entertained  of  a  successful 
result  to  an  enterprise  of  so  much  interest.  You  are  therefore  hereby  required  and 
directed  to  complete  the  provisions  of  His  Majesty's  Sloop  Grasshopper  under  your 
command  to  ten  months,  and  proceed  the  first  favourable  opportunity  to  Twillingate 
where  you  will  receive  on  board  the  Indian  woman  with  the  circumstances  of  whose 
detention  in  the  spring  of  this  year  you  are  already  acquainted  and  the  returning  of 
whom  to  her  tribe,  is  under  every  consideration  of  humanity,  an  object  of  special 
solicitude,  and  may  also  prove  of  the  utmost  utility  in  facilitating  the  ultimate  end 
of  these  orders.  You  will  then  go  on  to  the  River  Exploits  and  there  take  up  such 
a  situation  as  you  may  consider  most  appropriate  and  convenient  in  which  to  secure 
His  Majesty's  Sloop  for  the  winter ;  when  your  attention  will  first  be  directed  to 
cutting  wood  for  housing  her  in  and  preparing  the  additional  apparel  and  materials 
peculiarly  adapted  to  the  journey  into  the  interior,  for  which  purpose  you  will  be 
supplied  with  whatever  you  may  consider  and  point  out  as  necessary  or  desirable, 
not  only  as  regards  the  preservation  of  the  health  of  your  people  in  general>  but 
as  may  tend  to  the  accommodation  and  comforts  in  particular  of  the  party  who  may 
accompany  you. 

You  will  also  be  provided  with  such  articles  as  are  considered  of  use  and  interest 
to  the  Native  Indians,  of  which  you  will  dispose  of  in  such  manner  as  you  may 
deem  best  calculated  to  answer  the  intention. 


1 1 8  Instructions  to  Commander  Bnchan 

With  the  knowledge  and  experience  which  you  already  possess,  you  may  yet 
consider  it  desirable  to  be  accompanied  by  some  steady  persons  who  from  having 
lived  long  in  the  vicinity  of  the  summer  haunts  of  the  Indians  may  be  presumed 
to  be  well  informed  on  many  local  points  and  you  are  therefore  authorised  to  bear 
as  supernumeraries  for  victuals  only  on  the  books  of  the  Grasshopper  any  such  persons 
as  you  may  conceive  may  be  of  service  to  you  in  that  character,  provided  that  the 
number  you  may  so  bear  shall  not  exceed  the  number  of  men  she  may  be  short  of 
her  established  compliment. 

Having  secured  the  ship  for  the  winter  and  completed  the  necessary  preparations 
for  the  journey,  you  will  set  out  with  such  number  of  officers  and  men  as  you  may 
consider  advisable,  adequately  supplied  with  provisions  and  armed  for  defence  accord- 
ing to  your  judgment  and  proceed  in  quest  of  the  Native  Indians  with  the  object 
already  promised,  of  returning  to  her  people  the  Indian  woman  beforementioned  and 
endeavouring  by  the  best  means  in  your  power  to  open  and  establish  a  friendly 
intercourse  with  them. 

In  an  undertaking  of  this  nature  it  is  impossible  to  give  any  specific  instructions, 
where  so  much  must  depend  on  adventitious  circumstances,  but  in  leaving  the  execu- 
tion of  this  enterprise  wholly  to  the  dictates  of  your  own  mind,  with  the  object 
always  in  view  of  treating  amicably  with  this  people,  I  have  the  fullest  confidence 
that  in  the  sound  exercise  of  your  judgment  and  discretion  the  best  hopes  of  a 
favourable  result  may  be  entertained. 

As  soon  as  the  season  is  sufficiently  advanced  you  will  return  to  St  John's 
unless  you  should  consider  that  your  remaining  longer  in  the  Exploits  would  be 
advantageous  to  the  service  in  which  you  are  employed,  in  which  case  you  will 
transmit  to  me  an  account  of  your  proceedings  by  the  earliest  opportunity. 

Given  under  my  Hand  on  board  the  Sir  Francis 
Drake  in  St  John's  Harbour  the  22nd  Septem- 
ber, 1819. 

(signed)     C.  HAMILTON. 
To  David  Buchan,  Esq., 

Commander  of  His  Majesty's  Sloop  GRASSHOPPER, 
By  command  of  the  Commander-in-Chief, 
(signed)     P.  C.   Legeyt. 

MORTON'S  HARBOUR, 

September  10,  1819. 
To  His  Excellency 
Sir  Charles  Hamilton. 

I  humbly  beg  leave  to  address  Your  Excellency  stating  that  in  the  month 
of  April  1817,  I  was  plundered  by  the  Red  Indians  in  the  bottom  of  White  Bay, 
property  to  the  amount  of  fifty  pounds  taken  from  the  winter  house,  and  the  Micmac 
Indians  infest  White  Bay  in  that  manner  that  makes  it  impossible  for  me  or  any 
other  person  settled  here  to  make  a  life  of  it  by  catching  fur.  I  have  200  traps  and 
used  to  catch  three  hundred  pounds  of  a  winter,  but  now  I  do  not  catch  forty  or  fifty 
pounds  in  consequence  of  the  Micmacs  infesting  that  Bay.  They  also  infest  the  Bay 
of  Islands,  Boon  Bay  and  the  Bay  of  St  George's.  I  am  informed  by  those  that  live 
there  that  they  do  a  great  deal  of  injury  to  the  fur  catchers  in  that  quarter.  Their 
principal  resort  is  in  St  George's  Bay  where  they  are  in  the  habit  of  selling  their  fur 
to  Mr  Philip  Le  Chewy,  a  Jersey  Merchant.  I  am  fully  convinced  that  if  an  order 
was  sent  to  the  principal  people  of  the  above  places,  it  would  deter  them  in  future, 
the  name  of  a  Man  of  War  would  make  them  keep  off.  If  Your  Excellency  thinks 
proper  to  send  any  communications  to  the  principal  people  of  the  above  Bays,  I  will 
be  the  bearer,  as  I  am  in  the  habit  of  crossing  the  Island,  the  names  of  the  principal 


Colonial  Correspondence  1 1 9 

people  living  in  the  different  bays  are  Ralph  Blake,  Bay  of  Islands,  Philip  Le  Arvy, 
St  George's  Bay,  and  John  Payne,  of  Boon  Bay,  I  am  fully  persuaded  that  if  those 
are  empowered  it  will  put  a  stop  finally  to  their  visiting  the  Island,  which  is  much 
desired  by  all  who  are  concerned  in  the  fur  business. 

I  am, 
witness  Your  Excellency's 

(signed)     Henry  Knight  most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

„  Jno.  Sarrel  his 

(signed)    JOHN  x  GALE 
mark 

Colonial  Correspondence.     Newfoundland,  Vol.  39. 
Despatch  from  Governor  Hamilton  to  Earl  Bathurst. 

FORT  TOWNSEND,  ST  JOHN'S, 

NEWFOUNDLAND.    Sept.  27th,  1819. 
My  Lord, 

With  reference  to  the  iith  article  of  the  general  instructions  of  His 
Royal  Highness  the  Prince  Regent  to  me  as  Governor  of  Newfoundland,  relative  to 
the  Native  Indians  of  this  Island.  I  have  the  honour  to  lay  before  your  Lordship  a 
statement  of  occurrences  which  I  should  have  communicated  at  an  earlier  period,  had 
I  not  hoped  that  from  the  measures  I  adopted  on  my  first  knowledge  of  the  subject, 
I  should  at  the  same  time  have  had  to  announce  that  the  result  had  answered  my 
expectations.  Such  however  was  not  the  case — but  subsequent  considerations  have 
induced  me  to  pursue  a  plan  which  I  have  a  confident  hope  may  essentially  promote 
and  ultimately  effectuate  the  benevolent  object  of  the  instructions  above  mentioned 
the  protection  and  civilization  of  that  unfortunate  Tribe. 

The  circumstances  to  which  I  allude  are  briefly  these.  A  respectable  person  of 
the  name  of  Peyton,  who  carries  on  considerable  Salmon  Fisheries  in  the  River 
Exploits,  and  who  is  also  a  conservator  of  the  Peace,  had  for  the  last  four  years 
been  greatly  annoyed  and  suffered  extensive  injury  in  his  fishing  Establishments, 
evidently  (from  traces  which  could  not  be  mistaken)  occasioned  by  the  Indians,  who, 
taking  advantage  of  the  temporary  absence  of  his  servants  carried  away  or  damaged 
his  property  to  that  degree  that  he  was  induced  at  last  to  go  into  the  interior,  with 
the  view  if  not  of  recovering  a  part  to  endeavour  by  an  interview  to  show  that  he 
was  ready  to  barter  with  them  for  any  articles  of  which  they  might  stand  in  need, 
and  he  accordingly  set  forward  on  the  ist  of  March  of  this  year,  accompanied  by 
his  father  and  eight  of  his  own  men,  and  proceeded  into  the  interior.  Upon  the  5th 
day  on  a  frozen  lake  of  some  extent,  he  came  in  sight  of  a  party  of  Indians  who 
immediately  ran  off.  Mr  Peyton  however,  by  throwing  away  his  arms,  and  making 
signs  of  an  amicable  nature,  induced  one  to  stop,  who  upon  his  coming  up  proved 
to  be  a  woman,  and  who  interchanged  with  himself  and  his  men,  such  expressions 
of  a  friendly  disposition  as  appeared  to  be  perfectly  understood  by  her.  The  other 
Indians  however  did  not  seem  to  possess  the  same  peaceable  sentiments,  but  ap- 
proaching in  increased  numbers  from  different  parts  of  the  lake,  laid  hands  on  some 
of  Mr  Peyton's  men,  when  a  scuffle  ensued,  in  the  course  of  which  it  is  to  be  regretted 
that  one  of  the  Indians  fell  by  a  musket  ball  at  the  moment  when  the  life  of 
Mr  Peyton  Senr.,  whom  the  Indian  had  seized  by  the  throat,  was  in  imminent  danger. 
The  others  then  dispersed,  and  Mr  Peyton  returned  accompanied  by  the  woman,  and 
proceeded  immediately  to  the  island  of  Twillingate  in  the  vicinity  of  his  establishment, 
where  he  placed  her  under  the  care  of  the  Revd.  Mr  Leigh  Episcopal  Missionary, 
who,  upon  the  opening  of  the  season  came  with  her  to  St  John's  to  receive  my 
instructions. 


I2O  Colonial  Correspondence 

The  circumstances  of  the  transactions  on  the  lake  were  by  my  desire  laid  before 
and  minutely  investigated  by  the  Grand  Jury,  who  were  of  opinion  that  the  party 
were  fully  justified  under  all  the  circumstances  in  acting  as  they  did,  on  the  de- 
fensive. 

I  mention  this  as  a  proof  to  Your  Lordship  that  no  wanton  act  of  cruelty  was 
committed  or  attempted  by  Mr  Peyton  or  his  men. 

This  female  appeared  to  be  about  23  years  of  age,  of  a  gentle  and  interesting 
disposition,  acquiring  and  retaining  without  much  difficulty  any  words  she  was  taught ; 
in  the  course  of  her  residence  at  Twillingate  Mr  Leigh  ascertained  that  she  has  a 
child  3  or  4  years  old.  It  therefore  became,  under  every  feeling  of  humanity,  inde- 
pendent of  all  other  considerations,  an  object  in  my  mind  to  restore  her  to  her  tribe ; 
and  I  accordingly  with  this  view  sent  a  small  sloop  of  war  to  that  part  with  orders  to  her 
commander  to  proceed  to  the  summer  haunts  of  the  Indians,  and  endeavour  to  fall  in 
with  some  of  them.  From  this  attempt  however  he  returned  unsuccessful,  not  having 
met  with  any.  Such  was  the  state  of  the  case,  when  the  opportune  arrival  on  this  station 
of  Captain  Buchan  in  the  Grasshopper  who  had  before  been  employed  on  a  winter  expe- 
dition in  search  of  the  Indians  (of  the  particulars  of  which  Your  Lordship  is  already 
in  possession)  determined  me  to  avail  myself  of  his  voluntary  service  in  an  endeavour 
to  return  the  Indian  woman,  and  to  effectuate  an  object  for  which  he  is  so  eminently 
qualified,  as  well  from  his  previous  experiences  as  from  his  cool  judgment,  zeal,  per- 
severance, and  conciliatory  conduct,  and  when  the  condition  of  this  miserable  people, 
subject  to  the  wanton  attacks  of  the  Micmac  and  other  tribes  of  Indians  frequenting 
and  traversing  this  Island,  who  have  an  inveterate  aversion  to  them  is  considered. 
I  hope  the  measures  I  have  been  induced  to  adopt  for  their  protection  and  with  the 
view  of  obtaining  their  confidence  and  bringing  about  a  friendly  intercourse  with  them, 
will  meet  with  Your  Lordship's  approbation. 

Having  made  the  necessary  arrangements,  Capt.  Buchan  sailed  on  the  25th  inst, 
under  orders  of  which  I  have  the  honour  to  enclose  a  copy. 

The  additional  clothing  for  his  crew,  peculiarly  requisite  in  such  an  undertaking 
and  the  necessary  articles  of  traffic  or  presents  for  the  Indians  have  occasioned  an 
expense  which  I  shall  have  the  honour  of  laying  before  Your  Lordship  with  my 
accounts  for  the  present  year. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  great  respect, 

My  Lord, 

Your  Lordship's  most  obedient  humble  servant, 
C.  HAMILTON. 


Colonial  Correspondence.     Newfoundland,    Vols*  40  to  48. 

FORT  TOWNSEND,  ST  JOHN'S. 
2%th  June  1820. 

Governor  Hamilton  to  Earl  Bathurst. 

Encloses  Capt.  Buchan's  account  of  his  journey  in  search  of  the  Native  Indians. 
The  presence  of  the  Indian  woman  had  led  them  to  hope  for  amicable  intercourse 
with  her  tribe,  and  her  unfortunate  death  may  have  a  bad  effect.  However  the  con- 
ciliatory measures  used  by  Capt.  Buchan  in  the  disposal  of  her  remains  will,  he  hopes 
diminish  any  hostile  feeling. 

An  Officer  of  H.M.  Sloop  Drake  has  used  fire-arms,  during  an  attempt  to  fall 
in  with  some  of  the  Indians  in  their  summer  haunts.  This  was  a  direct  violation  of 
orders.  Believes  he  acted  through  an  error  in  judgment. 


Buchans  Report 
Captain  Bncharis  Report  of  2nd  Expedition. 


121 


His  MAJESTY'S  SLOOP  GRASSHOPPER 
IN  PETER'S  ARM,  RIVER  EXPLOITS. 

loth  March,  1820. 
Sir  Charles  Hamilton,  Bart. 

Commander  in  Chief  &c. 
Sir, 

My  letter  of  the  8th  of  October  stated  up  to  that  period  the  progress  that 
had  been  made  in  preparation  for  wintering  at  this  anchorage  ;  and  that  Your  Excel- 
lency may  be  put  in  the  earliest  possession  of  the  more  prominent  events  that  have 
since  occurred,  I  avail  myself  of  an  opportunity  of  conveyance  to  Fogo  to  state  with 
brevity  such  particulars  only  as  seem  necessary  to  convey  a  general  outline  of  my 
proceedings. 

It  was  not  until  the  25th  of  November  that  I  received  Mary  March,  the  Indian 
female,  conducted  hither  by  Mr  John  Peyton  Jr.  and  notwithstanding  that  my  first 
interview  in  August  led  me  to  conclude  that  she  was  in  delicate  state  of  health,  I 
could  not  but  grieve  to  see  the  progress  that  a  rapid  decline  had  made  in  the  interval, 
and  I  observed  that  she  had  imprudently  thrown  aside  the  flannels  which  during  the 
summer  she  wore  next  her  body,  and  was  otherwise  thinly  clad.  Warm  dresses  were 
now  provided  for  her  and  a  woman  to  attend  carefully  on  her ;  it  however  soon  became 
too  apparent  that  even  should  the  skill  and  great  care  of  the  surgeon  protract  her 
existence  through  an  inclement  winter,  it  was  utterly  impossible  that  she  could  be  in 
a  state  to  travel  into  the  interior ;  it  therefore  became  a  matter  of  much  solicitude  to 
commence  the  journey  as  soon  as  the  weather  would  permit  with  the  view  if  possible 
of  opening  a  communication  with  her  countrymen,  and  of  inducing  some  of  them  to 
accompany  me  to  her,  as  a  meeting  must  in  its  consequence  have  operated  most 
powerfully  towards  effecting  the  desirable  object  of  producing  to  those  poor  creatures 
the  blessings  arising  from  civilization,  every  preparation  was  consequently  made.  She 
often  would  express  to  Mr  Peyton  and  myself  that  we  should  not  find  the  Indians, 
and  said  "gun  no  good"  but  would  never  hear  of  us  going  in  without  her,  at  the 
same  time  giving  us  to  understand  that  she  only  wanted  her  child  and  that  she  would 
return  with  us.  Nature  gradually  sunk,  but  she  always  continued  cheerful  until  the 
8th  of  January,  when  she  suddenly  expired  at  2  P.M.  A  few  hours  before  she  had 
been  looking  over  the  track  of  my  former  journey  which  I  had  frequently  got  her  to 
do,  and  which  she  latterly  understood,  and  took  delight  in  speaking  of  the  wigwams. 
A  short  period  before  her  death  she  was  seized  with  a  sort  of  suffocation,  and  sent 
for  me  and  Mr  Peyton  who  had  that  morning  gone  for  a  walk,  she  soon  recovered 
and  appeared  as  usual,  but  I  had  not  left  her  more  than  a  quarter  of  an  hour  when 
being  again  summoned,  I  hastened  to  her  and  beheld  her  lifeless,  her  last  wish  appears 
to  have  been  to  see  Mr  Peyton,  and  she  ceased  to  respire  with  his  name  upon  her 
lips.  She  seemed  always  much  satisfied  when  he  was  near  and  looked  up  to  him  as 
her  protector.  Her  mild  and  gentle  manners  and  great  patience  under  much  suffering 
endeared  her  to  all,  and  her  dissolution  was  deeply  lamented  by  us. 

As  the  melancholy  event  had  not  been  anticipated,  it  left  me  without  instructions 
how  to  act,  and  as  it  was  now  out  of  my  power  to  return  to  St  John's,  I  considered 
it  still  desirable  to  prosecute  the  original  design,  and  many  reasons  determined  me 
to  have  the  corpse  conveyed  to  the  place  of  her  former  residence. 

The  unusual  openness  of  the  season  prevented  my  venturing  to  put  this  into 
practice  until  the  2ist  of  January,  when  accompanied  by  Mr  John  Peyton  Jr.  (of  whose 
unremitting  zeal  and  attention  and  that  of  my  officers  no  expressions  of  mine  can  do 
sufficient  justice,  but  I  shall  feel  it  my  duty  to  speak  my  sentiments  more  fully,  in  a 
subsequent  communication)  I  set  out,  the  party  fifty  in  number  were  amply  provided 
with  every  necessary  for  forty  days,  that  could  with  propriety  be  taken  on  such  a 
service.  In  expectation  of  meeting  considerable  difficulty  between  this  and  the  first 


H. 


16 


122  Buchan's  Report 

overfall,  twenty  five  miles  from  hence,  an  auxiliary  party  of  ten  men  and  an  Officer 
was  selected  to  accompany  us  so  far,  even  with  this  additional  reinforcement  the 
impediments  were  so  many  and  in  some  cases  almost  insurmountable  that  it  was  not 
until  the  26th  that  we  reached  the  Indian  path  only  one  mile  beyond  the  lower  part 
of  the  fall.  On  the  2/th  the  auxiliary  party  set  out  on  their  return  with  the  addition 
of  one  man  that  had  got  slightly  burnt  in  the  feet.  We  were  until  the  2Qth  employed 
repairing  the  sledges  which  had  become  much  shattered,  and  others  totally  useless 
were  replaced  with  catamarans.  We  must  otherwise  have  been  delayed  here,  for  until 
this  morning  there  was  not  sufficient  ice  attached  to  the  banks  of  this  part  of  the 
river  for  conducting  the  sledges. 

Former  experience  led  me  to  expect  that  the  greatest  difficulties  and  most  labo- 
rious part  of  our  route  was  now  over,  but  new  and  more  serious  obstacles  occurred. 
The  ice  which  covered  the  surface  of  the  river,  from  former  eruptions  was  exceedingly 
treacherous.  On  the  28th  after  halting  the  party  for  the  day,  I  proceeded  half  a  mile 
on  to  a  point  to  observe  the  state  of  the  ice  beyond,  when  it  suddenly  lifted  several 
feet  attended  with  a  rumbling  noise,  and  the  immediate  overflowing  of  the  ice  near 
the  bank  made  my  return  somewhat  difficult.  On  the  3 1st  many  of  the  party  with 
myself  fell  in,  precautionary  measures  were  instantly  taken  to  prevent  frostburn,  and 
we  put  up  on  the  South  side  of  the  river,  about  two  miles  and  a  half  below  the 
Badger  Bay  Ponds,  and  twenty  three  from  the  Indian  path. 

Mr  Waller  and  Mr  Peyton  with  one  man  were  sent  forward  to  a  point  a  mile 
off  to  examine  its  sufficiency  for  the  party  to  continue  on  in  the  morning,  they  crossed 
to  the  other  side  and  Mr  Peyton  ascended  a  tree  to  obtain  a  more  commanding 
view ;  just  as  they  obtained  this  position  the  ice  appeared  in  great  agitation,  and 
fearful  of  being  totally  cut  off  from  us  they  made  a  desperate  push  to  recross,  the 
ice  now  ran  rapidly,  the  pans  coalesced  and  receded  with  great  velocity,  leaving  them 
in  great  jeopardy,  but  they  at  length  providentially  reached  the  shore. 

Towards  the  evening  the  river  became  pent  and  burst  with  repeated  noise,  not  unlike 
the  discharge  of  Artillery;  it  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  we  were  able  in  time  to 
get  our  sledges  which  had  been  secured  on  a  bed  of  Alders,  sufficiently  into  the  woods 
to  ensure  their  safety,  as  their  former  position  was  so  quickly  overflown  that  several 
of  the  bread  packs  upon  them  were  unavoidably  got  wet.  There  being  no  immediate 
prospect  of  quitting  this  place,  a  store  was  thrown  up  for  the  reception  of  our  pro- 
visions, ammunition,  &c.  whilst  some  of  our  sledges  might  undergo  repair  to  enable 
us  to  proceed  on.  The  Catamarans  were  broken  to  pieces,  not  being  of  a  construction 
calculated  for  the  description  of  travelling  we  had  to  contend  with,  which  compelled 
me  most  unwillingly  to  send  back  a  Midshipman  and  thirteen  men,  the  necessary 
supplies  of  provisions,  axes,  &c.  were  got  in  readiness  and  on  the  morning  of  the 
2nd  of  February  they  proceeded  down  the  banks  of  the  river,  two  of  this  party  were 
considerably  frost-burnt  in  the  feet,  and  a  third  had  a  severe  cut  with  an  axe  in  the 
foot.  They  nevertheless  got  safe  on  board  on  the  6th.  Four  sledges  out  of  twelve 
were  all  that  could  be  put  in  a  condition  to  proceed  on,  and  lest  these  should  give 
out,  knapsacks  were  provided  for  each  individual,  in  order  to  be  able  at  anytime  to 
abandon  them.  The  frost  had  been  very  severe  for  three  days  which  fastened  the 
river  above,  where  we  reached  by  passing  over  two  necks  of  burnt  woods  for  three 
miles.  On  the  6th  after  halting  for  the  night,  Mr  Peyton  with  a  reconnoitring  party 
observed  evident  signs  of  Indian  snow-shoes  going  upwards  but  were  soon  lost  on 
hard  ice,  and  although  a  light  fall  of  snow  took  place  during  the  night  a  feint  trace 
was  visible  next  morning.  The  river  was  still  very  feeble,  and  a  quantity  of  bread 
got  wet  by  one  of  the  sledges  falling  in. 

On  the  7th  at  noon  we  got  to  the  north  side  about  four  miles  below  the  second 
overfall,  which  have  nothing  but  burnt  woods  on  its  banks,  obliged  me  in  the  face  of 
great  danger  to  cross  to  the  south  shore  to  reach  a  place  fit  to  stop  at  for  the  night, 
to  do  so  we  were  under  the  necessity  of  conveying  each  package  separately  about  a 
mile  and  a  half,  the  ice  in  many  places  so  fragile  as  to  admit  with  risk  but  one  at 
a  time  to  pass :  every  appearance  indicated  the  probability  of  its  again  bursting  and 


Buchan's  Report  123 

this  was  soon  demonstrated.  Mr  Peyton  and  myself  leaving  the  party  to  prepare 
for  the  night  proceeded  on  to  the  overfall,  where  from  the  deep  and  wide  rents  in 
the  ice  of  great  thickness,  it  appeared  that  not  more  than  two  hours  before  there 
must  have  been  a  great  convulsion,  the  body  of  water  that  occasioned  this  found 
vent  under,  so  that  the  surface  was  but  little  overflowed. 

On  the  8th  after  crossing  this  part  and  cutting  a  path  through  the  woods,  we 
ascended  until  reaching  the  level  above  the  cataract,  we  again  trimmed  along  the 
bank,  many  places  having  no  more  ice  attached  than  merely  to  admit  the  sledges 
to  pass. 

On  the  spot  where  I  had  before  found  the  small  storehouse,  was  now  erected  a 
very  large  one  with  wall-plates  ;  it  was  uncovered  and  appeared  to  have  been  left  in 
haste  and  much  disorder ;  coming  opposite  we  found  a  raft  of  thirty  feet  in  length 
and  four  and  a  half  broad,  this  was  formed  of  three  logs  of  dry  asp,  eighteen  inches 
in  diameter,  and  secured  together  with  much  ingenuity.  A  great  quantity  of  deer 
skins,  some  paunches,  liver  and  lights  were  found  concealed  in  the  snow  several 
wigwams  appeared  to  have  been  inhabited  in  the  early  part  of  the  winter,  and  one 
in  particular  must  have  had  a  fireplace  in  it  a  few  days  before.  The  marks  of  the 
sledges  were  yet  distinctly  seen,  in  which  they  had  conveyed  the  venison,  and  some 
of  that  meat  was  scattered  about  some  way  further  on.  The  Indians  having  had 
recourse  to  rafts,  and  the  hurried  manner  in  which  they  appeared  to  have  removed 
their  means  of  subsisting  for  the  winter,  strongly  marked  on  my  mind  the  improba- 
bility of  at  this  time  accomplishing  an  interview  with  them,  and  I  could  not  but 
lament  the  unguarded  proceedings  of  one  of  the  officers  employed  in  the  Drake's 
Boats,  after  the  recent  and  unhappy  occurrence  that  took  place  at  the  taking  of  the 
Indian  female  which  must  have  convinced  this  untutored  race  that  a  plan  was  laid 
for  their  destruction,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  they  discovered  us  on  our  approach  to 
the  Badger  Bay  water ;  the  dread  of  our  intentions  no  doubt  stimulated  them  and 
our  long  detention  in  that  vicinity  gave  them  time  for  the  removal  of  their  stores, 
and  every  appearance  tended  to  convince  that  it  must  have  been  effected  about  that 
period.  I  shall  here  remark  that  a  deposit  of  provisions  was  left  at  the  great  over- 
fall to  cover  our  retreat  from  that  to  the  Brig,  and  at  our  store  two  miles  below 
Badger  Bay  River,  everything  was  left  but  what  was  considered  essential  to  carry 
with  us  which  consisted  of  nineteen  days  provisions,  the  remains  of  Mary  March, 
and  requisite  presents  to  make  our  visit  acceptable  in  the  event  of  our  falling  in 
with  the  tribe ;  at  the  fireplace  just  below  the  second  overfall,  distant  from  Badger 
Bay  River  twelve  miles  and  a  half,  was  also  left  two  days  provisions  to  succour  our 
return  to  the  store  just  mentioned.  Leaving  the  party  to  prepare  a  resting  place  for 
the  night,  Mr  Peyton  accompanied  me  four  miles  further  and  returned  at  dusk.  The 
water  oozed  over  the  narrow  sheet  of  ice  that  had  adhered  to  the  bank  where  the 
Indians  hauled  their  sledges,  from  which  circumstance  all  trace  of  their  route  was 
soon  lost,  it  was  not  however,  observed  that  the  bank  had  in  any  place  been  ascended 
by  them.  The  next  morning  continuing  our  journey,  encountering  many  obstructions 
from  the  open  state  of  the  river,  after  abandoning  one  of  the  four  sledges  and  passing 
several  wigwams,  we  at  length  on  the  nth  reached  the  great  Pond,  a  distance  of 
twenty  two  miles  from  the  second  overfall,  which  we  crossed  in  a  NE.  direction  for 
five  miles,  and  at  three  O'Clock  arrived  at  the  former  residence  of  our  deceased  friend. 
The  frame  of  two  wigwams  remained  entire,  the  third  had  been  used  as  part  of  the 
materials  in  the  erection  of  a  cemetery  of  curious  construction  where  lay  the  body 
no  doubt  of  the  Indian  that  had  fallen,  and  with  him  all  his  worldly  treasure,  amongst 
other  things  was  linen  with  Mr  Peyton's  name  on  it,  everything  that  had  been  dis- 
turbed was  carefully  replaced,  and  this  sepulchre  again  closed  up,  some  additional 
strengthening  had  been  put  to  it  this  fall.  The  coffin  which  was  conveyed  to  this 
spot  with  so  much  labour  was  unpacked  and  found  uninjured,  it  was  neatly  made 
and  handsomely  covered  with  red  cloth  ornamented  with  copper  trimmings  and  breast- 
plate. The  corpse,  which  was  carefully  secured  and  decorated  with  the  many  trinkets 
that  had  been  presented  to  her,  was  in  a  most  perfect  state,  and  so  little  was  the 

16 — 2 


124  Buchatis  Report 

change  in  the  features  that  imagination  would  fancy  life  not  yet  extinct.  A  neat 
tent  that  was  brought  for  the  purpose  was  pitched  in  the  area  of  one  of  the  wigwams, 
and  the  coffin  covered  with  a  brown  cloth  pall,  was  suspended  six  feet  from  the 
ground  in  a  manner  to  prevent  its  receiving  injury  from  any  animals ;  in  her  cossack 
were  placed  all  such  articles  as  belonged  to  her  that  could  not  be  contained  in  the 
coffin,  the  presents  for  the  Indians  were  also  deposited  within  the  tent  as  well  as 
the  sledge  on  which  they  had  been  carried,  and  all  properly  secured  from  the 
weather. 

A  footing  was  seen  here  and  considered  that  of  a  man  ;  these  wigwams  were 
situated  on  the  North-West  side  four  or  five  miles  from  the  North-Eastern  extremity 
of  the  pond  by  which  Mr  Peyton  formerly  entered  and  nearly  opposite  to  where  I 
found  the  natives.  Not  doubting  that  ere  long  this  place  would  be  visited,  and  that 
the  steps  that  had  been  taken  might  make  some  favourable  impression  I  resumed  my 
journey  along  the  North-West  side  something  more  than  forty  six  miles,  and  nearly 
in  a  West  direction,  when  our  view  became  obstructed  by  the  intersection  of  two 
points  from  the  opposite  shores ;  here  I  halted  at  2  P.M.  on  the  I4th  and  despatched 
Mr  Waller  accompanied  by  Mr  Peyton  and  a  party  to  reach  the  extremity  of  the 
pond,  if  possible  to  do  so  and  regain  me  by  night.  In  our  way  to  this  place  several 
places  were  observed  where  the  natives  had  formerly  resided  and  in  one  instance  a 
temporary  wigwam,  such  as  would  have  been  erected  by  a  person  on  a  march,  had 
very  lately  been  occupied,  and  I  was  induced  to  believe  that  in  many  spots  were  to 
be  seen  the  almost  obliterated  impression  of  rackets  and  moccasins,  but  so  indistinct 
as  to  make  it  extremely  doubtful  ;  these  led  to  the  eastward.  At  nightfall  the  party 
returned  having  reached  the  extremity  of  the  pond  which  extended  about  five  miles 
further  on  in  a  west  and  west  by  North  direction,  and  terminated  by  a  river  fifty 
yards  wide  which  continued  in  the  same  course  as  the  pond ;  a  wigwam  was  observed 
near  its  termination  where  still  remained  the  apparatus  for  killing  deer  and  preserving 
the  venison  and  skins  which  had  been  used  late  in  the  fall.  It  was  remarked  that 
the  Southern  side  of  a  ridge  of  elevated  mountains  on  the  opposite  side  to  our  fire- 
place, extending  in  a  West  North  West  direction,  was  clothed  in  snow  whilst  those 
parts  facing  the  North  were  bare,  this  indicated  our  near  approach  to  the  sea,  but 
the  scarcity  of  my  provisions  and  still  more  some  of  the  party  being  unwell,  forbade 
following  my  strong  desire  to  ascertain  this  point,  I  therefore  reluctantly  yielded  to 
the  necessity  of  returning  and  with  the  rising  Sun  the  following  morning  began  to 
retrace  our  steps.  At  noon  on  the  i6th  we  reached  the  head  of  the  river  Exploits 
the  only  one  receiving  its  water  from  the  great  Pond,  though  several  disembogue  into 
it.  My  intention  had  been  to  return  by  a  chain  of  marshes  connected  with  the  Eastern 
end  of  the  pond  and  leading  to  the  river  halfway  between  its  head  and  the  first  over- 
fall ;  but  increasing  indisposition  of  several  of  the  party  amongst  whom  was  Mr  Peyton, 
lame  in  one  foot,  and  being  left  with  only  two  days  provisions  rendered  it  expedient 
to  lose  no  time  in  falling  back  on  our  deposits,  we  accordingly  retreated  down  the 
river  and  slept  on  the  i/th  at  our  former  fireplace  opposite  the  Indians  store,  where 
we  discovered  a  second  raft  similar  to  that  before  mentioned,  which  had  escaped 
observation  in  going  up  from  being  covered  with  snow.  A  trap  belonging  to  Mr  Peyton 
found  here  was  with  some  arrows  suspended  to  a  pole,  and  a  red  flag  left  displayed 
to  attract  notice.  This  was  done  at  several  places,  and  an  Union  Jack  was  shown 
at  the  tent  that  contained  the  coffin.  On  the  i8th  after  winding  along  the  banks 
and  taking  to  the  woods  occasionally  below  the  waterfall,  we  were  enabled  to  cross 
to  the  South  side  some  distance  beyond  our  deposit,  for  the  river  had  opened  where 
it  was  formerly  pent.  A  party  was  despatched  to  bring  down  the  provisions,  whilst 
the  rest  halted  to  take  refreshments,  and  on  their  return  we  again  proceeded,  and 
by  the  ipth  reached  the  store,  where  commenced  preparations  for  extending  the 
journey  along  the  Badger  Bay  waters.  The  following  day  Mr  Stanly  midshipman  with 
13  men  including  all  those  that  were  indisposed  was  directed  to  proceed  down  to 
the  brig  by  easy  stages.  Mr  Peyton's  feet  had  got  so  much  better  that  he  made  one 
of  my  party  on  our  new  route  which  we  began  on  the  2ist,  entered  upon  the  Badger 


Bay  waters  at  10  A.M.  and  soon  discovered  the  track  of  a  racket  and  sledge,  but 
unfortunately  could  not  trace  it  to  any  distance ;  we  passed  several  uninhabited 
wigwams  and  a  quiver  that  had  lately  been  placed  on  the  stump  of  a  tree.  We 
continued  to  follow  up  a  succession  of  ponds  laying  generally  in  an  ENE.  direction, 
passed  cutting  of  trees  and  other  Indian  marks ;  but  none  that  appeared  to  be  very 
recent  until  entering  the  fifth  pond,  where  we  found  a  tree  upon  a  projecting  point 
just  above  a  cataract,  about  forty  feet  in  height,  the  bark  of  which  was  stripped  off 
leaving  only  a  small  tuft  on  the  top  and  from  that  downwards  were  painted  alternate 
circles  of  red  and  white,  resembling  wide  hoops.  There  was  also  a  temporary  wigwam, 
and  the  whole  had  the  appearance  of  a  place  of  observation.  Having  penetrated  four 
miles  into  the  seventh  pond  and  twenty  four  miles  from  our  first  entrance  into  these 
waters  we  crossed  a  ridge  and  took  to  a  chain  of  marshes  and  woods  and  on  the 
evening  of  the  25th  reached  a  furrier's  tilt  of  Mr  Peyton  situated  on  the  New  Bay 
Great  Pond  distant  from  the  seventh  pond  before  mentioned  twenty  miles  ESE. 
nearly  one  day's  march  from  Peter's  Arm. 

Desirous  of  gaining  all  information  possible  connected  with  the  natives,  on  the 
morning  of  the  26th  having  previously  seen  Mr  Waller  with  the  rest  of  the  party  on 
his  way  to  the  Brig,  I  proceeded  with  Mr  Peyton  and  two  men  only  towards  New 
Bay,  and  following  the  run  of  a  river  connected  with  ponds  and  marshes,  &c.  making 
nearly  a  NE.  course  for  twelve  miles  we  reached  at  midnight  Mr  Rousells  house  in 
the  SW.  Arm  of  New  Bay,  but  not  finding  him  at  home  we  hastened  our  departure 
on  Sunday  morning  the  2/th  for  the  ship,  as  rain  and  a  rapid  thaw  had  now  set  in. 
After  five  miles  of  very  heavy  travelling  we  reached  Mr  Skinner's  South  Arm,  New 
Bay,  and  remained  there  until  Monday,  when,  after  crossing  ridges,  woods  and  marshes 
we  came  out  on  the  Exploits  opposite  to  Mr  Peyton's  establishment  at  Lower  Sandy 
Point,  five  miles  below  Peter's  Arm,  and  arrived  on  board  the  next  morning  after  an 
absence  of  forty  days.  Found  that  Mr  Waller  and  his  party  had  reached  the  Brig 
on  the  day  he  left  me;  Mr  Stanly  from  the  weak  state  of  his  men  that  were  with 
him  did  not  arrive  until  the  following  day.  Circumstances  had  obliged  him  to  leave 
behind  most  of  the  stores.  I  trust,  notwithstanding  the  haste  with  which  this  narra- 
tive is  drawn  up  that  the  occurrences  are  set  forth  sufficiently  clear  to  enable  Your 
Excellency  to  appreciate  the  infinite  labour  and  difficulty  attending  this  journey  and 
that  nothing  has  been  omitted  within  my  power  for  the  attainment  of  the  desirable 
object  of  my  mission,  this  plain  detail  will  enable  Your  Excellency  to  determine  if 
it  be  still  an  object  to  keep  me  employed  longer  on  this  service.  In  order  to  be 
perfectly  ready  for  its  continuance,  I  have  two  gigs  finished,  and  two  more  will  be  in 
readiness  ere  the  ice  enables  me  to  move. 

It  is  impossible  for  me  to  hold  out  success  when  so  much  depends  on  fortuitous 
circumstances  but  I  will  venture  to  say  that  it  is  my  opinion  that  there  would  be  a 
great  probability  of  it  by  following  up  the  operations  without  intermission  until  the 
last  of  August,  for  I  cannot  but  indulge  a  hope  that  the  appearance  of  amity  which 
we  have  left  behind  must  manifestly  tend  to  convince  them  of  our  friendly  intentions 
in  opposition  to  the  unhappy  event  in  the  one  case,  and  the  unwarrantable  conduct 
of  Mr  Trivick  in  the  other.  I  therefore  under  these  considerations  shall  continue  to 
prosecute  this  enterprise  until  I  receive  your  further  instructions  for  my  guidance, 
and  to  this  end  a  party  of  fifteen  in  a  few  days  will  proceed  agreeable  to  the 
enclosed  order.  I  could  have  wished  to  go  myself,  but  feel  at  present  unequal  to 
such  an  undertaking,  and  my  presence  on  board  becomes  necessary  for  future  arrange- 
ments. I  am  happy  to  report  that  an  expedition  where  so  much  was  necessarily 
hazardous  that  no  individual  of  the  party  has  received  any  material  injury,  and 
those  that  were  indisposed  are  now  recovered  or  in  a  state  of  convalescence.  On 
the  discharge  of  the  nine  men  that  were  entered  after  my  arrival  here,  for  the  winter 
only,  the  compliment  of  the  Brig  will  remain  nine  seamen,  one  boy,  and  four  marines 
short,  this  includes  the  three  deserters  on  board  the  Sir  Francis  Drake ;  it  would  be 
desirable  on  a  continuance  of  this  service  to  be  complete.  The  provisions  to  the 


126  Report  of  John   Triwck 

end  of  July  are  complete  in  all  species,  and  the  enclosed  will  shew  what  is  wanted 
to  make  them  so  to  the  end  of  August. 

I  have  the  honour  &c., 
(signed)     D.  BUCHAN, 

Commander. 


His  MAJESTY'S  SLOOP  DRAKE, 

ST  JOHN'S  HARBOUR,  NEWFOUNDLAND. 
2%th  May,  1820. 

Sir, 

I  have  the  honour  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  26th 
inst.  this  day,  requiring  me  to  state  what  took  place  when  I  fell  in  with  a  party  of 
Native  Indians  in  Badger  Bay,  near  New  Bay,  and  the  orders  I  received  from  Capt. 
Glascock  on  that  occasion. 

In  reply  I  beg  to  state  that  on  the  3Oth  June  last  in  pulling  round  a  small 
point  in  Badger  Bay  I  observed  three  Indians  in  a  canoe  about  150  yards  distance, 
and  50  from  the  shore.  I  immediately  made  towards  them  endeavouring  to  make 
them  understand  that  we  wished  to  communicate  with  them,  but  they  shewed  no 
disposition  to  listen  to  us,  were  evidently  getting  away,  and  might  if  they  got  ashore 
easily  escape  into  the  woods,  where  it  would  be  fruitless  to  follow  them ;  under  these 
circumstances  I  thought  the  only  means  left  me  to  come  up  with  them,  was  by 
firing  a  musket  and  thus  throwing  them  into  confusion,  which  it  partially  effected, 
but  being  by  this  time  near  the  shore  they  unfortunately  escaped  as  I  anticipated. 

I  beg  further  to  state  that  the  almost  certain  hope  of  being  able  to  intercept 
them  before  they  got  on  shore,  together  with  my  anxiety  and  the  utter  impossibility 
of  tracing  them  through  the  woods,  could  possibly  have  induced  me  so  far  to  deviate 
from  Capt.  Glascock's  orders  not  to  fire. 

We  went  into  the  woods  after  them,  but  found  it  in  vain  to  pursue  them ;  we 
left  some  presents  in  the  wigwams  near  where  the  Indians  landed,  and  afterwards 
pulled  to  some  distance  from  this  place  and  concealed  ourselves  in  hopes  of  their 
returning  but  next  morning  when  we  went  back  we  found  everything  in  the  state 
we  left  it ;  we  came  two  days  after  and  found  they  had  returned  and  canoes, 
presents,  &c.,  all  taken  away. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Sir,  with  the  greatest  respect, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 
(signed)     JNO.  TRiviCK1, 
Master, 

H.M.  Sloop  Drake. 

Vice-Admiral, 

Sir  Charles  Hamilton,  Bart. 

1  What  a  pity  this  man  Trivick  acted  so  injudiciously.  It  would  appear  from  his  letter  that  he 
had  about  the -best  opportunity  ever  presented,  at  all  events  of  later  years  to  intercept  and  capture 
the  Indians. 


Characteristics  of  Mary  March  1 27 

Colonial  Office.     Newfoundland.     Out  Letters.      Vol.   2. 

DOWNING  STREET, 

qth  October,  1820. 
Governor  Sir  C.  Hamilton, 

Sir, 

I  have  the  honour  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  2Oth 
June  last,  transmitting  Captain  Buchan's  detailed  accounts  of  his  journey  in  search 
of  the  Native  Indians  in  the  early  part  of  the  present  year ;  and  to  acquaint  you 
that  the  conduct  of  Capt.  Buchan  affords  an  additional  instance  of  the  zeal  and 
judgment  of  that  Officer  in  situations  of  no  inconsiderable  difficulty  and  delicacy, 
and  although  he  has  not  succeeded  in  the  actual  object  which  he  had  in  view,  yet 
his  failure  is  in  no  degree  to  be  attributed  to  other  than  accidental  causes. 

I  have,  &c., 
BATHURST. 

Further  characteristics  of  Mary  March  ( Waunathoake}. 

The  following  particulars  of  Mary  March  were  obtained  from  Revd.  Mr  Leigh, 
with  whom  she  stayed,  by  Sir  Hercules  Robinson,  Commander  on  H.M.S.  Favourite 
on  the  Newfoundland  station. 

Sir  Hercules'  paper  was  written  on  board  his  ship  at  sea  and  is  dated  Novem- 
ber 7th  1820.  He  says  he  is  writing  from  memory  of  several  conversations  he  held 
with  Mr  Leigh  at  Harbour  Grace  some  weeks  previously.  He  regrets  he  did  not 
immediately  note  them  down  before  many  interesting  facts  had  escaped  his  memory. 
He  does  not  say  whether  he  himself  ever  saw  the  Indian  woman,  but  it  is  not 
probable  he  did,  as  she  died  on  board  Buchan's  ship  the  Grasshopper  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Exploits,  on  Jan.  8th  1820,  and  it  is  not  likely  Sir  Hercules  was 
then  or  previously  in  the  country. 

The  first  part  of  his  paper  is  merely  a  reiteration  of  what  has  already  been 
given  relative  to  the  relations  subsisting  between  the  Micmac's  and  the  Beothucks, 
and  the  latter  and  the  Whites  .(fishermen).  Coming  down  to  the  actual  capture  of 
Mary  March,  and  the  shooting  of  her  husband,  the  author  goes  on  to  state.  "  The 
anguish  and  horror  which  were  visible  in  her  intelligent  countenance,  appeared  to 
give  place  to  fear, — and  she  went  to  the  murderer  of  her  husband  clung  to  his  arm 
as  if  for  protection,  and  strange  to  say  a  most  devoted  attachment  appeared  from 
that  moment  to  have  been  produced  towards  him,  which  only  ended  with  her  life. — 
To  him  alone  she  was  all  gentleness,  affection  and  obedience,  and  the  last  act  of 
her  "  brief  eventful  history "  was  to  take  a  ring  from  her  finger  and  beg  it  might 
be  sent  to  him. 

The  tribe  were  in  the  neighbourhood  of  this  disastrous  meeting  and  it  was 
necessary  that  the  party  should  secure  their  retreat,  they  had  a  sleigh  drawn  by 
dogs  in  which  Mary  March,  as  she  was  afterwards  named,  and  as  we  may  now  call 
her,  immediately  placed  herself,  when  she  understood  she  was  to  accompany  the 
party,  and  directed  them  by  signs  to  cover  her  over,  holding  her  legs  out  to  have 
her  moccasins  laced,  and  both  here  and  subsequently,  by  her  helplessness,  by  the 
attention  she  appeared  habitually,  to  expect  at  the  hands  of  others,  and  by  her 
unacquaintance  with  any  laborious  employment,  she  indicated  either  a  superiority  of 
station,  or  that  she  was  accustomed  to  a  treatment  of  female  savages  very  different 
from  that  of  all  other  tribes.  She  was  quite  unlike  an  Esquimau  in  face  and 
figure,  tall  and  rather  stout  body,  limbs  very  small  and  delicate,  particularly  her 
arms.  Her  hands  and  feet  were  very  small  and  beautifully  formed,  and  of  these  she 
was  very  proud,  her  complexion  a  light  copper  colour,  became  nearly  as  fair  as  an 
European's  after  a  course  of  washing  and  absence  from  smoke,  her  hair  was  black, 


1 28  Characteristics  of  Mary  March 

which  she  delighted  to  comb  and  oil,  her  eyes  larger  and  more  intelligent  than  those 
of  an  Esquimau,  her  teeth  small,  white  and  regular,  her  cheek  bones  rather  high, 
but  her  countenance  had  a  mild  and  pleasing  expression.  Her  miniature  taken  by 
Lady  Hamilton,  is  said  to  be  strikingly  like  her ;  her  voice  was  remarkably  sweet 
low  and  musical.  When  brought  to  Fogo,  she  was  taken  into  the  house  of  Mr  Leigh, 
the  missionary,  where  for  some  time  she  was  ill  at  ease,  and  twice  during  the  night 
attempted  to  escape  to  the  woods,  where  she  must  have  immediately  perished  in  the 
snow.  She  was  however  carefully  watched,  and  in  a  few  weeks  was  tolerably  recon- 
ciled to  her  situation  and  appeared  to  enjoy  the  comforts  of  civilization,  particularly 
the  clothes, — her  own  were  of  dressed  deer-skins  tastefully  trimmed  with  martin,  but 
she  would  never  put  them  on,  or  part  with  them.  She  ate  sparingly,  disliked  wine 
or  spirits,  was  very  fond  of  sleep,  never  getting  up  to  breakfast  before  9  O'Clock. 
She  lay  rolled  up  in  a  ball  in  the  middle  of  the  bed.  Her  extreme  personal 
delicacy  and  propriety  were  very  remarkable  and  appeared  more  an  innate  feeling 
than  any  exhibition  of  "  tact "  or  conventional  trick.  Her  power  of  mimicery  was 
very  remarkable  and  enabled  her  quickly  to  speak  the  language  she  heard,  and 
before  she  could  express  herself,  her  signs  and  dumb  Crambo  were  curiously  signifi- 
cant. She  described  the  servants,  black-smiths,  Taylor,  shoemaker,  a  man  who  wore 
spectacles,  and  other  persons  whom  she  could  not  name,  with  a  most  happy  minute- 
ness of  imitation ;  it  is  a  beautiful  provision  that  savages  and  children  who  have 
much  to  learn,  should  be  such  good  mimics,  as  without  the  faculty  they  could  learn 
nothing,  and  we  observe  it  usually  leaves  them  when  they  no  longer  want  its  assist- 
ance. To  this  we  should  often  ascribe  family  resemblances  which  we  think  are 
inherited,  but  to  return  to  Mary  March.  She  would  sometimes  though  rarely  speak 
fully  to  Mr  Leigh,  and  talk  of  her  tribe,  they  believed  in  a  Great  Spirit  but  seem 
to  have  no  religious  ceremonies — Polygamy  does  not  appear  to  be  practised.  Mr  Leigh 
is  of  opinion  there  are  about  300  in  number.  I  forget  the  data  from  which  he  calcu- 
lated. They  live  in  separate  wigwams.  Mary's  consisted  of  16 — the  number  was 
discovered  in  rather  a  curious  manner.  She  went  frequently  to  her  bed  room  during 
the  day,  and  when  Mr  Leigh's  housekeeper  went  up  she  always  found  her  rolled  in 
a  ball  apparently  asleep,  at  last  a  quantity  of  blue  cloth  was  missed,  and  from  the 
great  jealousy  that  Mary  shewed  about  her  trunk  suspicion  fell  upon  her,  her  trunk 
was  searched  and  the  cloth  found  nicely  converted  into  16  pairs  of  moccasins, 
which  she  had  made  in  her  bed,  two  pair  of  children's  stockings  were  also  found, 
made  of  a  cotton  night-cap,  Mr  Leigh  had  lost  one,  but  Mary  answered  angrily 
about  her  merchandize.  "John  Peyton,  John  Peyton,"  meaning  he  had  given  it  to 
her,  at  last  in  the  bottom  of  the  trunk  the  tassell  of  the  cap  and  the  bit  marked 
"  J.  L."  were  found,  when  looking  steadfastly  at  Mr  Leigh  she  pointed  to  her  manu- 
facture said  slowly — "Yours"  and  ran  into  the  woods.  When  brought  back  she  was 
very  sulky  and  remained  so  for  several  weeks.  The  poor  captive  had  two  children 
and  this  was  probably  the  tie  that  held  her  to  her  wigwam,  for  though  she  appeared 
to  enjoy  St  John's  when  she  was  taken  there  and  her  improved  habits  of  life — She 
only  "  dragged  a  lengthened  chain  "  and  all  her  hopes  and  acts  appeared  to  have  a 
reference  to  her  return.  She  hoarded  clothes,  trinkets  and  anything  that  was  given 
her  and  was  fond  of  dividing  them  into  16  shares.  She  was  very  obstinate  but  was 
glad  to  be  of  any  service  in  her  power,  if  not  asked  to  assist,  she  was  playful,  and 
was  pleased  with  startling  Mr  Leigh  by  stealing  behind  softly,  her  perception  of 
anything  ridiculous  and  her  general  knowledge  of  character  showed  much  archness 
and  sagacity.  An  unmarried  man  seemed  an  object  of  great  ridicule  to  her,  when 
she  was  taken  into  St  John's  on  entering  the  harbour,  she  said  to  Messrs  Leigh 
and  Peyton,  "You  go  shore,  John  Peyton,  when  go  shore  no  Emamoose1,"  ha  ha. 
She  was  quite  indifferent  to  music,  did  not  seem  to  perceive  it,  liked  exhibiting 
herself  to  strangers,  and  was  very  fond  of  putting  on  and  taking  off  all  the  dresses, 
ribbons  and  ornaments  that  were  given  her. 

Mr  Leigh  once  drew  on  a  bit  of  paper,  a  boat  and  crew,  with  a  female  figure 

1  Beothuck  term  for  woman. 


Conclusion  of  Sir  Hercules  Robinson  s  remarks  1 29 

in  it  going  up  a  river  and  stopping  a  moment  at  a  wigwam,  described  the  boat 
freighted  as  before  returning — Mary  immediately  applied  the  hieroglyphic,  and  cried 
out — "  no,  no,  no,  no,"  She  then  altered  the  drawing  taking  the  woman  out  and  leaving 
her  behind  at  the  wigwam,  when  she  cried  very  joyfully  "  Yes,  Yes  good  for  Mary." 
A  variety  of  representations  more  obscure  than  this  she  perceived  with  great  quick- 
ness and  had  much  satisfaction  in  the  mode  of  communication.  She  remained  a 
short  time  at  St  John's,  and  acquired  such  facility  in  speaking  English  that  sanguine 
hopes  of  conciliating,  and  opening  a  communication  with  the  tribe  through  her 
means  were  entertained  and  when  Sir  Charles  Hamilton  despatched  Captain  Buchan 
to  the  Exploits  to  make  the  attempt  it  was  hoped  for  this  poor  devoted  handful 
of  Indians  that  the  measure  of  their  sufferings  was  full,  and  that  they  were  at  last 
to  be  brought  within  the  influence  and  blessings  of  Christianity  and  civilization.  It 
was  ordered  otherwise,  the  change  of  dress,  or  change  of  living  or  whatever  it  may 
be  that  operates  so  fatally  on  savages  separated  from  their  native  habits,  spared  not 
poor  Mary.  She  left  St  John's  with  a  bad  cough  and  died  of  consumption  on  nearing 
the  Exploits,  aged  24 — Capt.  Buchan  after  a  laborious  journey  reached  the  wigwams — 
but  found  them  empty ;  and  deposited  there  the  coffin  of  Mary  with  her  presents, 
dresses,  moccasins,  &c.  The  experiment  I  think  was  hazardous,  the  Indians  on 
returning  may  perceive  the  truth,  or  they  may  fancy  poison,  insult,  or  any  barbarities 
practised  on  their  forefathers,  which  they  carefully  and  imniemorially  record. 

I  have  written  these  notes,  from  recollection  of  conversations  with  Mr  Leigh 
at  Harbour  Grace  several  weeks  ago,  and  I  regret  that  I  neglected  to  note  them 
before  many  interesting  particulars  had  escaped  my  memory. 

(signed)    "  HERCULES  ROBINSON," 

His  Majesty's  Ship  "Favourite" 
at  sea,  November  /th   1820. 

The  author  then  gives  a  vocabulary  of  the  Beothuck  language,  obtained 
by  Mr  Leigh  from  Mary  March,  during  her  stay  with  the  latter.  As  this 
is  fully  dealt  with  in  one  of  Prof.  Gatschet's  papers  I  need  not  give  it 
here.  I  might  observe,  however,  that  any  vocabulary  obtained  from  this 
woman  can  scarcely  fail  to  be  defective.  She  could  not  in  so  short  a  time 
have  acquired  so  perfect  a  knowledge  of  English  as  to  make  herself  clearly 
understood,  whilst  her  interlocutors  could  not  have  so  fully  mastered  the 
phonetics  of  her  own  language  as  to  be  able  to  render  the  sounds  correctly. 
As  much  of  the  interpretation  also  had  to  be  conducted  by  signs,  it  is  but 
reasonable  to  suppose  misunderstandings  must  have  occurred  between  the 
parties,  as  to  what  was  really  meant  at  times. 

In  1822,  Mr  William  E.  Cormack,  a  philanthropic  gentleman,  who  had 
conceived  an  intense  desire  to  communicate  with  the  Red  Indians  and 
endeavour  to  ameliorate  their  hapless  condition,  undertook  a  journey  on 
foot  across  the  interior  of  the  Island,  accompanied  only  by  one  Micmac 
Indian.  He  failed  in  finding  any  trace  of  them,  but  his  daring  undertaking 
and  the  intensely  interesting  character  of  his  journal  of  the  trip  across 
country,  in  its  then,  utterly  unknown  condition,  warrants  me  in  giving  it 
a  place  here. 


H.  17 


130  Cormack's  journey  across  the  Island 


NARRATIVE    OF    A   JOURNEY   ACROSS    THE    ISLAND 
OF    NEWFOUNDLAND    IN    1822. 

BY  W.  E.  CORMACK,  ESQ. 

PART  I. 

Training  and  preparation. 

To  accompany  me  in  the  performance,  I  engaged  into  my  service,  first,  a  Micmack 
Indian,  a  noted  hunter  from  the  south-west  coast  of  the  Island,  and  next  a  European, 
whom  I  thought  fitted.  For  an  undertaking  involving  so  much  uncertainty,  hazard, 
and  hardship,  it  was  difficult  to  find  men  in  every  respect  suited — of  volunteers 
there  were  several. 

In  the  month  of  July  I  trained  myself  with  my  Indian,  and  tried  his  fidelity  by 
making  an  excursion  from  St  John's  to  Placentia,  and  back  by  way  of  Trinity  and 
Conception  Bays,  a  circuit  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles ;  I  thereby  also 
ascertained  the  necessary  equipment  for  my  intended  expedition1;  and  discovered 
that  it  would  be  impossible  to  travel  in  the  totally  unknown  interior,  until  subsist- 
ence could  be  there  procured,  the  supply  of  which  is  extremely  precarious  until  the 
berries  are  ripening,  and  the  wild  birds  and  beasts  have  left  their  birth-places  to 
roam  at  large  and  are  likely  to  fall  in  the  traveller's  way. 

I  now  resolved  to  penetrate  at  once  through  the  central  part  of  the  Island  ;  and 
the  direction  in  which  the  natural  characteristics  of  the  interior  were  likely  to  be 
most  decidedly  exhibited,  appeared  to  lie  between  Trinity  Bay  on  the  east  coast 
and  St  George's  Bay  on  the  west2. 

In  the  latter  end  of  August  I  equipped  my  two  men  with  everything  necessary 
for  three  months'  campaign,  and  considered  my  party,  under  circumstances,  sufficient. 

August  29//z. — It  is  necessary  to  mention  that  the  chief  Government  authority 
was  opposed  to  the  project, — and  with  which  he  was  made  acquainted, — of  obtaining 
a  knowledge  of  the  interior  of  the  country.  In  consequence  of  this,  I  was  deprived 
of  the  services  of  the  European,  who  was,  unfortunately  for  me,  a  Stipendiary  by 
local  appointment3.  I  could  not  add  to  my  party  either  by  hiring  or  obtaining  a 
volunteer. 

1  At   Placentia  there  lived   at  this   time  Josiah  Blackburne,  Esq.,  an   interesting   old  gentleman, 
a  magistrate  and  patriarch  of  the  place,  a  Scot  by  birth,  who  related  with  the  greatest  delight  the 
event   of  the   visit   of  His    Royal    Highness   the    Duke    of    Clarence    (His    present    Majesty    William 
the  IV)  at  this  place  in  the  year  17  .  .  in  His  Majesty's  ship.         *        *        *        * 

In  remembrance  of  His  Royal  Highness's  visit,  Her  late  Majesty  Queen  Caroline  sent  to 
Plaeentia  the  sum  of  four  hundred  pounds  to  build  a  chapel— accompanied  with  a  model,  and 
church  service  of  plate,  in  trust,  to  Mr  Blackburne.  The  chapel  was  erected,  and  is  now  an 
extremely  chaste  building.  The  model  was  probably  of  one  of  the  Royal  Chapels  in  England. 

2  Captain  Buchan's  interesting  narrative  of  his  journey  by  the  way  of  the  river  Exploits  to  the 
encampments  of  the  Red   Indians,  and  of  his  interview  with  these  people  on  the  banks  of  the  Red 
Indian   Lake  in   the   interior,  during  the  winter   season,  when  the   face  of  the  country  was  covered 
with   snow   and  ice,  could    not  throw  much    light   upon   the   natural    condition   of  the   country  upon 
the  banks  of  that  river  and  lake. 

3  The  late  Hon.   Chas.   Fox   Bennett,  in    1882,   informed  me  that  he  was  the  person  referred  to 
who  was   to  have   accompanied  Cormack  but   that  business  interfered   and  prevented   his   doing  so. 
He  said  he  was  well  acquainted  with  W.  E.  Cormack,  who  was  a  particular  friend  of  his. 


Continuation  of  Cormack's  itinerary.     Geology  131 

PART  II. 

Passage  from  St  John  s  to   Trinity  Bay. 

The  proper  season  had  arrived  in  which  to  set  off,  and  I  embarked  at  St  John's 
for  Trinity  Bay,  previously  taking  with  me  my  Indian  only.  Uncertainty  of  result 
waved  over  my  determination,  now  more  settled  (by  opposition)  to  perform  at  all 
hazards  what  I  had  set  out  upon.  That  no  one  would  be  injured  by  my  annihila- 
tion was  a  cheering  triumph  at  such  a  moment. 

Mineralogy.— -The  sea  coast  at  St  John's,  and  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  northward, 
as  well  as  thirty  miles  to  the  southward,  is  formed  of  brown  sandstone  of  a  highly 
silicious  quality  approaching  to  quartz-rock,  alternating  with  beds  of  conglomerate 
and  brechia — the  latter  rocks  consist  of  a  mechanically  formed  basis  of  sandstone — 
in  some  parts  amygdaloidal — with  rolled  agates,  jasper,  fragments  of  felspar,  clay 
slate,  &c,  imbedded.  The  highest  hills  of  this  formation  are  entirely,  and  both 
sides  of  the  entrance  of  the  harbour  of  St  John's  are  partly,  formed  of  these. 
The  sandstone  is  traversed  in  all  directions  by  tortuous  veins  of  quartz,  generally 
white,  and  vertical,  and  it  includes  within  it  some  minor  beds  of  stratified  sandstone, 
with  a  dip  to  the  south  east.  The  whole  line  of  coast  presents  a  precipitous  and 
mural  front  to  the  sea,  varying  from  a  hundred  to  nearly  five  hundred  feet  in 
height.  In  many  parts  the  veins  of  quartz  are  of  a  green  colour,  indicative  of 
copper,  and  which  metal  is  here  found  in  the  form  of  gray  copper  ore  of  a  very 
rich  quality. 

There  was  a  copper  mine  opened  about  forty  years  ago,  at  Shoal  Bay,  fifteen 
miles  south  of  St  John's,  by  a  late  Earl  of  Galloway,  a  Mr  Vance  Agnew  of 
Galloway,  and  a  Mr  Dunn  of  Aberdeen,  the  Collector  at  that  time  of  H.M.  Customs 
at  St  John's.  The  mouths  of  two  shafts,  one  in  the  side  of  the  solid  rock,  the 
other  on  the  acclivity  fifty  or  sixty  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  as  well  as  other 
remains  of  the  works,  are  still  to  be  seen.  It  is  said  to  have  been  worked  two 
years ;  and  the  ore,  sent  to  England,  yielded  So  per  cent,  of  copper.  The  richer 
veins  took  a  direction  under  the  level  of  the  sea ;  and  owing  to  the  reported  diffi- 
culty of  keeping  the  mine  dry,  the  undertaking  was  relinquished  after  an  expenditure 
of  ^"9,000.  Cornish  miners  were  brought  purposely  to  the  country.  There  are  other 
parts  of  the  coast  adjacent,  as  well  as  inland,  that  exhibit  the  same  proofs  of 
abundance  of  copper  as  this  close  assemblage  of  veins — of  six  feet  wide  at  Shoal  Bay. 
From  the  termination  of  the  sandstone  northward  of  St  John's,  the  coast  to 
Cape  St  Francis  is  formed  of  gray  quartz  rock,  gray  wacke,  felspar,  porphyry,  and 
a  series  of  transition  clay  slate  rocks— alternating  in  strata,  the  prevalent  of  the  slate 
formation  being  green  stone  and  flinty  slate  compact — long  splintering,  and  friable, 
blue  clay  slate — with  patches  of  red  and  green,  gray  quartz  is  the  highest ;  and 
having  sulphuret  of  iron  disseminated  in  some  spots — oxidation  gives  it  a  brown 
colour  externally.  Chlorite  and  epidote  enter  more  or  less  into  the  composition  of 
all  the  hard  rocks,  inclusive  of  the  quartz.  The  green  stone  passes  into  varieties ; 
some  of  which  are  of  yellowish  green  colour,  translucent  at  the  edges,  and  seem  to 
be  composed  of  talc,  approaching  more  or  less  to  serpentine :  these,  and  all  the 
slate  rocks,  have  a  perfect  double  oblique  seamed  structure:  the  whole  of  them  are 
in  nearly  vertical  strata  with  an  inclination  to  the  north  west.  The  line  of  junction 
of  the  slate  formation  with'  the  sandstone  runs  NNE.  and  SSW.,  and  intersects 
the  harbour  of  St  John's.  The  rocks  are  sometimes  distinctly  separated,  sometimes 
pass  gradually  into  each  other,  and  again  the  slate  rocks  are  extremely  tortuous, 
with  conforming  veins  of  white  quartz  intermixed.  In  some  low  spots  are  beds  of 
horizontally  stratified  blue  and  gray  gritty  slate,  in  tables  or  flags. 

Cape   St    Francis    is    formed    principally   of  gray   quartz    rock  and  green    stone. 
The  hoary  receding  front   manifests  the  thousands   of  years   it  has  defied,  and  still 

17 — 2 


132  Historical  and  other  references 

defies  more  sternly  than  ever,  the  shocks  and  chafings  of  the  hundreds  of  square 
miles  of  ice  which  are  forced  against  it  every  winter  by  the  constant  current  and 
north-west  wind  from  the  Arctic  seas.  The  hills  behind  are  from  three  to  five 
hundred  feet  in  heiht. 


On  the  y>th  August  we  sailed  past  Conception  Bay,  the  most  populous  and 
important  district  in  Newfoundland.  It  was  in  this  Bay,  according  to  history,  that 
the  first  settlement  of  the  New  -found-  land  was  attempted  by  the  English  in  1620  — 
through  Sir  George  Calvert  (father  of  Lord  Baltimore)  who  had  obtained  a  grant 
from  Charles  I  of  the  south-east  part  of  the  island.  Sir  George  pitched  upon 
Porte-de-Grave,  a  harbour  on  the  west  side  of  the  bay,  as  the  spot  best  suited  to  his 
purpose,  there  being  in  its  immediate  vicinity  an  extensive  tract  of  flat  prairie  land. 
It  is  said  he  was  at  great  expense  and  pains  to  introduce  European  animals, 
plants,  &c.  He  was  lost  at  sea  in  returning  to  England,  and  the  scheme  was 
abandoned.  Some  shrubs  and  small  fruits  grow  here  that  have  not  been  met  with 
any  where  else  on  the  Island,  and  were  no  doubt  originally  brought  by  Sir  George. 
Mill-stones  were  until  lately  in  existence  at  a  spot  where  there  had  apparently  been 
a  mill  ;  but  it  is  supposed  the  mill  was  never  finished1. 

On  the  promontory  between  Conception  and  Trinity  Bays  is  the  Point  of 
Grates,  and  close  to  it  Baccalao  Island. 

The  Point  of  Grates  is  the  part  of  North  America  first  discovered  by  Europeans. 
Sebastian  Cabot  landed  here  in  1496,  and  took  possession  of  The  Newfoundland, 
which  he  discovered  in  the  name  of  his  employer,  Henry  VII.  of  England.  He 
recorded  the  event  by  cutting  an  inscription,  still  perfectly  legible,  on  a  large  block 
of  rock  that  stands  on  the  shore. 

Baccalao  Island,  formed  of  a  horizontally  stratified  rock,  apparently  gritty  slate,  is 
famous  for  the  numbers  of  sea  fowl  that  frequent  it  in  the  breeding  season,  principally 
the  puffin,  called  on  this  coast  the  Baccalao  or  Baealieu  bird.  The  Island  has  one 
landing-place  only,  on  its  east  side,  and  no  resident  inhabitants  ;  but  is  visited  by 
men  in  boats  and  small  schooners  called  Eggers,  who  carry  off  cargoes  of  new  laid 
eggs.  The  end  of  the  profession  of  these  men  will  be  the  extermination  of  the  sea 
fowl  of  these  parts  for  the  sake  of  a  cruelly-begotten  temporary  subsistence.  The 
destruction  by  mechanical  force  of  tens  of  thousands  of  eggs,  after  the  commence- 
ment of  incubation,  precedes  the  gathering  of  a  small  cargo  of  fresh-laid  eggs. 
Penguins,  once  numerous  on  this  coast,  may  be  considered  as  now  extirpated,  for 
none  have  been  seen  for  many  years  past. 

The  wind  having  been  unfavourable,  it  was  not  until  the  ^ist  August  we 
arrived  at  Bonaventure,  a  small  fishing  harbour  on  the  west  side  of  Trinity  Bay. 
It  has  a  narrow  entrance,  and  is  surrounded  by  steep  craggy  hills  of  400  to  600 
feet  in  height. 

None  of  the  inhabitants  here  or  in  the  vicinity,  as  at  other  parts  of  Newfound- 
land, could  give  any  information  about  the  interior,  never  having  been  further  from 
the  salt  water  than  in  pursuit  of  animals  for  their  furs,  and  for  wood-stuff  to  build 
vessels  and  fishing  boats. 

From  the  summits  of  the  hills  immediately  around  the  harbour,  there  is  a  view 
of  the  country  in  all  directions  inland  for  20  to  30  miles,  encompassing  part  of 
Random  Island  in  the  south-west.  The  whole  is  a  continued  succession  of  groups 
of  rugged  hills,  (mountains  except  in  height,)  all  apparently  of  a  similar  description 
to  those  on  which  we  stood,  with  some  small  patches  of  black  fir  woods,  and  a 
few  lakes  interspersed.  It  presented  a  prospect  of  at  least  a  week's  hard  labour 
overland,  before  we  could  reach  what  we  could  only  hope  might  be  the  verge  of 

1  Judging  from  the  above,  Cormack  does  not  appear  to  have  been  well  posted  in  Newfoundland 
history.  It  was  not  Sir  George  Calvert  who  founded  the  first  Colony  in  Conception  Bay,  but  John  Guy, 
of  Bristol,  one  of  the  Company  of  Merchant  Adventurers  of  London  and  Bristol.  It  took  place  not  in 
1620,  but  in  1610.  Sir  Geo.  Calvert  (Lord  Baltimore's)  settlement  was  at  a  place  called  Ferryland, 
on  the  eastern  seaboard  40  miles  south  of  St  John's,  in  1621.  It  was  not  he,  but  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert  who  was  lost  at  sea. 


Botanical  notes  133 

the  interior.  This  suggested  to  me  the  plan  of  going  nearer  to  the  centre  of  the 
Island  by  water,  in  order  to  save  all  our  strength  and  resource  for  the  main  object 
of  the  undertaking,  as  it  was  impossible  to  know  what  difficulties  and  necessities 
we  might  have  to  contend  with.  This  was  to  be  effected  by  taking  a  boat  from 
hence  to  the  west  part  of  Random  Sound,  which  lay  to  the  west-south-westward. 
The  country  we  now  saw  was  within  the  reach  of  any  one  to  explore  at  any  short 
interval  of  time,  and  was  therefore  of  secondary  moment  to  me. 

The  west  side  of  Trinity  Bay  is  composed  of  rocks  of  the  transition  clay  slate 
formation,  similar  to  those  on  the  east.  The  hills,  frequently  of  400  to  600  feet  in 
height,  are  chiefly  of  greenstone  and  hornblende  slate,  the  out-goings  of  the  nearly 
vertical  strata  and  dykes,  which  sometimes  present  a  perfectly  mural  front  to  the 
sea  ;  blue  clay  slate  alternates,  and  has  cubical  iron  pyrites  often  imbedded,  some 
of  which  are  several  inches  in  diameter.  In  the  vallies  are  beds  of  horizontally 
stratified  gritty  slate  of  the  tabular  structure,  similar  to  that  noticed  at  other  parts 
of  the  east  coast.  The  tables  or  flags  are  often  several  yards  in  length,  formed 
under  a  double  oblique  intersecting  cleavage,  and  admirably  adapted  for  many 
purposes  of  building.  The  beds  are  traversed  in  all  directions  by  dykes  several 
feet  in  thickness,  of  a  dark  coloured  green  stone,  also  of  the  seamed  structure,  the 
splinters  of  which  are  translucent  at  the  edges. 

The  plants  met  with  at  this  part  of  the  north-east  coast  of  America,  although 
only  48°  20'  N.  lat.  or  nearly  in  the  parallel  of  Brest,  and  the  highest  hills  not 
exceeding  600  feet,  seem  to  be  similar  to  those  of  Norway  and  Lapland  in  the 
north-west  of  Europe,  under  the  Arctic  circle.  On  the  sea  beaches  the  common 
plants  are  the  sea  plantain,  Plantago  maritima,  the  sea  pea,  Pisum  maritimum, 
Campamila  rotundifolia,  Elodea  campanula,  Impatiens  parviflora,  Syrcopns  virginicus, 
Mentha  Canadensis,  &c.  The  trees  immediately  at  the  coast,  are  nearly  all  of  the 
pine  tribe,  principally  firs.  In  the  more  sheltered  spots  a  few  birches  are  met  with. 
On  the  acclivities  are  the  raspberry,  Rubus  idaeus,  bramble,  R.  fruticosus,  Viburnum 
pyrifolium,  bearing  clusters  of  a  wholesome  blue  berry — and  V.  cassinoides ;  Cornus 
circinata,  bearing  clusters  of  a  white  berry  considered  unwholesome,  C.  stricta  or 
red  rod ;  strawberry  ;  Epilobium  angnstifolinm,  E.  tetragonum,  E.  oliganthum,  E.  lati- 
folium;  Solidago  Canadensis,  S.  flexicaulis,  S.  viminea;  Eupatorium  purpureum; 
Prenanthes  serpentaria,  everlasting  Antennaria  margaritacea ;  Potentilla  hirsuta ; 
Lysimachia  stricta ;  Scutellaria  galericulata ;  Polygonnm  sagittatum ;  Micropetalum 
gramineum  or  Stellaria  graminea ;  Cerastium  viscosum ;  Thlaspi  bursa  pastoris ; 
Galinm  palustre ;  white  spinach;  Chenopodium  album;  Salcopns  terhalut ;  Veronica 
serpillifolia,  Leontodon  taraxacum;  Apargia  autumnalis ;  Senna  elongatus ;  Sonchus 
oleraceus ;  Cnicus  arvensis,  &c.  Several  varieties  of  whortleberry,  Vaccinium  tenel- 
lum  being  the  most  common,  partridgeberry,  V.  Vuxifolium ;  juniper,  Juniperus 
communis.  On  the  summits  of  the  hills,  Empetrum  nigrum,  on  the  black  watery 
berry  of  which  curlew  and  other  birds  feed;  Vaccinium  nliginosum ;  Arbutus  uva 
ursa,  A.  unedo ;  Potentilla  tridentata,  &c. 

The  inhabitants  of  Bonaventure,  about  a  dozen  families,  gain  their  livelihood  by 
the  cod  fishery.  They  cultivate  only  a  few  potatoes,  and  some  other  vegetables, 
which  were  of  excellent  quality,  amongst  the  scanty  patches  of  soil  around  their 
doors;  obtaining  all  their  other  provisions,  clothing,  and  outfit  for  the  fishery,  from 
merchants  in  other  parts  of  Trinity  Bay,  or  elsewhere  on  the  coast,  not  too  far 
distant,  giving  in  return  the  produce  of  the  fishery,  viz.,  cod  fish  and  cod  oil.  They 
collectively  catch  about  1,500  quintals,  or  300  tons  of  cod  fish,  valued  at  I2s.  per 
quintal,  ^900 ;  and  manufacture  from  the  livers  of  the  cod  fish  about  twenty-one 
tuns  of  oil,  valued  at  £16  per  tun,  ^336;  which  is  the  annual  amount  of  their 
trade.  The  merchants  import  articles  for  the  use  of  the  fisheries  from  Europe  and 
elsewhere  to  supply  such  people  as  these,  who  are  actually  engaged  in  the  opera- 
tions of  the  fishery.  The  whole  population  of  Newfoundland  may  be  viewed  as 
similarly  circumstanced  with  those  of  Bonaventure. 


134  Botanical  notes 

September  ^rd—  Having  engaged  a  boat  to  carry  us  to  the  most  inland  part 
of  Random  Sound,  we  left  Bonaventure.  On  the  passage  to  the  north-east  entrance, 
about  six  miles  south-west  of  Bonaventure,  we  witnessed  the  phenomenon  of  the 
very  great  transparency  of  the  sea  which  it  assumes  here  during  the  time  of  cliange 
of  wind  from  West  to  East.  The  fishes  and  their  haunts  amongst  the  rocks  and 
luxuriant  weeds  at  the  bottom  were  seen  to  a  fearful  depth.  Every  turn  of  the 
Sound  presents  a  different  aspect  of  rugged,  and  in  some  parts,  grand  scenery.  Both 
sides  are  formed  of  steep  and  perpendicular  hills  of  greenstone,  and  of  rocks  of 
the  transition  clay  slate  formation,  of  500  to  600  feet  in  height,  the  nakedness  of 
which  displays,  as  at  the  outer  parts  of  Trinity  Bay,  the  skeleton  of  the  earth.  The 
strata  are  of  various  thickness,  and  lie  in  different  directions.  Patches  of  fir  trees, 
Pinus  balsamea,  principally  grow  where  the  steepness  does  not  prevent  debris  from 
lodging.  The  appearance  of  both  sides  of  the  Sound  or  gut  correspond  so  remark- 
ably, that  it  might  be  inferred  Random  Island  is  a  break  off  from  the  main  island. 
There  are  no  inhabitants  here,  but  fishermen  of  the  neighbouring  parts  come  hither 
in  spring  for  the  rinds  of  the  fir  tree,  Pinus  balsamea,  which  they  peel  off,  spread 
and  dry  in  the  sun,  and  afterwards  use  chiefly  to  cover  the  piles  of  cod  fish  to 
protect  it  from  the  wet  weather  and  dew — in  the  process  of  curing.  The  North 
Arm  of  the  Sound,  that  which  we  came  through,  is  about  thirty  miles  in  length, 
and  varies  from  one-eighth  to  one-third  of  a  mile  in  width.  Within  two  or  three 
miles  of  its  west  extremity  it  expands  and  becomes  shallow,  and  here  the  scene  of 
gloom  and  barrenness  is  suddenly  contrasted  with  a  pretty,  small  sheet  of  water, 
surrounded  by  a  flat  thickly  wooded  country,  as  inviting  as  the  past  was  forbidding. 

Random  Bar,  at  the  west  extremity  of  the  Sound,  caused  by  the  meeting  of 
the  tide  here,  in  the  form  of  two  considerable  bores  from  the  north  and  south  arms, 
is  dry  except  for  an  hour  or  two  before  and  after  high  water,  and  there  is  then 
about  two  feet  only  of  water  upon  it.  It  is  in  48°  13'  north  latitude,  and  53°  40' 
west  longitude,  (by  Steel's  chart,  published  in  1817). 

The  land  adjacent  to  the  bar  is  low,  and  the  soil  is  good.  Westward  towards 
the  interior  it  rises  from  the  water's  edge  very  gradually,  and  is  entirely  covered 
with  wood.  In  consequence  of  black  birch,  Betula  lenta,  and  white  pine,  Pinus 
sylvestris,  having  been  produced  in  this  part  in  considerable  quantities  fit  for  ship- 
building, it  appears  to  have  been  formerly  much  resorted  to,  and  vessels  have  been 
built  there.  A  spot  of  ground  near  the  bar  had  been  appropriated  to  the  interment 
of  those  who  had  died  while  employed  in  the  vicinity.  Most  kinds  of  the  pine 
tribe  are  met  with  here,  viz.,  Pinus  nigra,  P.  alba,  P.  rubra,  P.  balsamea,  P.  micro- 
carpa  or  Larix,  and  P.  sylvestris,  already  noticed  ;  also  white  birch,  Betula  populifolia, 
of  the  rinds  of  which  the  Indians  cover  their  canoes  ;  poplars,  Populus  trepida  and 
P.  grandidentata ;  maples,  Acer  rubrum  and  A.  striatum,  or  moose  wood  of  Canada; 
mountain  ash,  Sorbus  Americana;  choke  cherry,  Primus  borealis,  and  small  wild  cherry, 
P.  Pennsylvanica;  hazel  Corylus  Americana;  elder  Sambucus  ;  and  some  other  shrubs. 

September  ^th. — Our  boat  having  lain  dry  on  the  bar  nearly  all  night,  we  slept 
in  her  in  preference  to  encamping  in  the  woods.  Wild  geese  and  other  birds  were 
flying  to  and  fro  over  us  during  the  whole  time,  most  industriously  and  fearlessly, 
in  search  of  food.  This  is  a  favourite  resort  of  ducks,  herons,  and  other  aquatic  fowls. 

Sunrise  announced  that  adieu  was  to  be  taken  for  a  time  to  the  routine  habits 
of  civilization.  My  travelling  equipments  being  landed,  the  boat  with  the  party 
which  brought  my  Indian  left  us  on  her  return  to  Bonaventure.  On  her  disappear- 
ance into  the  gloomy  gut,  and  when  the  reports  of  our  farewell  guns  were  no  longer 
echoed  to  each  other  along  its  windings,  an  abyss  of  difficulties  instantly  sprang  up 
in  the  imagination  between  the  point  where  we  stood  and  the  civilized  world  we 
had  just  quitted,  as  well  as  between  us  and  the  centre  of  the  Terra  Incognita.  That 
we  might  be  eaten  up  by  packs  of  wolves  was  more  than  probable  to  the  farewell 
forebodings  of  the  inhabitants  we  had  last  seen,  if  we  should  escape  the  Red  Indians. 
My  Indian  was  also  at  this  juncture  sensibly  affected  ;  contrasting  no  doubt  the 


Departure  from  the  sea  coast.     Commencement  of  journey    135 

comforts  and  plenty  he  had  of  late  experienced,  to  the  toils  and  deprivations  that 
were  before  us,  the  nature  of  which  he  could  foresee.  But  we  did  not  come  here  to 
entertain  emotions  from  such  a  circumstance. 

It  would  have  been  impossible,  with  the  object  I  had  in  view,  to  reach  this 
spot  by  land  from  St  John's,  as  the  coast  we  passed  is  without  roads  or  paths  of 
any  kind,  and  an  entire  assemblage  of  rocky  mountains,  forests  and  lakes,  inter- 
sected by  deep  bays. 

PART  III. 
Depart  from  the  sea  coast. 

Being  now  removed  with  my  Indian  from  all  human  communication  and  inter- 
ference, we  put  our  knapsacks  and  equipments  in  order  and  left  this  inland  part  of 
the  sea-shore  in  a  north  direction,  without  regard  to  any  track,  through  marshes  and 
woods  towards  some  rising  land,  in  order  to  obtain  a  view  of  the  country1.  The 
centre  of  the  island  bore  nearly  west  from  us. 

After  several  hours  of  hard  labour,  owing  chiefly  to  the  great  weight  of  our 
knapsacks,  we  made  only  about  two  miles  progress.  From  the  tops  of  the  highest 
trees  the  country  in  all  directions  westward  for  at  least  twenty  miles  appeared  to 
be  covered  with  one  dense  unbroken  pine  forest,  with  here  and  there  a  bold  granitic 
pap  projecting  above  the  dark  green  surface.  We  had  expected  to  see  some  open 
country  nearer. 

At  sunset  we  halted,  and  bivouacked  beneath  the  forest.  As  the  weather  was 
fine,  and  no  prospect  of  rain,  our  camp  consisted  merely  of  a  fire  and  a  bundle  of 
spruce  boughs  to  lie  on.  My  Indian,  Joseph  Sylvester  by  name,  at  midnight  rolled 
himself  up  in  his  blanket,  and  evidently  slept  perfectly  at  home. 

September  6th. — No  clear  ground  appearing  in  our  course,  we  struck  directly 
westward  through  the  forest.  Wind-fallen  trees,  underwood,  and  brooks  lay  in  our 
way;  which  together  with  the  suffocating  heat  in  the  woods,  and  moschetos,  hindered 
us  from  advancing  more  than  five  miles  to-day,  in  a  WNW.  direction. 

September  Jth,  8th,  gth  were  occupied  in  travelling  westward  through  the  forest, 
at  the  rate  of  seven  or  eight  miles  a  day. 

In  our  progress  we  ascended  several  of  the  isolated  paps  to  view  the  country; 
stunted  firs  and  a  thick  rug  of  moss  crept  almost  to  their  summits.  The  prospect 
of  the  ocean  of  undulating  forest  around,  of  the  high  land  of  Trinity  and  Bonavista 
Bays,  and  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean  in  the  distance  northward,  was  splendid.  There 
was  an  evident  rise  in  the  land  westward  from  Random  Bar. 

These  paps  consist  of  pink  and  grey  granite,  very  coarse  grained.  They  lie 
northward  and  southward  of  each  other,  and  seem  to  belong  to  a  primitive  range 
that  exhibits  itself  at  distant  spots  above  the  transition  clay  slate  formation.  They 
stand  like  imperishable  monuments  of  the  original  construction  of  the  earth,  over- 
looking the  less  perfectly  crystallized  rocks  around  them  mouldering  into  soil.  The 
granite  often  appears  in  the  form  of  round-backed  hills.  On  the  crumbled  surface 
of  some  of  these  that  are  not  yet  covered  with  vegetation,  fragments  of  mica  slate 

1  Equipment. — My  dress  chiefly  consisted  of  a  grey  moleskin  shooting  jacket,  small  clothes  of 
worsted  cord,  three  entire  inside  woollen  body  dresses,  (no  linen  or  cotton  whatever,)  worsted 
stockings  and  socks,  Canadian  long  moccasin  boots;  the  Indian  wore  leggings  or  gaiters  made  of 
swanskin  blanketing,  together  with  moccasins  instead  of  boots.  I  was  armed  with  a  double-barrelled 
fowling  piece  and  a  brace  of  bayoneted-pistols,  two  pounds  and  a-half  of  gunpowder,  and  ten  pounds 
of  bullet  and  shot.  The  Indian  had  a  single-barrelled  fowling  piece  and  a  pistol,  and  the  like 
quantity  of  powder  and  shot.  Our  stock  consisted  of  a  hatchet,  two  small  tin  kettles,  for  cooking; 
about  twenty  pounds  of  biscuit,  eight  pounds  of  pork,  some  portable  soup,  tea  and  sugar,  pepper, 
salt,  &c. ;  a  blanket  each,  and  one  for  the  camp  roof,  a  telescope,  a  pocket  compass  each :  I  took  a 
small  fishing  rod  and  tackle,  and  various  minor  articles  for  our  casual  necessities  and  for  minera- 
logical  and  other  purposes  of  observation  and  notes.  On  another  journey  of  the  kind,  I  should  very 
little  vary  this  equipment. 


136  Further  Botanical  references 

are  sometimes  mixed.  On  the  surface  of  the  vegetation  with  which  others  are 
covered,  huge  masses  or  boulders  of  very  hard  and  sienitic  granite  often  apparently 
lie, — but  on  examination  are  found  to  rest  on  their  parent  nucleus  underneath,  as  it 
were  deserted  by  the  more  perishable  portions  of  the  original  bed.  Greenstone  of  a 
.  very  perfect  double  oblique  seamed  structure,  which  owes  its  green  colour  to  an  inti- 
mate association  in  various  proportions  with  chlorite,  alternates  in  the  clay  slate 
formation  and  appears  next  in  elevation  to  the  granite ;  it  presents  plain  weathered 
surfaces  resembling  yellow-grey  sandstone,  owing  to  the  decomposition  of  its  chief 
component  part — felspar.  The  clay  slate  rocks  are  distinctly  seen  at  all  the  brooks 
and  lakes  within  eighteen  or  twenty  miles  of  the  sea.  Beyond  that  the  primitive 
rocks  prevail. 

The  Forest,  it  may  be  useless  to  repeat,  is  composed  almost  entirely  of  trees  of 
the  pine  tribe,  firs,  in  general  fit  for  small  spars,  the  black  and  red  spruce,  Finns 
nigra  and  P.  rubra  predominating.  In  some  favoured  spots  a  few  birches,  larch,  and 
Pinus  sylvestris,  attain  a  considerable  size.  Birch  is  the  only  deciduous  timber  tree 
met  with  in  Newfoundland1,  there  being  here  neither  beech,  maple,  (except  the  two 
diminutive  species  already  noticed,)  oak,  nor  ash,  all  common  on  the  neighbouring 
islands  and  continent. 

Marshes  and  lakes  lie  hidden  in  the  forest.  Every  marsh  is  accompanied  almost 
invariably  by  a  lake,  and  every  hill  also  by  a  lake  of  proportional  extent  at  its 
foot,  and  the  three  are  frequently  found  together.  We  travelled  on  the  rising  ground 
in  order  to  avoid  the  lakes. 

On  the  skirts  of  the  forest,  and  of  the  marshes  are  found  the  following  trees 
and  shrubs: — Poplar,  Popidus  trepida ;  Alder,  Alnns  crispa ;  Birches,  Betula  nana  and 

B.  glandulosa ;    Willow,   Salix ;    Indian    Pear,  Pynis  botriatrium,  and  P.  arbuti- 

folium;  wild  gooseberry,  Ribes  glacile;  and  wild  currant,  R.  prostratutn;  Raspberries, 
Rubus  occidentalis  and  R.  saxatilis,  Potentilla  fruticosa;  yellow-flowering  honey  suckle, 
Lonicera  alpigena?  ;  Rhodora  Canadensis ;  Andromeda  calycirlata,  and  A.  angusti- 
folia;  Kalmia  glauca;  Indian  or  Labrador  tea,  Ledum  latifolium,  Myrica  gale;  Roses, 
Rosa  nitada,  and  R.  franinifolia,  &c. 

The  marshes  consist  of  what  is  termed  marsh  peat,  formed  chiefly  of  the  mosses, 
Sphagnum  capillifolinm  and  vulgar e  S.  or  S.  glacile  Mich.?;  and  are  for  the  most 
part  covered  with  grasses,  rushes,  &c.,  of  which  the  following  predominate :  Eleocharis 
sanguinolenta,  the  roots  of  which  are  thickly  matted  in  bunches;  cotton  grasses, 
Eriophorum  virginicum,  E.  angusfifolium,  and  E.  cespitosnm ;  Carex  parviflora,  C. 
tenella,  C.  stipata  of  Mecklenberg,  C.  folliculata  and  C,  bnllata;  sweet  scented  grass, 
Anthoxanthum  odoratum,  &c.  Some  portions  of  the  marshes  retain  more  water  than 
others,  and  here  the  prevalent  plants  are  a  variety  of  rushes;  Juncus  acntifloris  and 
effusus  and  buforius  and  campestris,  Lugula  campestris;  Pogonia  ophioglossoides,  red 
and  a  yellow  kind;  Habernaria  dilatata,  and  H.  clavellata;  lark-spur,  Drosera 
rotundifolia ;  Indian  cup,  Sarracenia  purpurea;  cranberry,  Oxycoccos  macrocarpus ;  and 

marsh  berry,  O. ;   bog  apple,  Rubus  chamcemoru s  ? ;   ladies'  slipper,  Cypripedium 

humile;  gold  thread,  Coptis  trifolia;  Rhynchospora  alba;  Stachys  aspera;  Windsoria 
pore  fornis;  Arundo  Canadensis; — the  two  last  grasses  being  five  or  six  feet  in 
height;  Mecklenbergia  erecta.  Iris  virginica;  white  violet,  Viola  Selkirkia,  and  blue, 
V.  palustris ;  Lycopus  virginicus,  &c.  Other  spots  of  the  marshes  are  raised  above 
the  common  surface,  owing  generally  to  the  projection  of  the  underlying  rocks,  and 
consequently  retain  less  moisture.  Here  the  Kalmia  angustifolia  sometimes  occupies 
entire  acres,  and  in  the  flowering  season  displays  (as  may  be  seen  in  the  vicinity 
of  St  John's)  a  very  brilliant  appearance.  The  Rhododendron  punctatum  Pursh.,  which 
puts  forth  its  delicate  lilac  blossoms  before  its  leaves,  is  also  common.  The  pools 
and  lakes  shone  brilliantly  with  white  and  yellow  water-lilies — Nymphcea  odorata 
and  N.  advena,  Chelone  obliqua,  &c.  At  and  in  the  running  waters  are  Pirea  salicifolia, 
columbine,  ThaUctrum  cornuti  and  T.  pubescens ;  Lobelia  Dortmanna;  Equisetum 

1  This  is  not  correct. 


Continuation  of  Cormack's  itinerary.     Botany  137 

sylvaticum;  Aster  nemoralis  and  A.  radula;  Potamogeton  natans;  Hippuris  vulgaris; 
Fontinalis  squamosa;  Ranunculus  filiformis,  and  R.  sceleratus ;  Atricularia  vulgaris, 
Spergula  arvensis  ;  Buckbean,  Merganthes  trifoliata,  Onoclea  sensibilis ;  dock,  Rumex, 
several  species;  water-aven  or  chocolate  root,  Geum  nivale,  &c. 

Under  the  shade  of  the  forest  the  soil  is  light,  dry,  very  rocky,  of  a  yellow- 
brown  colour,  and  covered  every  where  with  a  beautiful  thick  carpet  of  green  moss, 
formed  principally  of  Polytrichum  commune.  As  there  are  few  or  no  deciduous  or 
leaf-shedding  trees,  decay  of  foliage  adds  little  or  nothing  to  ameliorate  or  enrich 
the  soil,  and  the  velvet-like  covering  remains  unsullied  by  fallen  leaves.  The  surface 
is  bespangled  and  the  air  perfumed  by  the  Marchantia  polymorpha;  Trientalis  Ameri- 
cana, Smilacina  borealis ;  S.  Canadensis,  bifolia,  and  6".  trifolia;  Linnea  borealis ; 
Vaccimum  Jiispidotum,  the  white  berry  of  which  is  convertible  into  a  very  delicious 
preserve ;  Pyrola  secunda;  Cornus  Canadensis,  bearing  a  cluster  of  wholesome  red 
berries,  sometimes  called  pigeon  berries ;  Malaxis  unifolia,  Habernaria  clavellata; 
Biacuta  bulbifera,  or  cornuta;  wild  celery,  Ligusticum  Scoticum;  Streptopus  distortus, 
bearing  pendulous  red  berries  under  its  large  palmated  leaves. 

The  plants  enumerated  are  not  limited  to  the  situation  described,  but  frequently 
range  on  several  of  them.  There  being  neither  browse,  grass,  nor  berries  in  any 
quantity  in  the  pine  forest,  even  traces  of  any  kind  of  game  are  seldom  seen.  Hence 
the  necessity  of  carrying  a  stock  of  provisions  to  last  while  travelling  through  such 
woods,  yet  a  heavy  load  prevents  expedition  and  observing  much  of  the  natural 
condition  of  the  country.  The  brooks  are  only  visited  by  otters :  the  pools  and 
small  lakes  by  beavers  and  musk  rats.  The  martin,  Mustela  marte,  is  some- 
times seen  on  the  trees.  Of  the  feathered  tribe,  the  jay,  Corvus  Canadensis,  and 
sometimes  the  titmouse  followed  us,  chattering  and  fluttering,  shewing  that  their 
retreats  were  never  before  invaded  by  man.  A  woodpecker,  of  which  there  are  two 
or  three  kinds,  is  now  and  then  heard  tapping,  and  sometimes  the  distant  croak  of 
a  raven  catches  the  ear.  These  are  the  only  interruptions  to  the  dead  silence  that 
always  and  everywhere  reigns  during  the  day  in  such  forests.  Man  alone  forces  his 
way  fearlessly  onward,  scarce  a  sound  being  heard  except  he  is  directly  or  indirectly 
the  cause.  The  loud  notes  of  the  loon,  Colymbus  Arcticus  and  Colymbus  glacialis, 
discovered  to  us  at  night,  as  we  lay  in  our  camp,  in  what  direction  the  lakes  lay 
that  were  near,  and  we  thus  avoided  them,  if  in  our  course  next  day.  The  loon, 
like  the  other  aquatic  birds  of  passage,  geese  and  ducks,  is  most  alert  in  the  night 
time,  when  the  permanent  inhabitants  of  the  country  are  at  rest.  Almost  every 
lake  is  occupied  during  the  breeding  season  by  a  pair  of  these  nocturnal  clamourers. 
The  wild,  varied  and  significant  responses  to  each  other,  as  they  swim  about  in 
search  of  food,  sometimes  like  the  bleating  of  sheep,  and  again  like  the  lowing  of 
cattle,  keep  the  imagination  awake  all  night. 

It  is  impossible  in  an  unknown  country,  and  one  into  which  for  centuries 
admission  was  in  a  manner  denied,  to  reconcile  oneself  with  certainty  as  to  who 
are  fellow  occupants  around.  Aborigines  might  have  wandered  from  the  more  central 
parts  of  the  island  to  our  neighbourhood  and  espy  our  fire  from  a  distance  and 
steal  upon  us  unawares.  No  civilized  being  had  been  here  before,  nor  was  any  now 
expected.  Apprehensions  and  thoughts  of  no  ordinary  kind  occupy  the  mind  unac- 
customed to  the  untrodden  boundless  wilderness.  Sleep  is  not  looked  for. 

We  had  as  yet  shot  only  a  few  braces  of  grouse,  Tetrao  albus,  while  crossing 
the  open  rocky  spots  in  the  woods,  and  our  stock  of  provisions  was  nearly  con- 
sumed. 

The  heat  in  the  woods  was  very  oppressive,  and  there  being  no  circulation  of 
air  under  the  trees,  myriads  of  moschetos,  with  black  and  sand  flies,  annoyed  us. 

We  lodged  at  nights  under  the  thickest  of  the  woods,  encamping  or  bivouack- 
ing in  the  Indian  manner.  As  the  weather  was  fine,  this  was  agreeable  and  cheerful. 
Familiarity  with  this  transient  system  of  sheltering,  adopted  from  expediency,  is 
soon  acquired.  It  may  be  shortly  described  :  Continuing  our  journey,  about  an 

H.  18 


138  Camping  in  the  interior 

hour  before  sunset  a  dry  firm  spot  of  ground  on  which  to  make  a  fire  and  to  sleep 
under  the  thickest  of  the  trees  for  shelter  is  pitched  upon  as  near  as  possible  to 
water,  and  an  easy  supply  of  wood  for  fuel.  Care  should  be  taken  that  the  spot 
selected  be  not  hollow  underneath  the  moss  that  covers  the  ground,  for  in  that  case 
the  fire,  which  always  consumes  its  own  bed,  may  sink  before  the  night  so  far  below 
the  surface  as  to  be  useless,  and  expose  a  cavity  amongst  blocks  of  granite  into 
which  the  firebrands  have  fallen,  and  sufficient  to  swallow  up  any  slumberer  that 
might  chance  to  slide  into  it.  Arms  and  knapsacks  are  then  piled  ;  as  much  wood 
is  cut  and  brought  to  the  spot  as  will  serve  to  keep  up  a  good  fire  all  night.  Tinder 
is  made  by  pulverizing  a  small  piece  of  dry  rotten  wood  and  a  little  gunpowder 
together  between  the  hands,  and  ignited  by  a  spark  from  the  lock  of  a  pistol  or 
fowling  piece,  or  by  any  other  means  ;  the  smoke  of  the  fire  affords  instant  relief 
from  the  constant  devouring  enemy,  the  flies.  Boughs  are  broken  from  the  surround- 
ing spruce  trees,  two  or  three  arms  full  to  each  person,  to  serve  to  lie  and  sleep  on  ; 
they  are  laid  on  the  ground  at  the  windward  side  of  the  fire  to  be  free  from  the 
smoke,  tier  upon  tier,  as  feathers  upon  the  back  of  a  bird,  the  thick  or  broken 
ends  placed  in  lines  towards  the  fire,  and  form  a  kind  of  mat  three  or  four  inches 
in  thickness.  A  few  light  poles  are  then  cut  and  stuck  in  the  ground  along  the 
windward  side  of  the  bed,  inclined  in  an  angle  of  about  45°  over  it  towards  the  fire, 
on  which  to  stretch  a  blanket  to  serve  as  a  roof-screen  in  the  event  of  rain  during 
the  night ;  the  upper  ends  of  the  poles  rest  on  a  horizontal  ridge  pole,  which  is 
suspended  at  each  end  by  a  forked  stick  or  a  post.  The  camp  being  now  ready  for 
the  general  accommodation,  wet  clothes  are  taken  off,  and  supper  is  prepared  accord- 
ingly. The  labour  of  exploring  and  hunting  is  such  that  the  clothes  are  always  wet 
from  perspiration.  A  forked  stick  stuck  in  the  ground  is  used  for  roasting  by, 
and  some  pieces  of  rind  of  a  birch  or  spruce  tree  serve  for  table  cloth,  platter,  and 
torches.  To  make  a  camp  after  a  day's  hard  fatigue  requires  about  an  hour,  and 
the  whole  should  be  done  before  it  is  dark.  Then  and  not  till  then  is  it  proper  to  sit 
down  to  rest.  After  supper,  each  when  disposed  rolls  himself  up  in  his  blanket  and 
reposes  on  his  fragrant  bed  of  boughs,  placing  the  soles  of  the  feet  near  the  fire. 
This  precaution  the  Indian  strictly  adheres  to,  as  a  preservation  of  health,  the  feet 
being  wet  all  day. 

September  loth. — From  the  first  we  had  now  and  then  crossed  over  marshes 
and  open  rocky  spots  in  the  forest.  As  we  advanced  these  latter  became  more 
frequent.  The  change  of  sylvan  scenery  as  we  passed  from  one  to  another  was 
enlivening  and  interesting,  and  afforded  the  luxury  of  a  breeze  that  freed  us  from 
the  host  of  blood-thirsty  flies. 

Early  in  the  day,  the  ground  descending,  we  came  unexpectedly  to  a  rivulet 
about  seventy  yards  wide,  running  rapidly  over  a  rocky  bed  to  the  north-east,  which 
we  forded.  The  bed  and  shelving  banks  are  formed  of  granite,  mica  and  transition 
clay  slate  rocks.  Some  of  the  latter  inclined  to  serpentine,  greenstone,  red  sand- 
stone of  the  coal  formation,  sand,  and  beds  of  fine  yellow  clay.  The  water  was  in 
some  parts  brought  into  a  very  narrow  compass  by  the  rocks  projecting  from  the 
sides.  Large  birch  and  spruce  trees  overhung  the  banks,  and  rendered  the  scenery 
pretty.  It  abounded  with  fine  trout,  some  of  which  we  caught.  The  sand  was 
everywhere  marked  with  tracks  of  deer.  The  roaring  of  a  cataract  of  some  magni- 
tude was  heard  in  the  north-east.  From  the  position  and  course  of  this  stream, 
we  inferred  that  it  was  a  branch  of  the  river  which  runs  into  Clode  Sound,  in 
Bonavista  Bay :  and  my  Indian  supposed,  from  his  recollections  of  the  reports  of 
the  Indians  concerning  Clode  Sound  River,  that  canoes  could  be  brought  up  from 
the  sea  coast  to  near  where  we  were. 

Leaving  this  rivulet,  the  land  has  a  considerable  rise  for  several  miles.  The 
features  of  the  country  then  assume  an  air  of  expanse  and  importance  different  from 
heretofore.  The  trees  become  larger  and  stand  apart ;  and  we  entered  upon  spacious 


Advance  into  the  interior  139 

tracks  of  rocky  ground  entirely  clear  of  wood.  Everything  indicated  our  approach 
to  the  verge  of  a  country  different  from  the  past. 

We  soon  found  that  we  were  on  a  great  granitic  ridge,  covered,  not  as  the 
lower  grounds  are  with  crowded  pines  and  green  moss,  but  with  scattered  trees,  and 
a  variety  of  beautiful  lichens  or  reindeer  moss,  partridge  berries,  Vaccinium  Vuxi- 
folium,  and  whortleberries  loaded  the  ground.  The  Xytosteum  villosum,  a  pretty  erect 
shrub,  was  in  full  fruit  by  the  sides  of  the  rocks  ;  grouse,  Tetrao  albus,  the  indige- 
nous game  bird  of  the  country,  rose  in  coveys  in  every  direction,  and  snipes  from 
every  marsh.  The  birds  of  passage,  ducks  and  geese,  were  flying  over  us  to  and  fro 
from  their  breeding  places  in  the  interior  and  the  sea  coast;  tracks  of  deer,  of 
wolves  fearfully  large,  of  bears,  foxes,  and  martens,  were  seen  everywhere. 

On  looking  back  towards  the  sea  coast,  the  scene  was  magnificent.  We  dis- 
covered that  under  the  cover  of  the  forest  we  had  been  uniformly  ascending  ever 
since  we  left  the  salt  water  at  Random  Bar,  and  then  soon  arrived  at  the  summit 
of  what  we  saw  to  be  a  great  mountain  ridge  that  seems  to  serve  as  a  barrier 
between  the  sea  and  the  interior.  The  black  dense  forest  through  which  we  had 
pilgrimaged  presented  a  novel  picture,  appearing  spotted  with  bright  yellow  marshes 
and  a  few  glossy  lakes  in  its  bosom,  some  of  which  we  had  passed  close  by  without 
seeing  them. 

PART  IV. 

First  view  of  the  interior — Our  advance  into  it — Its  description- 
Reach  the  central  part  of  the  island. 

In  the  westward,  to  our  inexpressible  delight,  the  interior  broke  in  sublimity 
before  us.  What  a  contrast  did  this  present  to  the  conjectures  entertained  of  New- 
foundland !  The  hitherto  mysterious  interior  lay  unfolded  below  us,  a  boundless 
scene,  emerald  surface,  a  vast  basin.  The  eye  strides  again  and  again  over  a  succes- 
sion of  northerly  and  southerly  ranges  of  green  plains,  marbled  with  woods  and 
lakes  of  every  form  and  extent,  a  picture  of  all  the  luxurious  scenes  of  national 
cultivation,  receding  into  invisibleness.  The  imagination  hovers  in  the  distance,  and 
clings  involuntarily  to  the  undulating  horizon  of  vapour,  far  into  the  west,  until  it 
is  lost.  A  new  world  seemed  to  invite  us  onward,  or  rather  we  claimed  the  dominion 
and  were  impatient  to  proceed  to  take  possession.  Fancy  carried  us  swiftly  across 
the  Island.  Obstacles  of  every  kind  were  dispelled  and  despised.  Primitiveness, 
omnipotence,  and  tranquillity  were  stamped  upon  everything  so  forcibly,  that  the 
mind  is  hurled  back  thousands  of  years,  and  the  man  left  denuded  of  the  mental 
fabric  which  a  knowledge  of  ages  of  human  experience  and  of  time  may  have  reared 
within  him.  Could  a  dwelling  be  secured  amid  the  heavenly  emotions  excited  by 
the  presence  of  such  objects. 

It  was  manifested  on  every  hand  that  this  was  the  season  of  the  year  when 
the  earth  here  offers  her  stores  of  productions ;  land  berries  were  ripening,  game 
birds  were  fledging,  and  beasts  were  emerging  to  prey  upon  each  other.  Everything 
animate  or  inanimate  seemed  to  be  our  own.  We  consumed  unsparingly  our  remain- 
ing provisions,  confident  that  henceforward,  with  our  personal  powers,  which  felt 
increased  by  the  nature  of  the  objects  that  presented  themselves,  aided  by  what 
now  seemed  by  contrast  the  admirable  power  of  our  fire-arms,  the  destruction  of  one 
creature  would  afford  us  nourishment  and  vigour  for  the  destruction  of  others.  There 
was  no  will  but  ours.  Thoughts  of  the  aborigines  did  not  alter  our  determination 
to  meet  them,  as  well  as  everything  living,  that  might  present  itself  in  a  country 
yet  untrodden,  and  before  unseen  by  civilized  man.  I  now  adopted,  as  well  for  self- 
preservation  as  for  the  sake  of  accomplishing  the  object  of  my  excursion,  the  self- 
dependent  mode  of  life  of  the  Indian  both  in  spirit  and  action. 

18— 2 


140  Savanna  country.     Deer  paths 

But  to  look  around  before  we  advance.  The  great  exterior  features  of  the 
eastern  portion  of  the  main  body  of  the  island  are  seen  from  these  commanding 
heights.  Overland  communication  between  the  bays  of  the  east,  north  and  south 
coasts,  it  appears,  might  be  easily  established.  The  chief  obstacles  to  overcome,  as 
far  as  regards  the  mere  way,  seem  to  lie  in  crossing  the  mountain  belt  of  twenty 
or  forty  miles  wide,  on  which  we  stood,  in  order  to  reach  the  open  low  interior. 
The  nucleus  of  this  belt  is  exhibited  in  the  form  of  a  semi-circular  chain  of  isolated 
paps  and  round-backed  granitic  hills,  generally  lying  north-east  and  south-west  of 
each  other  in  the  rear  of  Bonavista,  Trinity,  Placentia,  and  Fortune  Bays.  To  the 
southward  of  us,  in  the  direction  of  Piper's  Hole,  in  Placentia  Bay,  one  of  these 
conical  hills,  very  conspicuous,  I  named  Mount  Clarence,  in  honour  of  His  Royal 
Highness,  who,  when  in  the  navy,  had  been  in  Placentia  Bay.  Our  view  extended 
more  than  forty  miles  in  all  directions.  No  high  land,  it  has  been  already  noticed, 
bounded  the  low  interior  in  the  west. 

September  \\th. — We  descended  into  the  bosom  of  the  interior. 

The  plains  which  shone  so  brilliantly  are  steppes  or  savannas,  composed  of  fine 
black  compact  peat  mould,  formed  by  the  growth  and  decay  of  mosses,  principally 
the  Sphagnum  capillifolium,  and  covered  uniformly  with  their  wiry  grass,  the  Uphrasia 
officinalis  being  in  some  places  intermixed.  They  are  in  the  form  of  extensive 
gently  undulating  beds,  stretching  northward  and  southward,  with  running  waters 
and  lakes,  skirted  with  woods,  lying  between  them.  Their  yellow  green  surfaces  are 
sometimes  uninterrupted  either  by  tree,  shrub,  rocks,  or  any  inequality,  for  more 
than  ten  miles.  They  are  chequered  everywhere  upon  the  surface  by  deep  beaten 
deer  paths,  and  are  in  reality  magnificent  natural  deer  parks,  adorned  by  woods  and 
water.  The  trees  here  sometimes  grow  to  a  considerable  size,  particularly  the  larch; 
birch  is  also  common.  The  deer  herd  upon  them  to  graze.  It  is  impossible  to 
describe  the  grandeur  and  richness  of  the  scenery,  and  which  will  probably  remain 
long  undefaced  by  the  hand  of  man.  In  vain  were  associations  ;  in  vain  did  the 
eye  wander  for  the  cattle,  the  cottage,  and  the  flocks. 

Our  progress  over  the  savanna  country  was  attended  with  great  labour,  and 
consequently  slow,  being  only  at  the  rate  of  five  to  seven  miles  a  day  to  the  west- 
ward, while  the  distance  walked  was  equivalent  to  three  or  four  times  as  much. 
Always  inclining  our  course  to  the  westward,  we  traversed  in  every  direction,  partly 
from  choice,  in  order  to  view  and  examine  the  country,  and  partly  from  the  necessity 
to  get  round  the  extremities  of  lakes  and  woods,  and  to  look  for  game  for  sub- 
sistence. 

It  was  impossible  to  ascertain  the  depths  of  these  savannas,  but  judging  from 
the  great  expanse  of  the  undulations,  and  the  total  absence  of  inequalities  on  the 
surfaces,  it  must  often  be  many  fathoms.  Portions  of  some  of  the  marshes,  from 
some  cause  under  the  surface,  are  broken  up  and  sunk  below  the  level,  forming 
gullies  and  pools.  The  peat  is  there  exposed  sometimes  to  a  depth  of  ten  feet  and 
more  without  any  rock  or  soil  underneath ;  and  the  process  of  its  formation  is 
distinctly  exhibited  from  the  dying  and  dead  roots  of  the  green  surface  moss  descend- 
ing linearly  into  gradual  decay,  until  perfected  into  a  fine  black  compact  peat,  in 
which  the  original  organic  structure  of  the  parent  is  lost.  The  savanna  peat  immedi- 
ately under  the  roots  of  the  grass  on  the  surface  is  very  similar  to  the  perfected 
peat  of  the  marshes.  The  savannas  are  continually  moist  or  wet  on  the  surface,  even 
in  the  middle  of  summer,  but  hard  underneath.  Roots  of  trees,  apparently  where 
they  grew,  are  to  be  found  by  digging  the  surfaces  of  some  of  them,  and  probably 
of  all.  From  what  was  seen  of  their  edges  at  the  water-courses  they  lie  on  the 
solid  rock,  without  the  intervention  of  any  soil.  The  rocks  exhibited  were  transition 
clay  slate,  mica  slate,  and  granitic. 

One  of  the  most  striking  features  of  the  interior  are  the  innumerable  deer  paths 
on  the  savannas.  They  are  narrow  and  take  directions  as  various  as  the  winds, 
giving  the  whole  country  a  chequered  appearance.  Of  the  millions  of  acres  here, 


Beavers  and  their  habits  141 

there  is  no  one  spot  exceeding  a  few  superficial  yards  that  is  not  bounded  on  all 
sides  by  deer  paths.  We  however  met  some  small  herd  only  of  these  animals,  the 
savannas  and  plains  being  in  the  summer  season  deserted  by  them  for  the  mountains 
in  the  west  part  of  the  island.  The  Newfoundland  deer,  and  there  is  only  one 
species  in  the  island,  is  a  variety  of  the  reindeer,  Cervus  tarandus,  or  Carriboo ; 
and,  like  that  animal  in  every  other  country,  it  is  migratory,  always  changing  place 
with  the  seasons  for  sake  of  its  favourite  kinds  of  food.  Although  they  migrate  in 
herds,  they  travel  in  files,  with  their  heads  in  some  degree  to  windward,  in  order 
that  they  may,  by  the  scent,  discover  their  enemies  the  wolves ;  their  senses  of 
smelling  and  hearing  are  very  acute,  but  they  do  not  trust  much  to  their  sight. 
This  is  the  reason  of  their  paths  taking  so  many  directions  in  straight  lines  ;  they 
become  in  consequence  an  easy  prey  to  the  hunter  by  stratagem.  The  paths  tend 
from  park  to  park  through  the  intervening  woods,  in  lines  as  established  and  deep 
beaten  as  cattle  paths  on  an  old  grazing  farm. 

The  beaver,  Castor  fiber, — Owing  to  the  presence  of  the  birch  tree,  Belula  ntgra, 
all  the  brooks  and  lakes  in  the  basin  of  the  interior  have  been  formerly  and  many 
are  still  inhabited  by  beavers,  but  these  have  in  many  places  been  destroyed  by 
Indians.  The  bark  of  the  birch  tree,  together  with  that  of  a  dwarf  willow  which 
abounds  at  the  edges  of  the  waters,  is  the  favourite  food  of  the  beavers.  They  also 
subsist  on  the  large  roots  of  the  white  waterlily,  Nymphcea  odorata,  called  by  the 
Indians  beaver-root,  which  they  detach  in  pieces  from  amongst  the  mud  at  the 
bottom  of  the  lakes  and  pools.  They  sometimes,  although  seldom  here,  eat  of  the 
bark  of  the  spruce  fir,  Firms  balsamea.  They  obtain  the  bark  from  the  trees  by 
gnawing  the  trunks  through  about  two  feet  above  the  ground,  and  thus  causing  them 
to  fall.  The  side  on  which  a  tree  is  intended  to  fall  is  cut  two-thirds  through,  the 
other  side  one-third.  Sometimes,  as  happens  with  the  most  experienced  wood-cutter, 
a  tree  slips  off  the  stem  and  will  not  fall  to  the  ground  owing  to  the  support  from 
the  branches  of  adjacent  trees.  The  work  has  then  to  be  performed  over  again 
above  the  first  cutting,  as  we  saw  had  happened  with  the  beavers  in  several  instances. 
Some  of  the  trees  thus  brought  to  the  ground  were  fifteen  inches  and  upwards  in 
diameter.  The  tree  being  felled,  every  branch  by  additional  gnawing  becomes  acces- 
sible, and  by  subdividing,  portable. 

The  sagacity  displayed  by  the  beavers  in  constructing  their  houses  has  been 
often  described  ;  but  it  is  in  their  damming  operations  that  their  reason  is  evinced. 
They  frequently  dam  up  such  brooks  as  have  birch  trees  growing  plentifully  along 
their  margin  and  build  their  houses — with  one  always  immersed  or  dipt  into  the 
margin  of  the  lake  thus  formed.  They  also,  by  damming,  raise  the  level  of  natural 
lakes,  to  accommodate  the  surface  to  some  eligible  site  near  the  margin,  or  on  an 
island  or  rock,  chosen  to  build  their  house  upon.  On  first  witnessing  the  extent 
of  work  performed  on  some  of  these  dams,  it  is  difficult  to  persuade  oneself  that  it 
has  not  been  done  by  man.  The  materials  used  are  trunks  of  trees — gnawed  down 
by  the  beavers  themselves  for  the  purpose — mud,  sticks,  stones,  and  swards.  Their 
houses  are  formed  of  the  same  materials  and  resemble  in  their  exterior  a  hemi- 
spherical mud-hovel,  of  from  eight  to  ten  feet  in  length,  such  as  human  beings,  in 
some  parts,  dwell  in,  but  without  a  visible  door  or  aperture  for  the  escape  of  smoke. 
They  have  different  abodes  for  summer  and  winter,  occupying  the  former  for  four 
or  five  months,  and  the  latter  seven  or  eight  months  of  the  year,  according  to  the 
temperature  of  the  seasons.  Those  are  sometimes  several  miles  apart.  A  winter 
house  differs  from  a  summer  one,  principally  in  being  larger  and  more  substantial. 
The  chief  entrance  of  both  is  under  the  surface  of  the  water  in  the  lake ;  that  of 
the  summer  house  about  two  feet,  that  of  the  winter  about  three  feet.  A  house  has 
often  another  entrance  at  the  back  or  land  side  if  the  ground  will  permit,  also  under 
water  for  egress  and  ingress  to  and  from  the  adjoining  woods.  If  the  entrance 
of  the  winter  house  was  placed  nearer  to  the  surface  than  is  stated,  it  might  be 
frozen  up  from  the  outside  during  the  severity  of  the  winter,  and  stop  the  egress 


142      References  to  the  various  wild  animals  of  the  interior. 

and  ingress  into  and  out  of  the  lake.  In  summer  the  beavers  can  travel  up  and 
down  the  brooks,  swim  round  the  lake,  go  into  the  woods  in  search  of  food,  and 
return  to  their  houses  to  rest.  In  winter  the  whole  surface  of  the  country,  land 
and  water,  being  sealed  under  snow  and  ice,  instinct  directs  these  animals  to  concen- 
trate at  one  accessible  spot  underneath  a  stock  of  provisions  to  subsist  on  during 
that  season.  It  is  easier  for  them  to  build  a  house  close  to  where  a  winter  stock  of 
food  is  to  be  procured,  than  to  carry  this  to  the  house  occupied  in  summer,  around 
which  much  of  the  food  has  probably  been  consumed.  A  family,  which  consists 
generally  of  two  old,  and  two,  three  or  four  young,  will  commence  early  in  September 
to  build  a  house  for  the  winter,  and  soon  afterwards  to  collect  a  stock  of  provisions. 
They  fell  tree  after  tree  in  the  manner  described  as  near  as  possible  to  the  winter 
house,  gnaw  the  branches  into  portable  pieces,  carry  them  one  by  one  to  the  margin 
of  the  lake,  swim  with  them  to  near  the  front  entrance,  then  dive  and  deposit  them 
at  the  bottom  ;  if  the  piece  is  inclined  to  float  they  stick  one  end  in  the  mud  and 
even  lay  stones  upon  it.  In  October  or  November,  by  the  time  the  lakes  are  frozen 
over,  and  snow  covers  the  ground,  the  house  is  completed  and  the  winter's  stock  of 
birch  wood,  with  the  bark  on,  placed  around  the  entrance.  Now  in  retirement,  they 
dive  through  to  the  bottom  of  the  lake,  and  bring  up  at  pleasure  to  within  the  house 
a  piece  to  eat  of  the  bark  ;  when  stripped  they  carry  it  out  and  bring  in  another.  Thus 
is  the  winter  spent.  At  the  termination  of  it,  when  the  ice  disappears,  the  hundreds 
of  pieces  of  wood,  that  seven  months  before  were  covered  with  bark,  are  now  to  be 
seen  deposited  on  the  dam  spot  entirely  peeled.  The  senses  of  hearing  and  smell, 
especially  of  the  former,  of  the  beaver,  are  exquisitely  fine.  It  requires  the  utmost 
precaution  and  vigilance  of  the  hunter  to  steal  within  shot  of  them  without  detec- 
tion, and  this  must  be  always  done  from  the  leeward.  Their  sense  of  sight  is  weak, 
and  they  seldom  appear  abroad  during  the  day.  On  account  of  the  value  of  its 
skin  the  beavers  are  the  chief  object  of  chase  with  the  Indians.  These  people 
having  made  themselves  acquainted  with  the  different  spots  throughout  the  Island 
where  these  valuable  animals  abound  most,  hunt  over  these  places  alternately  and 
periodically,  allowing  the  beavers  three  years  to  regenerate.  We  shot  many  of  them 
for  provision. 

Geese,  Anas  Canadensis,  and  Ducks  (the  black  duck)  Anas  boschas,  are  met 
with  in  great  numbers  in  the  interior,  the  ducks  in  particular  in  the  central  parts 
of  the  island.  There,  remote  from  man,  they  breed  undisturbed  on  the  edges  and 
islands  of  the  ponds  and  lakes.  The  geese  moult  soon  after  their  arrival  in  the 
spring ;  and,  owing  to  the  loss  of  their  pinion  feathers,  are  unable  to  fly  during 
the  summer  or  breeding  seasons  ;  but  they  can  then  run  faster  than  a  man  on  the 
marshes,  and  if  surprised  at,  or  near  a  pond,  they  will  plunge  in  and  remain  under 
water  with  their  bills  only  above  the  surface  to  permit  of  breathing,  until  the  enemy 
has  passed  by.  They  feed  on  berries,  preferring  that  of  the  Empetrnm  nigrum,  and 
the  seeds  of  grasses.  Both  the  old  and  young  become  enabled  to  fly  in  September ; 
and  as  soon  after  that  as  the  frost  affects  the  berries  and  causes  the  seeds  of  the 
grasses  on  the  marshes  and  savannas  to  fall  to  the  earth,  or  otherwise  when  the 
snow  falls  and  covers  the  ground,  they  collect  in  flocks,  and  fly  off  to  the  southern 
shores  of  the  island  and  from  thence  to  the  Gulf  of  St  Lawrence.  They  remain 
there  until  December,  and  then,  assembled,  take  flight  in  immense  flocks  to  the 
southern  parts  of  America,  to  return  in  the  spring.  The  ducks  do  not  quit  the 
interior  for  the  sea  coast  so  early  as  the  geese — that  is,  not  until  the  pools  and 
ponds  in  which  they  obtain  their  food  are  frozen  over,  and  they  are  the  last  of 
the  birds  of  passage  seen  here.  Loons  of  two  species  breed  in  the  interior,  almost 
every  lake,  as  observed  nearer  to  the  sea  coast,  being  occupied  during  the  summer 
season  by  a  pair  of  them.  Likewise  the  common  sea-gull,  early  in  the  spring,  which 
fly  off  to  the  sea  in  July  and  August.  Curlews  breed  on  the  barren  hills  ;  snipes, 
(jack,)  a  kind  of  godwit  (called  yellow  legs),  and  bitterns  on  the  marshes  ;  but  the 
first  had  now  all  gone  to  the  sea-coast.  The  redbreasted  thrush,  Turdus  migratorius, 


Newfoundland  as  a  hunting  country  143 

breed  in  the  scanty  woods,  near  to  where  berries  abound  ;  they  fly  off  in  flocks  to 
the  coast  in  September,  and  from  thence  to  the  more  southern  countries.  There 
are  several  species  of  hawks  and  owls  here ;  of  the  former  genus,  one  species  was 
very  small. 

The  rivers  and  lakes  abound  with  trout  of  three  or  four  kinds,  differing  in  size 
and  colour.  In  one  of  the  source  branches  of  Gander  River,  which  we  crossed,  we 
caught  some  small  fish,  apparently  salmon  fry.  A  species  of  fish  larger  than  the 
trout  is  said  by  the  Indians  to  be  found  in  several,  of  the  large  lakes. 

We  were  nearly  a  month  in  passing  over  one  savanna  after  another.  In  the 
interval  there  are  several  low  granitic  beds,  stretching,  as  the  savannas,  northerly 
and  southerly.  During  this  time  we  shot  only  a  few  deer,  but  many  geese,  ducks, 
and  beavers,  which,  with  trout,  constituted  our  principal  food.  When  we  had  no 
game  to  subsist  on,  the  killing  of  which  though  certain  was  irregular,  we  subsisted 
on  berries,  which  some  spots  produced  in  prodigious  abundance.  I  longed  for  bread 
for  about  ten  days  after  our  stock  was  consumed,  but  after  that  did  not  miss  it. 

When  we  met  deer  in  a  herd,  we  seldom  failed  in  shooting  the  fattest.  The 
venison  was  excellent ;  the  fat  upon  the  haunches  of  some  of  them  was  two  inches 
in  thickness.  We  shot  them  with  ball  or  swan  shot,  according  to  distance.  The 
leading  stag  of  a  herd  is  generally  the  fattest,  he  is  as  tall  as  a  horse,  and  must 
sometimes  be  shot  at  full  speed,  sometimes  by  surprise.  The  ball  having  pierced 
him,  he  bounds,  gallops,  canters,  falters,  stands,  and  tosses  his  antlers  ;  his  sinewy 
limbs  quiver,  unwillingly  bend,  and  he  stretches  out  his  graceful  corpse.  Should  the 
ball  have  passed  through  his  heart,  he  falls  at  once  probably  balanced  on  all  fours. 
There  is  regret  as  well  as  triumph  felt  in  taking  possession  of  the  noble  vanquished. 
The  broad  spreading  hoofs  of  the  deer  are  admirably  formed  for  preventing  their 
sinking  into  the  marshes.  A  single  deer  on  the  plain,  when  there  are  no  others 
near  to  give  the  alarm,  may  be  approached  and  knocked  down  by  a  blow  on  the 
head  with  an  axe  or  tomahawk  from  a  dexterous  hunter.  We  happened  to  see  a 
solitary  stag  amusing  himself  by  rubbing  his  antlers  against  a  larch  tree  on  a  plain  ; 
my  Indian,  treading  lightly,  approached  him  from  behind,  and  struck  him  on  the 
head  with  his  axe,  but  did  not  knock  him  down  ;  he  of  course  galloped  off.  The 
flesh  of  the  beaver  is  by  the  Indians  esteemed  the  finest  of  all  quadrupeds  of  the 
chase,  and  that  of  the  young  beaver  justly  so — in  taste  it  is  more  like  lamb  than 
any  other  meat.  In  butchering  it,  with  the  skin  is  flayed  off  the  lining  of  fat,  which 
is  sometimes  two  inches  thick  round  the  body.  Beavers  are  commonly  shot  on  the 
water ;  they  seldom  come  out  of  their  houses  by  day,  but  are  abroad  all  night. 
Before  sunset  the  hunter  posts  himself  undiscovered  as  near  as  possible  to  the  lee- 
ward side  of  their  house ;  the  beavers  at  that  time  come  out,  one  following  another. 
Directly  any  of  their  heads  appear  above  the  -water,  it  is  fired  at  either  with  ball  or 
shot,  and  sometimes  a  whole  family  is  thus  killed  in  succession.  If  any  escape,  their 
return  to  their  house  is  watched  before  sunrise  next  morning,  in  like  manner  as  their 
departure  was  in  the  evening.  Their  bodies  float  to  the  shore.  The  black  duck  shot 
in  the  interior,  remote  from  the  sea,  is  the  finest  bird  for  the  table  in  Newfoundland. 
The  trout  are  so  easily  caught  in  the  rivulets  in  the  interior,  they  being  unac- 
quainted with  enemies,  as  to  take  the  artificial  fly,  merely  by  holding  out  the  line 
in  the  hand  without  a  rod.  No  country  in  the  world  can  afford  finer  sport  than  the 
interior  of  this  island  in  the  months  of  August  and  September.  The  beasts  of  the 
chase  are  of  a  large  class,  and  the  cover  for  all  game  excellent. 

The  waters  which  we  crossed  contributed  sometimes  to  the  rivers  of  the  north, 
and  sometimes  to  those  of  the  south-side  of  the  island.  We  occasionally  crossed 
some  of  the  large  lakes  on  rafts,  when  our  course  lay  across  them  and  the  wind 
happened  to  be  fair,  and  there  appeared  nothing  to  induce  us  to  go  round  their 
extremities.  We  accomplished  this  by  fastening  together  three  or  four  trunks  of 
trees  with  withes,  and  held  up  a  thick  bush  for  a  sail,  and  were  blown  over.  There 
was  of  course  considerable  risk  to  our  accoutrements  attending  this  primitive  mode 


144  Geological  notes  of  Savanna  country 

of  navigation.  The  proportion  of  water  to  land  in  the  savannas  country  is  very 
great.  In  some  directions  northward  one-half  seems  to  be  lakes,  of  every  size  and 
form  ;  in  other  directions  one-third,  and  seldom  less.  The  marbled  glossy  surface,  as 
it  appeared  from  the  rising  ground,  was  singularly  novel  and  picturesque. 

In  some  of  the  forests  stripes  of  the  trees  are  all  borne  down  in  the  same 
direction  flat  to  the  earth  by  wind,  and  the  havoc  displayed  is  awful.  Such  parts 
were  almost  impassable.  The  way  through  the  woods  elsewhere,  except  by  the  deer 
paths,  is  obstructed  by  wind-fallen  trees  and  brushwood.  There  are  extensive  districts 
remarkable  for  abundance  of  berries  towards  the  centre  of  the  island,  which  attract 
great  numbers  of  black  bears.  The  paths  or  beats  of  these  animals  throughout  their 
feeding  grounds  are  stamped  with  marks  of  antiquity  seemingly  co-eval  with  the 
country.  The  points  of  rocks  that  happen  to  project  in  their  way  are  perfectly 
polished  from  having  been  continually  trodden  and  rubbed.  Although  we  had  seen 
fresh  tracks  of  wolves  every  day,  and  were  sometimes  within  a  few  yards  of  them  in 
the  thickets,  yet  we  only  caught  a  glimpse  of  one  of  them.  They  lie  in  wait  amongst 
the  bushes  and  listen  for  the  approach  of  deer  and  rush  upon  them.  When  they  saw 
man  instead  of  deer  they  immediately  fled.  There  are  two  kinds  of  wolves  here — one 
large,  that  prowls  singly  or  in  couples,  another  small,  sometimes  met  with  in  packs. 

Taking  a  general  view  of  the  mineralogy  of  the  savanna  territory,  the  rocks  of 
the  savannas  are  granite  quartz,  and  chlorite  greenstone,  the  same  as  already  noticed, 
mica,  chlorite,  and  transition  clay  slates.  The  granite  is  pink  and  grey,  and  sienitic. 
It  throws  itself  in  low  beds  lying  northerly  and  southerly,  higher  than  the  savannas, 
and  also  appears  with  the  greenstone  and  slate  rocks  at  the  edges  of  the  lakes,  and 
other  water  courses.  It  occurs  of  a  globular  structure  on  the  verge  of  the  savanna 
country  westward  of  that  branch  of  Clode  Sound  river  which  we  crossed.  The  balls 
are  round,  and  vary  in  size  from  a  few  inches  to  a  fathom  and  upwards  in  diameter. 
In  the  whole  of  this  savanna  territory,  which  forms  the  eastern  central  portion  of  the 
interior,  there  rises  but  one  mountain,  which  is  a  solitary  peak  or  pap  of  granite, 
standing  very  conspicuous  about  forty-five  miles  north  from  the  mouth  of  the  west 
Salmon  River  of  Fortune  Bay  on  the  south  coast.  It  served  as  an  object  by  which 
to  check  our  course  and  distance  for  about  two  weeks.  I  named  it  Mount  Sylvester, 
the  name  of  my  Indian.  The  bed  of  granite,  of  which  Mount  Sylvester  is  a  part,  is 
exposed  in  a  remarkable  manner  to  the  northeast  of  that  pap  near  Gower  Lake. 
Here  are  displayed  the  features  of  the  summit  of  an  immense  mountain  mass,  as  if 
just  peeping  above  the  earth ;  huge  blocks  of  red,  pink  and  grey  granite — often 
very  coarse  grained,  and  of  quartz — but  compact  and  granular,  lie  in  cumbrous  and 
confused  heaps,  "like  the  ruins  of  a  world,"  over  which  we  had  to  climb,  leap,  slide 
and  creep.  They  sometimes  lie  in  fantastical  positions — upon  an  enormous  mass  of 
gray  granite  may  be  seen,  as  if  balanced  on  a  small  point  of  contact,  another  huge 
mass  of  red  granite  more  durable  in  quality,  and  this  crowned  by  a  third  boulder. 
Their  equilibrium  invites  the  beholder  to  press  his  shoulder  to  them  to  convince 
him  of  his  feebleness.  These  masses  seem  to  be  the  remaining  nodules  of  strata  or 
beds  that  once  existed  here ;  the  more  perishable  parts  having  long  since  crumbled 
and  disappeared,  thus  evincing  the  power  of  time.  Quartz  rock,  both  granular  and 
compact,  the  latter  sometimes  rose-coloured,  occurs,  associated  with  granite.  On  the 
summit  of  a  low  bristly  ridge,  formed  principally  of  granular  quartz,  nearly  half  way 
across  the  Island,  are  two  large  masses  of  granular  quartz,  standing  apart  at  the 
bottom,  and  nearly  meeting  at  top ;  seen  at  a  distance  from  the  North  or  South, 
they  have  the  appearance  of  one  mass  with  a  hole  through  it.  Hence  this  spot  is 
called  Rock  Hole  by  the  Indians1.  Plates  of  mica,  six  inches  and  upwards  in  length, 
are  found  attached  to  the  quartz  when  the  latter  is  associated  with  granite.  Rolled 
agates,  sometimes  transparent,  are  found  on  the  shores  of  some  of  the  lakes  ;  mica 
slate  often  occurs ;  and  at  Carson  Lake  it  immediately  joins  coarse  red  granite. 
Chlorite,  slate  of  a  peculiar  granular  texture  is  met  with  to  the  north  of  Mount 

1  Or,  Through  Hill. 


CormacJzs  itinerary  145 

Sylvester.  The  series  of  clay  slate  rocks  alternates  everywhere  with  thick  strata  of 
the  chlorite  greenstone,  which,  owing  to  its  greater  durability,  projects  in  outgoings 
above  these,  and  is  therefore  oftener  seen  ;  the  clay,  alum,  and  roof  slates  have  iron 
pyrites  imbedded. 

Throughout  this  great  Eastern  Division  of  the  interior  we  did  not  see  even  the 
signs  of  an  alluvial  soil.  This  province  of  savannas,  although  of  no  territorial  value 
at  present,  is  destined  to  become  a  very  important  integral  part  of  Newfoundland. 
Judging  from  their  countless  paths,  and  from  the  size  and  condition  of  the  few 
deer  we  met,  it  is  already  seemingly  amply  stocked  with  that  kind  of  cattle  of  which 
no  part  of  North  East  America  possesses  so  peculiar  a  territory.  What  superficial 
drainage  and  tilling  might  effect  towards  raising  the  green  crops  here*  remains  to 
be  proved.  Many  of  the  savannas  exhibit  proofs  of  being  once  wooded  ;  and  in 
some  places  with  a  much  larger  growth  of  trees  than  that  at  present  in  their  vicinity. 
Roots  of  large  trees,  with  portions  of  the  trunks  attached,  and  lying  near,  are 
sometimes  seen  occupying  evidently  the  original  savanna  soil  on  which  they  grew, 
but  are  now  partially,  or  wholly  covered  with  savanna  fires,  originating  with  the 
Indians,  and  from  lightning,  have  in  many  parts  destroyed  the  forest ;  and  it  would 
seem  that  a  century  or  more  must  elapse  in  this  climate  before  a  forest  of  the  same 
magnitude  of  growth  can  be  reproduced  naturally  on  the  savannas.  It  is  observed 
of  peat1,  that  "  burning,  and  the  turning  of  the  surface  by  agricultural  implements 
are  the  chief  means  by  which  the  vegetation  of  these  soils  is  exchanged  for  more 
profitable  plants.  To  these  must  be  added  the  growth  of  larch,  under  which  the 
original  covering  is  gradually  extirpated  and  replaced  by  a  green  and  grassy  surface, 
applicable  to  the  pasturage  of  cattle."  Larch,  of  all  other  trees,  is  that  to  which 
this  climate  and  the  savanna  soil  are  most  congenial.  The  savannas  are  almost 
invariably  skirted  with  it,  and  it  grows  from  the  wettest  swamp  to  the  summits  v  of 
the  highest  hills  where  the  fir  cannot  live.  The  fruit  of  the  sarsaparilla,  two  kinds, 
Smilax  rotundifolia,  and  S.  Sarsaparilla  were  ripe  and  vegetating  in  the  beginning 
of  October.  Wild  currants,  gooseberries  and  raspberries  were  plentiful  in  many 
places;  the  latter,  as  in  all  other  parts  of  North  America,  only  where  the  woods 
have  been  recently  burnt.  The  berries  here  are  much  superior  to  the  berries  of  the 
same  species  near  the  sea  coast.  They  appear  to  grow  for  little  immediate  purpose  ; 
as  the  quantity  which  the  bears,  foxes,  and  the  birds  fatten  upon  is  comparatively 
inconsiderable  to  that  produced.  The  different  varieties  of  whortleberry  are  very 
distinctly  marked  ;  some  of  them  grow  to  a  size  and  perfection  that  would  render 
them  esteemed  rather  than  a  fine  fruit  in  any  country. 

Fogs  are  not  frequent  in  the  interior.  There  was  not  a  foggy  day  until  the 
fourth  of  October,  which  came  with  a  southerly  wind.  There  was  no  frost  to  hurt 
vegetation  materially  until  the  third  of  October,  and  that  unaccompanied  with  snow. 
But  the  frost  of  that  night  changed  one-half  of  the  vegetation  of  the  savannas  from 
a  light  vegetable  green  to  a  yellow  colour.  Our  attention  was  arrested  twice  by  ob- 
serving the  tracks  of  a  man  on  the  savannas.  "After  a  scrupulous  and  minute  ex- 
amination, we  concluded  that  one  of  them  was  that  of  a  Mickmack  or  mountaineer 
Indian,  who  had  been  hunting  here  in  the  preceding  year,  and  from  the  point  of  the 
foot  being  steep  that  he  was  going,  laden  with  furs,  to  the  Bay  of  Despair.  The 
other  track  was  on  the  shores,  of  Gower  Lake,  of  an  Indian  who  had  passed  by  this 
season  apparently  from  the  Bay  of  Despair  towards  Gander  Bay.  We  saw  no  traces 
however  of  the  Red  Indians.  The  print  of  a  foot  remains  distinct  on  the  soft  surface 
of  the  savannas  for  years  or  longer.  Any  track  of  course  .differing  from  those  of  the 
deer,  in  their  usual  undisturbed  walks,  is  detected  by  the  eye  at  once. 

October  7^.— The  nights  and  mornings  were  now  frosty ;  and  the  vegetable 
kingdom  had  put  on  its  autumnal  colouring  of  various  tints.  The  waters  as  well  as 

1   By  Dr  McCullock  in  his  valuable  paper  "On  Peat"  in  the  Edinburgh   Philosophical  Journal, 
No.   3  and  4,   1820. 

H.  '9 


146  Cormac&s  itinerary 

the  air  were  becoming- more  chilly  every  day.     A  favourable  change  of  wind  did  not 
now  bring  the  accustomed  mildness  of  temperature. 

We  have  been  occupied  since  the  eleventh  September  in  travelling  the  savanna 
country. 

A  hilly  ridge  in  the  westward,  lying  northerly  and  southerly,  which  had  been 
in  view  several  days,  and  about  the  centre  of  the  Island,  on  our  near  approach  bore 
an  aspect  different  from  any  we  had  yet  seen,  appearing  of  a  bright  brown  colour  along 
the  summit — bristly  and  castellated.  The  rocks  for  some  miles  to  the  eastward  were 
often  of  various  colours,  and  impregnated  with  iron,  and  the  shores  of  the  lakes  pre- 
sented remarkable  coloured  stones,  resembling  pieces  of  burnt  clay  and  broken  pottery. 
On  arriving  on  it  this  ridge  proved  to  be  a  serpentine  deposit,  including  a  variety  of 
rocks,  all  lying  in  nearly  vertical  strata  alternating.  The  conspicuous  points  were  the 
large  angular  blocks  of  quartz  rock,  lying  on  out  goings  of  the  same,  ranged  along  the 
summit.  This  rock  was  very  ponderous,  owing  to  much  disseminated  iron  pyrites, 
the  oxidation  of  which,  externally,  gave  it  the  brown  colour.  The  fresh  fracture 
exhibited  a  metallic  reddish  grey.  The  mineralogical  appearances  here  were  altogether 
so  singular  that  I  resolved  to  stop  a  day  or  two  to  examine  them.  All  the  highest 
parts  of  the  ridge  were  formed  of  this  metalline  rock,  and  were  extremely  sterile. 
The  other  rocks  were,  noble  serpentine — varying  in  colour  from  black  green  to  a 
yellow,  and  from  translucent  to  semi-transparent,  in  strata  nearly  a  yard  wide — steatite, 
or  soap  stone,  verde  antique,  diallege,  and  various  other  magnesian  rocks.  Sterile  red 
earthy  patches,  entirely  destitute  of  vegetation,  were  here  and  there  on  and  adjacent 
to  the  ridge,  and  on  these  lay  heaps  of  loose  fragments  of  asbestos,  rock  wood,  rock 
cork,  rock  leather,  rock  horn,  rock  bone,  and  stones  light  in  the  hand,  resembling  burnt 
clay — Cum  multis  aliis,  the  whole  having  the  appearance  of  heaps  of  rubbish  from  a 
pottery,  but  evidently  detached  from  adjoining  strata  and  veins.  I  could  not  divest 
myself  from  the  feeling  that  we  were  in  the  vicinity  of  a  quiescent  volcano. 

The  beaches  of  many  of  the  lakes  of  the  neighbourhood,  as  already  noticed,  are 
formed  of  disintegrated  fragments  of  those  rocks  At  one  lake  in  particular,  which  I 
in  consequence  denominated  Serpentine  Lake,  the  beauty  and  interesting  appearance 
of  some  of  the  beaches,  composed  entirely  of  rolled  fragments  of  those  rocks  of  every 
kind  and  colour,  the  red,  yellow,  and  green  prevailing,  may  be  fancied  better  than 
described.  A  part  of  the  eastern  shore  is  formed  of  a  hard  greenish  gray  rock,  in 
large  loose  flags,  indented  straight  grooves,  which,  when  struck  as  we  tread  upon  them, 
emitted  sound  like  pieces  of  metal1.  Serpentine  Lake  is  comparatively  small,  being 
about  two  miles  and  a  half  in  length  by  one  in  breadth.  It  is  known  to  the  Mickmack 
Indian  by  the  Indian  name  for  it,  or  Stone  Pipe  Lake,  from  their  procuring  here  verd 
antique,  and  other  magnesian  rocks,  out  of  which  they  carve  or  chisel  tobacco-pipes, 
much  prized  by  them.  This  people  then,  like  the  ancients  of  the  old  world,  are  not 
unacquainted  with  the  incombustible  nature  of  the  magnesia  minerals. 

In  the  woods  on  the  margin  of  Serpentine  Lake  we  found  an  old  birch-rind  canoe 
of  the  Mickmack  Indians,  the  same  as  those  used  by  those  people  at  the  sea  coast. 
It  had  been  brought  up  from  the  Bay  of  Despair  at  the  south  coast  of  the  Island,  by 
them  of  the  Cod  Roy  River,  which  runs  through  this  and  intervening  lakes.  From 
the  circumstance  of  finding  this  canoe  here,  we  inferred  that  the  portages  between 
Serpentine  Lake  and  the  sea  coast  were  not  very  extensive  or  difficult.  Here  then  is 
a  route  of  the  Indians  by  which  the  centre  of  the  Island  may  be  approached  with  the 
same  canoe,  and  close  by  are  the  sources  of  rivers  that  flow  to  the  north  coast.  There 
was  an  inhabited  beaver's  house  at  the  south  end  of  Serpentine  Lake,  and  we  shot  three 
of  the  family  that  occupied  it  for  food.  There  were  several  herds  of  deer  around.  The 
white-headed  eagle  was  also  an  inhabitant  of  this  part. 

This  interesting  ridge  and  district,  which  forms  the  centre  nearly  of  Newfoundland, 
I  designated  in  honour  of  an  excellent  friend  and  distinguished  promoter  of  science  and 
enterprise — Professor  Jameson,  of  Edinburgh — Jameson's  Mountains.  Judging  from  the 

1  Phonolite. 


The  Western  interior  147 

rise  in  the  land  for  about  thirty  miles  to  the  eastward,  they  are  about  twelve  hundred 
feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  Future  travellers  may  easily  reach  Jameson's  Mountains 
by  the  route  mentioned;  and  I  hope  some  may  soon  follow  the  first  there,  for  they 
deserve  a  much  more  perfect  examination  than  could  be  given  on  a  first  visit  by  a  half 
worn-out  pedestrian  traveller. 

October  lotk. — Being  now  near  the  centre  of  the  Island,  upwards  of  one  hundred 
and  ten  miles  from  the  most  inland  part  of  Trinity  Bay,  about  ninety  miles  of  the 
distance  being  across  the  savannas— we  had  not  yet  seen  a  trace  of  the  Red  Indians. 
It  had  been  supposed  that  all  the  central  parts  of  the  Island  were  occupied  by  these 
people,  and  1  had  been  daily  looking  out  for  them.  They  were  however  more  likely  to 
be  fallen  in  with  farther  to  the  westward.  Taking  a  retrospective,  as  well  as  a  prospec- 
tive geological  view  from  Jameson's  Mountains,  the  serpentine  deposit  of  which  they  are 
formed  separates  the  low  slate  country,  covered  with  savannas,  through  which  the 
granite  rocks  occasionally  peep,  in  the  east,  from  a  high  and  entirely  granitic  country 
that  appears  in  the  west.  It  was  now  nearly  five  weeks  since  with  my  Indian  I  left  the 
sea  coast,  and  was  just  halfway  to  St  George's  Bay.  We  had  for  some  time  past  felt 
severely  the  effects  of  continued  excessive  exertion,  of  wet,  and  of  irregular  supplies  of 
food.  My  Indian,  and  only  companion,  complained  much  of  the  never-ending  toil,  and 
would  willingly  have  gone  out  to  the  sea,  if  I  had  yielded  to  his  wish.  But  with  me  it 
was  "now  or  never";  and  I  had  apprehensions  of  being  overtaken  by  the  winter  ere 
we  could  reach  St  George's  Bay.  To  keep  my  Indian  at  the  toilsome  task,  I  had 
sometimes  to  encourage  him  by  promises  of  future  reward,  sometimes  to  excite  his 
emulation  by  allusions  to  the  fame  of  the  Indian  hunters  for  enduring  fatigue  and 
hardships  beyond  what  the  white  man  could  bear ;  and  again  to  picture  the  shame 
consequent  on  his  leaving  me  in  the  country  to  perform  alone  what  we  had  set  out  to 
do  together. 

PART  V. 

Continue  the  journey  into  the  western  interior. 

In  the  West,  mountain  succeeds  mountain  in  irregular  succession,  rugged  and 
bleak.  Encumbered  with  many  additional  mineralogical  specimens,  we  took  our  de- 
parture from  the  interesting  central  mountains,  for  my  part  hoping  that  I  might  yet 
see  them  again.  Immediately  on  the  west,  they  are  succeeded  by  gneiss,  and  next 
to  that  comes  the  hungry  granitic  territory,  still  almost  as  barren  to  imagination  as  at 
the  creation.  Wacke,  or  conglomerate,  is  associated  with  the  gneiss  in  tortuous  strata, 
veins,  and  stripes,  indicative  of  metalline  qualities.  We  were  sometimes  compelled 
to  climb  and  creep  our  way  over  confused  heaps  of  granite  and  white  compact  quartz. 
There  are  occasional  marshes,  and  some  of  the  less  exposed  spots  produce  stunted 
spruce  and  larch  trees  ;  other  spots  produce  ground  berries  in  great  plenty.  A  species 
of  Ledum  or  Indian  tea  is  met  with  here,  different  from  that  commonly  found  at 
the  sea  coast.  It  is  a  more  perfectly  formed  shrub,  with  smaller,  rounder,  and  more 
numerous  leaves ;  lichens  grow  everywhere,  from  the  edge  of  the  lake  to  the  mountain 
top,  and  deer  now  begin  to  appear  in  small  herds  in  every  direction. 

October  nth. — While  surveying  a  large  lake  in  the  south-west  we  descried  a  faint 
column  of  smoke  issuing  from  amongst  islands  near  the  south  shore,  about  five  miles 
distant.  The  time  we  hoped  had  at  last  come  to  meet  the  Red  Indians.  Rivers  rise 
here,  as  they  had  throughout  our  journey,  owing  to  our  track  being  central,  that  run  to 
both  sides  of  the  Island,  but  it  could  not  be  seen  to  which  side  this  lake  contributed  its 
waters.  The  Red  Indians  had  been  reported  not  to  frequent  the  south  side  of  the 
Island.  It  was  too  late  in  the  day  to  reconnoitre ;  and  my  Indian  went  in  pursuit  of  a 
herd  of  deer  in  another  direction,  we  having  no  provision  for  supper.  At  sunset  he  did 
not  meet  me  at  the  appointed  wood  in  a  valley  hard  by,  nor  did  he  return  by  midnight, 

19  —  2 


148  The  Western  interior 

nor  at  all.  I  dared  not  exhibit  a  fire  on  the  hill,  as  a  beacon  to  him,  in  sight  of  the 
strange  encampment.  His  gun  might  have  burst  and  injured  him  ;  he  might  have  fled, 
or  been  surprised  by  the  party  on  the  lake. 

October  \2th. — At  daybreak  the  atmosphere  was  frosty,  and  the  slender  white 
column  of  smoke  still  more  distinctly  seen.  There  were  human  beings  there,  and, 
deserted,  I  felt  an  irresistible  desire  to  approach  my  fellow  creatures  whether  they 
should  prove  friendly  or  hostile.  Having  put  my  gun  and  pistols  in  the  best  order,  and 
no  appearance  of  my  Indian  at  noon,  I  left  my  knapsack  and  all  encumbrances,  and 
descended  through  thickets  and  marshes  towards  the  nearest  part  of  the  lake,  about 
two  miles  distant.  The  white  sandy  shore,  formed  of  disintegrated  granite,  was  much 
trodden  over  by  deer  and  other  animals,  but  there  were  no  marks  of  man  discernible. 
The  extent  of  the  lake  was  uncertain;  but  it  was  apparent  that  it  would  require  two 
days  at  least  to  walk  round  either  end  to  the  nearest  point  of  the  opposite  shore  to  the 
occupied  island.  I  therefore  kept  on  my  own  side  to  discover  who  the  party  were. 
By  firing  off  my  gun,  if  the  party  were  Red  Indians,  they  would  in  all  probability  move 
off  quickly  on  hearing  the  report,  and  they  having  no  firearms,  my  fire  would  not  be 
answered.  If  they  were  other  Indians  my  fire  would  be  returned.  I  fired.  By  and 
by  the  report  of  a  strange  gun  travelled  among  the  islands  from  the  direction  of  the 
smoke,  and  thus  all  my  doubts  and  apprehensions  were  dispelled.  The  report  of  this 
gun  was  the  first  noise  I  had  heard  caused  by  man,  except  by  my  Indian  and  myself, 
for  more  than  five  weeks,  and  it  excited  very  peculiar  feelings. 

In  about  an  hour  my  lost  Indian  unexpectedly  made  his  appearance  from  the 
direction  where  we  had  parted  on  the  preceding  evening,  brought  to  the  spot  by  the 
report  of  my  gun.  He  accounted  for  himself,  "  that  after  havi-ng  shot  a  stag  about 
two  miles  from  the  spot  appointed  for  our  encampment,  he  attempted  to  get  round 
the  west  end  of  the  lake  to  reconnoitre  the  party  on  the  island,  but  found  the  distance 
too  great,  and  getting  benighted,  had  slept  in  the  woods." 

Soon  afterwards,  to  my  great  delight,  there  appeared  among  some  woody  islets  in 
front,  which  precluded  the  view  of  the  other  side  of  the  lake,  a  small  canoe  with  a  man 
seated  in  the  stern,  paddling  softly  towards  us,  with  an  air  of  serenity  and  independence 
possessed  only  by  the  Indian.  After  a  brotherly  salutation  with  me,  and  the  two 
Indians  kissing  each  other,  the  hunter  proved  to  be  unable  to  speak  English  or  French. 
They,  however,  soon  understood  one  another,  for  the  stranger,  although  a  mountaineer 
from  Labrador,  could  speak  a  little  of  the  Mickmack  language,  his  wife  being  a 
Mickmack.  The  mountaineer  tribe  belongs  to  Labrador,  and  he  told  us  that  he  had 
come  to  Newfoundland,  hearing  that  it  was  a  better  hunting  country  than  his  own,  and 
that  he  was  now  on  his  way  hunting  from  St  George's  Bay  to  the  Bay  of  Despair  to 
spend  the  winter  with  the  Indians  there.  He  had  left  St  George's  Bay  two  months 
before,  and  expected  to  be  at  the  Bay  of  Despair  in  two  weeks  hence.  This  was  his 
second  year  in  Newfoundland  ;  he  was  accompanied  by  his  wife  only.  My  Indian  told 
him  that  I  had  come  to  see  the  rocks,  the  deer,  the  beavers,  and  the  Red  Indians, 
and  to  tell  King  George  what  was  going  on  in  the  middle  of  that  country.  He  said 
St  George's  Bay  was  about  two  weeks  walk  from  us  if  we  knew  the  best  way,  and 
invited  us  over  with  him  in  his  canoe  to  rest  a  day  at  his  camp,  where  he  said  he  had 
plenty  of  venison,  which  was  readily  agreed  to  on  my  part. 

The  island  on  which  the  mountaineer's  camp  was,  lay  about  three  miles  distant. 
The  varying  scenery  as  we  paddled  towards  it,  amongst  innumerable  islands  and 
inlets,  all  of  granite,  and  mostly  covered  with  spruce  and  birch  trees,  was  beautiful. 
His  canoe  was  similar  to  those  described  to  have  been  used  by  the  ancient  Britons 
on  the  invasion  by  the  Romans.  It  was  made  of  wicker-work,  covered  over  outside 
with  deer  skins  sewed  together  and  stretched  on  it,  nearly  of  the  usual  form  of 
canoes,  with  a  bar  or  beam  across  the  middle,  and  one  on  each  end  to  strengthen  it. 
The  skin  covering,  flesh  side  out,  was  fastened  or  laced  to  the  gunwales,  with  thongs 
of  the  same  material.  Owing  to  decay  and  wear  it  requires  to  be  renewed  once 
in  from  six  to  twelve  weeks.  It  is  in  these  temporary  barks  that  the  Indians  of 


Red  Indians"  country  149 

Newfoundland  of  the  present  day  navigate  the  lakes  and  rivers  of  the  interior.  They 
are  easily  carried,  owing  to  their  lightness,  across  the  portages  from  one  water  to 
another,  and  when  damaged  easily  repaired.  There  were  innumerable  granite  rocks  in 
the  lake  a  little  below  and  above  the  surface ;  on  one  of  these  our  canoe  struck  and 
rubbed  a  hole  through  the  half- decayed  skin,  and  was  attended  with  some  risk  to  our 
persons  and  guns.  His  wigwam  was  situated  in  the  centre  of  a  wooded  islet  at  which 
we  arrived  before  sunset.  The  approach  from  the  landing  place  was  by  a  mossy 
carpeted  avenue,  formed  by  the  trees  having  been  cut  down  in  that  direction  for  fire- 
wood. The  sight  of  a  fire,  not  of  our  own  kindling,  of  which  we  were  to  partake, 
seemed  hospitality.  It  was  occupied  by  his  wife,  seated  on  a  deer  skin,  busy  sewing 
together  skins  of  the  same  kind  to  renew  the  outside  of  the  canoe  we  had  just  found, 
which  required  it.  A  large  Newfoundland  dog,  her  only  companion  in  her  husband's 
absence,  had  welcomed  us  at  the  landing-place  with  signs  of  the  greatest  joy.  Sylvan 
happiness  reigned  here.  His  wigwam  was  of  a  semicircular  form,  covered  with  birch 
rind  and  dried  deer  skins,  the  fire  on  the  fore  ground  outside.  Abundance  and  neat- 
ness pervaded  the  encampment.  On  horizontal  poles  over  the  fire,  hung  quantities  of 
venison  stakes,  being  smoked  dry.  The  hostess  was  cheerful,  and  a  supper,  the  best 
the  chase  could  furnish,  was  soon  set  before  us  on  sheets  of  birch  rind.  They  told 
me  to  "  make  their  camp  my  own,  and  use  everything  in  it  as  such."  Kindness  so 
elegantly  tendered  by  these  people  of  nature  in  their  solitude,  commenced  to  soften 
those  feelings  which  had  been  fortified  against  receiving  any  comfort  except  that  of 
my  own  administering.  The  excellence  of  the  venison,  and  of  the  flesh  of  young 
beavers,  could  not  be  surpassed.  A  cake  of  hard  deer's  fat  with  scraps  of  suet, 
toasted  brown,  intermixed,  was  eaten  with  the  meat ;  soup  was  the  drink.  Our 
hostess  after  supper  sang  several  Indian  songs  at  my  request.  They  were  plaintive, 
and  sung  in  a  high  key.  The  song  of  a  female  and  her  contentment  in  this  remote 
and  secluded  spot,  exhibited  the  strange  diversity  there  is  in  human  nature.  My 
Indian  entertained  them  incessantly  until  nearly  daylight  with  stories  about  what  he 
had  seen  in  St  John's.  Our  toils  were  for  the  time  forgotten.  The  mountaineer  had 
occupied  this  camp  for  about  two  weeks,  deer  being  very  plentiful  all  around  the  lake. 
His  larder,  which  was  a  kind  of  shed,  erected  on  the  rocky  shore  for  the  sake  of  a 
free  circulation  of  air,  was  in  reality  a  well-stocked  butcher's  stall,  containing  parts  of 
some  half-dozen  fat  deer,  also  the  carcasses  of  beavers,  of  otters,  of  musk  rats,  and  of 
martens,  all  methodically  laid  out.  His  property  consisted  of  two  guns  and  ammu- 
nition, an  axe,  some  good  culinary  utensils  of  iron  and  tin,  blankets,  an  apartment 
of  dried  deer  skins  to  sleep  on  and  with  which  to  cover  his  wigwam — the  latter  with 
the  hair  off;  a  collection  of  skins  to  sell  at  the  sea  coast,  consisting  of  those  of 
beaver,  otter,  marten,  musk  rat,  and  deer,  the  last  dried  and  the  hair  off;  also  a 
stock  of  dried  venison  in  bundles.  Animal  flesh  of  every  kind,  in  steaks,  without 
salt,  smoke-dried  on  the  fire  for  forty-eight  hours,  becomes  nearly  as  light  and 
portable  as  cork,  and  will  keep  sound  for  years.  It  thus  forms  a  good  substitute 
for  bread,  and  by  being  boiled  two  hours  recovers  most  of  its  original  qualities. 

The  Red  Indians'  country,  or  the  waters  which  they  frequented,  we  were  told  by 
the  mountaineer,  lay  six  or  seven  miles  to  the  north  of  us,  but  at  this  season  of  the 
year  these  people  were  likely  to  be  farther  to  the  northward  at  the  Great  Lake  of 
the  Red  Indians  ;  also,  that  about  two  weeks  before  there  was  a  party  of  Mickmack 
hunting  at  the  next  large  lake  to  the  westward,  about  two  days  walk  from  us,  and 
that  the  deer  were  very  plentiful  to  the  westward.  He  also  described  the  nature  of 
the  country,  and  made  drawings  upon  sheets  of  birch-rind  of  the  lakes,  rivers,  moun- 
tains, and  woods  that  lay  in  the  best  route  to  St  George's  Harbour.  He  kept  a  register, 
ascertaining  when  Christmas  Day  would  arrive ;  having  ascertained  at  St  George's 
Bay  the  number  of  days  intervening,  he  cut  a  notch  on  a  stick  every  morning  to  the 
number  of  that  holiday.  He  had  missed  a  day  and  now  rectified  the  mistake.  This 
lake,  called  Meelpegh,  or  Crooked  Lake,  by  the  Indians,  I  also  named  in  honour  of 
Professor  Jameson.  It  is  nine  or  ten  miles  in  length,  by  from  one  to  three  in  breadth, 


150  Cormack's  itinerary 

joined  by  a  strait  to  another  lake  nearly  as  large,  lying  south  east,  called  Burnt  Bay 

Lake,  and  is  one  of  the  chain  of  lakes  connected  by  the  East  Bay  River  of  the  Bay 

of  Despair,  already  noticed  as  running  through  Serpentine  Lake  which  forms  a  part 
of  the  great  route  of  the  Indians. 

October  \^th. — We  left  the  veteran  mountaineer  (James  John  by  name)  much 
pleased  with  our  having  fallen  in  with  him.  He  landed  us  from  his  canoe  on  the 
south  shore  of  the  lake,  and  we  took  our  departure  for  the  westward,  along  the  south 
side.  Truly  could  this  man  proclaim  : 

"  I'm  monarch  of  all  I  survey, 
My  right  there  is  none  to  dispute  ; 
From  the  centre  all  round  to  the  sea, 
I  am  lord  of  the  fowl  and  the  brute." 

October  i^th. — There  is  a  considerable  quantity  of  fir  woods  on  the  borders  of 
Jameson's  Lake.  We  fell  in  with  a  summer  as  well  as  a  winter  beavers'  house,  both 
of  them  inhabited,  evidently  by  the  same  family,  this  being  the  time  when  they  are 
changing  their  abodes.  We  found  none  of  them  however  at  home.  The  houses  were 
about  half-a-mile  apart,  the  summer  one  on  the  edge  of  an  artificial  dam,  and  the 
winter  one  in  the  middle  of  a  small  pond,  surrounded  with  birch  trees  on  the  acclivity 
of  a  hill.  The  first  snow  fell  this  afternoon  with  a  gentle  wind  from  the  north-north- 
east, and  so  thick  as  to  compel  us  to  shelter  and  encamp  in  a  wood  that  happened 
fortunately  to  be  near.  It  continued  to  snow  so  heavy  that  at  midnight  our  fire  was 
extinguished  and  firewood  buried;  but  the  silent  uniform  fall  and  pressure  of  the 
snow  over  our  screen,  and  the  blankets  in  which  we  were  wrapped,  kept  us  warm. 

October  \6th. — In  the  morning  three  feet  of  snow  covered  the  ground  in  the 
woods,  and  on  the  open  ground  it  was  deeper.  Our  provisions  were  exhausted,  nor 
could  we  get  through  the  snow  to  look  for  game.  Weakened  and  miserable,  we 
looked  anxiously  for  a  change  of  wind  and  thaw.  The  trees  were  loaded  with  snow. 
At  night  a  thaw  came,  but  with  it  a  southerly  wind  that  brought  both  the  snow  and 
many  of  the  largest  trees  to  the  ground  together.  There  being  no  frost  in  the  ground, 
the  roots  of  the  trees  were  not  sufficiently  bound  in  the  earth  to  stand  under  the 
extraordinary  pressure  of  snow  and  wind.  Our  fire  was  buried  again  and  again  by 
the  snow  from  the  trees,  and  as  we  were  as  likely  to  be  killed  while  standing  up  as 
lying  down,  by  the  trees  that  crashed  and  shook  the  ground  around  us  all  night,  we 
lay  still  wrapped  in  our  blankets  amidst  the  danger,  and  providentially  escaped  unhurt. 
The  birch  had  attained  a  pretty  large  size  in  this  sheltered  spot,  under  the  lie  of  a 
hill,  which  I  called  Mount  Misery.  In  the  forest,  while  the  storm  rages  above,  it  is 
calm  at  the  foot  of  the  trees. 

October  \"jth. — We  were  still  storm-stayed,  and  could  only  view  the  wreck  of  the 
forest  close  to  us.  Our  situation  was  truly  miserable  ;  but  the  snow  was  fast  melting 
away.  I  felt  alarmed  at  the  winter  setting  in  thus  early,  for  the  consequences  ere 
we  could  reach  the  sea  coast. 

October  i8///. — The  snow  having  shrunk  a  foot  at  least,  we  left  our  wretched 
encampment,  and  after  a  most  laborious  walk  of  six  or  eight  miles  through  snow, 
thickets,  and  swollen  brooks,  and  passing  many  deer,  scraping  holes  in  the  snow 
with  their  hoofs  to  reach  the  lichens  underneath,  without  however  being  able  to  get 
within  shot  of  them,  we  not  only  reached  the  lake  to  the  westward,  but  to  our 
great  joy  also  discovered,  in  consequence  of  meeting  with  some  of  their  marten  traps, 
the  encampment  of  the  Indians  of  whom  we  had  been  told  by  the  mountaineer.  My 
dress,  once  gray,  now  bleached  white,  was  seen  by  some  of  the  Indians  as  we. 
emerged  from  a  spruce  thicket,  a  great  distance  off.  The  party  were  encamped  in 
one  large  wigwam,  or  kind  of  hut.  We  entered  with  little  ceremony,  my  Indian 
kissing  them  all— male  and  female.  None  of  them  could  speak  English,  and  only 
one  of  them  a  little  French.  A  deer  skin  was  spread  for  me  to  sit  on,  at  the 


Of  the  Red  Indians  and  other  tribes  151 

innermost  part  of  the  dwelling.  My  Indian  interpreted,  and  introduced  me  in  the 
same  particular  terms  as  before.  They  were  Mickmacks  and  natives  of  Newfound- 
land, and  expressed  themselves  glad  to  see  me  in  the  middle  of  their  country,  as 
the  first  white  man  that  had  ever  been  here.  The  Indian  amongst  his  fellows  is  a 
purely  self-dependent  being — an  innate  power  of  self-denial  raises  him  above  de- 
pendence upon  others,  and  keeps  him  beyond  their  interference  even  in  distressing 
wants,  which  yields  mental  triumph  and  glory.  Want  implies  inability  in  the  hunter. 
I  observed  these  people  bestow,  and  my  Indian  receive  attention,  with  seeming 
indifference.  He  smoked  the  pipe  given  to  him  with  the  same  composure  as  after 
a  feast,  although  starvation  and  unconcealable  hunger  were  depicted  in  his  countenance. 
Supper  was  soon  ready,  which  consisted  entirely  of  boiled  venison.  All  seated  around 
the  fire,  in  the  centre  of  the  wigwam,  partook  at  once— although,  enfeebled  by  want 
of  sustenance,  I  could  eat  only  a  few  mouthfulls.  The  jaws  would  not  perform 
their  office  without  great  pain  from  want  of  practice.  Fortunately  the  stomach 
sympathised,  for  it  could  bear  but  little.  They  told  us  that  we  might  reach  Saint 
George's  Bay  in  about  ten  days;  that  they  had  left  that  place  in  the  middle  of 
summer,  and  had  since  then  been  hunting  in  the  western  interior, — several  weeks 
latterly  having  been  spent  at  this  lake,  where  deer  were  plenty ;  and  that  they 
intended  in  a  few  weeks  hence,  before  the  lakes  and  rivers  were  frozen  over,  to 
repair  to  White  Bear  Bay,  to  spend  the  winter,  that  place  having  been  always 
celebrated  for  immense  herds  of  deer  passing  by  in  the  winter  season.  The  Indian 
idea  of  a  road  is  to  Europeans  little  else  than  a  probability  of  reaching  a  distant 
place  alive ;  and  I  foresaw,  from  their  report,  much  suffering  before  we  could  reach 
St  George's  Bay.  Here  were  three  families  amounting  to  thirteen  persons  in  number. 
The  men  and  boys  wore  surtouts  made  of  deer  skins,  the  hair  outside,  buttoned  and 
belted  round  them,  which  looked  neat  and  comfortable.  Their  caps  were  of  mixed 
fur ;  they  had  not  procured  much  fur  for  sale,  only  a  few  dozen  marten,  some  otter 
and  musk  rat  skins  ;  of  beaver  skins  they  had  very  few,  as  beavers  are  scarce  in 
the  western  interior,  it  beirf£  too  mountainous  for  woods,  except  on  the  sheltered 
borders  of  some  of  the  lakes.  In  the  woods  around  the  margin  of  this  lake  the 
Indians  had  lines  of  path  equal  to  eight  or  ten  miles  in  extent,  set  with  wooden 
traps,  or  dead  falls,  about  one  hundred  yards  apart,  baited  for  martens,  which  they 
visited  every  second  day.  They  had  two  skin  canoes  in  which  they  paddled  around 
the  lake  to  visit  their  traps  and  bring  home  their  game.  The  Red  Indian  country 
we  were  told  was  about  ten  or  fifteen  miles  northward  of  us,  but  that  at  this  time, 
as  the  mountaineer  had  likewise  informed  us,  these  people  were  all  farther  to  the 
northward,  at  the  Great  Lake,  where  they  were  accustomed  to  lay  up  their  winter 
stock  of  venison.  These  people  corroborated  previous  as  well  as  subsequent  inquiries, 
respecting  the  number  of  their  own,  and  of  the  other  communicating  tribes  in  the 
Island. 

PART  VI. 

Of  the  Red  Indians  and  the  other  tribes. 

All  the  Indians  in  the  Island,  exclusive  of  the  Red  Indians,  amount  to  nearly 
a  hundred  and  fifty,  dispersed  in  bands,  commonly  at  the  following  places  or 
districts  : — St  George's  Harbour  and  Great  Cod  Roy  River  on  the  west  coast  ; 
White  Bear  Bay,  and  the  Bay  of  Despair  on  the  south  coast ;  Clode  Sound  in 
Bonavista  Bay  on  the  east  ;  Gander  Bay  on  the  north  coast,  and  occasionally  at 
Bonne  Bay  and  the  Bay  of  Islands  on  the  north-west  coast.  They  are  composed  of 
Mickmacks,  joined  by  some  of  the  mountaineer  tribe  from  the  Labrador,  and  a  few 
of  the  Abenakies  from  Canada.  The  Esquimaux,  from  Labrador,  occasionally,  but 
seldom,  visit  the  Island.  There  are  twenty-seven  or  twenty-eight  families  altogether, 


152  Red  Indian  country 

averaging  five  to  each  family,  and  five  or  six  single  men.  They  all  follow  the  same 
mode  of  life — hunting  in  the  interior,  from  the  middle  of  summer  till  the  beginning 
of  winter  in  the  single  families,  or  in  two  or  three  families  together.  They  go  from 
lake  to  lake,  hunting  all  over  the  country,  around  one  before  they  proceed  to  the 
next.  They  paddle  along  the  borders,  and  the  men  proceed  on  foot  up  every  rivulet, 
brook,  and  rill,  beavers  being  their  primary  object  of  search,  otters,  martens,  musk 
rats,  and  every  living  thing  ;  secondly,  when  the  lakes  are  connected  by  rivers,  or 
when  the  portages  between  them  are  short,  they  proceed  in  or  carry  their  canoes 
with  them  ;  otherwise  they  leave  these,  and  build  others  on  arriving  at  their  destination. 
The  hunting  season,  which  is  the  months  of  September  and  October,  being  over, 
they  repair  to  the  sea  coast  with  their  furs,  and  barter  them  for  ammunition,  clothing, 
tea,  rum,  &c.,  and  then  most  of  them  retire  to  spend  the  winter  at  or  near  the  mouths 
of  the  large  rivers,  where  eels  are  to  be  procured  through  the  ice  by  spearing, 
endeavouring  at  the  same  time  to  gain  access  to  the  winter  paths  of  the  deer.  A 
great  division  of  the  interior  of  Newfoundland  is  exclusively  possessed  and  hunted 
over  by  Red  Indians,  and  is  considered  as  their  territory  by  the  others.  In  former 
times,  when  the  several  tribes  were  upon  an  equality  in  respect  of  weapons,  the 
Red  Indians  were  considered  invincible,  and  frequently  waged  war  upon  the  rest, 
until  the  latter  got  fire-arms  put  into  their  hands  by  Europeans.  The  Red  Indians 
are  even  feared  yet,  and  described  as  very  large  athletic  men.  They  occupy  the 
Great  or  Red  Indian  Lake,  and  many  other  lakes  in  the  northern  part  of  the  Island, 
as  well  as  the  great  River  Exploits.  Along  the  banks  of  this  river,  and  at  the 
Great  Lake,  they  are  said  to  have  extensive  fences  or  pounds,  by  which  they  ensnare 
deer,  and  thus  procure  regularly  in  every  fall  a  supply  of  venison  for  winter  provisions. 
Two  of  the  Indians  here  had  several  times  fallen  in  with  the  Red  Indians,  and  on 
one  occasion  obtained  possession  of  their  camp,  in  which  they  assert  they  found 
some  European  blankets  and  other  articles  of  clothing,  which  it  is  presumed  they 
must  have  pilfered.  They  also  stated  that  the  Red  Indians  use  the  same  kind  of 
skin  canoes  in  the  interior  as  they  themselves  .do,  and  that  they  paint  themselves 
all  over.  The  ancient  Britons  painted  their  bodies  blue  at  the  period  they  used 
canoes  of  a  similar  description  in  the  interior  of  the  Island.  The  tribes,  exclusive 
of  the  Red  Indians,  have  no  chief  in  Newfoundland,  but  there  are  several  individuals 
at  St  George's  Bay  to  whom  they  all  pay  a  deference.  The  Mickmacks,  although 
most  of  them  born  in  this  Island,  consider  Cape  Breton,  where  the  chiefs  reside,  as 
their  head-quarters.  Their  several  tribes  intermarry.  These  people  might  be  rendered 
useful  if  some  of  the  leaders  were  noticed  by  the  British  Government.  Had  this  been 
earlier  done  it  might  have  saved  that  tarnish  on  humanity,  the  butchery  of  the  interesting 
aborigines,  the  Red  Indians,  by  Englishmen.  The  communicating  tribes  consume  their 
share  of  British  manufactures,  and  mainly  contribute  to  the  support  of  the  fur  trade 
of  the  Island.  The  French  have  their  principal  confidence  and  affection.  The  most 
important  subject  to  the  Indians  at  present,  connected  with  His  Majesty's  Government, 
relates  to  beaver-hunting.  They  are  most  anxious  that  King  George,  as  they  call 
His  Majesty,  should  make  a  law  to  prevent  the  hunting  of  beavers  in  the  spring 
season.  They  acknowledge  the  practice  of  hunting  them  then,  and  also  that  the 
practice  will  soon  destroy  them  altogether,  as  the  animals  are  then  with  young.  But 
they  cannot  desist  of  their  own  accord,  being  by  nature  hunters.  They  state  that 
a  considerable  traffic  has  been  carried  on  in  venison  between  some  of  the  Indians  at 
White  Bear  Bay  and  the  French  at  the  Island  of  St  Peter's.  In  one  instance  a 
single  Indian  had  been  known  to  convey  over  forty  carcasses  at  once,  and  sell  them 
for  twenty  shillings  each.  The  capabilities  of  some  of  the  Indians  in  hunting  seem 
almost  incredible  to  those  who  have  not  seen  their  powers  tried.  Some  single 
Indians  will  run  down  a  stag  ;  when  the  stag  is  fat,  he  is  sometimes  worth  such  an 
arduous  pursuit,  and  it  is  then  only  he  is  liable  to  be  fatigued  to  exhaustion.  The 
hunter  will  commence  the  chase  early  in  the  day,  and  by  following  it  up  without 
intermission,  will  before  night  make  the  stag  his  prey  without  firing  a  shot.  The 


Of  the  Red  Indians  and  other  tribes 


153 


stag  at  first  easily  outstrips  his  pursuer,  but  after  a  run  of  four  or  five  miles  he  stops 
and  is  by  and  bye  overtaken  ;  again  he  sets  off,  and  again  he  is  overtaken  ;  again, 
and  again,  he  is  overtaken  ;  he  lies  down  fatigued  but  is  again  surprised  ;  thus  the 
chase  is  kept  up,  until  the  poor  stag,  in  despair  of  eluding  his  pursuer,  plunges  into 
a  pool  or  morass  to  escape,  Man  at  last  winning  the  day.  The  Indians  find  their 
way  through  the  forests  by  marks  with  which  they  are  familiar.  Thus  moss  grows 
on  the  north  not  on  the  south  side  of  the  trees ;  the  tops  and  branches  of  trees  have 
an  inclination  for  stretching  to  the  south-east  ;  wind-fallen  trees  point  to  the  northward, 
&c.  They  have  a  call  or  toll  for  every  kind  of  beast  and  bird  to  bring  them  within 
shot — for  the  deer  an  outward  snort,  to  imitate  the  stag ;  for  the  beaver  a  hiss,  &c.  ; 
for  the  otter  a  whistle,  &c.  They  are  Roman  Catholics,  but  their  religious  ceremonies, 
of  which  they  are  observant,  consist  of  a  combination  of  that  church  and  their  own 
primitive  ceremonies  blended  together,  to  suit  their  convenience  and  tastes.  The 
inmates  of  the  camp,  by  the  earliest  dawn  of  day,  all  joined  in  prayer  ;  and  nearly 
the  whole  of  a  Sunday,  on  which  it  happened  I  was  with  them,  they  spent  in  singing 
hymns.  They  had  in  their  possession  a  French  manuscript  of  sacred  music,  given 
to  them  they  said,  by  the  French  Roman  Catholic  clergyman  at  the  Island  of 
St  Peter's,  whom  they  consider  their  confessor,  and  endeavour  to  see  once  in  two 
years.  One  of  the  Mickmacks  of  this  party,  named  Paul,  boasted  of  maternal 
descent  from  a  French  Governor  of  Prince  Edward  Island. 

The  Indians  seldom  carry  salt  with  them  into  the  interior,  nor,  with  very  few 
exceptions,  do  they  require  it.  They  never  carry  spirits,  the  excessive  use  of  which, 
by  a  few  of  them,  when  at  the  coast,  enervates  and  renders  them  incapable  for  the 
time  of  undergoing  the  fatigue,  abstinence,  and  exposure  to  weather,  which  they 
afterwards  bear  to  a  surprising  degree,  as  a  duty,  without  any  immediate  ill  effects. 
The  Red  Indians  are,  of  course,  unacquainted  with  salt,  as  well  as  with  all  foreign 
luxuries  ;  when  their  food  is  altogether  animal  salt  is  not  desired,  nor  does  it  seem 
to  be  necessary.  Supper  is  the  chief  repast  with  the  hunter ;  in  the  evening  he 
enjoys  the  fruits  of  the  day's  chase,  and  recounts  in  his  turn  his  adventures.  Most 
of  the  Indians,  when  they  would  otherwise  be  in  the  prime  of  life,  have  broken 
constitutions  by  over-exertions,  casualties,  and  exposure  to  weather.  Their  perilous 
mode  of  life  also  leads  them  to  be  more  subject  to  some  kinds  of  bodily  infirmities 
than  men  in  more  dense  societies.  They  have  most  of  their  remedies  within  themselves. 
The  following  plants,  among  others,  are  used  medicinally  by  them — 


PLANTS 

PART  USED 

PREPARATION 

HOW  ADMINISTERED 

DISEASE 

Geum     nivale,     or 

Root 

Strong  decoction 

Drank,  a  gill   two   or 

Dysentery,    colds    and 

chocolate  root 

three  times  a  day  or 

coughs,      particularly 

oftener 

for  children 

Sarracenia    purpu- 

Root 

Strong  decoction 

A  table  or  teaspoonful 

Spitting  blood  andother 

rea,     or     Indian 

drank         frequently 

pulmonary  complaints 

cup 

during  the  day,  with 

abstinence  for  several 

days 

Havernaria  dilatata 

Root 

Expressed  juice 

Drank,  a  gill  at  a  time 

Gravel 

with  a  little  water 

Smilacrina  borealis 

Root 

Expressed  juice 

Drank,  a  gill  at  a  time 

Gravel 

Sorbus  Americana 

Bark 

Infusion 

Drank 

Cholic 

Nymphasa  odorata 

Root 

Expressed  juice 

Drank 

Coughs 

Ditto          Ditto 

Root 

Boiled 

Poultice 

Swellings 

Nuphar  advena 

Root 

Bruised  with  flour 

Swellings  and  bruises 

or  meal 

Mergantnes  trifolia 

Root 

Very    strong    de- 

Drank 

coction 

Salix  (vulgare) 

Root 

Scrape  into  spirits 

Poultice 

Bruises,     sprains     and 

broken  bones 

H, 


2O 


Indian  remedies 


PLANTS 

PART  USED 

PREPARATION 

HOW  ADMINISTERED 

DISEASES 

Kalmia  angustifolia 

Leaves 

Hot    water    with 

Drank 

Stomach  complaints 

very    weak    in- 

fusion —  poison, 

if  strong 

Pinus  balsamea,  P. 

Inner  bark 

Boiled 

Sores,  swellings  &c. 

strobus,     Young, 

and      P.     micro- 

carpa 

Cornus  stricta 

Bark 

Dried 

Mixed    with     tobacco 

for  smoking 

Taxus  Canadensis 

Leaves 

Very  strong  con- 

As a  green  dye 

centrated  decoc- 

tion 

Salix  (vulgare) 

Root 

As  a  black  dye 

Ditto          Ditto 

Leaves 

Bruised  with  hot 

Sprains  and  bruises 

water 

Vaccinium       hispi- 

Leaves    or 

Decoction 

As  a  tea 

dotum 

the  plant 

Ledum  latifolium 

Leaves 

Decoction 

As  a  tea 

Diuretic 

Pinus  microcarpa 

Boughs 

Decoction 

As  a  tea 

Diuretic 

Sorbus  Americana 

Bark 

Infusion 

As  a  tea 

The  lixivium  from  the  ashes  of  deers'  bones  is  drank  as  an  astringent.  The  yolk  of  eggs  and 
turpentine,  equal  parts,  or  vary  the  proportions  with  the  nature  of  the  sore,  applied  as  a  salve,  is 
said  to  have  effected  cures  in  desperate  cases  of  ulcers. 

October  2\st. — The  weather  having  been  mild  for  the  last  few  days,  much  of  the 
snow  had  dissolved,  it  lay  chiefly  on  banks.  The  Indians  put  us  across  the  lake,  and 
we  took  our  departure  for  the  westward,  refreshed  by  our  two  days'  stay  with  them. 
The  country  now  became  mountainous,  and  almost  destitute  of  wood,  deer  became  more 
numerous,  berries  were  very  plentiful,  and  mostly  in  high  perfection,  although  the 
snow  had  lately  covered  them.  Indeed  the  partridge  berries  were  improved,  and 
many  spots  were  literally  red  with  them. 

October  22nd. — On  our  march  to-day  we  discovered  a  black  bear  feeding  on  berries 
on  a  hill  about  a  mile  off,  and  stole  upon  him  unawares  by  a  circuitous  route  from 
the  leeward.  We  fired  a  shot  each  at  him,  both  of  which  had  effect ;  but  he  ran  a 
mile  before  he  fell.  He  was  very  fat,  weighing  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  pounds. 
The  fat  round  his  body  was  four  inches  in  some  parts.  We  rested  two  days  to 
feast  on  him,  leaving  the  remainder,  except  what  we  could  conveniently  carry,  with 
regret,  from  a  lively  apprehension  of  the  future  want  of  it.  Bear's  flesh  is  by  many 
of  the  Indians  esteemed  next  to  that  of  beaver's,  and  it  has  the  peculiar  quality  of 
not  clogging  the  stomach,  however  much  of  it  is  eaten.  My  Indian  apprised  me  of 
this  circumstance  before  hand,  and  availed  himself  of  the  fact,  for  on  the  night  of 
the  death  of  bruin,  after  we  had  both  began,  as  I  thought,  to  sleep,  about  two  o'clock, 
a.m.,  I  found  him  busy  roasting,  frying,  and  devouring  as  voraciously  as  if  he  had 
eaten  no  supper. 

October  2^th. — The  winter  had  now  fairly  set  in,  the  ponds  were  all  frozen  over, 
the  birds  of  passage  had  deserted  the  interior  of  the  sea  coast,  and  the  grouse  had 
got  on  their  white  winter  coats ;  many  hardships  now  await  the  traveller. 


General  features  of  the  country  H^est  155 

PART  VII. 

General  features  of  the   Western  interior,  etc. 

October  2Jth. — The  western  territory  is  entirely  primitive.  No  rocks  appear  but 
granitic.  The  only  soil  is  peat,  which  varies  in  quality  according  to  situation.  In 
the  valleys  some  patches  are  very  similar  to  the  savanna  peat  in  the  eastward,  but 
as  the  peat  ascends,  it  becomes  shallower  and  lighter  until  it  terminates  at  the 
summit  of  the  mountains  in  a  mere  matting ;  lichens  occupy  every  station,  on  the 
peat,  among  the  other  plants,  and  on  the  bare  rock.  The  Arbutus  alpina,  Potentilla 
tridentata,  Etnpetrum  nigrum,  and  the  lichens,  occupy  the  highest  resting  places  for 
vegetation  on  the  mountain  tops.  The  trees,  all  vegetating  upon  peat,  are  often 
forced  in  this  region  to  assume  new  features.  The  larch  in  particular  will  grow  in 
spite  of  the  nipping  blasts,  and  where  it  is  not  permitted  to  rise  erect  on  the  mountain 
top  as  it  does  on  the  lower  stations,  it  creeps  along  the  ground  to  leeward,  where 
neither  the  birch  nor  spruce  can  exist.  It  is  thus  sometimes  only  a  few  inches  in 
height,  and  many  feet  in  length.  The  spruce  fir-thickets  are  often  only  a  few  feet  in 
height,  the  trees  hooked  and  entangled  together  in  such  a  manner  as  to  render  it 
practicable  to  walk  upon,  but  impossible  to  walk  through  them.  In  an  extensive  flat, 
barren  track,  that  lay  on  our  left,  there  are  a  number  of  small  conical-shaped  granite 
hills,  clad  with  sombre  spruce,  which  resemble  islands  in  an  ocean  of  meagre  vegetation. 
Yet  there  are  here  the  remains  of  extensive  forests,  destroyed  by  fire,  where  now 
there  is  not  a  tree  within  many  miles.  Neither  reptile  nor  serpent  of  any  kind  had 
yet  fallen  under  our  notice,  nor  had  the  Indians  ever  seen  or  heard  of  any  noxious 
animal  being  in  the  island.  It  may  therefore  be  concluded  that  there  are  none  of 
this  class,  common  on  the  neighbouring  islands  and  continent,  here. 

Were  the  agriculturalists  of  the  coast  to  come  here,  they  would  see  herds  of 
cattle,  fat  on  natural  produce  of  the  country,  sufficient  for  the  supply  of  provision  to 
the  fisheries,  and  the  same  animal  fit,  with  a  little  training,  to  draw  sledges  at  the 
rate  of  twenty  miles  an  hour.  Nature  has  liberally  stocked  Newfoundland  with 
herds,  finer  than  which  Norway  and  Lapland  cannot  boast.  Some  of  the  reindeer 
here  attain  the  size  of  six  or  seven  hundred  pounds  weight,  and  even  upwards. 
These  natural  herds  are  the  best  adapted  for  this  climate  and  pasture ;  and  it  is 
evident  on  witnessing  their  numbers,  that  all  that  is  required  to  render  the  interior, 
now  in  waste,  at  once  a  well-stocked  grazing  country,  could  be  done  through  the 
means  of  employing  qualified  herdsmen,  who  would  make  themselves  familiar  with, 
and  accompany  these  herds  from  pasture  to  pasture,  as  is  done  in  Norway  and 
Lapland  with  the  reindeer  there,  and  in  Spain  with  the  sheep.  When  taken  young 
these  deer  become  very  domestic  and  tractable.  Were  the  intelligent  resident  inhabitants 
of  the  coast,  who  have  an  interest  in  advancing  the  country  internally,  to  adopt  a 
plan  for  effecting  this  object,  under  their  own  vigilance,  benefits  and  comforts  now 
unthought  of  could  be  realized.  Norwegians  or  Lapland  Finns  could  be  easily 
introduced  into  the  interior,  if  the  Indians  were  unwilling  or  unfit. 

We  met  many  thousands  of  the  deer,  all  hastening  to  the  eastward,  on  their 
periodical  migration.  They  had  been  dispersed  since  the  spring,  on  the  mountains 
and  barren  tracts,  in  the  west  and  north-west  division  of  the  interior,  to  bring  forth 
and  rear  their  young  amidst  the  profusion  of  lichens  and  mountain  herbage,  and 
where  they  were,  comparatively  with  the  low  lands,  free  from  the  persecution  of  flies. 
When  the  first  frosts,  as  now  in  October,  nip  vegetation,  the  deer  immediately  turn 
towards  the  south  and  east,  and  the  first  fall  of  snow  quickens  their  pace  in  those 
directions,  as  we  now  met  them,  towards  the  low  grounds  where  browse  is  to  be 
got  and  the  snow  not  so  deep  over  the  lichens.  In  travelling  herd  follow  herd  in 
rapid  succession  over  the  whole  surface  of  the  country,  all  bending  their  course  the 
same  way  in  parallel  lines.  The  herds  consist  of  from  twenty  to  two  hundred  each, 
connected  by  stragglers  or  piquets,  the  animals  following  each  other  in  single  files,  a 


156  The  Western  interior 

lew  yards  or  feet  apart,  as  their  paths  show  ;  were  they  to  be  in  close  bodies,  they 
could  not  graze  freely.  They  continue  to  travel  south-eastward  until  February  or 
March,  by  which  time  the  returning  sun  has  power  to  soften  the  snow  and  permit 
of  their  scraping  it  off  to  obtain  lichens  underneath.  They  then  turn  round  towards  the 
west,  and  in  April  are  again  on  the  rocky  barrens  and  mountains  where  their  favourite 
mossy  food  abounds  the  most,  and  where 'in  June  they  bring  forth  their  young.  In 
October  the  frosty  warning  to  travel  returns.  They  generally  follow  the  same  routes 
year  after  year,  but  these  sometimes  vary,  owing  to  irregularities  in  the  seasons  and 
interruptions  by  the  Indians.  Such  are,  in  a  general  view,  the  courses  and  causes 
of  the  migrations  of  the  deer,  and  these  seem  to  be  the  chief  design  of  animated 
nature  in  this  portion  of  the  earth.  Lakes  and  mountains  intervening,  cause  the 
lines  of  the  migration  paths  to  deviate  from  the  parallel ;  and  at  the  necks  of  land 
that  separate  large  lakes,  at  the  extremity  of  lakes,  and  at  the  straits  and  running 
waters  which  unite  lakes,  the  deer  unavoidably  concentrate  in  travelling.  At  those 
passes  the  Indians  encamp  in  parties,  and  stay  for  considerable  intervals  of  time, 
because  they  can  there  procure  the  deer  with  comparatively  little  trouble. 

After  the  first  great  fall  of  snow,  although  the  acclivities  had  been  for  a  few 
days  laid  bare  by  the  mild  weather,  the  summits  of  the  mountains  remained  covered, 
and  the  snow  lay  in  banks  in  the  valleys.  Light  snow-showers  afterwards  occasionally 
fell,  spreading  the  veil,  and  thickening  the  white  mantle  of  winter  in  every  direction. 
We  suffered  much  at  night  from  the  inclemency  of  the  weather.  The  trees  were 
here  generally  so  stunted  and  scanty,  that  we  could  hardly  collect  enough  of  brushwood 
and  roots  to  keep  a  very  small  fire  alive,  and  then  we  were  unavoidably  exposed. 
At  one  time,  for  three  nights  in  succession,  we  could  not  find  a  dry  spot  of  ground 
to  lie  upon.  In  such  situations  the  want  of  sleep  attended  the  want  of  shelter ; 
and  it  was  a  contest  between  frost  and  fire  which  should  have  the  supremacy  over 
our  bodies.  Although  we  could  shoot  deer  at  intervals  every  day,  no  supply  of 
food  was  adequate  to  support  the  system  under  the  exhaustion  and  load  of  painful 
fatigue  which  we  had  to  undergo.  For  my  part  I  could  measure  my  strength — that 
it  would  not  obey  the  will  and  drag  along  the  frame  beyond  two  weeks  more.  Still 
it  was  cheering  to  hope  that  that  space  of  time  would  carry  us  to  the  west  coast. 
Ever  since  we  left  the  last  party  of  Indians,  my  Indian  disputed  with  me  about  the 
course  we  should  pursue,  he  obstinately  insisting  upon  going  to  the  southward.  Perhaps 
he  had  a  secret  desire  not  to  pass  too  near  the  Red  Indian  country,  or  he  may 
have  heard  that  some  of  his  tribe  were  encamped  in  the  direction  he  was  inclined 
to  go.  As  a  separation  might  have  led  to  serious  consequences,  I  submitted  from 
necessity. 

October  2"^th. — The  small  lakes  were  sufficiently  frozen  over  for  us  to  walk  upon 
them.  As  we  advanced  westward  the  aspect  of  the  country  became  more  dreary, 
and  the  primitive  features  more  boldly  marked.  Pointed  mountains  of  coarse  red 
granite,  standing  apart,  lay  in  all  directions  northerly  and  southerly  of  each  other. 
Most  of  them  are  partially  shrouded  with  firs,  bald,  and  capped  with  snow.  As  we 
neared  the  south  end  of  an  extensive  lake  in  order  to  get  round  it,  we  observed  a 
low  islet  near  the  middle  entirely  covered  with  a  large  species  of  gull.  Those  birds 
seemed  as  if  they  had  congregated  to  take  flight  before  the  lake  was  frozen  over. 
I  named  this  lake  in  honour  of  a  friend  at  the  bar  in  Edinburgh,  "Wilson's  lake." 
At  the  extreme  south  end  we  had  to  ford  a  rapid  river  of  considerable  size,  running 
to  the  southward,  which,  from  its  position,  we  inferred  was  "  Little  River,"  and  which 
discharges  at  the  south  coast. 

• 

October  2gth. — Drawing  near  to  a  mountain-ridge,  higher  than  any  we  had  yet 
crossed,  and  which  from  appearance  we  supposed  might  be  the  last  between  us  and 
the  sea  coast,  we  had  great  satisfaction  in  discovering  smoke  rising  from  a  wood  on 
the  opposite  side  of  a  lake  near  the  foot  of  it.  We  indulged  in  the  hope  that  some 
timber  party  from  the  settlements  at  St  George's  Bay  was  encamped  here.  Our 


The  Western  interior  157 

toils  were  in  fancy  ended.  On  reaching  the  lake,  the  party  encamped  seemed  to 
distrust  us,  not  venturing  to  show  themselves  openly  on  the  shore.  After  a  time, 
however,  they  were  convinced  by  our  appearance,  gestures,  and  the  report  of  our 
guns,  that  we  were  not  Red  Indians  nor  enemies.  A  canoe  was  then  launched  and 
came  across  to  us.  The  canoe  was  of  the  kind  already  described,  of  wicker-work, 
covered  with  skins,  and  paddled  by  two  pretty  Indian  girls.  I  unceremoniously  saluted 
them  in  the  Indian  manner  and  we  accompanied  them  to  their  camp.  They  were 
of  a  party  of  Mickmack  Indians,  encamped  at  this  lake  because  deer  and  firewood 
were  plentiful.  One  man  only  belonged  to  this  encampment,  and  he  was  out  hunting 
when  we  arrived.  None  of  the  party  understood  a  word  of  English  ;  my  Indian 
however  explained.  They  told  us,  to  our  no  little  mortification,  that  we  were  yet 
sixty  miles  from  St  George's  Harbour,  or  about  five  days  walk  if  the  weather  should 
happen  to  be  favourable,  and  that  it  lay  in  a  north-west  direction.  The  last  information 
proved  that  my  Indian  had  of  late  pertinaciously  insisted  on  a  wrong  course.  This 
small  party  consisted  of  eight  individuals—  one  man,  four  women,  and  three  children  ; 
one  an  infant,  was  strapped  or  laced  to  its  cradle,  and  placed  upright  against  the 
side  of  a  wigwam,  as  any  piece  of  domestic  furniture  might  be.  They  had  left 
St  George's  Harbour  three  months  before  ;  since  then,  had  been  in  the  interior,  and 
intended  to  spend  the  winter  at  Great  Cod  Roy  River  in  St  George's  Bay.  As 
every  hour  was  precious  towards  the  final  accomplishment  of  my  object,  I  proposed 
to  my  Indian  host  to  accompany  me  to  St  George's  Bay  ;  my  offer  was  agreed  to, 
and  a  stipulation  made  to  set  off  in  two  hours.  In  the  absence  of  this  Indian,  who 
told  me  his  name  was  Gabriel,  his  family  —  consisting,  as  already  observed,  of  females 
and  children  —  were  to  provide  for  themselves.  For  this  purpose  two  guns  and 
ammunition  were  left  with  them.  One  of  the  young  women  was  a  capital  shot  ; 
during  our  halt  with  them  she  left  the  camp  and  shot  a  fat  deer  close  by.  Having 
partaken  of  the  best  piece  of  venison  the  interior  could  produce,  together  with 
smoked  deers'  tongues,  we  set  off.  Owing  to  our  enfeebled  condition,  this  man's 
vigour  and  strength  were  enviable. 


October  ydtli.  —  Rain,  snow,  and  wind,  in  the  early  part  of  the  day  compelled  us 
to  stop  and  encamp.  We  shot  a  hare,  the  first  we  had  killed  ;  it  was  white,  except 
the  tips  of  the  ears  and  tip  of  the  tail,  which  always  remain  black.  The  hare  of 
Newfoundland  is  the  Arctic  hare,  Lepus  arcticus.  It  sometimes  weighs  fourteen  pounds 
and  upwards.  There  is  no  other  kind  in  the  Island.  The  grouse,  during  severe  snow 
storms  at  night,  allow  the  snow  to  drift  over  them,  and  thus  covered,  obtain  shelter. 
While  in  this  situation  a  silver  thaw  sometimes  comes  on,  and  the  incrustation  on 
the  surface  becomes  too  thick  for  them  to  break  through  in  the  morning,  and  immense 
numbers  of  them  perish  by  being  in  that  manner  enclosed.  When  we  were  crossing 
a  lake  on  the  ice  my  Indian  fell  through  and  with  great  exertion  saved  himself. 
While  he  was  struggling  my  new  friend  Gabriel  stood  still  and  laughed  ;  Joe  did 
not  look  for  assistance,  nor  did  the  other  evince  the  least  disposition  to  render  any, 
although  he  was,  compared  with  my  position  on  the  lake,  near  to  him.  Upon  my 
remonstrating  with  Gabriel  about  his  manifesting  a  want  of  feeling  towards  Joe, 
when  perishing,  Joe  himself  replied  to  me,  "  Master,  it  is  all  right  ;  Indian  rather  die 
than  live  owing  his  life  to  another."  The  other  had  acted  in  sympathy  with  the 
self-dependent  sentiment. 

October  ^\st.  —  We  travelled  over  hills  and  across  lakes  about  twenty  miles,  fording 
in  that  space  two  rivers  running  north-easterly,  and  which  are  the  main  source  branches 
of  the  river  Exploits.  This  large  river  has  therefore  a  course  of  upwards  of  two 
hundred  miles  in  one  direction,  taking  its  rise  in  the  south-west  angle  of  the  Island, 
and  discharging  at  the  north-east  part.  The  Indians  are  all  excellent  shots,  and 
the  two  men  now  with  me  displayed  admirable  skill  in  killing  the  deer  at  great 
distances  and  at  full  speed,  with  single  ball.  Nearly  a  foot  of  snow  had  recently 
fallen,  which  cast  a  monotonous  sublimity  over  the  whole  country,  and  in  a  great 
measure  concealed  the  characteristics  of  the  vegetable  as  well  as  the  mineral  kingdoms 


158  The  West  coast 

We  encamped  at  night  at  the  southern  extremity  of  what  is  said  by  my  Indians  to 
be  the  most  southern  lake  of  the  interior  frequented  by  the  Red  Indians,  and  through 
which  was  the  main  source  branch  of  the  River  Exploits.  At  the  same  lake,  the 
Micmacs  and  the  Indians  friendly  with  them  commence  and  terminate  their  water 
excursions  from  and  to  the  west  coast.  They  here  construct  their  first  skin  canoes 
upon  entering  the  interior,  or  leave  their  old  ones  upon  setting  off  on  foot  for  the 
sea  coast.  The  distance  to  St  George's  Harbour  is  twenty-five  miles  or  upwards,  which 
part  of  the  journey  must  be  performed  on  foot,  because  no  waters  of  any  magnitude 
intervene.  I  named  the  lake  in  honour  of  His  Majesty  George  the  IV. 

November  ist. — For  nearly  twenty  miles  to  the  westward  of  George  the  Fourth's 
lake,  the  country  is  very  bare,  there  being  scarcely  a  thicket  of  wood.  During  this 
day  we  forded  two  rapid  rivulets  running  south-west  to  St  George's  Bay.  Deer  had 
hitherto  passed  us  in  innumerable  straggling  herds.  But  westward  of  George  the 
Fourth's  lake,  and  particularly  as  we  neared  the  coast,  very  few  were  to  be  seen. 
While  ascending  a  mountain,  I  felt  myself  suddenly  overcome  with  a  kind  of 
delirium,  arising  I  supposed  from  exhaustion  and  excessive  exertion,  but  fancied 
myself  stronger  than  ever  I  was  in  my  life.  It  is  probable,  under  that  influence, 
that  if  the  Indian  who  last  joined  had  not  been  present,  I  would  have  had  a  rencontre 
with  my  other  Indian. 

PART  VIII. 

The    West  Coast. 

In  the  evening  (ist  November)  about  eighteen  miles  west  of  George  the  Fourth's 
lake,  from  the  summit  of  a  snowy  ridge  which  defines  the  west  coast,  we  were 
rejoiced  to  get  a  view  of  the  expansive  ocean  and  St  George's  Harbour.  Had  this 
prospect  burst  upon  us  in  the  same  manner  a  month  earlier,  it  would  have  created 
in  my  mind  a  thousand  pleasures,  the  impression  of  which  I  was  now  too  callous  to 
receive ;  all  was  now  however  accomplished,  and  I  hailed  the  glance  of  the  sea  as 
home,  and  as  the  parent  of  everything  dear.  There  was  scarcely  any  snow  to  be 
seen  within  several  miles  of  the  sea  coast,  while  the  mountain  range  upon  which  we 
stood,  and  the  interior  in  the  rear,  were  covered.  This  range  may  be  about  two 
thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  the  snow-capped  mountains  in  the 
north-east  are  higher.  The  descent  was  now  very  precipitous  and  craggy.  A  rapid 
river  called  Flat  Bay  River,  across  which  we  were  to  ford,  or  if  swollen,  to  pass 
over  upon  a  raft,  flowed  at  the  foot  of  the  ridge.  It  threatened  rain,  and  sun  was 
setting ;  but  the  sight  of  the  sea  urged  us  onward.  By  sliding  down  rill  courses,  and 
traversing  the  steeps,  we  found  ourselves  with  whole  bones,  but  many  bruises,  at 
the  bottom,  by  one  o'clock  on  the  following  morning.  We  then,  by  means  of  carrying  a 
large  stone  each  on  our  backs  in  order  to  press  our  feet  against  the  bottom,  and 
steadying  ourselves  by  placing  one  end  of  a  pole,  as  with  a  staff  or  walking-stick, 
firmly  upon  the  bottom  on  the  lawn  or  lee  side,  to  prevent  the  current  from  sweeping  us 
away,  step  after  step,  succeeded  in  fording  the  river,  and  encamped  by  a  good  fire, 
but  supperless,  in  the  forest  on  the  banks  of  the  river. 

November  2nd. — Upon  the  immediate  banks  of  Flat  Bay  River,  there  is  some 
good  birch,  pine,  and  spruce  timber.  The  soil  and  shelter  are  even  so  good  here 
that  the  ground  spruce  (Taxus  Canadensis)1  bearing  its  red  berries,  constitutes  the 
chief  underwood,  as  in  the  forests  of  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia.  In  the  afternoon 
we  reached  St  George's  Harbour.  The  first  houses  we  reached,  two  in  number,  close 
to  the  shore,  belonged  to  Indians.  They  were  nailed  up,  the  owners  not  having 
yet  returned  from  the  interior  after  their  fall's  hunting.  The  houses  of  the  European 
residents  lay  on  the  west  side  of  the  harbour,  which  is  here  about  a  mile  wide,  and 
near  the  entrance ;  but  a  westerly  gale  of  wind  prevented  any  intercourse  across. 

1  Ground  hemlock. 


The  West  coast  •  159 

Having  had  no  food  for  nearly  two  days,  we  ventured  to  break  open  the  door  of  one 
of  the  houses, — the  captain  or  chiefs  as  we  understood  from  my  last  Indian,  and 
found  what  we  wanted — provisions  and  cooking  utensils.  The  winter  stock  of  provisions 
of  this  provident  man  named  Emanuel  Gontgont,  the  whole  having  been  provided  at 
the  proper  seasons,  consisted  of  six  barrels  of  pickled  fish,  of  different  kinds, 
viz.  :  young  halibuts  and  eels,  besides  dried  cod  fish,  seal  oil  in  bladders,  and  two 
barrels  of  maize  or  Indian  corn  flour. 

November  yd. — We  were  still  storm-stayed  in  the  Indian  house,  in  the  midst  of 
plenty.  It  seemed  remarkable  that  the  provisions  were  entirely  free  from  the 
ravages  of  rats  and  other  vermin,  although  left  without  any  precaution  to  guard 
against  such.  There  was  a  potato  and  turnip  field  close  to  the  house,  with  the  crops 
still  in  the  ground,  of  which  we  availed  ourselves,  although  now  partly  injured  by 
frost. 

November  ^th. — A  party  of  Indians  arrived  from  the  interior,  male  and  female, 
each  carrying  a  load  of  furs.  Our  landlord  was  amongst  them.  Instead  of  appearing 
to  notice  with  displeasure  his  door  broken  open  and  house  occupied  by  strangers, 
he  merely  said,  upon  looking  round  and  my  offering  an  explanation,  "  Suppose  me 
here,  you  take  all  these  things." 

We  crossed  the  harbour,  and  were  received  by  the  residents — Jersey  and  English, 
and  their  descendants — with  open  arms.  All  European  and  other  vessels  had  left 
this  coast  a  month  before,  so  that  there  was  no  chan.ce  of  my  obtaining  a  passage 
to  St  John's,  or  to  another  country.  There  were  too  many  risks  attending  the 
sending  to  sea  any  of  the  vessels  here  at  this  season,  although  I  offered  a  considerable 
sum  to  the  owners  of  any  of  them  that  would  convey  me  to  Fortune  Bay  on  the 
south  coast,  from  whence  I  might  obtain  a  passage  to  Europe  by  some  of  the  ships 
that  had  probably  not  yet  sailed  from  the  mercantile  establishments  there. 

After  a  few  days  I  parted  with  my  Indians — the  one,  who  had  with  painful 
constancy  accompanied  me  across  the  Island,  joining  his  countrymen  here  to  spend 
the  winter  with  them,  and  return  to  his  friends  at  the  Bay  of  Despair  in  the  following 
spring ;  the  other,  having  renewed  his  stock  of  ammunition  and  other  outfits,  returned  to 
his  family  which  we  had  left  in  the  interior.  Having  now  crossed  the  Island,  I  cannot 
help  thinking  that  my  success  was  in  part  owing  to  the  smallness  of  my  party.  Many 
together  could  not  so  easily  have  sustained  themselves  ;  they  would  have  multiplied 
the  chances  of  casualties,  and  thereby  of  the  requisition  of  the  attendance,  and 
detention  of  the  able.  It  is  difficult  to  give  an  idea  of,  or  to  form  an  estimate  equivalent 
to,  the  road-distance  gone  over.  The  toil  and  deprivations  were  such  that  hired  men, 
or  followers  of  any  class,  would  not  have  endured  them.  At  St  George's  Bay,  as  at 
all  other  parts  of  Newfoundland  except  the  towns,  the  country  is  nearly  as  destitute 
of  paths  and  roads  as  at  the  time  of  the  discovery  of  the  Island;  the  intercourse  between 
the  settlements,  being  by  water,  during  bad  weather  is  entirely  suspended.  I  remained 
at  St  George's  Bay  Harbour  under  the  hospitable  roof  of  Mr  Philip  Messervey,  the 
principal  inhabitant,  to  rest  and  recover  from  the  fatigues  and  deprivations  of  my 
journey,  and  from  a  hurt  received  while  descending  the  mountains  to  the  coast.  At 
St  George's  Harbour  there  are  about  twenty  families,  amounting  to  one  hundred 
souls,  most  of  the  parents  natives  of  England  and  Jersey.  Their  chief  occupation 
is  salmon  fishing  and  furring ;  a  little  cod  fish  is  also  cured.  They  catch  annually 
three  or  four  hundred  barrels  of  salmon,  according  to  the  success  of  the  fishery, 
and  procure  fur,  including  what  is  obtained  from  the  Indians  by  barter,  to  the  value 
of  nearly  four  hundred  pounds.  They  possess  four  schooners,  three  of  them  being 
built  by  themselves  and  one  by  the  Indians,  in  which  most  of  the  male  inhabitants 
make  one  voyage  annually,  either  to  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia,  or  to  St  John's, 
Newfoundland,  to  dispose  of  their  fish  and  fur.  Some  of  them  barter  their  produce 
with  trading  vessels  from  Canada  and  New  Brunswick,  or  with  the  vessels  of  any 
other  country  that  may  come  to  the  coast,  receiving  provisions  and  West  Indian 


160  The  West  coast,  or  so-called  French  shore 

produce.  They  all  cultivate  potatoes,  and  some  keep  a  few  cows.  The  harbour  is 
six  or  seven  miles  in  length.  On  the  east  side  the  soil  is  good  ;  red,  white,  and 
blue  clays  are  found  here.  Along  the  banks  of  the  several  rivers  which  flow  into 
the  harbour,  are  strips  of  good  land  ;  some  good  pine  spars  and  birch  timber  fit  for 
shipbuilding  are  also  to  be  found  there.  The  young  black  birch1,  as  far  as  my 
observation  went,  is  called  here  the  "  witch  hazel."  St  George's  Harbour,  although 
barred,  may  be  entered  by  vessels  of  any  burthen.  There  is  no  other  ship  harbour 
between  Cape  Ray  and  Port  au  Port ;  but  there  is  good  anchorage  in  the  roadstead 
between  Cod  Roy  Island  and  the  main  Island  near  Cape  Anguille.  None  of  the 
other  harbours  can  be  entered  even  by  small  craft  when  the  wind  blows  strong 
westwardly.  The  trade  and  pursuits  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  other  parts  of 
St  George's  Bay,  and,  it  may  be  observed,  of  all  the  other  parts  of  the  French  Shore, 
are  very  similar  to  those  of  the  other  parts  of  St  George's  Harbour.  To  the  southward, 
at  what  is  called  here  the  Barasways,  are  seven  or  eight  families,  amounting  to  nearly 
sixty  souls,  who  catch  annually  from  150  to  200  barrels  of  salmon,  and  obtain  fur  to 
the  value  of  one  hundred  pounds.  They  have  one  schooner  which  carries  most  of 
their  produce  to  St  John's,  Newfoundland,  or  to  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia  ;  they  bartering  a 
part  with  trading  vessels  at  Cod  Roy.  At  the  Great  and  Little  Cod  Roy  rivers, 
towards  the  southern  extremity  of  St  George's  Bay,  there  are  twelve  or  fourteen 
families,  amounting  to  seventy  or  eighty  souls,  who  catch  annually  four  or  five  cwts. 
of  cod  fish,  about  fifty  barrels  of  salmon,  and  obtain  a  little  fur.  The  salmon  fishery 
of  St  George's  Bay,  under  which  head  are  included,  with  few  exceptions,  all  the  able 
men,  are  in  summer  divided. into  about  thirty  fishing  crews  of  two  or  three  men 
each,  with  boats  and  nets,  and  occupy  the  salmon  fishery  at  the  shores  and  rivers 
all  over  the  bay.  At  the  Bay  of  Islands,  north  of  St  George's  Bay,  there  are  six — 
and  at  Bonne  Bay,  still  further  north,  there  are  several  families  ;  north  of  that,  on 
the  west  coast,  there  are  no  inhabitants.  At  the  north-east  part  of  the  French 
Shore,  between  Quirpon  Island  and  Cape  John,  there  are  a  few  stray  settlers,  whose 
value  cannot  be  reckoned  upon,  further  than  that  their  occupations  are  in  aid  of 
the  French  fisheries.  Taking  an  aggregate  view  of  the  French  Shore,  there  are 
resident  upon  it  upwards  of  fifty  British  families,  consisting  of  about  three  hundred 
souls,  who  catch  annually  nearly  seven  hundred  barrels  of  salmon  ;  fur,  to  the  value 
of  six  hundred  pounds ;  cod  fish  and  herrings,  four  hundred  pounds  ;  making,  together 
with  the  shipping  built,  the  total  value  of  the  exports  of  the  British  residents  on 
the  French  Shore,  ^2400  or  £2500.  The  usual  mode  of  paying  servants  on  the 
west  coast  is,  allowing  them  one-third  of  the  fruits  of  their  industry,  salmon,  fur,  or 
otherwise,  the  employer  providing  diet.  The  principle  is  well  worthy  of  imitation 
on  the  east  coast.  St  George's  Harbour,  locally  called  Flat  Bay,  as  well  as  the 
estuaries  of  all  the  rivers  on  the  west  coast,  is  famous  for  abundance  of  eels.  The 
Indians  take  them  in  great  quantities  by  spearing  in  the  mud,  and  pickle  them  for 
winter  use.  If  there  was  a  market,  they  might  be,  as  indeed  they  have  been  to  a 
limited  extent,  exported.  The  French  Shore  of  Newfoundland  is  one  of  the  most 
valuable  in  the  globe  for  fisheries.  At  this  day  it  is  nearly  in  a,  primitive  state, 
although  in  summer  occupied  by  hundreds  of  French  ships,  which  send  forth  their 
thousands  of  batteaux  and  men  brought  from  France,  all  eager  in  the  pursuit  of 
the  cod  fishery.  Mackerel  might  be  taken  at  St  George's  Bay  in  any  quantity  in 
the  fall  of  the  year  only,  but  none  are  caught  now. 

This  fishery,  were  it  pursued,  would  succeed  that  of  the  salmon  in  the  order  of 
season,  and  the  process  of  curing  is  similar.  Herrings  might  likewise  be  caught  to 
supply  and  suit  any  demand  and  market,  as  they  are  of  all  sizes.  Whale  and  seal 
also  abound  in  their  respective  seasons,  but  none  are  killed.  The  British  residents 
on  the  French  Shore  feel  very  insecure  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  Salmon  fishery 
and  in  any  extension  of  their  property,  by  reason  of  the  peculiar  tenure  in  regard  to 
the  French.  A  satisfactory  solution  of  the  mystery  as  to  their  rights  has  not  yet 

1  Yellow  birch. 


The  West  coast,  or  so-called  French  shore  161 

been  communicated  to  them,  although  they  have  made  repeated  applications  at 
head  quarters  at  St  John's.  But  the  French  are  at  present  friendly  disposed  to  them, 
although  their  rights  are  treated  as  a  mere  sufferance.  There  is  here  neither  clergyman, 
school-master,  church  nor  chapel.  Yet  during  my  short  stay,  there  was  one  wedding 
(an  Indian  couple,  Roman  Catholics,  married  by  a  Protestant  resident,  reading  the 
Church  of  England  service  from  a  French  translation)  and  four  christenings,  celebrated 
by  the  same  person,  with  feasts  and  rejoicings  suitable  to  such  events. 

November  i6tk. — Being  now  much  recovered  by  the  various  attentions  at 
St  George's  Harbour,  during  my  stay  of  ten  days,  I  set  out  on  foot  to  the  southward 
along  the  sea  shore,  accompanied  by  two  of  the  young  Jersey  residents,  in  hopes, 
by  walking  and  boating,  to  reach  Fortune  Bay,  a  distance  of  upwards  of  two  hundred 
miles,  before  all  the  vessels  for  the  season  had  sailed  for  Europe.  We  slept,  as 
intended,  in  a  deserted  salmon  fisher's  hut  on  the  shore,  being  unable  to  reach  any 
habitation. 

November  \jth. — We  forded  the  mouths  of  several  minor  streams,  and  that  of 
the  north  of  third  Barasway  river,  it  having  no  harbour  at  its  estuary.  In  the 
evening  reached  the  second  Barasway  river,  a  distance  of  twenty-four  miles  from 
St  George's  Harbour,  and  where  reside  the  nearest  inhabitants.  Our  walk  all  the  way 
was  on  a  sandy  rocky  beach  at  the  bottom  of  cliffs  washed  by  the  sea.  The  cliffs 
are  formed  chiefly  of  red  sand-stone,  red  ochre,  blue  clay,  and  gypsum,  sixty  or 
seventy  feet  and  upwards  in  height,  with  a  deep  bed  of  red  alluvial  earth  everywhere 
superimposed.  The  gypsum  is  of  the  compact  kind,  with  hard  nodules  throughout  ; 
the  beds  extend  into  the  sea,  in  which  stand  water-worn  projections,  sometimes  of 
grotesque  forms.  A  few  miles  north  of  the  Barasway  river  there  is  a  vertical  stratum 
of  a  dark  green-coloured  rock  resembling  verde  antique,  running  through  the  gypsum 
deposit,  owing  to  the  great  hardness  and  durability  of  which  its  entering  resembles 
a  wall  running  into  the  sea.  Gypsum  also  abounds  inland,  at  the  Rattling  Brook, 
Flat  Bay  River,  &c. 

In  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  Barasway  rivers,  as  well  as  elsewhere  in 
St  George's  Bay,  there  are  both  sulphurous  and  saline  springs.  One  of  the  former, 
strongly  saturated,  occurs  near  the  sea  shore  about  a  mile  north  of  the  second 
Barasway  river ;  another  is  said  to  exist  about  seven  miles  from  the  sea  up  the 
Rattling  Brook,  which  runs  into  the  sea,  a  short  distance  north  of  the  second 
Barasway  river.  Of  the  saline  springs,  one  is  situated  about  two  miles  up  the 
second  Barasway,  another  up  the  Rattling  Brook,  and  a  third  is  said  to  be  on  the 
neck  of  land  at  Port  au  Port,  westward  of  Fall  Mount.  Coal  of  excellent  quality 
lies  exposed  in  strata  in  the  bed  and  banks  of  a  rivulet  between  the  first  and  second 
Barasway  rivers,  about  seven  and  nine  miles  from  its  mouth.  The  harbour  at  the 
mouth  of  the  second  Barasway  river,  as  well  as  that  of  the  first,  is  barred,  having 
only  eight  or  nine  feet  of  water  on  the  bars  at  high  tides.  The  vicinity  of  the 
Barasway  rivers,  as  of  all  the  river  courses  in  Newfoundland,  is  an  interesting  and 
untrodden  field  for  the  geologist,  and  for  the  naturalist  generally.  The  inhabitants 
at  the  Barasway  rivers  were  now  in  their  winter  houses  under  the  shelter  of  the 
woods,  having  recently  left  their  summer  residences  at  the  shore.  Like  the  people 
at  St  George's  Harbour,  they  are  industrious  and  frugal ;  the  extent  of  their  salmon 
fishery  and  furring  has  been  already  noticed.  The  following  animals  are  entrapped 
and  shot  here  for  their  furs : — Martens,  foxes,  otters,  beavers,  musk  rats,  bears,  wolves, 
and  hares.  Although  ermines  are  numerous,  the  inhabitants  do  not  preserve  their 
skins,  because  they  are  small,  their  value  not  being  known.  Some  of  the  residents 
have  well-stocked  farms,  the  soil  being  good.  Oats,  barley,  potatoes,  hay,  &c.,  are 
produced  in  perfection,  and  even  wheat.  As  evidence  of  the  capabilities  of  portions 
of  Newfoundland  for  agricultural  purposes,  notice  must  be  taken  of  the  farm  of  my 
hostess,  Mrs  Hulan,  at  the  second  Barasway  river.  The  stock  on  it  consisted  of  six 
milch  cows,  besides  other  cattle;  the  dairy  could  not  be  surpassed  in  neatness  and 

H.  21 


1 62  Description  of  the  West  coast,  or  French  shore. 

cleanliness,  and  the  butter  and  cheese  were  excellent ;  the  butter  made,  exclusive  of 
what  was  kept  for  her  comparatively  numerous  domestic  establishment,  was  sold,  part 
to  the  residents  at  other  places  in  the  bay,  and  part  to  trading  vessels  that  come 
to  the  coast  in  summer.  The  cellar  was  full  of  potatoes  and  other  vegetables  for 
winter  use.  She  was  also  an  experimental  farmer,  and  exhibited  eight  different 
kinds  of  potatoes,  all  possessing  different  qualities  to  recommend  them.  Of  domestic 
poultry  there  was  an  ample  stock.  Mrs  Hulan,  although  not  a  native,  had  lived  in 
St  George's  Bay  upwards  of  sixty  years,  and  remembers  the  celebrated  navigator, 
Cook,  when  he  surveyed  the  coast.  She  is  indefatigably  industrious  and  useful,  and 
immediately  or  remotely  related  to,  or  connected  with,  the  whole  population  of  the 
bay,  over  whom  she  commands  a  remarkable  degree  of  maternal  influence  arid  respect. 
The  coast  southward  from  hence  to  Cod  Roy,  a  distance  of  upwards  of  thirty  miles, 
and  where  the  nearest  inhabitants  in  that  direction  were,  was  too  rugged  and  bold 
to  admit  of  our  walking  along  the  shore.  The  inhabitants  here,  or  at  St  George's 
•  Harbour,  were  ready  to  exert  themselves  to  get  me  forward.  A  forced  march,  which 
might  occupy  ten  days,  over  a  snow-covered  mountainous  country  in  the  rear  of  the 
coast,  had  few  attractions  just  now,  and  on 

November  igth,  the  weather  proving  favourable,  two  young  men  of  Mrs  Hulan's 
establishment  launched  forth  with  me  in  a  small  skiff  to  row  and  sail  close  along  the 
shore,  as  wind  and  weather  might  permit.  My  kind  hostess,  aware  of  the  probable 
detention  we  might  meet,  provisioned  the  little  bark  for  two  days. 

November  2Oth,  2\st,  and  22nd. — While  passing  in  a  boat,  the  formation  only  of 
the  coast  could  be  viewed,  not  examined.  Between  the  south  Barasway  river  and 
Cod  Roy  the  coast  is  a  continued  range  of  cliffs,  along  which  there  is  neither  harbour 
nor  shelter  of  any  kind  for  even  a  boat.  A  light  skiff  or  punt  is  therefore  the  safest 
mode  of  conveyance  along  this  horrific  coast  in  the  inclement  season  of  the  year ; 
for  here  and  there  between  the  cliffs  there  is  a  spot  of  beach  with  a  ravine  well 
known  to  the  inhabitants,  at  which,  although  far  apart  in  the  event  of  being  over- 
taken by  bad  weather,  a  skiff  can  run  ashore,  and  the  crew  at  the  same  instant 
jumping  out,  haul  her  up  beyond  the  reach  of  the  surf.  This  we  were  forced  to  do 
several  times,  and  to  clamber  to  the  top  of  the  cliffs  until  the  weather  moderated. 
The  cliffs  to  within  three  miles  north  of  Cape  Anguille  are  formed  chiefly  of  old,  red, 
and  variegated  sandstone  and  sandstone  of  the  coal  formation.  Then,  at  a  narrow 
•opening  called  Snake's  Bight,  another  formation  succeeds,  and  from  thence  south- 
ward to  Cape  Anguille  the  coast  is  principally  formed  of  dark  bluish  stratified  rocks, 
with  an  inclination  of  about  thirty  degrees.  Beds  of  a  narrow  strata  of  a  red  rock, 
presenting  a  series  of  stripes  to  the  sea,  alternate.  This  latter  portion  of  the  coast 
has  many  irregularities  and  shiftings  in  the  strata,  and  single  vertical  strata  of  a 
reddish  brown  rock,  seemingly  trap  or  green-stone,  pervade  it  in  different  directions, 
sometimes  presenting  an  extensive  smooth  mural  front  to  the  sea. 

November  2$rd. — We  doubled  Cape  Anguille  and  reached  Cod  Roy.  Cape  Anguille 
seems  to  be  formed  of  quartz  rock  in  front  and  granite  in  the  rear,  it  being  a  projec- 
tion of  the  granitic  ridge  that  defines  the  west  coast.  Cod  Roy — and  here  there  is  an 
island  of  the  same  name — is  close  to  Cape  Anguille  on  the  south.  The  inhabitants, 
as  at  the  Barasway  rivers,  were  in  their  winter  houses  in  the  woods,  and  their  boats 
laid  up  for  the  winter.  I,  however,  soon  obtained  a  volunteer  in  the  principal  resi- 
dent, named  Parsons,  to  convey  me  as  soon  as  the  weather  would  permit  in  his  skiff 
round  Cape  Ray,  and  to  the  next  place  where  a  boat  could  be  procured.  Owing  to 
the  shelter  and  anchorage  for  shipping  at  Cod  Roy,  as  already  noticed,  and  to  its 
immediate  proximity  to  the  fine  fishing  grounds  about  Cape  Ray,  it  is  the  central 
point  of  the  French  fisheries  in  summer.  Many  square  rigged  vessels  are  here  loaded 
with  dried  cod  fish  for  France ;  and  hundreds  of  batteaux  brought  from  France  in 
the  fishing  ships  scatter  from  hence  in  all  directions  over  the  fishing  grounds.  There 
are  here  five  resident  families.  Gypsum  abounds  at  Cod  Roy. 


Coal  reported  163 

November  2%th. — Having  awaited  at  Cod  Roy  five  days  in  vain  for  an  abatement 
of  the  strong  north-west  wind  to  permit  of  our  putting  to  sea  in  a  skiff,  I  set  out 
with  Parsons  on  foot  to  the  southward  by  the  sea  shore.  Great  Cod  Roy  River  is 
about  six  miles  south  of  Cod  Roy  Island.  We  crossed  the  gut  or  entrance  between 
the  sea  and  the  expansive  shallow  estuary  of  this  river  in  a  boat  of  one  of  the 
residents.  The  entrance  is  barred  with  sand,  and  has  only  about  six  feet  of  water. 
There  reside  here  five  families  with  their  servants,  amounting  to  twenty-eight  souls. 
They  catch  about  forty  barrels  of  salmon  annually,  which,  with  herring,  and  a  trifling 
cod  fishery,  are  their  chief  means  of  subsistence.  Coal  is  found  on  the  south  bank 
of  Great  Cod  Roy  River,  six  or  seven  miles  from  the  sea.  The  land  between  Cod 
Roy  and  where  the  coal  occurs  is  low  and  flat ;  so  that  in  the  event  of  the  coal 
being  raised,  it  could  be  conveyed  by  means  of  ^i  railroad  from  the  mines  to  the 
shipping.  There  were  at  this  time  ten  Indian  families  encamped  for  the  winter  on 
the  banks  of  Great  Cod  Roy  River,  about  ten  miles  from  its  mouth.  The  chief 
attraction  for  the  Indian  here  is  the  abundance  of  eels  and  trout.  Little  Cod  Roy 
River  is  about  six  miles  south  of  that  of  Great  Cod  Roy,  and  has  also  a  gut  at  its 
estuary,  which  we  in  like  manner  crossed  in  a  boat.  Its  entrance  is  likewise  barred, 
and  has  only  three  feet  of  water;  but  forms,  like  Great  Cod  Roy  River,  an  expansive 
harbour  inside.  There  are  here  two  resident  families  only,  amounting  to,  with  servants, 
seventeen  souls.  They  exist  by  furring,  and  a  small  cod  fishery,  the  quantity  of  salmon 
caught  being  very  trifling.  Both  the  Great  and  Little  Cod  Roy  Rivers  have  their  friths 
protected  from  the  sea  by  sand  hills  or  downs.  The  residents  of  Cod  Roy  and  at 
these  rivers,  with  the  exception  of  Parsons,  and  one  or  two  others  recently  settled 
there  for  the  sake  of  the  cod  fishery,  are  extremely  indolent  and  ignorant,  differing 
in  these  respects  from  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  of  St  George's  Bay.  The  extent  of 
their  salmon  and  cod  fisheries,  and  of  their  furring,  was  noticed  when  speaking  of 
the  occupation  collectively  of  the  inhabitants  of  St  George's  Bay.  The  coast  between 
Cod  Roy  and  Great  Cod  Roy  River  is  formed  chiefly  of  mural  cliffs  of  horizontally 
stratified  sand-stone  of  the  coal  formation,  with  alternations  of  red  earth,  blue  clay, 
and  gypsum.  From  Cod  Roy  River  to  Cape  Ray  it  presents  downs  to  the  sea.  The 
downs  near  the  sea  shore  are  raised  into  hillocks,  and  in  the  rear  they  are  level.  In 
the  vicinity  of  Cod  Roy  there  are  also  downs,  and  here  are  numerous  funnel-shaped 
hollows,  some  of  them  twenty  yards  wide  across  the  mouth  and  many  yards  deep. 
Most  of  the  hollows  are  dry ;  they  are  caused,  as  is  known  to  geologists,  by  fresh 
water  springs  dissolving  the  beds  of  rock  salt  and  gypsum  underneath,  and  by  the 
earth,  sand,  and  other  superimposed  substances  thus  falling  in1.  They  sometimes 
assume  the  shape  of  an  inverted  funnel,  having  a  small  aperture  only  at  the  surface, 
and  a  hole  below.  Cattle  have  fallen  into  the  latter  description  and  been  lost.  The 
sand  composing  the  downs  is  of  a  yellow  white  colour,  with  minute  shells  of  various 
kinds  and  minute  radiated  brown  pyrites  abundantly  intermixed.  They  produce  only 
sand-hill  grass,  Carex  arenaria,  and  the  sea  pea  or  vetch,  Pisum  maritimum. 

The  soil  in  St  George's  Bay  is  the  best,  and  at  the  same  time  forms  the  most 
extensive  tract  of  good  soil  any  where  on  the  coast  of  Newfoundland.  It  is  a  low 
flat  strip  nearly  the  whole  length  of  the  Bay,  lying  between  the  sea  shore  and  the 
mountains  in  the  rear,  interrupted  only  by  Cape  Anguille,  which  juts  into  the  sea. 
It  seldom  exceeds  two  miles  in  breadth  except  at  the  rivers,  and  there  it  extends 
many  miles  up  the  country  along  the  banks.  The  granite  mountains  behind  appear 
generally  clad  with  firs,  except  along  the  summits,  which  are  bare.  Iron  pyrites  of 
various  forms  occur  in  abundance  on  the  west  coast,  particularly  at  Port  au  Port  and 
that  neighbourhood.  They  are  generally  of  the  radiated  and  kidney-shaped  structure, 
encrusted  with  a  white  earthy  substance.  Some  of  them  weigh  several  pounds,  and 
many  of  them  have  garnets  embedded.  Pure  hornblende  rock  in  large  masses, 
some  four  or  five  feet  in  diameter,  is  met  with  at  the  Cod  Roy  Rivers ;  coal  is 

1  Known  locally  as  plaster  holes. 


164  The  West  coast 

reported  to  exist  at  other  places  on  this  coast,  besides  being  at  the  Barasvvay  and 
Cod  Roy  Rivers.  The  Indians  say  it  lies  exposed  in  such  abundance  on  the  surface 
of  the  earth  near  the  mouth  of  a  brook  on  the  west  side  of  Port  au  Port  that  they 
have  made  fires  of  it  on  the  spot ;  and  this  is  an  excellent  harbour  for  shipping. 
Verde  antique,  of  a  dark  green  colour,  spotted  or  mottled  with  white,  is  found  at  the 
north  of  Port  au  Port  on  the  bed  of  what  is  called  the  Coal  river,  a  few  miles  from 
the  sea,  and  brought  down  in  pieces  by  the  Indians  for  the  manufacture  of  tobacco 
pipes.  The  natural  productions  of  the  west  coast,  viewed  in  relation  to  the  neigh- 
bouring countries  are  well  deserving  the  attention  of  Canada  in  particular.  Coal  and 
the  other  valuable  minerals  are  here  in  abundance,  and  may  be  considered  at  the 
very  threshold  of  that  country  by  means  of  steam  navigation,  to  the  extension  and 
support  of  which  that  material  so  'directly  contributes.  Iron  is  probably  to  be  found 
in  more  profitable  forms  than  pyrites.  By  means  of  steamships,  the  countries  bounding 
on  the  Gulf  and  River  St  Lawrence  could  defy  foreign  aggression  and  command  an 
extension  of  commerce. 

November  2Qth. — Cafe  Ray. — Having  slept  the  previous  night  in  the  winter  house 
of  one  of  the  families  at  Little  Cod  Roy  river,  we  to-day  walked  round  Cape  Ray, 
here  leaving  the  French  Shore  and  entering  upon  American  Newfoundland,  or  that 
division  of  the  coast  on  which  the  Americans  have  a  right  of  fishing  and  of  drying 
their  fish.  On  the  shore  north  of  Cape  Ray  lay  several  wrecks  of  ships  and  their 
cargoes  of  timber.  Cape  Ray  is  a  low  point  formed  of  dusky  coloured  trap  rock, 
intersected  in  some  places  with  vertical  strata  of  green  trap,  running  in  an  east  and 
west  direction.  The  coal  formation  of  St  George's  Bay  adjoins.  On  the  very  Cape 
there  resides  during  summer  a  person  of  the  name  of  Wm.  Windsor,  with  his  family. 
We  found  him  in  his  winter  hut  in  a  spruce  wood  two  or  three  miles  to  the  eastward 
of  the  Cape.  The  most  perfect  contentment,  cheerfulness,  poverty,  and  hospitality 
were  the  characteristics  of  the  monarch  of  Cape  Ray.  His  resources,  through  the 
means  of  fishing,  enabled  him  to  procure  a  sufficiency  of  coarse  biscuit,  molasses, 
and  tea,  by  which,  together  with  fowling,  he  supported  his  family.  He  wore  no 
covering  on  his  head,  even  when  exposed  to  the  inclement  weather — Nature,  aided 
doubtless  by  habit,  providing  him  with  an  extraordinary  mat  of  hair,  as  she  does 
the  inferior  animals  here  with  fur.  The  high  lands  of  Cape  Ray  lie  several  miles 
inland,  north-east  of  the  Cape,  and  consist  of  a  group  of  granite  mountains  seemingly 
nearly  two  thousand  feet  in  height.  The  scenery  among  them  is  sublime  ;  the  steep 
sides  of  the  wedge-shaped  valleys  appear  smooth  and  striped  at  a  distance,  owing 
to  the  crumbled  rocks  and  blocks  detached  by  frost  being  hurled  from  the  very 
summits  to  the  bottom,  where  they  lie  in  heaps  of  ruins.  I  had  reluctantly  to 
behold  only  the  treasures  laid  open  to  the  mineralogist.  Snow  and  ice  lie  in  beds 
on  these  mountains  all  the  summer.  The  vicinity  of  Cape  Ray  is  remarkable  for 
great  numbers  of  foxes,  induced  here  by  the  abundance  of  their  chief  food,  viz,  the 
berries  of  the  vaccinium  or  partridge  berry  and  that  of  the  vaccinium  or  hurtle  berry. 
We  were  several  days  storm-stayed  by  winds  and  snow,  and  the  inefficiency  of  the 
ice  to  bear  us  across  the  rivulets,  at  a  boat  harbour  called  the  Barasway,  six  or 
seven  miles  east  of  the  Cape.  The  person  in  whose  winter  house  we  here  stopped, 
his  summer  residence  being  at  Port  au  Basque  at  the  eastward,  had  now  entrapped 
and  shot  about  eighty  foxes,  black,  silver  gray,  patch,  and  red,  in  less  than  two 
months  ;  all  those  colours  are  produced  at  one  litter.  The  foxes  are  mostly  caught 
in  iron  spring-traps,  artfully  concealed  (not  baited)  in  the  path-ways  along  the  sea- 
shore. It  may  be  noticed  that  on  the  west  coast  of  Newfoundland,  there  is  neither 
Scotchman,  Irishman,  nor  rat  to  be  met  with;  nor,  it  is  said,  has  any  member  of 
these  European  families  taken  up  an  abode  west  of  Fortune  Bay. 


South  coast  where  the  Americans  possess  treaty  rights     165 

PART  IX. 

American  portion  of  Newfoundland. 

December  fyh. — Port  au  Basque,  the  nearest  harbour  to  Cape  Ray  on  the  East, 
about  twelve  miles  distant  therefrom,  we  reached  by  boat  from  the  Barasway.  It 
had  a  fine  open  entrance,  and  good  anchorage,  and  is  sufficiently  capacious  for  any 
number  of  ships  to  ride  in  safety.  The  rendezvous  for  fishing  vessels,  small  craft 
and  boats,  is  a  long  narrow  passage,  immediately  adjoining  the  west  side  of  the 
harbour,  formed  by  a  chain  of  Islands  which  lie  close  along  the  coast,  and  is  called 
Channel.  Four  families  reside  here  during  the  summer,  pursuing  the  cod  fishery  at 
that  season,  and  the  furring  in  winter.  A  small  safe  basin  called  Little  Bay,  with 
a  narrow  entrance,  adjoins  Port  au  Basque  immediately  on  the  East.  There  are  no 
summer  residences  here,  but  two  persons  engaged  in  the  cod  fishery  at  the  Dead 
Islands  in  summer  were  encamped  in  the  woods  for  the  winter.  They  undertook 
to  convey  me  in  their  little  skiff  to  Dead  Island,  the  next  harbour  to  the  east ;  and 
in  consequence,  I  here  parted  with  my  faithful  and  daring  attendant,  Parsons,  from 
Cod  Roy. 

December  "jth. — -Dead  Island. — Reached  this  place  from  Little  Bay.  The  harbour, 
here  called  Pass,  is  fit  for  any  ships,  and  like  Channel,  is  a  narrow  passage  between 
a  string  of  Islands  and  the  main  Island.  Port  au  Basque  and  Channel,  and  the 
Dead  Island  or  Pass,  are  both  excellent  stations  at  which  to  carry  on  the  American 
fisheries.  The  fishing  grounds  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Ray  are  probably  the  best 
on  the  Newfoundland  coast  for  the  resort  of  fishermen  from  a  distance,  they  being 
peculiar  in  this  important  point,  that  the  cod  are  always  to  be  found  in  abundance 
upon  them,  and  caught  at  all  seasons  when  the  weather  is  not 'too  boisterous,  and 
then  the  neighbouring  harbours  mentioned  afford  shelter  to  the  fishing  craft.  The 
fishery  may  be  commenced  here  six  weeks  or  a  month  earlier  than  at  any  other 
part  of  the  coast,  and  continued  in  the  fall  of  the  year  until  Christmas.  Many 
industrious  fishermen  within  a  hundred  miles  eastward,  do  not  leave  these  grounds 
until  the  end  of  December.  The  cod  caught  in  October,  November,  and  December 
is  called  winter  fish.  At  Fortune  Bay  to  the  eastward,  on  the  same  coast,  winter 
fish  is  caught  by  means  of  the  smaller  boats  in  the  months  of  January,  February,  and 
March,  in  deep  water  close  to  the  shores.  The  winter-caught  fish  is  of  a  better 
quality  than  that  taken  at  any  other  season.  It  is  allowed  to  remain  in  dry  salt 
during  the  winter,  and  dried  in  the  first  warm  weather  in  spring  ;  being  then  sent 
to  a  foreign  market,  it  arrives  at  an  early  season  of  the  year,  when  there  is  no  other 
newly-cured  fish  to  compete,  and  brings  fifty  per  cent,  or  upwards  more  than  the 
fish  dried,  in  the  preceding  year.  There  is  no  winter  fish  caught  at  Newfoundland 
except  at  the  south-west  coast.  At  the  Dead  Islands  three  families  reside  in 
summer,  whose  chief  pursuit  is  the  cod  fishery.  These  Islands  are  composed  chiefly 
of  mica  slate.  I  was  here  fortunate  in  finding  a  very  respectable  industrious  inhabitant, 
named  Thomas  Harvey,  still  occupying  his  summer  house  at  the  shore,  and  his 
fishing  boat  or  shallop  not  yet  dismantled  for  the  winter.  Although  no  ordinary 
remuneration  was  equivalent  to  the  risk  at  this  inclement  season  on  so  dangerous  a 
coast,  Harvey  unhesitatingly  manned  and  provisioned  his  boat  to  enable  me  to  reach 
Fortune  Bay. 

It  would  have  been  impossible  without  the  probability  of  being  either  frozen  or 
starved  to  walk  along  this  coast  at  this  season  of  the  year,  it  is  so  indented  with 
deep  bays  and  rivers,  and  in  a  manner  uninhabited  and  unexplored. 

December  &th. — We  set  sail  from  the  Dead  Islands,  passed  by  a  harbour  called 
Burnt  Island,  where  reside  two  families  who  pursue  the  cod  fishery.  The  weather 
being  stormy,  we  were  forced  afterwards  to  put  into  the  Seal  Island,  some 


1 66  American  treaty  coast 

fifteen    miles     to    the    eastward.  Seal    Island    is    a    fine    safe     harbour   with    two 

entrances,  one  east,  another  west.  There  is  one  resident  family  only  here,  seemingly 

.in   good  circumstances   by  means  of  the   cod   fishery.     The  prevailing   rock    here   is 
mica  slate. 

December  nth. — Strong  winds  and  snow  had  compelled  us  to  remain  all  night 
at  Seal  Island.  We  now  got  under  weigh,  with  a  fair  wind,  cheerfully  passing  by 
Harbour  le  Cou,  uninhabited  ;  Garia,  with  one  resident  family  in  summer  ;  Indian 
Island,  with  one  resident  family ;  La  Poile,  a  noble  deep  bay  with  two  resident 
families ;  and  reached  Grand  Brit,  a  good  little  harbour  with  two  entrances,  the  west 
being-  the  better,  and  where  reside  two  families  in  summer,  whose  habitations  were 

o 

now  locked  up  and  deserted. 

December  \2th, — Set  sail,  and  reached  Cingserf,  a  good  harbour  for  vessels  of 
any  size ;  the  best  anchorage  is  on  the  east  side.  Within  the  harbour  there  are  many 
small  inlets.  It  has  no  summer  residents,  nor  could  we  discover  any  signs  of  winter 
occupants.  Trap  rock  prevails  here. 

December  i^th. — Having  passed  the  night  at  Cingserf,  we  set  off  again  with  a  fail- 
wind  ;  touch  at  and  pass  through  amongst  the  Burgeo  Islands.  Here  is  a  sheltered 
roadstead  with  good  anchorage.  At  Burgeo  Islands  there  are  eleven  or  twelve, 
and  in  the  vicinity,  five  or  six  resident  families.  Burgeo  Islands  are  formed  of  gray 
granite,  and  very  barren.  The  part  of  the  main  Island  opposite  to  them,  as  well  as 
that  for  some  miles  westward,  presents  steep  and  perpendicular  cliffs  of  old  red 
sandstone  to  the  sea.  In  the  evening  we  reached  the  Rameo  Islands,  the  east 
extremity  of  that  portion  of  the  Newfoundland  coast  at  which  the  Americans  have 
a  right  of  fishing  and  of  curing  fish.  There  are  only  two  resident  families  here. 
The  Americans  have,  by  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  a  right  of  fishing  and  curing  their 
fish  in  common  with  British  subjects,  on  the  coast  between  Cape  Ray  and  the 
Rameo  Islands,  an  extent  of  about  seventy-five  miles.  This  portion  of  the  coast, 
although  possessing  many  fine  harbours  besides  those  noticed  here,  contains  scarcely 
forty  resident  families,  or  two  hundred  and  fifty  souls  on  the  whole  of  it.  The  chief 
pursuits  of  these  people  are  the  cod  fishery  in  summer,  and  entrapping  foxes  and 
other  wild  animals  for  their  skins  in  the  fall.  The  salmon  fishery  is  a  very  minor 
object,  as  the  rivers  are  not  so  large  nor  numerous  as  on  the  west  coast.  The 
fishermen,  or  planters  as  they  are  called,  obtain  their  outfits  to  enable  them  to  carry 
on  the  fisheries  from  the  merchants  at  Fortune  Bay.  They  annually  catch  about 
three  thousand  cwts.  or  quintals  or  upwards  of  cod  fish,  make  about  forty-five  tuns 
of  cod  oil,  and  obtain  fur  to  the  value  of  one  hundred  pounds.  The  approach  to 
many  of  the  fine  harbours  here  is  dangerous  from  the  want  of  surveys  of  the  outer 
coast.  Thousands  of  valuable  lives  have  been  lost  by  shipwreck,  particularly  to  the 
eastward  of  Cape  Ray,  in  consequence  of  most  dangerous  currents  and  sunken  rocks 
that  exist  here,  being  unnoticed  upon  any  chart ;  and  until  the  colonists  themselves 
take  up  the  cause  of  humanity,  it  is  not  likely  these  dangers  will  for  a  long  time 
be  made  known  or  a  light-house  erected  on  the  coast.  The  residents  here,  as  at 
St  George's  Bay,  and  at  most  of  the  north  and  west  harbours  of  the  Island,  have 
both  summer  and  winter  houses.  They  retire  to  the  residences  or  huts  in  the 
woods  on  the  setting  in  of  the  winter,  for  facility  of  firewood  and  shelter ;  the 
labour  attending  the  conveyance  of  fuel  to  their  summer  residences  at  the  shore, 
which  are  exposed  to  every  inclemency  of  the  weather,  being  very  great.  They 
sometimes  remove  to  a  distance  of  thirty  miles  and  even  farther  to  the  sequestered 
woods  at  the  heads  of  bays  and  harbours,  and  on  the  banks  of  rivers,  taking  with 
them  their  boats,  furniture,  and  provisions,  and  re-appear  at  the  coast  in  the  month  of 
April.  The  habits  and  imperative  performances  of  the  beaver  for  preservation  of 
self  and  kind,  are  at  least  equally  perfect  with  those  of  the  European  settlers  or 
Indians  on  the  coast.  Each  have  their  summer  and  winter  abodes,  and  respectively 
provide  for  their  retirement,  &c.  Sea  fowl  and  birds  of  passage  resort  to  the  south-west 


Termination  of  journey  167 

coast  in  great  numbers  in  the  fall  of  the  year ;  and  during  that  season,  as  well 
as  in  winter,  constitute  a  considerable  portion  of  the  provisions  of  the  inhabitants. 
The  dogs  here  are  admirably  trained  as  retrievers  in  fowling,  and  are  otherwise 
useful.  The  smooth  or  short-haired  dog  is  preferred,  because  in  frosty  weather  the 
long-haired  kind  become  encumbered  with  ice  upon  coming  out  of  the  water.  They 
are  fed  on  fish,  purposely  cured  for  them.  The  Loup  Cervier*,  a  common  animal  in 
all  the  adjacent  countries,  is  not  considered  to  be  a  native  of  Newfoundland,  although 
one  was  caught  last  year  in  La  Poile  Bay,  and  another  killed  in  the  same 
neighbourhood  a  few  years  ago.  In  these  instances  it  is  probable  that  the  animals 
have  either  crossed  or  been  blown  over  upon  the  ice  from  some  of  the  neighbouring 
countries.  Neither  squirrel,  porcupine,  or  racoon  have  been  met  with  on  the  Island. 
Penguins  were  once  numerous  at  this  coast,  their  breeding  place  having  been  the 
Penguin  Islands,  about  fifteen  miles  north-east  from  Rameo  Islands.  They  have 
been  extirpated  by  man,  none  having  been  seen  for  some  years  past.  Halibuts 
abound  more  at  the  south-west  coast  than  elsewhere.  The  young2,  in  the  fall,  is  one 
of  the  finest  fishes  on  these  coasts ;  but  its  excellence  seems  to  be  little  known 
except  to  the  fishermen  and  their  families.  It  may  be  cured  in  several  ways. 


PART    X. 

South  coast  of  Newfoundland — Termination  of  journey. 

December  \^th. — The  coast  was  now  everywhere  clad  in  its  white  winter  mantle, 
and  most  of  the  birds  of  passage  had  left  the  shores  for  a  more  genial  climate. 
Having  spent  the  night  at  the  Rameo  Islands,  we  set  sail  eastward,  entering  now 
upon  the  British  Newfoundland  coast.  This  part  may  be  considered  out  of  the 
province  of  the  present  narrative,  although,  except  to  the  immediate  residents,  little 
better  known  than  the  coast  just  gone  over.  The  coast  at  the  entrances  of  White 
Bear  Bay  and  Old  Man's  Bay  is  formed  of  trap  rocks  and  red  sandstone  alternating. 
Pass  by  Little  River,  a  good  harbour;  Cape  La  Hune,  where  two  families  reside; 
Bay  Francois,  with  three  resident  families  ;  New  Harbour,  three  resident  families ; 
Rencontre,  four  families ;  and  reach  Richard's  Harbour,  where  several  families  reside 
in  summer. 

Cape  La  Hune,  as  well  as  the  coast  thence  to  Richard's  Harbour  is  formed 
chiefly  of  trap  rock.  Richard's  Harbour  is  a  complete  basin  surrounded  on  all  sides 
by  steep  trap  hills,  of  four  hundred  feet  and  upwards  in  height.  The  entrance 
is  very  narrow  and  deep,  rocks  on  the  west  side  overhanging  to  that  degree  as 
to  render  it  awful  to  behold  while  passing  under. 

December  \6th. — Having  been  wind-bound  one  day  in  Richard's  Harbour,  a 
favouring  breeze  now  carries  us  to  the  Bay  of  Despair,  and  in  sight  of  the  whaling 
and  cod  fishery  establishment  of  Messrs  Newman,  Hunt  &  Co.,  of  London.  The 
few  inhabitants,  and  their  pursuits,  between  Rameo  and  the  Bay  of  Despair,  are  similar 
to  those  farther  to  the  westward.  The  rock  formation  of  the  coast  between  Cape 
Ray  and  the  Bay  of  Despair  may  be  noticed  in  a  general  view  as  follows:  red 
sandstone,  of  the  coal  formation,  is  found  next  to  the  trap  rock,  six  or  eight  miles 
east  of  Cape  Ray.  Then  we  come  to  primitive  rocks,  mica  slate,  gneiss,  and  granite ; 
next  are  trap  and  old  red  sandstone  alternating,  which,  with  the  granitic  rocks,  form 
the  coast  all  the  way  eastward,  presenting  little  else  than  most  barren  and  precipitous 
hills,  half  clad  with  stunted  firs,  and  indented  everywhere  with  harbours,  bays,  and 
rivers.  Few  of  the  harbours  have  any  soil  at  those  parts  nearest  the  sea,  there  being 
merely  debris  in  small  patches.  At  the  head,  however,  of  most  of  the  harbours  and 
bays,  and  along  the  margins  of  the  waters  that  discharge  into  them,  some  good 

1  Lynx  (Lynx  Canadensis).  2  Called  Chicken  Halibut. 


1 68 


Conclusion  of  CormacKs  narrative 


soil  and  spruce  timber  are  to  be  found.  Rock  crystals  of  different  colours  are  stated 
by  the  inhabitants  to  occur  in  quantities  at  Harbour  le  Cou  and  Diamond  Cove  in 
that  neighbourhood.  Several  of  the  inhabitants  possessed  transparent  specimens  as 
curiosities. 

Upon  reaching  the  establishment  of  Messrs  Newman  &  Co.,  at  the  Bay  of 
Despair,  I  learnt  with  satisfaction  that  the  last  ship  for  England  this  season  from 
this  coast  was  to  sail  within  a  few  days  from  another  of  their  establishments  in 
Fortune  Bay.  Harvey's  boat  and  men  now  went  back  to  the  Dead  Islands,  but 
not  without  apprehension  on  my  part  for  their  safety,  contending  against  westerly 
winds  on  this  inhospitable  coast  at  such  a  season.  For  while  we  were  coming,  with 
a  fair  wind,  every  drop  of  water  and  spray  that  came  into  our  boat  congealed  as  it 
fell,  thus  binding  together  boat,  ropes  and  sails  in  one  mass  of  ice. 

Here  ended  a  four  months'  excursion  of  toil,  pleasure,  pain,  and  anxiety, 
succeeded  by  the  delight  of  being  again  restored  to  society,  which  was  enjoyed  with 
the  gentlemen  and  families  of  the  mercantile  establishments  at  the  Bay  of  Despair 
and  Fortune  Bay. 

It  was  impossible  to  reach  St  John's,  and  I  took  passage  at  Little  Bay,  in 
Fortune,  by  the  ship  "Duck,"  sailing  on  the  28th  December,  and  arrived  in 
Dartmouth,  in  England,  on  the  loth  February,  1823. 


REGISTER  OF  THE  WEATHER  IN  THE  INTERIOR  FROM  4TH  SEPTEMBER  TO  3iST  OCTOBER,  1822 


Winds 

Bright  days 

Rainy  days 

Foggy  and 
drizzly  days 

Snowy  days 

September  i 
4th  to  joth  \ 

W.  &  S.W. 
N.W. 

19 
i 

3 
i 

inclusive  ) 

S. 

2 

i 

22 

5 

W.  &  S.W. 

9 

i 

2 

i 

N.W. 

3 

2 

October,  y 

N. 

2 

i 

31  days 

S. 
S.E. 

2 
2 

2 

i 

E. 

2 

N.E. 

I 

'9 

3 

4 

5 

Sept.,  as  above 

22 

5 

Weather  of  58 

41 

8 

4 

5 

days 

Capture  of  three  Beothuck  women  in  1823  169 

Capture   of  three   Beothuck   women. 

In  the  spring  of  1823,  a  party  of  Indians  was  seen  on  the  ice  in 
New  Bay,  an  arm  of  the  Great  Bay  of  Notre  Dame,  by  some  furriers. 
On  the  first  meeting,  these  amiable  whites  shot  a  man  'and  woman  who 
were  approaching  them,  apparently  for  food.  The  man  was  first  killed, 
and  the  woman  in  despair,  remained  a  calm  victim.  (Bonnycastle.)  Three 
other  women  afterwards  gave  themselves  up.  They  were  in  a  starving 
condition.  Cull  who  captured  them  brought  all  three  and  placed  them  in 
charge  of  Mr  Peyton  who  was  the  Magistrate  for  the  district.  Peyton 
deemed  it  the  best  thing  he  could  do  to  bring  the  women  to  St  John's. 
On  their  arrival  there,  however,  it  soon  appeared  that  one  of  them  was 
far  gone  in  consumption,  and  the  health  of  the  other  two  was  precarious. 
It  was,  therefore,  judged  proper  to  hasten  the  return  of  two  of  them. 

The  service  of  conducting  them  back  devolved  upon  Mr  Peyton  who 
was  furnished  with  a  large  number  of  presents,  consisting  of  such  articles 
as  were  calculated  to  gratify  a  barbarous  tribe.  These  his  instructions 
directed  him  to  use  as  circumstances  and  his  own  discretion  might  render 
most  suitable  as  "  an  incitement  to  those  poor  creatures  to  repose  confi- 
dence in  our  people  in  that  part  of  the  coast  they  frequent."  (Pedley1.) 

GRASSHOPPER, 

ST  JOHN'S,  NEWFOUNDLAND. 

loth  June,  1823. 
Sir, 

I  grieve  to  have  it  to  report  that  information  has  reached  me  of  the 
violent  death  of  an  Indian  man  and  woman  natives  who  were  shot  by  two  of  our 
people  early  this  spring  in  Badger  Bay ;  the  particulars  of  this  melancholy  event 
have  not  yet  reached  me,  but  I  am  in  hourly  expectation  of  Mr  Peyton's  arrival 
here  with  one  of  the  offenders.  Since  this  unfortunate  occurrence  took  place,  Mr  Cull 
and  a  few  men  with  him  fell  in  with  an  Indian  man  and  an  old  woman,  the  former 
fled,  but  the  latter  approached  and  joined  our  people.  Some  days  after  this  she  led 
Mr  Cull  to  where  her  two  daughters  were,  the  one  about  twenty,  the  other  about 
sixteen  years  of  age.  I  am  much  pleased  to  find  that  these  interesting  females  are 
under  the  care  of  Mr  Peyton,  and  I  understand  he  brings  them  with  him  ;  as  a 
vessel  sails  today  for  England  I  am  desirous  that  you  should  be  made  acquainted 
with  these  events,  as  it  may  again  induce  His  Majesty's  Government  to  hold  out 
their  protecting  hand  to  this  unfortunate  race  of  human  beings  whose  blood  seems 
to  be  shed  without  remorse.  I  shall  take  the  first  opportunity  of  presenting  you 
with  every  information  connected  with  these  transactions. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Sir, 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 
(signed)     D.  BUCHAN,  Comm. 

Copy  (signed)     P.  C.  LEGEYT.. 
To  His  Excellency 

Vice  Admiral  Sir  C.  Hamilton,  Bt., 
&c.,     &c.,     &c. 

1  History  of  Newfoundland,   1863. 
H.  22 


i  jo  Correspondence  relative  to  the  capture 

Copy 

P.  C.  Legeyt,  Secy. 

ST  JOHN'S,  NEWFOUNDLAND, 

i8//fc  June,  1823. 
Sir, 

I  beg  to  inform  you  that  I  have  now  in  my  charge  three  women  natives 
of  this  island  who  were  taken  in  March  and  April  last  by  Wm.  Cull  and  others 
who  consigned  them  to  my  care,  being  a  Magistrate,  and  as  I  have  reason  to 
suppose  that  an  amicable  intercourse  with  these  people  is  much  desired  by  Govern- 
ment, I  considered  it  best  to  bring  them  here  in  order  to  place  them  under  the 
direction  of  His  Excellency  the  Governor,  but  as  I  find  that  Sir  Charles  Hamilton 
is  not  yet  arrived,  I  would  most  strenuously  advise  that  they  be  immediately  returned, 
and  what  renders  this  step  most  pressing  is  that  one  of  them  is  far  gone  in  a  con- 
sumption, and  the  health  of  the  other  two  has  been  very  precarious  since  I  have  had 
them.  That  this  object  may  be  accomplished  with  the  least  possible  delay  I  shall 
be  happy  to  take  them  to  the  Bay  of  Exploits,  whither  I  return  immediately,  and 
place  them  so  near  their  people  that  they  may  readily  rejoin  them ;  and  if  this 
project  meets  your  approbation,  I  would  take  the  liberty  of  suggesting  the  propriety 
of  providing  such  presents  to  be  sent  with  them  as  will  best  promote  the  effect 
desired,  and  the  cause  of  humanity. 

As  the  schooner  I  brought  them  here  in  requires  repair,  it  is  desirable  to 
provide  them  with  a  more  eligible  place  of  abode  for  the  few  days  I  remain  at 
this  place  both  on  account  of  the  general  comfort  of  all,  and  the  critical  situation 
of  the  sick  one  who  requires  medical  aid  and  attendance  which  can  best  be  pro- 
cured through  your  influence. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Sir, 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant. 
(Signed)    JOHN  PEYTON,  Jr.,  J.P. 
Capt.  D.  Buchan. 

Copy 

P.  C  Legeyt,  Secy. 

GRASSHOPPER, 

ST  JOHN'S,  NEWFOUNDLAND. 

1 8  June,  1823. 
Sir, 

Your  letter  of  this  day's  date  communicating  the  circumstances  of  your 
having  brought  with  you  three  Native  women  of  this  Country,  has  been  perused 
by  me  with  much  interest  and  consideration,  and  I  hasten  to  acquaint  you  that 
Mr  Bland,  the  High  Sheriff,  is  instructed  to  see  that  these  objects  of  our  solicitude 
be  instantly  provided  with  every  requisite  comfort  suitable  to  their  condition.  Mr  Watt, 
Surgeon  of  the  Grasshopper,  will  pay  every  attention  in  his  power  to  promote  the 
recovery  of  their  health.  The  desirable  object  of  endeavouring  to  open  an  amicable 
intercourse  with  their  tribe  shall  have  my  fullest  consideration. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Sir, 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 
(signed)     D.  BUCHAN, 

Comm. 

Mr  John  Peyton,  Jr., 
Magistrate. 


of  the  three  Beothucks  1 7 1 

The  most  circumstantial  account  of  the  capture,  &c.,  of  these  three 
women  is  contained  in  a  work  entitled  Newfoundland  and  its  Missionaries, 
by  the  Rev.  Wm  Wilson,  Methodist  Minister,  who  gives  an  extract 
from  his  journal  as  follows. 

Sx  JOHN'S,  NEWFOUNDLAND, 
June  2yd,  1823. 

Last  week  there  were  brought  to  this  town  three  Red  Indians  so  called,  who 
are  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  this  island.  They  are  all  females  and  their  capture 
was  accomplished  in  the  following  manner. 

In  the  month  of  March  last  a  party  of  men  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Twillin- 
gate  were  in  the  country  hunting  for  fur.  The  party  went  two  and  two  in  different 
directions.  After  a  while  one  of  these  small  parties  saw  on  a  distant  hill  a  man 
coming  towards  them.  Supposing  him  while  at  a  distance  to  be  one  of  their  own 
party,  they  fired  a  powder  gun  to  let  their  friend  know  their  where-about.  The 
Red  Indian  generally  runs  at  the  report  of  a  musket,  not  so  in  the  present  instance, 
the  man  quickened  his  pace  towards  them.  They  now,  from  his  gait  and  dress, 
discerned  that  he  was  an  Indian,  but  thought  that  he  was  a  Micmac  and  still  felt 
no  anxiety.  Soon  they  found  their  mistake  and  ascertained  that  the  stranger  was 
one  of  the  Red  Indians.  He  was  approaching  in  a  threatening  manner  with  a  large 
club  in  his  hand.  They  now  put  themselves  in  a  posture  of  defence  and  beckoned 
the  Indian  to  surrender.  This  was  of  no  use,  he  came  on  with  double  fury,  and 
when  nearly  at  the  muzzle  of  their  guns  one  of  the  men  fired  and  the  Indian  fell 
dead  at  their  feet.  As  they  had  killed  the  man  without  any  design  or  intention, 
they  felt  deeply  concerned,  and  resolved  at  once  to  leave  the  hunting  ground  and 
return  home.  In  passing  through  a  droke  of  woods  they  came  up  with  a  wigwam 
which  they  entered,  and  took  three  Indian  females,  which  have  since  been  found  to 
be  Mother  and  her  two  daughters.  These  women  they  brought  to  their  own  homes, 
where  they  kept  them  till  they  could  carry  them  to  St  John's  and  receive  the 
Government  reward  for  bringing  a  Red  Indian  captive. 

The  parties  were  brought  to  trial  for  killing  the  man,  but  as  there  was  no 
evidence  against  them,  they  were  acquitted. 

The  women  were  first  taken  to  Government  House  and  by  order  of  His  Excellency 
the  Governor,  a  comfortable  room  in  the  Court  house  was  assigned  to  them,  as  a 
place  of  residence,  where  they  were  treated  with  every  kindness.  The  mother  is  far 
advanced  in  life,  but  seems  in  good  health.  Beds  were  provided  for  them  but  they 
did  not  understand  their  use,  and  slept  on  their  deer  skins  in  the  corner  of  the  room. 
One  of  the  daughters  was  ill,  yet  she  would  take  no  medicine.  The  doctor  recom- 
mended Phlebotomy  and  a  gentleman  allowed  a  vein  to  be  opened  in  his  arm  to 
show  her  that  there  was  no  intention  to  kill  her,  but  this  was  to  no  purpose,  for 
when  she  saw  the  lancet  brought  near  her  own  arm,  both  she  and  her  companions 
got  into  a  state  of  fury ;  so  that  the  Doctor  had  to  desist.  Her  sister  was  in  good 
health.  She  seemed  about  22  years  of  age.  If  she  had  ever  used  red  ochre  about 
her  person,  there  was  no  sign  of  it  in  her  face.  Her  complexion  was  swarthy,  not 
unlike  the  Micmacs ;  her  features  were  handsome ;  she  was  a  tall  fine  figure  and 
stood  nearly  six  feet  high,  and  such  a  beautiful  set  of  teeth,  I  do  not  know  that 
I  ever  saw  in  a  human  head.  She  was  bland,  affable  and  affectionate.  I  showed 
her  my  watch  she  put  it  to  her  ear  and  was  amused  with  its  tick.  A  gentleman 
put  a  looking  glass  before  her  and  her  grimaces  were  most  extraordinary,  but 
when  a  black  lead  pencil  was  put  into  her  hand  and  a  piece  of  white  paper  laid 
upon  the  table,  she  was  in  raptures.  She  made  a  few  marks  on  the  paper  apparently 
to  try  the  pencil ;  then  in  one  flourish  she  drew  a  deer  perfectly,  and  what  is  most 
surprising,  she  began  at  the  tip  of  the  tail.  One  person  pointed  to  his  fingers  and 
counted  ten  ;  which  she  repeated  in  good  English  ;  but  when  she  had  numbered  all 
her  fingers,  her  English  was  exhausted,  and  her  numeration  if  numeration  it  were 


22 —  2 


172         Correspondence  by  Lieut -Governor  David  Buchan 

was  in  Beothuck  tongue.  This  person  whose  Indian  name  is  Shanawdithit,  is  thought 
to  be  the  wife  of  the  man  who  was  shot1.  The  old  woman  was  morose,  and  had 
the  look  and  action  of  a  savage.  She  would  sit  all  day  on  the  floor  with  a  deer- 
skin shawl  on,  and  looked  with  dread  or  hatred  on  every  one  that  entered  the  Court 
house.  When  we  came  away,  Shanandithit,  kissed  all  the  company,  shook  hands 
with  us  and  distinctly  repeated  good  bye. 

June  24th.—  Saw  the  three  Indian  women  in  the  street.  The  ladies  had  dressed 
them  in  English  garb,  but  over  their  dresses  they  all  had  on  their,  to  them,  indis- 
pensable deer-skin  shawls  ;  and  Shanawdithit  thinking  the  long  front  of  her  bonnet 
an  unnecessary  appendage  had  torn  it  off  and  in  its  place  had  decorated  her  fore- 
head and  her  arms  with  tinsel  and  coloured  paper. 

They  took  a  few  trinkets  and  a  quantity  of  the  fancy  paper  that  is  usually 
wrapped  around  pieces  of  linen  ;  but  their  great  selection  was  pots,  kettles,  hatchets, 
hammers,  nails  and  other  articles  of  ironmongery,  with  which  they  were  loaded,  so 
that  they  could  scarcely  walk.  It  was  painful  to  see  the  sick  woman  who,  notwith- 
standing her  debility,  was  determined  to  have  her  share  in  these  valuable  treasures. 

GRASSHOPPER, 

ST  JOHN'S,  NEWFOUNDLAND, 
2%th  June,  1823. 

Sir, 

In  reference  to  my  letter  of  the  loth  instant  I  now  have  the  honour  to 
inform  Your  Excellency  that  Mr  Peyton  arrived  here  on  the  i8th,  bringing  with  him 
three  Native  females  of  this  Island,  their  respective  ages  are  apparently  about  43, 
24  and  20.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  eldest  is  the  mother  of  the  others, 
and  she  bears  all  the  marks  of  premature  old  age.  The  second  is  labouring  under 
an  affection  of  the  lungs,  which  it  is  much  to  be  apprehended  may  soon  terminate 
her  existence.  The  youngest  is  of  a  very  lively  disposition  and  quick  apprehension. 
Captain  Roberts  having  declined  all  interference  in  matters  not  immediately 
connected  with  the  squadron,  I  have  on  this  occasion  considered  it  my  duty  to  pursue 
the  steps  as  detailed  in  the  accompanying  documents ;  I  also  transmit  for  Your 
Excellency's  information  a  copy  of  the  legal  proceedings  taken  relative  to  the  murder 
of  the  two  Indians.  I  trust  that  the  measures  taken  by  me  in  so  important  a  crisis 
may  meet  with  your  approbation. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Sir, 
Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

(signed)     D.  BuCHAN, 

His  Excellency  Comm. 

Vice  Admiral  Sir  C.  Hamilton,  Bt., 
&c.,     &c.,     &c. 

Copy  (signed)     P.  C.  LEGEYT, 

Copy  Secretary, 

P.  C.  Legeyt, 
Secy. 

GRASSHOPPER, 

ST  JOHN'S,  NEWFOUNDLAND, 

28M  June,  1823. 
Sir, 

As  it  appears  to  me  in  every  point  of  view  of  the  first  consideration  that 
the  three  female  Aborigines  should  be  conducted  with  the  least  possible  delay  to 
such  station  as  may  enable  them  with  the  less  difficulty  to  rejoin  their  tribe,  I  feel 

1  Not  so,  he  was  her  uncle. 


Correspondence  by  Lieut -Governor  David  Buchan         173 

most  desirous  on  behalf  of  His  Excellency  the  Governor  to  facilitate  this  pleasing 
object,  and  it  is  particularly  gratifying  to  me  that  my  personal  knowledge  of  your 
humanity,  zeal  and  ability  qualified  you  in  an  eminent  degree  for  this  confidence 
and  trust  which  I  impose  on  you  under  a  perfect  conviction  that  your  proceedings 
herein  will  prove  most  satisfactory  to  His  Majesty's  Government.  You  will,  there- 
fore, again  take  charge  of  the  three  native  females  with  the  presents  enumerated 
in  the  annexed  schedule,  which  you  will  use  as  circumstances  and  your  discretion 
may  render  most  suitable  as  an  incitement  to  these  poor  creatures  to  repose  confi- 
dence in  our  people  on  that  part  of  the  coast  they  frequent1. 

It  is  impossible  to  give  adequate  written  instructions  on  a  subject  that  must 
even  vary  according  to  the  circumstances  of  the  moment,  and  as  you  are  perfect 
master  of  what  were  my  intentions  and  views  in  the  expeditions  of  1819  and  1820, 
it  renders  it  altogether  unnecessary  for  me  to  say  anything  on  these  heads.  Should 
you,  however,  find  it  necessary  to  carry  your  operations  to  any  part  of  the  coast 
not  included  between  the  NW.  entrance  of  the  Exploits,  tracing  up  the  Western 
side  of  that  Bay  by  Charles's  Brook  to  the  River  Exploits,  you  will  leave  at 
.Exploits  Burnt  Island,  as  also  at  Twillingate,  a  letter  of  instruction  where  you  may 
be  found  in  the  event  of  His  Excellency  wishing  to  communicate  with  you.  You 
will  likewise  acquaint  the  Governor  with  your  proceedings  as  opportunities  may  offer. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Sir, 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 
(Signed)     D.  BUCHAN, 

Comm. 
To  John  Peyton,  Jr. 

EXPLOITS  BURNT  ISLAND, 

July  23,  1823. 
Sir, 

I  beg  leave  to  acquaint  you  for  the  information  of  the  Governor  that 
I  left  the  three  Indian  women  on  the  I2th  instant  at  Charles'  Brook  and  that  they 
appeared  perfectly  happy  at  our  leaving  them.  I  called  there  again  on  the  I4th 
instant,  when  I  gave  them  a  little  boat,  at  which  the  young  woman  was  much 
pleased,  and  gave  me  to  understand  that  she  should  go  to  look  for  the  Indians  and 
bring  them  down  with  her.  I  am  sorry  to  add  the  sick  woman  still  remained 
without  hopes  of  her  recovery. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Sir, 

Your  most  obedient, 
humble  servant, 
(signed)     JNO.  PEYTON,  Jr. 

Copy  (sgd)    P.  C.  LEGEYT, 

Secretary. 

To  Captain  D.  Buchan, 
H.M.S.  Grasshopper. 

1   In  a  list  of  disbursements  for  the  district  of  St  John's  from  the  2oth  of  October,  1822,  to  the 
2oth  October,   1823,  I  find  the  following  entries  : 

"Elizabeth  Bryan,  for  attendance  upon  three  Indian  women,  per  order  of  Sessions"  £\.  los.  od. 
"Paid  Hunters  &  Co.  for  sundries  for  the  use  of  the  Indian  women"  ,£3.  7s.  6d. 
These  were  Shanawdithit,  her  sister  and  mother. 


174     R-  A.   Tucker,  Administrator  to  R.   IV.  Norton,  Esq. 

June  2gth,  1825. 

Extract  of  a   disputation  from  R.  A.    Tucker,   Esq.   Administering   to    the 
Government  of  Newfoundland,  to  R.    IV.   Horton,   Esq. 

"You  are  doubtless  aware  that  three  of  the  Aborigines  of  this  Island  were 
brought  to  St  John's  about  two  years  ago,  and  two  of  them  died  very  shortly  after 
their  return  to  the  Bay  of  Exploits,  the  third,  a  woman  about  18  or  19  years  of 
age  is  still  alive,  and  from  the  person  under  whose  charge  she  has  since  continued 
I  understand  that  she  has  acquired  a  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  English  language 
to  communicate  that  information  respecting  her  tribe  which  we  have  so  long  been 
desirous  to  obtain.  She  states  that  the  whole  number  of  her  tribe  did  not  exceed 
fifteen  persons  in  the  winter  of  1823,  and  that  they  were  obliged  by  the  want  of 
food  to  separate  into  three  or  four  parties.  Of  these  fifteen,  two  were  shot  by  some 
of  our  settlers,  one  was  drowned  and  three  fell  into  our  hands,  so  that  only  nine 
at  the  utmost  remain  to  be  accounted  for,  and  Mr  Peyton  (the  person  in  whose 
house  the  Native  Indian  resides)  tells  me  that  from  the  circumstance  of  his  not 
being  able  to  discover  the  most  distant  trace  of  any  of  them  for  the  two  last 
winters  he  is  convinced  that  they  must  all  have  perished1. 

If  such  be  the  fact,  this  woman  is  the  sole  survivor  of  her  race  and  of  course 
whatever  curiosity  may  be  felt  regarding  it  can  be  gratified  by  her  alone. 

Among  other  conjectures  which  have  been  formed  relating  to  this  tribe,  it  has 
I  believe  been  supposed  by  a  gentleman2  of  talent  and  learning  that  they  were  the 
remains  of  Icelandic  Colony,  and  an  opportunity  is  now  afforded  of  ascertaining  the 
truth  of  this  hypothesis,  as  the  language  will  determine  whether  they  are  of  Nor- 
wegian origin  or  not.  It  must  also  I  conceive  be  interesting  to  learn  from  her 
what  notions  they  had  of  a  Supreme  Being,  to  examine  into  the  present  state  of 
her  mental  faculties  and  to  try  how  far  they  are  susceptible  of  improvement  by 
education.  Regarding  her  therefore  in  these  and  in  many  other  particulars  as  an 
object  of  considerable  interest,  I  have  been  irresistibly  compelled  by  my  feelings  to 
draw  your  attention  to  her." 

An  old  man  named  James  Wheeler,  well  known  about  St  John's  a 
few  years  ago,  told  me  that  he  distinctly  remembered,  when  a  mere  lad, 
seeing  these  three  women  passing  along  the  street  as  described  by  Rev. 
Wm  Wilson.  He  said  the  people  stopped  everywhere  to  look  at  them, 
especially  the  young  folk,  himself  amongst  the  number,  and  when  the 
children  would  crowd  around  them,  Shanawdithit  would  make  a  pretence 
of  trying  to  catch  some  of  them.  They  would  immediately  scatter  in  all 
directions,  child  like,  then  she  would  give  vent  to  unbridled  laughter. 
Their  fear  appeared  to  be  a  matter  which  greatly  pleased  her,  nor  did  she 
seem  the  least  abashed  at  anything. 

We  are  indebted  to  Mr  W.  E.  Cormack  and  to  Mr  John  Peyton  for  the 
subsequent  history  of  the  three  women.  Cormack  relates  the  story  of  their 
capture  pretty  much  as  above,  except  that  he  says  the  husband  of  the  old 
woman  ran  away,  and  in  attempting  to  cross  a  creek  on  the  ice  fell  through 
and  was  drowned3.  Also  that  about  a  month  before  this  event,  and  a  few 
miles  distant,  the  brother  of  this  man  (Shanawdithit's  uncle),  and  his 
daughter  belonging  to  the  same  party,  were  shot  by  two  other  English 
furriers,  one  or  two  more  of  the  party  escaped  to  the  interior. 

1  Peyton  frequently  expressed  the  same  belief  to  myself. 

2  Presumably  Mr  W.  E.  Cormack. 

3  Some  accounts  state  that  a  second  man  accompanied  the  three  women  who  was  drowned  also 
by  falling  through  the  ice  in  an  attempt  to  escape. 


The  three  women  are  returned  to  Exploits  Bay          175 

After  remaining  a  few  weeks  in  St  John's  the  women  were  sent  back 
to  Exploits  with  many  presents  in  the  hope  that  they  might  meet  and 
share  them  with  their  people.  They  were  conveyed  up  the  river  Exploits 
some  distance  by  a  party  of  Europeans  and  left  on  the  bank  with  some 
provisions,  clothing,  &c.,  to  find  their  friends  as  they  best  might.  Their 
provisions  were  soon  exhausted,  and  not  meeting  any  of  their  tribe,  they 
wandered  on  foot  down  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  and  in  a  few  days 
again  reached  the  English  habitations.  The  mother  and  one  daughter  here 
died  shortly  afterwards,  and  within  a  few  days  of  each  other.  The  survivor, 
Nancy,  or  Shanawdithit,  was  received  and  taken  care  of  by  Mr  Peyton, 
Junior,  and  family. 

Mr  Peyton  informed  me  that  after  the  Indian  women  came  back  he 
had  a  tilt  built  for  them  on  the  shore  of  the  bay  near  his  own  dwelling 
and  supplied  them  with  food,  &c.,  but  that  the  sick  girl  quickly  grew  worse, 
and  soon  died.  He  said  the  old  mother  used  to  treat  her  to  a  vapour 
bath  frequently,  by  heating  stones  and  dropping  them  into  a  pail  of  water 
in  the  room  till  a  dense  vapour  of  steam  was  created,  somewhat  after  the 
manner  of  a  modern  Turkish  bath.  When  the  old  woman  died  he  took 
Shanawdithit  into  his  house  where  she  acted  as  a  kind  of  servant,  doing, 
however,  pretty  much  as  she  liked. 

An  old  woman,  Mrs  Jure,  of  Exploits  Island,  whom  I  met  in  1886, 
and  who  resided  with  the  Peyton  family  at  the  same  time  as  Nancy,  gave 
me  the  following  particulars  concerning  her.  Nance,  as  she  was  familiarly 
called,  was  swarthy  in  complexion  but  with  very  pleasing  features,  rather 
inclined  to  be  stout1  but  of  good  figure.  She  was  bright  and  intelligent, 
quick  to  acquire  the  English  language,  and  of  a  retentive  memory.  She 
was  very  pert  at  times,  and  when  her  mistress  had  occasion  to  scold  her, 
she  would  answer  very  sharply,  "  what  de  matter  now  Missa  Peyton,  what 
you  grumble  bout."  At  times  she  got  into  sulky  fits,  or  became  too  lazy 
to  do  anything.  When  such  moods  were  upon  her  she  would  go  off  and 
hide  in  the  woods  for  days  together,  only  returning  when  the  sulks  had 
worn  off,  or  when  driven  back  by  hunger.  She  would  allow  no  familiarity 
on  the  part  of  the  fishermen  who  frequented  Peyton's  house,  but  on  one 
occasion,  when  amongst  others,  an  individual  possessing  an  extremely  red 
beard  and  hair  was  amongst  the  number,  she  showed  the  greatest  partiality 
to  this  man,  even  going  to  the  length  of  sitting  on  his  knee  and  caressing 
him  ;  to  the  no  small  confusion  of  the  big  shy  fisherman,  and  to  the  great 
amusement  of  his  companions2.  She  was  very  ingenious  at  carving  and 
could  make  combs  out  of  deers'  horns  and  carve  them  beautifully.  She 
would  take  a  piece  of  birch  bark,  double  it  up  and  bite  with  her  teeth 
into  a  variety  of  figures  of  animals  or  other  designs,  i.e.  to  say  when  the 
bark  was  again  unfolded,  the  impressions  thereon  would  be  such. 

I  have  seen  myself,  a  Micmac  Indian  perform  this  same  feat.  He 
would  select  a  piece  of  thin  clear  inside  bark,  which  was  soft  and  pliable, 

1  This  does  not  accord  with  Rev.  Mr  Wilson's  description  of  her  appearance,  but  she  may  have 
fallen  into  flesh  as  she  grew  older. 

2  Presumably  the  red  hair  of  the  individual  was  the  attraction,  red  colour  being  held  in  great 
esteem  amongst  the  natives. 


176  Biography  of  Capt.  David  Buchan 

then  fold  it  several  times  tightly.  By  some  peculiar  way  of  manipulating 
his  teeth,  he  would  leave  their  impress  in  the  bark,  upon  unfolding  which 
the  figures  were  distinctly  recognizable. 

According  to  Mr  Peyton,  she  exhibited  the  greatest  antipathy  to  the 
Micmacs,  more  especially  towards  one  Noel  Boss,  whom  she  so  dreaded 
that  whenever  he,  or  even  his  dog  made  their  appearance,  she  would  run 
screeching  with  terror  and  cling  to  Mr  P.  for  protection.  She  called  this 
man  Mudty  Noel  ("Bad  Noel").  She  stated  that  he  once  fired  at  her 
across  the  Exploits  River,  as  she  was  stooping  down  in  the  act  of  cleaning 
some  venison.  In  proof  of  this  she  exhibited  the  marks  of  gunshot  wounds 
in  her  arms  and  legs  ;  one  slug  passing  through  the  palm  of  her  hand. 
Mr  W.  E.  Cormack,  to  whom  she  also  showed  these  marks,  confirms  this 
statement. 

The  remainder  of  poor  Shanawdithit's  story  is  soon  told ;  she  remained 
in  obscurity  at  Peyton's  house,  Exploits,  till  the  autumn  of  1828  when  the 
"  Beothuck  Institute,"  at  the  instance  of  Mr  Cormack,  its  President,  had 
her  brought  to  St  John's.  She  then  resided  with  Mr  C.  until  he  left  the 
country  some  time  in  the  spring  of  1829,  she  was  then  transferred  to  the 
care  of  Mr  Simms,  Attorney-General  of  the  Colony,  and  died  in  the 
month  of  June  of  that  same  year. 

In  1824,  two  Canadian  Indians  (Micmacs?)  reported  seeing  a  party 
of  Red  Indians,  with  two  canoes,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Exploits  River, 
about  half  way  between  the  coast  and  the  great  lake.  Friendly  gestures 
were  exchanged  across  the  river  and  no  collision  took  place  (so  Cormack 
was  informed  by  the  two  Micmacs  themselves1). 

In  1827  Mr  Cormack  undertook  a  second  expedition  into  the  interior, 
with  the  same  object  as  formerly.  His  account  of  this  journey  is  best 
told  in  his  own  language. 

Captain  David  Buchan,  R.N. 

Captain  David  Buchan  who  figures  so  prominently  in  Newfoundland 
history,  more  especially  in  connection  with  the  attempts  to  open  up  com- 
munication with  the  Beothucks,  is  worthy  of  an  extended  notice  here. 

David  Buchan  was  born  in  Scotland  in  1780.  In  1806  he  held  a 
Lieutenant's  commission  in  the  British  Navy.  Exactly  when  he  first  came 
to  Newfoundland  I  have  been  unable  to  ascertain,  but  Lieut.  Chappel  in 
his  Voyage  of  the  Rosamond  speaks  of  Buchan  in  1813  as  having  been 
several  years  engaged  in  surveying  the  coast  line2.  In  1810  he  was  sent 
by  the  Governor,  Sir  John  Thomas  Duckworth,  to  winter  at  the  Bay  of 
Exploits  and  ascend  the  river  next  spring  to  search  out  the  abode  of  the 
Indians.  His  narrative  of  that  journey  gives  full  details  of  the  expedition, 
and  of  the  murder  of  his  two  marines,  &c.  He  was  at  the  time  in  com- 

1  In    1826  in  the   spring,   recent  traces   of  the   Red    Indians   were    seen   by   some   Micmacs   at 
Badger  Bay  Great  Lake.     Cormack. 

2  I  find  the  name  of  Capt.  David  Buchan,  J.P.,  together  with  the  names  of  R.  Parry,  Surrogate, 
and  Josiah   Blackburne,  J.P.,  signed  to  a  decree  of  the    Surrogate    Court   at    Placentia,   Sept.    I2th, 
1808,  in  a  suit  of  Maurice  Power  versus  Thos.  Baily,  agent  for  Saunders,  Sweetman  &  Saunders. 


Plate    VIII 


Capt.   David  Buchan,   R.N. 

Who  made  the  memorable  expeditions  to  Red  Indian  Lake 
in   1810 — it   and  again  in   1820. 


Biography  of  Capt.  David  Buchan  177 

mand  of  the  armed  schooner  Adonis.  In  1813  his  ship,  together  with 
the  Rosamond,  Capt.  Campbell,  convoyed  the  Newfoundland  fishing  fleet 
home  to  England.  They  left  St  John's  in  December,  and  had  a  very 
stormy  passage.  When  nearing  the  English  Channel  the  ships  became 
separated  in  a  violent  gale,  and  the  Rosamond  did  not  again  rejoin  the 
fleet,  but  the  Adonis  picked  up  the  convoy  after  a  while,  and  accompanied 
it,  till  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Scilly  Islands  when  it  was  attacked  by  a  large 
fleet  of  French  ships.  Buchan's  small  vessel  being  unable  to  cope  with 
such  a  superior  force,  had  to  run  for  safety,  and  barely  escaped  being 
captured  by  throwing  overboard  all  her  heavy  guns1. 

In  1816  he  was  promoted  to  Commander,  and  was  again  on  this 
station.  During  the  absence  of  the  Governor  that  winter  he  acted  as  his 
deputy  in  command  here.  It  was  a  winter  of  much  distress  and  misery 
brought  about  by  a  great  conflagration  in  which  most  of  the  town  of 
St  John's  (the  capital)  was  destroyed.  This  was  followed  by  famine,  and 
consequent  lawlessness.  Buchan  acted  throughout  with  such  cool,  coura- 
geous and  humane  conduct  as  to  succeed  in  averting  worse  calamities. 
He  was  then  in  command  of  H.M.S.  Pike,  and  during  the  winter  he 
put  all  his  crew  on  short  allowance  to  -relieve  the  distress  of  the  inhabit- 
ants. For  his  humane  and  praiseworthy  conduct  during  this  trying  season, 
he  was  presented  with  a  most  flattering  address  of  thanks  by  the  Grand 
Jury,  and  also  with  a  service  of  plate  by  the  inhabitants. 

Again  during  the  following  winter  of  1817-18  still  more  disastrous 
fires,  accompanied  by  even  worse  disorders  occurred,  Buchan  again  saved 
the  situation,  and  by  his  courage  and  discipline,  succeeded  in  preserving 
order  and  tranquillity,  for  which  he  was  again  the  recipient  of  much  deserved 
praise2. 

During  the  summer  of  1818  two  celebrated  Arctic  expeditions  were 
undertaken,  the  one  in  command  of  Ross  and  Parry,  was  sent  in  search 
of  a  North  West  Passage,  the  other  in  command  of  Capt.  Buchan  and 
Lieut.  Franklin,  proceeded  towards  the  pole  by  way  of  Spitzbergen.  Capt. 
Buchan  in  the  Dorothea  was  in  chief  command,  while  Lieut.  Franklin 
in  the  Trent  was  second.  This  was  the  celebrated,  and  ill-fated  Sir 
John  Franklin's  first  expedition  into  Arctic  waters.  Other  heroes  of  Arctic 
fame  took  part  in  this  expedition,  Beechey  was  First  Lieut.,  and  Back, 
Admiralty  Mate  on  board  the  Trent  with  Franklin.  Early  in  June  they 
reached  Spitzbergen,  and  after  being  beset  with  the  ice  for  a  while,  they 
sailed  again  on  June  7th  and  succeeded  in  passing  the  NW.  boundary  of 
that  island,  but  were  stopped  beyond  Red  Bay,  and  remained  fast  in  the 
floe  13  days,  when  they  took  shelter  in  Fair  Haven.  On  the  6th  of  July 
they  again  sailed  North  and  succeeded  in  reaching  Lat.  80°  34'  North,  but 
could  not  proceed  further. 

Buchan  now  turned  towards  Greenland,  but  while  sailing  along  the 
edge  of  the  ice,  encountered  such  a  sudden  and  furious  gale,  that  in  order 
to  save  his  ships,  they  had  to  run  before  it  into  the  ice  pack,  thereby 

1  The  Adonis  only  mounted  10  guns  in  all. 

2  From   the  records  we  learn  that   Buchan  had  the  distribution  of  ,£10,000  sent  by  the  British 
Government  for  the  relief  of  the  distressed. 

H.  23 


iy8  Biography  of  Capt.  David  Buchan 

greatly  injuring  them  by  the  violent  contact  with  the  heavy  floe.  Beechey 
describes  the  scene  in  vivid  colours,  he  says  the  impact  was  terrific.  "  It 
threw  every  man  off  his  legs  prone  on  the  deck,  the  crunching  of  the 
timbers,  bending  of  the  masts,  and  tolling  of  the  ship's  bell,  was  enough 
to  arouse  the  utmost  apprehension  on  the  part  of  the  officers  and  crew, 
yet,"  he  adds,  "  the  conduct  of  all  under  such  trying  circumstances  was 
admirable."  "I  will  not  conceal,"  he  says,  "the  pride  I  felt  in  witnessing 
the  bold  and  decisive  tone  in  which  orders  were  issued  by  the  commander 
(Franklin)  of  our  little  vessel  and  the  promptitude  and  steadiness  with 
which  they  were  executed  by  the  crew." 

The  ships  were  greatly  damaged,  and  when  the  gale  abated,  and  the 
pack  broke  up  sufficiently  to  release  them,  the  Dorothea  was  in  a  sink- 
ing condition  ;  but  they  made  their  way  back  to  Fair  Haven  and  partially 
repaired  them.  They  then  sailed  home,  arriving  back  in  October. 

The  next  year  Buchan  was  again  on  the  Newfoundland  Station  and 
it  was  in  the  fall  of  this  year  (1819)  that  he  was  sent  North  with  poor 
Mary  March,  who,  as  we  are  aware,  died  on  board  his  ship  the  Grass- 
hopper at  Peter's  Arm,  Exploits  Bay,  in  January  1820. 

In  1822,  Buchan  was  tried  by  court-martial,  at  St  John's  on  board 
H.M.S.  Albion  for  some  alleged  disobedience  of  orders,  but  he  was 
honourably  acquitted.  The  charge  was  brought  against  him  by  Capt. 
Nicholas. 

In  1825  he  was  appointed  Surrogate,  and  at  the  first  term  of  the 
Supreme  Court  in  1826,  High  Sheriff.  Previous  to  this  date  he  had  been 
made  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  for  the  Island.  His  name  appears  as  far 
back  as  1813,  amongst  a  number  of  other  naval  officers  in  the  Court 
Records,  who  were  similarly  appointed  as  J.P.'s,  for  the  Island  generally1. 

During  the  year  1820  Buchan  acted  as  floating  Surrogate  in  the 
Egeria  at  Harbour  Grace,  and  administered  justice  in  conjunction  with 
the  Rev.  Mr  Leigh,  resident  Episcopal  Missionary  of  that  place.  Two 
men  named  Butler  and  Lundrigan  of  Harbour  Main  were  summoned  before 
them  for  some  offence,  but  as  they  refused  to  obey  the  summons,  Buchan 
sent  a  posse  of  marines  to  arrest  them.  They  were  brought  to  Brigus 
where  they  were  tried  for  contempt  of  Court  and  sentenced  to  be  publicly 
flogged.  This  action  aroused  public  indignation  all  over  the  country,  especi- 
ally in  St  John's,  and  a  tremendous  furor  was  raised.  The  leading  citizens 
took  the  matter  up  and  subscribed  funds  for  the  accused  to  bring  the  case 
before  the  Supreme  Court.  The  case  went  against  Buchan,  who  was  fined 
and  severely  censured.  It  was  then  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  British 
Government,  and  Buchan's  cruel  and  arbitrary  conduct  was  made  the  sub- 
ject of  a  special  investigation2.  It  resulted  in  the  doing  away  with  the 
Surrogate  Courts,  and  the  substitution  of  properly  trained  legal  gentlemen 
to  administer  justice  thereafter. 

I  .  learn    from    Barrow's   Arctic    Voyages,   that    Buchan  was   lost  in  the 

1  A  custom  which  is  carried  out  to  this  day  by  the  Colonial  Government,  who  every  year  appoints 
the  commander  on  the  station  a  Justice  of  the  Peace. 

2  In    1824  (?)  Buchan  was  examined  before  a  Committee  of  the  British  Parliament,  presumably 
about  the  Butler-Lundrigan  case. 


Mr  Curtis  s  Story  179 

Upton  Castle,  coming  from  India,  a  ship  that  was  never  heard  of  after 
the  8th  of  December  1838.  His  name  was  removed  from  the  list  of  living 
Captains  in  1839. 

Buchan  is  described  by  those  who  remember  him,  as  a  man  of  about 
5ft.  7  in.  ^  in  height,  of  slight  active  build,  and  as  being  a  regular  martinet. 
He  married  a  Miss  Maria  Adye  about  1802-03.  From  his  granddaughter, 
Miss  Eva  Buchan  of  17  Kidbrooke  Park  Road,  Blackheath,  S.E.,  England! 
I  have  learned  some  few  further  particulars  of  Capt.  Buchan,  and  have 
been  also  kindly  furnished  with  a  photograph  of  him  copied  from  an  oil 
painting. 

She  says  Capt.  B.  married  a  Miss  Maria  Adye  about  1802-03.  Her 
father  was  his  eldest  son  and  was  with  him  on  his  Arctic  Expedition,  and 
she  often  heard  him  describe  it.  He  died  when  she  was  quite  young. 
She  does  not  say  what  other  descendants  Capt.  B.  left.  On  her  grand- 
mother's side,  two  of  her  great  uncles  were  distinguished  officers,  the  one 
under  Wellington,  and  the  other  as  Flag- Lieut,  with  Nelson. 

There  is  still  preserved  in  the  family  some  silver  plate  presented  to 
Capt.  Buchan  in  1817-18  by  the  inhabitants  of  Newfoundland. 

I  learn  from  a  letter  of  Mr  W.  E.  Cormack  that  Buchan  was  in 
Newfoundland  as  late  as  1828.  Again  from  the  records,  a  letter  from 
Col.  Secretary,  Mr  Joseph  Crowdy  of  date  Sept.  i,  1835  acknowledges 
receipt  of  a  letter  from  Capt.  Buchan  tendering  his  resignation  of  the 
High  Sheriffship,  dated  Aug.  27th,  1835.  He  probably  left  the  country 
for  good  that  year. 

The  following  interesting  particulars  relative  to  the  capture  of  Mary 
March,  also  of  Nancy,  her  mother  and  sister,  &c.,  were  procured  for  me 
some  years  ago  by  the  Rev.  J.  St  John,  P.P.,  of  Salmonier,  from  a  very  old 
inhabitant  of  that  place  named  Curtis. 

Substance  of  Mr  Curtis  s  Story. 

"In  the  October  of  1819,  I  left  St  Mary's  to  go  to  Twillingate  where  Mr  John 
Peyton  wanted  me  to  build  a  schooner.  In  the  spring  of  that  year  Peyton  had 
brought  Mary  March  from  Grand  Pond1  to  Twillingate.  The  Indians  had  the 
summer  previous  robbed  his  boat,  and  he  went  with  7  or  8  armed  men  to  recover 
whatever  he  could  from  them.  When  they  came  upon  the  Indians  one  of  them 
having  proved  troublesome  and  threatened  to  use  the  hatchet  with  which  he  was 
armed,  Peyton's  men  were  forced  to  shoot  him.  Mary  March  returned  willingly  with 
them  to  Sandy  Point,  where  the  women  took  care  of  her,  washed  the  ochre  from  her 
person,  and  clothed  her.  She  was  of  medium  height  and  slender,  and  for  an  Indian, 
very  good  looking.  Then  he  brought  her  to  St  John's  to  the  Governor.  Governor 
Hamilton  sent  her  back  by  Peyton  to  Twillingate  where  she  remained  with  Parson 
Leigh,  who  wished  to  learn  her  language.  Capt.  Buchan  of  the  Grasshopper  was 
employed  searching  for  Red  Indians  in  the  fall  of  1819  to  civilize  them.  Peyton 
brought  Mary  March  from  the  Parson's  house  to  the  Man-of-war  lying  in  Peter's 
Arm  of  the  river  Exploits,  where  Capt.  Buchan  took  charge  of  her.  She  died  on 
board  this  vessel  in  the  spring  of  1820.  I  saw  Peyton  and  others  bring  the  corpse, 
decked  out  with  all  the  presents  and  trinkets  she  had,  back  on  the  ice  to  the  Indian 
camp  about  130  miles  up  the  river.  Captain  Buchan  and  several  of  his  men  went 

« 

1  Not  Grand  Pond  (Lake)  but  Red  Indian  Lake. 

23 — 2 


180  Mr  Curtis  s  Story 

on  this  expedition,  in  all  about  30  men.  They  were  very  unsuccessful  having  seen 
no  Indians  nor  any  trace  of  them.  They  afterwards  went  in  by  Badger  Bay  but 
found  none  there  either. 

In  the  month  of  March  (?)  1823,  I  lived  at  Indian  Point  in  the  Exploits.  W.  Cull 
brought  three  Indian  women,  mother  and  daughters  to  my  house  expecting  to  meet 
Peyton  there.  Not  finding  him  there,  he  started,  after  having  been  detained  7  or 
8  days  at  my  house  by  unfavourable  weather,  to  bring  the  women  down  to  Burnt 
Island  to  Peyton,  who  was  commissioned  by  Government  to  look  after  them.  We 
brought  these  Indians  to  St  John's  in  the  new  schooner  Anne,  which  I  had  just 
finished.  The  Government  sent  them  back  again  with  us  to  the  Exploits.  They 
lived  in  a  hut  outside  our  door  until  Peyton  gave  them  their  liberty  and  furnished 
them  with  a  small  flat  boat  for  the  summer.  They  paddled  up  the  river  and  landed 
at  Point  of  Bay  where  the  mother  died1.  Here  the  daughters  buried  her  in  the 
following  manner.  They  laid  a  sheet  of  birch  bark  on  the  ground,  upon  which  they 
placed  the  corpse,  which  they  covered  with  more  rind.  Upon  this  they  placed  stones 
and  the  burial  was  finished.  They  left  then  for  Lower  Sandy  Point  where  cooper 
Pike  lived.  Here  the  elder  sister  died  in  about  a  week.  The  remaining  sister  Nance 
paddled  in  the  flat,  back  to  us  at  Burnt  Island,  and  lived  with  Peyton  and  myself 
until  Cormack  took  her  to  St  John's,  where  she  died. 

Whilst  she  lived  with  Peyton  she  acted,  freely  and  without  being  obliged,  the 
part  of  servant,  and  a  very  industrious  and  intelligent  servant  she  was.  She  made 
the  fire,  prepared  the  tea,  swept  and  scrubbed  the  floor,  washed  the  clothes,  cooked  &c. 
She  never  made  the  bread.  I  never  saw  her  with  a  needle,  but  I  often  saw  her  stitch 
by  passing  the  thread  through  a  hole  made  with  a  sharp  point  or  awl.  I  never  saw 
anything  in  the  conduct  of  the  woman  to  indicate  a  belief  in  God.  Peyton's  religion 
was  very  unobtrusive,  and  he  never  had  prayer  in  common  in  his  house,  in 'which 
Nance  might  join.  I  am  unable  to  say  whether  she  or  the  others  were  baptised, 
certainly  they  showed  no  knowledge  of  Christianity.  I  am  doubtful  even  as  to 
whether  they  believed  in  a  future  life.  Speaking  with  Peyton  on  this  subject  I  was 
told  by  him  that  when  the  elder  daughter  was  sick,  he  saw  the  mother  light  a  fire 
in  the  tent  and  hold  the  girl  in  the  smoke,  throwing  in  certain  weeds,  and  at  times 
raising  her  hands  and  eyes  imploringly  as  if  in  prayer,  to  some  supernatural  Being. 
After  her  mother's  and  sister's  death,  Nance  never  spoke  any  more  of  them,  and 
seemed  to  forget  them  altogether2.  They  were  much  given  to  theft.  Nance  and  her 
sister  played  a  trick  on  a  poor  fisherman.  They  opened  a  barrel  of  pork  belonging 
to  him,  and  having  selected  the  fattest  pieces,  cut  off  the  fat  and  then  cut  the 
vamps  off  a  fine  pair  of  boots  to  contain  it.  They  could  use  no  salt,  very  little 
pork,  no  sweeting,  no  butter — in  fact  they  ate  very  little  of  anything.  We  under- 
stood from  'Indian  Nance'  that  it  was  her  mother,  who  died  at  Point  of  Bay,  that 
scalped  (?)  (beheaded)  the  marines  in  1811.  Certainly  her  appearance  showed  her 
capable  of  any  cruelty.  We  called  her  '  Old  Smut.'  She  was  thought  to  be  the 
instigator  of  every  wicked  act  the  Indians  did. 

Wm.  Cull  told  me  that  he  was  employed  as  principal  guide  by  Capt.  Buchan 
in  his  first  expedition  to  the  Indians  in  the  Adonis,  when  two  of  his  marines  were 
killed  by  the  Indians.  These  two  men  were  left  by  Buchan  as  hostages  at  the 
Indian  camp  whilst  he  took  three  Indians  with  him  to  where  he  left  some  presents 
and  trinkets  the  night  before.  The  three  Indian  hostages  fled  from  Buchan  and  the 
two  marines  were  stripped  naked  by  the  Indians  and  when  they  were  flying  naked 
down  the  river  the  Indians  fired  at  them  and  shot  them.  An  old  Indian  woman 
took  their  scalps3." 


1  Apparently   old   man    Curtis   makes   a   mistake    about    the    mother's    death,    it   was   the   eldest 
daughter  who  died  first. 

2  Does  not  agree  with  Mrs  Jure's  statement. 

3  The  Beothucks  did  not  scalp  their  victims,  they  cut  off  the  heads. 


John   GilFs  Recollections  181 

Another  old  man  of  Exploits  Bay,  named  Gill,  gave  me  some  further 
particulars  about  Nance  and  her  companions.  Gill's  mother  was  also  a 
servant  in  Peyton's  employ  at  the  time  Nance  lived  with  him,  and  he 
stated  that  he  often  listened  with  deep  interest  to  his  mother  talking  of 
her  and  relating  other  stories  of  the  Indians. 

"  Nance  was  a  married  woman,  according  to  her  own  account  and  left  two 
children  in  the  interior,  which  she  used  to  express  great  anxiety  about.  She  said 
her  tribe  were  very  strict  about  the  moral  law,  and  visited  severe  penalties  on  any 
one  who  transgressed.  Burning  alive  at  the  stake  being  the  fate  of  the  adulterer, 
which  was  witnessed  by  the  whole  tribe  who  danced  in  a  circle  around  the  victim. 
Nance  was  fired  at  by  a  Micmac  Indian  once  as  she  was  engaged  washing  venison 
in  the  Exploits  River.  He  waited  till  she  turned  to  walk  up  the  bank  when  the 
old  ruffian  deliberately  fired  at  her  across  the  river  wounding  her  severely  in  the 
back  and  legs.  The  poor  creature  dropped  the  venison  and  limped  off  into  the 
woods.  In  describing  the  incident  she  would  act  the  part,  limping  away  after  being 
shot  at.  She  was  perfectly  aware  who  the  perpetrator  of  this  dialolical  act  was, — 
one  Noel  Boss,  by  name,  and  ever  afterwards  entertained  the  greatest  fear  at  sight 
of  this  villain  or  even  his  dog.  It  is  said  of  this  Noel  Boss,  that  he  boasted  of 
having  killed  99  Red  Indians  in  his  time,  and  wished  to  add  one  more  to  the 
number  so  as  to  complete  the  hundred.  He  afterwards  fell  through  the  ice  on 
Gander  Lake  while  laden  with  six  heavy  steel  traps,  and  was  drowned,  by  far  too 
good  a  fate  for  such  a  monster. 

Nance  was  very  pert  at  times  and  openly  defied  Mrs  Peyton  when  the  old  lady 
happened  to  be  cross  with  the  servants.  Nance  would  laugh  in  her  face,  and  say, 
'well  done  Misses,  I  like  to  hear  you  jaw,  that  right';  or  'jawing  again  Misses.' 
They  had  named  her  Nance  April  from  the  month  in  which  she  was  captured, 
they  did  not  then  know  her  Indian  name.  Her  elder  sister  was  named  Easter  Eve, 
that  being  the  day  of  their  capture,  whilst  the  old  mother  was  named  Betty  Decker, 
because  the  party  who  captured  them  were  engaged  at  the  time  decking  a  vessel. 
In  personal  appearance  Nance  was  very  similar  to  the  Micmacs,  being  about  the 
same  colour  and  broad  featured.  Her  hair  was  jet  black,  and  her  figure  tall  and 
s.tout.  She  was  a  good  worker,  and  performed  the  usual  household  avocations,  such 
as  washing,  scrubbing  &c.  with  satisfaction.  At  times  she  fell  into  a  melancholy 
mood,  and  would  go  off  into  the  woods,  as  she  would  say  to  have  a  talk  with  her 
mother  and  sister.  She  generally  came  back  singing  and  laughing,  or  talking  aloud 
to  herself.  She  would  also  frequently  indulge  in  the  same  practice  at  night,  and 
when  asked  what  was  the  matter  would  reply,  Nance  talking  to  her  mother  and 
sister.  When  told  not  to  be  foolish,  that  they  were  dead  and  she  could  not  talk 
to  them,  she  would  say,  '  a  yes  they  here,  me  see  them  and  talk  to  them.'  She 
was  very  gentle  and  not  at  all  of  a  vicious  disposition,  was  an  adept  at  drawing 
or  copying  anything.  Capt.  Buchan  took  her  on  board  his  man-of-war,  gave  her 
drawing  paper  and  materials  &c.,  he  then  showed  her  a  portrait  of  his  mother 
which  she  copied  very  accurately.  She  made  very  neat  combs  out  of  deers  horns 
and  carved  them  all  over  elaborately.  She  would  take  a  piece  of  birch  bark  fold 
it  up,  and  with  her  teeth  bite  out  various  designs  representing  leaves,  flowers  &C.1 
Her  teeth  were  very  white  and  even.  She  was  strictly  modest  and  would  allow  no 
freedom  on  the  part  of  the  opposite  sex.  Once  when  an  individual  attempted  some 
familiarity  he  was  so  rudely  repulsed  that  he  never  afterwards  dared  to  repeat  the 
offence.  She  would  not  tolerate  him  near  her.  He  was  a  Mudty  man  (bad  man). 
She  seemed  well  aware  of  the  difference  between  right  and  wrong,  and  knew  if 
a  person  cursed  or  swore  he  was  doing  wrong,  '  mudty  man '  she  would  say.  She 
is  described  as  a  fine  worker,  was  a  good  clean  cook  and  washer.  When  first  taken 

1  I  have  seen  a  Micmac  Indian  perform  this  same  feat. 


1 82  IVidow  J  ttre's  Recollections 

the  woman    had    quite  a  job  to  wash  off  the  red  ochre  and  grease  with   which  her 
person   was   smeared. 

When  she  fell  into  one  of  her  melancholy  moods  and  ran  off  into  the  woods 
she  would  turn  round  saying,  'All  gone  widdun  (asleep)  Nance  go  widdun  too,  no 
more  come  Nance,  run  away,  no  more  come.'  She  was  fond  of  colours  and  fine 
clothes.  Capt.  Buchan  sent  her  a  pair  of  silk  stockings  and  shoes  from  St  John's 
in  which  she  took  great  pride." 

The  widow  Jure,  whom  I  met  at  Exploits,  Burnt  Island,  in  1886,  and 
who  was  also  a  servant  at  Peyton's,  during  Nancy's  time  gave  me  much 
information  about  the  Indian  woman.  She  confirmed  all  the  above  par- 
ticulars. This  Mrs  Jure  had  learned  some  of  the  Beothuck  language 
from  Nance  who  used  to  compliment  her  on  her  pronunciation.  Unfortu- 
nately she  had  now  forgotten  nearly  all  of  it.  But  on  my  producing  a 
vocabulary  of  the  language  and  reading  it  over  for  her  she  remembered 
several  words  and  pronounced  them  for  me.  She  also  corrected  some 
which  were  misspelt,  etc. 

Formation  of  the  Beothuck  Institution. 
From  the  Royal  Gazette  of  November  i3th   1827. 

At  a  numerous  meeting  of  the  friends  of  this  Institution  in  the  Court 
House  at  Twillingate,  on  Tuesday  the  2nd  day  of  October  1827,  the 
Honourable  Augustus  Wallet  Des  Barres,  Senior  Assistant  Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  and  Judge  of  the  Northern  Circuit  Court,  of  Newfound- 
land, in  the  Chair. 

The  Honourable  Chairman  briefly  eulogized  the  object  of  the  Insti- 
tution, when  the  following  statement,  in  support  thereof,  was  made  by 
W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq.,  the  founder : 

"  Every  man  who  has  common  regard  for  the  welfare  of  his  fellow 
beings,  and  who  hears  of  the  cause  for  which  we  are  now  met,  will 
assuredly  foster  any  measures  that  may  be  devised  to  bring  within  the 
protection  of  civilization  that  neglected  and  persecuted  tribe — the  Red 
Indians  of  Newfoundland.  Every  man  will  join  us,  except  he  be  callous 
to  the  misfortunes  or  regardless  of  the  prosperity  of  his  fellow  creatures. 
Those  who  by  their  own  merits,  or  by  the  instrumentality  of  others, 
become  invested  with  power  and  influence  in  society,  are  bound  the  more 
to  exert  themselves — to  do  all  the  good  they  can,  in  promoting  the  happi- 
ness of  their  fellow  men  :  and  if  there  be  such  men  in  Newfoundland,  who 
say  there  is  no  good  to  be  gained  by  reclaiming  the  aborigines  from  their 
present  hapless  condition,  let  them  not  expose  their  unvirtuous  sentiments 
to  the  censure  of  this  enlightened  age. — Is  there  no  honest  pride  in  him 
who  protects  man  from  the  shafts  of  injustice  ? — nay,  is  there  not  an 
inward  monitor  approving  of  all  our  acts  which  shall  have  the  tendency 
to  lessen  crime  and  prevent  murder  ? 

We  now  stand  on  the  nearest  part  of  the  New  World  to  Europe — 
of  Newfoundland  to  Britain  ;  and  at  this  day,  and  on  this  sacred  spot,  do 
we  form  the  first  assembly  that  has  ever  yet  collected  together  to  consider 


Formation  of  Beothuck  Institution  183 

the  condition  of  the  invaded  and  ill-treated  first  occupiers  of  the  country.— 
Britons  have  trespassed  here,  to  be  a  blight  and  a  scourge  to  a  portion 
of  the  human  race ;  under  their  (in  other  respects)  protecting  power,  a 
defenceless,  and  once  independent,  proud  tribe  of  men,  have  been  nearly 
extirpated  from  the  face  of  the  earth — scarcely  causing  an  enquiry  how, 
or  why.  Near  this  spot  is  known  to  remain  in  all  his  primitive  rudeness, 
clothed  in  skins,  and  with  a  bow  and  arrow  only  to  gain  his  subsistence 
by,  and  to  repel  the  attacks  of  his  lawless  and  reckless  foes  :  there  on  the 
opposite  approximating  point,  is  man  improved  and  powerful : — Barbarity 
and  civilization  are  this  day  called  upon  to  shake  hands. 

The  history  of  the  original  inhabitants  of  Newfoundland,  called  by 
themselves  Beothuck,  and  by  Europeans,  the  Red  Indians,  can  only  be 
gleaned  from  tradition,  and  that  chiefly  among  the  Micmacs.  It  would 
appear  that  about  a  century  and  a  half  ago,  this  tribe  was  numerous  and 
powerful — like  their  neighbouring  tribe,  the  Micmacs : — both  tribes  were 
then  on  friendly  terms,  and  inhabited  the  western  shores  of  Newfoundland, 
in  common  with  the  other  parts  of  the  island,  as  well  as  Labrador.  A 
misunderstanding  with  the  Europeans  (French)  who  then  held  the  sway 
over  those  parts,  led,  in  the  result,  to  hostilities  between  the  two  tribes  ; 
and  the  sequel  of  the  tale  runs  as  follows. 

The  European  authorities,  who  we  may  suppose  were  not  over  scrupu- 
lous in  dealing  out  equity  in  those  days,  offered  a  reward  for  the  persons 
or  heads  of  certain  Red  Indians.  Some  of  the  Micmacs  were  tempted  by 
the  reward,  and  took  off  the  heads  of  two  of  them.  Before  the  heads 
were  delivered  for  the  award,  they  were  by  accident  discovered,  con- 
cealed in  the  canoe  that  was  to  convey  them,  and  recognized  by  some 
of  the  Red  Indians  as  the  heads  of  their  friends.  The  Red  Indians 
gave  no  intimation  of  their  discovery  to  the  perpetrators  of  the  unpro- 
voked outrage,  but  consulted  amongst  themselves,  and  determined  on 
having  revenge.  They  invited  the  Micmacs  to  a  great  feast,  and  arranged 
their  guests  in  such  order  that  every  Beothuck  had  a  Micmac  by  his  side, 
at  a  preconcerted  signal  each  Beothuck  slew  his  guest.  They  then  retired 
quickly  from  those  parts  bordering  on  the  Micmac  country.  War  of  course 
ensued.  Firearms  were  little  known  to  the  Indians  at  this  time,  but 
they  soon  came  into  more  general  use  amongst  such  tribes  as  continued 
to  hold  intercourse  with  Europeans.  This  circumstance  gave  the  Micmacs 
an  undisputed  ascendancy  over  the  Beothucks,  who  were  forced  to  betake 
themselves  to  the  recesses  of  the  interior,  and  retired  parts  of  the  island, 
alarmed,  as  well  they  might  be,  at  every  report  of  the  fire-lock. 

Since  that  day  European  weapons  have  been  directed,  from  every 
quarter,  (and  in  latter  times  too  often)  at  the  open  breasts  and  unstrung 
bows  of  the  unoffending  Beothucks.  Sometimes  these  unsullied  people  of 
the  chase  have  been  destroyed  wantonly,  because  they  have  been  thought 
more  fleet,  and  more  evasive,  than  men  ought  to  be.  At  other  times,  at 
the  sight  of  them,  the  terror  of  the  ignorant  European  has  goaded  him  on 
to  murder  the  innocent, — at  the  bare  mention  of  which  civilization  ought 
to  weep.  Incessant  and  ruthless  persecution,  continued  for  many  genera- 
tions, has  given  these  sylvan  people  an  utter  disregard  and  abhorrence  of 


184  Beothuck  Institution 

the  very  signs  of  civilization.  Shawnawdithit,  the  surviving  female  of  those 
who  were  captured  four  years  ago,  by  some  fishermen,  will  not  now  return 
to  her  tribe,  for  fear  they  should  put  her  to  death  ;  a  proof  of  the  esti- 
mation in  which  we  are  held  by  that  persecuted  people. 

The  situation  of  the  unfortunate  Beothuck  carries  with  it  our  warmest 
sympathy  and  loudly  calls  on  us  all  to  do  something  for  the  sake  of 
humanity. — For  my  own  satisfaction,  I  have  for  a  time,  released  myself 
from  all  other  avocations,  and  am  here  now,  on  my  way  to  visit  that  part 
of  the  country  which  the  surviving  remnant  of  the  tribe  have  of  late 
years  frequented,  to  endeavour  to  force  a  friendly  interview  with  some  of 
them,  before  they  are  entirely  annihilated  :  but  it  will  most  probably  require 
many  such  interviews,  and  some  years,  to  reconcile  them  to  the  approaches 
of  civilized  man. 

Several  gentlemen  of  rank,  in  England  and  elsewhere,  have  viewed 
with  regret  the  cruelties  that  have  been  exercised  towards  those  people; 
and  have  offered  to  come  forward  in  support  of  any  measures  that  might 
be  adopted,  to  offer  them  the  protection  and  kindness  of  civilization.— 
Amongst  the  foremost  of  those  are  His  Lordship  the  Bishop  of  Nova 
Scotia. — and  amongst  ourselves,  the  Hon.  Augustus  Wallet  Des  Barres. 
I  lay  his  Lordship  the  Bishop's  correspondence  upon  that  subject  on  the 
table. — After  this  day  we  shall  expect  the  co-operation  of  many  such  inde- 
pendent and  enlightened  men. 

I  hope  to  be  able  to  effect,  in  part,  the  first  objects  of  the  Institu- 
tion— that  of  bringing  about  a  reconciliation  of  the  Aborigines,  to  the 
approaches  of  civilization.  I  have  already  commenced  my  measures,  and 
am  determined  to  follow  up,  in  progression,  what  steps  may  appear  to  be 
the  best  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  object  I  have  long  had  in  view. 
I  hope  to  state  to  the  public,  in  a  few  weeks,  the  result  of  my  present 
excursion ;  on  which  I  am  to  be  accompanied  by  a  small  party  of  other 
tribes  of  Indians. 

(signed)      W.   E.  CORMACK. 

It  was  then  proposed  by  W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq. — seconded  by  Charles 
Simms  Esq.  and  unanimously  resolved, — That  a  Society  be  formed  to  be 
called  the  "  Boeothick  Institution,"  for  the  purpose  of  opening  a  com- 
munication with,  and  promoting  the  civilization  of  the  Red  Indians  of 
Newfoundland. 

i st. — Proposed  by  Charles  Simms  Esq.,  seconded  by  Joseph  Simms,  Esq. 
and  unanimously  resolved, — That  the  affairs  of  the  Institution  be  conducted 
by  a  Vice  Patron,  President,  Treasurer,  and  Secretary  who  shall  perform 
the  duties  of  their  offices  gratuitously. 

2nd. — Proposed  by  Joseph  Simms,  Esq, — seconded  by  John  Stark,  Esq, 
and  unanimously  resolved, — That  this  Institution  shall  be  supported  by  volun- 
tary subscriptions  and  donations ;  and  that  persons  be  appointed  at  different 
places  to  receive  the  same. 

3rd. — Proposed  by  John   Stark,   Esq. — Seconded  by  Doctor  Tremlet— 
and    unanimously    Resolved, — That    the    funds    to    be    raised    in    support   of 


Beothuck  Institution  185 

this  Institution,  shall  be  at  the  disposal  of  the  Vice  Patron,  President, 
Treasurer,  and  Secretary ;  and  that  an  account  of  the  receipts  and  dis- 
bursements shall  be  made  out,  and  exhibited  at  the  annual  Meetings. 

4th. — Proposed  by  W.  E.  Cormack  Esq,  —  seconded  by  Joseph 
Simms,  Esq.  and  unanimously  Resolved, — That  the  officers  of  this  Insti- 
tution shall  meet  on  the  ist  of  June,  in  each  year,  at  St  John's,  and 
oftener,  if  necessary,  upon  special  summonses. 

5th.  Proposed  by  W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq. — seconded  by  John  Stark  Esq. 
and  unanimously  resolved, — That  the  Honourable  and  Right  Rev.  the  Lord 
Bishop  of  Nova  Scotia  be  requested  to  accept  the  office  of  Patron  to  this 
Institution. 

6th.  —  Proposed  by  W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq. — seconded  by  Doctor  Tremlet 
and  unanimously  Resolved,  —  That  the  Honorable  Augustus  Wallet  Des 
Barres  be  Vice  Patron. 

7th. — Proposed  by  the  Reverend  John  Chapman, — seconded  by  Thomas 
Slade,  Esq. — and  unanimously  Resolved, — That  W.  E.  Cormack  Esq.  be 
President  and  Treasurer. 

8th.  —  Proposed  by  W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq. — seconded  by  John  Stark,  Esq. 
— and  unanimously  Resolved, — That  John  Dunscomb  Esq.  be  Vice  President. 

9th. — Proposed  by  the  Reverend  John  Chapman, — seconded  by  Andrew 
Pierce,  Esq. — and  unanimously  Resolved, — That  John  Stark  Esq.  be  Secre- 
tary. 

loth. — Proposed  by  W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq.— seconded  by  John  Stark  Esq. 
and  unanimously  Resolved, — That  the  following  gentlemen  be  Honorary  Vice 
Patrons- 
Professor  Jameson,   President  of  the  Wernerian  Society, 
John   Barrow,   Esq.  one  of  the  Secretaries  to  the  Admiralty. 

iith. — Proposed  by  Mr  Bell, — seconded  by  the  Reverend  John 
Chapman,  —  and  unanimously  Resolved,  -  -  That  no  additional  officers  be 
appointed,  with  the  exception  of  Honorary  Patrons,  Vice  Patrons,  and 
corresponding  Members,  who  may  be  chosen  from  time  to  time  at  the 
meetings  of  the  Institution. 

1 2th. — Proposed  by  Charles  Simms,  Esq.— seconded  by' David  Slade  Esq. 
—and  unanimously  Resolved, — That  annual  subscribers,  to  any  amount,  shall 
be  entitled  to  a  copy  of  the  Report  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Institute. 

1 3th. — Proposed  by  Joseph  Simms,  Esq. — seconded  by  W.  E.  Cormack, 
Esq, — and  unanimously  Resolved, — That  every  subscriber  contributing  an 
annual  payment  of  Ten  Pounds,  or  a  donation  of  One  Hundred  Pounds, 
shall  be  Honorary  Patrons ;  and  that  every  subscriber  contributing  an 
annual  payment  of  Five  Pounds,  or  a  donation  of  Fifty  Pounds,  shall  be 
Honorary  Vice-Patrons  of  this  Institution. 

1 4th. — Proposed  by  the  Reverend  John  Chapman, — seconded  by 
W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq. — and  unanimously  Resolved, — That  the  Treasurer 

H.  24 


1 86  Members  of  Institution 

shall  receive  all  monies  collected  in  aid  of  the  funds  of  this  institution, 
and  from  time  to  time  invest  the  same  in  Exchequer  Bills  except  a 
competent  sum  for  current  expenses. 

1 5th. — Proposed  by  Thomas  Lyte,  Esq. — seconded  by  the  Reverend 
John  Chapman  —  and  unanimously  Resolved, --That  Shawnawdithit1  be 
placed  under  the  paternal  care  of  the  Institution  ;  the  expense  of  her 
support  and  education  to  be  provided  for  out  of  the  general  funds. 

1 6th. — Proposed  by  Doctor  Tremlet — seconded  by  Thomas  Lyte,  Esq.— 
and  unanimously  Resolved, — That  the  best  thanks  of  this  meeting  are  due, 
and  hereby  given  to  W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq.  the  founder  of  this  Institution, 
for  the  deep  concern  and  great  interest  he  has  already  taken  in  attempting 
a  communication  with  the  Red  Indians,  in  his  perilous  journey  across  this 
Island,  in  the  year  1822  ;  and  for  his  praiseworthy  perseverance  to  establish, 
on  a  solid  basis,  the  means  of  attaining  the  objects  of  this  Institution. 

17th. — Proposed  by  James  Slade,  Esq. — seconded  by  Andrew  Pearce, 
Esq. — and  unanimously  Resolved, — That  John  Peyton,  Esq.  be  Resident 
Agent  and  Corresponding  Member  at  Exploits. 

1 8th. — Proposed  by  W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq. — seconded  by  Chas.  Simms, 
Esq. — and  unanimously  Resolved, — That  the  thanks  of  this  meeting  are 
due,  and  hereby  given,  to  John  Peyton,  Esq.  for  the  valuable  information 
afforded  by  him  ;  and  that  he  be  requested  to  continue  to  use  his  best 
endeavours  to  promote  the  humane  objects  of  this  institution. 

1 9th. — Proposed  by  Joseph  Simms,  Esq. — seconded  by  the  Honorable 
the  Chairman — and  unanimously  Resolved, — That  the  proceedings  of  this 
meeting,  together  with  the  statement  made  by  W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq. — be 
published  in  the  Newspapers  of  the  Colony. 

2Oth.  Proposed  by  W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq. — seconded  by  John  Stark,  Esq. 
—and  unanimously  Resolved, — That  the  following  gentlemen  be  corresponding 
Members  of  this  Institution  : 

The  Reverend  John  Chapman2,   Twillingate. 

Benjamin  Scott,   Esq.,   Harbour  Grace. 

Charles  Simms,   Esq.,  St  John's. 

John  Peyton,  Esq.,   Exploits. 

Thomas  Slade,   Esq.,   Fogo. 

Robert  Tremlett,   Esq.,   Twillingate. 

Joseph  Simms,   Esq.,   Twillingate. 

Andrew  Pearce,   Esq.,   Twillingate. 

James   Slade,   Esq.,  Twillingate. 

David  Slade,   Esq.,   Fogo. 

Thomas  Lyte,   Esq.,   Twillingate. 

The   Rev.    Mr  Sinnott,   Kings  Cove. 

Capt.   Hugh  Clapperton,   R.N.,  the  traveller  in  Africa. 

1  Cormack  always  spelt  her  name  thus,  and  he  should  be  considered  the  best  authority. 

2  According  to  Mr  Thos.  Peyton  this  gentleman  was  married  to  a  sister  of  Wm  E.  Cormack. 


Extracts  from  "Edinburgh  Philosophical  Journal"        187 

2ist. — Proposed  by  the  Honorable  Chairman — seconded  by  W.  E. 
Cormack,  Esq.,  —  and  unanimously  Resolved, --That  an  opportunity  be 
afforded  to  such  gentlemen  as  may  be  desirous  of  expressing  their  wish 
to  support  the  objects  of  this  Institution,  of  entering  their  names  with 
the  Secretary. 

(signed)     A.  W.   DES   BARRES, 

Chairman  of  the   Meeting. 

The  Honorable  Judge  Des  Barres  having  left  the  chair,  and  the 
Reverend  John  Chapman  having  been  called  thereto,  It  was  proposed  by 
Joseph  Simms,  Esq. — seconded  by  W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq. — and  unanimously 
Resolved, — That  the  thanks  of  this  meeting  are  eminently  due  to  the 
Honorable  A.  W.  Des  Barres,  for  his  able  conduct  in  the  Chair. 

(signed)     J.  CHAPMAN. 

The  substance  of  Cormack's  narrative  of  his  second  expedition  is 
contained  in  McGregor's  British  America  and  was  obtained  direct  from 
Cormack  himself,  according  to  the  author.  Bonnycastle  copied  it  from 
McGregor,  verbatim  et  literatim. 


Extracts  from  the  Edinburgh  "  New  Philosophical  Journal" 
Dec.   1827,  pp.   205-206. 

Civilization  of  the  Aborigines  of  Newfoundland.— Our  active  and 
enterprising  friend  Mr  W.  E.  Cormack,  whose  interesting  journey  across 
Newfoundland  appeared  in  a  former  Number  of  the  Journal,  is  about  to 
embark  on  another  undertaking,  which  will,  we  hope,  prove  successful. 
He  writes  to  us  as  follows:  "Exploits  Newfoundland,  October  the  2/th 
1827. — I  have  been  looking  forward  to  communicate  with  you  on  the  con- 
dition of  the  Beothucks  or  Red  Indians,  the  aborigines  of  Newfoundland. 
I  am  here  with  three  Indians, — a  Micmack,  a  Mountaineer,  and  a  Bannakee 
(Canadian) — equipped  and  ready  to  set  off  into  the  interior,  in  search  of 
some  of  the  Beothucks,  to  endeavour  to  obtain  a  friendly  interview  with 
them  as  a  step  to  commence  bringing  about  their  civilization.  I  leave  the 
sea  coast  to  morrow  and  intend  to  devote  a  month  in  traversing  those 
parts  of  the  country  where  they  are  most  likely  to  be  met  with.  The 
season  of  the  year  will  not  admit  my  traversing  every  place  where  they 
may  be  found,  but  I  expect  to  come  up  with  some  of  their  encampments 
within  a  month  hence.  Government  made  one  vain  attempt  to  reconcile 
this  tribe  to  the  approaches  of  civilization  about  sixteen  years  ago ;  but 
to  civilize  a  long  persecuted  tribe  of  savages  requires  repeated  attempts 
of  this  kind. 


24 2 


1 88       Extracts  from  "Edinburgh  Philosophical  Journal" 


"New  Philosophical  Journal"  Jan,   1828,  //.  408-9-10. 

Mr  Cormack' s  Journey  in  search  of  the  Red  Indians. — The  following 
particulars  of  the  expedition  of  our  friend  Mr  Cormack  are  extracted  from 
the  Newfoundland  Journal  (Ledger]  of  December  last — "  The  enterprising 
gentleman,  W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq.,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  left  this 
place  about  the  middle  of  Sept.  last,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  an  excur- 
sion into  the  interior  of  the  country,  with  a  view  to  discover  the  retreat 
of  the  Red  Indians,  and  with  the  ultimate  object  of  introducing  them  to 
civilized  life,  returned  to  this  town  on  Wednesday  last,  in  a  small  schooner, 
from  Twillingate.  We  have  had  some  conversation  with  Mr  Cormack,  and 
the  following  may  be  regarded  as  a  brief  outline  of  the  route  which  this 
gentleman  has  taken.—'  Mr  Cormack  accompanied  by  three  Indians,  entered 
the  mouth  of  the  river  Exploits,  at  the  North  West  Arm,  and  proceeded 
in  a  North-westerly  direction,  to  Hall's  Bay,  distant  about  forty  or  fifty 
miles.  At  about  half  way,  namely,  at  Badger  Bay,  Great  Lake,  he  was 
encouraged  by  finding  some  traces,  indicating  that  a  party  of  the  Red 
Indians  had  been  at  that  place  sometime  in  the  course  of  the  preceding 
year.  From  Hall's  Bay,  a  Westerly  course  into  the  interior  was  taken, 
and  about  thirty  miles  were  traversed,  towards  Bay  of  Islands,  and  to  the 
Southward  of  White  Bay,  when  discovering  nothing  that  could  assist  him 
there,  Mr  Cormack  proceeded  Southwardly,  to  the  Red  Indians'  Lake, 
where  he  spent  several  days,  examining  the  deserted  encampments,  and  the 
remains  of  the  tribe.  At  this  place  were  found  several  wooden  cemeteries, 
one  of  which  contained  the  remains  of  Mary  March  and  her  husband, 
with  those  of  others  ;  but  discovering  nothing  which  indicated  that  any  of 
the  living  tribe  had  recently  been  there,  Mr  Cormack  rafted  about  seventy 
miles  down  the  river,  touching  at  various  places  in  his  way,  and  again 
reached  the  mouth  of  the  Exploits,  after  an  absence  of  thirty  days,  and 
having  traversed  200  miles  of  the  interior,  encompassing  most  of  the 
country  which  is  known  to  have  been  hitherto  the  favourite  resort  of  the 
Indians.  Mr  Cormack  is  decidedly  of  opinion  that  the  tribe  have  taken 
refuge  in  some  sequestered  spot  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bay  of  Islands, 
west  of  White  Bay,  or  in  the  South  west  part  of  the  Island  ;  and  having 
found  where  they  are  not,  he  apprehends  very  little  difficulty  in  finding 
where  they  really  are  :  Mr  Cormack  has  engaged  three  of  the  most  intelli- 
gent of  the  other  Indians  to  follow  up  his  search  in  the  ensuing  year; 
and  he  feels  persuaded  that  the  pursuit  will  be  ultimately  attended  with 
complete  success.' ' 


A  much  fuller  account  of  this  last  expedition  of  Cormack  is  contained 
in  the  Journal  for  March  1829,  and  as  it  is  Mr  Cormack's  own  report 
I  give  it  here  in  full. 


Cormack' s  report  of  second  expedition  189 

"Edinburgh  New  Philosophical  Journal"  March   1829. 

Report  of  Mr  W.  E.  Cormack  s  Journey  in  search  of  the  Red  Indians 
of  Newfoundland.  Read  before  the  Beothuck  Institution  at  St  Johns, 
Newfoundland.  Communicated  by  Mr  Cormack. 

Pursuant  to  special  summons,  a  meeting  of  this  Institution  was  held  at 
St  John's  on  the  i2th  day  of  January  1828;  the  Hon.  A.  W.  Desbarres, 
Vice  Patron,  in  the  chair.  The  Hon.  Chairman  stated,  that  the  primary 
motive  which  led  to  the  formation  of  the  Institution,  was  the  desire  of 
opening  a  communication  with,  and  promoting  the  civilization  of,  the  Red 
Indians  of  Newfoundland;  and  of  procuring,  if  possible,  an  authentic  history 
of  that  unhappy  race  of  people,  in  order  that  their  language,  customs  and 
pursuits,  might  be  contrasted  with  those  of  other  Indians  and  nations  ;— 
that  in  following  up  the  chief  object  of  the  Institution,  it  was  anticipated 
that  much  information  would  be  obtained  respecting  the  natural  productions 
of  the  island ;  the  interior  of  which  is  less  known  than  any  other  of  the 
British  possessions  abroad.  Their  excellent  President  keeping  all  these 
objects  in  view,  had  permitted  nothing  worthy  of  research  to  escape  his 
scrutiny,  and  consequently  a  very  wide  field  of  information  was  now  intro- 
duced to  their  notice,  all  apparently  highly  interesting  and  useful  to  society, 
if  properly  cultivated.  He  was  aware  of  their  natural  anxiety  to  hear  from 
the  President  an  outline  of  his  recent  expedition,  and  he  would  occupy 
their  attention  further,  only  by  observing,  that  the  purpose  of  the  present 
meeting  would  be  best  accomplished  by  taking  into  consideration  the 
different  subjects  recommended  to  them  in  the  Presidents  report,  and 
passing  such  resolutions  as  might  be  considered  necessary  to  govern  the 
future  proceedings  of  the  Institution. 

The  President,  W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq.,  then  laid  the  following  statement 
before  the  meeting. 

Having  so  recently  returned,  I  will  now  only  lay  before  you  a  brief 
outline  of  my  expedition  in  search  of  the  Beothucks,  or  Red  Indians, 
confining  my  remarks  exclusively  to  its  primary  object.  A  detailed  report 
of  the  journey  will  be  prepared,  and  submitted  to  the  Institution,  whenever 
I  shall  have  leisure  to  arrange  the  other  interesting  materials  which  have 
been  collected. 

My  party  consisted  of  three  Indians,  whom  I  procured  from  among  the 
other  different  tribes,  viz.  an  intelligent  and  able  man  of  the  Abenakie  tribe, 
from  Canada ;  an  elderly  Mountaineer  from  Labrador ;  and  an  adventurous 
young  Micmac,  a  native  of  this  island,  together  with  myself.  It  was  diffi- 
cult to  obtain  men  fit  for  the  purpose,  and  the  trouble  attending  on  this 
prevented  my  entering  upon  the  expedition  a  month  earlier  in  the  season. 
It  was  my  intention  to  have  commenced  our  search  at  White  Bay,  which 
is  nearer  the  Northern  extremity  of  the  Island  than  where  we  did,  and  to 
have  travelled  Southward.  But  the  weather  not  permitting  to  carry  our 
party  thither  by  water,  after  several  days  delay,  I  unwillingly  changed 
my  line  of  route. 


i  go  CormacKs  second  expedition 

On  the  3ist  of  October  1828  last,  we  entered  the  country  at  the 
mouth  of  the  River  Exploits,  on  the  North  side,  at  what  is  called  the 
Northern  Arm.  We  took  a  North-westerly  direction  to  lead  us  to  Hall's 
Bay,  which  place  we  reached  through  an  almost  uninterrupted  forest,  over 
a  hilly  country,  in  eight  days.  This  tract  comprehends  the  country  interior 
from  New  Bay,  Badger  Bay,  Seal  Bay,  &c.,  these  being  minor  bays, 
included  in  Green  or  Notre  Dame  Bay,  at  the  North-east  part  of  the 
island,  and  well  known  to  have  been  always  heretofore  the  summer 
residence  of  the  Red  Indians. 

On  the  fourth  day  after  our  departure,  at  the  East  end  of  Badger 
Bay  Great  Lake,  at  a  portage  known  as  the  Indian  path  we  found  traces 
made  by  the  Red  Indians,  evidently  in  the  spring  or  summer  of  the  pre- 
ceding year.  Their  party  had  had  two  canoes  ;  and  here  was  a  canoe-rest, 
on  which  the  daubs  of  red-ochre,  and  the  root  of  trees  used  to  tie  it 
together  appeared  fresh.  A  canoe-rest,  is  simply  a  few  beams  supported 
horizontally  about  five  feet  from  the  ground,  by  perpendicular  posts.  A 
party  with  two  canoes,  when  descending  from  the  interior  to  the  sea  coast, 
through  such  a  part  of  the  country  as  this,  where  there  are  troublesome 
portages,  leave  one  canoe  resting,  bottom  up,  on  this  kind  of  frame,  to 
protect  it  from  injury  by  the  weather,  until  their  return.  Among  other 
things  which  lay  strewed  about  here,  were  a  spear  shaft,  eight  feet  in 
length,  recently  made  and  ochred ;  parts  of  old  canoes,  fragments  of  their 
skin-dresses,  &c.  For  some  distance  around,  the  trunks  of  many  of  the 
birch  and  of  that  species  of  spruce  pine  called  here  the  Var  (Pinus 
balsamifera)  had  been  rinded ;  these  people  using  the  inner  part  of  the 
bark  of  that  kind  of  tree  for  food.  Some  of  the  cuts  of  the  trees  with 
the  axe,  were  evidently  made  the  preceding  year.  The  traces  left  by 
the  Red  Indians  are  so  peculiar,  that  we  were  confident  those  we  saw 
were  made  by  them. 

The  spot  has  been  a  favourite  place  of  settlement  with  these  people. 
It  is  situated  at  the  commencement  of  a  portage,  which  forms  a  communi- 
cation by  a  path  between  the  sea-coast  at  Badger  Bay  about  eight  miles  to 
the  North-east,  and  a  chain  of  lakes  extending  Westerly  and  Southerly  from 
hence,  and  discharging  themselves  by  a  rivulet  into  the  River  Exploits, 
about  thirty  miles  from  its  mouth.  A  path  also  leads  from  this  place  to 
the  lakes,  near  New  Bay,  to  the  Eastward.  Here  are  the  remains  of  one 
of  their  villages,  where  the  vestiges  of  eight  or  ten  winter  mamateeks  or 
wigwams,  each  intended  to  contain  from  six  to  eighteen  or  twenty  people, 
are  distinctly  seen  close  together.  Besides  these,  there  are  the  remains  of 
summer  wigwams.  Every  winter  wigwam  has  close  by  it  a  small  square 
mouthed  or  oblong  pit,  dug  in  the  earth  about  four  feet  deep,  to  preserve 
their  stores,  &c.  in.  Some  of  these  pits  were  lined  with  birch  rind.  We 
discovered  also  in  this  village  the  remains  of  a  vapour-bath.  The  method 
used  by  the  Beothucks  to  raise  the  steam,  was  by  pouring  water  on  large 
stones  made  very  hot  for  the  purpose,  in  the  open  air,  by  burning  a 
quantity  of  wood  around  them  ;  after  this  process,  the  ashes  were  removed, 
and  a  hemispherical  framework  closely  covered  with  skins,  to  exclude  the 
external  air,  was  fixed  over  the  stones.  The  patient  then  crept  in  under 


in  search  of  Red  Indians  191 

the  skins,  taking  with  him  a  birch  rind  bucket  of  water,  and  a  small  bark 
dish  to  dip  it  out,  which  by  pouring  on  the  stones,  enabled  him  to  raise 
the  steam  at  pleasure1. 

At  Hall's  Bay  .we  got  no  useful  information,  from  the  three  (and  only) 
English  families  settled  there.  Indeed  we  could  hardly  have  expected 
any;  for  these,  and  such  people,  have  been  the  unchecked  and  ruthless 
destroyers  of  the  tribe,  the  remnant  of  which  we  were  in  search  of. 
After  sleeping  one  night  at  a  house,  we  again  struck  into  the  country 
to  the  westward. 

In  five  days  we  were .  on  the  highlands  south  of  White  Bay  and  in 
sight  of  the  highlands  east  of  the  Bay  of  Islands,  on  the  West  coast 
of  Newfoundland.  The  country  south  and  west  of  us  was  low  and  flat, 
consisting  of  marshes,  extending  in  a  southerly  direction  more  than  thirty 
miles.  In  this  direction  lies  the  famous  Red  Indians'  Lake.  It  was  now 
near  the  middle  of  Nov.  and  the  winter  had  commenced  pretty  severely 
in  the  interior.  The  country  was  everywhere  covered  with  snow,  and  for 
some  days  past,  we  had  walked  over  the  small  ponds  on  the  ice.  The 
summits  of  the  hills  on  which  we  stood  had  snow  on  them,  in  some  places, 
many  feet  deep.  The  deer  were  migrating  from  the  rugged  and  dreary 
mountains  in  the  north,  to  the  low  mossy  barrens,  and  more  woody  parts 
in  the  south  ;  and  we  inferred,  that  if  any  of  the  Red  Indians  had  been  at 
White  Bay  during  the  past  summer,  they  might  be  at  that  time  stationed 
about  the  borders  of  the  low  tract  of  country  before  us,  at  the  deer-passes, 
or  were  employed  somewhere  else  in  the  interior,  killing  deer  for  winter 
provision.  At  these  passes,  which  are  particular  places  in  the  migration 
lines  of  path,  such  as  the  extreme  ends  of  and  straits  in,  many  of  the 
larger  lakes, — the  foot  of  valleys  between  high  or  rugged  mountains, — 
fords  in  the  large  rivers,  and  the  like, — the  Indians  kill  great  numbers 
of  deer  with  very  little  trouble,  during  their  migrations.  We  looked  out 
for  two  days  from  the  summits  of  the  hills  adjacent,  trying  to  discover 
the  smoke  from  the  camps  of  the  Red  Indians  ;  but  in  vain.  These  hills 
command  a  very  extensive  view  of  the  country  in  every  direction. 

We  now  determined  to  proceed  towards  the  Red  Indians'  Lake  san- 
guine that,  at  that  known  rendezvous,  we  would  find  the  objects  of  our 
search. 

Travelling  over  such  a  country,  except  when  winter  has  fairly  set  in, 
is  truly  laborious. 

In  about  ten  days  we  got  a  glimpse  of  this  beautifully  majestic  and 
splendid  sheet  of  water.  The  ravages  of  fire,  which  we  saw  in  the  woods 
for  the  last  two  days,  indicated  that  man  had  been  near.  We  looked 
down  on  the  lake,  from  the  hills  at  the  northern  extremity,  with  feelings 

1  Since  my  return,  I  learn  from  the  captive  Red  Indian  woman  Shawnawdithit,  that  the  vapour 
bath  is  chiefly  used  by  old  people,  and  for  rheumatic  affections. 

Shawnawdithit  is  the  survivor  of  three  Red  Indian  females  who  were  taken  by,  or  rather  who 
gave  themselves  up,  exhausted  with  hunger,  to  some  English  furriers,  about  five  years  ago,  in 
Notre  Dame  Bay.  She  is  the  only  one  of  that  tribe  in  the  hands  of  the  English,  and  the  only 
one  that  has  ever  lived  so  long  amongst  them.  It  appeafs  extraordinary,  and  it  is  to  be  regretted, 
that  this  woman  has  not  been  taken  care  of,  nor  noticed  before,  in  a  manner  which  the  peculiar 
and  interesting  circumstances  connected  with  her  tribe  and  herself  would  have  led  us  to  expect. 


192  CormacKs  second  expedition 

of  anxiety  and  admiration  : — No  canoe  could  be  discovered  moving  on  its 
placid  surface,  in  the  distance.  We  were  the  first  Europeans  who  had 
seen  it  in  an  unfrozen  state1,  for  the  three  former  parties  who  had  visited 
it  before,  were  here  in  the  winter,  when  its  waters  were  frozen  and 
covered  over  with  snow.  They  had  reached  it  from  below,  by  way  of 
the  River  Exploits,  on  the  ice.  We  approached  the  lake  with  hope  and 
caution  ;  but  found  to  our  mortification  that  the  Red  Indians  had  deserted 
it  for  some  years  past.  My  party  had  been  so  excited,  so  sanguine,  and  so 
determined  to  obtain  an  interview  of  some  kind  with  these  people,  that  on 
discovering  from  appearances  every  where  around  us,  that  the  Red  Indians, 
the  terror  of  the  Europeans  as  well  as  the  other  Indian  inhabitants  of 
Newfoundland, — no  longer  existed,  the  spirits  of  one  and  all  of  us  were 
very  deeply  effected.  The  old  Mountaineer  was  particularly  overcome. 
There  were  everywhere  indications,  that  this  had  long  been  the  central 
and  undisturbed  rendezvous  of  the  tribe  when  they  had  enjoyed  peace 
and  security.  But  these  primitive  people  had  abandoned  it,  after  being 
tormented  with  parties  of  Europeans  during  the  last  18  years.  Fatal  ren- 
counters had  on  these  occasions  unfortunately  taken  place. 

We  spent  several  melancholy  days  wandering  on  the  borders  of  the 
east  end  of  the  lake,  surveying  the  various  remains  of  what  we  now 
contemplated  to  have  been  an  unoffending  and  cruelly  extirpated  race. 
At  several  places,  by  the  margin  of  the  lake,  small  clusters  of  winter  and 
summer  wigwams  in  ruins.  One  difference  among  others,  between  the 
Beothuck  wigwams  and  those  of  other  Indians,  is,  that  in  most  of  the 
former  there  are  small  hollows,  like  nests,  dug  in  the  earth  around  the  fire 
place,  one  for  each  person  to  sit  in.  These  hollows  are  generally  so  close 
together,  and  also  so  close  to  the  fire  place,  and  to  the  sides  of  the  wigwam 
that  I  think  it  probable  these  people  have  been  accustomed  to  sleep  in  a 
sitting  position.  There  was  one  wooden  building  constructed  for  drying 
and  smoking  venison,  in  still  perfect  condition  ;  also  a  small  log  house,  in 
a  dilapidated  condition,  which  we  took  to  have  been  once  a  store-house. 
The  wreck  of  a  large  handsome  birch  rind  canoe,  about  twenty  two  feet 
in  length,  comparatively  new,  and  certainly  very  little  used,  lay  thrown  up 
among  the  bushes  at  the  beach.  We  supposed  that  the  violence  of  a  storm 
had  rent  it  in  the  way  it  was  found  and  that  the  people  who  were  in  it 
had  perished  ;  for  the  iron  nails,  of  which  there  was  no  want,  all  remained 
in  it.  Had  there  been  any  survivors,  nails  being  much  prised  by  those 
people,  they  never  having  held  intercourse  with  Europeans,  such  an  article 
would  no  doubt  have  been  taken  out  for  use  again.  All  the  birch  trees 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  lake  had  been  rinded,  and  many  of  them  and  of  the 
spruce  fir  or  var  (Pinus  balsamiferd)  Canadian  balsam  tree,  bad  the  bark 
taken  off,  to  use  the  inner  part  of  it  for  food  as  noticed  before. 

Their  wooden  repositories  for  the  dead  are  in  the  most  perfect  state 
of  preservation.  These  are  of  different  constructions,  it  would  appear, 
according  to  the  character  or  rank  of  the  person  entombed.  In  one  of  them, 
which  resembles  a  hut  ten  feet  .by  eight  or  nine,  and  four  or  five  feet  high 

1  Not  so— Cormack  appears  to  have  been  unaware  of  Lieut.  Cartwright's  expedition  in   1768. 


Corniacft s  narrative  193 

in  the  centre,  floored  with  squared  poles,  the  roof  covered  with  rinds  of 
trees,  and  in  every  way  well  secured  against  the  weather  inside,  and  the 
intrusion  of  wild  beasts,  there  were  two  grown  persons  laid  out  at  full 
length  on  the  floor,  the  bodies  wrapped  round  with  deer  skins.  One  of 
those  bodies  appeared  to  have  been  placed  here  not  longer  ago  than  five 
or  six  years.  We  thought  there  were  children  laid  in  here  also.  On  first 
opening  this  building,  by  removing  the  posts  which  formed  the  end,  our 
curiosity  was  raised  to  the  highest  pitch,  but  what  added  to  our  surprise, 
was  the  discovery  of  a  white  deal  coffin,  containing  a  skeleton  neatly 
shrouded  in  muslin.  After  a  long  pause  of  conjecture  how  such  a  thing 
existed  here,  the  idea  of  Mary  March1  occurred  to  one  of  the  party,  and 
the  whole  mystery  was  at  once  explained. 

In  this  cemetery  were  deposited  a  variety  of  articles,  in  some  instances 
the  property,  in  others  the  representation  of  the  property,  and  utensils,  and 
of  the  achievements,  of  the  deceased.  There  were  two  small  wooden  images 
of  a  man  and  woman,  no  doubt  meant  to  represent  husband  and  wife  ;  a  small 
doll,  which  was  supposed  to  represent  a  child  (for  Mary  March  had  to  leave 
her  only  child  here,  which  died  two  days  after  she  was  taken) ;  several  small 
models  of  their  canoes  ;  two  small  models  of  boats  ;  an  iron  axe ;  a  bow  and 
quiver  of  arrows  were  placed  by  the  side  of  Mary  March 's  husband ;  and  two 

1  It  should  be  remarked  here,  that  Mary  March,  so  called  from  the  name  of  the  month  in 
which  she  was  taken,  was  the  Red  Indian  female  who  was  captured  and  carried  away  by  force 
from  this  place  by  an  armed  party  of  English  people,  nine  or  ten  in  number,  who  came  up  here 
in  the  month  of  March  1819.  The  local  government  authorities  at  that  time  did  not  foresee  the 
result  of  offering  a  reward  to  bring  a  Red  Indian  to  them.  Her  husband  was  cruelly  shot,  after 
nobly  making  several  attempts,  single  handed,  to  rescue  her  from  the  captors,  in  defiance  of  their 
fire  arms  and  fixed  bayonets.  Her  tribe  built  this  cemetery  for  him,  on  the  foundation  of  his  own 
wigwam,  and  his  body  is  one  of  those  now  in  it.  The  following  winter,  Captain  Buchan  was  sent 
to  the  River  Exploits,  by  order  of  the  local  government  of  Newfoundland  to  take  back  this  woman 
to  the  lake,  where  she  was  captured,  and  if  possible,  at  the  same  time,  to  open  a  friendly  inter- 
course with  her  tribe.  But  she  died  on  board  Capt.  B.'s  vessel,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  Captain 
B.,  however,  took  up  her  body  to  the  lake ;  and  not  meeting  with  any  of  her  people,  left  it  where 
they  were  afterwards  likely  to  meet  with  it.  It  appears  the  Indians  were  this  winter  encamped  on 
the  banks  of  the  River  Exploits,  and  observed  Capt.  B.'s  party  passing  up  the  river  on  the  ice. 
They  retired  from  their  encampments  in  consequence ;  and  some  weeks  afterwards,  went  by  a 
circuitous  route  to  the  lake,  to  ascertain  what  the  party  had  been  doing  there.  They  found  Mary 
MarcKs  body,  and  removed  it  from  where  Capt.  B.  had  left  it  to  where  it  now  lies,  by  the  side 
of  her  husband. 

With  the  exception  of  Captain  Buchan's  first  expedition  by  order  of  the  local  government  of 
Newfoundland  in  the  winter  of  1810,  to  endeavour  to  open  a  friendly  intercourse  with  the  Red 
Indians,  the  two  parties  just  mentioned  are  the  only  two  we  know  of  that  had  ever  before  been  up 
to  the  Red  Indian  lake.  Capt.  B.  at  that  time  succeeded  in  forcing  an  interview  with  the  principal 
encampment  of  these  people.  All  the  tribe  that  remained  at  that  period  were  then  at  the  Great 
Lake,  divided  into  parties,  and  in  their  winter  encampments,  at  different  places  in  the  woods  on 
the  margin  of  the  lake.  Hostages  were  exchanged;  but  Capt.  B.  had  not  been  absent  from  the 
Indians  two  hours,  on  his  return  to  a  depot  left  by  him  at  a  short  distance  down  the  river,  to  take 
up  additional  presents  for  them,  when  the  want  of  confidence  of  these  people  in  the  whites  evinced 
itself.  A  suspicion  spread  amongst  them  that  he  had  gone  down  to  bring  up  a  reinforcement  of 
men,  to  take  them  all  prisoners  to  the  sea-coast ;  and  they  resolved  immediately  to  break  up  their 
encampment  and  retire  further  into  the  country,  and  alarm  and  join  the  rest  of  their  tribe,  who 
were  all  at  the  western  parts  of  the  lake.  To  prevent  their  proceedings  being  known,  they  killed 
and  then  cut  off  the  heads  of  the  two  English  hostages;  and  on  the  same  afternoon  on  which 
Capt.  B.  left  them,  they  were  all  in  full  retreat  across  the  lake,  with  baggage,  children,  &c.  The 
whole  of  them  afterwards  spent  the  remainder  of  the  winter  together  at  a  place  twenty  to  thirty 
miles  to  the  south-west,  on  the  south-east  side  of  the  lake.  On  Capt.  B.'s  return  to  the  lake  next 
day  or  the  day  after,  the  cause  of  the  scene  there  was  inexplicable ;  and  it  remained  a  mystery 
until  now,  when  we  can  gather  some  facts  relating  to  these  people  from  the  Red  Indian  woman 
Shanawdithit. 

H.  2S 


194  Cormack's  narrative 

fire-stones  (radiated  iron  pyrites,  from  which  they  produce  fire,  by  striking 
them  together)  lay  at  his  head  ;  there  were  also  various  kinds  of  culinary 
utensils,  neatly  made,  of  birch  rind  and  ornamented,  and  many  other  things 
some  of  which  we  did  not  know  the  use  or  meaning. 

Another  mode  of  sepulture  which  we  saw  here  was,  where  the  body 
of  the  deceased  had  been  wrapped  in  birch  rind,  and  with  his  property, 
placed  on  a  sort  of  scaffold  about  four  feet  and  a  half  on  the  ground. 
The  scaffold  was  formed  of  four  posts,  about  seven  feet  high,  fixed  per- 
pendicularly in  the  ground,  to  sustain  a  kind  of  crib,  five  feet  and  a  half 
in  length  by  four  in  breadth,  with  a  floor  made  of  small  squared  beams, 
laid  close  together  horizontally,  and  on  which  the  body  and  property  rested. 

A  third  mode  was,  when  the  body,  bent  together,  and  wrapped  in 
birch  rind,  was  enclosed  in  a  kind  of  box,  on  the  ground.  The  box  was 
made  of  small  squared  posts,  laid  on  each  other  horizontally,  and  notched 
at  the  corners,  to  make  them  meet  close ;  it  was  about  four  feet  by  three, 
and  two  and  a  half  feet  deep,  and  well  lined  with  birch  rind,  to  exclude 
the  weather  from  the  inside.  The  body  lay  on  its  right  side. 

A  fourth  and  the  most  common  mode  of  burying  among  these  people, 
has  been,  to  wrap  the  body  in  birch  rind,  and  cover  it  over  with  a  heap 
of  stones,  on  the  surface  of  the  earth,  in  some  retired  spot ;  sometimes  the 
body,  thus  wrapped  up,  is  put  a  foot  or  two  under  the  surface,  and  the 
spot  covered  with  stones  ;  in  one  place,  where  the  ground  was  sandy  and 
soft,  they  appeared  to  have  been  buried  deeper,  and  no  stones  placed  over 
the  graves. 

These  people  appear  to  have  always  shewn  great  respect  for  their 
dead ;  and  the  most  remarkable  remains  of  them  commonly  observed  by 
Europeans  at  the  sea-coast,  are  their  burying  places.  These  are  at  par- 
ticular chosen  spots ;  and  it  is  well  known  that  they  have  been  in  the 
habit  of  bringing  their  dead  from  a  distance  to  them.  With  their  women 
they  bury  only  their  clothes. 

On  the  north  side  of  the  lake,  opposite  the  River  Exploits,  are  the 
extremities  of  the.  two  deer  fences,  about  half  a  mile  apart,  where  they 
lead  to  the  water.  It  is  understood  that  they  diverge  many  miles  in 
north-westerly  directions.  The  Red  Indian  makes  these  fences  .to  lead 
and  scare  the  deer  to  the  lake,  during  the  periodical  migration  of  these 
animals  ;  the  Indians  being  stationed  looking  out  when  the  deer  get  into 
the  water  to  swim  across,  the  lake  being  narrow  at  this  end,  they  attack 
and  kill  the  animals  with  spears  out  of  their  canoes.  In  this  way  they 
secure  their  winter  provisions  before  the  severity  of  that  season  sets  in. 

There  were  other  old  remains  of  different  kinds  peculiar  to  these 
people  met  with  about  the  lake. 

One  night  we  encamped  on  the  foundation  of  an  old  Red  Indian 
wigwam,  on  the  extremity  of  a  point  of  land  which  juts  out  into  the 
lake,  and  exposed  to  the  view  of  the  whole  country  around.  A  large  fire 
at  night  is  the  life  and  soul  of  such  a  party  as  ours,  and  when  it  blazed 
up  at  times,  1  could  not  help  observing  that  two  of  my  Indians  evinced 
uneasiness  and  want  of  confidence  in  things  around,  as  if  they  thought 
themselves  usurpers  on  the  Red  Indian  territory.  From  time  immemorial 


CormacKs  narrative  195 

none  of  the  Indians  of  the  other  tribes  had  ever  encamped  near  this  lake 
fearlessly,  and,  as  we  had  now  done,  in  the  very  centre  of  such  a  country; 
the  lake  and  territory  adjacent  having  been  always  considered  to  belong 
exclusively  to  the  Red  Indians,  and  to  have  been  occupied  by  them.  It 
had  been  our  invariable  practice  hitherto  to  encamp  near  hills,  and  be  on 
their  summits  by  dawn  of  day,  to  try  to  discover  the  morning  smoke 
ascending  from  the  Red  Indians'  camps;  and  to  prevent  the  discovery  of 
ourselves,  extinguishing  our  own  fire  always  some  length  of  time  before 
daylight. 

Our  only  and  frail  hope  now  left  of  seeing  the  Red  Indians  lay  on 
the  banks  of  the  River  Exploits,  on  our  return  to  the  sea  coast. 

The  Red  Indian's  Lake  discharges  itself  about  three  or  four  miles  from 
its  north-east  end,  and  its  waters  form  the  River  Exploits.  From  the  lake 
to  the  sea-coast  is  considered  about  seventy  miles;  and  down  this  noble 
river  the  steady  perseverance  and  intrepidity  of  my  Indians  carried  me  on 
rafts  in  four  days,  to  accomplish  which  otherwise,  would  have  required 
probably  two  weeks.  We  landed  at  various  places  on  both  banks  of  the 
river  on  our  way  down,  but  found  no  traces  of  the  Red  Indians  so  recent 
as  those  seen  at  the  portage  at  Badger  Bay,  Great  Lake,  towards  the  be- 
ginning of  our  excursion.  During  our  descent,  we  had  to  construct  new 
rafts  at  the  different  water-falls.  Sometimes  we  were  carried  down  the 
rapids  at  the  rate  of  ten  miles  an  hour  or  more,  with  considerable  risk  of 
destruction  to  the  whole  party,  for  we  were  always  together  on  one  raft. 

What  arrests  the  attention  most,  while  gliding  down  the  stream,  is  the 
extent  of  the  Indian  fences  to  entrap  the  deer.  They  extend  from  the 
lake  downwards,  continuous,  on  the  banks  of  the  river  at  least  thirty 
miles.  There  are  openings  left  here  and  there  in  them,  for  the  animals 
to  go  through  and  swim  across  the  river,  and  at  these  places  the  Indians 
are  stationed  and  kill  them  in  the  water  with  spears,  out  of  their  canoes, 
as  at  the  lake.  Here,  then,  connecting  these  fences  with  those  on  the 
north-side  of  the  lake,  is  at  least  forty  miles  of  country,  easterly  and 
westerly,  prepared  to  intercept  all  the  deer  that  pass  that  way  in  their 
periodical  migrations.  It  was  melancholy  to  contemplate  the  gigantic,  yet 
feeble  efforts  of  a  whole  primitive  nation,  in  their  anxiety  to  provide 
subsistence,  forsaken  and  going  to  decay. 

There  must  have  been  hundreds  of  the  Red  Indians,  and  that  not  many 
years  ago,  to  have  kept  up  these  fences  and  pounds.  As  their  numbers 
were  lessened  so  was  their  ability  to  keep  them  up  for  the  purpose  intended  ; 
and  now  the  deer  pass  the  whole  line  unmolested. 

We  infer,  that  the  few  of  those  people  who  yet  survive  have  taken 
refuge  in  some  sequestered  spot,  still  in  the  northern  part  of  the  island  and 
where  they  can  procure  deer  to  subsist  on. 

On  the  29th  November  we  again  returned  to  the  mouth  of  the  River 
Exploits,  in  thirty  days  after  our  departure  from  then  having  made  a 
complete  circuit  of  about  200  miles  in  the  Red  Indian  territory1. 

1  Mr  Peyton  informed  me,  that  he  saw  Cormack  before  he  entered  upon  this  journey,  that  he 
was  a  lithe,  active,  robust  man.  When  he  returned  from  the  expedition  and  revisited  Mr  Peyton's 
house,  the  latter  did  not  recognise  him  at  first,  he  had  changed  so  much.  He  presented  such  a 

25—2 


196  Cormac&s  narrative 

I  have  now  stated  generally  the  result  of  my  excursion,  avoiding  for 
the  present,  entering  into  any  detail.  The  materials  collected  on  this,  as 
well  as  on  my  excursion  across  the  interior  a  few  years  ago,  and  on  other 
occasions,  put  me  in  possession  of  a  knowledge  of  the  natural  condition  and 
production  of  Newfoundland  and,  as  a  member  of  an  institution  formed  to 
protect  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the  country  in  which  we  live,  and  to 
prosecute  enquiry  into  the  moral  character  of  man  in  his  primitive  state, 
I  can  at  this  early  stage  of  our  institution,  assert,  trusting  to  nothing 
vague,  that  we  already  possess  more  information  concerning  these  people 
than  has  been  obtained  during  the  two  centuries  and  a  half  in  which 
Newfoundland  has  been  in  the  possession  of  Europeans.  But  it  is  to  be 
lamented  that  now,  when  we  have  taken  up  the  cause  of  a  barbarously 
treated  people,  so  few  should  remain  to  reap  the  benefit  of  our  plans  for 
their  civilisation.  The  institution  and  its  supporters  will  agree  with  me, 
that,  after  the  unfortunate  circumstances  attending  past  encounters  between 
Europeans  and  Red  Indians,  it  is  best  now  to  employ  Indians  belonging 
to  the  other  tribes  to  be  the  medium  of  beginning  the  intercourse  we  have  in 
view ;  and  indeed,  I  have  already  chosen  three  of  the  most  intelligent  men 
from  among  the  others  met  with  in  Newfoundland,  to  follow  up  my  search. 

In  conclusion,  I  congratulate  the  institution  on  the  acquisition  of  several 
ingenious  articles,  the  manufacture  of  the  Boeothicks,  some  of  which  we 
had  the  good  fortune  to  discover  on  our  recent  excursion ; — models  of 
their  canoes,  bows  and  arrows,  spears  of  different  kinds,  &c.  and  also  a 
complete  dress  worn  by  that  people1.  Their  mode  of  kindling  fire  is  not 
only  original,  but  as  far  as  we  at  present  know,  is  peculiar  to  the  tribe. 
These  articles,  together  with  a  short  vocabulary  of  their  language,  con- 
sisting of  200  to  300  words,  which  I  have  been  enabled  to  collect,  proved 
the  Boeothicks  to  be  a  distinct  tribe  from  any  hitherto  discovered  in  North 
America.  One  remarkable  characteristic  of  their  language,  and  in  which 
it  resembles  those  of  Europe  more  than  any  other  languages  do,  with 
which  we  have  had  an  opportunity  of  comparing  it — is  its  abounding  in 
diphthongs.  In  my  detailed  report,  I  would  propose  to  have  plates  of  these 
articles,  and  also  of  the  like  articles  used  by  other  tribes  of  Indians,  that 
a  comparative  idea  may  be  formed  of  them;  and  when  the  Indian  female 
Shawnawdithit  arrives  in  St  John's  I  would  recommend  that  a  correct 
likeness  be  taken,  and  be  preserved  in  the  records  of  the  institution.  One 
of  the  specimens  of  mineralogy  which  we  found  in  our  excursion,  was  a 
block  of  what  is  called  Labrador  Feldspar'-,  nearly  \\  feet  in  length,  by 
about  three  feet  in  breadth  and  thickness.  This  is  the  largest  piece  of 
that  beautiful  rock  yet  discovered  anywhere.  Our  subsistence  in  the  in- 
terior was  entirely  animal  food,  deer  and  beavers  which  we  shot. 

Resolved, — That  the  measures  recommended  in  the  President's  report 
be  agreed  to;  and  that  the  three  men,  Indians  of  the  Canadian  and 
Mountaineer  tribes,  be  placed  upon  the  establishment  of  this  Institution,  to 

gaunt,  haggard  and  worn  out  appearance  from  the  excessive  toil  and  privation  he  had  undergone, 
accompanied  by  hunger  and  anxiety,  that  he  did  not  look  much  like  the  stalwart  individual  he  saw 
depart  for  the  interior  a  month  previously. 

1  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  these  relics  have  all  been  lost  to  us. 

2  Labradorite. 


The  Beothuck  Institution  197 

be  employed  under  the  immediate  direction  and  control  of  the  President ; 
and  that  they  be  allowed  for  their  services  such  a  sum  of  money  as  the 
president  may  consider  a  fair  and  reasonable  compensation  :  That  it  be  the 
endeavour  of  this  institution  to  collect  every  useful  information  respecting 
the  natural  productions  and  resources  of  this  island,  and,  from  time  to  time, 
to  publish  the  same  in  its  reports  :  That  the  instruction  of  Shawnawdithit 
would  be  much  accelerated  by  bringing  her  to  St  John's,  &c. :  That  the 
proceedings  of  the  institution  since  its  establishment  be  laid  before  his 
Majesty's  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonial  Department,  by  the  President, 
on  his  arrival  in  England. 

(signed)     "  A.  W.  DES  BARRES, 

Chairman  and  Vice-Patron." 


Letters  of  W,  E.  Cor  mack,  Esq.,  addressed  to  John  Stark,  Esq.,  Secretary 
of  the  Beothuck  Institution,  relative  to  affairs  of  the  Institution,  &c. 

Mr  Peyton  s  Exploits. 

26th  October,  1827. 
John  Stark,  Esq. 

My  Dear  Sir, 

Since  you  left  me  I  have  been  at  Gander  Bay,  and  engaged  two  more 
Indians  into  my  service,  a  Micmac  and  a  Mountaineer.  They  are  all  here  now  ready 
and  equipped  for  the  expedition  and  I  expect  to  sail  from  here  to  Hall's  Bay  to- 
morrow, to  enter  the  country  there ;  traverse  from  thence  to  White  Bay,  thence 
traverse  towards  the  Red  Indian's  Lake,  thence  return  traversing  to  and  about  Badger 
Bay  Ponds  and  River.  The  season  will  be  too  late  to  go  over  any  more  of  the 
country  in  search  of  the  Red  Indians,  but  I  expect  to  discover  them  in  this  circuit. 
Whether  I  succeed  now  or  not  in  forcing  a  friendly  intercourse  with  any  of  them, 
I  am  determined  to  bring  about  in  a  few  years  an  intercourse  between  them  and 
the  Europeans. 

Enclosed  is  a  copy  of  the  statement  I  made  for  the  meeting  of  the  friends  of 
the  Boeothuck  Institution  at  Twillingate.  I  sent  Judge  Des  Barres  a  copy  of  the 
same  by  the  last  opportunity  for  St  John's.  In  it  there  was  a  mistake  in  the  first 
page, —nearest  part  of  the  New  World  to  the  Old,  "say  nearest  part  of  the  New 
World  to  Europe  &c." — at  the  beginning  of  page  fourth  for  "more  independant  &c. 
say  such  independant  &c."  You  know  what  place  in  the  report  of  the  proceedings 
to  put  my  statement.  I  give  the  Indians  I  have  employed  five  pounds  per  month, 
and  five  pounds  each  if  we  succeed  in  obtaining  an  interview  with  the  Red  Indians.  To 
carry  objects  into  effect,  the  Boeothuck  Institution  will  require  about  £250  per  annum. 
All  the  officers  must  exert  themselves  in  raising  funds  sufficient.  I  am  in  hopes  of 
meeting  some  of  the  Red  Indians  within  a  fortnight  hence.  Dr  Tremlett  has  come  to 
Exploits  with  me  and  is  here  now. 

The  Gazette  has  seemed  to  take  more  interest  in  Indian  affairs  than  any  of  the 
other  N.F.L.  papers,  and  I  think  you  should  give  the  report  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
meeting  at  Twillingate  to  it  for  insertion. 


198  The  Beoikuck  Institution 

I  hope  you  have  introduced  Capt.  Clapperton  as  a  corresponding  member  of 
the  Boeothuck  Institution.  I  have  employed  John  Lewis,  who  you  saw  on  board  the 
Dewsbury,  to  visit  the  Red  Indians  after  he  returns  with  me  from  this  visit,  to  take 
them  in  some  presents,  and  otherwise  make  advances  to  them  to  come  out  to  some 
of  the  European  settlers.  I  will  by  degrees  have  them  civilized. 

I  remain 

My  dear  sir, 

Yours  truly, 
(signed)  W.  E.  CORMACK. 

Second  Letter  (in  reply  to  Mr  Stark  2ist  December]. 

ST  JOHN'S, 

lAjh  December,  1827. 
John  Stark,  Esq. 

My  Dear  Sir, 

I  have  regretted  day  after  day,  before  as  well  as  since  the  recipt  of 
your  esteemed  letter  of  the  2ist  inst.  that  occupations  sometimes  of  one  kind  and 
sometimes  of  another  have  prevented  me  the  pleasure  of  telling  you  that  I  had  re- 
turned from  my  visit  to  the  territory,  the  ancient  territory,  of  the  Boeothucks.  You 
have  seen  the  gleaning  of  outline  of  my  route  in  the  newspapers.  We  found  traces  at 
Badger  Bay  Great  Lake,  convincing  us  that  they  had  been  there  last  year,  a  party  of 
them  with  two  canoes:  It  buoyed  us  up  with  expectations;  but  at  the  Red  Indians' 
Lake,  between  two  and  three  weeks  afterwards,  we  had  to  suffer  bitter  disappoint- 
ment from  the  loss  of  hopes  of  seeing  any  of  them  alive  on  that  excursion  :  They 
had  totally  deserted  their  favorite  Rendezvous, — the  Great  Lake, — five  or  six  years 
appeared  to  have  had  elapsed  since  any  of  them  had  been  there :  their  wooden 
cemeteries — tombs-deserted  wigwams :  The  banks  of  the  noble  River  of  Exploits 
we  afterwards  also  found  abandoned. — Again  referring  you  to  the  Gazette  I  have  the 
strongest  hopes  that  next  summer  will  tell  us  how  many  and  where  they  are :  I  have 
employed  three  Indians  to  go  direct  to  White  Bay  and  Bay  of  Islands  next  spring 
in  search  of  them  ;  they  are  not  to  relinquish  the  pursuit  until  they  succeed  in 
making  brothers  of  them  ;  and  when  they  bring  a  Red  Indian  man  to  Peyton's  or 
other  English  house,  as  a  brother,  they  are  to  receive  £100 :  Before  they  succeed 
in  this,  some  expense  will  necessarily  be  incurred.  Reports  about  the  Red  Indians 
I  now  set  aside.  The  Indians  employed  now  know  where  to  go  for  them,  putting 
reports  and  assistance  from  any  but  ourselves  at  defiance. 

Accept  my  thanks,  and  I  was  much  pleased  at  the  report  of  the  formation  of 
the  Boeothuck  Institution,  as  well  as,  for  your  other  services,  subsequent  to  that 
event.  Judge  Des  Barres  has  been  so  occupied  lately,  that  I  have  hardly  seen  him ; 
but  we  are  to  meet  to-morrow  morning  on  business.  Boeothuck  is  the  pronuncia- 
tion of  the  word  in  question, — or  Boe-thuck,  or  Boe-thick,  the  emphasis  being  on 
the  diphthong  oe  and  almost  dropping  the  o.  The  report  is  yet  only  in  embryo, 
but  in  a  few  days  will  have  this  pleasure  again  with  something  on  that  point. 
&c.  &c. 

Remaining  my  dear  sir,  in  the  meantime, 

Yours  very  truly, 
(signed)  W.  E.  CORMACK. 

P.S.     I  sail  for  England  on  the  loth  prox.  in  the  Brig.  Geo.  Canning. 


The  Beothuck  Institution  199 

Third  Letter  written  after  his  return  from  England  1828. 

ST  JOHN'S, 

loth  May,  1828. 
My  dear  Stark, 

I  am,  &c then  follows  a  lot  of  personal  matters  of  no  importance, 

and  references  to  various  friends  &c.,  Only  one  paragraph  refers  to  the  affairs  of  the 
Boethuck  '  Institution,  as  follows,  "  I  have  read  with  great  interest  the  proceedings 
relative  to  the  Boeothuck  affairs,  during  my  absence.  We  may  expect  to  here  from 
John  Louis,  from  North  part  of  the  island  in  August  or  September.  I  have  every 
expectation,  that  an  interview,  as  desired  would  be  obtained. 

Enclosed  are  two  Liverpool  papers,  besides  in  these,  the  Boeothuck  Institution 
and  its  objects  were  noticed  in  several  other  English  and  Scotch  papers,  Edinburgh 
P JiilosopJiical  Journal  &c.  &c." 

I  remain  my  dear  sir, 

Yours  very  truly, 
(signed)  W.  E.  CORMACK. 

Fourth  Letter  to  Mr  Stark. 

dated  May  i\st,  1828. 
(This  contains  no  references  to  the  Beothuck   Institution  or  its  affairs.) 

Fifth  Letter  to  Mr  Stark. 

dated  ST  JOHN'S, 

May  24//&,   1828. 
My  dear  Sir, 

He  first  refers  to  the  previous  letter  and  then  goes  on  to  say.  "  It 
gives  me  much  pleasure  now  to  tell  you  that  I  received  this  morning  from  Fortune 
Bay  a  very  agreeable  report  of  the  progress  of  our  Indians  ;  John  Louis  had  been 
joined  by  the  two  Indians  we  were  so  desirous  of  getting  into  our  service."  The  following 
is  extract  of  Mr  Crudes  letter  (Mr  C.  of  Newman  &  Cos.  Gaultois)  "John  with  two 
other  Indians  (Peter  John  and  John  Stevens)  left  this  2/th  March  in  pursuit  of  the  Red 
Indians, — they  seem  to  be  almost  confident  of  finding  them."  Please  to  communicate 
this  to  our  worthy  member  Mr  Scott.  I  expect  to  hear  from  the  party  themselves 
in  a  month  or  so. 

(signed)         W.  E.  CORMACK. 

P.S.  I  will  see  Judge  to-morrow  and  write  you  on  the  subject  of  our  meeting 
on  1st  June. 

26th  May,  1828. 

In  anticipation  of  the  first  of  June,  Judge  Des  Barres  and  I  had  some  conver- 
sation on  the  subject  of  our  meeting  on  that  day :  It  is  not  imperative  that  our 
Secretary  be  here  on  Monday  next,  but  it  will  be  imperative  on  him  to  attend  when 
a  meeting  of  the  Boeothuck  Institution  is  called  in  consequence  of  the  Boeothucks 
having  been  met  with  by  the  party  in  search  of  them.  We  intend  to  have  a 
meeting  on  that  day,  and  will  thank  you  previously  to  send  in  a  list  of  subscriptions 
to  the  future  welfare  of  the  Institution,  that  we  may  publish  them. 

In  truth  my 

Dear  Sir, 

Yours  &c. 

W.  E.  C. 


2oo  The  Beothuck  Institution 

Sixth  Letter  to  Mr  Stark. 

ST  JOHN'S,  N.F.L.D. 

•z\st  June,  1828. 
My  dear  Stark, 

The  three  Indians  John  Louis,  John  Stevens  and  Peter  John  re- 
turned here  last  night,  in  a  schooner  from  river  Exploits.  They  travelled  from  Bay 
of  Despair  to  St  George's  Bay  (Harbour) — thence  W.  70°  N.  to  Bay  of  Islands — over 
the  Bay  of  Islands  Lake1 — thence  S.E.  to  the  Red  Indian  Lake,  and  down  the  River 
Exploits :  the  only  place  left  unsearched  (and  that  above  all  others  where  they  are 
most  likely  to  be  found  is  White  Bay).  They  ought  to  have  gone  there  before  they 
returned.  We  think  of  sending  them  now,  in  a  vessel  going  that  way,  to  White 
Bay  and  settle  the  question  as  speedily  as  possible,  whether  any  of  the  Boeothucks 
survive  or  not.  This  vessel  goes  hence  on  Tuesday.  We  are  to  have  a  consultation 
to  day  &c. 

I  remain  my  dear  Sir, 

Yours  very  truly, 

(signed)  W.  E.  CORMACK. 

Letters  of  John  Stark,  Esq.,  Secretary  of  the  Beothuck  Institiition. 
Addressed  to  W.  E.  Cormack,  President. 

First  Letter  (in  reply  to   W.  E.  C.'s  of  26 th  October). 

HARBOUR  GRACE, 

21  st  Dec.,  1828. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  congratulate  you  most  sincerely  upon  your  safe  return  to  your  friends 
and  am  very  glad  to  find  from  Mr  Lilly  that  you  are  in  good  health  and  spirits, 
which  I  hope  you  will  long  continue  to  be  blessed  with.  You  will  have  seen  the 
Gazette  of  the  I3th  ulto.  I  regret  that  being  so  very  busy  prevented  my  more  close 
attention  to  the  publication  of  our  proceedings.  I  have  sent  one  copy  to  Mr  Barrow, 
privately,  and  one  copy  to  a  Liverpool  Newspaper,  also  a  copy  to  Sir  Charles  Hamilton2, 
but  I  have  not,  nor  shall  I,  take  any  steps  publicly  to  gain  subscriptions  without 
your  advice.  I  think  when  you  have  had  time  to  sound  the  St  John's  folks  you 
should  appoint  some  one  to  go  round  for  subscriptions,  apprise  me  of  that  fact  and 
I  shall  instantly  set  about  it  in  Conception  Bay.  I  shall  on  the  other  hand,  most 
readily  attend  to  any  suggestion  of  yours  to  further  your  views  and  ultimate  pro- 
ceedings which  every  nerve  of  mine  shall  be  strained  to  promote  to  the  very  summit 
of  your  wishes,  and  to  the  best  of  my  ability.  You  will  also  I  suppose  write  to  the 
Bishop,  Doctor  Jamieson,  and  Mr  Barrow,  and  if  necessary  a  memorial  should  be 
drawn  up  to  Government  after  we  shall  be  able  to  shew  to  the  world  what  our  sub- 
scriptions are.  News  I  have  none  to  communicate,  notwithstanding  which  I  shall 
hope  to  hear  from  you  when  you  have  had  a  little  respite. 

I  remain 

My  dear  sir, 

Yours  most  faithfully, 
(signed)  JOHN  STARK. 

P.S.     Pardon  this  hasty  scrawl. 

If  the  word  "  Boothick  "  is  wrong  and  should  be  Boethick,  pray  tell  Mr  Winton 
and  see  him  correct  it  before  his  Almanack  comes  out  &c. 

1  Deer  Lake  or  Grand  Lake  (?).  2  The  then  Governor. 


The  Beothuck  Institution  201 

Second  Letter  (in  reply  to    W.  E.    C.'s  ibth  May). 


May,  1828. 
Dear  Cormack, 

I  last  night  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  26th.  I  have  only  time 
now  to  say  that  I  delayed  calling  for  subscription  for  the  Boeothuck  Institution  in 
the  hope  of  a  successful  Seal-fishery,  thinking  by  that  mode  to  get  more  money 
than  I  now  can  reasonably  expect.  —  I  last  night  wrote  Mr  Cozens  and  to  Mr  Pack 
on  the  subject,  and  I  shall  myself  go  round  Harbour  Grace  one  day  this  week  and 
get  all  I  can,  but  I  beg  you  will  not  publish  anything  till  all  our  lists  reach  you. 
I  cannot  possibly  come  to  St  John's  till  after  the  7th  June,  but  I  shall  be  with  you 
soon  after  that  day.  I  am  proud,  very  proud  to  hear  of  Lewis'  success  so  far  and  I 
augur  much  good  from  his  exertions. 

I  shall  leave  no  stone  unturned  to  serve  you  in   the  pursuit  of  the   benevolent 
object  you  have  in  view.     Judge  Des  Barres  is  also  a  warm  friend  of  the  cause. 

In  great  haste 
(signed)  J.  STARK. 

Third  Letter.     (Reply  to    W.  E.   C.  June  list.) 

2yd  June. 
My  dear  Cormack, 

I  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  2ist  and  regret  very  much 

indeed  the  result  of  the  trip  of  the   Indians.     I   think  with  you  that  it  is  the  duty 
of  the   Society  to  try  the  only  spot   remaining  unsearched,  and    you  are  surely  the 
best  judge  of  the   means  that  ought  to  be  adopted,  for  my  own  part  I  will  second 
any  measure  you   may  propose  in  order  to  carry  into  full  effect  the  designs  of  the 
Society.     &c  ....... 

Yours  very  truly, 

(signed)  J.  STARK. 


Fourth  Letter. 

TWILLINGATE,    FRIDAY   EVENING, 

I2//&  September,   1828.     8  P.M. 
Dear  Cormack, 

We  proceed  to  Peyton's  at  One  o'clock  to-morrow  in  Mr  Pearce's  Yacht 
for  the  express  purpose  of  bringing  Shawnawdithit  down  with  us  and  if  we  arrive 
back  in  time  I  hope  she  will  accompany  this  letter  in  Clarke's  schooner  to  sail  on 
Monday.  The  more  I  thought  of  her  deplorable  and  dark  situation,  the  more  I  have 
been  impressed  with  the  great  importance  of  her  education  being  proceeded  in  forthwith, 
in  addition  to  every  other  consideration,  I  feel  that  individually  and  collectively  the 
Bce-othuck  Institution  are  doubly  called  upon  to  take  that  unfortunate  creature  under 
our  own  immediate  protection  for  shall  it  be  said  that  we  have  held  out  to  the  public 
hopes  which  cannot  be  realized,  or  shall  we  permit  ourselves  to  be  accused  of  luke- 
warmness  in  a  cause  likely  to  be  so  glorious  in  the  results,  nay  but  setting  aside 
these  propositions,  shall  we  not  as  members  of  society  do  all  in  our  power  to  reclaim 
a  very  savage  from  the  verge  of  continued  ignorance.  I  am  sure  you  will  heartily 
join  with  me  in  the  opinion  I  have  now  expressed  of  her  speedy  removal  to  St  John's 
not  only  as  a  measure  calculated  to  do  her  a  real  service,  but  a  measure  which  will 

H.  26 


2O2  The  Beothuck  Institution 

afford  you  and  me  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  we  have  contributed  our  mite  in 
the  general  cause  of  humanity.  I  find  I  am  running  on  and  classing  myself  with 
you,  in  your  efforts  to  reclaim  from  ignorance  a  portion  of  your  fellow  creatures,  but 
when  I  reflect  I  deny  that  I  have  any  right  whatever  to  do  so,  I  leave  you  all  the 
credit  and  may  the  palm  be  thine,  &c 

Believe  me  to  continue, 

Your  sincere  friend, 
(signed)  JOHN  STARK. 

W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq. 


Fifth  Letter. 

TWILLINGATE,   TUESDAY   NlGHT, 

ii  P.M.     i6th  September,  1828. 
My  dear  Cormack, 

As  I  advised  you  by  Mr  Clark's  schooner,  we  came  away  without  her. 
Mrs  Peyton  however  very  kindly  sent  us  a  boat  with  her  this  day.  She  is  now  at 
Mr  Chapman's,  both  Mr  and  Mrs  C.  have  been  very  kind  to  her  indeed.  This  will 
be  handed  to  you  by  Mr  Abbott  who  carries  round  Shawnawdithit  for  you.  Mr  Abbott 
if  he  charges  anything  for  her  passage  will  not  demand  more  than  twenty  shillings, 
but  I  have  not  paid  him  anything,  you  can  therefore  arrange  with  him,  I  think  if 
he  gets  credit  for  2O/-  subscription  that  will  pay  her  passage,  I  proposed  this  and 
he  did  not  seem  to  object.  Thus  you  have  at  last  arrived  at  something  tangible, 
and  I  should  by  all  means  recommend  her  being  immediately  placed  under  the  care 
of  some  steady  woman,  and  placed  at  school  every  day,  by  the  bye  have  her  vaccinated 
at  once.  She  wants  new  clothes  but  I  thought  it  better  to  send  her  to  St  John's  for 
there  she  can  get  clothes  much  cheaper  than  here.  Let  me  suggest  that  a  stout 
watch  should  always  be  kept  over  her  morals  and  that  no  one  should  be  allowed 
to  see  her  without  special  permission.  You  will  I  dare  say  tell  me  it  is  in  vain  for 
me  to  suggest  these  things  to  a  man  of  your  sound  sense  and  discriminating  knowledge 
of  human  nature,  yet  I  feel  that  if  I  were  to  neglect  doing  so,  I  might  perhaps  blame 
myself  when  it  would  be  too  late.  The  great  interest  taken  in  this  unfortunate  creature 
by  the  Attorney  General  renders  him  peculiarly  well  fitted,  being  a  married  man,  to 
advise  you  what  to  do  upon  the  occasion.  I  ought  to  say  that  Mrs  Peyton  was 
quite  willing  for  her  to  come  away  and  I  hope  Mr  Peyton  will  not  be  displeased. 
To  please  Nancy  I  shall  give  her  a  separate  note  for  you.  She  says  the  found  arrow 
never  could  have  been  made  by  an  Indian.  An  old  fellow  named  Dale  of  Exploits 
says  positively  that  he  saw  the  smoke  of  the  Red  Indians'  wigwams  last  winter,  but 
I  fear  that  if  there  are  any  left  they  must  be  very  few  indeed  in  number. 

Mr  Willoughby  has  generously  subscribed  Ten  pounds  to  form  a  fund  for  the 
support  of  Shawnawdithit,  but  exclusively  for  that  purpose.  I  think  if  we  cannot 
find  out  any  more  of  the  Aborigines  she  ought  at  all  events  to  be  educated  and 
supported  for  life  by  the  public,  and  an  annuity  might  be  purchased  and  settled 
upon  her,  of  this  however  more  when  we  meet  or  when  I  shall  have  more  leisure 
to  write  you.  Nancy  sails  at  8  to-morrow  morning  if  the  wind  is  fair.  We  also 
sail  for  Fogo  early  to-morrow  morning  but  I  shall  see  her  first  if  possible.  Judge 
Des  Barres  sends  her  a  little  sea  stock  on  board,  &c 

Yours  very  faithfully, 
(signed)  JOHN  STARK. 


7 he  Beothuck  Institution  203 

Sixth  Letter. 

TWILLINGATE, 

i6th  September,  1828. 
Dear  Cormack, 

This  note  will  I  trust  be  handed  to  you  by  the  Red  Indian  Shawnavvdithit 
herself.  She  asked  me  if  you  had  any  family,  I  told  her  that  when  I  left  St  John's 
you  were  single  but  that  I  could  not  tell  how  long  you  would  remain  so.  Above 
all  things  I  request  you  will  get  her  vaccinated  by  Doctor  Carson  upon  the  very 
day  she  reaches  Saint  John's,  pray  let  nothing  prevent  this. 

Yours  faithfully, 
(signed)  JOHN  STARK. 


The  following  letter  from  the  Micmac  Indian,  John  Lewis,  to  Judge 
Des  Barres,  is  so  characteristic  of  those  people,  I  deem  worthy  of  insertion 
here. 

CLOD  SOUND  March  6th  1828. 

Sir  The  Barer  Peter  John  he  could  not  go  Without  any  assistance  from  that 
you  or  your  order  which  is  much  in  need  of  want  few  Articles  one  Barrill  of  flour 
and  iwt  Bread  and  some  Clothing  3  yds.  of  Braud  cloth 

10  yds.  of  Bleue  Sarge 
4     „      of  Callico 
30  Ib.  Sugar 

and  sended  first  opportunity  in  Silvage  or  in  Clod  sound  if  possible  because  it  will 
be  no  body  it  in  Clod  sound  but  Peter  Johns  wife  &  4  Chielderens  all  the  rest  of 
Indians  be  in  the  country  for  Beaver  hunting  or  other  thing  else  Family  and  all 

and  it  will  be  no  body  saport  or  stay  with  peters  wife  childrens. 
as  for  John  Stevens-s-family  the  father  he  tak  care  of. 

Sir  your  humble  servant 
JOHN  LEUIS. 


Letter  from  Prof.  Jameson. 
(Enclosing  copies  of  letters  from  John   Barrow,  Esq.  and  Lord  Bathurst.) 

Dear  Sir, 

I  send  for  the  information  of  your  brother  ?  copies  of  letters  I  have  received 
in  regard  to  his  Newfoundland  journey  which  you  may  have  some  opportunity  of 
forwarding  to  him.  I  am  pleased  to  find  both  Lord  Bathurst  and  Barrow  interested 
and  think  their  good  wishes  may  be  of  service  to  your  brother  in  Newfoundland. 
Pray  present  to  him  my  kindest  remembrance  and  tell  him  from  me  that  we  expect 
from  him  on  his  return  still  more  information  in  regard  to  Newfoundland. 

I  am  dear  sir 

Yours  faithfully, 
(signed)  R.  JAMESON. 

26 — 2 


2O4  Dr  Barrow's  Letters 

From  Dr  Barrow  to  Prof.  Jameson. 

ADMY.     \%th  September. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  have  sent  the  chart,  memoir  and  letter  of  Mr  Cormack  together  with 
your  letter  to  Lord  Bathurst,  who  however  is  just  now  out  of  town,  and  when  he 
has  seen  them  I  have  desired  to  have  them  again  for  the  purpose  you  mention  of 
making  them  public  ;  they  appear  to  be  very  creditable  to  the  zeal  and  enterprise 
of  Mr  Cormack  in  a  difficult  country  of  which  we  know  little  or  nothing. 

I  am  dear  Sir, 

very  truly  yours, 
(signed)  JOHN  BARROW. 


From  Dr  Barrow  to  Prof.  Jameson. 

ADMY.    22nd  Sept. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  now  send  you  Lord  Bathurst's  letter  to  me  in  return  to  Mr  Cormack's 
communication  through  you,  which  I  hope  will  encourage  him  to  add  to  the  informa- 
tion he  has  already  procured.  I  am  strongly  for  making  public  every  addition  to 
our  knowledge  of  the  globe. 

I  am  my  dear  Sir, 

very  truly  yours, 
(signed)  JOHN  BARROW. 


Letter  from  Lord  Bathurst  to  Dr  Barrow. 

My  dear  Sir, 

I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  having  transmitted  to  me  Mr  Cormack's 
account  of  his  Route  through  the  interior  of  Newfoundland — a  country  of  which  we 
are  very  ignorant,  as  I  think  that  with  one  exception  it  has  not  been  traversed  before. 
The  state  of  the  Red  Indians  had  attracted  my  attention  many  years  ago,  as  there 
was  reason  to  believe  that  our  people  had  frequently  put  them  to  death  without 
sufficient  provocation,  and  in  some  instances  I  am  ashamed  to  say,  they  were  shot 
at  in  mere  sport.  There  was  no  wonder  that  they  flew  from  all  our  approaches, 
and  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  Micmac  Indians  may  have  contributed  to  this 
indisposition  to  accept  the  advances  which  have  been  made  them.  Mr  Cormack's 
attempts  to  conciliate  them  could  not  be  otherwise  than  interesting,  and  you  will 
have  the  goodness  to  desire  Professor  Jameson  to  convey  to  Mr  Cormack  my  thanks 
for  the  communication. 

I  can  have  no  objection  to  the  publication  of  the  account  particularly  under  so 
respectable  an  editor  as  Professor  Jameson. 

Yours  very  sincerely, 

(signed)  BATHURST. 


The  Bishop's  Letters  205 

Letter  to  Mr  Cormack  relative  to  his  journey  across  country 
and  his  reply  thereto. 

My  dear  Sir, 

Will  you  oblige  me  by  informing  me  in  what  year  you  made  your  journey 
into  the  interior,  and  whether  the  particulars  were  transmitted  to  the  Secretary  of  State. 

Very  faithfully  yours, 
(signed)  W.  A.  CLARKE. 

July,  1827. 


Reply. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  made  my  excursion  across  the  interior  of  the  Island  in  the  months  of 
September  and  October  1  822  :  A  -  few  general  remarks  and  an  outline  of  my  route, 
were  in  the  following  year  transmitted  to  Earl  Bathurst,  by  my  friend  Prof.  Jameson 
of  Edinburgh.  My  journal  with  particulars,  I  have  not  yet  been  either  contented  or 
at  leisure  to  revise. 

Yours  very  truly, 

(signed)  W.  E.  C. 
y.st  July,  1827. 


Letter  from  Judge  Des  Bar  res. 

Sx  JOHN'S,  NEWFOUNDLAND, 

6th  August,  1827. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  have  just  heard  from  good  authority  that  the  Northern  Circuit  Court 
will  be  opened  at  Twillingate  on  the  nth  of  September  ensuing  and  I  can  only 
repeat  that  I  shall  be  most  happy  in  offering  you  a  passage  or  in  any  manner  to 
facilitate  the  very  humane  and  praiseworthy  expedition  which  you  have  in  con- 
templation. 

I  am  my  dear  Sir, 

Yours  very  faithfully 

(signed)  A.  W.  DES  BARRES. 


Letters  from  the  Bishop  of  Nova  Scotia,  Dr  Englis,  to 
W.  E.   Cormack  and  replies. 

H.M.S.  ALLIGATOR, 

PLACENTIA,  August  loth,  1827. 
My  dear  Sir, 

You  expressed  a  wish  that  I  should  communicate  to  you  the  result  of 
my  reflection  upon  an  attempt  to  have  a  friendly  conference  with  the  remnant  of 
the  Red  Indians,  if  after  due  search,  it  shall  be  ascertained  that  such  remnant  exists. 
I  cannot  hope  to  offer  anything  worth  your  consideration,  but  fulfil  my  engage- 
ment by  occupying  part  of  the  leisure  which  a  thick  fog  has  given  me,  in  writing 
this  letter. 


206  The  Bishop's  Letters 

That  an  attempt  at  such  conference  is  due  to  any  of  the  unhappy  tribe  that 
may  have  survived  all  the  efforts  for  their  destruction  by  English,  French,  Esquimaux, 
Micmacks  and  Mountaineers,  must  be  granted  by  all  who  have  any  feeling ;  in  the 
hope  that  they  may  be  brought  into  the  neighbourhood  of  protection  from  their 
numerous  destroyers  ;  and  cherished  and  instructed. 

It  has  appeared  to  me  that  no  pains  should  be  spared  in  giving  immediate 
instruction  to  Shawnawdithit  or  Nancy  that  she  may  thoroughly  understand  the 
object  of  the  proposed  conference,  and  be  well  prepared  to  explain  it  in  her  native 
language — and  this  may  be  more  difficult  than  she  imagines,  in  consequence  of  her 
long  disuse  of  her  own  dialect. 

The  party  attempting  the  conference  should  not  be  so  large  as  to  create  much 
alarm.  Yourself,  Mr  Peyton,  Shawnawdithit,  your  Mountaineer  and  one  other,  would 
in  my  opinion,  be  sufficient,  but  great  pains  should  be  taken  in  selecting  such  a  person 
as  could  be  depended  upon  for  coolness  and  discretion.  As  the  Bceothucks  have  only 
bows  and  arrows  a  defence  might  easily  be  provided  by  light  shields,  which  might  be 
so  constructed  as  to  form  good  pillows.  Two  folds  of  skin,  with  light  wadding  between 
them  would  be  sufficient,  but  they  should  be  proved.  Shawnawdithit  should  be  dressed 
and  painted,  as  when  she  was  first  taken,  and  the  sound  of  their  own  language  from 
her,  would  probably  induce  any  of  them  to  stop.  But  I  repeat  she  is  not  yet  sufficiently 
instructed  to  be  a  good  interpreter.  She  must  learn  more  English,  and  keep  up  a 
knowledge  and  practise  of  her  own  language. 

Although  your  services  are  kindly  offered  gratuitously,  Peyton  has  lost  so  much 
by  the  Indians  that  it  would  be  unreasonable  to  expect  the  same  from  him.  I  would 
therefore  recommend  that  a  plain  statement  should  be  drawn  up  of  the  intended  rational 
attempt,  and  subscriptions  would  be  obtained  here  and  in  England  to  defray  the 
expense  and  recompence  Peyton,  and  any  balance  might  be  appropriated  to  the 
Instruction  and  provision  for  Shawnawdithit  if  none  others  should  be  found,  and  if 
others  should  happily  be  found,  I  would  place  them  near  their  best  hunting  ground, 
and  under  protection,  intelligence  of  which  should  be  communicated  with  unsparing 
pains,  to  our  own  people,  the  French,  and  Mickmacks  and  all  other  Indian  tribes. 
A  little  assistance  in  clothing,  food,  fishing  gear  and  arms ;  and  amunition  to  be 
periodically  issued,  would  enable  them  to  live.  The  expense  would  be  small,  and 
Government  would  defray  it.  Civilization  we  may  hope  would  gradually  follow. 
Capt.  Canning  and  Mr  McLauchlin  of  the  Rifle  Brigade,  who  can  endure  more  fatigue 
in  forest  walking  than  any  persons  I  know,  and  are  alike  cool  and  intrepid  would 
delight  to  share  in  the  undertaking,  and  if  you  will  let  me  hear  from  you  particularly 
of  your  plan,  I  think  it  would  be  greatly  assisted,  if  it  should  be  possible  to  have  their 
personal  aid. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  from  you  and  that  you  have 
the  best  wishes  of  my  dear  Sir, 

Your  faithful  servant, 

JOHN  NOVA  SCOTIA. 
W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq. 


Second  Letter. 

HALIFAX,  September  \\th,  1827. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  was  glad  to  learn  from  your  letter  of  the  third  that  you  were  so  near 
the  commencement  of  your  benevolent  journey,  to  which  I  cordially  wish  the  fullest 
and  most  gratifying  success. 

Your  plans  appear  to  be  judicious,  and   I  wish   it  were  in   my  power  to  assist 
them  by  any  suggestions  worth  your  attention.     All  savage  Nations,  whose  language 


The  Bishop's  Letters  207 

is  necessarily  defective,  are  accustomed  to  symbols ;  ingenious  in  the  use  of  them, 
and  quick  in  ascertaining  their  meaning.  Some  are  of  a  general  character,  and 
could  be  suggested  by  Mountaineer  or  Micmac.  Any  that  more  particularly  belong 
to  the  Boeothuck  may  probably  be  painted  out  and  explained  with  Mr  Peyton's 
help  by  Shawnawdithit.  She  may  also  assist  in  depicting  her  own  tribe  and 
their  dress  and  habits  as  she  is  clever  with  a  pencil.  Friendly  feasts  between  the 
Europeans  and  the  different  Indians — paddling  in  the  same  canoes — presentation  of 
gifts — laying  down  or  burying  offensive  implements. — A  marriage  ceremony,  if  they 
have  one. — Feeding  their  children,  occur  to  me ;  but  they  seem  so  obvious  that  you 
will  hardly  have  passed  them  over;  but  I  should  have  more  dependence  on  anything 
suggested  by  Shawnawdithit  as  known,  and  in  use  among  her  tribe. — She  can  also 
perhaps  supply  peculiar  marks  on  trees,  and  the  shores  of  lakes  and  rivers. 

I  shall  be  very  anxious  to  hear  of  your  progress,  and  shall  feel  an  interest  in 
the  whole  of  your  undertaking—  repeating  my  best  wishes,  and  my  prayers  for  your 
preservation,  and  a  blessing  on  your  efforts.  I  remain  my  dear  Sir, 


W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq. 


Your  faithful  servant, 
(signed)     JOHN  NOVA  SCOTIA. 


Third  Letter. 

HALIFAX,  Dec.  ^\st,  1827. 


My  dear  Sir, 


I  was  much  gratified  to  receive  your  letter  of  Oct.  25th  written  at 
Mr  Peyton's.  You  have  excited  my  warm  interest  in  the  expedition  in  which  you 
were  just  embarking,  and  great  anxiety  for  its  success.  Your  plans  seem  to  have 
been  formed  with  great  judgement,  but  it  is  certainly  to  be  regretted  that  Mr  Peyton 
could  not  attend  you.  In  case  of  severe  trial,  I  should  fear  the  steadiness  of  your 
Indian  companions  would  not  be  sufficient,  and  when  they  fancied  their  own  lives 
in  danger,  I  should  be  equally  afraid  of  their  firing  and  flying. 

Should  the  Boeothuck  be  found  and  not  brought  in,  I  should  think  Shawnaw- 
dithit might  very  well  go  to  them  on  the  second  visit. 

The  report  of  your  expedition  will  I  hope  be  printed  immediately.  It  might 
be  well  to  add  to  it  a  detail  of  expenses  to  be  defrayed  by  the  Institution.  If 
a  few  copies  are  sent  to  me,  I  will  endeavour  to  make  them  useful  both  here  and 
in  England.  I  shall  request  my  friend  Mr  Dunscomb  to  do  my  part  for  me. 

Allow  me  to  thank  you  for  the  honour  I  have  received  in  being  nominated  as 
Patron  of  your  benevolent  Institution  ;  but  I  would  beg  to  suggest  the  propriety  of 
leaving  this  office  open  for  His  Excellency  Sir  Thomas  Cochrane,  who  will  promote 
our  object.  I  shall  be  sufficiently  distinguished  if  I  may  be  permitted  to  occupy 
a  part  of  the  Vice  Patron's  chair,  where  I  would  hope  to  find  myself  near  the 
Chief  Justice. 

If  you  should  see  Mr  Peyton  after  you  receive  this,  be  so  good  as  to  assure 
him  I  enquired  &c 

I  hope  this  letter  will  find  you  safely  returned  to  St  John's,  where  as  well  as 
elsewhere  you  have  my  best  wishes  for  every  success  and  blessing. 

I  remain  my  dear  Sir,  with  much  esteem 

your  faithful  servant, 
(signed)     JOHN  NOVA  SCOTIA. 


2o8  The  Bishop's  Letters 

Fourth  Letter. 

RIVER  ST  LAWRENCE, 

Sept.  i8M,  1828. 

My  dear  Sir, 

I  was  happy  in  receiving  your  letter  of  August  the  8th  a  few  days  ago  at 
Quebec.  That  which  you  were  so  good  to  write  from  Liverpool  has  not  yet  reached 
me,  owing  probably  to  my  absence  from  Halifax  since  the  early  part  of  May. 

You  have  my  best  thanks  for  an  account  of  the  efforts  already  made  for  the 
discovery  of  the  Boeothick,  if  any  remain.  The  good  work  should  be  continued, 
until  it  becomes  morally  certain  that  none  remain,  and  1  have  requested  our 
excellent  friend  Mr  Dunscomb  to  do  all  that  may  be  proper  for  me  in  the  renewal 
of  subscriptions  as  they  may  be  expedient.  The  prospect  of  success  seems  clouded, 
but  however  late  the  effort,  it  will  be  a  consolation  to  have  done  all  that  was  now 
possible. 

I  am  now  on  my  way  to  Boston,  and  will  make  the  enquiries  you  desire 
respecting  Fisheries,  with  the  result  of  which  you  shall  be  duly  acquainted. 

You  speak  of  a  change  of  profession,  but  do  not  name  the  line  to  which  you  look 
forward.  I  can  only  say  you  have  my  wishes  and  my  prayers  for  right  direction,  and 
a  blessing  upon  your  course;  and  that  I  am  with  much  regard  and  esteem, 

Your  faithful  servant, 

(signed)    JOHN  NOVA  SCOTIA. 
W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq. 


Cormack's  Letter  in  reply. 

ST  JOHN'S,  N.F.L.,  26^  October,  1828. 
My  Lord, 

I  was  favoured  by  yours  of  Sept.  iSth  from  the  River  St  Laurence,  and 
I  hope  since  that  time  your  journey  has  been  as  agreeable  to  you  as  you  could 
wish.  I  regretted  you  had  not  received  my  letter  of  April  written  in  Liverpool, 
England,  because  I  stated  to  you  therein  the  reason  that  I  for  one,  could  not 
name  either  our  Governor  or  Chief  Justice  Patron  or  Vice  Patron  of  the  spon- 
taneous Boeothuck  Institution. 

The  party  of  Indians  sent  in  search  of  the  Beothucks  have  again  returned, 
without  finding  any  traces  of  these  people  so  recent  as  those  I  met  with  last  year. 
The  Red  Indian  woman  Shawnawdithit  has  been  at  length  brought  to  St  John's,  and 
for  the  present  is  staying  in  my  house:  I  really  apprehend  since  the  return  of  the 
party,  and  from  Shawnawdithit's  testimony,  that  the  tribe  of  the  Red  Indians  not 
only  reduced  to  a  mere  remnant,  but  are  on  the  very  verge  of  extinction.  Reports 
of  some  European  settlers,  make  them  to  have  been  seen  this  summer  at  a  place 
called  Nippers  Harbour  in  Notre  Dame  Bay  about  20  miles  S.  of  Cape  St  John. 
The  instructions  of  the  party  sent  in  search  were  that  they  should  not  return  to 
us,  without  unequivocally  ascertaining  that  the  Red  Indians  were  or  were  not  totally 
extinct  and  not  having  done  so,  to  save  themselves  from  further  censure,  one  or  two 
of  the  party  have  volunteered  to  go  to  Notre  Dame  Bay  again  without  reward  to 
put  the  matter  at  rest.  It  is  a  melancholy  reflection  that  our  Local  Government 
has  been  such  as  that  under  it  the  extirpation  of  a  whole  Tribe  of  primitive  fellow 
creatures  has  taken  place.  The  Government  and  those  whose  dependence  on  it 
overcame  their  better  feelings  still  withhold  their  countenance  from  the  objects  of 
the  Institution,  and  protection  from  the  unfortunate  female  dropped  off  among  us 


The  Bishop's  Letters  209 

from  the  brink  of  the  extermination  of  her  tribe.  Most  of  the  Officers  of  Govern- 
ment and  respectable  civilians  however  feel  humanely. 

Shawnawdithit  is  to  leave  me  in  a  week  or  two  to  stay  with  Mr  Simms  the 
Attorney  General.  This  gentleman  has  been  one  of  the  warmest  advocates  here 
for  humanity  towards  her  people  and  I  know  it  will  be  a  gratification  to  him  to 
take  care  of  her  and  have  her  instructed.  As  she  acquires  the  English  language  she 
becomes  more  interesting;  and  I  have  lately  discovered  the  key  to  the  Mythology 
of  her  tribe,  which  must  be  considered  one  of  the  most  interesting  subjects  to 
enquire  into.  Looking  forward,  I  entreat  you  to  learn  from  time  to  time  how  she 
is  coming  on  ;  for  it  is  to  such  feelings  as  yours  and  Mr  Simms'  that  this  unpro- 
tected creature  will  owe  her  value?,  and  be  prevented  from  sinking  into  abject 
dependance.  She  is  already  a  faithful  domestic  servant.  I  say  these  things  merely 
from  the  fear  that  she  might  be  cast  on  the  mercy  of  the  Local  Government  of 
N.F.L.,  under  which  all  the  rest  of  the  tribe  have  suffered. 

To  have  this  pleasure  again  soon  I  remain  my  Lord  with  the  highest  esteem, 

Yours  faithfully, 

(signed)     W.  E.  CORMACK. 
To  His  Lordship, 

The  Bishop  of  Nova  Scotia. 


Bishop  Engliss  fifth  letter. 

HALIFAX,  Nov.  \$th,  1828. 


My  dear  Sir, 


Upon  my  return  to  this  place  on  Saturday  last,  I  found  your  missing 
letter  from  Liverpool,  and  I  have  since  been  favoured  with  that  of  Oct.  2/th. 

I  am  greatly  obliged  by  your  interesting  accounts  of  the  search  that  has  been 
made  for  any  remnant  of  the  Bceothucks,  and  although  there  is  too  much  reason 
to  apprehend  that  no  remnant  is  left  there  is  some  little  satisfaction  in  having 
caused  the  best  possible  search  for  them,  however  late.  I  am  glad  that  poor 
Shawnawdithit  is  in  such  good  hands,  where  due  regard  will  I  trust  be  given  to 
her  moral  and  religious  instruction.  I  shall  enquire  for  her  with  interest,  and  shall 
be  glad  if  I  can  contribute  to  her  welfare. 

While  at  Boston  I  made  the  enquiry  respecting  the  fisheries.  I  found  generally 
that  upon  an  average  of  five  years  the  value  of  fish  caught  has  been  about  1,500,000 
dollars,  the  export  about  600,000  so  that  nearly  two  thirds  are  consumed  in  the 
country.  The  reports  I  forward  will  I  hope  supply  the  greater  part  of  the  details 
you  wished. 

With  sincere  wishes  for  your  happiness,  and  with  kind  regards  to  many  friends 
around  you 

I  am 

My  dear  Sir, 

Your  faithful  servant, 

JOHN  NOVA  SCOTIA. 
W.  E.  Cormack,  Esq. 

H.  27 


2io  Connacfcs  manuscript 

Cormack  to  Bishop  of  Nova  Scotia. 

ST  JOHN'S,  NEWFOUNDLAND, 

\oth  Jan.,  1829. 
My  Lord, 

According  to  promise  I  now  enclose  you  an  unfinished  paper  on  the 
value  of  Newfoundland  and  its  fisheries.  If  you  take  the  trouble  to  read  it,  and 
will  make  any  suggestions  or  corrections  I  will  be  glad  to  receive  them.  The  source 
of  information  on  the  French  Fisheries  are  the  most  defective,  but  I  may  be  enabled 
to  rectify  what  is  wanted  here  when  in  England  this  winter. 

Shawnawdithit  is  now  becoming  very  interesting  as  she  improves  in  the  English 
language,  and  gains  confidence  in  people  around.  I  keep  her  pretty  busily  employed 
in  drawing  historical  representations  of  everything  that  suggests  itself  relating  to  her 
tribe,  which  I  find  is  the  best  and  readiest  way  of  gathering  information  from  her. 
She  has  also  nearly  completed  making  a  dress  of  her  tribe. 

Herewith  you  have  the  commencement  of  a  compendium  with  the  Natural 
History  Society  of  Montreal,  left  open  for  your  perusal  or  use.  It  may  be  unneces- 
sary to  beg  the  favour  that  it  might  afterwards  be  put  into  the  printing  office. 

I  expect  to  sail  for  England  about  the  end  of  this  month,  and  may  not  return 
here  again.  My  address  is  at  John  McGregor  Esq.  56  Chapel  Walks  Liverpool. 

I  remain  My  Lord, 

with  the  highest  esteem 

Your  obedient  servant 

(signed)     W.  E.  C. 
To  the  Hon.  &  Right  Revd.  Bishop  of  Nova  Scotia. 


Manuscript  of  W.  E.   CormacKs,  apparently  written  after  his  last 
expedition  in  search  of  the  Red  Indians. 

On  reflecting  after  my  expedition  in  search  of  them  that  this  primitive 
nation,  unknowing  and  unknown  to  civilization,  were  so  nearly  extirpated, 
and  that  perhaps  at  that  moment  the  remnant  of  them  were  expiring  in 
the  clothing  armour  and  circumstances  similar  exactly  to  what  such  might 
have  been  previous  to  the  discovery  of  America  by  Europeans,  and  for 
fear  impressions  I  had  received  on  my  expedition  might  wear  off,  I  lost 
no  time  in  gathering  together  every  fact  and  relic  in  my  power  relating 
to  such  a  purely  sylvan  race.  Most  fortunately  with  the  assistance  of  two 
gentlemen  similarly  interested  in  the  subject  as  myself,  I  obtained  the 
guardianship  of  the  last  survivor  of  them,  a  female  who  had  been  taken 
prisoner  in  a  state  of  starvation  some  years  before  by  several  English 
fishermen  at  the  seacoast,  but  which  interesting  individual  had  remained 
until  that  moment  in  obscurity  in  an  outport  at  a  distant  part  of  the 
island.  Having  given  her  the  confidence  that  she  was  to  be  protected 
and  kindly  treated  by  every  white  person  as  long  as  she  lived  instead  of 
being  illtreated,  I  elicited  from  her  most  interesting  facts,  and  a  history 
of  her  people  which  together  with  my  own  observations  when  in  search 
of  them  in  the  interior,  form  nearly  all  the  information  that  can  ever  be 
obtained  relating  to  these  aborigines. 


Description  of  Mamateeks  2 1 1 

They  have  been  a  bold  heroic  and  purely  self  dependant  nation  never 
having  either  courted  or  been  subdued  by  other  tribes  or  Europeans.  But 
what  early  mind — a  power — could  face  gunpowder  and  firelocks  ?  Hence 
their  annihilation. 

To  connect  primitive  man  with  civilization,  refinement  and  the  arts- 
is  more  immediately  the  object  of  this  moment,  and  here  we  can  come 
directly  to  facts  the  most  interesting. 

That  they  have  been  a  nation  superior  to  all  others  adjacent  to  them 
is  evident  from  the  remains  we  have  of  them,  and  is  admitted  by  the 
other  tribes  on  the  continent  of  America.  Indeed  the  fear  of  the  other 
tribes  of  them,  even  felt  at  this  very  moment,  although  it  is  only  of  their 
shadow  speaks  for  itself. 

Every  fact  relating  to  this  isolated  nation  similar  or  dissimilar  to  what 
has  been  met  with  amongst  other  tribes  is  interesting  because  it  concerns 
man  at  a  time  more  remote  than  any  history. 

Commencing  with  their  dwellings  we  see  the  first  remove  from  a  few 
poles  stuck  in  the  ground  and  meeting  at  the  top,  and  a  skin  or  rind 
of  trees  laid  on  under  which  to  lie  down  to  sleep,  from  that  we  see  the 
remove  to  the  upright  wall  for  a  dwelling,  in  which  to  stand  and  move  in 
comfort,  next  we  see  the  remove  from  the  simple  circular  to  the  angular 
and  straight  walled  dwelling,  from  the  octagonal  to  the  five  sided. 

Then  in  their  style  of  adorning  the  posts  or  poles  outside  of  their 
doors,  we  can  evidently  trace  the  Corinthian  ?  a  complete  order  in  archi- 
tecture, different  countries  producing  animals  with  different  kinds  of  horns, 
will  cause  variations  in  the  capital1. 


Mamateek  or  Wigwam. 

Their  Mamateeks,  or  wigwams,  were  far  superior  to  those  of  the 
Micmac's.  They  were  in  general  built  of  straight  pieces  of  fir  about 
twelve  feet  high,  flattened  at  the  sides,  and  driven  in  the  earth  close  to 
each  other ;  the  corners  being  made  stronger  than  the  other  parts.  The 
crevices  were  filled  up  with  moss,  and  the  inside  lined  with  the  same 
material ;  the  roof  was  raised  so  as  to  stand  from  all  parts  and  meet  in 
a  point  in  the  centre,  where  a  hole  was  left  for  the  smoke  to  escape. 
The  remainder  of  the  roof  was  covered  with  a  treble  coat  of  birch  bark, 
and  between  the  first  and  the  second  layers  of  bark  was  placed  about 
six  inches  of  moss,  about  the  chimney  clay  was  substituted  for  the  moss. 
The  sides  of  these  mamateeks  were  covered  with  arms,  that  is,  bows, 
arrows,  clubs,  stone  hatchets,  arrow  heads,  &c.  and  all  these  were  arranged 
in  the  neatest  manner.  Beams  were  placed  across  where  the  roof  began, 
over  which  smaller  ones  were  laid ;  and  on  the  latter  were  piled  their 
provision — dried  salmon,  venison  &c. 

1  This  is  the  first  and  only  reference  I  have  ever  met  with  of  the  Beothucks  using  carved 
doorposts  to  their  dwellings.  It  is  to  be  regretted  Cormack  does  not  give  us  fuller  particulars  as 
to  the  character  of  those  carvings.  I  presume  they  must  have  been  somewhat  similar  to  those 
grotesque  figures  used  by  the  natives  of  the  Queen  Charlotte  Islands  off  the  west  coast  of  British 
Columbia. 

27 2 


212  Dress  and  Arms 

Beothuck  Dress. 

This  was  peculiar  to  the  tribe,  and  consisted  of  but  one  garment,— 
a  sort  of  mantle,  formed  out  of  two  deer  skins,  sewed  together  so  as  to 
be  nearly  square, — a  collar  also  formed  with  skins,  was  sometimes  attached 
to  the  mantle,  and  reached  along  its  whole  breadth.  It  was  formed 
without  sleeves  or  buttons,  and  was  worn  thrown  over  the  shoulders,  the 
corners  doubled  over  at  the  chest  and  arms.  When  the  bow  was  to  be 
used  the  upper  part  of  the  dress  was  thrown  off  from  the  shoulders  and 
arms,  and  a  broad  fold,  the  whole  extent  of  it,  was  secured  round  the 
loins,  with  a  belt,  to  keep  the  lower  part  from  the  ground,  and  the  whole 
from  falling  off,  when  the  arms  were  at  liberty.  The  collar  of  the  dress 
was  sometimes  made  of  alternate  stripes  of  otter  and  deer  skins  sewed 
together,  and  sufficiently  broad  to  cover  the  head  and  face  when  turned 
up,  and  this  is  made  to  answer  the  purpose  of  a  hood  of  a  cloak  in  bad 
weather.  Occasionally,  leggings  or  gaiters  were  worn,  and  arm  coverings, 
all  made  of  deer  skins.  Their  moccasins  were  also  made  of  the  same 
material ;  in  summer,  however,  they  frequently  went  without  any  covering 
for  the  feet. 

Beothuck  Arms. 

These  whether  offensive  or  defensive,  or  for  killing  game  were  simply 
the  bow  and  arrow,  spear  and  club.  The  arrow  heads  were  of  two  kinds 
viz. — stone,  bone  or  iron,  the  latter  material  being  derived  from  Europeans, 
and  the  blunt  arrow,  the  point  being  a  knob  continuous  with  the  shaft. 
The  former  of  these  was  used  for  killing  quadrupeds  and  large  birds. 
Two  strips  of  goose  feathers  were  tied  on  to  balance  the  arrow,  and  it 
has  been  remarked  by  many  persons  who  have  seen  the  Red  Indian 
arrows,  that  they  have  invariably  been  a  yard  long ;  the  reason  of  this 
would  seem  to  be  that  their  measure  for  the  arrow  was  the  arm's  length, 
that  is  from  the  centre  of  the  chest  to  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger,  that 
being  the  proper  length  to  draw  the  bow  ; — the  latter  was  about  five  feet 
long,  generally  made  of  mountain  ash,  but  sometimes  of  spruce1. 

The  spears  were  of  two  kinds,  the  one,  their  chief  weapon,  was 
twelve  feet  in  length,  pointed  with  bone  or  iron,  whenever  the  latter 
material  could  be  obtained,  and  was  used  in  killing  deer  and  other  animals. 
The  other  was  fourteen  feet  in  length  and  was  used  chiefly,  if  not  wholly, 
in  killing  seals, — the  head  or  point  being  easily  separated  from  the  shaft, — 
the  service  of  the  latter  being  indeed  mainly,  to  guide  the  point  into  the 
body  of  the  animal,  which  being  effected,  the  shaft  was  withdrawn,  and 
a  strong  strip  of  deer  skin,  which  was  always  kept  fastened  to  the  spear 
head  was  held  by  the  Indian,  who  in  this  manner  secured  his  prey.  This 
method  of  taking  the  seals  may  be  compared  to  that  of  taking  the  whales. 
The  handle  of  the  harpoon  being  chiefly  to  guide  the  point,  to  which  the 

1  Also  of  a  species  of  fir  called  boxy   fir,  a  hard  grown,  tough,   springy  wood,  so  I   have  been 
informed  by  the  Micmacs. 


Canoes,  Language,  Interment  213 

cord  is  attached,  into  the  body  of  the  animal  and  then  hauling  against  it 
until  the  fish  is  exhausted.  The  Esquimaux  adopt  a  similar  plan  the  point 
of  their  harpoon  or  spear  being  somewhat  different  in  form1. 

Canoes. 

These  varied  from  sixteen  to  twenty  two  feet  in  length,  with  an 
upward  curve  towards  each  end.  Laths  were  introduced  from  stem  to 
stern  instead  of  planks.  They  were  provided  with  a  gunwhale  or  edging 
which,  though  slight,  added  strength  to  the  fabric — the  whole  was  covered 
on  the  outside  with  deer  skins  sewed  together  and  fastened  by  stitching 
the  edges  round  the  gunwhale2. 

Language. 

The  language  of  the  Boeothucks,  Mr  Cormack  is  of  opinion,  is 
different  from  all  the  languages  of  the  neighboring  tribes  of  Indians  with 
which  any  comparison  has  been  made.  Of  all  the  words  procured  at 
different  times  from  the  female  Indian  Shawnawdithit,  and  which  were 
compared  with  the  Micmac  and  Banake  (the  latter  people  bordering  on 
the  Mohawk)  not  one  was  found  similar  to  the  language  of  the  latter 
people,  and  only  two  words  which  could  be  supposed  to  have  had  the 
same  origin,  viz.,  " Kuis" — Boeothuck — and  " Kuse"  Banake — both  words 
meaning  Sun, — and  " Moosin"  Boeothuck, — and  "Moccasin"  Banake  and 
Micmac  shoe,  or  covering  for  the  foot.  The  Boeothuck  also  differs  from 
the  Mountaineer  and  Eskimo  languages  of  Labrador.  The  Micmac, 
Mountaineers,  and  Banake,  have  no  "r"  the  Boeothuck  has;  the  three 
first  use  "1"  instead  of  "r."  The  Boeothuck  has  the  diphthong  "sh" — the 
other  languages  have  it  not.  The  Boeothucks  have  no  characters  to  serve 
as  hieroglyphics  or  letters,  but  they  had  a  few  symbols  or  signatures. 

Method  of  Interment. 

The  Boeothucks  appear  to  have  shown  great  respect  for  their  dead, 
and  the  most  remarkable  remains  of  them  commonly  observed  by  Europeans 
at  the  sea  coast,  are  their  burial  places.  They  had  several  modes  of 
interment.  One  was  when  the  body  of  the  deceased  had  been  wrapped  in 

1  I   believe  the  Beothucks  derived  the  idea  of  this  harpoon  from  the  Eskimos,  who  are  adepts 
in  its  use,  are  known  to  have  possessed  it  a  long  time,  and  who  moreover,   depend  more  upon  the 
seal  and  walrus  for  their  livelihood  than  the  former  had  any  occasion  to  do.     It  is  a  most  ingenious 
weapon,  and  while  the  general  structure  is   the  same,  that  of  the  Beothuck  was  slighter  and  more 
neatly  constructed.     It  was  called  by  them  a-aduth. 

2  This    statement    does    not   tally   with    that    of    any    of   the    other    authorities    on    the    subject. 
Whitbourne,  Cartwright,  Buchan  and  even  Cormack  himself  all  affirm  that  the  outside  of  the  canoe 
was  invariably  covered  with  birch  rind. 

Possibly,  they  may  have  on  some  occasions,  when  pressed  for  time  or  when  birch  bark  was 
difficult  to  obtain,  resorted  to  deer  skins  for  that  purpose,  as  the  Micmacs  sometimes  do,  but  it 
certainly  was  not  the  usual  covering,  and  this  is  the  only  instance  I  have  met  with  where  such  is 
mentioned. 


214  Burial  customs,  Remedies 

birch  rind,  it  was  then,  with  his  property,  placed  on  a  sort  of  scaffold 
about  four  feet  from  the  ground,  the  scaffold  supported  a  flooring  of  small 
squared  beams  laid  close  together,  on  which  the  body  and  property  rested. 

A  second  method  was,  when  the  body  bent  together  and  wrapped  in 
birch  rinds  was  enclosed  in  a  sort  of  box  on  the  ground, — this  box  was 
made  of  small  square  posts  laid  on  each  other  horizontally,  and  notched 
at  the  corners  to  make  them  meet  close, — it  was  about  four  feet  high, 
three  feet  broad,  and  two  feet  and  a  half  deep,  well  lined  with  birch  rind, 
so  as  to  exclude  the  weather  from  the  inside, — the  body  was  always  laid 
on  its  right  side. 

A  third  and  most  common  method  of  burying  among  this  people  was 
to  wrap  the  body  in  birch  rind,  and  then  cover  it  over  with  a  heap  of 
stones  on  the  surface  of  the  earth  ;  but  occasionally  in  sandy  places,  or 
where  the  earth  was  soft  and  easily  removed,  the  body  was  sunk  lower 
in  the  earth  and  the  stones  omitted. 

The  marriage  ceremony  consisted  merely  in  a  prolonged  feast  which 
rarely  terminated  before  the  end  of  twenty  four  hours.  Polygamy  would 
seem  not  to  have  been  countenanced  by  the  tribe. 

Of  their  remedies  for  disease,  the  following  were  the  most  frequently 
resorted  to. 

For  pains  in  the  stomach,  a  decoction  of  the  rind  of  the  dogwood 
was  drunk. 

For  sickness  amongst  old  people — sickness  in  the  stomach — pains  in 
the  back,  and  for  rheumatism,  the  vapour  bath  was  used. 

For  sore  head,  neck  &c.  pounded  sulphuret  of  iron  mixed  with  oil 
was  rubbed  over  the  part  affected,  and  was  said  generally  to  affect  a  cure 
in  two  or  three  days. 

For  sore  eyes, — woman's  milk  as  a  wash. 

Proclamation  to  the  Micmacs. 

This  was  evidently  written  by  Cormack  to  be  submitted  to  the  Governor 
for  approval,  but  I  cannot  learn  that  it  was  ever  issued. 

KING  GEORGE  is  sorry  his  children  the  Red  Indians  live  for  no  good,  his 
children  the  Micmacs  hunt  and  sell  fur  to  the  English.  King  George  wants  to  tell 
Red  Indians  not  to  hunt  beaver  always,  but  to  come  to  the  salt  water  to  catch 
fish :  to  leave  the  beaver  for  the  Micmacs  because  English  know  Micmacs  a  long 
time.  Any  Micmac  who  brings  Red  Indian  to  St  John's  to  speak  to  Governor  or 
to  me  will  receive  a  reward  of  £20  a  year  each,  as  long  as  he  or  they  live,  a  silver 
medal  each,  and  a  grant  of  Red  Indian  Lake  for  six  years.  But  if  Micmacs  kill 
Red  Indians  King  George  order  all  Micmacs  to  go  away  from  Newfoundland. 

Part  of  another  manuscript  of  Cormack 's  written  after  his  last 
expedition  into  the  interior. 

In  this  he  states  that  he  has  acquired  several  ingenious  articles  of 
the  Beothuck  manufacture,  some  of  which  were  discovered  on  his  last 
journey,  models  of  canoes,  bows  and  arrows,  spears  of  different  kinds,  &c. 
and  also  a  complete  dress  worn  by  that  people.  Their  mode  of  kindling 


The  Beothuck  Institution  215 

fire  by  striking  together  two  pieces  of  iron  pyrites  is  not  only  original, 
but  as  far  as  we  at  present  know,  peculiar  to  the  tribe1.  These  articles 
together  with  a  short  vocabulary  of  their  language,  which  I  have  been 
enabled  to  collect,  prove  the  Beothucks  to  be  a  distinct  tribe  from  any 
hitherto  discovered  in  North  America.  In  my  detailed  report,  I  would 
propose  to  have  plates  of  these  articles  and  also  of  the  like  articles  used 
by  other  tribes  of  Indians,  that  a  comparative  idea  may  be  formed  of 
them,  and  when  the  Indian  female  Shawnawdithit  arrives  in  St  John's, 
I  would  recommend  that  a  correct  likeness  of  her  be  taken  and  preserved 
in  the  record  of  this  Institution2. 

Resolved  that  the  measures  recommended  in  the  President's  report 
be  agreed  to ;  and  that  the  three  men  John  Louis,  John  Stevens  and 
Peter  John,  Indians  of  the  Canadian  and  Mountaineer  tribes  be  placed 
upon  the  establishment  of  this  Institution  to  be  employed  under  the 
immediate  direction  and  control  of  the  President  and  that  they  be  allowed 
for  their  services  such  a  sum  of  money  as  the  president  may  consider 
a  fair  and  reasonable  compensation  &c. 

The  three  Indians  above  mentioned  were  sent  out  in  search  of  the 
Beothucks  as  it  appears  from  a  report  of  proceedings  of  the  Beothuck  Insti- 
tution, dated  February  7th,  1828,  when  it  was  considered  besides  the  pay, 
to  offer  a  bounty  of  $100  to  them  in  the  event  of  their  discovery  of  the 
residence  of  the  Red  Indians,  or  the  Indians  themselves  still  living  &c. 

The  following  documents  in  reference  to  these  expeditions  appear 
amongst  the  transactions  of  the  Beothuck  Institution,  now  in  my  possession. 


Beothuck  Institution. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  members  of  the  Institution  the  ;th  day  of 
February  1828  at  the  Court  House. 

The  Honorable  A.  W.  Desbarres  in  the  chair, — it  was  moved  and 
unanimously  resolved. 

First. — That  the  Instructions  for  the  party  composing  the  expedition 
to  discover  the  Red  Indians  and  which  are  now  ready  be  adopted  and 
acted  upon  by  the  Society. 

Second. — That  a  bounty  of  one  hundred  dollars  be  paid  to  the  party 
sent  in  pursuit  of  the  Indians,  in  addition  to  the  sum  granted  for  their 
services  by  the  President  W.  E.  Cormack  Esq.  provided  it  appear  by 
subsequent  investigation  that  they  shall  have  discovered  the  abodes  of 
the  Red  Indians  now  in  existence. 

1  Lloyd  states  that  his   Micmac  guide,  Souliann,  told  him  they  used  the  down  of  the  Blue  Jay 
for  tinder. 

2  This  suggestion  was  apparently  carried   out.     Bonnycastle  affirms  that  he  saw  her  miniature. 
It  is  probably  a  copy  of  this  picture  of  Shanawdithit  which  appears  as  a  frontispiece  in  the  Annals 
of  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel,   1856,  a  photo  of  which  is  here  reproduced. 


216  Instructions  to  John  Louis 

INSTRUCTIONS  to  John  Louis  the  chief  of  the  party  of  Indians  upon 
the  establishment  of  the  Boeothick  Institution  respecting-  the  route  to  be 
taken  by  the  party  in  quest  of  the  Red  Indians  in  the  winter  of  1828. 

John  Louis  will  proceed  forthwith  to  Clode  Sound  in  Bonavista  Bay, 
and  inform  John  Stevens  and  Peter  John  that  they  have  been  nominated 
as  the  most  proper  persons  to  be  attached  to  this  Institution  for  opening 
a  friendly  communication  with  the  Red  Indians  and  that  they  will  be 
compensated  for  such  services  as  they  may  perform,  by  such  a  sum  of 
money  as  the  President  W.  E.  Cormack  Esq.  shall  consider  just  and 
reasonable.— 

John  Louis  will  then  make  arrangements  with  John  Stevens  and 
Peter  John  to  attend  him  on  the  expedition  to  discover  the  abodes  of 
the  Red  Indians,  which  expedition  is  to  proceed  from  Fortune  Bay  on 
or  before  the  tenth  day  of  March  next. 

The  party  will  in  the  first  place  proceed  to  White  Bear  Bay  in  order 
if  necessary  to  consult  with  a  party  of  Micmacs  there  from  thence  proceed 
through  the  country  (interior)  to  St  George's  Bay,  then  through  the  country 
to  the  Bay  of  Islands  Lake1,  then  pass  through  the  country  to  the  west- 
ward of  Red  Indian  Lake  to  White  Bay,  and  from  thence  return  back  to  the 
River  Exploits  and  wait  on  John  Peyton  Esq.  and  the  Rev.  Mr  Chapman 
for  further  instructions. 

Instructions  to  the  party  under  the  direction  of  John  Louis  in  case 
they  shall  meet  with  or  discover  the  abodes  of  the  Red  Indians. 

The  Institution  having  originated  from  a  sincere  desire  of  establishing 
a  friendly  intercourse  with  that  unhappy  race  of  people  the  Red  Indians, 
and  of  protecting  the  lives  of  the  few  who  survive  at  this  day,  any 
communication  with  them  that  can  by  any  possibility  lead  to  an  unfriendly 
result  ought  to  be  avoided. — John  Louis  and  his  party  will  therefore  at 
all  times  bear  in  mind  that  great  caution  and  perseverance  are  eminently 
requisite  to  accomplish  the  important  and  intricate  designs  of  the  Insti- 
tution, and  they  will  avoid  coming  in  contact  with  the  Red  Indians  under 
any  circumstances  however  favorable  they  may  appear  to  be. 

They  will  however,  endeavour  to  ascertain  as  correctly  as  they  possibly 
can  the  numbers  of  the  Red  Indians  now  in  existence  and  the  country 
occupied  by  them,  and  they  will  then  immediately  return  to  St  John's  to 
report  the  particulars  of  their  discovery  in  order  that  another  expedition 
upon  a  more  matured  plan,  and  other  measures,  expedient  and  necessary 
may  be  adopted  by  the  Institution. 

(signed)     W.    E.  CORMACK 

President  of  the 

Boeothick    Institution. 

February  1828. 

1  Grand  Lake. 


Report  of  the  search  party  2 1 7 

The  following  account  of  this  expedition  is  taken  from  the  Newfound- 
lander, of  date  June  26th  1828. 

BOEOTHIC  INSTITUTION, 

ST  JOHN'S,  24^  June,  1828. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  subscribers  to  the  Boeothic  Institution  held  at 
Perkin's  hotel  this  day,  to  receive  the  report  of  the  three  Indians  employed 
by  the  Institution,  on  their  return  from  researches  after  the  Native  Red 
Indians  ;  and  to  consider  what  further  measure  may  be  proper  to  adopt, 
in  order  to  ascertain  whether  there  are  any  aborigines  still  existing  in  the 
island,  and  their  place  of  abode  &c.  with  a  view  to  open  a  friendly  inter- 
course with  them,  and  to  assure  them  of  protection  and  safety. — 

The  President  W.  E.   Cormack  Esq.  was  called  to  the  chair. 

An  account  was  then  exhibited  of  the  journey  and  route  of  the  Indians 
employed  by  the  Institution  during  the  last  four  months.  John  Louis  left 
St  John's  on  the  I2th  of  February,  and  proceeded  to  Clode  Sound; 
whence,  being  joined  by  John  Stevens  and  Peter  John  the  party  proceeded 
to  Bay  Despair1,  principally  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  information  from 
the  other  Indians.  They  thence  proceeded  in  a  North  Westerly  direction 
to  St  George's  Bay,  whence  they  took  an  Easterly  course,  about  forty  miles, 
to  the  West  end  of  the  Great  Bay  of  Islands  Lake,  without  discovering 
any  recent  signs  of  the  Red  Indians. 

Having  left  this  lake,  at  the  Eastern  extremity,  the  party  set  out  in 
a  South  Eastern  direction  to  the  Red  Indian's  Lake,  where  they  con- 
structed another  canoe,  and  remained  upwards  of  a  week  in  examining 
the  different  creeks  and  coves,  but  with  the  same  ill  success.  They  then 
paddled  down  the  Exploits  River,  and  in  two  days  reached  Mr  Peyton's 
upper  establishment,  where  they  procured  a  passage  to  this  place,  and 
arrived  on  the  2Oth  inst. 

It  appearing  from  the  foregoing  particulars,  that  the  party  had  passed 
over  and  examined  the  whole  of  the  country  in  the  interior,  where  the 
Red  Indians  are  likely  to  be  found,  except  that  part  of  the  country  in  the 
vicinity  of  White  Bay,  a  large  tract  of  which  remains  yet  unexplored.— 

It  was  moved  and  unanimously  resolved, 

1st.  That  the  three  Indians  be  again  employed  to  proceed  forthwith 
to  explore  and  examine  the  country  in  the  interior  of  and  adjacent  to 
White  Bay:  and  the  President  of  the  Institution  be  authorised  to  employ 
one  of  the  European  settlers  to  accompany  the  Indians. 

2nd.  That  as  the  Indians  have  now  to  explore  a  part  of  the  island 
contiguous  to  the  French  fisheries,  it  may  prove  beneficial  to  the  objects 
of  the  Institution,  to  interest  the  French  people  in  the  enquiries  after  the 
aborigines,  and  to  solicit  the  aid  of  the  French  Commandant  in  affording 
facilities  to  the  progress  of  the  Indians  now  employed  &c.  also  to  request 
the  French  authorities  to  inform  the  president,  Mr  Cormack,  if  any  of 
the  Red  Indians  have  been  met  with  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  French 
fisheries. 

1  Corruption  of  the  French  "  Bale  d'Espoir." 
H.  28 


2i8  Letter  to  French  Commandant 

3rd.  That  in  addition  to  the  pay  per  month,  the  Indians  employed 
shall  have  a  gratuity  of  $150,  in  the  event  of  their  discovering  the  abode 
of  the  Red  Indians  now  living. 

4th.  That  as  the  money  already  subscribed  is  inadequate  to  defray 
the  necessary  expenses  attending  the  expedition  to  White  Bay  the  friends 
of  the  Institution  be  again  requested  to  contribute  their  aid  in  support 
thereof. 

5th.  That  the  account  of  the  receipts  and  expenditure  of  the  Insti- 
tution now  exhibited  be  passed,  and  that  the  same  be  printed. 

6th.  That  William  Thomas  Esq.  be  requested  to  accept  the  office 
of  Treasurer  to  the  Institution. 

•  » 

Letter  to  French  Commandant. 

ST  JOHN'S,  NEWFOUNDLAND, 

•zbth  June,  1828. 
Sir, 

The  condition  of  the  Aborigines  or  Red  Indians  of  Newfoundland  has 
always  had  the  solicitude  of  the  English  Government,  and  several  attempts  have 
been  made,  ineffectually,  to  bring  these  people  within  the  pale  and  protection  of 
civilization. 

A  Society  was  formed  last  year  among  the  principal  inhabitants  and  others 
connected  with  Newfoundland,  and  called  the  "  Breothick  Institution,"  for  the  purpose 
of  renewing  the  attempts  to  open  a  friendly  intercourse  with  these  people.  A  party 
composed  of  a  few  of  the  most  intelligent  men  from  among  the  other  tribes  of 
Indians  met  with  here,  was  sent  to  search  for  their  abodes,  which  after  an  absence 
of  several  months  exploring  the  country  in  the  vicinity  of  St  Georges'  Bay — of  the 
Bay  of  Islands — the  Red  Indians'  Lake  and  the  Exploits  River  lately  returned 
without  discovering  any  recent  traces  of  them,  proving  that  this  unfortunate  Tribe 
are  now  very  much  reduced  in  numbers,  and  that  they  have  taken  refuge  in  some 
sequestered  spot.  It  only  remains  to  explore  to  the  North  and  the  vicinity  of 
White  Bay  to  determine  their  existence  or  extinction ;  and  with  this  impression, 
the  party  are  again  sent  to  explore  the  interior  in  these  parts.  They  are  directed 
to  commence  their  search  from  Croke  Harbour. 

The  Society,  anxious  to  avail  themselves  of  every  circumstance  that  may  operate 
favourably  to  their  views  have  taken  upon  themselves  to  request  your  good  offices 
in  affording  any  facilities  to  the  mission  that  may  tend  to  the  accomplishment  of 
the  object  they  have  in  view ;  and  the  Society  will  further  feel  thankful  for  any 
information  you  may  be  able  to  give  them  relating  to  the  Red  Indians,  or  if  any 
traces  of  that  tribe  have  lately  been  seen  in  the  vicinity  of  the  French  Fisheries. 

I  have  the  Honor  to  be 

Sir 

with  the  highest  consideration  and  respect, 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant. 

(signed)     W.  E.  CORMACK, 

Pres.  of  the  Boeothick  Institution. 
A  Monsieur, 

Le  Commandant 

Administrateur  pour  Sa  Majestic 
Le  Roi  de  France, 
A  Terre  Neuve. 


CormacKs  report  219 

Later  on  in  the  same  year  the  same  party  of  Indians  were  sent  out 
again,  as  appears  from  the  following  documents. 

INSTRUCTIONS  to  John  Louis,  John  Stevens,  and  Peter  John  respecting  the 
route  to  be  taken  in  quest  of  the  Red  Indians,  the  summer  of  1828. 

The  party  will  proceed  on  board  the  schooner  Eclipse,  the  master  of  which  will 
receive  directions  to  land  them  at  Croke  Harbour ;  John  Louis  will  then  deliver  the 
letter  directed  to  the  French  Commandant,  who  has  been  requested  to  afford  him 
any  information  that  may  tend  to  the  discovery  of  the  Red  Indians.  If  any  of 
them  are  to  be  met  with  in  that  vicinity,  John  Louis  is  required  to  apply  for 
written  directions  as  to  the  part  of  the  country  which  the  French  Commandant  may 
point  out  is  the  most  likely  to  discover  their  habitation,  and  he  will  then  proceed 
to  examine  that  country,  provided  the  country  so  recommended  to  be  examined, 
does  not  lie  further  than  20  miles  north  of  Croke  Harbour. — John  Louis  will,  in 
case  he  receives  no  intelligence  respecting  the  Red  Indians  at  Croke,  or  that  he  is 
unable  to  discover  any  of  the  tribe  to  the  north  of  Croke  Harbour,  proceed  west- 
wardly  into  the  interior  about  twenty  miles,  thence  taking  a  southwardly  direction 
to  White  Bay,  thence  passing  round  the  head  of  White  Bay,  and  thence  in  the 
most  proper  direction  through  the  country  to  the  house  of  Mr  Peyton  the  resident 
agent  at  Exploits  Burnt  Island,  being  careful  to  examine  particularly  the  whole  of 
the  lakes,  rivers  and  country  along  the  route  now  described,  so  that  the  party  may 
be  able  to  give  the  most  unequivocal  information  that  no  part  of  the  country  has 
been  left  unsearched.  John  Louis  will  therefore  make  a  plan  of  the  country  he  may 
pass  over,  marking  down  every  lake,  river  and  mountain,  so  that  Mr  Peyton  who 
is  already  intimately  acquainted  with  the  interior  may  be  able  to  afford  the  Insti- 
tution his  opinion  and  observations  thereon. 

(signed)     W.  E.  CORMACK, 
President  of  the  Boeothick  Institution. 

We  have  the  following  reference  to  this  last  expedition,  in  an  address 
to  the  Institution,  which  bears  no  date  but  was  evidently  at  some  time 
subsequent  to  the  return  of  the  Micmac  party,  probably  in  the  fall  of  1828, 
and  is  written  by  the  President. 

Gentlemen, 

Since  we  met  in  October  on  the  return  of  the  last  expedition 
in  search  of  the  Red  Indians,  our  separate  avocations  otherwise  have 
prevented  our  coming  together  again  until  now,  on  the  business  of  our 
Institution.  At  that  meeting  you  were  made  acquainted  with  the  result  on 
the  last  expedition  ;  a  more  detailed  account  of  it  being  left  to  be  given 
at  a  future  day.  We  regret  to  have  to  acknowledge  that :  the  result  only 
tends  to  confirm  our  fears  for  the  fate  of  the  Boeothicks,  and  proves  that 
the  tribe  if  not  totally  extinct,  are  expiring,  a  remnant  only  of  them 
exists,  so  small  and  occupying  so  small  a  space  that  they  have  been  passed 
by  unnoticed.  The  last  expedition  you  are  aware,  left  this  in  June  last 
to  explore  the  most  northern  parts  of  Newfoundland,  where  it  appeared 
possible  the  Red  Indians  might  have  taken  refuge. 

They  proceeded  to  the  French  Shore  and  examined  the  northern 
parts  of  the  island From  the  head  of  White  Bay  they  took  a  south- 
eastern direction  and  again  came  out  at  the  seacoast  in  Notre  Dame  Bay, 
discovering  nothing  on  their  whole  line  of  route  indicative  of  any  of  the 

28—2 


22O  The  "Royal  Gazette" 

Red  Indians  having  been  recently  alive  in  these  parts ;  but  old  marks  of 
them  abound  everywhere  from  White  Bay  to  Notre  Dame  Bay.  On  the 
French  Shore  the  party  visited  besides  Belvie,  Croke,  Grouse,  and  Canada 
Harbour.  At  Croke  the  French  Commodore  on  the  part  of  his  Govern- 
ment afforded  them  every  assistance  that  might  in  anyway  further  their 
object,  in  men,  boats,  ammunition  and  provisions,  and  the  same  facilities 
were  secured  to  them  along  the  whole  French  line  of  shore.  The  French 
authorities  could  give  them  no  information  of  any  traces  of  the  Red  Indians 
having  been  seen  in  the  neighborhood  of  their  fisheries. 

Although  we  may  infer  where  the  remnant  of  the  Red  Indians  would 
most  likely  be  found,  yet  from  the  certainty  of  the  smallness  of  their 
number,  if  any  really  do  exist,  it  would  not  be  prudent  again  to  send 
armed (the  remainder  of  this  MS.  is  torn  off). 

From  the  "Royal  Gazette"  October  2\st,  1828. 

Those  who  are  curious  in  enquiries  relating  to  man  have  a  treat  just 
now  in  St  John's  such  as  is  not  likely  again  to  be  met  with.  There  are 
at  present  at  Mr  Cormack's  house,  accessible  at  all  times  to  those  who 
feel  an  interest,  individuals  belonging  to  three  different  tribes  of  North 
American  Indians,  viz.  a  Mountaineer  from  Labrador, — two  of  the  Banakee 
nation  from  Canada, — and  a  Boeothick,  or  Red  Indian  of  Newfoundland, 
the  last  a  female.  They  all  speak  different  languages — and  are  good 
specimens  of  the  race.  The  men  are  5  feet  10  inches  and  a  ^  and 
5  feet  1 1  inches  in  height. 

The  three  men  are  those  that  were  sent  a  few  months  ago,  in  search 
of  the  Red  Indians.  They  have  returned  without  finding  any  recent  traces 
of  these  people  to  the  North  or  in  the  vicinity  of  White  Bay.  One  of 
the  party  has  volunteered  to  go  for  nothing  to  search  that  place  at  Notre 
Dame  Bay,  where  the  reports  of  the  European  settlers  make  them  out  to 
have  been  seen  a  few  weeks  since. 

Suggestions,  Hints  &c.  re  Red  Indians. 

Ascertain  their  mode  of  counting. 

Micmacs. 

Religious  belief  of  the  Red  Indians. 
„  „          „          Micmacs. 

History  of  the  Red  Indians  by  Micmacs.  Examine  the  most  intelligent  of  the 
Micmacs,  and  record  each  account  to  compare  afterwards  if  marks  of  truth.  The 
history  by  Nancy  to  compare  with  Micmacs. 

Nancy's  history  of  them  and  record  to  compare  with  Micmacs  to  see  if  they 
correspond  in  any  way  or  points. 

Note  all  Red   Indian  words. 

Red  Indian  skulls,  male  and  female. 

Ascertain  from  Nancy  and  from  Micmacs  if  ever  any  white  faced  or  light  haired 
people  have  been  seen  amongst  the  Red  Indians:  (No,  Capt  Buchan  not  correct)?1 

1  I  cannot  believe  Buchan  could  have  made  any  mistake  about  the  white  woman  he  saw  at  Red 
Indian  Lake,  and  so  particularly  described  in  1811.  Shanawdithit's  negation  to  this  query  may  have 
been  actuated  from  some  special  motive,  perhaps  fear  for  herself  or  her  people  for  having  kidnapped  (?) 


Characteristics  of  Shanawdithit  (Noad)  221 

Procure  specimens  of  every  implement  they  have,  including  dress  of  males  and 
females. 

Have  they  any  exterior  form  of  worship? 

Approach  ist  Nancy,  2nd  me,  3rd  Micmac. 

If  any  opportunity  offers,  offer  to  exchange  my  gun  &c.  or  whatever  the  Red 
Indians  suppose  most  valuable  to  me  for  one  of  their  children  ;  say  my  gun,  powder, 
shot  for  a  boy. 

Ascertain  how  they  record  events  amongst  themselves.  Have  the  Red  Indians 
any  dogs  amongst  them  or  domestic  animals?  (No.)1 

Their  Government. 

Have  the  Bceothucks  short  arms  like  the  Esquimos  ?   (No.) 

Burying  places  near  Exploits  Burnt  Island  and  Caves  where  numerous  large 
skulls  are  here  lying,  they  have  an  idea  that  those  were  spirits. 

NOTE.  The  above  looks  like  instructions  to  some  one,  possibly  to  the  Micmac 
guides,  but  more  probably  to  some  member  of  the  Beothuck  Institution,  or  to 
Mr  Peyton  who  may  have  been  asked  to  thus  interrogate  Nancy  (Shanawdithit) 
while  in  his  charge. 

(From  Noad.) 

"  Though  Shawnawdithit  acquired  a  knowledge  of  English  slowly,  yet 
it  is  said  before  her  death  she  could  communicate  with  tolerable  ease. 

She  feared  to  return  to  her  tribe,  believing  that  the  mere  fact  of  her 
residing  amongst  the  whites  for  a  time,  would  make  her  an  object  of  hatred 
to  the  Red  men. 

In  person  Shawnawdithit  was  5  feet  5  inches  in  height — her  natural 
abilities  were  good.  She  was  grateful  for  any  kindness  shown  her,  and 
evinced  a  strong  affection  for  her  parents  and  friends.  She  evinced  great 
taste  for  drawing,  and  was  kept  supplied  with  paper  and  pencils  of 
various  colours,  by  which  she  made  herself  better  understood  than  she 
otherwise  could. 

In  her  own  person,  she  had  received  two  gunshot  wounds,  at  two 
different  times  from  volleys  fired  at  the  band  she  was  with  by  the 
English  people  of  Exploits.  One  wound  was  that  of  a  slug  through 
the  leg.  Poor  Shawnawdithit,  she  died  destitute  of  this  world's  goods. 
Yet  desirous  of  showing  her  gratitude  to  one  from  whom  she  received 
great  kindness,  she  presented  a  keepsake  to  Mr  Cormack  and  there  is 
something  very  affecting  under  the  circumstances  in  which  she  was  placed, 
as  associated  with  the  simple  articles  of  which  the  presents  consisted. 
They  were  a  rounded  piece  of  granite — a  piece  of  quartz — both  derived 
from  the  soil  of  which  her  tribe  were  once  the  sole  owners  and  lords, 
but  which  were  all  the  soil  she  could  then  call  her  own  ;  and  added  to 
these  was  a  lock  of  her  hair." 

a  white  child.  More  probably  however,  Shanawdithit  may  not  have  remembered  the  white  woman, 
seeing  that  she  was  only  some  10  or  12  years  of  age  at  the  time  of  Buchan's  first  expedition.  Probably 
the  white  woman  in  question  may  have  died  soon  after. 

1  Here  again  there  is   evidently  some   mistake.      The   correspondent   of  the   Liverpool  Mercury 
clearly  mentions  a  bitch  with  a  litter  of  puppies  in  one  wigwam  at  the  time  of  Mary  March's  capture. 


222  Connack's  history 

History  of  the  Red  Indians  of  Newfoundland. 
By  W.  E.  CORMACK. 

PREFACE. 

To  begin  in  the  year  1829  to  write  a  history  of  the  Red  Indians 
of  Newfoundland,  is  like  beginning  to  write  the  history  of  an  extinct 
people.  All  that  they  have  left  behind  them  being  their  name  and  one 
wonders  that  they  left  nothing  else. 

Although  Newfoundland  has  been  occupied  by  Europeans  for  two  centuries 
and  a  half,  that  is  since  the  discovery  of  the  New  World,  nothing  of 
consequence  has  been  collected  and  preserved  relating  to  the  aboriginal 
inhabitants,  the  Red  Indians. 

The  Island  has  often  changed  hands  from  one  European  power  to 
another,  but  from  among  all  these  vicissitudes  all  that  has  been  preserved 
relating  to  the  aborigines  of  the  country,  are  a  few  fabulous  fragments, 
which  have  shone  out  now  and  then  as  connected  evidence  of  the  conten- 
tion of  the  existence  of  this  remarkable  tribe,  inhabiting  the  island.  The 
stories  about  them  have  not  been  credible.  These  aborigines  it  is  evident 
never  courted  friendship  with  the  whites  and  their  stern  self  dependent 
character  withstood  the  European  allurements. 

We  have  traces  enough  left  only  to  cause  our  sorrow  that  so  peculiar 
and  so  superior  a  people  should  have  disappeared  from  the  earth  like  a 
shadow.  The  only  considerable  search  has  at  length,  but  alas  too  late, 
been  made  to  prove  that  they  are  irrevocably  lost  to  the  world. 

Of  the  Aborigines  of  Newfoundland.     (Cormack.} 

Unoffending,  they  have  been  cruelly  extirpated:  a  purely  self-dependent 
people,  known  to  the  world  only,  as  it  were,  a  meteor  that  had  been.  They 
never  were  allowed  to  discover  nor  taste  of  civilization,  what  thoughts  must 
they  have  entertained  of  the  white  man  ? 

Pizarro's  offences  to  the  Peruvians  when  first  discovered,  do  not  tarnish 
the  Spanish  name  compared  with  the  stain  upon  that  of  the  English, 
for  their  cruel  and  wanton  extermination  of  the  little  nation  of  the  first 
occupants  of  Newfoundland. 

The  heroic  Spaniards  at  the  glorious  period  alluded  to,  could  not 
comprehend,  and  therefore  dared  not  trust  the  probable  power  of  an  over- 
whelming race  and  wonderful  people  in  a  world  just  discovered.  Not  so 
were  the  circumstances  of  the  English  and  the  people  under  our  notice. 
The  place  of  the  latter  is  now  a  monumental  blank  to  excite  the  surprise 
and  indignation  of  humanity. 

The  first  American  Indians  brought  to  England,  were  three  from 
Newfoundland  by  Sebastian  Cabot  on  his  second  voyage  of  discovery, 
and  presented  to  Henry  VII  in  I4971. 

1  History  says  that  Indians  were  brought  from  Newfoundland  by  Cabot,  and  presented  to 
Henry  VII.  Capt.  Richard  Whitbourne  describes  them  in  1620.  See  also  Anderson  on  Commerce; 
Reves,  Newfoundland,  published  in  1796  ;  Barrow's  Northern  Voyages,  etc. 


Cormack's  history  223 

The  early  voyagers  to  Newfoundland,  the  Portuguese,  English,  French 
and  Spaniards  were  in  general,  up  till  the  middle  of  the  i;th  century,  on 
a  friendly  footing  with  the  aborigines  of  the  Island,  and  thought  highly  of 
their  tractability  and  mental  powers.  The  parties  were  mutually  serviceable 
to  each  other.  Early  writers  speak  of  the  English  as  the  first  and  only 
aggressors  upon  the  Red  Indians,  and  that  the  savages  returned  them 
forbearance  and  good  for  evil,  formerly  English  fishermen,  strangers  alike 
to  Government  protection  and  to  mild  laws  were  not  so  criminal  for  having 
extirpated  the  aborigines  as  the  Government  authorities  under  whose  passive 
irresponsibility  the  deed  was  perpetrated. 

In  the  year  1800  the  Governor  of  Newfoundland  sent  a  Captain 
Le  Breton  to  examine  the  nature  of  the  North  coast  of  the  island  and 
enquire  about  the  aborigines.  Capt.  Le  B.  returned  without  seeing  any 
of  them  but  in  several  places  found  very  recent  traces  of  them. 

In  several  instances  aboriginal  females  have  been  captured  by  Europeans 
and  brought  to  St  John's  for  exhibition,  but  none  of  the  men  have  for  a 
century  past  fallen  into  our  hands  alive. 

Thus  in  1804  an  old  woman  was  brought  from  the  Northward  to 
St  John's  and  after  a  few  weeks  sent  back.  But  it  is  reported,  true  or 
false,  that  she  was  murdered  by  the  parties  who  accompanied  her  for  the 
sake  of  getting  possession  of  the  presents  she  had  received  to  carry  back 
to  her  people. 

In  1815  Sir  Richard  Keats  the  Governor  at  that  time,  dispatched 
Capt.  Buchan  in  H.M.  Schooner  Pike  to  the  River  Exploits,  in  the  North 
part  of  the  island,  with  instructions  to  endeavour  to  open  friendly  intercourse 
with  the  Red  Indians.  The  expedition  failed  in  its  object1. 

In  1819  the  Governor  Sir  Charles  Hamilton,  having  offered  a  reward 
of  one  hundred  pounds  to  any  one  who  would  bring  a  Red  Indian  to 
St  John's,  an  armed  party  of  English  went  up  to  the  Red  Indian  Lake, 
by  way  of  the  river  Exploits,  on  the  ice,  and  surprised  a  party  in  their 
camp,  carried  off  by  force,  the  female  afterwards  known  as  Mary  March, 
killing  her  husband  and  his  brother2  in  their  attempt  at  rescue.  Thus 
the  breach  between  parties  was  still  widened. 

Mary  March  was  carried  to  St  John's  where  she  was  considered  a 
very  interesting  woman.  Her  health  declined.  In  the  autumn  of  1819 
Capt.  Buchan  was  ordered  to  convey  her  back  to  where  she  was  taken 
from.  Unfortunately  she  died  on  board  the  vessel  at  the  mouth  of  the 
River  Exploits.  Capt.  Buchan  however,  carried  her  body  up  to  the  great 
lake  (Jan.  1820)  by  way  of  the  Exploits  on  the  ice,  but  not  meeting  with 
any  of  her  people  at  the  lake,  left  the  body  there,  so  placed  that  it  might 
be  found  by  her  tribe  upon  their  revisiting  the  spot.  Fresh  traces  of  the 
Indians  were  seen  by  Capt.  B.  on  the  banks  of  the  Exploits  upon  his 
way  up. 

In    1823,   early  in    the   spring    three    females,   a   mother   and   her   two 

1  We  have  no  other  record  of  this  expedition.     I  think  Cormack  has  mistaken  the  date  and  is 
really  referring  to  the  expedition  of  1810-11. 

2  This  latter  statement  does  not  appear  to  be  correct.     All  other   accounts,   including  Peyton's 
own,  only  mention  the  death  of  one  man,  Mary  March's  husband. 


224  Corniac&s  history 

daughters  in  Badger  Bay  near  Exploits  Bay,  being  in  a  starving  and 
exhausted  condition,  allowed  themselves  in  despair  to  be  quietly  captured 
by  some  English  furriers,  who  accidentally  came  upon  them.  Fortunately  (?) 
their  miserable  appearance  when  within  gun  shot,  led  to  the  unusual 
circumstance  of  their  not  being  fired  at.  The  husband  of  the  mother, 
in  endeavouring  to  avoid  the  observation  of  the  white  men,  attempted 
to  cross  a  creek  upon  the  ice,  and  fell  through  and  was  drowned.  About 
a  month  before  this  event,  and  a  few  miles  distant  the  brother  of  this 
man  and  his  daughter,  belonging  to  the  same  party,  were  shot  by  two 
other  English  furriers1.  One  or  two  more  of  the  party  escaped  to  the 
interior. 

The  three  female  captives  were  brought  to  St  John's  where  they 
remained  four  or  five  weeks,  and  were  then  sent  back  to  Exploits  with 
many  presents  in  the  hope  that  they  might  meet  and  share  them  with 
their  people.  They  were  conveyed  up  the  River  Exploits  some  distance 
by  a  party  of  Europeans,  and  left  on  the  bank  with  some  provisions, 
clothing  &c.  to  find  their  friends  as  they  best  might.  Their  provisions 
were  soon  exhausted,  and  not  meeting  any  of  their  tribe,  they  wandered 
on  foot  down  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  and  in  a  few  days  again 
reached  the  English  habitations.  The  mother  and  one  daughter  here  died 
shortly  afterwards,  and  within  a  few  days  of  each  other.  The  survivor 
Nancy  or  Shawnawdithit  was  received  and  taken  care  of  by  Mr  Peyton 
junior  and  family. 

After  1823,  there  is  no  evidence  that  any  of  the  Red  Indians  were 
fallen  in  with  by  Europeans.  In  1824  a  party  with  two  canoes  were  seen 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  River  Exploits  about  halfway  between  the  coast 
and  the  great  lake,  by  two  Canadian  Indians  who  were  crossing  that 
part  of  the  country  on  a  hunting  excursion.  Friendly  gestures  were 
exchanged  across  the  river,  and  no  collision  took  place2. 

In  1826,  (in  the  spring)  recent  traces  of  the  Red  Indians  were  seen 
by  some  other  Micmacs  at  Badger  Bay  Great  Lake. 

In  1827,  the  writer  undertook  a  journey  into  the  interior  in  search 
of  the  Red  Indians,  the  narrative  of  which  will  appear  in  due  order. 

With  the  occasion  of  this  expedition  the  Beothuck  Institution  was 
formed,  and  as  the  proceedings  and  circumstances  of  this  institution  will 
throw  light  upon  the  subject  before  us  they  are  here  given. 

(From  W.  E.   CormacKs  Letter  Book.] 

The  Royal  Gazette,  Friday  September  i8th  1827. 
„  „        Tuesday  November   6th. 

1 4th  ?i3th  1827. 
Edinburgh  Philosophical  Journal  Dec.  1827. 

At  a  meeting  &c in  England. 

A.  W.  DES  BARRES, 

Chairman  and  Vice  President. 

1  Stated  by  one  of  the  men  who  committed  the  deed. 

2  The  two  Canadians  informed  the  writer  of  this  event. 


Connac&s  references  to  Shanawdithit  225 

Narrative  of  my  Journey  (to  come  here). 

The  Royal  Gazette  Tuesday  February  I9th  1828. 

The  Public   Ledger    St  John's  Tuesday     June  24th  1828. 

The  Newfoundlander  „         „        Thursday      „      26th      „ 

The  Royal  Gazette       „         „        Tuesday    July      ist       „ 

The  Public  Ledger      „         „        Friday       Sept.     5th 

St  John's  26th  June  1828. 
1 5th  of  October  1828.     John  Louis  and  party  arrived  at  St  John's  from  Exploits 

per  schooner. 

The  Royal  Gazette       Tuesday  October       2ist    1828. 
The  Newfoundlander  Thursday  August       gth        „ 
The  Public  Ledger      Tuesday  September  2nd        „ 

The  report  of  the  Red  Indians  having  appeared  at  Green  Bay  upon 
particular  investigation  proved  not  to  be  founded  upon  truth. 

On  the  20th  of  September  1828  Shanawdithit  arrived  in  St  John's 
from  Mr  Peyton's  at  Exploits,  where  she  had  remained  five  years  in 
obscurity,  and  from  whence  she  was  now  brought  by  the  desire  of  the 
Beothuck  Institution. 

Shanawdithit  was  now  the  object  of  the  peculiar  care  and  solicitude 
of  the  Beothuck  Institution,  and  the  last  of  the  Red  Indians. 

To  this  interesting  protege"  we  are  indebted  for  nearly  all  the  infor- 
mation we  possess  regarding  her  tribe,  the  aborigines  of  Newfoundland. 
Although  she  had  been  five  years  and  upwards  amongst  the  English, 
upon  her  arrival  the  second  time  in  St  John's  she  spoke  so  little  English 
that  those  only  who  were  accustomed  to  her  gibberish,  could  understand 
her.  By  persevering  attention  now  however,  to  instruct  her,  she  acquired 
confidence  and  became  enabled  to  communicate.  She  evinced  extraordinary 
powers  of  mind  in  possessing  the  sense  of  gratitude  in  the  highest  degree, 
strong  affections  for  her  parents  and  friends,  and  was  of  a  most  lively 
disposition.  She  had  a  natural  talent  for  drawing,  and  being  at  all  times 
supplied  with  paper  and  pencils  of  various  colours,  she  was  enabled  to 
communicate  what  would  otherwise  have  been  lost.  By  this  means,  aided 
by  her  broken  English  and  Beothuck  words,  she  herself  taught  the 
meaning  of  to  those  around  her.  The  chief  points  of  the  following 
history,  notices  of  the  manners,  customs,  language,  armour  &c.  of  her 
tribe  are  derived. 

In  person  Shanawdithit  was  inclined  to  be  stout,  but  when  first 
taken  was  slender. 

The  following  is  a  summary  of  what  was  obtained  and  learned  from 
her  by  the  use  of  the  materials  mentioned  and  by  broken  English  aided 
by  portions  of  her  own  language  which  she  put  into  the  power  of  those 
around  her  to  understand.  (This  document  is  unfortunately  missing  from 
Cormack's  papers.) 

Shanawdithit  lived  nearly  nine  months  under  the  protection  of  the 
Institution,  during  a  considerable  portion  of  which  time  she  was  unwell. 

Shanawdithit  gives  the  following  account  of  Capt.  Buchan's  expedition 
to  the  Great  Lake  in  1816'  and  the  state  of  her  tribe  at  that  time. 

1  A  curious  mistake  for  Cormack  to  make.     It  should  have  been  1811. 
H.  29 


226  Information  obtained  from  Shanawdithit 

At  that  time  the  tribe  had  been  much  reduced  in  numbers  in  conse- 
quence of  the  hostile  encroachments  and  meetings  of  the  Europeans  at 
the  seacoast.  But  they  still  had,  up  to  that  period,  enjoyed  unmolested, 
the  possession  of  their  favourite  interior  parts  of  the  island,  especially  the 
territory  around  and  adjacent  to  the  Great  Lake  and  Exploits  River. 
Their  number  then,  it  would  appear,  hardly  amounted  to  one  hundred, 
seventy  two  it  is  stated  by  Shanawdithit. 

They  were  all  encamped  in  their  winter  quarters  in  three  divisions 
on  different  parts  of  the  margin  of  the  Great  Lake1. 

The  principal  encampment  was  at  the  east  end  of  the  lake,  on  the 
south  side,  a  little  to  the  east  of  the  estuary  of  the  lake  ;  which  forms  the 
river  Exploits.  There  were  here  three  mamateeks  or  wigwams,  containing 
forty  two  people.  One  of  these  wigwams  was  Shanawdithit's  father's,  and 
she  was  in  it  at  the  time.  A  smaller  encampment  lay  six  or  eight  miles 
to  the  westward  on  the  north  side  of  the  lake,  consisting  of  two  mamateeks 
with  thirteen  people,  and  another  lay  near  the  west  end  of  the  lake,  on  the 
south  side,  and  consisted  of  two  mamateeks  with  seventeen  people. 

A  census  of  the  aborigines  at  this  period  derived  from  one  of  them- 
selves, will  be  interesting  to  all  Newfoundlanders. 

In  the  principal  settlement,  that  which  Capt.  Buchan  visited,  there 
were  : 

In  one  wigwam, — 4  men  5  women  3  children — 3  other  children          .  15 

„    another,  4  men  2  women  3  girls  3  children     .         .         .         .         .  12 
„          „         3  men  3  women  2  single  women  5  children  and  2  other 

children 15 

42 

In  the  second  settlement,  that  on  the  north  shore  of  the  lake,  in  the 

two  wigwams — 3  women  4  men  6  children 13 

And  in  the  third  settlement,  that  at  the  S.W.  end  of  the  lake. 

In   ist  wigwam — 2  men  4  women  3  children 9 

„    2nd        „  3  men  3  women  and  2  children  ....  8 

30 
42 


Total         72 

It  was  the  principal  encampment  that  Capt.  Buchan  fell  in  with.  He 
took  it  by  surprise  and  made  the  whole  party  prisoners.  This  occurred 
in  the  morning.  After  a  guarded  pantomimic  interchange  of  civilities  for 
several  hours,  it  was  agreed  that  two  hostages  should  be  given  on  each 
side,  for  Capt.  Buchan  wished  to  return  down  the  river  for  an  additional 
supply  of  presents,  in  order  thereby  the  better  to  secure  the  friendship 
of  the  Indians. 

Capt.  Buchan  had  no  sooner  departed  with  his  men  and  hostages 
than  the  Indians,  suspected  he  had  gone  down  the  river  for  an  additional 
force  to  come  up  and  make  them  all  prisoners,  and  carry  them  off  to  the 

1  This  was  Red  Indian   Lake  on  the  Exploits,  and  must  not  be  confounded  with  Grand  Lake 
on  the  Humber. 


by  IV.  E.  Cor  mack  227 

seacoast.  Their  suspicions  were  strengthened  by  the  sudden  appearance 
of  one  of  the  two  Indians  who  had  gone  with  Capt.  Buchan,  and  had  run 
off  when  only  a  few  miles  down  the  river,  and  they  resolved  to  break  up 
their  encampment  immediately  and  retire  further  into  the  interior,  to 
where  the  rest  of  their  tribe  were,  and  where  they  would  be  less  liable 
to  be  again  surprised. 

To  insure  concealment  of  their  proceedings,  they  first  destroyed  the 
two  Europeans  left  as  hostages,  by  shooting  them  with  arrows,  then  packed 
up  what  clothing  and  utensils  they  could  conveniently  carry,  crossed  the 
lake  on  the  ice  the  same  afternoon,  carrying  the  heads  of  the  two 
Europeans  with  them,  one  of  which  they  stuck  upon  a  pole  and  left  at 
the  north  side  of  the  lake.  They  then  followed  along  the  margin  of  the 
lake  westward,  and  about  midnight  reached  the  nearest  encampment  of 
their  friends  in  that  direction.  The  alarm  was  given,  and  next  morning 
all  joined  in  the  retreat  westward.  They  proceeded  a  few  miles  in  order  to 
reach  a  secure  and  retired  place  to  halt  at  in  the  hope  of  soon  learning 
something  of  the  Indian  whom  Capt.  Buchan  had  taken  with  him.  On 
the  second  day  the  Indian  appeared  amongst  them,  and  stated  to  them 
that  upon  returning  with  the  whitemen,  (Capt.  B.'s  party)  and  discovering 
the  first  encampment  deserted  he  instantly  fled  and  escaped1.  All  now 
resumed  the  retreat  and  crossed  over  on  the  ice  to  the  south  side  of  the 
lake  where  the  only  remaining  and  undisturbed  encampment  lay.  Upon 
reaching  this  shore  a  party  was  despatched  to  the  encampment  which  lay 
further  westward  to  sound  the  alarm.  This  encampment  was  then  likewise 
broken  up  and  the  occupants  came  east  to  join  their  tribe.  To  avoid 
discovery,  the  whole  retired  together  to  an  unfrequented  part  of  the  forest 
situated  some  distance  from  the  shores  of  the  lake  carrying  with  them  all 
the  winter's  stock  of  provisions  they  possessed. 

In  this  sequestered  spot  they  built  six  wigwams,  and  remained  unmo- 
lested for  the  remainder  of  the  winter  (about  six  weeks).  They  brought 
one  of  the  European  hostages  heads  with  them,  stuck  it  upon  a  pole, 
danced  and  sang  round  it.  (See  Shanawdithit's  drawing  Plate  I.) 

When  spring  advanced,  their  provisions  were  exhausted,  some  of  them 
went  back  to  the  encampment  at  which  they  had  been  surprised  by  Capt. 
Buchan,  and  there  supplied  themselves  out  of  the  winter  stock  of  venison 
that  had  been  left  there. 

After  this  disaster  the  tribe  became  scattered  and  continued  dispersed 
in  bands  frequenting  the  more  remote  and  sequestered  parts  of  the 
northern  interior.  In  the  second  winter  afterwards,  twenty  two  had  died 
about  the  river  Exploits,  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Green  Bay:  and  the 
third  year  also  numbers  died  of  hardship  and  want. 

About  two  years  after  the  general  breaking  up  De-mas-do-weet  (after- 
wards Mary  March)  was  married  to  Nonos-&zzt>-sut.  She  was  four  years 
married  before  she  had  children. 

In  1819  the  tribe  had  become  reduced  to  less  than  half  the  number 
that  they  were  three  years  before,  the  whole  amounting  now  to  thirty  one. 

1  This  man  was  Shanawdithit's  uncle.     The  same  person  afterwards  shot,  at  Badger  Bay  in  i823(?). 

29 — 2 


228  Information  obtained  from  Shanawdithit 

They  were  all  encamped  together  in  three  winter  wigwams  at  one  spot 
on  the  north  side  of  the  Great  Lake,  near  the  east  end,  opposite  to  the 
place  where  Capt.  Buchan  had  surprised  them  three  years  before  (?)  (eight 
years).  One  wigwam  contained  thirteen  persons  three  couples  being 
married,  another  wigwam  contained  12  persons  3  couples  being  also  married. 
Another  6  persons  i  couple  married. 

An  armed  party  of  English,  9  in  number,  now  again  came  up  from 
the  coast  to  the  lake  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  off  some  Red  Indians, 
instigated  by  the  reward  held  out  by  the  Governor  for  a  Red  Indian  man. 
The  English  espied  a  small  party  of  the  Indians  on  the  ice  near  the 
shore  and  stealing  upon  them  gave  chase,  and  overtook  one  of  them  (a 
woman)  whom  they  seized ;  one  of  the  Indians  upon  seeing  this  halted, 
came  back  alone  into  the  midst  of  the  armed  men,  and  gave  them  to 
understand  that  he  would  have  the  woman.  Another  Indian  then  ap- 
proached ;  a  parley  and  altercation  took  place ;  the  whitemen  insisted 
upon  carrying  the  woman  with  them,  in  which  they  were  opposed  by  the 
first  Indian,  who  in  defiance  of  the  muskets  and  bayonets  by  which  he 
was  surrounded  strove  to  rescue  the  woman  :  he  was  shot  on  the  spot, 
and  the  other  Indian,  who  now  attempted  to  run  off,  was  shot  dead  also1. 
Shanawdithit  was  present  in  the  encampment  on  the  north  shore 
of  the  lake. 

Thus  was  De-mas-do-weet,  or  Mary  March  kidnapped,  in  the  accom- 
plishment of  which  her  heroic  husband  (for  that  was  he  who  struggled  with 
the  Banditti)  was  murdered,  as  was  also  his  brother  (?),  the  other  Indian,  in 
attempting  to  rescue  her,  and  in  consequence,  her  only  child,  an  infant, 
died  two  days  afterwards  (see  Shanawdithit's  drawing). 

Disastrously  disturbed  again  their  number  now  was  reduced  to 
twenty  seven. 

Mary  March  was  taken  to  the  coast  and  in  the  spring  conveyed  to 
St  John's.  It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  Capt.  Buchan  was  employed 
in  the  ensuing  winter  (Jan.  1820),  to  conduct  her  to  the  interior.  She 
having  died  while  under  his  care,  he  conveyed  her  remains  to  the  Great 
Lake  where  it  was  afterwards  found  by  her  tribe  and  removed  into  the 
cemetery  and  placed  by  the  side  of  her  husband  (for  further  details  of  her 
burial,  see  narrative  of  Cormack's  2nd  journey  into  the  interior  page  193). 
The  cemetery  was  built  for  her  husband's  remains  upon  the  foundation 
of  his  own  wigwam. 

In  the  winter  of  1819-20  the  tribe  was  encamped  in  three  wigwams 
at  Badger  Bay  waters  a  few  miles  from  the  north  bank  of  the  River 
Exploits.  Capt.  Buchan's  party  was  seen  by  them  going  up  the  Exploits 
on  the  ice,  and  they  immediately  afterwards  went  up  to  the  lake  by  a 
circuitous  route,  to  ascertain  what  he  had  done  there,  when  they  found 
as  stated,  Mary  March's  remains.  Shanawdithit  was  present.  No  other 
death  it  is  stated,  took  place  until  the  winter  of  1821.  In  1822  one  half 
of  their  number  were  encamped  at  the  Great  Lake,  the  other  half  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  River  Exploits.  The  latter  half  were  seen  by  two 

1  This  statement  does  not  seem  to  be  correct.     Only  one  man  was  shot(?). 


Conclusion  of  Shanawdithif  s  story  229 

Canadian  Indians  as  above  mentioned  and  consisted  of  6  men  5  women 
4  boys  and  2  girls 17. 

In  1822-23,  when  Shanawdithit  makes  out  there  were  still  27  alive. 
They  were  all  encamped  on  the  Badger  Bay  waters,  at  the  NW.  corner 
of  the  second  lake  from  the  River  Exploits,  in  four  wigwams.  She 
accounts  satisfactorily  for  deaths,  so  that  the  number  was  reduced  in  the 
spring  of  1823  to  thirteen  alive  in  the  interior. 

Shanawdithit's  father's  wigwam  contained  five.  Her  father  and  one  of 
the  family  here  died,  in  consequence  of  which  her  mother,  sister  and  herself 
went  to  the  seacoast  in  search  of  mussels  to  subsist  on.  Shanawdithit's 
uncle's  wigwam  contained  seven.  The  uncle  and  his  daughter  were  shot 
by  (Curnew  and  Adams)  as  alluded  to  before1  (see  note  *  below).  Three 
died  at  this  encampment,  and  two  died  at  another  lake  to  the  eastward 
(at  c,  on  plan  Plate  V).  The  third  wigwam  contained  nine,  one  of  whom 
died.  The  fourth  wigwam  contained  six,  two  of  whom  died  and  four 
removed  in  April  further  eastward.  Thus  from  her  father's  and  uncle's 
wigwams  all  were  dead  or  gone  away,  while  of  the  nine  in  the  third 
wigwam  eight  survived,  and  of  the  six  in  the  fourth,  four  survived,  leaving 
but  twelve  individuals  beside  Shanawdithit  her  mother  and  sister  alive. 

The  surviving  remnant  (consisting  of  6  men  3  women  2  single  women 
and  2  boys)  she  says,  went  by  a  circuitous  route  northerly,  westerly  and 
southerly  from  the  Badger  Bay  waters  to  the  Great  Lake.  Here  ends  all 
positive  knowledge  of  her  tribe,  which  she  never  narrated  without  tears. 

*  NOTE.  This  man  Shanawdithit's  uncle,  it  will  be  remembered  was  the  same 
individual  who  accompanied  Lieut.  Buchan  in  1811,  down  the  river  Exploits  to 
where  the  presents  were  stored,  and  who  remained  with  Buchan  until  the  discovery 
of  the  bodies  of  the  two  marines,  when  he  took  to  flight  and  rejoined  his  people. 
I  conjecture  that  the  remembrance  of  his  kind  treatment  at  the  hands  of  Buchan 
and  his  party,  led  him  to  conclude  that  the  whites  generally  were  inclined  to  be 
more  amicably  disposed  towards  his  tribe  thereafter,  and  that  this  impression,  coupled 
with  his  miserable  plight,  caused  him  to  advance  so  boldly  upon  the  wretches  who 
so  foully  murdered  him,  (a  single,  unarmed,  half  starved  man),  and  afterwards,  in 
sheer  wantonness,  shot  his  poor  daughter. 

NOTE  from  Conquest  of  Canada  by  Henry  Kirke,  M.A.,  B.C.L.,  Oxon. 

In  a  foot  note  the  author  says,  "  I  have  been  informed  by  Admiral  Sir  H.  Prescott 
G.C.B.,  who  was  for  many  years  Governor  of  Newfoundland  (1834  to  1840)  that  he 
went  there  with  the  firm  conviction  that  the  Beothicks  were  still  to  be  found  in  the 
Island,  but  after  careful  investigation  and  enquiry,  he  was  persuaded  that  the  race 
was  extinct." 


Notes  relative  to  the  Red  Indians  from  the  Records  of  the  Beothuck 
Institution.     (Loose  papers  in  IV.  E.  Cor  mack's  handwriting*.} 

RED  INDIAN  ARROWS,  DRESS  &c. — The  arms  for  offence  and  defence  and  for 
killing  game,  consisted  of  Bows,  arrows  and  spears.  Their  arrows  were  of  two  kinds 
viz.  the  stone,  bone  and  iron  (the  latter  material  being  derived  from  Europeans),  for 

1  Cormack  was  told  this  by  one  of  the  very  barbarians  who  shot  them. 

2  This  information  bears  evidence  of  being  derived  from  Shanawdithit. 


230  Records  of  the  Beothuck  Institute 

killing  quadrupeds,  and  large  birds;  the  blunt  arrow,  (the  point  being  a  knob  con- 
tinuous with  the  shaft),  for  killing  small  birds  (see  figures  I,  2,  and  3)*. 

Two  strips  of  goose  feather  were  tied  on  to  balance  this  arrow2. 

Their  arms  are  those  of  all  rude  people  unacquainted  with  the  arts  and 
civilization.  The  bow  is  about  five  feet  long,  made  of  the  Mountain  Ash  (Dog- 
wood), but  sometimes  of  spruce  and  fir3,  seasoned  over  fire.  Their  arrows  now, 
are  all  barbed  with  iron,  but  formerly  with  stone  &c.  The  iron  they  find  in  the 
wrecks  of  boats  &c.  about  the  English  settlements,  and  they  sometimes  pilfer  it 
from  about  the  fishermen's  premises. 

FIRE  STONES. — Two  pieces  of  radiated  iron  pyrites,  which  he  (Cormack)  thinks 
they  must  have  procured  from  the  west  coast,  about-  Bay  of  Islands4. 

THE  BOTTLE-NOSED  WHALE. — Which  they  represented  by  the  fishes  tail,  fre- 
quents in  great  numbers,  the  northern  bays,  and  creeps  in  at  Clode  Sound  and 
other  places,  and  the  Red  Indians  consider  it  the  greatest  good  luck  to  kill  one. 
They  are  22  and  23  feet  long5. 

Asceres  (?)  is  the  Goddess  of  corn,  and  her  image  was  worshipped  by  the  Romans ; 
so  is  the  image  of  the  Whale's  tail  worshipped  by  the  Red  Indians,  that  animal 
affording  them  more  abundant  luxury  than  anything  else,  sometimes  so  large  and 
fat  an  animal  is  the  greatest  prize. 


Stray  Notes  in  Cor  macks  handwriting.     Dated  June  i^th  i85i6. 

Little  bird-Ob-seet.  Black  Bird-Woodch.  Blunt-nosed  fish  Mo-co-thut  Profiles 
of  man  and  woman. 

Men  singing  to  Ash-wa-meet,  with  Eagles  feathers  and  deers  ears  in  cap. 
Eagle — Gob-id-in. — Woodpecker  Shee-buint. — Lump  fish  Ae-she-meet.  (These  notes 
apparently  refer  to  drawings.) 

The  Beothics  have  a  great  many  songs.  Subjects, — are  of  whiteman,  Dark- 
ness, Deer,  Birds,  Boats,  Of  the  other  Indians,  Bears,  Boots,  Hatchet,  Shirt,  Indian 
Gosset,  Stealing  man's  boat,  Shells,  Pots,  Whiteman's  houses,  Stages,  Guns,  fire 
stones,  wood  or  sticks,  Birch  rind,  Whiteman's  jacket,  Beads,  Buttons,  Dishes,  men 
dead,  Whiteman's  head,  Ponds,  Marshes,  Mountains,  Water,  Brooks,  Ice,  Snow,  Seals, 
Fishes  &c,  Salmon,  Hats,  Eggs  &c.  * 

In  the  song  two  or  three  wigwams  sometimes  join. 

To  show  the  number  of  the  tribe,  not  long  ago  they  inhabited  within  the 
remembrance  of  people  still  living,  all  the  country  between  Bonavista  Bay  and 
Bay  of  Islands,  and  traces  are  to  be  seen  all  along  in  these  parts.  Shanawdithit 
received  two  gunshot  wounds  at  two  different  times,  from  shots  fired  at  the  band 
she  was  with  by  the  English  people  at  Exploits ;  One  wound  was  that  of  a  slug 
or  buck  shot  through  the  palm  of  her  hand,  the  other  was  a  shot  through  her  leg. 
I  have  seen  the  scar  of  the  wound  on  her  hand,  and  so  have  others  in  St  John's. 

The  Red  Indians  never  wash  except  when  a  husband  or  wife  dies,  then  the 
survivor  has  in  some  water  heated  by  stones  in  a  birch  rind  kettle,  decocted  with 
the  shrimps  (?)  of  dogwood  tree,  or  Mountain  Ash. 

The  vocabulary  of  the  Red  Indians  is  (I  think)  in  Dr  Yates'  possession,  also 
a  seal  bone  (broken  but  can  be  put  together),  Birch  rind  culinary  vessels,  Birch 

1  Drawings  missing. 

2  Wild  Goose  (Bernicla  Canadensis). 

3  A  kind  of  tough  springy  hardgrown  tree  called  "  Boxey  fir." 

4  Occurs  in  many  other  localities. 

6  This  is  the  common  Dolphin  (Delphinus}. 

6  There  is  nothing  to  show  where   these  were  written.     Cormack  had  left  the  country  for  good 
long  prior  to  this  date.     I  think  he  was  then  residing  at  New  Westminster,  British  Columbia. 


Plate  IX 


Shanawdithit  (Nancy) 

Last  survivor  of  Beothucks  so  far  as  is  known, 
in   1823,  died  in  St  John's,   1829. 


Captured 


Death  of  Shanawdithit  231 

rind    models   of  canoes.      Spear   point,    Drawings    by    Shanawdithit,    A    map    of    the 
interior.     The    narrative  of  my  journey  in  search  of  the  aborigines  (in  MS)1. 

(signed)     W.  E.  CORMACK,  24th  June  1851. 

Death  of  Shanawdithit. 

Shanawdithit  died  on  the  6th  of  June  1829,  and  was  buried  on  the 
8th  in  the  C.  E.  Cemetery,  South  side  of  St  John's. 

The  record  of  her  interment  is  contained  in  the  C.  E.  Cathedral 
Parish  Register,  of  St  John's,  and  is  as  follows. 

June  8th  1829. 

Interred   Nancy,  Shanawdithe2  aet.   23  South  Side, 
(very  probably  the  last  of  the  aborigines) 

(signed)     Frederick   H.  Carrington  A.B. 
Rector.     St  John's. 

The  following  notice  of  her  death  is  taken  from  a  St  John's  newspaper 
of  date  June  i2th  1829. 

"  DIED,— On  Saturday  night  the  6th  inst.,  at  the  Hospital,  Sha-na- 
dith-it-,  the  female  Indian,  one  of  the  aborigines  of  this  Island.  She  died 
of  Consumption,  a  disease  which  seems  to  have  been  remarkably  prevalent 
amongst  her  tribe,  and  which  has  unfortunately  been  fatal  to  all  who  have 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  settlers.  Since  the  departure  of  Mr  Cormack 
from  the  Island,  this  poor  woman  has  had  an  asylum  afforded  her  in  the 
house  of  James  Simms  Esq.,  Attorney  General,  where  every  attention  has 
been  paid  to  her  wants  and  comforts,  and  under  the  able  and  professional 
advice  of  Dr  Carson,  who  has  most  liberally  and  kindly  attended  her  for 
many  months,  it  was  hoped  her  health  might  have  been  re-established. 
Latterly  however,  her  disease  became  daily  more  formidable,  and  her 
strength  rappidly  declined,  and  a  short  time  since  it  was  deemed  advisable 
to  send  her  to  the  Hospital,  where  her  sudden  decease  has  but  too  soon 
fulfilled  the  fears  that  were  entertained  of  her." 

A  more  extended  notice  of  her  death  appeared  in  the  London  Times 
newspaper  of  England,  of  date  Sept.  i4th  1829,  which  was  evidently  written 
by  Mr  W.  E.  Cormack,  then  in  England,  as  follows:— 

"  DIED. — At  St  John's  Newfoundland  on  the  6th  of  June  last  in  the 
29th  year  of  her  age,  Shanawdithit,  supposed  to  be  the  last  of  the  Red 
Indians  or  Beothicks.  This  interesting  female  lived  six  years  a  captive 
amongst  the  English,  and  when  taken  notice  of  latterly  exhibited  extra- 
ordinary mental  talents.  She  was  niece  to  Mary  March's  husband,  a  chief 
of  the  tribe,  who  was  accidentally  killed  in  1819  at  the  Red  Indian  Lake 

1  This   probably   refers   to   his   first   expedition,    which    was   evidently   not   published   till   a   later 
date.     It  would  appear  from  the  foregoing  notes  that  he  still  took  a   lively  interest  in   the  subject 
of  the   Aborigines.     They  appear    to  me  to  have   been  written   at   the   suggestion   of  someone  who 
knew  him,  probably  Mr  Noad  who  was  gathering  material  for  his  lecture,  delivered  in  the  following 
year,  1852. 

2  Name  wrongly  spelt,  the  final  syllable  should  read  "  thit? 


232  Biography  of  l¥illiam  Epps  Cormack 

in  the  interior  while  endeavouring  to  rescue  his  wife  from  the  party  of 
English  who  took  her,  the  view  being  to  open  a  friendly  intercourse  with 
the  tribe. 

This  tribe,  the  Aborigines  of  Newfoundland,  presents  an  anomaly  in 
the  history  of  man.  Excepting  a  few  families  of  them,  soon  after  the 
discovery  of  America,  they  never  held  intercourse  with  the  Europeans, 
by  whom  they  have  ever  since  been  surrounded,  nor  with  the  other  tribes 
of  Indians,  since  the  introduction  of  fire  arms  amongst  them.  The  Chinese 
have  secluded  themselves  from  the  interference  of  all  nations,  their  motives 
being  understood  only  to  themselves,  and  the  peculiarities  of  that  people 
are  slowly  developed  to  others.  But  in  Newfoundland,  nearly  as  far  apart 
from  China  as  the  antipodes,  there  has  been  a  primitive  nation,  once 
claiming  rank  as  a  portion  of  the  human  race,  who  have  lived,  flourished, 
and  become  extinct  in  their  own  orbit.  They  have  been  dislodged,  and 
disappeared  from  the  earth  in  their  native  independence  in  1829,  in  as 
primitive  a  condition  as  they  were  before  the  discovery  of  the  New  World, 
and  that  too  on  the  nearest  point  of  America  to  England,  in  one  of  our 
oldest  and  most  important  Colonies." 

SKETCHES 

OF 
NEWFOUNDLAND 

INTERIOR, 

ABORIGINES    OR    RED    INDIANS, 
FISHERIES, 

&C. 
l836. 

This  is  evidently  the  title  page  to  another  history  of  the  Beothucks, 
but  as  it  appears  on  a  separate  sheet,  without  any  other  reference,  I  can 
only  conjecture  that  such  is  the  case.  The  date  of  1836  would  indicate 
that  this  history  was  written  by  Cormack  some  seven  years  after  he  left 
the  country  for  good.  Whether  it  was  published  or  not  I  could  not  ascer- 
tain, but  I  think  it  most  probable  that  it  was,  either  in  some  magazine 
or  newspaper  in  England  or  Scotland. 

William  Epps  Cormack. 

Of  all  those  whose  names  are  connected  with  the  sad  history  of  the 
aborigines  of  Newfoundland,  there  is  not  one  whose  name  stands  out  more 
conspicuously  than  that  of  William  Epps  Cormack,  the  daring  explorer  who 
first  essayed  to  cross  the  interior  of  this  great  island,  in  1822. 

Now-a-days,  our  knowledge  of  the  principal  features  of  the  country 
are  commonplace  enough.  One  can  rush  across  the  island  by  the  aid  of 
"the  Iron  horse,"  in  a  short  space  of  time,  penetrate  its  remotest  interior 
in  a  few  days  journey,  traverse  on  foot  or  by  canoe  along  its  numerous 
water  courses  and  over  its  great  lakes  from  points  on  the  cross  country 
railway.  The  modern  traveller  must  entirely  fail  to  appreciate  the  toil 


William  Rpps  Cormack  233 

and  hardship,  and  the  almost  insurmountable  difficulties  Cormack  had  to 
contend  with  in  his  great  undertaking.  It  is  only  those  like  myself,  who 
were  privileged  to  follow  in  the  wake  of  this  intrepid  explorer,  before 
the  advent  of  the  railway,  who.  can  form  any  idea  of  what  he  had  to 
£°.  though.  Accompanied  only  by  a  single  Micmac  hunter  of  uncertain 
reliability1,  he  braved  the  terrors  of  the  vast  unknown  interior,  which  was 
supposed  to  be  filled  with  innumerable  and  savage  wild  beasts,  such  as 
bears,  wolves  etc.,  ready  to  devour  the  foolhardy  person  who  would  venture 
to  invade  their  solitude. 

The  country  was  thought  to  present  almost  insurmountable  difficulties 
in  the  form  of  inaccessible  mountains,  extensive  and  intricate  lakes  and 
rivers  or  impassable  morasses.  In  a  word  this  "Terra  incognita"  was 
invested  with  all  the  terrors  of  the  unknown,  with  which  imagination,  or 
perhaps  wilful  misrepresentation  could  endow  it.  But  above  all,  it  was 
supposed  to  be  peopled  by  numerous  ferocious  and  bloodthirsty  savages, 
to  whose  bitter  hatred  of  the  white  man  was  added  the  desire  to  be 
revenged,  for  the  cruel  treatment  they  had  so  long  experienced  at  the 
hands  of  the  latter. 

It  was  surmised  that  they  would  show  no  mercy  to  the  hapless  white 
who  might  fall  into  their  hands,  or  place  himself  in  their  power.  All 
these  considerations  would  be  sufficient  to  dampen  the  ardour  of  any  less 
daring  spirit  than  that  of  Cormack,  but  such  a  man  was  not  to  be  deterred, 
or  turned  back  from  his  purpose  by  any  real  or  imaginary  dangers. 

In  view  then  of  all  the  circumstances,  and  considering  the  state  of 
our  knowledge  generally  with  regard  to  this  great  unknown  land,  at  that 
early  date,  I  look  upon  Cormack's  daring  undertaking  as  one  worthy  to 
rank  with  many  of  the  more  pretentious  explorations  of  recent  times. 

Born  of  Scotch  parentage,  in  this  City  of  St  John's,  May  5th  1796, 
his  father,  who  was  a  well-to-do  merchant  gave  him  a  liberal  education, 
at  the  University  of  Edinburgh,  under  the  tuition  of  Prof.  Jameson,  he 
acquired  a  good  practical  knowledge  of  the  sciences,  especially  of  Botany, 
Geology  and  Mineralogy.  Whether  this  education  unfitted  him  for  com- 
mercial pursuits,  or  whether  his  natural  inclinations  tended  towards  a  more 
cosmopolitan  existence,  it  would  appear  that  he  became  a  regular  rolling 
stone,  a  globe  trotter,  who  could  not  remain  long  anywhere.  He  was 
however  the  very  kind  of  individual  fitted  by  nature  and  education  for  the 
hazardous  undertaking  he  entered  upon  in  1822,  in  exploring  the  interior 
of  his  native  land.  But  above  all  his  philanthropic  disposition  filled  him 
with  a  most  ardent  desire  to  endeavour  to  bring  about  friendly  relations 
with  the  hapless  Red  Indians,  the  poor  persecuted  untutored  savage  of 
the  interior  wilds.  He  threw  himself,  heart  and  soul  into  this  cherished 
idea,  nor  did  he  count  the  risks  and  dangers  that  confronted  him  in  the 
least.  The  one  desire  of  his  life  so  actuated  him  that  he  seemed  to  look 
upon  himself  as  the  instrument  by  which  the  amelioration  of  the  condition 
of  the  Beothuck  was  to  be  accomplished.  Of  course  Cormack  himself  did 
not  credit  the  bloodthirsty  stories  of  the  fierce  relentless  disposition  of  the 

1  See  note  at  end  of  this  biography. 
H.  3° 


234         Cormack"  s  death  at  Westminster,  British  Columbia 

Indians  current  among  the  fisherfolk.  He  knew  that  in  most  instances, 
their  ferocity  was  grossly  exaggerated  for  the  purpose  of  forming  an  excuse 
for  their  own  inhuman  conduct.  Even  though  he  did  place  any  reliance 
upon  the  oft  repeated  yarns  of  the  settlers,  he  believed  that  in  him  lay 
the  necessary  qualifications  to  allay  the  fears  of  the  Red  men,  turn  aside 
their  hostility,  and  bring  them  to  a  friendly  understanding,  of  his  good 
intentions. 

Cormack  appears  to  have  been  well  fitted  for  the  task  he  had  laid 
out  for  himself.  He  is  described  by  those  who  knew  him  as  being  a  tall, 
long  limbed,  wiry  individual,  physically  just  the  man  to  endure  any 
amount  of  hardship  and  toil,  and  of  such  a  lively  sympathetic  tempera- 
ment as  would  sustain  him  under  the  most  trying  circumstances. 

The  late  John  Peyton,  Magistrate  of  Twillingate,  who  knew  him 
intimately,  informed  me,  that  he  saw  Cormack  just  as  he  was  about  to 
enter  the  interior  on  his  second  journey  in  1827,  and  again  on  his  return, 
when  he  came  to  Mr  P.'s  house.  At  first  he  could  scarcely  recognise  in 
the  tall,  gaunt,  shaggy  individual  who  stood  before  him  the  man  whom  he 
saw  a  couple  of  months  previous  start  off  full  of  life  and  vigour,  clean, 
kempt  and  well  kept.  His  appearance  now  betokened  what  the  man  had 
gone  through  in  the  interim. 

The  story  of  his  itinerary  on  both  of  his  journey's  reads  like  a  romance, 
and  as  these  are  now  long  out  of  print,  and  exceedingly  rare,  their  inclu- 
sion in  this  work  will  be  the  means  of  preserving  these  most  interesting 
narratives  of  the  earliest  exploration  of  the  interior  of  Newfoundland,  as 
well  as  doing  tardy  justice  to  this  splendid  character,  in  our  historical 
annals. 

Cormack  died  in  New  Westminster,  British  Columbia  in  1868,  and 
the  following  obituary,  written  by  one  who  had  known  him  intimately, 
as  a  cherished  friend,  appeared  in  the  British  Columbian  of  May  the 
9th,  1868. 

Death  of  W.  E.  Cormack. 

"  It  was  our  very  melancholly  duty  to  announce  in  our  obituary  this 
day  week  a  name  intimately  associated  with  almost  every  social  and  political 
movement  that  has  taken  place  in  this  Colony,  ever  since  its  birth,  ten 
years  ago — the  name  of  William  Epps  Cormack. 

"  Mr  Cormack  was  born  in  St  John's  Newfoundland  on  the  5th  of  May, 
1796.  About  seven  years  thereafter,  on  the  death  of  his  father,. the  family 
returned  to  Scotland,  in  which  country  Mr  Cormack  spent  his  schoolboy 
and  most  impressionable  days.  Endowed  with  a  fine  susceptibility  of  the 
beautiful  in  external  nature,  it  seemed  to  afford  him  great  delight  to 
recount  his  boyish  rambles  amidst  the  pleasing  and  classic  scenery  of 
Southern  Scotland.  During  one  of  his  holiday  excursions  he  visited 
Burns's  '  Bonnie  Jean,'  nothing  very  remarkable,  perhaps,  in  the  light  of 
our  prosaic  time,  but  it  formed  a  green  spot  in  his  memory  which  often 
blossomed  into  facetious  pleasantry  at  congenial  gatherings.  He  attended 
the  Universities  of  Glasgow  and  Edinburgh  ;  the  subsequent  fame  of 


235 

several  of  his  class  fellows  at  the  former  (the  late  Marquis  of  Breadalbane 
being  one)  was  always,  with  him,  a  theme  of  much  admiration  and  pride ; 
the  emotion— possibly  from  mere  associative  ideal  force — occasionally  rose 
into  an  impassioned  love  of  his  ancestral  country.  At  Edinburgh  he  was 
fortunate  enough  to  secure  the  personal  friendship  of  Professor  Jameson, 
the  late  celebrated  Mineralogist,  whose  fascinating  incitement  to  the  study 
of  the  physical  sciences  he  ever  gratefully  remembered. 

"About  the  year  1818  he  took  out  from  Scotland  to  Prince  Edward's 
Island  two  vessels  with  emigrant  farmers,  and  established  there  the  now 
flourishing  settlement  of  New  Glasgow1.  About  a  dozen  years  thereafter 
he  established  an  export  trade  of  grain  from  the  same  Island  to  Great 
Britain,  which  we  understand  has  increased  immensely. 

"In    or    about    the    year    1821    or    1822,    he    crossed    the    interior   of 
Newfoundland,   being    the    first    European   who    had    done  so.     The  object 
being    (i)   to    test    the    truth   of   certain    fabulous-like   statements   regarding 
the  occupation  of  the  interior  by  a  peculiar  race  of  Indians,  and  (2)  their 
existence    being   proved,   to   introduce    them   to  civilized    life.     A   notice  of 
this    exploration    appeared    in    the   Edinburgh   New   Philosophical  Journal, 
(circa)    1828.      Between    the    years    1819  and    1834   ne   added   a  good   deal 
to  the  knowledge  of  the  flora  of  North  America,  frequently  sending  home 
to   the   Linnean    Society  specimens   of  plants :    a  specimen  of  the   Calluna 
Vulgaris,  or  common  heath,  contributed  by  Mr  Cormack,  formed,  not  very 
long  ago,  an  interesting  subject  of  discussion   in   the   Society,  the  question 
being :    Whether    the   Calluna    is    indigenous    to    the   American    Continent  ? 
Some  time  within  the  period  last  above  stated,  he  wrote  an  Essay  on  the 
British   American    and    French    Fisheries,    for   which    he    received    a    medal 
from    the    Montreal    Natural    History    Society.      He    went    to    Australia    in 
1836,   where    he    cultivated    tobacco,   with    much    success,   for   two   or   three 
years.      He  left  that  colony  for   New  Zealand   in   1839,  and  there   laid  the 
foundation  of  pastoral   pursuits   on   an   extensive   scale    by   purchasing  land 
from    the    natives    and    raising    cattle   and    horses.       But    some    difficulties 
occurred  with  the   Home  Government  which   materially  interfered  with   the 
enterprises   of   the    first    settlers    in    that    Island.      While    in    New    Zealand 
he  exported  spars    (the   Cowdie    Pine)   to    London    on    an    extensive   scale, 
principally  for  the  Admiralty.      He  sent  a  numerous  collection  of  the  young 
forest    tree    seed    of    New    Zealand    to    Kew    Gardens,    but    seemed    to    be 
under  the  impression  that  some  mishap  had  fallen  them.      He  spent  a  few 
years  in  California  engaged  principally  in  mercantile  and   mining  pursuits, 
varying    their   exciting    though    arid    pleasures    by   forming   a   small    hortus 
siccus  of  the    magnificent    plants   of  that    State.      In    this    Colony   he    took 
a    most   active    part    in    everything    which    he    thought    would    tend    to    its 
material   and  political   progression  ;   he  fought  hard   to  get  the  modicum  of 
representative  government  which  we  now  possess — the  peculiar  beauties  of 
which   some   of   us,   perhaps,   have   latterly   been   unable   to    perceive.      One 
of  the   first   members   of  our    Municipal   Council   he  devoted   to  its   affairs,, 
in    an    ultra-disinterested    way,    a   great    deal    of    valuable    time.      He    was 

1  New  Glasgow  is  not  in  Prince  Edward's  Island,  but  in  Nova  Scotia. 

30—2 


236  Cor  mack's  death 

mainly  instrumental  in  establishing  an  Agricultural  Society  in  British 
Columbia,  acting  as  its  Secretary,  and  preserving— uninfluenced  by  much 
that  was  disheartening — its  rather  languid  life.  He  had  charge  of  the 
Ichthyological  Department  in  connection  with  British  Columbia's  contribu- 
tions to  the  Exhibition  of  1862,  (a  very  interesting  account  of  the  various 
kinds  of  salmon,  &c.,  found  in  the  Fraser  accompanied  the  contributions) 
but  nothing  was  ever  heard  of  the  fishes,  the  probability  being  that  they 
did  not  keep  through  the  tropics.  The  stomachs  were  not  taken  out,  and 
this  would  certainly  serve  to  hasten  decomposition  ;  the  object  in  retaining 
the  stomach,  and  mutilating  the  fish  as  little  as  possible,  was  a  purely 
scientific  one.  The  examination  (by  such  a  man  as  Professor  Owen)  of 
the  contents  of  the  stomach  might  have  thrown  some  valuable  light  not 
only  on  ichthyology  but  on  some  of  its  allied  sciences.  He  opened  a 
correspondence  a  few  years  since  with  the  Highland  and  Agricultural 
Society  of  Scotland,  and  sent  to  it  a  variety  of  the  grass  seeds  of  this 
Colony,  thinking  the  bunch  grass,  for  instance,  would  find  a  congenial 
habitat  in  the  Alpine  districts  of  Scotland.  By  the  last  mail  he  con- 
tributed to  the  same  Society  a  sample  of  a  species  of  hemp  indigenous 
to  British  Columbia,  and  was  recently  engaged  in  trying  to  procure  one 
or  two  of  our  mountain  sheep,  with  the  view  to  improve  the  breed  and 
wool  of  Great  Britain.  These  animals,  however,  are  not  unknown  in 
the  Mother  Country — good  specimens  are  to  be  seen  in  London  and 
Edinburgh  Museums  ;  and  if  we  remember  rightly,  a  description  of  them 
is  given  in  Richardson's  Fauna  Boreali  Americana. 

"Mr  Cormack  was  a  great  lover  of  field  sports  and  outdoor  amusements. 
Fishing  and  skating  he  was  passionately  fond  of.  During  .one  of  his 
occasional  visits  home  he  amused  himself  by  revising  and  amplifying  a 
small  treatise  on  skating  (originally  written  by  a  Lieut.  Jones) ;  and  the 
old  gentleman  agreeably  delighted  and  astonished  everybody  here,  in  1862, 
by  his  graceful  evolutions  on  the  ice.  He  numbered  amongst  his  friends 
and  correspondents  some  of  the  most  celebrated  scientific  and  literary  men 
of  the  last  half  century,  such  as  Sir  William  Hooker,  Professor  Faraday, 
Dr  Ure,  Dr  Hodgkin,  (Chairman  of  the  Aborigines  Protection  Society,) 
and  the  late  talented,  though  somewhat  eccentric,  John  Macgregor,  author 
of  the  Progress  of  America,  Commercial  Statistics,  &c.,  the  last  being 
a  most  intimate  friend.  Though  fond  of  writing,  Mr  Cormack  has  left  no 
works  to  testify  to  his  industry.  It  is  only  visible  through  the  darkened 
light  of  half-forgotten  newspapers  and  Reviews. 

"  The  impulse  of  a  strong  fancy  made  him  a  wanderer — the  commercial 
man  and  the  explorer  in  one.  While  he  sought  the  respectable  gains  of 
commerce,  he  at  the  same  time  aimed  at  extending  international  knowledge, 
thus  contributing  to  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  man. 

"He  was  naturally  of  a  buoyant  and  happy  disposition,  genial  and 
kindly ;  his  manners  were  suave  and  dignified.  Latterly,  great  bodily 
suffering  somewhat  tinged  with  bitterness  a  temper  which  was  constitu- 
tionally mild.  But  no  words  of  his  were  meant  to  be  'unkind,'  though 
they  were  sometimes,  by  those  who  did  not  understand  him,  'wrongly 
taken.'  His  warm  appreciation  of  what  he  deemed  the  good  works  of 


n<OUsY3    l^f 


t, 


uv  '-^Ke,    rHtXMA: 


Sket 


Agreement  with  Joe  Silvester  237 

the  Roman  Catholic  Missionaries  in  this  Colony  showed  that  he  had  no 
narrow-souled  religious  notions.  The  Rev.  Father  Fouquet  he  held  in  the 
highest  esteem. 

"Though  afflicted  for  years,  he  was  only  confined  to  bed  about  a 
month.  His  sufferings  during  the  greater  part  of  his  confinement,  though 
intense,  never  affected  his  mental  powers.  With  a  clear  intellect  an(i  a 
consolatory  resignation  he  met  the  approach  of  death. 

"  The  greatest  respect  was  paid  by  this  community  to  his  remains — 
almost  every  one  who  could  conveniently  attend  was  at  his  funeral.  The 
Fire  Department  (of  which  he  was  an  honorary  member)  paid,  him  special 
respect,  the  officers  of  the  company  carrying  his  body  to  the  church.  The 
funeral  service  was  conducted  by  his  estimable  friend  the  Rector  of  Holy 
Trinity.  Personally  we  have  to  mourn  the  loss  of  an  esteemed  and  much 
valued  friend.  Several  of  our  '  old  familiar  faces '  are,  unhappily,  leaving 
for  other  homes — but  one  dear  old  face  has  passed  away  to  '  another  and 
a  better  world '." 

The  above  obituary  was  written  by  Edward  Graham,  Esq.,  a  gentleman 
who  claims  to  have  been  on  terms  of  intimate  friendship  with  Cormack  for 
many  years. 

NOTE.  Amongst  Cormack's  numerous  papers  I  came  across  the  follow- 
ing Agreement,  which  fully  bears  out  the  statement  as  to  the  unreliability 
of  his  Indian  guide. 

Agreement  between  W.  E.  Cormack  and  Joseph  Silvester  of  Bay  of 
Despair. 

I  promise  and  agree  with  Joseph  Silvester  that  if  he  accompanies  me 
from  St  John's  to  St  George's  Bay  by  land  towards  the  middle  of  the 
country  of  Newfoundland,  that  besides  what  I  may  have  already  done  for 
him,  that  after  he  takes  me  safe  there,  that  I  will  on  our  return,  give 
his  mother  one  barrel  of  pork,  one  barrel  of  flour  and  anything  else  that 
may  be  found  suitable,  and  further,  that  he  is  to  go  along  with  me  to 
England  or  Scotland  and  stay  there  as  long  as  I  do,  and  if  he  likes  he 
may  return  to  St  John's  with  me  next  year,  or  if  he  likes  I  will  give  him 
a  passage  in  one  of  our  vessels  to  Portugal  or  Spain  in  order  that  it 
might  do  his  health  good,  and  then  from  Spain  he  is  to  get  his  passage 
back  to  St  John's  or  to  go  in  the  same  vessel  to  England  and  return  by 
her  to  St  John's,  and  that  I  will  give  the  Captain  of  the  vessel  particular 
directions  to  take  care  of  him,  and  that  whatever  should  happen  he  the 
Captain  will  take  care  of  Joe.  until  his  return  to  St  John's.  When  as 
Joseph  Silvester  is  in  St  John's  he  is  to  live  at  my  house.  If  Joe.  should 
ever  go  to  Prince  Edward's  Island,  I  will  give  him  a  letter  to  my  friends 
there  to  do  what  they  can  for  him,  he  is  to  write  me  what  it  is,  and 
I  will  always  be  very  glad  to  perform  what  Joe.  reasonably  wants  of  me. 

(signed)     W.  E.  CORMACK. 

Done  in  the  interior  of  Newfoundland  in  about  48°  20'  N.  Lat.  54°  50' 
W.  Long,  on  Sunday  Sept.  I4th,  1822. 


238  Shanawdithifs  drawings 

It  is  quite  evident  from  the  above  agreement  that  Mister  Silvester 
had  been  showing  the  "  White  feather "  and  must  have  contemplated 
abandoning .  Cormack  to  his  fate  in  the  far  interior,  and  that  in  order 
to  retain  his  services  it  was  necessary  to  offer  him  all  these  extra  induce- 
ments. 

» * 

Shanawdithifs  drawings. 

These  drawings  were  obtained  from  Shanawdithit  by  Mr  W.  E. 
Cormack,  during  the  winter  of  1829,  while  she  resided  with  him  in  his 
house  at  St  John's.  They  represent  scenes  in  the  closing  history  of  the 
unfortunate  tribe,  together  with  certain  articles  of  food,  utensils,  imple- 
ments &c.,  in  use  by  her  people.  The  drawings  are  ten  in  number,  five 
of  which  represent  scenes  enacted  on  or  near  the  Exploits  River  and 
Red  Indian  Lake  between  the  years  1810  and  1823.  The  other  three  are 
delineations  of  wigwams,  store  and  smoke  houses,  implements  of  the  chase, 
culinary  utensils,  various  kinds  of  preserved  animal  food,  mythological 
emblems  (?)  &c. 

Although  rude  and  truly  Indian  in  character,  they  nevertheless  display 
no  small  amount  of  artistic  skill,  and  there  is  an  extraordinary  minuteness 
of  topographical  detail  in  those  having  reference  to  the  Exploits  River  and 
adjacent  country.  These  latter  bear  a  striking  resemblance  to  Micmac 
sketches  of  a  similar  character,  such  as  I  have  frequently  seen  and  made 
use  of,  when  accompanied  by  Micmac  canoemen  on  the  Geological  Survey 
of  the  Island.  There  is  one  notable  omission  in  either,  i.e.,  the  entire 
absence  of  anything  like  a  regular  scale.  As  a  rule,  rivers  and  lakes  are 
greatly  exaggerated,  and  particular  features,  which  may  in  nature  be  situated 
widely  apart,  are  frequently  crowded  into  a  very  small  space ;  the  reverse 
being  just  as  frequently  the  case. 

The  bearings  are  tolerably  correct,  but  it  is  in  the  outline  of  lakes, 
shores,  position  and  number  of  islands,  bends  and  turns  of  rivers,  junctions 
of  tributary  streams,  situation  of  falls  and  rapids,  in  relation  to  each .  other, 
that  the  minutia  is  apparent.  For  example,  one  of  these  sketches  repre- 
sents about  one  hundred  miles  of  the  Exploits  River  including  part  of  Red 
Indian  Lake,  the  whole  of  which  is  contained  on  one  sheet  of  foolscap. 
If  the  scale  were  to  be  judged  of  by  the  width  of  the  river  or  lake,  it 
could  not  be  less  than  six  inches  to  a  mile ;  nevertheless,  every  fall,  rapid 
and  tributary  or  other  remarkable  feature  is  laid  down,  all  of  which  I  have 
no  difficulty  in  recognising  from  my  own  exploration  and  survey  of  1875. 

I  might  here  add,  that  in  all  these  drawings,  the  Indians  and  every- 
thing that  pertains  to  them,  are  invariably  marked  in  red  lead,  while  the 
whitemen,  the  delineation  of  the  lakes  and  rivers  &c.,  are  drawn  with 
black  lead  pencil.  Copious  notes  in  Cormack's  handwriting  are  scattered 
all  over  the  sketches,  so  that  there  is  no  difficulty  in  following  out  their 
meaning. 

In  describing  the  first  five  drawings  which  are  more  or  less  of  an 
historical  character,  I  shall  take  them  according  to  their  dates.  No.  i, 
refers  to  Capt.  Buchan's  expedition  in  18 11,  to  Red  Indian  Lake  and  is 


Sketch  No.  I 


239 


very  accurately  depicted.  It  will  be  found  to  agree,  in  most  particulars, 
with  Capt.  B's  published  narrative,  but  there  is  some  additional  information 
contained  in  the  former,  which  it  was  impossible  to  obtain  except  from  the 
Indians  themselves. 

Sketch  No.  I. 

This  sketch  represents  about  half  of  Red  Indian  Lake,  including  the 
NE.  arm,  where  the  principal  encampment  of  the  Indians  was  situated. 
It  also  takes  in  a  portion  of  the  River  Exploits,  below  the  lake,  and  is 
on  a  very  large  scale.  Some  miles  down  the  river  and  on  its  north  side, 
a  horse-shoe  shaped  figure,  represents  the  depot  of  presents  left  there  by 
Capt.  Buchan.  One  red  mark  indicates  the  single  Indian  who  remained 
with  him  when  he  revisited  this  cache.  Two  dotted  lines  extend  along 
the  river  from  this  point  to  the  lake,  indicating  the  route  back  and  forth 
pursued  by  the  party.  About  halfway  to  the  lake,  another  red  mark  shows 
where  one  of  the  two  Indians  who  accompanied  Buchan,  partly  down  the 
river,  deserted  his  party  and  fled  back  to  the  lake.  On  the  lake  itself,  the 
dotted  lines  continue  up  around  the  point  which  forms  the  outlet  of  the 
main  river,  and  into  the  NE.  arm,  where  the  encampment  was  situated. 
A  file  of  black  and  red  figures  on  this  line,  represents  the  party  accom- 
panied by  six  Indians,  returning  for  the  presents,  after  the  interview  with 
the  tribe.  Just  at  the  outlet  from  the  lake,  a  note  says,  "two  of  the  four 
Indians  returned  from  Captain  Buchan  here."  Further  up  the  arm  the 
whitemen  are  seen  doubling  around  on  the  lake,  preparatory  to  surprising 
the  wigwams,  some  of  these  figures  seem  to  have  guns  on  their  shoulders1, 
others  have  none.  On  the  south  side  immediately  opposite  this  circle  of 
whitemen  are  seen  three  wigwams,  and  notes  attached  to  each  inform  us  that 
the  westernmost  was  Shanawdithit's  (Nancy)  father's  dwelling,  the  central 
one  that  of  Mary  March's  (Demasduit's)  father,  while  the  most  easterly, 
and  apparently  the  largest  of  the  three  was  Nancy's  uncles.  In  front  of 
the  encampment  on  the  ice  are  four  red,  and  two  black  figures  standing 
close  together,  and  a  note  states,  this  represents  the  killing  of  the  marines. 
Almost  opposite,  on  the  north  shore  four  triangular  red  marks  point  out 
Mary  March's  cemetery,  while  a  little  further  up  the  arm,  on  the  same  side, 
is  a  small  black  circle  with  a  stick  stuck  up  in  the  centre,  and  a  black 
knob  on  its  top,  and  a  letter  B  alongside.  A  note  on  another  part  of  this 
sketch  refers  to  this  as  the  place  where  the  head  of  one  of  the  marines  was  left. 

Extending  across  the  arm  obliquely  from  the  encampment,  towards  the 
north  shore,  is  a  line  of  red  figures,  some  twenty-two  in  number  repre- 
senting the  Indians  retreating  after  killing  the  marines.  A  dotted  line 
along  the  north  shore  shows  their  route  up  the  lake  to  a  point  where 
stand  two  more  wigwams.  Here  we  are  told  they  halted  for  two  hours 
on  the  first  night  of  their  retreat,  until  they  were  joined  by  five  men,  four 
women,  three  boys  and  four  girls,  who  occupied  the  two  wigwams.  They 
then  continued  on,  travelling  all  night,  and  reached  a  point  inside  an  island 
•(now  Buchan's  Island)  before  daylight.  Here  they  remained  a  day  and  a 

1  These  are   I   presume  the  furriers,  who  would  not  accompany  Buchan  unless  allowed  to  take 
their  guns.     His  own  men  only  carried  side  arms. 


240  Sketch  No.  I 

half,  awaiting  Shanawdithit's  uncle,  whom  it  appears  was  the  individual  who 
remained  with  Buchan's  party,  and  who  after  his  escape  joined  them  here1. 

They  then  continued  their  journey  along  the  lake,  reaching  a  point 
about  halfway  up  by  the  next  night,  where  they  encamped.  Early  next 
morning  they  crossed  the  lake  on  the  ice  to  a  point  on  the  South  side. 
The  whole  body  of  Indians  marked  in  red  are  represented  crossing  in 
single  file.  The  number  of  figures  now  reaches  forty  according  to  the 
drawing.  Not  being  further  disturbed,  the  whole  party  now  go  into  camp 
here  for  the  remainder  of  the  winter.  There  are  five  wigwams  shown  at 
this  point,  and  some  distance  further  up,  on  another  point,  a  single  wigwam, 
with  a  note  stating  that  a  small  party  encamped  here  removed  to  join  the 
main  body.  In  the  rear  of  this  winter  camp  is  a  second  small  circle 
similar  to  that  at  B,  and  marked  A.  A  line  connects  this  with  an 
enlarged  circle  in  another  part  of  the  sketch,  also  marked  A.  It  is 
simply  to  represent  on  a  larger  scale  what  this  first  circle  meant.  Its 
diameter  is  about  two  inches,  and  the  circumference  shows  a  double  circle. 
A  straight  line  rising  from  the  exact  centre  represents  a  pole  surmounted 
by  a  very  good  figure  of  a  human  head.  This  is  explained  in  a  note  as 
follows  :  "  Marines  head  stuck  on  a  pole,  around  which  the  Indians  danced 
and  sang  two  hours  in  the  woods  at  A,  they  having  carried  the  head  with 
them  :  the  other  marines  head  they  left  at  B,  and  on  their  return  there  in 
the  spring  ?  they  danced  and  sang  round  it  in  like  manner."  One  other 
note  only  remains  which  states  that  Capt.  Buchan  had  42  men  with  him 
two  of  whom  were  killed. 

Shanawdithit  gave  an  exact  census  of  her  tribe  at  that  time  to 
Cormack,  as  follows :  "In  the  principal  encampment,  that  which  Capt. 
Buchan  surprised,  there  were  in  one  wigwam,  or  mamateek,  4  men, 
5  women  and  6  children.  In  the  second  mamateek,  there  were  4  men, 
2  women  and  6  children,  and  in  the  third  mamateek,  there  were  3  men, 
5  women  and  7  children  ;  in  the  whole  42  persons." 

"  In  the  second  encampment  there  were  13  persons,  and  in  the  third  17, 
making  in  all  72  persons."  (Noad.) 

Sketch  No.  II. 

This  sketch  is  labelled  "  The  taking  of  Mary  March  on  the  North 
side  of  the  lake."  And  in  another  place  "Two  different  scenes  and 
times."  .  It  depicts,  on  a  large  scale,  the  North  East  Arm  of  Red  Indian 
Lake.  On  the  south  side  is  again  seen  Buchan's  party,  marching  in  single 
file  towards  the  outflowing  river,  with  the  accompanying  Indians  in  red. 
Also  the  four  Indians  approaching  to  kill  the  two  marines.  The  three 
wigwams  are  shown  in  the  same  place  as  on  the  former  sketch,  but  in 
addition  there  are  37  red  strokes  alongside  the  wigwams,  which  I  presume 
represent  the  number  of  inhabitants  they  contained  at  the  time.  There 
are  also  two  red  figures  standing  on  the  bank,  a  short  distance  away, 

1  He  is  represented  running  away  from  Buchan's  party  after  the  discovery  of  the  marines'  bodies. 
A  red  half  loop  near  him  is  referred  to  as  "Trousers  thrown  away  during  his  flight."  It  will  be 
remembered  that  Buchan's  men  made  him  a  pair  of  swan-skin  trousers  which  I  presume  he  found 
an  encumbrance  to  his  speed  and  so  discarded  them. 


Ski 


Sketch  III. 


The  River  Exploits  241 

with  a  dotted  red  line  leading  from  them  across  to  the  north  side,  the 
meaning  of  which  is  not  quite  clear.  Dotted  black  lines  up  and  down  the 
lake  refer  to  the  various  courses  taken  both  by  the  Indians  and  Buchan's 
people,  but  there  are  no  figures  on  these. 

On  the  north  side  of  the  Arm,  stand  three  wigwams,  two  in  red  and 
one  in  black  pencil.  The  latter  no  doubt  represents  the  wigwam  covered 
with  Peyton's  boat's  sail.  Two  semicircular  red  lines  start  from  the  wigwams 
running  back  into  the  woods,  and  after  a  considerable  sweep,  coming  out 
again  on  the  lake  shore.  On  one  of  those  lines  13  red  figures  are  seen 
running  away  and  five  on  the  other.  A  third  red  line  extends  out  on  the 
lake  upon  which  four  figures  are  shown.  In  front  of  the  wigwams  on  the 
ice  are  grouped  half  a  dozen  black,  with  one  red  figure  in  their  midst. 
Standing  near  this  group  is  a  single  red  figure  apparently  of  a  large  man, 
as  if  in  the  act  of  haranguing  the  group,  while  a  little  to  one  side  is 
another  red  figure  lying  prone  on  the  ice.  It  is  almost  needless  to  say, 
this  represents  the  furriers  taking  Mary  March,  her  husband  coming  back 
to  the  rescue,  and  his  dead  body,  after  being  shot,  lying  on  the  ice.  A 
short  distance  to  the  eastward  of  the  wigwams,  a  party  of  whitemen  are 
seen  hidden  away  in  a  recess  near  the  mouth  of  a  small  brook,  and 
amongst  them  is  one  red  figure.  This  is  Peyton's  party  taking  observa- 
tions of  the  wigwams  etc.  from  their  place  of  concealment  previous  to 
making  a  descent  upon  the  Indians,  the  red  figure  would  indicate  that 
they  returned  here  with  Mary  March  after  the  capture. 

The  only  other  thing  to  be  noted  on  this  drawing  is  a  red  line 
extending  along  the  shore  of  the  lake  westward,  to  a  point  beyond  the 
wigwams  where  a  group  of  red  figures  are  seen  on  the  shore  evidently 
where  the  Indians  halted  to  watch  proceedings.  This  same  red  line  con- 
tinues on  to  another  point  where  stand  two  wigwams,  apparently  the  same 
two  which  stood  there  nine  years  previous  when  Buchan  paid  his  visit. 

All  that  is  shown  on  this  latter  drawing  relative  to  the  capture  of 
Mary  March,  corresponds  exactly  with  the  story  as  related  to  me  by 
Mr  Peyton  himself,  and  so  clearly  are  the  topographical  details  laid  down, 
that  I  had  no  difficulty  in  recognising  the  different  points,  on  my  last 
visit  to  Red  Indian  Lake  a  few  years  ago. 

Sketch  No.  III. 

This  is  the  drawing  which  so  accurately  depicts  the  River  Exploits 
and  the  greater  part  of  Red  Indian  Lake.  It  refers  particularly  to  Buchan's 
expedition  up  the  lake  in  1820  with  the  body  of  poor  Mary  March,  as 
the  following  note  testifies. 

"  Capt.  Buchan  carries  up  the  body  of  Mary  March  in  Jan.  1820. 
The  Indians  were  that  winter  all  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  River 
Exploits,  at  A,  and  when  they  observed  Capt.  B.  and  party  pass  up  the 
river  on  the  ice,  they  went  down  to  the  seacoast  near  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  and  remained  a  month  ;  after  that  they  returned  up  and  saw  the 
footprints  of  Capt.  B's  party,  made  on  their  return  from  the  river  :  they 
then  went  by  a  circuitous  route  to  the  lake,  and  to  the  spot  where  Mary 

H.  3' 


242  The  Red  Indian  Lake 

March  was  left ;  which  they  reached  in  three  days.  They  opened  the 
coffin  with  hatchets,  and  took  out  the  clothes  etc.  that  were  left  with  her ; 
the  coffin  was  allowed  to  remain  suspended,  as  they  found  it,  for  one 
month  ;  it  was  then  placed  on  the  ground,  where  it  remained  two  months  ; 
when  in  the  spring,  they  removed  her  into  the  cemetery  they  had  built 
for  her  husband,  (who  was  unfortunately  killed  the  year  before)  placing  her 
by  his  side. 

"The  tribe  had  decreased  much  since  i8i6(?)  (1811)  for  it  would  appear 
that  in  1820  their  number  only  amounted  to  27  in  all." 

On  this  sketch,  as  already  stated,  the  entire  River  Exploits  from  the 
tide  water  to  Red  Indian  Lake  and  the  greater  part  of  the  Lake  itself 
are  shown.  Every  fall,  rapid,  or  other  feature  is  given  with  extra- 
ordinary minuteness.  Two  dotted  black  lines  along  the  course  of  the  river 
indicate  Buchan's  two  journeys  up  to  the  lake.  At  short  intervals  all 
along,  sometimes  on  one  side,  sometimes  on  the  other,  small  squares  with 
a  stroke  rising  therefrom  and  a  pennant  flying  from  its  top,  represent 
Buchan's  various  camps  or  stopping  places  as  he  journeyed  along,  these 
are  further  distinguished  by  the  letter  C  close  by.  No  red  marks  appear 
till  near  Little  Red  Indian  fall  ;  some  forty  nine  miles  from  the  mouth  of 
the  main  river.  Here  a  wigwam  is  shown  on  the  right  side,  a  short  distance 
back,  marked  with  the  letter  A,  and  on  the  left  side,  several  red  strokes 
are  seen,  and  further  back,  on  Little  Red  Indian  Lake,  some  three  miles 
from  the  main  river,  three  wigwams  are  shown,  also  marked  with  the 
letter  A.  A  note  here  states,  "  Three  wigwams  containing  all  the  tribe 
when  Capt.  Buchan  and  party  passed  up  on  the  ice  with  the  body." 

Still  further  back  on  the  Badger  Bay  waters,  three  more  wigwams  are 
seen,  but  these  refer  to  the  next  drawing. 

Red  lines  extend  from  this  encampment,  through  the  woods  to  the 
NE.  Arm  of  the  lake  showing  the  routes  by  which  the  Indians  them- 
selves travelled  back  and  forth.  On  the  lake  itself,  the  old  camp  on  the 
south  side  is  shown  abandoned,  and  now  only  indicated  by  a  red  circle 
with  strokes  radiating  therefrom,  presumably  indicating  the  number  of 
former  occupants,  but  this  time  there  are  only  20  strokes. 

Out  on  the  lake,  following  a  line  obliquely  across  the  arm  towards 
a  point  where  stand  three  wigwams  (the  same  three  surprised  by  Peyton 
the  year  before)  are  shown  15  figures  in  black  hauling  two  sleds  after 
them,  on  the  last  of  which  is  the  coffin  containing  poor  Mary  March's 
body.  As  before  related  the  wigwams  were  found  deserted,  and  apparently 
had  not  been  occupied  for  the  past  year.  On  one  of  these  is  now  shown 
an  oblong  figure  in  red  some  height  above  the  ground,  representing  the 
coffin  suspended  from  poles  driven  through  the  roof  of  the  wigwam. 
A  number  of  red  figures  are  seen  approaching  this  spot  from  behind, 
indicating  the  return  of  the  Indians  to  examine  the  coffin  after  Buchan 
had  left. 

On  the  point  near  the  outlet  of  the  main  river,  stand  three  wigwams, 
which  were  not  shown  on  the  former  drawing.  These  apparently  indicate 
a  new  encampment,  formed  here  subsequent  to  Buchan's  former  visit,  and 
are  so  situated  as  to  command  a  view  down  the  river,  as  well  as,  up 


The  last  encampment  of  the  Red  Indians  243 

the  NE.  Arm.  No  doubt  this  was  intended  to  guard  against  a  second 
surprise  from  either  direction.  A  red  line  leads  from  this  across  to  the 
north  side,  and  into  the  woods,  while  another  red  line  trends  along  the 
south  side  of  the  lake,  up  to  the  point  where  they  wintered  after  retreating 
from  Buchan  in  1811.  It  apparently  was  the  route  followed  in  coming  back 
to  their  old  home. 

On  a  point  near  the  mouth  of  Victoria  River,  which  flows  into  the 
lake  on  the  south  side,  about  four  miles  from  the  outlet,  there  is  a  small 
red  dot  marked  with  the  letter  B,  with  a  note  attached,  recording  the 
pathetic  circumstance  that,  "  Here  Mary  March's  child  died  two  days  after 
its  mother's  abduction." 

There  is  another  red  line  extending  along  the  North  side  of  the  lake, 
but  this  is  situated  inland,  and  not  apparently  on  the  frozen  surface.  It 
is  probably  the  route  followed  in  returning  to  the  NE.  Arm  after  the  ice 
became  unfit  to  travel  upon.  One  very  interesting  new  feature  on  this 
sketch  is  a  black  dotted  line,  on  the  same  side  reaching  a  long  way 
up  the  lake  to  a  cove  which  would  seem  to  represent  the  mouth  of 
Shanawdithit  Brook,  only  five  miles  from  its  extreme  head.  At  four 
different  places  along  this  route  short  lines  branch  off  to  the  shore,  and 
at  each  point  the  square  camp  with  the  flag  and  letter  C,  would  clearly 
indicate,  that  Buchan,  after  disposing  of  Mary  March's  body,  and  not 
seeing  anything  of  the  Indians,  made  an  extensive  search  of  the  lake 
shores,  but  as  we  know  without  success.  He  then  returned  to  the  NE. 
Arm  and  entering  the  country  at  its  head,  made  a  long  detour  in  around 
Hodges  Hill  etc.  Part  of  this  route  is  shown  as  usual  in  black  dotted 
lines.  This  drawing  demonstrates  clearly  how  very  observant  these  Indians 
were,  nothing  seems  to  have  escaped  their  notice.  No  doubt,  after  Buchan 
returned  to  his  ship  they  visited  the  sites  of  every  one  of  his  camping 
places  to  search  for  any  odds  or  ends  he  may  have  left  there,  other- 
wise, I  do  not  see  how  Shanawdithit  could  have  so  accurately  laid 
them  down. 

Sketch  No.  IV. 

This  sketch  represents  a  portion  of  the  Exploits  River  with  the 
waters  of  Badger  Brook  and  the  country  lying  between  the  mouth  of 
the  Badger,  Badger  Bay  and  Seal  Bay,  portions  of  both  the  latter  being 
shown.  It  is  all  drawn  in  black  lead  pencil,  inked  in  because  I  presume 
as  no  whitemen  figured  in  this  one,  there  was  no  occasion  to  make  a 
distinction  by  the  use  of  black  and  red  lines. 

It  depicts  in  the  most  faithful  and  striking  manner  the  last  sad  scene 
in  their  history,  at  least  as  known  to  Shanawdithit  and  has  copious  notes 
by  Cormack  written  all  over  it.  It  contains  beyond  all  question  the  last 
authentic  information  of  the  miserable  remnant  of  the  ill-fated  Beothucks, 
we  can  ever  now  hope  to  obtain. 

Numerous  ponds  and  lakes  belonging  to  the  Badger  watershed  are 
shown  and  which  seem  to  form  an  almost  continuous  chain,  stretching 
from  the  Exploits  to  the  seashore,  these  appear  to  be  connected  by  short 

31 — 2 


244  The  Beothucks  in  the  interior 

streams,   indicating   that   the   waters   flow   both   ways,  which    has   in   reality 
since  proved  to  be  the  case. 

Between  the  first  and  second  lakes  on  the  river,  at  a  point  marked  A, 
four  wigwams,  or  mamateeks,  are  seen,  where  the  tribe  were  encamped 
in  March  1823.  A  note  informs  us  that  the  first  of  these  was  that  of 
Nancy's,  Shanawdithit's  father,  and  was  occupied  by  five  persons.  The 
second  wigwam  contained  nine  individuals,  the  third,  that  of  Shanawdithit's 
uncle,  contained  seven  persons,  and  the  fourth  six,  27  in  all.  Of  these  one 
died,  out  of  the  nine  in  the  second  wigwam,  two  from  the  third,  and  three 
from  the  fourth.  Though  she  does  not  state  the  cause,  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  starvation  was  the  principal  one. 

Impelled  by  dire  distress  and  misery  Shanawdithit's  uncle  and  his 
daughter,  her  cousin,  here  left  and  travelled  out  to  Badger  Bay  in  search 
of  shell  fish,  and  were  there  ruthlessly  shot  down  by  two  furriers  named 
Carey  and  Adams.  The  course  they  travelled  along  the  waters  of  the 
Badger  is  shown  by  a  black  line,  also  the  point  on  the  shore  where  they 
were  killed  is  indicated. 

At  the  northern  end  of  the  second  lake,  at  a  point  marked  C,  another 
encampment  consisting  only  of  three  wigwams  is  shown,  at  which  place 
they  were  camped  in  April,  previous  to  Shanawdithit's  leaving  the 
country.  As  by  her  showing  there  could  now  only  be  19  individuals 
remaining ;  I  presume  three  wigwams  were  found  ample  to  accommodate 
this  small  number  of  persons. 

At  camp  C,  in  April  the  two  remaining  in  her  uncle's  wigwam  died1, 
thus  was  this  whole  family  wiped  out  of  existence. 

Shanawdithit  with  her  mother  and  sister  now  left  for  the  seacoast  in 
search  of  mussels  for  food.  They  followed  the  same  route  as  that  pursued 
by  her  uncle  and  cousin,  over  the  frozen  lakes  and  river  to  Badger  Bay. 
Here  they  were  captured  by  another  party  of  furriers.  Her  subsequent 
history,  already  related,  shows  that  from  the  time  she  left  the  interior  she 
had  no  further  communication  with  her  tribe,  and  we  are  left  to  conjec- 
ture only  what  was  the  ultimate  fate  of  the  small  remnant  left  behind. 
According  to  her  statement  there  were  but  12  individuals  remaining, 
and  these,  she  says,  started  off  by  a  circuitous  route  for  the  Great  Lake9, 
a  black  line  leading  away  from  the  wigwams  in  a  NW.  direction  indicating 
the  line  of  retreat. 

She  then  specifies  very  exactly  who  the  12  individuals  were  that 
composed  this  remnant,  as  follows  : 

There  were  five  men,  four  women,  one  lad,  and  two  children.  The 
five  men  were,  her  uncle,  her  brother,  two  brothers  of  Mary  March,  one 
of  whom  was  called  Longnon,  and  his  son.  The  four  women  were,  Mary 
March's  mother  and  sister,  Longnon's  wife,  and  Nancy's  cousin.  The  lad 
was  Mary  March's  sister's  son,  and  the  two  children,  a  boy  and  girl, 
Nancy's  brother's  children.  There  is  no  mention  of  her  father  and  the 
other  occupant  of  his  wigwam  so  that  I  conclude  they  must  both  have 

1  Most  probably  these  were  children. 

2  In  this  case  I  believe  the  Grand  Lake  is  meant,  as  it  lies  in  that  direction. 


Sketch   V. 


Murder  of  Red  Indian  Woman  245 

died  previous  to  her  leaving.  Thus  ends  the  historical  sketch  of  the  last 
stage  of  their  existence,  so  far  as  was  known  to  Shanawdithit. 

Sketch  V. 

This  is  but  a  small  drawing  and  represents  one  of  those  brutal  murders 
so  frequently  recorded.  The  scene  is  laid  somewhere  on  the  Exploits  River, 
apparently  in  the  vicinity  of  Rushy  Brook.  On  an  island  on  the  south  side 
of  the  river,  marked  A,  a  red  circle  with  a  confused  red  mark  is  shown, 

and  a  note   referring  to  this  says    "Accompanied  by  2  others  old   Mr 

kills  an  Indian  woman  at  A  14  or  15  years  ago,  on  the  Exploits  River." 
A  black  lead  pencil  line  along  the  river's  course  indicates  the  direction 
by  which  the  furriers  approached  the  wigwam  and  surrounded  it.  Three 
red  lines  radiate  from  the  wigwam,  one  across  the  river  to  an  island 
opposite  on  which  a  group  of  red  figures  are  seen,  another  runs  up  along 
the  course  of  the  main  river,  and  the  third  circles  around  through  the 
woods  coming  out  again  on  the  river  above.  Where  these  two  last  meet 
a  group  of  ten  or  twelve  red  figures  are  collected  on  the  bank,  no  doubt 
to  show  where  the  fugitives  from  the  wigwam  met  again  after  being  so 
ruthlessly  disturbed.  Another  note  on  this  sheet  is  as  follows  "Showing 
that  the  murder  of  them  was  going  on  in  1816." 

Sketch  VI. 

This  is  but  a  small  drawing  representing  three  figures,  two  of  which 
are  'wigwams  (mamateeks).  One  is  of  large  size  and  is  labelled  Winter 
wigwam.  It  is  of  octagonal  shape  at  the  base,  and  appears  to  have  an 
upright  wall  or  fence  of  sticks  driven  into  the -ground  all  around,  of  about 
two  feet  in  height.  Inside  this  a  circular  mound  of  earth  was  thrown  up, 
probably  for  warmth,  though  some  authorities  assert  it  was  for  protection 
from  an  enemies  missiles.  Rising  from  the  top  of  this  earth  wall  is  the 
usual  conical  shaped  roof  of  poles  meeting  at  top,  or  the  apex  of  the 
cone.  Only  the  internal  structure  of  the  wigwam  is  shown,  the  outer 
covering  of  birch  bark  being  omitted.  Two  hoops,  also  of  octagonal  form, 
and  about  equal  distances  apart  are  shown,  against  which  the  rafters  rest, 
or  to  which  they  are  fastened.  The  upper  part  of  the  conical,  roof  was, 
as  usual  left  uncovered  to  allow  for  the  escape  of  the  smoke  from  the 
fire  in  the  centre. 

The  second  wigwam  is  much  smaller  and  does  not  show  the  vertical 
wall  at  the  base.  It  appears  to  rise  directly  from  the  ground  as  do  the 
Micmac  wigwams,  and  was  most  probably  merely  a  temporary  structure. 
It  is  labelled  "Summer  wigwam"  and  only  shows  the  internal  structure  as 
in  the  first  instance.  The  third  figure  represents  an  oblong  structure 
consisting  of  upright  sticks,  forming  the  walls  on  all  sides,  with  a  gabled 
roof  similar  to  the  fisherman's  tilt  or  store-house.  It  is  labelled  Smoking 
or  drying  House  for  venison,  and  seems  to  have  some  sort  of  lattice  work 
shelves  or  benches  inside,  presumably  upon  which  to  lay  the  meat. 

Six  small   figures  are  shown  in  the  foreground  which  are  not  easy  to 


246  Various  articles  of  food  etc.  described 

determine.  Two  of  them  look  like  hand  barrows  or  sleds,  another  rudely 
resembles  a  seal's  carcase,  still  another  looks  like  a  chopping  block,  the 
remaining  two  may  be  bundles  of  meat  tied  up. 

Sketch  VII. 

This  is  a  most  interesting  drawing,  and  is  entitled,  •"  Different  kinds 
of  animal  food."  It  is  arranged  in  three  rows,  one  above  the  other. 
Reading  from  left  to  right  the  first  two  figures  on  the  top  row  look  like 
sections  of  truncated  cones  crossbarred  with  vertical  and  horizontal  lines 
and  are  labelled  "  Dried  Salmon."  They  apparently  represent  the  fish 
split  and  spread  out  flat  with  small  sticks  to  keep  them  in  that  form. 
These  are  followed  by  four  oval-shaped  figures  labelled  dried  meat,  while 
on  the  right  are  eight  or  nine  rows  of  small  round  figures  apparently 
connected  by  strings  and  labelled  "  Lobsters  tails  dried." 

The  second  row  has  on  the  left  hand  side  a  gourd  shaped  figure,  or 
still  more  nearly  resembling  the  shape  of  the  bag  of  the  Highland  pipes. 
It  is  marked,  "A  Deers  bladder  filled  with  oil."  This  is  succeeded  by 
five  figures,  somewhat  rudely  triangular  in  shape  and  marked  over  the 
surface  with  small  black  dots.  These  are  called  "  Pieces  of  Seal  fat  on 
the  skin."  Presumably  they  cut  off  one  piece  of  fat  at  a  time  according 
as  they  required  it  for  food  or  cooking. 

On  the  third  or  lowest  row,  the  first  figure  is  a  long,  somewhat  oval 
shaped  one  tapering  towards  either  end,  and  is  crossbarred  with  black 
lines.  It  is  called  "  Bochmoot "  or  seal  skin  sled,  full,  it  represents  an 
entire  seal  skin  apparently  fitted  with  a  frame-work  to  keep  it  extended 
and  partly  hollowed  like  a  skin  boat. 

Such  a  vehicle  when  drawn  along  on  the  ice  or  snow,  and  with  the 
grain  of  the  hair  would  slip  over  the  surface  with  great  ease,  a  fact  well 
known  to  our  seal  hunters,  who  always  drag  their  "tow  of  seals,"  as  it 
is  called,  along  the  ice  in  this  manner.  Two  gourd  shaped  figures  come 
next,  the  one  quite  small  labelled  "  Seals  bladder  filled  with  oil,"  the  other 
and  larger  one,  which  is  crossbarred  with  black  and  red  strokes,  is  the 
stomach  of  the  seal  filled  with  the  other  intestines.  The  next  figure  is 
oblong  in  shape  but  much  wider  at  one  end  than  at  the  other.  The  sides 
and  wider  end  are  turned  up  so  as  to  form  a  hollow  basin-like  utensil 
which  is  called  a  "  Birch  rind  vessel  for  boiling  eggs  in."  It  is  stated  that 
after  the  eggs  are  boiled  they  are  then  dried  in  the  sun  on  birch  bark. 
Whitbourne  makes  mention  of  this  when,  speaking  of  the  Indians  surprised 
near  Hearts  Ease,  he  says,  "  They  had  also  many  pots  sewn  and  fashioned 
like  leather  buckets,  that  are  used  for  quenching  of  fire,  and  those  were 
full  of  the  yolks  of  eggs,  that  had  been  taken  and  boiled  hard,  and  so 
dried  small  as  it  had  been  powdered  sugar,  which  the  savages  used  in 
their  broth,  as  sugar  is  used  in  some  meats." 

The  last  figure  is  somewhat  fan  shaped  and  is  crossed  with  red  and 
black  lines,  and  is  called  a  "  Nap  Sack  or  wallet  made  of  half  a  Seal  skin1." 

1  Our  fisherfolk  use  a  somewhat  similar  article  made  of  a  seal  skin  sewn  round,  which  they  call 
a  "nunny  bag." 


Sketch  Vf&VD 


The  Red  Indian  Demi  247 

Sketch  VIII. 

This  is  another  very  interesting  drawing  and  represents  a  variety  of 
subjects.  On  the  top  left  hand  corner  is  the  figure  of  a  man  standing 
upright,  about  six  inches  in  height.  One  arm  is  extended  in  front,  turned 
upwards  from  the  elbow,  with  the  hand  in  the  attitude  of  becoming  or 
making  some  friendly  gesture.  The  figure  is  draped  in  a  long  black  loose 
fitting  garment  reaching  to  the  knees  with  an  outer  cape  to  the  waist,  not 
unlike  an  Inverness  wrapper.  The  lower  limbs  from  the  knee  down  appear 
to  be  cased  in  leggings  or  long  boots.  The  head,  which  is  bare,  and  the 
whole  pose  of  the  figure,  would  indicate  that  it  represents  a  whiteman, 
yet  it  is  labelled  "Ash-mud-yim,"  the  blackman,  or  Red  Indian  Devil, 
seen  at  the  Great  Lake.  He  is  described  thus,  "Short  and  very  thick, 
he  dresses  in  Beaver  skin,  and  has  a  long  beard,  yet  there  is  no  beard 
shown,  the  face  being  quite  smooth,  with  clean  chin." 

It  has  suggested  itself  to  me,  judging  from  the  pose  and  attitude  of 
this  figure,  that  possibly  it  represents  a  missionary  of  some  kind  who  may 
have  at  some  period  penetrated  to  the  home  of  the  Beothucks  at  Red 
Indian  Lake,  but  we  have  no  recorded  history  of  such  a  visit.  Possibly 
one  of  the  French  priests  or  brothers  formerly  stationed  at  Placentia  might 
have  undertaken  such  a  mission.  When  we  read  of  the  daring  exploits 
of  these  missionaries  amongst  the  aborigines  in  Canada  and  along  the 
Mississippi  River  it  would  seem  to  give  colour  to  such  a  supposition,  but 
why  the  Indians  should  have  designated  such  a  messenger  of  peace  the 
"Devil"  we  are  at  a  loss  to  conjecture.  Did  such  an  occurrence  ever 
really  take  place,  it  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that  its  result  was  a  failure. 
Why  Cormack  did  not  question  Shanawdithit  more  closely  with  regard 
to  this  figure  and  obtain  more  particulars  about  the  circumstance  I  cannot 
conceive.  One  would  naturally  suppose  that  his  curiosity  would  have  been 
aroused  by  the  suggestiveness  of  the  figure,  and  that  he  would  try  to 
obtain  a  solution  of  this  mysterious  apparition.  Of  course  it  must  have 
been  merely  a  tradition  with  Shanawdithit,  if  as  I  suppose,  the  visit 
occurred  during  the  French  occupation  of  Placentia,  which  was  long  before 
her  time.  Whatever  the  true  solution  of  this  strange  figure  may  be,  it 
certainly  is  very  suggestive  of  Longfellow's 

"  Black  robed  chief  the  Prophet, 
He  the  priest  of  prayer,  the  pale  face." 

This  figure  is  followed  by  two  full  length  spears,  one  for  killing 
Seals  the  other  for  Deer.  The  first  called  "A-aduth,"  is  represented  as 
being  12  feet  long(?).  It  consists  of  a  long  straight  wooden  handle,  to 
which  is  affixed,  at  one  end  an  iron  point  of  a  triangular  shape  set  in 
a  bone  socket.  This  socket  is  not  permanently  attached  to  the  handle  but 
is  kept  in  its  place  by  a  long  string,  one  end  of  which  passes  through 
two  holes  bored  through  the  bone  and  securely  tied,  while  the  other  end 
is  brought  along  the  handle,  passing  over  a  notch  at  the  further  end,  and 
thence  back  to  about  the  middle  of  the  handle  where  it  would  appear  to 
have  been  grasped  by  the  operator.  The  bone  socket,  where  it  meets  the 
handle  is  forked  and  has  a  groove  cut  in  it,  into  which  the  end  of  the 


248  Seal  and  deer  spears 

handle  is  inserted,  the  string  being  then  drawn  tight,  and  firmly  grasped  by 
the  hand  tends  to  keep  the  point  in  its  place  while  striking  the  animal, 
But  immediately  the  spear  head  enters  its  body,  the  string  is  released 
and  the  spear  separated  from  the  handle,  which  remains  in  the  hand, 
while  the  ample  coil  of  line  shown,  allows  full  play  to  the  animal  in 
diving.  The  spear  head  is  tied  in  such  a  way  that  so  soon  as  it  pene- 
trates the  skin  and  flesh  of  the  seal  and  a  strain  is  put  upon  it  by  the 
exertions  of  the  wounded  animal,  it  turns  crossways  in  the  wound  which 
prevents  its  being  withdrawn.  The  whole  contrivance  is  one  of  a  most 
ingenious  character,  and  I  have  little  doubt  the  idea  was  borrowed  from 
the  Eskimo,  who  appear  to  have  been  the  originators  of  this  kind  of 
weapon.  It  only  differs  from  that  of  the  latter  people  in  being  more 
slightly  and  delicately  made,  in  having  a  triangular  instead  of  a  leaf- 
shaped  iron  point,  and  in  the  absence  of  the  float  or  drag  attached  to  the 
opposite  end  of  the  line.  I  would  surmise  from  this  that  the  Beothuck 
did  not  pursue  the  seals  in  his  canoe,  on  the  water,  as  the  Eskimo  does, 
but  speared  them  on  the  ice,  or  in  their  blow  holes.  This  seems  the 
more  probable  from  the  fact  that  their  frail  birch  bark  canoes  were  ill 
adapted  for  the  pursuit  of  the  animal  in  its  native  element. 

The  Deer  spear  differs  considerably  from  that  just  described.  It  has 
a  similar  long  straight  wooden  handle,  but  the  point,  which  is  all  of  iron 
is  much  longer,  has  no  bone  socket,  and  is  fastened  permanently  into  the 
end  of  the  handle  by  a  long  slight  stem  or  tang.  The  blade  is  long  and 
tapering,  somewhat  resembling  the  Zulu  Assegai  in  shape,  except  that  the 
wider  portion  near  its  base  forms  two  obtuse  angles  instead  of  having 
the  shoulders  rounded  off.  Of  course  the  point  of  this  weapon  does  not 
come  unshipped  as  in  the  case  of  the  Seal  spear,  consequently  there  is  no 
string  attached,  none  being  required.  It  is  called  "  A-min  "  or  "A-mina." 

In  the  lower  left  hand  corner  of  this  drawing  is  a  large  and  more 
elaborate  representation  of  a  store  or  drying  house.  It  shows  a  section  across 
the  middle  of  the  building,  which  is  said  to  be  10  feet  wide,  by  4^  feet 
high  to  the  wall  plate.  Its  roof  is  of  the  triangular  shape,  with  rather 
a  low  angle  of  slope.  It  is  divided  internally,  into  two  rows  of  large 
squares,  one  above  the  other,  six  squares  in  each  row,  and  every  alternate 
square  is  crossbarred  as  though  representing  lattice  work.  This  was 
probably  to  allow  for  the  free  circulation  of  air.  It  is  labelled  "Store 
house,"  in  which  they  put  their  dried  venison,  in  birch  bark  packages,  to 
keep  during  winter. 

The  next  figure  is  a  very  interesting  one.  It  represents  a  woman 
dancing.  The  features  are  fairly  well  depicted,  with  long  black  hair 
hanging  down  either  side  of  the  head,  the  arms,  which  are  bare,  to  the 
shoulders,  are  extended  on  either  side  outward  from  the  body  and  bent 
slightly  upward  from  the  elbow.  A  long  loose  fitting  robe  reaches  from 
the  neck  to  the  knees,  but  is  gathered  in  at  the  waist  by  a  cord  or  belt. 
The  upper  part  of  this  garment  has  a  wide  crossbarred  strip,  passing  just 
under  the  pit  of  the  left  arm  and  over  the  point  of  the  right  shoulder. 
This  has  some  sort  of  a  fringe  attached  to  its  under  side.  There  is  also 
a  similar  border  or  fringe  along  the  tail  end  of  the  dress ;  and  from 


Sketch  VM. 


Sketch  IX&X. 


'-. ' , 


U-L 


\  \  \\ 


LJ     _J 


Red  Indian  Mythology  249 

under  the  right  arm,  a  portion  of  the  dress  with  a  similar  border  and 
fringe  both  at  top  and  bottom  is  seen  flying  loose,  as  if  extended  by  the 
action  of  circling  round  while  dancing.  Whether  these  fringes  are  merely 
slashed  pieces  of  deer  skin  or,  what  appears  to  me,  from  their  shape  more 
likely,  bone  or  other  ornaments,  similar  to  those  found  in  their  burying 
places,  which  being  attached  to  the  dress  would  jingle  or  rattle,  after 
the  manner  of  castanets  during  the  process  of  dancing.  This  belief  is 
strengthened  by  the  fact  that  the  skin  robe  covering  the  body  of  the  small 
boy  in  our  local  museum  had  such  ornaments  together  with  birds'  legs  so 
attached  to  the  hem  of  the  garment.  The  lower  limbs  of  this  figure 
from  the  knees  down  appear  to  be  bare  or  otherwise  encased  in  leggings 
of  some  sort. 

In  the  lower  right  hand  corner  of  this  drawing  are  shown  several 
birch  bark  vessels  of  different  sizes  and  shapes.  Two  very  small  ones, 
shaped  like  an  ordinary  bowl,  are  called  "  Shoe-wan-yeesh  "  Drinking  Cups. 
Two  others  of  similar  shape  but  of  larger  size  are  simply  called  "  Shoe- 
wan."  The  three  lower,  and  much  larger  vessels  are  labelled  "Water 
buckets,"  all  differ  in  shape.  The  first  to  the  left,  is  triangular,  very  small  at 
bottom  but  wide  at  top,  apparently  about  a  foot  or  so  in  height,  and 
stands  upright  on  its  narrow  base.  The  next  is  also  triangular  in  shape, 
about  the  same  height  as  the  first,  but  instead  of  having  a  small  base, 
it  carries  the  same  width  from  top  to  bottom.  The  third  and  last,  also 
triangular,  is  not  as  high  as  the  other  two,  and  is  shaped  somewhat 
like  the  first,  wide  at  one  end  and  narrow  at  the  other,  but  in  this 
case,  it  has  the  small  end  up  while  the  wide  end  forms  the  base.  The 
two  first  are  •  called  "  Guin-ya-butt,"  while  the  third  is  called  "  Sun-ong- 
guin-ya-butt." 

Sketch  IX. 

This  drawing  is  labelled  "  Emblems  of  Red  Indian  Mythology."  It 
consists  of  six  figures  in  one  row,  and  all  of  about  the  same  length.  Each 
figure  represents  a  straight  tapering  staff,  said  to  be  6  feet  in  length, 
surmounted  at  the  thicker  end  with  the  supposed  emblem.  No.  i  is 
clearly  intended  to  represent  a  fishing  boat  such  as  was  in  common  use 
around  our  coasts.  It  is  very  faithfully  executed,  the  hull  with  a  slight 
rise  in  the  fore-part  and  drop  towards  the  stern,  the  two  short  masts,  the 
after  one  showing  the  characteristic  rake  familiar  to  all  acquainted  with 
this  little  craft,  is  all  very  realistic.  In  fact  the  boat  is  better  drawn  than 
many  of  our  youthful  artists  could  depict  it.  If  this  emblem  ever  had  any 
name  written  upon  it  the  same  has  been  completely  obliterated. 

No.  2  represents  very  clearly  the  crescent  shaped  tail  of  a  whale,  it 
is  called  "Owas-bosh-no-un."  A  note  informs  us  that  a  whale  was  con- 
sidered a  great  prize,  this  animal  affording  them  a  more  abundant  supply 
of  food  than  anything  else,  hence  the  Indians  worshipped  this  image  of 
the  Whale's  tail.  Another  reference  to  this  occurs  amongst  some  stray 
notes  of  Cormack's  as  follows :  "  The  Bottle  Nose  Whale  which  they 
represented  by  the  fishes  tail,  frequents,  in  great  numbers  the  Northern 

H.  32 


250  Mythological  emblems 

Bays,  and  creeps  in  at  Clode  Sound  and  other  places,  and  the  Red 
Indians  consider  it  the  greatest  good  luck  to  kill  one.  They  are  22  and 
23  feet  long." 

No.  3.  This  represents  the  half  Moon  inverted,  and  is  named 
"Kuis."  There  is  no  note  of  any  kind  to  indicate  what  significance  was 
attached  to  it. 

No.  4  is  a  long  wooden  staff,  wide  at  top  with  a  pyramid  end  but 
tapering  gradually  away  towards  the  bottom.  It  is  named  "  Bocgh-woodje- 
bee-shneck"  (?).  There  is  no  further  explanation. 

No.  5  has  four  square  or  somewhat  oblong  pieces  which  appear  to 
be  let  into  the  upper  end  of  the  staff,  and  are  separated  from  each  other 
by  narrow  open  spaces.  It  is  called  "Ash-wa-meet." 

No.  6.  Somewhat  similar  to  the  last,  having  four  triangular  shaped 
pieces  cut  at  the  top,  and  reducing  in  size  downwards.  This  is  named 
"Ash-u-meet,"  and  is  but  another  form  of  the  preceding  one. 

It  appears  to  me  very  strange  that  Mr  Cormack  did  not  obtain  more 
definite  information  from  Shanawdithit  as  to  the  real  significance  of  those 
so  called  mythological  symbols.  The  only  other  reference  to  them  I  can 
find  amongst  his  writings  is  in  a  letter  of  his  to  the  Bishop  of  Nova 
Scotia,  in  which  he  says,  "  I  have  lately  discovered  the  key  to  the 
Mythology  of  her  tribe,  which  must  be  considered  one  of  the  most 
interesting  subjects  to  enquire  into." 

I  confess  I  am  greatly  inclined  to  agree  with  the  late  Sir  William 
Dawson,  that  these  emblems  were  in  reality  the  "Totems"  or  crests  of 
families,  corresponding  with  armorial  bearings  of  civilized  persons.  Possibly 
they  may  have  been  badges  of  office. 

The  figure  of  the  boat  in  the  first  described  symbol  may  very  probably 
have  reference  to  the  boat  carried  off  from  Mr  Peyton's  wharf  in  1818. 
No  doubt  this  act,  was  looked  upon  as  a  great  feat  of  daring,  and  the 
individuals  engaged  in  the  undertaking  would  thereby  be  entitled  to  use 
the  symbol  of  the  "Whiteman's  boat"  as  their  totem  henceforth. 

Again  the  person  or  persons  who  succeeded  in  capturing  such  a 
formidable  animal  as  a  whale,  and  one  so  much  prized  by  the  Indians, 
would  be  considered  a  great  hunter  and  be  entitled  to  adopt  as  his 
totem  the  Whale's  tail. 

It  is  not  so  easy  to  trace  the  connection  as  regards  the  Moon  and 
the  other  symbols. 

Sketch  X. 

This  is  the  last  of  Shanawdithit's  drawings.  It  represents  a  house 
of  two  stones,  having  five,  12  pane  windows  on  top,  a  porch  with  a  semi- 
circular fanlight  over  it.  Its  roof  is  of  the  ordinary  saddle  type,  and  there 
are  two  chimneys  in  it.  Underneath  is  written,  "The  house  in  St  John's, 
in  which  Shanawdithit  lived  (Roopes')  drawn  by  herself." 

There  is  still  another  small  sketch  of  hers  in  the  Philosophical  Journal 
of  Edinburgh  for  1829,  showing  the  interior  of  a  room,  in  which  there 
are  a  table,  a  bench,  and  a  clock  on  the  wall.  At  one  side  are  two 


Origin  of  the  Beothucks  251 

windows  draped  with  curtains,  and  on  the  opposite  side  a  door  with 
a  square  lock  upon  it.  The  drawing  was  evidently  intended  to  illustrate 
Shanawdithit's  idea  of  perspective. 

Theories  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Beothucks. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  pose  as  an  authority  on  the  ethnological, 
philological  or  linguistic  affinities  of  the  Beothuck.  These  subjects  have 
been  treated  by  several  of  the  most  learned  scientists  in  all  such  researches. 
Various  theories,  have  been  advanced,  and  deductions  arrived  at,  which, 
while  I  would  not  attempt  to  constitute  myself  an  umpire  to  decide  upon, 
I  must  confess  leaves  the  question  of  their  real  origin  about  as  much  in 
the  dark  as  ever.  It  would  be  presumption  on  my  part  to  even  express 
an  opinion,  favourable  or  otherwise,  upon  any  views  entertained  by  such 
eminent  authorities.  I  shall  only  here  give  the  gist  of  their  views  as  they 
have  come  to  me,  and  leave  the  readers  to  judge  for  themselves  as  to 
which  carries  most  weight. 

All  the  attempts  made  to  solve  this  great  problem,  are  of  an  exceedingly 
interesting  character,  and  there  is  a  strong  temptation  to  elaborate  thereon, 
but  with  such  meagre  material  at  our  disposal  we  cannot  hope  to  arrive  at 
any  definite  conclusion  at  this  late  date. 

Mr  W.  E.  Cormack,  that  intrepid  and  philanthropic  gentleman,  who 
devoted  so  much  time  and  money  with  the  view  to  bringing  about  amicable 
relations  with  the  poor  Red  men,  and  who  also  made  a  deep  study  of  every- 
thing relating  to  their  manners,  customs,  language  &c.,  conceived  the  idea 
that  the  Beothucks  might  possibly  have  derived  their  origin  from  the 
Norsemen,  whom  tradition  asserts,  discovered  America  in  the  tenth  century, 
and  afterwards  sent  out  colonies  to  inhabit  therein.  No  doubt  Cormack 
was  led  to  this  supposition  by  the  recently  published  translation  of  the 
Icelandic  sagas,  just  then  made  public,  by  the  learned  Danish  Antiquary 
Dr  Rink.  Cormack  apparently  seized  with  avidity  this  interesting  story 
and  saw  in  it  a  possible  solution  of  the  mystery.  Could  he  have  established 
his  theory  it  would  have  been  a  complete  confirmation  of  the  story  of  the 
sagas,  and  would  have  made  his  name  famous,  amongst  the  savons  of  his 
day.  That  he  was  filled  with  this  theory  is  apparent  from  his  writings, 
and  I  find  amongst  his  notes  attempts  to  compare  the  Beothuck  language 
with  that  of  Iceland  and  Greenland  dialects.  He  frequently  refers  to  its 
possible  European  origin,  points  out  the  fact  of  its  possessing  all  the 
sounds  of  those  of  Europe,  while  differing  radically  from  the  languages  of 
all  the  neighbouring  tribes.  Cormack  seems  to  have  held  on  to  this  view 
to  the  day  of  his  death,  for  1  have  quite  recently  learned,  from  one  who 
knew  him  intimately  in  British  Columbia,  a  Mr  Smith,  that  Cormack  did 
not  think  the  Beothucks  were  Indians  he  had  an  idea  that  they^  came 
from  Norway  or  Sweden.  "  The  late  Bishop  Mullock  of  St  John's  also 
seemed  to  favour  this  opinion  and  thought  that  they  might  be  descendant? 
of  Liefs  Colonists,  possibly  intermixed  with  some  aboriginal  people." 

There  are  others  who  favour  the  theory  of  a  Basque  origin  as  the 
traditions  of  that  hardy  race  of  fishermen  claim  that  they  had  made  their 

32 — 2 


252  Origin  of  the  Beothucks 

way  to  our  shores  anterior  to  Cabot,  and  that  the  term  "Baccalaos"  for 
Codfish,  said  to  have  been  used  by  the  natives,  was  derived  from  them. 
Again  some  learned  authors  seem  to  see  in  the  Basque  language  a  remote 
yet  notable  resemblance,  at  least  in  form  to  American  Indian  languages 
in  general. 

But  the  concensus  of  opinion  of  those  most  competent  to  judge  has 
long  ago  decided  against  this  supposed  European  origin,  and  the  most 
careful  comparison  of  the  linguistic  characteristics  of  the  language  has  led 
to  the  conclusion  that  it  is  clearly  Indian  or  American.  But  having 
decided  this  point  it  has  not  been  found  quite  so  easy  to  determine  to 
what  great  family  of  Indian  dialects  the  Beothuck  language  really  belongs. 
The  most  eminent  authorities  upon  this  phase  of  the  question,  such  persons 
as  Prof.  Rob.  Gordon  Latham,  of  the  Anthropological  Society  of  Great 
Britain,  Prof.  Albert  S.  Gatschet  of  the  Ethnological  Bureau  Washington, 
and  the  Rev.  John  Campbell,  LL.D.,  and  the  late  Sir  Wm  Dawson  all 
differ  in  the  conclusions  they  have  arrived  at.  But  before  entering  upon 
the  question  as  treated  by  the  above  named  gentlemen,  I  must  record 
here  a  most  ingenious  and  certainly  very  interesting  theory  put  forward 
by  Mr  Wm  Sweetland,  Magistrate  of  Bonavista,  who  wrote  an  unpublished 
history  of  Newfoundland  in  1837.  I  have  been  kindly  favoured  with 
a  perusal  of  this  work  by  his  grand  daughter  Mrs  C.  V.  Cogan  wife 
of  the  Rector  of  St  Mary's  Church,  St  John's,  South. 

Mr  Sweetland  begins  by  stating  that  when  Shanawdithit  was  brought 
to  St  John's  and  while  she  resided  with  Mr  W.  E.  Cormack,  he  had 
frequent  opportunities  of  conversing  with  her. 

"On  one  of  these  occasions,"  says  Mr  S.  when  questioned  as  to  the 
origin  of  her  tribe,  she  stated,  "  that  '  The  Voice '  told  them  that  they 
sprang  from  an  arrow  or  arrows  stuck  in  the  ground."  Upon  this 
Mr  Sweetland  weaves  an  elaborate  story  of  their  descent  from  one  Ogus 
Khan  a  great  Tartar  Chieftain  who  flourished  about  675  B.C.  Though 
I  am  by  no  means  prepared  to  accept  this  theory,  I  must  confess  it 
possesses  much  that  seems  plausible,  and  is  altogether  of  such  an  interesting 
character,  never,  so  far  as  I  know  having  been  put  forward  by  any  other 
writer,  I  feel  justified  in  inserting  it  here  in  full. 

"  This  Ogus  Khan  according  to  his  Tartar  historian,  having  overrun 
the  greater  part  of  Asia,  which  he  conquered  and  subdued,  he  then  began 
to  move  towards  the  eastward,  conquering  all  the  great  cities  that  lay  in 
his  way,  and  bringing  all  the  minor  states  and  kingdoms  under  his  sway. 
Being  in  the  city  of  Sham,  he  ordered  one  of  his  most  faithful  attendants 
to  bury  privately,  a  golden  bow  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  neighbouring 
forest ;  but  in  such  a  manner,  that  only  an  exceeding  small  bit  of  it 
could  be  seen,  which  being  done  he  commanded  the  same  person  to  bury 
so  likewise,  three  golden  arrows,  in  the  west  side  of  the  same  forest. 
A  year  after,  he  sent  his  three  eldest  sons,  '  Kuin,'  or  the  Sun,  'Ay,' 
or  the  moon,  and  'Juldus,'  or  the  Star,  to  hunt  on  the  east  side  of  the 
aforesaid  forest  with  orders  to  bring  him  whatever  they  found  therein. 
Then  he  despatched  his  three  younger  sons,  with  orders  to  repair  to  the 
chase  but  on  the  west  side  only.  The  first  of  these  had  the  appellation 


Origin  of  the  Beothucks  253 

'  of  Kuck/  or  the  Heaven ;  the  second  that  of  '  Tag,'  or  the  Mountain  ; 
and  the  third  that  of  '  Zenghiz,'  or  the  Sea.  The  former,  besides  a  large 
quantity  of  game,  brought  with  them,  at  their  return  the  golden  bow  they 
had  found ;  and  the  latter  the  three  golden  arrows,  likewise  much  game. 
The  Khan,  having  caused  the  game  to  be  dressed,  and  added  many  other 
dishes  to  it,  made  a  great  feast  on  this  occasion ;  after  the  conclusion 
of  which,  he  divided  the  golden  bow  amongst  his  three  eldest  sons,  and 
permitted  also  the  three  others  to  keep  each  of  them,  a  golden  arrow. 
He  resided  some  years  in  the  principal  towns  he  had  conquered ;  and 
having  left  strong  garrisons  in  those  of  them  that  were  defensible,  he  led 
back  his  army  into  his  hereditary  dominions. 

"At  his  return  he  erected  a  magnificent  tent,  adorned  with  golden 
apples,  curiously  enriched  with  all  sorts  of  precious  stones ;  and  invited 
to  a  grand  entertainment  his  sons,  the  nobles,  and  all  the  officers  of 
distinction  in  the  Empire.  He  ordered  nine  hundred  horses,  and  nine 
thousand  sheep  to  be  killed  on  this  occasion  ;  and  provided  nine  leather 
bottles  filled  with  brandy,  and  ninety  with  Kumiss,  or  mares'  milk,  for  the 
use  of  his  illustrious  guests.  Then  having  thanked  his  sons  for  their 
inviolable  fidelity  to  him,  he  made  them  sovereign  princes,  giving  them 
subjects  of  their  own.  As  for  the  lords  of  his  Court  and  his  principal 
Officers,  he  rewarded  each  of  them  according  to  his  respective  merit. 
His  three  eldest  sons  received  from  him  the  name  of  '  Bussuk,'  that  is 
broken,  in  memory  of  the  golden  bow  which  they  had  found,  and  parted 
among  themselves  and  to  the  three  youngest  he  gave  the  surname  of 
'Utz-ock'  or  three  arrows,  in  remembrance  of  the  adventure  above  men- 
tioned. Then  telling  them,  that  among  their  ancestors,  a  bow  was  the 
symbol  of  dominion,  and  the  arrows  that  of  ambassadors,  he  appointed 
Kuin,  his  successor,  and  declared  the  descendants  of  the  '  Bussucks '  only 
to  have  a  right  to  the  crown.  As  for  the  '  Utz-ocks,'  and  their  posterity, 
they  were  to  remain  in  a  state  of  subjugation  to  their  brethren  for  ever. 

"In  fine,  this  great  conqueror  made  himself  master  of  Kathay,  and 
subdued  all  the  Turkish  tribes  or  nations  of  the  East.  He  also  reduced 
Persia,  Korassan,  Media,  or  Adarbayagjan  and  Armenia,  and  planted  in 
the  countries  he  possessed  himself  of,  the  true  religion.  Those  who 
embraced  it  he  treated  with  great  lenity,  and  even  heaped  many  favours 
upon  them ;  but  the  Idolaters  he  cut  off  without  mercy.  He  likewise 
left  Governors  in  all  his  conquests,  commanding  them  to  govern  according 
to  the  Oguzian  laws,  which  he  had  caused  to  be  promulgated  for  the  good 
of  all  his  subjects. 

"  The  memory  of  Ogus  Khan  is  still  held  in  high  veneration  over 
a  great  part  of  the  East.  He  is  considered  as  the  greatest  hero,  except 
the  famous  Janghiz  Khan,  that  ever  lived,  at  least  in  the  Eastern  part  of 
the  world,  by  the  Turks  and  Tartars  of  all  denominations.  The  Ottomans 
or  Othmans  Turks  so  called  in  contradistinction  to  the  Turkish  or  Tartarian 
tribes,  settled  in  Great  and  Little  Tartary,  from  him  assume  the  name  of 
Oguzians  ;  and  pretend  that  the  Ottoman  family  is  descended  in  a  direct 
line  from  Ogus  Khan. 

"Ogus   Khan   having  reigned  according  to  the   Tartar   Historian,  one 


254  Origin  of  the  Beothucks 

hundred  and  sixteen  years,  departed  this  life,  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  Kuin  or  Ghun  Khan.  That  Prince  being  advised  thereto  by  one  of 
his  fathers  old  councillors  of  the  tribe  of  Vigus,  made  a  partition  of  the 
Empire.  He  divided  Ogus  Kahn's  immense  dominions  amongst  the  six 
brothers  already  mentioned,  and  all  their  sons.  As  each  of  them,  there- 
fore had  four  sons  born  in  lawful  wedlock,  and  four  by  his  concubines, 
Kuin  Khans  dominions  were  greatly  dismembered,  and  after  this  event, 
assumed  quite  a  different  form.  This  we  learn  from  Abul  Ghazi  Bahadur, 
the  Khan  of  Khowarazm ;  but  according  to  Mahommed  Ebu  Emin 
Khouandschah,  commonly  called  Murkhoud  the  Persian  Historian,  the 
division  of  the  Turkish  Nation  into  tribes,  which  this  seems  to  allude 
to,  happened  in  the  time  of  Ogus  Khan. 

"  That  Prince,  says  this  author,  divided  the  Oriental  Turks,  that  is 
to  say  all  those  remote  Turkish  or  Tartar  Nations  seated  beyond  the 
Gihon,  on  the  Oxus,  into  twenty  four  different  tribes.  As  many  of  them 
are  still  in  being,  an  account  of  them  will  be  found  in  the  modern  History 
of  the  Tartars. 

"  Having  conducted  my  readers  thus  far  by  placing  before  them  the 
history  of  the  only  two  nations,  with  whom  the  Beothick  of  Newfoundland 
can  reasonably  claim  affinity,  allow  me  to  examine  the  premises  upon  which 
that  affinity  is  founded.  The  first  of  these  as  it  regards  Boetia,  will  not  be 
found  upon  investigation  to.  be  so  improbable  as  at  first  sight  it  may  appear. 

"  The  name  Boetia  resembles  so  closely  that  of  Boeothic,  that  we  may 
reasonably  infer  that  the  only  alteration  which  time  and  custom  has  made 
between  them,  is  that  of  changing  the  a  of  the  first  into  c  or  ck  of  the 
latter,  which  slight  alteration  will  not  go  to  annihilate  the  supposition  that 
they  were  originally  one  and  the  same  signification. 

"  The  fable  of  the  Ox  having  conducted  Cadmus  into  Boeotia  has  in 
my  humble  opinion  no  other  reference  than  to  the  former  situation  of  the 
tribe  or  family  on  the  Oxus  where,  as  I  have  already  stated  the  Tartar 
tribes  were  partly  seated  at  the  division  of  Ogus  Khan's  vast  dominions. 

"In  the  next  place,  the  tradition  or  fable  of  the  two  arrows  given  by 
Shanawdithit  the  Beothic  woman  to  Mr  Cormack  bears  a  close  similitude 
to  the  circumstance  recorded  of  Ogus  Khan  by  the  Tartar  Historian,  which 
has  been  related  above ;  coupled  with  the  name  Boeotic  (which  I  take  for 
granted  had  the  same  signification  with  Boeotia,  which  meant  an  Ox)  fixes 
their  identity  as  descendants  of  one  of  the  three  younger  sons  of  Ogus 
Khan,  who  was  situated  at  the  time  of  their  separation  from  the  parent 
stock,  on  or  near  the  Oxus,  west  of  the  forest  of  Hyrcania,  or  if  you 
please  suppose  the  word  Utz-ock,  or  the  three  arrows,  in  process  of  time, 
to  have  changed  into  Boeotzook  or  Butz-ock,  the  similitude  will  in  some 
measure  bear  me  out  in  claiming  for  them  an  affinity  with  one  of  Ogus 
Khans  youngest  sons. 

"  The  determination  of  the  matter  must  be  left  in  the  hands  of  the 
learned  and  curious,  should  it  be  worth  their  attention  and  consideration, 
the  purport  of  the  writer  being  to  shew  as  regards  the  Beothics,  in  the 
first  instance,  the  probability  of  their  Tartar  extract,  the  route  pursued 
by  them  from  their  own  country  into  America,  and  that  the  Beothucks  of 


Origin  of  the  Beothucks  255 

Newfoundland  were  not  the  descendants  of  Scandinavians  as  some  authors 
assert,  or  Norwegians  as  others. 

"That  they  emigrated  hither  from  Canada  will  easily  be  admitted  by 
all  acquainted  with  their  proximity  to  the  Straits  of  Belle  Isle,  which 
separates  Newfoundland  from  Labrador. 

"That  they  gave  name  to  a  bay  in  their  neighborhood,  whither  the 
Canadians  frequented,  and  that  they  were  in  habits  of  friendly  intercourse 
with  them  till  the  arrival  of  civilized  man  from  Europe  who  quickly  sowed 
the  seeds  of  discord  amongst  them  which  eventually  led  to  the  annihilation 
of  the  Beothuck,  for  at  this  period  the  European 

'  Of  their  name  and  race 
Hath  scarcely  left  a  token  or  a  trace' 

save  and  except  a  few  scattered  vague  reminiscences  collected  towards  the 
end  of  their  time,  from  the  last  of  their  race." 

In  considering  the  foregoing  dissertation  of  Mr  Sweetland  I  have  been 
impressed  with  a  few  rather  remarkable  coincidences,  if  nothing  more.  In 
the  name  given  by  Ogus  Khan  to  his  eldest  son,  "  Kuin "  the  Sun,  we 
have  a  very  close  resemblance  to  the  Beothuck  term  for  that  luminary 
"  Kuis."  Several  of  the  other  terms  used,  while  not  so  closely  resembling 
any  of  the  known  words  of  the  vocabulary  of  our  Red  Indians,  have 
nevertheless  a  decided  Beothuck  sound,  especially  in  such  words  as 
"Bussuk"  and  "  Utz-ock." 

With  reference  to  the  theory  of  their  origin  from  the  three  arrows 
stuck  in  the  ground,  I  find  on  referring  back  to  the  so-called  mythological 
symbols,  that  the  last  three  of  these  figures  might  be  taken  to  represent 
arrows.  The  first  of  these  indeed  corresponds  exactly  with  the  description 
of  the  bluntpointed  arrow  described  by  Cormack,  as  used  for  killing  small 
birds,  "  the  point  being  a  knob  continuous  with  the  shaft,"  and  without 
feathers  at  the  small  end.  The  other  two  at  their  upper  end  are  so 
fashioned  that  it  might  easily  be  conceived  this  was  intended  to  repre- 
sent feathers,  but  there  is  nothing  at  the  other  end  to  indicate  points 
or  heads. 

I  must  now  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  what  the  other  more 
recent,  and  presumably  more  scientific  authorities  have  to  say  on  the 
subject  of  the  possible  origin  of  this  mystical  race. 

Professor  Latham  gives  it  as  his  opinion  that  they  were  undoubtedly 
a  branch  of  the  great  Algonkin  family  of  North  American  Indians.  In 
his  Varieties  of  Man  published  in  1850,  he  says,  of  the  Beothucks,  "The 
particular  division  to  which  the  Aborigines  of  Newfoundland  belonged 
has  been  a  matter  of  doubt.  Some  writers  considering  them  to  have 
been  Eskimo,  others  to  have  been  akin  to  the  Micmacs,  who  have  now 
a  partial  footing  on  the  Island. 

"  Reasons  against  either  of  those  views  are  supplied  by  a  hitherto 
unpublished  Beothuck  vocabulary  with  which  I  have  been  kindly  furnished 
by  my  friend  Dr  King  of  the  Anthropological  Society. 

"  This  makes  them  a  separate  section  of  the  Algonkins,  and  such 
I  believe  them  to  have  been." 


256  Origin  of  the  Beothucks 

NOTE< — A  table  of  the  chief  affinities  between  the  Beothuck  and 
other  Algonkin  languages  or  dialects,  has  been  published  by  the  present 
writer  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Philological  Society  for  1850. 

The  late  Sir  Wm  Dawson  was  of  opinion  that  the  Beothucks  were 
of  Tinn£  stock,  a  branch  of  the  great  Chippewan  family,  but  neither  Latham 
nor  Gatschet  acquiesce  in  this  view. 

Prof.  Albert  S.  Gatschet  of  the  Ethnological  Bureau  of  Washington 
who  has  certainly  given  a  deeper  study  to  this  subject  than  any  other 
authority  I  know  of,  and  who  has  taken  infinite  pains  in  comparing  the 
Beothuck  vocabulary  with  many  of  the  dialects  of  the  neighbouring  Indian 
tribes  of  the  mainland,  is  decidedly  of  opinion  that  the  language  possesses 
no  real  affinity  with  any  of  these,  that  it  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  they 
were  Algonkins,  or  yet  Chippewans.  "  There  is  nothing  in  their  language 
to  indicate  their  origin  from  either  of  those  great  families,  that  in  fact  they 
were  '  Sui  generis,'  a  people  of  themselves,  apart  and  distinct  from  all  others 
we  know  anything  of." 

The  Rev.  John  Campbell,  LL.  D.,  another  distinguished  Philologist,  is 
most  pronounced  in  his  opinion  that  the  Beothucks  were  undoubtedly 
Algonkins,  and  that  Latham  was  right  in  so  concluding.  This  gentleman 
makes  a  comparison  between  some  thirty  or  forty  Beothuck  words  and  a 
similar  number  of  Malay- Polynesian  and  deduces  therefrom  the  probability 
that  the  ancestral  Beothuck  stock  was  located  in  Celebes,  and  he  imagines 
they  belonged  to  the  same  tribe  as  the  New  England  Pawtuckets  and 
Pequods,  and  adds  that  "  their  vocabulary  agrees  best  with  those  of  the 
New  England  tribes." 

From  such  a  diversity  of  opinions  held  by  such  eminent  Scientists  it  is 
impossible  to  form  any  definite  conclusion  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Beothucks, 
yet  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  they  must  have  originally  come  from 
the  mainland  of  America,  and  everything  seems  to  point  to  the  narrow 
Strait  of  Belle  Isle  as  the  most  probable  course  of  their  migration.  The 
fact  that  they  were  always  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Labrador  Indians 
seems  strong  presumptive  evidence  that  it  is  in  this  direction  we  should 
look  for  their  nearest  kin.  This  is  further  borne  out  by  a  statement 
of  Shanawdithit  to  Mr  Peyton,  recorded  in  one  of  his  notes,  viz.  that 
the  traditions  of  her  people  represented  their  descent  from  the  Labrador 
Indians.  The  further  fact  that  they  were  at  such  deadly  enmity  with  the 
Micmacs,  would  preclude  the  idea  that  they  were  in  any  way  closely  allied 
to  that  tribe  by  ties  of  kindred. 

There  are  several  traditions  of  the  remnant  of  the  tribe  having  again 
crossed  over  to  the  Labrador  shore,  and  having  either  died  out  or 
become  absorbed  by  some  of  the  resident  tribes  either  the  Nascopie  or 
Mountaineers,  but  none  of  these  traditions  are  well  authenticated.  John 
Stevens,  a  Canadian  Indian,  one  of  those  employed  by  Cormack,  told 
Mr  Peyton  that  the  last  signs  of  the  Red  Indians  were  seen  near  Quirpon, 
on  the  extreme  NE.  Coast  of  this  Island  about  i838(?).  Bonnycastle,  in  his 
History  of  Newfoundland  (1842)  relates  that  while  cruising  in  the  Gulf  of 
St  Lawrence  with  the  Governor  General  of  Canada,  in  the  summer  of 
1831,  that  they  found  "the  Indians,  a  sort  of  half  bred  Esquimaux, 


Physical  features  of  the  Beothucks  257 

who  were  employed  in  the  Salmon  fisheries  of  the  King's  Ports,  on  the 
Labrador  shore,  were  very  much  agitated  and  alarmed  in  the  Bay  of  Seven 
Islands,  by  the  sudden  appearance  of  a  fierce  looking  people  amongst  them, 
of  whom  they  had  neither  knowledge  nor  tradition,  and  who  were  totally 
different  from  the  warlike  Mountaineer,  or  Montagnards  of  the  interior, 
who  came  occasionally  to  barter  at  the  posts." 

"I  believe,"  he  adds,  "the  strangers  themselves  were  as  much  alarmed 
at  seeing  the  very  unusual  circumstance  of  three  ships  of  war  riding  in 
that  splendid  basin,  and  finding  that  the  part  of  the  shore  they  had  arrived 
at  was  occupied  by  a  large  storehouse  and  a  dwelling,  with  some  tents  ; 
for,  after  frightening  the  others  out  of  their  wits,  they  disappeared  as 
suddenly  as  they  came." 

He  concludes  thus  :  "  These  were,  very  possibly,  the  poor  disinherited 
Red  Men,  who,  it  had  been  the  disgraceful  practice  of  the  ruder  hunters, 
furriers,  and  settlers  of  Newfoundland,  to  hunt,  fire  at,  and  slaughter,  wher- 
ever they  could  find  them,  treating  these  rightful  lords  of  the  soil  as  they 
would  the  bears  and  wolves,  and  with  just  as  little  remorse." 

Hon.  Joseph  Noad,  Surveyor  General  of  Newfoundland  in  a  lecture 
delivered  by  him  in  1852,  says  "That  the  Micmacs  still  believe  in  the 
existence  of  the  Beothucks  and  say  some  25  years  ago  (1827)  the  whole 
tribe  passed  over  to  Labrador,  and  that  the  place  of  their  final  embarkation, 
as  they  allege,  is  yet  discernible1." 

The  Royal  Gazette  of  Sept.  2,  1828  contains  the  following  statement 
re  the  Red  Indians.  "  Nippers  Harbour,  where  the  Red  Indians  were 
said  to  have  been  seen  three  weeks  ago,  and  where  one  of  their  arrows 
was  picked  up,  after  having  been  ineffectually  shot  at  one  of  the  settlers, 
is  in  Green  Bay." 

Physical  Features  of  the  Beothucks. 

A  great  diversity  of  opinion  seems  to  have  existed  as  to  the  physical 
characteristics  of  this  strange  tribe.  It  has  been  customary  on  the  part  of 
fishermen  and  others  to  describe  them  as  a  race  of  gigantic  stature  and 
numerous  instances  are  recorded  to  bear  out  this  statement.  Major  George 
Cartwright,  in  speaking  of  the  Indians  he  saw  on  an  island  in  Dildo  Run, 
says  "One  of  them  appeared  to  be  remarkably  tall." 

The  anonymous  writer  in  the  Liverpool  Mercury,  who  was  present  at 
the  capture  of  Mary  March,  speaks  of  her  dead  husband,  as  he  lay  on 
the  ice,  measuring  six  feet  seven  and  a  half  inches2.  A  man  killed  in 
Trinity  Bay  by  the  fishermen  is  described  as  a  huge  savage,  and  another 

1  On   some   of  the  old   French   charts   of  the  northern   extremity  of   Newfoundland   (the   Petit 
Nord),  a  track  or  path  is  shown,  extending  along  the  low  flat  shore  forming  the  south  side  of  the 
Strait   of  Belle    Isle,  and   facing  the    Labrador   coast,  which    is   distinctly  visible   from    here ;    being 
only  about  nine  miles  distant.     This   path  is  called  "  Chemin   de  Sauvage."     There  is   also  a  place 
on   this    same   shore   still    called    "Savage    Cove,"   which    is    probably   the    supposed- place    of   their 
departure.     This  would    seem    to   bear   out    the   statement   of  the    Micmacs.     Again   in   the   English 
Coast   Pilot   for    1755,    there    is    a    place    near    Hawkes'    Bay,   or    Point    Riche   called   "  Passage   de 
Savages." 

2  John  Day,  one  of  Peyton's  men  confirmed  this  statement  and  said  he  was  considerably  over 
6  feet  in  height. 

H.  33 


258  Physical  features  of  the  Beothucks 

said  to  have  been  seen  by  one  Richards,  in  Notre  Dame  Bay  was  pro- 
nounced to  be  seven  feet  tall,  this  was  probably  the  same  individual 
described  by  an  old  fisherman  to  Mr  Watts  of  Harbour  Grace  as  being 
a  huge  man  with  immense  chest  development. 

I  have  myself  frequently  heard  fishermen  talk  of  the  large  bones  of 
skeletons  they  had  come  across,  and  say  by  placing  the  thigh  bones  (femur) 
alongside  their  own  legs  to  compare  them  they  were  found  to  be  much 
longer  as  a  rule. 

Nevertheless,  I  take  it  that  most  of  these  statements  are  highly 
exaggerated,  and  were  the  outcome  of  fear,  or  perhaps  for  the  purpose 
of  affording  an  excuse,  for  the  wanton  destruction  of  such  formidable 
enemies.  No  doubt,  as  in  most  other  races  of  the  human  family  there 
were  individuals  of  exceptional  big  stature,  but  all  the  more  trustworthy 
evidence  in  our  possession  goes  to  prove  conclusively  that  the  Beothucks 
were  people  of  ordinary  stature  only. 

I  shall  here  give  a  review  of  such  facts  bearing  on  this  head  as  are 
contained  in  the  foregoing  pages. 

Richard  Edens,  in  his  Gatherings  from  ivriters  on  the  New  World, 
says,  "  The  inhabitants  are  men  of  good  corporature,  although  tawny  like 
the  Indians."  Jacobus  Bastaldus  writeth  of  the  inhabitants  thus:  "They  are 
whyte  people  and  very  rustical." 

Pasqualligi,  the  Venetian  Ambassador  at  Lisbon  writing  to  his  brother 
in  Italy,  describes  the  savages  brought  home  by  Cortereal  thus:  "They 
are  of  like  figure,  stature  and  respect,  and  bear  the  greatest  resemblance 
to  the  Gypsies,  they  are  better  made  in  the  legs  and  arms  and  shoulders 
than  it  is  possible  to  describe." 

Damiano  Goes,  a  contemporary  Portuguese  writer,  in  his  Chronica 
del  Rey  Dom  Manuel,  gives  the  following  description  of  them :  "  The 
people  of  the  country  are  very  barbarous  and  uncivilized,  almost  equally 
with  the  people  of  Santa  Cruz,  except  that  they  are  whyte,  and  so  tanned 
by  cold  that  the  whyte  colour  is  lost  as  they  grow  older  and  they  become 
blackish.  They  are  of  middle  size,  very  lightly  made  &c." 

Cartier  in  1534-5  says,  "These  are  men  of  indifferent  good  stature 
and  bigness,  but  wilde  and  unruly." 

John.  Guy,  who  met  and  traded  with  them  in  1612  at  the  head  of 
Trinity  Bay,  also  says,  "  They  are  of  a  reasonable  stature,  of  an  ordinary 
middle  size.  They  go  bare-headed,  wearing  their  hair  somewhat  long  but 
cut  round :  they  have  no  beards ;  behind  they  have  a  great  lock  of  hair 
platted  with  feathers,  like  a  hawk's  lure,  with  a  feather  in  it  standing 

upright  by  the  crown  of  the   head,   and   a  small    lock  platted   before." 

"  They  are  full  eyed,  of  blacke  colour ;  the  colour  of  their  haire  was  divers, 
some  black,  some  brown  and  some  yellow1,  and  their  faces  somewhat  flat 
and  broad,  red  with  oker,  as  all  their  apparel  is,  and  the  rest  of  their 
body  ;  they  are  broad  breasted,  and  bold,  and  stand  very  upright." 

Whitbourne  does  not  describe  their  personal  appearance  and  it  is  there- 
fore presumable  that  he  never  actually  saw  any  of  them. 

1  Evidently  from  the  fact  of  its  being  smeered  with  ochre,  jthere  can  be  little  doubt   the   hair 
was  black. 


Physical  features  of  the  Beothucks  259 

In  Patrick  Gordon's  Geographical  Grammar  1722,  it  is  stated  "The 
natives  of  this  Island  are  generally  of  middle  stature,  broad  faced,  colouring 
their  faces  with  ochre." 

Lieut.  John  Cartwright  did  not  see  any  of  them  and  therefore  does 
not  describe  their  personal  appearance. 

Anspach,  writing  in  1818,  thus  describes  the  Indian  female  captured 
in  1803,  "She  was  of  a  copper  colour,  with  black  eyes  and  hair  much 
like  the  hair  of  an  European." 

Bonnycastle  says  of  this  female,  "  She  was  stained  both  body  and  hair, 
of  a  red  colour,  as  is  supposed  from  the  juice  of  the  alder." 

But  it  is  to  Lieut.  Buchan,  and  Mr  John  Peyton  we  are  indebted  for 
the  most  circumstantial  and  reliable  description  of  the  Beothucks.  Both 
these  gentlemen,  as  is  known,  came  into  closer  contact  with  them  than  any 
others  of  education  and  clear  intelligence,  therefore  I  would  take  their 
statements  as  being  thoroughly  reliable.  Buchan,  during  his  amicable 
intercourse  of  several  hours  duration  at  Red  Indian  Lake  in  1811,  had 
an  opportunity  such  as  no  other  person,  at  least  in  modern  times,  enjoyed 
of  taking  close  observation,  not  merely  of  one  or  two  individuals,  but  of 
the  whole  tribe.  He  describes  them  very  fully  thus :  "  Report  has  famed 
these  Indians  as  being  of  gigantic  stature,  this  is  not  the  case,  and  must 
have  originated  from  the  bulkiness  of  their  dress,  and  partly  from  mis- 
representation. They  are  well  formed  and  appear  extremely  healthy  and 
athletic,  and  of  the  medium  structure,  probably  from  five  feet  eight  to 
five  feet  nine  inches,  and  with  one  exception,  black  hair.  Their  features 
are  more  prominent  than  any  of  the  Indian  tribes  that  I  have  seen,  and 
from  what  could  be  discovered  through  a  lacker  of  oil  and  red  ochre  (or 
red  earth)  with  which  they  besmear  themselves  I  was  led  to  conclude 
them  fairer  than  the  generality  of  Indian  complexion."  In  counting  their 
numbers  he  says,  "  There  could  not  be  less  than  thirty  children,  and  most  of 
them  not  exceeding  six  years  of  age,  and  never  were  finer  infants  seen." 

Mary  March  (Demasduit)  is  described  in  the  official  reports  as  a  young 
woman,  about  23  years  of  age,  of  a  gentle  and  interesting  disposition. 
Bonnycastle  says,  "  She  had  hair  much  like  that  of  an  European,  but 
was  of  a  copper  colour,  with  black  eyes.  Her  natural  disposition  was 
docile.  She  was  very  active  and  her  whole  demeanour  agreeable.  In  this 
respect  as  well  as  in  her  appearance,  she  was  very  different  from  the 
Micmacs  or  other  Indians  we  are  acquainted  with." 

Capt.  Hercules  Robinson,  writing  of  her  from  information  obtained 
from  the  Rev.  Mr  Leigh,  says,  "  She  was  quite  unlike  an  Esquimau  in 
face  and  figure,  tall  and  rather  stout  in  body,  limbs  very  small  and  deli- 
cate, particularly  her  arms.  Her  hands  and  feet  were  very  small  and 
beautifully  formed,  and  of  these  she  was  very  proud ;  her  complexion  a 
light  copper  colour,  became  nearly  as  fair  as  an  European's  after  a  course 
of  washing,  and  absence  from  smoke,  her  hair  black,  which  she  delighted 
to  comb  and  oil,  her  eyes  larger  and  more  intelligent  than  those  ot  an 
Esquimau,  her  teeth  small,  white  and  regular,  her  cheek  bones  rather 
high  but  her  countenance  had  a  mild  and  pleasing  expression.  Her  voice 
was  remarkably  sweet,  low  and  musical." 

S3—2 


260  Physical  features  of  the  Beothucks 

Old  Mr  Curtis,  who  was  in  Peyton's  employ  when  she  was  brought 
out  from  the  interior,  says,  "She  was  of  medium  height  and  slender,  and 
for  an  Indian  very  good  looking." 

Rev.  Wm  Wilson,  in  his  diary  gives  a  very  graphic  description  of 
the  three  women  captured  in  1823,  as  he  saw  them  in  the  Court  House 
at  St  John's.  He  says,  "  The  mother  was  far  advanced  in  life,  she  was 
morose,  and  had  the  look  and  action  of  a  savage,  she  seemed  to  look 
with  dread  and  hatred  on  all  who  approached  her.  The  oldest  daughter 
was  in  ill  health,  but  her  sister,  Shanawdithit  or  Nancy,  was  in  good 
health,  and  seemed  about  22  years  of  age.  If  she  had  ever  used  red  ochre 
about  her  person,  there  was  no  sign  of  it  in  her  face.  Her  complexion 
was  swarthy,  not  unlike  the  Micmacs  her  features  were  handsome,  she  was 
a  tall  fine  figure,  and  stood  nearly  six  feet  high,  and  such  a  beautiful  set 
of  teeth,  I  do  not  know  that  I  ever  saw  in  a  human  head.  She  was  bland, 
affable  and  affectionate.  She  appeared  to  be  of  a  very  lively  disposition, 
and  was  easily  roused  and  prone  to  laughter." 

Old  widow  Jure  of  Exploits  Island,  who  was  a  domestic  in  Peyton's 
employ,  at  the  time  Nancy  resided  with  the  family,  describes  her  as  rather 
swarthy  in  complexion,  but  with  very  pleasing  features.  She  was  rather 
inclined  to  be  stout,  but  nevertheless  of  a  good  figure.  She  was  very 
bright  and  intelligent,  and  quick  at  acquiring  the  English  language,  and 
had  a  most  retentive  memory.  At  times  she  was  very  pert,  and  inclined 
to  be  saucy  to  her  mistress,  then  again  she  would  fall  into  sulky  moods, 
take  fits  of  laziness,  and  absolutely  refuse  to  do  any  work.  When  in 
this  state  of  mind  she  would  sometimes  run  away  from  the  house,  and 
hide  herself  in  the  woods  for  a  day  or  two,  but  always  came  back  in 
better  humour.  In  fact  she  was  a  big,  grown,  wayward,  pettish  child,  to 
all  intents. 

Mr  Curtis,  before  mentioned,  says  she  was  industrious  and  intelligent, 
that  she  performed  all  the  usual  household  work,  except  bread  making 
and  did  everything  well.  Old  John  Gill,  whose  mother  also  lived  with 
Nancy  at  Peyton's,  confirmed  all  the  above  statements,  and  added  further, 
"  Nancy  was  very  similar  to  the  Micmacs  in  appearance,  having  about  the 
same  complexion  and  broad  features.  Her  hair  was  jet  black  and  coarse, 
her  figure  tall  and  stout.  She  was  a  good  worker  when  she  felt  inclined 
that  way.  She  was .  subject  to  occasional  melancholy  moods,  and  when 
in  this  state  of  mind  would  do  nothing.  On  the  whole  she  was  of 
a  very  gentle  disposition,  and  not  at  all  inclined  to  viciousness.  She 
displayed  a  marvellous  taste  for  drawing  or  copying  anything,  and  was 
never  so  happy  as  when  supplied  with  paper  and  lead  pencils.  She  was 
strictly  modest  in  her  demeanour,  and  would  permit  no  freedom  on  the 
part  of  the  male  sex.  She  took  great  pride  in  some  fine  clothes  given 
her  by  Captain  Buchan." 

Cormack  also  speaks  of  her  natural  talent  for  drawing.  He  says  she 
evinced  extraordinary  powers  of  mind  in  possessing  the  sense  of  gratitude 
in  the  highest  degree,  strong  affections  for  her  parents  and  friends,  and 
was  of  a  most  lively  disposition.  He  says  in  person  she  was  inclined 
to  be  stout,  but  when  first  taken  was  slender. 


Status  of  Red  Indian  Women  26 1 

The  Hon.  Joseph  Noad,  Surveyor  General  of  the  Colony,  who  writes 
as  though  he  had  seen  Shanawdithit,  describes  her  in  similar  terms.  He 
says,  "her  natural  abilities  were  good,  she  was  grateful  for  any  kindness 
shown  her.  In  height  she  was  five  feet  five  inches." 

Bonnycastle  speaks  of  seeing  a  miniature  of  Shanawdithit  "  which 
without  being  handsome,  shews  a  pleasing  countenance,  not  unlike  in 
expression  to  those  of  the  Canadian  tribes,  round  with  prominent  cheek 
bones,  somewhat  sunken  eyes,  and  small  nose." 

Finally  Mr  Peyton  informed  me  that  the  Red  Indians  as  a  whole 
were  not  such  gigantic  people  as  represented  by  some  of  the  fishermen, 
they  were  of  medium  height  only,  of  a  very  active  lithe  build.  They 
were  a  better  looking  people  than  the  Micmacs,  having  more  regular 
features  with  slightly  aquiline  noses,  not  so  broad  featured,  and  much 
lighter  in  complexion.  They  did  not  appear  to  be  so  fond  of  gaudy 
colours  as  their  continental  neighbours,  except  as  regards  their  custom 
of  using  red  ochre. 

The  above  are  about  all  the  really  reliable  and  trustworthy  references 
to  the  physical  characteristics  of  the  Beothuck  tribe  known  to  me. 

Status  of  the  Red  Indian   Women. 

Amongst  the  Beothucks  the  women  seem  to  have  been  held  in  greater 
esteem  and  been  treated  more  in  accordance  with  civilized  notions  of 
what  is  due  to  the  weaker  sex,  than  was  usual  amongst  savage  peoples. 
At  least  we  are  led  to  infer  as  much  from  several  facts  contained  in  the 
foregoing  references  and  traditions. 

There  are  two  or  three  instances  recorded,  where  when  surprised  by 
the  whites,  the  women  had  recourse  to  appealing  to  their  enemies'  sympathy 
or  better  nature,  by  laying  bare  their  bosoms,  thus  disclosing  their  sex,  in 
the  vain  hope  of  turning  aside  their  enmity.  I  look  upon  this  fact  as 
clearly  indicating  that  such  an  appeal  would  be  considered  amongst  them- 
selves as  one  calculated  to  ward  off  the  threatened  blow.  Then  again  we 
have  the  noble  example  of  affection  displayed  by  poor  Nonos-a-ba-sut, 
husband  of  Mary  March,  who  did  not  hesitate  to  face  his  enemies  and 
brave  death  itself,  in  the  endeavour  to  rescue  his  wife  from  the  despoilers' 
hands.  There  is  the  further  example  of  filial  affection  displayed  by  the 
Indian  boy  August,  who  said  if  he  could  come  across  the  ruffian  who  shot 
his  mother,  he  would  wreak  vengeance  upon  him. 

In  the  tradition  about  the  Carbonear  white  women  captives,  we  are 
told  that  these  women  were  treated  with  every  consideration  by  the 
Indians,  and  that  they  observed  that  their  own  women  were  also  well 
treated  by  the  sterner  sex,  in  that  respect,  fully  as  well  as  amongst 
civilized  beings. 

Mr  Peyton  informed  me,  that  when  conveying  Mary  March  out  to  the 
sea  coast,  they  drew  her  on  a  sled.  She  seemed  to  demand  and  expect 
kindly  treatment  at  their  hands.  She  would  sit  upon  the  sled,  put  out  her 
feet  and  intimate  by  signs  she  wanted  someone  to  lace  up  her  moccasins, 
and  in  many  other  ways  seemed  to  look  upon  such  little  services  as 


262  Custom  of  using  Red  Ochre 

a  matter  of  course.  Both  she  and  Nancy  during  their  sojourn  amongst 
the  white  people,  looked  for  and  expected  as  their  right  such  small 
attentions,  and  resented  anything  approaching  rough,  harsh  or  unseemly 
conduct  on  the  part  of  the  fishermen. 

* 

The  Custom  of  using  Red  Ochre. 

Many  theories  have  been  advanced  to  account  for  this  curious  custom 
of  using  red  ochre,  a  mixture  of  red  earth,  oxide  of  iron  and  oil  or  grease, 
called  by  the  Beothucks  Odemet.  It  appears  to  have  been  their  universal 
practice  to  smear  everything  they  possessed  with  this  pigment.  Not  only 
their  clothing,  implements,  ornaments,  canoes,  bows  and  arrows,  drinking 
cups,  even  their  own  bodies  were  so  treated.  Small  packages  of  this 
material,  tied  up  in  birch  bark,  are  found  buried  with  their  dead,  and 
there  is  evidence  even  that  long  after  the  flesh  had  decomposed  and  fallen 
away,  they  must  have  visited  the  sepulchres  and  rubbed  ochre  over  the 
skeletons  of  their  departed  kin.  At  least  one  such  now  in  the  local 
museum  was  certainly  so  treated. 

It  was  of  course  this  custom  which  gave  origin  to  the  name  of  Red 
Indians  commonly  applied  to  these  people.  There  are  many  conjectures 
as  to  the  purpose  of  this  style  of  adornment.  Some  writers  suppose  it 
may  have  been  intended  as  a  protection  against  the  elements,  or  the 
mosquitoes,  but  it  is  more  generally  conceded  that  the  red  colour  had  for 
them  some  greater  significance,  something  supernatural,  perhaps  intended 
to  act  as  a  talisman,  to  ward  off  the  spirits  of  evil,  or  perhaps  as  a  charm 
against  the  machinations  of  their  enemies1. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  real  object,  it  was  invariably  indulged  in, 
and  several  places  around  the  coast  are  still  pointed  out  where  the  Indians 
procured  the  red  material.  One  of  those  in  Conception  Bay,  is  known  as 
Ochre  Pit  Cove,  another  in  the  Bay  of  Exploits  as  Ochre  Island. 

Of  course  this  custom  of  painting  the  body  with  some  such  pigment 
was  not  confined  to  the  Beothucks,  for  it  appears  to  have  been  practised 
by  most  savages  the  world  over.  We  are  told  that  the  ancient  Britons 
besmeared  themselves  with  woad.  In  the  report  of  the  United  States 
Survey  West  of  the  looth  Meridian,  mention  is  made  of  certain  tribes  of 
the  Pacific  slope,  who  were  in  the  habit  of  painting  or  staining  their 
persons  with  a  red  colour,  supposed  to  be  for  protecting  their  flesh  from 
the  Sun's  heat.  If  we  go  back  still  further,  it  would  appear  that  the 
ancient  Greeks  were  not  exempt  from  a  similar  practice. 

1  Possibly  the  object  of  thus  colouring  the  person  and  clothing  red  may  have  been  the  better 
to  conceal  their  movements  from  the  enemy  or  to  render  themselves  less  conspicuous  when  pursuing 
the  chase,  especially  in  the  autumn,  at  which  season  the  bushes  and  shrubs  covering  the  barrens 
where  the  caribou  most  resort,  assume  many  tints  of  red  and  brown,  corresponding  closely  with 
the  red  ochre  of  the  Indians.  Even  the  natural  colour  of  an  Indian's  complexion  seems  designed 
by  Nature  to  enable  him  the  more  easily  to  approach  game  of  any  kind,  as  I  have  frequently 
observed  myself  when  in  company  with  the  Micmacs.  A  deer,  goose,  or  black  duck  for  instance 
will  observe  a  white  man's  features  much  quicker  than  those  of  an  Indian. 

It  was  this  assimilating  the  natural  colour  of  the  South  African  Veldt  that  caused  our  troops 
and  volunteers  during  the  Boer  war  to  adopt  the  khaki  coloured  uniform,  so  as  to  render  them- 
selves less  conspicuous  to  the  enemy.  Possibly,  this  fact  may  have  suggested  to  the  observant 
Red  man  the  same  idea  of  concealing  his  person  by  artificial  means. 


Report  of  Bureau  of  Ethnology  U.S.  263 

Amongst  most  of  the  tribes  of  North  America  various  colours  were 
used  to  render  the  features  as  repulsive  as  possible,  by  being  daubed  on 
in  streaks  so  as  to  present  a  most  hideous  appearance,  calculated  it  is 
believed,  to  strike  terror  into  their  enemies.  I  scarcely  think  however, 
that  such  could  have  been  the  object  aimed  at  by  our  own  aborigines,  for 
previous  to  the  coming  of  Europeans,  and  the  influx  of  Micmacs  from  the 
mainland  they  had  no  enemies  that  we  are  aware  of. 

Lieut.  Chappel  in  his  Voyage  of  the  Rosamond,  says  in  a  footnote, 
"  Both  ancient  and  savage  nations  have  manifested  this  propensity  to  paint 
or  dye  their  persons.  The  image  of  Jupiter  preserved  in  the  Capitol  at 
Rome  was  painted  with  minium,  and  a  Roman  Emperor  wishing  to  assume 
a  God-like  aspect,  when  entering  the  city  in  triumph,  ornamented  his 
skin  in  imitation  of  the  God.  The  image  of  the  Sphinx  in  Egypt  is 
painted  red.  The  ancient  Britons  painted  their  bodies  of  various  colours, 
and  Capt.  Cook  relates  that  the  natives  of  Van  Diemens  Land  had  their 
hair  and  beards  anointed  with  red  ointment1." 

Numerous  other  references  to  these  peculiar  customs  might  be  quoted, 
but  as  they  are  all  pretty  much  of  the  same  character,  and  moreover  do 
not  throw  much  light  upon  the  subject,  it  is  not  necessary  to  give  them 
here.  The  most  up  to  date  scientific  references  are  as  follows  : 

Report  of  Bureau  of  Ethnology  U.S.   1882-3. 

Significance  has  been  attached  to  several  colours  amongst  all  peoples 
and  in  all  periods  of  culture,  and  is  still  recognised  in  even  the  highest 
civilizations.  As  for  instance,  the  association  of  black  with  death  and 
mourning,  white  with  innocence  and  peace,  red  with  danger ;  yellow 
with  epidemic,  disease,  etc. 

Red  seems  to  be  more  universally  used  than  any  other  colour,  and, 
amongst  various  peoples,  had  its  various  significance.  The  Tabernacle  of 
the  Israelites  was  covered  with  skins  dyed  with  red,  and  today  the  Roman 
Pontiff  and  Cardinals  are  distinguished  by  red  garments. 

In  ancient  art  this  colour  had  a  mystic  sense  or  symbolism  and  its 
proper  use  was  an  important  and  carefully  considered  study.  Red  was  the 
colour  of  Royalty,  fire,  Divine  love,  the  Holy  Spirit,  creative  power  and 
heat.  In  an  opposite  sense  it  symbolised  blood,  war,  hatred,  etc.  Most 
of  the  North  American  Indians  adorned  some  portions  of  their  bodies 

1  From  Article  on  the  Beothucks  by  Rev.  Geo.  Patterson,  D.D.  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Canada, 
1891.  In  referring  to  this  practice,  he  quotes  from  Ezekiel  (Chap,  xxiii.  14,  15),  referring  to  the 
idolatrous  practices  which  the  Jewish  people  borrowed  from  neighbouring  nations,  describes  them 
as  "doting  upon  the  Assyrians,  her  neighbours,  adding  to  her  idolatries,"  "for  when  she  saw  men 
portrayed  on  the  walls  images  of  Chaldeans  portrayed  with  vermilion."  Jeremiah  (Chap.  xxii.  14) 
notices  the  King's  vanity  especially  as  manifest  in  having  his  house  ''''painted  with  vermilion." 
And  the  Book  of  Wisdom  (Chap.  xiii.  14)  represents  them  as  colouring  the  idol  itself  in  this 
manner,  "laying  on  ochre  (Greek  Miltos)  and  with  paint  colouring  it  red,  and  covering  every 
spot  in  z'/."  With  this  accord  the  recently  exhumed  Assyrian  monuments.  M.  Botta  noticed  several 
figures  on  the  walls  of  Khorsabad  yet  retaining  a  portion  of  the  vermilion  with  which  it  had  been 
painted.  There  is  in  the  British  Museum  among  the  marbles  sent  from  Nimroud  by  Mr  Layard  a 
large  slab  with  the  figure  of  the  King  standing  holding  in  his  right  hand  a  staff  and  resting  his 
left  on  the  pommel  of  his  sword,  "still  having  the  soles  of  his  sandals  coloured  red." 

"The  Buddhist  Monks  in  Central  Asia  all  wear  a  red  cloak." 


264  Report  of  Bureau  of  Ethnology  U.S. 

with  this  and  other  colours,  especially  when  going  to  war,  hence  the  term 
"  Putting  on  the  war  paint." 

Amongst  the  New  Zealanders  Red  (kura)  was  closely  connected  with 
their  religious  belief.  Red  paint  was  their  sacred  colour.  Their  Idols, 
stages  for  the  dead,  and  all  offerings  or  sacrifices,  their  Chiefs'  graves, 
houses,  war  canoes,  etc.,  were  all  painted  red. 

To  render  anything  tapu  (taboo)  was  by  making  it  red.  When  a  person 
died  his  house  was  thus  coloured.  When  the  tapu  was  laid  on  anything, 
the  Chief  erected  a  post  and  painted  it  red  or  kura ;  wherever  a  corpse 
rested  some  memorial  was  set  up  and  painted  red.  When  the  hahunga 
took  place,  the  scraped  bones  of  the  Chief  were  so  ornamented,  and  then 
wrapped  in  a  stained  cloth  mat  and  deposited  in  a  box  smeared  with  the 
sacred  colour  and  placed  in  the  tomb.  A  stately  monument  was  then 
erected  to  his  memory  which  was  also  so  coloured. 

In  former  times  the  Chief  anointed  his  entire  person  with  Red  Ochre 
when  fully  dressed  on  state  occasions1. 

Tattooing  seems  to  have  taken  the  place  of  painting  the  body 
amongst  these  people  in  more  modern  times.  This  custom  is  also  preva- 
lent amongst  many  of  the  natives  of  the  Pacific  Islands.  The  Haida  of 
the  Queen  Charlotte  Islands,  and  the  natives  of  Alaska  carried  out  this 
custom  to  a  perhaps  greater  degree  than  any  other  savage  people.  Even 
the  Esquimau  of  the  far  North  indulged  in  it  to  a  lesser  degree,  amongst 
the  female  sex,  the  married  women  only,  tattooed  the  face  especially  the 
cheeks  forehead  and  chin  with  simple  designs. 

In  the  case  of  the  Queen  Charlotte  Islanders  the  custom  seems  to 
have  attained  the  highest  degree  of  art.  Not  only  the  face  and  arms, 
but  all  the  fleshy  portions  of  the  body  were  covered  with  most  grotesque 
designs,  representing  real  or  imaginary  animals.  They  were  the  crests  or 
armorial  bearings  of  the  tribe  or  family  to  which  the  individual  belonged. 
Both  painting  and  tattooing  the  person  in  this  fashion  has  been  made  the 
subject  of  recent  study  especially  by  the  Jesup  North  Pacific  Expedition 
sent  out  to  British  Columbia  in  1897.  The  question  of  "Why  do  the 
Indians  paint  their  faces?"  was  one  of  those  which  engaged  the  most 
earnest  attention  of  the  expedition,  and  it  was  found  to  have  a  far  deeper 
significance  than  was  hitherto  supposed  to  be  the  case. 

The  fact  of  the  matter  is,  that  every  paint  mark  on  an  Indian's  face 
is  a  sign  with  a  definite  meaning  which  other  Indians  may  read.  The 
same  applies  to  the  tattoo  marks.  The  whole  design  represented  the 
totem  (crest)  or  armorial  bearing  of  the  tribe  or  family,  to  which  the 
individual  belonged,  just  as  the  civilized  gentleman  of  noble  birth  has  his 
crest  or  coat  of  arms  to  distinguish  his  family. 

The  subject  is  a  far  reaching  one  as  it  can  be  seen  that  it  carries  us 
back  almost  to  the  advent  of  the  human  race  on  this  globe.  There  are 
some  who  hold  that  even  Adam  himself  may  have  indulged  in  the  red 
ochre  habit,  as  his  very  name  signifies  "  red  earth." 

1  The  Australian  Aboriginal  painted  his  body  with  a  mixture  of  red  ochre  and  grease  and  also 
adorned  the  beard  and  hair  of  his  head  with  same. 


Traditions  of  the  Fisher-folk  about  the  Beothucks        265 

But  to  return  to  our  Aborigines  the  Beothucks,  I  am  greatly  inclined 
to  the  belief  that  with  them  as  with  the  Maoris,  the  custom  had  some 
sacred  significance,  or  was  connected  in  some  way  with  their  religious 
belief.  The  mere  fact  of  their  visiting  the  dead  and  smearing  the  very 
bones  with  red  ochre,  also  of  their  depositing  packets  of  the  material  with 
the  corpse  in  its  last  resting  place,  is  a  clear  indication  that  they  supposed 
the  colour  to  have  some  specially  saving  virtue,  for  the  deceased  on  his 
journey  to  the  "  Happy  hunting  ground." 

Traditions  current  among  the  fisher-folk  and  other  residents 
about  the  Aborigines,  or  Red  Indians. 

There  are  numerous  traditions,  especially  amongst  the  inhabitants  of 
the  more  Northern  Bays,  relative  to  the  Red  Indians.  While  it  is  im- 
possible to  vouch  for  the  correctness  of  many  of  these  stones,  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  the  majority  of  them  have  some  element  of  truth  in  them. 
They  are  chiefly  of  a  sanguinary  character,  and  refer  to  various  encounters 
with  the  Red  Men.  As  all  these  stories  are  more  or  less  interesting, 
I  shall  give  them  just  as  they  were  related  to  me,  except  a  few  which 
are  of  too  revolting  a  character  to  put  in  print. 

I  cannot  here  attempt  to  arrange  these  occurrences  according  to  dates, 
as  nothing  definite  could  be  obtained  on  that  point.  What  appears  to  be 
probably  one  of  the  oldest  relates  to  Carbonear  and  was  obtained  from 
Mr  Claudius  Watts,  a  very  old  and  intelligent  resident  of  Harbour  Grace, 
now  bordering  on  the  century  mark1,  through  his  son  Mr  H.  C.  Watts. 
Mr  Watts  remembered  a  very  old  inhabitant  of  Carbonear,  a  Mr  Thos.  Pike, 
who  died  in  1843,  at  the  great  age  of  103.  This  man's  father  came  out 
from  England  at  an  early  date.  He  remembered  seeing  an  encampment 
of  Red  Indians  on  Carbonear  Beach,  with  whom  he  traded,  exchanging 
iron  and  other  articles  for  furs  &c.  He  said  the  Indians  were  camped 
there  for  several  days,  and  during  that  time  some  of  them  went  down  the 
shore  to  a  place  called  Ochre- Pit  Cove  to  procure  red  ochre,  so  much 
prized  by  them.  Pike  had  in  his  possession  for  a  long  time  some  stone 
implements  and  other  articles  given  him  by  the  Indians,  which  remained 
in  his  family  for  many  years  but  were  eventually  destroyed  by  a  child 
putting  them  in  the  fire,  when  the  heat  split  them  into  fragments.  A  sister 
of  old  Mr  Watts  who  predeceased  him  many  years,  used  to  relate  a 
tradition  current  in  her  young  days  amongst  the  older  inhabitants  of 
Carbonear,  to  the  effect  that  once  the  fishermen  from  that  place  who  used 
to  go  into  Trinity  Bay  every  season  to  fish,  surprised  a  number  of  Indians 
in  a  canoe.  These  all  made  their  escape  except  one  young  girl  who  was 
sick  and  unable  to  get  away.  They  brought  her  to  Carbonear  with  them 
and  kept  her  for  some  time  but  the  Indians  made  a  raid  upon  the  place 
while  the  men  were  absent  fishing,  and  not  only  recaptured  the  girl  but 
carried  off  three  white  women  of  the  place.  The  women  were  returned 
to  Carbonear  in  the  following  spring,  unharmed,  and  fully  dressed  in  deer 

1  Mr  Watts  died  in  1908  at  the  advanced  age  of  98  years. 
H.  34 


266  Traditions  about  the  Beothucks 

skins.  They  gave  a  most  favourable  account  of  their  treatment  by  the 
Indians,  describing  them  as  more  like  civilized  people  than  savages.  Their 
women,  they  said  were  handsome,  and  the  men  of  immense  stature.  They 
had  but  one  wife  each,  and  these  they  treated  as  well  as  white  people  did 
their  wives. 

The  cause  of  the  kidnapping  of  the  three  women  was  supposed  to  be 
in  retaliation  for  the  capture  of  the  girl,  who  it  appeared  was  a  chief's 
daughter  and  a  person  of  note  amongst  them. 

The  tradition  of  the  Indians  procuring  red  ochre  at  the  place  since 
called  Ochre-Pit  Cove,  about  six  miles  below  Carbonear  on  the  north  shore 
of  Conception  Bay,  has  long  been  current. 

Mr  C.  Watts  distinctly  remembers  many  of  the  old  people  some 
80  years  ago,  speaking  of  this  tradition,  which  had  been  handed  down 
from  one  generation  to  another.  According  to  his  story  the  first  settlers 
on  the  north  shore  of  Conception  Bay,  below  Carbonear,  had  frequently 
seen  the  Indians  come  to  Ochre- Pit  Cove  and  take  away  red  ochre  there- 
from, and  there  was  a  place  in  the  cliff  called  Red  Man's  Gulch,  from 
the  circumstance.  A  very  old  man  named  Parsons,  who  lived  in  this 
cove,  and  was  the  grandson  of  another  man  of  the  same  name  who  was 
one  of  the  very  first  settlers  on  the  shore,  used  to  state,  when  his 
grandfather  came  there  an  old  Englishman  who  preceded  him  often  spoke 
of  the  Indians  whom  he  saw  taking  ochre  from  the  cliffs.  Sometimes 
they  came  overland  from  Trinity  Bay,  but  more  frequently  in  their  canoes 
from  up  the  shore  somewhere.  The  settlers  did  not  molest  them  in  any 
way  at  that  time,  and  the  old  Englishman  in  particular  was  on  quite 
friendly  terms  with  them. 

Mr  Watts  also  states  that  an  old  trapper  once  told  him  that  in  the 
month  of  May,  he  with  some  others  were  hunting  somewhere  on  the  South 
side  of  Notre  Dame  Bay,  when  they  came  across  the  body  of  a  huge 
Indian  laying  dead  by  the  side  of  a  river.  As  there  were  no  signs  of 
violence  or  any  marks  of  shot  wounds  on  the  body,  the  trappers  concluded 
that  the  man  must  have  fallen  through  the  ice  and  been  drowned,  and 
when  the  river  broke  up  the  body  had  been  carried  down  by  the  freshets 
to  where  they  saw  it. 

Mr  Watts  remembers  many  years  ago,  hearing  from  a  reliable  source, 
that  some  hunters  being  in  the  interior  of  Labrador  near  Forteau  came 
across  the  footprints  of  men,  who  judging  from  their  great  strides,  must 
have  been  of  immense  stature.  The  hunters  came  up  with  the  encamp- 
ment of  these  people  about  sunset,  but  as  soon  as  they  showed  themselves, 
the  Red  Men,  as  they  called  them,  made  a  hasty  retreat,  leaving  all  their 
camp  equipage  behind.  Another  tradition  amongst  the  Carbonear  men  who 
used  to  fish  in  the  straits  of  Belle  Isle  was  to  the  effect,  that  the  Nascopie 
Indians  of  Labrador  told  of  a  strange  race  of  big  men  having  been  seen 
by  some  of  their  tribe  on  several  occasions.  It  was  thought  the  Nascopie 
and  Eskimo  killed  them  out. 


Rev.   W.   Wilson  on  the  Red  Indians  267 

Notes  on  the  Red  Indians  from  "Newfoundland  and  its  Missionaries" 
By  Rev.    W.    Wilson.     Page  308. 

"  A  place  called  Bloody  Bay1  on  the  north  side  of  Bonavista  Bay, 
has  often  been  named  to  the  writer  as  a  place  where  frequent  encounters 
had  occurred  with  the  Red  Indians — 

"  In  a  place  called  Cat  Harbour,  some  Indians  came  one  night  and 
took  all  the  sails  from  a  fishing  boat.  The  next  day  they  were  pursued 
and  when  seen,  were  on  a  distant  hill,  with  the  sails  cut  into  a  kind  of 
cloak,  and  daubed  all  over  with  red  ochre.  Two  men  belonging  to  the  party 
who  had  gone  in  pursuit  of  the  Indians,  were  rowing  along  the  shore,  when 
they  saw  a  goose,  swimming  in  the  water,  and  went  in  pursuit  of  it.  But 
it  proved  to  be  merely  a  decoy,  for  while  their  attention  was  arrested  two 
Indians  rose  up  from  concealment,  and  discharges  their  arrows  at  them 
but  without  effect." 

A  man  named  Rousell,  one  of  the  first  settlers  in  Hall's  Bay,  was 
reputed  as  being  a  great  Indian  killer. 

Many  stories  are  told  of  this  old  Rousell's  treatment  of  the  Indians. 
It  is  said  he  never  went  anywhere  without  his  long  flint-lock  gun,  and 
woe  betide  the  unfortunate  Beothuck  who  dared  to  show  himself  near 
where  Rousell  was.  It  has  even  been  stated  that  should  a  bush  move  or 
any  noise  emanate  therefrom  Rousell  would  immediately  point  his  gun  at 
the  spot  and  let  go.  He  is  said  never  to  have  spared  one  of  the  natives. 
In  the  end,  they  killed  him  and  carried  off  his  head  as  was  their  usual 
custom2. 

On  the  other  hand  a  brother  of  his  who  never  molested  the  poor 
creatures  was  treated  well.  They  did  him  no  injury,  except  to  help  them- 
selves occasionally  to  a  salmon  from  his  weir.  They  would  even  come  to 
one  side  of  the  brook  while  he  was  at  the  other  and  take  a  fish  out  before 
his  face,  so  bold  were  they  with  him.  They  would  call  him  by  name 
Tom  Rouse,  and  hold  up  the  fish  for  him  to  see  it.  They  were  perfectly 
aware  of  the  difference  between  the  two  brothers,  and  that  while  one  was 
their  deadly  enemy,  the  other  would  not  harm  them. 

Thomas  Peyton,  son  of  the  man  who  captured  Mary  March,  told  me 
that  another  old  man  named  Genge  who  lived  alone  at  a  place  called 
Indian  Arm,  frequently  saw  the  Red  Indians,  but  he  never  interfered  with 
them,  they  in  turn  did  not  harm  him.  They  would  approach  his  tilt  at 
night  and  peep  in  through  the  chinks  at  him,  but  he  always  had  a  dog 
with  him,  of  which  the  Indians  were  very  much  afraid.  They  would  not 
dare  enter  the  tilt  while  the  dog  was  there.  Genge  used  to  put  out  a 
salmon  or  other  food  for  them  through  a  trap  in  his  door,  and  they, 
understanding  it  was  so  meant,  would  approach  and  take  it  away.  They 
never  harmed  or  in  anyway  interfered  with  this  man,  except  to  visit  his 
weir  or  nets  and  take  out  a  salmon  to  eat.  As  in  the  case  of  Rousell, 
they  would  come  while  Genge  was  present  at  one  side  of  the  river  and 

1  Since  renamed  Alexander  Bay. 

2  This  occurred  at  New  Bay.     The  Indians  had  constructed  an  ambush  of  bushes,  trom  which 
hey  rushed  out  and  seized  Rousell  before  he  had  time  to  defend  himself. 

34—2 


268  Traditions  about  encounters  with  Beothucks 

from  the  other  side,  run  out  on  his  dam  and  dexterously  spear  a  fish  and 
make  off  with  it.  He  never  fired  at  them,  and  they  were  perfectly  aware 
of  his  friendly  disposition,  and  in  turn  never  molested  him  further  than 
to  take  an  occasional  fish,  as  above  stated.  He  would  leave  a  fish  on  his 
splitting  table  for  them  then  watch  from  his  tilt  to  see  them  come  and  take 
it  away.  He  also  stated  that  they  would  go  where  he  had  his  nets  hung 
up  to  dry  and  pick  the  sea-weed  out  of  them. 

Another  man  named  Facey  or  Tracy  lived  in  Loo  Bay  salmon  fishing, 
and  had  a  boy  with  him.  Once  when  the  boy  was  out  in  a  boat  shooting  sea 
birds,  and  while  rowing  along  shore,  he  was  shot  in  the  throat  with  an 
arrow,  by  some  Indians  concealed  in  the  bush.  The  boy  siezed  his  gun 
(an  old  flint  lock),  and  raised  it  to  fire  at  the  place  where  the  arrow 
came  from,  but  as  he  raised  it  to  his  shoulder  the  profuse  bleeding  from 
his  wound  fell  into  the  pan  of  the  gun,  damping  the  powder  so  that  it 
would  not  ignite.  He  then  rowed  back  in  all  haste  and  informed  his 
master  of  what  had  occurred.  "Never  mind,"  said  Facey  (?),  "I'll  settle  that." 
Forthwith  he  loaded  up  all  his  guns,  and  at  daylight  next  morning  set  off 
in  his  boat  to  hunt  up  the  Indians.  As  he  pulled  along  shore  he  observed 
a  path  leading  into  the  woods,  which  he  followed  up,  and  soon  came  across 
an  Indian  wigwam  in  which  the  inmates  were  still  asleep.  He  raised 
the  deer-skin  door  and  peeped  in.  There  were  two  occupants  only  still 
sound  asleep  (my  informant  stated  that  the  Indians  were  great  sleepers). 
Facey  (?)  called  out  to  them  twice  before  they  became  aroused,  and  as  soon 
as  they  jumped  up,  he  fired  first  at  one,  then  seizing  a  second  gun  fired 
at  the  other.  He  would  never  admit  that  he  killed  them,  only  stating  that 
he  gave  them  a  fright. 

I  was  once  informed  that  some  fishermen  or  furriers  in  some  part  of 
Notre  Dame  Bay,  having  been  subjected  to  frequent  depredations  on  the 
part  of  the  Indians,  determined  to  kill  them  out.  The  furriers  went  in 
pursuit,  and  succeeded  in  surprising  the  Red  men  while  still  asleep  in 
their  wigwam.  They  stole  cautiously  forward  surrounded  the  wigwam  and 
then  set  it  on  fire.  The  wigwam  or  mamateek,  being  constructed  of  birch 
bark,  a  most  inflammable  material,  was  ablaze  in  a  minute  or  two.  The 
unfortunate  Indians  rushed  from  the  blazing  structure  and  tried  to  escape, 
but  they  were  shot  down  as  they  emerged,  and  not  a  single  individual  escaped 
alive. 

On  June  I3th  1809,  one  Michael  Turpin,  an  Irishman,  was  killed  and 
scalped  (head  cut  off)(?)  at  a  place  called  Sandy  Cove  on  Fogo  Island, 
near  Tilton  Harbour.  He  with  others,  men  and  women,  were  engaged 
planting  their  gardens,  some  distance  from  the  settlement,  when  the  Indians 
made  a  descent  upon  them,  all  fled  and  escaped  except  Turpin  who  was  shot 
down  with  arrows.  One  of  the  women  was  the  first  to  give  the  alarm.  The 
settlers  rallied  and  went  in  pursuit,  but  the  Indians  had  made  good  their 
retreat,  having  first  cut  off  Turpin's  head  which  they  carried  off  with  them. 

Fishermen  relate  that  on  several  occasions  the  Indians  were  seen  in 
their  canoes  coming  from  the  Funk  Islands'  where  they  had  been  in  search 

1  These  rocks,  the  "  Isle  Ouseaux,"  of  the  old  maps,  were  the  principal  habitat  and  last  resting 
place  of  the  Great  Auk,  Alca  impennis,  long  extinct. 


/.  B.  Jukes   stories  269 

of  eggs  and  sea  birds.  This  invariably  took  place  during  foggy  weather, 
and  it  was  only  when  they  suddenly  appeared  out  of  the  fog,  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  fishing  boats  that  they  were  seen.  On  such  occasions,  as  soon  as 
they  described  the  fishing  boats,  they  immediately  swerved  to  one  side  and 
made  off  at  great  speed.  It  is  certain  that  they  did  visit  these  distant  islets 
(over  forty  miles  from  the  main  island),  as  some  of  their  paddles  and  other 
belongings  were  found  on  these  island  rocks.  It  is  thought  probable  some 
of  them  had  been  wrecked  there  during  one  of  their  visits. 

A  very  intelligent  native  of  Old  Perlican  in  Trinity  Bay  named  Jabez 
Tilley,  gave  me  the  following  tradition,  which  he  often  heard  the  old  people 
relate  when  he  was  a  youth. 

Several  of  the  then  oldest  inhabitants  remembered  the  depredations 
committed  by  the  Indians  as  late  as  1775.  They  came  at  night  and  stole 
the  sails  and  other  articles  from  a  boat  on  the  collar1,  as  well  as  all  the  gear 
they  could  lay  hands  upon.  Tilley's  informant,  a  Mrs  Warren,  with  others 
were  up  all  night  splitting  fish  in  a  stage  close  by,  but  they  did  not  hear  the 
Indians  approach.  Next  day  a  party  was  organized  and  being  fully  armed  set 
out  in  pursuit.  They  saw  the  smoke  of  the  Indians  camp  near  Lower  Lance 
Cove,  and  laying  concealed  all  night,  they  surprised  the  Indians,  while  still 
asleep,  at  daylight  next  morning,  when  they  shot  seven  of  them,  but  the  rest 
escaped.  One  huge  savage,  after  being  shot  twice,  rose  up  again  and 
discharged  an  arrow  at  them,  but  he  was  immediately  shot  through  the  heart. 
He  is  said  to  have  been  nearly  seven  feet  tall. 

The  fishermen  now  loaded  their  boats  with  the  stolen  articles  and  also 
everything  belonging  to  the  Indians  they  could  carry  away.  Being  desirous 
of  exhibiting  the  huge  savage  at  Perlican,  but  having  no  room  in  their  boat  for 
the  body,  they  tied  a  rope  around  his  neck  and  tried  to  tow  him  along. 
A  strong  NE.  breeze  having  sprung  up,  they  were  obliged  to  cut  the  corpse 
adrift,  and  make  all  speed  back. 

The  poor  Indian's  body  drove  ashore  at  Lance  Cove  Head  where  it 
lay  festering  in  the  sun  till  the  autumnal  gales  and  heavy  seas  dislodged  it2. 
In  the  meantime,  all  through  the  summer  many  visited  the  place  to  inspect 
the  body. 

Another  tradition  was  current  to  the  effect  that  on  one  occasion  400 
Indians  were  surprised  and  driven  out  on  a  point  of  land  near  H ant's 
Harbour,  known  as  Bloody  Point,  and  all  were  destroyed. 

Tilley  related  other  stories  he  had  heard  which  are  altogether  too 
revolting  to  give  in  detail  here. 

J.  B.  Jukes,  M.A.,  F.G.S.,  F.C.P.S.,  who  conducted  a  Geological 
Survey  in  Newfoundland  in  1839-40,  and  afterwards  wrote  a  book  of  his 
travels,  entitled,  Excursions  in  Newfoundland,  relates  that  his  Micmac 
guide,  one  Sulian,  had  a  tradition  that  about  the  beginning  of  the  1 7th 
Century,  a  great  battle  took  place  between  the  Micmacs  and  the  Red 
Indians  at  the  head  of  Grand  Pond  (Lake),  but  as  the  former  were  then 

1  Place  where  the  fishermen  moored  their  boats. 

2  What   seems   to   bear  out   this    story,    is    the  fact  that   on   the    maps   of  to-day   and    in   close 
proximity  to  Lance  Cove  is  a  headland  called  Salvage  (i.e.  Savage)  Point. 


270  Traditions  related  by  'various  parties 

armed  with  guns  they  defeated  the  latter,  and  massacred  every  man,  woman 
and  child. 

Peyton  always  affirmed  that  the  Red  Indians  had  a  great  dread  of  the 
Micmacs,  whom  they  called  Shannock,  meaning  bad  Indians,  or  "bad  men." 
They  used  to  point  out  a  tributary  of  the  Exploits,  flowing  in  from  the 
South,  by  way  of  which  the  Micmacs,  came  into  their  territory.  He  ac- 
cordingly named  this  Shannock  Brook,  now  Noel  Paul's  Brook.  Peyton 
also  told  Jukes  that  the  Red  Indians  were  on  good  terms  with  the  Labrador 
Indians  (Mountaineers)  ?  whom  they  called  Shudamunks,  or  Shaunamuncks, 
meaning  "good  Indians."  That  they  mutually  visited  each  others  country 
and  traded  for  axes  and  other  implements.  The  Mountaineers,  he  said,  came 
over  from  Labrador  across  the  Strait  of  Belle  Isle,  they  were  dressed  in  deer 
skins  similarly  to  the  Beothucks,  but  they  did  not  redden  themselves  with 
ochre.  The  Red  Indians  also  knew  the  Esquimaux,  whom  they  despised,  and 
called  the  "  four  paws." 

Jukes  mentions  the  old  tradition  about  the  feast  of  the  Micmacs  and 
Red  Indians,  the  discovery  of  the  former's  treachery,  and  their  consequent 
destruction,  and  adds,  "  after  this  feast  frequent  encounters  between  them 
took  place,  the  one  already  mentioned  near  the  head  of  Grand  Pond,  and 
another  at  Shannock  Brook  on  the  Exploits,  but  the  Micmacs  possessing 
fire  arms  were  usually  victorious." 

An  old  man  named  George  Wells,  of  Exploits  Burnt  Island,  gave  me 
the  following  information  in  1886.  He  was  then  a  man  of  76  years  of 
age,  and  remembered  seeing  Mary  March  and  Nancy  (Shanawdithit)  at 
Peytons.  He  confirmed  the  statement  about  Shanawdithit  being  a  tall  stout 
woman,  nearly  six  feet  high.  His  great  uncle  on  his  mother's  side,  Rousell 
of  New  Bay,  saw  much  of  the  Indians  and  could  tell  a  great  deal  about 
them.  He,  Rousell  was  killed  by  them  while  taking  salmon  out  of  his 
pound  (weir)  in  New  Bay  River.  The  Indians  hid  in  the  bushes  and  shot 
him  with  arrows,  wounding  him  very  severely.  He  ran  back  towards  his 
salmon  house  where  he  had  a  gun  tailed,  but  he  fell  dead  before  reaching 
it.  Rousell  used  to  relate  many  stories  about  the  Indians,  he  often  lay 
hidden  and  watched  them  at  work.  Once  as  he  rowed  along  shore  he  saw 
several  of  them  on  a  hill,  who  shouted  out  to  him.  They  were  ensconced 
behind  a  big  rock  to  shelter  themselves  from  shot,  as  they  could  not  in- 
duce him  to  come  nearer  than  within  several  gun  shots  of  them,  one  big- 
Indian  drew  his  bow  and  fired  an  arrow  in  the  air  with  such  strength 
and  precision  that  it  fell  in  the  after  part  of  his  boat  and  pierced  through 
an  iron  or  tin  bail-bucket  pinning  it  to  the  plank  at  the  bottom. 

They  frequently  lay  in  ambush  for  the  fishermen  and  even  used  decoys, 
such  as  sea  birds  attached  to  long  lines.  When  the  fishermen  approached 
and  gave  chase  to  the  birds,  in  their  boats  the  Indians  would  gradually  draw 
their  decoys  towards  the  shore,  in  order  to  get  the  boats  within  reach  of 
their  arrows.  They  sometimes  used  "dumb  arrows/'  all  of  wood,  without 
any  iron  point,  which  by  reason  of  their  lightness  fell  short  when  fired  off, 
thus  leading  the  fishermen  to  believe  they  could  approach  nearer  without 
running  any  risk,  but  when  they  did  so  they  were  met  with  a  shower  of 
well  pointed  and  heavier  arrows. 


Various  Traditions  271 

The  Indians  once  stole  a  salmon  net  from  Rousell's  brother  in  Hall's 
Bay  and  carried  it  across  to  the  Bay  of  Exploits,  they  then  cut  out  every 
second  mesh  and  used  it  for  catching  seals.  I  was  told  here  that  some 
Red  Indians  were  killed  in  White  Bay,  some  years  after  Shanawdithit's 
death  (?)]. 

Wells  stated  that  the  Rousell's  had  many  implements  belonging  to  the 
Indians,  including  also  some  of  their  canoes.  He  confirmed  the  shape  of 
the  canoe,  except  that  it  was  round  on  the  bottom  similar  to  the  Micmac's2. 

He  represented  it  thus  being  very  high  at  the 
bows.  According  to  him  their  dress  consisted  of 
a  single  robe  of  deer  skin,  without  sleeves,  belted 
around  the  waist,  and  reaching  midway  between 
the  knee  and  ankle.  The  moccasins  were  made  from  the  deer's  shanks, 
just  as  they  were  cut  off  the  legs,  and  sewn  round  to  form  the  toe  part. 
They  reached  up  the  calf  of  the  leg  to  about  the  end  of  the  deer  skin  robe, 
and  were  tied  round  with  deer  skin  thongs. 

O 

In  summer,  he  says  they  wore  no  clothes  (?)  They  never  washed  but 
smeared  themselves  over  with  red  ochre.  Their  bows  were  fully  6  feet 
long  made  of  spruce  or  fir  and  were  very  powerful.  They  were  thick  in 
the  central  part  but  flattened  away  towards  either  end,  where  the  spring 
chiefly  lay.  The  string  was  of  plaited  (twisted)  (?)  deer  skin.  There  was  a 
strip  of  skin  fastened  along  the  outer,  or  flat  side  of  this  bow.  The  hand 
grasping  the  bow  passed  inside  this  strip,  with  the  arrow  placed  between 
the  fingers  to  guide  it.  So  dexterous  were  they  in  the  use  of  this  weapon, 
that  they  could  arrange  five  or  six  arrows  at  a  time  between  the  fingers, 
and  shoot  them  off,  one  after  the  other,  with  great  rapidity,  and  unerring 
aim.  The  point  or  spear  of  the  arrow  was  made  of  iron,  and  was  fully 
6  inches  long3. 

Wells  is  positive  they  knew  how  to  heat  and  forge  iron,  he  says  they 
would  keep  it  several  days  in  the  fire  to  render  it  soft.  They  used  an 
old  axe,  set  into  a  junk  of  wood,  with  the  sharp  edge  turned  up,  upon 
which  they  would  work  the  iron  back  and  forth,  till  it  assumed  the  requisite 
shape  and  then  grind  it  down  sharp  on  a  stone. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  stories  I  have  heard  was  related  to  me 
by  an  old  fisherman,  in  the  Bay  of  Exploits  in  1886.  It  runs  as  follows: 
"  Once  a  crew  of  fishermen  were  somewhere  up  the  Bay,  making  what 
is  termed  a  '  winter's  work,'  i.e.  cutting  timber  and  sawing  plank  for 
boat  and  schooner  building  etc.  While  at  work  in  their  saw-pit,  beneath 
a  sloping  bank  and  close  to  the  woods,  they  were  annoyed  by  someone 
throwing  snow  balls  at  them,  from  the  top  of  the  bank.  Thinking  it  was 
some  friends  from  another  camp,  who  were  amusing  themselves  in  this 
way,  they  did  not  pay  much  heed  at  first,  but  after  a  while,  as  the  annoyance 
continued,  one  of  the  party  determined  to  investigate.  He  climbed  up  the 

1  This  story  is  scarcely  to  be  believed, 

2  I  think   the  old  man  must    be  mistaken   about   the    bottom   of  the  canoe   being   round,   when 
such   reliable   authorities   as    Cartwright,   Cormack,   Peyton,  &c.,  affirm   so   positively   that   it   was   V 
shaped. 

3  This  of  course  refers  to  a  comparatively  recent  date  when  they  learnt  the  use  of  iron,  which 
they  stole  from  the  fishermen. 


272  Various  Traditions 

bank  and  entered  the  woods,  and  not  returning  again,  his  companions,  after 
a  long  delay,  believing  something  must  have  happened  to  him,  went  in 
search,  he  was  nowhere  to  be  found.  They  soon  came  across  footprints  in 
the  snow,  apparently  made  by  Indians,  and  then  unmistakable  signs  of  a 
struggle.  It  was  very  evident  to  them  that  their  unfortunate  companion 
had  been  seized  by  the  Red  men  and  forcibly  carried  off.  In  vain  they 
searched  all  around  but  the  Indians  had  a  good  start  of  them  and  had 
gone  away  into  the  interior  with  their  captive.  Nothing  more  was  heard 
of  the  missing  man  till  a  year  or  more  had  elapsed.  One  day  some 
fishermen  including  some  of  the  same  party,  were  rowing  along  shore  in 
the  vicinity,  when  they  were  suddenly  surprised  by  seeing  a  man  rush  out 
of  the  woods  jump  into  the  water  and  make  towards  them,  at  the  same 
time  making  signals  and  calling  some  of  them  by  name. 

"  Although  dressed  in  deerskin,  and  besmeared  with  red  ochre,  like  all 
the  Indians  they  nevertheless  recognized  their  long  lost  friend,  and  rowed 
towards  him.  In  the  meantime,  just  as  he  gained  the  boat  a  number  of 
Indians  appeared  on  the  beach,  wildly  gesticulating  and  discharged  a  flight 
of  arrows  at  the  party.  One,  a  woman,  holding  aloft  an  infant,  waded  out  to 
her  waist  in  the  water,  and  entreating  the  fugitive  by  voice  and  gesture 
to  come  back,  but  seeing  it  was  of  no  avail,  and  that  the  boat  into 
which  he  had  clambered,  was  moving  away  from  the  shore  she  drew  from 
her  girdle  a  large  knife,  and  deliberately  cut  the  infant  in  two  parts,  one 
of  which  she  flung  with  all  her  might  towards  the  retreating  boat,  the 
other,  she  pressed  to  her  bosom,  in  an  agony  of  grief. 

"  The  fisherman  now  told  his  story,  which  was  to  the  effect  that  upon 
climbing  over  the  bank,  and  entering  the  woods  he  was  suddenly  pounced 
upon  bound  and  gagged  before  he  could  make  any  outcry,  by  the  Indians 
who  were  concealed  in  a  hollow  close  by.  They  then  made  a  precipitate 
retreat,  carrying  him  with  them,  away  into  the  interior.  For  a  long  while 
they  kept  a  close  watch  upon  him  never  leaving  him  for  a  moment  un- 
guarded. One  of  the  Indian  women  who  took  a  particular  fancy  to  him, 
presumably  because  he  was  a  red  headed  man,  was  given  him  to  wife  in 
Indian  fashion,  and  in  course  of  time  a  child  was  born  to  them.  The  tribe 
wandered  about  the  interior  from  place  to  place,  and  believing  now  that 
their  captive  had  become  thoroughly  reconciled  to  his  surroundings,  they 
relaxed  their  vigilance.  On  again  approaching  the  seacoast  and  seeing 
some  of  his  old  friends  and  associates,  his  natural  desire  to  regain  his 
liberty  and  return  to  his  fellow  whites,  overcame  all  other  considerations. 
He  made  a  dash  for  the  boat  and  as  we  have  seen  was  fortunate  enough 
to  escape  the  arrows  and  rejoin  his  friends." 

A  man  named  Carey  or  Kierly,  whose  descendants  are  still  living  at 
Herring  Neck,  was  one  of  those  who  accompanied  Peyton  to  Red  Indian 
Lake,  at  the  time  Mary  March  was  captured.  He  frequently  related  the 
story  of  her  capture,  and  told  how  the  husband  of  Mary  seized  old  Mr  Peyton 
by  the  throat  and  would  have  made  short  work  of  him,  had  not  some 
one  stabbed  the  Indian  in  the  back  with  a  bayonet.  This  was  probably 
the  same  Carey  whom  Cormack  mentions  as  having  killed  the  Indians  in 
New  Bay,  and  boasted  of  it  as  a  deed  to  be  proud  of. 


Inspector  Grimes'  stories  273 


Inspector  Grimes    stories. 

Inspector  Grimes  of  the  Newfoundland  Constabulary,  a  native  of 
Notre  Dame  Bay,  heard  many  stories  about  the  Indians  in  his  younger 
days.  He  said  his  father  remembered  seeing  the  man  June  and  confirms 
the  statement  of  June's  taking  charge  of  a  fishing  boat.  June  was  drowned 
by  the  upsetting  of  his  boat  while  entering  Fogo  Harbour. 

He  relates  how  a  party  of  fishermen  were  attacked  in  their  boat  by 
the  Indians  and  all  killed  except  one  man  who  managed  to  effect  his 
escape  with  an  arrow  sticking  in  his  neck  behind  the  ear,  in  this  plight 
he  reached  his  home  with  the  boat. 

He  heard  of  two  boys  being  killed  on  Twillingate  Island,  their  heads 
cut  off  and  carried  away. 

One  Richmond,  a  noted  Indian  killer,  told  many  stories  about  them. 
He  said  he  once  saw  a  dead  Indian  7  feet  tall.  When  questioned  as 
to  whether  he  shot  the  man,  he  would  say  no,  he  found  him  dead  by 
the  side  of  a  brook,  and  supposed  that  he  had  been  drowned  by  falling 
through  the  ice,  and  that  the  body  had  been  carried  down  by  the  spring 
freshets.  Everybody  believed  he  shot  the  man,  and  it  was  common  talk 
that  Richmond  and  another  man,  in  a  boat,  were  proceeding  under  sail 
along  shore  to  overhaul  their  Otter  traps,  when  peeping  beneath  the  sail 
he  observed  an  Indian  on  the  shore,  in  the  act  of  adjusting  an  arrow  to 
fire  at  them.  He  sung  out  to  his  companion  to  shoot  quickly.  The  other 
grabbed  up  his  gun  but  it  missed  fire,  where  upon  Richmond  seized  his 
own  gun  and  killed  the  Indian  dead  on  the  spot. 

Richmond  or  Richards1  was  another  of  those  furriers  who  was  present 
with  the  Peytons  at  the  capture  of  Mary  March  in  1819.  He  was  fond 
of  relating  the  following  stories. 

Richmond  used  to  say  the  Indians  were  nasty  brutes  and  stunk  horribly. 
It  has  frequently  been  asserted  by  others  also  that  they  took  a  delight  in 
befouling  everything  belonging  to  the  fishermen  especially  anything  in  the 
way  of  food,  they  came  across,  but  I  expect,  if  the  truth  were  known, 
this  was  merely  used  as  a  pretext  for  destroying  them. 

Another  man  named  Pollard  was  also  reputed  as  a  great  Indian 
slayer,  and  was  one  of  those  who  openly  boasted  of  his  achievements  in 
that  line. 

An  old  man  named  Jones  who  was  with  Peyton  at  the  capture  of 
Mary  March  stated  that  they  found  in  one  wigwam,  Peyton's  watch  broken 
up  and  distributed  about  the  wigwam,  also  in  a  Martin  skin  pouch  some 
silver  coins  which  were  in  Mr  Peyton's  pockets  at  the  time  his  boat  was 
stolen.  This  man  also  affirmed  that  the  Indians  had  a  kind  of  telegraphic 
communication  between  the  several  wigwams,  by  means  of  salmon  twine 
stretched  along  from  one  to  another.  This  was  raised  above  the  ground, 
and  rested  in  the  forks  of  sticks,  stuck  up  at  intervals,  or  on  the  branches  of 

1  Mr  Thos.  Peyton  says  "  the  man's  name  was  Richards  and  was  usually  called  Dick  Richards. 
He  was  an  old  brute.  He  was  one  of  my  father's  party  at  the  capture  of  Mary  March.  He  it 
was  who  shot  her  husband  at  that  time,  and  caused  all  the  trouble." 

H.  35 


274  Traditions  related  by  the  fishermen 

trees  which  happened  to  come  convenient.  By  this  means  if  one  wigwam 
was  surprised  the  alarm  could  be  given  to  the  others  by  pulling  the  string. 
He  did  not  say  what  was  the  medium  at  the  end  of  the  line  by  which 
the  alarm  was  received. 

Rev.  Mr  Cogan  C.E.  Missionary  informed  me  that  a  man  named 
Butler  of  White  Bay  was  with  Peyton  in  1819  at  Red  Indian  Lake 
and  amongst  other  things  found  in  their  wigwams,  picked  up  a  silver 
tablespoon. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  i8th  century,  a  dozen  or  more  furriers 
came  in  contact  with  a  large  body  of  Red  Indians  somewhere  in  the 
interior,  when  a  pitched  battle  was  fought  between  them.  The  Indians 
were  led  by  a  huge  powerful  looking  man  who  appeared  to  be  their  chief, 
and  who  tried  to  induce  his  party  to  rush  on  the  whitemen  and  over- 
whelm them,  but  they  were  too  much  afraid  of  the  long  flint-lock  guns 
with  which  the  latter  were  armed.  After  a  few  discharges  of  arrows  on 
the  one  side  and  balls  or  slugs  on  the  other,  the  chief  who  was  hit  twice 
and  badly  wounded,  rushed  forward  alone,  and  seized  one  of  the  whitemen 
in  his  arms,  and  was  making  off  with  him  when  a  well  directed  ball  from 
the  leader  of  the  furriers  struck  him  in  the  side.  He  fell  forward  releasing 
his  hold  on  the  whiteman,  who  immediately  ran  back  and  rejoined  his 
fellows.  When  they  saw  their  chief  laid  low  the  rest  of  the  Indians  fled 
from  the  scene.  The  dying  chief  was  seen  to  hold  his  hands  beneath 
the  wound  in  his  side,  and  catch  the  blood  flowing  therefrom  and  then 
drink  it,  but  his  life  soon  ebbed  away.  The  furriers  said  had  the  Indians 
rushed  on  them  in  a  body  as  their  chief  desired  they  could  have  easily 
killed  the  whole  party,  before  they  would  have  time  to  reload  their 
guns. 

Somewhere  about  this  same  date  a  man  named  Cooper  was  killed  by 
the  Indians,  in  some  part  of  Notre  Dame  Bay.  His  brother,  who  was 
then  at  college  in  England,  on  learning  the  circumstance,  swore  he  would 
be  avenged  upon  them.  When  arrived  at  manhood  he  came  back  to 
Twillingate,  learned  all  he  could  about  the  Red  Men,  their  habits,  loca- 
tion &c.,  he  then  fitted  out  a  skiff,  and  procured  a  number  of  guns  with 
plenty  of  ammunition,  to  go  in  search  of  them.  As  he  could  not  induce 
anyone  to  join  him,  he  got  hold  of  a  poor  halfwitted  individual  made  him 
drunk,  took  him  aboard  the  skiff,  and  started  off  for  New  Bay  during 
the  night  time.  He  arrived  there  early  in  the  morning.  The  Indians 
observing  gave  chase  in  several  canoes.  When  Cooper  saw  so  many  of 
them  he  tried  to  get  away,  but  as  the  wind  was  light  the  canoes  soon 
gained  upon  him.  Seeing  he  could  not  escape  them  he  took  down  his 
sail  and  prepared  to  do  battle.  When  within  about  100  yards  of  the 
skiff  one  of  the  Indians  fired  an  arrow  at  Cooper  which  barely  missed 
him.  He  returned  the  fire  and  kept  up  a  regular  fusilade,  firing  as  fast 
as  his  companion  could  reload  the  guns.  They  tried  to  surround  him, 
but  some  of  their  canoes  were  riddled  with  shot  and  ball  and  began  to 
fill  with  water,  so  they  turned  and  made  for  the  shore.  When  out  of 
range  of  shot  Cooper  continued  to  fire  ball  at  them,  and  the  story  goes 
that  not  one  canoe  reached  land,  and  that  a  number  of  the  Indians  were 


Mr  Thomas  Peyton's  story  275 

killed    or   drowned.      The    canoes   were    large    and    each   contained  quite   a 
number  of  men. 

At  Herring  Neck  the  Indians  committed  several  depredations.  Once 
they  cut  up  the  sails  of  a  fishing  boat  and  all  the  fishermens'  lines,  besides 
doing  various  other  mischief.  They  lay  concealed  in  their  canoe  under- 
neath the  fishing  stage  while  the  fisherfolk  were  at  work  therein,  and  as 
soon  as  the  latter  retired  to  their  houses,  the  Indians  emerged,  and  were 
rowing  away  when  detected.  The  fishermen  gave  chase  but  the  Indians, 
having  a  good  start,  managed  to  make  good  their  escape. 

On  another  occasion  they  made  their  appearance  at  the  same  place, 
when  all  the  fishermen  were  absent,  and  only  two  women,  a  mother  and 
daughter,  named  Stuckly,  were  at  home.  The  older  woman  was  out  of 
doors  spreading  clothes  to  dry  when  the  Indians  raided  the  house,  and 
one  of  them  seized  the  girl,  a  young  woman  of  about  19  years  of  age, 
and  was  carrying  her  off  bodily,  when  she  screamed  to  her  mother  for 
help.  The  old  woman  immediately  ran  to  her  assistance,  and  seizing  one 
of  the  poles  supporting  her  clothes  line,  struck  the  Indian  such  a  stunning 
blow  on  the  head,  that  he  dropped  his  burthen  and  made  off  holding  his 
hand  to  the  injured  part. 

Mr  Thos.  Peyton,  to  whom  I  referred  this  story,  has  recently 
(Dec.  1907)  written  me  fully  confirming  this  occurrence  in  most  par- 
ticulars. Strange  to  say  he  obtained  his  information  quite  recently  and 
directly  from  a  granddaughter  of  the  woman  who  figured  in  the  above 
incident.  Peyton's  version  of  it  is  so  interesting  I  give  it  here  in  full. 

"While  on  a  visit  to  Herring  Neck  recently,  I  boarded  at  Mr  John 
Reddicks,  an  old  friend  of  mine.  His  late  wife  was  a  daughter  of  old 
John  Warren,  late  of  Herring  Neck,  the  only  man  I  ever  heard  of  as 
coming  to  this  country  from  the  Island  of  St  Helena.  He  was  a  powder 
Monkey  on  board  the  Frigate  'Arethusa'  etc. 

"One  evening  as  old  Mr  Reddick  and  myself  were  having  a  yarn, 
and  the  conversation  turned  on  the  Red  Indians.  I  related  what  Sergt. 
Grimes  had  told  you  about  the  Indians  chasing  a  woman  at  Herring  Neck, 
when  to  my  great  surprise,  Reddick's  daughter  a  woman  between  40  and 
50  years  of  age,  and  very  intelligent  at  that,  said,  'Why  Mr  Peyton  that 
woman,  Mrs  Stuckly  was  my  grandmother,'  and  she  then  related  the 
whole  story  as  she  often  heard  it  from  her  mother. 

"It  was  not  at  Herring  Neck  that  the  occurrence  took  place,  but  on 
the  South  side  of  Twillingate  Island  where  the  family  then  resided  before 
removing  to  Pikes'  Arm,  Herring  Neck.  The  two  young  women  were  in 
behind  their  house,  berry  picking,  when  they  observed  an  Indian  creeping 
towards  them.  They  instantly  ran  towards  the  house  and  being  pretty 
fleet  of  foot,  the  Indians  did  not  gain  on  them  very  fast.  On  drawing 
near  their  home  the  dogs  began  to  bark  and  this  encouraged  them  to 
renewed  exertions.  On  nearing  the  house,  one  of  them,  then  a  young 
able  woman,  caught  up  a  pole,  faced  about,  and  went  for  the  Indian,  the 
dogs  assisting  her  by  barking  and  yelping  at  him,  at  this  the  Indian 
turned  and  made  for  the  woods.  The  woman  did  not  however  get  within 
striking  distance  of  him,  and  adds  Mr  Peyton,  '  I  guess  it  was  well  for 

35—2 


276  Rev.  Philip  Tocques  reminiscenses 

him  she  did  not,  or  he  would  have  got  an  awful  crack  on  the  head,  most 
likely  he  would  have  been  stunned,  and  then  the  dogs  would  have  finished 
him  off  for  certain.'  It  was  not  long  after  this  that  the  family  removed 
to  Herring  Neck. 

"Old  Mr  Reddick  confirmed  his  daughter's  story,  having  often  heard 
his  late  wife  speak  of  it,  as  she  heard  it  from  her  mother,  one  of  the 
young  women  in  question." 


The    Rev.    Philip    Tocque,    in    his    curious    work,    entitled    Wandering 
Thoughts,  relates  a  conversation  he  had  with  an  old  man  named  Wiltshear, 
a  resident  of  Bonavista.      It  is  in  dialogue  form  and  is  as  follows : 
"How  long  have  you  been  living  in  this  place?" 

"About  twenty  five  years,  previous  to  which  I  resided  several  years  in 
Green  Bay1,  and  once  during  that  period  barely  escaped  being  transported." 
"Under  what  circumstances?" 

"In  the  year  1810,  I  was  living  to  the  northward.  Five  of  us  were 
returning  one  evening  from  fishing,  when,  on  rounding  a  point,  we  came 
close  upon  a  canoe  of  Red  Indians ;  there  were  four  men  and  one  woman 
in  the  canoe.  Had  we  been  disposed  to  have  shot  them  we  could  have 
done  so,  as  we  had  a  loaded  gun  in  the  boat.  The  Indians  however, 
became  alarmed,  and  pulled  with  all  speed  to  the  shore,  when  they  imme- 
diately jumped  out  and  ran  into  the  woods,  leaving  the  canoe  on  the 
beach.  We  were  within  ten  yards  of  them  when  they  landed.  We  took 
the  canoe  into  our  possession,  and  carried  it  home.  In  the  fall  of  the 
year,  when  we  went  to  St  John's  with  the  first  boat  load  of  dry  fish, 
thinking  a  canoe  would  be  a  curiosity,  we  took  it  with  us  in  order  to 
present  it  to  the  Governor ;  but  immediately  it  became  known  that  we 
had  a  canoe  of  the  Red  Indians,  we  were  taken  and  lodged  in  prison 
for  ten  days,  on  a  supposition  that  we  had  shot  the  Indians  to  whom  it 
belonged.  We  protested  our  innocence,  and  stated  the  whole  affair  to  the 
authorities  ;  at  last  the  canoe  was  examined,  no  shot  holes  were  found  in 
any  part  of  it,  and  there  being  no  evidence  against  us  we  were  set  at 
liberty." 

"Did  you  ever  see  any  of  the  encampments  of  the  Red  Indians?" 
"Yes,  frequently;  I  have  seen  twelve  wigwams  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Cat  Harbour.  A  planter  living  there  built  a  new  boat,  for  which  he 
had  made  a  fine  new  suit  of  sails.  One  night  the  Indians  came  and 
carried  away  every  sail.  The  planter  and  his  men,  immediately  it  was 
discovered,  set  out  in  pursuit  of  the  Indians.  After  travelling  nearly 
a  day,  they  espied  them  on  a  distant  hill,  shaking  their  cossacks  at  them 
in  defiance,  which  were  made  out  of  the  boat's  sails,  and  daubed  with 
red  ochre.  Seeing  that  further  pursuit  was  fruitless  they  returned  home. 
The  next  day,  however,  the  planter  raised  a  party  of  twenty  five  of  us. 
We  proceeded  overland  to  a  place  where  we  knew  was  an  encampment ; 
when  we  arrived,  we  found  twelve  wigwams,  but  all  deserted.  Previous 
to  our  leaving  by  land,  two  men  were  despatched  in  a  skiff,  in  order  to 

1  This  is  the  fisherman's  name  for  the  whole  of  Notre  Dame  Bay. 


Joseph  Young's  story  277 

take  us  back  by  water.  On  approaching  near  the  place  of  the  Indians, 
they  saw  a  fine  goose  swimming  about  a  considerable  distance  from  the 
shore.  They  immediately  rowed  towards  it,  when  one  of  the  men  hap- 
pened to  see  something  dark  moving  up  and  down  behind  a  sand  bank. 
Suspecting  all  was  not  right,  they  pulled  from  the  shore,  when  they  saw 
two  Indians  rise  up  from  concealment,  who  immediately  discharged  their 
arrows  at  them,  but  they  were  at  too  great  a  distance  to  receive  any 
injury.  After  the  sails  had  been  taken,  the  Indians,  expecting  a  visit, 
placed  these  two  of  their  party  to  keep  watch.  The  goose  was  fastened 
to  a  string  in  order  to  decoy  the  men  in  the  boat  near  the  shore,  so  as 
to  afford  the  Indians  an  opportunity  of  throwing  their  arrows  at  them. 
The  two  Indians  on  watch  communicated  intelligence  of  the  arrival  of  the 
boat  to  the  encampment ;  hence  the  cause  of  the  forsaken  wigwams  when 
we  arrived." 

"How  large  were  the  wigwams?" 

"  They  were  built  round,  and  about  thirty  or  forty  feet  in  circum- 
ference. The  frame  consisted  of  small  poles,  being  fastened  together  at  the 
top  and  covered  with  birch  rind,  leaving  a  small  opening  for  the  escape 
of  the  smoke.  Traces  of  their  encampments  are  still  to  be  seen  along  the 
Cat  Harbour  shore,  consisting  of  large  holes  etc.  being  left  in  the  sand." 
"Did  you  ever  hear  of  any  of  the  Indians  having  been  taken?" 
The  answer  to  this  question  is  just  a  repetition  of  Buchan's  expedition, 
in  a  garbled  and  incorrect  version,  also  an  account  of  the  three  women 
who  gave  themselves  up  in  1823.  The  only  interesting  part  of  the  reply 
is  the  statement  that,  "  I  recollect  seeing  two  Red  Indians  when  I  was 
a  boy,  at  Catalina  ;  their  names  were  William  (?)  June  and  Thomas  August1 
(so  named  from  the  months  in  which  they  were  taken).  They  were  both 
taken  very  young,  and  one  of  them  went  master  of  a  boat  for  many  years 
out  of  Catalina." 

"  I   remember  reading  something  of  Lieut.   Buchan's  expedition." 
"Do  you  think  any  of  the  Red   Indians  now  exist  in  the  country?" 
"  I    am   of   opinion    that,   owing    to    the    relentless    exterminating   hand 
of    the    English    furriers    and    the    Micmac     Indians,    that    what    few    were 
left   unslaughtered    made   their   escape   across    the    straits   of   Belle    Isle   to 
Labrador." 

Thos.  Peyton  informed  me  that  but  for  his  father's  intercession  and 
strong  evidence  as  to  Wiltshear's  good  character  and  innocence  of  the 
crime  attributed  to  him,  it  would  have  gone  hard  with  him,  in  fact  as 
Peyton  put  it,  "  He  would  have  hanged  shure." 

Joseph  Young  s  story. 

Joseph  Young,  better  known  as  Joe  Jep  or  Zoe-Zep,  which  is  simply 
the  Micmac  way  of  pronouncing  his  Christian  name,  is  a  resident  of  Bank 
Head,  Bay  St  George.  Joe  is  a  half  breed  Indian  with  a  considerable 
blending  of  the  Negro  element  in  him,  a  most  unusual  combination  by 

1  A  mistake,  the  names  were  Tom  June  and  John  August. 


278  Joseph   Youngs  story 

the  way,  and  was  reared  up  by  the  Micmacs  of  that  locality.  In  his 
younger  days  there  lived  in  the  same  neighborhood  an  old  Indian  woman 
named  Mitchel,  whose  parents  were  Mountagnais  from  Labrador.  Joe 
often  listened  to  this  old  body  relating  stories  of  the  Red  Indians,  one 
of  which  was  as  follows. 

"When  quite  a  small  girl  she  with  her  father,  mother  and  a  young 
brother,  were  hunting  in  the  vicinity  of  Red  Indian  Lake.  Having 
secured  a  good  deal  of  fur  they  were  proceeding  down  the  lake  in  their 
canoe,  preparatory  to  starting  for  the  sea  coast,  when  just  at  dusk  one 
evening  they  observed  the  light  of  a  fire  through  the  woods,  near  the 
side  of  the  lake.  Supposing  it  to  be  some  of  their  Micmac  friends  who 
were  camped  there  they  landed,  and  went  in  to  investigate.  They  found 
a  wigwam  which  proved  not  to  be  that  of  a  Micmac  but  of  a  Red  Indian 
family.  Nothing  daunted  Old  Mitchel  went  forward,  raised  the  skin 
covering  the  doorway  and  looked  in,  being  followed  by  the  other  members 
of  his  family.  They  beheld  an  old  Red  Indian  man  and  woman  with 
a  young  man  and  a  little  girl  seated  around  the  fire.  At  first  the  inmates 
seemed  to  be  struck  dumb  with  fear  at  this  unexpected  intrusion,  and  stared 
at  the  new  comers  in  mute  astonishment.  Mitchel  however,  succeeded  in 
allaying  their  fears  after  a  little  while,  and  seeing  their  miserable  half  starved 
plight,  for  they  had  roasting  on  sticks  before  the  fire  for  their  supper,  three 
miserable  Jays  only,  which  was  evidently  all  their  stock  of  provisions,  he 
made  signs  to  them  to  come  with  him  to  his  canoe  and  that  he  would 
give  them  venison.  They  understood  him,  and  the  boy  and  girl  went 
out  with  him.  He  gave  each  a  piece  of  venison,  which  the  little  girl  in 
delight  wrapped  in  her  cloak  and  ran  back  to  the  wigwam,  while  Mitchel 
and  wife  brought  up  a  kettle  full  of  boiled  meat  and  placed  it  over  the 
fire  to  warm,  and  when  it  was  ready  they  served  it  around  to  all  hands  on 
pieces  of  birch  bark.  The  poor  Beothucks  expressed  their  gratitude  as 
best  they  could  for  all  this  kindness,  and  invited  Mitchel  and  his  family, 
by  signs  to  share  their  wigwam  for  the  night.  The  two  little  girls,  who 
were  nearly  about  the  same  age,  and  too  young  to  recognise  any  difference 
between  them,  soon  became  fast  friends.  Mrs  Mitchel  remembered  what 
childish  glee  she  felt  at  meeting  a  companion  so  far  in  the  interior,  and 
after  so  many  weary  months  of  toil  and  lonesomeness,  and  how  she  played 
with  her  new  found  friend.  They  could  only  communicate  with  each  other 
by  signs,  as  neither  understood  a  word  of  the  others  language.  They  all 
seated  themselves  around  the  fire,  and  learnt  from  the  Beothucks  that  on 
account  of  deer  being  so  scarce  and  their  fear  to  hunt  much  in  the  open, 
they  had  been  reduced  to  great  straights  for  food.  Next  morning  at 
daylight  the  young  Red  Indian  youth  ascended  a  tree  which  they  used 
for  a  lookout,  and  seeing  some  deer  swimming  across  the  lake,  he  jumped 
down,  seized  his  bow  and  arrows,  and  without  a  moments  hesitation,  pushed 
off  the  Mountaineers  canoe,  jumped  aboard  and  paddled  away  after  the 
deer.  She  described  him  as  an  active  athletic  lad  who  handled  the  paddle 
with  such  strength  and  dexterity  that  he  actually  made  the  canoe  fly 
through  the  water.  He  soon  returned  with  a  dead  deer  in  tow.  Mitchel 
stayed  several  days  with  them,  and  being  well  supplied  with  guns  and 


Mathy  M it  chefs  statement  279 

ammunition,  killed  several  deer  which  he  left  with  them  for  food.  He 
also  presented  the  young  Beothuck  with  a  gun  and  ammunition  and 
taught  him  how  to  use  it  before  leaving  them,  for  all  of  which  kindness 
the  Beothucks  showed  the  utmost  gratitude." 

Mathew  (Mathy)  Mitchel.  grandson  (?)  of  the  woman  Joe  heard  the  story 
from,  confirmed  it,  in  so  far  as,  that  his  grandparents  did  see  a  Beothuck 
wigwam  at  Red  Indian  Lake  and  went  to  investigate,  but  states  the  Red 
men  had  fled,  though  the  fire  was  still  burning  in  the  centre  and  on  three 
sticks  stuck  up,  were  the  heads  (only)  of  three  Jays.  They  did  not  see 
the  Red  Indians  or  remain  over  night,  and  he  says  Joe  was  drawing  upon 
his  imagination  in  supplying  the  other  details. 

Mathy  also  told  me  that  his  grandfather  and  some  others  once  saw 
three  Red  Indians'  canoes  full  of  people  poling  up  the  Exploits.  They 
watched  in  concealment  till  the  canoes  were  opposite  them,  when  they 
fired  off  a  gun  in  the  air.  Immediately  the  Beothucks  made  for  the 
opposite  shore,  landed  and  ran  off  into  the  woods.  In  their  haste  the 
canoes  went  adrift  and  the  tide  catching  them  brought  them  quickly  across 
the  river  to  the  side  the  Micmacs  were  on.  There  were  still  two  small 
children  in  them  who  had  not  had  time  to  get  away,  but  immediately  the 
canoes  touched  the  shore  these  got  out,  grabbed  up  their  deer  skin  clothes 
and  made  off. 

Noel  Mathews,  one  of  my  Micmac  canoe-men,  related  to  me  the  fol- 
lowing traditions,  which  he  learned  from  his  mother  and  old  Maurice  Louis, 
the  Chief  of  his  tribe.  This  man  Louis  was  one  of  those  who  accompanied 
W.  E.  Cormack  in  1827,  in  his  expedition  to  Red  Indian  Lake1. 

Noel  confirms  the  shape  of  the  Beothuck  canoe,  and  of  its  being 
sewn  with  rootlets,  and  the  gunwales  being  bound  with  the  same,  but 
there  was  this  difference  between  it  and  the  Micmac  canoe.  The  latter  is 
served  over  all  from  end  to  end,  while  that  of  the  Red  Indians  was  only 
served  at  intervals,  and  there  were  spaces  cut  in  the  gunwales  to  receive 
the  binding  so  as  to  make  it  flush  with  the  rest  of  the  gunwale. 

He  relates  how  one  Noel  Boss,  or  Basque,  I  presume  the  same  indi- 
vidual mentioned  by  Peyton  and  others,  had  much  to  do  with  the  Red 
men,  but  he  avers  that  it  was  always  of  a  friendly  nature.  This  Noel 
Boss  on  one  occasion  met  two  of  them,  a  young  man  and  a  lad,  crossing 
a  marsh,  with  loads  on  their  backs.  He  went  towards  them  but  they  ran 
away.  He  also  ran  and  finally  caught  up  with  them  as  they  could  not  go 
fast,  being  burthened  with  their  heavy  loads  which  they  would  not  discard. 
The  young  man  could  have  easily  outrun  him,  but  he  would  not  abandon 
the  lad,  who  was  greatly  frightened.  When  Boss  came  up  with  them  he 
looked  the  young  man  in  the  face  and  addressed  him,  but  the  latter  only 
laughed  and  still  kept  on  running.  Boss  made  several  attempts  to  get 
him  to  stop  and  have  a  palaver,  but  in  vain,  he  then  turned  off  and  let 
them  go  their  way.  On  another  occasion  this  same  man  Boss  with  some 
of  his  own  people,  came  out  on  the  banks  of  the  Exploits  River  and  saw 
a  Red  Indian  canoe  on  the  opposite  side  with  several  people  in  it.  The 
Micmacs  again  tried  to  parley  with  them  across  the  river  but  the  Red  men 

1  A  mistake,  it  was  his  father  John  Louis. 


280  Noel  Mathews  information 

apparently  did  not  relish  their  company,  so  they  paddled  away  up  the  river. 
(Evidently  another  version  of  Mathy  Mitchel's  story.) 

The  only  tragic  story  Noel  related  was  that  of  a  Micmac  with  his 
wife  who  coming  to  the  shore  of  the  Grand  Lake  near  where  the  river 
flows  out,  saw  a  Red  Indian  wigwam  on  the  opposite  side.  The  man 
proposed  to  go  across  in  their  skin  canoe  and  visit  them,  but  his  wife 
demurred,  being  too  much  afraid  of  them.  He  however,  persisted  in  going 
himself.  She  remained  behind  and  concealed  herself  in  the  bushes  to  await 
events.  She  saw  him  land,  and  also  saw  two  Beothucks  come  forward  and 
take  him  by  the  arms,  and  lead  him  up  .to  their  mamateek,  into  which  all 
three  entered.  After  a  considerable  time  elapsed,  the  two  Red  men  came 
forth  carrying  their  belongings,  got  into  their  canoe  and  paddled  away. 
After  a  long  wait  seeing  no  sign  of  her  husband  returning,  she  mustered 
up  courage  to  venture  across.  Having  constructed  a  raft  she  ferried  herself 
over,  but  on  entering  the  now  silent  mamateek,  she  was  horrified  to  find 
the  headless  body  of  her  husband  stretched  on  the  floor.  The  head  as 
usual  having  been  carried  off  by  the  Beothucks1. 

I  met  old  Maurice  Louis  in  1870  but  unfortunately  was  not  aware 
that  he  possessed  any  information  of  this  kind,  a  circumstance  which 
I  greatly  regret.  Had  I  known  it,  possibly,  I  might  have  obtained  many 
valuable  and  interesting  traditions  from  him. 

The  Rev.  C.  V.  Cogan,  C.E.  Missionary  in  the  District  of  White  Bay, 
gave  me  .some  interesting  information,  relative  to  the  Red  Indians'  doings 
in  that  locality,  most  of  which  was  gleaned  from  the  oldest  inhabitant 
named  Gale  or  Gill2,  then  almost  a  nonogenarian,  who  died  about  the 
year  1889.  Gale's  father  was  one  of  the  first  settlers  in  White  Bay,  and 
saw  a  good  deal  of  the  Indians,  being  subject  to  their  depredations  on 
more  than  one  occasion.  Mr  Cogan's  informant  frequently  heard  his  father 
relate  his  experiences.  He  once  saw  two  canoes  full  of  Indians  paddling 
across  the  bay,  and  related  how  they  made  a  descent  upon  his  premises, 
situated  at  the  extreme  head  of  the  bay,  when  all  the  males  were  absent, 
hunting  for  fur  in  the  interior.  The  Indians  broke  open  and  looted  his 
store  of  every  article  which  took  their  fancy  all  of  which  they  carried  off 
with  them.  Amongst  other  articles  there  were  some  silver  spoons  with 
the  family  crest  engraved  upon  them.  This  Gale  is  said  to  have  belonged 
to  some  family  of  distinction  in  England,  but  for  some  unknown  cause 
had  run  away  and  hidden  himself  in  this  out  of  the  way  place.  One  of 
the  spoons  in  question  was  subsequently  found  in  a  wigwam  or  mamateek 
at  Red  Indian  Lake,  at  the  time  of  Mary  March's  capture,  and  is  now 
in  Mr  Cogan's  possession3. 

1  Mathew  (Mathy)   Mitchel  also  confirmed  Noel   Mathews'  story,  but  gave  a  somewhat  different 
version  of  it.      He   says   it  occurred  at   Red   Indian   Lake,  and  that  the  woman  did  not  go   to  the 
wigwam  but  when  her  husband  failed  to  return  in  due  time,  she  made  her  way  out  to  Bay  St  George 
where  she  informed  her  people  of  what  had  occurred.      The  Micmacs  thereupon   set  out  in  a  body 
for  Red  Indian  Lake,  found  their  dead  comrade  in  the  wigwam  and  then  went  after  the   Red  men 
to  wreak  vengeance  upon  them. 

2  This  was  evidently  the  same  man  John  Gale  who  wrote  the  Governor,  Sir  Charles  Hamilton, 
in  Sept.   1819,  about  the  depredations  of  the  Red  Indians  (see  page  118). 

3  This  was  apparently  the  spoon  mentioned  by  the  man  named   Butler.     Old   Mr  John  Peyton 
told  me  that  several  of  the  articles  found  by  his  party  in  1819  at  Red  Indian  Lake  had  been  looted 
from  a  store  in  White  Bay  the  fall  before,  thus  confirming  Gale's  story. 


Mr  Cogans  and  Mr  Wheeler  s  stories  281 

While  the  Indians  were  looting  the  store,  the  women  folk  of  Gale's 
household  watched  them  from  their  residence,  and  old  Mrs  Gale  stood  on 
guard  at  a  window  with  a  heavily  loaded  flint  lock  musket  pointing  towards 
them  ready  to  fire  should  they  attempt  an  attack  on  the  house  itself. 

MrCogan  heard  of  two  fishermen  going  into  Western  Bay,  and  observing 
some  Indians  on  the  beach,  they  fired  at  them  and  drove  them  off.  The 
fishermen  then  went  ashore  to  boil  their  tea  kettle  but  while  so  engaged,  the 
Indians  returned  and  stealing  out  to  the  edge  of  the  woods,  shot  the  two 
men  with  arrows.  They  then  mutilated  the  bodies  in  a  shocking  manner. 
The  bodies  were  buried  where  found,  and  during  Mr  Cogan's  incumbency 
they  were  come  across  in  clearing  away  a  site  for  a  new  church. 

Information  obtained  from  Mr  J.  B.  Wheeler,  J.P.,  Musgrave  Harbour 
N.D.B. 

Mr  Wheeler  was  well  acquainted  with  a  very  old  man  named  John 
Day,  who  died  but  a  few  years  ago  at  an  advanced  age.  Day,  in  his 
younger  days  was  a  servant  of  the  Peytons,  and  was  another  of  the  party 
who  accompanied  them  at  the  time  of  Mary  March's  capture  in  1819. 
Mr  Wheeler  often  heard  the  old  man  relate  the  whole  circumstance,  and 
gave  me  from  memory,  Day's  story.  It  is  so  similar  in  almost  every 
detail  to  Mr  Peyton's  own  narrative  that  it  would  be  needless  to  repeat 
it  here.  I  shall  merely  give  a  few  items  not  before  stated. 

According  to  this  old  man's  story,  the  party  were  furnished  with  articles 
of  barter  in  hope  of  trading  with  the  natives  for  furs.  Speaking  of  Mary  March, 
he  said  she  was  very  ill  at  the  time  of  her  capture,  yet  she  took  her  baby  in 
her  arms  and  ran  after  the  other  Indians  as  they  retreated,  but  was  not  able 
to  keep  up  with  them.  Her  husband  seeing  she  was  likely  to  be  captured, 
turned  back  and  took  the  child  from  her,  but  in  her  weak  state  she  could 
not  run  fast  enough  and  was  soon  overtaken.  As  soon  as  the  husband 
saw  this  he  gave  the  baby  to  another  man,  and  turned  back  to  try  and 
rescue  his  wife.  Breaking  off  a  fir  bough  he  placed  it  on  his  forehead,  as 
a  flag  of  truce  and  boldly  came  towards  the  white  men.  Seeing  his  wife's 
hands  tied  with  a  handkerchief  he  attempted  to  unloosen  them,  and  to  lead 
her  away.  They  tried  to  prevent  him  and  capture  him  also,  but  raising 
one  hand,  with  a  single  blow  he  felled  the  first  white  man  who  approached 
him.  The  whites,  six  in  number,  then  gathered  around  him,  and  tried  to 
seize  him,  but  with  another  blow  he  struck  down  a  second  man,  rendering 
him  insensible.  Recognizing  Mr  Peyton,  sr.,  as  the  leader  he  made  towards 
him,  grasped  him  by  the  collar  and  shook  him  so  violently  that  Mr  Peyton 
called  out  for  help,  saying  "are  you  going  to  stand  by  and  let  the  Indian 
kill  me?"  John  Day  asked,  "do  you  think  master's  life  is  in  danger?" 
All  cried  out,  "yes."  Instantly  one  of  the  crew  fired  and  shot  a  ball  into 
him,  while  another  stabbed  him  in  the  back  with  a  bayonet.  He  still 
held  old  Mr  Peyton  firmly,  and  would  soon  have  choked  him.  Peyton 
beckoned  for  further  help,  the  men  then  struck  down  the  Indian  with  the 
butts  of  their  muskets  before  they  could  succeed  in  making  him  relinquish 
his  grasp  of  their  master's  throat.  He  had  to  be  beaten  insensible  before 
he  would  let  go.  Day  believed  that  had  the  party  of  white  men  not  been 
armed  with  muskets,  the  Indian  would  have  been  a  match  for  them  all  in 
H.  36 


282  Information  obtained  from  Mr  Thomas  Peyton 

a  hand  to  hand  encounter.  He  was  a  very  strong  powerful  man,  and  as 
he  lay  dead  on  the  ice  they  measured  him  and  found  he  was  considerably 
over  six  feet  in  height. 

I  have  had  much  communication  with  Mr  Thomas  Peyton,  D.S.  of 
Twillingate,  son  of  John  Peyton  the  captor  of  Mary  March.  Mr  Peyton,  jr., 
is  one  of  the  very  few  now  remaining  who  knows  anything  of  the  Indians, 
and  his  information  is  all  second  hand,  having  been  derived  chiefly  from 
his  father  and  mother,  and  from  old  servants  or  employees  of  the  family. 
In  reply  to  various  inquiries  addressed  to  him  from  time  to  time  by  myself, 
I  cull  the  following  items. 

Mr  Thomas  Peyton  says,  I  never  heard  of  any  boy  or  girl  being 
lost  in  Notre  Dame  Bay,  except  one  boy  named  Rousell  of  New  Bay. 
He  was  in  the  habit  of  going  into  the  country  by  himself  to  look  after 
his  father's  traps,  and  on  one  of  these  occasions  he  did  not  return. 
On  a  search  being  made  his  gun  was  found  leaning  against  a  tree  near 
the  country  path,  but  the  lad  himself  was  never  heard  of  afterwards.  It 
is  believed  that  the  Indians  either  killed  him  or  carried  him  off.  Peyton 
says,  I  never  heard  of  but  one  man  being  killed  by  the  Indians,  that 
was  Thomas  Rousell,  about  the  year  1787.  I  was  informed  by  Henry 
Rousell,  residing  in  Hall's  Bay,  that  the  first  five  men  who  attempted  to 
make  a  settlement  in  that  Bay  were  all  killed  by  the  Indians(P).  A  crew 
came  up  from  Twillingate  shortly  afterwards  and  found  their  bodies  with  the 
heads  cut  off  and  stuck  on  poles.  One  of  the  latter  men  was  a  Capt.  Hall 
after  whom  the  Bay  was  named. 

Henry  Rousell's  Grandfather  was  a  servant  with  Squire  Childs  and 
purchased  the  rights  of  that  merchant  to  the  salmon  fishing  in  the  brooks 
of  Hall's  Bay  for  the  sum  of  ^90  about  1772. 

I  never  heard  of  a  white  settlement  being  attacked  by  the  Indians, 
nor  of  any  white  person  being  carried  off,  nor  did  I  ever  hear  of  the 
Indians  scalping  any  body.  I  have  only  seen  a  part  of  a  Red  Indian 
canoe  on  an  Island  in  the  Exploits  River  near  Rushy  Pond.  The  birch 
bark  was  very  neatly  sewn  together  with  roots.  I  had  several  descriptions 
of  their  canoes  given  me,  the  best  by  Joe,  Joe,  Micmac,  Long  Joe  as  we 
called  him.  He  found  one  by  the  side  of  the  river  near  Badger  Brook 
once,  and  launching  it  got  in,  and  pushed  off  from  the  shore,  but  said  Joe, 
"he  develish  crank,  me  get  ashore  again  as  quickly  as  possible." 

Peyton  says  Nancy's  sister  died  at  Charles's  Brook,  Nancy  and  her 
mother  then  paddled  up  to  Lower  Sandy  Point,  where  she  told  the  men 
in  charge  of  the  salmon  station  her  sister  had  gone  "winum,"  asleep, 
dead.  The  men  then  went  down  and  buried  the  body.  Her  mother  died 
a  few  days  later  at  Sandy  Point.  Nance  sewed  the  body  up  in  a  blanket 
and  it  was  buried  there,  she  was  then  sent  down  to  Exploits  Island  to 
Mr  Peyton's  house. 

Peyton  often  heard  his  mother  and  old  Mrs  Jure  speak  of  Cormack. 
They  described  him  as  a  long  legged,  wiry,  but  eccentric  individual.  He 
could  eat  almost  anything.  The  Rev.  John  Chapman,  C.E.  Missionary, 
then  residing  in  Twillingate,  was  married  to  Cormack's  sister. 

Mary   March,   when   captured  gave  expression   to   the  deepest  grief  at 


Thomas  Peyton  s  stories  283 

the  death  of  her  husband,  and  showed  her  hatred  of  the  man  who  fired 
the  shot  at  him,  by  never  coming  near  him.  Old  John  Day  said  she 
was  named  after  a  young  lady  whom  he  knew  well  living  at  Itsminister, 
Newtown,  Devon  (?).  This  is  certainly  not  correct.  Old  Mr  Peyton  himself 
often  told  me  she  was  so  named  from  the  month  in  which  she  was  taken. 

John  Wells,  a  native  of  Joe  Batt's  Arm,  Fogo  Island,  with  five  others 
left  his  home  in  a  boat  to  go  to  Fogo,  but  as  the  wind  was  against  them 
and  blowing  fresh,  they  pulled  into  Shoal  Bay  towards  a  place  called  the 
Scrape.  Seeing  a  sea  pigeon  swimming  near  the  shore,  they  rowed  in 
close,  to  get  a  shot  at  it,  when  an  Indian  who  was  hidden  away,  suddenly 
fired  an  arrow  at  them.  It  pierced  Wells'  hand  and  pinned  it  to  the  oar 
he  was  holding.  The  wound  was  a  very  nasty  one  and  became  much 
inflamed.  It  never  properly  healed,  and  eventually  caused  his  death. 
This  story  was  confirmed  by  Mr  Wheeler,  who  had  it  from  Wells'  own 
widow. 

Mr  Thos.  Peyton  states  that  he  personally  knew  many  of  the  old 
furriers  in  the  employ  of  his  father  and  had  been  much  in  their  company 
in  his  younger  days.  He  gives  the  names  of  a  few  of  them,  such  as 
John  Day,  Thomas  Taylor,  John  Boles,  Maurice  Cull,  and  Humphrey 
Coles,  from  all  of  whom  he  heard  many  stories  about  the  Indians,  most 
of  which  have  now  slipped  his  memory.  Old  John  Boles  told  him  that 
on  one  occasion  while  rowing  to  his  salmon  nets  in  Hall's  Bay,  he  saw 
an  Indian  run  out  on  the  edge  of  a  cliff,  and  raise  his  bow.  Knowing 
how  accurate  was  their  aim,  Boles  seized  one  of  the  boats  thwarts  and 
held  it  over  his  head  ;  the  arrow  after  poising  in  the  air  a  moment,  came 
down  so  fairly  as  to  embed  itself  in  the  board.  Catching  up  his  flint  lock 
gun,  the  old  man  used  to  add  gleefully,  "  I  peppered  his  cossack  for  him." 
These  old  furriers  would  never  confess  to  the  actual  killing  of  an  Indian. 
They  used  to  say  that  the  Indians  were  in  great  dread  of  the  Whiteman's 
powder  and  shot. 

In  one  of  his  letters  Mr  Peyton  says  he  often  heard  when  a  boy 
at  school  that  an  English  youngster  was  killed  on  the  south  side  of 
Twillingate  Harbour,  near  Hart's  Cove,  which  was  the  usual  anchorage 
for  vessels  coming  from  England.  The  boy  went  ashore  for  water,  and 
was  caught  by  the  Indians  and  killed.  Two  other  boys  who  went  ashore 
one  Sunday  to  wash  their  clothes  in  Kiar's  Pond  were  also  killed,  and 
when  a  crew  of  men  went  to  search  for  them  they  found  the  bodies,  and 
at  the  same  time  saw  on  a  point  about  half  a  mile  to  the  westward  a  party 
of  Indians  making  off. 

"  I  never  heard  the  Red  Indians  spoken  of  as  giants,"  he  adds. 
"Richmond  or  Richards  (?)  used  to  say  the  Indians  were  nasty  dirty  brutes, 
because  no  doubt  their  camps  and  the  grounds  about  them  smelled  of 
seal  fat  and  putrid  animal  matter  lying  around.  I  frequently  heard  the 
old  men  of  Fogo  speak  of  the  Indian  man  June." 

" After  the  killing  of  Thomas  Rousell,  his  friends  waged  a  war  of 
extermination  on  the  Indians.  They  killed  a  number  of  them  at  a  place 
called  Moore's  Cove,  near  Shoal  Tickle." 

Peyton  never  heard  of  the  Whiteman  being  carried  off  by  the  Indians 

36—2 


284  Thomas  Peyton  s  stories 

and  reappearing  with  the  woman  and  child,  as  related  by  John  Gill  of 
Exploits,  nor  does  he  believe  the  story.  Having  lived  so  many  years  in 
the  Bay  of  Exploits  and  mixing  with  so  many  of  the  people  who  had 
seen  and  had  something  to  do  with  the  Red  men,  he  thinks  if  there  were 
any  truth  in  this  story  he  could  scarcely  fail  to  have  heard  of  it.  He 
once  heard  from  a  clergyman  of  the  body  of  an  Indian  being  picked  up 
in  the  land  wash  near  Phipp's  Head  in  that  Bay,  who  was  supposed  to 
have  been  shot,  but  adds,  after  careful  enquiry  found  there  was  no  truth 
in  the  story. 

One  Jacky  Jones,  whose  proper  name  was  Snelgrove,  was  a  servant 
of  his  father's,  and  was  with  him  at  the  capture  of  Mary  March.  He 
often  travelled  with  this  man  and  obtained  much  information  from  him. 
He  refers  to  the  story  told  by  Joe  Young,  and  believes  there  may  be 
some  truth  in  it.  He  was  well  acquainted  with  both  Jack  Mitchell,  Micmac, 
and  his  wife.  He  often  heard  old  Jack  talk  some  sort  of  gibberish  which 
he  called  Red  Indian. 

He  tells  a  story  of  his  own  grandfather  having  once  surprised  some 
Indians  in  their  wigwam,  at  Sandy  Point,  Birchy  Island,  when  they  all  ran 
away.  One  woman  having  forgotten  her  child  in  her  haste,  ran  back  for  it. 
Just  as  she  was  coming  forth  from  the  wigwam  with  the  child,  his  grand- 
father arrived  at  the  entrance.  He  tried  to  stop  her,  but  she  pulled  off 
her  moccasin,  and  struck  him  such  a  blow  in  the  face  with  it  as  to  nearly 
blind  him,  thereby  making  good  her  escape. 

He  never  heard  of  the  White  woman  seen  by  Capt.  Buchan  at  Red 
Indian  Lake.  It  is  very  strange  that  none  of  those  who  were  with  Buchan 
at  the  time,  nor  any  one  else,  so  far  as  I  am  aware  ever  mentioned  this 
fact,  still  more  remarkable  that  Peyton's  father  never  referred  to  it.  Yet 
I  cannot  believe  that  a  man  of  Capt.  Buchan's  intelligence  and  powers  of 
observation  could  have  made  any  mistake. 

Rev.  Silas  T.  Rand's  story. 

The  Rev.  Silas  Tertius  Rand  of  Hantsport,  N.S.,  was  a  gentleman 
who  had  much  intercourse  with  the  Micmac  Indians  of  that  Province,  and 
who  published  a  grammar  and  lexicon  of  their  language  several  years  ago. 
At  my  request  in  1887,  he  furnished  me  with  the  following  interesting 
"Anecdote  of  the  Red  Indians  of  Newfoundland." 

He  said  the  story  was  related  to  him  by  one  Nancy  Jeddore  (Micmac) 
of  Hantsport,  N.S.,  who  received  it  from  her  father,  Joseph  Nowlan  who 
died  about  fifteen  years  previous,  at  the  advanced  age  of  ninety  five 
years1.  Mr  Rand  says,  "  I  have  seen  and  conversed  with  him  many 
a  time,  but  I  did  not  know  then  that  he  had  spent  a  good  many  years 
in  Newfoundland,  and  also  among  the  Esquimaux,  as  his  daughter  informs 
me  was  the  case.  Had  I  been  aware  of  these  facts,  I  might  have  gathered 
I  doubt  not,  many  interesting  facts  respecting  the  people  whom  he  had 
seen  and  of  whom  he  had  heard.  As  Nancy's  statements  agree  with  what 

1  This  would  bring  the  date  of  his  birth  back  to   1767,  so  that  he  would  be  fully  33  years  of 
age  at  the  commencement  of  the  nineteenth  century. 


Rev.  Silas  T.  Rand's  story  285 

is  related  by  others  respecting  the  Beothucks,  and  as  1  have  full  confi- 
dence in  their  correctness,  as  heard  from  her  father,  I  am  well  satisfied 
as  to  their  general  accuracy." 

The  Story. 

"The  Micmacs  time  out  of  mind  have  been  in  the  habit  of  crossing 
over  to  Newfoundland  to  hunt.  The  Micmac  name  for  this  large  Island, 
is  '  Uktakumk,'  the  Mainland,  or  little  Continent. 

"Note. — It  is  '  Uktakumkook,'  in  the  case  locative,  the  form  in  which 
the  name  generally  occurs. 

"The  name,"  he  says,  "seems  to  indicate  that  those  who  first  gave  it 
had  not  discovered  that  it  was  an  Island.  The  Micmacs  who  visited  it 
knew  that  there  was  another  tribe  there,  but  never  could  scrape  acquaint- 
ance with  them,  for  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  strangers  were  in  the 
neighborhood,  these  Red  Indians — called  Red  from  their  profuse  use  of 
Red  ochre, — and  who  were  believed  to  be  able  to  tell  by  magic,  when 
anyone  was  approaching — would  gird  on  their  snow  shoes,  if  it  was  in 
the  winter  season,  and  tiee  as  for  their  lives.  But  on  one  occasion  three 
young  hunters  from  '  Megumaghee,'  Micmac-land — came  upon  three  lodges 
belonging  to  these  people.  They  were  built  up  with  logs  around  a  '  cradle 
hollow,'  so  as  to  afford  a  protection  from  the  guns  of  an  enemy.  These  huts 
were  empty  and  everything  indicated  that  they  had  just  been  abandoned. 
The  three  Micmacs  determined  to  give  chase,  and  if  possible  overtake  the 
fugitives,  and  make  friends  with  them.  They  soon  came  sufficiently  near 
to  hail  them  and  make  signs  of  friendship,  but  those  signs  were  unheeded, 
and  the  poor  fellows,  men,  women,  and  children,  fled  like  frightened  fawns, 
and  like  John  Gilpin's  horse,  'as  they  fled  left  all  the  world  behind.' 
Nothing  daunted,  however,  the  young  men  continued  the  pursuit.  Finally 
one  of  the  fleeing  party,  a  young  woman,  snapped  the  strap  that  held  her 
snow-shoe.  This  delayed  her  for  a  few  moments.  It  was  necessary  to 
sit  down  and  repair  it.  Her  father  ran  back  to  her  assistance  and  she 
was  soon  again  on  the  wing.  But  the  mended  strap  again  gave  way ; 
and  by  this  time  the  pursuers  were  so  near  that  the  poor  creature  was  left 
behind,  her  companions  would  not  halt  for  her.  She  shouted  and  screamed 
dolorously  but  her  shrieks  and  cries  were  unheeded,  and  she  was  soon  in 
the  hands  of  the  three  hunters.  They  endeavoured  to  make  her  compre- 
hend that  they  were  not  enemies  but  friends,  that  they  would  not  injure 
a  hair  of  her  head.  But  although  she  probably  understood  the  signification 
of  their  gesticulations,  she  had  no  confidence  in  them.  She  resisted  wildly 
all  attempts  to  lay  a  hand  upon  her  and  cried  and  shrieked  with  terror 
whenever  one  of  them  came  near  her.  They  tried  to  induce  her  by  signs 
to  go  back  with  them  to  their  encampment,  and  that  she  should  be  kindly 
treated  and  cared  for.  But  this  she  positively  refused  to  do.  They 
offered  her  food  which  she  refused  to  touch.  Night  was  coming  on  and  her 
friends  were  evidently  now  far  away.  The  hunters  could  not  leave  her 
there  to  perish  so  they  constructed  a  shelter  and  remained  at  the  place 
for  several  days.  Finally  they  succeeded  in  some  measure  in  pacifying 


286      Mr  Edward  Jack's  interview  with  the  Melicite  Gabe 

her.  Of  one  of  the  young  men  she  ceased  to  be  afraid.  She  went  back 
with  them  to  their  camp,  but  still  for  several  days  refused  all  nourishment, 
but  she  clung  to  the  young  fellow  who  had  first  won  her  confidence, 
keeping  as  far  as  possible  from  all  the  rest,  standing  or  crouching  behind 
him,  and  keeping  him  between  herself  and  the  others.  After  a  few  days, 
however,  she  became  pacified,  and  after  remaining  with  them  two  years, 
she  had  learned  to  speak  their  language,  and  became  the  wife  of  that 
one  of  her  captors  to  whom  she  had  first  become  reconciled.  Then  she 
recounted  her  history. 

"Joseph  Nowlan,  my  informant's  father,  saw  her  many  a  time,  and 
conversed  with  her  on  these  subjects,  but  these  details  are  lost.  One 
summer  when  on  the  Island,  Nowlan  boarded  with  the  family.  The 
woman  became  the  mother  of  a  number  of  children. 

"Such  is  the  story  referred  to  by  Mr  Gatschet.  I  can  only  regret  that 
I  had  not  known  something  of  these  matters  during  the  life  of  Mr  Nowlan: 
How  much  interesting  information  I  might  have  obtained." 

SILAS  T.  RAND. 
HANTSPORT,  N.S., 

May  21,  1887. 

A  friend  of  mine  in  New  Brunswick  (Mr  Edward  Jack)  at  my  request 
interviewed  a  very  old  Melicite  Indian  of  that  Province  named  Gabriel, 
or  Gabe,  as  to  what  he  knew  of  the  Newfoundland  Indians.  Gabe  had 
often  heard  of  them  from  the  older  people  of  his  tribe,  who  used  to 
visit  this  island  periodically  in  quest  of  fur.  It  was  however  so  long 
ago  since  these  excursions  took  place,  and  Gabe's  memory  was  now  so 
defective,  he  could  remember  but  little  of  what  he  had  learned  from  his 
forbears. 

The  only  thing  learnt  from  this  old  Melicite  which  was  at  all  of  an 
interesting  character  is  the  following  story. 

"On  one  of  these  annual  expeditions,  three  young  hunters  of  his 
tribe,  came  across  a  Red  Indian  wigwam  (mamateek)  and  took  its 
occupants  unawares.  The  latter  rushed  forth  in  great  haste  and  betook 
themselves  to  the  woods  as  was  their  custom  when  suddenly  disturbed. 
No  doubt  the  poor  creatures  had  been  so  harassed  by  both  whites  and 
others,  that  they  expected  no  mercy  at  the  hands  of  either,  but  on  this 
occasion,  at  least,  according  to  Gabe,  they  were  allowed  to  make  their 
escape  without  molestation. 

"In  the  hurry  of  their  precipitate  flight  the  Red  men  left  behind  a 
little  baby  boy  rolled  up  in  furs,  in  a  corner  of  the  wigwam,  which  the 
Melicites  discovered  on  searching  the  interior.  Being  inclined  for  amuse- 
ment, they  took  some  charcoal  from  the  fire  and  mixing  it  with  grease, 
they  smeared  the  poor  little  infant  all  over  till  he  was  as  black  as  any 
nigger.  They  then  determined  to  watch  and  see  what  the  effect  would  be 
when  the  Beothucks  returned,  so  hiding  themselves  in  the  thick  forest 
close  by,  they  awaited  patiently  a  long  time.  At  length  they  saw  the 
Beothucks  cautiously  approach,  with  stealthy  step,  and  peering  about  them 


jfyafonfa?  (Mr  Sweetland's)  information  287 

in  every  direction.  At  length  they  became  sufficiently  emboldened  to  enter 
the  wigwam.  On  beholding  the  little  black  piccaninny,  they  fairly  howled 
with  laughter,  and  apparently  enjoyed  the  joke  immensely.  Upon  this  the 
hunters  stealthily  withdrew  and  did  not  further  molest  them.  This  was 
about  all  that  old  Gabe  could  recollect,  of  the  many  stories  he  had  heard 
in  his  younger  days." 

In  the  Royal  Gazette  of  January  1862,  an  article  appeared  on  the 
"Aborigines  of  Newfoundland,"  signed  W.  Avalonis.  It  was  of  considerable 
interest,  and  ascertaining  that  the  author  was  Mr  William  Sweetland, 
Magistrate  of  Bonavista,  from  whom  I  have  already  quoted  extensively, 
the  gist  of  his  remarks  were  copied  and  are  here  given. 

The  author  first  refers  to  Buchan's  expedition,  as  already  fully  set 
forth.  He  says  he  was  personally  acquainted  with  Capt.  Buchan,  and  had 
frequent  conversations  with  him  about  the  Red  Indians.  He  also  says,  in 
referring  to  Shanawdithit  "that  when  brought  to  St  John's  and  while 
residing  in  the  house  of  Mr  Cormack  he  had  frequent  opportunities  of  con- 
versing with  her,  for  Mr  Cormack,  during  her  residence  with  him,  formed 
a  pretty  extensive  vocabulary  of  the  language  of  her  people." 

"On  one  of  these  occasions,  we  learnt,"  says  he,  "from  her  that  the 
marines  left  by  Capt.  Buchan,  had  in  no  way  misconducted  themselves, 
and  that  the  Indians  continued  to  treat  them  with  kindness,  until  the  return 
of  the  chief,  who  had  deserted  Buchan's  party  that  day.  On  his  return  to 
the  wigwams  he  called  his  brethren  together,  and  proposed  to  put  the 
marines  to  death  immediately,  but  this  the  others  would  not  consent  to  do, 
and  opposed  it  for  a  long  time  most  strenuously,  nevertheless,  the  chief 
eventually  gained  his  point  by  having  persuaded  them  of  the  necessity  of 
doing  so.  The  poor  fellows  were  thrust  forth  from  the  huts,  and  from  the 
direction  in  which  their  remains  were  discovered  by  Buchan  and  his  party 
on  their  return  to  the  pond,  they  were  apparently  intent  upon  returning  to 
the  Exploits  to  seek  their  commander.  They  were  shot  down  by  arrows 
from  behind  and  beheaded. 

"This  confirms  Lieut.  Buchan's  surmise  that  their  death  was  occasioned 
by  the  return  of  the  chief,  possibly  without  presents.  This  chief,  who 
directed  their  destruction,  appears  to  have  been  of  a  sanguinary  tempera- 
ment with  peculiarly  marked  features.  The  act  completed,  the  inhabitants 
of  the  encampment  fled  with  precipitation  to  the  Indian  town,  where  their 
account  of  the  strange  visitors  and  subsequent  destruction  of  two  of  their 
number  at  the  encampment  caused  great  consternation,  lest  Lieut.  Buchan 
and  his  party  should  return  and  annihilate  them  with  his  thunder.  The 
safe  return  of  the  Indian  who  had  accompanied  Buchan  to  the  depot, 
and  Lieut.  B's  subsequent  deposit  of  presents  at  the  wigwams  served, 
in  some  measure,  to  reassure  the  tribe,  and  relieve  them  somewhat  from  their 
fears  of  retaliation,  but  not  sufficiently  to  do  away  with  that  suspicion 
which  they  naturally  felt,  that  Buchan  only  wanted  the  opportunity  to  fall 
upon  and  annihilate  the  whole  tribe,  or  at  least  we  may  infer  as  much 
from  their  darting  arrows  through  the  store  before  they  ventured  into 
it,  as  related  by  Lieut.  Buchan. 

"In  questioning  Shanawdithit  as  to  the  origin  of  her  tribe  she  stated 


288  Shanawdithif  s  version  of  their  origin 

that  '  the  Voice '  told  them  that  they  sprang  or  came  from  an  arrow 
stuck  in  the  ground."  Then  follows  the  long  dissertation  as  to  their 
Tartar  derivation  from  Ogus  Khan  &c.,  already  given  in  full. 

Mr  Sweetland  further  adds,  "that  they  were  at  one  time  on  friendly 
terms  with  the  White  fishermen  and  even  assisted  them  in  their  opera- 
tions, as  attested  by  Whitbourne,  John  Guy  and  others.  He  remarks  that 
two  splendid  opportunities  were  suffered  to  pass,  by  the  traders  residing 
in  Trinity  and  Bonavista  Bays  aforetimes,  without  taking  advantage  of 
them,  to  bring  on  an  intercourse  with  the  Red  Indians,  by  means  of  the 
two  Red  Indian  boys  who  fell  into  their  possession,  and  who  were  reared 
up  and  employed  by  the  parties  who  captured  them.  The  one  was  named 
Tom  June  and  the  other  John  August.  The  former  appears  to  have  in- 
duced his  patron  to  sit  down  and  spend  a  day  with  his  parents  and  his 
brothers  and  sisters,  who  had  pitched  their  tent  near  them,  and  dwelt 
therein,  at  Gambo,  during  the  whole  of  one  winter.  The  other,  John 
August,  whose  remains  lie  interred  in  the  Churchyard  at  Trinity,  usually 
in  the  fall,  during  many  years,  took  his  canoe,  went  off  up  the  bay, 
and  returned  to  his  quarters  at  the  end  of  a  fortnight  or  three  weeks ; 
the  interval,  it  is  supposed,  he  spent  visiting  his  family  in  the  interior, 
but  he  does  not  appear  to  have  committed  the  secret  to  anyone." 

Lieutenant  Chappell  who  published  a  book  in  1818,  entitled  The 
Voyage  of  the  Rosamond,  also  makes  several  references  to  the  Red 
Indians.  He  says  "on  meeting  a  Micmac  Indian  in  Bay  of  St  George, 
he  asked  him  if  the  savage,  Red  Indians,  inhabiting  the  interior  of  the 
country,  also  looked  up  to  God,  when  with  a  sneer  of  the  most  ineffable 
contempt,  he  replied.  'No;  no  look  up  to  God:  killee  all  men  dat  dem 
see,  Red  Indian  no  good.'  '  Do  you  understand  the  talk  of  the  Red 
Indians  ?  Oh  no ;  dem  talkee  all  same  dog ;  Bow,  wow,  wow.'  This 
last  speech  was  pronounced  with  a  peculiar  degree  of  acrimony.' 

Chappell  it  was  who,  referring  to  the  Indian  woman  captured  by 
Cull  in  1804,  observed  it  was  said  that  this  woman  had  been  made 
away  with  on  account  of  the  value  of  the  presents,  which  amounted  to 
an  hundred  pounds.  "  Mr  Cormack  told  MacGregor,  author  of  '  British 
America,'  in  1827,  that  if  Cull  could  catch  the  author  of  that  book  within 
reach  of  his  long  duck  gun,  he  would  be  as  dead  as  any  of  the  Red 
Indians  that  Cull  had  often  shot." 

Description  of  a  Beothuck  Sepulchre  on  an  island  in  the 
Bay  of  Exploits. 

During  the  summer  of  1886  while  engaged  surveying  the  Bay  of 
Exploits,  the  author  paid  a  visit  to  a  burial  place  of  the  Beothucks  on  an 
uninhabited  island  called  Swan  Island,  a  few  miles  south  of  Exploits  Harbour, 
to  examine  a  place  of  sepulchre  I  had  often  heard  of.  It  is  situated  on  the 
S.  side  of  the  Island,  just  inside  two  island  rocks,  and  is  so  hidden  from 
view  that  one  would  never  detect  it  unless  shown  the  place.  On  this  occasion 
I  had  procured  a  guide  who  knew  its  location  well,  having  previously  entirely 
failed  to  find  it  on  my  own  account. 


Plate  X 


pq 


Beothuck  Sepulchre  289 

It  is  approached  by  a  little  cove  which  leads  up  to  the  base  of  a  jagged 
broken  cliff,  rising  almost  vertically  from  the  water  to  a  height  of  some  fifty 
or  more  feet.  On  either  side  there  are  fissures  or  ravines  reaching  inland, 
occupied  by  dense  bushes  and  some  fairly  large  trees,  which  grow  right  down 
to  the  water's  edge  effectually  concealing  any  appearance  of  a  cave,  from  view. 
On  the  right  hand  side  the  cliff  ends  very  abruptly,  and  the  trees  grow  so 
close  to  its  edge  that  it  was  necessary  to  almost  squeeze  oneself  between  the 
cliff  and  the  nearest  tree  to  get  access  to  the  rear.  A  slight  elevation  is  then 
seen  forming  a  sloping  floor  reaching  up  behind  and  beneath  the  cliff  which 
here  overhangs  considerably.  In  fact  it  is  in  reality  a  great  fissure  in  the 
back  of  the  cliff.  It  slopes  down  so  far  that  the  upper  overhanging  part 
projects  fully  1 5  or  20  feet,  and  forms  a  kind  of  canopy  which  affords  complete 
shelter  from  the  elements. 

The  floor  of  this  semi-cavern  was  a  mass  of  loose  fragments  of  rock, 
fallen  from  the  cliff  above,  mixed  with  sand  and  gravel.  On  removing  some 
of  this  loose  debris,  fragments  of  human  bones,  birch  bark  and  short  pieces  of 
sticks  were  found  all  confusedly  mixed  together.  This  may  be  accounted  for 
by  the  fact  that  the  place  had  been  frequently  visited  before  and  pretty 
thoroughly  ransacked.  Nevertheless  our  search  was  fairly  well  rewarded, 
although  the  human  bones  were  all  too  fragmentary  and  too  much  decayed  to 
be  worth  preserving.  A  few  rib  bones  and  sections  of  vertebral  columns  only 
were  intact.  The  fragments  of  birch  bark  were  perfectly  preserved.  Some 
of  those  showed  neat  rows  of  stitching  in  single  and  double  lines.  The  small 
sections  of  trees  were  cut  to  fit  across  the  crevice  immediately  over  the  bodies, 
and  on  these  the  birch  bark  must  have  been  laid,  the  whole  being  then  covered 
or  weighted  down  with  loose  rock  and  gravel,  but  all  this  had  been  disturbed 
and  pulled  to  pieces.  Some  of  the  wood  was  so  rudely  hacked  off  at  the  ends 
as  to  suggest  that  it  had  been  cut  with  stone  implements,  while  other  pieces 
were  so  cleanly  cut  as  to  leave  no  doubt  steel  axes  had  been  used.  This 
would  seem  to  imply  that  burial  had  taken  place  here  both  before  and  after 
the  advent  of  the  white  man. 

After  a  good  deal  of  labour  in  removing  the  heavier  pieces  of  rock,  and 
digging  into  the  more  gravelly  parts  beneath,  a  few  articles  of  interest  were 
found,  such  as  carved  bones,  pieces  of  iron,  broken  glass  bottles,  iragments  oi 
lobster  claws  and  other  shells,  and  some  sections  of  clay  pipe  stems.  Two  or 
three  sticks  sharpened  at  the  ends  and  partly  charred  by  fire  were  evidently 
used  for  roasting  meat.  Some  small  and  much  decayed  fragments  of  bows 
and  arrows,  all  still  retaining  evidence  of  having  been  smeared  with  red  ochre 
were  amongst  the  finds.  But  by  far  the  most  interesting  articles  recovered 
were  the  carved  bones,  and  discs  made  of  shells  perforated  in  the  middle1. 
These  with  strings  of  wampum,  consisting  of  segments  of  clay  pipe  stems  alter- 
nating with  others  of  the  inner  birch  bark  and  small  rings  of  sheet  lead,  were  all 
strung  on  deer  skin  thongs.  Far  in  at  the  back  part  of  the  crevice,  resting  on 
a  shelf  of  the  rock,  a  good  many  carved  bone  ornaments  were  found,  of  a  very 
interesting  character,  some  of  these  were  made  of  ivory,  probably  Walrus'  tusk, 
but  by  far  the  greater  number  consisted  of  flat  pieces  of  deer's  leg  bones, 

1  Shells  of  the  Mya  truncata  and  Saxicava  rugosa,  locally  called  clams. 
H.  37 


290  Description  of  contents  of  Sepulchre 

They  were  of  various  shapes  and  sizes  and  all  had  curious  designs  carved 
on  either  side,  no  two  of  which  were  exactly  alike,  and  every  piece  had  a 
small  hole  drilled  through  one  end.  Several  pieces  were  between  four  and 
five  inches  long,  and  all  tapered  towards  the  end  in  which  the  hole  was 
drilled. 

The  wider  end  averaged  about  half  an  inch  ;  some  were  cut  square 
across,  others  obliquely,  and  still  others  forked  or  swallow-tailed.  A  number 
of  other  pieces  were  short  and  presented  two,  three  and  some  four  prongs; 
two  were  cut  in  the  shape  of  triangles,  and  several  others  in  forms  un- 
describable.  The  designs  on  these  were  very  elaborate,  but  did  not  seem 
to  indicate  anything  beyond  the  whim  or  fancy  of  the  designer.  There 
were  also  several  combs  and  a  variety  of  nondescript  articles. 

Perhaps  the  most  interesting  of  all  were  a  number  of  square  blocks 
of  ivory,  about  one  inch  long  by  f  wide  and  £  in  thickness,  perfectly  plain 
on  one  side  but  elaborately  carved  on  the  other.  A  fine  double  marginal 
line  ran  around  near  the  edge  on  each  of  the  four  sides,  inside  of  which 
was  a  double  row  of  triangular  figures  meeting  at  their  apex  on  a  central  line, 
extending  across  the  face  of  the  block.  The  triangular  figures  on  four  of 
the  blocks  were  eight  in  number,  four  on  either  side,  while  on  another  block 
there  were  six  such  at  each  of  the  narrower  ends,  twelve  in  all.  In  the 
central  space  of  this  latter  block  there  appears  a  large  figure  exactly  re- 
sembling the  capital  letter  H.  A  few  other  blocks  were  merely  scored 
with  fine  lines  crossing  each  other  at  right  angles.  Another  set  of  some- 
what similar  articles  were  of  diamond  shape  of  about  two  inches  long, 
carved  also  on  one  side  only.  None  of  these  latter  pieces  have  holes  in 
them,  and  one  is  led  to  the  conclusion  they  were  used  for  entirely  different 
purposes  than  any  of  the  other  ornaments.  They  seem  to  suggest  some- 
thing in  the  form  of  our  dice,  and  were  probably  used  for  gaming. 

Mr  Gatschet  in  one  of  his  papers  read  before  the  Archaeological 
Section  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  (May  1900),  describes  a  Micmac 
game  called  "  Altesta-an-"  consisting  of  a  wooden  tray,  or  "  Waltes "  and 
several  small  carved  discs  of  bone,  which  latter  were  placed  on  the  tray 
and  tossed  into  the  air  and  as  they  fell  on  the  ground  or  on  a  skin  spread 
out  thereon,  each  counted  according  to  the  design  on  such  as  fell  face 
upwards.  I  have  very  little  doubt  but  that  the  Beothucks  possessed  a 
somewhat  similar  game,  of  which  the  blocks  above  mentioned  formed  the 
counters.  There  was  nothing  corresponding  to  the  wooden  tray  or  Waltes 
found,  but  Mr  Gatschet  states  that  a  sheet  of  birch  bark  was  frequently  substi- 
tuted for  this,  so  it  is  quite  probable  the  Beothuck  only  used  the  latter,  and  did 
not  preserve  it.  If  the  above  supposition  for  the  use  of  these  articles  be 
correct,  it  would  prove  an  interesting  fact  that  two  tribes  so  hostile  to  each 
other  should  have  anything  in  common.  It  may  point  to  more  friendly 
relations  in  former  times,  but  of  this  we  have  nothing  of  a  definite  nature. 

The  few  remaining  articles  discovered  here  are  clearly  indicative  of  a 
more  recent  origin,  they  consist  of  fragments  of  iron  pots,  nails  and  clay 
pipe  stems  evidently  French,  for  one  piece  is  stamped  with  a  fleur  de  lis 
and  a  lion  Rampant,  Arms  of  Francis  I  of  France  (?).  A  few  chips  of  chert 
were  found  but  no  arrow  heads  or  spears  of  any  kind.  Had  such  been 


Description  of  contents  of  Sepulchre 


291 


here  at  any  time  they  were  probably  all  picked  up  by  those  persons  who 
had  preceded  me  in  the  search.  The  only  other  articles  to  be  noted  were 
fragments  of  broken  bottles,  and  of  shell  fish  such  as  mussels,  Mytilus  edulus, 
salt  and  fresh  water  clams,  especially  Mya  arenaria,  the  scollop,  Pecten 
islandicus,  and  some  broken  lobster  claws.  There  were  among  other  non- 
descript articles  several  teeth  of  animals,  some  apparently  of  the  seal  and 
walrus,  with  two  or  three  pigs'  tusks.  Most  of  these  had  holes  bored  in 
them  like  the  other  ornaments,  these  with  fragments  or  lumps  of  radiated 
iron  pyrites,  used  as  fire  stones,  made  up  the  remainder  of  the  find. 

A  visit  was  paid  to  another  island  further  in  the  Bay,  on  which  a  few 
articles  only  were  obtained.  The  cliff  here  had  fallen  and  the  burial  place 
was  covered  with  tons  of  large  fragments  of  rocks  which  would  take  several 


Fibre 


innnjT 


OTmrfro 


. 

' 


days  to  remove,  and  in  any  case  the  overhanging  cliffs  were  too  dangerous 
to  work  under.  In  the  short  time  spent  here  we  only  succeeded  in  finding 
some  pieces  of  birch  bark,  a  few  much  decayed  fragments  of  human  bones, 
one  very  perfect  forked  bone  ornament  and  the  battered  spout  of  a  copper  tea 
kettle. 

I  might  add  here  that  numerous  carved  bones  similar  to  those  above 
described  have  been  found  from  time  to  time  in  other  burial  places  on  all 
sides  of  the  island.  The  shape  or  pattern  of  all  these  varies  but  little, 
yet  there  are  scarcely  any  two  designs  exactly  alike.  Invariably  they  show 
the  trace  of  red  ochre,  especially  in  the  interstices  of  the  designs  carved  upon 
them. 

37—2 


292 


Reconstructed  Red  Indian  Grave,  etc. 


Reconstructed  Red  Indian  Grave,  Hangman's  Island,  Placentia  Bay. 


Longitudinal  section 


>-^>qC-H-. 

V<^      ^t-r>->. 


Transverse  section 
Rough  sketch  of  Hangman's  Island  (+  is  the  grave}. 


Description  of  burying  places  in  Placentia  Bay  293 


Mr  R.  S.  Dahl,  M.E.,  has  furnished  me  with  the  following  particulars 
of  Indian  burying  places  visited  by  him  in  Placentia  Bay  and  information 
received  from  Benjamin  Warren  who  first  found  these  places. 

Red  Indian  grave  on  Hangman's  Island,  one  of  the  group  of  Ragged 
Islands  in  that  Bay.  Particulars  : 

•  The  grave  was  covered  with  a  Birch  Bark  shield  (see  fig.,  p.  291)  made 
of  strips  of  bark  neatly  sewn  together  and  laid  upon  sticks,  eighteen  in  all. 
These  were  supported  by  one  long  central  pole,  lengthwise  which  was  4  inches 
in  diameter  and  10  feet  long.  The  cross  sticks  were  2^  inches  in  diameter 
and  7  feet  long.  These  were  placed  about  4  inches  apart,  and  the  strips 
of  bark  covering  10  and  12  inches  wide  were  sewn  onto  them.  The  long 
central  lengthwise  pole  was  placed  underneath  and  supported  the  covering. 
This  covering  or  pall  was  held  in  place  by  being  weighted  down  with  small 
rocks  and  gravel,  or  soil. 

The  cave  in  which  the  remains  were  found  is  described  thus :  The 
roof  overhung  the  grave  so  as  to  completely  protect  it  from  the  weather. 
It  was  about  25  feet  from  high  water  mark  and  about  10  feet  above  it. 
I  saw  a  piece  of  the  bark  in  which  the  seam  overlapped  about  i  inch, 
and  the  stick  holes  were  exceedingly  regular  about  -J-"  apart,  double  rows 
about  £".  A  number  of  winkles  neatly  cut  and  holed  and  the  absence  of 
weapons  indicated  a  woman's  grave. 

On  another  island  called  Tilt  Island  of  the  same  group  Mr  Dahl 
examined  a  place  called  Indian  Hole  where  several  fragments  of  human 
remains  and  some  stone  implements  were  found.  He  enumerated  the  articles 
found  here  and  on  Hangman's  Island  as  follows  : 

Indian  Hole,  Tilt  Island. 


i  rib  bone. 

i  tibia. 

i  patella. 

i  bone  (?). 

i  metatarsal  bone. 

i  piece  of  a  cross  stick. 


1  arrow  head. 
3  small  beads. 

2  large  flat  beads  on  stick, 
i   feather. 

Birch  rind  with  stitched  holes. 


On   Hangman's  Island. 

Birch  rind  with  stitched  holes  and  a  number  of  small  bones  of  doubtful 
origin.  Found  by  Mr  Warren  on  Hangman's  Island  24  bone  charms  (?) 
made  of  bone  or  such  hard  substances  approximately  as  sketch. 


294 


Sketch  Plan  of  Indian  Hole,  etc. 


Indian  Hole,   Tilt  Island,  Ragged  Islands,  Placentia  Bay. 
Sketch  *plan. 


Position  of 


Posit  '/on  of  Beads 

Posit  /on  of  Rib] 

Bone  and.  Patdlcb 

also  arrow/tea 


Approximate  original 
position  of  body 


Tibia. 
Wall 


Slide 


Section  A — B. 


Onqinal 
Entrance. 


< Cars  /O ' 


Carets' 


Front  to  Rear  Car-e  20' 


Portrait  of  Shanawdithit  295 

In  the  Annals  of  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel,  for 
1856,  there  is  a  coloured  frontispiece  representing  SHANAWDITHIT  or  NANCY, 
and  said  to  be  a  facsimile  of  an  original  painting1.  The  following  inter- 
esting article  explains  the  portrait  and  gives  the  source  from  whence  it 
was  obtained. 

"  Our  frontispiece  is  the  portrait  of  a  woman  who  is  believed  to  have 
been  the  last  survivor  of  the  Beothicks,  the  aboriginal  people  of  Newfound- 
land. That  ancient  race  was,  unhappily,  suffered  to  die  out,  without  any 
attempt,  beyond  good  intentions  on  the  part  of  Europeans,  for  their  con- 
version to  the  Christian  faith. 

"  An  interesting  account  of  Shanawdithit  is  given  by  Bishop  Englis 
of  Nova  Scotia,  who  visited  the  Island  of  Newfoundland  in  1827  and  in 
the  course  of  his  visitation  reached,  on  July  2nd,  the  River  and  Bay  of 
Exploits,  on  the  North  East  shore  of  the  Island.  The  ship  in  which 
the  Bishop  sailed  went  up  the  river  for  twenty  five  miles,  and  landed  in 
a  spot  which  the  Bishop  describes. 

"  The  weather  was  fine,  but  as  hot  as  I  have  ever  felt  it ;  while  the 
ship  was  being  provided  with  wood,  we  went  in  the  boats  about  thirteen 
miles  up  the  river  to  a  rapid  where  we  landed,  and  walked  about  two 
miles  to  a  splendid  waterfall.  The  land  is  good,  finely  wooded  with  large 
timber,  and  the  scenery  is  rich  and  picturesque.  Mr  Peyton,  who  was 
with  us,  has  twelve  fishing  stations  for  salmon  along  thirty  miles  of  the 
river ;  and  the  abundance  of  seal,  deer,  wild  fowl  and  game  of  every 
description  is  surprising.  But  our  interest  in  all  we  saw  was  greatly  in- 
creased by  knowing  that  this  was  the  retreat  of  the  Beothick  or  red,  or 
wild  Indians,  until  the  last  four  or  five  years. 

"  We  were  on  several  of  their  stations,  and  saw  many  of  their  traces. 
These  stations  were  admirably  chosen  on  points  of  land  where  they  were 
concealed  by  the  forest,  but  had  long  views  up  and  down  the  river,  to 
guard  against  surprise.  When  Cabot  first  landed  he  took  away  three  of 
this  unhappy  tribe  and  from  that  day  to  the  present  they  have  had  reason 
to  lament  the  discovery  of  their  island  by  Europeans.  Not  the  least 
advancement  has  been  made  towards  their  civilization.  They  are  still 
clothed  in  skins  if  any  remnant  of  the  race  be  left,  and  bows  and  arrows 
are  their  only  weapons.  English  and  French,  and  Micmacs  and  Moun- 
taineers, and  Labrador  Esquimaux,  shoot  at  the  Beothick  as  they  shoot 
at  deer.  The  several  attempts  that  have  been  made  under  the  sanction 
of  the  Government  to  promote  an  intercourse  with  this  race  have  been 
most  unfortunate,  though  some  of  them  had  every  prospect  of  success.  An 
institution  has  been  founded  in  the  present  year  (1827)  to  renew  these 
praiseworthy  attempts,  the  expenses  of  which  must  be  borne  by  benevolent 
individuals ;  and  while  I  am  writing,  Mr  Cormack  is  engaged  in  a  search 
for  the  remnant  of  the  race ;  but  as  it  is  known  that  they  were  reduced 
to  the  greatest  distress  by  being  driven  from  the  shores  and  rivers,  where 
alone  they  could  procure  sufficient  food,  and  none  have  been  seen  for 
several  years,  it  is  feared  by  some  that  a  young  woman  who  was  brought 

1  Probably    a    copy   of  the   picture   or    portrait   referred    to    by    W.    E.    Cormack,   and    seen    by 
Bonnycastle. 


296  Description  of  Shanawdithit 

in  some  four  years  ago  and  is  now  living  in  Mr  Peyton's  family,  is  the 
only  survivor  of  her  tribe.  The  Beothick  Institution  have  now  assumed 
the  charge  of  this  interesting  female,  that  she  may  be  well  instructed  and 
provided  for.  Mr  Cormack  has  only  taken  with .  him  one  Micmac,  one 
Mountaineer,  and  one  Canadian  Indian,  and  they  are  provided  with  shields 
to  protect  them  from  arrows,  that  they  may  not  be  compelled  to  fire.  If 
they  remain,  they  are  hidden  in  the  most  retired  covers  of  the  forest, 
which  is  chiefly  confined  to  the  margins  of  lakes  and  banks  of  rivers. 
Mr  Cormack  and  his  three  companions  are  provided  with  various  hiero- 
glyphics and  emblems  of  peace,  and  hope  to  discover  the  objects  of  their 
pursuit  by  looking  from  the  tops  of  hills  for  their  smoke,  which  may 
sometimes  be  seen  at  the  distance  of  eight  or  ten  miles  in  the  dawn  of 
a  calm  frosty  morning.  Who  can  fail  to  wish  complete  success  to  so 
charitable  an  attempt  ?  We  returned  to  our  ship  in  the  evening  greatly 
delighted  with  everything  we  had  seen,  but  much  exhausted  with  excessive 
heat ;  several  of  the  party  also  suffered  from  the  mosquitoes,  which  were 
innumerable. 

"Wednesday  July  4th.  The  Weather  continued  fine  and  we  had  a 
rapjd  sail  down  the  river  at  an  early  hour  in  the  morning,  making  only 
one  stop  at  a  beautiful  station  on  Sandy  Point,  from  whence  the  Beothicks 
a  few  years  ago  stole  a  vessel  and  several  hundred  pounds  worth  of 
property  from  Mr  Peyton. 

"  Between  nine  and  ten  we  landed  at  Burnt  Island ;  and  while  the 
clergy  were  engaged  in  assembling  the  people  for  service,  I  had  some 
conversation  with  Shanawdithit,  .the  Beothick  young  woman  I  have 
already  mentioned.  The  history  of  her  introduction  to  Peyton's  family  is 
soon  related.  In  April  1823,  a  party  of  furriers  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  Exploits  River,  followed  the  traces  of  some  Red  Indians,  until  they 
came  to  a  wigwam,  or  hut,  from  whence  an  Indian  had  just  gone,  and 
near  it  they  found  an  .old  woman,  so  infirm  that  she  could  not  escape. 
They  took  her  to  Mr  Peyton's,  where  she  was  kindly  treated,  and  loaded 
with  presents.  After  a  .few  days  she  was  .left  at  her  wigwam,  while  the 
furriers  searched  for  others.  Two  females  were  soon  discovered,  whose 
dress  was  but  little  different  from  that  of  the  men.  Though  much  alarmed, 
they  were  made  to  understand  by  signs  that  the  old  woman,  who  was 
their,  mother,  was  at  hand.  The  man  who  had  been  first  seen  was  their 
father  (?)  who.  was  drowned  by  falling  through  the  ice.  The  women  were 
in  such  lamentable  want  of  food  that  they  were  easily  induced  to  go  to 
Mr  Qeyton's.  He  took  them  to  St  John's  where  everything  they  could 
desire  was  given  to  them,  and  after  a  stay  of  ten  days  they  were  taken 
back  to  Exploits,  and  returned  to  their  wigwam,  in  full  confidence  that  an 
amicable  intercourse  with  their  tribe  would  be  established.  One  of  the 
young,  women,  who  had  suffered  some  time  from  pulmonary  complaint 
died  as  soon  as  she  was  landed.  In  a  short  time  the  other  two  returned 
to  one  of  Mr  Peyton's  stations,  nearly  famished  and  very  soon  after  they 
arrived  the  .old  woman  also  died,  and  Mr  Peyton  has  retained  her  daughter 
Shanawdithit,  in  his  family  ever  since.  She  is  fond  of  children,  who  leave 
their  mother  to  go  to  her,  and  soon  learned  all  that  was  necessary  to 


Linguistic  affinity  of  the  Beothucks  297 

make  her  useful  in  the  family.  Her  progress  in  the  English  language  has 
been  slow,  and  I  greatly  lamented  to  find  that  she  had  not  received 
sufficient  instruction  to  be  baptised  and  confirmed.  I  should  have  brought 
her  to  Halifax  for  this  purpose  but  her  presence  will  be  of  infinite  im- 
portance if  any  more  of  her  tribe  should  be  discovered.  She  is  now 
23  years  old,  very  interesting,  rather  graceful,  and  of  a  good  disposition  ; 
her  countenance  mild,  her  voice  soft  and  harmonious.  Sometimes  a  little 
sulkiness  appears,  and  an  anxiety  to  wander,  when  she  will  pass  twenty  four 
hours  in  the  woods,  and  return  ;  but  this  seldom  occurs.  She  is  fearful  that 
her  race  has  died  for  want  of  food.  Mr  Peyton  has  learnt  from  her  that 
the  traditions  of  the  Boeothick  represent  their  descent  from  the  Labrador 
Indians  but  the  language  of  one  is  wholly  unintelligible  to  the  other.  All 
that  could  be  discovered  of  their  religion  is,  that  they  feared  some  powerful 
monster,  who  was  to  appear  from  the  sea  and  punish  the  wicked.  They 
consider  death  as  a  long  sleep,  and  it  is  customary  to  bury  the  implements 
and  ornaments  of  the  dead  in  the  same  grave  with  their  former  possessors. 
They  believe  in  incantations.  When  the  girl  who  died  was  very  ill,  her 
mother,  who  was  of  a  violent  and  savage  disposition,  heated  large  stones 
and  then  poured  water  upon  them  until  she  was  encircled  by  the  fumes, 
from  the  midst  of  which  she  uttered  horrid  shrieks,  expecting  benefit  to 
her  suffering  child. 

"  Mr  Chapman  has  been  diligent  in  visiting  and  instructing  the  people 
during  our  short  absence  in  the  upper  part  of  the  river.  A  congregation 
was  assembled  at  1 1  O'clock,  and  forty  nine  persons  were  confirmed.  All 
of  these  were  very  decorous  in  their  whole  behaviour  and  many  of.  them 
appeared  sincerely  devout. 

"  Shanawdithit  was  present.  She  perfectly  understood  that  we  were 
engaged  in  religious  services,  and  seemed  struck  with  their  solemnity. 
Her  whole  deportment  was  serious  and  becoming.  She  was  also  made  to 
understand  my  regret  that  her  previous  instruction  had  not  been  such  as 
to  allow  of  her  baptism  and  confirmation,  and  my  hope  and  expectation 
that  she  would  be  well  prepared,  if  it  should  please  God  that  we  meet 
again.  Mr  Peyton  pledged  himself  that  every  possible  endeavour  should 
be  made  for  this  purpose. 

"  We  learn  from  another  source  that  Shanawdithit  lived  altogether 
six  years  in  St  John's  N.F.,  first  in  the  house  of  Mr  Cormack,  then  in 
that  of  Mr  Simms,  Attorney  General,  but  consumption,  the  fatal  disease 
of  her  nation,  at  length  carried  her  off.  She  died  in  the  hospital  in  St  John's 
in  1829." 

The  foregoing  may  be  looked  upon  as  thoroughly  reliable,  coming  as 
it  does  from  one  who  actually  saw  and  conversed  with  Shanawdithit,  and 
moreover  had  the  benefit  of  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  both  Peyton 
and  Cormack,  two  most  intelligent  persons. 

Linguistic  Affinity  of  the  Beothucks. 

The  question  of  the  linguistic  affinity  of  the  Beothucks  with  the 
neighbouring  tribes  of  the  Continent  of  America,  as  well  as  with  certain 

38 


298  Opinions  of  eminent  scientists 

peoples  of  the  Old  World,  with  whom  it  was  surmised,  by  some  writers, 
they  might  be  allied  is  one  that  has  received  much  attention  at  the  hands 
of  several  eminent  Philologists  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic. 

Prof.  Andrew  Wilson,  LL.D.,  F.R.G.S.  of  the  University  of  Toronto, 
speaking  generally  of  the  origin  of  the  North  American  Indian,  says, 
"  Language  which  is  considered  the  only  satisfactory  evidence  of  affiliation 
of  the  different  races  of  man  has  been  appealed  to  in  vain.  Of  the  five 
hundred  or  more  North  American  languages  spoken  by  the  aboriginal 
tribes  of  this  continent,  all  have  undergone  the  minutest  study  and  classi- 
fication by  the  most  eminent  Philologists  and  have  afforded  nothing  that 
could  establish  any  definite  line  of  descent."  If  this  be  true  of  the  conti- 
nental tribes,  it  is  still  more  applicable  in  regard  to  those  insular  peoples 
such  as  the  inhabitants  of  Newfoundland. 

In  England  Prof.  Robb  Gordon  Latham,  in  the  Transactions  of  the 
Anthropological  Society  of  Great  Britain  treats  largely  on  the  subject  of 
the  Beothuck  language.  The  late  Sir  Wm  Dawson,  Principal  of  McGill 
University,  Montreal,  and  the  Rev.  Dr  Patterson  also  studied  the  language. 
The  latter  gave  the  result  of  his  investigations  in  the  publications  of  the 
Royal  Society  of  Canada,  with  remarks  upon  the  language  by  the  Rev. 
John  Campbell,  LL.D.  Prof.  Albert  S.  Gatschet  of  the  Ethnological 
Bureau,  Washington,  U.S.  made  a  most  exhaustive  study  and  analysis  of 
the  Beothuck  vocabularies  in  our  possession.  He  read  three  papers  on 
this  subject,  before  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  in  June  1885, 
May  1886  and  January  1890. 

While  the  conclusions  arrived  at  by  these  eminent  scientists  do  not 
by  any  means  solve  the  problem  of  the  origin  of  the  Beothucks,  never- 
theless they  are  all  of  so  interesting  a  character  that  this  history  would  be 
incomplete  without  their  inclusion. 

Mr  W.  E.  Cormack,  who  took  such  an  active  part  in  the  endeavour 
to  bring  about  a  friendly  understanding  with  the  aborigines,  and  who  was 
a  gentleman  of  superior  attainments,  being  a  graduate  of  the  University 
of  Edinburgh,  conceived  the  idea  that  the  Beothuck  language  pointed 
rather  to  an  European  than  an  American  origin,  and  several  other  early 
writers  were  of  the  same  opinion.  The  publication  of  the  Icelandic  Sagas 
no  doubt  gave  rise  to  the  supposition  that  possibly  the  Beothucks  might 
be  a  remnant  of  the  Norse  Colonists,  whom  we  are  told  formed  a  settle- 
ment on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  in  the  roth  century,  but  a  comparison 
of  Beothuck  with  the  Norse  language  failed  to  establish  the  slightest 
similarity  between  them.  Capt.  David  Buchan  was  another  who  seemed 
to  hold  the  same  view,  for  he  says  in  his  concluding  remarks,  "  I  had 
persons  with  me  that  could  speak  Norwegian  and  most  of  the  dialects 
known  to  the  North  of  Europe,  but  they  could  in  no  wise  understand 
them." 

Other  writers  on  the  subject  thought  they  might  possibly  have  derived 
their  origin  from  the  early  Basque  fishermen,  who  claimed  to  have  fished 
on  the  Banks  and  shores  of  Newfoundland  prior  to  the  advent  of  the 
Cabots.  No  doubt  what  gave  rise  to  this  supposition  was  the  statement 
made  on  the  supposed  Cabot  Map,  that  the  inhabitants  called  the  Codfish 


Sources  of  vocabularies  299 

which  abounded  in  these  waters,  Baccalaos,  a  purely  Basque  term,  but  this 
has  long  since  been  disproved.  The  Beothucks  had  no  such  term  for  the 
fish,  they  called  the  Cod,  bobboosoret,  another  reason  for  this  supposed 
affinity  may  be  found  in  the  peculiar  construction  of  this  Basque  language, 
which,  while  it  contained  no  words  of  a  similar  sound  or  meaning,  never- 
theless, bore  a  certain  morphological  resemblance  to  the  North  American 
languages  generally.  Mr  Horatio  Hale  points  this  out,  in  treating  of  the 
subject,  when  he  says,  "  it  is  not  in  any  positive  similarity  of  words  or 
grammar  as  would  prove  a  direct  affiliation,  it  is  only  in  possessing  that 
highly  complex  polysynthetic  character  which  distinguishes  the  American 
languages.  The  likeness  is  merely  in  general  cast  and  mould  of  speech, 
but  this  likeness  has  awakened  much  attention." 

But  the  attempt  to  correlate  the  Beothuck  with  any  European 
language  having  proved  entirely  abortive,  thenceforth  the  attention  of 
Ethnologists,  who  became  interested  in  the  subject,  turned  naturally  to 
America,  where  a  solution  of  the  problem  seemed  most  likely  to  be  found. 
Yet  here  again,  while  the  fact  was  established  beyond  question  that  the 
Beothuck  language  was  undoubtedly  Indian,  i.e.,  American,  still  no  clear 
relationship  could  be  established  between  it  and  any  of  the  continental 
dialects.  This  comparison  likewise  failed  to  reveal  anything  satisfactory. 

Unfortunately,  although  the  known  words  of  this  peculiar  language 
preserved  to  us  amount,  according  to  Mr  Gatschet,  to  some  four  hundred 
and  eighty  vocables,  "yet  owing  to  the  defective  mode  of  transcription,  no 
vocabularies  had  ever  caused  him  so  much  trouble  and  uncertainty  in 
obtaining  from  them  results  available  for  science." 

About  all  that  can  be  clearly  established  at"  this  distance  of  time  with 
regard  to  these  vocabularies,  is  that  they  were  obtained  at  different  dates, 
and  from  three  different  individuals.  The  first  in  point  of  time,  was  that 
of  the  Rev.  Mr  Clinch  obtained  from  some  unknown  source  about  the  end 
of  the  1 8th  century.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  Mr  Clinch  obtained  this 
vocabulary  from  John  August  who  lived  at  Catalina  during  Mr  C.'s  in- 
cumbency of  the  Parish  of  Trinity,  but  this  is  scarcely  possible.  August  was 
taken  from  his  mother,  who  was  shot  down,  when  he  was  only  an  intant,  and 
as  he  ever  afterwards  lived  amongst  the  whites,  he  had  no  opportunity  of 
acquiring  a  knowledge  of  his  mother  tongue.  It  was  also  thought  probable 
that  the  source  of  the  vocabulary  may  have  been  the  woman  captured  by 
Cull  in  1804,  but  this  cannot  be  as  Mr  Clinch  himself  had  died  before 
that  date(?).  The  occurrence  of  the  term  OUBEE,  which  is  rendered  into, 
"her  own  name,"  would  certainly  indicate  that  it  was  obtained  from  a  female. 
Who  this  Ou-bee  could  have  been  can  only  be  surmised,  possibly  it  was 
the  little  girl  mentioned  by  Governor  Edwards  and  Mr  Bland,  who^  lived 
at  Trinity  with  a  family  named  Stone  about  the  same  time  as  Mr  Clinch. 
The  girl  was  afterwards  taken  to  England,  where  she  died. 

The  next  vocabulary  in  point  of  time  was  that  taken  down  from 
Mary  March  (Demasduit)  by  the  Rev.  Mr  Leigh,  Episcopal  missionary  at 
Twillingate,  with  whom  she  resided  after  her  capture,  and  again  for  some- 
time before  Capt.  Buchan  took  charge  of  her  to  restore  her  to  her  tribe. 
As  Mary  March  could  scarcely  have  obtained  much  proficiency  in  the 

38—2 


300  Conclusions  of  Philologists 

English  language  during  that  short  period  of  her  sojourn  with  Mr  Leigh's 
family,  it  is  only  reasonable  to  suppose  that  she  could  not  have  made  her- 
self clearly  understood,  except  by  signs,  and  the  use  of  the  few  words  of 
English  she  had  acquired,  consequently  it  may  be  expected  that  many 
errors  have  crept  into  this  vocabulary.  The  Robinson  vocabulary  was 
simply  a  reproduction  of  Leigh's  with  a  few  additional  words  subsequently 
obtained. 

The  third,  and  in  point  of  real  interest  undoubtedly  the  most  reliable, 
was  that  obtained  by  Mr  W.  E.  Cormack  from  Nancy  (Shanawdithit). 
Mr  C.,  being  himself  a  man  of  intellect  and  superior  education,  had  an 
opportunity  such  as  no  one  else  possessed  of  acquiring  a  complete  and 
reliable  list  of  words  from  this  woman.  She,  it  will  be  remembered,  had 
then  been  six  years  living  with  the  Peyton  family  at  Exploits,  and  had 
acquired  considerable  knowledge  of  English  from  them.  During  the  last 
six  or  eight  months  of  her  existence  she  resided  in  Mr  Cormack's  house, 
and  he  himself  tells  us  he  availed  of  the  opportunity  to  closely  question 
her  on  all  matters  pertaining  to  her  tribe.  The  few  other  words  which 
Mrs  Jure,  Nancy's  fellow  servant  at  Peyton's  was  able  to  remember,  con- 
stitute the  whole  range  of  the  Beothuck  vocabulary  now  preserved1. 

It  would  of  course  be  presumption  on  my  part  to  attempt  anything 
like  a  solution  of  the  problem  this  language  presents,  especially  in  face 
of  the  fact  that  it  has  received  at  the  hands  of  such  eminent  scientists  the 
closest  possible  scrutiny,  while  their  endeavours  to  elucidate  it  seem  to 
have  been  completely  baffled,  as  may  be  judged  by  the  widely  diverse 
conclusions  arrived  at. 

Mr  Rob  Gordon  Latham  in  his  paper  on  the  "Varieties  of  man" 
published  in  Comparative  Philology,  London,  1850,  pronounces  the  language 
to  be  distinctly  Algonkin,  he  says,  "  The  particular  division  to  which  the 
aborigines  of  Newfoundland  belonged  has  been  a  matter  of  doubt.  Some 
writers  considering  them  to  have  been  Eskimo,  others  to  have  been  akin 
to  the  Micmacs,  who  have  now  a  partial  footing  in  the  Island." 

"  Reasons  against  either  of  those  views  are  supplied  by  a  hitherto 
unpublished  Beothuck  vocabulary  with  which  I  have  been  kindly  furnished 
by  my  friend  Or  King  of  the  Anthropological  Society.  This  makes  them 
a  separate  section  of  the  Algonkins,  and  such  I  believe  them  to  have 
been2." 

This  view  is  upheld  by  the  Rev.  John  Campbell,  LL.D.,  of  Montreal. 
The  latter  gentleman,  after  a  careful  study  of  the  Rev.  Dr  Patterson's 
paper  on  the  Beothucks,  says,  "  I  have  come  to  the  deliberate  convic- 
tion that  Dr  Latham  was  right  in  classifying  the  extinct  aborigines  of 
Newfoundland  with  the  Algonkins."  After  a  comparison  of  some  of  their 
words  with  Malay-Polynesian,  he  adds,  "  This  would  tend  to  locate  the 
ancestral  Beothuck  stock  in  Celebes."  He  further  adds,  "  I  imagine  the 

1  Mr  Gatschet  says  he  obtained  still  another  vocabulary  from   Rev.  Silas   Rand,  which  he  calls 
the    Montreal   vocabulary,    but    he    adds    "it    is    only    another    copy    or    'recension'    of  the    W.    E. 
Cormack  voc." 

2  A  table   of  the   chief  affinities  between   the    Beothuck   and  the   other   Algonkin    languages  (or 
dialects)  has   been   published   by  the   present    writer    in   the   Proceedings   of  the  Philological  Society 
for  1850.     Latham. 


The  origin  of  Beothuck  language  301 

Beothucks  belonged  to  the  same  tribe  as  the  New  England  Pawtuckets  and 
Pequods,  and  that  their  remote  ancestors  must  have  formed  part  of  a  great 
emigration  from  the  Indian  archipelago  consequent  upon  the  Buddhist 
invasions  of  these  islands  prior  to  the  Christian  era." 

Sir  Wm  Dawson  was  of  opinion  that  they  were  of  Tinne  or  Chippewan 
stock,  and  instances  the  fact  that  the  Micmacs  of  Nova  Scotia  had  a  tradi- 
tion that  a  prior  race  of  human  beings  occupied  that  country,  whom  the 
Micmacs  drove  out,  and  who  they  believe  went  over  to  Newfoundland  and 
settled  there.  These  he  conjectures  were  the  Beothucks,  who  remained 
isolated  and  undisturbed,  except  perhaps  by  the  Eskimo,  until  the  advent 
of  the  white  fishermen  on  our  coast. 

In  a  letter  I  received  from  him,  dated  March  28th,  1881,  he  writes 
as  follows :  "  I  have  looked  up  the  vocabulary  you  sent  me,  and  have 
shown  it  to  Dr  S.  M.  Dawson,  who  knows  something  of  the  Western 
Indian  Languages.  We  fail  to  make  anything  very  certain  of  it.  Latham 
was  no  doubt  right  in  stating  it  to  be  different  from  Eskimo,  but  I  see  no 
certain  affinities  with  Algonkin  languages.  The  little  it  has  in  common 
with  other  American  languages  would  perhaps,  rather  point  to  Tinne,  or 
Chippewan  affinities  ;  but  I  would  not  at  all  insist  on  this. 

"  I  sent  the  vocabulary  to  Rev.  Mr  Rand  of  Hansport,  N.S.,  who 
is  our  best  authority  on  Micmac  and  Melicite.  He  fails  to  find  any 
resemblance  except  in  a  few  words  mentioned  below.  Evidently  the 
Beothuck  language  is  something  distinct  from  Eskimo  on  the  North,  and 
Micmac  on  the  South,  and  its  affinities,  I  fancy,  are  to  be  looked  for 
among  the  Mountagnais  or  other  tribes  extending  west  from  Labrador, 
and  of  whose  languages  I  have  no  knowledge,  etc." 

Mr  Rand  points  out  the  following  resemblance  to  Micmac  which  may 
have  some  significance. 

BEOTHUCK  MICMAC  ENGLISH 

Mathuis  Mallijwa  Hammer 

Emet  Mema  Oil 

Moosin  M'Kasin  Shoe 

These  are  so  far  apparently  related  words.  According  to  Lloyd1,  John 
Lewis  a  Mohawk  "Metis"  who  could  speak  several  Indian  dialects,  told 
Mr  Curtis  that  the  Beothuck  language  was  unknown  amongst  the  Canadian 
Indian  tribes. 

So  far  as  the  author  is  enabled  to  judge,  Prof.  Albert  S.  Gatschet 
certainly  seems  to  have  given  the  most  profound  study  to  this  singular 
language.  It  so  greatly  interested  him  that  he  spared  no  pains  to  unearth 
everything  he  could  possibly  find  bearing  upon  the  subject.  His  study  of 
the  language  extended  over  a  period  of  five  or  six  years  altogether,  and 
during  that  time  he  made  the  most  minute  investigation,  and  comparison 
with  other  Indian  dialects,  with  all  of  which  he.  was  quite  familiar.  I  should 
therefore  be  inclined  to  place  more  reliance  in  what  this  eminent  Ethnologist 
has  to  say  on  the  subject  than  upon  the  more  cursory  examinations  of  other 
authorities,  however  learned. 

1  T.    G.   B.    Lloyd,    C.E.,    F.G.S.,    M.A.I.,   paper   on    the    Beothucks    Journal  of  the   Anthropo- 
logical Society,  Vol.  IV,  p.  21,  i874(?). 


302  Prof.  Albert  S.  Gatschet 

First  Paper 

by 
Albert  S.   Gatschet,  read  before  the  American   Philosophical  Society, 

June  iqtk,   1885. 

"  Tribal  names. 

"The  names  by  which  this  tribe  is  known  to  us  are  those  of  'Beothuck' 
and  of  Red  Indians.  Mr  Rob.  Gordon  Latham  supposed  Beothuck  meant, 
good  night  in  their  own  language,  and  that  the  tribe  should  hence  be  named 
the  'Good  Night  Indians]  Beothuck  being  the  term  for  'good  night'  in 
Mary  March's  vocabulary.  But  Indians  generally  have  some  other  mode 
of  salutation  than  this  ;  and  that  word  reads  in  the  original  MS.  betheoate 
(not  betheok,  Lloyd),  it  is  evidently  a  form  of  the  verb  baetha  to  go  home ; 
and  thus  its  real  meaning  is :  'I  am  going  home.'  The  spellings  of  the 
tribal  name  found  in  the  vocabularies  are :  Beothuk,  Beothik,  Behathook, 
Boeothuck,  and  Beathook  ;  beothuk  means  not  only  Red  Indian  of  New- 
foundland, but  is  also  the  generic  expression  for  Indian,  and  composes 
the  word  haddabothic  body  (and  belly].  Just  as  many  other  peoples  call 
themselves  by  the  term  men,  to  which  Indian  is  here  equivalent,  it  is  but 
natural  to  assume  that  the  Indians  of  Newfoundland  called  themselves  by 
the  same  word. 

"Another  term  Shawatharott  or  Shawdtharut  is  given  for  Red  Indian 
Man  in  King's  vocabulary ;  we  find  also,  Woas-sut  Red  Indian  woman, 
cf.  oosuck,  wife ;  its  diminutive  woas-eeash,  woas-eesh,  Red  Indian  girl ; 
mozazeesh,  Red  Indian  boy. 

"Red  Indian  was  the  name  given  them  by  the  explorers,  fishermen  or 
Colonists,  because  they  noticed  their  habit  of  painting  their  utensils,  lodges, 
boats  and  their  own  bodies  with  red  ochre.  Most  of  the  earlier  explorers 
and  historians  mention  this  peculiar  habit.  Thus  Joann  de  Laet,  in  his 
Novis  Orbis,  page  34,  writes :  '  uterque  sexus  non  modum  cutem  sed  et 
vestimenta  rubrica  quadam  tingit/  etc. 

"  This  ochre  they  obtained  from  several  localities  around  the  coast  as 
well  as  in  the  interior,  and  mixed  it  with  fat  or  grease  to  use  as  a 
substance  for  daubing. 

"The  Micmac  Indians  called  them  Macquaejeet  Ulno-mequagit,  the 
Abnakis  Ulnobah  (Latham)  in  which  alno,  ulno  means  man,  Indian. 

"Language  of  the  Beothuck. 

"  The  results  obtained  by  former  writers  from  an  investigation  of 
their  language  not  proving  satisfactory  to  me,  I  have  subjected  the  frag- 
ments which  have  reached  down  to  our  period  to  a  new  chirographic  and 
critical  examination,  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  all  the  conclusions  that 
can  fairly  be  drawn  from  them  for  ascertaining  affinities,  and  thereby  shed 
some  light  upon  the  origin  of  the  Red  Indians. 


Beothuck  vocabulary 


303 


"  The  information  we  possess  of  the  Beothuk  tongue  was  chiefly 
derived  from  two  women1,  Mary  March  and  Shawnawdithit  and  is  almost 
exclusively  of  a  lexical,  not  of  a  grammatic  nature.  The  points  deducible 
from  the  vocabularies  concerning  the  structure  of  the  verb,  noun  and 
sentence,  the  formation  of  compound  terms,  the  prefixes  and  suffixes  of 
the  language  are  very  fragmentary  and  one  sided.  The  mode  of  transcrip- 
tion is  so  defective  that  no  vocabularies  ever  have  caused  me  so  much 
trouble  and  uncertainty  as  these  in  obtaining  from  them  results  available 
for  science. 

"  Cormack  obtained  his  vocabulary  from  Shawnawdithit  which  seems 
more  reliable  and  phonetically,  more  accurate  than  the  one  obtained  from 
Mary  March." 

Below  I  reproduce  the  terms  written  in  the  same  manner  as  transmitted, 
using  the  following  abbreviations  : 

ABBREVIATIONS. 

C. — Cormack's  vocabulary,  from  Shanawdithit. 

Howl. — Corrections  of  Leigh's  printed  voc.  from  his  own  Manuscript,  made  by  James  P.  Howley. 

K. — Vocabulary  of  Dr  King,  transmitted  by  Rob.  Gordon  Latham,  London,  April  1883. 

No  letter — Rev.  John  Leigh's  voc.  from  Mary  March  (Demasduit). 

VOCABULARY 


A-aduth  seal-spear,  C.     Cf.  amina. 

Abemite  gaping. 

Abideshook  ;  Abedesoot  K.,  domestic  cat;  cf.  bide- 

sook. 
Abidish  " martin  cat"  marten.     Micmacs  call  him 

cat;  the  whites  of  Newfoundland  call  a  young 

seal:  cat  or  harp-seal,  because  a  design  visible 

on  their  backs  resembles  a  harp2. 
Abobidress  feathers ;   cf.  ewinon. 
Abodoneek  bonnet,  C. ;   abadung-eyk  hat,  K. 
Adadimite   or   Adadimiute  ;    andemin    K.    spoon ; 

cf.  a-enamin. 

Adamadret;   adamatret  K.  gun,  rifle. 
Adenishit  stars;   cf.  shawvvayet  a  star,  K. 
Adizabad  Zea  white  wife. 
Adjith  to  sneeze. 
Adoltkhtek,  adolthtek  K.,  adolthe ;  ode-othyke  C. 

boat,  vessel  seems  to  imply  the  idea  of  being 

pointed   or   curved  ;    cf.    A-aduth,    adothook ; 

Dhoorado,  Tapathook. 
Adosook    K.,  Aa-dazook  C.  eight ;   Ee-aa-dazook 

eighteen,  C. 

Adothook  ;   Adooch,  K.  fish-hook. 
Aduse  leg ;   adyouth  foot,  K. 
Adzeech  K. ;  adasic  ;    adzeich  C.,  two  ;    ee-adzike 

twelve,  C. ;   adzeich  dthoonut  twenty,  C. 
A-enamin  bone,  C. 
A-eshemeet  lumpfish,  C. 
Ae-u-eece  snail,  K. 
Ae-wa-een  C. ;   cf.  ee-wa-en. 
Agamet ;  aegumet  K.,  buttons;  money. 
Aguathoonet  grindstone. 
Ahune,  Ahunes,  oun   K.  rocks.     Misspelt  Ahmee 

(Lloyd). 
Ajeedick  or  vieedisk  K.  /  like. 


Akusthibit  (ac-  in  original)  to  kneel. 

Amet  awake,  C. 

Amina  deer- spear,  C. 

Amshut  to  get  up  ;  cf.  amet.     Howley  supposes  this 

to  be  from  the  same,  word  as  gamyess,  q.v. 
Anadrik  sore  throat ;   cf.  tedesheet. 
Anin  comet ;   cf.  anun  spear  (in  skies  ?). 
Annawhadya  bread,  K. ;  cf.  manjebathook. 
Annoo-ee  tree  ;  forest,  woods  K. 
Anun  spear,  C. ;  cf.  a-duth,  amina,  anin,  annoo-ee. 
Anwoyding  consort;  husband,  when  said  by  wife; 

wife  when  said  by  husband.     Cf.  zathrook. 
Anyemen,  anyemen  bow,  K. ;  der.  from  annoo-ee, 

q.v. 

A-oseedwit  I  am  sleepy,  K. 
Aoujet  snipe :  Gallinago  wilsonia,  of  genus  Scolo- 

pacidae. 

Apparet  o  bidesook  sunken  seal 
Ardobeeshe  and  madobeesh  twine,  K. ;  cf.  meroo- 

bish. 

Ashaboo-uth  C. ;  iggobauth  blood,  C. ;  cf.  ebanthoo. 
Ashautch  meat ;  flesh,  K. 
Ashei  lean,  thin ;  sick. 
Ashmudyim   devil,    "  bad    man,"    C. ;    cf.    muddy. 

The  spelling  of  the  first  syllable  is  doubtful. 
Ashwameet,  ashumeet,  mythological  symbol  drawn 

by  Shanawdithit. 
Ashwan,  nom.  pr.,  Eskimo. 

Ashwoging  C. ;  ashoging  K.,  arrow ;  cf.  dogernat. 
Asson ;  asson  K.  sea-gull. 
Ass-soyt  angry,  C. 
Athess ;  athep  K.  to  sit  down. 
Awoodet  singing. 

Baasick  bead,  C.,  bethec  necklace. 


1  Three  women  (?)   also  oubee. 

2  This  so-called  harp  does  not  develop  till  the  animal  attains  its  third  year, 


304 


Beothuck  vocabulary 


Baasothnut ;  beasothunt,  beasothook  K.  gunpowder; 

cf.  basdic. 
Badisut  dancing. 
Baetha  go  home,   K.  becket  ?  where  do   you  go  ? 

baeodut  out  of  doors,  or  to  go  out  of  doors,  K. 

These  three  words  all  seem  to  belong  to  the 

same  verb. 
Baroodisick  thunder. 

Basdic ;  basdick  K.  smoke ;  cf.  baasothnut. 
Bashedtheek;  beshed  K.  six,  C.  Rigadosik  six  in 

Leigh's  voc.  seems  to  point  to  another  dialect. 

Ee-beshedtheek  sixteen,  C. 
Bashoodite  Howl,  to  bite. 
Bashubet  scratch  (verb  ?). 
Bathuc ;   badoese    K.,   watshoosooch   K.   rain ;  cf. 

ebanthoo. 

Baubooshrat  fish,  K.  ;  cf.  bobboosoret  codfish. 
Bebadrook  nipper  (moskito). 
Bedejamish  bewajowite  May,  C. ;  cf.  kosthabonong 

bewajowit. 

Beodet  money ;  cf.  agamet,  baasick. 
Beothuk,  Beothick  K. ;  Be"hat-hook  K. ;  Boeothuck 

(in  Howley's  corresp.);  Beathook.    (i)  Indian; 

(2)  Red  Indian,  viz.  Indian  of  Newfoundland; 

cf.  haddabothic. 
Berrooick  or  berroich  clouds. 
Betheoate  good  night. 
Bibidegemidic  berries;  cf.  manus. 
Bidesook ;  beadzuck,bidesiik  K.seal;  cf.  abideshook, 

apparet. 
Bidisoni  sword. 
Bituwait  to  lie  down. 
Boad  thumb,  K. 
Bobbidist  Howl.;  bobbodish  K.  pigeon  (guillemot, 

a  sea  bird).     A  species  of  these,  very  abundant 

in  Newfoundland  is  Lomvia  troile1. 
Bobbiduishemet  lamp;  cf.  boobeeshawt,  mondicuet 

and  emet  oil. 
Bobboosoret  codfish ;  is  the  same  word  as  bauboo- 

shrat. 
Bogathoowytch,  to  kill,  K. ;  buhashauwite  to  beat; 

bobathoowytch  beat  him!     Beating  and  killing 

are  frequently  expressed  by  the  same  term  in 

Indian  languages;  cf.  datyuns. 
Bogodoret ;  bedoret,  bedoret  K.  heart. 
Bogomot  or  bogomat  breast,  K. ;  boghmoot  woman's 

breast,    K. ;    bodchmoot    bosom,    C. ;    bemoot 

breast,  C. ;  cf.  bogodoret. 

Boobasha,  boobasha  warm,  K. ;  cf.  obosheen. 
Boobeeshawt  fire,  K. ;  cf.  bobbiduishemet. 
Boochauwhit  /  am  hungry,  K. ;  cf.  pokoodoont. 
Boodowit  duck ;  cf.  eesheet,  mameshet. 
Boos  seek  blunt,  C. ;  pronounced  biisik. 
Bootzhawet  sleep  (verb?)  K. ;  cf.  isedoweet. 
Botomet    onthermayet ;    botothunet    outhermayet 

Howl,  teeth  ($}. 

Boyish  birch  bark ;   by-yeech  birch  tree,  K. 
Buhashamesh  white  boy,  C. ;  buggishamesh  boy,  K. 
Buhashauwite;  cf.  bogathoowytch. 
Bukashaman,     bookshimon     man ;     buggishaman 

white  man,  K. 
Butterweye  tea,  K.     (English.) 

Carmtack    to   speak,    K. ;    ieroothack,   jeroothack 
speak,  K. 


Cheashit  to  groan. 
Cockdboset;  cf.  geswat. 

Dabseek  C.,  dabzeek  K.,  abodoesic  four ;  ee- 
dabzook  fourteen,  C. 

Dattomeish;  dootomeish  K.  trout. 

Datyuns  or  datyurs  not  &'//(?),  K. 

Dauoosett  /  am  hungry,  K.,  probably  false ;  cf. 
boochauwhit. 

Debine  Howl.,  deboin  K.  egg. 

Deddoweet ;  didoweet  K.,  saw,  subst. 

Deed-rashow  red,  K. 

Deh-hemin  Howl.,  dayhemin  K.  give  me! 

Delood !  come  with  us!  K.  dyoom !  come  hither! 
K.  dyoot  thouret !  come  hither!  C.  toouet  (to) 
come,  K.  nadyed  you  come  back,  K. 

Demasduit,  nom.  pr.  of  Mary  March. 

Deschudodoick  to  blow,  C. 

Deyn-yad,  pi.  deyn-yadrook  bird,  C. 

Dho  orado  large  boat,  K. ;  cf,  adoltkhtek. 

Dingyam,  dhingyam  K.,  thengyam  clothes. 

Dogajavick/ftr,  K. ;  cf.  deed-rashow  red;  the  com- 
mon fox  is  the  red  fox. 

Dogernat  arrow,  kind  of. 

Doodebewshet,  nom.  pr.  of  Nancy's  mother,  C. 

Doothun  forehead,  K. 

Dosomite  K.,  dosomite  pin. 

Drona;  drone-ooch  K.  hair;  the  latter  form  ap- 
parently a  plural. 

Dthoonanven,  thinyun  hatchet,  K. 

Dtho-onut,  C. ;  cf.  adzeech.  Dyout,  dyoat,  come  here. 

Ebanthoo ;  ebadoe  K.  water. 

Ebathook  to  drink,  K. ;  zebathoong  to  drink  water, 

K. ;  cf.  ebanthoo,  bathuc. 

Edat  or  edot  fishing  line  ;  cf.  a-aduth,  adothook. 
Edrii  or  edree ;  edachoom  K.  otler. 
Ee-  composes  the  numerals  of  the  first  decad  from 

1 1  to  19 ;  it  is  prefixed  to  them  and  emphasized  ; 

cf.  the  single  numerals. 
Eeg/tf/,  adj. 

Eenoaja  cold  (called  ?),  K. 
Eenodsha  to  hear,  K. ;  cf.  noduera. 
Eeseeboon  cap,   K. 
Eeshang  eyghth  blue,  C. 

Eesheet  duck,  K. ;  probably  abbrev.  of  mameshet,  q.v. 
Eeshoo  make  haste. 
Eewa-en  ;  aewa-en  K.,  hewhine,  6-6win  K.  knife ; 

cf.  oun.  Leigh  has  also :    nine,  probably  mis- 
spelt for:  wine  (wa-en). 

Egibididuish,   K.,  egibidinish  silk  handkerchief. 
Ejabathook,  ejabathhook  K.,saz7:  edjabathook  sails. 
Ejew  to  see,  K. ;  pronounced  idshu. 
Emamoose,     immamoose     woman  ;     emmamoose 

white  woman,  K. 

Emamooset  child;  girl;  emmamooset  white  girl,  K. 
Emet;  emet  K.  oil;  composes  bobbiduishemet  and 

odemet,  q.v. 
Emoethook ;  emmathook  K.  dogwood  (genus :  Cor- 

nus)  or  mountain  Ash. 
Ethenwit;  etherwit  Howl.  fork. 
Euano  to  go  out;  enano  go  out,  Howl. 
Ewinon  feather,  K. 

Gaboweete  breath,  C. 


1  Sea  pigeon,  Black  guillemot,   Uria  grylle. 


Beothuck  'vocabulary 


305 


Gamyess  get  up,  Howl. 

Gasook  or  yasook,  yosook  dry  K. ;  gasuck,  gassek, 

K.  stockings. 

Gausep  dead,  K. ;  gosset  death,  and  dead,   K. 
Geonet  tern,  turr1,  a  sea-swallow  ;   Lomvia  troile 

(also  called  Urea  troile),  K.  has  geonet  fur. 
Ge-oun  K. ;  gown  chin. 
Geswat  fear,  K. ;  cockaboset !  no  fear!  do  not  be 

afraid !  K. 

Gheegnyan,  geegn-  yan,  K.,  guinya  eye. 
Gheen  K.,  geen  (or  gun  ?)  nose. 
Gidyeathuc  wind. 
Gigarimanet  K.,  giggeramanet ;  giggamahet  Howl. 

net. 

Gobidin  eagle,  C. 
Godabonyeesh  November,  C. 
Godabonyegh,  October,  C. 
Godawik  shovel;   cf.  hadowadet. 
Gonathun-  keathut  Howl. ;   cf.  keathut. 
Goosheben  lead  (v.  or  subst.  ?). 
Gotheyet   ticklas^,   a   bird   of  the   genus  Sterna; 

species    not    identifiable,    perhaps    macrura, 

which   is   frequent  in   Newfoundland  (H.  W. 

Henshaw)? 

Gowet  scollop  or  frill ;   a  bivalve,  pecten. 
Guashawit  puffin;   a  bird  of  the  Alcidae  family: 

Lunda  cirrhata5. 
Guashuwit ;  gwashuwet,   whashwitt,  washawet  K. 

bear. 

Guathin;  cf.  keathut. 
Gungewook  Howl,  mainland. 

Haddabothic  body ;  hadabatheek  belly,  C. ;  contains 

beothuk,  q.v. 

Hadalahe"t  K. ;  hadibiet  glass;  cf.  nadalahet. 
Hadowadet  shovel,  K. ;  cf.  godawik. 
H  ana  wa.su  tt  flatfish  or  halibut,  K. 
Hanyees  finger,  K. 
Haoot  the  devil,  K. 
Hodamishit  knee. 
Homedich,  homedick,  oomdzech  K.,  good. 

Ibadinnam  to  run,  K. ;  cf.  wothamashet. 
Immamooset;  cf.  emamoose. 
Isedoweet  to  sleep;  cf.  bootzhawet. 
Itweena  thumb;  cf.  boad. 
Iwish  hammer,  K. ;  cf.  mattuis. 

Jewmetchem,  jewmetcheen  soon,   K. 
Jiggamint  gooseberry. 

Yaseek    C.,    Yazeek    K.,    gathet    one;    ee-yaziech 

eleven,  C. 

Yeathun,  ethath  yes,  K. 

Yeothoduc  nine,  C. ;  ee-ye'othoduck  nineteen,  C. 
Yeech  short,  K. 

Kaasussabook,  causabow  snow,  K. 

Kadimishuite  tickle;  a  rapid. current  where  the  tide 

ebbs  and  flows  in  a  narrow  channel  of  the  sea. 
Kaesinguinyeet    blind,     C.  ;     from     gasook     dry, 

gheenyan  eye. 


Kannabuch  long,   K. 

Kawingjemeesh  shake  hands,  K. 

Keathut,  gonathun-  keathut ;  ge-outhuk  K.,guathin  ; 

head.     Keoosock.,  kaasook  hill,  K. 
Kevvis,  Kuis,  ewis,  keeose  K.  sun ;  moon ;  watch. 

Kuis  halfmoon  ;  a  mythological  symbol  drawn 

by  Shanawdithit. 
Kingiabit  to  stand. 

Kobshuneesamut  (ee  accented)  January,  C. 
Koshet  to  fall. 
Kosthabondng   bewajowit  February,   C.     For   the 

last  part  of  word,  cf.  bedejamish  bewajowite. 
Kosweet  K.,  osweet  deer  (caribou). 
Kowayaseek  July,  C. ;  contains  yazeek  one. 
Kusebeet  louse. 

Lathun ;  lathum  (?)  trap,  K. ;  cf.  shabathoobet. 

Madabooch  milk,  K. 

Maduck,  Maduch  to-morrow,  K. 

Madyrut  hiccough. 

Maemed,  maelmed;  mewet  hand,  K. ;  cf.  meesh  in 

kawingjemeesh ;  meeman  monasthus  to  shake 

hands.     Memayet  arms. 
Magaraguis,  mageragueis  son,  K. 
Magorun ;  magorum  K.  deer's  horns. 
Mamashee  K. ;  mamzhing  ship,  vessel. 
Mamatrabet  a  long  (illegible;   song?)  K. 
Mameshet ;    memeshet    Howl.,  ducks  and  drakes 

(drake :  male  duck)  probably  the  mallard  duck, 

Anas  boschas*. 

Mameshook,  mamudthun  K.  mouth ;  cf.  memasook. 
Mammateek,  cf.  meotick. 
Mamishet,  mamset,  mamseet  K.,  mamisut  C.  alive. 

Doodebewshet  mamishet  gayzoot,  or  D.  mami- 

sheet  gayzhoot,  Doodebewshet  is  alive,  K.  mam- 
set  life,  K. 

Mamjaesdoo,  nom.  pr.  of  Nancy's  father. 
Mammadronit   (or   -nut)   lord  bird,   or  harlequin 

duck,  contains  drona. 
Mammasheek  islands ;  cf.  mamashee. 
Mammasaveet  (or  mammoosernit  J.  Peyton),  ma- 

masameet  K.,  mamudthuk,  mamadthut  K.  dog, 

mammusemltch.  pi.  mammasavit  puppy. 
Mamshet,  maumsheet  K.  beaver  (simply :  animal). 
Manaboret  K.,  manovoonit  Howl,  blanket. 
Manamiss  March,  month  of,  C. 
Mandeweech,  maudweech  bushes,   K. 
Mandzey,  mamdsei  K.,  mandzyke  C.  black. 
Manjebathook  bread,  C. 
Manegemethon  shoulder. 
Mangaroonish    or    mangaroouish    sun ;    probably 

son  ;  cf.  magaraguis. 
Manune  pitcher,  cup. 
Manus  berries,  K. ;  cf.  bibidegemidic. 
Marmeuk  eyebrow. 
Marot  to  smell,  K.  (v.  intr.  ?). 
Massooch,  masooch  salt  water,  K. 
Matheoduc  to  cry. 
Mathik,  mattic  stinking :  mattic  bidesuk  stinking, 

rotten   seal5,    K. :    mathic   bidesook    stinking 

seal ;  cf.  marot. 


1  Two  entirely  different  species  of  sea  birds.     The  tern  is,  Sterna   Wilsoni.     The  Turr  is,   Urea 
arra'or  lomvia. 

2  Kittiwake  Gull,  Rissa  tridactylus. 

3  Fraturcula  arctica. 

4  More  probably  the  eider  duck,  Somateria  mollissima. 
:>  Perhaps,  Phoca  foetida. 


II 


39 


306 


Beothuck  vocabulary 


Mattuis  Howl,  hammer ;  cf.  iwish. 

Memasook,  mamudth-uk,  mamadth-ut  K.  tongue  ; 
cf.  mameshook. 

Memayet  arms  ;  cf.  maemed. 

Meotick,  meeootick,  mae-adthike  K.  house,  wig- 
wam. Mammatik  house,  mammateek  Howl. 
winter  wigwam,  meothick  house,  hut,  tilt 
camp,  K.  (probably  a  windbreak). 

Meroobish  thread;  cf.  ardobeeshe. 

Messiliget-hook  baby,  K. 

Methabeet  cattle,  K. ;  nethabete  "  cows  and  horses? 

Miaoth,  to  fly. 

Modthamook  sinew  of  deer,  K. 

Moeshwadit  drawing  (?),  mohashaudet  or  mehe- 
shaudet  drawing-knife  K. 

Moidensu  comb. 

Moisamadrook  wolf. 

Mokothut,  species  of  a  blunt-nosed  fish,  C. 

Monasthus  (to  touch  ?),  meeman  monasthus  to  shake 
hands ;  cf.  maemed. 

Mondicuet  lamp,  K. ;  cf.  bobbiduishemet. 

Moocus  elbow. 

Moomesdick,  nom.  pr.  of  Nancy's  grandfather. 

Mooshaman,  mootdhiman  K.  ear. 

Moosin  moccasin,  K.,  mosen  shoe,  K. 

Moosindgei-  jebursut  ankle,  C.,  contains  moosin. 

Mossessdeesh  ;  cf.  mozazeosh. 

Motheryet  cream  jug ;  cf.  nadalahet. 

Mowageenite  iron. 

Mowead  trousers,  K. 

Mozazeosh,  mogazeesh  K.  Red  Indian  boy,  mossess- 
deesh  Indian  boy,  C. 

Muddy,  mandee  K.,  miid'ti  C.  bad,  dirty,  mudeet 
bad  man,  C.  ;  cf.  eshmudyim. 

Nadalahet  cream-jug;  cf.  hcidalahdt,  motheryet. 
Nechwa   tobacco,   K.,  deh-  hemin  neechon  !  give 

me  tobacco!  Howl. 
Newin,  newim  no,  K. 
Ninezeek   C.,  nunyetheek   K.,  nijeek,  nijeck,  five, 

ee-ninezeek  fifteen,  C. 
Noduera  to  hear,  K. ;  cf.  eenodsha. 
Nonosabasut,  nom.  pr.  of  Demasduit's  husband  ; 

tall  6  feet  "j\  inches. 

Oadjameet  C.  to  boil,  as  water ;  v.  trans,  or  intr.  ? 

moodamutt  to  boil,  v.  trans.  C. 
Obosheen  warming  yourself ';  cf.  boobasha. 
Obsedeek  gloves,  K. 
Obseet  little  bird  (species  of?),  C. 
Odasweeteeshamut  December,  C. ;  cf.  odusweet. 
Odemen,  ode-  emin  K.,  odemet  ochre ;  cf.  emet. 
Odensook ;  odizeet,  odo-ezheet  K.  goose;  cf.  eesheet 

duck. 

Odishuik  to  cut. 
Odjet  lobster,  K.  and  Leigh. 
Odoit  to  eat ;  cf.  pokoodoont. 
Odusweet,   edusweet    K.  hare;    cf.   kosweet,  oda- 

sweeteeshamut. 

Oodrat  K.,  woodrut  fire  ;  cf.  boobeeshawt. 
O-odosook,  oodzook  C.,  ode-ozook  K.  seven,  ee-ood- 

zook  seventeen,  C. 
Ooish  lip. 
Oosuck  wife  ;  cf.  woas-sut. 


Osavate  to  row  ;  cf.  wotha-in,  wothamashet. 

Oseenyet  K.,  ozegeen  Howl,  scissors. 

Osthuk  tinker  (}.  Peyton) ;  also  called  guillemot,  a 

sea   bird   of  the   genus   Urea1.     Species   not 

identifiable. 
Oun  ;  cf.  ahune. 
Owasboshno-un  (?)  C.  whale's  tail,  a  mythological 

emblem  drawn  by  Shanawdithit ;  Dr  Dawson 

thinks  it  is  a  totem. 
Ozeru,  ozrook  K.  ice. 

Podibeak,  podybear  Howl,  oar, paddle;  cf.  osavate. 
Pokoodoont,  pokoodsont,  bococtyone  to  eat,   K. ; 

cf.  odoit. 

Poochauwhat  to  go  to  bed,  K. ;  cf.  a-oseedwit. 
Pugathoite  to  throw. 

Quadranuek,  quadranuk  K.  gimlet. 
Quish  nails. 

Shabathoobet  Howl.,  shabathootet  trap. 

Siiamoth,  thamook,  shamook,  shaamoc  K.  capelan, 
a  fish  species2. 

Shanandithit  C.,  Shanawdithit,  nom.  pr.  of  Nancy, 
a  Beothuc  woman. 

Shanung,  Shonack,  Shawnuk,  Shannok,  nom.  pr., 
Micmac  Indian,  Shonack  "  bad  Indians,"  Mic- 
macs  ;  cf.  Sho-udamunk. 

Shapoth  K.,  shaboth  candle. 

Shansee  C.  and  K.,  theant  ten. 

Shawatharott,  Shawdtharut,  nom.  pr.,  Red  Indian 
man  ;  cf.  zathrook. 

Shawwayet  a  star ;  cf.  adenishit. 

Shebohoweet  K.,  shebohowit,  sheebuint  C.  wood- 
pecker. 

Shebon,  sheebin  river,  brook,  K. 

Shedbasing  wathik  upper  arm,  C. 

Shedothun,  shedothoon  sugar,  K. 

Sheedeneesheet  cocklebur,  K. 

Shegamite  to  blow  the  nose. 

Shema  bogosthuc  muskito  ;  cf.  bedadrook. 

Shendeek  C.,  shendee  K.,  thedsic  three,  ee-shen- 
deek  thirteen,  shendeek  dtho-onut  thirty,  C. 

Shewthake  grinding  stone,  K. ;  cf.  aguathoonet. 

Shoe-wana,  shuwan  water  bucket,  of  birch  bark, 
drinking  cup,  K.,  shoe-wan-yeesh  small  stone 
vessel,  C.  A  drawing  of  a  shuwan,  made  by 
Shanawdithit,  has  been  preserved  (Howley). 

Sho-udamunk  (from  Peyton),  nom.  pr.  of  the  Moun- 
taineer (or  Algonkin)  Indians  of  Labrador, 
Naskapi,  or  "good  Indians";  cf.  Shanung. 

Sosheet  bat,  K. 

Shucododimet  K.,  shucodimit,  a  plant  called  Indian 
cup  3. 

Tapathook,  dapathook  K.  canoe ;   cf.  adoltkhtek. 

Tedesheet  neck,  throat. 

Theehone  heaven,  K. 

Thengyam  clothes ;  cf.  dingyam. 

Thine  /  thank  you. 

Thooret  come  hither !  abbrev.  from  the  full  dyoot 

thouret  C. ;  cf.  deiood  ! 
Thoowidgee  to  swim. 
Toouet ;  cf.  deiood  ! 


1  Thick  billed  Guillemot,  A  lea  torda. 

2  Mai  lotus  villosus. 

3  Sarracenia  purpurea. 


Beothuck  vocabulary  307 

Wabee  wet,  K. ;   probably  misunderstood  for  white.  mish,  the   name  of  an   Island,  contains  this 

Wadawhegh  Aitgust,  C.  term. 

Wasemook  salmon,  K. ;  cf.  wothamashet.  W hadicheme  ;  cf.  bogathoowytch  to  kill  (?). 

Washa-geuis  K.,  washewnish  moon.  Widumite  to  kiss. 

Washawet   whashwitt  K. ;  cf.  guashuvvit.  Woadthoowin,  woad-hoowin  spider,   K. 

Washewtch  K.,  washeu  night,  darkness ;  cf.  month's  Woas-eeash,  woas-eesh  Red  Indian  girl,  K. 

names.  Woas-sut  Red  Indian  woman,  K.,  same  as  oosuck. 

Washoodiet,  wadshoodet  to  shoot,  K.  Wobee  white,  K. ;  cf.  wabee. 

Wasumaweeseek  April,  June,  September,  C.     Said  Wobesheet  sleeve,  K. 

to  mean  "first  sunny  month"  ;  cf.  wasemook.  Woin  Howl.,  waine  hoop. 

Watshoosooch  rain,  K. ;  cf.  bathic.  Woodch  blackbird^,  C. 

Wathik  arm,  C.,  watheekee  the  whole  arm,  K. ;  cf.  Woodum  pond,  K. 

shedbasing.  Wothamashet  Lloyd,  to  run,  woothyat  to  walk. 
Waunathoake,  nom.  pr.  of  Mary  March  (Howley). 

Wawashemet  6-6win  moo  meshduck  we  give  you  Zathrook  husband;  cf.  anwoyding. 

(thee)  a  knife,  K.  Zeek  necklace,  K.,  abbr.  from  baasick  (?). 

Weenoun  cheek,  K. ;  cf.  ge-oun.  Zdsoot  K.,  Zosweet  partridge.    Ptarmigan  is  added 

Weshomesh  (Lloyd,  washemesh)  herring;  cf.  wo-  to  the  term;  but  a  ptarmigan  (Lagopus  alba) 

thamashet.     Mr  Howley  thinks  that  Washi-  is  not  a  partridge2. 

Beothuck  song  preserved  by  Cormack. 

Subjects   of: — Bafu    Buth    Baonosheen    Babashot,    Siethodaban-yish,    Edabansee, — Dosadooosh, — 
Edabanseek. 

Second  Paper 

by 
Albert  S.   Gatschet  read  before  American  Philosophical  Society 

May  >jth   1886. 

In  this  paper  he  first  treats  of  the  Robinson  Vocabulary,  so  called, 
because  it  was  furnished  to  the  British  Museum  Library  by  Capt.  Sir 
Hercules  Robinson  of  H.M.  Ship,  Favourite,  1820.  This  vocabulary, 
as  the  Author  states,  was  written  from  memory  of  conversations  had  with 
the  Rev.  Mr  Leigh  at  Harbour  Grace,  and  being  merely  an  incorrect  copy 
of  Leigh's  own  vocabulary  obtained  from  Mary  March,  need  not  be  con- 
sidered here.  There  are  a  few  additional  words  however  which  I  shall 
include  later. 

Mr  Gatschet  then  treats  of  the  grammatic  elements  of  the  language 
thus  : 

Phonetics. 

The  points  deducible  with  some  degree  of  certainty  from  the  very 
imperfect  material  on  hand  may  be  summed  up  as  follows,  the  sounds 
being  represented  in  my  own  scientific  alphabet,  in  which  all  vowels  have 
the  European  continental  value  : 

Vowels : 

a     a 
e     a  o 

i     I  u     u 

1  Robin  thrush,   Turdus  migratorius,  called  Blackbird  in  Newfoundland. 

2  The  Willow  grouse,  always  called  partridge,  locally. 

39—2 


308  Gatschefs  remarks  on  vocabularies 

Diphthongs : 

ai,  ei  in  by-yesh  birch,  madyrut  hiccough;   oi,  in  moisamadrock  wolf;   ou,  au  in  ge-oun  chin; 
oe  may  indicate  6 :   emoethook  (?),  etc. 

Consonants : 

Explosives:  Sounds  of  duration: 

surd  sonant        Aspirates        Spirants  Nasals         Trills 

Gutturals:          k  g  z                       h  ng 

Palatals :           tch  dsh  y  cl 

Linguals :  sh  r,  1 

Dentals :             t  d  th                    s,  z  n 

Labials               p  b  w,  (v?)  m 

The  sound  expressed  by  1th  in  adolthek,  adolthe  boat  I  have  rendered 
by  '1,  the  palatalized  1,  which  is  produced  by  holding  the  tip  of  the 
tongue  against  the  alveolar  or  foremost  part  of  the  palate.  It  appears  in 
many  American,  but  not  in  Algonkin  languages. 

The  sound  dr,  tr  in  adamadret,  adamatret  gim,  drona  hair,  edrii  otter 
and  other  terms  is  probably  a  peculiar  sound,  and  not  a  mere  combination 
of  d(t)  with  r. 

The  articulation  dth  seems  distinct  from  the  aspirate  th  of  the  English 
language ;  it  occurs  in  dthoonanyen  hatchet,  dtho-onut  ten,  used  in  forming 
the  decade  in  the  terms  for  twenty,  thirty,  etc.  (cf.  theant  and  shansee  ten}. 
Perhaps  it  is  th  pronounced  with  an  explosive  effort  of  the  vocal  organ. 

z  is  rendered  in  our  lists  by  gh  and  sometimes  by  ch,  as  in  yaseech 
one,  droneeoch  hairs,  maduch  to-morrow. 

ts,  ds  are  un frequent  or  do  not  occur  at  all. 

sch  in  deschudodoick  to  blow  and  other  terms  is  probably  our  sk. 
f  does  not  occur  in  Beothuck  but  is  found  in  Micmac  vocabularies  ;  perhaps 
it  would  be  better  to  have  rendered  there  that  sound  by  v'h,  w'h  and  not 
by  f,  for  other  Algonkin  dialects  show  no  trace  of  it. 

1  is  unfrequent  and  found,  as  an  initial  sound,  only  in  the  term  lathun 
trap.  Whether  r  is  our  rolling  r  or  not  is  difficult  to  determine. 

th  often  figures  as  a  terminal,  but  more  frequently  as  an  initial  and  medial 
sound. 

Consonants  are  frequently  found  geminated  in  our  lists,  but  this  is 
chiefly  due  to  the  graphic  method  of  English  writers,  who  habitually  geminate 
them  to  show  that  the  preceding  vowel  is  short  in  quantity :  cf.  datto- 
meish,  haddabothic,  immamooset,  massooch. 

The  language  exhibits  the  peculiarity  not  unfrequently  observed  through- 
out America,  that  final  syllables  generally  end  in  consonants  and  the  pre- 
ceding syllables  in  vowels.  Accumulations  of  consonants  occur,  but  are  not 
frequent ;  e.g.  carmtack  to  speak,  Mamjaesdoo,  nom.  pr.  The  majority  of 
all  syllables  not  final  consists  of  a  consonant  followed  by  a  vowel,  or 
diphthong. 

Too  little  information  is  on  hand  to  establish  any  general  rules  for  the 
accentuation.  None  of  the  accented  words  are  oxytonized,  but  several  have 
the  antepenult  emphasized :  bashedtheek,  ashwoging,  dosomite ;  the  term 
ejabathook  has  the  accent  still  further  removed  from  the  final  syllable. 
Very  likely  the  accent  could  in  that  language  shift  as  in  other  languages 


Gatschefs  remarks  on  vocabularies  309 

of  America,  from  syllable  to  syllable,  whenever  rhetorical  reasons  required 
it.  By  some  of  the  collectors  the  signs  for  length  and  brevity  were  used 
to  designate  the  emphasized  syllable,  placed  above  or  underneath  the 
vowels. 

Alternation  of  sounds,  or  spontaneous  permutation  of  the  guttural, 
labial,  etc.,  sounds  without  any  apparent  cause,  is  traceable  here  as  well 
as  in  all  other  illiterate  languages.  Thus  the  consonantic  sounds  produced 
in  the  same  position  of  the  vocal  organs  are  observed  to  alternate  between  : 

g  and  k :    buggishaman,  bukashaman  man,  etc. 

g  and  z :    bogomot,  boghmoot  breast. 

g  and  h:    buggishamesh,  buhashamesh  boy;   bogathoowytch  to  kill,  buhashauwite  to  beat. 

tch  and  sh :    mootchiman,  mooshaman  ear. 

dsh  and  s,  sh :   wadshoodet,  washoodiet  to  shoot. 

r  and  d :    merobeesh,  madabeesh  thread,  twine. 

t  and  d  :   tapathook,  dapathook  canoe. 

t  and  th :    meotick,  mae-adthike  house ;   mattic,  mathick  stinking. 

d  and  th :    ebanthoo,  ebadoe  water. 

th  and  z :    nunyetheek,  ninezeek  five. 

th  and  s,  sh :    mamud-thuk,  memasook  tongue;   thamook,  shamook  capelan. 

s  and  z :    osenyet,  ozegeen  scissors. 

s  and  sh:    mamset,  mamishet  alive;   bobboosoret,  baubooshrat  codfish. 

p  and  b :    shapoth,  shaboth  candle. 

In  regard  to  vowels,  the  inaccurate  transmission  of  the  words  does  not 
give  us  any  firm  hold  ;  still  we  find  alternation  between  : 

a  and  o:    bogomat,  bogomot  breast;   dattomeish,  dottomeish  trout. 
a  and  e :   baasick,  bethec  beads. 
oi  and  ei :   boyish,  by-yeech  birch. 

Morphology. 

The  points  to  be  gained  for  the  morphology  of  Beothuk  are  more 
scanty  still  than  what  can  be  obtained  for  reconstructing  its  phonology, 
and  for  the  inflection  of  its  verb  we  are  entirely  in  the  dark. 

Substantive.  The  most  frequent  endings  of  substantives  are  -k  and  -t, 
and  a  few  only,  like  drona  hair,  end  in  a  vowel.  Whether  the  substantive 
had  any  inflection  for  case  or  not,  is  not  easy  to  determine ;  we  find 
however,  that  maemed  hand  is  given  for  the  subjective  meeman  (in  in. 
monasthus  to  shake  hands]  for  the  objective  case ;  in  the  same  manner 
nechwa  and  neechon  tobacco,  mameshook  and  mamudthun  mouth.  Other 
terms  in  -n  are  probably  worded  in  the  objective  or  some  other  of  the 
oblique  cases :  ewinon  feather,  magorun  deer's  horns,  mooshaman,  ear, 
ozegeen  scissors,  shedothun  sugar.  Cf.  the  two  forms  for  head. 

A  plural  is  traceable  in  the  substantives  deyn-yad  bird,  deyn-yadrook 
birds  ;  odizeet  goose,  pi.  odensook  geese ;  drona,  pi.  drone-ooch  hair ;  and  to 
judge  from  analogy,  the  following  terms  may  possibly  be  worded  in  the 
plural  form  marmeuk  eyebrow(s\  messiliget-hook  bab(ies  ?),  moisamadrook 
wolves  (?),  berroich  clouds,  ejabathook  sails.-  Compare  also  edot  Jishing  line, 
adothook  fish  hook ;  the  latter  perhaps  a  plural  of  the  former.  The 
numerals  7,  8,  9  also  show  a  suffix  -uk,  -ook. 

Adjectives  are  exhibiting  formative  suffixes  of  very  different  kinds 
gosset  and  gausep  dead,  gasook  dry,  boos-seek  blunt,  homedich  good 
ass-soyt  angry,  eeshang-eyghth  blue,  ashei  lean. 


310  Gatschefs  remarks  on  vocabularies 

The  phrase  shedbasing  wathik  upper  arm  would  seem  to  show,  that 
the  adjective,  when  used  attributively,  precedes  the  noun  which  it  qualifies. 

The  numerals  of  our  list  are  all  provided  with  the  sufBx  -eek  or  -ook  ; 
what  remains  in  the  numerals  from  one  to  ten,  is  a  monosyllable,  except 
in  the  instance  of  six  and  nine.  Yaseek  is  given  as  one  and  as  first  (in 
the  term  for  April1)  but  whether  there  was  a  series  of  real  ordinals  we 
do  not  know. 

Compound  nouns.  A  few  terms  are  recognizable  as  compound  nouns, 
and  in  them  the  determinative  precedes  the  noun  qualified : 

wash-geuis  moon,  lit.  "night-sun." 

bobbiduish-emet  lamp;   probably  "fire-oil." 

kaesin-guinyeet  blind;   probably  for  "  dry  on  eyes." 

moosin-  dgej-jebursut  ankle;   contains  moosin  moccasin. 

adasweet-eeshamut  December;  contains  odusweet  hare,  rabbit. 

aguathoonet  grinding  stone;   probably  contains  ahune  stone  in  the  initial  agu-,  agua. 

No  pronouns  whatever  could  be  made  out  with  any  degree  of  probability. 
Concerning  the  verbal  inflection  we  are  almost  entirely  without  reliable 
data,   nor  do   we    know    anything    concerning  the    subjective  and   objective 
pronouns  necessarily  connected  with   conjugational  forms. 

(1)  Verbs  mentioned  in  the  participle  -ing  or  in  the  infinitive  generally 
end  in  -t  and  -k. 

-t :   amshut  to  get  up,  awoodet  singing,  bituwait  to  lie  down,  cheashit  to  groan,  m£rot  to  smell, 

kingiabit  to  stand,  washoodict  to  shoot. 
-k:    carmtack  to  speak,  deschudoodick  to  blow,  ebathook  to  drink,  odishuik  to  cut. 

(2)  Imperative  forms,   to  judge  from  the  English  translation,  are  the 
following : 

deiood  !   come  with  us!  dyoom  !   come  hither! 

dyoot  thouret!    come  hither!     (Rob.  kooret !  kooset !) 

nadyed  you  come  back  (?) 

cockaboset  !    no  fear!   do  not  be  afraid! 

bobathoowytch !    beat  him! 

deh-hemin !  give  me! 

(3)  Participal  forms  are  probably  represented  by  amet  awake,  gosset 
and  gausep  dead,  apparet  sunken  (Rob.  aparit). 

(4)  The  first  person  of  the  singular  is,  according  to  the  interpretation, 
contained  in  the  vocables  : 

ajeedick  or  vieedisk  /  like. 

boochauwit  I  am  hungry;   cf.  dauosett. 

a-oseedwit  1  am  sleepy;   cf.  bootzhawet  sleep,  isedoweet  to  sleep. 

thine  /  thank  you ;   cf.  what  was  said  of  betheoate2. 

(5)  Other  personal  forms  of  singular  or  plural  are  probably  embodied 
in  the  terms  : 

pokoodoont,  from  odoit  to  eat. 

icroothack,  jeroothack  speak,  from  carmtack  to  speak. 

becket  ?   where  do  you  go  f 

boobasha  ;   cf.  obosheen  warming  yourself. 

(6)  Forms   in   -p   and   -es,   if   not   misspelt   occur    in    athep,    athess    to 
sit  down,  gamyess  get  up,  gausep  dead. 

1  Perhaps  also  in  June,  July,  September. 

2  The  Algonkin  na,  -nu-,  n-  of  the  first  person  occurs  in  none  of  these  examples. 


Gatschef  s  remarks  on  vocabularies  3 1 1 

(7)  No  conclusive  instance  of  reduplication  as  a  means  of  inflection 
or  derivation  occurs  in  any  of  the  terms  transmitted,  though  we  may 
compare  wawashemet,  p.  307,  Nonosabasut,  nom.  pr.  Is  mammateek  a 
reduplication  of  meotick  ? 

Derivation. 

Derivatives  and  the  mode  of  derivation  are  easier  to  trace  in  this 
insular  language  than  other  grammatic  processes.  Although  the  existence 
of  prefixes  is  not  certain  as  yet,  derivation  through  suffixes  can  be  proved 
by  many  instances,  and  there  was  probably  a  large  number  of  suffixes, 
simple  and  compound,  in  existence.  Some  of  the  suffixes  were  mentioned 
above,  and  what  may  be  considered  as  "  prefixes  (?)"  will  be  treated  of 
separately. 

Suffix  -eesh,  -eech,  -ish  forms  diminutive  nouns  : 

mammusemitch  puppy,  from  mamasameet  dog. 
Mossessdeesh  Indian  boy. 
buhashamesh  boy,  from  bukashaman  man. 
woaseesh  Indian  girl,  from  woas-sut  Indian  woman. 
Shoewanyeesh  small  vessel,  from  shuwan  bucket,  cup. 
mandeweech  bushes  (?) :    hanyees  finger. 

Probably  the  term  yeech  short  is  only  deduced  from  the  above  instances 
of  diminutives  and  had  no  separate  existence  for  itself. 
-eet,  a  frequently  occurring  nominal  suffix  : 

a-eshemeet  lumpfish,  deddoweet  saw,  gaboweete  breath,  kosweet  dear,  kusebeet  louse,  methabeet 
cattle,  shebohoweet  woodpecker,  sheedeneesheet  cocklebur,  sosheet  bat,  tedesheet  neck, 
wobesheet  sleeve,  probably  from  wobee  white.  Also  occurring  as  a  verbal  ending  ;  cf.  above, 
hence  it  is  possible  that  the  nouns  in  -eet  are  simply  nomina  verbalia  of  verbs  in  -eet,  It. 

-k,  a  suffix  found  in  verbs  and  nouns  : 

ebanthook  to  drink,  from  ebanthoo  water. 

obesedeek  gloves,  perhaps  (if  not  plural  form)  from  obosheen,  q.v. 

Verbs  in  -k  were  mentioned  supra  ;  -ook  forms  plurals  of  substantives, 
also  numerals;  in  Micmac  the  suffix  for  the  plural  of  animates  is  -uk,  -k, 
for  inanimates  -ul,  -1 ;  in  Abnaki  -ak,  -al. 

-m  occurs  in  nouns  like  dingyam  clothes,  lathum  (?)  trap,  woodum  pond\ 
also  in  ibadinnam,  jewmetchem,  etc. 

-n,  suffix  of  objective  case  and  of  many  substantives. 

-oret,  nominal  suffix  in  bobboosoret  codfish^  bogodoret  heart,  manaboret 
blanket,  oodrat  fire,  shawatharott  man. 

-uit,  -wit  occurs  in  kadimishuite  tickle,  ethenwit  fork,  mondicuet  lamp, 
Demasduit,  nom.  pr.,  guashuwit  bear-,  also  in  sundry  verbs. 

-ut  occurs  in  nouns: 

woas-sut  Indian  woman,  mokothut  fish-species,  madyrut  hiccough. 

Prefixed  Part  of  Speech 

Follows  a  series  of  terms  or  parts  of  speech  found  only  at  the  beginning 
of  certain  words.  Whether  they  are  particles  of  an  adverbial  or  preposi- 


312  Gatschefs  remarks  on  vocabularies 

tional  nature  (prefixes),  or  fragments  of  nouns,  was  not  possible  for  me  to 
decide.  The  dissyllabic  nature  of  some  of  them  seems  to  favour  a  nominal 
origin. 

bogo-  buka-:    bogodoret,  abbr.  bedoret  heart. 

bogomat  breast. 
bogathoowytch  to  kill,  beat. 
bukashaman  man. 
buggishamesh  boy. 
shema  bogosthuc  muskito. 

ee-  is  the  prefix  of  numerals  in  the  decad  from    11   to   19. 

hada-,  ada-,  hoda-,  odo-,  od-  is  found  in  terms  for  tools,  implements, 
parts  of  the  animal  body.  a  is  easily  confounded  with  o  by  English- 
speaking  people. 

haddabothic  body,  hadabatheek  belly. 

hodanishit  knee;   cf.  hothamashet  to  run. 

hadalahet  glass  and  glass-vase. 

hadowadet  shovel;   cf.  od-ishuik  to  cut,  and  godawik. 

adamadret  gun,  rifle. 

adadimite  spoon. 

ardobeesh  twine;   is  also  spelt  adobeesh  (Howley). 

adothook  fishhook. 

adoltkhtek,  odo-othyke  boat,  vessel. 

mama-,  mema-.  The  terms  commencing  with  this  group  are  all  arrayed 
in  alphabetical  order  on  pp.  305,  306,  and  point  to  living  organisms  or  parts 
of  such  or  dwellings. 

Remarks  on  Single  Terms. 

For  several  English  terms  the  English- Beothuk  vocabulary  gives  more 
than  one  equivalent,  even  when  only  one  is  expected.  With  some  of  their 
number  the  inference  is,  that  one  of  these  is  borrowed  from  an  alien 
language.  Thus  we  have  : 

devil  ashmudyim,  haoot. 

comb  edrathu,  moidensu. 

hammer  ivvish,  mattuis. 

money  agamet,  beodet.     The  fact  that  agamet  also  means  button  finds  a  parallel  in  the  Greek 

language,  where  the  term  for  bead,  ao'nawa,  ao'nap,  forms  also  the  one  for  coined  money: 

tcha'tu  aonawa,  '•'•stone  bead"  or  "metal  bead." 
bread  annawhadyd,  manjebathook. 
lamp  boddiduish-emet,  mondicuet. 
star  adenishit,  shawwayet. 
grinding  stone  aguathoonet,  shewthake. 
shovel  gadawik,  hadowadet. 
trap  lathun,  shabathoobet. 

See  also  the  different  terms  for  cup  (vessel),  spear,  wife,  feather,  boy,  rain, 
to  hear,  etc.  Concerning  the  term  trap,  one  of  the  terms  may  be  the 
noun,  the  other  the  verb  (to  trap].  Terms  traceable  to  alien  languages 
will  be  considered  below. 

The  term  for  cat  is  evidently  the  same  with  that  for  seal  and  marten, 
the  similarity  of  their  heads  being  suggestive  for  name-giving.  In  the 
term  for  cat,  abideshook,  a  prefix  a-  appears,  for  which  I  find  no  second 
instance  in  the  lists  ;  abidish  is,  I  think,  the  full  form  of  the  singular  for 
all  the  three  animals. 


Ethnic  position  of  the  Beothuck  313 

Of  the  two  terms  for  fire,  boobeeshawt  means  what  is  warming,  cf. 
boobasha  warm,  oodrat  is  the  proper  term  for  fire. 

Smoke  and  gunpowder  are  expressed  by  the  same  word  in  many  Indian 
languages ;  here,  the  one  for  gunpowder,  baasothnut,  is  a  derivative  of 
basdic  smoke. 

The  muskito,  shema  bogosthuc,  is  described  as  a  black  fly(?). 

Whadicheme  in  King's  vocabulary  means  to  kill. 

Beothik  as  name  for  man,  Indian  and  Red  Indian  is  probably  more 
correct  than  the  commonly  used  Beothuk. 

Botomet  onthermayet  probably  contains  a  whole  sentence. 

The  term  for  hill,  keoosock,  kaasook  is  probably  identical  with 
keathut  head. 

Ecshamut  appears  in  the  names  for  December  and  January,  significa- 
tion unknown. 

Ethnic  position  of  the  Beothuk. 

The  most  important  result  to  be  derived  from  researches  on  the 
Beothuk  people  and  languages  must  be  the  solution  of  the  problem, 
whether  they  formed  a  race  for  themselves  and  spoke  a  language  inde- 
pendent of  any  other,  or  are  racially  and  linguistically  linked  to  other 
nations  or  tribes. 

Our  means  for  studying  their  racial  characteristics  are  very  scanty. 
No  accurate  measurements  of  their  bodies  are  on  hand,  a  few  skulls 
only  are  left  as  tangible  remnants  of  their  bodily  existence  (described  by 
George  Rusk;  cf.  p.  413).  Their  appearance,  customs  and  manners,  lodges 
and  canoes  seem  to  testify  in  favor  of  a  race  separate  from  the  Algonkins 
and  Eskimos  around  them,  but  are  too  powerless  to  prove  anything.  Thus 
we  have  to  rely  upon  language  alone  to  get  a  glimpse  at  their  origin  or 
earliest  condition. 

A  comparison  with  the  Labrador  and  Greenland  Inuit  language, 
commonly  called  Eskimo,  has  yielded  to  me  no  term  resting  on  real 
affinity.  The  Greenlandish  attausek  one  and  B.  yaseek  one  agree  in  the 
suffix  only. 

R.  G.  Latham  has  adduced  some  parallels  of  Beothuk  with  Tinne 
dialects,  especially  with  Taculli,  spoken  in  the  Rocky  Mountains.  But 
he  does  not  admit  such  rare  parallels  as  proof  of  affinity,  and  in  historic 
times  at  least,  the  Beothuks  dwelt  too  far  from  the  countries  held  by 
Tinn£  Indians  to  render  any  connection  probable.  Not  the  least  affinity  is 
traceable  between  Beothuk  and  Iroquois  vocables,  nor  does  the  phonology 
of  the  two  yield  any  substantial  points  of  equality.  Tribes  of  the  Iroquois 
stock  once  held  the  shores  of  the  St  Lawrence  river  down  to  the  environs 
of  Quebec,  perhaps  further  to  the  northeast  and  thus  lived  at  no  great 
distance  from  Newfoundland. 

All  that  is  left  for  us  to  do  is  to  compare  the  sundry  Algonkin  dialects 

with  the  remnants  of  the    Beothuk  speech.     Among  these,  the   Micmac  of 

Nova    Scotia    and    parts    of   the    adjoining    mainland,   the    Abnaki   of   New 

Brunswick  and    Maine,    the    Naskapi   of   Labrador   will    more   than   others 

H.  40 


314  Vocabulary  compared  with  Algonkin 

engross  our  attention,  as  being  spoken  in  the  nearest  vicinity  of  New- 
foundland. The  first  of  these,  Micmac,  was  spoken  also  upon  the  isle 
itself.  Here  as  everywhere  else,  words  growing  out  of  the  roots  of  the 
language  and  therefore  inherent  to  it,  have  to  be  carefully  distinguished 
from  terms  borrowed  of  other  languages.  It  will  be  best  to  make  here 
a  distinction  between  Beothuk  terms  undoubtedly  Algonkin  in  phonetics 
and  signification  and  other  Beothuk  terms,  which  resemble  some  words 
found  in  Algonkin  dialects.  Words  of  these  two  categories  form  part 
of  the  list  of  duplex  Beothuk  terms  for  one  English  word,  as  given  on 
a  previous  page. 

(1)  Beothuk   words   also   occurring  in   Algonkin    dialects:    -eesh,   -ish, 
suffix  forming  diminutive  nouns :  occurs  in  various  forms  in  all  the  Eastern 
Algonkin  dialects. 

mamishet :    mamseet  alive,  living ;    Micmac  meemajeet,   perhaps  trans- 
posed from  almajeet. 

mattuis  hammer;  Abnaki  mattoo. 

mandee  devil;   Micmac  maneetoo,  Naskapi  (matchi)  mantuie. 
odemen,  odemet  ochre;   Micmac  odemen. 

Shebon,  sheebin  river;  Micmac  seiboo;  sibi,  sipi  in  all  Eastern  Algonkin  dialects  for  long  river. 

wobee  white;  Micmac  wabaee,  Naskdpi  waahpou,  wahpoau  white;  also  in  all  Eastern  Algonkin 

dialects;  cf.  B.  wobesheet  sleeve,  probably  for  "white  sleeve,"  and  Micmac  wobun  daylight. 

(2)  Beothuk  words  resembling  terms  of  Algonkin  dialects  comparable 
to  them  in  phonetics  and  signification.     Some  of  them  were  extracted  from 
R.  G.   Latham's  comparative  list,  in  his  Comp.  Philology,  pp.  433 — 455. 

bathuk  rain  ;    Micmac   ikfashak, — paesuk  in  kiekpaesuk  rain ;    but   the  other  forms  given  in 

Beothuk,  badoese  and  watshoosooch,  do  not  agree;   cf.  ebanthoo  water. 
boobeshawt  fire.     The  radix  is  boob-  and  hence  no  analogy  exists  with  Ottawa  ashkote,  Abnaki 

skoutai  and  other  Algonkin  terms  for  fire  mentioned  by  Latham, 
bukashaman  white  man,  man.     Affinity  with   Micmac  wabe  akecheenom  white  man  (jaaenan 

man)  through  aphaeresis  of  wa-  is  exceedingly  doubtful.     Compare  the   Beothuk  prefixed 

syllable  bogo. 

emet  oil;  Abnaki  pemmee,  Ojibwe  bimide  oil;   Micmac  mema  oil,  fat,  grease. 
kannabuch  long;  cf.  the  Algonkin  names  Kennebec,  Quinniplac  long  (inlet),  and  the  Virginian 

cunnaivwh  long  (Strachey,  p.   190). 
kewis,  kuis  sun,  watch;   watcha-gewis  moon  (the  form  kius  is  misspelt). 

Micmak  nakoushet  sun,  topa-nakoushet  moon  (in  Naskapi  beshung,  beeshoon  sun  and  moon). 

The  ordinary  term  in  the  Eastern  Algonkin  languages  is  gisis,  kisus,  kfshis  for  both 

celestial  bodies;  goes  is  the  Micmack  month  appended  to  each  of  their  month-names. 

Magaraguis,  magaragueis,  mangaroouish  son.     Latham,  supposing   guis   to   be   the   portion   of 

the  word  signifying  son,  has  quoted  numerous  analogies,   as   Cree   equssis,   Ottawa  kwis, 

Shawano  koisso,  etc.,  but  Robinson  has  mangarewius  sun.  King  has  kewis,  kuis  sun,  moon, 

which  makes  the  above  term  very  doubtful.     Probably  it  was  the  result  of  a  misunder- 
standing ;   cf.  magorun  deer  (?),  kewis  sun. 
mamoodthuk  dog,  mamoosem-itch  puppy  ;  Micmac  alamouch,  elmoohe  dog,  elmoojeek  puppies, 

Abnaki  almoosesauk  puppies  (alma-  in  Abn.  corresponds  to  mama-  in  Beothuk. 
mamudthun  mouth.     Latham  refers  us  to  Abnaki  madoon,  Micmac  toon,  but  Leigh  has  mame- 

shook  for  mouth  and  memasook  for  tongue,  which  proves  that  mam,  -mem  is  the  radix 

of  the  Beothuk  word  and  not  dthun. 
manjebathook  bread  contains  in  its  final  part  beothuk  man  people;  and  in  its  first  perhaps  Micmac 

megisee,  maegeechimk  to  eat,  mijese"  I  eat,  or  the  French  manger,  obtained  through  Micmac 

Indians.     So  the  signification  would  be  "people's  food." 
manus  berries ;  Micmac  minigechal  berries  may  be  compared,  provided  mini-  is  the  basis  of  the 

term, 
moosin  moccasin,  meoson  shoe ;  probably  originated  from  Abnaki  (and  other  Algonkin)  :  mkison 

moccasin  through  ellipse, 
mootchiman   ear ;    in   Algonkin    dialects   tawa    is   ear  and    therefore    Latham    is    mistaken    in 

comparing  Micmac  mootooween,  Abnaki  nootawee  (my  ear). 
muddy,  mudti,  bad  dirty ;  could  possibly  be  the  transformed  Ottawa  and  Massach.  word  matche, 


Comparison  with  Algonkin  terms  315 

Mohican  matchit,  Odjibwe  mudji  bad,  quoted  by  Latham.     Ashmudyim  devil  is  a  derivative 

of  muddy. 

noduera  to  hear  is  probably  the  Micmac  noodak  I  hear  (him}. 
woas-seesh  girl  is  a  derivative   of  woas-sut  woman,   and   therefore  affinity  with   the  Naska*pi 

squashish  girl  through  aphaeresis  is  not  probable,  sehquow  (s'kwa)  being  woman  in  that 

language.     In  the  Micmac,  epit  is  woman,  epita-ish  girl. 

The  lists  which  yielded  the  above  Algonkin  terms  are  contained  in  : 
A.  Gallatin's  Synopsis,  Archceologia  Americana,  Vol.  n,  (1836);  in  Collec- 
tions of  Massachusetts  Histor.  Society,  I  series,  for  1799,  where  long 
vocabularies  of  Micmac,  Mountaineer  and  Naskdpi  were  published ;  in 
Rev.  Silas  T.  Rand's  First  Reading  Book  in  the  Micmac  Language, 
Halifax,  1875,  i6mo. ;  also  in  Abndki  (Benekee)  and  Micmac  lists  sent 
to  me  by  R.  G.  Latham  and  evidently  taken  with  respect  to  existing 
Beothuk  lists,  for  in  both  are  mentioned  the  same  special  terms,  as  drawing 
knife,  capelan,  Indian  cup,  deers  horns,  ticklas,  etc.  W.  E.  Cormack  or  his 
attendants  probably  took  all  these  three  vocabularies  during  the  same  year. 

In  order  to  obtain  a  correct  and  unprejudiced  idea  of  our  comparative 
Beothuk- Algonkin  lists,  we  have  to  remember  that  the  Red  Indians  always 
kept  up  friendly  intercourse  and  trade  with  the  Naskapi  or  Mountaineer 
Indians  of  Labrador,  and  that  during  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  when  Micmacs  had  settled  upon  Newfoundland,  they  were, 
according  to  a  passage  of  Jukes'  Excursions,  the  friends  of  the  Beothuk 
also.  During  that  period  the  Beothuk  could  therefore  adopt  Algonkin 
terms  into  their  language  to  some  extent  and  such  terms  we  would  expect 
to  be  chiefly  the  words  for  tools,  implements  and  merchandize,  since  these 
were  the  most  likely  to  become  articles  of  intertribal  exchange.  Thus  we 
find  in  list  No.  i  terms  like  hammer  and  ochre,  in  list  No.  2  bread, 
moccasin  and  dog.  We  are  informed  that  the  Beothuk  kept  no  dogs,  and 
when  they  became  acquainted  with  these  animals,  they  borrowed  their 
name  from  the  tribe  in  whose  possession  they  saw  them  first.  The  term 
mamoodthuk  dog  is,  however,  of  the  same  root  as  mamishet,  mamset  alive, 
which  we  find  again  in  Micmac1,  and  it  is  puzzling  that  the  Beothuk  should 
have  had  no  word  of  their  own  for  alive.  Exactly  the  same  remark  may 
be  applied  to  wobee  white  and  the  suffixes  -eesh  and  -ook,  all  of  which 
recur  in  Algonkin  languages.  Concerning  shebon  river,  we  recall  the  fact 
that  the  Dutch  originally  had  a  German  word  for  river,  but  exchanged  it 
for  the  French  riviere  ;  also,  that  the  French  adopted  la  crique  from  the 
English  creek,  just  as  they  have  formed  btbe"  from  English  baby.  The  term 
for  devil  could  easily  be  borrowed  from  an  alien  people,  for  deity  names 
travel  from  land  to  land  as  easily  as  do  the  religious  ideas  themselves. 
The  majority  of  these  disputed  terms  come  from  Nancy,  who  had  more 
opportunity  to  see  Micmacs  in  St  John's  than  Mary  March. 

In  our  comparative  list  No.  2  most  of  the  terms  do  not  rest  upon 
radical  affinity,  but  merely  on  apparent  or  imaginary  resemblance.  In 
publishing  his  comparative  list,  Mr  Latham  did  not  at  all  pretend  to  prove 
by  it  the  affinity  of  Beothuk  to  Algonkin  dialects  ;  for  he  distinctly  states 
(p.  453):  "that  it  was  akin  to  the  (languages  of  the)  ordinary  American 
Indians  rather  than  to  the  Eskimo;  further  investigation  showing  that,  of 

1  Micmac  : — memaje  /  live,  memajoo-okun  life. 

40 — 2 


316  Comparison  with  Algonkin  terms 

the  ordinary  American  languages,  it  was  Algonkin  rather  than  aught  else." 
In  fact,  no  real  affinity  is  traceable  except  in  dog,  bad  and  moccasin,  and 
even  here  the  unreliable  orthography  of  the  words  preserved  leaves  the 
matter  enveloped  in  uncertainty. 

The  suffix  -eesh  and  the  plurals  in  -ook  are  perhaps  the  strongest 
arguments  that  can  be  brought  forward  for  Algonkin  affinity  of  Beothuk, 
but  compared  to  the  overwhelming  bulk  of  words  entirely  differing  this 
cannot  prove  anything.  In  going  over  the  Beothuk  list  in  1882  with 
a  clergyman  thoroughly  conversant  with  Ojibwe,  Rev.  Ignatius  Tomazin, 
then  of  Red  Lake,  Minnesota,  he  was  unable  to  find  any  term  in  Ojibwe 
corresponding,  except  wobee  white,  and  if  gigarimamet,  net,  stood  for  fish- 
net, gigo  was  the  Ojibw£  term  for  fish. 

The  facts  which  most  strongly  militate  against  an  assumed  kinship  of 
Beothuk  with  Algonkin  dialects  are  as  follows : 

(1)  The  phonetic  system  of  both  differs  largely;   Beothuk  lacks  f  and 
probably  v,   while   1   is   scarce ;    in    Micmac   and    the   majority  of   Algonkin 
dialects  th,  r,  dr  and  1  are  wanting,  but  occur  in  Beothuk. 

(2)  The  objective  case  exists  in   Beothuk,  but  none  of  the  Algonkin 
dialects  has  another  oblique  case  except  the  locative. 

(3)  The  numerals  differ  entirely  in  both,  which  would  not  be  the  case 
if  there  was  the  least  affinity  between  the  two. 

(4)  The    terms    for   the    parts   of    the    human    and  animal    body,    for 
colors   (except    white],    for   animals  and    plants,   for    natural   phenomena,   or 
the  celestial  bodies  and  other  objects  of  nature,  as  well  as  the  radicals  of 
adjectives  and  verbs  differ  completely. 

When  we  add  all  this  to  the  great  discrepancy  in  ethnologic  particulars, 
as  canoes,  dress,  implements,  manners  and  customs,  we  come  to  the  con- 
clusion that  the  Red  Indians  of  Newfoundland  must  have  been  a  race 
distinct  from  the  races  on  the  mainland  shores  surrounding  them  on  the 
North  and  West.  Their  language  I  do  not  hesitate,  after  a  long  study 
of  its  precarious  and  unreliable  remnants,  to  regard  as  belonging  to 
a  separate  linguistic  family,  clearly  distinct  from  Inuit,  Tinne,  Iroquois 
and  Algonkin.  Once  a  refugee  from  some  part  of  the  mainland  of 
North  America,  the  Beothuk  tribe  may  have  lived  for  centuries  isolated 
upon  Newfoundland,  sustaining  itself  by  fishing  and  the  chase1.  When 
we  look  around  upon  the  surface  of  the  globe  for  parallels  of  linguistic 
families  relegated  to  insular  homes,  we  find  the  Elu  upon  the  Island  of 
Ceylon  in  the  Indian  Ocean,  and  the  extinct  Tasmanian  upon  Tasmania 
Island,  widely  distant  from  Australia.  The  Harafuru  or  Alfuru  languages 
of  New  Guinea  and  vicinity,  are  spoken  upon  islands  only.  Almost  wholly 
confined  to  islands  are  the  nationalities  speaking  Malayan,  Aino,  Celtic, 
Haida  and  Ale-ut  dialects ;  only  a  narrow  strip  of  territory  now  shows 
from  which  portion  of  the  mainland  they  may  have  crossed  over  the  main 
to  their  present  abodes. 

1  Linguistic  stocks  reduced  like  Beothuk  to  a  small  compass  are  of  the  highest  importance  for 
anthropologic  science.  Not  only  do  they  disclose  by  themselves  a  new  side  of  ethnic  life,  but  they  also 
afford  a  glimpse  at  the  former  distribution  of  tribes,  nations,  races  and  their  languages  and  ethnographic 
peculiarities. 


Gatschefs  third  paper  317 

Third  Paper 
by 

'•-  ^  ,  "  '•,'!'.'     li,';^,',>      i,  "  ..i 

Albert  S.  Gatschet. 
(Read  before  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  Jan.  3,   1890.) 

Among  the  three  vocabularies  which  I  have  recently  had  the  good 
fortune  of  receiving,  there  is  one  just  as  old  as  the  century,  and  another 
comes  from  an  aged  person  who  has  actually  heard  words  of  the  language 
pronounced  by  a  Beothuk  Indian.  I  take  pleasure  in  placing  these  lists 
before  the  Society,  together  with  a  number  of  new  ethnographic  facts 
gathered  in  the  old  haunts  of  the  extinct  race,  which  will  prove  to  be 
of  scientific  value. 

.    .  ;•,        .     Jt 

The  Jure  Vocabulary. 

While  engaged  in  surveying  the  Bay  of  Exploits  during  the  summer 
months  of  1886,  Mr  Howley  became  acquainted  with  Mrs  Jure,  then 
about  seventy-five  years  old,  who  once  had  been  the  fellow-servant  of 
Shanawdithit,  or  Nancy,  at  Mr  John  Peyton's,  whose  widow  died  about 
the  close  of  the  year  1885.  Mrs  Jure  was,  in  spite  of  her  age,  hale  and 
sound  in  body  and  mind,  and  remembered  with  accuracy  all  the  little 
peculiarities  of  Shanawdithit,  familiarly  called  "  Nance."  Many  terms  of 
Beothuk  learned  from  Nance  she  remembered  well,  and  at  times  was 
complimented  by  Nance  for  the  purity  of  her  pronunciation ;  many  other 
terms  were  forgotten  owing  to  the  great  lapse  of  time  since  1829. 
Mr  Howley  produced  his  vocabularies  and  made  her  repeat  and  pro- 
nounce such  words  in  it  as  she  could  remember.  Thus  he  succeeded  in 
correcting  some  of  the  words  recorded  by  Leigh  and  Cormack,  and  also  to 
acquire  a  few  new  ones.  He  satisfied  himself  that  Mrs  Jure's  pronunciation 
must  be  the  correct  one,  as  it  came  directly  from  Shanawdithit,  and  that 
its  phonetics  are  extremely  easy,  much  more  so  than  those  of  Micmac, 
having  none  of  the  nasal  drawl  of  the  latter  dialect.  She  also  pronounced 
several  Micmac  words  exactly  as  Micmacs  pronounce  them,  and  in  several 
instances  corrected  Mr  Howley  as  to  the  mistranslation  of  some  Beothuk 
words.  The  twenty  three  words  which  Mr  Howley  has  obtained  from  this 
aged  woman  embody  nine  new  ones ;  this  enabled  me  to  add  in  parentheses 
their  true  pronunciation  and  wording  in  my  scientific  alphabet. 

The  Clinch  Vocabulary. 

A  vocabulary  of  Beothuk  has  just  come  to  light,  which  appears  to  be, 
if  not  more  valuable,  at  least  older  than  the  ones  investigated  by .  me 
heretofore.  It  contains  one  hundred  and  twelve  terms  of  the  language, 
many  of  them  new  to  us.  It  was  obtained,  as  stated,  by  the  Rev.  John 
Clinch,  a  minister  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  a  man  of  high  education, 


318  l^he  Clinch  vocabulary 

stationed  as  Parish  priest  at  Trinity,  in  Trinity  Bay,  Newfoundland.  The 
original  is  contained  in  the  Record  Book,  preserved  in  the  office  of 
Justice  Pinsent,  D.C.L.,  of  the  Supreme  Court  at  Harbour  Grace,  and  it 
has  been  printed  in  the  Harbour  Grace  Standard  and  Conception  Bay 
Advertiser,  of  Wednesday,  May  2,  1888,  some  biographic  and  other  notes 
being  added  to  it  in  the  number  of  May  i2th. 

Among  these  the  following  will  give  us  a  clearer  insight  into  the 
question  of  authenticity  of  Clinch's  vocabulary.  John  Clinch  was  born 
in  Gloucestershire,  England,  and  in  early  youth  studied  medicine  under 
a  practitioner  at  Cirencester,  where  he  became  a  fellow  of  Dr  Jenner,  who 
discovered  the  celebrated  specific  against  small-pox.  In  those  times,  no  law 
compelled  a  man  to  undergo  examination  for  diplomas ;  so  Clinch  migrated 
to  Bonavista,  Newfoundland,  and  established  himself  there  in  1775  as 
a  physician,  but  in  1 783  removed  to  Trinity.  Besides  his  practice,  he 
conducted  services  in  church,  was  ordained  deacon  and  priest  in  London, 
in  1787,  then  worked  over  thirty  years  at  Trinity  in  his  sacred  calling, 
until  his  death,  which  must  have  occurred  about  1827.  He  has  the  merit  of 
introducing  vaccination  upon  that  island,  and  there  are  people  living  now 
who  were  vaccinated  by  him.  He  was  also  appointed  to  judicial  charges. 

Simultaneously  with  Mr  Clinch,  a  Beothuk  Indian  stayed  in  that 
town,  known  as  John  August.  Tradition  states  that  he  was  taken  from 
his  mother  when  a  child  and  brought  up  by  a  colonist,  Jeffrey  G.  Street. 
He  then  remained  in  Street's  house  as  an  intelligent  and  faithful  servant, 
and  when  arrived  at  manhood  was  entrusted  with  the  command  of  a  fishing 
smack  manned  by  whites.  Frequently  he  obtained  leave  to  go  into  the 
country,  where  he  probably  communicated  with  his  tribe.  The  parish 
register  of  Trinity  records  his  interment  there  on  October  29,  1788. 

As  there  is  no  other  Beothuk  Indian  known  to  have  resided  among 
white  people  of  Newfoundland  at  that  time,  it  is  generally  supposed  that 
Mr  Clinch,  who  lived  there  since  1783,  obtained  his  collection  from  none 
else  but  from  John  August.  The  selection  of  words  differs  greatly  from 
that  in  Leigh's  Vocabulary,  but  the  identity  of  a  few  terms,  which  are  quite 
specific,  as  hiccups,  shaking  hands,  warming  yourself,  induces  Mr  Howley 
to  believe  that  he,  Leigh,  had  Clinch's  Vocabulary  before  him.  One  item 
in  Clinch's  list,  "Ou-bee:  her  own  name"  seems  to  indicate  that  it  was 
obtained  from  a  female.  Indeed,  in  1803,  a  Beothuk  woman  was  captured, 
presented  to  Governor  Gambier,  and  subsequently  sent  back  to  her  tribe. 
Mrs  Edith  Blake,  in  her  article,  "  The  Beothuks,"  gives  a  description 
of  her  and  of  her  presence  at  a  social  meeting  at  the  Governor's  house, 
St  John's1. 

I  have  obtained  a  copy  of  the  printed  vocabulary  through  Mr  Howley. 
It  was  full  of  typographic  errors,  and  these  were  corrected  by  him  with 
the  aid  of  a  copy  made  of  the  original  at  Trinity  by  Mrs  Edith  Blake, 
who  took  the  greatest  pains  to  secure  accuracy.  The  Record  Book  states 
that  Rev.  Clinch  obtained  the  vocabulary  in  Governor  Waldegraves'  time", 

1  I  think  it  more  probable  Clinch's  vocabulary  was  obtained  from  the  young  girl  mentioned  by 
Gov.  Edwards. 

2  That  was  from  1797  to  1800. 


The  three  vocabularies  combined 


319 


and  the  volume  which  contains  it  embodies  documents  of  the  year  1800; 
this  date  would  form  an  argument  against  the  supposition,  that  it  was 
obtained  from  the  female  captured  in  1803.  Below  I  have  reproduced  all 
the  terms  of  this  vocabulary,  as  it  surpasses  all  the  others  in  priority, 
though  perhaps  not  in  accuracy.  The  words  are  all  syllabicated,  but  none 
of  them  show  accentuation  marks  ;  I  have  printed  most  of  them  in  their 
syllabicated  form. 

Capt.  Robinson  has  consulted  and  partly  copied  the  Clinch  vocabulary, 
as  will  be  readily  seen  by  a  comparison  of  the  terms  in  both. 


The  three  Vocabularies  combined. 


ABBREVIATIONS. 

CM. — The  W.  E.  Cormack  vocabulary,  from  a  Montreal  copy  of  the  manuscript. 

J. — The  Jure  vocabulary. 

No  letter. — The  Clinch  vocabulary. 

Words  in  parentheses  contain  the  transcription  of  vocables  into  my  scientific  alphabet. 


Abenick  gaping,  CM. 

Abideeshook  domestic  cat,  CM. 

Abus-thib-e  kneeling. 

Adayook  eight;   ee-adajook  eighteen,  CM. 

Adi-ab  wood. 

Adjieich  two  ;   ee-ajike  twelve,  adjeich  atho-onut 

twenty-two,  CM. 

Adothe  or  odeothyke  boat,  vessel,  CM. 
Agamet  buttons  and  money,  CM. 
Ah-wadgebick,    awadgebick    (awadshibik)   middle 

finger,  J. 

Amshut  or  yamyess  get  up,  CM.  ;    cf.  kmnup. 
Anaduck  sore  throat,  CM. 
Arrobauth   blood ;    ashabooutte  or  iggobauth  (for 

izzobauth)  blood,  CM. 
Atho-onut  twenty  ;  adjeich  atho-onut  twenty-two, 

CM. 

Bashedtheek  six;  ee-beshedtheek  sixteen,  CM. 

Bay-sot,  bazot,  besot,  besut,  to  walk  J. 

Beathook  Red  Indian,  CM. 

Beteok  good  night,  CM. 

Boas-seek  blunt,  CM. 

Bobodish  sea  pigeon,  J.  ;    bobbidish  pigeon,  black 

guillemot,  CM. 

Boddebmoot  woman's  bosom,  CM. 
Boo-it,  buit  (bii-it),  thumb,  ]. 
Boshoodik  or  boshwadit  to  bite,  CM. 
Botonet-onthermayet     teeth,     CM.     (onthermayet 

alone  means  teeth  ;   cf.  below). 
Buggishaman  man,  J.  ;  bukashman  or  bookshimon 

man,  CM.  ;  pushaman,  man. 
Buggishamish  boy,  J.  ;  bugasmeesh  white  boy,  CM. 

Chee-a-shit,  groaning;  cheasit,  CM. 

Chee-thing  a  walking  stick. 

Cobthun-eesamut  January,  CM. 

Co-ga-de-alla  leg. 

Coosh  lip. 

Corrasoob  sorrow  ;  snow  (snow,  by  confounding  it 

with  kausussa-  book  ?). 
Cowasazeek  July,  CM. 
Cusebee  louse ;  casebeet,  CM. 
Cush  nails. 


Dabseek  four ;   ee-dabseek  fourteen  CM. 

Deshudodoick  to  blow,  CM. 

Deu-is  sun  or  moon  (doubtful). 

Dis-up  fishing  line. 

Dogemat    or   ashoog-ing    (Howley :    ash-vog-ing) 

arrow,  CM. 
Drtimmet,    drummet    (drumt)    hair,    J.  ;    don-na 

(Clinch). 

Ebauthoo  water ;   ebanthoo,  CM. 
Eemommoos,  immawmoose  (imamus)  woman,  J. 
Eemommooset,  immomoose't  (imamuset)  girl,  J. 
Eewo-in,  ewoin  (iwo-in)  knife,  J.  ;  yew-oin  a  knife. 
Ejeedowe"shin,  edgedoweshin  (edshidowe'shin)/0'Z£//, 

Ejibidinish  silk  handkerchief,  CM. 
Emeethook  dogwood,  CM. 
Ersh-bauth  catching  fish. 
Euano  go  out,  CM. 
Eve-nau  feathers. 

Gei-je-bursut ;  see  moosin. 

Giggaremanet  net,  CM. 

Giwashuwet  bear^  CM. 

Gosset  stockings;  gasaek,  CM. 

Gothieget  ticklas,  CM. 

Goun  chin,  CM. 

Gun  or  guen  nose,  CM. 

Hadda-bothy  body. 

Hadibiet  glass,  CM. 

Hados-do  ding  sitting. 

Hanamait  spoon. 

Han-nan  a  spear;   first  letter  uncertain. 

Ha-the-may  a  bow. 

Hedy-yan  stooping. 

Hods-mishit  knee. 

Hod-thoo  to  shoot. 

Hod-witch  fool. 

Hurreen  and  huz-seen  a  gun. 

Huzza-gan  rowing. 

li-be-ath  yawning. 
lo-ush-zath  stars  (doubtful). 


320 


The  three  vocabularies  combined 


Is-shu,  izhu,  ishu  (izhu),  make  haste,  J. 
Ite-ween  thigh. 

Jib-e-thun  (or,  iib-e-thun)  a  trap  or  gin. 
Jigganisut  gooseberry,  CM. 

Yamyess  ;   see  amshut. 

Yaseek  one ;  ee-yagiesk  eleven,  CM. 

Yeothoduck  nine ;  ee-yeothoduck  nineteen,  CM. 

Yew-one  wild-goose. 

Yew-why  dirt. 

Keathut ;  gorathun  (obj.  case)  head,  CM.  ;  he-aw- 

thou  head,  ke-aw-thon  your  head 
Kess-yet  a  flea. 
King-able  standing. 
Kinnup,  kfnup,  get  up,  J. 
Koo-rae  lighting;  fire. 
Koothabonong-bewajowite  February,  CM. 
Kuis  ;  mangaronish  sun,  CM.  ;  kuis  watch,  CM. 
Kuis  and  washewnishite  moon,  CM. 

Mady-u-a  leaves. 

Magorum  deer's  horns,  CM. 

Mamasheek  islands,  CM. 

Mamegemethin   shoulders,    CM. ;    momezabethon 

shoulder. 

Mam-isutt  alive,  CM. 
Mammadronitan  lord  bird1,  CM. 
Mammasamit  dog,  }.  (mammasavit  is  incorrect) ; 

mammasareet,   mamoosernit    dog,   CM.   (reet 

false  for  mit). 
Mamoosemich  puppy,  CM. 
Manarooit,  blanket,  CM. 
Mangaronish  ;  see  kuis. 
Manjebathook  beard  (on  page  305  ;  bread,  which 

is  probably  false ;   see  annawhadya),  CM. 
Mau-the-au-thaw  crying;   cf.  su-au-thou. 
Memajet  anus,  CM.  (false  for  arms). 
Memet  hand,    CM. ;    memen    (obj.    case)   hands 

and  fingers ;    meman     momasthus    shaking 

hands. 

Me-ma-za  tongue. 
Menome  dogberries. 
Me-roo-pish  twine,  thread. 
Mi-a-woth  flying ;  meaoth  flyingi  CM. 
Midy-u-theu  sneezing. 
Mis-math  ear. 
Mithie  coal. 

Moadamutt  to  boil,  as  dinner,  CM. 
Mom-au  a  seal. 
Mome-augh  eyebrow. 
Moocus  elbow. 

Moosin  and  gei-je-bursut  ankle,  CM. 
Mowgeenuck,   mougenuk   (maudshinuk)   iron,  J.  ; 

mowageene  iron. 

Mud-ty  bad  (dirty) ;  mudeet  bad  (of  character). 
Mudy-rau  hiccups. 
Mush-a-bauth  oakum  or  tow. 

Nethabete  cattle,  CM. 

Nine  knife,  CM.  (false  for  u-ine,  yewoin). 

Nine  jeckyfw  ;   ee-ninezeek  fifteen,  CM. 

No-mash-nush  scalping. 

Now-aut  hatchet. 


Obodish,  obbodish,  cat,  J.  ;   obditch  a  beast ;   cf. 

abideeshook. 

Obosheen  warming  yourself. 
Obseedeek  gloves,  CM. 
Odasweet-eeshamut  December,  CM. 
Od-au-sot  rolling. 
Oddesamick,  odd-essamick  (odesamik),  little  finger, 

Odemet  ochre,  CM.  (ochre  mixed  with  oil,  emet, 
Howley). 

Onnus,  onnus  (6nes)  forefinger,  index,  J. 

Oodzook  seven;  ee-oodyook  seventeen,  CM. 

Oregre'en  (?)  scissors,  CM. 

Oreru  ice,  CM. ;  cf.  ozeru. 

Osavate  rowing,  CM. 

Osweet  (oswit)  deer,  J.;  osweet,  CM. 

Ou-bee  (nom.  pr.  fem.)  "her  own  name2" 

Ou-gen  stone. 

Ou-ner-mish  a  little  bird  (species  of?). 

Outhermay  teeth. 

Ow-the-je-arra-thunum  to  shoot  an  arrow  perpen- 
dicularly. 

Pa-pa  de  aden  a  fork. 

Pau-shee  birch  rind;  paper. 

Peatha  fur,  hair  of  beast. 

Pedth-ae  rain. 

Pe-to-tho-risk  thunder. 

Pig-a-thee  a  scab. 

Pis-au-wau  lying. 

Podibeac  oar,  CM. ;   poodybe-ac  an  oar. 

Poopusraut  fish. 

Poorth  thumb  ;  cf.  boad. 

Popa-dish  a  large  bird  (species  of?). 

Posson  the  back. 

Poss-thee  smoke ;   cf.  baasdic. 

Pug-a-thuse  beating ;   pug-a-tho  throwing. 

Pug-a-zoa  eating. 

Pug-e-non  to  break  a  stick. 

Puth-u-auth  sleep. 

Shabathooret  trap,  CM. 

Shamye  currants. 

Shansee  ten,  CM. 

Shaub-ab-un-o  /  have  to  throw  your  trap. 

Shau-da-me  partridge  berries. 

Shebohowit ;   sheebuint  woodpecker,  CM. 

She-both  kissing. 

Shedbasing  upper  arm,  CM. 

She-ga-me  to  blow  the  nose ;   shegamik,  CM. 

Shemabogosthuc  muskito  (black  fly),  CM. 

Shendeek  (or  sheudeek?)  three ;  ee-shaedeck  thir 

teen,  CM. 
Shisth  grass. 

Shucodimit  Indian  cup,  CM. 
Sou-sot  spruce  rind. 
Stiocena  thumb,  CM. 
Su-au-thou  singing. 
Su-gu-mith  birds'  excrement. 
Susut  fowl,  partridge. 

Tapaithook  canoe,  CM. ;   cf.  thub-a-thew. 
Tedesheet  neck. 
The-oun  the  chin ;   cf.  goun. 
Thub-a-thew  boat  or  canoe. 


1  Harlequin  Duck,  Clangula  histtionica. 

2  Evidently  the  name  of  the  person  from  whom  the  vocabulary  was  obtained. 


Remarks  on  single  terms  321 

Thub-wed  gie  dancing.  Widdun   (widun    or  widan),   asleep ;    also   euphe- 

Tis  eu-thun  wind.  mistically  for  dead. 

Traw-na-soo  spruce.  Woodrut  fire,  CM. 

Tus-mug/z>z;   tus-mus  needle.  Wothamashet  tunning,   CM.;   wothamashee  run- 

Tu-wid-yie  swimming.  ning. 

Wooth-yan  walking. 

Waine  hoop,  CM.  Wyabick  (wayabik)  ring-finger,  J. 
Washeu  night,  darkness,  CM. 

Wasumaw-eeseek  April,  June,  September,  CM.          Zatrook  husband,  CM. 

Washewnishite  ;   see  kuis  and  washeu.  Zosweet   partridge    (willow    grouse),    CM.    (same 

Weshemesh  herring,  CM.  word  as  susut). 
Who-ish-me  laughing. 

Remarks  on  Single  Terms. 

The  ending  -bauth  occurs  so  frequently  that  we  may  have  to  consider 
it  as  a  suffix  used  in  the  derivation  of  substantives ;  thus  we  have,  e.g.,  izzo- 
bauth  blood,  arsh-bauth  catching  fish,  mushabauth  oakum,  tow. 

emmamoose  woman,  emamoset  child,  girl,  resemble  strongly  the  fol- 
lowing Algonkin  terms :  amemens  child  in  Lenape  (Barton),  amosens 
daughter  in  Virginian  (Strachey,  Vocab.,  p.  183). 

Ama'ma  is  mother  in  the  Greenland   Inuit. 

The  sound  1  occurs  but  four  times  in  the  words  which  have  come  to 
our  notice:  adolthtek,  lathun,  messiliget-hook,  nadalahet.  In  view  of  the 
negligent  handwriting  in  which  all  of  these  vocabularies  have  reached  us, 
it  is  permitted  to  doubt  its  existence  in  the  language. 

menome  dogberries  is  a  derivative  of  manus  berries. 

mamoose  whortle  berries,   Rob.,  is  perhaps  misspelt  for  manoose. 
Cf.  min  grain,  fruit,  berry,  in  all  Eastern  Algonkin  dialects. 

ozeru,  ozrook,  ice ;  E.  Petitot  renders  the  Montagnais  (Tinne)  ezoge 
by  "gelee  blanche"  (frost],  t'en-zure  by  "glace  vive."  The  resemblance 
with  the  Beothuck  word  seems  only  fortuitous. 

poopusraut  fish  is  identical  with  bobboosoret  codfish  (or  bacalaos,  Mscr.). 

pug-a-zoa  eating;   the  latter  probably  misspelt  for  beating. 

stioeena  thumb,  CM.,  is  misspelling  of  itweena,  which  means  thigh, 
not  thumb. 

The  new  ethnologic  and  linguistic  facts  embodied  in  this  "  Third 
Article"  do  not  alter  in  the  least  the  general  results  which  I  deduced  from 
my  two  previous  articles  and  specified  in  Proceedings  of  1886,  pp.  226 
to  428.  On  the  contrary,  they  corroborate  them  intrinsically  and  would 
almost  by  themselves  be  sufficient  to  prove  that  the  Beothuck  race  and  the 
language  were  entirely  sui  generis.  By  the  list  contained  in  this  "Third 
Article"  the  number  of  Beothuck  vocables  known  to  us  is  brought  up  to 
four  hundred  and  eighty,  which  is  much  more  than  we  know  of  the 
majority  of  other  American  languages  and  dialects. 

The  violent  hatred  and  contempt  which  the  Beothucks  nourished  against 
all  the  races  in  their  vicinity  seems  to  testify  by  itself  to  a  radical  difference 
between  these  and  the  Algonkin  tribes.  The  fact  that  we  know  of  no 
other  homes  of  the  Beothuck  people  than  Newfoundland,  does  not  entitle 
us  to  conjecture,  that  they  were  once  driven  from  the  mainland  opposite 
and  settled  as  refugees  upon  the  shores  of  that  vast  island.  It  is  more 
H.  41 


322 

probable  that  this  race  anciently  inhabited  a  part  of  the  mainland  simul- 
taneously with  the  island,  which  would  presuppose  that  the  Beothucks  were 
then  more  populous  than  in  the  historic  period.  Numerous  causes  may 
account  for  the  fact  that  we  do  not  notice  them  elsewhere  since  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century :  fragmentary  condition  of  our  historic 
knowledge,  rigorous  colds,  epidemics,  want  of  game,  famine,  infanticide, 
may  be  wars  among  themselves  or  with  strangers.  Some  of  these  potent 
factors  may  have  cooperated  in  extinguishing  the  Beothucks  of  the  mainland 
from  whom  t.he  island  Beothucks  must  have  once  descended — while  the 
tribes  settled  upon  Newfoundland  may  have  increased  and  prospered,  owing 
to  a  more  genial  climate  and  other  physical  agencies. 

Lloyd's  Papers. 

Mr  T.  G.  B.  Lloyd,  C.E.,  F.G.S.,  M.A.I.,  read  a  couple  of  papers 
on  the  subject  of  the  Red  Indians  of  Newfoundland,  in  1873-4,  before  the 
Anthropological  Institute  of  Great  Britain. 

The  first  of  these  papers  gives  merely  a  cursory  review  of  the  historical 
references,  already  fully  dealt  with.  He  quotes  Cartwright's  journal  in  full 
and  makes  that  narrative  the  basis  of  his  observations.  Only  a  few  remarks 
of  his  are  worth  recording. 

Lloyd  says  "  Peyton  confirms  the  statement  of  the  Indians  not  having 
dogs,  and  also  states  they  did  not  use  narcotics." 

During  a  short  stay  at  Labrador  last  fall  (1873)  ne  was  informed  that 
about  half  a  century  ago  a  tribe  of  Red  Indians  was  living  near  Battle 
Harbour,  opposite  Belle  Isle,  which  committed  depredations  on  the  fisher- 
men. A  story  is  told  of  the  Indians  having  on  one  occasion  cut  off  the 
heads  of  two  white  children  which  they  stuck  on  poles,  but  he  adds 
Cartwright  makes  no  mention  of  them  in  his  journal  of  a  residence  of 
nearly  sixteen  years  on  the  coast  of  Labrador,  published  in  1/92,  in  which 
he  speaks  of  Battle  Harbour1.  Peyton  says  the  two  small  images  found 
in  Mary  March's  coffin  by  Cormack,  were  so  placed  along  with  several 
other  articles  she  took  a  fancy  to  while  in  St  John's,  by  Buchan's  people. 
Peyton  also  said  the  dress  of  the  Indians  consisted  of  two  dressed  deer 
skins,  which  were  thrown  over  their  shoulders.  Sometimes  they  wore 
sleeves  of  the  same  material,  but  never  anything  else  as  a  covering.  On 
their  feet  they  wore  rough  moccasins  of  deer  skins  (probably  made  from 
the  shanks  as  do  the  Micmacs). 

Their  eyes  were  black  and  piercing.  Men  and  women  wore  their 
black  hair  long.  Their  complexion  was  lighter  than  the  Micmacs,  and 
resembled  that  of  Spaniards  etc. 

Stone  pipes  are  said  to  have  been  found  at  their  camping  places,  but 
Peyton  is  very  positive  they  did  not  use  narcotics  of  any  kind. 

Two  half  breed  hunters  who  are  supposed  to  be  the  last  who  saw  the 
Red  Indians,  believe  the  remnant  left  the  country  and  crossed  the  Straits 
of  Belle  Isle  to  Labrador. 

1  Of  course  Cartwright  does  not  mention  the  Indians  at  Battle  Harbour,  because  if  the  date  be 
correct,  it  occurred  long  after  his  time,  or  about  1825  to  1830. 


Plate  XI 


NEWFOUNDLAND 


OCEAN 


CRoce 


MAP  OF  NEWFOUNDLAND  showing  places  where  remains,  relics,  etc.,  of  the  aborigines  (Beothucks)  have  been  found. 


RIVER     EXPLOITS 
IN    1912 


Plan  of  the  Exploits  River  in  1912,  showing  Red  Indian  Lake,  and  sites  of  former  residences  of  the  Beothucks,  also  the  modern 
settlements  of  Grand  Falls  and  Bishop  Falls,  where  the  great  pulp  mills  of  the  Anglo-Newfoundland,  and  the  Albert  Reed  Companies 
are  now  established. 


Lloyd's  papers  323 

John  Lewis,  a  Mohawk  Metis,  who  could  speak  several  Indian  dialects, 
informed  Mr  Curtis  that  the  Beothuck  language  was  unknown  amongst 
the  Canadian  tribes. 

Lloyd's  second  paper  treats  mainly  of  their  stone,  bone  and  other 
implements  found  by  himself  in  the  course  of  a  cruise  around  the  island. 
He  says  "  These  implements  belong  to  the  class  known  as  surface  imple- 
ments." Numerous  discoveries  of  chisels,  gouge-shaped  implements,  stone 
pots,  spear  heads  etc.,  have  been  made  in  various  parts  of  the  island. 
The  localities  at  present  known,  are  comprised  in  the  following  list. 
Starting  from  St  John's  and  passing  round  the  island  north  and  west, 
they  will  be  met  with  in  the  following  order ; — at  Fox  Harbour  Random 
Sound  Trinity  Bay,  in  Bonavista  Bay,  Funk  Island,  Twillingate  Island, 
Bay  of  Exploits,  Notre  Dame  Bay;  Fogo  Island;  Granby  Island  and 
Sop  Island  White  Bay ;  Conche,  Howe  Harbour,  Hare  Bay  Bonne  Bay, 
Mouth  of  Flat  Bay  Brook  Bay  St  George;  Codroy  River,  Burgeo  Islands; 
Long  Island  and  Ragged  Islands,  Placentia  Bay.  To  which  may  now  be 
added,  The  River  Head  of  St  John's  itself,  Collinet  River  in  Peninsula 
of  Avalon,  the  Beaches  and  Gambo  Bonavista  Bay,  at  Comfort  Head, 
Swan  Island,  Yellow  Fox  Id.  and  other  places  in  the  Bay  of  Exploits. 
At  Sunday  Cove  Island,  Hall's  Bay,  Long  Island,  Pilley's  Island,  Middle 
and  Western  Arms,  Rouge  Har.  South  West  Arm,  Indian  Burying  place 
in  Notre  Dame  Bay,  Fleur  de  Lis1,  La  Scie  etc.  At  Cony  and  Cat 
Arms  White  Bay.  At  Pistolet  Bay  on  the  Northern  extremity  of  New- 
foundland, and  on  the  west  side  of  the  Island,  at  Port  au  Choix,  Cow 
Head,  and  other  places.  In  the  Interior,  at  Grand  Lake,  Sandy  Lake, 
Red  Indian  Lake  etc. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  most  of  the  above  localities  are  situated  on 
the  sea  coast.  Mr  Lloyd  then  describes  two  localities  where  he  discovered 
these  implements,  viz.,  at  Sop  Island  and  at  Conche  ;  in  both  cases  they 
were  covered  by  vegetable  mould  for  a  depth  of  a  few  inches.  He  found 
numerous  small  arrow  heads  and  gouge  shaped  tools,  broken  fragments  of 
pots  and  an  immense  number  of  chips  and  flakes.  The  ground  had  the 
appearance  of  having  been  burnt.  Fragments  of  small  bones  of  birds, 
also  burnt,  were  mixed  up  with  these  implements,  or  arranged  in  small 
groups.  They  were  the  "Kitchen  middens"  of  the  Beothucks.  At  Conche, 
the  implements  were  found  at  a  depth  of  about  18  inches  below  the  surface, 
and  mixed  up  with  them  were  some  fragments  of  human  skeletons,  and 
seal  bones  all  so  much  decayed  as  to  crumble  to  pieces  when  handled. 
Drinking  cups  of  soapstone,  broken  and  entire,  together  with  a  stone  knife 
about  1 8  inches  long  had  been  found  here  previous  to  Lloyd's  visit. 

Lloyd's  description  of  the  implements  he  found. 

"These  may  be  conveniently  divided  into  nine  classes,  ist.  axe  and 
chisel  shaped  tools,  2nd.  gouge  shaped  tools,  3rd.  broken  stone  pots, 
4th.  sinkers,  5th.  spear  and  arrow  heads,  6th.  scrapers  or  planes,  ;th.  fish 

1  Where  the  stone  pots  were  manufactured. 

41—2 


324  Description  of  Stone  implements 

hooks,  8th.  objects  in  the  course  of  manufacture,  gth.  whetstones,  rubbing 
stones,  and  other  miscellaneous  articles. 

"No.  i.  These  implements  are  made  of  rough  pieces  of  stone  by  the 
simple  process  of  rubbing  down  one  end  to  a  chisel  shaped  edge.  Here 
he  figures  two  of  these,  one  of  which  was  said  to  have  been  taken  from 
a  Red  Indian  wigwam  in  the  year  1810.  The  man  who  got  possession 
of  it,  said  it  fell  from  the  hands  of  an  Indian,  who  was  apparently  occupied 
in  skinning  or  cutting  up  some  animal,  as  it  was  covered  with  blood. 
None  of  these  tools  show  any  indication  of  having  been  mounted  in 
handles. 

"No.  2.  These  also  appear  to  have  been  manufactured  from  any 
suitable  shaped  pieces  of  stone  which  came  to  hand.  Some  of  these  are 
made  of  chert,  and  are  highly  finished.  All  the  articles  belonging  to  class 
i  &  2  shew  marks  of  fracture  on  their  bevelled  edges. 

"  No.  3.  A  comparison  of  the  fragments  of  stone  vessels  indicates 
that  the  larger  ones,  when  whole,  were  from  eight  to  nine  inches  in  length 
and  breadth,  and  about  4  or  5  inches  in  height,  with  a  depth  inside  of 
some  three  inches  or  thereabouts.  The  material  of  which  these  vessels  are 
composed,  is  impure  steatite  (serpentine  or  potstone).  Mr  Lloyd  thinks 
some  of  these  vessels  may  have  been  used  as  lamps,  from  the  fact  of  their 
having  small  holes  bored  through  the  sides  for  suspending  them. 

"No.  4.  These  sinkers  were  egg  shaped  pieces  of  soapstone.  Mr  Lloyd 
describes  one  from  the  Indian  burying  place,  which  he  thinks  must  have  been 
used  as  a  hook.  It  is  a  small  oval  shaped  piece  of  soapstone  i^  inches  long, 
pointed  at  the  lower  end.  It  has  two  shallow  grooves,  one  horizontal  the 
other  vertical,  for  the  attachment  of  a  line.  On  one  side  of  the  object  there 
is  a  barbed-shaped  projection  which  suggests  the  idea  of  a  combination  of 
sinker  and  hook  for  catching  small  fish. 

"  No.  5.  Mr  John  Evans,  in  his  standard  work  on  Stone  Implements, 
places  the  javelins  and  arrow  heads  under  the  same  heading,  and  remarks 
on  the  difficulty  of  distinguishing  the  one  class  from  the  other.  Taking 
Mr  Evans  for  my  guide,  I  have  divided  the  specimens  into  the  following 
classes :  (a)  Stemmed  arrow  heads ;  (b]  double  barbed  triangular  Do. ; 
(c]  abnormal  forms. 

"  Class  (a)  must  have  been  from  5  to  6  inches  long,  and  must  have 
been  a  spear  head. 

"Class  (<£).  In  point  of  number  and  excellence  of  workmanship  these 
form  the  most  important  group.  The  specimens  belonging  to  it  show 
a  gradual  diminution  in  length,  from  about  3  inches  down  to  5  sixteenths 
of  an  inch,  they  also  differ  in  the  relation  of  the  length  of  the  two  sides 
to  the  base,  thus  giving  to  the  more  elongated  forms  a  straighter  contour 
than  the  shorter  ones,  the  bases  are  all  hollowed  out,  some  more  than 
others.  The  larger  ones  have  a  notch  cut  in  them  on  either  side,  near 
their  bases.  The  arrow  heads  were  made  of  hornstone  and  quartzite,  which 
appear  to  be  excellent  material  for  the  purpose. 

"Class  (^).  These  specimens  represent  a  broad  flat  implement  of  chert 
of  a  somewhat  leaf  shaped  form.  The  base,  above  which  are  two  notches, 
is  slightly  notched.  They  are  finely  serrated  all  around  the  edges.  Another 


Description  of  Stone  implements  325 

is  of  a  triangular  shape  in  outline,  slightly  hollowed  out  at  base  above  which 
are  two  notches. 

"  Mr  Evans  says  of  North  American  forms,  p.  362,  '  The  arrow  heads 
with  a  notch  at  the  base  on  either  side,  is  a  prevailing  type  in  North 
America.  The  triangular  form  usually  but  little  excavated  at  the  base,  is 
also  common  there.  For  the  most  part  the  chipping  is  but  rough,  as  the 
material  which  is  usually  chert,  hornstone,  or  even  quartz  does  not  readily 
lend  itself  to  fine  work.  They  were  made  of  various  sizes,  the  smaller  for 
boys,  and  those  for  men  varying  in  accordance  with  the  purpose  to  which 
they  were  to  be  applied.' 

"(6)  is  a  group  of  the  class  of  implements  generally  termed  'scrapers' 
for  which  various  uses  have  been  suggested — such  as  for  scraping  skins 
and  planing  wood,  as  also  for  the  manufacture  of  articles  of  horn  and 
bone,  for  fabricating  arrow  heads,  knives  of  flint,  and  as  strike-a-lights. 
Those  from  Newfoundland  are  more  or  less  triangular.  They  vary  in 
size  from  2  inches  to  \  an  inch  in  length,  usually  made  of  hornstone  or 
opaque  quartz. 

"(7)  These  peculiar  shaped  objects  appeared  to  me  to  have  been  used 
as  scrapers  for  rounding  the  shafts  of  arrows,  but  Mr  Franks  suggested 
that  they  were  points  of  fish  hooks  fastened  into  shafts  of  bone,  which 
latter  were  bound  round  the  end  of  a  strip  of  wood.  Such  articles  were 
used  by  the  Eskimos. 

"(8)  These  consist  of  cores  of  hornstone  a  number  of  flakes  &  chips 
with  a  quantity  of  raw  materials  of  quartz  hornstone  etc. 

"(9)  Various  articles,  one  of  which,  a  thin  piece  of  micaceous  slate 
about  4  inches  long  and  f  of  an  inch  broad  near  the  middle,  tapering 
towards  both  ends,  thus  showing  four  groups  of  small  notches  arranged 
on  one  side  of  the  stone.  At  pretty  nearly  equal  distances  apart,  the 
notches  are  all  about  the  same  length.  Besides  this,  several  awl  shaped 
tools  of  hornstone,  one  of  them  showing  marks  of  wear  at  the  point, 
another  partially  serrated  on  one  side.  Similar  boring  implements  of  flint 
have  been  found  in  Denmark  in  company  with  scrapers  and  other  tools, 
numerous  rubbing  stones  and  flat  pieces  of  slate,  apparently  whetstones  etc. 

"Though  possessing  many  characteristics  belonging  to  many  tribes  of 
North  American  Indians,  the  Beothucks  appear  to  differ  from  the  others 
in  certain  peculiarities  as  follows. 

"  i      Lightness  of  complexion. 

"  2     The  peculiar  form  of  their  canoes. 

"  3     The  use  of  trenches  in  their  wigwams  for  sleeping  places. 

"4  The  custom  of  living  in  a  state  of  isolation  far  from  the  White 
inhabitants  of  the  island,  and  the  persistent  refusal  to  submit  to  any  attempt 
to  civilize  them. 

"5     Non  domestication  of  the  dog  amongst  them. 

"6     The  art  of  making  pottery  was  unknown  amongst  them." 

Mr  L.  thinks  the  chisel  shaped  tools  were  used  for  skinning  seals 
and  other  animals,  and  the  gouge  shaped  for  removing  the  vellum  off 
the  skins,  and  that  both  kinds  were  of  service  in  hollowing  out  the  soft 
stone  vessels. 


326  Beothuck  implements  found  in  Placentia  Bay 

The  scrapers.  These  form  a  series  of  implements  of  the  hardest  kind 
of  stone,  and  are  characterised  by  a  similarity  of  form  and  style  of  work- 
manship. They  vary  in  size  down  to  such  as  can  be  conveniently  grasped 
between  the  thumb  and  fore  finger.  The  planes  of  their  working  forces 
meet  at  angles  which  make  them  more  suitable  for  abrasion,  by  a  back- 
ward than  a  forward  movement  of  the  hand.  He  thinks  these  were 
used  for  the  fashioning  of  arrow  and  spear  shafts  and  heads  amongst 
other  purposes. 

The  branches  of  the  great  Algonkin  nation,  recent  and  modern,  include 
the  Aborigines  of  Montreal,  the  Chippeways,  and  Crees  of  the  NW.  of 
Canada,  the  Montagnards  and  the  Nascuapees  of  Labrador,  besides  the 
Ottawas  and  the  Abanakis.  In  short  they  embrace  the  whole  of  the  Indian 
tribes  extending  from  beyond  the  head  of  Lake  Superior  to  the  Atlantic 
coast,  with  the  exception  of  the  Eskimos. 

Beothuck  Implements  found  on  Long  Island,  Placentia  Bay. 

About  the  year  1875  (?)  a  Mr  Samuel  Coffin  cleared  a  small  piece  of 
ground  at  a  place  called  Spencer's  Cove  at  the  northern  end  of  Long 
Island,  Placentia  Bay.  This  place  was  uninhabited  at  that  time,  but  had 
been  frequently  visited  by  the  fishermen  to  procure  firewood.  Mr  Coffin 
in  clearing  the  soil  came  across  a  number  of  Indian  implements  and  other 
relics  of  the  Beothucks.  The  late  Alex.  Murray,  C.M.G.,  F.G.S.,  the  then 
Director  of  the  Geological  Survey  of  this  island,  who  evinced  a  great 
interest  in  the  subject  of  the  Red  Indians,  despatched  Mr  Albert  Bradshaw 
of  Placentia  to  examine  and  report  upon  the  find.  The  following  is  Mr 
Bradshaw's  report. 

ST.  JOHN'S,  July  \yh,  1876. 
Alexander  Murray  Esqr.  F.G.S. 

Sir, 

In  accordance  with  your  request,  and  the  instructions  contained  in  a  letter 
bearing  date  —  ?  to  visit  and  examine  Spencer's  Cove  on  the  North  east  end  of 
Long  Island,  I  beg  to  state  that  I  have  complied  with  the  request,  and  submit  to 
you  the  following  report,  as  the  result  of  my  investigation. 

ist.  The  specimens  obtained  by  me,  were  found  at  the  height  of  five  feet  above 
high  water  mark,  in  a  deposit  of  black  clay  formed  from  the  debris  of  the  camps 
of  the  Indians.  There  are  from  eight  to  twelve  inches  of  this  deposit  resting  upon 
a  bed  of  brown  clay  and  pebbles. 

2nd.  Above  the  deposit  in  which  the  specimens  were  found,  there  are  from 
twelve  to  fifteen  inches  of  peat,  formed  from  decomposed  wood,  and  other  vegetable 
matter.  Immediately  under  this,  and  resting  on  the  aforementioned  deposit  there 
is  a  layer  of  red  slate.  Although  there  were  found  a  few  of  the  arrow  heads  etc. 
above  the  slate,  the  principal  quantity  was  discovered  beneath  it. 

I  have  not  met  with  any  trace  of  iron  or  iron  rust,  in  any  part  of  the  ground. 
The  iron  axe  found  by  Mr  Coffin  on  the  clearing  is  of  more  recent  date  and  has 
evidently  been  lost  by  some  person  engaged  in  cutting  timber. 

I  have  not  met  with  any  shells  or  organic  remains  in  or  below  the  superficial 
deposit ;  nor  have  I  in  any  case  met  with  charcoal  except  the  burnt  wood  about 
the  site  of  their  fireplaces. 

I  do  not  think  it  probable  that  iron  in  any  of  its  uses  had  been  known  to  the 
tribe  of  Indians  who  inhabited  the  Island  at  that  period,  for  had  it  been  used  by 


Mr  Brads  haw's  report  327 

them,  it  would  be  impossible  from  the  quantity  of  land  now  under  cultivation  there, 
not  to  have  met  with  some  trace  of  it.  I  found  the  remains  of  a  pot  formed  of 
stone,  which  goes  far  to  prove  that  they  employed  stone  for  all  the  uses,  for  which 
more  recently,  iron  has  been  substituted. 

Some  fifty  or  sixty  years  ago  this  place  was  covered  with  a  heavy  growth  of 
timber,  and  judging  from  traces  not  yet  totally  destroyed,  I  was  enabled  to  ascer- 
tain that  the  growth  was  of  a  large  size,  as  many  of  the  stumps  measured  from 
fifteen  to  eighteen  inches  through. 

I  found  very  few  traces  of  bones,  and  even  those  were  very  much  decomposed, 
and  I  am  led  to  conjecture  from  the  position  of  them,  that  they  were  the  bones 
of  inferior  animals,  being  above  the  deposit  of  black  clay  and  immediately  beneath 
the  peat  formation. 

I  am  not  of  opinion  that  the  place  was  at  all  used  as  a  burying  ground,  as 
if  such  were  the  case,  I  should  have  met  with  traces  of  bones  beneath  the  surface. 

The  place  has  evidently  been  only  used  as  a  summer  resort  and  a  sort  of 
factory  for  making  and  repairing  tools  and  implements  of  warfare,  as  the  traces 
amply  testify,  there  being  a  large  quantity  of  shavings  and  chips  of  stone  which 
plainly  shows  that  the  manufacturing  of  tools  has  been  extensively  carried  on  here. 

Mr  Coffin,  in  turning  up  the  soil  previous  to  cultivation  has  met  with  numerous 
spear  and  arrow  heads,  gouges  and  stone  axes,  grinding  or  rubbing  stones,  all  of 
which  appear  to  have  some  defect,  none  being  entirely  perfect.  Showing  that  when 
they  left  the  place  they  took  everything  that  might  be  of  any  service  to  them,  and 
leaving  only  those  that  were  of  little  or  no  importance.  This  in  my  opinion  is 
proof  positive  that  they  left  the  island  for  some  reason,  with  the  intention  of  not 
returning  to  it  again. 

It  is  worthy  of  mention  that  the  remains  of  the  pot  above  referred  to  was 
found  to  be  composed  of  steatite  and  is  an  importation,  as  there  is  no  serpentine 
to  be  met  within  the  neighborhood  of  Placentia  Bay1. 

(signed)     ALBERT  BRADSHAW. 

Similar  stone  implement  factories  to  that  described  by  Mr  Bradshaw, 
occur  at  several  other  points  on  the  coast  as  well  as  in  the  interior.  Of 
this  character  are  several  of  those  mentioned  in  Lloyd's  paper,  notably 
those  at  the  Beaches  Bonavista  Bay,  at  Conche,  N.E.  coast,  at  Cow 
Head  west  coast,  and  at  Grand  and  Sandy  lakes  in  the  interior.  At  each 
of  the  above  localities  numerous  flakes  and  fragments  of  chert  and  other 
material  are  scattered  around,  together  with  incomplete  or  spoiled  tools, 
and  pieces  of  the  rock  from  which  they  were  made.  This  latter  consists 
usually  of  black  chert,  pale  bluish  hornstone  (a  variety  of  flint),  smoky 
and  other  varieties  of  quartz  or  quartzite.  It  is  from  such  material  most 
of  the  arrow  and  spear  heads,  also  the  scrapers  are  made.  Many  of  the 
larger  tools,  such  as  the  gouges,  chisels,  or  "celts,"  fleshers,  etc.,  are 
made  of  a  hard  altered  slate,  called  feldsite  slate,  characteristic  of  some  of 
the  older  geologic  periods  in  this  island.  Most  of  these  materials  were 
found  in  the  near  vicinity  of  those  workshops,  which  was  no  doubt  the 
reason  of  their  being  so  situated.  In  the  same  way,  the  soapstone  or 
steatite  pot  factories  were  located  in  localities  where  cliffs  of  that  material 
exist.  At  a  place  on  the  N.E.  coast  called  Fleur  de  Lis,  where  a  cliff 
of  this  material  occurs,  numerous  fragments  of  half  finished  or  spoiled  pots 
and  other  vessels  have  been  met  with,  and  in  the  cliff  itself,  are  plainly 

1  In  this  Mr  Bradshaw  is  wrong,  there  is  some  soapstone  on  Sound  Island,  not  far  away. 


328  Implements  from  Port  ait  Choix 

to  be  seen  the  outlines  of  similar  vessels  in  process  of  being  manufactured 
(see  Plate  XXXII). 

Of  an  entirely  different  character  to  these  are  the  burying-places, 
where  in  connection  with  the  human  remains,  are  always  found  the  finished 
implements  of  stone,  and  sometimes  of  iron,  stolen  from  the  fishermen  and 
a  great  variety  of  bone  ornaments,  fragments  of  shells,  broken  glass  bottles, 
bones  of  small  mammals  and  birds,  packages  of  red  ochre,  fire  stones,  of 
pyrites,  and  a  host  of  other  things,  but  scarcely  ever  any  chips  or  flakes 
of  stone  as  in  the  former. 

One  of  these  sepulchres  at  Swan  Island,  Bay  of  Exploits  has  already 
been  described,  another  which  was  found  at  a  place  called  Port  au  Choix 
on  the  West  coast,  yielded  a  great  number  of  articles,  of  a  somewhat 
different  type  from  those  usually  found  in  their  burial  places.  They  con- 
sisted of,  (i)  Two  lower  jaw  bones  of  human  beings,  both  broken.  One 
was  evidently  that  of  a  very  old  individual,  three  of  the  molar  teeth  on 
the  right  side  and  one  on  the  left  side  are  absent,  and  in  each  case  the 
cavities  are  filled  up  with  porous  bone.  None  of  the  teeth  remained  in 
this  jaw,  but  the  cavities  of  twelve  are  seen.  The  chin  looks  very  massive. 
The  second  jaw  appeared  to  have  had  all  its  teeth  but  only  four  jaw 
teeth  remain,  the  rest  having  fallen  out.  There  were  also  twelve  loose 
teeth  including  one  molar.  Most  of  these  appear  to  be  in  a  good  state 
of  preservation,  yet  a  few  show  signs  of  decay  on  the  crowns.  A  pecu- 
liarity of  all  these  teeth,  and  for  that  matter  all  the  Red  Indian  teeth 
I  have  ever  seen  is  the  fact  that  in  every  instance  they  are  worn  down 
smooth  and  quite  flat  on  the  crown,  like  a  ruminants.  I  can  only  account 
for  this  feature  by  supposing  that  the  Beothucks,  like  the  Eskimos,  were 
in  the  habit  of  chewing  their  skin  garments  along  the  edges  to  soften 
them  in  the  process  of  dressing  and  manufacturing  them.  To  effect  this 
end  the  Eskimos  work  their  jaws  sideways,  and  no  doubt  the  friction  tends 
to  wear  down  the  teeth.  There  were  also  amongst  these  relics,  part  of 
an  upper  jaw  showing  nasal  cavities  ;  the  teeth  were  gone  but  seven  spaces 
where  they  had  been  are  visible,  and  one  space  is  filled  up  with  bone,  as 
in  the  lower  jaw  referred  to  above. 

There  were  three  long  narrow  pointed  teeth,  slightly  curved,  apparently 
those  of  a  dog  or  seal,  and  five  broken  pieces  of  beaver's  teeth,  three  lower 
and  two  upper. 

(2)  Two  bone  spear  sockets,  small  and  slightly  made,  a  good  deal 
decayed.  Two  fragments  of  a  deer's  leg  bone,  apparently  cut  or  scraped, 
and  used  for  some  purpose  or  another.  A  third  fragment  had  a  hole  bored 
through,  near  the  edge.  Two  other  slightly  curved  pieces  have  grooves 
cut  along  the  inner  side  lengthways,  and  one  of  them  has  a  hole  bored 
through,  at  about  \  of  the  length.  The  hole  is  oblique,  and  cut  with 
square  angles ;  it  has  a  slight  notch  also  cut  in  the  outer  edge  about  £  from 
the  other  end.  The  second  piece  has  no  hole  in  it,  but  in  the  middle  of 
the  outer  edge  a  slight  notch  is  seen.  A  third  smaller  piece  of  bone  has 
a  chisel  edge  at  one  end.  Still  another  piece  is  shaped  like  the  small 
blade  of  a  penknife  with  a  slit  like  the  barb  of  a  fishhook  near  one  end. 
A  much  larger  piece  of  bone,  evidently  of  a  Whale,  is  nearly  square  and 


Implements  from  Port  au  Choix  329 

about  four  inches  long,  bevelled  away  at  one  end  to  a  chisel  edge,  and 
apparently  the  same  at  the  other  end  which  is  now  decayed.  These  chisels 
were  at  right  angles  to  each  other.  Two  other  pieces  of  bone  somewhat 
similar  to  the  last,  have  blunt  chisel  edges  at  one  end,  but  taper  away  to 
points  at  the  other ;  also  a  round  piece  about  the  same  length  slightly 
tapering  at  both  ends,  and  another  piece  of  the  same  shape  but  much 
slighter  and  only  i£  inches  long.  A  bone  needle  nine  inches  long,  very 
slightly  curved,  one  end  pointed,  the  other  a  little  flattened  with  an  oblong 
eye  hole  drilled  through  it.  The  inner  and  outer  sides  of  this  needle  are 
bevelled  away  to  fairly  sharp  edges.  A  slight  groove  extends  along  either 
side  on  the  central  or  higher  part,  reaching  from  the  eye  to  the  point. 
I  imagine  this  needle  may  have  been  used  for  sewing  together  the  birch 
bark  or  skins  used  for  covering  their  canoes  and  mammateeks,  as  it  is 
too  large  for  the  ordinary  purposes  of  making  garments,  moccasins,  etc. 

One  large  and  one  small  piece  of  bone,  much  decayed,  look  as  though 
they  had  been  used  as  sockets  for  spear  heads. 

There  are  three  peculiarly  shaped  and  much  decomposed  pieces  of 
ivory,  with  small  holes  drilled  through  either  end,  and  a  deep  groove  cut 
along  one  side  extending  from  one  hole  to  the  other,  as  if  intended  for 
a  string  to  pass  through  the  holes  and  rest  in  this  groove.  While  the 
hole  at  the  thinner  end  passes  right  through  from  side  to  side,  that  at  the 
other  and  thicker  end  does  not  reach  from  side  to  side,  but  comes  out  on 
the  thick  base  of  the  object.  Two  of  those  pieces  are  about  the  same 
size  ij  inches  long  by  about  \\  wide.  They  are  thin  and  leaf  like  in 
shape.  The  third  is  about  the  same  length  as  the  other  two  but  is  only 
£  an  inch  wide.  Two  other  small  pieces  of  ivory  have  the  holes  drilled 
at  the  sides  instead  of  the  ends,  and  only  one  of  them  has  the  connect- 
ing groove.  All  the  holes  in  those  articles  are  square  or  oblong,  none 
of  them  appear  to  have  been  bored  round  as  would  be  the  case  had  a 
drill-bow  been  used.  Two  other  small  thin  pieces  of  bone  about  i-£  inches 
long  each,  but  of  different  shapes,  comprise  this  lot.  One  is  quite  thin, 
has  jogs  cut  on  the  edges,  and  a  hole  bored  through  one  end  ;  the  other 
has  a  deep  groove  on  one  edge  extending  about  half  its  length,  and  a 
slight  notch  on  the  other  edge  near  the  smaller  end. 

There  are  seven  flat  oblong  pieces  of  bone  or  ivory  of  peculiar  shape. 
One  is  2^  inches  long,  one  3^  and  one  4  inches  by  about  an  inch  wide. 
Each  has  notches  or  projections  on  the  thin  edges.  One  has  a  single 
small  hole  another  two  holes  close  together,  bored  through  at  one  end, 
and  each  has  thin  delicate  straight  lines  marked  on  the  sides  near  the  ends, 
with  slight  grooves  cut  in  line  with  the  holes.  They  are  slightly  rounded 
on  one  side,  which  may  be  the  natural  shape  of  the  bone.  Two  others  of 
somewhat  similar  shape,  one  being  considerably  larger  than  the  rest. 
Neither  of  these  has  any  hole  in  it ;  the  smaller  one  only  has  a  slight 
straight  line  down  the  middle  of  one  side,  the  larger  no  markings  at  all ; 
both  are  notched  on  the  outer  edges. 

There  are  three  other  somewhat  similarly  shaped  pieces  but  of  much 
smaller  size,  being  from  ij  to  2  inches  long,  and  about  J  an  inch  wide. 
One  of  these  has  two  holes  drilled,  in  line,  at  one  end  ;  one  being  quite 


330  Implements  from  Port  au  Choix 

small,  the  other  and  inner  one  large.  Two  shorter  pieces  of  almost  the 
same  form,  have  each  a  hole  at  one  end,  and  all  are  scored  with  two,  three 
and  four  light  straight  lines  near  the  ends.  Three  small  pieces  of  ivory 
having  holes  bored  at  both  ends  and  a  deep  groove  connecting  them  are 
notched  or  barbed  on  the  outer  edges,  and  have  a  slight  slit  cut  into  the 
narrower  ends.  This  end  is  tapered  away  like  the  spear  sockets.  The 
holes  at  the  base  or  thicker  end  are  oblong.  These  are  all  too  small  to 
hold  a  spear  or  arrow  head  of  any  size,  but  may  have  been  used  as 
sockets  for  children's  or  toy  arrows. 

Four  long  narrow  barbed  pieces  of  bone  evidently  used  for  fish  or 
bird  spears.  Two  of  them  have  but  one  shoulder  on  either  side  while  the 
others  have  two  shoulders  or  barbs.  Three  of  them  are  grooved  out  at 
the  base,  and  have  narrow  slits  cut  in  them,  but  the  fourth  tapers  away  to 
a  fine  point.  Each  of  these  has  a  fairly  large  hole  bored  through  near  the 
centre.  They  were  evidently  attached  by  a  string  to  a  handle  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  larger  seal  spear. 

There  is  but  one  other  small  piece  of  ivory  about  if  inches  long  by 
\  an  inch  in  width,  with  a  notch  cut  on  one  edge,  and  a  deep  groove  on 
the  other  running  about  two-thirds  of  its  length. 

The  stone  implements  found  here  consisted  of  27  flakes  chiefly  of 
black  or  drab  coloured  chert,  two  being  of  a  yellowish  jasper.  Several  small 
thin  pieces  of  dark  coloured  slate  or  serpentine  greenish  in  colour,  some 
veined  with  lighter  shades  of  serpentine.  All  these  latter  are  highly 
polished  on  both  sides,  and  some  have  the  edges  bevelled  away.  There 
are  two  pieces  of  broken  spear  heads  made  of  black  and  greenish  chert. 
Seven  well  made  chert  arrow  heads  of  the  stemless  hollowed  base  pattern. 
These  are  black  and  bluish  green  in  colour,  also  three  oblong  pieces  of 
thin  slate,  ground  smooth  on  both  sides,  and  round  on  the  edges.  There 
were  a  few  small  bones  of  animals  or  birds,  much  decomposed. 

I  have  a  strong  suspicion  that  all  these  implements,  etc.,  from  this 
locality,  may  possibly  be  of  Eskimo  and  not  of  Beothuck  manufacture. 
The  situation  of  Port  au  Choix  near  the  lower  entrance  of  the  Strait  of 
Belle  Isle,  and  close  to  the  most  projecting  headland  (Point  Riche)  on  that 
part  of  the  Newfoundland  coast,  would  be  just  such  as  to  attract  those 
coasting  and  fishing  people.  But  the  character  of  the  implements  them- 
selves are  very  Eskimo  like.  The  bird  or  fish  spears  are  unlike  any 
found  elsewhere  in  Beothuck  sepulchres  ;  the  long  bone  needle  would  be 
just  such  an  article  as  might  be  used  in  sewing  their  skin  "  Kayacks." 
Many  of  the  smaller  bone  and  ivory  articles,  might  be  used  as  buttons  or 
fasteners  for  skin  dresses,  others  for  stops  such  as  are  still  to  be  seen 
attached  to  their  lines,  or  fastened  on  to  the  edges  of  their  Kayacks,  etc. 
The  complete  absence  of  red  ochre  amongst  these  remains  is  also  very 
noticeable. 

Finding  of  Beothuck  Skeletons. 

The  same  Mr  Samuel  Coffin,  who  discovered  the  implements  on  Long 
Island,  Placentia  Bay,  afterwards  removed  to  Rabbit's  Arm,  Notre  Dame 
Bay.  While  residing  here  he  was  made  aware  of  an  Indian  burying  cave 


Plate  XII 


**, 


Skulls  and  leg  bones  of  Beothucks. 


Mummified  body  of  Beothuck  child,  a  boy  of  8  or  10  years  of  age  surrounded  by  fragments 
of  skin  dress,  with  fringed  edges,  skin  moccasins,  and  a  small  wooden  doll  (male).  Found  in 
a  cave  at  Dark  Tickle,  near  Trayton  Island,  Notre  Dame  Bay. 


Discovery  of  the  body  of  a  Beothuck  child  33 1 

having  been  discovered  on  a  small  island  in  Pilley's  Tickle  not  far  distant. 
He  proceeded  there  to  investigate  and  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  most 
valuable  and  interesting  lot  of  remains  and  relics  which  are  now  in  our 
local  museum. 

From  Mr  Coffin  I  obtained  the  following  particulars  of  this  find.  These 
remains  were  removed  from  their  resting  place  by  myself  in  September 
1886.  They  were  buried  in  a  sort  of  cave  formed  by  a  shelf  of  rock 
with  a  projecting  cliff  above,  on  an  island  called  Burnt  Island  in  Pilley's 
Tickle,  under  the  following  circumstances.  Some  berry  pickers  it  appears 
were  on  the  island,  when  one  of  the  boys  in  searching  about,  stood  upon 
the  grave  and  his  foot  broke  through  the  slight  covering  placed  over  the 
bodies.  Tearing  up  the  stones  and  dirt  he  found  the  body  of  a  child  or 
young  person  beneath  with  several  articles  laying  around  it.  They  carried 
away  the  head  and  a  number  of  the  trinkets,  which  Mr  Coffin  purchased 
from  them.  He  then  paid  a  visit  to  the  place  himself,  and  carefully 
removing  all  the  loose  covering  so  as  to  get  a  full  view  of  the  remains 
he  thus  describes  them. 

The  body  was  lying  on  its  left  side,  enshrouded  in  a  skin  covering, 
(probably  beaver  skin  but  now  destitute  of  fur)  the  flesh  side  turned  out 
and  smeared  with  red  ochre.  This  shroud  was  arranged  loosely  covering 
all  the  body  except  the  head.  Inside  it  was  clothed  with  a  sort  of  skin 
pants  covering  the  lower  limbs,  which  was  neatly  sewn  together,  and  fringed 
at  sides  with  strips  of  skin  cut  into  fine  shreds.  On  the  feet  were  moc- 
casins also  fringed  round  the  top.  The  toes  of  these  moccasins  were  not 
gathered  in,  in  the  usual  way,  but  slightly  turned  up  and  sewn  straight 
across  so  as  to  form  a  square  front.  Besides  those  covering  the  feet, 
there  were  a  couple  of  extra  pairs  of  the  same  pattern,  with  the  other 
articles  laying  about.  All  these  were  very  neatly  sewn  with  fine  stitches 
apparently  of  deer  sinew.  The  outer  robe  was  also  fringed  with  finely  cut 
skin  down  one  side  of  the  front  and  along  the  lower  end  of  the  garment. 
On  the  other  side  of  the  front  were  fastened  several  carved  bone  orna- 
ments and  a  couple  of  birds  feet  (ducks  or  gulls),  this  appeared  to  be  the 
outer  side.  All  had  been  smeared  with  red  ochre,  traces  of  which  were 
clearly  visible.  The  body  itself  was  enshrouded  in  its  natural  skin,  now 
dried  and  shrunken  and  resembling  Chamois  leather,  and  was  almost  perfect. 
Only  one  hand  and  a  couple  of  the  cervical  vertebrae  were  missing.  The 
other  hand,  as  well  as  the  feet,  was  perfect,  even  the  nails  were  well  pre- 
served. The  legs  were  bent  up  so  that  the  knees  formed  a  right  angle 
to  the  body  with  the  feet  bent  back  against  the  seat.  The  head  was  well 
shaped  and  contained  twenty  fully  developed  teeth,  with  four  more  at  the 
inner  side  of  the  jaws  which  had  apparently  not  yet  broken  through  the 
gums.  This  would  indicate  a  youth  of  some  ten  or  twelve  years  of  age. 
Accompanying  the  body  and  arranged  around  about  it  were  a  number  of 
articles  consisting  a  small  wooden  image  of  a  male  child,  two  small  birch 
bark  canoes,  miniature  bows  and  arrows,  paddles,  a  couple  of  small  packages 
of  red  ochre  tied  up  neatly  in  birch  bark,  and  a  package  of  dried  or  smoked 
fish,  salmon  and  trout,  made  up  in  a  neat  parcel  of  bark  and  fastened 
with  a  net-work  of  rootlets  like  a  rude  basket.  There  were  no  stone 

42 — 2 


332  Other  remains  of  Beothucks 

implements  found  with  the  boy's  body,  but  about  14  or  15  feet  away,  on 
the  same  shelf  of  rock,  the  skull  and  leg  bones  of  an  adult,  with  several 
loose  bones  of  other  parts  of  a  skeleton  were  accompanied  by  several  well 
made  spear  and  arrow  heads  of  stone,  a  stone  dish,  and  an  iron  axe  with 
wooden  handle,  of  old  English  or  French  pattern,  and  an  iron  knife  set 
into  a  rough  wooden  handle,  with  a  few  other  articles  of  iron  much  cor- 
roded by  rust.  There  were  also  a  number  of  drinking  cups  and  other  small 
vessels  made  of  birch  bark.  Most  of  these  were  very  neatly  made  and 
well  sewn  together  with  fine  roots,  some  being  bound  around  the  upper 
edge  also  with  roots,  presumably  to  keep  them  from  splitting.  All  these 
articles  without  exception  were  reddened  with  ochre. 

Over  the  remains  was  formed  a  canopy  of  arched  sticks  supporting  a 
covering  of  birch  bark,  of  large  heavy  sheets,  some  of  them  sewn  together 
with  roots.  These  latter  were  evidently  taken  from  a  broken  or  disused 
canoe,  judging  from  the  thickness  of  the  bark,  and  the  manner  in  which 
it  was  sewn.  Over  this  covering  of  bark  was  laid  a  pile  of  loose  frag- 
ments of  stone  and  gravel  to  conceal  the  remains. 

It  has  been  conjectured  that  this  child  may  have  been  the  son  of  a 
chief  or  otherwise  a  person  of  some  particular  distinction  amongst  the  tribe, 
if  we  may  judge  from  the  evident  care  bestowed  upon  his  interment,  and 
the  careful  if  not  loving  manner  in  which  the  little  fellow  was  supplied 
with  everything  requisite  for  his  journey  to  the  "  Happy  Hunting  Grounds." 

These  relics  afford  an  insight  into  many  subjects  hitherto  open  to 
some  doubt.  First  they  clearly  attest  a  belief  in  a  future  state  of  exist- 
ence. Then  again,  presuming  that  the  small  models  of  the  canoes,  paddles 
and  other  articles  are  correct  in  every  particular,  seeing  these  are  the  work 
of  their  own  hands,  they  confirm  beyond  all  question  the  peculiar  shape 
of  those  vessels  and  implements. 

I  have  an  idea  that  the  sharp  V  shaped  bottom  of  the  canoe  was 
intended  the  better  to  navigate  our  rough  boulder  choked  rivers,  as  the 
fact  of  their  narrow  form  would  enable  them  to  slip  between  boulders  where 
a  wider  bottomed  boat  could  not  pass.  It  has  also  been  suggested  that 
this  shaped  boat,  when  ballasted,  would  sail  better  in  open  water,  the  sharp 
bottom  acting  as  a  keel.  In  like  manner  the  long  narrow  bladed  paddle, 
with  sharp  point,  so  unlike  any  of  the  paddles  of  other  Indian  tribes,  which 
are  generally  short  and  wide,  and  more  or  less  round  at  the  end,  appears 
to  me  to  have  been  intended  to  answer  the  double  purpose  of  pole  and 
paddle. 

About  the  year  1888,  a  Mr  George  Hodder  of  Twillingate,  came 
across  some  Indian  remains  in  a  cave  on  Comfort  Island,  Bay  of  Exploits, 
which  he  secured,  and  which  were  purchased  for  the  museum  where  they 
now  are,  one  being  an  almost  complete  skeleton  of  an  adult.  Mr  Hodder 
gave  me  the  following  particulars  of  this  find.  He  says,  "there  were  three 
or  four  caves  on  the  island  where  Indians  had  been  buried,  but  most  of 
the  bones  had  become  so  decayed  that  he  could  only  find  one  perfect  skull. 
Some  of  the  fragments  of  others  were  very  much  larger,  than  the  one  we 
sent  you.  We  had  one  under  jaw  that  measured  an  inch  wider,  and  leg 
bones  that  measured  2  or  3  inches  longer.  I  believe  he  says  that  some 


Plate  XIII 


Skeleton  of  Beothuck. 


Description  of  skeleton  now  in  Museum  333 

of  these  men  must  have  been  7  or  8  feet  in  height.  The  skeleton  you 
have  was  in  a  cave  from  fifteen  to  twenty  feet  in  length.  The  Indian  was 
buried  in  a  sitting  posture,  with  a  grass  rope  under  his  seat  going  up  over 
his  head,  which  was  covered  with  a  deer  skin.  He  was  then  covered  with 
Birch  rind,  and  the  cave  filled  in  with  rocks.  He  had  buried  with  him 
quite  a  lot  of  arrows,  broken  in  two  pieces,  also  quite  a  lot  of  beads  and 
bone  ornaments,  a  lot  of  birds  heads,  a  piece  of  iron  pyrites,  etc." 

This  skeleton  which  stands  about  five  feet  eight  inches,  and  probably 
when  in  the  flesh  was  fully  six  feet  tall,  presents  several  characteristics 
worthy  of  note. 

Had  it  not  been  for  the  absence  of  both  feet,  which  are  only  repre- 
sented by  one  or  two  of  the  small  bones,  metatarsus,  and  phalanges,  the 
right  hand,  one  of  the  Patellae,  or  knee  caps,  and  the  lower  portion  of  the 
breast  bone,  it  would  be  complete.  All  the  other  parts  are  in  a  good  state 
of  preservation.  The  left  arm  and  hand  are  intact,  the  hand  being  still 
attached  to  the  wrist  and  forearm  by  the  dried,  shrivelled  up  sinews  which 
connected  them.  The  leg  bones  are  long  and  strong  looking,  especially 
the  femurs,  which  are  over  a  foot  and  a  half  in  length.  The  skull  is 
large,  particularly  in  the  occipital  region,  cheek  bones  prominent,  frontal 
angle  rather  low,  with  a  deep  depression  in  the  forehead  just  above  the 
base  of  the  nasal  organ.  This  latter  is  very  peculiar,  and  if  we  can  judge 
from  what  remains  of  the  bridge,  must  have  been  considerably  turned  up 

at  the  end,  or  otherwise  of  this  shape       i.     The  lower  jaw  is  thick  and 

•^r^J 

massive,  the  teeth,  what  are  left  of  them,  are  sound  and  all  exhibit  the 
worn  down  crown  already  referred  to.  Taken  as  a  whole  this  skeleton 
does  not  impress  one  favourably  as  to  the  intelligence  of  the  individual,  the 
skull  in  particular  seems  to  indicate  the  characteristics  of  a  rather  savage, 
if  not  brutal  nature.  In  this  respect  it  differs  much  from  all  the  other 
skulls  I  have  seen  of  the  Beothucks,  which,  as  a  rule  are  well  formed, 
with  good  facial  angles,  indicative  of  a  fair  degree  of  intelligence  and  mild 
disposition.  Yet  the  careful  manner  in  which  the  individual  was  buried 
seems  to  point  to  a  person  of  some  consequence,  probably  a  chief.  This 
is  further  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  the  bones  are  smeared  with  red  ochre, 
which  could  only  have  been  done  long  after  all  the  flesh  had  decomposed 
and  fallen  away.  Whatever  significance  this  red  colour  had  for  them,  it 
apparently  was  not  confined  to  the  living  only,  for  here  we  have  an  instance 
of  its  being  applied  to  the  remains  of  the  dead,  long  after  all  the  flesh 
had  disappeared. 

Still  another  skeleton  was  obtained  on  an  island  near  Rencontre,  South 
coast  of  Newfoundland,  as  far  back  as  1847,  by  the  Rev.  Mr  Blackmore, 
rural  dean  of  Conception  Bay,  who  presented  it  together  with  an  account 
of  the  finding,  to  the  Museum  of  McGill  University,  Montreal.  The 
particulars  are  contained  in  a  paper  read  before  the  Royal  Society  of 
Canada,  by  the  Rev.  George  Patterson,  1891,  and  are  published  in  the 
Transactions  of  that  Society  for  the  same  year. 


334  Dr  Winter's  story 

As  it  is  of  considerable  interest,  I  give  it  here  in  full.  "  They  were 
(says  Mr  Blackmore)  found  in  the  year  1847  on  an  island  forming  one 
of  the  lower  Burgeo  group,  called  '  Rencontre.'  This  island  is  uninhabited 
and  considerably  elevated;  difficult  also  of  access  in  rough  weather.  It  is 
in  a  great  measure  covered  with  broken  fragments  of  rocks  which  have 
fallen  from  the  heights.  About  half  way  up  the  mountain  (if  I  may  so 
term  it),  and  in  a  hollow  formed  by  a  large  piece  of  fallen  rock,  with 
every  opening  carefully  closed  by  small  pieces  of  broken  rock,  we  found 
the  bones  of  a  human  being  wrapped  closely  round  with  birch  rinds.  On 
removing  these  rinds  a  quantity  of  gravel  mixed  with  red  ochre  became 
visible,  and  on  removing  this  we  found  oblong  pieces  of  carved  bone, 
together  with  flat  circular  stones,  some  glass  beads,  two  iron  hatchet  heads, 
so  rusty  that  we  could  pick  them  to  pieces,  a  bone  spear  head  (socket  ?) 
the  handle  of  a  knife  with  part  of  the  blade  still  in  it,  also  some  flints 
designed  for  arrow  heads.  All  these  articles  were  together,  and  had  been 
placed  apparently  under  or  just  before  the  head  of  the  individual  buried — 
all  carefully  enclosed  in  the  rinds.  The  skull  was  that  of  a  full  grown 
male  adult,  with  a  very  flat  crown  and  large  projection  behind.  The  place 
of  interment  was  singularly  wild,  high  up  in  a  cliff  overlooking  a  little  cove 
facing  the  open  sea,  and  only  accessible  on  this  side  in  very  smooth  water. 
It  was  discovered  by  a  boy  while  gathering  brushwood.  This  boy  seeing 
a  piece  of  wood  projecting  from  the  rock,  pulled  at  it  to  add  to  his  store, 
and  so  loosened  the  smaller  rocks  and  found  the  cavity  with  its  contents. 
The  head  of  this  stick,  which  was  about  four  inches  in  diameter,  was 
ornamented.  There  were  four  fragments  of  sticks,  and  they  must,  I  imagine, 
have  formed  a  canopy  over  the  body. 

"  From  the  implements  here  found,  it  is  evident  the  burial  took  place 
after  they  had  intercourse  with  the  whites,  but  so  early  that  they  still  dwelt 
upon  the  coast  hunting  the  seal  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  deep,  still  using 
their  old  implements,  and  there  also  depositing  their  dead." 

There  is  in  our  local  museum  a  skull  and  right  femur  of  another 
Indian,  the  finding  of  which  antedates  all  the  above,  and  which  event  has 
a  rather  romantic  history  attached  to  it.  It  was  procured  in  1834  by  the 
late  Hon.  Dr  Winter,  M.L.C.,  under  the  following  circumstances,  as  related 
by  him  to  Alex.  Murray,  C.M.G.,  F.G.S.,  Director  of  the  Geological  Survey, 
in  1875.  Dr  Winter  stated  that  at  the  time,  1834,  he  was  practising  his 
profession  of  medicine  at  Green's  Pond,  on  the  north  side  of  Bonavista 
Bay.  "He  was  called  upon  one  day  by  a  person  who  wanted  a  trouble- 
some tooth  extracted.  The  patient  stated  that  he  was  convinced  that  his 
sufferings  were  attributable  to  the  fact  of  his  having  been  in  possession  of 
the  tooth  of  a  Red  Indian  who  had  been  killed  on  the  'Straight  Shore,' 
and  whose  body  lay  buried  in  a  spot  which  he  described.  The  Doctor 
extracted  the  aching  tooth,  and  undertook  to  restore  the  Indian's  grinder 
to  its  original  owner.  He  hoped  in  this  way  to  obtain  the  skeleton  of  one 
of  the  extinct  race  ;  while  at  the  same  time,  he  quieted  the  superstitious 
fears  of  the  patient.  Accordingly  he  hired  a  boat  and  proceeded  to  the 
locality  described.  After  considerable  labour  the  grave  was  discovered,  and 
in  it  he  found  the  skull,  a  thigh  bone,  a  shoulder  blade  and  a  few  other 


Plate  XIV 


Beothuck  skulls,  front  view. 


Beothuck  skulls,  side  view. 


of  finding  Beothnck  skeleton  335 

smaller  bones  ;  but  the  remainder  had  been  carried  off  by  wolves  or  foxes. 
The  skull  was  in  a  good  state  of  preservation,  except  that  the  cheek  bone 
and  the  lower  part  of  the  socket  of  one  eye  had  been  broken,  evidently, 
in  the  Doctor's  opinion,  by  shot.  Mr  Murray  states  that  his  specimen  is 
exactly  in  this  condition,  thus  proving  its  identity.  Underneath  where  the 
body  had  lain  the  doctor  found  '  a  concave  circular  hole,  lined  with  birch 
bark,  about  twenty  inches  in  diameter,  at  the  bottom  of  which  were  two 
pieces  of  iron  pyrites.'  He  also  found  the  shaft  of  a  spear  stained  with 
red  ochre.  The  skull  was  presented  by  the  doctor  to  the  St  John's 
Mechanics'  Institute,  in  1850,  where  it  was  kept  till  the  contents  of  the 
Museum  were  dispersed,  when  it  found  its  way  to  the  Geological  Museum, 
where  it  still  remains. 

"  Dr  Winter  mentions  that  the  boatman  who  accompanied  him  to  the 
Indian's  grave,  finding  that  he  meant  to  bring  away  the  remains  refused 
to  trust  himself  in  the  boat,  declaring  '  that  neither  luck  nor  grace  would 
follow  such  doings,  as  robbing  the  grave.'  He  had  to  row  the  boat  back 
himself,  and  the  fisherman  walked  twenty  miles  through  marshes  and  bogs 
rather  than  undertake  the  perilous  voyage  in  company  with  a  skull.  The 
doctor  deserves  much  credit  for  his  efforts  to  preserve  these  interesting  relics. 
It  is  also  satisfactory  to  know  that  his  patient  had  no  return  of  the  tooth 
ache,  the  Indian's  tooth  having  been  restored  to  the  rightful  owner,  and 
the  troublesome  grinder  extracted." 

This  skull  and  femur  are  in  an  excellent  state  of  preservation,  and  are 
not  nearly  so  weathered  or  decayed  as  most  of  the  others,  from  which 
circumstance  I  would  infer  that  the  individual  to  whom  they  belonged  had 
not  been  long  buried. 

In  many  respects  these  relics  differ  considerably  from  the  others  in  the 
museum.  The  skull,  while  undoubtedly  that  of  an  adult,  as  it  possesses  or 
did  possess  its  full  complement  of  teeth,  is  not  nearly  so  massive.  The 
frontal  angle  is  good  showing  a  fairly  high  but  narrow  forehead,  much 
slighter  maxilla,  less  heavy  brow,  without  any  pronounced  depression  such 
as  that  described  in  the  larger  skeleton.  The  nasal  organ  also  would 
appear  to  have  been  well  shaped.  In  fact  a  delicate  almost  elegantly  shaped 
cranium,  if  such  a  term  can  be  applied  to  that  object.  The  femur  also 
is  much  slighter  and  fully  two  inches  shorter  than  any  of  the  others.  All 
these  peculiarities  lead  me  to  the  conclusion  that  this  was  the  skeleton  of 
a  female.  There  is  no  vestige  of  red  ochre  about  the  bones,  possibly, 
only  those  of  the  male  sex  were  so  treated.  The  teeth,  as  usual,  are 
worn  down  on  the  crowns  but  not  to  such  an  extent,  and  they  are  very 
white  and  perfect,  exhibiting  no  signs  of  decay.  One  would  almost  be 
inclined  to  think  that  these  were  not  the  remains  of  an  Indian  at  all,  yet 
the  manner  of  burial,  as  described  by  Doctor  Winter  leaves  no  room  for 
doubt  on  this  point. 

Numerous  fragments  of  skulls  and  disconnected  vertebrae  or  other 
portions  of  human  skeletons  have  been  found  from  time  to  time  especially 
in  and  around  the  Great  Bay  of  Notre  Dame,  but  it  is  rare  to  find  a  perfect 
cranium  much  less  a  complete  skeleton. 


336  Beothiick  implements 

Implements  and  Ornaments  of  the  Beothucks. 

In  the  foregoing  pages  various  references  will  be  found  to  these  by 
the  different  authorities  quoted,  but  so  far  no  attempt  has  been  made  to 
classify  them  properly.  They  comprise  the  usual  stone  tools,  such  as  spear 
and  arrow  heads,  axes,  chisels,  gouges,  lances,  knives,  fleshers,  scrapers,  and 
a  great  variety  of  nondescript  articles  for  which  it  is  difficult  to  assign 
a  use.  There  are  a  few  steatite,  (soapstone)  pots,  some  egg  shaped  sinkers 
and  a  pipe  of  the  same  material.  Nowhere  has  there  been  found  any 
utensils  or  fragments  of  baked  clay,  and  it  appears  quite  certain  that  the 
Beothucks  were  not  acquainted  with  the  Ceramic  Art.  There  is  an 
abundance  of  material  in  the  island  suitable  for  such  purpose,  and  had 
they  a  knowledge  of  pottery  they  would  scarcely  have  gone  to  so  much 
labour  in  cutting  out,  and  shaping  into  bowls,  dishes  etc.,  those  clumsy 
steatite  utensils  found  in  their  burial  places. 

PLATE   XV. 

This  represents  four  very  crude  stone  implements,  so  much  so,  as  almost  to  make  it  a  matter 
of  doubt  as  to  whether  some  of  them  were  ever  used  by  the  Red  men.  Yet  the  fact  that  they 
were  found  in  that  part  of  the  country  most  frequented  by  them,  and  the  evident  chipping,  or  rather 
spawling  of  the  two  first,  though  this  may  have  been  accidental,  seems  to  imply  that  they  were 
made  use  of,  while  the  third  shows  no  indication  of  having  been  prepared  in  any  way,  but  is  just 
a  heart  shaped  fragment  of  a  slate  boulder  with  a  fairly  sharp  cutting  edge  and  blunt  point. 
Nos.  I  and  3  are  large  and  stout  towards  the  wider  end,  and  supposing  them  to  have  been  held 
in  the  hand  would  thus  afford  a  good  grasp.  These  may  have  been  merely  rude  fleshers  picked 
up  at  random,  and  cast  aside  after  being  used.  No.  i  however,  seems  just  such  an  implement  as 
might  be  applied  to  the  chipping  of  the  smaller  tools,  as  it  is  made  from  a  hard  dark  bluish  slate, 
of  a  tough  nature.  No.  2  was  undoubtedly  chipped  or  spawled  around  the  sides  and  shows  marks 
of  blows  on  the  upper  end,  its  lower,  or  cutting  edge,  is  just  the  natural  cleavage.  No.  4  is  a  piece 
of  flattish  hard  red  slate,  chipped  or  spawled,  but  its  cutting  end  has  been  ground  down  to  a  blunt 
edge.  It  also  exhibits  the  mark  of  blows  at  the  upper  end,  where  it  is  considerably  bruised.  Such 
a  tool  may  have  been  used  for  cleaving  wood  or  splitting  marrow  bones. 

PLATE  XVI. 

Some  of  the  implements  figured  here  are  still  of  a  rather  rude  character.  Nos.  i,  5  and  6  are 
ground  down  at  the  lower  end,  but  2,  3  and  4  are  only  chipped.  These  latter  are  all  thin  pieces 
of  a  hard  white-weathering  slate  showing  lines  of  stratification.  They  are  scarcely  sharp  enough 
to  be  used  for  any  purpose  other  than  as  fleshers.  No.  3  is  the  largest  of  those  leaf  shaped  imple- 
ments I  have  met  with.  It  may  have  been  used  as  a  knife  for  cutting  up  meat,  as  well  as  for 
skinning  an  animal.  No.  7  is  also  a  thin  piece  of  hard  slate  of  about  \  an  inch  in  thickness.  It 
is  of  a  uniform  width  throughout,  the  two  edges  being  partially  ground,  while  the  lower  end  has 
a  good,  well  ground  cutting  edge. 

Nos.  8  and  9  may  have  been  axes,  but  are  so  short  and  thick  at  the  upper  end,  as  to  afford 
no  chance  of  attaching  a  handle  to  them,  there  being  no  groove  by  which  to  fasten  it,  yet  their 
shape  certainly  suggests  the  axe  or  tomahawk. 

10,  n,  and  12  are  well  made  knives,  ground  down  on  both  sides  to  fine  cutting  edges,  n  and 
12  show  both  sides  of  the  same  implement,  and  the  base  is  cut  away  to  receive  a  handle  which 
must  have  been  attached  by  strong  sinews  or  strips  of  deer  skin  and  held  in  place  by  the  grooved 
base,  which  was  clearly  made  to  receive  the  binding  so  as  to  keep  the  knife  in  place.  As  No.  10 
is  but  a  broken  piece  of  a  broad  flat  knife  we  can  only  conjecture  that  the  base  was  grooved  in 
a  somewhat  similar  manner.  Both  are  thickest  along  the  central  line  and  No.  11  shows  a  distinct 
ridge  in  the  middle.  Nos.  13  and  14  show  the  back  and  side  view  of  a  peculiar  curved  implement, 
made  of  a  hard  white-weathering  chert.  It  is  well  chipped,  but  not  ground  in  any  way,  and  has 
a  pretty  good  cutting  edge  on  either  side.  The  point  is  round,  as  shown  in  figure.  It  has  evidently 
been  broken  off  from  a  handle  into  which  the  lower  and  smaller  end  was  inserted.  I  believe  this 
implement  had  been  used  as  a  crooked  knife,  as  it  bears  a  resemblance  to  that  in  use  amongst 
the  Micmacs,  only  the  latter  is  made  of  steel. 


Description  of  plates  337 


PLATE   XVII. 

These  are  specimens  of  the  well-known  Celts,  which  appear  to  have  been  common  to  savage 
people  all  the  world  over.  They  are  nearly  always  of  the  same  pattern,  and  consist  of  long  flattish 
pieces  of  hard  slate  rock  or  other  material  found  suitable  for  the  purpose.  They  are  usually  about 
6  or  7  inches  in  length,  narrow  at  one  end,  and  ground  away  to  a  good  cutting  or  chopping  edge 
at  the  other  and  wider  end.  All  these  figured  here  were  well  made  implements  of  a  hard  feldsitic 
slate  well  ground  down  and  polished  over  most  of  the  surface.  Nos.  i  and  2  are  very  perfect 
specimens  and  do  not  appear  to  have  been  much  used.  I  have  seen  a  similar  implement  in  the 
Smithsonian  Museum  at  Washington,  with  a  wooden  handle  attached  by  thongs  of  hide,  in  the  form 
of  an  adze.  It  looked  as  though  it  had  been  used  for  dressing  down  sticks  for  spear  handles  etc., 
and  possibly  for  hollowing  out  wooden  troughs.  With  the  exception  of  I,  2  and  3,  the  remainder 
are  all  broken  fragments.  Complete  specimens  of  this  form  are  not  often  met  with.  No.  3  is  of 
softer  material  than  the  rest  and  is  much  weathered,  especially  along  the  cutting  edge.  7  and  8  are 
reduced  specimens,  after  Lloyd.  No.  9  stone  adze  with  wooden  handle  attached. 

PLATE   XVIII. 

These  are  all  gouge  shaped  implements.  No.  i  is  a  beautifully  made  tool  of  hard  slate  perfectly 
grooved  out,  with  a  very  sharp  cutting  edge,  part  of  which  has  been  broken  away.  The  front  or 
upper  side  is  flat,  but  it  is  round  on  the  back  and  is  about  \\  inches  in  thickness.  Nos.  2  and  3 
show  the  front  and  back  view  of  another  similar  gouge.  This  is  also  beautifully  made,  especially 
the  grooved  end,  which  is  highly  polished  and  has  a  keen  cutting  edge.  The  front  of  this  tool  is 
also  flat  and  the  back  is  rounded.  It  is  somewhat  thicker  than  No.  i  or  about  i|  inches.  Nos.  4, 
5  and  8  are  smaller  types  of  the  gouge,  the  groove  only  being  well  ground.  Nos.  6  and  7  are 
but  slightly  hollowed  at  lower  end  and  the  edge  is  not  so  keen.  They  are  both  partly  ground 
on  the  sides,  but  otherwise  rather  rough.  They  do  not  display  anything  like  the  workmanship  of 
the  first  lot. 

It  has  been  variously  conjectured  by  some  that  these  implements  were  used  in  dressing  skins, 
shaping  spear  handles,  paddles,  etc.,  while  others  maintain  they  were  used  to  gouge  out  wooden 
or  log  boats,  but  I  know  of  no  instance  where  it  is  recorded  that  the  Beothucks  made  dugouts. 
I  imagine  they  were  applied  to  one  or  both  of  the  first  mentioned  uses.  I  have  seen  the  Micmacs 
use  a  somewhat  similarly  shaped  tool  made  of  a  deer's  leg  bone  (femur),  one  end  of  which  was 
cut  away  and  bevelled  to  a  sharp  curved  cutting  edge,  the  hollow  inside  part  of  the  bone  taking 
the  place  of  the  groove  in  these  stone  implements.  It  was  used  for  removing  the  vellum  from  the 
fleshy  side  of  the  deerskins  in  the  following  manner :  A  smooth  round  stick  of  perhaps  three  inches 
in  diameter  was  driven  into  the  ground,  or  jammed  between  boulders  to  keep  it  firm.  It  stood  at 
an  angle  sufficient  to  bring  its  upper  or  free  end  about  3  feet  above  the  ground.  Over  this  the 
green  skin  was  thrown,  which  hung  down  on  either  side.  The  operator  then  rubbed  off  the  vellum 
by  fitting  the  grooved  bone  over  that  part  of  the  hide  which  rested  along  the  stick,  pressing  his 
chest  against  the  elevated  end  and  forcing  the  tool  downwards  with  both  hands.  They  also  use 
another  tool,  made  of  a  deer's  shin  bone  cut  open  lengthwise  and  sharpened  along  its  whole  length, 
except  at  the  thick  ends,  which  latter  are  held  in  both  hands.  This  tool  resembles  a  drawing  knife 
or  spokeshave,  and  is  drawn  towards  the  operator  while  the  other  is  worked  from  him.  The  former 
is  called  "  Seskadedagan,"  the  latter  "  Gigegan." 

Those  with  the  small  narrow  grooves  could  scarcely  have  been  applied  to  this  purpose  of  dressing 
skins,  and  I  think  must  have  been  used  for  fashioning  poles  or  shafts  for  spear  handles  etc. 

PLATE   XIX. 

Nos.  i,  2,  3,  4  and  5  are  or  were  all  well  made  hunting  spears  or  lance  heads.  No.  i  was  a 
beautiful  implement  of  hard  red  slate,  perfectly  shaped  and  ground  down  with  great  care.  Along  the 
centre  of  both  sides  where  it  is  thickest  is  a  distinct  well-marked  straight  gable,  as  is  also  the  case  with 
No.  4.  The  outer  edges  are  quite  sharp,  Nos.  2,  3,  and  5  are  more  rounded  in  outline,  with  less  pro- 
nounced central  ridge  or  none  at  all.  No.  24  is  a  reduced  specimen  after  Lloyd,  of  a  similar  spear  to 
No.  i.  No.  4  is  much  smaller  than  the  others.  All  have  the  tangs  broken  off,  and  with  the  exception  of 
No.  5,  the  points  also.  No.  6  shows  the  front  and  side  view  of  a  very  well  made  and  polished  tool 
which  would  appear  to  have  been  long  and  narrow  throughout.  If  the  outline  of  the  absent  parts  be 
correct,  it  was  evidently  used  as  a  drilling  implement. 

No.  7  is  a  long  thin  lance  or  possibly  an  arrow  head.  Nos.  8  and  9  are  long  spear-like  implements 
of  red  slate  well  made  and  highly  finished  throughout.  They  seem  to  suggest  a  dagger  or  dirk,  and 
were  probably  set  in  a  handle.  10  is  a  lance  or  spear  head.  1 1,  a  chipped  arrow  of  hard  feldsite  slate, 
12,  13,  14,  15,  20,  21  and  23  are  not  easily  defined.  They  are  rather  large  for  arrow  heads,  yet  small 
for  spears.  Some  American  authorities  call  similar  tools,  fishing  spears. 

1 6  is  a  rude  flat  chipped  lance  or  spear  head  with  notched  base  for  fastening  a  handle  by.  17,  is 
a  reduced  leaf-shaped  spear,  after  Lloyd.  18  and  19  are  somewhat  similar  to  16  only  much  smaller, 
19  shows  two  grooves  on  either  side  near  the  base.  22  is  probably  an  arrow  head,  made  of  smoky 
quartz. 

H.  43 


338  Description  of  plates 

PLATE   XX. 

Some  of  the  implements  figured  here  are  what  is  termed  by  American  authorities,  "  turtle-backs." 
Nos.  I,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  8,  10,  15,  18,  and  19  are  all  of  this  type,  No.  4  being  the  most  perfect  specimen, 
showing  the  comparatively  flat  under,  and  peaked  upper  surface  ;  what  particular  use  they  were  put  to 
is  not  easy  to  determine.  That  none  of  them  could  have  been  affixed  to  handles  of  any  kind  seems 
pretty  evident.  Possibly,  they  were  used  for  skinning  or  fleshing  animals,  but  they  do  not  appear 
very  suitable  for  such  purpose  and  most  of  them  are  too  small.  All,  with  the  exception  of  Nos.  7,  8, 
and  10  are  made  of  black  or  dark  coloured  chert.  7  is  greenish  chert,  while  8  and  10  are  banded  quartz. 

Nos.  9,  11,  12,  13,  14,  16,  17,  20,  may  have  been  used  as  spears  as  their  shapes  seem  to  imply. 

PLATE   XXI. 

This  plate  exhibits  specimens  of  the  different  types  of  stone  arrow  heads  used  by  the  Beothucks. 
They  are  made  from  a  variety  of  different  materials,  such  as  greenish  slate,  or  horn-stone,  black  chert, 
red  jasper,  quartz,  etc. 

Some  few  are  rather  crudely  made,  but  the  majority  are  very  perfect  and  show  much  fine  and 
careful  workmanship.  Nos.  i,  2,  3,  4,  5,  and  6  are  of  the  former  class.  From  No.  7  to  24  represent 
those  triangular  shaped  arrow  points  with  slightly  curved  bases.  These  appear  from  their  abundance 
to  have  been  the  most  commonly  used  form.  Some  of  them  are  very  small,  and  it  is  a  matter  of  doubt 
as  to  how  they  were  fastened  to  the  shaft.  It  is  supposed  by  some  authorities  that  they  were  set  into 
a  slit  and  merely  kept  in  place  by  gum  from  the  spruce  trees,  but  if  this  were  so  they  could  not  have 
had  a  very  firm  hold. 

Nos.  32,  33,  34,  are  beautiful  and  delicately  made  specimens,  ground  down  on  all  sides  perfectly 
smooth  with  keen  edges  and  sharp  points.  The  base  is  also  ground  to  a  fine  edge.  The  two  last  have 
the  central  line  or  peak  perfectly  straight  on  both  sides.  No.  44  is  another,  similar  in  every  respect, 
except  that  the  base  is  square  across  instead  of  being  curved.  43  is  rather  clumsy  for  an  arrow  head 
and  may  have  been  a  lance  or  fishing  spear.  Nos.  45  and  46  show  an  extra  deep  indentation  at  the 
base,  a  form  not  at  all  plentiful. 

Nos.  47,  48,  49,  50,  51,  52,  53,  54,  and  55  all  represent  various  types  of  triangular  arrow  heads  with 
short  tangs  and  deep  notches  on  either  side  of  the  base  for  the  purpose  of  fastening  them  securely  to 
the  shaft  by  means  of  sinew  or  fine  strips  of  hide.  These  are  what  are  termed  stemmed  arrows. 

Both  these  latter  and  the  two  former  (45  and  46)  are  exactly  like  some  arrow  heads  I  have  seen 
figured  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Historical  and  Archaeological  Journal  of  Ireland,  for  Jan.  and 
April  1888.  Nos.  56  and  57,  64  and  66  being  all  broken  at  the  base,  we  do  not  know  whether  they 
were  notched  or  otherwise.  Nos.  58,  59,  60,  61,  and  62,  are  all  of  a  larger  size  and  somewhat  different 
pattern,  especially  the  two  last,  which  are  much  wider  at  the  base,  and  slightly  curved,  but  both  exhibiting 
the  notches  for  fastening,  etc.  No.  65  being  broken  across  the  middle  leaves  it  difficult  to  decide 
whether  it  was  an  arrow  or  spear  head.  It  is  made  of  dark  coloured,  translucent  quartz  (smoky  quartz), 
and  is  beautifully  and  evenly  chipped  all  over,  with  sharp  slightly  serrated  edges.  If  a  spear  head,  it 
must  have  been  a  very  elegant  one. 

67  is  also  a  quartz  or  quartzite  tool,  but  is  not  nearly  so  well  finished  as  the  preceding. 

PLATE'  XXII. 

Here  we  have  a  variety  of  nondescript  articles  with  a  few  others  that  can  be  easily  defined. 
Nos.  i,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  9,  10,  11,  and  12  are  all  either  scrapers  or  graving  implements.  4,  5,  6,  7,  and  9 
are  thin  spawls  of  dark  greenish  chert,  which  have  evidently  either  been  fashioned  as  we  see  them  or 
else  selected  on  account  of  their  exceedingly  sharp  edges.  I  imagine  these  may  have  been  used  in 
carving  the  bone  ornaments,  described  in  Plates  XXIV,  XXV,  XXVI,  XXVI I,  XXVIII. 


No.  8,  the  side  view  of  which  is  like  this      ^^m\  was  probably  used  for  boring  the  small  holes 


in  the  bone,  the  point,  now  broken  off,  was  evidently  very  fine  and  sharp.  12  is  a  piece  of  milky  white 
quartz  chipped  and  frayed  at  the  edge.  The  smallness  of  these  fragments  suggests  that  they  must  have 
been  held  between  the  thumb  and  fore-finger  when  in  use. 

Nos.  13,  14  and  15,  are  thin  pieces  of  slate  quite  smooth  on  both  sides  and  ground  on  the  edges. 
They  were  probably  whetstones  used  for  sharpening  the  smaller  tools.  No.  16  is  a  peculiar  shaped 
piece  of  black  chert,  well  chipped  and  having  sharp  edges.  It  looks  like  a  sort  of  double  pointed 
implement,  but  the  extreme  points  are  broken  off.  Possibly  it  was  intended  to  be  divided  in  two, 
and  made  into  arrow  heads.  No.  17  shows  two  sides  of  a  thin  piece  of  whitish  slate  cut  with  some 
sharp  implement,  but  not  fashioned  into  any  recognised  form.  No.  18,  also  of  dull  whitish  slate  may 
have  been  intended  for  a  lance  head  which  was  not  completed.  Nos.  19,  20,  21,  22,  and  23  are  flat 
pieces  of  serpentine;  some  of  them  are  bevelled  at  the  edges,  and  all  are  highly  polished.  As  this 
kind  of  stone  is  too  soft  to  be  used  other  than  for  ornamentation,  it  is  not  easy  to  determine  what  they 
were.  22,  with  the  notch  at  one  side,  does  look  as  if  it  were  intended  for  an  arrow  head. 


Description  of  plates  339 

Nos.  24,  25,  26,  27,  and  28,  are  either  plummets  or  sinkers  and  are  all  made  of  soapstone.  The 
grooves  at  the  top  clearly  indicate  that  they  were  attached  to  lines.  No.  28  is  reduced  after  Lloyd, 
and  differs  from  the  rest  by  having  a  sharp  projecting  point  or  barb  at  one  side.  Lloyd  thinks  this 
was  used  for  fishing,  as  a  hook. 

No.  29  is  a  flat  piece  of  whitish  or  drab  slate  with  a  broad  bevelled  edge  at  the  base,  where  it  is 
ground  away  from  one  side  like  a  chisel.  It  has  a  cuneiform  hole  drilled  through  near  this  wide  base. 
I  have  seen  no  other  tool  exactly  resembling  this  figured  anywhere.  It  may  have  been  used  as  a  knife, 
but  the  object  of  the  hole  is  not  apparent. 

No.  30  is  a  beautifully  made  pipe  of  greenish  serpentine.  The  bowl  is  octagonal  shaped  outside  but 
perfectly  circular  inside.  There  is  some  doubt  as  to  whether  this  can  be  really  attributed  to  the  Beothucks, 
especially  as  they  are  said  not  to  have  smoked.  Again,  it  is  so  very  fresh  and  unweathered,  it  looks 
as  though  it  was  quite  recently  made.  The  party  who  gave  it  to  me,  received  it  from  a  Micmac  Indian, 
who  picked  it  up  near  Pipestone  Pond  in  the  interior,  and  pronounced  it  to  be  of  Red  Indian  manufacture. 
No.  31  may  have  been  used  as  a  hook,  though  a  very  clumsy  one.  It  is  a  piece  of  fine  grained  reddish 
sandstone  and  looks  as  though  it  owed  its  peculiar  shape  to  weathering  or  from  being  water  worn. 

No.  32  is  a  large  sized  scraper  or  perhaps  knife  with  a  fairly  good  cutting  edge  along  the  lower  side. 
33  is  clearly  a  fragment  of  the  basal  part  of  a  spear  or  lance  head,  made  of  black  chert.  No.  34  is  a  rather 
rudely  made  spear  head  of  dull  reddish  porphyry.  No.  35  are  fragments  of  clay  pipes  of  European 
manufacture,  apparently  French,  for  one  section  of  a  stem  shows  the  Fleur  de  Lis  with  a  Lion  (?)  Rampant, 
surmounted  by  a  crown,  Arms  of  Francis  I  of  France  (?).  Whether  the  Boethucks  used  these  pipes,  or  only 
picked  up  the  broken  fragments  near  the  French  fishing  establishments  and  looked  upon  them  as  curios 
cannot  now  be  determined  ;  at  all  events  these  fragments  were  found  by  myself  in  one  of  the  Beothuck 
cemeteries.  My  own  impression  is,  notwithstanding  so  many  assertions  to  the  contrary,  that  they  really 
did  smoke  something,  as  most  other  Indians  do.  If  not  tobacco,  which  of  course  does  not  grow  in 
Newfoundland,  they,  like  the  Micmacs,  when  short  of  that  weed  may  have  used  Kinnikanick,  i.e.  the 
inner  bark  of  the  Red  Willow  (Redrod),  or  the  root  of  the  Michaelmas  daisy  dried.  I  have  myself  had 
occasion  to  resort  to  the  former  more  than  once,  in  order  to  eke  out  my  scanty  supply  of  tobacco.  They 
may  have  at  times,  when  on  friendly  terms  with  the  French  fishermen  received  both  pipes  and  tobacco 
from  them  in  barter. 

The  Beothucks  certainly  had  a  term  for  tobacco,  "  Nechwa,"  which  is  evidence  that  they  must  have 
been  acquainted  with  the  weed1.  No.  36  is  a  tool  of  the  gouge  pattern,  but  having  a  very  small  groove. 
It  was  probably  used  for  shaping  and  paring  down  arrow  shafts.  It  is  of  a  rather  soft  slate. 

Nos.  37  and  38.     Two  spherical  balls  of  limestone,  probably  used  for  gaming. 

PLATE  XXIII. 

These  are  all  rubbing  stones.  Nos.  I  and  2  are  of  fine  grained  sandstone,  i  being  a  reddish 
sandstone,  2,  greenish  gray.  No.  3  is  a  hard  close  grained  pinkish  porphyry,  and  is  worn  quite  smooth 
and  polished  on  top  and  bottom.  Nos.  4  and  5  are  made  of  grayish  grindstone,  fairly  hard  and  somewhat 
coarse  grained.  6  and  7  are  soft  fine  gray  and  greenish  rock  like  a  chlorite  slate.  All  exhibit  well  worn 
or  rubbed  down  surfaces  indicating  that  they  were  much  used  for  sharping  tools,  etc. 

PLATE   XXIV. 

These  are  all  implements  and  other  articles  of  bone.  No.  i  is  a  long  well  made  needle  with  an 
eye  hole  drilled  through  one  end.  It  is  from  Port  au  Choix.  Nos.  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  and  8  are  undefinable 
objects.  9,  10,  11,  12,  13,  14,  15,  16,  17,  18,  19,  20,  21,  and  22  are  mostly  made  of  Ivory,  evidently  ot 
Walrus  tusk.  What  they  were  really  intended  for  does  not  seem  apparent ;  they  may  have  been  used 
in  lieu  of  buttons  for  fastening  their  garments,  etc. 

Nos.  23  and  24  are  barbed  bone  fishing  or  bird  spears.  I  have  seen  one  with  the  Micmacs  ot 
exactly  the  same  pattern  as  24,  but  made  of  iron. 

Nos.  25,  26,  27,  28,  and  28a  are  smaller  types  of  the  same.  25,  26,  and  28*  have  deep  notches 
cut  in  the  base  as  if  intended  for  inserting  a  handle  or  shaft.  They  also  have  holes  drilled  through 
them.  It  appears  as  though  they  must  have  been  attached  by  a  string  to  the  handle  or  shaft,  which 
in  this  case  would  probably  be  an  arrow  shaft,  and  when  shot  into  a  bird  or  fish  would  separate  from 
the  wood  but  still  remain  attached  by  the  string,  in  a  similar  manner  to  the  seal  spear. 

Nos.  29  and  29*  were  undoubtedly  the  bone  sockets  of  small  spears. 

Nos.  30  and  31  were  bone  spears,  also  attached  to  the  handles  by  a  thong  of  hide. 

No.  32  is  a  well-defined  bone  spear  socket,  such  as  was  used  for  killing  seals.  The  stone  or  iron 
point  was  set  into  a  slot  at  the  small  end  and  then  securely  bound  around  the  narrow  neck  by  smew 

1  I  have  only  heard  of  one  other  steatite  pipe  having  been  found  at  Fleur  de  Lys,  where  the  soap- 
stone  pots  were  manufactured.  This  was  said  to  have  some  sort  of  an  animal  carved  on  the  outside  with 
its  head  projecting  over  the  bowl.  The  scarcity  of  stone  pipes  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  in 
all  probability  these  people,  like  the  Micmacs,  used  strips  of  Birch  bark  twisted  into  the  form  of  a  pipe, 
which  after  being  once  used  was  so  burnt  as  to  be  useless  and  consequently  cast  aside. 

The  Eskimos  living  north  of  Hudson  Strait  make  steatite  pipes  much  like  that  figured  here,  though 
not  so  ornamental,  in  which  they  smoke  some  kind  of  moss. 

43—2 


34o  Description  of  plates 

or  thong.  The  two  holes  were  not  drilled  through,  only  about  half  way  and  are  connected  one  with 
the  other.  This  was  where  the  string  for  attachment  to  the  handle  was  tied.  In  the  swallow  tailed 
base  is  a  fine  groove  for  the  point  of  the  handle  to  be  inserted.  This  implement  was  so  constructed, 
that  upon  entering  the  body  of  a  seal  it  became  detached  from  the  handle,  but  still  held  by  the  long 
cord  which  was  carried  up  to,  and  over  the  end  of  the  handle  and  thence  back  to  where  it  was  grasped 
in  the  hand.  Another  feature  of  its  ingenious  construction  was,  that  owing  to  the  cord  being  attached 
to  the  middle  of  the  socket,  as  soon  as  it  pierced  the  flesh  of  the  animal,  and  a  strain  was  put  upon 
it  by  the  effort  to  escape,  the  spear  turned  sideways  across  the  aperture  made  in  the  skin  and  this 
prevented  its  withdrawing. 

Nos.  33  to  43  are  all  pieces  of  bone  of  various  shapes,  37,  38,  and  39  have  chisel-shaped  points 
at  one  end.  It  is  difficult  to  say  what  they  were  used  for.  44  and  45  are  two  pieces  of  whalebone, 
partly  cut  but  apparently  not  intended  for  use  in  their  present  form.  46  is  a  seal's  tooth  with  a  hole 
bored  through  one  end.  47  and  48  probably  buttons.  All  the  remainder  are  only  fragments  of  bone 
or  ivory,  except  50  which  are  two  small  and  well  formed  disks  of  ivory. 

r 

PLATE   XXV. 

No.  i  is  a  piece  of  bone  cut  round  and  smooth.  It  looks  like  European  manufacture,  and  was 
probably  a  handle  of  some  sort.  Nos.  2,  3,  4,  and  5  are  tusks  of  animals,  the  first  three  being  those 
of  a  pig.  2  and  4  have  small  holes  bored  in  them  to  receive  a  string.  5  looks  like  the  tooth  of  a 
large  seal. 

Nos.  6  and  7  are  pieces  of  a  deer's  horn  partly  cut  or  shaped  for  some  unknown  purpose.  No.  8 
gives  two  sides  of  a  bone  spear,  one  of  which  shows  the  slit  cut  into  the  base  to  receive  the  shaft 
or  handle.  All  the  remaining  articles  on  this  and  Plate  XXVI  are  carved  bone  ornaments, 
such  as  are  usually  found  deposited  in  the  graves  with  the  dead.  There  is  a  great  variety  of  these 
carved  bones,  but  in  no  two  instances  have  I  come  across  exactly  similar  designs.  They  are  all 
made  of  sections  of  a  deer's  leg  bones,  and  the  carvings  indicate  that  they  were  cut  with  some  very 
sharp  and  fine  edged  tool,  no  doubt  either  broken  fragments  of  glass  bottles,  which  have  been  also 
found  in  the  burial  places,  or  else  those  sharp  spawls  of  chert  and  quartz  crystals  figured  in  Plate  XXII. 

All  the  interstices  of  these  carvings  are  filled  with  red  ochre,  and  in  the  case  of  47,  48,  49,  and  50 
the  whole  piece  is  smeared  over  with  it.  Probably  the  others  were  also,  at  one  time,  but  it  has  become 
rubbed  or  worn  off. 

I  have  arranged  these  ornaments  according  to  the  shape  of  the  base.  From  9  to  50  are  or  have 
been  cut  straight  across  at  the  wider  end.  51  is  a  spike  of  a  caribou  antler,  perhaps  used  as  an  awl. 
Nos.  52  and  53,  and  in  Plate  XXVI,  Nos.  i  to  8  show  the  base  cut  away  obliquely,  while  54  has  the  base 
slightly  grooved  and  notched,  and  is  also  somewhat  hollowed  on  either  side. 

PLATE   XXVI. 

All  the  ornaments  figured  here  are  of  the  swallow  tailed  type  and  have  various  designs  carved 
upon  them,  differing  in  some  respect,  no  two  being  exactly  alike.  Some  of  the  smaller  pieces  are 
more  ornate  than  the  larger,  most  of  them  having  the  outside  edges  scolloped  in  different  ways. 

PLATE   XXVII. 

These  represent  a  variety  of  nondescript  forms,  beginning  with  the  three  pronged  or  trident 
shaped  ornaments,  and  passing  on  to  other  peculiar  forms.  The  square  and  diamond  shaped  articles 
were  undoubtedly  used  in  gaming.  The  combs  need  no  description. 

PLATES   XXVIII   AND   XXIX. 

Exhibit  a  selection  of  the  various  forms,  drawn  by  Lady  Edith  Blake,  wife  of  Sir  Henry  Blake 

late  Governor  of  Newfoundland.     Her  Ladyship  took  a  deep  interest  in  the  subject  of  the  Aborigines' 

while  here.      She  copied  all  these  ornaments  and  also  wrote  a  paper  on  the   Beothucks  which  was 

published  in  the  Century  Magazine  for  December  1888.      What  the  exact  use  or  purpose  of  those 

ornaments  was  we  do  not  know.     The  fact  of  so  many  of  them  being  always  found  deposited  with 

the  dead  seems  to  suggest  some  symbolic  or  talismanic  idea.     So  far  as  I  know  they  have  not  been 

ound  anywhere  else  except  in  the  cemeteries.     As  almost  every  one  of  those  ornaments  had  a  small 

hole  drilled  through,  near  the  smaller  end,  it  is  pretty  clear  they  were  attached  by  strings  to  something 

A  lew  of  them  still  retain  portions  of  the  string.     In  the  case  of  the  little  Beothuck  boy's  interment 

A  these  ornaments,  together  with  bird's  legs  and  feet  were  found  attached  to  the  fringe  of  his 

outer  garment.     Again,  in  the  figure  of  the  dancing  woman  drawn  by  Shanawdithit,  the  dress  appears 

ae  innged  in  like  manner,  around  the  lower  end  by  similar  ornaments.     If  this  were  really  the 

case,  1  imagine  their  purpose  was  to  produce  a  rattling  noise  by  striking  against  each  other,  in  the 

manner  of  castanets,  during  the  evolutions  of  dancing.     It  may  be  that  such  a  dress  was  only  worn 

on  ceremonial  occasions,  of  this  however,  we  are  left  to  conjecture  only. 

Nos.  20  to  36  are  small  discs  of  bone  or  shell,  probably  used  on  strings  as  neck  ornaments 


Description  of  plates  341 


PLATE    XXX. 

Represents  a  few  articles  of  iron  found  either  at  their  encampments  or  in  their  cemeteries. 
Nos.  i,  2,  and  3  are  portions  of  the  springs  of  steel  traps,  no  doubt  stolen  from  the  furriers.  The 
two  latter  being  roughly  beaten  into  the  form  of  spear  heads.  No.  4  is  a  knife  evidently  of 
European  manufacture,  set  into  a  rude  handle,  by  the  Indians,  and  I  think  from  the  shape  of  the 
latter  and  a  slight  bend  in  the  knife  blade,  it  must  have  been  used  as  a  crooked  knife,  as  it  closely 
resembles  the  Micmac  implement  so  named. 

No.  5  is  the  much  decomposed  remains  of  a  very  small,  polled  tomahawk,  with  handle  attached. 
This  was  evidently  made  by  the  Indians  themselves  and  shows  much  ingenuity  in  the  form  of  the 
eye,  etc.  The  handles  of  both  these  latter  implements  are  as  usual,  coloured  by  ochre. 

No.  6  is  one  of  the  spear  heads  stamped  with  the  broad  arrow,  which  Capt.  Buchan  had  made 
aboard  his  ship,  by  his  armourer  in  1820,  to  be  distributed  amongst  the  Indians  should  he  come 
up  with  them  ;  but  as  he  did  not  meet  with  them  on  this  occasion,  the  spear  points  were  tied  in 
small  bundles,  and  fastened  to  the  branches  of  trees  along  the  river  side  where  the  Indians  most 
frequented,  such  as  the  portages  over  the  falls.  Some  also  were  left  at  the  deserted  Mamateeks  on 
Red  Indian  Lake. 

Whether  the  Beothucks  ever  made  use  of  any  of  these  is  not  known  for  certain.  That  figured 
here  was  picked  up  on  the  side  of  the  Exploits  River  in  recent  years. 

PLATE  XXXI. 

* 

Exhibits  some  articles  made  of  Birch  bark. 
No.   i  is  a  package  of  dried  or  smoked  fish. 

Nos.  2,  3,  4,  5,  6.     These  are  five  drinking  cups  of  different  patterns,  all  neatly  sewn  together. 
No.  7  is  a  small  model  of  a  canoe,  and  8  is  the  bow  or  stem  part  of  another. 
No.  9  is  a  small   paddle.     All   these   articles  are   smeared  with  red  ochre,  and  were   deposited 
in  the  grave  with  the  little  Beothuck  boy's  body. 

PLATE  XXXII. 

Upper.     Stone  pots  and  lamps  made  of  Soapstone  hollowed  out. 

Lower.  Cliff  of  Soapstone  at  Fleur  de  Lis,  from  which  such  pots  were  obtained.  The  figure 
shows  several  pots,  half  formed  in  the  cliff  but  not  broken  off,  also  indentations  from  whence  others 
were  so  derived. 

PLATE   XXXIII. 
Roasting  sticks,  fragments  of  bows  and  arrow  shafts,  tomahawk  etc. 

PLATE    XXXIV. 

Upper.     Pieces  of  birch  bark  showing  marks  of  stitching;   fire  stones,  stone  fragments  etc. 
Lower.     Models   of  canoes,  small  drinking  cups  etc.  all  made  of  birch  bark,  found  in  grave  of 
little  boy. 

PLATE   XXXV. 
Various  bone  and  other  articles,  including  a  necklace,  wampum  as  specified  on  plate. 

PLATE   XXXVI. 

These  also  are  a  recent  find  of  carved  bone  ornaments,  from  a  cave  near  the  Southern 
Head  of  Long  Island,  Notre  Dame  Bay.  While  bearing  a  general  resemblance  in  outward  form 
to  others  already  figured,  yet  the  designs  carved  on  them  differ  much  from  any  that  I  have 
seen.  They  all  exhibit  the  remains  of  the  red  ochre  with  which  they  were  once  smeared. 

PLATE   XXXVII. 

Recent  find  of  stone  implements.  Nos.  i,  2,  3  are  finely  made  lance  heads  or  spears.  Nos.  4 
and  5  arrow  heads.  No.  6  is  a  long  and  perfectly  formed  spear,  except  that  it  is  broken  off  at  the 
base.  From  the  length  and  shape  of  this  implement  I  imagine  it  was  used  as  a  dagger  or  poignard 
set  in  a  wooden  handle.  No.  7  is  a  perfectly  made  lance  head  and  is  interesting  from  the  tact  that 
it  was  obtained  at  the  mouth  of  the  small  river,  flowing  into  the  Harbour  of  St  John's.  It  was 
frequently  stated  that  the  Indians  did  not  frequent  this  neighbourhood.  No.  8  is  a  smooth  worn 
stone  of  peculiar  shape,  also  found  near  the  above  river.  Its  shape  may  be  purely  accidental  yet  it 
was  possibly  used  by  the  Indians  for  some  purpose. 

43~3 


242  Concluding  remarks 

Concluding  remarks  on  the  Red  Indians. 

It  only  remains  for  me  to  offer  some  comments  on  the  foregoing 
notices  and  attempt  some  solution  of  apparently  conflicting  and  doubtful 
statements,  etc. 

First  did  the  Beothucks  or  did  they  not  possess  dogs  ?  Most  authorities 
positively  assert  they  did  not.  Cartwright  speaks  as  though  he  was  very 
certain  on  this  point,  when  he  remarks  "To  complete  their  wretched 
condition,  Providence  has  even  denied  them  the  pleasing  services  and 
companionship  of  the  faithful  Dog." 

Old  Mr  Peyton  also  assured  me  the  Indians  had  no  dogs  and  were 
very  greatly  afraid  of  them,  nor  do  any  of  the  settlers  in  their  numerous 
traditions  about  them  ever  mention  the  presence  of  the  dog. 

Yet  against  this  we  have  old  Capt.  Richard  Whitbourne's  statement 
about  their  wolves  (Eskimo  dogs  ?),  and  the  story  of  his  mastiff  going  off 
in  the  woods  with  the  latter  and  coming  back  unharmed.  The  corre- 
spondent of  the  Liverpool  Mercury  also  mentions  seeing  in  one  of  their 
wigwams  at  Red  Indian  Lake  in  1819,  a  slut  with  a  litter  of  puppies. 
My  own  impression  is,  that  originally  they  undoubtedly  possessed  dogs 
of  the  Eskimo  breed,  perhaps  obtained  from  that  people,  and  may  have 
been  driven  in  times  of  scarcity  to  eat  them  ;  more  probably  they  destroyed 
them,  lest  their  footprints  in  the  snow  or  their  howlings  by  night,  might 
be  the  means  of  betraying  their  presence  to  their  white  enemies.  I  con- 
jecture that  the  animal  seen  by  the  party  above  referred  to  was  one  of 
the  ordinary  short-haired  common  species  of  Newfoundland,  stolen  from 
some  fisherman's  establishment.  Had  it  been  one  of  the  Eskimo  breed, 
he  would  have  stated  the  fact,  as  he  was,  no  doubt  well  acquainted  with 
that  wolf-like  animal. 

As  regards  the  whitewoman  seen  at  Red  Indian  Lake  amongst  the 
Indians,  by  Lieut.  Buchan,  and  to  all  appearance  an  Indian  in  dress,  etc., 
I  have  in  vain  tried  to  obtain  confirmation  of  this  statement  and  have 
sought  to  ascertain  whether  any  tradition  existed  amongst  the  fisher  folk 
of  a  white  girl  having  been  kidnapped  by  the  Indians,  but  to  no  purpose. 
Cormack  also  evidently  sought  for  some  information  on  this  point,  for  I  find 
in  some  notes  of  his  the  question  was  put  to  Shanawdithit  as  to  the  existence 
of  a  white  woman.  She  answered,  "No1,"  and  Cormack  adds,  "Buchan  not 
correct."  Nevertheless,  I  cannot  see  how  Buchan  could  have  made  such 
a  mistake.  He  was  a  man  of  superior  education,  most  observant,  and 
had  an  opportunity  such  as  no  other  person  (so  far  as  we  know)  ever 
possessed,  of  a  close  intercourse  with  them,  for  several  hours  at  their 
village,  Red  Indian  Lake.  His  description  of  this  particular  woman  is 
too  exact  to  admit  of  doubt.  He  says  of  her :  "  Conceive  my  astonish- 
ment at  beholding  a  female  bearing  all  the  appearances  of  an  European, 
with  light  sandy  hair,  and  features  strongly  similar  to  the  French,  appa- 
rently about  twenty  two  years  of  age,  with  an  infant  which  she  carried  in 
her  cossack,  her  demeanour  differing  materially  from  the  others.  Instead 

1  Shanawdithit  was  probably  too  young  at  the  time  to  remember. 


Concluding  remarks  343 

of  that  sudden  change  from  surprise  and  dismay  to  acts  of  familiarity,  she 
never  uttered  a  word,  nor  did  she  recover  from  the  terror,  our  sudden 
and  unexpected  visit  had  thrown  them  into."  It  was  a  pity  Buchan  did 
not  think  of  interrogating  this  woman  both  in  French  and  English,  for  even 
though  she  may  have  been  kidnapped  when  quite  a  child,  she  would  probably 
have  recognized  her  own  tongue,  which  ever  it  may  have  been,  did  she  hear 
it  once  again.  I  also  think  he  should  have  made  an  effort  to  bring  the 
poor  creature  back  to  civilisation.  Probably  he  might  have  done  so  were 
the  Indians  there  on  his  return  to  the  Lake. 

I  conceive  Buchan  made  a  great  mistake  in  taking  with  him  so  many 
of  the  furriers  as  guides,  and  moreover,  allowing  them  to  go  armed.  It 
is  only  natural  to  suppose  that  the  Indians  seeing  these  blood-thirsty 
enemies  of  their  tribe  amongst  the  party,  would  naturally  conclude  all 
the  rest  were  of  the  same  stamp,  and  actuated  with  the  same  desire  for 
their  destruction,  hence  their  caution  and  the  fatal  termination  of  the 
expedition. 

It  was  subsequently  learnt  from  Shanawdithit  that  the  killing  of 
Buchan's  two  marines  was  occasioned  by  a  misunderstanding  on  the 
part  of  the  Indians,  aided  by  their  fears.  All  went  well  with  the  two 
hostages,  who  conducted  themselves  in  a  becoming  manner,  till  the  return 
of  the  Indian  who  fled  from  Buchan  down  the  river.  This  individual 
reported  that  a  large  party  were  in  hiding  ready  to  march  up  and  destroy 
them  all.  On  receiving  this  report,  the  poor  Red  men  were  thrown  into 
a  state  of  alarm,  but  before  deciding  on  the  death  of  the  hostages  a  council 
was  held  as  to  the  best  mode  of  procedure.  Some  were  for  immediate 
flight  and  taking  the  marines  with  them,  but  others  argued  that  Buchan 
would  be  sure  to  follow  them  up  in  order  to  recover  his  men  and  that 
their  only  safety  was  in  destroying  them,  so  that  they  could  not  give  any 
information  as  to  the  direction  the  Indians  had  taken.  It  would  appear 
that  the  majority  were  loathe  to  murder  the  men  who  came  to  them  in 
such  a  friendly  way,  and  showed  such  confidence  as  to  remain  alone  with 
them.  The  matter  was  decided  by  the  chief  and  a  few  others  surprising 
the  unfortunate  marines  and  shooting  them  in  the  backs  with  arrows,  and 
then  beating  a  hasty  retreat. 

Buchan  certainly  made  another  mistake  in  allowing  that  first  individual 
to  go  free,  had  he  held  on  to  him  till  his  return  to  the  Lake,  no  doubt 
all  might  have  been  well.  It  was  a  great  pity  so  favourable  an  opportunity 
at  an  amicable  understanding  should  have  been  frustrated. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


From  Gatschefs  ist  Paper 

Articles  and  books  on  Newfoundland,  in  which  express  mention  is  made 
of  the  Boethuck  Indians  are  as  follows  ;  though  this  list  makes  no  pretence 
of  being  exhaustive. 

JACQUES   CARTIER.     Voyages   of  Discovery   in   1534-35.      Published   by  the   Canadian    Government. 

Describes  the  Beothucks  he  met  with  at  Quirpon  on  the  Northern  extreme  of  Newfoundland. 
WHITBOURNE,  RICHARD.     "Discourse  and  Discovery  of  the  New-Foundland,"  London  1622. 
DE  LAET,  JOAN.     "  Novus  Orbis"  speaks  of  the  Beothucks.     1633.     pp.  34. 
SIR  WM.  DAWSON.    "Fossil  Men." 

CARTWRIGHT,  JOHN.    Remarks  on  the  situation  of  the  Red  Indians  etc.    1768.     Published  by  his  Neice. 
CARTWRIGHT,  MAJOR  GEORGE.     "Journal  of  Transactions  and  Events  on  Labrador,"  London  1793. 
HAKLUYT.     Voyages,  ed.  London  1810.     pp.  168-169  and  245. 
CHAPPELL,  LIEUT  EDW.     "Voyages  of  the  Rosamond,"  London,  1818. 
CHAPPELL,  LIEUT.  EDW.      "Voyage  to   Newfoundland."     London,   i8i8(?).     Illustrated.     In  chapter 

treating  of  the  "Red  Indians"  pp.  169-187  he  quotes  Whitbourne's  "Discourse  and  Discovery  of 

New-Foundland.'' 

ANSPACH,  REV.  LEWIS  A.     "History  of  Newfoundland."     1818. 
"Edinburgh  New  Philosophical  Journal"  for  Oct.  1828,  Mar.  1829,  contains  an  account  of  W.  E.  Cormack's 

second  expedition  in  search  of  the  Red  Indians. 
BONNVCASTLE,  SIR  R.  H.     Newfoundland,  1842,  London,  1842.      His  chapter  on  Red  Indians  embraces 

pp.  251-278,  vol.  II. 
JUKES,  J.  B.,  of  the  Geological  Survey.     "Excursions   in  and  about  Newfoundland."     London,  1842. 

On  the  Beothucks  cf.  ii,  126,  132,  133,  170-175. 
MURRAY,  CHAS.  AUG.  (Author  of  the  "  Prairie  Bird,"  etc.).     "  The  Red   Indians  of  Newfoundland," 

Philadelphia:  T.  B.  Peterson,  98  Chestnut  Street  (no  date,  about  1850?).     Illustrated.     The  book 

is  pure  fiction  the  first  chapter  only  contains  some  ethnologic  points. 
"  The  Last  of  the  Aborigines.     A  Poem  founded  on  facts,  in  four  Cantos."     Dedicated  to  Master  John 

Gaspard  Le  Marchant,  by  George  Webber,  St  John's,  N.F.     Printed  at  Office  of  "The  Morning 

Post,"  1851. 

TOQUE,  REV.  PH.     "Wandering  Thoughts."    London,  1856. 

MULLOCK,  RIGHT  REV.  DR.,  R.C.  Bishop  of  St  John's.     Lectures  on  Newfoundland,  1860. 
HARVEY,  REV.  M.     "  Memoirs  of  an  Extinct  Race  "  in  "  Maritime  Monthly." 
GOBINEAU,  COMTE  A.  DE.     "Voyage  a  Terre  Neuve."     Paris,  1861. 
LATHAM,  ROB.  GORDON.     Comparative  Philology.     London,  1862.     pp.  453-455. 
PEDLEY,  REV.  CHAS.    "  The  History  of  Newfoundland  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  year  1860."    London, 

1863.      cf.   338  sqq.      The  appendix  VII,  pp.  506-522,  contains  extracts  from  W.   E.   Cormack's 

"Itinerary  through  the  central  parts  of  the  Island,"  1822. 

In  the  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute  of  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland,  the  following  treatises  appear : 

LLOYD,  T.  G.  B.,  M.A.I.     "On  the  Beothucks,  a  tribe  of  Red  Indians,  supposed  to  be  extinct,  which 

formerly  inhabited  Newfoundland."     1874.     PP-  2I~39- 
LLOYD,  T.  G.  B.     "A  further  account  of  the  Beothucks  of  Newfoundland."     Ibid.     pp.  223-248,  with 

3  plates. 

LLOYD,  T.  G.  B.     "On  stone  implements  of  Newfoundland."     Ibid.     pp.  230-232,  one  plate. 
BUSK,  GEO.,  F.R.S.     Description  of  two  Beothuck  skulls.     Ibid.     pp.  230-232,  one  plate. 
TOQUE,  REV.  PH.     "Newfoundland  as  it  was,  etc."     Illustrated.     London,  1878.     pp.  511. 


Bibliography  345 

HATTON,  J.  and  HARVEY,  M.     "  Newfoundland,  its  history,  etc."     Boston,  1883.     C*n  PP-  184-186  vocab. 

of  Mary  March. 
STEARNS,  WINIFRED  ALDEN.     "  Labrador,  a  sketch  of  its  people,  its  industries,  etc."     Boston  :  Lee  and 

Shepard,  1884.     The  description,  pp.  254-272,  suggests  interesting  comparisons  of  Labrador  Indians 

with  the  Beothucks. 

"  New  York  Herald,"  correspondence  of  date  Oct.  23rd,   1886. 
STORM,  PROF.  GUSTAV.     "Studies  on  the  Vinland  voyages."     Copenhagen,  1888.     The  Beothucks  are 

spoken  of  pp.  361,  362,  etc. 
"  The  Harbour  Grace  Standard  "  and  "  Conception  Bay  Advertiser."     Linguistic  and  Biographic  Article, 

date  May  2nd  1888. 

HOWLEY,  RIGHT  REV.  M.  F.     Ecclesiastical  History,  1888. 
MRS  EDITH  BLAKE.   "  The  Beothuck  Indians,"  in  the  "  Nineteenth  Century"  (Kegan  and  Co.,  Publishers, 

London).     Dec.  1888. 
ROSCOE'S  SERIES. 

"Ottawah,"  the  Last  Chief  of  the  Red  Indians  of  Newfoundland.     A  Romance  with  Illustrations. 
London,  pub.  by  E.  Appleyard,  86  Farringdon  St.    (No  date,  Author's  name  not  given.)   Fiction 
only. 
PROWSE,  D.  W.     "  History  of  Newfoundland  from  the  records."     London,  1895. 


INDEX 


Adams,  Clement 

engraving  of  Cabot's  mappa  mundi  by     2 
Alphonse,  Johan,  description  of  Indians  by     II 
Anspach 

description  of  people  found  by  Cabot  by     3 

Hubert's  voyage,  on     8 
August,  John 

death  of    49 

exhibited  as  a  child  at  Pool     35 
Ayala,  Pedro  de 

letter    of,    to    Spanish    sovereign    re    Cabot's 
voyage     i 

letter  of,  to  same  re  Cabot's  discoveries     3 

Baccalaos,  referred  to  on  Adam's  mappa  mundi    2 
Baltimore,  Lord 

house  taken  possession  of  by  Sir  D.  Kirke     24 
settlement  at  Ferryland     13 
Banks,  Sir  Joseph,  journal  of    27 
Barrow,  Dr  John 

Bathurst,  Lord,  to    204 
to  Professor  Jameson  by     204 
Barrow's  northern  voyages     10 
Bastaldos,  Jacobus,  description  of  new  lands  by    2 
Bathurst,  Lord,  to  Dr  John  Barrow     204 
Beothucks 

arms  of    212 

canoes  of    213 

comparison    of    language    of,    with     that     of 

Canadian  Indians     297 
concluding  remarks  re    341 
ethnic  position  of    313 
first  reliable  account  of    10 
history  of,  by  W.  E.  Cormack    222 
implements  of,  Lloyd's  description  of    323 
implements  and  ornaments  of    336 
implements   of,  found   at   Long  Island,   P.   B. 

326 
information  concerning,  from  Cogan,  Rev.  C.  V. 

280 
information  concerning,  from  Gatschett,  A.  S. 

1st  paper     303 
information  concerning,  from  Gatschett,  A.  S. 

2nd  paper    307 
information  concerning,  from  Gatschett,  A.  S. 

3rd  paper     317 

information    concerning,    from     Grimes,     In- 
spector   273 
information  concerning,  from  Lloyd's  T.  G.  B. 

322 
information  concerning,  from  Wilson,  Rev.  W. 

267 
information   concerning,   from    Wheeler,    J.P., 

Mr  J.  B.     281 
information   concerning,  from  Young,   Joseph 

277 


Beothucks  (cont.) 

language  of    213 

mamateeks  or  wigwams  of    211 

mode  of  interment  of    213 

origin  of    251 

physical  features  of    257 

sepulchre  of,  at  Exploits     288 

skeletons  of    330 

status  of  women  among     261 

traditions  of,  fisher  folk  re     265 

vocabulary  of,  by  Rev.  John  Clinch     317 
Beothuck  Institution 

formation  of     182 

proceedings  of    215 
Bland,  John 

to  Governor  Hollo  way,  letter  of    66 

to  Governor's  Secretary,  1st  letter  of     56 

M  11  »  2nd    »      11     58 

11  11  »  3rd  11  11  °° 

11  11  11  4th     „       „     65 

Bradshaw,  Albert 

re   implements   found    at    Long    Island    P.B., 

report  of    326 
Buchan,  Captain 

biography  of     176 

expedition  of  (1819)     103 

Hamilton,  Governor,  instructions  of,  to     116 
„  „          to,  letter  of     172 

narrative  of    72 

Peyton,  John,  letter  of,  to     170 

11  11       11      11       11      173 

report  of  capture  of  Indian  woman  by  Cull, 

by  (1823)     169 

report  of  2nd  expedition  of     121 
Times  account  of  expeditions  of    104 
Byron,  Hon.  John,  proclamation  of  (1769)     45 

Cabot,  John 

ist  voyage  of    i 

2nd  voyage  of    2 
Cabot,  Sebastian 

mappa  mundi  of    2 

voyage  of    i 
Cartier,  Jacques 

voyage  of    9 

2nd  voyage  of    10 

Cartwright,  Capt.  George,  examination  of    50 
Cartwright,  Lieut.  John 

Governor  Palliser  to,  letter  of    41 

narrative  of    29 

notes  from  journal  of    45 

Charlevoix,  savages  brought  to   France,  descrip- 
tion of,  by     8 
Clark,    F.R.S.,    James    Stanier,    on    progress    of 

Maritime  Discovery,  work  by     9 
Clinch,  Rev.  John,  Indian  vocabulary  by     317 


Index 


347 


Coffin,  Samuel 

implements   at    Long    Island,    P.B.,    found   by 

326 

skeletons,  in  Notre  Dame  Bay,  found  by     330 
Cogan,   Rev.   C.  V.,   information  re  Red    Indians 

furnished  by     280 
Colston,  Master  William,  left  in  charge  of  colony 

by  John  Guy     15 
Cormack,  W.  E. 
account  of    232 

agreement  with  Indian  guide     237 
death  of    234 

death  of  Shanawdithit,  account  of,  by  231 
instructions  to  John  Lewis,  of    219 
journey  across  Newfoundland  of     129 
letter  to   Dr   Englis,   Bishop  of   Nova    Scotia, 

of    210 
letter  to  French  Commander,  of    218 

„       „   John  Stark,  of     197 
letters  of  John  Stark  to     200,  201,  202,  203 
letters  of  Bishop  Englis  to     205,  206,  207,  208, 

209 
manuscript    written    after    last    expedition,    of 

2IO 

narrative  of     130 

„  „    2nd  expedition     187 

President  of  Beothuck  Institute     185 

Red  Indian  history,  by     222 

reply  to  Bishop  Englis,  of    208 

Shanawdithit,  history  of,  by     174 
Cortereal,  Caspar  de 

2nd  voyage  of    7 

voyage  of    4 
Cortereal,  Miguel  de     7 
Council    and     Company    of    the     Newfoundland 

Plantation     14 
Cull,  William 

capture  of  Indian  women  by     169 

letter  to  Governor  of    64 

narrative  of    69 

quest  of  Indians  by     68 
Cupids     14 

Demasduit  or  Mary  March 

capture  of    91 

Curtis'  account  of     179 

Gill's  account  of     181 

killing  of  husband  of     102 

Liverpool  Mercury,  account  of    96 

portrait  of    91 

Robinson,  Sir  H.,  account  of     127 
Des  Barres,  Judge  A.  W. 

chairman     meeting     re    formation     Beothuck 
Institute     182 

letter  from  John  Lewis  to     203 

vice-patron  Beothuck  Institute     185 
Downing,  John     24 
Duckworth,  Governor 

proclamation  of    70 

„  „   re  native  Indians     71 


Edens,  Richard     2 

Edwards,  Vice-Admiral,  examination  of 
Englis,  Dr,  Bishop  of  Nova  Scotia 
Cormack's  letter  to     210 
„  reply  to     208 

1st  letter  to  Cormack,  of    205 
2nd  206 


54 


Englis,  Dr  (cent.) 

3rd  letter  to  Cormack,  of    207 

4th     „       „  „  „     208 

5th     „       „          „  „     209 

Estienne,  Henri     7 
Evans,  John     325 

Fabian     3 

Ferryland     13 

Forbes,  Judge 

letter  from  Gov.  Hamilton  to     113 
letter  to  Gov.  Hamilton  of     109 

Frobisher,  Sir  Martin     12 

Galvano,  Antonio     9 
Gatschet,  Albert  S. 

1st  paper  on  Indians  by     302 

2nd    „        „         „         „      307 
.  3rd     „        „          „          „      317 
Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey     12 
Glascock,  Captain 

letter  of  Gov.  Hamilton  to     no 

list  of  presents  for  Indians  of     112 

report  of     113 
Goes,  Damiano     7 
Gomez,  Stephen     9 
Gordon,  Patrick     27 
Grajalis,  Dr     1 1 
Grand  Cham,  The     I 
Grimes,    Inspector,    stories    re    Red    Indians 

273 
Guy,  John,  narrative  of    15 

Haies,  Captain     12 
Hakluyt     2 
Hamilton,  Governor 

Lord  Bathurst  to,  despatch  of    119 

Captain  Buchan  to     172 

„  „          „   instructions  of     116 

Glascock,  Capt.,  to,  letter  of    no 

John  Gale  to     119 

Judge  Forbes  to     109 

„  „         „   letter  of     113 

Rev.  M.  Leigh  to,  letter  of     108 

Trivick,  Commander,  to     126 
Harrisse    22 

Harvey,  Rev.  Moses     62 
Henry  VII     3 
Holloway,  Governor 

to  John  Bland    66 

to  Viscount  Castlereagh    66 
Hubert  or  Aubert,  Thomas     8 

James  I     14 
Jameson,  Professor 
letter  from     203 

„       Dr  Barrow  to     204 
Jeffrey,  Mr,  examination  of    49 
Jones,  Rice     12 
Jukes,  J.  B.     25 

Keats,  Governor    91 
Kerr's  travels     3 
Kirke,  Sir  David     23 

Labrador     5 

Laet,  Joann  de     19 

Leigh,  Rev.  Mr,  Governor  Hamilton  to     108 


of 


348 


Index 


Lewis,  John 

instructions  of  Cormack  to     219 
letter  to  Judge  Des  Barres  from     203 

Lloyd,  T.  G.  B. 

Beothucks,  description  of,  by     322 
implements         „  „    „      323 

Mary  March  or  Demasduit 

capture  of    91 

Curtis'  account  of     179 

Gill's  account  of     181 

killing  of  husband  of     102 

Liverpool  Mercury  account  of    96 

portrait  of    91 

Robinson,  Sir  H.,  account  of     127 
Martyr,  Peter     3 
Mason,  John     19 
Mattioli,  Pietro  Andrea     1 1 
Micmacs     25 
Miller  Map     8 

Nascoppi     26 

Noad,  Hon.  Joseph,  lecture  of    101 

Ougier,  Mr,  examination  of    53 

Palliser,  Sir  Hugh     28 

Pasqualigo,  Lorenzo     i 
„  Pietro    4 

Peyton,  John 

diary  of,  re  Mary  March     91 
history  of  Shanawdithit     174 
letter  from  Capt.  Buchan     173 
letters  to         „  „          170,  173 

narrative  of     105 

Plates,  description  of    336 

Pole,  Governor    60 

Rand,  Rev.  Silas  T.,  story  of    284 
Reeves,  Chief  Justice  John     54 


Shanawdithit 

capture  of    169 

Cormack's  history  of     174 

„  description  of  death  of    231 

death  of    176 

description  of    221 

„  „    portrait  of    295 

drawings  by     238 

Wilson,  Rev.  W.,  account  of     171 
Shaunamunc     26 
Slaney,  Master  John     15 
Soncino  Raimondo     i 
S.    P.    G.    Annals,    description    of    painting    of 

Shanawdithit     295 
Stark,  John 

appointed  Secretary,  Beothuck  Institute     185 

Cormack's  letters  to     197 

letters     to     Cormack     from      200,    201,     202, 
203 

Secretary  Beothuck  Institute     197 
St  Lawrence,  Gulf  of    9 
Stow's  Annals     7 

Tucker,  R.  A.,  Admiral     174 
Verrazano  Giovanni     8 

Wheeler,  Captain     24 

Wheeler,  J.P.,   Mr  J.  B.,  information  re   Indians 

from     281 

Whitbourne,  Captain  Richard     19 
Whittington,  Master     16 
Wilson,  Rev.  Wm 

account  of  capture  of  Indian  women  by     171 

notes  on  Red  Indians  by     267 
Winter,  Dr,  account  of  skeleton  by     334 

Young,  Joseph,  story  of  re  Red  Indians     277 
Zepp,  Joseph,  story  of  re  Red  Indians     277 


CAMBRIDGE:    PRINTED   BY  JOHN    CLAY,    M.A.    AT   THE    UNIVERSITY    PRESS 


Plate  XV 


CO 


Plate  XVII 


CO 


Plate  XVIII 


Plate  XIX 


oo 


CO 


Plate  XX 


Plate  XX 


10isrll.       12  *  13          14 


••B-P-    -  * 

P       i 


39     ^40  .        41 


58 


Plate  XXII 


Plate  XXIII 


Plate  XXIV 


Plate  XXV 


Plate  XX  VA 


31 


34 


35 


39 


Plate  XXVIII 


8 


16 


10 


17 


Plate  XXIX 


Plate  XXX 


I 

I 


Plate 


6 


I      Birch  bark  package,  containing  dried  or  smoked  fish,  found  in  grave  with  skeleton  of  Beothuck  child. 

2J  3,  4,  5,  6.     Cups  or  bowls  made  of  birch  bark,  neatly  sewn  together,  from  child  s  grave. 

7'  8.'     Models  of  Beothuck  canoes,  from  same  grave. 

9.     Portion  of  paddle  from  same  grave.     All  these  articles  were  smeared  with  red  ochre. 


Plate  XXXII 


1.  Soapstone  lamp. 

2,  3,  4,  5.     Soapstone  dishes  or  mortars,  manufactured  by  Beothucks. 


Cliff  of  soapstone   near  Fleur  cle   Lis,  showing  where  the  stone  pots,  etc.,  were  cut  out  for  the  fabrication  of  the  above  articles. 


Plate  XXXIII 


1.  Roasting  sticks  for  cooking  meat,  partly  burnt. 

2.  Sections  of  arrow  shafts. 

3.  Broken  pieces  of  bow. 

4.  Miniature  bows  and  arrows  from  child's  grave. 

5.  Wooden  handles,  one  with  iron  knife  set  in  it. 

6.  Fragment  of  an  iron  pot. 

7.  Miniature  tomahawk  set  on  handle,  child's  grave. 


Plate  XXXIV 


1.  Fragments  of  canoe  bark,  showing  mode  of  stitching  with  roots. 

2.  Birch  bark  package  containing  food. 

3.  4.     Small  birch  bark  packages  containing  red  ochre. 

5.  Fire  stones.     Nodules  of  iron  pyrites  from  which  fire  was  produced  by  striking  them  together 

after  the  manner  of  flint  and  steel. 

6.  Stone  fragments  and  chips. 


1.  Models  of  canoes  made  of  birch  bark. 

2.  Part  of  miniature  paddle. 

3.  Drinking  cups  made  of  birch  bark  (Shewan-yeesh). 

All  the  above  articles  are  smeared  with  red  ochre,  and  were  all  found  in  Beothuck  tombs. 


Plate  XXXV 


IIIHIliU 


I 


1.  Wampum  or  necklaces  made  of  sections  of  pipe  stems,  sheet  lead,  and  of  the  inner  birch  bark, 

strung  upon  a  thong  of  deer  skin. 

2.  Fragments  of  iron  nails,  pots,  etc. 

3.  Battered  spout  of  a  copper  kettle. 

4.  Shells  of  the  mussel  (Mytilus  edulis). 

5.  Fragments  of  lobster  shells. 

6.  6,  6.     Carved  bone  ornaments,  recent  find. 

7.  Bone  needles. 

8.  Small  square  pieces  of  birch  bark  on  stick. 

9.  Skulls  and  lower  mandible  of  common  Arctic  Tern  (Sterna  hirunda). 
10.     Small  beach  stone  with  sunken  central  band,  lucky  stone. 


Plate  XXXVI 


3D 


Plate  XXXVII 


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